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Cornell University Library 
DS 506.P65 1897 

The voyages and adventures of Ferdinand 

3 1924 011 271 826 

gg \4 Cornell University 
?/ Library 

The original of tliis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

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the United States on the use of the text. 

"Adventures are to the Adventurous.' 




Illustrated. Large Crown 8vo, in Decorative 
Cover, price 3s. 6d. 


Adventures of a Younger Son. By E. J. 
1 EELAWNY. With an Introduction by Edward 
Garneit. Second Edition. 

Robert Drury's Journal in Madagascar. 
Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by 
Captain S. P. Oliver. 

Memoirs of the Extraordinary Military 
Career of John Shipp. With an Introduction 
by H. Manners Chichester, 


The Buccaneers and Marooners of America. 
Being an Account of the Famous Adventures 
and Daring Deeds of certain Notorious Free- 
booters of the Spanish Main. Edited by Howard 

The Log of ajack Tar ; or, The Life of James 
Choyce, Master Mariner. With O'Brien's Cap- 
tivity in France. Edited, with an Introduction 
and Notes, by V. Lovett Cameron, R.N. 

The Voyages and Adventures of Ferdinand 
Mendez Pinto. With an Introduction by 
Arminius Vamblry. 



wiVh an introduction 





Right Noble Lord, and worthy of all Honour, 

William, Earl of Strafford, 

Vifcount Wentworth, Baron Wentworth of 
Wentworth, Woodhoufe, Newmarjh, 

Overjley and Raby. 
My Lord, 

PURCHASE, a Writer of good credit here in England, gives this testimony 
of my Authour ; that no man before him, to his knowledge, hath spoken 
so much, and so truly, of those Oriental parts of the World, which are so little 
known to us, as he hath done : And that too, not upon hear-say and report, 
but for the most part as an ocular Witness, and personal Actor, of, and in all 
that he hath related, which is so full of Variety, and strange Occurrences, that, 
as another Writer affirms, the like will hardly be met withal elsewhere : So that 
the most curious Wits, which delight in reading of rare Books, will, I believe, 
find all the satisfaction they can desire, in this same of his ; where, without so 
much as stirring out of their Studies, or running the danger of Shipwrack, they 
may traverse the Seas, view the goodliest Provinces of the World, entertain 
themselves with stupendious and unheard-of things ; consider in the manner 
of those peoples living, whom we term Barbarians, their Laws, their Riches, 
their Government in time of Peace and War ; and, in a word, represent unto 
themselves, as in a Picture, all that is most exquisite, and of greatest marvel, 
in the extent of Europe, Africa, and Asia. These, together with many other 
remarkable matters, are contained in this Work, which I have taken the pre- 
sumption to present unto your Honour, being invited thereunto by the Example 
of two Translators of it into the Spanish and French Tongues, whereof the one 
dedicated it to the Archbishop of Toledo in Spain, and the other to the Cardinal 
Richelieu of France, both of them, the most eminent persons of their time, in 
those Kingdoms : And with whom your Honour may justly be ranked, espe- 
cially in respect of the Nobility of your Birth, as well as for the great Hope 
which your present Vertues, and Abilities, do give unto the World of your 
future Worth and Estimation. Be pleased then, my Lord, to receive it Favour- 
ably, as a Tender of the great desire I have to appear, on all Occasions ; 

Your Honours most Humble, 

and devoted Servant, 




O F 

Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, 

A Tomgd: During his 


for the fpace 6f one and twenty years in 

The Kingdoms of Etlitopia,China,Tamria,Gauchm- 

china, Caknainham, Siam,.Pegu, japap, and a 

great part of the Eaft-lndies. 

y^ith a'Relamrtin^'Defcri^tm ofraoft ofthePIaces 

tliereofi their ReUglon, Laws,, Riches, CuftomSi M 

Government in the time of Peace and War. 

Where he five times fuftered Shipwrack* was fixteen timea fol^ 
and thirteen times made a Slave, 

Written Originally by Hmfclf in the Portugal Tongue, 
and Dedicated to the 
.^ajejiy of Philip I^ng of Spain. 

Done into Englifh b;^ U.C. Gent. 

Z, O.K. DON, 
Printed by 7. ;W««^anaarc ^^ 1^ ^^W ^y.^^-^^'^'^'^'f ^'/l^/ 


(1) Swift Ship used by the Pobtuguese and 

Malabaes in Wae, and fob the 

Tbanspoet of Mebohandize Fmnhspiece 

(2) Map of Fubthee India and Abohi- 

PBiiAGO Tofacep. 1 

(3) King of Cochin on Elephant Tofacep. 87 

(4) Ship of China and Java, bigged with 

Mat Sails Tofacep. 192 

(5) Malayan and Javanese People ... Tofacep. 310 

(6) Natives of Pegu and the Moluccas ... Tofacep. 417 

[The illustrations are taken from the second Dutch edition of " The 
Voyage of John Muyghen Van Linschoten to the East Indies " in 1586-92. 
Linschoten, who was a generation after Finto's time, made his own drawings, 
from which the plates were engraved.l 



(1) PubIiISHek's Note xvi 

(2) Note on Mendbz Pinto and the Editions of his 


(3) Inteoduction xix 

(4) The Teavels of Fbedinand Mendbz Pinto : — 

After what manner I past my Youth in the Kingdom of Portugal, nntill 
my going to the Indies 1 


My departure from Portugal for the Indies, and my imbarquing there for 
the Streight of Mecqua .... .... 5 


Our travelling from Mazua by land to the mother of Prester John ; as 
also our reimbarquing at the Port of Arquico, and that which befel 
as by the encounter of three Turkish vessels .... 9 


A Mutiny happening in the town of Mocaa, the occasion thereof, that 
which befel thereupon, and by what means I was carried to Ormuz ; 
as also my sailing from thence to Goa, and what success I had in 
that voyage 16 


Goncallo vaz Coutinho's Treaty with the Queen of Onor ; his assaulting 
of a Turkish galley, and that which hapned unto us as we were 
upon our return to Goa 23 




What passed till such time as Pedro de Faria, arrived at Malaoa ; his 
receiving an embassadour from the King of Batas ; with his sending 
me to that King, and that which arrived to me in that Voyage . 28 


What hapned to me at Penaiu, with the King of Batas expedition 
against the Tyrant of Achem ; and what he did after his victory 
over him 36 


What past between the King of Batas and me, until such time as I 
imbarqued for Malaca 43 


The Arrival of an Embassador at Malaca from the King of Aaru to the 
Captain thereof ; his sending me to the said King, my coming to 
Aaru, and that which happen'd to me after my departing from 
thence 49 


By what means I was carried to the town of Ciaca, and that which 
befell me there ; my going to Malaca with a Mahometan merchant ; 
and the Tyrant of Achem's army marching against the King of 
Aaru 57 


The death of the King of Aaru, and the cruel justice that was executed 
on him by his enemies; the going of his Queen to Malaca, and her 
reception there g4 

The Queen of Aaru's departure from Malaca ; her going to the King of 
Jantana ; his summoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the king- 
dom of Aaru, and that which past between them thereupon . . 69 

Antonio de Paria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan ; his arrival at the 
river of Tinacorem ; and that which befel us in this voyage . . 76 



- . PAOK 

Antonio de Faria's arrival at the Bay of Camoy, where was the fisVing 
of pearles for the King of China ; with that which happened to him 
by the means of a renegado pyrat, and otherwiee . • . .86 


Antonio de Faria's arrival at the Fort : the information that Antonio 
de Faria had of the country ; some passages between him and the 
Nautarel of the town ; his going to the river of Madel ; with his 
incountring a pyrat there, and that which passed betwixt them . 98 


^Vhat Antonio de Faria did with the Captain of the Fyrats Junk ; that 
which past between him and the people of the Country ; with oxir 
casting away upon the Island of Thieves 106 


In what sort we escaped miraculously out of this island ; our passage 
from thence to the river of Xingrau ; our incountring with a 
Chinese pyrat, and the agreement we made with him . . . 114 


Our encounter at sea with a little flsher-boat, wherein were eight 
Portugals very sore hurt ; and Antonio de Faria's meeting and 
fighting with Coia Aoem the pyrat 122 

What Antonio de Faria did after his victory . , .... 131 


Antonio de Faria hath news of the five Portugals that were made 
captives ; his letter to the Mandarin of Nouday about them ; and 
his assaulting the said town 133 

Antonio de Faria's navigation till he came to the Port of Liampoo . 142 

Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to seek out the island of 
Calempluy, the strange things that we saw, and the hazard we ran 
in our voyage thither 1^^ 




Our arrival at Calempluy, and the description thereof ; what hapned to 
Antonio de Taria in one of the hermitages thereof, and how we were 
discovered '■"' 


Our casting away in the Gulf of Nanquin, with aU that befell us after 
this lamentable shipwraok 168 


Our arrival at the town of Taypor, where we were made prisoners, and 
so sent to the city of Nanquin 173 


The marvels of the city of Nanquin, our departure from thence towards 
Pequin, and that which hapned unto us, till we arrived at the town 
of Sempitay 180 


Our arrival at Sempitay, our encounter there with a Christian woman, 
and an account of many things seen on the journey ; with an 
account of Pequin 190 


The order which is observed in the removing towns that are made upon 
the rivers ; and that which further befell us 202 


Our arrival at the city of Pequin, together with our imprisonment, and 
that which moreover happened unto ua there; as also the great 
majesty of the ofBcers of their Court of Justice .... 209 


What past betwixt us and the Tanigores of mercy, with the great 
favors they did us ; and a brief relation of the city of Pequin, where 
the King of China kept his Court 220 

The Prison of Xinanguibaleu, wherein those are kept, which have been 
condemned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria ; and 
another inclosure, called the Treasure of the Dead, with the 
revenues wherewith the prison is maintained 226 



Of our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our exile ; and what 
befell US there 233 


A Tartar commander enters with his army into the town of Quinsay, 
and that which followed thereupon; with the Nautioor's besieging 
the Castle of Nixiamcoo, and the taking of it by the means of 
some Pottngals 237 


The Mitaquer departs from the castle of Niziancoo, and goes to the King 
of Tartary his camp before Pequin ; with the Mitaquers presenting 
us unto the Eing 247 


The Eing of Tartaria's raising of his siege from before Pequin, for to 
return to his country 251 


In what manner we were brought again before the Eing of Tartaria ; 
with our departure from that kingdom ; and our adventures after 
quitting the city of Uzamguee in Cochin-China, till our arrival at 
the Isle of Tauizumaa in Japan 254 


The great honour which the Nautaquim, Lord of the Isle, did to one of 
us for having seen him shoot with an harqnebuse ; and his sending 
me to the Eing of Bungo ; and that which passed till my arrival at 
his Court 2G3 


The great mishap that befell the Eing of Bungo's son, with the extreme 
danger that I was in for the same ; and what followed thereupon , 270 


My curing the young Prince of Bungo ; with my return to Tanixumaa, 
and imbarquing there for Liampoo ; and also that which happened 
to us on land, after the shipwraek we suffered by the way . . 275 




My sayling from Liampoo to Malaoa, from whence the captain of the 
fortress sent me to the Chaubainhaa at Martabano ; and all thtit 
befel us in our voyage thither 278 

The continuance of our voyage to the Bar of Martabano ; and certain 
memorable particularities hapning there 291 


In what manner the Chaubiaiihaa rendred himself to the King of 
Bramaa, and the cruel proceeding against the Queen of Martabano, 
and the ladies, her attendants 303 


In what sort the sentence of death was executed on the person of the 
Chaubainhaa King of Martaban, Nhay Canatoo his wife, and an 
hundred and forty women ; with that which the King of Bramaa 
did after his return to Pegu 310 


That which passed between the Queen of Prom, and the King of Bramaa, 
together with the first assault that was given to the city, and the 
success thereof 318 


The King of Bramaa his besieging of the Portress of Meleytay, with hia 
going from thence to Avaa ; and that which passed there . . 325 


Our going with the King of Bramaa's ambassadour to the Calaminham, 
with the course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or 
Pagode of Timagoogoo 330 


The great and sumptuous procession made in this Pagode, together with 
their sacrifices ; and other particularities 332 


What we saw in the continuing of our voyage, until wa arrived at the 
city of Timplan 341 




Ihe magnificent reception of the King of Bramaa his Ambassadour, at 
the city of Timplam 348 


An ample relation of the empire of the Calamiuham, and of the king- 
doms of Pegu, and Bramaa, with the continuance of our voyage, and 
what we saw among the same 367 

Our arrival at Pegu 364 


That which the King of Bramaa did after his arrival at the city of Pegu, 
together with his besieging of Savady . . . . 367 


A continuation of the success which we had in this voyage, with my de- 
parture from Goa to Zunda, and what passed during my abode there 371 


The expedition of the Pangneyran, Emperor of Jaoa, and Eingof Demaa, 
against the King of Fasseruan, and all that which passed in this war 377 


The death of the King of Demaa by a very strange accident, and that 
which ensued thereupon ....,,,.. 884 


That which befell us, untill our departure towards the Port of Zunda, 
from whence we set sail for China, and what afterwards happened 
unto us . 391 


My passing from Zunda to Siam, where in the company of the Portugals 
I went to the war of Chiammay ; and that which the King of Siam 
did, untill he returned into his kingdom, where his queen poisoned 
him ... 898/ ' 


The lamentable death of the King of Siam, with certain illustrious ana 
memorable things done by him during his life ; and many other 
accidents that arrived in this kingdom 40S 



The King of Bramaa's enterpiize npon the Eingdoni of Siam : and that 
which past untill his arriyall at the city of Odia ; with his besieging 
of it, and all that ensued thereupon 411 

The King of Bramaa's raising his siege from beforo the City o.' Odiaa . 421 


A continuation of that which hapned in the Kingdom of Pegu, as well 
during the life, as after the death of the Eing of Bramaa . . 424 


That which arrived at the time of Xenim de Satan, and an abominable 
case that befell to Diego Suarez ; together with the Xemindoo's Ex- 
pedition against Xenim de Satan ; and that which ensued there- 
upon 430 


That which the Xemindoo did, after he was crowned King of Pegu, with 
the Chaumigrems; the King of Bramaa's foster-brothers coming 
against him, with an army ; and divers other memorable things . 442 


The finding of the Xemindoo, and bringing of him to the Eing ; with 
manner of his execution and death ; and other peculiarities con- 
cerning the same 452 


Our passing from the town of Fuoheo, to the Port of Hiamangoo ; and 
that which befell us there; together with my departure from 
Malaca, and arrival at Goa 459 


What past after our departure from Zequa, till my arrival in the Indiaes, 
and from thence into the Kingdom of Portugal .... 461 


y^HE Publisher of the present edition, in 
abridging Cogan's translation of 1663, has 
aimed at preserving (a) the most adventurous, and 
(b) the most curious passages of Mendez Pinto's 
narrative. By abridging somewhat the lengthy 
speeches of the Orientals, by omitting the least 
interesting of the adventures, and by passing over 
some of the descriptions of public ceremonies, 
it has been found practicable to reprint a worJc 
which otherwise from its length could not have 
come within the scope of " The Adventure Series." 


{Extracted from Michaud's " Biographie Unwerselle.") 

MENDEZ PINTO is no ordinary adventurer. The 
account of his voyages is written by himself, and the work 
is still regarded as a classic by the Portuguese. It has been 
translated irto almost every language ; some have read it en- 
thusiastically, others have looked upon it as a tissue of lies. 
His partisans have had little dif&culty in justifying their 
opinions, for there is a great fascination in his narrative ; the 
work has throughout an air of sincerity which prejudices one 
in the author's favour, and it seems to reflect as a faithful 
mirror the character and behaviour of the first conquerors of 
India. These men of well-tried metal display a certain ferocity 
which mingled with their religious ideas made them capable of 
great cruelties and heroic actions. So long as Pinto was the 
only traveller who told the tale of the particular countries he 
visited, his opponents could deny the truth of his account 
without the possibility of refutation, but now these countries 
are better known, one cannot fail to recognize the substantial 
truth of his story. Certain details are undoubtedly em- 
bellished, but one may conclude from what has been recounted 
in regard to many points that these rest on real facts. His 
travels were no doubt written chiefly from memory, and it is 
obvious, that instead of putting things down exactly as they 
really happened, he has given us rather the impressions left 
on his ardent imagination. Nowhere, however, is he guilty 
of wilful exaggeration for the sake of self-glorification. 


xviii NOTE. 

Everything relating to himself is told with the utmost 
simplicity. He said that he only wrote his travels to tell his 
children of the great dangers he had passed through in life, 
and one might be tempted to believe it. 

"The date of his death is not known. His book was 
first printed many years afterwards by the care of Francis 
Andrada, at Lisbon, in folio. This edition is rare : others were 
issued from the same town in 1678 and in 1725. In the latter 
edition iS also included the Itinerario of Antonio Tenego, 
who in 1529, travelled overland from India to Portugal, and 
the account of the conquest of the kingdom of Pegu in 1601. 
These works are also to be found in the Lisbon edition of 
1762, foho; but there is also a more recent one of the 
same town, viz., 1833, 2 vols. 8vo. It was translated 
into Spanish six years after the first appearance by Francis 
Herreva of Afalderado, who added to it a dissertation to 
establish its authenticity (Madrid, 1620 folio). This trans- 
lation was well received, and was reprinted in 1627, 1645, and 
1664. The French translation by Bernard Figuier (Paris, 
1628, in 4to) is still sought after. A new edition of the trans- 
lation has also appeared (Paris, 1880, 8 vols. 8vo) which was 
one of a series of reprints that the Government caused to be 
executed to provide employment for the compositors who were 
out of work after the Eevolution of July."— De Eossel. 

[The extreme caution with which English critics have 
treated Pinto's narrative has forced the publisher to turn 
for a criticism of him to a foreign source. M. de Eossel's 
remarks are perhaps as judicious as any yet published, and 
are therefore translated for the English reader.] 

* The English editiona are limited to three. The seoond edition of 1692 
is, like the present, a reprint of Cogan's translation of 1663. 



CCOUNTS of eventful and dan- 
gerous travels have always awakened 
more doubts than admiration in the 
majority of manMnd. True, the 
every-day man, treading the well- 
worn path of his prosaic life, accustomed to the 
occurrences and usages of his small native 
horizon, listens with eager delight to the ex- 
citing and fascinating accounts of travelling 
experiences in distant lands. He shudders at 
hearing of dangers avoided, he is lost in admira- 
tion at the sight of strange habits and customs, 
and at the mysterious doings of his fellow-men 
in far-away regions. He is like the child, the 
intelligent chUd, who breathlessly follows the 
thread of the fairy tale, but who at the end, 
drawing a deep breath, asks himself — "Is this 
possible ? Can this really be true ? " 

Happily the Europe of to-day is, and for a 
considerable time has been, past this childish 



age, but in the Middle Ages it was sticking fast 
in it ; and, indeed, it is scarcely a hundred years 
since this incredulity and scepticism, born of 
ignorance, has completely disappeared. The 
modestly glittering lamp which some travellers 
and men of letters have lit, could spread but 
little light in the pitch dark ignorance prevailing 
in the Middle Ages regarding matters geographical 
and ethnological, and learning could raise but 
slightly the level of general culture. But as people 
and societies prefer to doubt the veracity of others 
to confessing their own ignorance and stupidity, 
so it is natural that the mediaeval travellers and 
explorers who, after traversing strange countries 
at the risk of their lives and at the cost of great 
privations, returned home with an account of 
their wonderful experiences, were stigmatized as 
liars, derided, and mostly misunderstood. That 
there were some travellers who, relying on the 
general ignorance, let the bridle of their imagina- 
tion loose in order to heighten the interest of 
the public by extravagant and grotesque descrip- 
tions, can scarcely be denied; but, on the whole, 
the insinuations were unjust, and certainly the 
narrow-mindedness of the respective epochs was 
greater than the lying disposition of the dis- 
coverers of new paths in the Asiatic world. 

We find ample traces of this regretable and 
malicious conception in several stereotype sayings 


of those days. The mediaeval Church to which, 
for the rest, we owe some important geographical 
and ethnographical discoveries, originated the 
saying — "Qui multum peregrinatur, raro sancti- 
ficatur," viz., "He who travelled much is seldom 
canonized." Similarly in England, whose in- 
habitants were always known for their travelling 
propensities, we find the expression, " a travellers' 
tale," applied to any not very credible story. 
Analogous proverbs are met with in other Euro- 
pean languages, the Turks being the only people 
who are of a different way of thinking. They 
say — " Not he who has Hved long, but who has 
travelled much, possesses a right understanding." 
Taken all in all, however, the lot of the early 
traveller was not an enviable one. The minorite 
monk, Odoric of Pordenone, who, in the begin- 
ning of the fourteenth century, travelled through 
a great part of Asia, owes his canonization not to 
his geographical discoveries, but to his having 
baptised, as he alleged, 60,000 Saracens; whilst 
Marco Polo, the Prince of Asiatic travellers, who 
was not renowned for apostolic zeal, was rewarded 
only with sneers and mockery for his great and_ 
fruitful work, and for centuries Italy designated 
a liar and a boaster with the expression Marco 
Millioni. A like fate befel the famous Portuguese, 
Femao Mendez Pinto, who, between the years 
1537-1668, journeyed through the most different 


parts of Asia, and during his twenty-one years' 
wanderings, as he himself says, was sold sixteen 
times, was a slave thirteen times, and was ship- 
'wrecked five times. 

This extraordinary man, whose account of his 
journeys was published in 1614 u_nder_jfche_iijle 
" Peregrinacaq " (a bwk which in the course of 
the same century was translated into English, 
French, and Spanish), had art exceedingly large 
amount of most curious experiences and adven- 
tures. He had opportunities of getting acquainted 
on the spot with people and land in India, China, 
Japan, Tartary, and communicated so much that 
was extraordinary and wonderful, and even that 
looked incredible, that his contemporaries simply 
rejected aU he said and stamped him as a liar. The 
first edition of his book had to appear with an 
apologetic introduction, and Congreve, wishing 
to characterize a liar, said — 

" Mendez Pinto was but a type of thee, thou liar of the first \ 
magnitude ! " 

A cruel irony of fate, a sorry reward for all that 
the audacious Portuguese, led on by his thirst 
after knowledge, had to suffer during his wander- 
ings, for having faced death in a thousand forms, 
for all the miseries endured, all with the sole 
object of satisfying a curiosity which has proved 
so useful to posterity. 


What is the reason, what are the chief motives, of 
the incredulity of contemporaries and the scepticism 
of later generations ? is a question which suggests 
itself to the modern man. The general indifference 
and ignorance of the public already alluded to must 
naturally be taken into account ; but there were 
also other reasons which we cannot pass bver. 
We find, namely, that the mediaeval travellers and 
adventurers imdertook their self-imposed task with 
little or no preparation, and that in spite of their 
lengthened sojourn amid the different peoples, they 
were but imperfectly familiar with the languages, 
customs, and religions of the same — a circum- 
stance which caused their narratives to be incom- 
plete, and led them sometimes into serious errors. 
Marco Polo himself so disfigures the Turkish, 
Persian, and Mongolian proper names as to be 
unrecognizable, and posterity had to exert all its 
ingenuity to find out the proper spelling and 
meaning of such names. The application and 
penetration of a Henry Yule or a Pauthier suc- 
ceeded partly in remedying this great defect, but 
the setting right of the text so misconstructed 
by copyists is even yet far from complete. Be- 
sides the mysteriousness of the nomenclature, 
there is a great drawback in the childish tone, 
in the fairy-tale-like description of things seen 
and heard, in the style which, though in keeping 
with the taste of the age, yet by its tawdriness 


brought the contents themselves into disrepute. 
When Marco Polo speaks of ants as big as dogs, 
and Mendez Pinto relates of men with round 
feet and with arms entirely covered with hair ; 
such exaggeration certainly seems to have some- 
what contributed to the general distrust, although 
it would not justify us in denying the existence, 
in a reduced measure, of the said facts, as was 
amply proved by the researches of commentators. 
On the other hand, the narratives contain much 
that the traveller did not see himself, but related 
only after hearsay. Thus, for instance, Pinto 
speaks of the thousands of carts of the king of 
Tartary (rectius Mandshury) drawn by rhino- 
ceroses — in which case Pinto can excuse himself 
by saying ^'relata refero," or else the name of 
the animals is erroneously given. 

It is, however, entirely superfluous, if not un- 
just, to measure the reports of the early Asiatic 
travellers by a very elevated standard, as the 
tales and fables bond fide accepted and related 
by them can be recognized at a glance, and were 
never believed by any one but those who read for 
the sake of amusement and not of instruction. 
Whether the zealous missionaries of the twelfth 
and thirteenth centuries, or the wise Venetian 
brothers, or the Bavarian Schiltberger who was 
taken prisoner at Yarna, or, in fine, the most 
remarkable among them, on account of his adven- 


tures, Mendez Pinto, they have each and all 
contributed their share to make Europe take an 
interest in the fate of Asia, and to place posterity 
in possession of a picture, however incomplete 
and defective, of the power and authority of Asia, 
then still unbroken. In this picture, so full of 
instructive details, we perceive more than one 
thing fully worthy of the attention of the latter- 
day reader. Above all, we see the fact that the 
traveller from the West, although obliged to en- 
dure unspeakable hardships, privation, pain, and 
danger, at least had not to suffer on account of 
his nationality and religion, as has been the case 
in recent times since the all-puissance of Europe 
has thrown its threatening shadow on the in- 
terior of Asia, and the appearance of the European 
is considered the foreboding of material decay 
and national downfall. How utterly different it 
was to travel in mediaeval Asia from what it is 
at present is clearly seen from the fact that in 
those days missionaries, merchants, and political 
agents from Europe could, even in time of war, 
traverse any distances in Asiatic lands without 
molestation in their personal liberty or property 
just as any Asiatic traveller of Moslem or 
Buddhist persuasion. Only thus can it be under- 
stood, how Italian merchants had large ware- 
houses in the thirteenth and fourteenth century 
in Tana and other places in immediate vicinity 


of Tartar hordes, and how they, during the 
troubles succeeding the fall of the Timurides and 
the accession of the Sefevides, moved about in 
the adjacent countries partly with their goods, 
partly as political agents. As far as Interior 
Asia in particular is concerned, it was the news 
of the victorious advance of the English, and 
of the gradual downfall of the Mogul power that 
awakened first the mistrust against European 
travellers. What Jenkinson could accomplish in 
1568, namely, under the reign of Abdullah Khan, 
the greatest Central- Asiatic ruler of the modern 
era, that Sir Alexander Burnes could carry out 
only with difiSculty under Nasrullah's rule, for 
it was not so much the rehgious fanaticism of 
the Moslem as rather the fear from the all- 
absorbing power of the Christian West that made 
the Asiatics suspect in every Frenghi a spy and 
a disguised would-be conqueror. In Persia, which 
owing to its inland position, thought itself less 
exposed to attacks, this was not the case, hence 
it is easy to understand how Abbas the Great 
could show his full favours to the Englishman 
Shirley, and how Chardin obtained opportunities 
of thoroughly studying the country and its inhabi- 
tants. It was the same in the interior of Asia 
Minor where Niebuhr, unlike Palgrave, who was 
forced to assume an incognito, could explore the 
Arabian peninsula. 


The danger that threatened the traveller in 
medisBval Asia lay in the elements, in the state 
of temporary anarchy, and especially in the raw 
manners of some Asiatic tribes, who abhorred all 
communication from without and had absolutely 
no sense for contact with foreign people. The 
religious duty of pilgrimage has made the Moslem 
a good traveller, but the Buddhists and Brah- 
manists considered this a sacrilegious proceeding, 
and whoever decided to undertake a journey 
among them must have possessed an extraor- 
dinary amount of adventuresome spirit or an 
uncontrollable desire for knowledge of distant 
lands. This adventuresome spirit naturally re- 
ceived a fresh impulse from the fortunate enter- 
prises of the Portuguese in East Asiatic waters. 
In this small country in westernmost Europe, we 
see rulers like John the Great and John the 
Perfect, and princes like Henry the Sailor and the 
Duke of Coimbra, &o., giving us proofs of how 
even with small means great things can be ac- 
complished if the free development of the spirit 
is under fostering care ; for men like Alfons de 
Albuquerque, Francisco de Almeida, Nuno de 
Cunha, Joao de Castro, Antonio de Silveira, or 
audacious adventurers like Duante Coelho and 
.!j\Mendez Pinto have not only startled the Orientals 
, with proofs of the activity and intrepidity of the 
/ Europeans, but they also opened to us the way 


into the interior of several countries of the rising 
sun and facilitated the work of their successors, 
the Britons, of spreading European civilization. 

Turning now to the work of the adventurous 
traveller so often sneered at and so severely criti- 
cised, I think it needful to give a few remarks 
explanatory of the origin of adventure in general, 
as well as the state of mind, the inner struggle 
and the secret motive power of the traveller so 
unjustly called an adventurer. I feel myself aU 
the more called upon to do this as my own 
wanderings in Interior Asia were not free from the 
savour of adventure, and I can still distinctly 
recall the state of mind I was in during my pere- 
grinations as a disguised Efendi and Dervish. And, 
first of aU, I would remind the reader that never 
did a man start on travel with the intention 
of becoming an adventurer. No one thinks of 
exciting one day the curiosity and nerves of his 
future readers by the tale of his experiences and 
sufferings, and no one takes up his walking staff 
in the hope of being one day feted as the hero of 
awe-inspiring stories and blood-thrilling episodes. 
The traveller, and notably the explorer, is to a 
certain extent aware of the dangers attending 
his undertaking; indeed it is this danger that 
attracts and allures him ; but that a man should 
undertake a long journey solely with a view to 
expose himself to the dangers of thirst, hunger, 


prison, and a martyr's death, and after a lucky 
escape to be shone upon by the rays of glory, 
is a thing that I could never credit or under- 
stand. One becomes an adventurer, the hero of 
blood-stirring experiences only in the natural 
course of later events, through occurrences that 
surprise the traveller himself, that excite him iu 
the highest degree, and try to the utmost his 
presence of mind and ingenuity. No serious or 
reasoning explorer ever set out on a journey with 
the firm intention of seeking adventures on his 
proposed route and testing his strength on the 
same. He is sometimes conscious of the dangers 
awaiting him, he suspects that everything will 
not run smooth ; but he never, even in the 
moments of the greatest excitement, and iu the 
wildest state of mind, neglects to take such 
measures as could be of service to him in his 
critical position. 

When, in order to explore some parts of Central 
Asia never before visited by Europeans, I decided 
in Teheran to accompany the ragged and most 
horrible looking Tartars returning home from the 
pilgrimage to Mekka, aU my friends and acquain- 
tances in the Persian capital thought it would be 
my desperate looking travelHng companions who 
would put an end to my being. I had myself 
some misgivings on this score. It was not their 
violence I feared, but rather that they would 


either from treachery or necessity hand me over 
to Central Asiatic authorities, and in order to 
guard myself against the agonies of a martyr's 

death, I asked and obtained from Dr. B , the 

physician to the Turkish Mission, two strychnine 
pills with which to shorten, in case of need, the 
tortures of a possible martyr's death. These two 
pills which I hid away in the wadding of my rags, 
formed my only consolation and anchor-sheet, 
and when in moments of imminent peril I touched 
with my finger-tips these little prominences among 
the wadding, I felt a pleasing sensation running 
through me, inasmuch as by their help I thought 
myself safe against long death agonies. Man is 
more resigned to his fate where death seems an 
inevitable consequence of the combination of 
elementary forces and where defence is unavail- 
ing ; but even there there is a feeble ray of hope 
lightening through the dark horizon and spreading 
a little light. On the fatiguing road from the 
Persian frontier to Khiva, which ConoUy had to 
abandon after a fruitless attempt, and where ten 
years later Colonel Markusoff lost several thousand 
brave warriors, we were for five days without 
water and nearly dying from thirst. Two of our 
fellow travellers fell victims to their terrible 
sufferings. The ominous white spots began to 
appear on my palate, my tongue was heavy, I lay 
prostrate with high fever, and I saw the fore- 


runners of my approaching end, but only for a 
short while, as presently there arose the faint hope 
of salvation which soon afterwards became a 
reality. In this contiauous change of threatening 
peril, desperate struggle for self-preservation and 
never-relaxing hopes, the nerves grow so hardened 
that one can live for months, nay years, in mortal 
danger without thinking of death and the possible 
sudden termination of this most wonderful earthly 
existence. What I went through during some 
months — ^for really great danger surrounded me 
only in Central Asia — others before me ex- 
perienced for years, and I do not doubt for a 
moment but they felt all the better for it, the same 
as I did ; for one day of such adventurous travel is 
worth many years spent in monotonous every-day 

In a word, the adventurer becomes such 
through the combination of circumstances. In 
the nature of man there is only the first impulse 
to travel, but his desire for adventure increases at 
the same rate as he has learnt by experience to 
cope with difficulties. One victory achieved is 
incitement to fresh fights, and in this pleasing 
giddiness of the senses, adventurous travellers 
have sometimes accomplished extraordinary re- 
sults. Concerning the acts of Mendez Pinto in 
particular, we have to point out that he was the 
first to make known the natural riches of Japan 


and originated the first settlement near Yokoham« 
in 1648. His accounts of Burmab, Siam, Cochin 
China, and several cities of the flowery country in 
the interior, stand in no way behind the writings of 
De la Cruz, of Boterus, Paulus Jovius, Mendoza, 
and other contemporary men of letters and tra- 
vellers ; and indeed as regards the details of the 
war and conquest of China by Murhachu, the 
Prince of the Mandshus, whom Pinto calls Tartars, 
are distinctly valuable. One whose fate brought 
him in such intimate contact with the life and 
doings of a strange people, and who had oppor- 
tunities to study so deeply their customs and 
manners as Mendez Pinto had, certainly deserves 
to be heard. The new edition, slightly abridged, 
of his " Peregrinacao " or "Wanderings" is a 
faithful mirror of Asia three hundred years ago. 
We may derive from it much that is instructive 
and interesting. 

Budapest Univebsity, 

April, 1891. 








After what manner I past my Youth in the Kingdom of Portugal, nntill my 
going to the Indies. 

often as I represent unto myself the 
great and continual travels that have 
accompanied me from my birth, and 
amidst the which I have spent my first 
years, I find that I have a great deal of 
reason to complain of Fortune, for that she 
seemeth to have taken a particular care to 
persecute me, and to make me feel that which is most insup- 
portable in her, as if her glory had no other foundation then 
her cruelty. For not content to have made me be bom, 
and to live miserably in my country during my youth, she 
conducted me, notwithstanding the fear I had of the dangers 
that menaced me, to the East Indies, where in stead of the 
relief which I went thither to seek, she made me find an 



increase of my pains, according to the increase of my age. 
Since then it hath pleased God to deliver me from so many 
dangers, and to protect me from the fury of that adverse 
Fortune, for to bring me into a port of safety and assurance ; 
I see that I have not so much cause to complain of my travels 
past, as I have to render Him thanks for the benefits which 
untill now I have received of Him ; seeing that by His Divine 
bounty He hath preserved my life, to the end I niight have 
means to leave this rude and unpoUshed discourse unto my 
children for a memorial and an inheritance. For my intention 
is no other, but to vrrite it for them, that they may behold 
what strange fortunes I have run for the space of one and 
twenty years, during the which I was thirteen times a captive, 
and seventeen times sold in the Indies, in Ethiopia, in Arabia, 
in China, in Tartaria, in Madagascar, in Sumatra, and in 
divers other kingdoms and provinces of that Oriental Archi- 
pelage upon the confines of Asia, which the Ghineses, Siames, 
Giieos, and Lecquios name, and that with reason, in their 
geography, the ey-lids of the world, whereof I hope to entreat 
more particularly, and largely, hereafter. Whereby men, for 
the time to come, may take example, and a resolution not to 
be discouraged for any crosses that may arrive unto them in 
the course of their lives. For no disgrace of Fortune ought to 
essoign us never so little from the duty which we are bound to 
render unto God; because there is no adversity, how great 
soever, but the nature of man may well undergo it, being 
favoured with the assistance of heaven. Now, that others 
may help me to praise the Lord Almighty for the infinite 
mercy He hath shewed me, without any regard to my sins, 
which I confess were the cause and original of all my mis- 
fortunes, and that from the same Divine Power I received 
strength and courage to resist them, escaping out of so many 
dangers, with my life saved, I take from the beginning of my 
voyage the time which I spent in this kingdom of Portugal, 
and say, that after I had lived there tiU I was about eleven or 
twelve years old, in the misery and poverty of my fathers 
house within the town of Monte-mor Ovelho, an uncle of mine, 
desirous to advance me to a better fortune then that where- 
unto I was reduced at that time, and to take me from the 


caresses and cockerings of my mother, brought me to this city 
of Lisbon, where he put me into the service of a very honour- 
able lady : the vyhich he was carried out of the hope he had, 
that by the favour of her self and her friends he might attain 
to his desire for my advancement ; and this was in the same 
year that the funeral pomp of the deceased King Emanuel of 
happy memory was celebrated at Lisbon, namely St. Lucies 
day, the 13. of December, 1521, which is the furthest thing I 
can remember. In the mean time my uncles design had a 
success clean contrary to that which he hath promised to him- 
self in favour of me : for having been servant of this lady ; 
about a year and a half, an accident befel me, that cast me 
into manifest peril of life, so that to save my self I was con- 
strained to abandon her house with all the speed that possibly I 
could. Flying away then in very great fear, I arrived before 
I was aware at the Ford of Pedra, which is a small port so 
called; there I found a carvel of AlfawM, that was laden with 
the horses and stuff of a lord, who was going to Setwval, where 
at that instant King Joana the Third kept his court, by reason 
of a great plague that reigned in divers parts of the kingdom. 

Perceiving then that this carvel was ready to put to sea, I 
imbarqued my self in her, and departed the next day. But 
alas ! a little after we had set sail, having gotten to a place 
named Gezmibra, we were set upon by a French pirate, who 
having boarded us, caused fifteen or sixteen of his men to leap 
into our vessel, who finding no resistance made themselves 
masters of her : now after they had pillaged every one of us, 
they emptied all the merchandise wherewithal ours was laden, 
which amounted to above six thousand duckats, into their ship, 
and then sunk her ; so that of seventeen of us that remained 
alive, not so much as one could escape slavery, for they clap'd 
us up all bound hand and foot under hatches, with an intent 
to go and sell us at La Bache in Barbary, whither also, as we 
found by being amongst them, they carried arms to the Maho- 
metans in way of trade ; for this purpose they kept us thirteen 
dayes tegether, continually whipping us ; but at the end thereof 
it fortuned that about sun set they discovered a ship, unto 
which they gave chase all the night, following her close, like 
old pirates long used to such thieveries ; having feicht her uf 


by break of day, they gave her a volley of three pieces of 
ordnance, and presently invested her with a great deal of 
courage ; now though at first they found some resistance, yet 
they quickly rendred themselves masters of her, killing six 
Portugals, and ten or eleven slaves. This vyas a goodly vessel, 
and belonged to a Portugal merchant of the town of Conde, 
named SUvestrS Godmho, which divers other merchants of 
Lisbon had laden at Saint Tome vrith great store of sugar and 
slaves ; in such sort that those poor people seeing themselves 
thus taken and robbed fell to lament their loss, which they 
estimated to be forty thousand duckats. Whereupon these 
pirates, having gotten so rich a booty, changed their design for 
going to la Bache, and bent their course for the coast of 
France, carrying with them such of ours for slaves, as they 
judged fit for the service of their navigation. The remainder 
of us they left at night in the road, at a place called Melides, 
where we were landed miserably naked, our bodies covered 
with nothing but with the stripes of the lashes which so cruelly 
we had received the dayes before. In this pitiful case we 
arrived the next morning at St. Jago de Caten, where we were 
relieved by the inhabitants of the place, especially by a lady 
that was there at that time, named Donna Beatrix, daughter 
to the Earl of Villanova, and wife to Ahnzo Perez Pantoia, 
commander and grand provost of the town. Now after the 
sick and wounded were recovered, each of us departed, and 
got him where he hoped to find the best assistance ; for my 
self, poor wretch, I went with 6. or 7. that accompanied 
me in my misery to Setuval : thither I was no sooner come, 
but my good fortune placed me in the service of Francisco de 
Faria, a gentleman belonging to the great commander of S. 
Jago, who in recompense of four years service that I did him, 
put me. to the said commander to wait on him in his chamber, 
which I performed for an year and an half after. But in 
regard the entertainment which was given at that time in 
noble-mens houses was so small that I was not able to live on 
it, necessity constrained me to quit my master, with a design 
to imbarque my self by his favour to go to the Lidies ; for that 
I thought was the best way I could take to free me of my 
poverty. So albeit I were but meanly accommodated, I 


imbarqued my self, notwithstanding, submitting my self to 
whatsoever fortune should arrive unto me in those far 
countries, either good or bad. 


My departure from Portugal for the Indies, and my imbarijuing tbere for the 
Streight of Mecqua. 

IT was in the year '1537/ and the 11th of March, that I 
parted from this kmgdbm in a fleet of five ships, whereof 
there was no General; for each of those vessels was com- 
manded by a particular captain: for example, in the ship 
named the Queen, commanded Don Pedro de Silva, surnamed 
the Cock, son to the Admiral Don Vasco de Qama. In the ship 
called S. Eoek, commanded Don Fernando de Lima, son to 
Diego Lopez de Lima, grand Provost of the town of Guimaranes, 
who died valiantly in defence of the fortress of Ormus, whereof 
he was captain the year following, 1538. In the S. Barha, 
conunanded Don Fernando de Lima, who was the govemour 
of the town of Chaul; of that, which was called the Flower 
of the Sea, Lope Vaz Vagado was captain; and in the fifth 
and last ship, named Galega, commanded Martin de Freitas, 
born in the Isle of Madera, who the same year was slain at 
Damao, together with five and thirty men that followed him. 
These vessels sailing different wayes, arrived at length at a 
great port called Mozambique ; there we met with the Saint 
Michael, that wintered there, and was commanded by Duart 
Tristao, who parted thence richly laden for' to return into 
PorPicgal ; howbeit I beheve she was taken, or suffered ship- 
wrack, as it happens but too often in this voyage to the Indies, 
for he was never heard of since. After our five vessels were 
equipped with all that was necessary for them, and ready to 
set sail from Mozambique, the lieutenant of the fortress, called 
Vincent Pegado, shewed the captains of the said five ships a 
mandate from the Governour, named Nwnho de Gunha, whereby 
be expressly commanded that aU Portugal ships, which did 
arrive in that port this year should go to Diu, and leave their 


men there for the guard of the fortress, because of the fear 
they were in of the Tv/rTcish army, which was every hour 
expected in the Indies, by reason of the death of Sultan Bandur 
King of Gambaya, whom the said Govemour had put to death 
the summer before. In regard this affair was of great im- 
portance, it was the cause that all the captains assembled 
together to dehberate thereupon : at length, to meet with the 
present necessity they concluded, that three of those five ships, 
appertaining to the King, should go to Biu, conformable to the 
contents of the said mandate, and that the other two, which 
belonged to particular merchants, should pursue their course 
to Goa : the King's three ships sailing to Diu, and the other 
two merchants towards Goa, it pleased God to conduct them 
safe thither. Now as soon as the King's three ships came to 
the mouth of the river of the port of Diu, which fell on the 
5th of September the same year, 1538. Antonio de Silvera, the 
brother of Louys Silvera, Earl of Sortelha, who was captain 
there at that time, gave them all the testimony that possibly 
he could of the joy he took at this their arrival; for proof 
whereof he bestowed liberally on every one, keeping a set 
table for above 7 hundred persons which they brought along 
with them, besides his secret rewards, and extraordinary gifts, 
whereby he supplied the necessities they had suffered during 
their voyage. Whereupon the souldiers considering how this 
captain entreated them very royally, that he payed them 
before-hand, distributed their pay and munition unto them 
with his own hands, caused the sick to be carefully 'tended, 
and shewed himself most ready to assist every one, it so 
wrought upon them, that of their own accord they offered to 
stay there for to serve him, being no way constrained thereunto, 
as they use to be (in those countries) in all the fortresses which 
expect a siege. This done, as soon as the three ships had sold 
the merchandise they had brought, they set sail for Goa, carry- 
ing none with them but the officers of the vessels, and some 
sea-men to conduct them ; where they abode till such time as 
the Govemour had given them dispatches for to go to Cochin 
where being arrived they took in their lading, and returned all 
five safe into Portugal. 

Seventeen dayes after we were arrived at the fortress of Dki, 


where at that time two foists were ready prepared to go to the 
Streight of Mecqua, for to discover, and find out the design of 
the Turkish army, whose coming was greatly feared in the 
Indies, because one of those foists was commanded by a 
captain that was a great friend of mine, who gave me good 
hope of the voyage he was bound for, I imbarqued my self 
with him; relying then on the promises which the captain 
made me, that by his favor and means I should quickly be 
rich, the only thing in the world that I most desired, and 
suffered my self to be deceived by my hopes, I imagined that 
I was already master of great wealth, never considering how 
vain .and imcertain the promises of men are, and that I could 
not reap much benefit by the voyage I was going to undertake, 
by reason it was dangerous, and unseasonable for navigation 
in that country. Now being departed from Diu, we sailed in 
a time full of storms, because it was about the end of winter, 
which seemed to begin anew, so impetuous were the winds, 
and so great was the rain : nevertheless, how violent soever 
the tempest was, and dark the weather, we letted not to 
discover the Isle of Gtiria, Muria, and Avedahwria, at the 
sight whereof we thought our selves quite lost, and without 
hope of life. Whereupon, to decline the danger, we turned 
the prow of our vessel to the south-east, knowing no other 
mean then that to avoid shipwrack : but by good fortune for 
us, it pleased God that we let fall an anchor at the point of 
the Island of Socotora ; there we presently anchored, a league 
below the place, where Don Francisco d' Almeyda caused a 
fortress to be built in the year 1507. when he came from 
Portugal, as the first Vice-roy that ever was in the Indies. In 
the said place we took in fresh water, and some provision of 
victuals, that we bought of the Christians of the country, 
which are the descendants of those whom the Apostle S. 
Thomas converted in those parts. Being refreshed thus, we 
parted feom thence with a purpose to enter the Streights ; 
so that after we had sailed nine dayes with a favourable wind, 
we foimd our selves right against Mazua ; there about sun-set 
we descried a sail at sea, whereunto we gave so hard chace, 
that before the first watch of the night we came up close to 
her ; and then to satisfie the dftsire we had for t,o leara som- 


I thing of the captain by gentleness touching the Turkish army, 
I we demanded of him whether it was parted from Sues, or 
whether he had not met vvith it in any place ; and that we 
[might be the better informed, we spake aloud to all those that 
'were in the ship. But in stead of answer, without speaking a 
, word, and in contempt of us, they, gave us 12. pieces of 
j ordnance, whereof five were small, and the other seven field 
pieces, together with good store of musquet shot; and withall, 
in a kind of jollity, and as it were believing that we were 
already theirs, they made all the ayr about resound again with 
their confused cries. After this, to brave and terrifie us the 
more, they flourished a many flags and streamers up and 
down, and from the top of their poop they brandished a 
number of naked scymitars, commanding us with great 
threatning to come aboard and yield our selves unto them. At 
the first view of so many rhodomontados and bravings we 
were in some doubt and amaze, which caused the captains of 
our foists to call the souldiers to couneel, for to know what 
they should do ; and the conclusion was, to continue shooting 
at them till the next morning, that so by day-light they might 
be the better fought withal and invested, it being agreed upon 
of all sides that they were not to be let go unpunished for 
their presumption ; which accordingly was performed, and all 
the rest of the night we gave them chase, plying them with 
our ordnance. So morning come, their ship being shot thorow 
and thorow in many places, and cruelly battered all over, they 
render themselves into our hands. In the encounter there 
were 64. of their men killed, and of 80. that remained, the 
most part, seeing themselves reduced to extremity, cast them- 
selves into the sea, choosing rather there to be drowned, then 
to be burnt in their ship with the artificial fires that we had 
hurled into her ; so that of all the fourscore there escaped but 
five, very sore hurt, whereof one was the captain. This same, 
by force of torture, whereunto he was exposed by the command 
of our two captains, confessed that he came from Judea, and 
that the Turkish army was already departed from Sues, with 
a design to take in Adem, and then to build a fortress there 
before they attempted any thing in the Indies, according to an 
express charge sent by the great Tu/rk from Constantinople to 


the Bassa of grand Cairo, who was going to be general of the 
army : besides this, he confessed many other things con- 
formable to our desire ; amongst the which he said, that he 
was a renegade Christian, a MaUorquin by nation, born at 
Cerdenha, and son to one named Paul Andrez, a merchant 
of that island, and that about four years before growing 
enamoured of a very fair Greekish Mahvmetan, that was then 
his wife, for the love of her he had abjured Christianity,, and 
embraced the law of Mahomet. Our captains much amazed 
hereat, gently perswaded him to acquit this abominable belief, 
and become a Christian again ; whereunto the wicked caytiff 
made answer with a brutish obstinacy, that at no hand he 
would yield to forsake his law, shewing himself so hardened in 
the resolution to continue therein, as if he had been born in it, 
and never had profest any other. By these speeches of his, 
the captains, perceiving there was no hope of recalling him 
from his damnable error, caused him to be bound hand and 
foot, and so with a great stone tyed about his r>3ck to be cast 
alive into the sea, sending him to participate with the torments 
of this Mahomet, and to be his companion in the other world, 
as he had been his confident in this. This infidel being 
executed in this sort, we put the other prisoners into one of 
our foists, and then sunk their vessel, with all the goods that 
were in her, which consisted most in packs of stained cloths, 
whereof we had no use, and a few pieces of chamlet that the 
soldiers got to make them apparel. 


Our travelling from Mazna by land to the mother of Prester John ; as also 
our reimbarqning at the Port of Arquico, and that which befel us by 
the encounter of three Turkish vessels. 

WE departed from this place with an intent to go to 
Arquico, the territory of Prester John, Emperour of 
.Ethiopia; for we had a letter to deliver, which Antonio de 
SyVoera sent to a factor of bis, named Aurique Barlosa, who 


had been three years resident in that country, by the 
commandment of the Governour Nuno de Cunha. When we 
were arrived at Gottor, a league lower then the port of Mazua, 
we were all received there very courteously, as well by the 
inhabitants, as by a Portugal called Vasco Martin de Seixas, 
born in the town of Obidos, who was come thither by Henrico 
Barbosa's order, and had been there a moneth attending the 
arrival of some Portugal ships. The cause of that abode was 
to deHver a letter from the said Henrico, as accordingly he did 
to the captains of our foists; by this letter he certified the 
estate of the Turkish army, and besought them at any hand 
to send him some Portugals ; to induce them whereunto, he 
remonstrated unto them how it much imported the service 
both of God and the King, and that for bis own part he could 
not come unto them, because he was employed with forty other 
Portugals, in the fort of Gileytor, for the guard of the person 
of the Princess of Tigremahon, mother to Prester John. The 
two captains having perused this letter, communicated it to 
the ohiefest of the souldiers, and sat in councel upon it, where 
it was determined that four of them should go along vrith 
Vasco Martins to Barbosa, and that they should carry the 
letter which Antonio de Sylvera had sent him. This was no 
sooner resolved then executed ; for the next day three other 
Portugals, and my self, departed accordingly, and we went 
by land mounted upon good mules, which the Ciquaxy, 
captain of the town, sent us by the command of the 
Princess, the Emperours mother, together vrith six Abissins to 
accompany us. The first night we lay at a very fair 
monastery, called Satilgaon ; the next day before the sun rose 
we travelled along by a river, and by that time we had rode 
five leagues we arrived at a place named Bitonte, where we 
spent that night in a convent of religious persons, dedicated 
to S. Michael ; there we were very well entertained both by 
the Prior, and the Friers. A little after our arrival, the son of 
Bernagais, Governour of that empire of Ethiopia, a very proper 
and courteous gentleman, about seventeen years old, came to 
see us, accompanied with thirty men, all mounted upon mules, 
and himself on a horse furnished after the Portugal manner ; 
the furniture was of purple velvet trimmed with gold fringe, 


which two years before the Governom Nuno de Cunha sent him 
from the Inddes, by one Lopez Ghanoco, who was afterwards 
made a slave at Grand Cairo; whereof this young prince 
being advertised, he presently dispatched away a Jewish 
merchant of Asabiba to redeem him ; but as ill fortune would, 
he died before the Jew could get thither, which so grieved this 
prince when he understood of it, as the said Vasco Martins 
assured us that in the said monastery of S. Michael, he caused 
the most honourable funerals to be celebrated for him that 
ever he saw, wherein assisted above four thousand priests, 
besides a greater number of novices, which in their language 
are called Santilcos : nor was this all, for this prince hearing 
that the deceased had been married at Goa, and likewise 
that he had left three daughters there behind him, which were 
very young and poor, he bestowed on them three hundred 
Oqueas of gold, that are worth twelve Crusadoes of our money 
apiece ; a liberality truly royal, and which I relate here, as 
well to amplifie the nobleness of this prince, as that it may 
serve for an example to others, and render them more 
charitable upon like occasions. 

The next morning we continued our journey, making all the 
haste that possibly we could : to which end we got upon good 
horses, that were given us by this prince ; and withal he 
appointed four of his servants to accompany us, who during 
our voyage entertained us every where very sumptuously. 
That day our lodging was at a goodly place, called Betenigus, 
which signifies a royal house ; and in truth it was not without 
reason so named, for on whatsoever part one cast an eye, it 
was invironed with great high trees for three leagues about ; 
nor is it to be credited how pleasing this wood was, for that 
it was composed all of cedars, cypress, palm, date-trees, and 
cocos, like to those in the Indies ; here we past the night with 
all kind of contentment. In the morning we proceeded on our 
journey, and travelling after five leagues a day, we past over 
a great plain, all full of goodly com ; then we arrived at a 
mountain, named, Vangaleu, inhabited by Jews, which was 
very white and handsome; two days and an half after we 
came to a good town, called Fumbau, not above twelve leagues 
distant from the fort of Qyleytor, there we foimd Ba/rbosa, and 


had been three years resident in that country, by the 
commandment of the Governour Nuno de Ctmha, When we 
were arrived at Gottor, a league lower then the port of Mazua, 
we were all received there very courteously, as well by the 
inhabitants, as by a Portugal called Vasco Martin de Seixas, 
born in the town of Obidos, who was come thither by Henrico 
Barbosa's order, and had been there a moneth attending the 
arrival of some Portugal ships. The cause of that abode was 
to deliver a letter from the said Henrico, as accordingly he did 
to the captains of our foists; by this letter he certified the 
estate of the Turkish army, and besought them at any hand 
to send him some Portugals ; to induce them whereunto, he 
remonstrated unto them how it much imported the service 
both of God and the King, and that for his own part he could 
not come unto them, because he was employed with forty other 
Portugals, in the fort of Gileytor, for the guard of the person 
of the Princess of Tigremahon, mother to Prester John. The 
two captains having perused this letter, communicated it to 
the chiefest of the souldiers, and sat in councel upon it, where 
it was determined that four of them should go along with 
Vasco Ma/rtins to Barbosa, and that they should carry the 
letter which Antonio de Sylvera had sent him. This was no 
sooner resolved then executed ; for the next day three other 
Portugals, and my self, departed accordingly, and we went 
by land mounted upon good mules, which the Ciquaxy, 
captain of the town, sent us by the command of the 
Princess, the Emperours mother, together with six Abissins to 
accompany us. The first night we lay at a very fair 
monastery, called Satilgaon ; the next day before the sun rose 
we travelled along by a river, and by that time we had rode 
five leagues we arrived at a place named Bitonte, where we 
spent that night in a convent of religious persons, dedicated 
to S. Michael ; there we were very well entertained both by 
the Prior, and the Friers. A little after our arrival, the son of 
Bernagais, Governour of that empire of Ethiopia, a very proper 
and courteous gentleman, about seventeen years old, came to 
see us, accompanied with thirty men, all mounted upon mules, 
and himself on a horse furnished after the Portugal manner ; 
the furniture was of purple velvet trimmed with gold fringe, 


which two years before the GoYernova Nuno de Cunha sent him 
from the Inddes, by one Lo]^ez Ghanoco, who was afterwards 
made a slave at Grand Cairo; whereof this young prince 
being advertised, he presently dispatched away a Jewish 
merchant of Azabiba to redeem him ; but as ill fortune would, 
he died before the Jew could get thither, which so grieved this 
prince when he understood of it, as the said Vasco Martins 
assured us that in the said monastery of S. Michael, he caused 
the most honourable funerals to be celebrated for him that 
ever he saw, wherein assisted above four thousand priests, 
besides a greater number of novices, which in their language 
are called Santilcos : nor was this all, for this prince hearing 
that the deceased had been married at Goa, and likewise 
that he had left three daughters there behind him, which were 
very young and poor, he bestowed on them three hundred 
Ogueas of gold, that are worth twelve Crusadoes of our money 
apiece ; a liberahty truly royal, and which I relate here, as 
well to amphfie the nobleness of this prince, as that it may 
serve for an example to others, and render them more 
charitable upon like occasions. 

The next morning we continued our journey, making all the 
haste that possibly we could : to which end we got upon good 
horses, that were given us by this prince; and withal he 
appointed four of his servants to accompany us, who during 
our voyage entertained us every where very sumptuously. 
That day our lodging was at a goodly place, called Betenigus, 
which signifies a royal house ; and in truth it was not without 
reason so named, for on whatsoever part one cast an eye, it 
was invironed with great high trees for three leagues about ; 
nor is it to be credited how pleasing this wood was, for that 
it was composed all of cedars, cypress, palm, date-trees, and 
cocos, like to those in the Indies ; here we past the night with 
all kind of contentment. In the morning we proceeded on our 
journey, and travelling after five leagues a day, we past over 
a great plain, all full of goodly corn ; then we arrived at a 
mountain, named, VangaUu, inhabited by Jews, which was 
very white and handsome; two days and an half after we 
came to a good town, called Fumbau, not above twelve leagues 
distant from the fort of Gyleytor, there we found Ba/rbosa, and 


the forty Porhigals aforesaid, who received us with great 
demonstration of joy, but not without shedding of some tears, 
( for though they lived there at their ease, and were absolute 
masters of all the country, as they said, yet the consideration 
how they were as men banished from their country into this 
place, did very much trouble them. 

Now because it was night when we arrived, and that we had 
all need of rest, Barbosa was of the opinion that we should 
not see the Emperours mother till the next morning, which 
was on Sunday, the 4th of October; that come, and we well 
refreshed, we went accompanied with Barbosa, and his forty 
Portugals, to the Princess palace, where we found her at Mass 
in her chappel. A while after, being advertised of our arrival, 
she caused us to be admitted into her presence ; whereupon 
we fell on our knees before her, and with all kind of humility 
kissed the VentUow that she held in her hand ; to these 
submissions we adjoyned many other ceremonies according to 
their fashion, conformable to the Instructions we had taken 
from the Portugals that conducted us thither. She received 
us with a smiling countenance ; and to testifie how much she 
was pleased vnth our coming; Verily, said she, you cannot 
imagine how glad I am to see you, that are right Christians ; 
for it hath been a thing which I have alwayes as much desired, 
as a fair garden enammelled with flowers doth the morning 
dew; wherefore you are most welcome; come, and may your 
entrance into my house be as propitious as that of the Vertuous 
Queen Helena's was into blessed Jerusalem. Herewith she 
made us to sit down upon mats, not above five or six paces 
distant from her ; then shewing her self exceedingly contented, 
she questioned us about certain matters, of which she assured 
us, that she very much longed to be satisfied : First, she asked 
us the name of our Holy Father the Pope, also how many kings 
there were in Christendome, and whether any of us had ever 
been in the Holy Land ; whereupon she much condemned the 
Christian princes for their neglect and want of care in seeking 
to ruine the power of the Tu/rk, who, she said, was the 
common enemy of them all. Likewise she would know of 
us, whether the King of Portugal was great in the Indies, 
what forts he had there, in what places they were seated, and 


how defended. She made us many other like demands, to the 
which we answered the best we could for to content her; 
whereupon she dismissed us, and we returning to our lodging, 
continued there nine dayes, which we spent in waiting on this 
Princess, with whom we had much discourse on several 
subjects: that term expired, we went to take our leaves of 
her ; and in kissing of her hands she seemed to be somwhat 
troubled at our departure. Truly, said she, it grieves me that 
you will be gone so soon ; but since there is no remedy, I wish 
your voyage may be so pros^perous, that at your arrival in the 
Indies, you may be as well received by yours, as the Queen of 
Sheba toas heretofore by King Solomon in the admirable palace 
of his greatness. Now before we departed she bestowed on 
us twenty four Ogueas of gold, which make two hundred forty 
duckats of our money ; she caused us also to be conducted by 
a Naique, and twenty Abissins, as well to serve us for guides, 
and guard us from robbers, whereof that countrey was full, as 
to furnish us with victuals and horses, until such time as we 
got to Arquico, where our foists attended for us. This Princess 
also sent a rich present of divers jewels of gold and stones by 
Vasco Martins de Seixas imto the Governour of the Indies, 
which by ill fortune was lost in this voyage, as shall be 
declared hereafter. 

After we were returned to the port of Arquico, where we 
found our companions caulking of our foists, and furnishing 
them with all that was necessary for our voyage, we fell to 
work with them for the space of nine dayes. At length, all 
things being ready, we set sail, and parted from thence on 
Tuesday, the 6th of November, 1538. We carried with us 
both Yasoo Martins de Seixas, that had the present, and 
a letter from the Princess to the Governour of the Indies, 
as also an Abissin bishop, who was bound for Portugal, 
with an intent to go from thence to QaUcia, Borne and Venice, 
and afterwards to travel to Jerusalem, which especially he 
desired to see in regard of the holiness of the place. An hour 
before day we left the port, and sailed along the coast before 
the wind, until such time as about noon we reached the point 
of the Cape of Cocam ; and before we arrived at the Island of 
Eocks, we discerned three vessels on the other side, that seemed 


to us to be Gelvas or Terrades, which are the names of the 
vessels of that country ; whereupon we gave them chase, and 
with the strength of our oars, because the wind was then 
somwhat down, we pursued them in such sort, that in less 
then two hours, having gotten up to them, we might easily 
perceieve them to be Tv/rkish gaUies, whereof we were no sooner 
assured, but that we presently betook ourselves to flight, and 
made towards the land with all the haste that might be, so (if 
it were possible) to escape the danger that inevitably threatned 
us : but whether the Turh$ suspected our design, or knew it, 
in less than a quarter of an hour they hoisted up all their sails, 
and having the wind favourable they followed us very hard, 
so as in a little while getting within a small faulcon shot of us, 
they discharged all their ordnance upon us, wherewith they 
not only killed nine of our men, and hurt six and twenty, but 
so battered our foists, that we were fain to cast a great part 
of our goods into the sea ; mean while the Twrhs lost no time, 
but joyned us so close, that from their poop they hurt us easily 
with their pikes. Now there were four and fourty good souldiers 
remaining yet unhurt in our foists, who knowing that upon 
their valour and the force of their arms depended the lives both 
of themselves, and all the rest, they determined to fight it out. 
With this resolution they set couragiously upon the admiral of 
three galhes, wherein was Solyman Dragut, General of the 
Fleet ; their onset was so furious, as they invested her from 
poop to prow, and killed seven and twenty Janizaries ; never- 
theless she being instantly succoured with fresh men by the 
other two gaUies, which had stayed a little behind, we were so 
wearied and oppressed with numbers, that we were not able to 
make any further resistance ; for of four and fifty that we were 
at first, there was but eleven left aUve, whereof two also died the 
next day, whom the Tv/rhs caused to be cut in quarters, which 
they hung at the end of their mainyard for a sign of their 
victory, and in that manner carried them to the town of 
Mocaa, whereof the father-in-law of the said Solyman Dragus, 
that had taken us, was Governor ; who with all the inhabitants 
waited the coming of his son-in-law at the entry into the port, 
to receive and welcome him for his victory. In his company 
he had a certain Cacis, who was Moulana, the chiefest sacer- 


dotal dignity; and because he had been a little before in 
pilgrimage at the temple of their prophet Mahomet in Mecca, 
he was held by all the people for a very holy man : this im- 
postor rode up and down the town in a triumphant charret, 
covered all over -with silk tapistry, and with a deal of ceremony 
blessed the people as he went along, exhorting them to tender 
all possible thanks unto their Prophet for the victory which 
Solyman Dragut had obtained over us. As soon as they arrived 
at this place, we nine that remained alive were set on shore, 
tied altogether with a great chain, and amongst us was the 
Abissin bishop, so pitifully wounded, that he died the next 
day, and in his end shewed the repentance of a true Christian, 
which very much encouraged and comforted us. In the mean 
time all the inhabitants that were assembled about us, hearing 
that we were the Christians which were taken captives, being 
exceedingly transported with choler, fell to beating of us in 
that cruel manner, as for my own part I never thought to have 
escaped aUve out of their hands, whereunto they were espe- 
cially incited by the wicked Gads, who made them believe they 
should obtain the more favour and mercy from their Mahomet, 
the worse they entreated us. Thus chained all together, and 
persecuted by every one, we were led in triumph over all the 
town, where nothing was heard but acclamations and shouts, 
intermingled with a world of musick, as well of instruments, 
as voyces. Moreover, there was not a woman, were she never 
so retired, that came not forth then to see us, and to do us some 
outrage ; for from the \«ery least children to the oldest men, all 
that beheld us pass by cast out of the windows and baloons 
upon us pots of piss, and other filth, in contempt and derision 
of the name of Christian, wherein every one strived to be most 
forward, in regard their cursed priest continued still preaching 
unto them, that they should gain remission of their sins by 
abusing us. Having been tormented in this sort until the 
evening, they went and laid us (bound as we were) in a dark 
dungeon, where we remained 17 dayes, exposed to aU kind of 
misery, having no other victual all that time, but a little oat- 
meal, which was distributed to us every morning to serve us 
aU the day : somtimes they gave us the same measure in dry 
peason a little soaked in water, and this was all the meat we had. 



A Mutiny happening in the town of Moeaa, the occasion thereof, that which 
befel thereupon, and by what means I was carried to Ormuz ; as also my 
sailing from thence to Goa, and what success I had in that voyage. 

THE next day, in regard that we had been so miserably 
moiled, and our hiirts that were great but ill looked 
unto, of us nine there died two; whereof one was named 
Nuno Delgado, and the other And/re Borges, both of them men 
of courage, and of good families. The jaylor, which in their 
language is called Mooadan, repairing in the morning to us, 
and finding our two companions dead, goes away in all haste 
therewith to acquaint the Gauzil, which is as the judge with 
us, who came in person to the prison, attended by a great 
many of officers and other people ; where having caused their 
irons to be stricken off, and their feet to be tyed together with 
a rope, he commanded them so to be dragged from thence 
clean through the town, where the whole multitude, to the 
very children, pursued and pelted them with staves and stones, 
untiU such time as being wearied vrith hurrying those poor 
bodies in such fashion, they cast them aU battered to pieces 
into the sea. At last we seven, that were left alive, were 
chained altogether, and brought forth into the publique place 
of the town, to be sold to them that would give most : there 
all the people being met together, I was the first that was put 
to sale; whereupon just as the cryer^was offering to deliver 
me unto whomsoever would buy me, in comes the very Caois 
Moulana, whom they held for a saint, with ten or eleven other 
Gacis, his inferioui'S, aU. priests, Uke himself, of their wicked 
sect, and addressing his speech to Heredrin Sofo, the Governour 
of the town, who sate as president of the portsale, he required 
him to send us, as an alms, imto the Temple of Mecqua saying, 
that he was upon returning thither, and having resolved to 
make that pilgrimage in the name of all the people, it were 
not fit to go thither without carrying some offering to the 
Prophet Noby, (so they termed their Mahomet), a thing, said 
he, that would utterly displease Bazaadat Moulana, the chief 
priest of MedifM Tahtab, who without that would grant no 


kind of grace or pardon to the inhabitants of this town, which 
by reason of their great offences stood in extream need of the 
favour of God and His Prophet. 

The Governour having heard the Gacis speak thus, declared 
unto him that, for his particular, he had no power to dispose 
of any part of the booty, and that therefore he should apply 
himself to Solyman Bragus his son-in-law, who had made us 
slaves; so that in right it appertained only unto him to do 
with us as he pleased ; and I do not think, added he, that he will 
contradict so holy an intention as this is. Thou hast reason for 
it, answered the Gacis, but with all thou must know, that the 
things of God, and the alms that are done in His name, lose 
their value and force, when they are sifted through so many 
hands, and turmoiled with such humane opinions ; for which 
very cause seldom doth any divine resolution foUow thereupon, 
especially in a subject such as this, which thou mayst abso- 
lutely dispose of, as thou art sovereign commander of this 
people. Moreover, as there is no body can be displeased 
therewith, so I do not see how it can bring thee any discontent, 
for besides that this demand is very just; it is also most 
agreeable to our Prophet Noby, who is the absolute lord of this 
prize, in regard the victory came solely from his holy hand, 
though with as much falsehood as malice thou goest about to 
attribute the glory of it to the valor of thy son-in-law, and the 
courage of his soldiers. At this instant a Janizary was 
present, captain of one of the three gallies that took us, a man 
that for his exceeding valour was in great esteem amongst 
them, called Gopa Geynal, who nettled with that which he 
heard the Cacis speak, so much in contempt of both of himself 
and the rest of the souldiers, that had carried themselves very 
valiantly in the fight with us, returned him this answer. 
Certainly you might do better, for the salvation of your soul, 
to distribute some part of the excessive riches you possess 
among these poor souldiers, then seek with feign'd speeches, 
full of hypocrisie and deceit, to rob them of these slaves, which 
have cost the lives of so many brave men, their fellows in 
arms, and have been dearly bought by us that survive, even 
with our dearest blood, as the woimds we have upon us can 
but too well witness ; so can it not be said of your Cabayage 



(a sacerdotal robe after their fashion), which for all it fits so 
trim and neat upon you, covers a pernicious habit you have of 
purloyning other mens estates from them : wherefore I would 
wish you to desist from the damnable plot you have laid against 
the absolute masters of this prize, whereof you shall not have 
so much as a token, and seek out some other present for the 
Cacis of Mecqua, to the end he may conceal your theevries, 
and impiety, provided it be not done with the expence of our 
lives and blood, but rather with the goods you have so lewdly 
gotten by yoxu: wicked and cunning devices. 

This Cacis Moulima having received so bold an answer from 
this captain, found it very rude, and hard of digestion, which 
made him in bitter terms, and void of all respects, exceedingly 
to blame the captain, and the souldiers that were there 
present, who, as well Turks as Saracens, being much offended 
with his ill language, combined together and mutined against 
him, and the rest of the people, in whose favour he had spoken 
so insolently ; nor could this mutiny be appeased by any kind 
of means, though the Governor of the town, father-in-law to 
the said Solyman Dragut, together with the officers of justice, 
did aU that possibly they could. In a word, that I may not 
stand longer upon the particulars of this affair, I say, that 
from this small mutiny did arise so cruel and enraged a con- 
tention, as it ended not but with the death of 600 persons, of 
the one, and the other side : but at length the souldiers party 
prevailing, they pillaged the most part of the town, especially 
the said Cacis Moulana's house, killing 7 wives and 9 children 
that he had, whose bodies together with his own were dis- 
membred, and cast into the sea with a great deal of cruelty. 
In the same manner they entreated all that belonged unto 
him, not so much as giving life to one that was known to be 
his. As for us 7 Portugals, which were exposed to sale in the 
publique place, we could find out no better expedient to save 
our lives, then to return into the same hole, from whence we 
came, and that too without any officer of justice to carry us 
thither; neither did we take it for a small favour that the 
jaylour would receive us into prison. Now this mutiny had 
not ceased but by the authority of Solyman Dragut, General of 
the gallies aforesaid; for this man with very gentle words 


gave an end to the sedition of the people, and pacified the 
mutiners, which shews of what power courtesie is, even with 
such as are altogether ignorant of it. In the mean time 
Eeredrin Sopho, Governour of the town, came off but ill from 
this hurly burly, by reason that in the very first encounter he 
had one of his arms almost cut off. Three days after this dis- 
order was quieted, we were led all 7 again to the market place, 
there to be sold with the rest of the booty, which consisted of 
our stuff, and ordnance, that they had taken in our foists, and 
were sold at a very easie rate: for my self, miserable that 
I was, and the most wretched of them all ; fortune, my sworn 
enemy, made me fall into the hands of a Greek renegade, 
whom I shall detest as long as I have a day to live, because 
that in the space of 3 moneths I was with him ; he used me so 
cruelly, that becoming even desperate, for that I was not able 
to endure the evil he did me, I was seven or eight times upon 
the point to have poysoned my self, which questionless I had 
done, if God of His infinite mercy and goodness had not 
delivered me from it, whereimto I was the rather induced to 
make him lose the money he paid for me, because he was the 
most covetous man in the world, and the most inhumane, and 
cruellest enemy to the name of a Christian. But at the end 
of three moneths it pleased the Almighty to deliver me out of 
the hands of this tyrant, who for fear of losing the mony I cost 
him ; if I should chance to make my self away, as one of his 
neighbours perswaded him I would, telling him that he had 
discovered so much by my countenance, and manner of 
behaviour, wherefore in pity of me he counselled him to sell 
me away, as he did not long after unto a Jew, named Abraham 
Miwa, native of a town called in those quarters Toro, not 
above a league and an half distant from Mount Smay. This 
man gave for me the value of 300 reals in dates, which was the 
merchandize that this Jew did ordinarily trade in with my 
late master; and so I parted with him in the company of 
divers merchants for to go from Babylon to Gayxem, whence 
he carried me to Ormuz, and there presented me to Don 
Fernand de Lima, who was at that time captain of the fort, 
and to Don Pedro Fernandez, Commissary General of the 
Indms, that was then residing at Orrrmz, for the service of the 


King by order from the Governour Nunho de Gunha. These 
two, namely Fernandez and de Lima, gave the Jew in re- 
compence for me 200 Pardaos, which are worth three shillings 
and nine pence a piece of our coyn, whereof part was their 
own mony, and the rest was raised of the ahns which they 
caused to be gathered for me in the town, so we both re- 
mained contented, the Jew for the satisfaction he had received 
from them, and I to find my self at fuU liberty as before. 

Seeing my self by Gods mercy dehvered from the miseries 
I had endured; after I had been seventeen days at Ormuz, 
I imbarqued my self for the Indies in a ship that belonged to 
one Jorge Fernandez Taborda, who was to carry horses to Qoa, 
In the course that we held we sailed with so prosperous a 
gale, that in 17 dayes we arrived in the view of the Fort of 
Diu ; there, by the advice of the captains, coasting along by 
the land for to learn some news, we descried a great number 
of fires all that night, also at times we heard divers pieces of 
ordnance discharged, which very much troubled us, by reason 
we could not imagine what those fires, or that shooting in the 
night should mean ; in so much that we were divided into 
several opinions. During this incertainty our best advice was, 
to sail the rest of the night with as Httle cloth as might be, 
until that on the nest morning by favour of day Ught we 
perceived a great many sails, which invironed the fort on all 
sides. ,, Some affirmed that it was the Governour newly come 
from Goa, to make peace for the death of Sultan Bandur, King 
of Cambaya, that was slain a httle before. Others said that it 
was the Infant, brother to the King Dom Jovan, lately arrived 
there from Portugal, because he was every day expected in the 
Indies. Some thought that it was the Patemarca, with the 
King of Galicuts hundred foists of Camorin. And the last 
assured us, how they could justifie with good and sufficient 
reasons that they were the Turks. As we were in this 
diversity of minds, and terrified with that which we discerned 
before our eyes, five very great gallies came forth of the midst 
of this fleet, with a many of banners, flags and streamers, 
which we saw on the tops of their masts, and the ends of their 
sail-yards, whereof some were so long, that they touched even 
the very water. These gallies being come forth in this sort, 


turned their prows towards us in such a couragious and 
confident manner, that by their sailing we presently judged 
them to be Turks ; which we no sooner knew to be so indeed, 
but we clapt on all our cloth for to avoid them, and to get into 
the main sea, not without exceeding fear, lest for our sins we 
should fall into the like estate from whence I was so lately 
escaped. These five gallies having observed our flight, took 
a resolution to pursue us, and chased us till night, at which 
time it pleased God that they tacked about, and returned to 
the army from whence they came. Seeing our selves freed 
from so great a danger we went joyfully on, and two dayes 
after arrived at the town of Ghmtl, where our captain and the 
merchants, only landed for to visit the captain of the fort, 
named Simon Guedez, unto whom they reported that which 
had befallen them. Assuredly, said he, you are very much 
bound to give God thanks for delivering you from one of the 
greatest perils that ever you were in, for without His assistance 
it had been impossible for you ever to have declined it, or to 
teU me of it with such joy as now you do: thereupon he 
declared unto them, that the army they had encountred was 
the very same, which had held Antonio de Siheyra twenty 
dayes together besieged, being composed of a great number of 
Ttvrhs, whereof Solyman the Bassa, Yice-roy of Caire, was 
General, and that those sails they had seen, were 58. gaUies 
great and small, each of which carried five pieces of ordnance 
in her prow, and some of them were pieces of battery, besides 
eight other great vessels full of Turks, that were kept in 
reserve to succour the army, and supply the places of such as 
should be killed: moreover, he added, that they had great 
abundance of victuals, amongst the which there was 12. 
Basilisks. This news having much amazed us, we rendred 
infinite praise to the Lord for shewing us such grace, as to 
deliver us from so imminent a danger. 

We staid at Chaul but one day, and then we set sail for 
Goa; being advanced as far to the river of Ca/rapatan, we 
met with Fernand de Morcds, captain of three foists, who by 
the command of the Vice-roy, Dom Garcia de Noronha, was 
going to Dabul, to the end he might see whether he could take 
or burn a Turkish vessel which was in the port laden with 


victuals by order from the Bassar. This Fernand de Morais 
had no sooner gotten acquaintance of our ship, but he desired 
oiu: captain to lend him 15 men, of twenty that he had, for to 
supply the great necessity he was in that way, by reason of the 
Vice-royes hastning him away upon the sudden; which, said he, 
would much advance the service both of God, and his highness. 
After many contestations of either part upon this occasion, 
and which, to make short, I will pass under silence ; at length 
they were agreed, that our captain should let Fernand de 
Morais have 12 of 15 men that he requested, wherewithal he 
was very well satisfied : of this number I was one, as being 
alwayes of the least respected. The ship departing for Goa; 
Fernand de Morais, with his three foists, continued his voyage 
towards the port of Ddbul, where we arrived the next day 
about nine of the clock in the morning, and presently took 
a pataeh of Malabar, which laden with cotton wool and 
pepper, rode at anchor in the midst of the port. Having taken 
it we put the captain and pilot to torture, who instantly con- 
fessed that a few dayes before the ship came into the port 
expresly from the Bassa to lade victuals, and that there 
was in her an embassadour, who had brought Hidalcan 
a very rich Gabaya, that is, a garment worn by the gentle- 
men of that countrey, which he would not accept of, for that 
thereby he would not acknowledge himself subject to the Turk, 
it being a custom among the Mahwnetans, for the lord to do 
that honour to his vassal ; and further, that this refusal had 
so much vexed the Embassador, as he returned without taking 
any kind of provision of victuals, and that Hidalcan had 
answered, he made much more esteem of the K. of Portugals 
amity, then of his, which was nothing but deceit, as having 
usurped the town of Goa upon him, after he had offered to aid 
him with his favour and forces to regain it. Moreover, they 
said, that it was not above two dayes since the ship they spoke 
of parted from the port, and that the captain of her, named 
Cide Ale, had denounced war against Hidalcan, vowing that 
as soon as the fort of Diu was taken, which could not hold out 
above eight dayes, according to the estate wherein he had left 
it, Hidalcan should lose his kingdom, or life, and that then he 
should (to his cost) know how that the Porittgals, in whom he 


put his confidence, could not avail him. With these news 
Captain Morais turned towards Goa, where he arrived two 
dayes after, and gave account to the Vice-roy of that which 
had past. There we found Goncallo vae Goutinho, who was 
going with five foists to Onor, to demand of the Queen thereof 
one of the gallies of Solymans army, which by a contrary wind 
had been driven into her ports. Now one of the captains of 
those foists, my special friend, seeing me poor and necessitous, 
perswaded me to accompany him in this voyage, and to that 
end got me five ducates pay, which I very gladly accepted of, 
out of the hope I had, that God would thereby open me a way 
to a better fortune. Being imbarqued then, the captain and 
souldiers, pitying the case I was in, bestowed such spare 
clothes as they had upon me, by which means being reasonably 
well pieced up again, we parted the next morning from the 
Eoad of Bardees, and the Monday following we cast anchor 
in the port of Onor ; where, that the inhabitants of the place 
might know how little account we made of that mighty army, 
we gave them a great peal of ordnance, putting forth all our fifes, 
beating our drums, and sounding our trumpets, to the end that 
by these exterior demonstrations they might conclude we 
regarded not the Turks awhit. 


Gonoallo vaz Coutinho's Treaty with the Queen of Onor ; his assaulting 
of a Turkish galley, and that which hapned unto us as we were upon 
our return to Goa. 

OUE fleet makmg a stand upon the discharging of our peal 
of ordnance, the General Goncallo vaz Goutinho sent 
Sento Gastanho, a very discreet and eloquent man, to the 
Queen of Onor, to present her with a letter from the Vice-roy, 
and to tell her that he was come to complain of her, for that 
she had sworn a peace and amity with our King of Portugal, 
and yet suffered the Turks, mortal enemies to the Portugals, 
to abide in her ports. Hereunto she returned this answer : 
That both himself and his company were very welcome, and that 


she desired to maintain the peace as long as she lived. For that 
which he said of the Turks, she took her God to witness, how 
much against her will she had received and suffered them in 
her ports ; but that finding her self too weak for to resist such 
powerful enemies, she was constrained to dissemble, which she 
would never have done had she been furnished with sufficient 
forces. Furthermore, to clear her self the better unto them, she 
offered both her power and people for to repel them out of her 
ports. To this speech she added, that she should be as well 
pleased if God would give him the victory over them, as if the 
King of Narsingua, whose slave she was, should set her at the 
table with his wife, Goneallo vaz Goutinho having received this 
embassage, and other complements from the Queen, though 
he had little hop& of any performance on her part, yet did he 
wisely dissemble it. Afterwards being fully informed by the 
people of the country of the Turks intention, of the place where 
they were, and what they did at that instant, he called a 
oouncel thereupon, and having througly debated and con- 
sidered all things, it was unanimously concluded, that both 
for the King of Portugal their masters honour, and his own, 
it was expedient to set upon this galley, either for to take, 
or fire it, wherein it was hoped that God, for whose glory we 
fought, would be assisting to us against those enemies of the 
holy faith. This resolution being made, and signed by us all, 
he entred some two.faulcons shot within the river, where he 
had scarce anchored, when as a little boat, which they caU an 
Almadia, came aboard us, with a Brachman that spake very 
goodi Portuguez. This man delivered a message from the Queen 
unto our captain, whereby she earnestly desired him, that for 
Vice-royes sake he would desist from the enterprise he had 
undertaken, and not to assault the Turks any manner of way, 
which, said she, could not be done without great disadvantage, 
for that she had been advertised by her spies, that they had 
fortified themselves with a good trench, which they had cast 
up near the place where they had moored their galley ; in 
regard whereof it seemed to her almost impossible for him 
with no more forces then he had to be able to prevail in so 
great an attempt : wherefore she took her God to witness how 
much she was troubled with the fear she was in, lest some 


mis-fortune should betide him. Hereunto our captain returned 
an ans\rer full of wisdom and courtesie, saying that he kissed 
her Highness hands for the extraordinary favour she did him, 
in giving him so good advice : but for his combat -with the 
Turks, he could not follow her counsel, and therefore would 
proceed in his determination, it being always the custom of 
the Portugals, not to inquire whether their enemies were few, 
or many since the more they were, the more should be their 
loss, and the greater his profit and honour. Thus was the 
Brachman dismissed, our captain bestowing on him a piece 
of green chamlet, and an hat lined with red sattin, wherewith 
ho returned very well contented. 

The Brachman dismist, Goncalh vaz Coutinha resolved to 
fight with the Turks, but before he proceeded any further, he 
was advertised by spies what stratagems the enemy would use 
against us, and that the precedent night, by the favour of the 
Queen, they had moored up the galley, and by it raised up a 
platform, whereupon they had flanked 25. pieces of ordnance ; 
but all that stayed him not from advancing towards the enemy ; 
seeing himself then within a cannon shot of them, he went out 
of his foist, and with 80. men onely landed, the rest which he 
had brought with him from Goa for this enterprize, being but 
an hundred more, he left for the guard of the foists. So after 
he had set his men in battel array, he marched couragiously 
against his adversaries, who perceiving -us making towards 
them vaUantly resolved to defend themselves, 'to which end 
they sallied some five and twenty or thirty paces out of their 
trenches, where the fight began on either side with such fury, 
that in less then a quarter of an hour, five and forty lay dead 
in the place, amongst the which, there was not above 8. of ours : 
Hereupon our General not contented with the first charge, 
gave them a second, by means whereof it pleased God to make 
them turn their backs, in such sort that they retired pell-mel, 
as men routed, and in fear of death. Mean while we pursued 
them to their very trenches, where they turned upon us, and 
made head anew, in the heat thereof we were so far engaged 
and intangled together, that we knocked one another with the 
pummels of our swords. Mean while our foists arrived, which 
were come along by the shore to succour us, and accordingly 


they discharged all their ordnance upon our enemies, to such 
good purpose, as they killed 11. or 12. of the valiantest 
Janizaries, which wore green turbants, as a mark of their 
nobility. The death of these so terrified the rest, that they 
presently forsook the field, by means whereof we had leasure 
to set the gaUey on fire upon the express command of our 
General Goncallo, so that having cast into her five pots of 
powder, the fire took hold on her with such violence, as it was 
apparant it could not be long before she were utterly consumed ; 
for the mast and sail-yards were aU of a flame, had not the Turks, 
knowing the danger she was in, most oouragiously quenched 
the fire , but we laboured all that possibly we could to hinder 
them from it, and to make good that we had so bravely begun, 
which the enemies perceiving, as their last refuge they gave 
fire to a great piece of ordnance, which charged with stones, 
and other shot, killed six of ours, whereof the principal was 
Diego vas Coutinho, the Generals son, besides a dozen others 
were hurt, that put us quite in disorder; whereupon the 
enemies finding how they had spoyled us, fell to shouting in 
sign of victory, and to rendring of thanks to their Mahomet : 
at the naming of this their false Prophet, whom they invoked, 
our General, the better to encourage his souldiers. Fellows in 
arms, said he, seeing these dogs call upon the Devil to aid them, 
let us pray unto our Saviour Jesus Christ to assist us. This 
said, we once more assaulted the trench, which the enemies 
no sooner perceived, but they craftily turned their backs, and 
took their flight towards the galley, but they were instantly 
followed by some of ours, who within a while made themselves 
masters of all their trenches ; in the mean time the infidels 
gave fire to a secret myne, which they had made a little within 
their trenches, and blew up six of our Portugals, and eight 
slaves, maiming many others besides; now the smoak was 
such and so thick, as we could hardly discern one another, in 
regard whereof our general, fearing lest some greater loss 
then the former should befal him, retreated to the water side, 
carrying along with him both the dead bodies, and all thS' hurt 
men, and so went where his foists lay, into the whicB' every 
one being imbarqued, we returned with strength of rowing to 
the place from whence we came, where with extream sorrow 


he caused the slain to be interred, and all that were hurt to 
be drest, which were a very great number. 

The same day that was so fatal to us, a list being taken of 
all the surviving souldiers, that so it might be known how 
many had been lost in the last fight upon assaulting of the 
trench, we found that of fourscore which we were, there was 
fifteen slain, fifty four hurt, and nine quite maimed for ever : 
the rest of the day, and the night following, we kept very good 
watch to avoid all surprizes of the enemy. As soon as the 
next morning appeared, there came an embassadour from the 
Queen of Onor to the General Goncallo, with a present of 
hens, chickens, and new layd eggs, for the reUef of our sick 
men; now though we had great need of those things, yet 
in stead of receiving our General utterly refused them ; and 
shewing himself very much displeased with the Queen, he 
could not forbear lashing out some words that were a little 
more harsher then was requisite; saying, that the Vice-roy 
should ere long be advertised of the bad offices she had 
rendred the King of Portugal, and how much he was obliged 
to pay her that debt, when occasion should serve : further, 
he bid him tell her, that for an assurance of that which he 
said, he had left his son dead and buried in her land, together 
with the o'ther Portugals, who had been miserably slaughtered 
through her practices, by assisting the Tii/rks against them : 
and in a word, that he would thank her more fully another 
time for the present she had sent, the better to dissemble what 
she had executed against him, lor which he would one day 
return her a recompeuce according to her merit. 

The embassadour, very much terrified with this speech, 
departed ; and being come to the Queen his mistress, he so 
thoroughly represented Goncallo's answer unto her, as she 
greatly doubted that this galley would be an occasion of the 
loss of her-kingdom ; wherefore to dechne so great a mischief, 
she thought it necessary to seek by all means possible to 
maintain the league with our General, to which end she 
assembled her Oounoel, by whose advice she dispatched 
another embassadour unto him, who was a Brachinan, a grave 
and reverend personage, and her nearest kinsman. At his 
arrival where our foists lay, our General gave him very good 


entertainment; and after the ordinary ceremonies and com- 
plements, the Brachman, having demanded permission to 
deliver his embassage, declared that the Queen faithfully 
promiseth, viithm fow days to bwm the galley, that hath put 
you to so much pain, and tu/rn the Turks out of the limits of her 
kingdome, which is all that she can do, and which you may be 
mast confident she will not fail to execute accordingly. 

Our General knowing of what importance this affair was, 
presently accepted of the Brachmans offer, and told him that 
he was contented that the league should be renewed betwixt 
them, according whereunto it was instantly published on 
either part with all the ceremonies accustomed in such cases ; 
therupon the Brachman returned to the Queen, who after- 
wards laboured all she could to make good her word; but 
because Goncallo could not stay the four days which he had 
demanded, in regard of the extream danger he should thereby 
have exposed our hurt men unto, he resolved to be gone, and 
so the same day after dinner we departed ; howbeit he first 
left one, named Georgia Neogueyra, there, with express order 
exactly to observe all that was done concerning that affair, 
and thereof to give certain intelligence to the Yice-roy, as the 
Queen her self had requested. 


What passed till such time as Pedro de Faria, arrived at Malaoa ; his 
receiying an embassadour from the King of Batas ; with his sending 
me to that King, and that which arrived to me in that Voyage. 

THE next day our General Goncallo van Coutinho arrived 
at Goa, with so many of us as remained alive : there 
he was exceedingly welcomed by the Yice-roy, unto whom he 
rendred an account of his voyage, as also of that which he 
had concluded with the Queen of Onor, who had promised 
to burn the gaUey within four dayes, and to chase the Turhs 
out of all the confines of her kingdom, wherewith the Vice- 
roy was very well satisfied. In the mean time, after I had 
remained three and twenty dayes in the said tovra of Goa, 


wliere I was cured of two hurts which I had received in fight 
at the Turks trenches, the necessity whereunto I saw my 
self reduced, and the counsel of a frier, my friend, perswaded 
me to offer my service unto a gentleman, named Pedro de 
Faria, that was then newly preferred to the charge of captain 
of Malaca, who upon the first motion was very willing to 
entertain me for a souldier, and promised me withal to give me 
something over and ahove the rest of his company during the 
voyage which he was going to make with the Vice-roy. For 
it was at that very time when as the Vice-roy Dom Garcia 
de Noronha was preparing to go to the succour of the fortress 
of Diu, which he certainly knew was besieged, and in great 
danger to-be taken, by reason of the great forces wherewithal 
it was invested by the TurTt ; and to relieve it the Vice-roy 
had assembled a mighty fleet at Goa, consisting of about 
225. vessels, whereof fourscore and three were great ones ; 
namely, ships, galleons, carvels, and the rest brigantines, 
foists, and galleys, wherein it was said there were ten 
thousand land-men, and thirty thousand mariners, besides a 
great number of slaves. The time of setting sail being come, 
and the foists provided of all things necessary, the Vice-roy 
imbarqued himself on Satii/rday the 14. of November, 1538. 
Howbeit five dayes past away before he put out of the haven, 
in regard he stayed for his men, that were not all ready to 
imbarque ; the meanwhile a catur arrived from the town of 
Diu, with a letter from Antonio de Sil/veyra, captain of the 
fortress, whereby he advertised the Vice-roy, that the Turks 
had raised the siege, and were retired. Now though these 
were good news, yet was the whole fleet grieved thereat, for 
the great desire every one had to fight with the enemies of 
our faith. Hereupon the Vice-roy abode there five dayes 
longer, during the which he took order for all things necessary 
to the conservation of his government of the Indies, and then 
commanding to hoist sail, he departed from Goa on a 
Thursday morning, the 16. of December: the fourteenth of 
his navigatioB he went and cast anchor at Ghaul, where he 
remained three dayes, during the which he entered into 
conference with Inezamuluco, a Mahometan prince, and took 
order for certain affairs very much importing the surety of the 


fortress : after that he caused some of the vessels of the fleet 
to be rigged, which he furnished with souldiers and victuals, 
and then departed for to go to Diu ; but it was his ill fortune, 
as he was crossing the gulph, to be suddenly overtaken by 
such a furious tempest, that it not only separated his fleet, 
but was the loss of many vessels, chiefly of the bastard galley 
which was cast away at the mouth of the river Dabul, whereof 
Dom Alvaro de Noronha, the Vice-royes son, and General of 
the Sea-forces, was captain ; in the same gulph also perished 
the galley named Espinhero, commanded by Jovan de Sousa ; 
howbeit the most part of their men were saved by Christophilo 
de Gama, who came most opportunely to their succour. During 
this tempest there were seven other ships likewise cast away, 
the names of which I have forgotten, in so much that it was 
a moneth before the Vice-roy could recover himself of the loss 
he had sustain'd, and re-assemble his fleet again, which this 
storm had scattered in divers places : at length the 16. of 
January, 1539. he arrived at the town of Diu, where he caused 
the fortress, to be re-built, the greater part whereof had been 
demolished by the Tv/rlcs, so as it seemed that it had been 
defended by the besieged, rather by miracle : then force : 
now to effect it the better, he made proclamation, that all the 
captains with their souldiers should each of them take in 
charge to re-build that quarter which should be allotted them ; 
and because never a commander there had more then Ped/ro 
de Fa/ria, he thought fit to appoint him the bulwark, which 
looked to the sea, for his quarter, together with the out-wall 
that was on the lands side ; wherein he bestowed such care 
and diligence, that in six and twenty days space, both the one 
and the other were restored to a better state then before, by 
the means of 300 souldiers that were employed about it. This 
done, for that it was the 14 of March, and a fit time for 
navigation to Malaca, Fedro de Faria set sail for Ooa, where 
by vertue of a patent granted hun by the Vice-roy, he fur- 
nished himself with all things necessary for his voyage; 
departing then from Goa on the 13 of April, with a fleet of 
eight ships, four foists, and one gaUey, wherein there were 
five hundred men, he had so favourable a wind, that he arrived 
at Malaca, the 5th day of June, in the same year, 1589. 


Pedro de Faria succeeding Dom Estevano de Gama in the 
charge of the captain of Malaca, arrived there safely with his 
fleet, nothing hapning in his voyage worthy of writing. Now 
because at his arrival, JEstevan de Gama had not yet ended the 
time of his commission, he was not put into the possession of 
that government until the day that he was to enter upon his 
charge. Howbeit, in regard Pedro de Faria, was ere long to 
be govemour of the fortress, the neighbouring kings sent their 
embassadours to congratulate with him, and to make a tender 
of their amity, and of a mutual conservation of peace vnth the 
King of Portugal. Amongst these embassadours there was one 
from the King of Batas, who raigned in the Isle of Samatra, 
where it is held for a surety that the Island of Gold is, which 
the King of Portugal, Dom. Joana the Third, had resolved 
should have been discovered, by the advice of certain captains 
of the country. This embassadour, that was brother-in-law to 
the King of Batas, named Aquarem Dabolay, brought him a 
rich present of wood of Aloes, Galamhaa, and five quintals of 
benjamon in flowers, with a letter written on the bark of a 
palm-tree, [demanding the aid of the Portuguese against tlie 
Tyrant of Achem] . 

This embassadour received from Pedro de Faria all the 
honour that he could do him after their manner, and as soon 
as he had delivered him the letter, it was translated into the 
Portugal out of the Malayan tongue, wherein it was written. 
Whereupon the embassadour by his interpreter declared the 
occasion of the discord which was between the Tyrant of Achem 
and the King of Batas, proceeding from this, that the Tyrant 
had not long before propounded unto this King of Batas, who 
was a Gentile, the imbracing of Mahomets law, conditionally 
that he would wed him to a sister of his, for which purpose he 
should quit his wife, that was also a Gentile, and married to 
him six and twenty years; now because the King of Batas 
would by no means condescend thereunto, the Tyrant, incited 
by a Cacis of his, immediately denoxmced war against him : so 
each of them having raised a mighty army, they fought a most 
bloody battel, that continued three houres and better, during 
the which the Tyrant perceiving the advantage the Bataes had 
of him, after he had lost a great number of his people, he made 


his retreat into a mountain, called Oagerrendan, where the 
Bataes held him besieged by the space of three and twenty 
dayes ; but because that time many of t'he Kings men fell sick, 
and that also the Tyrants camp began to want victuals ; they 
concluded a peace, upon condition that the Tyrant should give 
the King five bars of gold (which are in value two hundred 
thousand crowns of our mony) for to pay his souldiers, and 
that the King should marry his eldest son to that sister of the 
Tyrant, who had been the cause of making that war. This 
accordingly being signed by either part, the King returned into 
his country, where he was no sooner arrived, but relying on 
this treaty of peace, he dismist his army, and discharged aU 
his forces. The tranquillity of this peace lasted not above two 
moneths and an half, in which time there came to the Tyrant 
300 Turks, whom had long expected from the Streight of 
Mecqua, and for them had sent four vessels laden with pepper, 
wherein also were brought a great many cases of muskets and 
hargebuses, together with divers pieces both of brass and iron 
ordnance ; whereupon the first thing the Tyrant did, was to 
joyn 300. Turks to some forces he had still afoot ; then making 
as though he would go to Pacem, for to take in a captain that 
was revolted against him, he cunningly fell upon two places, 
named Jacur and Lingua, that appertained to the King of 
Batas, which he suddenly smrprized when they within them 
least thought of it, for the peace newly made between them 
took away all the mistrust of such an attempt, so as by that 
means it was easie for the Tyrant to render himself master of 
those fortresses. Having taken them, he put three of the 
Kings sons to death, and 700 Ouroballones, so are the noblest 
and the valiantest of the kingdom called. This while the King 
of Batas, much resenting, and that with good cause so great a 
treachery, sware by the head of his god Quia Hocombinor, the 
principal idol of the Gentiles sect, who hold him for their god 
of justice, never to eat either fruit, salt, or any other thing 
that might bring the least gust to his palate, before he had 
revenged the death of his children, and drawn reason from the 
Tyrant for this loss ; protesting further, that he was resolved 
to dye in the maintenance of so just a war. To which end, 
and the better to bring it to pass, the King of Batas straight 


way assembled an army of 1500 men, aa well natives, as 
strangers ; wherewithal he was assisted by some princes his 
friends : and to the same effect he implored the forces of us 
Christians, which was the reason why he sought to contract a 
new amity with Pedro de Faria, who was very well contented 
with it, in regard he knew that it greatly imported, both the 
service of the Bang of Portugal, and the conservation of the 
fortress, besides that by this means he hoped very much to 
augment the revenue of the customes, together with his own 
particular, and all the rest of the Portugals profit, in regard of 
the great trade they had in those countries of the South. 

After that the King of Batas embassadour had been seven- 
teen dayes with us, Pedro de Faria dismissed him, having first 
granted whatsoever the King his master had demanded, and 
somthing over and above, as fire-pots, darts, and murdering 
pieces wherewith the embassadour departed from the fortress 
so contented, that he shed tears for joy; and presently im- 
barqued himself in the same Lanchara, wherein he came 
thither, being accompanied with eleven or twelve Batons, 
which are small barques, and so went to the Isle of Vpa, 
distant not above half a league from the port. There the 
Banda/ra of Malaca (who is as it were Chief Justicer amongst 
the Mahometans) was present in person, by the express 
commandment of Ped/ro de Fa/ria, for to entertain him; and 
accordingly he made him a great feast, which was celebrated 
with hoboys, drums, trumpets, and cymbals, together with 
an excellent consort of voices framed to the tune of harps, 
lutes, and viols after the Portugal manner. Whereat this 
embassador did so wonder, that he would often put his finger 
on his mouth, an usual action with those of that country when 
they marvel at any thing. About twenty dayes after the 
departure of this embassador, Ped/ro de Fa/ria, being informed 
that if he would send some commodities from the Indies to the 
kingdom of Batas, he might make great profit thereof, and 
much more of those which should be returned from thence, he 
to that effect set forth a Jwrwpango, of the bignesse of a small 
carvel, wherein he ventured a matter of some ten thousand 
ducates; in this vessel he sent, as his factor, a certain 
Mahometan, bom at Malaca, and was desirous to have me 



to accompany him, telling me, that thereby I should not only 
much oblige him, but that also under pretext of being sent as 
embassador thither, I might both see the King of Batas, and 
going along with him in his journey against the Tyrant of 
Aohem, -which some way or other would questionless redound 
to my benefit. Now to the end that upon my return out of 
those countries I might make him a true relation of all that I 
had seen, he prayed me carefully to observe whatsoever should 
pass there, and especially to learn whether the Isle of Gold, so 
much talked of, was in those parts ; for that he was minded, 
if any discovery of it should be made, to write unto the Bang 
of Portugal about it. To speak the truth, I would fain have 
excused my self from this voyage, by reason those countries 
were unknown to me, and for that the inhabitants were by 
every one accounted faithless and treacherous, having small 
hope besides to make any gain by it, in regard that all my 
stock amounted not to above an hundred ducates ; but because 
I durst not oppose the captains desire I imbarqued myself, 
though very unwillingly, with that Infidel who had the charge 
of the merchandize. Our pilot steered his course from Malaca 
to the port of Sorotilau, which is in the kingdom of Aru, alwayes 
ooasting the Isle of Sumatra towards the Mediterranean Sea, 
till at length we arrived at a certain river, called Hicandv/re ; 
after we had continued five dayes sailing in this manner we 
came to an harbour, named Minhatoley, distant some ten 
leagues from the kingdom of Peedir. In the end finding our 
selves on the other side of the ocean we sailed on four days 
together, & then cast anchor in a little river, called Gaateamgim, 
that was not above seven fathom deep, up the which we past 
some 7 or 8 leagues. Now all the while we sailed in this river 
with a fair wind, we saw athwart a wood, which grew on the 
bank of it, such a many adders, & other crawling creatures, no 
less prodigious for their length then for the strangeness of their 
forms, that I shall not marvel if they that read this history 
will not beleeve my report of them ; especially such as have 
not travelled ; for they that have seen little beleeve not much, 
whereas they that have seen much beleeve the more. AU 
along this river, that was not very broad, there were a numbei 
of lizards, which might more properly be called serpents, 


because some of them were as big as an AJmaMa, with scales 
upon their backs, and mouths two foot wide. Those of the 
country assured us, that these creatures are so hardy, as there 
be of them that sometimes will set upon an Almadia, chiefly 
when they perceive there is not above four or five persons in 
her, and overturn it with their tailes, swallowing up the men 
whole, without dismembring of them. In this place also we 
saw strange kind of creatures, which they call Gaquesseitan ; 
they are of the bignesse of a great goose, very blacke and scaly 
on their backs, with a row of sharp pricks on their chins, as 
long as a writing pen : moreover, they have wings like imto 
those of bats, long necks, and a little bone growing on their 
heads resembling a cocks spur, with a very long tail spotted 
black and green, like unto the lizards of that country ; these 
creatures hop and fly together, like grashopers ; and in that 
manner they hunt apes, and such other beasts whom they 
pursue even to the tops of the highest trees. Also we saw 
adders, that were copped on the crowns of their heads, as big 
as a mans thigh, and so venomous, as the Negroes of the country 
informed us, that if any living thing came within the raach of 
their breath, it dyed presently, there being no remedy nor 
antidote against it. We likewise saw others, that were not 
copped on their crowns, not so venomous as the former, but 
far greater and longer, with an head as big as a calves. We 
were told that they hunt their prey in this manner : they get 
up into a tree, and winding their tails about some branch" of 
it, let theif bodies hang down to the foot of the tree, and then 
laying one of their ears close to the ground^ they hearken 
whether they can hear anything stir during the stillness of the 
night, so that if an ox, a boar, or any other beast doth chance 
to pass by, they presently seize on it, and so carries it up into 
the tree, where he devours it. In like sort we descryed a 
number of baboons, both grey and black, as big as a great 
mastiff, of whom the Negroes of the country are more afraid, 
then of all the other beasts, because they will set upon them 
with that hardiness, as they have much ado to resist them. 



