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ITHACA. N. Y. 14583 



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"'^.{"[VO' Monmouth County, New Jersey. 

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ffliNTEO IN U.S.A. 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

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the United States on the use of the text. 









R. T. PECK & CO. 


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The History op Monmouth County, here presented to its patrons for their approval, is 
the result of long and patient labor and research, which have been bestowed upon it with the 
view of producing an authentic and connected narrative of events of general importance or 
interest, which have occurred in the territory now comprised in the county of Monmouth, or in 
which its residents have been actors; confining the account as closely as practicable to the limits 
of the county, and to its former and present inhabitants, and referring to outside matters only so 
far as is necessary to show the connection of events. 

To the general matter pertaining to the county, is added a history of each of its townships, 
embracing accounts of churches, schools, societies, and other local organizations, and also special matters 
intended chiefly for reference. Other portions of the work are necessarily arranged according to 
the subjects of which they treat. A prominent feature of the work is the mention of early settlers, 
and of the families descended from them. In this connection it is proper to remark that the 
family names of many of the pioneers and later residents of Monmouth county have been found 
spelled differently, (and sometimes in as many as three or four different ways), in the county, 
township and church records; and for that reason it has often been found impossible to decide 
with any degree of certainty, on the correct orthography, — if, indeed, there is any choice as to 
correctness, where, as is not infrequently the case in this county, different members of the same 
family, spell their surname variously, each in his own way. Under such circumstances, it should 
not be thought strange if the writer, being wholly at a loss to know which manner of spelling 
to adopt, has sometimes chosen one which may be regarded as incorrect by some who bear the 
name. Beyond this explanation, no apology will be made, for none is thought to be necessary. 
It is of course impossible to produce a history which shall be absolutely perfect and complete, 
but every effort has been used to make this as nearly so as possible, and it is now presented, with 
full confidence that the verdict of its patrons will be one of approval. 

To those who have courteously given their aid in the collection of the materials for the 
work, the historian desires to express his thanks; and among these he would mention in general, 
the pastors of the churches, the editora of the county newspapei-s, and the members of the legal 
and medical professions. He is also under special obligations for valuable information and other 


courtesies extended by a great number of citizens of the county, among -whom were William Lloyd, 
Judge William P. Forman, Eev. G. C. Sclienck, Ex-Governor Joel Parker, Hon. George C. Beekman, 
Major James S. Yard, James Steen, Asbury Fouutaiii, Charles R. Hutchinson, Dr. Edward Taylor, 
Charles G. Allen, Asher Parker, Re-v. Samuel Lockwood, Rev.'^VilHam Reiley, Rev. E. Mead, 
Rev. Frank Chandler, Mrs. Achsah Hendrickson, Mrs. Theresa W. Seabrook, Dr. Robert Laird, 
D. C. Perrine, Judge Joseph Barclay, Gilbert Combs, Esq., William H. Vredenburgh, Esq., 
Edward Hartshorne, Gen. Charles Haight, William R. Maps, Peter Parker, Rufus Ogden, 
Judge William H. Slocum, Judge Charles A. Bennett, Capt. Joseph Hoif, Theodore Morris, Esq., 
Jacob C. Lawrence, Esq., D. D. Denise, Charles T. Fleming, Esq., Dr. D. McLean Forman, 
Jacob O. Burtt, David H. Crater, Pitman Curtis, John L. Conover, Robert Pierce, Osborn Curtis, 
John C. Vanderbeck. 

F. E. 
Philadelphia, April ^st, 1885. 


Location, Boundaries and Natui-al Features of Monmouth County . 1 

Archawlogcy and Paleontology . . , .' ... . 7 



The Dutch, English and Proprietary Rule in New Jersey .... 16 

The Indian Occupation. .... . . 41 

Early Settlements and Land Titles . 57 

Early Settlements and Land Titles — {CnnUnited) . . 71 

The Provincial Revolt . . 85 

Organization and Subdivision of the County — Monmouth Civil 


Monmouth Connty in the Revolution ... 

Monmouth County in the Revolution — (Conlhwed) . 

Monmouth County in the Revolution — (Contmued) . 

War of ISlZ-l.l, Mexican War, Civil War of 1861-05 . 


The Bench and Bar of Monmouth County 271 


The Medical Society, Bible Society and Agricultural Society of Mon- 
mouth County 319 

Internal Improvementa— Population . 369 

The Town and Township of Freehold . . . 


Middletown Township 

Shrewsbury Township and the To\vn of Red Bank . 

Upper Freehold Township .... 

Howell Township . . .... 

Millstone Township ... 


Atlantic Township . . . . .... 

Manalapan Township 

Raritan Township and tlie Town of Keyport . 

Marlborough Township . 

Ocean Township and Long Branch . ... 

Wall Township 

Holmdel Township . 

Matawan Township . . 

Neptune Township . 

Eatontown Township . 







518 i" 




646 . 





829 ( 

' I* 



Ackereon, H, E g28 

Allen, Charles G qqY 

Allen, Charles qq^ 

Allen, Edmund W 334 

Antouides, Charles ggg 

Applegate, Asher T 350 

Applegate, John S 300 

Arrowsmith, George 261 

AiTowsmith, Joseph E 339 

Baird, David G61 

Baldwin, James H 335 

Barclay, De Witt W 337 

Bawden, John 472 

Bedle, Joseph D 292 

Beekman, George C 299 

Bennett, Charles A 296 

Bennett, Heni-y 502 

Blauvelt, C. C 332 

Bray,Sidney 849 

Brown, T. S. K 720 

Brown, William 828 

Biichanon, N. E 873 

Caffcrty, Abel 642 

easier, John P 901 

Chadwick, Francis 007 

Chandler, Frank 436 

Conover, Arthur V 329 

Conover, Azariah 552 

Conover, Charles A 352 

Conover, Garret B 693 

Conover, John R 336 

Conover, Lafayette 749 

Conover, Robert B 330 

Conover, Stacy P ''*9 

Conover, William E 512 

Conover, William V 558 

Cook, A. B 872 

Cooke, Henry G ^^ 

Cooke, Robert W 327 

Cooper, T. W ^^^ 

Corlies, Henry ^^ 

Crawford, W.S *^' 

Curtis, Osborn "^^ 

Dayton, Alfred B ^^ 

Dayton, William L ^^^ 

Debow, William L 334 

Denise, David D 308 

Denise, John S 5<"* 

Denise, WiUiamT 513 

Disbrow, Stephen M 339 

Da Bois Family The 695 

DuBois, Benjamin 697 

DuBois, Henry 697 

Du Bois, Livingston 698 

Edwards, Aaron ' 782 Ky 

Ellis, Daniel H 396 

Ely, Horatio 611 

English, David C 326 

English, James 326 

English, Jeremiah S ...., 326 

Field, Joseph 650 

IJ'oi'man, David 324 

Forman, David 210 

Forman, David, Sr * "325 

Forman, Samuel 323 

Forman, William 329 

Forman, William P 660 

Freeman, Otis R 351 

Grant, William H 659 

Green, W. S 786 

Griscom, Samuel W 897 

Griggs, Benjamin 670 

Ilaight, Thomas G 671 

Hall, James D 643 

Hall, John 502 

Hance, George 610 

Hartshorne, A. C 311 

Hartshorne, R. S., Jr 313 

Hendrickson, Charles J 551 

Hendrickson, George C 660 

Hendrickson, S. W 793 

Hendrickson, William B 567 

Hendrickson, W. H 840 

Herbert, John W 747 

Herbert, 0. '52 

Higgins, A. A 342 

Hildreth, D. M 794 

Holmes, C. S 826 

Holmes, Daniel W 724 

Holmes, Daniel 821 

Holmes, James 345 

Holmes, Joseph H 824 

Holmes, Joseph 641 

Hooper, Edward 572 

Hubbard, Jaeobus, Jr 323 

Hubbard, William H 336 

Hull, John 233 

HulBt, Peter D '26 

Hunt, Sylvester H 347 

Kearney, James P ^27 

Kinmonth, HughS 340 

Laiid, Joseph T 468 




Lawrence, Jiiniea S 

Leonard, JamrsII 

Leonarcl, Richaril A ... 

Leo^i-d, gliomas 

LeVvis, Jolin P 

Lockwood, Samnel 

Llcvd, Gfiindin 

, Long;^»^ac S 

Lonffstreet, Aaron 

Longstreet, Jonathan.. 
L6ng.street, John S ... 

Mips, William R 

JMCcClane, Sidney 

McLean, A. C: 

Mead, Eliixa 

Meire, Colleu B 

Metzgar, A. T 

M<Jrford, Cliarles 

Morford, George 

Morford,j. Jolin 

Murphy, Holmes W..., 

Neafie, John 

Nevlus, Henry M 

NevinSj'James S 

Newell, William D 

Patterson, Charles G.... 

Patterson, James H 

Parker, Charles 

Parker, Henry W 

Parker, Joel 

Paul, Miniin 

Perkins, Henry 

Perrine, David C 

Perrino, John K 

Perrine, Lewis 

Polhemns, Daniel 

Randolph, Joseph F.... 
Reynolds, William (r... 

Bipley, J. S 

Rohbins, Chilion 

Roberta, Thomas 

Rue, Jacob B 

Ryall, Daniel B 

Ryall, Philip J 

Sehanck, Daniel S 

Schenck, Family The... 

Schenck, Daniel P 

Schenck, G. C 

Schenck, Tunis V 

Seobrook, H. II 

Slocum, John 


, ;K3 


), 644 


Slocnm, W. H 894 

Smith, James M 6a3 

Smith, William M 562 

Smock, L G 676 

Spader, William 860 

Spronl, Jno. S 725 

Statesir, William 466 

Stillwell, 0. 1 823 

Taylor, Edward 324 

Taylor, James J 677 

To:ylor, Michael 708 

Terhnne, William L 298 

Thoma-son, Thomas J 337 

Thompson, .foseph C 331 

Tliompson, Joseph 1 664 

Thompson, Sidney 517 

Thome, T. W 847 

Throckmorton, Aaron A 294 

Throckmorton, Edmund 608 

Throckmorton, John B 326 

Throckmorton, Joseph A 609 

Throckmorton, Tylee W 608 

Trayers, Frank K 345 

Trnax, Anthony 784 

Valentine, C. II 791 

Van Derveer, Garret D 783 

Van Derveer, D. 1 746 

Van Dorn, D. P 761 

Van Mater, Joseph I 826 

Vredenbnrgh, Peter 286 

Vredenbnrgh, Petei-, Jr 252 

Vonght, John 345 

Wall, Garret D 28O 

Wulliug, Alfred, Jr 304 

Walling, George W 709 

Ward, William V 501 

West, Edmond 393 

White, Isaac P gog 

White, Henry S 315 

Williams, Edniund T gQg 

Williams,!. T 890 

Willis, John V. N 749 

Wilson, William V 553 

Wikoif, Henry gjg 

Woodhnll, Gilbert S 325 

Woodhnll, John T 325 

Woolley, Eden ^yq 

WooUey, Edwin ^, lyqQ 

Woolley, T. U yg^ 

Yard,JameBS Arn 

Yard, Joseph A 944 


Ackeraon, H. E opg 

Allen, Charles fg, 

Allen, Charles G qq., 

AntoDides, Charles g.jg 

Applegate, Asher T 35(j 

Applegate, John S 3q>j 

Baird, David g^;^ 

Bawden, John 4^2 

Bedle, Joseph D 2'.»2 

Beekmau, George C 3(iq 

Bennett, Charles A 21i7 

Bennett, Henry 5^2 

Bray, Sidney 850 

Brown, T. S. R 720 

Brown, William 821* 

Buchanon, N. E 874 

Cafferty, Abel 643 

Caaler, John P 90(j 

Chadwick, Francis , coG 

Chandler, Frank 436 

Christ Church, Shrewbbury 5S3 

Conover, A^th^lrV 330 

Conover, Azariah 553 

Conover, Garret B ;,.. C04 

Conover, Lafaj-ette 749 

Conover, Robert R 336 

Conover, Stacy P , 74D 

Conover, William E 513 

Conover, William V 559 

Cook, A. R 873 

Cooke, Heiiry G 342 

Cooke, Robert W 328 

Cooper, T. W 782 

Corlies, Henry 899 

Crawford, W. S 827 

Curtis, Osburn 812 

Denise, David D 3G9 

DeniHC, John S 500 

Denise, William T 511 

Disbrow, Stephen M 34i) 

Dn Bois, Benjamin 097 

Du Boi8, Henry 095 

Dn Bois, Livingstun 696 

Edwards, Aaron 783 

Ellis, Daniel H 397 

Ely, Horatio 511 

Field, Joseph 551 




Funiuui, Siimuel 

Foriiian, M'illiam P 

Fi'eeniaii, Otis R 

Grant, William H 

Gre(.'U, W. S 

Griggs, Benj 

Griscom, Samuel W : ^97 

Hiill, Jamcj D ,644 

Ilunco, Gfiorge 610 

Ilartshorne, A. C ;. ."...<.'' 312 

Hi.MnlrickBou, Charles J , 552 

Hendrickson, George C 560 

Hendrickson, S. AV ; 793 

IlendriclvBOU, W. H 84q 

Hendrickson, Williani B 568 

Hcibfrt, John W ^43 

Hildrctb, D. M 794 

Holmes, C. S _ 825 

Holmes, Daniel §22 

Holmes, Daniel W 724 

Holmes, Josepli 642 

Holmes, Joseph H 825 

Hooper, Edward 572 

Hubbard, "William H 335 

Hull, John 284 

Hulst, Peter D 726 

Huut, Sylvester H 347 

Kinmonth, Hugh S 346 

Laird, Joseph T 468 

Lawrence, James S -. 465 

Lcuiiiird, Jatnes H 571 

Leonard, llicbanl A 557 

Leonard, Thomas 565 

Lockwoud, Haniuel 445 

Long, laaao S ; 344 

Lougstreet, Aarmi 849 

LoDgstrcet, Jonathan 298 

Longstreet, Jolin S 824 

Map of Monmouth County 1 

M;ips, William R 769 

McClaiie, Sidney r. 561 

Mead, Elias 722 

Mcire, Collen B 640 

Metzgar, A. T 901 

Monmouth Battle Mouumeut 489 

Monmouth County Court- House 408 

Moiford, Charles 555 



Morford, George 569 

Murphy, Holmes W 309 

Neafie, John 462 

Nevius, Henry M 314 

Parker, Charles 106 

Parker, Henry W 510 

Parker, Joel 288 

Patterson, James H 349 

Paul, Mifflin 776 

Perkins, Henry 641 

Perrine, David C 498 

Perrine, JohnR 693 

Eipley, J. S 875 

Roberts, Thomas 566 

Bue, Jacob B 467 

Eyall, Daniel B 281 

Ryall, Philip J 306 

Schanck, Daniel S 499 

Schenk, Daniel P S2G 

Schenck, G. 675 

Schenck, Tunis V '. 515 

Seabrook, H. H 721 

Slocum, John 781 

Slocum, W. H :. 895 

Smith, James M 663 

Smith, William M 563 

Smock, I. G 676 

Spader, William 851 

Sproul, Jno. S 725 

Statesir, William 466 

Stillwell, 0. 1 823 

Taylor, James J 677 

Taylor Michael ;. 708 


Tennent Church 685 

Tennent Parsonage 686 

Thomason, Thomas J 338 

Thompson, Joseph 1 564 

Thompson, Joseph C 331 

Thompson, Sidney 518 

Thome, T. W 848 

Throckmorton, Edmund 608 

Throckmorton Joseph A 609 

Throckmorton, Tylee W 609 

Truax, Anthony 7S5 

Valentine, C. H 791 

YanDerveer, G. D 784 

Van Derveer, D. 1 747 

Van Dorn, D. P 752 

Van Mater, Joseph 1 826 

Vredenburgh, Peter 286 

Vredenburgh, Peter, Jr 252 

Ward, William V 50I 

Walling, Alfred, Jr 305 

Walling, George W 709 

West, Edmond S93 

White, Isaac P 606 

Wikoff, Henry 515 

Williams, Edmund T gio 

Williams, T. T 896 

Willis, John V. N 750 

Wilson, William V 554 

Woolley, Eden 771 

Woolley, Edwin 792 

Woolley, T. B 750 

Yard, James S 456 

Yard, Joseph A 245 



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Monmouth is the most northern of the sea- 
coast counties of New Jersey, its eastern border 
being the shore of the Atlantic Ocean, and its 
northern boundary being formed by Sandy 
Hook Bay and Raritan Bay. From the north- 
west corner of the county, on Raritan Bay, the 
boundary of Monmouth runs in a direction 
nearly southwest, adjoining the counties of 
Middlesex and Mercer. On the south, Mon- 
mouth is bounded by Ocean County, which was 
erected from the southern part of the original 
territory of Monmouth in 1850. 

The surface of the county exhibits almost 
every variety of contour, from hilly (as in the 
northeastern, northern and western parts) to 
nearly level (as in the southeastern part, ex- 
tending far back from the ocean shore). The 
boldest elevations are the Navesink Highlands, 
on which stand the Navesink light- houses. These 
are the first lands seen by mariners coming from 
the ocean into the harbor of New York, and 
are between three and four hundred feet in 
height above sea-level. From these High- 
lands, a series of hills (some of which are 
nearly as lofty as those of Navesink) extend 
across to the west side of the county, and along 
that side to its southwestern extremity, where 
(for the reason that the elevations are less ab- 

rupt, though about as high as in the northeast- 
ern part) the country may more properly be de- 
scribed as one of high rolling uplands. Exi end- 
ing southwardly from the northwest part of the 
county is a range of hills and high lands, ter- 
minating at Hominy Hill, which is a little 
south and east of the centre of the county. 
Here the elevations disappear, marking the 
beginning of the "Pines" region, which is a 
vast area of barren land, nearly level, and ex- 
tending in one direction nearly to the sea- 
shore, and southwardly across the boundary, 
into Ocean County. 

At various points in the elevated parts of the 
county are isolated and distinctly defined hills 
rising prominently above the high lands sur- 
rounding them. The heights of a number of 
these — as also of several other points in the 
county — above mean tide, are here given, viz. : 
Telegraph Hill (Holmdel township), 336 feet; 
Beacon Hill (Marlboro' township), 372 feet; 
Sugar Loaf Hill (Atlantic township), 199 feet; 
Crawford's Hill (east of Holmdel and Keyport 
road), 892 feet; North Hill at Monmouth 
battle-ground, 159 feet; South Hill at battle- 
ground, 152 feet; Disbrow's Hill (Millstone 
township, near Middlesex County line), 281 
feet ; Pine Hill (Millstone township), 295 feet ; 
Garrett's, or Pigeon Hill, 208 feet ; Red Hill, 
205 feet ; Perrine's Hill, 165 feet ; Brisbane's 
Hill (Atlantic townsTiip), 141 feet; North Hill 
(Red Bank,) 178 feet; South Hill (RedBank), 
168 feet; Main Street of Freehold, at court- 


house, 173 feet; street at Holmdel, 100 feet; 
street at Middletown, 127 feet; Colt's Neck, 
92 feet; Tinton Falls (road), 73 feet; Marl- 
boro' village (street), 170 feet; Englishtown, 
70 feet ; Matawan (street), 70 feet ; Keyport 
(street), 30 feet ; Tennent Church, 127 feet. 

The two principal streams of Monmouth are 
the Navesink (often called the North Shrews- 
bury) River and the South Shrewsbury River, 
both of which are in the northeastern part, of 
the county and flow in that general direction 
to within a short distance of the ocean ; then, 
turning northward in a course parallel to the 
beach, their united waters flow in a single 
stream, past the foot of the Navesink High- 
lands, into the Bay of Sandy Hook. 

The headwaters of the Navesink, or North 
Shrewsbury, River take their rise in the cen- 
tral and northwestern parts of the county. 
Hop Brook trom the northwest, and Big 
Brook, Yellow Brook and Hockhockson Brook 
from the west and southwest, with a number 
of smaller brooks and creeks from the same 
directions, unite their waters to form Swim- 
ming River, which is the principal tributary of 
the Navesink, or, more properly, is the upper 
and narrower part of the main, stream. Be- 
low the mouth of Swimming River the Nave- 
sink becomes a broad and lake-like sheet of 
navigable water, with attractive shores stretch- 
ing away to the northeast, where the lofty High- 
lands stand like sentinels guarding its outlet. 

The South Shrewsbury River is, in its gen- 
eral appearance and features, similar to the 
Navesink, though a much shorter stream. The 
tides of the bay ebb and flow in this, as in the 
Navesink ; and the South Shrewsbury, like the 
other stream, is so much broadened as to ap- 
pear more like a lagoon than a river, except in 
its lower part, just above its junction with the 
Navesink. It has a number of short pond- 
like tributaries, or arms, among which are Lit- 
tle Silver, Town Neck, and Parker's Creeks on 
the northern side, and Blackberry Creek, Long 
Bi-anch Brook and Pleasure Bay on the south. 
There are a number of marsh-islands in .the 
river, and a large proportion of its shores (more 
particularly the southern) are of marsh-land. 
The length of the river to its junction with the 

Navesink is about six miles, and its average 
width about one and a half miles. 

Shark River enters the ocean about five and 
one-half miles north of the southern boundary 
of the county. It is formed chiefly by the 
ocean tides and contains but a small proportion 
of fresh water. The head-stream of Shark 
River, coming down from the northwest to a 
point about three miles from the ocean, widens 
out into what is called Shark River Pond, 
which is more than a mile in width at the 
broadest part, but at its lower end abruptly 
contracts into the narrow outlet through which 
the tide-waters pass to and from the sea. 

The Manasquan River enters the ocean at 
the southeast corner of Monmouth County, and 
for several miles above its mouth forms the 
boundary between this and Ocean County. Its 
head-streams take their rise in the western 
part of the county, south and southwest of the 
county seat. The principal one of these is 
Squan Brook (it being, in fact, the main stream), 
which flows in a general southeasterly direction 
to the county line, and thence along the bound- 
ary (as mentioned) to the sea. The lower part 
of this stream widens out, like Shark River, 
into a lagoon or pond, which, at a short distance 
from the sea, narrows into a channel called 
Manasquan Inlet, which is the mouth of the 

The north branch of Metedeconk River flows 
about sixteen miles through the extreme south- 
ern part of Monmouth, then passes south into 
Ocean County and joins the main river, which 
afterwards enters the north end of Barnegat 

Through the southwest corner of the county 
a number of small streams flow westwardly into 
the Delaware or its tributaries. The principal 
of these are Crosswieks Creek, which enters 
the Delaware at Bordentown ; Doctor's Creek, 
which is a tributary of Crosswieks; and two 
forks of Assanpink Creek, which joins the Del- 
aware at Trenton. To the north and east of 
these streams several others flow northwest 
across the Monmouth County border into Mer- 
cer and Middlesex, where their waters find their 
way into the Millstone River, and through it to 
the Raritan. These small streams are Rocky 


Brook, Millstone Creek and some others of less 
size. Beyond these, to the northeast, are the 
Manlapan and Matchaponix Creeks and Deep 
Run, all of which flow northwest from Mon- 
mouth into Middlesex County, where they 
enter the South River. In the extreme north- 
west part of Monmouth is Matawan Creek, 
which flows northeastwardly into Raritan Bay. 
From this point eastward to the Nave- 
sink Highlands are Lupatcong, Chingaroras, 
Thorn's and Wakake Creeks, all running 
northward into Raritan Bay ; and Pew's and 
Compton's Creeks and many other small 
streams, all flowing in nearly the same 
direction into Shoal Harbor and Sandy Hook 

The streams of this region (southeastern New 
Jersey), says Professor George H. Cook, "unlike 
those of the northern part of the State, have no 
apparent connection with the geological struc- 
ture of the country. They are simply channels 
worn in the surface of the ground, following the 
Unes of most rapid descent to tide-water." 

"With the exception of a small area in its 
southeastern corner, the county of Monmouth 
is all of what is known to geologists as the 
Cretaceous Formation, which includes the plas- 
tic clays and the several veins or beds of marl. 
The name Cretaceous, says Professor Cook/ was 
given to this formation in England, on account 
of the white chalk which is there a conspicuous 
member of it. The name is retained among 
geologists even when the chalk is wanting, as 
is the case in this country. The mineral sub- 
stance, green sand, is found in rock of many 
ages, but nowhere else so abundantly as in the 
Cretaceous rocks of Europe and of the United 

The organic remains of the formation are 
very abundant, and furnish satisfactory evidence 
upon the question of geological age. In the 
lowest part of the plastic clays, at Fisher's bricl?:- 
yard, near Woods' Landing, on the Raritan, 
there is a bed of sand and sandy clay, which is 
full of impressions of leaves, twigs, cones, etc., 

1 Nearly all the facts in this chapter relating to the 
geology of Monmouth County are taken from the 1868 Ke- 
port of Professor George .A. Cook, State geologist, and 
here given chiefly in his own words. 

beautifully preserved. Among these are leaves 
resembling those of the willow, sweet gum, mag- 
nolia, poplar and many other broad-leaved 
plants, which are considered by geologists as 
indicating a period not earlier than the Creta- 
ceous. The bones of enormous crocodiles and 
other saurians are found in immense numbers 
in the clay marls and in the beds of green sand ; 
they are usually found scattered, a single one 
in a place, but sometimes almost a whole skele- 
ton is found together. They have been col- 
lected in many places. The Academy of Natural 
Sciences at Philadelphia has probably the best 
collection of them. There are many in the 
Museum of Rutgers College, and public and 
private collections in all parts of the country 
contain specimens. These saurians have not 
been found in any age in such numbers since 
the Cretaceous. 

The Cretaceous Formation in New Jersey 
is found immediately southeast of the Red 
Sandstone, and included in a belt or strip of 
country extending obliquely across the State 
from Raritan and Sandy Hook Bays, on the 
northeast, to the head of the Delaware Bay, 
near Salem, on the southwest. 

The northwestern boundary of this belt, be- 
ginning at Woodbridge Neck, on the shore of 
Staten Island Sound, passes just north of the 
villages of Woodbridge and Bonhamtown to 
the Raritan River, a few rods below the mouth 
of Mill Brook. Then, crossing the Raritan, it 
is easily traced along the south side of Lawrence 
Brook, and at distances varying from a few 
rods to a quarter of a mile from the stream to 
the bend of the brook, a mile west of Dean's 
Pond. From there it can be traced in almost 
a straight line to the Delaware and Raritan 
Canal, half-way between Clarksville and Baker's 
Basin, and then near the line of the canal to 
Trenton and the Delaware River. From 
Trenton to Salem, the Delaware marks the 
northwestern and western boundary, with .the 
exception of some limited patches of marsh or 
alluvium along the river. 

The southeastern boundary of the formation 
is much more difficult to define. There is no 
rock ; the surface is uniform and the soil and 
subsoil are everywhere more or less sandy. 


While the line drawn cannot be far from the 
true location, its exact place has frequently been 
a matter of doubt. The following, however, is 
the judgment formed by the State geologist 
after an examination of the ground : 

The line of the southeastern boundary runs 
a mile south of Salem City, and within a half- 
mile south of Woodstown, near Eldridge's Hill 
and Harrisonville ; two and a half miles south- 
east of Mullica Hill ; two miles southeast of 
Barnesborough ; half a mile southeast of Hurif- 
ville ; half a mile southeast of Blackwoodtown, 
through Clementon; near Gibbsborough, Mill- 
ford, Chairville, Buddstown j two miles south- 
east of Pemberton; two miles southeast of 
New Egypt ; thence to the Manasquan a mile 
above Lower Squankum, in Monmouth County, 
to Shark River, just above the village, and to 
Corlies' Pond and the sea-shore at Deal. The 
eastern boundary is along the shore of the 
Atlantic, of Raritan Bay and Staten Island 
Sound to Woodbridge Neck. The extreme 
length of the formation, from the Highlands of 
Navesink to the Delaware, above Salem, is 
ninety-nine and five-eighths miles. Its breadth 
at the northeast end, from Woodbridge to Deal, 
is twenty-seven miles, and at the southwest end, 
from the mouth of Oldman's Creek to Woods- 
town, it is ten and three-quarters miles. The 
area included in this formation is not far from 
one thousand five hundred square miles ; and 
it will be seen by the preceding description of 
its boundaries that the Cretaceous Formation 
embraces the whole county of Monmouth, 
except a comparatively small area in its south- 
eastern corner, which is on the Tertiary; 
extending along the sea-shore from Deal to 
Manasquan, and back from the ocean to a line 
passing from New Egypt to • the vicinity of 
Lower Squankum and Shark River. 

The Cretaceous Formation in New Jersey 
consists of a series of beds or strata, lying con- 
formably upon each other, and all having a 
gentle descent or dip towards the southeast. 
The strata differ from each other in mineral 
composition, but they are all earthy in form, 
except at a few detached points where the 
mineral of the strata has been cemented, by 
oxide of iron, into a kind of sandstone or con- 

glomerate. They appear to have lain undisturbed 
ever since their deposition from the ocean, 
having no folds or curves in them, but lying 
smooth and parallel, like the leaves of a book. 
As the dip of the strata is towards the southeast, 
their edges show themselves upon the surface in 
northeast and southwest lines. If the surface 
were uniform these lines would be straight, but 
owing to inequalities of the surface, they pre- 
sent irregularities of greater or less extent, 
curving to the northwest on high ground and to 
the southeast on low or descending ground. The 
lowest strata have their outcrop farthest to the 

The Plastic Clays, M'hich form the lower 
strata of the Cretaceous Formation, have their 
outcrop chiefly to the northwest of the limits of 
Monmouth County, extending from Raritan Bay 
and River southwestwardly through Middlesex, 
and beyond to the Delaware. With these are 
included the fire and alum clays of Woodbridge, 
Perth Amboy, South Amboy, Woods' Landing, 
Washington and Trenton, and the potters' clays 
of South Amboy, Cheesequakes, Bridgeboro', 
Billingsport, Bridgeport and other places. There 
are also beds of light-colored sand, and in many 
places fossil trees and beds of lignite are found. 
This part of the fonnation occupies the north- 
western border of the district of the Cretaceous 
Formation in New Jersey. 

The Clay Marls, the outcrop of which is 
found along the northwestern side of Monmouth 
County, lie immediately southeast of the Plastic 
Clays, and are separated from them by a line 
which is not very easily recognized. It can be 
traced on the map in an almost straight line 
from just north of Cheesequakes Creek, on 
Raritan Bay, to Bordentow;n, on the Delaware. 
The material of which the Clay Marls is com- 
posed is chiefly dark-colored clay, with green- 
sand grains sparingly intermixed. 

The Lower Marl Bed, which is found out- 
cropping along the entire length of Monmouth 
County from northeast to southwest, is a stra- 
tum of green sand marl, which is very exten- 
sively and profitably used in agriculture. It lies 
along the southeast border of the Clay Marls, 
and can be well seen in Middletown, Marlboro' 
Holmdel, Freehold township, Cream Ridge, Ar- 


neystown, near Mount Holly, near Haddonfield, 
Carpenter's Landing, Batten's Mill, Marshall- 
ville and other points, and is now largely 
developed at many places in the county of Mon- 

The "strike" of the strata of the Lower 
Marl Bed was determined by the State geologist 
by taking two points in that bed, at tide-level, 
on opposite sides of the State, and drawing a 
straight line between them. This he marks on 
his geological map as the " Eegister Line." It 
touches the Lower Marl Bed at tide-water ; the 
Sandy Hook isthmus at its narrowest part, north- 
east of the Highlands ; again on the north bank 
of the river, opposite the town of Eed Bank ; 
and at Hop Brook, near Sugar Loaf Hill. From 
the latter point it passes southwest, directly 
through the village of Freehold, through West 
Freehold and the township of Upper Freehold, 
to and across the Delaware Eiver, striking the 
Lower Marl Bed at Mount Holly, Clement's 
Bi-idge, Carpenter's Landing, and above Scull- 
town at Marshallville, Salem County, and St. 
George's, Delaware. The distance from St. 
George's to the northeastern point at Sandy 
Hook Bay is one hundred and six miles, with a 
true bearing of north 55° east. The finding of 
the Lower Marl Bed at intermediate points on 
the same level and on the same line proves 
that there is no important change of direction 
in the strike for the whole distance. 

The inclination, descent, or, as it is technically 
termed, the " dip," is at right angles to the 
" strike." The amount of the dip of the Lower 
Bed is only about thirty feet in a mile, and trials 
at diiferent points have shown it to be nearly 
uniform. The Perrine marl-pits, north of 
Freehold, are one hundred feet above tide, and 
three miles north of the Register Line, which 
shows thirty -three feet per mile descent. This 
marl-bed is • considerably too high at Cream 
Ridge and at Arneystown for the usual dip, 
showing that there is at those places either an 
elevation of the bed or a curve to the south- 
east. Farther on towards the southwest the 
bed is too little exposed to furnish accurate 
data from which to calculate its dip, but enough 
has been ascertained to show that it continues 
nearly the same. 

The material lying over and to the south- 
east of the Lower Marl Bed is composed mainly 
of a reddish sand, having more or less clay inter- 
mixed at both its upper and lower parts. Its 
(iharacteristic appearance is well seen at the 
Navesink Highlands, at the Red Bank hills, 
and at various other points in Monmouth 

The Middle Marl Bed is found on a belt of 
varying width, extending southwestwardly 
across the county from Long Branch and the 
south' shore of Shrewsbury River to the south- 
ernmost corner of Upper Freehold township. 
The northwestern edge of this belt is a little 
southward of Old Shrewsbury, Scobeyville, 
Colt's Neck and Freehold, and it includes 
Long Branch, Horse Neck, Eatontown, Tinton 
Falls, Blue Ball, Clarksburg and Hornerstown, 
also New Egypt, in Ocean County. " The old 
road from Keyport to Holmdel, at its summit 
on Big Hill, just touches the bottom of the 
second marl bed at the height of three hundred 
and two feet ; eight and a quarter miles south- 
east of this the marl is at tide-level. This 
gives a descent of nearly thirty-seven feet per 
mile. Newell's marl, on the east side of the 
road from Freehold to Blue Ball, is, at top, one 
hundred and twenty-three feet above tide. 
Shepherd's marl, south of Blue Ball, is eighty- 
four feet above tide ; the distance between them, 
measured in a southeast direction, is about one 
and one-eighth miles, giving a descent of a lit- 
tle over thirty-four feet per mile," ^ 

The Upper Marl Bed, which consists of 
green sand disposed in layers parallel to those 
of the Middle Marl Bed, and separated from the 
latter by a stratum of yellow sand, makes its ap- 
pearance in a belt of quite regular width, cross- 
ing the southeastern part of Monmouth County 
in a southwesterly direction from the ocean shore 
at and in the vicinity of Deal, by Shark River 
village, Farmingdale and West Farms, to Ben- 
nett's Mills, Cassville and the vicinity of New 
Egypt, in Ocean County. This is the last (up- 
per) of the Cretaceous strata, and is covered and 
joined on the southeast by the Tertiary Forma- 
tion, as before mentioned. 

I Geological Report of 1868. 


In climate, Monmouth differs very little from 
the other sea-coast counties of New Jersey, 
having a mean temperature only slightly lower 
than that of the section extending southward 
from Little Egg Harbor to Cape May. A set- 
tler in Monmouth County (Richard Hartshorne), 
writing in the year 1683, said with reference to 
the climate here : " As for the temperature of 
the air, it is wonderfully suited to the humours 
of mankind ; the wind and weather rarely hold- 
ing in one point, or one kind, for ten days to- 
gether. It is a rare thing for a vessel to be 
wind-bound for a week together, the wind sel- 
dom holding in one point more than forty-eight 
hours ; and in a short time we have wet and 
dry, warm and cold weather, which changes we 
often desire in England, and look for before 
they come." 

The climate of places near the sea is always 
much less variable than that of inland points, 
though between them there may be but very 
slight difference in degrees of mean tempera- 
ture. In the former also the mild weather 
commences earlier in the spring and continues 
later in the autumn. To this rule the cli- 
mate of Monmouth County affords no excep- 

In the hot season of the year the cool breezes 
and invigorating influence of the ocean induce 

many thousands of people from all parts of the 
country (especially from New York and Phila- 
delphia) to make their summer residence at the 
various and widely-famed resorts on the Mon- 
mouth shore ; and it is not alone in summer- 
time that its climatic advantages are made ap- 
parent. Through the fall and until the close 
of the month of December the air is generally 
dry and bracing; in January and February 
light snows fall frequently, but are quickly 
melted by the sea air. March usually brings 
with it sharp northwesterly gales and unpleas- 
ant weather, which, however, is of but short con- 
tinuance, being soon banished by the early open- 
ing of spring. The softening influence of the sea 
and the health-giving atmosphere which pervades 
the pine districts, lying a short distance inland, 
have brought this region into notice as a desira- 
ble place of residence in winter as well as in 
summer ; and extensive establishments for the 
accommodation of invalids and others through 
all the year have recently been opened at Long 
Branch, on the sea-shore, and also at Lakewood, 
in the pine region adjoining the southern 
boundary of Monmouth County. 

Following is a table of temperature and rain- 
fall at Freehold, made from careful and accu- 
rate observations taken at that place, from July 
1, 1879, to July 1, 1880 : 

Table of Temperature and Bain-fall at Freehold, Monmouth County, from July 

1st, 1879, to 

July 1st, 1880. 



O tn 

inches of 
fall, or 
,d snow. 

inches of 
-fall for 

Mean relative 


er and 
ling on 





■S o, 
o § 






July . . . 

1 &6 











August . . - • 
























October . 
























December . . . . 























February . . 






















April ... 












May . ... 
























Totals. . 











• ■ 











A STRAIGHT line connecting Raritan Bay and 
Delaware River at their nearest points would 
hardly be more than thirty miles long. Here 
the State of New Jersey is so constricted as to 
seem nearly cut in two. Lying between these 
waters, the physical environment of Monmouth 
County is unique. It is also favored with an 
open frontage on the sea. Here, too, the Nave- 
sink Highlands rise to the height of four hundred 
feet above the ocean-level. This ridge is flanked 
on the east by Raritan Bay and on the west 
by the Shrewsbury River. Southward the State 
is flat. Doubtless this region was the first land 
seen by Captain Hudson. Nowhere in the 
State was nature so lavish to the aborigines of 
the soil; the rivers affording their peculiar 
fish in abundance, notably the salmon and 
the trout; the ocean front gave other kinds 
of fish and mollusks, while the bay, shut 
in like a nursery of the sea, gave still other 
fish and immense beds of oysters, a luxury 
which attracted the ancient red man from far and 
near. The diversity of soil gave diversity of 
woods, thus providing these children of the 
hunt a paradise of game. In the sandy interior 
flourished the pine, with the grouse. The damp 
lowlands near the shore were fringed with dark 
evergreens, — impenetrable thickets of cedar, in 
summer vocal with the polyglot mocking-bird. 
On the higher lands grew nobler woods of de- 
ciduous trees, — the various oaks, maples, poplars 
and locusts with the elm, ash, tulip, walnut, 
butternut and the hickories. Many of these 
were of great magnitude, and in their shelter 
roamed deer, bears, and even some beasts of 

Upon this high land is an Indian path or 
trail extending many miles to the north. This 
marked the course of their movements; for 
these children of nature migrated twice in 
the year, like the birds, only in an inverse order, 
for when the birds were coming from the south, 
they were coming from the north, and so in 

^ By Samuel Lookwood, Ph.D. 

the fall they left in contrary directions. The 
Indian could hunt the large game north in 
winter, but only in summer could he take the 
riches of the sea. Hence we might expect that 
a place so esteemed for ages by the ancestors of 
those red men who first saw the "pale face" 
should in some way or other tell something of 
their history. Such knowledge, though lim- 
ited, has been got together grain by grain, 
as stone relics one after another have been un- 
earthed, through that sort of study known as 
philosophical or scientific induction. Con- 
ducted in such a spirit, a description and inter- 
pretation of these relics would constitute the 
archseology of the county. 

It is hardly more than twenty years ago 
when the Danish savants surprised the scien- 
tific world with an interesting discovery. 
Upon their shore existed immense beds of 
oyster-shells. It had long been held that 
these beds afforded proof that the land had 
risen from the sea. or that the sea had re- 
ceded from the land. Careful examination 
at last proved that these shells were not in 
natural position ; that they had been placed 
there by slow accumulations; that among them 
were implements of stone and bones of animals 
in such numbers and condition as proved that 
the animals had been eaten by an ancient people. 
In a word, these vast accumulations were the 
home refuse of a prehistoric race. To these de- 
posits they gave the homely name Kjoekken- 
moeddings, which simply means kitchen-leav- 
ings. In 1856-57 it was our good fortune to 
discover an immense deposit of this character 
not two miles from Keyport. It was a great 
bed of oyster-shells on a farm not far from the 
bay. As such it had long been known. A 
study of this accumulation determined, to my 
surprise, that it was an American Kjoehken- 
moedding. It was plain that these were not 
white men's leavings. This deposit was an 
Algonquin kitchen-midden. Besides oysters, 
it represented the former mollusks of the bay, 
and contained broken stone implement? and 
fragments of Indian pottery. It was a monu- 
ment of the Stone Age, and doubtless the 
bottom strata was pre-Columbian. We com- 
municated our find to Dr. Ran, the archseol- 


ogist, who published an account in Smithsonian 
Report, 1864. Our discovery is stated on page 
371.^ I detected the fire-places or cooking 
spots of these ancient people, one being covered 
deeply with humus. The charred remains were 
there, for carbon is almost imperishable. The 
very method of cooking was revealed by the 
vitrified boulders. The stones thus glazed by 
the intensity of the fire were not obtainable in 
these parts, and must have been brought from 
a considerable distance and their carriage in- 
volved much labor. Hence they had a purpose, 
and the only purpose supposable is that they 
were cooking-stones, which were heated to red- 
ness and put into the pot to make the water 

In these middens I often found fragments of 
pottery showing great extremes of quality. 
Some would be thin, compact and hard, and 
some quite thick, porous and very coarse. Nearly 
all were ornamented with geometrical designs, 
rather crude, but done with a free hand, while 
others were covered with impressions made by 
a stamp of the simplest sort. None of these 
sherds showed glazing, the ancient potter not 
having reached this stage of the art. Among 
those primitive folks the women made the pots. 
These sherds indicated pots of sizes from that 
which would hold a quart to that which would 
contain a number of gallons; in fact, large 
enough to cook a mess for a number of per- 
sons. They all had convex bottoms ; a flat- 
bottomed vessel was not to be found, so that to 
stand alone the pot must rest in a depression 
of the ground. I found also a broken steatite 
pot. Doubtless, when the accident happened 
it occasioned much grief, as a soapstone pot 
could resist fire and as the stone could only be 
obtained from a great distance, it had an in- 
trinsic value. The pots were made of the clay 
near by, but it had to be tempered to prevent 
its cracking in the rude baking to which it was 
subjected. This tempering was effected by 
mixing sand or pulverized shells, or both, in 
the clay. The sand iu some was similar to 
that obtained at the washing up on shore, but in 

1 The draft on this deposit for material for road-making 
and ballast for oyster-vessels going to Virginia through 
some twenty years has not left a vestige of this midden. 

some of the pots another sand was used of an 
extraordinary angular form, so much so as to 
be evident that it had not been subjected to 
the action of water. For a while it was a puz- 
zle to me. At last a lucky find explained it 
all. I noticed in the fire-place some pieces of 
gneiss, or granitoid rocks, not at all belonging 
to the region, and which were friable to 
a remarkable degree. These had been heated 
and used often as boiling-stones. I pulverized 
a piece and it gave me the very sand which 
had been used in tempering the clay for the 
pots. In all this there was real economy, for 
as cooking stones, unless heated to vitrifaction, 
they could be used again and again, and for 
sand-making the oftener they were so used the 
better. It is a little remarkable that these 
methods of tempering clay for pottery— that is, 
using pulverized shell and pulverized burnt 
rock — are identical with the methods shown in 
the sherds of the Scandinavian middens. 

As to the fashioning of the pots : while some 
of the more delicate small ones are the result 
of the hand-cunning of the potter, some seem 
to have been made by plastering or working 
the clay upon some suitable form, such as a 
gourd, and the larger and coarser ones upon a 
basket woven for the purpose. In either case 
the form would be burnt out in the baking of 
the pot. Some of these pots were used for boil- 
ing by hanging over the fire. In such case a 
ring of withes was put around and under the 
lip or flange at the edge of the pot, and to 
this ring, or band, was attached a handle of the 
same character, which was suspended to a pole 
extended across the fire. The band of withes 
around the pot was protected from the fire by 
a plastering of wet clay. 

Near to the midden I have upon occasion 
found the remains of what I must call arrow- 
smithies. These were the places where the 
Indian arrow-smiths wrought. This making 
of arrow-heads of stones was, in its best phases, 
a high art. These smithies told me that then, 
as now, in a skilled vocation there were grades 
of professional excellence, with the bungler at 
bottom and the artist at top. If the modern 
carpenter is known by his chips, the ancient 
arrow-maker was known by, his flakes. I have 


found a place where were flakes of a soft ma- 
terial, simply indurated clay, being nodules or 
cores taken from the clay cliffs near by. As 
those flakes would wear away with age, they 
were not as numerous as they once were. Here 
were fragments of the arrows broken in the 
process of making. They were nearly all of 
the very simplest type of arrow-head, — the loz- 
euge form. Elsewhere I have found the smithy 
where a somewhat better type of work was done, 
the material being a gray, compact basalt. 
Here the flakes were in quantity and the sur- 
face white from long oxidation. These ar- 
rows, as the fragments show, were triangular, 
with a shank at the base. This arrow in per- 
fect condition is often ploughed up in the fields. 
But here is a smithy with gay-colored flakes ; 
some are white and almost transparent, others 
are red, yellow, and olive, and pellucid ; and 
the edges of all these flakes are very keen. 
They are of quartz and jasper. Of these the 
finest arrow-heads are made, the leaf types and 
those with shafts and barbs of complicated 
forms. The broken arrows here showed very 
fine workmanship. 

I must in a few words describe a find which 
I came upon one day. On scratching up the 
sand in a place where a pebble would be a curi- 
osity I exposed the point of an angular stone. 
Thus incited, I uncovered the place and found 
that I was in an arrow-maker's shop. Here 
was the material or stock. A boulder of yel- 
low jasper as big as a cocoanut had been 
broken into four pieces. One of these had 
again been broken into blocks the size of a 
walnut ; each one of these was material for one 
arrow, the pattern chosen being a narrow tri- 
angle, with a shank. There lay the three large 
pieces and several of the small blocks made 
by breaking up the fourth piece ; the flakes, 
too, lay there and two unfinished arrows. 
These were rejected because the stubborn flak- 
ing of the material defied the workman. The 
jasper had in it a number of cavities, and, 
albeit it was brought from a great distance, 
it proved worthless. 

It must have been noticed that already we 
have instanced three kinds of material used 
which were not procurable in our county. 

Steatite, or talc, is no nearer than Sussex 
County. In some places in New England are 
quarries from which the ancient red man pro- 
cured his pot-stone in a most laborious way. 
The nearest basalt and jasper are in Hudson 

Returning to those oyster-shells. Many years 
ago I learned from an old man in Ocean County 
that his grandfather remembered a few Indians 
coming each summer to the shore to get clams, 
and that they dried them on slabs of bark and 
carried them away. Even yet the drying of 
oysters is practiced in China. And why should 
not the Lenni Lenapfe, or old Delawares, do the 
same? The question, however, in my mind was, 
How did they extract the moUusk without 
tearing it? I recall the delight experienced at 
finding among the oyster-shells a little imple- 
ment of jasper, which answered my inquiry. 
It was about two inches long by an inch and a 
half wide. At one end it was carefully chipped 
to a round cutting edge. One side was a little 
concave, it representing the cleavage of the 
material; the other side was convex and chipped. 
It might be called a spoon-shaped gouge. This 
was the Indian's oyster-knife. Afterwards 
several were found. Subjected to heat, the 
mollusk would open a little way ; it was then 
easy to open the shells wider, and with this 
gouge-like implement sever the muscle of the 
mollusk by a scooping movement. 

Before the railroad days, in the fall of the 
year, oysters were taken in sloops up the Hud- 
son, and supplied to buyers in the towns and 
villages. These were laid, the round or dish- 
side down, on the cellar floor, where they kept 
fit for use several months. In the long ago 
there were streams in Monmouth County navi- 
gable by canoes for miles into the interior, but 
which to-day are insignificant runs. I found 
in a spot formerly thus advantaged what proved 
to have been an Indian cache or winter storing- 
place for oysters. At a depth of several feet a 
pit was made out of the reach of the frost, in 
which the bivalves were stored. This pit, de- 
serted probably before the white man came, had, 
by the action of the winds, become filled with 
humus or surface soil, which, when the spade 
entered, showed a marked contrast with the 



yellow, ferruginous saud in which it was origi- 
nally dug. This fact and the presence of the 
shells proved conclusive. Thither, with his 
canoe, the provident aboriginal had, ere the ice 
had mantled the waters, laid up his winter sup- 
ply of oysters. 

A fair description of the relics of the Stone 
Age yielded by Monmouth County would 
need a volume. I can only in studied brevity 
classify them much in the manner in which my 
exhibit of the archaeology of our county was 
done at the exposition of 1876. 

I, Women's implements. These might be 
styled domestic. They comprised specimens of 
pottery and the material of the potter, also 
cooking-stones, pestles and mortars. Stone 
rolling-pins, such as the Mexicans and the Pu- 
eblo Indians use to-day in making the thin 
cakes called tortillas. In my collection of stone 
rollers are some displaying remarkable work- 
manship. They vary in length from seven to 
twenty-four inches. Some are crude enough, 
but others are beautifully symmetrical and 
true. To understand and appreciate the labor 
and skill required, suppose the task given from 
a huge piece of compact gray stone, with only 
flint flakes for tools, to work out a pestle or 
rolling-pin about three inches thick and two feet 
long, and to be as true as a wooden one turned 
in a lathe. Then came the knives. The fine, 
sharp ones were long, narrow flakes usually of 
some quartzose material. These long, thin flakes 
would have a keen cutting edge ; they were best 
represented by those of the ancient Mexicans, 
obtained from obsidian or volcanic glass. The 
oyster-knives have been described. There were 
also skin-dressers, and an ingenious lunate- 
shaped knife, not unlike that of the harness- 
maker. This knife was made from a slaty stone 
and not chipped like the quartzose knives, but 
rubbed or ground into shape ; hence these forms 
are rare. I think these lunate knives were used 
for skinning. The woman made the clothes, 
skinned and cooked the game ; she also made 
the pots, and what of tillage there might be 
she did it. Hence, here comes the stone hoe. 
A very singular object is a stone bird, having 
two small holes through which a cord could 
pass, and with it be worn by the woman on top 

and front of the head. It seemed to symbol an 
incubating bird. This brooding bird, it is said, 
was worn as a taboo by the married woman 
anticipating maternity. 

II. The men's implements. Of these the 
stone axe is prominent. Of the grooved axe, 
though, there is a typical form ; yet there are 
varieties which we have not time to enumerate. 
Round the neck is a groove, in which a withe 
handle was fixed. The sizes are so difierent, 
running from a few ounces to some pounds in 
weight. There was the axe of war, the toma- 
hawk, as well as the axe of handicraft. The 
lighter one was for felling men, the heavier for 
felling trees. There were hand-axes or celts, 
a chisel-like tool. There were gouges, too, but 
these are rare. The stone celt was so common 
an implement that it is certain it was a tool of 
very frequent use. Although this is so, I find 
myself only able to describe its use in one par- 
ticular, — namely the building of the dug-out, 
or solid canoe. A log having been fashioned 
externally to the desired form, was then plas- 
tered over with wet clay, except the upper part; 
on this a fire was made, burning into the log. 
The celt was used to excavate the charred part, 
when the fire was again applied, and so on. 

Some of my relics are symmetrical stones 
with a groove round them. It seems idle to use 
such elaborated stones for net-sinkers, and it 
looks as if they were slung-shots. 

The arrow-heads were of great diversity of 
form and material. The latter has been men- 
tioned. Until intercourse with the whites had 
set in they were all made of stone. I found one 
of iron. It was made from a bit of a hoop, 
and was an exact isagon, or equal-sided triangle. 
Of the immense variety of arrow-points there 
seem to be but four types at most, — the lozenge 
or diamond -shaped, the leaf or almond-shaped, 
the triangle and those having shanks and often 
also barbs. The first is the simplest, and the 
last the most complex. It is thought by many 
that those with shanks and barbs were chiefly 
used in the hunt, as being secured to the shaft, 
they could be drawn out of the prey ; and even 
the barbs would by their laceration when with- 
drawn provoke the increased bleeding of the 
game. Those points without shanks, it is 



supposed, were preferred in war, as the victim 
in withdrawing the shaft would leave the head 
within, hence incurring terrible surgery to get 
the arrow out, even if possible. 

Along the streams where Indian relics are 
found we meet with stones not shaped at all, 
but just taken as they occurred, and simply 
notched so as to hold a withe or cord. These 
were sinkers, and it is certain that nets were 
used for fishing. 

Besides their wars and hunts, and to some 
extent their handicraft, these ancients had their 
games. I am not able to describe them, except 
by borrowing from the present pastimes in some 
of the tribes, which use similar implements. I 
may speak of round stone balls, showing that 
in some of its modes, ball-playing is an Ameri- 
can game of extreme antiquity. There was 
also the game of chunks. The stone used was 
a circular disc, concave on both sides, the thumb 
being put on the one side and the fingers on the 
other when the disc was thrown by the pitcher. 
The men on each side of the course with spears, 
pursued the stone, and then hurled the speai's, 
the effort being to have the weapon fall where 
the stone would stop. 

The medicine man must not be forgotten. 
A long and elaborately fashioned stone tube, 
about twelve inches long, has a perforation for 
its entire length about three-fourths of an inch 
in diameter. With one end pressed on the 
place of his patient's pain and the other at his 
lips, the native doctor essayed to suck out the 
evil influence of that mystic thing which he re- 
garded as disease. Failing in this, he would 
blow with the tube, thus attempting to drive 
away the foul spirit who was inflicting the 

There were ranks, too, and affairs of state and 
ceremony. Hence we have implements which 
were borne as badges of distinctidn on occasions 
of ceremonial display. Some of these were 
gorgets suspended upon the breast. Others 
wore a sort of two-edged axe, usually very 
small and quite ornate. These were borne upon 
a stem or staff; hence such may be called a 
I have this implement with notches. 


making it a tally or record of scalps taken, or of 
some such notable achievements. A very in- 

teresting one is a fragment. It unfortunately 
got broken in the eye, and the owner has elabo- 
rated a method of repair by drilling a series of 
holes in each half, and thus lacing the two parts 
together. How valuable must this have been 
to warrant such an outlay of labor that the 
heirloom should be preserved ! 

On a farm near Hornerstown I obtained some 
curious relics which digging had exposed, and 
which I interpreted as indicating the grave of a 
noted Indian. There was a human skeleton, 
and the skull was in fair condition for study. 
It was undoubtedly that of a red man. I noticed 
that the incisor teeth sat upon each other like 
molars, not lapping like shears, as the white 
man's do. Now this is an Indian trait. I have 
detected it in jaws taken from undoubted Indian 
graves. It is also characteristic of the Eskimo. 
The latter will seize with his front teeth the 
meat on the bone, pull it up, and while between 
his teeth cut it off with his knife. Such a mode 
of using the incisor teeth wears them off, and 
the tips or crowns become flat. Is it not curious 
that the human remains found in the Scandina- 
vian middens show this same peculiarity? 
This skeleton indicated a distinguished man. 
With him were found other bones, those of the 
black bear, the Virginia deer and the snapping- 
turtle. Had the turtle something to do with 
his totem, or heraldry ? Were the bear and 
deer game to serve the spirit while on its way 
to the better hunting-grounds ? It was then, as 
now, the custom to bury with the dead some- 
thing that was highly prized when living. Here 
was found an arrow-head of pellucid quartz. 
The fineness of the material and the marvelous 
perfection of the workmanship made it a thing 
of exquisite beauty; in a word, a gem. Among 
the thousands of arrow-heads I have inspected 
this stood peerless and alone. It was my pride. 
As such, it had a distinguished place in my 
Philadelphia exhibit. Alas the day ! The case 
was opened, and the gem stolen, while nothing 
else was touched ! 

Du Chaillu describes the sweat-houses of the 
Laps, in which the sexes together, in a state of 
nudity, half-cooked themselves, then rushed into 
the snow. In a less objectionable way the In- 
dians of our place had a similar usage. In the 



white man's knowledge one of these sweat- 
houses existed near Crosswicks Creek, at a bend 
where the water was deep and cold. It was a 
dug-out in the bank. In it a fire was built, and 
when the hole was heated like an oven, in went 
the Indian, and while sweating at every pore 
he plunged into the stream. 

In respect to his religion, it is commonly set 
down that the North American Indian is not an 
idolater, in that he is not a worshiper of im- 
ages. As represented by the stone relics in the 
East, he certainly cannot be regarded as an im- 
age-maker, except to a very limited extent. To 
light upon a bit of this sort of thing is regarded 
as a very lucky find. I can only mention two 
instances in our county, and both have suggested 
to my mind the probability of a fetich, or 
charm. One of them was plowed up on a 
farm on the left bank of the Shrewsbury. It 
was a bit of steatite, hardly so large as a silver 
half-dollar, with a human face on it cut in 
relief. As to any art in the thing, many a 
country boy can be found who could whittle in 
wood a face even moj'e natural. But the In- 
dian had an eye for any eccentricity in form, a 
knack of catching at an accidental hint, such as 
often occurs in nature, as when a stone bears a 
fancied resemblance to something animate. Such 
a lusus naturcB would seize the red man's imagi- 
nation, and would even arrest his reverence. 
With a flint flake for his chisel he would im- 
prove upon the object, and help out the resem- 
blance. I have a very remarkable specimen of 
such. It was dug up in clearing oiF a bit of 
wild land for a house at a place now called 
Keansburgh, about four miles northeast of Key- 
port. The spot was covered with a dense natural 
growth of scrub pines, with an undergrowth of 
azaleas and whortleberries. The object is the 
size of a large cocoanut. It is a human head 
in stone, and broken oif at the neck. It was a 
clay nodule, and obtained from the clay cliff" 
formerly existing at the shore, about a mile and 
a half away. The stone had originally borne a 
remote resemblance to a human head, of which 
the artist has taken every advantage, and worked 
it up to a striking resemblance of an Indian 
head and face, the very racial expression being 
secured in a remarkable degree. For whatever 

purpose it was designed, I have no doubt that 
it was held as an object of much interest, — at 
first, may be, it only incited curiosity ; but when 
it left the native sculptor's hands it became an 
object of serious superstition. 

In two places near Freehold I have demon- 
strated the former existence of beaver dams. 
In excavating peat from one of these old mead- 
ows which grew upon the desertion of the 
dams, burnt sticks of great length were found. 
What was the meaning of a fire in what was a 
swamp ? In the other meadow, near by, under 
my directions, some remains of a mastodon 
were exhumed. The head and tusks were entire. 
Speaking of the Stone Age in America, a French 
writer expresses his belief that the mastodon, 
driven into a swamp, might be surrounded by 
fire in order to suffocate the beast. Who shall 
say? Might not the aborigines, when they 
attacked this behemoth, as I verily believe they 
did, have used such means ? In his paper read 
at the Montreal meeting of the American Asso- 
ciation, 1882, the writer showed by his studies 
of the mastodon remains obtained from differ- 
ent parts of the county that the roaming- 
grounds of this monster once were far out to 
sea, and of course the prehistoric red man's 
hunting-ground was equally extensive, — so 
vastly has the ocean encroached upon the land. 
I have arrow-heads dredged far off" from shore, 
but as they might have fallen from a canoe, we 
have no certainty in their interpretation. East- 
ward from the sea-line of the county, the shore, 
or rather water-bed, slopes almost imperceptibly. 
Actual soundings show that for one hundred 
miles to sea, the water deepens at the rate of 
only three feet to the mile. Thus, at one 
hundred miles out, the water is only three hun- 
dred feet deep. Six miles farther it sinks to 
six hundred feet, thus forming a shelf, while 
twelve more miles out it plunges to the depth 
of six thousand feet. Now, this, I contend, was 
the ancient shore-line, and the shelf, or plateau, 
marked the seaward extent of the mastodon's 
range and the hunting-grounds of the red man's 
ancestor, that prehistoric savage and this ele- 
phantine beast being contemporaries. 

Paleontology. — The allusion to the masto- 
don naturally introduces the subject of the extinct 



forms of life which are revealed by the fossils 
of the county. Both the flora and the fauna 
are represented, the latter being especially rich. 
Still, no more can be done in the space allotted 
than to mention the prominent and, perhaps, 
typical forms. As respects the Cretaceous 
Formation, New Jersey is to the geologist classic 

The Cretaceous period, so finely represented 
in Monmouth County, opened with a flora in 
many respects similar to that of the preceding 
Triassic. It was, however, soon to disappear, 
so far as this continent was concerned, for that 
order of plants faded away, to be followed by 
a nobler vegetal r&gime. From the clay cliff 
formerly existing at Union we have extracted 
fossil plants of a lowly rank, and some that we 
thought might be cycads. Generally they were 
too imperfect to admit of satisfactory determi- 
nation. At any rate, their congeners are such as 
can now only be found in the tropics of Austra- 
lia, Polynesia and Asia. From the clays of 
Cliffwood I have often obtained cones and lig- 
nites of the AbietinecB, suggesting the Araucaria\ 
which are now confined to the Southern hemis- 
phere. Many of these fossil cones were very 
pretty, not unlike catkins, being about as long 
and as thick as a finger, and exquisitely sculp- 
tured by the spiral arrangement of the scales. 
Of these fossils I was able to get one with the 
leaves or needles preserved. This received 
from Professor JSTewberry the name Ounning- 
hamites Loekwoodii. In this same Cretaceous 
occur fossils which indicate a very stately arbo- 
real growth in those ancient days, — for the 
Sequoia, that giant tree, now limited to a small 
space near the Pacific, is found here. The clays 
near Cliffwood also reveal an extraordinary leap 
in nature. Not only is the pine family, the 
gymnosperms, abundant, but there is a sudden 
and almost incredible display of the angiosperms, 
the grand deciduous trees. Here they are for 
the first time in the earth's floral garniture — 
the sycamore, tulip, poplar, sassafras, willow, 
oak, maple, beech, hickory, fig, etc., etc. In a 
word, here is begun the growth of those trees 
which are to be a special gift to man, since here 
are the timber trees, and here the beginning of 
those that are to be^ pre-eminently the fruit- 

bearers. Of the immense richness of this early 
flora, so like that of our present American 
forests, perhaps our conceptiou may be aided 
by this statement, — in all Europe the number of 
native trees is hardly more then forty-five, 
while, leaving out the cycads and the conifers, 
so rich in the Cretaceous, the fossils collected 
indicate more than a hundred species in that 
period, and we know not how many species 
may have failed to be thus represented. 

The fauna, or animal life, of that period was 
rich in variety of species. Many of these were 
of monstrous size, and of forms outre and 
bizarre. I think where our county now is 
was an estuary of that ancient sea. To me it is 
quite evident that here the water was land- 
locked in some way. In these marls are im- 
mense deposits of shells which were accumulated 
too quietly for an open, turbulent sea. Besides, 
as we shall see, some of the reptiles, judging 
from their construction, had habits not unlike 
those of the alligator, and some of the turtles, 
too, seem to have been of this character. 

Here appeared the earliest oysters, but dif- 
ferent from that bivalve of to-day. Two oyster- 
like moJlusks existed then in great numbers, 
some of them weighing .oiany pounds. They 
are known technically as Gryphaa and Exogyra. 
An object of a conical form is found in num- 
bers, and is called by the marl-diggers a thun- 
derbolt. It is a belemnite, and is really the 
inner shell or bone of an extinct cuttle-fish. 
This creature, a species of devil-fish, swarmed 
in those waters and must have been very for- 
midable; and yet this hideous creature was 
close cousin to the nautilus and ammonite, 
whose shells were so beautiful, and some so 
large ; for the cycloidal shell of the ammonite 
sometimes was as large as a carriage-wheel. Of 
both these beautiful shells the species was 
numerous ; but with the close of this age the 
ammonites all perished, and of the nautilus to- 
day we have barely two species in existing seas. 

But the vastest exhibition of animal force 
and form was in the reptilia. This was em- 
phatically the reign of reptiles. The species 
were indeed numerous, but our space will only 
permit us to mention a few typical forms. 

The Dinosaurs, or " terrible lizards," were 



a group of which not a single representative 
exists to day. They must have been restricted 
to the land, as'their structure would make them 
illy fitted for any movement in the water. 
With aspects most portentous, they were the 
lords of the soil. Though so heavily weighted, 
their movements and bearing had a sort of 
stateliness for the reptilian regime, as they did 
not crawl on shore like the alligator and the 
crocodile, but walked as does the ostrich, for 
these dinosaurs had very long hind legs and 
very short fore legs, with a very heavy 
tail. In these particulars there was some 
similitude to the kangaroo ; but it was the 
merest resemblance, as there was really nothing 
in common to these animals. The kangaroo is 
a grazing animal, and when its pasture is ex- 
hausted it must seek others, even though a 
hundred miles away. In this movement their 
forward limbs take no part ; all is done by the 
hind limbs and tail ; the long legs serve for 
leaping, and the heavy tail is a balancer. The 
dinosaur walked like a huge bird ; it stood very 
high on its two hind feet, using the heavy tail 
as the third limb of a tripod, and it browsed on 
the evergreen trees. This immense reptile is 
known to science as the Hadrosaurus. A very 
much larger individual, with much the same 
structure, was taken by myself from that old 
clay-bank at Union, which the sea has at last 
carried away. This terrible brute had hind 
legs thirteen feet in length, and from the tip of 
its great tail to its snout it must have been over 
thirty feet long. The part which we unearthed 
demonstrated the strange fact that this ancient 
reptile had some true alliance in structure to the 
present ostrich tribe, or closer still to the extinct 
moa, the colossal bird of New Zealand. Our 
relics show that the ankle-bones were wonder- 
fully bird-like, but so massive ; for the tibia- 
bone at its union with the tarsus is thirteen and 
three-quarters inches thick. From these curious 
facts came the name given it by Cope, Ornitho- 
tarsus immanis — the immense bird-ankled 

The above-mentioned reptiles were true herb- 
ivores, a fact beautifully shown in the singular- 
shaped teeth of the hadrosaurus. But contem- 
porary with these creatures was another species of 

land-lizard, with a similar structure as to long 
hind limbs and short fore ones, but with an 
arrangement of every part for the life of a car- 
nivore. We have said that the ornithotarsus was 
not less than thirty-five feet in length, that its 
hind legs were thirteen feet long, and we should 
add that when browsing on the trees, and resting 
as on a tripod upon its hind limbs and tail, it 
stood not far from twenty feet in height. Now 
Lmlaps, whom we are introducing, was about 
twenty-four feet in length, and could stand about 
twelve feet high. But he was a slayer of his 
more quiet brethren, and his tail had not a tripodal 
function, but was really a club. He could leap 
upon the innocent herbivore, and with his great 
grapnel-like talons holding on to his prey, 
could put that tail to very efficient use. Nature 
is economical in skeleton-building. The bones 
of a mammal are more solid than those of a bird, 
for obvious reasons. So with the Iselaps, the 
leaping carnivore, and ornithotarsus, the slow- 
walking herbivore. With the latter the more 
central parts of the shafts of the long bones 
have a cancellate structure, — that is, they are 
filled with bony threads binding the walls to- 
gether. But the bones of the Iselaps were more 
bird-like, being thin and hollow for the presence 
of air, and the walls were lighter and less por- 

There was a large group or order of lizai'ds, 
whose home was the sea, but which could upon 
occasions bask on the shore-line. These were 
the PithonomorphcB, the serpent-like lizards, 
though this serpent resemblance was wholly 
anatomical and limited chiefly to the head, com- 
bining bulk and length. These were the great 
swimming reptiles of that wonderful age. In 
our Monmouth estuary there were not less than 
sixteen species, but many more in the more 
southern waters of that ancient sea. The type 
of the order was MfmimiiriiH, and 31. princepts 
was fully seventy-five feet long. The head had 
an armature of large conical and slightly curved 
teeth, with great swollen roots, which fitted 
into the solid bone of the jaNvs. In the upper 
jaw was a smaller supplemental jaw, with smaller 
and sharper teeth. This is the strong feature of 
the serpents, and its use is in the slow swallow- 
ing of their large prey ; for when the mouth 



opens to take another hitch, the prey is held 
from slipping out. But hadrosaurus had another 
most ingenious modification of the lower jaw to 
aid in the deglutition of its great swimming 
prey. Say about two-thirds the distance from 
the tip of the snout to the other extreme of the 
lower jaw, or not far from over -the pharynx, or 
opening of the throat, on each side of the mouth, 
the jaw was jointed like the elbow of one's arm. 
Now, if one locks his two hands together, then 
extends them as far as he can in front of him, 
the two arms will then represent the lower jaw 
of the mosasaurus when in repose ; now push the 
elbows out, and the space between the arms is 
widened, and this represents the jaws when the 
monster is engulfing his meal. 

Another order was the Enaliosaurs, or sea- 
lizards proper. These never went on land, and 
they could brave the stormiest seas. One of 
them, named by Cope, Elasmosaurus, was some 
fifty feet in length, and had a neck containing 
over sixty vertebrae, whose combined length 
was twenty-two feet. When we consider that 
this was the slimmest and lightest built of all we 
have mentioned, with its long neck for snapping 
at its finny prey, one can see how well it de- 
serves to be called the sea-serpent of those 

We are not quite sure whether this is the 
right niche in which to put the supposed Ple- 
siosaivrus Lockwoodii (Cope), named from a spe- 
cimen we discovered in the clay at Cliffwood. 
It certainly was one of these snaky lizards. 
But a true serpent was not yet created. And 
time forbids that we dwell on the flying lizards, 
and the reptilian birds with true teeth, and the 
Bottosawrus, a real alligator, and the many tur- 
tles ; for we must now leave that cemetery of 
the cretaceous days. 

In Monmouth County, besides the Cretaceous 
marls, are those known to the geologist as the 
Tertiary marls. Here is found DinopMs, the 
earliest serpent, over twenty feet in length. The 
reptiles are now so diminished in number and 
reduced in size as no longer to domineer the 
depths ; for the sharks, which were at best but 
secondary in the Cretaceous seas, are now the 
dominant race. Specimens in my possession 
demonstrate the fact that some of these immense 

fishes could not only swallow a Jonah upon 
occasion without ^injuring the specimen in the 
act of deglutition, but could, if needed, stow 
away, sardine-like, a round score of .Jonah's 

And there were sword-fishes, too — some not 
greatly unlike those in modern seas ; but others, 
altogether unlike these, had a bowsprit exten- 
sion of the upper jaw. It was a conical ram 
of solid, pointed bone, something like a marline- 
spike. These I have obtained from the pits at 
Farmingdale. One other of these sword-fishes 
must be mentioned, the Ccelorhyncus ornatus. 
This is certainly a "fancy" name; for, literally 
rendered, it means the ornate, beautiful snout. 
The ram in this instance is quite an elegant 
weapon, and in form almost identical with the 
"steel" on which the butcher sharpens his knife. 
So far as I can learn, they never exceeded 
eighteen inches in length, being at the base less 
than one inch in diameter, and terminating in 
a sharp point. This cylindrical weapon, like 
the " steel " mentioned, had fine parallel striss 
throughout its entire length. A more murder- 
ous instrument for impaling fishes could not be 
devised. A curious fact, too, is this, that it is 
harder than the butcher's steel. Desiring to 
share a fragment of one of these swords with a 
friend, it was entrusted to a jeweler to cut in 
two. The specimen was but half an inch thick, 
and yet the operation destroyed two saws. 

But our sense of limitation becomes oppress- 
ive. We feel like a tourist on a fast horse— so 
little can be accomplished, though the opportu- 
tunity is so rich and grand. Passing to the 
Quaternary Age, a few words, and we have 

In the so-called Drift, one phase of the gla- 
cial period, we have collected in Monmouth 
County relics of the reindeer, walrus, and even 
a species of dugong. There was also in this 
period a great beaver, now extinct. The beaver 
of the present, which also is extinct in these 
parts, was a later creation. It is interesting to 
note that as to-day there are two species of ele- 
phant, the one in Africa and the one in India, 
so in these remote times of which we write 
there were two elephants, whose remains are 
with us: the elephas, or mammoth, and the 



mastodou. With the period of the drift, when 
the climate became cold, the great fossil-beaver 
and the mammoth perished. The mastodon 
survived, until it found itself confronted witli 
the autochthonic man, the insurmountable en- 
emy, to whom it succumbed. Of this, the last 
of the great paleontologic beasts, it would be 
easy to write a volume. But here the pen 
drops its cunning; for of its slayer, the Ameri- 
can prehistoric man, that child of mystery, of 
the when and the whence of whose coming we 
know less than we do of the brutes whicli 



The first European occupants and rulers of 
the valley of the Hudson River, and of all the 
territory extending thence to the Delaware and 
to the ocean, were the Dutch, under whose 
auspices, in the year 1609, the famed navigator, 
Henry Hudson, discovered and explored the 
great river that has since borne his name, and 
on which discovery and exploration the Dutch 
based their claim to the country to which they 
gave the name New Netherlands, — embracing 
not only the present State of New Jersey, but 
a vast area of country to the north, east and 
south of it, now in the States of New York, 
Pennsylvania and Delaware. 

The actual occupation of the country by the 
Dutch began in 1610,^ when they sent over a 

1 " When, therefore, Hudson had returned, towards the 
end of autumn, to Amsterdam in his bark, and made 
known what he had discovered repecting the river (which 
he called Maiihattes, from the name of the people who 
dwelt at its mouth), immediately, in 1610, some Amster- 
dam merchants [the Dutch East India Company] sent 
thither a vessel loaded with a variety of goods, and hav- 
ing obtained from the States-General exclusive authority 
to visit the river and neighboring regions for purposes of 
trade, they carried on a commerce with the natives for 
several succeeding years ; for which purpose our people 
remained there during winter, and finally, in 1615, built a 
fort under the auspices of the States-General, and garri- 
soned it with soldiers. . . . Such was the commence- 
ment of what resulted in the application of the name, New 

vessel with a cargo proper for the opening of a 
fur trade with the natives. This they accom- 
plished, carrying on their trade at first directly 
from the A'essel ; but in two or three years they 
had established trading posts (unfortified until 
1715) at the sites of the present cities of New- 
York and Albany, and at another point between 
these on the Hudson. It is often mentioned in 
history that these posts were established in 1614; 
but the fact that the post at Manhattan (New 
York) was in existence as early as 1613, and was 
in that year reduced by an English expedition 
from the James River, Virginia, Mall be shown 
in a following account of that occurrence. 

The occupation of Manhattan by the Dutch 
is narrated in Heylin's Cosmography (published 
in 1652), which, after mentioning the fact that ' 
they had become established there, proceeds : 
"But they were hardly warm in their new 
habitations when Sir Samuel Argall, Governor 
of Virginia, specially so called (having dispos- 
sessed the French of that part of Canada now 
called Nova Scotia, August, 1613), disputed the 
possession with them, alleging that Hudson, 
under whose sale they claimed that country, 
being an Englishman, could not alienate or dis- 
member it (being but a part or province of 
Virginia), from the crown thereof. Hereupon 
the Dutch Governor ^ submits himself and his 
plantation to His Majesty of England and the 
Governor of Virginia for and under him. But 
a new Governor being sent from Amsterdam in 
the year next following, not only failed in pay- 
ing the conditioned tributes, but began to fortify 
himself and entitle those of Amsterdam to a 
just propriety." 

The statement made in the foregoing account, 
that Argall was then Governor of Virginia, is 
incorrect, the Governor at that time being Sir 
Thomas Gates, under whom Capt. Sir Samuel 
Argall was commander of several vessels be- 
longing to the Virginia Company. In the sum- 
mer of the year 1613 he (Argall) sailed from the 

Netherlands, to that part of the northern continent."— 
De Laet's "New World," published in 1633. 

= The ■' Dutch Governor " here referred to was Hendrigk 
Christiaensen, or Corstainsen, a superintendent of the Dutch 
West India Company's little trading settlement, then re- 
cently established on Manhattan Island. 



Capes of Virginia on a fishing expedition ' to 
the vicinity of the island of Mount Desert, off 
the coast of Maine, for the purpose of securing a 
supply of cod for the use of the English colo- 
nists on the James River. He and his party 
were driven ashore by a storm near the mouth 
of the Penobscot River, where they were told 
by Indians that a French ship was at Mount Des- 
ert,- " whereupon Argall, being in want of pro- 
visions, and his men in a shattered, half-naked con- 
dition, resolved, after ascertaining the strength 
of the intruders [as they considered the French to 
be], to attack them." They did so, successfully, 
taking and plundering the ship, killing a 
French Jesuit priest (Gilbert du Thet), wound- 
ing several others, and making prisoners of all 
the survivors, except five of the French party, 
who, as it appeared, had come out from France 
with the intention of establishing, under the au- 
spices of the Jesuits, a colony within the limits 
of Acadia — afterwards known as Nova Scotia. 
" The liberal supplies which they had brought 
from France," says the French writer Lescar- 
bot, " for the intended colony, the offerings of 
pious zeal, were plundered and carried away to 

^ " It appears from a letter addressed by him [Argall] to 
a friend In England, dated June, 1613, that he had arrived 
in the prceeding year ; and in the spring of that year 
[1613] he was employed in exploring the eastern side of 
Chesapeake Bay in a shallop. During this time his ship 
was left to be got ready for a fishing voyage ; and on his 
return. May 12, 1613. he completed his preparations, and 
at the date of his letter was about sailing on his intended 
voyage. He says : ' Thus having put my ship in hand, to 
be titled for an intended fishing voyage, I left that business 
to be followed by my master with a ginge [gang] of men, 
and my lieutenant fortified on shore with another ginge to 
fell timber and cleave planks, to build a fishing boat ; my 
ensign with another ginge was employed in the frigate for 
getting of fish at Cape Charles, and transporting it to 
Henry's town for the relief of such men as were there ; and 
myself, with a fourth ginge, departed out of the river in my 
shallop the first of May for to discover the east side of our 
Bay, which I found to have many small rivers in it, and 
very good harbours for boats and barges, but not for ships 
of any great burthen. ... So having discovered along the 
shore some forty leagues northward, I returned again to 
my ship the 12th of May, and hastened forward my busi- 
ness left in hand at my departure, and fitted up my ship, 
and built my fishing-boat, and made ready to take the first 
opportunity of the wind for my fishing voyage, of which I 
beseech God of his mercy to bless us.' " — JV. Y. Historical 
Chllections, New Series, vol. i. p. 338. 

minister to the wants of the English heretics in 
Virginia." Argall also took with him to Vir- 
ginia three Jesuit priests, " le Capitaine de Ma- 
rine, Charles Fleuri d' Abbeville, and fourteen 
other prisoners. 

The unexpected success of this voyage of Argall 
in the acquisition of plunder stimulated the 
Virginia authorities to further attempts against 
the French colonists in the northeast, "and an 
armed expedition, consisting of three vessels, 
commanded by Argall, sailed forthwith for Aca- 
dia. Touching at the scene of their late outrage 
on the island of Mount Desert, they set up there 
a cross bearing the name of the King of Great 
Britain instead of the one erected by the Jesuits, 
and then sailed to St. Croix, where they de- 
stroyed all the remains of a former settlement. 
Crossing the Bay of Fundy, they next landed 
at Port Royal (now Annapolis, Nova Scotia), 
and finding the town deserted, the Governor be- 
ing absent and the people at work several miles 
from the fort, they met with no resistance in 
pillaging and stripping the place of whatever it 
contained, loading their ships with the spoil 
and destroying what they could not carry away. 
The settlement had existed eight or nine years 
and had cost its founders more than one hun- 
dred thousand crowns in money, besides the la- 
bor and anxiety that necessarily attended their 
efforts to plant civilization upon a desolate 
coast." 2 

It was asserted by the French authorities that 
P6re Biart, one of the Jesuit priests whom Ar- 
gall took with him to Virginia, on the return 
from Mount Desert, acted as pilot or guide to 
the Englishman on the expedition against the 
Acadian towns. Argall arrived at Port Royal 
on the 1st of November, 1613, and after destroy- 
ing the place, and having gathered his plunder 
on board the ships, set sail on the return on the 
9th of the same month. A violent storm arose 
soon afterwards and dispersed the vessels. One 
of them (a barque) was never again heard from ; 
the ship having the Jesuit priests and a good 
share of the plunder was driven to the Azores 
Islands, and thence made her way safely to 
England, while the one commanded by Argall 

•i N, V. Hist. Collections. 



in person, being carried far away from her true 
course by stress of weather, entered the bay 
within the shelter of Sandy Hoolc, and passed 
up to Manhattan Island, where (doubtless unex- 
pectedly) the commander found the trading post 
of the Dutch, and at once reduced them to tem- 
porary submission to the English authority, as 
before narrated. 

ArgalFs expedition against the Acadian 
French colonists, and his reduction of the Dutch 
trading settlement on Manhattan Island, are 
mentioned by Plantagenet ' as follows : " Then 
Virginia being planted, settled, and all that part 
now called Maryland, New Albion and New 
Scotland [Nova Scotia] being part of Virginia, 
Sir Thomas Dale and Sir Samuel Argall, Cap- 
tains and Counsellors of Virginia, hearing of 
divers aliens and intruders, and traders without 
license, with a vessel and forty soldiers, landed 
at a place called Mount Desert, in Nova Scotia, 
near St. John's River, or Tweed, possessed by 
the French ; there killed some French, took away 
their guns and dismantled the fort, and in their 
return ^ landed at Manhatas Isle, in Hudson's 
River, where they found four houses built, and 
a pretended Dutch Governor under the West 
India Company, of Amsterdam, share or part, 
who kept trading boats and trucking with the 
Indians ; but the said knights told him their 
commission was to expel him and all alien in- 
truders on his Majesty's dominion and territo- 
ries ; this being part of Virginia, and this river 
an English discovery of Hudson, an English- 
man. The Dutchman contented them for their 
charge and voyage, and by his letter sent to 
Virginia and recorded, submitted himself, com- 
pany and plantation to his Majesty and to the 
Governor and government of Virginia ; but the 
next pretended Dutch Governor, in maps of 
printed cards, calling this, part New Nether- 
lands, failing in paying of customs at his return 
to Plymouth, in England, was there, with his 

1 BeaucHamp Plantaganet, Esq., in hig " Deaoription of 
the Province of New Albion," published in London in 

2 Heve Plantaganet makes the mistake of supposing that 
Argall came to Manhattan Island on the return from his 

^s^ Voyage in 161.3, instead of his second, made in the fall 
of the year. 

beaver, goods and person, attached to his dam- 
age of £1500. Whereupon, at the suit of the 
Governor and Council of Virginia, his now Maj- 
esty [Charles I.], by his embassador in Holland, 
complaining of the s;iid aliens' intrusion on such 
his territories and domains, the said lords, the 
States of Holland by their publick instrument de- 
clared that they did not avow, nor would pro- 
tect them, being a private party of the Amster- 
dam West India Company, but left them to his 
Majesty's will and mercy ; whereupon three sev- 
eral orders from the Council table and commis- 
sions have been granted for the expelling and 
removing them from thence, of which they, tak- 
ing notice, and knowing their weakness and 
want of victuals, have offered to sell the same 
for £2600. And lastly, taking advantage of 
our present war and distraction now ask £5000, 
and have lately offered many affronts and dam- 
ages to his Majesty's subjects in New England ; 
and in general endanger all his Majesty's adjoin- 
ing countries most wickedly, feloniously and 
traitorously, and contrary to the marine and ad- 
miral laws of all Christians, sell by wholesale, 
guns, powder, shot and ammimition to the In- 
dians, instructing them in the use of our fights 
and arms : inasmuch as 2000 Indians by them 
armed, Mohocks, Raritons and some of Long 
Isle, with their own guns, so sold them, fell 
into war with the Dutch, destroyed all their 
scattering farms and boors, forcing them all to 
retire to their upper fort, forty leagues up that 
river [at Albany] and to Manhatas ; for all or 
most retreating to Manhatas, it is now a prettj- 
town of trade, having more English than 

The foregoing account, however, is errone- 
ous in its statement that the claim of the crown 
of England to New York and New Jersey was 
based on " an English discovery by Hudson, 
an Englishman." It was l)ased chiefly on the 
discovery of the entire eastern coast, from New- 
foundland southward to Virginia, by John 
Cabot, in command of an English fleet, in the 
year 1497, during the reign of King Henry 
the Seventh, and under his commission and 
orders, the object of his exploration being, 
like that of nearly all the other discoverers 
of that period, to find a western passage to the 



famed land of Cathay. Accompanied by his 
son, Sebastian, he first came with his ships to 
the southern coast of Labrador, and sailed 
thence to Newfoundland, which he reached in 
June of the year mentioned " and took posses- 
sion of that island and of all the coast of the 
northeast part of America as far as Cape Flor- 
ida, which he also, by landing in several parts 
of it, claimed in the name of his master, the 
King of England." ^ He made no landing, 
however, between Nova Scotia and about lati- 
tude 38° north ; and, finally, fearing that his 
ships would run short of provisions (and prob- 
ably despairing of finding the desired pas- 
sage), he returned to England,^ taking with 
him several of the natives of Newfoundland, 
whose appearance excited great curiosity in 

This ancient claim of the English crown to 
the ownership and sovereignty of North 
America, based on the discoveries in 1497, re- 
mained dormant, at least with regard to any vig- 
orous attempt at enforcement within the territory 
now embraced in the States of New York and 

^ Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 

2 Sebastian Cabot, made a map of the coasts discovered on 
this voyage ; upon which map was given an account of the 
expedition, a part of which, referring to the discovery of 
Newfoundland, was as follows : " In the year of our Lord 
1497, John Cabot, a, Venitian, and his son, Sebastian (with 
an English fleet),, set out from Bristol and discovered that 
land which no man had before attempted. This discovery 
was made on the 24th of June, about five o'clock in the 
morning. This land he called Prima Vista (or the first 
seen), because it was that part of which they had the first 
sight from the sea. It is now called Bonavista. The 
Island which lies out before the land he called the Island 
of St. John, because it was discovered on the festival of St. 
John the Baptist." 

Plantagenet, in his " Description of New Albion," gives 
the following in reference to Cabot's discovery of the 
American coast, viz. : " Then the most powerful and richest 
King of Europe, King Henry the Seventh of England, sent 
out an Englishmauj born at Bristol, called Cabot, granted 
under his greate seale to him all places and countrys to be 
discovered and possesst ; who, then beginning at Cape 
Florida, discovered, entered on, took possession of, set up 
crosses and procured atturnment and acknowledgement of 
the Indian Kings to his then Majesty, as head, lord and 
emperor of the south west of America, all along that coast, 
both in Florida, from 20 degrees to 35, where old Virginia, 
in '6b and 30 minutes, 65 years since was seated by the 
five several colonies about Croatan Cape, Haloraske and 
Rawley's Isle, by Sir Walter Rawley." 

New Jersey, for more than a century and a 
half from the time of Cabot's voyages, this 
inaction being caused by the wars in which 
England was involved in Europe, and particvi- 
larly in the first half of the seventeenth cen- 
tury by the home troubles which resulted in 
the Cromwellian Revolution, and the loss of 
throne and life by King Charles. Meanwhile, 
the Dutch had established their settlements 
on the Hudson and Delaware, built forts 
and held almost undisputed possession of the 
country, which they named New Netherlands 
(in which all of the present State of New Jer- 
sey was included), with its capital at Fort Am- 
sterdam or New Amsterdam, where New York 
City now stands. After Capt. Samuel Argall's 
reduction of that place, in 1613, the Dutch 
remained there in possession, without further 
molestation from the Virginia government or 
from the English, for more than sixty years, 
during which time they also retained control of 
all the territory of New Jersey, except that a 
small portion of it on the Delaware was held 
for a short time by the Swedes ; and also 
excepting an abortive attempt made by some 
English adventurers to settle and establish what 
they called the " Province of New Albion." 

The grant of New Albion was made to Sir 
Edmund Ployden, Knight, and certain as- 
sociates, on the 21st of June, 1634, by the 
King of England, in the expectation that the 
grantees would plant .settlements within the 
territory and thus enforce the English right 
which had so long been dormant. The boun- 
daries and extent of the grant were very vagaely 
described, but it included all of the present 
State of New Jersey, all of Long Island, with 
a part of New York lying west of the Hudson 
Eiver, and parts of the States of Pennsylvania, 
Delaware and Maryland. In the " Description 
of New Albion," before referred to, published 
in 1648, by Beauchamp Plantagenet, who was 
one of the associates of Ployden, it is mentioned 
as follows : " The bounds is a thousand miles 
compass of this most temperate and rich prov- 
ince, for our south bound is Maryland north 
bounds, and beginneth at Aquats or the south- 
ernmost or first cape of Delaware Bay [Cape 
Henlopen], in thirty-eight and forty minutes, 



and so runneth by, or through, or including 
Kent Isle through Chisapeask Bay to Piscata- 
way ; including the falls of Patowmecke River 
tp the head or northernmost branch of that 
river, being three hundred miles due west, and 
thence northward to the head of Hudson's 
River fifty leagues, and so down Hudson's 
River to the ocean, sixty leagues, and thence to 
the ocean isles across Delaware Bay to the 
South Cape, fifty leagues; in all seven hun- 
dred and eighty miles. Then all Hudson's 
River, isles. Long Isle or Pamunke, and all 
isles within ten leagues of said province being ; 
and note. Long Isle alone is twenty broad and 
one hundred and eighty miles long, so that 
alone is four hundred miles compasse." 

The full title of the pamphlet from which the 
foregoing is extracted is " A Description of the 
Province of New Albion and a Direction for 
Adventurers with small stock to get two for 
one and good land freely ; and for Gentlemen 
and all Servants, Labourers and Artificers to 
live plentifully, and a former Description, re- 
printed, of the healthiest, pleasantest and richest 
Plantation of New Albion, in North Virginia, 
proved by thirteen Witnesses ; together with a 
Letter from Master Robert Evelin, that lived 
there many years, showing the Particularities 
and Excellency thereof; with a brief of the 
charge of Victualling and Necessaries to trans- 
port and buy stock for each Planter and La- 
bourer there to get his Master fifty pounds per 
annum or more, in twelve Trades, and at ten 
pounds Charges only a man." And the work 
was addressed or dedicated by its author, Plan- 
tagenet, " To the Right Honorable and mighty 
Lord Edmund by Divine Providence Lord 
Proprietor, Earl Palatine, Governor and Cap- 
tain-General of the Province of New Albion ; 
and to the Right Honorable, the Lord Vis- 
count Monson, of Castlemain ; the Lord Sher- 
ard. Baron of Leitrim, and to all other, the 
Viscounts, Barons, Baronets, Knights and 
Gentlemen, merchants, adventurers and plant- 
ers of the hopeful Company of New Albion ; 
in all forty- four undertakers and subscribers, 
bound by Indenture to bring and settle three 
thousand able, trained men in our several Plan- 
tations to the said Province." 

The seductive title and high-sounding ad- 
dress of Plantagenet's work explains in a great 
degree the plan and character of the New Al- 
bion project. The chief. Sir Edmund Ployden, 
was called the Lord Palatine, a title and dig- 
nity which was to be hereditary, and in which 
was vested the power of government and the 
creation of barons, baronets and other orders of 
nobility, to whom were to be granted the man- 
ors into which the whole territory of New Al- 
bion was to be laid out. The Palatine gave a 
barony to Beauchamp Plantagenet and several 
others whom he created nobles, and also to 
each member of his own family ; and to his eld- 
est son, heir apparent and Governor, Francis, 
Lord Ployden, Baron of Mount Royal, a very 
large manor on the Elk River; to Thomas, 
Lord Ployden, High Admiral and Baron of 
Roymount, the manor of Roymount, including 
the site of the town of Lewes, Del.; and to the 
Lady Winifred Ployden, Baroness of Uvedale, 
a manor of that name, which was given " from 
its abundance of grapes ; producing the Tou- 
louse, Muscat and others." The residence of 
the Earl Palatine was the great manor of 
" Watcessit," near Salem, N. J. Plantagenet 
was made Baron of Belvill, with the grant of a 
manor of that name, containing ten thousand 
acres of land. An order of knighthood was 
also instituted, to be composed of persons of con- 
dition who would emigrate to the province and 
there assist iu efforts to convert the native sav- 
ages to the Christian religion, and the members 
of this order were to be styled " The Albion 
Knights of the Conversion of the Twenty-three 
Kings," — this being, as was supposed, the 
number of Indian " Kings " who lived and 
ruled within the province. 

The royal patent of this territory to Sir Ed- 
mund Ployden provided that, " in order that 
the said region may outshine all other regions 
of the earth, and be adorned with more ample 
titles, the said region shall be incorporated into 
a Province to be nominated and called New 
Albion or the Province of New Albion; 
to be and remain a free County Palatine, 
in no wise subject to any other," and it con- 
ferred on the Lord Palatini and his associ- 
ates, and their heirs and assigns, the full and ab- 



solute right to and ownership of all the lands 
embraced within the grant, and also the power 
of government over it; the Palatine and his 
heirs and successors being invested with author- 
ity to make and enforce " fit and wholesome 
ordinations as well for keeping the peace as for 
the better government of the people ; provided, 
however, that such ordinations should be con- 
sonant to reason, and not repugnant to the laws, 
statutes and rights of the kingdom of England 
and Ireland, and so that they do not extend to 
the right or interest of any person or persons, 
of, or in free tenements, or the taking, distrain- 
ing, binding or changing any of their goods or 
chattels." Such laws and ordinances were to 
be made " with the counsel, approbation and 
assents of the free tenants of the Province or 
the major part of them," who should be called 
together for that purpose ; but it was also pro- 
vided that in case these could not be assembled 
without a delay that might be detrimental to 
the interests of the province, the Earl Pala- 
tine should exercise the law-making power 
alone, — thus, in effect, making his power abso- 
lute with regard to the local affairs of the 

But Ployden's magnificent enterprise resulted 
in failure. He, with Plantagenet and about a 
dozen others, came to New Albion before 1640, 
and after (or during) an exploration of the whole 
of New Jersey by Ployden and the " Baron of 
Belvill," a place was selected within the " Manor 
of Watcessit," on the Delaware River, at or 
near the mouth of Salem Creek, where a small 
settlement was formed and a block-house built, 
which they called Fort Erewomec. This was 
the only settlement ever made or attempted to 
be made by the Lord Palatine and Knights of 
New Albion, and even in this they were largely 
assisted by a colony of Connecticut men, under 
the leadership of Capt. Nathaniel Turner, who, 
in the year 1640, came from New Haven to the 
Delaware, expecting to find the lands there 
unoccujiled, except by Indians, and intending 
to be under no government ' but that of the 

' " The company, consisting of near fifty [?] families, 
sailed in a vessel belonging to one Lamberton, a mercbant 
of New Haven, and Robert Cogswell was commander. 
They touched at Fort Amsterdam on their voyage, and the 

Connecticut colony. But finding that Ployden 
was there and in possession under a royal 
grant, they swore allegiance to him and made 
their settlement under his authority as Palatine 
and Governor of New Albion. But after a 
time the Dutch Governor, Keift, at New Am- 
sterdam, received information of their having 
located on the Delaware, within the bounds of 
New Netherlands, and thereupon, in the year 
1642, he sent two vessels to the Delaware, with 
a military force, under orders to disperse and 
expel them from the country. In this enter- 
prise the Dutch were assisted by the Swedes on 
the Delaware, who, like the Hollanders, were 
jealous and fearful of English encroachments 
in the valley of that river. The united forces 
made a descent upon the settlement on Varck- 
en's Kill, burned the houses, seized the goods 
of the settlers, took some of the people prisoners 
and forced the rest to leave the country. Ac- 
counts do not clearly state what became of 
Ployden's party of knights, ad-^enturers, etc., 
in this affair, but there is no doubt that they 
(there were not more than fifteen of them at 
most) were dispersed like the others. Nothing 
is found to show that they ever attempted to 
make any other settlement north of the Dela- 
ware. It has been stated that Ployden went to 
Maryland and Virginia, where doubtless he was 

authorities at that place became thus apprised of the nature 
of the object they had in view. Governor Keift was too much 
alive to the movements of the English to allow him to look 
with indifference upon the present attempt, and he at once 
protested against it [unless they would consent to settle 
there ' under the Lords, the States and the noble West 
India Company, and swear allegiance and become subject 
to them, as the other inhabitants of New Netherlands have 
done']. The English commander replied that it was not 
their intention to settle under any government if any other 
place could be found, but that should they settle within the 
limits of the States-General, they would become subject to 
the government. The company then proceeded. They 
finally reached a place which they selected for a settle- 
ment, not far from the Delaware, on a small stream called 
Varcken's Kill [Salem Creek]. Whether these settlers 
were at all aware of the rights and claims of the Earl 
Palatine, of Albion, at the time they entered the province is 
unknown. But finding him in the country as the holder 
of a grant from the English crown, they were ready to 
submit to his rule ; and hence, upon being visited by per- 
sons commissioned by (he Earl, they swore fealty to him as 
the Palatine of AXhian." —Mulford' s " History of AVw 
Jersey, 1848. 



accompanied by some or all of his few followers 
who were dispersed by the Dutch and Swedes 
in 1642. Both he and Plantagenet were, how- 
ever, several years later, engaged in explorations 
in what is now New Jersey. In 1 648 they re- 
turned to England for the purpose of reviving 
the enterprise,^ and making jDreparations to 
send forward another detachment of the " three 
thousand able, trained men" to people and 
plant their American domain; but, either on 
account of the jiolitical troubles which then agi- 
tated England, or from other causes, they were 
entirely unsuccessful. Neither of them ever 
returned to America, and the magnificent enter- 
prise of the Palatinate of New Albion was defi- 
nitely abandoned. 

The Dutch occupation and government of 
New Netherlands remained undisturbed (except 
by the comparatively unimportant events above 
narrated) for more than half a century after the 
visit of Argall, at New Amsterdam, in 1613. 
The director, "superintendent, or Governor who 
was in command at that time was Hendrick 
Corstiaensen, whose successor was Peter Min- 
uit, who came to New Netherlands as Governor, 
with full powers from the States-General, in 
1624, and was succeeded in that office by Wouter 
Van Twiller, in 1633. He, in turn, was suc- 
ceeded by, in 1638, William Keift, who, as has 
already been mentioned, made ^^•ar upon and 
dispersed the English who had seated them- 
selves in the valley of the Delaware River in 
1642. Four years later (1646) the redoubtable 
old Dutch warrior, Peter Stuyvesant, came to 
the Governorship of New Netherlands and held 
it for eighteen yeai-s, and until dispossessed by 
the power of England. 

King Charles the Second, being firmly 
seated on the throne of England after the sub- 
sidence of the storms of the Commonwealth 
and Protectorate, and being resolved to enforce 
the long dormant claims of the English crown 
to the sovereignty of all the North Ameritsan 
continent, made a royal grant and patent 
(dated March 12, 1663-64) to his "dearest l)ro- 

1 It was at this time that Plantagenet's " Description of 
New Albion,'' etc., was published, for the purpose of re- 
awakening the enthusiasm of the original associates and 
bringing in others. 

ther James, Duke of York and Albany," and 
his heirs and assigns, etc., of " All that Part of 
the main Land of New England, beginning at 
a certain Place called or known by the Name 
of St. Croix, next adjoining to New Scotland in 
America ; and from thence extending along the 
Sea Coast unto a certain Place called Petua- 
quine, or Pemaquid, and so up the river there- 
of to the farthest head of the same as it tendeth 
Northward ; and extending from thence to the 
River of Kenebeque, and so upwards by the 
shortest course to the River of Canada North- 
ward. And also, all that Island or Islands, 
commonly called by the several Name or Names 
of Matowacks or Long Island, scituate, lying 
and being towards the West of Cape Codd and 
the Narrow Higansetts, abutting upon the 
Main Land between the two Rivers there, called 
or known by the several Names of Conecticut 
or Hudson's River, together also with the said 
River called Hudson's River, and all the Lands 
from the West side of Conecticut to the East 
side of Delaware Bay. And also, all those 
several Islands called or known by the Names 
of Martin's Vineyard and Nantukes, or other- 
wise Nantuckett." 

The consideration to be paid by the Duke of 
York or his assigns was, "yearly and every 
year. Forty Beaver Skins when they shall be 
demanded, or witliin Ninety Days thereafter." 
And the grant to the duke embraced not only 
the right of property, but "full and absolute 
Power and authority to correct, punish, pardon, 
govern and rule all such the subjects of us, our 
Heirs and Successors, as shall from time to time 
adventure themselves into any the Parts and 
Places aforesaid, or that shall or do at any time 
hereafter inhabit within the same according to 
such Laws, Orders, Ordinances, Directions and 
Instruments as by our said dearest Brother or 
his Assigns be established." 

This grant, as will readily be seen, included 
all of the present State of New Jersey, the 
greater part of Maine, the sea islands of Massa- 
chusetts, a part of Connecticut and all of Long 
Island and Staten Island, together with a part 
or all of the remainder of the State of New 
York. And, in order to put the said 
grantee, the Duke of York (and through 


him the crown of England), in possession 
of the territory included in the patent, — 
covering, as it did, nearly the whole of the 
Dutch New Netherlands, — the King sent out 
four ships, under command of Sir Robert Carre, 
carrying also an adequate military force, and 
Colonel Richard Nicolls, whom the grantee, the 
Duke of York, had designated and commissioned 
as his Governor, the object of the expedition being 
to wrest from the Dutch the territory included 
in the royal patent. The fleet arrived at New 
Amsterdam in August,^ 1664, and demanded 
the surrender of that place and of all New 
Netherlands, which demand was, after a few 
days' parley, acceded to by Governor Stuyve- 
sant, and the surrender was made on the 27th 
(O. S.) of that month. Thus the Dutch power 
over New Netherlands passed away, to be re- 
vived nine years later, and then, after a few 
months' continuance, to be extinguished forever. 

While the fleet under Sir Robert Carre was 
yet at sea, between England and New Amster 
dam, another change of proprietorship of the 
country between the Hudson and Delaware 
Rivers was made by the granting of that terri- 
tory by the Duke of York (June 24, 1664) to 
" John, Lord Berkeley, Baron of Stratton, and 
one of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy 
Council, and Sir George Carteret, of Saltrum, 
in the County of Devon, Knight, and one of 
his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council," ^ 
the territory conveyed being described as follows : 

' Governor Stuyvesant had been apprised several weeks 
before, by Thomas Willit, of the coming of the fleet and its 
object, though war had not then been declared between 
England and Holland. 

^ Berkeley had commanded the English forces against 
the Scotch in 1628. He was one of the King's favorites 
and was appointed a member of the Privy Council, but was 
forced to resign the office because of the discovery of some 
of his grossly corrupt transactions. Then the Duke of 
York took him in patronage, but he was again detected and 

Sir George Carteret had been a distinguished naval ofBcer 
and Governor of the Isle of Jersey, in the English Channel, 
to which King Charles fled to escape capture by the troops 
of the Commonwealth. Carteret defended the place and the 
King with the most determined valor and energy against 
the Parliamentary forces, which service was never forgotten 
by the King, who ever after held Carteret as one of his 
especial favorites. He was created a baronet in 1645, and 

" All that Tract of Laud adjacent to New England, 

and lying and beingto the Westward of Long Island and 
Manhitas Island, and bounded on the East, part by the 
main Sea, and part by Hudson's Eiver, and hath upon 
the West, Delaware Bay or Eiver, and extending 
Southward to the main Ocean as far as Cape May, at 
the Mouth of Delaware Bay ; and to the Northward 
as far as the Northernmost Branch of the said Bay or 
River of Delaware, which is in forty-one Degrees and 
forty Minutes of Latitude, and crosseth over thence in 
a strait Line to Hudson's River in forty-One Degrees 
of Latitude ; which said Tract of Land is hereafter 
to be called by the Name or Names of New Ctesarea 
or New Jersey ... to the only use and behoof of the 
said John Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, 
their Heirs and Assigns, forever ; yielding and render- 
ing therefore unto the said James, Duke of York, his 
Heirs and Assigns, for the said Tract of Land and 
Premises, yearly and every year, the sum of Twenty 
Nobles of lawful Money of England, if the same shall 
be lawfully Demanded, at or in the Inner Temple 
Hall, London, at the Feast of St. Michael the Arch- 
angel, yearly." — Learning and Spicer, pp. 8-11. 

By. this grant to Berkeley and Carteret of 
the territory that now forms the State of New 
Jersey, the Duke of York also conveyed to 
them the right of government over the same 
territory,— a right and power which had been 
given him by the King's letters patent, to 
which especial reference was had in the duke's 
release to the new proprietors The laws by 
which this province was to be governed were 
to be made by a General Assembly of delegates 
from the people,' and to be approved by a Gover- 

various lucrative offices were given him, but, like Berkeley, 
he was proved grossly dishonest, and was expelled from 
the House of Commons for corrupt practices. Both he and 
Berkeley were notorious for their peculation and breaches 
of faith, but they had stood by the King in disaster and ex- 
ile, and when he regained the throne he remembered their 
fidelity and turned a deaf ear to complaints against them. 

' A General Assembly of delegates convened at Elizabeth- 
town on the 26th of May, 1668. The settlement of what is 
now Monmouth County had been commenced by John 
Bowne and others in 1664, and by 1668 a large number of 
settlers had gathered at the ''two towns of Navesink," as 
they were then called, meaning Middletown and Shrews- 
bury. In the first General Assembly of 1668 these settle- 
ments were represented by James Grover and John Bowne. 
At the next session, held in November of the same year, 
the deputies sent by the two towns were Jonathan Holmes, 
Edward Tartt, Thomas Winterton and John Hans (Hance) ; 
"but they refusing to take or subscribe to the Oaths of 
Allegiance and Fidelity but with Provisos, and not submit- 
ting to the Laws and Government, were dismissed." — Learn- 
ing and Spicer J p. S5. 



nor aud Council appointed by themselves. Im- 
mediately after the duke's release to them they 
appointed Philip C*arteret as their Governor 
of New Jersey, " with power," as was express- 
ed in their instructions to him, " to nominate 
and take unto you twelve able men at most, 
and six at least, to be of your Council and Assist- 
ance; or any even number between Six and 
Twelve, unless we have before made choice of 
or shall choose all or any of them." These 
instructions to Governor Carteret, and also his 
commission, were dated February 10, 1664- 
65. He arrived in the province in the summer 
of 1665, published his commission, aud duly 
assumed the government. 

The territory which had been so summarily 
wrested from Governor Stuy vesant by Sir Robert 
Carre and Governor Richard Nicolls, in 1664, 
was retaken by the Dutch in an equally sudden 
and unexpected manner in 1673. War had been 
declared in March, 1672, by Charles the Second, 
of England, and Louis the Fourteenth, of 
France, against the States of Holland, and the 
latter had, in consequence, dispatched a squad- 
ron of vessels to operate against the commerce 
and possessions of their enemies in the West 
Indian seas and along the coast of the conti- 
nent of North America. This Dutch fleet 
having made very extensive captures in the 
West Indies, sailed noi'thward to the Carolinas, 
and thence to Chesapeake Bay and the James 
River, where they also took a large number of 
small prizes ; and having learned from some of 
the passengers on one of these prizas that 
New York was then very weakly defended, 
they sailed there without delay, and finding the 
situation there to be as had been represented 
to them (Governor Lovelace being absent, and 
the fort only garrisoned by a small number of 
men under command of Captain Manning), they 
at once sent a summons to surrender, which was 
acceded to without any attempt at defense by 
the commandant, and the Dutch admirals took 
possession of the fort and town on the 30th of 
July, 1673. 

The circumstances which induced tlie Dutch 
commanders to move so promptly on New 
York, and enabled them to effect so easy a cap- 

ture of the fort and town, are explained in an 
affidavit of " William Hayes, of London, mer- 
chant," before Edwyn Stede, December 2, 
1673.^ This deponent " did declare that he, 
the said Hayes, being a prisoner in Virginia on 
board the Dutch Admiral Euertson, of Zeeland, 
in company with Binkhurst, Admirall of Am- 
sterdam, in company w* fine other friggots & 
a fire ship, who had taken eight Virginia Mer- 
chant Ships and sunk fine after a hott dispute 
& the saide Dutch fleete with their prizes being 
goeing out of James River, mett w"' a Sloope, 
then come from New Yorke, which Sloope they 
took & Examined the Master in what condi- 
cion the said Ne^v Yorke was, as to Itts defence, 
& promised the said Master, by name Samuel 
Dauis [Davis], to giue him his sloope againe & 
all that they had taken from him iff he would 
tell them the true state of that place, who told 
them in y" hearing of this Examinant that 
New Yorke was in a very good condicion, & 
in all respects able to defend itselfe, hauing re- 
ceiued a good supply of armes and ammuni- 
cion from his Royall Highness, the Duke of 
Yorke, w"" aduice of their designe on that 
place, w* made them resolue to steere another 
course & not goe to New Yorke,^ when one 

' New York Colonial Documents, vol. iii. p. 213. 

^ Thia part of the story is told by another, who was pres- 
ent at the taking of the sloop by the Dutch, as follows : 
" Moreouer, this man saith that he stood at the Cabbin 
doore & heard the Generall demand of the M' of the Sloope, 
Samuel Dauis by name, what force they had at New Yorke, 
& tould him if he would deale faithfully w* him he would 
giue him his Sloope and cargo againe ; the said Sloope's 
Master replyed that in the space of three hours the Gover- 
nor Louelace could raise flue thousand men & one hundred 
and fifty piece of Ordinance, mounted fit for seruice 
upon the wall ; upon this the Dutch Generall said, if this 
be true, I will giue you yo"- Sloope & Cargo & neuer see 
them. Then the enquired of one M'' Hopkins, who tpuld 
them he thought there might bee between sixty and eighty 
men in the ffort, and in three or foure days' time it was 
possible they might raise three or foure hundred men, & 
that there was thirty or thirty-six piece of ordinance up- 
pon the wall, that a shot or two would shake them out of 
their carriages ; then all they' cry was for New Yorke, to 
which place they came, and thisCaptine stood ther on the 
Deck and saw them land by the Governor's Orchard ab6ut 
six hundred men . . . uken before me the date above 
said [August 8, IGTS.] 

