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A dictionary of proper names and notable 

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' Dietro alle poste clelle care pianie ' 

/«/", xxiii. 148 




-ifl — <^C._ 

'Si ne di je pas que cist livres soit estrais de mon povre 
sens, ne de ma nue science ; mais il est autressi comme une 
bresche de miel cueillie de diverses flors.' 

Brunetto Latino, Tr^sor, I. i. 




SS'o U^ 



In this Dante Dictionary I have made an attempt to bring together, in 
a convenient and concise form, such information as is available concerning the 
various persons and places mentioned or referred to in the works of Dante 
(i. e. in the Divina Commedia, the Canzoniere, the Vita Nuova, the Convivio, 
the De Vulgari Eloquentia, the De Monarchia, the Epistolae, the Eclogae, and 
the Quaestio de Aqua et Terra, as printed in the Oxford Dante ^). I have 
endeavoured, as far as possible, to present the results of the most recent 
researches. This has been, in not a few cases, a matter of some difficulty, 
owing to the fact that a great many of the numerous articles on Dantesque 
.subjects published in Italy make their appearance in more or less ephenieral 
periodicals. For this reason I have been obliged occasionally to accept my 
information at second hand, through the medium of one or other of the 
special Dante publications, such as the Giornale Da?itesco, the Bullettino della 
Societd Dantesca Italiana, and the like. I am not sanguine enough to suppose 
that I have succeeded in every instance in bringing my articles wholly ' up to 
date ' ^- In extenuation of any shortcomings in this respect I can only plead 
the wide extent of the field which has had to be explored, and the ' quel 
d'Adamo ', as Dante puts it, ' I'incarco della carne d'Adamo ', beneath which 
the energies -of even the most ardent explorers will sometimes flag. 

A few kindred subjects have been included with the proper names, such 
as the denominations of the several classes of sinners, &c., and of the various 
heavens, &c., mentioned in the Divina Commedia (e. g. Accidiosi, Ipocriti, 
Traditori ; Cielo Stellate, Rosa Celestiale) ; certain personifications and titles 
(e. g. Aquila, Pellicano ; Archimandrita, Savio) ; the titles of books quoted by 
Dante (e. g. Aeneis, Btbica, De Reglmine Ptinclpum) ; and so on ^. 

' Tatte le Of ere di Dante Alighieri, nuovamente rivedute nel testo dal Dr. E. Moore, con Indite dei 
Nomi Propri e delle Cose Notabili, compilaio da Paget Toynbee. Oxford, 1894 (second edition, 1897). 
The convenience of this edition for the purposes of reference can hardly be overrated. 

' I have been able in a few cases to add references to important articles which appeared while this 
work was passing through the press. 

' A list of these ' notable matters ' will be found at the end of the volume (Table xxxv). 



I have appended sundry genealogical and chronological tables ^ (with an 
index ^) in illustration of the numerous historical allusions in Dante's works. 
Also, for the convenience of those who do not happen to be provided with 
the Oxford Dante, ,1 have given an index of first lines (in both alphabetical 
and numerical order) in the Canzoniere ^, and comparative tables of the chapter- 
divisions in the De Monarchia^ adopted respectively in the editions of Witte 
(followed by the Oxford Dante), Fraticelli, and Giuliani. I have, further, to 
facilitate reference, supplied an index of such English or Anglicised names as 
differ in form from the Italian or Latin, with cross-references to the latter^, 
e.g. Apulia [Puglia], Elbe [Albia], Ephialtes [Fialte], Jesse [Isai], Phaethon 
[Fetonte], Uzzah [Oza], and the like. 

The idea of this work was originally suggested by the Vocabolario Dantesco 
of L. G. Blanc ^. This invaluable handbook, however, deals with the Divina 
Commedia only, and, as its title implies, includes the vocabulary of the poem 
as well as the articles (necessarily very brief) on the proper names. Blanc's 
book was followed twenty years later by the Dizionario della Divina Commedia 
of Donato Bocci', a useful work, but marred by the introduction of a great 
deal of irrelevant matter, especially in the historical articles, which, by a strange 
freak on the part of the author, are brought down to the nineteenth century. 
In 1865 appeared the first three volumes of the Manuale Dantesco of Jacopo 
Ferrazzi, which were followed by a fourth volume in 1871, and by a fifth in 
1877 *. This work (of which the four last volumes bear the sub-title of Enciclo- 
pedia Dantesca) contains a mass of useful information on all subjects connected 
with Dante. Its value, however, as a book of reference is seriously impaired 
by the total absence of method in the arrangement of the material, as well 
as by the fact that the indices appended to the several volumes are of the 
most meagre and unsatisfactory description. In the comprehensive Dizionario 
Dantesco of Giacomo Poletto ' an attempt is made for the first time systemati- 
cally to cover the whole range of Dante's writings. The chief value of this 
work lies in the author's acquaintance with scholastic theology. It is unfor- 
tunately very incomplete ; and, owing to the grave inaccuracies and mis- 
references with which it abounds, it must be used with great caution. 

Of these works I have availed myself to such limited extent as the scheme 
of the present volume would allow. I may take this opportunity of acknow- 
ledging my obligations to them. 

' Tables i-xxxi. ^ Table xxxviii. ' Table xxxii. ' Table xxxiii. » Table xxxvi. 

' Vocabolario Dantesco, cu Dictionnaire Critique et Raisonni de la Divine Comidie de Dante 
Allighieri, far L. G. Blanc. Leipslc, 1852. An Italikn translation by G. Carbone was published at 
Florence in 1859 ; fifth edition, 1896. 

' Dizionario Storico, Geografico, Universale, della Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri, contenente' la 
Biografia dei Personaggi, la Notizia dei Paesi, e la Spiegazione delle Cose piti difficili del Sacra Poema 
opera di Donato Bocci. Turin, 1873. A brief Biographical Guide to the Divina Commedia, by Frances 
Locock, appeared in the next year (London, 1874). 

' Manuale Dantesco delVroi. Giuseppe Jacopo Ferrazzi. 5 vols. Bassano, 1865-77. 

° Dizionario Dantesco di quanto si coniiene nelle Opere di Dante Allighieri, con richiami alia 
Somma Teologica di S. Tommaso d' Aquino, colV illustrazione dei nomi proprl mitologici, storici geogt^afici 
e delle quesiioni piii eontroverse, compilato dal Prof. D. Giacomo Poletto. 7 vols Siena 188K-7 ' 



A few weeks before the completion of my own work Dr. Scartazzini pub- 
lished the first part of his Enciclopedia Dantesca ^ ; of this book it is not my 
province to speak here. 

My obligations, as far as modern commentaries on the Divina Commedia 
are concerned, are chiefly to those of Dr. Scartazzini ^ and Prof. Casini ^, to the 
latter of which especially I am greatly indebted. I have also made frequent 
use of Mr. A. J. Butler's notes to his English version of Dante's poem* ; and 
I have found much valuable information in Mr. W. W. Vernon's carefully 
compiled volumes on the Inferno and Purgatorio ^. 

Of the mediaeval commentaries I have, for general purposes, made most 
frequent reference to that of Benvenuto da Imola (in the handsome edition 
for which Dante students are indebted to the munificence of Mr. Vernon ^). 

In the case of local allusions I have, where possible, given the preference 
to the commentator best qualified by circumstances of birth or residence to 
supply the required information (as, for instance, to Jacopo della Lana and 
Benvenuto for Bologna, to Francesco da Buti for Pisa, and so on). The con- 
temporary chronicles of Giovanni Villani ' and Dino Compagni ^ have also, of 
course, been in constant requisition. 

To attempt to enumerate here, even in the most summary manner, the host 
of other authorities made use of in the course of the work (the majority of 
them ' scritti danteschi ' published in the form of fugitive pieces) would be to 
trench on the province of the bibliographer', and would prove almost as onerous 
an undertaking as the proverbial 'doppiar degli scacchi.' References to the 
most important authorities, however, will be found in their proper places in the 
body of the Dictionary. 

As regards Dante's prose works, I have had for the most part to break new 
ground, the help afforded by the few existing commentaries being, as a rule, of 
the scantiest. The results of my own researches, which are necessarily given 
only in brief in the Dictionary, have been published from time to time in 
Romania, the Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, the Academy, the 

' Dr. G. A. Scartazzini : Enciclopedia Dantesca — Dizionario critico e ragionato di quanta concerne la 
Vita e h Opere di Dante Alighieri. Vol. i. A-L. Milan, 1896. Vol. ii. (Parte prima) M-R. Milan, 

" La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri, riveduta nel testo e commentata da G. A. Scartazzini. 
4 vols. Leipzig, 1874-90. Edizione Minore, Milan, 1893; second edition, 1896. 

' La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri, con il commento di Tommaso Casini. (4ta edizione.) 
Florence, 1896. 

* The Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise of Dante Alighieri, edited with Translation and Notes by 
Arthur John Butler. 3 vols. London, 1880-92. 

' Readings on the Inferno and Purgatorio of Dante, chiefly based on the Commentary of Benvenuto da 
Imola, by the Honble. William Warren Vernon. 4 vols. London, 1889-97. 

° Benevenuti de Rambaldis de Imola Comentum super Dantis Aldigherii Comoediam, nunc primum 
integre in lacem editum, sumptibus Guilielmi Warren Vernon, curante Jacobo Philippo Lacaita. 5 vols, 
Florence, 1887. 

' The edition used is that in 8 vols, published at Florence (II Magheri) in 1823. 

' Dino Compagni e la siia Cronica, per Isidore del Lungo. 2 vols. Florence, 1879. 

' What promises to be an exhaustive bibliography of Dante literature is in course of preparation by 
Mr. T. W. Koch, Librarian of the Dante Collection recently presented by Mr. Willard Fiske to the Cornell 
University Library (U.S.A.). 



Athenaeum, the Reports of the Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Society, and other 
periodicals, to which references are supplied as occasion arises. 

I am indebted for valuable assistance on special points to several Oxford 
friends, members of the Oxford Dante Society, among whom I may mention 
the Principal of St. Edmund Hall (Rev. Dr. E. Moore), the Rector of Exeter 
College (Rev. Dr. W. W. Jackson), the Regius Professor of Modern Histolry 
(Mr. F. York Powell, of Oriel College), the Quain Professor of English Litera- 
ture at University College, London (Mr. W. P. Ker, of All Souls' College), Mr. 
Edward Armstrong, of Queen's College, Dr. Charles L. Shadwell, of Oriel 
College, and Rev. H. F. Tozer, of Exeter College. 

In the verification of Dante's numerous quotations from classical writers 
and from Scripture I have been largely helped by the exhaustive indices com- 
piled by Dr. Moore, and recently published in the first series of his Studies in 
Dante'^. I am glad to take this opportunity of expressing my acknowledge- 
ments to Dr. Moore for his generosity in allowing me the use of 'advanced 
sheets ' of these indices, whereby I was enabled to check, and in many cases to 
suppletnent, my own reference-lists. . 

I must also acknowledge my obligations to the Keeper of Printed Books 
(Dr. Richard Garrtett), and the Keeper of Coins (Dr. Barclay V. Head), at the 
British Museutti, who have courteously supplied me with information on subjects 
connected with their respective departments ; as well as to Bodley's Librarian 
at Oxford (Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson), the Librarian of the Cambridge University 
Library (Mr. F. Jenkinsoh), M. Gaston Raynaud of the Biblioth^que Nationale 
at Paris, Prbfessof Pio Rajna of Florence, and Professor Rodolfo Renier of 
Turin, for services of a similar nature ; and to various writers in the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica (ninth edition) and in Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary. 

I may mention, in conclusion, that I hope to deal later with the Vocabulary 
of the Divina Commedia, Canzoniere, Vita Nuo'va, and Convivio — 

Se tanto lavoro in bene assommi I 


DoRNEY Wood, Bucks. 
August 23, 1897. 

*^* A few corrections and additions which were too late for insertion in the 
body of the Work will be found under the heading of Corrigenda et Addenda 
on pp. 564-5. 

> studies in Dante. First Series : Scripture and Classical Authors in Dante. By Edward Moore 
D.D. Oxford, 1896. I have also availed myself of the labours of Mazzucchelli in this department for the 
Convivio, and of those of Witte for the De Monarchia. 




Preface v-viii 

Proper Names and Notable Matters 1-563 

Addenda et Corrigenda 564-565 

Genealogical Tables 567-591 

Chronological Table S92-597 

Index of First Lines of the Canzoniere 598-600 

Chapter-divisions in various Editions of the De Monarchia . . . 601-603 

Numeration of the Epistolae in various Editions 604 

List of Articles dealing with Notable Matters other than Names of 

Persons or Places 605-607 

Index of English or Anglicised Names which differ from the Italian 

OR Latin 608-610 

Plates . 611-613 

List of Tables and Plates 614 

Index to Tables and Plates 615-616 




. QuMStio de Aqua et Terra. 


Authorized Version. 


Beatriee (in the D.C.). 












Divina Commedia. 




edited by. 


editors or editions. 

Encyc. Brit. 

Encyclopaedia Britannica. 






Matilda (in the B.C.). 


De Monarchia. 


New Testament. 




Old French. 


Old Testament. 








Statins (in the D.C.). 






Virgil (in the D.C.). 




De Vulgari Eloquent! a. 


Vita Nuova. 








References throughout are to the Oxford edition of the complete works of Dante. In order, however, 
that the Dictionary may serve equally well for other editions of Dante's works (e. g. those of Witte, 
Fraticelli, and Giuliani), I have, as is explained in the Preface, appended, in the case of the Canzoniere, 
an index of first lines arranged (i) in alphabetical order, (2) in numerical order (according to the numeration 
of the poems in the Oxford edition) [Table xxxii] ; in the case of the De Monarchia, comparative tables of 
the chapter-divisions adopted respectively in the editions of Witte (whose arrangement is followed in the 
Oxford Dante) , Fraticelli, and Giuliani [Table xxxiii] ; and, in the case of the Epistolae, comparative 
tables of the numeration adopted respectively in the Oxford Dante, and in the editions of Fraticelli and 
Giuliani [Table xxxiv]. 

In order to facilitate reference in the case of the prose works, references (indicated by ' superior ' or 
index numbers) are given to the lines (numbered separately for each chapter) of the several treatises as 
printed in the Oxford Dante, as well as to Book and Chapter; thus Conv. i. 12" = Convivio, Bk. i, Ch. 12, 
I. 19 ; Mon. ii. 3"'' = De Monarchia, Bk. ii, Ch. 3, /. 102 ; V.N. § 25" = Vita Nuova, Sect. 25, /. 76 ; and 
so on. The index-numbers being disregarded, the references hold equally well, of course, for the other 
editions of the several treatises. 

Cross-references are indicated by printing the name referred to between square brackets and in black 
type, e. g. [Buemine]. A single square bracket after a name, e. g. Agamemnoue], Londra]', indicates 
that the person or place in question is alluded to only, not mentioned by name, in Dante's works. Index- 
numbers are employed for the purpose of distinguishing between several persons or places of the same 
name, e.g. Adriauo^ Adb^iauo''; Ida', Ida"; Lapo', Lapo'' The titles of books are printed in 
slanting type, e.g. Aenels, De Civitate Dei. 



Abati], ancient noble family of Florence, 
thought by some to be referred to by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) as quel che 
son disfatti Per lor superbia, Par. xvi. 109- 
10. The reference is more probably to the 
Uberti [Uberti]. 

The Abati, who, as Villani records, lived in 
the ' sesto di porte san Piero,' were Ghibel- 
lines (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; they were among those 
who were expelled from Florence in 1258 
(vi. 65) ; they took part in the battle of Mont- 
aperti, with which their name is associated 
through the treachery of Bocca degli Abati 
(vi. 78) [Boeca] ; at the time of the feuds 
which arose through the factions of the Bian- 
chi and Neri in Florence, they were partly 
Ghibellines, partly Guelfs, but they all threw 
in their lot together with the Bianchi (viii. 39) ; 
and they were among those of the latter party 
who were the objects of the vengeance of the 
Florentine podestk, Fulcieri da Calboli, in 
1302 (viii. 59) [Calboli]. 

Abati, Bocca degli. [Bocoa.] 

Abati, Buoso degli. [Buoso.] 

Abbagliato, name applied by the Floren- 
tine Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell) as a nickname (' muddle-head ') to a 
Sienese spendthrift, who has been identified 
with one Meo (i. e. Bartolommeo), son of Rai- 
nieri de' Folcacchieri of Siena, and who was 
a member of the ' spendthrift brigade,' a com- 
pany of twelve wealthy young Sienese, who vied 
with each other in squandering their means, 
Inf xxix. 130-2 [Brigata Spendereccia]. 

This Bartolommeo de' Folcacchieri held 
high office in Siena between 1277 and 1300, 
where he was chancellor in 1279, and gon- 
falonier of the army in 1278 and 1280; he 
was rector of Campagnatico in 1288, podestk 
of Montereggioni in 1290 and of Monteguidi 
in 1300, and captain of the Sienese mer- 
cenaries in the Maremma from 1289 to 1292 ; 
it is on record that he was fined in 1278 for 
being found drinking in a tavern. (See C. 

Mazzi, Fokacchiero Folcacchieri rimaiore 
senese del sec. xiii.) 

Benvenuto and others, reading ' I'abbagliato 
suo senno proferse,' instead of ' 1' Abbagliato,' 
take abbagliato as an epithet of senno, and 
refer the verb to Caccia d'Asciano of the 
previous line ('displayed his own muddled 
wits '). 

Abel, Abel, second son of Adam ; mentioned 
by Virgil among those released by Christ from 
Limbo, Inf. iv. 56. [Limtoo.] 

•Abido, Abydos, town in the Troad, on the 
narrowest part of the Hellespont,nearly opposite 
to Sestos in Thrace ; celebrated as the home 
of Leander, who used to swim nightly across 
to Sestos to visit Hero, Purg. xxviii. 74 
[Xieandro : Sesto i] ; mentioned in connexion 
with the bridge of boats built by Xerxes 
across the Hellespont, Mon. ii. 9^3-4 [Elles- 
ponto : Serse]. 

Abile], Mt. Abyla, in N. Africa, opposite 
Calpe (Gibraltar), one of the ' Columns of 
Hercules'; alluded to, Inf. xxvi. 108. [Colonne 
di Eroole.] 

Abraam, the patriarch Abraham ; men- 
tioned by Virgil among those released by 
Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 58. [Limbo.] 

Absalone, Absalom, son of David by 
Maachah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur 
(2 Sam. iii. 3) ; encouraged by the evil coun- 
sels of Ahithophel the Gilonite, he rebelled 
against his father, but was defeated in Gilead, 
in' the wood of Ephraim, where he met his 
death (2 Sam. xv-xix) ; he is mentioned by 
Bertran de Born (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), who compares his own instigation of 
the 'Young King' to rebel against his father 
Henry II of England with the similar part 
played by Ahithophel in encouraging Absalom 
to rebel against David, Inf. xxviii. 136-8. 
[Arrigo *.] 

Abydos, town in the Troad, on the Helles- 
pont, Mon, ii. 954. [Abide] 


Academicae Quaestiones 

Acciaiuoli, Niccola 

Academicae Quaestiones], the Academic 
Questions (a fragment, in two books) of 
Cicero ; hence D. got the opinion of Zeno 
that virtue is the highest good, Con v. iv. 6'*"' 
(Acad. Quaest. ii. 22 : ' . . . utrum Zenoni cre- 
didisset, honestum quod esset, id bonum solum 
esse'; ii. 42 : 'honestum autem, quod ducatur 
a. conciliatione naturae, Zeno statuit finem 
esse bonorum, qui inventor et princeps Stoi- 
corum fuit ') [Zenone] ; and also the account 
of the Academic and Peripatetic schools of 
philosophy, Conv. iv. 6ii5~*'' {Acad. Quaest. 
i. 4) :— 

' Platonis autem auctoritate, qui varius, et multi- 
plex, et copiosus fuit, una et consentiens duobus 
vocabulis philosophiae forma instituta est, Academi- 
corum et Peripateticorum : qui rebus congruentes, 
nominibus differebant. Nam, cum Speusippum, 
sororis filium, Plato philosophiae quasi heredem 
reliquisset; duos autem praestantissimos studio 
atque doctrina, Xenocratem Cbalcedonium, et 
Aristotelem Stagiritem : qui erant cum Aristotele 
Peripatetic! dicti sunt, quia disputabant inambu- 
lantes in Lycio ; illi autem, qui Platonis instituto 
in Academia, quod est alterum gymnasium, coetus 
erant, et sermones habere soliti, e loci vocabulo 
nomen habuerunt. Sed utrique Platonis ubertate 
completi, certam quandam disciplinae formulam 
composuerunt, et eam quidem plenam, ac refertam : 
illam autem Socraticam dubitationem de omnibus 
rebus, et nulla aiErmatione adhibita consuetudinem 
disserendi reliquerunt.' 

Acam. [Acan.] 

Acan, Achan, son of Carmi, of the tribe of 
Judah, 'who took of the accursed thing' in 
appropriating part of the spoil of Jericho, con- 
trary to the commands of Joshua. After the 
defeat of the Israelites in their attack upon Ai, 
A. confessed his guilt, and the booty was dis- 
covered. Thereupon he and his whole family 
were stoned to death by command of Joshua, 
and their remains and property were burned 
(Josh. vii). D. includes A. among the in- 
stances of avarice proclaimed by the Avari- 
cious in Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 109- 
II [Avari], 

Accademia, the Academia, a piece of land 
on the Cephissus, near Athens, so called from 
having originally belonged to a hero named 
Academus. It was subsequently a gym- 
nasium, adorned with groves and statues, and 
became celebrated as the scene of Plato's 
teaching, whence his followers were called 
Academic philosophers. D. speaks of it as 
' lo luogo dove Platone studiava,' in connexion 
with the origin of the name of his school of 
philosophy, Conv. iv. 6i26-8_ [Acoademioi : 

Accademici, the Academic or Platonic 
school of philosophers, so called from the 
Academia at Athens, where Plato and Speus- 

ippus used to teach, Conv. iv. S'^^^~^ [Acoa- 
demia] ; they were succeeded and superseded 
by the Peripatetics, Conv. iv. 61*2-5 [Peri- 
patetioi]. D. got his account of these schools 
from the Academicae Quaestiones of Cicero 
(i. 4) [Academicae Quaestiones]. 

Acciaiuoli, Niccola], Florentine Guelf, 
who in 1299, together with Baldo d'Aguglione 
(Par. xvi. 56), in order to destroy the evidence 
of a fraudulent transaction in which, with the 
connivance of the Podestk, he had been en- 
gaged, defaced a sheet of the public records 
of Florence. This scandal took place during 
the period of corruption and maladministra- 
tion which followed the expulsion of Giano 
della Bella from Florence [Aguglione : 
Giano della Bella]. D. alludes to this tam- 
pering with the ' quaderno,' Purg. xii. 105. 

The following account of the incident, which 
appears to have been unknown to Benvenuto, 
is given by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Nel MCCLXxxxv, doppo la cacciata di Gian de 
la Bella, essendo Firenze in male stato, fu chiamato 
rettore di Firenze, a petizione di quelli che regge- 
vono, uno povero gentile uomo chiamato messer 
Monfiorito della Marca Trivigiana, il quale prese la 
forma della terra, et assolvea et condennava sanza 
ragione, et palesemente per lui et sua famiglia si 
vendea la giustizia. Nol sostennono i cittadini, et 
compiuto I'ufficio, presono lui e due suoi famigli, 
et lui missono alia coUa*, et per sua confessione si 
seppono cose che a moiti cittadini ne segui grande 
infamia ; et faccendolo coUare due cittadini chia- 
mati sopra a ci6, I'uno dicea : basta, I'altro dicea : 
no. Piero Manzuoli cambiatore, chiamato sopra 
ci6, disse : dagli ancora uno crollo ; e '1 cavalieri 
ch'era in sulla colla disse : io rende' uno testimonio 
falso a messer Niccola Acciaioli, il quale non con- 
dannai ; non volea il Manzuolo che quella con- 
fessione fosse scritta, per6 che messer Niccola era 
suo genero ; I'altro pure voile, et scrissesi ; et 
saputo messer Niccola questo fatto, ebbe si gran 
paura che il fatto non si palesasse, ch'egli se ne 
consiglib con messer Baldo Agulione, pessimo 
giudice ghibellino antico. Chiesono il quaderno 
degli atti al notaio, et ebborlo ; et il foglio dov'era 
il fatto di messer Niccola trassono del quaderno : 
et palesandosi per lo notaio del foglio ch' era 
tratto, fu consigliato che si cereasse di chi 1' avea 
fatto ; onde il Podesta, non palesando niente, prese 
messer Niccola, et messer Baldo fuggi. Fu con- 
dennato messer Niccola in libre .iii."-, et messer 
Baldo in .ii.ra- et a'confini fuori della citta et del 
contado per uno anno.' 

Villani makes no mention of this incident, 
possibly because the Acciaiuoli were Guelfs like 
himself; it is, however, recorded at length by 
Dino Compagni (i. 19), whose account is sub- 
stantially the same as that given above; he 
adds that the corrufjt Podestk, whom he calls 
' Messer Monfiorito di Padova,' was not only 
flogged but imprisoned by the Florentines, 
who refused to release him in spite of repeated 

i.e. had them tied up and flogged with a rope's end. 




applications from the Paduans ; he finally 
effected his escape by the help of the wife of 
one of the Arrigucci [Arriguooi]. 

Aceidiosi], the Slothful, supposed by some, 
on account of the expression 'accidioso fummo' 
Hnf. vii. 123), to be included with the Wrathful 
(and perhaps also the Envious) in Circle V 
of Hell [Invidiosi : Iraeondi]. 

Those who expiate the sin of Sloth (accidid) in 
Purgatory are placed in Circle IV, Purg. xvii. 
46-xix. 43 \BeatltudM: Purgatorio] ; their 
punishment is to be obliged to run continually 
round and round, urging each other to greater 
exertion with the cry ' Ratto, ratto, che il tempo 
non si perda Per poco amore,' Purg. xviii. 94- 
104 ; those in front recall instances of alacrity, 
viz. how the Virgin Mary hastened to salute 
Elisabeth (Luke i. 39), and how Julius Caesar 
hastened to subdue Lerida {vv. 99-102) 
[Maria 1 : Cesare i] ; those behind recall 
instances of sloth, viz. how the children of 
Israel lost the promised land, and how some 
of the companions of Aeneas remained behind 
in Sicily (vv. 131-8) [Ebrei: Aceatei]. 
Example : an Abbot of San Zeno at Verona 
[Alberto della Scala : Zeno, San]. 

Accorso, Francesco d', son of the famous 
Florentine jurist, Accorso da Bagnolo (com- 
monly known by the Latin name of Accursius), 
who lectured in the university of Bologna, 
where he died in 1260 ; the son, who was born 
at Bologna in 1225, was himself a celebrated 
lawyer ; he was professor of civil law at 
Bologna, and in 1273, when Edward I passed 
through that city on his way back from 
Palestine, decided, upon the invitation of the 
latter, to accompany him to England, where 
he lectured for some time at Oxford, being 
provided with free quarters in the ' King's 
Manor ' (i.e. Beaumont Palace, the traditional 
birthplace of Richard Coeur-de-Lion, the 
memory of which is preserved in the name 
of the present Beaumont Street). The Bolo- 
gnese, who were anxious not to lose him, for- 
bade him to go, under pain of confiscation of 
all his property, a threat which was carried into 
execution in the next year, when he was pro- 
scribed as a Ghibelline ; his belongings, how- 
ever, were restored to him on his return to 
Bologna in 1281, where he died in 1293. A 
sister of his is said also to have professed law 
at the university of Bologna. A tale about 
him forms the subject of one of the Cento 
Novelle Antiche (Nov. Ixxxi. ed. Biagi). 

D. places Francesco d'Accorso, together 
with Priscian and Brunetto Latino, among 
the Sodomites in Round 3 of Circle VII of 
Hell, Inf. XV. no [Sodomiti]. 

Benvenuto states that D.'s condemnation 
of these persons aroused a good deal of indig- 
nation, which he himself was inclined to share 
until his own personal experience of the grue- 

some state of affairs ' in the university of 
Bologna, where he lectured on Dante in 
1375, induced him to modify his opinion ; he 
says : — 

' Franciscus filius Accursii primogenitus fuit etiam 
famosissimus doctor legura, qui laboravit morbo 
pejoris et ardentioris febris, quam pater suus . . . 
autor ponit Franciscum ista horrenda ignominia 
maculosum, quia male servavit legem suam pulcerri- 
mam, quam docebat alios, quae dicit : cum vir 
nubit in feminam armentur leges, etc. Et hie nota, 
lector, quod vidi aliquando viros sapientes magnae 
literaturae conquerentes, et dicentes, quod pro 
certo Dantes nimis male locutus est hie nominando 
tales viros, Et certe ego, quando primo vidi literam 
istam, satis indignatus fui ; sed postea experientia 
teste didici, quod hie sapientissimus poeta optima 
fecit. Nam in McccLXxv, dum essem Bononiae, et 
legerem librum istum, reperi aliquos vermes natos 
de cineribus sodomorum, inficientes totum illud stu- 
dium : nee valens diutius ferre foetorem tantum, 
cujus fumus jam fuscabat astra, non sine gravi 
periculo meo rem patefeci Petro cardinali Bituri- 
censi, tunc legato Bononiae ; qui vir magnae 
virtutis et scientiae detestans tam abhominabile 
scelus, mandavit inquiri contra principales, quorum 
aliqui capli sunt, et multi territi diffugerunt. Et 
nisi quidam sacerdos proditor, cui erat commissum 
negotium, obviasset, quia laborabat pari morbo 
cum illis, multi fuissent traditi flammis ignis; quas 
si vivi eifugerunt, mortui non evadent hie, nisi 
forte bona poenitudo extinxerit eas aqua lacryma- 
rum et compunctionis. Ex hoc autem incurri 
capitale odium et inimicitiam multorum ; sed divina 
justitia me contra istos hostes naturae hucusque 
benigne protexit.' 

Acestei, Acestes, a Trojan born in Sicily, 
whose father was the river-god Crimisus, and 
his mother a Trojan woman named Egesta, 
who had been sent to Sicily by her parents. 
D. refers to the account given by Virgil (Aen. 
v. 711-18) of how Aeneas on his arrival in 
Sicily was hospitably entertained by Acestes, 
with whom he left those of his companions 
who were unfit to proceed with him to Italy, 
Conv. iv. 2692-6 ; these latter are mentioned 
as instances of sluggards by the Slothful in 
Circle IV of Purgatory, Purg. xviii. 136-8. 

Aceste^, Acaste, the nurse of Argia and 
Deiphyle, the two daughters of Adrastus, 
king of Argos ; mentioned with reference to 
the account given by Statins in the Thebaid 
(i. 529 ff.) of how she brought the two maidens 
into the presence of their father when Polynices 
and Tydeus were with him, Conv. iv. 2578-84_ 

Achaemenides, companion of Ulysses, 
who left him behind in Sicily, when he escaped 
from the Cyclops. When subsequently the 
Trojans landed in the island they found Achae- 
menides there and heard from him how his 
companions had been devoured by Poly- 

[3] B2 



phemus. D. refers to this episode, Eel. ii. 
82-3 ; his account is taken either from Virgil 
(Aen. iii. 588-691), who appears to have in- 
vented the incident, or from Ovid {Metam. 
xiv. 160-222). [Polyphemus.] 

Acheronte, ' sad Acheron, the flood of 
sorrow, black and deep,' one of the rivers of 
Hell, which forms the boundary of Hell proper. 
Inf. iii. 78; xiv. 116; Purg. ii. 105; gran 
fiume, Inf. iii. 71 ; trista riviera, v. 78 ; fiume, 
V. %l ; livida palude, v. 98 ; onda bruna, 
V. 118; mal fiume, Purg. i. 88; on its shore 
assemble from every land all those who have 
died in the wrath of God, Inf iii. 122-3 ; 
Purg. i. 88 ; ii. 105 ; here they wait to be 
ferried across by Charon, Inf. iii. 70-120 
[Caron : Inferno] ; its origin, and that of the 
other rivers of Hell, is explained to D. by 
Virgil, Inf. xiv. 1 12-19 [Fiumi Infernali]. 

Achille, Achilles, son of Peleus and Thetis, 
the foremost hero of the Greeks in the Trojan 
war. In his youth he was instructed by 
Chiron the Centaur, from whose charge he 
was withdrawn by his mother, who placed 
him in hiding in the island of Scyros, to pre- 
vent his going to the Trojan war. While there 
he became enamoured of Deidamia, daughter 
of Lycomedes, king of Scyros, but at the 
instance of Ulysses, who discovered his hiding- 
place, he desqrted her and accompanied him 
to the war. The spear of Achilles possessed 
the property of healing the wounds inflicted 
by it. At the first landing of the Greeks in the 
Troad, Telep^us, son of Hercules, the king 
of Mysia, was wounded by A. ; as the wound 
did not heal he sought the oracle, and was 
told that it could only be cured by him who 
inflicted it ; he accordingly sought A., who 
applied some of the rust of his spear to the 
wound and healed it. 

D. places A., ' il grande Achille ' (cf. Purg. 
xxi. 92), in Circle II of Hell, among those who 
met their death through love, and says of him, 
in allusion to the mediaeval tradition as to 
his death, 'con amore al fine combatteo,' 
i.e. he fought on love's side to the end, Inf. 
v. 65-6 [Ijusstiriosi] {see below) ; he is men- 
tioned in connexion with his bringing up by 
Chiron, Inf. xii. 71 [Chirone] ; his desertion 
of Deidamia, Inf xxvi. 62 [Deidamia] ; the 
healing property of his spear, Inf xxxi. 5 
[Feleus] ; his conveyance to Scyros by his 
mother, Purg. ix. 34 [Schiro] ; the (unfinished) 
poem of Statius (the Achilleid) on the subject 
of his heroic achievements, Purg. xxi. 92 
[AcbUlelde] ; his descent from Aeacus, Conv. 
iv. 27I92-5 [Eaoo]. 

According to the Homeric story A. was 
killed before Troy, after having slain Hector. 
D. follows (Inf V. 65-6) the later account, 
current in the Middle Ages, which was derived 
from the De Bella Trojano and the De Excidio 


Trojae of the so-called Dictys the Cretan and 
Dares the Phrygian. These two works, which 
purported to be written by actual combatants 
in the war, were the principal authorities in 
mediaeval times for the story of the Trojan 
war ; and upon them Guido delle Colonne 
professed to have based his popular prose 
romance of Troy, the Historia Trojana 
(written in 1270 and 1287), which as a matter 
of fact is a more or less close translation of 
the Old French Roman de Troie, written more 
than a hundred years before by Benoit de 
Sainte-More. According to the mediaeval 
account Achilles was killed by treachery in 
the temple of Apollo Thymbraeus in Troy, 
whither lie had been lured by the promise of 
a meeting with Polyxena, of whom he was 
enamoured, and who had been offered him in 
marriage if he would join the Trojans. Paris 
(Alexander) lay in wait inside the temple with 
Deiphobus, and when A. arrived the latter 
threw his arms round him and embraced him. 
While A. was thus helpless Paris transfixed 
him with his sword and fled, leaving him 
mortally wounded on the ground. When dis- 
covered by Ajax and Ulysses he had just 
strength to murmur with his last breath that 
he had been killed by treachery through his 
love for Polyxena — ' dolo me atque insidiis 
Deiphobus atque Alexander Polyxenae gratia 
circumvenere ' (Bell. Troj. iv. 11). This tradi- 
tion as to the death of Achilles is twice referred 
to by Servius in his commentary on Virgil 
{Aen. iii. 522 ; vi. 57). 

Achllleide], the Achilleid, poem in hexa- 
meters on the subject of Achilles and the 
Trojan war, commenced by Statius, the author 
of the Thebaid, but left incomplete at his death, 
only one book and a portion of the second 
having been written. 

Statius (in Purgatory) alludes to it, in ad- 
dressing Virgil, as la seconda somma, 'the 
second burden,' under which he fell by the way, 
Purg. xxi. 92-3 [Stazio]. D. was indebted to 
it for the incident of Ulysses' persuasion of 
Achilles to desert Deidamia, Inf. xxvi. 61-2 
(Achill. i. 536 fif. ; ii. i flF.) [Deidamia : Ulisse] ; 
and for that of Achilles awaking in Scyros, 
Purg. ix. 34-9 [Achill. i. 198 ff.) [ScMro] ; as 
well as for certain details in his invocation to 
Apollo, and his reference to the laurel as the 
reward of poets and warriors. Par. i. 13 ff., 
25-9 {Achill. i. 9-16). 

Achitofel, Ahithophel the Gilonite, who 
encouraged Absalom in his rebellion against 
his father David, and who, when his counsel 
was overthrown by Hushai, David's emissary, 
put his household in order, and hanged him- 
self, and died ' (2 Sam. xv-xvii) ; he is men- 
tioned by Bertran de Born (in Bolgia 9 of 
Circle VIII of Hell), who compares his own 
evil-doing in stirring up the 'Young King' to 



rebel against his father Henry II with that of 
A. in inciting Absalom to rebel against David, 
Inf. xxviii. 136-8 [Absalone : Bertram dal 
Bomio]. ' 

Acis, a shepherd of Sicily, son of Faunus, 
who was beloved by the nymph Galatea, and 
was consequently crushed beneath a rock by 
the Cyclops Polyphemus, who was jealous of 
him ; his blood as it gushed from under the 
rock was changed by Galatea into the river 
Acis. The story, which is told by Ovid 
{Metam. xiii. 860-97), whenqe D. took it, is 
referred to. Eel. ii. 78-80. [G-alatea: Poly- 

Aconei, village in Tuscany, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Florence, the exact situation of 
which is uncertain ; some place it between 
Lucca and Pistoja, others in the Valdisieve, 
one of the valleys opening out of the upper end 
of the Valdarno. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments 
that the feud between the Church apd the 
Emperor, among other conseqi;ences, brought 
the Cerchi, the leaders of the Bianchi, from 
their original home at Acone to settle in 
Florence, Par. xvi. 65. [Cerchi.] 

It appears that the people of the Acone 
district were constantly at war with the Floren- 
tines on account of the castle of Monte di 
Croce, which belonged to the Conti Guidi, and 
was situated in their neighbourhood, close to 
the Florentine territory. After a number of 
unsuccessful attempts the Florentines at length 
in 1154 captured it by treachery, a,nd razed it 
to the ground, on which account the Conti 
Guidi ever after bore a grudge against Florence, 
as Villani relates (iV. 37). It was about this 
time that the Cerchi came to Florence. 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

' I Cerchi furono della contrada detta oggi Pie- 
vere d'Acone, la quale per la castello di Monte di 
Croce, ch' e in quelle pievere, ebbe molte guerre 
col comune di Firenze ; finalrpente nel mille 
cento cinquanta tre li Fiorentini presero e dis- 
fecero il detto castello ; di che piii uomini della 
contrada vennero ad abitare la citta di Firenze, 
in fra i quali furono i Cerchi.' 

Acone 2], Hakon V (VII), king of Norway, 
1299-1319 ; alluded to (probably) by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter as quel di Norvegia, 
Par. xix. 139. [Aquila^; Norvegia.] 

Acquacheta (' Still-water'), the name, ac- 
cording to D., of the river Montone (' Ram '), 
above Forli, Inf. xvi. 97. D. compares the 
descent of the infernal river, Phlegethon, to the 
falls of the Montone near the monastery of San 
Benedetto in Alpe (vv. 94-105). He speaks of 
the Montone as the first river which, rising on 
the N. side of the Apennines, flows direct into 
the Adriatic without entering the Po (vv. 94-6). 
This description is no longer true of the Mon- 

tone. At the present day it applies to the 
Lamone, which falls into the Adriatic N. of 
Ravenna. From the time of Pliny, however, 
who speaks of it as the Anemo (Hist. Nat. iii. 
20), down to Cent, xvi, the Lamone had no 
direct outlet to the sea, but flowed either into 
the Po di Primaro, or into the swamps about 
the mouth of that river (see Barlow, Contribu- 
tions to the Stud^ of the D. C, pp. 1 3 1-3). 
[Ijainozie : Monte Veso.] 

The Montone rises as a torrent in the district 
of the Etruscan Apennines known as Mura- 
glione, about six miles from the monastery of 
San Benedetto ; close to the latter it is joined 
by the torrents of the Acquacheta and Rio- 
destro, and later on, a few miles above Forll, 
near Terra del Sole, it receives the waters of 
the Rabbi ; finally at Ravenna it joins the 
Ronco (the ancient, Bedesis), and the two, 
forming one stream under the name of the 
Fiumi Uniti, enter the Adriatic between 
Ravenna and S. ApoUinare. D. implies that 
the river was known as the Acquacheta as far 
as Forll, and only received the name of 
Montone on reaching that city. In the present 
day, at any rate, this is not the case, the name 
of Montone being a,pplied to it as high up as 
San Benedetto. (See P. Nadiani: Jnterpre- 
iasione dei versi di D. sulfiume Montone.) 

Acquaqueta. [Acquacheta.] 

Acqiiasparta, village in Umbria, about 
ten miles S.W. of Spoleto, at the head of 
a torrent of the same name, which- flows into 
the Tiber not fa,r from Todi ; mentioned by 
St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the Sun), 
together with Casale, Par. xii. 124. The 
allusion is to Matteo d'Acquasparta, a P'ran- 
ciscan who, having been appointed General of 
the Order in 1287, introduced relaxations of 
discipline, which were strongly opposed by 
Ubertino da Casale and his following [CasaleJ. 
Matteo was created cardinal by Nicholas IV 
in 1288 ; he was sent in 1300, and again in 
1301, by Boniface VIII to settle the differences 
between the Bianchi and Neri in Florence, 
a mission in which he totally failed (Vill. viii. 
40, 49) 1 he died in 1302. 

Acri, Acre or Acca (the Ptolemais of the 
I^.T.), commonly called St. Jean d'Acre by 
Europeans, town and seapprt of Syria, situated 
on a low propiontory at the N. extremity of 
the Bay of Acre, about 80 miles N.W. of 
Jerusalem and 27 S. of Tyfe (mod. Sur). 
After having been ip the possession of the 
Saracens since the middle of Cent, vii, Acre 
was taken by the Crusaders under Baldwin I 
in 1 104, who made it their principal port, 
and retained it until 1 187, when it was re- 
covered by Saladin. In 1191, after a long 
siege, which cost 100,000 lives, it was retaken 
by Richard Cceur-de-Lion and Philip of France, 




who gave the town to the knights of St. John 
of Jerusalem, whence it received the name of 
St. Jean d'Acre. It remained in the posses- 
sion of the Christians for a hundred years, 
during which, in spite of being continually 
assaulted by the Saracens, it grew into a large 
and populous city, with numerous churches, 
convents, and hospitals, enclosed on the land 
side within a double line of immensely strong 
fortifications. In the spring of 1291, however, 
in consequence of the violation of a truce with 
the Saracens on the part of the Christian 
mercenaries in the city, it was besieged with 
a great host by the Sultan, El-Melik El- 
Ashraf Khaleel, and after holding out for a few 
weeks was carried by assault, 60,000 of the 
inhabitants being taken prisoners, and either 
put to- the sword or sold into slavery. With 
this great disaster, by which the last of the 
Christian possessions in the Holy Land passed 
back into the hands of the Saracens, the Latin 
kingdom of Jerusalem came to an end. On 
receipt of the news the Pope, Nicholas IV, at 
once attempted to organize a new crusade for 
the recovery of the city, and called upon all 
Christians, under pain of excommunication, to 
abstain from any further traffic with Egypt, 
the head-quarters of the Mussulman power. 

The loss of Acre is referred to by Guido da 
Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), who reproaches Boniface VIII with 
carrying on war at home with Christians 
(meaning the Colonnesi), instead of devoting 
his resources to the recovery of Acre and the 
chastisement of the Saracens, Inf. xxvii. 85-9. 
[Colonnesi : Laterano.] 

Villani, who gives a long account of the fall 
of Acre (which is copied almost verbatim by 
Benvenuto), laments the loss of the place, 
apparently not so much as a blow to Chris- 
tianity, as on account of the damage inflicted 
on commerce by the closing to the West of 
such a valuable emporium : — 

' La cristianita ricevette uno grandissimo dam- 
maggio, die per la perdita d'Acri non rimase nella 
terra satita neuna terra per gli cristiani ; e tutte la 
buone terre di mercatanzia che sono alle nostre 
marine e frontiere, mai poi non valsono la meta 
a profitto di mercatanzia e d'arti per lo buono sito 
dov' era la citta d'Acri, perocch' ell' era nella 
fronte del nostro mare e in mezzo di Soria, e quasi 
nel mezzo del mondo abitato, presso a Gerusalem 
settanta miglia, e fondaco e porto d'ogni merca- 
tanzia si del levante come del ponente ; e di tutte 
le generazioni delle genti del mondo v' usavano 
per fare mercatanzia, e turcimanni v' avea di tutte 
le lingue del mondo, si ch' ella era quasi com' uno 
alimento al mondo. . . . Venuta la dolorosa novella 
in ponente, il papa ordino grandi iiidulgenzie e 
perdoni a chi facesse aiuto o soccorso alia terra 
santa, mandando a tutti i signori de' cristiani, che 
volea ordinare passaggio generale, e difese con 
grandi processi e scomuniche quale cristiano 
andasse in Alessandria o in terra d'Egitto con 


mercatanzia, o vittuaglia, o legname, o ferro, o 
desse per alcuno modo aiuto o favore.' {yii. 145.) 

Actus Apostolorum, the Acts of the Apostles, 
Mon. ii. 8^0 (ref. to Ads i. 26) ; Mon. iii. 
1342-3 ; quoted, Conv. iv. 2o28-9 (Acts x. 34) ; 
Mon. iii. 9137-9 (^Acts i. l) ; Mon. iii. i3*3-53 
(Acis XXV. 10 ; xxvii. 24 ; xxviii. 19) ; Epist. 
V. 4 {Acts ix. s). The book of the Acts of the 
Apostles is supposed to be symbolized by the 
elder habited like a physician (in allusion to 
the description of the author as 'Luke, the 
beloved physician,' Coloss. iv. 14) in the 
mystical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 134-8, 145-8 [Prooeasione]. 

Adalagia], Alazais (Adelais), wife of Barral, 
lord of Marseilles, of whom the troubadour 
Folquet of Marseilles was enamoured ; his love 
for her is hinted at. Par. ix. 96-9. [Foloo.] 

Adam, Adam, V. E. i. 424, e"' ", 49 ; Mon. 
ii. 13^' 6 ; gen. Adam, V. E. i. 6^" ; gen. Adae, 
Mon. ii. 13^' s ; dat. Adae, V. E. i. 42* 6". 
[Adamo.] — Note. D. follows the Vulgate in 
his use of the inflected form of the Latin Adam; 
Adae occurs as dat. in Gen. ii. 20 ; iii. 17 ; as 
gen. in Rom. v. 14; Adam occurs as gen. in 
Gen. V. I, 4 ; as ace. in Gen. ii. 19, 22, &c. ; as 
abl. in Gen. ii. 22. 

Adamo, Adam, the first man, Inf. iii. 115 ; 
Purg. ix. 10 ; xi. 44 ; xxix. 86 ; xxxii. 37 ; 
Conv. iv. 1528- 32, 68, 70'; Mon. ii. 132' 6 ; V. E. 
i. 421, 61"' 1'^' 43 ; il prima parente, Inf. iv. 55 ; 
Conv. iv. 152''; il prima gener ante, Con. iv. 
1538. Pumana radice, Purg. xxviii. 142; radix 
humanae propaginis, V.. E. i. 8'' ; Panima 
prima, Purg. xxxiii. 62 ; Par. xxvi. 83 ; V. E. 
1.6*^^; r anima primaia, Par. xxvi. 100; tuom 
che non nacque. Par. vii. 26 ; seme d.eir umana 
natura. Par. vii. 86 ; il petta ande la casta Si 
trasse per farmar la bella guancia, II cui 
palata a tutta il monda casta. Par. xiii. 37-9 ; 
la terra degna Di tutta V animal perfezione, 
Par. xiii. 82-3 ; il priina padre, Par. xiii. 1 1 1 ; 
poma che matt^ra Sola prodatto fasti. Par. 
xxvi. 91-2 ; padre antico. Par. xxvi. 92 ; il 
padre per la ctii ardito gusta L' umana specie 
tanto amara gusta, Par. xxxii. 1 22-3; il mag- 
giar padre difamiglia, Par. xxxii. \j,(i ; primus 
homo, V. E. i. js-*- 12 ; primus loquens, V. E. 
i. 527. 660 ; Tjiy ^i„g matre, vir sine lacte, qui 
neque pupillarem aetatem nee -uidit adultam, 
V. E. i. 65 7 ; Adam and Eve, la prima gente, 
Purg. i. 24 ; Ii primi parenti. Par. vii. 148 ; 
primi parentes, Mon. i. le^; Adam and 
St. Peter, due radici (of the Celestial Rose), 
Par. xxxii. 120. 

// mal seme d' Adamo, i. e. the damned, Inf. 
iii. 115; quel d" Adamo, i.e. human nature, 
Purg. ix. 10 ; so la came d^ Adamo, Purg. xi. 
44 ; ie figlie d: Adamo, i.e. womankind, Purg. 
xxix. 86 ; figli d' Adamo, figliuoli d Adamo, 


Adamo, Maestro 

i.e. mankind, Conv. iv. Y^fi^-"^^ •. filii Adam, 
V.E. i. 610. 

Adam created as a full-grown man, Par. vii. 
26 ; xxvi. 91-2 ; V. E. i. 6^-7 ; the most per- 
fect of living things, Par. xiii. 82-3 ; V. E. i. 
S^* ; the father of the human race. Inf. iii. 
IIS) iy- 55; Purg. ix. 10; xi. 44; xxix. 86; 
Par. vii. 86, 148; xiii. iii; xxvi. 92; xxxii. 
122, 136; Mon. i. i67; his and Eve's eating 
of the forbidden fruit the cause of all the 
woes of mankind, Par. xiii. 37-9 ; xxxii. 

Adam is mentioned by Virgil among those 
released by Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 55 
[Limbo] ; his name is murmured by those 
who accompany the mystical Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise in token of their re- 
probation of his sin of disobedience, Purg. 
xxxii. 37 ; his place in the Celestial Rose, 
where he is seated on the left hand of the 
Virgin Mary, as being the first to believe in 
Christ to come, while St. Peter, the first to 
believe in Christ come, is seated on her right, 
is pointed out to D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 
121-6 [Rosa] ; D. sees his spirit in the 
Heaven of the Fixed Stars, quarto lume (the 
other three being those of the three Apostles, 
St. Peter, St. James, and St. John), Par. xxvi. 
81 ; being informed by Beatrice who it is, 
D. burns with a desire to hear him speak and 
prays him to gratify it (vv. 82-96) ; Adam com- 
plies, and informs D. that- he was expelled 
from Paradise for disobedience and pride (z/w. 
97-117) ; that the Creation took place 523? 
(i.e. 4302 + 930) years before the Crucifixion 
(hence 6498, i.e. 5232+1300-34, years before 
the date of the Vision) (vv. 118-20) ; that he 
lived 930 years upon earth {Gen. v. 5) [vv. 121- 
3) ; that the language he spoke was extinct 
before the building of the Tower of Babel 
(^v. 124-6) {see below); that speech is natural 
to man, but the manner of it subject to his 
will {vv. 127-32) ; that before his death God 
was called /upon earth, but that afterwards 
man changed the name to El {vv. 133-8) 
[El] ; lastly, that he abode in Paradise rather 
more than six hours {vv. 139-42). 

In discussing the nature of nobility D. 
argues that, if it is merely hereditary and 
cannot be begot anew ip any individual, then, 
if Adam was noble, all mankitid must be 
noble, and, if Adam was vile, then all mankind 
must be vile, Conv. iv. 1519-34J Solomon's 
description {Eccles. iii. 21) of mankind, as 
distinct from beasts, as the sons of Adam, 
Conv. iv. 1565-71 j the sin of Adam not pun- 
ished in Christ if the Roman Empire did not 
exist of right, Mon. ii. 131""^; all mankind 
sinners through his sin, Mon. i. \(fi~^ ; ii. 
136"'; Adam the first being endowed with 
speech, V. E. i. 424^6 ; his first utterance 
addressed to God, V. E. i. 58-*; the absurd- 
pretensions of those who claim that their 

mother-tongue was the language spoken by 
Adam, V. E. i. 6ii~i'' ; the language spoken 
by him Hebrew, which survived the confusion 
of tongues at the building of the Tower of 
Babel, V. E. i. 6*9-61 p. retracts this opinion. 
Par. xxvi. 124-6). [Heber.] 

Adamo, Maestro, jMaster Adam of 
Brescia, famous coiner, who, at the instigation 
of the Conti Guidi of Romena, counterfeited 
the gold florin of Florence, striking coins con- 
taining one-eighth of alloy (21 carats of gold 
instead of 24, the legal standard). The fraud 
was soon detected, and the Florentines, jealous 
for the purity of their coinage, which had 
become a standard throughout Christendom, , 
caused the false coiner to be burned alive 
(in 1 281) at Consuma, on the road between 
Florence and Romena, in the Casentino. 