What hapned to me at Penaiu, -with the King of Batas expedition against 
the Tyrant of Aohem ; and what he did after his victory over him. 

BY that time we had sailed seven or eight leagues up the 
river, at the end we arrived at a Uttle town, named 
Botterendan, not above a quarter of a mile distant from Panaiu, 
where the King of Batas was at that time making preparation 
for the war he had undertaken against the Tyrant of Achem. 
This King understanding that I had brought him a letter and 
a present from the Captain of Malaca, caused me to be enter- 
tained by the Xabandar, who is he that with absolute power 
governs all the affairs of the army : this general, accompanied 
with five Lanchares, and twelve Ballons, came to me to the 
port where I rode at anchor ; then with a great noise of drums, 
bells, and popular acclamations, he brought me to a certain 
key of the town, called Campalator ; there the Bandara, 
governour of the kingdom, stayed for me in great solemnity, 
attended by many Ourobalons and Amborraias, which are the 
noblest persons of his Court, the most part of whom, for all 
that, were but poor and base, both in their habit, and manner 
of living, whereby I knew that the country was not so rich as 
it was thought to be in Malaca. When I was come to the 
Kings palace, and had past through the first court, at the 
entrance of the second I found an old woman, accompanied 
with other persons far nobler, and better apparelled then those 
that marched before me, who beckening me with her hand, as 
if she had commanded me to enter : 

Man of Malaca, said she unto me. Thy arrival in the King 
my masters land is as agreeable unto him, as a showre of rain is 
to a crop of rice in d/ry and hot weather; wherefore enter boldly, 
and be afraid of nothing, for the people, which by the goodness 
of God thou seest here, are no other than those of thiiie own 
country, since the hope which we have in the same God makes 
us believe that he will maintain us all together .unto the end of 
the world. Having said so, she carried me where the King 
was, unto whom I did obeysance according to the manner of 
the country ; then I delivered him the letter and the present I 


had brought him, which he graciously accepted of, and asked 
me what^ occasion drew me thither. Whereunto I answered, 
as I had in commission, thaiXMas-comaiajerveJiia Highness 
^^S^15H?iJ5^?J§-IiSESd-toJiayeJh^ honour jboattend on 
fe™j-A-S9i^i<i l§ai9_him till. §uoh time as^we returned con- 
queror^i3l__hi3_£nemiesi„hereunto..l' hlsewjse, added, that I 
desirfiijo ^see the cit y of A chem,; as also the scituation and 
fortifications of it, and what depth the river was of, whereby I 
might know whether it would bear great vessels and gallions, 
because the captain of Malaca had a design to come and 
succor ^ his ^ighnesaa, aa Rnnn_a^HjTTH_mmi warn rotnrji£d_frgni 
1 the mdie s, and to deliver his mortal enenrjj;^,_tVig_Tyra,nt~nf 
l4c^gm,.iat0.h.iB haj ] 4 §- This poor king presently believed all 
that I said to be true, and so much the rather, for that it was 
conformable to his desire, in such sort, that rising out of his 
throne where he was set, I saw him go and fall on his knees 
before the car cass of a cows head, set up against the wall, 
whose horns were gilt, and crowned with flowers ; then lifting 
up his hands and eyes, thou, said he, that not constrained 
by any material love, wherunto Natwre hath obUged thee, dost 
continually make glad all those that desire thy milk, as the own 
mother doth him whom she hath brought into the world, ivithout 
participating either of the miseries, or paines, which ordinarily 
she suffers from whom we take our being, be favorable unto the 
prayer which now with all my heart I offer up unto thee : and 
it is no other but this, that in the meadows of the sun, where 
with the payment and recompence which thou receivest, thou art 
contented with the good that thou dost here below, thou wilt be 
pleased to conserve me in the new amity of this good capta/in, to 
the end he may put in execution all that this man here hath told 
me. At these words all the courtiers, which were likewise on 
their knees, said three times, as it were in answer, Hoio 
happy were he that could see that, and then dye incontinently ? 
Wherupon the King arose, & wiping his eyes, which were all 
beblubbered with the tears that proceeded from the zeal of the 
prayerigJjaiioade,.he., questioned, me ajiout many particular 
things of the Iw^es, and ifaZaca. Having spent some time 
therein, he very courteously dismissed me, with a promise to 
cause the merchandise which the Mahometan had brought in 


the captain of Malaca's name, to be well and profitably put 
off, which indeed was the thing I most desired. Now for as 
much as the King at my arrival was making his preparations 
for to march against the Tyrant of. AchenBj and had taken 
order for all things necessary for that voyage, after I had 
remained nine days in Panaiu, the capital city of the kingdom 
of Batas, he depa!Etsdjvith_some_troopsT5wafd3 a place named 
'' Turban, some five leagues off, where he arrived an hour before 
sun-set, without any manner of reception, or shew of joy, in 
regard of the grief he was in for the death of his children, 
which was such as he never appeared in pubUque, but with 
great demonstration of sorrow. 

The next morning the King of Batas marched from Turban 
towards the kingdome of Achem, being 18 leagues thither. He 
c^arried with him fifteen thousand men of war, whereof eight 
thousand were Bataes, and the rest Menancabes, Lusons, 
AjiAiuLgaj.'i.rp,,';, jQ,pi,hp,.^, and Enur'Mfi^ii , whom the Princes his 
neighbours had assisted him with, as also fourty elephants, and 
twelve carts with small ordnance, namely, faulcons, bases, and 
other field pieces, amongst the which there were three that 
had the arms of France, and were taken in the year 1526. at 
such time as Lopo Vaz de Sampayo governed the State of 
the Indies. Now the King of Batas, marching five leagues a 
day came to a river, called Quilem; there by some of the Tyrants 
spies, which he had taken, he learnt that his eneniy waited for 
him at Tondacwr, two leagues from Achem, with a purpose- to" 
fight wrtE"him, and that "£e had great store of strangers in his 
army, namely Turks, Cambayans, and Malabars : whereupon 
the King of Batas, assembling his councel of war, and faUing 
into consultation of this affair, it was concluded, as most 
expedient, tajaimponjhg. enemy hjefQEe^he grew more strong. 
With this resolution having quit the river, he marched somewhat 
faster then ordinary, and arrived about ten of the clock in the 
night at the foot of a mountain, half a league from the enemies 
camp, where after he had reposed himself a matter of 3 hours, 
he marched on in very good order; for which effect having 
divided his army into four squadrons, and passing along by a 
little hill, when he came to the end thereof, h e discovered a 
g reat plain sow ed with rice, where the enemy stood ranged in 


two _battaliona. As soon as the two armies descried one 
another, andiihat at the sound of their trumpets, drums, and 
bells, the souldiers had set up a terrible cry, they encountred 
very valiantly together ; and after the discharge of their shot 
on both sides, they came to fight hand to hand with such ' 
courage, that I trembled for fear to behold their fury. The 
battel continued in this manner above an hour, and yet could 
it not possibly be discerned which party had the better. At 
laist the Tyrant foresedflgJihaULbe persisted in the fight, le 
shogr lqsOtOkL...b§o?!SS_e Jh;e_£eEfig^ hia,me_n to_grow 
faint and weary, he, r etreated to a jjgfflg^round, that lay south 
to the Bataes, and about a faulcons shot distant from them. 
tKt eTS intention was to fortifie himself in certain trenches 
which before he had caused to be cast up against a rock in 
form of a garden, or tilth of rice ; but a brother of the K. of 
Andraguire interrupted his design, for stepping before him with 
2000 men, he cut off his way, and stopt him from passing 
further, in so much that the medly grew to be the same it was 
before, and the fight was renewed between them with such 
fury, as cruelly wounding one another, they testified sufficiently 
how they came but little short of other nations in courage. 
By this means the Tyrant, before he could recover his trenches, 
lost 1500 of his men, of which number were 300 and 60 Tii/rks, 
that a little before were come to him from the Streight of 
Mecqiia, with two hundred Saracens, Malabars, and some 
Abissins, which were the best men ho had. Now because it 
was about mid-day, and therefore very hot ; the King of Batas 
retired towards the mountain, where he' spent the rest of the 
day in causing those that were wounded to be looked unto, 
and the dead to be buried. Hereupon not being well resolved 
what to do, in regard he was altogether ignorant of the 
enemies design, he took care to have good watch kept aU that 
night in every part. The next morning no sooner began the 
sun to appear, but he perceived the valley, wherein the Achems 
had been the day before, to be quite abandoned, and not one of 
them to be seen there, which made him think the enemy was 
defeated in this opinion, the better to pursue the first point 
of his victory, he dismissed all the hurt men, as being unfit for 
service, and followed the Tyrant to the city, where arriving 


two hours before sun-set, to shew that he had strength and 
courage enough to combat his enemies, he resolved to give 
them proof of it by some remarkable action before he would 
encamp himself ; to which effect he fired two of the suburbs 
of the town, as also four ships, and two galleons, which were 
' drawn on land, and were those that had brought the Turks 
i from the Streight of Mecqua. And indeed the fire took with 
such violence on those six vessels, as they were quite con- 
sumed in a little time, the enemy not daring to issue forth for 
to quench it. After this, the King of Batas, seeing himself 
vf avoured by fortune, to lose no opportunity began ta assault a 
fort,"^alIe3~.^jwtcao^_which with twelve pieces of ordnance 
IdeK^edThefeatEy-jof-the river,; to tlie soalado of This he went 
in person, his whole army looking on, and having caused some 
70 or 80 ladders to be planted, he behaved himself so well, 
that with the loss only of 37 men he entred the place, and 
put all to the sword that he found in it, to the nmnber of 700 
persons, without sparing so much as one of them. Thus he 
did on the' dayof his arrival perform three memorable things, 
whereby his souldiers were so heartned, as they would fain 
have assaulted the city the very same night, if he would have 
permitted them ; but in regard it was very dark, and his men 
weary, he gave thanks to God, and contented himself with 
that which he had done. 

The King of Batas held the city besieged by the space of 513 
dayes, during Jhejwhich two sallies were made, wherein 
nothing past of any reckoning, for there were but ten men 
slam on eitherjpart. "Now as victories and good success in 
war do ordinarily encourage the victorious ; so often it happens 
thatjbhgjsvBak become strong, and cowards so hardy, as laying 
aside all fear, they dare undertake most difficile and dangerous 
things, whence also it as often falls out, that the one prospers, 
and the other is ruined; which appeared but too evidently in 
that which I observed of these two princes ; for the King of 
Batas, seeing that the Tyrant had shut himself up in his city, 
thereby as it were confessing that he was vanquished, grew to 
such an height of confidence, that both ' he and his people 
beheving it was impossible for them to be resisted, and trust- 
ing in this vain opinion that blinded them, were twice in 


hazard to be lost by the rash inconsiderate actions which they 
entred into. In the third saUj^. made by the^ inhabitants, the 
Kifig.. of BajEas.,pfiQple . eneountrfid^hem_very^ in^^'i'^y in. twg 
P^-§!££§2j!feiskihase.of,:4-C^gw^ perceiving, they made as though 
theyjscere the weaker, and so retreated' to the same-iort 
that was taken '"irbm them by the Bataes the first day of 
their arrival, being closely followed by one of the Kings 
Captains, who taking hold of the opportunity, entred pell-mell 
with the Achems, being perswaded that the victory was sure 
his own ; but when they were altogether in the trenches, the 
Achems turned about, and making head afresh defended them- 
selves very couragiously. At length in the heat of their 
medleyjjbhe one side indeavouring to go on, and the other to 
withsta ndJ^em. those ol^^,cAe??i gave fire jiQ.a^mynej'lEey^hajd 
igade, wHch^wrought^ so effectually, as it Ijjlew up the, captain 
oi^BBata^, andaboveSOO of Jus souIdierSf-with so great a 
noise, and so thick a smoak, as the place seemed to be the 
very portrayture of hell. In the mean time the enemies giving 
a great shout, the Tyrant sallied forth in person, accompanied 
with 5000 resolute men, and charged the £a toes very furiously; 
Now for that neither of them could see one another by reason 
of the smoak proceeding from the myne, there was a most con- 
fused and cruel conflict between them ; but to speak the truth, 
I am not able to deliver the manner of it ; it sufficeth, that in 
a quarter of an hours space, the time this fight endured 4000 
were slain in the place on both sides, whereof the King of 
Batas lost the better part, which made him retire with the 
remainder of his army, to a rock, called Minacalen, where 
causing his hurt men to be drest, he found them to be two / 
thousand in number, besides those that were killed; which 
because they-could-JiotJae Bo..suddenLy. buried., were ihrown 
into, the current of the jiver, Hereupon the two kings con- 
tinued quiet for four dayes after, at the end whereof one morn- 
ing, when nothing was less thought of, there appeared in the 
midst of the river, on PenaUcans side, a fleet of fourscore and 
sis sails, with a great noise of musick, and aoclammations of 
joy. At first this object much amazed the Bataes, because^ 
they knew not what it was, howbeit the night before their 
scouts had taken five fisher-men, who put to torture confessed, 


that this was the_army which the Tyrant had sent some two 
mpnths before to Tevassery, in regard he had wax" with -the 
/SorwaMJTSing of Siamj and it was said that this army wall 
composed oTSOOO Lussons and Sornes, all choice men, having 
to general a Turk, named Hametecam, nephew to the Bassa of 
Cairo. Whereupon the King of Batas making use of these 
fisher-mens confession, resolved to retire himself in any 
sort whatsoever, well considering that the time would not 
permit him to make an hours stay, as well because his 
enemies forces were far greater than his, as for that every 
minute they expected succours from Pedir and Pazen, 
whence it was reported, for certain, there were twelve ships 
full of strangers coming. No sooner was the King fortified 
in this resolution, but the night ensuing he departed very sad, 
and ill contented for the bad success of his enterprize, wherein 
he had lost above three thousand and five hundred men, not 
comprizing the wounded, which were more in number, nor 
those that were burnt with the fire of the myne. Five.dayes 
' after his departure he arrived at Panaiu, where he dismissed 
all his forces, both his own subjects and strangers; that done, 
he imbarqued himself in a small lanchara, and went up the 
river without any other company then two or three of his 
favorites. With this small retinue he be took himself to a 
place, called Pachissaru, where he shut himself up for fourteen 
daygs,, hy M&Y £tJS_enano^,, in a pagode of an idol, named 
Ginnassereo, which signifies the God of Sadness. At his return 
to Panaiu, he sent for me, and the Mahometan that brought 
Pedro de Faria's merchandise ; the first thing that he did, was 
to enquire particularly of him whether he made a good sale of 
it, adding withal, that if any thing were still owing to him he 
would command it to be presently satisfied; hereunto the 
Mahometan and I answered, that through his Highness favour 
all our business had received a very good dispatch, and that we 
were paid for that we had sold, in regard whereof the captain 
of Malaca would not fail to acknowledge that courtesie, by 
sending him succour for to be revenged on his enemy the Tyrant 
of Achem, whom he would inforce to restore aU the places, 
which he had unjustly usurped upon him. The King hearing 
me speak in this manner stood a while musing with himself, 


and then in answer to my speech ; Ah Portugal, said he, since 
thou constrainest me to tell thee freely wliat I think ; beUeve 
me not hereafter to be so ignorant as that thou ma/yst be able to 
perswade me, or that I can be capable to imagine, that he which 
in thirty years space could not revenge himself, is of power to 
succour me at this present in so short a time ; or if yet thou 
thinkest I deceive my self, tell me, I pray thee now, whence 
comes it that thy King and his Govemours could not hinder this 
cruel King of Achem from gaining from you the Fort of Pazem, 
and the galley which went to the Molucquaes, as also three ships 
in Queda, and the galleon of Malaca, at such time as Garcia was 
captain there, besides the fou/r foists that were taken since at 
Salengor, mth the two ships that came from Bengala, or Lopo 
Chanoca's junk and ship, as likewise many other vessels, which 
I cannot now remember, in the which, as I have been assured, 
this inhumane hath put to death above a thousand Portugals, and 
gotten an extream rich booty. Wherefore if this Tyrant should 
happen to come once more against me, how canst thou have me 
rely upon their word which heme been so often overcome ? I must 
of necessity then continue as I am mth three of my children 
mu/rdered, and the greatest part of my kingdom destroyed, seeing 
you your selves are not much more assured in your fortress of 
Malaca. I must needs confess that this answer, made with so ' 
much resentment, rendred me so ashamed, knowing he spake 
nothing but truth, that I durst not talk to him afterwards of 
any succour, nor for our honour reiterate the promises which- 
I had formerly made him, , ' . / ',<.," t^ ^ .1 

1: .fj.;u'--v^-^"-^^-^^ "'■::,: :^d v 


What past between the King of Eatas and me, until such time as I 
imbarciued for Malaca. 

THBJfajfeowietow and.! returning.. tp our .lodgingj^eparted 
in four dayes Jifter, imploying that time in shipping an 
ihundred bars of tin, and thirty of benjamin, which were still 
on land. Then being fully satisfied by our merchants, an£ 
ready to go, I went to wait upon the King at his Passeiran. 


which was a great place before the palace, where those of the 
country kept their most solemn fairs; there I gave him to 
understand, that now we had nothing more to do but depart 
if it would please his Majesty to permit us : the entertain- 
ment that he gave me then was very gracious ; and for answer 
he said to me, I am very glad for that Herman Xabandar, (who 
was chief general of the wars) assured me yesterday that your 
captains commodities were well sold ; but it may be that that 
which he told me was not so, and that he delivered not the 
truth for to please me, and to accommodate himself to the 
desire he knew I had to have it so ; wherefore, continued he, 
I pray thee declare unto me freely whether he dealt truly with 
me, and whether the Mahometan that brought them be fully 
satisfied ; for I would not that, to my. dishonour, those of 
Malaca should have cause to complain of the merchants of 
iPanaiu, saying, that they are not men of their word, and that 
there is not a king there who can constrain them to pay their 
debts ; and I swear to thee by the faith of a Pagan, that this 
affront would be no less insupportable to my condition, then if 
I should chance to make peace with that Tyrant, and perjured 
\enemy of mine, the King of Achem. Whereunto having 
replyed, that we had dispatched all our affairs, and that there 
was nothing due to us in his country : Verily, said he, I am 
very well pleased to hear that it is so ; wherefore since thou 
hast nothing else to do here, I hold it requisite, that without 
any further delay thou shouldst go, for the time is now fit to 
set sail, and to avoid the great- heats that ordinarily are 
endured in passing the gulph, which is the cause that ships are 
many times cast upon Pazem by foul weather at sea, from 
which I pray God deUver thee ; for I assure thee that if thy 
ill fortune should carry thee thither, the men of Achem would I 
eat thee ahve, and the Tyrant himself would have the first bite 
at thee, there being nothing in the world these inhumanes so 
much vaunt of, as to carry on the crest of their arms the device 
of Drinkers of the troubled blood of miserable Gaffers, who 
(they say) are come from the end of the world, caUing them 
tyrarmical men, and usurpers in a supreme degree of other mens 
kingdoms in the Indies, and Isles of the Sea. This is the title 
wherein they glory most, and which they attribute particularly 


to themselves, as being sent them from Mecqiiain recompence 
of the golden lamps which they offered to the Alcoran of their 
Mahomet, as they use to do every year. Furthermore, although 
heretofore I have often advised thy captain of Malaca, to take 
careful heed of this Tyrant of Achem, yet do not thou omit to 
advertise him of it once more from me ; for know that he never 
had, nor shaU have other thoughts, then to labour by all means 
to expel him out of the Indies, and make the Tv/rh master of 
them, who to that end promiseth to send him great succours ; 
but I hope that God will so order it, as aU the malice and cun- 
ning of this disloyal vTretch shall have a contrary success to 
his intentions. After he had usedthis language to me he gave 
me a letter in answer to mjr embassage, together ■mth,a present, 
which he desired me to deliver f rom Mni tct Claptain-da. J/joti?, ; 
this was six small javelins headed with gold, 12 cates of 
Galambuca wood, every one of them weighing 20 ounces, and 
a box of exceeding value, made of a tortoise shell, beautified 
with gold, and fuU of great seed pearl, amongst the which there 
were 16 fair pearls of rich account. JFor my self, he gave me 
two cates of gold, and a little courtelace garnished with the 
same. Then he dismissed me with as much dgjoonstrationof 
hpnour as he had alwayes use3 to me before, protesting to me 
in particular, that the. amiiywhieh-he, had contracted with_pur 
nation should ever continue, iimolabla. on his_£art. Thus I 
imbarqued my self with Aquamis Dabolay, his brother-in-law, 
who was the same he had sent embassadour to Malaca, as I 
have related before. Being departed from the port of Panam, 
we arrived about two hours in the night at a little island, 
called ApofingiM, distant some league and an half from the 
mouth of the river, and inhabited by poor people, who lived 
by fishing of shads. 

The next morning^JLeararig..lhaiiJdaM_of.J^^^/&g^^ 

\ alo ngTJytEe co astia£^_the space of 25 leagues, 
until, giich^^time as_at length we entred into the Streight of Minr 

\haga/ruu, by which we came; then passing by the contrary 
coast of this other Me&iterranean Sea, we continued our course 
along by it, and at last arrived near to Pullo Biigay. There we 
crost over to the firm land, and passing by the port of Jwioulan, 
we sailed two dayes and an half with a favourable wind, by 


means whereof we got to the river of Paries in the kingdom of 

[Here follows an adventure that befell Pinto in the Kingdom 
of Queda, trnttttel».] 

Being departed from the river of Paries, on a Saturday about 
sun-set, I made all the speed that possibly I could, and con- 
tinued my course until the Tuesday foUovring ; when it pleased 
God that I reached to the isles of Pullo SambaUn, the firgL 
land on the coast of_ MaZ|aj!p. There by good fortune I met 
with 3 Portugal ships "(whereof 2 came from Bengala, and the 
other from Pegu) commanded by Tristen de Gaa, who had 
somtimes been governour of the person of Don Lorenzo, son 
to the Vice-roy, Don Francesco d' Almeda, that was afterward 
put to death by Miroocem in Ghaul Eoade, as is at large 
delivered in the history of the discovery of the Indies. This 
same Tristan furnished me with many things that I had greaF 
need oi^ as tackle,, and mariners, together with two souldiers, 
and a pilot ; moreoyerj both himself and the other two ships 
had alwayes aeareof mejintil our arrivaLat.JfaZoca; where 
dis-imbarquing my self, the first thing I did wai^to go to 
the fortress for to salute the captain, and to render him 
an account of the whole success of my voyage, where I 
discoursed unto him at large what rivers, ports, and^ havens, 
I had newly discovered in the isle of Samatra,_ as well. on 
the Mediterranean, as on the Ocean Seas side, as also what 
commence the inhabitants of the country used ; then I declared 
unto him the manner of all that coast, of all those ports 
and of all those rivers ; whereunto I added the scituations, the 
heights, the degrees, the names, and the depths of the ports, 
according to the direction he had given me at my departure. 
Therewithall I made him a description of the roade wherein 
Bosado, the captain of a French ship, was lost, and another, 
named\MateZdie de Srigds, as also the commander of another 
ship, who by a storm at sea was cast into the port of Diu, in 
the year 162^. during the reign of Sultan Bandmr, King of 
Qambaga. This prince having taken them "all^ made fourscore 
and two of them abjure their faith, who served him in his wars 
against the great Mogor, and where every one of them miserably 
slain in thatlipedition. Moreover I brought him the des- 


cription of a place fit for anchorage in Pullo Bstwn Eoade, 
where the Bisquayn ship suffered shipwrack, which was said to 
be the very same, wherein Magellan compassed the world, and 
was called the Vittoria, which traversing the Isle of Jooa was 
cast away at the mouth of the river of Sonda. I made him a 
recital likewise of many different nations, which inhabit„_all 
along thia ocean^and _the river of Lampon, from whence tlje 
gold piJ^ewawca&oJs Jranspor£ed to Jhejiingdom of^ Cam^ar, 
upon .tbajstaie rs of Jambes and Broteo. For the'inhabitants 
affirm, out of their chronicles, how in this very town of Lampon 
there was anciently a factory of merchants, established by the 
Queen of Sheha, whereof one, named NoAisem, sent her a 
great quantity of gold, which she carried ta the Temple of 
Jerusalem, at such time as she went to visit the wise King 
Solomon ; from whence, some say, she returned with child of 
a son, that afterwards succeeded to the Empire of .Ethiopia, 
whom now we call Prester-John, of whose race the Abissins 
vaunt they are descended. Further, I told him what course' 
was usually held for the fishing of seed pearl betwixt Pullo 
Tiquos and Pullo Quenim, which in times past were carried by 
the Bataes to Pazem and PedAr, and exchanged with the Turlcs 
of the Streight of Mecgua, and the ships of Judaa, for such 
merchandise as they brought from Grand Cairo, and the ports 
of Arabia Fcalix. Divers other things I recounted unto him, 
having learnt them of the King of Batas, and of the merchants 
of Panaiu. And for conclusion, I gave him an information in 
writing, as he had formerly desired me, concerning the Island 
of Gold : I told him, how this island is beyond^ the river 
Galandor five degrees to the southward, invironed withx^any 
shelfs of sand, and currents of water, as also that it was disfan^^ 
some hundred and threescore leagues from the point of the 
(Isle of Samatra. With all which reports Pedro de Faria 
remained so well satisfied, that he made present relation 
thereof to the King Dom Jova/n the Third of happy memory, 
who the year after ordained Francesco d' Almeida for captain 
to discover the Isle of Gold, a gentleman of merit, and very 
capable of that charge, who indeed had long before petitioned 
the king for it in recompence of the services by him performed 
in the islands of Bmda, of the Mohwques, of Temate, and 


Geilolo : but by ill-fortune this Francesco d' Almeida, being 
gone from the Indies to discover that place, dyed of a feaver in 
the Isles of Nicuhar; whereof the King of Portugal being 
advertised, he honored one Diego Gabral, born at the Maderaes, 
with that command ; but the court of justice deprived him of 
it by express order from Martinez Alphonso de Sousa, who was 
at that time Governor, which partly proceeded, according to 
report, for that he had murmured against him ; whereupon he 
gave it to Jeronymo Figuereydo, a gentleman belonging to the 
Duke of Braganca, who in the year 1542. departed from Goa 
with two foists, and one carvel, wherein there were fourscore 
men, as well souldiers, as mariners ; but it is said, that his 
voyage was without effect, for that, according to the apparances 
that he gave of it afterward, it seemed that he desired to 
enrich himself too suddenly : to which end he passed to the 
coast of Tanassery, where he took certain ships that came 
from Mecqua, Adem, Alcosser, Judcea, and other places upon 
the coast of Persia. And verily this booty was the occasion of 
his undoing, for upon an unequal partition thereof falling at 
difference with his souldiers, they mutined in such sort against 
him, as after many affronts done him they bound him hand 
and foot, and so carried him to the Isle of Geilan, where they 
set him on land; and the carvel, with the two foists, they 
returned to the Governor Don Joana de Castra, who in regard 
of the necessity of the time pardoned them the fault, and took 
them along with him in the army, which he led to Diu for the 
succour of Don Joana Mascarenhas, that was then straitly 
besieged by the King of Gamhaya's forces. Since that time 
there hath been no talk of the discovery of this island of gold, 
although it seemes very much to import the common good of 
our kingdom of Portugal, if it would please God it might be 
brought to passe. 



The Arrival of an Embassador at Malaea from the King of Aaru to the 
Captain thereof ; his sending me to the said King, my eoming to Aaru, 
and that which happen'd to me after my departing from thence. 

FIVE and twenty dayes after my coming to Malaea, Dmn 
Stephant) de Gama, being still captain of the fortress, an 
embassador arrived there from the King of Aaru, for to demapd 
succor, _oi me n from him ^^and some munitions of war, as 
powder, and Jbullets, for to SSJenS Himself from" a great fleet 
that tKe K ing ot I cJiem was setting jorth against Erm7with an 
inteSioirtcr deprive him of his kingdom, and to be a nearer 
neighbour unto us, to the end that having gained that passage, 
he might afterwards send his forces the more easily against our 
fortress of Malaea; whereof Pedro de Faria was no sooner 
advertised, but representing unto himself how important this 
affair was for the service of the King, and preservation of the 
fortress, he acquainted Dom St»phano de Gama with it, in 
regard his command of the place was to continue yet six weeks 
longer; howbeit he excused himself from giving the succor 
which was required, saying, that the time of his government 
was now expiring, and that his being shortly to come in, the 
duty of his charge did oblige him to take care of this businesse, 
and to think of the danger that menaced him. Hereunto 
Pedro de Fana made answer, that if he would relinquish his 
government for the time he had yet to come in it, or give him 
fuU power to dispose of the publique magaains, he would 
provide for the succor that he thought was necessary. In a 
word, and not to stand long on that which past betwixt them, 
it shall suffice to say, that this Embassador was utterly denied 
his demand by these two Captains ; whereof the one alleged 
for excuse, that he was not yet entred upon his charge ; and 
the other, that he was upon the finishing of his : whereupon he 
returned very ill satisfied with this refusal, and so far resented 
the injustice which he thought was done unto his King, as the 
very morning wherein he imbarqued himself, having met by 
chance with the two Captains at the gate of the fortress, he i 
said aloud before them pubhquely, with the tears in his eyes 



In the name of the Prince of Portugal, Ibeseech^yqu, once, twice, 
nay a hundred times, that you will perform that appertaines unto 
your duty to do ; for this which I this publickely demand of you 
is of so great importance, that therein consists, not so much the 
preservation of the Kingdom of Aaru, as the safety of this yowr 
fortress of Malaca, whAch that Tyrant of Achem, ov/r enemy, so 
extreamly desires to possesse. 

Having finished this speech, which availed him nothing, he 
stooped down to the ground, from whence taking up two stones, 
he knocked with them upon a piece of Ordnance, and then the 
tears standing in his eyes, he said. The Lord, who hath created 
us, will defend us if he please ; and so imbarqiiing himself he 
departed greatly discontented for the bad answer he carried 
back. Five days after his departure Pedro de Fa/ria was told 
how all the town murmured at the. small respect that both he 
and Dan Stephana had carried to that poor King, who had ever 
been a friend both to them, and the ■wholePbrlugal nation, and 
continually done very good of&ces to the fort, for which cause 
his Kingdom was now like to be taken from him. This advice 
causing him to see his fault, and to be ashamed of his pro- 
ceeding, he labored to have palliated it with certain excuses, 
but at last he sent this King by way of succor fifteen quintals 
of powder, an hundred pots of wildj^fire, an hundred and fifty 
bullets for greaf ordnance, twelve harquebuzes, forty sacks of 
stones, threescore head-pieces, and a coat of gilt mail, lined 
with crimson sattin, for his own person, together with many 
other garments of divers sorts, as also twenty pieces of Caracas, 
which are stained linnen, or cotton tapestry, that come from 
the Indies, and cloth of Malaya, wherewith they usually 
apparel themselves in that country, as well for his wife, as his 
daughters. AU these things being laden aboard a Lanchara 
with oars, he desired me conduct and . present them from him 
to the King of Aq/ru, adding withall, that this business greatly 
concerned the King of Portugals service, and that at my return, 
besides the recompenee I should receive from him he would 
give me an extraordinary pay, and upon all occasions employ 
me in such voyages, as might redound to my profit ; whereupon 
I imdertook it, in an ill hour as I may say, and for a punish- 
ment of my sins, in regard of what arrived unto me thereupon, 


as shall be seen hereafter. So then I imbarqued my self on 
Tuesday morning, the 5th of October, 1539. and used such 
speed, that on Sunday following I arrived at the river of 
Panetican, upon which the city of Aaru is soituated. 

I no sooner got to the river of PaneUcan, but presently 
landing I went directly to a trench, which the King in person 
was causing to be made at the mouth of the river for to 
impeach the enemies' dis-imbarquing ; presenting my self unto 
him, he^received me with great' demonstration of joy, where- 
upon J deliYered_^im JPeiro de Faria's letter, which gave him 
some hoge^ o f bis coming, iiL:pef&n. to succor him, if need 
required, with many other complements, tihat cost little the 
saying, wherewith Jhe King was wonderfully contented, because 
he akeadyjmagned^tbi'i the eSect thereof,. would infallibly 
ensue. Buj^ after he^saw the present I brought him, consisting 
of powder and ammunitions, he ■was~so'gIad, that taking me in 
> his arms, My^^od fi^end, said he unto me, I assure thee that 
the last night I dreamt how all these things, which I behold 
,here before me, came unto me from the King of Portugal, my 
masters fortress, by means whereof, with God's assistance, I 
hope to defend my kingdom, and to serve him, in the manner 
I have always hitherto done, that is, moat faithfully, as all the 
captains can very well testifie, which have heretofore com- 
manded in Malaca. Hereupon questioning me about certain 
matters, that he desired to know, as well concerning the 
Indies, as the Kingdom of Portugal, he recommended the 
finishing of the trench to his people, who wrought very 
earnestly and chearfully in it; and taking me by th.eJiand, on 
fool as Jhe was, attended only by five or six gentlemen^ he led 
me" directly. to the city, that was about some quarter of a 
league from the trench, whgre in his palace hg entertained me 
most, magiafieeatlys yea and made me to salute his^wife, a 
Watter very rarely practised in that country, & held for a 
Ispeoial honor, which when I had done, with abundance of 
tears he said unto me, Portugal, here is the cause that makes 
me so much to redoubt the coming of my enemies ; for were I 
not withheld by my vnfe, I swear unto thee by the law of a 
good and true Moore, that I would prevent them in their 
designs, without any other aid then of my own subjects; for it 


is not now that I begin to know what manner of man the 
perfidious Achem is, or how far his power extends ; Alas ! it is 
the great store of gold, which he, possesseth, that covers his 
weaknesse, and by means whereof he wageth such forces of 
strangers, wherewith he is continually served. But now that 
thou maist on the other side understand how vile and odious 
poverty is, and how hurtful to a poor King, such as I may be, 
come thee along with me, and by that little which I will 
presently let thee see thou shalt perceive, whether it be not too 
true, that fortune hath been so exceeding niggardly to me of 
her goods. Saying so, he carried me to his Arsenal, which was 
covered with thatch, and shewed me all that he had within it, 
whereof he might say with reason, that it was nothing in com- 
parison of what he needed for to withstand the attempts of 
two^ hundred & thirty vessels, replenished with .siich, warlike 
posplej as th.f> Achems and Malabar Turks were ; moreover, 
with a sad countenance, and as one that desired to discharge 
his mind of the grief he was in for the danger was threatned 
him, he recounted unto me, that he had in all but six thousand 
men Aa/runs, without any forraign succor, forty pieces of small 
ordnance, as falconets, and bases, and one cast piece, which he 
had formerly bought of a Portugal, named Antomio de Garcia, 
sometimes a receiver of the toU and customs of the ports of the 
fortress of Pacem, whom Georgia de Albuquerque cause since to 
be hanged and quartered at Malaca, for that he treated by 
letters with the King of Bintham about a plot of treason, which 
they had contrived together)-i*He told me besides, that he had 
also forty muskets, six and twenty elephants, fifty horsemen 
for the guard of the place, eleven or twelve thousand staves 
hardened in the fire, called Salignes, whose points were 
poysoned, and for the defence of the trench fifty lances, good 
store of targets, a thousand pots of unslack'd lime made into 
powder, and to be used instead of pots of wild-fire, & three 
or four barques full laden with great fiints ; in a word, by the 
view of these, and such other of his miseries, I easily perceived 
he was so unprovided of things necessary for his defence, that 
I presently concluded the enemy would have ho great a do to 
seize on this kingdom. Nevertheless he having demanded of 
me what I thought of all this ammunition in his magaziin, and 


whether there were not enough to receive the guesta he 
expected, I answered him, that it would serve to entertain 
them; but he understanding mymeaning stood musing a pretty 
while, and then shaking his head, Verily, said he unto me, if 
your King of Portugal did but know what a loss it would be to 
him, that the Tyrant of Achem should take my kingdom from 
me, doubtless he would chastise the little care of his captains, 
who, blinded as they are, and wallowing in their avarice, have 
suffered my enemy to grow so strong, that I am much afraid 
they shall not be able to restrain him when they would, or if 
they could, that then it must be an infinite expence. I labored 
to answer this which he had said unto me with much resent- 
ment ; but he confuted all my reasons with so much truth, as 
I had not the heart to make any farther reply; withal he 
represented divers foul and enormous actions unto me, where- 
withal! he charged some in particular amongst us, which I am 
contented to pass in silence, both in regard they are nothing 
pertinent to my discourse, and that I desire not to discover 
other mens faults. For a conclusion of his speech, he related 
unto me the little punishment which was ordained for such as 
were culpable of these matters, and the great rewards that he 
had seen conferred on those which had not deserved them ; 
whereupon he added, that if the King desired throughly to 
perform the duty of his charge, and by arms to conquer people 
so far distant from his kingdom, and to preserve them, it was 
as necessary for him to punish the wicked, as to recompence 
the good. This said, he sent me to lodge in a merchants 
house, who for 5 days together, that I remained there, 
entertained me bravely ; though to speak truth I had rather 
have been at that time in some other place vnth any poor 
victuals, for here I was always in fear, by reason of the 
enemies continual alarms, and the certain news that came to 
the King the next day after my arrival, how the Achems were 
already marching towards Aaru, and would be there within 
eight dayes at the farthest, which made him in all haste to 
give directions for such things as he had not taken order for 
before, and to send the women, and all that were unfit for war, 
out of the city five or six leagues into the wood, amongst the 
which the Queen her self made one, mounted on an elephant. 


Five dayes after my arrival, the King sent for me, and asked 
me when I would be gone, whereunto I replied, at such time 
as it would please his Greatnesse to command me, though I 
should be glad it might be with the soonest, for that I was to 
be employed by my captain with his merchandise to China. 
Thou hast reason, answered he ; then taking two bracelets of 
massy gold off from his wrists, worth some thirty crowns, I 
pri'thee now, said he, giving them to me, do not impute it to 
miserableness that I bestow so little on thee, for thou mayst be 
assured, that it hath been always my desire for to have much 
for to give much ; withall I must desire thee to present this 
letter, and this diamond from me to thy captain, to whom 
thou shalt say, that whatsoever I am further engaged to him 
for the pleasure he hath done me by succouring me with those 
ammunitions he hath sent me by thee, I will bring it to him 
my self hereafter, when I shall be at more liberty then now I 

Having taken leave of the King of Aaru, I presently im- 
barqued my self, and departed about sun-set, rowing down the 
river to an hamlet, that is at the entrance thereof, composed 
bi ten or eleven houses covered with straw. This place is 
inhabited with very poor people, that get their living by killing 
of Uzards, of whose hver they make poyson, wherewith they 
anoint the heads of their arrows ; for the poyson of this place, 
chiefly that which is called Pocausilim, is held by them the 
best of those countries, because there is no remedy for him 
that is hurt with it. The next day, having left this smaU 
village, we sailed along the coast with a land wind until even- 
ing, that we doubled the islands of Anchepisan ; then the day 
and part of the night following we put forth somewhat farther 
to sea. But about the first watch the wind changed to the 
north-east, for such winds are ordinary about the Isle of 
Samatra, and grew to be so tempestuous, that it blew our mast 
over board, tore our sails in pieces, and so shattered our vessel, 
that the water came in that abundance into her at two several 
places, as she sunk incontinently to the bottom, so that of 
eight and twenty persons, which were in her, three and twenty 
were drowned in less then a quarter of an hour. For us five 
(that escaped by the mercy of God) we passed the rest of th§ 


night upon a rock, where the waves of the sea had cast us. 
There all that we could do was with tears to lament our sad 
fortune, not knowing what counsel or course to take, by reason 
the country was so moorish, & invironed with so thick a wood, 
that a bird, were she never so little, could hardly make way 
through the branches of it, for that the trees grew so close 
together. We sat crouching for the space of three whole days 
- upou this rock, where for all our sustenance we had nothing 
but snails, and such filth, as the foam of the sea produceth 
there. After this time, which we spent in great misery and 
pain, we walked a whole day along by the Isle of Sumatra, in 
the owze up to the girdle-stead, and about sun-set we came to 
a mouth of a little river, some crossbow-shot broad, which we 
durst not undertake to swim over, for that it was deep, and we 
very weak and weary ; so that we were forced to pass all that 
night, standing up to the chin in water. To this misery was 
there adjoyned the great affliction which the flies and gnats 
brought us, that coming out of the neighbouring woods, bit 
and stung us in such sort, as not one of us but was gore blood. 
The next morning as soon as we perceived day, which we much 
desired to see, though we had little hope of life, I demanded of 
my four companions, all mariners, whether they knew the 
country, or whether there was any habitation thereabout, 
whereupon the eldest of them, who had a wife at Malaca, not 
able to contain his tears, Alas I answered he, the place that 
now is most proper for you, and me, is the house of death, 
where ere it belong we must give an account of our sins ; it 
therefore behoves to prepare our selves for it without any 
further delay, and patiently to attend that which is sent us 
from the hand of God : for my part, let me intreat thee to be 
of a good courage whatsoever thou seest, and not to be terrified 
with the fear of dying, since, every thing well considered, it 
matters not whether it be to day, or to morrow. This spoken, 
he embraced me, and with tears in his eyes desired me to 
make him a Christian, because he beleeved, as he said, that to 
be so was sufficient to save his soul, which could not otherwise 
be done in the cursed sect of Mahomet, wherein he had Uved 
till then, and for which he craved pardon of God. Having 
finished these last words, he remained dead in my arms, for he 


was so weak, as he was not able to subsist any longer, as well 
for that he had not eaten ought in three or four days before, 
as in regard of a great wound the wrack of the Lanchara had 
given him in his head, through which one might see his brains 
aU putrefied and corrupted, occasioned both for want of looking 
unto, as by salt water and flies that were gotten into it. 
Verily this accident grieved me very much, but for my self I 
was in little better case, for I was likewise so weak, that every 
step I made in the water I was ready to swoon, by reason of 
certain hurts on my head and body, out of which I had lost a 
great deal of blood. Having buried him in the owze the best 
we could, the other three mariners and my self resolved to cross 
the river, for to go and sleep on certain great trees, that we 
saw on the other side, for fear of the tygers and crocodiles, 
whereof that country is full, besides many other venemous 
creatures, as an infinite of those copped adders I have spoken 
of before in the sixth chapter, and divers sorts of serpents with 
black and green scales, whose venom is so contagious, as they 
kill den with their very breath. This resolution being thus 
taken by us, I desired two of them to swim over first, and the 
other to stay with me for to hold me up in the water, for that 
in regard of my great weakness I could hardly stand upon my 
legs : whereupon they two cast themselves presently into the 
water, exhorting us to follow them, and not be afraid ; but 
alas 1 they were scarce in the midst of this river, when as we 
saw them caught by two great lizards, that were before our 
faces, and in an instant tearing them in pieces, dragged them 
to the bottom, leaving the water all bloody, which was so 
dreadful a spectacle to us, as we had not the power to cry out; 
and for my self, I knew not who drew me out of the water, nor 
how I escaped thence ; for I was gone before into the river as 
deep as my waste, with that other mariner which held me by 
the hand. 



By what meana I was earned to the town of Oiaea, and that which befell 
me there; my going to Malaoa with a Mahometan merchant; and 
<h« Tyrant of Aohem's army marching against the King of Aaru. 

FINDING my self reduced to that extremity I have spoken 
of, I was above three hours so besides my self, as I could 
neither speak, nor weep. At length the other mariner and I 
went into the sea again, where we continued the rest of that 
day. The next morning having discovered a barque, that was 
seeking the mouth of the river, as soon as it was near we got 
out of the water, and falling on our knees with our hands lift 
up we desired them to come and take us up ; whereupon they 
gave over rowing, and considering the miserable state we were 
in they judged immediately that we had suffered shipwrack, so 
that coming somewhat nearer they asked us what we desired 
of them ; we answered, that we were Christians, dwelling at 
Malaca, and that in our return from Aaru we were cast away 
by a storm about nine days before, & therefore praied theni 
for Gods sake to take us away with them whithersoever they 
pleased. Thereupon one amongst them, whom we guessed to 
be the chiefest of them, spake to us thus. By that which I see 
you are not in case to do us any service, and gain your 
meat, if we should receive you into our barque, wherefore if 
you have any mony hidden, you shall do well- to give it us 
aforehand, and then we will use towards you that charity you 
require of us, for otherwise it is in vain for you to hope for any 
help from us : saying so, they made shew as though they 
would be gone ; whereupon we besought them again weeping, 
that they would take us for slaves, and go sell us where they 
pleased ; hereimto I added, how they might have any ransom 
for me they would require, as having the honor to appertain 
very nearly unto the Captain of Malaca. Well, answered he 
then, we are contented to accept of thy offer, upon condition, 
that if that which thou saiest be not true, we will cast thee, 
bound hand and foot, alive into the sea. Having replied, that 
they might do so if they found it otherwise, four of them got 
presently to us, and carried us into their barque, for we were 


so weak at that time, as we were not able to stir of our selves. 
When they had us aboard, imagining that by whipping they 
might make us confess where we had hid our mony, for still 
they were perswaded that we had some, they tyed us both to 
the foot of the mast, and then with two double cords they 
whipped us till we were nothing but blood all over. Now be- 
cause that with this beating I was almost dead, they gave not 
to me, as they did to my companion, a certain drink, made of 
a kind of Ume, steeped in urine, which he having taken it, 
made him fall into such a furious vomiting, as he cast up both 
his lungs and his liver, so as he dyed within an hour after. 
And for that they found no gold come up in his vomit, as they 
hoped, it pleased God , that that was the cause why they dealt 
not so with me, but only they washed the stripes they had 
given me with the said liquor, to keep them from festering, 
which notwithstanding put me to such pain, as I was even at 
the point of death. Being departed from this river, which was 
called Arissumhea, we went the next day after dinner ashore, 
at a place where the houses were covered with straw, named 
Ciaca, in the kingdom of Jambes, there they kept me seven and 
twenty days, in which time by the assistance of heaven I got 
my self throughly cured of all my hurts. Then they that had 
a share in my person, who were seven in number, seeing me 
unfit for their trade, which was fishing, exposed me to sale 
three several times, and yet could meet with no body that 
would buy me ; whereupon being out of hope of selling me, 
they turned me out of doores, because they would not be at 
the charge of feeding me. I had been six and thirty days 
thus abandoned by these inhumanes, and put a grasing like a 
cast horse, having no other means to live but what I got by 
begging from door to door, which God knows was very little, 
in regard those of the country were extream poor, when as one 
day, as I was lying in the sun upon the sand by the sea side, 
and lamenting my ill fortune with my self, it pleased God that 
a Mahometan, born in the Isle of Palimban, came accidentally 
by. This man, having been sometimes at Malaca in the com- 
pany of Portugals, beholding me lie naked on the ground, asked 
me if I were not a Portugal, and willed me to tell him the 
truth; whereupon I answered, that indeed I was one, and 


descended of very rich parents, who would give him for my 
ransom whatsoever he would demand, if he would carry me to 
Malaca, where I was nephew to the captain of the fortress, as 
being the son of his sister. The Mahometan hearing me say 
thus, If it be true, replyed he, that thou art such as thou 
deliverost thy self to be, what so great sin hast thou committed 
that could reduce thee to this miserable estate wherein I now 
see thee ? Then I recounted to him from point to point how 
I was oast away, and by what sort the fishermen had first 
brought me thither in their barque, and afterwards had turned 
me out of the wide world, because they could not find any body 
that would buy me. Hereat he seemed to be much astonished, 
BO that musing a pretty while by himself ; Know stranger, said 
he unto me, that I am but a poor merchant, all whose wealth 
amounts not to above an hundred Pardcdns (which are worth two 
shiUings a piece of our mony) with which I trade for the rows 
of shads, thereby hoping to get my living. Now I am assured 
that I might gain something at Malaca, if so be the captain, 
and the of&cers of the Custom-house there, would not do me 
the wrong which I have heard say they do to many mer- 
chants that come thither to traffique ; wherefore if thou 
thinkst that for thy sake I should be well used there, I could 
be contented to redeem thee from the fishermen, and go thither 
with thee. Thereunto I answered him, with tears in mine eyes, 
that considering the state I was in at the present, it was not 
Uldy he could give credit to any thing I said, because it was 
probable that to free my self out of my miserable captivity I 
would prize my person at a far higher value then it would be 
esteemed for at Malaca ; howbeit if he would lend any belief 
to my oaths, since I had no other assurance to give him, I 
would swear to him, and also set it imder my hand, that if he 
would carry me to Malaca, the captain should do him a great 
deal of honor for my sake, and besides the exempting of his 
merchandise from paying of custome, he should receive ten 
times as much as he should disburse for me. Well, rephed 
the Mahometan, I am contented to redeem, and reconduct thee 
to Malaca, but thou must take heed that thou speakest not a 
word of what we have concluded on, for fear thy masters hold 
thee at so dear s, rate, as I shall not be ftbl§ tg draw thee out 


of their hands though I would never so fain ; whereupon 1 
gave him my faith to do nothing but what ho would have me 
to do, especially in that particular, which I held to be most 
necessary for the better effecting of our desire. 

Pour dayes after this agreement, the Malwmetan merchant, 
that he might the more easily redeem me, used the interposure 
of a man born in the country, who under hand went to the 
fishermen, and carried the business so cunningly with them, as 
they quickly consented to my redemption, for they were 
already very weary of me, as well in regard that I was sickly, 
as for that I could no way stand them in any stead, and there- 
fore, as I delivered before, they had turned me out of doores, 
where I had continued a month and better ; so by the means 
of this third person, whom the Mahometan had emploied, the 
fishermen sold me to the merchant for the sum of seven mazes 
of gold, which amounts in our mony to seventeen shillings and 
six pence. The Mahometan as soon as he had redeemed me, 
brought me to his house, where I was five dayes out of the 
tyranny of these fishermen, and in a far better captivity then 
the former ; at the end whereof my new master went five 
leagues off to a place, named Sorobaya, where he got his mer- 
chandise aboard, which, as I said before, was nothing but the 
rows of shads ; for there is such great abundance of them in 
that river, as the inhabitants do therewith every year lade 
above two thousand vessels, which carry at least a hundred 
and fifty, or two hundred barrels, whereof each one contains a 
thousand rows, the rest of the fish not yielding them a penny. 
After that the Mahometan had laden a Lamcha/ra vnth this 
commodity, he presently set sail for Malaca, where within a 
while he safely arrived, and carrying me to the fortress pre- 
sented me to the captain, relating unto binri what agreement 
we had made together. Pedro de Faria was so amazed to see 
me in such a lamentable plight, as the tears stood in his eyes, 
whereupon he bade me speak out aloud, that he might know 
whether it was I that he beheld, for that I did not seem to be 
my self, in regard of the strange deformity of my face. Now 
because that in three months space there had been no news of 
me, and that every one thought me to be dead, there came so 
many folks to see me, as the fortress could scarce hold them. 


Here being demanded the occasion of my mis-fortune, and who 
had brought me into that miserable case, I recounted the 
adventures of my voyage, just in the same manner as I have 
abeady delivered them, whereat the whole company were so 
astonished, that I saw some go away without speaking a word, 
and others shrink up their shoulders, and bless themselves in 
admiration of that which they had heard from me ; but in con- 
clusion their compassion towards me was such, that with the 
very alms they bestowed on me I became far richer then I was 
before I undertook that unlucky voyage. As for Pedro de 
Feria, he caused threescore ducates to be given to the Maho- 
metan merchant that brought me, besides two pieces of good 
China damask ; moreover he freed me of all the duties he was 
to pay for the custom of his merchandise, which amounted to 
very near a like sum, so as he remained exceeding well satis- 
fied of the bargain he had made with me. After this, to the 
end I might be the better used and looked unto, the captain 
commanded me to be lodged in the registers house of the 
Kings Customs, where for that he was married there he 
thought I might be better accommodated then in any other 
place, as indeed I was very well entreated by him and his 
wife ; so that having kept my bed about, the space of a month, 
it pleased God to restore me unto my perfect health. 

When I had recovered my health, Pedro de Fa/ria sent for 
me to the fortress, where he questioned me about that which 
had past betwixt roe and the King of Aaru, as also how and 
in what place I was cast away, whereupon I made him an 
ample relation thereof. But before I proceed any further, it is 
requisite I should here report what was the success of the war 
between the Kings of Aaru and Achem, to the end, that the 
desolation, which I have so often foretold, of our fortress of 
Malaca, may the more evidently appear, it being a matter of 
too much importance for to be so neglected as it is by those 
who ought to have more care of it. For this is certain, that 
either the power of the King of Achem is utterly to be ruined, 
or by it we shall be miserably expelled out of the countries 
we have conquered all along the southern coast, as Malaca, 
Ba/uda, Maltico, Sunda, Borneo, and Timor, and northwards 
China, Japan, and the Leqmos^ as also many other parts and 


ports, where the Porticgals are very much interessed by reason 
of the traffique ■which they daily use there, and where they 
reap more profit then in any other place that is yet discovered, 
beyond the Cape of Good Hope, the extent thereof being so 
great, that it contains along the coast above three thousand 
leagues, as may easily be seen by the cards and globes of the 
world, if so be their graduation be true. Besides, if this loss 
should happen, which God of his infinite mercy forbid, though 
we have but too much deserved it for our carelessness and 
sins, we are in danger in Uke manner to lose the customes of 
Mandprim of the city of Goa, which is the best thing the King 
of Portugal hath in the Indies, for they are ports and islands, 
mentioned heretofore, whereon depends the greatest part of his 
revenue, not comprehending the spices, namely, the nutmegs, 
cloves, and maces, which are brought into this kingdom from 
those countries. Now to return to my discourse, I say, that 
the Tyrant of Achem was advised by his councel how there was 
no way in the world to take Malaca, if he should assail it by 
sea, as he had divers times before, when as Dom Stephana de 
Gama and his predecessors- were captains of the fortress, but 
first to make himself master of the kingdom of Acmi, to the 
end he might afterwards fortifie himself on the river of Paneti- 
can, where his forces might more commodiously and neatly 
maintain the war he intended to make: for then he might 
have means with less charge to shut up the Streights of Ginca- 
jpv/ra, and Sahaon, and so stop our ships from passing to the 
Seas of China, Sunda, Banda, and the Molucques, whereby he 
might have the profit of all the drugs which came from that 
.^eat Archipelage ; and verily this counsel was so approved by 
'me Tyrant, that he prepared a navy of an hundred and three- 
score sails, whereof the most part were Lanchares with oars, 
gaUots, Calabuses of Jaoa, and fifteen ships high built, fur- 
nished with munition and victual. In these vessels he 
imbarqued twenty thousand men, namely twelve thousand 
soldiers, the rest sailers and pioners. Amongst these were 
four thousand strangers, Turks, Abissins, Malahares, Guswrates, 
and Lusons of the Isle of Borneo. Their general was one 
named Heredin Mahomet, brother-in-law to the Tyrant, by 
marriage with a sister of his, and governour of the kingdom of 


Baarros. This fleet arrived safely at the river of PaneUcan, 
where the King of Aaru attended them with six thousand of 
his own natural subjects, and not a forraigner amongst them, 
both in regard he wanted mony for to entertain souldiers, and 
that also he had a company unprovided of victual to feed them. 
At their arrival the enemies found them fortifying of the trench 
whereof I spake heretofore ; whereupon without any further 
delay they began to play with their ordnance, and to batter the 
town on the sea side with great fury, which lasted six whole 
dayes together. In the mean time the besieged defended them- 
selves very valiantly, so as there was much blood spilt on 
either side. The general of the Achems, perceiving he advanced 
but little, caused his forces to land, and mounting twelve great 
pieces he renewed the battery three several times with such 
impetuosity, that it demolished one of the two forts that com- 
manded the river ; by means whereof, and under the shelter of 
certain packs of cotton, which the Achems carried before them, 
they one morning assaulted the principal fortress : in this 
assault an Abissin commanded, called Mamedecan, who a 
moneth (or thereabout) before was come from Juda, to confirm 
the new league made by the Bassa of Caire, on the behalf of the 
grand Signior, with the Tyrant of Achem, whereby he granted 
him a custom house in the p^rt of Pazem. This Abissin 
rendred himself master of the bulwark, with sixty Turks, 
forty Janizaries, and some Malabar Moors, who instantly 
planted five ensigns on the walls. In the meantime the King 
of Aaru encouraging his people with promises, and such words 
as the time required, wrought so effectually, that with a 
valourous resolution they set upon the enemy, and recovered 
the bulwark which they had so lately lost ; so as the Abissin 
captain was slain on the place, and aU those that were there 
with him. The King, following his good fortune, at the same 
instant caused the gates of the trench to be opened, and 
sallying out with a good part of his forces, he combated his 
enemies so valiantly, as he quite routed them. In like manner 
he took 8 of their 12 pieces of ordnance, and so retreating in 
safety he fortified himself the best he could, for to sustain his 
enemies future assaults. 



The death of the King of Aarn, and the cruel justice that waa executed on 
him by his enemies ; the going of his Queen to Malaca, and her reception 

THE General of Achem, seeing the bad success which he 
received in this encounter, was more grieved for the 
death of the Abissin captain, and the loss of those eight pieces 
of ordnance, then for all them that were slaih besides ; where- 
upon he assembled his oouncel of war, who were all of opinion 
that the commenced siege was to be continued, and the trench 
assailed on every side, which was so speedily put in execution, 
that in 17 dayes it was assaulted nine several times ; in so 
much as by divers sorts of fire-works, continually invented by 
a Turkish engineer that was in their camp, they demolished 
the greater part of the trench ; moreover, they overthrew two 
of the principal forts on the south-side, together with a great 
platform, which in the manner of a fals-bray defended the 
entry of the river, notwithstanding all the resistance the King 
of Aaru could make with his people, though they behaved 
themselves so valiantly, as^^iieAahems lost above two thousand 
and five hundred men, boo'ides those that were hurt, which 
were far more then the slain, whereof the most part died 
shortly after for want of looking to. As for the King of Aaru, 
he lost not above 400 men ; howbeit for that his people were 
but few, and his enemies many, as also better ordered, and 
better armed, in the last assault, that was given on the 13 day 
of the moon, the business ended unfortunately by the utter 
defeat of the King of Aaru's forces ; for it was his Ul hap, that 
having made a saJley forth by the advice of a Cacis of his, 
whom he greatly trusted, it fell out that this traytour suffered 
himself to be corrupted with a bar of gold, weighing about 
forty thousand ducates, which the Achem gave him, whereof 
the King of Aa/ru being ignorant, set couragiously on his 
enemies, and fought a bloody battel vnth them, wherein the 
advantage remained on his side in all mens judgement ; but 
that dog, the perfidious Cacis, whom he had left commander 
of the trench, sallied forth with 500 men, under colour of 


seconding the King in his pursuit of so prosperous a beginning 
and left the trench without any manner of defence, which 
perceived by one of the enemies captains, a Mahometan 
Malabar, named Gutiale Marcaa, he presently with six 
hundred Gusa/rates and Malabars, whom he had led thither for 
that purpose, made himself master of the trench which the 
trayterous Cacis, for the bar of gold he had received had left 
unguarded, and forthwith put all the sick and hurt men that 
he found there to the sword, amounting to the number of 
about fifteen hundred, whereof he would not spare so much as 
one. In the mean time the unhappy King of Aaru, who 
thought of nothing less than the treachery of his Cacis, seeing 
his trench taken, ran to the succouring of it, being a matter 
that most imported him : but finding himself the weaker, he 
was constrained to quit the place, so that as he was making 
his retreat to the town ditch, it was his ill fortune to be killed 
by a shot of an harquebuse from a, Turk his enemy. Upon 
this death of his ensued the loss of all the rest, by reason of the 
great disorder it brought amongst them. "Whereat the enemies 
exceedingly rejoycing, took up the corpse of that wretched king, 
which they found amongst the other dead bodies, and having 
imbowelled and salted him they put him up in a case, and so 
sent him as a present to the Tyrant, who after many ceremonies 
of justice, caused him to be pubHquely sawed into sundry 
pieces, and then boiled in a cauldron full of oyl and pitch, 
with a dreadful publication, the tenour whereof was this : 

See here the justice wh/kh Sultan Laradin, King of the Land 
of the two Seas, hath caused to be executed, whose will and 
pleasure it is, that as the body of this miserable Mahometan 
hath been sawed in sunder, and boyled here on earth, so his soul 
shall suffer worse torments in hell, and that most worthily, for 
his transgressing of the Law of Mahomet, and of the perfect 
beUef of the Musselmans of the house of Mecqua; for this 
execution is very just, and conformMble to the holy doctrine of the 
Book of Flowers, in rega/rd this miscreant hath shewed himself 
in all hds worhes to be so far without the fea/r of God, as he 
hath incessantly from time to time betrayed the most secret 
and important affairs of this kingdom to those accursed dogs of 
the other end of the world, who for ov/r sins, and through ou/r 



negligence, have with notorious tyranny made themselves lordi 
of Malaca. This publication ended, a fearful noise arose 
amongst the people, who oryed out, This pumshment is bu, 
too little for so execrable a crime. Behold truly the mannei 
of this passage, and how the loss of the kingdome of Aan 
was joyned with the death of that poor king, who livec 
in such good correspondence with us, and that in my opinior 
might have been succoured by us with very small charge 
and pains, if at the beginning of the war he had beer 
assisted with that little he demanded by his embassadour 
Now who was in the fault hereof, I will leave to the judgement 
of them which most it concerns to know it. 

After that this infortunate King of Aa/ru had miserably 
ended his dayes, as I have before related, and that this whole 
army was utterly defeated, both the town, and the rest of the 
kingdom were easily and quickly taken in. Thereupon the 
General of the Achems repaired the trenches, and fortified then 
in such manner as he thought requisite for the conservatior 
and security of all that he had gained : which done, he lefi 
there a garison of 800 of the most couragious men of his army 
who were commanded by a Lusan Mahometan, named Sapetii 
de Baia, and incontinently after departed with the rest of hii 
forces. The common report was that he went to the Tyrant o 
Achem, who received him with very much honour for the 
good success of this enterprize ; for, as I have already 
delivered, being before but Govemour and Mandara of the 
kingdom of Baarros, he gave him the title of King, so tha 
ever after he was called Sultan of Baarros, which is the prope: 
denomination of such as are kings amongst the Mahometans 
Now whilest things passed in this sort, the desolate Queei 
remained some seven leagues from Aa/ru, where being ad 
vertised and assured of the death of the Bang her husband 
and of the lamentable issue of the war, she presently resolvec 
to cast her self into the fire; for she had promised her husbane 
in his life time, confirming it with many and great oaths. Bu 
her friends and servants, to divert her from putting se 
desperate a design into execution, used many reasons unte 
her, so that at length, overcome by their perswasions. Verily 
said she unto them, AWwugh I yield to your request, yet . 


would hawe you know, that neither the considerations you have 
propounded, nor the zeal you seem to shew of good and faithful 
subjects, were of power to turn me from so generous a determina- 
tion, as that is which I promised to my King, my Husband, and 
my Master, if God had not inspired me with this thought, that 
living I may better revenge his death, as by his dea/r blood I vow 
unto you to labour as long as I live to do, and to that end I will 
undergo any extremity whatsoever ; nay, if need be, turn 
Christian a thousand times over, if by that means I may be able 
to compass this my desire. Saying so, she immediately got 
upon an elephant, and accompanied with a matter of seven 
hundred men, she marched towards the town with a purpose 
to set it on fire, where incountring some four hundred Achems, 
that were busie about pillaging of such goods as were yet 
remaining, she so encouraged her people with her words and 
tears, that they cut them all presently in pieces. This execu- 
tion done, knowing her self too weak for to hold the town, she 
returned into the wood, where she sojourned twenty days, 
during which time she made war upon the townsmen, sur- 
prising and pillaging them as often as they issued forth to get 
water, wood, or other necessaries, so as they durst not stir out 
of the town to provide themselves such things as they needed, 
in which regard if she could possibly have continued this war 
other twenty days longer, she had so famished them, as they 
would have been oonstrain'd to render the town ; but because 
at that time it rain'd continually by reason of the climate, 
and that the place was boggy and full of bushes, as also the 
fruits, wherewithal they nourished themselves in the wood 
were all rotten, so that the most part of our people fell sick, 
and no means there to relieve them, the Queen was con- 
strained to depart to a river, named Minhacumbaa, some 5 
leagues from thenee, where she imbarqued her self in 16 
vessels, such as she could get, which were fishermens Paroos, 
and in them she went to Malaca, with a belief that at her 
arrival there she should not be denied any thing she would 

Pedro de Faria, being advertised of the Queens coming, sent 
AVoa/ro de Faria, his son, and General of the Sea-forces, to 
receive her with a galley, five foists, two catures, 20 balons, 


and 300 men, besides divers persons of the country. So she 
was brought to the fortress, -where she was saluted with an 
honourable peal of ordnance, which lasted the space of a good 
hour. Being landed, and having seen certain things which Pedro 
de Faria desired to shew her, as the Custom-house, the river, 
the army, the manufactures, stores of powder, and other parti- 
culars prepared before for that purpose ; she was lodged in a 
fair house, and her people, to the number of six hundred, in a 
field, called Ilher, in tents and cabbins, where they were ac- 
commodated the best that might be. During all the time of 
her abode, which was about a matter of five moneths, she con- 
tinued soUiciting for succour, and means to revenge the death of 
her husband. But at length perceiving the small assistance she 
was like to have from us, and that all we did was but a meer 
entertainment of good words, she determined to speak freely 
unto Pedro de Faria, that so she might know how far she 
might trust to his promises ; to which end, attending him one 
Sunday at the gate of the fortress, at such time as the place 
was full of people, and that he was going forth to hear mass ; 
she went to him, and after many complements between them, 
she said unto him; Noble and valiant Captain, I beseech you by 
the generosity of your race, to give me the hearing in a few things 
I have to represent unto you. Consider, I pray you, that albeit 1 
am a Mahometan, and that for the greatness of my sins I am alto- 
getlier ignorant in the knowledge of your holy Law, yet in regard 
I am a woman, and have been a Queen, you ought to carry some 
respect to we, and to behold my misery with the eyes of a Christian. 
Hereimto at first Pedro de Faria knew not what to answer; in 
the end putting off his cap, he made her a low reverence, and 
after they had both continued a good while without speaking 
the Queen bowed to the church gate, that was just before 
them, and then spake again to Pedro de Fa/ria. Truly, said 
she, the desire I have alwayes had to revenge the death of my 
husband, hath been, and still is so great, that I have resolved 
to seek out all the means that possibly I may to effect it, since by 
reason of the weakness of my sex fortune will not perm/it me tc 
bear arms. Being perswaded then that this here, which is the 
first I home tryed, was the most asswred, and that I more relyed 
upon then any other, as trusting in the ancient amity which hath 


alwayes been betwixt us and you Portugals, and the obligation 
wherein this fortress is engaged to us, passing by many other 
considerations well Icnown to you ; I am now to desire you with 
tears in mine eyes, that for the honour of the high and mighty 
King of Portugal, my sovereign lord, and unto whom my husband 
was ever a loyal subject and vassal, you will ayd and succour me 
in this my great adversiUe, which in the presence of many noble 
personages you have promised me to do. Howbeit now I see that 
in stead of perfornving the prondses which you have so often 
made me, you alkdga for an excuse that you home written unto 
the Vice-roy, about it, whereas I have no need of such great forces 
as you speak of, for that with an hundred men only, and such of 
my own people as are flying up and down in hope and expectation 
of nvy return; I shmild be able enough, thmigh I be but a woman, 
in a short space to recover my country, and revenge the death of 
'my husband, through the help of Almighty God, in whose Name 
I beseech and require you, that for the service of the King of 
Portugal, my master, arid the only refuge of my widow-hood ; 
you will, since you can, assist me speedily, because expeddtion is 
that which in this affair imports the most ; and so doing you 
shall prevent the plot which the wicked enemy hath upon this 
fortress, as too well you may percevoe by the means he hath used 
to effect it. If you will be pleased to give we the succour I 
demand of you, say so ; if not, deal clea/rly with me, for that 
you will prejudice me as much in making me lose the time, as if 
you refused me that which so earnestly I desire, and which as a 
Christian you are obliged to grant me, as the Almighty Lord of 
heaven and earth doth well hiow, whom I take to witness of this 
my request. 


The Queen oi Aaru's depaitnre from Malaca; her going to the King of 
Jantana ; his Bummoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the kingdom 
of Aaru, and that which past hetween them thereupon, 

TyEDBO DE FABIA, having heard what this desolate 
•* Queen said openly unto him, convinced by his ovyn 
conscience, and even ashamed of having delayed her in that 


fashion, answered her, that in truth, and by the faith of a 
Christian, he had recommended this affair unto the Vioe-roy, 
and that doubtless there would some succour come for her ere 
it were long, if so be there were no trouble in the Indies thai 
might hinder it ; wherefore he advised and prayed her to staj 
still at Malaca, and that shortly she should see the verity oi 
his speeches. Thereunto this Princess having replyed upon 
the uncertainty of such succour, Pedro de Paria grew intc 
choler, because he thought she did not believe him, so that ii 
the heat of his passion he lashed out some words that wert 
more rude than was fit. Whereupon the desolate Queen wit! 
tears in her eyes, and beholding the church gate, which was 
just against her, and sobbing in such manner as she coulc 
scarcely speak. The clear Fountain, said she, is the God whicl 
is adored in that house out of whose mouth proceeds all truth 
hut the men of the earth are sinks of troubled water, wherei? 
change and faults are by nature continually remaming ; where' 
fore accursed is he that trusts to the opening of their lips ; for J 
assure you, captain, that ever since I knew my self to this present 
I home neither heard nor seen ought, but that the more sue) 
unhappy wretches, as my late husband was, and my self now am 
do for you Portugals, the less you regard them ; and the mori 
you are obliged, the less you acknowledge ; whence I may wel 
conclude that the recompence of the Portugal nation consists 
more infavov/r, then in the merits of persons: and would to God 
my deceased husband had nine and twenty years ago but known 
what now for my sins I perceive too well ; for then he had no 
been so deceived by you as he was : but since it is so, I have thi 
onely left to comfort me in my misery ; that I see many other, 
scandalized with your amity as well as my self : for if you hac 
neither the power nor the will to succour me, why would you si 
far engage you/r self to me, a poor desolate widow, concemim 
that which I hoped to obtain from you, and so beguile me wit] 
your large promises ? Having spoken thus, she turned he: 
back to the Captain, and without harkning to what he migh 
say, she instantly returned to her lodging; then caused he: 
vessels, wherein she came thither, to be made ready, and th( 
next day set sail for Bintan, where the King of Jantana wai 
at that time, who, according to the report was made of it t( 


us afterward, received her with great honour at her arrival. 
To him she recounted all that had past betwixt her and Pedro 
de Faria, and how she had lost all hope of our friendship. 
Unto whom, it is said, the King made this answer, That he did 
not marvel at the little faith she had found in us, for that we 
had shewed it but too much upon sundry occasions unto all the 
world. Now the better to confirm his saying, he recited some 
particular examples of matters, which he said had befaln us 
conformable to his purpose ; and like a Mahometan, and our 
enemy, he made them appear more enormous then they were ; 
so after he had recounted many things of us very ill done, 
amongst the which he interlaced divers treacheries, robberies, 
and tyrannies, at length he told her, that as a good King, and 
a good Mahometan, he would promise her, that ere it were 
long she should see her self by hia means restored again to 
every foot of her kingdom ; and to the end she might be the 
more assured of his promise he told her that he was content 
to take her for his wife, if so she pleased, for that thereby he 
should have the greater cause to become the King of Achems 
enemy, upon whom, for her sake, he should be constrained 
to make war, if he would not by fair means be perswaded to 
abandon that which he had unjustly taken from her. Where- 
nnto she made answer, that albeit the honour he did her was 
very great, yet she should never accept of it, unless he would 
first promise, as in way of. a dowry, to revenge the death of 
her former husband ; saying, it was a thing she so much 
desired, as without it she would not accept of the sovereignty 
of the whole world. The King condescended to her request, 
and by a solemn oath taken on a book of their sect confirmed 
the promise which to that effect he made her. 

After that the King of Jantana had taken that oath before 
a great Cacis of his, called Bain Moulana, upon a festival day 
when as they solemnized their Bamadan, he went to the Isle 
of Gompa/r, where immediately upon the celebration of their 
nuptials he called a councel for to advise of the course he was 
to hold for the performance of that whereunto he had engaged 
himself, for he knew it was a matter of great difficulty, and 
wherein he should be forced to hazard much of his estate. 
The resolution that he took hereupon was, before he enter- 


prized any thing, to send to summon the Tyrant of Achem to 
surrender the kingdom of Aa/ru, which in the right of his new 
wife belonged now unto him, and then according to the answer 
he should receive to govern himself. This counsel seemed so 
good to the King, that he presently dispatched an embassadour 
to the Tyrant, with a rich present of jewels and silks, together 
with a letter [to that effect] . This embassadour being come to 
Achem, the Tyrant received him very honourably, and took his 
letter ; but after he had opened it, and read the contents, he 
would presently have put him to death, had he not been 
diverted by his eouncel, who told him, that in so doing he 
would incur great infamy : whereupon he instantly dismissed 
the embassadour with his present, which in contempt of him 
he would not accept of; and in answer of that he brought 
him, he returned him a letter, wherein it was thus vraitten ; I 
Sultan Aaradin, Khig of Achem, Baarros, Pedir, Paacem, and 
of the Signiories of Dayaa, and Batas, Prince of all the Land of 
the two Seas, both Mediterranean and Ocean, and of the mynes 
of Meneneabo, and of the kingdame of Aaru, newly conquered 
upon just cause ; to thee King, replenished with joy, and desirous 
of a doubtful heritage. I have seen thy letter, written at the 
table of thy nuptials, and by the inconsiderate words thereof 
have discerned the drunkenness of thy councellours and secretaries, 
whereunto I would not have vouchsafed an answer, had it not 
been for the humble prayers of my servants. As touching the 
kingdom of Aaru, do not thou dare to speak of it, if thou desirest 
to live ; sufficeth it that I have caused it to be taken in, and that 
it is mine, as thine also shall be ere long, if thou hast married 
Anchesiny with a pv/rpose upon that occasion to make claim to a 
kingdome that now is none of hers ; wherefore live with her as 
other husbands do with their wives, that tilling the ground are 
contented with the labour of their hands. Becover first thy 
Malaea, since it was once thine, and then thou mayest think of 
that which never belonged to thee. I will f amour thee as a vassal, 
and not as a brother, as thou qualifiest thy self. From my great 
atid Boyal House of rich Achem, tlie very day of this thy 
embassadours arrival, whom I have presently sent away without 
further seeing or hearing of him, as he may tell thee upon his 
return to tlvy presence. 


The King of Jatana's embassadour being dismissed with 
this answer the very same day that he arrived, which amongst 
them they hold for a mighty affiront, carried back the present, 
which the Tyrant would not accept of, in the greater contempt 
both of him that sent, and he that brought it, and arrived at Gom- 
fwr, where the King of Jantana was at that instant, who upon 
the understanding of all that had past, grew by report so sad 
and vext, that his servants have vowed they have divers times 
seen him weep for very grief that the Tyrant should make so 
little reckoning of him ; howbeit he held a councel there upon 
the second time, where it was concluded, that at any hand he 
should make war upon him, as on his mortal enemy, and that 
the first thing he should tmdertake should be the recovery of 
the kingdom of Aaru, and the fort of Panetican, before it was 
further fortified. The King accordingly set forth a fleet, of 200 
sails, whereof the most part were Lancha/res, Galaluses, and 15 
tall juncks, furnished with munition necessary for the enter- 
prize; and of this navy he made general the great Laque 
Xemena, his admiral, of whose valour the history of the Indies 
hath spoken in divers places. To him he gave 2000 souldiers, 
as also 4000 mariners and gaily slaves, all choice and trained 
men. This general departed immediately with his fleet, and 
arrived at the river of Panetican, close by the enemies fort, 
which he assaulted several times, both with scaling ladders, 
and divers artificial fires ; but perceiving he could not prevail 
that way, he began to batter it with 400 great pieces of ord- 
nance, which shot continually for the space of 7 whole dayes 
together, at the end whereof the most part of the fort was 
ruined, and overthrown to the ground; whereupon he presently 
caused his men to give an assault to it, who performed it so 
valiantly, that they entred it, and slew 140 Achems, the most 
of which came thither but the day before the fleet arrived 
under the conduct of a TurMsh captain, nephew to the Bassa 
of Gaire, named Mora do Arraiz, who was also slain there with 
400 Twks he had brought along with him, whereof Laque 
Xemena would not spare so much as one. After this he used 
such diligence in repairing that which was fallen, wherein 
most of the souldiers laboured, that in twelve dayes the fort 
was rebuilt, and made as strong as before, with the augmen- 


tation of two bulwarta. The news of this fleet, which the 
King of Jantana prepared in the ports of Bintan and Compar, 
came to the Tjrrants ears, who fearing to lose that which he 
had gotten, put instantly to sea another fleet of 140 and 
twenty sails, foists, lanchares, galiots, and 15 galleys, of 25 
banks of oars a piece, wherein he caused fifteen thousand 
men to be imbarqued; namely, twelve thousand souldiers, 
and the rest mariners and such as were for the service of the 
sea ; of this army he made the same Heredin Mahomet general, 
who had before (as I have already declared) conquered the 
kingdom of Aaru, in regard he knew him to be a man of a 
great spirit, and fortunate ia war, who departing with his 
army arrived at a place called Aupesstimhee, within four 
leagues of the river of Panetican, where he learnt of certain 
fishermen, whom he took and put to torture, all that had past 
concerning the fort and the kingdom, and how Laque Xemena 
had made himself master both of the land and sea in expecta- 
tion of him. At this news, it is said, that HereMn Mahomet 
was much perplexed, because in truth he did not believe the 
enemy could do so much in so little time : by reason whereof 
he assembled his councel, where it was concluded, that since 
both the fort and kingdom were regained, all the men he 
had left there cut in pieces, as likewise for that the enemy was 
very strong, both at sea and land, and the season very unfit 
for their design, therefore they were to return back: never- 
theles Heredm Mahomet was of a contrary opinion, saying, 
that he would rather dye like a man of courage, then live in 
dishonour ; and that seeing the king had made choice of him 
for that purpose, by the help of God he would not lose one jot 
of the reputation he had gotten; wherefore he vowed and swore 
by the bones of Mahomet, and all the lamps that perpetually 
bum in his chappel, to put all those to death as traytours that 
should go about to oppose this intent of his, and that they 
should be boyled alive in a cauldron of pitch, in such manner 
as he meant to deal with Laque Xemena himself ; and with 
this boyling resolution he parted from the place where he rode 
at anchor, with great cries, and noise of drums, and bells, as 
they are accustomed to do upon like occasions. In this sort, 
by force of oars and sails, they got into the entry of the river ; 


and coming in sight of Laque Xemma's navy, who was ready 
waiting for him, and well reinforced with a great number of 
souldiers, that were newly come to him from Pera, Bintan, 
Saca, and many other places thereabout, he made towards 
him ; and after the discharging of their ordnance afar off, they 
joyned together with as much violence as might be. The fight 
was such, that during the space of an hour and a half there 
could no advantage be discern'd on either part, until such time 
as Hered/in Mahomet, General of the Achems, was slain with a 
great shot, that hit him just in the brest, and battered him to 
pieces. The death of this chieftain discouraged his people in 
such manner, as labouring to return unto a point, named 
Ba/rogmrin, with a purpose there to unite and fortifie them- 
selves until night, and then by the favour thereof to fly away ; 
they could not execute their design, in regard of the great 
currant of the water, which separated and dispersed them 
sundry ways, by which means the Tyrants army fell into the 
power of Laque Xemena, who defeated it, so that but fourteen 
sails of them escaped, and the other 166 were taken, and in 
them were 13000 and 500 men killed, besides the fourteen 
hundred that were slain in the trench. These fourteen sails 
that so escaped returned to Achem, where they gave the Tyrant 
to understand how all had past, at which, it is reported he took 
such grief, that he shut up himself for twenty dayes without 
seeing any body ; at the end whereof, he struck off the heads 
of all the captains of the 14k sails, and commanded all the soul- 
diers beards that were in them to be shaved off, enjoyning 
them expresly upon pain of being sawed asunder alive, to go 
ever after attired in womens apparel, playing on timbrels in 
all places where they went ; and that whensoever they made 
any protestation, it should be in saying, So may God bring me 
bach to my husband again, as this is true ; or. So may I hwoe 
joy of the Children I home brought into the world. Most of these 
men seeing themselves inforced to undergo a chastisement so 
scandalous to them, fled their country and many made them- 
selves away ; some with poyson, some with halters, and some 
with the sword. A relation altogether true, without any 
addition of mine. Thus was the kingdom of Aa/ru recovered 
from the Tvrant of Achem, and remained in the hands of the 


King of Jantana, until the year 1574. At which time, the said 
Tyrant with a fleet of two hundred sails, feigning as though 
he would go to take in Patava, fell cunningly one night on 
JoMtana, where the king was at that time, whom together 
with his wife, children, and many others, he took prisoners, 
and carried into his country, where he put them aU to most 
cruel deaths, and for the king himself, he caused his brains to 
be beaten out of his head with a great club. After these bloody 
executions he possest the kingdom of Aa/ru, whereof he pre- 
sently made his eldest son king, the same that was afterwards 
slain at Malaca, coming to besiege it in the time of Don Lionis 
Pereyra, son to the Earl of Feyra, captain of the fortress, who 
defended it so vaHantly, that it seemed to be rather a miracle 
then any natural work, by reason the power of that enemy 
was so great, and ours so little in comparison of theirs, as it 
may be truly spoken how they were two hundred Mahometans 
against one Christian. 

[Here follows an account of Pinto's voyage to Pan, and his ad- 
ventures until his return to Malaca, untittel*.] 


Antonio de Paria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainau ; his arrival at the river 
of Tinaoorem ; and that which befel ns in this voyage. 

AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready, he departed from 
Patana on a Saturday the 9 of May, 1540, and steered 
north north-west, towards the kingdom of Champaa, with an 
intent to discover the ports and havens thereof, as also by the 
of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he 
wanted ; for his haste to part from Patana was such, as he 
had not i>ime to furnish himself with that which was necessary 
for him, no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough. 
After we had sailed three dayes, we had sight of an Island, 
called Pullo Condor, at the height of eight degrees and three 
quarters on the north coast, and almost north-west towards 
the mouth of the river of Camboia ; so that having rounded all 


the coast, we discovered a good haven eastward where in the 
Island of Camboia, distant some six leagues from the firm land, 
we met with a junk of Leguios, that was going to the kingdom 
of Siam, with an embassadour from the Nautauquim of Lindcm, 
who was Prince of the Island of Tosa, and that had no sooner 
discovered us, but he sent a message by a Ghimse pilot to 
Antonio de Faria, full of complements, whereunto was added 
these words from them all : That the time would come when as 
they should communicate with us in the ti-ue love of the Law of 
God, and of His injinite clemency ; who by His death had given 
life to all men, and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the 
good, and that they believed this should be so, after the half of 
the half time was past. With this complement they sent him 
a courtelas of great value, whose handle and scabbard was of 
gold, as also six and twenty pearls in a little box likewise of 
gold, made after the fashion of a salt-seller, whereat Antonio 
de Faria was very much grieved, by reason he was not able to 
render the like unto this prince as he was obliged to do, for 
when the Chinese arrived with this message, they were distant 
above a league at sea from us. Hereupon we went ashore, 
where we spent 3 dayes in taking in fresh water, and fishing. 
Then we put to sea again, labouring to get to the firm land, 
there to seek out a river named Pullo Cambin, which divides 
the State of Camboia from the kingdom of Champaa ; in the 
height of nine degrees, where arriving on a Sunday, the last of 
May, we went up three leagues in this river, and anchored just 
against a great town called Catimparu, there we remained 12 
dayes in peace, during the which we made our provision of all 
things necessary. Now because Antonio de Faria was naturally 
curious, he endeavoured to understand from the people of the 
country what nation inhabited beyond them, and whence that 
mighty river took its source ; whereunto he was answered, 
that it was derived from a lake, named Pinator, distant from 
them eastward- two hundred and sixty leagues in the kingdom 
of QuiUrvan, and that it was environed with high mountains, 
at the foot whereof, upon the brink of the water, were eight 
and thirty villages, of which thirteen were very great, and the 
rest small, and that only in one of the great ones, called Xinca- 
leu, there was such a huge myne of gold, as by the report of 


those that lived thereabout, there was every day a bar and a 
half drawn out of it, which according to the value of our mony, 
makes two and twenty milUons in a year ; and that four lords 
had share in it, who continually were in war together, each 
one striving to make himself master of it ; I, and that one of 
them, named Bcdahitcm, had in an inner yard of his house in 
pots under groimd, that were full to the very brims, above six 
hundred bars of gold in powder like to that of Mmancabo of 
the Island of Samatra ; and that if three hundred harquebusiers 
of our nation should go and assault it, without doubt they 
would carry it: moreover, that in another of these villages, 
called Buaquirim, there was a quarry, where out of an old 
rock they digged a great quantity of diamonds, that were very 
fine, and of greater value then those of La/oa and Tawicmpura 
in the Isle of Jaoa. "Whereupon Antonio de Faria, having 
questioned them about many other particularities, they made 
him a relation of the fertility of the country which was further 
up this river, no less fit to be desired, then easie to be con- 
quered, and that with little charge. 

Being departed from this river of Pullo Cambim, we sailed 
along the coast of the kingdom of Ghampaa, till we came 
to an haven, called Saleyzacau, 17 leagues farther on towards 
the north, whereinto we entred. Now because there was 
nothing to be gotten there, we went out of this place about 
sun-setting, and the next morning we came to a river 
named Toobasoy, without the which Antonio de Faria cast 
anchor, because the pilot would not venture to enter into 
it, for that he had never been there before, and there- 
fore knew not the depth of it. As we were contesting here- 
about, some for to enter, and others gainsaying it, we 
discerned a great sail making towards the port from the main 
sea. Hereupon without stirring from the place where we 
were, we prepared to receive them in a peaceful manner ; 
so that as soon as they came near us, we saluted them, and 
hung up the flag of the country, called Charachma, which is 
a sign of friendship, used among them in such like occasions. 
They of the ship, instead of answering us in the same manner, 
as in reason it seemed they should have done, and knowing 
that we were Portugals, to whom they wished not well, gave 


us very vile and base words, with a mighty noise and din 
of trumpets, drums, and bells, by way of scorn and derision 
of us. "Whereat Antonio de Faria was so offended, that he 
gave them a whole broad side, to see if that would make 
them more courteous : to this shot of ours they returned us 
an answer of five pieces of ordnance, namely three faulcons, 
and two Little field-pieces ; whereupon consulting together 
what we should do, we resolved to abide where we were, 
for we held it not fit to undertake so doubtful an enterprize, 
until such time as the next days light might discover the 
forces of this vessel unto us, that so we might afterwards 
either set upon her with the more security, or let her pass 
by : this coimsel was approved both by Antowia de Faria, 
and us all; so that keeping good watch, and giving order 
for all that was necessary, we continued in that place ex- 
pecting day ; now about 2 of the clock in the morning we 
perceived 3 black things close to the water coming towards 
us, which we could not well discern, whereupon we wakned 
Antonio de Faria, who was then asleep on the hatches, and 
shewed him what we had discovered, being by that time not 
far from us : he fearing, as we did, lest they were enemies, 
cried out presently. Arm, Arm, Arm, wherein he was straight- 
way obeyed ; for now plainly perceiving that they were vessels 
rowing towards us, we betook us to our arms, and were 
bestowed by our captain in places most necessary to defend 
our selves. We conceived by their silent approaching to us, 
that they were the enemies we had seen over night, so that 
Antonio de Faria said unto us. My masters, this is some pyrate 
coming to set upon us, who thinks we are not above six or 
seven at the most, as the manner is in such kind of vessels ; 
wherefore let every man stoop down, so as they may not see 
any of us, and thim we shall soon know their design ; in the 
mean time let the pots of powder be made ready, with which, 
and ov/r swords, I hope we shall give a good end to this adven- 
twre : let every one also hide his match in such sort, as they 
may not be discovered, whereby they may be perswaded that 
we are asleep. All which, as he had prudently ordained, was 
incontinently executed. These 3 vessels, being within a flight 
shot of ours, went round about her,, and after they had 


viewed her well, they joyned all close together, as if they 
had entred into some new consultation, continuing so about 
a quarter of an hour ; that done, they separated themselves 
into two parts, namely the two lesser went together to our 
poup, and the third that was greater, and better armed, 
made to the starboard of us ; hereupon they entred our lorch 
where most conveniently they could, so that in less then 
half a quarter of an hour above forty men were gotten in, 
which seen by Antonio de Faria, he issued out from under the 
hatches with some forty souldiers, and invoking Saint James 
our patron, he fell so couragiously upon them, that in a short 
time he killed them almost all; then with aid of the pots 
of powders, that he caused to be cast in amongst those that 
were remaining in the 3 vessels, which he presently took, 
he made an end of defeating them, the most of them being 
constraind to leap into the sea, where they were all drowned 
but five, whom we took up alive, whereof one was a capher 
slave and the other four were, one Turk, two Achems, and the 
captain of the junk, named Similau, a notorious pyrat, and 
our mortal enemy. Antonio de Faria commanded them 
instantly to be put to torture, for to draw out of them who 
they were, from whence they came, and what they would 
have had of us, whereunto the two Achems answered most 
bruitishly ; and when as we were going about to torment 
the slave in like manner, he began with-tears to beseech us 
to spare him, for that he was a Christian as we were, and that 
without torture he would answer truly to all our demands ; 
whereupon Antonio de Fa/ria caused him to be unbound, and 
setting him by him, gave him a piece of bisket, and a glass of 
wine, then with fair words he perswaded him to declare the 
truth of every thing to him, since he was a Christian, as he 
affirmed ; to which he repUed in this sort. If I do not speak 
the truth unto you, then take me not for such as I am; my 
name is Sebastian, and I was slave to Gaspar de Melo, whom 
this dog Similau, here present, slew about two years ago in 
Liampao, with five and twenty other Portugals that were in his 
ship. Antonio de Faria hearing this, cryed out, like a man 
amazed, and said. Nay now I care not for knowing any more ; 
is this then that dog Similau, that slew thy master ; Yes, 


answered he, it is he, and that meant Ukemse to ha/ve done as 
miwh to you, thinking that ye were not above six or seven, for 
which effect he came awoay in haste with a purpose, as he saAd, 
to take you dime, for to make yowr brains flye out of your heads 
with a frontal of cord, as he did to my master ; hut God I 
hope will pay him for all the m/ischdef he hath committed. 
Antonio de Fa/ria being also advertised by this slave, that 
this dog Simila/u, had brought all his men of war along with 
him, and left none in his junk, but some Chinese mariners ; 
he resolved to make use of this good fortune, after he had put 
Similau and his companions to death, by making their brains 
flye out of their heads vrith a cord, as Similcm had done to 
Gaspar de Mello, and the other Portugals in Liampao : where- 
fore he presently imbarqued himself with thirty souldiers in 
his boat, and the three Machnas wherein the enemies came, 
and by means of the flood and a favourable wind, he arrived 
within less then an hour, where the junk rode at anchour 
within the river, about a league from us, whereupon he 
presently boarded her, and made himself master of the 
poup, from whence, with only four pots of powder, which he 
east in among the rascals that were asleep upon the hatches, 
he made them all leap into the sea, where 9 or 10 of them 
were drowned, the rest crying out for help were taken up and 
saved, because we stood in need of them for the navigation of 
the junk, that was a great tall vessel. Thus you see how it 
pleased God out of His Divine justice to make the arrogant 
confidence of this cursed dog a means to chastise him for his 
cruelties, and to give him by the hands of Portugals a just 
punishment for that which he had done unto him. The next 
morning taking an inventory of this prize, we found six and 
thirty thousand Taeis in silver of Japan, which amounts 
in our mony to fifty four thousand ducates, besides divers other 
good commodities, that were not then praised for want of 
time, because the country was all in an uproar, and fires every 
where kindled, whereby they use to give warning one to 
another upon any alarm or doubt of enemies, which con- 
strained us to make away with all speed. 

[Antonio de Fana coasts the Kingdom of Champaa, till he 

reaches the rimer Tinacoreu.] 



The Eriday following we left this river of Tinacoreu, and by 
our pilots advice we went to find out Pullo Champeiloo, which 
is an inhabited island, scituate in the entrance to the bay of 
Gauchenchina in forty degrees, and a third to the northward ; 
being come to it, we oast anchor in an haven, where there 
was good and safe riding, and there we remained three dayes, 
accommodating our artillery in the best manner we could; 
that done, we set sail towards the Isle of Ainan, hoping to 
meet with the pyrat Coia Jcem there whom we sought for, and 
arriving at Pullo Gapas, which was the first land that we saw 
of it, we sailed close to the shoar, the better to discover the 
ports and rivers on that side, and the entries into them. Now 
because the lorch, wherein Antonio de Fwria came from 
Patana, leaked very much, he commanded all his souldiers 
to pass into another better vessel, which was immediately 
performed, and arriving at a river, that about evening we 
found towards the east, he cast anchor a league out at sea, 
by reason his junk was great, and drew much water, so that 
fearing the sands ; which he had often met vrithall in this 
voyage, he sent Ghristovcmo Borralho with fourteen souldiers 
in the lorch up the river to discover what fitres those might 
be that he saw. Being gone then about a league in the river, 
he incountred a fleet of forty very great junks, whereupon 
fearing lest it was the Mandarins army, whereof we had 
heard much talk, he kept aloof off from them, and anchored 
close by the shoar ; now about midnight the tyde began to 
come in, which Borralho no sooner perceived, but he presently 
without noise weighed anchor, and declining the junks he 
went on to that part where he had seen the fires, that by 
this time were almost all out, there being not above two 
or three that gave any light, and which served to guide him. 
So continuing his course very discreetly, he came to a place 
where he beheld a mighty company of great and small ships, 
to the number, as he guessed, of thousand sails, passing 
through the which very stilly he arrived at a town of above 
ten thousand housholds, enclosed with a strong wall of brick, 
with towers and bulwarks after our manner, and with curtains 
full of water. Here five of the fourteen souldiers, that were 
in the lorch, went on shoar with two of those Ghin^seses, that 


were saved out of Similaus junk, who had left their wives 
as hostages with us for their return ; these having spent three 
hours in viewing and surveying the town on the out- 
side, reimbarqued themselves without any notice taken of 
them at all, and so went back very quietly as they came 
to the mouth of the river, where they found a junk riding at 
anchor, that was come thither since their departure in the 
evening. Being returned to Antonio de Faria, they related 
unto him what they had seen, particularly the great army 
that lay up in the river, aa also the junk, which they had 
left riding at anchor at the entrance into it, telling him that 
it might well be the dog Coia Acem whom he sought for. 
These news so rejoyced him, that instantly he weighed anchor, 
and set sail, saying, his mind gave him that it was un- 
doubtedly he ; and if it proved so, he assured us all that he 
was contented to lose his life in fighting with him, for to be 
revenged of such a rogue as had done him so much wrong. 
Approaching within sight of the junk, he commanded the 
lorch to passe imto the other side of her, to the end they 
might board her both together at once, and charged that not 
a piece should be shot off, for fear they should be heard of the 
army that lay up in the river, who might thereupon come to 
discover them. As soon as we were come to the junk, she 
was presently invested by us, and twenty of our souldiers 
leaping in made themselves masters of her without any 
resistance, for the most of her men threw themselves into the 
sea, the rest that were more couragious valiantly made head 
against our people ; but Antomo de Fa/ria presently getting in 
with twenty souldiers more made an end of defeating them, 
killing above thirty of theirs, so as there remained none alive 
but those which voluntarily cast themselves into the sea, 
whom he caused to be drawn up to serve for the navigation 
of his vessels, and for to learn who they were, and from 
whence they came, to which purpose he commanded four 
of them to be put to torture, whereof two chose rather 
to dye then confess any thing ; and as they were about to 
do the like to a little boy, an old man, his father, that was 
laid on the deck, cryed out with tears in his eyes for to 
give him the hearing before they did any hurt to the child ; 


Antonio de Faiia made the execiitioner stay, and bad the 
old man say what he would, provided he spake truth, for 
otherwise he vowed, that both he and the boy should be 
thrown alive into the sea ; whereas on the contrary, if he 
dealt truly, he promised to set them both at liberty on shear, 
and restore unto him whatsoever he would take his oath did 
appertain unto him : whereunto the old Mahometan answered, 
I accept of the promise which thou mahest me, and I very much 
thank thee for sparing the life of this child, for as for mine, as a 
thing unprofitable, I make no reckoning of it, and I will rely 
on thy word, although the course thou holdest may well divert 
me from it, in regard it is no way conformable to the Christian 
law, which thou hast profest in thy baptism : an answer, that 
rendred Antonio de Faria so confounded and amazed, as he 
knew not what to reply; howbeit he caused him to come 
nearer unto him, and questioned him gently without any 
further threatening. 

This old man then sat him down by Antonio de Faria, who 
seeing him white like unto us, asked him whether he were a 
Turk, or a Persian? whereunto he answered, that he was 
neither, but that he was a Christian, born at Mount Sinai. 
Antonio de Faria thereupon replyed, how he wondred much, 
being a Christian, as he said, that he lived not amongst Chris- 
tians. To which the old man answered, that he was a mer- 
chant of a good family, named Tome Mostanguo, and that 
riding one day at anchor in a ship of his in the port of Judaa, 
in the year one thousand five hundred thirty and eight, SoU- 
man the Bassa, Vice-roy of Cairo, took his, and seven other 
ships, to carry victual and munition for his army of threescore 
gallies, wherewith he went by the command of the grand 
Seigmor to restore Sultan Bandur to his kingdom of Cambaya, 
which the great Mogul had deprived him of ; and that at the 
end of the voyage going to demand the freight which they had 
promised him, the Twrks, that were ever cruel and faithless, 
took his wife, and a young daughter he had, and forced them 
before his face, and because his son wept at the sight of this 
injury, they threw him bound hand and foot into the sea ; as 
for himself, they laid him in irons, and continually scourging 
him they stript hini of all his goods, to the value of six 


thousand ducates and better, saying, that it was not lawful for 
any to enjoy the blessings of God, but the holy and just 
MusseUnians, such as they were; and that his wife and 
daughter dying not long after, he found means one night to 
cast himself into the sea with that little boy, which was his 
son, at the mouth of the river of Dm, from whence he went by 
land to Surrat, and so to Malaca in a ship of Ca/rcia de Saas, 
captain of Bacaim ; then how by the commandment of JEste- 
vano de Gama, going to China with Ghristovano Sardinha, 
which had been factor at the Molucqiies, one night as they rode 
at anchor in Gincaapv/ra, Quiay Tmjcmo, master of the junk, 
surprized them, and killed the said Sa/rdinha together with six 
and twenty Portugals more ; as for him, because he was a 
gunner, they saved his life. At this report Antonio de Faria 
striking himself on the breast, as a man amazed at this dis- 
course. Lord, Lord, said he, tMs seems to be a dream that I 
hear ; then turning himself to his souldiers that stood about 
him, he related the life of this Quiay unto them, and further 
affirmed, that he had slain at times in strayed vessels above an 
hundred Portugals, and dispoiled them of an hundred thousand 
ducates at least ; and though his name was such as this 
Armenian delivered, to wit, Quiay Taijano, yet after he had 
killed Ghristovano Sardinha in Gincaapura, in a vain glory of 
that which he had done he caused himself to be called Captain 
Sa/rdinha. Whereupon having demanded of the Armenian, 
where he was, he told us, that he was very sore hurt, and 
hidden in the hold of the junk amongst the cables, with five or 
six others. Hereat Antonio de Faria arose, and went directly 
to the place where this dog was hidden, followed by the 
greatest part of his souldiers, which opened the scuttle where 
the cables lay, to see whether the Armenian spake true or no ; 
in the mean time the dog, and the six others that were with 
him, got out at another scuttle, and most desperately fell upon 
our men, who were about thirty in number, besides fourteen 
boys. Then began there so furious and bloody a fight, that in 
less then a quarter of an hour we made a clean dispatch of 
them all ; but in the mean while two Portugals, and seven boys 
were slain, besides I know not how many hurt, whereof 
Antonia de Faria received two downright blowes on his head, 


and one on his arm, which put him to very much pain. After 
this defeat, and that the wounded men were drest, he set sail, 
for fear of the junks that were in the river : so getting far 
from land, about evening we went and anchored on the other 
side of GoMchencMna, where Antonia de Faria causing an 
inventory to be taken of all that was in the pyrats junk, there 
was found in her five hundred bars of pepper, after twenty 
quintals to the bar, forty of nutmegs and mace, fourscore of 
tin, thirty of ivory, twelve of wax, and five of wood of fine 
aloes, which might be worth, according to the rate of the 
country, seventy thousand ducates ; besides a little fieldpiece, 
four falcons, and thirty bases of brass, the greatest part of 
which artillery had been ours, for this Mahometan had taken 
them in the ships of Sardinha, Oli/oeyra, and Bartholemew de 
Matos: there was also found three coffers covered with leather, 
full of silk quilts, and the apparel of Portv,gals, with a great 
bason and ewer silver and gilt, and a salt-seller of the same, 
two and twenty spoones, three candlesticks, five gilt cups, eight 
and fifty harquebuzes, twelve hundred twenty and two pieces 
of Bengala cloth, all which were Portugals goods, eighteen 
quintals of powder, and nine children about seven or eight 
years of age, chained together by the hands and the feet, most 
lamentable to behold, for that they were so weak and lean, 
that one might easily through their skins have counted all the 
bones in their bodies. 