"Nathan Gould." 
— New York Colonial Documents, vol. iii. p. 200. 



Samuell Hopkins, a passenger in y° said sloope 
& Inhabitant at Arthur Call, in New England, 
& a professor there, did voluntarily declare to 
y" Dutch that what the said Dauis had in- 
formed was alltogether false ; that New Yorke 
was in no condicion to defend itselfe ag' the 
Dutch ; but they had a few canons mounted 
and those that were upon such rotten carriages 
that one discharge would shake them to pieces 
& dismount the canon ; that there were but few 
men in amies in the ffbrt ; that any considerable 
number could not be easely drawn together ; 
that the Governor was absent, being gone to 
Canedicott to visitt Governor Winthrope, all 
w"*" encouraged the Dutch to visitt that place, 
w°^ was presently taken by them ; Where the 
said Hopkins yet continues & had encouraged 
the Dutch to proceede to the takeing of Arthur 
Cull, having discovered to them allso the 
weakness of that place ; And this Examinant 
saith that the said Hopkins had formerly made 
his aboade with Cap' James Cartrett, & fur- 
ther saith not." 

The capture of New York, which the Dutch 
then renamed " New Orange," gave to them, as a 
matter of course, the power of government over 
the settlements in New York and New Jersey, 
of which it had for more than sixty years been 
the capital. At first their government was 
(almost necessarily) a military one, by the com- 
manders of the fleet, who held a council of war 
in the fort (which they called " Fort Willem 
Hendrick ") immediately after its surrender to 
them. They then called a " Council of New 
Netherlands," which convened at the "City 
Hall of the city of New Orange," August 12th, 
1673. Present: Commanders Evertse and 
Benckes, Captains Anthony Colve, Boes and 
Van Tyll, and deputies from Elizabethtown, 
Newark, Woodbridge and Piscataway. There 
were no deputies present from Bergen or the two 
towns of Navesink (Middletown and Shrews- 
bury, which were then the only settlements 
within the territory of the county of Mon- 
mouth). Notices were at once sent to these 
towns to appear by their deputies, the sum- 
mons to the Navesink towns being as follows : 
" The inhabitants of Middletown and Shrews- 
bury are hereby charged and required to send 

their deputys unto us on Tuesday morning next 
for to treat w"" us upon articles of surrender- 
ing their said towns under the obedience of the 
High and Mighty Lords, the States-Generall of 
the united Provinces and his serene Highnesse, 
the Prince of Orange ; or by refusall wee shall 
be necessitated to subdue the said places there- 
unto by force of armes. 

" Dated at New Orange this 12th day of 
August, A°. 1673. 


"Jacob Benckes." 

At a meeting of the Dutch commanders in 
council of war at "Fort Willem Hendrick," 
on the 18th of the same month, upon petition 
of the inhabitants of the villages of Elizabeth- 
town, Newark and Piscataway, the Council 
" ordered thereupon that all the inhabitants of 
those towns shall be granted the same -privi- 
leges and freedom as will be accorded to native- 
born subjects and Dutch towns ; also, th§ pe- 
titioners and their heirs unmolested enjoy and 
possess their lawfully purchased and paid for 
lands, which shall afterwards be confirmed to 
them by the Governor in due form ; in regard 
to the bounds of each town, they shall here- 
after be fixed by the Governor and Council ; 
. . . . Further, the Deputies from the 
Towns of Woodbridge, Schrousbury and Mid- 
dletown, situate at Achter Coll, coming into 
court, the above privileges were, at their verbal 
request, in like manner granted and allowed to 
their towns; but all subject to further orders 
from their High Mightinesses, and his Serene 
Highness of Orange ; " but the Council refused 
to grant to any of the towns " the privileges 
obtained from their previous Patroons." 

On the 23d of August Middletown and 
Shrewsbury, with other towns, sent in their 
nominations for magistrates, or " schepens," to 
the Dutch Council, which, on the following day, 
elected John Hance, Eliakim Wardell and 
Hugh Dyckman for Shrewsbury/ and probably 

1 An order by Governor Colve, dated September 29, 1673, 
sets forth that: "Whereas the late chosen Magistrates off 
Shrousburij are found to be Persons whose religion Will 
Not Suffer them to take anij oath or administer the same 
to others, wherefore they Can Nott be fit Persons for that 
office; I have, therefore, thought fitt to order that bij y» 



with jurisdiction in Middletowu also, as there is 
no record found of the election of any others 
at that time for Middletown. They were sworn 
into office on the. 1st of September following. 
"On the 6th of September, A°. 1673.' 
Captain Kuyf and Captain Snell are this day 
commissioned and authorized by the Hon'ble 
Council of War [Dutch] to repair with the 
clerk, Abraham Varlet, to Elizabets Towne, 
Woddbridge, Shrousbury, Piscattaway, New 
Worke [Newark] and Middletowne, situate at 
Achter Coll, and to administer the Oath of 
allegiance to all the inhabitants of those Towns 
in the form as hereinbefore recorded, to which 
end orders and instructions in due form are 
also given them." 

The officers named (Kuyf and Snell) pro- 
ceeded on their mission, and, returning on the 
13th .of September to Fort Willem Hendrick, 
reported to the Dutch Council that they had 
administered the oath of allegiance in the 
several towns as follows : 

" Elizabethtown, 80 men, 76 of whom have taken 
the oath, the remainder absent. 

" New Worck, 86 men, 75 of whom have taken the 
oath, the remainder absent. 

" Woodbridge, 54 men, all of whom have taken the 
oath except one, who was absent. 

" Piscattaway, 43 men, all of whom have taken the 

"Middletowne, 60 men, 52 of whom have taken 
the oath, the remainder absent. 

" Schrousbury, 68 men, 38 of whom have taken the 
oath ; 18 who are Quakers also promised allegiance, 
and the remainder were absent." 

A number of militia officers elected in the 
several towns were sworn in by Kuyf and Snell, 
among whom were the following-named : For 
Middletown, Jonathan Holmes, captain ; John 
Smith, lieutenant ; and Thomas Whitlock, en- 
sign. For Shrewsbury, William Newman, cap- 
tain ; John Williamson, lieutenant ; and Nicho- 
las Browne, ensign. 

On the 29th of September " Notice is this day 
sent to the magistrates of the toAvn situate at the 

s'' inhabitants off ye s towne, a New Nomination shall be 
made off four Persons off the true Protestant Christian 
religion, out of which I shal Elect two and Continue one 
off y* former for Magestrates off y a^ towne.'' — Archives, 
1st Series, vol. i. p. 134. 
1 New Jersey Archives, .1st Series, i. p. 130. 

Nevesings, near the sea-coast, which they are 
ordered to publish to their inhabitants that they, 
on the first arrival of any ship from sea, shall 
give the Governor the earliest possible informa- 
tion thereof." 

Captain Antony Colve was appointed Gover- 
nor or Director-General over the reconquered 
territory of New Netherlands. It does not ap- 
pear that the people of the Jersey settlements 
(excepting those holding offices by appointment 
under the proprietors, Berkeley and Carteret) 
were at all averse to yielding their allegiance to 
the Dutch government, and this was especially 
the case with the inhabitants of Newark, Eliza- 
beth and the " Navesink towns," by reason of 
property considerations, which will be more fully 
mentioned in another chapter. In the fall of 
1673 a plan of government, intended to be per- 
manent, was devised by Governor Colve, and 
adopted without dissent, and a code of general 
laws was prepared, passed and promulgated 
(November 18th) " By the Schout and Schepens 
of Achter Kol Assembly, held at Elizabethtown 
to make Laws and Orders." These laws were 
mild and generally unobjectionable to the peo- 
ple, but it can hardly be said they ever went 
into actual operation, for within three months 
after their promulgation a treaty of peace was 
concluded (February 9, 1673-74) between Eng- 
land and Holland, by which it was provided 
" that whatever towns or forts have been recip- 
rocally taken since the beginning of the war 
shall be restored to their former possessors," un- 
der which provision the territory of New Neth- 
erlands, including what the Dutch called Ach- 
ter Kol (the settlements in East New Jersey), 
was surrendered by the States of Holland to the 
crown of England, under which it remained for 
more than a century, and until the royal rule 
was closed by the Declaration of Independence. 
The surrender was made November 10, 1674, 
by Governor Colve, to Sir Edmund Andros, 
whom the Duke of York had commissioned as 

The reoccupation of New Netherlands by the 
Dutch in 1673 and 1674 raised the question 
whether the rights of the proprietors under the 
Duke of York's grant might not thereby have 
become extinct, and the territory again the prop- 



erty of the crown by the subsequent surrender. 
To settle this question in the easiest and most 
satisfactory way, King Charles made (June 26, 
1674) a new grant to the Duke of York of the 
same territory which had been granted by his 
letters patent in 1664. Prior to the making 
of this grant the King had issued his proclama- 
tion (June 13, 1674) recognizing Sir George 
Carteret as the sole original proprietor of New 
Jersey,^ and commanding all persons to yield 
obedience to the laws and government which 
had been or might be established by the said 
Sir George Carteret, " he being seized of the 
province and the jurisdiction thereof, and hav- 
ing sole power under us to settle and dispose of 
the said country as he shall think fit." 

The Duke of York, having received the royal 
grant of 1674, seemed inclined to retain the 
territory in his own hands, but the King's pro- 
clamation, above mentioned, left him no choice 
in the matter, and on the 29th of July follow- 
ing he released to Sir George Carteret the 
eastern part of New Csesarea, in accordance 
with an arrangement and boundaries agreed 
on by Sir George and those who had become 
owners of the undivided half originally of Lord 
Berkeley. The part thus released by the duke to 
Sir George was from that time known as East 
New Jersey. The description of it in the 
duke's release is as follows : 

"... All that Tract of Land adjacent to New Eng- 
land, and lying and being to the Westward of Long 
Island and Manhitas Island, and bounded on the East 
part by the main Sea and Part by Hudson's Eiver, and 
extends Southward as far as a certain Creek, called 
Barnegatt, being about the middle between Sandy 
Point and Cape May ; and Bounded on the West in a 
straight Line from the said Creek called Barnegat to 
a Certain Creek in Delaware Eiver, next adjoining to 
and below a certain Creek in Delaware Eiver called 
Eenkokus Kill, and from thence up the said Delaware 
Eiver to the Northernmost Branch thereof, which is in 
forty-one Degrees and forty Minutes of Latitude ; and 
on the North, crosseth over thence in a straight line to 
Hudson's Eiver, in forty-one Degrees of Latitude, 
which said Tract of Land is hereafter to be called by 
the Name or Names of New Csesarea or New Jersey," 
The proprietary Governor, Philip Carteret, 
had returned to England in the summer of 

1 Lord Berkeley having sold out his interest to John Fen- 
wick, March 18, 1673. 

1672, and remained there during all of the 
Dutch occupation of 1673-74. He was com- 
missioned Governor of East Jersey by Sir 
George Carteret, July 31, 1674, only two days 
after the latter received the duke's release. 
Governor Carteret returned in the fall of the 
same year to New Jersey,- where, on the 6th of 
November, he published his commission and in- 
structions as Governor, together with the duke's 
release, and the King's proclamation sustaining 
the proprietary government. 

Sir Edmund Andros arrived at New York 
from England at about the same time, with a 
commission from the Duke of York as Governor 
over all the country " from Connecticut Eiver 
to the Delaware," this bearing date July 1, 
1674, only a week after the King's new grant to 
the duke, and four weeks before the date of the 
releaseof East Jersey by the duke to Sir George 
Carteret. These conflicting claims to the Gover- 
norship of New Jersey eventually resulted in a 
collision between Andros and Philip Carteret, 
of which the immediate cause was the question 
of collection of customs duties in New Jersey on 
goods intended for consumption within the prov- 
ince; Andros insisting on their payment in 
New York, and being sustained in it by his 
master, the Duke of York, who, though friendly 
to Sir George Carteret, was uuwilKng to yield 
anything which could inure to the advantage 
of his New York dominion. 

The sale and transfer by Lord John Berkeley 
of his undivided half of New Jersey, to John 
Fenwick, on the 18th of March, 1673, has al- 
ready been mentioned. Edward Byllinge was 
associated with Fenwick in that purchase, al- 
though his name did not appear in the transac- 
tion. On the 10th of February, 1684, Fenwick 
and Byllinge sold the Berkeley interest to Wil- 
liam Penn, Gawen Lawrie and Nicholas Lucas, 
— Byllinge, however, still claiming an equitable 
interest in it after the transfer ; and on the 1st 
of July, 1676, these parties— viz., Penn, Lawrie, 
Lucas and Byllinge, together with Sir George 
Carteret — entered into an agreement which has 
since been known as the Quintipartite Agreement, 
and joined in a quintipartite deed, which was exe- 
cuted on the date above mentioned, and of 
which the declared object was " to make a Par- 


tition between them of the said Tract of Land," 
that is to say, the province of New Csesarea, 
which, by this instrument and the running of 
the "Province line" named in it, became di- 
vided into East and West New Jersey. 

By this deed Sir George Carteret released all 
his claim to the western part to Penn, Lawrie, 
Lucas and Byllinge, who, in turn, conveyed to 
him all their right in and claim to the eastern 
part, which is described in the quintipartite 
deed as " extending Eastward and Northward 
along the Sea-Coast and the said River called 
Hudson's River, from the East side of a certain 
Place or Harbour lying on the Southern Part 
of the same Tract of Land, and commonly called 
or known in a Map of the said Tract of Land 
by the Name of Little Egg Harbour, to that 
part of the said River called Hudson's River, 
which is in Forty-One Degrees of Latitude, 
being the furthermost Part of the said 
Tract of Land and Premisses, which is bounded 
by the said River ; and crossing over from 
thence in a strait Line, extending from that 
Part of Hudson's River, aforesaid, to the North- 
ernmost Branch or part of the before-mentioned 
River, called Delaware River, and to the most 
Northerly Point or Boundary of the said Tract 
of Land and Premises, so granted by his said 
Royal Highness, James, Duke of York, unto 
the said Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, 
now by the Consent and Agreement of the said 
Parties to these Presents, called, and agreed to 
be called, the North Partition Point ; and from 
thence, that is to say, from the said North Par- 
tition Point, extending Southward by a strait 
and direct Line drawn from the said North 
Partition Southward through the said Tract 
of Land unto the most Southardly Point of the 
East side of Little Egg Harbour, aforesaid ; 
which said most Southardly Point of the East 
side of Little Egg Harbour is now, by the Con- 
sent and Agreement of the said Parties to these 
Presents, called, and agreed to be from hence- 
forth called, the South Partition Point; and 
which said strait and direct Line, drawn from 
the said North Partition Point thro' the said 
Tract of Laud unto the said South Partition 
Point, is now, by the Consent and Agreement 
of the said Parties to these Presents, called. 

and agreed to be called, the Line of Parti- 
tion." 1 

Sir George Carteret died in England on the 
13th of January, 1679-80, and this event re- 
moved the only consideration which checked 
Governor Andros in his determination to seize 
the government of New Jersey under color of 
his commission from the Duke of York. The 
Duke had been more than willing to sustain 
Andros in his schemes to obtain revenue from 
New Jersey by enforcing the paynient of cus- 
toms duties at New York on cargoes intended 
for New Jersey, but the Duke and his Governor 
were compelled, on account of the King's espe- 
cial friendship for Sir George, to desist from 
the execution of this plan during the life of the 
latter. A very significant passage in reference 
to this matter is found in a letter from the 
duke's secretary. Sir John Werden, to Gover- 
nor Andros,' dated August 31, 1676 : " . . . 
I add this much further in relation to Sir 
George Carteret's Colony of New .Jersey ; it is 
that I have acquainted liis Royal Highness 
with what Mr. Dyre (the collector of customs 
and revenues for the duke in New York) wrote 
to me about his little bickerings with Captain 
Carteret for not letting a present pass, &c. And 
though small matters are hardly worth notice, 
especially where Sir George Carteret himself is 
concerned (for whom the duke hath much es- 
teem and regard), I do not find that the duke 
is at all inclined to let go any part of his 
prerogative which you and your predeces- 
sors have all along constantly asserted on his 
behalf; and so, though at present in regard to 
Sir George Carteret we soften things all we may 
not to disturb his choler (for, in truth, the 
passion of his inferior officers so far affects him 
as to put him on demands which he hath no 
color or right to), I verily believe that, should 
his foot chance to slip, those who succeed him 
must be content with less civility than we choose to 
show him, on this point, since that we should ex- 
ercise that just authority His Royal Highness 
hath, without such reserves, as though but intend- 
ed as favors, now may, if confirmed, redound too 

'Learning and Spicer, p. 67. 
'^ Whitehead's " New Jersey." 



much to the prejudice of your colony." But 
the death of Sir George having removed this 
obstacle, the Duke and his Governor thought 
their path clear to the accomplishment of their 
plan for Andros to consolidate New Jersey 
with New York in one government under 

On the 8th of March, 1679-80, Sir Edmund 
Andros addressed an official communication to 
Governor Carteret at Elizabethtown, sending 
copies of the royal letters patent and his com- 
mission from the Duke of York, and com- 
manding him (Carteret) to cease all attempts to 
exercise governmental power and jurisdiction 
in New Jersey, and added : " I do acquaint 
you that, it being necessary for the King's Ser- 
vice and Welfare of his Majesty's Subjects living 
or trading in these Parts, that Beacons for Land, 
or Sea-Marks for Shipping, Sailing in and out, 
and a Fortification be erected at Sandy Point, 
I have resolved it accordingly, but having due 
regard to all Rights or Properties of Land or 
Soil, shall be ready to pay or give just Satisfac- 
tion to ISIr. Richard Hartshorn, or any assigned 
to or interested in said Sandy Point or Place, 
and not Doubting your observance of the above, 
remain," etc. On the 13th of the same month 
Andros issued a proclamation warning all 
officers under Carteret to desist from the attempt 
to exercise their functions in East Jersey, and 
promising oblivion for all past offenses. 

Governor Carteret, in a letter dated March 
20th, in re])ly to Andros' communication of the 
8th, gave the latter his firm assurance that he 
should continue to exercise his proper authoritj' 
as Governor of East New Jersey, and that he 
should by force, if necessary, oppose the erection of 
a fort at Sandy Hook, but entreating Andros at 
the same time to abstain from any act of hos- 
tility and to leave him undisturbed in the right- 
ful duties of his office. 

Andros had issued a proclamation to convene 
the East Jersey Assembly on the 7th of April 
at Elizabethtown. Carteret issued a counter 
proclamation directing the deputies not to as- 
semble. At the same time he addressed a com- 
munication to Andros at New York, warning him 
to send no more of his emissaries to New Jersey, 
on penalty of having them arrested, tried and 

condemned as spies and disturbers of the public 
peace, and adding : " It was by his Majesty's 
command that this Government was established, 
and without the same command shall never be 
resigned but with our Lives and Fortunes, the 
people resolving to live and dye with the Name 
of true Subjects and not Traytors." Andros, 
however, was determined to convene the As- 
sembly, if possible, at the stated time, and on the 
6th of April he left New York with a large retinue 
and proceeded to Elizabethtown, where, on the 
7th, he read his commission to a large concourse 
of people who were gathered there; but as 
Governor Carteret was there with one hundred 
and fifty armed men to prevent the meeting by 
force, if necessary, Andros was obliged to con- 
tent himself for that time mth the publication 
of his commission, and he went back to New 
York without having accomplished his object. 

On the 30th of April a party of soldiers 
went from New York to Elizabethtown with 
orders from Andros to take Governor Car- 
teret dead or alive and bring him to New York. 
These orders they executed in the night-time, 
and took Carteret to New York, where he was 
kept in prison five weeks. Concerning this 
outrage, Governor Carteret, in a letter addressed 
to Mr. Coustrier on the 9th of July following, 
said of Andros that " the Rancor and Malice 
of his Heart was such that on the 30th day of 
April last he sent a Party of Soldiers to fetch 
me away Dead or alive, so that in the Dead 
Time of the Night broke open my Doors and 
most barbarously and inhumanly and violently 
hailed me out of my Bed, that I have not Words 
enough sufficiently to express the Cruelty of it ; 
and indeed I am so disabled by the Bruises and 
Hurts I then received that I fear I shall hardly 
be a perfect Man again." 

At New York, Carteret was brought before 
the Assizes for trial on the charge that he, " with 
Force and Arms, riotously and routously, with 
Captain John Berry, Captain William Sandford 
and several other persons, hath presumed to ex- 
ercise Jurisdiction, etc., though forewarned not 
to do so." The trial, which was held on the 
27th and 28th of May resulted in his acquittal, 
but he was compelled to give his parole and se- 
curity to desist from further attempts to exer- 



cise jurisdiction in New Jersey until able to pro- 
duce proper warrant for so doing. 

Andros issued a second proclamation calling 
the Assembly of East Jersey to convene at 
Elizabethtown on the 2d of June, 1680. His 
journey from New York to that place, on the 
1st of June, is thus narrated by his secretary, 
who was one of the party : " The Governour with 
the Councill and several of the gents of the 
Towne to attend him, came from New York 
about noone in his Sloope, to come to N. Jersey 
to the Assembly of Deputys to be held the next 
day at Elizabeth Towne. My Lady Andros 
came in company, attended with 9 or 10 gentle- 
women, my wife for one. Coming by C. 
Palmer's, my lady and Comp'y landed at C. 
Palmer's and stayed there all night. My 
Lady &c. came in the morning to Eliz- 
Towne." ^ 

The Assembly met on the 2d. The deputies 
from the Navesink towns were John Bowne 
(Speaker) and Jonathan Holmes for Middle- 
town, and Judeth (?) Allen and John Hance for 
Shrewsbury. Andros addressed the deputies, 
assuming the powers of Governor, and asking 
them to remodel the laws of East New Jersey 
to correspond with those which had been enacted 
for New York. The Assembly responded by 
enacting (June 3d), " That all former Laws and 
acts of Assembly that was made and confirmed 
by the General Assembly sitting at Elizabeth- 
town, in the province of New Jersey, in No- 
vember last, be confirmed for this present year." 
Andros and his party returned 'to New York 
on Saturday, June 5th, came back to Elizabetli- 
town on Thursday, the 10th, and Andros, hav- 
ing failed to mould the Assembly to his wishes, 
dissolved that body on the 12th. 

It is unnecessary to enter further into the de- 
tails of this conilict between Andros and the 
proprietary government. The matter was sent 
to England for decision by the Crown, and it 
was favorable to the Carteret interest. The 
Duke could not, of course, oppose the wishes of 
the King, and, therefore, with apparent willing- 
ness, he (in September, 1680) executed a re- 
lease of East New Jersey, with all his rights of 

1 N. Y. Col. MSS., vol. xxix. p. 105. 

properly and of government in it, to Sir George 
Carteret, the grandson and heir of Sir George, 
the original proprietor. The fact of the execu- 
tion of this release, and of the Duke's disavowal 
and disapproval of the proceedings of An- 
dros in New Jersey, was officially communicated 
to him at New York, and on the 2d of March, 
1680-81, Philip Carteret made proclamation at 
Elizabethtown of his resumption of the duties 
and functions of Governor of East New Jersey. 
Andros was called to England, and on his de- 
parture left Anthony Brockholst (president of 
the Council) in charge of affairs at New York. 
He, on the 26th of July, 1681, addressed a com- 
munication to Governor Carteret, in which he 
ignored the right of the latter to exercise author- 
ity in New Jersey, and required him to desist 
from doing so until he should exhibit proper 
warrant, according to his parole, and the orders 
of the court in New York. To this, Carteret 
replied that his power and authority to act as 
Governor were sufficient, and that there was no 
more reason why he should account to the New 
York authorities than they to him. This closed 
the controversy, and Carteret held the Gover- 
norship of East Jersey until his death, in 
1682, during which year an entire change was 
made in the proprietorship of New Jersey, of 
which the following account is found in Leam- 
ing and Spicer's " Grants and Concessions," 
page 73. 

"December 5, 1678, Sir George Carteret made 
his Will, and Devised to Edward, Earl of Sand- 
wich, John, Earl of Bath, Bernard Greenville, 
Sir Thomas Crew, Sir Eobert Atkins and Ed- 
ward Atkins, Esqrs., and their Heirs, among 
other Lands, all his Plantation of New Jersey, 
upon Trust and Confidence that they, and the 
Survivers and Surviver of them, and the Heirs 
and Executors of the Surviver of them, should 
make Sale of all the said Premises, and out of 
the Moneys that should upon such Sale arise 
pay and discharge Debts, &c., as therein men- 

"February First and Second, 1682, in the 
Thirty-fourth of King Charles Second, in 
pursuance of the Trust aforesaid. Dame Eliza- 
beth Carteret, John, Earl of Bath, Thomas 
Lord Crew, Bernard Greenville, Sir Robert At- 



kins, Thomas Pocock, and Thomas Cremer, ^ by 
Lease and Eelease, conveyed the Eastern Divi- 
sion of New Jersey aforesaid, in fee Simple, to 
William Penn, Eobert West, Thomas Rudyard, 
Samuel Groom, Thomas Hart, Richard Mew, 
Thomas Wilcox, Ambrose Rigg, John Hey wood, 
Hugh Hartshorne, Clement Plumstead and 
Thomas Cooper; the Bounds being according 
to the Quintipartite Deed. The Twelve Pro- 
prietors agreed that there should be no benefit 
of Survivorship. 

"At Sundry Times in the Year 1682, in the 
Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth of King Charles 
Second. The above Twelve Persons conveyed 
to Twelve others, viz. : Robert Barclay, Edward 
Billinge, Robert Turner, James Brain, Arent 
Sonmans, William Gibson, Gawen Lowry, David 
Barclay, Thomas Barker, Thomas Yarne 
[Warne], James, Earl of Perth, Robert Gordon 
and John Drummond," ^ one undivided half of 
all their interests in the eastern division of the 
province of New Jersey. 

On the 14th of March, 1682-83, the Duke of 
York executed a deed confirming to these twen- 
ty-four proprietors ^ their above-mentioned pur- 
chase, and on the 23rd of November following 
King Charles, by his royal letter to the Gover- 
nor and Council of the proprietors, * recognized 
and confirmed to them their right to the soil and 
government of East New Jersey. 

The proprietors appointed one of their num- 
ber, Robert Barclay, Governor'; Thomas Rud- 
yard, Deputy Governor, secretary and treasurer ; 
and Samuel Groome, receiver and surveyor- 
general. The appointments of the last two were 

'■ " In the Recital of the Release it appears that the Grant- 
ors ahove had conveyed the Premises, among other things, 
to said Cremer and Pocock, which is the reason of their 
joining in the Sale. And Edward, Earl of Sandwich, Re- 
leased all his Estate in the Premises to the other Trustees, 
before they Sold to the Twelve Proprietors." — Learning and 

' Thirteen names are here given instead of twelve. One 
of them — that of David Barclay — properly belongs with 
the original twelve, he having become purchaser of the 
share of Thomas Wilcox. 

3 Leaming and Spicer, p. 141-150. 

*Leaming and Spicer, p. 151-152. 

5 He was appointed Governor for life, though it was not 
expected that he would reside in America, but rule New 
Jersey through a Deputy Governor. 

dated September 16, 1682, and they both arrived 
in the province on the 13th of November of the 
same year. Rudyard appointed as his Council, 
Lewis Morris (of what soon afterwards became 
the county of Monmouth), John Berry, John 
Palmer, William Sandford, Lawrence Andros 
and Benjamin Price. The first Assembly un- 
der the government of these proprietors convened 
at Elizabethtown on the 1st of March, 1682-83. 
At this session a number of important laws were 
enacted, among which were those for the reor- 
ganizing of the judicial department of the gov- 
ernment, the establishment of courts and the 
erection of the original counties of East New 
Jersey, — Bergen, Essex, Middlesex, and Mon- 
mouth, — the latter of which will be mentioned 
more fully in a succeeding chapter. 

Rudyard failed to give satisfaction to the 
proprietors in his administration, and was suc- 
ceeded as Deputy Governor by Gawen Lawrie, a 
Quaker (also one of the twenty-four proprietors), 
whose commission bore date July 27, 1683. 
He arrived in the province February in the fol- 
lowing year, and assumed the ofiice of Governor 
on the 28th of that month. He brought with 
him a new code of laws which had been drafted 
by the proprietors in England, and called " The 
Fundamental Concessions," differing materially 
in some respects from the original " Concessions " 
of Berkeley and Carteret, and designed to change 
the form of government of the province in many 
important particulars; and this new plan or 
constitution the Deputy Governor was directed 
by the proprietors to take especial care to have 
immediately placed before the people and fully 
explained to them, and " as soon as possible he 
can order it passed in an Assembly, and settle 
the country accordingly." But Deputy Gover- 
nor Lawrie did not push these matters as it was 
expected he would have done. The first session 
of Assembly in his administration met at Perth 
Amboy on the 6th of April, 1686, but neither 
at this nor at an adjourned session held in the 
the following October were the " Fundamental 
Concessions" fully agreed to and adopted. By 
this delay, and by his failure to enforce payment 
of the heavy arrears of quit-rents, as also by some 
irregularities in the taking up of lands, and his 
disregard of his instructions to change his place 



of residence from. Elizabethtown to Perth Am- 
boy, Lawrie incurred the displeasure of the pro- 
prietors and of Governor Barclay, who, accord- 
ingly, on the 4th of June, 1686, appointed Lord 
Neill Campbell (a Scotch nobleman and brother 
of the Duke of Argyle) to supersede Lawrie as 
Deputy Governor. His appointment was for 
the term of two years, but he held the office 
only a few months, and (being compelled " by 
the urgent necessity of some weighty affairs " — 
as he said — to return to Scotland) surrendered 
it on the 10th of December next following his 
appointment, leaving as his substitute a recently- 
arrived Scotchman, Colonel Andrew Hamilton, 
who afterwards received a commission as Deputy 
Governor, which was published at Perth Amboy 
in March, 1687. 

In the instructions given to Gawen Lawrie 
with his commission as Deputy Governor, in 
1683, he was charged by the proprietors of 
East New Jersey to "make all needful prepa- 
ration towards drawing the line of division be- 
tween us and West Jersey, that it may be done 
as soon as possible it can." ^ Pursuant to these 
instructions, "a council relative to the line be- 
tween East and West Jersey " was held at New 
York on the 30th of June, 1686, composed of 
Governor Dongan, of New York, and Governors 
Lawrie and Skene, respectively of East and 
West New Jersey; and by this council it was 
agreed that George Keith,^ Andrew Robinson 
and Philip Wells, the surveyors-general of the 
three provinces, should meet at the Falls of the 
Delaware (Trenton) on the 1st of September 
following, and proceed to establish the northern 
point of the proposed partition line on the Del- 
aware River. No decisive action resulted from 
this arrangement, and on the 8th of January, 
1686-87, the Governors of East and West Jer- 
sey, with the resident proprietors, metat Mill- 
stone River, and agreed to refer the matter of 
the establishment of the line to John Reid and 
William Emley, of the east and west divisions 
respectively, and mutually entered into bonds 
in the sum of £5,000 to abide by their decision, 

1 Learning and Spicer, p. 173. 

" Surveyor-general of East New Jersey, commissioned 
August 8, 1684. 

which they duly reported as follows : " Whereas 
the Governours of East and West Jersey has 
wholly referred y' division lyne of j" two prov- 
inces to us (as by their bonds doth appear), that 
is to say, given us full power to runn j" Same 
as wee think fitt. Therefore wee do hereby 
declare that jt shall runn from y° north side of 
y° mouth or Inlett of y' beach of little Egg 
Harbour, on a streight lyne to Delaware River, 
north-northwest, and fifty minutes more west- 
erly, according to naturall position, and not ac- 
cording to y' magnet, whose variation is nine 
degrees Westward." 

Notwithstanding the agreement which had 
been entered into, this decision of Reid and 
Emley appears to have been unsatisfactory to 
the west division, and on the 14th of April fol- 
lowing the East Jersey proprietors empowered 
John Campbell and Miles Forster to confer 
with the Governor of West Jersey on the sub- 
ject, and finally an agreement was made, under 
which Surveyor-General Keith ran a part of 
the line in the summer and fall of 1687, as fol- 
lows : 

"Beginning at the most southerly part of a 
certain beach or island lying next to and ad- 
joining the main sea, to the northward of a 
certain Bay, Inlet or Harbour, lying on the sea- 
coast of this Province, and commonly called or 
known by the name of Little Egg Harbour ; 
and running thence, according to natural posi- 
tion, on a north-northwest, fifty minutes more 
westerly course, to the southwesterly corner of 
a certain tract of land lying to the westward of 
the South Branch of Raritan River, heretofore 
granted by the proprietors of the eastern divi- 
sion of this Province to John Dobie, and com- 
monly called or known by the name of Dobie's 

The line run by Keith, as above described, 
was exactly in accordance with the decision of 
Reid and Emley ; but it was stopped at about 
three-fifths of the distance from the southern to 
the northern point, on account of the dissatis- 
faction of the West Jersey proprietors, by whom 
it was never accepted as the boundary of their 
possessions, though in the following year (1688) 
Governors Barclay and Coxe, of the east and 
west divisions respectively, signed an agreement 



that it should remain as such, and fixed tlie 
method of continuing it northward to the Del 
aware. In this condition the matter remained 
for many years. In 1719 the General Assem- 
bly passed an act declaring the location of the 
line. Finally, in 1743, it was run and deter- 
mined in its entire length, starting from the 
same southern point, but running thence, in 
a course considerably farther eastward than 
Keith's line of 1687, and so continuing to the 
northern point on the waters of the Delaware. 
Keith's line, however, remained undisturbed as 
marking the western boundaries of the counties 
of Somerset and Monmouth. 

Immediately after the accession of the Duke 
of York to the throne of England as James the 
Second it became evident that he was deter- 
mined to take from the proprietors the govern- 
ment of New Jersey and join it with New York 
in the hands of one and the same royal Gov- 
ernor. The proprietors remonstrated and pe- 
titioned the throne to defend them in the rights 
which they had received from the King himself, 
while he was the Duke of York, but to no 
effect, and finally, in despair, they consented to 
surrender the government of New Jersey, if 
thereby they could be assured of protection to 
their rights of property in the province. This 
the King consented to and promised, and the 
surrender of both divisions of New Jersey was 
made on that condition by the proprietors in 
April, 1688. 

Sir Edmund Andros was at that time Governor 
of the New England colonies, and to him the 
King issued a commission as Governor of New 
York, and of East and "West New Jersey also, all 
to be joined with New England in one govern- 
ment under him. On the receipt of this com- 
mission, in August, 1688, he immediately pro- 
ceeded to New York and New Jersey, and 
assumed the Governorship.^ He soon after re- 

1 In a letter to the Lords of Trade, dated New York, Oct. 
4, 1688, Andros said: "1 arrived here the eleventh of 
August past. When his Majestie's Letters Patents being 
published, received this place, as also East Jersey the fif- 
teenth and West Jersey the eighteenth following, where by 
proclamac'on continued the revenue and all oificers in 
place till further order, and have since settled all Officers, 
■Civil and Military." — New Jersey Col. Doc, \st series, vol. 
a., p. 37. 

turned to New England, leaving Andrew Ham- 
ilton still at the head of the government of 
East New Jersey as Deputy Governor. But 
the plans of the King and his Governor, Andros, 
were suddenly cut short by the landing of the 
Prince of Orange in England, the dethronement 
and exile of King James, and the accession of 
William and Mary to the throne. 

The surrender by the proprietors to King 
James had never been consummated. It was 
made on the condition that they should receive 
from the King, under his royal seal, an assu- 
rance that they should continue in possession of 
the right to the soil, surrendering only the gov- 
ernment of their respective provinces. This 
assurance had never been given by the King, 
and the confirmation of the surrender was de- 
layed until his dethronement made it impossi- 
ble, and thus gave back to the proprietors the 
right of government, in which they were sus- 
tained by the new King. 

In this condition of affairs Colonel Andrew 
Hamilton (who had never resigned his office of 
Proprietary Deputy Governor) left for England 
to consult with the -proprietors there. His 
departure from the province was iji the month 
of August, 1689. On the voyage he was taken 
prisoner by the captain of a French vessel, but 
after a short detention was allowed to proceed 
to England, where he resigned his office of 
Deputy Governor. For some causes which do 
not clearly appear he remained in England for 
nearly three years, during which time Governor 
Robert Barclay died (October 3, 1690) and the 
government of East New Jersey became almost 
entirely inoperative under the nominal admin- 
istration of John Tatham and, after him, of 
Colonel Joseph Dudley, both of whom had 
received the appointment of Governor from the 
proprietaries, and both of whom were virtually 
rejected by the people of the province. 

On the 25th of March, 1692, Colonel Hamil- 
ton (who was then still in England) received 
the appointment and commission of Governor 
of East New Jersey, and in the following Sep- 
tember arrived in the province, where he at once 
entered upon the duties of his office. He was 
well received by the people, and, though he 
afterwards became obnoxious to many, he had 



the confidence of the proprietors, and remained 
at the head of affairs in the province until 1698, 
when he Avas " displaced by the proprietors 
through a misapprehension of the operation of 
an act of Parliament." ' The act referred to, 
which was passed in 1697, declared that no 
other than a natural-born subject of England 
should be allowed to serve in any public office 
or place of profit and trust. 

Governor Hamilton returned to England and 
was succeeded by Jeremiah Basse, previously an 
Anabaptist preacher, whose commission as Gov- 
ernor M'as dated July 15, 1697, and published 
in the province April 7, 1698. His adminis- 
tration awakened an opposition which resulted 
in anarchy, and in May, 1 699, he departed for 
England, leaving as his deputy, Captain Andrew 
Bowne, of Monmouth County, who was sworn 
into that office on the 15th of May. 

In the mean time the case of Colonel Hamil- 
ton's supposed ineligibility on account of his 
nativity had been submitted to Attorney-Gen- 
eral Trevor, who had delivered his opinion, — 
" That a Scotchman borne is by Law capable 
of being appointed Governour of any of the 
Plantac'ous, he being a Natural-born Subject 
of England in Judg'm' and Construcc'on of 
Law as much as if he had been born in Eng 
land." This gave the proprietors the right to 
reappoint Hamilton as Governor, and they did 
so, soon after the arrival of Governor Basse in 
England. Hamilton returned to New Jersey, 
where he found affairs in a deplorable state, a large 
part of the people being in almost open revolt. 
Many bitterly opposed his claims to the Gov- 
ernorship, saying that his disability on account 
of his Scotch nativity had never been removed, 
and that he was now sent to govern the province 
in direct defiance to the act of Parliament. He 
was also accused of favoring Scotchmen and 
filling the minor offices of the province with 
them,^ to the exclusion of Englishmen and 

1 We have been," said the proprietors, " obliged against 
our inclinations to dismiss Colonel Andrew Hamilton from 
the Government because of a late Act of Parliament disa- 
bling all Scotchmen to serve in places of Public Trust or 

2 In a memorial of Edward Randolph, setting forth the 
condition of East and West Jersey, he says : " Mr. Andrew 
Hamilton, a Scotchman, is the Gov', of those provinces. 

others, and they demanded the restoration of 
Basse, whom they professed to still regard as 
their rightful Governor. On the other hand, 
the adherents of Hamilton alleged that Basse 
had never been in reality a Governor of the 
province ; that his commission was only signed 
bv ten (instead of the requisite number of six- 
teen) of the proprietors, and that it had never 
been confirmed by the King, as had been pro- 
claimed on his assumption of the office ; also, 
that he was in league with the malcontents and 
enemies of the proprietary government, who 
sought its overthrow.^ It was in the midst of 
such a state of confusion and anarchy that 
Governor Hamilton resumed the Governorship. 
Among the chief of his opponents was Captain 
Andrew Bowne, who had been appointed Deputy 
Governor by Basse on his departure for Eng- 
land in 1699. On the 7th of June, 1701, Bowne 
received a commission, dated March 25th, as 
Governor of East New Jersey, but as it proved 
lo have been signed by only six of the proprie- 
tors, it was disregarded by Hamilton, who then 
continued at the head of the government (if 
government it could be termed) during the 
brief period that elapsed before the expiration 
of the proprietary rule in New Jersey and its 
erection into a royal province under the crown 
of England. 

The proprietary government of the provinces 
of New Jersey had proved weak and inefficient ; 
unsatisfactory to the people, and a source of con- 
stant annoyance to and disagreement among the 
proprietors themselves, for they had not only 
failed in the matter of government, but also in 
securing the object which was much nearer their 
hearts, — pecuniary profit. Their surrender 
(never completed) to King Jaincs in 1688 had 

Appointed by the Proprietors to Leas out their Lands & re- 
ceive their Quit-Rents. He is a great favourer of the 
Scotch traders, his countrymen.'' 

'Governor Basse, in a letter to Secretary Popple, dated 
June 9, 1699, complained, — " that I am too much discor- 
aged & Chequed in my zeale for the Comon good & his 
Majesty's servis, in that I have nothinge beyond a Proprie- 
tary Commission to support me & even then persons seem- 
inge to desert me for no other reason alleged that ear I 
could yet hear of, then [than] those that are but so many 
instances of my faithfullness to the interest of the crowne 
viz'.,— jMy discountenanceinge the Scotch and Pirates in their 
illegal! trades^" 



been forced on them by that monarch's faith- 
lessness and duplicity ; but now, after a further 
trial of thirteen years, resulting the same as 
before, they had became so entirely discouraged 
that, if they could be allowed to retain their 
right of property in the soil, they were willing 
to surrender that power of government which 
they had never been able to wield successfully. 
In an official " Representation," by the Board 
of Trade and Plantations, to the Lords Justices 
of England, dated Whitehall, October 2, 1701, 
they say : ^ 

" We do not find that any sufficient form of 
Government has ever been settled in those Prov- 
inces, either by the Duke of ,York or by those 
claiming under him ; but that many incon- 
veniences and disorders having arisen from their 
Pretence of right to govern, the Proprietors of 
East New Jersey did surrender their said pre- 
tended right to the late King James in the 
month of April, 1688, which was accordingly 
accepted by him. That since his Majesty's ^ 
Accession to the Crown the Proprietors both of 
' East and West New Jersey have continued to 
challenge the same right as before, and did, in 
the year 1697, apply themselves to us in order 
to their obtaining his Majesty's Approbation of 
the Person ^ whom they desired to have consti- 
tuted Governor of the said Provinces, but at the 
same time refused to enter into Security to his 
Majesty, pursuant to the Address of the Right 
Honourable the House of Lords, of the 8th of 
March, 1696, that the Person so presented by 
them, the said Proprietors, should duly observe 
and put in execution the Acts of Trade ; yet 
nevertheless proceeded from Time to Time to 
commissionate whom they thought fit to be 
Governors of those Provinces without his 
Majesty's Approbation acording to what is 
required by the late Act for preventing Frauds 
and regulating Abuses in the Plantation Trade. 
" That in this manner, having formerly com- 
missionated Colonel Andrew Hamilton, after- 
wards Mr. Jeremiah Bass, then again superseding 
their Commission to Mr. Bass, and renewing or 

' Learning and Spicer, 604—607. 

2 Meaning the Prince of Orange, King James' successor. 

3 GoTernor Jeremiah Basse. 

confirming that to Colonel Hamilton, and ever 
since tliat also some of them having sent another 
Commission to one Captain Andrew Bown, the 
Inhabitants, sensible of the defects and unsuffi- 
ciency of all those Commissions for want of his 
Majesty's Authority, have upon several occasions 
some of them opposed one of those Governors, 
some another, according as Interest, Friendship 
or Faction have inclined them. 

" That the Inhabitants of East New Jersey, 
in a Petition to his Majesty the last year, Com- 
plained of several Grievances they lay under by 
the neglect or mismanagement of the Pro- 
prietors of that Province or their Agent; or 
particularly that from the latter end of June, 
1689, till about the latter end of August, 1692, 
(which was a Time of actual War), they had not 
taken any manner of care about the Govern- 
ment thereof, so that, there having been neither 
Magistrates established to put the Laws in 
execution, nor Military Officers to command or 
give Directions in order to the Defence of the 
Province, they were exposed to any Insults that 
might have been made upon them by an Enemy ; 
unto which they also added that during the 
whole time the Said Proprietors have govern'd 
or pretended to govern that Province they have 
never taken care to preserve or defend the same 
from the Indians or other Enemies by sending 
or providing any Arms, Ammunition or Stores, 
as they ought to have done; and the Said In- 
habitants thereupon humbly prayed his Majesty 
would be pleased to Commissionate some fit 
Person qualified according to Law to be Gover- 
nor over them. 

" That it has been represented to us by several 
Letters, Memorials and other Papers, as well 
from the Inhabitants as Proprietors of both 
those Provinces, that they are at present in Con- 
fusion and Anarchy, and that it is much to be 
apprehended least by the heats of the Parties that 
are amongst them, they should fall into such 
Violences as may endanger the lives of many 
Persons, and destroy the Colony. . . . 

" That the Proprietors of East New Jersey 
residing there have signed and sent over hither, 
to a Gentleman whom they have constituted 
their Agent and Attorney in that behalf, an 
absolute and unconditional surrender of their 



Eight to the Government of that l^rovince, so 
far as the Same is in them, and so far as tliey 
are capable of doing it for others concerned 
with them in that Propriety. 

" That in relation to the aforesaid Articles, 
we have been attended by several of the Pro- 
prietors here, who have further personally de- 
clared to us that their Intention in proposing 
the same is only to secure their Right in such 
Things as are matter of property ; and that they 
unanimously desire to surrender the Govern- 
ment to the King, and submit the Circumstances 
thereof to his Majesty's Pleasure. But in re- 
lation to the fore-mentioned Petition that Colonel 
Hamilton may at present receive his Majesty's 
Approbation to be Governor of these Provinces, 
the said Proprietors are so divided amongst 
themselves, that whereas some seem to insist 
upon his Approbation as one principal Condi- 
tion of their surrender, others in the same man- 
ner insist upon his exclusion." 

Upon which the board declared their opinion 
that none of .the proprietors claiming under 
the Duke of York's release had ever held a 
legal right to the government of the provinces 
of East and West New Jersey, and " that it is 
very expedient for the preservation of those 
Territories to the Crown of England, and for 
securing the private Intei-est of all Persons con- 
cerned, that his Majesty would be pleased to 
constitute a Governor over those Provinces by 
his immediate Commission." ^ 

This " Representation" by the Lords of Trade 
hastened the action of the proprietors, who, on 
the 15th of April, 1702, fornmlly surrendered 
to Queen Anne (who had, in the mean time, suc- 
ceeded to the throne of England, on the death 
of King William, in March, 1701-2) all their 
right of government over the provinces of East 
and West New Jersey. The surrender was 
duly accepted (April 17, 1702) by the Queen, 
who, on the 5tli of the following December, 
commissioned her cousin, Edward Hyde, Lord 
Cornbury, " to be our Captain General and 
Governor in Chief in and over the aforesaid 
County of Nova Cassarea or New Jersey, viz, — 
the Division of East and West New Jersey in 

' Learning and Spicei", p. 608. 

America, which we have thought fit to reunite 
in one Province, and^ settle under one entire 

Lord Cornbury, who had previously received 
the appointment and commission of Governor of 
New York, arrived there from England on the 
3d of May, 1702. His commission as Gov- 
ernor of New Jersey, signed by the Queen in 
the follo\ving December, as before mentioned, 
reached him at New York on the 29th of July, 
1703, and on the 10th of August following he 
went to New Jersey and assumed the govern- 
ment. His Council had previously been ap- 
pointed by the Queen, consisting of the follow- 
ing-named persons, viz. : Edward Hunloke, 
Lewis Morris, Andrew Bowne, Samuel Jen- 
nings, Thomas Revell, Francis Davenport, 
William Pinhorne, Samuel Leonard, George 
Deacon, Samuel Walker, Daniel Leeds, Wil- 
liam Sandford and Robert Quary. The Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of New Jersey was Colonel 
Richard Ingoldsby, commissioned by the Queen, 
November 26, 1702.2 

The first General Assembly under the royal 
Governor convened at Perth Amboy, November 
10, 1703, nearly all the members being present. 
Those for the eastern division of the province 
were Obadiah Bowne, Jedediah Allen, Michael 
Howden, Peter Van Este, John Reid, John 
Harrison, Cornelius Tunison, Ricliard Harts- 
horne and Colonel Richard Townly. Of these, 
Messrs. Bowne, Reid and Hartshorne were of 
Monmouth County. At this session the Assem- 
bly appeared to be very humble and subservient 
to the will of the Governor. He, in his opening 
address, recommended the passage of certain meas- 
ures, which the Assembly passed with but little de- 
lay ; but all these bills, on presentation to the Gov- 
ernor, were disapproved by him, excepting one 
prohibiting the purchase of lands from Indians 
by any others than the proprietors ; and on 
the 13th of December he prorogued the house. 
The next session was held at Burlington, be- 
ginning on the 7th of September, 1704. The 
members for the eastern division were John 
Bowne, Richard Hartshorne, Richard Salter, 
Obadiah Bowne, Anthony Woodward, Jolui 

2 Commission revoked by the Queen, October 20, 1709. 



Tuuison, John Lawrence, Jasper Crane, Peter 
Van Este, Thomas Gordon, John Barclay and 
John Royce, the first-named four being from 
Monmouth County. One of the measures 
which the Governor pressed upon this Assembly 
was the raising of a militia force, on account 
of recent depredations upon the people about 
the Navesinks by the crew of a French priva- 
teer; and another was the raising of a large 
sum of money for support of the government, 
viz. : £2000 per year for twenty years. The 
Assembly, being unwilling to meet his views 
on these (particularly) and other measures rec- 
ommended, he promptly dissolved them on 
the 28th, after a session of three weeks, and 
issued writs for the election of a new Assem- 
bly. _ , 

From this time the remaining four years of 
Cornbury's administration in New Jersey was 
a period of continual discord and of quarrel be- 
tween him and the Assembly. Two of the 
leading members of his Council had been sus- 
pended by him on account of their antagonism 
to his views and measures. These were Lewis 
Morris and Samuel Jennings, between whom, 
especially Morris, and the Governor there arose 
feelings of the most intense animosity and 
hatred. His opinion of these two men is 
very plainly expressed in an address of the Lieu- 
tenant-Governor and Council of Nova Csesarea, 
or New Jersey, to the Queen in 1707, a document 
emanating, in fact, from the Governor, though 
not signed by him. The " Address," in refer- 
ring to several causes which had brought about 
the state of disorder which had ruled in New 
Jersey /for several years, proceeds ; " The first 
is wholly owing to the Turbulent, Factious, 
Uneasy and Disloyal Principles of two Men in 
that Assembly, M' Lewis Morris and Samuel 
Jennings, a Quaker ; ' Men notoriously known 
to be uneasie under all Government; Men 
never known to be consistent with themselves ; 
Men to whom all the Factions and Confusions 
in the Governments of New Jersey and Penn- 
sylvania for many years are wholly owing ; 
Men that have had the Confidence to declare 
in open Council That your Majesties Instruc- 
tions to your Governours in these Provinces shall 
not oblige or bind them, nor will they be con- 

cluded by them further than they are warranted 
by Law; of which also they will be the judges; 
and this is done by them (as we have all the 
reason in the world to believe) to encourage 
not only this Government, but also the rest of 
your Governments in America, to throw ofl" 
your Majesties Royal Prerogative." 

In the same year, Cornbury, in an address to 
the Assembly, May 12, 1707, said: "I am of 
opinion that nothing has hindered the Ven- 
geance of a just heaven from falling upon this 
province long agoe but the Infinite mercy, 
Goodness, long Suifering and forbearance of 
all-mighty God, who has been abundantly 
provoked by the Repeated Crying Sins of a 
perverse generation among us. And more 
Especially by the dangerous & abominable Doc- 
trines and the wicked lives and practices of a 
Number of people, some of whome, under the 
pretended name of Christians, have dared to 
deny the very Essence and being of the 
Saviour of the world." 

On the other hand, it was charged by Lewis 
Morris and the party of which he was the 
leader that, in addition to Cornbury's general 
unfitness for the position of Governor and the 
fact that his supporters were of the most un- 
principled and characterless people in the prov- 
ince, he was also exceedingly corrupt, and had 
been led by his avarice to the acceptance of 
bribes, given in consideration of his dissolving 
the Assembly and for " having Officers appointed 
to the good liking of the people, and to be 
freed of their Quit-Rents." Morris, in a letter 
to the British Secretary of State, dated February 
9, 1707, mentions these matters (beginning with 
Cornbury's arrival in New Jersey as Governor) 
as follows : 

" When he arrived there he found it divided 
into two parties, the one called Hamilton's and 
the other Basse's party ; not to troubles your 
Honor from whence they rose, Hamilton's 
party in East New Jersey consisted of the 
gentlemen of the best figure and fortune and 
majority of the people. Basse being for- 
merly an Anabaptist Minister, those of that 
religion, some Quakers and a misclanious mob 

were of his party That party of Basse's 

having most of them being, in y" Assembly, and 



having made some endeavours to procure an Act 
of Indempuity which proved ineffectual], had 
recoui'se to other measures, and it having got 
wind that his L^ rec'' money of Doctor John- 
stone, and guessing the sum much bigger than 
really 'twas, began to entertain some hopes, very 
justly conceiving that he that was not proofe 
against one sum would not withstand another, 
and since he was to be purchas'd, resolved to bid 
for him, and being eucourag'd by his confident, 
D' Bridges, Chiefe Justice of New York, since 
dead, they raised the severall sums mentioned in 
the affidavits ^ and many more that we cannot 
yet get accounts of, as we judge to y° value of 
about fifteen hundred pounds. This money 
was paid to one Richard Salter (who had been 
presented by a Grand Jury for fellony under 
the former administration) and to one Capt. 
John Bowne; both which persons travailed 
through the Province, and by untrue insinua- 
tions perswaded the raising of this money. 
They are both protected and honored by my 
Lord, and what places he can bestow given 
them. Bowne was a member of the Assembly 
and by them expelled for refusing to tell what 
he did with the money.^ Salter kept out of the 
way and could not be got, but while he kept 
out of the Serjeant's way, my Lord admitted 
him to his company, and sent for a boat and had 
him Shiped over into Pensilvania government. 
... It can be proved (without Bowne and 
t'other) that 'twas [the money raised as alleged] 
given to D' Bridges in my Lord's house, and 
there is all the reason in y" world to believe his 
Lordship had it." 

With this letter from Morris to the Secre- 

' See affidavit following. 

2 John Bowne (son of that John who was one of the first 
five settlers within the limits of Monmouth County) was 
expelled from the House of Assembly, April 30, 1707, for 
his complicity in the raising of money for the bribing of 
Lord Cornbury. 

On the 5th of May, 1707, the Assembly "Resolved that 
this House, from the Evidence of Several Persons, taken by 
the Committee of the Whole House, and Several Petitions 
Sent to this House, are fully satisfied that there have been 
Considerable Sums of Money privately raysed in this Prov- 
ince by the perswasiveness of Richard Saltar, to procure 
the dissolution of the Assembly to get cleare of the proprie- 
tors' Quitt rent, and procure such men to be put in office 
as the Contributors Should approve of." 

tary of State was forwarded the following, 
being a part of " A. Collection of Affidavits, 
Depositions and Petitions to the Assembly 
of New Jersey, to suppoi-t the accusation of the 
said Assembly against Lord Cornbury's Admin- 
istration of that Province. Inclosed in Mr. 
Morris's 9th Feb'ry, 1707-8 : " 

"Joseph Meaker, aged fifty-nine years, being Sworn, 
saith that Mr. Richard Salter told this depon' that he 
thought the then Assembly would be dissolved and 
that the Countrey had not a free choice of their Rep- 
resentatives in that Assembly, and that if a sum of 
money cou'd be raised, which he, the s'd Salter per- 
swaded to : He, sd Salter, said he knew he could pro- 
cure from my Ld Cornbury that they should have a 
free choice of their Representatives, their Quit rents 
cleared and new Justices made such as the People had 
a mind to ; this depon' further saith that Richard 
Salter, in a great company where himself, Jonas Wood, 
Joseph Lyon, Benjamine Meaker and severall others 
were, Salter told them that the money raised was to 
be given to my Ld Cornbury to obtain the ends 
aforesd, that this defpon' paid four pounds himself 
with intent to be given to my Ld Cornbury for to ob- 
tain the Ends aforesaid, and that most of the Con- 
tributors in Elizabeth Towne told this depon' that 
they had given the money to be given to my Ld Corn- 
bury to obtain a dissolution of the then Assembly 
and other the ends before named. This depon' says 
he does not know whether the money was given to 
my Lord Cornbury or not; but he believes it was." 

"Apr. 28, 1707. Sworn as before.^ 

"Lewis Morris, Chairman." 

"Sefty Grover, Aged forty-nine years, being Sworn, 
saith that the saw severall Billes in Salter's hands for 
several sums of money. Particularly one from M' John 
Royce for a sum above thirty pounds, one from one 
Lucas (but whether the younger or older he knows 
not) for forty pounds, and from one Dunham or some 
such Name for five pounds; that the sd Salter wou'd 
have had this depon' sign a Bond to Capt. Bowne, 
and accordingly produced a blank Bond ready drawn, 
which this depon' refused to sign until he knew what 
it was for; Salter reply 'd, it was for the good of the 
country and t' would prove so, and this depon' urged 
very hard to know what it was for ; he, the sd Salter, 
told this depon', He should never know more than he 
did know ; this depon' saith further, that he saw a 
parcell of Papers in Salter's hands, which Salter told 
him were Billes, and read severall of them to him, 
but he does not remember the Persons' Names or 
Sums, but that they were most or all taken in Capt. 
John Bowne's Name ; he, the sd depon', also saith, 
that James Grover told him he gave ten pounds on 

»N. J. Col. Doc, Series 1, vol. iii. pp. 210-211. 



the account ; James Cox told him six or seven times 
that he had given ten pounds ; James Bowne told 
the depon' he had given six pounds; George Allen 
told this depon' he had given twelve pounds ; Ger- 
shom Mott told this depon', it had cost him twenty 
pounds, but whether it was for the Lawyers or upon 
the other account, which generally obtained the 
name of the Blind Tack [tax], this depon' cannot 
tell, y' William Winter told this deponent, he had 
given four pounds upon that blind tack ; John Bray 
told this depon' he had given six pounds and that he 
was straitened to procure the money, y' this deponent 
heard Salter read a Bill from himself to Bowne, but 
remembered not the sum ; this depon' further saith 
tnat by Common fame the Persons hereafter nam'' 
were supposed to contribute to the blind tack as fol- 
lows, viz. : Widow Reape, twenty pounds ; Steven 
Cook, six pounds ; Joseph Cox, twelve pounds ; 
Garet Wall, thirty pounds, he told this depon' it had 
cost him forty pounds; Nathaniel Parker, Eight 
pounds; John Lipincot, six pounds ; Joseph Parker, 
six pounds; Elisha Lawrence, twenty pounds; and 
that all the Lawrences, except Benjamine, gave 
money ; Richard Hartshorne, thirty pounds ; Capt. 
Andrew Bowne, thirty-six pounds, this depon' thinks 
Salter shew'd him Cap' Andrew Bowne's Bond for 
that sum ; Edward Woolly, seven or eight pounds ; 
John Woolly, eight pounds; John Stout, six pounds; 
W" Winter told this Depon' he was by when Lipet 
and Stout gave it; Joseph William, Eighteen shil- 
lings; Joseph Warden, Eight pounds; John Scot, 
five pounds and upwards ; John Lawrence, seven 
pounds; William Hartshorne, six pounds; Richard 
Lipincot, five pounds and upwards ; Thomas White, 
eight pounds; James Ashton, seven or Eight pounds; 
George Hulet, six pounds; Old Robins, forty shil- 
lings; Richard James, Six pounds; that it was 
generally believed one man had all the money afore- 
s'd. William Winter told this depon' Salter promised 
to get his Quitrents oflf and that Cap' Stillwell should 
be put out of office, and this depon' saith that it was 
Salter generally went about to perswade the raising 
the above sd money ; this depon' further saith it was 
some little time after he, the sd Salter, had taken the 
Oaths for to be a Justice of the Peace that this de- 
pon' had this discourse with him, and that some time 
before that the sd Salter had desir'd this depon' to 
send severall persons to meet him at Middletown, at 
an appointed time, which this depon' did do, and some 
of the persons afterwards told him they had given 
him, the sd Salter, Bills on account of the Blind Tack 
aforesd, and further this depon' saith not. 
" Apr: 26th, 1707. Sworne as before,^ 

" Lewis Mokris, Chairman." 

There were many more depositions produced, 
all being of nearly the same tenor ; and there 

IN. J. Col. Doc, Series 1, vol. iii. pp. 211-213. 

can be no doubt of the truth, in the main, of 
the allegations brought by Lewis Morris against 
Cornbury, who was the most detested of all 
the royal Governors, except, perhaps. Sir Ed- 
mund Andros; and, indeed, in the matter of 
private character, the latter was far the better 
of the two. In an address by the Assembly 
to Governor Hunter, in 1710, they said, 
with reference to the administration of Corn- 
bury, that he had " sacrificed his own reputa- 
tion, the laws and our liberties, to his avarice," 
and that he had treated her Majesty's subjects 
rather as slaves, whose persons and estates he 
might control, than as freemen, avIio were to be 
governed by the laws. And he was not more 
detested and disliked in New Jersey than in New 
York, where, in fact, his private character ap- 
peared in even a more unfavorable light. " It was 
not uncommon for him to dress himself in a wo- 
man's habit, and then to patrol the fort in -which 
he resided ; such freaks of low humour exposed 
him to the universal contempt of the people ; but 
their indignation was kindled by his despotick 
rule, savage bigotry, insatiable avarice and 
injustice, not only to the publick, but even to 
his private creditors ; for he left some of the 
lowest tradesmen in his employment unsatisfied 
in their just demands." — History of New York. 

Finally, the complaints against Cornbury 
became so loud and frequent that the Queen 
was forced to the conviction of his unfitness for 
the position he held, and although he was her 
near kinsman, she revoked his commission and 
appointed John, Lord Lovelace, his successor 
as Governor of the provinces of New York and 
New Jersey. 

Lord Lovelace was commissioned Governor 
of the two provinces in April, 1708. He ar- 
rived at New York on the 18th of December 
following, and on the 20th he met the Council 
of New Jersey at Bergen, and assumed the 
government of the province, but his adminis- 
tration was of less than five months' duration, 
for he died at New York on the 6th of May, 
1709, having never recovered from a sickness 
resulting from the exposure and hardship of the 
voyage from England. One of his sons died 
at New York before him, and another (the 
eldest) died a fortnight after his father. The 



widowed Lady Lovelace returned to England, 
heart-broken and in poverty, liaving failed to 
secure a reimbursmeut of her husband's outlay 
in coming to America. 

The successor of Lord Lovelace at the head 
of the governments of New Jersey and New 
York was Lieutenant-Govenior Richard In- 
goklsby, who had held that office since his 
appointment by the Queen, in 1702. He had 
been in full sympathy with Cornbuiy, and was 
almost as much detested by the people as his 
superior had been. Both provinces memorial- 
ized the Queen, protesting against his continu- 
ance in office, which resulted in the revocation 
of his commission (October 20, 1709). William 
Pinhorne then (as senior member of the Council) 
became acting Governor, until the arrival at 
New York (June 14. 1710) of Brigadier-General 
Robert Hunter, who had been commissioned 
as Governor of New York and New Jersey in 
the preceding December. 

Governor Hunter favored the interests and 
measures of what was called the " country party " 
— -which included the Quaker element — and was 
vigorously opposed by those who had been ad- 
herents of Lord Cornbury. But he gained the 
good- will and respect of a majority of the people, 
and his administration, which continued ten 
years, was far more successful than any which 
had ])rcceded it in New Jersey. In 1719, when 
writing to Secretary Pop2:)le, notifying him of his 
intention of returning soon to England, he said : 
" I shall leave both provinces in perfect peace, 
to which both had been long strangers." Upon 
his departure, Lewis Morris, being president 
of the Council, became for the time acting 
Governor of New Jersey. 

When Governor Huntfer left for England, in 
1719, it was with the expectation of returning 
to New York, but not long after his arrival in 
London an arrangement was made, with the 
King's sanction, by Avhich he exchangee} offices 
with William Burnet, Esq., he receiving that 
of comptroller of the customs, in London, and 
Burnet being commissioned (lovcrnor of New 
York and New Jersey, April 1!>, 1720. He 
arrived at New York in the following Sep- 

Governor Burnet's administration was marked 

by disagreements between himself and the As- 
sembly, chiefly arising from differences of 
opinion in the matter of raising revenue for the 
support of government. He remained Governor 
of the two provinces until the latter part of the 
year 1727, when he was appointed to the gov- 
ernment of Massachusetts Bay, and removed to 
Boston. He was succeeded in the Governorship 
of the two provinces by John Montgomerie, 
Esq., who arrived at New York and assumed 
the government on the 15th of April, 1728. He 
remained in office three years, and until his 
death, July 1, 1731. During his administration 
(in 1728) the first step was taken, by a resolu- 
tion of the General Assembly, and afterwards a 
petition to the King, for making the govern- 
ment of New Jersey separate from and inde- 
pendent of that of New York. The measure 
was unsuccessful at this time, but was adopted 
ten years later. 

By the death of Governor Montgomerie, the 
president of the Council, Lewis Morris, became 
and continued Acting Governor until 1732, 
when Colonel William Cosby was commissioned 
Governor (February 4th), and arrived in New 
York in September of that year. He continued 
in office until his death, March 10, 1736. John 
Anderson, president of the Council, then admin- 
istered the government until his death (which 
occurred about two weeks afterwards), when it 
devolved on the next member of the Council, 
John Hamilton, Esq. (son of the former Gov- 
ernor, Andrew Hamilton), who continued to 
act as Governor for about two years. 

In 1736, about two months after the death 
of Governor Cosby, a petition from the Council 
and the Speaker and a number of members of 
the Assembly, and another petition from the 
grand jury of the Supreme Court of New Jersey 
(both dated May 11, 1736), praying for a sepa- 
ration of the government of New Jersey from 
that of New York, were forwarded to England 
and presented to the King, by whom they were 
referred to the Lords of Trade for their consid- 
eration and advice. The Lords having reported 
favorably (August 6, 1736), Colonel Lewis 
Morris, of Monmouth C^ounty, who had been a 
prominent man in the affiiii-s of the province for 
forty -six years, and a, leader in the eflbrts to 



secure the separation of the provinces, was 
appointed and commissioned, in 1738, Governor 
of New Jersey, independent of the government 
of New York. 

The administration of Governor Morris was 
a complete surprise and disappointment to tlie 
people, who had based their expectations on his 
previous official record. In the office of Gov- 
ernor he ever manifested a disposition rather 
to uphold the arbitrary demands and preten- 
sions of the crown than to promote and defend 
the interests of the colonists. The Assembly 
welcomed his appointment to the Governorship 
with enthusiasm, but they soon found that their 
expectations were to be disappointed. Great 
dissatisfaction was felt at his attitude towards 
the Assembly, especially on account of his con- 
tinual and pressing demands for the appropria- 
tion of money. The course pursued by him 
subjected him to reproachful imputations, and 
entirely eradicated the sentiment of gratitude 
which had previously (particularly in Cornbury's 
time) existed towards him, and created in its 
place a feeling of strong and bitter resentment. 
Under such conditions he continued to hold the 
office of Governor of New Jersey until his death, 
in May, 1746. 

The successor of Governor Morris was John 
Hamilton, president of the Council, who con- 
tinued as Acting Governor until his death, in 
1747. During his administration the province 
voted to raise five hundred men, and to appro- 
priate the amount of interest in the treasury and, 
£10,000 in bills of credit in aid of the expedi-. 
tion against the French fortress of Louisbourg, 
at Cape Breton. At the death of President 
Hamilton the government of the province 
devolved on the eldest member of the Council, 
John Reading Esq., who held till the arrival of 
Jouathan Belcher as Governor. 

Governor Belcher was commissioned on the 
13th of February, 1747, and on the 8th of 
August arrived at Sandy Hook, where he left 
his vessel and proceeded in his barge to Perth 
Amboy. His administration, which was of 
ten years' duration, embracing most of the period! 
■ of the " French and Indian War," was regarded 
as a successful one. He died at Elizabeth town,; 
August 31, 1757. At his death the govern-, 

ment again devolved on John Reading until the 
arrival of Governor Francis Bernard, in June, 
1758. In 1760, Governor Bernard was trans- 
ferred to the government of the Massachusetts 
colony, being succeeded in the Governorship of 
New Jersey by Thomas Boone, who arrived in 
the province on the 3d of July. In 1761 he 
was transferred to South Carolina, and was 
succeeded in the same year as Governor of New 
Jersey by Josiah Hardy, who, in 1762, was 
removed from the Governorship and appointed 
consul at Cadiz, in Spain. His successor was 
the last of the royal Governors of New Jersey, 
William Franklin, son of Dr. Benjamin Frank- 
lin. He was commissioned in September, 1762, 
and remained Governor of the province until 
1776, when the Provincial Congress of New 
Jersey deposed him from office, and he was sent 
under military guard to Connecticut, where he 
remained for a long time a prisoner. On being 
liberated he joined the British in New York, 
where he became president of the Board of 
Associated Loyalists, and so continued until 
1782, when the board was dissolved by order of 
the British commander. Sir Guy Carleton. Soon 
afterwards the war closed, and Franklin went 
to England and lived there until his death. 



In the year 1609, on a mild September day, 
when the morning fog was lifted from the 
ocean, off the land that is now the Monmouth 
County sea-shore, a sight was disclosed such as 
the Indian natives of the region had never be- 
fore seen, and which, as was afterwards told in 
their traditions, excited in them feelings of 
wonder, anxiety and dread. Far out on the 
ocean, to the southeast, floated a strange object 
(really a little Dutch brigantine, the first Euro- 
pean vessel ever seen in these waters), which 
some of the savages believed to be a sea monster, 
while others thought it an enormous bird, 
which latter belief was strengthened when, with 
the coming of the breeze from the southeast, 



the little craft spread her sails to it and began 
to move northward, nearing the shore. There 
were some among them, too, who believed that 
it was the floating house of their great Manito, 
who had come to visit them from his home in 
the mysterious land beyond the mighty waters, 
and messengers were dispatched to warn all the 
neighboring people, and bring them to the shore 
to see the strange sight and give the mysterious 
visitor — whether Manito or demon' — such a 
reception as circumstances might demaijd. 

Steadily, before the fresh southerly breeze, 
the little vessel moved on, coming nearer and 
nearer to the shore, until, about the middle of 
the afternoon, the savage crowd gathered on the 
Navesink Highlands saw her pass the northern 
extremity of Sandy Hook and enter the bay, 
where, after a while, she became stationary at a 
point distant from the shore, and remained 
there in quiet until the shadows of night settled 
down over bay and highland, leaving the 
alarmed and wondering natives to pass the 

1 " When some of them first saw the ship approaching 
afar oif they did not know what to think about her, but 
stood in deep and solemn amazement, wondering whether 
it was a spook or apparition, and whether it came from 
heaven or hell. Others of them supposed that it might be 
a strange fish or sea-monster. They supposed those on 
board to be rather devils than human beings. Thus they 
differed among each other in opinion. A strange report 
soon spread through their country about the visit, and cre- 
ated great talk and comment among all the Indians. This 
we have heard several Indians testify." — Van Der Donck' s 
Description of New Netherland. 

The missionary, Heckewelder, mentions in his writings 
that one of the principal traditions which he found among 
the Indians was this having reference to the coming of the 
first European vessel — that of Captain Henry Hudson — 
which many of them firmly believed to be the house or great 
canoe of the Manito, who was coming to visit them, but 
whether the visit portended good or evil to them, they re- 
mained in doubt and fear. In this belief, they sent out 
runners to notify all the Indians within reach to come to 
the shore at once to give him as good a reception as possi- 
ble, and so appease his wrath, if it was in wrath that he 
was coming. Afterwards, when the vessel came near the 
shore, and they saw her commander dressed in bright 
scarlet, with slashings and bands of gold lace, they were 
confirmed in their belief that it was in reality the Manito. 
Such is the tradition found by Heckewelder. But it was 
not long before they discovered that the captain and crew 
of the liitle vessel were not the Manito and his attendants, 
but mortal men, and they soon came to regard them as 

night with unsatisfied curiosity, waiting for the 
morning light, ^vhich, when it came, showed 
them the same mysterious object (but now 
wingless), still quietly floating on the waters of 
the bay. 

This was the first vessel (other than the 
canoes of the Indians) which ever entered the 
lower Bay of New York or the adjacent ocean 
waters.^ She was of Dutch build, high-pooped 
after the ancient style, of a burden of about 
forty lasts or eighty tons, and carrying a rig 
something similar to that of the modern brig- 
antine. Her name, "The Half-Moon," in 
Dutch, was painted on her stern, and high 
above it floated the Dutch colors — orange,^ white 
and blue. She was, in fact, one of the vessels of 
the Dutch East India Company, which they had 
put in commission under command of Captain 
Henry Hudson, an Englishman, with Robert 
Juet, also an Englishman, as mate, clerk or 
supercargo, and with a crew of twenty sailors, 
partly Dutch and partly English, and had dis- 

^ In the spring of 1524, John Verrazano, sailing under 
the auspices of the King of France, coasted along the 
shores of Carolina, and sailed thence northeast as far as 
Newfoundland. On the 8th of July, in that year, he wrote 
to the King, and in the letter stated that he had " found a 
very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through 
which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forces its way 
to the sea. From the sea to the estuary of the river any 
ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the tide, 
which rises eight feet.'' He also added that he found In- 
dians, who were delighted to see him, and that the "hills 
show many indications of minerals." 

Some writers have endeavored to convince themselves and 
their readers that the place referred to by Verrazano was the 
mouth of the Hudson River, and that consequently he, and 
not Henry Hudson, was the first navigator who ever entered 
the Bay of Sandy Hook. But there is nothing to sustain such 
a supposition. No vessel ever built at that day, or for at 
least two centuries afterwards, would have had any diffi- 
culty in entering New York Bay without waiting for " the 
help of the tide ;" nor do the other particulars noticed by 
Verrazano correspond with those of the mouth of the Hud- 
son, while they do with those at the mouth of the Penob- 
scot, with the lofty and rugged hills of Camden and Rock- 
land, and of Monhegan Island, opposite the mouth. On 
that island an attempt was afterwards made to plant a 
French colony (resulting, perhaps, from Verrazauo's ac- 
count), and there is scarcely a doubt that it was the Penobscot 
River and hills to which he referred in his letter to the King 

5 At that time the flag of Holland was formed by three' 
horizontal bars, — orange, white and blue,— but in or about 
the year 1650 the orange bar gave place to one of red. 



patched her from Amsterdam for the purpose 
of discovering a northeastern or northwestern 
passage to China and the Indies. The " Half- 
Moon" left Amsterdam April 4, 1609, and on 
the 6th she sailed from the Texel. Hudson 
doubled the Cape of Norway on the 5th of May, 
but found the sea so full of ice that he was ob- 
liged to change his course. Early in July, after 
having cruised farther north, he arrived on the 
banks of Newfoundland, where he was becalmed 
long enough to catch more cod than his " small 
store of salt would cure." He next sailed west, 
into the Penobscot, where he remained a week 
cutting timber and making a new foremast. He 
then stood southward as far as the latitude of 
the Carolinas ; then turned back and coasted 
northward, passing the Capes of Virginia, and 
on the 28th of August entered the mouth of 
Delaware Bay. He did not anchor there, but 
continued his way northeast, along the coast of 
Southern New Jersey, but keeping out of sight 
of land for several days. The incidents of the 
voyage along the coast of Ocean and Mon- 
mouth Counties are here given, as found in the 
journal or log-book kept by Robert Juet, the 
" underschipper " and supercargo of the " Half- 

" Sept. 2. — In the morning close weather, the 
wind at south in the morning : from twelve un- 
til two o'clock we steered north-northwest, and 
had sounding twenty-one fathoms, and in run- 
ning one glass we had but sixteen fathoms, then 
seventeen, and so shoaler and shoaler until it 
came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great fire, 
but could not see the land ; then we came to 
ten fathoms, whereupon we brought our tacks 
aboard and stood to the eastward, east-southeast, 
four glasses. Then the sun arose and we steered 
away north again and saw land from the 
west by north to the northwest by north, all 
like broken islands, and our soundings were 
eleven and ten fathoms. Then we luifed in 
for the shore, and fair by the shore we had 
seven fathoms. The course along the land we 
found to be northeast by north. From the 
land which we first had sight of until we came 
to a great lake of water [Barnegat Bay], as we 
could judge it to be, being drowned land, which 
made it rise like islands, which was in length 

ten leagues. The mouth of the lake hath many 
shoals, and the sea breaks upon them as it is 
cast out of the mouth of it. And from* that 
lake or bay the land lies north by east, and we 
had a great stream out of the bay ; and from 
thence our sounding was ten fathoms, two 
leagues from land. At five o'clock we anchored, 
being little wind, and rode in eight fathoms 
water ; the night was fair. This night I found 
the land to haul the compass eight degrees. Far 
to the northward off us we saw high hills [the 
Navesink Highlands]. This is very good land 
to fall in with and a pleasant land to see. 

" Sept. 3. — The morning misty until ten 
o'clock, then it cleared and the wind came to 
the south- southeast, so we weighed and stood to 
the northward. The land is very pleasant and 
high and bold to fall withal. At three o'clock 
in the afternoon we came to three great rivers. 
So we stood along the northernmost, thinking 
to have gone into it, but we found it to have a 
very shoal bar before it, for we had but ten 
foot water. Then we cast about to the south- 
ward and found two fathoms, three fathoms, 
and three and a quarter, till we came to the 
southern side of them, then we had five and 
six fathoms and anchored. So we sent in 
our boat to sound and they found no less water 
than four, five, six and seven fathoms, and re- 
turned in an hour and a half. So we weighed 
and went in and rode in five fathoms, ooze 
ground, and saw many salmons and mullets 
and rays very great. The height is 40° 30'." 

The light-house on Sandy Hook is in latitude 
40° 27' 30" varying but little from Hudson's 
observation, which was probably taken after he 
had passed the extremity of the Hook. Two of 
the " three great rivers" which Juet mentions 
in his journal were doubtless the Narrows and 
Staten Island Sound ; and the third, being the 
northernmost, with a shoal bar before it, having 
but ten feet of water, was probably Rockaway 
Inlet,' which De Laet laid down on his map as a 
river, coming from Long Island. This inlet is 
barred at its mouth with seven feet of water at 
low tide. It appears that from this bar Hud- 
son stood over towards the Hook, where he an- 
chored and sent his small boat round tlie point 
to take soundings, and after it had returned 



with a favorable report he weighed anchor and 
went to a new anchorage in Sandy Hook Bay, 
where his vessel lay for the night in five fathoms 
of water. 

" Sept. 4, — . . In the morning, as soon as 
the day was light, we saw that it was good 
riding farther up, so we sent our boat to sound 
and found that it was a very good harbour, 
and four and five fathoms, two cables' length 
from the shore. Then we weighed and went 
in with our ship^ Then our boat went on land 
with our net to fish and caught ten great mullets 
of a foot and a half long apiece, and a ray as 
great as four men could haul into the ship. So 
we trimmed our boat and laid still all day. At 
night the wind blew hard at the northwest, and 
our anchor came home and we drove on shore, 
but took no hurt, thanked be God, for the 
ground is soft sand and ooze. This day the 
people of the country came aboard of us, seem- 
ing very glad of our coming, and brought green 
tobacco, and gave us of it for knives and beads. 
They go in deer-skins loose, well-dressed.^ 
They have yellow copper. They desire 
clothes, and are very civil. They have great 
store of maize, or Indian wheat, whereof they 
make good bread. The country is full of great 
and tall oaks." 

This was the first time that the Indians of 
this region ever saw the faces of Europeans. 
On the following day some of Hudson's 
people went on shore, that being the first time 
that a white man ever stood on the soil lying 
within the boundaries of the county of Mon- 
mouth. It seems that these visits on board and 
ashore were satisfactory to both savages and 
sailoi'S ; but the friendly relations between them 
were soon afterwards broken, as will appear 
from the continuation of Juet's narrative. 

" Sept. 6. — In the morning, as soon as the 
day was light, the wind ceased, and the flood 
came, so we heaved off our ship again into 

1 " There [in Sandy Hook Bay] they were visited by two 
savages clothed in elk-skins, wlio showed them every sign 
of friendship. On the land they found an abundance of 
blue plums, and magnificent oaks of a height and thickness 
that one seldom beholds, together with poplars, linden- 
trees, and various other kinds of wood useful in ship-build- 
iag." — DeLael's "New World." 

five fathoms water and sent our boat to sound 
the bay, and we found that there was three 
fathoms hard by the southern [Monmouth 
County] shore. Our men went on land there, 
and saw great store of men, women and chil- 
dren, who gave them tobacco at their coming on 
land ; so they went up into the woods, and sa-vv 
great store of very goodly oaks and some currants 
[probably wild plums], for one of them caiiie 
aboard and brought some dried, and gave me 
some, which were sweet and good. This day 
many of the people came aboard, some in man- 
tles of feathers and some in skins of divers 
sorts of good furs. Some women also came to 
us with hemp. They had red copper tobacco 
pipes, and other things of copper they did wear 
about their necks. At night they went on land 
again, so we rode very quiet, but durst not trust 

"Sunday, Sept. 6. — In the morning was 
fair weather, and our master sent John Col- 
man, with four other men, in our boat, over to 
the north side to sound the other river [the Nar- 
rows], being four leagues from us. They found 
by the way shoal water, two fathoms ; but at 
the north of the river, eighteen and twenty 
fathoms, and very good riding for ships, and a 
narrow river [the Kills] to the westward be- 
tween two islands. The lands they told us were 
as pleasant with grass and flowers and goodly 
trees as ever they had seen, and very sweet 
smells came from them. So they went in two 
leagues and saw an open sea [Newark Bay], 
and returned ; and as they came back they 
were set upon by two canoes, the one having 
twelve and the other fourteen men. The night 
came on and it began to rain so that their match 
went out, and they had one man slain in the 
fig'ht, which was an Englishman, named John 
Colman, with an arrow shot into his throat, and 
two more hurt. It grew so dark that they could 
not find the ship that night, but laboured to and 
fro on their oars. They had so great a stream 
that their grapnel would not hold them. 

"Sept. 7.— "Was fair and by ten o'clock 
they returned aboard the ship and brought our 
dead man with them, whom we carried on land 
and buried, and named the point after his name, 
Colman's Point. Then we hoisted in our boat 



and raised her side with waist-boards for defence 
of our men. So we rode still all night, having 
good regard to our watch." 

John Colman, then, was the first white per- 
son ever buried in the soil of Monmouth 
County. With regard to the place of his burial, 
called by Hudson " Colman's Point," there 
have been many different opinions entertained ; 
but the one most generally concurred in is 
that which was expressed by the Rev. Mr. Mar- 
cellus, that " it is identical with Point Comfort, 
in Raritan township." 

" Sept. 8. — Was very fair weather ; we rode 
still very quietly. The people came aboard us 
and brought tobacco and Indian wheat to ex- 
change for knives and beads, and offered us no 
violence. So we, fitting up our boat, did mark 
them to see if they would make any show of 
the death of our man, which they did not. 

"Sept. 9. — Fair weather. In the morn- 
ing two great canoes came aboard full of men ; 
the one with their bows and arrows, and the 
other in show of buying knives to betray us, 
but we perceived their intent. We took two 
of them to have kept them, and put red coats on 
them, and would not suffer the other; [boat] to 
come near us. So they went on land, and two 
othera came on board in a canoe ; we took the 
one and let the other go ; but he which we had 
taken got up and leaped overboard. Then we 
weighed, and went off into the channel of the 
river, and anchored there all night." 

The preceding entry is the last in Juet's 
journal which has reference to the stay of the 
" Half-Moon" and her people in the vicinity of 
the Monmouth shore. They worked steadily 
up through the Narrows and the river past 
where New York City now is, and on the 1 1th 
reached a place where, says Juet, "the people 
of the country came aboard of us, making show 
of love, and gave us tobacco and Indian wheat, 
and departed for the night; hut we durst not 
trust them." In his entry of the following day 
he says : " This morning, at, our first rode in the 
river, there came eight and twenty canoes full 
of men, women and children to betray us, but 
we saw their intent and suffered none of them 
to come aboard us. At twelve o'clock they de- 
parted.- They brought with them oysters and 

beans, whereof we bought some. They have 
great tobacco pipes of yellow copper, and pots 
of earth to dress their meat in. 

"Sunday, Sept. 13. — . . . Then there came 
four canoes aboard, but we suffered none of them 
to come into our ship. They brought very 
great store of very good oysters on board, which 
we bought for trifles. 

"Sept. 15. — This morning our two savages 
got out of a port and swam away. After 
we were under sail they called out to us in 

From this point in their passage up to the 
vicinity of Albany they had no more trouble 
with the Indians. On their return down the 
river, at the Highlands of the Hudson, occurred 
the events mentioned by Juet, as follows : 

" Thursday, Oct. 1.— ... The people of 
the mountains came aboard us, wondering at 
our ship and weapons. We bought some small 
skins of them for trifles. This afternoon one 
canoe kept hanging under our stern with one 
man in it, which we could not keep from thence, 
who got up by our rudder to the cabin window 
and stole out my pillow and two shirts and 
two bandeleeres. Our master's mate shot at him 
and struck him in the breast and killed him. 
Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in their 
canoes and some leaped out of them into the 
water. We manned our boat and got our 
things again. Then one of them that swam 
got hold of our boat, thinking to overthrow it, 
but our cook took a sword and cut off one of his 
hands, and he was drowned." The following 
entry refers to a point nine leagues farther 
down the river : 

" Oct 2. — . . . The flood was come strong, 
so we anchored. Then came one of the savages 
that swam away from us at our going up the 
river with many others, thinking to betray us. 
But we perceived their intent and suffered none 
of them to enter our ship. Whereupon two 
canoes full of men, with their bows and arrows, 
shot at us after our stern, in recompense whereof 
we discharged six muskets, and killed two or 
three of them. Then above a hundred of them 
came to a point of land to shoot at us. There 
I shot a falcon [small cannon] at them and. 
killed two of them, whereupon the rest fled to 



the woods. Yet they manned off another canoe 
with nine or ten men, which came to meet us ; 
so I shot at it also a falcon, and shot it through 
and killed one of them. Then our men with 
their muskets killed three or four more of them, 
so they went their way." 

From this point, in their passage down the 
river, Hudson and his crew had no more inter- 
course with the Indians. The " Half-Moon " 
made no landing below, on river or bay. On 
the 4th of October she passed Sandy Hook and 
stood out to sea, and her bold commander never 
again saw the beautiful river which he had 
discovered and which now bears his name. 
From Sandy Hook he made no delay, but laid 
his course directly across the Atlantic, and ou 
the 7th of November " safely arrived in the 
range of Dartmouth, in Devonshire, in the 
yeere 1609." 

In the following year another ship was sent 
over by the East India Company, and prepa- 
rations were made to establish posts for the pur- 
pose of carrying on the fur trade, which at 
that time and for years afterwards was the prin- 
cipal object of commercial attraction to this 
part of the New World. The first posts estab- 
lished were at New Amsterdam, now New York 
(located on what is now the Battery), at Albany 
and at the mouth of Rondout Kill, on the Hud- 
son. From that time the Dutch held posses- 
sion of the New Netherlands (including all that 
is now New Jersey) for more than half a cen- 
tury, during which time the Indians always 
continued to exhibit, in a greater or less degree, 
the hostility which had first been awakened by 
Hudson and his men in 1609. He and his 
crew were regarded as Dutchmen by the sav- 
ages, and for this reason they continued to 
show some degree of enmity against the Dutch 
through the more than fifty years of their 
occupation of the country. ^ From 1629 to 

1 Yet it was the Dutch themselves who, prompted by 
avarice, sold the Indians guns and powder in exchange for 
furs. A pamphlet description of this country, published in 
1648, says : 

" They sell by wholesale guns, powder, shot and ammu- 
nition to the Indians, instructing them in the use of our 
fights and arms; insomuch as two thousand Indians, by 
them armed, Mohawks, Raritons and some of Long-Isle, 
with their own guns so sold them, fell into war with the 

1632 they were actively hostile against the 
Dutch settlements on the Delaware to such an 
extent that the settlers were compelled to aban- 
don their homes, though they afterwards re- 
turned to them. In 1655 they devastated the 
Dutch settlements on Staten Island and at 
points on the Hudson River, compelling the 
people to leave them and seek the pro- 
tection of the forts at New Amsterdam, Ron- 
dout and Albany. No such outrages were then 
committed by them in what is now Monmouth 
County ^ for the simple reason that there was 
not a white settler in all this region at that time. 
And when the English settlers came here to buy 
their lands, in 1663, the red men treated them 
with perfect friendliness and continued to do so 
ever afterwards. 

The aborigines whom the earliest white ex- 
plorers found occupying the valleys of the 
Delaware and Hudson Rivers, with all the 
country lying between them, — as, in fact, the 
entire area now comprised in the States of New 
York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, — were of 
Algonquin stock, and embraced in two nations, 
or groups of nations, called by Europeans the 
Iroquois and the Delawares, the former hav- 
ing been so named by the French and the latter 
by the English. The language spoken by both 
these nations was the Algonquin, but differed 
materially in dialect as used by the different 
tribes. The nation to which the English gave 
the name of Delawares was known in the In- 
dian tongue as the Lenni LenapS, or simply 
the Lenap6 ; the Iroquois were, in the same 
tongue, called the Mengwe, which name became 

Dutch, destroyed all their scattering farms and boors, in- 
forcing them all to retire to their upper fort, forty leagues 
up that river, and to Manhatas. . . . Three years since 
their Governor put out his declaration confessing that the 
neighbour English might well be offended with their selling 
Indians arms and ammunition, but being a few and so scat- 
tered they could not live else there, or trade ; the Indians 
refusing to trade or suffer the Dutch to plow without they 
would sell them guns." 

''■ The only Dutchman known to have been killed by In- 
dians in what is now Monmouth County was Aert Theunis- 
sin, who went in a boat up the Navesink River on a trading 
expedition in 1643, and was murdered by the Indians, in 
October of that year, at a place called by the Dutch " Mis- 
path's Kill," near Port Washington. Whether the murder 
was committed for robbery or revenge is not known. 



corrupted by the more ignorant white men in 
" Mingoes," which latter term was adopted to 
some extent by the Delawares in its contemptu- 
ous application to their Mengwe neighbors, 
between whom and themselves feelings of de- 
testation and hatred existed in no small degree. 

The Mengwe, or Iroquois, inhabited the ter- 
ritory extending from the shores of Lake Erie 
to those of Chaniplain and the Hudson River, 
and from the head-waters of the Delaware, 
Susquehanna and Alleghany Rivers northward 
to Lake Ontario; and they even occupied a large 
scope of country north of the St. Lawrence, 
thus holding not only the whole of the State 
of New York, but a part of Canada, which 
vast territory they figuratively styled their 
" long council-house," within which the place 
of kindling the grand council fire of the nation 
was Onondaga, not far from the present city of 
Syracuse, N. Y., and at that place, upon occa- 
sions, representatives of all the Mengwe tribes 
met together in solemn, deliberative council. 
These tribes consisted of the Mohawks, Senecas, 
Cayugas, Onondagas and Oneidas, who collec- 
tively formed an offensive and defensive con- 
federation, which has usually been known in 
English annals as that of the Five Nations.' 

The Delawares — the Indian people with 
which this history has principally to deal — oc- 
cupied a domain extending along the sea-shore, 
from the Chesapeake to the country bordering 
Long Island Sound. Back from the coast it 
reached beyond the Susquehanna Valley to the 
foot of the Alleghany Mountains, and on the 
north it joined the southern frontier of their 
domineering neighbors, the hated and dreaded 
Mengwe, or Iroquois. This domain, of course, 
included not only the county of Monmouth, but 
all of the State of New Jersey. 

The principal tribes composing the Lenni 
Lenapfe or Delaware nation were those of the 
Unamis or Turtle, the Uualachtgo or Turkey, 
and the Minsi or Wolf. The latter, which was 

1 At a later period — soon after the commencement of the 
eighteenth century — the Tuscaroras, having been subju- 
gated and driven away from their hunting-grounds in the 
Carolinas, migrated northward and were received into the 
. Iroquois confederacy, which from that time became known 
as the Six Nations. 

by far the most powerful and warlike of all 
these tribes, occupied the most northerly portion 
of the country of the Lenapfe, and kept guard 
along the Iroquois border, from whence their 
domain extended southward to the Musconetcong 
Mountains, in New Jersey. The Unamis and 
Uualachtgo branches of the Delaware nation 
(comprising the tribes of Assanpinks, Matas, 
Shackamaxons, Chichequaas, Raritans, Nanti- 
cokes, Tutelos and many others) inhabited the 
country between that of the Minsi and the sea- 
coast, embracing, of course, Monmouth and all 
the adjacent counties. The tribes who occupied 
and roamed through these counties were those 
of the Turtle and Turkey branches of the Len- 
ap&, but the possessions and boundaries (if they 
actually had any boundaries) of each cannot be 
clearly defined. 

The Lenni Lenape claimed that theirs was 
among the most ancient of all aboriginal nations. 
One of their traditions ran that, ages before, 
their ancestors had lived in a far-ofi" country to 
the west, beyond the mighty rivers and moun- 
tains, at a place where the salt waters constantly 
moved to and fro ; and that, in the belief that 
there existed away towards the rising sun a red 
man's paradise, — a land of deer, and salmon, 
and beaver, — they had traveled on towards the 
east and south to find it ; but that they were 
scourged and divided by famine, so that it was 
not until after long and wearying journeyings, 
during which many, many moons had passed, 
that they came at length to this beautiful coun- 
try, where the ocean tides forever ebbed and 
flowed like the waters from whose shores they 
had come ; and that here, amidst a profusion of 
game and fish, they rested, and found that In- 
dian Elysium of which they had dreamed before 
they left their old homes in the land of the set- 
ting sun. 

At the present day there are enthusiastic 
searchers through the realms of aboriginal lore 
who, in accepting the narrative as authentic, 
imagine that the red men come hither from Asia 
across the Behring Strait, through which they 
saw the tide constantly ebb and flow, as men- 
tioned in the tradition. 

The fact is, that all Indian tribes told of long 
pilgrimages and of great deeds performed by 



their ancestors far iu the shado^vy past, and 
claimed to trace back their history and descent 
for centuries. Missionaries and travelers among 
them gravely tell us of Indian chronology ex- 
tending back to the period before the Christian 
era ; and some enthusiasts have claimed that 
the American aborigines ^vere descendants of the 
lost tribes of Israel.^ But it is not the province 
of the historian to enter any such field of spec- 
ulation. All their traditions were so clouded 
and involved in improbability, and so inter- 
woven with superstition, that, as regards their 
truth or falsity, it need only be said that they 
afford an excellent opportunity for indulgence 
in the luxury of dreamy conjecture. 

It does not appear that the Indians inhabit- 
ing the territory of New Jersey were very num- 
erous. In the before-mentioned pamphlet, 
published in 1648 by Beauchamp Plantagenet, 
Esq., and entitled " A Description of the Prov- 
ince of New Albion " (by which was particu- 
larly meant the territory lying between the 
Delaware and Hudson Rivers, comprising the 
present State of New Jersey), is contained " a 
letter from Master Robert Evelin, that lived 
there many years." Iii that letter the writer 
gives an account of a number of Indian " Kings" 
located along the Delaware River, and having 
under them, in all, about eight hundred men. 
After this statement of Evelin, the pamphlet 
proceeds : " Now, since master Elme's [Evelin's] 
letter, and seven years' discoveries of the lord 

' In a small, quaint and now very rare volume, entitled, 
" An Historical Description of the Province of West New 
Jersey in America, Never made Publick till now. — By Ga- 
briel Thomas, London, 1698," is found the following in 
reference to the aborigines of this region : 

" The first Inhabitants of this Countrey were the Indians, 
being supposed to be Part of the Ten dispersed Tribes of 
Israel ; for indeed they are very like the Jews in their 
Persons, and something in their Practices and Worship ; 
for they (as the Pennsylvania Indians) observe the New 
Moons with great devotion and Reverence ; and their First 
Fruits they offer, with their Corn and Hunting Game they 
get in the whole year, to a False Deity, or Sham God, whom 
they must please, else (as they fancy) many misfortunes 
will befall them and great Injuries will be done them. 
When they bury their Dead, they put into the Ground 
with them some House Utensils and some Money (as 
tokens of their Love and Aifection), with other Things, 
expecting they shall have Occasion for them in the other 

governour in person, and by honest traders with 
the Indians, we finde beside the Indian kings 
by him known and printed in this Province, 
there is, in all, twenty-three Indian kings or 
chief commanders; and besides the number 
of eight hundred by him named, there is at 
least twelve hundred under the two Raritan 
kings on the north side, next to Hudson's 
River, and those come down to the ocean about 
little Egbay and Sandy Baruegate, and about 
the south cape two small kings of forty men 
apiece, called Tirans and Tiascous, and a third 
reduced to fourteen men at Roymont ; the Sas- 
quehannocks are not now of the naturals left 
above one hundred and ten, tho' with their 
forced auxiliaries, the Ihou a Does and Wico- 
meses, they can make t^vo hundred and fifty ; 
these together are counted valiant and terrible 
to other cowardly, dul Indians, which they beat 
with the sight of guns only. 

" The eighth seat is Kildorpy, neer the fals 
of Charles [Delaware] River, near two hundred 
miles up from the oceen ; it hath clear fields to 
plant and sow, and neer it is sweet, large meads 
of clover and honeysuckle, nowhere else in 
America to be seen, unlesse transported from 
Europe ; a ship of one hundred and forty tuns 
may come up to these fals, which is the best 
seat for health, and a trading-house is to be 
built on the rocks, and ten leagues higher are 
lead-mines in stony hills. 

"The ninth is called Mount Ployden, the 
seat of the Raritan King, on the north side of 
this Province, twenty miles from Sandhay sea 
and Ninety from the ocean, next to Amara hill, 
the retired paradise of the children of the Ethi- 
opian emperour ; a wonder, for it is a square 
rock two miles compasse, one hundred and fifty 
foot high, a wall-like precipice, a strait en- 
trance, easily made invincible, where he keeps 
two hundred for his guard ; and under it is a 
flat valley, all plain to plant and sow." But 
there is no place known answering this descrip- 
tion, though the Rev. G. C. Schenck, in a paper 
read before the New Jersey Historical Society, 
suggests that what is known as the Round 
Valley (north of Round Mountain, in the 
township of Clinton, in Hunterdon County) cor- 
responds in general with Plautagen'et's de- 



scription of the kingly seat.' To concede this, 
however, requires a considerable stretch of im- 
agination ; and it is difficult to resist the con- 
viction that it was in Plantagenet's imagination, 
and there alone, that the impregnable " mount," 
the retired paradise of the children of the " Ethi- 
opian emperor," and the royal guard of two 
hundred men, had their existence. If the 
"King" ever had any such guard to his royal 
person, the detail for that service certainly re- 
quired fully one-eighth part of all the able- 
bodied Indian men south of the Musconetcong 
Mountain, in what is now the State of New 

The comparatively few Indians who, at the 
first coming of the white men, were found scat- 
tered through the territory of Monmouth and 
the lower part of Middlesex County were of 
the Raritan tribe, of the Unamis and Unalachtgo 
branches of the LenapS or Delaware nation. In 
still earlier times, the Raritans had been more 
numerous, and inhabited the country bordering 
the upper portion of the river of the same name, 
but they had migrated to the vicinity of the sea- 
shore, where they could more easily obtain the 
means of subsistence. " The Indians living on 
the Raritan," says the Rev. Dr. Messier,^ " were 
only a remnant of the large and numerous tribe 
once located there. It is said they left, and 
went to live at Metuchen, because the freshets 
in the river spoiled the corn which they were in 
the habit of burying in pits on the lowlands. 
Another inducement was the fish, oysters and 
clams, so easily obtained on the shores of Rari- 
tan Bay. The immense heaps of shells found 

1 The ReT. E. T. Corwin, in a historical discourse deliv. 
ered in 1866, said : " The seat of the Raritan King was 
upon an inland mountain — probably the Neshanio Moun- 
tain, which answers approximately to the description." 

The late Rev. Abraham Messier, D.D., of Somerville, in 
his " Centennial History of Somerset County," says : " If 
we were inclined to favor such romance, we should claim 
that no place so well answers the description [of the ' seat 
of the Karitan King '] as the bluff in the gorge of Chimney 
Bock [near Somerville] north of the little bridge, on the 
west and east sides of which the two rivulets flow and meet 
a few yards southward in the main gorge. But we are not 
disposed to practise on the credulity of our readers, as the 
Indians evidently did on Beauchamp Plantagenet, Esq.'' 

'■* " Centennial History of Somerset County," by Abraham 
Messier, D.D. | 


in several localities attest the rich harvest which 
they gathered out of its waters. ... We 
may imagine, then, how the lonely river flowed 
on for centuries between its willow-fringed 
banks, from summer to winter, while the rich 
grass on its meadows wasted, because there were 
no animals, except a few deer, who fed upon it ; 
and how the wild fruits afforded feasts for the 
squirrel and the forest bird, or perished un- 
touched because there was no living creature to 
enjoy the bountiful repast. It might almost, 
without romance, be called a ' retired paradise,' 
but without its ' Ethiopian emperor ' to rule 
over it. . . . Its primitive inhabitants, even, 
had deserted it almost entirely, and gone towards 
the sea-shore, attracted there by the abundant 
food, and only the beasts claimed it as their 

The small and peaceable bands of the Raritan 
tribe, who inhabited the country contiguous to 
the Shrewsbury and Navesink Rivers, were 
called the Navesink Indians, whose close con- 
nection with the other Raritans is shown by 
the fact that when the first party of Englishmen 
came to this region, in 16(53, for the purpose of 
purchasing lands from the chiefs, these Nave- 
sinks were sent for to meet the upper Raritans 
and the English, at the Raritan town, located on 
the river a few miles above the site of Amboy. 
It is also made apparent that this section of 
country was frequented by other Indians than 
those who regarded it as their permanent home, 
as in the narrative given in a succeeding chap- 
ter of a trip made to Raritan Bay and Shrews- 
bury River, by a party of Dutchmen^ from New 
Amsterdam, in December, 1663, for the jiurpose 
of watching the movements of the party of Eng- 
lishmen before mentioned, there is found the 
following entry : " December 7. — . . . The 
same evening, towards the end of Staten Island, 
we cast our anchors just opposite the Raritan 
River, where we found two houses with South- 
ern savages." From this, as also from some 
other references found in the annals of that 
period, it appears that Indians of other and re- 
mote tribes were in the habit of making visits 

3 Account of " A Voyage to Newasing [Navesink] made 
in the Company's Sloop." — Albany Records, vol. xxi.p. 401. 



to the shores of the bay and ocean, but proba- 
bly not so much for summer recreation and sea- 
bathing as for the purpose of obtaining oysters, 
clams, sea-fish and fowl, and shells for the 
manufacture of wampum,^ which was taken in 
large quantities from the sea-shore, and found 
its way as a circulating medium even to the 
tribes living west of the Mississippi. 

Whatever may have been the causes ^diich 
brought the stranger savages to the vicinity 
of the sea-shore, it is evident that the Indian 
population of this region was augmented (per- 
haps in as great proportion as is the white popu- 
lation at the present time) by the presence of 
non-residents, some of whom were, or claimed 
to be, landownei-s. Among these was the 
famous Teedyuscung, the Delaware King, whose 
home was on the North Branch of the Susque- 
hanna, in Pennsylvania, and also the somewhat 
celebrated Christian Indian and interpreter, 
Moses Tatamy, who lived in the valley of the 
Lehigh. At a conference between the whites 
and Indians, held at Crosswicks, in February, 
1758, these two Delawares presented claims 
for certain lands which had not been sold by 
them. With reference to one of these claims 
to lands in the county of Monmouth, the min- 
utes of the Crosswicks conference read as fol- 
lows : '•' They have a tract of land beginning at 
the Old Ford, by John Fowler's ; then in a line 
to Doctor's Creek, above, but in sight of Allen- 
town ; then up the creek to the lower end of 
Imlaystown ; then in a line to Crosswicks, by 
Dulse Horseman's; then along said creek to 
the place of beginning. Teedyuscung and 
Tatamy are concerned in the above lands." 

From the northwest and the southwest, the 
Indians of the remoter tribes came to the Nave- 

1 Wampum was not only the unireraal currency of the 
Indians, but was also used to a great extent by the whites. 
For many years eight white or four black " peags " of 
wampum passed at the value of a stiver, or penny, but in 
1673, the supply of wampum having materially decreased 
by reason of the Indians having carried it away to the in- 
terior, the Governor and Council of New York made proc- 
lamation that thenceforward six white or three black peags 
(instead of eight white and four black, as before) should be 
accounted and received as a stiver, " and three times so 
much the value in silver," — the meaning of which latter 
provision, however, does not clearly appear. 

sink region by two principal paths (which in 
the early times were also used to a considerable 
extent as highways by the white settlors), called 
the Minisink Path and the Burlington Path. 
The first named started at Minisink, on the 
upper Delaware, and passing thence southeast- 
erly through the present counties of Sussex, 
Morris, Union and Middlesex, crossed the Bari- 
tan River at a fording-place about three miles 
above its mouth, from which point it ran to the 
site of the village of Middletown, Monmouth 
County, and thence to Clay Pit Creek and to 
the mouth of the river at the JSTavesink High- 
lands. The Burlington Path came from the 
Delaware River by two branches, one starting 
at the Falls (Trenton) and the other at Bur- 
lington, and joining at or near Crosswicks; 
thence continuing in one path, through the 
southwestern townships of Monmouth County, 
to where is now the town of Freehold (the main 
street of which is, for a considerable distance, on 
the line of the old path) ; and thence to its 
junction with the Minisink Path, at or near 
Middletown — with a branch leaving the main 
path below Freehold and running to Tinton 
Falls and the vicinity of Long Branch. Be- 
sides these main thoroughfares there were shorter 
and less important paths leading to Wakake 
landing and various points on tide-water. 

Concerning the supposed locations of Indian 
villages in Monmouth County, there are in 
existence various traditions, on the mere strength 
of which more than twenty such sites have 
been recognized (satisfactorily, at least, to those 
engaged in the search), and descriptions of their 
several locations have, from time to time, ap- 
peared in print. Similar traditions are found 
in every county, not only of New Jersey, but of 
each and every one of the older States. In a 
great majority of these cases the tradition rests 
solely on the fact that at certain places there 
have, at some time, been found Indian arrow- 
heads, or supposed hatchets, or remains of abo- 
riginal domestic utensils, or indications of ancient 
Indian oorn-fields, or of clusters of graves, sup- 
posed to be those of the native savages, upon 
which the conclusion was promptly arrived at 
that on or in the immediate vicinity of such a 
spot there must have been a village, which 



supposition thereupon, stated as a fact, without 
any explanation, and then handed down from 
father to son for many years, is received with- 
out any question of its authenticity. But arrow- 
heads, sharp stones supposed to have been used 
as hatchets, stone pestles and other similar relics 
have been found in nearly every part of the 
United States and in nearly every kind of loca- 
tion ; on the summits and steep sides of hills, 
in the middle of parched, sandy plains and 
along the edges of bogs and swamps, as well 
as in places which might have been fit for 
village sites. But neither these nor the Indian 
corn-fields and graves afford any guide to the 
Ibcation of their villages. The writer of this 
has had occasion to make some research as to 
Indian matters in the West, where the Indian 
occupation extended down to so recent a period 
that there are men still living there who lived 
among them, traded with them and thoroughly 
understand their peculiarities and mode of life. 
Two such men are Mr. Ephraim Williams, of 
Flint, Mich, and his brother, Benjamin O. 
Williams, of Owosso, in the same State, both of 
whom were for a number of years traders in the 
country of the Saginaw Indians, and both of 
whom speak the Indian language as fluently as 
English; and they have given the following 
statement as to the Indian way of living : 

The Indians located their villages with almost 
entire regard to their occupation in winter, for 
in summer-time they were often entirely deserted, 
the people, old and young, being at such times 
away in temporary camps, generally made at or 
near the good fishing-places. For this reason, their 
permanent villages were always, when practicable, 
located in open glades, surrounded by the heavy 
forest, which gave some degree of protection 
against the piercing winds and storms of winter. 
Their burial-places were always remote from 
the villages. Their corn-fields were made on 
fertile land, if such could be found, combining 
with that the necessary condition, which was 
that it be open, free from trees and bushes, 
soft and friable, and therefore easily worked. 
They took no pains to make their fields near 
their villages, and they were frequently located 
several miles away, they having no fear that 
their meagre crops would be stolen. If the 

fields were far away, a temporary camp would be' 
made near them, at planting and harvesting 
time, to be occupied by the squaws (who did all 
the work), and two or three old men, who re- 
mained there to keep them from quarreling 
among themselves. The able-bodied men never 
came to the fields at these times, being at then- 
fishing camps when the planting was done, and 
engaged either in fishing or hunting at the 
autumn harvest. When the squaws had 
gathered their slender crops, and the frosts and 
storms of November heralded the approach of 
winter, the whole Indian population returned to 
their comparatively comfortable villages, within 
the shelter of the woods. From these the young 
men of the tribe went out to the winter hunting 
and trapping grounds ; and, at the approach of 
spring, all — men, women and children — went 
to the sugar-woods, pitched their camps, and 
spent two or three weeks in sugar-making, 
after which they prepared for removal to the 
summer camping-places, to hunt and fish, and 
plant maize, beans, pumpkins and other Indian 
crops, as before. 