D. places Maestro Adamo among the Falsi- 
fiers in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxx. 61 ; mastro A., v. 104 ; 
un fatio a guisa di liuto, v. 49 ; I'idropico, 
V. II?; quel M uvea enfiata I'epa, v. 119; 
il monetier, v. 124 [Palsatpri] ; after parting 
from Gianni Schicchi and Myrrha in Bolgia 
10, D. and Virgil come upon a figure dis- 
torted with dropsy, Inf. xxx. 46-57 ; it ad- 
dresses D. and names itself as Master Adam 
{vv. 58-61) ; then, after describing the tortures 
he is suffering from thirst (wz/. 62-72), he pro- 
ceeds to narrate the circumstances of his 
crime and punishment (z/w. 73-5), and says that 
if he could see the three brothers Guidi down 
there in Hell he would not barter the sight 
for the Fonte Pranda {vv. 76-8) [Braada, 
rente] ; he adds that he has been told that 
one of them (probably Aghinolfo) is already 
ip Hell, and that if he had been able to stir, 
though only at the rate of an inch in a hun- 
dred years, he would ere this have set out to 
look for him, since it was he and his brothers 
who had brought himself to this pass (vv. 79- 
90) ; D. then questions him as to two figures 
lying prostrate close by (^v. 91-3) ; he replies 
that they are Potiphar's wife and Sinon the 
Greek, who were in that position when he 
arrived and had not stirred since (wz/. 94-9) ; 
Sinon thereupon strikes Master Adam on the 
paunch with his fist, and the latter returns 
the blow, smitipg S. in the face (vv. 100-5) ; 
they then indulge in mutual recriminations 
{vi/. 106-29), to which D. listens until he is 
reproved by Virgil (;vv. 130-2), and they move 
on [Sinone]. 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says : — 

' Questi fu maestro Adamo da Brescia, grandis- 
simo maestro di monete ; fu tirato in Casentino nel 
castello di Romena al tempo che i conti di quello 
latQ stavono male col comune di Firenze,. Erono 
~allora signori di Romena, et d'attorno in quello 
paese, tre fratelli : il conte Aghinolfo, il conte 
Guido, et il conte Alessandro ; il maestro Adamo, 
riduttosi con loro, costoro il missono in sul salto, 




et feciongli battere fiorini sotto il copio del comune 
di Firenze, ch' erono buoni di peso ma non di 
lega; per6 ch'egli erono di xxi carati, dove elli 
debbono essere di xxiiii; si che tre carati v'avea 
dentro di rame o d'altro metallo : venia I'uno 
a essere peggio il nono o circa. Di questi fiorini 
se ne spesono assai : ora nel fine, venendo un di 
il maestro Adamo a Firenze spendendo di questi 
fiorini, furono conosciuti essere falsati : fu preso 
et ivi fu arso.' 

Master Adam is said to have been originally 

employed by the Florentines to coin their 

gold florins, so that it was an easy matter for 

him to counterfeit them. Butler suggests that 

he had been introduced into Florence by his 

fellow-townsman, Filippo degli Ugoni, who 

was Podestk in 1252, when the gold florin was 

first struck, as Villani records: — 

\ ' Nel detto tempo ... la cittade montd molto in 

istato e in ricchezze e signoria, e in gran tran- 

quillo : per la qual cosa i mercatanti di Firenze 

per onore del comune, ordinaro col popolo e comune 

" che sibattesse monela d'oro in Firenze; e eglino 

"promisono di fornire la moneta d'oro, che in 

prima battea moneta d'ariento da danari dodici 

I'uno. E allora si comincio la buona moneta 

d'oro fine di ventiquattro carati, che si chiamano 

fiorini d'oro, e contavasi I'uno soldi venti. E ci6 

^ fu al tempo del detto messer Filippo degli Ugoni 

/ di Brescia, del mese di Novembre gli anni di 

/■ Cristo 1252. I quali fiorini, gli otto pesarono una 

oncia, e dall'uno lato era la 'mpronta del giglio, 

s^e dair altro il san Giovanni.' (vi. 53.) 

According to Troya the fraud upon the 
Florentines was found out through the acci- 
dental burning down of a house belonging to 
the Anchioni in the Mugello, when a large 
collection of the counterfeit coins was dis- 

Adice, the Adige, river of Upper Italy, 
formed by the junction of the Etsch or Adige 
proper and the Eisach, which rise in the 
Tyrolese Alps and fl6w S. as one stream 
through the Tyrol past Trent and Roveredo ; 
entering Italy the river turns S.E. towards 
Verona, which it encloses in a loop, and sub- 
sequently flows E. past Rovigo and falls into 
the Adriatic a few miles below Chioggia and 
about eight to the N. of the most northerly 
outlet of the Po. 

D. mentions it in connexion with the de- 
flection of its course by a great landslip in the 
neighbourhood of Trent, Inf. xii. 4-5 [Trento] ; 
the March of Treviso, with Lombardy and 
Romagna, is described by Marco Lombardo 
(in Circle III of Purgatory) as il paese ch' 
Adice e Po riga, Purg. xvi. 115 [Maroa Tri- 
visiana] ; Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) 
refers to the inhabitants of the greater part of 
the modern province of Venetia, including the 
towns of Vicenza, Padua, Treviso, Feltro, Bel- 
luno (and perhaps Verona and Venice), as la 
turba . . . Che Tagliamento ed Adice richiude. 

Par. ix. 43-4 [Tagliamento].— jVo/^. D. uses ' 
the article, r Adice, Inf. xii. S ; elsewhere he 
writes Adice, Purg. xvi. 115 ; Par. ix. 44. 

Adimari], powerful Florentine family, al- 
luded to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as Coltracotata schiatta. Par. xvi. 115 ; 
he describes them as overbearing and savage 
to such as gave way to them, but servile 
towards those who opposed them or were 
wealthy {vv. 115-17); and adds that in his 
day they were already coming into impor- 
tance, but were of such low extraction that 
Ubertino Donati (who had married a daughter 
of Bellincione Berti, of the house of Ravignani) 
was not by any means pleased when his wife's 
sister married one of them {vv. 118-20) [Bel- 
lincion Berti : Donate, Ubertin]. 

Villani says of the Adimari : — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . il 
legnaggio degli Adimari i quali furono stratti di 
casa i Cosi, che oggi abitano in Porta rossa, e 
santa Maria Nipotecosa feciono eglino : e bene 
che sieno oggi il maggiore legnaggio di quello 
sesto e di Firenze, non furono perb in quelli 
tempi de' piii antichi ' (iv. 11). 

He says they were Guelfs (v. 39), and as 
such were expelled from Florence in 1248 
(vi. 33) ; they were among those who took 
refuge in Lucca after the Ghjbelline victory 
at Montaperti in 1260 (vi. 79); and, when 
subsequently the Guelf party in Florence split 
up into Bianchi and Neri, they all joined the 
former, with the exception of"^ the Cavicciuli 
branch : — 

' I Cerchi furono jn Firenze capo della parte 
bianca, e con loro tennero della casa degli Adimari 
quasi tutti, se non se il lato de' Cavicciuli.' (viii. 

It appears from Villani (vii. 56) that there 
was a bitter feud between them and the Donati 
(who were afterwardg leaders of the Neri) 
long before the split-up of the Guelf party in 
Florence, and this feud is doubtless hinted at 
in Cacciaguida's allusion, Par. xvi. 118-20; 
Benvenuto comments on this passage : — 

' Unus nobilis de Donatis nomine Ubertinus 
moleste tulit quod soror uxoris suae daretur uni 
de Adimaris. . . . Ad quod sciendum quod dominus 
Bellincionus fuit socer Ubertini dp Donatis, qui 
filiam suam habuit in uxorem ; sed quia tradidit 
aliam filiam uni de Adimaris Ubertinus valde 
indignatus fuit, quia reputabat sibi ad verecundiam, 
quod asset factus affinis et cognatus unius de 

The Adimari, who were divided into three 
branches, viz. the Argenti, the Aldobrandi, and 
the Cavicciuli, were D.'s near neighbours in 
Florence, and were notoriously hostile to him. 
"This was especially the case with the Cavic- 
ciuli branch, who, as Villani states (viii. 39), 
unlike the rest of the family, joined the Neri ; 
one of these, a certain Boccaccio or Boccac- 




cino, according to the old commentators, got 
possession of D.'s property when he was 
exiled, and always actively opposed his return. 
Benvenuto says : — 

' Est praesciendum, quod isti vocantur Adimari, et 
alio nomine Caviccioli, ex quibus fuit unus nomine 
Boccaccinus, quen^ Dantes offenderet tempore quo 
erat in statu. Quare ille post exilium autoris impe- 
travit in communi bona ejus, et semper fuit sibi 
infestus, et totis viribus semper obstitit cum con- 
sortibus et amicis ne autor reverteretur ad patriam. 
Quare autor facit islam vindictam cum penna, 
quam non potuit facere cum spata.' 

According to Dino Compagni (ii. 25) one of 
the Adimari, one Baldinaccio, was included 
in the same sentence of banishment in 1302 
as D. himself. 

Adoardo. [Edoardc] 

Adolfo, Adolf of Nassau, Emperor (but 
never crowned) from 1292 to 1298, in which 
year he was defeated and slain in a battle near 
Worms by his successor, Albert I. [Alberto 
Tedesco.] D. mentions him, together with 
Albert, and his predecessor Rudolf, among the 
successors of Frederick II, Conv. iv. 3*i~^. 
[Pederigo 2 : Ridolfo 1 : Table ix.] 

Adrasto, Adrastus, King of Argos, father 
of Argia and Deiphyle, whom he respectively 
married to Polynices of Thebes, and Tydeus 
of Calydon, each of them a fugitive from his 
native country. His attempt to restore Poly- 
nices to the throne of Thebes, which had been 
usurped by his brother Eteocles, led to the 
celebrated war of the Seven against Thebes, 
Adrastus, Polynices, and Tydeus being joined 
by four other heroes, Amphiaraus, Capaneus, 
Hippomedon, and Parthenopaeus. 

D. mentions A., in illustration of his defini- 
tions of ' stupore,' ' pudore,' and ' verecundia,' 
in connexion with three incidents related by 
Statius in the Thebaid, Conv. iv. 2560-41 78-88, 
107-16_ — First (' stupore ') how he was stupefied 
when he saw Polynices covered with a lion's 
skin, and Tydeus with that of a wild-boar, the 
oracle of Apollo having told him that his 
daughters should marry a lion and a wild- 
boar : 

' Hie primum lustrare oculis cultusque virorum 
Telaque magna vacat ; tergo videt hujus inanem 
Inpexis utrimque jubis horrere leonem . . . 
Terribiles contra saetis ac dente recurvo 
Tydea per latos umeros ambire laborant 
Exuviae, Calydonis honos. Stupet omine tanto 
Defixus senior, divina oracula Pnoebi 
Agnoscens . . . 
' Sensit manifesto numine ductos 

Adfore, quos nexis ambagibus augur Apollo 
Portendi generos, vultu fatlente ferarum, 
Ediderat.*^ (Theb. i. 482 ff.) 

Second (' pudore '), how his daughters ' turned 
pale and red,' and kept their eyes fixed on 
his face when they were brought by their 
nurse, Acaste, into the presence of Tydeus and 
Polynices : 


'Tunc rex longaevus Acasten 
(Natarum haec altrix . . .) 
Imperat acciri tacitaque immurmurat aure. 
Nee mora praeceptis, cum protinus utraque virgo 
Arcano egressae thalamo : . . . 

Nova deinde pudori 
Visa virum facias: pariter pallorque ruborque 
Purpureas hausere genas, oculique verentes 
Ad sanctum rediere patrem.' {Theb.\. iflt^^^ 

Thirdly ('verecundia'), how Polynices, being 
questioned by Adrastus as to his parentage, 
mentions his mother and his country, but out 
of shame does not mention the name of his 
father Oedipus [Edipo] : 

' " Cadmus origb patrum, tellus Mavortia Thebe, 
Est gjenetrix Jocasta mihi." Turn motus Adrastus 
Hospitiis (agnovit enim) : "Quid nota recondis?'" 
(7%c*.i. 68off.) 

It was probably this last passage, as is noticed 
by Benvenuto, that suggested to D. the delicate 
touch whereby he makes Manfred speak of 
himself as ' the grandson of the Empress Con- 
stance ' (Purg. iii. 113), thus avoiding the men- 
tion of his mother, he being a natural son. 
Benvenuto observes : 

' Facit Manfredus sicut mulus, qui interrogatus 
a leone cujus filius esset, dicebat : sum nepos equi, 
cum ipse esset filius asini. Simile est ei, quod 
scribit Statius secundo Majoris de Polynice, qui 
interrogatus ab Adrasto rege Argivorum, noleljat 
propalare nomen patris sui Oedipi, qui infamis 
genuerat eum ex matre propria.' 

Adria, the Adriatic sea ; Ravenna referred 
to by Tityrus (i. e. D.) as being in the Emilia 
on the shores of the Adriatic, ' Aemilida qua 
terminat Adria terram,' Eel. ii. 68. [Adria- 
tioo : Eavenna.] 

Adriano 1, Adriatic ; il lito Adriaho, i. e. 
the shores of the Adriatic, the reference Iseiiig 
tp the situation of the monastery of Sta. Maria 
in Porto fuori at Ravenna, or, more probably, 
to that of Sta. Maria in Pomposa near Co- 
macchio. Par. xxi. 122 [Damiano, Pier] ; il 
mare Adriano, i. e. the Adriatic sea, Conv. iv. 
13I21. [Adriatioo.] 

Adriano 2], Adrian V(Ottobuonode'Fieschi 
of Genoa), elected Pope at Rome, in succession 
to Innocent V, July 11, 1276 ; died at Viterbo 
on Aug. 16 following, before he had been 
crowned. He was nephew of Innocent IV, 
and had been sent by Clement IV to England 
as legate in 1268, in which capacity he helped 
to bring about the restoration of peace after 
the Barons' War, and preached the Crusade 
of 1270 which was joined by Prince Edward. 
D. places him among the Avaricious in Circle 
V of Purgatory, alluding to him as sticcessor 
Petri, Purg. xix. 99 ; Valtro nascosto, v. 84 ; 
quella creatura, v. 89 ; Roman Pastore, v. 107 
[Avari]. When D. and Virgil enter the Circle 
of the Avaricious, V. prays the spirits to direct 
them on their upward course (Purg. xix. 
70-8) ; a voice (that of Adrian V) replies, 
bidding them bear continually to the right 
{vv. 79-81) ; D., with the approval of V., ap- 



preaches the speaker (w. 84-go) and addresses 
hitn, asking who he was and what sin he and 
his companions are expiating (vv. 91-6) ; he 
repUes that he had been a Pope (vv. 97-9), 
of the family of the Counts of Lavagna (vv. 
100-2) [Lavagna], and had only held office 
a little more than a month (vv. 103-5) ; he 
then tells D. how during his life he had been 
avaricious, for which he was now being 
punished, and how after he became Pope he 
turned from his evil ways (vv. 106-14) ; and 
explains that he and his companions are 
undergoing purgation from the sin of avarice 
(vv. 115-26); becoming aware that D. is 
kneeling, A. asks the reason (vv. 127-30) ; 
D. replies that it is out of respect for the 
papal dignity (vv. 131-2) ; whereupon A. bids 
him rise, reminding him that earthly distinc- 
tions have noplace there (vv. 133-8) ; he then 
dismisses D., after mentioning his niece Alagia 
as the only one of his kin whose prayers could 
avail him (vv. 139-45) [Alagia], 

Adrianus, Pope Adrian I (772-795) ; men- 
tioned by D., who erroneously states that 
Charlemagne was crowned Emperor by him, 
in reference to the fact that it was at his invi- 
tation that the King of the Franks attacked 
and crushed the Lombards under Desiderius, 
and thus saved the Church from destruction, 
Mon. iii. iii-s [Carlo Magno : Desiderio]. 
D.'s authority for these statements was prob- 
ably Vincent of Beauvais, who records the 
events here referred to in the Speculum His- 
toriale (xxiii. 168-70). 

Adriatico. [Adriatieum Mare.] 

Adriaticum Mare, the Adriatic Sea ; its 
shores the E. limit of the Italian language, 
y. E. i. 8^3-7 ; receives the waters of the left 
side of Italy (if the Apennines be taken as the 
dividing line from N. to S.), V. E. i. lo*^-^ ; 
referred to as, la marina, Inf. v. 98 ; Purg. xiv. 
92 ; il mare, Par. viii. 63 ; il mare Adriano, 
Conv. iv. 13I2I; Adria, Eel. ii. 68. [Adria : 
Adriano 1 : Mare Adriano.] 

Adulator!], Flatterers, placed among the 
Fraudulent in Bolgia 2 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xviji. 100-36 [Frodolenti] ; 
their punishment is to be plunged up to the 
lips in filthy excrement, while they beat their 
heads with their fists, vv. 104-8, 112-14, 124. 
Examples : Alessio Interminei of Lucca 
[Alessio Interminei] ; the harlot Thais 

Aeacidae, descendants of Aeacus, king of 
Aegina ; Pyrrhus, king of Epirus (who claimed 
the title of Aeacides as being descended from 
Achilles, grandson of Aeacus), described by 
D. as ' tam moribus Aeacidarum, quam san- 
guine generosus,' Mon. ii. io^t-s. [Eaco : 
Pirro ''.J 


Aegyptii, Egyptians ; do not concern 
themselves with the political system of the 
Scythians, Mon. iii. 312-15 (from Ethics iii. 3 : 
' quomodo Scythae optime administrare rem- 
publicam possint, nuUus ex Lacedaemoniis 
consultat,' — D. having by a slip of memory 
substituted Egyptians for Spartans) ; as op- 
pressors of the Israelites they typify the oppo- 
nents of the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. v. i. 

Aegyptius, Egyptian, Mon. iii. 3I2. [Ae- 

Aegyptus, Egypt; the exodus of the 
Israelites from (Psalm cxiv. l), Purg. ii. 46 ; 
Epist. X. 7 [Egitto] ; Vesoges, king of, Mon. 
ii. 9^6 [Vesoges] ; death of Alexander the 
Great in, Mon. ii. 981-7 [Alessandro 2] ; 
Ptolemy XII, king of, Mon. ii. g69-70 [Tolom- 

Aemilis Terra, the Emilia, province of 
N. Italy, corresponding roughly (as regards 
its present boundaries) with the old province 
of Romagna ; mentioned by Tityrus (i. e. D.) 
in connexion with the situation of Ravenna on 
the Adriatic coast, ' Aemilida qua terminat 
Adria terram,' Eel. ii. 68. [Ravenna : Ro- 

Aeneas, the hero of the Aeneid, Mon. ii. 

230, i6, 61,64, 71, 113 ^51^769)80 n8, 16 ■ Epist. 

vii. 4. . [Enea.] 

Aeneis, the Aeneid of Virgil, epic poem in 
twelve books, containing an account of the 
fortunes of Aeneas after the fall of Troy, and 
of his wanderings until he settled in Italy; 
quoted as (ace. sing.) Aeneidem (xzx.Aeneida), 
Mon. ii. 32'-' ;• (gen. sing.) Aeneidos, Mon. ii. 
11I6 ; and (according to nearly all the printed 
edd.), V. E. ii. 8^2 ; (gg^. plur.) Aeneidorum, 
V. E. ii. 473 ; and (according to Pio Rajna), 
V. E. ii. 822 . Eneida, Purg. xxi. 97 ; V. N. 

§ 25T6.83; Conv. i. 375; ii. 612U; iii. Ill59; 

iv. 4I15, 249s, 26". 6*; D. speaking to Virgil 
calls it il tuo volume, Inf. i. 84 ; V. himself 
calls it la mia rima. Inf. xiii. 48 ; I' alia mia 
Tragedia, Inf. xx. 113; Statins calls it la 
divina fiamma Onde sono allumati piil di 
mille, Purg. xxi. 95-6 ; and says of it, mamma 
Fummi, e fummi nutrice poetando, vv. 97-8. — 
Note. The barbarous gen. plur. Aeneidorum 
(V. E. li. 473, 822), which is doubtless due to 
the analogy oi Bucolicorum, Georgicorum (from 
Bucolica, Georgica), is by no means uncommon 
in mediaeval MSS. Rajna mentions two well- 
known MSS. of the Aeneid, one of Cent, xi, 
the other, which belonged to Petrarca, of 
Cent, xm or early Cent, xiv, in which this form 
constantly recurs, especially in the headings 
to the several books. 

D. quotes from, or refers to, the Aeneid 
directly upwards of forty times:— Inf. xx. 
112-3 (Aen. 11. 114); Purg. xxii. 40-1 (Aen. 



iii. 56-7) ; Purg. xxx. 21 {Aen. vi. 884) ; Purg. 
XXX. 48 [Aen. iv. 23) ; V. N. § 2ST6-84 (^Aen. i. 
65,76-7; iii. 94); Conv. i. 37'5-''(^^«.iv.i74-5); 
Conv. ii. 6i''i~3 [Aen. i. 664-5) ; Conv. iii. 
11I69-60 [Aen. ii. 281) ; Conv.iv. 4i"-i9 {Aen. 
i. 278-9) ; Conv. iv. 26^°-^^ {Aen. iv, v, vi ; 
iv. 272-82; vi. 98 ff.; V. 715-18; V. 545 flf. ; 
vi. 162-84 ; V. 45 ff.) ; V. E. ii. 4^^-^ {Aen. 
vi. 129-31) ; V. E. ii. 823 {Aen. i. l) ; Mon. 
ii. 3«-ii6 {Aen. i. 342 ; i. 544-5 ; vi. 166-70 ; 
iii. 1-2; viii. 134-7; iii. 163-7; iii. 339-40; 
iv. 171-2 ; xii. 936-7) ; Mon. ii. 4^3-7 {Aen. 
viii. 652-6) ; Mon. ii. 597-120 {Aen. vi. 844-5 ; 
vi. 826; vi. 821-2) ; Mon. ii. 771-83 {Aen. vi. 
848-54 ; iv. 227-30) ; Mon. ii. 892-4 {Aen. v. 
337-8) ; Mon. ii. 981-6 {Aen. i. 234-6) ; Mon. 
ii. Ii8~2i {Aen. xii. 697-765; xii. 938-52); 
Epist. vi. 5 {Aen. ii. 353) ; Epist. vii. 3 {Aen. 
i. 286-7) ; Epist. vii. 4 {Aen. iv. 272-6). 

D. was also indebted to the Aeneid for 
information or details as to the following : — 
'just' Aeneas {Aen. i. 544-5), Inf. i. 73-4 
[Euea] ; 'proud' Ilium {Aen. iii. 2-3), Inf. i. 
75 (cf. Inf. xxx. 14 ; Purg. xii. 61-3) [Ilion] ; 
' humble ' Italy {Aen. iii. 522-3), Inf. i. 106 
[Italia] ; Camilla {Aen. xi. 657, 768-831), Inf. 
i. 107; iv. i24[Cammilla] ; Nisus and Eurya- 
lus {Aen. ix. 176-449), Inf. i. 108 [Eurialo :^ 
Niso] ; Turnus {Aen. xii. 947-52), Inf. i. 108 
[Turno] ; Silvius {Aen. vi. 763), Inf. ii. 13 
[Silvio] ; Charon {Aen. vi. 298-301), Inf. iii. 
82-109 [Caron] ; Electra, ancestress of Aeneas 
{Aen. viii. 134 ff.). Inf. iv. 121 [Elettrai] ; 
Penthesilea {Aen. i. 490-3 ; xi. 662), Inf. iv. 
124 [Pentesilea] ; Latinus and Lavinia {Aen. 
vii. 72), Inf. iv. 125-6 [Latino 3; Lavinia]; 
Minos {Aen. vi. 432-3), Inf. v. 4-5 [Minos] ; 
Dido and Sychaeus {Aen. iv. 68, loi, 552), 
Inf. V. 62 ; Par. ix. 97-8 [Dido : Sicheo] ; 
Cerberus {Aen. vi. 395-6, 417-23), Inf. vi. 13- 
33 ; ix. 98-9 [Cerbero] ; Styx {Aen. vi. 323, 
369), Inf. vii. 106 [Stige] ; the Furies {Aen. 
vi. 554-5), Inf. ix. 36-42 [Erine],; Tisiphone 
{Aen. x. 761), Inf. ix. 48 [Tesifone] ; Dis 
{Aen. vi. 127), Inf. viii. 68 [Dite] ; Pasiphae 
{Aen. vi. 24-6, 447), Inf. xii. 12-13 [Pasife] ; 
the Harpies {Aen. iii. 209 ff.). Inf. xiii. 10-15 
[Arpie] ; the trees inhabited by spirits {Aen. 
iii. 26 ff.). Inf. xiii. 3 iff. [Pier deUe Vigne : 
Suicidi] ; Crete and Rhea {Aen. iii. 104-5, 
111-12), Inf. xiv. 94-102 [Greta: Eea]; 
Cocytus {Aen. vi. 323), Inf. xiv. 119 [Cooito] ; 
Manto {Aen. x. 198-200), Inf. xx. 55 ff. 
[Mauto] ; Cacus {Aen. viii. 193-267), Inf. 
XXV. 17-27 [Caoo] ; Sinon {Aen. ii. 183-98; 
ii. ^^ ff.), Inf. xxvi. 58-60 ; xxx. 98 ff. [Sinone] ; 
the Palladium {Aen. ii. 163-70), Inf. xxvi. 63 
[Palladio] ; Gaeta {Aen. vii. 1-4), Inf. xxvi. 
92-3 [Gaeta] ; Cato {Aen. viii. 670), Purg. 
i. 31 ff. [Catone 2] ; Tithonus and Aurora {Aen. 
iv. 584-5 ; ix. 459-60), Purg. ix. 1-3 [Aurora: 
Titone] ; the rape of Ganymede {Aen. v. 
253-7), Purg. ix. 20-4 [Ganimede : Ida ^] ; 

Circe {Aen. vii. 15, 17-20), Purg. xiv. 40-2 
[Ciree] ; Amata {Aen. xii. S93-607), Purg. 
xvii. 34-9 ; Epist. vii. 7 [Am.ata] ; Acestes 
{Aen. V. 711-18), Purg. xviii. 136-8; Conv. 
iv. 269*"" [Aceste 1] ; Fabricius {Aen. vi. 844- 
5)J Purg. xx. 25-7 [Fabtorizio] ; Pygmalion 
(Aen. i. 340 ff.), Purg. xx. 103-5 [Pigmalione] ; 
Helicon {Aen. vii. 641 ; x. 163), Purg. xxix. 
40 [Elioona] ; the 'bird of Jove,' i.e. the 
Eagle {Aen. i. 394), Purg. xxxii. 112 [Aquila]; 
Pallas, son of Evander {Aen. x. 479 ff. ; xii. 
887-952), Par. vi. 36 [Pallante] ; Antandros 
{Aen. iii. i-ii). Par. vi. 67 [Antandro] ; 
Hector's , tomb {Aen. v. 371), Par. vi. 68 
[Ettore] ; Cupid and Dido {Aen. i. 657-60, 
715-19), Par. viii. 9 [Cupido : Dido] ; Dido's 
love for Aeneas {Aen. iv. 2, 68, 101), Par. ix. 
97 [Dido] ; Anchises in the Elysian fields 
{Aen. vi. 676 ff.). Par. xv. 25-7 [Anchise: 
Elisio] ; the death of Anchises {Aen. iii. 707- 
11), Par: xix. 131-2 [Anohise] ; Rhipeus {Aen. 
ii. 426-7), Par. xx. 68, 121 [Bifeo] ; the Sybil 
{Aen. iii. 441-52), Par. xxxiii. 65-6 [Sibilla] ; 
the Tarquins {Aen. vi. 818), Conv. iv. 591 [Tar- 
quinii] ; the Decii and Drusi {Aen. vi. 825), 
Conv. iv. 5I22-3 [Decii : Drusi] ; Pergama, the 
citadel of Troy {Aen. iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; x. 58), 
Epist. vi. 4 [Pergama] ; Sergestus (Aen. v. 
268-72), Eel. ii. 31 [Sergestus]. 

D. not infrequently borrows or echoes 
phrases from the Aeneid; e.g. 'ante oculos 
se offert ' (Aen. vii. 420), Inf. i. 62 ; ' Sed si 
tantus amor casus cognoscere nostros ' {Aen. 
ii. 10), Inf. V. 124-5 ;' carcere caeco' {Aen. 
vi. 734), Inf. X. 58-9; Purg. xxii. 103; 'Si 
bene quid de te merui ' (Aen. iv. 317), Inf. xxvi. 
80-1 ; ' Ter conatus ' &c. (Aen. vi. 700-1^, 
Purg. ii. 80-1 ; ' litore rubro' (Aen. viii. 686), 
Par. vi. 79 ; ' sanguis mens ' (Aen. vi. 836), 
Par. XV. 28 ; ' grates persolvere dignas Non 
opis est nostrae, . . . nee quicquid ubique est 
Gentis Dardaniae ... [si qua est coelo pietas 
(Aen. ii. 536)] . . . Praemia digna ferant ' (Aen. 
i. 600-5), Epist. i. 2; ' recidiva Pergama' 
(Aen. iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; k. 58J, Epist. vi. 4 ; 
' praesaga mens ' (Aen. x. 843), Epist. vi. 4 ; 
' malesuada fames ' {Aen. vi. 276), Epist. vi. 5 ; 
' quae tam sera moratur Segnities .' ' {Aen. ii. 
373-4), Epist. vii. 3. 

(See Moore, Studies in Dante, i. 166-97.) 

Aeolus, god of the winds ; mentioned in 
quotation from Virgil {Aen. i.65), V. N. § 25^^. 

Aetna, Mt. Aetna ; name under which D. 
figures Bologna in his correspondence with 
Giovanni del Virgilio, Eel. ii. 27 ; referred to 
as Aetnaeum litus, v. 6g ; Aetnica saxa, ^. 74. 

Aetnaeus, Aetnaean ; Aetnaeum litus, i.e. 
Mt. Aetna, Eel. ii. 69. [Aetna.] 

Aetnicus, Aetnaean ; Aetnica saxa, i. e. 
Mt. Aetna, Eel. ii. 74. [Aetna.] 




Affrica, Africa ; the scene of the combat 
between Hercules and Antaeus, Conv. iii. 3«*~5 
[Anteo] ; Hannibal's despatch to Carthage of 
the rings taken from the Romans slain at 
Cannae, Conv. iv. 5I66-8 [Canne] ; the African 
campaign of Scipio Africanus Major, Conv. iv. 
jiea-?! [Soipione i] ; the continent to which 
belonged Electra, ancestress of Aeneas, and 
Dido, his second wife, Mon. ii. 368-771 102-3 
[Enea] ; Atlas, the ancestor of Aeneas, of 
African origin, Mon. ii. 3^^ [Attas 1] ; Mt. 
Atlas in Africa, as testified by Orosius, Mon. 
ii. 385-91 [Atlas 2] ; the scene of Julius Caesar's 
victory (at Thapsus), and Cato's death (at 
Utica), Mon. ii. 5I69-70 [Cesare ^ : Catone] ; 
alluded to as, /e arene, Purg. xxvi. 44 ; /a ierra 
che perde ornbra (since in the torrid zone when 
the Sun is vertically overhead there is no 
shadow), Purg. xxx. 89 ; la terra di larba, 
Purg. xxxi. 72 [larba]. 

AfFricani. [Afrieani.] 

Affricano, Scipio Africanus Major, Purg. 
xxix. 116. [Scipione 1.] 

Aforismi, the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, 
one of the chief medical authorities in the 
Middle Ages. Galen wrote a commentary 
upon them which, with the Aphorisms them- 
selves, was translated into Latin from an Arabic 
version by Constantinus at Monte Cassino in 
Cent. xi. Benvenuto defines an aphorism as 
a ' maxim in medicine,' and quotes an example 
from Hippocrates (this being the first in the 
collection): — 'ars longa, vita brevis, judicium 
difficile, tempus acutum, experimentum vero 

D. mentions the Aphorisms, Par. xi. 4 ; 
couples them with the Tegni of Galen as in- 
appropriate gifts from a physician to a knight, 
Conv. i. 831-3. [Ippocrate : Galieno : Tad- 

Afri, Africans, i. e. Carthaginians ; their 
defeat by the Romans, Mon. ii. ii"'. [Carta- 

Africa, Africa, Mon. ii. s^s- 85, 87, 90, 103^ 
ji6i. [Affrica.] 

Afrieani, Africans ; do not admit the claim 
of the Church to bestow the Imperial autho- 
rity, Mon. iii. 1459; i.e. Carthaginians, com- 
manded by Hannibal in their war with the 
Romans, Mon. ii. 1 159-60. [Afri: Cartaginesi.] 

Agabito, Agapetus I, Pope 535-536 ; men- 
tioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the 
Heaven of Mercury) as having convinced him 
of the error of his heretical belief as to there 
being but one nature in Christ, Par. vi. 14-18 
[Giustiniano]. It appears, however, as a 
matter of fact, as Butler observes, to have 
been not Justinian himself, but his wife Theo- 
dora, who held heterodox opinions, she having 
been attached to the Eutychian or Mono- 


physite heresy. The Emperor's own orthodoxy 
seems to have been unimpeachable till quite 
the end of his life (d. 565), when he lapsed 
into erroneous views concerning not the nature 
but the person of Christ. Agapetus was Pope 
at the time when the Gothic power in Italy 
was being destroyed by Belisarius, and the 
story is that he was sent by Theodatus, king 
of the Goths, to make terms with Justinian at 
Constantinople. He angered the latter by his 
refusal to acknowledge Anthimus, who had 
been translated from the see of Trebizond to 
that of Constantinople, contrary to the canon 
of the Church. The Emperor, however, over- 
come by his firmness, consented to listen to 
the charges against Anthimus, who was con- 
victed of Eutychianism and deposed from his 
see. Agapetus died at Constantinople, while 
on his mission to Justinian, in 536, 

D.'s authority for his statement as to the 
conversion of the Emperor by Agapetus may 
have been Brunette Latino, who says : — 

' Et ja soit ce que cist Justiniens fust au com- 
mencement en Terror des hereges, en la fin 
reconut il son error par le conseil Agapite, qui lors 
estoit apostoiles.' [Tnsor, i. 87.) 

According to Anastasius Bibliothecarius 
Agapetus convinced Justinian as to the two- 
fold natijre of Christ : — 

' Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum deum et 
hominem esse, hoc est duas naturas esse in uno 

Agag, king of the Amalekites, who was 
spared by Saul contrary to God's command, 
and afterwards slain by Samuel (i Sam. xv) ; 
mentioned as type of the opponents of the 
Emperor Henry VII in Italy, whom D. urges 
the latter to destroy as Samuel destroyed 
Agag, Epist. vii. 5. 

Agamemnone], Agamemnon, son of 
Atreus, and brother of Menelaiis, the leader of 
the Greeks in the Trojan war ; alluded to by 
Beatrice (in the Heaven of the Moon) in con- 
nexion with the sacrifice of Iphigenia, as lo 
gran duca dei Greci, Par. v. 69. 

When Helen, the wife of Menelaus, was 
carried off by Paris, and the Greek chiefs 
resolved to recover her by force of arras, 
Agamemnon was chosen as their commander. 
After two years of preparation, the Greek 
army and fleet assembled in the port of Aulis 
m Boeotia. H ere, A. having killed a stag which 
was sacred to Artemis, the goddess sent a 
pestilence on the Greek army, and produced 
a calm which preveinted them from leaving the 
port. In order to appease her wrath A., by 
the advice of Calchas, consented to sacrifice 
his daughter Iphigenia ; but at the moment of 
the sacrifice she was rescued by Artemis, and 
another victim was substituted in her place. 
The calm thereupon ceased, and the Greek 



host sailed to the coast of Troy. [Aulide : 
Calcanta : Ifigenia.] 
Ag&pito. [Agdtaitc] 

Agathon, Greek poet, Mon. iii. 653. [Aga- 

Agatone, Agathon, Greek tragic poet, a 
pupil of Socrates, and friend of Euripides and 
Plato, born at Athens circ. B. C. 448, died circ. 
400 ; a tragedy of his is mentioned by Aristotle 
in the Poetics, and he himself is several times 
mentioned in the Rhetoric, but none of his 
works have come down to us. 

Agathon is mentioned by Virgil as being 
among the Greek poets who are with Homer 
and himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 107 [liimbo] ; 
his saying (taken from Ethics vi. 2) that God 
cannot cause what is, not to have been, Mon. 
iii. 650-3. 

Aggregazioae delle Stelle, Libra dell', the 

alternative title {Liber de Aggregatione Scien- 
tiae Stellartim) of the Element a Astronomica 
of Alfraganus ; quoted to prove that the motions 
of the heaven of Venus are threefold, Conv. ii. 
5133-6. [Alfergano : Venere, Cielo di.] 

Aghinolfo da Romena], one of the 
Conti Guidi who persuaded Maestro Adamo 
of Brescia to counterfeit the Florentine gold 
florin ; referred to by Adamo as brother of 
Guido and Alessandro da Romena, Inf xxx. Tj ; 
one of them (supposed to be Aghinolfo, who 
died at the beginning of 1300), he says, is 
already in Hell, v. 79 [Adamo, Maestro]. 
This Aghinolfo was the father of Uberto and 
Guido da Romena, to whom D. addressed one 
of his letters, Epist. ii. [Guidi, Conti : Table 
jcxiv. B], 

Aglauro, Aglauros, daughter of Cecrops, 
King of Athens, who was changed into a stone 
by Mercury, because she in jealousy tried to 
prevent him from visiting her sister Herse 
whom he loved ; her story is told by Ovid 
(Metam. ii. 737-832). D. introduces her as an 
instance of envy in Circle II of Purgatory, 
where her voice is heard proclaiming, ' I am 
Aglauros who was turned into stone,' Purg. 
xiv. 139 [Invidiosi] ; she is mentioned as the 
type of envy, Canz. xviii. 71. 

Agli, Lotto degli], Florentine judge (one 
of the Guelf sureties in tlje peace concluded by 
Cardinal Latino in 1280, prior in 1285, and 
podestk of Trent in 1287), who after delivering 
an unjust judgment iwent home and hanged 
himself; he is supposed by some of the com- 
mentators to be the individual placed among 
the Suicides in Round 2 of Circle VII of Hell, 
Inf xiii. 123-xiv. 3; cespuglio xiii. 123, 131 ; 
quegli, V. 139; colui, xiv. 3. [Sxiicidi.] Ja- 
como da Sant' Andrea, one of those punished 
in this Round for riotous living, being pursued 
by dogs, takes refuge behind a bush ; but the 
dogs seize him and tear him to pieces, rending 

the bush at the same time. Inf. xiii. 120-9; D. 
and Virgil approach the bush, which wails at 
being torn {vv. 130-5) ; V. addresses it, and 
inquires who the spirit contained in it was 
{vv. 136-8) ; the spirit, after begging them to 
collect the leaves that had been torn from the 
bush, tells them that he was a Florentine, and 
had hanged himself in his own house {vv. 
139-51)1 D., having collected the scattered 
leaves, restores them to the bush, and moves 
on (xiv. 1-4). 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

' Alcuni dicono, ch'egli fu un Messer Lotto degli 
Agli di Firenze, il quale pervenuto in somma 
poverta, data per danari una falsa senteriza, per 
fuggire poverta e vergogna s'impicc6.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Fu costui . . . uno giudice della famiglia degli 
Agli, il quale, avendo renduto uno consiglio falso, 
et essendo stato condennato per questo vitu- 
perevolmente, se ne pose tanto dolore a cuore 
ch' egli, tornato a casa sua, per disperazione s'im- 
picc6 per la gola.' 

The Agli of Florence, as appears from 
Villani (v. 39) and Dino Compagni (ii. 36), 
were Guelfs. 

Other commentators think the person in- 
tended was one of the Mozzi, who hanged 
himself in despair at finding himself bankrupt ; 
thus the Anonimo (ed. Selmi) says : — 

' Questo cespuglio che piangea si ebbe noma 
Rucco de' Mozzi da Firenze ; e fu molto ricco : 
e perche la compagnia loro falli, venne in tanta 
poverta che egli s"impicc6 egli stesso in casa sua.' 

The Ottimo mentions this alternative 
opinion : — 

'Alcuni dicono che questi fu Rucco de' Mozzi di 
Firenze, il quale di molto ricco divenuto poveris- 
simo, voile finire sua vita anzi I'ultima miseria.' 

Buti, Benvenuto, and others, mention both 
names, but remark that, as many Florentines 
hanged themselves about this time, they are 
inclined to think that D. left the reference 
purposely vague. This is the opinion of Boc- 
caccio : — 

' Non 6 costui dall' autor nominato, credo per 
I'una delle due cagioni, o per riguardo de' parent! 
che di questo cotale rimasero, i quali per avven- 
tura sono onorevoli uomini, e percib non gli vuole 
maculare della infamia di cosi disonesta morte ; 
ovvero perciocche in que' tempi, quasi come una 
maladirione mandata da Dio nella citta nostra, 
piti se ne impiccarono ; acciocchfe ciascun possa 
apporlo a qua] piii gli place di qUe' raolti.' 

Casini thinks the mention of ' il passo 
d'Arno' (v. 146), i.e. the Ponte Vecchio, points 
to Rocco de' Mozzi, whose family, as Villani 
records (vii. 42^ dwelt close to the Ponte 
Rubaconte on the other side of the Arno, and 
not far from the Ponte Vecchio. 

Agnel, Agnello, one of five Florentines (Inf. 
xxvi. 4-5) placed by D. among the Thieves in 




Bolgia 7 of Circle VIH of Hell (Malebolge), 
Inf. XXV. 68; uno (spirito), v. 51 [Ladri] ; he 
is one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo 
transformation, he being blended in form with 
a serpent (vv. 49-78) ; the latter is identified 
by the commentators with Cianfa de' Donati 
[Cianfa : Pucoio Scianoato]. 

According to the old commentators he 
belonged to the Brunelleschi, a Ghibelline 
family of Florence, who first joined the Bianchi 
and then went over to the Neri ; none of them 
give any details except the Anonimo (ed. 
Selmi), who says : — 

' Questo Agnello fu de' Brunelleschi di Firenze ; 
e infino picciolo votava la borsa al padre e a la 
madre, poi votava la cassetta a la bottega, e imbo- 
lava. Poi da grande entrava per le case altrui, 
e vestiasi a modo di povero, c faciasi la barba di 
vecchio, e per6 il fa Dante cosi trasformare per li 
morsi di quelle serpente come fece per furare.' 

Agobbio, Gubbio, town of Central Italy on 
the slopes of the Apennines in N. of Umbria, 
about thirty miles E. of Arezzo, and about 
twenty N. of Perugia ; mentioned in connexion 
with Oderisi, the illuminator, whom D. calls 
I'onor d' Agobbio, Purg. xi. 80. [Oderisi.] 

Agostino 1, Augustine, one of the earliest 
followers of St. Francis of Assisi, whom he 
joined in 12 10, and eventually (in 1216) head 
of the Franciscan Order in Terra di Lavoro ; 
placed by D., together with Illuminato of Rieti, 
among the Spirits who loved wisdom (Spiriti 
Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, where 
they are named to him by St. Bonaventura, 
Par. xii. 130-2 [Sole, Cielo del]. 

Agostino 2, St. Augustine (Aurelius Augus- 
tinus), the greatest of the four great fathers of 
the Latin Church (the other three being St. 
Ambrose, St. Jerome, and St. Gregory the 
Great) ; born at Tagaste in Numidia, Nov. 13, 
354; died at Hippo, during the siege of the 
town by the Vandals, Aug. 28, 430. His father, 
Patricius, was a pagan at the time of his birth, 
but his mother, Monica, was an earnest 
Christian, and brought up her child in the 
Christian faith ; he was, however, not baptized, 
and as he grew up he fell away from his 
mother's influence, and led a dissolute life, but 
was devoted at the same time to his studies, 
which he began at Tagaste, and afterwards 
pursued at Carthage ; at the latter place he 
joined the Manichaeans, but becoming dis- 
satisfied with their doctrines he abandoned 
the sect. From Carthage he went to Rome, 
whence he was invited to Milan, in his thirtieth 
year, as teacher of rhetoric. Here he came 
under the influence of St. Ambrose, Bishop of 
Milan, and in 386 was converted and baptized. 
After paying a second visit to Rome, he went 
to Hippo, where he was ordained presbyter, 
and finally became Bishop in 396 ; here he 


died thirty-four years later at the age of seventy- 
six. St. Augustine was a voluminous writer, 
his works being directed chiefly against the 
Manichaeans and the Pelagians ; his two most 
famous books are his Confessions, written 
about 397, shortly after he became bishop, in 
which he gives a vivid sketch of his early 
career, and the City of God, written between 
413 and 426, an apologetic treatise in vindica- 
tion of Christianity and the Christian Church. 
St. A. is mentioned by St. Thomas Aquinas 
in the Heaven of the Sun in connexion with 
Orosius, of whose Historia adversus Paganos 
he is said to have availed himself in the De 
Civitate Dei, Par. x. 120 [Orosio] ; his place 
in the Celestial Rose, where he is seated below 
St. Benedict and St. Francis, is pointed out to 
D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 35 [Kosa]; his 
Confessions the kind of work in which it is 
allowable for the author to speak of himself, 
Conv. i. 2i''i-5 \Contession{\ ; his saying that 
'no man is without stain ', Conv. i. 4^''~^(Conf. 
i. 7 : 'nemo mundus a peccato coram te, D eus ') ; 
his contention that if men comprehended and 
practised equity there would be no need of the 
written law, Conv. iv. 982-6 ; his advice that 
men should acquire the habit of self-control, 
Conv. iv. 2ii2S~8 ■ a man may lead a religious 
life without assuming the habit of St. Benedict, 
or St. Augustine, or St. Francis, or St. Dominic, 
Conv. iv. 28fi8-T4. jjis writings undoubtedly 
inspired, Mon. iii. 387-91 ; his De Civitate Dei 
and De Doctrina Christiana quoted, Mon. iii. 
461-72 \civHate Dei, De: Doctrina Ciiris- 
tiana, De} ; his works and those of the other 
Fathers neglected for those of the Decretalists, 
Epist. viii. 7 [Decretalistae] ; his treatise De 
Quantitate Animae, Epist. x. 28 [Quantitate 
Animae, De]. Some think St. Augustine is 
alluded to as. one of ' the four in humble guise ' 
in the mystical Procession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise (the other three being St. Ambrose, 
St. Gregory, and St. Jerome), Purg. xxix. 142. 

Agosto 1. [Augusto.] 

AgostO 2, month of August ; mentioned in 
connexion with the prevalence of ' vapori ac- 
cesi' (i.e. meteors and summer lightning) in 
the twilight of summer evenings, Purg. v. 37-9 ; 
referred to as the period tra il luglio e il 
settembre, in connexion with the crowded state 
of the hospitals of Valdichiana at that time of 
year, owmg to the malaria generated by its 
swamps (' maxime autem augustus est infirmus 
mensis etiam in locis sanis,' observes Ben- 
venuto). Inf. xxix. 47 [Chiana]. 

Agubbio, [Agobbio.] 

Aguglione, castle (now destroyed) formerly 
called Aquilone, in the Florentine territory in 
the Va di Pesa to the S. of the city ; Caccia- 
guida (m the Heaven of Mars) laments that 



owing to the extension of its boundaries 
Florence has ' to endure the stink ' of il villan 
d'Aguglion (i.e. according to the most general 
interpretation Baldo d'Aguglione), Par. xvi. 
56 ; this Baldo was concerned in the fraud of 
Niccola Acciaiuoli alluded to, Purg. xii. 105 
[Acoiaiuoli, Hiocola]. 

Baldo d'Aguglione, who is spoken of by 
Dino Compagni (i. 19) as ' giudice sagacissimo,' 
was one of those who drew up the Ordinamenti 
di Giustizia in Florence in 1 293 [Giano della 
Bella]. His family were Ghibellines, and as 
such his father Guglielmo, and his brother 
Puceio, were exiled from Florence in 1268. 
Baldo himself, however, took the other side 
and remained in Florence, where, after playing 
an important part in the events of 1293, and 
in the expulsion of Giano della Bella in 1295, 
he became Prior in 1298. In 1299, in con- 
sequence of the discovery of his share in the 
fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli, he fled from 
Florence, and was condemned in his absence 
to a fine of 2,000 lire and to a year's banish- 
ment. In 1302, when through the intervention 
of Charles of Valois the Bianchi were expelled, 
he and Bonifazio da Signa (Par. xvi. 56) joined 
the Neri with certain other renegade Bianchi 
and Ghibellines. From this time forward he 
occupied a position of great influence in 
Florence. In 131 1, while he was Prior for 
the second time, and the city was anxious to 
present a united front to the Emperor Henry 
yil, he drew up the decree (dated Sep. 2, 
1311) known as the ' Riforma di Messer Baldo 
d'Aguglione,' whereby the sentences against 
a number of the Guelf exiles were revoked and 
cancelled, and a number of others, who are all 
included under the head of Ghibellines, were 
expressly excepted, among the latter being 
Dante Alighieri [Dante]. In this proclamation 
(which is printed in extenso by Del Lungo in 
his DeW Esilio di Dante, pp. 109-44) the 
Priors and Gonfaloniere and twelve good men 
by them elected : — 

' Attendentes providere fortificationi corrobo- 
rationi et reconciliationi Populi et Comunis 
Florentie et Partis Guelfe dicte civitatis et comi- 
tatus et districtus Florentie Guelforum, et super 
rebampniendis Guelfis, et aliis ... ad hoc ut ipsa 
civitas et districtus in pace consistat, et Guelforum 
unio fiat et sit in dicto Populo et Comuni et civitate 
et comitatu et districtu Florentie, et ad exaltatio- 
nem Guelfe Partis, Christi nomine invocato, pro 
fortificatione, custodia, corroboratione et recon- 
ciliatione Populi et Comunis Florentie et districtus, 
et singularium personarum ipsius . . . concorditer 
providerunt et ordinaverunt, firmaverunt et stantia- 
verunt: Quod omnes et singuli vere Guelfi, mares 
et femine, tam populares quam magnates, natione 
seu origine de civitate comitatu et districtu Flor- 
entie, includendo in districtu Florentie comunia 
terras populos plebatus et loca que fuerunt dis- 
trictus Pistorii, ac etiam plebatus terras et populos 
civitatis et districtus Florentie, condempnati et 

exbampniti, seu condempnati tantum seu exbamp- 
niti tantum, Comunis Florentie, expresse vel 
tacite, seu pro exbampnitis habiti, vel qui ipso 
jure exbampniti vel condempnati essent ... ex 
nunc intelligantur esse et sint exempti liberi et 
totaliter liberati cancellati et absoluti, et exemptio 
libera et totaliter liberata cancellata et absoluta, 
de predictis et a predictis omnibus et singulis . . . 
Et salvo et reservato quod omnes et singuli infra- 
scripti nullum benefitium consequantur expresse 
predictis provisionibus vel aliqua earum, nee de 
ipsorum condempnationibus et bampnis, vel con- 
dempnationibus tantum vel bampnis tantum, liberari 
cancellari vel absolvi possint vel debeant ullo 
modo, ymmo exbampniti sint et condempnati sint 
et remaneant in omnibus sicut erant ante pre- 
sentem provisionem. 

Nomina quorum sunt hec . . .' [here follows 
a long list of names of families and individuals, 
numbering between four and five hundred, grouped 
according to the quarters of the city in which their 
residences were situated. In the last division but 
one, De Sextu Porte Sancti Petri, occurs the entry 
' Filii domini Cionis del Bello et Dante Alleghierii,' 
in this same division being included ' Omnes de 
domo de Abbatibus, excepto Ciolo' (this last being 
perhaps the Ciolus referred to by D., Epist. ix. 3), 
' De domb de Eliseis' (to which house the Alighieri 
are said to have belonged), ' De domo de Porti- 
nariis' (the family of Beatrice), and ' Gianus della 
Bella et filii ']. 

When, in the next year, the Emperor Henry 
VII's army was advancing towards Florence, 
Baldo d'Aguglione fled from the city, and was 
consequently himself declared an outlaw ; he 
managed, however, to secure a pardon, and 
returned to Florence, where he died not long 
after, leaving several sons to succeed him, but 
the family died out before the end of Cent. xiv. 
Benvenuto says : — 

' Iste, quem vocat autor Rusticum, fuit quidam . 
jurista nomine Ubaldus de Aguglione, villa comi- 
tatus Floreutiae, qui fuit magnus canis. Dicebat 
se optime nosse guelphos et ghibellinos, et fecit 
librum de tam detestanda materia, quem diu floren- 
tini sequuti sunt.' 

Aiace, Ajax, son of Telamon ; his descent 
from Aeacus, Conv. iv. 2719* [Eaco.] 

Aimeric. [Hamericus : Ifamericus.] 

Alagherius. [Alighieri.] 

Alagia, Alagia de' Fieschi, of Genoa, 
daughter of Niccolo de' Fieschi, Irnperial Vicar 
in Italy, niece of Pope Adrian V, and wife of 
Moroello Malaspina, the friend of D., by whom 
she had three sons [Malaspina, Moroello] ; 
she had two sisters, one of whom, Fiesca, 
married Alberto Malaspina, while the other, 
Giacomina, married Obizzo Il^of Este. [Table 
xxvi : Table xxiii.] A. is mentioned by 
Adrian V (in Circle V of Purgatory) as being 
still alive, and the only one of his kin who was 
virtuous, and whose prayers could avail him, 
Purg. xix. 142-5 [Adriano ^]. Benvenuto says 




that D. means to imply ' quod mulieres illorum 
de Flisco fuerunt nobiles meretrices.' Some 
of the old commentators think that Alagia is 
thefemmina of Purg. xxiv. 43 [Gentuoca]. 

Alagna, Anagni, town in Latium, situated 
on a hill about forty miles S.E. of Rome, cele- 
brated as the birthplace of Pope Boniface VIII, 
and as the scene of his imprisonment by Philip 
the Fair ; mentioned by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) in connexion with 
Philip's outrage on the Pope, Purg. xx. 86-7 ; 
quel d' Alagna, i.e. Boniface VIII, Par. xxx. 
148 [Bonifazioi : Filippo2]. 