Antonio de Faria's arrival at the Bay of Camoy, where was the fishing 
of pearleg for the King of China ; with that which happened to him 
by the means of a reuegado pyrat, and otherwise. 

THE next day, after noon, Antonio de Faria parted from 
the place where he rode at anchor, and returned towards 
the coast of Ainan, by the which he kept all the rest of that 
day, and the next night with five and twenty or thirty fathom 
water. In the morning he came to a bay, where there were 
many great boats fishing for pearles, and being unresolved 
what course to take, he bestowed all the forenoon in counsel 




with hia company thereabout, whereof some were of the 
opinion that he should seize upon the boats that were fisliing 
for pearls ; and others opposed it, saying, it was a safer way 
to treat with them as merchants, for that in exchange of the 
great store of pearles, which were in that place, they might 
easily put off the most part of their commodities. This 
appearing to be the best and safest advice, Antowio de Faria 
caused the flag of trade to be hung out, according to the 
custom of China ; so that instantly there came two lanteaas 
from land to us, which are vessels like to foists, with great 
abundance of refreshments, and those that were in them 
having saluted us after their manner, went aboard the great 
junk, wherein Antonio de Faria was ; but when they beheld 
men, such as we were, having never seen the like before, they 
were much amazed, and demanded what people we were, and 
wherefore we came into their country. Wherunto we answered 
by an interpreter, that we were merchants born in the kingdom 
of Siam, and were come thither to sell or barter our com- 
modities with them, if so be they would permit us. To this, 
an old man, much respected of all the rest, replyed, that here 
was no trafl&que used, but in another place further forward, 
called Chmmhoy, where all strangers that came from Gantan, 
Chincheo, La/moM, Gomhay, Swmbor, LiampoM, and other sea- 
coast towns, did ordinarily trade : wherefore he counselled 
him to get him suddenly from thence, in regard this was a 
place destined only to the fishing of pearles for the treasure of 
the house of the Son of the Sun, to the which, by the ordinance 
of the Tutan of Gomhay, who was the sovereign governor of 
all the country of Ca/uchendhina, no vessel was permitted to 
come, but only such as were appointed for that service, and 
that aU other ships, which were found there were by the law 
to be burnt, and all that were in them ; but since he, as a 
stranger, and ignorant of the laws of the country, had trans- 
gressed the same, not out of contempt, but want of knowledge, 
he thought fit to advertise him of it, to the end he might be 
gone from thence before the arrival of the Mamdarin of the 
army, which we call general, to whom the government of that 
fishing appertained, and that would be within three or four 
dayes at the most, being gone not above six or seven leagues 


from thence to a village, named Buhaquirim, for to take in 
victual. Antonio de Faria thanking him for his good advice, 
asked him how many sails, and what forces, the Manda/rin had 
with him : whereunto the old man answered, that he was 
accompanied with forty great junks, and twenty-five Vancans 
with oars, wherein there were seven thousand men, namely, 
five thousand souldiers, and the rest slaves and mariners ; and 
that he was there every year six months, during the which 
time was the fishing for pearles, that is to say, from the 1st 
of March to the last of Aiigust. Our captain desiring to know 
what duties were paid out of this fishing, and what revenue it 
yielded in those six months, the old man told him, that of 
pearls which weighed above five carats they gave two thirds, of 
the worser sort half less, and of seed pearl the third ; and that 
this revenue was not always alike, because the fishing was 
sometimes better in one year, then in another, but that one 
with another he thought it might yield annually four hundred 
thousand Taeis. Antonio de Faria made very much of the old 
man, and gave him two cakes of wax, a bag of pepper, and a 
tooth of ivory, wherewith both he and the rest were exceedingly 
weU pleased. He also demanded of them, of what bignesse 
this Isle of Ainan might be, whereof so many wonders were 
spoken. Tell us first, replyed they, who you are, and where- 
fore you are come hither, then will we satisfie you in that you 
desire of us ; for we vow unto you, that in all of our lives we 
never saw so many young fellows together in any merchants 
ships, as we now see in this of yours, nor so spruce and neat ; 
and it seems that in their country China silks are so cheap 
as they are of no esteem, or else that they have had them at 
so easie a rate, as they have given nothing near the worth for 
them, for we see them play away a piece of damask at one 
cast at dice, as those that come lightly by them : a speech 
that made Antonio de Faria secretly to smile, for that thereby 
he well perceived how these fishermen had a shrewd guess 
that the same were stolen, which made him tell them, that they 
did this like young men, who were the sons of very rich mer- 
chants, and in that regard valued things far under that they 
were worth, and had cost their fathers ; dissembling them 
what they thought, they answered in this manner, It may very 


well be as you say. Whereupon Antonio de Faria gave a sign 
to the souldiers to leave off their play, and to hide the pieces 
of silk that they vyere playing for, to the end they might not 
be suspected for robbers by these folks, which immediately 
they did, and the better to assure these GMneses that we were 
honest men, and merchants, our captain commanded the 
scuttles of the junk to be opened, that we had taken the night 
before from Captain Sardinha, which was laden with pepper, 
whereby they were somewhat restored to a better opinion then 
they had of us before, saying one to another, Since now we 
find they are merchants indeed, let us freely answer to their 
demand, so as they may not think, though' we be rude, that 
we know nothing but how to catch fish and oysters. 

{Here follows an account of the history of the Isle of Ainan, 

After Antonio de Faria had given him many thankes for 
satisfying him so fully in his demands, he desired him to teU 
him in what port he would advise him to go and sell his com- 
modities, seeing the season was not proper to set sail for 
Liampoo. Whereunto he answered, that we were not to go 
into any port of that country, nor to put trust in any Chinese 
whatsoever; for I assure you; said he,- there is not one of 
them will speak truth in any thing he sayes to you, and believe 
me, for I am rich, and will not lye to you like a poor man, 
besides, I would wish you to go in this streight always with 
the plummet in your hand for to sound your way, because 
there are very many dangerous shelves all along till you come 
to a river called Tanaquir, and there is a port where is very 
good anchoring, and where you may be as safe as you can 
desire ; as also you may there, in less then two dayes, put ofi' 
all your commodities, and much more if you had them. Never- 
theless I will not counsel you to disimbarque your goods on 
land, but to sell them in your vessels, in regard that many 
times the sight causeth desire, and desire disorder amongst 
peaceable persons, much more with them that are mutinous 
and of an evil conscience, whose wicked incUnation carries 
them rather to take away another mans goods from him, then 
give of their own to the needy for Gods sake. This said, both 
he that spake, and those that accompanied him, took leave of 


our captain, and us, with many complements and promises, 
whereof they are not ordinarily very sparing in those parts, 
bestowing on Antonio de Faria, in return of that he had given 
them, a little box made of a tortoise shell, full of seed-pearl, 
and twelve pearles of a pretty bigness, craving his pardon for 
that they durst not traf&que with him in this place, for fear 
lest if they should do so, to be all put to death, conformable to 
the law of the rigorous justice of the country ; and they again 
intreated him to make haste away before the Mandarins arrival 
with his army ; for if he found them there, he would burn both 
his vessel, and him and all his company. Antonio de Faria 
unwilling to neglect the counsel of this man, lest that which he 
told him should prove true, he set sail immediately, and passed 
to the other side towards the south, and in two days with a 
westerly wind he arrived at the river of Tana/uquir, where just 
over against a little village, called Neytor, he cast anchor. 

We remained all that day, and the next night, at the mouth 
of the river of Tanauquir, intending the next morning to set 
sail up to the town, which was some five leagues from thence 
in the river, to see if by any means we might put off our com- 
modities there, for our vessels were so heavy laden with them, 
as there was scarce a day wherein we ran not twice or thrice 
on some shelve or other, which in divers places were four or 
five leagues long ; wherefore it was concluded that before we 
did any thing else we were to sell away our commodities, so 
that we labored with all our might to get into the river, whose 
current was so strong, that though we had all our sails up, yet 
could we prevail but very little against it ; as we were in this 
pain we perceived two great junks in warlike manner come out 
of the river upon us, which chaining themselves together for 
the more strength, attaqued us so lively, as we had scarce the 
leasure to defend our selves, so that we were constrained to 
throw into the sea all that stood in our way to make room for 
our artillery, being that we had then most need of. The 
first salutation we had from them was a peal of six and twenty 
pieces of ordnance, whereof nine were faulconets, and field- 
pieces : Antonio de Fa^ia, as a man verst in such affairs, seeing 
them chained one to another, perceived their drift, and there- 
fore made as though he fled, as well to win time to prepare 


himself, as to make them beHeve that they were no Christians; 
whereupon they, like cunning thieves, desiring that the prey, 
which they held to be surely their own, should not escape out 
of their hands, loosed themselves the one from the other the 
better to set upon us, and approaching very near to us, they 
shot so many arrows and darts into our junk, as no man was 
able to appear upon the deck. Antomo de Fcma, to avoid 
this storm, retired under the half deck, with five and twenty 
Bouldiers, and some ten or twelve others, slaves, and mariners; 
there he entertained the enemy with harquebuse shot the space 
of half an hour, in which time, having used all their munitions 
of war, some forty of them, that seemed to be more valiant 
then the rest, longing to finish their enterprize, leaped into our 
junk, vTith a purpose to make themselves masters of the prow ; 
but to hinder them from it, our captain was constrained to go 
and receive them, so that there began a most bloody fight, 
wherein it pleased God within an hour to give us the upper 
hand by the slaughter of four and twenty of their forty in the 
place. Thereupon twenty of ours, pursuing this good successe, 
boarded the enemies junk, where finding but small resistance, 
by reason the principals were already slain, all that were in 
her quickly rendred themselves unto us. That done, Antonio 
de Fa/ria went with all speed to succour Ch/mtovano Borallho, 
who was boarded by the other junk, and very doubtful of the 
victory, in regard the greatest part of his men were hurt; but 
at our approach the enemies threw themselves all into the sea, 
where most of them were drowned, and so both the junks 
remained in our power. After this we took a survey of our com- 
pany, the better to understand what this victory had cost us ; 
and we found there was one Portugal, five boyes, and nine mari- 
ners killed, besides those that were hurt; and on the enemies part 
fourscore were slain, and almost as many taken. Having given 
order then for the dressing and accommodating of our wounded 
men in the best manner that could be, Antomo de Fcma caused 
as many mariners to be taken up as could be saved, and com- 
manding them to be brought into the great junk where he was, 
he demanded of them what those junks were, how the captain 
of them was named, and whether he were aUve or dead ; where- 
unto not one of them would make any answer, but chose rather 


to dye in torments like mad dogs, when as Ghristovano 
Borralho cryed out from the junk where he was, Signior, 
Signicr, come hither quickly, for we heme more to do then we 
think of; whereat Antonio de Faria, accompanied with fifteen 
or sixteen of his men, leapt into his junk, asking what the 
matter was ? I hear a many talking together, said he, towards 
the prow, which I doubt are hidden there ; hereupon opening the 
scuttle, they heard divers cry out. Lord Jesus, have mercy upon 
lis ; and that in such a woful manner, as struck us all with 
pity: Antonio de Faria approaching to the scuttle, and looking 
down, could perceive some persons there shut up, but not able 
to discern what they might be, he made two of his boys to go 
down, who a httle after brought up seventeen Christians, 
namely, two Portugals, five small children, two girls, and eight 
boys, which were in such a lamentable case, as would have 
grieved any heart to have beheld them ; the first thing he did 
was to cause their irons to be strucken off, and then he 
enquired of one of the Portugals (for the other was like a man 
dead) unto whom those children appertained, and how they 
fell into the hands of this pyrat, as also what his name was. 
Whereunto he answered, that the pyrat had two names, the 
one Christian, the other Pagan, and that his Pagan name, 
wherewith he used to be called of late, was Necoda Nicaulem, 
and his Christian name Francisco de Saa, being christned at 
Malaca, at such time as Ga/rcia de Saa was captain of the 
fortress, and for that he was his god-father, and had caused him 
to be baptized, he gave him that name, and married him to an 
orphan maid, a very handsome wench, the daughter of an 
honourable Portugal, to oblige him the more to our religion and 
country ; but in the year 1634:. setting sail for China in a great 
junk of his, wherein there accompanied him twenty of the 
wealthiest Portugals in Malaca, as also his wife, and arriving 
at the island of Pullo Gatan, they staid two days to take in 
fresh water, during which time he and his company, who were 
all Chineses like himself, and no better Christians, conspired the 
death of the poor Portugals for to despoil them of their goods, 
so that one night whU'st the Portugals were asleep, and little 
dream'd of such treason, they killed them all with their 
hatchets, and their servants likewise, not sparing the life of 


any one that bore the name of a Christian ; after which, he 
perswaded with his wife, to turn Pagan, and adore an idol, 
that Tucan, captain of the junk, had concealed in his chest, 
and that then being free from the Christian religion he would 
marry her to Tucom, who in exchange would give him a sister 
of his to wife, that was a Chinese, and there with him. But in 
regard she would neither adore the idol, nor consent to the 
rest, the dog struck her over the head with a hatchet till her 
brains flew out, and then departing from thence went to the 
port of Liam^oo, where the same year before he had traded ; 
and not daring to go to Patana, for fear of the PorUigals that 
resided there, he wintred at Siam, and the year following he 
returned to the port of Chincheo, where he took a little junk 
that came from Stmda, with ten Portugals in her, all which he 
slew ; and because the wickedness that he had done us was 
known over all the country, doubting to encounter some Por- 
tugal forces, he had retired himself into this streight Gauchen- 
ehina, where as a merchant he traded, and as a pyrat robbed 
those he met with all that were weaker then himself. It being 
now three years since he had taken this river for a refuge of his 
robberies, thinking himself here secure from us Portugals, by 
reason we have not used to trafSque in the ports of this 
streight, the island of Airum. Antonio de Fa/ria asked of him 
whether those children belonged to the Portugals he had men- 
tioned before ; whereunto he answered, that they did not, but 
that both they, and the boys and girls, were the children of 
Nunc Preto, Gian de Diaz, and of Pero Borges, whom he had 
killed at Mompollacota, near the mouth of the river of Sia/m in 
Joano OUveyra's junk, where he also i^ut sixteen Portugals more 
to death, only he saved their two lives, because one was a ship- 
wright, and the other a caulker, and had carried them along 
with hirn in this manner, continually whipping, and almost 
famishing of them ; further he said, that when he set upon us, 
he did not think we had been PorUigals, but some GMnese mer- 
chant, like such as he had accustomed to rob when he found 
them at advantage, as he thought to have found us. Antondo 
de Faria demanded of him, whether he could know the pyrat 
amongst those other dead bodies? Having replyed that he 
could, the captain presently arose, & taking him by the hand, 


went with him into the other junk, that was fastned to his, 
md having made him view all that lay dead upon the hatches, 
tie said it was none of them. Whereupon he commanded a 
manchuas, which is a little boat, to be made ready, wherein he 
bind this man went and sought for him amongst the other dead 
bodies that floated on the water, where they found him with a 
jreat cut over his head, and thrust quite through the body ; so 
causing him to be taken up, and laid upon the hatches, he 
demanded of that man again, if he were sure that this was he, 
who answered, how without doubt it was he. Whereunto 
Antonio de Fa/ria gave the more credit, by reason of a great 
chain of gold he had about his neck, to which was fastned an 
idol of gold with two heads, made in the form of a lizard, 
baving the tail and paws enamelled with green and black ; and 
commanding him to be drawn towards the prow, he caused his 
bead to be chopt off, and the rest of the body to be cut in 
pieces, which were cast into the sea. 

Having obtained this victory in the manner I have before 
declared, and caused our hurt men to be drest, and provided for 
the guard of our captains, we took an inventory of the goods 
that were in these two junks, and found that our prize was 
worth forty thousand Taeis, which was immediately committed 
to the charge of Antonio Borges, who was factor for the prizes. 
Both the junks were great and good, yet were we constrained 
to burn one of them for want of mariners to man it : there was 
in them besides seventeen pieces of brass ordnance, namely, 
four faulconets, and thirteen small pieces, the most part 
whereof had the royal arms of Porttigal upon them, for the 
pyrat had taken them in the three ships where he killed the 
forty Portugals. The next day Antonio de Fwria went about 
once more to get into the river, but he was advised by fisher- 
men, which he took a little before, that he should beware of 
going to the town, because they were advised there of all that 
had passed betwixt him and the renegado pyrat, for whose 
death the people were in an uproar; in so much that if he 
would let them have his commodities for nothing, yet would 
they not take them, in regard that OMleu, the governor of that 
province, had contracted with him, to give him the third part 
of all the prizes he took, in lieu whereof he would render him 


a safe retreat in his country ; so that his loss being now great 
by the death of the pyrat, he should be but badly welcomed by 
him, and to that purpose had already commanded two great 
rafts, covered with dry wood, barrels of pitch, and other com- 
bustible stuff, to be placed at the entring into the port, that 
were to be kindled and sent down upon us, as soon as we had 
cast anchor, for to fire us, besides two hundred proas, full of 
shot, and men of war were also in readiness to assault us. 
These news made Antonio de Faria conclude to make away unto 
another port, nsLmedi Mutipinan, distant from thence above forty 
leagues towards the east, for that there were many rich mer- 
chants, as well natives as strangers, which came in great troops 
from the countries of Lmthos, Pafuaas, and Gueos, with great 
sums of mony. So we set sail with the three junks, and the 
loroh, wherein we came from Patcma, coasting the land from 
one side to the other, by resison of a contrary wind, until we 
arrived at a place called Tilcmmera, where we anchored, for 
that the current of the water ran very strong against us. 
After we had continued so three dayes together, with a contrary 
wind, and in great want of victual, our good fortune about even- 
ing brought four Lanteaas unto us, that are like unto foysts, in 
one of the which was a bride, that was going to a village, named 
Pandurea : now because they were all in a jolhty, they had so 
many drums beating aboard them, as it was almost impossible 
to hear one another for the noise they made. Whereupon we 
were in great doubt what this might be, and wherefore there 
was such triumphing ; some thought that they were spies sent 
from the captain of Tcmcmquw's army, who insulting, for that 
we were already in their power, gave this testimony thereof. 
Antonio de Fwria left his anehorsin the sea, and preparing him- 
self to sustain all that might happen unto him, he displayed all 
his banners and flags, and with demonstration of joy attended 
the arrival of these Lanteaas, who when they perceived us to 
be all together, imagining it was the bridegroom that stay'd to 
receive them, they came joyfully towards us. So after we had 
saluted one another after the manner of the country, they went 
and anchored by the shore. And because we could not com- 
prehend the mystery of this affair, all our captains concluded 
that they were spies from the enemies army, which forbore 


assaulting us in expectation of some other vessels that were 
also to come ; in this suspicion we spent the little remainder 
of that evening, and almost two hours of the night : but when the 
bride, seeing that her spouse sent not to visit her, as was his 
part to do, to shew the love she bore him, she sent her uncle in 
one of the Lanteaas with a letter to him, containing these 
words. If the feeble sex of a woman would permit me to go from 
the place where I am for to see thy face, without reproach to mine 
honowr, assure thy self that to kiss thy tardy feet my body would 
fly as doth the hungry falcon after the fewrful heron : but since 
I am pa/rted from my fathers house for to seek thee out here, come 
thy self Mther to me, where indeed I am not, for I cannot see my 
self, but in seeing thee. Now if thou dost not come to see me in 
the obscuritie of this night, making it bright for me, I fear that 
to morrow morning when thou arrivest here, thou shalt not find 
me living. My uncle Licorpinau will more particularly acquaint 
thee with what I keep concealed in my heart ; for I am, not able 
to say any more, such is my grief to be so long depri/oed of thy so 
much desired sight : wherefore I pray thee come unto me, or per- 
mit me to come unto thee, as the greatness of my love to thee doth 
deserve, and as thou art obliged to do unto her, whom now thou 
art to possess in marriage until death, from which Almighty God 
of His infinite goodness keep thee as many years, as the sunne and 
moon ha/ve made turns about the world, since the beginning of 
their birth. This Lanteaa being arrived with the brides uncle 
and letter, Antonio de Faria caused all the Portugals to hide 
themselves, suffering none to appear but our Chinese mariners, 
to the end they might not be afraid of us : to our junk then 
they approached with confidence, and three of them coming 
aboard us, asked where the bridegroom was ? All the answer 
we made them was to lay hold of them, and clap them pre- 
sently under hatches ; now because the most part of them were 
drunk, those that were in the Lanteaa never heard our bustling 
with them, nor if they had, could they have had time to 
escape, for suddenly from the top of our poop we fastned a 
cable to their mast, whereby they were so arrested, as it was 
impossible for them to get loose of us ; whereupon casting in 
some pots of powder amongst them, the most of them leapt 
into the sea, by which time six or seven of our souldiers, and 


as many mariners, got into the Lanteaa, and straight rendred 
themselves masters of her, where the next thing they did was 
to take up the poor wretches, who cried out that they drowned : 
having made them sure, Antomo de Faria went towards the 
other three Lanteaas, that anchored some quarter of a league 
from thence ; and coming to the first, whereia was the bride, 
he entered her without any resistance, in regard there were 
none other in her but a few mariners, and six or seven men 
that seemed to be of good reckoning ; all of kin to the bride, 
being there only to accompany her, together with two little 
boyes her brothers, that were very -white, and certain ancient 
women, of such as in China are hired for money to dance, sing, 
and play of instruments upon like festival occasions. The other 
two Lanteaas beholding this bad success, left their anchors in 
the sea, and fled in such haste, as if the devil had been in them ; 
but for all that we took one of them, so that we had three of 
the four : this done, we returned aboard our junk, and by 
reason it was now midnight, we did nothing for the present 
but take our prisoners, and shut them up under the hatches 
where they remained until day ; that Antonio de Fa/ria came 
to view them, and seeing they were most of them aged, full of 
sorrow, and fit for nothing, he caused them to be set on shore, 
retaining only the bride and her 2 brothers, because they were 
young, white, and well-favoured, and some 20 mariners, which 
afterwards were of great use to us for the navigation of our junks. 
This bride as since we learn'd, was daughter to the Anohary of 
Golem (which signifies governour) and betrothed to a youth, the 
son of Ghisuu, captain of Pandurea, who had written unto her 
that he would attend her in this place with 3 or 4 junks of his 
fathers, who was very rich ; but alas I we shamefully cozened 
him. After dinner, being departed from thence, the bride- 
groom arrived seeking for his bride, with five sail full of flags, 
streamers, and banners ? Passing by us, he saluted us with 
great store of musick and shews of gladness, ignorant of his 
misfortune, and that we carried away his wife. In this jollity 
he doubled the Cape of TiUmmera, where the day before we 
took this prize, and there anchored attending his bride, accord- 
ing as he had written to her, whilest we sailing on arrived 
three days after at the port of Mutipiman, which was the 



place we aymed at, in regard of the advice that Antonio 
Faria had, that there they might sell off his commodities. 


Antonio de Faria's arrival at the Port : the information that Antonio de 
Faria had of the country; some passages between him and the 
Nautarel of the town ; his going to the river of Madel ; with his 
incountring a pyrat there, and that which passed betwixt them. 

BEING arrived at this port we anchored in a rode, which 
the land makes near to a little island on the south side 
of the mouth of the river, at the entry whereinto we remained 
without saluting the port, or making any noise, intending as 
soon as it was night to send for to sound the river, and to be 
informed of that we desired to know. Upon the appearing of 
the moon, which was about 11 of the clock, Antonio de Faria 
sent away one of his Lanteaas, well furnished, and 12 souldiers 
in her, besides the captain named Valentino Martins Dalpoem, 
a discreet man, and of great courage, that at other times had 
given good proof of himself in like occasions, who departing 
went alwayes sounding the depth of the river, until he arrived 
where divers vessels rode at anchor ; there he took two men 
that were sleeping in a barque laden with earthen ware, and 
returning aboard undiscovered, he rendred Antonio de Faria an 
acoompt of what he had found touching the greatness of the 
place, and the fewness of the ships that were in the port, 
wherefore his opinion was, that he might boldly enter into it, 
and if it happened he could not trade there as he desired, no 
•body could hinder him from issuing forth whensoever ho 
pleased, by reason the river was very large, clean, and without 
any shelves, sands or other things that might endanger him. 
Having consulted then with his company, he concluded by 
their advice, D.ot to put the two Mahometans, that were taken, 
to torture as was before ordained, because there was no need 
of it; day being come, Antonio de Faria, desiring before he 
stirred to be informed from those two Mahometans of some 
particulars he would fain know, and thinking he might sooner 


prevail with them by fair means, then by menaces and 
torment, he made very much of them, and then declared his 
mind: whereupon both of them with one accord said, that 
touching the entrance of the river there was nothing to be 
feared, in regard it was one of the best in all that bay, and 
that ordinarily far greater vessels then his went in and out 
there, for that the shallowest place was 15 fathom at the 
least ; and as for the people of the country he was not to 
stand in any doubt of them, by reason they were naturally 
weak, and without arms ; and that the strangers which were 
at that instant there, arrived some 9 days before from the 
kingdom of Benan in 2 companies of fifty oxen a piece, laden 
with store of silver, wood of aloes, cloth, silk, linnen, ivory, 
wax, lacre, benjamin, oamphire, and gold in powder, like to 
that of the island of Samatra, who were come with this 
merchandise to buy pepper, drugs, and pearls of the Isle of 
Ainan. Being demanded whether there was any army in 
those parts, they answered No, because most of the wars, 
which the Prechau, that is, the Emperour of the Gauchins, 
made, or were made against him, were by land; and that 
when any was made upon the rivers, it was always with little 
vessels, and not with such great ships as his, for that they 
were not deep enough for them : further being asked, whether 
the Prechau was near to that place, they replyed, that he was 
12 days journey from thence, at the city of Quangepaaru, 
where most commonly he with his court resided, governing the 
kingdom in peace and justice, and that the mynes, reserved for 
his Crown, rendred him in yearly rent fifteen thousand Pioos of 
silver, every Pico weighing five quintals, the moyety whereof 
by the Divine law, inviolably observed in his countries, was for 
the poor labourers, that tilled the ground, to sustain their 
families withal ; but that all his people by a general consent 
had freely relinquished that right unto him, upon condition 
that from thence-forward he should not constrain them to pay 
tribute, or any other thing that might concern them, and that 
the ancient Prechaus had protested to accomplish it as long as 
the sun should give light to the earth. Antonio de Faria 
further demanded of them, what belief they were of ; where- 
Vinto they answered, that they held the very verity of all 


verities, and that they believed there was but one God 
Almighty, who as He had created all, so He preserved all; 
howbeit if at any time our understandings were intangled 
with the disorder and discord of our desires, that no way 
proceeded from the sovereign Creator, in whom was no im- 
perfection, but only from the sinner himself, that out of his 
impatience judged according to the wicked inclination of his 
heart. Moreover, asking of them, whether in their law they 
believed, that the great God, which govemeth this all, came 
at any time into the world, clothed with a humane form, they 
said No, because there could be nothing that might oblige Him 
to so great an extremity, in regard He was through the 
excellency of the Divine nature delivered from our miseries, 
and far esloigned from the treasures of the earth, all things 
being more then base in the presence of his splendor. By 
these answers of theirs, we perceived that these people had 
never attained to any knowledge of our truth, more then their 
eyes made them to see in the picture of heaven, and in the 
beauty of the day; for continually in their Combayes, which 
are their prayers, lifting up their hands they say. By Thy 
works, Lord, we confess Thy greatness. After this Antonio de 
Faria set them at liberty, and having given them certain 
presents, wherewith they were very well pleased, he caused 
them to be conveyed to land ; that done, the wind beginning a 
little to rise he set sail, having all his vessels adorned with 
divers coloured silks, their banners, flags and streamers, 
displayed, and a standard of trade hung out after the manner 
of the country, to the end they might be taken for merchants, 
and not for pyrats, and so an hour after he anchored just 
against the key of the town, which he saluted with a little 
peal of ordnance, whereupon ten or eleven Almadiaes came 
presently to us with good store of refreshments; howbeit 
finding us to be strangers, and discerning by our habits that 
we were neither Siams, Jaos, nor Malayos, nor yet of any 
other nation that ever they had seen, they said one to another. 
Please Heaven, that the dew of the fresh morning may be as 
profitable to us all, as this evening seems fair with the ^presence 
of these whom our eyes behold. Having said thus, one of the 
Almadiaes asked leave to come aboard us, which they were 


told they might do, because we were all their brothers ; so 
that three of nine, which were in that Almadia, entered into 
our junk, whom Antomia de Faria received very kindly ; and 
causing them to sit down upon a Turky carpet by him, he 
told them, that he was a merchant of the kingdom of Siam, 
and going with his goods towards the Isle pf Ainan, he had 
been advertised, that he might better and more securely sell 
off his commodities in this town, then in any other place, 
because the merchants thereof were juster and truer of their 
word, then the Chineses of the coast of Ainan; whereunto 
they thus answered. Thou art not deceived in that which thou 
sayestyfor if thou be a merchant, as thou affirmest, believe it, 
that in every thing and every where thou shalt be honoured in this 
place, wherefore thou mayest sleep vnthout fea/r. 

Antonio de Faria mistrusting some intelligence might come 
over land concerning that which he had done to the pyrat 
upon the river of Tarumquir, and so might work him some 
prejudice, would not dis-imbarque his goods, as the officers of 
the Custom-house would have had, which was the cause of 
much displeasure and vexation to him afterward, so that his 
business was twice interrupted by that means, wherefore 
perceiving that good words would not serve to make them 
consent to his propositions, he sent them word by a merchant, 
who dealt between them, that he knew well enough they had 
a great deal of reason to require the landing of his goods, 
because it was the usual course for every one so to do ; but he 
assured them that he could not possibly do it, in regard the 
season was almost past, and therefore he was of necessity to 
hasten his departure as soon as might be, the rather too for 
the accommodating of the junk wherein he c^me, for as much 
as she took in so much water, that 60 mariners were alwayes 
labouring at three pumps to clear her, whereby he ran a great 
hazard of losing all his goods ; and that touching the kings 
customs, he was contented to pay them, not after thirty in the 
hundred, as they demanded, but after ten, as they did in other 
kingdoms, and so much, he would pay presently and willingly. 
To this offer they rendred no answer, but detained him that 
carried the message prisoner ; Antonio de Fa/ria seeing that his 
messenger, returned not, set sail immediately, hanging forth a 


number of flags, as one that cared not whether he soM or no ; 
whereupon the merchants strangers that were come thither to 
trade, perceiving the commodities, of which they hoped to 
make some profit, to be going out of the port, through the 
perversness and obstinacy of the Ncmtwrel of the town, they 
went all to him, and desired him to recal Antonio de Faria, 
otherwise they protested to complain to the king of the 
injustice he did them, in being the cause of hindering their 
traf&que. The Nautarel, that is, the governour, with all the 
officers of the Custom-house, fearing lest they might upon this 
occasion be turned out of their places, condescended to their 
request, upon condition since we would pay but ten in the 
hundred, that they should pay five more, whereunto they 
agreed, and instantly sent away the merchant, whom they had 
detained prisoner, with a letter full of complements, wherein 
they declared the agreement they had made. Antonio de 
Faria answered them, that since he was out of the port, he 
would not re-enter it upon any terms, by reason he had not 
leasure to make any stay; howbeit if they would buy his 
commodities in gross, bringing lingots of silver with them for 
that purpose, he would sell them to them, and in no other 
manner would deal, for he was much distasted with the little 
respect the Nautarel of the town had carried towards him, by 
despising his messages ; and if they were contented to accept 
thereof, that then they should let him know so much within 
an hour at the farthest,otherwise he would sail away to Ainan, 
where he might put off his commodities far better then there. 
They finding him so resolved, and doubting to lose so fair an 
occasion, as this was, for them to return into their country, 
embarqued themselves in five great lighter with forty chests 
full of lingots of silver, and a many sacks to bring away the 
pepper: and arriving at Antonio de Faria's junk, they were 
very well received by him, unto whom they represented, anew, 
the agreement they had made with the Nautarel of the town, 
greatly complaining of his iU government and of some wrongs, 
which without all reason he had done them ; but since they 
had pacified him by consenting to give him 15 in the hundred, 
whereof they would pay five ; they desired him to pay the ten, 
as he had promised, for otherways they could not buy his 


commodifcieg. Whereunto Antonio de Fa/ria answered, that he 
waa contented so to do, more for the love of them, then for 
any profit he hoped to reap thereby, for which they gave him 
many thanks, and so being on all sides agreed, they used such 
diligence in discharging the goods, as in 3 days the most of it 
was weighed and consigned into the hands of the owners 
thereof; whereupon the accompts were made up, and the 
lingots of silver received, amounting in all to an hundred and 
thirty thousand Taeis, after the rate of 7 shillings and six 
pence the Taei, as I have said elsewhere. And though all 
possible speed was used herein, yet before all was finished, 
news came of that which we had done to the pyrat in the 
river of Tancmquir, in so much that not one of the inhabitants 
would come near us afterward, by reason whereof Antonio de 
Faria was constrained to set sail in all haste. 

After we had quit the river of Mutepinan, directing our 
course northward, Antonio de Faria thought good to make to 
the coast of the island of Ainan, for to seek out a river named 
Model, with a purpose there to accommodate the great junk, 
wherein he was, because it took in much water, or provide 
himself of a better in exchange upon any tearms whatsoever ; 
so having saild for the space of 12 days, with a contrary wind, 
at length he arrived at the cape of Pullo Hinho, which is the 
island of Cocos ; there hearing no news of the pyrat he sought 
for, he returned towards the south coast, where he took 
certain prizes, which were of good value, and well gotten as 
we thought. For it was the main intention of this captain 
to deal with the pyrats which frequented this coast of Ainan, 
as they before had done with divers Christians, in depriving 
them of their lives and goods ; for as God doth ordinarily 
draw good out of evil, so it pleased Him out of His divine 
justice to permit, that Antonio de Fa/ria, in revenge of the 
robbery committed by Goia Acem upon us in the port of Lugor 
should in the pursuit of him chastise other thieves that 
deserved to be punished by the hands of the Porttogals. Now 
having for certain days together with much labour continued 
our navigation within -this bay of Cauchenohina, as we were 
newly entred into a port, called Madel, upon the day of the 
Nativity of our Lady, being the 8 of Septem. for the fear that 


we were in of the new moon, during the which there often- 
times happens in this climate such a terrible storm of wind 
and rain, as it is not possible for ships to withstand it, which 
by the Ghineses is named Tufan, and that the sky charged fuU 
with clouds had 4 days together threatned that which we 
feared, it pleased God amongst many other junks that fled 
into this port for shelter, there came in one belonging to a 
notorious Chinese pyrat, named Hinimila/u, who of a GentUe, 
that he had been, was not long before become a Mahometan, 
induced thereunto (as it was said) by a Gaels of that accursed 
sect, who had made him such an enemy to the Christian 
name, as he vaunted pubUquely, that God did owe heaven 
unto him for the great service he had done Him upon earth, 
in depopulating it by httle and little of the Portugal nation, 
who from their mothers wombs delighted in their offences, as 
the very inhabitants of the smoaky house, a name which they 
give to hell; and thus did he with such sayings, and other 
like blasphemies, speak as villanously and abominably of us 
as could be imagined. This pyrat, entring into the river in a 
very great and tall junk, came up to us where we rode at 
anchor, and saluted us after the custom of the country, 
whereunto we returned the hke, as it is the manner there to 
do at the entry into any of the ports, they neither knowing us 
to be Portugals, nor we what they were ; for we thought they 
had been Ch/i/neses, and that they came into the port to shroud 
themselves from the storms as others did, whereupon, behold, 
five young men, that were Christians, whom this robber held 
as slaves in his junk, guessing us to be Portugals, fell a crying 
out three or four times together, Lord, have mercy upon us. 
At these words we all stood up to see who they were, and 
perceiving them to be Christians, we called aloud to the 
mariners ^for to stay their course, which they would not do, 
but contrarily beating up a drum, as it were in contempt of 
us, they gave three great shouts, and withal brandished their 
naked scymitars in the ayr in a way of threatning us, and 
then cast anchor some quarter of a league beyond us. Ajitonio 
de Faria desiring to learn the reason hereof, sent a Balon to 
them, which no sooner arrived near them, but the barbarous 
rogues pelted them with so many stones, that the vessel was 


almost overwhelmed, so that they were glad to return, both 
mariners and souldiers being very sore hurt ; Antonio de Fcma 
seeing them come back all bloody, demanded the cause of it : 
Sir, answered they, we are not able to tell you, only you behold 
in what plight we are ; saying so, and shewing him the hurts 
on their heads, they declared unto him in what manner they 
had been entertained. At first this accident much troubled 
Antonio do Faria, so that he stood musing a good while upon 
it, but at length turning himself to them that were present, 
Let every one here, said he, prepare hdmself, for I cannot be 
perswaded but this is that dog Coia Acem, who I hope this day 
shall pa/y for all the wrong he hath done us. Whereupon he 
commanded presently to weigh anchor, and with all the speed 
that might be he set sail with the three junks and Lanteas. 
Being come within a musket shot of them, he saluted them 
with six and thirty pieces of ordnance, whereof twelve were 
faulooners, and other field-pieces, amongst the which was one 
of battery, that carried cast buUets, wherewith the enemies 
were so amazed, as all the resolution they could take for the 
instant was to leave their anchors in the sea, not haying, 
leasure to weigh them, and to make to the shoar, wherein also 
they failed of their desire; for Antorm de Faria perceiving 
their design got before them and boarded their junk with all 
the forces of his vessels: hereupon began a most furious 
combat both with pikes, darts, and pots full of powder thrown 
from either side, so that for half an hour it could not be 
discerned who had the better : but at length it pleased God to 
favour us so much, that the enemies finding themselves weary, 
wounded, and hurt, threw themselves into the sea. Antonio 
de Faria, seeing these wretches ready to sink, by reason of 
the impetuousness and strength of the current, he imbarqued 
himseli with some souldiers in two balons, and with much 
ado saved 16 men, whereunto he was induced by the great 
need he stood in of them for the manning of his Lamteas, 
because he had lost a great many of his people in the former 



What Antonio de Faria did trith the Captain of the F;p:Bts Junk; that 
which past between him and the people of the Couutiy; with our 
casting away upon the Island of Thieves. 

ANTONIO DE FAEIA having obtained this victory in the 
manner I have related, the first thing he did was to see his 
hurt men drest, as that which chiefly imported him ; then being 
given to understand that the pyrat Hirdmilau, the captain of the 
junk he had taken, was one of the sixteen he had saved, he 
commanded him to be brought before him, and after he had 
caused him to be drest of two wounds that he had received, 
he demanded of him what was become of the young Portugals 
which he held as slaves ? Whereunto the pyrat, being mad 
with rage, having answered that he could not tell, upon the 
second demand that was made hhn, with menaces, he said, 
that if first they would give him a little water, in regard he 
was so dry as he was not able to speak, that then he would 
consider what answer to make. Thereupon having water 
brought him, which he drunk so greedily as he spilt the most 
part of it without quenching his thirst, he desired to have 
some more given him, protesting that if they would let him 
drink his fill, they would oblige him by the law of Mahomets 
Alcoran voluntarily to confess all that they desired to know of 
him. Antonio de Fario, having given him as much as he would 
drink, questioned him again about the young Christians; 
whereto he replyed, that he should find them in the chamber 
of the prow ; thereupon he commanded 3 souldiers to go thither 
and fetch them, who had no sooner opened the scuttle to bid 
them come up, but they saw them lie dead in the place, with 
their throats cut; which made them cry out, Jesus, Jesus, 
come hither we beseech you. Sir, and behold a most lamentable 
spectacle ; hereat Antonio de Faria, and those that were with 
him, ran thither, and beholding those youths lying so one upon 
another, he could not forbear shedding of tears ; having caused 
them then to be brought upon the deck, together with a woman 
and two pretty children, about 7 or 8 years old, that had their 
throats also cut ; he demanded of the pyrat why he used such 


cruelty to those poor innocents : whereunto he answered, that 
it was because they were traytours, in discovering themselves 
to those, which were such great enemies to him as the Portu- 
gals were, and also for that having heard them call upon their 
Christ for help, he desired to see whether he would deliver 
them ; as for the two infants, there was cause enough to kill 
them, for that they were the children of Portugals, whom he 
ever hated : with the like extravagancy he answered to many 
other questions which were propounded to him, and that with 
so much obstinacy as if he had been a very devil. Afterwards 
being asked whether he were a Christian, he answered, no ; 
but that he had been one at such time as Don Pernio de 
Gama was captain of Malaca. Whereunto Antonio de Faria 
demanded of him, what moved him since he had been a 
Christian, to forsake the law of Jesus Christ, wherein he was 
assured of his salvation, for to embrace that of the false 
prophet Mahomet, from whence he could hope for nothing but 
the loss of his soul. Thereunto he answered, that he was 
induced so to do, for that so long as he was a Christian, the 
Portugals had alwayes contemned him, whereas before when 
he was a Gentile, they called him Quiay Necoda, that is to say, 
Signior captain ; but that respect immediately upon his bap- 
tism forsook him, which he verily believed did arrive to him by 
Mahomets express permission, to the end it should open his eyes 
to turn Mahometan, as after he did at Bintan, where the King 
of Jantana was in person present at the ceremony, and that 
ever since he had much honoured him, and that all the Man- 
da/rins called him brother, in regard of the vow he had made 
upon the Holy Book of Flowers, that as long as he lived he 
would be a sworn enemy to the Portitgals, and of all others 
that profest the name of Christ, for which both the King and 
Cacis Moulana had exceedingly commended him, promising 
that his soul should be most blessed if he performed that vow. 
Being likewise demanded how long ago it was since he revolted, 
what Portugal vessels he had taken, how many men he had 
put to death, and what merchandize he had despoyled them 
of? He answered, that it was 7 years since he became a 
Mahometan ; that the first vessel he took was Luiso de Pavia's 
junk, which he surprised in the Eiver of Liampoo with 400 


bars of pepper only, and no other spice, whereof having made 
himself master, that he had put to death 18 Portugals, besides 
their slaves, of whom he made no reckoning, because they 
were not such as could satisfie the oath he made. That after 
this prize he had taken our ships, and in them had put to death 
above 100 persons, amongst whom there were some 70 Portu- 
gals, and that he thought the merchandize in them amounted 
to fifteen or sixteen hundred bars of pepper, whereof the King 
of Pan had the better moyity for to give him a safe retreat in 
his ports, and to secure him from the Portugals, giving him to 
that purpose 100 men, with commandment to obey him as 
their king. Being further demanded, whether he had not 
killed any Portugals, or lent an hand for the doing thereof, he 
said no, but that some two years before, being in the Eiver of 
Choaboquec on the coast of Ghina, a great junk arrived there 
with a great many Portugals in her, whereof an intimate friend 
of his named Buy Loho, was captain, whom Don Estevan de 
Gama, then governour of the fortress of Malaca, had sent 
thither in the way of commerce, and that upon the sale of his 
commodities going out of the port, his junk about five dayes 
after took so great a leak, as not being able to clear her, he was 
constrained to retm-n towards the same port, from whence he 
parted ; but that by ill fortune clapping on all his sails to get 
the sooner to land was overset by the violence of the wind, so 
as all were cast away, saving Buy Loho, 17 Portugals, and 
some slaves, who in their skiff made for the island of Lamau, 
without sail, without water, or any manner of victuals ; that 
in this extremity Buy Loho, relying on the ancient friendship 
that was between them, came with tears in his eyes, and praid 
him on his knees to receive him and his into his junk, which 
was then ready to set sail for Patana, whereunto he agreed, 
upon condition that therefore he should give him two thousand 
ducates, for the performance whereof he bound himself by his 
oath of a Christian. But that after he had taken them in, he 
counselled by the Mahometans not to trust unto the friendship 
of Christians, lest he might endanger his own life ; for when 
theyhadrecovered strength, they would without doubt seize upon 
his junk, and all the goods that were in her, it being their usual 
custom so to do in all places where they found themselves the 


strongest : wherefore fearing lest that which the Mahometans 
suggested should befall him, he slew them all on a night as 
they slept, for the which notwithstanding he was sorry after- 
wards. This declaration so much incensed Antonio de Faria, 
and all that were about him, as indeed the enormity of so wicked 
a fact did require, that presently, without questioning or hear- 
ing of him further, he commanded him to be put to death with 
four more of his company ; and so they were all thrown into the 

This justice being executed on the pyrat and his four com- 
panions, Antonio de Faria caused an inventory to be taken of 
all that was in the junk, which was adjudged to mount unto 
forty thousand Taeis in raw and twisted silk, pieces of sattin, 
damask, musk, fine pourcelains, and other less valuable com- 
modities, which with the junk we were constrained to bum, 
because we wanted mariners for our navigation. With those 
valorous exploits the Chineses were so amazed, as they stood 
in dread of the very mention of the name of the Portugals, 
in so much that the Necodaes, or masters of the junks that 
were in the port, fearing the like might be done to them assem- 
bled all together in councel ; and there making election of two of 
the principal amongst them, whom they held most capable of 
performing their charge, they sent them as embassadoure unto 
Antonio de Faria, desiring him, that as King of the Sea, he 
would protect them, upon the assurance of his word, so as 
they might pass safely out of the place where they were for to 
make their voyage whil'st the season served ; in consideration 
whereof, as his tributary subjects and slaves, they would give 
him twenty thousand Taeis in ingots of silver, whereof pay- 
ment should be made out of hand, by way of acknowledging 
him to be their lord. Antonio de Faria received them very 
courteously, and granting their request, protested and sware 
to perform the same, and upon his word to protect them for 
the future, from having any of their goods taken from them by 
any pyrat ; whereupon one of the embassadours remained as 
surety for the twenty thousand Taeis, and the other went to 
fetch the ingots which he brought an hour after, together with 
a rich present of many several things sent him over and above 
by the Necodaes. This done, Antonio de Fa/ria desiring to 


advance a servant of his, named Costa, made him dark of the 
patents that were to be granted to the Necodaes, whereof he 
presently set a rate, namely five Taeis for a junk, and two 
Taeis for a Vanco, Lantea, and small barque, which proved so 
beneficial to him, that in the space of thirteen days, wherein 
these patents we dispatched, he got (according to the report 
of those that envyed him) above four thousand Taeis in silver, 
besides many good gratuities that were given him for expedi- 
tion. The form of these patents was thus : I give assurance 
upon my word to Necoda such a one, that he shall sail safely all 
about the coast of China without any distu/rbance, of any that 
belongs to me, upon condition that wheresoever he meets with any 
Portugals, he shall entreat them as brethren : and underneath 
he signed, Antorm de Fa/ria: All which patents were most 
exactly observed, and by that means he was redoubted all 
along the coast, as the Ghaem himself of the island of Ainan, 
who is the Vice-roy thereof, upon the report which he heard 
of him, sent to visit him by his embassadour, vnth a rich 
present of pearls and jewels; as also a letter, whereby he 
desired him to take entertainment from the Son of the Sun, a 
name which they give to the Emperour of this monarchy for 
to serve him as Commander General of all the coast from 
Lamau to Liampoo, with ten thousand Taeis pension yearly, 
and that if he carried himself well, according to the renown went 
of him, he assured him that upon the expiration of his three years 
charge, he should be advanced into the rank of the Ghaems of 
the state, and that such men as he if they were faithful, might 
attain to be one of the twelve Tutoens of the Empire, whom 
the sovereign Son of the Sun, being the Lion crowned on the 
throne of the world, admitted to his bed and board, as mem- 
bers united to his person by means of the honour, power, and 
command that he gave them with an annual pension of an 
hundred thousand Taeis. Antonio de Fa/ria gave him many 
thanks for this offer, and excused himself with complements, 
after their manner; saying, that he was not capable of so 
great favour as he would honour him withal, but that vrithout 
any regard at all of mony he would be ready to serve him as 
often as the Tutoens of Peqmn would be pleased to command 
him, After this going out of the port of Model, where he had 


been fourteen days, he ran all along the coast of that country 
for to find out Goia Acem, it being the main design of all his 
voyage, as I have declared before. Imagining then that he 
might meet with him in some of these places, he stayed there 
above six months, with much pain and hazard of his person. 
At length he arrived at a very fair town, named Quangiparu, 
wherein were goodly buildings and temples. In 'this port he 
abode all that day and the night following, under colour of 
being a merchant, peaceably buying that which was brought 
him aboard ; and because it was a town of fifteen hundred 
fires, as we guessed, the next morning by break of day we set 
sail without any great notice taken of us. So returning to sea, 
although it were with a contrary wind, in 12 days with a 
troublesome navigation he visited the shores both of the south 
and north coasts, without incountring any thing worthy the 
observation, although they were replenished with a many of 
little villages, whereof divers were inclosed with walls of 
brick, but not strong enough to withstand the force of thirty 
good soldiers, the people of themselves being very weak, and 
having no other arms but staves hardned in the fire ; howso- 
ever the scituation of this country was under one of the best 
and fertilest climates on the earth, abounding with great store 
of cattel, and many goodly_large fields, sowed with wheat, rice, 
barly, millet, and sundry other ' kinds of grain ; as also reple- 
nished with many great groves of pine, and Angeline trees, as 
in the Indies, able to furnish a world of shipping. Moreover, 
by the relation of certain merchants Antonio de Faria was in- 
formed, that in this land there were many mynes of copper, 
silver, tin, saltpeter, sulphur, and an infinite deal of untilled, 
but excellently good grovmd, altogether neglected by this weak 
nation, which were it in our power, we might in all probability 
be more advanced in the Indies, then now we are through the 
unhappiness of our sins. 

After we had been 7 months and an half in this country, 
somtimes on the one side, somtimes on the other, from river to 
river, and on both coasts, north and south ; as also in the Isle 
of Ainan, without hearing any news of Coia Acem, the souldiers 
weary of so long and tedious travel, assembled altogether, and 
desired Antonio de Fa/ria, to make a partition of that which bad 


been gotten, according to a promise before made to them by a 
note under his hand, saying, that thereupon they would return 
unto the Indies, or where else they thought good, whereby a 
great deal of stir arose amongst us. At length it was agreed, 
that we should go and winter in Siam, where all the goods 
which were in the junk should be sold, and being reduced into 
gold, division shotdd be made of it, as was desired. With this 
accord, sworn and signed by all, we went and anchored in an 
island, called the island of Thieves, in regard it was the outer- 
most island of aU that bay, to the end that from thence we 
might make our voyage with the first fair wind that should 
blow. So having continued there twelve dayes with an earnest 
desire to effect the agreement we had made together ; it for- 
tuned that by the conjunction of the new moon in October, 
which we had alwayes feared, there arose such a tempest of 
rain and wind, as seemed to be no natural thing, in so much 
that lying open to the south wind, as we traverst the coast, 
the waves went so high, that though we used all means possible 
to save our selves, cutting down our masts, and all the dead 
works from poup to prow; as also casting into the sea even the 
most part of our merchandize, reducing our great ordnance 
into their places again out of which they had been toss'd, and 
strengthning our cables that were half rotten with ropes ; 
but all this was not able to preserve us, for the night was so 
dark, the weather so cold, the sea so rough, the wind so high, 
and the storm so horrible, that in these extremities nothing 
could deUver us but the meer mercy of God, whom with con- 
tinual cries and tears we called upon for help. But for as 
much as in regard of our sins we did not deserve to receive 
this grace at His hands. His Divine Justice ordained, that 
about 2 hours after midnight there came such a fearful gust of 
wind, as drove our 4 vessels foul of one another upon the 
shore, where they were all broken to pieces, so that 400 and 
80 men were drowned, amongst which were eight Portii- 
gals, and it pleased God that the remainder being 53 persons 
were saved, whereof 23 were Portugals, the rest slaves and 
mariners. After this lamentable shipwrack, we got half naked, 
and most of us hurt into a marish hard by, where we stayed 
till the next morning ; and as soon as it was day we returned 


to the sea side, which we found all strewed with dead 
bodies, a spectacle of that dread and horrour as scarce 
any one of us could forbear swooning to behold it : over 
them we stood lamenting a great while, till such time as 
Antonio de Faria, who by the mercy of God was one of those 
that remained alive, whereof we were aU very glad, concealing 
the grief which we could not dissemble, came where we were, 
having on a scarlet coat that he had taken from one of the 
dead, and with a joyful countenance, his eyes dry and void of 
tears, he made a short speech unto us, wherein he remon- 
strated how variable and uncertain the things of this world 
were, and therefore he desired us, as brethren, that we would 
endeavour to forget them, seeing the remembrance of them 
was but a means to grieve us ; for considering the time and 
miserable estate whereunto we were reduced, we saw how 
necessary his counsel was : and how he hoped that God would 
in this desolate place present us with some good opportunity to 
save our selves, and how we might be assured that He never per- 
mitted any evil but for a greater good ; moreover how he firmly 
believed, that though we had now lost five hundred thousand 
crowns, we should ere it were long get above six hundred thou- 
sand for them. This brief exhortation was heard by us all with 
tears and discomfort enough ; so we spent two days and an half 
there in biirying the dead ; during which time we recovered 
some wet victuals, and provisions to sustain us withal ; but 
they lasted not above five dayes of fifteen that we stayed there, 
for by reason of their wetness they corrupted presently, and 
did us little good. After these 15 days it pleased God, who 
never forsakes them that truly put their trust in Him, miracu- 
lously to send us a remedy, whereby we escaped out of that 
misery we were in, as I will declare hereafter. 



In what sort we escaped miraculously out of this island; our passage 
from thence to the river of Xingrau ; our incountting with a Chinese 
pyrat, and the agreement we made with him. 

BEING escaped from this miserable shipwrack, it was a 
lamentable thing to see how we walked up and down 
almost naked, enduring such cruel cold and hunger, that many 
of us talking one to another, fell down suddenly dead with 
very weakness, which proceeded not so much from want of 
victuals, as from the eating of such things as were hurtful to 
us, by reason they were all rotten, and stunk so vilely, that no 
man could endure the taste of them in his mouth. But as our 
God is an infinite good, there is no place so remote, for desert, 
where the misery of sinners can be hid from the assistance of 
His infinite mercy, which I speak, in regard that on the day, 
when as the feast of S. Michael is celebrated, as we were 
drowned in tears, and without hope of any humane help, 
according as it seemed to the weakness of our little faith, a kite 
came unexpectedly flying over our heads from behinde a point 
which the island made towards the south, and by chance let 
fall a fish called a mullet, about a foot long. This fish falling 
close by Antonio de Faria, he took it and caused it to be broyled 
upon coals, and given to such of the sick as had most need of 
it ; then looking towards the point of the island from whence 
the kite came, we perceived divers others that in their flying 
made many stoopings, whence we concluded that there was 
some kind of prey there whereon these fowls fed ; now all of 
us being most desirous of relief, we went thither in all haste, 
and coming to the top of the higher groimd, we discovered a 
low vally fuU of divers fruit trees, and in the middle a river of 
fresh water, whereupon by good fortune before we went down 
we saw a stag newly killed, and a tyger beginning to eat him, 
therewith we made a great cry which frighted him away into 
the wood, leaving us the stag as he was. Then descended we 
to the river, and by the bank of it staid all that night, making 
a feast, as well with the stag, as with divers mullets that we 
took there ; for there were a great nimiber of kites, that from 


the water catched a many of those fishes, and oftentimes let 
them fall being soared with our cries. Thus continued we by 
the rivers tiU Saturday following, when about the break of day 
we discerned a sail making as we thought towards the island 
where we were : the better to be assured whereof we returned 
to the shoar where we were wracked, and there staying about 
half an hour, we found it to be so indeed, in which regard we 
got us presently into the wood to decline discovery from those 
in the vessel ; which arriving in the port we perceived it to be 
a Lamea, and that those that were in her fastned her to the 
shoar with 2 cables, at the beak and the stern the better to 
accommodate a plank for to pass in and out of her. Being all 
dis-imbarqued out of her to about the number of thirty persons, 
more or less, they went presently, some to making provision of 
water and wood, some to washing of their linnen, and dressing 
of meat, and others to wrastling, and such like pastimes, little 
thinking to find any body in that place which could any way 
annoy them. Antonio de Fa/ria seeing them altogether without 
fear and order, and that there was none remaining in the vessel 
able to resist us ; My masters, said he unto us, you behold the 
wretched estate whereinto our mis-fortune hath reduced us, 
whereof I confess m/y sins are the cause ; but the mercy of God 
is so imfvmte, as I am, verily perswaded He will not suffer us to 
perish thus miserably here, and therefore hath as it were miracu- 
lously sent this vessel hither, by seising whereupon we may 
escape from hence, which before to humane reason seemed almost 
impossible : wherefore I exhort you all to joyn with me in 
making our selves masters suddenly of her ere ever we be heard 
or seen, and homing so done, let our oneVy care be to possess our 
selves of the arms we shall find in her, that therewith we may 
defend our selves, and make good our possession, upon which, 
next under God, our safety depends ; and as soon as you shall 
hear me say three times, Jesus, do as you shall see me do. 
Whereunto we answered, that we would dihgently perform 
what he had enjoyned us ; so that we standing all prepared to 
execute his design, Antondo de Faria gave the signal which he 
had spoken of, and withall ran as fast as ever he could, and we 
along with him, till he arrived at the Lantea, whereinto we 
suddenly entered without any contradiction; then unloosing 


the two cables with which she was fastned, we put out to sea 
about a cross-bow shot from land. The CMneses surprized in 
this manner, ran all to the sea side, upon the noise that they 
heard ; and seeing their vessel taken, were much amazed, but 
knew not how to help it ; for we shot at them with an iron 
base that was in the Lantea, which made them fly into the 
wood, where no doubt they passed the rest of that day in 
lamenting the sad success of their ill fortune, as we had done 
ours before. 

After we were gotten into the Lantea, and that we were sure 
the deceived CMneses could no way hurt us, we sat us down to 
eat that at leasure, which they had caused to make ready for 
their dinner by an old man, that we found there, and it was a 
great skillet full of rice with bached lard, whereunto we fell 
with good stomacks, as being not a little hungry. Dinner 
done, and thanks rendred to God for His gracious mercy to us, 
an inventory was taken of the goods that were in the Lantea, 
which was raw silks, damasks, sattins, together with three 
great pots of musk, amounting in all to the value of four 
thousand crowns, beside good store of rice, sugar, gammons 
of bacon, and two coups full of poultry, whereof we had more 
need then of all the rest, for the recovery of our sick men, 
which were not a few amongst us. Hereupon we all began 
without fear to cut out pieces of silk, therevrith to accommo- 
date every one with clothes. Antonio de Fa/ria, having found 
a prety boy in the Lantea, about some twelve or thirteen years 
old, demanded of him from whence she came, and what she 
did in this place, as also to whom she belonged, and whither 
she was bound. Alas I answered the boy, she not long since 
belonged to my unfortunate father, whose ill ha^ it is to have 
that taken from him by you in less then an hour, which he hath 
been above thirty years in getting. He came from a place called 
Quoaman, where in exchange of lingots of siher he bought all 
these commodities that you have, with a purpose to have gone and 
sold them to the junks of Siam, whdch are in the port of Comhay ; 
and wanting fresh water, it was his ill hap to come hither for to 
take in some, where you h<we robbed Mm of all that he liath, 
without any fea/r at all of the Limine justice. Whereupon 
Antonio de Fa/ria bade him leave weeping, and making much 


of Mm, promised to use him as his own son, and that ha 
would alwayes account him so ; hereat smiling as it were in 
disdain, he answered. Think not thotcgh I am but a cMlde, that 
I am so foolish to believe, that homing robbed my father, thou 
canst ever use me like thy son ; but if thou wilt do as thou sayest, 
I beseech thee for the love of thy God suffer me to swim unto 
that sad land, where he remains that begot me, who indeed is my 
true father, withwhom I had rather dye where I see him lamenting, 
then live with such wicked people as you are. Then some of 
them that were present, reprehending and teUing him that it 
was not well spoken. Would you know, replyed he, why I said 
so ? It was becoMselsoAU you after you had filled yow bellies, 
praise God with lifted up hands, and yet for all that like hypo- 
crites never care for making restitution of that you ha/ve stollen ; 
but be assured, that after death you shall feel the rigorous chas- 
tisement of the Lord Almighty for so unjustly taking mens goods 
from them. Antonio de Faria, admiring the childs speech, 
asked him whether he would become a Christian? Where- 
imto, earnestly beholding him, he answered, I understand not 
what you say, nor that you propounded ; declare it first unto me, 
and then you shall know my mind further. Then Antonio de 
Faria began to instruct him therein after the best manner he 
could, but the boy would not answer him a word ; only lifting 
up his hands and eyes to heaven, he said, weeping. Blessed be 
Thy power, Lord, that permits such people to live on the 
earth, that speak so well of Thee, and yet so ill observe Thy law, 
as these blinded miscreants do, who think that robbing amd 
preaching are things acceptable to Thee. Having said so, he 
got him into a corner, and there remained weeping for three 
dayes together, without eating any thing that was presented 
unto him. Hereupon falUng to consult whether it were the 
best course for us to hold from this place, either northward, or 
southward, much dispute arose thereabout, at length it was 
concluded that we would go to Liampoo, a port distant from 
thence northwards two hundred and threescore leagues; for 
we hoped that along this coast we might happen to incounter 
and seize on some other greater and more commodious vessel 
then that we had, which was too little for so long a voyage, in 
regard of the dangerous storms that are ordinarily caused by 


the new moons on the coast of China, where dayly many ships 
are cast away. With this design we put to sea about sun-set, 
and so went on this night with a south-west wind, and before 
day we discovered a little island, named Quintoo, where we 
surprized a fisher-boat full of fresh fish, of which we took as 
much as we had need of, as also 8. of 12. men that were in 
her for the service of our Lantea, by reason our own were so 
feeble as they were not able to hold out any longer. These 8. 
fishermen, being demanded what ports there were on this 
coast to Ghdncheo, where we thought we might meet with 
some ship of Malaca, answered, that about 18. leagues from 
thence there was a good river and a good rode called Xingra/u, 
much frequented with junks, where we might be easily and 
throughly accommodated vnth all that we stand in need of ; 
that at the entring into it, there was a little village named 
Xamoy, inhabited with poor fishermen, and 3. leagues beyond 
that, the town where was great store of silks, musk, pource- 
lains, and many other sorts of commodities, which were 
transported into divers parts. Upon this advice we steered 
our course towards that river, where we arrived the next day 
immediately after dinner, and cast anchor just against it about 
a league in the sea, for fear lest our ill fortune should run us 
into the same mischief we were in before. The night follow- 
ing we took a Peroo of fishermen, of whom we demanded 
what junks there were in this river, and how they were 
man'd, with divers other questions proper for our design. 
Whereunto they answered, that at the town up the river there 
was not above 200. junks, by reason the greatest part were 
already gone to Aincm, Sumbor, Lwiloo, and other ports of 
Cauchenohma ; moreover, that we might ride in safety at 
Xamoy, and that there we might buy any thing we wanted. 
Whereupon we entred into the river, and anchored close to the 
village, where we continued the space of half an hour, being 
much about midnight. But Antowio de Faria seeing that the 
Lantea wherein we sailed could not carry us to Liampoo, where 
we purposed to lie all the winter, he concluded by the advice 
of his company to furnish himself with a better vessel ; and 
although we were not then in case to enterprise any thing, yet 
necessity constrained us to undertake more then our forces 


would permit. Now there being at that instant a little junk 
riding at anchor fast by us alone, and no other near her, 
having but few men in her, and those asleep, Antomo de Fa/ria 
thought he had a good opportunity to effect his purpose; 
wherefore leaving his anchor in the sea, he got up close to this 
junk, and with 27. souldiers and 8. boyes boarded her on a 
sudden unespied, where finding 7. or 8. Chinese mariners fast 
asleep, he caused them to be taken, and bound hand and foot, 
threatning if they cryed out never so httle to kill them all, 
which put them in such a fear, as they durst not so much as 
quetch. Then cutting her cables, he got him straight into the 
river, and sayled away with all the speed he could. The next 
day we arrived at an island, named Pulio Qwirim, distant from 
Xa/rmy not above nine leagues ; there meeting with a favour- 
able gale within 3 dayes we went and anchored at another 
island, called Luxitay, where in regard the ayr was wholsom, 
and the water good, we thought fit to stay some 15. days for 
the recovery of our sick men. In this place we visited the junk, 
but found no other commodity in her then rice, the greatest 
part whereof we cast into the sea, to make her the lighter and 
securer for our voyage ; then we unladed all her furniture into 
the Lantea, and set her on ground for to caulk her, so that in 
doing thereof, and making our provision of water, we spent (as 
I said before) fifteen days in this island, by which time our sick 
men fully recovered their health ; whereupon we departed for 
Hcmvpoo, being given to understand, that many PorPugals were 
come thither from Malaca, Sunda, Siam, and Patana, as they 
used ordinarily to do about that time for to winter there. 

We had sailed two days together along the coast of Lamum 
with a favourable wind, when it pleased God to make us 
encounter with a junk of Patana, that came from Lequio, which 
was commanded by a Chinese pyrat, named Qtday Panian, a 
great friend of the Portugal nation, and much addicted to our 
fashions and manner of Ufe, with him there were thirty 
Portugals, choice and proper men, whom he kept in pay, and 
advantaged more then the rest with gifts and presents, so that 
they were all very rich. This pyrat had no sooner discovered 
us but he resolved to attaqueus, thinking nothing less then that 
we were Portugals, so that endeavouring to invest us, like an 


old souldier that he was, and verst in the trade of pyrat, he got 
the wind of us ; that done, falling down within a musket shot 
of us, he saluted us with 15. pieces of ordnance, wherewith we 
were much affrighted, because the most of them were faul- 
conets; but Antonio de Fcvria encouraging his men, like a 
valiant captain, and a good Christian, disposed them on the 
hatches in places most convenient, as well in the prow as the 
poop, reserving some to be afterwards fitted as need should 
require. Being thus resolved to see the end of that which 
Fortune should present us, it pleased God that we descried a 
cross in our enemies flag, and on the fore-deck a number of red 
caps, which our men were wont to wear at sea in those times, 
whereby we were perswaded that they might be Portugals 
that were going from Liampoo to Malaca ; whereupon we made 
them a sign to make our selves known to them, who no sooner 
perceived that we were Portugals, but in token of joy they gave 
a great shout, and withal vaiUng their two top sails in shew of 
obedience, they sent their long boat, called a balon, with 2. 
Portugals in her, for to learn what we were, and from whence 
we came. At length having well observed and considered us, 
they approached with some more confidence to our junk ; and 
having saluted us, and we them, they came aboard her, where 
Antonio de Faria received them very courteously ; and for that 
they were known to some of our souldiers, they continued there 
a good while, during the which they recounted divers particu- 
lars unto us necessary for our design. That done, Antonio de 
Fa/ria sent Ghristovano Borralho to accompany them back, and 
to visit Qmay Panicm from him, as also to deUver him a letter 
full of complements, and many other offers of friendship, 
wherewith this pyrat Panian was so contented and proud, that 
he seemed not to be himself (such was his vanity) and passing 
close by om- junk, he took in all his sails ; then accompanied 
with 20. Portugals, he came and visited Antonio de Fa/ria with 
a goodly rich present, worth about two thousand ducates, as 
well in ambergreece and pearls, as jewels of gold and silver, 
Antonio de Fa/ria, and the rest of us, received him with great 
demonstrations of love and honour. After this he and aU his 
company were set, Antorm de Fa/ria fell to discourse with them 
of divers things according to the time and occasion, and then 


recited unto them his unhappy voyage, and the loss he had 
sustained ; and acquainting them with his determination to go 
unto Liampoo, for to re-inforce himself with men, and make 
provision of vessels with oars, to the end he might return again 
to pass once more into the Streight of CcmchencMna, and so get 
to the mynes of Quocmiapa/ru, where he had been told there were 
six large houses full of lingots of silver, besides a far greater 
quantity that was continually melted all along the river, and that 
without any peril one might be wonderfully enriched. Where- 
unto the pyrat Panian made this answer, For my own pa/rt, 
Signior Captain, I am not so rich as many tMnle, though it is 
true I have been so heretofore ; hut homing been beaten with the 
same misfortune, which thou sayest has befallen thee, my riches 
ha/oe been taken from me. Now to retwrn to Patana, where I 
have a wife and children, I dare not, by reason I am assured that 
the King will despoil me of all that I should bring thither, because 
I departed from thence without his permission, which he would 
make a most hainous crime, to the end he might seize upon m/y 
estate, as he has done to others for far lesser occasions then that 
wherewith he may charge me. Wherefore if thou canst be con- 
tented that I shall accompany thee in the voyage thou meanest to 
undertake, with an hundred men that I ha/oe in my junk ; fifteen 
pieces of ordnance, thirty muskets, andfourty ha/rquebuses, which 
these signiors, the Portugals that are with me do carry, I shall 
most willingVy do it, upon condition that thou wilt impart unto 
me a third part of that which shall be gotten, and to that effect I 
desire thee to give me an assu/rance under thy hand, as also to 
swear unto me by thy law to perform it' accordingly. Antonio de 
Faria accepted of this offer very gladly, and after he had ren- 
dred him many thanks for it, he swore unto him upon the holy 
evangelists fully and without all fail to eccompUsh what he 
required, and thereof likewise made him a promise under his 
hand, to which divers of their company subscribed their names 
as witnesses. This accord past between them, they went both 
.together into a river, called Anay, some 5. leagues from thence, 
where they furnished themselves with all that they stood in 
need of, by means of a present of an hundred ducates, which 
they gave to the Mandarin, captain of the town. 



Onr encounter at sea with a little fisher-boat, wherein were eight Fortugals 
very sore hurt ; and Antonio de Faria'a meeting and fighting with Coia 
Acem the pyrat. 

BEING parted from this river of Anay, and ■well provided 
of all things necessary for the voyage we had undertaken, 
Antonio de Fa/ria resolved by the advice and councel of Quia/y 
Pcmian, whom he much respected, to go and anchor in the 
port of Ghincheo, there to be informed by such Porttigals as 
were come from Sunda, Malaca, Timor, and Patana, of certain 
matters requisite for his design, and whether they had any 
news from Liampoo, in regard the report went in the country, 
that the King of GMna had sent thither a fleet of 400. junks, 
wherein there were an hundred thousand men, for to take the 
Porttigals that resided there, and to burn their houses, for that 
he would not endure them to be any longer in his dominions, 
because he had been lately advertised, that they were not a 
people so faithful and peaceable as he had been formerly given 
to understand. Arriving then in the port of CMncheo, we 
found five Portugal ships, that were come thither about a 
month before, from the places above mentioned. These ships 
received us with great joy, and after they had given us intelli- 
gence of the country, traffique, and tranquility of the ports, 
they told us they had no other news from Liampoo, but that it 
was said a great number of Fortugals were come thither from 
many parts to winter there ; and how that great army, which 
we so much feared, was not thereabout ; but that it was sus- 
pected to be gone for the islands of Goto, to the succour of 
Sucan de Ponti/r, from whom the bruit went a brother-in-law 
of his had taken his kingdom, and that in regard Sv,can had 
lately made himself subject to the King of China, and his 
tributary for an hundred thousand Taeis by the year, he had 
in compensation thereof given him this great army of 400. 
junks, with the forces aforesaid, for to restore him to his crown 
and signiories, whereof he had been despoyled. Being very 
glad of this news, after we had remained in this port of CMn- 
cheo the space of 9. days, we departed from thence for Liampoo, 


taking along with us five and thirty souldiers more out of the 
five ships we found there, to whom Antomo de Fa/ria gave very 
good pay ; and after we had sailed five days with a contrary 
wind, coasting from one side to another, without advancing 
any whit at all, it happened that one night about the first 
watch, we met with a little fisher-boat, or Pwroo, wherein 
there were eight Portugals, very sore hurt, two of the which were 
named Mem Tahorda, and Antonio Awrigues, men of honour, 
and very much renowned in those quarters, the cause why in 
particular I name them. These and the other six were in such 
a pitiful estate, and so hideous to see to, as they moved every 
one to compassion. This Pa/roo coming close to Antonio de 
Fcma, he caused them to be taken up into his junk, where they 
presently oast themselves at his feet, from whence he raised 
them up, weeping for pity to behold them so naked, and all 
bathed in their own blood with the woimds they had received, 
and then demanded of them the occasion of their misfortune : 
whereunto one of the two made answer, that about 17 days 
before they set sail from Liampoo for Malaca, and that being 
advanced as far as the Isle of Sumbor, they had been set upon 
by a pyrat, a Guza/rat by nation, called Goia Acem, who had 
three junks, and four Lanteaas, wherein were fifteen hundred 
men, namely an hundred and fifty Mahometans, the rest 
Luzzons, Jaoas, and Ghampaas, people of the other side of 
Malaya, and that after they had fought with them from one to 
four in the afternoon, they had been taken with the death of 
fourscore and two men, whereof 18. were Portugals, and as many 
made slaves ; and that in their junk, what of his and of others, 
there was lost in merchandize above an hundred thousand 
Taeis. Antonio de Fa/ria remaining a good while pensive at 
that which these men related unto him, at length said unto 
them ; I pray tell me how was it possible for you to escape 
more than the rest, the fight passing as you dehver ? After we 
had been fought withal about an how and am, half, the three 
great junks boarded us five times, and with the force of their 
shot they so tore the prow of our vessel, that we were ready to 
sink ; wherefore to keep out the water, amd lighten owr shUp, we 
were consPran,ned to cast the most part of our goods into the sea; 
and whil'st our men were laboring to do so, our enemies la/yed so 


close at us, as every one was fmn to leave that he was about, for 
to defend hAmselfe on the hatches. But whil'st we were thus 
troubled, most of our company being hwrt, and many slain, it 
pleased God that one of the enem/ies junks came to be so furiously 
fired, as it caught hold likewise of another that was fastned unto 
it, which made the pyrats souldiers lea/ve the fight for to go and 
same their vessels ; yet that they could not do so speedily, but that 
one of them was burnt down even to the very water, so that they 
of the junk were compelled to leap into the sea to sa/oe themselves 
from burning, where most of them were drowned. In the mean 
time we made shift to get our junk close to a stock of piles, which 
fishermen had planted there against a rock, hard by the mouth 
of the river, whereat this present is the temple of the Siams; but 
the dog Coia Acem was instantly with us, and homing fast 
grapled us, he leapt into our vessel, being followed by a great 
number of Mahometans, all a/rmed with coats of mail, and buff 
jerkins, who straight way killed above an hundred and fifty of 
owrs, whereof eighteen were Portugals ; which we no sooner per- 
ceived, but all wounded as we were, and spoyled with the fire, as 
you see, we sought for some way to same our selves, and to that 
end we sped us into a Manchua, that was fastned to the stem of 
ow junk ; wherein it pleased God that fifteen of us escaped, 
whereof two dyed yesterday ; amd of the thi/rteen that remain yet 
miraculously alive, there are eight Portugals, and five servants. 
In this sort we got us with all speed between this pallisado amd 
the land amongst the rocks, the better to preserve us from being 
boarded by their junk, but they were otherwise employed in seek- 
ing to same the men of their burnt vessel ; and afterwards they 
entered into our junk, where they were so carried away with the 
bootie, as they never thought of pursuing us ; so that the sun 
being almost set, and they wonderful glad of their victorie over 
us, they retired into the rimer with great acclamations. Antonio 
de Faria, very joyful of this news, though he was sad again on 
the other side, for the bad success of those that had made him 
this relation, rendred thanks unto God for that he had found 
his enemy, it being a matter so much desired of him and his. 
Certainly, said he unto them then, by your report they must 
needs be now in great disorder, and much spoyled in the river 
where they are ; for I am perfwaded that neither your junk, 


nor that of theirs, which was fastned to the burnt one, can do 
them any longer service, and that in the great junk which 
assaulted you, it is not possible but that you have hurt and 
killed a good many. Whereunto they answered, that without 
doubt they had killed and hurt a great number. Then Antonio 
de Faria, putting off his cap, fell down on his knees, and with 
his hands and eyes lifted up to heaven, he said weeping, 
Lord Jesus Christ, my God and Scmowr, even as thou a/rt the 
true hope of those that put their trust in thee ; I, that am the 
greatest sinner of all men, do most hmmhly beseech thee, in the 
name of thy seroamts that a/re here present, whose souls tJiou hast 
bought with Thy precious blood, that Thou wilt gvoe us strength 
and victory against this crvM enemy, the m/wrtherer of so marvy 
Portugals, whom with Thy f amour aitd add, and for the honour 
of Thy holy name, I ha/oe resolved to seek out, as hitherto I ha/oe 
done, to the end he may pay to Thy souldiers and faithful ser- 
vants what he hath so long owed them. Whereunto all that 
were by answered with one cry, To them, to them, in the name 
of Jesus Christ, that this dog may now render us that, which for 
so long together he hath taken, as well from us, as from our poor 
miserable companions. Hereupon with marvellous ardor and 
great acclamations, we set sail for the port of Ladloo, which 
we had left eight leagues behind us, whither by the advice of 
some of his company Antonio de FaHa went to furnish himself 
with aU that was necessary for the fight he hoped to make with 
the pyrat, in the quest of whom' (as I have already dehvered) 
he had spent so much time, and yet could never till then 
hear any news of him in all the ports and places where he had 

The next morning we arrived at the port of LaMoo, where 
Qwia/y Panian had much kindred and many friends, so that he 
wanted no credit in that place; wherefore he intreated the 
Mandarin (who is the captain of the town) to permit us to 
buy for our mony such things as we stood in need of, which he 
instantly granted, as well for fear lest some displeasure might 
be done him, as for the sum of 1000 duckets, presented unto 
him by Antonio de Fwria, wherewith he rested very well satis- 
fied. Hereupon some of our company went ashore, who with 
all diligence bought whatsoever we wanted, as saltpeter, and 


sulphur to make powder, lead, bullets, victual, cordage, oyl, 
pitch, rosin, ockam, timber, planks, arms, darts, staves 
hardened in the fire, masts, sails, sail-yards, targets, flints, 
pullies, and anchors ; that done, we took in fresh water, and 
furnished our vessels with mariners. Now although that this 
place contained not above three or four hundred houses, yet 
was there both there, and in the villages adjoyning, such a 
quantity of the aforesaid things, that in truth it were hard to 
express it ; for China is excellent in this, that it may vaunt to 
be the country in the world most abounding in all things that 
may be desired. Besides for that Antonio de Fa/ria was ex- 
ceeding liberal, in regard he spent out of the general booty, 
before the partitions were made, he paid for all that he bought 
at the price the sellers would set, by means whereof he had 
more brought him by far then he had use for ; so that within 
13 dayes he went out of this port wonderfully well accommo- 
dated, with two other new great junks, which he had exchanged 
for two little ones that he had, and 2 Lanteaas with oars, as 
also 160 mariners, both for rowing, and for governing the sails- 
After all these preparations were made, and we ready to weigh 
anchor, a general muster was taken of all that were in our 
army, which in number was found to be 500 persons, as well 
for fight, as for the service and navigation of our vessels, 
amongst whom were fourscore and fifteen Portugals, young and 
resolute, the rest were boys, and mariners, and men of the 
other coast, which Quia Panian kept in pay, and were well 
practised to sea-fight, as they that had been five years pyrats. 
Moreover, we had 160 harquebuses, forty pieces of brass ord- 
nance, whereof twenty were field-pieces, that carried stone- 
bullets, threescore quintals of powder ; namely, fifty-four for 
the great ordnance, and six for the harquebuses, besides what 
the harquebusiers had already delivered to them, nine hundred 
pots of artificial fire, whereof four hundred were of powder, 
and five hundred of unslaked lime after the Chinese manner, a 
great number of stones, arrows, half-pikes, four thousand small 
javelings, store of hatchets to serve at boarding, six boats full 
of flints, wherewith the sailors fought; twelve cramp-irons 
with their hooks fastned to great iron chains for to grapple 
vessels together, and many sorts of fire-works, which an 


engineer of tlie Levant made for us. With all this equipage 
we departed from this port of Lcdloo, and within 3 days after 
it pleased God that we arrived at the fishing place, where Goia 
Acem took the Portugals junk. There as soon as it was night, 
Antonio de Faria sent spies into the river, for to learn where- 
abouts he was, we took a Pa/roo, with six fishermen in her, that 
gave us to understand how this pirat was some 2 leagues from 
thence in a river called Tinlwu, and that he was accommodating 
the junk he had taken from the Portugals, for to go in her, 
with two others that he had, unto Sia/m, where he was born, 
and that he was to depart within 2 days. Upon this news 
Antonio de Faria called some of his company to counoel, where 
it was concluded that first of all the places and forces of our 
enemy was to be visited and seen, because in a matter of so 
much hazard, it was not safe to run as it were blindfold, unto 
it, but to advise on it well beforehand ; and that upon the cer- 
tainty of that which should be known, such resolution might 
afterwards be taken, as should seem good to all ; then drawing 
the fishermen out of the Pa/roo, he put some of Quiay Panians 
mariners into her, and sending her away only with the two of 
those fishermen, keeping the rest as hostages, he committed 
the charge of her to a valiant souldier, named Vincentio Morosa, 
attired after the CMnese fashion, for fear of discovery ; who 
arriving at the place where the enemy rode, made shew of 
fishing, as others did ; and by that means espied all that he 
came for, whereupon returning, he gave an account of what he 
had seen, and assured us that the enemies were so weak, as 
upon boarding of them they might easily be taken. Antonio 
de Fa/ria caused the most experienced men of his company to be 
assembled, to advise thereon, and that in Quiay Pamans junk, 
to honour him the more, as also to maintain his friendship, 
which he much esteem'd. At this meeting it was resolved, 
that as soon as it was night, they should go and anchor at the 
mouth of the river where the enemy lay, for to set upon him 
the next morning before day. This agreed unto by all, Antonio 
de Fa/ria set down what order and course should be held at the 
entring into the river, and how the enemy should be assaulted: 
then dividing his men, he placed thirty Portugals in Qmay 
PamoMS junk, such as he pleased to choose, because he would 


be sure to give him no distaste; likewise he disposed six 
Portiigals into each of the Lanteaas, and into Christovano 
Borralho's junk twenty ; the rest of the Portugals, heing 33. he 
retained with himself, besides slaves and divers Christians, all 
valiant and trusty men. Thus accommodated and ordered for 
the execution of his enterprize, he set sail towards the river of 
Tinlau, where he arrived about sun-set; and there keeping 
good watch he past the night till three of the clock in the 
morning, at which time he made to the enemy, who rode some 
half a league up in the river. 

It pleased God that the sea was calm, and the wind so 
favourable, as our fleet sailing up the river, arrived in less than 
an hour close to the enemy, unperceived of any ; but because 
they were thieves, and feared the people of the eoimtry, in 
regard of the great mischiefs and robberies which they dayly 
committed, they stood so upon their guard, and so good watch, 
that as soon as they discerned us, in all haste they rung an 
alarum with a bell, the sound whereof caused such a rumor and 
disorder, as well amongst them that were ashore, as those 
aboard, that one could hardly hear one another, by reason of the 
great noise they made. Whereupon Antonio de Fa/ria, seeing 
we were discovered, cried out to his company, To them, my 
m/isters, to them in the name of God, before they be sticcoured by 
their Lorches ; wherewith discharging aU his ordnance, it 
pleased heaven, that the shot light to such purpose, as it over- 
threw and tore in pieces the most part of the valiantest that 
then, were mounted and appeared on the deck even right as 
we could have wished. In the neck hereof our harquebusiers, 
which might be some hundred and threescore, failed not to 
shoot upon the signal that had formerly been ordained for it, 
so that the hatches of the junk were cleared of all those that 
were upon them, and that with such a slaughter, as not an 
enemy durst appear there afterwards ; at wMch very instant 
our two junks boarded their two in the case they were in, 
where the fight grew so hot on either side, as I confess I am 
not able to relate in particular, what passed therein, though I 
was present at it ; for when it began it was scarce day. Now 
that which rendred the conflict betwixt us and our enemies 
most dreadful was the noise of drums, basins and bells, accom- 


panied with the report of the great ordnance, wherewith the 
valleys and rocks thereabouts resounded again. This fight 
continuing in this manner some quarter of an hour, their 
Larches and Lanteas came forth from the shore to assist them 
with fresh men, which one named Diego Meyrelem, in Qiday 
Pcmians junk, perceiving, and that a gunner employed not his 
shot to any purpose, in regard he was so beside himself with 
fear, that he knew not what he did, as he was ready to give 
fire to a piece, he thrust him away so rudely, as he threw him 
down into the scuttle, saying to him. Away villadn, thou canst 
do nothing, this business belongs to men, such as I a/m, not to 
thee : whereupon pointing the gun with its wedges of level, as 
he knew very well how to do, he gave fire to the piece which 
was charged with bullets and stones, and hitting the Larch 
that came foremost, carried away the upper part of her from 
poup to prow, so that she presently sank, and all that were in 
her, not a man saved. The shot then having past so through 
the first Larch, fell on the hatches of another Larch that came 
a Uttle behind, and killed the captain of her, with six or seven 
more that were by him, wherewith the two other Larches were 
so terrified, that going about to fly back to land, they feU foul 
one of another, so as they could not clear themselves, but 
remained entangled together, and not able to go forward or 
backward, which perceived by the captains of our two Larches, 
called Gasparo d'OUveyra, and Vincentio Jforosa, they presently 
set upon them, casting a great many artificial pots into them, 
wherewith they were so fired, that they burnt down to the 
very water, which made the most of those that were in them 
to leap into the sea, where our men killed them all with their 
pikes, so that in those three Larches alone, there dyed above 
two hundred persons ; and in the other, whereof the captain 
was slain, there was not one escaped, for Qtday Pawian pur- 
sued them in a Ghampana, which was the boat of his junk, 
and dispatched most of them as they were getting to land, the 
rest were aU battered against the rocks that were by the shore : 
which the enemies in the junks perceiving, being some hundred 
and fifty Mahometans, Luzzons, Bomeas, and Jaas, they began 
to be so discoitraged, that many of them threw themselves 
into the sea ; whereupon the dog Goia Acem, who yet was not 



known, ran to this disorder, for to animate his men. He had 
on a coat of mail lined with crimson sattin, edged with gold 
fringe, that had formerly belonged to some Portugal; and 
crying out with a loud voyce, that every one might hear 
him, he said 3 times, Lah hilah, hilah la MaJmrned rocol 
halah, Massulmens, and true believers in the holy law of 
Mahomet, will you suffer your seVoes to he vanquished by such 
feeble slaves as these Christian dogs, who have no more heart 
then white pullets, or bea/rded women ? To them, to them, for 
we are assured by the Book of Flowers, wherein the Prophet 
Noby doth prormse eternal delights to the Daroezes of the house 
o/Mecqua, that he will keep his word both with you and me ; pro- 
vided, that we bathe owr selves in the blood of these dogs without 
lam). With these cursed words the devil so incouraged them, 
that rallying all into one body, they reinforced the fight, and 
so valiantly made head against us, as it was a dreadful thing 
to see how desperately they ran amongst our weapons. In the 
mean time Antonio de Fa/ria thus exhorted his men : Courage 
valiant Christians, and whitest these wicked m/iscreants fortijfie 
themselves in their devilish sect, let us trust in owr Lord Jesus 
Christ nailed on the Cross for us, who u>ill never forsake us, how 
great sinners soever we be ; for after all we are His, which these 
dogs here are not. With this fervour and zeal of faith flying 
upon Coia Acem, to whom he had most spleen, he discharged 
so great a blow on his head with a two-handed sword, that 
cutting through a cap of mail he wore, he laid him at his feet, 
then redoubling with another reverse stroke he lamed him of 
both his legs, as he could not rise, which his followers behold- 
ing, they gave a mighty cry, and assaulted Antonio de Faria 
with such fury and hardiness, as they made no reckning of a 
many of Portugals, by whom they were invironed, but gave 
him divers blows that had almost overthrown him to the 
ground. Our men seeing this ran presently to his aid, and 
behaved themselves so well, that in half a quarter of an hotir 
fourty eight of our enemies, lay slaughtered on the dead body 
of Coia Acem, and but fourteen of ours, whereof there were not 
above five Portugals, the rest were servants and slaves, good 
and faithful Christians. The remainder of them, beginning to 
faint, retired in disorder towards the foredeck, with an intent 


to fortifie themselves there, for prevention whereof 20 souldiers 
of thirty that were in Quiay Panians junk, ran instantly and 
got before them ; so that ere they could render themselves 
masters of what they pretended unto, they were inforced to 
leap into the sea, where they fell one upon another, and were 
by our men quite made an end of, so that of all their number 
they remained but only five, whom they took alive, and cast 
into the hold bound hand and foot, to the end they might i 
afterwards be forced by torments to confess certain matters : 
that should be demanded of them ; but they fairly tore out one ' 
anothers throats with their teeth, for fear of the death they j 
expected, which yet could not keep them from being dismem- 1 
bred by our servants, and after thrown into the sea, in the j 
company of the dog; Goia Acem their captain, great Gaois of ' 
the King of Bintan, the Shedder and Drinker of the blood of 
Portiigals ; titles which he ordinarily gave himself in his letters, 
and which he published openly to all Mahometans, by reason 
whereof, and for the superstition of his cursed sect, he was 
greatly honoured by them. 

What Antonio de Faiia did after bis victory. 

THIS bloody battel finished with the honour of the victory, 
before mentioned, in the description whereof I have not 
used many words; for if I should undertake to recount the 
particulars of it, and set forth all that was performed by ours, 
as also the valour wherewith the enemies defended themselves, 
besides that I am not able to do it, I should then be forced to 
make a far larger discourse, and more ample history then this 
is : but it being my intention to declare things en passamt, I 
have laboured to speak succinctly in divers place, where possibly 
better wits then mine wotild amplifie matters in a more accom- 
plished manner ; and this is the reason that I have now delivered 
nothing but what was needful to be written. Eeturning then 
to my former discourse, I say, that the first thing Antonio de 


Faria did after this victory was to see his hurt men looked 
unto, whereof there were about fourscore and twelve, the most 
part Portugals, our servants being included ; as for the number 
of the dead there were on our side forty two, amongst which 
eight were Portugals, the loss of whom afflicted Antonio de 
Faria more then all the rest, and of the enemies three hundred 
and twenty, whereof an hundred and fifty fell by fire and 
sword, the remainder were drowned. Now albeit this victory 
brought a great deal of content to us all, yet were there many 
tears shed, both in general and particular for the slaughter of 
our companions, the most part of whose heads were cleft 
asunder with the enemies hatchets. After this Antonio de 
Fama, notwithstanding he was hurt in two or three places, 
went presently ashoar with those that were in case to accom- 
pany him, where the first thing he did was to give order for 
the burial of the dead; thereupon he surroimded the island 
for to see what he could discover. Compassing of it then in 
this sort he Ughted upon a very pleasant valley, wherein were 
many gardens, replenished with sundry kinds of fruits ; there 
also was a village of about forty or fifty very low houses, which 
the infamous Coia Acem had sacked, and in them slain many 
of the inhabitants, that had not the means to escape his 
hands. Further, in the said valley, and by a delicate river of 
fresh water, wherein were a number of mullets and trouts, he 
met with a very fair house, which seemed to be the Pagode of 
the village, that was full of sick and hurt persons, whom Coia 
Acem had put there to be cured ; amongst these were divers 
Mahometans of his kindred, and others of his best souldiers, to 
the number of ninety six, who as soon as they perceived 
Antonio de Faria afar off cried out to him for mercy and for- 
giveness, but he would by no means hearken unto them, 
alledging that he could not spare those that had killed so many 
Christians ; saying so, he caused the house to be fired in six 
or seven places, which in regard it was of wood, bepitched, 
and covered with dry palm-tree leaves, burned in such sort as 
it was dreadful to behold; in the mean time it would have 
moved any man to pity, to hear the lamentable cries made by 
these wretches within, and to see them cast themselves head- 
long out of the windows, where our men provoked with a 


desire for revenge, received them upon their pikes and halberds. 
This cruelty performed, Antonio de Fcma returned to the sea 
side, where the junk lay that Goia Acem had taken a month 
before from the PorPugals of Liampoo, and caused it to be 
lanched into the sea, having been formerly repaired and 
caulked, which being done, and he aboard again, he restored it 
to Mem Tahordo, and Antonio Amiques, to whom it belonged, 
as I have already declared. 

[Antonio de Fa/ria departs from the river of Tinlcm, is ship- 
wrecked on the point of Micuy, and loses his treasure-laden jtmk, 


Antonio de Faria hath news of the five Portugals that were made oaptives ; 
his letter to the Mandarin of Nouday about them; and his assaulting 
the said town. 

AFTEE this furious tempest was wholly asswaged, Antonio 
de Fcma incontinently imbarked lumself in the other 
great junk, that he had taken from Goia Acem, whereof Pedro 
de Siha was captain, and setting sail, he departed with the 
rest of his company, which consisted of 3. junks, and 1. Lorch 
or Lantea, as the Ghineses term them. The first thing he did 
then, was to go and anchor in the haven of Nouday, to the 
end, he might learn some news of the 13. captives that were 
carried thither ; being arrived there about night he sent two 
small barques, called Bahes, well man'd, to spy the port, and 
soimd the depth of the river ; as also to observe the scituation 
of the country, and to learn by sunrise what ships were 
riding there ; together with divers other matters answerable to 
his design; for which effect he commanded the mariners to 
endeavour all they could for to. surprize some of the inhabitants 
of the town, that by them he might be truly informed what 
was become of the Portugals, by reason he was afraid they 
were already carried further up into the country. These Baloes 
went away about two hours after midnight, and arrived at a 
little village seated at the mouth of the river on a little stream 


of water, called Nipaphau : there it pleased God that they 
behaved themselves so vsrell, as they returned before day aboard 
our junk, bringing along with them a barque laded with earthen 
vessels, and sugar canes, which they had found lying at anchor 
in the midst of the river : in this barque there were eight men, 
and two women, together with a little child some 6. or 7. years 
old, who seeing themselves thus in our power, became so trans- 
ported with the fear of death, that they were in a manner 
besides themselves; which ^jiiOTiiocZei^Vma perceiving laboured 
all he could to comfort them, and began to speak them very 
fair ; but to all his questions he could draw no other answer 
from them then these words following. Do not Mil us without 
cause, for God will require an account of our blood from you, 
because we are poor folks, and saying thus, they wept and 
trembled in such sort, as they could scarce pronounce a word; 
whereupon Antonio de Faria, pitying their misery and sim- 
plicity, would importune them no further : howbeit, the better 
to compass his intent, he intreated a Chinese woman, that was 
a Christian, and came along with the pilot, to make much of 
them, and to assure them they should have no hurt, to the end, 
that being more confirmed by this means they might answer to 
that should be demanded of them: wherein the Chinese so 
well acquitted her self, and made them so tractable, as about 
an hour after they told her, that if the captain would let them 
freely return in their boat to the place from whence they were 
taken, they would wiUingly confess all that either they had 
heard or seen. Antonio de Faria having promised them to do 
so, and that with many words and protestations, one amongst 
them, that was ancienter, and that seemed to be of more 
authority then the rest, addressing himself to him : Truly, said 
he, I do not rely nmch on thy words, becoMse that by amplifying 
of tliem in such manner thou makest me afraid, that the effect 
will not be conformable to thy speech : wherefore I beseech thee to 
swear unto me by this element that bears thee, that thou wilt not 
fa/il to perform that which thou hast promised unto me : for 
otherwise perjuring thy self, be assured that the Lord, whose hand 
is Almighty, will be incensed against thee with such indignation, 
as the winds from above, and the seas from below, will never cease 
to oppose thy desires during thy voyages ; for I vow unto thee by 


the beauty of these stars, that lying is no less odious and abomin- 
able in the sight of that Sovereign Lord, than the pride of those 
judges on earth, that with scorn and contempt do answer those 
which demand justice of them. Antonio de Fanria obliging him- 
self by oath, as the old man required, to perform his word, the 
Chinese said he was satisfied,and then he continued in this sort : 
About two dayes since I saw those men whom thou enquvrest after, 
laid in prison at Nouday, vnth great irons on their legs, becamse 
it was beUeved they were notorious thieves, that made trade of 
robbing such as they met upon the seas. This relation very 
much inraged and disquieted Antonio de Faria, who was per- 
swaded that it might well be as the old man delivered; so 
that desiring to take some course for their deliverance as soon 
as might be, he sent them a letter by one of the Chineses, re- 
taining all the rest in hostage for him, who departed the next 
morning by break of day ; and because it much imported the 
Chineses to be delivered out of captivity, he that carried the 
letter, and that was husband to one of the two women, which 
had been taken in the boat of earthen vessels, and were now 
aboard in our junk,made such speed,thathe returned about noon, 
with an answer endorsed on the letter we sent.and signed by all 
the five Portugals ; thereby they gave Antonio de Fama to under- 
stand, that they were cruelly detained in prison, out of which 
they did not think they should ever get, unless it were to go to 
execution ; and therefore they besought him for the Passion of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would not suffer them to perish 
there for want of succour, according as he had promised them 
in their setting forth in that voyage ; and the rather in regard 
it was only for his sake that they were reduced to that miser- 
able estate; hereunto they added many other very pitiful 
intreaties as might well come from such poor wretches that 
were captives under the tyranny of such fell and cruel people, 
as the Chineses were. Antorm de Fa/ria, having received this 
letter, read it in the presence of all his company, of whom he 
asked counsel thereupon ; but as they were many, so were 
their opinions many and different, which was the occasion of 
much contention amongst them; whereby perceiving that 
nothing would be concluded concerning this affair, he said to 
them as it were in choler ; My masters and friends, I have 


promised to God by a solemn oath that Ihm>e taken, never topa/rt 
from hence, till by some means or other I ha/ve recovered these 
poor souldiers, my companions, though I should therefore venture 
my life a thousand times, yea and all my estate, which I make 
little reckoning of in regard of them. Wherefore my masters, 1 
earnestly desire you, that no man go about to oppose this resolu- 
tion of mine, upon the execution whereof mine honour wholly 
depends, for whosoever shall contrary me therein, I must take 
him for mine enemy, as one that would seek tJie prejudice of my 
soul. To tMs speech all made answer, that he was in the 
right, and for the discharge of his conscience nothing should 
stay Viim from performing the same ; adding, moreover, that 
all of them would stand to him in that behalf to the death. 
The captain hereupon giving them many thanks, and with 
tears in his eyes, and his hat in his hand, imbracing them, pro- 
tested that he would when time should serve acknowledge this 
good- will of theirs in such real manner as it deserved, where- 
with they all remained very well satisfied. 

This resolution being taken, they fell to councel concerning 
the carriage of this affair, whereupon they concluded to treat 
with the Mandarin in a gentle manner, and for that end to 
send unto him to demand these prisoners, with promise to give 
him for their ransom whatsoever should be thought reasonable, 
and that according to his answer such further courses should 
be taken therein as should seem requisite. A petition then was 
presently drawn, answerable to the form that was usually 
presented to the judges, which Antonio de Faria sent to the 
Manda/rin by 2. of the chiefest of the Ghineses he had taken, 
who also carried him a present worth 200. ducates, whereby he 
hoped to induce him to restore the poor prisoners ; but it fell 
out far otherwise then he expected : for as soon as the Ghineses 
had deUvered the petition and the present, they returned the 
next day vrith an answer written on the back of the petition, 
the tenor whereof was this ; Let thy mouth come and present 
it self at my feet, and after I hoAie heard thee, I will do thee 
justice. Antonio de Faria seeing what high words the Mandarin 
gave, was exceedingly troubled, because he well perceiv'd by 
this beginning that he should have much ado to deUver his 
companions: wherefore having communicated this affair in 


particular to some few, whom for that end he had called unto 
him, they were of several opinions ; nevertheless after good 
deliberation, it was at length concluded to send another mes- 
senger, that should more effectually demand the prisoners of 
him, and for their ransom offer the sum of 2000. Taeis in 
lingots of silver and commodities, declaring unto him, that he 
would not part from that place till he had return'd -them ; for 
he made account that it might be this resolution would oblige 
him to do that which he had refused him another way, or that 
he would be carried to it by the consideration of his own gain 
and interest. So the 2. Chineses went again the second time 
with a letter seal'd up, as from one person to another, without 
any kind of ceremony or complement which these Gentiles so 
much use amongst themselves ; and this Antonio de Faria did 
of purpose, to the end, that by the sharpness of this letter the 
Mandarin might know he was displeased, and resolved to 
execute what he had written. But before I proceed any 
further, I wiU only relate the two main points of the contents 
of the letter, which were the cause of the utter ruine of this 
business. The first was, when Antonio de Fa/ria said, that he 
was a merchant stranger, Porttigal by nation, that was going 
by way of traffiqiie towards the port of Liampoo, where there 
were also many other merchants strangers like himself, who 
duly paid the usual customs, without committing any manner 
of ill, or injustice. The second point was, where he said, that 
the king of Portiigal his master was allyed in a brotherly 
amity with the king of China, by. reason whereof they traded 
in his country, as the Chineses used to do at Malaca, where 
they were entertained with all favour and justice dulyministred 
unto them. Now though both these points were distasteful to ' 
the Manda/rin, yet the last wherein he mentioned the king of 
Portugal to be brother to the king of Ghima, was that which 
put him so out of patience, that without any regard at all he 
commanded them that brought the letter, not only to be 
cruelly scourged, but to have their noses cut off, and in that 
pickle he sent them back to Antonio de Faria, with an answer 
written on a scurvie piece of torn paper; where these words were 
written ; Stinking Carrion, begotten of vile flies in the filthiest 
sink that ever was in any dungeon of a lothsome prison, what 


hath made thy baseness so bold, as that thou da/rest undertake to 
meddle with Heavetily things ? Having caused thy ^petition to be 
read, whereby like a Lord, as I am, thou prayest me to ha/oe pity 
on thee, which art but a poor wretch, my greatness, out of its 
generosity, was even deigning to accept of that little thou pre- 
sentedst me withal, and was also inclining to grant thy request, 
when as my ears were touched with the horrible blasphemy of 
thy arrogance, which made thee term thy King brother to the Son 
of the Sun, the Lion crowned by an incredible power in the throne 
of the world, under whose feet all the diadems of those that 
govern the Universe a/re subjected, nay all scepters do serve but 
as latchets to his most rich sandals, as the writers of the 
golden temple do certifie wider the Law of their Verities, and 
that through the whole habitable earth. Know then, that for 
the great heresie thou hast uttered, I ha/oe caused thy paper to 
be burnt, thereby representing the vile effigies of thy person, 
which I desire to use in like manner for the enormous crime thou 
hast committed : wherefore I command thee to be speedily pack- 
ing, that the rimer which bea/rs thee rrmf not be accursed. So 
soon as the interpreter had read the letter, and expounded the 
contents thereof; all that heard it were much vexed therewith, 
but no man was so sensible of it as Antonio de Fa/ria, who was 
exceedingly grieved to see himself thus wholly deprived of all 
hope of recovering his prisoners ; wherefore after they had well 
considered the insolent words of the Mandarins letter, and his 
great discourtesie, they in the end concluded to go ashoar, and 
attaque the town, in hope that God would assist them, seeing 
their intentions were good ; for this effect they instantly pre- 
pared vessels to land with, which were the four fishermens 
great barques that they had taken the night before : where- 
upon taking a muster of the forces he could make for this 
enterprize, he found the number to be 300. whereof 40. were 
Portugals, the rest were slaves and mariners, besides Quiay 
Panians men, amongst whom were an himdred and threescore 
harquebusiers, the other were armed with pikes and lances ; he 
had also some pieces of ordnance, and other things necessary 
for his design. 