The most frequently mentioned (and there- 
fore supposed to have been the largest and most 
important) of the Indian villages in this part of 
New Jersey were the one (before mentioned) 
on the Earitan, not far from the crossing of the 
Minisink Path, and another located at Cross- 
wicks, both of which were outsi,de the limits 
of Monmouth County. There were, however, 
several small Indian " towns " within the terri- 
tory of Monmouth, which are mentioned in 
several places in the ancient records. In the 
laying out of a roadway, in the year 1676, 
reference is made to "the Indian Path that 
goes from Wake cake to the Indian Town 
called Seapeckameck," but nothing is found 
showing the precise location of this or of any 
of the few other Indian villages in the region, 
all of which combined could not, at any one 
time after 1663, have contained more than two 
hundred inhabitants of both sexes and all ages. 

It has already been mentioned that the 
Indians in this part of New Jersey, although 
they had always been more or less hostile to 
the Dutch, and had several times made open 
war upon them, were, and always continued to 



be, friendly and well disposed towards the Eng- 
lish settlers. This was in a great measure due 
to the fact that the latter always purchased the 
Indian lauds before settling on them, which, in 
fact, they were compelled to do by the instruc- 
tions given by the first proprietors to their 
Governor, Philip Carteret: 

" And lastly, if our Governor and Councellors shall 
happen to find any Natives in our said Province and 
Tract of Land aforesaid, that then you treat them 
with all Humanity and Kindness, and do not in any 
wise grieve or oppress them, but endeavour by a 
Christian carriage to manifest Piety, Justice and 
Charity, and in your Conversation with them, the 
Manifestation whereof will prove Beneficial to the 
Planters, and likewise Advantageous to the Propaga- 
tion of the Gospel." — Instruction of the Lords Propri- 
etors to the Governor, Philip Carteret, dated February 10, 

Smith, in his " History of New Jersey " (pub- 
lished in 1765), in mentioning the fact that 
Governor Carteret, acting under the proprietors' 
instructions, inaugurated the policy of buying 
the Indian lands in every case, as a matter of 
policy, to prevent the possibility of awakening 
their hostility, says that " though the Indians 
about the English settlements were not at this 
time considerable as to numbers, they were 
strong in their alliances, and besides of them- 
selves could easily annoy, the out-plantations, 
and there having been before several consider- 
able skirmishes between the Dutch and them, in 
which some blood had been spilt, their friend- 
ship on this consideration, it was thought, stood 
but ticklish. Upon the whole the Governor 
so ordered it, that the comers were either to 
purchase of the Indians themselves, or, if the 
lands had been before purchased, they were 
to pay their proportions. The event answered 
his expectation; for as the ludians parted 
with the lands to their own satisfaction, they 
became, from a jealous, shy people, serviceable, 
good neighbors; and although frequent reports 
of their coming to kill the white people some- 
times disturbed their repose, no instance occurs 
of their hurting them (the English) in those 
early settlements." 

In a description of East New Jersey, pub- 
lished by the proprietors for the purpose of 
promoting the settlement of the province, they 

said : " The Indian natives in this country are 
but few, comparative to the neighbouring colo- 
nies ; and those that are here are so far from 
being formidable or injurious to the planters 
and inhabitants that they are really serviceable 
to the English, not only in hunting and taking 
the deer and other wild creatures, and catching 
of fish and fowl fit for food, in their seasons, 
but in the killing and destroying of bears, 
wolves, foxes and other vermine and peltry, 
whose skins and furrs they bring to the Eng- 
lish and sell at less price than the value of 
time an Englishman -must spend to take 

It appears that, although the Indians in this 
region exhibited no hostility towards the Eng- 
lish settlers, the latter distrusted them to some 
extent for a number of years. That this was the 
case in the old settlement at Middletown is shown 
by the following extract from the records of 
that town, viz. : 

"September 9, 1670.— The Constable and 
Overseers, with the assistance of the towne 
Deputies, taking into consideration the danger- 
ous practice of selling liquors to the Indians, 
w'ch (for some years past) hath, at severall 
times, occasioned mischiefe in the towne ; and, 
morever, consideriiig that nott onely noe course 
is taken in the generall for the obstructing of 
the dangerous practice, but allsoe the eminent 
danger w'ch dayly hangs over our heads, the 
weaknes of the towne to withstand the rage 
and fury of the numerable Indians M''ch in- 
habites about us; fo> the present safety and 
preservation of his majesties subjects, the in- 
habitants of Middletown did, upon the 9th of 
this present month, upon this following ground, 
conclude upon the following order : ' Whereas' 
wee have found, as well by woeful experience^ 
as allso by severall complaints of many inhabit- 
ants of this towne of the mischiefes and dan- 
gers occasioned by some trading of strong 
liquor to the Indians by w'ch many of them 
have bin drunken and distempered with the 
said liquor have oftentimes offered violence 
and fury to several of the peaceable inhabit- 
ants, who have been endangered of their lives- 
for the future prevention of all such mischiefes 
and dangers occasioned by the violence and 



fury of the Indians in their drunken distem- 
pers and for the maintenance of the peace of 
our Sovereigne Lord, the King, doe hereby 
order and enact that noe person whatsoever 
shall, either directly or indirectly, sell or trade 
any sort of wine, strong liquor or strong 
bearre to any Indian within the limits of this 
towneshipp, upon the penalty of the forfeiture 
of ten pounds for every such defalt ; and that 
after due proces made, to be forthwith levied upon 
his estate; the one-half to the informer, and 
the other to bee disposed of at the discretion of 
the Court. It is likewise ordered that all 
Indians that any time shall bee found drunke 
in the towne or neere about shall bee sett in the 
stocks till they bee sober." 

In the above there is nothing tending to 
show that the people of the settlement had any 
more to fear from the Indians than they would 
have had from the violence of drunken white 
men of the ignorant class ; and the fact that they 
enacted laws to punish Indian drunkenness by 
setting the culprit in the stocks, as they would 
have done to one of their own countrymen, 
shows that the savages were under their con- 
trol and could hardly have been regarded as 
dangerous enemies. The truth is, that though 
the Indians were troublesome when intoxicated, 
the English settlers in this section of country 
had no more trouble with them than they M'ould 
have had with the same number of vaga- 
bond neighbors of the white race. 

In 1675, when the Indian King, Philip, M^as 
waging his war of extermination against the 
New England settlements, the news of those 
bloody atrocities coming to New Jersey created 
a general feeling of alarm and fear of an Indian 
uprising, on which account the Governor, Council 
and General Assembly of the province declared 
that " Forasmuch as it is requisite of Necessity 
amongst all men to be in a Posture of Defence 
against Enemies or Dangers that may accrue, 
and especially we being invited hereunto by the 
Insolence and Outrages of the Heathens in our 
Neighbouring Colonies, not knowing how soon 
we may be surprised," and promptly proceeded 
to pass a militia law requiring all able-bodied 
men, from sixteen to sixty years of age, each to 
be armed at his own expense, and to hold him- 

self in readiness for immediate service, under 
severe penalties. And it was also at the same 
time enacted : " That there shall be a place of 
Fortification or Fortifications made in every 
Town of this Province, and a House therein for 
securing of Women and Children, Provision 
and Ammunition in case of eminent danger by 
the Indians." Under the provisions of this 
enactment a strong block-house was built at 
Middletown, and for a time, details of militia- 
men were kept on duty to guard against sur- 
prise ; but this did not continue long, for no 
signs of an Indian outbreak could be discovered, 
and the excitement and alarm gradually passed 

At about this time Thomas Budd came to 
settle at Burlington, where the Indian alarm 
was then great. Budd and some others held a 
conference with the Indians to ascertain what 
grounds of complaint they had, if any, and the 
result of the " talk" is given (in a pamphlet 
afterwards published by him) as follows : 

" The Indians told us in a conference at Bur- 
lington, shortly after we came into the country, 
that they were advised to make war on us and cut 
us off while we were but few, for that we sold 
them the small-pox with the match-coats they 
bought of us ; which caused our people to be 
in fears and jealousies concerning them. There- 
fore we sent for the Indian Kings to speak with 
them, who, with many more Indians, came to 
Burlington, where we had a conference with 
them about the matter. We told them we came 
amongst them by their own consent, and had 
bought the land of them, for which we had 
honestly paid them, and for what commodities 
we had bought at any time of them we had 
paid them for, and had been just to them, 
and had been from the time of our first 
coming very kind and respectful to them; 
therefore we knew no reason that they had to 
make war on us ; to which one of them, in be- 
half of the rest, made this speech and answer: 
'Our young men may speak such words as we 
do not like nor approve of, and we cannot help 
that ; some of your young men may speak such 
words as you do not like, and you cannot help 
that. We are your brothers, and intend to live 
like brothers with you. We have no mind to 



have war, for when we have war we are only- 
skin and bones ; the meat that we eat doth not 
do us good ; we are always in fear ; we have not 
the benefit of the sun to shine on us ; and we 
hide us in holes and corners ; we are minded to 
live in peace. If we intend at any time to 
make war upon you we will let you know of it, 
and the reasons why we make war with you ; 
and if you make us satisfaction for the injury 
done us, for which the war was intended, then 
we will not make war on you ; and if you in- 
tend at any time to make war on us we would 
have you let us know of it, and the reason ; and 
then if we do not make satisfaction for the in- 
jury done unto you, then you may make war on 
us ; otherwise you ought not to do it. . . . 
And as to the small-pox, it was once in my 
grandfather's time, and it could not be the Eng- 
lish that could send it to us then, there being no 
English in the country. And it was once in my 
father's time ; they could not send it to us then 
either ; and now it is in my time, I do not believe 
that they have sent it to us now. I do believe 
it is the man above that hath sent it us ! ' 
. . . The Indians have been very service- 
able to us by selling us venison, Indian corn, 
peas and beans, fish and fowl, buckskins, beaver, 
otter and other skins and furs. The men hunt, 
fish and fowl and the women plant the corn and 
carry burthens. There are many of them of a good 
understanding, considering their education, and 
in their publick meetings of business they have 
excellent order, one speaking after another, and 
while one is speaking all keep silent and do not 
so much as whisper, one to the otlier." 

In 1742 the chiefs and sachems of the Iroquois 
nation met the Governor and others of the prin- 
cipal men of Pennsylvania in council at Phila- 
delphia, the real object of their having been 
called there by the Governor being to induce 
them to order the Delawares (who, in fact, were, 
and had been for many years, their conquered 
vassals), to remove westward from their domain 
in the valley of the Delaware River. The object 
was accomplished, and the order was given in 
open council by the Iroquois Sachem Counos- 
satego, addressed to the few Delaware chiefs 
who were in attendance. They had no alterna- 
tive but to obey, and the remnant of the ancient 

and proud nation removed from their domain, 
many of them going to the Ohio River. 

But this forced exodus of the Delawares had 
reference chiefly to the Minsi branch of the 
nation, whose country lay northwest of the Mus- 
conetcong Mountains, and had little, if any, effect 
on the feeble bands in the eastern part of the 
province, for they had already become wholly 
insignificant in numbers, as is indicated in a 
letter written in April, 1749, by Governor 
Belcher, of New Jersey, to the Lords of Trade, 
in which he said : " Of Indians, about sixty 
families reside in the province, who are quiet 
and easy under his Majesty's Government." 
About three years prior to this, however, an 
alarm had been created among the people of 
this part of the province by a report that 
stranger Indians had come here from the ISTorth- 
west secretly, and in considerable numbers, 
being supposed to have been sent by the French 
in Canada to stir up the few New Jersey In- 
dians to hostility, and to take part with and 
assist them in depredation and bloodshed. 
Another theory was that the strange Indians 
who appeared so suddenly in this region 
had come as allies of a large body of 
white insurgents who had formed a partial 
organization to resist enforcement of the laws 
concerning land titles, and (as was alleged) had 
threatened to call the Indians to their aid. The 
following, having reference to the matter in 
question, is from the records ^ of the Governor 
and Council of New Jersey : 

" 1746, April 9th.— The Council received in- 
formation that tho' for Six years past no In- 
dian men had lived near Cranberry but Andrew 
and Peter, and that only two more had Lived 
for many years before that, who both, for misde- 
meanours by them Committed, removed thence 
to Crosswicks, yet within a few weeks before 
that information there were come forty fighting 
men of Indians to live there ; that about three 
weeks before that information, one Indian came 
who had a blue Laced Coat on, which, it was 
Said, he had got fromtheGovernour of Canada, 
and he Lodged in the Informant's house one 
Night, and some of the other Indians told the 

^Col. Doc. 1, vi. 406. 



Informant that he was a King of some Indians 
on Delaware, and that he was come to View 
that place and was to come and Settle there 
with his Indians, and that they expected they 
would be about Three hundred Indians there in 
all ; that the Neighbours thereabout were ex- 
tremely alarmed at this Number of Indians 
Coming to Settle there, where it's Esteemed 
impossible for such a Number to Live without 
Stealing or killing their Neighbours' Creatures. 
That the Cause pretended for Such a Num- 
ber of Indians coming to Live there is, that 
they are to be taught the Christian Religion 
by one Mr. Braniard, and for that purpose they 
are to build a Town, a Church and a School- 
House upon the Land there of one John Fal- 
conar, of London, Merchant, upon which In- 
formation, upon Oath, a Copy was given to one 
of the Members of the Assembly to Shew it to 
the rest. Whatever truth there may be in the 
pretence for these Indians gathering together in 
that place near the very Centre of this Province 
We know not, as we are well assured that the 
said Mr. Braniard has never made any applica- 
tion to this Government for Leave to gather 
those Indians there or to give any Notice to it 
of Such design, but . . . these things being 
compared with the threats of the Rioters given 
out at their Riot in September, 1745, Demon- 
strate that the Threat of their having the As- 
sistance of a hundred Indians to Support their 
pretentions, which was Esteemed ridiculous and 
impossible, is by these means likely to become 
possible, and as the Same [Indian] Andrew, 
whom the committee of the Rioters were tam- 
pering with, is the head of them, and pretends 
to give those Indians the Land they are to Live 
upon, it's Submitted how probable it Seems that 
this gathering of those Indians there may be 
in Consequence of what has been Concerted 
between the Said Andrew and the Said Com- 
mittee, which matter so Concerted, most probably, 
have been the foundation for the Threat afore- 

The " Mr. Braniard," to whom reference is 
made in this extract, was Brainerd, the famous 
missionary, who labored among the Indians in 
New England, Pennsylvania,, New Jersey and 
others of the provinces, and who preached 

for a long time at Cranbury, and at the old 
Presbyterian Church northwest of Monmouth 
Court-House. The description of the Indian 
wearing the " blue-laced coat," and represented 
to be a King, corresponds exactly Avith that 
frequently found of the Delaware King, Teedy- 
uscung, who had doubtless on this occasion 
come down from the Susquehanna Valley to 
see and hear Brainerd,' whom he had before 
met in Pennsylvania, and with whom he was on 
terms of cordial friendship. It is said that 
during Brainerd's term of preaching in this 
part of the province there were at times quite 
large numbers of Indians gathered to hear him. 
If so, the audiences must have been made up of 
those who came with Teedyuscung or of some 
other stranger savages, as it is shown by the 
preceding quotation from the Council record 
that at the time in question the resident Indian 
population in this vicinity had dwindled to 
almost nothing. The Indian Peter, referred to^ 
was a well-known character in the southern 
part of Monmouth County prior to and during 
the Revolution. The record of him is that he 
was remarkably fond of whiskey, and in conse- 
quence became a vagabond, though not a vicious 
one. About 1775 he moved to the vicinity of 
Imlaystown, and built a cabin on the shore of 
a pond, from which he took large numbers of 
fish, which he sold to the white people, realizing 
in that way a sufficient amount to keep him 
quite well supplied with liquor. During his 
residence by the pond his squaw died and he 
was left alone. He lived some years after his 
bereavement, and was one of the last, if not the 
very last, of his race living in Monmouth 
County. The reason why he remained here 
living alone, so long after the other New Jersey 
Indians had been collected and placed together 
on a reservation, is not known, but it was 
doubtless his love of whiskey and the free life 
of a vagabond. 

The right of the Indians to the ownership ot 
the lands in New Jersey was recognized by the 
government of the province, and, as has already 

1 The fact that Teedyuscung was also an owner of unsold 
Indian lands in this vicinity, as before mentioned, might 
have been a partial cause of his coming to Cranbui'y. 



been mentioned, it was always required that the 
Indian lands should be fairly purchased before 
settlements were made on them. This was 
done, and large purchases were made from the 
natives from time to time, as the need of settlers 
required, so that most of the Indians had sold 
most of their lands prior to 1758, in which year, 
at a treaty council held at Crosswicks for the 
purpose, the whole of their remaining titles were 
extinguished, except that there was reserved to 
them the right to fish in all the rivers and bays 
south of the Earitan, and to hunt on all unin- 
closed lands. A tract of three thousand acres 
of land was also purchased at Edge Pillock, in 
Burlington County, and on this the few remain- 
ing Indians of New Jersey (about sixty in num- 
ber) were afterwards collected and settled. 
They remained there until the year 1802, when 
they removed to New Stockbridge, near Oneida 
Lake, in the State of New York, where they 
joined the Stockbridge tribe. Several years 
afterwards they again removed and settled on 
a large tract of land on Fox Kiver, Wis., which 
tract had been purchased for their use from the 
Menominee Indians. There, in conjunction 
with the Stockbridges, they engaged in agricul- 
tural pursuits and formed a settlement, which 
was named Statesburg. At that place, in the 
year 1832, there remained about forty of the 
Delawares, among whom was still kept alive 
the tradition that they were the owners of fish- 
ing and hunting privileges in New Jersey. 
They resolved to lay their claims before the 
Legislature of this State and to request that a 
moderate sum (two thousand dollars) might be 
paid them for its relinquishment. The person 
selected to act for them in presenting the matter 
before the Legislature was one of their own na- 
tion, whom they called Shawuskukhkung (mean- 
ing " wilted grass "), but who was known among 
the white people as Bartholomew S. Calvin. 
He was born in 1756, and was educated at 
Princeton College at the expense of the Scotch 
Missionary Society. At the breaking out of 
the Revolution he left his studies to join the 
patriot army under Wasliington, in which he 
served with credit through the war. At the time 
when his red brethren placed this business in his 
hands he was seventy-six years of age, yet he 

proceeded in the matter with all the energy of 
youth, and laid before the New Jersey Legisla- 
ture a petition in his favor signed by a large 
number of respectable citizens of the State, 
together with a memorial, written by his own 
hand, as follows : 

"My Beethben, — I am old and weak and poor, 
and therefore a fit representative of my people. You 
are young and strong and rich, and therefore fit 
representatives of your people. But let me beg you 
for a moment to lay aside the recollections of your 
strength and of our weakness that your minds may be 
prepared to examine with candor the subject of our 

"Our tradition informs us — and I believe it corre- 
sponds with your records — that the right of fishing 
in all the rivers and bays south of the Earitan, and 
of hunting in all uninolosed lands, was never relin- 
quished, but, on the contrary, was expressly reserved 
in our last treaty, held at Crosswicks in 1758. Having 
myself been one of the parties to the sale,- — I believe 
in 1801, — I know that these rights were not sold or 
parted with. 

" We now offer to sell these privileges to the State 
of New Jersey. They were once of great value to us, 
and we apprehend that neither time nor distance nor 
the non-use of our rights have at all affected them, 
but that the courts here would consider our claims 
valid were we to exercise them ourselves or delegate 
them to others. It is not, however, our wish thus to 
excite litigation. We consider the State Legislature 
the proper purchaser, and we throw ourselves upon 
its benevolence and magnanimity, trusting that feel- 
ings of justice and liberality will induce you to give 
us what you deem a compensation. And as we have 
ever looked up to the leading characters of the United 
States (and to the leading characters of this State in 
particular) as our fathers, protectors and friends, we 
now look up to you as such, and humbly beg that you 
will look upon us with that eye of pity as we have 
reason to think our poor, untutored forefathers looked 
upon yours when they first arrived upon our then 
extensive but uncultivated dominions and sold them 
their lands, in many instances for trifles, in compaori- 
son, as 'light as air.' 

"From your humble petitioner, 

"Bartholomew S. Calvin, 
"In behalf of himself and his red brethren." 

In the Legislature the subject was referred 
to a committee, which, after patient hearing, 
reported favorably; whereupon the Legislature 
granted to the Delawares the sum of two thou- 
sand dollars — the full amount asked for — in 
consideration of this relinquishment of their last 
claims and rights in the State of New Jersey. 



Upon this result Mr. Calvin addressed to the 
Legislature a letter of thanks, which was read 
before the two Houses in joint session, and was 
received with repeated rounds of most enthusi- 
astic applause. The letter was as follows : 

"Tkenton, March 12, 1832. 

"Bartholomew S. Calvin takes this method to re- 
turn his thanks to both Houses of the State Legisla- 
ture, and especially to their Committees, for their very 
respectful attention to, and candid examination of, the 
Indian claims which he was delegated to present. 

"The final act of official intercourse between the 
State of New Jersey and the Delaware Indians, who 
once owned nearly the whole of its territory, has now 
been consummated, and in a manner which must re- 
dound to the honor of this growing State, and in all 
probability to the prolongation of the existence of a 
wasted, yet grateful people. Upon this parting occa- 
sion I feel it to be an incumbent duty to bear the 
feeble tribute of my praise to the high-toned justice 
which, in this instance, — and, so far as I am acquainted, 
in all former times, — has actuated the councils of 
this commonwealth in dealing with the aboriginal 

"Not a drop of our blood have you spilled in battle; 
not an acre of our land have you taken but by our 
consent. These facts speak for themselves and need 
no comment. They place the character of New Jersey 
in bold relief and bright example to those States within 
whose territorial limits our brethren still remain. 
Nothing save benisons can fall upon her from the lips 
of a Lenni Lenape. 

" There may be some who would despise an Indian 
benediction; but when I return to my people and 
make known to them the result of my mission, the 
ear of the great Sovereign of the universe, which is 
still open to our cry, will be penetrated with the in- 
vocation of blessings upon the generous sons of New 

While this Indian claim was under consider- 
ation the cause of the Delawares was volun- 
tarily supported by the Hon. Samuel L. South- 
ard, who, at the close of a most powerful and 
eloquent appeal, made before the committee in 
favor of the petitioners, said, — "It is a proud 
fact in the history of New Jersey that every 
foot of her soil has been obtained from the In- 
dians by fair and voluntary purchase and trans- 
fer, a fact that no other State of the Union, not 
even the land which bears the name of Penn, 
can boast of." 



The first time that the soil of Monmouth 
County was ever trodden by the feet of white 
men was on the 5th of September, 1609, when 
a boat's crew belonging to Captain Henry Hud- 
son's little ship, the " Half-Moon," landed upon 
the southern shore of Sandy Hook Bay (at a 
place which cannot now be identified), and trav- 
eled thence a short distance inland, returning 
later in the day to the ship, and there giving en- 
thusiastic accounts of the majestic forest-trees, 
and the strange wild flowers and fruits, and 
people that they had seen in their short journey 
of exploration. The incidents of this land trip 
by Hudson's sailors into the woods of what is 
now the county of Monmouth have already 
been more fully mentioned in a preceding chap- 
ter, as also the subsequent killing of one of 
their number — John Colman — by the Indians, 
and the interment of his body in the sands of 
the Monmouth shore, at a place which they 
named in his memory " Colman's Point." It 
was the first burial of a white man in the soil 
of the present State of New Jersey ; but the 
location of the spot where his comrades made 
his lonely grave can never be known. 

From that time, for more than half a century, 
the Dutch, claiming the right to all this region 
by virtue of Hudson's discovery, held possession 
of it (though only nominally as concerned the 
interior portions) undisturbed, except tempo- 
rarily by the appearance of Captain Samuel 
Argall with his ship and soldiers at New Am- 
sterdam, in 1613, as has already been noticed. 
During all that long period the Hollanders had 
established a town where New York now is, and 
another at the site of the present city of Albany, 
with straggling settlements at several interme- 
diate points on the Hudson Eiver, and two or 
three small ones along the Hackensack, as far 
south as Newark Bay, called by them the Ach- 
ter Koll ; but these remained their frontiers, 
while beyond them, to the west and south, and 
also southeastwardly to the ocean shore, the 
country still remained a wilderness, and in pos- 
session of the native Indians. Among them a 



few of the more adventurous Dutchmen from 
New Amsterdam had penetrated for a short 
distance up the kills and rivers ; but their visits 
were for purposes of trade only, and not made 
with a view to the forming of settlements. 

The Dutch colonists at that time living along 
the Hudson were merely traders, and most of 
them had come to America for that especial 
purpose. But they had about them none of that 
bold spirit of pioneering enterprise which impels 
men to seek new homes in the forest ; and so, 
although for the sake of gain they frequently 
ventured on trading journeys among the Indians, 
whom they (not without good cause) regarded 
with distrust and dread, they chose to smoke 
their pipes and drink their schnapps in quiet 
and comparative safety at their settlements on ' 
the Hudson, the Hackensack and Long Island, 
rather than take the trouble and incur the dan- 
ger of opening new plantations and forming 
new settlements in the interior. And these are 
the reasons why the region of country now em- 
braced in the county of Monmouth remained 
without white inhabitants unti I the Dutch power 
was overthrown in New Netherlands, and the 
country was brought under English rule. 

The surrender of New Amsterdam, in 1664, 
by the Dutch Governor, Peter Stuyvesant, to 
the English, represented by Sir Robert Carre 
and Governor Richard Nicolls, has already been 
noticed. It was a matter of course that the 
establishment of the English rule over the 
region between the Hudson and Delaware 
Rivers would cause the immediate and rapid 
extension of settlements in the Indian country 
beyond the Dutch frontier, and it does not seem 
improbable that some foreknowledge of King 
Charles' intention to expel the Dutch from their 
possession of New Netherlands was the prin- 
cipal cause which induced a party of about 
twenty English, all or nearly all of whom had 
previously lived in the New England colonies, 
but most of whom were then settlers on Long 
Island, to set out in a sloop from Gravesend, 
L. I., in December, 1663, and sail across the 
bay to what is now Monmouth County, for the 
purpose of purchasing lands of the Indian 
sachems, with a view to settlement. Some 
knowledge of the movements and operations 

of this party, during their visit to the Navesink 
and Raritan Indians, is to be gained from the 
following extracts from vol. xxi. of the Albany 
Records ; being an account of a trip to the same 
region, and within two or three days of the 
same time, by a party of Hollanders (evidently 
traders) from New Amsterdam, viz.: " 1663. — 
Voyage to Newesing [Navesink] made in the 
Company's sloop, and what happened during the 
trip. There were on the sloop Captain Martin 
Creger, Go vert Loockermans, Jacques Cortelyou, 
Peter Zevel, with ten soldiers, two sailors and 
the Sachem, with a savage from Staten Island. 

" 6th December. — We sailed from the Manhat- 
tans [New York] about three o'clock and 
arrived about evening, at 6 o'clock, at Staten 
Island, where the Sachem of said Island, with 
the savage, went on shore. They remained 
about an hour and then returned. Hoisting 
again our sail, we sailed through the Kil Van 
Kol, arrived at the back of Shutter's Island 
upon shallow water, cast our anchor and stayed 
there until next ebb tide. We raised our 
anchor again about three in the morning and 
rowed down with the ebb to the Creek behind 
Staten Island. Somewhat later in the morn- 
ing we hoisted our sail and tacked until the 
ebb tide was over, and then again cast our 
anchor. The flood tide being gone about two 
o'clock in the afternoon, we raised the anchor 
and tacked again. 

" We discovered a sail towards evening, which 
we approached and spoke to them. It was Peter 
Lawrenson and Jacob Cowenhoven, with a 
small sloop. They said they had been out to 
trade for venison. We both tacked together, 
with our sloops the same evening, towards the 
end of Staten Island, and cast there our an- 
chors just opposite the Raritan River, where 
we saw two bouses with Southern Savages. 
Cowenhoven informed us that the English, in 
an open sloop, nineteen strong, sailed the day 
before up the Raritan River, where the Indians 
of the Newesing and Raritans were collected 
together about three miles up on the River. 
The Savages communicated the same. We re- 
mained that night before Raritan River in 
order to sail up the next morning and follow 
the English. In the morning the wind blew 



very heavily from the northwest so that we 
could not proceed up the Raritan Eiver, and 
we were compelled to stay there all day. We 
determined then to send the Indian John by 
land to the savages of Newesings and Raritans, 
who were assembled about three miles up the 
Raritan River. This we did at once, with 
verbal orders that he should tell the Sachems 
of the Newesings and Raritans that we were 
laying with our sloop before the River, and 
we wished that they would come here and have 
a talk with us. We also told John to tell the 
Sachems if some English had arrived or were 
actually among them with the view to pur- 
chase lands of them, that they should not sell 
it to the English, as they had not even asked 
it of the Dutch Sachems on the Manhattans, 
and came there secretly. That if the Sachems 
of the Newesings wished to sell some land, that 
they should come to us and we would talk it 
over with them. John, as soon as the sun 
arose, departed to tell the Indians, Avhile we 
remained before the River. 

" December 9th. — We saw in the morning, 
about nine o'clock, the English sloop coming 
down ; we immediately raised our anchor and 
sailed towards them. Arriving near them, we 
asked from M'hence they came, on which the 
Captain, Christopher Elsworth, answered ' from 
the River.' We asked what he had done. He 
answered that he ' brought the English there.' 
We told him this was wrong ; it was against 
our Government to act in this manner, and 
that he should answer for it ; on which Wil- 
liam Goulding cried out, ' It is well, it is well.' 
In the vessel were Charles Morgan, John 
Bowne, James Holbert, John Totman, Samuel 
Spicer, Thomas AVhitlock, Sergeant Gybbiugs ; 
from the First Bay, a man named Kreupels-Bos ; 
one from Flushing ; two from Jamaica [L. I.], 
and a few more whom we knew not, to twenty 
in number. On the same day, in the afternoon, 
about three o'clock, John, the Savage, returned, 
whom we had sent in the night to the Newe- 
sing Sachems, who were encamped at a consider- 
able distance from the Raritan River. John, the 
Savage, brought to us six or seven savages, 
who told us that the English, before John, the 
savage, came to them, had arrived there and 

presented the Savages with some rum and two 
fathoms of black wampum and one of white, 
after which they asked them if they would sell 
to them some land. In the mean time, John, 
our Savage, came, when the whole thing termi- 
nated and the English left. 

'' December 10th. — We departed again from 
Raritan River, accompanied by two Indians, 
who were acquainted with the lands of the New- 
asings. We went down the bay and arrived at 
the creek which enters between Rensselaer's Pier' 
and the said point ; we met here again Christo- 
pher Elsworth in his little sloop, and the Eng- 
lish sitting on shore near the creek. We went 
with our boat on shore and went towards them, 
along the strand. When we approached them 
we saw every one standing with their weapons. 
When the Sheriff, Charles Morgan, and John 
Bowne advanced towards us, I asked them what 
their business was. They answered they were 
trading. We replied : If they went to trade, why 
had they such a strong force with them ? They 
said Indians were villains and could not be trust- 
ed; and therefore they went in such numbers. 
We told them we were informed they came to 
purchase land from the Indians. They answered : 
'We only went there to see the lands.' We 
again told them that they ought not to undertake 
to purchase any land of the Indians, as the 
largest part was already purchased by the Dutch. 
John Bowne then asked me, ' under what Govern- 
ment I presumed that they resided ? ' I answered 
that they lived under that of the States-General, 
and under that of the Director-General and 
Council here. To which he replied: 'Why, 
then, are we not permitted to trade and explore 
lands as well as you ? ' I answered him that 
they ought not to undertake to purchase any 
lands from the Indians, except they had previ- 
ously obtained the consent of Governor Stuyve- 
sant and Council ; to which John Bowne replied : 
' It shall be well.' Then said Christopher Els- 

1 " In the old Dutch records the Navesink Highlands are 
sometimes called Rensselaer's Point or Hook, and some- 
times Rensselaer's Pier. This last name no doubt origin- 
ated from the appearance of these hills to a vessel far out 
at sea. The adjoining lowlands lying below the horizon, 
the hills project boldly and squarely out and resemble a 
pier or wharf, to those on a vessel far out on the ocean.'' — 
Bon. O. 0. Beekman. 



worth, ' I told them the same before, that they 
should not do it.' Govert Loockermans told 
them then : ' ye are a party of traitors, and you 
act against the Government of the State.' They 
said ' the King's patent is quite of another cast.' 
Loockermans asked ' from whom have you your 
pass ? ' and they answered ' from the Manhat- 
tans.' Loockermans retorted, ' Why do you 
act, then, against the State ? ' To which Charles 
Morgan answered ; ' Sek noty bey affet' 

" The English had their savage with them, 
who was of the Newasings, and had a hand in 
the murder of Mispath's Kil,^ as our savage in- 
formed us, whom we had taken with us in our 
sloop and carried hither, and his name was 
Quikems, living on the Newasing River at the 
land called Townsing. We left the English 
along shore and went up the river about four 
miles, along the shore under the West Hills, 
where the country is very mountainous. On the 
opposite side, as the savage informed us, the soil 
was very poor, but some good land, — old 
[Indian] corn-fields and some planting-ground, 
which I had before explored with Courtelyou. 
Then we crossed the hilly part, about nine miles, 
and perceived by a sign on board that Chris- 
topher Elsworth with his sloop and the English 
had entered the River. We remained before it 
during the night. December 11th. — The wind 
being southwest, we resolved to sail towards the 
Manhattans, which we did." 

In this account it is noticeable that the Eng- 
lish people, by their sneering retort to the Dutch, 
who accused them of being traitors, — viz. : " the 
king's patent is quite of another cast," — showed 
a fore-knowledge that the English sovereign 
was about to make a grant of the country to the 
Duke of York, and to send a fleet and land 
force to place him in possession of it. It is also 
to be noticed that both the Dutch and the Eng- 
lish were distrustful of the Indians, the Dutch 
having a guard of ten soldiers, and the English 
being there in strong force and armed. " That 
the Dutch were familiar with the region ad- 
jacent to the rivers and .other navigable waters 
is evident through the whole narrative, and 

1 The murder, previously referred to, of Aert Theunissen 
Van Patten, who was killed by Indians in October, 1643, 
while on a trading expedition. 

especially where the writer mentions the old 
Indian corn-field " and some planting-grounds, 
which I had before explored with Courtelyou." 
They had sailed up and down the rivers and 
kills in pursuit of their vocation as traders, but 
they had made no attempt to plant any settle- 
ments there. On this occasion they told the 
English that they (the Dutch) had already 
purchased the greater part of the lands from the 
Indians; but this was false, and was only told 
for the purpose of driving the English away. 
The Dutch had bought no land of the Indians 
in this region, nor is anything found tending to 
show that they had ever thought of such pur- 
chase; but when they found that the English 
were here for that purpose, their jealousy became 
aroused, and they at once sent their " Indian 
John" up the river with the message "that if 
the Sachems of the Newasings wished to sell 
some land, they should come to us and we 
would talk it over with them." The tenor of 
the entire narrative sliows plainly enough that 
at that time there were no permanent settlements 
of white people within the region referred to. 

Among the names of the men composing the 
party of land- seekers from Long Island, as given 
in the preceding account, are those of William 
Goulding, John Bowne, " Sergeant Gybbings " 
(Richard Gibbons), Samuel Spicer and others, 
who soon afterwards became land-owners and 
settlers within the territory of Monmouth County. 
They made two or three other journeys from 
Ijong Island to the south shore of the bay, and 
finally concluded the purchase from the .sachems 
of the three " necks" of land known by the 
Indian names of Newasink, Navarumsunk and 
Pootapeck, the first-named being bought first, 
and the two others included in a subsequent pur- 
chase.^ Newasink was the region lying between 

^ The tract of Newasink was purchased from the chief, 
Poppamora, and his people. All the expense of the pur- 
chase, including the payment to the Indian in money, black 
and white peague, guns, one anchor of brandy, tobacco, 
clothing, wine, the services of men and boats for several 
voyages made, and for the recording of the deeds in New 
York was £149 6s. lOd. 

The second purchase, — of Navarumsunk and Pootapeck 
Necks fro/nseveralsaohems— amounted to £359 10«. in the 
same kind of outlay as the first. The account was ren- 
dered to the patentees and associates July 6, 1670. 



the bay and Navesink River, and extending 
northeast to the Highlands of Navesink,^ em- 
bracing the site of old Middletown. Navarum- 
sunk was the " neck" lying between the Nave- 
sink and Shrewsbury Rivers, including the place 
where the Shrewsbury settlement was afterwards 
made, frequent references to " Shrewsbury on 
Navarumsunk" being found in old records. The 
" neck" of Pootapeck is supposed to have been 
that lying south of Shrewsbury River. The 
western and southwestern bounds of these Indian 
purchases were too vaguely defined to be iden- 
tified at the present day. 

Soon after the surrender of New Netherlands 
by the Dutch to the English, and the establish- 
ment of the authority of the Duke of York by 
his Governor, Colonel Richard NicoUs, the latter 
issued (in the fall of 1664) a printed proclama- 
tion, which he caused to be widely distributed, for 
the purpose of promoting the formation of new 
settlements in the country under his jurisdiction. 
It was as follows : 

" The Conditions for new Planters in the 
Territories of his Royal Highness, the Duke of 

" The Purchases are to be made from the In- 
dian Sachems, and to be recorded before the 

" The Purchasers are not to pay for their 
Liberty of Purchasing to the Governour. 

" The Purchasers are to set out a Town and 
inhabit together. 

"No Purchaser shall at any Time contract 
for himself with any Sachem without consent 
of his Associates, or special Warrant from the 

" The Purchasers are free from all manner of 
Assessments or Rates for five Years after their 
Town Piatt is set out, and when the five years 
are expired they, shall only be liable to the pub- 
lick Rates and Payments, according to the cus- 
tom of other Inhabitants, both English and 

" All Lands thus purchased and possessed 
shall remain to the Purchasers and their Heirs 
as free Lands, to dispose of as they Please. 

' A tract at the Highlands was reserved by the Indians, 
it being the same on which Richard Hartshorne afterwards 

'"In all Territories of his Royal Highness 
Liberty of Conscience is allowed, provided such 
Liberty is not converted to Licentiousness, or the 
Disturbance of others in the Exercise of the 
Protestant Religion. 

" The several Townships have Liberty to make 
their particular . Laws, and deciding all small 
Causes within themselves. 

" The Lands which I intend shall be first 
Planted are those upon the West side of Hud- 
son's River, at or adjoining to the Sopes ; ^ but if 
any number of Men sufficient for two or three 
or more Towns shall desire to Plant upon any 
other Lands, they shall have all due Encourage- 
ment, proportionable to their quality and under- 

"Every Township is obliged to pay their 
Minister according to such Agreement as they 
shall make with them, and no man to refuse his 
Proportion, the Minister being elected by the 
Major part of the Householders, Inhabitants of 
the Town. 

" Every Township hath the free choice of all 
their Officers, both Civil and Military, and all 
Men who shall take the Oath of Allegiance, 
and are not Servants or Day Labourers, but are 
admitted to enjoy a Town Lot, are esteemed 
free Men of the Jurisdiction, and cannot forfeit 
the same without due Process in Law. 

" R. NiCOLLS." 

The people from Long Island and the New 
England settlements who had commenced their 
negotiations with the Indian sachems in Decem- 
ber, 1663, and subsequently concluded the pur- 
chase from the natives of the tracts of Newasink, 
Navarumsunk and Pootapeck, having thus 
already complied with the first of the conditions 
prescribed for such as wished to obtain lands, 
under Nicolls' proclamation, made early applica- 
tion to the Governor for a grant to cover the In- 
dian purchases which they had made and others 
which they intended to make of adjacent lands ; 
upon which, in April, 1665, the Governor issued 
to them a patent, as desired, of which the follow- 
ing is a copy : 

" To all to whom these presents shall come, I, 
Richard Nicolls, Esq., Governor, under His 

^ Esopus'. 



E,oyal Highness, the Duke of York, of all his 
Territories in America, send greeting : Whereas, 
there is a certain Tract or Parcel of Land within 
this Government lying and being near Sandy 
Point upon the Main ; which said parcel of 
Land hath been with my Consent and Ap- 
probation bought by some of the Inhabitants of 
Gravesend, upon Long Island, of the Sachems 
(chief proprietors thereof), who before me have 
acknowledged to have received Satisfaction for 
the same ; to the end the said Land may be 
planted, manured and inhabited, and for divers 
other good Causes and Considerations, I have 
thought fit to give, confirm and grant, and by 
these Presents do give, confirm and grant unto 
William Goulding, Samuel Spicer, Richard 
Gibbons, Richard Stout, James Grover, John 
Bown, John Tilton, Nathaniel Silvester, Wil- 
liam Reape, Walter Clark, Nicholas Davies, 
Obadiah Holmes, Patentees and their Associ- 
ates, their Heirs, Successors and Assigns, all 
that Tract and Part of the main Land, begin- 
ning at a certain Place commonly called or 
known by the Name of Sandy Point, and so 
running along the Bay, West North West till 
it comes to the Mouth of the Raritan River ; 
from thence going along the said River to the 
Westermost Part of the certain Marsh Land 
which divides the River into two Parts, and 
from that Part to run in a direct South West 
Line into the Woods Twelve Miles, and then 
to turn away South East and by South until it 
falls into the main Ocean ; together with all 
Lands, Soils, Rivers, Creeks, Harbours, Mines, 
Minerals (Royal Mines excepted), Quarries, 
Woods, Meadows,. Pastures, Marshes, Waters, 
Lakes, Fishings, Hawkings, Huntings and Fowl- 
ing, and all other Profits, Commodities and 
Hereditaments to the said Lands and Premises 
belonging and appertaining, with their and every 
of their appurtenances, and of every Part and 
Parcel thereof. To Have and to Hold, all and 
singular, the said Lands, Hereditaments and 
Premises, with their and every of their Ap- 
purtenances hereby given and granted, or here- 
inbefore mentioned to be given and granted, 
to the only proper Use and Behooff of the said 
Patentees and their Associates, their Heirs, Suc- 
cessors and Assigns forever, upon such Terms 

and conditions as hereafter are expressed, that 
is to say : that the said Patentees and their As- 
sociates, their Heirs or assigns, shall within the 
space of three years, beginning from the Day of 
the Date hereof, manure and plant the aforesaid 
Land and Premises, and settle there one Hun- 
dred Families at the least ; in consideration 
whereof I do promise and grant that the said 
Patentees and their Associates, their Heirs, Suc- 
cessors and Assigns shall enjoy the said Land and 
Premises, with their Appurtenances, for the Term 
of seven years next to come after the Date of 
these Presents free from Payment of any Rents, 
Customs, Excise, Tax or Levy whatsoever ; But 
after the expiration of the said Term of Seven 
years the Persons who shall be in the Posses- 
sion thereof shall pay after the same Rate 
which others within this, his Royal Highnesses 
Territories, shall be obliged unto. And the said 
Patentees and their Associates, their Heirs, Suc- 
cessors and Assigns, shall have free leave and 
liberty to erect and build their Towns and Vil- 
lages in such Places as they in their Discretions 
shall think most convenient, provided that they 
associate themselves, and that the Houses of 
their Towns and Villages be not too far distant 
and scattering one from another ; and also they 
make such Fortifications for their Defence 
against an Enemy as may seem needful. And 
I do likewise grant unto the said Patentees and 
their Associates, their Heirs, Successors and As- 
signs, and unto any and all other Persons who 
shall Plant and Inhabit in any of the Land 
aforesaid, that, they shall have free Liberty of 
Conscience, without any Molestation or Disturb- 
ance whatsoever in their way of Worship. And 
I do further grant unto the aforesaid Patentees, 
their Heirs, Successors and Assigns, that they 
shall have Liberty to elect by the Vote of the 
Major Part of the Inhabitants five or seven 
other Persons of the ablest and discreetest of 
the said Inhabitants, or a greater Number of 
them (if the Patentees, their Heirs, Successors 
or Assigns shall see cause) to join with them, 
and they together, or the Major Part of them, 
shall have full Power and Authority to make 
such peculiar or prudential Laws and Constitu- 
tions amongst the Inhabitants for the better 
and more orderly governing of them as to them 



shall seem meet ; provided they be not repug- 
nant to the publick Laws of the {government ; 
and they shall also have Liberty to try all Causes 
and Actions of Debt and Trespass arising 
amongst themselves, to the Value of Ten 
Pounds, without Appeal, but that they remit 
the hearing of all Criminal Matters to the As- 
sizes of New York. And furthermore I do 
promise and grant unto the Patentees and their 
Associates aforementioned, their Heirs, Succes- 
sors and Assigns, that they shall in all Things 
have equal privileges. Freedom and Immuni- 
ties with any of his Majesty's subjects within 
this Government, these Patentees and their As- 
sociates, their Heirs, Successors and Assigns 
rendering and paying such Duties and Ac- 
knowledgements as now are or hereafter shall 
be constituted and established by the laws of 
this Government, under the Obedience of his 
E-oyal Highness, his Heirs and Successors, pro- 
vided they do no way infringe the Privileges 
above specified. Given under my Hand and 
Seal at Fort James, in New York, on Manhat- 
ans-Island, the 8th Day of April in the 17th 
year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord, 
Charles the Second, by the Grace of God, of 
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, 
Defender of the Faith, &c., and in the year of 
our Lord God, 1665. 


"Entered in the office of Record in New York, 
the Day and Year above written. 

"MATfiiAS NicoLLS, Secretary." 

This grant by Governor Nicolls was and is 
known as the "Monmouth Patent." It em- 
braced parts of the present counties of Middle- 
sex and Ocean, and all of what is now the 
<;ounty of Monmouth, except the township of 
Upper Freehold and the western part of Mill- 
stone. The patentees and their associates 
commenced their settlements immediately^ at 
Middletown and Shrewsbury, and during the 
summer and fall of 1665 a large number of 
people, nearly all of whom were from the 

iJohn Bowne, Richard Stout and three others, with 
their families, — five families in all, — came and made their 
settlement in the spring or summer of 1664, nearly a year 
before the patent was issued. 

Long Island and Rhode Island settlements, 
had made their permanent homes at these points. 
During the succeeding four years their num- 
bers increased quite rapidly, so that in the year 
1670 there were at Middletown and Shrews- 
bury and in the region to the westward and 
northwestward of those places, within the limits 
of the present county of Monmouth, more than 
the requisite number of one hundred families.^ 
The following list embraces nearly all those who 
were at that time settlers or owners of shares 
of the lands of the Indian purchases. A few 
of those who were owners of lands did not 
settle on them, but the greater part of the names 
here given were those of heads of families, 
and the remainder, except the few non-resident 
share-owners, were single men, but actual set- 
tlers. The list of names, giving also, so far as 
known, the previous residence of each, is as 
follows : 

From Massachusetts Bay. — George Allen, 
William Gifford, John Jenkins, Richard Sadler, 
Edward Wharton. 

From Rhode Island.^ — John Allen, Chris- 
topher Allmy, Job Allmy, Stephen Arnold, 
James Ashton, Benjamin Borden, Richard Bor- 
den, Francis Brindley, Nicholas Brown, Abra- 
ham Brown, Henry Bull, Robert Carr, George 
Chutte, Walter Clarke, Thomas Clifton, Wil- 
liam Coddington, Joshua Coggeshall, John 
Coggeshall, Edward Cole, Jacob Cole, Joseph 
Coleman, John Cook, Nicholas Davis, Richard 
Davis, William Deuell, Benjamin Deuell, 
Thomas Dungan, Roger Ellis and son, Peter 
Easton, Gideon Freeborn, Annias Gauntt, 

' It appears that there were about that number settled at 
the two towns and vicinity as early as 1668. At a " General 
Assembly" of the settlers, held at Portland Point (the 
Highlands) on the 4th of June in that year, it was : 

" Ordered, upon full debate hereof, that noe more per- 
sons whatsoever, either purchasers, townsmen or others, 
shall hereafter be admitted or taken in, there being in 
numbers about 100, as near as att present can be found ; 
or if it be found there are not soe many, yet notwithstand- 
ing noe moor are to be from henceforth admitted as afore- 

3 Many of the settlers who came to Monmouth County 
from Rhode Island and Long Island had previously lived 
in the colony of Massachusetts Bay, and had left there on 
account of the religious persecution to which they had been 



Zachary Gauntt, Israel Gauntt, Daniel Gould, 
John Havens, Robert Hazard, Samuel Holli- 
man, Obadiah Holmes, Jonathan Holmes, 
George Hulett, Richard James, William James, 
William Layton, James Leonard, Henry Lip- 
pett, Mark Lucar (or Luker), Lewis Mattux, 
Edward Pattison, Thomas Potter, William 
Reape, Richard Richardson, William Shaberly, 
Samuel Shaddock, Thomas Shaddock, William 
Shattock, W^illiam Shearman, John Slocum, 
Edward Smith, John Smith, Edward Tartt, 
Robert Taylor, John Throckmorton, Job 
Throckmorton, Edward Thurston, Eliakim 
Wardell, George Webb, Bartholomew West, 
Robert West, Robert West, Jr., Thomas Win- 
terton, Emanuel Woolley. 

From Long Island. — John Bowne, Gerrard 
Bowne, James Bowne, William Bowne, Wil- 
liam Compton, John Conklin (earlier from Sa- 
lem, Mass.), Thomas Cox, John Cox, Richard 
Gibbons, William Goulding, James Grover, 
James Grover, Jr., William Lawrence, Barthol- 
omew Lippincott, Richard Lippincott, Richard 
Moor, Thomas Moor, John Ruckman, Nathaniel 
Sylvester, Benjamin Spicer, Samuel Spicer, John 
Stout, Richard Stout, John Tilton, Peter Tiltou, 
Nathaniel Tompkins, John Townsend, John 
Wall, Walter Wall, Thomas Wansick, Thomas 

Previous residence unknown except where men- 
tioned. — John Bird, Joseph Boyer, William 
Cheeseman, Edward Crome, Daniel Estell, 
Ralph Gouldsmith, John Hall, John Hance 
(Westchester, N. Y.), John Haundell, Thomas 
Hart, John Hawes, James Heard, Richard Harts- 
home (England),Tobias Haudson, John Horabin, 
Joseph Huet, Randall Huet, Randall Huet, Jr., 
John Jobs, Robert Jones (New York), Gabriel 
Kirk, Edmund Lafetra, Francis Masters, 
George Mount, William Newman, Anthony 
Page, Joseph Parker, Peter Parker, Henry 
Percy, Bartholomew Shamgungue, Richard 
Sissell, Robert Story, John Tomson, Marma- 
duke Ward, John Wilson, John Wood, Thomas 

On the 8th of July, 1670, the patentees met 
at Portland Point and voted to admit as associ- 
ates "a convenient number of purchasers who 
were the first and principal in the purchase of 

the three necks : Newasink, Navarumsunk and 
Pootapeck, . . . henceforth to have a full 
interest, right and claim in y° Patent given and 
granted to y° Patentees by Richard Nicolls, Esq'., 
late Governour of New York." The associates 
then chosen were William Bowne, Thomas Whit- 
lock, John Wilson, John Ruckman, Walter Wall, 
John Smith, Richard Richardson, John Horabin, 
James Bowne, Jonathan Holmes, Christopher 
Allmy, Eliakim Wardell, Bartholomew West, 
John Haunce, James Ashton, Edward Pattison, 
William Shaddock, Thomas Winterton, Edward 
Tartt, Benjamin Burden (Borden). On the 31st 
of May, 1672, Richard Lippincott and Nicholas 
Browne were added to the list of associates. 

Of the persons mentioned in the foregoing 
list, the following named, though owners of 
shares in the Indian purchases (and some of 
them being also original grantees in the Mon- 
mouth patent), did not become settlers here, viz. : 
Henry Bull, Robert Carr, Walter Clarke (pat>- 
entee), William Coddington, Joshua Coggeshall, 
John Coggeshall, Nicholas Davis (patentee), 
Zachary Gauntt, Daniel Gould, Edward Thurs- 
ton and Obadiah Holmes (patentee), all of Rhode 
Island; Nathaniel Sylvester (patentee), of Long 
Island ; and John Jenkins and Edward Whar- 
ton, of Massachusetts Bay. The last named 
had been imprisoned and publicly whipped as 
a Quaker in the Massachusetts colony, and he 
came to Monmouth County probably with the 
intention of making it his permanent home; 
but after a brief stay he returned to New Eng- 
land, for some reason which does not appear. 

Henry Bull, Walter Clarke, William Cod- 
dington and John Coggeshall were Governors 
of Rhode Island.' Robert Carr sold his share 
to Giles Slocum, of Newport, R. I., for his son, 
John Slocum, who became a settler. Zachariah 
Gauntt sold his share to his brother, Annias,. 
who became a permanent settler on the Mon- 
mouth purchase. 

Joshua Coggeshall, Edward Thurston and 
Daniel Gould were Deputy or Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernors of Rhode Island, as were also several 
others, who became permanent settlers, viz.: 

1 Coggeshall in 1647 and 1668; Clark in 1676, 1686 and 
1699 ; Coddington in 1683-85 (died 1688) ; Bull in 168& 
and 1690. 



Francis Brindley,William Reape, Edward Smith, 
Stephen Arnold, Job Allmy and Christopher 

Nicholas Davis (patentee) was living in the 
Massachusetts Bay colony at the time when the 
Quakers began preaching there, about 1656, and 
he soon afterwards became a member of that 
society, for which offense he was indicted in 
April, 1659, and in July of the same year he 
was sentenced to death. Mary Dyer,' William 
Robinson and Marmaduke Stevenson were also 
sentenced at the same time, and they were hung 
at Boston. Davis' sentence was commuted to 
banishment, and he removed to Newport, R. I., 
where he was living when he became interested 
in the Monmouth patent. He was drowned 
about the year 1672. 

The Rev. Obadiah Holmes, one of the twelve 
patentees of Monmouth, was living in 1639 at 
Salem, Mass., where he was engaged with Law- 
rence Southwick and Ananias Conkliu (descend- 
ants of both of whom became settlers on the 
Monmouth purchase) in the manufacture of 
glass, they being among the first, and probably 
the first, in that business in America. Mr. 
Holmes afterwards joined the Baptists and be- 
came a prominent minister in that denomina- 
tion, for which offense he was indicted at Ply- 
mouth, in October, 1650, with Edward Smith, 
John Hazell and William Deuell, and tried 
before Governor William Bradford, Captain 
Miles Standish and other dignitaries, the result 
of which trial is not very clearly to be under- 
. stood from the record. In the following year 
(July, 1651) the Rev. Obadiah Holmes, John 
Clarke and John Crandal went to Lynn and 
there held services at the house of William 
Witter, he being an old and feeble man, unable 
to journey far to hear the Gospel preached. 
While engaged in services at Witter's house 
they were arrested, and thence taken before 
Magistrate Robert Bridges, who committed them 
to jail in Boston, where, on the 31st of July, 
Holmes and Clarke were brought before the 
court (presided over by His Excellency, Governor 

John Endicott), found guilty^ and sentenced to 
pay each a fine of £30 or be "well whipt." A 
friend of Clarke's paid his fine for him, but Mr. 
Holmes '' refused to pay, though able to do so. 
He deemed a payment of the fine to be an ac- 
knowledgment of error, and he chose rather to 
suffer than to ' deny his Lord.' " So he suffered 
the punishment — thirty la.shes "with a three- 
corded whip" — without a murmur, praying to 
the Lord the while to forgive his persecutors 
for their sin and cruelty. " Mr. Holmes," says 
Backus, in his " History of the Baptists," " was 
whipt thirty stripes, and in such an unmerciful 
manner that in many days, if not some weeks, 
he could take no rest but as he lay upon his 
knees and elbows, not being able to suffer any 
part of his bodj- to touch the bed whereon he 
lay." After this outrage he lived more than 

1 Her son, Henry Dyer, was among the early settlers in 
Monmouth County, though his name does not appear in the 
foregoing list. 

2 The crime of which these New England bigots found him 
guilty is set forth in the following : 

"The sentence of Obadiah Holmes, of Seaconk, the 31st 
of the 5th m. [0. S.], 1651. 

"Forasmuch as you, Obadiah Holmes, being come into 
this jurisdiction about the 21 of the 5 m., did meet at one 
William Witter's house at Lynn, and did there privately 
(and at other times, being an excommunicate person, did 
take upon you to preach and baptize), upon the Lord's day 
or other days, and being taken then by the constable, and 
coming afterwards to the assembly at Lynn, did, in disre- 
spect to the ordinance of God and his worship, keep on 
your hat, the pastor being in prayer, insomuch that you 
would not give reverence in vailing your hat, till it was 
forced off your head, to the disturbance of the congrega- 
tion, and professing against the institution of the church as 
not being according to the gospel of Jesus Christ ; and that 
you, the said Obadiah Holmes, did, upon the day following, 
meet again at the said William Witter's in contempt to 
authority, you being then in the custody of the law, and 
did there receive the sacrament, being excommunicate, and 
that you did baptize such as were baptized before, and 
thereby did necessarily deny the baptism that was before 
administered to be baptism, the churches no churches, and 
also other ordinances and ministers, as if all were a nullity ; 
and also did deny the lawfulness of baptizing of infants ; and 
all this tends to the dishonor of God, the despising the 
ordinances of God among us, the peace of the churches,^ 
and seducing the subjects of this commonwealth from the 
truth of the gospel of Jesus Christ, and perverting the 
strait ways of the Lord, the Court doth fine you thirty 
pounds, to be paid, or sufficient sureties that the said sum 
shall be paid, by the first day of the next Court of Assist- 
ants, or else to be well whipt, and that you shall remain 
in prison till it be paid, or security given for it. By the 


"Inceease Nowell." 



thirty years, principally at and near Newport, 
R. I., which was his residence at the time when 
he became one of the Monmouth patentees. 
Though he never settled on his Monmouth lands, 
he made occasional visits here, one of which was 
upon the organization of the Baptist Church at 
Middletown, which was the first of that de- 
nomination in New Jersey and the third or 
fourth in America. Two of his sons, Obadiah 
and Jonathan, became settlers in Monmouth. 
The first named returned to Rhode Island after 
a few years, but Jonathan remained, and was 
one of the first officials elected at a meeting of 
the inhabitants of " Middletown, on Newasunk 
Neck, and Shrewsbury, on Navarumsunk Neck," 
held on the 19th of December, 1667. His 
father, the Rev. Obadiah Holmes (the patentee), 
died at Newport on the 15th of October, 1682. 
Nathaniel Sylvester, a non-resident patentee 
of Monmouth, was a Quaker, and the prin- 
cipal owner of Shelter Island, near the eastern 
end of Long Island. His house afforded an 
asylum for Lawrence Southwick (one of Rev. 
Obadiah Holmes' partners in the glass-works 
at Salem, Mass.) and his wife, Cassandra, who, 
with their son, Josiah, had joined the Quakers 
in Massachusetts Bay Colony, and had on this 
account been frequently and cruelly punished 
by whipping, and were finally banished from 
the colony. Being old people, they were com- 
pletely broken clown by the severity of their 
punishments and persecutions, and they died at 
Mr. Sylvester's house, in 1659, within three 
days of each other. Their daughter, Provided 
Southwick, married Samuel Gaskell, and from 
them descended the numerous family of Gaskell 
in New Jersey. 

Captain John Bowne was a leader in the 
project of purchasing from the Indian sachems 
the three " Necks" of Newasink, Navarumsunk, 
and Pootapeck, and was one of the company 
who sailed from Gravesend, L. I., in Christo- 
pher Ellsworth's sloop, in December, 1663, in 
the prosecution of that enterprise, as is mentioned 
in the preceding account of the trip of Govert 
Loockermans and others to the Navesink region, 
in the same month. Captain Bowne became 
one of the patentees of the Monmouth grant, by 
Governor Nicolls, and was one of the first five 

families who made a permanent settlement on 
the great tract. The place where he located is 
in the present township of Holmdel, though in 
the old records he is mentioned as one of the 
settlers of Middletown, — a name which was at 
that time applied to a large and somewhat 
vaguely-defined region surrounding the " town" 
or central settlement. Until Captain Bowne's 
death, in the early part of 1684, he seems to 
have been the most prominent citizen of the 
county, esteemed for his integrity and ability. 
He had been compelled to leave the Massachu- 
setts colony on account of his sympathy with the 
Baptists, and he was one of the founders of the 
Baptist Church at Middletown. He appeared as 
a deputy to the first Assembly in Governor 
Carteret's time, which met May 26, 1668, the 
members of the Lower House being then called 
"burgesses." He was deputy again in 1675, 
after Carteret's return from England ; and in 
the first Legislature under the twenty-four pro- 
prietors, in 1683, he was a member and the 
Speaker, and acted until the December following. 
He held other positions of trust. March 12, 
1 677, a commission was issued to him as presi- 
dent of the court to hold a term at Middletown. 
In December, 1683, shortly before his last ill- 
ness, he was appointed major of the militia of 
Monmouth County. He died in January, 1683- 
84, leaving two sons, Obadiah and John, the 
latter of whom was also a prominent man in the 
province, and a candidate for the office of 
Speaker of Assembly in Lord Cornbury's 
administration ; but he ^vas expelled from the 
House on a charge of having taken part in the 
raising of a large sum of money in the province 
to be paid to Cornbury as a bribe for corrupt 
official action. No such charge could ever have 
been brought against the rigid virtue and up- 
rightness of the first John Bowne, of Mon- 

Captain Andrew Bowne, a somewhat later set- 
tler in Monmouth County, who was a member of 
the Governor's Council, and also Acting Governor 
just prior to the surrender by the proprietors to 
Queen Anne, is supposed to have been a brother 
of Captain John Bowne. 

Richard Stout was one of the Monmouth pat- 
entees, and his was also one of the first five fam- 



ilies who settled on the Indian purchase in 1664. 
He had previously lived a number of years ou 
Long Island, and while there had been married 
to a young Dutch widow, of whom and her 
two husbands the following account is found 
in a " History of New Jersey," published in 

" While New York was in possession of the 
Dutch, about the time of the Indian war in New 
England, a Dutch ship coming from Amster- 
dam was stranded on Sandy Hook, but the pas- 
sengers got on shore ; among them was a young 
Dutchman, who had been sick most of the voy- 
age ; he was taken so bad after landing that he 
could not travel, and the other passengers being 
afraid of the Indians, would not stay till he re- 
covered, but made what haste they could to go 
to New Amsterdam ; his wife, however, would 
not leave him, and the rest promised to send as 
soon as they arrived. They had not been long 
gone before a company of Indians coming down 
to the water-side discovered them on the beach, 
and, hastening to the spot, soon killed the man, 
and cut and mangled the woman in such a man- 
ner that they left her for dead. She had strength 
enough to crawl up to some old logs not far dis- 
tant, and getting into a hollow tree, lived mostly 
in it for several days, subsisting in part by eat 
ing the excrescences that grew from it ; the In- 
dians had left some fire on the shore, which she 
kept together for warmth ; having remained in 
this manner for some time, an old Indian and a 
young one, coming down to the beach, found 
her ; they were soon in high words, which she 
afterwards understood was a dispute, the for- 
mer being for keeping her alive, the other for 
dispatching. After they had debated the point 
awhile the first hastily took her up, and, tossing 
her upon his shoulder, carried her to a place 
near where Middletown now stands, where he 
dressed her wounds and soon cured her. After 
some time the Dutch at New Amsterdam, hear- 
ing of a white woman among the Indians, con- 
cluded who it must be, and some of them went 
to her relief; the old Indian, her preserver, 
gave her the choice either to go or stay ; she 
chose the first. A while after, marrying to one 
Stout [Richard], they lived together at Middle- 
town among other Dutch [?] inhabitants. The 

old Indian who saved her life used frequently 
to visit her ; at one of his visits she observed 
him to be more pensive than common, and sit^ 
ting down, he gave three heavy sighs ; after the 
last she thought herself at liberty to ask him 
what was the matter. He told her he had some- 
thing to tell her in friendship, though at the 
risk of his own life, which was, that the Indians 
were that night to kill all the whites, and ad- 
vised her to go off for New Amsterdam ; she 
asked him how she could get oif; he told her he 
had provided a canoe at a place which he 
named. Being gone from her, she sent for her 
husband out of the field and discovered the 
matter to him, who not believing it, she told 
him the old man never deceived her, and that 
she with the children would go ; accordingly, 
going to the place appointed, they found the 
canoe, and paddled off. When they were gone 
the husband began to consider the thing, and 
sending for five or six of his neighbors, they set 
upon their guard. About midnight they heard 
the dismal war-whoop ; presently came up a 
company of Indians ; they first expostulated, 
and then told them that if they persisted in 
their bloody design, they would sell their lives 
very dear. Their arguments prevailed, the In- 
dians desisted, and entered into a league of peace, 
which was kept without violation. From this 
woman thus remarkably saved, with her scars 
visible through a long life, is descended a nu- 
merous posterity of the name of Stout, now 
inhabiting New Jersey." 

In another account of these events, based 
on the same authority (Benedict's "History of the 
Baptists"), it is added that Mrs. Stout's maiden- 
name was Penelope Van Princes ; that she was 
born in Amsterdam about the year 1602 ; that 
she married Richard Stout in New York when 
she was in her twenty-second year and he in 
his fortieth, he being an Englishman of good 
family ; that they afterwards settled at Middle- 
town ; that she lived to the age of one hundred 
and ten years, having borne to Richard Stout 
seven sons and three daughters,' and before her 

1 The sons were Jonathan, John, Richard, James, Peter, 
David, Benjamin ; the daughters were Mary, Sarah and 
Alice. Benedict says Richard Stout was a son of John 
Stout, of Nottinghamshire, England. 


death saw her offspring multiplied to five hun- 
dred and two in about eighty-eight years. 

There is, beyond doubt, a good deal of ro- 
mance and inaccuracy in both these accounts, 
though in their main features they are probably 
correct. The statement that they lived " among 
other Dutch " at Middletown is clearly incor- 
rect, as there were no Dutch among the early 
settlers there. The story of the intended In- 
dian massacre, too, is undoubtedly the product 
of a fertile imagination, as it is well known 
that the Indians of this region wei-e always 
friendly to the English settlers, and never gave 
them any trouble except an occasional drunken 
brawl, which the white men punished by plac- 
ing the noble red men in the stocks or pillory, 
just as they did the same class of white offenders, 
— a fact which in itself shows that they had no 
fear of any Indian massacre. As to Benedict's 
statement, if it is true that she was born in 
1602, and was married to Richard Stout when 
she was twenty-two, the time of their marriage 
must have been the year 1624, at which time 
he was forty years of age. They went to Mid- 
dletown, with the first settlers, in 1664, at 
which time (if this statement is correct) her age 
was sixty-two, and his eighty years. At that 
time, and for several succeeding years, Richard 
Stout was a prominent man in the public affairs 
of the Navesink settlements, which would 
hardly have been the case at such an age ; and 
in 1669, when (according to the above supposi- 
tion) he was eighty-five years old, Richard 
Stout, Jonathan Holmes, Edward Smith and 
James Bowne were chosen " overseers " of 
Middletown, and Stout made his X mark to 
the " Ingadgement " in lieu of signature, — 
which last-mentioned fact makes it improbable 
that he was, as stated, an Englishman "of good 
family," according to the usual English under- 
standing of that term. Richard Stout was, 
however, one of the most respectable and re- 
spected men in his day in the Monmouth settle- 

"William Reape (Monmouth patentee) was a 
^(Ong Island settler and a Quaker, on M'hich 
account he had been arrested and imprisoned 
by the Dutch Governor, Peter Stuyvesant, who 
could hardly be termed a religious bigot, but 

who became a mild persecutor of Quakers be- 
cause his instructions from the States-General re- 
quired him to discountenance all forms of religion 
but that prescribed by the Synod of Dordrecht. 
Soon after his liberation Reape went to New- 
port, R, I., where he engaged in mercantile 
business, and was living there when he became 
interested in the Monmouth patent. He was 
one of the first settlers who came to make their 
homes on the Navesink Indian purchase in 

John Tilton was another of the twelve Mon- 
mouth patentees. " When he first came from 
England he located at Lynn, Massachusetts. 
His wife was a Baptist, and in December, 1642, 
she was indicted for ' holdinge that the Baptism 
of Infants is no Ordinance of God.' They 
left Massachusetts with Lady Deborah Moody 
and other Baptists and settled at Gravesend, 
Long Island, where again they were made to 
suffer for conscience' sake. In 1658 he was 
fined by the Dutch authorities for allowing a 
Quaker woman to stop at his house. In Sep- 
tember, 1662, he was fined for 'permitting 
Quakers to quake at his house.' In October of 
the same year himself and wife were summoned 
before Governor Stuyvesant and Council at 
New Amsterdam (now New York), charged 
with having entertained Quakers, and frequent- 
ing their conventicles. They were condemned 
and ordered to leave the province before the 
20th day of November following, under pain 
of corporal punishment. It is supposed that 
through the efforts of Lady Moody, who had 
great influence with the Dutch Governor, the 
sentence was either reversed or changed to the 
payment of a fine."^ They came to Mon- 
mouth among the settlers of 1665. Jonathan 
Tilton, who was also one of the earliest settlers, 
M'as an ancestor of Theodore Tilton, of Brook- 
lyn, the famous lecturer. The residence of 
Jonathan Tilton (and the place where he died) 
was an old house, still (or recently) standing 
between Balui Hollow and Middletown, just 
east of Beekman's Woods. 

James Grover, one of the patentees, be- 
came a permanent settler, and built the first iron- 

^ Hou. Ed-win Salter. 



works in New Jersey. Their location was at 
Tinton Falls. They Avere sold, with a large 
tract of adjacent land, to Colonel Lewis Morris, 
the elder, in 1676. 

William Goulding (whose name heads the 
list of Monmouth patentees) was one of the 
Massachusetts Bay Baptists, who were perse- 
cuted and banished from that colony on account 
of their religion. He became a permanent 
settler, and was one of the founders of the old 
Baptist Church at Middletown. 

Richard Gibbons, who is mentioned as 
" Sergeant Gybbings " in the account of the 
visit of the Long Islanders to the Navesinks in 
December, 1663, was one of the twelve pat- 
entees of Monmouth, and an early settler on 
the great tract. The old records do not men- 
tion his name as frequently as those of many 
of the other patentees and settlers. 

Samuel Spicer, a patentee and one of the 
settlers of 1665, had previously resided at Grave- 
send, L. I. He was a member of the Society 
of Friends, and, like Reape, Tilton and others, 
had been severely dealt with by Governor 
Stuyvesant for non-conformity to the estab- 
lished religion of the Synod of Dordrecht. 

Edward Smith, whose name appears as a 
purchaser of lands within the Monmouth pat- 
ent, was one of those who were indicted at 
Plymouth with Rev. Obadiah Holmes and John 
Hazell, in October, 1650, as before mentioned. 
The indictment was as follows : 

" October second, 1650. 
" Wee whose names are here underwritten, 
being the Grand Inquest, doe present to this 
Court John Hazell, Mr. Edward Smith and 
his wife, Obadiah Holmes, Joseph Tory and 
his wife, and the wife of James Man, William 
Deuell and his wife, of the town of Rehoboth, 
for the continuing of a meeting upon the Lord's 
day, from house to house, contrary to the order 
of this Court, enacted June 12, 1650. 

Thomas Robinson, 
Heney Tomson, etc., 
to the number of 14." 

They were tried before Governor William 
Bradford, Capt. Miles Standish and other 
magistrates, and soon afterwards Edward Smith 

and William Deuell removed to Rhode Island, 
where Smith became Lieutenant-Governor. Both 
he and Deuell settled in what is now Mon- 
mouth County in or about the year 1 665. 

"John Hance was one of the original settlers 
of Shrewsbury. He is named as a deputy and 
overseer at a court held at Portland Point, 
December 28, 1669. He held various positions 
in the county, among which was justice, and 
that of ' schepen,' to which latter he was ap- 
pointed by the Dutch during their brief rule 
in 1673. He was a deputy to the Assembly in 
1668, but refused to take or subscribe the oath 
of allegiance but with provisos, and would not 
yield the claims of his people under the Mon- 
mouth patent, and. submit to the laws and gov- 
ernment of the proprietors when directed 
against those claims, in consequence of which 
he was rejected as a member, as was also Jona- 
than Holmes, Edward Tartt and Thomas Win- 
terton, at the same session, for the same reasons. 
Hance was re-elected a deputy in 1680 and at 
other times." ^ 

William Shattock was a native of Boston, 
who, about 1656, joined the Quakers in the 
Massachusetts Bay colony, and for this oifense 
was imprisoned, cruelly whipped and banished. 
He removed to Rhode Island and thence to 
New Jersey in or about 1665, settling on lands 
of the Monmouth patent. A few years after- 
wards he moved to Burlington. His daughter 
Hannah married Restore Lippincott, son of 
Richard Lippincott. 

Samuel Shattock (or Shaddock), who was a 
settler on the Navesink purchase, was a Massa- 
chusetts Quaker, who removed thence to Rhode 
Island before his settlement in New Jersey. 
Not long after the persecution and banishment 
of Lawrence Southwick and his wife from 
Massachusetts Bay, their son, Josiah ^ (who had 
also been banished), with Samuel Shattock and 
Nicholas Phelps, went to England, where, after 
long and persistent eiforts, they procured the 
King's order that thereafter all persons indicted 
as Quakers should be sent to England for trial 
instead of being tried in the Massachusetts Bay 

1 Hon. Ed-win Salter. 

^ A son or nephew of Josiah Southwick settled at Mount 
Holly about 1700. 



colony. After that time the Friends were 
comparatively free from persecution in New 

John and Job Throckmorton, ancestors of 
the numerous Throckmortons of the present 
time in Monmouth County, were settlers here 
between 1665 and 1667. They were sons of 
John Throckmorton, who, with Thomas James, 
William Arnold, Edward Cole and Ezekiel 
Holliman (or, more properly, Holman), came 
over from England in the same ship with Roger 
Williams, and all of whom are mentioned by 
Williams as his friends and associates in an 
account written by him in 1638.^ John 
Throckmorton was among the first settlers at 
Providence, R. I., and was afterwards in West- 
chester, ]Sr. Y., with Ann Hutchinson. After 
she was killed by the Indians he still held his 
lands in Westchester and on Long Island, but 
returned to Providence, where he spent most of 
his time and held his citizenship. 

John Smith came to the Monmouth great 
tract with the early settlers, and was the first 
" schoolmaster " of Middletown. He M'as the 
same person who, with three others, accom- 
panied Roger Williams on his first exploring 
journey to Rhode Island. Edward Smith, who 
was also a settler in Monmouth, left Massachu- 
setts Bay with John Smith, the teacher, because 
of the persecution against them as Baptists. 

Richard Hartshorne came to the province of 
New Jersey in September, 1669, and located 
himself in Middletown, Monmouth County. 
Sandy Hook was first held under a grant to 
him in 1667. He was a Quaker by profession, 
and an account of the country written by him 
and circulated in England induced considera- 
ble emigration. A letter from him, dated 
Nov. 12, 1676, is one of a collection printed in 
1676, a, facsimile of which is in the New Jersey 
Historical Society Library. He soon attained 
popularity in East Jersey, but did not enter 
into public life until early in 1684, when he 
was appointed one of Deputy-Governor Law- 
rle's Council. In the succeeding year he was 
elected to the General Assembly from Middle- 
town ; was chosen Speaker in 1686, and con- 

^ Backus' " History of the Baptists." 

tinned to hold that position until October, 1693, 
and again from February, 1696, to March, 
1698, when he became one of Governor Basse's 
Council. He still continued to hold his seat as 
a member of the Assembly, and filled both 
positions until the surrender of the government 
to the crown. ^ He was a brother of Hugh 
Hartshorne, one of the twenty-four proprietors, 
who is mentioned as " Citizen and Skinner of 
London " in Leaming and Spicer, p. 141. 

Eliakim Wardell, who was one of the asso- 
ciate patentees of Monmouth, had lived near 
Hampton, N. H., where he and his wife were 
persecuted, imjjrisoned, whipped and finally 
banished because of their Quaker principles. 
They then removed to Rhode Island, which 
colony, although it offered to the Quakers a 
more peaceful and safe asylum than they could 
find elsewhere in New England, was yet objec- 
tionable to them in some respects.^ Mr. War- 

^ This account of Ricliard Hartshorne is found in New 
Jersey Archives, Series 1, toI. i. p. 220. 

^ " In regard to Quakers in Rhode Island, the toleration 
extended to them was not so unrestricted as in New Jersey, 
for the General Assembly of that colony endeavored to 
compel them to bear arms, which was contrary to the 
dictates of their consciences, in an important point in their 
religious faith. The General Assembly of Rhode Island 
declared that ' In case thev, the said Quakers which are 
here, or who shall arise, or come among us, do refuse to 
subject to all duties aforesaid, as training, watching and 
such other engagements as other members of civil societies, 
for the preservation of the same in justice and peace ; then 
we determine yea, and we resolve to take, and make use 
of the first opportunity lo inform our agent resident in 
England that he may humbly present the matter 
They declared that they wished no damage to the principle 
of freedom of conscience ; but at the same time their 
demands of the Quakers that th«y should 'train,' or in 
other words, perform military duty, was certainly an 
effort to compel them to act contrary to the dictates of 
their conscience in an essential part of their religious be- 
lief. This effort to compel them to ' train ' may account 
for the fact that many members of that sect who had been 
persecuted in Massachusetts, and sought refuge in Rhode 
Island, did not become freemen there, but only mnde a 
temporary stay, and when the Monmouth Patent was 
granted, they came to that county with the original settlers, 
where from the outstart they were allowed all the privi- 
leges enjoyed by other settlers, some of their number 
being elected as deputies to frame laws and to other of- 
iices, at the first electjpn, as well as at subsequent elec- 
tions. They were not required to ' train ' against their 
conscientious convictions. Besides which it may be added 



dell removed from Rhode Island to New Jer- 
sey, where he became one of the early settlers 
on the Monmouth patent, and was the first 
sheriff of the county, appointed in 1683. 

Christopher Allmy, who was at one time 
Lieutenant (or Deputy) Governor of Rhode 
Island, was one of those who came from that 
colony to settle on the Monmouth lands, in 1665 
or 1666. He afterwards became one of the 
associate patentees, and remained an inhabit- 
ant of Monmouth County for several years, 
during which time he ran a sloop with consid- 
erable regularity (except in the inclement sea- 
son of the year) between Wakake Landing 
and the Rhode Island ports. In Monmouth 
County he became involved in a great number 
of lawsuits, by which he was nearly ruined, and 
he finally left New Jersey and returned to 
Rhode Island. 



When Governor Richard Nicolls signed 
the Monmouth patent and other grants of 
land in New Jersey neither he nor any other 
person in America knew of the fact that soon 
after Sir Robert Carre sailed from England 
with his fleet, carrying Nicolls and a land 
force for the purpose of dispossessing the Dutch 
at New Amsterdam, and while that fleet was 
still on its way thither, the Duke of York 
had, as before noticed, conveyed (June 24, 
1664) all his right, title, and interest, of every 
kind whatsoever, to and in the territory lying 
between the Hudson and Delaware Rivers, to 
Lord John Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, 
who, being thus invested, not only with the 
proprietorship of the soil, but also with the 
right and authority of government over its 
inhabitants, proceeded to appoint and conl- 
mission Captain Philip Carteret as their Gov- 

that the first settlers here ooaducted themselves so justly 
and friendly towards the Indians that they had little or no 
occasion to 'train' for fear of them." — Hon. Edwin Salter. 

ernor, and to frame and execute certain " Con- 
cessions," intended to promote the rapid settle- 
ment of their purchase. 

Captain Carteret arrived in the province in the 
latter part of the summer of 1665, and at once 
proceeded to publish his commission as Gover- 
nor of New Jersey, and also " The Concession and 
Agreement of the Lords Proprietors of the 
Province of New Jersey, to and with all 
and every, the Adventurers, and all such as 
shall Settle and Plant there." This document, 
which was executed by the proprietors on the 
10th of February, 1664-65, contained the fol- 
lowing promises of grants of land and privi- 
leges, viz : " And that the Planting of the said 
Province may be the more speedily promoted : 
We do hereby grant unto all Persons who have 
already adventured to the said Province of 
New Csesarea or New Jersey, or shall transport 
themselves or Servants before the first Day of 
January, which shall be in the year of our Lord 
One Thousand Six Hundred and Sixty-five, 
these following Proportions, viz : To every 
Freeman that shall go with the first Governor 
from the Port where he embarques, or shall 
meet him at the Rendezvous he appoints, for 
the Settlement of a Plantation there, arm'd with 
a good Musket, bore twelve Bullets to the 
Pound, with ten pounds of Powder and twenty 
pounds of Bullets, with Bandilears and Match 
convenient, andwith six Months' Provision for 
his own Person arriving there. One Hundred 
and Fifty Acres of Land, English Measure ; 
and for every able Servant that he shall carry 
with him, arm'd and provided as aforesaid and 
arriving there, the like quantity of One Hun- 
and Fifty Acres, English Measure : And who - 
soever shall send Servants at that Time shall 
have for every able Man Servant he or she 
shall send, armed and provided as aforesaid, 
and shall arrive there, the like quantity of One 
Hundred and Fifty Acres: And for every 
weaker Servant or Slave, Male or Female, ex- 
ceeding the Age of fourteen years, which any 
one shall send or carry, arriving there. Seventy- 
five Acres of Land : And for every Christian 
Servant exceeding the Age aforesaid, after the 
Expiration of their Time of Service, Seventy- 
five Acres of Land for their own use." 



To such as, not going out with the first Gov- 
ernor, but who should go to the province be- 
fore the 1st of January, 1665, four-fifths of 
the before-mentioned quantity of laud was 
promised, according to their respective classes, 
which quantity was to be reduced to three- 
fifths for persons of each class, who should 
go " with an intention to plant," during the 
year ending January 1, 1666, and to two- 
fifths of the first-mentioned quantities, respec- 
tively, to those who should go out in the third 
year, ending January 1, 1667 ; every patent 
to be signed by the Governor (or Deputy-Gov- 
ernor), and a majority of the Council and sealed 
with the seal of the province, and to contain 
an accurate description of the tract granted to 
the person entitled to it under the Concession, 
" to hold to him or her, his or her Heirs or As- 
signs forever, yielding and paying yearly to the 
said Lords Proprietors, their Heirs or Assigns, 
every five and Twentieth Day of March, ac- 
cording to the English Account, one half-penny 
of lawful Money of England for every of the 
said Acres, to be holders of the manner of East 
Greenwich, in free and Common Soccagre ; the 
first payment of which Rent to begin the Five 
and Twentieth Day of March, which shall be 
in the year of our Lord One Thousand Six 
Hundred and Seventy, according to the English 
Account." And the Governor and Council were 
especially directed and charged by the pro- 
prietors in their Concessions as follows : " They 
are to take care that Lands quietly held, 
planted and possessed Seven Years after its 
being duly surveyed by the Surveyor-General 
or his Order shall not be subject to any Ee- 
vievv. Re-survey or Alteration of Bounders, on 
what pretence soever, by any of us, or by any 
Officer or Minister under us. ^ ... We 
do also grant convenient Proj)ortious of Land for 
High-Ways and for Streets, not exceeding One 
Hundred Foot in Breadth in Cities, Towns and 
Villages, etc., and for Churches, Forts, Wharfs, 
Kays, Harbours and for Publick Houses ; 
and to each Parish, for the use of their Minis- 
ters, Two Hundred Acres, in such Places as the 
General Assembly shall appoint," — all lands 

1 Learning and Spicer, page 20. 

laid out for the purposes named to be "free 
and exemjDt from all rents, taxes and other 
charges and duties whatsoever." 

Carteret sent agents to Massachusetts Bay and 
the other eastern colonies to publish there the 
Concessions, with a favorable account of the ad- 
vantages offered by New Jersey, for the purpose 
of inducing people to come from New England ^ 
and make settlements in this province. Many 
did come from that region, but of all who, prior 
to the year 1682, came to settle on lands now 
embraced within the county of Monmouth, few, 
if any, did so on account of the proprietary 
Concessions or with the intention of claiming 
lands under them. They yielded a sort of 
qualified allegiance to the government of the pro- 
prietors, without acknowledging or recognizing 
their ownership of the soil of the territory em- 
braced within the NicoUs' grant. They regarded 
the Monmouth patent as their good and suffi- 
cient title to the lands on which they settled, 
and in support of that claim they referred to the 
language used by the Duke of York in his com- 
mission to Colonel Nicolls as his deputy and 
agent, dated April 2, 1664, viz., — " I do hereby 
constitute and appoint him, the said Richard 
Nicolls, Esq., to be my Deputy Governour 
within the Lands, Islands and Places aforesaid, 
to perform and execute all and every the Pow- 
ers which are by the said Letters Patent granted 

2 The following affidavit, taken before Joseph Cott, Febru- 
ary 4, 1675, and found in the New York Colonial Docu- 
ments, mentions the situation of affairs with regard to set- 
tlements in New Jersey at the time of Carteret's arrival; also 
his sending agents to New England to secure settlers : 

" Silvester Salisbury, of New Yorke, Gent., maketh o&th 
thatin or about the yeare 1665, he being then at New Yorke, 
there arrived Philip Carteret, Esqr., at New Jersey, in 
America, in a Ship called the Philip, wcli s'^ ship was 100 
tuns & had then aboard her about 30 servants & severall 
goods of great value, proper for the first planting & selling 
of the Colony of New Jersey, & this deponent sayeth that 
at the time of y= arrival of the s^ ship, there were about 
four families in New Jersey (except some few at New Sinks, 
[Navesinks] that went under the nomen of Quakers), and 
that y" s"* Philip Carteret, after his arrival there, landed y« 
s* servants and goods and applied himself to y" planting and 
peopling of y^ s^ Colony, & that he sent divers persons into 
New England & other places to publish y" concessions of y« 
Lds Propriet.i-s and to invite people to come and settle there, 
whereupon, & within a year's time or thereabouts, severall 
p'sons did come with their families and settled there in 
severall towns. . . . '' 



unto Me to be executed by my Deputy, Agent 
or Assign." In pursuance of the full power 
thus given, and not revoked by the Duke, they 
said, Nicolla had granted the Monmouth patent, 
and it was therefore a good and valid title. On 
the other liand, the proprietors referred to the 
fact that the Duke of York had sold and trans- 
ferred the province to them several months 
prior to the " pretended " granting of the Mon- 
mouth patent by Nicolls ; that the New Jersey 
lands at that time belonged to them (Berkeley 
and Carteret) and not to the Duke of York ; 
that therefore, his Governor and agent, Nicolls, 
had at that time no power or right to transfer 
those lands ; and that the Monmouth patent, as 
well as all other grants^ made by him, of lands 
in New Jersey, was void. These, in brief, were 
the arguments and claims on both sides, and, 
without entering more fully on the merits of the 
case, it is sufficient to say here that the disa- 
greement between the various proprietors, on 
the one hand, and the patentees and their rep- 
resentatives and assigns, on the other, resulted in 
a controversy of title, which continued for more 
than a century. 

1 Another grant made by Governor Nicolls of lands in 
New Jersey was called the " Elizabethtown Grant." On 
the 26th of September, 1664, John Bailey and others ap- 
plied to Nicolls for permission to purchase from the In- 
dians certain lands bordering on Raritan River (on the 
north side) and the kills, which permission was given by 
the Governor September 30th. The lands were purchased 
from the sachems October 28th in that year, and the pur- 
chase was duly confirmed by the Governor, who, on the 
16th of December following, issued his patent to John 
Baker and associates for the land purchased from the In- 
dians ; being of a certain described extent along the river 
and kills, and " to run West into the country twice the 
length of the Breadth thereof, from the North to the South." 
This was the Elizabethtown grant, which embraced the 
present sites of Elizabeth, Newark, Rahway, Plainfield, 
Piscataway, Woodbridge and Perth Amboy. 

"This grant," says Whitehead (Col. Hist. N. J., 1, i. 
17), " occasioned for many years great disorder in the 
Province. Having been granted by Governor Nicolls after 
the Duke of York had granted New Jersey to Lord Berk- 
ley and Carteret, the rights of Baker and his associates 
were contested by those claiming through them, and the 
litigation that ensued was not ended when the war of the 
Revolution commenced and put an end to all such contro- 
versies. The ' Elizabethtown Bill in Chancery,' printed 
in 1747, and the ' answer ' thereto, printed in 1759, throw 
all needful light on the subject." 

The proprietors intended their government in 
New Jersey to be mild and, as nearly as might 
be, unobjectionable to the people, whom they 
hoped by that means to appease, and easily win 
over to allegiance and submission. But as their 
chief object was to realize pecuniary advantage 
from their proprietorship of the province, they 
were not long in showing their determination 
to compel all settlers to take patents from them, 
and having taken them, to pay the required 
quiet-rents. This (especially the payment of 
the rents) the Monmouth patentees and those 
holding under them were equally determined not 
to do. Still, they had their misgivings as to the 
result of a controversy with the proprietors. In 
July and August, 1667, they addressed commu- 
nications to Governor Nicolls asking advice, and 
evidently expecting from him a strong assurance 
of the validity of his grant to them as against 
the proprietors; to which, on the 10th of 
August, the Governor replied, — 

" Your address to me, bearing date ye 26th 
day of July, and your letter of ye 4th of Au- 
gust by the hands of James Grover, is received. 
In answer to it I shall not deny you my advice. 
Now as I have contributed on my part to your 
first settlement, soe I think I must to remove 
such doubts and questions now remaining 
amongst you. In the first place, you must rest 
satisfied with the assignment made by his Royal 
Highness, the Duke of York, unto Lord Berke- 
ley and Sir G. Carteret, of all the lands lying 
on the west side of Hudson's River, wherein 
your tract is included. You must submit to ye 
Governour and government established in ye 
Province of New Jersey. You may depend 
safely for your title to ye land upon the Patent 
granted unto you by me, and I am confident 
when you speak with Capt. Carteret [the Gov- 
ernor] he will assure you of the same, that your 
lands are lands to yourselves, paying only such 
moderate acknowledgement as the rest of your 
naibours doe, or may doe hereafter. 

"Having briefly given you answer to the 
head of your questions, it remains only that I 
must not pass overyear kind expressions toward 
me without detaining you with my best assur- 
ances that whenever I can at any tyme contrib- 
ute more to your prosperity you shall not faile 



of further assistance. August 10th, at Fort 
James, in New York. 

" Your loving Friend, 

" E. NiCOLLS. 

" To the Inhabitants at Newasink." 

This letter of Colonel Nicolls was not very 
comforting to the Monmouth patentees and as- 
sociates. It simply told them that they would 
be allowed to retain their lands (just as all other 
settlers were allowed the same privilege) by 
submitting to the proprietary government, and 
paying the quit-rents required by Berkeley and 
Carteret. This latter part was what they partic- 
ularly wished to escape, and which eventually 
they did escape in a very great degree ; but they 
were finally couvinced that it was safest and best 
for them to hold their lands under titles from 
the proprietors. In May, 1672, they petitioned 
Governor Carteret for confirmation of their titles 
and privileges under the Nicolls patent, which 
address and petition elicited the following, 
which, however, was not as favorable to them 
as they had hoped, — viz. : 

"New Jersey, May 28, 1672. 

" Upon the address of James Grover, John 
Bowne, Richard Hartshorne, Jonathan Holmes, 
Patentees, and James Ashton and John Hanse, 
Associates, impowered by the Patentees and 
Associates of the Towns of Middletown and 
Shrewsbury unto the Governor and Council for 
Confirmation of certain Priviledges granted 
unto them by Colonel Eichard Nicolls, as by 
Patent under his Hand and Seal bearing Date 
the 8th Day of April, Anno Domini One Thou- 
sand six Hundred Sixty-five, the Governor and 
Council do confirm unto the ^;aid Patentees and 
Associates these Particulars following, being 
their Eights contained in the aforesaid Patent, 
viz. : 

" Impniiiis. — That the said Patentees and As- 
sociates have full Power, License and Authority 
to dispose of the said Lands expressed in said 
Patent, as to them shall seem meet. 

" II. That no Ministerial Power or Clergymen 
shall be imposed on or among the Inhabitants 
of the said Land, so as to inforce any that are 
contrary minded to contribute to their main- 

"III. That all Causes Whatsoever (Crimi- 
nals excepted) shall first have a hearing within 
their Cognizance, and that no appeals unto 
higher Courts, where Sentence have been passed 
amongst them, under the Value of Ten Pounds, 
be admitted. 

" IV. That all Criminals and Appeals above 
the Value of Ten Pounds, which are to be 
referred unto the aforesaid higher Courts, shall 
receive their Determination upon Appeals to 
his Majesty, not to be hindered. 

" V. That for all Commission Officers, both 
Civil and Military, the Patentees, Associates 
and Freeholders have Liberty to present two 
for each Office to the Governor, whom they 
shall think fit, one of which the Governor is to 
Commissionate to execute the said Office ; and 
that they have Liberty to make peculiar 
prudential Laws and Constitutions amongst 
themselves, according to the Tenor of the said 

" Ph. Caeteeet. 
" JoH]^ Kenxy, 

" Loedue Andeess, 
" Samuel Edsall, 
" John Pike, 
" JohjS' Bishop." 

This compromise arrangement by Governor 
Philip Carteret and his Council with the people 
of Monmouth did not meet the approval of Sir 
George Carteret or the later proprietors. It 
had the eflFect, however, to quiet the people for 
sometime; but afterwards, when the proprietors 
in effect ignored the agreement made by their 
own Governor with the Nicolls patentees, a new 
and more determined opposition arose, but it 
was manifested through their deputies in the 
General Assembly of the province. 

On the 25th of November, 1672, the Duke 
of York, in a letter to Colonel Lovelace, his 
Governor at New York, in referring to the 
matter' of the Nicolls patents in New Jersey, 
says he wrote Governor Nicolls on the 28th 
of November, 1664, notifying him of the re- 
lease to Berkeley and Carteret, and requiring 
hun (Nicolls) to recognize the proprietors' 
rights of soil and government in New Jersey, 
and to give his best efforts and assistance to 
secure them in the quiet possession of them; 



and he continues : " I am informed that some 
contentious Persons there do lay Claim to cer- 
tain Tracts of those Lands, under Colour of 
pretended Grants thereof from the said Colonel 

Nicolls, and therefore I would 

have you take Notice yourself, and when Occa- 
sion offers make known to the said Persons, 
and to all others, if any be pretending from 
them, that my Intention is not at all to counte- 
nance their said Pretensions, nor any other of 
that kind, tending to derogate in the least from 
my Grant above mentioned, to the said Lord 
John Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, their 
Heirs and Assigns. ..." 

On the 6th of December, 1672, eleven days 
after the date of the Duke's letter of instruc- 
tions to Lovelace, the "Lords Proprietors of 
New Csesarea, or New Jersey," issued a "Decla- 
ration ... to all Adventurers, Planters, 
Inhabitants, and all other Persons to whom it 
may Concern," including the following: — 

"We being made very sensible of the great 
disorders in the said Province, occasioned by 
several Persons, to the great Prejudice of our- 
selves, our Governor and Council, and all other 
peaceable and well-minded Inhabitants, within 
our said Province, by claiming a Right of Pro- 
priety both of land and Government.^ . 
For such as pretend to a Eight of Propriety to 

^ The people of the "two towns of Navesiuk " assumed 
the right of government under the Nicolls patent, and 
until about 1672 held sessions of "General Assembly," 
which was made up of patentees, associates and general dep- 
uties, and which also acted as a court, and was sometimes 
called the General Court. It was held at Middletown, 
Shrewsbury and Portland Point. At one of the sessions 
of this body, held at Shrewsbury, December 14, 1667, it 
was declared, — 

"That every person who hath right to debate and deter- 
mine off things pertaining to the orderly settlin' of the 
land may upon all meet occasions exercise liberty by way 
of vote. That is to say, such men as shall be made choice 
off by the general Vote off the Inhabitants, with the proper 
number of Persons expressed in the charter or Grand 
Patent, and hate full power and Charge to make all pub- 
lique Laws and orders, authentique, or the majot Part of 
them soe chosen, which Privilege is granted only to the 
number of purchasers. The towns-men, chosen inhabi- 
tants, holders of shares of land, are hereby restricted and 
confined to their own Town affairs, according to the second 
proposition. . . It is ordered that three men out of 

each Town, that is to say, two of them to be Surveyors, 
shall in the first place take a full view of each neck of 

Land and Government within our Province 
by virtue of any Patent from Colonel Richard 
Nicolls, as they ignorantly assert, we utterly 
disown any such thing. A Grant they had 
from him upon such Conditions which they 
never perform'd : For by said Grant they 
were obliged to do and perform such Acts and 
Things as should be appointed by His Royal 
Highness or his Deputies ; the Power whereof 
remains in us by Virtue of a Patent from his 
said Royal Highness, bearing Date long before 
these Grants ; which hath been often declared 
by our Governor (and now ratified and owned 
under the sign Manual of his said Royal High- 
ness to Colonel Lovelace, bearing Date the 25th 
of November, 1672), who demanded their sub- 
mission to their Authority, and to Patent their 
Land from us, and pay our Quit Rent according 
to our Concessions ; which, if they had done, 
or shall yet do, we are Content that they shall 
enjoy the Tract or Tracts of Land they are 
settled upon, and to have such Privileges and 
Immunities as our Governor and Council can 
agree upon ; but without their speedy compli- 
ance as above said, we do hereby Order our 
Governor and our Council to dispose therefore, 
in whole or in part for our best Advantage, to 
any other Persons. And if any Person or 
Persons do think they have injustice or wrong 
done by this, our positive Determination, they 
may address themselves to the King and Coun- 
cil ; and if their Right to that Land or Gov- 
ernment appears to be better than ours, we will 
readily submit thereunto. . . . That all 
Grants of Land, Conveyances, Surveys or any 
other Pretences for the Hold of Land Avhatso- 
ever within our said Province, that are not de- 
rived from us, according to the Prescriptions in 
our Concessions, and entered upon Record in 
our Secretary's Office in our said Province, we 

Land commonly called Newasink and Narumsunk, and to 
give report of the same, to the best of their judgment and 
observation, as to the quantity of upland and meadow, that 
soe a fair and equal division may proceed, whereby the 
lymits of each Town might bee appointed and set down 
with all convenient expedition. That is to say, between 
this and the first of February ; and that good observation, 
as well of quality as of quantity, may be given in, that soe 
each neck might be peopled in such fitt proportion as shall 
be thought most fitt and equall." 



declare to be null and void in Law. . . . 
That the Constable of every respective Town 
within our Province shall have Power by War- 
rant from our Governor to take by way of dis- 
tress from every individual Inhabitant within 
their respective Jurisdictions, their just Propor- 
tion of Rent due to us yearly, beginning the 
25th Day of March, 1670, and for his Charge 
and trouble about the same, if they refuse to 
deliver it at some convenient Place which the 
said Constable shall appoint within their re- 
spective Jurisdictions, by the 25th Day of 
March, yearly ; the Constables only to be ac- 
countable to our Receiver-General : And altho' 
our Concessions say it shall be paid in current 
or lawful Money of England, yet at the request 
of our Governor and Council, we shall accept 
of it in such Merchantable Pay as the Country 
doth produce, at Merchant's Price, to the value 
of Money Sterling; and if by this Means we 
cannot obtain our Eent, then the Marshal of 
the Province shall be impowered, as above said, 
to collect the same at the Charge of such the 
Inhabitants as do refuse to pay at the Time and 
Places aforesaid."^ 

And in the same document the proprietors 
declared that " No Person or Persons whatso- 
ever shall be counted a Freeholder of the said 
Province, nor have any Vote in electing, nor be 
capable of being elected for any Office of Trust, 
either Civil or Military, until he doth actually 
hold his or their Lands by Patent from us, the 
Lords Proprietors." 

This declaration of the proprietors was not 
satisfactory to the patentees, associates and pur- 
chasers under the Monmouth grant, and in 
May, 1673, John Bowne and James Grover, on 
behalf of the people of the Navesink settle- 
ments, petitioned the Governor and Council to 
make no decision or conclusion as to the rights 
of the Nicolls patentees until they could make 
an address to the proprietors, wlibse decision 
upon such address they would acquiesce in. 
This petition was forwarded to England and 
received, September 5, 1673, by Sir George 
Carteret (Lord Berkeley having sold his inter- 
est, and so ceased to be a jiroprietor, in the pre- 

1 Learning and Spicer, pp. 85-37. 

ceding March). Sir George replied, in his 
instructions to the Governor, dated July 31, 
1674, which were in the main but a reiteration 
of the proprietors' declaration (before quoted) 
of December 6, 1672; but he added, — "As 
to the Inhabitants of ISTavysink, considering 
their faithfulness to the Lords Proprietors,^ 
that upon their Petition their Townships shall 
be survey'd and shall be incorporated, and to 
have equal Privileges with other Inhabitants of 
the Province, and that such of them who were 
the pretended Patentees, ,and laid out Money 
in purchasing Land from the Indians, shall 
have in consideration thereof Five Hundred 
Acres of Land to each of them, to be allotted 
by the Governor and Council in such Places 
that it may not be prejudicial to the rest of the 
Inhabitants ; and because there is much Barren 
Land, after Survey taken, the Governor and 
Council may give them Allowance ; " the 
allotments of five hundred acres and allowance 
to be made by the Governor and Council, inde- 
pendent of all action by the General Assembly. 
During the time which intervened between 
the presentation of Bowne and Grover's peti- 
tion on behalf of the Navesink people and the 
publication of Sir George Cai'teret's reply, as 
above, the Dutch had retaken the country em- 
bi-aced in the provinces of New York and New 
Jersey, and their Governor, Colve, had con- 
firmed to the English settlers their rights of 
property. This, together with the fact that 
Sir Edmund Andros, on assuming the Gover- 
norship at New York, after the second expulsion 
of the Dutch, in 1674, published a proclama- 
tion promising the confirmation of " all former 
grants, privileges or concessions heretofore 
granted, and all former estates legally possessed 
by any under his Royal Highness before the 
late Dutch government," revived the hopes of 
the Monmouth patentees that the validity of 
their grant from Nicolls would, after all, be 

2 Thiis, doubtless, has reference to (he fact that the peo- 
ple of the Navesink towns were not represented in the 
disorganizing sessions of the East Jersey Assembly, held 
in 1671-72, and took little, if any, part in the attempt 
made at that time to establish a new government with 
Captain James Carteret at its head as " President of the 



finally conceded and established.' Nevertheless, 
they very readily accepted the five hundred 
acre grants, in reference to which the following 
is found in the " Record of the Governor and 
Council of East Jersey," under date of May 17 
and 18, 1683: "The patentees accepted of 
the same [the five hundred acre tracts] and pe- 
titioned to have the same laid out. Warrants 
were granted for the same. Some were sur- 
veyed and patented, particularly that of Rich- 
ard Hartshorne, which appeared to be a full 
conclusion of that affair, unless it was made to 
appear that such petition and procedure were 
not by consent or approbation of the Towns." 

On the following day (May 18th) the Gov- 
ernor and Council held a consultation with John 
Bowne, Richard Hartshorne and Joseph Par- 
ker, representing the Navesink settlements. 
" We inquired," says the record, " into the truth 
of those petitions and addresses, and the sub- 
mission and resignation of their pretended 
rights to the late Lords Proprietors.^ And 
they owned and agreed they were true, but 
alleged that the same was done for fear. It was 
answered that the like allegation may ever be 
made, but as an evidence to the contrary, the 
petitioners themselves demonstrated, besides, 
that the patentees had, after the Lords Proprie- 
tors' grace and favour granted them five hun- 
dred Acres of Land apiece, they returned a 
letter of acknowledgement and thanks. And 
their Associates, in compliance therewith, all 
patented their land according to the Concessions, 
none excepted, and continued ever after satisfied 

1 The patentees and associates confidently believed th&t 
the Dutch occupation of 1673-74 had extinguished the 
King's title, and consequently that of the Duke of York 
and the proprietors under him, and that a decision to 
that effect would be had at Westminster Hall. In that 
case they (the patentees and settlers) believed they could 
safely rely on the fact of their nine years' possession, con- 
firmed by the Dutch, and promised to be confirmed by An- 
dres, as affording them a, valid title. Some such doubts 
obtained with the Duke and the proprietors, and so, to 
make all sure, after the country had again passed to the 
English crown by right of conquest, in 1674, the royal and 
ducal grants were renewed and confirmed, as mentioned in 
a preceding chapter. 

'' At the date of this record the province was in the pos- 
session and under the government of the twenty-four 

therewith." Then the agents, Bowne, Harts- 
horne and Parker, claimed for the people that 
the five hundred acre grants were to be free of 
quit-rents ; but this the Governor and Council 
positively denied, and refused to accede to, and 
finally, after much further unavailing discussion, 
the conference (which appears to have been the 
last which was held by the Monmouth patentees 
with the Governor and Council on the subject) 
was, closed without any satisfactory result to 
either side. 

In 1677 the following "Opinion concerning 
Coll. Nicolls' Patent and Indian Purchases " 
was given by the King's Council, viz. : 

"Upon the questions submitted : 1st, whether 
the grants made by Col. Nicolls are good 
against the assigns of Lord Berkeley and Sir 
George Carteret, and 2d, whether the grant 
from the Indians be sufficient to any planter 
without a grant from the King or his assigns. 

" To y^ first Question the authority by which 
Coll. Nicolls acted Determined by y® Duke's 
Grant to y" Ld. Berkeley and Ld. George 
Cartrett and all Grants made by him after- 
wards (though according to y® Commission) 
are void, for y® Delegated power w'' Coll. Nic- 
olls had of making grants of y° land could 
Last no .Longer than his Maj'' Intrest who 
gave him y* Power, and y^ having or not hav- 
ing Notice of y" Duke's Grant to y^ Lord 
Berkeley & S"^ George Cartret makes no Differ- 
ence in y® Law, but j' want of Notice makes 
it great Equity y* y® Present Proprief^ should 
Confirm Such Grants to y" People who will 
submit to y" Cons'sions and Payments of the 
Present Proprietors' Quitt rents, otherwise they 
may look upon them as Desseizors, and treat 
them as such."^ 

In November, 1684, the twenty-four propri- 
etors, in a letter of instructions to Deputy-Gov- 
ernor Gawen Lawrie, empowered and directed 
him to join with five other proper persons in New 
Jersey "to end all Controversies and Differ- 
ences with the Men of Neversinks and Eliza- 
beth Town, or any other Planters or Persons 
whatsoever, concerning any pretended Titles or 
claim to Land in the said Province ; And we 

3N. J. Archives, 1st Series, vol. i, page 273. 



do hereby declare that we will not enter into 
any Treaty on this side with any of those peo- 
ple who claim by Colonel Nicolls' Patent, nor 
with any others that challenge Land by any 
Patents from the late Governour Carteret, as 
being an Affront to the Government there, and 
of evil consequence to make Things to be put 
off by delays, and thereby hinder the settle- 
ment of our affairs in the Province." 

The Monmouth patentees were beaten at all 
points in the matter of validity of title, and 
they and those claiming under them all took 
patents for their lands from the proprietors,^ 
though they eventually gained their paramount 
object, for they continued to hold their lands 
and avoided the payment of even the slight 
quit-rents which were required by the conces- 
sions. Neither Governor Lawrie, however, nor 
any of his successors succeeded in performing 
the duty with which he was charged, viz : " To 
end all Controversies and Differences with the 
Men of JSTeversinks and Elizabeth Town." 
They resisted the payment of the quit-rents, 
and, holding possession of the lands, they were 
too numerous to have a general eviction practi- 
cable, though a few were dispossessed. The 
controversy (which at times assumed, on the 
part of the people, much of the character of a 
revolt against the provincial government) was 
continued with more or less of intensity until 
closed by the War of the Revolution. But 
even that great convulsion did not extinguish 
the proprietary title. The Hon. A. Q,. Keas- 
bey, in an address delivered before the Histori- 
cal Society of New Jersey on the bi-centennial 
anniversary of the purchase of East New Jer- 
sey by the twelve proprietors, said : " On the 
1st of February, 1682, the deed was made and 
delivered, and twelve laud speculators, headed 
by William Penn, became the sole owners in 

In an answer made by the proprietors, December 9, 
1700, to a remonstrance of the inhabitants of East Jersey, 
they say : " And ye Licenses granted to the Petra by 
Col. Nicolls then and by the Proprietrs since were ex- 
pressly under a condition to hold the Lands so purchased 
of the Proprietors by Patent, and a certain Rent ; and all 
Olaiming under the License of Coll. Nicolls actually took 
Patents of the same Lands at certain Rents, as by the records 
thereof appears ; which ye Petra have artfully foreborne 
to mention, and rely wholly on the Indian title." 

fee of all this fair domain, and from them must 
be traced the title to every lot and parcel of 
land which changes owners in East Jersey. 
And the direct successors of Penn and his 
eleven associates — still an organized body with 
active managing officers — own eveiy acre of 
land which they have not sold ; and every pur- 
chaser who wants to buy can now make his 
bargain with them, as purchasers did two hun- 
dred years ago." 

The next settlements in Monmouth County, 
after those of the Long Island and New Eng- 
land people at Middletown and Shrewsbury, 
and of a few others who came from other parts 
(among the most prominent of whom were 
Richard Hartshorne and Col. Lewis Morris) 
and who settled in the region contiguous to 
those places, were made by Scotch Avho began 
to come in the years 1682-83, as a result of the 
efforts made by Robert Barclay, of Scotland, to 
promote the emigration of his countrymen to 
East New Jersey, of which province he had 
then recently been appointed Governor under 
the proprietors. They made their settlements 
chiefly in Freehold township and along the 
northwestern border of the county^ adjoining 
Middlesex. Of the coming of these people to 
Monmouth County the Hon. Edwin Salter 
says: "About 1682-85 there were many 
refugee Scotch Quakers and Scotch Presbyte- 
rians who fled from persecution in Scotland, 
and located in East Jersey. Occasional de- 
scendants of the persecuted and banished 
Huguenots also came to this State ; among them 
it is said were the Bodiues, Gaskells or Gaskins 
(originally Gascoyne), Dupuy, Soper and 
D'Aubigne, which latter was corrupted to Daw- 
been, and finally to Dobbins." 