The long struggle between Philip the Fair 
and Pope Boniface culminated at length in 
the employment of open violence on the part 
of the King of France against the Pope's 
person. Philip accused Boniface of profligacy 
and heresy, and demanded the convocation of 
a General Council 'to remove these scandals 
from the Church.' Boniface retorted by issuing 
a Bull, in which the King of France was de- 
clared excommunicate, while his subjects were 
released from their allegiance, and the clergy 
were forbidden to receive benefices at his 
hands. This Bull was ordered to be suspended 
in the porch of the Cathedral of Anagni on 
Sep. 8, 1303 ; but on the eve of that day 
Sciarra Colonna, whose house Boniface had 
so bitterly wronged, and William of Nogaret, 
the emissary of the King of France, suddenly 
appeared in Anagni with an armed force, and 
seizing the person of the Pope, after heaping 
every indignity upon him, held him a prisoner 
for three days, while the soldiers plundered his 
palace. He was at last rescued by the people 
of Anagni, who expelled the soldiers and forced 
Sciarra and Nogaret to fly for their lives. 
Boniface immediately set out for Rome to 
prepare measures of vengeance against Philip 
and his accomplices, but the shock he had 
undergone was too much for him ; he became 
raving mad, and died at Rome, barely a month 
after his rescue from prison, Oct. 11, 1303. 
[Colonna, Sciarra: Guglielmo di Ifogaret.] 

Villani gives the following account of the 
incident of Anagni, and of the death of Boni- 
face : — 

Musciatto, vi stettono piii tempo, mandando am- 
basciadori, e messi, e lettere, e faccendo venire 
le genti a loro di segre'to, faccendo intendere al 
palese che v'erano per trattare accordo dal papa 
al re di Francia, e perci6 aveano la delta moneta 
recata : e sotto questo colore menarono il trattato 
segreto di fare pigliare in Anagna papa Bonifazio, 
spendendone molta moneta, corrompendo ,i baroni 
del paese e' cittadini d' Anagna ; e come fu trattato 
venne fatto : che essendo papa Bonifazio co' suoi 
cardinal! e con tutta la corte nella citta d'Anagna 
in Campagna, ond' era nato e in casa sua, non 
pensando nfe sentendo questo trattato, nh pren- 
dendosi guardia, e se alcuna cosa ne senti, per sue 
grande cuore il mise a non calere, o forse come 
piacque a Dio, per gli suoi grandi peccati, del 
mese di Settembre 1303, Sciarra della Colonna 
con genti a cavallo in numero di trecento, e a pife 
di sua amista assai, soldata de' danari del re di 
Francia, coUa forza de' signori da Ceccano, e da 
Supino, e d'altri baroni di Campagna, e de' figliuoli 
di messer Maffio d'Anagna, e dissesi coU' assento 
d'alcuno de' cardinal! che teneano al trattato, 
e una mattina per tempo entrO in Anagna colle 
insegne e bandiere del re di Francia, gridando: 
muoia papa Bonifazio, et viva il re di Francia; 
e corsono la terra sanza contesto niuno, anzi quasi 
tutto I'ingrato popolo d'Anagna segui le bandiere 
e la rubellazione ; e giunti al palazzo papale, 
sanza riparo vi saliro e presono il palazzo, perocchfe 
il presente assalto fu improvviso al papa e a' suoi, 
e non prendeano guardia. Papa Bonifazio sen- 
tendo il romore, e veggendosi abbandonato da 
tutti i cardinali, fuggiti e nascosi per. paura 
o chi da mala parte, e quasi da' piii de' suoi 
famigliari, e veggendo ch'e' suoi nemici aveano 
presa la terra e '1 palazzo ov'egli era, si cus& 
morto, ma come magnanimo e valente disse: 
Dacchfe per tradimento, come Gesii Cristo voglio 
esser preso e mi conviene morire, almeno voglio 
monre come papa; e di presente si fece parare 
dell'ammanto di san Piero, e coUa corona di 
Costantmo in capo, e colle chiavi e croce in mano, 
e in su la sedia papale si pose a sedere. E giunto 
a lui Sciarra e gli altri suoi nimici, con villane 
parole lo scherniro, e^rrestaron lui e la sua famiglia, 
che con lui erano rimasi; intra gli altri lo scherni 
messer Guiglielmo di Lunghereto, che per lo re di 
trancia avea menato il trattato, donde era preso, 
e minacciolo, dicendo di menarlo legato a Leone 
%°'^'^L ^°^^^°' e quivi in generale concilio il 
farebbe disporre e condannare. II magnanimo 
papa gh rispuose, ch' era contento d'essere 

' Dopo la discordia nata tra papa Bonifazio e '1 daunato e disposto per glipaterini com'e'ra eeli" 
5 Filippo di Francia, ciascuno di loro procacciO e '1 padre e la madre arsi per paterini • onde 

messer Guiglielmo rimase confuso e vergognato. 
Ma poi come piacque a Dio, per conservare la 
santa digmta papale, niuno ebbe ardire o non 
piacque loro di porgli mano addosso, ma lasciarlo 

.1 tesoro del papa e della Chiesa. In questo 
dolore yergogna e tormento stette il valente papa 
Bonifazio preso per gli suoi nimici per tie di, 

d'abbattere I'uno I'altro per ogni via e modo che 
potesse : il papa d'aggravare il re di Francia di 
scomuniche e altri processi per privarlo del reame 
... Lo re di Francia dall' altra parte non dormia, 
ma con grande sollecitudine, e consiglio di Stefano 
della Colonna e d'altri savi Italiani e di suo reame, 
mand6 uno messere Guiglielmo di Lunghereto di 
Proenza, savio cherico e sottile, con messer 

Musciatto Franzesi in Toscana, forniti di molti ma come Cristo al terzo di resuscitb co i 
danari contanti, e a ricevere dalla compagnia de; a lui che papa Bonifazio fosse dilibero^''2he 
Peruzzi (allora suoi merca anti) quanti danar. sanza priego o altro procaccio, se non per opera 
bisognasse, non sappiendo eglino perche. Earn- divina, il popolo d'Anao-no ^<„„,«^I- ji 1 
vati al castello di St'aggia, ch' era del detto messer errore! e usc^tT dellt fo^ro l^.t^r^tl^! 

[16] ' 



subitamente si levaro all' arme, gridando : viva il 
papa e sua famiglia, e muoiano i traditori ; e cor- 
rendo la terra ne cacciarono Sciarra della Colonna 
e' suoi seguaci, con danno di loro di presi e di 
morti, e liberaro il papa e sua famiglia. Papa 
Bonifazio veggendosi libero e cacciati i suoi nimici, 
per ci6 non si rallegr6 niente, perch^ avea con- 
ceputo e addurato nell' animo il dolore della sua 
avversita: incontanente'si parti d'Anagna con 
tutta la corte, venne n Roma a santo Pietro per 
fare concilio, con intendimento di sua offesa e di 
santa Chiesa fare grandissima vendetta contra il re 
di Francia, e chi offeso 1' avea ; ma come piacque 
a Dio, il dolore impetrato nel cuore di papa Boni- 
fazio per la ingiuria ricevuta, gli surse, giunto 
in Roma, diversa malattia, che tutto si rodea come 
rabbioso, e in questo stato pass6 di questa vita 
a di 12 d'Ottobre gli anni di Cristo 1303, e nella 
chiesa di san Piero all' entrare della porte, in una 
ricca cappella fattasi fare a sua vita, onorevole- 
mente fu soppellito.' (viii. 63.) 

Alamania, Germany, V. E. i. 18*8. [La- 

Alamanni, Germans, V. E. i. 8^9. [Te- 

Alardo, Erard de Val^ry, lord of Saint- 
Valdrian and of MaroUes, Constable of Cham- 
pagne, born circ. 1200, died 1277 ; mentioned 
in connexion with the battle of Tagliacozzo 
(Aug. 23, 1268), in which by his aid Charles of 
Anjou defeated Conradin, the last of the Hohen- 
staufen, Inf. xxviii. 17-18. 

Erard and his brother, Jean de Valdry, ac- 
companied St. Louis on his first expedition to 
the East in 1248. Joinville records (lix. 295) 
that Erard rescued his brother from the hands 
of the Turks, who had made him prisoner in 
a skirmish ; but makes no further mention of 
him. In 1255 he was in France, and in the 
same year he was a prisoner in Holland, 
whence, after a captivity of a few months, he 
was ransomed by Charles of Anjou. In 1265, 
according to the continuators of Guillaume-de- 
Tyr, he went a second time to the East. In 
1268, finding himself on account of his advanc- 
ing years unequal to the fatigues and hard- 
ships of oriental warfare, he set out from 
Palestine to return to France. On his way, as 
Villani records, he passed through Italy ('il 
buono messer Alardo di Valleri, cavaliere 
francesco di grande senno e prodezza, di quegli 
tempi era arrivato in Puglia tornando d'oltre- 
mare dalla terra santa,' vii. 26), where his 
opportune arrival was hailed with delight by 
Charles of Anjou, then on the eve of a battle 
with the young Conradin. The two armies 
met at Tagliacozzo, and Charles, though inferior 
in numbers, was enabled, by the superior skill 
of Erard, to defeat his foe and take him 
prisoner. The victory was due mainly to the 
fact that Charles, by Erard's advice, kept his 
reserves in the background until Conradin's 
German and Spanish troops, who at the be- 

ginning of the day had routed their opponents, 
were disordered by pursuit and scattered over 
the field in search of plunder. Charles then 
suddenly advanced with his fresh troops (con- 
sisting of a third of his forces, which Erard had 
prevailed upon him to hold concealed behind 
a hill), and, falling upon the enemy, completely 
routed them. It is in allusion to Charles' 
victory by means of this stratagem of Erard's 
that D. speaks of 'Tagliacozzo Ove senz'arme 
vinse il vecchio Alardo,' Inf. xxviii. 17-18. 
[Curradino : Tagliacozzo.] 

Shortly after the battle of Tagliacozzo (his 
brother having apparently died meanwhile) 
Erard once more assumed the cross, and ac- 
companied St. Louis on his second voyage (in 
1270) to the East. In 1271, after the return of 
the expedition, in which St. Louis had met his 
death at Tunis, Erard was again in France, 
where he appears to have remained, in a 
position of high importance, until his death in 
1277 (see Academy, Aug. 4 and 18, 1888). 

The Burgundian poet Rustebuef, who was a 
contemporary of Erard, speaks of him with high 
praise in his lament for the King of Navarre 
(i.e. Teobaldo II, who had also accompanied 
St. Louis in 1270 and had died on his way 
home), describing him as a peerless knight : — 

' Mes sire Erars de ■ Valeri, 
A cui onques ne s'aferi 
Nus chevaliers de loiaute.' 

An amusing story, relating to a deception 
practised by Erard upon St. Louis at the in- 
stance of Charles of Anjou, whereby they 
obtained permission to hold a tourney which 
had previously been forbidden by the king, is 
told in the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. v, 
ed. Biagi). 

Alba, Alba Longa, the most ancient town 
in Latium, built according to tradition by 
Ascanius, son of Aeneas. Rome is supposed 
to have been founded by the inhabitants of 
Alba Longa, which was so called from its 
stretching in a long line down the Alban 
Mount to the Alban Lake. The town was 
destroyed byTuUus Hostilius,and was never re- 
built, its inhabitants being removed to Rome. 

The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) mentions Alba in connexion with the 
Roman Eagle, which he says remained there for 
three hundred years, until the defeat of the three 
Alban Curiatii by the three Roman Horatii, 
Par. vi. 37-9. [Aquilai : Albani : Curiatii.] 

Albani, inhabitants of Alba Longa ; their 
descent from Aeneas and Lavinia, Mon. ii. 
jios-g ; their defeat by the Romans in the com- 
bat between the Roman Horatii and the Alban 
Curiatii, Par. vi. 37-9 ; Conv. iv. 5155-60 ; Mon. 
ii. 1 122-36. [Alba: Curiatii.] 

Albanus, Alban ; populus A., the Albans, 
their contest with the Romans for supremacy, 
Mon. ii. 1122-T. [Albani] 




Alberichi, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been already in decline in his 
day. Par. xvi. 89. In Dante's time the family 
was extinct ; Villani says : — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . gli 
Alberighi, che fu loro la chiesa di santa Maria 
Alberighi da casa i Donati, e oggi non n' e nullo.' 
(.iv. II.) 

Alberigo, Frate, Friar Alberigo (so called 
because he was one of the 'Jovial Friars,' 
which order he joined in or before 1267), a 
member of the Manfredi family, the Guelf lords 
of Faenza (to which also belonged Tribaldelloj 
Inf. xxxii. 122), and father of Ugolino Bucciola 
(V. E. i. 1419-20) [Buociola, TTgoliao : Frati 
Godenti] ; placed by Dante in Tolomea, the 
third division of Circle IX of Hell, among 
those who betrayed their guests, Inf. xxxiii. 
118; un de' tristi della fredda crosta, v. 109 ; 
lui, vv. IIS, 121, 139, 150; ei, V. I42 ; il 
peggiore spirto di Romagna, v. 154 [Tolo- 
mea : Traditori]. As Dante and Virgil pass 
among the traitors in Tolomea, one of them 
(Alberigo), taking the poets for damned spirits 
on their way to Giudecca, begs them to re- 
move the crust of ice from his face that he 
may weep, Inf. xxxiii. 109-14 ; Dante under- 
takes to do so if he will reveal his identity, 
and on hearing who he is expresses surprise 
that he was already dead {vv. 115-21); A. 
says that he knows not how his body fares 
upon earth, and then explains to D. the 
' privilege ' possessed by Tolomea, viz. that of 
receiving the souls of traitors like himself im- 
mediately after the act of treachery, while the 
body upon earth is tenanted by a fiend until 
its death (vv. 122-33) ; he then points out the 
soul of Branca d'Oria of Genoa, who had 
murdered his father-in-law (vv. 1 34-8) ; D. 
does not believe him, saying that he knows 
Branca to be still alive {^v. 139-41) ; but A. 
explains that the soul of B. had descended to 
Hell even before that of his victim, and that 
its place in his body was occupied by a devil, 
as was also the case with the soul of his ac- 
complice in the crime (wz/. 142-7) [Branca 
d'Oria]. A. now claims the fulfilment of D.'s 
promise to remove the ice from his face, but 
D. refuses to do so, and with an imprecation 
on the Genoese parts from him {vv. 148-57). 

The circumstances of Alberigo's crime, ac- 
cording to Benvenuto, were as follows. In 
1286 (more probably in 1284) his younger 
brother, Manfred, in order to obtain the lord- 
ship of Faenza, plotted against him, and in a 
dispute which occurred in consequence struck 
Alberigo ; the latter, however, pretended to 
forgive the insult on the ground that it was the 
act of an impetuous youth, and a reconciliation 
took place. Later on, when he thought the 
matter had been forgotten, Alberigo invited 


Manfred and one of his sons to a banquet (at 
his house at Cesato, May 2, 1285) ; the repast 
over, he called out, ' Bring the fruit,' at which 
signal some assassins, who had been concealed 
behind the tapestry, rushed out and despatched 
father and son before his eyes. Hence ' le 
male frutta di Frate Alberigo' passed into 
a proverb. Villani, in irecording the murder of 
a brother of Alberigo by his nephew in 1327, 
says : ' cosi mostr6 che non volesse tralignare 
e del nome e del fatto di frate Alberigo suo 
zio, che diede le male frutta a' suoi consorti, 
faccendogh tagliare e uccidere al suo convito ' 
(x. 27). 

Benvenuto says : — 

' Iste vocatus est frater Albericus de Faventia 
civitate de Manfredis nobilibus et potentibus, qui 
saepe habuerunt dominium illius civitatis ; et fuit 
de fratibus Gaudentibus . . . Fuerunt autem in 
dicta domo tres consanguinei eodem tempore, 
scilicet Albericus praedictus, Alberghettus et Man- 
fredus. Accidit autem, quod in mcclxxxvi Man- 
fredus, juvenis animosus, cupiditate regnandi, 
struxit insidias fratri Alberico; et cum incre- 
paretur ex hoc a fratre Alberico, et devenissent 
ad graves contentiones verborum, Manfredus 
ductus impetu irae, dedit fratri alapam magnam, 
scilicet fratri Alberico. Sed ipse frater Albericus 
sagacior aliquandiu rem dissimulanter tulit; et 
tandem cum credidit injuriam excidisse a memoria 
illius, finxit velle reconciliare sibi dictum Man- 
fredum dicens, quod parcendum erat calori ju- 
venili. Facta igitur pace, Albericus fecit convivium, 
cui interfuerunt Manfredus et unus filius ejus. 
Finita coena, cum magna alacritate dixit Albericus : 
veniant fructus ; et subito eruperunt famuli armati, 
qui latebant ibi post unam cortinam, qui crudeliter 
trucidaverunt ad mensam patrem et filium, Albe- 
rico vidente et gaudente.' 

Albero da Siena, said to be the son or 
protegd of a bishop of Siena, wh om he persuaded 
to cause the alchemist Griffolino of Arezzo to 
be burned for pretending that he could teach 
him to fly ; mentioned by Griffolino (in Bolgia 
10 of Circle VIII of Hell), Inf. xxix. 109 ; lui, 
V. 112; quel, V. 114 [Griffolino]. The sim- 
plicity of a certain Alberto da Siena, supposed 
to be the same as the individual here men- 
tioned, forms the subject of several of the 
stories of Sacchetti {Nov. xi-xiv). The com- 
mentators identify the bishop in question with 
one Bonfiglio, who was bishop of Siena from 
1216 to 1252, and an ardent persecutor of 

Alberti, Alberto degli. [Alberto s.] 
Alberti, Alessandro degli, [Alberto 3.] 
Alberti, Napoleone degli. [Alberto s.] 
Alberti, Orso degli. [Orso, Cont'.] 
Alberto 1, Albertus Magnus, Conv. iii. 7^7 ; 
IV. 23126. [Alberto di Cologna.] 

Alberto 2, the Emperor Albert I of Austria, 
Par.x1x.115; Conv. iv. 3*2. [Alberto Tedesoo.] 


Alberto 3, Alberto degli Alberti, Count of 
Mangona in the Val di Sieve, and of Vernia 
and Cerbaia in the Val di Bisenzio, a few miles 
N.W. of Florence ; mentioned by Camicione 
de' Pazzi (in Caina) in connexion with his two 
sons Alessandfo and Napoleone, who killed 
each other in a dispute about the inheritance, 
Inf. xxxii. 57. D. places the two brothers in 
Caina, the first division of Circle IX of Hell, 
among those who were traitors to their kindred : 
i fraiei iniseri lassi, Inf. xxxii. 21 ; due stretti, 
V.41 ; t/uei, V. 44; ei, v. 50; cotesti due, v. 55 
[Caina : Traditori]. On arriving in Caina 
D. hears a voice warning him not to tread on 
the heads of the unhappy brothers, Inf. xxxii. 
16-21 ; life looks about him and sees at his 
feet, plunged up to the neck in ice, two forms 
in close embrace {vv. 22-42) ; he asks them 
who they are, whereupon they turn to look at 
him, and then in fury butt at each other ' like 
two he-goats' {vv. 43-5 1 ) ; a third spirit (that of 
Camicione de' Pazzi) informs D. that these 
were two brothers, sons of Alberto of Val di 
Bisenzio (-vv, 52-8), and that they were the 
worst of all the traitors punished in Caina 
{vv. 58-65) [Camlcion de' Pazzi]. 

Villani states (vi. 68) that the castle of 
Mangona belonged of right to Alessandro, the 
younger of the two brothers, and was unjustly 
seized by Napoleone, who was a Ghibelline, 
and to whom his father by his will dated 1250 
had left only a tenth part of the inheritance. 
Thereupon the Florentines (in 1259) expelled 
N. by force of arms, took possession of Man- 
gona and of Vernia, another castle belonging 
to the Alberti, and forced the inhabitants to 
swear allegiance and pay yearly tribute to 
Florence. When the Guelfs returned to Florence 
in 1267 A. was reinstated in his possessions, 
and in gratitude for the protection of the 
Florentines bequeathed to them the two castles 
in the event of his sons dying without heirs 
male. Villani says nothing as to the subsequent 
fatal quarrel between the two brothers (which 
took place some time after 1282) ; Benvenuto, 
.however, says ' venientes ad discordiam propter 
hereditatem, se invicem interfecerunt.' 

A son of ISIapoleone degli Alberti, viz. Count 
Orso, is placed in Antepurgatory, Purg. vi. 19 
[Orso, Cont']. 

Alberto da Siena. [Albero da Siena.] 

Alberto della Magna, Albertus Magnus, 
Conv. iii. S^i^. [Alberto di Cologna.] 

Alberto della Scala], lord of Verona, 
1277-1301 ; referred to by the unknown Abbot 
of San Zeno in Circle V of Purgatory as having 
'already (i.e. in 1300, the assumed date of the 
Vision) one foot in the grave,' Purg. xviii. 121 ; 
the Abbot goes on to refer to Alberto's ap- 
pointment of his illegitimate son, Giuseppe, 
whom he describes as ' deformed in body and 

Alberto di Cologna 

mind, and basely bom,' to the abbacy of San 
Zeno (' quel monistero'), an appointment which 
he will shortly repent in Hell (vv. 122-6). 
[Zeno, San.] 

Alberto, who was at that date an old man, 
died on Sept. 10, 1301. Besides this illegitimate 
son — whose tenure of the abbacy of San Zeno 
(1291-1314) coincided in part, as Philalethes 
points out, with D.'s sojourn at Verona — he 
had three legitimate sons, who succeeded him 
one after the other in the lordship of Verona, 
viz. Bartolommeo (d. March 7, i3of), Alboino 
(d. Oct. 24, 131 1), and Can Grande, D.'s host 
at Verona. [Seala, Delia : Table xxviii.] 

Alberto di Cologna, Albert of Cologne, 
better known as Albertus Magnus, styled 
' Doctor Universalis ' on account of his vast 
learning, was born of noble parents at Lavingen 
on the upper Danube in Swabia in 1 193. After 
studying at Padua and Paris, he joined the 
Dominican Order in 1222, and under its rules 
studied theology at Bologna and elsewhere. 
Subsequently he was appointed to lecture at 
Cologne, where the Order had a house, and he 
taught for several years there and at Ratisbon, 
Freiburg, Strasburg, and Hildesheim. Among 
his pupils at Cologne was Thomas Aquinas, 
who in 1245 accompanied him to Paris, where 
he received his doctorate ; after remaining in 
Paris for three years he returned to Cologne 
with Aquinas in 1248. In 1254 he was elected 
Provincial of the Dominican Order at Worms; 
and in 1260 was made Grand Master of the 
Palace at Rome, and Bishop of Ratisbon, by 
Alexander IV. Three years later he retired 
to Cologne, where he died at the age of eighty- 
seven, Nov. 15, 1280. He was a most volu- 
minous writer, his collected works (printed at 
Lyons in 165 1) filling twenty-one folio volumes, 
of which six are devoted to commentaries on 
Aristotle, five on the Scriptures, two on 
Dionysius the Areopagite, three on the Liber 
Sententiarum of Peter Lombard, the remaining 
five containing his Summa Theologiae, Summa 
de Creaturis, treatise on the Virgin, and 
various opuscula, one of which is on alchemy. 
Albertus was the earliest among the Latins, as 
Avicenna had been among the Arabs, to make 
known the complete doctrine of Aristotle ; he 
wrote not merely commentaries, but para- 
phrases and illustrative treatises on each one 
of Aristotle's works. He appears, says Butler, 
to have been the first of the Schoolmen who 
brought the Aristotelian and Christian philo- 
sophy into harmony ; and it is to him origin- 
ally that D. owes his doctrine of freewill as 
the basis of ethics. 

Albertus is referred to as Alberto, Conv. iii. 
7^7; iv. 231^26 ; Alberto di Cologna, Par. x. 98; 
Alberto della Magna, Conv. iii. 5113 j hg is 
placed among the spirits of great theologians 
and others who loved wisdom (Spiriti Sapi- 

[19] C 2 

Alberto Tedesco 


enti) in the Heaven of the Sun, together with 
his pupil St. Thomas Aquinas, by whom his 
spirit is pointed out to D. as having been his 
'frate e maestro,' Par. x. 97-9 [Sole, Cielo 
del] ; his theory as to the Equator as pro- 
pounded in the De Natura Locorwn and the 
De Proprietatibus Elementorum, Conv. iii. 
^iu-i5ij^ocorum,De Natura : Proprietatibus 
Elementorum, De] ; his opinion in the De 
Intellectu as to the distribution of the Sun's 
light, Conv. iii. 727-45 \lntellectu, De\ ; his 
theory as to the four ages of life and the 
several ' qualities ' appropriated to them, as 
set forth in the De Meteoris (a misreference 
of D., the passage in question occurring in the 
De Juventute et Senectuie), Conv. iv. 23I13-26 
[Meieora 2]. 

D. also refers to the De Meteoris for the 
theory of Albertus as to the nature of comets, 
his references to Albumazar and Seneca being 
taken from the same source, Conv. ii. 14164-76 
[Albiiinassar : Seneca] ; from here too he got 
the account of the various theories as to the 
nature and origin of the Milky Way, Conv. ii. 
1 5*6-77 [GalasBla] ; and his account of the 
incident which happened to Alexander the 
Great and his army in India, Inf. xiv. 31-6 
[Alessandro Magno]. From Albertus Magnus 
(De Natura et Origine Animae) comes also 
the opinion that all potential forms of matter 
are actually existent in the mind of the Creator, 
which is wrongly referred to the De Substantia 
Orbis of Averroes, A. T. § 18^^"^ [Averrois] ; 
and (from the De Caelo et Mundo) the opinions 
of Aristotle and Ptolemy as to the number 
and order of the several heavens, Conv. ii. 386-45 
\Caelo, De^. 

The quotations from the De Causis, thought 
by some to be from the De Causis et Processu 
Universitatis of Albertus, are from the pseudo- 
Aristotelian treatise De Causis, on which the 
work of Albertus is a commentary [Caus/s, De\. 

(See Paget Toynbee, Some obligations ofD. to 
Albertus Magnus, in Romania, xxiv. 4013-12.) 

Alberto Tedesco, German Albert, i.e. 
Albert 1 of Austria, son of Rudolf of Hapsburg, 
Emperor (but never crowned) 1 298-1 308 
[Kidolfo'] ; he was elected after having de- 
feated and slain his predecessor, Adolf of 
Nassau, in a battle near Worms, his treason 
against Adolf having been condoned by Boni- 
face VIII in consideration of the advantages 
of his alliance against the Pope's mortal enemy, 
Philip the Fair of France [Adolfo]. 

D. refers to him as Alberto, Par. xix. 115 ; 
Conv. iv. 3*2 ; Alberto Tedesco, Purg. vi. 97 ; 
Cesare, Purg. vi. 92, 114; he apostrophizes 
him, reproaching him for his neglect of Italy, 
and foretells his violent death (which took 
place on May i, 1308, when he was assassi- 
nated at Konigstein, close to the castle of 
Hapsburg, by his nephew John), Purg. vi. 97- 

117 ; rebukes him (by the mouth of the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter) for his cruel inva- 
sion of Bohemia (in 1304), Par. xix. 115-17 
[Praga] ; mentions him as successor of Rudolf 
and Adolf, Conv. iv. 388-43 [Federigo^ : Table 

Albia, the river Elbe, which rises in the 
Riesen-Gebirge in N. of Bohemia, through 
which it flows first S., then W., then N.W., 
being joined by the Moldau some 20 miles 
N. of Prague ; it subsequently flows N.W. 
through Saxony and Germany into the North 

Sordello (in Antepurgatory) mentions it in 
connexion with Bohemia, which he describes 
as the land drained by the Moldau and the 
Elbe, ' la terra dove I'acqua nasce, Che Molta 
in Albia, ed Albia in mar ne porta,' Purg. vii. 
98-9. [Buemme : Molta.] 

Albtiino della Scala, Alboino, second son 
of Alberto della Scala, who was lord of Verona, 
,1277-1301; he succeeded his elder brother, 
Bartolommeo, in 1304, and held the lordship 
until his death on Oct. 24, 131 1 [Soala, 
Delia : Table xxviii]. D. mentions A. — as 
some think, slightingly — in comparison with 
Guide da Castello, Conv. iv. 1671-2; he, is 
alluded to, according to some, as il gran Lorn- 
bardo, Par. xxvii. 71 [Lombardoi]. 

Albumassar, Albumazar (Jafar ibn Mu- 
hammad Al Balkhi, Ab'A Maskar), Arabian 
astronomer, born at Balkh in Turkestan A. D. 
805, died 885. Three of his works are extant 
in Latin translations, viz. Iniroductorium in 
astronomiam and Liber de magnis conjunc- 
tionibus (both printed at Augsburg in 1489), 
and Tractatus florum astronomiae (printed at 
the same place in 1488). 

D. quotes his opinion that meteors, as being 
under the domination of the planet Mars, 
portend political catastrophes, such as the 
death of kings, Conv. ii. 14I70-4 . tjjis is taken, 
not direct from Albumazar, but from the De 
Meteoris of Albertus Magnus, who says :— 

' Vapor iste . . . aliquando autem vulnerat exu- 
rendo multum, vel parum, secundum fortitudinem 
ignis sui. Si autem secundo modo est, debilem 
habet ignem, qui parum alterat ea super quae 
cadit non vulnerando ; quia statira extinguitur. 
Vult tamen Albumasar quod etiam ista aliquando 
mortem ^regis et principum significant propter 
dominium Martis.' (I. iv. 9.) 

Brunette Latino, speaking of a comet which 
appeared shortly before' the death of King 
Manfred, says : — 

' De cele estoile dient Ii sage astrenomien que 
quant ele apart el firmament, ele senefie remue- 
mens de regnes ou mort de grans seigneurs.' 
Tresor, i. 98.) 

Alcamo, CiuUo d'. 


[Cinllo d' Alcamo.] 
Alchimisti], Alchemists, placed among th*e 


Falsifiers in Bolgia lo of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxix. 67-139; their punish- 
ment is to be afHicted with paralysis and 
leprosy {vv. 71-84) [Falsatori]. Tommaseo 
says : — 

'Gli alchimisti per troppo trattare il mercurio 
e sostanze simili, al dir d'Avicenna, e d'altri, diven- 
tavano paralitici.' 

Alcide, Alcidesji.e. Hercules, son of Alceus; 
the troubadour Folquet (in the Heaven of 
Venus) alludes to the love of A. for lole, 
daughter of Eurytus, King of Oechalia, whom 
he wished to marry after the completion of 
his twelve labours, Par. ix. 101-2 [roloo: 
lole] ; D. calls upon the Emperor Henry VII 
to come and crush his opponents in Italy, as 
A. did the Hydra, by striking at the ' seat of 
life' (i.e. Florence), Epist. vii. 6. [Ereole.] 

Alcides, Hercules, Epist. vii. 6. [Alcide.] 

Alcimus, the high-priest appointed by 
Demetrius I, King of Syria, in opposition to 
Judas Maccabaeus {i Maccab.y'ii-hCj; coupled 
with Demetrius as typifying respectively 
Clement V and Philip the Fair of France, 
Epist. viii. 4. [Demetrius.] 

Alcithoe], one of the daughters of Minyas 
of Boeotia ; she and her sisters, Arcippe and 
Leucippe, refused to join in the worship of 
Bacchus during his festival, and spent the time 
in weaving instead, whereupon they were 
changed into bats, and their work into a vine. 
Ovid's account of their metamorphosis (Meiam. 
iv. 1-35, 389-415) is referred to by D., who 
speaks of them as ' tres sorores contemtrices 
numinis in semine Semeles,' Epist. iv. 4. 

Alderotto, Taddeo di. [Taddeo.] 

Aldighiero. [Alighieri.] 

Aldobrandeschi, ancient and powerful 
Ghibelline family, Counts of Santafiora in the 
Sienese Maremma, where they had been 
settled since Cent. ix. Villani mentions them 
among the Ghibellines whose proposal to 
destroy Florence after the battle of Montaperti 
was overruled by Farinata degli Uberti (vi. 
81) ; he records that they were active sup- 
porters of the Emperor Henry VII (ix. 47), 
and subsequently of Uguccione della Faggi- 
uola (ix. 71) and Castruccio Castracane (ix. 301). 

Benvenuto says they were so powerful in 
Tuscany at one time that they used to boast 
that they had as many strongholds as there 
are days in the year ; he adds that they were 
nearly extinct in his day : — 

' In maritima civitatis Senarum fuerunt olim 
comites nobilissimi de Sancta Flore castello, adeo 
potentes in Tuscia, quod solebant gloriari quod 
poterant omni die anni mutare locum et stare in 
loco tutcf, tot castella fortia habebant ; sed habue- 
runt diu bellum cum dicta civitate, per quod jam 


tempore nostri poetae erant in magna ruina, et 
hodie sunt quasi omnino exterminati.' 

The Ottimo Comento says of them : — 

' Li conti da Santa Fiore ebbono, ed hanno, ed 
aranno quasi sempre guerra con li Sanesi ; e la 
cagione e, perche li conti vogliono mantenere loro 
giurisdizione, e li Sanesi la vogliono sciampiare : 
come in generate delle comunanze italiche.' 

D. mentions Santafiora, whence the counts 
took their title, Purg. vi. in [Santafiora]; 
and names two of the counts, viz. Guglielmo 
Aldobrandesco, Purg. xi. 59; and his son, 
Omberto, Purg. xi. 67 [Guglielmo Aldo- 
braudesco: Omberto]. 

Casini gives the following account of this 
family : — 

' La famiglia feudale degli Aldobrandeschi, che 
ebbe signoria su quei territori che costituiscono 
air incirca la moderna provincia di Grosseto, aveva 
raggiunto il colmo della sua potenza col conte 
palatino Ildebrando morto nel 1208, il quale 
lasci6 i suoi domini ai iigliuoli Ildebrandino 
maggiore, Bonifazio, Ildebrandino minore, e Gu- 
glielmo. Questo Guglielmo fu certo uno dei piii 
potenti e procacciariti signori del tempo suo in 
Toscana : nel 1231, insieme coi fratelii, sommise 
i suoi castelli al comuue di Siena obbligandosi 
a pagare il censo, e nel 1224 si obbligb alio stesso 
comune di ritrarsi a vivere a Grosseto ; ma presto 
si mise in guerra con quella repubblica, e pare 
infelicemente, se nel 1327 fu per sei mesi in pre- 
gione a Siena ; ma appena liberate, continue la 
guerra, aiutato sottomano dalla Chiesa romana, 
sino al 1237, in cui strinse societa coi senesi : nel 
1250 era al bando dell' impero insieme col figlio 
Ildebrandino, non sappiamo bene per qual ra- 
gione : tra il 1353 ^ i' 1256 mori, lasciando i su6i 
diritti feudali ai figliuoli Ildebrandino e Omberto ; 
il primo dei quali, rimasto presto il solo erede, 
fece poi nel 1274 con i suoi consorti la divisione 
dei domini nelle due contee di Soana e di Santa- 
fiora. Omberto, nominato una sola volta in un 
documento del 1256, ebbe la signoria del castello 
di Campagnatico, donde scendeva a depredare 
i viandanti e danneggiare i senesi ; tanto che nel 
1259 il comune di Siena mand6 a lui alcuni sicari 
che lo affogarono nel suo letto. II nome di 
Guglielmo Aldobrandeschi doveva suonare ancora 
famoso ai tempi di Dante, almeno in Toscana e 
tra i Ghibellini, se non altro perche ei fu I'autore 
di quel ramo della sua casa che prese il titolo 
dalla contea di Soana. La famiglia Aldobrandeschi 
era antichissima tra le case feudali toscane, e il 
primo di essa di cui ci avanzi memoria fu Alperto, 
vissuto alia fine dell' ottavo secolo ; e antichi 
appariscono i titoH nobiliari della famiglia, poiche 
un Ildebrando era messo imperiale al principio 
del secolo nono, e un altro Ildebrando era gia 
assai potente signore alia fine di quel secolo e 
accolse nella sua contea di Roselle I'imperatore 
Guide . . . Gli Aldobrandeschi nel 1300 erano 
ormai divisi nelle due famiglie di Soana e di 
Santafiora, alle quali appunto era riuscita funesta 
la superbia (Purg. xi. 67-9) : che il ramo di Soana 
fini con Margherita, nipote di Omberto e figlia 
d'lldcbrandino, la quale per desiderio di alte nozze 


Aldobrandi, Tegghiaio 


spos6 Guido di Montfort (Inf. xii. 119') e !asci6 
solo una figliuola che trasmise quella contea agli 
Orsini di Pitigliano ; e il ramo di Santafiora si 
trovd involto in lunghi contrast! col comune di 
Siena, il quale, se non riuscl a domare del tutto 
la superbia di quei feudatari, molto assottiglib 
i loro domini ed abbassd la loro potenza.' 

Aldobrandi, Tegghiaio, Florentine Guelf 
of the powerful Adimari family, at one time 
(in 1256) Podest^ of Arezzo [Aclim.ari]. 
Villani describes him as 'cavaliere savio e 
prode e di grande autoritade' (vi. "Jl^. He is 
mentioned (as il Tegghiaio) togetheir with 
Farinata degli Uberti (with whom he is 
coupled), and Jacopo Rusticucci, Arrigo, and 
Mosca de' Lamberti, Inf. vi. 79 ; he is one of 
those ch' a ben far poser gV ingegni [v. 81) of 
whom D. asks Ciacco for news, the reply 
being ei son tra le anime piii nere {v. 85) 
[Ciacco]. Tegghiaio is one of the three 
Florentines (the other two being Guido Guerra 
and Jacopo Rusticucci) seen by D. afterwards 
among the Sodomites in Round 3 of Circle VII 
of Hell, Inf. xvi. 41 ; ombra, v. 4 ; Faltro, 
V. 40 [Sodomiti] ; his spirit is pointed out to 
D. by Jacopo Rusticucci, who alludes {vv. 
41-2) to the fact of his having attempted to 
dissuade the Florentines from undertaking the 
disastrous expedition against Siena in 1260, 
which resulted in the crushing defeat at Mont- 
aperti, and the ruin of the Guelf party in 
Florence. Villani narrates (vi. 77) that, on the 
occasion referred to, T. acted as the spokes- 
man of the Guelf nobles, at whose head was 
Guido Guerra ; they, knowing more of the 
conditions of warfare, and being aware that 
the banished Ghibellines and their Sienese 
allies had been reinforced by a body of German 
mercenaries, looked upon the undertaking 
with grave misgivings, and counselled delay, 
until the Germans, who had been engaged for 
three months only, half of which term had 
already expired, should be disbanded. In 
response to this appeal T. was taunted with 
cowardice, to which he replied by challenging 
the speaker to adventure himself on the day of 
battle wherever he should go [Montaperti]. 
According to Villani (vi. 8l) T. survived the 
battle and took refuge with the rest of the 
Tuscan Guelfs at Lucca. Note. — The name 
Tegghiaio must be scanned Tegghiai' (dis- 
syllable) ; cf. Uccellatoi', Par. xv. 1 10. 

Alepri], Florentine family, thought by some 
to be included among those which received 
knighthood from the Marquis Hugh of Bran- 
denburg, ' il gran barone,' Par. xvi. 128. [Ugo 
di Brandimborgo.] 

Alessandria, Alessandria della Paglia, 
town on the Tanaro, in the ancient duchy of 
Milan ; mentioned in connexion with the war 
waged against it by the sons of William, 
Marquis of Montferrat, to avenge his capture 

and imprisonment, Purg. vii. 135 [Gugli- 
elmo3] ; coupled with Trent and Turin as 
being near the frontier and consequently in- 
capable of preserving a pure dialect owing to 
the introduction of foreign elements, V. E. i. 

Alessandria was built in 1 168 by the Lom- 
bard League as a bulwark against the Emperor 
Frederick Barbarossa. It received the name 
Alessandria in honour of Pope Alexander III, 
but it was also called Cesarea for a time. 
In 1 174 it was unsuccessfully besieged by 
Frederick, who gave it in derision the nick- 
name della Paglia (i.e. ' of straw '). 

Alessandro 1, Alexander, Count of Ro- 
mena, Inf. xxx. ^T. [Alessandro da Eo- 

Alessandro 2, Alexander the Great, of 
Macedon, bom at Pella in Macedonia, B. C. 356. 
A. ascended the throne B.C. 336, on the murder 
of his father Philip ; conquered Egypt (where 
he founded the city of Alexandria at the mouth 
of the Nile, B.C. 331), Syria, Media, Persia, 
and India; died at Babylon, B.C. 323, at the 
age of 32, after a reign of nearly thirteen years. 
D. speaks of him simply as Alessandro, Inf. xii. 
107 ; xiv. 31 ; Conv. iv. iii24 j Alexander, V. E. 
ii. 6'* ; Mon. ii. 96I ; rex Macedo, Mon. ii. 9^- ; 
his place among the Tyrants in Round i of 
Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 107 {see below) ; 
his marvellous experiences in India, Inf. xiv. 
31 (see below) ; his liberality, Conv. iv. iil23-5 
{see below) ; contemporary with Aristotle, V. E. 
ii. 6i3"~i* ; more nearly attained universal mon- 
archy than any other sovereign, Mon. ii. 9 ^i"'. 
In this last passage D. says that A. sent 
ambassadors to Rome to demand submission, 
but died in Egypt before the reply of the 
Romans reached him, ' ut Livius narrat.' The 
circumstance is not mentioned by Livy, who 
on the contrary states his belief that the 
Romans never so much as heard of Alexander — 
'ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror fuisse' 
(ix. 18). The story is probably of Greek origin, 
but it is not known whence D. got it. Otto of 
Freising, who may possibly have been D.'s 
authority, seems to refer to the same story in 
his account of A.'s death : — 

' Alexander totius Orientis potitus victoria, dum 
Romam quoque cum universe Occidente sibi sub- 
jugare parat, ab India revertitur in Babylonem, 
ubi exterarum gentium ex toto pene orbe ac 
ultimo Occidente, id est ab Hispanis, Gallis, Ger- 
mania, Affrica, ac ferme omni Italia legati sibi 
occurrerunt, ut inde venisse cerneres legationem, 
quo vix tarn parvo tempore crederes etiam rumo- 
rem pervenisse.' (ii. 25.) 

D.'s statement that A. died in Egypt and 
was buried there, in proof of which he quotes 
Lucan {Phars. viii. 692-4), Mon. ii. 966-74^ js 
perhaps due to a confusion on his part between 
Babylon on the Euphrates and Babylon (Old 




Cairo) on the Nile, a confusion into which he 
appears to have fallen elsewhere also [Babi- 
lonia]. (See Academy, Aug. lo, 1895.) 

The majority of modern editors, contrary to 
the opinion of the old commentators, hold that 
the Alexander who is placed, together with 
Dionysius of Syracuse, among the Tyrants in 
Round I of Circle VII of Hell ('Quivi ^ Ales- 
sandro e Dionisio fero,' Inf. xii. 107) is not 
Alexander the Great, but the Thessalian tyrant, 
Alexander of Pherae [Alessandro Fereo : 
Dionisioi : Violenti]. The contention is 
that D. would not thus condemn the king 
whom he eulogizes highly in the Convivio as 
an example of munificence (iv. 1 1-"-^*), and in 
the De Monarchia as having nearly attained 
universal empire (ii. 9^^"^). D., however, is 
by no means always consistent in his estimate 
of historical personages, his tendency being to 
regard them as types, rather than as indi- 
viduals; thus Bertran de Bom, who is eulogized 
equally with Alexander the Great in the Con- 
vivio, is placed in one of the lowest circles of 
Hell (Inf.xxviii. 134) ; and Cato, the suicide, and 
opponent of Caesar, instead of being in Hell,, 
is placed as warder of Purgatory. Further, it 
is not in accordance with D.'s principle as 
enunciated by Cacciaguida, 'ti son mostrate 
. . . nella valle dolorosa, Pur I' anime che son 
di fama note' (Par. xvii. 136-8), that the indi- 
vidual mentioned here simply as ' Alessandro,' 
without any further description, should be the 
comparatively obscure tyrant of Pherae. 

The view that the person intended. is Alex- 
ander the Great is strongly supported by the 
fact that Orosius, whose Historia adversum 
Paganos was one of D.'s chief authorities in 
matters of ancient history, repeatedly brands 
the Macedonian conqueror as a cruel and 
bloodthirsty monster ; he describes him as 
'Alexander Magnus, magnus vere ille gurges 
miseriarum, atque atrocissimus turbo totius 
Orientis ' (iii. 7) ; . . . ' humani sanguinis in- 
saturabilis, sive hostium sive etiam sociorum, 
recentem tamen semper sitiebat cruorem ' 
(iii. 18) ; '. . . per duodecim annos,trementem 
sub se orbem ferro pressit ' (iii. 23) ; and, after 
recording that he died at Babylon 'adhuc 
sanguinem sitiens,' he concludes with a long 
apostrophe on the ruin and misery which 
had been inflicted by hirn upon the whole 
world. Lucan also, another of D.'s historical 
authorities, denounces Alexander of Macedon 
as a robber and the bane of the world : — 

' Proles vesana Philippi 
Felix praedo . . . 

Perque Asiae populos fatis urguentibus actus 
Humana cum strage ruit, gladiumque per omnes 
Exegit gentes . . . 

Terrarum fatale malum, fulmenque, quod omnes 
Percuteret pariter populos, et sidus iniquum 
Gentibus.' i^Phars. x. 20, 30-2, 34-6.) 

Among the early commentators Benvenuto 
mentions the theory that some other than 

Alexander the Great is intended, but dismisses 
it with contempt : — 

'Ad sciendum quis fuerit iste Alexander est 
notandum, quod aliqui, sequentes opinionera vulgi, 
dixerunt quod autor non loquitur hie de Alexan- 
dre Macedone, sed de quodam alio, sed certe 
istud est omnino falsum, quod potest patera dupli- 
citer ; primo, quia cum dicimus Alexander debet 
intelligi per excellentiam de Alexandre Magno ; 
secundo, quia iste fuit violentissimus hominum.' 

He then proceeds to justify this opinion at 
length from Orosius, Justin, Lucan, and others, 
and concludes : — 

'Ad propositum ergo autor ponit Alexandrura 
hie tanquam primum et prineipem violentorum, 
maxima eontra proximum ; ita quod punit eum a 
vitio praedominante, et describit eum simplicitar et 
nude, quasi dicat : eum nomino Alaxandrum in- 
tellige quod iste fuit maximus autor violantiarum 
in terris.' 

The fact that Alexander the Great does not 
appear among the great heroes of antiquity in 
Limbo is also in favour of the view that he is 
the Alexander referred to by D. in this passage. 

D.'s allusion (Inf. xiv. 31-6) to the incident 
which happened to A. and his army in India 
was doubtless derived, directly or indirectly, 
from the apocryphal E^istola Alexandri Regis 
ad Aristotilem praeceptore'in suum de Mira- 
bilibus Indiae; there is, however, a notable 
discrepancy between the two accounts, for D. 
says that A. bade his soldiers trample the 
flames, whereas in the Epistola it is the snow 
they are bidden to trample : — 

' Frigus ingans vaspertino tempore saeviebat. 
Cadere mox in modum vellerujn immensae coe- 
perunt nives ; quarum aggregatione matuens ne 
castra eumularentur, caleara militem nivam juba- 
bam, ut quam primum injuria pedum tabeseeret.' 

A similar account is given in the abridged 
Latin version (byLeoarchipresbyter) of Ps'eudo- 
Callisthenes, commonly known as Historia de 
Praeliis, which had been popularized in Italy 
more, than sixty years before the date of D.'s 
Vision by means of a version in elegiacs, com- 
posed in 1236 by Wilkinus de Spoleto. 

It has been assumed by the commentators 
that D.'s version was due to a confused recol- 
lection of the details of the story as given in 
the Epistola ; the immediate source of his 
account, however, was almost undoubtedly 
a passage in the De Meteoris of Albertus 
Magnus (a book with which D. was well 
acquainted), in which, owing to a misquotation 
of the Epistola, precisely the same confusion 
occurs, as to the trampling of the flames, as 
was made by D. Albertus, at the close of 
a discussion as to the nature and origin of 
igneous vapours (the same term as that used 
by D. in speaking of the fiery downpour, 
V. 35), quDtes in illustration what happened to 
Alexander in India : — 

' Admirabilam autem impressionem scribit Alex- 


Alessandro IV 

Alessio Interminei 

and:r ad Aristotilem in epistola de mirabilibus 
Indiae, dicens quemadmodum nivis nubes ignitae 
de aere cadebant, quas ipse militibus calcare 
praecepit' {Meteor, i. 4). 

This same book of the De Meteoris of 
Albertus was also D.'s authority for the quota- 
tions from Albumazar and Seneca in the Con- 
vivio (ii. 14I70-6) [Meteora'i]. 

D. may also have been acquainted with the 
account of the episode in the O. F. Roman 
d'Alixandre (Cent, xii), which has several 
features in common with the description in 
the D. C. :— 

' Eiisement comme nois est fus del ciel pleiis ; 
Trestout art la contree ensement comme fus . . . 
A negier commen9a de I'air qui fu enbrons ; 
Ne demora puis gaires si en vint grans fuisons, 
Et les flocel caioient si grans comme toisons . . . 
Alixandres commande a trestous ses barons 
Que ne remegne en Tost escuiers ne gar9ons. 
Que en mainent les bestes par tous les pavilions, 
Et abatent le noif a peus et a bastons. 
For le calor des bestes fu grans remetions ; 
Li nois qui est remise, cau^a comme sablons.' 

(ed. Miclielant, p. 337.) 

In the Convivio (iv. iii^s-e^D. quotes 
Alexander the Great as an example of munifi- 
cence, of which he was the proverbial type in 
the Middle Ages, as has been pointed out by 
Paul Meyer : — 

'A partir de la seconds moitie du xii« si6de,"et 
jusqu'a la fin du moyen age, le merite pour lequel 
Alexandre est universellement c^lebre . . . est 
surtout et par dessus tout sa largesse.' {Alexan- 
dre le Grand dans la lUt.franf. du moyen age, ii. 
372 ff.) ; see also Romania xxvi. 453-60. 

Alessandro IV], Pope Alexander IV, 
thought by some to be included among the 
Popes referred to. Inf. xix. 73-4 [Wiooolo^]. 
Rainaldo, of the family of the Counts of Segni 
and Anagni, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, nephew 
of Pope Gregory IX, was elected Pope at 
Naples, Dec. 12,1254; diedat Viterbo, May2S, 

Alessandro degli Alberti. [Albertl.] 

Alessandro da Romen a'], Alexander (I), 
Count of Romena, who with his brothers Guido 
and Aghinolfo induced Maestro Adamo to 
counterfeit the Florentine gold florin. Inf. xxx. 
77[Adamo2: Q-uidi, Conti]. He is supposed 
by some to be the Alexander mentioned in the 
titles of Epist. I, Epist. II. 

Alessandro da Romena 2], Alexander 
(II), Count of Romena, according to some the 
nephew of the above, and identical with the 
Alexander mentioned in the titles of Epist. I, 
Epist. II. [G-uidi, Conti,] 

Alessandro Fereo], Alexander tyrant of 
Pherae, B.C. 368-359; defeated at Cynos- 
cephalae by Pelopidas the Theban general, 
B.C. 364 ; killed by his own wife, B.C. 359. He 
was famed for his cruelty, one of his amuse- 
ments being to dress up men in the skins of 
wild beasts, and to set dogs to worry them. 


Many commentators think he is the Alexander 
placed along with Dionysius of Syracuse among 
the Tyrants in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, 
Inf. xii. 107. It is worthy of note that these 
two are coupled both by Cicero (De Offlciis, 
ii. 7) and Valerius Maximus (ix. 13), though in 
neither case as examples of tyranny. It is 
more probable that the person meant by D. 
was Alexander the Great. [Alessandro^.] 

Alessandro Magno. [Alessandro 2.] 

Alessandro Novello], a native of Treviso, 
who was Bishop of Feltre from 1298 to 1320; 
alluded to by Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), 
in connexion with his treacherous surrender of 
certain refugees who had sought his protection, 
as r empio pastor di Feltro, Par. ix. 52-3 ; preie 
cortese, v. 58. [Peltroi.] 

Alessio Interminei, a native of Lucca, 
with whom D. appears to have been acquainted, 
at.any rate by sight, and whom he places among 
the Flatterers in Bolgia 2 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 122; un, v. 116; 
quei, V. 118 ; lui, v.\20\ egli, v. 124 [Adtila- 
tori]. As he looks down into this Bolgia D. 
sees a head so covered with filth that he can- 
not make out whether it belongs to a layman 
or to a cleric, Inf. xviii. 1 15-17 ; the owner of 
it asks D. why he stares at him more than at 
the others {vv. 1 18-19); 'o which D. replies 
that, unless he is mistaken, he has seen him 
before ' with his hair dry,' and that he recog- 
nizes him as Alessio Interminei, hence his 
curiosity {vv. 120-3) ; A. thereupon, beating 
his headj acknowledges that his flattery has 
brought him to this pass {vv. 124-6). 

Of Alessio but little is known beyond the 
fact that he lived in the latter half of Cent, xiii ; 
it appears from a document dated 1295 that 
he was alive in that year, and he must have 
died not long after ; he had several sons who 
survived him. The author of a sonnet (attri- 
buted to Cino da Pistoja) addressed to Busone 
da Gubbio represents D. himself and a Jewish 
friend of his, Immanuel Ben Salomo (Manoello), 
as sharing with Alessio the doom of the 
Flatterers in Hell. 

The Interminei or Interminelli were promi- 
nent Bianchi of Lucca, whence, as Villani 
records (viii. 46), they were expelled by the 
Neri in 1301. To this house belonged the 
famous Ghibelline leader, Castruccio Castra- 
cane, on the mother's side' according to 
Benvenuto, but Villani describes him (x. 122) 
as bearing the name of Interminelli. Benvenuto 
says of Alessio, whom he depicts as an abiect 
flatterer : — ■" 

'Iste fuit quidam Alexius miles dignltate, nobilis 
genere, natione lucanus, natura blandissimus. Fuit 
enim de Interminellis de Luca; de qua stirpe ex 
linea materna fuit iUe strenuus miles Castniccius 
tyrannus cordatus et multura formidatus in tola 



Tuscia, qui fuit magnus malleus Florentiae, do- 
minus Pisarum, Lucae, et Pistorii. . . . Iste ergo 
Alexius ex prava consuetudine tan turn delectabatur 
adulatione, quod nullum sermonem sciebat facere, 
quem non condiret oleo adulationis : omnes un- 
gebat, omnes lingebat, etiam vilissimos et mer- 
cenaries famulos ; et, ut cite dicam, totus colabat, 
totus foetebat adulatione.' 