The next morning a little before day, Antomo de Faria sailed 
up the river with three junks, the Lorches, and four barques he 


had taken, and so want and anchored at, six fathom and an 
half of water close by the walls of the town ; then causing the 
sails to be taken down without any noise, or discharge of 
ordnance, he displayed the banner of trade according to the 
fashion of China, to the end that by this demonstration of 
peace, no complement should rest unperformed, although he 
was persuaded that nothing would prevail with the Mandarin : 
hereupon he sent another messenger unto him, never making 
shew that he had received any ill usage from him, by whom 
with a great deal of complement he demanded the prisoners, 
and offered him a round sum of mony for their ransom, with a 
promise of perpetual correspondence and amity; but so far 
was this dog the Mandarin from hearkning thereunto, that con- 
trariwise he made the poor Chinese, that carried the letter, to 
be hewed in pieces, and so shewed him from the top of the wall 
to the whole fleet, the more to despight us. This tragical act 
wholly deprived Antonio de Fana of that little hope which 
some had given him for the deliverance of the prisoners ; here- 
upon the soldiers, being more incensed then before, said unto 
him, that since he had resolved to land, he should no longer 
defer it, because further delay would but give his enemies 
leisure to gather more strength. This counsel seeming good to 
him, he presently imbarqued with them he had chosen for the 
action, having first given order to shoot continually at the town, 
and the enemy, wheresoever they perceivd any store of people 
assembled ; howbeit, with this caution, to forbear till they saw 
them together by the ears with them. Having landed them 
about a faulcon shot below the rode, he marched without any 
let along the shears side directly to the- town: in the mean 
time a number of people appeared upon the walls, with divers 
ensigns of different colours, where these barbarians made a 
mighty noise, with fifes, drums, and bells, and withal hooting at 
us, made us signs with their caps to approach, thereby intima- 
ting the little reckning they made of us. Now by that time we 
were come within a musket shot of the walls, we discerned 
1000. or 1200. men, as we guessed, sally out at 2. several gates, 
of which some 120. were mounted on horses, or to say better, 
on lean carrion tits that were nothing but skin and bone, 
wherewith they began to course up and down the field in a 


skirmishing manner, wherein they shewed themselves so un- 
toward, as they often ran one upon another, and tumbled down 
together ; which when Antonio de Fwria saw he was exceeding 
glad, and encouraged his men to fight. He stood firm attend- 
ing the enemy, who continued still wheeling about us, being 
perswaded it seems, that that would suffice to skare us, and 
make us retire to our vessels ; but when they perceived us remain 
unmoved, without turning our backs, as they believed, and as 
it may be, they desired we would do, they closed themselves into 
one body, and so in a very iU order they made a stand without 
advancing on. But then our captain, seeing them in this 
posture, caused all his musketeers to discharge at one instant, 
who till that time had not stirred, which such effect, as it 
pleased God that the most part of this goodly cavalry fell to 
the ground with fear ; we taking this for a good presage ran 
and lustily pursued them, invoking the name of Jesus, whose 
good pleasure it was, through His Divine mercy, to make our 
enemies flye before us so amazed, and in such disorder, as they 
tumbled pell-mell one upon another, in which manner arriving 
at a bridge that crost the town ditch, they were so pestered 
together, as they could neither go forward nor backward : in 
the mean time our forces coming up to them, discharged their 
shot to such purpose amongst them, that we laid three hun- 
dred of them on the earth, which in truth was a pitiful sight 
to behold, because there was not one of them that had the 
heart so much as to draw a sword : whereupon hotly pursuing 
the first point of this victory, we ran to the gate, where we 
found the Mandwrin in the front of six hundred men, mounted 
upon a good horse, having on a cuirass lined with purple velvet, 
which had belonged, as we knew afterwards to a Portiigal, 
named Tome Perez, whom King Don Emanuel, of glorious 
memory had sent as Ambassadour to OMna, in Fernando Perez, 
his ship, at such time as Lopo Suarez d' Alberga/ria governed 
the Indies. At the entrance into the gate, the Mandwrin and 
his people made head against us, so that there was a shrewd 
bickering between us, this enemy shewing another manner of 
courage then we had met with on the bridge.; but by good 
hap it fortuned that one of our servants hit the Mandarin just 
in the breast with an harquebuss shot, and overthrew him dead 


from his horse, wherewith all the CMnesses were so terrified, 
as they presently turned their backs, and in great disorder 
retired within the gate, not one of them having the wit to 
shut it after them, so that we chased them before us with 
our lances, as if they had been a drove of cattel. ,In this sort 
they fled pell mell together quite through a great street, and 
issued out at another gate, which was on the lands, from 
whence they got all away, not so much as one remaining 
behinde. Thereupon Antonio de Faria, assembling his men 
into one body, for fear of some disorder, marched with them 
directly to the prison where our companions lay, who seeing 
us coming, gave a great cry ; saying. Lord have mercy wpon us ; 
straightway the doors and iron-grates were broken up, and our 
poor fellows irons knocked off their legs ; which being done, 
and they set at liberty, all our company had leave to make 
what purchase they could, to the end that without speaking 
afterwards of partition, every one might be master of what he 
had gotten. Howbeit Antonio de Fa/ria desired them to per- 
form it suddenly, and therefore he gave them but half an hours 
time for it ; whereunto they all condescended very willingly, 
and BO fell to ransaking the houses. In the meen s'p&oe Antonio 
de Fwna went to that of the Manda/rin, which he took for his 
part, where he met with eight thousand Taeis in silver, together 
with eight great vessels full of musk, and that he caused to be 
reserved for himself ; the rest he left to the servants that were 
with him, who moreover found there a great deal of raw sUk, 
sattia, damask, and fine pourcelain, whereof every one took aa 
much as he could carry ; so as the four barques, and the three 
champanaes, that brought our men on shore, were four several 
times laden and unladen aboard the junks ; iasomuch that 
the meanest mariner amongst us spake not of this booty, 
but by whole cases, besides what each one concealed in his 

But when Antonio de Fa/ria perceived that an hour and an 
half had been spent in pillaging, he commanded a surcease 
thereof, but his company were so hot upon the spoil, that by no 
means they would be drawn from it, wherein the persons of 
quality were most faulty ; in which regard our captain, fearing 
lest some disaster might happen by reason the night ap- 


proached, he caused the town to be set on fire in eleven or 
twelve places ; now for that most of it was built of firr, and 
other wood, it was in such a flame within a quarter of an hour, 
as to see it burn so ; one would have taken it for a portraiture 
of Hell. This done, and aU our company retired, Antonio de 
Faria embarqued without any impediment, every man being 
well satisfied and contented, only it was great pity to behold a 
number of handsome maids led away, tyed four and four, and 
five and five together, with the matches of their muskets, 
weeping and lamenting, whilest our people did nothing but 
laugh and sing. 

Antonio de Faria's navigation till he came to the Port of Liampoo. 

AFTBE that Antordo de Faria had embarqued his men, the 
first thing he did was to give order for the dressing of 
those that were hurt, which were in number fifty, whereof eight 
of them were Portiigals, and the rest slaves and mariners. He 
also took care for the burial of the dead, that were not above 
nine, of which onely one was a Porttigal. All that night we 
kept good watch, and placed sentinels in sundry parts, for fear 
of the junks that were upon the river ; the next morning as 
soon as it was day, our captain went to a little town that was 
on the other side of the water, -yhere he met not with any 
inhabitant, they being all fled, howbeit he found a great deal of 
merchandise in their houses, together vnth good store of 
victuals, wherewith he had laded the junks, fearing lest that 
which he had done in this place, should be the occasion of bar- 
ring him from being furnished with any in the ports where he 
should happen to arrive. Furthermore, by the advice of his 
company, he resolved to go and winter, during the three 
moneths he had yet to make his voyage in, at a certain desart 
island, distant some fifteen leagues from the sea of Liampoo, 
called Pullo Hinhor, where there was a good road, and good 
water ; whereunto he was chiefly induced, because he thought 
that going directly to Liamjpoo, his voyage thither might bring 


some prejudice to the traffique of the Portugals, who wintered 
there peaceably with their goods : and indeed this advice was 
so approved of every one, as it was generally applauded. Being 
departed then from Nouday, after we had sailed five days 
between the isles of Gomqlem, and the continent, we were set 
upon on SaUi/rday about noone by a pirate, named Premata 
Chindel, a sworn enemy to the Portugals, unto whom he had 
oftentimes done much damage, as well at Patana, as at ,Sunda, 
Siam, and many other places, when he found himself the 
stronger. This rover believing that we were Ghineses came 
and assailed us with 2 great junks, wherein there were two 
hundred fighting men, besides mariners : one of them being 
grappled to Mem Taborda's junk had almost made her self 
master of it, which Qiday Pawian perceiving, who was a little 
before, he turned upon her, and with full sails running her 
on the starboard side gave her so terrible a shock, that they 
sank both together, whereby Mem Taborda was delivered from 
the danger he was in, howbeit Quiay Paman was instantly and 
opportunely succoured by three lorches, which Antomo de 
Faria had taken a little before at Noiidwy, that aU his men 
in a manner were saved, but every one of the enemies were 
drovmed. In the mean time the pirate Premata Gundel setting 
upon the great junk, wherein Antonio de Faria was, the first 
thing he did was to grapple her poop to prow with two great 
cramp-irons, fastened to long chains, whereupon began such a 
fight betwixt them, as deserved to be seen, which for half an 
hour was so couragiously maintained by the enemy, that 
Antonio de Faria and most of his men were hurt, and himself 
besides in danger twice to have been taken ; nevertheless it 
was his good hap to be relieved in time by three lorches, and a 
small junk, conunanded by Ped/ro de Syha, by which means it 
pleased God that ours not onely recovered what they had lost, 
but pressed the enemy in such sort, as the fight ended with 
the death of fourscore and six Mahometans, which were in 
Antordo de Fama's junk, and had held him up so strait, that 
our men had nothing left them but the fore-deck in her. After 
this we entred into the pirate's junk, and put all those to 
the edge of the sword that we found there, not sparing so 
much as one, all the mariners having cast themselves before 


into the sea. Howbeit we got not this victory so cheap, but 
that it cost seventeen mens lives, whereof five were Portu- 
gals, and of the best souldiers we had, besides three and forty 
were hurt, Antonio de Faria being one of them, who had one 
wound with a dart, and two with a sword. The fight being 
ended in this sort, an inventory was taken of all that was 
in the enemies junk, and this prize was estimated at four- 
score thousand Taeis, the better part whereof consisted in 
Lingots of silver of Japan, which the pirate had taken in 
three merchants ships, that from Firando were bound for 
Ghincheo, so that the pirate had in this onely vessel to the 
value of sixscore thousand crowns, and it was thought that 
the other junk which was sunk was worth as much, to the 
extreme grief of all our company. With this prize Antonio 
de Faria retired to a little island, called Buncalou, which 
was 3 or 4 leagues westward from thence, and much com- 
mended for good water, and safe riding. Having landed in 
this place, we spent 18 days there, lodging in cabbins, that 
were made for the accommodation of our hurt men. From 
this island we sailed towards that part, whither we had 
resolved before to go, namely, Antonio de Faria in the great 
junk, Mem Taborda, and Antonio Anriquez in theirs, Pedro de 
Sylwa in the little junk, that was taken at Nouday, and Qiday 
Paniam, with all his followers in the pirats, last taken, which 
was given him in recompence of his that he had lost, together 
with 20000 Taeis out of the general booty, wherewith he 
rested very well contented, being done with consent of the 
whole company at the request of Antonio de Fa/ria. Sailing 
in this manner we arrived 6 days after at the ports of Liampoo, 
which are two islands, one just against another, distant 3 
leagues from the place, where at that time the Portiigals 
used their commerce ; there they had built above a thousand 
houses, that were governed by sheriffs, auditors, consuls, 
judges, and 6 or 7 other klnde -of officers, where the notaries 
underneath the publick acts, which they made, vyrote thus, I, 
such pubUck notary of this town of Liampoo for the King our 
Sovereign Lord. And this they did with as much confidence 
and assurance, as if this place had been seituated between 
Santarem and Lisbon, so that there were houses there which 


cost three or four thousand duoates the building, but both they 
and all the rest were afterwards demolished for our sins by the 
GMneses, as I hope to relate more amply hereafter : whereby 
one may see how uncertain our affairs are in CMna, whereof 
the Portugals discourse with so much curiosity, and abused 
with appearances make such account, never considering what 
hazard they hourly run, and how they are exposed to infinite 

[The Porttiguese are received with much honov/r at Lianvpoo, 
in which town they remain five months.'] 

This term expired, Antomo de Faria made preparation of 

vessels and men, for his voyage to the mines of Qitoamaparu ; 

for in regard the season was then proper for it, he resolved to 

be gone as soon as possibly he could ; but in the mean time, it 

happened that Qwian/ Paniam, fell into a dangerous sickness, 

whereof not long after he died, to the extream grief oiAntordo 

de Faria, who exceedingly affected him for many good qualities 

that were in him, worthy of his friendship, and therefore he 

caused him to be honourably buried, as the last duty that he 

could do for his friend. After the death of Qim,y Pamam he 

was counselled not to hazard himself la that voyage, because 

it was reported for a certainty, how aU that countrey was 

up in arms by reason of the wars which the Precha/u Mttan 

had with the King of Ghamo/y, and Ghampaa; and withall 

he had information given him of a famous pirate, named 

SimiloM, whom he went presently to seek out, and having 

found him, the said Sirrdlau related strange wonders unto 

bim of an island, called GalempliMf, where he assured him 

there were 17 Kings of Ghina interred in tombs of gold, as 

also a great number of idols of the same metall, and such 

other immense treasures, as I dare not deUver, for fear of not 

being credited. Now Antordo de Fama, being naturally curious, 

and carried with that ambition, whereunto souldiers are for 

the most part inclined, lent so good ear to this Ghinese's 

report, as looking for no other assurance of it then what he 

gave him, he presently resolved to undertake this voyage, 

and expose himself to danger, without taking further counsel 

of any man, whereat many of his friends were with reason 





Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to seek out the Island ol 
Calempluy, the strange things that we saw, and the hazard we ran in 
our voyage thither. 

THE season being now fit for navigation, and Antonio de 
Faria furnished with all that was necessary for this new 
voyage, which he had undertaken to make on Munday the 14th 
of May, in the yeare 1542, he departed from this port to go to 
the Island of Calempluy ; for which purpose he imbarqued in 
two Panoures, resembling small galUes, but that they were a 
little higher, by reason he was counselled not to use junks, as 
well to avoid discovery, as in regard of the great currents of 
water that descended from the Bay of Nanquin, which great 
vessels with all their sails were not able to stem, especially at 
the time wherein he set forth, for then the snows of Tartaria 
and Nixihumfiao dissolving ran all the months of May, June, 
and July, into these seas with a most violent impetuosity. 
In these two vessels were fifty Portugals, one priest to say 
mass, and forty-eight mariners, all natives of Patana, as also 
two and forty slaves, so that the whole number of our company 
amounted to an himdred forty and one persons, for the Pirate 
Similau, who was our pilot, would have no more men, nor 
vessels, for fear of being known, because he was to traverse 
the streight of Nanquin, and to enter into rivers that were 
much frequented, whereby we might probably be subject to 
great hazard. That day and all the night following we im- 
ployed in getting out from amongst the islands of Angitu/r, and 
pursued our course through the seas, which the Portugals had 
neither seen or sailed on till then. The first five days we had 
the winde favourable enough, being still vyithin sight of land 
till we came to the mouth of the river of the fishings of Nan- 
quin ; there we crost over a gulf of forty leagues, and discovered 
a very high mountain, called Nangofo, towards the which 
bending northwardly, we sailed fifty days ; at length the vnnde 
abated somewhat, and because in that place the tides were 
very great, Similau put iato a little river, where was good 
anchoring and riding, inhabited by men that were white and 


handsome, haviag very little eyes like to the CMneses, but much 
different from them, both in language and attire. Now during 
the space of 3 days, that we continued there, the inhabitants 
would have no manner of communication vrith us, but contrari- 
wise they came in troops to the shore, by which we anchored, 
and running up and down like madmen they howled in a most 
hideous fashion, and shot at us with slings and cross-bows. 
As soon as the weather and the sea would permit us, Similcm,, 
by whom all was then governed, began to set sail, directing 
his course east north-east, and so proceeded 7 days in sight 
of land ; then traversing another gulf, and turning more 
directly to the east, he past through a streight, 10 leagues 
over, called Sileujpaguin ; there he sailed 5 days more, still 
in view of many goodly cities and towns, this river being 
frequented vrith an infinite company of vessels; where- 
upon Antonio de Fa/ria, knowing that if he hapned to 
be discovered he should never escape with life, resolved 
to get from thence, and continue this course no longer, which 
Similau perceiving, and opposing the advice that every one 
gave him ; Signior, said he unto him, I do not think that any of 
your company can accuse me for misperforming my duty hitherto, 
you know how at Liampoo I told you pubUckly in the General 
Council that was held in the church before an hundred Portugals 
at the least, that we were to expose our selves to great dangers, 
amd chiefly my self, becanise I was a Chinese and a pilot, for all 
you could be made to endwre but one death, whereas I should be 
made to endwre two thousand if it were possible, whereby you may 
well conclude, that setting apart all treason, I must of necessity 
be faithful unto you, as I am, and ever will be, not oneVy in this 
voyage, but in all other enterprizes, in despight of those that 
mwrrrmr, and make false reports unto you of me ; howbeit if you 
fear the danger so much as you say, and are therefore pleased that 
we should take some other way less frequented with men and 
vessels ; and where we may sa/il without dread of any thing, then 
you must be contented to bestow afar longer time in this voyage, 
wherefore resolve with your company upon it with any further 
delay, or let us return back, for lo I am ready to do whatsoever 
you will. Antonio de Faria, embracing, and giving him many 
thanks, fell to discourse with him about that other safer way 


of which he spake. Whereupon Similcm told him, that some 
hundred and forty leagues further forwards to the north, there 
was a river somewhat larger by half a league, called Sumhejaa- 
dano, where he should meet with no obstacle, for that it was not 
peopled like the streight of Nanqtdn, wherein they now were, 
but that then they should be retarded a nioneth longer, by the 
exceeding much wyndiag of this river. Antonio de Faria 
thinking it far better to expose himself to a length of time, 
then to hazard his life for abridgement of way, followed the 
counsel that Similau gave him ; so that going out of the streight 
of Nanqtdn, he coasted the land 5 days, at the end whereof 
we discovered a very high mountain towards the east, which 
Similcm told us was called Fanim, approaching somewhat near 
unto it we entred into a very fair port, 40 fathom deep, that 
extending it self in the form of a crescent was sheltred from all 
sorts of windes, so spacious withall, as 2,000 vessels how great 
soever might ride there at ease. Antonio de Faria went ashore 
with some 10 or 11 souldiers, and roimdedthis haven, but could 
not meet with any one body, that could instruct him in the way 
he pretended to make, whereat he was very much vext, and 
greatly repented him for that without any kinde of considera- 
tion, or taking advice of any one, he had rashly, and out of a 
capricious humour, undertaken this voyage. Howbeit he dis- 
sembled this displeasure of his the best he could for fear lest 
his company should tax him with want of courage. In this 
haven he discoursed again with Similau before every one con- 
cerning this our navigation, which he told them was made but 
by guess ; whereunto the Chinese answered, Signior Ca;ptam,, If 
I had any thing I could engage to you of more valvs then my 
head I protest unto you I would most willingly do it, for I am so 
sv/re of the cou/rse I hold, that I would not fear to give you rwy 
very children in hostage of the promise I made you at Liampoo. 
Nevertheless I advertise you a^adn, that if repenting the under- 
taking of this enterprize youfea/r to proceed any further, in regard 
of the tales your people are ever tatUng in your ear, as I ha/ve 
often observed, do but command, and you shall finde how ready 
I am to obey your pleasure. And whereas they would make you 
believe that I spin out this voyage longer then I prormsed you at 
Liampoo, the reason thereof you know well enough, which seemed 


not amiss when I propounded it unto you, seeing then you once 
allowed of it, let me intreat you to set your heart at rest for that 
matter, and not to break off this design by retv/ming hack, whereby 
at length you shall find how profitable this patience of yours 
will prove. This speech somewhat quieted Antonio de Fama's 
minde, so that he bid him go on as he thought "best, and never 
trouble himself with the murmurings of the souldiers, whereof 
he complained, saying, that it was ever the manner of such as 
were idle, to finde fault with other mens actions, but if they 
did not mend their errour the sooner, he would take a course 
with them to make them to do it; wherewith SmiZaw rested 
very well satisfied and contented. 

After we were gone from this haven, we sailed along the 
coast above thirteen days together, always in sight of land, and 
at length arrived at a port, called Buxipalem, in the height of 
forty-nine degrees. We foimd this climate somewhat colder 
then the rest, here we saw an infinite company of fishes and 
serpents, of such strange forms, as I cannot speak of them 
without fear; Simila/u io\di Antowio deFaria incredible things con- 
cerning them, as well of what he had seen himself ; having been 
there before, as of that had been reported unto him, especially 
in the full moons of the moneths of November, December, and 
Jamia/ry, when the storms reign there most, as indeed this 
Chinese made it appear to our own eyes, whereby he justified 
unto us the most of that which he had affirmed. For in this 
place we saw fishes, in the shape of thombacks, that were four 
fathoms about, and had a muzzle like an ox ; likewise we saw 
others resembling great lizards, spotted all over with green and 
black, having three rows of prickles on their backs, that were 
very sharp, and of the bigness of an arrow ; their bodies also 
were full of the like, but they were neither so long, nor so 
great as the others. These fishes would ever and anon bristle 
up themselves like porcupines, which made them very dreadful 
to behold ; they had snouts that were very sharp and black, 
with two crooked teeth out of each jaw-bone, two spans long, 
like the tusks of a wild boar. We also saw fishes whose bodies 
were exceeding black, so prodigious and great, that their heads 
onely were above six spans broad. I will pass over in silence 
many other fishes of sundry sorts, which we beheld in this 


place, because I hold it not fit to stand upon things that were 
out of our discourse ; let it suf&ce me to say, that during two 
nights we stayed here we did not think ourselves safe, by 
reason of lizards, whales, fishes and serpents, which in great 
numbers shewed themselves to us. Having left this haven of 
Buxipalem, by us called the Eiver of Serpents, which in great 
numbers shewed themselves to us, Sirmlau sailed fifteen leagues 
further to another bay named GaUndano, which was in form of 
a crescent, six leagues in circuit, and invironed with high 
mountains, and very thick woods, in the midst whereof divers 
brooks of fresh water descended, which made up four great 
rivers that fell all into this bay. There Similau told us, that all 
those prodigious creatures we had both seen and heard of, as 
well in this bay, as in that where we were before, came thither 
to feed upon such ordure and carrion, as the overflowing of 
these rivers brought to this place. Antonio de Fwria demanding 
of him, thereupon, whence those rivers should proceed, he 
answered that he knew not, but it was said that the annals of 
China affirmed, how two of those rivers took their beginnings 
from a great lake, called Moscombia, and the other two from a 
province, named AUmania, where there are high mountains, 
that all the year long are covered with snow, so that the snow 
coming to dissolve, these rivers swelled in that manner as we 
then beheld them, for now they were bigger then at any other 
time of the year. Hereunto he added, that entring into the 
mouth of the river, before the which we rode at anchor, we 
should continue our course, steering eastward, for to find out 
the port of Nanquin again, which we had left two hundred and 
threescore leagues behind us, by reason that in all this distance 
we had multipUed a greater height than that of the island was, 
which we were in quest of. Now although this was exceeding 
grievous unto us, yet SimilcmdLesixedi Antonio de Faria to think 
the time we had past well spent, because it was done for the 
best, and for the better securing of our lives ; being asked then 
by Antonio de Fa/ria how long we should be in passing through 
this river, he answered that we should be out of it in fourteen 
or fifteen days, and that in five days after he would promise 
to land him and his souldiers in the island of Calempluy, where 
he hoped fully to content his desire, and to make him think 


his pains well bestowed, whereof he now so complained. 
Antonio de Faria, having embraced him very lovingly thereupon, 
vowed to be his friend for ever, and reconciled him to his 
souldiers, who were very much out with him before. Being 
thus reconfirmed by Similatcs speeches, and certified of this 
new course we were to take, he incouraged his company, and 
put aU things in order convenient for his design, to that end 
preparing his ordnance which till then had never been charged ; 
he caused also his arms to be made ready, ordained captains, 
and sentinels to keep good watch, together with all besides 
that he thought necessary for our defence, in case of any 
attempt upon us. That done, he spake unto Diego Lobato, who 
was the priest that we carried along with us, and one that we 
much respected, as a man of the church, to make a sermon 
unto his company for to animate them against all dangers that 
might happen, which he worthily performed, and by the efficacy 
of his words, full of sweetness, and excellent examples, he so 
revived our spirits, that before were much dejected through 
the apprehension of the dangers that menaced us ; as there 
was not one amongst us but presently took fresh heart, boldly 
to excuse the enterprise we had undertaken. Whereupon with 
great devotion and zeal we sung a SaJ/uo, before an image of our 
Lady, every man promising without any future fear to finish the 
voyage we had begun. That done, we joyfully hoysed sail, and 
entring into the mouth of the river, steering directly east, and 
with tears in our eyes, invoked from the bottome of our hearts, 
the assistance of that Sovereign Lord which sits at the right 
hand of the Father everlasting, to preserve us by His 
Almighty power. 

Continuing on our course with the force of oars and sails, 
and steering divers ways, by reason of the many turnings of 
the river, the next day we arrived at a very high mountain called 
BoHnafoM, whence sundry rivers of fresh water ran down. In 
this mountain were a number tygers, rhinocerots, lyons, 
ounces, and such other creatures of several kinds, which run- 
ning and roaring in their wilde manner, made cruel war upon 
other weaker beasts, as stags, boars, apes, monkeys, baboons, 
wolves, and foxes, wherein we took much delight, spending 
a great deal of time in beholding them ; and ever and anon we 


eryed out from our ships to fright them, but they were little 
moved by it, in regard they were not used to be hunted. We 
were about six days in passing this mountain, it being some 
forty or fifty leagues long. Within a pretty while after we had 
left this mountain we came to another, named Gangitanon, no 
less wilde then the former, beyond the which all the country 
was very stony, and almost inaccessible ; moreover it was full 
of such thick woods, as the sun could not possibly pierce them 
with his beams. Similau told us, that in this mountain there 
were ninety leagues of desart land, altogether imfit for tillage, 
and the bottome thereof onely was inhabited by certain most 
deformed men, called Giganhos, who lived after a most brutish 
fashion, and fed on nothing but what they got in hunting, or 
some rice, that the said merchants of China brought them to 
Catan in exchange of Furs ; which the said merchants carried 
from thence to Pocassor and Lantau, amounting yearly as by 
the books of the customs thereof appeared, to the number of 
twenty thousand cates, each cate, or pack, containing threescore 
skins, wherewith the people used in winter to line their gowns, 
hang their houses, and make coverings for their beds, to with- 
stand the cold of the climate, which is great there. Antonio 
de Faria wondring at the relation this Chinese made of the 
deformity of these Giganhos, desired him if it were possible to 
let him see one of them, whereby he said he should more con- 
tent him then if he should give him the treasures of China ; 
whereunto Similau made him this answer, Signior Captain, 
since it so much imports me, as well to maintain my credit 
with you, as to stop their mouthes that murmwr against me, and 
that jogging one another scoff at me when I recount these things 
unto you, which they account as so many fables, and to the end 
that by the truth of the one, they may be ascertained of the 
other, I will promise before sun-setting yet to shew you a 
couple of these people, and that you shall also speak with them, 
upon condition you do not go ashore, as you have still used 
to do hitherto, for fear some mischance should happen to you, as 
many times it doth to merchants in like cases : for I assure you, 
that the Giganhos are of so savage and brutish a nature, as they 
feed on nothing commonly but raw flesh and blood, like the wilde 
beasts that Ime in this forrest. So Qontjnuing our course all 


along the side of this mountain, at length behind a little point 
of land, we discovered a young youth, without ere an hair on 
his face, driving six or seven cows before him, that pastured 
there by. Similcm making a sign to him with a napkin, he 
presently stayed, whereupon coming a little neerer to him, 
SimilaM shewed him a piece of green taffeta, which he told us 
was a stuff very acceptable to these brutish men, and withal 
by signs demanded of him whether he would buy it ; this drew 
him to the bank of the river, were he answered, with an hoarse 
voice, some words that we could not comprehend, because 
there was not one in aU our vessels that understood this bar- 
barous language, so that of necessity this commerce was to be 
made by signs. Antonio de Fa/ria commanded three or four 
yards of the said piece of taffeta to be given him, as also six 
pourcelains, wherewith this salvage seemed to be very well 
pleased, for taking both the one and the other, transported 
with joy he said something to us, which we could under- 
stand no better then the former, then making a sign with his 
hand towards the place of his abode, he left his cows, and ran 
away to the wood; clothed as he was with a tigers skin, his 
arms and legs naked, bare-headed, and a staff hardned at one 
end with the fire in his hand. For his person, he was well 
proportioned of his limbs, his hair red and curled hanging 
down on his shoulders ; his stature by conjecture was above ten 
foot high, but we were amazed to see him return about a quarter 
of an hour to the very same place again, carrying a live stag 
on his back, and having thirteen persons in his company, 
namely eight men and five women, leading three cows tyed 
together, and dancing as they went at the sound of a kind of 
tabor, upon the which they beat five strokes at a time, and as 
often clapped their hands together singing to it, with a very hoarse 
voice in their language. Hereupon Antonio de Fa/ria caused 
five or six pieces of silk stuff, and a great many of pourcelains 
to be shewed them, for to make them believe that we were mer- 
chants, at the sight whereof they very much rejoyced. These 
persons, both me(n and women, were apparelled all after one 
and the same fashion, without any kind of difference, saving 
that the women wore great tinnen bracelets about the middle 
of their arms, and their hair a great deal longer then the mens, 


stuck all about with flowers, resembling our flower de luces ; 
they had chains also of red cockles about their necks, almost 
as big as oyster-shels ; as for the men, they carried great 
staves in their hands, covered to the midst with the same 
skins wherewith they were clothed ; moreover they bad all of 
them fierce looks, great lips, flat noses, wide nostrils, and were 
of stature very tall, but yet not so high as we thought they had 
been; for Antonio de Faria having caused them to be measured, 
he found that the tallest of them exceeded not ten spans and an 
half, except one old man that reached to eleven. The womens 
stature was not fully ten spans. Their very countenances 
shewed them to be very rude and blockish, and less rational 
then all the other people which we had seen in our conquests. 
Now Antonio de Faria being glad that we had not altogether 
lost our labour, bestowed on them threescore pourcelains, a 
piece of green taffety, and a pannier full of pepper, wherewith 
they seemed to be so contented, that prostrating themselves on 
the ground, and lifting up their hands to heaven, they fell to 
saying certain words which we took for a thanksgiving after 
their manner, because they feU down three several times on the 
earth, and gave us the three cows and the stag, as also a great 
many of herbs. Having been talking about two hours with 
them by signs, and no less wondring at us, then we at them, 
they returned into the wood from whence they came, and we 
pursued our course up the river by the space of five days, 
during the which we saw more of them along by the water 
side ; after we had past all this distance of land, which might 
be some forty leagues, or thereabouts, we navigated sixteen 
days more with the force of oars and sails, without seeing any 
person in that desart place, only for two nights together we 
discerned certain fires a good way off at land. In the end, it 
pleased God that we arrived at the Gulf of Nanquin, as Similau 
had told us, with a hope in five or six days to see our desires 

Being come into the gulf of Nanquin, Svnwkm counselled 
Antonio de Fa/ria, that at any hand he should not suffer any 
Portugal to be seen, because if such a thing should happen he 
feared some uproar would follow amongst the GMneses, in 
regard no strangers had ever been seen in those quarters ; 


adding withal, that it would be safer for them to keep still in 
the middle of the gulf, then by the shore, by reason of the great 
number of Lorches and Lanteaas, that incessantly sailed up and 
down; this advice was approved of by every one; so that 
having continued our course some six days east and east north- 
east, we discovered a great town, called Silev/pamor, whither 
we directly went, and entred the haven about two hours 
vnthin night, where we found an infinite company of vessels 
riding at anchor, to the number, according to our thinMng, of 
three thousand at the least, which gave us such an alarm, as 
not daring scarce to wag we got out again with all the 
secrecy that might be ; crossing over the whole breadth of the 
river then, which was some six or seven leagues, we prose- 
cuted our course all the rest of that day, and coasted along by 
a great plain, with a resolution to accommodate our selves 
vrith victuals wheresoever we could first meet with any ; for 
we were in such scarcity, as for thirteen days together, no 
man had more thaii three mouthfuUs of boyled rice allowance. 
Being in this extremity we arrived close to certain old build- 
ings ; there we went ashore one morning before day, and fell 
upon a house, that stood a Uttle way off from the rest, where 
we found a great quantity of rice, some beans, divers pots full 
of honey, poudred geese, onions, garlick, and sugar canes, 
wherewith we thoroughly furnished our selves. Certain 
CMneses told us afterwards, that this was the store-house of 
an hospital, which was some two leagues off, where such 
were entertained, as past that way in pilgrimage to the 
sepulchres of the kings of CMna, Being reimbarqued, and 
well provided of victual, we continued on our voyage seven 
days more, which made up two moneths and an half, since we 
put out of lAampoo. Then Antomo de Fa/ria began to mistrust 
the truth of what Similau had said, so that he repented the 
undertaking of this voyage, as he confessed publiquely before 
us aU; nevertheless^ in regard there was no other remedy for 
it but to recommend himself to God, and wisely to prepare 
for all that might happen, he couragiously performed it. 
Hereupon it fell out that Antonio de Fcma having one morning 
demanded of Similau in what part he thought they were, he 
answered him so far from the purpose, and like a man that 


had lost his judgement, or that knew not which way he had 
gone, as put Antonio de Faria into such choler, that he was 
going to stab him with a ponyard that he wore, which without 
doubt he had done, had he not been diverted from it by some, 
that counselled him to forbear, lest it should be the cause of his 
utter ruine, whereupon moderating his anger he yielded to the 
advice of his friends ; nevertheless he was not for all that so 
contained, but that taking him by the beard he swore, that if 
within three days at the farthest, he did not let him see, either 
the truth or the falshood of what he had told him, he would 
ponyard him infallibly ; wherewith Similau was so exceed- 
ingly terrified, that the night following as we were abiding by 
the shore he slid down from the vessel into the river, and tha 
so closely, as he was never discovered by the sentinels or anj 
other until the end of the first watch, when as Antonio de Fa/rit 
was thereof advertised. This news put him so far besides him 
self, as he lost all patience, the rather for that he feared some 
revolt upon it from his souldiers, who he saw were too mucl 
disposed thereunto. But he presently went ashore with s 
great many of his company, and spent the most part of the 
night in seeking of Similau, without meeting him, or any othei 
living soul that was able to tell any news of him, but the worst 
of it yet was, that upon his return into his junk, of forty six 
GMnese mariners, that he had aboard him, he found six and 
thirty fled away to prevent the danger they were afraid of, 
whereat Antonio de Faria and all his company were so amazed', 
that lifting up their hands and eyes to heaven, they stood a 
long time mute, their tears supplying the defect of their speech, 
thereby testifying the secret sorrow of their hearts, for con- 
sidering well what had hapned unto them, and the great 
peril they were in, the least that they could do in this confu- 
sion was to lose their courage and judgement, much more their 
speech. Howbeit falling at length to consult what we should 
do for the future, after much diversity of opinion, it was in the 
end concluded, that we should pursue our design, and labour 
to take some body that might inform us how far it was from 
thence to the Island of Galemplvy, and this to be done as 
secretly as possible might be for fear the country should rise ; 
likewise that if upon the report should be made us we found it 


would be easily taken, as Sindlau had assured us, we should 
then proceed on, otherwise, that we should return with the 
current of the water, which would bring us directly to the sea 
with its ordinary course. This resolution taken and approved 
of every one, we went on with no less confusion then fear, for 
in so manifest a danger we could not chuse but be very much 
perplexed; the night following about break of day we dis- 
covered a little barque ahead of us riding at anchor in the 
midst of the river ; her we boarded with as httle noise as 
might be, and took five men asleep in her, whom Antonio de 
Faria questioned each one apart by himself, to see how they 
would agree in that they said. To Ms demands they answered 
aU of them, that the country wherein we were, was called 
Temqwilem, from whence the Island of Calem^plv/y was distant 
but ten leagues, and to many other questions propounded to 
them for our co m n on security, they answered likewise sepa- 
rately one from the other to very good purpose, wherewith 
Antonio de Faria and his whole company, were exceedingly 
well satisfied, but yet it grieved us not a little, to think what 
an inconvenience the lack of Sirmlcm would prove to us in this 
attempt ; however Antonio de Faria causing the five Chdneses to 
be arrested, and chained to oars, continued his course two days 
and an half more, at the end whereof it pleased God that 
doubling a cape of land, called Gmmm Ta/rao, we discovered 
this island of Galempl/wy, which we had been fourscore and 
three days seeking for, with extream confusion of pains and 
labour, as I have before related. 


Oar arriTal at Calempluy, and the description thereof; what hapned to 
Antonio de Faria in one of the hermitages thereof, and how we were 

HAVING doubled the Cape of Gvmim Ta/rao, two leagues- 
beyond it, we discovered a goodly level of ground, scitu- 
ated in the midst of a river, which to our seeming was not 
above a league in circuit, whereunto Antonio de Fama ap- 


preached with exceeding great joy, which yet was iatermingled 
with much fear, because he knew not to what danger he and his 
were exposed ; about twelve of the clock at night he anchored | 
within a cannon shot of this island, and the next morning as 
Boon as it was day, he sate in councel with such of his company, 
as he had called to it, there it was concluded that it was not; 
possible BO great and magnificent a thing shovdd be without 
some kind of guard, and therefore it was resolved that with the! 
greatest silence that might be, it should be rounded all about,' 
for to see what advenues it had, or what obstacles we might; 
meet with when there was question of landing, to the end that, 
accordingly we might deliberate more amply on that we had; 
to do. With this resolution, which was approved by every 
one, Antonio de Fwria weighed anchor, and without any noise 
got close to the island, and compassing it about exactly 
observed every particular that presented itself to his sight. 
This island was all inclosed with a platform of jasper, six and 
twenty spans high, the stones whereof were so neatly wrought,] 
and joyned together, that the wall seemed to be all of one 
piece, at which every one greatly marvelled, as having never 
seen any thing till then, either in the Indiaes, or elsewhere,[ 
that merited comparison with it; this wall was six and 
twenty spans deep from the bottom of the river to the super- 
ficies of the water, so that the full height of it was two and 
fifty spans. Furthermore the top of the platform was bordered 
with the same stone, cut into great tower-work; upon this 
wall, which invironed the whole island, was a gallery of 
balisters of turn'd copper, that from six to six fathom joyned to 
certain piUars of the same metal, upon each of the which was 
the figure of a woman holding a bowl in her hand ; within 
this gallery were divers monsters cast in metal, standing all in 
a row, which holding one another by the hand in manner of 
a dance incompassed the whole island, being, as I have said, a 
league about. Amidst these monstrous idols there was like- 
wise another row of very rich arches, made of siuidry coloured 
pieces ; a sumptuous work, and wherewith the eye might well 
be entertained and contented. Within was a little wood of 
orange trees, without any mixture of other plants, and in the 
midst an hundred and threescore hermitages dedicated to the 


gods of the year, of whom these Gentiles recount many pleasant 
fables in their chronicles for the defence of their blindness in 
their false belief. A quarter of a league beyond these hermi- 
tages, towards the east, divers goodly great edifices were seen, 
separated the one from the other with seven fore-fronts of 
houses, built after the manner of our churches, from the top to 
the bottom as far as could be discerned, these buildings were 
gilt all over, and annexed to very high towers, which in all 
likehhood were steeples; their edifices were environed with 
two great streets arched all along ; like unto the frontispieces 
of the houses; these arches were supported by very huge 
piUars, on the top whereof, and between every arch was a 
dainty prospective; now in regard these buildings, towers, 
pillars and their chapiters, were so exceedingly gilt all over, as 
one could discern nothing but gold, it perswaded us that this 
temple must needs be wonderful sumptuous and rich, since such 
cost had been bestowed on the very walls. After we had sur- 
rounded this whole island, and observed the advenues and 
entries thereof, notwithstanding it was somewhat late, yet 
would Antonio de Faria needs go ashore to see if he could get 
any intelhgence in one of those hermitages, to the end he 
might thereupon resolve, either to prosecute his design, or 
return back. So having left a guard sufficient for his two 
vessels, and Diego Lobato, his chaplain, captaiii of them, he 
landed with fourty souldiers, and twenty slaves, as well pikes, 
as harquebuses. He also carried with him four of the 
Chineses, which we took a while before, both for that they 
knew the place well, as having been there at other times, and 
likewise that they might serve us for truchmen and guides. 
Being got to the shore unespied of any one, and without noise, 
we entred the island by one of the eight advenues that it had, 
and marching through the midst of the little wood of orange- 
trees we arrived at the gate of the first hermitage, which might 
be some two musket-shot from the place we dis-imbarqued, 
where that hapned unto us which I will dehver hereafter. 

Antonio de Faria went directly to the next hermitage he saw 
before tiim with the greatest silence that might be, and 
with no little fear, for that he knew not into what danger he 
was going to ingage himself ; which, he found shut on the 


inside, he commanded one of the Ghineses to knock at it, as he 
did two or three times, when at last he heard one speak in tliis 
manner, Praysed be the Creator, who hath enamelled the beauty 
of the skies, let him that knocks at the gate go about, and he 
shall find it open on the other side, where let me know what he 
desires. The Chinese went presently about, and entring into 
the hermitage by a back door, he opened the foregate to I 
Antonio de Faria, and let him in with aU his followers; there 
he found an old man, that seemed to be an hundred years old ; 
he was apparelled in a long violet coloured damask gown, and 
by his countenance appeared to be a man of quality, as we 
understood afterwards. Being amazed to see so many men he 
fell to the ground, where he lay a good while without speaking 
a word, howbeit at length he began to be better confirmed, and 
beholding us with a serious look, he gravely demanded of us 
what we were, and what we would have ; whereimto the inter-: 
preter answered by the express commandment of Antonio de 
Fa/ria, that he was a captain stranger, a native of the kingdomj 
of Siam, and that sayUng in a junk of his, laden with merohan-; 
dise, and bound for Liampoo, he had suffered shipwrack,] 
whence he had miraculously escaped with aU his company:, 
and for that he had vowed to make a pilgrimage to this holy | 
place, to praise God for preserving him from so great a peril, 
he was now come to perform his vow ; also to crave somewhat' 
of him by way of ahns, whereby his poverty might be relieved,' 
protesting within three years to render him twice as much as 
he should then take from him : whereupon the hermit, named 
Hiticon, having mused a little on the matter, and fixing his eye 
on Antonio de Faria : Whoever thou art, said he unto him, 
know that I throughly understand what thou sayest, and that I 
perceive but too well thy damnable intention, wherewith out of 
the obscurity of thy blindness, like an infernal pilot, thou 
carriest both thy self, and these others, into the profound abyss 
of the lake of wight : for instead of rendring thcmks to Qod for 
so great a favour as thou confessest He hath shewed thee, thou 
comest hither to rob this holy house. But let me ask thee, if thou 
executest this mischievous design, what will the Divine Justice, 
thinkest thou, do with thee at the last gasp of thy Ufe ? Change 
then thy perverse inclination, and never suffer the imagination of 


SO great a sin to enter thy thoitghts ; gwe credit unto me that 
tells thee nothing but the very truth, even as I hope to thrvoe by 
it all the rest of my Ufe. Antonio de Fa/ria seeming to approve 
of the counsel which the old hermit gave him, earnestly desired 
him not to be displeased, assuring him that he had no other 
means or way left to reUeve him and his, but what he could 
find in that place. To which the hermit, wringing his hands, 
and Ufting up his eyes, said weeping. Praised be Thou, Lord, 
that permittest men to Uve on the earth, who offend Thee under 
pretext of seeking means to live, and that vouchsafe not to serve 
Thee one hour, although they know how assured Thy glory is. 
After he had uttered these words, he remained very pensive 
and much troubled to see the great disorder we used in break- 
ing up the-cofi&ns, and flinging them out of their places; at 
length looking upon Antonio de Faria, who stood leaning upon 
his sword, he intreated him to sit down by him, which he did 
with a great deal of complement, not desisting for aU that 
from making signs to his souldiers to persist as they had 
begun, that was, to take the silver which was mingled amongst 
the bones of the dead in the tombs that they brake up ; where- 
at the hermit was so grieved as he fell down twice in a swoon 
from his seat ; but being come to himself, he spake thus to 
Antonio de Faria ; I will declare unto thee, as to a man that 
seems discreet, the means whereby thou mayst obtain pardon for 
the sin which thou and thy people now commt, to the end that 
thy soul may not perish eternally, when as the last breath of thy 
mouth shall go out of thy body. Seeing then, as thou say est, 
that it. is necessity constrains thee to offend in this grievous 
manner, and that thou hast a purpose to make restitution before 
thou diest, of that thou takest away from hence ; if thou hast 
time amd power, thou nmst do these three things : First, thou 
must render again what thou now ca/rriest a/way, that the Sove- 
reign Lord may not turn His mercy from thee. Secondly, thou 
must with tea/rs ask Him forgiveness for thy fault, which is so 
odious unto Him, never ceasing to chastise thy flesh both day and 
night. And thirdly, thou must distribute thy goods to the poor, 
as liberally as to thy self, giving them alms with prudence and 
discretion, to the end the s&rvant of the rdght may have nothing 
to accuse thee of at the last day. Now, for recompence of this 


162 The tbavels, voyages, and adventures 

coimsel, I desire thee to command thy followers to gather together 
the bones of the saints, that they ma/y not be dispersed on the 
earth. Antonio de Faria promised him very courteously to 
perform his request, wherewith the hermit was a little better 
at quiet than before, but yet not fully satisfied ; howbeit he 
spake him very fair, and assured him that after he had once 
seen him, he very much repented the undertaking of this enter- 
prise, but his souldiers had threatned to kill him, if he 
returned without executing of it, and this he told him as a very 
great secret. God grant it be so, replyed the hermit, for that 
thou shalt not be so blame worthy as these other monsters of the 
night, which are so greedy, like to famished dogs, that it seems 
all the silver in the world is not able to satiate them. 

After we had gathered all the silver together that was in the 
graves amongst the dead mens bones, and carried it aboard 
our ships, we were aU of opinion not to go any farther to the 
rest of the hermitages, as well because we knew not the 
countrey, as for that it was almost night, upon hope that 
the next day we might continue our enterprise more at leisure. 
Now before he re-imbarqued himself, Antonio de Faria took 
leave of the hermit, and giving him very good words, he 
~ desired him for Gods sake not to be offended with that his 
followers had done, being constrained thereunto by meer 
necessity: for as for his particular he exceedingly abhorred 
such like actions, adding withall, that at the first sight of him 
he would have returned back, out of the remorse of conscience, 
and true repentance ; but that his company had hindred him, 
saying; that if he did so, they would surely kill him ; so that 
for to save his Ufe he was compelled to yield and consent 
thereunto, though he plainly saw that it was a very great sin, 
in regard whereof he was resolved, as soon as he could rid his 
hands of them, to go up and down the world to perform such 
penance as was requisite for the purging of him from so enor- 
mous a crime. Hereunto the hermit answered, Plea^eth the 
Lord, who living, reigneth above the beoMty of the stars, that 
the knowledge which, by this ddscovase, thou showest to have, be 
not prejudicial unto thee ; for I be assured, that he who knows 
these things, and doth them not, runs a far greater danger, than 
he that sins through ignorance. Then one of ours, named Nuno 


Coelho, who would needs have an oar in our talk, told him, 
that he was not to be angry for a matter of so small import- 
ance ; whereunto the hermit beholding him with so stern a 
countenance, answered, Certainly, the fear which thou hast of 
death is yet less, since thou imphyest thy self in actions as 
infamous and black as the soul that is in thy body; and for 
my part, I carmot but be perswaded, that all thy ambition is 
wholly placed vpon money, as but too well appears by the thirst 
of thy insatiable a/oarice, whereby thou wilt make an end of 
heaping up the measure of thine infernal appetite : contimis then 
thy theeveries, for seeing then thou must go to hell for that which 
thou hast already taken out of this holy house, thou shalt also 
go thither for those things which thou shalt steal otherwise, so 
the heavier the burden shall be that thou bearest, the sooner 
shalt thou be precipitated into the bottom of hell, where already 
thy wicked works have prepared thee am everlasting abode. 
Hereupon Nuno de Coelho prayed him to take all things 
patiently, affirming that the law of God commanded him so 
to do so. Then the hermit lift up his hand, by way of 
admiration, and as it were smiling at what the souldier had 
said, Truly, answered he, I am come to see that I never thought 
to see or hear, namely, evil actions disguised with a specious 
pretext of vertViC, which makes me believe that thy blindness is 
exceeding great, since trusting to good words thou spendest thy 
Ufe so wickedly, wherefore it is not possible thou shouldest ever 
come to Heaven, or give any account to God at the last day, as 
of necessity thou must do. Saying so, he turned him to Antonio 
de Faria, without attending further answer from him, and 
earnestly desired him not to suffer his company to spit upon 
and prophane the altar, which he vowed was more grievous to 
him, then the induring of a thousand deaths ; whereupon to 
satisfie him, he presently commanded the forbearance of it; 
wherewith the hermit was somewhat comforted. Now because 
it grew late, Antonio de Fa/ria resolved to leave the place, but 
before he departed he held it necessary to inform himself of 
certain other particulars, whereof he stood in some doubt, so 
that he inquired of the hermit how many persons there might 
be in all those hermitages : whereunto Hiticon answered, that 
there were about three hundred and threescore Talagrepos, 


besides forty Menigrepos, appointed to furnish them with 
things requisite for their maintenance, and to attend them 
when they were sick: moreover he asked him, whether the 
King of China came not sometimes thither ; he told him, No, 
fot, said he, the King cannot be condemned by anybody, he is 
the son of the Sun, but contrarily he had power to absolve 
every one. Then he enquired of him if there were any arms 
in their, hermitages ? no, answered the hermit, for all such 
as pretend to go to heaven have more need of patience to indmre 
injti/ries, then of arms to revenge themselves : being also desirous 
to know of him the cause why so much silver was mingled 
with the bones of the dead. This siher, repUed the hermit, 
comes of the alms that the deceased carry with them out of this 
into the other life, for to serve them at their need in the hea/ven 
of the moon, where they Uve eternally. In conclusion, having 
demanded of him whether they had any women, he said, That 
they which would maintain the life of their souls, ou^ht not to 
taste the pleasures of the flesh, seeing experience made it ap- 
parent, that the bee which nowisheth herself in an honey-comb, 
doth often sting such as offer to meddle with that sweetness. 
After Antonio de Faria had propounded all these questions, he 
took his leave of him, and so went directly to his ships, with 
an intention to return again the next day, for to set upon 
the other hermitages, where, as he had been told, was great 
abundance of silver, and certain idols of gold; but our sins 
would not permit us to see the effect of a business which we 
had been two moneths and an half a purchasing with so much 
labour and danger of our lives, as I will deliver hereafter. 

At the clearing up of the day, Antonio de Faria, and aU of 
us, being embarqued, we went and anchored on the other side 
of the island, about a faulcon shot from it, with an intent, as 
I have before declared, to go ashore again the next morning, 
and set upon the chappels where the kings of China were 
interred, that so we might the more commodiously lade our 
two vessels with such treasures ; which peradventure might 
have succeeded according to our desires, if the business had 
been well carried, and that Antonio de Faria had followed the 
counsel was given him, which was, that since we had not been 
as yet discovered, that he should have carried the hermit 


away with him, to the end he might not acquaint the house 
of the Bonzoes with what we had done; howbeit he would 
never hearken to it, saying, that we were to fear nothing that 
way, by reason the hermit was so old, and his legs so swoln 
with the gout, as he was not able to stand, much less to go. 
But it fell out clean contrary to his expectation, for the hermit 
no sooner saw us imbarqued, as we understood afterwards, 
but he presently crawled as well as he could to the next 
hermitage, which was not above a flight shoot from his ; and 
giving intelligence of all that had past, he bad his companions, 
because himself was not able, to go away with all speed to the 
Bonzoes house to acquaint them with it, which the other 
instantly performed ; so that about midnight we saw a great 
many of fires lighted on the top of the wall of the Temple, 
where the kings were buried, being kindled to serve for a 
signal to the countrey about, of some extraordinary danger 
towards. This made us ask of our CMneses, what they might 
mean ; who answered, that assuredly we were discovered, in 
regard whereof they advised us without any longer stay to set 
sail immediately ; herewith they acquainted Antonio de Fa/ria, 
who was fast asleep; but he straightway arose, and leaving 
his anchor in the sea, rowed directly, afraid as he was, to the 
island, for to learn what was done there. Being arrived near 
to the key, he heard many bells ringing in each hermitage, 
together with a noise of men talking ; whereupon the CMneses 
that accompanied him, said. Sir, never stand to hear or see 
more, but retire, we beseech you, as fast as you may, and 
cause us not to be all miserably slain with your further stay. 
Howbeit httle regarding, or afraid of their words, he went 
ashore only with six souldiers, having no other arms but 
swords and targets, and going up the stairs of the key, whether 
it were that he was vext for having lost so fair an occasion, or 
carried thereunto by his courage, he entred into the gallery, 
that invironed the island, and ran up and down in it like a mad 
man, without meeting any body ; that done, and being returned 
aboard his vessel, much grieved and ashamed, he consulted 
with his company about what they should do, who, were of 
opinion that the best course we could take, was to depart, and 
therefore they required him to put it accordingly in execution ; 


seeing them all so resolved, and fearing some tumults among 
the souldiers, he was fain to answer, that he was also of their 
mind ; but first he thought it fit to know for what cause they 
should fly away in that manner, and therefore he desired them 
to stay for him a little in that place, because he would try 
whether he could learn by some means or the other the truth 
of the matter, whereof they had but a bare suspition; for 
which, he told them, he would ask but halt an hour at 
the most, so that there would be time enough to take order 
for any thing before day ; some would have alledged reasons 
against this, but he would not hear them ; wherefore having 
caused them all to take their oaths upon the holy Evangelists, 
that they would stay for him, he returned to land with the 
same souldiers that had accompanied him before, and entering 
into the little wood he heard the sound of a ball, which addressed 
him to another hermitage, far richer then that wherein we were 
the day before. There he met with two men, apparelled like 
monks, with large hoods, which made him think they were her- 
mits, of whom he presently laid hold ; wherewith one of them 
was so terrified, as he was not able to speak a good while after : 
hereupon four of the six souldiers past into the hermitage, and 
took an idol of silver from the altar, having a crown of gold on 
its head, and a wheel in its hand; they also brought away 
three candlesticks of silver, with long chains of the same 
belonging to them. This performed, Antonio de Paria carrying 
the two hermits along with him, went aboard again, and sailing 
away, he propounded divers questions to him, of the two, that 
was least afraid, threatning to use him in a strange fashion 
if he did not tell the truth. This hermit seeing himself so 
menaced, answered. That an holy man, named Pilou Angiroo 
came about midnight to the house of the kings sepultures, 
where knocking in haste at the gate, he cryed out, saying ; 
rmserable men, bvned in the drunkenness of carnal sleep, who 
by a solemn vow have pivfest your selwes to the honow of the 
Goddess Amida, the rich rewa/rd of ow labours, hear, hear, hear, 
the most wretched men that ever were bom; there are 
strangers come into our island, from the fmthest end of tJie 
world, which ha/oe long beards, and bodies of iron ; these wicked 
creatures home entered into the Holy House of the seven and 


twenty Pillars, of whose sacred temple an holy mam is keeper, 
that hath told me, where after they had roMsacked the rich 
treasures of thy saints, they contemptuously threw their bones 
to the ground, which they prophaned with their stinking and 
infectious spitting, and made a mockery of them like devils, 
obstinate and hardned in their wretched sins ; wherefore I 
advise you to look well to your seVoes ; for it is said that they 
home sworn to kill us all as soon as it is day : fly away then, or 
call some people to your succour, since being religious men you 
are not permitted to meddle with any thing that may shed the 
blood of man. Herewith they presently arose and ran to the 
gate, -where they found the hermite laid on the ground, and 
half dead with grief and weariness through the imbeeiUity of 
his age; whereupon the Grepos and Merdgrepos made those 
fires that you saw, and withall sent in all haste to the towns 
of Gorpilem, and Ponba/na, for to succour them speedily with 
the forces of the country; so that you may be assured it 
will not be long before they fall upon this place with all the 
fury that may be. Now this is all that I am able to say 
concerning the truth of this affair; wherefore I desire you to 
return us both unto our hermitage with our lives san)ed ; for if 
you do not so you will commit a greater sin, then you did 
yesterday : remember also that God, in regard of the continuall 
penance we perform, hath taken us so far into His protection, as 
He doth visit ^ts almost every hour of the day ; wherefore labour 
to save your selves as much as you will, yet shall you hardly 
do it ; for be sure, that the earth, the air, the winds, the waters, 
the beasts, the fishes, the fowls, the trees, the plants, and all 
things created, will pursue and torment you so cruelly, as none 
but He that M/oes in heaioen will be able to help you. Antonio de 
Fa/ria being hereby certainly informed of the truth of the 
business sailed instantly away, tearing his hair and beard for 
yery rage, to see that through his negUgence and indiscretion 
he 'had lost the fairest occasion that ever he should be able to 
meet withall. 



Our casting away in the Grulf of Nanquin, with all that befell us after this 
lamentable shipwiack. 

WE had already sailed seven days in the Gulf of Nanquin, 
to the end that the force of the current might carry us 
the more swiftly away, as men whose safety consisted wholly 
in flight ; for we were so desolate and sad, that we scarce 
spake one to another; in the mean time we arrived at a 
village, called Siosequerim, where no news being come either 
of us, or what we had done, we furnished our selves with 
some victual, and getting information very covertly of the 
course we were to hold, we departed within two hours after, 
and then, with the greatest speed we could make, we entred 
into a streight, named Xalingau, much less frequented then 
the gulf that we had past ; here we navigated nine dayes 
more, in which time we ran an hundred and forty leagues, 
then entring again into the said Gulf of Nanqrdn, which in 
that place was not above ten or eleven leagues broad, we 
sailed for the space of thirteen dayes from one side to another 
with a westerly winde, exceedingly afflicted, both with the 
great labour we were fain to endure, and the cruel fear we 
were in, besides the want we began to feel of victuals. In this 
case being come within sight of the mountains of Conxinacau, 
which are in the height of forty and one degrees, there arose 
so terrible a south winde, called by the Chineses, Tufaon, as it 
could not possibly be thought a natural thing; so that our 
vessels being low built, weak, and without mariners, we were 
reduced to such extremity, that out of all hope to escape we 
suffered our selves to be driven along the coast, as the current 
of the water would carry us; for we held it more safe to 
venture ourselves amongst the rocks, then to let us be swal- 
lowed up in the midst of the sea ; and though we had chosen 
this design, as the better and less painful, yet did it not 
succeed ; for after dinner the winde turned to the north-west 
whereby the waves became so high, that it was most dreadful 
to behold ; our fear then was so extream, as we began to cast 
all that we had into the sea, even to the chests full of silver. 


That done, we out down our two masts, and so without masts 
and sails we floated along all the rest of the day ; at length 
about midnight we heard them in Antonio de Faria's vessel 
cry, Lord ha/ve mercy wpon us, which perswaded us that they 
were cast away ; the apprehension whereof put us in such a 
fright, as for an hour together no man spake a word. Having 
past all this sad night in so miserable a phght, about an hour 
before day our vessel opened about the keel, so that it was 
instantly full of water eight spans high, whereupon perceiving 
our selves to sink, we verily believed, it was the good pleasure 
of God that in this place we should finish both our lives and 
labours. As soon then as it was day we looked out to sea, as 
far as possibly we could discern, but could no way discover 
Antordo de Faria, which put us quite out of heart; and so 
continuing in this great affliction till about ten of, the clock, 
with so much terror and amazement, as words are not able to 
express ; at last we ran against the coast, and even drowned 
as we were, the waves rolled us toward a point of rocks that 
stood out into the sea, where we were no sooner arrived but 
that all went to pieces, insomuch that of five and twenty 
PorPugals, which we were, there were but fourteen saved, the 
other eleven being drowned, together vrith eighteen Christian 
servants, and seven Chinese mariners. This miserable disaster 
hapned on a Munday, the 5th of August, 1542, for which the 
Lord be praised everlastingly. 

We fourteen PorPugals, having escaped out of this shipwrack 
by the meer mercy of God, spent all that day, and the night 
following, in bewailing our mis-fortune, and the wretched 
estate whereunto we were reduced; but in the end con- 
sulting together, what course to take for to give some remedy 
thereunto ; we concluded to enter into the country, hoping 
that far or neer we should not fail to meet with some body, 
that taking us for slaves would relieve us with meat, till such 
time as it should please Heaven to terminate our travels with 
the end of our lives. With this resolution we went some six 
or seven leagues over rocks and hills, and on the other side 
discovered a great marsh, so large and void, as it past the 
reach of our sight, there being no appearance of any lan^ 
beyond it ; which madp up turn bapk again, towards the samg 


place where we were cast away ; being arrived there the day 
after about sun-set, we found upon the shore the bodies of our 
men, which the sea had cast up, over whom we commenced 
our sorrow and lamentations, and the next day we buried 
them in the sand, to keep them from being devoured by the 
tygers, whereof that country is full, which we performed with 
much labour and pain, in regard we had no other tools 
for that purpose but our hands and nails. After these poor 
bodies were interred we got us into a marsh, where we spent 
all the night, as the safest place we could chuse to preserve 
us from the tygers: from thence we continued our journey 
towards the north, and that by such precipices and thick 
woods, as we had much ado to pass through them. Having 
travelled in this manner three dayes, at length we arrived at 
a little streight, without meeting anybody, over the which 
resolving to swim, by ill fortune the four first that entred 
into it, being three Portugals and a young youth, were 
miserably drowned ; for being very feeble, and the streight 
somewhat broad, and the current of the water very strong, they 
were not able to hold out any longer when they came to the 
midst; so we eleven, with three servants that remained, seeing 
the infortunate success of our companions, could do nothing 
but weep and lament, as men that hourly expected such or a 
worse end. Having spent all that dark night, exposed to the 
winde, cold, and rain, it pleased our Lord that the next 
morning before day we discovered a great fire towards the 
east; whereupon as soon as the day broke, we marched 
fair and softly that way, recommending our selves to that 
Almighty God from whom alone we could hope for a remedy 
to our miseries; and so continuing our journey all along the 
river, the most part of that day, at last we came to a little 
wood, where we found five men making of coals, whom on our 
knees we besought for Gods sake to direct us to some place 
where we might get some relief ; I would, said one of them 
beholding us with an eye of pitie, it lay in our power to help 
you, but alas I all the comfort we can give you is to bestow some 
part of OMT supper on you, which is a little rice, wherewith you 
may pass this night here with us if you will, though I hold it 
better for you to proceed on yowr way, and recover the place 


you see a little below, where you shall finde an hospital that 
serves to lodge such pilgrims as chance to come into these 
quarters. Having thanked him for his good address, we fell 
to the rice they gave us, which came but to two mouthfuls 
apiece, and so took our leaves of them, going directly to the 
place they had shewed us, as well as our weakness would 

About an hour within night, we arrived at the hospital, 
where we met with four men, that had the charge of it, who 
received us very charitably. The next morning as soon as it 
was day, they demanded of us, what we were, and from whence 
we came? Thereunto we answered, that we were strangers, 
natives of the Kingdom of Sia/m, and that coming from the 
Port of Lia/mpoo to go to the fishing of Nanqum, we were cast 
away at sea by the violence of a storm, having saved nothing 
out of this shipwrack, but those our miserable and naked 
bodies. Whereupon demanding of ua again, what we intended 
to do, and whither we would go ; we replyed, that we purposed 
to go to the city of Ncmquin, there to imbarque our selves as 
rowers in the first Lanteaa that should put to sea, for to pass 
unto Gantan, where our countrymen, by the permission of the 
Aitco of Panquin, exercised their traffique under the protection 
of the son of the Sun, and Lyon crowned in the throne of the 
world; wherefore we desired them for Gods cause to let us 
stay in that hospital, until we had recovered our healths, and 
to bestow any poor clothes on us to cover our nakedness. After 
they had given good ear unto us; it were reason, answered 
they, to grant you that which you require with so much 
earnestness, and tears ; but in regard the house is now very 
poor, we cannot so easily discharge our duties unto you as we 
should^ howbeit, we will do what we may with a very good 
wiU. Then quite naked, as we were, they lead us all about the 
village, containing some forty or fifty fires, more or less ; the 
inhabitants whereof were exceeding poor, having no other 
living but what they got by the labour of their hands, from 
whom they drew by way of alms some two taeis in money, 
half a sack of rice, a little meal, aricot beans, onions, and a few 
old rags, wherewith we made the best shift we could ; over and 
above this they bestowed two taeis more on us out of the 


stock of the hospital. But whereas we desired that we might 
be permitted to stay there, they excused themselves, saying, 
that no poor might remain there above three days, or five at 
the most, unless it were sick people, or women with child, of 
whom special care was to be had, because in their extremities 
they could not travel without endangering their lives, wherefore 
they could for no other persons whatsoever transgress that 
ordnance, which had of ancient time been instituted by the 
advice of very learned and religious men ; nevertheless, that 
three leagues from thence, we should in a great town, called 
Sileyiacau, find a very rich hospital, where all sorts of poor 
people were entertained, and that there we should be far better 
looked unto then in their house, which was poor, and agreeable 
to the place of its scituation ; to which end they would give us 
a' letter of recommendation, by means whereof we should in- 
continently be received. For these good offices we rendred 
them infinite thanks, and told them that God would reward 
them for it, since they did it for His sake ; whereupon an old 
man, one of those four, answered us fairly and gave us to the 
brotherhood of the other hospital, whither we were to go, and 
so we departed about noon, and arrived at the town an hour or 
two before sun-set. The first thing we did, was to go to the 
house of the repose of the poor ; for so the Ghineses caU the 
hospitals. There we delivered our letters to the masters of 
that Society, which they term Tanigories, whom we found 
altogether in a chamber, where they were assembled about the 
affairs of the poor. After they had received the letter with a 
kind of complement, that seemed very strange to us, they 
commanded the Eegister to read it ; whereupon he stood up 
and read it to them that were sitting at the table. This letter 
being read, they caused us presently to be lodged in a very 
neat chamber, accomodated with a table, and divers chairs, 
where after we had been served with good meat, we rested our 
selves that night. The next morning the Eegister came along 
with the rest of the officers, and demanded of us who we 
were, of what nation, and whereabout we had suffered ship- 
wrack ; whereunto we answered, as we had done before, to 
those of the village from whence we came, that we might not 
be fpund in two tales, and convinced of lying; whereupon 


having further enquired of us what we meant to do ; we told 
them that our intention was to get our selves cured in that 
house, if it pleased them to permit us, in regard we were so 
weak and sickly as we could scarce stand upon our legs. To 
which they replyed that they would very willingly see that 
performed for us, as a thing that was ordinarily done there for 
the service of God ; for the which we thanked them weeping, 
with so much acknowledgement of their goodness and charity, 
as the tears stood in their eyes ; so that presently sending for 
a physician, they bid him look carefully to us, for that we were 
poor flocks, and had no other means but what we had from Ihe 
house. That done, he took our names in writing, and set them 
down in a great book ; whereunto we all of us set our hands, 
saying, it was necessary it should be so, that an account might 
be rendred of the expence was to be made for us. 

[Pinto and Ms companions, being cwred, continue their journey ; 
their further adventures, and -hospitable reception by a gentleman 
at a country house ; x>ntttteh«] 


Our arrival at the town of Taypor, where we were made ' prisoners, and so 
sent to the city of Nanquin, 

THE next morning by break of day parting from that place, 
we went to a village called Fingirdla/u, which was some 
four leagues from the old gentlemans house, where we remained 
three dayes, and then continuing travelling from one place to 
another, and from village to village, ever deohning the great 
tovms, for fear lest the Justice of the country should call us in 
question in regard we were strangers ; in this manner we spent 
almost two moneths vrithout receiving the least damage from 
any body. Now there is no doubt but we might easily have 
got to the city of Nanqwm in that time if we had had a guide ; 
but for want of knowing the way we wandred we knew not 
whither, suffering much, and running many hazards. At 
length we arrived at a village, named GhoMcer, at such a time 


as they were a solemnizing a sumptuous funeral of a very rich 
woman, that had disinherited her kindred, and left her estate 
to the Pagode of this village, where she was buried, as we 
understood by the inhabitants ; we were invited then to this 
funeral, as other poor people were, and according to the custom 
of the country we did eat on the grave of the deceased. At the 
end of three days that we stayed there, which was the time 
the funeral lasted, we had six taeis given us for an alms, con- 
ditionally that in all our oraisons we should pray unto God for 
the soul of the departed. Being gone from this place we 
continued on our journey to another village, called Chdnwpalvr, 
from whence we were almost two moneths travelling from 
country to country, untill at last our ill fortune brought us to a 
town, named Taypor, where by chance there was at that time 
a Ghumbim, that is to say, one of those super-intendents of 
Justice, that every three years are sent throughout the 
provinces for to make report unto the king of all that passeth 
there. This naughty man seeing us go begging from door to 
door, called to us from a window where he was, and would 
know of us who we were, and of what nation ; as also what 
obliged us to run up and down the world in that manner ? 
Having asked us these questions in the presence of three 
Eegisters, and of many other persons, that were gathered 
together to behold us ; we answered him, that we were 
stangers, natives of the kingdom of Siam, who being cast 
away by a storm at sea went thus travelling and begging our 
living, to the end we might sustain our selves with the charity 
of good people, untill such time as we could arrive at Nanqvm, 
whither we were going with an intent to imbarque our selves 
there in some of the merchants Lcmteaas for Canton, where 
the shipping of our nation lay. This answer we made unto the 
Chwmhim, who questionless had been well enough contented 
with it, and would have let us go, had it not been for one of 
his clerks ; for he told them that we were idle vagabonds, that 
spent our time in begging from door to door, and abusing the 
alms that were given us, and therefore he was at no hand to 
let us go free, for fear of incurring the punishment, ordained 
for such as offend in that sort, as is set forth in the seventh 
of the twelve books of the Statutes of the Bealm ; wherefore as 


his faithful servant he counselled him to lay us in good and 
sure hold, that we might be forth-coming to answer the Law. 
The Chumhim presently followed his clerks advice, and carried 
himself toward us with as much barbarous cruelty, as could be 
expected from a Pagan, such as he was, that lived without God 
or religion ; to which effect after he had heard a number of 
false witnesses, who charged us with many fowl crimes, whereof 
we never so much as dream'd, he caused us to be put into a 
deep dungeon, with irons on our hands and feet, and great 
iron collars about our necks. In this miserable place we 
endured such hunger, and were so fearfully whipped, that we 
were in perpetual pain for six and twenty days together, at the 
end whereof we were by the sentence of the same Chumhim 
sent to the ParUament of the Gheam of Nanqtdn, because the 
jurisdiction of this extended not to the condemnation of any 
prisoner to death. 

We remained six and twenty days in that cruel prison, 
whereof I spake before ; and I vow we thought we had been 
six and twenty thousand years there, in regard of the great 
misery we suffered in it, which was such, as one of our com- 
panions called Joano Boderiguez Bravo died in our arms, being 
eaten up with lice, we being no way able to help him ; and it 
was almost a miracle, that the rest of us escaped alive from 
that filthy vermine ; at length, one morning, when we thought 
of nothing less, loaden with irons as we were, and so weak 
that we could hardly speak, we were drawn out of that prison, 
and then being chained one to another we were imbarqued 
with many others, to the number of thirty or forty, that having 
been convicted for sundry hainous crimes, were also sent to 
the Parliament of Nanquin, where, as I have already declared, 
is always residing a Chaem of Justice, which is like to the 
sovereign title of the Vice-roy of China. 

[Here follows a relaUon of the Chinese Law.] 

After being reimbarqued, we sailed up a great river seven days 
together, at the end whereof we arrived at Nanquin. As this 
city is the second of aU the empire, so is it also the capital of 
the three kingdoms of Liampoo, Farms, and Sambor. Here 


we lay six weeks in prison, and suffered so much pain and 
misery, as reduced to the last extreamities, we died insensibly ' 
for want of succour, not able to do any thing, but look up to • 
heaven with a pitiful eye ; for it was our ill fortune to have all 
that we had stoln from us the first night we came thither. 
This prison was so great, that there were four thousand 
prisoners in it at that time, as we were credibly informed, so 
that one should hardly sit down in any place without being 
robbed, and filled full of lice : having layn there a month and 
an halt, as I said, the Anchacy, who was one of the judges 
before whom our cause was to be pleaded, pronounced our 
sentence at the suit of the Atturney General, the tenor whereof 
was : That having seen and considered our process, which the 
Ghumhim of Taypor had sent him, it appeared by the accusa- 
tions laid to our charge, that we were very hainous malefactors, 
and though we denied many things, yet in justice no credit 
was to be given unto us, and therfore that we were to be 
publiokly whipped, for to teach us to live better in time to | 
come, and that withal our two thumbs should be cut off, i 
wherewith it was evident by manifest suspicions, that we used '■ 
to commit robberies, and other vUe crimes ; and furthermore, 
that for the remainder of the punishment we deserved, he \ 
referred us to the Aytcm of Batcmpina, unto whom it apper- 
tained to take cognisance of such causes, in regard of the 
jurisdiction that he had of life and death. This sentence was 
pronounced in the prison, where it had been better for us to 
have suffered death, then the stripes that we received, for all 
the ground round about us ran with blood upon our whiping, 
so that it was almost a miracle, that of the eleven which we 
were, nine escaped aUve, for two of our company died three 
days after, besides one of our servants. 

After we had been whipped in that manner, I have declared, ! 
we were carried into a great chamber, that was in the prison, 
where were a number of sick, and diseased persons, lying upon 
beds, and other ways ; there we had presently our stripes 
washed, and things applyed unto them, whereby we were 
somewhat eased of our pain, and that by men, much like unto 
the fraternity of mercy among the Papists, which onely out of 
charity, and for the honor of God, do tend those that are sick, 


and liberally furnish them with all things necessary. Hereafter 
some eleven or twelve days, we began to be prettily recovered, 
and as we were lamenting our ill fortune, for being so rigorously 
condemned to lose our thumbs, it pleased God one morning, 
when as we little dreamt of it, that we espied two men come 
into the chamber, of a good aspect, clothed in long gowns of 
violet coloured sattin, and carrying white rods in their hands ; 
as soon as they arrived, all the sick persons in the chamber 
cried out, Blessed be the imnisters of the works of God : where- 
unto they answered, holding up their rods, May it please God 
to give you patience in your adversity : whereupon having 
distributed clothes and money to those that were next to them, 
they came unto us, and after they had saluted us very cour- 
teously, with demonstration of being moved at our tears, they 
asked us who we were, and of what countrey, as also why we 
were imprisoned there : whereunto we answered weeping, that 
we were strangers, natives of the kingdom of Siam, and of a 
country called Malaca; that being merchants and well to live, 
we had imbarqued our selves vnth our goods, and being bound 
for Liampoo, we had been cast away just against the Isles of 
Laman, having lost all that we had, and nothing left us but 
our miserable bodies in the case they now saw us ; moreover 
we added, that being thus evil intreated by fortune, arriving at 
the city of Ta/ypor, the Chumbin of Justice had caused us to be 
apprehended without any cause, laying to our charge, that we 
were thieves and vagabonds, who to avoid pains-taking went 
begging from door to door, entertaining our idle laziness with 
the alms that were given us unjustly, whereof the Chumbin 
having made informations at his pleasure, as being both judge 
and party, he had laid us in irons in the prison, where for two 
and forty days space, we had indured incredible pain and 
hunger, and no man would hear us in pur justifications, as well 
because we had not wherevrithal to give presents for to main- 
tain our right, as for that we wanted the language of the 
country. In conclusion, we told them, how in the mean time, 
without any cognisance of the cause, we had been condemned 
to be whipped, as also to have our thiunbs cut off, like thieves ; 
so that we had already suffered the first punishment, with so 
much rigour and cruelty, that the marks thereof remained but 



two visibly upon our wretched bodies, and therefcare we con- 
jured them by the charge they had to serve God in assisting 
the afflicted, that they would not abandon us in this need, the 
rather for that our extream poverty rendred us odious to all 
the world, and exposed us to the induring of all affronts. These 
two men having heard us attentively, remained very pensive 
and amazed at our speech ; at length lifting up their eyes, all 
bathed with tears, to heaven, and kneeling down on the 
ground, Almighty Lord, said they, that govemest in the 
highest places, and whose patience is incomprehensible, be Thou 
evermore blessed, for that Thou a/rt pleased to hearken unto the 
complaints of necessitous and miserable men, to the end that the 
great offences committed against Thy Divine goodness by the 
Miidsters of Justice may not rest unpunished, as we hope that by 
Thy holy Law they will be chastised at one time or other. 
Whereupon they informed themselves more amply by those 
who were about us, of what we had told them, and presently 
sending for the Eegister, in whose hands our sentence was, 
they straitly commanded him, that upon pain of grievous 
punishment he should forthwith bring them all the proceedings 
which had been used against us, as instantly he did ; now the 
two officers, seeing there was no remedy for the whipping that 
we had suffered, presented a petition in our behalf unto the 
Chaem, whereunto this answer was returned by the Court: 
Mercy hath no place, where Justice loseth her name, in regard 
whereof your request carmot be granted, This answer was sub- 
scribed by the Chaem, and eight Gonchacis, that are like 
criminal judges. This hard proceeding much astonished these 
two Proctors for the poor, so named from their office ; where- 
fore, carried with an extream desire to draw us out of this 
misery, they presently preferred another petition to the 
Sovereign Court of Justice, of which I spake in the precedent 
chapter, where the Menigrepos and Talegrepos were judges, an 
assembly which in their language is called, The breath of the 
Creator of all things. In this petition, as sinners, confessing 
all that we were accused of, we had recourse to mercy, which 
sorted well for us ; for as soon as the petition was presented 
unto them, they read the process quite through, and finding 
that our right was over-born for want of succour, they instantly 


dispatched away two of their Court, who with an express 
mandate under their hands and seals, went and prohibited the 
Chaems Court from intermedling with this cause, which they 
commanded away before them. In obedience to this prohibition 
the Chaems Court made this decree, We, that are assembled in 
this Cowrt of Justice of the Lyon crowned in the throne of the 
world, having perused the petition presented to the fow and 
twenty judges of the amtere Ufe, do consent, that those nine 
strangers he sent by way of appeal to the Court of the Aytau of 
Aytaus in the City of Pequin, to the end that in mercy the 
sentence pronounced against them may be fa/vowrably moderated ; 
Chven the seventh day of the fowrth Moon, in the three and 
twentieth yea/r of the reign of the Son of the Sun. This decree, 
Being signed by the Ghaem, and the eight Conchacis, was 
presently brought us by the two Proctors for the poor ; upon 
the receit whereof we told them, that we could but pray unto 
God to reward them for the good they had done us for His 
sake; whereunto beholding us with an eye of pity, they 
answered, May His Celestial goodness direct you in the knowledge 
of His works, that thereby you may with patience gather thefrwit 
of your labows, as they which fear to offend His holy Name, 

After we had past all the adversities and miseries, whereof I 
have spoken before, we were imbarqued in the company of 
some other thirty or forty prisoners, that were sent, as we 
were, from this Court of Justice to that other Sovereign one by 
way of appeal, there to be either acquitted or condemned, 
according to the crimes they had committed, and the punish- 
ment they had deserved. Now a day before our departure, 
being imbarqued in a Lanteaa, and chained three and three 
together, the two Proctors for the poor came to us, and first of 
all furnishing us with all things needful, as clothes, and 
victuals, they asked us whether we wanted any thing else for 
our voyage. Whereunto we answered, that all we could desire 
of them was, that they would be pleased to convert that further 
good they intended to us into a letter of recommendation 
unto the officers of that holy fraternity of the city of Pequdn, 
thereby to oblige them to maintain the right of our cause, in 
regard (as they very well knew) they should otherwise be sure 
to be utterly abandoned of every one, by reason they were 


strangers and altogether unknown. The Proctors hearing us 
speak in this manner : Say not so, replyed they, for though 
you/r ignorance discharges you before God, yet ha/ve you com- 
mitted a great sin, because the more you are abased in the world 
through poverty, the more shall you be exalted before the eyes of 
His divine Majesty, if you patiently bear you/r crosses, whereunto 
the flesh indeed doth aVwa/ys oppose it self, being evermore 
rebellious against the spirit, but as a bi/rd cannot fly without her 
wings, no more can the soul meditate without works : As for the 
letter you require of us ; we will give it you most willingly, 
knowing it will be very necessary for you, to the end that the 
famowr of good people be not wanting to you in you/r need. This 
said, they gave us a sack full of rice, together with four Taeis 
in silver, and a coverlet to lay upon us ; then having very 
much recommended us unto the Ghifu/u,, who was the officer of 
justice that conducted us, they took their leaves of us in most 
courteous manner. The next morning as soon as it was day 
they sent us the letter, sealed with three seals in green wax, 
the contents whereof were : — 

\A recital of the misfortunes of the Portuguese.] 


The marvels of the city of Nanquin, our departure from thence towards 
Pequin, and that which hapned unto us, till we arrived at the town of 

THIS letter being brought to us very early the next morning, 
we departed in the manner before declared, and con- 
tinued our voyage till sun-set, when as we anchord at a httle 
village, named Minhacutem, where the Ghifuu, that conducted 
us, was bom, and where his wife and children were at that 
time, which was the occasion that he remained there three 
days; at the end whereof he imbarqued himself with his 
family, and so we passed on in the company of divers other 
vessels, that went upon this river unto divers parts of this 
empire : Now though we were all tyed together to the back 


of the Lcmteaa, where we rowed, yet did we not for all that 
lose the view of many towns and villages that were soitnated 
along this river, whereof I hold it not amiss to make some 
descriptions ; to which effect, I will begin with the city of 
Nanqmn, from whence we last parted. This city ... is seated 
by the river of Batampina, upon a reasonable high hill, so as it 
commands all the plains about it ; the cUmate thereof is some- 
what cold, but very healthy, and it is eight leagues about, 
which way soever it is considered, three leagues broad, and one 
long. The houses in it are not above two stories high, and 
all built of wood ; only those of the Mandarins are made of 
hewed stone, and also invironed with walls and ditches, over 
which are stone bridges, whereon they pass to the gates, that 
have rich and costly arches, with divers sorts of inventions 
upon the towers ; all which put together make a pleasing 
object to the eye, and represent a certain kind of I know not 
what majesty. The houses of the Ghaems, Anchacys, Aytaus, 
Tutons, and Clvumbims, which are all governours of provinces 
or kingdoms, have stately towers, six or seven stories high, 
and gUt all over, wherein they have their magazines for arms, 
their wardrobes, their treasuries, and a world of rich house- 
hold stuff, as also many other things of great value, together 
with an infinite of delicate and most fine porcelain, which 
amongst them is prized and esteemed as much as precious 
stone ; for this sort of porcelain never goes out of the king- 
dom, it being expressly forbidden by the laws of the country, 
to be sold, upon pain of death, to any stranger, unless to the 
Xata/maas, that is, the Sophyes of the Persians, who by a 
particular permission buy of it at a very dear rate. The 
Ghineses assured us, that in this city there are eight hundred 
thousand fires, four score thousand Mandarins houses, three 
score and two great market-places, an himdred and thirty 
butchers shambles, each of them containing four score shops, 
and eight thousand streets, whereof six hundred that are 
fairer and larger than the rest, are compassed about with 
ballisters of copper ; we were further assured, that there are 
likewise two thousand and three hundred Pagodes, a thousand 
of which were Monasteries of religious persons, professed in 
their accursed sect, whose buildings were exceeding rich and 


sumptuous, with very high steeples, wherein there were 
between sixty and seventy such mighty huge bells, that it was 
a dreadful thing to hear them rung ; there are, moreover, in 
this city thirty great strong prisons, each whereof hath three 
or four thousand prisoners ; and a charitable hospital, ex- 
pressly established to supply the necessities of the poor, with 
proctors ordained for their defence, both in civil and criminal 
causes, as is before related. At the entrance into every prin- 
cipal street, there are arches and great gates, which for each 
mans security are shut every night, and in most of the streets 
are goodly fountains whose water is excellent to drink. 
Besides, at every full and new moon, open fairs are kept 
in several places, whither merchants resort from all parts, and 
where there is such abundance of all kind of victuall as cannot 
well be exprest, especially of flesh and fruit. It is not possible 
to deliver the great store of fish that is taken in this river, 
chiefly soles and mullets, which are all sold alive, besides 
a world of sea fish, both fresh, salted, and dried; we were 
told by certain Chineses, that in this city there are ten 
thousand trades for the working of silks, which from thence 
are sent all over the kingdom. The city it self is invironed 
with a very strong wall, made of fair hewed stone. The gates 
of are an hundred and thirty, at each of which there is porter, 
and two halberdiers, who are bound to give an account every 
day of all that passes in and out ; there are also twelve forts 
or citadels, Uke unto ours, with bulwarks and very high towers, 
but without any ordnance at all. The same Chinees also 
affirmed unto us, that the city yielded the king daily two 
thousand Taeis of silver, which amount to three thousand 
ducates, as I have dehvered heretofore. I will not speak of 
the palace royal, because I saw it but on the outside, howbeit 
the Chineses teU such wonders of it, as would amaze a man, 
for it is my intent to relate nothing save what we beheld here 
with our own eyes, and that was so much as I am afraid to 
write it ; not that it would seem strange to those that have 
seen and read the marvels of the kingdom of China ; but 
because I doubt that they, which would compare those won- 
drous things that are in the countrys, they have not seen, with 
that little they have seen in their own, will make some 


question of it, or, it may be, give no credit at all to these 
truthes, because they are not conformable to their understand- 
ing, and small experience. 

Continuing our course up this river, the first tvro days we 
saw not any remarkable town or place, but onely a great 
number of villages, and little hamlets of two or three hundred 
fires apiece, which by their buildings seemed to be houses of 
fisher men, and poor people, that live by the labour of their 
hands. For the rest, all that was within view in the countrey 
was great woods of fir, groves, forests, and orange-trees, as 
also plains fuU of wheat, rice, beans, pease, millet, panick, 
barley, rye, flax, cotton-wool, with great inclosures of gardens, 
and goodly houses of pleasure, belonging to the Mandarins, 
and lords of the kingdom. There was likewise all along the 
river such an infinite number of cattel of all sorts, as I can 
assure you there is not more in Ethiopia, nor in all the 
dominions of Prester John ; upon the top of the moimtains 
many houses of their sects of Gentiles were to be seen, adorned 
with high steeples gilt all over, the glistering whereof was 
such, and so great, that to behold them afar off was an 
admirable sight. The fourth day of our voyage we arrived at a 
tovwi, called Pocasser,twioe as big as Gantano, compassed about 
vrith strong walls of hewed stone, and towers and bulwarks 
almost like ours, together vrith a key on the river side, twice 
as long as the shot of a falconet, and inclosed with two rows 
of iron grates, with very strong gates, where the junks and 
vessels that arrived there were unladen. This place abounds 
with all kinds of merchandise, which from thence is trans- 
ported over all the kingdom, especially with copper, sugar, and 
allum, whereof there is very great store. Here also in the 
middest of a carrefour, that is almost at the end of the town, 
stands a mighty strong castle, having three bulwarks and five 
towers ; in the highest of which the present kings father, as 
the Ghineses told us, kept a king of Tartaria nine years 
prisoner, at the end whereof he killed himself with poyson, 
that his subjects sent him, because they would not be con- 
strained to pay that ransom which the king of CAiwa demanded 
for his deliverance. In this town the GMfuu gave three of us 
leave to go up and down for to crave the alms of good people, 


accompanied with four Hupes, that are as sergeants, or bailiffs 
amongst us, who led us, chained together, as we were, 
through six or seven streets, where we got in alms to the 
value of above twenty ducates, as well in clothes, as money, 
besides flesh, rice, meal, fruit, and other victuals, which was 
bestowed on us ; whereof we gave the one half to the Hupes 
that conducted us, it being the custom so to do. Afterwards 
we were brought to a Pagode, whither the people flocked from 
all parts that day, in regard of a very solemn feast that was 
then celebrated there. This temple, or Pagode, as we were 
told, had sometime been a palace royal, whexe the king then 
reigning was bom; now because the queen his mother died 
there in child-birth, she commanded her self to be buried in 
the very same chamber where she was brought to bed ; where- 
fore to honour her death the better, this temple was dedicated 
to the invocation of TauMna/ret, which is one of the principal 
sects of the Pagans in the kingdom of China, as I will more 
amply declare, when as I sha'.l speak of the Labyrinth of the 
two and thirty laws that are in it. All the buildings of this 
temple, together with all the gardens, and walks, that belong 
to it, are suspended in the air upon three hundred and three- 
score pillars, every one of the which is of one intire stone of a 
very great bigness. These three hundred and threescore 
pUlars are called by the names of three hundred and three 
score days of the year, and in each of them is a particular 
feast kept there with many alms, gifts, and bloody sacrifices, 
accompanied with musick, dancing, and other sports. Under 
this Pagode, namely between those pillars, are eight very fair 
streets, inclosed on every side with grates of copper, and gates 
for the passage of pilgrims, and others, that run continually 
to this feast, as it were to a jubilee ; the chamber above, 
where the queen lay, was made in the form of a chappel, but 
round, and from the top to the bottom all garnished with 
silver, the workmanship whereof was of greater cost then the 
matter it self. In the midst of it stood a kind of tribunal, 
framed round, like the chamber, some fifteen steps high, com- 
passed about with six gates of silver, on the top whereof was 
a great bowl, and upon that a lion of silver, that with his 
head supported a fihrine of gold, three hand-breadths square. 


wherein (they Said) the bones of the queen were, which these 
blinded ignorants reverenced as a great relique. Below this 
tribunal, in equal proportion, were four bars of silver, that 
traversed the chamber, whereon hung three and forty lamps 
of the same metal, in memory of the three and forty years 
that this queen lived, and seven lamps of gold in commemora- 
tion of seven sons that she had ; moreover, at the entry into 
the chappel, just against the door, were eight other bars of 
iron, whereon also hung a very great number of silver lamps, 
which the Chineses told us were offered by some of the wives 
of the Chaems, Aytaos, Tutons, and Anchacys, who were 
assistant at the death of the queen, so that in acknowledg- 
ment of that honour they sent those lamps thither afterwards; 
without the gates of the temple, and round about six ballisters 
of copper that invironed it, were a great many statues of 
giants, fifteen foot high, cast in brass, all well proportioned 
with halberts or clubs in their hands, and some of them vrith 
battle-axes on their shoulders, which made so brave and 
majestical a shew, as one could never be satisfied enough with 
looking on them. Amongst these statues, which were in 
number twelve hundred, as the Chineses affirmed, there were 
four and twenty very great serpents also of brass, and under 
every one of them a woman seated, with a sword in her hand, 
and a silver crown on her head. It was said, that those four 
and twenty women carried the titles of queens, because they 
sacrificed themselves to the death of this queen, to -the end 
their souls might serve hers in the other hfe, as in this their 
bodies had served her body; a matter which the Chineses, 
that draw their extraction from these men, hold for a very 
great honour, insomuch as they inrich the crests of their coats 
of arms with it ; round about this row of giants was another 
of triumphant arches, gilt all over, whereon a number of silver 
bells hung by chains of the same metal, which moved with the 
air kept such a continual ringing, as one could hardly hear one 
another for the noise they made. Without these arches there 
were likewise at the same distance two rows of copper grates, 
that inclosed all this huge work, and among them certain 
pillars of the same metal, which supported lions rampant, 
mounted upon bowls, being the arms of the kings of Ohma, &a 


I have related elsewhere. At each corner of the carrefour 
was a monster of brass, of so strange and unmeasurable an 
heigth, and so deformed to behold, as it is not possible almost 
for a man to imagine ; so that I think it best not to speak of 
them, the rather for that (I confess I) am not able in words 
to express the form wherein I saw their prodigies. Howbeit, 
as it is reasonable to conceal these things without giving some 
knowledge of them, I will say, as much as my weak under- 
standing is able to deliver. One of these monsters which is 
on the right hand, as one comes into the carrefour, whom the 
Ghineses call the Sergeant Glutton of the hollow or profound 
house of smoak, and that by their histories is held to be 
Lucifer, is represented under the figure of a serpent of an 
excessive heighth, with most hideous and deformed adders 
coming out of his stomack, covered all over with green and 
black scarrs, and a number of prickles on their backs above a 
span long, like unto porcupins quils ; each of these adders had 
a woman between his jaws, with her hair all dishevelled, and 
standing on end, as one affrighted. The monster carried also 
in his mouth, which was unmeasurable great, a vizard that 
was above thirty foot long, and as big as a tun, with his 
nostrils and chaps so full of blood, that all the rest of his 
body was besmeared with it ; this vizard held a great elephant 
between his paws, and seemed to gripe him so hard, as his very 
guts came out of his throat ; and all this was done so pro- 
portionably, and to the life, that it made a man tremble to 
behold such a deformed figure, and which was scarce possible 
for one to imagine. His tail might be some twenty fathom 
long, and was entortilled about such another monster, that 
was the second of the four, whereof I spake, in the figure of a 
man, being an hundred foot high, and by the CMneses called 
Turcamparoo, who (they say) was the son of that serpent; 
besides that he was very ugly, he stood with both his hands 
in his mouth, that was as big as a great gate, with a row of 
horrible teeth, and a foul black tongue, hanging out two 
fathom long, most dreadful to behold. As for the other two 
monsters, one was in the form of a woman, named by the 
Ghineses, Magdelgau, seventeen fathom high, and six thick. This 
same about the girdlesteed before had a face made proportion- 


able to her body, above two fathom broad, and she breathed 
out of her mouth and nostrils great flakes, not of artificial, 
but true fire, which proceeded, as they told us, from her head, 
where fire was continually kept, that in like manner came out 
of the said face below. By this figure these idolaters would 
demonstrate that she was the queen of the fiery sphear, which 
according to their belief is to burn the earth at the end of the 
world. The fourth monster was a man, set stooping, which 
with great swoln cheeks, as big as the mainsail of a ship, 
seemed to blow extreamly; this monster was also of an un- 
measurable height, and of such an hideous and ghastly aspect, 
that a man could hardly endure the sight of it ; the Ghineses 
called it Veangtienaboo, and said, that it was he which raised 
tempests upon the sea, and demohshed buildings; in regard 
whereof the people offered many things xmto him, to the 
end he should do them no harm ; and many presented Vn'-m 
with a piece of money yearly, that he might not drown their 
junks, nor do any of theirs hurt that went by sea. I will 
omit many other abuses which their bUndness makes them 
believe, and which they hold to be so true, as there is not one 
of them but would endure a thousand deaths for the main- 
tenance thereof. 

The next day, being gone from the town of Pocasser, we 
arrived at another fair and great town, called XinUgau ; there 
we saw many buildings inclosed with walls of brick, and deep 
ditches about them, and at one end of the town two castles, 
very well fortified with towers and bulwarks after our fashion ; 
at the gates were draw bridges, suspended in the air with 
great iron chains, and in the midst of them a tower five stories 
high, very curiously painted with several pictures ; the GMneses 
assured us, that in those two castles there was as much 
treasure as amounted to fifteen thousand pieces of silver, which 
was the revenue of all this Archvpelage, and laid up in this 
place by the King's grandfather now reigning, in memorial of 
a son of his that was bom here, and named LeuqvAnau, that is 
to say. The joy of all ; those of the country repute him for a 
saint, because he ended his days in religion, where also he was 
bmded in a temple, dedicated to Qwicvy Va/ratel, the god of all 
the fishes of the sea, of whom these miserable ignoranta 


recount a world of fooleries, as also the laws lie invented, and 
the precepts which he left them, being able to astonish a man, 
as I will more amply declare when time shall serve. In this 
town and in another five leagues higher the most part of the 
silks of this kingdom are dyed, because they hold that the 
waters of these places make the colours far more lively then 
those of any other part ; and these dyers, which are said to be 
thirteen thousand, pay unto the King yearly three hundred 
thousand Taeis. Continuing our course up the river the day 
after ; about evening we arrived a certain great plains, where 
were great store of cattle, as horses, mares, colts, and cows, 
guarded by men on horsbaek, that make sale of them to 
butchers, who afterwards retale them indifferently as any other 
flesh. Having past these plains containing some ten or eleven 
leagues, we came to a town called Junqmleu, walled with 
brick, but without battlements, bulwarks, or towers, as others 
had, whereof I have spoken before ; at the end of the suburbs 
of this town we saw divers houses built in the water upon 
great piles, in the form of magazines. Before the gate of a 
little street stood a tomb made of stone, invironed with an 
iron grate, painted red and green, and over it a steeple framed 
of pieces of very fine pourcelain, sustained by four piUars of 
curious stone ; upon the top of the tomb were five globes, and 
two others that seemed to be of cast iron, and on the one side 
thereof were graven in letters of gold, and in the Chinese lan- 
guage, words of this substance. Sere lyes Trannocem Mudeliar, 
uncle to the King of Malaca, whom death took out of the world 
before he could be revenged of Gaptcdn Alphonso Albuquerque, 
the 1/yon of the robberies of the sea. We were much amazed to 
behold this inscription there ; wherefore enquiring what it 
might mean, a Chinese, that seemed more honourable than the 
rest, told us ; that about some forty years before, this man 
which lay buried there, came thither as ambassador from a 
prince, that stiled himself King of Malaca, to demand succour 
from the son of the Sun against men of a country that hath 
no name, which came by sea from the end of the world, and 
had taken Malaca from him ; this man recounted many other 
incredible things concerning this matter, whereof mention is 
made in a printed book thereof ; as also that this ambassador 


having continued three years at the kings court suing for this 
succour, just as it was granted him, and that preparations for 
it were a making, it was his ill-fortune to be surprised one 
night at supper with an apoplexie, whereof he died at the end 
of nine days ; so that extreamly afflicted to see himself carried 
away by a sudden death before he had accomplished his 
business, he expressed his earnest desire of revenge by the in- 
scription which he caused to be graven on his tomb, that 
posterity might know wherefore he was come thither. After- 
wards we departed from this place, and continued our voyage 
up the river, which thereabouts is not so large as towards the 
city of Nanquin ; but the country is here better peopled with 
villages, boroughs, and gardens, than any other place, for every 
stones cast we met still with some Pagode, mansion of pleasure, 
or country house. Passing on about some two leagues further, 
we arrived at a place encompassed with great iron grates, in the 
midst whereof stood two mighty statues of brass upright, sus- 
tained by pillars of cast metal of the bigness of a bushel, and 
seven fathom high, the one of a man, and the other of a woman, 
both of them seventy-four spans in heighth, having their hands 
in their mouths, their cheeks horribly blown out, and their eyes 
so staring, as they affrighted all that looked upon them. That " 
which represented a man, was called Qtmy Xingatalor, and 
the other in the form of a woman was named Ajpanca/paUi/r. 
Having demanded of the GMneses the explication of these 
figures, they told us that the male was he, which with those 
mighty swoln cheeks blew the fire of hell for to torment all 
those miserable wretches that would not liberally bestow alms 
in this life ; and for the other monster, that she was porter of 
hell gate, where she would take notice of those that did her 
good in this world, and letting them fly away into a river of 
very cold water, called OcMlenday, would keep them hid there 
from being tormented by the devils, as other damned were. 
Upon this speech one of our company could not forbear laugh- 
ing at such a ridiculous and diabolical foolery, which three of 
their priests, or Boneoes then present, observing, they were so 
exceedingly offended therewith, as they perswaded the GMfmi, 
which conducted us, that if he did not chastise us in such 
manner, as those gods might be well contented with the punish- 


ment inflicted on U3 for our mockery of them, both the one 
and the other would assuredly torment his soul, and never 
suffer it to go out of hell ; which threatning so mightily terri- 
fied this dog, the Chifuu, that without- further delay, or hearing 
us speak, he caused us all to be bound hand and foot, and 
commanded each of us to have an hundred lashes given him 
with a double cord, which was immediately executed with bo 
much rigour, as we were all in a gore bloud, whereby we were 
taught not to jeer afterwards at anything we saw, or heard. 
At such time as we arrived here we found twelve Bonzoes upon 
the place, who with silver censers full of perfumes of aloes and 
benjamin, censed those two devilish monsters, and chanted out 
aloud. Help us, even as we serve thee ; whereunto divers other 
priests answered in the name of the idol with a great noise, 
So I promise to do like a good Lord. In this sort they went as 
it were in procession roimd about the place, singing vrith an 
ill-tuned voice to the sound of a great many bells, that were in 
steeples thereabouts. In the mean time there were others, 
that with drums and basins made such a dinne, as I may truly 
say, put them all together, was most horrible to hear. 


Our arrival at Sempitay, our encounter there with a Christian woman, and 
an account of many things seen on the journey ; with an account 
of Pequin. 