Among the first (as they were also the most 
prominent of the Scotch settlers in Monmouth 
county) were John Reid and George Keith, 
both of whom filled the office of surveyor- 
general of the province. Reid, who, during a 
period of nearly forty years, was one of the 
most widely-known and influential citizens of 
Monmouth County, was a Scotch Quaker, and was 

^ Freehold township at that time extended to the Middle- 
sex County line. 



employed in 1683 by Barclay and the other 
Scotch proprietors of East New Jersey as " over- 
seer," to have charge of a party of emigrants 
from Scotland. John Hanton was also em- 
ployed in the same capacity and at the same 
time, each to receive £25 sterling as an annual 
salary, and a "share" of ten acres of land at 
Ambo Point (Perth Amboy). On the 28th of 
August in the year mentioned, they sailed from 
Aberdeen with their families in the ship " Ex- 
change," Captain James Peacock, and on the 1 9th 
of December following were landed on Staten 
Island. Hanton brought with him nine cows, 
two horses and one mare, six oxen and " two 
breeding sowes," and had the value of £144 
6-3. lid. in " provisions and necessaries." E,eid 
had eight cows, two horses, six oxen, four 
swine and £147 2s. worth of " provisions and 
necessaries." Immediately after his arrival he 
went to Elizabethtown, thence to Woodbridge, 
and thence, in January, 1 683-84, to Perth Am- 
boy, where he took up his abode " in the field," 
in a house the building of which is mentioned 
in David Barclay's statement of account with 
the proprietors. 

Soon after his arrival in New Jersey he was 
appointed deputy surveyor, and while engaged 
in that capacity made a map ^ of lands on the 
Earitan, Kahway, Millstone and South Elvers, 
for which, and for other services, he received 
the grant of a tract of land named "Hortensia," 
located " on the east branch of Hop Eiver in 
Monmouth County," to which tract he removed 
from Perth Amboy in the latter part of 1686. 
During the long period of his residence in this 
county he was several times elected a member 
of the General Assembly, and held other hon- 
orable positions, being appointed surveyor- 
General in the year of the surrender of the 
government by the proprietors to Queen Anne. 
While living at Perth Amboy he was clerk of 
Amboy Meeting of the Society of Friends, and 
he continued a member of that society after his 
removal to Monmouth County until the year 
1703, when he adopted the faith of the Estab- 
lished Church of England. He died on the 
16th of March, 1722-23, aged sixty-seven years. 

and was interred in the old burial-ground of 
Topanemus, where a stone, still standing, marks 
his grave.^ 

George Keith was a native of Aberdeen, 
Scotland. In his early life he was a Presbyte- 
rian, which faith he abandoned to adopt that of 
the Society of Friends. In 1683 he was teacher 
of a school in Theobalds, having among his 
pupils a son of Eobert Barclay, the proprietary 
Governor of East New Jersey. This fact, which, 
together with his Quakerism, brought him to 
favorable notice of the Governor, and the addi- 
tional fact that he was known to be " an excel- 
lent surveyor," secured for him the appointment 
of surveyoi'-general of East New Jersey, to 
which office he was commissioned August 8, 
1684. He arrived at New York in the ship 
" Blossom," Martin, master, in the spring of 

'An engraved copy of this map is now in possession of 
the New Jersey Historical Society. , 

'' ■' John Reid," says Mr. Whitehead, "appears to have 
been a bookseller in Edinburgh when selected by the pro- 
prietaries to take charge of a party of emigrants sent to 
East Jersey in 1683. A memorandum, written by himself, 
in the possession of his descendants, gives the following in- 
formation respecting himself and family. His father and 
grandfather before him were gardeners, and he was born at 
Mildrew Castle, in the parish of Kirkliston, on the 13th of 
February, 1655, and when twelve years old' (1667) was 
bound apprentice to a wine merchant in Edinburgh. His 
master dying, he returned to his family in 1673, but his 
father being dead and his mother married again, he ' went 
to learn the art of gardening' the ensuing year, seeking 
improvement in the ' famous Hamilton Gardens.' "-' At this 
time he became a Quaker. After sojourning a while at 
Drummond, he went, in 1676, to Lawres alias Fording, 
where he wrote a book entitled 'The (Scotch Gardener,' and 
in 1678 married Margaret, daughter of Henry Miller, of 
Cashon, in the parish of Kirkintiloch. She was eleven years 
his senior. Previous to leaving Scotland for New Jersey 
three daughters— Anna, Helen and Margaret— were born 
to them. His youngest daughter, yet an infant, died on 
the 15th of January, 1683-84, and was buried the next day, 
at Perth Amboy, where his son John was afterwards born, 
in July, 1686. His daughter Anna married John Ander- 
son, who filled several important positions, and at the time 
of his death, in 1736, was President of the Council and 
Acting Governor of the province, in consequence of the 
death of Governor Cosby. One of their sons was named 
Kenneth. His daughter Helen married the Rev. John 
Bartow, of Westchester, N. Y., and left several children. 
His only son, John, studied law in the office of John Cham- 
bers, one of the justices of the Supreme Court of the prov- 
ince of New York, andafterwards practiced at Westchester ; 
was surrogate of the county from 1760 to 1764 and died at 
Westchester aged eighty-seven."— iVw Jerse}/ Archives, First 
Series, vol. i. p- 510. 



1685, and on the 9th of April reported to the 
Proprietary Council at Perth Amboy, where a 
house was assigned to him, but he was not sworn 
into his office until the 12th of June following. 
Not long afterwards he removed from Perth 
Amboy to lands which he had purchased in 
Freehold township, where he " made a fine 
plantation, which he afterwards sold and went 
into Pennsylvania." 

His residence in Monmouth County was of 
about three years' duration, in which time (in 
1687) he ran the province line between East 
and West New Jersey, as has already been meii- 
tioned. In 1689 he removed to Philadelphia 
at the invitation of the Quakers of that town, 
and there engaged in the teaching of a school, 
for which service he received the assurance of 
£50 for the first year and £120 yearly after- 
ward, wiLh whatever profits might be real- 
ized from the school beyond that sum, but the 
children of the poor to receive tuition free. He 
however, continued in charge of the school only 
one year. 

After his resignation of the position of teacher 
he became a leading Quaker preacher in Phila- 
delphia, but he was overbearing and aggressive, 
and created so much trouble among the Friends 
in Pennsylvania that he was publicly denounced 
by the Meeting in 1692, and finally, in 1694, 
he abandoned the Quaker doctrines and adopted 
the faith of the Established Church of England, 
in which he soon attained considerable eminence 
as a clergyman. 

In 1700, Keith was strongly recommended 
by Lewis Morris (in a memorial to the Bishop 
of London, concerning the religious condition of 
the people of New Jersey and other colonies) as 
the most suitable person to be sent here as a mis- 
sionary ; and in 1702 he came back to America 
in that capacity, under the auspices of the then re- 
cently established Society for the Propagation of 
the Gospel in Foreign Parts, to awaken in the 
people of the provinces " a sense of the duties of 
Religion." He was the first missionary to the 
people of " Shrewsbury and the region round 
about," and of Freehold, of which church (St. 
Peter's) he was the founder. He also traveled 
as a missionary of the church through all the 
colonies from Massachusetts Bay as far south 

as North Carolina, devoting most of his time 
and efforts, however, to the churches in New 
York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, in all of 
which, as is recorded, he was very successful in 
his ministrations, bringing in many of his for- 
mer co-religionists, the Quakers, as converts to 
the faith and discipline of the Established Church. 
At the conclusion of his labors in Virginia he 
returned thence to England, where he received 
a benefice, at £120 per annum, at Edburton, in 
the county of Sussex, and in this he continued 
during the remainder of his life. 

The early Scotch settlers in New Jersey were 
nearly all landed at Perth Amboy, whence 
they scattered in different directions, locating 
in Monmouth, Middlesex and other counties. 
Thomas Lawrie and John Barclay, both Scotch- 
men of some note, settled in 1684 very near 
the county line of Monmouth and Middlesex, 
but on which side of the boundary cannot now 
be definitely ascertained. A number of Scotch 
people settled at the place which is now Mat- 
awan, but which they named New Aberdeen. 
Nearly the whole northwest border of the 
county was first peopled by Scotch Presbyte- 

In 1685 a large number of Covenanters, who 
had suffered the extreme of persecution for their 
religious faith, were gathered in the prisons of 
Scotland, under sentence of banishment, because 
of their absolute refusal to take the oath of al- 
legiance as "embodied with the supremacy." 
Under these circumstances, George Scott, of 
Pitlochie, made application, asking that a ship- 
load of these unfortunates might be turned 
over to him, to be transported to East Jersey 
as servants in a colony which he intended to 
plant there. His request was granted, and he 
received a large number of the proscribed Cov- 
enanters, the story of whose sufferings during 
the voyage to America, and of the manner in 
which they were received on their arrival, is 
told in C'hambers' " Domestic Annals of Scot- 
land," as follows: 

Pitlochie, who was himself a " vexed Pres- 
byterian," being now in contemplation of a set- 
tlement in the colony of East Jersey and in 
want of laborers or bondmen for the culture of 
his lands, petitioned the Council for a con- 



signment of these tender-conscienced men, and 
nearly a hundred who had been condemned to 
banishment were at once "gifted" to him. He 
freighted a New Castle ship to carry them, and 
the vessel sailed from Leith Roads [September 
5, 1685], carrjang also with her cargo " dy- 
vours and broken men," besides the Covenant- 
ers. It was a most disastrous voyage. Partly, 
perhaps, because of the reduced, sickly state of 
most of the prisoners at starting, but more 
through a deficiency of healthful food and the 
want of air and comfort, a violent fever broke 
out in the ship before she had cleared Land's 
End. It soon assumed a malignant type, and 
scarcely an individual on board escaped it. 
The whole crew, except the captain and boat- 
swain, died. Pitlochie himself, and his wife, 
also, died. Three or four dead were thrown 
overboard every day. Notwithstanding this 
raging sickness, much severity was used towards 
the prisoners at sea by the master of the ship 
and others. Those under deck were not al- 
lowed to worship by themselves; and when 
they were engaged in it, the captain would 
throw down great planks of timber upon them 
to disturb them, and sometimes to the danger 
of their lives. Fifteen long weeks were spent 
at sea before the prison-ship arrived at her 
destination ; and in that time seventy had per- 
ished. The remainder were so reduced in 
strength as to be scarcely able to go ashore. 
The people at the place where they landed 
(Perth Amboy), not having the gospel among 
them, were indifferent to the fate of the Scot- 
tish Presbyterians; but at a place a few miles 
inland, where there was a minister and congre- 
gation, they were received with great kindness. 
They then became the subjects of a singular 
litigation ; a Mr. Johnston, the son-in-law and 
heir' of Pitlochie, suing them for their value 
as bond-servants. A jury found that there was 

I That this should read " one of the heirs," etc., is shown 
by the following extract from the minutes of a meeting of 
the Council at Perth Amboy, October 30, 1686, viz. : "James 
Scott, sonn of George Scott, of picklorkey [Pitlochie], late 
of the Kingdom of Scotland, Deceased, came before this 
Councill, being a Minor, and made choyse of m' John 
Johnstone and m' George Willox to bee his Guardians, — 
who were admitted accordingly." 

no indenture between Pitlochie and them, but 
that they were shipped against their will; there- 
fore Mr. Johnston had no control over them. 

At the time when these distressed people 
were landed at Perth Amboy, John Reid was 
living there; and being a Quaker, and taking 
an interest in his suffering countrymen, he prob- 
ably advised and assisted them to leave Amboy 
and go to the settlement of the Friends at To- 
panemus, which was doubtless the " place a few 
miles inland, where there was a minister and 
congregation," and where they were induced to 
remain as settlers, by reason of the "great 
kindness" which they received, and also by the 
attractiveness of the country. A few years 
later a Presbyterian Church was formed, and 
a house of worship erected about two miles 
north of the old Quaker Meeting-house at 
Topanemus. This was the first Presbyterian 
Church edifice built in Monmouth County, and 
one of the first two or three in the province of 
New Jersey. Not a vestige of the old building 
now remains; but its site may still be known 
by a slight depression on a vacant spot in the 
" Old Scotch Burying-Ground," in Marlbor- 
ough township. 

Between the Scotch and the English settlers 
in Monmouth County (as in other parts of the 
province) there sprang up a mutual jealousy 
and dislike, which became intensified into some- 
thing very much akin to hatred. The cause of 
this cannot, at this time, be clearly understood, 
but its existence — which, in no small degree, 
aggravated the disorders which disturbed the 
peace of the province in the' last part of the 
seventeenth and the earlier years of the eigh- 
teenth century — is clearly shown in the records 
of that time, from which a few pertinent ex- 
tracts are here given. 

In a letter by Col. Robert Quary to the 
Lords of Trade, dated June 16, 1703, he said : 
" The contests of West Jersey have always 
been betwixt the Quakers and her majesty's 
subjects who are no Quakers. . . . The 
contest in East Jersey is of a different nature, 
— whether the Country shall be a Scotch settle- 
ment or an English settlement. The Scotch 
have had for many years the advantage of a 
Scotch Governour, Colonel Andrew Hamilton. 



But it is the expectation of all that his Excel- 
lency, My Lord Cornbury, will reconcile all 
these diiferences." That expectation, however, 
was not verified. 

In a memorial of that time, by Edward Ran- 
dolph (N. Y. Col. Docs., vol. ii. p. 122), he 
said : " Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a Scotchman, 
is the Gov' of those Provinces. Appointed 
by the Proprietors to lease out their Lands and 
receive their Quit-Rents. He is a great favourer 
of the Scotch Traders, his Countrymen." 

The proprietors of East Jersey, in a memorial 
to the Lords of Trade, asking for the appoint- 
ment of Peter Sonmans as councillor in place 
of Lewis Morris, said : " Yet some of the un- 
ruly Scots and those of their faction (abetted 
by their Ring-leader^) in New Jersey, who are 
the correspondents and informers of the Me- 
morialists here against the Lord Cornbury, op- 
posed Mr. Sonmans' commission there, etc." 

Col. Robert Quary, in another letter to the 
Lords of Trade, in reference to New Jersey af- 
fairs, dated December 20, 1703, said : " The 
Eastern Division hath been for a long time in 
the hands of a very few Scotch, the head of w"*" 
party is now Coll. Mori'is ; the whole Number of 
them are not at most above Twenty, and yett 
they have always, by the Advantage of a Scotch 
Governour, carryed it with a high hand ag' the 
rest of the Inhabitants, tho' more than a thou- 
sand in Number, and y' greatest part of them 
Menn of Substance and Sence. The hardships 
they have received from this small number of 
Scotch have so prejudiced the whole country 
ag' them that it is Impossible to reconcile it (It 
must be a work of time)." 

The first settlements of Dutch people in Mon- 
mouth County were made several years later than 
those of the Scotch, and a full quarter of a cen- 
tury after the first of the English pioneers came 
to locate on their lands patented from Governor 
Nicolls. With (so fav as is known) only a sin- 
gle exception,^ there were no Dutch settlers in 

1 Lewis Morris. 

" That of Hugh Dyckman, of Shrewsbury, who, at the 
time of the reoccupation of the New Netherlands by the 
Dutch under Governor Colve, was chosen one of the "sche- 
pens," and, with Eliakim Wardell and John Hance, was 

the county prior to 1690, and very few before 
1695; and not until two or three years after 
the latter date (excepting in the case above- 
mentioned) do Jiames of that nationality — 
Schanck, Hendrickson, Guybertson and Van 
Dorn — appear in the records as jurymen or oth- 
erwise. Following is given a list of settlers in 
Monmouth County prior to the year 1700, addi' 
tional to those given in a preceding chapter of 
patentees, associates and other inhabitants within 
the Monmouth purchase in the year 1670. It 
is not claimed that the list which follows is any- 
thing like a complete one of people who had 
located in Monmouth between the last-named 
year and 1700; in fact, it is not at all likely that 
it embraces more than one-fourth part of the 
names of the settlers who came within that 
period, but, as far as it goes, it is a correct one, 
having been gathered entirely from lists of jury- 
men and other matters of official record, viz. : 

Ashton, William, 
Applegate, Daniel, 
Allen, Judah, 
Allen, Elisha, 
Allen, Ephraim, 
Allen, Jedediah, 
Allen, Caleb, 
Adam, Alexander, 
Baker, John, 
Barclay, John, 
Barnes, Richard, 
Blackman, Bryan, 
Brown, Abraham, 
Brown, Abraham, Jr., 
Bray, John, 
Bennett, Arian, 
Bennett, Jeremiah, 
Bryan, Morgan, 
Boel, Thomas, 
Compton, Cornelius, 
Compton, Richard, 
Cottrell, Eleazer, 
Cheeseman, William, 

Dennis, Samuel, 
Dorsett, James, 
Dennis, Qiarles, 
Drummond, Gawen, 
Davison, William, 
Dyckman, Hugh, 
Eaton, Thomas, 
Edwards, Abiah, 
Estill, William, 
Estill, Thomas, 
Emly, Peter, 
Fullerton, James, 
Forman, Alexander, 
Gordon, Augustus, 
Gardner, Richard, 
Gifford, Hananiah, 
Goodbody, William, 
Gibbons, Mordecai, 
Guyberson, John, 
Hankinson, Thomas, 
Hewitt, Thomas, 
Hopping, Samuel, 
Harbert, Thomas, 

Cheeseman, William, Jr., Hick, Benjamin, 

Chamberlain, Adam, Hamilton, Robert, 

CrafFord, John, Harbert, Francis, 

Crafford, John, Jr., Hilborn, Thomas, 

Cook, Stephen, Harbert, Daniel, 

c:annon, Patrick, Hendrickson, Hendrick, 

Case, William, ' Hendrickson,», Daniel, 

Curliss, George, Hewlett, Samuel, 

Cook, Benjamin, Hoge, William, 

Child, Samuel, Ingram, Thomas, 

Caramock, Nathaniel, Jobs, George, 

sworn into that office at Fort Willem Hendrick, September 
1st, 1673. 
' The first Dutch sheriff of Monmouth County. . 



Jackson, Francis, 
Jennings, John, 
James, Robert, 
Jeffrey, Francis, 
Johnston, John, 
Jollis, Peter, 
Laing, William, 
Leeds, William, 
Leonard, Capt. Samuel, 
Leonard, John, 
Lippitt, Moses, 
Lawrence, John, 

Lawrence, Elisha, 

Lippincott, Eemembrance, 

Marsh, Henry, 

Masters, Clement, 

Merling, James, 

Mott, Gershom, 

Morford, Thomas, 

Morford, John, 

Merrill, William, 

Melvin, James, 

Oung, Isaac, 

Potter, Ephraim, 

Pintard, Anthony, 

Pattison, Robert, 

Bedford, Samuel, 

Reed, James, 

Eenshall, Thomas, 

Stillwell, Jeremiah, 

Slocum, Nathaniel, 

Snawsell, Thomas, 

Shrieve, Caleb, 

Stout, William, 

Stout, David, 

Stout, Benjamin, 

Stout, James, 

Stout, Jonathan, 

Stout, Richard, 

Stout, Richard, Jr., 
Stout, Peter, 
Skelton, Robert, 
Scott, William, 
Starkey, John, 
Sarah, Nicholas, 
Stevens, Nicholas, 
Sohanck, John, 
Schanck, Garret, 
Sharp, Thomas, 
Thomson, Cornelias, 
Tucker, John, 
Taylor, Edward, 
Trewax, Jacob, 
Usselton, Francis, 
Usselton, Thomas, 
Van Dorn, Jacob, 
Vaughan, John, 
Vickard, Thomas, 
Whitlock, William, 
West, John, 
West, Stephen, 
West, Joseph, 
West, William, 
Williams, Edward, 
Williams, William, 
Williams, John, 
Warne, Thomas, 
Wall, Garrett, 
Worth, William, 
Webley, Thomas, 
White, Samuel, 
Winter, William, 
Woolley, William, 
Woolley, John, 
Whitlock, John, 
Worthley, John, 
Wilson, Peter, 
Willett, Samuel, 

The Hollanders in Monmouth^ came in the 
first place from 'New York and the western 
towns of Long Island, principally between 1690 
and 1720. Since then there has been some 
influx of them from Middlesex and Somerset 
Counties of this State. The original settlers 
were generally the younger sons, and left the 
crowded homesteads of their fathers on Long 
Island to make new ones for themselves. Agri- 
culture was their chief business, and the owner- 
ship of a large unincumbered farm, with a sub- 
stantial house, large, well-filled barns and good 
stock, their highest desire. As farmers they 
had and have no superiors. As citizens they 
were, and have ever been, conservative and 

' This and the three succeeding paragraphs, relative to 
the Dutch settlers in Monmouth County, are from the pen 
of Hon. G. C. Beekman, of Freehold. 

peaceable, more ready to do than to talk of 
what they do, and, with very few exceptions, 
true to the cause of liberty and free institutions. 
They were the descendants of the only people 
who were free when they colonized New York 
and New Jersey, and were the only original 
Republicans and Democrats of America. Dur- 
ing the Revolution they were the principal 
sufferers from the depredations of the Tories in 
Monmouth and the ravages of the British army 
in its march through the county. 

From such a stock have descended the people 
of Monmouth who bear the names of Schanck, 
Smock, Statesir, Stryker, Suydam, Spader, Sut- 
phen, Lefierts, Leffertsen, Hyer, Quackenbush, 
Polhemus, Conover, Vandeveer, Barkalow and 
Barricklo, Antonides, WyckofF, HofF and Hoff- 
man, Beekman, Neafie or Nevius, Hendricks 
and Hendrickson, Probasco, Terhune, Cortel- 
you, Gulick, Tennis, Denise, Bergen, Brincker- 
hoff, Remsen, Du Bois, Voorhees,Vredenburgh, 
Vought, Veghte, Truax, Schuyler, Hageman, 
Honce, Ten Eyck, Luyster, Van Kirk, Van 
Sickelin or Sickles, Van Dyke, Van Brunt, 
Van Dorn, Van Mater, Van Schoick, Van 
Deventer, Van Cleaf, Van Hise, Van Pelt and 
others of the "Van" prefix. 

It was by the ancestors of many^ of these 
people that the old, substantial farm-houses, 
still seen here and there in parts of this pounty, 
were built, with roofs running almost to the 
ground and projecting over both in front and 
rear, and under tliem the "stoep;" the out- 
buildings large and massive and often painted 
red. The old Dutch farmers of Monmouth 
delighted in large barns, well filled, and with 
their stock, including negro slaves, sleek, fat 
and contented.^ Their hospitality was as solid 

2 "There were also [among the early Dutch settlers in 
Monmouth] a few large land-owners, with numerous slaves, 
who lived like kings on their farms. The leading charac- 
teristics of this class are happily described by Edmund C. 
Stedman, in his poem called 'Alice of Monmouth,' by the 
following lines: 

' Hendrick Van Ghelt, of Monmouth Shore, 
His fame still rings the county o'er. 
The stock he raised, the stallion he rode, 
The fertile acres his farmers sowed, 
The dinners he gave ; the yacht which lay 
At his fishing dock in the Lower Bay ; 



and wide as the great doors which led into their 
dwellings, and the open fire-place and hearth, 
on which blazed and crackled a load of wood 
at a time. 

In the same way and for the same purpose 
that the younger sons of the Dutch farmers of 
Long Island left their homesteads to make homes 
for themselves in New Jersey, the younger 
members of the families of their descendants 
have, at different periods, emigrated from Mon- 
mouth County and settled in some of the 
counties of Eastern Pennsylvania, along the 
Mohawk River in New York, in the Miami 
Valley in Ohio, in the Jersey settlement in 
Illinois, and elsewhere ; and wherever they 
have gone, the same industry, energy, honesty 
and hospitality have ever characterized them. 
Of those who remained on the lands where their 
ancestors first settled, almost two centuries ago, 
it may be said that through that long period 
they and their descendants have so continually 
intermarried with those of the English, Scotch, 
and other settlers that the blood of the Bata- 
vians now flows through the veins of a large 
proportion of the permanent residents of Mon- 
mouth County. 

With regard to the English and Scotch people 
who preceded the Dutch as settlers in this region, 
history records a similar migration in later years. 
From Monmouth County, which had afforded 
an asylum for these victims of religious perse- 
cution in Europe and New England, many of 

The suits which he waged thro' many a year 

For a rood of land behind his pier. 

Of this the chronicles yet remain 

From Navesink Heights to Freehold Plain. 

'The Shrewsbury people in autumn help 
Their sandy topland with marl and kelp, 
And their peach and apple orchards fill 
The gurgling vats of the cross-road mill. . 
They tell, as each twirls his tavern-can. 
Wonderful tales of that staunch old man, 
And they boast of the draught they have tasted and smelt, 
'Tis good as the still of Hendrick Van Ghelt.' 

"Some of the oldest citizens of the county can remember 
how well these lines describe certain characteristics of 
several farmers of Monmouth who were famous in the early 
part of the present century, — men like Joseph H. Van 
Mater, Col. Barnes Smock, Hendrick Schanck, Capt. John 
Schanck, Capt. Daniel Hendrickson, 'Farmer' Jacob Con- 
over and others." — Hon. O, 0. Beekman. 

their descendants removed to other provinces 
and States, and made for themselves new homes 
in the valleys of the Delaware, the Susquehanna, 
the Potomac, the Shenandoah and the Kanawha. 
" Among the first settlers of the Valley of Vir- 
ginia, who began to locate there about 1732," 
says the Hon. Edwin Salter,^ "were Formans, 
Taylors, Stocktons, Throckmortons, Van Me- 
ters, Pattersons, Vances, Aliens, Willets (or 
Willis), Larues, Lucases and others of familiar 
New Jersey names. Fourteen or fifteen Baptist 
families from this region settled near Gerards- 
town, and there were also many Scotch Pres- 
byterians from New Jersey, among whom were 
Crawfords, McDowells, Stuarts, Alexanders, 
Kerrs, Browns and Curamingses. Many of these 
families eventually passed into the Carolinas, 
Kentucky and elsewhere, and descendants of 
some became noted not only in the localities or 
States where they settled, but in the annals of 
the nation. Among those of Scotch origin may 
be named William H. Crawford, of Georgia, 
once a United States Senator from that State, 
and also a Presidential candidate, and General 
Leslie Combs, of Kentucky. Another man still 
more noted in the history of the nation, who 
descended from early settlers of New Jersey, 
and whose ancestors went from Monmouth 
County to Eastern Pennsylvania, and thence to 
the Valley of Virginia, was President Abraham 
Lincoln,^ one of whose ancestors was John 

' In an address delivered at the celebration of the bi- 
centennial anniversary of the New Jersey Legislature in 

2" A few years ago Judge Beekman, in looking over 
ancient records in the court-house at Freehold, found fre- 
quent mention of the name of Mordecai Lincoln, and he 
supposed it was possible that this man might be the an- 
cestor of Abraham Lincoln, as he went to Eastern Penn- 
sylvania, and it was said by the late President that, 
according to a tradition in his family, his ancestors came 
from thence, but in his lifetime he could trace his ancestry 
no farther back than to his grandfather, Abraham, who 
originally lived in Rockingham County, in the Valley of 
Virginia. Recently it has been definitely ascertained that 
Judge Beekman's supposition was correct. A relative of 
the Lincoln family, Mr. Samuel Shackford, of Cook County, 
Illinois, has been most indefatigable in efforts to trace 
back the ancestry of the late President by visits to and 
searches in records in Kentucky, the Valley of Virginia 
and Eastern Pennsylvania. He found that the great-grand- 
father of the late President was named John, who came 



Bowne, of Monmouth, Speaker of the House of 
Assembly more than two hundred years ago. 

"The founder of the family was Samuel 
Lincoln, who came from Norwich, England, to 
Massachusets ; he had a son, Mordecai (1st), of 
Hingham ; he in turn had sons, — Mordecai (2d), 
born April 24, 1686 ; Abraham, born January 
13, 1689 ; Isaac, born October 21, 1691,— and 
a daughter, Sarah, born July 29, 1694, as 
stated in Savage's 'Genealogical Dictionary.' 
Mordecai (2d) and Abraham moved to Mon- 
mouth County, N. J., where tjhe first named 
married a granddaughter of Capt. John Bowne, 
and his oldest son, born in Monmouth, was 
named John. About 1720 the Lincolns moved 
to Eastern Pennsylvania, where Mordecai's first 
wife died, and there he married again. He 
died at Amity, Pa., and his will, dated February 
23, 1735, and proven June 7, 1736, men- 
tions his wife, Mary, and children, — John, 
Thomas, Hannah, Mary, Ann, Sarah, Morde- 
cai (born 1730) and a ' prospective child.' The 
latter proved a boy and was named Abraham, 
who subsequently married Ann Boone, a cousin 
of Daniel Boone. John Lincoln, the eldest son, 
with some of his neighbors, moved to Rock- 
ingham County, Va. ; he had sons, Abraham, 
Isaac, Jacob, Thomas and John. John, (1st) 
died at Harrisonburg, Va. His oldest son, Abra- 
ham, who was grandfather of President Lin- 

from Eastern Pennsylvania, where his father, a Mordecai 
Lincoln, had settled. Mr. Shackford gained the impression 
that Mordecai and his son John came from New Jersey, and 
therefore he wrote to persons whom he supposed familiar 
with old records here, inquiring if there was any mention 
of a Mordecai Lincoln and his son John in ancient New 
Jersey records. The records in the office of the Secretary 
of State at Trenton furnished the desired information. In 
that office is the record of a deed, dated November 8, 
1748 (in Book H, p. 437), from John Lincoln, who describes 
himself as son and heir of Mordecai Lincoln, late of Caer- 
narvon Township, Lancaster County, Pa., formerly of New 
Jersey, for lands in Middlesex County, New Jersey. By 
reference to a previous record in the same book (page 150) 
it is found that this was the same land deeded to Mordecai 
Lincoln, of Monmouth County. February 12, 1720. Thus, 
after patient researches, running through some twenty-five 
years, records are discovered in the State House which 
enable those interested to trace the late President's an- 
cestry in an unbroken chain back to New Jersey, and 
thence to the iirst comer from England." — Hon. Edwin 
Salter's Address. 

coin, married Mary Shipley, of North Carolina, 
and had children,— Mordecai, Josiah, Thomas 
Mary and Nancy. About 1780-82 he moved 
to Kentucky with his brother Thomas. In the 
spring of 1784, Abraham, while planting in a 
field, was killed by an Indian. His, son, 
"Thomas (President Lincoln's father), who was 
then about six years old, was with his father in 
the field, and the Indian tried to capture him, 
but was shot and killed by Mordecai, the old- 
est brother of the boy. Thomas Lincoln had 
only one son, Abraham, who became President 
of the United States." 



The Provincial Revolt, or (less properly) 
Provincial Revolution, is the term which has 
frequently been applied to a series of disorders 
which occurred in East New Jersey in the pe- 
riod extending from the first English settle- 
ments in 1664 to the time of the proprietary 
surrender of the government to the British 
crown, and even afterwards (to some extent) 
nearly to the opening of the war of independ- 
ence. These disorders were principally the 
results of a determined resistance to the pro- 
prietors' claim of ownership of the soil, and, 
(in a less degree) of opposition to their right of 
government. In those parts of the province 
where the settlers had purchased their lands 
from the Indians, and — having subsequently 
fortified themselves by patents of the same 
lands from Governor Nicolls — had taken peace- 
able possession, established farms, and built 
houses and mills, they regarded their titles as 
good and valid, and were disposed to hold them 
against all proprietary claims of ownership, 
even to the extent of open resistance to the 
government. This was particularly the case 
in Monmouth and Essex, and it was in these 
counties that the spirit of resistance was most 
obstinate and aggressive. 

In June, 1667, a Legislature, composed of 
deputies from Middletown, Shrewsbury and 



Portland Point, convened at Portland Point, adja- 
cent to the Highlands of Navesink. This, the 
first Legislature that assembled in New Jersey, 
was called under authority conferred by the 
Nicolls patent, and it met nearly a year be- 
fore Governor Carteret, his Council and the 
representatives of the other towns of the prov- 
ince assembled at Elizabethtown. This Assem- 
bly of the Monmouth settlers continued to meet 
at Portland Point, as a body distinct from, and 
independent of, the proprietors' government, for 
some years. The records of this Legislature 
have been preserved. It appears to have been 
a law-making body, a court and a board of 
land proprietors combined, and was designated 
in its proceedings as "The General Assembly 
of the Patentees and Deputies." ' 

Besides this representative body, the people 
of each town had its distinct local government. 
This was a pure democracy, all proceedings 
affecting the interests of each particular town 
being had before the people assembled in town- 
meeting by a viva-voce vote. The first town- 

' The proceedings of the General Assembly that con- 
vened at Portland Point is preserved in one of the old 
books in the Monmouth County clerk's office. The record 
of the iirst meeting opens thus: "At a General Assembly 
the 12th of December, 1667. Officers chosen by the in- 
habitants of Middletown,on Newasunk neck, and established 
by oath at this present Assembly or Court held this day 
and year above written. 

Officers for Middletown 

Kichard Gibbons Constable 

Jonathan Hulms 1 

William Lawrence / 

Shem Arnold 

James Ashton 

■ Deputies 

For Portland Point 
Henry Percy 
Richard Richardson 
James Bowne 

Officers for Shrewsbury on Narumsick 
Peter Parker Constable 
Edward Patterson 
Eliakim Wardell 
Earth West 

Overseers and 

Then follows this entry as a heading : 

"The several acts or orders enacted at this present 
Assembly upon the proof presented by the inhabitants to 
the Patentees and Deputies are in order set down, viz." 
Here follow the acts passed upon a variety of subjects. 

book of one of these communities is in exist- 
ence. The first record is in 1667, and it continues 
almost to the year 1700, embracing interesting 
matter which has never been published, with 
reference to the controversy which agitated the 
province for many years, and concerning which 
so little has heretofore been known. As this 
protracted controversy produced a change of 
government, in the surrender to the ci'own,^ the 
information here obtained is important in a 
historical point of view, to show the part the 
early settlers of Monmouth took in the Provin- 
cial Revolt. 

The first Assembly under the proprietors 
convened at Elizabethtown in May, 1668, and 
it appears by the proceedings that James Gro- 
ver and John Bowne claimed to be deputies 
for Middletown and Shrewsbury, and took the 
oath. This was always construed as an ac- 
knowledgment by the towns of the right of the 
proprietors, not only to the government, but 
also to the soil. It appears, however, by the 
town-book of Middletown, that the inhabitants 
at the next town-meeting hastened to repudiate 
Grover and Bowne, and to deny that they were 
ever chosen representatives. This is an import- 
ant fact, for their participation in the proceed- 
ings of the first Assembly at Elizabethtown, and 
voting for the rates to be levied, was made a 
strong point against the patentees in the con- 

^ The question which agitated the inhabitants of Middle- 
town and Shrewsbury was one of title to their lands. The 
same question affected other portions of the province, and 
produced such dissatisfaction and disorder that the pro- 
prietors finally were obliged to surrender the government. 

The grant from the Duke of York to Berkeley and Car- 
teret was prior to that from Nicolls to the patentees, but at 
the date of the Jlonmouth patent neither Nicolls nor the 
patentees had notice of the Duke's grant. Nicolls had 
authority to grant, and promised the patent to those who 
should settle in Middletown and Shrewsbury, if they would 
first extinguish the Indian title. This they did, received 
their patent, and had it recorded previous to notice that 
the Duke had conveyed to the proprietors. From these 
conflicting titlfis proceeded the trouble and contention that 
followed. The proprietors insisted not only upon the right 
of government over the inhabitants of the towns of Mon- 
mouth, but also claimed title to the soil, and demanded 
taxes and quit-rents. The inhabitants of Middletown and 
Shrewsbury would have consented to submit to the govern- 
ment of the proprietors, but denied their title to the lands 
included in the patent from Nicolls. 



troversy that followed, and was taken by the 
Assembly as an acknowledgment of the pro- 
prietors' title. The entry in the town-book is 
as follows : " October 28, 1668.— In a legall 
towne-meeting, it was ordered that this follow- 
ing declaration shall bee sent by the Deputies to 
the General Assembly : Wee, the freeholders, 
for the satisfaction of the Governour and Coun- 
sell declare, that whereas certaine men, (by 
name) James Grover and John Bowne, appear- 
ing as Deputies to act in the coiintrey's behalfe ; 
this wee declare, that the men were not Legally 
chosen, according to summons, it being nott 
published in any part of the countrey till the 
night before, being the 24th of May. The in- 
habitants being maney and setled neere twenty 
miles distance, could nott be ghathered to- 
ghether as above said; yet it appears that some 
few to whom the summons first came made 
choyce of them unknown to the major part of 
the countrey, who had noe hand in the choyce, 
nor knew not of their going till they were gone ; 
and this wee declare to the Governour and 
Counsell, conceiving under correction : that we 
are not at all obliged to stand to their acting, 
the choyce being soe illegal, being fearefuU to 
act anything that might infringe or violate any 
of the liberties and privileges of our pattent ; 
and this is our result, that we desire our Depu- 
ties to present to the Governour and Counsell for 
their satisfaction, that it was neither contempt 
nor obstinacy, nor willfull on our parts, that the 
choyce was not legall according to the summons. 
Testis. James Grover, Town Clarke." 

From the above it will be seen that while 
they denied the legality of the election of 
Grover and Bowne, they were not unwilling to 
elect deputies in a legal manner, provided (as 
it appears afterwards) their representatives 
should not be obliged to take an oath that 
would compromise their patent. From the 
town-book it appears that neither Grover nor 
Bowne had been chosen, as there is no entry to 
that effect. Neither had Shrewsbury sent dele- 
gates to Elizabethtown, but the Middletown 
men had assumed to act for Shrewsbury. 

The town-meeting of October 28, 1668, also 
passed the following : " The inhabitants, taking 
into consideration the liberties and privileges 

granted by pattent, and fearing to have their 
Deputies any way involved under any oath, 
engagement or subscription whereby any pre- 
judice or infringement may come upon the 
liberties and privileges thereof, doe hereby order 
and enact, and by these presents it is ordered 
and enacted. That this following proviso shall 
be presented to the Governor and Counsel, de- 
siring to have it inserted either in the oath, en- 
gagement or subscription, viz.: provided that 
noe law, or act or command w"" is or may bee 
made, acted or commanded, may any way be 
forceible against the liberties and privileges of 
your patent. It is further ordered that if the 
Governour and Counsell please not to admitt of 
the proviso in the oath, engagement or submis- 
sion, that then the Deputies shall refuse either 
to engage, promise or subscribe." This action 
amounted to open rebellion. 

On the 1st of November, 1668, it is re- 
corded that " in legal town-meeting, Jonathan 
Hulmes and Edward Tart were this day, by 
the pluralities of votes, chosen Deputies to act 
with the General Assembly at Elizabethtown." 
On the 3d day of November, 1668, the 
Assembly met at Elizabethtown, and Jonathan 
Hulmes and Edward Tart for Middletown, 
and Thomas Winterton and John Hans, for 
Shrewsbury, appeared. The entry in the 
minutes, as found in Leaming and Spicer, is as 
follows : " The Deputies for Middletown and 
Shrewsbury, refusing to take or subscribe to 
the oaths of allegiance and fidelity but with 
provisoes, and not submitting to the laws and 
government, were dismissed." 

At the May session of 1668 a law had been 
passed by the Elizabethtown Assembly levying 
a tax of five pounds on each town. The towns 
of Middletown and Shrewsbury refused to pay 
this rate because the Nicolls patent exempted 
from taxes for seven years. This refusal, to- 
gether with the conduct of their representatives 
in declining to take the oath at the opening of 
the session of November, 1668, called for 
prompt and decisive action on the part of the 
provincial government, and the following act 
was passed, viz.: "Item. — Whereas there was 
an act of General Assembly passed the thirtieth 
day of May last, for a rate of thirty pounds to 


be raised upon the county for the defraying of 
public charge, equally to be laid upon the 
towns then in being, viz.: the towns of Bergen, 
Elizabeth town, Newark upon Pishawack river, 
Woodbridge, Middletown and Shrewsbury, that 
is to say, five pounds on each town. JSfow the 
major part of the inhabitants of Middletown 
and Shrewsbury, refusing to pay the same, con- 
trary to the consent and act of their own Dep- 
uties, and likewise refuse to submit to the laws 
of this government. It is hereby enacted by 
the present General Assembly that Mr. Luke 
Watson and Mr. Samuel Moore shall go and 
demand the aforesaid rate of five pounds from 
each town, together with forty shillings more 
from each of said towns, which is their just 
proportion of the rate of twelve pounds now 
made by this present General Assembly for the 
defraying of public charges, which if they re- 
fuse to pay, the said Luke Watson and Samuel 
Moore to take by way of distress, together with 
the charges and expenses the county is and shall 
be at for their obstinate refusal of paying their 
just dues according to law, and for so doing, 
the General Assembly doth undertake to save 
them harmless. It is further enacted, by the 
authority aforesaid, that Luke Watson and 
Samuel Moore, aforesaid, do demajid the posi- 
tive resolution of the inhabitants, or the major 
part of them of the said towns, whether or no 
they will submit to the laws and government of 
this province, under the Right Honorable John 
Lord Berkley and Sir George Carteret, Knight 
and Baronet, the absolute Lords Proprietors of 
the same, according to His Royal Highness, the 
Duke of York's grant, upon which answer the 
General Assembly will proceed accordingly." 
Luke Watson and Samuel Moore were Wood- 
bridge men of some note, the latter afterwards 
being the treasurer of the province. They 
were not ver}' prompt in performing their 
duties under the act, probably from fear of en- 
countering the rebels of the two revolting 
towns, who were not at all intimidated by this 
action of the Assembly, as is ajDparent from 
the following significant entry, dated Feb- 
ruary, 1669,' bidding defiance to the Lords 

1 1668, Old Style. 

Proprietors and preparing to defend their pat- 
ent : 

" In a legall towne meeting, ffor future se- 
curity of the goods and cattle that belongs to 
the inhabitants of the towne, it is hereby 
ordered and agreed upon that every inhabitant 
is jointly enjoyned to give their assistance to 
secure the goods of every particular inhabitant 
from any one that shall attempt to take or cary 
anything out of the towne under what couler 
soever ; and it is further ordered that every 
particular inhabitant shall make their appear- 
ance at all demands or warning by the constable 
or other authorized by him to meet anywhere 
in the towne, upon penalty of five pounds for 
non-apearance or non-asistance ; and it is 
likewise ordered and agreed upon by the inhab- 
itants that if any one being an inhabitant shall 
come or fall into any trouble about anything 
concerning the premises above specified, or shall 
be called by virtue of any writt or warrant to 
appeare before any Gouvernour or Court upon 
the same account of such apearance or such 
asistance, that every such inhabitant shall have 
his time and expenses discharged by the towne, 
and his domestick business goe forward all the 
time of his absence, and these orders to stand 
forcible till ffurther order. Ordered to be en- 
tered and subscribed by the major part of the 

This meant resistance by force to the collec- 
tion of the rates by distraint. The five pounds 
was a small sum for the town to pay, but there 
was a principle involved, and the people -were 
resolved not to submit to it. The order was 
directed to be signed by the major part of the 
inhabitants, as a declaration of their rights, and 
an alliance defensive to stand or fall together. 
It was a solemn agreement to provide for the 
families of those who might suffer for the pub- 
lic good. On the same day James Ashton, 
Jonathan Holmes, Richard Gibbens', Richard 
Stout, William Lawrence and Edmund Tartt 
were ordered to give answer to the Governor's 
men in the town's behalf, and that the " Clark " 
sign and seal the same writing, to be sent to the 
Governor. The town-meeting at the same time 
resolved that the Clark at present shall receive 
the laws from the Governor's messengers, viz. : 



Luke Watson and Samuel Moore, and upon re- 
ceipt shall declare that the town receives them 
for their own security only ; and it was likewise 
ordered that "no inhabitant shall be seized 
upon, or carried by violence out of the towne, 
until the towne sees further." On the same 
day another entry was made by the town clerk, 
as follows, viz. : " For as much as Luke Wat- 
son and Samuel Moore, the Gouvernour's mes- 
ingers, doe command us to aid and assist you in 
taking distraint of goods from the inhabitants 
of Middleton to discharge levies levied upon 
them. This wee declare : That wee own Captain 
Phillip Carteret to be our Gouvernour, whose 
lawfull, good and just commands wee shall and 
will obey in all things not for wrath, but for 
Conscience' sake towards God, the liberties and 
privileges of our pattent only maintained in full 
and ample manner ; but for as much • as the 
Gouvernour has sent yee to take a distraint of 
goods from a people that as yet are nott sub- 
mitted to him (if the act of the General Assem- 
bly did not hold forth soe much, we would not 
say so), though the same people will be ready to 
yield true submission to him, their Gouvernour, 
in all things good and lawful, the liberties and 
privileges of their pattent only maintained ; 
wee say, for as much as he hath sent yee to 
take distraint of their goods, as in our con- 
sciences wee judge not to bee just, for how can 
anything be due from any man or people who 
are not submitted ? wee shall be passive here in 
refusing either aide or assistance to yee in the 

On the succeeding 1st of March the follow- 
ing self-explanatory documents relative to the 
troubles in Monmouth were issued by the Pro- 
prietary Governor and Council, viz. : 

"Warrant for the Navesink Men to Produce 
the Laws and to Publish them : 

" Where'as there Was a boddy of Lawes made 
by the Generall assenably, barring date the 30th 
May, and another past the 7 Nov' last, the cap- 
tions Whereof Where sent to the Towns of 
Shrewsbury and Midleton, and, as I am in- 
formed, are by some disaffected p'sons Concealed 
and not published : Wherefore these are to Will 
and Require you to demande the said Lawes In 

Whose hands or Custodie so ever they are, and 
In Case of Eefusall to take them by force, and 
the same to publish in both the said Townes of 
Shrewsbury and Midleton, hereby requiring all 
p'sons to be Ayding and Asisting to you in the 
Execution of yo' office; and for you so doing 
this shall be yo"' sufficient Warrant. Giuen 
Vnd' my hand and Seale the first day of March, 
1668 [1668-69]. 

"Ph. Carteket. 
"To Mr. Peter Parker, 

"'Constable of Shrewsbury." 

"A warrant to Require a paper signed by the 
Inhabitants of Midleton ag' the Lawes: 

" These are, by the advice of my Councell, to 
Require you to demande a certaine paper Sub- 
scribed by the Inhabitants of Midleton Con- 
cerneing the Opposition of the Lawes, in Whose 
hands or Custodie so ever it Is in, and in Case 
of Refusall to take it by force and to Conway 
or bring the same vnto me and my Councell, 
Requiring all p'sons to be ayding and assisting 
Vnto you in the Executing of this ord'; and 
for yo' so doing this shall bee your sufficient 
Warrant. Given Vnd' my hand and Seale the 
first day of March, 1668 [1668-69]. 

"[Ph. Carteret.] 

"To M'. Peter Parker, 

"■ Constable of Shrewsbury." 

" Prohibition for those at JSTavesinks to bare 
any office or have any Vote in Election till they 
have taken the Ooath : Whereas, by the Lords 
Proprietors' Concessions, no person or persons 
are to be admitted as a Freed man or Free- 
holders of this Province of New Jersey, or have 
or Injoy the Privilledges granted by the said 
Concessions until they have taken or subscribed 
to the Oath of Alaegance to our Sovereign Lord 
the King and his successors, and to be true and 
faithfull to the Interest of the Lords Proprie- 
tors, their heires and successors, it is this day 
Ordered by the Govern' and his Councell that 
from henceforth no person or persons within 
the Townes of Midleton & Shrewsbury and 
places Adjacent Shall have any Authority or 
power to bare any Office in any Military or 
Civil Affairs, nor to have any Vote in Election 
or publick business, until they have taken the 



said Oath of Alegiance to the King and Fidelity 
to the Lords Proprietors, upon the penalty of 
being proceeded agaiost as Mutineers against 
the Authority of this Government and the Dis- 
turbers of the Publick Peace ; and that all per- 
sons may take Notice hereof, Mr. Peter Parker, 
the sworne Constable of Shrewsbury, is hereby 
required to Publish this our Order in both the 
aforesaid Townes and to fix a Copie of the same 
in some publicq place or places where it may be 
Seen and Read, & to take Notice with good 
sufficient Witness in Writing when it was pub- 
lished. Given under the Scale of the Province 
the first day of March, 1668 [1668-69], and in 
the one-and-twentieth yeare of His Majesties 
Raigne, King Charles the Second, etc. By 
Order of the Governor & Councell. 

"JA^ BoLLEN, Pres'." 

On the 17th of the same month, at a legal 
town-meeting, — the major part being present,— 
it was put to vote concerning that part, of the 
act of May, ] 668, which required Luke 
Watson and Samuel Moore to demand the posi- 
tive resolution of the inhabitants of the towns 
as to submission to the government of the abso- 
lute Lords Proprietors, "and it was unani- 
mously resolved that the following shall be the 
positive resolution, and shall be presented to the 
General Assembly." This document, though 
long, is here given at length, because it fully 
sets forth the position and claims of the settlers 
on the Nicolls patent. It has sometimes been 
called the Monmouth declaration of independ- 

"March 17, 1668-9.— In a legall towne- 
meeting, the major part being present, it was 
this day putt to the vote concerning answearing 
the Demand of Luke Watson and Samuel 
Moore, who were authorized by the General 
Assembly to demand our positive resolution of 
submission to the government of the absolute 
Lords Proprietors, as sayeth the Act bearing 
date the seventh of November, it was unani- 
mously resolved that this following act shall be 
our positive resolution, and shall be j)resented 
to the General Assembly, viz: 

" That if the oath of alleagance to our Sov- 
ereign Lord, the King, and fidelity to the 

Lords Proprietors' interest, bee the submission 
intended in the act, this is our result : that as 
true loyal subjects to the King, we are ready at 
all demands either to engage, swear or subscribe 
all true alleagance to his Royal Majesty of 
England, as in duty bound, either before the 
Gouvernour, or any other minister of justice 
authorized by him to administer the same, with- 
out any equivocation or mentall reservation, as 
true loiall subjects ought to doe; and this wee 
will performe absolutely. . . . 

"As to the Lords Proprietors' interest, it 
being a new, unheard thing to us, and soe 
obscure to us that at present we are ignorant 
what it is; yet as men not void of judgment, 
knowing right well that all oaths, engagements 
or subscriptions ought to be administered in 
truth, in righteousness and in judgment, upon 
which consideration wee are nott willing to 
sweare to (wee know not what), yet by what 
hath been presented and come to our hands 
from the Governour at several times, viz: an 
order or law came in the year 1666, prohibiting 
any from selling wine to the Indians, under great 
penalty, though it seems now that above the quan- 
tity of two gallons may be tollerated by a law. 
2d. Warrants coming to our hands, nott in His 
Majesties name, but in the Lords Proprietors' 
name, being such a name as wee simple crea- 
tures never heard of before. 3d An account 
that our Deputies gave us, being returned from 
the General Assembly held in November last, 
who informed us that the hounoured Gouver- 
nour told them (speaking concerning their 
patent) that notwithstanding your pattent, said 
hee, yett new Lords must now have new lawes, 
and further they declared to us that the Gouv- 
ernour tould them that Gouvernour Nicolls 
could not give away his master's land, and 
further said that when your pattent was in 
granting, that Captaine James BuUen, my 
Secretary, putt in his caveat, and soe "put a stop 
to it, Captaine BuUen then affirming the same. 
4th. An order coming from the Gouvernour 
and Counsell, bearing date the first of March, 
'68, prohibiting the townes of Middleton and 
Shrewsbury from electing any officer, or any 
officer from executing any office, upon penalty 
of being proceeded against as mutineers. 6th. 



An Act of the General Assembly, stiling (the 
Right Honorable John Lord Berkley and Sir 
George Carteret) the absolute Lords Proprietors. 

" By all w"", wee conceive : that the Lords 
proprietors interest is:: not only: the absolute 
sovereignty : from w"" all laws must be given : 
but allsoe : the absolute propriety : from w"" all 
lands must bee holden : (wee say) if this bee 
the interest soe specified in Gouvernour's late 
order : and intended in the oath : and ih parte 
the submission demanded by the Act. 

"This is our result: wee have received a 
pattent from his Eoiall highness the Duke of 
York's Deputy : owning us : nott only to have 
purchased our lands from the Chief Proprietors 
of the countrey : but allsoe impowering us to 
give prudentiall lawes to ourselves : both for 
our own safety : and our well being : : and 
should wee submit to interest soe farre : as by 
either engaging: swearing: or subscribing to 
the lawes of the government under the Lords 
proprietors how contrary and prejudiciall to our 
present safety, as witness a law made the last 
Generall Assembly: giving liberty to sell wine 
to the Indians : w"*" liberty tends merely to 
our destruction, many sad former experiences 
have we had among us witnessing the same : 
it being a Liberty soe contrary to the lawes of 
New Yorke from whence our pattent had its origi- 
nall: and besides, our pattent giving us such 
liberty as giving lawes to ourselves, how are wee 
bound to take lawes from the goverment of the 
Lords Proprietors (criminalls and apeals ex- 
cepted) by w""" it is manifest : that neither the 
Lords proprietors nor the Generall Assembly 
can in the leaste breake our liberties and privi- 
leges : but wee ourselves will bee found to bee 
self-viol aters of them in submitting by swearing 
to such an interest : as wee are not bound to : 
besides at present noe provision being made by 
the Lords proprietors' government for the con- 
servation of the liberties and privileges of our 
pattent, they are liable te bee infringed upon by 
such acts w"" are resolved by the major vote of 
the generall assembly : then how should wee 
submit by swearing to the lawes of the gover- 
ment: and nott bee guilty of self-violation of 
our pattent ourselves. 

" And forasmuch as they are styled the abso- 
lute Lords proprietors ffrom hence, it abso- 
lutely granted and necessai'ily followeth that all 
such inhabitants as lives upon this propriety : 
are absolute tennants to the Lords propri- 
etors : and by virtue of this their submission : 
by oath to their interests are irrecoverably 
involved to pay such Lords rents : as will answer 
the interest to w"*" they have sworne : and should 
we submit to the interest so farre as by swear- 
ing thereunto : having a propriety of land nott 
onely purchased from the Chief Proprietors of 
the Countrey : viz. the Indians : but alsoe 
granted unto us by the Deputy to his Eoyall 
highness the duke of Yorke (w* appears under 
hand and seal) : it would be an act beneath the 
wisdome of the owners of such a patent : and 
herein wee should apeare to bee self-violators of 
our pattent ourselves : and for as much as the 
Lords Proprietors rents from such inhabitants 
as lives upon the propriety apears in the con- 
cessions : viz. a half penny an acre at least : 
should wee submit soe farre to the interest by 
swearing : whose acknowledgments by virtue of 
pattent to his Royall Highness : have their de- 
pendancy upon such payment as others his 
majesties subjects, doe in the government of 
New Yorke to his Royall Highnes : it would be 
an act, as wee conceive, w"*" would bee a dis- 
honner to him that gave it. 

" Herein wee should apeare to be self-viola- 
tors of onr pattent ourselves : but for as much as 
there is an assignment made by his Royall 
Highnes to the Lords proprietors of such a 
tractof land in w""" our pattent may bee com- 
prehended : wee looke at ourselves to be (noto- 
riely) responsible to the Lords Proprietors in all 
such acknowledgments as others his majesties 
subjects doe : in the government of New Yorke 
to his Royall highness : (butt alsoe) to transmitt 
all criminalls arising amongst ourselves : and 
such apealls as are proper to bee transmitted to 
the trial of Lords Proprietors' government : 
These : and no other being the same injunctions : 
w"*" once we were subordinate to the goverment 
of New Yorke nott any way now nullified : 
altered: or changed as wee conceive: butt only 
transferred by virtue of assignment to the sayd 
Lords Proprietors and their government : Not- 



withstanding for the future benefitt and tran- 
quility : and for the establishment of peace in the 
province : wee shall bee willing to submit to the 
Lords proprietors' interest according to the late 
order provided that some secure way could be 
projected or some provision made by the Lords 
proprietors' government w* might secure us 
from destroying of ourselves by weakniug this 
our interest w* we so highly prize w"*" indeed is 
the very foundation of our livelyhood : if noe 
secure way or course can be thought of or pro- 
jected to secure our owne interest : wee are att 
present resolved not to entangle ourselves into 
any other interest appertaining to any men : but 
shall (by the assistance of God) Stick to our 
pattent : the liberties and privileges thereof m'* 
is our interest : w""" once was committed to us : 
nott to betray : like treacherous men : who for 
filthy lucre's sake have bin ready to betray them- 
selves and others : but to deale faithfully with 
it being a trust committed to us : and in soe 
doing wee conceive : we need not feare what 
any man : or power : can doe unto us : and for 
as much as att present wee conceive : that upon 
this our interest thare hath bin lately an inroad 
made upon it : by virtue of an order coming 
from the Governour and Counsell : and by com- 
mission : published in our towne : prohibiting 
any officer that hath bin constituted by virtue 
of pattent to execute any office till they had 
sworne to the Lords proprietors' interest upon 
penalty of being proceeded against as mutineers : 
(to salve w*), wee shall make our addresses unto 
the highest authority in the countrey for remedy : 
and this is our positive resolution in answear to 
the Act : desiring further that this our answer 
may be presented to the generall asembly to 
prevent misinformation." 

How this resolve of the Monmouth men to 
stand by their patent was received by the pro- 
prietors' government is not known, for no min- 
utes of the Elizabethtown General Assembly 
from November, 1668, to 1675 have been found. 
There is reason to believe that the Assembly 
met occasionally during that period, but it is 
probable that no business of any importance 
was transacted. The next entry here quoted 
from the Middletown town-book proves there 
was an occasional session, — 

"December 6, 1671.— In a legall towne 
meeting : the major partt being present, it was 
ordered that following writing shall be sent to 
the Governour and Counsell and Deputies of 
the townes of the province assembled together 
at Elizabethtown the 12th of this present 
month. . . . Honoured Governour: the 
Counsell and Deputies of the generall assembly. 
. . . Wee received by the hands of some of 
the men of Woodbridge the late acts of the 
generall assembly at their last adjournment 
bearing date 22 of November : as allsoe a sum- 
mons under hand and scale of the province for 
choice of Burgesses for a further Assembly to 
bee held on the 12th of this present month : 
both w""" being enclosed in a paper sent unto us 
by the Honoured Governour : desiring our 
compliance to answere the summons : and fur- 
ther requiring our positive answer by the 
bearer : to w"*" wee say : that such is : and hath 
bin our forwardness for compliance at all times : 
that there hath bin : and is noe need of any 
ocasion : either to instigate or augment our for- 
wardnes thereunto : having not at any time 
wilfully omitted any opertunity of apearing by 
our deputies to doe such service as hath bin re- 
quired of us : besides : the sincerity of our de- 
sires : being soe well known to God, and our 
own consciences herein : in point of true Loyall 
submission to the government of the Lords 
proprietors soe farre forth as is proper to our 
conditon to the very utmost that can bee claimed 
from us : whose just power wee have formerly 
(as it is well known) with all . . . owned: 
but when we consider : (having pondered we in 
our minds) the late act was presented to us : 
and being therein charged : with noe les than 
contempt of authority of government : the 
charge being soe generall : viz. the townes of 
Middlesex and Shrewsbury, the forciblenes of 
the charge be great : viz. an Act of the 
generall assembly : and withall judging the 
charge the whole ground of the Act : for what 
greater force can there be than a generall act : 
wee say : wee (-weighing these things in the 
ballances of equity) judge ourselves at present 
alltogether incapable of answearing the sum- 
mons : aprehending ourselves at present rather 
fitter to be cleared publickly of soe weighty a 



charge : then to joyne with the Gouvernour : 
Counsell : and deputies of the townes of the 
province in the exercise of any legislative 
power : for the settlement of any thing : need- 
ful and necessary for the well governing of this 
province : and should have now apeared to 
have answered to the charge if that writt had 
apeared amongst us w""" the late asembly gave 
the Gouvernour thatt power to issue forth : 
further more (conceaving under correction) that 
noe such prerogative or privilege may bee con- 
ferred upon contemners and despisers of gov- 
ernment, much les noe such thing as either the 
dignity of a freeholder to elect or the dignity 
of a Deputy to act for the good and welfare of 
any state or province, and therefore for the full 
clearing of ourselves our desire is that the late 
act (according to the current thereof ) may bee 
exactly prosecuted : that so that power (w"*" the 
late asembly of deputies at their last adjourn- 
ment tooke upon them to give the gouvernour) 
may now bee putt in execution : for had that 
writt apeared now amongst us : wee question 
nott : but wee should have shewed our ready 
and willing obedience to have answeared there- 
unto: being carefuU of incurring upon any 
Attayndor of rebellion : but that writt apear- 
ing nott amongst us : wee judged ourselves not 
obliged to come to answear : and thus in briefe 
have wee given account of our present condi- 
tion : under favour waiting onely with all hu- 
mility (pro forma tantum) as to what is further 
required of us in the late act : viz : to shew 
cause why wee will nott pay our just propor- 
tion of expences of provision expended at two 
asemblies in the yeare (68) wee answear that 
which was expended at the asembly Held 25, 
May (68) wee had then noe deputies there to 
expend and further what was expended at the 
adjournment : in November following in the 
same yeare : our deputies who were there and 
nott suffered to act but sume how agayne re- 
ported to us : that the deputies for the townes 
of the province : invited them one night to 
supper w""" before their departure thence they 
tendered them money for itt soe that : as wee 
abhorre all such baseness of speritt as to eat 
any mens bread for nought: soe wee come nott: 
by what wee have soe lightly as to pay other 

mens expences: who wee conceive rather show 
an evell mind in desiring itt : soe that if any- 
thing by the power of the province be forced 
from us at any time (upon this account), viz. : 
for the discharge of expences of provisions for 
those two asemblies: wee hope wee shall nei- 
ther be ashamed nor affrayd to declare it to be 
open and manifest wrong : further wee give yee 
to understand the cause and reason why our 
deputies apeared not at the last adjournment: 
when the time came that they should goe : our 
vessel was accidentally drove away, by w""" 
means they were disabled from coming and 
for the season of neere fourteen days toghether 
noe vessell could not bee gott in any capacity 
to transpoi't them : this being the very ground 
and reason why they came nott : and therefore 
wee conceive that w"'' providentially fall out 
men of reason and understanding will bee well 
satisfied withal .... It is further ordered : that 
the clarke (at present) shall signe to this above 
answear in the name of the towne and shall 
send it backe by Woodbridge men with its di- 
rection running thus : viz. : To the Honoured 
Gouvernour and Counsell : and Deputies of the 
townes of the province asembled toghether at 

"Testis, Edward Takete, T. a" 

It thus appears that the inhabitants of the 
town of Middletown would not refuse to ac- 
knowledge the government of the proprietors 
and to send deputies ; but they denied the right 
of the proprietors to the land; nor did they 
ever rescind the order forbidding their repre- 
sentatives taking the oath, except with the pro- 
viso saving their patent. The allusion to the 
invitation to supper is amusing. It seems that 
this mode of procuring legislative favor com- 
menced at an early day. The unsophisticated 
men two centuries ago could not understand 
how expensive suppers could be paid for, unless 
they who gave them reimbursed themselves 
from the public funds. It is evident that they 
thought the province was in some way to pay 
for the feast, their offer of payment having 
been declined. It is probable that the supper 
was given at the instance of those representing 
the proprietor's, to induce the deputies of Mid- 



dletowu and Shrewsbury to take the oath with- 
out the proviso; but they stood firmly by their 
patent, and could not be influenced by fine sup- 
pers or other entertainment. 

In December, 1672, Berkeley and Carteret, 
the Lords Proprietors, issued declarations to 
the people, among which was the fiDllowing, 
which proves that Middletown and Shrewsbury 
still held out: "For such as pretend to right of 
property to land and government within our 
province by virtue of patent from Gov. Col. 
Richard NicoUs, as they ignorantly assert, we 
utterly disown any such things, — a grant they 
had from him on condition they never per- 
formed. Lovelace demanded they patent their 
land from us and pay our quit-rent, which, if 
they do, we are content they shall enjoy the 
land they are settled on; but without their 
speedy compliance as above said, we do order 
our Governor and Counsel to dispose thereof in 
whole or in part." They also authorized the 
constables of the respective towns to take by 
warrant from the Governor, by way of distress, 
from every individual inhabitant their just pro- 
portion of rent due to them yearly, beginning on 
25th March, 1670; and if not thus collected, 
the marshal of the province be impowered, etc. 

In the above it will be observed that the 
proprietors did not base their title upon a grant 
from the Duke of York prior to the Nicolls 
patent, but upon the allegation that the j)atentees 
had not performed the conditions of their patent, 
in what particular is not stated. The command 
to collect the rents in this summary way was 
inconsistent with the previous action of the 
Governor and Council; for in May, 1672, upon 
the address of James Grover and others, patent- 
ees, and their associates, of the towns of Mid- 
dletown and Shrewsbury, unto the Governor 
and Council, for confirmation of certain priv- 
ileges granted them by Colonel Richard Nicolls, 
the Governor and Council did confirm unto 
said patentees and their associates these partic- 
ulars following, being their rights contained in 
the aforesaid patent, among which was the fol- 
lowing: "Imprimis, that the said patentees and 
associates have full power, license and authority 
to dispose of the said lauds expressed in the 
said patent as to them shall seem meet." The 

action of the Lords Proprietors in December 
can only be accounted for upon the supposition 
that they had not received information of the 
action of their Governor and Council the prev- 
ious May. They were certainly bound by the 
previous action of their Governor and Council 
confirming the Nicolls patent. The confir- 
mation of this patent by the Governor and Coun- 
cil also gave the inhabitants of the towns of 
Monmouth the liberty to make prudential laws 
and constitutions among themselves according 
to the tenor of the patent; and if this confir- 
mation was valid, it follows that they were free 
from the crown before the American Revolu- 
tion, for the proprietors could not in 1702 sur- 
render the government over them. 

In 1670 the quit-rents as claimed by the 
proprietors had become due. They who held 
under Nicolls refused to pay them, and there 
followed great confusion, hot only in the towns 
of Monmouth, but in Essex and elsewhere. At 
length the revolutionists determined to establish 
a new government, and on the 14th of May, , 
1672, certain delegates from the towns, calling 
themselves "Deputies or Representatives for 
the Country," met at Elizabethtown, elected 
Captain James Carteret (a son of Sir George, 
the proprietor) " President of the Country," 
and made proclamation to that effect. On the 
28th of the same month Governor Philip Car- 
teret and his Council made proclamation, offer- 
ing amnesty to all persons who were concerned 
in the revolt, who should within ten days give 
in their written submission to the proprietary 
government ; otherwise they would be pro- 
ceeded against as mutineers and enemies to the 
peace of the province.^ The trouble, however, 
continued through the year, and the " President 
of the Country," James Carteret, carried mat- 
ters with a high hand, arresting and imprison- 
ing some of the proprietary officers and warning 
others against attempting to act in their official 
capacity. In these acts he was sustained by 
the revolutionary Assembly. Governor Philip 
Carteret was obliged to leave the province for 
England, where he remained more than two 
years, John Berry remaining in New Jersey 

' New Jersey Archives, 1st Series, vol. i. page 89. 



as his deputy, but exercising no power as 
such during the brief control of James Carte- 
ret, who early in the following year abandoned 
his so-called office of " President," and fled to 
Carolina, taking with him his wife, who was a 
daughter of Thomas Delavall, mayor of New 
York. The events of the James Carteret re- 
volt are told, in part, in an address by the 
Council of Governor Philip Carteret to the 
proprietors, dated July 1, 1672. In that 
document they set forth : 

" That whereas Several persons in this Prov- 
ince who have a long time been discontented 
and Opposite unto the Governor and Govern- 
ment, who have of Late by their plottings and 
Combinations so Carried matters that they 
have had such Influence into the Election of 
Deputies for the Assemblys as that there are 
such persons chosen as Deputies who having 
avoided taking the Oath of Assemblymen 
according to the Concessions, and have taken 
Liberty to diifer from the Governor and 
• Council] in Establishing matters for the 
Peace and Settlement of the People, and have 
now At last disorderly Assembled and pro- 
cured Cap* James Carterett as their Pres- 
ident, who Joyned with them in making dis- 
turbance in this Province, he taking upon him 
to head the said persons, endeavoring not only 
to disengage the people from subjection unto, but 
also opposing and abusing the Governor and 
Councill, commanding their Obedience to him- 
self by virtue of his Warrants which he puts 
forth in the King's ISTame for that end, and 
also Prohibiting such Officers as act by the 
Governor's Commission, and commanding them 
wholy to cease acting in their offices untill they 
receive orders from himself; and unto such a 
hight hath he proceeded that he hath impris- 
oned Several persons, in p'ticular the Deputy 
Secretary for Executing his Office, who, having 
by the Governor's order made an Escape out of 
their hands, we understand they have seized 
his goods, and the Like we Expect daily will 
be the Condition of all others that will not 
concurr with his Illegall proceedings, he giving 
forth Continual threatenings against those that 
doe not obey his orders, and having persons ad- 
hering to him that probably will be ready to 

Execute his Will so as they may have the 
Plundering of o'' Estates, and all these proceed- 
ings he carried on with pretence that he hath 
Power sufficient, he being Sir George Carter- 
ett's Sonn, and that he himself is Proprietor 
and can put out the Governor as he pleases, 
and that his Father hath given him his part of 
the Province ; although he doth not shew any 
grant or Commission or Legal Power to doe 
any such thing, but saith ho Scorneth to Shew 
his Power to such fellowes as wee, neither need 
he do so, being on his own Land. And as for 
the Lord Berkeley's part, he saith that is but a 
small matter ; so that pretending himself to be 
Proprietor, his proceedings gives the greater 
hopes to his followers, and Consequently are the 
more dangerous as to your Honnours' Interest, 
and the Inhabitants' peace and Safety, both in 
respect of Liberty and Estate, if not Life also, 
according as their Outrage may prevail ; and 
those that doe not submit and yield Obedience 
to his Orders and Commands, but doe appear to 
be faithful to your Honnours' Interest and Gov- 
ernment, because of their Oath they have 
taken, they are in Continual Danger of being 
surprised and imprisoned by him. All which 
Actings of his do Evidently tend to the ruin of 
the Province as to your Honno" Interest, for 
either wee must comply with him and his fol- 
lowers and their proceedings, who aim to get all 
into their own hands, or Else we must remove 
out of the Province, Except he doth prevent us 
by Casting us into Prison ; and although he be 
Sir George Carterett's Sonn, and for his Father's 
sake wee Honnour him accordingly, yet our owne 
reason doth persuade us to believe that his 
Hon"'" Father will never Countenance his sonn 
in such dishonorable, unjust and Violent pro- 
ceedings, which tends to nothing but ruin. . . . 
Craving pardon for our boldness, wee beseech 
the God of Wisdom to Give your Honnours a 
Spirit of discerning, to see where Integrity and 
faithful! ness are fixt, and where private designs 
are driven at, that you may Administer that 
whidi is Just and Equal to all. Encouragement 
to those that merrit it and Eeproof to Evil 

In response to this representation of the 
Council, the proprietors, Berkeley and Carteret, 



wrote the instructions of December, 1672 (be- 
fore quoted), authorizing and directing the col- 
lection of rents by distress from every individual 
inhabitant in the province, and that they be 
dispossessed of their lands in case of non-jjay- 
ment. Also King Charles, on the 9th of the 
same December, signed instructions to Deputy- 
Governor John Berry, reciting that "having 
been informed that some turbulent and disaf- 
fected Persons" had committed disorders and 
excesses in New Jersey, and directing the Deputy- 
Governor, in the royal name, to demand and 
enforce obedience to the laws and government 
of the proprietors, they " having the sole power 
under us to settle and dispose of the said Coun- 
try upon such Terms and Conditions as they 
shall think fit ;" and to proceed against the mal- 
contents " with due severity according to Law," 
in case they should fail to yield submission 
without delay. 

The conquest of New York and New Jersey 
by the Dutch, in 1673, and the restoration of the 
country to the English in the following year, as 
also several acts done with reference to the Mon- 
mouth County people by the Dutch authorities 
during their brief term of power, have already 
been fully noticed in a preceding chapter. After 
the conquest. King Charles gave new grants of 
soil and government, and on the 31st of July, 
1674, Sir George Carteret^ gave new instructions 
to his Governor and new concessions to the set- 
tlers on the New Jersey lands. The new con- 
cessions of Carteret disowned the Nicolls patent, 
and ordered that if the inhabitants did not take 
out new patents, the Governor and Council 
should dislodge them. It is difficult to under- 
stand this action, after the previous confirmation 
of the Nicolls title, unless it be that it was held 
that the Dutch war and conquest destroyed all 
patents, deeds and grants. 

In November, 1674, Philip Carteret returned 
from England, and resumed the office of Gov- 
ernor. The next general Assembly convened 
in November, 1675, aud was loyal to the pro- 
prietors. The deputies from Middletown, Cap- 
tain John Bowne and John Throgmorton, took 

^ Lord Berkeley had sold out his interest in the province 
March 18, 1673. 

the oath, as also did John Slocum, from Shrews- 
bury ; but William Shatock, the other delegate 
from Shrewsbury, refusing to swear or subscribe, 
was dismissed. At this session an Act of Ob- 
livion, as it was called, was passed, abolishing 
all actions against any and all those who had 
been in any way concerned in the attempt to 
change the government here settled by the Lords 
Proprietors at any time from 1670 to June, 
1673 ; and the inhabitants were, by this act, ab- 
solutely and fully pardoned of all offenses what- 

^ On the 10th of October, 1677, the General 
Assembly, then in session at Elizabethtown, de- 
clared : " We find by constant Experience for 
several years past, that the Town of Shrewsbury 
hath been deficient, if not negligent and careless, 
in sending of their Deputies, or in sending such 
as will not conform to the Order of the Conces- 
sions respecting the Deputies, whereby the said 
Assembly is weakened and the publick Work 

For several years preceding the final surren- 
der of the government by the proprietors, there 
were frequent disorders in the province, these 
occurring in Essex and Middlesex Counties, as 
well as in Monmouth. The immediate cause 
was a long and acrimonious dispute between the 
adherents of Andrew Hamilton on the one side, 
and of Jeremiah Basse on the other, each of 
whom claimed to be Governor of the province. 
Andrew Hamilton was understood to be in favor 
of maintaining the proprietary title, and the in- 
habitants of the towns of Monmouth who had 
claimed title to their lands under Indian rights 
and the patent of Nicolls joined the party which 
sustained Basse. But besides the question of 
the proprietary title and right to the soil, there 
was at this time (1695 to 1702) in the contro- 
versy, an element which did not exist in the 
earlier disorders. This element was a Scotch 
and an anti-Scotch partisanship, which (particu- 
larly with regard to the latter) was very strong 
and bitter. Andrew Hamilton, himself a Scotch- 
man and firmly supported by the Scotch pro- 
prietors, was accused of gross favoritism towards 
his countrymen, by appointing and keeping them 
in the principal offices of the province, regard- 
less of their fitness or honesty; while on the 



other hand Governor Basse was charged by his 
opponents with various malfeasances, among 
which was that of harboring — or at least pro- 
tecting from punishment — the numerous pirates 
who at about that time showed themselves boldly 
in the bays of Sandy Hook, Raritan and Dela- 
ware, and even recruited men from the regions 
of country bordering those waters. And there 
appears to have been some foundation of truth 
(as will be seen) for this charge, with regard to 
the conduct of some of Basse's adherents at least. 
Of the " Scotch party," adhering to Hamilton, 
one of the chief leaders was Lewis Morris,^ at 
that time the most prominent and influential 
man of Monmouth County. He was crafty, 
unreliable and time-serving, but the most active, 
energetic and aggressive of the opponents of 
Basse and his adherents. At a Court of Com- 
mon Right, sitting at Perth Amboy on the 11th 
May, 1699, — Governor Basse, present, — Lewis 
Morris, of Tinton Manor, came in and "de- 
manded by what authority they kept Court." 
The court declared " by the King's authority," 
which was denied by Morris, and the court 
then ordered him to be taken in custody; 
whereupon he "tried to draw his Hanger," and 
defied any one to dare lay hands upon him, "and 
when a constable, by order of the Court, layed 
hold on him, he, in the face of the Court, re- 
sisted." He was fined £50, and on the follow- 
ing day he, with George Willocks, was indicted 
by the grand jury and committed to Wood- 

> This partisan leadership of Morris was mentioned in a 
letter written in 1702 by the Earl of Nottingham, who, 
after proposing certain men in New Jersey (among whom 
were Richard Hartshorne, Andrew Bowne, Obadiah Bowne 
and William Lawrence, of Monmouth County) as fit persons 
to serve in the Provincial Council, proceeds : " But against 
The following Persons many objections are made, as being 
of the Scotch & Quaker ffactions, concerned sundry years in 
JO Divisions and incendiary Parties that has brought those 
Provinces into Confusion of Government, Injustice to 
yo Proprietors and aversion of yf Planters & Inhabitants, 

"Mr. Lewis Morris, ye Head of ye ffaction, Mr. Samuel 
Leonard, Mr. George Willocks, Mr. John Barclay, Mr- Michael 
Harden, Mr. Thomas Gordon, Mr. David Lyall, Mr. Miles 
fforster, Mr. John Johnstone, Mr. John Bishop, Samuel Den- 
nis, William Pinhorne, Samuel Hale. 

"These last four have other characters rendering them 
unfit for that Station." —New Jersey Colonial Documents, 
Series 1, vol. ii. page 488. 

bridge jail till £300 security should be given 
for their good behavior and appearance at the 
October term of the Court of Common Right, 
But a -mob of Morris' adherents was collected, 
and " with a Beam of an house they Battered 
Woodbridge Jail to Pieces, and set him and his 
Seditious Companion Willocks at liberty." This 
was done between two and four o'clock in the 
morning of the 1 3th of May, Captain Isaac White- 
head being a ringleader of the mob of rescuers'. 

At Piscataway, in the county of Middlesex, 
on the 3d of March, 1700,^ a mob collected and 
debarred the court from the place of its sitting 
"in the Publick Meeting-House," nailing up 
the doors, etc. On the 12th of the same month 
" Samuel Carter and a large number of others" 
made successful resistance to the authority of 
the Essex County Court, then and there assem- 
bled; and in the summer of that year there 
were troubles of the same nature in Mon- 
mouth County, as appears from a statement 
made by Captain Andrew Bowne and Richard 
Hartshorne^ on the 23d of July, viz. : 

"Since the departure of Mr. Slater [Salter], 
Col. Hamilton hath put Mr. [Lewis] Morris 
into commission of his Councill and Justice, 
believing him to be the onely man that can 
make the province Submit to him as Governor 
without the King's aprobation, & in Order to 
Effect itt they turned out an English Man who 
was Sherif and put in a Scotch Man who they 
thought would Obey them without Reserve, & 
itt is saide Morris hath given out that he will 
Carrie his point in making the people submit to 
Coll. Hamilton's Government, or he will em- 
brue the province in Blood,* in order to which 

' March 3, 1699, Old Style. 

8 N. J. Col. Doc, Series 1, vol. ii. page 327. 

* " We whose names are under-written, do say that some 
time in the month of June, 1700, was at the house of Abra- 
ham Brown, in Shrowsburry, in company with Lewis 
Morris, Esqr., then did hear him say that he had been with 
the Goverur. & had taken an office upon him & that he 
would go through with it. & if any man resisted him he 
would spill his blood, or he should spill his, for he made 
no Scruple of Conscience, & in further discourse the 
sd Morris did say that he had taken an office and he would 
go through with it, though the Streets run with blood." 
" Joseph Clarke, 
"Nicholas Brown, Jun., 
" Sarah Pottee." 



they seised upou several! persons intending to 
force them to Give security for their good beha- 
vior, which one of them refused and so Con- 
tinued in the Sharif's Custody ; this the people 
took Greaviously, itt being Harvest time ct they 
had given outt warrants to seise Richard Salter 
& Others, & the Sherif had like to have taken 
him, w""" some of his neighbours onderstanding 
went & met the Sherif, banged him, broake his 
head and sent him packing, upon which, as we 
are informed, the people Resolved to meete on 
Friday, the 19th July, in order to goe & 
featch home him that was in the Sherif 's hands, 
upon the which Morris & Leonard dispatched 
an Express for Coll. Hamilton, who imediately 
come to them & they pressed about men & came 
on the 19th July in Armes to Middle Towne & 
came to the Ordinary, And theare Inquired for 
the said Salter & one Bray, And then marched 
off; the people of Mid41etown were assembled 
to the number of aboutt an hundred, but with- 
out armes, onely Sticks, yet had itt not been for 
the persuations of some, much in the people's 
favour, theare would have been broaken heads, 
if not further mischiefe ; the said Justices had 
perswaded the person in the Sherif 's hand to 
give security for the good behaviour the day 
before this meeting. In this posture things 
stand in this County, & we believe, Including 
the Scotch, that throughout the province theare 
is six to one against owning Col. Hamilton 
Governor and almost all biter ly against Morris, 
whome they looked upon as the first man, as 
Indead he was, that opposed Government." 

Another account of the same transaction is 
found in a letter (without signature) addressed 
to Jeremiah Basse, and dated, " East Jersey, 
30th July,^ 1700," viz.: 

" . . . Contrary to all Expectation, Col. 
J-Iamilton hath put in M'. Morris president of 
the Councill & ordered him, by wliat means he 
could, to Sjibdue all that oppose his authority 

" Mr Morris did say that lie would quell the opposite 
party if they did resist the authority, or he would imbrew 
the Province in blood, or to that effect, 

" James Bollen. 

'■July 5, 1700." 
— Colonial Documents of New Jersey, Seriex l,vol. in. page 

I Col. Doc. of N. J., Series 1, vol. ii. page 329. 

& Settle the Country in his Obedience, oppon 
which Commission and orders M". INIorris hath 
undertaken the worke ct threatned that he 
would obtain his end (which is to settle Col. 
Hamilton in the Government, Notwithstanding 
he is in no wayes qualified for Governor) or he 
would Embrue the Country in Blood ; Com- 
plaints were made to Col. Hamilton and Cap- 
tain Leonard against tlie saide Morris, but they 
were so farr from disowning such inhumane 
actions that they, on the contrary, rather justi- 
fied & ridiculed itt. But it wont further than 
words, for just as harvest began, ]\Iorris & 
other gave warrants to an Indigent Sherif to 
Apprehend severall men in Monmouth County, 
who, in their owne just defence, bcato the saide 
Sherif to the Shedding of blood on both sides. 
Col. Hamilton, who resides chiefly att Burling- 
ton, was sent to inmiodiatoly, who came & 
raised betwixt fourty & fifty men & armed 
them and marched from Shrewsbury to Middle- 
towne, to meete the Country, who opposed him 
with one hundred A Seaventy men, butt without 
armes. He, when he came up to them, asked 
for two men, but they not being theare, he with- 
drew his men without further harmc, but swore 
biterly he would have them if above ground, 
left orders Avith his friend IMorris not to dis- 
perse ontill he had got tliem, and then returned 
to Burlington. The Ambition & folly of Mor- 
ris being known to the people of Monmotli, they 
sent to advise with their neighberring Countys, 
Middlesex tt Essex, wliat was best and most 
convenient to be done, who generally advised to 
sec^ure themselves and oppose Morris & the rest 
that assert and would endeavour to set up Col. 
Hamilton's arbitrary & illegal power, and with- 
all have promised assisttmec if ocation requires." 

The following entry in the record" has refer- 
ence to the same affair, viz : 

" At a Court of inquirie held at Shrowsberry 
for the Countie of Monmouth this twentic-scv- 
enth day August, one thousand seven hundred, 
Present, Lewis Morris, President; Samuel 
Leonard, Jedidiah Allan, Samuel Denis, An- 
thony Pintard, Esquires, Justices. The grand 
jurie of inquirie for the present service were 

*N. J. Col. Doc, Series 1, vol. ii; p. 3.32. 



theese, — John Reid, Jeremiah Stilwell, John 
Slocum, Thomas Hewitt, Abiah Edwards, John 
West, John Leonard, WiUiam Hoge, Alexander 
Adam, Thomas Webley, Patrick Cannan, James 
Melven, Fetter Emley, Samuel Hopemyre, 
William Lawtone. And having thir ingage- 
ment. Had the charge given them by the presi- 
dent, Withdrew with a constable to attend 
them. The said jurie being called againe gave 
in this following presentment : 

" ' August y° 27th, 1700 : Wee jurors present, 
Richard Salter, John Bray, James Stout, David 
Stout, Benj amine Stout, Cornelius Compton, 
William Bonne, Thomas Taylor, Thomas 
Hanldson, Jacob Vandorne, Arian Bennett, 
Thomas Sharp, Benjamine Cook, Robert Innes^ 
Thomas Estal and Samuel, a servant to said 
Salter, ffor Riotously assembling on the I7th 
day of July and assaulting John Stewart, high 
Sheriff, and Henry Leonard on the path neer 
to the house of Alexander Adam, Beat and 
grievously wound the said persons, tok their 
swords from them, cary'd them away and keept 
them to the value of ffive pounds money of this 
province. In breach of the peace and terrour 
of the King's leidge people. Signe in behalf of 
the rest by John Reid, forman.' " 

On the 12th of September, 1700, the Court of 
the County of Essex, then sitting at Newark, 
was interrupted by a mob of rioters, who chal- 
lenged the authority of the court. " The Presi- 
dent, William Sandford, was pulled off the 
Bench by Abram Hettfield & Daniel Craine, and 
his hat & wigg pulled off his head by the S** 
Hettfield." The clerk of the court was also 
abused, struck and had his wig torn from his 
head, " the President allso having had his Sword 
Taken from him by Daniel Craine, & broak in 
pieces." The other justices were grossly abused, 
their clothes torn off, " with many other abuse- 
ful words & Actions, Received from the Rabell 
of Elizabeth Towne." The " Rabell " consisted 
of sixty horsemen. Before the grand inquest the 
following testimony * with regard to the above- 
mentioned affair was given, viz. : 

"John Johnson, of Newark, Sein', saith that 
Jos. Lyon Tould him that he knew who took 

1 N. J. Col. Doc, 1, ii. p. 336. 

away the keys of the prisson from the Sheriffe, 
and that another stood by and see it as well as 
he. It was done by a parcell of men who came 
from Elizabeth Towne in a Riottous manner 
Sep' y" 12th, 1700, with clubs in their hands, to 
the house of Mr. Theophilus Pearson, and De- 
manded of him y° prissoner & asking where 
these pittiful Rasskalls were that putt this man 
in prisson, & demanded him out of prisson, & 
they was ask't by what power they demanded 
him out of prisson, and they held up their Clubs 
and said that was their power. Then they de- 
manded where the Sheriffe was and said they 
would have him if he was above ground." 

At a Court of Sessions held at Middletown, 
March 6, 1701,^ Eleazer Cottrell was fined £5, 
Richard Salter £15 and John Ruckman, Sr., 
John Bray, John Wilson, Jr., Daniel Hendrick- 
son, John Cox, Richard Davis, Mordecai Gib- 
bons, Nicholas Stephens and Moses Lippett each 
forty shillings " for contempt and misbehaviour 
before the Court." And in the minutes of the 
same session, under date of March 25th,^ there 
is found the following entry, viz.; 

"Session at Middletown, March, 1701, being 
present Col°. Andrew Hamilton, Governour ; 
Lewis Morris, Samuel Leonard, of the Gover- 
nour's Council ; Jedediah Allen, Samuel Dennis, 
Justices. The Court being opened, one Moses 
Butterworth, who was accused of piracy {& had 
confessed y' he did sail with Cap' William 
Kidd in his last voyage when he came from y" 
East Indies & went into Boston with him), & 
was bound to make his appearance at this 
Court, y' he might be Examined & disposed of 
according to his Ma-j'ties oi-ders, the s"" Butter- 
worth was Called & made his appearance & 
when y" Court was Examining him, one Sam" 
Willet, In holder, said y' y° Gover' & Justices 
had no autliority to Hold Court and y' he would 
break it up, & accordingly went down stairs to 
a Company of men then in arms & sent up a 
Drummer, one Thomas Johnson, into y" Court, 
who beat upon his drum & severall of y° Com- 
pany came up w"" their arms & Clubs, w""" to- 
gether with y° Drum beating Continually, made 

^A.D. 1700, 0. S. 

»N. J. Col. Doc, Series 1, vol. iii. p. 362. 



such a noise (notwithstanding open proclama- 
tions made to be silent & keep y° King's peace) 
y' y" Court Could not Examine y° Prisoner at 
the Barr, & when there Avas, as y" Court Judged, 
betwixed 30 & 40 men Come up into y° Court, 
some with their arms & some with Clubs, two 
persons, viz., — Benjamin Borden & Richard 
Borden, — attempted to Rescue y° prisoner at y° 
Barr, & did take hold on him by y" arms & 
about y" midle & forc't him from y" Barr, y' 
Constable & under Sheriff by y° Command of y° 
Court, apprehended y° s'* Borden, upon w"'' sev- 
erall of y° persons in y° Court assaulted y" Con- 
stable & under sheriff (the Drum still beating & 
y° people thronging up Stairs w"" their arms),' & 
Rescued y two Bordens, upon w""" y" Justices & 
King's Attorney-Generall of the province after 
Commanding y" King's peace to be kept, & no 
heed being given thereto, drew their swords and 
Endeavoured to Retake y' prisoner & appre- 
hend some of y° persons Concerned in y° Res- 
cous, but was Resisted & assaulted themselves, 
& y" Examination of y" prisoner torn in pieces 
& in y' scufle both Richard Borden & Benj. 
Borden were wounded, buty° Endeavours of y° 
Court were not Effectuall in retaking y" pris- 
oner, for he was Rescued & Carried off & made 
his Escape, and the people, — viz.. Cap' Safetie 
Grover, Richard Borden, Benj. Borden, Oba- 
diah Holmes, Obadiah Browue[Bowne?], Nich- 
olas Stephens, George Cooke, Benj. Cooke, Rich- 
ard Osborne, Sam" Willett, Joseph West, Garret 
Bowler, Garret Wall, James BoUen, Sam" Fore- 
man, Will" Winter, Jonathan Stout, James Stout, 
Will" Hendricks, John Bray, Will" Smith, Ger. 
son Mott, Abner Hewght, George Allen, John 
Cox, John Vaughan, Elisha Lawrence, Zebulon 
Clayton, James Grover, Jun'., Richard Davis, 
Jeremiah Evrington, Joseph Ashton, with others 
toy" number of about one hundred persons, — did 

I In a petition by Governor Hamilton and some of the 
justices to tlie King, praying to have their authority sus- 
tained, they narrate the circumstances of this affair, and 
say they " were Surrounded by the Riotters in great Num- 
bers in Arms, having (appearingly) on purpose appointed 
the same day to be a Training day on which the Court was 
to sitt, and their destruction by them most insolently 
threatened (which had been most certainly executed had 
the Wounded died upon the Spott), and were confined by 
them ffour days, till they thought him past hazard." 

traytorously seize y° Governour & y" Justices, the 
King's Attorney-Generall & y" under sheriff & 
y° Gierke of y" Court, & keept them close pris- 
oners under a guard from Tuesday, y" 25th 
March, till y° Saturday following, being y' 29th 
of y° same month, & then Released them. 
" Vera Copia. 

" P. me, Gav. Drummond, Clark." 

The proprietors of New Jersey, being finally 
driven to a relinquishment of their right of gov- 
ernment, surrendered it to Queen Anne in April, 
1 702. In September of the same year the condi- 
tion of the province was set forth by Lewis Mor- 
ris in a letter to the Lords of Trade,^ as follows : 

" New Jersie is still without Government, 
and the receptacle of abundance of rogues that 
Cannot be safe anywhere Elce : who dayly re- 
pair to this Province as to any Asyle ; and so 
many of the Soldiers from New Yorke are here 
Protected, y' in a little time who shall be able 
to Suply that Garrison. I cannot say we suffer 
all y° miseries of Confusion, but realy a great 
part of them we do ; Our Province being with- 
out Law and gospell, having neither Judge or 
Priest. ... I dare not determine that the 
present ill circumstances of New Yorke, Jersies, 
Pennsilvania, y° Carolinas and Lucay Islands 
are derived from New England ; but y° tran- 
scripts were go Exact in most or all the circum- 
stances, y' I feare they were too much Influ- 
enced by that worst of examples. . . . Y* 
conservation of the Peace, Putting in Execution 
the Laws and Administering Justice was both a 
benefit to the People and a service to the King ; 
on the contrary, the beating and wounding 
Sheriffs, Affronting the Courts, driving the 
Justices of the bench, laying violent hands on 
y" Governour and Part of his Councill and Im- 
prisoning them. And all this (excepting three 
or foure) done by the Verry dreggs and rascal- 
lity of the People, was an allmost Ireparable 
Losse to y" Province an' Affront to y° Crowne. 
. . . I am sorry for the Occasion, but to see 
men of the best figure and Estates in y° Prov- 
ince daily insulted by crowds of the most neces- 
sitous Scoundrells, the scum and dregs of man- 
kind, is no small temptation to resentment." 

'N. J. Col. Boc. , Series 1, vol. ii. page 504. 



After the surrender the spirit of lawlessness 
and disorder subsided almost entirely in Mon- 
mouth County, but in some other parts of the 
province it was kept alive, and for half a cen- 
tury afterwards it continued at times to break 
out in acts of violence. These outbreaks oc- 
curred in the counties of Morris, Middlesex, 
Somerset and Hunterdon, but more than all in 
the county of Essex. They were described, in 
a memorial addressed to the Lords of Trade, as 
"the gathering together of great Numbers of 
people Armed, Assaulting and wounding Sheriffs 
& other Officers, Breaking open the County 
Gaols & Rescuing and Releasing prisoners 
Legally Committed." The most notable of 
these riots occurred at Newark in the fall of 
1745, and at Perth Amboy in July, 1747, and 
there were other and scarcely less formidable 
demonstrations at various places in the counties 
mentioned from 1745 to 1750. In a memorial 
addressed to the King by the proprietors of 
New Jersey, December 23, 1748, giving an 
account of the excesses committed in the prov- 
ince by the insurgents, they say : 

"Having associated to themselves great Num- 
bers of the poor and Ignorant Part of the 
People of thfe Province, they, in the Month of 
September, 1745, began to carry into Executiou 
their wicked schemes, when in a Riotous man- 
ner they broke open the Goal of the County of 
Essex and took from thence a Prisoner there 
Confined by due process of Law, and have since 
that time gon on like a Torrent, bearing down 
all before them. Dispossessing some People 
of their Estates and giving them to their Ac- 
complices, Plundering the Estates of others who 
do not join with them and dividing the Spoil 
amongst them, breaking open your Majesty's 
Prisons as often as any of them are committed 
and rescuing their accomplices from thence, and 
keeping daily in Armed Numbers, and travel- 
ling often in Armed Multitudes to different 
Parts in this Province for those Purposes, to 
the great damage and Terror of the People." 

From 1750 to the end of the royal authority 
in New Jersey there were no outbreaks of 
especial note, except the "anti-lawyer riots" 
of 1796 and 1770, which are mentioned in 
another chapter. 



On the 13th of November, 1675, the Provin- 
cial Assembly of New Jersey, then in session 
at Elizabethtown, passed an act establishing 
County Courts of Sessions. At that time the 
province had not been divided into counties, but 
the courts were established to have jurisdiction 
over certain towns and settled districts, which 
were thus temporarily made counties for judicial 
purposes. The only settled portion of the ter- 
ritory which afterwards became Monmouth 
County was then so temporarily erected by the 
act referred to, in these words: "The two 
Towns of Nevysink to make a county; their 
Sessions to be the last Tuesday in March and 
first Tuesday in September." ' The " two towns 
of Nevysink," so mentioned, were Shrewsbury 
and Middletown, and the judicial organization 
which they were formed into was then called 
" the County of Nevysink " or (as it was in a few 
instances designated) " the County of Middleton." 
On the 6th of April, 1676, the General Assem- 
bly enacted : "Whereas a near Injunction is laid 
upon the Deputies for their timely Appearance 
at the General Assemblys, and the Nevysinks 
lying so remote, and the Difficulty of Passages 
by Water sometimes so much, and upon the 
Request and Desire of the aforesaid Deputies of 
Middletown and Shrewsbury . . . that for 
the more sure and speedy Passage of the afore- 
said Deputies for the future, that Care be taken 
by the Inhabitants of the Town of Middletown 
to make choice of two or more Men out of the 
said Town, them to join with two or more 
chosen out of Piscataqua, to make out the 
nearest and most convenient Way that may be 
found between the said Towns upon the Country 
Charge; and this to be done between this and 
the Tenth of May next, upon the Penalty of 
what Damages may ensue for the want thereof."^ 
The county of Monmouth' was erected as 

1 Learning and Spioer, pp. 96-97. 

2 Learning and Spicer, page 118. 

" The name " Monmouth" was given to the county at the 
request of the most prominent and influential citizen then 



one of the four original counties of New Jersey 
by an act of the Proprietary Assembly passed 
in March, 1683/ which provided and de- 
clared : " That this Province be divided into 
four counties, as followeth: Bergen County, 
to contain all the settlements between Hudson's 
River and Hackensack River, beginning at 
Constable's Hook and so extend to the upper- 
most bound of the Province northward between 
the said rivers. 

" Essex and the county thereof, to contain all 
the settlements between the west side of Hack- 
sack River and the parting line between Wood- 
bridge and Elizabeth Town, and so to extend 
Westward and Northward to the utmost bounds 
of the Province. 

" Middlesex County to begin from the pai-t- 
ing line between Essex County and Woodbridge 
Line, containing Woodbridge and Piscataway, 
and all the Plantations on both sides the Raritan 
River as far as Cheesequake Harbour East- 
ward, and extending South West to the Divi- 
sion Line of the Province. 

" Monmouth County to begin at the West- 
ward Bounds of Middlesex County, containing 
Middletown and Shrewsbury, and to extend 
Westward, Southward and Northward to the ex- 
tream Bounds of the Province. Provided this 
distinction of the Province into Counties do not 
extend to the infringement of any Liberty in 
any Charter already granted."^ 

The boundaries of the several counties, as es- 
tablished by the act of 1683, were so vaguely 
described that some confusion resulted, the 
officers of some of the counties being unable to 
determine the limits of their jurisdiction. To 
remedy this, the Provincial Assembly, on the 

residing ■within her boundaries, Tiz., Colonel Lewis Morris 
the surveyor-general of the province, who suggested it in 
honor of his native county, Monmouthshire, in Great Britain. 
His residence in Monmouth County, New Jersey, was on a 
tract of land which he called Tinton Manor, contiguous to 
Tinton Falls, where he had quite extensive iron-works. 
His estate in Monmouth County was inherited from him by 
his nephew, Lewis Morris, who became Governor of New 

' The Assembly by which this act was passed was in 
session at Elizabethtown from March 1 to March 2S, 
1683, or, as written in the Old Style method, 1682-83. 

'Learning and Spicer, page 229. 

21st of January, 1709-10, passed "An Act for 
dividing and ascertaining the boundaries of all 
the Counties in this Province/' containing the 
following in reference to the bounds of Mon- 
mouth and Middlesex : 

"The county of Middlesex begins at the 
mouth of the creek that parts the lands of 
George Wilcocks and the land that was for- 
merly Captain Andrew Bownes, deceased ; 
thence along the said Captain Andrew's line to 
the rear of the said land ; thence upon a direct 
course to Warn's Bridge, on the brook where 
Thomas Smith did formerly live ; thence upon 
a direct course to the south-east corner of Bar- 
clay's tract of land that lies near Matchiponix ; 
thence to the most southernmost part of said 
tract of land, including the whole tract of land 
in Middlesex County ; thence upon the direct 
line to Sanpinck Bridge on the high road, in- 
cluding William Jones, William Story, Thomas 
Richman [Ruckman] and John Guyberson in 
Monmouth County ; thence along the said road 
to Aaron Robins' land ; thence westerly along 
the said Aaron Robins' line and James Law- 
rence's line to the line of the eastern and 
western division aforesaid,^ including the 
Robins and Lawrence in Monmouth County; 
thence northerly along the said line to Sanpinck 
brook, being part of the bounds of Somerset 
County ; thence following the lines of Somerset 
and Essex Counties, and so to the sound and 
thence down the sound to Amboy Point, and 
from thence to the creek where it first began." 

" The county of Monmouth begins at the 
creek aforesaid, that parts the lands of Captain 
Andrew Bowne, deceased, and George Wil- 
cocks ; thence following the line of Middlesex 
County to the line of the eastern and western 
division aforesaid ; thence southerly along the 
said division line to the sea ; thence along the 
sea to the point of Sandy Hook ; thence up the 
bay to the aforesaid creek where it first began." 

Again, March 16, 1713-14, the Assembly 
passed " an Act for settling the bounds between 
the counties of Somerset, Middlesex and Mon- 
mouth ; " but it does not appear that the bound- 
aries of Monmouth were at all affected by it, as 

^ The division line between East and West Jersey. 



the description of the bounds established by 
this act, as between Monmouth and Middlesex, 
is precisely the same as that given in Section 
4 of the act of January 21, 1709-10. 

A supplemental act, passed November 28, 
1822, declares "the middle or midway of the 
waters of Raritan Bay, from the line of Middle- 
sex County to the main channel which passes 
by Sandy Hook and along the said channel to 
the sea," to be Monmouth County's northern 
boundary. It was, however, again defined by 
an act passed April 9, 1866, which declares 
"that the northerly bounds of Monmouth 
County, from- the line of Middlesex County, 
are extended along the midway of the waters of 
Raritan Bay to the main sea." 

By the provisions of an act passed February 
28, 1844, the line between Monmouth and 
Middlesex Counties was changed by the taking 
of a part of the township of Monroe from the 
last-named county and annexing it to Mon- 
mouth, as a part of the then erected township of 
Millstone. But this change gave dissatisfaction 
to people interested, and in the following year 
an act was passed restoring to Middlesex the 
territory taken from it by the act of 1844, and 
leaving the boundary the same as before the 
passage of that act. In 1847 an act was passed 
taking from Middlesex and annexing to Mill- 
stone township, in Monmouth County, a small 
triangular piece of the territory of Monroe 
township lying south of a certain line, of which 
the full description will hereafter be given in 
the account of the erection of the township of 
Millstone, and which, as the act declares, " shall 
hereafter be the boundary line between Mon- 
mouth and Middlesex Counties." ^ 

The northern line of Monmouth and its 
boundary against Middlesex County being thus 
fixed, its other limits required no re-definition 
by legislative enactment, as its entire eastern 
line was (and is) formed by the ocean, and its 
southwestern boundary from the ocean to where 
Monmouth joined Middlesex was the " prov- 
ince line" established by Surveyor-General 
George Keith in 1687, which, being straight 
and clearly defined, needed no adjustment, 

1 Pamphlet Laws of 1847, p. 86. 

and remained the boundary of Monmouth until 
the southern part of its territory (more than one- 
half of its total area) was taken to form the 
county of Ocean, which was erected in 1850, as 
will hereafter be more fully mentioned. 

The first subdivision of Monmouth County 
into townships was made by the provisions of 
an act passed in October, 1693, and approved 
by Governor Hamilton on the 31st of that 
month, erecting the three original townships of 
Monmouth, viz. : Middletown, Shrewsbury and 
Freehold. The line between the first two 
named was Navesink River, Swimming River 
and Saw-Mill Brook, as far west as the Burling- 
ton Path. North of this line was Middletown, 
extending north to Raritan Bay, and including 
the territory of the present townships of Rari- 
tan, Holmdel and Matawan and a part of that 
of Atlantic township. South of the boundary 
mentioned was the township of Shrewsbury, ex- 
tending to the southern and southwestern bounds 
of Monmouth County, including the present 
townships of Howell, Wall, Eatontown, Nep- 
tune, nearly all of Ocean, a part of Atlantic and 
all of Ocean County. The township of Free- 
hold extended to the Middlesex County line, 
embracing the territory of the present townships 
of Marlborough, Manalapan, Millstone and 
Upper Freehold, as also a considerable area 
in what is now the county of Ocean. 

The next township formed was that of Upper 
Freehold, taken from Freehold and Shrewsbury. 
The exact date of its erection cannot be found, 
but it is known to be prior to 1730, as an as- 
sessment roll of the township for that year is 
now in existence. It embraced, in addition to 
its present territory, a part of that of the town- 
ship of Millstone and a large area in what is 
now Ocean County. 

In 1749 that part of Shrewsbury township 
lying south of Barnegat Inlet was taken oif, 
and erected into the township of Stafibrd, it 
being entirely within the limits of the present 
county of Ocean ; and in 1767 another por- 
tion of the territory of Shrewsbury was cut off, 
and formed into the township of Dover, this 
also being in what is now Ocean County. 
On the 16th of November, 1790, the New 



Jersey Legislature enacted that " the jurisdiction 
of this State in and over a lot of land situate 
at the point of Sandy Hook, in the county of 
Monmouth, containing four acres, on which a 
light-house and other buildings are erected,^ 
shall be, and the same is hereby ceded to 
and vested in the United States of America for- 
ever." And on the 12th of March, 1846, the 
State ceded to the United States the jurisdic- 
tion over that part of Sandy Hook "lying 
north of an east and west line through the 
mouth of Young's Creek at low water, and ex- 
tending across the island or cape of Sandy 
Hook from shore to shore, and bounded on all 
sides by the sea and Sandy Hook Bay," the 
government to retain jurisdiction over these 
lands only as long as they are used for military 
or other public purposes, and the civil and crim- 
nal laws of New Jersey to be operative within the 
ceded territory so far as not incompatible with 
its use by the United States for the purposes 

Howell township was erected by an act of the 
Legislature passed February 23, 1801. It 
was taken from Shrewsbury, and at the time of 
its erection, embraced, in addition to its present 
territory, that which was afterwards taken for 
the formation of "Wall township and also some 
in the northern part of Ocean County. 

An act of Legislature, passed February 28, 
1844, set off parts of the townships of Freehold 
and Upper Freehold, and of Monroe township 
in Middlesex County, to form the township of 
Millstone, the boundaries of which will be given 
in full in the hfstory of that township. The 
part taken from Monroe township was (as be- 
fore mentioned) annexed to the county of Mon-: 
mouth, but was restored to Middlesex by an act 
passed in the following year. In 1847 another 
small piece of Monroe township was annexed to 
Monmouth County and to the township of Mill- 

In 1844 the township of Jackson was erected 
from parts of Freehold, Upper Freehold and 
Dover. This township is now wholly in the 

' The light-house on Sandy Hook was erected in 1763, 
and the beacon was first lighted on the night of January 
18, 1764. 

county of Ocean, but when erected it embraced 
a small area of what is now Millstone township, 
Monmouth County, this part being annexed to 
Millstone in 1846. 

Plumsted township was erected from a part 
of Jackson in 1845, and Union was set off and 
formed into a township from parts of Stafford 
and Dover in 1846. These townships are now 
in Ocean County. 

In 1847 parts of the townships of Freehold, 
Shrewsbury and Middletown were taken to form 
the new township of Atlantic. In 1848 Marl- 
borough, Manalapan and Earitan townships 
were erected, the latter being taken from the 
old township of Middletown and the others 
from Freehold. Ocean township was formed 
from a part of Shrewsbury by an act passed in 
February, 1849. It included the present town- 
ship of Neptune, and the greater part of the 
township of Eatontown. 

In 1850 the southern part of Monmouth 
County, embracing the larger part of its terri- 
tory, was cut off to form the county of Ocean, 
which was erected by an act approved February 
15th in the year mentioned. The part of the 
act having reference to the line of division is as 
follows : 

" All that part of the county of Monmouth 
contained within the following boundaries, viz. : 
beginning at Manasquan inlet and mouth of 
Manasquan river ; thence up the middle of said 
river to the first bridge over the same ; thence 
westerly to a corner on the south side of said 
river near the old bridge ; thence southwesterly 
to the road leading to Jackson's mills ; thence 
along said road till it strikes the line between 
Howell and Jackson townships ; thence along 
said line to the northeast corner of Jackson 
township ; thence along the line between Jack- 
son and Freehold townships till it strikes the 
road leading from Freehold to Mount Holly ; 
thence up the middle of said road to the Plum- 
sted line ; thence down said line to Moses Ivins' 
floodgate bridge over the LahaM^ay creek, being 
the beginning corner of Plumsted township; 
thence following the Plumsted line, the several 
courses thereof, to the line between Burlington 
and Monmouth counties ; thence along said line 
to the sea-shore; thence along the sea to the 



place of beginning, be, and the, same is hereby 
erected into a separate county, to be called the 
county of Ocean ; and the said lines shall here- 
after be the division lines between the counties 
of Monmouth, Burlington and Ocean." 

Wall township (so called in honor of Gar- 
ret D. Wall) was erected in 1851 from the south- 
eastern part of Howell township, extending along 
the ocean shore from Shark River southward 
to the Manasquan. In 1857 the townships of 
Matawan and Holmdel were erected, both being 
taken from the territory of Raritan township. 

A township called " Lincoln " was erected in 
1867 from a part of the territory of Ocean 
township. But in the following year the act 
erecting it was repealed, and the township of 
Lincoln was erased from the map of Mon- 
mouth County. 

Eatontown township was formed from parts 
of Ocean and Shrewsbury in 1878, and Nep- 
tune, the youngest of the townships of Mon- 
mouth County, was erected from a part of the 
territory of Ocean township by an act of the 
Legislature passed in February, 1879. 

Monmouth Civil List. 
The following is a list of persons who held 
or have held office by election or appointment 
in the county of Monmouth, and also of those 
who, being natives or residents of the county, 
have held important offices under the State or 
national government : 


Lewis Morris, 1738-46. 
George F. Fort, 1851-54. 
William A. Newell, 1857-60. 
Joel Parker, 1863-66 and 1872-75. 
Joseph D. Bedle, 1875-78. 


Thomas Arrowsmith. 
Joseph Combs. 


David Brearley. 
William L. Dayton. 
Joseph F. Eandolph. 
Peter Vredenburgh. 
Joel Parker. 


James Mott, elected 1799, held to 1803. 
Charles Parker, elected 1821, held till 1832 ; again 
elected in 1833, held till 1836. 

Thomas Arrowsmith, elected 1843, held till 1845. 
Samuel Mairs, elected 1848, held till 1851. 

Chaeles Parker, son of Thomas and Sarah 
Stout Parker, was born on the 27th of April, 
1787, in what was then Freehold township. 
The Parkers were among the first settlers of 
Monmouth County. Thomas Parker was a 
large land-owner in the vicinity of what is now 
called Smithburg, owning several farms, all of 
which were then in Freehold township, now 
in Millstone, Manalapan and Jackson townships. 
The mother of Charles Parker was one of the 
Stout family, so numerous at the present day in 
Monmouth, Hunterdon and Mercer Counties. 
The Stout family descended from the famous 
Penelope, whose shipwreck at Sandy Hook and 
subsequent adventures among the Indians have 
been narrated. She bore her husband (Richard 
Stout) seven sons and three daughters, and lived 
to see her offspring multiply to five hundred and 
two. She died in her one hundred and tenth year. 