Aletto, Alectci, one of the three Furies ; 
she is stationed with Megaera and Tisiphone 
to guard the entrance to the City of Dis, Inf. 
X. 4S-8 [Dite^]. D. represents A. as weeping, 
probably in imitation of the Virgilian ' luctifica 
Alecto ' (Aen. vii. 324) [Erine]. 

Alexander!, Alexander the Great, Mon. ii. 
96! ; V. E. ii. 61*. [Alessandro^]. 

Alexander 2, Alexander, count of Romena, 
Epist. I. Hi. ; II. tit, 1. [Alessandro da 

Alexandria, Alessandria della Paglia, V. E. 
i. is"". [Alessandria.] 

Alfa, Alpha, first letter of the Greek alpha- 
bet ; mentioned in allusion to Jiev. i. 8 : 'I am 
Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end- 
ing,' Par. xxvi. 17 ; Alpha, Epist. x. 33. 

Alfarabio, Alfarabius (Muhammad ibn 
Muhammad ibn Turkhdn Abu Nasr, Al- 
Farabi), so called from Farab, his birthplace, 
in Transoxiana, one of the earliest of the 
Arabian philosophers ; he practised as a phy- 
sician at Damascus, where he died in 950 ; in 
philosophy he was a follower of Aristotle, as 
mterpreted by the neo- Platonic commentators. 
Latin translations (made in Cent, xii) of two of 
his opuscula (viz. De Sctentiis and De Jntel- 
lectu et Intellectd) are contained in Alpharabii 
Opera Omnia (Paris, 1638) ; and two others in 
Documenta PhiloSophiae Arabum (Bonn, 
1836); he also wrote a commentary on the 
Rhetoric of Aristotle, and a treatise De Boni- 
tate Pura, which was utilized by the author of 
the pseudo-Aristotelian De Causis ; his works 
are repeatedly quoted by Guillaume d'Auvergne 
(Bishop of Paris, 1228-1248), by Roger Bacon 
(in his Opus Majus), and by Albertus Magnus 
(in his De Causis). 

D. quotes A. (according to one reading) in 
support of the theory that every effect partakes 
of the nature of its cause, Conv. iii. i^''. The 
correct reading in this passage, however, is 
almost certainly not Alfarabio (which isadopted 
by Fraticelli and Giuliani after Scolari), but 
Alpetragio (i.e. Alpetraus or Alpetragius), 
which is the reading of all the early edd., 
and consequently, probably, of the MSS. 

Alfergano, Alfraganus (Ahmad ibn Mu- 
hammad ibn Kathir, Al-Farghani), so called 
from his birthplace Fergana in Sogdiana 
(now Samarcand), celebrated Arabian astro- 

nomer, who flourished at the beginning of 
Cent. ix. during the Caliphate of Ma'miin (d. 
833). He wrote in Arabic (besides treatises 
on sundials and on the astrolabe) a work on 
the elements of astronomy, consisting of thirty 
chapters, which is based upon the principles 
of Ptolemy, whom A. frequently quotes. This 
work was translated from Arabic into Latin, 
about the year 11 42 (as is supposed), by 
Johannes Hispalensis, under the title of 
Alfragatii Elementa Astronotnica, for which 
the alternative title Liber de Aggregatione 
Scientiae Stellarum is sometimes substituted. 
This version, the popularity of which is attested 
by the number of MSS. still in existence (there 
being at least a score in the libraries of Oxford 
alone), is the one which was in common use in 
the Middle Ages ; there are three printed edi- 
tions of it, published respectively at Ferrara 
(1493), at Nuremberg (1537), and at Paris 
(1546). There are two other independent 
Latin versions, one by Christmann, published 
at Frankfort in 159c, the other by Golius, 
published at Amsterdam in 1669. According 
to the latter, Alfraganus was commonly known 
as ' Computator ' on account of his proficiency 
in mathematics, just as Averroes was known 
as ' Commentator ' from his commentaries 
upon Aristotle, and as Aristotle himself was 
styled par excellence ' Philosophus.' 

D. was evidently familiar with the Elementa 
Astronomica of Alfraganus, and studied it 
closely, for he was largely indebted to it for 
astronomical and other data, though only on two 
occasions does he acknowledge his obligations ; 
he mentions Alfraganus himself as his authority 
for the dimensions of the Earth and of the 
planet Mercury, Conv. ii. i486 [Merciirio^ : 
Terra^] ; and refers to his Elementa, under 
the title of Libro delV' Aggregazione delle 
Stelle (but without mentioning the name of' 
the author), for the demonstration of the three- 
fold motion of the Heaven of Venus, Conv. ii. 
5134 [Venere, Cielo di] ; he was also indebted 
to Alfraganus for his information as to the 
projection of the shadow of the Earth as far as 
the sphere of Venus, Par. ix. 1 18-19 [Terra^] ; 
the Syrian calendar and the Arabian usage in 
reckoning the commencement of the day from 
sunset, V. N. § 30!"" [Arabia: Tisrin] ; the 
poles and equators of the various heavens, 
Conv. ii. 4*7-68^ jii_ 563-79 J and the motion of 
the heaven of the Fixed Stars from W. to E. 
1° in 100 years, Conv. ii. 6i*i~3, 151^-1* ; V. N. 
§ 210-12 [Cielo Stellato] ; the diameter of the 
planet Mercury, Conv. ii. 1482-8 [llereurio^] ; 
the distance of Venus from the Earth, Conv. ii. 
7104^8 [Terra" : Venere^] ; the diameter of 
the Earth, Conv. ii. 7106-8^ 1497-8 . jv. gss-eo 
[Terra2] ; the number of the Fixed Stars, 
Conv. ii. 15I8-22 [Stelle Pisse] ; the periods 
of the revolutions of the planets, Conv. ii. 
15132-57 [Cielo Cristallino] ; the circum- 




ference of the Earth, Conv. iii. 58O-107 [Terra^] ; 
the difference between ' equal ' and ' temporal ' 
hours, Conv. iii. 6^''^~^^ (see below) ; the dia- 
meter of the Sun, Conv. iv. S'^"* [Sole]. 

D.'s explanation of the difference between 
' equal ' and ' unequal ' or ' temporal ' hours is 
taken from cap. 1 1 of the Elementa : — 

' Posuerunt astrologi initium uniuscujusque diei 
cum nocte sua, ex hora medii diei usque in horam 
medii sequentis. . . . Omnes vero dies cum nocte 
sua dividuntur per 24 horas . . . et haec vocantur 
aequales, quia nulla diversitas est quantitati earum. 
. . . Horae vero temporariae sive inaequales, cum 
quibus fit unaquaeque dies ac nox tam in aestate 
quam in hyeme 12 horarum. Earumque quanti- 
tates fiunt diversae, secundum longitudinem diei 
ac noctis, sive brevitatem. Cum fuerit dies pro- 
lixior nocte, erunt horae ejus prolixiores horis 
noctis. Et similiter, cum fuerit brevier, erunt 
horae ejus breviores. . . . Et nominantur tempora 
horarum diei. [Perspicuum itaque est, eas horas 
diei aequales, quarum quidem numerus pro diei 
longiLudine vel brevitate major vel minor est ; 
tempora ver6 manent aequalia. Horas autem 
temporarias vel inaequales diei, quarum tempora 
sunt inaequalia ; at numerus semper aequalis est.] ' 

(See Paget Toynbee, Dante's obligations to 
Alfraganus, in Romania, xxiv. 413-32.) 

Alfonso 1], Alphonso III, King of Aragon, 
1285-1291, eldest son of Peter III, whom he 
succeeded in Aragon. D. places him in the 
valley of flowers in Antepurgatory, among the 
princes who neglected to repent, and represents 
him as seated behind his father, referring to 
him, on account of his having died before he 
was thirty, as lo giovinetto, Purg. vii. 116 
[Antipurgatorio]. D. implies that he was 
superior to his brothers, James (who succeeded 
him in Aragon as James II), and Frederick 
(who became King of Sicily as Frederick II, 
1296-1337) [Pietro^]. A. is perhaps referred 
to as I'onor di Cicilia e d'Aragona, Purg. iii. 
115 [Aragona : Table i]. 

Alfonso 2], Alphonso X, El Sabio, King of 
Castile and Leon, 1252-1284, the most learned 
prince of his age, and compiler of the celebrated 
astronomical tables known as the ' Alphonsine 
Tables ' ; thought by some to be alluded to 
by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter as quel 
di Spagna, Par. xix. 125 ; but the reference is 
more probably to his grandson, Fernando IV 
(1295-1312) [Castella: rerdinando: Table 
iii] ; some suppose also that he is the King 
of Castile commended for his munificence as 
il buon Re di Castella, Conv. iv. 11 128-6; but 
the reference in this case is almost certainly to 
his great-grandfather, Alphonso VIII, King 
ofCastile, 1158-1214 [Alfonso^]. 

Alfonso 3], Alphonso VIII, King of Castile, 
1158-1214 ; most probably the King of Castile 
mentioned, together with the Marquis of Mont- 
ferrat and the Count of Toulouse, on account 


of his liberality, Conv. iv. iii^o-s. This king, 
whom D. speaks of as ' il buon Re di Castella,' 
was one of the great patrons and protectors of 
the troubadours (whence doubtless D.'s refer- 
ence to him), as were Boniface II of Montferrat, 
and Raymond V of Toulouse, with whom he is 
coupled. Bertran de Born speaks of him in 
one of his poems as ' il valen rei de Castela 
n'Anfos,' and in the old Provengal life of 
Folquet of Marseilles he is referred to as 'lo 
bos reis Anfos de Castela,' a description which 
D. has adopted. Among his prot^gds were 
Peire Rogier, Guiraut de Borneil, Folquet of 
Marseilles, and Aimeric' de Pegulhan, of whom 
the last three are mentioned by D. in the De 
Vulgari Eloquentia and elsewhere. [Castella : 
Table iii.] 

Alfragano. [Alferganc] 

Algazel, Algazali (Muhammad ibn Mu- 
hammad, Zain Al-Din Abu Hamid, Al-Ghaz- 
zali), Moslem theologian, usually described as 
Arabian philosopher, born 1058, died mi. 
After lecturing on theology at Bagdad, he re- 
tired to Damascus, returning ten years later to 
Bagdad, where he resumed his teaching. He 
spent the close of his life in retirement, absorbed 
in the contemplative life of the Sufis, who had 
been his earliest instructors. He wrote a 
treatise, which is extant, called Destructio 
Philosophorum, against the accepted Aristo- 
telianism of the day, his philosophy being 
characterized by a reversion from the meta- 
physical to the theological state of thought. 
The work called the Tendencies of the Philo- 
sophers, translated into Latin and published at 
Venice in 1506 under the title Logica et Philo- 
sophia Algazelis Arabis, contains neither the 
logic nor the philosophy of Algazali. It is a 
mere abstract of the Peripatetic systems, and 
was made preliminary to the Destructio men- 
tioned above. With Algazali Arabian philo- 
sophy in the East came to an end ; but it 
revived in the West in Mahometan Spain, 
where its most distinguished exponent was 
the great Aristotelian commentator, Averroes 
{Encyc. Brit). 

D. quotes the opinion of Algazali {Logic, et 
Philos. i. 4), which he shared with Plato and 
Avicenna, that substantial generation is effected 
bythejnotive powers of the Heavens, Conv. 
n. 1431 2 ; the theory, held by him {Logic, et 
Philos. n. s) and Avicenna, that souls are 
noble or ignoble of themselves from the begin- 
nmg, Conv. iv. 2ii5-i7. (See Mazzucchelli, 
Autort cttati nel Convito.) 

Ali, Ali ibn Abu Taleb, fourth in order of 
the Cahphs or successors of Mahomet, born at 
Mecca circ. 597 ; his father was uncle of the 
prophet, by whom A. himself was adopted and 
educated ; as a youth he was the first to de- 
clare his adhesion to the cause of Mahomet, 



who in return made him his vicegerent, and 
later rewarded him with the hand of his 
daughter Fatima. When Mahomet died (in 
632) without male issue, A. did not press his 
legitimate claims to succeed him, but allowed 
three other companions of the prophet succes- 
sively to become Caliph, viz. Abu-Eekr (632- 
634), Omar (634-644), and Othman (644-656) ; 
it was not until after the murder of Othman in 
656 that he assumed the caliphate, which he 
held until his assassination at Kufa in 661. The 
question of All's right to succeed to the 
caliphate divided the Mahometans into two 
great sects, viz. the Sunnites (represented by 
the modern Turks), who deny his right, and 
the Shiites or Fatimites (represented by the 
Persians), who affirm it, and who venerate A. 
as second only to Mahomet himself. 

D. places Ali, together with Mahomet, among 
the Schismatics in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxviii. 32 ; he is repre- 
sented as ' cloven in the face from the chin to 
the forelock,' while Mahomet is cloven ' from 
his chin to his fundament ' {vv. 24, 33) [Seis- 
matiei]. Benvenuto represents A. as the uncle 
and teacher of the prophet : — 

' Aly fuit patruus Macoraethi . . . habet totam 
faciem per longum divisam, ita quod est parum 
divisus, sed in parte corporis honestiori et princi- 
paliori, quia Macomethum instruxit et juvit ad 
tantum errorem, licet non tantum deliquerit.' 

Alichino, one of the ten demons in Bolgia 5 
of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) deputed by 
Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 118; 
xxii. 112; quei, vv.\2^,i2(); compagno,v.l'i7; 
Paltro, V. 139 ; he and his companions are 
placed as guardians of the Barrators, whom 
they rend with their iron prongs whenever the 
latter venture to appear above the surface of 
the boiling pitch in which they are immersed 
[Barattieri]. Alichino is the victim of a trick 
on the part of Ciampolo, one of the Barrators, 
who eludes him, and in consequence brings 
down upon A. the wrath of Calcabrina, one of 
the other demons. Inf. xxii. 112-35 ; the latter 
flies at A., and the two fall together into the 
pitch, whence they are fished out by four of 
their companions {vv. 137-50) [Calcabrina: 

Some see in the name Alichino, which 
Philalethes renders ' Biickeschnurbs ,' the Helle- 
quin (mod. ' Harlequin ') who with his mesnie 
is so frequently met with in O.F. literature. 

Alighieri], Dante's family name, referred 
to by Cacciaguida, D.'s great-great-grandfather 
(in the Heaven of Mars), as tua cognazione. 
Par. XV. 92 ; il tuo soprannome, v. 138. Cac- 
ciaguida, who is said to have belonged to the 
Elisei, one of the ancient families of Florence 
who boasted their descent from the Romans, 
married one of the Aldighieri or Alighieri, 
probably of Ferrara, from whom he says D.'s 

surname was derived, ' Mia donna venne a me 
di val di Pado, E quindi il soprannome tuo si 
feo,' Par. xv. 137-8. [Cacciaguida : Dante.] 
There has been much discussion as to the 
correct form of D.'s surname, which, ^s. might 
be expected, is spelt in many various ways in 
MSS. The name itself appears to be of German 
origin. Minich, however, attempts to give it 
a local origin, and derives it from alga, the 
sea- weed with which all the swampy land in 
the Po valley abounds, referring Cacciaguida's 
' quindi ' {v. 138) not to ' mia donna,' but to 
' val di Pado.' The most recent investigations 
tend to show that in the Latin form the name 
was probably originally Alagherii, and in the 
Italian Alighieri (see M. Scherillo, // cog- 
nome Alighieri, in Alcuni capitoli della Bio- 
grafia di Dante, Turin, 1896). The name in 
its Latin form (spelt variously by different 
editors) occurs, Epist. ii. tit. ; v. tit. ; vi. tit. ; 
vii. tit. ; viii. tit. ; ix. 3 ; x. tit., 10 ; A. T. §§ 
1 2, 24*. 

Alighieri, Bello degli. [Belle] 

Alighiero], the son of Cacciaguida, and 
great-grandfather of Dante, whose father, Ali- 
ghiero II, was the eldest son of Bellincione, 
the eldest son of Ahghiero I ; the second son 
of the last was Bello, father of Geri del Bello 
(Inf. xxix. 27) [Table xxii]. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) refers 
to Alighiero as his own son, and D.'s great- 
grandfather, and as being the ancestor from 
whom the poet derived his surname Alighieri, 
' Quel da cui si dice Tua cognazione . . . Mio 
figlio fu, e tuo bisavo fue,' Par. xv. 91-2, 94 
[Alighieri : Dante]. This Alighiero is men- 
tioned, together with his brother Preitenitto, 
in a document dated Dec. 9, ii8g; and is 
proved by another document to have been 
alive on Aug. 14, 1201 ; it is evident that D. 
was ignorant of the exact date of his death, for 
he makes Cacciaguida say (in 1300) that his 
son had been ' a hundred years and more ' 
among the Proud in Circle I of Purgatory 
(Par. XV. 92-3) [Cacciaguida : Superbi]. 

Aliotti], noble Florentine family, said to 
have been a branch of the Visdomini, who, as 
some think, are alluded to by Cacciaguida (in 
the Heaven of Mars) as being patrons of the 
bishopric of Florence, the revenues of which 
they enjoyed during the vacancy of the See, 
Par. xvi. 112-14. Benvenuto says : — 

' Ista domus Visdominorum tantae dignitatis 
quasi defecit ; tamen ex ea factae sunt duae aliae 
domus, scilicet illi de la Tosa, et Aliotti.' 

The Aliotti are mentioned by Villani (xii. 23) 
among the noble families who were reduced in 
1343 to the rank of 'popolani.' [Tostaghi : 

AUagherius. [Alighieri,] 



AUighieri. [AligMeri.] 

Almeone, Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus 
the seer and Eriphyle. Amphiaraus, fore- 
seeing that the expedition against Thebes 
would prove fatal to him, concealed himself in 
order to avoid joining it; but his wife Eriphyle, 
bribed by Polynices with the necklace of 
Harmonia, revealed his hiding-place, so that 
he went, and met his death [Armonia]. 
Before he died, however, he enjoined Alcmaeon 
to slay Eriphyle to avenge her betrayal of 
him ; accordingly on his return from Thebes 
Alcmaeon put his mother to death [Anfiarao : 
Erifile]. The incident of A. slaying Eriphyle 
is represented among the graven pictures on 
the ground in Circle I of Purgatory, where E. 
figures as an example of defeated pride, Purg. 
xii. 49-5 1 [Superbi] ; A. is mentioned again in 
the same connexion. Par. iv. 103-5, where the 
line ' Per non perder pietk si fece spietato ' 
(v. 105) is a reminiscence of Ovid : — 

' ultusque parente parentem 
Natus erlt facto pius et sceleratus eodem/ 

{Metatn. ix. 407-8.) 

Alpei, the Alps, Inf. xiv. 30; xx. 62 ; Purg. 
xvii.i; xxxiii.iii; .^i^2,Canz.xi.6i; alluded to 
as alpestre rocce, in connexion with the source 
of the Po, Par. vi. 51 [Fo] ; the Tyrolese Alps 
are described as I'Alpe, che serra Lamagna 
Sovra Tiralli, Inf. xx. 62-3 ; the Pennine 
Alps are perhaps referred to. Inf. xx. 65 

Alpe^, the Apennines, Inf. xvi. loi. [Apen- 
nines : Benedetto, San.] 

Alpetragio, Alpetragius or Alpetraiis, an 
Arabian of Morocco, who flourished about the 
middle of Cent. xii. He was celebrated as the 
author of a new physical theory of the celestial 
motions, his idea being that the stars moved 
in spirals, thus representing or rather com- 
bining their proper and diurnal motions. 

Jourdain (Trad. Lat. d'Aristote, pp. 132-3) 
identifies Alpetragius with a certain Nour- 
Eddin Alpetrongi, a Christian of Seville, who 
became a Mahometan, and wrote a treatise on 
the Sphere, based upon the new system intro- 
duced by Azarchel, which was translated in 
1217 at Toledo by Michael Scott, and which 
had an important influence upon the astro- 
nomical studies of Cent. xiii. 

D. quotes A. in support of the theory that 
every effect partakes of the nature of its cause, 
Conv. iii. 2^'. Some modern edd. for Alpe- 
tragio here read Alfarabio, Alfarabius, but 
there is little doubt that the former is the 
right reading. [Alfarabio.] 

Alpha, first letter of the Greek alphabet, 
Epist. x. 33. [Alfa.] 

Alphesiboeus, name, borrowed from 
Virgil (Ed. v. 73 ; viii. l), under which D. is 


said to have concealed the identity of a certain 
Maestro Fiducio de' Milotti, a physician of 
Certaldo, who was -with him at Ravenna, Eel. 
ii. 7, 15,44, 45, 49> 76. 

Alpi, the Alps, Canz. xi. 6i. [Alpei.] 

Altaforte, Hautefort, castle in the Limousin 
in the bishopric of P^rigord, some twenty 
miles N.E. of Perigueux (in the modern 
Department of Dordogne) ; it belonged to the 
celebrated troubadour, Bertran de Born, to 
whom D. refers as colui chegid. tenne Altaforte, 
Inf. xxix. 29 [Bertram dal Bornio]. 

Although his Pjoven^al biographer gives 
Bertran the title of Viscount, and says that he 
was lord of nearly a thousand men (' Bertrans 
de Born si fo de Lemozi, vescoms d'Autafort, 
que i avia prop de mil omes '), it is evident 
from existing documents that Hautefort was 
neither a viscounty nor the centre of a wealthy 
lordship. It was a first-class fortress, worthy 
of its name, lofty and strong (the chronicler 
Jaufr6 de Vigeois terms it 'castrum valde in- 
expugnabile '), but not otherwise a place of 

After the death of the ' Young King ' (June 
II, 1183), eldest surviving son of Henry II of 
England, Bertran was besieged in Hautefort 
by Richard Cceur-de-Lion, and Alphonso II, 
King of Aragon, who appeared with an army 
before its walls on June 29 in that same year. 
After holding out for a week, the fortress fell, 
and was handed over by Richard to Bertran's 
brother Constantine. In the end, however, it 
was restored to Bertran, who held it till his 
death. The story of the taking of Hautefort 
through the treachery of the King of Aragon, 
and of how the King of England (who is 
erroneously represented as taking part in the 
siege) restored it to Bertran, is told by an 
anonymous troubadour in the razo (argument) 
to one of Bertran's poems : — 

' Lo reis Enrics d'Engleterra si tenia assis en 
Bertran de Born dedintz Autafort el combatia ab 
SOS edificis, que molt Ii volia gran mal, quar el 
crezia que tota la guerra quel reis joves, sos filhz, 
Ii avia faita, qu'en Bertrans lalh aguds faita far, 
e per so era vengutz denan Autafort per lui de- 
seretar. EI reis d'Arago venc en Tost del rei 
Enric denan Autafort. E quan Bertrans o saup, 
si fo molt alegres quel reis dArago era en Tost, 
per so qu'el era sos amies especials. EI reis 
d'Arago si mandet sos messatges dintz lo castel, 
qu'en Bertrans Ii mandfes pa e vi e earn ; e el si 
Ten mandet assatz, c per lo messatge per cui el 
mandet los presens el Ii mandet pregan qu'el 
fezes si qu'el fezes mudar los edificis e far traire 
en altra part, quel murs on il ferion era totz rotz. 
E d, per gran aver del rei Enric, el Ii dis tot so 
quen Bertrans Ii avia mandat a dire. El reis 
Enrics si fetz metre dels edificis plus en aquela 
part on saup quel murs era rotz e fo lo murs ades 
per terra el castels pres. En Bertrans, ab toU 
sa gen, fo menatz al pabalho del rei Enric, el reis 




b receup molt mal e silh dis : " Bertrans, Bertrans, 
vos avetz dit que anc la meitatz del vostre sen 
nous ac mestier nul temps, mas sapchatz qu' ara vos 
a el be mestier totz." — " Senher, dis en Bertrans, 
el es be ver qu'eu o dissi e dissi be vertat." El 
reis dis : " Eu ere be qu'el vos sia ara falhitz." 
" Senher, dis en Bertrans, be m'es falhitz." — " E 
com ! " dis lo reis. " Senher, dis Bertrans, lo 
jorn quel valens joves reis, vostre filhz, mori, eu 
perdi lo sen el saber e la conoissensa." El reis, 
quan auzi so qa'en Bertrans li dis en ploran del 
filh, venc li grans dolors al cor de pietat e als 
olhz, si que nos poc tener qu'el no pasmfes de 
dolor. E quan el revenc de pasmazo, el crida 
e ditz en ploran: "En Bertrans, en Bertrans, 
vos avetz be droit e es be razos si vos avetz perdut 
lo sen per mon filh, que el vos volia melhz que 
ad ome del mon ; e eu, per amor de lui, vos quit 
la persona e I'aver el vostre castel e vos ren la 
mia amor e la mia gracia e vos don cine centz 
marcs d'argen per los dans que vos avetz re- 
ceubutz." En Bertrans silh cazec als pes, referen 
li gracias e mercSs, el reis ab tota la soa ost s'en 
anet. En Bertrans, quan saup quel reis d'Arago 
li avia faita si laida felonia, fo molt iratz ab lo rei 

Alvernia i,Auvergne, district in S.-Central 
France, on the borders of the old Languedoc, 
whence the troubadour Peire d'Alvernha took 
his name, V. E. i. lo^*. [Petrus de Alvernia.] 

Alvernia^], La Vernia, mountain (4796 ft.) 
in the Casentino E. of Florence, near Bibbiena, 
on the S.W. slope of which St. Francis of 
Assisi founded a monastery (in 1218), the 
remains of which are still to be seen ; it is 
here that St. Francis is said to have received 
the stigmata in 1224 after fasting for forty 
days. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of 
the Sun), in connexion with this incident, refers 
to the mountain, which is situated between 
the sources of the Tiber and the Arno, as il 
crudo sassp, intra Tevere ed Arno, Par. xi. 
106-7. [Francesco^.] 

Amalech, Amalek, the Amalekites ; men- 
tioned as typical of the Emperor Henry VII's 
opponents in Italy, Epist. vii. J. [Agag.] 

Amano], Haman, chief minister of Aha- 
suerus, from whom he obtained a decree that 
all the Jews in the Persian empire should be 
put to death (Esther iii. 8-15) ; after the 
failure of this attempt to compass the destruc- 
tion of the Jews, H., through the intervention 
of Esther and Mordecai, was hanged on the 
gallows which he had prepared for the latter 
(Esther vii. 7-10). [Aasuero : Ester : Mar- 

Haman figures among the examples of 
wrath seen by D. in Circle 111 of Purgatory, 
where he is represented as ' crucified,' with 
Ahasuerus, Esther, and Mordecai grouped 
around him, Purg. xvii. 25-30 [Iraeondi]. 
D.'s use of the term ' crocifisso,' as applied to 
Haman, is explained by the Vulgate, where 

the word rendered ' gallows ' in A.V. is repre- 
sented by Lat. cnix ('jussit excelsam parari 
crucem '). The same term is employed by 
Brunetto Latino : — 

' Hester fist crucefier Aman, qui voloit destruire 
le pueple Israel.' {Tre'sor, i. 58.) 

Amanti, Spiriti. [Spirit! Amantl.] 

Amata, wife of Latinus, King of Latium, 
and mother of Lavinia ; she hanged herself 
rather than live to see her daughter married 
to Aeneas [Lavinia]. D. includes her among 
the examples of wrath in Circle III of Purga- 
tory, Purg. xvii. 34-9, where in a vision he 
sees Layinia weeping and reproaching her 
mother with her suicide, calling upon her as 
regina, v. 35, and madre, v. 39 [Iraeondi]. In 
his letter to the Emperor Henry VII, D. com- 
pares the city of Florence to Amata (Epist. 
vii. 7) :— 

'Haec Amata ilia impatiens, quae, repulso 
fatali connubio, quem fata negabant generum sibi 
adscire non timuit, sed in bella furialiter provo- 
cavit, et demum, male ausa luendo, laqueo se 

The episode is narrated by Virgil, but D. sup- 
plies the words to which Virgil only alludes : — 

'Accidit haec fessis etiam fortuna Latinis, 
Quae totam luctu concussit funditus urbera. 
Regina ut tectis venientem prospicit hostera, 
Incessi muros, ignes ad tecta volare, 
Nus(]uani acies contra Rutulas, nulla agmina Tumi : 
Infelix pugnae juvenem in certamine credit 
Kxstinctum, et, subito mentem turbata dolore, 
Se caussam clamat, crimenque caputque malorum, 
Multaque per maestum demens effata furorem, 
Purpureos moritura manu discindit atnictus, 
Et nodum informis leti trabe nectit ab alta, 
Quam cladem miserae postquam accepere Latinae, 
Filia prima manu flavos Lavinia crines 
Et roseas laniata genas, tum cetera circum 
Turba furit ; resonant late plangoribus aedes.' 

(Aen. xii. .593-607.) 

Ambrogio, Sant'. [Ambrosius.] 

Ambrosius, St. Ambrose, celebrated Father 
of the Church, born 334, died 397. St. A. was 
educated at Rome, studied law, practised as 
a pleader at Milan, and in 369 was' appointed 
governor of Luguria and Aemilia (N. Italy). 
In 374 he was nominated Bishop of Milan, 
though not yet baptized. He at first refused 
the dignity, but accepted it under persuasion. 
As Bishop he became the unswerving opponent 
of the Arian heresy [Arrio], which had the 
support of Justina, mother of Valentinian II, 
and, for a time, of the young Emperor himself. 
In 390, on account of the ruthless massacre 
at Thessalonica ordered by the Emperor 
Theodosius, St. A. refused him entrance into 
the church at Milan for eight months. St. 
Augustine was among those who received 
baptism at his hands [Agostino''^]. St. A. 
was a voluminous writer, but many of his 
works are little more than reproductions of the 
writings of Origen and other Greek Fathers. 
His exegetical works include an exposition of 




the Gospel of St. Luke, and commentaries on 
certain of the Psalms. He was also the author 
of many hymns, designed to combat the errors 
of Arianism, some of which have been adopted 
in the liturgies of the Western Church. The 
beginning of one of these, ' Te lucis ante,' is 
quoted by D., who represents the spirits in 
the valley of flowers in Antepurgatory as chant- 
ing it, Purg. viii. 13-14. The hymn is as 
follows : — 

' Te lucis ante terminum, 
Rerum Creator, poscimus, 
Ut tua pro dementia, 
Sis praesul et custodia. 
Procul recedant somnia 
Et noctium phantasmata : 
Hostemque nostrum comprime, 
Ne polluantur corpora. 
Praesta, Pater piissime, 
Patrique compar Unice, 
Cum spiritu Paraclito 
Regnans per omne saeculum.^ 

D. reproaches the Italian cardinals with 
their neglect of the works of St. A., and of the 
other Fathers of the Church : ' Jacet Gregorius 
tuus in telis aranearum ; jacet Ambrosius in 
neglectis clericorum latibulis ; jacet Augus- 
tinus ; abjectus Dionysius, Damascenus, et 
Beda,' Epist. viii. 7. Some think that St. A. 
is alluded to as one of the four elders ' in 
humble guise ' in the mystic Procession in the 
Terrestrial Paradise (the other three being 
St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and St. Jerome), 
Purg. xxix. 142. The reference, however, is 
more probably to the four writers of the 
canonical Epistles. [Proeessione.] 

Several of the old commentators think St. A. 
is referred to as Quel awocato del tempi 
Cristiani, Par. x. 119. Benvenuto hesitates 
between St. A. and Paulus Orosius, the his- 
torian : — 

'Ad evidentiam istius literae est notandum quod 
litera ista potest verificari tam de Ambrosio quam 
de Orosio. De Ambrosio quidem quia fuit magnus 
advocatus temporum christianorum, quia tempore 
suo pullulaverunt multi et magni haeretici ; contra 
quos Ambrosius defensavit ecclesiam Dei, immo 
et contra Theodosium imperatorem fuit audacis- 
simus ; et ad ejus praedicationem Augustinus 
conversus fuit ad fidem, qui fuit vahdissimus mal- 
leus haereticorum. Potest etiam intelligi de 
Paulo Orosio, qui fuit defensor temporum chris- 
tianorum reprobando tempora pagana, sicut evi- 
denter apparet ex ejus opere quod intitulatur 
Ormesta mundi, quern librum fecit ad petitionem 
beati Augustini, sicut ipse Orosius testatur in 
prohemio dicti libri. . . . Et hie nota quod quamvis 
istud possit intelligi tam de Orosio quam de Am- 
brosio, et licet forte autor intellexerit de Orosio, 
cui fuit satis familiaris, ut perpendi ex multis 
dictis ejus, tamen melius est quod intelligatur de 
Ambrosio, quia licet Orosius fuerit vir valens et 
utilis, non tamen bene cadit in ista corona inter 
tam egregios doctores.' 

In spite of Benvenuto's arguments, however, 
there can be scarcely a doubt that Orosius is 
intended. [Orosio.] 




Amicitia, De, Cicero's treatise On Friend- 
ship, written in the form of a dialogue, the chief 
speaker being Laelius, to commemorate the 
friendship of the latter with Scipio Africanus 
the younger [Lelio] ; quoted as D'Amicizia, 
Conv. i. I2'9; Dell' AmistH, Conv. ii. 13I9; 
one of the books with which D. consoled him- 
self after the death of Beatrice, Conv. ii. 
13I7-22 J Cicero's opinion, in agreement with 
that of Aristotle, that love is begot by proxi- 
mity and goodness, and increased by advan- 
tage, study, and habit, Conv. i. i2i8-iis ; — 

Amic. 5 5: 'Hoc praestat amicitia propinqui- 
tati, quod ex propinquitate benivolentia tolli 
potest, ex amicitia non potest ; sublata enim 
benivolentia, amicitiae nomen tollitur, propinqui- 
tatis manet.' — § 9 : ' confirmatur amor et beneficio 
accepto, et studio perspecto, et consuetudine ad- 

D. was indebted to the De Amicitia (§ 26) 
for the quotation (from the Eunuchus of 
Terence) which he puts into the mouth of 
Thais (the words attributed to her by D. 
being really those of Gnatho), Inf xviii. 133-5 
[Taide]. D. probably also got from the same 
work (§ 7) the story of Pylades and Orestes, 
alluded to, Purg. xiii. 32 [Oreste]. 

Amicizia, D'. [Amicitia, De.] 

Amiclas, Amyclas, Conv. iv. 13120. [Ami- 

Amiclate, Amyclas, a poor fisherman who 
'Caesar and his fortune bare at once' in his 
boat from Epirus into Italy. Julius Caesar, 
being anxious to reach Italy, went secretly at 
night to the cottage of A., who, secure in his 
poverty, admitted him, and consented to convey 
him across the Adriatic. 

A. is mentioned, in allusion to this incident, 
by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) in connexion with St. Francis, and his 
devotion to poverty, Par. xi. 67-9; Lucan's 
account of the incident quoted in a discussion 
as to the harmfulness of riches, Conv. iv. 

I2ll0-21_ ' 

D. has closely followed Lucan's narrative of 
the episode (Par. xi. 67-9), the last four lines 
of which he translates in the Convivio (iv. 

' Haud procul inde domus non ullo robore fulta 
Sed stenh jnnco, cannaque intexta palustri 
Et latus inversa nudum munita phaselo ' 
Haec Caesar bis terque manu quassantia tectum 
Limma commovit ; molli consurgit Amyclas 
T^^t^^^ =^^ '°™= Quisnam mea iaufragus, inquit, 
Tecta petit ■>. aut quem nostrae fortuna coegit 
Auxihum sperare casae? Sic fatus ab alto 
Aggere jam tepidae sublato fune favillae 
bcmtillam tenuem commotos pavit in ignes ■ 
Securas belli, praedam civilibus armis 
Scit non esse casam, O vitae tuta facultas 
Pauperis, angustique lares! O munera nondum 


Analytica Priora 

Intellecta dedm ! Quibus hoc contingere templis 

Aut potuit muris, nullo trepidare tumultu 

Caesarea pulsante manu?' (Phars. v. 515-31.) 

The following account of the incident is 
given by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Essendo rebellati gli romani senatori a Cesare, 
et essendo fuori di Roma cestui con grande 
seguito ch'avea, si degli Romani estrinseci come 
d'altri popoli, faceva viva guerra ad essi, et a 
quelle cittadi ciie a loro ubidiano ; e fra I'altre si 
era una terra al principio di Romania, appellata 
Durazo, molto forte e ben murata, <• teneasi per 
gli romani sanatori. . . . Cesare con sua gente and6 
ad assedio al detto Durazo ; e vigorosamente facea 
sua guerra. In processo di tempo awenne che 
vittuaglia mancava all' oste di Cesare. Questi per 
le circustanze pigliavano ogni castello e fortezza 
e rubavano e toglievano tutta quella vittuaglia 
ch' egli trovavono ; abbreviando, egli disciporono 
e miseno in fuga tutte quelle pertinenze d'intorno, 
salvo che suso la marina era uno nocchiero, vel 
tragittatore, lo quale solamente avea una sua 
barca e un remo, e in terra non avea se non uno 
capannuccio, dov'era un poco di paglia; e quivi 
posava quando dormia, o s' ello era fucri d'opera. 
Avea nome Amiclas, lo quale perch' era cosi 
povero, non temea rubagione, perch^ avea poco, 
vel quasi nulla sustanzia temporale, non temea 
invidia d'esser morto; si che, dove tutta la con- 
trada, vel paese, fugia dall' oste di Cesare, costui, 
per la sua povertade, stava sicuro, e non brigava 
di trovare altra stanzia. ... Or dice che, veggendo 
Cesare pure mancargli vittuaglia, mandb navilj 
nelle parti d'ltalia, cosi forniti come bisogno era, 
et agli rettori di quegli commise suo affare. Pas- 
sato quello termine che costoro doveano esser 
venuti coUa vittuaglia, e non eran tornati, misesi Ce- 
sare una sera in via disconosciutamente, e nol seppe 
alcuna persona dell' oste. Venne a casa d'Ami- 
clate, e tanto venne effettuosamente che diede 
delle mani nell'uscio dello medale, e fecelo tutto 
crollare, e disse: O della casa! vieni, ch'io voglio 
che tu mi tragietti con tua navicella oltre questo 
braccio di mare. Amiclas, udito la boce di Cesare, 
e sentito lo bussamento di suo ostello, s'awide 
bene che questo era grande fatto ; ma pensossi : 
lo son povero, io non ho nulla, che costui possa 
affrettare di vedere, si che, sia di che condizione 
viiole, o vuol grande o vuol minore, el non mi 
pu6 offendere : io odo lo mare esser turbato, e 
soe la etade della luna e gli altri aspetti de' 
pianeti, gli quali hanno a rauover lo tempo ad 
esser mal disposto : io non voglio servire a costui. 
Pensato questo, rispuose : Amico mio, io non 
voglio ; lo tempo non 6 disposto : io non ne voglio 
far nulla. Fatta da costui questa risposta, Cesare 
si maraviglib molto ; ma pensossi di fare per- 
suasioni, accib ch' egli lo servisse, e disse : Frate, 
io ti voglio fare assapere ch' io son Cesare, lo 
quale, come tu puoi avere inteso, io sono temuto ; 
ch6, non solo a una mia parola si moverebbe uno 
uomo, ma la metade di quegli del mondo ; s'egli 
pensassono ch'io lo pensassi, correrebbono a ridu- 
cere in atto mio pensiero. Costui rispuose : 
Questo pu6 esser ch' egli farebbono per paura 
d'esser disfatti di suo dominio et avere ; ma io 
non temo di perdere alcuna cosa, ch' io sono in 
estrema povertade. Rispuose Cesare : Se tu mi 

farai questo servigio, io ti provvedr6 si che tu 
non avrai bisogno d'andare a tale sei-vizio ; e trar- 
rotti di questa povertade. Ad Amiclas piacque 
tale proiierta ; ma, conoscendo lo tempo male 
adatto a navicare, mal volentieri si mettea in mare, 
e comincid a ragionare. a Cesare d'astrologia, 
mostrando la costellazione disposta a producere 
fortuna in mare. Abbreviando, Cesare volea pur 
passare per quelle parti, onde dovea venire la 
vittuaglia ; e disse ad Amiclas : Non temere, ch' 
j' ho gli Dii a mia posta ; noi non possiamo perire. 
Persuaso Amiclate, misesi in mare.' 

Amidei], noble Florentine family, whose 
murder of Buondelmonte, in revenge for a slight 
to a lady of their house, gave rise to the bloody 
factions of Guelfs and Ghibellines in Florence. 
Villani, who records the incident, speaks of 
them as ' onorevoli e nobili cittadini ' (v. 38) ; 
he says they lived in the Sesto di san Piero 
Scheraggio, and sided with the Ghibellines, 
the Buondelraonti being Guelfs (v. 39). 

Cacciaguida, addressing D. (in the Heaven 
of Mars), refers to them as ' La casa di che 
nacque il vostro fleto' (i.e. the house which 
caused so much lamentation in Florence), and 
says that in his day they and their ' consorti ' 
(i. e., according to the old commentators, the 
Uccellini and Gherardini) were held in high 
honour, Par. xvi. 136-9. [Buondelmonte.] 

Amistk, Dell'. [AmiciUa, De.] 

Amore, Love, i. e. Cupid, the son of Venus, 
as ,is testified by Virgil (Aen. i. 664-5) ^'^^ 
Ovid (Meiam. v. 363), Conv. ii. 6117-26. [Cu- 

Amore, Rimedio d'. [Remedia Amoris.'\ 

Amos, Amoz, father of the prophet Isaiah, 
who is hence spoken of as Amosfilius, Epist. 
vii. 2 (ref. to 2 Kings xix). [Isaia.] 

Amphitrite, daughter of Oceanus and wife 
of Neptune, goddess of the sea ; mentioned to 
indicate the sea, Epist. vii. 3 ; the ocean as 
distinct from inland seas, A. T. § 15^. 

Anacreonte, Anacreon, celebrated Greek 
lyric poet, born at Teos, an Ionian city in Asia 
Minor ; he lived in Athens circ. B. c. 522, and 
died circ. 478 at the age of 85. His poems, 
only a few genuine fragments of which have 
been preserved, are chiefly in celebration of 
love and wine. According to the reading of 
Aldus and others, A. is mentioned as being 
among the ancient poets in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 
106 [Limbo]. The correct reading, however, 
is almost certainly, not Anacreonte, but Anti- 
fonte [Antifonte]. 

Anagna. [Alagna.] 

Analytica Priora, the Prior Analytics, logi- 
cal treatise of Aristotle ; quoted, as Priora, in 
illustration of the use of hypothesis in argu- 
ment, A. T. § igis ; the first book, which deals 
with the form of the syllogism, is quoted 




(apparently) as De Syllogismo, to show that in 
a syllogism containing four terms the form of 
the syllogism is not kept, ' ut patet ex iis quae 
de Syllogismo simpliciter,' Mon. iii. 716--". 
Aristotle says {Anal. Priora, i. 25) : ' Mani- 
festum est quod omnis demonstratio erit per 
tres terminos et non plures.' Witte thinks the 
reference is rather to the Summulae Logicales 
of Petrus Hispanus. 

Anania^, Ananias, ' the disciple at Damas- 
cus,' who healed St. Paul's blindness by laying 
his hands upon him {Acts ix. 10-18) ; the virtue 
of the glance of Beatrice compared to that of 
the hand of A., Par. xxvi. 12. 

Anania 2], Ananias, husband of Sapphira ; 
the two are included among the examples of 
lust of wealth proclaimed by the Avaricious in 
Circle V of Purgatory, col marito Safira, Purg. 
XX. 112. [Avari: Safira.] 

Anassagora, Anaxagoras, celebrated 
Greek philosopher of the Ionian school ; born 
at Clazomenae in Ionia, B. c. 500 ; died, at the 
age of 72, at Lampsacus in Mysia, B. c. 428. 
While at Athens, where he lived as the friend 
and teacher of Euripides and Pericles, he was 
accused of impiety, and sentenced to pay a 
fine of five talents and to quit the city. He 
taught that a supreme intelligence was the 
cause of all things. 

D., whose knowledge of A. was probably de- 
rivedfromCicerof.^i'afif. i. 13 ; ii. 31, 37; Tusc. 
i. 43 ; iii. 13 ; v. 39 ; &c.), places him, together 
with Thales (with whom he is coupled by Aris- 
totle in the Ethics, vi. 7), in Limbo among the 
great philosophers of antiquity. Inf. iv. 137 
[Limbo] ; his opinion as to the nature and origin 
of the Milky Way, Conv. ii. ijss-g [Galassia]. 

Anastagi, noble Ghibelline family of Ra- 
venna, next in importance to the Polentani 
and Traversari (Purg. xiv. 107), with the latter 
of whom, as well as with the Counts of Bagna- 
cavallo (Purg. xiv. 115), they were in close 
alliance. Guido del Duca (in Circle II of 
Purgatory) mentions them among the ancient 
worthy families of Romagna, and speaks of 
them and of the Traversari as being without 
heirs, and consequently on the eve of extinc- 
tion, Purg. xiv. 107-8. [Traversara, Casa.] 

The Anastagi for a time played an important 
part in the politics of Romagna. In 1249, 
while Alberto Caccianimico of Bologna was 
Podestk of Ravenna, the Anastagi and their 
friends rose upon the Polentani and their Guelf 
adherents and expelled them from the city, 
after deposing the Podestk, who was the 
nominee of the Church. Soon after, however, 
the exiled Guelfs returned to Ravenna, replaced 
the Podestk in his office, and in their turn 
expelled the Ghibellines, who were, moreover, 
threatened with excommunication bythe famous 
Cardinal, Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. x. 120), 


unless within a given time they submitted 
themselves to the Church. Eight or nine 
years later the Anastagi made peace with their 
adversaries, and were allowed to return to 
Ravenna, probably through the mediation of 
their allies, the Counts of Bagnacavallo, one of 
whom was at this time (1258) Podestk of 
Ravenna. From about this period the family 
of the Anastagi appears to have fallen rapidly 
into decay, and bythe year 1300, the date of 
the Vision, hardly a trace of them remained in 
Ravenna. (See Casini, Dante e la Romagna?) 

According to the Ottimo Comento, both the 
Anastagi and the Traversari were expelled 
from Ravenna by the Guelf Polentani : — 

' Perocche per loro cortesia i Traversari erano 
molto amati da' gentili e dal popolo, quelli da 
Polenta, occupatori delta repubblica, come sos- 
petti e buoni Ii cacciarono fuori. ... Li Anastagi 
furono antichissimi uomini di Ravenna, ed ebbero 
grand! parentadi con quelli da Polenta ; ma, 
perocchfe discordavano in vita ed in costumi, Ii 
Polentesi, come lupi, cacciarono costoro come 
agnelli, dicendo die avevano lore intorbidata 

Benvenuto mentions that one of the gates of 
Ravenna (the present Porta Serrata) was in 
his day named after the Anastagi : — 

' Isti fuerunt raagni nobiles et potentes, a quibus 
una porta, in Ravenna usque hodie denominatur 
porta Anastasia. De ista domo fuit nobilis miles 
dominus Guido de Anastasiis, qui mortuus est per 
impatientiam amoris cujusdam honestissimae do- 
minae, quam nunquam potuit flectere ad ejus 

Benvenuto alludes to the story (adapted by 
Dryden as ' Theodore and Honoria ') told by 
Boccaccio, ' curiosus inquisitor omnium delec- 
tabilium historiarum,' in the Decamerone (v. 8), 
of how a youth named Nastagio degli Honesti 
fell in love with the daughter of Messer Paolo 
Traversaro, and of how he encountered the 
ghost of Messer Guido degli Anastagi. 

Anastagio. [Anastasio.] 

Anastasio, Pope Anastasius II (496-498), 
placed by D. among the Heretics in Circle VI 
of Hell, where he is enclosed in a tomb bearing 
the inscription, ' I hold Pope Anastasius, who 
was drawn from the right way by Photinus,' 
Inf. XI. 8-9 [Bretioi]. D. appears to have 
confused Pope Anastasius II with his name- 
sake and contemporary, the Emperor Ana- 
stasius I (491-518), who is said to have been 
led by Photinus, a deacon of Thessalonica 
(not to be confounded with the better-known 
Photmus, Bishop of Sirmium, who died in 376, 
and was, like his namesake, condemned as a ' 
heretic), mto the heresy of Acacius, bishop of 
Constantinople (d. 488), who denied the divine 
origin of Christ, holding that he was naturally 
begotten and conceived in the same way as 
the rest of mankind [Fotino]. 


Andrea de' Mozzi 

The tradition followed by D. is thus related 
by the Anonimo Fiorentino, whose account is 
taken from the chronicle of Martinus Polonus 
(d. 1278), a history of the Popes and Emperors 
from the beginning of the Christian era down 
to the accession of Nicholas III : — 

' Fu cestui papa Anastagio secondo, nato di 
Fortunato cittadino Romano, die sedette nella 
sedia apostolica anni due et mesi undici et di 
ventitr^. Questi constitui che niuno clierico, nfe 
per ira nk per rancore nfe per simile accidente, 
pretermettesse o lasciasse di dire I'ufficio sue. 
Scomunicb Anastagio imperadore ; et perd che in 
quel tempo molti cherici si levorono contro a lui, 
per6 ch'egli tenea amicizia et singulare fratel- 
lanza et conversazione con Fortino diacono di 
Tessaglia, che poi fu vescovo . . . et questo For- 
tino fu famigliare et maculato d'uno medesimo 
errore d'eresia con,Acazio dannato per la chiesa 
cattolica ; et perchfe Anastagio volea ricomunicare 
questo Acazio, avegna iddio ch'egli non potessi, 
fu percosso dal giudicio di Dio ; per6 che, essendo 
raunato il concilio, volendo egli andare a sgravare 
il ventre ne' luoghi segreti, per volere et giu- 
dicio divine, sedendo et sforzandosi, le interiora 
gli uscirono di sotto, et ivi iini miserabilmente sua 

Butler says : — 

' In 482 the Emperor Zeno had put forth his 
Henotihon, designed to calm the dissensions which 
had prevailed ever since the Council of Chalcedon 
in 451. The Roman pontiffs did not approve this, 
and excommunicated the Byzantine patriarchs 
who supported it, including Acacius. In the 
pontificate of Anastasius, his namesake the Em- 
peror was desirous of restoring the name of 
Acacius to the diptych or roll of patriarchs deceased 
in the orthodox faith; and Photinus, a deacon of 
Thessalonica, was sent to treat with Pope Ana- 
stasius on the subject, and persuaded him to allow 
it. Ultimately the belief grew up that Anastasius 
had been tainted with the Nestorian heresy. 
Gratian (Par. x. 104) seems to have been the 
authority for this misrepresentation.' 

Ancella, handmaiden ; title by which D. 
refers to Aurora, ' ancella del Sole,' Par. xxx. 7 
[Aurora] ; Iris, ' ancella di Junone,' Par xii. 
12 [Iri] ; the hours, 'ancelle del giorno,' Purg. 
xii. 81 ; xxii. 118. 

Anchise, Anchises, son of Capys and 
Themis, daughter of Ilus ; he was beloved by 
Venus, by whom he became the father of 
Aeneas. On the capture of Troy by the 
Greeks Aeneas carried A. on his shoulders 
from the burning city. A. did not live to reach 
Italy ; he died soon after the arrival of Aeneas 
in Sicily, where he was buried on Mt. Eryx. 
When Aeneas descended to Hades he saw 
the shade of A., which conversed with him 
and foretold the future greatness of Rome. 

Aeneas referred to as Jigliuol d' Anchise, Inf. 
i. 74 ; Purg. xviii. 137 ; the meeting between 
D. and Cacciaguida in the Heaven of Mars 
compared to that of Aeneas and A. in Hades, 

Par. XV. 25-7 ; the death of A. in Sicily, 
' I'isola del foco. Dove Anchise fini la lunga 
etate,' Par. xix. 131-2 ; the fortitude of Aeneas 
in braving the terrors of Hades in order to 
seek the shade of A., as related by Virgil {Aen. 
vi. 236 ff.), Conv. iv. 26^'^^ ; the prophecy of A. 
to Aeneas when they met in Hades {Aen. vi. 
847-53), Mon. ii. 767-77. [Enea.] 

Anchises, the father of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 
768. [Anchise.] 

Anco, Ancus Marcius, fourth King of Rome, 
B.C. 640-616 ; he succeeded Tullus HostiHus, 
and was succeeded by Tarquinius Priscus, 
Conv. iv. 5**" ; he and the other six Kings of 
Rome are referred to. Par. vi. 41. 

Anconitana, Marca, [Marca Anooni- 

Anconitanei, inhabitants of the March of 
Ancona, V. E. i. lo^o-? ; incolae Anconitanae 
Marchiae, V. E. i. li^^; Marchiani, V. E. 
i. 12^^ ; coupled with the Trevisans as ttirius- 
que Marchiae viri, V. E. i. 191^ [Marca 
Anconitana] ; their dialect distinct from those 
of the inhabitants of Calabria and Romagna, 
V. E. i. io8S~7 ; the ughest of the Italian 
dialects after that of the Romans, V. E. i. 
1 1 18-20; rejected by D., with those of the 
Romans and Spoletans, as unworthy to be the 
Italian vulgar tongue, V. E. i. ii^o-i; the 
Apulian dialect infected by its barbarisms, and 
by those of the Roman dialect, V.E. i. 12^6-9; 
their dialect abandoned by their most illus- 
trious poets in favour of the Italian vulgar 
tongue, V. E. i. I9"-19. 

Andald, Loderingo degli. [Loderingo.] 