FEOM this place we continued our voyage eleven days more 
up the river, which in those parts is so peopled with cities, 
towns, villages, boroughs, forts and castles, that commonly they 
are not a flight shot distant one from another, besides a world 
of houses of pleasure, and temples, where steeples were all 
gilt ; which made such a glorious show, as we were much 
amazed at it. In this manner we arrived at a town, named 
Sempitay, where we abode five days, by reason the Chifwis wife, 
that conducted us, was not well. Here by his permission wa 
landed, and chained together as we were, we went up and down 
the streets craving of alms, which was very liberally given us 
by the inhabitants, who wondering to see such men as we. 


demanded of us what kind of people we were, of what king- 
dom, and how our oountrey was called ? Hereunto we answered 
conformably to that we had said before, namely that we were 
natives of the kingdom of Siam, that going from Liampoo to 
Nanqmn, we had lost all our goods by shipwrack, and that 
although they beheld us then in so poor a case, yet we had 
been formerly very rich ; whereupon a woman who was come 
thither amongst the rest to see us : it is very likely, said she, 
speaking to then about her, that what these poor strangers 
have related is most true, for daily experience doth shew how 
those that trade by sea do oftentimes make it their grave, 
wherefore it is best and surest to travel upon the earth, and to 
esteem of it, as of that whereof it has pleased God to frame 
us; saying, so she gave us two Mazes, which amotmts to 
about sixteen pence of our money, advising us to make no 
more such long voyages, since our lives were so short. Here- 
upon she unbuttoned one of the sleeves of a red sattin gown 
she had on, and baring her left arm, she showed us a cross im- 
printed on it, like the mark of a slave. Do any of you know this 
sign, which amongst those, that follow the way of truth, is called 
a cross ? or ha/oe any of you hea/rd it named i To this falUng 
down on our knees, we answered, with tears in our eyes, that 
we know exceeding well. Then lifting up her hands, she cried 
out. Our Father, which art in. Heamen, hallowed he Thy Name, 
speaking these words in the Portugal tongue, and because she 
could speak no more of our language, she very earnestly 
desired us in Chinese to tell her whether we were Christians ; 
we replied that we were ; and for proof thereof, after we had 
kissed that arm whereon the cross was, we repeated all the 
rest of the Lord's Prayer, which she had left unsaid, wherewith 
being assured that we were Christians indeed, she drew aside 
from the rest there present, and weeping said to us, come along 
Christians of the other end of the world, with her that is your 
true sister in the faith of Jesus Christ, or peradventure a 
kinswoman to one of you, by his side that begot me in this 
miserable exile ; and so going to carry us to her house, the 
Hupes which guarded us, would not suffer her, saying, that if 
we would not continue our craving of alms, as the Ghifwu had 
permitted us, they would return us back to the ship ; but this 


they spake in regard of their own interest, for that they were 
to have the moity of what was given us, as I have before 
declared, and accordingly they made as though they would 
have lead us thither again, which the woman perceiving, I 
understand your meaning, said she, and indeed it is but reason 
you should make the best of yoti/r places, for thereby you live ; so 
opening her purse, she gave them two Taeis in silver, where- 
with they were very well satisfied ; whereupon with the leave 
of the Ghifuu, she carried ua home to her house, and there 
kept us all the while we remained in that place, making ex- 
ceeding much of us, and using us very charitably. Here she 
shewed us an oratory, wherein she had a cross of wood gilt, as 
also candlesticks, and a lamp of silver. Furthermore she told 
us, that she was named, Inez de Leyria, and her father Tome 
Pirez, who had been great ambassadour from Portugal to the 
King of China, and that in regard of an insurrection with a 
Portugal captain, made at Canton, the Chineses taking him for 
a spy, and not for an ambassador, as he termed himself, 
clapped him and all his followers up in prison, where by order 
of justice five of them were put to torture, receiving so many, 
and such cruel stripes on their bodies, as they died instantly, 
and the rest were all banished into several parts, together with 
her father into this place, where he married with her mother, 
that had some means, and how he made her a Christian, living 
so seven and twenty years together, and converting many 
Gentiles to the faith of Christ, whereof there were above three 
hundred then abiding in that town; which every Sunday 
assembled in her house to say the catechisme : whereupon 
demanding of her what were their accustomed prayers, she 
answered, that she used no other but these, which on their 
knees, with their eyes and hands lift up to Heaven, they pro- 
nounced in this manner, Lord Jesus Christ, as it is most true 
that Thou art the very Son of God, conceived by the Holy 
Ghost in the womb of the Virgime Mary for the salvation of 
sinners, so Thou wilt be ^pleased to forgive us ow offences, that 
thereby we may become worthy to behold Thy face in the glory of 
Thy kingdom, where Thou a/rt sitting at the right hand of the 
Almighty. Our Father which a/rt in Hea/ven, hallowed be Thy 
name. In the name of the Father, the Son, amd the Holy 



Ghost. Amen. And so all of them kissing the cross, imbraced 

one another, and thereupon every one returned to his own 

home. Moreover she told us, that her father had left her many 

other prayers, which the GMneses had stollen from her, so that 

she had none left but those before recited ; whereunto we repUedi 

that those we had heard from her were very good, but before we 

went away we would leave her divers other good and wholsome 

prayers. Do so then, answered she, for the respect you owe to so 

good a God, as yowrs is, and that hath done such things for you, for 

me, and all in general. Then causing the cloth to be laid, she gave 

us a very good and plentifull dinner, and treated us in like sort 

every meal, during the five days we continued in her house, 

which (as I said before) was permitted by the Chdfmo, in regard 

of a present that this good women sent his wife, whom she 

earnestly entreated so to deal with her husband, as we might 

be well intreated, for that we were men of whom God had a 

particular care, as the Ghifuu's wife promised her to do with 

many thanks to her for the present she had received. In the 

mean space, during the five days we remained in her house, we 

read the catechism seven times to the Christians, wherewithal! 

they were very much edified; beside, Christophoro Borbalho 

made them a little book in the Chinese tongue, containing the 

Pater noster, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, and many 

other good prayers. After these things we took our leaves of 

Inez de Leyria, and the Christians who gave us fifty Taeis in 

silver, which stood us since in good stead, as I shall declare 

hereafter ; and withall Inez de Leyria gave us secretly fifty 

Taeis more, humbly desiring us to remember her in our prayers 

to God. 

After our departure from the town of Sempitay we continued 
our course upon the river of Batanpina, unto a place, named 
LequvnpoM, containing about eleven or twelve thousand fires, and 
very well built, at least we judged so by that we could discern, 
as also inclosed with good walls, and curtains round about it. 
Not far from it was an exceeding long house ; having within it 
thirty fomaces on each side, where a great quantity of silver 
was melted, which was brought in carts from a mountain, some 
five leagues off, called Tuxengmm. The Ghineses assured us, 
that above a thousand men wrought continually in that mine 



to draw out the silver, and that the King of China had in 
yearly revenue out of it above five thousand Pico's. This 
place we left about sun-set, and the next day in the evening we 
arrived just between two little towns, that stood opposite one 
to another, the river onely between, the one named Paccm, and 
the other Nacau ; which although they were little, yet were 
they fairly built, and well walled with great hewed stone, 
having a number of temples, which they call Pagodes, all gilt 
over, and enriched with steeples and fanes of great price, very 
pleasing and agreeable to the eye. 

[Here follows a legend of [the foundation of China, jjmiiieb'.] 

Now that I have spoken of the original and foundation of 
this empire, together with the circuit of the great city of 
Peqtdn, I hold it not amiss to intreat as succinctly as I may 
of another particular, which is no less admirable then those 
whereof I have made mention before. It is written in the fifth 
book of the Scituation of all the remarkable places of this 
empire, or rather monarchy, (for to speak truly, there la no 
appellation so great but may be well attributed unto it) that a 
king, named Grisnugol Dicotay, who according to the com- 
putation of that book, reigned in the year of our Lord 518, 
happened to make war with the Tartar, about some difference 
between them concerning the state of Xenooinapa/u, that borders 
on the kingdom of Lauhos, and so valiantly demeaned himself 
in a battel against him, that he defeated bis army, and 
remained master of the field; whereupon the Tartar con- 
federating himself with other kings, his friends, did by their 
assistance assemble together greater forces than the former, 
and therewith invaded the kingdom of China, where (it is said) 
he took three and thirty very important towns, of which the 
principal was Panqvdlor, insomuch that the Chinese fearing he 
should not be well able to defend himself, concluded a peace 
with him upon condition to relinquish his right, which he 
pretended to that in question betwixt them, and to pay him 
two thousand Picos of silver for to defray the charges of those 
strangers the Tartar had entertained in this war ; by this 
means China continued for a good while quiet, but the King 
doubting lest the Tartar might in time to come return to annoy 


him again, resolved to build a wall, that might serve for a 
bulwark to his empire ; and to that end calling all his estates 
together, he declared his determination unto them, which was 
presently not onely well approved of, but held most necessary ; 
so that to enable him for the performance of a business so 
much concerning his state, they gave him ten thousand Picas 
of silver, which amount, according to our account, unto fifteen 
millions of gold, after the rate of fifteen hundred ducates each 
Pico ; and moreover they entertained him two hundred and 
fifty thousand men to labour in the work, whereof thirty 
thousand were appointed for officers, and all the rest for 
manual services. Order being taken then for whatsoever was 
thought fit for so prodigious an enterprise, they fell to it in such 
sort, as by the report of the history all that huge wall was in 
seven and twenty years quite finished from one end to the 
other ; which if credit may be given to the same chronicle is 
seventy Joas in length, that is six hundred and fifteen miles 
after nine miles every Joa ; wherein that which seemed most 
wonderfull and most exceeding the belief of man, was that 
seven hundred and fifty thousand men laboured incessantly for 
so long a time in that great work, whereof the Commonalty, 
as I delivered before, furnished one third part ; the priests, and 
isles of Aynen, another third ; and the King assisted by the 
princes, lords, Chaems, and Anchacys of the kingdom, the rest 
of the building, which I have both seen and measured, being 
thirty foot in height, and ten foot in breadth, where it is 
thickest. It is made of lime and sand, and plaistered on the 
outside with a kind of Bilmnen, which renders it so strong, 
that no cannon can demolish it : instead of bulwarks it hath 
sentries, or watch-towers, two stages high, flanked with 
buttresses of carpentry made of a certain 4}lack wood, which 
they call Cauhesy, that is to say, wood of iron, because it is 
exceeding strong and hard, every buttress being as thick as an 
hogshead, and very high, so that these sentries are far stronger 
than if they were made of Hme and stone. Now this wall, 
by them termed Chaufacan, which signifies, strong resistance, 
extends in height equal to the mountains, whereunto it is 
joyned, and that those mountains also may serve for a waU 
they are cut down very smooth and steep, which renders them 


far stronger then the wall itself ; but you must know that in 
all this extent of land there is no wall, but in the void spaces 
from hill to hill, so that the hills themselves make up the rest 
of the wall and fence. Further it is to be noted, that in this 
whole length of a hundred and fifteen leagues, which this 
fortification contains, there are but onely 5 entries whereby 
the rivers of Tartaria do pass, which are derived from the 
impetuous torrents that descend from these mountains, and 
running above five hundred leagues in the country, render 
themselves into the seas of China and GaushencMna ; howbeit 
one of these rivers, being greater then the rest, disembogues 
by the Bay of Cuy in the kingdom of Sov/rncm, commonly 
called Siam. Now in all these five passages both the King of 
CMnd, and the King of Tartwria, keep garrisons ; the Chinese 
in each of them entertains seven thousand men giving them 
great pay, whereof six thousand are horse, the rest foot, being 
for the most part strangers, as Mogores, Pancrus, Chcmvpaas, 
Corosones, Gizares of Persia, and other different nations, 
bordering upon this empire, and which in consideration of the 
extraordinary pay they receive, serve the Chinese ; who (to 
speak truth) are nothing couragious, as being but little used to 
the wars, and ill provided of arms and artillery. In all this 
length of wall there are three hundred and twenty companies, 
each of them containing five hundred souldiers ; so that there 
are in all one hundred and threescore thousand men, besides 
of&cers of justice, Anchacis, Chaems, and other such like 
persons necessary for the government, and entertainment of 
these forces ; so that all joyned together make up the number 
of two hundred thousand, which are all maintained at the 
King's onely charge, by reason the most of them are male- 
factours condemned to the reparations and labours of the wall, 
as I shall more aptly declare when I come to speak of the 
prison destined to this purpose, in the City of Peqmn, which 
is also another edifice, very remarkable, wherein there are 
continually above thirty thousand prisoners, the most of them 
from eighteen to forty-five years of age, appointed to work in 
this wall. 

Being departed from those two towns Paccm and Nacau, we 
continued our course up the river, and arrived at another town 


called Hindoo, somewhat bigger then those from whence we 
parted, where about half a mile off was a great lake of salt 
water, and a number of salt-houses round about it ; The 
Chinese assured us, that this lake did ebb and flow like the 
sea, and that it extended above two hundred leagues into 
the country, rendring the King of China in yearly revenue one 
hundred thousand Taeis, onely for the third of the salt that 
was drawn out of it ; as also that the town yielded him other 
one hundred thousand Taeis for the silk alone that was made 
there, not speaking at all of the camphire, sugar, pourcelain, 
vermilion, and quick-silver, whereof there was very great 
plenty ; moreover, that some two leagues from this town were 
twelve exceeding long houses, like unto magazines, where a 
world of people laboured in casting and purifying of copper 
and the horrible din which the hammers made there was such 
and so strange, as if there were anything on earth that could 
represent hell, this was it ; wherefore being desirous to under- 
stand the cause of this extraordinary noise, we would needs 
go to see from whence it proceeded ; and we found that there 
were in each of these houses forty fomaces, that is twenty of 
either side, vfith forty huge anvils, upon every of which eight 
men beat in order, and so swiftly, as a mans eye could hardly 
discern the blows, so as three hundred and twenty men wrought 
in each of these twelve houses, which in all the twelve houses 
made up three thousand eight hundred and forty workmen, 
beside a great number of other persons that laboured in other 
particular things ; whereupon we demanded how much copper 
might be wrought every year in each of these houses, and they 
told us, one hundred and ten, or sixscore thousand Pico's, 
whereof the King had two thirds, because the mines were his ; 
and that the mountain from whence it was drawn was called 
Corotum baya, which signifies a river of copper, for that from 
the time since it was discovered, being above two hundred 
years, it never failed, but rather more and more was found. 
Having past about a league beyond those twelve houses up the 
river, we came to a place inclosed vnth three ranks of iron 
grates, where we beheld thirty houses, divided into five rows, 
six in each row, which were very long and complete, with 
great towers full of bells of oast metall, and much carved 


work, as also gilt pillars, and the frontispieces of fair hewed 
stone, -whereiipon many inventions were engraved. At this 
place we went ashore by the Chifwu's permission, that carried 
us, for that he had made a vow to this Pagode, which was 
called Bigay potim, that is to say, god of an hundred and ten 
thousand gods, Corchoo fungane, ginaco ginaca, which (according 
to their report) signifies, strong and great above all others ; for 
some of the errours wherewith these wretched people are 
blinded are, that they believe every particular thing hath its 
god, who hath created it, and preserves its natural being ; but 
that this Bigay potim brought them all forth from under his 
arm-pits, and that from him as a father, they derive their being, 
by a filial union, which they term Bira Porentasay ; And in the 
hingdom of Pegu, where I home often been, I ha/oe seen one like 
unto this, named by those of the country, Ginocoginans, the god 
of greatness, which temple was in times past built by the 
Chinese, when as they commanded in the India's, being accord- 
ing to their supputation, from the year our Lord Jesus Christ 
1013, to the year 1072, by which account it appears that the 
India's were under the Empire of China but oneVy fifty and nine 
years, from the su^cessou^ of hkn that conquered it, called 
Exiragano, vohinta/rily abandoned it in regard to the great 
expence of money and bloud that the unprofitable keeping of it 
cost him. In those thirty houses, whereof I formerly spake^ 
were a great niunber of idols of gilt wood ; and a like number 
of tin, latten, and pourcelain, being indeed so many, as I should 
hardly be believed, to declare them. Now we had not past 
above five or six leagues from this place but we came to a 
great town, about a league in circuit, quite destroyed and 

[Here follows a religious legend, j>mittei»,] 

After our departure from the mines of Fiunganorsee, we 
arrived at a great town, called Jungmnala/u,, which is very rich, 
abounding with all kind of things, fortified with a strong 
garrison of horse and foot, and having a number of junks and 
vessels, riding before it. Here we remained five days to 
celebrate the funeral of our Ghifv/u's wife ; for whose soul he 
gave us by way of alms both meat and clothes, and withall 


freeing us from the oar, permitted us to go ashore without 
irons, which was a very great ease unto us : Having left this 
place, we continued our course up the river, beholding still on 
either side a world of goodly great towns iuvironed with strong 
walls ; as also many fortresses and castles all along the waters 
side ; we saw likewise a great number of temples, whose 
steeples were all gilt, and in the fields such abundance of 
cattel that the ground was even covered over with them, so 
far as we could well discern. Moreover, there were so many 
vessels upon this river, especially in some parts, where fairs 
were kept, that at first sight one would have thought them to 
be populous towns; besides other lesser companies of three 
hundred, five hundred, six hundred, and a thousand boats, 
which continually we met withall on both sides of the river, 
wherein all things that one could imagine were sold ; More- 
over, the GMneses assure us, that in this empire of China, the 
number of those which levied upon the rivers, was no less than 
those that dwelled in the towns, and that without the good 
order which is observed to make the common people work, and 
to constrain the meaner sort to supply themselves unto trades 
for to get their living, they would eat up one another. Now it 
is to be noted, that every kind of traffique and commerce is 
divided among them into three or four forms, as followeth : 
They which trade in ducks, whereof there are great quantities 
in this countrey, proceed therein diversly ; some cause their 
egs to be hatched for to sell the ducklings ; others fat them 
when they are great for to sell them dead after they are salted. 
These traffique only with the egs ; others with the feathers ; 
and some with the heads, feet, gizards, and intrails, no man 
being permitted to trench upon his companions sale, under the 
penalty of thirty lashes, which no priviledg can exempt them 
from. In the same manner, concerning hogs, some sell them 
alive, and by whole sale, others dead, and by retail; some 
make bacon of them, others sell their pigs, and some again 
sell nothing but the chitterlings, the sweet-breads, the blood, 
and the haslets ; which is also observed for fish, for such a one 
sels it fresh, that cannot sell it either salted or dried ; and so 
of other provisions, as flesh, fruit, fowls, venison, pulse, and 
other things, wherein such rigour is used, as there are 


chambers expressly establislied, whose of&oers have commission 
and power to see, that they which trade in one particular may 
not do it in another, if it be not for just and lawful causes, 
and that on pain of thirty lashes. There be others likewise 
that get their living by selhng fish alive, which to that purpose 
they keep in great well-boats, and so carry them into divers 
countries, where they know there is no other but salt fish. 
There are likewise aU along this river of Batampina, whereon 
we went from Nanqidn to Peqmn, which is distant one from 
the other one hundred and fourscore leagues, such a number of 
engines for sugar, and presses for wine and oyl, made of divers 
sorts of pulse and fruit, as one could hardly see any other 
thing on either side of the water. In many other places also 
there were an infinite company of houses, and magazines full 
of all kinds of provision, that one could imagine, where all 
sorts of flesh are salted, dried, smoked, and piled up in great 
high heaps, as gammons of bacon, pork, lard, geese, ducks, 
cranes, bustards, ostriches, stags, cows, buffles, wild goats, 
rhinocerotes, horses, tygers, dogs, foxes, and almost all other 
creatures that one can name, so that we said many times 
amongst our selves, that it was not possible for all the people 
of the world to eat up aU those provisions. We saw likewise 
upon the same river a number of vessels, which they call 
Panouras, covered from the poup to the prow with nets, in 
manner of a cage, three inches high, full of ducks and geese, 
that were carried from place to place to be sold ; when the 
owners of those boats would have these fowl to feed, they 
approach to the land ; and where there are rich medows, or 
marshes, they set forth planks ; penning the doors of those 
cages, they beat three or four times upon a drum, which they 
have expressly for that perpose ; whereupon all these fowl, 
being six or seven thousand at the least, go out of the boat 
with a mighty noise, and so fall to feeding all along the waters 
side. Now when the owner perceives, that these fowl have 
fed suflSciently, and that it is time to return them, he beats the 
drum the second time, at the sound whereof they gather all 
together, and re-enter with the same noise, as they went out ; 
wherein it is strange to observe, that they return all in again, 
not so much as one missing. That done, the master of the 


boat parts from that place, and afterwards when he thinks it 
is time for them to lay, he repairs towards land, and where he 
finds the grounds dry, and good grass, he opens the doors, and 
beats the drmn again, at which all the fowl of the boat came 
forth to lay ; and then at such time as the master judges that 
these fowl have laid, he beats his drum afresh, and suddenly 
in haste they all throng in to the boat, not so much as one 
remaining behind. Thereupon two or three men get ashore, 
with baskets in their hands, whereinto they gather up the egs, 
till they have gotten eleven or twelve baskets full, and so they 
proceed on their voyage to make sale of their ware ; which 
being almost spent, to store themselves anew, they go for to 
buy more unto them that breed them, whose triade it is to seU 
them young ; for they are not suffered to keep them when they 
are great, as the others do, by reason, as I have said before, 
no man may deal in any commodity for which he hath not 
permission from the governours of the towns. They that get 
their living by breeding of ducks have neer to their houses 
certain ponds, where many times they keep ten or eleven 
thousand of these ducklings, some bigger, some lesser. Now 
for to hatch the eggs, they have in very long galleries twenty 
or thirty furnaces full of dung, wherein they bury two hundred, 
three hundred, and five hundred eggs together, then stopping 
the mouth of each furnace that the dung may become the 
hotter, they leave the eggs there till they think the young 
ones are disclosed ; whereupon putting into every several 
furnace a capon half pulled, and the skin stript from off his 
brest, they leave him shut up therein for the space of two days ; 
at the end whereof being all come out of the shell, they carry 
them into certain places under ground made for that purpose, 
setting them bran soaked in liquor ; and so being left there 
loose some ten or eleven dayes, they go afterwards of them- 
selves into the ponds, where they feed and bring them up for 
to sell them unto those former merchants, who trade with 
them into divers parts, it being unlawfull for one to trench 
upon anothers traffique, as I have before related ; so that in 
the markets and pubUque places, where provisions for the 
mouth are sold, if any that sell goose eggs do chance to be 
taken siesed with hens eggs, and it is suspected that they sell 


of them, they are presently punished with thirty lashes on the 
bare buttocks, without hearing any justification they can make 
for themselves, being as I have said, found siesed of them ; so 
that if they will have hens eggs for their own use, to avoid 
incurring the penalty of the law, they must be broken at one 
end ; whereby it may appear that they keep them not to sell, 
but to eat. As for them that sell fish alive, if any of their fish 
chance to die, they cut them in pieces, and salting them sell 
them at the price of salt-fish, which is less then that of fresh- 
fish, wherein they proceed so exactly, that no man dares pass 
the limits which are prescribed and ordained by the Gonchalis 
of the State, upon pain of most severe punishment ; for in all 
this county the King is so much respected, and justice so 
feared, as no kinds of person, how great soever, dares murmur, 
or look awry at an officer, no not at the very Huppffs, which 
are as the bayliffs or beadles amongst us. 


The order which is observed in the removing towns that are made upon the 
rivers ; and that which further befell ua. 

WE saw likewise all along this great river a number of 
hogs both wildo and domestick, that were kept by 
certain men on horseback, and many herds of tame red deer, 
which were driven from place to place like sheep, to feed, all 
lamed of their right legs, to hinder them from running away ; 
and they are lamed so, when they are but calves, to avoid the 
danger that otherwise they might incur of their lives : we saw 
also divers parks, wherein a world of dogs were kept to be sold 
to the butchers ; for in these countries they eat all manner of 
flesh, whereof they know the price, and of what creatures they 
are, by the choppings they make of them. Moreover, we met 
with many small barques, whereof some were full of pigs, others 
of tortoises, frogs, otters, adders, eeles, snails, and lizards; 
for (as I have said) they buy there of all that is judged good to 
eat ; now to the end that such provisions may pass at an 
easier rate, all that sell them are permitted to make traffique 


of them in several fashions ; true it is, that in some things they 
have greater franchises then in others, to the end that by 
means thereof no merchandise may want sale. We saw many 
boats likewise laden with dried orange pils, wherewith in 
victualling houses they boyl dogs flesh, for to take away the 
rank savour and humidity of it, as also to render it more firm. 
In brief, we saw so many Vcmcans, Lanteaas, and Ba/rcasses, in 
this river, laden with all kinds of provision, that either the sea 
or land produces, and that in such abundance, as I must 
confess, I am not able to express it in words ; for it is not 
possible to imagiae the infinite store of things that are in this 
country ; of each whereof you shall see two or three hundred 
vessels together at a time, all full, especially at the fairs, and 
markets, that are kept upon the solemn festival days of their 
Pagodes ; for then all the fairs are free, and the Pagodes for the 
most part are scituated upon the banks of rivers, to the end all 
commodities may the more oommodiously be brought thither 
by water. Now when all these vessels come to joyn together, 
during these fairs, they take such order, as they make, as it 
were, a great and fair town of them ; so that sometimes you 
shall have of them a league in length, and three quarters of a 
league in bredth, being composed of above twenty thousand 
vessels; besides JBalons, Guedees, and Manchuas, which are 
small boats, whose number is infinite; for the government 
hereof there are threescore captains appointed, of which thirty 
are to see good order kept, and the other thirty are for the 
guard of the merchants that come thither, to the end they may 
sail in safety. Moreover, there is above them a Ghaem, who 
bath absolute power, both in civil and criminal causes, without 
any appeal or opposition whatsoever, during the fifteen days 
that this fair lasts, which is from the new to the full moon ; 
and indeed more come to see the policy, order, and beauty of 
this kind of town, then otherwise ; for (to speak the truth, the 
framing of it in that manner with vessels) makes it more to be 
admired then all the edifices that can be seen upon the land. 
There are in this moving town two thousand streets, exceeding 
long, and very strait, inclosed on either side with ships, most 
of which are covered with silks, and adorned with a world of 
banners, flags, and streamers, wherein all kinds of commodities 


that can be desired are to be sold. In other streets are aa 
many trades to be seen, as in any town on the land ; amidst 
the which they that traffique, go up and down in little Man- 
chuas, and that very quietly, and without any disorder. Now 
if by chance any one is taken stealing, he is instantly punished 
according to his offence. As soon as it is night, all these 
streets are shut up with cords athwart them, to the end none 
may pass after the retreat sounded ; in each of these streets 
there are at least a dozen of lanthorns, with lights burning, 
fastened a good heighth on the masts of the vessels, by means 
whereof all that go in and out are seen, so that it may be 
known who they are, from whence they come, and \^hat they 
would have, to the end the Ghaem may the next morning 
receive an account thereof. And truly, to behold all these 
lights together in the night, is a sight scarce able to be 
imagined ; neither is there a street without a bell, and a sen- 
tinel ; so as when that of the Chaems ship is heard to ring, all 
the other bels answer it, with so great a noise of voices ad- 
joyned thereunto, that we were almost beside our selves, at the 
hearing of a thing which cannot be well conceived ; and that 
was ruled with such good order. In every of these streets, 
even in the poorest of them, there is a chappel to pray in, 
framed upon great la/rcasses, like to gaUies, very neat, and so 
well accommodated, that for the most part they are enriched 
with silks, and cloth of gold. In these chappels are their idols, 
and priests which administer their sacrifices, and receive the 
offerings that are made them, wherewith they are abundantly 
furnished for their living. Out of each street, one of the most 
account, or chiefest merchant, is chosen to watch aU night in 
his turn with those of his squadron, besides the captains of the 
government, who in ballons walk the round without, to the end 
no thief may escape by any avenue whatsoever ; and for that 
purpose these guards cry as loud as they can, that they may 
be heard. Amongst the most remarkable things, we saw one 
street, where there were above an hundred vessels, laden with 
idols of gilt wood, of divers fashions, which were sold for to be 
offered to the Fagodes ; together with a world of feet, thighs, 
arms, and heads, that sick folks bought to offer in devotion. 
There also we beheld other ships, covered with silk hangings, 


where comedies and other plays were represented to entertain 
the people withaU, which in great numbers flocked together. 
In other places, bills of exchange for Heaven were sold, whereby 
these priests of the devil promised them many merits, with 
great interest, affirming that without these bils they could not 
possibly be saved ; for that God, say they, is a mortal enemy 
to all such as do not some good to the Pagodes ; whereupon 
they tell them such fables and lies, as these unhappy wretches 
do often times take the very bread from their mouthes to give 
it them. There were also other vessels all laden with dead 
mens skuls, which divers men bought for to present as an 
offering at the tombs of their friends, when they should happen 
to die ; for, say they, as the deceased is laid in the grave in the 
company of these skuls, so shaU his soul enter into Heaven, 
attended by those unto whom those skuls belonged ; wherefore 
when the porter of Paradise shall see such a merchant, with 
many followers, he will do him honour, as to a man that in 
this lite hath been a man of quality ; for if he be poor, and 
without a train, the porter will not open to him ; whereas, 
contrarily, the more dead mens skuls he hath buried with him, 
the more happy he shall be esteemed. There were many boats 
likewise, where there were men that had a great many of 
cages, full of live birds, who playing on divers instruments of 
musick, exhorted the people with a loud voice, to deliver those 
poor creatures of God, that were there in captivity ; whereupon 
many came and gave them money for the redemption of those 
prisoners, which presently they let out of the cages ; and then 
as they flew away, the redeemers of them cried out to the 
birds, Piohcm pitcmel catcm vaoaxi, that is. Go, and tell God, 
how we serve Mm here below. In imitation of these, there are 
others also, who in their ships kept a great many of live fishes 
in great pots of water, and like the sellers of birds invite the 
people, for Gods cause, to free those poor innocent fishes, that 
had never sinned ; so that divers bought many of them, and 
casting them into the river, said. Get ye gone, cmd tell there 
below the good I have done you for Gods sake. To conclude all, 
the vessels where these things are exposed to sale are seldom 
less in number then two hundred, besides thousands of others, 
which sell such like wares in a far greater quantity. 


We saw likewise many Barcasses full of men and women, 
that played upon divers sorts of instruments, and for money 
gave them musick that desired it. There were other vessels 
laden with horns, which the priests sold, therewith to make 
feasts in Heaven ; for they say, that those were the horns of 
several beasts, which were offered in sacri&ce to the idols out 
of devotion, and for the performance of vows that men had 
made in divers kind of mis-fortunes, and sicknesses, wherein 
they had at other times been. And that as the flesh of those 
beasts had been given here below for the honour of God to the 
poor, so the souls of them for whom those horns were offered 
do in the other world eat the souls of those beasts to whom 
those horns belonged, and thereunto invite the souls of their 
friends, as men use to invite others here on earth. Other 
vessels we saw covered with blacks, and ful of tombs, torches, 
and great wax lights ; as also women in them, that for money 
would be hired to weep and lament for the dead ; others there 
were, called Pitaleiis, that in great barques kept divers kinds 
of wild beasts to be shewed for money, most dreadful to behold 
as serpents, huge adders, monstrous lizards, tygers, and many 
others such like ; we saw in like sort a great number of 
stationers, which sold all manner of books that could be 
desired, as well concerning the creation of the world, whereof 
they tell a thousand lies, as touching the states, kingdomes, 
islands, and provinces of the world, together with the laws and 
customs of nations ; but especially of the kings of China, their 
number, brave acts, and of all things else that happened in 
each of their reigns. Moreover, we saw a great many of the 
light, swift foysts, wherein were men very well armed, who 
cried out with a loud voice, that if any one had received an 
affront, whereof he desired to be avenged, let him come unto 
them, and they would cause satisfaction to be made him. In 
other vessels there were old women, that served for midwives, 
and that would bring women speedily and easily abed ; as also 
a many of nurses, ready to be entertained for to give children 
suck. There were barques likewise very well adorned, and set 
forth, that had in them divers reverend old men, and grave 
matrons, whose profession was to make marriages, and to 
comfort widows, or such as had lost their children, or suffered 


any other mis-fortune. In others there were a number of 
young men and maids, that lacked masters, and mistresses, 
which offered themselves to any that would Mre them. There 
were other vessels that had in them such as imdertook to tell 
fortunes, and to help folks to things lost. In a word, not to 
dwell any longer upon every particular that was to be seen in 
this moving town, (for then I should never have done) it shall 
suffice me to say, that nothing can be desired on land, which 
was not to be had in their vessels, and that in greater abun- 
dance than I have delivered, wherefore I will pass from it to 
shew you that one of the principal causes why this monarchy 
of China, that contains two and thirty kingdoms, is so mighty, 
rich, and of so great commerce, is, because it is exceedingly 
replenished with rivers, and a world of chanels that have been 
anciently made by the kings, great lords, and people thereof, 
for to render all the country navigable, and so communicate 
their laboiirs with one another. The narrowest of these 
chanels have bridges of hewed stone over them, that are very 
high, long and broad, whereof some are of one stone, eighty, 
ninety, nay, an htmdred spans long, and fifteen or twenty 
broad, which doubtless is very marvellous; for it is almost 
impossible to comprehend by what means so huge a mass of 
stone could be drawn out of the quarry without breaking, and 
how it should be transported to the place where it was to be 
set. All the ways and passages, from cities, towns, and 
villages, have very large causeys made of fair stone, at the 
ends whereof are costly pillars and arches, upon which are 
inscriptions with letters of gold, containing the prayses of them 
that erected them ; moreover, there are handsome seats placed 
all along for poor passengers to rest themselves on. There are 
likewise innumerable aqueducts and fountains every where, 
whose water is most wholesom and excellent to drink. And in 
divers parts there are certain wenches of love, that out of 
charity prostitute themselves to travellers which have no 
money ; and although amongst us this is held for a great abuse 
and abomination, yet with them it is accounted a work of 
mercy ; so that many on their death-beds do by their testa- 
ments bequeathe great revenues, for the maintenance of this 
wickedness, as a thing very meritorious for the salvation of 


their souls; moreover, many others have left lands for the 
erectiag and maintaining of houses, in desarts and uninhabited 
places, where great fires are kept all the night to guide such as 
have strayed out of their way ; as also water for men to drink, 
and seats to repose them in ; and that there may be no default 
herein, there are divers persons entertained with very good 
means, to see these things carefully continued, according to 
the institution of him that founded them for the health of his 
soul. By these marvels which are found in the particular 
towns of this empire may be concluded, what the greatness 
thereof might be, were they joyned all together ; but for the 
better satisfaction of the reader, I dare boldly say, if my 
testimony may be worthy of credit, that in one and twenty 
years space (during which time, with a world of mis-fortune, 
labour and pain, I traversed the greatest part of Asia, as may 
appear by this my discourse) I had seen in some countries a 
wonderfull abundance of several sorts of victuals, and pro- 
visions, which we have not in our Europe ; yet, without 
speaking what each of them might have in particular, I do not 
think there is in all Europe so much as there is in China alone. 
And the same may be said of all the rest, wherewith Heaven 
hath favoured this chmate, as well for the temperature of the 
air, as for that which concerns the policy, and riches, the 
magnificence and greatness of their estate. Now that which 
gives the greatest lustre unto it, is, their exact observation of 
justice ; for there is so well ruled a government in this country, 
as it may justly be envied of all others in the world. And to 
speak the truth, such as want this particular, have no gloss, be 
they otherways never so great and commendable. Verily, so 
often as I represent unto my self those great things which I 
have seen in this China, I am on the one side amazed to think 
how liberally it hath pleased God to heap upon this people the 
goods of the earth ; and on the other side I am exceedingly 
grieved to consider how ungratefull they are in acknowledging 
such extraordinary favours ; for they commit amongst them- 
selves an infinite of most enormous sins, wherewithall they 
incessantly offend the Divine Goodness. 



Our amval at the city of Pequin, together with our imprisonment, and that 
vrhioh moreover happened unto us there ; aa also the great majesty of 
the officers of their Court of Justice, 

AFTBE we were departed from that rare and marvellous 
town, whereof I have spoken, we continued our course up 
the river, until at length, on Tuesdwy, the nineteenth of October, 
in the year 1541, we arrived at the great city of Pequin, 
whither, as I have said before, we had been remitted by appeal. 
In this manner, chained three and three together, we were cast 
into a prison, called Gofanicmserca, where for our weleom we 
had at the first dash thirty lashes apiece given us, wherewith 
some of us became very sick. Now as soon as the Ghiftm who 
conducted us thither had presented the process of our sentence, 
sealed with twelve seals, to the justice of the Aytao, which is 
their Parliament, the twelve ChonchaUs of the criminal cham- 
ber, unto whom the cognisance of our cause appertained, com- 
manded us presently away to prison ; whereupon one of those 
twelve, assisted by two Eegisters, and six or seven of&cers, 
whom they term Hwpes, (and are much like our Catchpoles 
here), terrified us not a little, as he was leading us thither; for 
giving us very threatning speeches. Gome, said he unto us, 
By the 'power and authority which I ha/ve from- the Aytao of 
Batampina, chief president of the two and thirty judges of 
strangers {within whose brest a/re the secrets of the lyon crowned 
on the throne of the world inclosed) I enjoyn and command you 
to tell me, what people you a/re, as also of what country, amd 
whether you ha/ve a king, who for the service of God, amdfw the 
discharge of his dignity, is inclined to do good to the poor, and 
to render them justice, to the end that with tears in their eyes, 
and hands Ufted wp, they may not address their complaints to 
that Sovereigne Lord which hath made the bright enamel of the 
skies, and for whose holy feet all they that reign with Him, 
serve but for sandals. To this demand we answered him, that 
we were poor strangers, natives of the kingdom of Siam, who 
being imbarqued vrith our merchandise for Liam,poo-weve cast 
away in a great storm at sea, from whence we escaped naked 



with the loss of all that we had ; and how in that deplorable 
estate we were fain to get our living by begging from door to 
door, till such time as at our arrival at the town of Taypor, the 
Ghmnhim, then resident there, had arrested us for prisoners 
without cause, and so sent us to the city of Nanqmn, where by 
his report we had been condemned to the whip, and to have 
our thumbs cut off, without so much as once deigning to hear 
us in our justifications ; by reason whereof, lifting up our eyes 
to Heaven, we had been advised to have recourse, vrith our 
tears, to the four and twenty judges of austere life, that 
(through their zeal to God) they might take our cause in hand, 
since by reason of our poverty we were altogether vrithout sup- 
port, and abandoned of all men, which with an holy zeal they 
incontinently effected, by revoking the cause, and annulling the 
judgment that had been given against us ; and that, these 
things considered, we most instantly besought him, that for the 
service of God he would be pleased to have regard to our 
misery, and the great injustice that was done us, for that we 
had no means in this country, nor person, that would speak 
one word for us. The judge remained sometime in suspence 
upon that we had said to him ; at length he answered, that we 
need say no more to him ; for it is suflScient that I know you 
are poor, to the end this affair may go another way then 
hitherto it hath done ; nevertheless, to acquit me of my charge, 
I give you five days time, conformably to the law of the third 
book, that within the said term you may retain a proctor to 
undertake your cause ; but if you will be advised by me, you 
shall present your request to the Tanigores of the sacred office, 
to the end that they, carried by an holy zeal of the honour of 
God, may out of compassion of your miseries take upon them 
to defend your right. Having spoken thus, he gave us a Taeis, 
in way of alms, and said further to us. Beware of the prisoners 
that are here ; for I assure you, that they make it their trade, 
to steal all that they can from any one ; whereupon entering 
into another chamber where there were a great number of 
prisoners, he continued there above three hours in giving them 
audience ; at the end whereof he sent seven and twenty men, 
that the day before had received their judgement, to execution, 
which was inflicted upon them by whipping to death ; a spec- 


tacle so dreadful to us, and that put us in such a fright, &s it 
almost set us besides our selves. The next morning, as soon 
as it was day, the jaylors olapt irons on our feet, and manacles 
on our hands, and put us to exceeding great pain ; but seven 
days after we had endured such misery, being laid on the 
ground one by another, and bewayling our disaster, for the 
extream fear we were in of suffering a most cruel death, if that 
which we had done at Galemplm/ should by any means chance 
to be discovered, it pleased God that we were visited by the 
Tanigores of the house of mercy, which is of the jurisdiction 
of this prison, who are called in their language Gofilem Gnaxy. 
At their arrival all the prisoners bowing themselves, said with 
a lamentable tone. Blessed he the day wherein God doth visit us 
by the ministry of His servants ; whereunto the Tanigores made 
answer, with a grave and modest countenance. The Alrrdghty 
and Divine hand of Him that hath formed the beauty of the stars 
keep and preserve you. Then approaching to us, they very 
courteously demanded of us what people we were, and whence 
it proceeded that our imprisonment was more sensible to us 
then to others ? To this speech we replyed, with tears in our 
eyes, that we were poor strangers, so abandoned of men, as in 
all the country there was not one that knew our names, and 
that all we could in our poverty say, to intreat them to think 
of us for Gods sake, was contained in a letter, that we had 
brought them from the chamber of the society of the house of 
Quiay Hina/rol, in the city of Nanquin ; whereupon Ghristo- 
phoro Borralho, presenting them with the letter, they received 
it with a new ceremony, full of all courtesie, saying, Praised he 
He who hath created all thmgs, for that He is pleased to serve 
Himself of sinners here below, whereby they may be recompensed 
at the last day of all days, by satisfying them double their labour 
with the riches of His holy treasures, which shall be done, as we 
believe, in as great abundance, as the drops of ram fall from the 
clouds to the earth. After this, one of the four, putting up the 
letter, said unto us, that as soon as the chamber of justice for 
the poor was open, they would all of them give an answer to 
our business, and see us furnished with all that we had need 
of, and so they departed from us. Three days after they 
returned to visit us in the prison ; and in the next morning 


coming to us again, they asked us many questions answerable 
to a memorial which they had thereof ; whereunto we replyed 
in every point according as we were questioned by each of 
them, so as they remained very well satisfied with our answers. 
Then calling the Eegister to them, who had our papers in 
charge, they inquired very exactly of him, touching many 
things that concerned us, and withall required his advice about 
our affair ; that done, having digested all that might make for 
the conversation of our right into certain heads, they took our 
process from him, saying, they would peruse it aU of them 
together in their Chambers, of Justice with the proctors of the 
house, and the next day return it him again, that he might 
carry it to the Ghaem, as he was resolved before to do. 

Not to trouble my self with recoimting in particular all that 
occurred in this affair, untill such time as it was fully con- 
eluded, wherein six moneths and an half were imployed, 
(during the which we continued still prisoners in such misery) 
I will in few words relate aU that befell us unto the end ; when 
as our business was come before the twelve Gonchalis of the 
criminal court, the two proctors of the house of mercy most 
willingly took upon them to cause the unjust sentence which 
had been given against us to be revoked. Having gotten then 
all the proceedings to be disannulled, they by petition remon- 
strated unto the Ghaem, who was the president of the court. 
How we could not for any cause whatsoever be condemned to 
death, seeing there were no witnesses of any credit that could tes- 
tifie that we had robbed any man, or had ever seen us carry any 
offensive weapons contrary to the prohibition made against it by 
the law of the first book ; but that we were apprehended quite 
naked, like wretched men, wandering after a la/mentable ship- 
wrack ; and that therefore ov/r poverty and misery was worthy 
rather of a pitiful compassion, then of that rigov/r wherewith the 
first minister of the a/rm of wrath had caused ms to be whipt ; 
moreover, that God alone was the judge of ov/r innocency ; in 
whose name they reqmred him once, twice, nay man/y times, to 
consider that he was mortal, and could not last long ; for that 
God had given h/im a perishable Ufe, at the end whereof he was 
to render an accou/nt of that which had been required of him, 
since by a solemn oath he was obliged to do all that should be 


manifest to his judgement, without any considerations of men of 
the world ; whose custom it was to make the hallance sway down, 
which God would have to be upright, according to the integrity 
of His Divine jttsUce. To this petition the Kings proctor oppo- 
sing himself, as he that was our adverse party, and that in 
certain articles, which he framed against us, set forth, how he 
would prove by ocular witnesses, as well of the country, as 
strangers, that we were publique thieves, making a common 
practice of robbing, and not merchants, such as we pretended 
to be ; whereunto he added, that if we had come to the coast 
of China with a good design, and with an intent to pay the 
King his due in his custom-houses, we would have repaired to 
the ports, where they were established by the ordinance of the 
Ayta/n of the Government ; but for a punishment, because we 
went from isle to isle, like pirats. Almighty God, that detests 
sin and robbery, had permitted us to suffer shipwrack, that so 
falling into the hands of the ministers of His justice we might 
receive the guerdon of om: wicked works, namely, the pains of 
death, whereof our critnes rendred us most worthy. In regard 
of all which, he desired we might be condemned according to 
the law of the second book, that commanded it in express 
terms. And that if for other considerations, no way remark- 
able in us, we could by any law be exempted from death, yet 
nevertheless, for that we were strangers, and vagabonds, with- 
out either faith, or knowledg of God, that alone would suffice, 
at leastwise to condemn us to have our hands and noses cut off, 
and so to be banished for ever into the country of Ponxileyta/y, 
whither such people as we, were wont to be exiled, as might be 
verified by divers sentences given and executed in like cases ; 
and to that effect, he desired the admittance of his articles, 
which he promised to prove within the time, that should be 
prescribed him. These articles were presently excepted against 
by the proctor of the Court of Justice, estabhshed for the poor, 
who offered to make the contrary appear within a certain term, 
which to that end, and for many other reasons alledged by him 
in our favour, was granted him ; wherefore he required that the 
said articles might not be admitted, especially for that they were 
infamous, and directly contrary to the ordinances of justice. 
Whereupon the Ohaem ordered, that his articles should not be 


admitted, unless he did prove them by evident testimonies, and 
such as were conformable to the divine law, within six days 
next ensuing, and that upon pain in case of contravention not 
to be admitted to any demand of a longer delay. The said 
term of six days being prescribed the Kings proctor, he, in the 
mean time, producing no one proof against us, nor any person 
that so much as knew us, came and demanded a delay of other 
six days, which was flatly denied him, in regard it but too well 
appeared, that all he did was only to win time, and therefore 
he would by no means consent imto it ; but contrarily, he gave 
the proctor for the poor five days respit to alledge all that fur- 
ther he could in our defence. In the mean time, the Kings 
proctor declaimed against us in such foul and opprobrious 
terms, as the Chaem was much ofiended thereat ; so that he 
condemned him to pay us twenty Taeis of silver, both for his 
want of charity, and for that he could not prove any one of the 
obligations which he had exhibited against us. Three days 
being spent herein, iour Tanigores of the house of the poor, 
coming very early in the morning to the prison, sent for us into 
the Infirmirie, where they told us that our business went very 
well, and how we might hope that our sentence would have a 
good issue ; whereupon we oast our selves at their feet, and 
with abundance of tears desired God to reward them for the 
pains they had taken in our behalf. Thereunto one of them 
replyed, And we also most humbly beseech Him to keep you in the 
knowledge of His law, wherein all the happiness of good msn con- 
sists ; and so they caused two coverlets to be given us, for to 
lay upon our beds in the night, because the weather was cold, 
and withall bid us, that we should not stick to ask any thing 
we wanted, for that God Almighty did not love a sparing hand 
in the distributing of ahns for His sake. A little after their 
departure came the Eegister, and shewing us the Chaems order, 
whereby the Kings proctor was condemned to pay us twenty 
Taeis, gave us the money, and took an acquittance under our 
hands for the receipt of it. For which giving him a world of 
thanks, we intreated him for his pains to take as much thereof 
as he pleased ; but he would not touch a peny, saying, I will 
not for so small a matter lose the recompence which I hope to 
gain from God, for the consideration of you. 


We past nine days in great fear, still expecting to have our 
sentence pronounced, when as on Saturday morning two €hvm- 
hims of Justice came to the prison for us, accompanied with 
twenty officers, by them called Hv^pes, carrying halberts, por- 
tisans, and other arms, which made them very dreadful to the 
beholders. These men tying us all nine together in a long iron 
chain, lead us to the Caladigan, which was the place where 
audience was given, and where execution was done on delia- 
quents. Now how we got thither, to confess the truth, I am 
not able to relate ; for we where at that instant so far besides 
our selves, as we knew not what we did, or which way we went; 
so as in that extremity aU our thought was how to conform our 
selves to the will of God, and beg of Him with tears, that for 
the merit of His sacred passion. He would be pleased to receive 
the punishment that should be inilioted on us for the satisfac- 
tion of our sins. At length after much pain, and many affronts, 
that were done us by many which followed after us, with loud 
cries, we arrived at the first hall of the Caladigan, where were 
four and twenty executioners, whom they call. The Ministers 
of the airm of justice, with a great many of other people, that 
were there about their affairs. Here we remained a long time, 
till at length upon the ringing of a bell, other doors were 
opened, that stood under a great arch of architecture, very 
artificially wrought, and whereon were a number of rich 
figures. On the top a monstrous lion of silver was seen, 
with his fore and hind feet upon a mighty great bowl, made 
of the same metal, ■vyhereby the arms of the King of China 
are represented, which are oi'dinarUy placed on the fore-front 
of all the sovereign courts, where the Chaems preside, who 
are as vice-roys amongst us. Those doors being opened, as 
I said before, all that were there present entred into a very 
great haU, like the body of a church, hung from the top 
to the bottom with divers pictures, wherein strange kinds 
of execution done upon persons of aU. conditions, after a most 
dreadful manner were constrained; and under every picture 
was this inscription. Such a one was executed with this hind of 
death for committing such a crime ; so that in beholding the 
diversity of these fearful pourtraitures one might see in it, as 
it were, a declaration of the kind of death that was ordained 


for each crime, as also the extream rigour which the justice 
there observed in such executions. From this hall we went 
into another joom far richer, and more costly, for it was gilt 
all over, so that one could not have a more pleasing object, 
at least wise, if .we could have taken pleasure in any thing, 
considering the misery we were in. In the midst of this 
room there was a Tribunal, whereunto one ascended by seven 
steps, invironed with three rows of baUisters of iron, copper, 
and ebony ; the tops whereof were beautified with mother of 
pearl. At the upper end of all was a cloth of state of white 
damask, frenged about with a deep cawi frenge of green silk 
and gold; under this state sat the Chaem with a world of 
greatness and majesty; he was seated in a very rich chair 
of silver, having before him a little table,, and about him three 
boys on their knees, sumptuously apparelled, with chains of 
gold ; one of the which (namely, he in the middle) served to 
give the Chaem the pen wherewithal he signed; the other 
two took the petitions that were preferred, and presented 
them on the table, that they might be signed ; on the right 
hand, in another place somewhat higher, and almost equal 
with the Chaem, stood a boy, some ten or eleven years old, 
attired in a rich robe of white satin, imbroidered with roses 
of gold, having a chain of pearl three double about his neck, 
and hair as long as a womans, most neatly plaited with a 
fillet of gold, all enamelled with green, and powdered over 
with great seed pearl. In his hand he held, as a mark of that 
which he represented, a Uttle branch of roses, made of silk, 
gold thread, and rich pearls, very curiously intermixed. And 
in this manner he appeared so gentle, handsome, and beautiful, 
as no woman, how fair soever, could overmatch him ; this boy 
leaned on his elbow upon the Chaems chair, and figured mercy. 
In the like manner, on the left hand was another goodly boy, 
richly apparelled in a coat of carnation satin, all set with roses 
of gold, having his right arm bared up to the elbow, and died 
with a vermilion as red as blood, and in that hand holding a 
naked sword, which seemed also to be bloody: moreover, on 
his head he wore a crown, in fashion like to a myter, hung all 
with little razors, like unto lancets, wherewith Chirurgions 
let men blood; being thus gallantly set forth, and of most 


beautiful presence, yet he struck all that beheld him with 
fear, in regard of that he represented, which was justice. For 
they say, that the judge, who holds the place of the King, 
who presents God on earth, ought necessarily to have those 
two qualities, justice, and m&rcy ; and that he which doth not 
use them is a tyrant, acknowledging no law, and usurping the 
power that he hath. The Chaem was apparelled in a long 
gown of violet satin, frenged with green sii and gold, with a 
kind of scapulair about his neck, in the midst of which was 
a great plate of gold, wherein an hand holding a very even 
pair of baUance was engraven, and the inscription about it : 
It is the nature of the Lord Almighty, to observe in His justice, 
weight, measure, cmd true account ; therefore take heed to what 
thou doest, for if thou comest to sin thou shalt suffer for it 
eternally. Upon his head he had a kind of round bonnet, 
bordered about with small sprigs of gold, all enamelled violet 
and green, and on the top of it was a little crowned Uon of 
gold, upon a round bowl of the same metal ; by which lion 
crowned, as I have delivered heretofore, is the King signified, 
and by the bowl, the world ; as if by these devices they would 
denote, that the King is the Lion crowned on the throne of 
the world. In his right hand he held a little rod of ivory, 
some three spans long, in manner of a scepter ; upon the top 
of the 3 first steps of this tribunal stood eight ushers with 
silver maces on their shoulders, and below were threescore 
Mogors on their knees, disposed into three ranks, carrying 
halberds in their hands, that were neatly damasked with gold. 
In the vantgard of these same stood, hke as if they had been, 
the commanders or captains of this squadron, the statues of 
two giants, of a most gallant aspect, and very richly attired, 
with their swords hanging in scarfs, and mighty great halberds 
in their hands, and these the Ghineses in their language call 
Gigaes ; on the two sides of this Tribunal, below in the room, 
were two very lor^ tables, at each of which sat twelve men, 
whereof four were presidents, or judges, two registers, four 
solicitors, and two GorushaUs, which are (as it were) assistants 
to the Court, one of these tables was for criminal, and the 
other for civil causes, and all the officers of both these tables 
were apparelled in the gowns of white satin, that were very 


long, and had large slieves, thereby demonstrating the latitude 
and purity of justice ; the tables were covered with carpets of 
violet damask, and richly bordered about vrith gold, the Gkaems 
table, because it was of silver, had no carpet on it, nor any 
thing else, but a cushion of cloth of gold, and a standith. 
Now aU these things put together, as we saw them, carried a 
wonderful shew of state and majesty; but to proceed, upon 
the fourth ringing of a bell, one of the GonchaUs stood up, 
and after a low obeysance made to the Ghaem, with a very 
loud voice, that he might be heard of every one, he said, Peace 
there, and with all submission hearken, on pain of incwring 
the purdshment, ordamed by the Chaems of the Government for 
those, that interrupt the silence of sacred justice. "Whereupon 
this same sitting down again, another arose, and with the 
like reverence, mounting up to the Tribunal, where the Ghaem 
sat, he took the sentences from him that held them in his 
hand, and pubHshed them aloud one after another, with so 
many ceremonies, and compUments, as he employed above an 
hour therein. At length coming to pronounce our judgment, 
they caused us to kneel down, with our eyes fixed on the 
ground, and our hands lifted up, as if we were praying unto 
heaven, to the end that in all humiUty we might hear the 
publication thereof, which was thus : 

[A portion only of the judgment is here given.] 

I do orda/in, and decree, that these nine strangers shall be 
clearly qidt and absolved of all that which the Kings proctor 
hath laid to their charge, as also of all the punishment belonging 
tfiereunto, condemning them only to a years exile, d/wring which 
time they shall work for their living in the reparations of 
Quansy ; and when as eight moneths of the said year shall be 
accomplished, then I expresly enjoyn all the Chumbims, Con- 
chalis, Monteos, and other ministers of their government, that 
immediately upon their presenting of this my decree unto them, 
they give them a pass-part and safe conduct, to the end they mMj 
freely and secweVy return into their country, or to any other 
place they shall think fit. After this sentence was thus pub- 
lished in our hearing, we all cried out with a loud voice. The 


sentence of thy clear judgement is confirmed in us, even as the 
purity of thy heart is agreeable to the Son of the Sun. THis said, 
one of the Gonchalis, that sate at one of the tables, stood up, 
and having made a very low obeisance to the Ghaem, he said 
aloud five times one after another, to all that press of people 
which were there in great number; Is there any one in this 
cou/rt, in this city, or in this kingdom, that will oppose this 
decree, or the deliverance of these nine prisoners ? Whereimto 
no answer being made, the two boys, that represented justice 
and mercy, touched the ensigns which they held in their hands 
together, and said aloud, Let them be freed and ddscha/rged 
according to the sentence very justly pronounced for it ; where- 
upon one of those mitiiBters, whom they call Huppes, having 
rung a beU thrice, the two Ghumbims of execution, that had 
formerly bound us, unloosed us from our chain, and withal 
took off our manacles, coUers, and the other irons from our 
legs, so that we were quite delivered, for which we gave 
infinite thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ, because we always 
thought, that for the ill conceit men had of us we should be 
condemned to death. From thence, so delivered as we were, 
they led us back to the prison, where the two Ghumbims 
signed our enlargment in the jaylors book ; nevertheless that 
we might be altogether discharged, we were to go two months 
after to serve a year according to our sentence, upon pain of 
becoming slaves for ever to the King, conformable to his 
ordinances. Now because we would presently have gone 
about to demand the alms of good people in the city, the 
Ghifuu, who was as Grand Provost of that prison, perswaded 
us to stay till the next day, that he might first recommend 
us to the Tanigores of mercy, that they might do something 
for us. 



What past betwixt us and the Tanigores of mercy, with the great favors 
they did us ; and a brief relation of the city of Pequin, where the King 
of China kept his Court. 

T TTTl next morning the four Tanigores of mercy came to 
visit the infirmity of this prison, as they used to do; 
where they rejoyced with us for the good success of our sen- 
tence, giving us great testimony, how well contented they 
were with it, for which we returned them many thanks, not 
without shedding abundance of tears, whereat they seemed 
to be not a little pleased, and willed us not to be troubled 
with the term we were condemned to serve in, for they told 
us that in stead of a year we should continue but eight 
months there, and that the other four moneths, which made 
the third part of our punishment, the King remitted it by 
way of alms for Gods sake, in consideration that we were 
poor ; for otherwise, if we had been rich, and of ability, we 
should have had no favour at aU, promising to cause this 
diminution of punishment to be endorsed on our sentence, 
and besides that they would- go, and speak to a very honour- 
able man for us, that was appointed to be the chief Marshal, 
or Monteo, of Quansy, the place where we were to serve, to 
the end he might shew us favour, and cause us to be truly 
paid for the time we should remain there. Now because this 
man was naturally a friend to the poor, and inchned to do 
them good, they thought it would be fit to carry us along with 
them to his house, the rather for that it might be he would 
take us into his charge ; we gave them all very humble thanks 
for this good offer of theirs, and told them that God would 
reward this charity they shewed us for His sake ; whereupon 
we accompanied them to the Monteos house, who came forth 
to receive us in his outward Court, leading his wife by the 
hand; which he did, either out of a greater form of comple- 
ment, or to do the more honour to the Tanigores, and coming 
neer them he prostrated himself at their feet, and said : It is 
now, my lord, and holy brethren, that I have ca/use to rejoyci 
for that it hath pleased God to permit, that you His holy servants 


should come unto my house, being that wMch I could not hope 
for, in regard I held my self vmworthy of such fmour. After 
the Tanigores had used many complements and ceremonies to 
him, as is usual in that country, they answered him thus, 
May God, ov/r Sovereign Lord, the infinite source of mercy, 
recompense the good thou dost for the poor with blessing in this 
Ufe ; for believe it, dea/r brother, the strongest staff whereon the 
soul doth lean to keep her from falling so often as she happens 
to stumble, is the charity which we use towards our neighbour, 
when as the vain glory of this world doth not blind the good 
zeal whereunto His holy law doth oblige us; and that thou 
ma/yst merit the blessed feUcity of beholding His face, we home 
brought thee here these nine Portugals, who are so poor, as none 
in this kingdom are like to them ; wherefore we pray thee, that' 
in the place whither thou a/rt going now, as Monteo, thou wilt 
do for them all that thou thinkest will be acceptable to the Lord 
above, in whose behalf we crave this of thee. To this speech 
the Monteo, and his wife, replyed in such courteous and re- 
markable terms, as we were almost besides our selves to hear 
in what manner they attributed the success of their affairs to 
the principal cause of all goodness, even as though they had 
had the light of faith, or the knowledge of the Christian verity. 
Hereupon they withdrew into a chamber, into which we went 
not, and continued there about half an hour; then as they 
were about to take leave of one another, they commanded 
us to come in to them, where the Tanigores spake to them 
again about us, and recommending us unto them more then 
before, the Monteo caused our names to be written down in a 
book that lay before him, and said unto us, I do tMs, because 
I am not so good a man, as to gwe you something of rrdne own, 
nor so bad as to deprive you of the sweat of your labou/r, where- 
unto the King hath bound you ; wherefore even at this instant 
you shall begin to get your Iming, although you do not serve as 
yet, for the desire I home that thds may be accounted to me for 
an alms, so that now you ha/oe nothing to do, but to be merry in 
my hovise, where I will gvoe order that you shall be provided of 
all that is necessary for you. Besides this, I will not promise 
you any thing, for the fear I am in of the shewing some vamity 
by my promise, and so the dmel may make use thereof as of an 


advantage, to lay Iwld on me, a matter that often arrives through 
the wealcness of our nature ; wherefore let it suffice you for the 
present to know, that I will he rmndful of you for the love of 
these holy brethren here, who have spoken to me for you. The 
four Tardgores thereupon taking their leave, gave us four Taeis, 
and said unto us, Forget not to render thanks unto God for the 
good success you have had in your business ; for it would be a 
grievous sin in you not to acknowledge so great a grace. Thus 
were we very well entertained in the house of this captain 
for the space of two months, that we remained there ; at the 
end whereof we parted from thence, for to go to Quansy, where 
we were to make up our time, under the conduct of this 
captain, who ever after used us very kindly, and shewed us 
many favours, until that the Tartars entred into the town, 
who did a world of mischief there, as I wiU more amply 
declare hereafter. 

Before I recount that which happened unto us, after we 
were imbarqued with those Ghineses that conducted us, and 
that gave us great hope of setting us at liberty, I think it not 
amiss to make a brief relation here of the city of Peguin, 
which may truly be termed the capital of the monarchy of 
the world; as also of some particulars I observed there, as 
well for its arches and poUcy, as for that which concerns its 
extent, its government, the laws of the countrey, and the 
admirable manner of providing for the good of the whole 
state, together in what sort they are paid that serve in the 
time of war, according to the ordinances of the kingdom, and 
many other things Uke unto these ; though I must needs 
confess that herein I shall want the best part, namely, wit, 
and capacity, to render a reason in what clymate it is scitu- 
ated, and in the height of how many degrees, which is a 
matter the learned and curious most desire to be satisfied in. 
But my design having never been other (as I have said hereto- 
fore) then to leave this my book unto my children, that therein 
they may see the sufferings I have undergone, it little imports 
me to write otherwise then I do, that is, in a gross and rude 
manner ; for I hold it better to treat of these things in such 
sort as nature hath taught me, then to use hyperboles, and 
speeches from the purpose, whereby the weakness of my poor 


mderstanding may be made more evident. Howbeit, since I 
im obliged to make mention of this matter, by the promise I 
lave made of it heretofore, I say, that this city, which we 
sail Peqwin, and they of the country Peqidn, is scituated in 
ihe height of forty and one degrees of northerly , latitude ; 
ihe walls of it are in circuit (by the report of the CMneses 
ihemselves, and as I have read in a Uttle book, treating of the 
preatness thereof, and intituled Aqwisendcm, which I brought 
lince along with me into Portugal) thirty large leagues, 
lamely ten long, and five broad ; some others hold, that it is 
ifty, namely seventeen in length, and eight in bredth : and 
'orasmuch as they that treat of it are of different opinions, in 
ihat the one make the extent of it thirty leagues, as I have 
said before, and others fifty, I will render a reason of this 
ioubt, comformable to that which I have seen my self. It is 
irue, that in the manner it is now built, it is thirty leagues in 
sircuit, as they say; for it is invironed with two rows of 
strong walls, where there are a number of towers and 
julwarks after our fashion ; but without this circuit, which is 
)f the city it self, there is another far greater, both in length 
md breadth, that the CMneses afiSrm was anciently aU in- 
labited, but at this present there are only some boroughs and 
rillages, as also a many of fair houses, or castles, about it, 
imongst the which there are sixteen hundred that have great 
idvantages over the rest, and are the houses of the proctors 
)f the sixteen hundred cities, and most remarkable towns of 
ihe two and thirty kingdoms of this monarchy, who repair 
into this city at the general assembly of the estates, which is 
leld every three years for the publique good. Without this 
p:eat inclosure, which (as I have said) is not comprehended in 
ihe city, there is in a distance of three leagues broad, and 
leven long, fourscore thousand tombs of the Mandarins, which 
ire little chappels all gilded within, and compassed about with 
)allistera of iron and lattin, the entries whereinto are through 
rery rich and sumptuous arches : near to these chappels there 
ire also very great houses, with gardens and tufted woods of 
ligh trees, as also many inventions of ponds, fountains, and 
bquseducts; whereunto may be added, that the walls of the 
nclosure are on the inside covered with fine porcelain, and on 


the fanes above are many lions pourtrayed in gold, as also in 
the squares of the steeples, which are likewise very high, and 
embellished with pictures. It hath also five hundred very 
great palaces, which are called thfC houses of the son of the 
sun, whither all those retire that have been hurt in the wars 
for the service of the King, as also many other souldiers, who 
in regard of age or sickness are no longer able to bear arms, 
and to the end that during the rest of their days they may be 
exempted from incommodity, each of them receives monethly 
a certain pay to find himself withal, and to live upon. Now 
aU these men of wf\r, as we learned of the Ghineses, are 
ordinarily an hundred thousand, there being in each of those 
houses two hujidred men according to their report. We saw 
also another long street of low houses, where there were four 
and twenty thousand oar-men, belonging to the King Panoures ; 
and another of the same structtire a good league in length, 
where fourteen thousand taverners that followed the Court 
dwelt ; as also a third street like imto the other two, where 
live a great number of light women, exempted from the 
tribute which they of the city pay, for that they are curti- 
sans, whereof the most part had quitted their husbands for 
to foUow that wretched trade; and if for that cause they 
'come to receive any hurt, their husbands are grievously 
punished for it, because they are there as in a place of 
freedom, and imder the protection of the Tutan of the Court, 
lord steward of the Kings house. In this inclosure do 
likewise remain all the landresses, by them called Magnates, 
which wash the Unnen of the city, who as we were told, are 
above an hundred thousand, and live in this quarter, for that 
there are divers rivers there, together with a nmnber of wells, 
and deep pools of water, compassed about with good walls. 
Within this same inclosure, as the said Aqmsendwn relates, 
there are thirteen hundred gallant and very sumptuous houses 
of reUgious men and women, who make profession of the four 
principal laws of those two and thirty which are in the empire 
of Ghdna ; and it is thought that in some of these houses there 
are above a thousand persons, besides the servants, that from 
abroad do furnish them with victuals, and other necessary 
provisions. We saw also a great many houses, which have 


fair buildings of a large extent, with spacious inclosures, 
wherein there are gardens, and very thick woods, full of any- 
kind of game, either for hawking, or hunting, that may be 
desired ; and these houses are as it were inns, whither come 
jontinually in great number people of all ages and sexes, as to 
see comedies, plays, combates, bull-baitings, wrastlings, and 
magnificent feast, which the Tutons, Ghaems, Gonchacys, 
A.ytaos, Bracalons, Ghumhims, Monteos, Lauteas, lords, 
jentlemen, captains, merchants, and other rich men, do 
make for, to give content to their kindred and friends ; these 
bouses are bravely furnished with rich hangings, beds, chairs, 
and stools, as hkewise with huge cupbords of plate, not onely 
Df silver, but of gold also ; and the attendants that wait at 
the table, are maids ready to be married, very beautiful, and 
gallantly attired ; howbeit all this is nothing in comparison of 
ihe sumptuousness, and other magnificences that we saw 
ihere. Now the GMneses assured us, there were some feasts 
that lasted ten days after the Ca/rachina, or Ghinese manner, 
ivhich in regard of the state, pomp, and charge thereof, as 
jyell in the attendance of servants and wayters, as in the 
jostly fare of all kind of flesh, fowl, fish, and all delicacies in 
nusick, in sports of hunting, and hawking, in plays, comedies, 
iilts, turnayes, and in shews both of horse and foot, fighting 
md skirmishing together, do cost above twenty thousand 
Taeis. These inns do stand in at least a milhon of gold, and 
ire maintained by certain companies of very rich merchants, 
Nho in way of commerce and traffique employ their mony 
iherein, whereby it is thought they gain far more, then if they 
ihould venture it to sea. It is said also, that there is so good 
md exact an order observed there, that whensoever any one 
vill be at a charge that way, he goes to the Xipaton of the 
lOuse, who is the superintendent thereof, and declares unto 
lim what his design is ; whereupon he shews him a book, all 
livided into chapters, which treats of the ordering and 
lumptuousness of feasts, as also the rates of them, and how 
hey shall be served in, to the end, that he who will be at the 
iharge, may ohuse which he pleases. This book, called ' 
Pinetoreu, I have seen, and heard it read ; so that I remember 
low in the three first chapters thereof, it speaks of the feasts, { 



whereunto God is to be invited, and of what price they are , 
and then it descends to the King of China, of whom it says, 
That by a special grace of Heaven, and right of sovereignty, he 
hath the government of the whole earth, and of all the kings 
that inhabit it. After it hath done with the King of China, 
it speaks of the feasts of the Tutons, which are the ten 
sovereign dignities, that command over the forty Chaems, who 
are as the vice-roys of the state. These Tutons also are 
termed the beams of the sun, for, say they, as the King of 
China is the son of the sun, so the Tutons, who represent him, 
may rightly be termed his beams, for that they proceed from 
him, even as the rays do from the sun. 

[Here follows a description of the inns and universities of 
Pequin, 0«t{tt«ir,] 


The Prison of Xinanguibalen, wherein those are kept, which have been 
condemned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria ; and 
another indosure, called the Treasure of the Dead, with the revenues 
wherewith the prison is maintained, 

DESISTING now from speaking in particular of the great 
number of the rich and magnificent buildings, which we 
saw in the city of Pequin, I will only insist on some of the 
edifices thereof, that seemed more remarkable to me then the 
rest, whence it may be easie to infer, what all those might be, 
whereof I will not make any mention here, to avoid prolixity. 
The first building which I saw of those that were most 
remarkable, was a prison, which they call XinangvAhaleu, that 
is to say, the inclosv/re of the Epiles ; the circuit of this prison 
is two leagues square, or little less, both in length and bredth : 
it is inclosed with a very high waU without any battlements ; 
the wall on the outside is invironed with a great deep ditch 
full of water, over the which are a many of draw bridges, that 
are drawn up in the night with certain iron chains, and so 
hang suspended on huge cast pillars ; in this prison is an arch 


)f strong hewed stone, abutting in 2 towers, in the tops 
^Thereof are 6 great sentinel-bells, which are never rung but 
lU the rest within the said inclosure do answer them, which 
ihe Ghineses afl&rm to be above a hundred, and indeed they 
nake a most horrible din. In this place there are ordinarily 
ihree hundred thousand prisoners, between 17 and 50, whereat 
Ne were much amazed ; and indeed we had good cause, in 
:egard it is a thing so unusual and extraordinary. Now 
lesiring to know of the Ghineses the occasion of so marvellous 
I building, and of the great number of prisoners that were in 
t ; they answered us, that after the King of China, named 
Orisnago Docotay, had finished a wall of 300 leagues space 
Detwixt the kingdom of China, and that of Tartaria, as I have 
leclared other where, he ordained by the advice of his people, 
for to that effect he caused an assembly of his estates to be 
leld) that all those which should be condemned to banishment 
should be sent to work in the repairing of this wall, and that 
ifter they had served 6 years together therein, they might 
reely depart, though they were sentenced to serve for a 
onger time, because the king pardoned them the remainder 
)f the term by way of charity and alms ; but if during those 
rears they should happen to perform any remarkable act, or 
)ther thing, where it appeared they had advantage over others, 
)r if they were 3 times wounded in the saUies they should 
nake, or if they killed some of their enemies, they were then 
be dispensed with for all the rest of their time, and that 
he Ghaem should grant them a certificate thereof, where it 
ihould be declared why he had delivered them, and how he 
lad thereby satisfied the ordinances of war. Two hundred 
md ten thousand men are to be continually entertained in the 
vork of the wall, by the first institution, whereof defalcation 
3 made of a third part, for such as are dead, maimed, and 
lelivered, either for their notable actions, or for that they had 
iccomplished their time : and likewise when as the Ghaem, 
?ho is the chief of all those, sent to the PitoMcama/y, which 
3 the highest court of justice, to furnish him with that 
lumber of men, they could not assemble them together so 
oon as was necessary, for that they were divided in so many 
everal places of that empire, which is prodigiously great, as 


I have delivered before, and that withall a long time was 
required for the assembling them together, another king 
named Gopiley Apirau, who succeeded to that Grisnago 
Docotay, ordained that the great inclosure should be made in 
the city of Pequin, to the end that as soon as any were 
condemned to the work of this wall, they should be carried 
to Xinanguibaleu, for to be there altogether, by which means 
they might be sent away without any delay, as now is done. 
So soon as the court of justice hath committed the prisoners 
to this prison, whereof he that brings them hath a certificate, 
they are immediately left at liberty, so that they may walk at 
their pleasure within this great inclosure, having nothing but 
a little plate of a span long, and i fingers broad, wherein 
these words are engraven, such a one of stock a place hath been 
condemned to the general exile for such a cause ; he entred such 
a day, such a moneth, such a year. Now the reason why they 
make every prisoner to carry this plate for a testimony of their 
evil actions, is, to manifest for what crime he was condemned, 
and at what time he entred, because every one goes forth 
conformably to the length of time that shall be since he 
entred in. These prisoners are held for duly delivered when 
they are drawne out of captivity for to go and work at the 
wall, for they cannot upon any cause whatsoever be exempted 
from the prison of XinangvAhaleu, and the time they are there 
is counted to them for nothing, in regard they have no hope 
of liberty but at that instant when their term permits them to 
work in the reparations ; for then they may be sure to be 
deHvered, according to the ordinance whereof I have made 
mention before. Having now dehvered the occasion wherefore 
so great a prison was made, before I leave it, I hold it not 
amiss to speak of a fair we saw there, of two that are 
usually kept every year; which those of the country call 
Gunxinem, ApparoM, Xinanguibaleu, that is to say. The 
rich foA/r of the prison of the condemned. These fairs are 
kept in the moneths of July and January, vnth very 
magnificent feasts, solemnized for the invocation of their 
idols, and even, there they have their plenary indulgences, 
by means whereof great riches of gold and silver are promised 
them in the other world. They are both of them frank and 


ree, so as the merchants pay no duties, whieli is the cause 
hat they flock thither in such great number, as they assured 
IS that there were three milHons of persons there ; and for 
1.3 much as I said before, that the three hundred thousand that 
tre imprisoned there are at liberty, as well as those that go 
n and out, you shall see what course they hold to keep the 
)risoner3 from getting forth amongst others. Every one that 
s free and comes in hath a mark set on the wrist of his right 
irm with a certain confection made of oyl, bitumen, lacre, 
■hubarb, and alum, which being once dry cannot be any ways 
lefaced, but by the means of vinegar and salt mingled together 
rery hot : and to the end that so great a number of people 
nay be marked, on both sides of the gates stand a many of 
"Jhaiwpatoens, who vnth stamps of lead, dipt in this bitumen, 
mprints a mark on every one that presents himself unto them, 
iiud so they let him enter ; which is onely practised on men, 
lot upon women, because none of that sex are ever condemned 
;o the labour of the wall. When therefore they come to go 
)ut of the gates, they must all have their arms bared where 
;his mark is, that the said Cha/inpatoens, who are the porters 
md ministers of this affair, may know them, and let them 
lass ; and if by chance any one be so unhappy as to have that 
nark defaced by any accident, he must even have patience, 
md remain vrith the other prisoners, in regard there is no way 
io get him out of this place if he be found without that mark, 
^ow those Ghainpatoens are so dextrous and well versed in it, 
Ihat an hundred thousand men may in an hour go in and out 
sdthout trouble, so that by this means the three hundred 
ihousand prisoners continue in their captivity, and none of 
ihem can slip away amongst others to get out. There are in 
ihis prison 3 great inclosures like great towns, where there are 
I number of houses, and very long streets, without any lanes; 
md at the entrance into each street there are good gates, with 
iheir sentinel bells aloft, together with a Ghumbim, and 20 
nen for a guard ; within a flight-shoot of those inclosures are 
he lodgings of the Chaem, who commands all this prison, and 
hose lodgings are composed of a number of fair houses, where- 
n are many out-courts, gardens, ponds, halls, and chambers, 
inriched with excellent inventions, able to lodge a king at his 


ease, how great a court soever he have. In the 2 principal 
of these towns there are 2 streets, each of them ahout a 
flight-shoot long, which abut upon the Chaem's lodgings, 
arched all along with stone, and covered over head like the 
hospital at Lisbon, but that they far surpass it.- Here are all 
things to be sold that one can desire, as well for victual, and 
other kind of provisions, as for all sorts of merchandise, and 
rich wares. In those arched streets, which are very spacious 
and long, are these 2 fairs kept every year, whither such a 
multitude of people resort, as I have declared before. More- 
over within the inclosure of this prison are divers woods of 
tall and high trees, with many small streams, and ponds of 
clear sweet water for the use of the prisoners, and to wash 
their linnen, as also sundry hermitages, and hospitals, together 
with 12 very sumptuous and rich monasteries, so that whatso- 
ever is to be had in a great town, may in great abundance be 
found within the inclosure, and with advantage in many 
things, because the most part of these prisoners have their 
wives and children there, to whom the king gives a lodging 
answerable to the household or family, which each one hath. 

The second of those things, which I have undertaken to 
relate, is another inclosure we saw almost as big as the former, 
compassed about with strong walls, and great ditches. This 
place is called the Muxiparan, which signifies. The treaswre of 
the dead ; where are many towers of hewed carved stone, and 
steeples diversly painted. The walls on the top are instead 
of battlements environed with iron gates, where there are a 
number of idols of different figures, as of men, serpents, 
horses, oxen, elephants, fishes, adders, and many other mon- 
strous forms of creatures (which were never seen) some of 
brass, and iron, and others of tin and copper; so that this 
infinite company of several figures joyned together is one of 
the most remarkable and pleasantest things that can be 
imagined. Having passed over the bridge of the ditch we 
arrived at a great court that was at the first entrance, inclosed 
round about with huge gates, and paved all over with white 
and black stones in chequer-work, so polished and bright, as 
one might see himself in them as in a looking-glass. In the 
midst of this court was a pillar of jasper six and thirty spans 


high, and as it seemed all one piece, on the top whereof was 
an idol of silver in the figure of a woman, which with her 
hands strangled a serpent, that was excellently enamelled with 
black and green. A little further at the entrance of another 
gate, which stood between two very high towers, and accom- 
panied vrith four and twenty pillars of huge great stone, there 
were two figures of men, each of them with an iron club in 
his hand, as if they had served to guard that passage, being 
an hundred and forty spans high, with such hideous and 
ugly visages, as make them even to tremble that behold them. 
The GMneses called them Xixvpatan XaUoan, that is to say, 
The blowers of the house of smoke. At the entring into this 
gate there were twelve men with halberds, and two registers, 
set at a table, who enrolled all that entered there, unto whom 
every one paid a matter of a groat; when we were entered 
within this gate, we met with a very large street, closed on 
both sides with goodly arches, as well in regard of the work- 
manship, as the rest, round about the which hung an infinite 
company of little bells of Lattin, by chains of the same metall, 
that moved by the air, made such a noise as one could not 
without much ado hear one another. The street might be 
about half a league long, and within these arches, on both 
sides of the way, were two rows of low houses, like unto 
great churches, with steeples gilt, and divers inventions of 
painting. Of these houses the Ghineses assured us there was 
in that place three thousand, all which (from the very top to 
the bottom) were full of dead men's skulls, a thing so strange, 
that in every mans judgment a thousand great shops could 
hardly contain them. Behind these houses, both on the one 
side and the other, were two great mounts of dead mens bones, 
reaching far above the ridges of the houses, full as long as 
the street, and of a mighty bredth. These bones were ordered 
and disposed one upon another so curiously and aptly, that 
they seemed to grow there. Having demanded of the Chdneses 
whether any register was kept of these bones; they answered, 
there was; for the Talagrepos, unto whose charge the ad- 
ministration of these three thousand houses was committed, 
enrolled them all ; and that none of the houses yielded less 
than two thousand Taeis revenue out of such lands, as the 


owners of these bones had bequeathed to them for their sotjs 
health; and that the rent of these three thousand houses 
together amounted unto five miUions of gold yearly, whereof 
the King had four, and the Talagrepos the other, for to defray 
the expences of this fabriek, and that the four appertained to 
the King, as their support, who dispenced them in the mainten- 
ance of the thtee hundred thousand prisoners of Xinangm- 
baleu. Being amazed at this marvel, we began to go along 
this street, in the midst whereof we found a great Piazza, 
compassed about with two huge grates of Lattin, and within 
it was an adder of brass, infolded into I don't know how 
many boughts, and so big that it contained thirty fathom in 
circuit, being withall so ugly and dreadfuU, as no words are 
able to describe it. Some of us would estimate the weight of 
it, and the least opinions reached to a thousand quintals, were 
it hollow within, as I believe it was. Now although it was 
of an unmeasurable greatness, yet was it in every part so well 
proportioned, as nothing could be amended, whereunto also 
the workmanship thereof is so correspondent, that all the 
perfection that can be desired from a good workman is ob- 
served in it. This monstrous serpent, which the GMneses 
call, the ghtttonous Serpent of the house of smolce, had on the 
top of his head a bowl of iron, two and fifty foot in circum- 
ference, as if it had been thrown at him from some other 
place; twenty paces further was the figure of a man of the 
same brass in the form of a giant, in like manner very strange 
and extraordinary, as well for the greatness of the body, as 
the hugeness of the limbs. This monster held an iron bowl 
just as big as the other aloft in both his hands, and beholding 
the serpent with a frowning and angry countenance, he 
seemed as though he would throw his bowl at him. Bound 
about this figure was a number of Utile idols all gilt on their 
knees, with their hands hfted up to him, as if they would 
adore him. All this great edifice was consecrated to the 
honour of this idol, called Muclupa/ron, whom the GMneses 
affirmed to be treasurer of all the dead bones, and that when 
the gluttonous serpent before mentioned came to steal them 
away, he made at him with the bowl which he held in his 
hands, whereupon the serpent in great fear fled immediately 


away to the bottom of the profound house of smoke, whither j 
God had precipitated him for his great wickedness ; and 
further that he had maintained a combat with him three 
thousand years already, and was to continue the same three 
thousand years more, so that from three thousand to three 
thousand years he was to imploy five bowls, wherewith he 
was to make an end of kiUing him. Hereunto they added, 
that as soon as this serpent should be dead, the bones that 
were there assembled, would retm^n to their bodies, to which 
they appertained formerly, and so should go and remain for 
ever in the House of the Moon. To these brutish opinions they 
joyn many others such like, unto which they give so much 
faith, that nothing can be able to remove them from it, for it 
is the doctrine that is preached unto them by their Bonzes, 
who also teU them that the true way to make a soul happy, is 
to gather these bones together into this place, by means where- 
of there is not a day passes but that a thousand or two of 
these wretches bones are brought thither. Now if some for 
their far distance cannot bring all the bones whole thither, 
they will at leastwise bring a tooth or two, and so they say 
that by way of an alms they make aa good satisfaction as if 
they brought all the rest ; which is the reason that in all these 
chamel houses there is such an infinite multitude of these 
teeth, that one might lade many ships with them. 

[Here follows an accotmt of the chapels of the Kings of China, 
and other matters, trmitteJ».J 


Of our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of oui ezile; and vrhat 
befell UB there. 

WB had been now two moneths and an half in this city 
of Peqmn, when as on Satv/rday, the 13th of 
July, 1554. we were carried away to the town of Quamcy, 
there to serve all the time that we were condemned unto. 
Now as soon as we arrived there, the Chaem caused us to be 


brought before him, and after he had asked us some questions, 
he appointed ua to be of the number of fourscore halberdiers, 
which the King assigned him for his guard. This we took as 
a special favour from God, both in regard this imployment 
was not very paiaful, as also because the entertainment was 
good, and the pay of it better, being assured besides that at 
the time we should recover our liberty. Thus lived we almost 
a moneth very peaceably, and well contented for that we 
met vrith a better fortune then we expected, when as the 
devU, seeing how weU all we nine agreed together (for all that 
we had was in common amongst us, and whatsoever misery 
any one had, we shared it with him like true brethren), he so 
VTTOUght that two of our company fell into a quarrel, which 
proved very prejudicial to us all. This division sprung from a 
certain vanity too famihar with the Portugal nation, whereof 
I can reiider no other reason, but that they are naturally 
sensible of any thing that touches upon honour. Now see 
what the difference was ; two of us nine falling by chance in 
contest about the extraction of the Mad/ureyras and the 
Fonsecas, for to know which of these two houses was in most 
esteem at the King of Portugals Court, the matter went so 
far, that from one word to another they came at length to 
terms of oyster- wives, saying one to the other. Who are you? 
and again, who are you? so that thereupon they suffered 
themselves to be so transported with choler, that one of them 
gave the other a great box on the ear, who instantly returned 
him a blow with his sword, which cut away almost half his 
cheek ; this same feeling himself hurt caught up an halberd, 
and therewith ran the other through the arm; this disaster 
begot such part-taking amongst us, as of nine that we were 
seven of us found our selves grievously wounded. In the 
mean tii^e, the Chaem came running in person to this tumult 
with all the Anchacys of Justice, who laying hold of us gave 
us presently thirty lashes apiece, which drew more blood from 
us than our hurts. This done, they shut us up in a dungeon 
under ground, where they kept us six and forty days with 
heavy iron collars about our necks, manacles on our hands, 
and irons on our legs, so that we suffered exceedingly in this 
deplorable estate. This while our business was brought before 


the Kings attumey, who having seen our accusations, and that 
one of the articles made faith, that there were sixteen wit- 
nesses against us, he stuck not to say, That we were people 
without the fear or knowledge of God, who did not confess hmi 
otherwise with owr mouthes, then as any wild beast might do if 
he could speak ; that these things presupposed it was to be 
believed, that we were men of blood, of a lamgiiage, of a law, 
of a nation, of a county, and of a kingdom, the inhabitants 
whereof wounded and killed one another most cruelly without 
any reason or cause, and therefore no other judgment could be 
made of ms, but that we were the servants of the most gluttonous 
serpent of the profound pit of smoak, as appeaired by ou/r 
works, since they were no better then such as that accursed 
serpent had accustomed to do; so that according to the law of 
the third Book of the will of the Son of the Sun, called MUeterau, 
we were to be condemned to a banishment from all commerce of 
people, as a venemous and contagious plague ; so that we deserved 
to be confined to the mountains of Chabaguay, Sumbor, or 
Lamau, whither su^h as we were used to be exiled, to the end 
they might in that place hear the wild beasts howl in the night, 
which were of as vile a breed and natwre as we. Prom this 
prison we were one morning led to a place, called by 
them Pitau Galidan, where the Anchacy sat in judge- 
ment with a majestical and dreadful greatness. He was 
accompanied by divers Ghumbims, Huppes, Lanteas, and 
Gypatons, besides a number of other persons ; there each 
of us had 30 lashes apiece more given us, and then by 
publiok sentence we were removed to another prison, where 
we were in better case yet then ia that out of which we came, 
howbeit for all that we did not a little detest amongst our 
selves both the Fonseca's, and the Madwreyra's, but much 
more the devil, that wrought us this mischief. In this prison 
we continued almost 2 moneths, during which time our stripes 
were throughly healed, howbeit we were exceedingly afflicted 
with hunger, and thirst. At length it pleased God that the 
Ghaem took compassion of us ; for on a certain day, wherein 
they use to do works of charity for the dead, coming to 
review our sentence he ordained, That in regard we were 
strangers, and of a country so far distant from theirs, as no man 


had knowledge of us, nor that there was any book or writing 
which made mention of our name, and that none understood our 
language; as also that we were accustomed, and even hardned 
to misery and poverty, which many times puts the best and most 
peaceable persons into disorder, and therefore might well trouble 
such, as made no profession of patience in their adversities ; 
whence it followed, that owr discord proceeded rather from the 
effects of our misery, then from any inclination wnto mutiny and 
tumult, tvherewith the Kings atturny charged us ; and further- 
more representing unto himself what great need there was of men 
for the ordinary service of the state, and of the officers of justice, 
for which provision necessarily was to be made, he thought fit, 
that the punishment for the crimes we had committed, should in 
the way of an alms bestowed in the Kings name be moderated, 
a/nd reduced to the whipping which we twice already had, upon 
condition nevertheless that we should be detained there as slaves 
for ever, unless it should please the Tuton otherwise to ordain of 
us. This sentence was pronounced against us, and though we 
shed a many of tears to see our selves reduced unto this miser- 
able condition, wherein we were, yet this seemed not so bad 
unto us as the former. After the publication of this decree we 
were presently drawn out of prison, and tied 3 and 3 together, 
then led to certain iron forges, where we past 6 whole moneths 
in strange labours, and great necessities, being in a manner 
quite naked, without any bed to lie on, and almost famished. 
At last after the enduring of so many evils, we fell sick of a 
lethargy, which was the cause, in regard it was a contagious 
disease, that they turned us out of doors for to go and seek 
our living, untill we became well again. Being thus set at 
liberty we continued 4 moneths sick, and begging the alms of 
good people from door to door, which was given us but 
sparingly, by reason of the great dearth that then reigned over 
aU the country, so as we were constrained to agree better 
together, and to promise one another by a solemn oath, that 
we took, to live lovingly, for the future, as good Christians 
should do, and that every moneth one should be chosen from 
amongst us to be as it were a kinde of chief, whom, by the 
oath we had taken, all the rest of us were to obey, as their 
superiour, so that none of us was to dispose of himself, or do 


any thing, without his command, or appointment ; and those 
rules were put into writing by us, that they might be the better 
observed ; as indeed God gave us the grace to live ever afterward 
in good peace and concord, though it were in great pain, and 
extreme necessity of all things. 

[Pinto meets a certain Portiigtcese, one Vasco Calvo, settled in 
CMna many yea/rs, ontiitjeb't] 


A Tartar commander enters with his army into the town of Quineay, and 
that which followed thereupon; with the Nautieor's besieging the 
Castle of Kixiamcoo, and the taking of it by the means of some 

WE had been now 8 moneths and an half in this captivity, 
wherein we endured much misery and many incommo- 
dities, for that we had nothing to live upon but that we got by 
begging up and down the town, when as one We&nesdwy, the 
3rd of July, in the year 1544. a Uttle after midnight there 
was such a hurly burly amongst the people, that to hear the 
noises and cries which was made in every part, one would have 
thought the earth would have come over and over, which 
caused us to go in haste to Vasco Calvo his house, of whom 
we demanded the occasion of so great a tumult, whereunto 
with tears in his eyes he answered us, that certain news were 
come how the King of Tarta/ry was fallen upon the city of 
Pequim with so great an army, as the like had never been seen 
since Adam's time. In this army, according to report, were 
seven and twenty kings, under whom marched eighteen hundred 
thousand men, whereof six hundred thousand were horse, 
which were come by land from the cities of Lttamsama, 
Famstir, and Mecuy, with fourscore thousand Bhinocerots, that 
drew the waggons, wherein was all the baggage of the army, 
as for the other twelve hundred thousand, which were foot, it 
was said that they arrived by sea in seventeen thousand vessels, 
down through the river of Bata/mpina ; by reason whereof the 
King of China finding himself too weak for the resisting of 
such great forces, had with a few retired himself to the city of 


Nanquin. And that also it was reported for certain, that a 
Nanticor, one of the ohiefest Tartar commanders, was come to 
the forrest of Malincataran, not above a league and a half from 
Quinsay, with an army of threescore and two thousand horse, 
wherewith he marched against the town, that in all likeKhood 
he would be there within two hours at the furthest. These 
news so troubled us, that we did nothing but look one upon 
another, without being able to speak a word to any purpose, 
howbeit desiring to save our selves, we prayed Vasco Gaho to 
shew us what means he thought we might use to effect it, who 
sad and full of grief thus answered us ; that we were in our 
countrey between Laura and Caruaha, where I have often 
been, and should be there now in safety, but since it cannot 
be so, all that we can do for the present, is to recommend our 
selves to God, and to pray unto Him to assist us ; for I assure 
you that an hour ago I would have given a thousand Taeis in 
silver to any one, that could have got me from hence, and saved 
me with my wife and children, but there was no possibility for 
it, because the gates were then all shut up, and the walls round 
about invironed with armed men, which the Ghaem had placed 
there to withstand the enemy. So my fellows and I, that were 
nine in niunber, past the rest of the night in much affliction 
and unquietness, without any means of counseUing one another, 
or resolving on what we were to do, continually weeping for 
the extreme fear we were in of what should become of us. 
The next morning a little before sun-rising the enemy appeared 
in a most dreadful manner, they were divided into 7 very great 
battalions, having their ensigns quartered with green and 
white, which are the colours of the King of Ta/rtcma ; marching 
in this order to the sound of their trumpets, they arrived at a 
Pagode, called Petilau Nameioo, a place of good receit, in 
regard of the many lodgings it had, which was not much 
distant from the walls. In their vantguard they had a number 
of light-horse, who ran confusedly up and down with their 
lances in their rests. Being in this sort come to the Pagode, 
they staid there about half an hour, and then marching on till 
they were within an harquebuse-shot of the walls, they sud- 
denly ran to them with such hideous cries, as one would have 
thought that heaven and earth would have come together, and 


rearing up above two thousand ladders, -which for that purpose 
they had brought along with them, they assaulted the town on 
every side with a most invincible courage. Now though the 
besieged at the beginning made some resistance, yet was it not 
able to hinder the enemy from effecting his design, for by the 
means of certain iron rams breaking up the 4 principal gates, 
they rendred themselves masters of the town after they had 
slain the Chaem, together with a great number of Mandarins, 
and gentlemen, that were run thither to keep them from 
entring. Thus did these barbarians possess themselves of this 
miserable town, whereof they put all the inhabitants they could 
meet withall to the sword, without sparing any ; and it was 
said that the number of the slain amoimted to threescore thou- 
sand persons, amongst whom were many women and maids of 
very great beauty, which appertained to the chiefest lords of 
the place. After the bloudy massacre of so much people, and 
that the town was fired, the principal houses overthrown, and 
the most sumptuous temples laid level with the ground, nothing 
remaining on foot during the disorder, the Tartars continued 
there 7 days, at the end whereof they returned towards Pequm, 
where the King was, and from whence he had sent them to 
this execution, carrying with them a world of gold and silver 
onely, having burnt all the merchandize they found there, as 
well because they knew not how to transport it away, as for 
that the Chineses should not make any benefit of it. Two 
days after their departure they arrived at a castle, named 
Nixiamcoo, where the Namticor of Luansama, their general, 
pitched his camp, and intrenched himself on aU sides with an 
intention to take it by assault the next day to be revenged on 
the CMneses there, for that upon his passing by them towards 
Quinsay, they had cut off an hundred of his men by an ambus- 

After the army was encamped, and intrenched, and that the 
general had placed i guards and sentinels in all places, he 
retired to his tent, whither he sent for 70 captains that 
commanded his army, unto whom upon their arrival he dis- 
covered his resolution, which being well approved of, they fell 
into deliberation in what manner the castle should be assaulted 
the day following, which concluded on, the next morning as soon 


as it was light the souldiers began to march towards the castle, 
divided into 14 battalions ; being come within a flight-shoot of 
it with the sound of trumpets, and most hideous cries, they 
reared up their ladders against the walls, and couragiously 
mounted up ; but in the heat of this assault, where every one 
showed his valour, the one in bravely attempting, and the 
other in well defending, the Tmtar in less then 2 hours lost 
above three thousand of his men, which made him sound a 
retreat in great disorder, and he past the rest of that day in 
burying the dead, and curing of the wounded, whereof, there 
being a great number, the most part died not long after, for 
that the arrows wherewith they were hurt had been smeared 
by the Ghineses with so strange and deadly poison, as there 
was no remedy found for it. In the mean tinie the Tartar 
commanders seeing the ill success of this assault, and fearing 
the King would be offended at so great a loss for so small 
an occasion, perswaded the general to call another council, 
wherein it might be considered, whether it would be most 
expedient for the Kings honour to persist in the siege of 
that place, or to give it over, whereupon this affair coming 
accordingly into deliberation it was a long time debated 
with such diversity of opinions, as they were not able to 
conclude upon any thing ; so that it was thought fit, in regard 
it was then late, to put off the assembly till the next day. This 
resolution taken, every man retired to his quarter. Now we 
being led away amidst a great many of other slaves, with whom 
we had escaped out of the fire of the town, it fell out, (whether 
for our good, or for our greater mis-fortune, we could not then 
tell) that we were under the guard, as prisoners of war, of one 
of that assembly, a rich and honourable man ; who returning 
to his tent with three other persons, of like quahty to himself, 
whom he had invited to supper, it chanced after they were risen 
from table that one of them espied us, where we stood chained 
in a corner of the tent, and perceiving us to weep, was so moved, 
that he demanded of us what people we were ? what the name 
of our country was? and how we came to be slaves to the 
Ghineses ? whereunto we gave such an answer, as the Tartar 
ingaging himself further in this discourse, enquiredofus whether 
oxa king was inclined to the wars, and whether we did use to 


fight in our country ? to whom one of our companions, named 
Jorge Mendez, replyed that we did, and that we had been trained 
up from our infancy in a military course of life ; which so pleased 
the Tarta/r, that calling his two friends unto him. Come hither, 
said he, and have the patience to hear what these prisoners can 
say ; for, believe me, they seem to bo men of understanding ; 
whereupon the other two came near, and hearing us relate some 
part of our mis-fortunes, it begat a desire in them to ask us 
other questions ; wherein having satisfied them the best that 
we could, one of them that seemed more curious then the rest, 
addressing himself to Jorge Mendez, spake thus ; Since you ha/ve 
seen so nrnch of the world, as you say, if there were any one 
amongst you that could find out any device, or stratagem of war, 
whereby the Mitaquer (for so was the Nauticor called) might take 
this castle, I vow to you that he would become yov/r prisoner, 
whereas you me Ms. Then Jorge Mendez, never considering 
with what imprudencehe spake, nor understanding what he said, 
nor into what danger he was putting himself, boldly answered 
him ; If my Lord Mitaquer will in the name of the King give it 
us under has hand, that we shall have a safe conduct to convey us 
by sea to the Isle of Ainan, /rom whence we may safely rePwm into 
owr country, possibly I may be the man that will shew him how he 
shall take the castle with little ado. This speech being heard, 
and maturely considered by one of the three, a man in years, 
and of great authority, as having the honour to be much 
esteemed and beloved of the Mitaquer ; Think well of what thou 
sayest, replyed he to Jorge Mendez ; for I assure thee if thou doest 
it, that whatsoever thou demandest shall be granted thee, aye, and 
more too. Hereupon the rest of us seeing what Jorge Mendez 
was going to undertake, as also how far he ingaged himself in 
his promise, and that the Ta/rta/rs began already to ground some 
hope thereupon, we thought fit to reprehend him for it, and to 
tell him, that he was not to hazard himself, so at random, by 
promising a thing that might bring us into the danger of our 
lives. Ifea/r nothmg less, said he unto us ; for as for my Kfe in 
the estate where now lam, Imake so Utile account of it, thatifany 
of these Barbarians would play for it at Primero, I would with 
three of the worst cards in the pack venVwre it upon the first 
encotmter ; for I am confident that all the benefit they can expect 



from us will never oblige them to grant us either life or liberty ; 
so that, for my particular, I had as lief die to day as to morrow • 
judge you only by that which you saw them do at Quincay, 
whether you a/re likely to be better dealt withall now. The Tartars 
were much abashed to see us thus in contestation one with 
another, and to hear us talk so loud, which is not usual amongst 
them ; wherefore they, reprehended us very seriously, saying ; 
Thatitwasforwomsn to speak aloud, who could not put a bridle 
to their tongue, nor a key to their mouthes, and not for men, that 
carry a sword, and are madef&r the wars ; Howbeit, if it were 
so that Jorge Mendez could execute what he had propounded, the 
Mitaquer could not refuse him any thing he could demand. This 
said, the Tartars retired every one to his lodging, for that it was 
eleven of the clock at night, the first watch being newly past, 
and the captains of the guard ^beginning then to walk the rotmd 
about the camp, at the sound of divers instruments, as is the 
custom in semblable occasions. 