Although Thomas Parker was in comfortable 
circumstances, it became necessary for some of 
his numerous family to leave home and shift for 
themselves. When quite young, his son Charles 
went as clerk to Barzillai Hopkins, then the 
most enterprising merchant in his section, who 
had two large mercantile establishments, one 
located at New Egypt and the other at Tom's 
River. He served as clerk at both of those 
towns (principally at Tom's River) for seven 
years. In August, 1808, he married, at Tom's 
River (where he then resided), Sarah S., daugh- 
ter of Captain Joseph Coward, a soldier of the 
Revolution, who had served in the Continental 
line throughout that war. After his marriage 
Charles Parker commenced house-keeping at 
Forked River, where he kept a store for two or 
three years, and served also as wreck-master for 
th ree years, his district extend ing along the whole 
coast of Monmouth County, from Sandy Hook 
to Egg Harbor. He then returned to Freehold 
township and settled on a farm near Hartshorne's 
Mill. About that time emigration from the 
Eastern States to what was called the Miami 
country (in Ohio) began, and he went there and 
bought a tract of land where the city of Dayton 
now stands, intending to remove there the next 
season with his family. Upon his return the 



leaders of the Democratic party, to which he be- 
longed, persuaded him to remain and run for 
sheriff of Monmouth County, then including 
what is now Ocean County. He was nomi- 
nated and elected in the fall of 1814- He, of 
course, forfeited the part of the money he had 
paid on the purchase in Ohio, but some twenty 
years afterwards the owner of the land, hav- 
ing sold it for a large advance, generously re- 
turned him the 
money he had 

After serving as 
sheriff for three 
years Mr. Parker 
was elected, in 
the fall of 1817, 
a member of the 
House of Assem- 
bly, and re-elect- 
ed in 1818 and 
1819, and again 
in 1821. While 
a member of As- 
sembly, in 1821, 
he was chosen 
by joint meeting 
State treasurer 
of New Jersey, 
and re-elected to 
the same office 
every year to and 
including 1831. 
Again, in 1833, 
he was elected 
State treasurer, 
and re-elected 
in 1834 and 
18 3 5, thus 
holding that 

important office by yearly elections under all par- 
ties for thirteen years. While treasurer, he held 
also during most of the time the position of State 
librarian. In 1835 he was appointed by joint 
meeting one of the judges of the Court of Com- 
mon Pleas of the county of Hunterdon, the city 
of Trenton (where he resided at the time), being 
then in that county. He was also one of the 
commissioners ■who built the present State Prison. 

About the year 1832, Mr. Parker purchased 
a large farm and mill property near Colt's Neck, 
in Monmouth County, to which he intended to 
remove, but being again chosen treasurer of the 
State, and also appointed the first cashier of the 
Mechanics' and Manufacturers' Bank of Trenton, 
he, in the course of two or three years, sold the 
farm. He continued as cashier and president 
of the bank for many years, and held several 

positions at vari- 
ous times under 
the local govern- 
ment of Trenton, 
such as commits 
teeman when it 
was a township, 
and subsequently 
as member of the 
Common Council 
under the city 
government, also 
as alderman for 
five years. 

In 1848 and 
1849 he resided in 
the town of Free- 
hold, where he 
was a town com- 
mitteeman, and 
gave valuable aid 
in dividing the 
property between 
Freehold and the 
then new town- 
ships of Manala- 
pan and Marl- 
boro'. Af- 
terward he 
assisted as. a 
er in division of the property between Monmouth 
and the new county of Ocean. 

About the year 1850, Mr. Parker returned to 
the city of Trenton, where he resided until his 
death, which occurred on the 4th of October, 
1862. He lived to see his son Joel nominated 
for Governor of the State on September 4, 
1862, but did not survive the election, which 
took place on November 4th. He was very 



anxious to live until after election, as he often 
expressed himself, having full confidence in the 
election of his son. 

After Mr. Parker returned to Trenton to re- 
side, he did not engage in active business. His 
life had been a very busy one. Few men had 
better business qualifications. He did not have 
advantages of early education and was wholly 
a self-made man. All his spare hours while a 
clerk, were spent in study and reading. Thus he 
acquired knowledge which enabled him to dis- 
charge the most important trusts with an ability 
equal to any with whom he came in contact. 
Having a strong intellect, Charles Parker be- 
came one of the prominent men in New Jersey, 
enjoying the respect and close friendship in early 
days of such men as Richard Stockton, George 
Wood, Garret D. Wall, Peter D. Yroom, Stacy G. 
Potts, Henry W. Green, William L. Dayton, 
Peter Vredenburgh and Daniel B. Ryall, all of 
whom he frequently met socially and in busi- 
ness matters. He was a man of great integrity 
of character, and was often chosen as executor 
and guardian where large estates were involved. 
He had a legal caste of mind, and being familiar 
with business, he was sought out and consulted 
by his neighbors, to whom he gave advice, with- 
out charge, freely on all matters concerning 
their welfare. He had four children, viz., 
Helen, Mary, Joel and Charles. Helen mar- 
ried Rev. George Burrowes, and died in 
Maryland in 1848 ; Mary resides with her son, 
Eev. Charles P. Glover, in Sussex County, New 
Jersey ; Charles resides in Philadelphia ; and 
Joel, now a justice of the Supreme Court, lives 
at Freehold, his place of residence for over 
forty years. 


Jonathan Ehea, 1813-21. 
Garret D. Wall, 1824-30. 
Lewis Perrine, 1855 to present time (1885). 

Lewis Perrine, Quartermaster-General of 
New Jersey, was born in Freehold township, 
Monmouth County, on the 15th of September, 
1815. He attended the High School at Law- 
renceville and went to Princeton College, where 
he graduated in 1838. He studied law,and for 
a short time after his admission to the bar fol- 

lowed the practice of his profession. He was 
the military secretary of Governor Fort and 
was also on the staff of Governor Price. In 
1855 he was appointed quartermaster-general. 
He made himself thoroughly acquainted with 
the duties of that position, and during the war 
of the Rebellion which followed, proved him- 
self an excellent officer by his industry, energy 
and perseverance in equipping troops and for- 
warding them to the field. At the close of the 
war he was nominated by Governor Parker and 
confirmed by the Senate as brevet major-gen- 


Dr. Nathaniel Scudder, 1777 to 1779. 


Thomas Henderson, 1789 

James H. Imlay, 1797 to 1801. 

James Cox, 1809-10. Died September 12, 1810. 

John Anderson Scudder,' 1810. 

Rev. Benjamin Bennett,^ 1815 to 1819. 

Daniel B. Eyall, 1839^1. Died at Freehold, De- 
cember 17, 1864. 

Samuel G. Wright, elected 1844, died July 30, 1845, 
never having taken his seat in Congress. 

William A. Newell, 1847^8, 1849-60, 1863-64. 

George Middleton, 1865-66. 

Charles Haight, 1867-68, 1869-70. 


1776. Nathaniel Scudder (Speaker). 
1777-79. Joseph Holmes. 
1780-83. Elisha Lawrence. 

1784. John Imlay. 

1785. David Forman. 
1786-88. Asher Holmes. 

1789-92. Elisha Lawrence (Vice-President). 
1793-94. Thomas Henderson (Vice-President). 
1795. Elisha Lawrence (Vice-President). 
1796-98. Elisha Walton. 

1800. John Lloyd. 

1801. Thomas Little. 
1808. William Lloyd. 

1810. James Schureman. 

1811. Silas Crane. 

1812. James Schureman. 
1814. Silas Crane. 
1822. William Andrews. 

iTo fill vacancy caused by death of James Cox. 

2 Died at Middletown, October 8, 1840. 

3 The duties and powers of this body were the same as 
are those of the State Senate under the Constitution of 



1823. William J. Bowne. 

1825. William I. Emiey. 

1826. Henry D. Polhemus. 
1828. William I. Emley. 

1830. Samuel G. Wright. 

1831. Jehu Patterson. 

1832. Daniel Holmes. 
1835. Thomas Arrowsmith. 

1837. William L. Dayton. 

1838. Benjamin Oliphant. 

1840. Peter Vredenburgh, Jr. 

1841. James Patterson. 

1843-44. James Patterson (Vice-President). 


1845. Thomas E. Combs.^ 

1846. George P. Fort. 
1849. John A. Morford. 
1852. William D. Davis. 
1855. Eobert Laird. 

1858. William H. Hendrickson. 
1861. Anthony Reckless. 
1864. Henry S. Little. 
1867. Henry S. Little. 
1870. Henry S. Little. 

1872. William H. Conover, Jr.'' 

1873. William H. Hendrickson. 
1876. William H. Hendrickson. 
1879. George C. Beekman. 
1882. John S. Applegate. 
1885. Thomas G. Chattle. 


First Assembly, 1703.— Obadiah Bowne, John Eeid, 
Richard Hartshorne. 

Second Assembly, 1704.— Richard Hartshorne, John 
Bowne, Richard Salter, Obadiah Bowne. 

Third Assembly, 1707.— Lewis Morris, John Bowne, 
William Lawrence. 

Fourth Assembly, 1708-9.— Gershom Mott, Elisha 

Fifth Assembly, 1709.— Gershom Mott, Elisha Law- 

Sixth Assembly, 1710.— Gershom Mott, William 

Seventh Assembly, 1716.— Elisha Lawrence, William 

'Under the Constitution of 1844 the first Senate was di- 
vided into three classes of one-third each, their seats to be 
vacated at the expiration of one, two and three years re- 
spectively, so that one-third of the members should there- 
after be elected every year. Mr. Combs drew his lot in 
the first class, and retired after one year's service. 

2 To fill the unexpired term of Mr. Little, who vacated 
the office to accept the appointment of clerk in the Court 
of Chancery. 

' Otherwise called the " House of Representatives of the 
Province of Nova Csesarea, or New Jersey." 

Eighth Assembly, 1721. — Garret Schenck, William 

Ninth Assembly, 1727. — John Eaton, James Grover. 

Tenth Assembly, 1730. — John Eaton, James Grover. 

Eleventh Assembly, 1738. — John Eaton, Cornelius 

Twelfth Assembly, 1740. — John Eaton, Corneliu 

Thirteenth Assembly, 1743. — John Eaton, Robert 

Fourteenth Assembly, 1744. — John Eaton, Eobert 

Fifteenth Assembly, 1745.— John Eaton, Robert 

Sixteenth Assembly, 1746. — John Eaton, Robert 

Seventeenth Assembly, 1749. — John Eaton, Robert 

Eighteenth Assembly, ■ 1751. — Robert Lawrence, 
James Holmes. 

Nineteenth Assembly, 1754. — Robert Lawrence, 
James Holmes. 

Twentieth Assembly, 1761. — James Holmes,* Rich- 
ard Lawrence. 

Twenty-first Assembly, 1769.— Robert Hartshorne, 
Richard Lawrence. 

Twenty-second Assembly, 1772.— Edward Taylor, 
Richard Lawrence. 


1776. John Covenhoven, Joseph Holmes, Jr., James 
Mott, Jr. 

1777. James Mott, Jr., Peter Schenck, Hendrick 

1778. James Mott, Jr., Peter Schenck, Hendrick 

1779. James Mott, Jr., Hendrick Smock, Thomas 

1780. Thomas Seabrook, Nathaniel Scudder, Thomas 

1781. Thomas Seabrook, Thomas Henderson, John 

1782. Thomas Henderson, John Covenhoven, Dan'l 

1783. Thomas Henderson, Daniel Hendrickson, 
Peter Covenhoven. 

1784. Thomas Henderson, Daniel Hendrickson,' 
Elisha Walton. 

1785. Thomas Henderson,* Daniel Hendrickson, 
Elisha Walton. » 

* Robert Lawrence was Speaker 'in 1746-47, and again 
from 1754 to 1758. 

« James Holmes died in office and John Anderson elected 
to fill vacancy. 

8 Under first State Constitution, adopted July 3, 1776. 

' Speaker. 

" Thomas Henderson did not claim his seat. 

' October 26, 1785, Charles Gordon, John Covenhoven. 



1786. Elisha Walton, Joseph Stillwell, Peter 

1787. Joseph StiUwell, Thomas Little, Jas. Kogers. 
1788-89. Joseph Stillwell, Thomas Little, James 


1790. Joseph Stillwell, Thomas Little, John Imlay. 

1791. Joseph Stillwell, Thomas Little, John Imlay. 

1792. Joseph Stillwell, Thomas Little, John Coven- 

1793. Joseph Stillwell, Thomas Little, James H. 

1794. Joseph Stillwell, James H. Imlay, Elisha 

1795. Joseph Stillwell, James H. Imlay, Elisha 

1796. Joseph Stillwell, James H. Imlay,' William 

1797. Joseph Stillwell, Eobert Montgomery, William 

1798. Joseph Stillwell, William Lloyd, Jonathan 

1799. Joseph Stillwell, William Lloyd, Edward 

1800. Joseph Stillwell, William Lloyd, David 

1801. John A. Scudder, Peter Knott, James Cox. 
1802-3. John A. Scudder, Peter Knott, James Cox. 
1804. John A. Scudder, James Cox, Henry Tiehout. 

xxxxu 1805-7. John A. Scudder, James Cox, Henry 

1808. Robert Montgomery, Tylee Williams, David 

and otters presented a petition to the Assembly for leave 
to set forth certain illegal proceedings held at the late annual 
election in Monmouth County. Subsequently the Assembly 
resolved : " That the election of Messrs. Walton, Hendrick- 
son and Henderson was illegal, and that the same thereupon 
is void." Also, resolved: "That in the opinion of this 
House the late annual election in the County of Monmouth 
was illegal, as well in the choice of a sheriff as of the mem- 
bers of this House ; and no Coroners having been chosen 
at said election, and doubts arising whether there is any 
other oflacer in said county to whom a writ for a new elec- 
tion can be properly directed, a law ought to be passed for 
anew election in said County." On the same day a peti- 
tion was read, praying for a, division of the county, and 
that a new county be set off from the territory of Monmouth. 
Subsequently a bill was introduced and passed for a new 
election. At the second session, on the 26th of February, 
1786, Elisha Walton and Joseph Stillwell presented a cer- 
tificate of election, and were admitted. The same day a 
petition was presented from citizens of Monmouth asking 
for a law enabling them to vote by ballot, and recommend- 
ing a general law, to apply to the whole State, for the same 

On the 27th, Peter Schenck appeared and took his seat in 
the House. 

1 Speaker. 
Declined to serve 

1809. Robert Montgomery, Tylee Williams, David 

1810. Peter Knott, John S. Holmes, Thomas Cox. 

1811. John S. Holmes, Thomas Cox, Jas. Anderson, 

1812. Tylee Williams, John Stillwell, James Lloyd. 

1813. John S. Holmes, Thomas Cox, Jas. Anderson. 

1814. John S. Holmes, Thomas Cox, Jas. Anderson. 

1815. George Holcombe, Matthias Van Brakle, 
Reuben Shreve. 

1816. George Holcombe, Matthias Van Brakle, 
Reuben Shreve. 

1817. MatthiasVanBrakle, Reuben Shreve, Charles ^ 

1818. Charles Parker, Matthias Van Brakle, Reuben 

1819. Charles Parker, William Ten Eyck, Thomas 
Cox, Jacob Butcher. 

1820. Thomas Cox, Matthias Van Brakle, Samuel 
F. Allen, Isaac Hance. 

1821. Charles Parker, William I. Conover, Corlies 
Lloyd, John T. WoodhuU. 

1822. William I. Conover, Corlies Lloyd, John T. 
Woodhull, John J. Ely. 

1823. William I. Conover, John T. Woodhull, Cor- 
nelius Walling, James Lloyd. 

1824. William I. Conover, John T. Woodhull, James 
West, Joseph Conover. 

1825. John T. Woodhull, James West, Joseph 
Conover, James Lloyd. 

1826. John T. Woodhull, James West, Joseph 
Conover, James Lloyd. 

1827. John T. Woodhull, James West, James Lloyd, 
James Hopping. 

1828. James West, James Lloyd, Daniel H. Ellis, 
Leonard Walling. 

1829. James West, Daniel H. Ellis, Augustus W. 
Bennett, Ivins Davis. 

1830. James West, Daniel H. Ellis, Augustus W. 
Bennett, Ivins Davis. 

1831. Benjamin Woodward, Thomas G. Haight, 
Daniel B. Ryall, Ananiah Gifford. 

1832. Ananiah Gifford, Elisha Lippincott, James S. 
Lawrence, Nicholas Van Wickle. 

1833. Ananiah Gifford, Daniel B. Ryall, Thomas G. 
Haight, Benjamin Woodward. 

1834. Ananiah Gifford, Daniel B. Ryall, Thomas G. 
Haight, William Bnrtis. 

1835. Ananiah Gifford, Daniel B. Ryall, Thomas G. 
Haight, William Burtis. 

1836. Ananiah Gifford, Thomas G. Haight, William 
Burtis, Arthur V. Conover. 

1837. Samuel Mairs, Edmund T. Williams, Thomas 
Miller, James Gulick. 

1838. James Craig, Thomas E. Combs, William P. 
Forman, Garret Hires. 

1839. James Craig, Thomas E. Combs, William P 
Forman, Garret Hires. 

1840. John Mairs, Henry W. Wolcott, James Grover, 
Charles Morris. 



1841. Thomas C. Throckmorton, John E. Conover, 
Joseph Brinley, Samuel M. Oliphant, Benjamin L. 

1842-43. Thomas C. Throckmorton, John R.Conover, 
Joseph Brinley, Samuel M. Oliphant, Benjamin L. 


Under the Constitution of 1844. 

1845.^ George F. Fort, Hartshorne Tantum, Andrew 
Simpson, Joseph B. Coward, James M. Hartshorne.'' 

1846. William Van Doren, Hartshorne Tantum, 
Joseph B. Coward, Andrew Simpson, John Borden. 

1847. William Van Doren, Hartshorne Tantum, 
Joseph B. Coward, Andrew Simpson, John Borden. 

1848. William W. Bennett, Joel Parker, Ferdinand 
Woodward, Samuel Bennett,^ Joel W. Ayres. 

1849. Alfred Walling, George W. Sutphin, John B. 
Williams, James D. Hall, William G. Hooper. 

1850. Alfred Walling, George W. Sutphin, William 
G. Hooper, James D. Hall, Charles Butcher. 

1851. William H. Conover, Bernard Connolly, 
Samuel W. Jones, Garret S. Smock. 

1852. William H. Conover, Samuel W. Jones, 
Garret S. Smock, Charles Butcher. 

Under the District System} 

1853. Charles Allen, Daniel P. Van Dorn, Samuel 
W. Jones, Robert Allen. 

1854. Forman Hendrickson, John L. Corlies, Henry 
E. Lafetra, Robert Allen. 

1855. Henry E. Lafetra, Thomas B. Stout, William 
H. Johnston, John Van Dorn. 

1856. Samuel Vaughn, John R. Barricklo, Henry 
E. Lafetra, Samuel Beers. 

1857. Jacob Herbert, John R. Barricklo, John V. 
Conover, Samuel Beers. 

1858. George Middleton, Austin H. Patterson, John 
V. Conover, Richard B. Walling. 

1859. George Middleton, Austin H. Patterson, John 
V. Conover, Richard B. Walling. 

1860. William H. Mount, Austin H. Patterson, 
James J. McNinny, James Patterson. 

1861. WilliamH. Mount, William V.Ward, Charles 
Haight, James Patterson. 

1862. William V. Ward, Charles Haight,^ George 
C. Murray. 

1863. Michael Taylor, Osborn Curtis, David H. 

1864. Michael Taylor, Osborn Curtis, David H. 

1 Before 1844 the Legislature met in October of each year. 
Under the Constitution of 1884 it meets in January of each 

" Mr. Hartshorne died , never having taken his seat. 

2 Mr. Bennett died, never having taken his seat. 

* Prior to the fall election of 1852 members of Assembly 
were elected on a general county ticket. 
5 Speaker. 

1865. Michael Taylor, Daniel A. Holmes, George 

1866. William C. Bowne, Daniel A. Holmes, George 

1867. Charles Allen, Francis Corlies, Thomas S. R. 

1868. Charles Allen, Francis Corlies, Thomas 8. E. 

1869. William H. Conover, Jr., Daniel H. Van 
Mater, Andrew Brown. 

1870. Austin H. Patterson, Daniel H. Van Mater, 
Andrew Brown. 

1871. Austin H. Patterson, John T. Haight, William 
S. Horner. 

1872. Austin H. Patterson, John T. Haight, Wm. 
B. Hendrickson. 

1873. George W. Patterson, John B. Gifford, John 

1874. George W. Patterson, John B. Gifford, Andrew 

1875. George W. Patterson, Charles D. Hendrickson, 
William V. Conover. 

1876. James L. Rue, Charles D. Hendrickson, 
William V. Conover. 

1877. James L. Rue, William H. Bennett, James H. 

1878. George J. Ely, William H. Bennett, Arthur 

1879. Arthur Wilson, Sherman B. Oviatt, John D. 

1880. Sherman B. Oviatt,^ John D. Honce, Grover 
H. Lufburrow. 

1881. Holmes W. Murphy, Grover H. Lufburrow, 
David A. Bell. 

1882. Peter Forman, Jr., David A. Bell, Benjamin 

1883. Peter Forman, Jr., Alfred B. Stoney, Thomas 
G. Chattle. 

1884. Alfred B. Stoney," Thomas G. Chattle, Charles 
H. Bond. 

1885. Charles H. Bond, William H. Grant, Frank 
E. Hyer. 


The first person appointed to the office of 
sheriff of Monmouth County was "Ijewis Mor- 
ris, Junior," ' in March, 1682-83. Morris de- 
clined the office, and Richard Hartshorne was 
appointed. He also decKned to serve, and there- 
upon Eliakim Wardell was appointed and com- 
missioned the first sheriff of Monmouth. The 
names of a few of the succeeding sheriffs of this 

* Speaker. 

'The same "Lewis Morris, of Passage Point,'" who was 
murdered by his negroes in 1695. "Passage Point," his 
residence, was the place now known as Black Point. 



county during the colonial period have been 
found, viz., — Samuel Foreman, in 1696-99 ; 
John Stewart, in 1700 ; Gideon Crawford, in 
1715 ; William Nicholls, in 1722 ; John Taylor 
in 1760-62 ; and Elisha Lawrence, who was the 
last sheriff of Monmouth under the King of 
England ; but no consecutive list can well be 
given commencing earlier than the establish- 
ment of the State government. From that time 
the list is as follows ; 

1776. Nicholas Van Brunt. 
1779. David Forman. 
1782. John Burrowes, Jr. 
1785. David Ehea. 

1788. Daniel Hendrickson. 
1790. Elisha Walton. 
1793. William Lloyd. 
1796. James Lloyd. 

1799. Samuel P. Formau. 
1802. Elisha Walton. 
1805. James Lloyd. 
1808. David Craig. 

1811. Lewis Gordon. 
1814. Charles Parker. 
1817. John J. Ely. 
1820. James Lloyd. 
1823. Eichard Lloyd. 
1825. John J. Ely. 
1828. Daniel Holmes. 
1831. John M. Perrine. 
1834. Thomas Miller. 

1837. Horatio Ely. 

1838. Abraham G. Neafie. 
1841. Charles Allen. 
1844. Holmes Conover. 
1847. Samuel Conover. 
1850. John C. Cox. 

1853. Holmes Conover. 
1856. Samuel Conover. 
1859. Joseph I. Thompson. 
1862.' Jordan Woolley. 
1865. William B. Sutphin. 
1868. John H. Patterson. 
1871. Samuel T. Hendrickson. 
1874. George W. Brown.i 
1878. Charles Allen. 
1881. John L Thompson. 
1884. Theodore Aumack. 


1789. Jonathan Rhea. 
1798. Joseph Scudder. 
1807. Joseph Phillips. 

1812. Caleb Lloyd. 
1817. Joseph Phillips. 

' Law fixing term at three years went into effect 1875. 

1820. William Ten Eyck.^ 

1830. Peter Vredenbiirgh, Jr.^ 

1831. Daniel H. Ellis. 
1841. Samuel Mairs. 
1846. Daniel Christopher. 
1856. Jehu Patterson. 
1858. John W. Bartleson.^ 
1858. Holmes W. Murphy. 
1868. Thomas V. Arrowsmith,' 

1882 (Nov. 29). Joseph C. Arrowsmith.* 

1883. James H. Patterson. Now (1885) in office. 


1785. Thomas Henderson. 

1794. Joseph Scudder. 

1797. Caleb Lloyd. ' 

1804. William Russell. April 13th. 

1804. Richard Throckmorton. December 28th. 

1814. Joseph Phillips. 

1817. Caleb Lloyd. 

1822. Peter C. Vanderhoef. 

1833. Henry D. Polhemus. 

1848. Arthur V. Conover. 

1858. John R. Conover. 

1868. Aaron R. Throckmorton.* 

1882. David S. Crater.' Now (1885) in office. 


1828. Corlies Lloyd. 

1833. Joseph F. Randolph. 

^ To fill a vacancy. 

3 Resigned Nov. 19, 1882. 

* To fill vacancy caused by resignation of Thomas V. 

^Priortol720 the Governor was surrogate-general. In 
that year Michael Kearney was commissioned surrogate 
of New York and New Jersey. Afterwards a surrogate 
was appointed for each division (East and West Jersey), 
and (as occasion required more) sometimes one for a dis- 
trict of two or three counties, or one for a single county. 
They were, of course, removable at the pleasure of the 
Governor, and were simply his deputies, the probate of 
wills and other official acts being in his name, and under 
his hand and official seal, as ordinary. In 1784 Orphans' 
Courts were established, and provision was made by law 
for one surrogate to be appointed in each county, with 
power limited to that county. The original jurisdiction of 
the ordinary remained as before, until, in 1820, it was re- 
stricted to the granting of probates of wills, letters of ad- 
ministration and guardianship and to the determining of dis- 
putes arising thereon. In 1822 the appointment of the 
surrogate was given to the joint meeting, and so remained 
until the new constitution provided for the election of that 
officer by a popular vote. — Elmer. 

* Resigned February 12, 1882, to accept the presidency 
of the Freehold National Bank. Died March 3, 1883. 

'Appointed February 12, 1882, to fill vacancy caused 
by resignation of A. R. Throckmorton. Elected November, 



1837. Peter Vredenburgh, Jr. 

1852. Joel Parker. 

1857. Amzi C. McLean. 

1867. Robert Allen, Jr. 

1872, W. H. Conover, Jr. 

1877. John E. Lanning. 

1882. Charles Haight. Now (1885) in office. 


Following is a list of justices of the peace 
of Monmouth County (with dates of commis- 
sion) from the time (1850) when it was reduced 
to its present limits by the formation of Ocean 
County from the southern part of its territory, 
viz., — 

William H. Tilton, May 1, 1851. 
William Brown, May 1, 1851. 
Nimrod Bedle, May 1, 1851. 
Jones Clark, May 1, 1851. 
John Statesir, May 1, 1851. 
Thomas Pardon, May 1, 1853. 
John Headen, May 1, 1853. 
Benjamin Day, May 1, 1853. 
Lewis B. Carey, May 1, 1853. 
Daniel B. Strong, May 1, 1853. 
Walter C. Parsons, May 1, 1853. 
Joseph M. Smith, May 1, 1853. 
W. M. D. Oliphant, May 1, 1854. 
Charles T. Fleming, May 1, 1854. 
Anthony Truax, May 1, 1854. 
James S. Laurence, May 1, 1855. 
Daniel M. Cubberly, May 1, 1855. 
John S. Barton, May 1, 1855. 
Amos Shaw, May 1, 1855. 
John H. Eulon, May 1, 1855. 
W. M. D. Oliphant, May 1, 1855. 
Robert Miller, May 1, 1855. 
B. Campfield Newman, May 1, 1855. 
Benjamin D. Pearce, May 1, 1855. 
James Cooper, May 1, 1855. 
James W. Borden, May 1, 1855. 
Samuel C. Algoe, May 1, 1855. 
George Finch, May 1, 1855. 
Sidney Thompson, May 1, 1855. 
Edward E. Pitcher, May 1, 1855. 
John W. Davison, May 1, 1855. 
John G. Ely, May 1, 1855. 
James Martin, May 1, 1856. 
Edmund Shotwell, May 1, 1856. 
George W. Cox, May 1, 1856. 
Christopher Doughty, May 1, 1856. 
John Statesir, May 1, 1857. 
Nimrod Bedle, May 1, 1857. 
Daniel B. Strong, May 1, 1858. 
John W. Denyse, May 1, 1858. 
Thomas Pardon, May 1, 1858. 
Benjamin Day, May 1, 1859. 

Thomas Ingling, May 1, 1868. 
John Headen, May 1, 1858. 
Walter C. Parsons, May 1, 1858. 
William C. Erwin, May 1, 1858. 
Esek H. Lovett, May 1, 1858. 
Benjamin Wardell, May 1, 1859. 
W. W. Palmer, May 1, 1859. 
Anthony Truax, May 1, 1869. 
John W. Davison, May 1, 1860. 
Sidney Thompson, May 1, I860. 
Thomas C. Throckmorton, May 1, 1860. 
James Cooper, May 1, 1860. 
George L. Britton, May 1, 1860. 
W. D. Oliphant, May 1, 1860. 
John W. Rulin, May 1, 1860. 
Robert Miller, May 1, 1860. 
Bloomfield Newman, May 1, 1860. 
Amos Shaw, May 1, 1860. 
John G. Ely, May 1, 1860. 
Samuel Rogers, May 1, 1860. 
P. D. Kneiskern, May 1, 1860. 
Joseph W. Borden, May 1, 1860. 
John M. Boice, May 1, 1860. 
Samuel Algoe, May 1, 1860. 
William D. Clayton, May 1, 1860. 
John W. Phillips, May 1, 1861. 
J. Horton Cooper, May 1, 1861. 
S. E. W. Johnson, May 1, 1861. 
James Martin, May 1, 1861. 
James F. Earle, May 1, 1861. 
Nimrod Bedle, May 1, 1862. 
John B. Morris, May 1, 1862. 
Benjamin Day, May 1, 1862. 
Henry H. Wolcott, May 1, 1862. 
John M. Lippincott, May 1, 1862. 
T. Forman Taylor, May 1, 1862. 
Levi Soobey, May 1, 1862. 
William Y. Kennedy, May 1, 1862. 
Mark L. Mount, May 1, 1863. 
Samuel Frake, May 1, 1863. 
W. H. Slocum, May 1, 1863. 
John Headen, May 1, 1863. 
D. B. Strong, May 1, 1863. 
Thomas I. Bedle, May 1, 1863. 
Aaron R. Combs, May 1, 1863. 
Thomas Fardon, May 1, 1863. 
John S. Barton, May 1, 1863. 
Benjamin Wardell, May 1, 1864. 
Elijah Combs, May 1, 1864. 
Benjamin Decker, May 1, 1864. 
Thomas H. Lafetra, May 1, 1864. 
Anthony Truax, May 1, 1864. 
Richard W. Strong, May 1, 1864. 
William 0. Irwin, May 1, 1864. 
Joseph McNinney, May 1, 1864. 
John H. Rulin, May 1, 1866. 
John S. Barton, May 1, 1865. 
Thomas S. Throckmorton, May 1, 1865. 
William D. Clayton, May 1, 1865. 



Jacob C. Lawrence, May 1, 1865. 
E. B. Wainright, May 1, 1865. 
Eobert Miller, May 1, 1865. 
Isaac Herbert, May 1, 1865. 
Peter D. Knieskern, May 1, 1865. 
Amos Shaw, May 1, 1865. 
Benjamin D. Pearce, May 1, 1865. 
Bloomfield Newman, May 1, 1865. 
Abram Havens, May 1, 1865. 
Samuel Frake, May 1, 1865. 
Samuel E. Rogers, May 1, 1866. 
James T. Earle, May 1, 1866. 
John Dawes, May 1, 1866. 
William A. Palmer, May 1, 1866. 
John H. Mount, May 1, 1866. 
John W. Phillips, May 1, 1866. 
James Martin, May 1, 1866. 
M. H. Jewett, May 1, 1866. 
Alfred H. Campbell, May 1, 1867. 
John B. Morris, May 1, 1867. 
Garrett Forman, May 1, 1867. 
James C. Whitmore, May 1, 1867. 
James P. Welling, May 1, 1867. 
Benjamin Day, May 1, 1867. 

C. A. Van Cleef, March 25, 1868. 
Charles B. Clark, May 1, 1868. 
Abraham Thompson, May 1, 1868. 
Mark L. Mount, May 1, 1868. 

P. S. Clayton, May 1, 1868. 

D. B. Strong, May 1, 1868. 

T. Forman Taylor, May 1, 1868. 
Geo W. Houghton, May 1, 1868. 
John E. Hunt, May 1, 1868. 
John D. Beers, May 1, 1869. 
Benjamin Deckers, May 1, 1869. 
Thomas Cook, May 1, 1869. 
Benjamin Wardell, May 1, 1869. 
Thos. H. Lafetra, May 1, 1869. 
John W. Borden, May 1, 1869. 
Timothy M. Mason, May 1, 1869. 
William C. Irwin, May 1, 1869. 
John E. Norris, May 1, 1869. 
Samuel E. Rogers, May 1, 1870. 
Robert Miller, May 1, 1870. 

E. B. Wainwright, May 1, 1870. 
J. C. Lawrence, May 1, 1870. 
Benjamin D. Pearce, May 1, 1870. 
Bloomfield Newman, May 1, 1870. 
Levi G. Irwin, May 1, 1870. 
William C. Norton, May 1, 1870. 
John M. Boice, May 1, 1870. 
John W. Davison, May 1, 1870. 
Ezekiel Maynard, May 1, 1870. 
Isaac Herbert, May 1, 1870. 
Cornelius G. Matthews, May 1, 1870. 
James Cooper, May 1, 1870. 
Samuel Cowart, May 1, 1870. 
James F. Earle, May 1, 1871. 
William Child, May 1, 1871. 

John W. Perlon, May 1, 1871. 
Daniel W. Thompson, May 1, 1871. 
Peter D. Knieskern, May 1, 1871. 
Robertson Smith, May 1, 1871. 
John W. Philips, May 1, 1871. 
Hendrick Wyckoflf, May 1, 1872. 
John B. Morris, May 1, 1872. 
James C. Whitmore, May 1, 1872. 
Henry Johnson, May 1, 1872. 
James E. Johnson, May 1, 1872. 
Garret Forman, May 1, 1872. 
William L. Conover, May 1, 1872. 
Theodore Sickles, May 1, 1872. 
Abraham Thompson, May 1, 1872. 
T. Forman Taylor, May 1, 1873. 
John W. Denyse, May 1, 1873. 
D. B. Strong, May 1, 1873. 
George Martin, May 1 , 1873. 
Theodore F. Sniffen, May 1, 1873. 
John Statesir, May 1, 1873. 
R. W. Miller, May 1, 1873. 
A. Van Nortwick, May 1, 1873. 
A. G. Lane, March 11, 1873. 
William J. Chamberlain, May 1, 1873. 
Samuel Algoe, May 1, 1873. 
Levi Scobey, May 1, 1873. 
John W. Bartleson, May 14, 1874. 
William Robertson, May 1, 1874. 
Thomas Cooke, May 1, 1874. 
John E. Tilton, May 1, 1874, 
Thomas H. Lafetra, May 1, 1874. 
William C. Irwin, May 1, 1874. 
A. G. Lane, May 1, 1874. 
John E. Norris, May 1, 1874. 
J. C. Lawrence, May 1, 1875. 
Samuel Conover, May 1, 1875. 
John W. Bartleson, May 1, 1875. 
Robert Miller, May 1, 1875. 
Benjamin D. Pearce, May 1, 1875. 
Bloomfield Newman, May 1, 1875. 
J. M. Wainwright, May 1, 1875. 
Harris Allen, May 1, 1875. 
Levi J. Erwin, May 1, 1875. 
William Armistrong, May 1, 1875. 
Samuel E. Rogers, May 1, 1875. 
John W. Harker, May 1, 1875. 
David Warner, May 1, 1875. 
Benjamin M. Cooper, May 1, 1875. 
Cornelius G. Mathews, May 1, 1875. 
John J. Beers, May 1, 1875. 
John W. Davison, May 1, 1875. 
C. A. Van Cleef, May 1, 1875. 
Theodore Guillander, May 1, 1876. 
Jacob Corlies, May 1, 1876. 
Robert W. Miller, May 1, 1876. 
Frederick H. Earle, May 1, 1876. 
Jeremiah Bennett, May 1, 1876. 
Robertson Smith, May 1, 1876. 
Walter R. Brinley, May 1, 1876. 



James C. Whitmore, May 1, 1877. 
William Child, May 1, 1877. 
Peter G. Denyse, May 1, 1877. 
John B. Morris, May 1, 1877. 
William L. Conover, May 1, 1877. 
Daniel H. Morris, May 1, 1877. 
Hendrick Wyckoff, May 1, 1877. 
W. J. Cloke, May 1, 1877. 
James E. Johnson, May 1, 1877. 
George Gravatt, March 16, 1878. 
John W. Denyse, May 1, 1878. 
John Statesir, Jr., May 1, 1878. 
S. C. Davis, May 1, 1878. 
William I. Chamberlain, May 1, 1878. 
G. G. Denyse, May 1, 1878. 
Abraham Thompson, May 1, 1878. 
J. E. Corlies, May 1, 1878. 
Garret Forman, May 1, 1878. 
Theodore F. Sniffen, May 1, 1878. 
Thomas Cook, May 1, 1879. 
John E. Tilton, May 1, 1879. 
Thomas H. Lafetra, May 1, 1879. 
James Hardy, May ] , 1879. 
Cyrenus V. Golden, May 8, 1879. 
William L. Tilton, May 1, 1879. 
Tunis D. Probasco, May 1, 1879. 
William C. Irwin, May 1, 1879. 
William Eobertson, May 1, 1879. 
Edward I. Pitcher, May 1, 1879. 
J. C. Lawrence, May 1, 1880. 
J. W. Bartleson, May 1, 1880. 
Levi G. Irwin, May 1, 1880. 
George H. Sickles, May 1, 1880. 
Eobert Miller, May 1, 1880. 
William L. Tilton, May 1, 1880. 
George W. Truax, May 1, 1880. 
James E. Rogers, May 1, 1880. 
David Warner, May 1, 1880. 
John W. Harker, May 1, 1880. 
Cook Howland, May 1, 1880. 
Thomas H. Lafetra, May 1, 1880. 
William W. Ramsey, May 1, 1880. 
Cornelius G. Mathews, May 1, 1880. 
George W. Fielder, May 1, 1880. 
Harris Allen, May 1, 1880. 
Benjamin M. Cooper, May 1, 1880. 
F. E. Perrine, May 1, 1880. 
William J. Dunn, May 1, 1880. 
George D. Bradford, May 1, 1880. 
Samuel Conover, May 1, 1880. 
Eobert W. Miller, May 1, 1881. 
Milton Holmes, May 1, 1881. 
Charles H. Borden, May 1, 1881. 
Henry J. Child, May 1, 1881. 
Hezekiah Mount, May 1, 1881. 
James M. Hopper, May 1, 1881. 
John C. Edwards, May 1, 1881. 
John C. Clayton, May 1, 1881. 
Jeremiah Bennett, May 1, 1881. 

F. E. Bowman, May 1, 1881. 
Walter R. Bromley, May 1, 1881. 
William S. Cloke, May 1, 1881. 
James C. Whitmore, May 1, 1881. 
James E. Johnson, May 1, 1881. 
Jesse Howland, May 1, 1881. 
Frederick H. Earle, May 1, 1881. 
Hendrick Wyckoff, May 1, 1881. 
A. W. Hobart, May 1, 1881. 
William Curchin, May 1, 1881. 
William L. Connor, May 1, 1881. 
Cyrenus V. Golden, May 1, 1881. 
Stacy F. Van Arsdale, May 1, 1881. 
John W. Denyse, May 1, 1883. 
John Miller, May 1, 1883. 
Martin S. Bissell, May 1, 1883. 
Theodore F. White, May 1, 1883. 
John Statesir, May 1, 1883. 
Edwin E. Disbrow, May 1, 1883. 
Charles O. Hudnut, May 1, 1883. 
Samuel S. Scobey, May 1, 1883. 
Eugene Britton, May 1, 1883. 
J. Edwin Corlies, May 1, 1883. 
Daniel Thompson, May 1, 1883. 
Frederick H. Day, May 1, 1883. 
A. K. Ely, May 1, 1884. 
Joseph E. Conover, May 1, 1884. 
W. C. Irwin, May 1, 1884. 
John E. Tilton, May 1, 1884. 
Thomas Cook, May 1, 1884. 
Tunis D. Probasco, May 1, 1884. 
Edwin W. Throckmorton, May 1, 1884. 
W. S. B. Parker, May 1, 1884. 
Arthur M. Brown, May 1 , 1884. 
D. B. Strong, May 1, 1884. 
Charles T. Fardon, May 1, 1884. 
Edmund I. Pitcher, May 1, 1884. 

Politically, Monmouth is almost uniformly- 
Democratic, there having been but one instance 
in the present half-century when the county 
has failed to give a majority of its vote to the 
Democratic Presidential nommee. The votes 
of the county in each Presidential election dur- 
ing that period are here given, viz., — 

1836. Van Buren (Dem.), 2549; Harrison (Whig), 

1840. Van Buren (Dem.), 2880 ; Harrison (Whig), 

1844. Polk (Dem.), 3434; Clay (Whig), 3221. 

1848. Cass (Dem.), 3450; Taylor (Whig), 3119. 

1852. Pierce (Dem.), 3179; Scott (Whig), 1806; 
Hale (Free Soil), 5. 

1856. Buchanan (Dem.), 3319; Fillmore (Whig), 
1815; Fremont (Free Soil), 1003. 

1860. Fusion Ticket, 4089; Lincoln (Rep.), 3096. 

1864. McClellan (Dem.), 4410; Lincoln (Rep.), 
3001. ^ ^ '' 



1868. Seymour (Dem.), 5236; Grant (Rep.), 3771. 

1872. Greeley (Dem.), 4705; Grant (Eep.), 4250. 

187€. Tilden (Dem.), 6942; Hayes (Eep.), 4720. 

1880. Hancock (Dem.), 7614; Garfield (Eep.), 
6693 ; Weaver (Greenback), 47. 

1884. Cleveland (Dem.), 7552; Blaine (Eep.), 



To tell the story of the part taken by the 
county of Monmouth in the war of the Revo- 
lution, and of what the people of the county 
did and suffered and sacrificed in the great 
struggle for national independence, it is not 
necessary, nor, indeed, proper, to give a de- 
tailed account of all the long and bloody con- 
flict between the colonies and the mother-coun- 
try, but only of such of its military and civil 
events as occurred within, or in the near vicin- 
ity of, the territory of the county, and of such 
parts of the Revolutionary drama as, being en- 
acted elsewhere, yet were participated in by 
meu of Monmouth as prominent actors. 

The causes which drove the American colo- 
nies into the conflict which finally resulted in 
their separation from Great Britain have been 
too frequently enumerated and too fully set 
forth in general history to need a recital here. 
These causes first began to operate between the 
years 1760 and 1765, when measures were 
proposed in the British Parliament looking to 
the taxation of the American subjects of the 
English King to raise a revenue for the support 
of the home government. The general feeling 
of discontent awakened among the colonists by 
the inauguration of these measures was intensi- 
fied by the subsequent psssage of the odious 
" Stamp Act," the imposition of a duty on tea 
and other similar sell ernes of taxation ; so that, 
when intelligence was received of the passage 
of the " Boston Port Bill," on the 31st of 
March, 1774, there arose an almost universal 
murmur of indignant remonstrance against a 
policy which was stigmatized as unendurable 
tyranny. The measure last named had been 
directed especially against the chief port of 

New England, but all the other colonies were 
in sympathy with that of Massachusetts Bay 
and made her cause their own, as well they 
might, for it was clear to the understanding of 
all intelligent persons that if such acts of op- 
pression were submitted to in Boston, they 
would ere long be enforced jn all the colonies, 
from New Hampshire to Georgia. 

This conviction produced among the people 
a feeling, not of indignation alone, but of alarm 
at the dangerous invasion of their rights ; and, 
although as yet there had been awakened no 
general sentiment of disloyalty to King George, 
there were not a few among the more clear- 
sighted of the colonists who even then foresaw 
that they might, and probably would, be finally 
driven to the d read alternative of armed resistance. 
" Nothing could have been devised ^ by the wit 
of man more effective for the speedy education 
and enlightenment of the people of the colonies 
than these obnoxious measures. The colony of 
New Jei-sey broke out in a simultaneous blaze 
of indignation from Sussex to Cape May, and 
immediate measures were taken to organize the 
various counties into a combination of the 
friends of liberty which should secure prompti- 
tude and unity of action throughout the prov- 


It was not the passage of the Port Bill, how- 
ever, which first led the friends of liberty in 
this province to combine for mutual safety, for 
it is found that more than seven weeks before 
the passage of that act, and three months ^ be- 
fore the announcement had reached the shores 
of America, a general " Committee of Corre- 
spondence and Inquiry " had been constituted 
here, having for its object consultation with the 
most prominent men in the New Jersey coun- 
ties, and correspondence with similar committees 
in other colonies. The particulars of the for- 
mation of this committee, its composition, and 
the duties with which it was charged are shown 
by the following extract from the Minutes of 
the House of Assembly of Now Jersey, dated 

1 The language of Mr. Charles D. Deshler in a paper read 
by him before the New Brunswick Historical Club at its 
fifth anniversary, December 16, 1875. 

2 The news of the passage of the Port Act was received 
in Boston on the 10th of May. 



Burlington, Tuesday, February 8, 1774, — 
viz. : 

" The House resumed the consideration of the sev- 
eral Letters and Eesolutions of the other Houses of 
Assembly on the subject-matter of the common Eights 
and Liberties of the Colonies; and the House resolved 
itself into a Commitee of the whole House upon Mat- 
ters aforesaid; and after some time spent tlierein, Mr. 
Speaker resumed the Chair, and Mr. Crane, Chair- 
man of the Committee (by order of the House), re- 
ported the Eesolutions of the Committee, as follows, 

"1. Resolved, That it is the opinion of the Committee 
that the House should heartily accept of the Invita- 
tion ' to a mutual Correspondence and Intercourse 
with our Sister-Colonies; to which the House agreed 
Nemine Contradicente. 

" 2. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this commit- 
tee that a Standing Committee of Correspondence 
and Inquiry be appointed, to consist of the following 
persons, to wit : James Kinsey, Stephen Crane, Hen- 
drick Fisher, Samuel Tucker, John Wetherill, Eobert 
Friend Price, John Hinchman, John Mehelm and 
Edward Taylor, Esquires, or any five of them, whose 
business it shall be to obtain the most early and au- 
thentick intelligence of all Acts and Eesolutions of 
the Parliament of Great Britain, or the Proceedings of 
Administration that may have any Eelation to or 
may affect the Liberties and Privileges of His Majes- 
ty's Subjects in the British Colonies of America, and 
to keep up and maintain a Correspondence and Com- 
munication with our Sister-Colonies respecting these 
important considerations ; and that they do occasion- 
ally lay their Proceedings before the House; to which 
the House agreed Nemine Contradicente. 

" 3. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Com- 
mittee that the said Committee of Correspondence do 
write Letters to the several Speakers of the Assem- 
blies on the Continent of America, inclosing these 
Eesolutions, and requesting them to lay the same be- 
fore their respective Assemblies ; and that they do 
return the thanks of the House to the Burgesses of 
Virginia for their early Attention to the Liberties of 
America ; to which the House agreed Nemine Contra- 

The Governor, William Franklin (son of 
Dr. Benjamin Franklin, but, unlike his father, 
a man of strong royalist proclivities), was op- 
posed to the formation of such a committee, 
and in a letter written by him to the Earl of 

1 The "invitation" referred to was a proposition made by 
the House of Burgesses of the colony of Virginia to tlie 
Assembly of New Jersey to appoint from its members a 
Standing Committee of Correspondence for the objects re- 
ferred to above. 

Dartmouth, on the 31st of May, 1774, ex- 
pressed his opinion as follows : 

" The Virginia Assembly some time ago appointed 
a Committee of Correspondence, to correspond with 
all the other Assemblies on the Continent, which ex- 
ample has been followed by every other House of 
Eepresentatives. I was in hopes that the Assembly 
of this Province would not have gone into the mea- 
sure ; for though they met on the 10th of November, 
yet they avoided taking the matter into consideration, 
though frequently urged by some of the members, 
until the 8th of February, and then 1 believe they 
would not have gone into it but that the Assembly of 
New York had just before resolved to appoint such a 
committee, and they did not choose to appear sin- 

On the 1st of June, the day next following 
the date of Governor Franklin's letter, a meet- 
ing (probably the first one) of the Committee 
of Correspondence and Inquiry was held at 
New Brunswick, and a brief mention of it is 
found ^ in a letter written by one of the mem- 
bers of the committee, under date of June 2, 
1774, from which the following is extracted, 
viz. : " I returned yesterday from New Bruns- 
wick, where six of our Committee met. We 
answered the Boston letters, informing them 
that we look on New Jersey as eventually in 
the same predicament with Boston, and that we 
will do everything which may be generally 
agreed on. We have signed a request to the 
Govern our to call the General Assembly ' to 
meet at such time as his Excellency may think 
proper, before the first of August next. Our 
Committee is well disposed in the cause of 
American freedom." The Monmouth County 
member of this first Committee of Correspond- 
ence and Inquiry for the colony of New Jersey 
was Edward Taylor, Esq. The meeting of the 
committee at New Brunswick was immediately 
followed by gatherings of the people in nearly 

2 X'ide Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council 
of Safety, 1775-76, page 4. 

' In a letter addressed by Governor Franklin to the Earl 
of Dartmouth, dated Burlington, June 18, 1774, he said, 
" I have likewise had an application made to me by some 
of the members of the House of Representatives to call a. 
meeting of the General Assembly in August next, with 
which I have not and shall not comply, as there is no pub- 
lick business of the province which can make such a meet- 
ing necessary." 



all the counties of New Jersey. The object of 
these meetings (which were convened at the 
call of prominent and influential citizens of the 
several counties) was to perfect, as far as possi- 
ble, a general organization of citizens opposed 
to encroachments on the rights of the colonies 
by the home government, and especially to pro- 
vide for the selection of persons to represent 
them in a general congress of deputies from the 
several colonies, proposed by the burgesses of 
Virginia, to be held for the purpose of forming 
a plan of union, and, in general, to devise 
measures for the public welfare. 

The first of these local gatherings of the 
people was held in Monmouth County, and is 
reported in the Minutes of the Provincial Con- 
gress and Council of Safety, 1775-76, as fol- 
lows : 

"At a meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants 
of the Township of Lower Freehold, in the County of 
Monmouth, in New Jersey, on Monday, the 6th day 
of June, 1774, after notice given of the time, place and 
occasion of this meeting ; 

"Resolved, That it is the unanimous opinion of this 
meeting that the cause in which the inhabitants of 
the town of Boston are now suffering is the common 
cause of the whole Continent of North America, and 
that unless some general spirited measures for the 
public safety be speedily entered into, there is just 
reason to fear that every Province may in turn share 
the same fate with them; and that, therefore, it is 
highly incumbent on them all to unite in some effec- 
tual means to obtain a repeal of the Boston Port Bill, 
and any other that may follow it, which shall be 
deemed subversive of the riglits and privileges of free- 
born Americans. 

"And that it is also the opinion of this meeting 
that, in case it shall appear hereafter to be consistent 
with the general opinion of the trading towns, and 
the commercial part of our countrymen, that an en- 
tire stoppage of importation and exportation from 
and to Great Britain and the West Indies, until the 
said Port Bill and other Acts be repealed, will be 
really conducive to the safety and preservation of North 
America and her liberties, they will yield a cheerful 
acquiescence in the measure, and earnestly recom- 
mend the same to all their brethren in this Province. 
"Reiolved, moreover, That the inhabitants of this 
township will join in an Association with the several 
towns in the county and, in conjunction with them, 
with the several counties in the Province (if, as we 
doubt not, they see fit to accede to the proposal), in 
any measures that may appear best adapted to the 
weal and safety of North America and all her loyal 

" Ordered, That John Anderson, Esq., Messrs. Peter 
Forman, Hendriok Smock, John Forman and Asher 
Holmes, Captain John Covenhoven and Doctor Na- 
thaniel Scudder be a committee for the township, to 
join with those who may be elected for the neighbour- 
ing townships or counties, to constitute a General 
Committee, for any purposes similar to those above 
mentioned ; and that the gentlemen so appointed do 
immediately solicit a correspondence with the adja- 
cent towns." 

"On Tuesday, July 19, 1774,i a majority of the 
Committees from the several Townships in the County 
of Monmouth, of the Colony of New Jersey, met ac- 
cording to appointment, at the Court-House at Free- 
hold, in said county; and appearing to have been 
regularly chosen and constituted by their respective 
Townships, they unanimously agreed upon the pro- 
priety and expediency of electing a Committee to 
represent the whole county at the approaching Pro- 
vincial Convention, to be held at the City of New 
Brunswick, for the necessary purpose of constituting 
a Delegation from this Province to the general Con- 
gress of the Colonies, and for all such other important 
purposes as shall hereafter be found necessary. They, 
at the same time, also recorded the following Resolu- 
tions, Determinations and Opinions, which they wish 
to be transmitted to posterity as an ample testimony 
of their loyalty to his British Majesty, of their firm 
attachment to the principles of the glorious Eevolu- 
tion, and their fixed and unalterable purpose, by 
every lawful means in their power, to maintain and 
defend themselves in the possession and enjoyment 
of those inestimable civil and religious privileges 
which their forefathers, at the expense of so much 
blood and treasure, have established and handed 
down to them : 

" In the names and behalf of their constituents, the 
good and loyal inhabitants of the County of Mon- 
mouth, in the Colony of New Jersey, they do cheer- 
fully and publickly proclaim their unshaken alle- 
giance to the person and Government of his most 
gracious Majesty, King George the Third, now on the 
British Throne, and do acknowledge themselves bound 
at all times, and to the utmost exertion of their 
power, to maintain his dignity and lawful sovereignty 
in and over all his Colonies in America ; and that it 
is their most fervent desire and constant prayer that, 
in a Protestant succession, the descendants of the 
illustrious House of Hanover may continue to sway 
the British sceptre to the latest posterity. 

"As a general Congress of Deputies from the several 
American Colonies is proposed to be held at Phila- 
delphia some time in September next, they declare 
their entire approbation of the design, and think it 
the only rational method of evading those aggravated 
evils which threaten to involve the whole Continent 

1 Minutes of the Prov. Cong, and Council of Safety, 
1775-76, p. 19. 



in one general calamitous catastrophe. They are 
therefore met this day, vested with due authority from 
their respective constituents, to elect a committee, 
representing this County of Monmouth in any future 
necessary transactions respecting the cause of liberty, 
and especially to join the Provincial Convention, soon 
to be held at New Brunswick, for the purpose of nom- 
inating and constituting a number of Delegates, who, 
in behalf of this Colony, may steadily attend said 
general Congress, and faithfully serve the laboring 
cause of freedom, and they have consequently chosen 
and deputed the following gentlemen to that impor- 
tant trust, viz.: Edward Taylor, John Anderson, 
John Taylor, James Grover, and John Lawrence, 
Esquires ; Dr. Nathaniel Scudder and Messrs. John 
Burrowes, John Covenhoven, Joseph Holmes, Josiah 
Holmes and Edward Williams ; Edward Taylor, Esq., 
being constituted Chairman, and any five of them a 
sufficient number to transact business. And they do be- 
seech and entreat, instruct and enjoin them, to give 
their voice at said Provincial Convention for no per- 
sons but such as they, in good conscience and from 
the best information, shall verily believe to be amply 
qualified for so interesting a department, particularly 
that they be men highly approved for integrity, hon- 
esty and uprightness, faithfully attached to his 
Majesty's person and lawfiil Government, well skilled 
in the principles of our excellent Constitution and 
steady assertors of all our civil and religious liberties. 
" As under the present operations of the Boston 
Port Bill, thousands of our respected brethren in that 
town must necessarily be reduced to great distress, 
they feel themselves affected with the sincerest sym- 
pathy and most cordial commiseration ; and that they 
expect, under God, that the final deliverance of 
America will be owing, in a great degree, to a con- 
tinuance of their virtuous struggle, they esteem them- 
selves bound iu duty and interest to afford them 
every assistance and allevation in their power, and 
they do now, in behalf of their constituents, declare 
their readiness to contribute to the relief of the suf- 
fering poor in that town ; therefore, they request the 
several committees of the counties, when met, to take 
into their serious consideration the necessity and ex- 
pediency of forwarding, under a sanction from them, 
subscriptions through every part of this Colony, for 
that truly humane and laudable purpose,^ and that a 

^ In accordance with the spirit of this resolution, a large 
amount of supplies were sent to Boston, Monmouth 
County contributing most liberally. Boston acknowledged 
the receipt of them in a letter dated October 1, 1774, from 
which is extracted the following relating to the Monmouth 
contributions; "The kind and generous donations of the 
County of Monmouth, in the Jersies, we are now to acknowl- 
edge, and with grateful hearts to thank you therefor ; hav- 
ing received from the Committee of said County, per Cap- 
tain Brown, eleven Imndred and forty (1140) bushels of 
rye and fifty barrels of rye meal for the suffering poor of 

proper plan be concerted for laying out the product 
of such subscriptions to the best advantage, and 
afterwards transmitting it to Boston in the safest and 
least expensive way.'' 

Similar meetings for the choice of com- 
mittees were lield in the other counties, and on 
Thursday, July 21, 1774, "a general meeting of 
the committees of the several counties in the 
Province of New Jersey " was convened at 
New Brunswick, and continued in session until 
the following Saturday. Seventy- two mem- 
bers were in attendance, of whom nine were of 
Monmouth County. The names of these 
delegates (who had been elected at a meeting of 
the people held at Monmouth Court-House on 
the 19th of July) were Edward Taylor, James 
Grover, John Burrowes, John Anderson, Joseph 
Holmes, Edward Williams, John Taylor, Dr. 
Nathaniel Scudder and Josiah Holmes. The 
general meeting at New Brunswick was organ- 
ized by the choice of Stephen Crane, Esq., of 
Essex, chairman, and Jonathan D. Sergeant, 
of Somerset County, clerk. The record^ of 
the proceedings of the convention is as fol- 
lows : 

" The committee, taking into their serious consid- 
eration the dangerous and destructive nature of sun- 
dry Acts of the British Parliament with respect to 
the fundamental liberties of the American Colonies, 
conceive it their indispensable duty to bear their 
open testimony against them, and to concur with the 
other colonies in prosecuting all legal and necessary 
measures for obtaining their speedy repeal. There- 
fore, we unanimously agree in the following senti- 
ments and resolutions : 

"1st. We think it necessary to' declare that the in- 
habitants of this Province (and we are confident the 
people of America in general) are, and ever have 
been, firm and unshaken in their loyalty to His 
Majesty King George the Third; fast friends to the 
Revolution settlement ; and that they detest all 
thoughts of an independence of the Crown of Great 
Britain. Accordingly we do, in the most sincere and 
solemn manner, recognize and acknowledge His 
Majesty King George the Third to be our lawful and 
rightful Sovereign, to whom, under his royal protec- 

the Town, which shall be applied to the purpose intended 
by the donors ; and what further cheers our hearts is your 
kind assurances of a further supply, if necessary, to enable 
us to oppose the cruel Parliamentary Acts, levelled not 
only against this town, but our whole Constitution.'' 

2 Minutes Provincial Congress and Council of Safety, 
1775-76, p. 25. 



tion in our fundamental rights and privileges, Ve owe, 
and will render, all due faith and allegiance. 

" 2d. We think ourselves warranted, from the prin- 
ciples of our excellent Constitution, to affirm that the 
claim of the British Parliament (in which we neither 
are nor can be represented) to make laws which shall 
be binding on the King's American subjects ' in all 
cases whatsoever,' and particularly for imposing 
taxes for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, 
is unconstitutional and oppressive, and which we 
think ourselves bound, in duty to ourselves and our 
posterity, by all constitutional means in our power to 

" 3d. We think the several late Acts of Parliament 
for shutting up the port of Boston, invading the 
Charter rights of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 
and subjecting supposed offenders to be sent for trial 
to other colonies, or to Great Britain, the sending 
over an armed force to carry the same into effect, and 
thereby reducing many thousands of innocent and 
loyal inhabitants to poverty and distress, are not only 
subversive of the undoubted rights of His Majesty's 
American subjects, but also repugnant to the com- 
mon principles of humanity and justice. These pro- 
ceedings, 80 violent in themselves, and so truly alarm- 
ing to the other colonies (many of which are equally 
exposed to Ministerial vengeance), render it the in- 
dispensable duty of all heartily to unite in the most 
proper measures to procure redress for their oppressed 
countrymen, now suffering in the common cause ; and 
for the re-establishment of the constitutional rights 
of America on a solid and permanent foundation. 

"4th. To effect this important purpose, we con- 
ceive the most eligible method is to appoint a Gen- 
eral Congress of Commissioners of the respective 
Colonies, who shall be empowered mutually to pledge, 
each to the rest, the publick honour and faith of their 
constituent Colonies, firmly and inviolably to adhere 
to the determinations of the said Congress. 

"5th. Resolved, That we do earnestly recommend 
a general non-importation and non-consumption 
agreement to be entered into at such time, and regu- 
lated in such manner, as to the Congress shall seem 
most advisable. 

" 6th. Resolved, That it appears to us to be a duty 
incumbent on the good people of this Province to af- 
ford some immediate relief to the many suffering in- 
habitants of the town of Boston. 

" Therefore the several county committees do now 
engage to set on foot and promote collections without 
delay, either by subscriptions or otherwise, through- 
out their respective Counties ; and that they will remit 
the moneys arising from the said subscriptions, or 
any other benefactions that may be voluntarily made 
by the inhabitants, either to Boston, or into the 
hands of James Neilson, John Dennis, William Oake, 
Abraham Hunt, Samuel Tucker, Dr. Isaac Smith, 
Grant Gibbon, Thomas Sinnicks, and John Carey, 
whom we do hereby appoint a Committee for for- 

warding the same to Boston, in such way and manner 
as they shall be advised will best answer the benevo- 
lent purpose designed. 

" 7th. Resolved, That the grateful acknowledgments 
of this body are due to the noble and worthy patrons 
of constitutional liberty in the British Senate for 
their laudable efforts to avert the storm they behold 
impending over a much injured Colony, and in sup- 
port of the just rights of the King's subjects in 

" 8th. Resolved, That James Kinsey, William Liv- 
ingston, John De Hart, Stephen Crane, and Richard 
Smith, Esquires, or such of them as shall attend, be 
the Delegates to represent this Province in the Gen- 
eral Continental Congress to be held at the City of 
Philadelphia on or about the first of September next, 
to meet, consult, and advise with the Deputies from 
the other Colonies, and to determine upon all such 
prudent and lawful measures as may be judged most 
expedient for the Colonies immediately and unitedly 
to adopt, in order to obtain relief for an oppressed 
people and the redress of our general grievances. 
" Signed by order, 

" Jonathan D. Sergeant, 


A new general Standing Committee of Cor- 
respondence and Inquiry was also appointed, 
consisting of William Peartree Smith, John 
Chetwood, Isaac Ogden, Joseph Borden, Eobert 
Field, Isaac Pierson, Isaac Smith, Samuel 
Tucker, Abraham Hunt and Hendrick Fisher. 
It is noticeable, in the proceedings of this con- 
vention, that, although they evinced an unmis- 
takable spirit of opposition and resistance to 
the oppressive measures of the British Parlia- 
ment and ministry, they were profuse in ex- 
pressions of unmeasured loyalty to the King, 
and resolutions of similar import had been 
passed in all the preliminary meetings in the 
several counties of this province. 

The Congress of Delegates from the several 
provinces assembled at Carpenters' Hall, in the 
city of Philadelphia, on the 4th of September 
in the same year, and organized on the following 
day, with Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, as 
president. Among the business transacted 
during the somewhat protracted session which 
followed was the adoption of resolutions pro- 
hibiting the importation, purchase or use of 
goods from Great Britain, Ireland or any of 
the British dependencies after December 1, 
1774, and also directing that (unless the griev- 
ances of the American colonies should in the 



mean time be redressed) all exportations hence 
to Great Britain, Ireland and the British West 
Indies should cease on and after September 10, 
1775. An association in accordance with the 
requirements of these resolutions was then 
formed, and was signed by all the members 
present. Article XI. of this Association 
(adopted October 20, 1774), provided : 

" That a committee be chosen in every county, city 
and town, by those who are qualified to vote for Eep- 
resentatives in the Legislature, whose business it 
shall be attentively to observe the conduct of all per- 
sons touching this Association ; and when it shall be 
made to appear to the satisfaction of a majority of 
any such committee that any person within the lim- 
its of their appointment has violated this Association, 
that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of 
the case to be published, ... to the end that all 
such foes to the rights of British America may be 
publickly known and universally contemned as the 
enemies of American Liberty; and thenceforth we 
respectively will break off all dealings with him or 

The formation of the first local Committee of 
Observation and Inspection in Monmouth 
County, in accordance with the above-noticed 
recommendation of Congress, is recorded in the 
following report of a meeting of the people of 
Freehold township, held for that purpose, viz. ; 

"Freehold, December 10th, 1774. 
" In pursuance of a recommendation of the 
Continental Congress, and for the preservation 
of American Freedom, a respectable body of 
the Freeholders, Inhabitants of Freehold town- 
ship, met at Monmouth Court-House and unan- 
imously elected the following gentlemen to act 
as a Committee of Observation and Inspection 
for said Township : John Anderson, Esquire, 
John Forman, Asher Holmes, Peter Forman, 
Hendrick Smock, Capt. John Covenhoven, Dr. 
Nathaniel Scudder, David Forman and Dr. 
Thomas Henderson. This Committee were in- 
structed by their constituents to carry into exe- 
cution the several important and salutary meas- 
ures pointed out to them by the Continental 
Congress, and, without favour or affection, to 
make all such diligent inquiry as shall be found 
conducive to the accomplishment of the great 
and necessary purposes held up to the attention 
of Americans." 

The draft of an interesting communication, 
addressed to the committee above named, was 
found by the Honorable William P. Forman 
among the private papers of his great-grand- 
father, Peter Forman. It was without signa- 
ture or date, but there are references in it 
showing clearly that it was made late in the fall 
of 1774. As an evidence of the intense feeling 
of patriotism which then pervaded the greater 
part of the people of the county, a copy of it is 
here given, — 

" To the Committee of the Township of Freehold 
in the County of Monmouth : — Gentlemen : — In an- 
swer to the several questions proposed by you on the 
3d of this instant, it is the sense of the people : 1st. 
That as the Province arms were purchased with our 
money and expressly for our use, we think ourselves 
properly authorized to apply them to service in any 
emergency. We therefore request you to call on the 
Justices and Freeholders, in whose hands they now 
are, for liberty to have them immediately collected 
together and put in good repair, the expense of re- 
pairing them to be defrayed out of the money to be 
raised as hereinafter expressed. We do, moreover, 
think it absolutely necessary that a magazine should 
be immediately established, lest on emergency we 
should be unable to supply ourselves with ammuni- 
tion. To effect this grand point we do request you, 
as speedily as possible, to prepare and send a petition 
to our General Assembly, praying them to pass an 
Act for raising a sum of money, as well for the sup- 
port of a detachment of men that it may be necessary 
to send from this Colony in defence of your liberties 
as for the purpose of establishing a magazine. And 
should the Assembly be prevented from making this 
provision by a dissolution, or the want of the assent 
of the Governour and Council, or by any other cause, 
we do request you will immediately make us ac- 
quainted therewith, and we will cheerfully subscribe 
a competent sum of money for these purposes. 

"2d. We do fully concur with you in thinking the 
Military ought to be put on a proper footing for 
speedy improvement, as we are constrained to fear 
the melancholy time is near at hand when the Amer- 
ican Militia will, under God, be the only bulwark of 
our religion and property. The mode that appears 
to us most proper to be adopted for our becoming a 
well-regulated Militia is as follows, viz. : That you 
do immediately write in the name of the People to 
our Captains, and require them to call a general 
meeting of the inhabitants of Freehold on the thir- 
tieth day of this instant at Monmouth Court-House, 
where, unless some more eligible method be adopted, 
we will by agreement constitute companies for every 
neighbourhood, each containing from 40 to 60 men 
from 16 to 60 years of age, and appoint stated times 



for calling the respective Companies together for 
Grand Muster. By these measures we shall meet to- 
gether with little expense, and, we hope, raise a spirit 
of emulation in the several Companies to excell each 

" 3d. We do request you will call on every mer- 
chant in your district, without favour or aifection, 
and demand of them upon honour, and, if necessary, 
upon oath, to inform you of the average advance they 
have had in their goods from the 5th of Nov., 1773, 
to the 5th of Nov., 1774 ; and that they give up to 
your inspection their original invoices of the goods 
they purchased this Fall, and permit you to examine 
the advance they now sell at. By these steps you 
will easily discover whether they have infringed on 
the 9th Article of the Association of the General 

" In case any of them have transgressed, we do re- 
quest you immediately to advertise it to the Publick. 
The like inquiry we desire may be repeatedly 
made, and on the second offence we do declare we 
will immediately break off all commerce with him or 
her so offending, or with his or her agents or factors, 
and hold them up as enemies to their Country. We 
do further entreat this enquiry may be made speedily, 
without information or complaint lodged. 

" 4th. Those persons who shall persist in extrava- 
gance, dissipation, gaming, etc., we will view as ene- 
mies to our Country, and if, after application made 
to thein by you, they do persist in open violation of 
the Continental resolves, we will, on information 
from you, wait on the offenders in such a manner as 
will for the future convince them of the evil conse- 
quences of running counter to the sense of the 

"5th. As there are many evil-minded people 
among us who, for lucrative prospects, would betray 
this country, and are daily endeavouring to sow the 
seeds of Discord around them by condemning the 
measures of Congress, calling our Meetings unlawful 
and rebellious, and declaring the right of taxing 
America to be in the British Parliament, we do insist 
that on your being acquainted with any such person 
you will publickly advertise their names and places 
of abode, and we will treat them as rebels against 
their Country. 

"6th. We do request that you may have stated 
times of Meeting, that we may attend, as well to lay 
any new matter before you as to be informed of your 

" 7th. We desire these instructions may be entered 
on the Records or in the Town-Book, and acknowl- 
edged by you as your instruction from us." 

The Freehold Committee of Observation and 
Inspection, elected on the 10th of December, 
1774, postponed a publication of their forma- 
tion and official action until the following 

March, for reasons which fully appear in 
the report made by them at that time, as 
follows : ^ 

" Freehold, Monmouth County, Committee. 
"Feeehold, March 6, 1775. 
"Although the Committee of Observation 
and Inspection for the Township of Freehold, 
in the County of Monmouth, New Jersey, was 
constituted early in December last, and the 
members have statedly and assiduously attended 
to the business assigned them ever since, ypt 
they have hitherto deferred the publication of 
their institution, in hopes of the general concur- 
rence of the other Townships in the choice of a 
new County Committee, when one publication 
might have served for the whole; but finding 
some of them have hitherto declined to comply 
with the recommendation of the General Con- 
gress in that respect, and not knowing whether 
they intend it at all, they judge it highly expe- 
dient to transmit the following account to the 
Press, lest their brethren in distant parts of the 
Colon)' should think the County of Monmouth 
altogether inactive at the present important 
crisis. [Here follows an account of the Free- 
hold meeting of December 10, 1774, already 

"At an early meeting of said Committee, a 
pamphlet, entitled Free Thoughts on the Resolves 
of the Congress, by A. W. Farmer, was handed 
in to them, and their opinion of it asked by a 
number of their constituents then present. Said 
pamphlet was then read, and upon mature de- 
liberation, unanimously declared to be a per- 
formance of the most pernicious and malignant 
tendency ; replete with the most specious soph- 
istry, but void of any solid or rational argu- 
ment; calculated to deceive and mislead the 
unwary, the ignorant and the credulous; and 
designed, no doubt, by the detestable author to 
damp that noble spirit of union which he sees 
prevailing all over the continent, and, if possi- 
ble, to sap the foundations of American freedom. 
The pamphlet was afterwards handed back to 
the people, who immediately bestowed upon it 
a suit of tar and turkey-buzzard's feathers ; one 

1 Minutes Prov. Cong, and Council of Safety, 1775-76, 
pp. 95-97. 



of the persons concerned in the operation justly 
observing that, ahhough the feathers were 
plucked from the most stinking fowl in the 
creation, he thought they fell far short of being 
a proper emblem of the author's odiousness to 
every advocate for true freedom. The same 
person wished, however, he had the pleasure of 
fitting him with a suit of the same materials. 
The pamphlet was then, in its gorgeous attire, 
nailed up firmly to the pillory-post, there to 
remain as a monument of the indignation of a 
free and loyal people against the author and 
vendor of a publication so evidently tending 
both to subvert the liberties of America and the 
Constitution of the British Empire. 

"At a subsequent meeting of said committee 
it was resolved unanimously that on account of 
sundry publications in the pamphlet way by 
James Rivington, printer, of New York, and 
also- a variety of weekly productions in his pa- 
per, blended, in general with the most glaring 
falsehoods, disgorged with the most daring ef- 
frontery, and all evidently calculated to disunite 
the colonies and sow the seeds of discord and 
contention through the whole continent, they do 
esteem him a base and malignant enemy to the 
liberties of this country, and think he ought 
justly to be treated as such by all considerate 
and good men. And they do for themselves 
now .publickly declare (and recommend the same 
conduct to their constituents) that they will 
have no connection with him, the said Riving- 
ton, while he continues to retail such dirty, 
scandalous and traitorious performances ; but 
hold him in the utmost contempt as a noxious, 
exotick plant, incapable either of cultivation or 
improvement in this soil of freedom, and only 
fit to be transported. 

"This committee did early make application 
to every other township in the county, recom- 
mending the election of committees ; and they 
soon had information that those of Upper Free- 
hold, Middletown and Dover had chosen theirs, 
and were resolved to enforce the measiu-es of 
the Congress. 

"N. B. — A very considerable number of the 
inhabitants of Freehold have formed themselves 
into companies and cliosen military instructors. 

under whose tuition they are making rapid im- 

" Signed by order of the Committee, 

" John Andeeson^, 

" Chairman." 

By this report it is shown that while the 
other townships of Monmouth — Freehold, Up- 
per Freehold, Middletown and Dover — were 
prompt to adopt the recommendation of Con- 
gress, Shrewsbury refused to do so, — partly 
by reason of the influence of a few Quakers 
living there, but chiefly because of the Tory 
element, which was strong in that township 
from the very first, and which had over- 
powered the efforts of a few of the patriotic 
inhabitants of the township who had attempted 
to secure the organization of a committee there 
as in the other townships of the county, and to 
that end had issued the following, which was 
posted in all the public places, viz. : 


"Shrewsbury, January id, 1775. 

"Agreeable to the Resolutions of the late General 
Continental Congress : The Inhabitants of the town 
of Shrewsbury — more especially such as are properly 
qualified for choosing Representatives to serve in the 
General Assembly, are hereby warned to meet at the 
house of Josiah Halstead, in said Shrewsbury, on 
Tuesday, the 17th of this instant January, at noon, in 
order to choose a Committee for the several purposes 
as directed by the said Congress. 

"As the method ordered by the Congress seems to 
be the only peaceable method the case will admit of, 
on failure of which, confirmed Slavery or a civil war 
of course succeeds ; the bare mention of either of the 
two last is shocking to human nature, more particu- 
larly so to all true friends of the English Constitution: 
Therefore it becomes the indispensable Duty of all 
such to use their utmost endeavours in favour of the 
first or peaceable method, and sufier it not to miscarry 
or fail of its salutary and much desired effects by 
any sinister views or indolence of theirs. Surely ex- 
pecting on the one hand to be loaded with the curses 
arising from slavery to the latest posterity, or on the 
other hand, the guilt of blood of thousands of their 
Brethren and fellow Christians to lay at their door, 
and to be justly required at their hands. Think well 
of this before it is too late, and let not the precious 
moments pass." 

The meeting was held, but without result as 
to the appointment of a committee, as is shown 
by the following extract from a letter written 



by an inhabitant of Shrewsbury (evidently of 
Tory proclivities) to a friend in New York on 
the day following the meeting. He says : " In 
consequence of an anonymous advertisement 
fixed up in this place, giving notice to Free- 
holders and others to meet on Tuesday, the 17th 
inst., in order to choose a Committee of Inspec- 
tion, etc., between thirty and forty of the most 
respectable freeholders accordingly met, and 
after a few debates on the business of the Day, 
which were carried on with great decency and 
moderation, it was generally agreed (there being 
only four or five dissenting votes) that the ap- 
pointment of a committee was not only useless, 
but they were apprehensive would prove a 
means of disturbing the peace and quietness 
which had hitherto existed in the township, and 
would continue to use their utmost endeavours to 
preserve and guard against running upon that 
rock on which, with much concern, they behold 
others, through inattentive rashness, daily split- 

The very unsatisfactory result in Shrewsbury 
and the repeated refusals of the people of that 
township to organize a committee, continued 
and adhered to during the following two 
months, finally brought out the following de- 
claration from the Freehold Committee,^ viz. : 

"March 14, 1775, P. M. 

" The Committee of Observation for the Township 
of Freehold, in the County of Monmouth, New Jer- 
sey, have made repeated applications to the inhabit- 
ants of the Township of Shrewsbury earnestly re- 
questing and exhorting them to comply with the 
instructions of the late American Congress in consti- 
tuting for themselves a Committee of Observation, that 
they might conspire with their brethren in the other 
Towns belonging to the County in executing the Re- 
solves of said Congress; but although they have 
entertained hopes, notwithstanding their former op- 
position, that they would do it at their. stated annual 
town-meeting, they are at this late hour informed 
that the said annual meeting of Shrewsbury is broke 
up without a Committee being chosen, or any one step 
taken whereby the least disposition is discovered of 
their being inclined to adopt the Resolutions of said 
Congress. They think it therefore their duty, how- 
ever painful the declaration, to bear publick testimony 
against them. 

And we do unanimously enter into the following 

1 Minutes of the Council of Safety, 1775, page ! 

Resolve, viz. . That from and after this day, during 
our continuance as a Committee .(unless they shall 
turn from the evil of their ways, and testify their re- 
pentance by adopting the measures of Congress), we 
will esteem and treat them, the said inhabitants of 
Shrewsbury, as enemies to their King and Country, 
and deserters from the common cause of true freedom ; 
and we will hereafter break off all dealings and con- 
nection with them while they continue their opposi- 
tion.^ We do furthermore recommend the same con- 
duct towards them to our constituents and all others, 
earnestly hoping it may be a means of reclaiming 
those deluded people to their duty and interest, whom 
we shall always be pleased to receive and treat as re- 
turning prodigals. 

" Signed by order of the Committee. 

"Nathaniel Soudder, 
" Freehold." 

Finally, more than five months after the first 
committee had been organized in Monmouth 
County, the patriots of Shrewsbury prevailed 
over their opponents, as far as concerned the 
constituting of a Committee of Safety, the 
election of which is thus recorded : 

"At a meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants 
of the township of Shrewsbury, this 27th day of May, 
1775, the following persons were, by a great majority, 
chosen a Committee of Observation for the said Town, 
agreeable to the direction of the General Continental 

2 An instance of action taken by the committee under this 
resolution is found in the minutes of the Council of Safety, 
1775-76, p. 100, viz. ; 

" Feeehold, Monmouth County, Committee, 
"Aprils, 1775. 

" Thomas Leonard, Esquire, having been duly notified 
to appear this day before the Committee of Inspection for 
the township of Freehold, in the County of Monmouth, 
New Jersey, and answer to u, number of complaints made 
against him, did not think proper to attend. 

" The Committee therefore proceeded, with care and 
impartiality, to consider the evidence laid before them, and 
were unanimously of opinion that the said Thomas Leon- 
ard, Esquire, has in a number of instances been guilty of 
a breach of the Continental Association, and that, pursuant 
to the tenour of said Association, every friend of true free- 
dom ought immediately to break off all connexion and deal- 
ings with him, the said Leonard, and treat him as a foe to 
the rights of British America. 

"Ordered, That their Clerk transmit a, copy of this 
judgment to the Press, 

" Signed, accordingly, by 


'• Clerk." 



Congress held at Philadelphia, September 5th, 1774, 

' Josiah Holmes 
Joseph Throckmorton 
Nicholas Van Brunt 
Cor. Vanderveer 
Daniel Hendriokson 
Thomas Morford 
John Little 

Samuel Longstreet 
David Knott 
Benjamin Dennis 
Samuel Breese 
Garret Longstreet 
Cornelius Lane 

"Ordered: That Daniel Hendrickson and Nicholas 
Van Brunt, or either of them, do attend the Provincial 
Congress now sitting at Trenton, with full power to 
represent there this Town of Shrewsbury. And that 
Josiah Holmes, David Knott and Samuel Breese be a 
sub-committee to prepare instructions for the Deputy 
or Deputies who are to attend the Congress at Tren- 
ton. Josiah Holmes was unanimously chosen Chair- 

" Josiah Holmes, 

" Chairman and Town Clerk." 

On the 11th of January, 1775, the New 
Jersey members of the Continental Congress 
reported its proceedings to the Assembly of 
their province, which body unanimously signi- 
fied its approval of the said proceedings,^ and 
resolved that the same delegates should repre- 
sent New Jersey in the next Congress, in which 
they should propose and vote for every reason- 
able and constitutional measure for a settlement 
of the differences between the colonies and 
Great Britain, and should again report the pro- 
ceedings of the Congress to the Assembly of 
the province. 

A great majority of the people in all pai'ts of 
the province of New Jersey approved the ob- 
jects of the association adopted by the Conti- 
nental Congress, and meetings, numerously 
attended, were held in the different counties, 
and in many of the townships, for the purpose 
of organizing to carry its measures into effect. 
Some of the means proposed to be adopted to 
accomplish the objects desired are shown in the 
minutes of a meeting held in Hanover township 
Morris County, February 15, 1775, which re- 
solved unanimously as follows : 

" 1st. That they will discourage all unlawful, tu- 
multuous and disorderly meetings of the people within 

1 " Such members as were Quakers excepting only to such 
parts as seemed to wear an appearance or might have a 
tendency to force, as inconsistent with their religious 
principles." — Gordon's "History of New Jersey," p. 157. 

their Districts, and upon all occasions exert them- 
selves to the utmost of their power, and oppose and 
prevent any violence offered to the person or property 
of any one. 

" 2d. That they will take notice of all Horse Racing, , 
Cock-Fighting and every kind of Gaming whatsoever, 
and cause the oflenders to be prosecuted according to 
law; and discourage every species of extravagant 
entertainments and amusements whatsoever, agreea- 
ble to the eighth article of the Association of the 
Continental Congress. 

" 3d. That this Committee will, after the first day 
of March next, esteem it a violation of the seventh 
article of the said Association if any person or per- 
sons should kill any Sheep until it is four years old, 
or sell any such Sheep to any person whom he or they 
may have cause to suspect will kill them or carry 
them to market ; and, further, that they will esteem 
it a breach of said article if any inhabitant of this 
Township should sell any Sheep of any kind what- 
soever to any person dwelling out of this County, or 
to any person who they may have cause to suspect 
will carry them out of this County, without leave first 
obtained of this Committee. 

" 4th. That we do recommend to the inhabitants 
of this Township the cultivation of Flax and Hemp 
to the greatest extent that their lands and circum- 
stances will admit of. 

"5th. That from several Pamphlets and Publica- 
tions printed by James Rivington, of New York, 
Printer, we esteem him as an incendiary, employed 
by a wicked Ministry to disunite and divide us ; and 
therefore we will not, for ourselves, have any connec- 
tion or dealings with him, and do recommend the 
same conduct towards him to every person of this 
Township; and we will discountenance any Post- 
Rider, Stage-Driver or Carrier who shall bring his 
Pamphlets or Papers into this County. 

" 6th. That if any manufacturer of any article made 
for home consumption, or any Vender of Goods or 
Merchandises, shall take advantage of the necessities 
of his country by selling at an unusual price, such 
person shall be considered an enemy to his country; 
and do recommend it to the inhabitants of this Town- 
ship to remember that after the first day of March 
next no East Indian Tea^ is to be used in any case 

^A "Monmouth Tea Party" was held in April, 1775, in 
Sandy Hook Bay. A vessel having arrived at the Hook 
from England, the pilots all refused to take her up to New 
York until they were well assured she had no tea on board, 
—such being their strict instructions from the Committee of 
S.'ifety. It was iinally found that eighteen chests of the 
forbidden article were on board, whereupon a party of men 
boarded her, threw the tea into the bay, and even then 
forbade the captain from going to the city, but forced him 
to put to sea and return to England. 



" 7tli. That we will in all cases whatsoever, and at 
all events, use our utmost endeavors to comply with 
and enforce every article of the Association of the 
General Continental Congress." 

These resolutions, being nearly identical in 
their import with those passed by meetings of 
freeholders and committees in nearly all the 
other counties, are reproduced here at length as 
showing the remarkable earnestness with which 
the people indorsed and promised " to comply 
with and enforce every article of the Associa- 
tion." The condemnation of Rivington and 
his publications, so strongly expressed in these 
resolutions— and quite as strongly in the decla- 
ration of the Freehold committee, before quoted 
— ^was enunciated in the same forcible manner 
in other county meetings, by some of which 
he was denounced as "a vile Ministerial hire- 
ling employed to disunite the colonies, and ca- 
lumniate all their measures entered into for the 
publick good;" as an enemy to his country, 
and a person to be hated, shunned and dis- 
countenanced by all friends of American liberty. 

On the morning of Wednesday, the 19th of 
April, 1775, a detachment of British regular 
troops that had been sent out from Boston to 
the town of Concord, Mass., met and fired on a 
body of armed, but unorganized and undisci- 
plined, farmers and mechanics, who had collected 
at Lexington Common. The volley of the 
regulars told with an eifect fatal to some of the 
Provincials, and this was the first blood shed in 
the war of the Revolution. Before the crack 
of the yeomen's rifles had ceased to sound along 
the road from Lexington to Boston, the Com- 
mittee of Safety of the town of Watertown 
had sent out express-riders to carry the news 
south and west. The dispatch destined for New 
York and Philadelphia passed on through 
Worcester, Norwich, New London, Lyme, Say- 
brook, Guildford, Brandford, New Haven and 
Fairfield (being successively forwarded by re- 
lays by the committees of these places), and 
reached the chamber of the New York com- 
mittee at four o'clock p.m., on Sunday, the 
23d of April. From New York ^ the dispatch 

I At New York the dispatch was thus indorsed bj the 
committee: " Kecd- the within Account by express and 

was forwarded with all haste to New Bruns- 
wick, from which place the momentous tidings 
spread like wild-fire up the valley of the 
Raritan to the mountains, and in the other 
direction, across the hills and plains of Middle- 
sex and Monmouth to the sea, while the mes- 
sengers with the committee's dispatch sped on 
to Trenton and Philadelphia. 

Upon the receipt of the alarming news from 
Lexington, the Committee of Correspondence 
for the province was summoned by its chair- 
man to convene for deliberation, and to take 
such action as might seem necessary. The 
committee accordingly met, and the following 
is the record ^ of its proceedings on that occa- 
sion, viz. : 

" At a meeting of the New Jersey Provincial Com- 
mittee of Correspondence (appointed by the Provincial 
Congress) at the City of New Brunswick, on Tuesday, 
the second day of May, Anno Domini 1775, agreeable 
to summons of Hendrick Fisher, Esq., Chairman. 

" Present, Hendrick Fisher, Samuel Tucker, Joseph 
Borden, Joseph Riggs, Isaac Pearson, John Chet- 
wood, Lewis Ogden, Isaac Ogden, Abraham Hunt and 
Elias Boudinot, Esquires. 

" The Committee, having seriously taken into con- 
sideration as well the present alarming and very ex- , 
traordinary conduct of the British Ministry, for carry- 
ing into execution sundry Acts of Parliament for the 
express purpose of raising a revenue in America, and 
other unconstitutional measures therein mentioned; 
and also the several acts of hostility that they have 
actually commenced for this purpose by the Regular 
Forces under General Gage against our brethren of 
the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, 
and not knowing how soon this Province may be in a 
state of confusion and disorder if there are not some 

forwarded by express to New Brunswick, with Di- 
rections to stop at Elizabeth Town, and acquaint the 
Committee there with the following particulars. By 
order of the Committee, Isaac Low, Chairman. The 
Committee at New Brunswick are requested to forward 
this to Phila." The other indorsements made on the dis- 
patch in its passage through New Jersey were as follows : 
"New Brunswick, Ap. 24, 1775, 2 o'clock in the morning, 
reed, the above express and forwarded to Princeton, — Wm. 
Oalce, JaB. Neilson, Az. Dunham, come."; "Princeton, 
Monday, Apl- 24, 6 o'clock, and forw<3- to Trenton,— Tho. 
Wiggins, Jon. Baldwin, com. members" ; "Trenton, Mon- 
day, Apt 24, 9 o'clock in the morning, reci the above per 
express and forwarded the same to the Committee of Phila- 
delphia, — Sam Tucker, Isaac Smith, come." 

'■i Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of 
Safety, 1775-76, p. 108. 



effectual measures speedily taken to prevent the same; 
this Committee are unanimously of opinion, and do 
hereby advise and direct, that the Chairman do im- 
mediately call a Provincial Congress to meet at Tren- 
ton on Tuesday, the twenty-third day of this instant, 
in order to consider and determine such matters as 
may then and there come before them ; and the 
several Counties are hereby desired to nominate and 
appoint their respective Deputies for the same, as 
speedily as may be, with full and ample powers for 
such purposes as may be thought necessary for the 
peculiar exigencies of this Province. 

"The Committee do also direct their Chairman 
to forward true copies of the above minute to the 
several County Committees of this Province without 
delay. ^ " Hendeick Fisher, 

" Chairman.'" 

In accordance with this call of the committee, 
delegates from the several counties of the prov- 
ince assembled on Tuesday, the 23d of May, at 
Trenton, where, on the following day, they 
organized as " The Provincial Congress of New 
Jersey," by electing Hendrick Fisher president, 
Jonathan D. Sergeant secretary, and William 
Paterson and Frederick Frelinghuysen assist- 
ant secretaries. The number of delegates in 
attendance was eighty-seven. ~ Those represent- 
ing Monmouth County were Edward Taylor, 
Joseph Saltar, Robert Montgomery, John 
Holmes, John Covenhoven, Daniel Hendrick- 
son and Nicholas Van Brunt. One of these, 
Edward Taylor, was at the same time a mem- 
ber of the Colonial Assembly of New Jersey. 

The Provincial Congress remained in session 
at Trenton eleven days. The most important 
business of the session was consummated on 
the day of adjournment, in the adoption of "a 
plan for regulating the Militia of this Colony," 
and the passage of "an ordinance for raising a 
sum of money for the purpose therein men- 
tioned," — that is to say, for the purpose of 
organizing and arming the militia troops and 
preparing them for active service when neces- 
sary. The preamble and first three sections of 
the militia bill then passed were as follows : 

" The Congress, taking into consideration the cruel 
and arbitrary measures adopted and pursued by the 
British Parliament and present ministry for the pur- 
pose of subjugating the American Colonies to the 
most abject servitude, and being apprehensive that 
all pacific measures for the redress of our grievances 
will prove ineffectual, do think it highly necessary 

that the inhabitants of this Province be forthwith 
properly armed and disciplined for defending the 
cause of American freedom. And, further, considering 
that, to answer this (fesirable end, it is requisite that 
such persons be intrusted with the command of the 
Militia as can be confided in by the people, and are 
truly zealous in support of our just rights and privi- 
leges, do recommend and advise that the good people 
of this Province henceforward strictly observe the 
following rules and regulations, until this Congress 
shall make further order therein : 

"1st. That one or more companies, as the case may 
require, be immediately formed in each Township or 
Corporation, and, to this end, that the several Com- 
mittees, in this Province do, as soon as may be, 
acquaint themselves with the number of male inhabit- 
ants in their respective districts, from the age of 
sixteen to fifty, who are capable of bearing arms ; and 
thereupon form them into companies consisting, as 
near as may be, of eighty men each ; which companies 
so formed shall, each by itself, assemble and choose, 
by plurality of voices, four persons among them- 
selves, of sufficient substance and capacity for its 
officers, — namely, one captain, two lieutenants and 
an ensign. 

"2d. That the officers so chosen appoint for their 
respective companies fit persons to be sergeants, cor- 
porals and drummers. 

" 3d. That as soon as the companies are so formed 
the officers of such a number of companies as shall by 
them be judged proper to form a regiment do assemble 
and choose one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, a 
major and an adjutant for each regiment." 

The " ordinance," also passed on the last day 
of the session, and having for its object the 
raising of funds, principally for the purpose of 
carrying out the provisions of the militia bill, 
recited and declared that : 

" Whereas, It has become absolutely necessary, in 
the present dangerous and extraordinary state of 
public affairs, in which the usual resources of govern- 
ment appear to be insufficient for the safety of the 
people, and in which the good people of this Province 
have therefore thought proper to choose Deputies in 
this present Congress, that a fund be provided for the 
use of the Province : We, the said Deputies, being per- 
suaded that every inhabitant is willing and desirous 
to contribute his proportion of money for so import- 
ant a purpose, do, pursuant to the powers intrusted 
to us by the people, resolve and direct that the sum 
of Ten Thousand Pounds, Proclamation Money, be 
immediately apportioned and raised for the use afore- 
said; the same to be apportioned, laid out and disposed 
of in such manner as hereinafter is directed." 

The amounts to be raised under this ordinance 
by the several counties of the province were 



apportioned to them as follows: Bergen, £664 
8s. Od.; Burlington, £1071 13s. M. ; Cape May, 
£166 18s. Od ; Cumberland, £385 6s. Sd. ; Es- 
sex, £742 18s. Od; Gloucester, £763 2s. 8d; 
Hunterdon, £1363 16s. Sd. ; Middlesex, £872 
6s. 8d, Monmouth, £1069 2s. 8d. ; Morris, 
£723 8s. Od; Salem, £679 12s. Od; Somer- 
set, £904 2s. Od ; Sussex, £593 5s. 4d. 

Other sections of the ordinance pointed out 
the manner of assessing and collecting the tax, 
and provided that when the amount collected 
in a county should be received by the county 
collector he should pay the same over to the 
county committee, " to be disposed of by them 
in such manner as they in their discretion shall 
think most proper" to meet expenses arising 
from the exigencies of the times. After the 
adoption of these measures for the public safety 
it was by the Congress 

" Ordered, That Mr. Fisher, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Dan- 
iel Hunt, Mr. Frelinghuysen, Mr., I. Pearson, Mr. 
Dunham, Mr. Schureman, Mr. John Hart, Mr. Bor- 
; den, Mr. Deare, Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Schenck, Mr. 
Ealph Hart and Mr. Heard, or any three of them, in 
conjunction with the President or Vice-President, be 
a Committee of Correspondence, with power to con- 
vene this Congress." 

Immediately after the appointment of the 
Committee of Correspondence, the Congress ad- 
journed, June 3, 1775. 

It is a rather remarkable fact in the history 
of this Provincial Congress of New Jersey that, 
although one of its first acts was to declare that 
its members had "assembled with the pro- 
foundest veneration for the person and family 
of His Sacred Majesty, George III., firmly pro- 
fessing all due allegiance to his rightful authority 
and government," ^ the close of its first session 
was marked by the adoption of the most vigorous 
measures in preparation for armed resistance to 
that sovereign's authority. 

Two weeks from the day on which the Con- 
gress of New Jersey closed its session at Tren- 
ton, a force of British regulars moved from 
Boston to Charlestown, and marched in splendid 
order and perfect confidence up the acclivity of 

1 Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of 
, 1175-16, p. 171. 

Bunker Hill to attack the slight defenses of the 
patriot force that stood waiting for them in 
silence upon the summit. Twice were the scarlet 
lines hurled back in disorder down the slope, 
but as often did they re-form and return to the 
assault. Their third charge was successful; the 
Provincial forces, undismayed, but with empty 
muskets and cartridge-boxes, were at last forced 
from their position, and the soldiers of the King 
carried and held the blood-soaked crest. This 
event — the battle of Bunker Hill — is as well 
known and conspicuous in history as that of 
Marathon or Waterloo, and it was more im- 
portant in its results than either. Just before 
its occurrence General George Washington had 
been appointed^ by the Continental Congress ^ 
commander-in-chief of the forces of the United 
Colonies, and immediately afterwards he as- 
sumed command of the army at Cambridge and 
disposed his thin lines to encircle the British 
forces in the town of Boston. 

In less than a week after the memorable battle 
in Charlesto'wn, the startling news had been re- 
ceived in Philadelphia, and was known in every 
township of New Jersey. In this alarming 
state of affairs the general Committee of Corre^ 
spondence of the province, exercising the powers 
intrusted to them, called a second session of the 
Provincial Congress, which body accordingly 
convened at Trenton on the 5th of August 
following. Eighty-three members were in at- 
tendance. Those of Monmouth County were Ed-^ 
ward Taylor, Robert Montgomery. John Holmes, 
John Coveuhoven and Daniel Hendrickson. 

The Congress at this session adopted a num- 
ber of measures for promoting the public safety, 
the principal of which were a resolution to pro- 
vide for the collection of the ten thousand 
pounds tax ordered at the May and June ses- 
sion, and a resolution "for further regulating 
the Militia, etc.," the first-named being the first 
business that was attended to after the opening 
of the session. It appears that many obstacles 
had been encountered in the collection of the 
tax, and that in a great number of instances 
payment had been avoided or refused. 

2 .June 15, 1775. 

» The Continental Congress had convened in Philadelphia 
on the 10th of May, 1775. 



In adopting "the plan for further regulating 
the Militia, etc.," the Congress 

" Resolved, 1. That the several County or (where 
there is no County) the Township Committees do 
transmit the names of all the Militia Officers chosen 
within their respective Districts to the Provincial 
Congress, or to the Committee of Safety, to be by 
them commissioned, agreeable to the directions of the 
Continental Congress. 

'' Resolved, 2. That all officers above the rank of a 
Captain, not already chosen or appointed, pursuant 
to an ordinance of this Congress made at their last 
session, be appointed by the Congress or, during 
their recess, by the Committee of Safety. 

" Resolved, 3. That where the inhabitants of differ- 
ent Townships have been embodied into one Company, 
Battalion or Regiment, before the 20th day of June 
last, it is not the intention of this Congress that they 
should be dissolved, provided they govern themselves 
according to the rules and directions of the same.'' 

Ten resolutions succeeding those above quoted 
directed the organization of the militia of the 
province into regiments and battalions, and the 
number of each of these organizations to be 
appointed to the several counties ; established 
the order of their precedence ; prescribed the 
manner in which they were to be raised, armed 
and governed ; provided for the collection of 
fines from " all effective men between the ages 
of sixteen and fifty who shall refuse to enroll 
themselves and bear arms," or who, being en- 
rolled, should absent themselves from the mus- 
ter, and directed how such fines should be 
applied. The troops directed to be raised and 
organized were to be equal to about twenty-six 
regiments, apportioned to the different counties 
as follows : The militia of Bergen County to 
compose one regiment ; of Essex, two regiments 
or four battalions ; of Middlesex, two regi- 
ments ; of Monmouth, three regiments ; of 
Morris and Sussex, each two regiments and one 
battalion ; of Burlington, two regiments and a 
company of rangers ; of Gloucester, three bat- 
talions ; of Salem, one regiment ; of Cumber- 
land, two battalions ; of Cape May, one battal- 
ion ; of Somerset, two regiments ; and of 
Hunterdon, four regiments. And it was pro- 
vided " that the precedency of rank in the 
militia shall take place in the following order : 
1. Essex; 2. Salem ; 3. Gloucester; 4. Morris; 
5. Sussex; 6. Cape May; 7. Monmouth; 8. 

Somerset ; 9. Bergen ; 10. Cumberland ; 11. 
Middlesex; 12. Hunterdon; 13. Burlington; 
and that, when there may be more than one 
regiment or battalion in a county, the prece- 
dency shall be determined by the county commit- 
tee, according to their former seniority." 

Besides providing for the organization and 
arming of the militia, as above mentioned, the 
Congress resolved : 

" That for the purpose of effisctually carrying into 
execution the recommendation of the Continental 
Congress respecting the appointment of minute-men, 
four thousand able-bodied effective men be enlisted 
and enrolled in the several counties in this Province, 
under officers to be appointed and commissioned by 
this Congress or Committee of Safety, who shall hold 
themselves in constant readiness, on the shortest 
notice, to march to any place where their assistance 
may be required for the defence of this or any neigh- 
boring colony." 

These " minute-men " were to be enlisted for 
a term of four months, at the end of which 
time they were to be " relieved, unless upon ac- 
tual service." They were given precedence of 
rank over the common militia of the province, 
and -whenever called into actual service were "to 
receive the like pay as the Continental Army, 
and be furnished with camp equipage and pro- 
visions ; and also be provided for, if wounded 
or disabled in the service of their country." 
Their officers were to be nominated by the sev- 
eral county committees, or (in counties having 
no general committee) by the township commit- 
tees jointly, " with assurance that as soon as 
their companies are completed, they shall re- 
ceive commissions from the Provincial Congress 
or the Committee of Safety." The organiza- 
tion of the "minute-raen" was directed to be 
made in companies of sixty-four men each, in- 
cluding officers, these companies to be formed 
into ten battalions for the whole province, and 
the apportionment to the several counties to be 
as given below, — viz. : Bergen County to fur- 
nish one battalion of four companies ; Essex 
County, one battalion of six companies ; Mid- 
dlesex County, one battalion of six companies ; 
Monmouth County, one battalion of six com- 
panies ; Somerset County, one battalion of five 
companies ; Morris County, one battalion of six 
companies ; Sussex County, one battalion of five 



companies; Hunterdon County, one battalion 
of eight companies ; Burlington County, one 
battalion of five companies ; Gloucester and 
Salem Counties, one battalion of seven compa- 
nies, — four to be furnished by Gloucester and 
one by Salem ; Cumberland County to furnish 
three companies, and Cape May County one 
company, all to act as " independent companies 
of light infantry and rangers." 

Whatever arms and accoutrements were ob- 
tained by the county and township committees 
were directed to be issued to the minute-men in 
preference to the militia until the former were 
armed and equipped, the remainder to be used 
for arming the militia. It was 

"Sesolved, That this Congress do recommend to the 
several County Comndittees in this Colony that they 
immediately employ gunsmiths to make such a num- 
ber of arms as they shall judge to be necessary and 
wanting in their respective counties ; and that in the 
manufacture of said arms particular attention be paid 
to the directions of the Continental Congress. 

It was also by the Congress 

Ordered, That the several County Committees do 
appoint one Surgeon to each Eegiment and Battalion 
belonging to their respective Counties; and certify 
the name of such Surgeon to the next Congress, or to 
the Committee of Safety, in order to his being prop- 
erly commissioned." 

The above mentioned, with the appointment 
of Philemon Dickinson as brigadier-general, were 
all the important military measures adopted at 
this session. 

The Congress adjourned on Thursday, August 
17th, after a session of seventeen days, its last 
act prior to adjournment having been the ap- 
pointment of Hendrick Fisher, Samuel Tucker, 
Isaac Pearson, John Hart, Jonathan D. Ser- 
geant, Azariah Dunham, Peter Schenck, Enos 
Kelsey, Joseph Borden, Frederick Frelinghuy- 
sen and John Schureman as a Committee of 
Safety to control public affairs during the re- 

This was the first Committee of Safety of 
the province of New Jersey, — a body which 
came to be greatly feared by those inimical to 
the cause of America. During the times when 
the Congress was not in session this committee 
wielded extraordinary and almost unlimited 

power.i It does not appear, however, that it 
became necessary for the committee to exercise 
this power in any very important public busi- 
ness in the less than seven weeks which inter- 
vened between its formation and the reassem- 
bling of the Provincial Congress. During that 
interval the sessions of the committee were held 
at Princeton. 

At its August session, the Provincial Con- 
gress of New Jersey had provided for a new 
election of deputies from the counties of the 
province, and under this provision, Monmouth 
county elected Edward Taylor, John Covenhovcii 
and Joseph Holmes, Avho, with forty-four other 
delegates trom the several counties, formed the 
Second Provincial Congress, which convened in 
its first session, at Trenton, on the 3d of Octo- 
ber, 1775. 

> Jlr. Charles D. Deshler, in his excellent paper read be- 
fore the New Brunswick Historical Club at its fifth anniver- 
sary, said of this Committee of Safety ; " In effect it consti- 
tuted a practical dictatorship, rRsiding not in one man in- 
deed, but in a majority vote of eleven or more persons, who 
were appointed by the Provincial Congress from time to 
time. Its members were invariably chosen by the deputies 
"to the Provincial Congress from among their own number, 
and were men upon whom they could rely for courage, pru- 
dence, firmness, activity and sagacity. They exercised, as 
a committee, all the powers intrusted to or assumed by the 
Provincial Congress, save that of legislation. They con- 
ducted all the correspondence and conferences with the 
Continental Congress and Provincial Congresses of other 
colonies ; they gave orders for the arrest of suspicious oi; 
disaffected persons ; they tried and acquitted or condemned 
to imprisonment or detention men who were charged with 
disaffection or acting in concert with, or giving information 
to, the enemy ; they kept expresses in constant readiness to 
forward intelligence with all speed ; they appropriated 
public moneys, commissioned oflScers in the militia or in 
the corps of minute-men, held prisoners of war, settled con- 
troversies between oflScers, civil and military, acted as a 
Court of Admiralty, confiscated the property of those who 
aided and abetted the public enemy, took order for the 
general security of the Province and for its defense, and in 
fine, they were the executive branch of the government, as 
the representatives of the power and authority of the Pro- 
vincial Congress during its recess. All which they exer- 
cised (with an ability and integrity that has never been im- 
peached) till they were superseded, in October, 1776, by 
the first Legislature under the new State Constitution 
(adopted July 2, 1786), which invested the Governor ,and a. 
Council of twenty members with certain powers fora limited 
time under the title of 'The Governor and Council of 
Safety.' " 



The Congress ajniposed of these members so 
recently elected and fresh from among the peo- 
ple was the first thoroughly representative body 
which had ennvened in New Jersey under the 
Revolutionary order of things. Among the 
business transacted by this Congress was the 
passage, on the 24th of October, of " An Or- 
dinance for compelling the payment of the ten 
thousand pound tax from such persons as have 
refused to pay their quotas." The resolution 
levying this tax had been passed at the May 
session, and the subject had received further 
attention at the session held in August ; not- 
Avithstanding which, a large amount still re- 
mained uncollected, — payment being refused,^ — 
for \vhich reason this ordinance was passed, 
authorizing more stringent measures against de- 
linquents and directing the chairman or deputy 
chairman of any county committee to order the 
properly authorized persons " to make distress 
on the goods and chattels " of such delinquents, 
and to " make sale thereof at public vendue, 
giving five days' notice thereof by advertise- 
ment in such town or county." 

But the most important of the measures taken 
at this session were those which related to the 
mustering and equipping of the military forces, 
and to raising the funds necessary for that pur- 
pose. One of these [passed October 28th] was 
■" An Ordinance for regulating the Militia of New- 
Jersey," which, after reciting in its preamble 
that " Whereas, The ordinances of the late Pro- 
vincial Congress for regulating the Militia of 
this Colony have been found insufficient to 
answer the good purposes intended, and it ap- 
jiearing to be essentially necessary that some 
further regulations be adopted at this time of 
imminent danger," proceeded to adopt and 
direct such " further regulations " as were 
deemed necessary to accomplisli the object for 
which the previous ordinances had been found 
insufficient, — viz., tlie enrollment in the militia 
of all able-bodied, male inhabitants of the prov- 
ince between the ages of sixteen and fitly 
years (except those whose religious principles 
forbade them to bear arms), their muster, equip- 
ment and instruction in military tactics under 
command of proper officers. It was not ma- 
terially different from the earlier ordinances 

passed for the same purpose, except that its re- 
quirements were more clearly defined, thorough 
and peremptory, and that evasion or non-com- 
pliance was punished by severer penalties and 
forfeitures, and these to be rigidly and relent- 
lessly enforced. One of the provisions of the 
ordinance was to the effect that every man en- 
rolled in the militia " shall, with all convenient 
speed, /m?tos/i himself with a good musket or 
firelock and bayonet, sword or tomahawk, a steel 
ramrod, priming-wire and brush fitted thereto, 
a cartouch-box to contain twenty-three rounds 
of cartridges, twelve flints and a knapsack, 
agreeable to the direction of the Continental 
Congress, under the forfeiture of two shillings 
for the want of a musket or a firelock, and of 
one shilling for the want of the other above 
enumerated articles ; " also " that every person 
directed to be enrolled as above shall, at his 
place of abode, be provided with one pound of 
poM'der and three pounds of bullets of proper 
size to his musket or firelock." 

The following extracts from the minutes of 
the Congress are given here as having reference 
to military matters at that time in Monmouth 
county, viz : 

"October 12, 1775. — A petition from the 
officers of the united regiment of Freehold and 
MiddletoM'n, praying that the officers therein 
named may be commissioned, was read ; Or- 
dered, That commissions do issue accordingly. 

"October 20, 1775. — The Congress met pur- 
suant to adjournment. The certificate of the 
election of officers of the several companies of 
Militia in the Township of Freehold was read ; 
Ordered, That commissions do issue to the sev- 
eral officers therein named. 