Andrea de' Mozzi], member of the noble 
Florentine family (who were Guelfs and 
Bianchi) of that name, Bishop of Florence, 
1287-1295. After having been chaplain to 
Popes Alexander IV and Gregory IX, Andrea 
accompanied Cardinal Latino into Tuscany (in 
1278) when the latter was sent by Nicholas III 
to mediate between the Guelfs and Ghibellines. ,, 
In 1272 he was a canon of Florence, and in 
1287 he was appointed bishop. During his 
bishopric the Church of Santa Croce and the 
great Hospital of Santa Maria were founded 
m Florence, the latter being endowed (in 1287, 
it is said at Andrea's suggestion) by Folco 
Portinari, the father of Beatrice. In Sept., 
1295, on account of his unseemly living, he 
was (at the request of his brother Tommaso de' 
Mozzi, say Boccaccio and Benvenuto) trans- 
ferred by Boniface VIII to the see of Vicenza, 
where he died a few months later (Feb. 1296). 
His body, in accordance with his own dkec- 
tions, was sent back to Florence and buried in 
the church of San Gregorio (which had been 
founded by the Mozzi family), where a monu- 
ment was erected to him with the inscription 


Andrea di Ungaria 

' Sepulcrum venerabilis patris domini Andreae 
de Mozzis Dei gratia episcopi Florentini et 

Andrea is referred to by Brunetto Latino as 
Colui . . . che dal servo de' servi Fu tras- 
mutato d'Arno in Bacchiglione Ove lascib It 
mal firotesi nervi (i. e. the one who was trans- 
ferred by the Pope from Florence to Vicenza), 
and included by him among those who are 
with himself in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, 
where those guilty of unnatural offences are 
punished (his malpractices, according to the 
old commentators, being alluded to in v. 114), 
Inf. XV. 1 12-14 [Baoohiglione : Violenti]. 

Philalethes remarks that, considering the 
honourable burial accorded to Andrea by his 
family, there is some reason to doubt the slory 
told by the old commentators as to the cause 
of his removal from Florence. Some think his 
translation to Vicenza may have been due to 
the disturbances caused by the proceedings of 
Giano della Bella [Giano]. 

Benvenuto describes Andrea as a simpleton 
and buffoon, and gives sevefal instances of his 
ridiculous naiveU in preaching. On one occa- 
sion, he says, he compared the Providence of 
God to a mouse sitting on a beam ; on another 
he illustrated the immensity of the divine 
power by contrasting the insignificance of a 
grain of turnip-seed with the magnificience of 
the full-grown turnip, of which he produced a 
large specimen from beneath his cloak : — 

' Volo te scire cum non mddico risu, quod iste 
spiritus fuit civis florentinUs, natus de Modiis, 
episcopus Florentiae, qui Vocatus est Andreas. 
Iste quidem vir simplex et fatuus, saepe publice 
praedicabat populo dicens multa ridiculosa ; inter 
alia dicebat, quod providentia Dei erat similis 
muri, qui stans super trabe videt quaecumque 
geruntur sub se in domo, et nemo videt eum, 
Dicebat etiam, quod gratia Dei erat sicut stercus 
caprarum, quod cadens ab alto ruit in diversas 
partes dispersum. Similiter dicebat, quod potentia 
divina erat immensa ; quod volens demonstrare 
exempio manifesto, tenebat granum rapae in manu 
et dicebat ; bene videtis, quam parvulum sit istud 
granulum et minutum ; deinde extrahebat de sub 
cappa maximam rapam, dicens : ecce quam mira- 
bilis potentia Dei, qui ex tantillo semine facit 
tantum fructum.' 

Andrea di Ungaria], Andrew III, King 
of Hungary, 1290-1301, the last of the line of 
St. Stephen ; he was succeeded by Wenceslas 
of Bohemia (1301-1305) and Otho of Bavaria 
(1305-1308); on the death of the latter the 
crown passed to the House of Anjou in the 
person of Charles Robert (1308-1342), eldest 
son of Charles Martel, who had been titular 
king. [Carlo Martello : Table xii.] 

Andrew is referred to by the Eagle in the 
Heaven of Jupiter, who expresses the hope 
(perhaps ironically) that Hungary may no more 
be ill-treated at the hands of her kings. Par. 
xix. 142-3 [XTngaria]. 


Andrea, Jacomo da sant'. [JaoomoS.J 

Andromache, daughter of Eetion, King of 
Thebes in Cilicia, and wife of Hector, by whom 
she had a son Scamandrius or Astyanax. On 
the capture of Troy her son was killed, and she 
herself was taken prisoner by Neoptolemus, 
son of Achilles, who carried her to Epirus; 
she subsequently married Hector's brother, 
Helenus, King of Chaonia. 

D. mentions A. in connexion with Virgil's 
account of her meeting with Aeneas at Buthro- 
tum in Epirus, and her enquiry {Aen. iii. 339- 
40) after Ascanius, Mon. ii. 397-101 [Asoanio]. 

Anfiarao, Amphiaraus, son of Oicles and 
Hypermnestra, great prophet and hero of 
Argos. By his wife Eriphyle, sister of Adrastus, 
he was the father of Alcmaeon. He was one 
of the seven kings who joined in the expedition 
against Thebes (Inf. xiv. 68) [Tebe] ; fore- 
seeing that the issue would be fatal to himself, 
he concealed himself to avoid going to the war, 
but his hiding-place was revealed by his wife 
Eriphyle, who had been bribed by Polynices 
with the necklace of Harmonia (Purg. xii. 50-1) 
[Armonia]. A., as had been foreseen, met 
his death at Thebes, being swallowed up by 
the earth, but before he died he enjoined his 
son Alcmaeon to put Eriphyle to death on his 
return from Thebes, in punishment of her be- 
trayal of him (Purg. xii. 50-1 ; Par. iv. 103-5). 
[Almeone : Erifile.] 

D. places A. among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 
4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), and 
alludes to the manner of his death, Inf. xx. 31-9 
[Indovini]. The incident is related by Statius 
( Theb. vii. 789-823 ; viii. i ff.), whence D. 
borrowed it, vv. 33-4 being a reminiscence of 
Pluto's words to Amphiaraus : — 

' At tibi quos, inquit, Manes, qui Itmite praeceps 
Non licito per inane mis?' {Theo. viiL 84-5.) 

Anfione, Amphion, son of Zeus and Antiope ; 
by the help of the Muses he built the walls of 
Thebes, the stones coming down from Mt. 
Cithaeron and placing themselves of their own 
accord, charmed by the magic skill with which 
he played on the lyre. D. mentions A. in 
connexion with the Muses and the assistance 
they gave him at Thebes, Inf. xxxii. lo-il 
[Muse]. Horace refers to the story in the 
Ars Poetic a : — 

'Dictus et Amphion, Thebanae conditor aj-cis, 
Saxa movere sono testudinis et prece blanda 
Ducere quo vellet.' (mi. 394-6.) 

Angeli, Angels, the lowest Order in the 
Celestial Hierarchies, ranking last in the third 
Hierarchy, Conv. ii. 6** ; they preside over the 
Heaven of the Moon, Conv. ii. 6106-7 [Para- 
dise] ; they are referred to by Beatrice (in the 
Crystalline Heaven) in her exposition of the 
Angehc Orders as angelici ludi, Par. xxviii. 136. 


Angelo, Castello sant' 

Angelo, Castello sant'. [Castello sant' 

Angiolello, Angiolello da Carignano, noble- 
man of Fano, who together with Guido del 
Cassero was invited by Malatestino, lord of 
Rimini, to a conference at La Cattolica on the 
Adriatic coast ; as they were on their way to 
the rendezvous they were surprised in their 
boat, and thrown overboard and drowned off 
the promontory of Focara, by Malatestino's 
orders. The event took place soon after 1312, 
the year in which Malatestino succeeded his 
father as lord of Rimini. 

This crime is foretold to D. by Pier da 
Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VI II of Hell), 
who bids him warn Angiolello and Guido, ' i 
due miglior di Fano,' of the fate which is in 
store for them. Inf. xxviii. 76-90. [Cattolica, 
La : Focara : Malatestino : Pier da Medi- 
cina.] According to the Anonimo Fiorentino 
the object of this crime (' enorme facinus,' 
Benvenuto calls it) on the part of Malatestino 
was to prepare the way for his seizure of the 
lordship of Fano : — 

' Messer Guido da Fano et Agnolello erano i 
maggiori uomini di Fano, onde messer Malatestino 
de' Malatesti, era signore di Rimino, vennegli in pen- 
siero d'essere signore di Fano : mostrandosi amico 
di questi messer Guido et Agnolello pensb, avendo 
tentato piii volte : s' io uccido costoro, che sono 
i maggiori, io ne sar6 poi signore ; et cosi gli 
avvenne. Scrisse loro ch' egli volea loro parlare, 
et ch' egliono venissono alia Cattolica, et egli 
sarebbe ivi, ch' e uno luogo in quel mezzo tra 
Rimino et Fano. Questi due, fidandosi, si mis- 
sono in una barchetta per mare per venire alia 
Cattolica : messer Malatestino face i suoi stare in 
quello mezzo con una altra barchetta ; et come 
messer Malatestino avea loro comandato, presono 
messer Guido et Agnolo et gettorongli in mare; 
onde segui che la parte che aveano in Fano, per- 
dendo i loro capi, furono cacciati di Fano : onde 
ultimamente segui che messer Malatesta ne fu 

Anglia, England, V.E.i.82T. [Inghilterra.] 
Anglici, the English, V. E. i. S^i. [Inglesi.] 

Anglicus, English ; Anglicum mare, the 
English Channel, one of the limits of the 
langue ^oil, V. E. i. 861. [Ungua Oil.] 

Anitna, De, Aristotle's treatise (in three 
books) On Soul, quoted as £>sff Anima, Conv. 

ii. 96*, 1068, 14241 . iii. 283, 126_ glll^ 564 . iv. 

7III, 139, 1368, 13II6, 2o59; Ue Anitna, Hon. 
i. 3''8 ; iii. 16^' ; the comment of Averroes on, 
Conv. iv. 13*8 ; Mon. i. 3''''~8; Aristotle's 
opinion that the soul is immortal, Conv. ii. 
9^3-4 (^^. ii. 2) ; that the influence of the 
agent affects the passive nature disposed to 
receive it, Conv. ii. lo^e-s (.^«. ij. 2) ; that 
science is of high nobility because of the noble- 
ness of its subject and its certainty, Conv. ii. 
14240-3 (^„, i. i) ; that the principal faculties 

Animalibus, De 

of the soul are three in number, viz. vegetative, 
sensitive, and intellectual, and that it is further 
endued with scientific, deliberative, inventive, 
and judicatory faculties, Conv. iii. 7,'^-^' 122-31 
{An. ii. 2 ; iii. 9) ; that the soul is the active 
-principle of the body and hence its cause, 
Conv. iii. e^^^is {An.W. i) ; that, strictly speak- 
ing, light and colour alone are visible, Conv. iii. 
gSi-4 (An. ii. 7) ; that life is the existence of 
the living, and that the several faculties of the 
soul stand one above the other, just as do the 
pentagon, quadrangle, and triangle, Conv. iv. 
7I10-12, 139-46 (^An. ii. 2 ; ii. 3) ; that the mind 
is healthy when it knows things as they are, 
Conv. iv. 15111-10 [An. iii. 3); that things 
should be adapted to the powers acting upon 
them, in order to receive their influence, Conv. 
iv. 20^8-61 (An. ii. 2) ; that the soul, being 
eternal, is alone incorruptible, Mon. iii. 16^^-9 
{An. ii. 2). [Aristotile.] 

Animae, De Quamtitate, St. Augustine's 
treatise On the Capacity of the Soul ; cited in 
support of the contention that memory is power- 
less to retain the most exalted impressions of 
the human intellect,. Epist. x. 28. [Agostino 2.] 
Witte quotes the following passage : — 

' Jam vero in ipsa visione veritatis, quae Septi- 
mus atque ultimus animae gradus est, neque jam 
gradus, sed quaedam mansio, quo illis gradibus 
pervenitur, quae sint gaudia, quae perfruitio summi 
et veri boni, cujus serenitatis atque aeternitatis 
afflatus, quid ego dicam?' (Cap. 76.) 

Animalibus, De, Aristotle's books On 
Animals, quoted as Degli Animali, Conv. ii. 
3I4, 9'9, Under this title D. apparently quotes 
two different works of Aristotle, viz. the De 
Historia Animalium. (in ten books) and the 
De Partibus Animalium (in four books), since 
of the two passages referred to by him one 
comes from the former work and one from the 
latter ; further, he speaks (Conv. ii. 9''9) of the 
twelfth book On Animals, from which it is 
evident that two or more of Aristotle's works 
on this subject were regarded in his time as 
forming one collection. Jourdain states {Trad. 
Lat. d'Aristote, p. 172) that in the Arabic 
versions, upon which the Latin translation of 
Michael Scott was based, the ten books of the 
De Historia Animalium, the four of the De 
Partibus Animalium, and the five of the De 
Generatione Animalium., were grouped to- 
gether in a single collection of nineteen books. 
Since D. quotes the last of these works sepa- 
rately (A. T. § 13*2), and the passage he refers 
to as occurring in the twelfth book On Animals 
comes from the eighth book of the De Historia 
Animalium, it is probable, as Mazzucchelli 
suggests, that the De Animalibus, as known 
to him, consisted of the four books De Partibus 
Animalium and the ten De Historia Anima- 
lium, in that order; this would satisfactorily 
account for his speaking of the eighth book of 
the latter as ' il duodecimo degli Animali.' 


AnlmaUum, De Oen. 


D. quotes Aristotle's opinion that the plea- 
sures of the intellect transcend those of the 
senses, Conv. ii. 3I0-15 {Part. Anim. i. 5) ; that 
man is the most perfect of all animals, Conv. 
ii. 978-30 {Hist. Anim. viii. l). [Aristotile.] 

Attimalium, De Qeneratione, Aristotle's 
treatise (in five books) On the Generation of 
Animals; his saying that God and Nature 
always work for the best, A. T. % 1339-42 {Qen. 
Anim. ii. 6). [Aristotile.] 

Anna% St. Anne, mother of the Virgin 
Mary; placed in the Celestial Rose, where 
St. Bernard points out to D. her seat on the 
right hand of John the Baptist, opposite to 
St. Peter, St. Lucy being on the left hand of 
the Baptist, opposite to Adam, Par. xxxii. 133-7 
[Rosa] ; mentioned as the mother of the Virgin 
and wife of Joachim, Conv. ii. 6i3-i4 [Gioac- 
chino ^ : Maria Salome]. Brunetto Latino 
says of her : — 

' Anne ot .iii. maris, Joachim, Cleophas, at Sa- 
lome, at de chascun ot una Maria. Et ainsi 
furant .iii. Maries, dont la premiera fu mere Jhasu 
Crist ; la seconda fu mera jaque "at Joseph ; la 
tiarce fu mere da I'autra Jaque at da Jehan I'avan- 
galista.' {Tresor, i. 64.) 

Anna 2], Annas, father-in-law of Caiaphas 
the high-priest ; he is referred to (by Catalano) 
as ' il suocero ' of Caiaphas (in allusion to 
John xviii. 13 : 'they led him away to Annas 
first; for he was father-in-law to Caiaphas, 
which was high priest that same year '), and 
represented as being crucified on the ground, 
together with the latter and the Pharisees who 
condemned Christ, among the Hypocrites in 
Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), 
Inf. xxiii. 115-23. [Ipocriti.] 

Annibale, Hannibal, the great Carthaginian 
general, son of Hamilcar Barca, born B.C. 247, 
died circ. B.C. 183. After overrunning Spain, 
H. carried the war against the Romans into 
Italy, and in the course of the second Punic 
war defeated them at the Lacus Trasimenus 
B.C. 217, and at Cannae in the next year. The 
defeat and death of his brother Hasdrubal at 
the Metaurus (B.C. 207) compelled H. to assume 
the defensive, and after four years' fighting he 
crossed over to Africa, where he was completely 
defeated by Publius Scipio Africanus at Zama, 
B.C. 202 [Soipionei]. Some years later he 
poisoned himself in order to avoid falling into 
the hands of the Romans. 

,D. mentions Hannibal in connexion with his 
defeat at Zama, Inf. xxxi. 117 [Zama]; his 
passage of the Alps and the victories of the 
Roman Eagle, Par. vi. 50 [Aquila 1 : Arabi : 
Po] ; his victory over the Romans at Cannae, 
Inf. xxviii. 11; Conv. iv. S^^"* [Canne] ; his 
threatened assault on Rome, Mon. ii. 468-64 ; 
his final overthrow by Scipio, Mon. ii. ii59-6i . 
the condition of Rome in D.'s day such as to 
merit even the pity of Hannibal, Epist. viii. 10. 


Ansalone. [Absalone.] 

Anselmo, Anselm, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 1093-1 109 ; he was born at Aosta in 
Piedmont in 1033, and in 1060, at the age of 
27, became a monk in the abbey of Bee in 
Normandy, whither he had been attracted by 
the fame of Lanfranc, at that time prior ; in 
1063, on the promotion of Lanfranc to the 
abbacy of Caen, he succeeded him as prior ; 
15 years later, in 1078, on the death of 
Herluin, the founder of the monastery, he was 
made abbot, which ofKce he held till 1093 ; in 
that year he was appointed Archbishop of 
Canterbury by William Rufus, in succession to 
Lanfranc, after the see had been vacant for 
fbflr years ; in 1097, in consequence of disputes 
with William on matters of ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction, he left England for Rome to con- 
sult the Pope, and remained on the Continent 
until William's death in iloo, when he was 
recalled by Henry I ; he died at Canterbury, 
April 21, 1 109. A. was the author of several 
theological works, the most important of which 
are the Monologion (an attempt to prove in- 
ductively the existence of God by pure reason 
without the aid of Scripture or authority), the 
Proslogion (an attempt to prove the same by 
the deductive method), and the CurDeus Homo 
(a treatise on the Atonement intended to prove 
the necessity of the Incarnation). 

A. is placed among the doctors of the Church 
(Spiriti Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, 
where he is named to D. by St. Bonaventura, 
Par. xii. 137. [Sole, Cielo del.] 

Anselmuccio, one of the grandsons of 
Count Ugolino della Gherardesca of Pisa, 
•whose imprisonment and death he shared in 
1288 in the Tower of Famine at Pisa, Inf. 
xxxiii. 50; he and his uncle Uguccione, and 
his elder brother Nino, are referred to by 
Ugolino (in Antenora) as Ii tre, v.^i; and he 
and his uncle Gaddo as gli altri due, v. 90 
[tlgolino, Conte]. A. was the younger brother 
of Nino il Brigata {v. 89), they being the sons 
of Guelfo, eldest son of Ugolino, and Elena, 
daughter of Enzio, King of Sardinia, natural 
son of Frederick II. [Table xxx.] A. ap- 
pears to have been born subsequently to 1272 
(his name being omitted from a document of 
that date in which the other sons of Guelfo are 
mentioned as having claims in Sardinia in their 
mother's right), and consequently must have 
been about fifteen at the time of his death. 
[Brigata, II.] 


Antandro, Antandros, city of Great Mysia, 
on the Adramyttian Gulf, at the foot of Mt. Ida, 
whence Aeneas sailed for Italy after the fall of 
Troy (^^. iii. i-ii) The Emperor Justinian 
(m the Heaven of Mercury) mentions it, tp- 

the Giant, Mon. ii. 




gether with the Simois (Aen. v. 634) and the 
tomb of Hector {Aen. v. 371), to indicate the 
Troad, which he says was revisited by the 
Roman Eagle after the battle of Pharsalia, Par. 
vi. 67 [Aquilai]. The reference is probably to 
thevisit of Julius Caesar to Troy while in pursuit 
of Pompey, which is recorded by Lucan : — 

* Sigaeasque petit famae mirator arenas, 
Et Simoentis aquas, et Graio nohile busto 
Rhaetion, et multum debentes vatibus umbras. 
Circuit exustae nomen memorabile Trojae . . . 

. . . securus in alto 
Gramine ponebat gressus, Phryx incola manes 
Hectoreos calcare vetat . . . 
Hectoreas, monstrator ait^ non resnicis aras?' 

{Phars. ix. 961 ff.) 

Antenora, name given by D. to the second 
of the four divisions of Circle IX of Hell (used 
elsewhere as a name for Hell generally, Canz. 
xviii. 28), where Traitors are punished, Inf. 
xxxii. 88 [Inferno] ; here are placed those who 
have been traitors to their country, their city, 
or their party, Inf. xxxii. 7a-xxxiii; 90 [Tradi- 
tori]. Examples: Bocca degli Abati [Booea] ; 
Buoso da Duera [BuosoS] ; Tesauro de' Bec- 
cheria [Becoheria] ; Gianni de' Soldanieri 
[Qiannii]; Tebaldello de' Zambrasi [Tebal- 
dello] ; Ganalon [Ganellone] ; Ugolino della 
Gherardesca [Ugolino, Conte] ; Archbishop 
Ruggieri degli Ubaldini [Euggieri, Arci- 

The name of this division is derived from 
the Trojan Antenor, who was universally, in 
the Middle Ages, held to have betrayed Troy 
to the Greeks — thus in Benott de Sainte- 
Maure's Roman de Troie (written circ. 1 1 60) 
he is spoken of as ' Anthenorz li cuverz Judas,' 
'li vielz Judas,' 5:c. The Homeric account, 
that he tried to save his country by advising 
the surrender of Helen, was apparently lost 
sight of at that time. There is no hint of 
Antenor's treachery in Virgil. Servius (Cent, v) 
makes mention of it in his note on Aen. i. 246, 
and refers for confirmation to Livy : — 

' Jam primum omnium satis constat Troja capta 
in ceterossaevitum esse Trpjanos ; duojjus, Aeneae 
Antenorique, et vetusti jure liospitii et quia pacis 
reddendaeque Helenae semper auctores fuerant, 
omne jus belli Achivos abstinuisse.' (i. i.) 

The mediaeval belief was no doiibt derived 
from the histories of the so-called Dictys 
Cretensis and Dares phrygius, which, through 
the medium of Latin translations, were widely 
read in the Middle Ages. Thus Villani, in his 
account of the founding of Padup,, says : — 

'Antinoro fu uno de' maggiori signori di Troia, 
e fu fratello di Priamo, e figliuplo del re Laome- 
donte, 11 quale fu incolpato molto del tradiipento 
di Troia, e Enea il senti, secondo che scrive 
Dario ; ma Virgilio al tutto di ci6 lo scolpa.' (i. 17.) 

Dictys in his account describes how the 

Trojans, finding themselves hard-pressed, 

mutiny against Priam, and determine to give 

* From this accourtt it is evident that Aeneas was no less 

up Helen and her belongings to the Greeks. 
Antenor is sent with proposals of peace, and 
he takes the opportunity to arrange with the 
Greek chiefs for the betrayal of the city, his 
reward being half Priam's possessions and the 
appointment of one of his sons as king : — 

'Trojani, ubi hostis muris infestus, magis ma- 
gisque saevit, neque jam resistendi moenibus spes 
ulterius est, aut vires valent, cuncti proceres sedi- 
tionem adversus Priamum extollunt, atque ejus 
regulos : denique accito Aenea* filiisque Ante- 
noris, decernunt inter se, uti Helena cum his 
quae ablata erant, ad Menelaum duceretur . . . 
Ceterum ingressus consilium Priamus, ubi multa 
ab Aenea contumeliosa ingesta sunt, ad pos- 
tremum consilii sententia jubet ad Graecos cum 
mandatis belli deponendi ire Antenorem . . . 
[After making a long speech to the Greeks 
Antenor asks them to appoint representatives 
with vvhom he may treat.] . . . Postquam finem 
loquendi fecit, postulat uti quoniam a senibus 
legatus pacis missus est, darent ex suo numero 
cum queis super tali negotio disceptaret ; electique 
Agamemnon, idomeneus, Ulysses atque Diomedes, 
qui secreto ab aliis proditipnem componunt. Prae- 
terea placet, uti Aeneae, si permanere in fide 
vellet, pars praedae et domus universa ejus in- 
cplumis maneret. Ipsi ^utem Antenori dimidium 
bonorym Priami, regnumque uni filiorum ejus 
quem elegisset, concederetur. Ubi satis tractatura 
visum est, Antenor ad civitatem dimittitur, re- 
ferens ad suos compo.sifa inter se longe alia.' 
{De Bella Trojano, iv.' 22.) [In the sequel the 
Wfooden horse is introduced into Troy, and the 
city is captured and handed over to Aeneas and 
Antenor. Finally Antenor expels Aeneas and 
remains in sole possession of tlie kingdom.] 

Dares Phrygius gives a more circumstantial 
account ; — 

' Conveniunt clam Antenor, Polydamas, Uca- 
legon . . . dicunt se mirari pertinaciam regis [sc. 
Priami] qui clausus cum patria et comitibus perire 
mallet, quam pacem facere. Antenor ait se in- 
venisse quid faciendum sit, quod sibi et illis in 
commune' proficiat, dum sibi et illis foret fides. 
Omnes se in fide adstringunt. Antenor ut vidit se 
obstrictum, mittit ad Aeneam, dicens, prodendam 
esse patriam, et sibi suisque cavendum esse ; ad 
Agamemnonem de his aliquem mittendum esse . . . 
[A messenger is sent to Agamemnon and it is 
arranged that Antenor and Aeneas should open 
one of the gates of the city at pight and admit 
the Greek army, on the understanding that their 
own liyes and property and those of their wives 
and relatives should be respected.] . . . Antenor 
et Aeneas noctu ad portam praesto fuerunt, Neo- 
ptolemum susceperunt, exercitui portam resera- 
verunt, lumen ostenderunt, fugae praesidium sibi 
et suis omnibus ut esset postulaverupt. Neopto- 
lemus irruptionem facit, Trojanos caedit, perse- 
quitur Priamum, quem ante Aram Jovis obtruncat 
. . . Tota die et nocte Argivi non cessant vastare, 
praedam asportare. Postquam dies illuxit, Aga- 
meninon , . . exercitum consulit, an placeat 
Antenori et Aeneae, cum his qui una patriam 

guilty than Antenor— a fact which D. of course had to ignore. 




prodiderant, servari, quam illis clam confirmaverant. 
Exercitus totus conclamat, placere sibi . . . [During 
the sack of the city Polyxena, daughter of Priam 
and Hecuba, had been confided by the latter to 
Aeneas, who concealed her. Neoptolemus de- 
mands that she shall be delivered up, and slays 
her at the tomb of his father, Achilles, of whose 
death she had been the cause (Achille). Aga- 
memnon, angry with Aeneas for concealing 
Polyxena, bids him depart from Troy, and hands 
the kingdom over to Antenor.] {De Excidio Trojae 
Historia, §§ xxxix-xliii.) 

Among his other acts of treachery Antenor 
discovered to the Greeks the secret of the 
Palladium, which he delivered over to them 
(Inf xxvi. 63) [Dioraede ; Palladio]. 

Antenori, descendants of the Trojan 
Antenor, who is said to have betrayed Troy 
to the Greeks ; name applied by Jacopo del 
Cassero (in Antepurgatory) to the inhabi- 
tants of Padua (perhaps in allusion to their 
treacherous understanding with Azzo of Este), 
which is supposed to have been founded by 
Antenor, Purg. V. 75. [Antenora: Aazo.] 

The migration of Antenor to the Adriatic 
after the fall of Troy, and his founding of 
Padua, are recorded by Livy (i. l) and Virgil 
{Aen. i. 242 ff.) : — 

'Antenor potuit, mediis elapsus Achivis, 
lUyricos penetrare sinus, atque intima tutus 
Regna Liburnorum, et fontem superare Timayi . . . 
Hie tamen iUe urbem Patavi sedesque lopavit 

Brunetto Latino says : — 

' Quant la cit6 de Troie fu destruite et que li 
un s'enfoirent 9a et li autre la, selonc ce que for- 
tune les conduisoit, il avint que Prians li juenes, 
qui fu filz de la seror au roi Prian de Troie, entre 
lui et Antenor s'en alerent par mer o tout .xiiii™. 
homes a armes tant que il arriverent la ou est pre 
la cite de Venise, que il commencerent premiere- 
ment et fonderent dedanz la mer, porce que il ne 
voleient habiter en terre qui fust a seignor. Puis 
s'en parti Antenor et Prians, a grai}t compaignie 
de gent, et s'en alerent en la marche de Trevise, 
non mie loing de Venise, et la firent une autre 
cite qui est apel^e Padoe, ou gist li cors Antenor, 
et encore i est sa sepolture.' {Tresor, i. 39.) 

Villani :— 

' II detto Antinoro . . . venne ad abitare in terra 
ferma ov' e oggi Padova la grande citta, ed egli 
ne fu il prime abitatore e edificatore ... 11 
detto Antinoro mori e rimqse in Padova, e infino 
al presente nostro terppo si ritrovd il cprpo e la 
sepoltura sua con lettere intagliate, che faceano 
testimonianza com' era il corpo d' Antinoro, e da' 
Padovani fu rinnovata sua sepoltura, e ancgra 
oggi si vede in Padova.' (i. 17.) 

Anteo, Antaeus, son of Neptune and Earth, 
mighty giant and wrestler of Libya, whose 
strength was invincible so long as he remained 
in contact with his mother earth. Hercules 
discovered the source of his strength, lifted 
him from the ground, and crushed him in 
the air. 

D. places A., along with Nimrod, Ephialtes, 
and Briareus, to keep ward at the mouth of 
Circle IX of Hell, Inf. xxxi. 100, 113, 139; 
quegli, V. 130; il gigante, xxxii. 17 [Briareo: 
Pialte: Hembrotto : Giganti]. D. having 
expressed a desire to see Briareus, Virgil tells 
him that B. is a long way off, but that close by 
he shall see Antaeus, who (unlike Nimrod) can 
talk intelligibly, and (unlike the other giants) 
is unbound, and will put them down into the 
next Circle (Inf xxxi. 97-105) ; presently they 
come to A., who projects five ells, not counting 
his head, out of the pit in which he is standing 
{vv. 112-114); D. addresses him, and after 
alluding to his slaying lions for prey in the 
neighbourhood of Zama {^vv. 115-118), and to 
his having refrained from helping the other 
giants in their attack upon Olympus {vv. 119- 
121), begs him to put them down on to the ice 
of Cocytus {vv. 122-123), hinting that it is 
worth his while, as D. is alive and can render 
him famous in the world above {vv. 124-129) ; 
A. in response bends down and takes hold of 
V. (who tells D. to take hold of himself), and 
deposits the two in Cainci {vv. 130-143) ; he 
then raises himself erect again, leaving D. and 
V. at some distance below his feet (vv. 144-145, 
xxxii. 16-18). In thus helping them on their 
way A. plays the same part among the Giants 
as Chiron had done among the Centaurs 

D. represents A. as being unbound ('di- 
sciolto,' V. loi), since, unlike the other giants, 
who are in chains {vv. 87, 88, 104), he did not 
join in the war against the gods {^v. 119-121). 
The fight between Hercules and A. {v. 132) is 
described by Lucan {Phars. iv. 593-660), from 
whom D. got the details {vv. 11 5-1 1 7) as to 
tl^e locality of the event (viz. in the valley of 
the Bagrada in the neighbourhood of Carthage, 
not far distant from the scene of Scipio's defeat 
fif Hannibal at the battle of Zama) : — 

■ Inter si^mirutas magnae Carthaginis arces . . . 

. . . qua se 
Bagrada lentus agit sicpae sulcator arenae . . . 

... exesas undique rupes, 
Antaei quae regna vocat non vana vetustas.' 

(vv. 58s ff.) 

Also the acppunt of the lions slain for prey 
by A. {v. 118) :— 

'Haec illi spelunca domus, latuisse sub alta 
^.upe fcrunt, epulas raptos h^buisse leones.' 

{vv. 6oi-3.) 
And the opinion that if A. had helped the 
other giants in the war against Olympus the 
gods would have been worsted :— 

' ^"^"^ t^™ i"^!? f"'' terramm gloria Typhon, 

raSr "^^"^'5''^ f=''<'='' caeloque pepercit (sc. 
Quod non Phlegraeis Antaeum sustulit arvis.' 

(»»■ S9S-7-) 

D. describes the contest between Hercules 

and Antaeus, referring to Ovid {Metam. ix. 

rs^Zz! ^^°- \'^'^^^ as his authorities, Conv. iii. 

3™ ""; and refers to it as an instance of 




a single combat, Mon. ii. 8^8-83^ 1087-9. [Ata- 

Antepraedicamenta, name by which D. 
quotes the first part of the Praedicamenta or 
Categories of Aristotle, which forms an intro- 
duction to the rest of the work, as is explained 
in the comment of Averroes : — 

'Primus tractatus se habet veluti praefatio ad 
ea quae vult A. tractare in hoc libro ; nam in eo 
continentur ea quae sunt veluti praenotiones, et 
definitiones ad ea quae vult tractare in hoc libro.' 

D. says : ' diversitas rationis cum identitate 
nominis equivocationem facit, ut patet per 
Philosophum in Antepraedtcameniis,' A.T. 
§ 12^6 ; the passage referred to is the opening 
sentence of the Praedicamenta : — 

'Aequivoca dicUntur, quorum nomen solum 
commune est, secundum nomen vero substantiae 
ratio diversa.' 

The Categories are twice elsewhere quoted 
under the title oi Praedicamenta, Mqn. iii. 15^8 ; 
A.T. § 26. [Praedicamenta.] 

Anthaeus. [Antaeus.] 

Antictona, Antichthon (Gk. amlxBav), i. e. 
'counter-Earth,' name given by Pythagoras 
(according to Aristotle, De Ca'elo, ii. 13) to 
a supposed sphere, opposite to, and cprre- 
sponding with, the Earth, Conv. iii. <^'^-^. 

Antifonte, Antiphon, Greek tragic poet, 
mentioned by Aristotle (Rhet. ii. 2, 6, 23), and 
by Plutarch, who includes him among the 
greatest of the tragic authors ; he appears to 
have written three tragedies (viz. Aleleqger, 
Andromache, 3JxA. Jason) which have not been 

Virgil names him, together with Simoni^es 
and Agathon (both of whom are also several 
times mentioned by Aristotle in the Rhetoric), 
among the poets of antiquity who are with 
Homer and himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 106 

For Antifonte many edd. read Anacreotite 
(which is an old variant, occurring in the 
Ottimo Comento), but the MS. authority is 
almost entirely in favour of the former. 

Antigone, daughter of Oedipus, King of 
Thebes, by his mother Jocasta, and sister 
of Ismene, Eteocles, and Polynices ; when 
Oedipus had put out his eyes, and was com- 
pelled to leave Thebes, she accompanied him 
and remained with him until he died at 
Colonus ; she- then returned to Thebes, and, 
after her two brothers had killed each other, 
in defiance of Creon, King of Thebes, she 
buried the body of Polynices ; Creon there- 
upon had her shut up in a cave, where she put 
an end to her life. [Edipo : Eteoole.] 

Virgil, addressing Statius (in Purgatory), 
mentions A., together with Deiphyle, Argia, 

Isniene, Hypsipyle, Manto, and Thetis, and 
Deidamia and her sisters, as being ' delle 
genti tue ' (i. e. mentioned in the Thebaid or 
Achilleid), among the great women of antiquity 
in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 109-14. [Limbo.] 

Antinferno], Ante-hell, a division of Hell, 
outside the river of Acheron, where are the 
souls of those who did neither good nor e*il, 
and were not qualified to enter Hell itself; 
these are naked and are tormented by gadflies 
and wasps, so that their faces stream with 
blood, Inf. iii. 1-69 [Inferno] ; among them 
D. sees the shade of Pope Celestine V, vv. 58- 
60 [Celestino]. 

Antioco], Antiochus Epiphanes, King of 
Syria (d. B.C. 164), youngest son of Antiochus 
the Great. Together with the high-priest 
Jason he endeavoured to root out the Jewish 
Religion and to introduce Greek customs and 
the worship qf Greek di vipities (2 Maccab. iv. 13- 
16). This attempt le4 to a rising of the Jewish 
people under Mattathias and his sons the 
Maccabees, which rpulted in the preservation 
of the name and faith of Israel. In B. C. 164 
A. attempted to plunder a temple in Elymais, 
but was repulsed,-^nd died soon after (i Maccab. 
vi. 1-16). 

Pope Nicholas III (in Bolgia 3 of Circle 
VIII of Hell), speaking pf Jason, alludes to A. 
as ' suo re,' and, referring to the Book of 
Maccabees, draw^ a parallel between their 
machinations and those of Clement V and 
Phijip the Fair of France, Inf xix, 82-7 [Cle- 
mente^ : Tilippo^ : Jasone^]. 

Antipodi], Antipodes ; of the inhabited 
world and the Mt. of Purgatory, Inf. xxxiv. 
113; Par. i. 43; more precisely, of Jerusalem 
and the Mt. of Purgatory, Purg. ii. 1-6 ; iv. 66- 
87 ; the Pythagorean Antichthon or Counter- 
Earth, Conv. iii. 529-37 [Antictona]. 

Antipurgatorio], Ante-purgatory, region 
outside the actual gate of Purgatory, answer- 
ing somewhat to the Limbo of Hell ; referred 
to by Forese Douati (in Circle VI of Purga- 
tory) as la casta ove s'aspetta, Purg. xxiii. 89 
[Purgatorio]. Here are located the spirits of 
those who died without having availed them- 
selves of the means of penitence offered by the 
Church. They are divided into four classes : — 
I. Those who died in contumacy of the Church, 
and only repented at the last moment ; these 
have to remain in Ante-purgatory for a period 
thirty-fold that during which they had been 
contumacious, unless the period is shortened 
by the prayers of others on their behalf (Purg. 
iii. 136-41). Examples : Casella the musician 
[Casella] ; King Manfred [Manfredi]. — 2. 
Those who in indolence and indifference put 
off their repentance until just before their 
death ; these are detained outside Purgatory 
for a period equal to that of their lives upon 




earth, unless it be shortened by prayers on 
their behalf (Purg. iv. 130-5). Example: 
Belacqua of Florence [Belaoqua].— 3. Those 
who died a violent death, without absolution, 
but repented at the last moment ; these are 
detained under the same conditions as the 
last class ; during their detention they move 
round and round, chanting the Miserere (Purg. 
V. 22-4, 52-7). Examples : Jacopo del Cassero 
[Cassero, Jaoopo del] ; Buonconte da Monte- 
feltro [Buonconte] ; La Pia of Siena [Pia, 
La]; Benincasaof Arezzo[Benineasa]; Clone 
de' Tarlati [Clone] ; Federico Novello of Batti- 
foUe [Pederico M'ovello] ; Farinata degli 
Scornigiani [Farinata^] ; Count Orso [Orso, 
Conte]; Pierre de la Brosse [Broecia, Pier 
dalla] ; and Sordello, who is stationed apart 
(Purg. vi. 58) [Sordello]. — 4. Kings and princes 
who deferred their repentance owing to the 
pressure of temporal interests ; these are de- 
tained for the same period as the last two 
classes ; they are placed in a valley full of 
flowers, and are guarded at night by two 
angels against the attacks of a serpent (Purg. 
vii. 64-84 ; viii. 22-39). Examples : Emperor 
Rudolf [Kidolfo] ; Ottocar of Bohemia [Otta- 
ohero] ; Philip III of France [Pilippoi] ; 
Henry I of Navarre [Arrigo''] ; Peter 111 of 
Aragon [Pietro^] ; Charles I of Naples 
[Carloi]; Alphonso III of Aragon [Alfonsoi]; 
Henry HI of England [Arrigo'] ; William of 
Montferrat [QuglielmoS] ; Nino Visconti of 
Pisa [Wino^] ; and Conrad Malaspina the 
younger [Malaspina, Currado^]. 

Antistes, Bishop ; title applied by D. to the 
Pope, Mon.iii. 611, 129; Epist. viii 10. [Papa.] 

Antonio, Sant', St. Anthony the Egyptian 
hermit (not to be confounded with his name- 
sake of Padua), bom at Coma in Upper Egypt 
in 251, died at the age of 105 in 356. He is 
regarded as the founder of monastic institu- 
tions, his disciples who followed him in his 
retirement to the desert haying formed, as it 
were, the first community of monks. His 
symbol is a hog (perhaps as a type of the 
temptations of the devil, or possibly as a token 
of the power ascribed to him of warding off 
disease from cattle), which is generally repre- 
sented lying at his feet. His reniains were 
miraculously discovered long after his death, 
and transported to Constantinople, whence in 
Cent, xi a portion of them was transferred to 
Vienne in Provence. The monks of the order 
of St. Anthony are said to have kept herds of 
swine, which they fattened with the proceeds 
of their alms, and which were regarded by the 
common folk with superstitious reverence, a 
fact which the monks turned to account when 
collecting alms. A story of the evil fate which 
befell a Florentine who tried to kill one of 
these hogs of St. Anthony forms the subject 
of one of Sacchetti's novels {Nov. ex). 


Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) men- 
tions St. A. and his hog in the course of her 
denunciation of the Preaching Friars, who 
practised upon the credulity of the common 
people. Par. xxix. 124-6. 

Anubis, Egyptian divinity, worshipped in 
the shape of a human being with a dog's head 
(' latrator Anubis,' Aen. viii. 698), which was 
identified by the Romans with Mercury ; ac- 
cording to the reading of some edd., D. at- 
tributes to Anubis the words {Aen. iv. 272-6) 
of Mercury to Aeneas, Epist. vii. 4 ; other edd. 
read not Anubis but a nubibus. 

Aonius, Boeotian (from the Acnes, an 
ancient race of Boeotia) ; mantes Aonii, the 
range of Mt. Helicon in Boeotia, Eel. i. 28 

Apenninoi, the Apennine range, which 
forms the backbone of Italy, branching off 
from the Alps at the head of the Gulf of Genoa ; 
mentioned in connexion with the source of the 
Acquaqueta, Inf. xvi. 96 [Aoquaqueta], and 
of the Archiano, Purg. v. 96 [Archiano] ; one 
of the S. limits of the langue ^o'il, V. E. i. 
882-3 ; taken by D. as the dividing line (from 
N. to S.) of Italy in his examination of the 
various local dialects, V. E. i. lo*!"'?, 14I-2 ; 
crossed by the Roman Eagle in company with 
the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. vii. i ; alluded 
to as alpe. Inf. xvi. loi [Benedetto, San] \ it 
giogo di che il Tever si disserra, Inf. xxvii. 30 
[Tevere] ; il gran giogo, Purg. v. 116 [Casen- 
tino] ; Valpe^tro monte, Purg. :fiv. 32 [Peloro] ; 
il monte, Purg. xiv. 92 [Bomagna] ; lo dosso 
d' Italia, Purg. xxx. 86 ; sassi, the peaks of the 
Apennines being described as rising between 
the shores of the Adriatic ^nd the Mediter- 
ranean, Par. xxi. 106 [Catria]. 

Some think the Apennines are the moun- 
tains referred to as Apennino (van Pennino), 
Inf. 3CX. 65 ; the reference is more probably to 
the Pennine Alps [Apennino 2; Pennine]. 

Apennino 2, a spur of the Rhaetian Alps, 
situated above Gargnano, N.W. of the Lago 
di Garda ; thought by Witte to be the Apennino 
{vzx. Pennino) mentioned Inf.xx. 6$ [Pennino: 
Val CamQnica], 

Apenninus. [Appenninus.] 

Apocalypsis\, the Apocalypse or Revelation 
of St. John; quoted a.% Johannis Visio, Epist. 
X. 33 (Rev. i. 8) ; referred to. Inf. xix. 106-10 
(ref. to Rev. xvii. 1-3) ; Purg. xxix. 105 (ref. to 
Rev. IV. 8) ; Par. xxv. 94-6 (ref. to Rev. vii. 9) ; 
Par. xxvi. 17 (ref. to Rev. i. 8). The Apocalypse 
is supposed to be symbolized by the solitary 
elder, who walks sleeping with undimmed coun- 
tenance behmd all the rest, in the mystical Pro- 
cession in the Terrestrial Pafadise, Purg. xxix. 
143-4. [Giovanni^: Prooessione.] 



Apollo, son of Jupiter and Latona, who 
gave birth to him and his twin-sister Diana on 
the island of Delos [Delo : Diana : Latona]. 
A. was god of the Sun, Diana of the Moon, 
hence D. speaks of them together as li due 
occhi del cielo, Purg. xx. 132 ; and of the Sun 
and Moon as ambedue i figli di Latona, Par. 
xxix. I ; similarly he speaks of the Sun as 
Phoebae f rater, Mon. i. li^^; Phoebus, Mon. 
ii. 9''5 ; Delias, Epist. vi. 2 [Sole]. 

D. invokes A. as god of music and song. 
Par. i. 13 [Calliope: Parnaso] ; Par. ii. 8; 
Epist. x. 18, 31 ; calls him Timbreo (from 
Thymbra, where he had a celebrated temple), 
Purg. xii. 31 [Timbreo] ; divina virtit, Par. i. 
32 ; la Delfica deitd, (from his famous oracle 
at Delphi), Par. i. 32 ; refers to his worship. 
Par. xiii. 25 [Peansi] ; the prophecy of his 
oracle that the two daughters of Adrastus 
would marry a lion and a wild-boar, Conv. iv. 
2566 [Adrasto]. 

Apostoli, the twelve Apostles ; only three 
of them (St. Peter, St. James, and St. John) 
present at the Transfiguration, Conv. ii. 1*6-8 j 
Par. XXV. 33 ; the saying pf Christ to Peter 
{Matt. xvi. 19; John xx, 23) addressed equally 
to the rest of the Apostles, Mon. iii. 8^"** ; all 
present with Christ at the Last Supper, Mon. , 
iii. 933-4. the Pope not entitled to receive 
temporal goods, save for the purpose of dis- 
pensing them to the poor, as did the Apostles, 
Mon., iii. ioi28-32; the Acts of the Apostles, 
Mon. ii. 870 j jji. 1-342 \Actus Apostoloruip]. 

Apostoloi, St. Paul, Conv. ii. 6^; iv. 2i5b, 
2266, 24!'^; Apostolus, Mon. ii. ll***, 13''' i^; 
iii. 106O; Epist. X. 27 ; A. T. § 22i5. [Paolo.] 

Apostolo^, St. James, Conv. iv. 2o5i. 

Apostolorum, Actus. [Actus Apostolo- 

Apostolus. [Apostoloi.] 

Appenninus, the Apennine range, V. E, i. 
g63j iof2j 14^; Epist. vii. I. [Apenninol.] 

Apuli, the Apulians ; their dialect differs 
from those of the Romans and Sicilians, V. E. 
i. io6i~3 J condemned as harsh, V. E. i. la^"; 
rejected by some of their poets in favour of 
the 'curial' language, V. E. i. i26i-«; their 
best writers, like those of Sicily, Tuscany, 
Romagna, Lombardy, and the two Marches, 
wrote in the Italian vulgar tongue, V. E. i. 
I 915-19. 

Apulia, province of S. Italy, which formed 
part of the old Kingdom of Naples; divided 
in two by the Apennines, V. E. i. lo*3-62. 

Apulus, Apulian; Apulum Vulgare, the 
Apulian dialect, neither that nor the Sicilian 

the most beautiful in Italy, V. E. i. i'2'i-3. 

Aqua et Terra, Quaestio de. [Quaestlo 
de Aqua et Terra.] 

Aquario, Aquarius ('the Water-bearer'), 
constellation and eleventh sign of the Zodiac, 
which the Sun enters about Jan. 20 (equivalent 
to Jan. 10 in D.'s day) ; so called from the 
rains which prevail at that season in Italy and 
the East. D. speaks of the time of the young 
year ' when the Sun is tempering (i. e. warm- 
ing) his rays beneath Aquarius,' the period 
indicated being the latter half of January or 
the beginning of February, Inf. xxiv. 1-2. 

Aquila 1, the Imperial Eagle, the Roman 
standard, Purg. x. 80 ; Par. vi. i ; /' uccel di 
Giove, Purg. xxxii. 112; V uccel di Dio, Par. 
vi. 4; il sacrosanto segno. Par. vi. 32; it pub- 
blico segno, Par. vi. 100 ; il segno Che fe' i 
Romani al mondo riverendi. Par. xix. loi ; il 
segno del mondo. Par. xx. 8 ; lo benedetto segno, 
Par. XX. 86 ; hence, as symbol of the Roman 
Emperors, Purg. xxxii. 125 ; xxxiii. 38 ; Mon. 
ii. 1 1^6, 1355 ; Epist. V. 4 ; vi. 3 ; signa Tarpeia, 
Epist. vii. I. 

In the Heaven of Mercury the Emperor 
Justinian traces the course of the Imperial 
Eagle from the time when it was carried west- 
ward from Troy by Aeneas (the founder of the 
Roman Empire), down to the time when the 
Guelfs opposed it, and the Ghibellines made 
a party ensign of it, Par. vi. i-lli ; after 
referring to the transference of the seat of 
Empire eastward to Byzantium (a.d. 324) by 
Constantine, two hundred years and more 
before he himself became Emperor (a.d. 527) 
(yv. i-io) [Costantino : Giustiniano], J. re- 
lates to D. how Aeneas planted the Eagle in 
Italy, and Pallas died to make way lor it 
[vv. 35-6) [Pallante] ; how it flourished at 
Alba for three hundred years and more, and 
how the Horatii fought for it {vv. 37-9) [Alba : 
Crazii] ; he then refers to the period of the 
seven kings at Rome, from the rape of the 
Sabine wpmen to that of Lucretia, and the ex- 
pulsion of the Tarquins from Rome {vv. 40-2) 
[Sabine : Lucrezia : Tarquinii] ; and recalls 
the wars of Rome against Brennus and the 
Gauls, and against Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, 
and others (vv. 43-5) [Brenno : Pirro^] ; the 
noble deeds of Manlius Torquatus, Quintius 
Cincinnatus, the Decii, and the Fabii (vv. 46-8) 
[Torquato : Cincinnato : Deoi : Fabi] ; the 
war against the Carthaginians under Hannibal, 
and the victories of Scipio Africanus Major 
andofPompey(z'Z'. 49-53) [Annibale: Arabi: 
Scipionei : Pompeo] ; the destruction of Fie- 
sole by the Romans after the defeat of Catiline 
{vv. 53-4) [Piesole] ; he then recounts the 
exploits of Julius Caesar, viz. his victorious 
campaigns in Gaul (vv. 55-60) [Cesarei : Era] ; 




his crossing of the Rubicon {vv. 61-3) [Hubi- 
oone] ; his wars in Spain and Epirus against 
Pompey, his victory at Pharsalia, his pursuit 
of Pompey into Egypt and defeat of Ptolemy 
{vv. 64-6) [Spagna : Durazzo : Farsaglia : 
Ifilo : Tolommeo^] ; his visit to the Troad, 
and, his defeat of Juba, King of Numidia, and 
of the sons of Pompey at Munda {vv. 67-72) 
f Antandro : Giuba : Munda] ; J. next relates 
the victories of Augustus over Brutus and 
Cassius at Philippi, over Mark Antony at 
Mutina, and over Lucius and Fulvia at Perusia 
(vv. 73-5) [Filippi^: Modena : Perugia]; 
the death of Cleopatra, and the long peace 
under Augustus (vv. 76-81) [Augusto^ : Cleo- 
patra : Jane] ; the crucifixion of Christ under 
Tiberius, and the siege of Jerusalem by Titus 
(vv. 82-93) [Tiberio : Tito] ; then, passing 
over seven centuries, he comes down to Charle- 
magne and the destruction of the Lombard 
kingdom (vv. 94-6) [Carlo Magno : De- 
siderio] ; and finally, passing over another 
five centuries, concludes with the mention of 
the wars of the Guelfs and Ghihellines in D.'s 
own day (vv. 97-1 11) [Guelfi: QhibeUini]. 

D. gives similar summaries of periods of 
Roman history in the Convivio (iv. jSS-iTS) 
and De Monarchia (ii. 4^'^"^", n8~88)_ 

Aquila 2, the Eagle in the Hpaven of Jupiter; 
the spirits of the Just (Spiriti Giudicanti), 
having formed successively the letters of thp 

Figures illustratin 
shape assumed b 
to the Florentine 

(From the design of the Di^lte of Sermoneta.) 

sentence ' Diligite justitiam qui judicatis ter- 
ram' (Par. xviii. 70-93), remain for a time in 
the shape of M, the final letter (fig. a) (vv. 94-6) ; 
then gradually other spirits join them, and the 
M is by degrees metamorphosed, first intp the 
lily of Florence or fleur-de-lys (fig. b), and then 
into the Imperial Eagle (fig. c) (vv. 97-1 14) ; 
aquila, Par. xviii. 107 ; imprenta, z/. 114 ; bella 
image, Par. xix. 2, 21 ; quel segno, v. 37 ; iene- 
detta imagine, v. 95 ; i I segno Chefe'i Romani 
al mondo riverendi, vv. 101-2 ; il segno del 
mondo. Par. xx. 8 ; aquila, v. 26 ; I'image della 
imprenta DeWeterno placer^, vv. 76-7 ; bene- 
detto segno, v. 86; imagine divina, v. 139. 
[Aquilai : Qiove, Cielo di.] 