The same of the three Tartar-commanders, which I said before 
was so esteemed of by the Mitaquer, had no sooner learnt of 
Jorge Mendez, that he could tell how to take the castle of 
Nixiamcoo, but that he went presently to acquaint the general 
with it, and making the matter greater then it was, he told him, 
that he could do no less then send for him to hear his reasons, 
which peradventure would perswade him to give credit unto 
him ; and in case it proved not so, yet was there nothing lost 
thereby. The Mitaquer being well pleased with this advice, sent 
incontinently a command to Tileymay, which was the captain 
under whose guard we were, for to bring us unto him, as 
presently he did. Being then arrived, chained as we were, at 
the Mitaquer' s tent, we found him set in councel with the 
seventy commanders of the army about two hours after midnight. 
At our coming, he received us with an affable countenance, yet 
grave and severe ; and causing us to approach nearer unto him, 
he commanded part of our chains to be undone ; then asked us 
if we would eat, whereunto we answered, most willingly ; for 
that in three days together we had not so much as tasted a bit 
of any thing ; whereat the Mitaquer was very much offended, 
and sharply reproving the Tileymay for it, willed two great 
platters of sodden rice, and ducks cut in small pieces, to be set 


before us, whereto we fell with such an appetite, like men that 
were almost famished, as those of the company, who took great 
pleasure to see us feed so, said to the Mitaquer, When as you 
had nothing else, my Lord, but to cause these to come before you 
for to slack their hunger, verily you had done very much for them, 
by sawing them from a languishing death, which otherwise they 
could not home avoided ; and so you might home lost these sla/ves, 
of whom the service or sale nmght home been some way profitable 
unto you ; for if you will not make use of them at Lancama, you 
may sell them for a thousand Taeis at least. Here some began 
to laugh, but the Mitaquer commanded more rice to be given us, 
together with some apples, and other things, conjuring us again 
to eat, as a thing which he took pleasure to see us do, wherein 
we most wilUngly gave him satisfaction. After we had fed well, 
he began to talk with Jorge Mendes, about that which had been 
told him of him, and of the means that were to be used for 
taking the castle, making him many great promises of honours, 
pensions, favour with the King, and Uberty for all the rest of his 
fellows, with other such offers, as passed all measure : for he 
swore unto him, that if by his means God should give him the 
victory, whereby he sought nothing but to be revenged on his 
enemies for the blood which they had shed of his men, he should 
every way be hke unto himself, or at least, to any of his children 
which soever. Herewith Jorge Mendez found himself somewhat 
perplexed, because he held it almost impossible for him to bring 
it to effect ; howsoever he told him, that, not to hold him longer 
in hand, he did not think but if he might view the castle vrith 
his own eyes, he might then peradventure let him know how it 
might be taken ; wherefore, if his lordship pleased, he would 
the next morning consider it all about, and thereupon render 
him an account what course was to be taken therein. The 
Mitaquer, and all the rest, allowed very well of his answer, and 
greatly commending him for it sent us to be lodged in a tent not 
far from his, where we spent the rest of the night under a sure 
guard ; you may judg now in what fear we were, knowing that 
if the business did not succeed according to the desire of these 
Ba/rharians, they would cut us all in pieces, for that they were 
a people which for never so small a matter would not stick to 
kill twenty or thirty men, without any regard either of God, or 


any thing else. The next morning, about eight of the clock, 
Jorge Mendez, and two of us, that were appointed to accompany 
him, went to survey the place with thirty horse for our safe- 
guard ; when as Jorge Mendez had well observed the situation 
thereof, as also that part whereby it might most commodiously 
be assaulted, he returned to the Mitaquer, that expected, him 
with impatience, to whom he gave an account of what he had 
seen, and facilitated the taking of the castle with little hazard ; 
whereat the Mitaguer^a,&so overjoyed, that he presently caused 
the rest of our irons, and the chains, wherewith we were fastened 
by the neck and feet to be taken off, swearing to us by the rice 
he did eat, that as soon as he came to Peg'Mire, he would present 
us to the king, and infallibly accompUsh aU that he had promised 
us ; for the more assurance whereof he confirmed it by a deed 
under his hand, that was virritten in letters of gold, to make it 
more authentieal. That done, he sent for us to dinner, and 
would needs have us to sit with him at table, doing us many 
other honours according their manner, which greatly contented 
us ; but on the other side, we were in no little fear, lest this 
affair should not for our sins have a success answerable to that 
hope the Mitaquer had already conceived of it. The rest of this 
day the commanders spent in resolving upon the order that was 
to be observed for assaulting the castle, wherein Jorge Mendez 
was the sole director. First of aU then, an infinite company of 
bavins a,nd fagots was gotten together for to fill up the ditches; 
there were also three hundred ladders made, very strong, and 
so large, that three men might easily mount up on them afront 
without incombring one another ; likewise there was a world of 
paniers, dossers, and baskets provided, together with a great 
multitude of mattocks, and spades, that were found in the 
villages and burroughs thereabout, which the inhabitants had 
deserted upon the bruit of this war; and all the souldiers of the 
army made preparation of such things as they should need the 
next day when the assault was to be given. In the mean time 
Jorge Mendez rode always by the Mitaquers side, who shewed 
him many great favours, which we perceived had begotten in 
him a stately carriage, far different from that he was wont to 
have; whereat we wondering, some of us (who envious of 
anothers good fortune, and out of an ill nature) could not chuse 


but murmur, saying one to another, as it were in disdain, and 
in a kind of jeering, What think you of tJds dog ? verily he will 
be the came that either to morrow morning we shall be all cut in 
pieces, or if the business he hath undertaken succeed as we desire, 
it is probable that he will be in such credit with these Barbarians, 
that we shall account it for a happiness to be his servants ; and 
this was the talk which we had amongst us. The next day all 
the army was put into order, and divided iato twelve battalions, 
whereof they made twelve files, and one counterfile in the 
vantguard, that incompassed the whole camp, in manner of an 
half moon ; upon the winga were the foremost, with all that 
mass of bavins, ladders, baskets, mattocks, spades, and other 
materials, to fill up the ditch, and make it equal with the rest 
of the ground. Marching in this manner they arrived at the 
castle, which they found strongly mann'd, and with a number 
of flags and streamers waving upon the battlements. The first 
salutation be'tween the besiegers and the besieged was with 
arrows, darts, stones, and pots of wild-fire, which continued 
about half an hour ; then the Tartars presently filled the ditch 
with bavins and earth, and so reared up their ladders against the 
wall, that now by reason of the filling up of the ditch, was not 
very high. The first that mounted up was Jorge Mendez, accom- 
panied with two of ours, who as men resolved had made up their 
mind, either to die there, or to render their valour remarkable 
by some memorable act ; as in effect it pleased our Lord that 
their resolution had a good success ; for they not only entred 
first, but also planted the first colours upon the wall, whereat 
the Mitaquer, and all that were with him, were so amazed, as 
they said one to another, Doubtless if these people did besiege 
Peqmn, as we do, the Ch/ineses, which defend that city, would 
sooner lose their honour, then we shall make them to do it with 
all the forces we have ; in the mean time all the Tartars, that 
were at the foot of the ladders, followed the three Portugals, 
and carried themselves so valiantly, what with the example of 
a captain that had shewed them the way, as out of their own 
natural disposition, almost as resolute as those of Japan, that 
in a very short space above 5000 of them were got upon the 
walls, from whence with great violence they made the Chdneses 
to retire; whereupon so furious and bloody a fight ensued 


between either party, that in less then half an hour the business 
was fully decided, and the castle taken, with the death of two 
thousand Chineses and Mogores that were in it, there being not 
above sixscore of the Tartars slain. That done, the gates being 
opened, the Mitaquer with great acclamations of joy entred, 
and causing the GMneses colours to be taken down, and his own 
to be advanced in their places, he with a new ceremony of 
rejoycing at the sound of many instruments of war, after the 
manner of the Tartars, gave rewards to the wounded, and made 
divers of the most valiant of his followers knights, by putting 
bracelets of gold about their right arms ; and then about noon 
he with the chief commanders of his army, for the greater 
triumph, dined in the castle, where he also bestowed bracelets 
of gold upon Jorge Mendez, and the other Porttigals, whom he 
made to sit down at table with him. After the cloth was taken 
away, he went out of the castle with all his company, and then 
causing all the walls of it to be dismantled, he razed the place 
quite to the ground, setting on fire all that remained, with a 
number of ceremonies, which was performed with great cries 
and acclamations, to the sound of divers instruments of war. 
Moreover he commanded the ruinesof this castle to be sprinkled 
with the blood of his enemies, and the heads of all of them that 
lay dead there to be cut off ; as for his own souldiers that were 
slain, he caused them to be triumphantly buried, and such as 
were hurt to be carefully looked unto ; this done, he retired, 
with a huge train, and in great pomp, to his tent, having Jorge 
Mendez close by him on horsback. As for the other eight of us, 
together with many brave noblemen and captains, we followed 
him on foot. Being arrived at his tent, which was richly hung, 
he sent Jorge Mendez a thousand Taeis for a reward, and to us 
but an hundred apiece ; whereat some of us, that thought them- 
selves to be better qualified, were very much discontented, for 
that he was more respected then they, by whose means, as well 
as his, the enterprise had been so happily achieved, though by 
the good success thereof we had all obtained honour and liberty. 



The Mitaquer departs from the castle of Nixianooo, and goes to the King of 
Tartary his camp before Pequin ; with the Mitaquers presenting ua unto 
the King, 

THE next day the Mitaquer having nothing more to do 
where he was, resolved to take his waiy towards the city 
of Peqtdn, before which the King lay, as I have deUvered 
before ; to this effect having put his army into battle aray, 
he departed from thence at eight of the clock in the morning, 
and marching leasurely to the sound of his warlike instruments, 
he made his first station about noon on the bank of a river, 
whose scituation was very pleasant, being all about invironed 
with a company of fruit trees, and a many goodly houses, but 
wholly deserted, and bereaved of all things which the Bar- 
barians might any way have made booty of. Having past the 
greatest heat of the day there, he arose and marched on until 
about an hour in the night that he took up his lodgings at a 
pretty good town, called Lantimay, which Ukevnse we found 
deserted, for all this whole country was quite dispeopled for 
fear of the Ba/rba/rians, who spared no kind of person, but 
wheresoever they came put all to fire and sword, as the next 
day they did by this place, and many other along this river, 
which they burnt down to the ground ; and that which yet 
was more lamentable, they set on fire, and clean consumed to 
ashes a great large plain, being about six leagues about, and 
full of corn ready to be reaped, This cruelty executed, the 
army began again to move, composed, as it was, of some three- 
score and five thousand horse, (for as touching the rest they 
were all slain, as well at the taking of Qmnowy, as in that 
of the castle of Nixiancoo,) and went on to a mountain, named 
Pommitay, where they remained that night ; the next morning 
dislodging from thence, they marched on somewhat faster 
then before, that they might arrive by day at the city of 
Peqwin, which was distant about seven leagues from that 
mountain. At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to 
the river of Palamxitan, where a Ta/rtct/r captain, accompanied 
with an hundred horse, came to receive us, having waited 


there two days for that purpose. The first thing that he did, 
was the delivering of a letter from the King to our general, 
who received it with a great deal of ceremony. From this 
river to the Kings quarter, which might be some two leagues, 
the army marched without order, as being unable to do other- 
wise, partly as weU in regard of the great concourse of people, 
wherewith the ways were full in coming to see the generals 
arrival, as for the great train which the lords brought along 
with them, that overspread all the fields. In this order, or rather 
disorder, we arrived at the castle of Lautir, which was the first 
fort of nine that the camp had for the retreat of the spies i 
there we found a young prince, whom the Ta/rtar, had sent 
thither to accompany the general, who alighting from his 
horse took his scymitar from his side, and on his knees offered 
it unto him, after he had kissed the ground five times, being the 
ceremony or complement ordinarily used amongst them. The 
Prince was exceedingly pleased with this honour done unto him, 
which with a smiUng countenance, and much acknowledgment 
of words he testified unto him. This past, the Prince with a 
new ceremony stept two or three paces back, and lifting up his 
voice with more gravity then before, as he that represented 
the person of the King, in whose name he came, said unto him, 
He, the border of whose rich vestwre my mouth hisseth, and that 
out of an incredible greatness mastereth the scepters of the 
ewrth, and of the Isles of the Sea, sends thee word by me, who am 
his slave, that thy honourable arrival is no less agreeable unto 
him, then the summers sweet morning is to the ground, when as 
the dew doth comfort and refresh our bodies, and therefore would 
have thee without further delay to come and hear his voice 
mounted on his horse, whose trappings are garnished with jewels 
taken out of his treasury, to the end, that riding by m/y side, thou 
mayest be made equal in honour to the greatest of Ms Court, and 
that they which behold thee ma/rching in this sort, may acknow- 
ledge that the right hand of him is m/ighty and valiant unto whom 
the labours of wa/r gi/oeth this recompence. Hereupon the 
M'fo^wer prostrating himself on the earth, with his hands lifted 
up, answered him thus; Let my head be an hundred times 
trampled on by the sole of his feet, tlvxt all those of rmj race may 
be sensible of so greatafaA)ovjr, and that my eldest son may ever 


carry it for a mark of honowr. Then mounting on the horse 
which the Prince had given him, trapped with gold and 
precious stones, being one of those that the King used to ride 
on himself, they marched on with a great deal of state and 
majesty. In this pomp were many spare horses led richly 
harnessed; there were also a number of ushers, carrying 
silver maces on their shoulders, and six hundred halberdiers 
on horsbact, together with fifteen chariots, full of silver 
cymbals, and many other iU-tuned barbarous instruments, 
that made so great a din, as it was not possible to hear one 
another. Moreover, in all this distance of way, which was a 
league and a half, there were so many men on horsback, as one 
could hardly pass through the crowd in any part thereof. The 
Mitaquer, being thus in triumph arrived at the first trenches 
of the camp, he sent us by one of his servants to his quarter, 
where we were very well received, and abundantly furnished 
with all things necessary for us. 

\Pinto and Ms compamMns are called before the Kmg.l 

Fourteen days after we 'arrived at this camp, the Mitaquer, 
our general sent us nine horses, upon which we mounted, 
and, attending him in a litter drawn by two horses, we 
went to the tent of the King. The King was set on his 
throne under a rich cloth of state, and had about him 12 
young boys kneeUng on their knees, with little maces of gold 
sceptres, which they carried on their shoulders ; close behinde 
was a young lady extremely beautiful, and wonderfully richly 
attired, with a ventiloe in her hand, wherewith she ever and 
anon fanned him. The same was the sister of the Mitaquer, 
our general, and infinitely beloved of the King, for whose sake 
therefore it was that he was in such credit and reputation 
throughout the whole army. The King was much about 40 
years of age, full stature, somewhat lean, and of a good aspect ; 
his beard was very short, his mustaches, after the Turkish 
manner, his eyes like to the Chineses, and his countenance severe 
and majestical. As for his vesture, it was violet -colour, in 
fashion like to a Turkish robe, imbroidered with pearl, upon 
his feet he had green sandals vyrought all over with gold-purl, 
and great pearls among it, and on his head a sattin cap of the 


colour of his habit, with a rich band of diamonds and rubies 
intermingled together. Before we past any farther, after we 
had gone ten or eleven steps in the room, we made our com- 
plement by kissing of the ground three several times, and 
performing other ceremonies, wiiich the Truch-men taught us. 
In the mean time the King commanded the musick to cease, 
and addressing himself to the Mitaquer ; ask these men of the 
other end of the world, said he unto him, whether they have 
a king, what is the name of their country, and how far distant 
it is from this kingdom of China where now I am ? Thereupon 
one of ours, speaking for all the rest, answered. That our 
country was called Porttigal, that the king thereof was ex- 
ceeding rich and mighty, and that from thence to the city of 
Pequin was at the least three years voyage. This answer 
much amazed the King, because he did not think the world 
had been so large, so that striking his thigh with a wand that 
he had in his hand, and lifting up his eyes to heaven, as though 
he would render thanks unto God ; he said aloud, so as every 
one might hear him : Creator of all things I are we able to 
comprehend the ma/rvels of Thy greatness, we that at the best are 
hut igom worms of the ea/rth ? Fuxiquidane, fuxiquidane, let 
them approach, let them approach. Thereupon beckning to us 
with his hand, he caused us to come even to the first degree 
of the throne, where the fourteen kings sate, and demanded of 
him again, as a man astonished, Ptican, piican, that is to say, 
how far, how fa/r ? whereunto he answered as before, that we 
shoijd be at least three years in returning to our country. 
Then he asked, why we came not rather by land, then by sea, 
where so many labours and dangers were to be undergone ? 
Thereunto he replied, that there was too great an extent of 
land, through which we were not assured to pass, for that it 
was commanded by kings of several nations. What come you 
for to seehfor then, added the King, and wherefore do you expose 
your selves to such dangers ? Then having rendred him a 
reason to this last demand, with all the submission that might 
be, he stayed a pretty while without speaking; and then 
shaking his head three or four times, he addressed himself to 
an old man that was not far from him, and said. Certainly we 
must needs conclude, that there is either much ambition, or little 


justice in the country of these people, seeing they come so far to '] 
conquer other lands. To this speech the old man, named Bom \ 
Benan, made no other answer, but that it must needs be so ; -' 
for men, said he, who have recourse unto their industry and 
invention to run over the sea for to get that which God hath 
not given them, are necessarily carried thereunto, either by 
extreme poverty, or by an excess of blindness and vanity, 
derived from much covetousness^ which is the cause why they 
renoimce God, and those that brought them into the world. 
This reply of the old man was seconded by many jeering words 
by the other courtiers, who made great sport upon this occa- 
sion, that very much pleased the King ; in the mean time the 
women fell to their musick again, and so continued, till the 
King vnthdrew into another chamber in the company of these 
fair musicians, and that young lady that fanned him, not so 
much as one of those great personages daring to enter besides. 
Not long after one of those twelve boys that carried the 
scepters before mentioned, came to the Mitaquer, and told 
him from his sister, that the King commanded him to depart 
away, which he held for a singular favour, by reason this 
message was delivered to him ia the presence of those kings 
and lords that were in the room, so that he stirred not, but 
sent us word, that we should go unto our tent with this 
assurance, that he would take care the Son of the Sun should 
be mindful of us. 


The King of Tartaria's laising of his siege from before Fequin, for to return 
to his country. 

WE had been now fuU three and forty days in this camp, 
during which time there past many fights and skir- 
mishes between the besiegers and the besieged, as also two 
assaults in the open day, which were resisted by them 
within with an invincible courage, like resolute men as they 
were. In the mean time the King of Tartaria, seeing how 
contrary to his hope so great an enterprise had been, wherein 
h« had consumed so much treasure, caused his council of war 


to be assembled, in the wMoh were present the seven and 
twenty kings that accompanied him, and likewise many 
princes, and lords, and the most part of the chief commanders 
of the army. In this council it was resolved, that in regard 
winter was at hand, and that the rivers had already overflowed 
their banks with such force and violence, as they had ravaged 
and carried away most of the trenches and pallisadoes of the 
camp, and that moreover great numbers of the souldiers died 
daily of sickness, and for want of victuals, that therefore the 
King could not do better then to raise his siege, and be gone 
before winter came, far fear lest staying longer, he should run 
the hazard of losing himself, and his army. All these reasons 
seemed so good to the King, that without further delay he 
resolved to follow this counsel, and to obey the present 
necessity, though it were to his great grief; so that incon- 
tinently he caused all his infantry and ammunition to be 
imbarqued; then having commanded his camp to be set on 
fire, he himself went away by land with three hundred thou- 
sand horse, and twenty thousand rhinocerots. Now after 
they had taken an account of all the dead, they appeared to 
be four hundred and fifty thousand, the most of whom died of 
sickness, as also an hundred thousand horses, and threescore 
thousand rhinocerots, which were eaten in the space of two 
moneths and an half, wherein they wanted victual ; so that of 
eighteen hundred thousand men wherewith the King of 
Twrtaria, came out of his country to besiege the city of 
Pequin, before the which he lay six moneths and a haH, he 
carried home some seven hundred and fifty thousand less then 
he brought forth, whereof four and fifty thousand died of 
sickness, famine, and war, and three hundred thousand went 
and rendred themselves unto the Ghineses, dravm thereunto 
by the great pay which they gave them, and other advantages 
of honor and presents which they continually bestowed on 
them ; whereat we are not to marvel, seeing experience doth 
show, how that alone is of far more power to oblige men, then 
all other things ia the world. After the King of Tarta/ria was 
gone from this city of Feqmn, upon a Munday, the 17th 
of October, with three hundred thousand horse, as I have 
related before, the same day about evening he went and lodged 


near to a river, called Quatragun, and the next morning, an 
hour before day, the army began to march at the sound of 
the drums, fifes, and other instruments of war, according to 
the order prescribed them. In this manner he arrived a 
Uttle before night, at a town named Chuiiampea, which he 
found altogether depopulated. After his army had reposed 
there about an hour and an half, he set forth again, and 
marching somewhat fast he came to lodge at the foot of a 
great mountain, called Liaynpeu, from whence he departed 
towards morning. Thus marched he eight leagues a day for 
fourteen day together, at the end whereof he arrived at a 
good town, named GiMvxitim, which might contain about 
eleven or twelve thousand fires. There he was counselled to 
furnish himself with victuals, whereof he had great need, for 
which purpose therefore he begirt it round, and skaling 
it in the open day he quickly made himself master of it, 
and put it to the sack with so cruel a massacre of the 
inhabitants, as my fellows and I were ready to swoond for 
very astonishment. Now after that the sword and fire had 
consumed aU things, and that the army was abundantly 
provided of ammunition and victual, he departed at the break 
of day; and though he past the next morning in the view of 
GaiaAloo, yet would not he attaque it, for that it was a great 
and strong town and by scituation impregnable, having heaxd 
besides that there were fifty thousand men within it, whereof 
ten thousand were Mogores, Gamchins, and Champaas, resolute 
souldiers, and much more warlike then the Ghineses. From 
thence passing on he arrived at the walls of SmgraohiraM, 
which are the very same that, as I have said heretofore, do 
divide those two empires of China and Ta/rtwria. There meeting 
with no resistance he went and lodged on the further side of it 
at Panqidnor, which was the first of his own towns, and seated 
some three leagues from the said waU, and the next day he 
marched to Psipator, where he dismissed the most part of his 
people. In this place he stayed not above seven days, which 
he spent in providing pay for his souldiers, and in the execu- 
tion of certain prisoners he had taken in that war, and brought 
along with him. These things thus expedited, he, as a man 
not very well pleased, imbarqued himself for tJancame, in 


sixscore Lcmlees, with no more then ten or eleven thousand 
men. So in six days after his imbarquing, he arrived at 
Lancame, where not permitting any reception to be made him, 
he landed about two hours within night. 


In what manner we were brought again before the King of Tartaria ; with 
our departure from that kingdom ; and our adventures after quitting 
the city of Uzamguee in Gochin-China, tiU our arrival at the lele of 
Tanixumaa in Japan. 

AFTBE some time had been spent in the celebration of 
certain remarkable feasts, that were made for joy of the 
conclusion of a marriage betwixt the Princess Meica vidan, the 
Kings sister, and the Emperour of Garan, the Tartar, by the 
advice of his captains, resolved to return anew to the siege of 
Peqidn, which he had formerly quitted, taking the ill success 
that he had there as a great affront to his person. To this 
effect then he caused all the estates of his kingdom to be 
assembled, and also made a league with all the kings and 
princes bordering in his dominions : whereupon considering 
with our selves how prejudicial this might prove to the promise 
had been made us for the setting of us at liberty, we repaired 
to the Mitaquer, and represented unto him many things that 
made for our purpose, and obliged him to keep his word with 
us. To which he returned us this answer: Certainly you have 
a great deal of reason for that you say, and I have yet more, 
Dot to refuse you that which you demand of me with so much 
justice ; wherefore I resolve to put the King in minde of you, 
that you may enjoy your liberty ; and the sooner you shall be 
gone from hence, the sooner you shall be freed from the labors 
which the time begins to prepare for us in the enterprise that 
his Majesty hath newly undertaken by the counsel of some 
particulars, who for that they know not how to govern them- 
selves have more need to be counselled, then the earth hath 
need of water to produce the fruits that are sowed in her ; but 
to morrow morning I shall put the King in minde of you, and 


your poverty, and withall I shall present unto him how you 
have poor fatherless children, as you have heretofore told me, 
to the end he may be thereby incited to cast his eyes upon 
you, as he is accustomed to dp in like cases, which is none of 
the least marks of his greatness. Hereupon he dismissed us 
for that day, and the next morning he went to Pontiveu, which 
is a place where the King useth to give audience to all such as 
have any suit to him. There beseeching his Majesty to think 
of us, he answered him, that as soon as he had dispatched 
away an ambassador to the King of Cauchenchina, he would 
send us along with him, for so he had resolved to do. With 
this answer the Mitaguer returned to his house, where we 
were ready attending his coming, and told us what the King 
had promised him, wherewithal! not a little contented we went 
back to our lodging. There in the expectation of the good 
success of this promise we continued 10 days with some 
impatience; at the end whereof the Mitaguer by the Kings 
express command carried us with him to the Court, where 
causing us to approach near to his Majesty, with those cere- 
monies of greatness which are observed in coming before him, 
being the same we used at Pequin, after he had beheld us with 
a gentle eye, he bid the Mitaguer ask of us whether we would 
serve him, and in case we would, he should not onely be very 
well pleased with it, but he would also give us better enter- 
tainment, and more advantageous conditions then all the 
strangers that should follow him in this war. To this demand 
the Mitaguer answered very favourably for us, how he had 
often heard us say, that we were maried in our country, and 
had a great charge of children, who had no other means to 
maintain them, but what we got with our labor, which was 
poorly enough, God knows. The King heard this speech with 
some demonstration of pity, so that looking on the Mitaguer ; 
I am, glad, said he, to know that they ha/ve such good cause to 
retwrn home as they speak of, that I may with the more content- 
ment acguit me of that which thou hast promised them in my 
name. At these words the Mitaguer and all we that were with 
him, lifting up our hands, as a testimony of our thankfulness 
unto him, we kissed the ground 3 times and said, May thy feet 
rest themselves upon a thousand generations, to the end that thou 


mayst be Lord of the inhabitants of the earth. Hereat the King 
began to smile, and said to a prince that was near him, These 
men speak as if they had been bred amongst us. Then casting 
his eyes on Jorge Mendez, who stood before us all next to the 
Mitaquer, And thou, said he unto him, in what condition art 
thou, vnlt thou go, or stay ? whereupon Mendez, who had long 
before premeditated his answer. Sir, replied he, for me, that 
have neither wife nor children to bewa/ll my absence, the thing I 
mast desire in the world is to serve your Majesty, since you are 
pleased therewith, whereunto I home more affection then to be 
Ghaem of Pequin one thousand years together. At this the 
King smiled again, and then dismissed us, so that we returned 
very well satisfied to our lodging, where we continued 3 days 
in a readiness to depart, at the end of which, by the mediation 
of the Mitaquer, and means of his sister, who, as I have said 
before, was wonderfully beloved of the King, his Majesty sent 
us, for the eight that we were 2000 Taeis, and gave us in 
charge to his ambassador, whom he sent to the city of Uzam' 
guee in Cauchenchina, in the company of the same King of 
Gauchenchina's ambassador. With him we departed from 
thence 5 days after, being imbarqued in the vessel wherein he 
went himself. But before our departure Jorge Mendez gave us 
1000 duckets, which was easie for him to do, for that he had 
already 6000 of yearly rent, withall he kept us company all 
that day, and at the length took his leave of us, not without 
shedding many a tear for grief that he had so exposed himself 
to a voluntary exile. 

[Here follows an account of Pinto's journey with the Ambas- 
sador to the city of Uzamgu^e in Goohin-Chima, j(rntitt*5f«] 

Upon the 12 of January we departed from the city of 
Uzamiguee, exceedingly rejoycing at our escape from so many 
labors and crosses, which we before had sustained, and im- 
barqued our selves upon a river, that was above a league 
broad, down the which we went 7 days together, beholding in 
the mean time on either side thereof many fair towns, and 
goodly boroughs, which by the outward appearance we believed 
were inhabited by very rich people, in regard of the sumptuous- 


less of the buildings, not onely of particular houses, but much 
nore of the temples, whoso steeples were aU covered over with 
;old ; as likewise in regard of the great number of barques and 
ressels that were on this river, abundantly fraught with all 
iorts of provisions and merchandise. Now when we were 
iome to a very fair town called Qiiangeparim, containing some 
18 or 2000 fires, the Ncmdelum, who was he that conducted us 
jy the express commandment from the King, stayed there 
L2 days to trade in exchange of silver and pearl ; whereby he 
jonfessed to us that he had gained 14 for 1, and that if he had 
been so advised as to have brought salt thither, he had doubled 
tiis money above thirty times : we were assured that in this 
town the King had yearly out of the silver mines above 1500 
Picos, which are 40000 Qmntals of our weight, besides the huge 
revenue that he drew out of many other different things. This 
bown had no other fortification then a weak brick wall, 8 foot 
high, and a shallow ditch some 30 foot broad. The inhabitants 
are weak and unarmed, having neither artillery, nor any thing 
for their defence, so that 500 resolute souldiers might easily 
take it. We parted from this place on Tuesday morning, and 
continued our course 13 days, at the end whereof we got to 
the port of Sanchan, in the kingdom of China. Now because 
there was no shipping of Malaca there, for they were gone 
from thence 9. days before, we went 7 leagues further to 
another port, named LampacoM, where we found 2 juncks of 
Malaya, one of Patana, and another of L%bgor. And whereas 
it is the quality of us Porlmgals to abound in our own sense, 
and to be obstinate in our opinions, there arose amongst us eight 
so great a contrariety of judgement about a thing, (wherein 
nothing was so necessary for us, as to maintain our selves in 
peace and unity) that we were even upon the point of kilUng 
one another. But because the matter would be too shamefull 
to recount in the manner as it past, I will say no more, but 
that the Necoda of the Lorche, which had brought us thither 
from Uzamguee, amazed at this so great barbarousness of ours, 
separated himself from us in such displeasure, that he would 
not charge himself either vnth our messages of letters, saying, 
that he had rather the King should command his head to be 
cut off, than to offend God in carrying with him any thing 



whatsoever that belonged to us. Thus different as we were in 
opinions, and in very bad terms amongst our selves, we lingred 
above 9 days in this little island, during which time the juncks 
departed without vouchsafing to take us in, so that we were 
constrained to remain in these solitudes, exposed to many 
great dangers, out of which I did not think that ever we could 
have escaped, if God had not been extraordinarily mercifull 
unto us ; for having been there 17 days in great misery and 
want ; it happened that a pyrat, named Swnwpocheca, arrived 
in this place, who having been defeated, went flying from the 
fleet of Aytax) of Chineheo, that of eight and twenty sail, which 
this pyrat had, had taken six and twenty of them from him, 
so that he had with much ado escaped with those onely two 
remaining, wherein the most part of his men were hurt, for 
which cause he was constrained to stay there 7 days to have 
them cured. Now the present necessity enforcing us to take 
some course, whatsoever it were, we were glad to agree to 
serve under him untill such time as we might meet with some 
good opportunity to get unto Malaca. Those 20 days ended, 
wherein yet there was no manner of reooneihation between us, 
but stiU continuing in discord we imbarqued our selves with 
the pyrat, namely, 3 in the junck where he himself was, and 
5 in the other, whereof he had made a nephew of his captain. 
Having left this island with an intent to sail unto a port, 
called Lmloo, some 7 leagues from Chineheo, we continued our 
voyage with a good winde all along the coast of Lamau for the 
space nine days, untiU that one morning when we were near 
to the Eiver of Salt, which is about five leagues from Ghabaqv^a, 
it was our ill fortune to be assailed by a pirate, who with seven 
great juncks fell to fighting with us from six in the morning 
till ten of the clock before noon, in which conflict we were so 
entertained with shot, and pots full of artificiall fire, that at 
last there were three sail burnt, to wit, two of the pirats, and 
one of ours, which was the junck, wherein the five Poriugals 
were, whom we could by no means succour, for that then 
most of our men were hurt. But at length towards night 
being well refreshed by the afternoons gale, it pleased our 
Lord that we escaped out of this pirats hands. In this ill 
equipage wherein we were, we continued our course for three 


days together, at the end whereof we were mvironed by so 
great and impetuous a tempest, that the same night in which 
it seized us we lost the coast ; and because the violence of the 
storm would never suffer us after to recover it again, we were 
forced to make with full sail towards the islands of the Leqtdos, 
where the pirate, with whom we went, was weU known, both 
to the Kmg, and those of the country ; with this resolution we 
set our selves to sail through the Archipelago of these islands, 
where notwithstanding we could not make land, as well for 
that we wanted a pilot to steer the vessel, oiirs being slain in 
the last fight, as also because the wind and tide was against 
us. Amidst so many crosses we beat up and down with labour 
enough from one rhomb to another for three and twenty dayes 
together, at the end whereof it pleased God that we discovered 
land, whereunto approaching to see if we could descry any 
appearance of a port, or good anchorage, we perceived on the 
south-coast near to the horizon of the sea a great fire, which 
perswaded us that there we might peradventure find some 
borough, where we might furnish our selves with fresh water, 
whereof we had very great need. So we went and rode just 
before the island in seventy fathom, and presently we beheld 
two Ahnedias come towards us from the land with six men in 
them, who being come close to the side of our junck, and 
having complemented with us according to their manner, 
demanded of us from whence we came? whereunto having 
answered, that we came from China, with merchandize, in- 
tending to trade in this place if we might be suffered, one of 
the six replyed; That the Ncmtaquim, lord of that island, 
called Tamxumaa, would very wiUingly permit it upon payment 
of such customs as are usual in Jappan, which is, continued 
he, this great coimtry that you see here before you. At these 
news, and many other things which they told us, we were 
exceeding glad ; so that after they had shewed us the port, we 
weighed anchor, and went and put our selves under the lee- 
shore of a creek, which was on the south-side, and where 
stood a great town, named Mia/y-gimaa, from whence there 
came instantly aboard of us divers Pa/roos with refreshments, 
which we bought. 
We had not been two hours in this creek of 


when as the Nautaquim, Prince of this island of Tanixumaa, 
came directly to our junck, attended by divers gentlemen and 
merchants, who had brought with them many chests full of 
silver ingots, therewith to barter for our commodities ; so after 
ordinary complements past on either side, and that we had 
given our word for his easiest coming aboard of us; he no 
sooner perceived us three Portugals, but he demanded what 
people we were, saying, that by our beards and faces we could 
not be Chineses : hereunto the pirate answered, That we were 
of a country called Malaca, whither many years before we 
were come from another land, named Portiigal, which was at 
the further end of the world. At these words the NoMtaquim 
remained much amazed, and turning himself to his followers ; 
Let me not live, said he unto them, if these men here be not the 
Cheuchicogis, of whom it is written in our books, That flying 
on the top of the waters they shall from thence subdme the 
inhabitants of the earth, where God hath created the riches of 
the world, wherefore it will be a good fortune for us if they come 
into our country as good friends. Thereupon having called a 
woman of Lequia, whom he had brought to serve as an inter- 
preter between him and the Chinese, captain of the junck; 
Ask the Necoda, said he unto her, where he met with these men, 
and upon what occasion he had brought them hither with him 
into our country of Jappan ? The captain thereunto replied. 
That we were honest men and merchants, and that having 
found us at Lampacau, where we had been cast away, he had 
out of charity taken us in, as he used to do imto all such as he 
met withall in the like case, to the end that God might out of 
His gracious goodness be thereby moved to deliver him from 
the danger of such violent tempests, as commonly such as sail 
on the sea are subject to perish in. This saying of the pirate 
seemed so reasonable to the Nautaquim, that he presently 
came aboard of us, and because those of his train were very 
many, he commanded that none but such as he named should 
enter in. After he had seen aU the commodities in the junck, 
he sate him down in a chair upon the deck, and began to 
question us about certain things which he desired to know, to 
the which we answered him in such sort, as we thought would 
be most agreeable to his humour, so that he seemed to be 


exceedingly satisfied therewith ; in this manner he entertained 
us a good while together, making it apparent by his demands 
that he was a man very curious, and much inclined to hear of 
novelties and rare things. That done, he took his leave of us, 
and the Necoda, little regarding the rest, saying, Gome amd see 
me at my house to morrow, and for a present bring me an ample 
relation of the strange things of that great world through which 
you have travelled, as also of the countries that you have seen, 
and withall remember to tell me how they are called ; for I stvear 
unto you that I would far more wittingly buy this com,inodity 
then any that you can sell me. This said, he returned to land, 
and the next morning, as soon as it was day, he sent us to our 
junck a great Parao, full of divers sorts of refreshments, as 
raysins, pears, melons, and other kinds of fruits of that country; 
in exchange of this present the Necoda returned him, by the 
same messenger, divers rich pieces of stuff, together with 
certain knacks and rarities of China, and withall sent him 
word, that as soon as his junck should be at anchor, and out 
of danger of the weather, he would come and wait on him 
ashore, and bring him some patterns of the commodities which 
we had to sell ; as indeed the next morning he went on land, 
and carried us three along vrith him, as also some ten or eleven 
of the chiefest of the Ghineses of his company, to the end that 
at this first sight he might settle a good opinion of himself in 
this people for the better satisfaction of that vanity whereunto 
they are naturally inclined ; we went then to the Nautaquims 
house, where we were very well entertained, and the Necoda 
having given him a rich present, shewed him the patterns of 
all the commodities he had, wherewith he rested so contented, 
that he sent presently for the principal merchants of the place, 
with whom the Necoda having agreed upon a price for his 
commodities, it was resolved that the next day they should b,e 
transported from the jimck into a certain house, which was 
appointed for the Necoda and his people to remain in till such 
time as he should set sail for China. After all this was con- 
eluded, the Nautaqwim fell again to questioning of us about 
many several matters, whereunto we rendred him such answers 
as might rather fit his humour, then agree with the truth 
indeed, which yet we did not observe but in some certain 


demands that he made us, where we thought it necessary to 
make use of certain particulars altogether fained by us, that so 
we might not derogate from the great opinion he had conceived 
of our country. The first thing he propounded was, how he 
had learned from the Chineses and Lequais, that Portugal was 
far richer and of a larger extent, then the whole empire of 
GMna, which we confirmed unto him. The second, how he 
had likewise been assured, that our king had upon the sea 
conquered the greatest part of the world, which also we 
averred to be so ; the third, that our king was so rich in gold 
and silver, as it was held for most certain, that he had above 
two thousand houses full of it even to the very tops; but 
thereunto we answered, that we could not truly say the 
number of the houses, because the kingdom of Portugal was 
so spacious, so abounding with treasure, and so populous, as it 
was impossible to specifie the same. So after the Na/utagmm 
had entertained us above two hours with such and the like 
discourse, he turned him to those of his train, and said. 
Assuredly not one of those kings, which at this present we know 
to he on the earth, is to he esteemed happy, if he he not the 
vassal of so great a mona/rch as the emjperour of this people 
liere. Whereupon having dismissed the Necoda and his 
company, he intreated us to passe that night on shore with 
him, for to satisfie the extream desire that he had to be 
informed from us of many things of the world, whereunto he 
was exceedingly carried by his own inclination; withall he 
told us, that the next day he would assigne us a lodging next 
to his own palace, which was in the most commodious place 
of the town, and for that instant he sent us to lie at a very rich 
merchant's house, who entertained us very bountifully that 



The great honour which the Nautaquim, Lord of the Isle, did to one of us 
for having seen him shoot with an harquebuse ; and his sending me to 
the King of Bungo ; and that which passed till my arrival at his Court. 

THE next day the GMnese Necoda disimbarqued all his 
commodities, as the Nautaqwim, had enjoyned him, and 
put them into sure rooms, which were given him for that 
purpose, and in three days he sold them aU, as well for that 
he had not many, as because his good fortune was such, that 
the country was at that time utterly mifurnished thereof, by 
which means this pirate profited so much, that by this sale he 
wholly recovered himself of the loss of the six and twenty saile 
which the GMnese pirate had taken from him ; for they gave 
him any price he demanded, so that he confessed unto us, that 
of the value of some five and twenty hundred Taeis which he 
might have in goods, he made above thirty thousand. Now as 
for us three Portugah, having nothing to sell, we imployed 
our time either in fishing, himting, or seeing the temples of 
these Gentiles, which were very sumptuous and rich, where- 
into the Bonzes, who are their priests, received us very 
courteously, for indeed it is the oustome of those of Ja/ppan 
to be exceeding kind and courteous. Thus we having Uttle 
to do, one of us, called Diego Zevmoto, went many times a 
shooting for his pleasure in an ha/rqiiebuse that he had, wherein 
he was very expert, so that going one day by chance to a 
certain marsh, where there was a great store of fowl, he killed 
at that time about six and twenty wild ducks. In the mean 
time these people beholding this manner of shooting, which 
they had never-seen before, were much amazed at it, insomuch 
that it came to the notice of the Namtaqwim, who was at that 
instant riding of horses, and not knowing what to think of 
this novelty, sent presently for Zeimoto, just as he was shooting 
in the marsh, but when he saw him come with his harquebuse 
on his shoulder, and two CMneses with him carrying the fowl, 
he was so mightily taken with the matter, as he could not 
sufficiently admire it: for whereas they had never seen any 
gun before in that country, they could not comprehend what 


it might be, so that for want of understanding the secret of 
the powder, they all concluded that of necessity it must be 
some sorcery ; thereupon Zeimoto seeing them so astonished, 
and the Nautaquim so contented, made three shoots before 
them, whereof the effect was such, that he killed one kite, and 
two turtle doves ; in a word then, and not to lose time, by 
endearing the matter with much speech, I will say no more, 
but that the Ncmtaquim caused Zeimoto to get up on the 
horses crupper behind him, and so accompanied with a great 
croud of people, and four Ushers, who with battoons headed 
with iron went before him, crying all along the streets. Enow 
all men, that the Nautaquim, Prince of this island of 
Tanixumaa, and lord of our heads, enjoyns and expresly 
commands, That all persons whatsoever, which inhabit the land 
that Ues between the two seas, do honour this Chenohicogim, of 
the fv/rther end of the world, for even at this present and for 
hereafter he makes him his kinsman, in such manner as the 
Jacharons are, who sit next his person; and whosoever shall 
not do so willingly, he shall he sure to lose his head. Where- 
upon all the people answered with a great noise ; We will do 
so for ever. In this pomp Zeinwto being come to the palace 
gate, the Na/utaquim alighted from his horse, and taking him 
by the hand, whilest we two followed on foot a prety way 
after, he led him into his court, where he made him sit with 
him at his own table, alid to honour him the more, he would 
needs have him lodge there that night, showing many other 
favours to him afterwards, and to us also for his sake. Now 
Zeimoto conceiving, that he could not better acknowledge the 
honour which the Nanitagmm did him, then by giving him his 
ha/rquehuse which he thought would be a most acceptable 
present unto him; on a day when he came home from 
shooting, he tendred it unto him with a number of pigeons 
and turtle-doves, which he received very kindly, as a thing of 
great value, assuring him that he esteemed of it more, then of 
all the treasures of CMna, and giving him withall in recompence 
thereof a thousand Taeis in silver, he desired bini to teach him 
how to make the powder, saying, that without that the ha/r- 
quehuse would be of no use to him, as being but a piece of 
Tjnprofitable iron, which Zeimoto promised him to do, aud 


accordingly performed the same. Now the Ncmtaguim taking 
pleasure in nothing so much as shooting in this ha/rguebuse, 
and his subjects perceiving that they could not content him 
better in any thing, then in this, wherewith he was so much 
delighted, they took a pattern of the said hwrquebuse to make 
others by it, and the effect thereof was such, that before our 
departure (which was five moneths and an half after) there was/ 
six hundred of them made in the country ; nay I wiU say more, 
that afterwards, namely, the last time that the Vice-roy Don 
AVphonso de Noronha sent me thither with a present to the 
King of Bungo, which happened in the year 1556. those of 
Jwppan afi&rmed, that in the city of Fucheo, being the chief of 
that kingdom, there were above thirty thousand; whereat 
finding my self to be much amazed, for that it seemed impos- 
sible unto me, that this invention should multiply in such 
sort, certain merchants of good credit assured me that in the 
whole island of Jappan there were above three hundred thou- 
sand harquebuses, and that they alone had transported of 
them in the way of trade to the country of the Lequios, at six 
several times, to the number of five and twenty hundred ; so 
that by the means of that one, which Zeimoto presented to ■ 
the Na/utaquim in acknowledgment of the honour and good i 
of&ces that he had done him, as I have declared before, the 
cpimtry was filled with such abundance of them, as at this day 
there is not so small an hamlet but hath an hundred at the 
least; for as for cities and great towns, they have them by 
thousands, whereby one may perceive, what the inclination of 
this people is, and how much they are naturally addicted to 
the wars, wherein they take more delight, then any other 
nation that we know. 

We had been now three and twenty days in the Island of 
Tanixumaa, where very contentedly we past away the time, 
either in fishing, fowling, or hunting, whereunto these people 
of Jappan are much addicted, when as a vessel belonging to 
the King of Bungo arriving in that port, in the which were 
divers men of quality, and certain merchants, who as soon as 
they were landed went to wait upon the NoMtaqmm with 
their presents, according to the usual custom of the country. 
Amongst them there was an ancient man, very well attended, 


and unto whom the rest carried much respect, that falling on 
his knees before the Nautaquim, presented him with a letter, 
and a rich courtelass garnished with gold, together with a box 
full of ventiloes, which the Nautaqmm received with a great 
deal of ceremony. Then having spent some time with him in 
asking of certain questions, he read the letter to himself, and 
thereupon having remained a pretty while as it were in suspence, 
and dismissed the bearer thereof from his presence, with an 
express charge to those about him to see him honourably enter- 
tained, he called us unto him, and commanded the truchman 
that was thereby, to use these words unto us, My good frierids, 
I intreat you that you will hear this letter read, which is sent 
me from my lord and uncle, and then I will let you know what 
I desire of you ; so giving it to a treasurer of his, he commanded 
him to read it, which instantly he did, and these were the 
contents of it. Thou right eye of my face, Hynscarangoxo, 
Nautiquim of Tanixumaa, / Orgemdoo, who am yov/r father 
in the true love of my bowels, as he from whom you have taken 
the name and being of your person. King of Bungo and Fatacaa, 
Lord of the great House of Fiancima, Tosa, and Bandou, chief 
sovera/ign of the petty kings of the Islands of Goto amd Xaman- 
axequa, I give you to understand, my son, by the words of my 
mmith, which are spoken of yov/r person, that some days since 
certain msn, condng from your country, have assu/red me, that 
you have in your town three Chenchicogims of the other end of 
the world, men that accommodate themselves very well with those 
of Jappan, are clothed in silk, and usrially wear swords by their 
sides, not like merchants that use traffique, but in the quality of 
persons that make profession of honour, and which by that only 
mean pretend to render their names immortal ; moreover, I have 
liea/rd for a truth, that these same men have entertained you at 
large with all matters of the whole universe, and ha/ve assured 
unto you on their faith, that there is another world greater then 
ou/rs, inhabited with black and tawny people, of whom they have 
told you things most incredible to ou/r judgement, for which cause 
I infinitely desire you, as if you were my son, that by Kangean- 
dono, whom I ha/ve despatched from hence to visit my daughter, 
you will send me one of those three strangers, which I am told 
you have in your house ; the rather for that you know my long 


indisposition, accom^pamed with so mtich pmn and grief, hath 
great need of some dmersion : now if it should happen that they 
would not be wilUng thereunto, you may then assti/re them, as 
well on your own faith, as on mine, that I will not fail to return 
them hack in all safety ; whereupon, like a good son that desires 
to' please his father, so order the matter that I may rejoyce my 
self in the sight of them, and so hoAje my desire accomplished. 
What I have further to say unto you, my ambassadour Pingean- 
dono shall acquaint you with, by whom I pray you Uberally 
impa/rt to me the good news of your person, and that of my 
daughter, seeing she is, as you know, the apple of my right eye, 
whereof the sight is all the joy of my face. From the house of 
Fucheo the seventh Mamoque of the Moon. After that the 
Nautaquim had heard this letter read; the King of Bungo, said 
he unto us, is my lord, and my uncle, the brother of my mother, 
and (above all) he is my good father, for I call him by that 
name, because he is so to my wife, which is the reason that he 
loves me no less then his own children ; wherefore I count my 
self exceedingly bound unto him, and do so much desire to 
please him that I could now find in my heart to give the best 
part of my estate for to be transformed into one of you, as well for 
to go unto him, as to give him the content of seeing you, which 
out of the knowledge I have of his disposition, I am assured he 
will value more then all the treasures of China. Now having thus 
acquainted you with his desire, I earnestly intreat you to render 
your selves conformable thereunto, and that one of you two 
will take the pains to go to Bungo,ih.BXQ to see the King whom 
I hold . for my father and my lord ; for as for this other, to 
whom I have given the name and being of a kinsman, I am 
not wilUng to part with him till he hath taught me to shoot 
as well as himself. Hereupon Christovano Borralho, and I, 
greatly satisfied with the Na/utaquAm's courtesie, answered 
him, that we kissed his Highness hands for the exceeding 
honor he did us in vouchsafing to make use of us ; and seeing 
it was his pleasure so tp do, that he should for that effect 
make choice of which of us two he thought best, and he should 
not fail to be suddenly ready for the voyage. At these words 
standing a while in musing to himself, he looked on me, and 
said, I am resolved to send him there, because he seems not 


SO solemn, but is of a more lively humour, wherewith those ot 
Jcuppan are infinitely delighted, and may thereby chear up tha 
sick man, whereas the too serious gravity of this other, said 
he, turning him to Borralho, though very commendable for 
more important matters, would serve but to entertain his 
melancholy instead of diverting it. Thereupon falling into 
merry discourse, and jesting with those about him, whereunto 
the people of Ja^pan are much inclined, the Fingeandono 
arrived, unto whom he presented me, -with, a special and par- 
ticular recommendation touching the assurance of my person, 
wherewith I was not onely well satisfied, but had my minde also 
cleared from certain doubts, which out of the little knowledge 
I had of these peoples humors, had formerly troubled me. 
This done, the Nautaquim commanded 200 Taeis to be given 
me for the expence of my voyage, whereupon the Fingeandono 
and I imbarqued our selves in a vessel with oars, called a 
Punce, and in one night having traversed all this island of 
Tanixumaa, the next morning we cast anchor in an haven, 
named Hiamangoo, from whence we went to a good town, 
called Quanguixumaa, and so continuing our course afore the 
winde, with a very fair gale, we arrived the day ensuing at a 
very sweet place, named Tanaro, whence the morrow after we 
went to Minato, and so forward to a fortress of the King of 
Bungoes, called Osquy, where the Fingeandono stayed some 
time, by reason that the captain of the place (who was his 
brother in law) found himself much indisposed in his health. 
There we left the vessel in which we came, and so went by 
land directly to the city, where being arrived about noon, the 
Fingeandono, because it was not at a time fit to wait upon 
the King, went to his own house. After dinner having rested 
a little, and shifted himself into a better habit, he mounted on 
horsbaok, and with certain of his friends rode to the court, 
carrying me along with him, where the King was no sooner 
advertised of his coming, but he sent a son of his about nine 
or ten years of age to receive him, who accompanied with a 
number of noblemen, richly apparelled, and his ushers with 
their maces going before him, took the Fingeandono by the 
hand, and beholding him with a smiling countenance ; Ma/y 
thy entrance, said he unto him, into the house of the King my 


lord, bring thee as rrnich content and honour as thy children 
deserve, and are worthy, being thine, to sit at table with me in 
th£ solemn feasts. At these words the Fingeandono prostrating 
himself on the ground ; My lord, answered he, I most humbly 
beseech them that a/re in heaven above, which ha/oe ta/ught thee 
to be so courteous and so good, either to answer for me, or to give 
me a tongue so voluble, as may express my thankfulness in terms 
agreeable to thy ears for the great honour thou art pleased to do 
me at this present ; for in doing otherwise I should offend no 
less, then those ungratefull wretches which inhabit the lowest pit 
of the profound and obscure house of smoak. This said, he 
offered to kiss the curtelass which the young prince wore by 
his side, which he would by no means permit, but taking him 
by the hand, he led him to the King his father, unto whom, 
lying sick in his bed, he delivered a letter from the Na/utaguim, 
which after he had read, he commanded him to call me in 
from the next room where I staid attending, which instantly 
he did, and presented me to the King, who entertaining me 
very graciously ; Thy arrival, said he unto me, in this my 
country is no less pleasing to me, then the rain which falls from 
heaven is profitable to our fields that are sowed with rice. 
Knding my self somewhat perplexed with the novelty of these 
terms, and this manner of salutation, I made him no answer 
for the instant, which made the King say to the lords that 
were about hira, I imagine that this stranger is daunted with 
seeing so much company here, for that peradventure he hath 
not been accustomed unto it, wherefore I hold it fit to remit 
him unto some other time, when as he may be better ac- 
quainted, and not be so abashed at the sight of the people. 
Upon this speech of the Kings I answered by my truchman, 
that whereas his Highness had said that I was daunted, I 
confessed that it was true, not in regard of so many folks as 
were about me, because I had seen far many more, but 
that my amazement proceeded from the consideration that I 
was now before the feet of so great a king, which was sufficient 
to make me mute an hundred thousand years, if I could live 
so long. I added further, that those which were present there 
seemed to pie but men, as I my self was, but as for his High- 
ness, that God had given him such great advantages above 


all, as it was His pleasure he should be lord, and that others 
.should be mere servants, yea, and that I my self was but a 
silly ant, in comparison of his greatness, so that his Majesty 
coijd not see me in regard ot my smalness, nor I in respect 
thereof be able to answer unto his demands. All the assistants 
much such account of this mad answer of mine, as clapping 
their hands by way of astonishment, they said unto the King, 
Mark, I beseech your Highness, how he speaks to purpose ; 
verily it seems that this man is not a merchant, which meddles 
with base things, as buying and selling, but rather a Bonze, 
that offer sacrifices for the people ; or if not so, surely he is 
some great captain that hath a long time scoured the seas. 
Truly, said the King, I am of the same opinion, now that I 
see him so resolute ; but let every man be silent, because I 
purpose that none shall speak to him but my self alone ; for 
I assure you that I take so much delight in hearing him talk, 
that at this instant I feel no pain. At those words the Queen 
and her daughters, which were set by him, were not a Httle 
glad, and falling on their knees, vrith their hands lifted up to 
heaven, they thanked God for this His goodness unto them. 


The great mishap that befell the Eing of Bungo's son, mth the extreme 
danger that I yrae in for the same ; and what followed thereupoUi 

A LITTLE after the King caused me to approach imto his 
bed, where he lay sick of the gout, when I was near 
him. I prithee, said he unto me, be not unwilling to stay here 
by me, for it does me rrmch good to look on thee, and talk with 
thee ) thou shalt also obUge me to let me know whether in thy 
country, which is at the further end of the world, thou hast not 
learn'd any remedy for this disease wherewith I am tormented, 
or for the lack of appetite, which hath contimced with me now 
almost these two moneths without eating any thing to speak of. 
Hereunto I answered, that I made no profession of physick, 
for that I had never learn'd that art, but that in the junk, 
wherein I came from China, there was a certain wood, which 


infused in water healed far greater sicknesses then that where- 
of he complained, and that if he took of it, it would assuredly 
help him. To hear of this he was very glad, insomuch that 
transported with an extreme desire to be healed, he sent 
away for it in all haste to Tanixumaa, where the junck 
lay, and having used of it 30 days together, he perfectly 
recovered of his disease, which had held him so for 2 years 
together, as he was not able to stir from one place to another. 
Now during the time that I remained with much content in 
this city of Fuchea, being some 20 days, I wanted not occasions 
to entertain my self withall ; for sometimes I was imployed 
in answering the questions, which the King, Queen, princes, 
and lords asked of me, wherein I easily satisfied them, for 
that the matters they demanded of me were of very little 
consequence. Other-whiles I bestowed my self in beholding 
their solemnities, the temples where they offered up their 
prayers, their warlike exercises, their naval fleets, as also their 
fishing and hunting, wherein they greatly delight, especially in 
the high-flying of falcons and vultures. Oftentimes I past 
away the time vrith my harquebuse in killing of turtles and 
quails, whereof there is great abundance in the country. In 
the mean season this new manner of shooting seemed no less 
marvellous and strange to the inhabitants of this land, then 
to them of Tamxumaa ; so that beholding a thing which they 
had never seen before, they made more reckoning of it than I 
am able to express, which was the cause that the Kings second 
son, named ArichaMdono, of the age of 16 or 17 years, and 
whom the King wonderfully loved, intreated me one day to 
teach bim to shoot ; but I put him off, by saying that there 
needed a far longer time for it then he imagined, wherewith 
not weU pleased he complained to his father of me, who to 
content the prince desired me to give him a , couple of charges 
for the satisfying of his minde ; whereunto I answered that I 
would give him as many as his Highness would be pleased to 
command me. Now because he was that day to dine with 
his father, the matter was referred to the afternoon, howbeit 
then too there was nothing done, for that he waited on his 
mother to a village adjoyning, whither they came from all 
parts on pilgrimage by reason of a certain feast, which was 


celebrated there for the health of the King. The next day 
this young prince came with dnely 2 young gentlemen waiting 
on him to my lodging, where finding me asleep on a mat, and 
my harqu&htise hanging on a hook by, he would not wake me 
till he had shot off a couple of charges, intending, as he told 
me afterwards himself, that these two shoots should not be 
comprised in them I had promised him. Having, then com- 
manded one of the young gentlemen that attended him, to go 
softly and kindle the match, he took down the hwrquehise from 
the place where it himg, and going to charge it, as he had 
seen me do, not knowing how much powder he should put in, 
he charged the piece almost two spans deep, then putting in 
the bullet, he set himself with it to shoot at an orange tree 
that was not far off ; but fire being given, it was his ill hap 
that the harquebuse brake into 3 pieces, and gave him 2 hurts, 
by one of the which his right hand thumb was in a manner 
lost ; instantly whereupon the prince fell down as one dead, 
which the 2 gentlemen perceiving, they ran away towards the 
court, crying along in the streets that the strangers harquebuse 
had killed the prince; At these sad news the people flocked 
in all haste with weapons and great cries to the house where 
I was. Now God knows whether I was not a little amazed 
when coming to awake I saw this tumult, as also the young 
prince lying along upon the floor by me weltring in his own 
bloud without stirring either hand or foot. All that I could 
do then was to imbrace him in my arms, so besides my self, aa 
I knew not where I was. In the mean time, behold the King 
comes in a chair carried upon 4 mens shoulders, and so sad 
and pale, as he seemed more dead then alive; after him 
followed the Queen on foot leaning upon 2 ladies, with her 2 
daughters, and a many of women aU weeping. As soon as 
they were entred into the chamber, and beheld the young 
prince extended on the ground, as if he had been dead, 
imbraced in my arms, and both of us wallowing in bloud, 
they all concluded that I had killed him; so that 2 of the 
company drawing out their scymitars, would have slain me ; 
which the King perceiving, Stay, stay, cried he, let ms know 
first how the matter goes, for I fear it comes further off, and 
that this fellow here 'hath been corrupted by some of those 


traitors kinred, whom I caused to be last executed. Thereupon 
commanding the 2 young gentlemen to be called which had 
accompanied the prince, his son, thither, he questioned them 
exactly. Their answer was, that my harquebuse with the 
inchantments in it had killed him. This deposition served 
but to incense the assistants the more, who in a rage address- 
ing themselves to the King. What need, sir, have you to hear 
more, cried they ? Here is but too much, let him be put to a 
cruel death. Therewith they sent in all haste for the Jarabuca, 
who was my interpreter, to them; now for that upon the 
arrival of this disaster he was out of extreme fear fled away, 
they brought him straight to the King ; but before they fell to 
examining of him, they mightily threatned him, in case he 
did not confess the truth ; whereunto he answered trembling, 
and with tears in his eyes, that he would reveal all that he knew. 
In the mean time being on my knees, with my hands bound, 
a Bonzo, that was President of their Justice, having his arms 
bared up to the shoulders, and a poiniard in his hand dipped 
in the blond of the young prince, said thus unto me, I conjwre 
thee, thou son of some devil, and culpable of the same crime for 
which they are damned that inhabit in the house of smoak, 
where they Ue buried in the obscure and deep pit of the centre 
of the earth, that thou confess unto me with a voice so loud that 
every one viay hear thee, for what cause thou hast with these 
sorceries and inchantments killed this young innocent, whom we 
hold for the hairs, and chief ornaments of our heads. To this 
demand I knew not what to answer upon the sudden, for that 
I was so far besides my self, as if one had taken away my 
lite, I believe I should not have felt it; which the president 
perceiving, and beholding me with a terrible countenance, 
Seest thou not, continued he, that if thou doest not answer to 
the questions I ask thee, that thou moAjest hold thy self for con- 
demmed to a death of bloud, of fire, of water, and of the blasts 
of the winde ; for thou shalt be dAsmembred into air, like the 
feathers of dead fowl, which the winde ca/rries from one place 
to another, separated from the body with which they werejoyned 
whitest they lived. This said, he gave me a great kick with 
his foot for to rowse up my spirits, and cried out again, Speak, 
confess who they are that have corrupted thee ? what sum of 



money heme they given thee ? how me they called, ? and where 
a/re they at this present ? At these words being somewhat 
come again to my self, I answered him, that God knew my 
innocence, and that I took him for witness thereof. But he 
not contented with what he had done began to menace me 
more than before, and set before mine eyes an infinite of 
torments and terrible things ; wherein a long time being spent, 
it pleased God at length that the young prince came to him- 
self, who no sooner saw the King his father, as also his mother 
and sisters dissolved into tears, but that he desired them not 
to weep ; and that if he chanced to die, they would attribute 
his death to none but himself, who was the onely cause 
thereof, conjuring them moreover by the bloud, wherein they 
beheld him weltring, to cause me to be unbound without all 
delay, if they desired not to make him die anew. The King 
much amazed with this language, commanded the manacles to 
be taken off which they had put upon me ; whereupon came 
in i Bonzoes to apply remedies unto him, but when they saw 
in what manner he was wounded, and that his thumb hung in 
a sort but by the skin, they were so troubled at it, as they 
knew not what to do ; which the poor prince observing, Away, 
away, said he, send hence these devils, and let others come 
that have more heart to judge of my hurt, since it hath pleased 
God to send it me. Therewith the 4 Bonzoes were sent away, 
and other 4 came in their stead, who hkewise wanted the 
courage to dress him ; which the King perceiving was so much 
troubled as he knew not what to do ; howbeit he resolved at 
length to be advised therein by them that were about him, 
who counselled him to send for a Bonzo, called Teixeandono, a 
man of great reputation amongst them, and that lived then at 
the city of Facataa, some 70 leagues from that place ; but the 
wounded prince not able to brook these delays ; I know not, 
answered he, what you mean by this counsel which you gi/ve my 
father, seeing me in the deplorable estate wherein I am ; for 
whereas I ought to have been d/rest already, you would ha/oe me 
stay for an old rotten man, who cannot be here unUll one hath 
made a jowney of an hundred and forty leagues, both in going 
and commg, so that it nmst be a moneth at least before he 
can a/rrifoe ; wherefore speak no more of it, but if you desire to 


do me a pleasure, free tMs strmger a Uttlefrom thefewr you 
have put him in, and clear the room of all this throng, he that 
you beUeye hath hu/rt me mil help me, as he moA/, for I had 
rather die under the hands of this poor wretch ; that hath wept 
so much for me, then be touched by Bonzo of Facataa, who at 
the age he is of, of rdnety and two yea/rs, can see no further then 
his nose. 


My curing the young Prince of Bungo ; with my return to Tanixumaa, and 
imbarquing there for Liampoo ; and also that which happened to us on 
land, after the shipwraok we suffered by the way. 

THE King of Bungo being extremely grieved to see the 
disaster of his son, turned himself to me, and behold- 
ing me with a very gentle comitenance; Stranger, said he 
unto me, try I pray thee, if them canst assist my son in this 
peril of Ms Ufe, for I swea/r unto thee, if thou camst do it, I 
will mahe no less esteem of thee, then of Mm Mmself, and will 
gvoe thee whatsoever thou wilt demand of me. Hereunto I 
answered the King, that I desired his Majesty to command all 
those people away, because the coyl that they kept confounded 
me, and that then I would see whether his hurts were 
dangerous; for if I found that I was able to cure them, I 
would do it most willingly. Presently the King willed every 
one to be gone; whereupon approaching unto the prince, I 
perceived that he had but two hurts ; one on the top of his 
forehead, which was no great matter ; and the other on his 
right hand thumb, that was almost cut off. So that our Lord 
inspiring me, as it were, with new courage, I besought the 
King not to be grieved, for I hoped in less then a month to 
render him his son perfectly recovered. Having comforted 
him in this manner, I began to prepare my self for the dressing 
of the prince ; but in the mean time the King was very much 
reprehended by the Bonzoes, who told him, that his son would 
assuredly die that night, and therefore it was better for him 
to put me to death presently, then to suffer me to kill the 


prince outright, adding further, that if it should happen to 
prove so, as it was very likely, it would not only be a great 
scandal unto him, but also much alienate his peoples affections 
from him. To these speeches of the Bonzoes the King replied, 
that he thought they had reason for that they said, and there- 
fore he desired them to let him know how he should govern 
himself in this extremity. You must, said they, stay the 
coming of the Bonzo Teixeandono, and never think of any 
other course ; for we assure you, in regard he is the holiest 
man living, he will no sooner lay his hand on him but he will 
heal him strait, as he hath healed many others in our sight. 
As the King was even resolved to follow the cursed counsel 
of these servants of the devil, the prince complained 
that his wounds pained him Ln such sort that he was not 
able to endure it, and therefore prayed that any handsome 
remedy might be instantly appUed to them; whereupon the 
King, much distracted between the opinion of the Bonzoes, and 
the danger that his son was in of his life, together with the 
extreme pain that he suffered, desiring those about him to 
advise him what he should resolve on, in that exigent ; not 
one of them but was of the mind, that it was far more expedient 
to have the prince drest out of hand, then to stay the time 
which the Bonzoes spake of. This counsel being approved of 
the King, he came again to me, and making very much of me, 
he promised me mighty matters if I could recover his son ; I 
answered him with tears in my eyes, that by the help of God I 
would do it, and that he himself should be witness of my care 
therein. So recommending my self to God, and taking a good 
heart unto me, for I saw there was no other way to save my 
life, but that, I perpared all things necessary to perform the 
cure. Now because the hurt of the right hand thumb was 
most dangerous, I began vrith that, and gave it seven stitches, 
whereas peradventure if a chirurgion had drest him, he would 
have given it fewer ; as for that of the forehead, I gave it but 
four, in regard it was much slighter then the other ; that done, 
I applyed to them tow wet in the whites of eggs, and so bound 
them up very close, asl had seen others done in ihelmMaes. Five 
days after I out the stitches, and continued dressing him as 
before, until that at the end of twenty days it pleased God he 


was throughly cured, without any other inconvenience remain- 
ing in him than a little weakness in his thumb. Eor this cause 
after that time the King and his lords did me much honour ; 
the Queen also, and the princesses her daughters presented me 
with a great many sutes of silks, and the chiefest of the court 
with cymitars, and other things, besides all which the King 
gave me six hundred Taeis; so that after this sort I received in 
recompence of this my cure above fifteen hundred ducates, that I 
carried with me from this place. After things were past in this 
manner, beiag advertised by letters from my two companions at 
Tamxvmaa, that the Chinese pirate, with whom we came thither, 
was preparing for his return to GMna, I besought the King of 
Bungo to give me leave to go back, which he readily granted 
me, and with much acknowledgment of the curing of his son he 
willed a Funce to be made ready for me, furnished with all 
thiags necessary, wherein commanded a man of quaUty, that 
was attended by twenty of the Kings servants, with whom I 
departed on Saturday morning for the city of Fuoheo, and 
the Friday following about sun-set I arrived at Tamxumaa, 
where I found my two camrades, who received me with much 
joy. Here we continued fifteen days longer, till such time as the 
junck was quite ready, and then we set sail for Liampoo, which 
is a sea-port of the kingdom of GMna, whereof I have spoken 
at large heretofore, and where at that time the Portiigals 
traded. Having continued our voyage with a prosperous 
wind, it pleased God that we arrived safe at our desired port, 
where it is not to believed how much we were welcomed by 
the inhabitants of the place. 

[Pinto sets sail with the Portuguese from lAamvpoo, and is 
shipwrecked on the Island of the Leqmos ; Ms imprisonment 
in the town of Pungor, and other ad/oentwes, till his safe return 
to Liampoo, x»mitteJ»«] 



My sayling from Liampoo to Malaoa, from whence the captain ot the fortress 
sent me to the Chaubainhaa at Martabano ; and all that befel ub in our 
voyage thither, 

BEING arrived at Liampoo, we were very well received by 
the Portugals, that lived there. IVom whence within a 
while after I imbarqued my self in the ship of a Porttigal, 
named Tristano de Gaa, for to return unto Malaca, with an 
intention once more to try my fortune, which had so often 
been contrary to me, as may appear by that which I have 
dehvered before. This ship being safely arrived at Malaca, I 
went presently unto Pedro de Fama, Governour of the fortress, 
who desiring to benefit me somewhat before the time of his 
Government was expired, he caused me to undertake the 
voyage of Ma/rtahan, which was usually very profitable, and 
that in the junck of a Mahometam, named Necoda Mamtode, 
who had wife and children at Malaca. Now the principal 
designe of this voyage was, to conclude a peace vrith the 
GhoMhamhaa, King of Ma/rtabano ; as also to continue the 
commerce of those of that country vnth us, because their 
juncks did greatly serve for the provisions of our fortress, 
which at that time was unfurnished thereof by reason of the 
success of the wars of Jaoa. Besides I had a designe in this 
my voyage of no less consequence, then the rest, which was to 
get one, called Lanca/rote Chuerreyro, to come thither, who was 
then on the coast of Tanaii^arim, with an hundred men in four 
foists, under the name of a rebel or mutiner ; I was to require 
him to come to the succour of the fortress, in regard it was 
held for certain, that the King of Achem was suddainly to fall 
upon it ; so that Petro de Fa/ria, seeing himself destitute of aU 
that was necessary for him to sustain a siege, and of men like- 
wise, found it fit to make use of these hundred men, the 
rather for that they were nearest, and so might be the sooner 
with him. In the third place, he sent me upon another 
important occasion, namely, to give advice to the ships of 
Bengala, that they should come all carefully in consort 


together, lest their negligence in their navigation should be the 
cause of some disaster. This voyage then I undertook very 
unwillingly, and parted from Malaoa upon a Wednesday, the 
9th day of Janua/ry, in the year 1545 ; being under saU I 
continued my course with a good wind to Pullo Pracelwr, 
where the pilot was a little retarded by means of the shelves, 
which cross all that channel of the firm land, even unto the 
island of Swmatra. "When we were got forth with much 
labour, we passed on to the islands of Pullo Scmbillcm, where 
I put my self into a Manchua, which I had very well equipped ; 
and sayling in it the space of twelve days, I observed, accord- 
ing to the order Ped/ro de Faria had given me for it, all the 
coast of that country of Malaya, which unto ' Tunoalan con- 
tains an hundred and thirty leagues, entring by all the rivers 
of Ba/rlmhaas, Salangor, Panaagim, Qttedam, Paries, Pendan, 
and Sambilan, Siam, vnthout so much as hearing any news at 
all of his enemies in any of them. So continuing the same 
course nine days more, being the three and twentieth of our 
voyage, we went and cast anchor at a little island, called 
Pisandurea, where the Necoda, the Mahtimetan captain of the 
junck, was of necessity to make a cable, and furnish himself 
with wood and water. With this resolution going on shore 
every man applyed himself to the labour he was appointed 
unto, and therein spent most part of the day. Now whilest 
they were thus at work the son of this Mahumetan captain 
came and asked me whither I would go with him, and see if 
we could kill a stag, whereof there was great plenty in that 
island ; I answered him that I woidd accompany him with all 
my heart, so that having taken my Harquebuse, I went along 
with him athwart the wood, where we had not walked above 
an hundred spaces, but that we espied a many of wild boars, 
that were rooting in the earth near to a pond. Having dis- 
covered this game, we got as near to them as we could, and 
discharging amongst them, we carried two of them to the 
ground. Being very glad of this good success we presently 
gave a great shout, and ran straight to the place we had seen 
them rooting. But (0 dreadful to behold) in this place we 
found above a dozen bodies of men digged out of the earth, 
and some nine or ten others half eaten. Being much amazed 


at this object, we withdrew a little aside by reason of the 
great stench which proceeded from these dead bodies. Here- 
upon the Sa/racen told me, that he thought we should do well 
to advertise his father of this, to the end we might instantly 
surround this island all about for to see whether we could 
discover any vessels with pirats ; for, said he, there may be 
some lie hidden behind yonder poynt, whereby we may very 
well run the hazard of our lives, as it hath often befallen other 
ships, where many men have been lost by the carelessness of 
their captains. This advice of the Saracen seemed so good 
unto me, that we presently returned back unto the rode, where 
he gave an account to his father of that we had seen. Now 
for that the Necoda was a very prudent man, and scalded (as 
one may say) with the like inconveniences, he straight way 
gave order to have the island surrounded; then causing the 
women, children, and linnen, although it were but half washed, 
to be imbarqued, he himself being followed by forty men, 
armed with harquebuses and lances, went directly to the place 
where we had discovered those bodies, and viewing them one 
after another, with stopping our noses by reason of the stench, 
which was insupportable, he was so moved with compassion, 
that he commanded the mariners to dig a great pit for to bury 
them in. But as they were about to render them this last 
duty, and looking over them again, there was found upon 
some of them little daggers garnished with gold, and on others 
bracelets. Whereupon the Necoda, understanding well this 
mystery, wished me with all speed to dispatch away the rowing 
vessel that I had to the captain of Malaca, for that, as he 
assured me, those dead men, which they saw there, were 
Achems, who had been defeated near to Tanaucarim, whither 
their armies ordinarily retired because of the war which they 
had with the King of Siami. The reason he alledged to us for 
this was, that those which we saw there lying dead, having 
golden bracelets about them, were captains of Achem, who 
had caused themselves to be buried without permitting them 
to be taken away, and that he would lose his head if it were 
not so. For a greater proof whereof, he further added, that 
he would make some more of them to be dis-enterred, as 
incontinently he did; and having digged some seven and 


thirty of them out of the earth, there was found about them 
sixteen bracelets of gold, twelve very rich daggers, and many 
jewels, so that thinking of no other but hunting, we got a 
booty worth above a thousand ducates, which the Necoda had, 
besides what was concealed ; but the truth is, this was not 
altogether to our advantage, for the most part of our men 
became sick with the extream stench of those bodies. _At the 
very instant I dispatched away the rowing vessel that we had 
to Malaca, and advertised Ped/ro de Faria of the whole success 
of our voyage. Withall I certified him what course we had 
held ; as also into what ports, and into what rivers we had 
entred, without hearing any other news of his enemies, then 
that it was suspected they had been at Tancmoarim, where by 
the appearances of those dead bodies, it was to be believed that 
they had been defeated ; whereunto I added, for a conclusion, 
that if I could light on any more assured news concerning 
them, I would presently acquaint him with it, in what part 
soever I were. 

After I had dispatched away the rowing vessel to Malaca, 
with the letters which I had directed to Pedro de Faria, and 
that our junck was furnished with all things necessary for her, 
we sayled towards the coast of Tancmcarim, where, as I said 
before, I had order to land for to treat with Lancerote Gwer- 
reyro, that he, and the rest of the Portugals of his company, 
might come to the succour of Malaca, which the Achems in- 
tended to besiege, according to the report that went of it. 
Being under sail then we arrived at a Utile island, a league in 
circuit, called Pulho Hinhor, where a Pa/rao came unto us, in 
the which were six tawny Moors, poorly clad, with red bonnets 
on their heads ; their boat being close to our junck, which was 
then under sail, they saluted us in the way of peace, where- 
unto we answered in the like manner. That done, they 
demanded of us if there were any Portugals amongst us ? We 
told them that there were, but mistrusting it, they desired to 
see one or two of them upon the hatches, because, added 
they, it imports much that it should be so. Whereupon the 
Necoda prayed me to come up, which incontinently I did, 
though at that time I was shut up in my cabbin below some- 
what indisposed in my health ; when I was on the deck I 


called to them that were in the Pa/rao, who had no sooner seen 
me, and known me to be a Portugal, but they gave a great 
shout; and clapping their hands for joy, they came aboard 
our junck. Then one of them, who by his countenance seemed 
to have more authority then the rest, began to say unto me : 
Seigmor, before I cra/ve leave of thee to speak, I desire thee to 
read this letter, to the end it may induce thee the more readily 
to believe that which I am to say unto thee. Thereupon, out of 
an old filthy clout he took a letter, wherein (after I had opened 
it) I found this written: Sigrdors Portugals, which are true 
Christians, this honou/rable man, that shall shew you this letter, 
is king of this island, newly con/verted to the faith, and called 
Dom Lancerote. Ee hath rendred many good offices, not onely 
to them who ha/ve subscribed this writing, but to us also who 
home navigated on these coasts. For he hath given us very 
important advertisements of the treasons which the Achems and 
Turks ha/ve plotted agadnst us, so that by the means of this honest 
man we ha/ve discovered all their designs : withall God hath 
made use of him for to give us not long si?ice a great victory 
against them, wherein we ha/oe taken from them one gaily, four 
galliots, and five foists, with the death of above a thousand Sar- 
razins. Wherefore we intreat you, by the wounds of owr Lord 
Jesus Christ, and by the merits of His holy passion, not onely to 
keep him from all wrong, but to assist him with all your power, 
as the manner is of all good Portugals, that it ma/y serve for an 
example to those which shall htow this, to do the like in imita- 
tion of you. And so we kiss your hands, this 13th day of 
November, 1544. This letter was signed by more then 50 
Portugals, amongst whom were the 4 captains that I fought 
for,- namely, Lancerote Guerreyra, Antorde Gomez, Pedro Fer- 
reyra, and Cosmo Bernaldes. When I had read this letter, I 
made a tender of my person to this petty king, for otherways 
my power was so small, as it could not reach further then to 
the giving him a bad dinner, and a red bonnet I had on, which 
all worn as it was, was yet better then his own. Now after 
this poor king had made some declaration to me of himself, 
and of his miseries, hfting up his hands to heaven, and shed- 
ding abundance of tears. Owr Lord Jesus Christ, said he unto 
me, whose slave I am, doth know what great need I have now of 


the favow and succour of some Christians ; for becmse I am a 
Christian, as they a/re, a Mahometan sla/oe of mine, about fow 
monthes ago, redmed me to that extrermty wherein I behold my 
self at this instant, being not able in the state I am into do arvy 
other then cast wp mine eyes to heamen, and lament my mis- 
fortune, with much sorrow, and Utile remedy. And I assu/re 
thee, by the verity of that holy and new law, whereof I now make 
profession, that not onely for being a Christian, and a friend of 
the Portugals, I am persecuted in this sort. Now for that being 
alone, as thou art, it is not possible for thee to assist me. I 
beseech thee, Signior, to take me along with thee, to the end that 
this soul which God hath put into me may not perish, and in 
recompence thereof I promise to serve thee as a slave all the days 
of my life. Lo this is that which this poor king said with so 
many tears, as it was great pity to behold it ; in the mean 
time the Necoda, who was of a good disposition, and charitably 
inclined, was very much moved with the disaster of the unfor- 
tunate king, so that he gave him a little rice, and some linnen 
to cover him withall, for he was so ragged, that one might see 
his naked skin every where about him. After he had informed 
himself from bim of certain particulars, the knowledge where- 
of concerned him, he demanded him where his enemy was, and 
what forces he had ? Whereunto he answered, that he was a 
quarter of a league from thence, in a cabbin covered with 
straw, having not above thirty fishermen with him, who were 
most of them without arms. Hereupon the Necoda cast his 
eye upon me, and seeing me sad, for that I was not able of 
my self to succour this poor Christian, thinking withall that 
he should much oblige me thereby, Signior, said he imto me, 
*/ thou wert now captain of my junok, as I am, what remedy 
wouldst thou give to the tears of this poor man, wherewith also 
thy eyes do pa/rticipate ? I knew not what reply to make him, 
for that I was greatly moved to behold my neighbour, a 
Christian like my self, to suffer in that manner, which the 
Necoda' s son perceiving, who was, as I have said, a young man 
of a good spirit, and brought up amongst the Portugals, and 
guessing at the shame and sorrow I was in, he desired his 
father to lend him 20 mariners of his junck, that by their 
means he might re-establish this poor King, and chase the 


thief out of the island. To this the Necoda answered, that if 
I would demand so much of him, he would do it very wil- 
lingly ; whereupon casting my self at his feet, and embracing 
him, which is the humblest complement used amongst them, 
I told him with tears in my eyes, that if he would do me this 
favour I would be his slave whilest I lived, and that both he 
and his children should finde how ready I would be always to 
acknowledge the same. He presently granted my request, so 
that causing the junck to approach near the shoar, he prepared 
himself in 3 boats with one faulcon, 3 bases, and 60 men, Jaos 
and Lesons, all well armed, for 30 of them carried Ha/rgue- 
bmes, the rest lances, and bowes and arrows, besides grana- 
does, and other such like fire-works, as we thought were 
convenient for our design. 

It was about 2 of the clock in the afternoon when we 
landed, and so we went directly to the trench where the 
enemies were. The Necoda's son led the vanguard, consist- 
ing of 40 men, whereof 20 were armed with Hanrquebuses, and 
the rest with bowes and arrows. The Necoda himself brought 
on the rear; wherein were 30 souldiers, carrying a banner, 
which Pedro de Faria had given him at his parting from 
Malaca, with a cross painted in it, to the end that he might be 
known for a vassal to our king, in case he should encounter 
any of our ships. Marching in this order by the guiding of 
this petty king, we arrived where the rebell was with his men 
set in order, who by the shouting and cries seemed in shew 
not to make any reckoning of us. There were in number 
about 50, but weak, unarmed, and utterly destitute of all 
things necessary for their defence, having for all their arms 
but staves, 10 or 11 lances, and 1 Harquebuse. As soon as we 
had discovered them we gave fire to the faulcon and bases, 
discharging withall 20 Ha/rquebmes, whereupon the thieves 
betook themselves presently to flight, being in great disorder, 
and most of them hurt. We pursued them then so close, that 
we overtook them on the top of a little hill, where they were 
defeated in the space of 2 Credo's, not one of them escaping 
with life save onely 3, whom we spared for that they said they 
were Christians. That done, we went to a village, where 
there were not above 20 poor low cabbins, covered with straw ; 


in it were found some threescore and four women, with a many 
of httle children, who no sooner perceived us, but all of them 
with tears fell a crying out. Christian, GhrisUan, Jesus, Jesus. 
At these words being fully perswaded that they were Christians, 
I desired the Necoda that he would cause his son to retire, and 
not to suffer any of them to be killed, because they were not 
Gentiles, which he presently yielded unto, and yet for aU that 
he could not keep the cabbins from sacking, though in them all 
there was not found the value of 5 ducates. For the people 
of this island are so poor, that scarce one of them is worth a 
groat ; they feed on nothing but a little fish, which they take 
with anghng, and eat it broiled on the coals without salt ; yet 
are they so vain and presumptuous, that not one almost 
amongst them but terms himself a king of some vile piece of 
ground, wherein there is little more then one poor cabbin ; 
besides, neither the men nor the women have wherewithall to 
cover their nakedness. After the slaughter of the rebellious 
Sa/racen and his followers, and the re-establishment of the poor 
Christian king, putting him in possession of his wife and 
children, whom his enemy had made slaves, together with 
above threescore and three Christian souls, we ordained a 
kinde of church amongst them, for the instruction of those 
that were newly converted. And then returning to our jimck, 
we presently set sail, and continued our course towards 
Tcmnacarim, where I was perswaded I should finde Lanoerote 
Guerreyra, and his' companions, for to treat with them about 
the business, whereof I have formerly spoken. But for as 
much as in the letter, which the petty king shewed me, the 
Portugals made mention of a victory which God had given 
them against the Turks and Achems of this coast, I hold it not 
amiss to relate here how that hapned, as well for the content 
the reader may take therein, as to shew that there is no 
enterprise which valiant souldiers at a need may not bring to 
pass, in regard whereof it imports much to cherish, and make 
esteem of them. For eight moneths and more our himdred 
Portugals had scoured up and down this coast in four well 
rigg'd foists, wherewith they had taken three and twenty rich 
ships, and many other lesser vessels, so that they which used 
to sail in those parts were so terrified with the sole name of the 


Porkigals, as they quitted their commerce without maWng any 
further use of their shipping: by this surcease of trade the 
custom-houses of the ports of Tanauccmm, Juncalan, Merguvm, 
Vagaruu, and Tamay, fell much in their revenue, in so much 
that those people were constrained to give notice of it to the 
Emperor of Sorna/w, King of Siam, and soveraign lord of all 
that country, beseeching him to give a remedy to this mischief, 
whereof every one complained. Instantly whereupon, being 
then at the city of Odiaa, he sent with all speed to the frontire 
of Lcmhos for a Turkish captain of his, named Hered/rm 
Mahomet, the same who in the year 1538 came from Suez to 
the army of SoUman the Basha/w, Vice-roy of Gcmo, when as the 
great Tii/rk sent him to invade the Indies ; but it fell out that 
this man slipping from the body of the army arrived in a gaily 
on the coast of Tanauca/rim, where he was entertained by the 
Somau King of Siam, and for a pension of twelve thousand 
ducates by the year served him as a general of that frontire. 
Now for that the King held this Turk for invincible, and made 
more account of him then of all others, he commanded him 
from the place where he was, with three hundred Jamzanes 
that he had with him, and giving him a great sum of money 
he made him General of all the coast of this sea, to the end 
that he might free those people from our incursions ; withal 
he promised to make him Duke of Banchaa, which is an estate 
of great extent, if he could bring him the heads of fom* 
Portugal captains. This proud Turk, becoming more insolent 
by the reward and promises which the King made him posted 
presently away to Tanauca/rim, where being arrived he rigged 
forth a fleet of ten sails for to fight with us, being so confident 
of vanquishing us, as in answer of certain letters, which the 
Somau had written unto him from Odiaa, these words were 
found in one of them. From the time that my head was 
esloigned from the feet of your Bigness for to execute tMs small 
enterprize, wherein it seems you a/re pleased I should serve you, 
I conUnued m/y voyage till at the end of rdne days I arrived at 
Tanauearim, where I presently provided my self of such vessels 
as were necessary for me, and indeed would have had hut only 
two, for I hold it most infallible that those would suffice to chase 
aivay these petty tMeves ; howbeit not to disobey the commission, 


which Combraealon the Governor of the Erwpi/re hath given me 
under yowr great seal, I ha/oe made ready the great gaily, as also 
the four Utile ones, and the five Foists, with which I purpose to 
set forth with all speed ; for I fea/r lest these dogs should haA)e 
news of my coming, and that for my sins God should be so much 
their friend, as to give them leasure to fly, which would be so 
great a grief unto me, that the very imagination thereof might 
be my death, or through an excess of despa/i/r render me like unto 
them ; but I hope that the Prophet Mahomet, of whose law I 
hme made prof ession from mine infancy, will not permit that it 
should so happen for my sins. This Heredrin Mahomet being 
arrived at Ttmauca/rim, as I have delivered before, presently- 
made ready his fleet, which was composed of five foists, four 
galliots, and one gaily royal: within these vessels he im- 
barqued eight hundred Mahometans, men of combat (besides 
the mariners), amongst the which were three hundred 
Janizaries, as for the rest they were Turks, Greeks, Malabo/res, 
Achems, and Msgores, all choyce men, and so disciplined, that 
their captain held the victory already for most assured; 
assisted with these forces he parted from the port of 
TanoMcarim for to go in the quest of our men, who at that 
time were in this island of Pulho Himhor, whereof the foresaid 
Christian was king. Now during those levies of men of war, 
this petty king going to the town for to sell some dryed fish 
there, as soon as he perceived what was intended against us, 
he left all his commodities behind him, and in all haste 
returned to this island of his ; where finding our men in great 
security, as little dreaming of that which was in hand against 
us, he related it all vmto them, whereat they remained so 
much amazed, as the importance of the matter did require; 
in so much that the same night and the next day having well 
caulked their vessels which they had drawn ashore, they 
lanched them into the sea, after they had imbarqued their 
provisions, their water, their artillery, and ammunition. So 
falling to their oars, vnth a purpose (as I have heard them say 
since) to get to Bengala, or to Bacan, for that they durst not 
withstand so great an army; but as they were unresolved 
thereupon, and divided in opinion, behold they saw all the ten 
sails appearing together, and behind them five great ships of 


Guzwrates, whose masters had given Heredrin Mahomet thirty 
thousand duoates for to secure them against our Portugah. 
The sight of these fifteen sails put our men into a very great 
confusion ; and because they were not able at that time to 
make to sea for that the wind was contrary, they put them- 
selves into a creek, which was on the south-side of the island 
and invironned by a down, or hill, where they resolved to 
attend what God would send them. In the mean time the 
five Chizarat ships shewed themselves with full sails at sea, 
and the ten sails with oars went directly to the island, where 
they arrived about sun-set. Presently thereupon the Tv/rkish 
captain sent out spies to the ports, where he was advertised 
that they had been, and entered by little and little into the 
mouth of the haven, that so he might render himself more 
assured of the prize which he pretended to make, with hope 
that as soon as it was day he should take them all, and so 
bound hand and foot present them to the Soma/u of Siam, who 
in recompence thereof had promised him the state of Banchaa, 
as I have said before. The Manchua, which had been at the 
port to spy them out, returned to the fleet about two hours 
within night, and told Heredrin for news, that they were fled 
and gone ; wherewith it is said this barbarian was so afflicted, 
that tearing his hair, I aVivays feared, said he weeping, my sins 
would he the cause that in the execution of thds enterprize God 
would shew Himself more a Christian, then a Sarazin, and that 
Mahomet would be Uke to these dogs, of whom I go in quest. 
This said, he fell down all along in the place, and so continued 
a good while without speaking a word. Nevertheless being 
come again to himself he gave order, like a good captain, to 
all that was necessary. First of all then he sent the four 
galliots in quest of them to an island, called Tanbasoy, disi^ant 
from that of Pulho Hinhor about seven leagues, for he was 
perswaded that our men were retired thither, because this was 
a better harbor then that of the island from whence they were 
gone. As for the five foists he divided them into three, 
whereof he sent two to another island, named Sambikm, and 
other two to those which were nearest to the firm land, for 
that all these places were very proper to sheltor one in ; as for 
the fifth foist, in regard she was flatter then the rest, he sent 


her along with the four galliots, that she might before it was 
day bring him news of that which shonld happen, with 
promise of great reward for the same ; but during these things 
our men, who had always a watchful eye,^ seeing the Twk had 
rid himself of his greatest forces, and that there was no more 
remaining with him but the gaily wherein he was, they 
resolved to fight with him; and so sailing out of the creek, 
where they had shrouded themselves, they rowed directly to 
her. Now in regard it was past midnight, and that the 
enemies had but weak sentinels, for that they thought them- 
selves most secure, and never dreamt of any body lying in 
wait to attaque them there, our four foists had the opportunity 
to board her all together, and threescore of their lustiest men 
leaping suddenly into her, in less then a quarter of an hour, 
and before the enemies knew where they were for to make use 
of their arms, they killed above fourscore Turks ; as for the 
rest they cast themselves all into the sea, not one man re- 
maining aMve : the dog Heredrin Mahomet was slain amongst 
the rest, and in this great action God was so gracious to our 
men, and gave them this victory at so cheap a rate, that they 
had but one young man killed, and nine Portugals hurt. 
They assured me since, that in this gaily, in so short a time, 
what by water, and the sword, above three hundred Maho- 
metans lost their lives, whereof the most part were Janiearies 
of the Gold Chain, which among the Turks is a mark of honour. 
Our Portugals having past the rest of the night with much 
contentment, and always keeping good watch, it pleased God 
that the next morning the two foists arrived from the island 
whither they had been sent ; who altogether ignorant of that 
which had past, came carelessly doubling the point of the 
haven, where the gaily lay, so that the four foists made 
themselves masters of them in a little space, and with the 
loss of but a few men. After so good a success they fell 
dihgently to work in fortifying the gaily and the two foists, 
which they had taken, and then flanked the south-side of the 
island with five great pieces of ordnance to defend the entry 
into the haven. Now about evening the other two foists 
arrived, making to land with the same indiscretion as the 
others ; and although they had much ado to reach them, yet 



were they constrained at length to render themselves, with the 
loss onely of two Portugals. Hereupon our men resolved to 
attend the four galliots that remained, and which had been 
sent to the next island, but the next day so great a wind arose 
from the north, that two of them were cast away upon the 
coast, not one that was in them escaping. As for the other 
two, about evening they discovered them very much in dis- 
order, destitute of oars, and separated above three leagues the 
one from the other; but at last about sun-set one of them 
came to the port, and ran the same fortune as the former, 
without saving any one of the Sa/razins lives. The next 
morning an hour before day, the wind being very calm, our 
men discovered the other galliot, which for want of oars was 
not able to recover the port, in regard whereof our men 
resolved to go and fetch her in, as accordingly they did, and 
coming somewhat near her with two cannon shot, they killed 
the most part of them that were in her, and boarding her took 
her very easily ; now because all her men were either slain, or 
hurt, they drew her to land by force of other boats ; so that of 
the ten sail of this fleet, our men had the gaily, two galliots, 
and four foysts ; as for the other two galliots, they were cast 
away on the Isle of Taubasoy, as I have delivered before ; and 
touching the fift foyst, no news could be heard of her, which 
made it credible that she also suffered shipwraok, or that 
the vnnd had cast her upon some of the other islands. This 
glorious victory, which it pleased God to give us, was obtained 
in the month of September, 1544, on Michaelmas Eve, which 
rendred the name of the Portugals so famous through all those 
coasts, that for three years after there was nothing else spoken 
of ; so that the Chcmbainhaa, King of Ma/rtabano, hearing of it, 
sent presently to seek them out, and promised them great 
advantages if they would succour him against the King of 
Bramaa, who at that time was making preparation in his city 
of Pegu, for to go and besiege Martabano, with an army of 
seven hundred thousand men. 



Tha continuance of our voyage to the Bar of Martabano; and certain 
memorable particularities bapning there, 

BEING departed, as I said, from the Island of Pulho Hmhor, 
we continued our course towards the port of Tarnassery, 
for the affair of which I have spoken ; but upon the approach 
of the night, the pilot desiring to avoid certain sands that 
were to the prow-ward of him, put forth to sea, with an 
intention as soon as it was day to return towards land with 
the westerly wind, which at the instant blew from the Indiaes 
by reason of the season. We had now held this course five 
days, running vnth much labour by many different rhombs, 
when as it pleased God that we accidently discovered a little 
vessel ; and for as much as we thought it to be a fisher-boat, 
we made to it, for to be informed from them in her where- 
abouts we were, and how many leagues it was from thence to 
Twrnassery; but having passed close by her, and haled her 
without receiving any answer, we sent off a shallop, well 
furnished with men for to compel her to come aboard us : our 
boat then going directly to the vessel, we entred her, but 
were much amazed to find in her only five Portugals, two 
dead, and three aUve, with a coffer, and a sack full of Tangues, 
and Larius, which is the mony of that country, and a fardle, 
wherein there were basins and ewers of silver, and two other 
very great basins. Having laid up all this safely, I caused the 
Portugals to be brought into our junk ; where looking very 
carefidly unto them, yet could I not in two days get one word 
from them ; but at length by the means of yelks of eggs, and 
good broaths, which I made them take, they came again to 
themselves; so that in six or seven days they were able to 
render me a reason of their accident. One of those Portugals 
was called CMistovamo Doria, who was since sent into this 
country for a captain to Saint Tome ; the other Ltvys Tdbonda, 
and the third Svnumo de Brito, all men of credit, and rich 
merchants. These same recounted unto us, that coming from 
the Indies in a vessel belonging to Jorge Manhoz, that was 
married at Goa, with a purpose to go to the port of CJumngan, 


in the kingdom of Bengala, they were oast away in the sands 
of BMcano for want of taking heed; so that of fourscore 
persons, that they were in the vessel, onely seventeen being 
saved, they had continued their course ail along by the coast 
for five days together, intending if possibly they could to 
recover the river of Cosmira in the kingdom of Pegu, there to 
ship themselves for the Indiaes in some vessel or other that 
they should meet with in the port ; but whilst they were in 
this resolution, they were so driven by a most impetuous 
westerly wind, that in one day and a night they lost the sight 
of land, finding themselves in the main sea without oars, 
without sayls, and all knowledge of the winds, they continued 
in that state sixteen days together, at the end whereof their 
water coming to faU, all died but those three he saw before 
him. Upon the finishing of this relation we proceeded on in 
our course, and within four days after we met with five 
Portugal vessels, which were sayling from Bengala to Malaca. 
Having shewed them Pedro de Fcma's order, I desired them 
to keep in consort together for fear of the Achems army, that 
ranged all over the coast, lest through their imprudence they 
should fall into any mischief, and thereof I demanded a 
certificate from them, which they willingly granted, as also 
furnished me very plentifully with all things necessary. 
Having made this dispatch we continued our course, and nine 
days after we arrived at the bar of Martahano, on & Friday, the 
27th of Ma/rch, 1545, having past by Ta/rnassey, Tova/y, Merguin, 
Juncay, Pullo, Gamuda, and Vaga/nm, without hearing any 
tidings of those hundred Portugals, in search of whom I went, 
because before that they had taken pay in the service of the 
Ghcmbadnhaa, King of Martabano, who, according to report, 
had sent for them to assist him against the King of Bramaa, 
that held him besieged with an army of seven hundred 
thousand men, as I have declared before ; howbeit they were 
not at this time in his service ; as we shall see presently. 

It was almost two hours within night, when we arrived at 
the mouth of the river ; where we oast anchor with a resolu- 
tion to go up the next day to the city. Having continued some- 
time very quiet, we ever and anon heard many cannon shot, 
whereat we were so troubled, as we knew not what to resolve 


on ; as soon as the sun rose, the Necoda assembled his men to 
councel; for in semblable occasions he always used so to do, 
and told them, that as sure as they were all to have a share 
in the peril, so it was fit that every one should give his advice 
about it ; then he made a speech, wherein he represented unto 
them that which they had heard that night, and how in regard 
thereof he feared to go unto the city. Their opinions upon it 
were very different, howbeit at length they concluded, that 
their eyes were to be witnesses of that whereof they stood in 
such doubt. To this end we set sail, having both wind and 
tyde, and doubled a point, called Mownay, from whence we 
discovered the city, invironed with a world of men, and upon 
the river almost as many vessels, and although we suspected 
what this might be, because we had heard something of it, yet 
left we not off from sayHag to the port, where we arrived with 
a great deal of care, and having discharged our ordnance 
according to the usual manner, in sign of peace, we perceived 
a vessel very well furnished came directly to us from the shore, 
wherein there was six Portugals, at which we exceedingly 
rejoyced ; these presently came aboard our junck, where they 
were very well entertained ; and having declared unto us what 
we were to do for the safety of our persons, they counselled 
us not to budge from thence for any thing in the world, as 
we had told them our resolution was to have fled that night 
to Bengala ; because if we had followed that design, we had 
assuredly been lost, and taken by the fleet which the King of 
Bramaa had in that place, consisting of seventeen hundred 
sayls, wherein were comprised an hundred gaUies very well 
furnished vyith strangers. They added withal, that they were 
of opinion I should go ashore with them to Joano Gayeyro, 
who was captain of the Portugals, for to give him an account 
of the cause that brought me thither, the rather for that he 
was a man of sweet disposition, and a great friend of Pedro de 
Faria's, to whom they had often heard him give much com- 
mendation, as well for his noble extraction, as for the goodly 
qualities that were in him ; besides they told me that I should 
find Lancarote Gueyreyo, and the rest of the captains vyith 
him, imto whom my aforesaid letters were directed, and that 
I should do nothing therein prejudicial to the service of God, 


and the King. This counsel seeming good unto me, I went 
presently to land with the Portugals to wait on Joano Gayeyro, 
to whom I was exceeding welcome, as likewise to all the rest 
that were in his quarters, to the numher of seven hundred 
PorPugals, all rich men, and of good esteem. Then I shewed 
Joano Gayeyro my letters, and the order that Ped/ro de Faria 
had given me ; moreover I treated with him about the affair 
that led me thither : whereupon I observed that he was very 
instant with the captains, to whom I was addrest, who 
answered him that they were ready to serve the King in all 
occasions that should be presented; howbeit since the letter 
of Ped^o de Faria, Governour of Malaca, was grounded on the 
fear that he was in of the army of the Achems, composed of 
an hundred and thirty sayl, whereof Bijaya Sora King of 
PedAr was General ; and it having fallen out, that his Admiral 
had been defeated at Tarnasery by those of the country, 
with the loss of seventy Lanchares, and six thousand men, 
it was not needful they should stir for that occasion; for 
according to what they had seen with their own eyes, the 
forces of that enemy were so mightily weakned, as they did 
not think he could in ten years space recover again the loss 
he had sustained. To this they added many other reasons, 
which made them all to agree, that it was not necessary they 
should go to Malaca. After these things I desired Joamo 
Gayeyro to make me a declaration of all that had past in this 
business, that it might serve me, as it were, for a certificate at 
my return to our fortress, determining as soon as I had it to 
get me from this place, for that I had nothing more to do there. 
With this resolution I stayed there with Joano Gayeyro, in 
continual expectation to be gone when the season should serve 
for the junck to depart, and remained vrith him at this siege 
the space of six and forty days, which was the chief time 
of the King of Bramaa his abode there ; of whom I will say 
something here in a few words, because I conceive the curious 
would be weU. content to Imow what success the Ghaubainhaa, 
King of MartaboMO, had in this war. This siege had lasted 
now six months and thirteen days, in which space the city 
had been assaulted five times in plain day, but the besieged 
defended themselves always very valiantly, and like men of 


great courage. Howbeit in regard they were insensibly con- 
sumed with length of time, and the success of war, that no 
succour came to them from any part, their enemies were 
without comparison far more in number then they, in such 
sort as the Chcmbcdnhaa, found himself so destitute of men, as 
it was thought he had not above five thousand soldiers left in 
the city, the hundred and thirty thousand which were said to 
be there at the beginning of the siege, being consumed by 
famine, or the sword, by reason whereof the Council assembling 
for to deliberate what was to be done thereupon, it was resolved 
that the king should sound his enemy by his interest, which he 
presently put in execution. For that effect he sent to tell him, 
that if he would raise the siege he would give him thirty thou- 
sand hisses of silver, which is in value a million of gold, and would 
become his tributary at threescore thousand ducates by theyear. 
The answer made by the King of Bramaa, hereunto was, that 
he could accept of no conditions from him, if he did not first 
yield himself to his mercy. The second time he propounded 
unto him, that if he would suffer him to depart away with two 
ships, in one of which should be his treasure, and in the other 
his wife and children, that then he would deliver him the city, 
and all that was in it. But the King of Bramaa would hearken 
no more to that then the former. The third proposition which 
he made him was this, that he should retire with his army to 
Tagalaa, some six leagues off, that so he might have liberty to 
go away freely with all his, and thereupon he would deliver 
him the city, and the kingdom, together with all the treasure 
belonging to the king his predecessor, or that in lieu thereof he 
would give him three miUions of gold. But he also refused this 
last offer, insomuch that the Ghauhamhaa utterly dispairing 
of ever making his peace with so cruel an enemy, began to 
meditate with himself what means he might use to save himself 
from him. Having long thought upon it he found no better 
an expedient then therein to serve himself of the succour of the 
Porimgals, for he was perswaded that by their means he might 
escape the present danger. He sent then secretly to tell Joano 
Cayeyro, that if he would imbarque himself in the night in 
his four ships, and take him in with his wife and children, and 
so save them, he would give him half bis treasure. In this 


affair he very closely imployed a certain Portibgal, named Pauh 
de Seixas, born in the tovm of Obidos, who at that time was 
with him in the city. This same having disguised himself in 
a Pegu habit, that he might not be known, stole one night to 
Gayeyro's tent and deUvered him a letter from the Chcmbamhaa, 
wherein this was contained. VaUant and faithful Commander 
of the Portugals, through the grace of the King of the other end 
of the world, the strong and mighty Lion, dreadfully roaring, 
with a crown of majesty in the Rouse of the Sun, I the umha^ppy 
Chaubainha's, heretofore a prince, but now no longer so, finding 
my self besieged in this wretched and infortunate city, do give 
thee to understand by the words pronounced out of my mouth, 
with an asswrance no less faithful then true, that I now render 
my self the vassal of the great king of Portugal, soveraign lord of 
me, and my children, with an acknowledgement of homage, and 
such tribute as he at Ms pleasure shall imvpose on me : wherefore 
I require thee on his behalf, that as soon as Paulo Seixas shall 
present this my letter unto thee, thou come speedily with thy ships 
to the bulwark of the Chappel-key, where thou shalt find me ready 
attending thee, and then without taking further counsel, I will 
deliver my self up to thy mercy, with all the treasures that I have in 
gold, and precious stones, whereof I will mast wilWngly gi/oe the 
one half to the King of Portugal, upon condition that he shall 
permit me with the remainder to levy in his kingdom, or in the 
fortresses which he hath in the Indiaes, two thousand Portugals, 
to whom I will give extraordinary great pay that by their means 
I ma/y be re-established in this state, which now I a/m constrained 
to abandon ; since my ill fortune will home it so. As for that 
which concerns thee, and thy men, I do promise them, by the faith 
of my verity, that in case they do help to save me, I will divide m/y 
treasure so liberally among them, that all of them shall be very well 
satisfied and contented ; and for that time will not suffer me to 
enlarge any further, Paulo de Seixas, by whom I send this unto 
thee, shall assure thee both of that which he hath seen, and of 
the rest which I have communicated vm,to him. Joano Ga/yeyro 
had no sooner received this letter, but he presently caused the 
chief of his followers secretly to assemble together in Councel. 
Having shewed them the letter, he represented unto them how 
important and profitable it would be for the service of God, and 


the King, to accept of the offer, which the Ghmbmnhm had 
made them. Whereupon causing an oath to be given to Pernio 
de Sewas, he willed him freely to declare all his knowledge of 
the matter, and whether it were true that the Ghcmbmnhaa his 
treasure was so great, as it was reported to be. Thereunto 
he answered by the oath what he had taken, that he knew 
not certainly how great his treasure was, but that he was well 
assured how he had often seen, with his own eyes, an house 
in form of a church, and a reasonable bigness, all full up to 
the very tyles of bars and wedges of gold, which might very 
well lade two great ships. He further said, that he had more- 
over seen six and twenty chests bound about with strong cords, 
wherein according to the Chaubamhaa his own report was the 
treasure of the deceased Presagvsan King of Pegu, which said 
treasure containing an hundred and thirty thousand hisses, 
and every biss in value five hundred ducates, made up all 
together the sum of threescore millions of gold. He said also, 
that he knew not certainly the number of wedges of gold which 
he had seen in the Temple of the God of Thunder, but he was 
most assured notwithstanding that they would fully lade four 
good vessels. And for a conclusion, he told them, that the said 
Chaubamhaa had shewed him the golden image of Qmay Frigau, 
which was taken at Degwn, all full of such rich and resplendent 
stones as it was thought the like again were not in the whole 
world. So that this declaration which this man made upon oath 
astonished them so that heard it, as they could not possibly believe 
it to be true. Howbeit after they had sent him out of the tent, 
they entered into consultation about this affair, wherein nothing 
was resolved,of which I verily believe our sinswere the cause; for 
there were in this assembly as many different opinions, as Babel 
had diversities of languages, which proceeded especially from 
the envy of six or seven men there present, who would needs 
perswade the rest, that if this affair should happen to have 
such success as was hoped for, Joano Gayeyro (unto whom 
they all bore no good will) would go then into Portugal with so 
much honor and reputation, as it would be a small matter for 
the King to make him an earl, or a marquis, or at least recom- 
pence liim with the government of the Indies ; so that after 
these ministers of the devil had alledged many reasons where- 


fore it might not be done, which I think was but the mask of 
their weakness and ill nature, though it may be they did it 
out of the fear they were in of losing both their goods and lives 
if this matter should come to be discovered to the King of 
Bramaa; howsoever they would not agree to accept of this offer, 
but contrariwise they threatened Joano Cayeyro, that if he 
desisted not from his purpose, which was to comply with the 
Ghcmhainhaa, they would disclose it to the Bramaa ; so that 
Ga/yeyro was constrained to abandon this business, lest if he 
should persist therein the Portiigals themselves would discover 
him, as they threatened to do, without either fear of God, or 
regard of men. 