" The certificate of the election of field offi- 
cers for the battalion of minute-men for the 
County of Monmouth was read ; Ordered, That 
commissions do issue to the officers therein 

" October 25, 1775.— Ordered, That commis- 
sions do issue to Samuel Forman, Esq., Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, Elisha Lawrence, Esq., First 
Major, and James Mott, Esq., Second Major of 
the Second Regiment of Militia in the County 
of Monmouth." 

The purchase of arms, ammunition, camp 



■equipage, artillery and other military necessities 
for the province, and the furnishing of funds 
for such purchase by the issuance of bills of 
credit, were provided for by an ordinance passed 
October 28th,'^ of which the preamble and most 
important sections were as follows : 

" Whereas, It appears essentially necessary at this 
time of increasing danger that the inhabitants of this 
Colony should be furnished with ammunition and 
other military stores, and that this Colony should be 
put into some proper posture of defence: 

" It is therefore Resolved and Directed, That Messrs. 
Samuel Tucker, Abraham Hunt, Joseph Ellis and 
Alexander Chambers be, and they are hereby, ap- 
pointed Commissioners for the Western Division; 
and that Hendrick Fisher, Azariah Dunham, Abra- 
ham Clark and Samuel Potter be, and they are hereby, 
appointed Commissioners for the Eastern Division of 
this Colony; which said Commissioners, or the major 
part of them, are hereby authorized and directed to 
receive of the Treasurers of this Colony, for the time 
being, appointed by this Congress, or either of them, 
all such sum or sums of money as they shall from 
time to time find necessary to expend for the use of 
this Colony, pursuant to the resolutions hereinafter 

" And it is further Resolved and Directed, That the 
said commissioners be, and they are hereby, author- 
ized and directed to contract with artificers for, or 
■otherwise purchase, three thousand stand of arms at 
any price not exceeding Three Pounds Seven Shil- 
lings each stand ; and also to purchase ten tons of 
gunpowder, twenty tons of lead, one thousand car- 
touch-boxes, at any price not exceeding nine Shil- 
lings each ; a quantity of flints, brushes, priming 
wire and cartridge paper, not exceeding one hundred 
Pounds in value ; two chests of medicine, not exceed- 
ing three hundred Pounds in value; four hundred 
tents, with camp equipage, etc., not exceeding one 
"thousand eight hundred and seventy Pounds in value; 
two thousand blankets, not exceeding fifteen hundred 
Pounds in value; a nuinber of axes, spades, and 
other intrenching tools, not exceeding three hundred 
Pounds in value ; and a train of artillery not exceed- 
ing five hundred Pounds in value.^ 

' Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of 
Safety, 1775-76, p. 246. 

^ It was found that the articles named could not be pur- 
chased for the sums to which the commissioners were 
limited; and thereupon, on the 10th of February, 1776, 
the Congress gave them unlimited authority to purchase, 
by the following action; "Whereas, By an ordinance of 
this Congress, passed at Trenton the 28th day of October 
last, the Commissioners therein named and appointed to 
purchase firearms and military stores were particularly 
restricted in the price to be paid for said firearms, whereby 

"And whereas. It is absolutely necessary to provide 
a fund for defraying the above expense, it is therefore 
Resolved and Directed, That bills of credit to the 
amount of thirty thousand" Pounds Proclamation 
money* be immediately prepared, printed and made 
as follows, to wit : Five thousand seven hundred bills, 
each of the value of three Pounds; six thousand 
bills, each of the value of one Pound ten Shillings; 
four thousand bills, each of the value of fifteen Shil- 
lings ; and three thousand bills, each of the value of 
six Shillings ; which bills shall be in the form follow- 
ing, to wit : 

'"This bill, by an Ordinance of the Provincial 
Congress, shall pass current in all payments within 
the Colony of New Jersey for Proclamation Money ; 
Dated the day of , 1775,' and shall be im- 

pressed with such devices as the inspectors of the 
press hereinafter appointed shall direct; and when 
printed shall be delivered to Hendrick Fisher and 
Azariah Dunham, Esquires, of the Eastern Division, 
and to John Hart and John Carey, of the Western 
Division, four of the signers thereof, in equal moieties; 
one moiety to be signed by the Treasurer and signers 
of the Eastern Division, and the other moiety by the 
Treasurer and signers of the Western Division. . . ." 

The succeeding parts of the ordinance pro- 
vided for the numbering, signing, countersign- 
ing, counting and inspection of the bills, with 
various other details, all which were laid out 
and directed with great minuteness as a safe- 
guard against the possibility of irregularity or 
fraud. And it Mas further provided by the 
ordinance that " for the better credit and effec- 
tual sinking of the said bills of credit there 
shall be assessed, levied and raised on the sev- 
eral inhabitants of this colony, their goods and 
chattels, lands and tenements, the sum of ten 
thousand pounds annually in every of the years 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six ;" 
. . . and the apportionment of this annual tax 

the manufactory thereof hath been greatly impeded ; for 
the remedy whereof it is resolved unanimously that the 
said Commissioners have full power immediately to proceed 
in contracting for firearms upon the best terms in their 
powey, without any limitation or restriction; and tliat 
this Congress will in convenient time pass an ordinance for 
that purpose." — Minnies Provincial Congress and Council of 
Safety, 1715-16, pp. 358, 359. 

'The amount was raised to fifty thousand pounds by an 
ordinance passed February 28, 1776. 

■• Proclamation money was reckoned at seven shillings six- 
pence to the dollar. 



was made identical in the amounts assigned to 
each of the counties with tliat of the ten thou- 
sand pound tax, before mentioned, levied at the 
session of the preceding May. 

The question of the enlistment and organiza- 
tion of two battalions of soldiers in JSTew Jer- 
sey for the Continental service was among the 
business brought before the Congress at this 
session. It originated in the receipt, on the 
IStli of October, of a letter from the President 
of the Continental Congress to the Provincial 
Congress of New Jersey, it being as follows : 

" Philadelphia, Oct. 12, 1775. 
"Gentlemen, — Some late intelligence,^ laid be- 
fore Congress, seems to render it absolutely necessary, 
for the protection of our liberties and the safety of 
our lives, to raise several new battalions, and there- 
fore the Congress have come into the inclosed resolu- 
tions, which I am ordered to transmit to you. The 
Congress have the firmest confidence that from your 
experienced zeal in this great cause you will exert 
your utmost endeavors to carry the said resolutions 
into execution with all possible expedition. 

"The Congress have agreed to furnish the men 
with a hunting-shirt, not exceeding the value of one 
dollar and one-third of a dollar, and a blanket, pro- 
vided these can be procured, but these are not to be 
made part of the terms of enlistment. 
" I am, gentlemen, 

"Your most obedient humble servant, 
"John Hancock. 

" President." 

" By order of Congress, I forward you forty-eight 
commissions for the captains and subaltern oificers in 
New Jersey Battalions. 


The resolutions of the Continental Congress 
referred to in INIr. Hancock's letter were passed 
by that body on the 9th and 12th of October, 
recommending to the Congress of New Jersey 
that it should " immediately raise, at the ex- 
pense of the continent, two battalions, consist- 
ing of eight companies," of men for the service, 
and specifying the manner in which they were 
to be enlisted and officered and the pay and 
allowances they would receive. 

A reply was at once sent (October 13th) to 
the Continental Congress, expressing the desire 

^ Unfavorable intelligence from the Canadian expedition 
under Generals Schuyler and Montgomery. 

of the Congress of New Jersey to promote the 
common interests of the colonies as far as lay in 
their power and to raise the troops as desired, 
but objecting to the manner in which the 
field-officers for the proposed battalions were to 
be appointed. This disagreement resulted in 
some further correspondence, and the matter 
was afterwards satisfactorily arranged. 

On the 28th of October the Provincial Con- 
gress passed a resolution recommending to the 
Continental Congress the appointment and com- 
missioning of the follo\ving-named field-officers 
for the two battalions to be raised in New Jer- 
sey, — viz. : For the Eastern Batfciliou, the Earl 
of Stirling colonel, William Winds lieutenant- 
colonel, and William De Hart major ; for the 
Western Battalion, William Maxwell colonel, 
Israel Shrieve lieutenant-colonel, and David 
Ray major. These appointments were s(jon 
after made, and commissions issued by direction 
of the Continental Congress. 

The Provincial Congress adjourned on the 
28th of October, " to meet at New Brunswick 
on the first Tuesday in April next, unless sooner 
convened by the President, Vice-President or 
the Committee of Safety." The gentlemen ap- 
pointed to form this committee, to act for the 
public welfare in the recess of this C(jngress, 
Avere Samuel Tucker, Hendrick Fisher, John 
Hart, Abraham Clark, Lewis Ogden, Joseph 
Holmes, John Mehelm, Isaac Pearson, John 
Pope, Azariah Dunham, John Dennis, Augus- 
tine Stephenson, Rnloff Van Dyke. 

The t^oramittee held a five days' session at 
Princeton, from the 9th to the 13th of January, 
1776, at which a number of Tories and disaf- 
fected persons M'ere severely dealt Avith, and 
provision was made for the erection of beacons 
and the keeping of express-riders in constant 
readiness to convey intelligence in case of alarm 
from invasion or other causes. They saw fit, 
however, to call an extra session of the Provin- 
cial Congress, as appears by the following ex- 
tract from their minutes, dated January 12th, 
— viz. : 

" This Committee received several resolutions and 
determinations of the Continental Congress respect- 
ing raising one new battalion in this Province, erect- 
ing and establishing a Court of Admiralty, advising 



the forming some useful regulations respecting the 
Continental forces raised in this Colony; which 
requisitions, together with many other important con- 
cerns, render the speedy meeting of a Congress of this 
province absolutely necessary. This Committee have 
therefore appointed the meeting of said Congress to 
be at New Brunswick on Wednesday, the thirty-first 
•day of this instant, January." 

The Congress accordingly met at the time 
and place designated, and commenced business 
on the 1st of February. 

The recruitment of the two battalions which 
Congress at its previous session had ordered to 
be raised had proceeded successfully and with. 
rapidity. Lord Stirling, having been commis- 
sioned colonel of the First or Eastern Battalion, 
had taken with him to it several of the officers 
find a considerable number of the men of the 
regiment of militia which he had previously com- 
manded, and he found very little difficulty in fill- 
ing the ranks of his new command. Colonel Max- 
M'ell's (Western) battalion -was recruited with 
nearly equal facility. In i;he last week of No- 
vember (1775) Stirling established his head- 
quarters at Elizabeth town to fill his battalion 
to the maximum, six companies of it having 
previously been ordered to garrison the fort in 
the Highlands on the Hudson River. Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Winds was sc^on after stationed, 
with a part of the battalion, at Perth Amboy. 
Colonel ^Maxwell's battalion was ordered to the 
vicinity of the Hudson River, and Ijoth the 
Eastern and Western Battalions, having been 
filled, or nearly so, were niustei-ed into the Con- 
tinental service in December. 

The first ]\Ionmouth County company that 
took the field was that of Captain Longstreet, 
who, in November, 1775, marched his com-- 
maud to Perth Amboy, where they took posses- 
sion of the barracks, which had been vacated 
by the Forty-Seventh Royal Regiment of Foot 
in the fall of 1774, when they moved to join 
the forces of General G-age in Boston. 

On the 2d of February, 1776, Congress 
ordered to be sent "to the commanding officers 
and chairmen of the several county committees in 
the province " a circular-letter in these words : 

"Gentlemex, — The late repulse at Quebec' re- 

'The unsuccessful assault on the defenses of tint town, 

quires every exertion of the friends of American free- 
dom, in consequence whereof Colonel Maxwell's bat- 
talion is ordered to march forthwith, and the Continen- 
tal Congress have applied to our body urging the great- 
est dispatch in procuring arms and necessaries for this 
expedition. Therefore, in pursuance of the aforesaid 
application, we request you, gentlemen, to use the 
utmost diligence and activity in collecting all the 
public arms belonging to your county, being your 
proportion of the Provincial arms unsold. Dispatch 
in this case is quite necessary, as, no doubt, the arms 
are distributed in the hands of the associators, it will 
be necessary that every oflBcer do his part. The value 
of the arms will be paid in money, or the number be 
replaced, and the expenses of collecting and forward- 
ing them punctually discharged. We put you to this 
trouble with regret; but the necessity of the measure 
must apologise. You will have the arms collected in 
your county valued by good men, and sent to Bur- 
lington or Trenton, under the care of such officer of 
Colonel Maxwell's battalion as may be the bearer 

That a great scarcity of ammunition as well 
as of arms existed among the men of the two 
battalions appears by the following extract from 
the minutes of the Congress, dated February 
1st, — viz. : 

" Lieutenant-Colonel Winds informed this Congress 
that he was stationed at Perth Amboy with a part of 
the Eastern battalion of the Continental forces raised 
in this Colony, and that he was destitute of amnmni- 
tion, and thought it not improbable lie might soon 
have occasion for a supply. And this Congress being 
informed that the county of Somerset had a quantity of 
powder in store, and the county of Middlesex a quan- 
tity of lead, — in consideration whereof : Ordered, That 
Mr. President request the Chairman of the Committee 
of Somerset to furnish Colonel Winds with four quar- 
ter casks of powder ; and that he also request the 
Chairman of the Committee of the County of Middle- 
sex to furnish Colonel Winds with ibO pounds of 
lead ; and that the said powder and lead shall ' be 
replaced in some convenient time." 

The committees promptly acceded to this 
request, as appears from the minutes, dated 
February 10th, — viz. : 

"On a requisition from Lord Stirling, the Commit- 
tee of Elizabethtown have lurnished him with six 
thousand cartridges, Somerset County four quarter 
casks of powder, Woodbridge a considerable quantity 

in the morning of December 31, 1775, by the American 
forces under Montgomery and Arnold, in which the first- 
named gallant officer lost his life and the latter was severely 



and Brunswick one hundred and fifty weight of lead. 
Our militia are very illy supplied with ammunition ; 
those who have granted the above supplies are there- 
fore very desirous that they be immediately re- 

This extract is from a communication sent by 
the Provincial Congress on the date named to 
the Continental Congress asking for " ten tons 
of gunpowder and twenty tons of lead, or as much 
as may be spared," out of a large quantity re- 
ported to have then recently arrived at Philadel- 
phia. The request was granted to the extent of 
half a ton of powder, and out of this, the quan- 
tity bon-owed of Somerset County, Brunswick, 
Woodbridge and Elizabeth was replaced. 

In consequence of the unfavorable result of 
the military operations in Canada, and the strong 
probability (indicated in letters from General 
"Washington to Congress) that General Howe in- 
tended to evacuate his uncomfortable position at 
Boston and move his forces thence by sea to New 
York, as also the knowledge that Sir Henry Clin- 
ton had embarked from England on a secret expe- 
dition, whose probable destination was New York, 
a greater degree of activity was infused into mili- 
tary measures in general, and especially to those 
having reference to the defense of the middle 
colonies. The Continental Congress having re- 
solved, in January, 1776, that it was necessary to 
raise a number of additional battalions, assigned 
the raising of one of these to the province of 
New Jersey, and recommended to the Provincial 
Congress that it should take immediate steps to 
that end. Accordingly, on the 5th of February, 
the last-named Congress passed a resolution to. 
raise a battalion, in addition to the two previ- 
ously raised, to be enlisted, organized and offi- 
cered in the same manner (except that each of 
the eight companies should be composed of sev- 
enty-eight instead of sixty-eight privates), and, 
like the others, to be employed in the Continental 
service. Company officers for the battalion M^ere 
appointed by the Congress of New Jersey, but 
the field-officers were to be appointed and com- 
missioned by the Continental Congress. 

The rapid progress made in raising the Third 
Battalion is indicated by the following extract 
from a letter written by President Tucker to the 
Continental Congress on the 24th of February, 

only nineteen days after the passage of the reso- 
lution ordering the battalion to be raised,— viz.: 
" I am likewise to request that commissions may 
be sent for the officers of the Third Battalion, as 
some of the companies are already full and others 
in a fair way." 

On the 13th of February, Congress resolved 
"that a train of artillery, consisting of twelve 
pieces, be immediately purchased for the use of 
this Colony," and on the .2d of March an ordi- 
nance was passed directing that two I'omplete 
artillery companies be immediately raised for the 
defense of the colony, " one to be stationed in the 
Eastern and one in the Western Division there- 
of, .. . to be disposed of in this Colony as the 
Congress, Committee of Safety, Brigadier- 
General of the Division to which they re- 
spectively belong shall direct; each company 
to be commanded by a Captain, Captain- 
Lieutenant, First and Second Lieutenants ; and 
to consist of a Fire-worker, four Sergeants, four 
Corporals, one Bombardier and fifty matrosses, 
all of whom are to be able-bodied freemen, and 
to be enlisted for one year, unless sooner 
discharged." The commissioned officers ap- 
pointed for these companies were Frederick 
Frelinghuysen captain,' Daniel Neil captain- 
lieutenant, Thomas Clark first lieutenant,, 
and John Heard second lieutenant of the East- 
ern Company, and Samuel Hugg captain, 
Thomas Newark captain-lieutenant, John West- 
cott first lieutenant, and Joseph Dayton second 
lieutenant of the Western Company. A com- 
pany of riflemen was also ordered to be raised, 
to be joined to Colonel Maxwell's (Second 
Continental) battalion. 

In view of the probability, as before mentioned, 
that General Howe was about to move his army to 
occupy New York, and the expected arrival, by 
sea, of a force under Sir Henry Clinton, a con- 
siderable number of Continental and Provincial 

1 Captain Frelinghuysen soon after resigned his coniniis- 
sion and thereupon his artillery company was disbanded, as 
is shown by an ordinance passed August 21, 1776, order- 
ing the payment of certain demands, among them being : 
" To Frederick Frelinghuysen £61 13s. .2d., being the bal- 
ance due to him and men by him enlisted for the eastern 
company of artillery, who were discharged upon his resig- 
nation." — Min. Prov. Cnng.. 1776,/'. 575. 



troops had been ordered to that city, and among 
these the battalion of Lord Stirling, who received 
orders to that effect about the 1st of February, 
and moved his command from Elizabethtown to 
New York on the 5th and 6th of that month. ^ 
On the 15th of February the Congress of New 
Jersey received a communication from the Presi- 
dent of the Continental Congress, dated Febru- 
ary 12th, asking this province to send a force of 
minute-men to New York ; upon the receipt of 
which the Provincial Congress resolved unani- 

"That the above requisition be complied with, and 
that detachments of minute-men, properly accoutred, 
equal to a battalion in the Continental service, be im- 
mediately made, and marched to New York under 
the command of Charles Stewart, Esq., colonel ; Mark 
Thompson, Esq., lieutenant-colonel ; Frederick Fre- 
linghuysen and Thomas Henderson,^ Esqrs., majors." 

But again the scarcity of arms presented a 
serious difficulty, and this time it proved an in- 
superable obstacle to the desired movement of 
the troops, as is explained by the following ex- 
tract from the minutes of the Continental Con- 
gress, dated Febru^y 22d, — viz.: 

"A delegate from New Jersey having informed 
Congress that the regiment of militia ordered by the 
Convention of that Colony to march to the defense of 
New York, in consequence of the resolve of Congress 
of the 12th of this month, were not sufficiently armed, 
and that they could not be furnished with arms unless 
the Congress supplied them, and as this Congress 
have not arms to spare, — those they have being neces- 
sary for arming the battalions in the Continental 
service ; Therefore, Resolved, that the march of said 
battalion of militia be countermanded." 

One week after the marching orders to the 
New Jersey minute-men were thus countermanded 
the several organizations of minute-men in the 
colony were disbanded by action of the Provin- 

Ha a letter addressed by Lord Stirling to the President 
of Congress, dated New York, February 19, 1776, he 

" Sib,— On the 14th instant I informed you of having re- 
ceived General Lee's orders to march with my regiment to 
this place. I accordingly marched the next morning with 
four companies from Elizabethtown, and arrived here the 
next day, as soon as the ice permitted us to cross HudHon's 
River. The other four companies followed the next day." — 
Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. ii.p. 129. 

'Dr. Thomas Henderson, of Freehold. 

cial Congress, which, on the 29th of February,, 
passed an ordinance in which it was directed 

" That all the minute-men heretofore embodied in 
the several parts of this Colony be immediately dis- 
solved, and incorporated with the militia, in the 
several companies in the district in which they re- 
spectively reside, as though such minute-men had 
never been raised. . . ." 

The principal reasons for this action, as enu- 
merated in the preamble to the ordinance, were 
that large numbers of the members of minute- 
men organizations had enlisted in the Continental 
service, thereby greatly reducing the companies 
and battalions, and so placing them in a condi- 
tion in which they could not " answer the design 
of their institution," and that " our defense, under 
God, chiefly depends upon a well-regulated 
militia." Thus the " minute-men " organiza- 
tions of New Jersey ceased to exist, never having 
had an opportunity to perform any of the pecu- 
liar services for which they were formed. 

The Congress of New Jersey adjourned on 
the 2d of March, 1776, having previously^ passed 
an ordinance, in which it was " Resolved and di- 
rected, That there be a new choice of Deputies 
to serve in Provincial Congress, for every 
County of this Colony, on the fourth Monday 
in May yearly, and every year," thus establish- 
ing regular annual elections of deputies instead 
of the special elections called, as they had pre- 
viously been, at the pleasure of Congress. 

The elections were held at the time specified, 
and resulted in the choice of Edward Taylor, 
John Covenhoven, Joseph Holmes, James Mott 
and Josiah Holmes for Monmouth County. 
These, with sixty deputies from the other coun- 
ties, assembled in Provincial Congress at Bur- 
lington, and organized on the 11th of June by 
electing Samuel Tucker president and William 
Patterson secretary. 

At this session a great amount of business AViis 
transacted, a large proportion of which was ir- 
cluded in the measures taken for raising, orgai:- 
izing and forwarding troops. These measures 
will not be noticed in detail here, but the most 
important of them will be mentioned incidentally 
in succeeding pages, in connection with the events 
of which the year 1776 was so fruitful. A num- 

February 28th. 



ber of matters ha-s-ing special reference to Mon- 
mouth County are given here (some of them iu 
a disconnected form) as found in the minutes of 
tlie "Convention of Xew Jersey"— as the Pro- 
vincial Congress then began to be called, viz. : 

"June 12, 1776. — A letter from Colonel 
D^vid Brearley, of the County of Monmouth, 
complaining of sundry disaffected persons in his 
regiment ; read, and ordered a second reading. 

"A petition from sundry inhabitants of the 
County of Monmouth, praying that none of the 
militia may be taken out of that County, as it 
lies so exjjosed to hostile invasion ; read, and 
ordered a second reading. 

" June 17. — On reading a second time, the 
memorial of Colonel David Brearley, respecting 
■certain disaffected persons in Monmouth County ; 
and the letter from the President of the Pro- 
vincial Congress in ISTew York, stating the cir- 
cumstances of a defei'tion in Bergen County, 
Ac. Ordered, That the same be referred to 
Colonel Dick, Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Symmes, Col- 
onel Covenhoveu and Mr. Brown. 

"June 18th. — Pursuant to a certificate of 
el; ction. Ordered, That the folloAving per- 
sons be conimisssioned as officers iu a com- 
pany of light infantry, in the To'wnship of Mid- 
dk'to-wn, County of INIonmouth, to wit : John 
Burro\^'es, Juu., Captain ; Jonathan Forman, 
First Lieutenant; James Whitlock, Second Lieu- 
tenant ; Samuel Carhart, Third Lieutenant. 

" James Mott, Second Major of the second 
battalion of foot militia in Monmouth County, 
having resigned his commission. Ordered, That 
his resignation be accepted. 

"June 19. — A petition from sundry inhabit- 
ants of the Township of Shrewsbury, in Mon- 
mouth County, praying tliat no new mode of 
government may be established ; that the pres- 
ent may continue, as being sufficient for the ex- 
igency of our affairs ; and that no measures may 
bo adopted that tend to separate this Colony from 
Great Britain ; was read, and ordered a second 

"June 21. — Ordered, unanimously. That 
Doctor Melancthon Freeman be appointed Sur- 
geon, and Mr. Benjamin Stockton, Surgeon's 
Mate, to tlie battalion directed to be raised in 
the Counties of Middlesex and Monmouth. 

" Four petitions from the Township of Mid- 
dletown and Shrewsbury, in the County of Mon- 
mouth, praying that the government of the 
Province of New Jersey may not be changed, 
etc., read. 

" Two petitions from the Township of Free- 
hold, in the County of iMonmouth, praying that 
this Congress will immediately establish such 
mode of government as shall be equal to the 
present exigencies of this Colony, and fully co- 
incide with the resolve of the Honourable Con- 
tinental Congress of the 15th of May last; were 

" Monday, June 24. — Two petitions from the 
Townships of Middletown and Freehold, in the 
County of Monmouth, praying that this Con- 
gress would immediately establish such mode of 
government as shall be equal to the exigencies 
of this Colony, and fully coincide with the re- 
solve of the Honourable Continental Congress of 
the fifteenth of May last ; read, and ordered a 
second reading. 

"A letter from the County Committee of 
Monmouth, enclosing an association signed by 
certain disaffected persons ; read, and oi'dered a 
second reading. 

" A representation of the County C'ommittee 
of Monmouth, giving a detail of Colonel For- 
man and the minute-men seizing several disaf- 
fected persons in that county -without the express 
command of the Committee, though approved 
l)y them afterwards ; accompanied with an 
account of the expense attending the seizure 
of said persons ; read, and ordered a second 

" AYednesday, June 26. — Whereas, it ap- 
pears, from undoubted intelligence, that there 
are several insurgents in the County of Mon- 
mouth who take every measure in their power 
to contravene the regulations of Congress, and 
to oppose the cause of American freedom ; 
and, as it is highly necessary that an imme- 
diate check be given to so daring a spirit 
of disaffection ; It is therefore resolved, unani 
mously, That Colonel Charles Read take to his 
aid two companies of militia of the County of 
Burlington, properly officered and armed, and 
proceed without delay to the County of Mon- 
mouth, in order to apprehend such insurgents 



and disaffected persons in said County as this 
Congress shall give in direction to Colonel 

" Resolved, unanimously, That Colonel Read 
take, if necessary, to his assistance the militia 
of jMonmoutli. 

" Resolved, unanimously, That such officers 
and militia as engaged in this service shall re- 
ceive the like pay as the Continental troops. 

"Resolved, uitanimously, That the said mili- 
tia furnish themselves with provisions, and that 
this Congress will order payment therefor. 

"Resolved, That the following directions, 
signed by the President, be given to Colonel 

" Colonel Charles Read : You are hereby 
ordered to apprehend Richard Robins and Moses 
Ivius, and to deliver them unto the keeper 
of the common gaol of the County of Glou- 
cester, who is hereby commanded to keep said 
persons in close and safe confinement until this 
Congress, or Committee of Safety, shall take 
further order therein : And you are also to 
apprehend Anthony "NA'oodward, junior, Joseph 
Grover, Guisebert Guisebertson, and Thomas 
Lewis Woodward, and bring them before this 
Congress, or, during their recess, the Committee 
of Safety. . . . 

" Ordered, That the Company under the com- 
mand of Captain Stillwell, which was directed 
by the late Committee of Safety to guard the 
coast of this Colony near Saudy Ho(jk, be con- 
tinued until the further order of this Convention 
or Committee of Safety. If it be inconvenient 
for any of the Company to continue in the said 
employment. Captain Stillwell is hereby empow- 
ered to supply such deficiency by enlistment. 
Ordered, That Colonel George Taylor be Com- 
missary for the said Company. 

"Friday, June 28. — Two petitions from 
sundry inhabitants of the Township of Upper 
Freehold, in the County of Monmouth, praying 
that this Congress would immediately establish 
such mode of govern ment as shall be equal to 
the exigencies of this Colony, and fully coin- 
cide with the resolve of the Honourable Conti- 
nental Congress of the 15th of May last; read, 
and ordered a second reading. 

"Saturday, June 29. — A petition from the 

County Committee of Monmouth, setting forth 
that in pursuance of a resolution of the late 
Congress, said Committee furnished Colonel 
Maxwell's battalion with fifty stand of arms 
and that it was in their option to have them re- 
placed or receive their value in money, and pray- 
ing that this Congress would order the value of 
said arms to be paid in money ; read a second 
time, and ordered that the treasurer pay the 
amount of said arms according to the apprais- 

" Two memorials, the one from the County 
Committee of Monmouth, the other from the 
Committee of Safety of that County, respecting 
certain disaffected persons in said County, and 
requesting that this Congress would take some 
decisive order therein, were read, and ordered 
a second reading. 

" Congress received a letter from Colonel 
Taylor of Monmouth, dated ten o'clock in the 
forenoon of this day, informing that nineteen 
sail of the enemy's fleet lies at the Hook, and 
forty-five in sight; read and filed. Ordered, 
That the President write to the Continental 
Congress, enclosing a copy of the above letter, 
and requesting a supply of powder. 

" Tuesday, July 2. — Resolved, That in the 
opinion of this Congress, the militia of Mon- 
mouth County ought, for the present, to remain 
in their own County, excepting such part thereof 
as by the late ordinance of this Congress were 
required to form their proportion of the New 
Jersey brigade of three tliousand three hundred 

" Henry Waddell, Esq., captain of a grenadier 
company in the militia of Monmouth, having, 
by petition, prayed that this Congi-ess would ac- 
cept a resignation of his commission, assigning 
for reason that he was so frequently afflicted 
with the gout that he was rendered incapable of 
doing the duty of an officer ; Ordered, that his 
resignation be accepted. 

"July 4th. — Whereas, this Congress has 
been given to understand that divers persons in 
the County of Monmouth, have embodied them- 
selves in opposition to the measures of Con- 
gress ; and are informed that numbers have ex- 
pressed their willingness to return to their duty 
upon assurances of pardon, alledging that they 



have been seduced and misled by the false and 
malicious reports of others ; It is therefore de- 
dared, That all such persons as shall without 
delay return peaceably to their homes, and con- 
form to the orders of Congress, shall be treated 
with lenity and indulgence ; and upon their good 
behaviour, shall be restored to the favour of 
their country; provided that none such as shall 
appear to have been the leaders and principals 
in those disorders, who to their other guilt have 
added that of seducing the weak and unwary 
shall yet be treated according to their demerits. 

"Trenton, Friday, July 6, 1776.— Ordered, 
that Colonel Joseph Borden do provide wagons, 
and every other necessary, to accommodate the 
rifle battalion of Pennsylvania, consisting of 
five hundred men under the command of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Broadhead, in their march 
to Monmouth County, the place of their desti- 

"July 5. — -Ordered, That the President do 
take the parole of honour of Mr. John Law- 
rence, of Monmouth County, not to depart the 
house of Mr. Renssellier Williams ; and, if Mr. 
Lawrence should refuse to give the same, that 
the President order him to be confined under 
•such guard as he may deem necessary. 

" Tuesday, July 9. — Colonel Breese having 
resigned his commission of Colonel of the third 
battalion of militia in the County of Mon- 
mouth, assigning for reason the great backward- 
ness of the people ; himself so indifferently at- 
tended on field days, and so few ready to turn 
out, hiding themselves and deserting their houses, 
when called upon to defend the shore ; Or- 
dered, That his resignation be accepted. Or- 
dered, That Daniel Hendrickson, Esq., be 
Colonel of the third battalion of foot militia in 
the County of Monmouth. 

" Tuesday, July 23. — Whereas, the Honour- 
able Continental Congress have resolved, ' That 
it be earnestly recommended to the Convention 
of New Jersey to cause all the stock on the 
sea coast, which they shall apprehend to be in 
danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, 
to be immediately removed and driven back 
into the country to a place of safety.' And 
whereas, this Convention deem it necessary that 
the above resolution .should be carried into im- 

mediate effect, particularly in the County of 
Monmouth, which is at present most exposed to 
depredations. It is therefore unanimously resolved 
and directed. That the County Committee of 
Monmouth proceed, without delay, to remove 
all the stock on their coast which may be in 
danger of falling into the hands of the enemy 
back into the country, to a place or j)laces of safety. 

"Convention being informed that Colonel 
Hendrickson, of Monmouth, was at,the door and 
desired admittance, Ordered that he attend. 

" Colonel Hendrickson informed Convention 
that the Monmouth coast was exposed extremely 
to the incursions and depredations of the enemy, 
and requested that a guard might be stationed 
along the same, and maintained at the publick 
expence. He further informed Convention that 
some of his negro slaves had run off, and were 
on board the enemy's fleet ; that he had rea.son 
to believe he could recover the said slaves if 
he were permitted to send a flag, and requesting 
that, thro' the intei-ference of this House, he 
might have sucli permission. 

"Ordered, That Oake Wikoff, Esq., be Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, Denice Denice, Esq., First Ma- 
jor, and Hendrick Van Brunt, E,sq., to be 
Second Major of the third battalion of the foot 
militia in the County of Monmouth. 

"Saturday, July 27. — Ordered,That Captain 
John Cook, of Monmouth, be directed to take 
to his assistance as many of the militia as he 
shall find neces.'iary, and apprehend any persons 
whom he has reason to suspect of enlisting or 
being enlisted for the British army, and to take 
them before the County Committee of Mon- 
mouth, who are required to commit or discharge 
such accused persons, as they shall find necessary. 

" Monday, July 29.— Jacob Wardell, Joseph 
Wardell and Peter Wardell, persons appre- 
hended by a detachment of the Monmouth 
militia, on account of furnishing the enemy 
with provisions, were brought before the House,, 
and witnesses examined in support of the 
charge ; Ordered, That the determination there- 
of be deferred till to-morrow. 

" Tuesday, July 30. — Convention resumed the 
consideration of the charge against Jacob War- 
dell, Joseph Wardell, and Peter Wardell ; and, 
after .'jome time spent therein. 



"Ordered, That Jacob Wardell be committed 
to the custody of the Sheriif of Monmouth, to 
be by him safely kept until discharged by this 
Convention, or delivered by due course of law. 

" Ordet^td, That Joseph Wardell and Peter 
Wardell be discharged on giving bond, each 
with security in the sum of five hundred 
pounds for their future good behaviour, and for 
their appearance when called upon by the Con- 
vention or future Legislature of this State. The 
County Committee of Monmouth are directed 
to take the said bond, and to judge of the se- 

" Ordered, That Jacob Wardell pay twenty- 
eight Pounds seven Shillings and eleven Pence, 
Proclamation money, being the expense of ap- 
prehending and bringing him before this Con- 
vention, and conducting him to the Sheriff of 

"August 1. — Resolved, That it be recom- 
mended to the County Committee of Mon- 
mouth, and to the several Township Committees 
and Colonels of the battalions in the said 
County, that they assist Captain Wikoff by fur- 
nishing him with arms for his levies in General 
Heard's brigade, as far as they may be able, to 
expedite the equipment of the said levies. It 
is further recommended to the said Committees 
and Colonels that Captain Wikoff be furnished 
with such of the arms and accoutrements taken 
irom non-associators, etc., within their bounds, 
as may be fit for service, he giving sufficient 
vouchers on receiving the said arms. 

" August 2. — Guisebert Guisebertson, Captain 
of a company in the second battalion of foot 
militia in the County of Monmouth, having re- 
signed his commission for reasons mentioned 
in his letter ; Ordered, That his resignation be 

" The petition of sundry persons in the sec- 
ond battalion of Monmouth ; read the second 
time, and referred to the same Committee. 

"The memorial of Captain Hankinson, of 
Monmouth, setting forth that he had raised a 
company of minute-men to continue in service 
for the space of two months, agreeable to the 
directions of the late Committee of Safety ; that 
the said company had been called to the Hook on 
the arrival of General Howe ; and praying that 

the said company may be paid for such service ; 
an account of which accompanied the aforesaid 
memorial ; read, and referred to the Committee 
of Accounts." 

On the 17th of July the Congress ratified the 
Declaration of Independence by the adoption of 
this resolution^ — viz. : 

" Whereas, The Honorable Continental Congress, 
have declared the United Colonies Free and Inde- 
pendent States : We, the Deputies of New Jersey in 
Provincial Congress assembled, do resolve and declare 
that we will support the freedom and independence 
of the said States with our lives and fortunes, and 
with the whole force of New Jersey." 

And on the following day it was by the same 

" Resolved, That this House from henceforth, instead 
of the style and title of the Provincial Congress of 
New Jersey, do adopt and assume the style and title 
of the Convention of the State of New Jersey." 

On the same day (July 18th) an ordinance 
was passed defining the crime of treason against 
the State of New Jersey, and making it puni.sli- 
able " in like manner as by the ancient laws t)f 
this State," — that is, by the infliction of the pe::- 
alty of death. 

The old colonial Legislature of New Jersey 
had held its sessions and (nominally) exercised 
its functions in 1775 until the 6th of December 
in that year, when Governor Franklin pro- 
rogued the House, and this proved to be its dis- 
solution. The Governor, who was notoriously 
inimical to the American cause, issued his proc- 
lamation in tlie following May, calling a session 
on June 20th, but this was met by prompt ac- 
tion on the part of the Provincial Congress, 
which, on the 14th of June, 

" Resolved, That in the opinion of this Congress the 
Proclamation of William Franklin, late Governor of 
New Jersey, bearing date on the thirtieth day of May 
last, in the name of the King of Great Britain, ap- 
pointing a meeting of the General Assembly to be 
held on the twentieth day of this instant June, ought 
not to be obeyed." 

This action had the desired effect ; the colonial 
Legislature never reassembled. On the 16th of 
June the Congress 

"Resolved, That in the opinion of this Congress the 
said William Franklin, Esquire, by such proclama- 



tion, has acted in direct contempt and violation of tlie 
resolve of the Continental Congress of the fifteenth of 
May last. That in the opinion of this Congress the 
said William Franklin, Esquire, lias discovered him- 
self to be an enemy to the liberties of this country ; 
and that measures ought to be immediately taken for 
securing the person of the said William Franklin, 

Oa the .same day, orders were issued to Colo- 
nel Xathaniel Heard, of the First Battalion of 
Middlesex militia, to wait on the Governor, to 
offer him a parole, by Avhich he was to agree to 
remain quietly at Princeton, BordentoAvn or on 
his farm at Rancocas (whichever he might elect), 
and, in case of his refusal to sign this parole, to 
arrest him. On the 17th, Colonel Heard and 
Major Deare proceeded to Amboy, waited on 
tiie Governor, offered him the parole, and, upon 
his refusal to sign it, surrounded his house with 
a guard of sixty men to hold him prisoner until 
further orders were received from Congress. 
The orders came to remove the Governor to 
Burlington, and he was accordingly taken there. 
Upon examination he was adjudged a violent 
enemy to his country and a dangerous person, 
and he was then placed in custody of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Bowes Read to await orders from the 
<l'ontinental Congress. On the 25th of June 
orders were received to send him, under guard, 
tci Giivernor Trumbull, of Connecticut, wlio was 
requested, in case of Franklin's refusal to sign a 
parole, to treat him as a prisoner, agreeably to 
the resolutions of Congress applying to such 
cases. He was accordingly sent to Connecticut, 
placed in custody of Governor Trumbull, and 
never returned to this State. This Avas the end 
of the civil authority of King George in Xew 

The constitution adopted on the 2d of July, 
1776, vested the government of the State in a 
Governor,' Legislative Council and General 
Assembly, the members of the Council and As- 
sembly to be chosen for the first time on the 
second Tuesday in the following August, and 
afterwards, annually, on the second Tuesday in 
October. The members elected in 1776, in con- 

' The constitution provided that the Governor should be 
elected annually by the Council and Assembly in joint 

formity to these provisions, met in October of 
that year, and organized as the first Legislature 
of New Jei-sey under the State constitution, suc- 
ceeding to the powers and functions of the Pro- 
vincial Congress and the Convention of the State 
of JSTew Jersey, and continuing to exercise those 
powers as a permanent body. 

Although New Jersey had been actively en- 
gaged in military preparations from the time 
when the warlike news from Lexington sped 
across her hills and streams, it was not until 
the winter and spring of 1776 — the time when 
Washington sent his warning that the British 
commander in Boston was probably contemplat- 
ing the movement of his forces to New York — 
that the peoj^le of this province began to realize 
the immediate danger of actual invasion, and 
that the lapse of a few weeks might whiten their 
valleys and highlands with the tents of a hostile 

It has already been mentioned that when the 
designs of General Howe became apparent, the 
battalion of New Jersey Continental troops un- 
der Lord Stirling was moVed from Elizabeth- 
town to New York, and that a regiment of min- 
ute-men under Colonel Charles Stewart was or- 
dered to march " with all possible expedition " 
to the same place, but was prevented from doing 
so by lack of the necessary arms. On the 1st 
of March, 1776, the Continental Congress com- 
missioned Lord Stirling a brigadier-general, and 
immediately afterwards he assumed command of 
all the troops at New York, General Lee hav- 
ing been ordered to other duty. On the 20th 
of March the force under Stirling's command ^ 
comprised his own New Jersey battalion (about 
five hundred men, sick and well), five hundred 
minute-men from Dutchess and Westchester 
Counties, N. Y., about two hundred New Jersey 
militia,' and two Connecticut regiments, under 
Colonels Ward and Waterbury, numbering in 
the aggregate about one thousand men, whose 

'' In the evening of the 20th the command was assumed 
by Lord Stirling's senior, Brigadier-General Thompson, 
who had then just arrived from Philadelphia. A few days 
later, however, he was ordered to Canada, and the com- 
mand again devolved on Lord Stirling. 

''Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. ii. 
pp. 151, 152. 



term of service was then within a few days of its 
expiration. All of this force, except the neces- 
sary guards, was at that time employed in the 
erection of defensive works in and around New 
York and on Long Island, " assisted by about 
one thousand inhabitants of the city, who turned 
out on this occasion with great alacrity, the in- 
habitants and negroes taking their tour of duty 
regularly." The force was immediately after- 
wards augmented by two other regiments from 
Connecticut, under Colonels Dyar and Wil- 

For eight months following the time ^vhen 
General Washington assumed command ' of the 
American forces his army lay in fortified camps 
encircling the British post in Boston, which 
place he was fully determined to occupy, though 
he preferred to do so by forcuig the enemy to 
evacuate rather than to risk the chances of bat- 
tle. At first the British commander felt secure 
and confident of his ability to continue his occu- 
pation of the city, but in the winter of 1775-76 
Washington discovered strong indications of an 
intention on the part of the enemy to withdraw, 
and he so notified the Continental Congress. 
He relaxed none of his vigilance, however, but 
pushed his military preparations with energy. 
The final movement which compelled the evac- 
uation was the occupation and fortifying of Dor- 
chester Heights during the night of the 4th and 
5th of March. The morning of the 5th revealed 
to the astonished eyes of General Howe a for- 
midable line of earthworks upon the crest, with 
cannon mounted on the ramparts commanding 
his position ; and from that moment he resolved 
on an immediate evacuation of the city. On 
the 7th, Howe called a council of war, at which 
it was decided to evacuate the place without 
delay. He had threatened to burn the town if 
his army was molested in its departure, and the 
terrified inhabitants (largely composed of loyal- 
ists) waited upon him, imploring him to spare 
it. The result was a promise on the part of the 
British commander to leave the town unmolested 
if Washington would allow him to depart in 
quiet. The American general, not unwilling to 

^At Cambridge, July 12, 1775. 

avoid bloodshed and the destruction of the place, 
tacitly consented; and so, on the morning of 
Sunday, March 1 7th, the British troops marched 
to the wharves and, embarking, took their final 
departure. The fleet dropped down the bay to 
Xantasket Eoads, where it lay at anchor for ten 
days, and then put to sea. 

Although it was announced that the British 
fleet, with Howe's army on board, was bound 
for Halifax, there to await reinforcements from 
England, General Washington suspected that its 
real destination was Xew York, and, leaving a 
sufficient force to occupy Boston, he put his 
army in motion for the former city, and arrived 
there in person on the 14th of April. He at 
once commenced active preparations for repel- 
ling the expected enemy by strengthening the 
defensive works already erected by Lee and 
Lord Stirling, by constructing additional forti- 
fications at several points, by a thorough reor- 
ganization of his forces and by laying before 
Congress the urgent necessity of providing re- 

On the 3d of June the Continental Congress 
resolved " That a flying camp be immediately 
established in the middle colonies, and that it 
consist of ten thousand men, . . . " to be made 
up of militia furnished by Pennsylvania, Mary- 
laud and Delaware ; and on the same day " Re- 
solved, That thirteen thousand eight hundred 
militia be employed to reinforce the army at 
New York," of which number the quota assigned 
to New Jersey was three thousand three hun- 
dred men. On the 14th of June the Congress 
of New Jersey passed an ordinance directing 
that this number of men, in forty companies, to 
compose five battalions, all to form one brigade, 
to be " immediately got in readiness and marched 
to New York under the command of a brigadier- 
general," the battalions to be raised by volun- 
tary enlistment, to continue in service till the 1st 
of December following, unless sooner discharged. 
The quotas assigned to each of the counties, and 
the field-officers appointed to the command of 
the several battalions, were as follows : 

One battalion to be made up of three com- 
panies from each of the counties of Bergen and 
Essex, and two companies from Burlington. 
Officers : Philip Van Cortland, Colonel ; David 



Brearly, Lieuteuant-Colonel ; Richard Dey, 

One battalion of four companies from each of 
the counties of Middlesex and Monmouth, Of- 
ficers : Nathaniel Heard, Colonel ; David For- 
man, Lieutenant-Colonel; Thomas Henderson, 

One battalion of four companies each from 
Morris and Sussex. Officers : Ephraira Mar- 
tin, Colonel; John Munson, Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel ; Cornelius Ludlow, Major. 

One battalion composed of two companies 
frpm each of the counties of Burlington, Cum- 
berland, Gloucester and Salem. Officers : Silas 
Newcomb, Colonel ; Bowes Reed, Lieutenant- 
Colonel; , Major. 

One battalion composed of three companies 
from Somerset and five companies from Hun- 
terdon County. Officers : Stephen Hunt, Col- 
onel ; Philip Johnston, Lieutenant-Colonel ; 
Joseph Phillips, Major. Dr. Cornelius Bald- 
win was appointed surgeon of this battalion. 

Joseph Reed was appointed brigadier-general 
and assigned to the brigade formed of these 
five battalions, but for some cause which does 
not appear, he did not assume the command, and 
on the 21st of June the Congress "Ordered, 
That the President write to General Livingston 
and inform him that it is the desire of Congress 
that he would take the command of the militia 
destined for New York." He declined to ac- 
cept it, however, and on the 25th of the same 
mouth Colonel Nathaniel Heard, of Middlesex, 
was appointed brigadier-general and placed in 
command of the brigade, which, under him, was 
soon after marched to reinforce the army at New 
York. But on the 24th of July a letter ad- 
dressed by General Washington to the Conven- 
tion of New Jersey^ was read before that body, 
informing them " that the' brigade under Gen- 
eral Heard was far from being complete, and 
urging the necessity of raising and forwarding 
the new levies destined to reinforce the army at 
New York ; " whereupon it was by the Con- 
vention " Ordered, That a letter be written to 
General Washington informing that several 

1 Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of 
Safety, 1775-76, page 518. 

companies were on their way to join the bri- 
gade ; and that this Convention will use its ut- 
most effi)rts to furnish its quota, and to give 
His Excellency such other aid as the weal of 
the United States may require and the condition 
of this State will admit." 

A¥hen the British commander. General Howe, 
evacuated Boston, in March, 1776, he sailed 
with his forces to Halifax, as had been an- 
nounced, with the intention of awaiting there 
the arrival of reinforcements from England. 
But, as these did not arrive at or near the time 
when they were expected, he became wearied by 
the delay, and on the 10th of June set sail 
from that port with the troops of his command, 
bound for Sandy Hook, where a part of the 
force arrived on the 25th of the same month, 
and were soon followed by others, including the 
commanding general, who disembarked his 
army on Staten Island to await the arrival of 
the squadron from England, under command 
of his brother, Admiral Lord Howe, who en- 
tered the bay with part of his fleet on the 12th 
of July; but it was not until the middle of 
August that the last of the reinforcements ar- 

The appearance of Howe's forces on Staten 
Island caused great consternation throughout 
New Jersey,^ particularly in the eastern portion 

^ In the '' Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Coun- 
cil of Safety," under date June, 1776, is found the follow- 
ing : " Congress received a letter from Colonel Taylor, of 
Monmouth, dated 10 o'clock in the forenoon of this day, 
informing that nineteen sail of the enemy's fleet [meaning 
the ships of General Howe from Halifax, and not the men-of- 
war under Admiral Howe] lies at the Hook, and forty-five 
in sight ; read and retiled. Ordered, That (he President 
write to the Continental Congress inclosing a copy of the 
above letter, and requesting a supply of powder." And 
in the proceedings of the same day is the following: "Cer- 
tain advice being received of the arrival of General Howe 
at Sandy Hook : Ordered, That all officers who have enlisted 
men properly armed, under the late ordinance for raising 
three thousand three hundred men within this Colony, 
proceed immediately with such numbers as they have col- 
lected, or can collect, without delay to New York, assign- 
ing a due proportion of ofiicers to the men, that they may 
be ready, and leaving other officers, as occasion may re- 
quire, to collect the remainder. All officers, paymasters, 
and others are required to be diligent in their respective 
stations ; and all the friends of Liberty throughout the 
Colony are most earnestly entreated now to exert them- 



of the State, and this alarm was greatly in- 
creased and intensified when the bay and all the 
adjacent waters became black with the almost 
innumerable ships of the British fleet. The 
Tory element, too, which was by no means in- 
considerable in numbers, became at once ram- 
pant, and was especially aggressive in the county 
of Monmouth, as has already been noticed. 
With reference to the Tory bands in the county, 
the Provincial Congress, on the 26th of June, 
ordered that Colonel Charles Reed, with two com- 
panies of Burlington militia, proceed to capture 
them, taking also for the purpose all the 
militia of Monmouth County, if found neces- 

The troops of the " Flying Camp," com- 
posed of men from Pennsylvania, Maryland 
and Delaware, and under command of General 
Hugh Mercer, were stationed at Perth Amboy,' 
and at points north of that place, opposite the 
west shore of Staten Island. The nominal 
strength of this corps was ten thousand men, 
but it had never actually reached that figure, 
and now it had been materially reduced by de- 
tachments, amounting to two thousand men, 
sent to General Washington, at New York ; so 
that at this critical time, when this portion of 
the New Jersey frontier was peculiarly liable to 
invasion by the army of Howe, the guarding 
force became wholly insufficient. In view of 
this imminent danger, the Continental Congress 

selves for the preserTation of their country, their lives, 
liberties and property." It was under this order that 
Gen. Heard moved his command in haste to New York, as 
before noticed. 

' On the 4th of .July, 1776, General Washington wrote to 
the President of Congress with reference to the Flying 
•Camp, as follows : 

" The Camp will be in the neighborhood of Amboy . 
The disaffection of the people of that place and others not 
far distant is exceedingly great, and unless it be checked 
and overawed, it may become more general and very 
alarming. The arrival of the enemy will encourage it, 
They, or at least a part of them, are already landed on 
Staten Island, which is quite contiguous ; and about four 
thousand were marching about ic yesterday as I have been 
advised, and ai'e leaving no arts unassayed to gain the in- 
habitants to their side, who seem but too favourably dis- 
posed. It is not unlikely that in a little time they may at- 
tempt to cross to the Jersey side, and induce many to join 
them, either from motives of interest or fear, unless there 
is a force to oppose them.'' 

passed a resolution requesting a levy of two 
thousand of the militia of New Jersey, to sup- 
ply the places of an equal number of men sent 
from the Flying Camp to General Washington. 
This resolution was read on the 17th of July in 
the Provincial Congress, and on the following 
day an ordinance was passed by the Conven- 
tion ^ to the effect that " whereas the situation 
of New York, the vicinity of New Jersey to 
the enemy, and, above all, the arrival of Lord 
Howe, who, it is probable, will speedily make 
some decisive movement, render it absolutely 
necessary that the most immediate and efPectual 
steps be taken to guard against the incursions of 
the British troops, and to strengthen the army 
of the United States : Resolved, therefore, 
unanimously, that two thousand of the militia 
of this State be immediately detached to supply 
the place of the like number taken from the 
flying camp in New Jersey and ordered to New 
York." The force wa.s to be composed of four 
battalions, an aggregate of thirty companies of 
sixty-four men each, besides officers, the whole 
to compose a brigade, under command of a 
brigadier-general, and to be in the Continental 
service. The quota of Monmouth was em- 
braced in the following : " One battalion to con- 
sist of three companies from the county of 
Middlesex, three companies from the county of 
Monmouth (whereof Captain Stillwell's com- 
pany is to be one) and two companies from the 
county of Salem," George Taylor, of Mon- 
mouth, to be colonel of this battalion. 

Again, on the 22d of July, the Continental 
Congress, in view of the imminent danger of 
invasion, resolved to further increase the Flying 
Camp, and for this purpose desired the State of 
New Jersey " to augment its quota with three 
battalions of militia, in addition to those for- 
merly desired by Congress, and send them with 
all possible dispatch to join the flying camp." 
Upon being notified of this action, the Conven- 
tion of New Jersey informed Congress that two 
thousand men had already been ordered de- 
tached from the militia of the State for the 

2 The name of that body having been changed on that 
day from "The Provincial Congress of New Jersey" to 
" The Convention of the State of New Jersey," as before 



purpose mentioned; but beyimd this it took no 
further action at that time. 

The feeling of alarm, however, rapidly in- 
creased, and on the 7th of Angiist the Conven- 
tion received notice of a resoh'e of Congress 
" recommending to the iState of New Jersey to 
order their militia immediately to march and 
join Genera] Mercer." This had the effect to 
cause the Convention to pass (August 11th) an 
ordinance reciting that "the Convention, view- 
ing with serious concern the present alarming 
situation of this and their sister-States, that on 
a prudent use of the present moment depend 
their lives, their liberty and happiness, think it 
their indispensable duty to put the militia on 
such a footing that their whole force may be 
most advantageously exerted; and to call out 
the one-half into immediate service, to be re- 
lieved by the other monthly," and ordering 
that all able-bodied men in the State between 
the ages of sixteen and fifty, without exception, 
be immediately enrolled in companies and 
formed into two divisions, and " that the first 
division be immediately equipped with arms 
and every necessary accoutrement that can be 
obtained, and four days' provision, and march 
with all dispatch to join the flying camp in this 
State." This division consisted of thirteen bat- 
talions, made up of men drawn from the militia 
organizations of the several counties of the 
State ; that containing Monmouth County men 
to be made up " from the battalions whereof 
George Taylor, David Brearly and Daniel Hen- 
drickson, Esquires, are colonels." The best 
arms in the possession of all the militia of the 
State were taken to arm this First Division, 
and they were to be turned over to the Second 
Division when it should relieve the First, at 
the end of one month from the time when the 
latter was reported for duty with the Flying 

The ordinance closed by a most stirring ap- 
peal to the people of New Jersey by the mem- 
bers of the Convention. They said, — 

" In this interesting situation, — viewing, on the 
one hand, an active, inveterate and implacable 
enemy, increasing fast in strength, daily receiving 
large reinforcements, and industriously preparing to 
strike some decisive blow ; on the other, a consider- 

able part of the inhabitants supinely slumbering on 
the brink of ruin, — and moved with affecting appre- 
hensions, the Convention think it incumbent upon 
them to warn their constituents of the impending 
danger. On you, our friends and brethren, it de- 
pends, this day, to determine whether you, your 
wives, your children and millions of your descend- 
ants yet unborn, shall wear the galling, the ignomin- 
ious yoke of slavery, or nobly inherit the generous,, 
the inestimable blessings of freedom. The alterna- 
tive is before you ! Can you hesitate in your choice? 
Can you cloubt which to prefer ? . . . Happily, we know 
we can anticipate your virtuous choice. With con- 
fident satisfaction we are assured that not a moment 
will delay your important decision ; that you cannot 
feel hesitation, whether you will tamely and degener- 
ately bend your necks to the irretrievable wretched- 
ness of slavery, or by your instant and animated ex- 
ertions enjoy the fair inheritance of heaven-born 
freedom, and transmit it, unimpaired, to your 

This language indicates clearly the intensity 
of the alarm which then pervaded the public 
mind ; and the facts above noticed show what 
preparations had been made by the people of 
New Jersey to meet the impending danger at 
the time when the neighboring hillsides of 
Staten Island were dotted with the camps of 
Howe's army, and its shores encircled by the 
black hulls and menacing batteries of the Brit- 
ish fleet. 

It proved to be the design of the British 
commander not to invade the territory of New 
Jersey, but to seize and occupy the western end 
of Long Island ; and he made no delay, after 
the arrival of the last of his reinforcements, in 
putting this design into execution. His army,, 
consisting of British regulars and German 
mercenaries, amounted to about twenty-five 
thousand men, and with about ten thousand of 
them he crossed from Staten Island on the 22d 
of August and effected a lauding between the 
settlements of New Utrecht and Gravesend. 
The American forces in and about New York 
numbered, nominally, about twenty-seven thou- 
sand men,i and, though they had offered no- 
opposition to the lauding of the enemy's col- 
umns, it was clear that a conflict between the 

' Nearly one-third of this number, however, were unfit 
for duty, by reason of sickness and other causes. 



two armies was inevitable and could not long 
be delayed. 

Five days were spent in preparation on both 
sides. On the 25tli of August, General Put- 
nam succeeded General Sullivan in the com- 
mand of the American forces at Brooklyn, 
which had been reinforced by six regiments. 
On the same day the German general De 
Heister landed two brigades of Hessians on the 
island, and on the 26th took possession at Flat- 
bush, which Lord Cornwallis had occupied 
with his division three days before. Thus the 
American and British forces stood on the even- 
ing of the 26th, confronting each other, and 
within striking distance. 

Before dawn, in the morning of the 27th of 
August, the British columns, under Clinton, 
Percy and Grant, were put in motion in the 
direction of the American lines, and it was not 
long after daylight when their advance became 
warmly engaged with the troops under General 
Sullivan; and then followed the general en- 
gagement known in history as the battle of 
Long Island, which raged until past noon of 
the day and resulted in the defeat of General 
Washington's army and the capture of Lord 
Stirling with h% entire command, who were 
surrounded and made prisoners. Generals Sul- 
livan and Woodbull were also among those 
taken by the eneni\-. The loss of the Ameri- 
cans was heavy, being admitted by General 
Washington to exceed one thousand, and esti- 
mated by General Howe to be more than three 
times that number, including about eleven hun- 
dred prisoners. 

After this disastrous engagement the Ameri- 
can forces remained in a fortified position con- 
fronting the enemy until the night of the 28th, 
when they were withdrawn and transported in 
safety across the East River to New York, tak- 
ing with them nearly all their military stores, 
and all their artillery except a few of the 
heavier pieces. The public stores were removed 
to Dobbs' Ferry, on the Hudson, while the 
main part of the army, some ten or twelve 
thousand men, was marched to King's Bridge 
and there encamped. A force of between four 
and five thousand men was left in the city to 
keep up a show of defense, but not with the 

intention of holding it against any determined 
attack of the enemy in force. On the 12th of 
September, General Washington, by the advice 
of a council of war, decided on the abandon- 
ment of the city, and General Mercer, com- 
manding the Flying Camp, on the New Jersey 
side, was ordered to move up the river to a 
point opposite Fort Washington. 

On the 15th of September, while the city 
was still partially occupied by the American 
troops, General Howe commenced crossing the 
East River with his army under cover of a 
heavy fire from the men-of-war. Some of 
Washington's troops who occupied a fortified 
position near the place of landing fled in terror 
before the advance of the British and the can- 
nonade of their ships, and in their panic threw 
into confusion two brigades ^vhich were marcli- 
ing to their support. The result was a disor- 
derly and disgraceful retreat to the main body. 
No resistance was made, except a temporary 
stand and slight skirmish at Bloomingdale, and 
all the heavy artillery, with a large part of the 
military stores and provisions, fell into the 
hands of the enemy. General Howe occupied 
the city, ^rith a comparatively small force, and 
moved the main part of his army northward 
and established his lines, stretching from 
Bloomingdale across the island to the East 

After the defeat on Long Island and the re- 
treat to King's Bridge the American army was 
reduced to a state of most discouraging demor- 
alization. In reference to its condition. General 
Washington, in a letter addressed to Congress 
in September, 1776, used this language: 

" Our situation is truly distressing. The check to 
our detachment on the 27th ultimo has dispirited too 
great a proportion of our troops and filled their minds 
with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead 
of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and 
manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are 
dismayed, intractable and impatient to return. 
Great numbers of them have gone off, — in some in- 
stances almost by whole regiments, in many by half 
ones and by companies, at a time. This circumstance 
of itself, independent of others, when fronted by a 
well-appointed enemy, superior in number to our 
whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagree- 
able, but when it is added that their example has in- 
fected another part of the army, that tlieir want of 



discipline aud refusal of almost every kind of restraint 
and government have rendered a like conduct but too 
common in the whole, and have produced an entire 
disregard of that order and subordination necessary 
for the well-doing of an army, and which had been 
before inculcated as well as the nature of our military 
establishment would admit, our condition is still 
more alarming ; and with the deepest concern I am 
obliged to confess my want of confidence in the gen- 
erality of the troops." 

Aud he added in effect that all these facte 
but confirmed his previous opinion that ]}o de- 
pendence could be placed in militia, or in any 
troops other than those enlisted for a long term, 
aud that in his belief tbe American cause was 
in great danger of being lost if its defense was 
intrusted to any but a permanent army. Upon 
this representation Congress adopted measures 
for the immediate raising and organization of 
such a permanent army, to consist of eighty- 
eight battalions of seven hundred and fifty men 
each, to be furnished by the several States. 
Tour of these battalions were assigned to New 
Jersey as her quota. 

From the time when General Howe moved 
bis forces across the East Eiver from Long 
Island to New York, the two opj^osing armies 
remained on the east side of the Hudson for 
about two months, during which time there 
occurred a great amount of skirmishing (fre- 
quently resulting favorably for the Americans) 
and a series of minor engagements, sometimes 
called the battle of White Plains,^ resulting 
from an attempt on the part of the British 
commander to flank the American position. 
This attempt finally proved successful, and the 
.Aonerican army was thus placed in great peril, 
having its line of retreat cut off; so that, in the 
event of a general engagement, it must proba- 
bly have been destroyed. In this state of 
affairs, a council, of war was held (November 
6th), at which it was decided that the army 
should be moved across the Hudson into New 
Jersey, those of the forces which were raised on 
the west side of that river to cross first, and 
afterwards the others, with more or less rapidity, 
as necessity might require. A small force. 

' October 26-29, 1776. 

however, was to be left at Fort Washington to 
hold that N\ork, which, in conjunction with 
Fort Lee, on the opposite side of the river, was 
expected to be able to prevent the free passage 
of the British ships up and down the river. 
This view of the case was urged ujion the 
council by General Greene, but was disapproved 
of aud warmly opposed by General Lee, who 
had then just leturued to this army from a suc- 
cessful campaign in the South. But, unfortu- 
nately, his advice was overruled in the council, 
and a force was left to hold the fort. 

The crossing of the Hudson River by the 
greater part of the army was effected on the 
12th and 13th of November, Washington him- 
self crossing on the latter day. General Lee 
was left on the east side with about three thou- 
sand men,^ with orders to join Washington in 
New Jersey if the enemy should show indica- 
tions of moving in that direction. 

Fort Washington had been reinforced by de- 
tachments from General Mercer's Flying Camp, 
augmenting its defending force from twelve 
hundred to about three thousand men. It was 
almost completely surrounded by the enemy, 
who had determined on its capture. 

On the 15th of November, Howe sent a 
summons to Colonel Magaw, the commander at 
the fort, to surrender, threatening to give no 
quarter if refused. The summons, however, 
was disregarded, and on the 16th heavy masses 
of British and Hessian troops moved to the as- 
sault of the work, which, after several hours of 
fighting, was surrendered, with two thousand 
six hundred^ men as prisoners of war. 

Washington, on crossing the river into Jersey, 
had established his headquarters at Hackensack, 
five miles in the rear of Fort Lee, and at the 
same place were the headquarters of General 
Greene, who was in command of the troops 

' The term of service of a large part of Lee's men was 
then about expiring, and, as they could not be induced to 
re-enlist, this force was soon afterwards greatly reduced by 
their return to their homes. 

' This number, given by Howe in his report, included 
about two thousand regular troops and five or six hundred 
militia and stragglers. Washington stated the number cap- 
tured to be two thousand, in which he probably only in- 
cluded the Continental troops. 



which liad crossed in that vicinity. On the 
18th of November, two days after tlie fall of 
Fort Washington, the first actual invasion of 
the State of New Jersey by British troops was 
commenced by Lord Cornwallis, whose division, 
six thousand strong, crossed the river to Closter 
Landing, and, marching thence down the river, 
proceeded to the attack of Fort Lee, the garri- 
son of which evacuated the worlt in haste' and 
retreated to the main body of the American 
army, at Hackensacli, leaving their baggage and 
the military stores at the fort in the hands of 
the enemy. 

The army which General Washington then 
had with him in New Jersey amounted to no 
more than three thousand effective men, exclu- 
sive of the Flying Camp, which was stationed 
in the neighborhood of Bergen, and still under 
command of General Mercer. The troops of 
this last-mentioned corps had only been enlisted 
for a term to close on the 1st of December, 
which was then but a few days distant ; and 
not only was there very little probability that 
any considerable number would remain after 
that time, but a great many of them had al- 
ready left and returned to their homes; Nearly 
the same was true of the forces with which 
Washington had crossed the Hudson, which 
was daily growing less as the general feeling of 
despondency increased. The commander-in- 
chief sent orders to General Lee, who was still 
east of the Hudson, to cross that river into 
New j'ersey and hold his command in readiness 
to give assistance in case the enemy should — as 
it was now nearly certain he would — advance 
to the interior of the State. Orders were also 
sent to (General Schuyler to move his troops — 
among whom were those under command of 
General Maxwell,^ including a number of men 
from Monmouth County — from Lake Cham- 

' General Washington had decided, immediately upon 
the fall of Fort Washington, to evacuate Fort Lee and re- 
move its stores to the interior of New Jersey, but the 
promptness of Cornwallis' movements prevented the exe- 
cution of the plan ; consequently, the stores and material 
were lost. As the evacuation had already been decided 
on, of course no defense was intended, and none was 

' Colonel Maxwell had been appointed brigadier-general 
in the Continental army in the preceding October. 

plain to New Jersey to the aid of Washington ; 
but these succors were distant, and it must be 
long before they could arrive at the point of 
danger. General Washington wrote to Gover- 
nor Livingston, of New Jersey, setting forth 
his pressing need of reinforcements, and asking 
that every endeavor might be used to send men 
to him in the least possible time; but there was 
very little probability that any new troops 
could then be raised. 

The American army was advantageously 
posted on the right bank of the Hackensack. 
River, but, as its effective strength was scarcely 
more than one-half that of Cornwallis' corps 
alone (to say nothing of the other divisions of 
the British army), any attempt to hold the line 
of the Hackensack was evidently useless ; and 
so, when Cornwallis moved up from Fort Lee to 
confront him. General Washington immediately 
retired and set his columns in motion for New- 
ark, which he reached on the 22d of November, 
and remained there until the 28th of the same 
month, when, on the approach of Cornwallis' 
advance-guard, the patriot forces left the town 
and continued their retreat to New Brunswick, 
where Washington had hoped to make a stand. 
In this he was sorely disappointed, for with an _ 
active and energetic enemy pressing on his rear, 
it would require all his forces, to the last man, 
to enable him to dispute their advance with 
anything like a hope of success, and even then 
the odds against him would be discouraging. 
But he could not retain even the meagre force 
which he had brought with him thus far, for the 
terms of service of several of the commands 
(among them the brigades from Maryland and 
New Jersey'') had expired, and neither arguments 
nor threats could prevent the men composing 
them from disbanding themselves and returning 
to their homes. Without them it was imprac- 
ticable to oppose the enemy's advance ; and so, 

3 The Pennsylvania militia of the Flying Camp, whose 
term also expired on the 1st of December, had engaged to 
remain in service till the 1st of January ; notwithstanding 
which, they deserted in such numbers that it was found 
necessary to send guards to patrol the shores of the Delaware 
to intercept the fugitives on their way to their homes and 
bring them back to the army. Many of them, however, 
evaded the guards and made their way successfully into 



ou iSuuday, the 1st of December, — tlio day on 
which tlieir onlistuiente expired, — the veniiiant 
of the aniiy left 2vew Brunswick, and, crossing' 
the Millstone River at Rocky Hill, made its 
way to Princeton, tlie advance arriving there 
the same evening. A stop of several days was 
made at this place. 

At Xew Brunswick, Cornwallis had halted 
his columns iu obedience to an order from Gen- 
eral Howe to proceed no tarther than that point 
until he should be reinforced by otlier com- 
mands of the British army. AVashington, aware 
of this, left behind him in Princeton, wlien lie 
moved thence to Trenton, a force consisting of 
the remnants of two brigades, — in all, twelve 
hundred men, — in order to make a show of de- 
fense, hoping thereby to delay the advance of 
tlie British general, ami to give renewed confi- 
dence to the people of the surrounding connti-y. 
This detached force \\as under command of 
Lord Stirling, who, taken prisoner by the en- 
emy at Long Island, as before mentioned, had 
been exchanged and returned to his com- 
mand in the American army a short time 
before it crossed the Hudson Hixcr into New 

Immediately after entering tins State, General 
Washington, in view of the rapid diminution of 
his army, had dispatclied General Mifflin to Penn- 
sylvania to urge the hurrying forward of troo|)s, 
and he had been so far successful that fifteen 
hundred men had been sent from Phi]adeli)hia, 
besides a German battalion ordered thence l)y 
Congress. These troops joined General A^^ishing- 
ton on his arrival at Trenton, and, upon being 
thus strengthened, the commander-in-chief or- 
dered a large part of his force to march back on 
the road to Princeton, to further deceive tlic 
British by the appearance of a general adx'aiice 
to meet them. Before the column reached 
Princeton, however, he received word that 
Lord Cornwallis, having been strongly rein- 
forced from Howe's army, was already on the 
move from New Brunswick, and marcliing his 
troops rajtidly by several roads with the cx'ident 
intention of gaining the rear of tlie .\nierican 
army, and thus securing its destruction. Tiiis 
intelligence caused Washington to decide at 
once on a retreat to and across the Delaware 

lliver, and accordingly he turned the faces of 
his men once more to-wards that stream. 

The main body of Cornwallis' troops inarched 
rapidlv and confidently from New Brunswick 
to Princeton, and ou their approach Lord Stir- 
ling, knowing that an attempt at defense with 
his wcalc force would be useless, c\-acuated the 
town and marched rapidly towai-ds Trenton, 
with the pursuing column of British and Hes- 
sians close in his rear, — so near, says Lossiug, 
in his " Ficld-Hook of the Kcvolution," that 
" often the music of tlie pursuwl and the pur- 
suers would be heard by eai'h other ;" but this 
is doubtless drawn from the imagination, as 
there is little probability that the tattered, shoe- 
less and dispirited army of A\^ashiugton, in its 
flight, moved to the sound of any music otlicr 
than tliat of the hoA\-ling of the winds of l>e- 
ceiuber. On the 8th of that month the Amer- 
ican army was nuived across the Delaware, tlie 
last man of Lord Stirling's rear-guard reaching 
the Pennsylvania shore in safety at about mid- 
night, just as the head of tlie Hessian eolunin 
entered Trenton. The main body of the Brit- 
ish force halted a few miles before reaching the 

The American army which crosscil the Dela- 
ware into Pennsylvania numbered about two 
thousand two hundred men, but two or tiiree 
days later this force was furtht'r reduced b\- the 
departure of about fi\c hundred whose terms 
of service had then expired. Hut even then 
Washington did not despair. General Gates at 
the Xt.rth and General Heath at Pcckskill liad 
been ordered to join him with their troops with 
all possible dispatch, and expresses were sent 
out through Pennsylvania, Delaware and Mary- 
land urging the militia to niareli to him without 
delay; and it was beliex'cd that by these means 
a suilicient force might be collected to enalile 
him to resume otfensiN-c operations at no distant 
day. Probably lie had ahx'ady conceived the 
plan wiiicii he afterwards executed so sncccss- 
i'ully at Trenton. 

The position of Washington on the IVnnsvl- 
vania side of the Delaware was one of safetv for 
his troops, — at least for a time. He made his 
dispositions at once by posting Generals I^ord 
Stirling, Dc Fcrinoy, Stephens and Mercer, 



witli their brigades, at cliiferent pi)iiits along the 
river from Yardley's to Coryell' .s Ferry (Lam- 
bertville), with the remaining troops of the Fly- 
ing Camp, under General Irvine, to guard (as well 
as their feeble strength would permit) the west 
bank of the river from Yardley's to the point 
opposite Bordentown. The Pennsylvania mi- 
litia, under Colonel Cadwallader, was posted along 
the Neshaminy, and the Third Philadelphia Bat- 
talion, under Colonel Nixon, occupied a position at 
Durck's Ferry. General Putnam was sentto as- 
sume command at Philadelphia, and to take im- 
mediate measures for fortifying the approaches 
to the city. Defensive works were rapidly 
thrown up at the most exposed points on the 
river from Coryell's to McConkey's Ferry. 
Special orders were given to the several brigade 
commanders holding this section of the shore to 
exercise sleepless vigilance in guarding every 
practicable crossing-place, and to be prepared 
to support one another promptly in case of 
emergency ; and fiually, in case the worst 
should come and the army be forced back from 
the Delaware, the several commands were or- 
dened to retreat to a general rendezvous at Ger- 

The British army in New Jersey was posted 
in detachments along a very extended line. 
The largest force was at New Brunswick, which 
was their principal depot of military stores. A 
strong detachment was stationed at Princeton ; 
another, consisting of one thousand five hundred 
Hessians and a troop of cavalry, at Trenton ; a 
body of troops of about equal strength was at 
Bordentown, under Count Donop ; and smaller 
detachments occupied Black Horse, Mount 
Holly and several other posts, extending below 
Burlington. The chief command in New Jer- 
sey was held by Lord Cornwallis, General Howe 
remaining at his headquarters in New York. 

Having been reinforced by the forces of 
Generals Sullivan and Gates and by a consider- 
able number of troops from other quarters, 
"Washington immediately prepared to execute 
the plan which he had for some time had in 
contemplation, — viz., to recross the Delaware 
by night and march rapidly to Trenton, in the 
hope "of surprising, and possibly of capturing, 

the force of about fifteen hundred Hessians 
which then occupied that post in winter-quarters. 
His plan also contemplated simultaneous at- 
tacks by other detachments of his army on 
the several British posts along the Delaware 
below Trenton ; but that part ^\hich had refer- 
ence to the surprise of Trenton was regarded as 
of the most importance, and this was to be un- 
der the personal supervision of the commander- 
in-chief. The time fixed on for its execution 
^\•as on the night of the 25th and morning 
of the 26th of December, because, knowing 
the convivial habits of the German soldiers and 
the universal custom among them of celebrat- 
ing Christmas with bacchanalian revelry, he 
believed that in the unheralded visit which he 
proposed to make in the early morning of the 
26th he would find the guards less vigilant than 
usual, and both officers and soldiers in poor 
fighting condition, as a result of the previous 
night's debauch. The plan was an excellent one, 
and the secrecy with which it was carried out 
seems remarkable, particularly when it is re- 
membered that the Jei'sey shore of the Del- 
aware at that time was infested by a great 
number of Tories, all elo,sely watching the 
movements of the patriots on the other side, 
and eager to carry in all haste any information 
tliev might obtain to the nearest British post. 

The means for transporting the troops across 
the Delaware were furnished by the boats 
which had previously been collected on that 
river and the Lehigh. Among those collected 
for the purpose were sixteen Durham ^ boats 
and four scows, sent down by General Ewiug 
to McConliey's Ferry ,^ which was to be the 
place of crossing. There, on the evening of 
the 25th of December, as soon as the early night- 
fall of winter had settled down upon hill and 
river, the troops destined for the expedition 
-were mustered in silence and inspected by 

1 So called because this particular kind of boat was first 
constructed to transport iron on the Delaware from the 
Durham furnaces to Philadelphia. They were very large, 
flat-bottomed, and rounded at bow and stern, instead of 
being square at the ends like scows. 

2 Now known as "Washington's Crossing" on the New 
.Teisey side and Taylorsville on the Pennsylvania aide of 
the river. 



Washington and his generals. The commander- 
in-cliief had expected to land his army on the 
Jersey side with but little delay and to reach 
Trenton by midnight; but the river was filled 
with masses of floating ice, and the weather 
was so thick, by reason of a storm of snow and 
sleet which had just commenced, that it hardly 
seemed practicable to cross at all , and when it 
was decided to move forward regardless of these 
obstacles, the transportation was found to be so 
slow and difficult that it was not until nearly 
four o'clock in the morning that the last of the 
troops and cannon were landed in safety on the 
eastern shore. 

The expeditionary corps, consisting of two 
thousand four hundred men, with ten pieces of 
artillery, was marched in a body, by way of the 
" Bear Tavern," to Birmingham (between four 
and five miles from Trenton), where it was 
halted, and the men took some refreshment.^ 
The force was then divided into two columns, — 
one, under General Sullivan, taking the river 
road, and the other, under General Green, with 
Generals Mercer, Stevens and Lord Stirling, 
and accompanied by the commander-in-chief, 
moving to and down the Scotch road to its 
junction with the Pennington road, and thence 
down the latter to Trenton. 

The march of the two columns was so well 
planned and ordered that both reached the 
enemy's outposts at Trenton at almost exactly 
the same time, Sullivan coming in from the 
west and Washington and Greene from the 
north. At a few minutes before eight o'clock^ 
the Hessian encampments came into view, and, 
at the sight, Washington, riding to the head of 
the troops and pointing with his sword towards 

' "General Washington with hisarmy halted at the house 
of Benjamin Moore at Birroingham and ate a piece of mince- 
pie and drank a glass of cider. His men also partook of 
some refreshments before marching into Trenton." — 

^ Washington, in his olKoial report of the Trenton fight, 
said, " The upper division arrived at the enemy's advanced 
post exactly at eight o'clock ; and in three minutes after I 
found from Ihe fire on the lower road that the division had 
got up. The out-guards made but a small opposition, though, 
for their numbers, they behaved very well, keeping up a 
constant retreating tire from behind houses. We presently 
saw their main body formed, but from their motions they 
seemed undetermined how to act." 

Trenton, shouted, "There, soldiers, you see the 
enemies of your country, and now all I have to 
ask is that you remember what you are about to 
fight for. March ! " They moved forward 
with great impetuosity, drove in the outposts, 
and in a few minutes had possession of all the 
British artillery. The brave Colonel Kahl, the 
Hessian commander, surprised, and not yet re- 
covered from the effects of his Christmas pota- 
tions, rushed frantically out of his quarters and 
mounted his horse to form his men for defense, 
but he almost immediately received a mortal 
wound ;' and, as further resistance then appeared 
hopeless, the place, with its troops (except such 
as had escaped and fled towards Princeton and 
Bordentown) and military stores, surrendered to 
the American commander. The captures made 
by the Americans at Trenton comprised six 
brass field-pieces, one thousand stand of arms, 
four colors and nine hundred and nine pris- 
oners, of which latter twenty- three were com- 
missioned officers. In reference to the losses in 
action of the British and American forces re- 
spectively. General Washington said, in his re- 
port, — " I do not know exactly how many they 
had killed, T3ut I fancy not above twenty or thirty, 
as they never made any regular stand. Our loss 
is very trifling indeed — only two officers and 
one or two privates wounded." 

The plan of Washington in recrossing the 
Delaware had contemplated the probability, that, 
in the event of success at Trenton, he might be 
able to maintain his position in New Jersey ; 
but, on account of the inability of Ewing and 
Cadwallader to cross the river, as was expected, 
there were still left at Bordentown, Mount Holly 

'" Colonel Rahl, the Hessian commander, whose head- 
quarters were at the City Tavern, corner of Warren ;nid 
Bank Streets, opposite Still's Alley, was mortally wounded 
during the early part of the engagement, being shot from 
his horse while endeavoring to form his dismayed and 
disordered troops. When, supported by a file of sergeants, 
he presented his sword to General Washington (whose 
countenance beamed with complacency at the success of the 
day), he was pale and bleeding, and in broken accents 
seemed to implore those attentions which the victor was 
well disposed to bestow upon him. He was taken to his 
headquarters, where he died.''— iiaum's '' History of Tren- 

The shot that killed Rahl was said to have been fired by 
Colonel Frederick Prelinghuysen. 



and other points below Trenton and within 
striking distance several British detachments 
which were collectively far stronger than the 
American force which conld be mustered to 
hold them at bay. Under these circumstances, 
Washington thought it his only prudent course to 
return with his army to the west side of the 
river ; and this he did without delay, remaining 
in Trenton only a few hours to allow his men 
sufScient.time for rest and refreshment. In the 
afternoon of the 26th the columns were again 
put in motion and marched back by the route 
over which they had come in the morning, and, 
recrossing at McConkey's Ferry with their 
prisoners and captured material, were all safely 
quartered before midnight in the camp which 
they had left in the evening of the preceding 

But though he had found it expedient to re- 
tire to his strong position on the Pennsylvania 
shore after the victory at Trenton, Washington 
had by no means abandoned his plan of repos- 
sessing West Jersey, and he at once commenced 
preparations for a second expedition to that 
end. On the 29th of December — only three 
days after the Trenton exploit — he wrote from 
his headquarters at Newtown, Pa., to Con- 
gress, saying, — 

" I am just setting out to attempt a second passage 
over the Delaware with the troops that were with me 
on the morning of the 26th. General Cadwallader 
crossed over on the 27th, and is at Bordentown with 
ahout one thousand eight hundred men. General 
Mifflin will be to-day at Bordentown with about one 
thousand six hundred more. ... In view of the meas- 
ures proposed to be pursued, I think a fair opportunity 
is offered of driving the enemy entirely from Jersey, 
or at least to the extremity of the province. 

In anticipation of the projected resumption 
of operations in New Jersey, orders had been 
sent to General Heath, who was still at Peeks- 
kill-on-the-Hudson, to leave only a small de- 
tachment of his -troops at that place, and to 
move at once with his main body, cross into 
New Jersey, and march towards the British 
cantonment, to divert their attention, but with- 
out intending an attack. General William 
Maxwell, who in the retreat through this State 
had been left at Mf)rristown with a considerable 

force (in which was included a considerable 
number of Monmouth County soldiers), was 
ordered to advance his troops towards New 
Brunswick, as if threatening an attack, and 
harass all the contiguous posts of the enemy 
as much as possible ; and finally. Generals Cad- 
wallader and Mifflin, at Bordentown and Cross- 
wicks, were directed to hold their forces (then 
amounting to more than three thousand five 
hundred men) in constant readiness to reinforce 
the main body under Washington when it 
should make its appearance at Trenton. These 
dispositions having been made, and all prepara- 
tions completed, Washington moved his army 
across the Delaware into New Jersey on the 
30th of December, and marched to Trenton. 
At this point he was under serious embarrass- 
ment, for the terms of service of a large part of 
the Eastern militia expired on the 1st of Janu- 
ary, and it was very doubtful whether thej' 
could be persuaded to remain. The arguments 
of the commander-in-chief, however, were suc- 
cessful in prevailing on them to continue for an 
additional term of six weeks, in view of the 
brightening prospects of the American cause 
and the promise of a bounty of ten dollars per 
man. There was no money in the military 
chest to pay these promised bounties, but Wash- 
ington at once sent a messenger to Robert 
Morris, at Philadelphia, asking him to supply 
the means, if possible; and that patriotic finan- 
cier promptly responded by sending fifty thou- 
sand dollars in cash, borrowed from a rich 
Quaker, on Morris' individual note, and the 
pledge of his honor to repay it. 

At the time of the Hessian disaster at 
Trenton the British forces in New Jersey were 
under command of General Grant, whose head- 
quarters were at Ncm' Brunswick. Lord Corn- 
wallis was at New York, making preparations 
to sail for England, in the belief that the rebel- 
lion was virtually crushed and the war nearly 
over. Upon receipt of the amazing news from 
Trenton, he at once relinquished his voyage, 
returned to New Jersey, and put his troops in 
motion towards Trenton. The British post at 
Bordentown, previously held by a strong force 
under Count Donop, had been abandoned on 
the 27th of December, and the troops which 



had been stationcid there retreated to Princeton, 
where they joined the force of General Leslie, 
and threw up defensive earthworks. When 
t'ornwallis advanced from New Brunswick, the 
force at Princeton, excepting three regiments 
under Colonel Mawhood, joined the main col- 
umn, which moved towards Trenton, and 
arrived there about four o'clock in the after- 
noon of Thursday, the 2d of January, 1777. 

The two hostile armies which then and there 
confronted each other were each about five 
thousand strong, but one-half the force of 
AA'^ashington ^ was made up of undisciplined 
militia, while that of his adversary included 
many of the finest troops of the British army. 
Before the advance of Cornwallis, AVashington's 
forces retired across the bridge to the south side 
of Assanpink Creek, where it was soon after- 
wards joined by General Greene's division, 
which had been sent out to reconnoitre and 
skirmish with the enemy, hoping to so delay 
his movements that no engagement would be 
brought on until morning. But the British 
regulars promptly drove Greene's detachment 
into Trenton and across the Assanpink, and 
tlien with very little delay moved in two col- 
umns, one down Green Street towards the 
bridge, and the other down Main Street to- 
wards the point where the lower bridge now 
stands, intending to force a passage over the 
bridge and across the ford; but they v/ere 
repulsed by the vigorous fire of Washington's 
artillery, which, being posted on the high south- 
ern bank of the stream, was so effective that 
the assailants failed to cross, and were com- 
pelled to retire, but with what loss is not 
known.^ After the failure of this attempt of 

1 Cadwallader and Mifflin, with their forces from Borden- 
town, had joined Washington on the night of the 1st of 

^The "battle of Assanpink" has frequently been de- 
fcribed as a fearful conflict, in which the stream was filled 
with the bodies of slain Britisli soldiers. That tliis is a gross 
exaggeration, and that there was really no battle at all (but 
merely a brisk cannonade from the American artillery on 
the south bank, preventing the enemy from crossing the 
stream), is pretty clearly shown by an authority as high as 
General Washington himself, in the reportwhichhemadeto 
Congress, dated Pluckamin, January 5, 1777, in which, re- 
ferring to this affair, he says, " On the 2d, according to my 
expectations, the enemy began to advance upon us ; and 

the British to cross, the Americans kept up 
their artillery fire till dark, and the British 
withdrew to the higher ground in the outskirts 
of the town, along the Princeton road, where 
Cornwallis established his headquarters, and 
directed dispositions to be made for a renewal 
of the battle in the morning, when, he said, he 
would " catch that old fox," Washington, whom 
he imagined he had now so securely entrapped 
beyond the Assanpink. But his boast failed 
most signally of its execution. 

The situation of Washington was now peril- 
ous in the extreme, for nothing could be more 
certain than that Cornwallis would renew the 
battle in the morning, and it was almost equally 
certain that in such an event, the victory would 
be Avith the disciplined soldiers of Britain. If 
such should be the result, the American army 
could hardly escape the alternative of surrender 
or annihilation, for a retreat across the Delaware 
in presence of such an enemy would be impos- 
sible. Immediately after dark a council of war 
was called, at which were assembled the com- 
mander-in-chief and Generals Greene, Sullivan, 
Knox, Mercer, St. Clair, Dickinson, Stevens, 
Cadwallader, Mifflin, Stark, Wilkinson and 
others. Some of the more impetuous officers 
advised a stand for battle in their present posi- 
tion; others favored a retreat down the left 
bank of the Delaware, and a crossing of the 
river at Philadelphia under protection of the 
guns of General Putnam ; but the plan which 
was adopted was that of a rapid night- move- 
ment around the enemy's flank to his rear, and 
a sudden attack on the British force at Prince- 
ton, which consisted of only three regiments of 
cavalry and three squadrons of dragoons. The 
execution of this plan was singularly favored 
by Providence, for, even while the council of 

after some skirmishing the head of their column reached 
Trenton about four o'clock, whilst their rear was as far 
back as Maidenhead. They attempted to pass Sanpink 
Creek, which runs through Trenton, but finding the fords 
guarded, halted and kindled their fires. We were drawn 
up on the other side of the creek. In this situation we re- 
mained until dark, commanding the enemy and receiving 
the fire of tlieir field-pieces, which did us but little 
damage." This is all the mention made by the commander- 
in-chief, in his official report, of the so-called "battle of 



war was engaged in its deliberations, the 
weather, which had been warm during the day, 
turned suddenly cold; so that in a few hours 
the muddy roads were frozen sufficiently hard 
to bear up the artillery, and greatly to fapilitate 
the marching of the troops. 

The movement to Princeton being decided 
on, its immediate execution was ordered. The 
camp-fires of the American army along the shore 
of the Assanpink v,-ere kept brightly burning, 
and were replenished with fresh fuel about mid- 
night ; and soon afterwards, leaving the sentinels 
on their posts, to delude the enemy, the forces 
were all put in motion, and marched rapidly but 
silently away in the darkness. The baggage- 
train of the army was sent away quietly on the 
road to Burlington. The route taken led, by 
way of SandtoA\'n, across Miry Run, and, farther 
up, across the Assanpink, around the left flank 
of the British army ; then, veering to the left, 
along the "Quaker road" to and across Stony 
Brook, where the main column left the highway 
and took a by-road passing through lowlands 
directly to Princeton ; while General Mercer, 
with about three hundred and fifty men and two 
pieces of artillery under Captain Neal, continued 
along the Quaker road, with orders to proceed 
to Worth's Mill and take possession of the bridge 
Ijy which the old road from Princeton to Trenton 
crossed Stony Brook. 

The marcii of the American forces had been 
slow during the two or three hours immediately 
following their departure from their camp on 
the Assanpink, because on that part of their route 
they had been compelled (in order to avoid the 
outposts of the enemy's left flank) to traverse a 
new road, from which the logs and stumps had 
not been cleared. But the last part of their 
march had been made very rapidly over the 
hard-frozen highway ; so that when the sun rose 
they were already nearing Princeton. And 
never was a sunrise more auspicious than that 
which sent its rosy rays through the frosty air on 
the morning of the 3d of January, 1777. To 
Cornwallis at Trenton' it revealed the mortify- 

ing fact that the " fox " had escaped from his 
trap, and the unpleasant truth was soon after 
emphasized by the dull sound of distant artillery 
coming from the northward. To the eyes of 
Washington and his officers that sunrise was 
welcome, for it showed them the position of the 
foes they had come to seek ; and it lighted them 
on their way to one of the most important vic- 
tories achieved in the war for independence. 

The British troops in Princeton were a body 
of cavalry and the Seventeenth, Fortieth and 
Fifty-fifth Infantry Regiments of the line, all 
under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Maw- 
hood. He had during the night received orders 
to march at daylight \\'ith the greater part of his 
command for Trenton, to give his assistance in 
the battle which Cornwallis intended to open 
along the shoi-es of the Assanpink on the morn- 
ing of the 3d, and in obedience to that order he 
had put the Seventeenth and Fifty-fifth Regi- 
ments, with a part of the cavalry, in motion, and, 
accompanying them in person, moved out on 
the old Trenton road. The commanding officer, 
with the Seventeenth Regiment and nearly all 
his cavalry, was fully a mile in advance of the 
rear division of the column, and had already 
crossed the Stony Brot)k bridge at "Worth's Mill 
when he discovered JNIereer's force moving rap- 
idly along the opp(jsite bank of the stream to- 
wards the mill. Upon this he promptly coun- 
termarched his men, moved them on the double- 
quick l)ack to the bridge, recrossed it, and hast- 
ened on to secure a commanding position on high 
ground to the right of the road. General Mer- 
cer, as his detacliment emerged from a piece of 
woods near the Quaker meeting-house, discov- 
ered the Britisli, and, divining their object, 
double-quicked his troops towards the same 
eminence, determined to occupy it in advance of 
the enemy, if possible. Having reached the 
house and orcliard of William Clarke, he per- 

' "Great was Ms [Cornwallis'] astonishment, and alarm 
at dawn to find the patriot camp-fires still burning, but not 
a man, nor hoof, nor tent, nor cannon there. All was 
silent and dreary on the south side of the Assanpink. and 

no man of the British army knew whither the Americans 
had fled until the din of battle in the direction of Prince- 
ton came faintly upon the keen morning air at sunrise. 
Cornwallis heard the booming of cannon, and, although 
mid-winter, he thought it was the rumbling of distant ' 
thunder. The quick ear of Erskine decided otherwise, and 
he exclaimed, ' To arms, general ! General Washington 
has outgeneraled us ! Let us fly to Princeton !' "—Lossing, 
vol. a. p. 234. 



ceived the enemy's liiieis advancing up the oppo- 
site slope. The Americans pushed on to the 
slight cover of a rail-fence which was between 
the opposing forces, and there they delivered 
their volley with precision and deadly effect, 
firing afterwards at will. The British promptly 
returned the fire and charged with the bayonet. 
Mercer's riflemen had no bayonets on their 




unable to withstand the 

furious onset of the British, fled in precipitation 
and disorder, abandoning their two field-pieces 
and closely pursued by Mawhood's grenadiers ; 
but when they reached the east brow of the 
slope near Clarke's house, they were met by the 
Continentals and militia under Washington, 
who had left the by-road on which he was 
marching, at a point near the Olden farm, and 
hurried up to the support of Mercer. The fugitive 
Americans here rallied and reformed on a new line, 
and a section of one of Washington's batteries, 
commanded by Captain William Moulder, poured 
a storm of canister into the faces of the pursuers. 
At this point, Mawhood, discovering for the 
first time the prasence of Washington and his 
force, ceased the pursuit, brought up his artillery 
pieces, and <jpened on Moulder's section, whicli 
he immediately afterwards charged, in a desperate 
but unsuccessful attempt to capture the guns. 
The scene of the conflict at this moment, when 
the lines of the opposing forces confronted each 
other and the men of each awaited the command 
to fire, is thus described by Bancroft : 

" General Washington, from liis desire to animate 
his troops by example, rode into the very front of 
danger, and when within less than thirty yards of the 
British he reined his horse with its head towards them 
as both parties were about to tire, seeming to tell his 
faltering forces that they must stand firm or leave him 
confront the enemy alone. The two sides gave a vol- 
ley at the same moment, when, as the smoke cleared 
away, it was thought a miracle that Washington 
was untouched. By this time Hitchcock, for whom 
a raging hectic made this day nearly his last, came 
up with his brigade, and Hand's riflemen began to 
turn the left of the English. These, after repeated 
exertions of the greatest courage and discipline, re- 
treated before they were wholly surrounded, and fled 
over the fields and fences up Stony Brook. The ac- 
tion, from the first conflict with Mercer, did not last 
more than twenty minutes. Washington, on the 
battle-ground, took Hitchcock by the hand, and be- 
fore his armv thnnked him for h\>- services." 

Colonel Mawhood, with the Seventeenth Brit- 
ish Regiment and his cavalry, fled from the bat- 
tle-field to the same road over which they had 
marched in the morning, and, crossing the Stonv 
Brook bridge at Worth's Mill, moved rapidlv 
on towards Maidenhead, where they knew Gen- 
eral Leslie had passed the night with his divi- 
sion, the rear guard of Coi'nwallis' army. Leslie, 
however, hearing the cannonade in the direction 
of Princeton, was already on the march towards 
Stony Brook, and in his advance met the routed 
troops of Mawhood, which latter had been pur- 
sued only a short distance by the Americans, 
because Washington knew of the proximity of 
General Leslie in the direction in which they re- 
treated. Mawhood's artillery pieces were left on 
the field, and fell into the hands of the Ameri- 
cans ; but, as they could not take them away for 
want of horses, they afterwards returned to the 
j)o.ssession of the enemy. 

At the close of the action near (Clarke's house 
General Washington sent a detachment, imder 
Major Kelley, of the Pennsylvania militia, to 
destroy the bridge over Stony Brook, for the 
purpose of delaying the advance of General Les- 
lie with the reserve division of Cornwallis ; but 
before they had accomplished the work the 
enemy came in sight on jNIillett's Hill and opened 
a fire on the working-party from their artillery, 
which finally drove them from the bridge, though 
not until it had been rendered impas.sable for the 
British artillery and trains. The commanding 
officer of the detacliment. Major Kelley, was 
knocked off the bridge into the stream, but, suc- 
ceeding in crawling out, was making his way 
towards Princeton, Avhen he fell into the hands 
of the enemy. The British commander, Corn- 
wallis, on coming up to the bridge, found it im- 
passable for his column ; but so great was his 
anxiety for the safety of his magazines of supply 
at New Brunswick (which he fully believed to 
be Washington's destination) that, bitterly cold 
as it was, he ordered his troops to ford the 
stream, whicli they did, and then, with their 
clothing frozen stiff, pushed on as fast fis they 
were able in pursuit of the Americans. 

In the battle with Mawhood, the left wing of 
his force, the Fifty-fifth Regiment, was cut off 
from the right, and was driven into the town, 



where it took a position in a ravine near the col- 
lege. There it was attacked by the New Eng- 
land regiments of Stark, Poor, Patterson and 
Reed, and after a desperate resistance was utterly 
routed and sent flying in disorder along the road 
towards Kingston. A part of the Fortieth Regi- 
ment (which had been left in Princeton when 
Mawhood marched out in the morning, and which 
consequently participated very little in the day's 
fighting) joined in the retreat and swelled the 
throng of fugitives. A detachment of the Ameri- 
can force pursued them, but they soon left the 
main road, and, striking off to the left, fled in a 
northerly direction along the by-ways and through 
the fields and woods, where most of them es- 

In the college buildings at Princeton there re- 
mained a part of the Fortieth Regiment, wliich 
had occupied it as barracks. Washington, sup- 
posing that these men would stand and defend 
their position, ordered up a section of artillery, 
which opened on the buildings. The first shot 
fired passed into the Prayer-Hall and through 
the head of a portrait of His Majesty George IT. 
which hung on the wall. But little show of re- 
sistance was made by the British within the 
buildings, and finally James Moore, of Prince- 
ton, a captain of militia, with the assistance of a 
few others as bold as himself, burst open a door 
of Nassau Hall and demanded a surrender of 
the forces within. The demand was at once 
complied with, and the entire body, including a 
number of sick, gave themselves up as prisoners 
of war. This was the last of the British forces 
in Princeton, and Washington, having no\\ en- 
tirely cleared the town of his enemies, immedi- 
ately evacuated the place, and with his army 
moved rapidly away towards Kingston. 

The advance division of Comwallis, which 
had hurried up from Maidenhead towards the 
scene of action and dashed through the icy waters 
of Stony Brook, as before mentioned, moved for- 
ward in the greatest haste from tliat point to 
Princeton. Guarding the southwestern approach 

1 Washington had no cavalry with him, and of course 
the pursuit of a terrified crowd of fugitives by infantry was 
fruitless. Many of them, however, were captured, and the 
pursuing parties kept up the chase so long that they had 
notall rejoined the main body two days later. 

to the town was a bastioned earth-work which 
had been thrown up a week or two earlier by 
their own forces, and upon its rampart a thirty- 
two-pounder gun had been mounted by Count 
Donop. Now, as the head ofLeslie's division came 
on at a quick-step, it \vas greeted by a thundering 
report from the great gun, which had been fired by 
two or three American soldiers who still lingered 
near it. The rush of the ponderous shot above 
the heads of the British caused the advancing 
column to halt, and the commander, who now 
believed that Washington had determined to 
defend the place, sent out parties of cavalry to 
reconnoitre, the infantry in the mean time ad- 
vancing slowly and with great caution prepara- 
torj- to an assault of the work. By these move- 
ments Comwallis lost one precious hour, and 
when his men at last moved up to the fortifica- 
tion they found it entirely deserted, and soon 
after the cavalry-parties reported that there was 
not a rebel soldier in Princeton. Upon this the 
British general, chagrined at the delay resulting 
from his useless caution, ordered his columns to 
move on Avith all speed on tlie New Brunswick 
road. Arriving at Kingston, three miles fi-om 
Princeton, he found that the Americans had 
broken down the bridge at that place ; but this 
was soon repaired, and the army, having crossed 
the stream, was again hurried on in the hope of 
overtaking the Americans in time to prevent the 
destruction of the military stores at New Bruns- 
wick. Comwallis arrived at that place during 
the succeeding night, and was rejoiced to find his 
stores untouched ; but he found no American 
army, for " the fox " had again eluded him, and 
was at that time safe among the hills of the 
upper Raritan. 

Washington, on leaving Princeton, moved 
his force with the greatest possible speed to 
Kingston, crossing the Millstone River and 
destroying the bridge behind him. Having 
proceeded thus far, he was not a little jier- 
plexed in deciding on his subsequent move- 
«ients. The heavy column of Comwallis was 
following so closely in his rear that it was only 
at great peril that he could pursue his original 
plan^ of marching to Ne^v Brunswick. The 

2 ''My original plan," said Washington in his letter to 
Coneress dnted rincknmin. .January •''.th, "was to ha^e 



destruction of the British magazines and stores 
at that place would have been a most glorious 
ending of the winter campaign, and would, be- 
yond doubt, have driven the last vestige of 
British military power out of New Jersey ; but, 
on the other hand, a collision with the superior 
forces of Cornwallis, — which it seemed hardly 
possible to avoid if the march to New Bruns- 
wick was continued, — could hardly result other- 
wise than in defeat, and not improbabl}' in the 
riiut and destruction of the American army. At 
this juncture the commander-in-chief adopted 
his usual course, — called a council of war, which 
was held by l^imself and his generals in the 
saddle, and, although "some gentlemen advised 
that he sliould file oif to the southward," the 
council resulted in the decision to abandon the 
original ])lan, strike off from the New Bruns- 
wick road, and march the arm)' by way of the 
Millstone valley, and tlience across the Raritan, 
to the hill)' country in the northwest. 

The plan adopted by the council of war was 
at once put into execution. The army filed off 
from the main highway, and, turning sharply 
to the left, mai'ched over a narrow and unfre- 
quented road to Rocky Hill, where it recrossed 
the Millstone River and moved on, as rapidly 
as was practicable in the exhausted condition of 
the men, to Millstone, where it bivouacked that 
night, and on the evening of tlie 4th reached 

General Hngli ^Nlcrcer, the commanding officer 
of the American detachment A\'hich first joined 
Ijattle with the British troops under Mawhood 
on the morning of the 3d of January, near 
Princeton, was mortally wounded in that first 
sliort, but disastrous conflict. In the volley 

pushed on to Brunswic ; but the harassed state of our 
troops (many of them having had no rest for two nights 
and a day), and the danger of losing the advantage we had 
gained, hy aiming at too much, induced me, by the advice 
of my officers, to relinquish the attempt ; but, in my judg- 
ment, six or eight hundred fresh troops, on a forced marjh, 
would have destroyed all their stores and magazines, taken 
(as we have since learned) their military chest containing 
seventy thousand pounds, and put an end to the war. The 
enemy, from the best intelligence I have been able to get, 
were so much alarmed at the apprehension of tliis that they 
rferched immediately to Brunswic without halting, except 
at the bridges (for I also took up those on Millstone on the 
<liiferent routes to Brunswic), and got there before day.'' 

which the British Seventeenth Regiment poured 
into the American line when it held the posi- 
ti(Mi along the rail-fence on the height west of 
Clarke's house on that memorable morning, a 
ball, striking Mercer's horse in the foreleg, dis- 
abled him and compelled the general to dis- 
mount ; and in the hurried retreat which im- 
mediately followed through the orchard, while 
he was in the very midst of the fight, trying to 
rally hih flying troops, he was felled to the 
earth by a blow from a British musket. "The 
British soldiers were not at first aware of the 
general's rank. So soon as they discovered he 
^vas a general ofScer, they shouted that they 
had got the rebel general, and cried : ' Call for 

quarter, )'ou d d rebel ! ' Mercer, to the 

most undaunted courage, united a quick and 
ardent temperament ; he replied with indignation 
to his enemies, while their bayonets were at his 
bosom, that he deserved not the name of rebel, 
and, determining to die, as he had lived, a true 
and honored soldier of liberty, lunged with his 
sword at the nearest man. The)' then bayoneted 
him and left him for dead." ^ It was after- 
■wards ascertained that he had received sixteen 
bayonet wounds,^ and he was also terribly beaten 
on the licad with the butt of a musket by a 
British soldier while he lay wounded and help- 
less on the ground. He was taken to Clarke's 
liouse, and there most tenderly cared for and 
nursed liy the ladies of the household ; but after 
lingering in agony for nine days, he expired on 
the I2th of January. 

The American army arrived at Pluckamin 
on the evening of the 4th of January in a con- 
dition of extreme weariness and destitution. 
X(jt only were the men worn out bv loss of 

' Recollections of the Life and Character of Washington, 
by G. W. P. Curtis. 

•2 " The late I)r. Moses Scott, of New Brunswick, with 
other surgeons, was with General Mercer under the tree 
after the battle, and said that he had received sixteen 
wounds by the bayonet, though these were not thought by 
the general himself (who was a physician) to be necessarily 
mortal, but that while lying on the ground a British sol- 
dier had struck him on the head with his musket; 'and 
that,' said he, ' was a dishonorable act, and it will prove 
ray death.' " — Raum's "History of Trenton." 

Mercer and Washington had been comrades and warm 
personal friends in the campaigns against the French in 



sleep and the excessive fatigue of tlie rapid 
night-march from Trenton to Princeton, the 
battle of that place, and the subsequent march- 
ing to Kingston, down the valley of the Mill- 
stone, and from the Raritan to the mountains, 
but they were very poorly supplied with food, 
many of them shoeless, and suffering from cold 
through lack of blankets and sufficient clothing. 
The officers as well as the private soldiers suf- 
fered from the same cause. Colonel Rodney 
said, in reference to his condition during the halt 
at Pluckamin, " I had nothing to cover me here 
but my great-coat, but luckily got into a liouse 
near the mountains, where I fared very comfort- 
ably while we stayed here." But there ^vere 
few, even among the officers, who fared as well 
as he in this respect. 

During the day of January 5th, the main 
body of the army lay quietly at Pluckamin, 
resting and waiting for detached bodies to join 
it.' When the commands had all reported, and 
the men had in some degree recovered from the 
effects of the excessive fatigue and exposure which 
they had been compelled to endure in the marches 
and battles from the Assanpink to Plucka- 
min, the army moved out fi'om its temporary 
camps at the latter place and marched leisurely 
to Morristown, where it went into winter-quar- 
ters in log huts. It is said that while there the 
only command in which the men were in com- 
plete uniform was Colonel Rodney's battalion 
of Delaware troops, which on that account was 
detailed for duty as a body-guard to the com- 

The glorious result of the campaign which 
commenced on the south shore of the DelaAvare 
at McConkey's Ferry at nightfall on the evening 
of Christmas Day, 1776, and ended when the 
weary and shivering soldiers of Washington 
entered their comparatively comfortable winter- 
quarters at Morristown, wrought a wonderful 
change in the aspect of affiiirs in New Jersey. 
A few weeks before, when the slender and con- 
stantly-decreasing columns of the American 
army were crossing the State towards the Dela- 

1 In Washington's dispatches to Congress dated at Pluck- 
amin on that day he says, " Our whole loss cannot be ascer- 
tained, as many who are in pursuit of the enemy (who were 
chased three or four miles) are not yet come in." 

ware, in flight before the pursuing and victo- 
rious legions of Cornwallis, a large proportion 
— probably a majority — of the people of the 
State had become discouraged, and, despairing 
of a successful issue to the struggle for liberty, 
large numbers of them promptly availed tliem- 
selves of the terms offered by the proclamation 
of the British commander, guaranteeing pardon 
and protection to such rebels and disaffected 
persons as would come forward to abandon the 
patriot cause and renew their allegiance to the 
King.' It is stated that for a considerable time 
the daily average of persons within the State 
\yho thus signified their adhesion to the royal 
cause Avas more than two hundred. Scarcely 
an inhabitant of the State joined the army of 
Washington as he was retreating towards tlie 
Delaware, but, on the contrary, great numbers 
of those who were already in the service from 
this State deserted and returned to their homes. 
" The t«-o Jersey regiments which liad been for- 
warded by General Gates, under General St. 
Clair, A^'ent off to a man the moment they entered 
their own State. A few officers, without a sin- 
gle private, were all of these regiments which 
St. Clair brought to the commander-in-chief" ' 
The most earnest exertions of Governor Living- 
ston to induce the militia to oppose the invading 
armv were fruitless. Those who visited the 
army brought back an unfavorable report. 

2 " The British comissioners [General William Howe and 
his brother, Admiral Lord Richard Howe] issued a procla- 
mation, commanding all persons assembled in arms against 
His Majesty's government to disband and return to their 
homes, and all civil officers to desist from their treasonable 
practices and to relinquish their usurped authority. A full 
pardon was offered to all who within sixty days would 
appear-before an of&cer of the Crown, claim the benefit of 
the proclamation, and subscribe a declaration of his sub- 
mission to the royal authority. Seduced by this proclama- 
tion, not only the ordinary people shrunk from the apparent 
fate of the country in this, its murkiest hour, but the 
vaporing patriots who sought office and distinction at the 
hands of their countrymen when danger in their service 
was distant now crawled into the British lines, humbly 
craving the mercy of their conquerors, and whined out, as 
justification, that though they had united with others in 
seeking ». constitutional redress of grievances, they 
approved not the measures lately adopted, and were ot all 
times opposed to independence.- Corrfon' .5 " imor;/ ofNe,v- 
Jersey ^^ p. 22. 