After an apostrophe from D. on Papal avarice 
(Par. xviii. 11 5-1 36), the Eagle begins to speak, 
using the first person as representing the spirits 
of which it is composed (Par. xix. 10-13) ; having 

stated that it owes its place in Heaven to the 
righteousness of the spirits while on earth 
(vv. 13-18), in response to 'a doubt of old 
standing' (viz. that, since faith in Christ and 
baptism are essential to salvation, millions 
who have never heard of Christ must neces- 
sarily, through no fault of their own, be eternally 
damned, — a result which it is hard to reconcile 
with the idea of divine justice) expressed by D. 
(yv. 22-32), it proceeds to show that God's 
justice is not as man's justice (vv. 40-99) ; 
then, after insisting that faith without works 
is of no avail (vv. 103-14), it goes on to 
reprehend the evil deeds of certain princes, 
referring in particular to the invasion of 
Bohemia by Albert of Austria (vv. 1 15-17) 
[Alberto 2 : Buemme] ; the debasement of 
his coinage by Philip IV of France, and his 
coming death (vv. 118-20) [Pilippo^] ; the 
wars between England and Scotland(i'7/. 121-3) 
[Inghilese] ; the luxury and eflfeminacy of 
Ferdinand IV of Castile and of Wenceslas IV 
of Bohemia (vv. 124-6) [Spagna : Buemme] ; 
the depravity of Charles 1 1 of Naples (vv. 127- 
9) [Carlo 2] ; the avarice and baseness of 
Frederick II of Sicily (vv. 130-5) [rederioo^] ; 
the ' filthy works ' of Don Jaime of Majorca 
and of James II of Aragon (vv. 136-8) [Ja- 
comoi; JaooHio^]; the misdoings of Dionysius 
of Pprtugal and Hakon Longshanks of Nor- 
way, and the false coinit^g of Stephen Ouros of 
Rascia (vv. 139-41) [Dionisio^: Aoone^ : 
Easoia] ; the misfortunes of Hungary, and 
the union of Navarre with France [vv. 142-4) 
[TJngaria : Ifavarra] ; and finally the miseries 
of Cyprus under Henry II of Lusignan (vv. 145- 
8) [ArrigoS : Cipri]. After a pause, during 
which the voices of the spirits are heard 
changing (Par. xx. 1-15), the Eagle resumes, 
explaining to D. that the spirits which,form its 
eye and eyebrow (the head being in profile, 
only pne eye is visible— see engraving below) 
are the most exalted (v-j^. 31-6) ; it thenpro- 
ceecjs to name these, pointing out that the 
pupil of the eye is for-me^ by David (vv. 37- 
42), while the eyebrq\Y, beginning from the 

Eye and eye-brow of the Eagle formed by-i. David ; 
-■ ^ 6.'llhi"eus ' +-"=°°^'»"""=i 5 WiUi^of 



side nearest the beak, is formed by five others, 
VIZ. Trajan (vv. 43-8), Hezekiah (vv. 49-54) 
Constantme (vv. 56-60) ; William the G6od of 
Sicily (w. 61-6), and Rhipeus (vv. 67-72) 
[David: Ezechia: Costantino : Qugli- 



elmo^] ; after another pause, in response to 
certain inward questionings of D. as to the 
presence of the pagans Trajan and Rhipeus in 
Heaven [vv. 73-83), the Eagle concludes with 
the explanation that they were saved by faith, 
Rhipeus in Christ to come, Trajan in Christ 
already come {vv. 88-138) [Rifeo : Traiano]. 

Aquilegienses. [Aguileienses.] 

Aquileienses, inhabitants of Aquileia, 
ancient city in the Venetian territory, at the 
head of the Adriatic ; their dialect distinct 
from those of the Trevisans, Venetians, and 
Istrians, V. E. i. iqBB-TO ■ condemned, with that 
of the Istriaris, as harsh and unpleasant, V. E. 
i. Il38~8. poj- Aquileienses Rajna restores the 
MS. reading Aquilegienses. 

Aquilone, Aquilo, the N. wind, Purg. xxxii. 
99 [Austto] ; hence the North, Purg. iv. 60 ; 
Conv. iv. 20^8 [Borea]. 

Aquino, Rinaldo d'. [Kenaldus de 

Aquino, Tommaso d'. [Tommaso^.] 

Arabi, Arabs; term applied by an ana- 
chronism to the Carthaginians (whose territory 
in D.'s day was occupied by the Arabs), the 
reference being to their passage of the Alps 
under Hannibal, and their subsequent defeat 
by Scipio, Par. vi. 49-51. [Cartaginesi.] By 
similar anachronisms D. speaks of Virgil's 
parents as Lombardi, Inf. i. 68 ; and of the 
Gauls as Franceschi, Conv. iv. 51^1. 

Arabia, Arabia ; alluded to (according to 
some, others thinking that Egypt is intended) 
as cib cKe di sopra il mar rosso /«, i. e. the 
country above the Red Sea, Inf. xxiv. 90 ; 
mentioned (according to the better readir}g, 
for which many edd. substitute the 'facilior 
lectio ' Italia) in connexion with the Arabian 
usage of reckoning the commencement of the 
day from sunset, instead of from sunrise, V.N. 
§ 30^. D. here, in speaking of the death of 
Beatrice, says ' secondo I'usanza d' Arabia, 
I'anima sua nobilissima si parti i^ella prima 
era del nono giorno del mese,' i. e. B. died flot 
on June 9, as has been usually supposed, but 
on the evening of June 8, which according to 
the Arabian usage would be t^e beginning of 
June 9. D.'s object in introducing the Arabian 
usage is plain. He wishes to bring ii^ the 
number nine in connexion with the day, month, 
and year of B.'s death. The year, he says, 
was that in which the number ten had been 
nine times completed in Cent, xiii, i.e. 1290; 
the month, June, the sixth according to our 
usage, but the ninth according to the Syrian 
usage ; and the day, the eighth according to 
our usage, but the ninth according to the 
Arabian usage. The information as to the 
Arabian reckoning D. got from the Elemenia 
Astronomica of Alfraganus, who says : ' Dies 

Arabum . . . initium capit ab occasu Solis, . . . 
finem ver6 ab ejusdem occasu . . . Auspicantur 
enim Arabes diem quemque cum sua nocte . . . 
ab eo momento, quo Sol occidit.' (Cap. i.) (See 
Romania, xxiv. 418-20.) [Alfergano : Tisrin.] 

Aragne, Arachne (i.e. 'spider'), Lydian 
maiden, daughter of Idmon of Colophon, a 
famous dyer in purple. A. excelled in the art 
of weaving, and, proud of her skill, ventured to 
challenge Minerva to compete with her. A. 
produced a piece of cloth in which the amours 
of the gods were woven ; and Minerva, unable 
to find fault with it, tore it in pieces. In despair 
A. hanged herself, but the goddess loosened 
the rope and saved her life, the rope being 
changed into a cobweb, and A. herself into 
a spider. D. mentions her on account of her 
skill in weaving, Inf xvii. 18; and includes 
her amongst the examples of defeated pride 
in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. xii. 43-45 
[Superbi]. Her story is told by Ovid {Metam. 
vi. I-I4S)- 

Aragona, Aragon, one of the old kingdoms 
of Spain, of which (with Catalonia) it forms 
the N.E. corner; Manfred (in Antepurgatory) 
mentions it in connexion with his daughter 
Constance, the wife of Peter HI of Aragon, 
whom he speaks of as ' genitrice Dell' onor di 
Cicjlia e d'Aragona,' Purg. iii. 115-16; some 
think that by the ' honour of Sicily and Aragon ' 
Alphonso III, eldest son of Constance and 
Peter, is meant, he having succeeded his father 
in Aragori (1285), and having been entitled 
also, in right qf his mother, in virtue of which 
Peter had assumed it, to the crown of Sicily, 
though he abandoned his rights to his brother 
James ; the allusion is more probably to the 
second and thirc} sons of Constance and Peter, 
viz. James, King of Aragon (1291-1327), and 
Frederick, King of Sicjly (1296-1337). [Al- 
fonso 1 : Federioo^ ; Jacomoi; Table i.] 
The objection that D, elsewhere (Purg. vii. 
119-20) speaks severely of these two princes, 
especially qf Frederick (Par. xix. 130 ; xx. 63 ; 
Conv. iv. 61*2 1 V. E. i. 128'), is not a valid one, 
as the praise of them in the present passage 
ig put into the mouth of their grandfather, 
Manfred, who would naturally be inclined to 
judge tl}em favourably, especially in view of 
the fact that, by holding the island of Sicily, 
they h^d to a certain extent avenged the 
wrongs inflicted on the house of Swabia by 
that of Anjou. 

D. mentions the mountains of Aragon, i.e. 
the Pyrenees, as the S. limit of the langue 
rf'oil, V. E. i. 882. [Lingua OzA] 

Aragones, inhabitants of Aragon, which is 
bounded on the E. by Catalonia, on the S. and 
W. by Castile, and on the N.W. by Navarre ; 
their king an instance of a prince whose juris- 
diction is limited by the confines of the neigh- 




bouring kingdoms, while that of the Emperor 
is bounded by the ocean alone, Mon. i. il*^~'. 

Aragonia, Aragon ; montes Aragoniae, i. e. 
the Pyrenees, V.E.i.8«^. [Aragona: Fireneo.] 

Arbia, small stream of Tuscany, which rises 
a few miles S. of Siena and runs into the 
Ombrone at Buonconvento ; on its left bank 
is the hill of Montaperti, where was fought 
(Sept. 4, 1260) the great battle between the 
Ghibellines and Guelfs of Florence, referred to 
by D. as Lo strazio e il grande scempio Che 
fece I'Arbia colorata in rosso, Inf. x. 85-6. 

The Guelfs, who since the beginning of 
Cent, xiii had been predominant in Florence, 
were expelled in 1248 by the Ghibellines with 
the assistance of the Emperor Frederick II. 
After the death of the latter (1250) they were 
recalled, and the Ghibelline leaders in their 
turn were driven into exile, to be followed in 
1258 by the rest of their party [Guelfo]. The 
Ghibellines, however, soon found a powerful 
ally in Manfred, natural gon of the Emperor 
Frederick, and in 1260, with his help and that 
of the Sienese, they inflicted a crushing defeat 
on the Florentine Guelfs at Montaperti, which 
left them masters of Tuscany [Manfred!]. 
The Sienese and exiled Ghibellines had spared 
no effort to ensure their victory. In the previous 
year they had sent envoys, among whom was 
Farinata degli Uberti, to Manfred asking for 
assistance against Florence aiid its allies. 
Manfred declared himself willing to spare 
them a hundred of his German cavalry. This 
meagre offer the envoys in disgust deterrnined 
to decline, but they were overruled by Farinata, 
and the deputation returned to Siena under 
the escort of the German horsemen. Shortly 
after, however, the latter were cut tq pieces in 
a skirmish with the Florentines, who paptured 
Manfred's banner, and dragged it in the dirt 
through the streets of Florence. Enraged at 
this insult, Manfred at once despatched to 
Siena eight hundred more of his German 
cavalry, under the command of Conte Giordano. 
Farinata now, with the connivance of the 
Sienese, entered into secret negotiations \vith 
the Florentines, pretending that the exiled 
Ghibellines were weary of the Sienese and 
were anxious for peace ; he therefore proposed 
that the Florentines, under pretext of relieving 
Montalcino, which was being besieged by the 
Sienese, should despatch a force to the Arbia, 
in readiness for an attack on Siena, one of the 
gates of which he promised to open to them, 
Completely deceived, the Florentines, in spite 
of the remonstrances of their leaders, closed 
with the offer [Aldobrandi]. On Tuesday, 
Sept. 4, 1260, supported by allies from all parts 
of Tuscany, as well as from Genoa, Bologna, 
Perugia, and Orvieto, in all over 30,000 strong, 
they marched out with the Carroccio and the 


big bell Martinella, and encamped in the valley 
of the Arbia. In reliance on the false informa- 
tion that one of the gates of Siena would be 
opened to them, they were awaiting certain 
intelligence of the fact, when to their surprise 
they saw the GhibeUine army advancing to 
the attack. Though numerically weaker, the 
Sienese were skilfully ordered and well com- 
manded by Provenzano Salvani, Farinata, and 
others, and they were besides supported by 
Manfred's eight hundred German horsemen 
under Conte Giordano. Taken by surprise the 
Guelfs were thrown into disorder, which in 
a short time became a panic, when, at the 
moment of the charge of the German cavalry, 
Bocca degli Abati, a traitor in their own ranks, 
struck off the hand of Jacopo de' Pazzi, who 
was carrying the standard of the Florentines 
[Booea]. Seeing the standard down, the Guelfs 
gave up all for lost, and the Sienese, falling 
upon them before they could recover from 
their confusion, routed them completely with 
terrible slaughter. The Carroccio and Marti- 
nella were taken (the two flagstafifs of the 
former are still to be seen in the Cathedral of 
Siena), and some 3,000 dead of the Florentines 
alone are said to have been left upon the field. 
On receipt of the fatal news the Guelfs fled 
from Florence, and the Ghibellines were with 
difficulty dissuaded by Farinata from razing 
the city to the ground [Farinata i]. 

The Guelf Villani concludes his account of 
the disaster with the exclamation : — 

' E cosi s'adond la rabbia dell' ingrato e superbo 
popolo di Firenze . . . e allora fu rotto e annul- 
lato il popolo vecchio di Firenze, ch' era durato 
in tante vittorie e grande signoria -e stato per 
dieci anni ! ' (vi. ■Jg.) 

Area, Dell', ancient noble family of Flor- 
ence, extinct in D.'s day ; mentioned by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having 
been of importance in his lifetime, Par. xvi. 92. 
Villani says : — 

' Nel quartiere della porta di san Brancazio . . . 
molti antichi furono quelli dell' Area, e oggi son 
spent}.' (iv. 12.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

' Questi furono nobili e arroganti, e fecero di 
famose opera ; de' quali h oggi piccola fama : sono 
pochi in persona, e pochi in avere.' 

Arcangeli, Archangels, the lowest Order 
but one in the Celestial Hierarchies, ranking 
next above the Angels, Conv. ii. 6**-^ . they 
preside over the Heaven of lylercury, Conv. 
ii. 6108 [Gerarohia ; Paradise] ; Beatrice (in 
the Crystalline Heaven) mentions them as 
forming, together with Principalities and 
Angels, the third Celestial Hierarchy, Par. 
xxviii. 124-6 [Gabbriello : Michele : Baf- 

Archemoro, Archemorus or Opheltes, son 
of Lycurgus, King of Nemea ; while under the 


Argenti, Pilippo 

charge of the captive Hypsipyle he was killed 
by the bite of a serpent, whereupon Lycurgus 
would have put H. to death had she not been 
rescued by her two sons. D. quotes from Statius 
{Theb. V. 609-10) the apostrophe of Hypsipyle 
to A., Conv. iii. iii65-9; the death of A. is 
referred to as la tristizia di Licurgo, Purg. 
xxvi. 94. [Isiflle : Licurgo^.] 

Archiano, now Archiana, torrent in Tus- 
cany, which rises in the Apennines above 
Camaldoli and falls into the Arno just above 
Bibbiena in the Casentino, Purg. v. 95, 125. 
Buonconte da Montefeltro, who fought oh the 
side of Arezzo and the Ghibellines at the battle 
of Campaldino and was slain, relates to D. (in 
Antepurgatory), in reply to the inquiry of the 
latter as to what became of his body, how it 
was washed by the floods into the Archiano, 
and carried down by that stream into the 
Arno, Purg. v. 94-129. [Buonconte : Camp- 

Archimandrita, Archimandrite, title given 
in the Greek Church to an abbot in charge 
of several convents ; applied by D. to St. 
Francis, Par. xi. 99 [Francesco^] ; St. Peter, 
Mon. iii. 9^^^ [Pietroi] ; the Pope, Epist. viii. 
6 [Papa]. 

Arcippe], daughter of Minyas of Boeotia ; 
referred to, with her sisters Alcithoe and 
Leucippe, Epist. iv. 4. [Alcithoe.] 

Arcivescovo Ruggieri, [Euggieri, 

Ardinghi, ancient noble family of Florence, 
in low estate in D.'s day ; mentioned by 
Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) among 
the great families existing in his time. Par. xvi. 
93. Villani says of them : — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . 
gli Ardinghi che abitavano in ortQ s&n Michele, 
erano molto antichi.' (iv. 11.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

' Questi sono al presente in bassissimo stato, 
e pochi.' 

Aretini, Aretines, inhabitants of Arezzo ; 
mentioned, as some think, with a special allu- 
sion to the battle of Campaldino, at which D. 
himself is supposed to have been present, 
Inf. xxii. 5 [Dante : Campaldino] ; such inci- 
dents, however, as D. describes in the text 
must have been common enough during the 
hostilities between Florence and Arezzo after 
the expulsion of the Guelfs from the latter city 
in June 1287. In describing the course of the 
Arno, Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purga- 
tory) refers to the Aretines, who were in a 
state of almost constant feud with Florence, 
as Botoli . . . Ringhiosi piil che non chiede lor 
fossa, ' curs who snarl more than their power 
demands,' Purg. xiv. 46-7 [Arno]. Their dia- 
lect distinct from that of the Sienese, V. E. i. 

ioT5-e . condemned with the rest of the Tuscan 
dialects, a specimen of it being given, V. E. i. 
i327-8_ [Arezzo.] 

Aretino, inhabitant of Arezzo ; of Griffolino 
the alchemist. Inf. xxx. 31 [Griffolino]; Benin- 
casa da Laterina, Purg. vi. 13 [Benincasa] ; 
Clone de' Tarlati, Purg. vi. 15 [Clone] ; Guit- 
tone the poet, V. E. i. 13'; ii. 68T [Guit- 

Aretinus. [Aretino.] 

Aretinus, Guido. [Guittone.] 

Aretinus, Guitto. [Guittone.] 

Aretusa, Arethusa, one of the Nereids, 
nymph of the fountain of Arethusa in the island 
of Ortygia near Syracuse ; while bathing she 
was perceived by the river-god Alpheus, who 
pursued her ; on appealing to Artemis she was 
changed into the fountain of the same name, 
but Alpheus continued to pursue her under the 
sea, and attempted to mingle his stream with 
the waters of the fountain. D. alludes to Ovid's 
account {Metam. v. 587 ff.) of the metamor- 
phosis, Inf. XXV. 97-8. 

Arezzo, city in S.E. of Tuscany, about 
midway between Florence and Perugia ; it 
was a staunch adherent of the Ghibelline cause, 
and was in consequence in a state of almost 
constant feud with the Florentines, whose 
repeated attempts to get possession of it were 
successfully resisted by the Aretines, until at 
last in 1336 the city and neighbouring territory 
fell into their hands (Vill. xi. 60) ; it is men- 
tioned as his native place by the alchemist 
Griffolino (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), Inf. xxix. 109 [Griffolino] ; and alluded 
to by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purga- 
tory) in his description of the course of the 
Arno, which flows S.E. through the Casentino 
to within four or five miles of the city, and 
then makes a great bend and flows N.W. 
towards Florence, Purg. xiv. 46-8. [Aretini : 

Argenti, Filippo, one of the Cavicciuli 
branch of the Adimari family of Florence, 
placed by D. among the Wrathful in Circle V 
of Hell, Inf. viii. 61 ; un pien di fafigo, v. 32 ; 
persona orgogliosa, v. 46 ; il fiorentino spirito 
bizarre, v. 62. [Iracondi.] As D. and Virgil 
are being ferried across the marsh of Styx, 
a form covered with mud rises up in front of 
them and asks D. who he is that comes alive 
into Hell, Inf. viii. 31-3 ; D. replies that he has 
not come to remain, and inquires in turn who 
the other is (^v. 34-5) ; the figure gives an 
evasive reply, whereupon D., recognizing that 
it is Filippo Argenti, curses him [vv. 36-9) ; 
F. A. then makes as though to seize the boat, but 
is thrust off by V. (vv. 40-2), who commends 
D. and describes the overbearing character of 




F. A. {vv. 43-8) ; D. expresses a desire to see 
the latter smothered in the marsh {vv. 52-4) ; 
V. approves his wish, which is shortly after 
gratified, F. A. being attacked by his com- 
panions, who call out his name {vv. 55-61) ; 
in fury he rends himself with his teeth, and 
beyond a shriek of pain D. hears no more of 
him {vv. 62-5). 

The old commentators say that Filippo got 
his name Argenti from the fact that on one 
occasion he had his horse shod with silver. 
They all agree in saying that he had a very 
savage temper. Boccaccio says : — 

' Fu questo Filippo Argenti . . . de' Cavicciuli, 
cavaliere ricchissimo, tanto che esso alcuna volta 
fece il cavallo, il quale usava di cavalcare, ferrare 
d'ariento, e da questo trasse il soprannome. Fu 
uomo di persona grande, bruno e nerboruto e di 
maravigliosa forza, e piu che alcuno altro ira- 
cundo, eziandio per qualunque menoma cagione.' 

In the Decamerone (ix. 8) is a characteristic 
story of how Filippo fell foul of a certain Bion- 
dello, who at the instigation of Ciacco had 
ventured to trifle with him : — 

Messer Philippo Argenti huom grande et ner- 
boruto, et forte, sdegnoso, iracundo, et bizarro 
piii che altro . . . presolo per gli capelli, et strac- 
ciatagli la cufiBa in capo, et gittato il cappuccio 
per terra, et dandogli tuttavia forte, diceva : 
Traditore . . . paioti io fanciullo da dovere essere 
uccellato ! Et cosi dicendo, con le pugna, lequali 
haveva che parevan di ferro, tutto il viso gli ruppe, 
ne gli lasci5 in capo capello, che ben gli volesse, 
et convoltolo per lo fango tutti i panni in dosso 
gli straccii . . . Alia line havendol Messer Philippo 
ben battuto, et essendogli molti dintorno, alia 
maggior fatica del mondo gliele trasser di mano 
cosi rabbuffato, et mal concio, come era.' 

Benvenuto, who copies the above story with- 
out acknowledgement, tells another of how 
Filippo had a horse, which he called 'the 
Florentine people's horse,' because he placed 
it at the disposal of the first comer who should 
ask for it ; and of how he used to amuse himself 
by jeering at the disappointment of those who 
came when the horse had already been requisi- 
tioned. According to Benvenuto this was 
the horse which was on occasion shod with 

D.'s special bitterness against Filippo 
(' Bontk non h. che sua memoria fregi,' v. 47) 
may be partially explained by the fact that the 
Adimari, and especially the Cavicciuli branch 
to which F. belonged, were notoriously hostile 
to himself. [Adimari.] 

Argi, Argos ; the hospitality of the Argives 
abused by the Trojans (allusion to the rape of 
Helen from Sparta by Paris), Epist. v. 8. 

Argia, daughter of Adrastus, King of Argos, 
sister of Deiphyle, and wife of Polynices of 
Thebes, from whom at her marriage she re- 
ceived the fatal necklace of Harmonia, with 


which Eriphyle was bribed to betray the hiding- 
place of Amphiaraus [Anflarao]. Virgil, 
addressing Statius (in Purgatory), mentions 
her as being ' delle genti tue ' (i. e. mentioned 
in the Thebaid or Achilleid) among the great 
woftien of antiquity in Limbo, Purg. xxii. no 
[Antigone : Limbo] ; she and Deiphyle are 
mentioned as examples of modesty, Conv. iv. 
2578-88_ [Adrasto.] 

Argivi, the Argives ; Adrastus, King of, 
Conv. iv. 2562. [Adrasto.] 

Argo 1, the ship Argo, built by Argus, son 
of Phrixus, in which the Argonauts sailed to 
Colchis in search of the golden fleece. Par. 
xxxiii. 96. [Argonaut! : Jasone^.] 

Argo 2, Argus, son of Arestor, surnamed 
Panoptes ('all-seeing') because he had a hun- 
dred eyes. Juno, jealous of Jupiter's love for 
Io, set A. to watch over her after she had been 
metamorphosed into a cow ; but Jupiter com- 
manded Mercury to slay him. Mercury there- 
fore descended to earth in the guise of a 
shepherd, and, having beguiled A. to sleep with 
the story of the metamorphosis of Syrinx, cut 
off his head. Juno thereupon transplanted his 
eyes into the tail of her favourite bird, the 

A. is mentioned in connexion with his eyes, 
which are compared to those on the wings of 
the four beasts in the mysticaj Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 95-6 
[Processione] ; his being set to sleep by the 
story of Syrinx and his death are referred to, 
Purg. xxxii. 64-6 [Siringa]. D. got the story 
from Ovid : — 

[Jupiter having transformed Io into a cow, 
Juno asks for her as a gift, and then places her 
under the guardianship of Argus.] 

'Pellice donata, non protinus exuit omnem 
Diva metum ; timuitque Jovera, et fuit anxia furti : 
Donee Arestoridae servandam tradidit Argo. 
Centum luminibus cinctum caput Argus habebat: 
Inde suis vicibus capiebant bina quietein, 
Cetera servabant, atque in statione manebant. 
Constiterit quocumque modo, spectabat ad Io, 
Ante oculos Io, quamvis aversus, habebat.' 

[Mercury, despatched by Jupiter, seats himself 
by the side of Argus and begins to tell him the 
story of Syrinx.] 

' f.^'^i' Atlantiades, et euntem multa loqnendo 
Uetinmt sermone diem ; junctisque canendo 
Vincere arundinibus servantia lamina tentat. 
llle tamen pugnat molles evincere somnos • 
tt quamvis sopor est oculorura parte receptus. 
Parte tamen vigilat: quaerit quoque, namque r?perU 
tistula nuper erat, qua sit ratione reperta. 
Tum deus: Arcadiae gelidis sub montibus, inqnit. 
Inter Hamadryadas celeberrima Nonaerinis^ ' una fu,t : Nymphae Syringa vocabant 
Non semel et Satyros eluserlt ifia sequentes 
RLs''habit°!'?° ' umbrosaque silvl, feraiqne 
„ J . . • ■ •. redeuntem colle Lycaeo 

TllVverba'^f^r'""^"^ ■="""' P""'"""' -■"- 
[Argus falls asleep; the sequel of the story of 
Syrinx which Mercury was about to tell.] 



' Restabat verba referre ; 
Et precibus spretis fugisse per avia Nympham, 
Donee arenosi placidum Ladonis ad amnem 
Venerit; hie iUi cursum impedientibus undis, 
Ut se mutarent, liquidas orasse sorores ; 
Panaque, quutn prensam sibi jam Syringa putaret, 
Corpore pro Nymphae calamos tenuisse palustres. 
Dumque ibi suspirat, motos in arundine ventos 
Effecisse sonum tenuem, siniilem(^ue querent! : 
Arte nova, vocisque deum dulcedme captum, 
Hoc mihi eoneilium tecum, dixisse, manebit. — 
Atque ita disparibus calamis compazine cerae 
Inter se junctis nomen tenuisse puellae. 
Talia dicturus vidit Cyllenius omnes 
Succubuisse oculos, adopertaque lumina somno.' 

[Seeing that Argus has fallen asleep, Mercury 
stops the narrative and cuts off his head.] 

'Supprimit extemplo vocem ; 6rmatque soporem, 
Languida permulcens medicata lumina virga. 
Nee mora : falcato nutantem vulnerat ense, 
Qua collo confine caput ; saxoque cnientum 
Dejicit, et maculat praeruptam sanguine cautem. 
Arge, jaces ; quodque in tot lumina lumen habebas, 
Kxstinctum est ; centumque oculos nox occupat una. 
Kxcipit hos, volucrisque suae Saturnia pennis 
CoUocat et gemmis caudam stellantibus implet.' 

^Metam. i, 622-9, 68a ff.) 

Argolico, belonging to Argolis or Argos ; 
gente Argolica, i.e. the Greeks, mentioned by 
Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII 
of Hell), perhaps with an allusion to the Argo- 
nauts, Inf. xxviii. 84. [Argonauti : Greoi.] 

Argonauti], Argonauts, ' sailors of the 
Argo ' who sailed to Colchis in search of the 
golden fleece. Jason, who commanded the 
expedition, was accompanied by fifty heroes, 
including Hercules, Castor and Pollux, The- 
seus, and all the famous men of the age. 
D. speaks of them as Quei gloriosi che passaro 
a Colco, Par. ii. 16 ; and alludes to them (per- 
haps) as genie Argolica, Inf. xxviii. 84 ; and to 
their expedition, Inf. xviii. 86-7. [Argo 1 : 
Jasone '.] 

Arianna], Ariadne, daughter of Minos and 
Pasiphae, and sister of the Minotaur [Milios : 
Fasife : Minotauro]. She fell in love With 
Theseus when he came to Crete to bring the 
tribute of the Athenians to the Minotaur, and 
gave him the sword with which he slew the 
monster, and the clue of thread by means of 
which he found his way out of the Labyrinth 
[Dedalo]. Theseus in return promised to 
marry 'her, and took her away with him from 
Crete, but deserted her in Naxos ; here she 
was found by Bacchus, who made her his wife 
and at her death placed among the stars, as the 
constellation of the Crown, the garland she 
had worn at her marriage (Par. xiii. 13-14) 

Virgil (in Round i of Circle VII of Hell) 
refers to A. as the sister of the Minotaur, with 
an allusion to her love for Theseus, Inf. xii. 
19-20 [Teseo] ; she is referred to, in connexion 
with the constellation of the Crown, as la 
figliuola di Minoi, Par. xiii. 14 [Corona]. 
Her story is told by Ovid : the Minotaur, 
having been enclosed by Minos in the Laby- 
rinth of Daedalus, is slain by Theseus with 

the aid of Ariadne ; the latter, abandoned by 
Theseus, is rescued by Bacchus, who weds her 
and places her crown in the sky : — 

* Creverat opprobrium generis ; foedumque patebat 
Matris adulterium, monstri novitate biformis. 
Destinat hunc Minos tlialamis removere pudorem, 
Multiplicique domo, caecisque includere tectis. 
Daedalus, ingenio fabrae celeberrimus artis, 
Ponit opus ; lurbatque notas, et lumina flexum 
Ducit in errorem variarum ambage viarum . . . 

. . . implet 
Innumeras errore vias ; vixque ipse reverti 
Ad limen potuit : tanta est fallacia tecti ! 
Quo postquam tauri geminam juvenisque figuram 
Clausit, et Actaeo bis pastum sanguine monstrum 
Tertia sors annis domuit repetita novenis; 
Utque ope virginea, nullis iterata priorum, 
Tanua difficilis filo est inventa relecto ; 
Protinus Aegides, rapta Mino'ide, Dian 
Vela dedit; comitemque suam crudelis in illo 
Litore deseruit: desertae, et multa querent!, 
Amplexus et opem Liber tulit: utque perenni 
Sidere clara foret, sumptam de fronte coronam 
Immisit caelo : tenues volat ilia per auras ; 
Dumque volat, gemmae subitos vertuntur in ignes ; 
Consistuntque loco, specie remanente Coronae, 
Qui medius nixique genu est, anguemque tenentis.' 
{Meiam. viii. 1.56-61, 166 fF.) 

Ari^te, Aries (' the Ram'), constellation and 
the first of the twelve signs of the Zodiac, 
which the Sun enters at the vernal equinox 
(about March 3i), Par. xxviii. 117; Conv. iii. 
ji34, 143 . Canz. XV. 41 ; il Montone, Purg. viii. 
134 ; Par. xxix. 2 ; alluded to as quella luce Che 
raggia dietro alia celeste Lasca, 'the light 
which beams behind the heavenly Carp ' (since 
Aries comes next to Pisces in the zodiacal 
circle), Purg. xxxii. 53-4 [Fesci] ; migliore 
Stella (since, according to the old belief, the 
Sun was in Aries at the time of the Creation 
and of the Incarnation), Par. i. 40 ; hence, 
quelle stelle. Inf. i. 38, where D. indicates the 
time of the Creation, are also those of Aries 
(Benvenuto says : ' dicunt enim astrologi et 
theologi quod Deus ab initio saeculi posuit 
solem in ariete, in quo signo facit nobis ver'). 

The vernal equinox is described, Purg. viii. 
133-5 [Montone']; Canz. xv. 41 ; the rising 
of the Sun at the vernal equinox, Par. i. 37-41 
(Butler comments : ' the equator, the ecliptic, 
and the equinoctial colure, or great circle 
through the equinoxes and the pole of the 
equator, intersect on the first point of Aries ; 
at sunrise about the spring equinox this point 
is therefore on the horizon, which makes the 
fourth circle : the three crosses being made by 
the others with it') ; notturno Ariete, 'the Ram 
seen by night ' (i. e. when the Sun is in Libra, 
after the autumnal equinox), Par. xxviii. 117; 
ambedue lijigli di Latona Cdperti del Montone 
e delta Libra, 'both the children of Latona 
brooded over by the Ram and the Scales ' 
(i.e. the Sun and Moon opposite to each other 
at the equinox, the one being in Aries, the 
other in Libra), Par. xxix. 1-2 [Libra] ; Aries 
and Libra opposite signs at opposite points of 
the zodiacal circle, being entered by the Sun 
at the vernal and autumnal equinoxes respec- 
tively, Conv. iii. 5i30-*2 [Zodiaoo]. 




forty times, Conv. i. I, 12 ; ii. I, 3, S> ^°> '4» 
IS, 16; iii. I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, II, 14, 15 ; 
iv. 3, 4, 8, 10, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 27. 
D. also speaks of him as ti mio maestro, Conv. 

Aristotele, Aristotle, Purg. iii. 43. [Aristo- 

Aristoteles, Aristotle, V. E. ii. 613 ; Mon. 
i. 1*^1, 1 1^1 ; A. T. § 1237. [Aristotile.] 

Aristotile, Aristotle, the Greek philosopher, 
born at Stagfra (whence he is sometimes called 
' the Stagirite '), a town in Chalcidice in Mace- 
donia, B.C. 384. In 367 he went to Athens to 
pursue his studies, and he there became the 

pupil of Plato, who called him ' the intellect of filosofi, Conv. iv. 8i*i ; maestro delta nostra 
his school.' After the death of Plato he vita, Conv. iv. 238I ; he alludes to A.'s surname 
quitted Athens and returned to Macedonia, ' the Stagirite,' mentions him as the founder of 

i. 9^1 ; quello glorioso Jilosofo at quale la 
natura ptii aperse Ii suoi segreti, Conv. iii. 
^64^6 J maestro delta umana ragione, Conv. iv. 
2i3^ ; maestro e duca delta gente umana, . . .il 
maestro e Vartefice che ne dimostra ilfine delta 
umana vita, Conv. iv. 668-72; maestro de' 

where at the request of Philip of Macedon he 
became the instructor of his son Alexander 
(afterwards Alexander the Great). A. re- 
mained in Macedonia seven years, and then 
went back to Athens, where he founded the 
Peripatetic school of philosophy. He presided 
over his school for thirteen years (335-323), 
during which period he composed the greater 
part of his works. After the death of Alexander 
(323) he was looked upon with suspicion in 
Athens as a friend of Macedonia, and he had 
to leave that city to avoid being tried on a 
charge of impiety. He retired to Chalcis in 
Euboea, where he died in 322 at the age of 
sixty-three. His numerous works, which treated 
of almost all the subjects of human knowledge 
cultivated in his time, have always exercised 
a powerful influence upon learning, especially 
in the Middle Ages. 

D. places A. in Limbo together with Plato, 
Socrates, and other . great philosophers of 
antiquity, Inf iv. 131 [Limbo], 

In the D.C. he is mentioned by name once, 
Aristotele, Purg. iii. 43 ; referred to as it 
maestro di color che sanno. Inf. iv. 131 ; (by 
Charles Martel addressing D.), // maestro 
vostro. Par. viii. 120 (ref. to Pol. ii. 2). He is 
probably also alluded to as piil savio di te, 
Purg. XXV. 63, where Statius tells D. that a 
wiser than he went astray with regard to the 
nature of the soul, by teaching that the active 
intellect (' intellectus agens ') was separate 
from the soul, a doctrine inconsistent with 
personal immortality. Butler points out that 
the reference appears to be to De Anima, iii. 
4, 5 ; but many think that the allusion is to 
Averroes. It is probably to A. too that D. 
alludes as Colui, che mi dimostra il prima 
amore, Par. xxvi. 38 ; some, however, take the 
allusion to be to Plato, or to Dionysius the 

In the Vita Nuova A. is referred to twice 
by the title of il Filosofo, the Philosopher (as 
he was commonly called par excellence in the 
Middle Ages), V. N. §§ 25", 4280. 

In the Convivio he is mentioned by name 

the Peripatetic School, and describes his genius 
as ' quasi divino,' his opinion as ' somma e 
altissima autoritade,' and himself as 'degnis- 
simo di fede e d'obbedienza,' Conv. iv. 65i'-i62_ 

In D.'s Latin works A. is mentioned by 
name four times, Aristoteles, V. E. ii. i>^^ : 
Mon. i. i^i, ii7i ; A. T. § I23T ; referred to by 
the title of Philosophus forty times, Mon. i. 3, 
5, 10, II, 12, 13, 14, 15 ; ii. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 12 ; 
iii. I, 4, 10, 16 ; Epist. viii. 5 ; x. 5, 16, 18, 27 ; 
A. T. §4 2, 6, 12, 13, 21, 23 ; he is also referred 
to as Magister, Mon. iii. 7^6; magister sapi- 
entum, V. E. ii. 10* ; praeceptor morum., Mon, 
iii. 117 ; praeceptor, Epist. viii. 5. 

With the exception of the Bible, Aristotle's 
works are quoted by D. more frequently than 
those of any other author, the direct quotations 
or references to them numbering about 150. 
The following are quoted by name : — 

Prior Analytics, quoted as Priora, A.. T. 
§ 19I9 ; and (perhaps) as De Syllogismo, Mon. 
iii. 719 \Analytica Priora]. 

On Sophistical Refutations, quoted as De 
Sophisticis Elenchis, Mon. iii. 4^6 [Sopbisticis 
Blencbis, De\. 

Categories, quoted as Praedicamenta, Mon. 
iii. 155S; A. T. § 25; the first book, being 
introductory, is quoted as Antepraedicamenta, 
A. T. § 1266 [Praedicamenta]. 

Art of Rhetoric, quoted as Rettorica, Conv. 
iii. 885; Rhetorica, Epist. x. 18 \Itbetorlca^]. 

Nicomachean Ethics, quoted as Etica, Inf. 
xi. 80 ; Conv. i. 962, lo'i, 1221. 76 ; jj. 591, 1443, 

Ijl^e, 128 . iii_ j57j ^90^ 454^ 789, 8169 1 1 75. 92, 144 



70, 74 




15^3"; iv. 8*' 1*2, 

179, n, 18, 75, 94, 19B3, 2o37, 2ll'27, '22l'5, 25*, 

27*7' 110 ; Canz. viii. 85 ; Ethica, A. T. §§ 1868, 
20I8; Ad Nicomachum, Mon. i. 3* ii72 1326 

143^ I5'2; ii. 263, 306 817 1240. iii. lolOl 
1267; A. T. § Ill4[£fli/ca]. 

Politics, quoted as Politica, Conv. iv. 4*6; 
Mon. i. 391, 515, 1268 . ii. 317^ 7S6, 8i*[Aj//tfca], 

Physics or Physical Discourse, quoted as 
Fisica, Inf. xi. 101 ; Conv. ii. iios . iii ijio. 
iv. 2« 926, io91, 15I62, 1678 . Physi^a, V. E. ii! 
lo9; Epist. X. 25; A. T. §§ iiU, 2o23 ; De 

upwards of fifty times, Aristotile, Conv. i. 9 ; Naturali Auditu, Mon. i. 97 • ji 741 . iji' jeU 
Ji-3, 4. 5.9, 10. 14, 15; iii-2, 5,7, 9, II. 14. is; \Pbyslca]. ' ' ' • ^ 

IV. 2, 6, 7, 8, II, 13, 15, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, On the Heavens, quoted as Di Cielo e 

27, 28 ; referred to as // Filosofo upwards of Mondo, Conv. ii. 320, 61, 434, ci3 . ^n cH giii • 




iv. 928; De Caelo et Mundo, A. T. §§ 12**, 
13*1 ; De Caelo, Epist. x. 27 ; A. T. § 2i56 
[Caelo, De]. 

On Generation and Corruption, quoted as 
Di Generazione, Conv. iii. loi^ ; iv. lo^i 
[Oeaeratlone et Cormptione, De], 

Meteorologies, quoted as Meteora, A. T. 
§§615 23*7 [jWefeorai]. 

History of Animals (ftiore correctly Re- 
searches about Animals), and On Parts of 
Animals, both quoted &% Degli Animali; the 
former, Conv. ii. g's ; the latter, Conv. ii. 3I5 
[Aalmalibus, De]. 

On Soul, quoted as DelV Anima, Conv. ii. 

96*, 1068, I^Ml ; iii. 283> 126, 6111, g54 . jv. 

7I11, I39j 1368, ijiie, 2o69 ; De Anima, Mon. i. 
3^8 ; iii. i627 \Anitaa, De], 

On Sense and Sensible Things, quoted as 
Di Senso e Sensato, Conv. iii. 9**, los \Sensu 
et Seasibili, De]. 

On Youth and Old Age, quoted as Di Gio- 
•ventute e Senettute, Conv. iv. 28^^ [Juventute 
et Senectute, De]. 

On Generation of Animals, quoted as De 
Generatione Animalium, A. T. § 13*2 \Qene- 
ratlone Animalium, De]. 

First Philosophy or Metaphysics, quoted as 
Prima Filosofia, Conv. i. i^ ; Prima Philo- 
sophia, Mon. iii. 12^ ; Metafisica,Y . N. § 42^" ; 
Conv. ii. 332, 512' 118, 14I4S, i6B0 ; iii. 11I2, 149*; 
iv. lo^s ; Metaphysica, Epist. x. 5, 16, 20; De 
Simpliciter Ente, Mon. i. 12^1, 13I5, 15I2JI9J 
iii. 14I9 [Metapbysica]. 

On Causes, pseudo- Aristotelian work, quoted 
as Di Cagioni, Conv. iii. 2^' ; Delle Cagioni, 
Conv. iii. 6*i> n*, 7I''; iv. 21*9; De Causis, 
Mon. i. iii32; Epist. x. 20, 21 [Causis, De]. 

(On D.'s obligations to Aristotle see Moore, 
Studies in Dante, i. 92-156, whence the refer- 
ences to Book and Chapter of the various 
Aristotelian treatises quoted by D. are for the 
most part taken.) 

D. mentions two Latin translations of Aris- 
totle, which he says, differed materially in 
places, and which he calls respectively the 
'New' and the 'Old,' Conv. ii. Xi,^'^^- The 
earliest Latin translations of Aristotle were 
made, not from the original Greek, but from 
Arabic versions. Subsequently St. Thomas 
Aquinas made or caused to be made a new 
translation, direct from the Greek, of several 
of the Aristotelian treatises. This Greek-Latin 
version probably answers to D.'s ' New' trans- 
lation, the ' Old ' being the representative of 
the earlier Arabic- Latin version. (See Moore, 
op. cit. i. 305-18.) At a later date the Latin 
version of the Ethics was translated into 
Italian ; but it was an untrustworthy rendering, 
and is spoken of by D. with contempt, Conv. 
i. ic'o-i. This Italian version referred to by 
D. is generally supposed to be that made by 
the Florentine physician Taddeo di Alderotto 
[Alderotto : Bthica]. 

Arli, Aries, town in Provence, in the modem 
department of Bouches-du-Rh6ne, close to 
where the Rhone forms its delta before enter- 
ing the Mediterranean [Eodano]. D. mentions 
Aries, Arli, ove Rodano stagna, in connexion 
with the famous cemetery Aliscamps (i.e. 
Elysios Campos) and its great sarcophagus 
tombs, Inf. ix. 112, 115. This cemetery was 
originally a Roman burying-ground, and was 
consecrated, according to the legend, by St. 
Trophimus as a resting-place for the bodies of 
the faithful. At the moment of consecration 
Christ is said to have appeared to the Saint, 
and to have promised that the souls of those 
who were buried there should be exempt from 
the torments of the demons of the sepulchres. 

Caput regni Burgundionum, quod Arelatense 
dicitur, civitas est Arelas, antiquissimis dotata 
privilegiis. Hanc, ordinatus ab apostolis Petro et 
Paulo, Trophimus, Jesu Christi discipulus . . . 
ad (idem Christi convertit, et post pauca . . . deli- 
beravit coemeterium solenne ad meridianam urbis 
partem constituere, in quo omnium orthodoxorum 
corpora sepulturae traderentur . . . lUi Christus, 
pridem in carne familiariter agnitus, apparuit, 
opus ejus sua benedictione perfundens, dato coe- 
meterio ac iUis sepeliendis munere, ut quicunque 
inibi sepelirentur ' nullas in cadaveribus suis 
paterentur diabolicas illusiones, secundum quod 
in evangelio legitur, quosdam daemones habitare 
in sepulchris.' (Gerv. Tilb.) 

The cemetery at Aries, consequently, became 
the favourite burying-place for those who died 
in arms against the infidel. There was a 
tradition that the greater part of those who 
were slain with the twelve peers of Charlemagne 
at the ' dolorous rout ' of Roncesvalles were 
buried there [Ronoisvalle]. 

' Erant tunc temporis bina cimiteria praecipua 
sacrosancta, alterum apud Arelatem in Aylis 
campis, alterum apud Burdegalam ... in quibus 
maxima pars illorum {sc. apud Runcievallem inter- 
fectorura) sepelitur . . . Postea ego et Karolus . . . 
a Blavio discedentes per Gasconiam et Tolosam 
tendentes Arelatem perreximus, ibi vero inve- 
nimus Burgundionum exercitus qui a nobis in 
Hosta valle discesserant, et per Morlanum et 
Tolosam venerant cum mortuis suis et vulneratis, 
quos lectulis et bigis secum illuc adduxerant ad 
sepeliendum eos in cimeterio in Ailis campis.' 
{Turpini Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi, 
§§ xxviii, xxix.) 

Another tradition assigned the cemetery at 
Aries as the burying-place of the Christians 
slain in the great battle at Aries, where William 
of Orange was defeated by the Saracens, as is 
narrated in the O. F. chanson de geste Ales- 
chans [Guglielmo di Oringa]. In Cent. xiii. 
one of the tombs was specially identified as 
the sepulchre of William's nephew Vivien, who 
had been slain in the battle and buried there 
by William : — 



Arnaldo Danielle 

' En Aleschans Guillaumes I'enfoi ; 
Encore i gist il ores/ 

(Aymeri de Narlonne, 4543-4) 

Boccaccio mentions the above tradition as 

being current in his day, but adds that he does 

not believe it : — 

' Ad Arli, alquanto fuori della citta, sono molte 
arche di pietra, fatte ab antico per sepolture . . . 
Di queste dicono i paesani una loro favola, affer- 
mando in quel luogo essere gia stata una gran 
battaglia tra Guglielmo d'Oringa e sua gente 
d'una parte, o vero d'altro principe cristiano, e 
barbari infedeli venuti d'Affrica, ed essere stati 
uccisi molti cristiani in essa, e che poi la notte 
seguente, per divino miracolo, essere state quivi 
quelle arche recate per sepoltura de' cristiani, 
e cosi la mattina vegnente tutti i cristiani morti 
essere stati seppelliti in esse.' 

Benvenuto and Buti, who give a similar 
account, state that not only were the tombs 
miraculously provided for the slaughtered 
Christians, but that also as a mark of divine 
favour the bodies of the faithful were miracu- 
lously distinguished from those of the infidels 
by a writing placed on the forehead of each, 
indicating who he was ; thus, naively adds 
Benvenuto, enabling them to be buried in 
large or small tombs according to their 

Armonia], Harmonia, daughter of Mars 
and Venus, wife of Cadmus, founder of Thebes. 
On his wedding-day Cadmus received a present 
of a necklace, which he gave to H., and which 
afterwards became fatal to whoever possessed 
it. D. refers to this necklace, the story of 
which is told by Statius (Theb. ii. 265 ff.), as 
lo sventurato adornamanto, Purg. xii. 51 
[Almeone : Anfiarao : Erifile]. By Cadmus 
H. became the mother of Autonoe, Ino, Semele, 
Agave, and Polydorus, and when C. was trans- 
formed into a serpent she shared his fate, an 
incident to which D. alludes, Inf.- xxv. 97. 
[Cadmo : Ino : Semele.] 

Arnaldo Danielle], Arnaut Daniel,famous 
Provencal poet, placed by D. among the 
Lustful in Circle VII of Purgatory: Arnaut, 
Purg. xxvi. 142 ; questi, v. 115 ; spirto, v. 116 ; 
// mosiraio, v. 136 ; ei, v. 139 [Lussuriosi] ; 
he is pointed out to D. by Guido Guinicelli, 
who describes him as the best of all con- 
temporary writers, whether in the langue d'oc 
or the langue rf'oil, and ridicules the notion 
that he is inferior to Giraut de Bomeil, as some 
thought {vv. 115-20) ; presently D. approaches 
Arnaut and begs to know his name {vv. 136-8) ; 
A. in response addresses D. in Provengal, and 
names himself, explaining that he is here ex- 
piating his past folly {^v. 139-47); he then 
disappears into the flames, and D. sees him no 
more (z/. 148) [Gerardus de Bomeil : Giiido 

Arnaut Daniel, who flourished as a poet 
between 11 80 and 1200, belonged to a noble 


family of Ribeyrac in Pdrigord (in the modern 
department of Dordogne). Little is known of 
his life. He appears to have been a personal 
friend of the famous Bertran de Born. He 
spent much of his time at the court of Richard 
Coeur-de-Lion (the king of Dover, 'lo reis de 
Dobra,' as he calls him) ; he visited Paris, 
where he attended the coronation of Philip 
Augustus ('al coronar fui del bon rei d'Es- 
tampa '), as well as Spain, and perhaps Italy. 
His works, such as they have been preserved, 
consist of eighteen lyrical poems, one satirical, 
the rest amatory. The tenor of one of these, 
which forms part of a poetical controversy with 
two other troubadours concerning the conduct 
of a certain lady, sufficiently accounts for the 
place in Purgatory assigned to him by D. (See 
Canello, Vita ed Opere di Arnaldo Dani- 

Arnaut is said to have been the originator 
of the sestina, a form of composition which D. 
imitated from him, as he himself tells us in 
the De Vulgari Eloquentia (ii. lo^^s^ : — 

' Hujusmodi stantiae usus est fere in omnibus 
cantionibus suis Arnaldus Danielis; et nos eum 
secuti sumus cum diximus : Al poco giorno, ed al 
gran cerchio d'ombra.' (Sest. i.) 

D. regarded him pre-eminently as the poet 
of love : — 

' Haec tria, salus videlicet, Venus, virtus, ap- 
parent esse ilia magnalia quae sint maxima per- 
tractanda, hoc est ea quae maxima sunt ad ista, 
ut armorum probitas, amoris accensio, et directio 
voluntatis. Circa quae sola, si bene recolimus, 
illustres viros invenimus vulgariter poetasse ; sci- 
licet Bertramum de Bornio, arma ; Arnaldum 
Danielem, amorem ; Gerardum de Bornello, recti- 
tudinem; Cinum Pistoriensem, amorem; amicum 
ejus, rectitudinem.' (V. E. ii. 2'^'^) 

He is mentioned as having employed a 
stanza without refrain and without rime, wherein 
D. copied him, V. E. ii. io?4r-8^ 13^-1*; the 
first lines of three of his poems are quoted, 
V. E. ii. 287 (No. ix in Canello) ; V. E. ii. 661 
(No. XV in Canello) ; and V. E. ii. 13I2 (No. 
xvii in Canello). 

D.'s high opinion of Arnaut's verse is difficult 
to understand ; modem critics are by no means 
inclined to agree with his estimate. Even in 
D.'s own time the poems were regarded as 
difficult and obscure, as appears from the old 
Provengal biography : — 

'Amautz Daniels si fo d'aquella encontrada 
don fo Amautz de Maroill de I'evescat de Peire- 
gorc, d'un chastel que a nora Ribairac. E fo 
gentils hom, et amparet ben letras ; e deleitet se 
en trobar et en caras rimas, per que las soas 
chanssons non son leus ad entendre, ni ad 

Petrarca, however, shared D.'s opinion, for 
he gives Arnaut the first place among love- 
poets who were not natives of Italy •— 

Arnaldo Daniello 


E poi v'era un drappello 
Di portamenti, e di volgari strani. 
Fra tutti il primo Arnaldo Daniello, 
Gran maestro d'amor, ch'alla sua terra 
Ancor fa onor col suo dir novo e bello.' 

{Trionfo d^Amore, iv. 38-42.) 

Gaston Paris gives the following description 
of the characteristics of Arnaut's poetry : — 

' Arnaut Daniel est un troubadour de la fin du 
xii« si^cle, dont il nous est rest6 dix-sept chansons, 
d'un style tres travaille, tr^s particulier at tres 
obscur; il est par excellence le maltre du trobar 
clus, de cet art singulier ou on estimait en seconde 
ligne la difficulte de composition pour le poete, 
et en premiere la difficult^ de comprehension pour 
I'auditeur. Ce genre, qui nous parait rebutant et 
pueril, avail certains merites dont le plus grand 
6tait, en donnant a chaque mot une importance 
exagdr^e, de preparer la creation du style ex- 
pressif, concis, propre et personnel, qui devait 
se produire avec un incomparable 6clat dans la 
Divine Come'die. Dante admirait profond^ment 
Arnaut Daniel, qu'il avait certainement etudie a 
fond. Dans un passage c^lebre du Purgatoire il 
le declare bien supSrieur a Guiraut de Borneil, 
que lui preffere la vaine opinion du vulgaire. Nous 
sommes aujourd'hui de I'avis du vulgaire, et le 
jugement de Dante a surpris tons les critiques 
modernes.' {Romania, x. 484 ff.) 

The expression used by D. of Arnaut, ' Versi 
d'amore e prose di romanzi SoverchiS tutti ' 
(Purg. xxvi. 1 18-19), has been misunderstood 
by some of the commentators as meaning that 
A. surpassed every one both in ' versi d'amore' 
and in ' prose di romanzi,' that is to say that 
he was pre-eminent as a writer both of love- 
verse and prose-romances, an interpretation 
which appears to have been due to some extent 
to an error of Tasso and Pulci, who attribute 
to A. the authorship of a Lancilotto and a 
Rinaldo. There is no evidence, however, that 
he wrote any romances, in prose or verse, 
and there is little doubt that the real meaning 
of D.'s phrase is that suggested by the com- 
ment of Buti, viz. that A. surpassed all writers 
of love-verse and prose-romance, that is to 
say — having regard to D.'s statement in the 
De Vulgari Eloquentia (i. lo^^-iej that every- 
thing in vernacular prose, whether translated 
or original, was in French — that A. was superior 
to all who wrote either in Provengal or in 
French. (See Academy, April 13, 1889.) 