Joano Cayeyro, seeing he could not possibly bring his 
desire to pass, vrrote a letter to the GoMbamhaa, wherein he 
used many weak excuses for not performing that which he 
demanded of him, and giving it to Pa/uh de Seixas, he speedily 
dispatched him away with it ; so that departing about three 
hours after midnight he arrived safe at the city, where he 
found the GoMbamhaa, attending him in the same place which 
he had named in his letter, unto whom he dehvered the answer 
he had brought. After he had read it, and thereby found 
that he could not be succoured by our men, as he always 
thought he should, it is said that he remained so confounded, 
that for very grief and sorrow he sunk down to the ground 
like a dead man, and continuing a pretty while in that manner, 
at length he came again to himself, and then beting his brest, 
and bewaiUng his miserable fortune. Ah PortugaU, said he with 
tears in his eyes, how ill do you acknowledge that which I have 
done for yoUj imagining that thereby I should make acquisition 
of your friendship, as of a treasv/re, to the end that Uke faithful 
men you would be assisting to me in so great a necessity as this 
is which now I am in, whereby I desired no other thing then to 
sct/oe my child/rens lives, imrich your king, and state you m the 
number of my chiefest friends ? And would it had pleased ham 
who raigns in the beauty of these stars, that you had merited 
before him the doing me this good office, which onel/y for my 
sins you ha/ve refused me; for in so doing you had by my 
means augmented his la/w, amd I been sa/ued in the promises of 
his truth. Thereupon sending away Paulo de Seixas, with a 


young wench, by whom he had had two sons, he gave him a 
pair of bracelets, and said unto him, I desire thee not to think 
of this Utile which now I gi/oe thee, but of the great love I ha/ve 
always bom thee ; above all, forget not to tell the Portugals, 
with how much cause and grief I complain of thei/r extream in- 
gratitude, whereof I will render them culpable before God at the 
last and dreadful day of judgement. The night following Paul 
de Seixas came back to the Portugals, with two children, and 
a very fair young damosel their mother, with whom he married 
afterwards at Goromandel, and shewed to Simon de Binto, and 
Ped/ro de Bruges, lapidaries, the bracelets which the Ghau- 
bainhaa had given him, who buying them of him payd six 
and thirty thousand ducats for them, and had afterwards 
fourscore thousand for them of Trvmi/ra Baia Govemour of 
Narsingua. Five days after Pauh de Seixas coming to the 
camp,, where he recounted aU that I have related before, the 
Chaubainhaa, seeing himself destitute of all humane remedy, 
advised with his Gouncel what course he should take in so 
many misfortunes, that dayly in the neck of one another fell 
upon him ; and it was resolved by them to put to the sword 
all things living that were not able to fight, and with the 
blood of them to make a sacrifice to Qwiay Nwandel, God of 
Battels, then to cast all the treasure into the sea, that their 
enemies might make no benefit of it, afterward to set the 
whole city on fire, and lastly that all those which were able 
to bear arms should make themselves Amoucos, that is to say, 
men resolved either to dye, or vanquish, in fighting with the 
Bramaas. The Cha/ubainhaa very much approved this counsel, 
and concluding of it accordingly they fell presently to the de- 
molishing of houses, and were preparing all other things for 
the effecting of their design, when as one of the three principal 
commanders of the city, apprehending that which was to 
follow the next day, fled the night ensuing to the enemies 
camp, and there rendered himself with four thousand men 
under his leading to the Bramaa. Hereupon the courages of 
all the rest were so abated by such a strange infidelity and 
flight, that not one of them cared afterwards either to keep 
watch, maintain the breaches, or do any other service what- 
soever, but coutrarily all that remained stuck not to say 


publiquely, that if the Chcmbadnhaa would not suddenly re- 
solve to yield himself to the Bramaa, they would open the 
gates and let him in, for that it would be better for them to 
dye so, then to languish and consume away like rotten beasts 
as they did. The Ghaubainhaa seeing them stifly bent there- 
unto, for to appease them, answered, that he would perform 
their desire ; howbeit withal he caused a review to be made 
of those that would fight, but he found them to be not above 
two thousand in aU, and they too so destitute of coiu:age, as 
they could hardly have resisted feeble women. Beholding 
himself then reduced to the last cast, he communicated his 
mind to the Queen onely, as having no other at that time by 
whom he might be advised, or that indeed could advise Mm. 
The onely expedient then that he could rest on, was to render 
himself into the hands of his enemy, and to stand to his 
mercy, or his rigor. Wherefore the next day about six of 
the clock in the morning he caused a white flag to be hung 
out over the wall in sign of peace, whereunto they of the 
camp answered with another like banner. Hereupon the 
Xemmbrum, who was as it were marshal of the camp, sent 
an horseman to the bulwark, where the flag stood, unto whom 
it was delivered from the top of the wall. That the Ghau- 
bainhaa desired to send a letter to the King, so as he might 
have a safe-conduct for it; which being signified to the 
Xemmbrum, he instantly dispatched away two of good quaUty 
in the army with a safe-conduct, and so these two Bramaas 
remaining for hostages in the city, the Ghaubainhaa sent the 
King a letter by one of his priests, that was fourscore years of 
age, and reputed for a saint amongst them. The contents 
of this letter were these : The love of children hath so much 
power in this house of our weakness, that amongst us, who a/re 
fathers, there is not so much as one that for their sakes would 
not be well contented to descend a thousand times into the deep 
pit of the house of the serpent, much more would expose his Ufe 
for them, a/nd put himself into the hands of one that useth so 
mu£h clemency towards them that shall do so. For which 
reason I resohed this night with my wife and children, contrary 
to the opinions that would disswade me from this good, which 1 
hold the greatest of all others, to render my self vnto your Sigh 


ness, that you may do with me as you thinh fit, and as shall be 
most agreeable to yov/r good pleasure. As for the fault where- 
with I may be charged, and whAoh I submit at you/r feet, 1 
humbly beseech you not to regard it, that so the merit of the 
mercy, whdch you shall shew me, may be the greater before God 
and men. May your Highness therefore be pleased to send some 
presently for to take possession of my person, of my wife, of my 
children, of the city, of the treasme, and of all the kingdom ; all 
whdch I do even now yield up unto you, as to my sovereign lord, 
and lawful king. All the request that I home to make unto you 
hereupon with my knees on the ground, is, that we may all of us 
with yowr permission finish ov/r days in a cloister, where I have 
aheady vowed ccmtinualhj to bewail and repent my faitilts past. 
For as touching the honors and estates of the world, wherewith 
yowr Highness might inrich me, as Lord of the most part of the 
Earth, and of the Isles of the Sea, they are things which I 
utterly renounce for evermore. In a word, I da solemnly swea/r 
unto you before the greatest of all the gods, who with the gentle 
touch of His Almighty hand makes the clouds of heaven to move, 
never to leave that reUgion which by yowr pleaswre I shall be 
commanded to profess, where being freed from the vain hopes of 
the world, my repentance may be the more pleasing to Him that 
pardoneth all things. This holy Grepo, Dean of the Golden 
House of Sadnt Qtiiay, who for his goodness and austerity of 
Ufe hath all power over me, will make a more ample relation 
unto you of what I have omitted, and can more particularly tell 
you that which concerns the offer I make you of rend/ring my 
self ; that so relying on the reality of his speech, the unquietness 
wherewith my soul is incessantly troubled may be appeased. 
The King of Bramaa having read this letter instantly returned 
another in answer thereunto full of promises and oaths to this 
effect, That he would forget all that was past, and that for the 
future he would provide him an estate of so great a revenue, as 
should very well content him. Which he but badly accom- 
plished, as I shall declare hereafter. These news was pub- 
lished throughout all the camp with a great deal of joy, and 
the next morning all the equipage and train that the King had 
in his quarter was set forth to view. First of all there were 
to be seen fourscore and six field-tents, wonderful richj each 


of them being invironed with thirty elephants, ranked in two 
files, as if they had been ready to fight, with castles on their 
backs full of banners, and their Panares fastened to their 
trunks, the whole number of them amounted unto two 
thousand, five hundred, and fotirscore. Not far from them 
were twelve thousand and five hundred Bramaas, all mounted 
on horses, very richly accoustred ; with the order, which they 
kept, they inclosed all the Kings quarter in four files, and 
were all armed in corslets, or coats of mayl, with lances, 
cymitars, and gilded bucklers. After these Horse followed 
four files of Foot, all Bramaas, being in number above twenty 
thousand. For all the other souldiers of the camp, there were 
so many as they could not be counted, and they marched all 
in order after their captains. In this publique muster were 
to be seen a world of banners, and rich colours, and such a 
number of instruments of war sounded, that the noise thereof, 
together with that which the souldiers made, was most 
dreadful, and so great as it was not possible to hear one 
another. Now for that the King of Bramaa would this day 
make shew of his greatness, in the reddition of the Chcm- 
hcvmhaa, he gave express command, that all the captains 
which were strangers, with their men, should put on their 
best clothes, and arms, and so ranged in two files, they 
should make as it were a kind of street, through which the 
Ghaubainhaa might pass ; this accordingly was put in execu- 
tion ; and this street took beginning from the city gate, and 
reached as far as to the "Kings tent, being in length about 
three quarters of a league, or better. In this street there were 
six and thirty thousand strangers, of two and forty different 
nations, namely Fortugals, Grecians, Venetians, Turks, Jawi- 
za/ries, Jews, Armenians, Tarta/rs, Mogores, Ahyssins, Bads- 
butos, Nobins, Goracones, Persians, Tupa/raas, Qiza/res, Tamaoos, 
Malabares, Jaos, Aohems, Moens, Siams, Lussons of the Island 
Borneo, Chacomas, Arracons, Predine, Papuaas, Selebres, Min- 
dancas, Pegus, Bramaas, and many others whose names I 
know not. All these nations were ranked according to the 
XemMbrums order, whereby the Portugals were placed in the 
vanguard, which was next to the gate of the city where the 
Chabainhaa was to come. After them followed the Armenians 
then the Janiza/ries and Twrks, and so the rest. 



In what manner the Ghaubainhaa rendred himself to the King of Bramaa, 
and the ornel proceeding against the Queen of Martabano, and the 
ladies, her attendants. 

ABOUT one of the clock in the afternoon a cannon was shot 
off, which was the signal for the instant opening of the 
gates of the city; whereupon first of all issued out the 
souldiers, whom the King had sent thither for the guard of 
it, being 4000 Siams and Bramaas, all harquebusiers, halber- 
diers, and pikemen, with above 300 armed elephants; all 
which were commanded by a Bramaa, uncle to the King, 
named Monpocasser BaMia, of the city of MeUetay. Ten or 
eleven paces after this guard of elephants marched divers 
princes, and great lords, whom the King had sent to receive 
the Ghaubainhaa, all mounted on elephants, richly harnessed, 
with chairs upon their backs, plated over with gold, and 
collars of precious stones about their necks. Then followed 
at some 8 or 9 paces distance the BoJrni of Mouitay, Sovereign 
Talapoy of aU the priests of the kingdom, and held in the 
reputation of a saint, who went alone with the Ghmibamhaa, 
as a mediatour between the King and him ; immediately after 
him came in a close chair, carried upon mens shoulders, Nhay 
Canateo, the daughter of the King of Pegu, from whom this 
Bramaa had taken his kingdom, and wife to the Ghaubainhaa, 
having with her 4 small children, namely, 2 boys, and 2 girls, 
whereof the eldest was not 7 years old ; round about her and 
them went some 30 or 40 young women of noble extraction, 
and wonderfull fair, with cast down looks, and tears in their 
eyes, leaning upon other women. After them marched in 
order certain Talagrepos, which were amongst them as the 
Ca/pibchms with us, who bare-foot and bare-headed went alone 
praying, holding beads in their hands, and ever and anon 
comforting those ladies the best they could, and casting water 
in their faces for to bring them to themselves again, when as 
they fainted, which they did very often; a spectacle so 
lamentable, as it was not possible to behold it without 
shedding of tears. This desolate company was attended by 


another guard of Foot, and 500 Bramaas on horsback. The 
Ghaubainhaa was mounted on a little elephant, in sign of 
poverty and contempt of the world, conformable to the re- 
ligion which he intended to enter into, being simply apparelled 
in a long cassock of black velvet, as a mark of his mourning, 
having his beard, head, and eye-brows shaven, with an old 
cord about his neck, so to render himself to the King. In 
this equipage he appeared- so sad and afflicted, that one could 
not forbear weeping to behold him. As for his age, he was 
about threescore and two years old, tall of stature, with a 
grave and severe look, and the countenance of a generous 
prince. As soon as he was arrived at a place which was 
near to the gate of the city, where a great throng of women, 
children, and old men, waited for him, when they saw him in 
so deplorable an estate, they all made (7 times one after 
another) so loud and dreadfull a cry, as if heaven and earth 
would have come together. Now these lamentations and 
complaints were presently seconded with such terrible blows, 
that they gave themselves without pity on their faces with 
stones, as they were most of them all of a gore-bloud. In the 
mean time things so horrible to behold, and mournful! to 
hear, so much afflicted all the assistants, that the very 
Bramaas of the Guard, though men of war, and consequently 
but little inclined to compassion, being also enemies to the 
Ghaubainhaa, could not forbear weeping. It was likewise in 
this place, where Nhay Ganatoo, and all the other ladies that 
attended on her, fainted twice, by reason whereof they were 
fain to let the Ghcmbaanhaa ahght from his elephant for to go 
and comfort her ; whereupon seeing her lying upon the ground 
in a swoon with her 4 children in her arms, he kneeled down 
on both his knees, and looking up to heaven with his eyes full 
of tears, mighty power of God, cried he, who is able to com- 
prehend the righteous judgments of Thy dmine justice, in that 
Thou, having no regard to the innooency of these poor creatwres, 
gvvest way to Thy wrath, which passeth far beyond the reach 
of owr weak capacities 1 but remember, Lord, who Thou a/rt 
and not what I am. This said, he fell with his face on the 
ground, near to the Queen his wife, which caused all the 
assembly, who were without number, to make another such 


loud and horrible cry, as my words are not able to express it. 
The Chaubmnhaa then took water in his mouth, and spurted 
it on his wife, by which means he brought her to her self 
again, and so taking her up in his arms, he fell a comforting 
her with speeches so full of zeal and devotion, as any one 
that heard him would have taken bim rather for a Christian, 
then a Gentile. After he had employed about half an hours 
time therein, and that they had remounted him on his elephant, 
they proceed on their way in the same order as they held 
before, and as soon as the Chaubmnhaa was out of the city 
gate, and came to the street which was formed of the several 
companies of the strangers, ranked in 2 files, he by chance 
cast his eye on that side where the 700 Portugals were, all of 
them in their best clothes, with their buff-coats, great feathers 
in their caps, and their harquebusiers on their shoulders, as 
also Joano Cayeyro in the midst of them, in a carnation sattin 
suit, and a gilt partisan in his hand, wherewith he made room ; 
the afflicted prince no sooner knew him, but he presently fell 
down on the elephant; and there standing still without passing 
on, he said with tears in his eyes, to those that were about 
him ; My brethren, and good friends, I protest unto you, that 
it is a less grief unto me to make this sacrifice of my self, which 
the dmine justice of God perndts ms to make him this day, then 
to look upon men so wicked and ingratefull as these same here 
are : either kill me then, or send these away, for otherwise I 
will not stir a foot fv/rther. Having said so he turned away 
his face three times that he might not behold us, thereby 
shewing the great spleen that he bore us; and indeed all 
things well considered there was a great deal of reason that 
he should carry himself in that sort towards us, in regard of 
that which I have related before. In the mean time the 
captain of the guard seeing the stay which the Ghcmbamhaa 
had made, and imderstanding the cause why he would not go 
on, though he could not imagine wherefore he complained so 
of the Portugals, yet he hastily turned his elephant towards 
Cayeyro, and giving him a scurvy look ; Get you gone, said he, 
and that instantly, for such wicked men as you are do not 
deserve to stand on arvy ground that bears fruit ; a/nd I pray 
God to pa/rdon him which hath put it into the Kings head that 



you can he any ways profitable unto him. It were fitter for you 
therefore to sha/ve away your heanrds, that you may not deceive 
the world as you do, and we will ha/oe women in your places 
that shall serve us for ou/r money. Whereupon the Bramaas 
of the guard, heiug incensed against us, drove us away from 
thence with a great deal of shame and contumely. And truly, 
not to lye, never was I so sensible of anything as this, in 
respect of the honour of my country-men. After this, the 
Ghaubainhaa went on till he came to the tent of the King, 
who attended him with a royal pomp : for he was accompanied 
with a great number of lords, amongst the which there were 
15 Bainhaas, who are as dukes with us, and of 6 or 7 others, 
that were of greater dignity then they. As soon as the ChoM- 
bainhaa came near him, he threw himself at his feet, and so 
prostrated on the ground he lay there a good while, as it were 
in a swoon, without speaking a word; but the BoUm of 
Mounay, that was close by him, supplied that defect, and 
like a reUgious man, as he was, spake for him to the King, 
saying ; Sir, here is a spectacle able to move thy heart to pity, 
though the crime be such as it is. Bemember then that the 
thing most pleasing to God in this world, and whereunto the 
effects of His mercy is soonest communicated, is such an action, 
and voluntary submission, as this is, which here thou beholdest. 
It is for thee now to imitate His clemency, and so to do thou 
art most humbly intreated by the hearts of all them that are 
mollified by so great a misfortime as this is. Now if thou 
grantest them this their request, which with so mv,ch instance 
they beg of thee, he assured that God will take it in good part, 
and that at the how of thy death He will stretch forth His 
mighty hand over thee, to the end thou mayst be exempted from 
all manner of foMlts. Hereunto he added many other speeches, 
whereby he perswaded the King to pardon him ; at leastwise 
he promised so to do, wherewith the BoVm, and all the lords 
there present, shewed themselves very well contented, and 
commended him exceedingly for it, imagining that the effect 
would be answerable to that which he had engaged himself 
for before all. Now because it began to be night, he com- 
manded the most of them that were about him to retire ; as 
for the Ghaubainhaa, he committed him into the hands of a 


Bramaa commander, named Xemm Commidau ; and the Queen 
his -wife, with his children, and the other ladies were put into 
the custody of Xendn Ansedaa, as well because he had his 
wife there, as for that he was an honourable old man, in 
whom the King of Bramaa much confided. 

The fear which the King of Bramaa was in lest the men of 
war should enter into the city of Martabano, and should 
piUage it now that it was night before he had done all that 
which I am hereafter to relate, was the cause that he sent to 
all the gates of the city, (being 24) Bramaa captains for to 
guard them, with express commandment, that upon pain of 
death no man should be suffered to enter in at any of them, 
before he had taken order for the performance of the promise 
which he had made to the strangers, to give them the 
spoil of it; howbeit he took not that care, nor used such 
diligence for the consideration he spake of, but onely that he 
might preserye the Chaubadnhaa's treasure ; to which effect he 
spent two whole diys in conveighing it away, it being so great 
that a thousand men were for that space altogether imployed 
therein ; at the end of these two days the Sing went very 
early in the morning to an hill, called Beidao, distant from his 
quarters some two or three ffight-shoot, and then caused the 
captains that were at the guard of the gates to leave them, 
and retire away ; whereupon the miserable city of Martabano 
was delivered to the mercy of the souldiers, who at the 
shooting off of a cannon, which was the signal thereof, entred 
presently into it pell-mell, and so thronging together, that at 
the entring into the gates, it is said, above three hxmdred men 
were stifled ; for as there was there an infinite company of 
men of war of different nations, the most of them without 
king, without law, and without the fear and knowledge of 
God, they went all to the spoil with closed eyes, and therein 
shewed themselves so cruel minded, that the thing they made 
least reckoning of was to kill an hundred men for a crown ; 
and truly the disorder was such in the city, as the King 
himself was fain to go thither six or seven times in person for 
to appease it. The sack of this city endured three days and 
an half, vnth so much avarice and cruelty of these barbarous 
enemies, as it was wholly pillaged, without any thing left that 


might give an eye cause to covet it. That done, the King 
vdth a new ceremony of proclamations caused the Chaubain- 
haa's palaces, together with thirty or forty very fair rich 
houses of his principal lords, and all the Pagodes and temples 
of the city to be demolished ; bo that according to the opinion 
of many, it was thought that the loss of those magnificent 
edifices amounted to above 10 millions of gold : wherewith not 
yet contented he commanded all the buildings of the city that 
were still afoot, to be set on fire, which by the violence of the 
winde, kindled in such manner, as in that onely night there 
remained nothing unbumt, yea the very walls, towers, and 
bulwarks were consumed even to the foundations. The 
number of them that were killed in this sack was threescore 
thousand persons; nor was that of the prisoners much less. 
There were an hundred and forty thousand houses, and 
seventeen hundred temples burnt, wherein also were consumed 
threescore thousand statues, or idols of divers metalls ; during 
this siege they of the city had eaten three thousand elephants. 
There was found in this city six thousand pieces of artillery, 
what of brass and iron, an hundred thousand quintals of 
pepper, and as much of sanders, benjamin, lacre, Uguum 
aloes, camphire, silk, and many other kindes of rich merchan- 
dise, but above all an infinite number of commodities, which 
were come thither from the Indiaes in above an hundred 
vessels of Camha/ya, Achem, Meliiida, Ceilam, and of all the 
Straight of Mecqua, of the Leqmos, and of China. As for 
gold, silver, precious stones, and jewels, that were found 
there, one truly knows not what they were, for those things 
are ordinarily concealed ; wherefore it shall suf&ce me to say, 
that so much as the King of Bramaa had for certain of the 
Ghaubainhaa's treasure, amounted to an -hundred millions of 
gold, whereof, as I have said before, our King lost the moity, 
as well for our sins, as through the malice and envy of wicked 
dispositions. The next day after the city was pillaged, de- 
molished, and burnt, there was seen *n the morning upon the 
hill where the King was, one and twenty pair of gallows, 
twenty of the which were of equal height, and the other a 
little lower erected on pillars of stone, and guarded by an 
hundred Bramaa horsmen; there were also round about the 


place very large trenehes, where a great many banners spotted 
with drops of blond were planted. As this novelty promised 
somewhat which no man had heard of before, six of us 
Portugals ran thither to learn what the matter might be ; and 
as we were going along we heard a great noise made by the 
men of war from the camp, whereupon we saw come out of 
the Kings quarter a number of horsmen, who with lances in 
their iands prepared a great street, and cried out aloud ; Let 
no man upon pcdn of death appear in arms, nor utter that with 
his mouth which he thinks in his hea/rt. A pretty way off from 
these horse was the Xemimbrimi, with an hundred armed 
elephants, and a good many foot; after them went fifteen 
hundred Bramaas on horsback, cast into four orders of files, 
each of them six in a rank, whereof the Talanagyhras, Viceroy of 
Tangu, was commander : then marched the Ghauferoo Siammon 
with three thousand Sia^mms, armed with Ha/rquebu&es and 
lances, all in one battalion : in the midst of these were an 
hundred and twenty women tied and bound four and four 
together, and accompanied with Talagrepos, men of great 
austerity, and are such as the Capuchins amongst us, who 
laboured aU they might to comfort them in this last act of 
life ; behinde them were twelve ushers with maces, that went 
before Nhay Ganatoo, daughter to the King of Pegu, from 
whom this Bramaa tyrant had usurped his kingdom, and wife 
to the Ghauhainhaa, with four children of hers, which were 
carried by so many horsmen : all these sufferers were the 
wives or daughters of the principal commanders that the 
Gha/uhainhaa had with him in the city, upon whom in the 
way of a strange revenge this Bramaa tyrant desired to wreak 
his spight, and the hatred that he had always born unto 
women. The most of these poor wretches were between 
seventeen and five and twenty years of age, all of them very 
white and fair, with bright aubom hair, but so weak in body, 
that of ten-times they fell down in a swoon, out of which 
certain women upon wliom they leaned, endeavoured still to 
bring them again, presenting them comfits, and other such 
things fit for that purpose, but they would take none of them, 
for that they were, as I have said, so feeble and benummed, 
as they could scarce hear what the Talegrepos spake unto 


them ; onely now and then lifted up their hands to heaven. 
After this princess marched threescore Orepos, in two files, 
praying with their looks fixed on the ground, and their eyes 
watered with tears, saying ever and anon in a dolefull tone ; 
Thou wMch holdest Thy Being of none but Thy self, so jv^tifie 
our works, that they may be agreeable to Thy justice. Where- 
unto others answered weeping ; Grant, Lord, that it may be so 
that through ov/rfoMlt we lose not the rich gifts of Thy promises. 
After these Grepos followed a procession of three or four 
hundred little children, quite naked from the girdle-sted 
downwards, having in their hands great white wax lights, 
and cords about their necks; these, like the others, with a 
sad and lamentable voice, which moved every one to com- 
passion, uttered these words : We most humbly beseech Thee, 
Lord, to give ear unto our cries and groans, and shew mercy 
to these Thy caplmes, that with a full rejoycing they may have 
a pa/rt of the graces and benefits of Thy rich treasures ; and 
much more they said to that purpose, in favour of these poor 
sufferers : behinde this procession was another guard of foot- 
men, all Bramaas, and armed with lances, arrows, and some 
Harquebuses. As for the rearward, it consisted of an hundred 
elephants, like to them that marched first of all, so that the 
number of the men of war that assisted at this execution, as well 
for the guard, as for the pomp thereof, was ten thousand foot, 
and two thousand horse, besides the two hundred elephants, 
and a world of other people, both strangers and natives, that 
came thither to behold the end of so mournfull and lamentable 
an action. 


In what sort the eentence of death was executed on the person of the 
Chauhainhaa £^ng of Martaban, Nbay Canatoo his wife, and an 
hundred and forty women ; with that which the King of Bramaa did 
after his return to Pegu. 

THESE poor sufferers having been led in the order before 
mentioned clean through the camp, they came at last 
to the place of execution, where the six ushers with a loud 


voice made this proclamation : Let all manner of people see 
and observe the hlou&y justice, which is here to be done by the 
Uoing God, Lord of all truth, and our King the Sovereign of 
ow heads. Who of His absolute power doth commamd that these 
hundred and forty women be put to death, and thrown into the 
air, for that by their counsel and incitement their fathers amd 
husbands stood out against us in this city, and at times killed 
twelve thousand Bramaas of the kingdom of Tangu. Then at 
the ringing of a bell all the officers and ministers of justice, 
pell-mell together with the guards, made such a cry, as was 
most dreadfull to hear ; whereupon the cruel hangmen being 
ready to put the sentence of death in execution, those poor 
wretches embraced one another, and shedding abundance of 
tears they addressed themselves to Nhay Ga/natoo, who lay at 
that time almost dead in the lap of an old lady, and with 
their best complements one of them spake for aU the rest unto 
her in this manner ; Excellent lady, that art as a crown of roses 
wpon our heads, now that we thy humble servants are entring into 
those mou/mful mansions where death doth reside, comfort ^^s we 
beseech thee with thy dear sight, that so we may with less grief 
quit these bodies full of angwish, for to present oursehies before 
that Almighty just Judge, of whom we will for ever implore His 
justice for a perpetual vengeance of the wrong that is done us. 
Then Nhay Canatoo beholding them with a countenance more 
dead then alive, answered them with a feeble voice, that could 
scarce be heard, Go not away so soon, my sisters, but help me to 
sustain these Utile children. That said, she leaned down again 
on the bosom of that lady, without speaking a word more; 
whereupon the ministers of the arm of vengeance, so they 
term the hangmen, laid hold on those poor women, and 
hanged them up all by the feet, with their heads downwards, 
upon twenty gibbets, namely, seven on each one : now so 
painfull a death as this was, made them give strange and 
fearfull groans and sobs, untill at length the bloud stifled them 
all in less then an hour. In the mean time Nhay Gamatoo was 
conducted by the four women, upon whom she leaned, directly 
to the gallows, whereon she and her four children were to be 
hanged, and there the Bolim of Mounay, who was held 
amongst them for a holy man, used some speeches imto her 


for to encourage her the better to suffer death ; whereupon 
she desired them to give her a little water, which being 
brought unto her, she filled her mouth with it, and so spurted 
it upon her four children, whom she held in her arms ; then 
having kissed them many times, she said unto them weeping, 
my children, my children, whom I hcwe conceived anew within 
the interior of my soul, how happy would I think my self if I 
might redeem yowr lives with loss of mine own a thousand times 
over, if it were possible ! for in regard of the fear and anguish 
wherein I see you at this present, and wherein every one sees me 
also, I should receive death with as good an hea/rt from the hand 
of this cruel enemy, as I wilUngly desire to see my self in the 
presence of my Sovereign Lord of all things, within the repose 
of His celestial habitation. Then turning her to the hangman, 
who was going to binde her two little boys, Good friend, said 
she, he not I pray thee, so void of pity, as to make me see my 
children die, for in so doing thou wouldst commit a great sin : 
wherefore put me first to death, and refuse me not this boon 
which I crawe of thee for Gods sake. After she had thus 
spoken she took her children again in her arms, and kissing 
them over and over in giving them her last farewell, she 
yielded up the ghost in the ladies lap upon whom she leaned, 
not so much as once stirring ever after ; which the hangman 
perceiving, ran presently unto her and hanged her as he had 
done the rest, together with her four little children, two on 
each side of her, and she in the middle. At this cruel and 
pitiful spectacle there arose from amongst all this people so 
great and hideous a cry, that the earth seemed to tremble 
under the feet of them that stood upon it, and withall there 
followed such a mutiny throughout the whole camp, as the 
King was constrained to fortifie himself in his quarter with 
6000 Bramaa horse, and 30000 foot, and yet for all that he 
thought not himself secure enough from it, had not the night 
come, which onely was able to calm the furious motions of 
these men of war ; for of seven hundred thousand which were 
in the camp, sis hundred thousand were by nation Pegu's, 
whose king was the father of this queen, that was thus put 
to death ; but this Tyrant of Bramaa had so disarmed and 
subjected them, as they durst not so much as quich upon any 


occasion. Behold in what an infamous manner NhoAf Canatoo 
finished her days, a princess every way accompUshed, wife to 
the Chmibainhaa King of Martdbano, and the daughter of the 
King- of Pegu, Bmperour of 9 kingdoms, whose yearly revenue 
amounted unto 3 millions of gold. As for the infortunate 
king her husband, he was the same night cast into the river 
with a great stone tied about his neck, together with 50 or 60 
of his chiefest lords, who were either the fathers, husbands, 
or brothers of those hundred and forty ladies, that were most 
unjustly put to such an ignominious death, amongst the which 
there were 3, whom the King of Bramaa had demanded in 
marriage at such time as he was but a simple earl, but not 
one of their fathers would condescend unto it ; whereby one 
may see how great the revolutions of time and fortune are. 

After the Tyrant of Bramaa had caused this rigorous justice 
to be done, he stayed there 9 whole days, during the which 
many of the inhabitants of the city were also executed; at 
last he departed for to go to Pegu, leaving behinde him 
Bainhaa Chaque, lord steward of his house, to take order for 
all things that might conduce to the pacifying of that kingdom, 
and to provide for the repairing of what the fire had consumed ; 
to which purpose he placed a good garison there, and carried 
with biTTi the rest of his army ; Joomo Ca/yeyro followed him 
also with seven hundred Portugals, not above three or four 
remaining behinde in the ruines of Ma/rtahcmo, and those too 
not very considerable, except it were one, named Qoncalo 
Falcan, a gentleman well bom, and whom the Gentiles 
commonly called Crisna Pacani, that is to say, Flmver of 
Flowers, a very honourable title amongst them, which the 
King of Bramaa had given him in recompence of his services : 
now forasmuch as at the departure from Malaca, Pedro de 
Faria had given me a letter directed unto him, whereby he 
desired bim to assist me with his favour, in case I had need 
of it in the affair for which he sent me thither, as well for the 
service of the King, as for his own particular ; as soon as I 
arrived at Martahamo, where I found him resident, I delivered 
him this letter, and withall gave him an account of the 
occasion that brought me thither, which was to confirm the 
ancient League of Peace that the Cha/ubadnhaa had made by 


his ambassadours with them of Malaca, at such time aa 
Pedro de Ftmia was first governour of it, and whereof he could 
not chuse but have some knowledge; adding moreover, how 
to that effect I had brought the GhoMbadnhaa letters full of 
great protestations of amity, and a present of certain very rich 
pieces of China. Hereupon the Goncah Falcon imagining 
that by means hereof he might insinuate himself much more 
into the good grace of the Kin g of Bra/maa, to whose side he 
turned at the siege of Martahano, quitting that of the 
Ghmbbcdnhaa, whom formerly he served, he went three days 
after the Kings departure to his said governour, and told him 
that I was come thither, as ambassadour from the captain of 
Malaca to treat with the Ghaubadnhaa, unto whom the captain 
sent an offer of great forces against the King of Bramaa ; in 
so much that they of the country were upon the point of 
fortifying themselves in Man-tabano, and chasing away the 
Brwmaa's out of the kingdom ; whereunto he added so many 
other such like matters, that the Governour sent presently to 
apprehend me ; and after he had put me into safe custody, he 
went directly to the junck, in which I came from Makwa, and 
seized upon all the goods that were in her, which were worth 
an hundred thousand duoates, committing the Necoda, captain 
and master of the junck, to prison, as also all the rest that 
were in her, to the number of an hundred threescore and 
four persons, wherein comprized forty rich merchants, Malayes, 
Menancabo's, Mah/wmetoMs, and Gentiles, natives of Malaca. 
All these were incontinently condemned to the confiscation of 
their goods, and to remain the Kings prisoners, as well as I, 
for being complices in the treason, which the captain of 
Malaca had plotted in secret with the Gha/ubamhaa against 
the King of Bramaa. Having thus caused them to be put 
into a deep dungeon, he made them to be so cruelly 
scourged, that within a moneth after their imprisonment, 
of an hundred sixty four of them, which they were, 
there died nineteen, either of a lethargy, or of hunger, 
or thirst. As for the rest, they were put into a miserable 
shallop without sails or oars, wherein they were exposed 
down the river; being delivered in this sort to the mercy 
of fortune, they were cast by the winds into a desert island, 


Pulho Camdda, seated 20 leagues -within the sea of this bar, 
where they furnished themselves with some sea-fish and such 
fruits as they found in the woods; and in this necessity 
making a kinds of sail of the clothes they had, and with 2 oars, 
which it may be they met withall there, or made themselves, 
they took their course all along by the coast Jimcalan, and 
from thence to another place, wherein they imployed the space 
of 2 moneths, arriving at length at the river of Pa/rles, in the 
kingdom of Qiceda, where they all died of certain imposthumes, 
which rose in their throats, like unto carbuncles, two onely 
excepted, who came to Malaca, and recounted to Pedro de 
Faria the whole success of this sad voyage, and how that I 
was condemned to die, as indeed I expected every hour to be 
led to execution, when it pleased God to deliver me miracu- 
lously; for as soon as the Neooda, and the merchants were 
banished in the manner that I have declared,! was committed 
to another prison farther off, where I remained six and thirty 
days laden with chains and irons in a most cruel and insup- 
portable manner. During all that time the traitor Goncalo 
exhibited against me daily new and false allegations, wherein 
he charged me with a world of things which I never so much 
as thought of, and that to no other intent but to procure my 
death, that so he might rob me, as he had done all the rest 
that were in the junck. To which end, having questioned me 
3 several times in judgment, I never answered any thing to 
his interrogatories that was to purpose, whereat he and other 
of my enemies were much enraged, saying, that- 1 did it out of 
pride, and in contempt of justice ; so that for a punishment 
thereof they caused me to be openly whipped, and a great deal 
of lacre, which is like unto hard wax to be dropped scalding 
hot upon me, whereof the pain was such as it had almost 
killed me ; and indeed all that were by held me for a dead 
man. Now because for the most part I knew not what I 
spake, but talked like a desperate man, I happened 3 or 4 
times to say, that for to rob me of my goods I had all these 
false accusations put upon me, but that Captain Joamo Gayeyro, 
who was at Pegu, would ere it were long acquaint the King 
with this cruel usage of me, which was the cause of saving 
my life ; for even as this wicked Governour was going to have 


the sentence executed, -which was given against me, some of 
his friends counselled him to forbear, saying, that if he put me 
to death no doubt but that all the Portugals, which were at 
Pegu would complain of him to the King, and tell him, that 
for to rob me of an hundred thousand ducates, which I had 
there in Commodities, appertaining to the captain of Malaca, 
he had most unjustly taken away my life ; and that this being 
so, the King would demand an account of him of all those 
commodities, or of the money for them ; and that if he 
rendered him even all that he had taken from me, yet would 
not that content him, imagining still there was somewhat 
more, whereby he would so put himself out of the good grace 
of the King, as he would never recover it again, which would 
be the cause of the utter overthrow both of himself and his 
children, besides the dishonour that would redound to him 
over and above. This dog the Govemour Bainhaa Ghaque, 
fearing lest that should come to pass which they had said, de- 
sisted from his former obstinacy, and correcting the sentence he 
had given, he ordained, that I should not die, but that my goods 
should be confiscated, and my self arrested for the Kings 
prisoner. As indeed, so soon as I was healed of the hurts 
which the burning of the lacre, and the stripes of the whips 
had made upon me, I was conducted in chains to Pegu, and 
there as a prisoner was put into the hands of a Bramaa, 
treasurer to the King, named Diosoray, who had also in his 
custody 8 other Portiigals, whose sins had procured them the 
same misfortune which mine had caused unto me ; for it was 
now full 6 moneths since these poor wretches had been in his 
power, being taken in the ship of Don Amrique Deca of 
Cananor, which by a tempest was cast on that coast. Now 
seeing that hitherto I have discoursed of the success of my 
voyage to Martabano, and of the benefit that redounded to me 
by my going thither for the service of the King, which was no 
other then to loss of my goods, and the imprisonment of my 
person ; before I engage my self further in these relations, I 
am resolved to entreat of the divers fortunes which I ran in 
that kingdom for the space of 2 years and a half that I 
travelled therein, being the time of my captivity, as also of the 
several countries through which I was carried by my crosses 


and mishaps; as holding it altogether necessary for the 
declaration of that which I am going on withal. I say then, 
that after this the King of Brwmaa was departed from the 
city Ma/rtabano, as I have related before, he journeyed so long 
that at length he came to Pegu, where, before he dismissed his 
commanders, he caused a muster to be made of his army, and 
found that of seven hundred thousand men, which he had 
carried along with him to the besieging of the Chaubainhaa, 
there was fourscore and six thousand of them wanting. And 
for as much as he had about that time some inckhng how the 
King of Avaa confederated with the Savadis and Ohaleus, 
would give entry unto the Siawmon (whose country borders 
on the west and north-west side of the Calcmdnhcm, Bmperour 
of the indomitable forces of the elephants of the earth, as I 
will shew hereafter when I speak of him) to the end he might 
win from this Bramaa the chiefest strengths of his kingdoms, 
he like a good captain as he was, and very cunning in matter 
of war, before he passed on further, caused men to be levied, 
with whom, as also with all other necessary things, he 
furnished those principal fortresses from whence his greatest 
fear proceeded. Then having resolved to go and besiege the 
city of Prom, he retained the army which he had already 
a-foot, and made new and great preparations throughout the 
kingdom, using such diligence therein, and in six moneths time 
he had got together the number of nine hundred thousand 
men, whom he imbarqued in 12000 rowing vessels, whereof 
2000 were Seroos, Laulers, Gatwros, and Foists. Now all 
this great fleet set forth from Pegu the 9th of March, 1545, and 
going up the river of Ansedaa, it went to DanapVuM, where it 
was furnished with all such provisions as were necessary. 
Prom this place following on their way through a great river of 
fresh water, called Piccm Malacou, which was above a league 
broad, at length upon the 13th of April they came within view 
of Prom. There, by some whom they took that night, they 
learned, that the King was dead, and how he had left for his 
successour to the kingdom a son of his of 13 years of age, whom 
the King his father before he died had married to his wives 
sister, the aunt of the said young prince, and daughter to the 
King of Avaa. The young King was no sooner advertised of 


the King of Bramaa his coming to besiege him in his city of 
Prom, but he sent presently away to the King his father in 
law for succour, which he instantly granted, and to that end 
speedily raised an army of 30000 Mons, TarSes, and Ghalems, 
choice men and trained up in the wars, of whom he made a 
son of his, and brother to the Queen, General. In the mean 
time the Bramaa, having intelligence thereof, used all possible 
diligence for to besiege the city before so great a succour 
might arrive. To which purpose, having landed his army in 
a plain, called Meigavotau, some 2 leagues below the city, he 
continued there 6 days in making ready such preparations as 
were needfuU. Having given order for all things, he caused 
his army to march one morning before day directly to the city, 
with the sound of drvmis, fifes, and other such instruments of 
war ; where being arrived about noon without any opposition, 
he began presently to settle his camp ; so that before it was 
night, the whole city was environed with trenches, and very 
great ditches, as also with six rows of cannons, and other 
pieces of ordnance. 


That which passed between the Queen of From, and the Bong of Bramaa, 
together with the first assault that was given to the city, and the success 

THE King of Bramaa had been now five days before the 
city of Prom, when as the Queen that governed the State 
in the place of her husband, seeing_ her self thus besieged, sent 
to visit this her enemy with a rich jewel of precious stones, 
which was presented unto him by a Talagrepo, or religious 
man, of above an hundred years old, who was held amongst 
them for a saint, together with a letter, wherein was written 
Ifm offer to fay homage if the city was spa/re^ . 

The Bramaa received this letter and ambassage with a great 
deal of authority, and entertained the religious man that 
delivered it unto him with much honour, as well in regard of 


his age, as for that he was held as a saint amongst them ; -with 
all he granted him certain things which were at first demanded, 
as a cessation of aims till such time as articles should be 
agreed on ; as also a permission for the besieged to converse 
with the besiegers, and other such things of little consequence. 
In the mean time judging with himself that aU those offers, 
which this poor queen made him, and the humble submissions 
of her letters, proceeded from weakness and fear, he would never 
answer the ambassadour clearly, or to purpose. ContrarUy 
he caused all the places there abouts that were weak, and un- 
armed, to be secretly ransaked, and the poor inhabitants there- 
of to be unmercifully butchered by their barbarous enemies, 
whose cruelty was so great, that in five dayes, according 
to report, they killed fourteen thousand persons, the most part 
whereof were women, children, and old men, that were not 
able to bear arms. Hereupon the BoUm, who brought this 
letter, relying no longer on the false promises of the Tyrant, 
and discontented with the little respect he used towards him, 
demanded leave of him to return to the city, which the Bramaa 
gave him, together with this answer : that if the Queen would 
deliver up her self, her treasure, her kingdom, and her vassals 
to him, he would recompence her another way for the loss of 
her State ; but withallthat she was to return him a peremptory 
answer to this propositions of his the very same day, which 
was all the time he could give her, that so he might upon the 
knowledge of her resolution determine upon what he had to do. 
The Bolvn went herewith back to the city, where he gave the 
Queen an account of all things, saying, That this Tyrant was 
a man without faith, and replete with damnable intentions ; 
for proof whereof he represented unto her the siege of 
Mwrtabano, the usage of the Ghaubainhaa after he had 
rendred himself unto him upon his word, and how he had 
put him, his wife, his children, and the chiefest nobility of his 
kingdom, to a most shamefull death. These things considered 
it was instantly concluded, as well by the Queen, as by all 
those of her Councel, that she should defend the city, till such 
time as succour came from her father, which would be within 
15. days at the furthest. This resolution taken, she (being of 
a great courage) without further delay took order for all things 


that were thought necessary for the defence of the city, 
animating to that end her people with great prudence, and a 
man-like spirit, though she was but a woman. Moreover, as 
she liberally imparted to them of her treasure, so she promised 
every one throughly to aoknowledg their services with all 
manner of reoompences and honours, whereby they were 
mightily encouraged to fight. In the mean space the King 
of Bra/maa, seeing that the Bolmt, returned him no answer 
within the time prefixt, began the next day to fortifie aU 
the quarters of his camp with double rows of cannon, for to 
batter the city on every side ; and for assaulting of the walls 
he caused a great number of ladders to be made, publishing 
withall throughout his whole army, that aU souldiers upon pain 
of death should be ready within three days to go to the assault. 
The time then being come, which was the 3rd of May, 1545, 
about an hour before day the King went out of his quarter, 
where he was at anchor upon the river with two thousand 
vessels of choice men, and giving the signal to the commanders 
which were on land, to prepare themselves, they altogether in 
one body assaUed the walls, with so great a cry, as if heaven 
and earth would have come together, so that both sides falling 
to encounter pell-mell with one another, there was such a 
conflict betwixt them, as within a little whUe the air was seen 
all on fire, and the earth all bloody ; whereunto being added 
the clashing of weapons, and noise of guns, it was a spectacle 
so dreadful, that we few Portugals, who beheld these things, 
remained astonished, and almost besides our selves. This 
fight indured full five hours, at the end whereof the tyrant of 
Bramaa seeing those within defend themselves so valiantly, 
and the most part of his forces to grow faint, he went to land 
with ten or eleven thousand of his best men, and with all 
diligence re-inforcing the companies, that were fighting, the 
bickering renewed in such sort, as one would have said it did 
but then begin, so great was the fury of it. The second trial 
continued till night, yet would not the King desist from the 
fight, what counsel soever was given him to retire ; but con- 
trarily he swore not to give over the enterprise begun, and 
that he would lie that night within the inclosure of the city 
walls, or cut off the heads of all those commanders that were 


not wounded at their coming off. In the mean time this 
obstinacy was very prejudicial to him, but continuing the 
assault till the moon was gone ^own, which was two hours 
past midnight, he was then forced to sound a retreat, after he 
had lost in this assault, as was the next day found upon a 
muster, fourscore thousand of his men, besides those which 
were hurt, which were thirty thousand at the least, whereof 
many died for want of dressing ; whence issued such a plague 
in the camp, as well through the corruption of the air, as the 
water of the river, (that was all tainted with blood and dead 
bodies), that thereby about fourscore thousand more perished, 
amongst whom were five hundred Portugals, having no other 
buriall then the bodies of vultures, crows, and such like birds 
of prey, which devoured them all along the coast where they lay. 
The King of Bramaa, having considered that this first 
assault had cost him so dear, would no more hazard his men 
in that manner, but he caused a great terrace to be made with 
bavins, and above ten thousand date-trees, which he com- 
manded to be cut down, and on that he raised up a platform 
so high, as it over-topped the city two fathoms, and more, 
where he placed 80 pieces of ordnance, and with them con- 
tinually battering the city for the space of nine dayes together, 
it was for the most part demolished, with the death of fourteen 
thousand persons, which quite abated the Queens courage, 
especially when she came to understand that she had but six 
thousand fighting men left, all the rest, which consisted of 
women, children, and old men, being unfit and unable to bear 
arms. The miserable besieged seeing themselves reduced to 
such extreamity, assembled together in councel, and there, by 
the advice of the chiefest of them, it was concluded, that all in 
general should anoint themselves with the oil of the lamps of 
the chapel of Qumy Nwcmdel, God of Battel of the field Vitau, 
and so offering themselves up in sacrifice to him, set upon the 
platform,, with a determination either to dye, or to vanquish, 
in vowing themselves all for the defence of their young king, to 
whom they had so lately done homage, and sworn to be true 
and faithful subjects. This resolution taken, which the Queen 
and her nobility approved of for the best and most assured, in 
a time wherein all things were wanting to them for the longer 


defending themselves, they promised to accomplish it in the 
manner aforesaid by a solemn oath, which they aU took. 
Now there being no further question but to see how they 
should carry themselves in this affair, they first of all made 
an uncle of the Queens the captain of this resolute band, who 
assembling these six thousand together, the same night, about 
the first quarter of the watch, made a sally out of the two 
gates that were neerest to the terrace and platform, and so 
taking courage from their despair, and resolution to dye, they 
fought so valiantly that in less then half an hour the whole 
camp was put in disorder, the terrace gained, the fourscore 
pieces of cannon taken, the King himself hurt, the pallisado 
burnt, the trenches broken, and the Xenimhrum, General of 
the army, slain, with above fifteen thousand men more, 
amongst the which were five hundred Turks; there were 
moreover forty elephants taken, besides those that were killed, 
and eight hundred Bramaas made prisoners ; so that these six 
thousand resolute men did that which an hundred thousand, 
though valiant enough, could hardly have effected. After this 
they retreated an hour before day, and upon a review they 
found, that of six thousand which they were, there was but 
seven hundred slain. This bad success so grieved and incensed 
the King of Bramaa, as attributing the cause thereof to the 
negligence of some of his captains in the ill guarding of the 
terrace, that the day following he caused two thousand Pegu's 
to be beheaded, which had stood sentinel that night. This 
adventure rendred things quiet for the space of twelve days, 
during which the besieged stirred not ; in the mean time one of 
the four principal captains of the city, named Xemim Meleytay, 
fearing that which all others in general misdoubted, namely, 
that they could not escape from falling into the hands of so 
cruel an enemy, treated secretly with the Tyrant, and upon 
condition that he woidd continue him in his charge, nor 
meddle with any of the houses of his friends, and make him 
Xemm of Ansedaa in the kingdom of Pegu, with all the 
revenue which the Badnhaa of Malacou had there, being thirty 
thousand ducates a year, he would deliver him up the city by 
giving him entrance into it through the gate which he com- 
manded. The King of Bramaa accepted hereof, and for a gage 


of performance on hia part, he sent him a rich ring from off 
his finger. This treason so concluded, was effected on the 
23rd of August, in the year 1545. wherein this Tyrant of 
Bramaa carried himself with all the barbarousness and 
cruelty that he used to practice in the like cases. And for 
as much as I conceive that I should never have done, if I 
should recount here at large how this affair past, I will say no 
more, but that the gate was opened, the city delivered up, the 
inhabitants all cut in pieces, without so much as sparing one ; 
the king and queen made prisoners, their treasurers taken, the 
buildings and temples demolished, and many other inhumani- 
ties exercised with such outragiousness, the belief whereof is 
beyond the imagination and thought of man ; and truly I never 
represent unto my self in what manner it was done, as having 
seen it with mine own eyes, but that I remain as it were 
astonished and besides my self at it. For as this tyrant was 
touched to the quick with the affront he had lately received, 
so he executed all the cruelties he could imagine against those 
miserable inhabitants, for to be revenged of the ill success he 
had had in the siege, which could not proceed from any other 
but a base mind and vile extraction ; for it ordinarily falls out, 
that barbarousness finds place in such kind of people, rather 
then in generous and valiant hearts; whereunto maybe added, 
that he was a man without faith, and of an effeminate disposi- 
tion, though he was nevertheless an enemy to women, albeit 
there were in that kingdom, and in aU the others whereof he 
was lord, those that were very white and fair. After the 
bloudy ruine of that wretched city, the Tyrant entred into it 
in great pomp, and as it were in triumph, through a breach 
that was made of purpose in the wall, and by his express 
commandment. When he was arrived at the young kings 
palace, he caused himself to be crowned King of Prom ; and 
during the ceremony of this coronation, he made that poor 
prince, whom he had deprived of his kingdom, to continue 
kneeling before him, with his hands held up, as if he adored 
some god, and ever and anon they constrained him to stoop 
down and kiss the Tyrants feet, who in the mean time made 
shew as if he were not pleased therewith. This done, he went 
into a balcone, which looked on a great market place, -whither 


he commanded all the dead children, that lay up and down 
the streets, to be brought; and then causing them to be hacked 
very small, he gave them, mingled with bran, rice, and herbs, 
to his elephants to eat. Afterward, with a strange kind of 
ceremony, at the sound of trumpets, drums, and other such 
Kke instruments, there was above an hundred horses led in, 
loaden with the quarters of men and women, which also he 
commanded to be cut small, and then cast into a great fire, 
kindled expresly for it. These things so done, the queen was 
brought before him, that was wife to the poor Uttle king, who, 
as I said before, was but thirteen years of age, and she thirty 
and six, a woman very white, and well favoured, aunt to her 
own husband, sister to his mother, and daughter to the King 
of Avaa, which is the country from whence the rubies, saphirs, 
and emeralds do come to Pegu; and it was the same lady, 
whom the Bramaa had sent to demand in marriage of. her 
father, as it was then spoken, but that he refused him, saying 
to his ambassador, for an answer. That the thoughts of his 
daughter soared a pitch higher then to be the wife of the 
Xemim of Tangmi, which was the family whence this Tyrant 
was issued ; but now that she was fallen into his hands as his 
slave, whether he used her so, either out of a revenge of that 
aflEront, or out of scorn and contempt, so it was that he made 
her to be publiquely stript stark naked, and to be torn and 
mangled with whipping, and then in that manner to be led up 
and down all the city, where amidst the cries and hooting of 
the people, he exposed her to other cruel torments, wherewith 
she was tortured tiU she gave up the ghost. When she was 
dead, he made her to be bound to the little king her husband, 
who was yet living ; and having commanded a great stone to 
be tyed about their necks, they were oast into the river, which 
was a kind of cruelty very dreadful to all that beheld it. To 
these barbarous parts he added many others so inhumane, as 
it is not likely that any other but he could imagine the like. 
And for a conclusion of his cruelties, the next day he caused 
all the gentlemen that were taken alive, being some three 
hundred, to be impaled, and so spitted Uke rosted pigs, to be 
also thrown into the river, whereby may be seen how great 
and unheard of the injustice of this Tyrant was, which he 
exereised on these miserable Y?retches. 



The King of Bramaa his besieging ol the Fortress of Meleytay, with his 
going from thenoe to Avaa ; and that which passed there. 

FOUETEBN days were past since the doing of these things, 
during the which the Tyrant employed himself in fortify- 
ing the city with a great deal of diligence and care, when as 
his spies, whom he had sent out, brought him word, that from 
the city of Avaa a fleet of four hundred rowing vessels was 
come down the river of Queitor, wherein there were thirty 
thousand Siamon souldiers, besides the mariners, of which the 
King of Avaa's son, and brother to the poor queen, was general; 
for this prince having received advertisement of the taking of 
the city of Prom, and of the death of his sister and brother-in- 
law, went and lodged in the fortress of Meleytay, which was 
some twelve leagues up the river from Prom. This news much 
troubled the Tyrant, howbeit he resolved to go himself in 
person against his enemies before that other succours came to 
joyn with them, as indeed the report went, that fourscore 
thousand, all Mons by nation, and led by the King of Avaa, 
were on their way thither. -With this resolution the Tyrant 
of Bramaa set forth towards Meleytay with an army of three 
hundred thousand men, namely, two hundred thousand by 
land alongst the rivers side, whereof the ChoMmigrem his 
foster-brother was the commander in chief, and the other 
hundred thousand under his own conduct, being all choyce 
men, and imbarqued in two thousand Seroes. Being come 
within sight of Meleytay, the Avaas desiring to shew that the 
resolution wherewith they were come thither was of far more 
power with them, then any fear they could have, and that also 
their enemies might not receive any benefit by their fleet which 
lay on the river, and do them an affront beside by taking it, they 
set all their vessels on fire, and burnt them every one. Then, 
without any dread of that which the flesh doth naturally most 
fear, they got all into the field, and ranged themselves into 
four battalions, in three of which, whereof each one made ten 
thousand men, were the thirty thousand Mons; and in the 
other, that were somewhat bigger, were all the mariners of 


the four hundred vessels they had burnt. These same they 
placed in the vaunt-guard, with an intention that they should 
weary the enemies, with whom they made a cruel fight, which 
lasted about half an hour, wherein all these mariners were cut 
in pieces; presently after them the thirty thousand Mens, 
close compacted together in three battalions, presented them- 
selves, and with wonderful violence set upon their enemies, 
between whom and them followed so extraordinary and cruel 
a battel, as not longer to insist upon it, nor to recount in 
particular how things past, which also I cannot well do, it 
shall suffice me to say, that of the thirty thousand Mons, 
eight hundred only escaped out of it ; who being routed made 
their retreat into the fortress of MeUytwy ; but that which was 
most memorable herein was, that of the King of Bramaas two 
hundred thousand men, an hundred and fifteen thousand lay 
dead in the field, and all the rest for the most part were 
wounded. In the mean time the Tyrant, which came along 
on the river in the two thousand Seroos, arrived at the place 
of battel, where beholding the strange massacre which the 
Mons had made of his people, he became so enraged at it, that 
dis-imbarquing his forces, he instantly layd siege unto the 
fortress, with a purpose, as he said, to taJie all those eight 
hundred that were in it alive. This siege continued seven 
whole days together, during the which those without gave five 
assaults to it, and the besieged defended themselves always 
very valiantly ; howbeit seeing that the last hour of their life 
was come, and that they could no longer hold that place for 
their king, as they had hoped they might, by reason of the 
fresh forces which the King of Bramaa had landed, like 
couragious men, as they were, they resolved to dye in the 
field, as their companions had done, and vaUantly revenge 
their deaths with that of their enemies ; whereunto they were 
the more wiUingly carryed, because they perceived well that 
if they continued still in the place, they should never make 
use of their valour, as they desired to do, for that the Tyrants 
ordnance would by little and Httle consume them. This resolu- 
tion taken, they under the favour of a very dark and rainy 
night sallyed forth, and first of all fell upon the two first 
courts of guard that were on the lands side, cutting all in 


pieces that they met withall. Then following their design 
they passed on Ute desperate men ; and whether they did it, 
either to shew that they regarded not death which threatened 
them, or for the desire they had to gain honor, so it was that 
they behaved themselves so couragiously, and pressed the 
Tyrant so neer, as they forced him to leap into the river, and 
swim for his life, insomuch that all the camp was in disorder, 
and broken through in I know not how many places, with the 
death of above twelve thousand men; amongst whom were 
fifteen hundred Bramaas, two thousand strangers of divers 
nations, and all the rest Pegu's. This fight lasted not above 
half an hour, in which time the eight hundred Mons were all 
slain, there being not so much as one of them that would yield 
upon any composition whatsoever. Hereupon the Tyrant of 
Bramaa seeing the [fight ended, and all things quiet, went and 
reassembled his forces together, and so entered the fortress of 
MeleytoA), where he presently commanded the Xemvms head to 
be cut off, saying, that he was the sole cause of that disaster, 
and that he who had been a traytor to his king could not be 
faithful unto him : behold the recompence which this traytor 
made him for delivering up the city of Prom unto him, how- 
soever it justly belonged unto him for a punishment of his 
perfidiousness, that carried him to betray his king and his own 
country into the power of his enemies. After this they fell to 
dressing of the hurt men, which were in very great number. 

We past all this night with much apprehension, always 
keeping good watch ; and the next morning as soon as it was 
day, the first thing that we did was to rid away the dead 
bodies, which were in so great number all over the camp, that 
the ground was quite covered with them. After this we took 
a view of those that were killed, as well on the one, as the 
other party, and we found that on the Bramaas side there 
were an hundred and fourscore thousand, and on the Prince 
of Avaas forty and two thousand, wherein were comprized the 
thirty thousand Mons. That done, after the Tyrant had for- 
tified the city of Prom, as also the fort of Meleytay, and made 
two other forts upon the bank of the river, in such places as 
he judged to be niost important for the safety of that kingdom, 
he went up the river or Queitor in a thousand rowing Seroos, 


wherein were imbarqued seventy thousand men. In this 
voyage, his intention was to go in his own person, for to 
observe the kingdom of Avaa, and to see the city himself, 
the better to consider the strength of it, and thereby judge 
what forces he should bring for to take it. So he proceeded 
still on for the space of eight and twenty days, and during that 
time passed by many goodly places, which vnthin the kingdom 
of Ghaleu and Jaewpalaon were upon the bank of the river. At 
length he arrived at the city of Avaa, the 13th of October, the 
same year, 1545. Being come to the port, he remained there 
thirteen days, and that while burned between two and three 
thousand vessels that he found there. Moreover, he set fire 
on many villages thereabout, which cost him not so Uttle but 
that he lost in all these degasts eight thousand of his men, 
amongst the which were threescore and two Portugals. Now 
whereas this city was very strong, as well in regard of the 
scituation of it, as of the fortifications which were newly made 
there, it had besides within it twenty thousand Mons, who (as 
it was said) were come thither some five days before from 
the mountains of Pondaleu, where the King of Avaa, by the 
permission of the Siamon, emperour of that monarchy, was 
levying above fourscore thousand men for to go and regain the 
city of Prom: for as soon as that king had received certain 
news of the death of his daughter and son-in-law, perceiving 
that he was not strong enough of himself to revenge the 
wrongs this Tyrant had done him, or to secure himself from 
those which he feared to receive of him in time to come, 
namely, the depriving him of his kingdom, as he was threat- 
ened, he went in person with his wife and children and cast 
himself at the Siamom feet, and acquainting him with the 
great affronts he had received, and what his desire was, he 
made himself his tributary at threescore thousand bisses by 
the year, which amount to an himdred thousand ducates of 
our money, and a g^l£ta of rubies, being a measure like to our 
pint, therewith to make a jewel for his wife ; of which tribute 
it was said that he advanced the payment for ten years before- 
hand, besides many other precious stones, and very rich plate, 
which he presented him with, estimated in all at two millions; 
in recompenee whereof the Siamon obliged himself to take him 


into his protection, yea and to march into the field for him as 
often as need should require, and to restablish him within a 
year in the kingdom of Prom, so as for that effect he granted 
him those thirty thousand men of succour, which the Bramaa 
defeated at Jlfe%ia2/ ; as also the twenty thousand that were 
then in the city, and the fourscore thousand which were to 
come to him, over whom the said King of Avaa was to be the 
general. The Tyrant having inteUigence thereof, and appre- 
hending that this, above all other things he could fear, might 
be the cause of his ruine, he gave present order for the fortify- 
ing of Prom with much more care and diligence then formerly : 
howbeit, before his departure from this river where he lay at 
anchor, being about some league from the city of Avaa, he 
sent his treasurer, named Diocory (with whom we eight 
Portugals, as I have related before, remained prisoners) 
embassador to the CalamdnhoM ; a prince of mighty power, 
who is seated in the midst of this region in a great and 
spacious extent of country, and of whom I shall say something 
when I come to speak of him. The subject of this embassage 
was to make him his brother in arms by a league and contract 
of new amity, offering for that effect to give him a certain 
quantity of gold and precious stones ; as also to render unto 
him certain frontier lands of his kingdom, upon condition that 
the spring following he should keep the Siamon in war for to 
divert him from succouring the King of Avaa, and thereby 
give him means the more easily to take his city fromliim, 
without fear of that assistance which the King hoped should 
servo for an obstacle to his design. This embassadour departed 
then after he had imbarqued himself in a Lwulea, that was 
attended on by twelve Seroos, wherein there were three 
hundred men of service, and his guard, besides the watermen 
and mariners, whose number was Uttle less. The presents 
which he carried to the Calcm/inhan were very great, and 
consisted in divers rich pieces, as well of gold as of precious 
stones, but above all in the harness of an elephant, which 
according to reports was worth above six hundred thousand 
ducates ; and it was thought that all the presents put together 
amounted to a million of gold. At his departure, amongst 
other favours which the king his master conferred on him, this 


same was not the least for us, that he gave us eight unto him 
for to be his perpetual slaves. Having clothed us then very 
well, and furnished us abundantly with aU things necessary, 
he seemed to be exceedingly contented with having us along 
with him in this voyage, and ever after he made more account 
of us, then of all the rest that followed him. 


Our going with the King of Bramaa's ambassadour to the Calaminham, 
with the course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or Fagode 
of Timagoogoo. 

IT seems fit unto me, and conformable to that which I am 
relating, to leave for a while this Tyrant of Bramaa (to 
whom I will return again when time shall serve) for to en- 
treat here of the way we held for to go into Timplan, the 
capital city of the Empire of the Calaminham, which signifies. 
Lord of the world; for in their language Gala is Lord, and 
Minham the world. This prince also entitles himself. The 
absolute Lord of the indonwptdble force of the Elephants of the 
Earth. And indeed I do not think that in aU the world there is 
a greater lord than he, as I shall declare hereafter. This am- 
bassadour then departing from Avaa in the moneth of October, 
1545, took his course up the river of Queitor, steering west, south- 
east, and in many places eastward, by reason of the winding of 
the water ; and so in this diversity of rhombes we continued 
our voyage seven days together, at the end whereof we arrived 
at a channel, called Cfuampanoo, through which the Bhoha/mo,' 
who was our pilot, took his course, that he might decline the 
Siamons country, being so commanded to do by the express 
order of the King. A while after we came to a great town, 
named Gataldy, where the ambassadour stayed three days to 
make provision of certain things necessary for his voyage. 
Having left this place we went on still, rowing up through 
his channel eleven days longer, during which time we met not 
with any place that was remarkable, only we saw some small 


villages, the houses whereof were covered with thatoh, and \ 
peopled with very poor folks, and yet for all that the fields are j 
full of cattel, which seemed to have no master, for we killed ' 
twenty and thirty of them in a day in the sight of those of the 
country, no man so much as finding fault with it, but con- 
trarily they brought them in courtesie to us, as if they were 
glad to see us kill them in that sort. At our going out of this 
channel of Chwmpanoo, we entred into a very great river, 
called Angegumaa, that was above three leagues broad, and in 
some places six and twenty fathom deep, with such impetuous 
currents as they drove us often-times from our course. This 
river we coasted above seven dayes together, and at length 
arrived at a pretty little walled town, named Gumbiin, in the 
kingdom of Jangromaa, invironed on the lands side for five or 
six leagues space vnth forrests or Binjamin, as also with plains 
of lacre, wherewith they ordinarily traded to Ma/rtahano, and 
do also lade there many vessels with those commodities for to 
transport them into divers countries of the Indians, as to the 
Streight of Mecqua, to Alcocer, and Jvdaa. There is also in 
this town great store of musk, far better then that of China, 
which from thence is carried to Martabano and Pegu, where 
those of our nation buy of it, therewith to traffique at Na/r- 
siiigua, Orixaa, and Masuhpatan. The women of this country 
are all very white and well-favoured ; they apparel themselves 
with stuffs made of silk and cotton-wool, wear links of gold 
and silver about their legs, and rich carcanets about their 
necks. The ground there is of it self exceedingly fertile in 
wheat, rice, millets, sugar, wax, and cattel. This town, with 
ten leagues of circuit about it, yields every year to the King of 
Jangomaa threescore altars of gold, which are seven hundred 
thousand ducates of our money. From thence we coasted the 
river southward, for the space of above seven dayes, and 
arrived at a great town, named Catammas, which in our 
language signifies, the Golden Crevice, being the patrimony of 
Baicdmoaa Tinhau, the Calaminhams second son. The Naii- 
gator of this town gave good entertainment to the ambassadour, 
and sent him many sorts of refreshment for his followers; 
withall he gave him to understand that the Cala/rmnham was 
at the city of Timplan. We departed from this place on 


a Sunday morning, and the day after about evening we came 
to a fortress, called Gampalagor, built in the midst of the 
river in the form of an island upon a rock, and invironed with 
good free-stone, having three bulwarks and two towers seven 
stories high, wherein, they told the ambasaadour, was one of 
the four and twenty treasures, which the Calaminham had in 
this kingdom, the most part whereof consisted in lingots of 
silver, of the weight of six thousand OavMns, which are four 
and twenty thousand quintals ; and it was said, that all this 
silver was buried in wells under ground. After this we still 
continued our course for the space of thirteen days, during 
the which we saw on both sides of the river many very goodly 
places, whereof the most were fair towns, and the rest stately 
high trees, delicate gardens, and great plains full of born, as 
also much oattel, red deer, shamoises, and rhiaocerots, under 
the keeping of certain men on horsback, who looked to them 
whilst they fed. On the river there were a great number of 
vessels, where in much abundance was all things to be sold 
which the earth prodaceth, wherewith it hath pleased God to 
enrich these countries more then any other in the world. 
Now forasmuch as the ambassadour fell sick here of an impos- 
tume in his stomack, he was counselled to proceed no further 
till he was healed, so that he resolved to go with some of his 
train for to be cured to a famous hospital, some twelve leagues 
from thence, in a Pagode, named Tinagoogoo, which signifies 
the God of thousand Gods, and so departing at the same instant 
he arrived there on Saturday about night. 

[Here follows an account of the Temple of Tinagoogoo, 


The great and Bumptuoua procession made in this Pagode, together with 
their saorifices ; and other partienlarities. 

WHILB8T this feast of these Gentiles, as also the fair, 
which was kept all the time thereof, endured for the 
space of fifteen days, with an infinite concourse of merchants 


and pilgrims, that came flocking thither from all parts, as I 
have declared before, there were many sacrifices made there 
with different ceremonies, not a day passing without some 
new thing or other. For amongst many of great charge, and 
very worthy of observation, one of the chiefest was a Jubile, 
after their manner, which was published the fifth day of the 
moon, together with a procession, that was above three leagues 
in length, as we could guess. It was the common opinion of 
all, that in this procession there were forty thousand priests 
of the four and twenty sects, which are in this empire ; most 
of them were of different dignities, and called Orepos, Tala- 
grepos, BooJdms, Neejaois, Bicos, Saoarens and Chanfa/rauhos. 
Now by the ornaments they wear, as also by the devices and 
ensigns which they carry in their hands, they may be dis- 
tinguished; and so every of them is respected according to 
his dignity. Howbeit these went not on foot as the other 
ordinary priests, for that they were on this day forbidden upon 
pain of great sin to tread upon the ground, so that they caused 
themselves to be born in Pallaquins, or arm-chairs, upon the 
shoulders of other priests their inferiors, apparelled in green 
sattin, with their stoles of carnation damask. In the midst of 
the ranks of this procession were all the inventions of their 
sacrifices to be seen, as also the rich custodes of their idols, 
for the which each of them had a particular devotion. They 
that carried them were clothed in yellow, having each of them 
a big wax candle in his hand ; and between every fifteen of 
those custodes went a triumphant charet, all which charets 
put together were in number an hundred twenty and six. AU 
these charets were four, and some five stories high, with as 
many wheels on either side. In each of them there were at 
the least two hundred persons, what with the priests and the 
guards, and on the top of all an idol of silver, with a miter of 
gold on its head, and all of them had rich chains of pearl and 
precious stones about their necks ; round about every charet 
went little boys, carrying siver maces on their shoulders, and 
behind them were a many of caskets full of exquisite perfumes, 
as also divers persons with censers in their hands, who ever 
and anon censed the idol to the tune of certain instruments of 
musiok, saying three times, with a lamentable voyce, Lord, 


asswage the pains of the dead, to the end they may praise Thee 
peaceably ; whereunto all the people answered with a strange 
noise, Such may Thy pleasv/re be, amd so may it coine to pass 
every day wherein Thou shewest us the sun. Bach of these 
charets was drawn by above three thousand persons, who for 
that purpose made use of very long cords, covered with silk, 
and thereby gained to themselves plenary remission of their 
sins, without restitution to be made of any thing at all. Now 
that many might participate of this absolution by drawing the 
coard, they set their hands to it one after and close to another, 
continuing doing so to the very end, in such sort that the whole 
coard was covered with hands, and nothing else to be seen ; 
but that they also which were without might gain this indul- 
gence, they helped those that had their hands on the coard 
by putting theirs about their shoulders ; then they that were 
behind them did the like, and so consequently all the rest. 
In this manner throughout the whole length of the coard there 
were six or seven ranks or files, and in each of them above 
five hundred persons. This procession was environed with 
a great number of horsemen, that carryed staves with pikes 
at both ends, who riding all about, went crying to the 
people, which were infinite in number, that they should 
make way, and not interrupt the priests in their prayers. 
Many times also they struck those so rudely whom they first 
met withal, as they beat down three or four together, or hurt 
them grievously, no man daring to find fault vrith, or so much 
as speak a word against it. In this order this marvelous 
procession passed through above an hundred streets, which 
to that end were all adorned with boughs of palms and myrtle, 
amongst the which were many standards and banners of silk 
planted. There were also many tables set . up in divers 
places, where all that desired it for Gods sake were admitted 
to eat of free-cost ; yea and in other parts they had clothes 
and money given them. There likewise enemies reconciled 
themselves one to another, and the rich men forgave them 
their debts which were not able to pay. In a word, so many 
good works were done there, more proper for Christians than 
for Gentiles, as I must needs conclude, that if they had been 
done with faith, and baptism, for the love of our Lord Jesus 


Christ, and without any mixture of the things of this world, 
assuredly they would have been acceptable to him. But alas 1 
the best was wanting to them, and that both for theirs and 
our sins. Whilest this procession, together with the chariots 
wherein the idols were, passed along in this manner, and that 
with a dreadful noise of drums, and other such instruments, 
behold where out of certain wooden sheds made expresly for 
the purpose, six, seven, eight, or ten men, all besmeared with 
odours, and wrapped up in silk, wearing gold bracelets about 
their wrists, start forth all at once, and room being instantly 
made them by the people, after they had saluted the idol which 
was on the top of the chariot, they went and laid themselves 
down athwart on the ground, so that the wheels coming to go 
over them crush'd them all to pieces, which the assistants 
beholding, cried out aloud together. My soul be with thine. 
Presently whereupon nine or ten of the priests descending 
from the chariot took up these blessed, or rather accursed, 
creatures, that sacrificed themselves in this sort, and putting 
the head, bowels, and all the other members so crushed in 
pieces into great bowls made for that purpose, they shewed 
them to the people from the highest part of the chariot where 
the idol stood, saying with a pitifull voice. Miserable sinners, 
fall ye to praying, that God may make you worthy to be a saint, 
as this here is, who hath now offered himself up as a sweet smell- 
ing sacrifice. Whereunto all the people, prostrated on the 
ground, answered with a fearfull noise. We hope that the God 
of a thousand Gods will permit it to be so. In this manner 
many other of these poor wretches sacrificed themselves, to 
the number, as we were told by certain merchants worthy of 
credit, of six hundred and more. After these followed other 
martyrs of the devil, whom they called Xixaporaus, which 
sacrificed themselves before the said chariots, by most merci- 
lesly slashing themselves with sharp rasors, that to behold 
them how they did it, one could not think but that they were 
altogether insensible; for they cut off great gobbets of their 
flesh, and holding them on high at the end of arrows, as if 
they would shoot them up to heaven, they said, That they 
made a present thereof to God for the souls of their fathers, of 
their wives, of their children, or of such an one, for whose sake^ 


they did this wicked work. Now wheresoever this gobbet 
of flesh chanced to fall, there ran so much people to catch it 
up, as oftentimes many were stifled in the press, for they held 
it as a very great relick. In this sort these miserable wretches 
stood upon their feet, all bathed in their ovra bloud, without 
noses, without ears, and vrithout any resemblance at all of 
a man, untill at length they fell dovm stark dead on the earth ; 
then came the Chepos in all haste down from the top of the 
chariot, and cutting off their heads, shewed them to all the 
people, who kneeKng on the groxmd, and lifting up their hands 
to heaven, cried out with a loud voice. Let us, Lord, live to 
that time, wherein for thy service we may do as this same here 
hath done. There were others also whom the devil drew 
thither after another manner. Those same craving an alms, 
said. Give me an alms for Gods sake, or if thou dost it not, I 
will kill my self. So that if they were not presently contented 
they woxild instantly cut their own throats with rasors which 
they held in their hands, or stab themselves into the belly, and 
so drop down stark dead, whereupon the Grepos ran suddenly 
to them, and having cut off their heads, shewed them, as 
before, to the people, who reverenced them prostrated on the 

Of the 15 days that this feast was to last, 9 being past, 
all the people, which were there assembled, feigning that the 
gluttonous serpent of the house of smoke (who is their Luci- 
fer, as I have said elsewhere) was come for to steal away the 
ashes of them that were dead in these several sacrifices, and 
so to keep their souls from going into heaven, there arose 
among them so great and dreadfull a noise, as words are not 
able to express it ; for to the confused voices that were heard 
from every part, there was adjoyned such a ringing of bells 
and basins, beating of drums, and winding of horns, as it was 
not possible to hear one another ; and all this was done to 
fright away the devil. Now this noise endured from one of 
the clock in the afternoon till the next morning ; and it is not 
to be beheved what a world of lights and torches were spent 
that night, besides the infinite number of fires that were kindled 
every where ; the reason hereof was, as they said, For that 
Tinagoogoo, the God of thousand Gods, was in quest of the glut' 


tonous serpent, for to hill him with a sword which had been 
given him from heaven. After the night had been past thus 
amidst this infernal noise and tumult, assoon as it was day, 
the whole hill, whereon the temple was built, appeared full of 
white banners, which the people beholding, they fell straight 
to giving thanks imto God, and to that end they prostrated 
themselves on the ground with great demonstrations of joy, 
and then began to send presents one to another, for the good 
news they received from the priests by the shew of those white 
banners, an assured sign that the gluttonous serpent was 
killed. So all the people, transported with incredible gladness, 
fell to going up the hill, whereon the temple stood, by four and 
twenty several accesses that there were unto it, for to give 
thanks unto the idol, and chaunt his praises, for the victory he 
had the night past obtained over the gluttonous serpent, and 
cutting off his head. This throng of people continued three 
days, and three nights ; so during that time it was not possible 
to break through the press on the way, but with much pain. 
Now we Portugals having little to do, resolved to go thither 
also to see those abuses, wherefore we went to ask leave of the 
embassadour, but he denied us for the present, willing us to 
stay till the next day, and that then we should wait on him 
thither, for in his last sickness he had vowed to visit it ; hereat 
we were very glad, because we thought that by this means we 
should the more easily see all that we desired. The morrow 
after, which was the third day of this assembly, the greatest 
croud being over, we went along with him to the Temple of 
Tinagoogoo, and at length arrived, though with much ado, at 
the hill whereon it was built. There we saw six very fair long 
streets, all full of scales hanging on great rods of brass. In 
these scales a number of people weighed themselves, as well 
for the accomplishment of the vows they had made in their 
adversities and sickness, as for the remission of all the sins 
they had committed till that present ; and the weight which 
each of them laid in the other scale was answerable to the 
quality of the fault they had done. So they that found them- 
selves culpable of gluttony, and had not all that year used any 
abstinence, weighed themselves with honey, sugar, eggs, and 
butter, which were things not displeasing to the priests, from 



whom they were to receive absolution. They that were addicted 
to sensuality weighed themselves with cotton- wool, feathers, 
61oth, apparel, wine, and sweet odours ; because, say they, 
those things incite a man to that sin. They that were un- 
charitable to the poor weighed themselves vdth coin of copper, 
tin, and silver, or with pieces of gold. The slothfull with 
wood, rice, coals, pork, and fruit ; and the envious, because 
they reap no benefit by their maligning the prosperity of others, 
expiated their sin by confessing it pubUckly, and suffering a 
dozen boxes on the ear to be given them in the memory and 
praise of the twelve moons of the year. As for the sin of 
pride, it was satisfied with dried fish, brooms, and cow-dung, 
as being the basest of things. And touching them that had 
spoken ill of their neighbours, without asking them forgiveness, 
they put for that a cow into the scale, or else a hog, a sheep, 
or a stag; so that infinite was the number of those which 
weighed themselves in the scales that were in those six streets, 
from whom the priests received so much alms, as there were 
great piles of all sorts of things made up all along. Now for 
the poor that had nothing to give for the remission of their 
sins, they offered their own hair, which was presently cut off 
by above an hundred priests, who for that effect sate in order 
one by another on low stools, with sizzars in their hands. There 
also we saw great heaps of that hair, whereof other Grepos, 
which were a thousand at least, and ranked also in order, 
made wreathes, tresses, rings, and bracelets, which one or 
another bought for to carry home to their houses, even as our 
pilgrims use to do, that come from Santiago de Gompostella, or 
other such places. Our embassadour, being amazed at the 
sight of these things, inquired further of the priests concern- 
ing them, who besides other particulars told him, that all 
those ahns, and other offerings which were given there during 
the fifteen days of this assembly, amounted to a great revenue 
and that even of the hair of the poor alone there were raised 
every year above an hundred thousand Pa/rdarm of gold, which 
are fourscore and ten thousand ducates of our money; whereby 
one may judge what a world of wealth was made of all the 
rest. After that the embassadour had staid some time in the 
streets of the scales, he passed on through all the other 


quarters, where were comedies, dancing, wrestling, and ex- 
cellent consorts of all kinds of musick, till at length we arrived 
at Tinagoogoo, but with much labour and pain, because the 
throng was so great, as none could hardly break through it. 
This temple had but one isle, that was very long and spacious, 
and fuU of great wax lights, each of them having ten or eleven 
wicks in it, set up all about in silver candlesticks ; there was 
also great store of perfumes of aloes and benjamin. As for the 
image of Tinagoogoo, it was placed La the midst of the temple 
upon a stately tribunal, in the form of an altar, environed 
with a number of silver candlesticks, and a many of children, 
attired in purple, which did nothing but cense it at the sound 
of instruments of musick, whereon the priests played reason- 
able well. Before this idol danced, to the tune of the said 
instrument, certain ladies, which were wonderfull fair, and 
richly clad, to whom the people presented their alms and 
offerings, which the priests received for them, and then laid 
them before the tribunal of the idol with a great deal of cere- 
mony and complement, ever and anon prostrating themselves 
on the ground. The statue of this monster was seven and 
twenty spans high, having the face of a giant, the hair of a 
negro, wide distorted nostrils, mighty great lips, and a very 
sowre and ill-favoured countenance. He had in his hand an 
hatchet in the form of a cooper's addis, but with a far longer 
handle. With this addis, as the priests made the people 
believe, this monster the night before killed the gluttonous 
serpent of the home of smoke, for that he would ha/ve stoln away 
the ashes of those that saorifioed themsehies. There also we 
saw the serpent amidst the place before the tribunal in the 
form of an adder, more horrible to behold then the wit of man 
can imagine, and done so to the life, as all that looked on it 
trembled for fear. It was laid all along, with the head cut off, 
being eight fathom long, and the neck of it as thick as a 
bushel, so lively represented, that though we knew it to be an 
artificial thing, yet could we not chuse but be afraid of it. 
In the mean time all the assistants ran thronging about it, 
some pricking it with the points of their halberds, and some 
with their daggers, every one with railing speeches, cursing 
and calling it, Provd, presumpPuous, accursed, wifemal monster, 


pool of damnation, ewoious against God's goodmess, h/imger-sta/rved 
dragon, in the midst of 'the rdght, and many other names, which 
they delivered in such extraordinary terms, and so fitted to the 
effects of this serpent, as we coiild not but admire them. That 
done, they put into basins which stood at the foot of the idols 
tribunal a world of alms, of gold, silver, jewels, pieces of silk, 
fine callicoes, money, and a hundred other things in very great 
abundance. After we had seen all these things, we continued 
following the embassadour, who went to see the grots of the 
hermits or penitents, which were at the utmost end of the 
wood, all cut out of the hard rock, and in such order, as one 
would have thought that nature, rather then the hand of man, 
had laboured in it. There were an hundred forty and two of 
them, in some of the which remained divers men, whom they 
held for saints, and that did very great and austere penance. 
They in the first grots wore long robes like the Bonzes of 
Ja/pan, and followed the law of an idol, that had sometimes 
been a man, called Situmpor Michay, who during his life 
enjoyned those of his sect to lead their lives iu great austerity, 
assuring them that the onely and true way to gain heaven, 
was to subdue the flesh, and that the more they laboured to 
afflict themselves, the more liberally God would grant them 
all they could demand of him. They which accompanied us 
thither, told us, that they seldom eat any thing but herbs 
boiled, a few beans of Aricot rested, and wilde fruit, which 
were provided for them by other priests, who as the purveyors 
of a cloister took care to furnish these penitents with such 
things as were conformable to the law whereof they made 
profession. After these we saw in a grot others of a sect of 
one of their saints, or rather of a devil, named Angemacur ; 
these lived in deep holes, made in the midst of the rock, 
according to the rule of their wretched order, eating nothing 
but flies, ants, scorpions, and spiders, with the juice of a 
certain herb growing in abundance thereabouts, much like to 
sorrel. These spent their time in meditating day and night, 
with their eyes lifted up to heaven, and their hands closed one 
within another, for a testimony that they desired nothing of 
this world, and in that manner died like beasts ; but they are 
accounted greater saints then all the rest, and as such, after 


they are dead, they burn them in fires, whereinto they cast 
great quantities of most precious perfumes. The funeral 
pomp being celebrated with great state, and very rich offerings, 
they have sumptuous temples erected unto them, thereby to 
draw the living to do as they had done, for to obtain this 
vain-glory, which is all the recompense that the world gives 
them for their excessive penance. We likewise saw others 
of a .sect altogether diabolical, invented by a certain Gileu 
Mitra/y. These have sundry orders of penance, and are not 
much different in their opinions from the Abissins of Ethiopia. 
Now that their abstinence may be the more agreeable to their 
idol, some of them eat nothing but bitter fruits and herbs 
brought to them from the wood, by reason whereof they live 
but a short time, and have so bad a look and colour, as they 
fright those that behold them. I wiU pass by them of the 
sect of Godomem, who spend their whole life in crying day and 
night on those mountains, Godomem, Godomem, and desist not 
from it untUl they fall down stark dead to the ground for want 
of breath. Neither will I speak of them which they call 
Taxilacons, who die more brutishly then the rest ; for they 
shut themselves up in certain grots made of purpose for it, 
that are very little and close, stopped on all sides, and then 
burning green thistles and thorns in them, they choke them- 
selves with the smoke thereof. Whereby one may see how by 
such rude and different ways of living these miserable 
creatures render themselves the devil's martyrs, who in 
reward thereof gives them everlasting hell-fire ; and verily it 
is a pitifull thing to behold the great pains which these 
wretches take to lose themselves, and the little that we do to 
be saved. 


Wliat we saw in the oontinning of our voyage, nntil we arrived at the 
city of Timplan. 

APTEH we had seen all these things with wonder enough, we 
departed from this Pagode of Tinagoogoo, and continued 
on our way for thirteen days together, at the end whereof we 


arrived at two great towns, scituated on the bank of the river, 
just opposite the one against the other, about the distance of a 
stones cast, one of the which was called Mana/oedea, and the other 
. SingilapoM. In the midst of this same river, which was there 
somewhat narrow, there was an island by nature formed round, 
and in it a rock six and thirty fathom high, and a cross-bow 
shot broad ; upon this rook was a fort buUt, with nine bulwarks 
and five towers ; without the rampire of the wall it was in- 
vironed vnth two rows of great iron gates, and from the 
bulwarks to the other side of the river ran a huge chain of iron, 
to keep vessels from passing along, so that nothing could 
possibly enter there. At one of these two towns, which was 
called SingilapoM, the ambassadour landed, where he was ex- 
ceedingly well entertained by the Xemimbrum, or governour 
of it, who likewise furnished all his train with great store of 
refreshments. The next morning we left this place, accom- 
panied with twenty Lemles, wherein there were a thousand 
men and better, and about evening we arrived at the custom- 
houses of the kingdom, which are two strong places, and from 
the one to the other run five mighty great chains of latten all 
athwart the whole breadth of the river, so that nothing can 
pass in and out vrithout leave. Hither came a man in a swift 
Seroo to the ambassadour, and told him that he was to go ashore 
at Gampalagro, which was one of the two castles on the south- 
side, for to shew the letter which this king had sent by him 
to the Galammham, to see if it were written in the form that 
was required in speaking to him, as was usually observed. 
The ambassadour presently obeyed, and being come to land he 
was lead into a great hall, where were three men set at a table, 
with a great niany gentlemen, who gave him good entertain- 
ment, and demanded of him the occasion of his coming thither, 
as they that knew nothing of it. Whereunto the ambassadour 
answered ; That he came thither from the King of Bramaa, Lord 
of Tanguu, and that he had a message to deliver unto the holy 
Calaminham concerning matters greatly importing his estate. 
Then having made further answer to other questions, which 
were put to him in a way of ceremony by the three principal 
persons that were at the table, he showed them the letter, 
wherein they corrected some words, which were not of the 


style where-with they were accustomed to speak to the Cala- 
minham ; together with this letter the ambassadour shewed 
them the present which he had brought for him, whereat they 
very much wondred, especially when they saw the chair for 
an elephant of gold and precious stones, which in the judge- 
ment of divers lapidaries was worth above six hundred thou- 
sand ducates, besides the other rich pieces that he carried 
him also, as I have before related. After we had our dispatch 
from this first custom-house, we went to the other, where we 
found more venerable men then the former, who with another 
new ceremony looked likewise on the letter, and the present, 
and put to all the several parcels of it strings of wreathed 
carnation silk,* with three seals in lacre, which was as the 
conclusion of the receiving of the ambassy by the Galawmham, 
The same day there came a man from the next town of Queitor, 
sent by the govemour of the kingdom to visit the ambassadour 
with a present of refreshments of flesh, fruit, and other such 
things after their manner. During nine days that the ambas- 
sadour stayed in this place he was abundantly furnished with 
all things necessary, both for his own person, and his train, 
and withal was entertained with sundry sports of hunting and 
fishing, as also with feasts, accompained with musick and 
comedies represented by very beautiful women, and richly 
attired. In the mean time we Portugals went, with the 
permission of the ambassadour, to see certain things which 
they of the country had much commended unto us, namely 
very antique buildings, rich and sumptuous temples, very fair 
gardens, houses and castles that were all along the side of 
this river, made after a strange fashion, well fortified, and 
of great charge, amongst the which there was an hospital for 
to lodge pilgrims in called Mafdoafa/rcm, signifying in our 
tongue, The Prison of the Gods, which was above a league in 
breadth. Here we saw twelve streets, all vaulted over, and 
in every one of them two hundred and forty houses, namely, 
sixscore on each side, which made in all two thousand, eight 
himdred, and fourscore, all full of pilgrims, who the whole 
year through came thither in pilgrimage from divers countries; 
for, as they hold, this pilgrimage ought to be of far greater 
* The first mention in history of red-tape 7 


merit then all others, because that these idols imprisoned by 
strangers have need of company. All these pilgrims, which, 
as they of the country say, are all the year long without dis- 
continuing above six thousand, have meat given them the 
whole time of their abode there, at the charge, and out of the 
revenue of the house. They are served by four thousand 
priests of Mcmicafa/ran, who with many others reside within 
the same inclosure in sixscore religious houses, where there 
are also as many women that serve in like manner. The 
temple of this hospital was very great, with three isles after 
the fashion of ours, in the midst whereof was a remarkable 
chappel built round, and invironed with three very big ballisters 
of latten; within it there were fourscore idols of men and 
women, besides many other little gods, that lay prostrated on 
the ground ; for the forescore great idols onely stood upright, 
and were all tied together with chains of iron. As for the 
little ones, they were, as I said, laid along on the pavement, 
as the children of these greater, and tied six to six by the 
middle with other sleighter chains. Moreover without the 
baUisters in two files there stood two hundred, forty and four, 
giants of brass, six and twenty spans high, with their halberds 
and clubs upon their shoulders, as if they had been set there for 
the guard of the captive gods. There was over-head upon iron 
rods, that traversed the isles of the temple, great store of 
lamps hanging, having seven or eight matches apiece in them, 
in the fashion of candlesticks, like to them of the Indiaes, all 
varnished without, as also the walls were, and every thing else 
that we saw there, in token of mourning, by reason of the 
captivity of these gods. Being amazed as well at that which 
I have recounted, as at many other things which I pass over 
in silence, and not able to comprehend what they meant by the 
imprisonment of these gods, we demanded the signification of 
it of the priests, whereunto one amongst them, that seemed 
of more authority then the rest, made us this answer. Since 
I see that being strangers you desi/re to learn of me that which 
I know very well, and which you have never heard spoken, 
tior read of in your books, I will declare the matter unto you 
as it past, according as it is truly delivered by our histories. 
Know then, that it is now seven thousand, three hundred, and 


twenty moons, which make six h/undred and ten years, after the 
sv/pputation of other nations, since the tvme that an hoVy Cala- 
minham, named Xixivarem Melentay, commanding over the 
mona/rchy of the six and twenty kingdoms of thds crown, waged 
wars with the Siamon, Emperour of the Mountains of the Earth 
insomuch that there assembled, what on the one part and the 
other, threescore and' two kings, who putting themselves into 
field, fought so cruel and bloody a battel, as it endured from 
an hour before day till night, and there was slain on both 
sides sixteen Laquesaas of men, each of which makes an 
him&red thousand. At length the victory remaining to our 
Oalaminham, " without any more resting alvve of hds forces then 
two hmidred and tM/rty thousand, he ruined in four moneths 
space all the enemies countries, with such a destruction of people, 
as (if credit may be given otir histories, or to what any other 
besides have asswred) there died fifty 'L&qa.eaaa,^ of persons. This 
battel was fought in the first of the said seven thousand, three 
hundred, and twenty moons, in the renowned field Vitau, where 
Qtiiay Nivandel appea/red to the Calaminham, sitting in a chmr 
of wood, who acqwred unto himself in this place a greater and 
more famxms title of honour, then all the other gods of the Mons 
and Siammes ; in rega/rd whereof so often as they that inhabit 
the earth desire to make oath of thiiigs which pass the belief of 
men, they use for the more authorizing thereof to swear by the 
holy Quiay Nivandel, God of Battels of the field Vitau. Now in 
a great city named Sarocatam, where five hundred thousand 
persons were slain, all these gods, which here yoii see before you, 
were made prisoners in despight of the kings that believed in 
them, and the priests that served them with the perfumes in their 
sacrifices. Thus by reason of so glorious a victory all those 
people become subject to us, and tributaries to the crown of the 
Calaminham, who at this day holds the scepter of this monarchy, 
whereunto he was not raised but with m/uch labour, and the 
shedding of a world of blood, d/wring the threescore and fowr 
rebellions made by the said people since that tvme until this 
present ; who not able to endure the captivity of their gods, for 
that, to say the truth, is a mighty affront unto them, they do still 
in memory of so unhappy a success continue making great demon- 
strations of sorrow for it, renewing every yea/r the vow they home 


made not to celebrate any feast, nor to rejoyce in any kind of sort 
whatsoever, until they have provided for the deUverance of these 
prisoners ; which also is the cause that no lamps are seen in 
their temples, and that they are resolved to light up none during 
the capti/oity of their idols. Some of us seeming to doubt the 
verity hereof, because it seemed strange unto them, the Grepo 
swore that it was most true, and that also there had been 
killed at sundry times, about the deliverance of these Gods, 
whom there we saw captive, above three millions of men, 
besides those that fell in precedent battels ; whereby one may 
clearly see in what a strange manner the devil keeps these poor 
blinded wretches subjected unto him, and with how much 
abuse and extravagancy he precipitates them into hell. When 
we had well observed aU the singularities of this temple, 
we went to see another, called Urpanesendoo ; to speak of 
which I desire to be excused, that I may not be forced to treat 
of infamous and abominable matters ; wherefore omitting the 
great abundance of riches, and other things which we saw 
there ; it shall suffice me to say, that this temple is served by 
none but women, who are all of them the daughters of princes, 
and of the principal lords of the kingdom, which dedicate 
them from their infancy to offer up their honour in sacrifice 
there. Now this filthy and sensual sacrifice is performed 
with so great charge, that many of them bestow above ten 
thousand ducats in it, besides the offerings which are made 
to this idol Urpanesendoo, to whom they sacrifice their honour. 
This idol is in a chappel that is round, and gilt all over ; it is 
made of silver, and set upon a tribunal in form of an altar, 
environed over-head with a great number of candlesticks, 
which are all of silver likewise, every light in them having 
sis wicks. Eound about this tribunal are many other idols 
gilded over, of very comely and well-favoured women, who 
with their knees on the ground, and hands hfted up, adore 
this idol. These same, as the priests told us, are the holy 
souls of certain young ladies, which finished their days there 
to the great honour of their parents, who made more esteem 
of that then of all the King could give them. They assured 
us, that the revenue belonging to the idol was three hundred 
thousand ducates by the year, besides the offerings and rich 


ornaments of their abominable sacrifices, which was yet 
worth more. In this diabolical temple were shut up within 
many religious houses that we saw above five thousand women, 
being all of them old, and for the most part exceeding rich ; 
so that coming to die, they make a donation of all their 
wealth to the Pagode; wherefore it is no marvel, if it have 
the revenue I spoke of. From this place we went to see the 
companies of strangers, which came thither in pilgrimage in 
the manner that I have declared. These companies were forty 
and six in number, every one of an hundred, 200, 300, 400, 
or 500 persons ; nay, some of them were more, and were all 
lodged along by the river, as if it had been a camp. Amidst 
these troops of strangers we met by chance with a Portugal 
woman, whereat we wondred more then at all we had seen 
before; so that desiring to" know of her the reason of so 
strange an accident, she told us, with tears, who she was, 
what occasion had brought her thither, and how she was at 
that instant the wife of one of those pilgrims, to whom she 
had been married three or four and twenty years ; whereunto 
she further added, that not daring to go and live amongst 
Christians, because of her sin, she continued still in her 
wickedness, but that she hoped God would at length be pleased 
to bring her into some country, where before she ended her 
days, she might repent her of her hfe past ; and that although 
we foimd her in the company of people devoted to the service 
of the devil, yet she left not for all that to be still a true 
Christian ; we remained much amazed at so strange a relation, 
and not a little sorrowfull also to see and understand to what 
a point of misfortune this poor woman was reduced, so that 
we told her our opinion, and what we thought was fit for her 
to do; whereupon she concluded to go along with us to 
Timpla/m, and so to Pegu, and from thence to set sail for 
Coromandel, there to finish her days in the island of St. TomS. 
Having vowed unto us to do thus we quitted her, not doubting 
that she would lose so good an opportunity to retire her self 
out of the errours wherein she was, and to restore her self to 
an estate wherein she might be saved, since it had pleased 
God to permit her to meet with us in a country so far distant 
from that which she could hope for. Howbeit she performed 


nothing, for we could never see nor hear of her afterwards, 
which made us to believe, that either something had befallen 
her that kept her from coming to us ; or that through the 
obstinacy of her sins, she deserved not to make her profit of 
the grace which our Lord had offered to her out of His infinite 
goodness and mercy. 


The magnificent reception of the King of Bramaa his Ambassadour, at the 
city of Timplam. 