3 Ibid. 



They seuretly or openly advised others to do 
nothing that would involve them in disloyalty, 
and thus jeopardize their possessions. The Leg- 
islature, itself defenseless, had moved from 
Princeton to Burlington,^ and there, on the 2d 
of December, they adjourned, each man going 
home to look after his own affairs. Until the 
battle of Trenton, on the 26th of that month. 
New Jersey might have been considered a con- 
quered province. Even Samuel Tucker, chair- 
man of the Committee of Safety, treasurer, and 
judge of the Supreme Court, took a protection 
of the British, and thus renounced allegiance to 
this State, and vacated his offices. Open insur- 
rection against the American cause had broken 
out in several counties, among which was that 
of Monmouth, where a desperate state of affairs 
existed, to suppress which it was deemed neces- 
sary to detach a strong military force under 
Colonel Forman. Panic, disaffection and cow- 
ardly submission were found everywhere ; despair 
had seized on all but the sturdiest patriots ; and 
the conflict for liberty seemed well-nigh hope- 

But a marvelous change was wrought by the 
favorable result of the campaign of Trenton and 
Princeton. The Christmas victory at Trenton 
rekindled a bright spark of hope in the breasts 
of despairing patriots, and the glorious event at 
Princeton fanned that spark into a strong and 
steady flame. An immediate result was a revival 
of hope and courage among the Jersey militia, 
causing large numbers of them to join the 
American army, adding materially to its effec- 
tive strength. " The militia are taking spirits, 
and, I am told, are coming in fast from this 
State," said General Washington in his dis- 
patches to Congress, written at Pluckamin on 
the 5th of January, only two days after the 
victory of Princeton ; and the accessions from 
this source were much more numerous after 
that time. " The militia of New Jersey, who 
had hitherto behaved shamefully,^ from this 

' The removals of the Legislature, enforced by the ad- 
Taiice of the British army, were : First, from Princeton to 
Trenton ; then from Trenton to Burlington ; from Burling- 
ton to Pittstown ; and finally, from that place to Haddon- 
field, where it was dissolved on the 2d of December, 1776. 

2 See Gordon's "History of New .Jersey,'' p. 233. 

time forward generally acquired high reputation, 
and throughout a long and tedious war con- 
ducted themselves with spirit and discipline 
scarce surpassed by the regular troops. In 
small parties they now scoured the country in 
every direction, seized on stragglers, in several 
light skirmishes behaved exceptionally well, and 
collected in such numbers as to threaten the 
weaker British posts with the fate which those 
at Trenton and Princeton had already experi- 
enced. In a few days, indeed, the Americans 
had overrun the Jerseys." Among the inhab- 
itants, those who had maintained their unswerv- 
ing devotion to the patriotic cause once more 
took heart; and even of those who, from 
motives of fear and self-interest, had availed 
themselves of the " protection " of the British,' 
the greater number were rejoiced at the successes 
of Washington. General Howe's "protections" 
had proved to them a delusion. During the 
time in which the British held undisputed con- 
trol the country in all directions had been 
ravaged by their foraging-parties, composed 
principally of Hessians. These mercenaries 
were unable to read the English language; and 
so, when the "loyal" inhabitants who bad 
secured protection papers exhibited them to the 
German marauders, the latter regarded them 
no more than if they had been Washington's 
passes, but treated their holders with contempt, 
and showed them no more consideration than 
was accorded to their Whig neighbors, — which 
was simply none at all. 

In the depredations and atrocities committed 
during this period by the Hessian and British 
soldiery, " neither the proclamation of the com- 
missioners [General and Admiral Howe] nor 
protections, saved the people from plunder or 
insult. Their property was taken and destroyed 
without distinction of persons. They exhibited 
their protections, but the Hessians could not 
read and would not understand them, and the 
British soldiers deemed it foul disgrace that the 
Hessians should be the only plunderers. Dis- 
contents and murmurs increased every hour 

■'' The whole number of those who, in the State of New 
.Jersey, took advantage of the proclamation of the brothers 
Howe is said to have been two thousand seven hundred 
and three. 



with the ravages of both, which were almost 
sanotioDed by general orders, and which spared 
neither friend nor foe. Neither age nor sex 
was protected from outrage. Infants, children, 
old men and women were left naked and ex- 
posed, without a blanket to cover them from 
the inclemency of winter. Furniture which 
could not be carried away was wantonly de- 
stroyed, dwellings and out-houses burned or 
rendered uninhabitable, churches and other 
public buildings consumed, and the rape of 
women, and even very young girls, filled the 
measure of woe. Such miseries are the usual 
fate of the conquered, nor were they inflicted 
with less reserve that the patients were rebel- 
hous subjects. But even the worm will turn 
upon the oppressor. . . . What the earnest 
commendations of Congress, the zealous exer- 
tions of Governor Livingston and the State 
authorities and the ardent supplications of 
Washington could not effect was produced 
by the rapine and devastations of the royal 
forces. The whole country became instantly 
hostile to the invaders. Sufi^erers of all parties 
rose as one man to revenge their personal in- 
juries. Those who, from age and infirmities, 
were incapable of military service kept a strict 
watch upon the movements of the royal army, 
and from time to time communicated informa- 
tion to their countrymen in arras. Those who 
lately declined all opposition, though called on 
by the sacred tie of honor pledged to each other 
in the Declaration of Independence, cheerfully 
embodied when they found submission to be 
unavailing for the security of their estates. . . . 
Men who could not apprehend the consequences 
of British taxation nor of American independ- 
ence could feel the injuries inflicted by insolent, 
cruel and brutal soldiers." ^ 

General Washington was not slow to avail 
himself of the advantages to the American 
cause offered by this situation of affairs, and on 
the 25th of January he issued, from his head- 
quarters in Morristown, a proclamation requir- 
ing all persons who had accepted protection 
from the British commissioners to repair to the 
army headquarters, or the nearest headquarters 

' Gordon, pp. 232, 233. 

of any general officer in the Continental service, 
and there to surrender their protection papers and 
swear allegiance to the United States of America ; 
upon which terms they were to receive full 
pardon for past offenses, provided this was done 
within thirty days from the date of the procla- 
mation. But such as should fail to conform to 
these requirements within the specified time 
were commanded to forthwith withdraw them- 
selves and families within the enemy's lines, 
and upon their refusal or neglect to do so, they 
were to be regarded and treated as adherents to 
the King of Great Britain and enemies of the 
United States. The effect of this proclamation 
was excellent. Hundreds of timid inhabitants 
who had taken protection now flocked to the 
different headquarters to surrender them and 
take the required oath of allegiance. The most 
inveterate and dangerous Tories were driven 
within the enemy's lines, or entirely out of the 
State, and the army was largely increased by 
volunteers and by the return of many who had 
previously served in its ranks, but had deserted 
and returned to their homes during the dark 
days of November and December, 1776. 

The main body of the American army lay in 
quiet at Morristown''' for nearly five months. On 
the opening of spring, the commander-in- 
chief watched closely and anxiously the move- 
ments of General Howe's forces at New Bruns- 
wick, for he had no doubt that the British 
general was intending to make an important 
movement, though in what direction he could 

'^ A detached force of several hundred men, under com- 
mand of General Israel Putnam, was stationed at Princeton 
inthelatter part of January to act as a corps of observation 
merely, being too weak in numbers to oifer serious opposi- 
tion if the enemy should appear in force. In Hageman's 
" History of Princeton" there is related an incident illus- 
trative of General Putnam's strategy, as follows: "A 
British officer, Major-General McPherson, who lay mortally 
wounded at Princeton, desired the presence of a military 
comrade in his last moments. The kind-hearted General 
Putnam could not refuse the request, but resorted to strat- 
egy to hide his weakness from the enemy. He sent a flag 
to New Brunswick in quest of the friend, who entered 
Princeton after dark. The general had arranged it so that 
everyunoccupied house was carefully lighted, lights gleamed 
in all the college windows, and he marched and counter- 
marched his scanty forces to such effect that the British 
soldier on his return to the camp reported it at least five 
thousand strong, while he had only a few hundreds." 



not learn, though he believed that Howe's ob- 
jective point would be the city of Philadelphia. 
Early in May it was ascertained by Washing- 
ton that the British forces at New Brunswiclt 
had been largely augmented, and that they were 
engaged in building " a portable bridge, so con- 
structed that it might be laid on flat-boats," — in 
other words, a pontoon-bridge. Regarding this as 
an almost certain indication that Howe was pre- 
paring to move forward and cross the Delaware, 
Washington at once decided to move his forces 
to a point nearer ]Vew Brunswick, to be within 
striking distance of the enemy in case he should 
attempt to execute his suspected design. The poi nt 
selected was the range of hills to the northward 
of the village of Bound Brook, — generally 
mentioned as the " Heights of Middlebrook," 
— and to this place the army was moved from 
Morristowu about the 28th of May, on which 
day the headquarters of the commander-in-chief 
were established at the new position. 

The army of Washington, at the time when 
it moved from ]\Iorristown to Middlebrook, was 
about eight thousand four hundred strong, in- 
cluding ca\'alry and artillery. But of these 
more than two thousand were sick, and this, 
with other causes, reduced his effective strength 
to five thousand seven hundred and thirty-eight 
men, rank and file. This number, however, 
was soon afterwards very considerably increased 
by accessions from beyond the Delaware, for 
orders had been issued for all troops in the field, 
as far south as the Caroliuas, to rendezvous in 
New Jersey. When the movement to Middle- 
brook was made. General Sullivan, who had 
succeeded General Putnam in command at 
Princeton, had about fifteen hundred troops 
under him at the place, and his forces were con- 
siderably augmented by the arrival of troops 
from the South, moving northward under the 
order before mentioned. General Benedict 
Arnold, commanding at Philadelphia, was or- 
dered to station a force on the New Jeivsey side 
of the Delaware, to do what might be done to 
prevent the British from crossing that river, in 
case they should succeed in escaping from Wash- 
ington and Sullivan. 

The British army in and about New Bruns- 
wick had been reinforced until it numbered 

about seventeen thousand effective men, a force 
far outnumbering that of Washington, includ- 
ing the corps of observation under Sullivan. 
Moreover, the British force was largely made up 
of veterans and was finely equipped, while a 
large portion of the American army was com- 
posed of raw militia not well provided with 
equipments and clothing. The position occu- 
pied by AA^ashington, however, was very strong 
by nature and fortified to some extent, and his 
location was such that he could at once take 
advantage of a movement of the enemy, whether 
he should advance towards the Delaware or re- 
tire towards the Hudson ; for he was still in 
doubt as to the intention of the British com- 
mander, — whether it was to move directly on 
Philadelphia by land, or return his troops to 
Amboy, there to embark and proceed by sea 
and the Delaware Bay to reach the same ob- 
jective point, or to move up the Hudson River 
to co-operate with General Burgoyne, who was 
then reported to be moving southward from 
Canada by way of Lake Champlain. 

On the 14th of June two British divisions, 
under Generals C'ornwallis and De Hei8ter,made 
their appearance at Somerset Court-Housej 
where they intrenched and remained for five 
days, vainly defying Washington to comedown 
from the heights and fight them, but finding it 
impossible to entice him from his stronghold 
they moved back on the I9th to New Bruns- 
wick, which jjlace was evacuated on the 22d by 
the whole British army, which then commenced 
retreating towards Amboy. Washington sent 
three brigades under General Greene to harass 
their rear, with orders to General Maxwell to 
fall on their flank, and to Sullivan to move 
down to the support of Greene, but Sullivan 
received his orders too late, and Maxwell never 
received his at all, on account of the capture or 
desertion of the messenger. The rear of the 
British was attacked by Wayne and Morgan as 
it was leaving New Brunswick, but little harm 
was done them and they continued their retreat 
to Amboy. Washington then moved down 
from his strong position at Middlebrook and 
took another and weaker one at Quibbletown 
(now Newmarket). 

The intelligence that AVashington had left 



his fortified camp in the hills was brought to 
General Howe after his troops had arrived at 
Am boy and part of them had crossed to Staten 
Island. And then he conceived the idea of 
making a sudden retrograde movement back to- 
wards Quibbletown, hoping to surprise Wash- 
ington in his new and weaker position, to bring 
on fhe general engagement for which he had 
been manoeuvring since the 14th, and, by turn- 
ing the American left, to gain the hills of Mid- 
dlebrook in their rear. These facts are made 
clear by the following extract from his report, 
— viz. : 

"The necessary preparations being finished for 
crossing the troops to Staten Island, intelligence was 
received that the enemy had moved down from the 
mountain and taken post at Quibbletown, intending, 
as it was given out, to attack the rear of the army re- 
moving from Amboy ; that two corps had also ad- 
vanced to their left, — one of three thousand men and 
eight pieces of cannon, under the command of Lord 
Stirling, Generals Maxwell and Conway, the last said 
to be a captain in the French service ; the other corps 
consisted of about seven hundred men, with only one 
piece of cannon. In this situation of the enemy it 
was judged advisable to make a movement that 
might lead to an attack, which was done on the 26th, 
in the morning, in two columns. The right, under 
command of Lord Cornwallis and Major-General 
Orant, Brigadiers Matthew and Leslie, and Colonel 
Donop, took the route by Woodbridge towards Scotch 
Plains ; the left column, where I was, with Major- 
Oenerals Sterne, Vaughan and Grey, and Brigadiers 
Cleveland and Agnew, marched by Metuchen Meet- 
ing-house to join the rear of the right column in the 
road from thence to Scotch Plains, intending to have 
taken separate routes, about two miles after the junc- 
tion, in order to have attacked the enemy's left at 
Quibbletown. Four battalions were detached in the 
morning, with six pieces of cannon, to take post at 
Bonhamtown. The right column, having fallen in 
with the aforementioned corps of seven hundred men 
soon after passing Woodbridge, gave the alarm, by 
the firing that ensued, to their main army at Quibble- 
town, which retired to the mountain with the utmost 
precipitation. The small corps was closely pushed 
by the light troops, and with difficulty got off their 
piece of cannon." 

The above statement by Howe explains his 
retrograde movement and its objects pretty 
clearly. Having become aware of "Washing- 
ton's advance, he caused that part of the forces 
which had already crossed to Staten Island to 
be moved back during the night of the 25th, | been cut to pieces had he attempted to hold his ground 


and early in the morning of Thursday, the 26th, 
marched his columns back towards New Market 
in the manner stated. " But the resistance they 
encountered at every stage of their advance was 
disheartening in the extreme. Nearly every 
cross-road had its squad of pugnacious militia, 
which poured its deadly volleys into the splen- 
did columns of the well-equipped troops." At 
NA'oodbridge Cornwallis fell in with Morgan's 
Rangers (the American " corps of seven hun- 
dred men, w4th one piece of cannon," mentioned 
by Howe), and a severe skirmish ensued, in 
which, of course, the Rangers were compelled 
to give way before the heavy masses of the 
enemy. But the sound of their fusillades was 
borne to the ears of Washington, who instantly 
understood its meaning, and without delay 
moved his main force back from Quibbletown 
to its former secure position on the heights of 

The British right, under Cornwallis, was 
soon after engaged with the troops of Lord 
Stirling, which fight was thus reported by Howe : 

"Lord Cornwallis, soon after he was upon the road 
leading to Scotch Plains from Metuchen Meeting- 
house, came up with the corps commanded by Lord 
Stirling, whom he found advantageously posted in a 
country covered with wood, and his artillery well dis- 
posed. The King's troops, vieing with each other 
upon this occasion, pressed forward to such close ac- 
tion that the enemy, though inclined to resist, could 
not long maintain their ground against so great im- 
petuosity, but were dispersed on all sides, leaving 
three. pieces of brass ordnance, three captains and 
sixty men killed, and upwards of two hundred officers 
and men wounded and taken." 

The latter part of this statement is without 
doubt an exaggeration, as Lord Stirling, al- 
though he admitted the loss of the three guns, 
mentioned only a comparatively light loss in 
killed, wounded and prisoners. He was, how- 
ever, compelled to retreat before the heavy 
British force,^ which pursued him over the hills 

1 The forces encountered by Lord Stirling on this occasion 
were composed of three regiments of Hessian grenadiers, 
one regiment of British grenadiers, one British regiment of 
light infantry, the Hessian chasseurs and the Queen's 
Rangers. Stirling also knew that the heavier column, under 
Howe, was close inthe rear and would soon reinforce Corn- 
wallis ; in which event his (Stirling's) command must have 



as far as "Westfield/ The soldiers of both armies 
were in a state of almost complete exhaustion 
from the intense heat of the day, but when the 
British columns arrived at Westfield they found 
that their outward march was ended, for Wash- 
ington had escaped and his army was once more 
posted in security beyond their reach. " It amis 
three o'clock on Friday afternoon [June 27thJ 
that the English generals, seeing Washington's 
impregnable position, took up their line of 
march from Westfield to Amboy, assaulted 
flank and rear by Scott's Light-Horse and 
Morgan's Rangers. They encamped that night 
at Sijanktown [Rah way]. The next day, 
harassed as before, they resumed their retreat 
and arrived at Amboy, from which, on the last 
day of June, they departed, leaving New Jer- 
sey in possession of the American army. Dur- 
ing the remainder of the war the latter held 
Amboy, and the State was never again so com- 
pletely overrun with marauders and British 
troops, although many parties entered it for 
pillage from hostile camps in adjoining States." ^ 
When the last of the British troops had left 
Amboy and crossed to Staten Island, with the 
evident' intention of embarking on the ships of 
the fleet, General Washington was in great 
doubt, and felt no little anxiety as to their des- 
tination, — whether it was Howe's intention to 
take the route by sea and the Delaware Bay to 
Philadelphia, or to proceed up the Hudson to 
co-operate with Burgoyne in his southward 
advance down the upper valley of that river. 
As the latter seemed rather the more jjrobable, 
the American army soon after evacuated its 
position at Middlebrook and moved north- 
ward to Pomptou Plains, where, and at other 
points between there and the Hudson, it was 

1 " The enemy," said Howe in his report, "was pursued 
as far as Westfield with little effect, the day proving so in- 
tensely hot that the soldiers could with difficulty continue 
their march thither. In the mean time it gave opportunity 
for those flying to escape by skulking in the thick woods 
until night favored their retreat to the mountain. The 
army lay that night at Westfield, returned the next day to 
Rahway, and the day following to Amboy. On the 30th, 
at ten o'clock in the forenoon, the troops began to cross 
over to Staten Island, and the rear-guard, under the com- 
mand of Lord Cornwallis, passed at two in the afternoon 
without the least appearance of an enemy." 

^Daily's "Woodbridge and Vicinity.'' 

stationed until it was ascertained, about two 
weeks later, that the British fleet, with the army ^ 
on board, had actually gone to sea with the ap- 
parent intention of making a movement against 
Philadelphia. Thereupon, tlie American army 
was again put in motion, and proceeded by easy 
marches * across the State to the Delaware River. 
The main body of the army struck the river 
at Coryell's and Howell's Ferries, the division 
of Lord Stirling forming the column which 
crossed at Trenton. Anticipating this move- 
ment, Washington requested President Wharton* 
to have accurate drafts made of the river and its 
approaches. This had been done, and boats for 
the passage of the army across the stream had 
been collected at New Hope and points above. 
Having crossed the river to the Pennsylvania 
shore on the 29th and 30th at Coryell's and 
Howell's, the main body of the army was put 
in march down the York road in the morning 
of the 31st of July, General Wa.shington starting 
at the same time for Philadelphia, where he ar- 
rived on the 2d of August. Two or three days 
later he rode out from the city to Germantown, 
where he found the main body of the army. 
At about that time information was received 
which led to the belief that Howe had returned 
to Sandy Hook, and upon this the army was 
put in motion to retrace its steps towards Cory- 
ell's, but only reached Hartsville, Bucks County,, 
Pa., when it was halted by reason of an express 
having arrived with dispatches from Congress,, 
contradicting the report of Howe's return to 
New York. The forces then remained en- 
camped along the Neshaminy Hills for thirteen 

^ The British fleet left New York Bay, " having on board 
General Howe and thirty-six British and Hessian battalions,, 
including light infanty and grenadiers, with a powerful ar- 
tillery, a New York corps called the Queen's Rangers and 
a regiment of light-horse. The residue of the army was. 
divided between New York and Rhode Island." — Gordon, p^ 

* Washington did not move towards the Delaware by forced 
marches, for he still had a suspicion that Howe's going to. 
sea was merely a feint, and that his real intention was to. 
return and proceed up the Hudson, in which case the 
American army would be compelled to march back again, 
and, in any event, Washington knew that he had more than 
sufficient time to reach Philadelphia in advance of Howe^ 
when it should become certain that the latter was really 
moving against that city. 



days, when, on the morning of the 23d, on re- 
ceipt of positive intelligence that the British 
fleet had appeared at the head of the Chesapeake, 
and that the forces had landed, or were about 
landing, at the head of navigation on the Elk 
River, the army was again put in motion, and, 
passing through Philadelphia and across the 
Schuylkill on the 24th, moved southward. The 
movement resulted, on the 11th of September, 
in the disastrous battle of the Brandywine, in 
which conflict the commands of Lord Stirling 
and General INIaxwell (containing a large num- 
ber of Monmouth County men) took a promi- 
nent part, as did also the ^Monmouth County 
militia under General David Forman.^ 

The battle of Brandywine was followed by 
the adjournment of Congress to Lancaster, Pa., 
the British occupation of Philadelphia (Septem- 
ber 26th), and by the battle of Germantown 
(October 4th), which resulted in disaster to the 
American army, and in which, as at Brandy- 
wine, the New Jersey troops under Stirling and 
Maxwell fought gallantly. After that unfor- 
tunate battle Washington took up a position at 
Whitemarsh, from which point it was his origi- 
nal intention to advance on Philadelphia; but 
this enterprise was abandoned, and he soon after 
moved his forces to Valley Forge, where they 
went into winter-quarters. 

Meanwhile, during the part of the year which 

^General Forman and his command, having taken part 
in the battles of Brandywine and Germantown, soon after- 
wards returned to their homes under permission given by 
General Washington, as follows ; 

" Headquarteks, Philadelphia County, 
" October 6, 1777. 

" Sir, — You having informed me that the time of many 
of your present brigade of militia is near expiring, and 
that many others, who came out for no certain time, are 
anxious to return home, you have my permission to march 
them towards Delaware under pretence that you are going to 
guard the stores at Trenton, and when they have crossed 
the river you may discharge them. But I must beg that 
you will use your utmost endeavours to collect a number 
equal to what you were to have brought in your last bri- 
gade, and return with them as soon as possible, to join the 
army under my command. I shall be glad if you will let 
me know, upon your arrival in Jersey, when I may ex- 
pect you again, and what force. 

" 1 am, Sir, your most obt. servt , 

" Go- Washington. 

"General Forman." 

succeeded the departure of the armies of Wash- 
ington and Howe fi-om New Jersey, the State, 
though freed from the presence of large bodies 
of troops, was still tlic theatre of some minor 
military operations. When Howe embarked 
his army for Philadelphia he left on Stateni 
Island between two and three thousand men, 
of whom about sixteen hundred were European 
troops and nearly one thousand were loyal pro- 
vincials. This provincial force made frequent 
raids into New Jersey, doing much damage, but 
always making a short stay, and retreating 
rapidly back to the island, where they were 
under the protection of the European troops. 
On one of these occasions they had penetrated 
to Woodbridge, and taken captive twelve per- 
sons strongly attached to the patriot cause. On 
account of these incursions. General Sullivan 
projected an exj)edition to Staten Island for the 
purpose of capturing this provincial force, whose 
camping-places were at different points along 
the island shore, opposite the Jersey coast, and 
so far distant from the camp of their European 
allies that it was believed that they might be 
taken without alarming the foreign troops. The 
force detailed by Sullivan and accompanied by 
him in person, was composed of tlie select troops 
of his division, with a body of militia, the latter 
under command of Colonel Frederick Freling- 
huysen. The expedition, however, met with 
quite as much of disaster as of success; for, 
having effected a crossing before daylight, un- 
perceived by the enemy, it was afterwards misled 
by the guides, which caused such an interference 
with the preconcerted plan of attack that one 
entire battalion of the enemy made its escape, 
and, although a number of officers and men of 
the other commands were taken, the alarm was 
given to the British regulars, a part of whom, 
under General Campbell, advanced to attack 
Sullivan, who thereupon retreated to his boats, 
but was compelled to leave his rear guard as. 
prisoners of war in the hands of the British. 

About three M'eeks after the affair at Staten 
Island the disaster on the Brandywine made it 
necessary that the Jersey militia, as well as the 
militia of other States, should be sent to rein- 
force General Washington's army. The re- 
quest of Congress to this effect was transmitted 



by its President, John Hancock, on the 12t]i of 
September, to Governor Livingston, who im- 
mediately ordered the militia forward under 
the command of General Armstrong. The 
number asked for by Congress was four thou- 
sand from New Jei'sey, and, although the entire 
quota was not filled, all the militia companies 
which were available at the time (less than a 
thousand men) crossed the Delaware and joined 
Washington in Pennsylvania. At the same 
time a column of American troops, which had 
been stationed at Peekskill-on-the-Hudson, 
moving from that point, entered and crossed 
the State of New Jersey, and reported to Wash- 
ington about the 1st of October. 

Soon after the battle of Germantown the 
New Jersey militia were sent back to their own 
State, where their presence was thought to be 
necessary on account of the threatening atti- 
tude of Sir Henry Clinton, the British com- 
mander in New York, who early in September 
had invaded the State with three thousand men 
in two columns, one moving by way of Eliza- 
bethtown Point and the other by Fort Lee, and 
uniting at New Bridge, above Hackensack. He 
remained in that State but a few da3's, but his 
presence and his threatening attitude after his 
withdrawal created a general alarm, which 
continued through the fall and succeeding 

About the 18th of October the welcome in- 
telligence was received in . New Jersey of the 
.surrender of Burgoyne and his entire army to 
General Gates at Saratoga. When the news 
of this surrender reached Paris, on the 4th of 
December, 1777, and was at once transmitted 
to Versailles, the King informed the American 
commissioners, through M. Gerard, one of his 
Secretaries of State, that the independence of 
the United States would be acknowledged by 
France, and that the treaty of alliance and com- 
merce between the two countries would be 
concluded. In accoi-dance with the assur- 
ance given by the monarch, that treaty was 
finally ratified on the 6th of February, 1778, 
but it was not until the 1st of the following 
May that the glad intelligence reached General 
Washington in his squalid winter-quarters at 
Valley Forge. On the 7th of that month it 

was officially announced in general orders by 
the commander-iu-chief to the army amid great 
rejoicings, which were followed by religious 
observances in the several commands. " Wash- 
ington, with his lady and suite. Lord Stirling 
and his lady, with other general officers and 
ladies, attended the religious services of the 
Jersey brigade [Maxwell 's], when the Rev. Mr. 
Hunter delivered a discourse. Afterwards all 
the officers of the army assembled and partook 
of a collation provided by the commander-in- 
chief." This event marked the coming of almost 
the first ray of hope which pierced the gloom 
of Valley Forge, and it was not long after- 
wards that the campaign commenced, which 
ended in glory and victory on the field of 

On the 11th of May, Sir Henry Clinton took 
command of the British army in Philadelf)hia 
as successor of General Howe. His instruc- 
tions from England were to evacuate Philadel- 
phia, and this he determined on doing on the 
23d of Alay, it being his intention to proceed 
with the troo23s by water to New York. But, 
as he considered the probability that the fleet 
might be delayed by head-winds, thus enabling 
Washington to reach New York before him, 
he changed his plan, and decided to move his 
army to that city by land across the State of 
New Jersey. 

The abandonment of Philadelphia by the 
British army had become a military necessity, 
because too remote from the sea-coast, unless 
the Army of Occupation could be so reinforced 
as to be independent of support from New 
York. The detail of troops required by Gen- 
eral Howe had not been made. The rec- 
ommendation of General Amherst, military 
adviser to the King, " that forty thousand men 
be sent to America immediately" had been dis- 
approved. It was of vital importance, under 
such circumstances, that Sir Henry Clinton 
should reach the city of New York with the 
least delay, and the least possible embarrass- 
ment from fighting on the march. 

The moral effect of the proposed evacuation 
was in Washington's favor. The purpose of 
the English Cabinet to transfer all active oper- 



ations to the Southern States had not been made 
public, and when the British army took its de- 
parture with twelve miles of baggage-train, 
carrying all army supplies that could be loaded 
on wagons, it made a deep impression on the 
people. It indicated that the withdrawal of 
of the army was no temporary diversion in 
order to entice Washington from his strong- 
hold to a combat in the field ; but it was a 
surrender of the field itself to his control. It 
announced that the royalists would be left to 
their own resources and that the British army 
had not the strength to meet the contingencies 
of active opei'ations, either in Pennsylvania or 
New Jersey. The embarkation of nearly three 
thousand citizens, with their merchandise and 
personal effects, to accompany the naval squad- 
ron, was equally suggestive. 

The knowledge of the co-operation of France 
in the resistance of the colonies to British au- 
thority and the impending arrival of a French 
fleet hastened the movement. As a matter of 
fact, that fleet appeared at the entrance of Del- 
aware Bay almost immediately after Admiral 
Howe turned Gape May for New York. 

The evacuation of Philadelphia by the Brit- 
ish began at three o'clock in the morning of June 
18th and by ten o'clock in the forenoon his en- 
tire army had crossed the Delaware and landed at 
Gloucester Point. In the evening of the same 
day his forces encamped at and near Haddon- 
field, on the south side of Cooper's Creek, five 
miles southeast of Camden. From that place 
they moved on the following morning, march- 
ing up the Delaware, and nearly parallel with it. 
They marched in three divisions, — one by way 
of Mount Holly, one through Columbus, and 
one by Bordentown. This last division, when 
near the mouth of Crosswicks Creek, was at- 
tacked by three regiments of New Jersey mili- 
tia, under Colonel Frederick Freliughuysen, 
Colonel Van Dyke and Colonel Webster. It 
was but a skirmish, resulting in a loss to the 
British of four killed and a greater number 
wounded. They then moved to Crosswicks, 
where they were again attacked by the militia 
while they were attempting to repair the bridge 
over the stream. This they finally succeeded 
in doing, and moved on towards Allentown. 

Maxwell's Jersey brigade had been detached 
from the main body of the American army, and 
was now co-operating with the forces of General 
Philemon Dickinson to obstruct and harass the 
British columns as much as possible, but they 
were too weak to interfere with their march oth- 
erwise than by destroying bridges and obstruct- 
ing roads before them. Clinton did not attempt 
to move rapidly, but seemed rather to invite an 
attack. On the 24th of June his column — the 
division of General Knyphausen, with the pro 
vision train and heavy artillery — encamped at 
Imlaystown, while that of Cornwallis occupied 
Allentown, thus covering the other division 
from surprise. " The column of General Knyp- 
hausen" said Sir Henry Clinton,^ "consisted of 
the Seventeenth Light Dragoons, Second Bat- 
talion of Light Infantry, Hessian Yagers, First 
and Second British Brigades, Stirn's and Loos' 
brigades of Hessians, Pennsylvania Loyalists, 
West Jersey Volunteers and Maryland Loyal- 
ists. The Second Division consisted of the Six- 
teenth Light Dragoons, First and Second Bat- 
talions of British Grenadiers, the Guards and 
Third, Fourth and Fifth British Brigades." 

Clinton had received information that the 
American army was already on the east side of 
the Delaware, in pursuit, and that Washington 
was expecting to be reinforced by General Gates' 
northern army. Thereupon, the British com- 
mander, fearing to hazard the attempt to reach 
New York by the direct way through New 
Brunswick, decided to take the Monmouth route 
to Sandy Hook Bay ; and, placing all his trains 
in the advance, under escort of Knyphausen's 
column, with the Second Division in light march- 
ing order (and accompanied by himself in per- 
son) as a rear-guard, reached their camps at Al- 
lentown and Imlaystown on the 24th, as before 
mentioned. From Imlaystown Knyphausen's 
division moved forward, on the 25th, to a point 
within four miles of Monmouth Court-House, 
and in the morning of Friday, the 26th, marched 
to the village now Freehold.^ The rear divi- 

'In his report, dated New York, July 5, 1778. 

2 The fact is shown by the following extracts from the 
diary of Andrew Bell, then private secretary of Sir Henry 
Clinton : 

" Friday, June 26th.— Gen«ral Knyphausen moved to 



siou came up in the forenoon of the same day, 
and Sir Henry Clinton established his head- 
quarters in a house (still standing and known in 
later years as the " Murphy house ") about a 
mile southwest of the court-house, near the 
Mount Holly road. The house was at that time 
the home of the family of William Conover. 
Here, with its immense trains, with pleasure 
carriages, women with their saddle-horses and 
Tbaggage and a variety of other impedimenta 
brought from Philadelphia, the entire army re- 
mained from the forenoon of Friday, the 26th, 
until the morning of Sunday, the 28th of June, 
its lines extending from the village, a mile or 
two down the Middletown road, and a greater 
•distance out on the road to Tmlaystown. Dur- 
ing the two days and nights that the British 
army remained in the vicinity of Monmouth 
Court-House its horses were put out to pasture, 
the officers made merry over the wines and 
liquors (of which they had a plentiful supply), 
the tents were jjitched and the men took a long 
and welcome rest after the toil and terrible heat 
of the march from Philadelphia. 

Washington had suspected the design of the 
British commander to move his forces bv land 
from Philadelphia to New York, but it ^^•as not 
until Clinton's army was safely across the Dela- 
ware that he became certain that such would be 
the movement. As soon as positive intelligence 
of the evacuation reached him he sent Arnold 
with a small force to occupy Philadelphia, and 
in the afternoon of the 18th (the same day on 
wdiich the British crossed into Xe^- Jersey) six 
brigades, comprising the divisions of Greene 
and Wayne, forming a corjjs which was under 
■command of General Lee,' moved towards the 

ri-eehold Town (four miles), where the remainder of the 
army arrived at 10 a.m., nineteen miles from Rising Sun. 
A very warm day ; very tired. 

"June 27th, Saturday. — The whole army halted here 
this day. A deserter from Washington's army informs that 
the rebels are extended along our left fiank, and are very 
numerous. . . .'' 

I General Charles Lee, who was captured at Basking 
Hidge, in December, 1776, by the British under Colonel 
iHarcourt, was exchanged in May, 1778, for General Pres- 
cott. He joined the army at Valley Forge, and was rein- 
stated in his old position as second in command under 

Delaware in pursuit. Passing through Doyles- 
town, Lee reached the river at Coryell's Ferry, 
and crossed into New Jersey at that point in the 
night of the 20th. On the same night Wash- 
ington, who followed with the remainder of the 
forces, encamped at Doylestown, and, resuming 
the march on the following day, crossed at Cor- 
yell's on the 22d.^ From Corj^ell's the army 
moved over the highlands to Ho23ewell, where 
Washington remained during the 23d. At that 
point he detached six hundred riflemen, under 
Colonel Daniel Morgan, to annoy the right 
flank of the enemy, while Maxwell and Dick- 
inson were engaged in the same duty on his lefl;, 
Lee's column had moved by a more southern 
route, by ^vay of Pennington, and thence to 
Princeton. Washington's column, moving from 
Hopewell, also passed Princeton, and thence, 
about five miles, to a camp in Hopyewell town- 
ship, where he remained until the morning of 
the 25tli of June, having, on the previous 
day, sent a second detachment of fifteen hun- 
dred chosen troops, under Brigadier-General 
Scott to reinforce those already in the vicinity 
of the enemy, the more effectually to annoy 
and retard their march. 

On the 26th, the American army moved 
to Kingston; and having intelligence that 
the enemy had been seen moving towards 
Monmouth Court House, Washington dis- 
patched a third detachment of one thousand 
men under General Wayne, together with the 
Marquis de Lafayette, who was assigned to the 
command of the entire advanced corps, includ- 
ing Max^xell's brigade and Morgan's riflemen. 

Lafayette's orders were to " take the first fair 
opportunity to attack the rear of the enemy." 
In a dispatch to Washington, dated "Eobins' 

2 Washington wrote to the American Congress as follows : 
" Headquaetees, near Cortel's, 
'■June 22, 1778. 

" Sir, — I have the honour to inform you that I am now 
in Jersey, and that the troops are passing the river at Cor- 
yel's, and are mostly over. . . As soon as we have cleaned 
the arms and can get matters in train, we propose moving 
towards Princeton, in order to avail ourselves of any fav- 
orable occasions that may present themselves of attacking 
or annoying the enemy. 

" I have the honour to be, etc., 

"G. W." 



Tavern, half-past four, June 26th," he (Lafay- 
ette) said : " I have consulted the general officers 
of the detachment, and the general opinion 
seems to be that I should march in the night 
near them, so as to attack the rear-guard on the 
march. Your excellency knows that by the 
direct road you are only three miles farther 
from Monmouth than we are in this place. 
■Some prisoners have been made, and deserters 
come in amazing fast. ... I believe a happy 
blow would have the happiest effect." At five 
o'clock in the same day he dispatched: "Gen- 
eral Forman is firmly of the opinion that we 
may overtake the enemy. It is highly pleas- 
ant to be followed and countenanced by the 
army ; that if we stop the enemy, and meet with 
some advantage, they may push it with vigor. 
I have no doubt but if we overtake them, we 
possess a very happy chance." Again, he dis- 
patched from "Ice Town,^ 26th June, 1778, at 
a quarter after seven," and, having made refer- 
ence to a previously-expressed purpose to go to 
that place for provisions, he said : " When I got 
there, I was sorrj' to hear that Mr. Hamilton, 
who had been riding all the night, had not been 
able to find anybody who could give him cer- 
tain intelligence ; but, by a party who came 
back, I hear the enemy are in motion, and their 
rear about one mile off the place they had occu- 
pied last night, which is seven or eight miles 
from here. I immediately put Generals Max- 
well's and Wayne's brigades in motion, and I 
will fall lower down with General Scott's and 
Jackson's regiment, and some militia. I sliould 
be very happy if we could attack them before 
they halt. ... If I cannot overtake them, we 
<;ould lay at some distance, and attack them to- 
morrow morning. ... If we are at a convenient 
distance from you, I have nothing to fear in 
■striking a blow, if opportunity is offered." 
"If you believe it, or if it is believed necessary 
or useful to the good of the service and the honor 
of General Lee to send him down with a, couple 
of thousand men, or any greater force, I ivill 
■cheerfully obey and serve him, not only out of 
duty, but out of what I owe that gentleman's 

^ The place which Lafayette calls Ice Town was prob- 
ably Hightstown, he mistaking the sound of the name. 

character."^ When it was found by General 
Lee that the army was really and vigorously 
pressing the British, he had made an appeal to 
Lafayette, in which he said : " It is my fortune 
and my honor that I place in your hands ; you 
are too generous to cause the loss of either." ' 
And the result proved that he had not miscal- 
culated the generosity of the gallant French- 

On the evening of June 26th the main body 
of the American army advanced from Kingston, 
leaving their baggage behind, to enable them to 
support the advanced corps with promptness. 
Early in the morning of the 27th they reached 
Cranbury, where they were delayed several 
hours by a heavy rain and the oppressive heat 
^vhich succeeded. Later in the day they ad- 
vanced to a point within three miles of English- 
town, and five miles from the British army; 
and there Washington made his headquarters 
for the night. 

During the day (the 27th) the advance corps 
had been strengthened by two additional brig- 
ades (as suggested by Lafayette), and General 
Lee assumed command, — his whole force then 
numbering about five thousand men. The of- 
ficial reports of General Washington show that 
Lee positively declined the command of this 
advance corjjs, until its large increase made it 
certain that it was to hold the position of honor, 
and to be pushed on the enemy. Lafayette was 
first assigned to the command after a heated 
discussion, in council of war, as to the propriety 
of attacking Clinton's army at all ; and General 
Lee, when that assignment was made with his 
concurrence, said that he was "well pleased to 
be freed from all responsibility for a plan which 
he was sure would fail," — a statement which 
later events made impyortant. 

The British left was now threatened by General 
Dickinson's force of nearly eight hundred men, 
while Morgan, with his light infantry, was on 
the right flank. During the battle which en- 

2 This was not italicized in the original dispatch. 

' Lafayette says in his memoirs ; " This tone succeeded 
better," — referring to Lee's change of opinion and claim to 
the command of the advanced corps. The letter of June 
26th, above quoted from, shows how Lafayette responded 
tr> the iippeal. 



sued, Morgan lay with his corps of riflemen 
three miles south of Monmouth Court-House, 
at Richmond's ]\Iills/ awaiting orders, only 
kept from participation in the engagement by 
failure to receive the instructions which he 
promptly sent for as soon as he heard the roar 
of the opening conflict. 

The division commanded by Major-Geueral 
Charles Lee in the battle of the 28th of June 
was composed (according to the statement of 
General Wayne) of the following-named troojis, 
besides the flanking detachments of Dickinson 
and Morgan : " In front, Colonel Butler with 
two hundred men ; Colonel Jackson, with an 
equal number ; Scott's own brigade, with a part 
of Woodford's, six hundred, -with two pieces of 
artillery ; General Varnum appeared about 
the same number, with two pieces of artillery ; 
my own detachment was about one thousand, 
with two pieces of artilleiy ; General Scott's 
detachment, fourteen hundred, with two pieces 
of artillery ; General ^Maxwell's was one thou- 
sand and two pieces of artillery ; in all, five 
thousand, with twelve pieces of artillery, exclu- 
sive of the militia." General Lee claimed that 
this was a loose statement, and that his force 
did not exceed four thousand one hundred 
men ; but the force which Grayson took to 
the front was nearly eight hundred men, and 
although temporarily detached from Scott's and 
Varnum's brigades, it should enter the aggre- 
gate, and be counted as if not detached. The 
entire force which Lee had at his disposal on 
the evening of the 27th and morning of the 
28th considerably exceeded five thousand men, 
including the corps of Dickinson and Morgan, 
though lie took no steps to communicate with 
these two leaders until after aroused to action 
by Washington's stern censure. General Lafay- 
ette accompanied Lee with his consent as a vol- 

The total numerical strength of the American 
army was more than equal to that of the Brit- 
ish, and although fresh from the squalid can- 
tonments of Valley Forge, it •was not M-auting in 

1 Now called Shuraar's Mills, the pond or reservoir of 
which has been named Morgan Lake, in honor of the bold 
leader who unwillinoly kej t his station there during the 
battle uf Monnioiitli. 

nerve and energy. The supply of provisions 
was scanty, but the army was eager in the pur- 
suit. It felt the onward spur when the force 
which had so long kept it on the defensive 
crossed the Delaware in full retreat from the 
theatre of the conflicts of the fall of 1777. 
Washington neither underrated nor despised his 
enemy, but giving credit for courage and wisdom 
equal to his own, measured the forces that were 
to meet in conflict, and, as usual, struck or 
struck back as best he could. 

The military issue between Clinton and Wash- 
ington was in soiue respects unequal. Clinton 
must get to New York. He had nothing to 
hope from a battle, more than to gain a clear 
path to Sandy Hook. His heavy baggage-train 
restricted his operations to the repulse of an at- 
tack, and rendered any protracted pursuit, even 
of broken columns, a fruitless strain upon his 
command. But for Washington to have shrunk 
back from tliat retreating army, M-hich he had 
been prompt to meet on reasonable terms, would 
have accredited the British forces with that in- 
vincibility which Lee affirmed of it, would 
have sacrificed the impetus which the offensive 
position imparted to his command, and would 
have made every subsequent issue of the war 
more hopeless or uncertain. It would have 
canceled the memory of Trenton and Princeton. 
It would have stultified the movement which 
made Germantown a pledge that the American 
connnander-in-chief was ready at all times to 
seize opportunity and to do real fighting. 

The situation of the British army — occupying 
the village and vicinity of Monmouth Court- 
House during the two days and nights preceding 
the memorable Sabbath when the opposing hosts 
joined in battle — has already been noticed. It 
held a strong position, with its " right extending 
about a mile and a half beyond the Monmouth 
Court-House, in the parting of the roads leading 
to Shrewsbury and Middletown, and its left 
along the road from Allentown to Monmouth, 
about three miles west of the court-house." 
This position, well protected on the right and 
left, and partially in front, by low grounds and 
woods, was regarded by Washington as "too 
strong to be assailed with any prospect of sue- 



cess." The general direction of tiie British line 
while thus encamped, and when its march began 
on the folloAving morning, was northeasterly, 
exposing its left and centre to an- attack from 
the American troops, whose offensive advance 
was from a northwesterly direction. It there- 
fore became important for General Clinton to 
change his position and gain the Middletown 
road to the sea as quickly as possible, especially 
as a march of only ten or twelve miles would 
place him upon strong defensive ground, beyond 
danger of successful pursuit. Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral Knyphausen was under orders to move at 
daylight on the following morning. The single 
road which was available for tiie proposed march 
passed almost immediately into a series of bluffs, 
where a baggage-train would be greatly exposed 
to attack from skirmishing parties, and General 
Clinton undertook the protection of its rear by 
his own division of selected troops. 

The main body of the American army was 
about three miles beyond Englishtown and less 
than seven miles from the camps of the British 
centre. The advance division, under command 
of General Lee, was about two and a half miles 
west-northwest from Monmouth Court-House, 
the headquarters of that general being on a hill 
near Wemrock Creek. The detachments under 
Morgan and Dickinson respectively were already 
on the alert, ready to attack the British flanks 
when that army should break camp and move 
out on the road towards Middletown. 

No general engagement in the Revolutionary 
War has been so vaguely and unintelligibly 
described, as to localities and the movements of 
the opposing forces, as the battle of Monmouth.' 
The country had not been reconnoitred, and 
very blind statements were made, even by officers 

'This, aa well as much that precedes and follows rela- 
tive to the situation and movements preliminary to the 
Monmouth battle, — including the events of the forenoon of 
June 28th, and down to the time when Lee's retreating 
forces joined the main army, near the old Tennent parson- 
age, — is largely from Carrington's " Battles of the Amer- 
ican Revolution." The narrative of the general engage- 
ment which followed in the afternoon of that bloody day, 
is taken from Marshall, Custis, Lossing, Thatcher and 
other standard accounts, and also to a great extent from 
the reports of Washington and his subordinate officers, and 
from other official documents having reference to the battle. 

who were present, and who afterwards testified 
before the court-martial which was convened 
for the trial of General Lee. The official re- 
ports of Washington, Clinton and other general 
officers who took part in the engagement are so 
ambiguous and imperfect as to localities that 
some explanation is necessary for a clear under- 
standing of the narrative. The distinctions of 
"right" and "left" are greatly confused through 
the changing positions of the troops, especially 
as the right and left of Clinton's line were re- 
versed when he assumed the offensive, and the 
statetnent of American officers that "Morgan 
was on the left " did not become true until they 
commenced their retreat. Thus, though Dicl:- 
inson threatened the British left on the morning 
of the battle, his demonstration was upon their 
right when, later in the forenoon, they changed 
front to assume the offensive. 

The terms " ravine" and " morass" are 
extremely confusing and almost unintelli- 
gible in the narrative, and need an explana- 
tion, which is here given, having especial refer- 
ence to the account of the battle, which foll(n\s 
farther on. Three ravines or morasses, as they 
were indiscriminately termed, were mentioned 
by American officers in their accounts of the 
battle. Only two of these are mentioned by 
Sir Henry Clinton in his report as intervening 
between his advance from the Middletown road 
and the main army of the Americans. The 
ravine or morass behind which Washington 
formed the divisions of Greene and Stirling, to 
cover the retreat of Lee's brigades, is about a 
half mile southeasterly from the old Tennent 
Meeting-house and about two and a half miles 
from Englishtown. The skirmish which oc- 
curred early in the morning, and which led 
General Dickinson to believe that the British 
army had not left Monmouth, but was advanc- 
ing in force towards the hill, took place on the 
high ground just east of this "west ravine" or 
morass. It was simply a demonstration by the 
enemy's light troops to beat back the militia 
and conceal the withdrawal of the main army 
of Clinton. On this same high ground were 
located the hedge fence, the orchard and the 
parsonage, near which the principal engagement 
was fought. 



A second ravine or morass, called the middle 
ravine, crossed the road nearly a mile farther 
east, and on the high ground on the east side of 
this ravine the British troops remained a few 
hours after the battle. This high ground 
extended still farther eastward, blending with 
the so-called "heights of Monmouth" (just 
west and southwest of the village of Freehold), 
and then dipping towards the low plain, about 
a mile wide and three miles long, just east of 
the Amboy road, running from the court- 
house neai-ly north. This plain or valley, 
where Clinton first formed his line of attack, 
was also marshy, near a little pond and along a 
small rivulet,' the latter extending from near 
the court-house, northeasterly, past Briar Hill, 
the low ground bordering it being the eastern 
ravine or morass, which was crossed and re- 
crossed by Wayne, Varnum, Jackson, Scott, 
Grayson, and Oswald's artillery, and behind 
which they retired when the British line ad- 
vanced in force. Just west of the Amboy road, 
and nearly parallel with it, " so as to cover both 
roads," is the high, wooded ground where Lee 
proposed to re-form his line, and from which, 
in fact, the divisions had advanced into the plain 
without definite orders or due regard to their 
mutual dependence and relations. 

At the head of the Manasquan, near Mon- 
mouth Court-House, there was formerly marshy 
ground, where the small tributaries of the 
stream gathered their waters, and on the north 
side of Monmouth village Geblard's Branch 
was bordered by marshy ground. The small 
stream, or drainage, west of Briar Hill, and 
sometimes called Briar Creek, had across it and 
the marshy ground bordering it, at the time of 
the battle, a bridge and causeway. A small 
fork of the Manalapan Brook flowed north- 
easterly from the Allentown road, and along its 
sides was the swampy ground which protected 
the British camp on the night preceding the 

The low plain below the slope from the court- 
house and the Amboy road was quite open for 
at least a quarter of a mile, with woods well 

'The same which crosses the road a few rods north- 
wardly from the gas-works of the village of Freehold. 

distributed beyond this narrow belt as far north 
as Briar Hill, to the Middletown road, on the 
edge of which Colonel Grayson halted his 
command, nearly parallel with the road on 
which the British column was marching. The 
summit between the Amboy road and the mid- 
dle ravine was mostly in woods, with open 
ground near and just northwest of the court- 
house, where Butler drove back the Queen's 
Rangers. To the left of the British line, after 
it faced west to return the offensive, was an- 
other piece of woods out of which the dragoons 
advanced, and from which a strong column 
emerged for an advance toM'ards the court- 
house to turn the American right and cut off 
Grayson, Scott, Jackson, Max:well and Oswald, 
when they retired behind the eastern ravine 
and reached the summit. Until within six or 
seven years — if not until the present time — the 
middle ravine remained covered with tangled 
under-brush and briars, as was mentioned by 
officers who passed through it during the bat- 
tle. The present road to English town runs 
considei'ably north of the ancient road, and 
there are now no traces of two old paths, 
which were particularly mentioned by witnesses 
on the Lee trial. The fact that all the com- 
manders made reference to the " west ravine," or 
or morass, indicates clearly that the bridge over it 
was a common crossing ; and although one division 
marched to the left from the old meeting-house, 
while other troops took the shar^J turn to the 
right at the forks, the two divisions took two 
routes for the double purpose of extending their 
front to prevent flank attacks in a general ad- 
vance, and also to gain room for the movement. 
There M'as difficulty in obtaining guides,'' 
and repeated halts ensued on that account. 
General Maxwell said he advanced along a 
morass from the meeting-house, but crossed the 
hill finally occupied by General Stirling. The 
small creek emptying into a pond fills the con- 
ditions of his statement. He was informed 
that there was a second road to the north, lead- 
ing to Englishtown by Craig's Mill, and fears 
were expressed that the British would seek to 

''■ David Formau (father of Dr. Samuel Forman, of Free- 
hold) and Peter WikofF acted as guides to the com- 
mander-in-chief in his operations in Monmouth County. 



.gain the American rear by means of that road, 
but they did not attempt it, and the entire re- 
treat was finally made over the causeways at 
the middle and west morasses. 

The great conflict of the 28th of June, 1778, 
was preceded, or, more properly, opened, in the 
morning of that day, by a series of skirmishes 
which took place at several points at the west, 
northwest and northeast of the village of 
Freehold ; one of them at least being in full 
view of the old court-house of Monmouth, and 
not more than four hundred yards from it, — the 
location, as nearly as can now be determined, 
being on and immediately around the spot, A\'hich 
has, on that account, been selected as the site of 
the monument commemorating the battle. 

General Dickinson, with his force of about 
€ight hundred men, held a position on the right 
and two and a half miles in advance of English- 
town. He was posted there to watch the Brit- 
ish closely and instantly report the forward 
movement of their force. Discovering indica- 
tions that they wei-e about to move forward, he 
sent a messenger to communicate the intelligence 
to Washington and Lee. This was done at a 
little before five o'clock in the morning. About 
two and a half hours later, Dickinson encoun- 
tered a small flanking-party of the enemy, and 
became engaged in a sharp skirmish with them, 
«rroneously supposing that the British had 
turned back after setting out on the march, and 
that the force with which he was skirmishing 
was their advance-guard. This was the first 
skirmish of the day. It took place on a rise 
of ground a little east of the west ravine, or 
morass, behind which, in the afternoon of that 
memorable day, Washington formed the two 
divisions of Greene and Stirling to check the 
British advance. 

At about three o'clock in the morning, Colo- 
nel Grayson had received orders " to put Scott's 
and Varnum's brigades in readiness to march, 
and to give notice when they are ready." He 
moved with his command to Englishtown, and 
there, having reported to General Lee, "was 
ordered to advance and halt three miles from 
the enemy, and send repeated intelligence of 
their movements." He marched as directed, 

and, " at a distance of two and a half miles from 
E»glishtown, was ordered to march slow; 
shortly afterwards, to advance." Under these 
orders he moved rapidly to the causeway over 
the west ravine. As he approached he saw fir- 
ing, and a party of militia retreating from the 
enemy. The militia referred to were the 
forces of General Dickinson, who was retir- 
ing before what he supposed to be the advance- 
guard of the British main body. Colonel Gray- 
son crossed the causeway and bridge with one of 
his regiments and one piece of Oswald's artil- 
lery, and on ascending the hill beyond, the Brit- 
ish skirmishing party at once retreated. Gen- 
eral Lee arrived on the ground soon after, and 
was told by Dickinson that the British were 
returning from the court-house. Concerning 
this, there was much difference of opinion 
among the officers present, as no reconnoissance 
in force had been made to ascertain the truth, 
but General Lee remained firm in his opinion 
(which proved to be correct) that the British 
army was on its way towards Middletown, and 
that it was merely a light covering party that 
had skirmished with Dickinson and caused him 
to fall back. 

To this point, the high ground east of the 
west ravine, where the first skirmish of the 
day had been opened by General Dickinson, 
the other troops of Lee's command came up 
successively and were halted. Soon afterwards 
Lee sent Colonels Butler and Jackson forward, 
each with two hundred men, and then followed 
in person, to reconnoitre the British position. 
As soon as General Lafayette arrived at the 
west ravine the troops crossed, and soon after 
nine o'clock the whole division advanced 
towards the court-house, it having then been 
definitely ascertained that the British left wing 
had left the AUentown road and was on the 
march towards Middletown, and so the oppor- 
tunity for striking it on the left flank while it 
was so greatly extended had been lost. 

The second fight of the day (amounting only 
to a slight skirmish) was made by Colonel But- 
ler against a detachment of the Queen's Ran- 
gers, who were found a short distance northwest 
of the court-house, on the ground which now 
forms the Monument Park. Butler, under or- 



ders from General Anthony Wayne, attacked 
them and drove them past the court-house 
through the little village that then clustered 
about it. General Lafayette also, with some of 
the light horsemen of INIaxwell's brigade, passed 
beyond the court-house to the east to reconnoi 
tre, and found that the rear-guard of the Brit- 
ish army was then " a mile in advance." As 
soon as the Queen's Rangers had been driven 
through the village, Wayne sent Colonel But- 
ler across the east ravine, or morass (northerly 
from the present gas-works of Freehold), where 
he placed his detachment, with two ^artillery 
pieces, on a small eminence in the plain, the 
other brigades of Lee's command coming up, 
following the general lead of those in advance, 
until they formed an iri'egular line, extending 
to Briar Hill. 

The movement of the troops of General 
Lee's command up to this time, including the 
skirmish at the court-house, Avere thus detailed 
by General Wayne: Early in the morning he 
" received orders to prepare and march [from 
Englishtown]. Having marched about a mile 
with a detachment there was a halt made in 
front. Half an hour after received a message 
by one of General Lee's aids to leave my de- 
tachment and come to the front and take com- 
mand of the troops in front ; that it was a po.~t 
of honor. When I arrived there I found 
about six hundred rank and file, with two 
pieces of artillery, from Scott's and AVoodford's 
brigades, and General Varnum's brigade drawn 
up, Scott's advanced up a morass, the other in 
the rear of it. 

" Upon notice that the enemy were advanc- 
ing from the court-house,^ General Lee directed 
that the troops be formed so as to covei' two 
roads that were in the woods, where the troops 
had advanced and formed. Colonel Butler, 
with his detachment, and Colonel Jackson, with 
his detachment, were ordered to the front. 
Colonel Butler formed the advance-guard and 
marched on. The troops took up again the 
line of march and followed him. When we 

1 The notice sent by Dickinson when he encountered 
the British flanking-party between seven and eight 
o'clock, and supposed them to be the advance of the British 

arrived near the edge of some open ground in 
view of the court-house we observed a body of 
the enemy's horse drawn upon the northwest 
side, between us and the court-house. General 
Lee ordered the troops to halt, and by M'heeling 
them to the right they were reduced to a proper 
front to the eneixiy's horse, though then under 
cover of the woods. General Lee and myself 
were advancing to reconnoitre the enemy. In 
advancing a piece forward, General Lee re- 
ceived some message which stopped him. I 
went on to a place where I had a fair prospect, 
from my glass, of the enemy. Their horse 
seemed so much advanced from the foot that I 
could hardly perceive the movement of the foot, 
which induced me to send for Colonel Butler's 
detachment and Colonel Jackson's detachment, 
in order to drive their horse back. I then de 
tached part of Butler's people, who drove the 
horse into the village." This affair was the 
second skirmish of the day (as before men- 
tioned), in which Butler attacked the Queen's 
Rangers and drove them beyond the court- 
house to the east, Lafayette following imme- 
diately after with some of Maxwell's light 

" I could perceive," continued Wayne, " that 
the enemy were moving from us in very great 
disorder and confusion. In about ten or fifteen 
minutes the enemy made a halt and appeared to 
be forming in some order. This intelligence I 
sent by one of m\' volunteer aids to General 
Lee, and requested that the troops might be 
pushed on. It was General Lee's orders that I 
should advance with Colonel Butler's detach- 
ment and Colonel Jackson's detachment. Upon 
advancing, the enemy took up their line of 
march and began to move on. I crossed the 
morass about three-quarters of a mile east 
[northeast] of the court-house, near to the edge 
of a road leading to Middletown, near the road 
where the enemy were marching upon. The 
whole of the enemy then in view halted. I 
advanced a piece [meaning a short distance] in 
front of the troops, upon a little eminence, to 
have a view of their position and of their 
movements. Our troops were advancing and 
had arrived at the edge of a morass, rather east 
of the court-house." The morass here men- 



tioned is the low ground along Ihe little stream 
that runs northeastwardly from near the gas- 
works. Wayne's account thus far includes 
most of the movements of the morning to the 
time when, as before mentioned, the troops of 
Lee's command had ranged themselves in an 
irregular line reaching beyond the eastern mo- 
rass to the vicinity of Briar Hill, where Col- 
onel Butler, holding an advanced position, was 
suddenly and briskly attacked by the British 
light horse, whom he successfully repulsed. 
" The enemy," said "Wayne, " then advanced 
their horse, — about three hundred, — and about 
two hundred foot to cover them. The horse 
then made a full charge on Colonel Butler's de- 
tachment, and seemed determined upon gaining 
their right flank, in order to throw themselves 
in between us and our main body, which had 
halted at the morass. He broke their horse by 
a, well-directed fire, which ran the horse among 
their foot, broke them and carried them off 
likewise." This, the third skirmish of the day, 
-occurred at about half-past ten o'clock in the 
forenoon (as stated by Captain Stewart, of the 
artillery, in the subsequent trial of Lee), and 
while the troops were moving from the woods 
near the Amboy road to the plain beyond the 
east ravine, under the general direction of 
General Wayne. 

At the time when Butler repulsed the charge 
•of the British horsemen near the Middletown 
road, a mile northeast of the court-house, as 
above described. Colonel Grayson was in ad- 
vance, with an orchard at his left; Jackson 
about a hundred yards in his rear ; then Scott, 
somewhat detached from the other commands ; 
-and Maxwell's force on the edge of the eastern 
morass. The last-named officer gave the follow- 
ing account of the movements of his brigade 
during the morning, from the time when he 
marched from his camp of the previous night, 
at Englishtown, until he reached the position 
above named, which was near the northeast end 
of the present town of Freehold. 

"Eeceived orders after five o'clock (a.m.) 
to put my brigade in readiness to march imme- 
diately. Ordered the brigade to be ready to 
march ; M'ent and waited on General Lee. He 
seemed surprised I was not marched, and [said ?] 

that I must stay until the last, and fall in the 
rear. I ordered my brigade to the ground I 
understood I was to march by, and found my- 
self to be before General Wayne and General 
Scott, and halted my brigade to fall in the rear. 
. . . Came back to my former position ; waited 
a considerable time before General Wayne and 
General Scott got past me ; then I marched in 
the rear. There were three pretty large halts 
before I got up within a mile of the Court- 
House. The Marquis de Lafayette informed 
me that it was General Lee's wish that we 
should keep to the woods as much as possible ; 
that as I had a small party of militia horse, he 
desired I should keep these horse ' pretty well 
out upon my right. It was thereabout that I 
heard some firing of cannon and small-arms." 
This firing was that of the British horsemen's 
charge on Butler and a few shots from the 
enemy's artillery. " We had not advanced 
above two hundred yards," said General Wayne, 
— referring to the movement of his troops just 
at that time when Butler repelled the charge, — 
" before they began to open three or four pieces 
of artillery upon us. They inclined first to 
our right, in order to gain a piece of high 
ground to the right of where I lay, nearly in 
front of the court-house.^ I sent off' Major 
Biles to desire our troops that were in view, 
and in front of the morass, to advance. Our 
artillery [Oswald's] began to answer theirs from 
about a half a mile in the rear of Butler's de- 
tachment. . . ." Wayne's messenger carried 
orders from the general to Colonel Grayson, to 
hold his ground, as the enemy was retiring — 
which Wayne at that time fully believed to be 
the case. On receipt of that order, Grayson 
" hallooed to Jackson to come and form upon 
the hill [Briar Hill] upon his left," but Jackson 
disregarded the request, because he had no 
artillery. Scott was then a little to the rear 
and right of Jackson. Maxwell, who was then 

1 This party of horsemen marched under Lafayette 
through the village of Monmouth Court-House and to the 
open lands east of it, as before mentioned. 

2 From this description by " Mad Anthony '■ it appears 
most likely that he was at that time occupying the ground 
where the Freehold and New York Railroad station and 
freight houses now stand. 



farther to the rear, expected Scott to move to 
the right, join on Wayne's troops, and let Iiiin 
[Maxwell] into the line. Wayne meanwhile 
held the regiments of Wesson, Stewart and Liv- 
ingston to the left of Varnum, to cover Butler, 
with whom he advanced still further into the 
open ground, and also to cover Oswald's artil 
lery, which had drawn two additional guns 
from Varnum's brigade, and was exchanging 
shots with the enemy's artillery. 

Until this time Sir Henry Clinton had ex- 
pected to be able to take off his trains in safety, 
and pursue his retreat to Middletown Heights 
without being compelled to risk a general en- 
gagement. But now that Lee's entire force 
was crowding close upon his rear and flank, 
at a time when Knyphausen's column was en- 
tering upon part of the route which was exceed- 
ingly perilous for the safety of the miles of 
wagon-trains which that column -was guarding, 
and which he (Clinton) believed the movement 
of the American force to be especially directed 
against, he promptly resolved to turn and give 
battle ; and the course thus quickly adopted 
was as promptly acted upon. His artillery 
pieces were placed in position and opened fire 
on the Americans, and by half-past eleven 
o'clock his rear division — the elite of the British 
army — had been halted in its retreat to Middle- 
town, and formed with an oblique front to the 
rear, in a line facing towards the west, and ex- 
tending from Briar Hill, on its right, nearly to 
a little ravine— then much deeper and more 
clearly defined than now — which crossed the 
main street of the village below the site of the 
old Academy building. This line was strength- 
ened and supported by the rest of Clinton's own 
division and by as many of Knyphausen's 
troops as could be spared from guarding the 
trains. The troops ordered back from Knyp- 
hausen's own division were the Seventeenth 
Light Dragoons. 

Although General Lee, when afterwards 
placed on trial by court-mai-tial, gaid that he in- 
tended to fight Clinton, and that the retreat be- 
fore the advancing British was commenced 
without his orders, it was well known that he 
believed the British veterans to be invincible, 
— " the finest troops in the world," — and that 

his division could not successfully resist their 
advance, even had he wished to do so, which 
has been rendered improbable (to say the least) 
by testimony obtained many years afterwards.. 
Whatever may have been his feelings and in- 
tentions, it is sure that ^^hen the British com- 
mander-in-chief wheeled his rear division and 
prepared to advance on the American line, the 
brigades of Lee's command began to retreat,, 
all the subordinate commanders believing that 
they were doing so under Lee's orders, as it 
still seems probable that they were. 

Wayne's first knowledge that a retreat was in- 
tended was received from his aid-de-camp,. 
Major Biles, whom he had sent out with orders 
for the troops that were in view, and in front 
of the morass, to advance. " Major Biles re- 
turned and informed me [Wayne] that the 
troops M^ere ordered to repass the morass, and 
they were then retiring over it. I galloped up 
to the Marquis de Lafayette, who was in the 
rear of Livingston's or Stewart's regiment, who^ 
said he was ordered to recross the morass,^ and 
form near the court-house, from that to the 
woods. I again sent to General Lee, asking 
that troops might be brought up. Major Biles 
or Major Fishbourne returned and informed 
me that the troops had beeu ordered to retire 
from the court-house, and that they were then 
retiring. About the same time one of General 
Lee's aids told me that it was not General Lee's 
intention to attack them in front, but that he 
intended to take them, and was preparing a. 
detachment to throw upon their left. I then 
crossed the ravine myself, and went with Gen- 
eral Scott to the court-house. . . . After 
viewing the ground about the court-house, sent 
off one off my aids to General Lee to request 
him that the troops might again be returned to 
the place they had left. At this time the enemy 
did not appear to be above two thousand, about 
a mile distant in front, moving on to gain the 
hill before mentioned. A fire was kept up by 
cannon between us and the enemy at this time. 
Major Fishbourne returned and informed me 
that the troops were still retreating, and that 

^ At or near -where now stands the farm-house belonging 
to the Schanck estate, and occupied by Mr. Edward Hanoe. 



General Lee would see me himself. After- 
wards I perceived the enemy begin to move 
rapidly in column towards the court-house. I 
again sent Major Lenox and Major Fishbourne 
to General Lee, requesting him at least to halt 
the troops to cover General Scott, and that the 
enemy were advancing ; and also sent an order 
to Colonel Butler to fall back, as he was in 
danger of being surrounded and taken." 

With reference to the position and retirement 
of General Scott's command, General Maxwell 
said : " I did expect that General Scott would 
have moved to the right, as there was a vacancy 
between him and the other troops ; but while I 
was riding up to him I saw his troops turn 
about and form in column, and General Scott 
coming to meet me. He told me our troops 
were retreating on the right, and we must get out 
of that place ; that he desired his cannon to go 
along with me, as there was only one place to 
get over that morass [the one northeast of the 
Schanck farm-house], and he would get out of 
thatif he could. I ordered my brigade to march 

Colonel Jackson, in describing how he retired 
from his advanced position near Briar Hill, 
said : " I asked Lieutenant-Colonel Smith if 
he did not think it best for me to cross the 
morass, and post myself on the height that 
crowned it. He asked if I had any orders ! I 
answered no. He made reply, ' For God's 
sake don't move without you have orders ! ' I 
desired him, or he offered, to go and see if there 
was any person to give me orders ; he returned 
in a few minutes, and told me there was no 
person there. I told him I'll risk it, and cross 
the morass." 

General David Forman said, " I rode forward 
to discover the number and situation of the en- 
emy shortly after the enemy's horse had charged 
Colonel Butler's detachment; then rode in 
quest of General Lee and offered to take a de- 
tachment, and by taking a road upon our left, to 
double their right flank. General Lee's an- 
swer was, ' I know my business.' A few 
minutes afterwards I saw the Marquis de La- 
fayette direct Colonel Livingston's and Colonel 
Stewart's regiments to march towards the 
enemy's left, and I was informed by the Mar- 

quis that he was directed by General Lee to 
gain the enemy's left flank. In this time there 
M^as a cannonading from both parties, but princi- 
pally on the part of the enemy. The Marquis 
did not gain the enemy's left flank ; as I sup- 
posed, it was occasioned by a retreat that had 
been ordered to the village, I presume by Gen- 
eral Lee, as he was present, and did not contra- 
dict it." 

The first disposition of the troops of Lee's. 
command on the ground between the eastern 
morass and Briar Hill had been made without 
any general order from Lee, each subordinate 
commander taking his position and deploying 
his men according to his own ideas. Colonel 
Oswald maintained his artillery in position un- 
til his ammunition was exhausted, and then 
retired behind the morass, to the high grounds 
now included in the Schanck farm. There he 
met General Lee, who ordered him, upon ob- 
taining ammunition, to continue firing, and this 
was done over the heads of Butler's advanced 
detachment, and with great danger of doing 
injury to them. At this time General Lee sent 
orders to General Wayne to move toward the 
right, nearer to the court-house, where the 
enemy was threatening a movement. The reg- 
iments of Livingston and Stewart, in Wayne's. 
brigade, were the first to move under these or- 
ders from Lee. Grayson and Scott, seeing the 
movement of these regiments, considered it as 
a general retreat, and that opinion was confirmed 
by the evident pressure of the British towards 
the court-house, while their centre and right 
emerged from the woods into the open ground, 
thus threatening to sever the American line, 
already wealtened in the centre, and to cut off" 
the regiments which were on the left toward 
Briar Hill. Grayson, Scott, Jackson and Yar- 
num recrossed the morass, as has already been 
shown, and, with Maxwell, entered the woods 
upon the hill west of the Amboy road. There- 
they received orders from General Lee to re- 
form the line in the woods on the high ground, 
with the right resting on the village. General 
Lee stated that he had supposed that the houses, 
around the court-house were of stone, but 
when he found that they were of wood, and 
that the village was open (that is, that the- 



houses were scattering), he decided to fall back 
before the British advance, which was then ap- 
pearing in the edge of the woods less than a 
mile distant, and was variously estimated by 
the American officers at from fifteen hundred to 
twenty-five hundred men. 

The force of Lee at that time disposable for 
attack or resistance, if jDroperly in hand, was 
not less than three thousand men, besides Gray- 
son's detachment. Wayne, during tlie hour and 
a half that elapsed while he was in the 
plain, had sent three times to urge General Lee 
to advance with the troops, and, as he stated, 
refrained from pressing the attack, under in- 
structions, constantly expecting that Lee would 
carrv the left wing around the right of the 
British column, to cut it off from tlie main 
body of the army. Lee himself afterwards 
stated that such was his purpose, and also that 
when he notified General Washington, who had 
sent an aid to learn the situation of affairs,' 

^ Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, acting adjutant-general of 
Washington's staff, who "was with General Lee, said: 
" Within fiew of Monmouth court-house there was a halt 
for an hour, in which inter^ial General Lee reconnoitred 
the enemy, who put on the appearance of retiring from the 
court-house somewhat precipitately and in disorder. 
When they had retreated about a mile, on the Middletown 
road, they halted, and formed on high ground. General 
Lee observed that if the body now in view were all or near 
all that were left to cover tlie retreat of the main body, 
instead of pushing their rear, he would have them all 
prisoners. He marched his main body to gain the enemy's 
rear, leaving General Wayne with two or three pieces of 
artillery to amuse the enemy in front, but not to push them, 
lest his project should be frustrated. After coming into the 
plain, about a mile below the court-house, I observed the 
head of General Lee's column filing to the right toward the 
court-house. A cannonading had now taken place between 
us and the enemy. When I came in the rear of Scott's 
detachment I perceived a very great interval between that 
and the front of iMaxwell's brigade. Upon General Max- 
well seeing me, he asked if I had any orders from General 
Lee. I told him I had not. . . . General Scott came up about 
this time and observed that our troops were going oS the 
field toward the court-house. He asked me whether it 
was the case. I told him I knew nothing of it if it was so. 
During this time all the columns except Maxwell's were 
moving to the right. After having seen several baltalions 
pass [repass] the ravine, I returned to the point where 
General Maxwell was, and found General Scott and Max- 
well standing together. General Maxwell again asked me 
if I had any orders, I told him I had not. . I rode to- 
ward the [east] ravine to find General Lee, but finding the 

that he was confident of success, he supposed 
the British rear-guard did not exceed fifteen 
hundred men. His estimate was probably 
nearly correct, and the plan a good one at that 
time, for his whole division was then pressing 
to the front, eager to engage the enemy; but at 
noon the case was different, for Clinton had 
fully realized the weakness of the pursuit, and 
had gained time to turn it into failure. Lee's 
entire division was then in retreat, quickened at 
this time by his orders ;^ and the left wing only 
saved its connection with the main body of the 
division by a march through the woods, leaving 
their artillery to the charge of Colonel Oswald, 
who, with his few men, brought off ten pieces, 
though he took only two into action at first. 

It was at this time, or perhaps a little earlier, 
that a messenger from Colonel Morgan, "having 
sought in vain for General Lee," came to 
General Wayne for instructions. Morgan was 
posted, as before mentioned, at Richmond's 
Mills, nearly three miles in a southerly direc- 
tion from Monmouth Court-House, and having 
heard the sound of the firing in front, was 
anxious for orders to march his riflemen to the 
scene of conflict; but Wayne simply told his 
messenger that he (the messenger) could see the 
condition of things for himself and report the 
facts to General Morgan. " ']''he enemy," said 
he, "are advancing, and Colonel Morgan should 
govern himself accordingly." Gqneral Lee 
(through Major Mercer of his staff) had pre- 
viously expressed displeasure at Wayne's having 
ordered Colonel Scott to a position on the left, 
and this probably was the reason why Wayne 
now declined to give the desired orders to 
Morgan, who, in consequence, was deprived of 
the opportunity of advancing to take a place in 

enemy were pushing that way, thought best to return and 
come round the ravine, and found General Lee about a 
quarter of a mile this [west] side of the court-house. He 
said ' you see our situation, but I am determined to make 
the best of a bad bargain.' . . . Upon asking several officers, 
who appeared to command the battalions, why they left 
the ground, they said it was by General Lee's and the 
Marquis de Lafayette's orders." 

' At about the time the retreat began Colonel Stewart, of 
Wayne's brigade, asked General Lee where he should take 
his men. General Lee replied, " Take them to any place 
to save their lives," — pointing to an orchard in front. 



the line, and so remained at his post through 
the long hours of that blazing afternoon, hear- 
ing the dull roar of the distant battle, but taking 
no part in it.* 

The British forces, having completed their 
formation in the woods to the northeast of the 
court-house, emerged from their cover and 
advanced steadily, in good order and with 
solid ranks, towards the village. Wayne, under 
direction of Lafayette, had placed two regiments 
— Stewart's and Livingston's — to resist their 
advance, but it was useless for this small force 
to attempt to impede their advance, and the 
regiments joined the retreat, the details of which, 
with reference to the several brigades and regi- 
ments, it is unnecessary here to narrate. " The 
troops," said Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, of 
Washington's staff, "in a very easy, moderate 
way, continued their march until they had passed 
the ravine in front of Carr's house." This has 
reference to what has before been mentioned as 
the "middle ravine," or morass. It has gener- 
ally been supposed that the retreat of Lee's 
division to the main body under Washington 
■was a disorderly one, — almost a panic, — but this 
is a very erroneous idea. There was certainly 
some confusion, occasioned by a lack of proper 
direction of their movements, but there was 
nothing in the nature of a panic. No com- 
mander knew why he was retreating, only that 
such was understood to be the orders, and be- 
cause he saw others retreating; but no troops 
could have rallied more promptly than they did 
when they felt the presence of Washington. 
Credit was due to General Lee for his self- 
possession and for his evident purpose to bring 

•A night or two before the Monmouth battle, Morgan, 
contrary to the express orders of Washington (personally 
given) "not to fire a single shot, or bring on any skirmish- 
ing with the enemy," disobeyed both. For this he was 
placed in arrest. The next day after this disregard of 
orders and subsequent fright, occasioned by a reprimand 
from the chief, he was released and restored to favor. No 
doubt this occurrence was the cause of his remaining at his 
post, fearing to move up without positive orders, much as 
he desired to take part in the engagement. 

Late in the afternoon orders reached him to move up at 
once, and these orders he promptly obeyed ; but being obliged 
to take a circuitous route, he did not arrive on the field till 
night, after the battle was over. 

the men away in safety, whatever may be said 
of his failure to fight, as Washington had ex- 
pected him to do. The troops who had marched 
and countermarched under blind guidance and 
conflicting orders — or no orders at all — during 
seven or eight hours of extreme heat were fall- 
ing by the roadside, worn out with fatigue and 
fainting with thirst, with no stimulus of hope 
to bear them up, and it cannot be denied that 
the retreat from Briar Hill to the old meeting- 
house was a victory of courage, manhood and 
endurance over every possible discouragement 
that could befall a brave and steadfast army in 
earnest pursuit of a retiring adversary. Regi- 
ment after regiment, brigade after brigade, has- 
tened to cross the western morass, and to the 
credit of Lee it is to be recorded that he was 
among the last to pass the causeway. At this 
point the broken detachments met the main 
army. Some went to its rear to rest and rally 
for a fresh advance, while some turned their 
faces again to the enemy and fought until their 
pursuers retired from the field. Colonel Ogden 
said that he asked General Maxwell to halt his 
command and face the enemy, and that he did 
so promptly, rallying hi.s men without difficulty. 
It seems clear that the division of General Lee 
was saved by the self-possession of its officers 
and the wonderful endurance of the rank and 
file, produced in a great degree by their hard- 
ships during the preceding ^vinter at Valley 

The noise of the desultory conflict in the 
vicinity of the court-liouse during the fore- 
noon had been heard by Washington, and it had 
aroused him to his full fighting energy. The 
return of his aid-de-camp with the assurance 
that General Lee had overtaken the British 
army, and expected to cutofi^the division form- 
ing their rear-guard, was received as a vindi- 
cation of his previous judgment and a presage 
of success. He hurried forward the advance 
of the main body under his immediate com- 
mand, and the troops dropped every incum- 
brance to the celerity of their march to the 
front. At the old Tennent INIeeting-house 
Greene took the right and Lord Stirling led 
the left directly towards the high ground, 
where he subsequently took his strong position. 



The vanguard, under the immediate command 
of Washington, approached the causeway at the 
western morass, when repeated interruptions of 
his progress began to warn him that disaster 
was impending, and that the troops of the Con- 
tinental army needed the presence of their com- 
mander-in-chief. First a mounted farmer, 
then a frightened fugitive fifer, told his story. 
"After a few paces, two or three more persons 
said that the Continentals were ret)'eating." 
Like lightning the whole career of General 
Charles Lee flashed through the mind of Wash- 
ington, awakening vagne and painful suspi- 
cions and more painful apprehensions, arousing 
the chief to a sense of the danger which threat- 
ened the army. At this crisis his action was 
prompt. Colonels Harrison and Fitzgerald 
were dispatched to ascertain tlie exact situation 
of affairs. They met Major Ogden, who told 
them with strong expletives that Lee and his 
troops were " flying from a shadow." Officer 
after officer, detachment after detachment, 
came over the causeway and bridge, all alike 
ambiguous in their replies or ignorant of the 
cause of their retreat: Generals and colonels 
came in with their broken commands, all know- 
ing that they were retreating, but no one able to 
say more than that such were the orders, and that 
just behind them was "the whole British army." 
Washington hastened towards the bridge and 
met Wayne, Varnum, Oswald, Stewart, Ram- 
sey and Livingston. Upon them he imposed 
the duty of meeting the British columns, and, 
leading the way in person, placed them in posi- 
tion on the high ground bordering the west 
morass. On the left, in the edge of the woods, 
he posted Ramsey and Stewart, with two pieces 
of artillery, and with the solemn charge that 
he depended on them to stop the pursuit. On 
the right, in the rear of an orchard, and cov- 
ered by a thick hedge-row, he posted Wayne, 
Varnum and Livingston; and four of Oswald's 
guns were placed there under the directions of 
General Knox, chief of artillery. Maxwell 
and other commanders, as they arrived, were 
ordered to the rear to re-form their columns, 
and Lafayette was intrusted with the formation 
of a second line until he could give the halted 
troops a position which they might hold while 

he should bring up the main army to their 
support. It was an occasion such as tests the 
abilities of a great leader and proves the stead- 
fastness of soldiers. , 

Already, with the last retreating column, 
General Lee had appeared, and finding the 
troops in line, proceeded to make such change 
in their position and arrangement as he thought 
best under the circumstances. He afterwards 
stated that it had been his purpose, after he 
passed Carr's house and after consultation with 
Wikoff (one of the guides), who knew the 
country, to place a battery on Combs' Hill, 
which attracted his attention. Wikoff showed 
him that he could take fence rails and make a 
crossing of the morass, and that the British army 
could not attack him without making a circuit 
of three or four miles to the south ; but he said 
there was no timB for that, and continued his 
retreat. While demanding the reason for the 
disposition which he found of the troops on the 
hill near the west morass, he was informed that 
Washington had himself made that disposition. 
Regarding this as virtually superseding him in 
command, he thereupon rode forward to find 
Washington and report to him for further 
orders. He soon met the chief, who, aroused 
to a fury of wrath by the conviction that the 
cause of his country and the safety of his army 
had been willfully imperiled by the disobe- 
dience — if not treachery — of his lieutenant, 
sternly demanded of Lee an explanation of his 
conduct; and the manner, tone and words of 
Washington at this meeting were such that Lee 
(as he afterwards stated before a court-martial) 
Avas " disconcerted, astonished and confounded," 
so that he was " unable to make any coherent 
answer." It was a well-established fact that on 
this occasion the Father of his Country did 
(perhaps for the first and last time in his life) 
use some profane expressions, which have been 
variously reported by different witnesses and 
writers, as will be more fully noticed in succeed- 
ing pages. 

This colloquy between the two generals was 
closed by Washington asking Lee if he would 
take command at the front while he (Washing- 
ton) was forming the maiu body. " When Gen- 
eral Washington asked me," said Lee after- 



■wards, " whether I would remain in front and 
retain the command, or whether he should take 
it, I answered that I undoubtedly would, and 
that he should' see that I myself should be one 
of the last to leave the field. Colonel Hamil- 
ton, flourishing his sword, immediately exclaimed 
' That's right, my dear General, and I will stay, 
and we will all die here on the spot.' ... I 
answered, ' I am responsible to the General and 
to the Continent for the troops I have been en- 
trusted with. When I have taken proper 
measures to get the main body in a good posi- 
tion, I will die with you on the spot if you 
please.' " He spoke in terms of ridicule of 
Hamilton's " flustrated manner and frenzy of 
valor," and gave it as his opinion that " the 
position was not one to risk anything further 
than the troops which were then halted on it." 
The commands of Ramsey and Stewart had 
been (as already noticed) placed in a command- 
ing position on the high ground, supporting 
the two pieces of Oswald's artillery, with the 
solemn charge from Washington to hold their 
ground, stop the British pursuit, and so give 
hira time to bring up the main body and save 
the day. They performed well the duty as- 
signed them. The fire from Oswald's guns was 
well directed, and told with such effect on the 
troops of Cornwallis that for the first time since 
they had been faced to the rear at Briar Hill 
their advance was checked, and they found 
their way barred by the firm front and deter- 
mined courage of their antagonists. The fugi- 
tive troops of Lee's division had been inspired 
with confidence by the presence of the com- 
mander-in-chief, and within ten minutes 
after he appeared before them the retreat 
was suspended, the troops rallied and order 
soon came out of the midst of the utmost 
confusion. Stewart and Ramsey had formed 
in the cover of the wood and co-operated 
with Oswald in keeping the enemy at bay. 
While the British grenadiers were pouring their 
destructive fire upon the ranks of the Americans 
the voice of Washington seemed omnipotent 
with the inspiration of courage ; it was the 
voice of faith to the despairing soldiers. Fear- 
lessly he rode in the face of the iron storm and 
gave his orders. The whole patriot army, 

which half an hour before had seemed to be on 
the verge of destruction, panic-stricken and 
without order, was now drawn up in battle ar- 
ray and prepared to meet the enemy with a 
bold and Avell-arranged front. 

Washington rode back in haste to the main 
army, and with wonderful expedition formed 
their confused ranks into battle order on the 
eminences on the western side of the morass. 
Lord Stirling was placed in command of the 
left wing, while General Greene, on receiving 
intelligence of Lee's retreat, had marched back, 
and now took an advantageous position on the 
right of Stirling. 

In the confiict that followed the retreat from 
the court-house. General Lee displayed all his 
skill and courage in obedience to Washington's 
order to "check the enemy." When the com- 
mander-in-chief recrossed the morass to form 
and bring up the main army, Oswald's guns on 
the right of Stewart and Ramsey had opened a 
vigorous cannonade on the enemy, whose artil- 
lery replied with equal energy, while the Brit- 
ish light-horse charged furiously upon the 
right of Lee's division, and finally the Ameri- 
cans gave way before the fierce onset and over- 
whelming numbers of the attacking enemy. As 
they emerged from the woods the combatants 
seemed completely intermingled. 

The next assault of the British was on Var- 
num's brigade and Livingston's regiment, who 
lay behind the hedge-row that stretched across 
the open field in front of the causeway over the 
morass. Several artillery pieces, posted on a 
rise of ground in the rear of the fence, delivered 
an effective fire on the enemy's line and for a 
time the confiict raged furiously, until a heavy 
body of British infantry and horse made a 
charge with bayonet and sabre, broke the 
American ranks, and the troops of Varnum and 
Livingston, with the two sections of Oswald's 
battery, retreated across the morass by orders of 
General Lee, their crossing being covered by 
Colonel Ogden's troops, who were partially 
sheltered in a wood near the causeway. Lee 
was the last to leave the position, bringing off 
Ogden's regiment, as a rear-guard to the retreat- 
ing forces of Varnum, Livingston and Oswald, 
in excellent order, and instantly forming them 



on a slope on the west side of the morass. He 
then reported to Washington, " Sir, here are my 
troops; how is it your Excellency's pleasure 
that I should dispose of them." The men, who 
had been on the march and in the battle since 
the early morning, were worn out with hunger, 
thirst and fatigue, and therefore Washington 
ordered them to be withdrawn and posted in 
the rear of Englishtown, while he prepared to 
engage the enemy himself with the fresh divi- 
sions of the main army, which were formed in 
line of battle on the wooded eminence on the 
west side of the morass, Washington command- 
ing the centre in person, while the right and left 
wings were, respectively, as before mentioned, 
under command of Greene and Stirling. 

General Wayne, with an advanced corps, was 
posted in an orchard on the high ground a 
little south of the parsonage, and a five-gun 
battery was, by order of General Greene, posted 
on Combs' Hill, to pour an enfilading fire on 
the British columns in their advance against the 
American lines. This battery, which was 
under the immediate eye of General Knox, did 
most excellent service during the ensuing en- 
gagement, for which it received the special 
commendation of Washington. 

The British, finding themselves warmly op- 
posed in front, made a desperate attempt to 
turn the American left flank, but were repulsed. 
Then they moved against the right in heavy 
force, but were driven back with severe loss, 
being enfiladed by Knox's guns on Combs' 
Hill. In the mean time Wayne's position in 
the orchard was repeatedly attacked by the 
enemy, but each time he drove them back in 
disorder, and poured a destructive fire into 
their central position. Finally, the British — 
apparently resolved to carry Wayne's position 
at whatever cost — prepared for a still more 
determined assault, and one which proved to be 
the most desperate and bloody of the day. It 
was made by Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton, 
with his battalion of Royal Grenadiers, — a vet- 
eran corps, and the finest one in Clinton's armv. 
Preparatory to the charge they were harangued 
by their brave commander in a clear, ringing 
voice, plainly heard above the uproar of the 
battle by the troops of Wayne's command. 

Then came the order "Forward!" and the 
grenadiers advanced in solid array, rapidly, but 
steadily, as if on parade, and with such preci- 
sion of movement that (it was said) a shot from 
one of Knox's guns on Combs' Hill, "enfilad- 
ing a platoon, disarmed every man." 

Awaiting the assault, "Mad Anthony" or- 
dered the men of his brigade to stand firm, and 
under no circumstances to pull a trigger until 
the signal was given. When the grenadiers 
had reached the proper point, the word was 
given, a terrific volley blazed out from Wayne's 
whole line, and three-fourths of the officers of 
the British battalion fell, among them its brave 
commander, the gallant Monckton.' The spot 
where he fell is said to be about eight rods 
northeast of the site of the old parsonage. 

1 Lieutenant-Colonel the Honorable Henry Monckton 
was one of the bravest and most honorable oiEcers in the 
British service, — accomplished, gallant, of irreproachable 
moral character and splendid personal appearance. He 
was in the battle of Long Island in August, 1776, and was 
there shot through the body, from which wound he lay 
many weeks apparently at the point of death. On his re- 
covery he was, for his gallantry on that occasion, pro- 
moted from the Fifth Company, Second Grenadiers, to be 
lieutenant-colonel, and was in command of the battalion 
at the battle of Monmouth, in which the First Grenadiers 
also took a conspicuous part. The charge of his battalion 
and the death of the brave Monckton are thus mentioned 
by Lossing : ''At the head of his grenadiers on the field of 
Monmouth he kept them silent until they were within a 
few rods of the Americans, when, waving Ms sword, he 
shouted, — ' Forward to the charge ! ' Our General Wayne 
was on his front. At the same moment ' Mad Anthony ' 
gave the signal to fire. A terrible volley poured destruc- 
tion on Monckton's grenadiers, and almost every British 
officer fell. Amongst them was their brave leader. Over 
his body the combatants fought desperately, until the 
Americans secured it and bore it to the rear." 

The flag of the Second Grenadiers, which went down in 
the charge in which their brave leader fell, was taken by a 
Pennsylvauian,— William Wilson, who was afterwards 
judge of the Northumberland (Pa.) court. The flag fell 
into possession of his grandson, Captain William Wilson 
Potter, of Bellefonte, Centre County, Pa., and is still (or 
was recently) to be seen at his house. It is of heavy, 
corded silk, lemon-colored, with the usual blue union, 
bearing the combined crosses of St. George and St. An- 
drew. Its size is five feet four inches by four feet eight 
inches. " The flag has the appearance of having been 
wrenched from its staff, and has a few blood-stains on the 
device ; otherwise it looks as bright and new as if it had 
just come from the gentle fingers that made it, though a. 
century has rolled away since its golden folds drooped in 
the sultry air of that June day's battle." 



He was buried in the yard of the old Tennent 
Church, a few feet from the west end of the 
ancient edifice, where his grave is marked by a 
wooden tablet, erected many years later, by a 
school-teacher of Monmouth County, — William 
Wilson, — whose remains also lie in the same 

The rout of the grenadiers by Wayne, vir- 
tually closed the battle of Monmouth. For a 
short time afterwards the conflict was continued 
at different points along the opposing lines, and 
the artillery fire was continued on both sides, 
but the British made no more attempts to ad- 
vance against the strong positions of the 
Americans, and they soon withdrew to the 
heights above Carr's house, — the same ground 
which Lee had occupied in the morning. Here 
they took a strong position, where both flanks 
were secured by thick woods and morasses, and 
there was only a narrow way of approach in 

The sun was now near the horizon ; the long 
summer day, then drawing to its close, had been 
one of the hottest ever known, and the troops 
were worn down with fatigue ; yet Washington 
immediately resolved to pursue the advantage 
he had gained, and attack the forces of Clinton 
in their new and strong position. Accordingly, 
he ordered General Poor, with his own and the 
Carolina brigade, to gain their right flank, while 
Woodford with his brigade was directed to do 
the same on their left ; and the artillery was 
ordered to take post and open fire on their front. 
These orders were obeyed promptly and with 
enthusiasm ; but the obstacles on the British flanks 
wei-e so many, on account of the woods and 
roughness of the ground, that before these could 
be overcome, so that the troops could approach 
near enough to attack, darkness began to come 
on and rendered further operations impractica- 
ble. Very unwillingly, Washington then re- 
linquished his plan of renewing the engagement 
that night, but being resolved to do so at day- 
light on the following morning, he ordered that 
the brigades of Poor and Woodford should keep 
their places on the British flanks during the 
night, to be ready for the assault at dawn, and 
that the other troops should lie on their arms on 
the field in readiness to support them. 

The commander-in-chief, who had been in 
the saddle during nearly the whole day, regard- 
less of fatigue or danger, lay down on the field 
wrapped in his cloak, and passed the night in 
the midst of his soldiers. The conflict of the 
day, disastrous enough at first, had ended with 
a decided advantage to the American arms, and 
he felt confident of a decisive victory on the 
morrow. But the returning daylight dispelled all 
his hopes, for the bivouac-ground of the royal 
troops was vacant, and not a scarlet uniform 
(save those of the dead and wounded) could be 
seen on the heights and plains of Freehold. 

" The fires were bright in Clinton's camp, 

But long ere morning's dawn 
His beaten host was on the tramp 

And all the foes were gone. 
Never again may cannon sweep 

Where waves the golden grain, 
And ne'er again an army sleep 

Upon old Monmouth plain." 

The troops of Sir Henry Clinton had stolen 
away from the field in the early part of the 
night,^ and so silently and secretly had the move- 

1 Most of the accounts of the battle of Monmouth say that 
Clinton left the field at about twelve o'clock. Lossingsays : 
" At midnight, under cover of darkness, Sir Henry Clinton 
put his weary host in motion. With silent steps column 
after column left the camp, and hurried toward Sandy 
Hook." But Clinton himself said : " Having reposed the 
troops till ten at night, to avoid the excessive heat of the 
day, I took advantage of the moonlight to rejoin Lieutenant- 
General Knyphausen." (The italics are not so indicated 
in Sir Henry's report.) On the night of June 28, 1778, 
the moon (which had made its change to the new on the 
24th, at 10 A.M.) was only four days old, and the time of 
its setting was 10.55 p.m. So, if Sir Henry moved his 
troops from the field at ten o'clock, as he stated, he thus 
secured about an hour of moonlight to facilitate the march 
through the woods, over the morasses, hills and unfamiliar 
ground that intervened between the battle-field and the 
Middletown road. That hour of moonlight was invaluable 
to him for that purpose, and there is no reason to doubt 
that he marched from the field at about ten, as he stated. 
The different accounts which place the time of his departure 
at midnight are based on Washington's statement, nearly 
to that effect. But it is to be borne in mind that Washing- 
ton could only guess at the time the British left, for he did 
not even know that they had left at all until' the daylight 
of the following morning revealed the fact. On learning 
that such was tlie case he sen? out scouts to ascertain their 
position ; and when these returned with the intelligence 
that the enemy was already more than half-way from the 
court-house to Middletown, he knew that they must have 
been several hours on the march, and it was natural enough 



ment been executed that the officers and men of 
General Poor's brigade, which lay near the right 
of the British position, knew nothing of their 
departure. Washington was greatly surprised 
and somewhat chagrined to find that the British 
had eluded him, but he knew that it was useless 
to attempt any further movement against them, 
for it was perfectly certain that they would reach 
the " heights of Middletown " before they could 
be overtaken, and in that almost impregnable 
position they could not be attacked with any 
hope of success. No idea of pursuit was there- 
fore entertained, though orders were given to 
Morgan to press forward and annoy the British 
rear, if opportunity should offer, and the Jersey 
brigade was detailed for the same duty ; but 
neither of these corps were able to accomplish 
anything of importance. A scouting-party, 
which had been sent out on the 29th to observe 
Clinton's movements, returned to Englishtown 
in the evening of the 30th, reporting that " the 
enemy have continued their march very pre- 
cipitately. The roads are strewn with knap- 
sacks, firelocks and other implements of ^\'ar. 
. . . To-day they are at Sandy Hook, from 
whence it is expected they will remove to New 
York." Clinton's forces, on reaching Sandy 
Hook Bay, found there the fleet of Admiral 
Howe, who, having sailed from Delaware Bay 
for the purpose, took the wearied and defeated 
troops of the British army on board his ships 
and transported them to New York.^ 

to suppose that they had left -about midnight, for it ■would 
be hard to believe that the Americans were all so soundly 
asleep at the early hour of ten as to make it possible for 
the British to escape undiscovered, as they did. Doubtless 
Sir Henry hurried his departure for the very reason that 
there was but an hour of moonlight left, which was barely 
sufficient to light his troops over the rough and difficult 
ground which they had to pass to reach the Middletown 
road. Having reached that point, the most difficult and 
dangerous part of the movement was accomplished, for they 
then had before them a tolerably good road and an unob- 
structed way to rejoin Knyphausen's corps. 

1 Fallowing is a British account (from the Annual Regis- 
ter, London, 1Y78) of Clicton's arrival and embarkation 
at Sandy Hook Bay : 

"In the mean time the British army arrived at the High- 
lands of Navesink, in the neighbourhood of Sandy Hook, on 
the last day of June, at which latter place the fleet from the 
Delaware under Lord Howe, after being detained in that 
river by calms, had most fortunately arrived on the pre- 

In the account of the battle of Monmouth 
given by Sir Henry Clinton, in his official re- 
port, he states that General Knyphausen, with 
the corps having charge of the trains, moved 
out on the road to Middletown at daybreak ; 
that the rear division of Cornwallis, accompa- 
nied by Sir Henry in person, having remained 
some hours longer on the high grounds in the 
vicinity of the court-house, also marched away 
on the Middletown road, and he then proceeds : 

"The rear-guard having descended from the 
heights above Freehold into a plain, about three 
miles in length and about one mile in breadth, 
several columns of the enemy appeared like- 
wise, descending into the plain, and about ten 
o'clock they began cannonading our rear. In- 
telligence was at this instant brought to me 
that the enemy were discovered, marching in 
force on both our flanks. I was convinced that 
our baggage was their object; but it being at 
this juncture engaged in defiles which continued 
for some miles, no means occurred of parrying 
the blow but attacking the corps which har- 
assed our rear, and pressing it so hard as to 
oblige the detachments to return from our 
flanks to its assistance. I had good informa- 
tion that Washington was up with his whole 
armj^ estimated at about twenty thousand ; but 
as I knew there were two defiles between him 

ceding day. It had happened in the preceding winter 
that the peninsula of Sandy Hook had been cut off from the 
continent, and converted into an absolute island, by a 
violent breach of the sea, — a circumstance then of little 
moment, but which now might have been attended with the 
most fatal consequences. By the happy arrival of the 
fleet at the instant when its assistance was so critically 
necessary, the ability of the noble commander and the 
extraordinary efforts of the seamen, this impediment was 
speedily removed, a bridge of boats being completed with 
such expedition that the whole army was passed over this 
new channel on the 5th of July, and were afterwards con- 
veyed with ease to New York, neither army nor navy yet 
knowing the circumstances or danger and ruin in which 
they had so nearly been involved," the last remark hav- 
ing reference to the fact that the French fleet under 
DTstaing had arrived on the American coast (as Howe 
learned on the day after his arrival at New York), and if it 
had appeared at Sandy Hook before the embarkation, it 
would probably have been extremely disastrous to the Brit- 
ish army. The French fleet, consisting of twelve heavy 
ships, and having on board a land force of eleven thousand 
men, did appear at the Hook on the llt.h of July, but their 
opportunity was gone, and the British safe in New York. 



and the corps at which I meant to strike, I 
judged that he could not have passed them with 
a greater force than what Lord Cornwallis' 
division was well able to engage. The enemy's 
cavalry, commanded, it is said, by M. La Fay- 
ette, having approached within our reach, they 
were charged with great spirit by the Queen's 
light dragoons. They did not wait the shock, 
but fell back in confusion upon their own in- 
fantry. Thinking it possible that the event 
might draw to a general action, I sent for a 
brigade of British and the Seventeenth Light 
Dragoons, from Lieutenaut-General Knyphaus- 
en's division, and having directed them on the 
march to take a position effectually covering 
our right flank, of which I was most jealous, I 
made a disposition of attack upon the plam ; 
but before I could advance, the enemy fell back 
and took a strong position on the heights above 
Freehold Court-House. . . . The British gren- 
adiers, with their left to the village of Free- 
hold, began the attack with so much spirit that 
the enemy gave way immediately. The second 
line of the enemy, on the hill east of the west 
ravine, stood the attack with great obstinacy, 
but were likewise completely routed. They 
then took a third position, with a marshy hol- 
low in front, over which it would have been 
scarcely possible to have attacked them. How- 
ever, part of the second line made a movement 
to the front, occupied some ground on the en- 
emy's left flank, and the light infantry and 
Queen's Rangers turned their left. By this 
time our men were so overpowered by fatigue 
that I could press the aflkir no farther, especially 
as I was confident that the end was gained for 
which the attack had been made. I ordered 
the light infantry to join me; but a strong de- 
tachment of the enemy [Wayne] having pos- 
sessed themselves of a post which would have 
annoyed them in their retreat, the Thirty-third 
Regiment made a movement toward the enemy, 
which, with a similar one made by the First 
Grenadiers, immediately dispersed them. I 
took the position from whence the enemy had 
been first driven after they had quitted the 
plain; and having reposed till ten at night, to 
avoid the excessive heat of the day, I took ad- 
vantage of the moonlight to rejoin Ljeutenant- 

General Knyphausen, who had advanced to 
Nut Swamp, near Middletown." 

The American loss in the battle of June 28th 
was, (according to the original report of Gen- 
eral Washington) eight officers and sixty-one 
non-commissioned officers and privates killed, 
eighteen officers and one hundred and forty-two 
non-commissioned officers and privates wounded, 
— total, two hundred and twenty-nine killed and 
wounded. The missing were five sergeants 
and one hundred and twenty-six privates, — total 
killed, wounded and missing, three hundred and 
sixty ; but many of the missing, having dropped 
out on account of the excessive fatigue and 
heat of the day, afterwards reported for duty. 
The British had taken about fifteen prisoners 
(among them being Colonel Ramsey), but had 
left them all behind on parole. 

Sir Henry Clinton reported four officers and 
one hundred and eighty-four enlisted men of 
his command killed and missing, and sixteen 
officers and one hundred and fifty-four privates 
wounded, — total, three hundred and fifty-eight. 
But Marshall remarks that this account, so far 
as respects the British killed, cannot be correct,' 
as four officers and two hundred and forty-five 
privates were buried on the field by the Anleri- 
cans. This is the report of the burial -parties 
to the commander-in-chief ; and some few were 
afterwards found and buried. The British also 
buried some of their own dead, and they took 
many of their wounded with them, though 
nearly fifty of the latter were left by them at 
the court-house in the night after the battle. 
"Fifty-nine of their soldiers perished by the 
heat, without receiving a wound ; they lay 
under the trees and by rivulets, whither they 
had crawled for shade and water." Early in 
the morning after the battle. General Poor's 
brigade of the American army advanced to 
Monmouth Court-House, in which they found 
five wounded British officers and more than forty 

i"It is evident lliat a great error was made in the re- 
port of Sir Henry Clinton to the Government, from v^hioh 
this statement is copied, as four officers and two hundred 
and forty-five privates were buried by the Americans, be- 
sides those who had been buried by the enemy."— General 
Washington to the President of Congress, July Isi, and 
Joseph Glarke's diary, June 28th. 



wouuded private soldiers of Clinton's army, 
who had been left there in the retreat of the 
previous night, because of a lack of transporta- 
tion to take them along with the column.* 
Many of the American wounded were placed 
in the old building, and the Episcopal Church, 
in the village, and the old Tennent Church, near 
the battle-ground, were also filled with them, 
and they remained after the departure of the 
army, while such of the sick and slightly 
wounded as could bear removal were sent to 
the hospitals at Princeton. It has often been 
said that Washington had his headquarters in 
the court-house after the battle ; but this is 
evidently a mistake, as the building was filled 
to its fiill capacity by the wounded. It is not 
shown that the commander-in-chief came to , 
the court-house at all, and it is very unlikely 
that he did so, as the army moved to English- 
town in the afternoon of the 29th. The fact 
that his orders of the 29th were dated " Free- [ 
hold" has by some been regarded as proof that i 
he was located at the ^'iIlage, when, in fact, its j 
signification is just the reverse. All his orders 
and dispatches from the battle-field were simi- \ 
larly dated ; while, had he occupied the village, 1 
they doubtless would have been dated " Mon- , 
mouth Court-House," Ijy which name the little ! 
cluster of a dozen houses was then known, i 
The name " Freehold," as used by Washington, I 
applied to the tovrnshijj, just as " Hopewell," at , 
the head of other orders and dispatches of his. 
applied to the township of that name. General 
Knox, who, as chief of artillery, was a member ; 
of Washington's staff, wrote his wife on the 
29th, dating the letter " near ^Monmouth Court- ; 
House," which (even if there were no other 
evidence to that eftect) goes to show that the 
village was then generally known by that name. 
Colonel John Laurens wrote a letter to his 
father, dated " Headquarters, Englishtown, 30th 
June, 1778," in which he said: "My Dear 

' The following entry is found in the before-mentioned 
diary of Andrew Bell, Sir Henry Clinton's private seere- ', 
tary : 

" SuDdav, June 28th. — . About fifty of our wounded 
were obliged to be left at Freehold for want of wagons, [ 
and all the Eebels wounded giTing their paroles as 
prisoners. ' | 

Father, I was exceedingly chagrined that pub- 
lick business prevented my writing to you from 
the field of battle when the General sent his dis- 
patches to Congress." This is a strong indica- 
tion that Washington's dispatches of the 30th 
of June were written on, and sent from, the 
field. There was no reason why Washington 
should, but every reason why he should not, 
consume any part of the few hours that elapsed 
before the time of the army's marching for 
Englishtown, in moving his headquarters in 
exactly the opposite direction. Every hour of 
the forenoon of the 29th must have been neces- 
sary for him to perfect his plans and issue his 
orders for the marching of the army in the 
afternoon ; and it seems very unlikely that, 
under those circumstances, he would move his 
headquarters from the field to the court-house, 
and then move back over the same ground in 
the afternoon, — thus making five mUes of extra 
travel in the excessive heat of that time. 
There is no reason to believe otherwise than 
that his headquarters of the 29th were at a 
point on or very near the battle-field, — whence 
he issued the following general order of the 

" Headquaetebs, Feeehold, 


"June 29th, 1778. 

" Parole — ilonckton ; C. Signs — Bonner, Dickinson. 

"The commander-in-chief congratulates the Army 
on the victory obtained over the arms of His Brit- 
annic MajestT.-, and thanks most sincerelv the gallant 
officei^ and men who distinguished themselves upon 
this occasion, and such others as, by their good order 
and coolness, gave the happiest presage of what 
might have been expected had they come to action. 

" General Liiekinson and the militia of this State 
are also thanked for their nobleness in opposing the 
enemy on their march from Philadelphia, and for the 
aid which they have given in embarrassing and im- 
peding their motions so as to allow the Continental 
troops to come up with them. 

" A Party, consisting of two hundred men, to parade 
immediately to bury the slain of both armies : General 
AVoodfords brigade is to cover this Party. The officers 
of the American Army are to be buried with military 
honours, due to men who have nobly fought and died 
in the cause of Liberty and their country. 

"Doctor Cochran will direct what is to be done 
with the wounded and sick. He is to apply to the 
Quartermaster and Adjutant-General for necessary 
assistance. The several detachments (except those 



under Colonel Morgan) are to join their respective 
Brigades immediately, and the lines are to be formed 
agreeable to the order of the 22d instant. The army 
is to march from the left ; the second line in front, 
the cavalry in the rear ; the march to begin at five 
o'clock this afternoon. 

" A Sergeant, Corporal and twelve men from 
Oeneral Maxwell's brigade to parade immediately to 
guard the sick to Princetown Hospitals. Doctor Conik 
will give directions to the guards. Colonel Martin is 
appointed to superintend collecting the sick and 
wounded on the army routebetween Coryell's and Mon- 
mouth, and send them to Princetown Hospitals. He 
•will call immediately at the Order office for further 

"It is with peculiar pleasure, in addition to the 
above, that the commander-in-chief can inform 
General Knox and the officers of the Artillery that 
the Enemy have done them the justice to acknowl- 
edge that no Artillery could have been better served 
than ours." 

On the night of the 29th, and through the 
day of the 30th, the headquarters were at 
Englishtown, where, at seven o'clock p.m., 
thanksgiving services were held for the vic- 
tory of Monmouth, on which occasion it was 
ordered : " The men to wash themselves this 
afternoon (30th), and appear as clean and decent 
as possible." At this place also it was ordered 
that at evening parade the soldiers' packs should 
be searched for articles which (according to 
complaints made at headquarters) had been 
stolen from places where the owners had con- 
cealed them to save them from the British 
army. If any such articles were found in the 
packs, the offenders were to be " brought to 
condign punishment." * It was also ordered 
that the whole army, except Maxwell's brigade, 
should move on the following morning at two 
o'clock, — everything to be made ready the night 
before; General Maxwell to apply at head- 
quarters for special orders for the movement of 
his brigade. 

July 1st, from the general headquarters at 
Spottswood, the order was issued for the army 
to march at one o'clock next morning, — the 
" general " to beat at half-past twelve. Also at 
same time the order was issued for a general 
court-martial to sit at New Brunswick on the 

lAnd the soldiers were notified iu the order that "the 
detestable crime of marauding will henceforward be pun- 
ished with instant death." 

following day, for the trial of Major-General 
Charles Lee. 

The battle of Monmouth was one of the 
most severely contested of the conflicts of the 
Revolution, and its result has always been re- 
garded as a victory for the American arms. 
That it was so considered by Washington is 
shown by the general order in which he " con- 
gratulates the army on their victory obtained 
over His Britannic Majesty." This view is 
sustained by the fact that the British stole away 
in the darkness, leaving Washington master of 
the field. Lossing remarks ^ that the result 
might have been a complete rout of the British, 
and not improbably a surrender of their whole 
force, if Washington had brought into the battle 
the corps of riflemen under the redoubtable 
Morgan. " For hours the latter was at Rich- 
mond's [Shumar's] mills, three miles below 
Monmouth Court-House, awaiting orders, in an 
agony of desire to engage in the battle, for he 
was within sound of its fearful tumult. To 
and fro he strode, uncertain what course to pur- 
sue, and, like a hound in the leash, panting to be 
away to action. Why he was not allowed to 
participate in the conflict we have no means of 
determining. It appears probable that had he 
fallen upon the British rear with his fresh 
troops, at the close of the day, Sir Henry Clin- 
ton and his army might have shared the fate of 
the British at Saratoga." 