D. puts into the mouth of Arnaut eight lines 
of Provencal (vv. 140-7)— in order, says Ben- 
venuto, to show that he had some knowledge 
of everything — with which, as was to be ex- 
pected, the copyists have played havoc. A 
critical text of these lines has recently been 
published by Renier (Giornale Storico delta 
Letteratura Italiana, xxv. 316) as follows : — 

' Ei cominci6 liberamente a dire : 
Tan m'abellls vostre cortes deman 
Qu'ieu no me puesc ni-m voill a vos cobrire. 
leu sui Arnaut, que plor e vau cantan : 
Consiros vei la passada folor, 
E vei jauzen lo jorn, qu^esper, denan. 

Ara us prec per aquella valor 
Que vos g;uida al som d^esta escalina, 
Sovenha vos a temps de ma dolor.' 

[' So pleases me your courteous demand, that 
I nor can nor will hide myself from you. I am 
Arnaut, who weep and go singing ; with sorrow 
I look upon my past folly, and with rejoicing I 
contemplate the day I hope for hereafter. Now 
I pray you, by that virtue which is guiding you 
to the summit of this ascent, bethink yourself in 
due time of my woe.'] 

Several stories are told of Arnaut : the old 
Provencal biographer gives an account of a 
trick he played upon another troubadour while 
at the court of Richard Cceur-de-Lion ; and 
Benvenuto relates how he supported himself 
in his old age, and how he ended his days as 
a monk : — 

' Iste magnus inventor fuit quidam provincialis 
tempore Raymundi Berengerii boni comitis pro- 
vinciae, nomine Arnaldus, cognomine vero Daniel, 
vir quidem curialis, prudens et sagax, qui invenit 
multa et pulcra dicta vulgaria ; a quo Petrarcha 
fatebatur sponte se accepisse modum et stilum 
cantilenae de quatuor rhythmis, et non a Dante. 
Hie, dum senuisset in paupertate, fecit cantilenam 
pulcerrimam, quam misit per nuntium suum ad 
regem Franciae, Angliae, et ad alios principes 
occidentis, rogans, ut quemadmodum ipse cum 
persona juverat eos delectatione, ita ipsi cum 
fortuna sua juvarent eum utilitate. Cum autem 
nuntius post hoc reportasset multam pecuniam, 
dixit Arnaldus : Nunc video, quod Deus non vult 
me derelinquere. Et continuo sumpto habitu 
monastico parcissimae vitae semper fuit.' 

Arno, the principal river of Tuscany, which, 
rising, like the Tiber, among the spurs of 
Falterona in the Apennines, flows S.E. through 
the Casentino, past Poppi, Bibbiena, Rassina, 
and Subbiano, to within four or five miles of 
Arezzo, where it makes a sudden sweep away 
to the N.W. ; then with a more rapid descent 
it flows past Laterina, Montevarchi, Figline, 
and Pontassieve, receiving on its way the 
waters from Pratomagno on the right, and 
from the Chianti hills on the left; here it is 
joined by the Sieve, and turning W. flows 
through Florence ; then, descending more 
gently, it winds between Montelupo and Ca- 
praia, and passing through the deep gorge of 
Pietra Golfolina enters the plain of Empoli, 
whence it flows through Pisa into the Mediter- 
ranean, after a course of some 150 miles, its 
mouth being about five miles below the city 
of Pisa. 

The Arno is mentioned, in connexion with 
the ancient statue of Mars on the Ponte Vec-!> 
chio, Inf. xiii. 146 [Martei; Ponte Vecchio]; 
the transference of Andrea de' Mozzi from Arno 
(i. e. Florence) to Baechiglione (i. e. Vicenza), 
Inf. XV. 113 [Andrea de' Mozzi: Bacohi- 
glione] ; D. born and brought up at Florence 
on the Arno, Inf. xxiii. 95 ; Purg. xiv. 24 ; V. E. 
i. 6^8-19 ; Epist. iii. 2 ; Eel. i. 44 [Fireuze] ; 

[51] E a 



the streamlets by which it is fed from the 
hills in the Casentino, Inf. xxx. 65 [Casen- 
tino] ; the islands of Caprara and Gorgona 
called upon by D. to choke its mouth and so 
drown Pisa, Inf. xxxiii. 82-4 [Caprara : Gor- 
gona : Pisa] ; its confluence with the Archiano, 
Purg. V. 125 [Archiano] ; D.'s description of 
the river recognized by Guido del Duca, Purg. 
xiv. 24 {see below) ; the situation of Alvernia 
between the Arno and the Tiber, Par. xi. 106 
[Alvernia 2]; the source of the Arno, Purg. 
xiv. 17, 31; Epist. vi. 6; vii. 8; its course 
more than a hundred miles, Purg. xiv. 18 ; its 
mouth. Inf. xxxiii. 83 ; Purg. xiv. 34-5 ; alluded 
to, as il bel fiume. Inf. xxiii. 95 ; lo flume real 
(so called as flowing direct into the sea), Purg. 
V. 122 ; un fiumicel che nasce in Falter ona E 
cento miglia di corso nol sazia, Purg. xiv. 17- 
18; quella riviera, v. 26; valle, v. 30; la 
maladetta e sventuraia fossa, 'Z'. 51 ; il fiero 
fiume, V. 60 ; in the Latin works called Sarnus, 
V. E. i. 619 ; Eel. i. 44 ; Epist. iii. 2 ; vi. 6 ; 
vii. 8 [Sarnus]. 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
traces the course of the Arno, Purg. xiv. 29- 
54 ; D. having first described it as a stream, 
which rises in Falterona, and flows through 
Tuscany with a course of more than a hundred 
miles, and on the banks of which he was bom 
{vv. 16-21), Guido perceives that he is speak- 
ing of the Arno {vv. 22-4) ; his companion 
(Rinieri da Calboli) asks in -wonder why D. 
concealed the name of the river, as though it 
were something horrible {vv. 25-7) ; Guido 
replies that he does not know, but that it is 
fitting the name of such a stream should 
perish, for from its source to its mouth its 
valley is inhabited by men more worthy to be 
callfed brute beasts than human beings {vv. 
28-42) ; first, he says, it flows among foul 
hogs, ' iDrutti porci,' i. e. the men of Casentino 
(with especial reference to the Conti Guidi, 
lords of Romena and Porciano, and with a 
play on the latter name) (vv. 43-5) [Guidi, 
Conti] ; then it comes among ' curs which 
snarl more than their power demands,' i.e. 
the Aretines, from whom ' in disdain it turns 
its muzzle away ' (in allusion to the sharp bend 
of the river away from Arezzo to the N.W.) 
{vv. 46-8) [Aretini] ; then, as it descends 
and grows larger, it finds wolves, i. e. the Flo- 
rentines {vv. 49-51) [Fiorentini] ; and next, 
passing through deep gorges (between Monte- 
lupo and Empoli), it comes among foxes, 
i.e. the Pisans {vv. 52-4) [Pisani] ; after 
which it reaches the place ' ove si rende per 
ristoro Di quel che il ciel della marina asciuga,' 
i. e. the sea {vv. 34-5). 

Villani also traces the course of the Arno ; 
in his account of Tuscany he says : — 

' Questa provincia di Toscana ha piii fiumi : 
intra gli altri reale e maggiore si h il nostro fiume 
d'Arno, il quale nasce di quella medesima mon- 

tagna di Falterona che nasce il fiume del Tevere, 
che va a Roma ; e questo fiume d'Arno corre 
quasi per lo mezzo di Toscana, scendendo per le 
montagne della Vernia, ove il beato santo Fran- 
cesco fece sua penitenzia e romitaggio, e poi passa 
per la contrada di Casentino presso a Bibbiena 
e a pie di Poppi, e poi si rivolge verso levante, 
vegnendo presso alia citta d'Arezzo n. tre miglia, 
e poi corre per lo nostro Valdarno di sopra, scen- 
dendo per lo nostro piano, e quasi passa per lo 
mezzo della nostra citta di Firenze. E poi uscito 
per corso del nostro piano, passa tra Montelupo e 
Capraia presso a Empoli per la contrada di Greti 
e di Valdarno di sotto a pi6 di Fucecchio, e poi 
per lo contado di Lucca e di Pisa, raccogliendo in 
sfe molti fiumi, passando ppi quasi per mezzo la 
citta di Pisa ove assai h grosso, sicchg porta galea 
e grossi legni ; e presso di Pisa a cinque miglia 
matte in mare, e '1 suo -corso e di spazio di miglia 
cento venti.' (i. 43.) 

Aronta, Aruns, Etruscan soothsayer, who, 
according to Lucan, foretold the civil war, 
which was to end in the death of Pompey and 
the triumph of Caesar {Phars. i. 584-638). 
D. places A. among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 
4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xx. 
46 [Indovini] ; and describes him as having 
dwelt in a cave ' nei monti di Luni,' i. e. in the 
Carrara hills {v. 47) [Luni] ; in which he 
follows Lucan : 

' Haec propter placuit Tuscos de" more vetusto 
Acciri vates, quorum qui maximus aevo 
Aruns incoluit desertae moenia Lunae, 
Fulminis edoctus motus, venasque calentes 
Fibrarum, «t motus erraatis in aere pennae.^ 

(vv. 584-8.) 

Some edd. of Lucan for Lunae read Lucae, 
i. e. Lucca. 

Arpie, Harpies, foul monsters in the shape 
of birds, with long claws, with the heads of 
maidens, and faces pale with hunger. D. 
places them as tormentors of the Suicides in 
Round 2 of Circle VII of Hell (where they 
are probably meant to be symbolical of re- 
morse). Inf. xiii. 10, loi [Violenti]. D.'s 
account of the Harpies, and of how they drove 
the Trojans from the Strophades, ' with sad 
presage of woe to come' {vv. 10-15), is taken 
from Virgil. Aeneas and his companions 
land in the Strophades, the abode of the 
Harpies : — 

'Seryatum ex undis Strophadum me litore primum ■ 
Accipiunt; Strophades Graio stant nomine dictae, 
Insulae lonio in magno, quas dira Celaeno 
Harpyiaeque colunt aliae . . . 
Tristius baud illis monstrum, nee saevior ulla 
Pestis et ira deum Stygils sese extulit undis. 
Virffinei volucrum voltus, foedissima ventris 
Proluvies, uncaeque manus, et pallida semper 
Ora fame. 

[The Harpies, having swooped down on the 
food of the Trojans, and having been attacked by 
them, Celaeno foretells that before they reach 
Italy they will be reduced by hunger to devour 
their tables. The Trojans flee.] 


„ 'Turn litore curve 

txstruimusque toros dapibusque epulamur opioiis. 



At subitae horrifico lapsu de montibus adsunt 
Harpyiae et magnis quatiunt clangoribus alas, 
Diripiuntque dapes contactuque ohinia foedant 
Immundo . . . Sociis tunc, arma capessant, 

Edico, et dira bellum cum gente gerendum . /. 
Una in praecelsa consedit rupe Celaeno, 
Infelix vates, rumpitque banc pectore vocetn:, . . , 
Italiam cursu petitis, ventisque vocatis 
Ibitis Italiam, portusque intrare licebit; 
Sed non ante datam cingetis moenibus urbem,y 
Quam vos dira fames nostraeque injuria caedis 
Ambesas subigat malis absumere mensas . . . 

< . . Fugimus spuraantibus undis, 
Qua cursum ventusque gubernatorque vocabat.' 

(Aen. iii. 209 ff.) 

Arrigo l, Florentine of whom nothing cer- 
tain is known ; he is mentioned together with 
Farinata degli Uberti, Tegghiaio Aldobrandi, 
Jacopo Rusticucci, and Mosca de' Lamberti, 
Inf. vi. 80. He is one of those cA' a ben far 
poser gV ingegni (v. 81), of whom D. asks 
Ciacco for news, the reply being ei son tra h 
anime piii nere (v. 85) [Ciaeoo]. All the 
others are referred to again subsequently, but 
we hear no more of A. The, commentators 
differ as to his surname. Benvenuto says : — 
' istum nunquam nominabit amplius ; debet tacite 
poni cum Musca quia fuit secum in eadem culpa ; 
fuit enim nobilis de Sifantibus.' 

Boccaccio calls, him Arrigo Giandonati and 
says merely : — 

' furono quest! cinque onorevol^ e famosi cavalieri 
e cittadini di Firenze.' 

Some identify him with Oderigo de' Fifanti, 
who was implicated in the murder of Buondel- 
monte [Mosca : Suondelmonte]. 

Arrigo 2, Henry ¥1 1 of t-uxemburg. Em- 
peror 1308-1313; I'alfo A., Par. xvii. 82; 
XXX. 137; Henricus, Epist. v. 2; vi. 6 fin.\ 
vii. tit., fin. ; the successor of Albert I, Purg. 
vi. 102 [Alberto Tedesoo] ; the other, altri, 
who was to heal the wounds of Italy neglected 
by Rudolf, Purg. vii. 96 [Ridolfo] ; Titan 
pacificus, 'the Sun of peace'; alius Moyses, 
Epist. V. I ; Sponsus Italiae, mundi solatium, 
gloria plebis suae, clementissimus Henricus, 
Divus et Augustus^ et C(, Epist. v: 2 ; 
novus agricola Romanorum; Hectoreus pastor, 
Epist. v. 5 ; Rex Italiae, Epist. v. 6 ; Romanus 
princeps, mundi rex, et Dei minister, Epist. 
vi. 2 ; delirantis Hesperzae domitor, Epist. vi. 
3 ; Romanae rei bajulus, divus et triutnphator 
Henricus, Epist. vi. 6 ; sanctissimus trium- 
phaior et dominus singularis, Epist. vii. tit. ; 
Sol noster, Epist. vii. 2 ; praeses unicus -mundi, 
Epist. vii. 6 ; excellentissimus principum, 
Epist. vii. T, proles alta (var. altera) Isai, 
Epist. vii. 8. 

D. refers to the secret opposition encoun- 
tered by Henry VII from the Gascon Pope, 
Clemfent V, who was ostensibly his supporter, 
Par. xvii. 82 ; xxx. 142-4 [Guasco] ; Beatrice 
points out to D. the throne prepared for Henry 
in the Celestial Rose, and refers to him as the 
coming regenerator of Italy, Par. xxx. 137-9 

D. wrote three Letters with especial refer- 
ence to the Emperor Henry VII — one ad- 
dressed to the Princes and Peoples of Italy, 
exhorting them to receive him, Epist. v; the 
second to the rebellious Florentines who op- 
posed his coming, Epist. vi ; the third 
addressed to the Emperor himself, beseeching 
him to come into Tuscany and chastise Flo- 
rence without delay, Epist. vii. 

Henry, Count of Luxemburg, was at the 
instance of Clement V unanimously elected 
Emperor (at the age of forty), Nov. 1308, in 
opposition to Charles of Valois, the candidate 
of the French king, Philip the Fair, ' on ac- 
count of his renowned valour, say the old 
Books, and also, add the shrewder of them, 
because his brother, archbishop of Trier, was 
one of the Electors, and the Pope did not like 
either the Austrian or the French candidate 
then in the field' (Carlyle). Henry, who had 
been recommended to Clement by the Car- 
dinal da Prato as 'il migliore uomo della 
Magna, e il piii leale e il piii franco e piu 
cattolico' (Villani, viir. loi), was crowned at 
Aix, Jan. 6, i3of. In the following June he 
sent ambassadors to Florence to announce that 
he was coming- into Italy to receive the Im- 
perial crown, a ceremony which had been 
neglected by his predecessors for the last sixty 
years. To this advent of Henry D. looked 
anxiously for a settlement of the affairs of 
Italy ('a drizzare ritalia verrk,' Par. xxx. 137), 
and for a means to secure his own return to 
Florence. But hig, hopes were doomed to 
bitter disappointment. The Emperor crossed 
the Alps in the summer of 1310, and at first 
was well received. ' The cities of Lombardy 
opened their gates ; Milan (where he assumed 
the iron crown, Jan, 6, 13^?, D. being pre- 
sent) decreed a vast subsidy ; Guelf and Ghi- 
belline exiles alike were restored, and Im- 
perial vicars appointed everywhere : supported 
by the Avignoiiese pontiff, who dreaded the 
restless ambition of his French neighbour, 
King Philip IV, Henry had the interdict of 
the Church as well as the ban of the Empire 
at his command' (Bryce). But this success 
did not last long. Tumults and revolts broke 
out in Lombardy; and at Rome, whither he 
went to be crowned, Henry found St. Peter's 
in the hands of King Robert of Naples, so that 
the coronation had to take plac€, shorn of its 
ceremony, in St. John Lateran, on the southern 
bank of the Tiber (June 29^ 1312). The hos- 
tility of the Guelfic league, headed by the 
Florentines, with King Robert as their acknow- 
ledged leader, compelled the Emperor to 
hasten back to Tuscany, fQj; the purpose of 
laying siege to Florence, which had per- 
sistently defied him. To counterbalance the 
opposition of the Guelfs, he was obliged to 
abandon his policy of impartiality, and to 
identify himself with the Ghibellines, whose 




aid he secured by granting to their chiefs the 
government of cities. Meanwhile Clement V, 
yielding to the menaces of the French king, 
had secretly withdrawn his support from the 
Emperor (Par. xvii. 82 ; xxx. 142-4). Henry 
arrived before Florence in September (1312) ; 
but in October he was obliged to raise the 
siege and retire to Pisa, whence in the summer 
of the next year he set out with the intention 
of reducing Naples. On his way south he 
was seized with illness, and on August 24, 
1313, he expired at Buonconvento near Siena. 
His somewhat sudden death, which was pro- 
bably due to a malarious fever contracted at 
Rome, was currently ascribed to poison ad- 
ministered by a Dominican monk in the con- 

Magna pacificft, con soUecito intendimento di 
venire a Roma per la corona imperiale, e per 
pacificare Italia dalle diverse discordie e guerre 
che v' erano, e poi di seguire il passaggio oltre- 
mare in racquistare la terra santa, se Dio gliel' 
avesse conceduto.' (ix. i.) . . . ' Questa somma 
virtude ebbe in s6, che mai per avversita quasi non 
si turbd, nd per prosperita ch' avesse non si vana- 
glorid.' (ix. 49.) 

After giving a detailed account (ix. 1-52) of 
the Emperor's doings in Italy, Villani excuses 
himself for having devoted so much space to 
them on the twofold ground of the universal 
interest they excited and of the great future 
that seemed in store for Henry himself : — 

' Non si maravigli chi legge, perchd per noi i 
continuata la sua storia sanza raccontare altre cose 
e avvenimenti d'ltalia e d'altre provincie e reami ; 

secrated wafer. The Emperor's body was 

taken to Pisa and interred in the Cathedral, ^ „ , , .... . ,.• • . 

, ./ joiiu Der due cose, 1 una, percne tutti 1 cnstiani, ed 

where a monument (removed m 1830 to the ^ . ". . 1' ■ "i „„..„: „,„,.j,,„„„ ,1 „,„ 
^ p,.\ -ilji/-^- ■ -n- „ eziandio 1 Greci e baraceni, guardavano al sue 

Gampo Santo), ascribed to Giovanni Pisano, ^^^^^^^t^ ^ fortuna, e per cagione di ci6 poche nc 
was erected to him. -- ■ 

The intelligence of Henry's death, which 
was a crushing blow for D. and the Ghi- 
bellines, was received with unbounded joy by 
their opponents, as is testified by the following 
letter addressed by the Signoria of Florence to 
their allies a few days after the event : — 

' To you our faithful brethren, with the greatest 
rejoicing in the world we announce by these 
presents the blessed news, which our Lord Jesus 
Christ, looking down from on high as well to the 
necessities of ourselves, and other true and faithful 
Christians, the devoted servants of Holy Mother 
Church, as to those of His own Cause, has vouch- 
safed to us. To wit, that the most savage tyrant, 
Henry, late Count of Luxemburg, whom the 
rebellious persecutors from old time of said Mother 
Church, namely the Ghibellines, the treacherous 
foes of you and of ourselves, called King of the 
Romans, and Emperor of Germany, and who 
under cover of the Empire had already consumed 
and laid waste no small part of the Provinces of 
Lombardy and Tuscany, ended his life on Friday 
last, the twenty-fourth day of this month [of 
August], in the territory of Buonconvento. Know 
further that the Aretines and the Ghibelline Conti 
Guidi have retired themselves towards Arezzo, 
and the Pisans and Germans towards Pisa taking 
his body, and all the Ghibellines who were with 
him have taken refuge in the strongholds of their 
allies in the neighbourhood. . . . We beseech you, 
therefore, dear brethren, to rejoice with ourselves 
over so great and fortunate accidents.' 

(See Del Lungo : Dmo Co}npagni, i. 607-38.) 

Of Henry VII, the ideal sovereign of D.'s 
De Monarchia, the Guelf Villani says : — 

'Arrigo conte di Luzimborgo fu savio e giusto 
e grazioso, prode e sicuro in arme, onesto e 
cattolico ; e di piccolo state che fosse per suo 
lignaggio, fu di magnanimo cuore, temuto e ridot- 
tato ; e se fosse vivuto piii lungamente avrebbe 
fatte grandissime cose. Questi fu eletto a im- 
peradore . . . e incontanente ch'ebbe la confer- 
mazione dal papa, si fece coronare in Alamagna 
a re ; e poi tutte le discordie de' baroni della 


vita notabili erauo in nulla parte altrove ; I'altra, 
per le diverse e varie grandi fortune che gl'in- 
corsono in si piccolo tempo ch' egli visse, che 
di certo si credea per gli savi, che se la sua 
morte non fosse stata si prossimana, al signore di 
tanto valore e di si grandi imprese com' era egli, 
avrebbe vinto il Regno e toltolo al re Ruberto, 
che piccolo apparecchiamento avea al riparo suo 
. . . e appresso s' avesse vinto il Regno come s'av- 
visava, assai gli era leggiere di vincere tutta Italia, 
e deir altre provincie assai.' (ix. 53.) 

Dino Compagni speaks of him in similar 
terms of praise : — 

'Non avendo la Chiesa braccio nfe difenditore, 
pensorono il papa e i suoi cardinah fare uno im- 
peradore, uomo che fusse giusto, savio e potente, 
iigliuolo di santa Chiesa, amatore della fede. E 
andavano cercando chi di tanto onore fusse degno : 
e trovorono uno che in Corte era assai dimorato, 
uomo savio, di nobile sangue, giusto e famoso, di 
gran lealta, pro' d'arme e di nobile schiatta, uomo 
di grande ingegno e di grande temperanza ; ci6 e 
Arrigo conte di Luzinborgo di Val di Reno della 
Magna, d'eta d'anni xl, mezzano di persona, bel 
parlatore, e ben fazionato, uno poco guercio.' 
(iii. 23.) 

Arrigo 3], the Emperor Henry II, 1002- 
1024 ; referred to as lo Imperadore, how he 
was answered from the Psalms by a priest at 
whom he had scoffed on account of his ugli- 
ness, Conv. iii. 4T4-80. Scolari gives the 
anecdote here alluded to by D. from the 
Historia Varia of Lodovico Domenichi : — 

'The Emperor Henry, whose reign began in 
1002, hearing mass one day said by a very de- 
formed priest, was lost in wonder at the sight of 
a man so ugly and so different from other men. 
But the priest being truly a man of God, the 
Emperor's thought was revealed to him, and he 
said to him : " Know that the Lord God made us 
and not we ourselves " {Psalm c. 3).' 

Arrigo *], Prince Henry of England, second 
son (WiUiam, the first-born, having died in 



childhood) of Henry II, born 1155, died 1183. 
Owing to the fact that he was twice crowned 
during his father's lifetime (at Westminster in 
1 1 70, and at Winchester in 1 172) he was com- 
monly known at home and abroad as the 
Young King. Shortly after his second corona- 
tion he went over with his brothers Geoffrey 
and Richard to the French court, and from 
there, backed by his mother Queen Eleanor, 
and by Louis VII (whose daughter Margaret 
he had married in 1 1 70), he demanded from 
Henry II that either England or Normandy 
should be handed over to him. The refusal 
of this demand was made the occasion of open 
hostihties, which were carried on at intervals 
for nearly ten years, and were finally ter- 
minated by the death of Prince Henry of fever 
at Martel in Pdrigord (on the N. boundary of 
the modern department of Lot), June 11, 11 83. 

D. mentions Henry by his title of the Young 
King in connexion with the troubadour Ber- 
tran de Bom, who describes himself (in Bolgia 
9 of Circle VIII of Hell) as ' quelli Che diedi 
al re giovane i mai conforti,' Inf. xxviii. 134-5 
[Bertram dal Bornio]. 

Little or nothing is known historically of the 
part played by Bertran in abetting the Young 
King in his rebellion against his father; nor 
do Bertran's own poems throw much light 
upon the subject. D.'s authority for the state- 
ment which he puts into the mouth of Bertran 
(' lo feci il padre e il figlio in sfe ribelli,' Inf. 
xxviii. 136) was the old Provengal biography 
of the troubadour, in which it is explicitly 
mentioned that B. set father and son at 
variance, until the strife was ended by the 
death of the latter : — 

'En Bertrans de Born fetz mesclar lo paire el 
filh d'Englaterra tan entrol joves reis fo mortz d'un 
cairel en un chastel d'en Bertran . . . Totz temps 
volia qu'ilh aguessen guerra ensems, lo paire el 
filhs elh fraire, I'us ab I'autre.' 

After the death of the Young King, Bertran 
wrote a celebrated planh or lament upon him, 
beginning : — 

'Si tuit H dol elh plor elh marrimen 
K las dolors elh dan elh chaitivier 
Que cm anc auzis en est segle dolen 
Fossen enseni,s, sembleran tot leugier 
Contra la mort del jove rei Engles.' 
['If all the grief and bitterness and woe, 
And all the ps^in and hurt and suffering, 
That ip this world of misery men know, 
Were massed in one, 'twould seem but a light thing 
Beside the death of the Young English King.'] 

A vivid picture of the life of the Young 
King, who, was universally beloved for his 
graciousness and generosity, is given in the 
O. F. poem (written circ. 1225) on William 
the Marshall (regent of England during the 
first three years of Henry Ill's reign), in 
which he is represented as constantly engaged 
in tournaments and in dispensing largesse. It 
is remaTka,ble that in this poem Bertran de 
Born, \yhose friendship with the prince is such 

a marked feature in the old Provengal bio- 
graphy, is not so much as mentioned. 

Waiter Map, who was personally acquainted 
with him, gives the following description of 
Prince Henry's person and character in the 
De Nugis Curialium, comparing him to Absa- 
lom, just as D. compares Bertran to Ahith- 
ophel : — 

' Decessit Henricus rex junior, nostri filius 
Henrici regis, cui nemo hodie par est . . . anno 
suae nativitatis -xxvii"., vir novae adinventionis in 
armis, qui militiam fere sopitam excitavit, et ad 
summum usque perduxit. Ejus possumus virtutes 
qui eum vidimus, ipsius amici et familiares, et 
gratias describere. Speciosus erat prae caeteris 
statura et facie, beatissimus eloquentia et affabili- 
tate, hominum araare, gratia, et favore felicissimus, 
persuasione in tantum efficax ut fere omnes patris 
sui fideles in ipsum insurgere fefellerit. Absalon 
eum si non major hie vero fuit, comparare possis ; 
ille unum hahuit Architophel, hie multos. . . . Qui 
quod dives, quod generosus, quod amabilis, quod 
facundus, quod pulcher, quod strenuus, quod omni- 
modis generosus, quod paulo minor angelis, totum 
convertit in sinistram, et perversa felicitate fortis- 
simus tarn infrunito factus est animo parricida, ut 
in sunjmis desideriis mortem ejus posuerit. . . . 
Nihil impenetratum liquit, omnem lapillum movit, 
totum foedavit proditionibus orbem, prodigalis 
proditor ipse prodigusque malorum, fons scelerum 
serenissimus, appetibilis nequitiae foraes, pulcher- 
rima peccati regia, cujus erat regnum amoenis- 
simum. Ut sciatis quomodo creator fuerit haereseos 
pro^itorum : pater suus totum sibi sedaverat ad 
pacem mundum, ta,m ex alienis quam ex suis ; hie 
^uten; rumpi, foedera fefellit, et in regem pacificura 
contra juramenta juratorum arma coegit, perjurus 
ipse patri, me vidente, multociens, frequens ei 
ponebat scandalum, victusque redibat eo semper 
ad delicta proclivior quo securius advertebat sibi 
veniam non posse negari. NuUas unquam meruit 
iras qua? n<?n posset primis placare lachrymis.' 
(DJstinc. iv. r.) 

For re giovane (Inf. xxviii. 135) the majority 
of MSS. and early edd. read re Giovanni, 
which is almost certainly the result of a 
copyist's error. Even if D. was ignorant of 
Fringe Henry's name he was familiar with his 
title of the Young King from the poems of Ber- 
tran de Bom, in which the prince is continually 
referred to as ' lo reys joves ' ; and he was 
well known in Italy by this title, as is evident 
from the references to him as ' il re giovane ' 
in the Cento Novelle Atxtiche (Nov. xxiii, xxiv, 
xxxiy, cxlviii, ed. Biagi), and in Villani, who 
says :— 

' DopQ Stefano regno (in Inghilterra) un altro 
Arrigo, il quale ebbe due figliuoli, il re Giovane e 
lo re Ricciardo. Questo re Giovane fu il piii cortese 
signore del mondo, e ebbe guerr?. col padre per 
indotta d'alcuno suo barone, ma poco vivette, e di 
lui non rimase reda: dopo il rp Qioyane regn6 il re 
Ricciardo.' (v. 4.) 

(See Academy, April 21, 1888 ; and Moore, 
Textual Criticism, pp. 344-51.) 




Arrigo 5], the Emperor Henry VI (i 190- 
I197), son of Frederick Barbarossa, referred 
to by Piccarda Donati (in the Heaven of the 
Moon) as il secondo vento di Soave (i. e. the 
second Emperor of the Swabian or Hohen- 
staufen line), Par. iii. 119. Henry VI was 
actually the third Emperor of his line, but his 
great-uncle Conrad III (1138-1152) was never 
crowned at Rome, and never assumed the 
title of Emperor [Hohenstatifeu : Table 
vii]. Henry is here mentioned in connexion 
with his wife Constance, the daughter of 
Roger of Sicily, in whose right their son 
Frederick, afterwards Emperor as Frederick 
II, became King of Sicily [Clcilia : Pe- 
derico 2]. Henry married Constance in 1 185, 
when he was 22 and she 32 ; but it was not 
until nine years later that Frederick was born 
(Dec. 1 194). This circiimstance gave rise to 
suspicions among the Sicilians, which were 
only allayed by the exposure of Constance to 
the inspection of any female who chose to 
visit her. Villani says : — 

'Troviamo quando la 'mperadrice (lostanza era 
grossa di Federigo, s'avea sospetto in Cicilia e 
per tutto il reame di Puglia, che . . . potesse esser 
grossa ; per la qual cosa quando venne a partorire 
fece tendere uno padiglione in su la piazza di 
Palermo, e mandd bando, che qual donna volesse 
v' andasse a vederla, e molte ye n',sndarono e 
vidono, e perd cess6 il sospetto.' (v. 16.) 

D. accepts the current tradition that Con- 
stance, before her marriage with Henry VI, 
had been a nun, and that she W3.% against her 
will, when she was over fifty, tak^n from the 
convent by the Archbishop of Palermo, and 
married to the Emperor in order to exclude 
Tancred from the succession. [iCostanza 1.] 

Arrigo ^J, Prince Henry ' of Almain,' son 
of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, King of the 
Romans, nephew of Henry III of England, 
He was stabbed in 1271 by his cousin Guy de 
Montfort (son of Simon de Montfort and 
Eleanor, sister of Henry III) in the church of 
San Silvestro at Viterbo, according to the 
popular belief, at the moment of the elevation 
of the Host. His body was brought to Eng- 
land and interred in the Cistercian Abbey at 
Hayles in Gloucestershire, which had been 
built by his father. The heart was enclosed 
in a gold casket and placed, according to 
Villani, on a pillar on London "Bridge : — 

' In una coppa d'orp . . . in su una colonna in 
capo del ponte di Londra sopra '1 fiume di Tamigi, 
per memoria agl' Inghilesi ^ell' pltraggio ricevuto.' 
(vii. 39.) 

Benvenuto, however, states that it was 
placed in the hand of a statue of the prince in 
Westminster Abbey, with the inscription : 
' Cor gladio scissum do cui consanguineus 
sum,' i. e. my heart, which was pierced by the 


sword, I give to my cousin (Edward, as an 
appeal for vengeance). 

D. alludes to the crime in connexion with 
the murderer, Inf. xii. 119-20. It was prob- 
ably a misunderstanding of his expression, Lo 
cor che in sul Tamigi ancor si cola {v. 120), 
' the heart which is yet honoured on the 
Thames,' i. e. in London, that gave rise to the 
supposition that the heart was placed on a 
bridge over the river. (Guide di Monforte : 
Table x.] 

Arrigo '], Enrique I (Henry), sumamed the 
Fat, King of Navarre, 1270-1274 ; he was the 
son of Thibaut I, and younger brother of 
Thibaut II, whom he succeeded ; his daughter 
Juana or Joan married Philip the Fair, son of 
Philip III of France, and their son, Louis X, 
was the first sovereign of the united kingdoms 
of France and Navarre. [ITavarra : Table 
vlii : Table xiii.] 

D. places Henry in the valley of flowers in 
Antepurgatory, where he is represented as 
seated close to Philip III of France, with his 
face resting on his hand ; Sordello points him 
out as colui che ha si benigno aspetto, and refers 
to Philip afld him as padre e suocero del mal 
di Francia, i. e. father and father-in-law of 
Philip the Fa,ir., whose evil doings they are 
bewailing, Hejiry by sighing, Philip by beat- 
ing his breast, Purg. vii. 103-11. [Antipur- 
gatorio : Filippo 1 : Pilippo ^.] 

Henry died, smothered in his own fat, at 
Pampelona in 1274. According to an autho- 
rity quoted by Philalethes he was ' benigno ' 
in outward appearance only : — 

' II fut surnommS le gros a cause qu'il dtait 
excessivement gros et gras. Et combien que la 
coni.njune opinion soit, que les hommes gras sont 
volontiers de douce et benigne nature, si est ce 
que celui fut fort aspre.' 

Arrigo 8], Henry II of Lusignan, King of 
Cyprus, 1 285-1 324; referred to by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter, in allusion to his 
sensuality and misgovemment (with a refer- 
ence also perhaps to the lion on his shield), 
as la bestia di Nicofia e di Famagosta, Par. 
xix. 146-7. [Cipri: Tamagosta.] 

D. here alludes to the sufferings of Cyprus 
under the unsettled rule of the house of 
Lusignan. Hugh III of Antioch, King of 
Cyprus and Jerusalem, who derived the Lusig- 
nan title from his mother, died in 1284, leaving 
several dissolute sons. The eldest of these, 
John, succeeded, but died within a year, his 
death bemg attributed to poison administered 
by his brother Henry. The latter, second son 
of Hiigh, a prince of feeble character and 
constitution, assumed the government in 1285, 
under the title of Henry II. Six years later 
(1291), Acre, the last possession of the Chris- 
tians in the Holy Land, having been captured 
by the Saracens (Inf. xxvii. 89), Henry collected 

Arrigo d'Inghilterra 


a force with the object of attempting its re- 
conquest, and gave the command of it to his 
younger brother Amalric or Amaury, Prince of 
Tyre. The faikire of this expedition, and the 
unpunished depredations of some Genoese 
galleys on the coast of Cyprus, gave Amalric 
a pretext for declaring his brother incapable 
of governing. Having got himself appointed 
governor of the island by the supreme council 
(I3°7)> Amalric kept Henry virtually a prisoner 
and fissumed all the power into his own hands. 
Before, however, he could finally make himself 
master of the kingdom, he was assassinated 
by one of his own adherents (1310). On his 
death, his younger brother, C^mmerino, at- 
tempted to seize the throne ; but Henry's 
following demanded the restoration of the 
rightful king, who resijmed the government, 
and retained jt until his death in 1324. 
[Table v.] 

Arrigo d'Inghilterra, Henry III, King 
of England, 1 216-1272; succeeded his father 
John at the age pf 10 and reigned for 56 years; 
he married Eleanor, second cjaughter of Ray- 
mond Berenger IV, Count of Provence, whose 
younger daughter, Sanzia, married Henry's 
brother, Richard of Cornwall, [Berlinghieri : 
Table xi.] 

D. places Henry in the valley of flowers in 
Antepurgatory, among the princes who ne- 
glected to repent, Purg. vii. 130-2; he is 
represented as seated alone (v. 131), probably 
as being unconnected with the Empire (com- 
pare the similar position in Hell of Guy de 
Montfort, Inf. xii. 118, and of Saladin, Inf. iv. 
129) [Aatipurgatorio]. D. speaks of him as 
'il re della semplice vita' (v. 130); and says 
(v. 132) that he was more fortunate in his issue 
than were Peter III of Aragon or Charles I of 
Anjou, thus praising by implication his son, 
Edward I [Edoardoi]. 

Villani, who makes Henry the son of Richard 
CcEur de l4on (in which error he is followed 
by Benvenuto), describes him as 'semplice 
uomo e 4i buona f^ e di poco valore' (v. 4), 
and 'uomo di semplice vita, sicchfe i baroni 
I'aveano per niente ' (vii. 39). Hume speaks of 
him as having been 'noted for hip piety and 
devotion, and for his regular attendance at 
public worship.' Matthew of Westminster, in 
recording his death, says : — 

'Quantae fuerat innocentiae, quantae patientiae, 
quantaeque devotionis in obsequio Salvatoris, 
dominus novit, et qui ei fideliter adhaeserunt.' 

Henry III is one of the princes mentioned 
(as 'lo rey engles') by Sordello in his cele- 
brated lament for Blacatz, in which he re- 
proaches the sovereigns of Europe for their 
degeneracy. [Sordello.] 

Arrigo Manardi, gentleman of Bertinoro, 
mentioned by Guido del Duca (in Circle II 

of Purgatory), along with Lizio da Valbona, 
among the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 
97 [Lizio]. Little is known of Arrigo, beyond 
that he was a contemporary of Guido del 
Duca (d. circ. 1229) and of Pier Traversaro 
(d. 1225), and that he was taken prisoner 
with the latter by the Faentines in 1 170. 
He is known to have been still alive in 1228, 
in which year he was present in Ravenna at 
the nomination of Paolo Traversaro to the 
procuratorship of the city. (See Casini, Dante 
e la Romagna^ 

The Ottimo Comento says of him : — 

' Fu da Brettinoro, cavaliere pieno di cortesia 
e d'onore, volentieri raise tavola, donb robe e 
cavalli, pregi6 li valentuomini, c sua vita tutta fu 
data a larghezza ed a bello vivere.' 

Benyenuto, who describes him as ' vir nobilis 
et prudens,' says that he was a friend of Guido 
del Duca, and that when the latter died he 
had the bench on which they used to sit 
together sawn in two, since he considered 
there was no one worthy to replace Guido. 
[Guido del Duca.] 

The Mainardi (who some think are alluded 
to, Purg. xiv. 113), as a family, were Ghibellines 
and adherents of the Traversari. One Baldi- 
netto de' Mainardi was among the Ghibellines 
who were expelled from Bertinoro in 1295. 
But some of them took the opposite side, for, 
as Philalethes points out, the son of an Alber- 
ghetto de' IMainardi was kjUed with the Guelf 
Rinieri da Calboli in the assault on Forll in 
1296. [Binier da Calboli.] 

Arrigucci, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars), together with the Sizii, as having held 
office in his day. Par. xvi. 108. These two 
families are frequently mentioned together by 
Villani, who says they resided in the 'quar- 
tiere della porta del Duomo ' (iv. 10) ; they 
were Guelfs : — ' nel sesto di porte del Duomo 
furono in quegli tempi di parte guelfa i To- 
singhi, gli Arrigucci, gli Agli, i Sizii ' (v. 39 ; 
vi. 33) ; and were among those who fled from 
Florence to Lucca after the great Ghibelline 
victory at Montaperti (vi. 79) ; they afterwards 
threw in their lot with the Bianchi (viii. 39). 
Villani records that one Compagno degli 
Arrigucci was consul in Florence in 11 97 
(v. 22). Dino Compagni states that it was by 
the help of the wife of one of the Arrigucci 
that Messer Monfiorito, the PodestJi of Flor- 
ence who was imprisoned for his complicity 
in the fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli and Baldo 
d'Aguglione [Acciaiuoli], managed to effect 
his escape : — 

' M. Monfiorito fu messo in prigione . . . Poi si 
fuggi di prigione, perche una moglie di uno degli 
Arrigucci, che avea il marito in prigione dove lui, 
fece fare lime sorde e altri ferri, co' quali ruppono 
le prigioni, e andoronsi con Die' (i. 19.) 




According to the Ottimo Comento both the 
Arrigucci and the Sizii were nearly extinct 
in D.'s day. 

Arrio, Arius, the originator of the Arian 
heresy that the Father and the Son were not 
'one substance,' a doctrine which theAthanasian 
creed was designed to controvert. St. Thomas 
Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) mentions 
A. together with Sabeilius as conspicuous 
among those who sought to distort the Scrip- 
tures, Par. xiii. 127 [Sabellio]. (See Aquinas, 
Contra Gentiles, iv. 6-8.) Arius was presbyter 
of Alexandria, and while holding that position 
(circ. A. D. 318) promulgated his heresy, which 
consisted in the doctrine that Christ was 
a created being inferior to God the Father 
in nature and dignity, though the first 
of all created beings ; and that the Holy 
Spirit is not God, but was created by the 
power of the Son. This doctrine, which was 
condemned by the Council of Nice in 325, 
gained many adherents after the death of A. 
(in 336), including several Emperors, and gave 
rise to the famous Heterousian and Homo- 
ousian controversy, which distracted the Church 
for 300 years. 

ArsNova. \Aeie 'Nuova.'] 

Ars Poetica, the Poetics or Art of Poetry 
of Horace, a poem in hexameters, the subject 
of which is a discussion of dramatic poetry ; 
quoted by D. as Poetria, V. N. § 2582 (A. P. 
141-2); Conv. ii. 14*8 (^. P. 70-1); Poetica, 
V. E. ii. 435, where Rajna reads Poetria 
(A. P. 38-9) I Epist. X. 10 {A. P. 93-5). Be- 
sides these direct quotations, there are several 
reminiscences of the Ars Poetica in D.'s 
works ; thus the expression ' buono Omero,' 
V. N. § 25511-2^ is evidently borrowed from A-P- 
359 ('quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus'); 
and the description of Democritus, Conv. iij. 
1474-6 :_ 

' Deqiocrito, della propria person^ non curando, 
ne barba, nfe capelli, nfe unghie si togliea ' — 

is doubtless a somewhat confused recollection 

' Excludit sanos Helicone poetas 
Democritus, bona pars non ungiies ponere curat, 
Non barbapi . , . 

Si tribus Anticyris caput insanabile nunquam 
Tonsori Licino commiserit." {A. P. 296-8, 300-1-) 

Also, the list of Roman poets given by Statius 
(addressing Virgil) in Purgatory, Purg. xxii. 
97-8, was probably suggested by A. P. 54-5, in 
combination with 2 Epist. i. 58-9. [Orazio.] 

Ars Vetu». [Arte Veccbla.] 

Arsencl. [Arzana,.] 

Arte t^uova, the Ars Nova, or Nova Logica, 
name given in the Middle Ages to certain 
dialectical treatises of Aristotle ; coupled by 
D. with the Ars Vetus, Conv. ii. I4i''6. [Arte 

Arte Veccbia, the Ars Vetus, or Vetus 

Logica, name given in the Middle Ages to 
certain dialectical treatises of Aristotle ; coupled 
with the Ars Nova, in these two being con- 
tained the whole science of Dialectics, Conv. 
ii. 14103-6. 

According to Lambert of Auxerre (circ. 1250) 
the Vetus Logica consisted of the Praedica- 
inenta and De Interpretatione ; and the Nova 
Logica of the Analytica Priora^ Analytica 
Posteriora, Topica, and Sophistici Elenchi : — 

' Tunc quaeritur, quae sit differentia inter logicam 
et dyalecticam. Ad hoc dicendum, quod logica, 
secundum quod est ars et secundum quod est 
scientia, securior est ad dyalecticam. Logica enim 
scientia est de omni syllogismo docens, dyalectica 
de syllogismo dyalectico solum vel apparent! dya- 
lectico . . . Unde logica traditur in omnibus libris 
logicae, qui sunt sex, scilicet liber Praedicamen- 
torum, liber Peryermenias (i.e. de Interpretatione), 
qui nunc dicuntur vetus logica ; liber Priorum (sc. 
Analyiicorum), Posteriorum (sc. Analyticorum), 
Thopicorum et Elenchorum (sc. Sophisticorum), 
qui quatuor dicuntur nova logica ; dyalectica vero 
traditur in libro Thopicorum et E.lenchorum solum.' 
(Summa Logicae, apud Prantl, Geschichte der 
Logik, Bd. iii. p. 26, n. 103.) 

These terms were recognized in the schools 
quite at the beginning of Cent. xiii. A statute 
of the University of Paris, dated A. D. 1215, 
runs : — 

' Et quod legant libros Aristotelis de dialectica 
tarn veteri quam nova in scholis ordinarie et non 
ad cursum.' 

Aegidius Romanus (d. 1316) wrote a com- 
mentary on the Ars Vetus, the title of which 
is 'Expositio in artem veterem, videlicet in 
Universalibus, Praedicamentis, Postpraedica- 
mentis, Sex Principiis et Periermenias ' [Egi- 
dio2]. Raymond Lully, the author of the 
Ars Magna (d. 1315), wrote a commentary on 
the Logica Nova. 

Artil, Arthur, mythical king of Britain, hero 
of the romances of the Round Table ; he was 
wedded to Guenever, and was slain by the 
hand of his son Mordred. Brunetto Latino 
relates that after the death of Aeneas — 

'Brutus ses freres s'en passa en une terre qui 
par le non de lui fu apelde Bretaigne, qui or est 
Angleterre clamge ; et il f^ Ii commencemenz des 
rois de la Grant Bretaigne, et de ses generacions 
nasqui Ii bons rois Artus, de cui Ii romant parolent 
que il fu rois coronez a .cccc.lxxxiii. anz de I'in- 
carnation Jhesu Crist, au tens que Zeno fu empereres 
de Rome, et regna entor .l. anz.' {Tresor, i. 35.) 

A. is mentioned by Camicione de' Pazzi (in 
Cama), who says that Alessandro and Napo- 
leone degli Alberti were even worse traitors than 
him ' who had his breast and shadow pierced 
with one self-same blow by the hand of Arthur,' 
I. e. A.'s son, the traitor. Sir Mordred, Inf. xxxii. 
62 [Albert!]. The incident alluded to by D. is 
thus narrated in the O. F. romance (MS. Brit. 
Mus. Add. 10294, Cent, xiv) :— 




'Et Mordret, qui bien voit que li rois ne baiot 
s'a lui non ochire, nel refuse pas, ains li adrece la 
teste del ceval ; et li rois, qui li vient al plus droit 
qu'il puet, le fieri de toute sa force si durement 
qu'il li ront les mailles del hauberc, et li met parmi 
le cors le far de son glaive. Si dist I'estoire 
qu'apres I'estors del glaive passa parmi la plaie 
uns rais de soleil si apertement que Girflet le vit. 
Dont cil del pais distrent que ce avoit fait Nostre 
Sires par cores qu'il avoit a lui.' 

['And Mordred, who saw well that the King 
was minded only to slay him, avoided him not, 
but turned his horse's head to him ; and the King, 
who came at him as straight as he might, smote 
him with all his strength so sorely that he burst 
the mail of his hauberk and thrust the iron of his 
lance through the midst of his body. And the story 
says that after the withdrawal of the lance there 
passed through the wound a ray of sun so mani- 
festly that Girflet saw it. Wherefore they of the 
country said that this had our Lord done because 
of his wrath against him. '] 

The following 9.ccount of Sir Mordred's 
treachery is taken from Caxton's Malory's 
Morte Darthur. (It will be noted that Malory 
omits the detail alluded to by D.)— King 
Arthur, being obliged to leave his kingdom in 
order to make war upon Sir Lancelot, appoints 
Sir Mordred regent during his absence : — 

' Kynge Arthur and syr Gawayne made a grete 
hoost redy to the nombre of thre score thousand, 
and al thynge was made redy fqr their shyppyng 
to passe over the see ; and so they shypped at 
Cardyf, ^nd kynge Arthur made sir Mordred chyef 
ruler of alle gnglond, and al^o he put quene 
Guenever under his governauncg, by cause syr 
Mordred was kynge Arthur's sone he gaf hym the 
rule of his land and of his wyf ; and soo the kynge 
passed the see ^nd landed upon syr Launcelots 
landes. ... As syr Mordred was rular of alle 
Englond he dyd do make letters as though that 
they came from beyonde the see, and the letters 
specefyed that kynge Arthur was slayn in bataylle 
wyth syr Launcelot. Wherfore syr Mordred made 
a parlemente, and called the lories togyder, and 
there he made them to chese hyqi kyng, and soo 
was he crowned fit Caunterburye . . . and after- 
ward he drewe hym unto Wynchester, and there 
he took the Quene Guenever and sayd playnly 
that he wolde wedde hyr which was his unkyl's 
wyf and his fader's wyf. . . . Than' came worde to 
syr Mordred that kyng Arthur had araysed the 
syege for syr Launcelot and he was comyng home- 
Ward wyth a grete hoost to be avenged upon syr 
Mordred . . . and sqo syr Mordred drewe with 
a grete hoqst to Dover, for there he her^ saye that 
sir Arthur wold arryve, and soo he thoughte to 
bete his owne fader from his landes. . . . And soo 
as sire Mordred wat at Dover with his host there 
came kyng Arthur with a. grete navye of shyppes 
and galeyes and carryks, and there was syr Mor- 
dred redy awaytynge upon his londage to lette 
his owne fader to landp up the lande that he was 
kyng over. . . . Than were they condesended that 
kyng Arthure and syr Mordred shold mete be- 
twyxte bothe theyr' hoostes. . . . Thenne was 
kyng Arthure ware where syr Mordred lenyd 

upon, his swerde. . . . Now gyve me my spcre, 
sayd Arthur, for yonder I have espyed the traytour 
that alle thys woo hath wrought. . . . Thenne the 
kyng gate hys spere in bothe his handes and ranne 
toward syr Mordred, cryeng, tratour, now is thy 
deth day come. And whan syr Mordred herde syr 
Arthur he ranne untyl hym with his swerde drawen 
in his hande. And there kyng Arthur smote syr 
Mordred under the shelde wyth a foyne of his 
spere thorughoute the body more than a fadom. 
And whan syr Mordred felte that he had hys 
dethes wounde, he thryst hym self wyth the 
myght that he had up to the bur Cjf kynge Arthur's 
spere. And right so he smote his fader Arthur 
wyth his swerde holden in bothe his handes on 
the syde of the heed that the swerde persyd the 
helmet and the brayne panne, and therwythall syr 
Mordred fyl starke deed to the erthe.' (Bk. xx. 19 — 
Bk. xxi. I, 2, 4.) 

Benveputo gives a lengthy account of King 
Arthur : — 

' Sicut scribit Gualterius Anglicus in sua chronica 
quae britannica vocatur, in qua admiscet multa 
falsa veris in exaltationem syae regionis.' 

D. mentions A. again in connexion with the 
Arthurian romances, 'Arturi regis ambages 
pulcherrimae,' which he cites as e^jamples of 
prose compositions in the langue d'6\\ V. E. 
i. 10I2-19 [Lingua Oz/]. His own acquaint- 
ance with them is evident from the fact that, 
besides King Arthur and Mordred, he mentions 
Galleha\ilt (Inf. v. 137), Giienever (Par. xvi. 15), 
Lancelot (Inf v. 128 ; Cqnv. iv. zS^s), and 
Tristan (Inf. v. 67). 

Artunis, King Arthur, V. E. i. lo^*. 

Arzan^, the Arsenal at Venice, Inf. xxi. 7. 
That mentioned by D. is the old one which 
was btiil^ in 1 104, and w^s considered one of 
the most ijnportant in Europe. It was en- 
closed within high walls surmoiinted by battle- 
ments and towers. At the beginning of Cent, xiv 
it was considerably enlarged, and in 1337 a new 
Arsenal was built ; but parts of the old one are 
still in existence. [Vinegia.] 

Ascanio, Ascanius, son of Aeneas and 
Creusa ; mentioned, as having been trained in 
^rms in Sicily, Cony- iv- 26^6-9 (j-ef. to Aen. v. 
545-603) ; as son of Creusa, Mon. ii. 31°"^ 
■^here D. quotes Aen. iii. 339-40, with the 
interpolated hemistich : ' peperit fumante {var. 
florente) Creusa ' ; his personation by Cupid is 
alluded to. Par. viii. 9 [Cupido] ; the Emperor 
Henry VII's son John, King of Bohemia, a 
second Ascanius, Epist. vii. 5 [Johannes 2]. 

Ascanius, son of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 3100 ; 
Epist. vii. 5. [Asqariio.] 

Ascesi, the modem Assisi, town of Central 
Italy, in N. E. of Unibria, on the road between 
Perugia and Foligflo, celebrated as the birth- 
place of St. Francis [5'ranoesoo 2] ; mentioned 




by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun), who says it should be nanied, not Ascesi 
(' I rose '), but rather Oriente, as having been 
the birthplace of 'a Sun,' i.e. St. Francis, 
Par. xi. 49-54. This conceit was perhaps 
borrowed from St. Bonaventura, who in his 
life of St. F. applies to him the words of 
Rev. vii. 2 : ' I saw another angel ascending 
from the East ' (' Vidi alterum angelum asce.n- 
dentem ab ortu soUs ') ; or from the opening 
words of the abridgement of the life by Tom- 
maso da Celano : ' Quasi sol oriens in mundo 
beatus Franciscus vita, doctrina et miraculis 

The situation of A., which stands on the 
S.W. slope of Monte Subasio, between the 
streams Tupino (on the E.) and Chiassi (on 
the W.), is described Par. xi. 43-8 [Chiassi ^ : 

Asciano, small town in Tuscany, on the 
Ombrone, about 15 miles S.E. of Siena; 
Caccia d' Asciano is mentioned by Capocchio 
(in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell) among 
the spendthrifts of Siena, Inf. xxix. 131. [Ab- 
bagliato : Brigata Spendereccia : Caccia 

Ascoli, town of Central Italy, on the Tronto' 
in the S. of the Marches close to the border of 
the Abruzzo ; thought by some to be the place 
mentioned under the name of Cascibli in the 
dialectal poem quoted V. E. i. ii^s. [Ca- 

Asdente, maestro Benvenuto, nicknamed 
Asdente (i. e. toothless), a shoemaker of Parma 
who was famed as a prophet and soothsayer 
during the latter half of Cent. xiii. 