NINE days after the King of Bramaa his ambassadour 
had reposed himself there by way of ceremony, accord- 
ing to the fashion of the country, for the more honour of his 
ambassage, one of the govemours of the city, called Gampano- 
grem, came to fetch him, accompanied with fourscore Seroos 
and La/iilees, very well equipped, and full of lusty able men. 
Throughout this fleet they played on so many barbarous and 
ill accorded instruments, as beUs, 'cymbals, drums, and sea- 
cornets, that the din thereof coming to joyn with the noise 
which the rowers made, terrified all those that heard it ; and 
indeed one would have thought it at first to be some inchant- 
ment, or to say better, a musick of hell, if there be any there. 
Amidst this stir we drew near to the city, where we arrived 
about noon. Being come to the first key, that was named 
Gampala/rraia, we saw a great many men, both horse and foot, 
all richly accoutred, as also a number of fighting elephants, 
very well furnished, having their chairs and fore-head pieces 
garnished with silver, and their warlike Panares fastened to 
their teeth, which rendered them very terrible. The am- 
bassadour was no sooner come on shore, but the Campanogrem 
took him by the hand, and falling on his knees presented him 
to another great man that attended for him at the key in great 
pomp. This same was called Patedacan, one of the chiefest 
of the kingdom, as we were told. After he had with a new 
complement of courtesie received the ambassadour, he offered 
him an elephant furnished with a chair and harness of gold ; 


but whatsoever the Manclarin could do to make the ambassa- 
dour accept of it, he could by no means draw him thereunto ; 
whereupon he caused another almost as well furnished to be 
brought, and gave it to him. As for us nine Portugals, and 
fifty or threescore Bramaas, they provided horses, on which 
we mounted. In this manner we departed from that place, 
having his chariots before us full of men, that amidst the 
acclamations of the people played upon divers kindes of 
instruments ; namely, on silver cymbals, beUs, and drums. 
Thus we were conducted through many long streets, whereof 
nine were environed with ballisters of lattin, and at the 
entrance into them, there were arches very richly wrought, as 
also many chapiters of pillars gilt, and great bells, which like 
imto clocks, struck the hours, nay, the quarters of the hour of 
the day, whereby the people were ordinarily directed. After 
that with much ado, by reason of the great press of people 
that was in the streets, we were come to the outward court of 
the Galomdnhan's palace, which was as long, or little less, as 
a faulcons shot, and broad proportionably thereunto, we saw 
in it above six thousand horses, all trapped with silver and 
silk, and those that were mounted on them were armed with 
corslets of lattin and copper, head-pieces of silver, carrying 
ensigns in their hands of divers colours, ^nd targets at their 
saddle-bows. The commander of these troops was the Quietor 
of Justice, who is as the superintendent over all the other civil 
and criminal ministers, which is a jurisdiction separate by it 
self, from whence there is no appeal. The ambassadour being 
come near unto him, who was also advanced to receive him, 
and the two govemours, they all prostrated themselves on the 
ground three times, which is amongst them a new kinde of 
complement, whereupon the Quietor spake not a word to the 
ambassadour, but onely laid his hand on his head, and then 
gave him a rich scymitar that he wore by his side, which the 
ambassadour accepted of very thankfully, and kissed it thrice. 
That done the Qwietor set the ambassadour on his right hand, 
and leaving the two Manda/rms a Uttle behinde, they passed 
along through two rows of elephants, which made a kinde of 
a street of the length of the outward court, they being fifteen 
hundred in number, all furnished with castles, and rich chairs 


of divers inventions, as also with a great many of silk banners, 
and gorgeous coverings ; round about v^ere a great company of 
halberdiers, and many other shews of greatness and majesty, 
which made us believe that this prince was one of the mightiest 
in the country. When we were come to a great gate, that 
stood between two^ high towers, two hundred men which 
guarded it no sooner saw the Qmetor, but they all fell down 
on their knees. Through this gate, we entered into another 
very long outward court, where the Kings second guard was, 
composed of a thousand men, who were all in gilt arms, their 
swords by their sides, and on their heads helmets wrought 
with gold and silver, wherein stuck gallant plimies of several 
colours. After we had past through the middle of all this 
guard we arrived at a great hall, where there was a Mandarin, 
uncle to the king, called the Mowvaganm, a. man of above 
seventy years of age, accompanied with a great number of 
nobility, as also with many captains and officers of the king- 
dom. About him were twelve little boys richly clad, vnth 
great chains of gold three or four times double about their 
necks, and each of them a silver mace upon his shoulder. 
Assoon as the ambassadour was come near him, he touched 
him on the head with a Ventiloe that he held in his hand, and 
behelding him. May thy entrance, said he, into tMs palace of 
the Lord of the World be as agreeable to his eyes, as the rain is 
to our field of rice, for so shall he grant thee all that thy King 
demands of him. From thence we went up aa high pair of 
stairs, and entered into a very long room, wherein there were 
many great lords, who seeing the Mon/oaga/rvM stood up on 
their feet, as acknowledging him for their superior. Out of 
this room we entered into another, where there were 4 
altars, very well accommodated with idols of silver; upon 
one of these altars we saw the statue of a woman as big as a 
giant, being eighteen spans high, and with her arms all abroad 
looking up to heaven. This idol was of silver, and her hair 
of gold, which was very long, and spread over her shoulders. 
There also we saw a great throne, encompassed round about 
with thirty giants of brass, who had gilded clubs upon their 
shoulders, and faces as deformed as those they paint for the 
devil. From this room we passed into a manner of a gallery, 


adorned from the top to the bottom with a number of little 
tables of ebony, inlayed with ivory, and full of mens heads, 
under every one of the which the name of him to whom it 
belonged was written in letters of gold. At the end of this 
gallery there were a dozen of iron rods gilt, whereon hung a 
great many silver candlesticks of great value, and a number 
of perfuming pans, from whence breathed forth a most ex- 
cellent odour of amber, and calambiico, or Ugmim aloes, but 
such as we have none in Christendom. There on an altar 
environed all about with three rows of ballisters of silver, we 
saw thirteen kings visages of the same metall, with golden 
mitres upon their heads, and under each of them a dead mans 
head, and below many candlesticks of silver, with great white 
wax lights in them, which were snuffed ever and anon by little 
boys, who accorded their voices to those of the Grepos that 
sung in form of a letany, answering one another. The Grepos 
told us that those thirteen dead mens heads which were under 
the visages were the skulls of thirteen Galarrdnhans, which in 
times past gained this empire from certain strangers, called 
Eoparons, who by arms had usurped the same upon them of 
the country. As for the other dead mens heads which we saw 
there, they were the skulls of such commanders as by their 
heroic deeds had honourably ended their days in helping to 
recover this empire, in regard whereof it was most reasonable, 
that though death had deprived them of the recompenoe which 
they had merited by their action, yet their memory should not 
be abolished out of the world. When we were gone out of the 
gallery, we proceeded on upon a great bridge, that was in the 
form of a street, railed on either sides with ballisters of 
lattin, and beautified with a many of arches curiously 
wrought, upon which were scutcheons of arms, charged with 
several devices of gold, and the crest over them were silver 
globes, five spans in circumference, all very stately and majes- 
tical to behold. At the end of this bridge was another build- 
ing, the doors whereof we found shut, whereupon we knoieked 
4 times, they within not deigning to answer us, which is a 
ceremony observed by them in such occasions. At the length 
after we had nmg a bell 4 times more, as it were in haste, out 
comes a woman of about 50 years of age, accompanied with 6 


little girls, richly attired, and Bcymitars upon their shoulders 
garnished -with flowers wrought in gold. This ancient woman 
having demanded of the Moiwagcmm why he had rung the bell, 
and what he would have, he answered her with a great deal of 
respect, That he had there an ambassadour from the Eing of 
Bramaa, the Lord of Tanguu, who was come thither to treat at 
the feet of the Calaminhan about certain matters much import- 
ing his service. By reason of the great authority which this 
woman was in she seemed little to regard this answer, whereat we 
wondred much, because he that spake to her was one of the 
chiefest lords of the kingdom, and uncle to the Galaminhan, 
as it was said. Nevertheless one of the 6 girls that accom- 
panied her, spake thus in her behalf to the Motwaga/rim, My 
Lord, may it please your greatness, to have a Utile patience till 
we may know whether the time be fit for the hissing of the foot 
of the throne of this Lord of the World, and advertising him of 
the coming of this stranger, amd so according to the grace which 
our Lord will shew him therein, his heart may rejoyce, and we 
with hmn. That said, the door was shut again for the space of 
three or four Credo's, and then the six girls came and opened 
it, but the ancient woman that at first came along with them 
we saw no more ; howbeit instead of her there came a boy of 
about nine years of age, richly apparelled, and having on his 
head an Hu/rfa/ngiM of gold, which is a kinde of mitre -(but 
that it is somewhat more closed all about, and without any 
overture) he had also a mace of gold, much like a sceptre, 
which he carried upon his shoulder; this same, without 
making much reckoning of the Monvaga/ruM, or of any of the 
other lords there present, took the embassadour by the hand, 
and said unto him. The news of thy a/rrival is come unto the feet 
of Binaigaa the Calaminhan, and sceptre of the kings that govern 
the earth, and is so agreeable to his ea/rs, that with a sm/iUng 
look he now sends for thee to give thee a/uMence concerning that 
which is desired of him by the King, whom he newly receives 
into the number of his brethren, with the love of the son of his 
enWals, that so he may remain powerfull and victorious over his 
enemies. Thereupon he caused him, together with the Kings 
uncle, and the other governours that accompanied him, to 
come in, leaving all the rest without ; the embassadour then 


seeing none of his train follow him, looked three or four times 
back, seeming by his countenance to be somewhat discon- 
tented, which the Moti/oagaruu perceiving, spake to the Qidetor, 
who was a little behinde, that he should cause the strangers to 
be let in, and none else ; the doors being then opened again, 
we Portugals began to go in with the Bramaas ; but such a 
number of others came thrusting in amongst us, as the 
gentlemen ushers who were above twenty, had much ado to 
keep the doors, striking many with battoons which they had 
in their hands, and (of those) some that were persons of 
quahty, and yet could they not therewith, neither with their 
cries, nor menaces, stop them all from entering. Thus being 
come in, we past along through the midst of a great garden, 
made with such art, and where appeared so many goodly 
things, so divers, and so pleasing to the eye, as words are not 
able to express them. For there were there many alleys 
environed with baUisters of silver, and many arbors of extra- 
ordinary scent, which we were told had so much sympathy 
with the moons of the year, that in all seasons whatsoever 
they bare flowers and fruits ; withall there was such abundance 
and variety of roses and other flowers, as almost passetb 
belief. In the midst of this garden we saw a great many 
young women, very fair, and well clad, whereof some past 
away their time in dancing, and others in playing on sundry 
sorts of instruments much after our manner, which they per- 
formed with so much harmony, as we were not a little delighted 
therewith: some also bestowed themselves in making of 
curious needle-works and gold-strings, some in other things, 
whilest their companions gathered fruit to eat ; and all this 
was done so quietly, and with such order and good behaviour, 
as made us admire it. At our going out of this garden, where 
the MowoagwrvM would needs have the embassadour to stay a 
while, that he might there observe something worthy to enter- 
tain his king with at his return to Pegu, we went into a very 
great antichamber, where many commanders and lords were 
sitting, as also some great princes, who received the embassa- 
dour with new ceremonies, and complements, and yet not one 
of them stirred from his place. Through this antichamber 
we came to a door, where there were six gentlemen ushers 



with silver maces, by which we entered into another room 
very richly furnished : in this was the Galaminhan seated on 
a most majestical throne, encompassed with three rows of 
ballisters of silver. At the foot of the degrees of his throne 
sate twelve women that were exceeding beautifull, and most 
richly apparelled, playing on divers sorts of instruments, 
whereunto they accorded their voices. On the top of the 
throne, and not far from his person, were twelve young damsels 
about nine or ten years old, all of them on their knees round 
about him, and carrying maces of gold in the fashion of 
sceptres ; amongst them there was also another that stood on 
her feet and fanned him. Below, all along the whole length 
of the room, were a great many of old men, wearing mitres 
of gold on their heads, and long robes of sattin and damask, 
curiously embroidered, every one having silver maces on their 
shoulders, and ranked in order on either side against the walls. 
Over all the rest of the room were sitting, upon rich Persian 
carpets, about two hundred young ladies, as we could guess, 
that were wonderfull fair, and exceeding well-favom'ed. Thus 
did this room, both for the marvellous structure of it, and for 
the excellent order that was observed therein, represent so 
great and extraordinary a majesty, as we heard the embassa- 
dom' say afterwards, talking of it, that if God would grant 
him the grace to return to Pegu, he would never speak of it 
to the King, as well for fear of grieving him, as of being 
taken for a man that reports thingSj which seem altogether 

Assoon as the embassadour was entered into the room 
where the Galaminhan was, accompanied with the four princes 
that coBduoted him, he prostrated himself five times on the 
ground, vrithout so much as daring to behold the Calarmnhan, 
in sign of the great respect he carried towards him, which the 
Monvaga^iiM perceiving, willed him to advance forwajrd; so 
that being arrived near to the first degree of his throne, with 
his face still bending downward, he said to the Galaminhan, 
with so loud a voice as every one might hear him ; The clouds 
of the air, which recreate the fruits whereof we eat, have pub- 
lished over the whole monarchy of the world the great majesty of 
thy power, which hath caused my King, desiring to be honov/red. 


with thy amity, as with a rich pea/rl, to send me for that purpose, 
and to tell thee from him, that thou shalt much oblige him, if 
thoupleasest to accept of him for thy brother, with the honour- 
able obedience which he will always render to thee, as to him 
that is the elder, as thou a/rt. And for that end it is, that he 
sends thee this letter, which is the jewel of all his treasure that 
he prizes most, and wherein his eyes take more pleasure, for the 
honour and contentment they receive by it, then being lord of the 
kings o/Avaa, and of all the precious stones of the mountmn of 
Falent, of Jatir, and Pontau. Hereunto the Gala/mnhan made 
him this answer following, and that with a grave and severe 
countenance ; For my part, I accept of this new amity, thereby 
to give full satisfaction to thy king, as to a son newly bom of nvy 
inirals. Then began the women to play on instruments of 
musiok, and six of them danced with Uttle children for the 
space of three or four Credo's. After that, other six little girls 
danced with six of the oldest men that were in the room, 
which seemed to us a very pretty fantasticalness. This dance 
ended, there was a very fine comedy represented by twelve 
ladies, exceeding beautifull, and gorgeously attired, wherein 
appeared on the stage a great sea-monster, holding in his 
mouth the daughter of a king, whom the fish swallowed up 
before them all, which the twelve ladies seeing went in all 
haste weeping to an hermitage that was at the foot of a 
mountain, from whence they returned with an hermit, who 
made earnest supplications to Quday PaPwreu, God of the Sea, 
that he would bring this monster to the shore, so as they 
might come to bury the damsel according to her quality. The 
hermit was answered by Qmay Patwreu, that the twelve ladies 
should change their lamentations and complaints into so many 
consorts of musick, that were agreeable to his ears, and he 
would then command the sea to cast the fish upon the strand 
to be done withall as they thought good; whereupon comes on 
the stage six little boys with wings and crowns of gold upon 
their heads, in the same manner as we use to paint angels, and 
naked all over, who falling on their knees before the ladies, 
presented them with three harps and three viols, saying, that 
Quiay Patureu sent them these instruments from the heaven 
of the moon, therewith to cast the monster of the sea into a 


sleep, that so they might have their desire on him ; whereupon 
the twelve ladies took them out of the hands of the little boys, 
and began to play upon them, tuning them unto their voices 
with so lamentable and sad a tone, and such abundance of 
tears, that it drew some from the eyes of divers lords that 
were in the room. Having continued their musick about half 
a quarter of an hour, they saw the monster coming out of the 
sea, and by little and little as it were astonished, making to 
the shore where these fair musicians were ; aU which was 
performed so properly, and to the life, that the assistants could 
hardly imagine it to be a fable, and a matter devised for plea- 
sure, but a very truth, besides the scene was set forth with a 
world of state and riches. Then one of the twelve ladies 
drawing out a poniard, all set with precious stones, which she 
wore by her side, ripped up the fish, and out of the belly of it 
drew the Infanta aUve, which presently went and danced to 
the tune of their instruments, and so went and kissed the 
Galaminhan's hand, who received her very graciously, and 
made her sit down by him. It was said that this young lady 
was his niece, the daughter of a brother of his ; as for the 
other twelve, they were all the daughters of princes, and of 
the greatest lords of the country, whose fathers and brothers 
were there present. There were also three or four comedies 
more like this, acted by other young ladies of great quality, 
and set forth with so much pomp and magnificence, as more 
could not be desired. About evening the Calaminhan retired 
into another room, accompanied with women onely; for all 
the rest they went along with the Momiaga/mu, who took the 
embassadour by the hand, and led him back to the outermost 
room of all, where with many complements, after their manner, 
he took his leave of him, and so committed him to the Queitor, 
who straightway carried him to his house, where he lodged all 
the while that he was there, being two and thirty days, during 
which time he was feasted by the principal lords of the court, 
in a splendid and sumptuous manner, and continually enter- 
tained with several sports of fishing, hunting, hawking, and 
other such like recreations. 

{Here follows a discov/rsh on the Christian religion between a 
priest omd the ForPug'uese, pmitteirt] 



An ample relation of the empire oJ the Calaminham, and of the kingdoms 
of Pegu, and Bramaa, with the oontinuauoe of our voyage, and what we 
saw among the same. 

AMONETH after our arrival at this city of Timplan, 
where the court then was, the ambassador demanded an 
answer to his ambassie, and it was immediately granted him 
by the Calaminham, with whom he spake himself, and being 
graciously entertained by him, he referred him for his dispatch 
to the Monvaga/ruu, that was, as I have heretofore delivered, 
the chief man in governing the kingdom, who gave him an 
answer on the behalf of the Calaminham, as also a present. in 
exchange of that which the King of Bramaa had sent him, 
withal he wrote him a letter [entering into the proposed alliance 
with him] . The ambassador having received this letter, 
departed from the court the 3rd of November, 1546, accom- 
panied with certain lords, who by the express commandment 
of the Calaminham went along with him to Bidor, where they 
took their leave of him, after they had made him a great feast, 
and presented him with divers gifts. But before I entreat of 
the way which we held from this place till we came to Pegu, 
where the King of Brwmaa was, I think it convenient and 
necessary to make a relation here of certain things which we 
saw in this country, wherein I will acquit my self as succinctly 
as I can, as I have done in all other matters whereof I have 
spoken heretofore ; for if I should discourse in particular of all 
that I have seen, and of that which hath past as well in this 
empire, as in othe'r kingdoms, where I have been during my 
painful voyages, I had then need to make another volume far 
bigger then this same, and be indued with a wit much above 
that I have : howbeit that I may not whoUy conceal things so 
remarkable, I am contented to say so much thereof as my 
gross stile will permit me to deliver. The kingdom of Pegu 
hath in circuit an htmdred and forty leagues, is scituate on the 
south side in sixteen degrees, and in the heart of the country 
towards the rhomb of the east it hath an hundred and forty 
leagues, being invironed all above with a high ground, named 


PangwviroM, where the nation of the Bramaas doth inhabit, 
whose country is fourscore leagues broad, and two hundred 
long. This monarchy was in times past one sole kingdom, 
which now it is not, but is divided into thirteen estates of 
sovereigns, who made themselves masters of it by poysoning 
their king in a banquet which they made him in the city of 
Ghaleu, as their histories relate: of these thirteen estates, 
there are eleven that are commanded by other nations, who by 
a tract of another great country are joyned to all the boTinds 
of the Bramaas, where two great emperors abide, of which the 
one is called the Siamon, and the other the Galaminliam, who 
Is the same I purpose onely to treat of. According to report, 
the empire of the prince is above three hundred leagues 
breadth, and as much in length, and it is said that anciently 
it contained seven and twenty kingdoms, the inhabitants 
whereof spake all one language : within this empire we saw 
many goodly cities, exceedingly well peopled, and abounding 
with all provisions necessary for mans life, as flesh, fresh 
water, fish, corn, pulse, rice, pastures, vines, and fruits ; the 
chief of all these cities is Timplan, where this emperor, the 
Calaminham, with his court commonly resides : it is seated 
along by a great river, named Pituy, and invironed aU about 
with two broad walls of earth, made up with strong stone on 
either side, having very broad ditches, and at each gate a 
castle with high towers. Certain merchants affirmed unto us, 
that this city had within it some four hundred thousand fires ; 
and albeit the houses are for the most part not above two 
stories high, yet in recompence thereof they are bidlt very 
stately, and with great charge, especially those of the nobility, 
and of the merchants, not speaking of the great lords, which 
are separated by great inclosures, where are spacious outward 
courts, and at the entring into them arches after the manner 
of China, as also gardens, and walks planted with trees, and 
great ponds, all very handsomely accommodated to the plea- 
sures and delights of this life, whereunto these people are very 
much inclined. We were also certified, that both within the 
inclosure of the city, and a league about it, there were six and 
twenty hundred Pagodes, some of which, wherein we had been, 
were very sumptuous and rich ; indeed (for the rest) the most 


of them were but petty houses in the fashion of hermitages. 
These people follow four and twenty sects, all different one 
from another, amongst the which there is so great a confusion 
of errors, and diabolical precepts, prinijipally in that which 
concerns their bloody sacrifices, as I abhor to speak of them ; 
but the idol which is most in vogue amongst them, and most 
frequented, is that whereof I have already made mention, 
called Quiay Frigau, that is to say. The God of the Moats of 
the Sun; for it is in this false god that the Galaminham 
believes, and does adore him, and so do all the chiefest lords 
of the kingdom, wherefore the Grepos, Menigrepos, and Tala- 
grepos of this false god, are honored far more then all others, 
and held in the reputation of holy personages ; their superiours, 
who by an eminent title are called Gdbizondos, never know 
women, as they say ; but to content their bructish and sensual 
appetites they want not diabolical inventions, which are more 
worthy of tears then recital. During the ordinary fairs of this 
city, called by them Ghaiiduhos, we saw all things there that 
nature hath created, as iron, steel, lead, tin, copper, lattin, 
salt-peter, brimstone, oyl, vermillion, honey, wax, sugar, lacre, 
benjamin, divers sorts of stuffes and garments of silk, pepper, 
ginger, oinamon, linnen cloth, cotton wool, alum, borax, corna- 
Unes, cristal, camphire, musk, ivory, cassia, rhubarbe, turbith, 
scamony, azure, woad, incense, cochenel, saffron, myrrhe, rich 
porcelain, gold, silver, rubies, diamonds, emeraulds, saphirs, 
and generally all other kind of things that can be named, and 
that in so great abundance, as it is not possible for me to speak 
that which I have seen, and be believed; women there are 
ordinarily very white and fair, but that which most commends 
them is, that they are of a good nature, chast, charitable, and 
much inclined to compassion. The priests of all these four 
and twenty sects, whereof there are a very great number 
in this empire, are oloathed in yellow, like the BooUms of Pegu; 
they have no money either of gold or silver, but all their com- 
merce is made with the weight of cates, caeis, maazes, and 
eonderins. The court of the Galaminham is very rich, the 
nobihty exceeding gallant, and the revenue of the lords and 
princes very great, the king is seated and respected in a mar- 
vellous manner ; he hath in his court many commanders that 


are strangers, unto whom he giveth great pensions, to servo 
him for the safety of his person ; our ambassador was assured, 
that in the city of Timplan, where most commonly the court 
is, there are above threescore thousand horse, and 10000 
elephants. The gentlemen of the country live very hand- 
somely, and are served in vessels of silver, and sometimes of 
gold, but as for the common people they use porcelain and 
lattin ; in summer they are apparelled in sattin, damask, and 
vprought taffeties, which come from Persia, and in winter in 
gowns furred with marterns ; there is no going to law amongst 
them, nor does any man enter into bond there ; but if there be 
any difference among the common people, certain magistrates, 
like to our aldermen of wards, do decide it ; and if contention 
happens to arise between persons of an higher quality, then 
they submit to the judgement of certain religious men, who are 
expresly deputed for that purpose, and from them matters pass 
on in manner of appeal to the Queitor of Justice, which is as 
the superintendent thereof, from whose sentence there is no 
appeal, how great and important soever the business be. The 
monarchy of these seven and twenty kingdoms hath seven 
hundred provinces, that is six and twenty in every kingdom ; 
and in the capital town of each of those provinces doth a 
governor preside, all of them being of like and equal power. 
Now on every new moon, each captain is bound to muster the 
souldiers that are under his charge, which ordinarily are two 
thousand foot, five hundred horse, and fourscore fighting 
elephants, one of the which is called by the name of the 
capital town of the same province ; so that if one should make 
a just computation of all those men of war that are in those 
seven hundred companies of those provinces, they would 
appear to be seventeen hundred and fifty thousand, whereof 
there are three hundred and fifty thousand horse, and five and 
fifty thousand elephants ; for in regard of the great number 
that there are of those beasts in that country, this emperor 
stiles himself, in his titles. Lord of the indomitable force of 
Elephants. The revenue which the monarch draws from his 
royal prerogatives, by them called, the price of the Scepter, 
as also from his mines, amounts to twenty millions of gold, 
without comprising therein the presents which are given him 


by the princes, lords and captains, and a great quantity of 
money that is distributed amongst the men of war, according 
to every one's merit, which are not of that account. In all this 
country, pearl, amber, and salt, are very much esteemed of, 
because they are things that come from the sea, which is far 
distant from the city of Timplan ; but of all other commodities 
they have infinite store. The country of it self is very healthy, 
the air very good, and likewise the waters. When they sneeze 
they use to say, the God of truth is three and one, whereby one 
may judge that these people have had some knowledge of the 
Christian religionv 

Being departed from the tovra of Bidor, we held on our 
ooiu:se down the great river of Pituy, and the same day at 
night we went and lodged at a certain Abby of the land of 
Quiay Jarem, the god of married folks ; this abby is seated on 
the bank of the river in a plain, where are a great many of 
trees planted, and very rich buildings, here the ambassador 
was well entertained by the Gahizondo and the Talagrepos ; 
then continuing our voyage seven days longer, we arrived at a 
town named Pa/oel, where we staid three days, to furnish our 
vessels with some provisions which we needed ; in this place 
the ambassador bought divers knacks of China, and other 
commodities that were sold there at a very cheap rate, as 
musk, fine porcelains, wrought silks, ermins, and many other 
sorts of furs, which are much used in that country, because it 
is extreme cold there ; these wares were brought thither by 
great troops of elephants and rhinocero's from a certain far 
distant province, as the merchants told us, called Friouca- 
rarmm, beyond the which, they said, was a kind of people 
called Calogens, and Funcaos, tawny men, and great archers, 
having their feet like unto oxen, but hands like unto other 
men, save that they are exceeding hairy, they are naturally 
inclined to cruelty, and have below at the end of the backbone 
a lump of flesh as big as ones two fists, their dwelling is in 
mountains that are very high and rough on some parts, where 
there are nughty deep pits, or caves, from whence are heard 
in winter nights most dreadful cries, and doleful lamentations. 
We were told likewise, that not far from these people there 
were others, called Calouhos, Timfates, and Bugems, and a 


good way beyond them some, named Oqtisns and Magores, 
I who feed on wild beast3 which they cateh in hunting, and eat 
'raw, as also on all kind of contagious cr,eatures, as lizards, 
serpents, and adders ; they hunt those wild beasts mounted 
on certain animals, as big as horses, which have three horns 
in the midst of their foreheads, with thick short legs, and on 
the middle of their backs a row of prickles, wherewith they 
prick when they are angry, and all the rest of the body is like 
a great lizard ; besides they have on their necks, instead of 
hair, other prickles far longer and bigger then those on their 
backs, and on the joynts of their shoulders short wings like to 
the fins of fishes, wherewith they fly, as it were, leaping the 
length of five or six and twenty paces at a jump. These 
creatures are called Banazes, upon which these savages ride 
into the country of their enemies, with whom they hold con- 
tinual war, and whereof some pay them tribute in salt, which 
is the thing they make most account of, in regard of the 
need they have of it, for that they are very far distant from the 
sea. "We spake also with other men called Bwmioens, who 
live on high mountains, where there are mines of alum and 
laore, and great store of wood ; of this nation, we saw a troop 
conducting of above two thousand oxen, on [whom they had 
put pack saddles, and so made them to carry their mer- 
chandise ; these men were very tall, and had eyes and beards 
like the GJdneses. We saw others likewise, that had reason- 
able long beards, their faces full of freckles, and their ears and 
nostrils pierced, and in the holes thereof small threds of gold 
made into clasps, these were called Qinaphogaas, and the 
province whereof they were natives Surobosay, which within 
the mountains of the Lcmhos are bounded with the lake of 
Ghiammay, and are cloathed with hairy skins, going bare-foot 
and bare-headed, certain merchants told us that these had 
great riches, and that all their traflfique was in silver, whereof 
they had great store. We spake also with another sort of 
men, called Tv/pmoens, who are tawny, great eaters, and much 
addicted to the pleasures of the flesh ; these gave us better 
entertainment then all the rest, and oftentimes feasted us. 
Now because in a certain banquet, where we nine Porttigals 
were with the ambassador, one of us, named Francisco Temuda, 


challenged them to drink, they taking it for a great affront, 
caused the feast to continue the longer for the recovery of 
their honour ; but the Porlmgal set on them so lustily, twenty 
that they were, as he laid them all along drunk on the ground, 
himself remaining still sober; when they were out of their 
drink, the Sa/piton, that was their captain, and in whose house 
the feast had been made, called his company together, which 
were above three hundred, and, whether the Portugal would 
or no, made him to mount upon an Elephant, and bo lead him 
through all the town, accompanied with a great multitude of 
people that followed him at the sound of trumpets, drums, and 
other such instruments; the captain himself, as also the 
ambassador, and the rest of us, together with all the Bramaas, 
marching on foot after him, with boughs in our hands, and two 
men before him on horseback, that rode crying, all ye people, 
pra/ise with gladness the beams which proceed from the midst of 
the sun, who is the god that makes our rice to grow, for 
that you home lived to see a man so holy, that knowing how to 
drink better then all the men of the world, hath laid on the 
ground twenty of the principal dnnkers of ov/r troop, to the end 
his renown may be dayly more and more augmented, Where- 
unto all the crowd of people that accompanied him, answered 
with such cries and acclamations, as the very noise thereof 
frighted all that heard it. In this equipage they lead the 
Portugal to the ambassadors house, where they set him down 
with a great deal of respect and many complements ; then on 
their knees they rendred him to the ambassador, desiring him 
to have a care of him as of an holy man, or the son of some 
great king, for, said they, it cannot be otherwise, seeing God 
hath bestowed so great a gift on him, as to know how to 
drink so well. Whereupon having made a gathering for him, 
they got together above two hundred lingots of silver, which 
they gave him ; and until the time that we departed he was 
continually visited by the inhabitants, whereof many presented 
him with rich pieces of silk, and other gifts, as if they had 
made an offering to some saint upon a solemn day of his 
invocation. After these we saw other men that were very 
white, named Pa/vilens, great archers, and good horsemen, 
apparrelled in cassocks of silk like those of Japan, and that 


carried their meat to their mouths with Uttle sticks, after the 
mamier of the Ghineses ; these same told us that their country 
was csJled Binagorem, and that it was distant from thence 
about two hundred leagues up the river ; their merchandize 
was store of gold in powder, liie to that of Meuancaho, of the 
island of Sumatra, as also lacre, aloes, musk, tin, copper, silk, 
and wax, which they exchanged for pepper, ginger, salt, wine, 
and rice : the wives of these men which we saw there are very 
white, of better conversation then all the rest of those 
countrys, well natured, and exceeding charitable ; demanding 
of them what was their law, and what was the divinity that 
they adored, they answered us. That thew gods were the sun, 
the heaven, amd the stars, for that from them they received by 
an holy comnmnication all the good that they enjoyed v/pon 
earth ; and furthermore, that the soul of man was but a breath 
which ended in the death of the body, and that afterwards 
tumbling up and down in the air she mingled her self with the 
clouds, until such time as coming to be dissolved into water, she 
dded again upon the earth, as the body had done before. I 
omit an infinite many of such extravagances which were told 
us, and that gave us good cause to wonder at the bhndness 
and confusion of these wretches, and doth also oblige us to 
render thanks continually unto God for deUvering us from 
these errors, and this false beUef. Now from the diversity of 
these unknown nations, which we saw in these parts, it is 
easie to infer, that in this monarchy of the world there are 
many countries yet undivided, and unknown to us. 

Onr arrival at Pegu. 

CONTINUING our course from this town of Pavel, we 
came the next day to a village, called Luncor, invironed 
about the space of three leagues, with a great number of trees 
of Benjamin, which from this place is transported into the 
kingdoms of Pegu, and Siam. From theaoe we sailed for nine 


days together down that great river, all alongat the which we 
saw many goodly towns; and then we arrived at another 
river, called Ventrau, through the which we continued our 
voyage to PenaucMn, the first borrough of the kingdome of 
Jangwmaa, where the ambassador registred his vessels, and 
all that were within them, because such was the custom of the 
country. Being departed from thence, we went and lay that 
night at the BcmMtens, which are two strong places belonging 
to the Prince of Pancanor. Pive days after we came to a 
great town, called Magdaleu, which is the country from 
whence lacre is brought to Martabano ; the prince thereof, 
during the time that we stayed there, shewed the ambassador 
a general muster of all the men of war that he had levied 
against the King of the Lauhos, with whom he was at 
difference, because he had repudiated a daughter of his, which 
he had married three years before, intending to espouse a 
gentlewoman by whom he had had a son that he had legiti- 
mated, and made choice of for heir of his kingdom, thereby 
frustrating his nephew (by his daughter) of his right. Passing 
on then through the streight of Mad/wr, wherein we sailed five 
days, we arrived at a village called Mouchell, the first place of 
the kingdom of Pegu ; there one Glialagomm, a famous Pyrat, 
that went up and down robbing in this place with thirty 
Seroos, well equipped, and full of warlike men, assailed us one 
night, and fighting with us till it was almost day, he handled 
us in such sort, as it was the great grace of God that we 
escaped out of his hands ; nevertheless it was not without the 
loss of five of the twelve vessels that we had, together with 
an hundred and fourscore of our men, whereof two were PorH- 
gals. The ambassador himself had a cut on one of his arms, 
and- two wounds besides with arrow shot, which had almost 
cost bim his life ; all of us likewise were cruelly hurt ; and the 
present which the Calcmdnham sent to the King of Bramaa, 
being worth above an hundred thousand ducates, was taken by 
the pyrat, together vnth a great deal of rich merchandize that 
was in the five vessels, whereof he had made himself master. 
In this sad equipage we arrived three days after at the city of 
Mourtahwno, from whence the ambassador vyrote the King a 
letter, wherein he rendred him an account of all that had 


hapned to him in his voyage, as also in his disaster. Where- 
upon the King sent presently away a Meet of sixscore Seroos, 
with a number of choice men, amongst which were an hundred 
PorPugals in quest of this pyrat. This fleet having by good 
fortune discovered him, found that he had put on shore his 
thirty Seroos, wherewith he had assailed us, and was, with all 
his forces retired into a fortress, which was full of divers 
prizes that he had taken in several parts thereabout; our 
men immediately attacqued the place, and carried it easily at 
the very first assault, only with the loss of some few Bramaas 
and one Portiigal, howbeit many were hurt with arrows, but 
they recovered in a short time without the maiming of any 
one. As soon as the fortress was gained, all that were 
found within it were put to the sword, not sparing the life of 
any, but that of the pyrat, and sixscore others of his company, 
which were led aUve to the King of Bramaa, who caused them 
to be cast to his elephants, that instantly dismembred them. 
In the mean time the taking of this fortress was so advan- 
tagious to the Portugals that were sent thither, as they 
returned from thence all very rich ; and it was thought that 
five or six of them got each of them the value of five and 
twenty, or thirty thousand ducates apiece, and that he which 
had least had the worth of two or three thousand for his 
share. After that the ambassador was cured at Martabano of 
the hurts which he had received in the fight, he went directly 
to the city of Pegu, where, as I have declared, the King of 
Bramaas court was at that time ; who being advertised of his 
arrival, and of the letter which he brought him from the 
Calaminham, (whereby he accepted of his amity, and aUied 
himself virith him) he sent the Gha/mrdgrem, his foster-brother, 
and brother-in-law, to receive him ; to which end he set forth, 
accompanied with all the grandees of the kingdom, and four 
battalions of strangers, amongst the which were a thousand 
Portugals commanded by Antonio Ferrevra, born in Braguenca, 
■a man of great understanding, and to whom this king gave 
twelve thousand ducates a year pension, besides the presents 
which he bestowed on him in particular, that came to httle 
less. Hereupon the King of Bramaa seeing that by this new 
league God had contented his desire, he resolved to shew 


himself thankful for so great a favour, wherefore he caused 
great feasts to be made amongst these people, and a number 
of sacrifices to be offered in the temples, where there was no 
spare of perfumes, and wherein it was thought there were 
killed above a thousand stags, cows, and hogs, which were 
bestowed for an alms among the poor, besides many other 
works of charity, as the cloathing of five thousand poor folks, 
and imploying great sums of money in the releasing of a 
thousand prisoners which were detained for debt. After that 
these feasts had continued seven whole days together, with a 
most ardent zeal, and at the incredible charge of the King,, 
lords, and people, news came to the city of the death of the- 
Aixquendoo, BooUm of Mommy, who was as it were their 
sovereign bishop, which caused all rejoicings to cease in art 
instant, and every one to fall into mourning, vnth great 
expressions of sorrow. 

[Here follows a description of the funeral ceremonies and an 
account of the installation of tlie new Boolim, ptnitteb,^ 


That which the King of Bramaa did after his arrival at the city of Fegu, 
together with his besieging of Savady. 

TWO and twenty dayes after the King of Bramaa arrived 
at the city of Pegu, he perceived by the letter which his 
ambassadour brought him from the Oalaminham, that he had 
concluded the league with him against the Siamon ; yet in 
regard the season was not fit for him, either to commence 
that war, or to assail the kingdom of Avaa, as he desired, he 
resolved to send his foster-brother, unto whom, as I have 
ah'eady declared, he had given the title of lawfull brother, to 
the siege of Savady, which was some hundred and thirty 
leagues from thence to the north-east. Having assembled an 
army then of an hundred and fifty thousand men, amongst 
whom were thirty thousand strangers of divers nations, and 


five thousand fighting elephants, besides three thousand others 
that carried the baggage, and the victualls ; the Ghaumigrem 
departed from Pegu with a fieet of thirteen hundred rowing 
vessells, the 15th of the moneth of Ma/rch. Fourteen dayes 
after he arrived in the sight of Savady; and having oast 
anchor neer to a great plain, called Gwn/palaor, he arrived 
there six dayes in attending the five thousand elephants which 
were to come to him by land, which were no sooner arrived, 
but he began to besiege the town; so that having begirt it 
round, he assaulted it three times in the open day, and re- 
treated still with very great loss, as well in regard of the 
notable resistance which they within made against him, as 
of the extream trouble his people were at in planting their 
ladders against the walls, by reason of their bad scituation, 
which was all of slate ; whereupon consulting with his com- 
manders about what he should do, they were all of opinion to 
have it battered with the canon on the weakest side, untill 
that* by the overthrow of some part of the wall, a breach 
might be made, whereby they might enter with more ease and 
less danger. This resolution was as soon executed as taken, 
BO that the ingineers fell to making of two maimer of bull- 
works on the outside upon a great platform, composed of great 
beams and bavins, which in five dayes they raised up to suoh 
an height, as it surpassed the wall two fathom at the least. 
This done, they planted on each bulwark twenty great pieces 
of ordnance wherewith they began to batter the town so 
valiantly, that in a little time they beat down a pane of the 
wall; and besides those pieces of battery, there were above 
three hundred falcons that shot incessantly, with an intention 
only to kill those that were in the streets, as indeed they made 
a great havoc, which was the cause that seeing themselves so 
ill entreated, and their people slain in that manner, they re- 
solved, like valiant men as they were, to sell their lives as 
dearly as they could; so that one morning having sallied 
forth by the same breach of the wall which the cannon had 
made, they gave so vahantly upon those of the camp, that in 
less then an hour they almost routed the Bramaas whole 
army. Now because it began to be day, the Sawadis thought 
it fit to re-enter into the town, leaving eight thousand of their 


enemies dead on the place. After this they repaired the 
breach in a very little time by the means of a rampire of 
earth, which they made up with bavins and other materialls, 
that was strong enough to resist the cannon. Hereupon the 
Chaumigrem seeing the bad success he had had, resolved to 
make war, both upon the places neer about, as also upon the 
frontiers that were furthest off from the town ; for which 
purpose he sent Diosanay, high treasurer of the kingdom, 
whose slaves we Portugals were, colonel of five thousand men, 
to spoil a certain borrough, called Valeutay, which furnished 
the besieged town with provisions ; but this voyage was so 
infortunate unto him, that before his arrival! at the designed 
place, his forces were by two thousand Savadis, whom he 
incountred by the way, aU cut in pieces in less then half an 
hour, not one escaping with life that fell into their enemies 
hands. Nevertheless, it pleased our Lord that amidst this 
defeat we saved our selves by the favour of the night, <g,nd 
without knowing whither we went, we took the way of a very 
craggy mountain, where we marched in exceeding great pain 
three dayes and an half, at the end whereof we entred into 
certain Moorish plains, where we could meet with no path or 
way, nor having other company then tygers, serpents, and 
other savage beasts, which put us into a mighty fear. But 
as our God, whom incessantly we invoked with tears in our 
eyes, is the true guide of travellers, He out of His infinite 
mercy permitted, that at length we perceived one evening a 
certain fire towards the east, so that continuing our course 
towards that place where we saw this light, we found our 
selves the next morning neer to a great lake, where there 
were some cottages, which in all likelihood were inhabited by 
very poor people; howbeit not daring to discover our selves 
as yet, we hid us all that day in certain hanging precipices 
that were very boggy, and full of horsleaehes, which made us 
all gore blood. As soon as it was night we fell to marching 
again untiU the next morning, when as we arrived neer to a 
great river, all alongst the which we continued going for five 
dayes together. At last vrith much pain we got to another 
lake, that was far greater then the former, upon the bank 
whereof was a little temple in the forin of an hermitage, and 



there we found an old hermite, who gave us the best entertain- 
ment that possibly he could. This old man permitted us to 
repose our selves two dayes with him, during which time we 
demanded many things of him that made for our purpose; 
whereunto he alwayes answered according to the truth, and 
told us, that we were still within the territories of the King 
of Sa/vady, that this lake was called Oreguantor, that is to 
say, the opening of the night ; and the hermitage, the God of 
succowr. Whereupon being desirous to know of him the 
signification of this abuse, he laid his hand on an horse of 
brasse, that stood for the idol upon the altar, and said that 
he often read in a book, which entreated of the foundation of 
the kingdom, that some two hundred, thirty, and seven years 
before, this lake being a great town, called Ootmhaleu, a king 
that was named Avaa had taken it in war, that in acknow- 
ledgement of this victory, his priests, by whom he was wholly 
governed, counselled him to sacrifice unto Quiay Guator, 
the god of war, all the young male children which had 
been made captives ; and in case he did not so, they would 
when they became men regain the kingdom from him. The 
King apprehending the event of this threatning, caused all 
these children, being fourscore and five thousand in number, 
to be brought all into one place, and so upon a day that was 
kept very solemn amongst them, he made them to be put 
most inhumanely to the edge of the sword, with an intent to 
have them burned the next morning in sacrifice ; but the 
night following there came a great earthquake, and such 
lightning and fire from heaven upon the town, as vrithin less 
then half an hour it was quite demolished, and all that was 
in it reduced to nothing ; so that by this just judgement of 
God, the King, together vrith all his, were stricken dead, not 
so much as one escaping ; and besides them thirty thousand 
priests in like manner, who ever since during all the new 
moons are heard to cry and roar so dreadfully, that all the 
inhabitants thereabouts were ready to go besides themselves 
with fear ; by reason whereof the country was utterly depopu- 
lated, no other habitation remaining therein, save only four- 
score and five hermitages, which were erected in memory of 
the fourscore and five thousand children, whom the Fing had 
caused to be butchered through the evill counsell of his priests. 



A. continuation of the success which we had in this voyage, with my depar- 
ture from Goa to Zunda, and what passed during my abode there. 

WE past two dayes in this hermitage, where, as I declared 
before, we were very well entertained by the hermite ; 
the third day after betimes in the morning we took our leave 
of him, and departed from thence not a little afflicted with 
that which we had heard, and so all the same day and the 
night following we continued on our way along by the river ; 
the next morning we arrived at a place where were a great 
many of sugar canes, of which we took some, for that we had 
nothing else to nourish us withall. In this manner we 
marched still along by this river, which we kept for a guide 
of our voyage, because we judged that how long soever it 
were, yet would it at last ingulfe it self in the sea, where we 
hoped that our Lord would raise us up some remedy for our 
miseries. The day ensuing we arrived at a village called 
Pommiseray, where we hid our selves in a very thick wood 
from being descried by passengers, and two hours within night 
we continued our design in following the current of the river, 
being resolved to take our death in good part, if it should 
please God to send it us, for to put an end to so many suffer- 
ings as we had undergone day and night ; and without lying, 
the apprehension and visions of this last end troubled us more 
then death it self, wherewith we imagined our selves to be 
already ensnared. At the end of seventeen dayes, that this 
painfull and sad voyage had lasted, God shewed us so much 
grace, that during the obscurity of a very rainy night we dis- 
covered a certain light little more then a f aulcon shot before us; 
the fear we were in at the first that we were neer some town, 
made us to stand still for a good space, without knowing what 
to resolve upon, untill we observed that this light seemed to 
move, whereby we conjectured that it was some vessel which 
went from one port to another ; as indeed half an hour after 
we perceived one, wherein there were nine persons, who 
approaching to the bank of the river, neel? to the place where 


we were, landed all in a creek that was there in the form of 
an haven, and presently making a fire, they began to prepare 
their supper, which was no sooner ready, but they fell to 
eating with great demonstrations of mirth, wherein they 
bestowed a pretty good time. At length when they were 
well replenished with meat and drink, it happened that all 
nine of them, amongst whom there were three women, fell 
fast asleep ; whereupon seeing that we could not find a more 
favourable occasion to make our benefit of this adventure, we 
went all eight of us very softly into the barque, that stuck 
half in the ouze, and was tyed fast to a great stake, which 
pushing forth vnth our shoulders we set aflote; and then 
imbarquing our selves in it with all speed, we began to row 
down the river with as little noyse as possibly we could make. 
Now in regard the current of the water and the wind were 
both very favourable unto us, we found our selves the next 
morning above ten leagues from the place whence we parted, 
namely, neer to a Pagode, called Quiay Hinarel, that is to say, 
the God of Bice, where we met but only with one man and seven 
and thirty women, the most of them old, and reUgionaries of 
this temple, who received us with a great deal of charity, 
although in my opinion they did it rather out of fear of us, 
then any will that they had to do us good. Having questioned 
them about many things which served for our purpose, they 
could give us no pertinent answer thereunto, alledging still, 
that they were but poor women, who upon a solemn vow had 
renounced all things in the world, and confined themselves 
into this inclosure, where they bestowed aU their time in 
continuall prayer to Quiay Ponuedea, which moves the clouds 
of heaven, that he would be pleased to give them rain, where- 
by their grounds might be made fruitfvdl to produce them 
abundance of rice. In this place we spent all the day in 
caulking our barque, and furnishing our selves at these re- 
ligious womens cost, with rice, sugar, French beans, onyons, 
and some smoak-dried flesh, wherewith they were sufficiently 
provided. Being parted from hence about an hour within 
night, we continued our course with our oars and sails for 
seven whole dayes together, without so much as once daring 
to touch the land, so much were we in fear of some disaster 


that might easily arrive to us from those places which we 
saw all alongst the river. But as it is impossible to avoid 
that here below which is determined there above, just at the 
instant as we were continxiing on our course, all confused as 
we were, and in a perpetuall alarm, by reason of the danger 
that was alwayes present before our eyes, as well for that 
which we saw, as for that we were in doubt of, our ill 
hap would have it, that an hour before day, as we past 
thorough the mouth of a channell, three Paraos of pyrats 
assaulted us with such violence, and with so many different 
sorts of darts, which they showred upon us, that within less 
then two Credoes, they had kiUed three of our companions ; as 
for us five that remained, we cast our selves into the sea, all 
bloudy as we were with the wounds which we had received, 
whereof two others died a little after. When as we were got 
ashore we hid our selves in the woods, where we past all that 
day in lamenting our present mishap after so many fortunes 
as we had run thorough before time. Thus wounded as we 
were, parting from thence in more hope of death then life, we 
proceeded on our way by land, with so much pain and irreso- 
lution concerning what we were to do, as we fell many times 
a weeping, without being able to comfort one another, in 
regard of the small likelihood there was of saving our lives 
by any humane means. As we were reduced to this deplor- 
able estate, with two of our companions ready to die, it 
pleased our Lord (whose succour doth ordinarily supply our 
defects) that in a place where we found our selves upon the 
bank of the water, there chanced to pass by a vessel, wherein 
there was a Christian woman, named Violenta, who was 
married to a Pagan, to whom this vessel appertained, which 
he had laden with cotton wooll to sell off at Cosmin; this 
woman no sooner perceived us, but moved with pity at the 
sight of us, Jesus, cried she, these are Christians tvhich I 
behold ! that said, she caused the vessel wherein she was to 
come to the shore, and leaping on land, together with her 
husband, they fell both of them to imbracing us with tears 
in their eys, and then made us to be imbarqued with them ; 
presently whereupon this vertuous dame took a care to have 
our wounds drest, and provided us of oloaths the best that 


she could, rendring us many other good offices of a true and 
charitable Christian. Then setting aside all fear, we parted 
from this place with all speed, and five dayes after thorough 
Gods grace we arrived safely at the town of Cosmin, which is 
a part of the sea in the kingdom of Pegu, where in the house 
of this good Christian woman we were so well looked unto, 
that in a short time we found our selves thoroughly cured of 
all our hurts. Now whereas there is never any want in the 
grace which God doth to his creatures, it pleased Him that at 
that very time we met in this port vrith a ship, whereof Luis 
de Montorrayo was master, who was upon the poynt of setting 
sail for Bengala ; so that after we had taken our leave of our 
hostess, to whom we rendred many thanks for all the benefits 
which we had received of her, we imbarqued our selves with 
the said Lms de Montorrayo, who likewise entreated us ex- 
ceeding well, and furnished us abundantly with all that was 
necessary for us. At our arrivall at the port of Chatigan in 
the kingdom of Bengala, where there was at that time many 
Portugals, I instantly imbarqued my self in the foist of a 
certain merchant, called Fernando Caldeyra who was bound 
for Goa, where it pleased God I arrived in good health. There 
I found Pedro de Faria, who had been Captain of Malaca, and 
by whom I had been sent as ambassador to the Chaiubanliaa 
of Ma/rtabano, as I have declared heretofore. To him I ren- 
dred an exact accoimt of all that had past, for which he 
shewed himself very sorrowful, and accommodated me with 
divers things, whereunto his conscience and generosity obliged 
him, in regard of the goods which I had lost for his occasion. 
A little after, that I might not lose the opportunity of the 
season, I imbarqued my self vrith an intention to go to the 
southward, and once more to try my fortune in the kingdoms 
of China and Japan, to see if in those countries where I had 
so many times lost my coat, I could not find a better then 
that I had on. 

Being imbarqued at Goa in a junck that belonged to Pedro 
de Fa/ria, which was bound in way of trade for Zunda, I 
arrived at Malaca the same day that Buy vas Pereyra, termed 
Marramaque died, who was then captain of the fortress there. 
Being departed from that place to go to Zunda, at the end of 


seventeen days I arrived at Banta, where the PorPugals are 
accustomed to traffique. And because there was at that time 
great scarcity of pepper over all the country, and that we 
came thither of purpose for it, we were constrained to pass 
the winter there, with a resolution to go for China the year 
following. We had been almost two monetha in this port, 
where we exercised our commerce very peaceably, when as 
from the King of Demcia, Emperor of all the islands of Jaoa, 
Angenia, Bala, Madv/ra, and of the rest of the islands of that 
Archipelago, there landed in this country a widow woman, 
named Nhay Pombaya, about the age of threescore years, who 
came as ambassador to Tagaril, King of Zunda, that was also 
his vassal as well as all the rest of that monarchy, for to tell 
him that he was vrithin the term of six weeks to be in person 
at the town of Ja/pa/ra, where he was then making preparation 
to invade the kingdom of Passaruan, When this woman 
arrived in this port, the King went in person to the vessel 
where she was, from whence he carried her to his palace with 
great pomp, and put her into the company of his wife for her 
better entertainment, whilest he himself retired to another 
lodging farther off to do her the more honor. Now that one 
may know the reason wherefore this ambassage was executed 
rather by a woman then a man, you must note, that it hath 
always been the custom of the Kings of this kingdom to treat 
of the most important matters of their state by mediation of 
women, especially when it concerns peace, which they observe 
not only in particular messages that are sent by the lords to 
their vassals, (such as this was) but also in matter of publique 
and general affairs, which is performed by ambassage from one 
king to another ; and aU the reason they give for it, is ; That 
God hath given more gentleness and inclination to cowrtesie, yea 
and more authority to women then to men, who are severe, as 
they say, and by consequent less agreeable to those unto whom 
they are sent. Now it is their opinion, that every one of those 
women which the kings are accustomed to send about affairs 
of importance, ought to have certain quaUties for well execut- 
ing of an ambassage, and worthily discharging the commission 
which is granted to them : for first of all, they say, l^t ahfl 
must not be a maid, for fear she chance to lose her honor irt 


going out of her house, because that even as with her hea/uty she 
contents every one, so by the same reason she may be a motive 
of discord and unqtdetnes in matters where unity is required, 
rather then an access to concord, and the peace which is pre- 
tended unto. To this they add, that she must be married, or at 
leastwise a widow after a lawful marriage ; that if she have had 
'children, she must have a certificate how she hath given them all 
sv/ik with her own breasts, alledging thereupon, that she who 
hath born children, and doth not nourish them if she can, is 
rather a carnal, voluptuous, corrupted, and dishonest woman, 
then a true mother. And this custom is observed so exactly 
over all this country, principally amongst persons of quality, 
that if a mother hath a child which she cannot give suck unto 
for some valuable consideration, she must make an attestation 
thereof, as of a thing very serious, and much importing her 
honor. That if being young too she happens to lose her 
husband, and becomes a widdovy, she must for the better 
testifying of her vertue enter into religion, to the end she may 
thereby shew, that she did not formerly marry for the pleasure 
which she expected from her marriage, but to have children, 
according to the pure and honest intention, wherewith God 
joyned together the first married couple in the terrestial 
paradise. Furthermore, that there might be nothing to be 
found fault with in the purity of their marriage, and that it 
might be altogether comformable to the law of God, they say, 
that after a woman is with child, she ought no longer to have 
the company of her husband, because the same could not then 
be but dishonest and sensual. To these conditions they add 
many others which I will pass over in sUence, for that I think 
it unreasonable to use prolixity in matters that I hold worthy 
of excuse, if I do not relate them at length. In the mean 
time after that Nhay Pombaya had delivered her embassage to 
the King of Zunda, as I have declared before, and treated 
with him about the occasion which brought her thither, she 
presently departed from this town of Banta ; whereupon the 
King having speedily prepared all things in readiness, he set 
sail with a fleet of thirty Calaluzes, and ten Juripangoes, well 
furnished with ammunition and victual, in which forty vessels 
there were 7000 fighting men, besides the mariners and rowers. 


Amongst this number were forty Portugals, of six and forty 
that we were in all, in regard whereof they did us many 
particular favors in the business of our merchandize, and 
publikely confessed, that they were much obliged to us for 
following them as we did, so that we should have had little 
reason to have excused our selves from accompanying them in 
this war. 


The expedition of the Pangueyran, Emperor of Jaoa, and King of Demaa, 
against the King of Passeruan, and all that which passed in this war. 

THE King of Zunda being departed from the port of 
Banta the 5th day of January, in the year 1546, 
arrived on the 19th of the same at the town of Jajpara, where 
the King of Demaa, Emperor of this island of Jaoa, was 
then making his preparatives, having an army on foot of 
eight hundred thousand men. This prince being advertised of 
the King of Zunda' s coming, who was his brother-in-law and 
vassal, he sent the King of PaTuwuca, Admiral of the fleet, to 
receive him, who brought along with him an hundred and 
threescore Galaluees, and ninety Lanchares, full of Luffons 
from the Isle of Borneo : with all this company he arrived 
where the King of Zunda was, who entertained him very 
courteously, and with a great deal of honor. Pourteen days 
after our coming to this town of Japa/ra, the King of Demaa 
went and imbarqued himself for the kingdom of Passaruan in 
a fleet of two thousand and seven hundred sails, amongst the 
which were a thousand high built juncks, and all the rest were 
vessels with oars. The 11th of February he arrived at the 
river of Hicandurea, which is at the entrance of the bar ; and 
because the King of Panaruca, Admiral of the fleet, perceived 
that the great vessels could not pass unto the port, which was 
two leagues off, by reason of certain shelves of sand that were 
in divers parts of the river, he caused all those that were in 
them to be disimbarqued, and the other vessels with oars to go 
and anchor in the road before the town, with an intention to 


burn the ships that were in the port, which indeed waa 
accordingly executed. In this army was the Emperor 
Pangueyran in person, accompanied with all the grandees 
of the kingdom ; the King of Zunda, his brother in law who 
was General of the army, went by land with a great part of 
the forces, and being all arrived at the place where they meant 
to pitch their camp, they took care in the first place for the 
fortifying thereof, and for placing the canon in the most 
commodious places to batter the town, in which labour they 
bestowed the most part of the day. As for the night ensuing 
it was spent in rejoycings, and keeping good watch xmtil such 
time as it was day, when as each captain applied himself to 
that whereunto his duty obliged him, all in general imploying 
themselves according to the ingineers directions, so that by 
the second day the whole town was invironed with high 
Pallisadoes, and their platforms fortified with great beams, 
whereupon they planted divers great pieces of ordnance, 
amongst the which were eagles and lions of metal, that the 
Achems and Tti/rks had cast, by the invention of a certain 
Benegado, born in the kingdom of Algarii^s, appertaining to 
the crown of Portugal ; and by reason this wicked wretch had 
changed his belief, he called himself Coia Geinal : for as for 
the name which he had before when he was a Christian, I am 
contented to pass it over in silence for the honor of his 
family, being indeed of no mean extraction. In the mean 
time the besieged having taken notice how ill-advised they had 
been in suffering the enemies to labor two whole days together 
peaceably in fortifying of their camp, without any impeach- 
ment of theirs ; and taking the same for a great affront, they 
desired their King to permit them to fall upon them the night 
following, alledging how it was probable that men wearied 
with labor, could not make any great use of their arms, nor 
be able to resist this first impetuosity. The King, who at 
that time commanded the kingdom of Passaruan, was yong, 
and indued with many excellent qualities which made him 
to be exceedingly beloved of all his subjects ; for as it was 
reported of him, he was very liberal, no maner of tyrant, 
exceedingly affable to the common people, a friend to the poor, 
and so charitable towards widows, that if they acquainted 


him with their necessities, he relieved them instantly, and did 
them more good then they asked of him. Besides these 
perfections that were so recommendahle, he possessed some 
others so comfortable to mens desires, as there was not any 
one that would not have exposed his life a thousand times for 
his service if need had been. Furthermore he had none but 
choice men with him, even the flower of all his kingdom, 
besides many strangers, upon whom he conferred much 
wealth, honor, and many graces, which he accompanied with 
good words, that being indeed the means whereby the minds 
both of great and small are so strongly gained, that they 
make them lions of sheep, whereas carrying ones self other 
ways, of generous lions, they are made fearful hares. This 
king then examining the request which his people made unto 
him, and referring himself to the advice of the antientest and 
most prudent coimcellors of his state which were vnth him, 
there was a great contention about the success that the affairs 
might have ; but in the end, by the counsel of all in general, 
it was concluded, T}iat in case fortune should be altogether 
adoerse vnto them in this sally which they meant to make 
against thei/r enenms, yet would it he a much less evil, and less 
considerable affront, then to see the King so besieged by vile 
people, who against all reason would reduce them by force to 
quit their belief, wherein they had been bred by their fathers, 
to imbrace another new one by the suscitation of the Farazes, 
who place their salvation in not eating of swines flesh, and 
ma/rrying of seven wives, whereby the best advised may easily 
judge, that God was so much their enemy, as he would not assist 
them in any thing, seeing that with so great offence, they would 
under pretext of religion, and with reasons so full of contradic- 
tion, compel their king to become a Mahometan, and render 
himself tributary to them. To these reasons they added many 
others which the King, and they that were with him, found to 
be so good, as they all with one common consent agreed there- 
unto, which is an evident mark, that it is a thing no less 
natural for a good subject to expose his life for his king, then 
for a vertuous wife to conserve her chastity for the husband 
which God hath given her : this being so, said they, a matter 
of so great importance was no longer to be deferred, but we 


all in general, and each one in particular, are by this sally to 
make demonstration of the extreme affection which we bear 
to our good king, who we are assured will never be unmindful 
*)f them that shall fight best for his defence, which is all the 
inheritance we desire to leave to our children. Whereupon it 
was resolved that the night following they should make a sally 
upon their enemies. 

Whereas the joy, which this designed sally brought to all 
the inhabitants of the town, was general, they never stayed 
till they were called, but two hours after midnight, and before 
the time which the King had appointed, they assembled aU in 
a great place, which was not far from the royal palace, and 
where they of the country had accustomed to keep their fairs, 
and to solemnize their most remarkable feasts on those 
principal days which were destined to the invocation of their 
Pagodes. The King in the mean time, wonderfully content to 
see such heat of courage in them, of seventy thousand in- 
habitants which were in the town, drew out twelve thousand 
only for this enterprise, and divided them into four companies, 
each of them containing three thousand, whereof an unkle of 
the Kings was General, a man whom experience had rendred 
very knowing in such undertakings, and that marched in the 
head of the first company. Of the second was captain 
another of the principal Mandarins ; of the third a stranger, 
a Champaa by nation, and born in the island of Borneo ; and 
of the fourth one called Panbacaluio ; all of them good 
commanders, very valiant, and exceeding expert in matters 
of war. When they were all ready, the King made them a 
speech, whereby he succinctly represented unto them the 
confidence which he had in them touching this enterprise. 
After which, the better to encourage them, and assure them 
of his love, he took a cup of gold and drunk to them all, 
causing the chiefest of them to pledge him, and craving 
pardon of the rest, for that the time would not permit them 
to do the like. This gracious carriage of his so encouraged 
the souldiers, that without further delay the most part of 
them went and anointed themselves with Minhamundi, which 
is a certain confection of an odoriferous oyl, wherewith these 
people are accustomed to frote themselves with, when they 


have taken a full resolution to die, and these same are 
ordinarily called Amacos. The hour being come wherein this 
sally was to be made, four of twelve gates that were in the 
town were opened, thorow each of the which sallied forth one 
of the four captains with his company, having first sent out 
for spies into the camp six Orobalons, of the most vaUant that 
were about the King, whom he had honored with new titles, 
and with such special favors as use to give courage to them 
that want it, and to encrease it in them that are endued with 
some resolution. The four captains marched a httle after the 
six spies, and went and joyned aU together in a certain place, 
where they were to fight with the enemies : whereupon falling 
into the midst of them with a marvellous impetuosity, they 
fought so valiantly, that in less then an hours time, which 
the fight endured, the twelve thousand Passa/ruans left about 
thirty thousand enemies upon the place, besides those that 
were wounded, which were in a far greater number, and 
whereof many died afterwards. Furthermore they took 
prisoner three kings, and eight Pates, which are as the dukes 
amongst us; the King of Zunda too, with whom we forty 
Portugals were, could not so save himself, but that he was 
hurt with a lance in three places, a number being killed in 
defending him. Thus was the camp put in so great disorder, 
as it was almost destroyed, the Pangueyran himself being 
wounded with a dart, and constrained to leap into the water, 
where little lacked but that he had been drowned. Whereby 
one may see what the force of a number of resolute and 
fearless men is against such as are surprised when least they 
think of it ; for before that the enemies could know what 
they did, or the commanders could put their souldierS into 
order, they were twice routed. The next morning, as soon as 
the day gave them leave to know the truth of the business, 
the Passeruans retired into the town, where they found that 
they had not lost above nine hundred of their men, nor more 
then two or three thousand hurt. 

It is scarcely to be believed how much the King of Demaa 
was grieved with the disaster of the former day, as well for 
the affront which he received from those within by the loss of 
his people, as for the bad success of the beginning of this 


siege, •whereof he seemed in some sort to impute the fault 
unto our King of Zunda, saying, that this fortune had hapned 
by the bad directions he had given to the sentinels. Now 
after he had commanded that the wounded should be drest, 
and the dead buried, he called to councel all the kings, 
princes, and captains of the forces that he had, both by 
land and water, unto whom he said. That he had made a 
solemn vow, and oath wpon the Mazapho of Mahomet, which 
is their Alcoran, or the book of their law, never to raise the 
siege from before this town, until he had utterly destroyed 
it, or lost his oion state therein. Whereunto he added, That 
he protested he would put to death whomsoever should oppose 
this resolution of his, what reason soever he could alledge 
thereupon ; which begot so great a terror in the minds of all 
that heard him, as there was not one that durst contradict 
his will, but contrarily they infinitely approved and com- 
mended it. He used then all kind of diligence for the new 
fortifying of the camp with good ditches, strong pallisadoes, 
and divers bulworks made of stone and timber, garnished 
on the inside with their platforms, where he caused a great 
many of cannons to be planted, so that by this means the 
camp was stronger then the town it self, in regard whereof 
the besieged did often times jeer the sentinels without, 
telling them. That it must needs be concluded they were 
notorious cowards, since instead of besieging their enemies 
like valiant men, they besieged themselves Uke feeble women, 
wherefore they bid them return home to their houses, 
where it was fitter for them to fall to spinning, then to 
make war. These were the jeers which they ordinarily 
put upon the besiegers, who were greatly offended with them. 
This town had been almost three moneths besieged, and yet 
had the enemies advanced but little ; for during all that time, 
wherein there had been five batteries and three assaults given 
to it, with above a thousand ladders planted against the 
walls, the besieged defended themselves still like valiant and 
oouragious men, fortifying themselves with counter-mires which 
they opposed to the breaches, which they made with pieces of 
timber taken from the houses; so that all the power of the 
Pangv^yran, which (as I have declared) was about eight 


hundred thousand men, whereof the number was much 
diminished, was not able to give him entrance into it. 
Hereupon the principal ingineer of the camp, who was a 
renegado of Maillorque, seeing that this affair had not a 
success answerable to what he had promised the King, he 
resolved to take another far different course. To that effect, 
with a great amass of earth and bavins he framed a kind of a 
platform, which he fortified with six rows of beames, and 
wrought so, that in nine days he raised it a fathom higher 
then the wall; that done, he planted forty great pieces of 
cannon upon it, together with a number of bases and faul- 
eonets, wherewith he fell to battering the town in such sort, ' 
as the besieged were therewith mightily damnified, so that the 
King perceiving that this invention of the enemy was the only i 
thing in the world that could most incommodate him in the 
town, he resolved by the means of ten thousand volunteers, 
who had offered themselves unto him for that purpose, and to 
whom for a mark of honor he gave the title of Tygers of the 
World, to attacque this fort, and they that were upon it ; this 
matter was no sooner resolved upon, but was presently put in 
execution, and for the better incouragement of them, the King 
himself would be their captain, albeit this whole enterprise 
was governed by the four Panaricons, which had formerly 
commanded in the first sally. Having put themselves into 
the field then with the rising of the sun, they fought so 
vaUantly without any fear at all of the dreadful ordnance, 
which were planted on the platform, as in less then two 
Credoes they got to the top of it, and there setting on the 
enemies, who were thirty thousand in number, they defeated 
them all in a very short time. The Pangueyran of Pate seeing 
his forces thus routed, ran thither in person with twenty 
thousand choice souldiers, intending to beat the Passeruans 
from the place which they had gained ; but they defended it 
so oouragiously, as it is not possible to express it in words. 
This bloody battel having indured till evening, the Passeruan, 
who had lost the most part of his men, made his retreat into 
the town by the gate that was next to the platform, whereunto 
having first set fire in six or seven places, it took hold of some 
barrels of powder, whereof there was great store there, 


which inflamed it eo terribly in several parts, as it was not 
possible to approach unto it by the space of a flight shoot ; 
this accident was very favorable to the besieged, because the 
enemies were thereby kept from joyning together, and so the 
town was for this time preserved from the great danger where- 
withal it was threatned; howbeit the Passerimns scap't not 
so scot-free, but that of the ten thousand volunteers imployed 
in this service, six thousand remained dead on the top of the 
platform. True it is, that in the Pangueyran part there was 
above forty thousand killed, amongst the which were three 
thousand strangers of divers nations, the most part Achems, 
Turks, and Malabares, as also twelve Pates, or dukes, five 
kings, with many other commanders, and men of quality. 


The death oi the King of Demaa by a very strange accident, and that which 
ensued thereupon. 

TO come again now to our history, you are to understand, 
that the Pangueyran of Fata, King of Demaa, being 
certified by some of the enemies whom his men had taken 
prisoners, of the piteous estate whereunto the besieged were 
reduced, the most part of them dead, their ammunition failing, 
and their king dangerously hurt; all these things together 
carried him more ardently than ever to the assault, which he 
had purposed with himself to give to the besieged town. He 
resolved then to scale it in plain day, and to assault it with 
more violence then before, so that instantly great preparations 
were made over all the camp, where divers Serjeants at arms, 
on horseback, and carrying maces on their shoulders, went 
proclaiming aloud, after the men of war had been made to 
assemble together with the sound of trumpets. The Pangueyran 
of Para by the power of him who hath created all things, Lord of 
the Lands which inviron the Seas, being willing to discover unto 
all in general the secret of his soul, doth let you know, that nine 
days hetioe he will ha/oe you be in a readiness, to the end that 


with the cowages of tygers, and redoubled forces, you assist him 
in the assault which he intends to give unto the town, for a 
recompence whereof he liberally promiseth to do great f amors, as 
well in money, as in honorable and remarkable titles, to those 
five souldiers which first of aM shall plant colours on the enemies 
walls, or that shall perform actions which shall be agreeable to 
him. Whereas, oontrarily, they which do not carry themselves 
valiantly in this enterprise, conformably to his pleaswre, shall be 
executed by the way of justice, without any regard had to their 
condition. This ordinance of the kings, full of menaces, being 
published over every part of the camp, put them into such an 
alarm, as the commanders began incontinently to make them- 
selves ready, and to provide all things necessary for this 
assault, without scarce taking any rest either day or night, 
making withal so great a noise, by interminghng their hues 
and cries with the sounds of drums, and other instruments of 
war, as it could not be heard without much terror. In the 
mean time, whereas of the nine days, destined for the purpose 
aforesaid, seven were already past, so as there rested no more 
but two, at the end whereof an assault was to be given to the 
town, one morning as the Pangueyran sate in cotmcel, to resolve 
of the affairs of this siege with the principal lords of his army, 
as also of the means, of the time, and places, whereby they 
were to assault the town, and of other necessary things, it was 
said, that from the diversity of opinions, which the one and 
the other had, there arose so great a contention amongst 
them, as the king was constrained to take every ones advice 
in writing. During this time, whereas he had always neer 
about him a young page, who carried Bethel, an herb whose 
leaves are like imto plaintain, which these Pagans are 
accustomed to chaw, because it makes them have a sweet 
breath, and also purges the humours of the stomack ; he asked 
this page then for some of it, who at first seemed not to hear 
him, being much about twelve or thirteen years old, for I hold 
it fit to make mention of his age, in regard of that I am to say 
of birri hereafter. Now to return to the Pangueyran, as he 
was continuing his discourse with his councel of war, thorow 
much speaking, and somewhat in choler, his mouth became 
dry, so that he asked the page again for some Bethel, which 



he ordinarily carried in a little box of gold, but lie heard him 
no more this second time then he had done the first ; insomuch 
as the King having asked him for some the third time, one of 
the lords that was neer to the page pulled him by the sleeve, 
and bid him give the King some Bethel, which immediately he 
did, and falling on his knees he presented him with the box 
which he had in his hands ; the King then took two or three 
leaves of it, as he used to do, and without being otherwise angry, 
giving him a light touch with his hand on the head, art thou 
deaf, said he unto him, that thou couldst not hear me? and 
thereupon re-entred into discourse with them of his councel. 
Now because these Jacas are the most punctiUious and 
perfidious nation of the world, and that withal they of this 
country hold it for the greatest affront that can be done them, 
when one gives them a touch on the head, this young page 
imagining that the King had touched him so out of a mark of 
so great a contempt, as he should thereby be made infamous 
for ever, though indeed none of the company took notice of 
it, he went aside weeping and sobbing by himself, and in the 
end resolved to revenge the injury which the King had done 
him, so that drawing out a little knife which he wore at his 
girdle, he stabbed the King with it into the midst of the left 
pap, and so because the blow was mortal, the King fell 
instantly down oti the ground, not able to say any more then 
these two or three words, I am dead : wherewith all those of 
the council were so frighted, as it is not possible to express 
it. After that this commotion was a little calmed, they fell 
first unto looking to the King, to see if some remedy might not 
be applied to his wound ; but because he was hurt just in the 
heart there was no hope of recovery, so that he died within a 
very short time after. Presently they seized on the page, 
whom they put to torture, by reason of some suspitions which 
they had upon this accident, but he never confessed any thing, 
and said nought else, save, That he had done it of his own free 
will, and to be revenged of the blow which the King had given 
him on his head by way of contempt, as if he had struck some 
dog that was barking up and down the streets in the night, 
without considering that he was the son of the Pate Pondan, 
Lord of Surebayaa. The page then was impaled aUve, with 


a good big stake, which came out at the nape of his neck. 
As much was done to his father, to three of his brothers, and 
to threescore and twelve of his kinsmen, so that his whole 
race was exterminated, upon which so cruel and rigorous an 
execution, many great troubles ensued afterwards in all the 
country of Jaaa, and in all the islands of Bale, Tymor, and 
Madura, which are very great, and whereof the governours are 
sovereigns by their laws, and from all antiquity. After the 
end of this execution, question was made what should be done 
with the Kings body, whereupon there were many different 
opinions amdngst them; for some said that to bury him in 
that place was as much as to leave him in the power of the 
PasseruoMS ; and others, that if he were transported to Demaa, 
where his tomb was, it was not possible but that it would be 
corrupted before it arrived there ; whereunto was added, that 
if they interred hinttso putrified and corrupted, his soul could 
not be received into Paradise, according to the law of the 
country, which is that of Mahomet, wherein he died. After 
many contestations thereupon, in the end they followed the 
coimsel which one of our Port/ugals gave them, that was so 
profitable to him afterwards, as it was worth him above ten 
thousand ducates, wherewith the lords rewarded him as it 
were in vye of one other for a recompence of the good service 
which he did then to the deceased. This counsel was, that 
they should put the body into a coffin full of lime and camphire, 
and BO bury it in a junck also full of earth ; so that albeit the 
thing was not so mairveUous of it self, yet left it not to be very 
profitable to the Portugals, because they all found it very good, 
and well invented, as indeed the success of it was such, as by 
means thereof the Kings body was carried to Demaa, without 
any kind of corruption or ill savour. 

As soon as the Kings body was put into the junck appointed 
for it, the King of Zunda, General of the army, caused the 
great ordinance and the ammunition to be imbarqued, and 
with the least noyse that might be committed to safe custody 
the most precious things the King had, together with all the 
treasures of the tents. But whatsoever care and silence was 
used therein, the enemy could not be kept from having some 
iftkling of it, and from understanding how things went in the 


camp, so that instantly the King marched out of the town in 
person, with onely three thousand souldiers of the past 
confederacy, who by a solemn vow caused themselyes to be 
anointed with the oyl which they call MinhamiiM, as men 
resolved, and that had vowed themselves to death. Thus 
fully determined as they were, they went and fell upon the 
enemies, whom finding busie in trussing up their baggage, they 
entreated so ill, as in less than half an hours space, for no 
longer lasted the heat of the fight, they cut twelve thousand 
of them in pieces. Withal they took two kings, and five pates, 
or dnikes, prisoners, together with above three hundred Turks, 
Abyssines, and Achems, yea and their Gacismoubana, the sove- 
reign dignity amongst the Mahometans, by whose counsel the 
Pangtteyran was come thither. There were also four hundred 
ships burnt, wherein were the hurt men, so that by this means 
all the camp was neer lost. After this the King retreated into 
the town with his men, whereof he lost but four hundred. 
In the mean time the King of Zunda having caused the 
remainder of the army to be re-imbarqued with all speed 
the same day, being the 9th of Mmch, they set sail 
directly for the city of Demaa, bringing along with them the 
body of the Pangueyran, which upon the arrival thereof was 
received by the people with great cries, and strange demon- 
strations of an universal mourning. The day after a review 
was taken of all the men of war, for to know how many were 
dead, and there was found missing an hundred and thirty 
thousand; whereas the Passeruans, according to report, had 
lost but five and twenty thousand ; but be it as it will, and let 
fortune make the best market that she can of these things, yet 
they never arrive, but the field is dyed with the bloud of van- 
quishers, and by a stronger reason vdth that of the vanquished, 
to whom these events do always cost far dearer, then to the 
others. The same day there was question of creating a new 
Pangueyran, who, as I have said heretofore, the Emperour 
over all the Pates and kings of that great Archipelago, which 
the Chineses, Tarta/r, Japan, and Leqmo, historians are wont 
to call Baterra VendoM, that is to say, the Eye-lid of the World, 
as one may see in the card, if the elevation of the heights 
prove true. Now because that after the death of the Panguey- 


ran, there was not a lawfull successor to be found that might 
inherit this crown, it was resolved that one should be made by 
election ; for which effect by the common consent of all, eight 
men were chosen, as heads of all the people, to create a Pcm- 
gueyran. These same assembled then together in a house, and 
after order had been taken for the pacifying of all things in 
the city, they continued seven whole, days together without 
being able to come to any agreement about the election ; for 
whereas there were eight pretendents of the principal lords of 
the kingdom, there were found amongst these electors many 
different opinions, which proceeded from this, that the most 
part, or all of them, were neerly allied to the eight, or to their 
kinsmen, so that each one laboured to make him Pangueyran 
which was most to his minde. Whereupon the inhabitants of 
the city, and the souldiers of the army, making use of this 
delay to their advantage, as men who imagined that this affair 
would never be terminated, and that there would be no chas- 
tisement for them, they began shamelesly to break out into 
all kinde of actions full of insolency and maUce. And foras- 
much as there was a great number of merchant ships in the 
port, they got aboard them, and fell pell-mell to rifling both 
of strangers and those of the country, with so much licen- 
tiousness, as it was said, that in four days they took an 
hundred junks, wherein they killed about six thousand men ; 
whereof notice being given to the King of Pammuca, Prince of 
Balambuam, and Admiral of the Sea of this Empire, he ran 
thither with all speed, and of the number of those which were 
convicted of manifest robbery, he caused fourscore to be 
hanged all along the shore, to the terrour of those that should 
behold them. After this action, Quiay Ansedeaa, Pate, or Duke 
of Gherbom, who was Governour of the town, and greatly in 
authority, taking this which the King of Panaruea had done 
for a manifest contempt, because he had, said he, little 
respected the charge of governour, was so mightily offended 
at it, as having instantly got together about six or seven 
thousand men, he went and fell upon this kings palace, with 
an intent to seize upon his person ; but the Panaruea resisted 
him with his followers, and as it was said, he endeavoured 
with many complements to justifie himself to him all that ever 


he could ; -whereunto Quiay Ansedeaa was bo far from having 
any regard, as contrarily entring by force into his house he 
slew thirty or forty of his men ; in the mean time so many 
people ran to this mutiny as it was a dreadful thing to behold. 
For whereas these two heads were great lords, one Admiral of 
the fleet, the other Governour of the town, and both of them 
alUed to the principal families of the country, the devil sowed 
so great a division amongst them, as if night had not separated 
the fight, it is credible that not one of them had escaped; 
nevertheless the difference went yet much farther, and ended 
not so, for the men of war, who were at that time above six 
hundred thousand in number, coming to consider the great 
affront which Quiay Ansedeaa, Governour of the town, had 
done to their admiral, they to be revenged thereof went all 
ashore the same night, the Panariica not being of power 
enough to keep them from it, notwithstanding he laboured all 
that he could to do it. Thus all of them animated and trans- 
ported with wrath ; and a desire of revenge, went and set 
upon Quiay Ansedeaa's house, where they slew him, and ten 
thousand men ; wherewith not contented, they assaulted 
the town in ten or eleven places, and fell to killing and 
plundering all that ever they met with, so that they 
carried themselves therein with so much violence, as in three 
days alone, which was as long as the siege of this town 
lasted, nothing remained that was not an insupportable object 
to the sight. There was withall so great a confusion of howl- 
ing, weeping, and heavy lamentation, as all that heard it could 
think no other but that the earth was going to turn topsy- 
turvy. In a word, and not to lose time in aggravating this 
with superfluous speeches, the town was all on fire, which 
burnt to the very foundations, so that according to report there 
were above an hundred thousand houses consumed, above three 
hundred thousand persons cut in pieces, and almost as many 
made prisoners, which were led away slaves, and sold in divers 
countries. Besides, there was an infinite of riches stollen, 
whereof the value, as it was said, onely in silver and gold, 
amounted even to forty millions, and all put together, to an 
hundred millions of gold. As for the number of prisoners, 
and of such as were slain, it was near five hundred thousand 


persons ; and all these tHngs arrived by the evil counsel of a 
young king, bred up amongst young people like himself, who 
did every thing at his own pleasure, without any body con- 
tradicting him. 


That which befell ns, antill out departure towards the port of Zunda, from 
whence we set sail for China, and what afterwards happened unto us. 

THREE days after so cruel and horrible a mutiny, whenas 
all things were peaceable, the principal heads of this com- 
motion fearing assoon as a Pcmgueyran should be elected, that 
they should be punished according to the enormity of their 
crime, they all of them set sail without longer attending the 
danger which threatened them. They departed away then in 
the same vessels wherein they came, the King of Pcma/ruca, 
their admiral, being not possibly able to stay them, but con- 
trarily was twice in jeopardy of losing himself in endeavouring 
to do it with those few men that were of his party. Thus in 
the space of two days onely, the two thousand sails that were 
in the port went away, leaving the town still burning, which 
was the cause that those few lords, which remained, being 
joyned together, resolved to pass unto the town of Iwpwra, 
some five leagues from thence towards the coast of the Med^,- 
terranean Sea. This resolution being taken, they put it pre- 
sently in execution, to the end that with the more tranquillity 
(for the popular commotion was not yet well appeased) they 
might make election of the Pangueyran, which properly signi- 
fies Emperour. As indeed they created one, called Pate Sudayo, 
Prince of Surubayaa, who had been none of those eight pre- 
tendents of whom we have spoken; but this election they 
made, because it seemed to them necessary for the common 
good, and the quiet of the country. All the inhabitants too 
were exceedingly satisfied with it, and they immediately sent 
the Pana/ruca for him to a place some dozen leagues from 
thence, called Pisarrmenes, where he at that time lived. Nine 
days after he was sent for he failed not to come, accompanied 


with above two hundred thousand men, imbarqued in fifteen 
hundred Galaluzes and Jwipangos He was received by all the 
people with great demonstration of joy, and a little after he 
was crowned with the accustomed ceremonies, as Pangueyran 
of all the countries of Jaoa, Bala, and MaMra, which is a 
monarchy that is very populous, and exceeding rich and 
mighty. That done, he returned to the town of Demaa, with 
an intent to have it rebuilt anew, and to restore it to its 
former estate. At his arrival in that place, the first thing he 
did was to give order for the punishing of those which were 
found attainted and convicted of the sacking of the tovra, who 
proved not to be above five thousand, though the number of 
them was far greater, for all the rest were fled away, some 
here, some there. These vnretches suffered onely two kindes of 
death, some were impaled alive, and the rest were burned in 
the very same ships wherein they were apprehended ; and of 
four days, wherein this justice was executed, there past not 
one without the putting to death of a great number, which so 
mightily terrified us PorPugals that were there present, as 
seeing the commotion very great still over the whole country, 
and no likelihood that things would of a long time be peace- 
able, we humbly desired the King of Zunda to give us leave 
to go to our ship which lay in the port of Banta, in regard to 
the season for the voyage to China was already come. This 
King having easily granted our request, with an exemption of 
the customs of our merchandise, presented every of us besides 
vfith an hundred ducates ; and to each of the heirs of fourteen 
of ours, which were slain in the war, he gave three hundred, 
which we accepted of as a very honourable reward, and worthy 
of a most liberal, and good natured prince. Thus went we 
presently away very well satisfied of him to the Port of Banta, 
and there we remained twelve whole days together, during the 
which we made an end of preparing our selves for our voyage. 
After this, we set sail for China in the company of other four 
ships, who were bound for the same place, and we took along 
with us the same Joano Bodriguez, whom we encountred at 
Passeruan, as I have before declared, that had made himself 
a Brachman of a Pagode, called Quiay Nacprel ; and as for him 
be had named himself Gauxitau Facalem, which is as much to 


say as, the Council of the Saint. The same Joano Bodrigtiez 
no sooner arrived at China, but he imbarqued himself for 
Malaca, where (through the grace of God) he was reconciled 
anew to the Catholick faith; and after he had continued a 
year there, he died with great demonstrations of a good and 
true Christian, whereby it seems we may believe that our 
Lord received him to, mercy, since after so many years 
profession of an infidel, He reserved him to come and die in 
His service, for which be He praised for evermore. Our five 
ships then, with which we parted from Zunda, being arrived at 
Chmcheo, where the Portugals at that time traded, we abode 
three moneths and an half there with travel and danger enough 
of our persons ; for we were in a country, where nothing but 
revolts and mutinies were spoken of. Withall, there were 
great armies afoot all along the coast, by reason of many 
robberies which the pirats of Japan had committed thereabout; 
so that in this disorder there was no means to exercise any 
commerce, for the merchants durst not leave their houses to 
go to sea. By reason of all this we were constrained to pass 
unto the port of Chdbaquea, where we found at anchor sixscore 
juncks, who having set upon us, took three of our five vessels, 
wherein four hundred Cluistians were killed, of which fourscore 
and two were Portugals. As for the other two vessels, in one 
of the which I was, they escaped as it were by miracle. But 
because we could not make to land, by reason of the easterly 
windes which were contrary to us all that same moneth, we 
were constrained (though to our great grief) to regain the coast 
of Jaoa. At length after we had continued our course by the 
space of two and twenty days with a great deal of travel and 
danger, we discovered an island called Pullo Condor, distant 
eight degrees, and one third of heighth from the bar of the 
kingdom of Camboya. Whereupon as we were even ready to 
reach it, so furious a storm came from the south-coast, as we 
were all in jeopardy to be cast away. Nevertheless driving 
along we got to the Isle of Lingua, where a tempest surprised 
us at west and south-west, with so impetuous a winde, as 
strugling against the billow, it kept us from making use of our 
sails ; so that being in fear of rocks and shelves of sand, which 
were in the prow-side, we steered the other way, untill that 


after some time the fore-keel of our poup opened within nine 
hand-bredtha of the water, which was the cause, seeing our 
selves so near unto death, that we were enforced to cut down 
our two masts, and to cast all our merchandises into the sea, 
whereby our ship was somewhat eased. This done, whereas 
we had left our ship the rest of the day, and a good part of 
the night, to the mercy of the sea, it pleased our Lord out of 
an effect of His divine justice, that without knowing how, or 
without seeing any thing, our ship ran her self against a rock, 
with the death of seventy and two persons. This miserable 
success so deprived us of all our understandings and forces, 
that not so much as one of us ever thought of any way saving 
himself, as the Chineses, whom we had for mariners in our 
junck had done, for they had so bestirred themselves all the 
night long, that before it was day they had made a raft of such 
planks and beams as came to their hands, tying them together 
in such sort with the cordage of their sails, that forty persons 
might abide upon it with ease. Now whereas we were in an 
imminent danger, and in a time wherein (as they say) the 
father does nothing for his son, nor the son for the father, no 
man took care but for himself alone, whereof we had a fair 
example in our Chinese mariners, whom we accounted but as 
our slaves ; for Martin Estevez, the captain and master of the 
junck, having intreated his own servants who were upon the 
raft, to receive him amongst them, they answered him, that 
they could not do it at any hand, which coming to the ears of 
one of ours called Buy de Moura, whereas he could not endure 
that those perfidious villains should use us with so much 
discourtesie and ingratitude, he got him up on his feet from a 
place where he lay hurt, and made unto us a short speech, 
whereby he represented unto us, That we were to remember how 
odious a thing cowardice was; and withall, how absolutely it 
imported us to seize wpon this raft for the saving of our Uves. 
To these words he added many other such like, which so en- 
couraged us, that with one accord, and with one and the same 
resolution, whereunto the present necessity obliged us, being 
but eight and twenty Portugals, we set upon the forty Chineses 
which were upon the raft. We opposed our swords then to 
their iron hatchets, and fought so lustily with them, as wo 


killed them all in the space of two or three Credo's. It is 
true indeed, that of na eight and twenty Portugals, sixteen 
were slain, and twelve escaped, but so wounded that four of 
them died the next day. This was an accident, whereof no 
doubt the like hath seldom" been heard of, or seen, whereby 
one may clearly perceive how great the misery of humane life 
is, for it was not twelve hours before, when as we aJl embraced 
each other in the ship, and behaved our selves like right 
brethren, intending to die for one another ; and so soon after 
our sins carried us to such great extremity, as hardly sus- 
taining our selves upon four scurvy planks, tied together 
with two ropes, we killed one another with as much bar- 
barism, as if we had been mortal enemies, or something 
worse. It is true, that the excuse which may be alledged 
thereupon is, that necessity, which hath no law, compelled us 

When as we were masters of this raft, which had cost us 
and the CMneses so much bloud, we set upon it eight and 
thirty persons of us that we were, of which there were twelve 
Portugals, some of their children, our servants, and the 
remainder of those that were hurt, whereof the most part 
iied afterwards. Now forasmuch as we were so great a 
lumber upon a very little raft, where we floated at the 
nercy of the waves of the sea, the water came up to our 
niddles, and in this fashion we escaped from that dangerous 
ind infortunate rock, on Saturday, being Christmas day, 1547, 
jvith one onely piece of an old counter-point, which served us 
'or a sail, having neither neeile nor compass to guide us. 
True it is, that we supplied this defect with the great hope 
vhich we had in our Lord, whom we invoked incessantly with 
jroans and sighs, that were accompanied with abundance of 
lears. In this pitiful! equipage, we navigated four whole days 
vithout eating anything, so that upon the fifth day necessity 
sonstraioed us to feed on a Caphar which died amongst us, 
vith whose body we sustained our selves five days longer, 
vhich made up the nineth of our voyage; so that during 
>ther four, wherein we continued in this case, we had nothing 
ilse to eat but the foam and slime of the sea ; for we resolved 
o die with hunger rather then feed on any of those four 


Portugals whicli lay dead by us. After we had wandered thus 
at the mercy of the sea, it pleased our Lord out of His infinite 
goodness to let us discover land on the twelfth day, which was 
so agreeable a sight to us, as the joy of it proved mortal to 
some of ours ; for of fifteen of us that were still alive, four 
died suddenly, whereof three were Portugals ; so that of eight 
and thirty persons which had been imbarqued on the raft, 
there was but eleven that escaped, namely, seven Portiigals, 
and four of our boys. In the end, having got to land, we 
found our selves in a shallow rode, fashioned much like to an 
haven, where we began to render infinite thanks to God for 
having thus delivered us from the perils of the sea, promising 
our selves also, that through His infinite mercy He would 
draw us out of those of the land. Having then made pro- 
vision of certain shell-fish, as oisters, and sea-crabs, to nourish 
our selves withall, because we had observed how all this country 
was very desert, and full of elephants and tigres, we got up 
into certain trees, to the end we might avoid the fury of these 
beasts, and some others which we saw therd ; then when we 
thought that we might proceed on our way with less danger, 
we gathered us together, and went on through a wood, (where 
to secure our lives) we had recourse to loud cries, and hoUow- 
ings. In the mean time, as it is the property of the divine 
mercy never to forsake the poor sufferers that are upon the 
earth, it permitted us to see coming along in a channel of 
fresh water, that ran ingulphing it self into the sea, a little 
barque, laden with timber and other wood, wherein were nine 
Negroes, Jaoas, and Papuas. As soon as these men saw us, 
imagining that we were some devils, as they confessed to us 
afterwards, they leapt into the water, and quite left the vessel, 
not so much as one of them abiding in her. But when they 
perceived what we were, they abandoned the fear they were 
in before, and coming unto us they questioned us about many 
particulars, whereunto we answered according to the truth, 
and withall, desired them, for Gods sake, to lead us whither- 
soever they would, and there to sell us as slaves to some that 
would carry us to Malaca ; adding that we were merchants, 
and that in acknowledgment of so good an office, they should 
get a great deal of money for us, or as much in commodities 


IS they would require. Now whereas these Jaoas are natu- 
L-ally inclined to avarice, when they heard us talk of their 
-nterest, they began to be more tractable, and gave us better 
words, with hope of doing that which we desired of them ; 
3ut these courtesies lasted no longer but till such time as they 
jould get again into their barque, which they had quitted ; for 
IS soon as they saw themselves aboard her, they put off from 
the land, and making as though they would part without 
taking us in, they told us, that to be assured of what we had 
3aid to them, they would have us before they proceeded any 
further, to yield up our arms to them, whereas otherwise they 
would never take us in, no not though they saw us eaten up 
with lions. Seeing our selves thus constrained by necessity, 
and by a certain despair of finding any other remedy to our 
present extremity, we were enforced to do all that these men 
required of us, so that having brought their barque a little 
nearer, they bid us swim to them, because they had never a 
boat to fetch us from the shore, which we presently resolved 
bo do. Whereupon two boys and one Portugal leapt into the 
sea to take hold on a rope, which they had thrown out to us 
Erom off the poup of the barque ; but before they could reach 
it, they were devoured by 3 great lizards, nothing of the bodies 
of these three appearing to us, but onely the bloud, wherewith 
bhe sea was all dyed. Whilest this passed so, we the other 8 that 
remained on the shore were so seized with fear and terrour, 
9,8 we were not our selves a long time after, wherewith those 
dogs which were in the barque were not a whit moved ; but 
Bontrarily, clapping their hands together in the sign of joy, 
bhey said in the way of jearing, O how happy are these three, 
for that they home ended their days without paAn 1 Then when 
a.s they saw that we were half sunk up into the ouze, without 
so much strength as to get our selves out of it, 5 of them leaped 
a shore, and tying us by the middle, drew us into their barque, 
with a thousand injuries and affronts. After this setting sail 
they carried us to a village called Gherbam, which was some 
dozen leagues from thence, where they sold all eight of us, 
namely, six Portugals, one Chinese boy, and a Capha/r, for the 
sum of 13 pardains, which are in value 300 reals of our money. 
He that bought us was a Pagan merchant of the Isle of Zele- 


bres, in whose power we continued for six or eight and twenty 
days, and without lying, we had no lack with him, either of 
clothes or meat. The same merchant sold us afterwards for 
twelve pistols to the King of Calapa, who used so great a 
magnificence towards us, as he sent us freely to the port of 
Zunda, where there were three Portugal vessels, where 
Jeronimo Gomes Surmento was general, who gave us a very 
good reception, and furnished us abundantly with all that was 
necessary for us, untill such time as he put to sea from the 
port, to set sail to China. 


My passing from Zunda to Siam, where in the company of the Foitugals 
I went to the war of Chiammay; and that which the King of Siam 
did, untill he returned into his kingdom, where his queen poisoned 

AFTBE we had been very near a moneth in this port of 
Zunda, where a good number of Portugals were assem- 
bled together, so soon as the season to go to China was come, 
the three vessels set sail for Chincheo, no more Portugals 
remaining ashore, but onely two, who went to Siam in a junck 
of Patana vrith their merchandise. I bethought me then to 
lay hold on this occasion, and put my self into their company, 
because they offered to bear my charges in this voyage, yea 
and to lend me some money for to try fortune once more, and 
see whether by the force of importuning her, she would not 
use me better then formerly she had done. Being departed 
then from this place, in six and twenty days we arrrived at 
the city of Odiaa, the capital of this empire of Sa/rnwu, which 
they of thiscountry"ordinarily call Siaam, wEere^we were 
wonderfully well received and intreated by the Portugals, 
which we found there. Now having been a moneth and 
better in this city, attending the season for the voyage to 
China, that so I might pass to Japan in the company of six 
or seven Portugals, who had imbarqued themselves for that 
purpose, I made account to imploy in comuK)dities some 


hundred ducates, which those 2, with whom I came from 
Zunda, had lent me. In the mean time very certain news 
came to the King of Siam, who was at that time with all his 
court at the said city of Odma, thg4.Jhe_ King piCU arn may, 
atoaA.38f>th. the JPtmpco,itfeQ&JQga2g, and gzfcoi. people whiohjan 
%®_.?L0^%--6?:st hold the _mo,st-, pj.£ QjL.tbat . country above 
Caggiw^£X^SiB^P-assiloco, and are all sovereigns, ex ceeding r ich 
and mighty in estatesj hadlaifsiege to "the town of QuUeruan, 
with, the^dsath of-.ahave, thirty thousaad men, and of ,g^a^ 
^MiW^Tj. Governour and Lieutenant General of all that 
frontire. The King remained so much appalled with this 
news, that without further temporising, he passed over the 
very same day to the other side of the river, and never 
standing to lodge in houses, he went and encamped under 
tents in the open field, thereby to draw others to do the like 
in imitation of him. Withall he caused proclamation to be 
made over all the city. That all such as were neither old nor 
lame, and so could not be dispensed with for going to this wa/r, 
should he ready to march within 12 days at the uttermost, upon 
pain of being hv/med aUve, with perpetual infamy for themsehes, 
a/nd their descendants, and confiscation of their estates to the 
Crown: to which he added many other such great an^-"' 
dreadfull penalties, as the onely recital of them struck terrour, 
not onely into them of the country, but into the very strangers, 
whom the King would not exempt from this war, of what 
nation soever they were, for if they would not serve, they 
were very expresly enjoyned to depart out of his kingdom 
within three days. In the mean time so rigorous an edict 
terrified every one in such sort, as they knew not what counsel 
to take, or what resolution to follow. As for us Portugals, in 
regard that more respect had always been carried in that 
Eountry to them, then to all other nations, this King sent to 
iesire them that they would accompany him in this voyage, 
(Therein they should do him a pleasure, because he would trust 
bhem onely with the guard of his person, as judging them 
more proper for it then any other that he could make choice 
3f ; and to oblige them the more thereunto, the message was 
iccompanied with many fair promises, and very great hopes 
)f pensions, graces, benefits, favours, and honours, but above 


all, with a permission which should be granted them to 
build churches in his kingdom, which so^bliged us, that of 
anJbusdjreiandJhirtj^Por^t^faZ^ which we were, there were 
sixgcore of us that. affle&T together^ to go to this war. The 
twelve days limited being past, th e. King put himself into the 
field with an. army of Jour _hundred thousand men, whereof 
seventy thousand were, strangers, of .divers nations. They 
imbarqued all in three hundred Seroos, Lauleas, and langas, 
so that on the nineth day of this voyage the King arrived at a 
frontier town, named ^wro^isem, some 12 or JLS.leagues horn. 
Quitiruan, jyhich the enemies. Had'beiieged. There he abode 
above seven days to attend four thousand elephants which 
came to him by land. During that time, he was certified that 
the town was greatly prest, both on the rivers side, which the 
enemies had seized upon with two thousand vessels, as also 
towards the land, where there were so many men, as the 
number of them was not truly known, but as it was adjudged 
by conjecture, they might be some three hundred thousand, 
whereof forty thousand were horse, but no elephants at all. 
This news made the King hasten the more, so that instantly 
he made a review of his forces, and foimd that he had five 
hundred thousand men ; for since his coming forth many had 
joyned with biTn by the way, as also four thousand elephants, 
and two hundred carts with field-pieces. With this army he 
parted from Siiropisem, and drew towards Quitwucm, marching 
not above four or five leagues a day. At the end of the third, 
then he arrived at a valley called Siputay, a league and a half 
from the place where the enemies lay. Then all these men of 
war, with the elephants, being set in battel-aray by the three 
masters of the camp, whereof two were IWfts by nation, and 
the third a Portugal, named Dormngos de Soixas, they proceeded 
on in their way towards Quitwuan, where they arrived before 
the sun appeared. Now whereas the enemies were already pre- 
pared, in regard they had been advertised by their spies of the 
King of Sirnn's forces, and of the design which he had, they 
attended bim resolutely in the plain field, relying much on their 
forty thousand horse. Assoon as they discovered him, they 
presently advanced, and with their vant-guard, which were the 
said forty thousand horse, they so charged the King of Siam's 


rsreward, composed of threescore thousand foot, that they 
routed them in less than a quarter of an hour-, with the loss 
of three princes that were slain upon the place. The King of 
Siam seeing his men thus routed, resolved not to follow the 
order which he had formerly appointed, but to fall on with 
the whole body of his army, and the four thousand elephants 
joyned together. With these forces he gave upon the battalion 
of the enemies with so much impetuosity, as at his first shock 
they were wholly discomfited, from whence ensued the death 
of an infinite company of men; for whereas their principal 
strength consisted in their horse, as soon as the elephants, 
sustained by the harquebuses and the field-pieces, fell upon 
them, they were defeated in less than half an hour, so that 
after the routing of these same, all the rest began instantly to 
retreat. In the mean time the King of Siam, following the 
honour of the victory, pursued them to the rivers side, which 
the enemies perceiving, they formed a new squadron of those 
that remained of them, wherein there were above an hundred 
thousand men, as well sound as hurt, and so past all the 
same day there, joyned together in one entire body of an 
army, the King not daring to fight with them, by reason he 
saw them fortified with two thousand ships, wherein there 
were great numbers of men. Nevertheless, as soon as it was 
dark iiight the enemies began to march away with all speed 
all along the river, wherewith the King was nothing displeased, 
because the most part of his souldiers being hurt, they were 
necessarily to be drest, as indeed that was presently executed, 
and the most part of the day and the night following imployed 

After the King of Siam had obtained so happy a victory, 
the first thing that he did was to provide with all diligence for 
the fortifications of the town, and whatsoever else he thought 
to be necessary for the security thereof. After that he com- 
manded a general muster to be made of all his men of war, 
that he might know how many he had lost in the battel; 
whereupon he found that some fifty thousand were wanting, 
all men of little reckoning, whom the rigour of the King's 
edict had compelled to serve in the war, ill provided, and 
without defensive arms. As for the enemies, it was known 


the next day that an hundred and thirty thousand of them 
had been slain. As soon as the hurt men were recovered, the 
King, having put into the principal places of his frontier such 
guards as seemed requisite to him, was counselled by his lords 
to make war upon the kingdom oi^Choibem, which was not 
above fifteen leagues thence on the north side, to be revenged 
i on the Queen of Gmbem, for Shaving given free passage through 
iher dominions to those of Ghiammay, in regard whereof he 
attributed to her the loss of Oyaa Ca^pimper, and the thirty 
thousand men that had been killed with him. The King 
approving of this advice, parted from this town with an army 
of four hundred thousand men, and went and fell upon one 
of this queen's tovra, called Fumbacor, which was easily taken, 
and all the inhabitants put to the sword, not one excepted. 
This done, he continued his voyage till he came to Guitor, 
the capital town of the kingdom of Gmbem, where the Queen 
then was, who being a vndow governed the State imder the 
title of Begent, during the minority of her son, that was about 
the age of nine years. At his arrival he laid siege to the town, 
and forasmuch as the Queen foimd not her self strong enough 
to resist the King of Siam's power, she fell to accord with him 
to pay him an annual tribute of five thousand Turmes of silver, 
which are threescore thousand ducates of our money, whereof 
she paid him five years advance in hand. Besides that, the 
young prince her son did him homage as his vassal, and the 
King led him away with him to Siam. Hereupon he raised 
his siege from before the town, and passed on towards the 
north-east to the town of Tc^fMOJUh. where he had news that 
the King of Ghiammay was fallen off from league aforesaid. 
In the mean time, whereas he had been six days march in the 
enemies territories, he sacked as many places as he met vnthall, 
not permitting the life of any male whatsoever to be saved. 
So proceeding onward, he arrived at the lake of Singvpamwr, \ 
which ordinarily is called Ghiammay, where he staid six and ' 
twenty days, during the which he took twelve goodly places, 
environed vdth ditches and bulwarks after our fashion, aU of 
brick and mortar, vrithout any stone or lime in them, because 
in the country it is not the custome to build so; but they had 
no other artillery then some faulconets, and certain muskets 


of brass.* Now forasmuch as winter began to approach, and 
that it was very rainy weather, the King too feeling himself not 
very well, he retired back again to the town of QwiHriMn, 
where he tarried three and twenty days and better, in which 
space he made an end of fortifying it with walls, and many 
broad and deep ditches, so that having put this town into an 
estate of being able to defend it self against any attempt, he 
imbarqued his army in the three thousand vessels which 
brought him thither, and so returned towards Siam. Nine 
days after he arrived at Odiaa, the chief city of his whole 
kingdom, where for the most part he kept his Court. At his 
arrival the inhabitants gave him a stately reception, wherein 
they bestowed a world of money upon divers inventions, which 
were made against his entry. Now whereas during the six 
moneths of the King's absence, the Queen his wife had com- 
mitted adultery vrith a purveyor of her house, named Uquwm- 
cheniraa, and that at the Kings return she found her self gone 
four moneths with childe by him, the fear she was in lest it 
should be discovered made her, for the saving of her self from 
the danger that threatned her, resolve to poison the King her 
husband, as indeed, without further delaying her pernicious 
intention, she gave him in a mess of milk, which wrought that! 
effect, as he died of it within five days after ; during which 1 
time he took order by his testament for the most important 
affairs of his kingdom, and discharged himself of the obliga- 
tion wherein he stood ingaged to the strangers which h