The American army under Washington at 
Monmouth consisted of sixteen weak brigades 
of infantry, which, together with the artillery 
and cavalry forces at his disposal, amounted to 
about thirteen thousand men, — a numerical 
strength somewhat greater than that of the 
British army, which was further weakened by 
desertions in its passage through New Jersey. 
" It is stated," says De Peyster, " that Clinton 
lost from one thousand to two thousand men by 
desertion betAveen Philadelphia and Sandy 
Hook. Of these, six hundred returned to wives, 
sweethearts and other connections with whom 
alliances had been formed during the winter of 
1778-79 in the City of Brotherly— and in this 
case, Sisterly— Love." And many of the de- 

2 Field Book of the Eevolution, vol. ii. p. 364. 



serters remained in New Jersey, where some of 
their descendants are still living. 

As among the most prominent and ^vell- 
known names of Monmouth County officers 
(including also some of private soldiers) who 
served in the army of Washington at the battle 
of Monmouth, the following were mentioned in 
a discourse by the Rev. Mr. Cobb, pastor of the 
Tennent Church : Anderson, Applegate, Baird, 
Bennett, Bowue, Buckalew, Carr, Covenhoven, 
Covvart, Craig, Denise, Dey, Disbrow, Emley, 
English, Fisher, David, Jonathan, Samuel and 
William Forman, Garrison, Gordon, Hankinson, 
Herbert, Haviland, Hendrickson, Imlay, Jobes, 
Johnstone, Walter and William Kerr, Joseph 
Knox, Robert and William Laird, Lloyd, Long- 
street, Magee, Morris, Mount, Newell, Ogborn, 
Parker, Perrine, Polhemus, Quackenbush, Ray, 
Reed, Rhea, Rue, Schenck, Scudder, Smock, 
Stillwell, Story, Sutphin, Taylor, Thompson, 
Throckmorton, Underwood, Vancleaf, Van 
Mater, Van Pelt, Voorhes, Wilson, Wood, 
Woolley, WyckofF. These names, he said, are 
still remembered in the county with filial pride. 
There were also a considerable number of In- 
dians serving (principally with Morgan's rifle 
corps) with the forces of Washington, and 
" more than seven hundred black Americans 
fought side by side with the white." 

The story of the battle of Monmouth could 
never be regarded as anything like complete if 
omitting a mention of the brave woman to 
whom the Continental soldiers gave the sobri- 
quet of " Molly Pitcher," from the name of the 
vessel in which she carried water from spring 
or rivulet to quench the thirst of her husband 
(an artilleryman) and his comrades on the field. 
For more than a century the name of " Molly 
Pitcher, the Heroine of Monmouth " has been 
almost as familiar as the name of the battle-field 
on which she did the deeds that have been told 
and retold in history, and the memory of which 
has now been perpetuated on the bronzes of the 
battle monument at Freehold. 

" She was," says Lossing, " a sturdy young 
camp-follower, only twenty-two years of age, 
and in devotion to her husband, who was acan- 
nonier, she illustrated the character of her coun- 
trywomen of the Emerald Isle. In the action. 

while her husband was managing one of the 
field-pieces, she constantly brought him water 
from a spring near by. A shot from the enemy 
killed him at his post, and the officer in com- 
mand, having no one competent to fill his place, 
ordered the piece to be withdrawn. Molly saw 
her husband fall as she came from the spring, 
and also heard the order. She dropped her 
bucket, seized the rammer, and vowed that she 
would fill the place of her husband at the gun, 
and avenge his death. She performed the duty 
with a skill and courage which attracted the at- 
tention of all who saw her. On the following 
morning, covered with dirt and blood, General 
Greene presented her to General Washington, 
who, admiring her bravery, conferred upon her 
the position of sergeant. By his recommenda- 
tion, her name was placed upon the list of half- 
pay officers for life. She left the army soon 
after the battle of Monmouth, and died near 
Fort Montgomery, among the Hudson High- 
lands. She usually went by the name of ' Cap- 
tain Molly.' The venerable widow of General 
Hamilton, who died in 1854, told me she had 
often seen Captain Molly. She described her as 
a stout, red-haired, freckled-faced young Irish 
woman, with a handsome, piercing eye. The 
French officers, charmed by the story of her 
bravery, made her many presents. She would 
sometimes pass along the French lines with her 
cocked hat, and get it almost filled M'itb 

The same writer visited the region in the 
Highlands where he says the heroine ended 
her days, and there found some old residents 
who " remembered the famous Irish woman 
called Captain Molly, the wife of a cannonier 
who worked a field-piece at the battle of Mon- 
mouth, on the death of her husband. She 
generally dressed in the petticoats of her sex, 
with an artilleryman's coat over. She was in 
Fort Clinton with her husband M'heu it was 
attacked in 1777. When the Americans re- 
treated from the fort, as the enemy scaled the 
ramparts, her husband dropped his match and 
fled. Molly caught it up, touched oif the piece 
and then scampered off. It was the last gun 
the Americans fired in the fort. Mrs. Rose 
remembered her as 'Dirty Kate,' living be- 



tween Fort Montgomery and Buttermilk Falls 
at the close of the war, where she died a hor- 
rible death from syphilitic disease. Washington 
had honored her with a lieutenant's commission 
for her bravery on the field of Monmouth, 
nearly nine months after the battle, when 
reviewing its events." 

But another account of Molly Pitcher — re- 
cently written at Carlisle, Pa.— differs very ma- 
terially from that given by Lossing, in reference 
to the later years and death of Captain Molly. 
It is as follows : 

" Few localities in the country more abound 
in memories of great historic events than the 
picturesque little town of Carlisle. It was here 
that the famous Molly Pitcher made her 
home during the last years of her life, and here 
her granddaughter, Mrs. Polly McLeister, 
a widow about seventy-five years of age, now 
lives. In the Carlisle cemetery there is a grave, 
at the head of which stands a heavy slab of 
marble, pure white, solid and substantial, like 
the character of her whose-resting place it marks, 
and it bears the following inscription : 








JULY 4, 1876.' " 

The Carlisle account further states that Molly 
was a daughter of John Hanna, of AUentown, 
and wife of John Mahan, the cannonier who was 
killed at Monmouth. The inference is that the 
name McCauley came to her by a second mar- 
riage. It is not proposed to attempt to decide 
here which of the foregoing accounts is the cor- 
rect one of the last years and death of Molly 
Pitcher, the female cannonier of Monmouth. 

The coui-t-martial ordered by General Wash- 
ington for the trial of General Charles Lee con- 
vened at New Brunswick on the 4th of July. 
It consisted of Major-General Lord Stirling 
(who was the president), four brigadiers and 
eight colonels. The immediate cause of the or- 
dering of this court-martial was that Lee, 

smarting under the recollection of the severe 
language used towards him by Washington on 
the day of the battle, had written to the com- 
mander-in-chief two very disrespectful letters 
(dated June 29tb and 30th), for which offense, 
as also on two other charges, — viz., " Disobedi- 
ence of orders in not attacking the enemy on the 
28th of June, agreeably to repeated instruc- 
tions," and " Misbehavior before the enemy on 
the same day, by making an unnecessary, disor- 
derly and shameful retreat," — he was tried by 
the court-martial, which, after a long and ex- 
haustive investigation, rendered its decision on 
the 8th of August, finding him guilty on all 
charges (but softening the finding on the second 
charge by substituting for the words " an un- 
necessary, disorderly and shameful retreat " the 
words " an uimecessary and, in some instances, 
a disorderly retreat "), and sentencing him to 
suspension from any and all command in any of 
the armies of the United States for the term of 
twelve months. The finding was approved by 
Congress, and thereupon Lee left the army and 
removed to Philadelphia, where he died four 
years afterwards, having never again been called 
into the service. 

The conduct of Major-General Charles Lee — 
who had been second in command under Wash- 
ington down to the time of the battle of Mon- 
mouth— had for a long time been regarded with 
suspicion not only by the commander-in-chief, 
but by nearly all the higher officers of the Con- 
tinental forces, who believed (and, without doubt, 
justly) that the object constantly pursued by 
Lee was to bring about a situation of military 
affairs which would enable him to supersede 
Washington in the position to which he (Lee) 
thought himself entitled— that of commander- 
in-chief of the American army. He had shown 
a contempt for (or, at least, a disregard of) the 
orders of his superior on several occasions, one 
of which was the marching of his command 
through New Jersey in the fall of 1776. At 
that time, when Washington crossed the Hudson 
River into New Jersey, soon after the battle of 
White Plains, Lee was left at the latter place 
with his division of about three thousand men. 
When Washington reached Hackensackhe wrote 
Lee at White Plains, requesting him to move 



his command to the west side of the Hudson 
and join the main body Avithout delay. Lee 
having taken no notice of this request, an order 
to the same effect was transmitted to him from 
headquarters ; and when it was found that he 
still delayed, the order was repeated in the most 
peremptory terms. In obedience to this second 
order, but with apparent reluctance, he moved 
his division, and crossed into Jersey; but his 
march was so dilatory that three weeks were 
consumed by him in bringing his force to 
Morristown. "It is evident," says Lossing, 
''from Lee's conduct, and the tenor of his 
letters at that time, that it was not so much a 
spirit of determined disobedience which gov- 
erned his actions as a strong desire to act inde- 
pendent of the commander-in-chief, and perform 
some signal service which would redound to his 
personal glory. He was ambitious as he was 
impetuous and brave. He had endeavored, but 
in vain, to induce General Heath, who was left 
in command at Peekskill, to let him have a de- 
tachment of one or two thousand men with 
which to operate. Heath refused to vary from 
his instructions, and it was well that he did." 
"Washington continued to urge Lee to form a 
junction with him; yet as late as the 11th of 
December, two days after Washington had 
crossed the Delaware into Pennsylvania, he re- 
ceived a letter from Lee hinting at various con- 
templated movements, not one of which referred 
to a junction of forces. This was the last com- 
munication Washington received from Lee dur- 
ing that campaign . Two days later, whi le pursu- 
ing his dilatory march, Lee was taken prisoner 
at Basking Ridge, Somerset County, by Colonel 
Harcourt, of the British Light-Horse, and was 
taken to New York, where he remained until 
May, 1778, — only about a month before the bat- 
tle of Monmouth, — when he was exchanged for 
the British general Prescott, and rejoined "W^ash- 
ington at Valley Forge. 

By some it was believed that Lee's capture 
was premeditated and prepared for by himself, 
and the belief was held by a few that he intended 
to have his entire command also taken, but there 
is no proof that such was the case. The opinion 
expressed by Lossing (as above quoted) was gen- 
eral, and doubtless well founded ; but beyond 

this, it does not appear that any well-defined be- 
lief that Lee was absolutely a traitor to the 
American cause was widely entei'tained until 
three-fourths of a century after his death, when 
evidence going far towards the establishment 
of the latter theory as a fact was furnished by 
the discovery of a document written by Lee's 
own hand while he was a prisoner with the 
British in New York, in February, 1777. The 
document referred to was first brought to light 
in this country, in 1858, by Mr. George H. 
Moore, librarian of the New York Historical 
Society. It had been surreptitiously obtained 
from a connection of the Lee family in England, 
who had possession of his papers, and it had 
been brought to this country and offered for 
sale. Mr. Moore, after writing to England and 
satisfying himself of its authenticity, purchased 
it, and was afterwards permitted to retain it by 
the gentleman from whom it had been unlaw- 
fully obtained. The document, which was sub- 
mitted by Lee to Admiral Lord Howe and his 
brother. General Howe, for their inspection and 
approval, and which bears the indorsement, 
" Mr. Lee's Flan— 29th March, 1777," is as 
follows : 

"As on the one hand, it appears to me that by the 
continuance of the War, America has no chance of 
obtaining the end She proposes to herself; that altho' 
by struggling She may put the Mother-Country to very 
serious expense, both in blood and Money, yet She 
must in the end, after great desolation, havock and 
slaughter, be reduc'd to submit to terms much harder 
than might probably be granted at present; and as 
on the other hand, Great Britain, tho' ultimately vic- 
torious, must suffer veiy heavily even in the process 
of the victories, every life lost and every guinea spent 
being, in fact, worse than thrown away, it is only 
wasting her own property, shedding her own blood 
and destroying her own strength; and as I am not 
only persuaded, from the high opinion I have of the 
humanity and good sense of Lord and General Howe, 
that the terms of accommodation will be as moderate 
as their power will admit, but that their powers are 
more ample than their Successors (should any accident 
happen) wou'd be vested with, I think myself not only 
justifiable, but bound in conscience to furnish all the 
lights I can, to enable 'em to bring matters to a con- 
clusion in the most compendious manner, and conse- 
quently the least expensive to both Parties. I do this 
with the more readiness, as I know the most generous 
use will be made of it in all respects ; their humanity 
will incline 'em to have considerations for Individuals 



who have acted from principle, and their good sense 
will tell 'em that the more moderate are the general 
conditions the more solid and permanent will be the 
union, for if the conditions were extremely repugnant 
to the general way of thinking, it wou'd be only the 
mere patchwork of a day, which the first breath of 
wind will discompose, and the first symptoms of a 
rupture betwixt the Bourbon Powers and Great 
Britain absolutely overturn ; but I have really no 
apprehensions of this kind whilst Lord and General 
Howe have the direction of affairs, and I flatter myself 
that under their auspices an accommodation may be 
built on so solid a foundation as not to be shaken 
by any such incident; in this persuasion and on these 
principles I shall most sincerely and zealously con- 
tribute all in my power to so desirable an end ; and 
if no untoward accidents fall out, which no human 
foresight can guard against, I will answer with my life 
for the success. 

" From my present situation and ignorance of cer- 
tain facts, I am sensible that I hazard proposing 
things which cannot without difficulties be comply'd 
with; I can only act from surmise, therefore hope 
allowances will be made for my circumstances. I will 
suppose that (exclusive of the Troops requisite for 
the security of Rhode Island and N. York) General 
Howe's Army (comprehending every species, British, 
Hessians and Provincials) amounts to twenty thou- 
sand men, capable to take the field and act offensively ; 
by which I mean, to move to any part of the Continent 
where occasion requires; I will suppose that the 
General's design with this force is to clear the Jerseys 
and take possession of Philadelphia; but in my 
opinion the taking possession of Philadelphia will not 
have any decisive consequences; the Congress and 
People adhering to the Congress have already made 
up their minds for the event ; already They have 
turned their eyes to other places where They can fix 
their seat of residence, carry on in some measure their 
Government ; in short, expecting this event. They 
have devis'd measures for protracting the War, in 
hopes of some favorable turn of affairs in Europe ; 
the taking possession therefore of Philadelphia, or any 
one or two Towns more, which the General may have 
in view, will not be decisive ; to bring matters to a 
conclusion, it is necessary to unhinge or dissolve, if I 
may so express myself, the whole system or machine 
of resistance, or, in other terms. Congress Government; 
this system or machine, as affairs now stand, depends 
entirely on the circumstances and disposition of the 
People of Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania; if 
the Province of Maryland, or the greater part of it, is 
reduced or submits, and the People of Virginia are 
prevented or intimidated from marching aid to the 
Pennsylvania Army, the whole machine is dissolv'd 
and a period put to the War, to' accomplish which is 
the object of the scheme which I now take the liberty 
of offering to the consideration of his Lordship and 
the General ; and if it is adopted in full, I am so con- 

fident of the success that I wou'd stake my life on the 
issue. I have at the same time the comfort to reflect 
that in pointing out measures which I know to be the 
most effectual, I point out those which will be attended 
with no bloodshed or desolation to the Colonies. As 
the difficulty of passing and of re-passing the North 
River, and the apprehensions from General Carleton's 
Army will, I am confident, keep the New Englanders 
at home, or at least confine 'em to the east side of the 
River; and as their Provinces are at present neither 
the seat of Government, strength nor Politicks, I 
cannot see that any offensive operations against these 
Provinces wou'd answer any sort of Purpose; to se- 
cure N. York and Rhode Island against their attacks 
will be sufficient. 

" On the supposition, then, that General Howe's 
army (including every species of Troops) amounts to. 
twenty, or even eighteen thousand men, at liberty to- 
move to any part of the continent ; as fourteen thou- 
sand will be more than suflcient to clear the Jerseys 
and take possession of Philadelphia, I wou'd propose 
that four thousand men be immediately embarked in 
transports, one-half of which shou'd proceed up the 
Potomac and take post at Alexandria, the other half 
up Chesapeake Bay and possess themselves of Annap- 
olis. They will most probably meet with no opposi- 
tion in taking possession of these Posts, and, when 
possessed, they are so very strong by nature that a 
few hours' work and some trifling artillery will se- 
cure them against the attacks of a much greater force 
than can possibly be brought down against themj 
their communication with the shipping will be con- 
stant and sure, for at Alexandria Vessels of a very con- 
siderable burthen (of five or six hundred Tons, for in- 
stance) can lie in close to the shore, and at Annapolis, 
within musket-shot ; all the necessaries and refresh- 
ments for an Army are near at hand and in the greatest 
abundance ; Kent Island will supply that of Annap- 
lis, and every part on both banks of the Potomac 
that of Alexandria. These Posts may, with ease,, 
support each other, and it is but two easy days' 
march from one to the other, and if occasion re- 
quires, by a single day's march They may join' and 
conjointly carry on their operations wherever' it may 
be thought eligible to direct 'em, whether to take 
possession of Baltimore, or post themselves on some 
spot on the Westward bank of the Susquehanna, 
which is a point of the utmost importance. But here 
I must beg leave to observe that there is a measure 
which, if the General assents to and adopts, will be 
attended with momentous and the most happy conse- 
quences. I mean that from these Posts proclama- 

»" On the Eoad from Annapolis to Queen Ann there is ona 
considerable Biver to be pass'd ; but as the ship's boats can 
easily be brought round from the Bay to the usual place of 
passage or Ferry, this is no impediment if the Two Corps 
ohuse to unite. They may, by a single day's march, either 
at Queen Ann or Marlborough." 



tions of pardon shou'd be issued to all those who 
come in at a given day ; and I will answer for it with 
my life that all the Inhabitants of that great tract 
southward of the Patapsico, and lying between the 
Patomac and Chesepeak Bay, and those on the East- 
ern shore of Maryland, will immediately lay down 
their arms. But this is not all. I am much mis- 
taken if those potent and populous German districts 
— Frederic County, in Maryland, and York, in Penn- 
sylvania — do not follow their example. These Ger- 
mans are extremely numerous, and, to a Man, have 
hitherto been the most staunch Assertors of the 
American cause; but, at the same time, are so remark- 
ably tenacious of their prbperty, and apprehensive 
of the least injury being done to their fine farms, that 
I have no doubt when They see a probability of their 
Country becoming the Seat of War, They will give 
up all opposition ; but if, contrary to my expectations, 
a force should be assembled at Alexandria sufficient 
to prevent the corps detached thither from taking 
possession immediately of the place, it will make no 
disadvantageous alteration, but rather the reverse. A 
variety of spots near Alexandria, on either bank of 
the Patomac, may be chosen for Posts, equally well 
calculated for all the great purposes I have men- 
tioned — viz., for the reduction or compulsion to sub- 
mission of the whole Province of Maryland ; for the 
preventing or intimidating of Virginia from sending 
aids to Pennsylvania; for, in fact, if any force is as- 
sembled at Alexandria sufficient to oppose the Troops 
sent against it getting possession of it, it must be at 
the expence of the more Northern Army, as they 
must be compos'd of those Troops which were other- 
wise destined for Pennsylvania, — to say all in a 
word, it will unhinge and dissolve the whole system 
of defence. I am so confident of the event that I will 
venture to assert, with the penalty of my life, if the 
plan is fully adopted, and no accidents (such as a 
rupture between the Powers of Europe) intervenes, 
that in less than two months from the date of the 
proclamation not a spark of this desolating war re- 
mains unextinguished in any part of the Continent.'' 

This document goes a long way towards clear- 
ing up the mystery which for eighty years en- 
veloped the conduct of Charles Lee at the battle 
of Monmouth, leading inevitably to the con- 
clusion that he was in sympathy with the British, 
and that it was not so much his intention to sup- 
plant as to betray the great commander, before 
whose sublime wrath and fierce invective he 
afterwards cowered and shrank away like a 

Concerning the precise language used by 
General Washington to Lee when he met the 
latter in retreat on the day of the battle, very 

much has been written and man}- accounts of the 
occurrence given. These accounts differ widely 
as to the exact words used by the chief 
but all agree that his language and manner to- 
ward his lieutenant on that occasion were terri- 
bly severe. It is related by Irving that when 
the intelligence came that Lee with his division 
was retiring towards the rear with an apparently 
victorious, army in pursuit, "Washington galloped 
forward to stop the retreat, his indignation kind- 
ling as he rode. The commander-in-chief soon en- 
countered Lee approaching with the body of his 
command in full retreat. By this time he 
(Washington) was thoroughly exasperated. 
" What is the meaning of this, sir ? " demanded 
he, in the sternest and even fiercest tone, as Lee 
rode up to him. Lee, stung by the manner more 
than by the words of the demand, made an angry 
reply and provoked still sharp sr expressions, 
which are variously reported ; by which " vari- 
ously reported " expressions is meant the pro- 
fanity which, acccording to general admission 
and belief, was used by Washington on that 
occasion. He very rarely (if ever, except at that 
time) used profane language, but he was a man 
of fierce temper when aroused, and it burst forth 
in ungovernable fury when he saw the shameful 
conduct of Lee, reviving, as it did, a suspicion of 
treachery which had before that time forced itself 
into the mind of the chief. 

The Marquis de Lafayette, when revisiting 
the United States in 1824, mentioned the circum- 
stance to Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, 
and said, " This was the only time I ever heard 
General Washington swear. He called Lee a 
damned poltroon, and was in a towering rage." ' 
Another witness said that Washington shouted 
to Lee, " In the devil's name, sir, go back to the 
front, or go to hell." 

Weems, in his " Life of Washington," says : "As 
Washington was advancing, to his infinite as- 
tonishment he saw Lee retreating and the enemy 
pursuing. 'For God's sake. General Lee,' 
said he in great warmth, ' what is the cause of 
this ill-timed prudence?' 'No man, sir,' re- 
plied Lee, ' can boast a larger portion of that 

1 This statement of Lafayette was made ty him on the 
piazza of the' residence of Vice-President Tompkins, on the 
morning of Sunday, August 15, 1824. 



rascally virtue thau your excellency ! ' Darting 
along like a madman, Washington rode up to 
his troops, who, at sight of him, rent the air 
with ' God save great "Washington ! ' ' My 
brave fellows, can you fight ? ' said he. They 
answered with cheers. 'Then face about, my 
heroes, and charge ! ' This order was executed 
with infinite spirit." This account by Weems, 
however, seems much less like a correct state- 
ment of an actual occurrence on a battle-field 
than like an imaginative creation of the author. 

The Rev. C. W. Upham, in his " Life of Wash- 
ington," says: "When General Washington met 
Lee retreating at the battle of Monmouth he 
was so exasperated as to lose control of his 
feelings for a moment, and in his anger and in- 
•dignation he burst forth in violent expressions 
of language and manner. Very harsh words 
were exchanged between him and Lee, and a 
sharp correspondence ensued, which resulted in 
Washington putting Lee under arrest. He was 
tried by court-martial. . . ." 

No witness on the court-martial of Lee made 
any mention of profane words used by Wash- 
ington on the occasion referred to; but this 
omission can have no weight, for indeed it would 
have been strange if any allusion had been 
made to it, as it was not the commander in-chief 
and his language, but Lee and his actions, that 
were then under investigation. 

General Lee, in his defense before the court- 
martial, said : " I confess I was disconcerted, 
•astonished and confounded by the words and 
manner in which his Excellency accosted me. 
It was so novel and unexpected, from a man 
whose discretion, humanity and decorum I had, 
from the first of our acquaintance, stood in ad- 
miration of, that I was for some time unable to 
make any coherent answer to questions so abrupt 
and, in a great measure, unintelligible." 

Neither Sparks, Bancroft nor Marshall, in 
their excellent works, make more definite men- 
tion of the language used by the commander- 
in-chief on Monmouth field than to say, in 
■effect, that Washington spoke in terms of 
warmth, implying disapprobation of Lee's 

Dr. Samuel Forman, of Freehold, gave the 
following account, as he had heard it from his 

father, who, with Peter Wikoff, had acted as 
guide to General Washington on the day of the 
battle: "Washington met Lee in the field 
immediately north of the parsonage of the 
Tennent Church, and, riding up to him, asked 
in astonishment, 'What is the meaning of 
this ? ' Lee, being confused and not distinctly 
understanding the question, said, 'Sir, sir?' 
Washington again asked, ' What is all that 
confusion and retreat for?' Lee answered that 
he saw no confusion except what arose from his 
orders not being properly obeyed. Washington 
said he had certain information that the enemy 
before him was only a strong covering party. 
Lee said it might be so, but they were stronger 
than he (Lee) was, and that he had not thought 
it prudent to risk so much. 'You should 
not have undertaken it,' said Washington, and 
rode on. Soon afterwards Washington again 
met Lee, and asked him if he would take com- 
mand there ; if not, then he (Washington) would ; 
but if Lee would take the command, he would 
return to the main army and make the proper 
dispositions for battle. Lee answered that his 
Excellency had already given him command 
there. Upon which Washington told him he 
should expect him to take the proper measures 
to check the enemy's advance. Lee replied 
that his orders should be obeyed, and that he 
(Lee) would not be the first to leave the field. 
Washington then rode away." No harsh lan- 
guage is mentioned in this account, but it is to 
be remembered that persons acting in the capa- 
city of guides, though at certain times held near 
the person of the commander, would hardly be 
in a position, at such a time as the one referred 
to, to know all that passed between the two 
highest generals of the army. 

One of the Virginian officers in the battle 
(General Charles Scott), who was himself one 
of the worst of swearers, and seemed to take 
delight in hearing profanity from the lips oi 
others, was onccj in later years, asked if it was 
possible that the great Washington ever used 
profane language. His reply (evidently an 
exaggeration of the facts) was : " He did, sir, 
once. It was at Monmouth, and on a day that 
would have made any man swear. He swore, 
sir, till the leaves shook in the trees. I never, 



sir, enjoyed such swearing before or since. On 
that memorable day, sir, he swore like an angel 
from heaven." It was either Scott or another 
of the Virginian officers present in the battle 
who said that Washington, enraged by Lee's 
excuse that he had thought it safest to retire 
before the enemy, who greatly outnumbered 
him, wrathfully burst out: "D — n your multi- 
plying eyes. General Lee ! Go to the front, or 
go to hell, I care little which ! " 

No person now living knows, or even can 
know, what were the precise words which 
Washington used on that blazing, blistering 
day, when he was driven to a frenzy of rage by 
the base conduct of his lieutenant ; but we may 
accept and agree to the conclusion arrived at by 
a certain college professor of divinity, who, 
having held up the Father of his Country as a 
model in all things, from cherry-tree to Farewell 
Address, and being thereupon inquired of by 
one of his pupils whether he would have them 
include all the events of the 28th of June, 1778, 
stammered out, after a moment of hesitation 
and perplexity : " Ahem ! ah, w-e-1-1, I sup- 
pose if anybody ever did have an excuse for 
swearing, it Avas General Washington at the 
battle of Monmouth." 

The British army committed many depreda- 
tions and outrages on the people of New Jersey 
(particularly on those of Monmouth County) 
during its march through the State from the 
Delaware to the Navesink Highlands. With 
reference to those outrages, there appeared in 
Collins' New Jersey Gazette, soon after the 
Monmouth battle, the following article, attrib- 
uted to Dr. (Colonel) Thomas Henderson, who 
had himself suffered severely in property from 
their barbarous vandalism : 

" The devastation they have made in some 
parts of Freehold exceeds, perhaps, any they 
have made for the distance in their route 
through this State, having, in the neighbour- 
hood above the court-house, burnt and destroyed 
eight dwelling-houses, all on farms adjoining 
each other, besides barns and out-houses. The 
first they burnt was my own, then Benjamin 
Covenhoven's, George Walker's, Hannah Solo- 
mon's, Benjamin Van Cleve's, David Coven- 

hoven's and Garret Vanderveer's ; John Ben- 
ham's house and barn they wantonly tore and 
broke down, so as to render them useless. It 
may not be improper to observe that the two 
first houses mentioned as burnt adjoined the 
farm, and were in full view of the place where 
General Clinton was quartered. In the neigh- 
borhood below the court-house they burnt the 
houses of Matthias Lane, Cornelius Covenho- 
ven, John Antonidas and one Emmons; these 
were burnt the morning before their defeat. 
Some have the effrontery to say that the British 
officers by no means countenance or allow of 
burning. Did not the wanton burning of 
Charleston,^ and Kingston, in Esopus, besides 
many other instances, sufficiently evince to the 
contrary, I think their conduct in Freehold 
may. The officers have been seen to exult at 
the sight of the flames, and heard to declare 
they could never conquer America until they 
burnt every rebel's house and murdered man,, 
woman and child. Besides, this consideration 
has great weight with me towards confirming 
the above, that, after their defeat, through a 
retreat of twenty-five miles, in which they 
passed the houses of the well affected to their 
country, they never attempted to destroy one. 
Thus much for their burning. ■ To enter into a 
minute detail of the many insults and abuses 
those inhabitants met with who remained in 
their houses would take up too much time in 
your paper ; I shall, therefore, content myself 
with giving you an account of General Clinton's 
conduct to one of my neighbours, a woman of 
seventy years of age and unblemished reputa- 
tion, with whom he made his quarters.^ After 
he had been for some time in her house, and 
taking notice that most of the goods were re- 
moved, he observed that she need not have sent 
off her effects for safety ; that he would have 
secured her, and asked if the goods could not 

1 The -writer of the above was wholly mistaken about the 
" wanton" burning of Charlestown at the battle of Bunker 
Hill. Charlestown was accidentally set on fire at that timet 
by shells from the frigate " Glasgow " and other British 
vessels enfilading the " Neck." 

2 Said to have referred to Mrs. William Conover, who. 
then lived in the house since known as the Murphy house, 
where Clinton made his quarters on the nights of the 26tli 
and 27th of June, 1778. 



be brought back again. The old lady objected, 
but upon repeated assurances of General Clin- 
ton in person that they should be secured for 
her, she consented, and sent a person he had 
ordered, along with a wagon, to show where 
they were secreted. When the goods were 
brought to the door, in the latter part of the 
day, the old lady applied to General Clinton in 
person for permission to have them brought in 
and taken care of, but he refused, and ordered 
a guard set over the goods. The morning fol- 
lowing, the old lady, finding most of her goods 
plundered and stolen, applied again to him for 
leave to take care of the remainder. He then 
allowed her to take care of some trifling arti- 
cles, which were all she saved, not having 
(when I saw her and had the above information 
from her) a change of dress for herself or hus- 
band, or scarcely for any of her family. In 
regard to personal treatment, she was turned out 
of her bed-room and obliged to lie with her 
wenches, either on the floor, without bed or 
bedding, in an entry exposed to the passing and 
repassing of all, etc., or to sit in a chair in a 
milk-room, too bad for any of the officers to 
lie in, else it is probable she would have been 
deprived of that also. If the first officers of 
the British army are so divested of honour and 
humanity, what may we not expect from the 

The depredations by Clinton's army were, of 
course, much greater in the vicinity of Free- 
hold than elsewhere, because his entire force 
lay within about three miles of the court-house 
through the two days and nights preceding the 
battle. After the army had left the vicinity of 
the village, and taken the road leading to Mid- 
dletown, many of the people who had suffered 
from their outrages pursued and wreaked their 
vengeance by firing on the soldiers from the 
cover of the woods and thickets. Several iso- 
lated graves along the road to Middletown were 
to be seen seventy years afterwards, supposed 
to be the last resting-places of some of Clinton's 
men killed in this way. 

The departure of Clinton's army from Sandy 
Hook Bay left New Jersey free from the pres- 
ence of armed enemies upon her soil, and the 

militiamen of the State were then allowed to 
return to their homes, to remain until some 
other exigency should require them to be again 
called to the field. Washington moved his 
army (as has already been noticed) from Mon- 
mouth field to Englishtown, to Spottswood, and 
thence to New Brunswick, from which place, 
after a brief stay, it was moved to and across 
the Hudson River, to a position in Westchester 
County, N. Y. Washington made his head- 
quarters at White Plains, and there narrowly 
watched the movements of Clinton, suspecting 
it to be the design of the latter to move into 
the New England States. "Sir Henry gave 
currency to the reports that such were his inten- 
tions, until Washington moved his headquarters 
to Fredericksburg, near the Connecticut line, 
and turned his attention decidedly to the pro- 
tection of the eastern coast. Clinton then sent 
foraging parties into New Jersey, and ravaged 
the whole country from the Hudson to the 
Raritan and beyond." ^ 

Finally, being convinced that the enemy had 
no designs on New England, Washington re- 
solved to place his army in winter-quarters at 
different points, and in the most advantageous 
positions. This was done in December, 1778. 
Five brigades were cantoned on the east side of 
the Hudson, one brigade at West Point, one 
at Smith's Cove, near Haverstraw, one at 
Elizabethtown, and seven brigades at and in 
the vicinity of Middlebrook, Somerset County. 
Maxwell's brigade (in which were a consider- 
able number of soldiers of Monmouth County) 
was stationed during the winter at Elizabeth- 
town, to watch the British and Tory troops on 
Stateu Island, and prevent, as much as possible, 
their depredations in the contiguous part of 
New Jersey. In May, 1779, this brigade was 
ordered to join the army of General Sullivan, 
which marched from Easton, Pa., to the Seneca 
country, in New York, for the purpose of pun- 
ishing the Indians of that region for their par- 
ticipation in the massacres of the preceding 
year at Wyoming and Cherry Valley,— a pur- 
pose which was most successfully and com- 
pletely accomplished. 

' Lossing. 



About the 1st of June, 1779, the American 
army left its winter-quarters, and moved to the 
Hudson River. General Wayne moved from 
his encampment south of the Raritan to the 
Hudson, where, on the loth of July, he stormed 
and captured the British fortifications at 
Stony Point. In the latter part of October a 
detachment of the Queen's Rangers,^ under 
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, — the 
same officer who commanded that battalion on 
the 28th of June, 1778, when it fought Butler 
on the ground now the Monument Park, at 
Freehold, — made a daring foray up the valley 
of the Raritan, for the purpose of destroying 
some boats on that river, which object they 
accomplished, and also did much other damage, 
but lost their commander, who was taken pris- 
oner by a party of Americans under command 
of Captain Guest. After Simcoe's capture the 
Rangers became scattered, and reached South 
River bridge in a very demoralized condition. 
The American army went into winter-quarters 
about December 20, 1779, — the Northern Divi- 
sion, under General Heath, locating on the east 
side of the Hudson, below West Point, and the 
main body with the commander-in-chief, at 
Morristown. In January, 1780, Lord Stirling 
commanded a partially successful expedition to 
Staten Island. On the 6th of June following, 
a British force of about five thousand men, 
under Knyphausen, crossed from Staten Island 
to Elizabethtown Point, and advanced towards 
the interior, but was driven back to the Point. 
Again, on the 23d of the same month, a large 
force, under Sir Henry Clinton, advanced 
from the same place to Springfield, and burned 
the town; but being resolutely met by the Con- 
tinental troops and the Jersey militia, thought 
it prudent to retire, which he did the same day, 
and crossed back to Staten Island. 

In the same month (June, 1780) a large force 
of French troops arrived, under General Count 
Rochambeau, to take the field as auxiliaries of 

iThe celebrated corps known as the " Queen's Rangers" 
was mostly made up of Americans, Tories, enlisted into the 
corps in Westchester County, N. Y., and in neighboring por- 
tions of Connecticut. Colonel Simcoe had assumed com- 
mand of this body in 1777, and afterwards brought it up to 
a condition of excellent discipline and great efficiency. 

the Americans, and to operate under the orders 
of Washington, who thereupon projected a 
joint attack on the British in New York, but 
afterwards abandoned the project. On the 
Hudson the most notable events of the year 
were the culmination of Arnold's treason and 
the capture of the unfortunate Major Andr6. 
Early in December the American army went 
into winter-quarters. 

In the summer of 1781 the American army 
and its French aHies concentrated on the Hud- 
son River, for the purpose, as it was understood, 
of making a combined attack on the British in 
the city of New York. They remained in the 
vicinity of Dobbs' Ferry for about six weeks, 
during which time Washington abandoned the 
project (if he ever entertaioed it seriously) of 
attacking the city, and resolved instead to move 
the armies to Virginia to operate against Corn- 
wallis. He, however, concealed his new plan, 
and wrote letters containing details of his pre- 
tended object to move against the city, intending 
that these should fall into the hands of Sir 
Henry Clinton. The result was as he had 
intended it to be. The letters were intercepted 
and taken to Clinton, who was completely de- 
ceived by them, and, continuing to watch the 
American force on the Hudson, failed to rein- 
force Cornwallis, as the latter had requested 
him to do. Meanwhile, Washington completed 
his preparations, and in the latter part of 
August crossed the Hudson at Verplanck's 
Point with the American and French armies, 
and marched rapidly across New Jersey to 
Trenton, some of the troops passing tlirough 
the Ramapo Valley and Morristown, and others 
passing the Ringwood Iron- Works. The 
French forces took the route by the Hacken- 
■sack Valley to Newark and Perth Amboy, at 
which place they built ovens, constructed boats, 
collected forage and made other movements 
indicating an intention to move on New York ; 
but these were suddenly abandoned, and the 
march was resumed to Trenton, where all the 
forces arrived before Clinton was aware of the 
significance of the movement. 

Crossing the Delaware at Trenton and the 
neighboring ferries in the morning of Septem- 
ber 1st, the armies marched on towards Phila- 



delphia, which city they passed through on the 
2d, and on the 14th of September reached 
Williamsburg, Va., from which point Wash- 
ington and Rochambeau went on board the 
French flag-ship, the "Ville de Paris," in the 
York Eiver, and there, Avith the French 
admiral, Count de Grasse, concerted the plan 
of the campaign which ended in the surrender 
of Lord Cornwallis with his army at Yorktown, 
on the 19th of October. 




Through all the years of the Revolutionary 
conflict, Monmouth suffered far more severely 
than any other county of New Jersey from the 
forays and depredations of bands of men who 
were partisans of the royal cause, though in 
general they did not belong to the regular or- 
ganization of the British army, These men, 
who were known by the name of Tory Refugees, 
were inveterate enemies of the patriots and of 
the cause of American liberty, who had fled to 
the enemy's lines, and made a principal rendez- 
vous on Staten Island, under protection of the 
encircling war-vessels of the British. They had 
also a camp on Sandy Hook, called Refugees' 
Town, fortified to some extent and also pro- 
tected by the guns of the royal fleet. The 
Staten Island base of operations was for them 
a peculiarly convenient one from which to 
sally out on the marauding expeditions, by 
which they continually harassed the people 
inhabiting the neighboring territory of the 
county of Monmouth. 

Besides being thus unfortunately situated for 
the peace and security of its patriot inhabitants of 
that time, Monmouth (then the richest of the 
counties of New Jersey) offered also the advan- 
tage of extensive woods and almost impenetrable 
swamps for hiding-places, which, together with 
the facilities of the rivers and inlets of the ocean 
coast and the bays of Raritan and Sandy Hook 

for the sending of plunder to New York, brought 
hither some of the worst villains and desper- 
adoes of the whole country, who became notori- 
ous as the " Pine Woods Robbers of Mon- 
mouth, " who not only never hesitated at the 
shedding of blood to secure booty, but often 
committed cold-blooded murders for the mere 
gratification of malice or revenge. They always 
professed to be stanch Royalists, and they were 
always bitter and inveterate enemies of the 
patriots; but their principal object was rob- 
bery, and they plundered Tories as well as 
Whigs whenever an opportunity offered to do 
so in safety. They were, however, much more 
careful and secret in their outrages against the 
former, because they depended on the British 
and Tories in New York as purchasers of the 
plunder, and therefore they must not sacrifice 
the friendship of their patrons by open depre- 
dations on their friends and allies, the Tories 
of Monmouth. These robbers infested the whole 
county, but particularly the region known as 
" The Pines," and hence the general term "Pine 
Robbers " which was applied to them. They 
had their hiding-places and headquarters in 
caves burrowed in the sand ; along the borders 
of swamps, and in other spots so secluded and 
masked by nature as to be comparatively safe 
from detection ; and from these places they went 
forth, usually by night, in bands" and individ- 
ually, to rob, burn and murder ; so that, for de- 
fense against these worse than Indian prowlers, 
the people of the county were obliged to keep their 
firearms constantly by them at their work in the 
fields, at their meetings for worship, and by their 
bedsides at night. 

Among the worst of the ferocious gang ot 
desperadoes who had their lair in " The Pines " 
of Monmouth, whence they sallied out on their 
forays of robbery and murder through the county 
during the Revolution, were Jacob Fagan, Lewis 
Feuton, Ezekiel Williams, Richard Bird, John 

Giberson, John Wood, John Farnham, 

DeBow, Davenport, Jonathan and Stephen 

West, John Bacon and two brothers named 
Thomas and Stephen Burke, the last-men- 
tioned of whom also sometimes assumed the 
alias of Emmons, and generally accompanied 
Fagan or Fenton, or both of them, in their ne- 



farious expeditions. Fagan was a resident of 
the southeast part of the present county, living 
on or near the Manasquan River before he en- 
tered on the career of crime which he continued 
in safety for two or three years, but which was 
finally closed by the avenging bulletsofadetach- 
ment of Monmouth militia under command of 
Captain Benjamin Dennis, whose daughter, A me- 
lia, then a girl of fifteen years, was an eye-witness 
of, and an actor in, the beginning of the affair 
which resulted in the death of the outlaw. The 
circumstances were narrated by her, years after- 
wards, as follows : She said that on a certain 
Monday in September, 1778, Fagan, Burke and 
a man named Smith came to the house of Cap- 
tain Dennis (on the south side of Manasquan 
River, four miles below the Howell Mills) to 
rob it of some goods captured from a British 
vessel. Mrs. Dennis and her daughter, Amelia, 
were in the house at the time of their arrival, 
and they knew Fagan, who had formerly been a 
near neighbor. Smith, although then in com- 
pany with two of the most notorious villains in 
the country, was in reality an honest man, who 
had joined the robbers for the purpose of be- 
traying them. On reaching the vicinity of the 
house, Fagan and Burke remained concealed, 
and sent Smith forward to reconnoitre, and see 
if the way was clear. Entering the house, he at 
once warned Mrs. Dennis of the danger, where- 
upon the girl Amelia, hiding a pocket-book con- 
taining eighty dollars in a bed-tick, slipped out 
of the back-door, and with her little brother 
made good her escape to a swamp near by. 
Scarcely had she gone when the two robbers en- 
tered, searched the house (including the bed) for 
booty, and failing to find any, endeavored, by 
threatening the life of Mrs. Dennis, to frighten 
her into disclosing the place where the valuables 
were concealed, and, failing also in this, they 
proceeded to put their threat in execution, 
though the narrative states that Burke was op- 
posed to murdering her. Fagan's determina- 
tion, however, prevailed, and she was hung by 
the neck with a bed-cord to a young cedar-tree ; 
but the work was so carelessly done that in her 
struggles she freed herself and escaped, just as 
the attention of the robbers was attracted by the 
approach of John Holmes in a wagon belonging 

to Captain Dennis. The girl, Amelia, also saw 
him from her hiding-place and ran towards him, 
upon which the robbers fired at her, but without 
effect. Holmes, alarmed by the firing, aban- 
doned the wagon and fled to the swamp, and the 
bafiled bandits, after plundering the wagon, lefl 
the place. 

In the evening of the same day the man 
Smith stole away from the other two, and mak- 
ing his way to where Captain Dennis was on 
duty with a detachment of militia, informed 
him of the affair, and that it was the intention 
of the robbers to make another descent on his 
house. Upon this, the captain, seeing that his 
family could no longer remain there in safety, 
removed them the next day to Shrewsbury, un- 
der guard of some of the militiamen, and at 
the same time concerted a plan with Smith for 
the capture or killing of the villains Fagan and 
Burke. In pursuance of this plan. Smith ar- 
ranged with his supposed confederates to make 
a second visit to Dennis' house, on the Wednesday 
evening next following the first attempt. Cap- 
tain Dennis, fully apprised of their plan, lay in 
concealment with a party of his men, at a place 
agreed on by himself and Smith, on the way 
which the robbers would pass on their way to 
the house. They came at the time appointed ; 
Smith first, in a wagon intended for carrying 
away the plunder, then Fagan and Burke on 
foot, as a rear-guard. As they passed the 
ambuscade, at a preconcerted signal from Smith 
(a chirrup to the horse he was driving), the 
militiamen fired on the two robbers, who in an 
instant leaped into the brushwood and disap- 
peared, Burke being little, if any, hurt, but Fa- 
gan (as was afterwards ascertained), carrying a 
mortal wound. On the following Saturday 
some hunters (who had probably discovered his 
dead body in the woods) were drinking at a, 
tavern in the vicinity, and made a bet with 
some of the people there that Fagan had been 
killed. This resulted in a so-called search, in 
which his body was found, recognized and 
buried. The M'elcome news spread rapidly 
through the region from Colt's Neck to Free- 
hold, and on the following day "the people as- 
sembled,' disinterred the body, and after heaping 
indignities upon it, enveloped it in a tarred 



cloth, aad suspended it in chains, with iron 
bands around it, from a large chestnut-tree 
about a mile from the court-house, on the road 
to Colt's JSTeck.^ There hung the corpse in mid- 
air, rocked to and fro by the winds, a horrible 
warning to his comrades and a terror to travel- 
ers, until the birds of prey picked the flesh from 
the bones, and the skeleton fell piecemeal to the 
ground. Tradition affirms that the skull was 
afterwards placed against the tree with a pipe in 
its mouth in derision. " ^ 

The killing ofFaganwas mentioned in Col- 
lins' New Jersey Gazette of October 1, 1778, as 
follows : 

"About ten days ago Jacob Fagan, who 
having previously headed a number of villains 
in Monmouth County that have committed 
divers robberies, and were the terror of travel- 
ers, was shot, since which his body has been 
gibbetted on the publick highway in that county 
to deter others from perpetrating the like de- 
testable crimes." 

The robber Stephen Bnrke, who so narrowly 
escaped at the time when his confederate, Fa- 
gan, was killed by the militiamen, was himself 
killed (with his fellow-robbers, West and Wil- 
liams) by Captain Dennis' detachment in Jan- 
uary, 1779. An account of the affair (embraced 
in a letter from Monmouth County, written, as 
is supposed, by Dr. Thomas Henderson) was 
given in Collins' Gazette, of the 29th of that 
month, viz. : 

"The Tory Pine-Robbers, who have their 
haunts and caves in the pines, and have been 
for some time past a terrour to the inhabitants 
of this county, have, during the course of the 
present week, met with a very eminent disaster. 
On Tuesday evening last Captain Benjamin 
Dennis, who lately killed the infamous robber 
Fagan, with a party of his Militia, went in pur- 
suit of three of the most noted of the pine-rob- 
bers, and was so fortunate as to fall in with 
them, and kill them on the spot. Their names 

^ It was related by Dr. Samuel Forman, of Freehold, that 
in the time of the Revolution he (then a youth) assisted in 
the erection, near the court-house, of a gallows, on which no 
less than thirteen Pine Robbers, murderers and Refugees 
were hung at different times during the war. 

^Hiat. Coll. of New Jersey. 

are Stephen Burke, alias Emmons, Stephen 
West and Ezekiel Williams. Yesterday they 
were brought up to this place, and two of them, 
it is said, will be hanged in chains. This signal 
piece of service was effected through the instru- 
mentality of one John Yan Kirk, who was 
prevailed upon to associate with them on pur- 
pose to discover their practices and lead them 
into our hands. He conducted himself with so 
much address that the robbers, and especially 
the three above named, who were the leading 
villains, looked upon him as one of their body, 
kept him constantly with them and entrusted 
him with all their designs. 

"Van Kirk, at proper seasons, gave intel- 
ligence of their movements to Captain Dennis, 
who conducted himself accordingly. They were 
on the eve of setting off for New York to make 
sale of their plunder, when Van Kirk informed 
Captain Dennis of the time of their intended 
departure (which was to have been on Tuesday 
night last), and of course they would take to 
their boats. In consequence of which, and 
agreeable to the directions of Van Kirk, the 
captain and a small party of his militia planted 
themselves at Rock Pond, near the sea-shore, 
and shot Burke, West and Williams in the 
manner above related. We were at first in 
hopes of keeping Van Kirk under the rose; 
but the secret is out, and of course he must fly 
the country, for the Tories are so highly exas- 
perated against him that death will certainly be 
his fate if he does not leave Monmouth County. 
The Whigs are soliciting contributions in his 
favour ; and from what I have seen, I have no 
doubt that they will present him with a very 
handsome sum. I question whether the de- 
struction of the British fleet could difiuse more 
universal joy among the inhabitants of INIon- 
mouth than has the death of the above three 
most egregious villains." 

The killing of Burke, West and Williams 
was narrated by William Courlies, of Shrews- 
bury, who joined the British in the fall of 1778, 
and who testified before a British court-martial 
as follows : "The deponent was carried prisoner 
to Monmouth in January, 1779, on the night 
of the 24th of that month. He saw Captain 
Dennis, of the rebel service, bring to Freehold 



Court-House three dead bodies; that Captain 
Dennis being a neighbor of his (the deponent's), 
he asked where those men were killed. He 
replied they were killed on the shore, where 
they were coming to join their regiments. Two 
of them, he said, belonged to Colonel Morris' 
corps, in General Skinner's brigade; the other 
had been enlisted in their service by those two 
belonging to Colonel Morris' corps. He said 
also that he (Captain Dennis) had employed a 
man to assist them in making their escape at a 
place where he (Dennis) was to meet with them 
on the shore ; at which place he did meet them ; 
that, on coming to the sj)ot, he (Dennis) sm'- 
rounded them with his party ; that the men at- 
tempted to fire, and not being able to discharge 
their pieces, begged for quarters, and claimed 
the benefit of being prisoners of war. He or- 
dered them to be fired on, and one of them by 
the name of Williams fell ; that they were all 
bayoneted by the party, and brought to Mon- 
mouth ; and that he (Dennis) received a sum of 
money for that action, either from the Gover- 
nour or General Washington, — which of the two 
he does not recollect." 

The outlaw Fenton, who was a comrade of 
Fagan and Burke in their crimes, was a black- 
smith by trade, to which he had been appren- 
ticed in Freehold. His depredations were as 
numerous and as long continued as those of the 
others, and his record was foul and bloody with 
many murders. One of the most diabolical of 
these was the killing of Thomas Farr and his 
wife, an aged couple, who lived in Upper Free- 
hold township, near Imlaystown. The murder 
was committed in July, 1779, by Fenton, 
Thomas Burke and several other villains of the 
gang, who came to Farr's house in the dead of 
the night for purposes of robbery. The inmates 
were Mr. and Mrs. Farr and their daughter, 
who, as it appears, were on the alert and had 
the doors barricaded with logs. The assailants 
attempted to beat open the front door by using 
a rail as a battering-ram ; but failing in this, 
they fired in on the defenders, wounding the 
daughter and breaking one of Mr. Farr's legs. 
They then went to the back door, and being 
successful in gaining entrance, they immediately 
shot Mrs. Farr and beat her husband to death 

as he lay on the floor helpless from his broken 
leg. The daughter, notwithstanding her wounds, 
slipped out and made her escape to the woods, 
and the ruffians, fearing that she would give 
the alarm and so bring a party of militia upon 
them, did not wait long to plunder the house, 
but beat a hasty retreat towards their hiding- 
place in the Pines. 

An account of this murder was given in the 
Gazette, as follows: "July 31, 1779. — Thomas 
Farr and wife, in the night, near Crosswicks 
Baptist meeting-house, and daughter were badly 
wounded by a gang supposed to be under lead 
of Lewis Fenton. About the same time Fenton 
broke into and robbed the house of one Andrews, 
in Monmouth County. Governor Livingston 
offered £600 reward for Fenton and £300 and 
£250 for persons assisting him." Two months 
later Fenton met the fate he deserved, the fol- 
lowing account of his death being given in a 
communication printed in Collins' Gazette, of 
September, 1779: "On Thursday last (Septem- 
ber 23'', 1779) a Mr. Van Mater was knocked 
off his horse, on the road near Longstreet's 
Mills, in Monmouth County, by Lewis Fenton 
and one De Bow, by whom he was stabbed in 
the arm and otherwise much abused, besides 
being robbed of his saddle. In the mean time 
another person coming up drew the attention of 
the robbers and gave Van Mater an opportunity 
to escape. He went directly and informed a 
Serjeant's guard of Major Lee's Light Dragoons, 
who were in the neighborhood, of what had 
happened. The Serjeant immediately impressed 
a wagon and horses and ordered three of his 
men to secrete themselves in it under some hay. 
Having changed his clothes and procured a 
guide, he made haste, thus equipped, to the place 
where Fenton lay. On the approach of the 
wagon Fenton (his companion being gone) rushed 
out to plunder it. Upon demanding what they 
had in it, he was answered a little wine and 
spirit. These articles he said he wanted, and 
while advancing toward the wagon to take pos- 
session of them one of the soldiers, being pre- 
viously informed who he was, shot him through 
the head, which killed him instantly on the 
spot. Thus did this villain end his days, which, 
it is to be hoped, will at least be a warning to 



others, if not to induce them to throw themselves 
on the mercy of their injured country." About 
two weeks before Fenton's death four of his 
gang were captured and placed in Monmouth 
jail, from which some of them, if not all, were 
soon after taken to the gallows. 

The outlaws of the Pines were very bitter in 
their hatred of Captain Benjamin Dennis, who 
often led the militia to punish them for their 
depredations, and the feeling of enmity towards 
him was particularly intense on the part of the 
villain Fenton, on account of the killing of 
Fagan and Stephen Burke. Determined to 
have his revenge for this, he, a short time before 
his death, waylaid and murdered the captain 
while he was on his way from Coryel's Ferry 
(Lambertville, Hunterdon County) to Shrews- 
bury, in July, 1779. His daughter Amelia, 
who escaped from Fagan and Burke when they 
attempted to rob her father's house, afterwards 
became Mrs. Coryel. Mrs. Dennis, who on 
that occasion escaped so narrowly with her life, 
had previously been the victim of a murderous 
assault by a party of Hessians, who came to her 
house and beat her with their muskets until 
they supposed she was dead. This was in 
June, 1778, when the British army under Sir 
Henry Clinton was on its march through Mon- 
mouth County. After the murder of her hus- 
band she became the wife of John Lambert, 
who was afterwards for a time Acting Governor 
of New Jersey. She lived fifty-six years after 
the murder of her first husbaud by the Mon- 
mouth County outlaws. 

Many murders and robberies, other than those 
which have been noticed in the preceding ac- 
counts, were committed .by the banditti who 
infested the Pines of Monmouth ■ (then em- 
bracing what is now Ocean County), and who 
at length became so numerous and audacious 
that "the State governmeut offered large re- 
wards for their destruction : and they were 
hunted and shot like wild beasts until the close 
of the war, when they were almost totally 

The Eefugees (or Loyalists, as they called 
themselves) were renegade Americans, organized 
as allies of the British, with officers commis- 

sioned by the " Board of Associated Loyalists," 
which was constituted at New York, having for 
its object the examination of American prisoners 
of war and suspected persons, and the planning 
of measures for procuring intelligence and 
otherwise giving aid to the royal cause. Of 
this body, the first president was Daniel Coxe, 
a Jerseyman, Avho (as was said by a Refugee 
officer) received the appointment to deprive him 
of the opportunity of speaking before the board, 
as he had in a great degree " the gift of saying 
little with many words." He was succeeded as 
president of the board by William Franklin, 
a natural son of Dr. Benjainin Franklin, and 
the last Royal Governor of New Jersey. 

Most of the Tories of Monmouth County 
wiio entered the service of the British were 
found in the First Battalion of the brigade known 
as the " New Jersey Royal Volunteers," other- 
wise often called " Skinner's Greens," from the 
name of their brigade commander and the color 
of their uniforms. Following are given the 
names of officers of this corps, as far as they 
have been ascertained, viz. : 

Brigadier-General Cortland Skinner, brigade com- 

First Battalion. 

Elisha Lawrence (previously sheriff of Monmouth 
County), colonel. 
B. G. Skinner, colonel in 1781. 
Stephen Delancey, lieutenant-colonel. 
Thomas Millidge, major. 
William Hutchinson, captain. 
Joseph Crowell, captain. 
James Moody, lieutenant. 
John Woodward, lieutenant. 
James Brittan, lieutenant. 
Osias Ausley, ensign. 
Joseph Brittan, ensign. 

Second Battalion. 
John Morris, colonel. 
Isaac Allen, lieutenant-colonel. 
Charles Harrison, captain. 
Thomas Hunlock, captain. 
John Combs, lieutenant. 

Third Battalion. 
Abraham Van Buskirk, lieutenant-colonel. 
Eobert Timpany, major. 
Philip Cortland (N. Y.), major. 
Jacob Van Buskirk, captain. 
James Servanier, lieutenant. 
Philip Cortland, Jr., ensign. 
John Van Orden, ensign. 



The following-named were also ofEicers in the 
brigade, but the battalions to which, respectively, 
they belonged cannot be designated : 

Elislia Skinner, lieutenant-colonel. 
John Barnes, major. 
E. V. Stockton, major. 
Thomas Lawrence, major. 
John Lee, captain. 
Peter Campbell, captain. 
John Barbara, captain. 
Richard Cayford, captain. 
William Chander, captain. 
Daniel Cozzens, captain. 

Keating, captain. 

Troup, lieutenant. 

Fitz Eandolph, lieutenant. 

Peter Meyer, ensign. 

Dr. Absalom Bainbridge, surgeon. 

Though the terms Loyalist and Royalist would 
properly include all who favored the cause of the 
crown, yet they were generally limited in their 
application to those who joined the Royal Vol- 
unteer organization, to distinguish them from 
the viler and more detestable bands of maraud- 
ing and plundering Refugees, of whom Gover- 
nor Livingston, in a message to the Legislature 
of New Jersey in 1777, said : 

" They have plundered friends as well as 
foes; effects capable of division they have 
divided ; such as were not, they have destroyed. 
They have warred on decre])it old age and upon 
defenseless youth ; they have committed hostili- 
ties against the ministers of religion, against 
public records and private monuments, books of 
improvements and papers of curiosity, and 
against the arts and sciences. They have 
butchered the grounded when asking for quar- 
ter, mangled the dead while weltering in their 
blood, and refused to them the rite of 
sepulture ; suffered prisoners to perish for want 
of sustenance, violated the chastity of women, 
disfigured private residences of taste and ele- 
gance, and, in their rage of impiety and barbar- 
ism, profaned edifices dedicated to the worship 
of Almighty God." 

But the Tories were not all as hardened vil- 
lains as those described by Governor Living- 
ston. The best class of them were too honora- 
ble to engage in midnight expeditions to rob 
and murder their former friends and neighbors. 

Men of this class (which, however, formed a 
small part of the whole Tory league) rarely com- 
mitted acts dishonorable as soldiers ; yet the fact 
that they had previously stood well, and that 
some of them had held influential positions in 
the community, exerted a most injurious influence 
on the patriot cause among their former friends 
and acquaintances. The example of such men 
served to entice many to the ranks of the enemy 
and to cause others secretly to wish them well, 
or, at least, to strive to remain neutral at a time 
when their country most needed their services, 
and in a county which was suffering most 
severely from the devastation of a bloody parti- 
san warfare. 

During the first year or two of the war the 
patriot cause was seriously endangered by Tory 
sympathizers, many of whom had sons, brothers 
or other relatives in the British army, but who, 
themselves, remained at home because age or 
other disability unfitted them for service in the 
field. These men endeavored for a time to 
injure the American cause by their insidious 
wiles and secret scheming wherever and when- 
ever opportunity offered ; but when their con- 
duct became known, they received peremptory 
orders to leave, and did so, seeking safety within 
the enemy's lines, while those who remained 
quietly and strictly neutral at home (as a few 
of them did) ^vere seldom molested, though a 
strict and continual watch was kept over their 
conduct. Another fact to be remembered is 
that many men of good standing and influence, 
who stood ^vith the patriots at the outbreak of the 
war and remained true to their country for a 
year or two afterwards, became alarmed at tiie 
disasters sustained by the Americans in the 
campaigns of 1776, and, abandoning their friends 
and country, sought safety and advancement by 
joining the enemy. Some of these are noticed 
in the follo^ving brief mention of a few of the 
more prominent of the better class of Monmouth 
County Ijoyalists : 

John Brown Lawrence was a lawyer and a 
member of the Provincial Council of New Jer- 
sey. On account of his official relations to the 
royal government he was arrested by the com- 
mittee and imprisoned in Burlington County jail, 
charged with holding treasonable intercourse 



"with the enemy. On that charge he was bronght 
to trial and acquitted. After the war he re- 
ceived from the British government a large tract 
of land in Canada, and settled upon it. His son 
was that celebrated Captain James Lawrence 
who commanded the American frigate "Chesa- 
peake " in her encounter with the British frigate 
" Shannon, " whose last words were " Don't give 
up the ship," and whose monument, with that of 
his brave lieutenant, Ludlow, may be seen on 
left of the main entrance to Trinity Church-yard, 
in the city of New York. 

Clayton Tilton, of Shrewsbury, was a Tory 
who joined the corps of Loyalists and received a 
oommission as captain. He was taken prisoner 
by the Americans in the spring of 1782, at or 
about the time when Philip White was captured. 
He was confined in the jail at Freehold, but was 
soon exchanged for Daniel Randolph, Esq., who 
was made prisoner with Captain Huddy at the 
Dover block-house. It is supposed that he 
went with the British when they evacuated Xew 
York, as mention is made of a person of the 
same name, a New Jersey Loyalist, having mar- 
ried the widow of Thomas Green, at Musquash, 
New Brunswick, soon after the close of the war. 

John Wardell, of Shrewsbury, an associate 
judge of Monmouth County, sided with the 
Tories and took refuge in the British lines. His 
name is among those whose property was sold 
under confiscation in 1779. He had been a 
neighbor, in Shrewsbury, of the notorious Ca]3- 
tain Richard Lippincott, and was on the most 
intimate terms of friendship with him. 

Elisha Lawrence, son of John, the surveyor, 
and brother of Dr. John Lawrence, was born in 
1740. At the outbreak of the Revolution he 
was sheriff of Monmouth County. Early in the 
war he joined the enemy and raised (chiefly by his 
own efforts) about five hundred men, over whom 
he was placed in command, and was commis- 
sioned by the British, colonel of the First Bat- 
talion, New Jersey Royal Volunteers. In 1777 
he was taken prisoner on Staten Island by Col- 
onel Ogden, acting under orders of General Sul- 
livan. In the list of persons of Upper Free- 
hold whose property was confiscated and ad- 
vertised for sale in 1779 ai-e the names of 
"Elisha Lawrence and John Lawrence, sons of 

John, late of Upper Freehold." At the close 
of the war he left New York with the British, 
retaining his rank of colonel, and was retired on 
half-pay. The English government granted 
him a large tract of land in Nova Scotia, to 
which he removed, but finally went to Eng- 
land, and thence to Cardigan, Wales, where he 

Thomas Leonard, a prominent citizen of 
Freehold township, was denounced by the 
Committee of Safety for his Tory proclivities, 
and every friend of freedom was advised to 
sever ^11 connection with him for that reason. 
He joined the British in New York, and at the 
close of the war went to St. John's, New 

Joseph Holmes, by adhering to the Royalists, 
lost £900. At the close of the Revolution he 
went to Nova Scotia, and settled at Shelburne. 

John Lawrence, of Upper Freehold, Mon- 
mouth County, was born in 1709. He was a 
justice of the court and a surveyor, and in his 
last-named capacity he ran the division line 
between East and West Jersey in 1743. It 
was known as " Lawrence's Line," in contra- 
distinction to "Keith's Line " of 1687. Being 
advanced in years at the beginning of the 
Revolution, Mr. Lawrence did not bear arms, 
but he accepted from the British the important 
service of issuing Royalist protections to such 
Americans as he was able to induce to abjure 
the cause of their country and swear allegiance 
to Great Britain, for which he was arrested by 
the committee, and confined for nine months 
in Burlington jail. He died in 1794, at the 
age of eighty-five years. 

John Lawrence, Jr., M. D., son of John 
Lawrence, was born in 1747, graduated at 
Princeton, studied medicine in Philadelphia, 
and became a somewhat prominent physician of 
Monmouth County. In 1776 he was arrested 
by order of General Washington, and was or- 
dered by the Provincial Congress of New 
Jersey to remain at Trenton on parole, but he 
was afterwards permitted to remove to Morris- 
town. As his father and brother were holding 
positions under the British, he was narrowly 
watched as a suspected Tory and a dangerous 
person. Soon afterwards he joined the British 



in New York, where he practiced medicine, and 
was also captain of a company of volunteers for 
the defense of the city. After the close of the 
war (in 1783) he returned to iVIonmouth 
County, where he lived unmolested. He died 
at Trenton, April 29, 1830. 

Rev. Samuel Cooke, D.D., Episcopal clergy- 
man at Shrewsbury, was educated at Cambridge, 
England, and came to America as a missionary 
of the Society for the Propagation of the Gos- 
pel in Foreign Parts, in September, 1751, locat- 
ing in Shrewsbury as the successor of the Rev. 
Thomas Thompson, in charge of the churches 
at Freehold, Middletown and Shrewsbury. The 
Revolution divided and dispersed his congrega- 
tions. As a minister of the Church of England 
he thought it his duty to continue his alle- 
giance to the crown, and joined the British in 
New York. At the court-martial convened in 
June, 1782, for the trial of Captain Richard 
Lippincott for the murder of Captain Joshua 
Huddy, he was a witness, and was styled " the 
Reverend Samuel Cooke, clerk, deputy chap- 
lain to the brigade of guards." His property 
in [Monmouth County was advertised to be sold, 
uuder confiscation, at Tinton Falls, March 29, 
1779. In 1785 he settled at Fredericktown, 
New Brunswick, as rector of a church there. 
In 1791 he was commissary to the bishop of 
Nova Scotia. He was drowned in crossing the 
St. John's River in a birch-bark canoe in 1795, 
and his son, who attempted to save his life, per- 
ished with him. 

Thomas Crowell, of Middletown, joined the 
Loyalists and was commissioned captain in that 
corps. His property was confiscated and or- 
dered to be sold at the house of Cornelius Swart, 
in Middletown, Mareii 22, 1779. During the 
Avar, Governor Franklin, president of the Board 
of Loyalists, ordered him to execute, without 
trial, a ]\Ionmouth County officer (one of the 
Smocks?), but the Refugees who captured him 
made such earnest protest that the order was 
not enforced. 

Lawrence Hartshorne, of Shrewsbury, made 
himself so obnoxious as a Royalist that he was 
compelled to leave the county and go to the 
British at New York. He was a merchant and 
gave the enemy much valuable information. 

Colonel George Taylor, of the New Jersey 
Loyalists, was a resident in Middletown, and 
quite prominent on the patriot side in the be- 
ginning of the war, but soon afterwards went 
over to the British, and was rewarded by a col- 
onel's commission. He was a son of Edward 
Taylor, who was a member of the Colonial 
Assembly in 1775, and a leading member of 
the Provincial Congress of New Jersey in 1775 
and 1776 ; but when his son. Colonel George 
Taylor, deserted to the enemy, the father's pa- 
triotism gave way, and he became in sympathy, 
if not in secret acts and services, an adherent 
and supporter of the Royalist cause. The suspi- 
cion with which he was regarded by the patriots 
is exjiressed in the following notification, ad- 
dressed to him by General David Forman : 

" Middletown, Monmouth Co., July 2, 1777. 
" Sir : — Several complaints have been made to me 
respecting your conduct, particularly for acting as a 
spy amongst us, and from several corroborating cir- 
cumstances, especially that of giving information to 
a party of Tories and British, commanded by your 
son, George Taylor, late militia Col. in this county, 
now a Refugee, by which means your son and his 
party escaped the pursuit of a body of militia sent 
to attack them ; I do therefore enjoin it upon you j;hat 
you do for the future confine yourself to your farm at 
Middletown, and do not re-attempt traveling the 
road more than crossing it to go to your land on the 
north side of said town, unless by liberty obtained 
from the legislative body of this State, or this order 
be recalled, under the risk of being treated as a spy. 
"Yours, &c., 

"David Fokmax, 


On the 26th of November, 1777, the Council of 
Safety " Agreed, that Edward Taylor and Jere- 
miah Taylor, of Middletown, and George Taylor 
and Josiah Parker, of Shrewsbury, be sum- 
moned to appear before the Council as persons 
disaffected to the present Government." On 
the 3d of December following, the Council 
" Agreed, that Edward Taylor give a Bond in 
£100 to stay within a mile of the College at 
Princeton, and not depart beyond these limits 
without the leave of the Council of Safety, & 
that he be set at liberty when Thos. Canfield, a 
prisoner at New York, shall be discharged by 
the Enemy and suffered to return home." On 
the 27th of May, 1778, "Agreed, that Edward 



Tavlor be discharged from the Bond he gave to 
the Council of Safety Some time in tlie beginning 
of December last »t have leave to return home 
for 3 weeks upon ent<?ring into another Bond 
to return within that time to this town [Prince- 
ton] e*c remain here until the future order of tlie 
Council of Safety, unless he shall in the mean 
time procure the releasement of John AVillett, 
now a prisoner in Xew York." June 13, 1778, 
'' ilr. Edward Taylor having procured the re- 
lease of John Willett upon parole that whenever 
required to do so he shall repair to whatever 
place any of the King of Great Britain's Com- 
manders-in-Chief shall judge expedient to order 
him ; Agreed, that the said ^Nlr. Taylor be dis- 
charged from his bond and have liberty to 
return to his place of abode until the said John 
AVillett shall be recalled into the enemy's lines : 
when the said Edwai"d Taylor is to return to 
Princeton, there to continue within a mile of 
the college until he shall be discharged by the 
Council of Safety or the Executive authority of 
this State ; he pledging his Faith and Honour 
not to do or say anything contrary to the interest 
of this State or the United States, I'c to be sub- 
ject to all the laws of this State already in being, 
or that hereafter may be made" 

John Taylor, at one time sheriff of Mon- 
mouth County, and a gentleman of great wealth, 
was born in 1716. When Admiral Lord Howe 
arrived in this county to offer terms of recon- 
ciliation (in 1777), he appointed Mr. Taylor 
"His ^Majesty's Lord High Commissioner of 
Xew Jei-sey." This office, as well as the taet 
that his sons adhered to the crown, and were 
in the British army, made Mr. Taylor very 
obnoxious to the Wliigs. Once he was ti-ied for 
his life as a spy, but was aci|uitted. His prop- 
erty was applied to the public use, but not con- 
fiscated, as he was paid for it in Continental 
money ; yet such was tlie depreciation of that 
currency that the payment was but little better 
than confiscation. He died at Perth Amboy, in 
1798, aged eighty-two yeai-s. His daughter 
married Dr. Bainbridge, and two of their sons 
— William and Jiunes Bainbridge— were com- 
modores in the Amei-ican navy in tlie War of 

William Taylor, son of John, had his property 

confiscated, but purchased it again after the war. 
He was a lawyer by profession, and was at one 
time chief justice of Jamaica. He died at 
Amboy in 1806. 

The Tories of ^Monmouth Couuty (more par- 
ticularly than those of any other part of Xew 
Jei-sey) became troublesome and dangerous from 
the very beginning of the war of the Revolu- 
tion, as appears from the records of the Council 
of Safety and of the I'rovincial Congress. Tory- 
ism was rampant in the county as early as 1775, 
and it increased so rapidly in boldness and ac- 
tivity ' that early in the following year the sub- 
ject received the special attention and action of 
the Congress of Xew Jei"sey, the minutes of 
which body show the following entry under date 
of July o, 1776 : 

" Whereas, authentick information has been re- 
ceived by tliis Congress that a number of disaffected 
persons have assembled in the County of Monmouth, 
preparing, by force of arms, to oppose the cause of 
American freedom, and to join the British troops for 
the destruction of this country ; and it being highly 
necessary that immediate measures be taken to sub- 
due these dangerous insurgents: It is therefore unani- 
momly resolved, That Colonel Charles Read, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Samuel Forman and Major Joseph 
Haight do take two hundred of the militia of Bur- 
lington County and two hundred of the militia of 

1 " At one time the Refugees gained the iiscendancy, and 
had possession of the village of Freehold for a week or ten 
days, but were at last driven out by the Whigs. Some of 
them took to the swamps and woods, and, like the Pine 
Robbers, secreted themselves in caves burrowed in the sand, 
where their friends covertly supplied them with food. The 
most ferocious of tbem were hung. Those more mild, or 
merely suspected, were put on their parole of honor, or 
sent prisoners to Hagerstown, Md.. to prevent their com- 
municating with the enemy, and at the close of the war had 
th»ir property restored." 

This statement, found in Howe and Barber's " Historical 
Collections of New Jersey,'' is doubtless unfounded. The 
court-house and vicinity were held for a time in 1769 and 
1770 by a mob, which had gathered to " drive out the law- 
yers," as they said ; and this was probably the origin of 
the tradition which formed the basis of the above state- 
ment. But this riot was five yeare before the commence- 
ment of the Revolution. During the war, although the 
Refugees made raids nearly exerywhere else in the county, 
they never dared attack the county seat (though at one time 
such a project was on foot among them), for it was always 
guarded by troops,— General David Forman's militia. 
"Light-Horse Harry'' Lee's troopei-s. Major Mifflin's 
Tennsylvanians, or some other force sent for that par- 
ticular purpose. 



Monmouth and proceed without delay, in order to 
quell the aforesaid insurrection, and to disarm and 
take prisoners whomsoever they shall find assembled 
with intent to oppose the friends of American free- 
dom ; which prisoners so taken they shall forthwith 
bring before' this Congress, and the said officers are 
empowered to take such measures as they shall think 
necessary for this service." 

In November, 1776, when Washington was 
retreating across New Jersey to the Delaware, 
pnrsued hj the exultant troops of Lord Corn- 
wallis, Richard Stockton, one of the New Jersey 
members of Congress, returned to his home at 
Princeton to take measures for the protection of 
his family from the advancing army of the 
British. For this purpose he removed them, 
together with some of his property, to the house 
of his friend, John Covenhoven, in Monmouth 
County, which he supposed to be a secure place 
because away from the line of the enemy's 
march. But on the night of the 30th of No- 
vember, Covenhoven's house was attacked and 
plundered by a party of Refugees, and Coven- 
hoven and Stockton were taken prisoners and 
carried, by way of Perth Amboy, to New York. 
They remained there confined until the early 
part of 1777, but the hardship and exposure of 
the journey in the intense cold, and of the subse- 
quent imprisonment, were such that Mr. Stock- 
ton never recovered from their effects, which 
caused his death in 1781. 

On the 13th of February, 1777, a severe fight 
occurred between a large body of Refugees and 
a detachment of the First Battalion of Monmouth 
militia, under Colouel Nathaniel Scudder. 
Among the companies of the battalion taking 
part in the engagement were those of Captain 
Hankinson, Captain Barnes Smock and Captain 
Samuel Carhart. Second Lieutenant John 
Whitlock and Privates Alexander Clark and 
James Crawford were among the killed. The 
Refugees took a number of prisouers, among 
whom were Matthias Rue (died in New York, 
February 28, 1777), William Johnson, Obadiah 
Still well (died prisoner in New York, April 13, 
1777), Joseph Goodenough, William Cole (died 
prisoner in New York, March, 1778), James 
Winter (died prisoner in New York, March 4, 
1777), Joseph Davis (died prisoner in New York, 
March 11, 1777), James Hibbetts (died prisoner 

in New York), Lambert Johnson (died prisoner 
in New York, March 25, 1777), Jonathan 

In Shrewsbury township, on the 3d of Oc- 
tober, 1777, Colonel Daniel Hendrickson, with 
a detachment of his battalion (the Third Mon- 
mouth Militia) fought a body of Refugees who 
came to plunder the patriots of the vicinity. 
In the fight, Captain John Dennis, of the militia, 
was taken prisoner to New York, where he died 
of his wounds, January 16, 1778. 

On or about the 1st of April, 1778, a body 
of Refugees, principally belonging to Skinner's 
Royal Greens, came in two or three small ves- 
sels from Sandy Hook to Squan Inlet and 
Shark River, for the purpose of destroying the 
salt-works at those points, which (with other 
works at Tom's River and a number of other 
places on the New Jersey coast) had been built 
after the commencement of the war to supply 
the demand for salt, which could not then be 
had from other sources. An account of this 
Refugee raid is told as follows, in a letter from 
Monmouth County to Collins' New Jersey 

"About one hundred and thirty-five of the 
enemy landed on Sunday last, about ten o'clock, 
on the south side of Squan Inlet, burnt all 
the salt-works, broke the kettles, etc., and 
stript the beds, etc., of some people, who, I fear, 
wished to save them. They then crossed the 
river and burnt all except Derrick Longstreet's. 
After this mischief they embarked. The next 
day they landed at Shark River, and set fire to 
two salt-works, when they observed fifteen 
horsemen heave in sight, which occasioned them 
to retreat with such precipitation that they sunk 
two of their boats. The enemy consisted chiefly 
of Greens, the rest Highlanders. One of the 
pilots was the noted Thomas Oakerson." Soon 
after this the Refugee bands destroyed the salt- 
works at Tom's River, and made other raids 
along the shores of Raritau Bay, one of which 
latter was thus narrated in the Gazette of that 

"June 3d, 1778. — We are informed that on 
Wednesday morning last a party of about 
seventy of the Greens from Sandy Hook 
landed near Major Kearney's, headed the Mill 



Creek, Middletown Point, and marched to Mr. 
John Burrowes, made him prisoner, burnt his 
Mills and both his Store-Houses, — all valuable 
buildings, — besides a great deal of furniture. 
They also took prisoners Lieutenant-Colonel 
Smock, Captain Christopher Little, ^Ir. Joseph 
AVall, Captain Joseph Covenhoven and several 
other persons, and killed Messrs. Pearce and 
Van Brockle, and Mounded another man mor- 
tally. Having completed these and several 
other barbarities, they precipitately returned the 
same morning to give an account of their 
abominable deeds to their bloody employers. 
A number of these gentry, we learn, were 
formerly inhabitants of that neighborhood." 
The Major Kearney here mentioned, whose 
residence was near the site of the present town 
of Keyport, was one of those (of whom there 
were a considerable number in the northeastern 
part of Monmouth County) who, while secretly 
favorable to the patriot cause,' were obliged to 
feign adherence to the British in order to save 
their property from destruction by marauding 
parties of Refugees from Staten Island or the 
enemy's vessels in Sandy Hook Bay. On this 
occasion, one of the major's negroes, who had 
been secretly instructed by his master in the 
part he was to play, rushed into the room where 
the major was entertaining his unwelcome 
guests, and in an excited manner gave the in- 
telligence that a great number of rebel soldiers 
had just arrived at Middletown Point. Upon 
this, the Refugees retreated precipitately, as 
above mentioned, without having fully accom- 
plished the objects of their foray. 

One of the many ilonmouth County men 
who deserted the cause of their country in the 
dark days of the Revolution was Stephen Ed- 
wards, a young man of Shrewsbury township, 
who, in September, 1778,^ left the county and 
joined the Associated Loyalists in New York. 
Not long after his defection he received orders 
from Colonel George Taylor, of the Loyalists 
(also a renegade, and a former resident of Mid- 
dletown), to return to Monmouth as if on a 

1 It was so claimed by him, but his sympathy with the 
patriots was regarded with doubt and suspicion by many. 

'Some accounts incorrectly give 1780 as the year of this 

visit, but really for the purpose of ascertaining 
the positions and strength of the militia detach- 
ments and other American forces through the 
county, for which service he was furnished with 
written instructions. The fact of his coming 
being immediately ascertained, and its purpose 
suspected by the commanding officer of the 
troops here, orders were given to Captain Jon- 
athan Forman, of the light-horse, to arrest 

Under these orders. Captain Forman went, 
on a Saturday night, to the residence of Ed- 
wards' father, near Eatontown, and there found 
him in bed, with a woman's night-cap on his 
head and his wife by his side. The captain 
was not in the least deceived by the disguise of 
the night-cap, and, on looking under the bed, 
he found Edwards' clothes, and in them the 
written instructions. Forman was well ac- 
quainted with Edwards, and the two families 
had been on terms of intimate friendship; and 
now the captain told his prisoner frankly, and 
yet with much emotion, that he was sorry he 
had found him, for that Colonel Taylor's writ- 
ten instructions marked him for the fate of a 
spy, though Edwards declared that he was 
not such, and could not in any way be so re- 
garded. He was, however, taken at once to 
Monmouth Court-House, \\'here, on the follow- 
ing day (Sunday), he was brought before a 
court-martial, tried and convicted as a spy, and 
hanged as such at ten o'clock on Monday morn- 
ning. His heart-broken father and mother, 
wholly ignorant of the terrible swiftness of 
military punishments in time of war, had gone 
to the court-house on that same morning, anx- 
ious to learn of their son's fate ; and they took 
his remains back with them to the homestead. 

A Refugee raid into the northeast part of the 
county, in the spring of 1779, was noticed in a 
communication of that time, as follows : " April 
26, 1779. — An expedition, consisting of seven 
or eight hundred men, under Colonel Hyde, 
went to Middletown, Red Bank, Tinton Falls, 
Shrewsbury and other places, robbing and 
bm-ning as they went. They took Justice 
Covenhoven and others prisoners. Captain 
Burrowes and Colonel Asher Holmes assem- 
bled our militia, and killed three and wounded 



fifteen of the enemy. They, however, succeeded 
in carrying off horses, cattle and other plun- 
der." In May, two or three weeks after this 
affair, two or three hundred Refugees lauded at 
Middletown, on a raid for plunder, but were 
driven off without doing any very serious 

In June, 1779, the patriots of Monmouth 
County, wearied out and alarmed by the con- 
stantly increasing depredations and outrages 
committed by the Refugees and Pine Robbers, 
banded themselves together for mutual defense 
against the atrocities of these desperadoes, in an 
"association," the original articles of which, 
signed by four hundred and thirty-six persons 
(among whose names are found those of many 
of the most prominent families of the county at 
the present day), is now in the office of the 
Secretary of State, at Trenton. The articles are 
as follows : 

" Whereas, From the frequent ifacursions and dep- 
redations of the enemy (and more particularly of the 
Refugees) in this county, whereby not only the lives, 
but the liberty and property of every determined 
Whig, are endangered, they, upon every such incur- 
sion, either burning or destroying houses, making 
prisoners of and most inhumanly treating aged and 
peaceable inhabitants, and plundering them of all 
portable property, it has become essentially necessary 
to take some different and more effectual measures to 
check said practices than have ever yet been taken ; 
and as it is a fact notorious to every one that these 
depredations have always been committed by the Ref- 
ugees (either black^ or white) that have left this coun- 
try, or by their influence or procurement, many of 
whom have near relations and friends that in general 
have been suffered to reside unmolested among us, 
numbers of which, we have full reason to believe, are 
aiding and accessory to those detestable practices. 

1 Quite a number of negroes were banded with the Ref- 
ugees in their depredations. A principal one among these 
was a mulatto slave of John Corlies, who lived south of 
Colt's Neck. His name was Titus, and having become a 
leader among the Refugees, he was commonly known as 
" Colonel Tye." Many of his followers were negroes who 
had been slaves in Monmouth County. Titus was a brave 
man, and far more honorable and generously inclined than 
were most of the white renegades with whom he was asso- 
ciated, and some of whom he commanded. He was mor- 
tally wounded in making an attack on the dwelling-house 
of Captain Joshua Huddy, at Colt's Neck, in 1780, as else- 
where mentioned. The negroes who associated with the 
Refugees had their rendezvous at Refugee Town, on Sandy 

We, the subscribers, inhabitants of the County of 
Monmouth, actuated solely by the principles of self- 
preservation, being of opinion that the measure will 
be strictly justifiable on the common principles of 
war, and being encouraged thereto by an unanimous 
resolve of the honorable the Congress, passed the 30th 
of October, 1778, wherein they, in the most solemn 
manner, declare that through every change of fortune 
they will retaliate, do hereby solemnly associate for the 
purpose of retaliation, and do obligate ourselves, our 
heirs, executors and administrators, and every of them, 
jointly and severally, to all and every of the sub- 
scribers and their heirs, etc., to warrant and defend 
such persons as may be appointed to assist this asso- 
ciation in the execution thereof; and that we will 
abide by, and adhere to, such rules and regulations 
for the purpose of making restitution to such friends 
of their country as may hereafter have their houses 
burned or broke to pieces, their property wantonly 
destroyed or plundered, their persons made prisoners' 
of while peaceably at their own habitations, about 
their lawful business, not under arms, as shall here- 
after be determined on by a committee of nine men 
duly elected by the associates at large out of their 
number, which rules and regulations shall be founded 
on the following principles, viz. : 

"First — For every good subjectof this State, residing 
within the county, that shall become an associator, 
and shall be taken or admitted to parole by any party 
or parties of Refugees as aforesaid, that shall come on 
the errand of plundering or man-stealing, the good sub- 
ject not actually under or taken in arms, there shall 
be taken an equal number of the most disaffected and 
influential residing and having property in the 
county, and them confine in the Provost jail, and 
treat them with British rigor until the good subjects 
of this State, taken as aforesaid, shall be fully liber- 

" Second— Foi every house that shall be burned or 
destroyed, the property of a good subject that enters 
with this association, there shall be made full retalia- 
tion upon or out of the property of the disafl'ected, 
as aforesaid. 

" Third— -Tha,t for every article of property taken 
as aforesaid from any of the associators, being good 
subjects, the value thereof shall be replaced out of the 
property of the disaff'ected, as aforesaid. We do also 
further associate for the purpose of defending the 
frontiers of this county, and engage, each man for 
himself that is a subject of the militia, that we will 
turn out at all times when the county is invaded, and 
at other times will do our proportionate part towards 
the defence thereof We, the associators, do hereby 
direct that a copy of this association be, as soon as 
the signing is completed, transmitted to the printer of 
the New Jersey Gazette for publication, and that the 
original be lodged in the clerk's office. Also, we do 
request that the associators will meet at the court- 
house on Saturday, the first of July, at one o'clock in 



the afternoon, for the purpose of electing nine men, 
as before-mentioned, to carry the said association into 

In the First Battalion of Sltinner's Royal 
Greens was a lieutenant namfed James Moody, 
who was one of the bravest and most efficient 
officers in the Refugee organization, and was for 
that reason often entrusted with the command 
of their marauding expeditions in the north- 
eastern part of New Jersey. An account of one 
of these raids into Monmouth County, led by 
this Moody, is found in Collins' Gazette of June, 
1779, viz. : 

" A party of about fifty Refugees i-ecently 
landed in Monmouth and marched undiscovered 
io Tinton Falls, where they siu-prised and car- 
ried oif Colonel Hendrickson, Colonel WikofF, 
Captain Chadwick and Captain McKnight, and 
drove ofF sheep and horned cattle. About thirty 
of our militia hastily collected and made some 
resistance, but were repulsed with the loss of 
two men killed and ten wounded." The two 
killed were Captain Chadwick and Lieutenant 
Hendrickson ; and it was said by those present 
that Moody having taken them prisoners, had 
placed them in between his party and the militia 
i;o screen the former, and that they were shot by 
him to prevent their escaping. The account of 
the afFair, which was given by Moody himself 
in a pamphlet ^ published by him in England 
about the close of the war, was as follows : 

"On the 10th of June, 1779, Lieutenant 
■James Moody requested a Tory friend named 
Hutchinson, with six men and some guides, to 
Join him in a raid into Monmouth. Moody had, 
besides, sixteen men. They started from Sandy 
Hook for Shrewsbury, and managed to elude 
the Rebel guard, and gained a place called the 
Falls [Tinton]. There they surprised and took 
prisoners one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, 
one major and two captains, with several other 
prisoners of lesser note, and without injury to 
private property, destroying a considerable 
magazine of powder and arms. With these 
prisoners and such publick stores as they were 

1 "Lieutenant James Moody's Narrative of his Exertions 
and Sufferings in the Cause of the Government since the 
jrear 1776. Authenticated by Proper Certificate. London, 

able to bring off Mr. Hutchinson was charged, 
whilst Moody brought up the rear with his six- 
teen men, to defend them. They were, as they 
had expected, soon pursued by double their 
number and soon overtaken. Moody kept up 
a smart fire on his assailants, checking and re- 
tarding them till Hutchinson with his booty had 
got ahead to a considerable distance. He then 
also advanced for the next advantageous posi- 
tion, and thus proceeded from one good spot to 
another, still covering the prisoners, till they 
gained a situation on the shore at Black Point 
where the enemy could not flank him. But just 
at this time the enemy was reinforced by ten 
men, so they were near forty strong. Hutchin- 
son with one man crossed the Inlet, behind 
which he had taken shelter, and came to 
Moody's assistance ; and now a warm engage- 
ment ensued, which lasted three-quarters of an 

" By this time all their ammunition, amount- 
ing to eighty rounds, was exhausted, and ten 
men, only three of whom were unwounded, were 
in any capacity to follow a charge. The bayo- 
net was Moody's only resource, and this the en- 
em}' could not withstand ; they fled, leaving 
eleven of their number killed or wounded. Un- 
fortunately for Moody, his small but gallant 
party could not follow up the blow, being, in a 
manner, utterly exhausted by a long, harassed 
march in hot weather. They found the Rebel 
captain dead and their lieutenant also expiring 
on the field. There was something peculiarly 
shocking and awful in the death of the rebel 
captain. He was shot by Moody whilst, with 
the most bitter oaths and threats of vengeance, 
after having missed fire once, he was again level- 
ling his piece at him. Soon after the engagement 
one of the rebels came forward with a handker- 
chief on a stick and demanded a parley. His 
signal was returned and a truce agreed on, the 
conditions of which were that they .should have 
leave to take care of their dead and wounded, 
while Moody and his party were permitted to 
return unmolested to the British lines. None 
of Moody's men were mortally wounded. The 
publick stores which they brought away, besides 
those destroyed, sold for upwards of £500, every 
shilling of which was given by Moody to his 



men as a reward for meritorious service and be- 

Afterwards (July 21, 1780) Moody was taken 
prisoner by troops of Wayne's command. He 
was first sent to " the Slote," then to Stony 
Point, then to AVest Point, thence to Esopus, 
and thence back to West Point, where Arnold 
was in command, and at that time preparing to 
execute his scheme of treason. Arnold treated 
Moody with great severity (even with barbarity), 
placing him in a rock dungeon, the bottom of 
which was covered with water ankle-deep. He 
Avas fettered hand and foot, and compelled to 
sleep on an old door raised on four stones 
slightly above the water and filth, while the 
irons on his wrists, being ragged on the inside, 
gave him intense and continual suffering. His 
case finally came to the notice of Washington, 
who ordered him removed to a better place of 
confinement, took off his irons and treated him 
humanely. He was soon after brought to trial 
by court-martial for the killing of Captain 
Chadwick at Black Point (as before related), 
contrary to the rules and usages of war. He 
was found guilty and would have been hanged ; 
but, knowing the certainty of his doom, he took 
a desperate chance to effect his escape, and ac- 
complished it (September 17, 1780) by breaking 
the bolt of his handcuffs, knocking down a 
sentinel, seizing his musket and taking liis post 
as sentinel, where he remained undiscovered 
until he found an opportunity in the excitement 
to slip away from the provost-guard, and after 
wandering several days in the woods and once 
coming very near being recaptured, he reached 
Paulus Hook (Jersey City) in safety. 

An account of a murdering raid in Monmouth 
County by the Refugees in 1780 is given as 
below, in Collins' Gazette of May in that year : 

" On the 30th ult., a part)' of negroes and 
Refugees from Sandy Hook landed at Shrews- 
bury in order to plunder. During their ex- 
cursion a Mr. Russell, who attempted some 
resistance to their depredations, was killed, and 
his grandchild had five balls shot through him, 
but is yet living. Captain Warner, of the 
privateer brig ' Elizabeth,' was made prisoner by 
these ruffians, but was released by giving them 
two joes. This banditti also took oft" several 

persons, among whom were Captain James 
Green and Ensign John Morris, of the mili- 

There was also present in the house at the 
time of this occurrence old Mr. Russell's son, 
John, who was a soldier in the Continental ser- 
vice, but then at home on furlough to visit his 
parents and wife. He was wounded by the 
Refugees, but recovered, and after the Revolu- 
tion removed to Cedar Creek, in the present 
county of Ocean, where he lived to an advanced 
age, always carrying the scars of the wounds 
he received in his father's house on that mem- 
orable night, the events of which he often 
related, in substance as follows : 

The attacking party consisted of seven Refu- 
gees, among whom were Richard Lippincott, 
Philip White, a man named Gilian and the 
notorious Earn ham, who was afterwards hanged 
at Freehold. Young Russell saw them through 
the window as they approached the house, and 
at one time they were clustered together so that 
he wished to fire at them, telling his father h& 
was sure they could kill four of them and that 
if they did so, the three others would run away.. 
His father told him to wait and fire on them 
as they broke into the house. They did so, and 
the father fired first, but missed his aim and was 
then fired on and killed by the Refugee Gilian, 
who, in another moment, fell dead by a bullet 
from John Russell's gun. Immediately after- 
wards John was shot in the side and fell on 
the floor, pretending to be dead. The Refugees, 
then plundered the house. The mother and wife 
of John Russell were in bed with the child,, 
who was awakened by the noise of the firing, 
and cried out in alarm, " Grandmother, what's 
the matter ? " Thereupon one of the Refugees 
pointed his musket at the bed and fired, saying, 
"That's what's the matter." Whether he 
intended to kill the child or only to frighten it 
is uncertain. The child was badly wounded,, 
but eventually recovered. As the Refugees were 
preparing to leave the house one of them pointed 
his musket at John Russell as he lay upon the 
floor, and was about to fire, saying he did not 
believe he was dead, but the piece was knocked 
up by another (Richard Lippincott), who said 
it was a shame to fire upon a dying man, and the- 



ball went into the ceiling. After the Refugees 
had gone, John got up and said to his wife, 
"Ducky, bring me a glass of whiskey j I'll 
come out all right yet." His wound was 
dressed and found to be less serious than was 
supposed, and in due time he recovered, and 
before the war was ended he aided in visiting 
merited retribution on some of the gang who 
killed his father. He was one of the three 
guards who had charge of Philip White at the 
time when the latter was killed in attempting to 
escape from them as they were taking him from 
Long Branch to the jail at Freehold, March 
30, 1782, as mentioned elsewhere. 

In June, 1780, a part or all of the First Bat- 
talion of Monmouth militia. Colonel Asher 
Holmes, was on duty on the bay shore, near 
the Highlands, for the purpose of preventing 
communication between the British vessels in 
the bay and the Tories and Refugees in Mon- 
mouth County. On the morning of the 8th 
of that month Joseph Murray, of the com- 
pany of Lieutenant Garret Hendrickson, in the 
First, having been on picket duty through the 
preceding night, obtained leave to visit his 
family, and proceeded to his home, in the town- 
ship of Middletown,^ where, soon after his 
arrival, he was murdered by three prowling 
Refugees. Murray was a farmer, and one of 
the boldest and most active of the Monmouth 
County patriots in the Revolution. He had 
detected and prevented several attempts to sup- 
ply the British fleet in Sandy Hook Bay with 
provisions. He had also caused the arrest of one 
or two of the leading Tories of Middletown 
for communicating with the enemy, and like- 
wise had seized their horses for the use of the 
cavalrymen of the American army. Thus he 
had aroused the fear and hatred of the Tories^ 
and it was strongly suspected that some of the 
leading loyalists of Middletown had instigated 
or hired the Refugees to waylay and murder 

They had concealed themselves in tall In- 
dian grass adjoining the field he was about to 
harrow, — for he had a family and was obliged 

iThe place now (or recently, occupied by John Hedden, 
near the deep railroad cut in Middletown township. 

to work for their support as he could find 
time. On his return from his night duty on 
the bay shore he had hitched his horse to the 
harrow, and after placing his musket against a 
tree, started to harrow across the field. When 
he had reached the opposite side, near the In- 
dian grass, he turned and started back, when 
two of the Refugees rose from their hiding- 
place, fired on him, wounding him slightly, 
and then rushed on him with their bayonets. 
Murray, being a very strong and active man, 
succeeded in wrenching the musket from the 
hands of one of his assailants and was making 
a desperate defense, when the third murderer 
came up with his loaded piece and shot him in 
the groin. This last wound brought him to the 
ground, and the cowardly wretches then repeat- 
edly drove their bayonets through his body, 
though with his last breath the fearless patriot 
grimly defied his murderers. He was buried 
a little east of the Middletown Baptist Church, 
with the brief inscription on his headstone : 
" Died in the service of his country." One of 
his sons, William Murray, was a contractor 
for the- masonry of the court-house erected in 
Freehold in 1808, and his son, William W. 
Murray (grandson of the murdered patriot, 
Joseph), was for a long time engaged in mer- 
cantile business in Middletown, and was its post- 
master for many years. From him, his home- 
stead in the village passed to his son, George 
C. Murray. 

An incursion made in the same month (June, 
1780) is thus mentioned in a communication of 
that time : " The noted Colonel Tye, a mulatto, 
and formerly a slave [of John Corlies] in Mon- 
mouth County, with his motley company of 
about twenty blacks and whites, carried off 
prisoners Captain Barnes Smock and Gilbert 
Van Mater, 'spiked an iron cannon and took 
four horses. Their rendezvous is at Sandy 

A severe fight took place in Shrewsbury 
township. May 24, 1781, between a party of 
Refugees and a militia company commanded by 
Captain Thomas Chadwick. Among the 
wounded on the American side was Francis 
Jeffers. On the 21st of June following. Cap- 
tain Samuel Ciarhart's company was engaged 



Avith a body of Refugees at Pleasant A^alley, 
Monmouth County ; several were wounded, 
among them Walter Hj-er, of the Monmouth 

On the 15th of October, 1781, a party of 
Refugees from Sandy Hook landed at Shrews- 
bury and marched undiscovered to Colt's A'eck, 
where they took six prisoners. The alarm 
reached the court-house in the afternoon, and a 
number of people, among whom was Colonel 
Nathaniel Scudder (M.D.), of Freehold, went 
in pursuit. They rode to Black Point to try 
to recapture the prisoners from the enemy, and 
while they were firing from the bank Dr. 
Scudder was killed. General Forman was by 
his side when he was shot. Dr. Scudder was 
colonel of the First Regiment Monmouth 
militia, and one of the most prominent, active 
and fearless patriots of the county. He was 
buried at Freehold with the honors of war, in 
pursuance of General Forman's special order to 
that effect, the original of which order, directed 
to Captain Walton, was presented by Mrs. 
Forman to the New Jersey Historical Society 
in May, 1847. 

Brigadier-General David Formak was 
born at Monmouth Court-House, November 3, 
1745. He was the fourth son of Joseph and Eliza- 
beth (Lee) Forman. He was a first or second 
cousin of Sheriff David Forman, of Monmouth 
County, from \vhich latter he was distinguished 
by the sobriquet of " Black David," given him 
on account of his swarthy complexion. Their 
common ancestor was John Forman, who, having 
been imprisoned in Scotland, and afterwards sen- 
tenced to banishment on account of his re- 
ligion, came over with other Scotch settlers 
about 1685, and found a safe asylum and home 
in Monmouth Countv. 

Entering New Jersey College at the usual 
age, David Forman must have left it before 
the graduation of his class, as his name is not 
found on the centennial catalogue of that in- 
stitution. Early in the Revolution he was de- 
tailed on special duty in Monmouth, to rid the 
county of the lawless desperadoes — Tories, 
Refugees and " Pine Robbers " — who infested 
it more than any other county of New Jersey. 
On this, as on other duties assigned him, his 

services were of great value to the patriot 
cause, and it was often remarked by his life- 
long friend, the Rev. John Woodhull, that 
David Forman alone was worth more to Mon- 
mouth County than a force of five hundred 
men without his leadership. His inveterate 
enemies, the Refugees, called him " Devil 
David," and thirsted for his blood with the 
ferocity of tigers. On the morning of October 
16, 1781, while standing on the bank of 
Shark River, near Shrewsbury, conversing with 
his companion-in-arms. Colonel Nathaniel 
Scudder, a shot from a partyof these miscreants 
who were ambushed on the opposite side of the 
stream missed him, but killed the brave Colo- 
nel Scudder. In relating this circumstance, 
General Forman attributed his narrow escape 
to an involuntary step backward, which he said 
was the most fortunate step for himself which 
he ever took, but fatal to his friend and com- 

David Forman became a member of the Coun- 
cil of State, and was a judge of the Common 
Pleas for many years. When nearly fifty years 
of age he removed from Freehold, which had 
been his home * during the trying period of the 
Revolution, to Chestertown, Md. On the 10th 
of September, 1796, he left Chestertown and 
journeyed to Natchez, Miss., to attend to a large 
estate which he owned there. On the 19th of 
the following March, at Natchez, he had a fit of 
apoplexy, from which he remained in a state of 
complete insensibility for three days, and which 
terminated in paralysis of his left side. In this 
condition he remained until the 12th of August 
following, when, finding his health and strength 
considerably improved, he went to New Orleans 
to take passage by sea for New York, hoping to 
reach his home. He sailed from New Orleans 
on the 20th of August, but the vessel on which 
he had taken passage was captured in the Gulf 
by a British privateer, and sent to New Provi- 
dence, in the Bahamas. As soon as the vessel 
was taken. General Forman gave up all hope of 
ever again seeing his family, knowing that he 
should not be able, in his enfeebled condition, to 

1 His home in Freehold is now the property of Henry 
BrinckerhofF, Esq. 



survive the delay and privations which were 
then inevitable. This despondency and anxiety 
proved too much for his strength, and on the 
12th of September, 1797, he died, at the age of 
fifty-two years. 

On the 8th of February, 1782, a party of 
about forty Refugees, under command of Lieu- 
tenant Steelman, made a raid on Pleasant Val- 
ley. They took twenty horses and five sleighs, 
which they loaded with plunder ; and they also 
captured a number of prisoners, viz. : Peter Cov- 
enhoven, Esq. (who had been taken prisoner 
by the Tories in 1779), Garret Hendrickson, 
Samuel Bowne and his son, and Jacques Denise. 
At Garret Hendrickson's house a young man 
named William Thompson slipped away from 
them, and went with all possible speed to carry 
the information to Captain John Schenck, of 
Colonel Asher Holmes' regiment. Captain 
Schenck promptly collected his men and started 
in pursuit. They overtook and attacked the 
Refugees, and in the fight which ensued the 
young man Thompson was killed and William 
Cottrell wounded. Twelve of the Tories (three 
of them wounded) were taken prisoners, but in re- 
turning, Schenck's men unexpectedly came upon 
a detachment of sixteen Refiigees, commanded 
by one Stevenson, and a sharp fight resulted, in 
which eight of the prisoners escaped ; but Schenck 
finally captured the entire Tory party (making 
in all twenty-one prisoners), together with nine- 
teen horses and some sheep, which had been 
taken from some of the inhabitants. 

Captain John Bacon was one of the most 
noted and desperate of the Tory bandits who in- 
fested Monmouth County during the later years 
of the Revolution, his field of operations being 
mostly in that part of Monmoutli which is now 
Ocean County, though he at times carried his 
depredations northward to the Shrewsbury and 
Navesink Rivers. In April, 1780, he, with hig 
gang, robbed the house of John Holmes (Up- 
per Freehold) and also the houses of John and 
William Price. Afterwards, at Manahawkin, 
they attacked a party of patriots, killing Linus 
Pangborn and Sylvester Tilton, of Colt's Neck. 
At Long Beach, near Barnegat, Bacon and his 
men attacked a company of twenty-five militia 

when they were asleep, killing the leader, Cap- 
tain Steelman and a private named Reuben 
Soper, and wounding the lieutenant, as also 
more than half the men of the company. 

One of the many desperate acts committed 
by John Bacon during his bloody career was 
the killing, at old Cranberry Inlet, of Joshua 
Studson, of Tom's River, who had been a lieu- 
tenant in the Monmouth militia, and on the 
14th of June, 1780, was appointed lieutenant 
of Captain Ephraim Jenkins' company, Colonel 
Asher Holmes' battalion, State troops. Six 
months after receiving the latter appointment 
he was killed by Bacon under the following 
circumstances : Three men, named, respectively, 
Collins, Webster and Woodmansee, then liv- 
ing in Dover township, Monmouth County, 
having heard that all kinds of farmers' produce 
could be sold, at high prices in silver money, to 
the British in New York, concluded to try the 
venture of loading a whale-boat with "truck" 
and taking it to the British post for sale. They 
were not Refugees, nor were they active Tories 
even, but they were avaricious 'men, undertak- 
ing the expedition purely for gain, and would, 
doubtless, have preferred to sell their boat-load 
to General Washington's officers if they could 
have done so at as remunerative prices as they 
expected to realize by taking it to the enemy at 
New York. Under these circumstances and 
with these intentions they loaded their boat in 
Tom's River, passed out through old Cranberry 
Inlet, reached New York in safety, sold their 
produce at satisfactory prices, and were about 
setting out on their return voyage when Captain 
John Bacon made his appearance and insisted 
thatthey should take him as a passenger to Tom's 
River, which they consented to do, though much 
against their inclination, for they knew that if 
they should be overhauled by any patriot craft, 
his presence in their boat would tell heavily 
against them. 

Leaving New York, with Bacon on board, 
they reached the mouth of Cranberry Inlet in 
safety, but dared not attempt to go in by day- 
light. In the mean time the patriotic citizens of 
Tom's River (there was not a Tory allowed to 
live there), having heard of the voyage of these 
men and of their return, and being determined 



to stop the contraband trade between their river 
and New York, had notified the American com- 
mander of the post, who thereupon sent a small 
party to capture them. The party, which was 
under command of Lieutenant Studson, took a 
boat, crossed the bay and concealed themselves 
behind a point just inside the mouth of the 
inlet. After dark the whale-boat came in, but 
no sooner had it rounded the point than, to the 
consternation of its crew, they saw themselves 
confronted by the boat containing the American 
militia, apparently determined on their capture. 
Lieutenant Studson stood up in his boat and 
demanded their surrender. The terrified huck- 
sters, being unarmed (and cowardly, too), were 
disposed to yield without parley, but Bacon, 
well knowing what his fate would be if taken, 
refused to submit, and promptly fired into the 
crew of the other boat with so true an aim that 
the brave Lieutenant Studson fell dead. The 
sudden and unexpected shot of Bacon and the 
death of Studson threw his men into a momen- 
tary confusion, and before they could recover 
and decide what to do the whale-boat had 
escaped in the darkness. The militiamen re- 
turned to Tom's River the same night and 
delivered the body of their leader to his sorrow- 
stricken wife. 

Bacon, upon landing from the whale-boat, 
made haste to rejoin his men at their rendezvous 
in the pine woods. The men, — Collins, Webster 
and Woodmansee, — knowing they could not re- 
main at home after this bloody affair, fled to the 
British army and were forced into that i^ervice ; 
but they proved to be of very little use to the 
royalists, as "they were sick with small-pox 
and suffered everything but death " during their 
short stay with the British, as one of them 
afterwards said. Taking advantage of one of 
General Washington's proclamations, offering 
protection and safety to deserters from Clinton's 
army, they afterwards returned to their homes. 

The militia of Monmouth and Burlington 
Counties were continually on the look-out for 
Bacon, and they had several fights with him 
and his gang. One of these engagements was 
reported to Governor Livingston by Colonel 
Israel Shreve, under date of " Mansfield, Decem- 
ber 28, 1782," as follows : "This evening a 

party of Horse and Foot returned from the Sea- 
Shore after several days' search after Bacon and 
his party. Our Party consisted of six Horse- 
men and twenty Foot. Not falling in ^vith 
him where they expected, the party returned by 
way of C'edar Creek Bridge, in Monmouth 
County. While refreshing at a tavern near 
that Place, Bacon and his party appeared at the 
Bridge. Our people attempted to force the 
Bridge. None but Lieutenant Benjamin Shreve 
got over, the second horse being killed on the 
bridge." Lieutenant Shreve having crossed 
the bridge, as mentioned in the report, finding 
himself unsupported, pushed his spirited horse 
through the banditti and escaped, though closely 
pursued and fired upon, wounding his horse. 
He made a long detour through the pines and 
returned" to the party in safety. Another ac- 
count of this engagement of the militia with 
Bacon and his band of desperadoes was thus 
given in Collins' New Jersey Gazette of Janu- 
ary 8, 1783 : 

" On Friday, the 27th ult., Capt. Richard 
Shreve, of the Burlington County Light-Horse, 
and Capt. Edward Thomas, of the Mansfield 
militia, having received information that John 
Bacon, with his banditti of robbers, was in the 
neighborhood of Cedar Cieek, Monmouth 
County, collected a party of men and went im- 
mediately in pursuit of them. They met them 
at the Cedar Creek bridge. The Refugees, being 
on the south side, had greatly the advantage of 
Captains Shreve and Thomas' party in the point 
of situation, but it was nevertheless determined 
to charge them. The onset on the part of the 
militia was furious, and opposed by the Refu- 
gees with great firmness for a considerable time, 
— several of them having been guilty of such 
enormous crimes as to have no expectation of 
mercy should they surrender. They were, 
nevertheless, on the point of giving way when 
the militia were unexpectedly fired upon from 
a party of the inhabitants near that place, who 
had suddenly come to Bacon's assistance. This 
put the militia into some confusion and gave 
the Refugees time to get off. Mr. William 
Cook, Jr., son of William Cook, Esq., was un- 
fortunately killed in the attack and Robert/ 
Reckless wounded, but is likely to recover. On 



the part of tlie Refugees, Ichabod Johnson (for 
whom the government has offered a reward of 
twenty-five pounds) was killed on the spot ; 
Bacon and three more of the party are wounded. 
The militia are still in pursuit of the Refugees 
and have taken seven