D. places him, together with Guido Bonatti, 
among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 4 of Circle 
VIII of Hell (Malebolge), and observes that 
he repents, now it is too late, that he did not 
stick to his own trade. Inf. xx. 118-20 [Indo- 
vini] ; referred to, as ' il calzolaio di Parma,' 
as an instance of an individual who would be 
noble, if notoriety constituted nobility, Conv. 
iv. i665-n. 

According to Benvenuto, A. foretold the 
defeat of Frederick II at the siege of Parma 
in 1248. The following account of him is 
given in the chronicle of his contemporary and 
fellow-citizen, Salimbene of Parma (printed by 
C. E. Norton in Report XIV of American 
Dante Society ) : — 

'His diebus erat in civitate p^nnensi quidam 
pauper homo, operans de opera cferdpnico, faciebat 
enim subtellares, purus et simplex, ac timens Deum, 
et curialis, idest urbanitatem habens, et illiteratus ; 
sed illuminatum valde intelleetum habebat in 
tantum ut intelligeret scripturas illorum qui de 
futuris praedixerunt, scilicet abbatis Joachym, 
Merlini, Methodii et Sibillae, Isaiae, Jeremiae, 
Oseae, Danielis et Apocalypsis, nee non et 
Michaelis Scoti, qui fuit astrologus Friderici 


secundi Imperatoris quondam. Et multa audivi 
ab eo, quae postea evenerunt, videlicet quod Papa 
Nicolaus tertius in mense augusti mori debebat, et 
quod Papa Martinus erat futurus ; et multa alia, 
quae expectamus videre, sifuerit vita comes. . . . Iste 
homo, praeter proprium nomen, quod est magister 
Benvenutus, communiter appellatur Asdenti, idest 
absque dentibus per contrarium, quia magnos habet 
denies et inordinatos, et loquelam impeditam, 
taraen bene intelligit et bene intelligitur. In capite 
pontis moratur in Parma, juxta foveam civitatis et 
juxta puteum, per stratam quae vadit ad burgum 
sancti Domini. . . . His diebus dominus Opizo 
parmensis episcopus prophetam parmensium, qui 
dicitur Asdenti, invitavit ad prandium, et de futuris 
diligenter quaesivit ab eo. . . . Nee est aliter iste 
propheta, nisi quia illuminatum intelleetum habet 
ad inteliigendum dicta omnium qui de futuris 
aliquid praedixerunt. Et est curialis homo et 
humilis et familiaris, et sine pompa et vanagloria ; 
nee aliquid dicit affirmando, sed dicit : ita videtur 
mihi, et ita intelligo ego istam scripturam ; et cum 
aliquis legendo coram eo aliqui^ subtrahit, statim 
percipit et dicit : tu decipis me, quia aliquid 
dimisisti. Et de diversis partibus mundi multi 
veniunt ad ipsum interrogandum.' 

Asia, connexion of Aeneas with Asia by 
descent and marriage, Mon. ii. 361-61 93-5 (j-gf. 
to Aen. iii. 1-2) [Enea] ; subjected by Ninus, 
King of Assyria, Mon. ii. 923-8 [ifinoi] ; over- 
run by Vesoges, King of Egypt, Mon. ii. gss-s 
[Vesoges] ; separated from Europe by the 
Hellespont, Mon. ii. 982-* [EUesponto] ; partly 
occupied by Greeks, V. E. i. 819-21 [Qreci]. 

Asiani, Asiatics; their rejection of the 
proposition that the imperial authority is de- 
rived from the Church, Mon. iii. 1459. 

Asopo, Asopus, river in Boeotia, in the 
neighbourhood of Thebes; mentioned, together 
with the Ismenus, in reference to the crowds 
of Thebans who used to throng their banks at 
night to invoke the aid of Bacchus, when they 
needed rain for their vineyards, Purg. xviii. 91. 
D. probably had in mind the account given by 
Statius in the Thebaid (ix. 434 ff.). 

Assalone. [Absalone.] 

Assaracus, King of Troy, son of Tros, 
father of Capys, grandfather of Anchises, and 
great-grandfather of Aeneas; mentioned to 
prove the connexion of , Aeneas with Asia, 
Mon. ii. 362 [Enea]. 

Assiri, Assyrians ; their flight from Bethulia 
after the death of Holofernes {Judith xv. 1-3), 
Purg. xii. 59 [Oloferne] ; included among the 
examples of defeated pride portrayed on the 
ground m Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. xii. 
58-60 [Superbi] ; ipentioned in connexion with 
Nmus, Mon. li. 923 [Ifinoi]. 

Assisi. [Ascesi.] 

Assuero, Ahasuerus, King of Persia, 'which 
reigned from India even unto Ethiopia' (prob- 



ably identical with Xerxes) ; D., in a vision, 
jsees him, together with Esther and Mordecai, 
witnessing the death of Haman, Purg. xvii. 
25-30 [Amano]. 

Assyrii, Assyrians, Mon. ii. 923. [Assiri.] 

Astraea, daughter of Zeus and Themis ; 
she was goddess of justice, and during the 
Golden Age lived among mankind, but when 
the wickedness of the world increased she 
withdrew to heaven and took her place among 
the stars as the constellation Virgo. She is 
mentioned, Mon. i. li^ ; Epist. viii. 7 ; alluded 
to as giustizia, Purg. xxii. 71-2, where D. 
translates Virgil's lines : — 

*Jam redit et Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna, 
Jam nova progenies coelo demittitur alto.' 

(Ed. Iv. 6-7.) 

Atalanta, Boeotian maiden, daughter of 
Schoenus, celebrated for her swiftness of foot ; 
being unwilling to marry, she declared she 
would accept no suitor who failed to outstrip 
her in running. Hippomenes succeeded by the 
assistance of Venus, who gave him three golden 
apples which he dropped in the course of the 
race ; A. stopped to pick them up, and thus 
enabled Hippomenes to pass her and win her 
as his wife. This race, for the account of 
which D. refers to Ovid {Metam. x. 560-680), 
is mentioned as an example of a contest for 
a prize, as distinguished from a contest or 
duel between two antagonists, such as that 
between Hercules and Antaeus, Mon. ii. 8*3-5. 

Atamante, Athamas, King of Orchomenus 
in Boeotia, son of Aeolus and Enarete, Inf. 
XXX. 4. At the command of Juno, A. married 
Nephele, but he was secretly in love with the 
mortal Ino, daughter of Cadmus, King of 
Thebes, by whom he had two sons, Learchus 
and Melicertes [Ino]. Having thus incurred 
the wrath both of Juno and Nephele, he was 
seized with madness, and in this state killed 
his son Learchus. Ino thereupon threw her- 
self into the sea with Melicertes. Ino herself 
had incurred the wrath of Juno for having 
brought up Bacchus, the son of Jupiter and 
her sister Semele [Giunone: SemelS.] D. 
alludes to the story. Inf. xxx. 1-12 ; his account 
is borrowed from Ovid, whom he has closely 
followed. Athamas in his madness takes Ino 
and her two sons for a lioness and cubs ; he 
seizes Learchus and dashes him against a 
rock : — 

'Protinus AeoHdes media furibundus in aula 
Clamat: lo ! comites, his retia tendite silvis, 
Hie mode cum gemina visa est mihi prole leaena ! 
Utque ferae, sequitur vestigia conjugis amens, 
Deque sinu matris ridentem et parva Learchum 
Brachia tendentem rapit, et bis terque per auras 
More rotat fundae; ngidoque infantia saxo 
Discutit ossa ferox. 
[Ino in frenzy, invoking her nephew Bacchus, 

for which she is mocked by Juno, flings herself 

with Melicertes into the sea.] 

Tunc denique concita mater, 
Seu dolor hoc fecit, seu sparsi causa veneni, 
Exululat; passisque fugit male sana capillis; 
Teque ferens parvum nudis, Melicerta, lacertis, 
Kvoe ! Bacche I sonat. Bacchi sub nomine Juno 
Risit, et: Hos usus praestet tibi, dixit, alumnus. 
Imminet aequoribus scopulus ; pars ima cavatur 
Fluctibus, et tectas defendit ab imbribus undas ; 
Summa nget, frontemque in apertura porrigit aequor. 
Occupat hunc, — vires insania fecerat, — Ino, 
Seque super pontum, nuUo tardata timore, 
Mittit, onusque suum ; percussa recanduit unda.' 

(Meiam. iv. 512-30.) 

Atene, Athens, capital of Attica; men- 
tioned in connexion with the slaying of the 
Minotaur by Theseus, who, by an anachronism, 
is called il duca d'A., Inf. xii. 17 [Arianna : 
Minotauro : Teseo] ; the laws of Solon, 
Purg. vi. 139 [Solone] ; the flight of Hippo- 
lytus, Par. xvii. 46 [Fedra : Ippolito] ; the 
Athenian schools of philosophy, which are all 
at one in I' A. celestiale (i. e. Heaven), Conv. iii. 
J4I37-41 J t]je war of Cephalus with Crete, 
Conv. iv. 27158-6O [Cefalo]; alluded to, in 
connexion with the story of Pisistratus, as la 
villa Del cut name ne' Dei fit tanta lite (i. e. 
the town for the naming of which Neptune 
and Minerva contested), Purg. xv. 97-8 [Mi- 
nerva: Pisistrato]. 

Atlante], the giant Atlas ; referred to as 
gigante, Conv. iv. 29*'. [Atlas 1.] 

Atlantico], the Atlantic Ocean, alluded to 
as il mar. Inf. xxvi. 142 ; I'onde Dieiro alle 
quali . . . Lo sol tal volta ad ogni uom si na- 
sconde, i. e. the waters behind which the sun 
sinks during the summer solstice, the reference 
being more precisely to the Gulf of Gascony, 
Par. xii. 49-51 [Guascogna, Golfo di] ; il 
varco Folle d ' Ulisse, ' the mad track of 
Ulysses,' i. e. over the Atlantic beyond the 
Pillars of Hercules, Par. xxvii. 82-3 [nUsse]. 

Atlantis, Electra, daughter of Atlas and 
Pleione, and mother of Dardanus, his father 
being Jupiter ; Virgil's mention of her {Aen. 
viii. 134-7) as ancestress of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 
369-76. [Elettrai; Enea.] 

In the quotation from the Aeneid in this 
passage Witte and others read 

'Electra, ut Graii perhibent, et Atlantide cretus,* 

which makes nonsense, Electra and Atlantis 
being, of course, one and the same person. 
(See Academy, July 8, 1893.) 

Atlas^, son of lapetus and Clymene ; he 
made war with the other Titans upon Jupiter, 
and being conquered was condemned to bear 
the heavens upon his head and hands. He 
was the father of Electra, who is hence called 
Atlantis, and grandfather of Dardanus, the 
ancestor of Aeneas. He was of African origin, 
the Atlas range in Africa being named from 
him. D. mentions him, quoting Aen. viii. 
134-7, to prove the connexion of Aeneas with 
Africa,' Mon. ii. 3DS-V6 [Enea] ; Juvenal's say- 
ing : 'Nanum cujusdam Atlanta vocamus' 




(5aA viii. 32), translated, Conv. iv. 29*8 9 

Atlas 2, the Atlas range in N. Africa; Oro- 
sius quoted {Hist. i. 2. § 11) to prove that it 
is in Africa, Mon. ii. s^^-" [Atlas 1 : Orosio] ; 
the Imperial Eagle soars alike over the Py- 
renees, Caucasus, and Atlas, Epist. vi. 3. 

Atropds, Atropos, one of the three fates. At 
the birth of every mortal, Clotho, the spinning 
fate, was supposed to wind upon the distaff of . 
Lachesis, the allotting fate, a certain amount 
of yarn ; the duration of the life of the in- 
dividual being the length of time occupied in 
spinning the thread, which, when complete, 
was severed by Atropos, the inevitable fate 
[Cloto: Lacliesis]. D. says that certain 
souls are consigned to Tolomea even before 
Atropos has given them movement, i. e. before 
death, Inf. xxxiii. 124-6 [Tolomea]. 

Attila, King of the Huns (a.d. 434-453), 
inown, on account of the terror he inspired, 
ds Flagellum Dei, ' the scourge of God ' ; the 
first part of.his career of conquest (445-450) 
was occupied with the ravage of the Eastern 
Empire between the Euxine and the Adriatic, 
the latter part (450-452) with the invasion of 
the Western Empire. In 452 he demanded 
in marriage the sister of the Emperor Valen- 
tinian III, with half the kingdom of Italy as 
her dowry, and on the refusal of this demand 
he conquered and destroyed many of the 
principal cities of N.E. Italy, laid waste the 
plains of Lombardy, and marched upon Rome ; 
he was, however, met by Pope Leo the Great, 
who persuaded him to turn back and to 
evacuate Italy ; he died in his own country in 
the next year from the bursting of a blood- 

D. places A. among the Tyrants in Round i 
of Circle VII of Hell, describing him, in allu- 
sion to his appellation of the ' scourge of God,' 
as 'Attila che fu flagello in terra,' Inf. xii. 134 
[Tiranni] ; he is mentioned in connexion with 
his (mythical) destruction of Florence, Inf. 
xiii. 149. The tradition accepted by D. in 
this latter passage arose doubtless from a con- 
fusion of Attila with Totila, King of the Ostro- 
goths (541-553), by whose forces Florence was 
besieged in 542. Villani gives an account 
(ii. l) of the destruction of the city by 'Totile 
Flagellum Dei re de' Goti e de' Vandali ' in the 
year 440, thus hopelessly confounding the two. 
As a matter of fact there appears to be no 
truth in the tradition that Florence was de- 
stroyed, either by Attila or Totila, and rebuilt 
by Charlemagne, as both D. (Inf. xiii. 148) 
and Villani (iii. i) believed. Benvenuto is 
better informed ; he says : — 

'Certe miror nimis de isto excidio Florentiae 
quod Athila dicitur fecisse ; quia . . . non videtur 
quod Athila transiverit unquam Appeninum, nee 
Paulus Diaconus, nee aUus tractans de gestis 


Athilae dicit hoc. Ideo dico quod autor noster 
secutus est chronicas patriae suae, quae multa 
frivola similia dicunt . . . vel forte vidit aliquem 
autorem autenticum dicentem hoc, quern ego non 
vidi ; sed quidquid sit de isto facto, ego nihil 

Auditu, De Naturali. [Natural! Audita, 


Augusta, title of honour, borne by the 
mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters of the 
Roman Emperor ; applied by D. to the Virgin 
Mary in the sense of Empress, Par. xxxii. 119 
[Maria i]. 

Augustalis, Imperial ; solium Augustale, 
' the Imperial throne,' during its vacancy the 
world goes astray, Epist. vi. I. 

Augustino, St. Augustine, Conv. iv. 983. 
[Agostino ''.] 

Augustinus, St. Augustine, Mon. iii. 3*8^ 
4^1 ; Epist. viii. 7 ; x. 28. [Agostino ^.] 

Augusto 1, Augustus, title of honour borne 
by the Roman Emperor ; applied by D. to the 
Emperor Frederick II, Inf. xiii. 68 [Cesare^: 
rederico^]; the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. 
V. 2, 3 ; vii. iii., 4 [Arrigo 2]. 

Augusto 2, Augustus, first Roman Emperor, 
born B. c. 63, died at Nola A. D. 14, at the age 
of 76. He was son of Caius Octavius by Atia, 
daughter of Julia, the sister of Julius Caesar. 
His original name was Caius Octavius, which, 
after his adoption by his great-uncle Julius 
Caesar, was changed to Caius Julius Caesar 
Octavianus. Augustus was a title of venera- 
tion conferred upon him by the Roman Senate 
and people, B.C. 27. After the murder of 
Julius Caesar at Rome (b. c. 44) he left his 
studies at ApoUonia, hastened to Italy, de- 
feated Antony at Mutina (b. c. 43) [Modena], 
Brutus and Cassius at Philippi (b. C. 42) 
[Bruto], took Perusia and defeated Lucius 
Antonius (b. c. 40) [Perugia], defeated Sextus 
Pompeius in Sicily (B.C. 36) [Sesto], and 
finally Antony and Cleopatra at Actium (B.C. 31) 
[Cleopatra], thus putting an end to the civil 
war. The further wars of A. were chiefly 
undertaken in defence of the frontiers of the 
Roman dominions, Italy itself remained at 
peace [Jano]. 

■ Augustus, contemporary of Virgil, Inf. i. 
71 ; removed V.'s body from Brundusium to 
Naples, Purg.vii. 6 [Virgilio]; his victories in 
the civil war and subsequent peace. Par. vi. 
73-81 [Aquila i] ; his triumphs at Rome, Purg. 
3CX1X. 116; Epist. V. 8; universal peace under 
him at time of Christ's birth, Par. vi. 80-1 ; 
Conv. iv. 560-5; Mon. i. 1610-18 ; tis decree 

■that all the world should be taxed' (Luken. i), 
Conv. IV. 565 ; Mon. ii. 9100-3^ igis-si . Epjgt, 
TO. 3; referred to as Octavian, Purg.' vii. 6; 
""'• " "• bearer of the Roman Eagle, 

Epist. V. 8; 



baiulo, Par. vi. 73 ; principe e comandatore del 
Roman popolo, Conv. iv. 563-4 ; portent at his 
death related by Seneca, Conv. ii. \/^'^^ ; 
second Roman Emperor, Epist. vii. i. 

Augustulo], Romulus Augustulus, last of 
the Roman Emperors of the West ; after 
reigning for one year (475-6) he was over- 
thrown and expelled by Odoacer [Imperio 
Bomano]. Some think he is alluded to as 
Colui chefece per viltate il gran rifiuto, Inf. 
iii. 59. The reference, however, is most prob- 
ably to Celestine V. [Celestino.] 

Augustus 1, tide of honour borne by the 
Roman Emperors ; applied by D. to the Em- 
peror Henry VII, Epist. v. 2, 3 ; Epist. .vii. 
tit., 4. [Augusto 1.] 

Augustus 2, the Emperor Augustus, Mon. 
i. 1610 ; ii. 91% 12^2 . Epist. v. 3 ; vii. i, 3. 
[Augusto 2.] 

Aulide, Aulis, port in poeotia, on the Eu- 
ripus, where the Greek fleet assembled before 
sailing for Troy, and where it was detained by 
Artemis until Agamemnon appeased her wrath, 
Inf. XX. III. [Agamemnone : Caloanta : 

Aurora, goddess of dawn, who at the close 
of every night rose from the couch of her 
spouse Tithonus, and in a chariot drawn by 
swift horses ascended up to heaven from the 
river Oceanus to announce the coming light of 
the Sun. 

D. describes sunrise as the gradual deepen- 
ing of the colour on A.'s cheeks from white to 
vermilion, which then passes into orange, Purg. 
ii. 7-9 ; she is referred to as la chiarissima 
ancella del Sole, Par. xxx. 7 ; and, perhaps 
(many thinking the Aurora of the Moon is 
intended), as concubina di Titone, Purg. ix. i. 

Ausonia, ancient name for the part of 
Italy now known as Campania, hence used to 
indicate Italy itself. In describing the king- 
dom of Naples, Charles Martel (in the Heaven 
of Venus) speaks of it as 

'Quel como d'Ausonia, che s'imborga 

Di Bari, di Gaeta, e di Catona {^var. Crotona), 
Da ove Tronto e Verde in mare sgorga ' — 

' that horn of Italy which has for its limits the 
towns of Bari, Gaeta, and Catona, from where 
the Tronto and Verde disgorge into the sea,' 
Par. viii. 61-3 ; Bari on the Adriatic, Gaeta on 
the Mediterranean, and Catona at the extreme 
S., roughly indicate the extent of the Neapo- 
litan territory, while the Verde (or Garigliano) 
flowing into the Mediterranean, and the 
Tronto flowing into the Adriatic, represent 
the frontier with the Papal States [Italia: 
Ifapoli]. The variant Crotona for Catona, 
though adopted by many modern edd., has 
very little MS. authority [Catena]. 

Apostrophizing Italy as Ausonia, D. says 
it had been well for her had the Donation of 
Constantine never been made, Mon. ii. 1366-9 
[Costantino] . 

Auster, S. wind, Mon. ii. ^^^ *" ; Epist. x. r. 

Austericch, Austria, Inf. xxxii. 26. The 
consonantal ending -ic or -icch (as against 
-icchi of some edd.) seems preferable as ad- 
mitting the onomatopoeic monosyllable cricch 
[v. 30). The variant Ostericch (Villani has 
Osterich), which corresponds more closely with 
the Germ. Osterreich, is perhaps the correct 
reading. [Danoia.] 

Australe, southerly ; austral vento, ' S. 
wind,' Purg. xxxi. 71 (var. nostral v., 'wind of 
our land,' i.e. N. wind). 

Austro, Auster, S. wind; coupled with 
Aquilone, the two being mentioned as typically 
boisterous winds, Purg. xxxii. 99 ; its violence 
in Libya, Mon. ii. 436' *6 ; hence, the South, 
' Austri Regina ' {Matt. xii. 42, in A.V. ' the 
Queen of the South '), i. e. the Queen of Sheba, 
Epist. x. I [Saba]. 

Avari], the Avaricious, placed with Pro- 
digals in Circle IV of Hell, Inf. vii. 22-66 
[Inferno]. Their guardian is Pluto or Plutus, 
the accursed wolf (Inf. vii. 8 ; Purg. xx. 10) 
[Pluto]. They are compelled to roll about 
great weights, the Avaricious in one half of 
the Circle, the Prodigals in the other; when 
they meet they smite against and revile each 
other, and then turn back and meet again at 
the opposite end of the semicircle [Cariddi]. 
Among the Avaricious D. sees many ' clerks, 
popes, and cardinals,' but names none of them 
as they are unrecognizable — 'La sconoscente 
vita, che i fe sozzi. Ad ogni conoscenza or Ii fa 
bruni ' {vv. S3-4). 

Those who expiate the sins of Avarice 
and Prodigality in Purgatory are placed in 
Circle V [Beatitudini : Purgatorio]; their 
punishment is to lie prostrate on the ground, 
bound hand and foot, their faces down- 
ward to remind them that on earth their 
thoughts were fixed on earthly things, while 
they murmur 'Adhaesit pavimento animamea' 
[Psalm cxix. 25), Purg. xix. 70-5, 118-26. 
Examples : Pope Adrian V [Adriano 2] ; 
Hugh Capet [Ciapetta] ; Statius [Stazio]. 
During the day the Avaricious proclaim in- 
stances of self-denial or liberality, viz. the 
Virgin Mary [Maria i], Fabricius [Pabbri- 
zioi], and St. Nicholas [Niecolao] ; during 
the night they inveigh against notorious in- 
stances of avarice or of the lust of wealth, viz. 
Pygmalion [Pigmalione], Midas [Mida], 
Achan [Acan], Ananias and Sapphira [Ana- 
nia 2 : Safira], Heliodorus [Eliodoro], Poly- 
mestor [Polinestore], and Crassus [Crasso]. 


Avellana, Ponte 


Scartazzini points out that D. has given seven 
instances of avarice, evidently in accordance 
with the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas (S. T. 
ii. 2, Q. ii8, A. 8), who describes the offspring 
of avarice (' Filiae avaritiae dicuntur vitia 
quae ex ipsa oriuntur, et praecipue secundum 
appetitum') to be inhumanity ('ex avaritia 
oritur obduratio contra misericordiam, quia 
scilicet cor ejus misericordia non emollitur'), 
restlessness ('oritur itiquietudo, in quantum 
ingerit homini soUicitudinem et curas super- 
fluas '), violence (' in acquirendo aliena utitur 
quandoque quidem vi, quod pertinet ad vio- 
lentias '), deceit and perjury (' quandoque 
autem utitur dolo, qui quidem si fiat in verbo 
fallacia erit ; quantum ad simplex verbum, 
perjurium, si addatur confirmatio juramenti '), 
fraud and treachery (' si autem dolus com- 
mittatur in opere, sic quantum ad res erit 
fraus ; quantum autem ad personas erit jfiro- 
ditio'). These D. exemplifies respectively by 
Polymestor, Midas, Crassus, Heliodorus, Ana- 
nias and Sapphira, Achan, and Pygmalion. 

Avellana, Fonte], the Benedictine monas- 
tery of Santa Croce di Fonte Avellana, 
situated in Umbria on the slopes of Monte 
Catria, one of the highest peaks of the Apen- 
nines, near Gubbio [Catrlaj. 

St. Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn), 
who was Abbot in 1041, describes its situation 
to D., Par. xxi. 106-10, speaking of it as 
ermo, v. no ; quel chiostro, v. 118 ; quel loco, 
V. 121. [Damianc] 

There is a tradition, based upon very slender 
foundations, that D. himself spent some time 
at Fonte Avellana after his departure from 
Verona in 13 1 8. (See Bartoli, Lett. Ital., v. 

Aventino, Mt. Aventine, one of the seven 
hills of Rome, where the giant Cacus had a 
cave. Inf. xxv. 26. [Caoo.] 

Averrois, Averroes (Muhammad ibn Ah- 
mad, Ibn-Roschd), celebrated Arabian scholar 
of Cent. xii. His most famous work was a 
commentary upon Aristotle (whence he was 
commonly known as the Commentator par 
excellence), whose writings he knew through 
the medium of Arabic translations. He "was 
bom at Cordova in Spain between 11 20 and 
1 149, and died in Morocco about 1200. A., 
who was a physician and lawyer as well, was 
the head of the Western school of philosophy, 
as Avicenna was of the Eastern. Boccaccio 
lays stress on the great influence his works 
had on the study of Aristotle, which up till 
his day had been almost neglected. A Latin 
translation of his great commentary, attributed 
to Michael Scot, was in existence before 1250 
[Michele Sootto]. 

D. places him among the great philosophers 
in Limbo, in a group with Hippocrates, Galen, 
and Avicenna, describing him as A., che il 


gran comento feo. Inf. iv. 144 [Limbo]. Some 
think he is alluded to as fiii savio di te, Purg. 
xxv. 63, where Statius tells D. that a wiser 
than he went astray with regard to the nature 
of the soul ; but the reference is more probably 
to Aristotle [Aristotile]. 

D. mentions him, Mon. i. 3'" ; and refers to 
him by the title of the Commentator, Conv. 
iv. 1388; A. T. §§ 5^, .18; his commentary 
on Aristotle's De Anima, Conv. iv. 1368-9 ; 
Mon. i. 377-8 ; A. T, § 56-8 ; his opinion, as 
recorded in his work De Substantia Orbis, 
that all potential forms of matter are actually 
existent in the mind of the Creator, A. T, 
§ 1 8 36-9. This opinion, as a matter of fact, 
appears to come, not from Averroes' De Sub- 
stantia Orbis, but from the De Natura et 
Origine Animae (II. vii) of Albertus Magnus, 
who attributes it to Plato : — 

' Dixit Plato formas omnes ideales esse in mente 
divina antequam prodirent in corpora : sicut formae 
ideales artiiicialium sunt in mente artificis ante- 
quam in materias artium traducantur.' 

Benvenuto, who represents A. as the deter- 
mined opponent of the teaching of Avicenna, 
expresses surprise that D. should have con- 
signed so notorious an unbeliever and blas- 
phemer to no worse place than Limbo : — 

'Quompdo autor posuit istum sine pena, qui 
tam impudenter et impie blasfemat Christum, 
dicens, quod tres fuerunt baratores mundi, scilicet 
Christus, Moyses, et Macomettus, quorum Christus, 
quia juvenis et ignarus, crucifixus fuit ? ' 

In the frescoes of the Cappella degli Spa- 
gnuoli (Cent, xiv.) in S. Maria Novella at 
Florence, A. is depicted, together with the 
heretics Sabellius and Arius, at the feet of 
St. Thomas Aquinas. 

Avicenna, Avicenna (Husain ibn Abd 
Allah, Ibn-Sina), Arabian philosopher and 
physician of Ispahan in Persia ; bom near 
Bokhara A.D. 980, died 1037. He was a 
voluminous writer, among his works being 
commentaries upon Aristotle and Galen. Of 
the latter, whose writings he condensed and 
arranged, he is said to have remarked that 
he knew a great deal about the branches 
of medicine, but very little about its roots 
[Galieno]. His own treatise, the Canon Me- 
dicinae, was still in use as a text-book in 
France as late as Cent. xvii. 

D. places A. among the great philosophers 
m Limbo, in a group with Hippocrates, Galen, 
and Averroes, Inf. iv. 143 [Limbo] ; his 
opmion [De Intelligentiis, § 4), which he 
shared with Plato and Algazali, that 'sub- 
stantial generation ' is effected by the motive 
powers of the Heavens, Conv. ii. 1427-32 . that 
the Milky Way is made up of numbers of 
small stars, Conv. ii. 1569-77 [Galassia] ; that 
a distinction exists between ' light ' and ' splen- 
dour' (De Anima, iii. % 3), Conv. iii. 1438-41 ; 



his theory {De Anima,\. % 3), held also by Alga- 
zali, that souls are noble or ignoble of them- 
selves from the beginning, Conv. iv. 21I5-I''. 
(See Mazzucchelli, Autori citati nel Convito.) \ 

Azio], Actium, promontory of Acarnania, 
off which Octavianus defeated Antony and 
Cleopatra, B. C. 31 ; the victory is alluded to 
by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) in connexion with the triumphs of 
the Roman Eagle, Par. vi. 77. [Aquila^: 

Azzo Marchio. [Azzo da Ssti.] 

Azzo, Ugolino d', a native of Tuscany, 
domiciled at Faenza, who is mentioned by 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
together with Guido da Prata, among the 
worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 104-5. 

The individual in question, — whom Ben- 
venuto describes as ' vir nobilis et curialis de 
Ubaldinis, clarissima stirpe in Romandiola, 
qui fuerunt diu potentes in alpibus citra Apen- 
ninum et ultra, prope Florentiam,' — is probably 
Ugolino degli Ubaldini, son of Azzo degli 
Ubaldini da Senno, a member of the powerful 
Tuscan family of that name ; he is said to 
have been a nephew of Ubaldino dalla Pila 
(Purg. xxiv. 29), and of the famous Cardinal 
Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. x. 120), and 
first cousin of the Archbishop Ruggieri degli 
Ubaldini (Inf. xxxiii. 14). [Ubaldini : Table 
xxix.] This Ugolino, whose mother's name 
was Aldruda, is repeatedly mentioned in 
contemporary records, viz. in 1218, 1220, 1228, 
1231, 1244, 1249, 1252 (in which year he was 
in Florence), 1257, 1274, and in 1280 (under 
which year his name appears among those 
who bound themselves to abide by the terms 
of peace proposed by the pacificator. Cardinal 
Latino) ; he married Beatrice Lancia, daughter 
of Provenzano Salvani of Siena, by whom he 
had three sons, Giovanni, Francesco, and 
Ottaviano ; he made his will in 1285, and 
died at an advanced age in Jan. 1293. He 
appears to have been a man of great wealth 
and landed property. His death is recorded, 
together with that of Guido Riccio da Polenta, 
in the contemporary chronicle of Pietro Can- 
tinelli, a proof, as Casini points out, that 
Ugolino d' Azzo degli Ubaldini was at that 
time well known in Romagna, so that D. could 
not long after appropriately make Guido del 
Duca say of him 'vivette nosco' {v. 105). 
(See Casini, Dante e la Romagna^ 

Azzo da Esti], Azzo VIII (III) of Este, 
son of Obizzo II, whom he succeeded in 1293 
as Marquis of Este, and Lord of Ferrara, 
Modena, and Reggio ; married, as his second 
wife, in 1305, Beatrice, daughter of Charles II 
of Naples ; died, without (legitimate) male 
issue, 1308 [Table xxiii]. D. refers to him 
(perhaps) as il Marchese, Inf. xviii. 56 ; quel 
da EsH, Purg. v. ']^ ; Azzo Marchio, V, E. i. 

1288-9 J Marchio Estensis, V. E. ii. 6*2 ; the 
popular belief that he murdered his father by 
smothering him with a pillow (probably a 
calumny) is accepted by D., who speaks of 
him in this connexion as the ' stepson ' 
(figliastro) of Obizzo, Inf. xii. 111-12 [Obizzo 
da !EiSti] ; his intrigue (or, perhaps, that of his 
father) with Ghisolabella, sister of Caccianimico, 
and the vile conduct of the latter, Inf. xviii. 
55-7 [Caccianimico : Ghisolabella] ; his 
murder of Jacopo del Cassero of Fano, Purg. 
V. 77-8 [Cassero, Jacopo del] ; his marriage 
with Beatrice of Naples, Purg. xx. 79-81 
[Beatrice 2] ; condemnation of him, together 
with Charles II of Naples (his father-in-law), 
Frederick II of Sicily, and John Marquis of 
Montferrat, for bloodthirstiness, treachery, and 
avarice, V. E. i. i236-*2; a passage in his 
praise quoted (ironically), V. E. ii. 6*^-4. 

Villani gives the following account of the 
death of Azzo, and touches incidentally on his 
marriage with Beatrice of Naples (Purg. xx. 79- 
81), but he makes no reference to the alleged 
bargain to which D. alludes in the text : — 

' Nel detto anno 1306 i Veronesi, Mantovani, e 
Bresciani feciono lega insieme, e grande guerra 
mossono al marchese Azzo da Esti ch' era signore 
di Ferrara, per sospetto preso di lui, ch' egli non 
volesse essere signore di Lombardia, perch' avea 
presa per moglie una figliuola del re Carlo ; e 
corsono la sua terra, e tolsongli piii di sue castella. ■ 
Ma I'anno appresso fatto sue isforzo, e con aiuto 
della gente di Piemonte e del re Carlo, fece oste 
grande sopra loro, e corse le loro terre, e fece lore 
grande dammaggio. Ma poco tempo appresso 
ammaI6 il detto marchese, e si mori in grande 
stento e miseria ; il quale era stato il piii leggiadro 
e ridottato e possente tiranno che fosse in Lom- 
bardia.' (viii. 88.) 

Dino Compagni, however, states positively 
that Azzo purchased the royal alliance, among 
the considerations given being the cities of 
Modena and Reggio, which rebelled in conse- 
quence :— 

' Parma, Reggio e Modona s' erano ribellate dal 
marchese di Ferrara ; il quale, per troppa tirannia 
facea loro, Iddio non lo voUe piii sostenere ; ch6 
quando fu piu inalzato, cadde. Perche avea tolto 
per moglie la figliuola del re Carlo di Puglia; e 
perch6 condiscendessi a dargliene, la comperd, 
oltre al comune uso, e fecele di dota Modona e 
Reggio : onde i suoi frategli e i nobili cittadini 
sdegnorono entrare in altrui fedelta.' (iii. 16.) 

Azzolino^, Ezzelino III da Romano, son 
of Ezzelino II and Adeleita degli Alberti di 
Mangona, son-in-law of the Emperor Frederick 
II, and chief of the Ghibellines of Upper Italy, 
born 1 194, died 1259. 

D. places him among the Tyrants in Round I 
of Circle VII of Hell, where he is pointed out 
by Nessus, who draws attention to his black 
hair, Inf. xii. 109-10 [Tiranni] ; he is alluded 
to by his sister Cunizza (in the Heaven of 




Venus) as a firebrand ('facelk') which deso- 
lated the March of Treviso, and described as 
being from Romano and of the same ' root ' as 
herself, Par. ix. 28-31 [Cunizza: Eomano*].' 

D . here alludes to the common belief, recorded 
by Pietro di Dante, that before Ezzelino's birth 
his mother dreamed that she brought forth 
a firebrand : — 

' Mater Azzolini, dum partui ejus esset vicina, 
somniabat quod parturiebat unam facem igneam, 
quae comburebat totam Marchiam Trevisanam ; et 
ita fecit sua horribili tyrannide. Et tangit hoc 
autor dum dicit de facella.' 

Ezzelino, whose lordship over the March of 
Treviso lasted for more than thirty years, was 
a ruthless and bloodthirsty tyrant, and was 
guilty of the most inhuman atrocities. Villani 
says of him :— 

' Questo Azzolino fu il piii crudele e ridottato 
tiranno che mai fosse tra' cristiani, e signoreggid 
per sua forza e tirannia (essendo di sua nazione 
della casa di Romano gentile uomo) grande tempo 
tutta la Marca di Trevigi e la citta di Padova e 
gran parte di Lombardia ; e' cittadini di Padova 
molta gran parte consum6, c acceconne pur de' 
migliori e de' pivi nobili in grande quantita, e 
togliendo le loro possessioni e mandogli mendi- 
cando per lo mondo, e moiti altri per diversi 
martirii e tormenti fece morire, e a un' ora undici- 
mila Padovani fece ardere . . . e sotto 1' ombra 
di una rudda e scelerata giustizia fece moIti mali, 
e fu uno grande flagello al suo tempo nella Marca 
Trevigiana e in Lombardia.' (vi. 72.) 

His contemporary Salimbene of Parma says 
of him in his chronicle (quoted by C. E. Norton 
in Report XIV of American Dante Society) : — 

' Icilinus vero fuit membrum diaboli et iilius 
iniquitatis . . . Pejor enim homo fuit de mundo : 
non credo revera quod ab initio mundi usque ad 
dies nostros fuerit ita malus homo ; nam ita 
tremebant eum omnes, sicut tremit juncus in aqua : 
et hoc non sine causa erat ; qui enim erat hodie, 
de crastina die securus non erat. Pater petebat 
filium ad interficiendum, et iilius patrem, vel 
aliquem sibi propinquum, ut Icilino placeret : 
omnes majores et meliores et potentiores et ditiores 

et nobiliores delevit de Marchia trivisina ; et muli- 
eres castrabat, et cum filiis et filiabus in carceribus 
includebat, et ibi fame et miseria peribant. Multos 
religiosos interfecit, et in carceribus diu habuit 
tam ex ordine fratrum Minorum et Praedicatorum, 
quam ex ordinibus aliis. . . . Nee Nero, nee Decius, 
nee Diocletianus, nee Maximianus in malitia fuerunt 
similes sibi, sed neque Herodes, neque Antiochus, 
qui pessimi homines de mundo fuerunt.' 

In 1255 Pope Alexander IV proclaimed 
a crusade against Ezzelino, styling him ' a son 
of perdition, a man of blood, the most inhuman 
of the children of men, who, by his infamous 
torture of the nobles and massacre of the 
people, has broken every bond of human 
society, and violated every law of Christian 
liberty.' After a war of three years' duration, 
in the course of which he committed the most 
terrible atrocities, Ezzelino was finally defeated 
(Sep. 16, 1259) by the Marquis of Este at 
Cassano, where he was desperately wounded 
and taken prisoner. Eleven days after, having 
torn open his wounds, he died in his prison at 
Soncino, at the age of sixty-six, after a reign 
of thirty-four years. Benvenuto states that he 
is said to have been short of stature, hairy, 
and swarthy (Inf. xii. 109), and that he had 
a long hair upon his nose, which stood upright 
when he was in a passion, to the terror of all 
beholders. Several stories are told of him in 
the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. xlii, cxxi, 
ed. Biagi), in one of which it is stated that he 
killed himself by striking his head against the 
pole of the tent in which he was confined : — 

' Fue messere Azolino preso in bataglia in uno 
luogho che si chiama Chasciano et percosse tanto 
il capo suo al feristo del padiglione ov* egli era 
legato, che ss' uccise egli medesimo.' (Nov. cxxi.) 

Azzolino 2], Ezzelino II da Romano, father 
of Ezzelino III and Cunizza, by his third wife, 
Adeleita degli Alberti di Mangona ; alluded to 
by his daughter Cunizza (in the Heaven of 
Venus) as the radice from which she and ' the 
firebrand ' (her brother Ezzelino) were sprung, 
Par. ix. 29-31. [Azzolino 1; Cunizza.] 


Babel, the Tower of Babel ; the word Babel 
means ' confusion,' V. E. i. 6^^, 78" ; up till the 
building of the Tower all Adam's descendants 
spoke the same language as he had spoken, 
V. E. i. 6*3~*2 (this opinion D. recanted in the 
D. C, Par. xxvi. 124-6) [Adamo] ; the Tower 
built at the instigation of Nimrod, V. E. i. 
729-30 J ti)e confusion of tongues the conse- 
quence of its building, V. E. i. 9I8-20, "j-jie 
Tower is alluded to as il gran lavoro, Purg. 
xii. 34 ; I'ovra inconsumabile, Par. xxvi. 125. 


In the Middle Ages Nimrod was universally 
regarded as the builder of the Tower of Babel. 
The tradition is preserved in the name given 
to the vast ruins of the great temple of Belus 
m Babylon (commonly identified with the 
Tower of Babel), which are known as Sirs- 
Ntmrud. [Nembrotto : Sennaar.] The di- 
mensions of the Tower are given by Brunetto 
Latino : — 

'Sachiez que la tor de Babel avoit en chascune 
quarreure .x. hues, dont chascune estoit .iiiim. pas, 



Et si avoit li murs de large .l. coudes, en 
avoit de haut, dont chascune avoit .xv. pas, et li 
pas avoit .11. piez.' {Tre'sor, i. 24.) 

Babilon, the kingdom of Babylon ; Vesilio 
di B., i. e. life on earth as opposed to life in 
heaven, Par. xxiii. 135 (var. Babilonid) ; its 
destruction by Cyrus (B.C. 538) and trans- 
ference of the kingdom to the Persians, Mon. 
ii. 9*3-5 . the Florentine exiles compared to 
exiles in B., Epist. vii. I, 8. 

D., follovping St. Augustine, who interprets 
Babylon, like Babel, as meaning ' confusion ' 
(' civitas, quae appellata est confusio, ipsa est 
Babylon, Babylon quippe interpretatur con- 
fusio,' Civ. Dei, xvi. 4), renders the expression 
' super flumina Babylonis ' {Psalm cxxxvii. i) 
by 'super flumina confusionis,' Epist. vii. i. 
[Babel: Babilonia.] 

Babilonia, the kingdom of Babylon or 
Babylonia, Par. xxiii. 135 (var. Babilon) 
[Babilon]. In speaking of the empire of 
Semiramis D. alludes to B. as la terra che il 
Soldan corregge, 'the land ruled by the Sultan,' 
Inf. V. 60 [Soldaiio]. He has apparently 
confused the ancient kingdom of Babylonia 
(or Assyria) with Babylonia or Babylon (Old 
Cairo) in Egypt, which was the territory of 
the Sultan. Boccaccio, for instance, always 
describes Saladin as 'il Soldano di Babilonia' 
(Decatn. i. 3 ; x. 9). Cf. Mandeville : — 

' The Lond of Babyloyne, where the Sowdan 
dwellethe comonly ... is not that gret Babyloyne, 
where the Dyversitee of Langages was first made 
. . . when the grate Tour of Babel was begonnen 
to ben made.' 

Benvenuto notices theconfusion, but suggests 
that D. meant to imply that Semiramis extended 
her empire so as to include Egypt as well as 

' Istud non videtur aliquo mode posse stare quia 
de rei veritate Semiramis nunquam tenuit illam 
Babiloniam, quam modo Soldanus corrigit ... ad 
defensionem autoris dico, quod autor noster vult 
dicere quod Semiramis in tantum ampliavit regnum, 
quod non solum tenuit Babiloniam antiquam, sed 
etiam Egiptum, ubi est modo alia Babilonia.' 

This confusion between the two Babylons is 
perhaps responsible for D.'s statement (Mon. 
ii. 96S-7) that Alexander the Great died in 
Egypt [Alessandro Magno]. 

Babylon, the kingdom of Babylon, Mon. 
ii. 9*5 ; Epist. vii. 8. [Babilon.] 

Babylonii, Babylonians ; the rebellious 
Florentines compared to, Epist. vi. 2. 

Bacchiglione, river of N. Italy, which 
rises in the Alps above Vicenza, through which 
it passes, flowing in a S.E. direction as far as 
Padua, where it divides into three streams ; 
one of these runs into the Brenta, another into 
the Adige, while the third, retaining the name 
of Bacchiglione, enters the Adriatic near 

The river is mentioned by Brunetto Latinoft 
(in Circle VII of Hell), in connexion with 
Andrea de' Mozzi, to indicate Vicenza, Inf. xv. 
113 [Andrea 1 : Vicenza] ; it is referred to as 
I'acqua che Vicenza bagna by Cunizza (in the 
Heaven of Venus), who prophesies that the 
Paduans at the marsh ' will change the water ' 
of the Bacchiglione, Par. ix. 46-7. This 
prophecy is usually understood to mean that 
the Paduans will stain with their blood the 
marsh formed by the river, the reference being 
to the war between Padua and Can Grande, 
Imperial Vicar in Vicenza, which resulted in 
the defeat of the former in 13 14 [Padova]. 
The special fight alluded to here is identified 
by Philalethes with one which took place in 
June, 1312, when the Paduans were driven 
back across the B. with great loss by Can 
Grande, and many of them were drowned in 
the river. It appears that when at war with 
Padua the Vicentines were in the habit of 
damming the B., so as to deprive the Paduans 
of the water needed for their mills, &c. ; the con- 
sequent overflow of the river converted the low- 
lying land to the south of Vicenza, between the 
Monti Berici and the Monti Euganei, into a vast 
swamp, which is supposed to be the ' palude ' 
alluded to in the text. Another interpreta- 
tion has been proposed by Gloria, who takes il 
Palude as a proper name, and holds that the 
allusion is to an incident which took place in 
131 4, when the Paduans, finding that the waters 
of the Bacchiglione had been cut off by the 
Vicentines, turned into the bed of the river the 
waters of the Brenta, thus defeating the object 
of the enemy. It appears that the district 
of Brusegana, where the Brentella flows into 
the Bacchiglione, was known by the name of 
il Palude. (See Casini in loc.) 

Bacco, Bacchus, god of wine, son of Jupiter 
and Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, King of 
Thebes ; mentioned in connexion with his 
worship by the Thebans, Purg. xviii. 93 
[Asopo] ; the invocation ' Evoe ! Bacche ! ' 
alluded to. Par. xiii. 25 ; la citta di Baco (in 
rime), i. e. Thebes, his birthplace, Inf xx. 59. 
[Semeie.] One of the two peaks of Parnassus 
was sacred to B., hence some think there is an 
allusion to him. Par. i. 16-18 [Parnaso]. He 
is referred to as semen Semeles, Epist. iv. 4 
[Alcithoe] ; as Bromius,Kc\.n. S3. [Bromiua: 

Baco, Bacchus, Inf. xx. 59 (: laco : Benacd) 

Badia], the ancient Benedictine monastery 
in Florence, known as the Badia (opposite to 
the Bargello), which was founded in 978 by the 
Countess Willa, mother of the Marquis Hugh 
of Tuscany (or of Brandenburg, as Villani calls 

The church of the Badia, and the old wall 
(1078) of Florence on which it was situated. 


F 2 



are referred to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven 
of Mars), who says that from its chimes 
Florence took her time, 'la cerchia antica, 
Ond' ella toglie ancora e terza e nona,' Par. 
XV. 97-8. [Fiorenza.] Lana says : — 

' Sulle ditte mura vecchie si h una chiesa 
chiamata la Badia, la quale chiesa suona terza e 
nona e 1' altre ore, alle quali li lavoranti delle arti 
entrano ed esceno dal lavoric' 

The Marquis Hugh was buried in the Badia, 
where the anniversary of his death (lioi) was 
solemnly commemorated every year on St. 
Thomas' day (Dec. 21), a custom to which 
Cacciaguida refers. Par. xvi. 128-9 [TJgo di 
Brandimborgo] . 

Of the ancient church of the Badia, which 
was originally dedicated to St. Stephen, and 
afterwards to the Virgin, little now remains, 
the present building dating for the most part 
from Cent. xvii. 

Bagnacaval, Bagnacavallo, town in the 
Emilia, between the rivers Senio and Lamone, 
midway between Imola and Ravenna. In D.'s 
time it was a stronghold belonging to the 
Malavicini, who thence took their title of 
Counts of Bagnacavallo. They were Ghibel- 
lines, and in 1249 expelled Guido da Polenta 
and the Guelfs from Ravenna. Later on they 
were in ill repute as often changing sides. 

B. is mentioned by Guido del Duca (in 
Circle H of Purgatory), who implies that its 
Counts were becoming extinct (though as a 
matter of fact they do not appear to have died 
out before the end of Cent, xiv), Purg. xiv. 115. 

Bagnoregio, now Bagnorea, village in 
Italy, perched on the top of a hill, on the 
borders of Latium and Umbria, near the Lago 
di Bolsena, about 8 miles due S. of Orvieto ; 
mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven 
of the Sun) as the place of his birth, Par. xii. 
127-8. [Bonaventura.] 

Balaam, the son of Beor, whose ass spake 
and saved him from destruction by the angel 
of God {Numb. xxii. 28-30) ; not she that 
spake, but the angel of God within her, V. E. 
i. 2**-6 ; Epist. viii. 8. 

Baldo d'Aguglione. [Aguglione.] 

Barattieri], Barrators (those who sell 
justice, office, or employment), placed among 
the Fraudulent in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxi, xxii. [Frodolenti.] 
Their punishment is to be imniersed in a lake 
of boiling pitch, and to be rent by devils 
armed with prongs whenever they appear 
above the surface. Inf. xxi. 16-57 ; xxii. 34-42 ; 
SS-75; 112-29. Examples: an 'Ancient' of 
Santa Zita [Zita, Santa] ; Bonturo Dati [Bon- 
turo] ; Ciampolo di Navarra [Ciampolo] ; 
Frate Gomita di Gallura [Gomita] ; Michael 
Zanche [Michel]. 

Barbagia, mountainous district in S. of 


Sardinia, the inhabitants of which are said to 
have been originally called Barbaricini, and to 
have descended from a settlement of prisoners 
planted by the Vandals. Philalethes states 
that they were converted to Christianity in the 
time of Gregory the Great (590-604), but still 
retained many of their heathen customs after 
their conversion. They were proverbial in the 
Middle Ages, according to the old commen- 
tators, for the laxity of their morals and their 
loose living. Benvenuto says that the women 
were in the habit of exposing their breasts 
(' Pro calore et prava consuetudine vadunt 
indutae panno lineo albo, excoUatae ita, ut 
ostendant pectus et ubera '), a practice which, 
according to an authority quoted by Witte, 
seems to have been continued among their 
descendants until quite recently. In D.'s time 
they formed a semi-savage independent tribe, 
and refused to acknowledge the Pisan govern- 
ment. Benvenuto says they were a remnant 
left at the time when Sardinia was reconquered 
from the Saracens ; which, from the mention 
oi Saracine (z/. 103), appears to have been D.'s 
view of their origin. [Sardigna.] 

Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purgatory) 
refers to Florence as a second Barbagia, and 
compares the morals of the Florentine women 
unfavourably with those of the Sardinian 
savages, Purg. xxiii. 94-6 [Fiorentine], 

Barbara, Barbarian women ; the Florentine 
women compared unfavourably with, Purg. 
xxiii. 103 [Florentine]. Some take Barbare 
here in the sense of ' women of Barbary,' but 
as D. couples them with Saracine, the other 
interpretation is the better, since the term 
Saracen was used at that time of the inhabitants 
of Africa generally, including of course those 
of Barbary [Saracini]. 

Barbari, Barbarians ; mentioned by D. in 
connexion with the effect produced by the 
sight of Rome and its wonders upon visitors 
from outlandish parts, ' quando Laterano Alle 
cose mortali and6 di sopra,' Par. xxxi. 31-6. 
The reference is probably (as in vv. 103-4) 
to the Jubilee of 1300, in which year says 
Villani:— ^ ^ 

'Gran parte de' cristiani che allora viveano, 
feciono pellegrinaggio a Roma, cosi femmine 
come uomini, di lontani e diversi paesi, e di lungi e 
d'appresso. . . . E I'anno durante, avea in Roma, 
oltre al popolo roraano, duecentomila pellegrini.' 
(viii. 36.) 

Benvenuto, Buti, and others, take the 
meanmg to be general, 'when Rome was at 
the head of the world ' ; but in that case there 
would be no special point in the mention of 
the Lateran, which, on the other hand, at the 
time of the Jubilee was a centre of interest, 
as being the papal residence. [Giubbileo: 
Laterano.] Some think the allusion is to the 
original barbarian invaders of Rome, and 


Battista, II 

explain, 'in the days when the Popes cared 
nothing for Rome.' 

Barbariccia, name of the leader of the ten 
demons selected by Malacoda to escort D. and 
Virgil through Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), where the Barrators are punished, 
Inf. xxi. 120 ; xxii. 29, 59, 145 [Barattieri] ; 
hence spoken of as duca, Inf. xxi. 138 ; decurio, 
xxii. 74 ; gran propesto, v. 94. B. with a 
disgusting signal summons his troop (Inf. xxi. 
139), and they accompany D. and V. along the 
borders of the boiling lake of pitch (xxii. 13) ; 
at the approach of B. all the Barrators disappear 
beneath the surface (vv. 28-30), except one, 
who is hooked by Graffiacane {vv. 31-36), and 
then gripped and held by B. (z/w. 59-60) ; the 
latter invites D. to question his victim {vv. 
61-63), and meanwhile keeps the other demons 
off from him {vv. 73-75, 91-96) ; finally he 
sends four of the demons to drag Alichino and 
Calcabrina out of the pitch into which they 
had fallen while fighting {vv. 145-147) [Ali- 
chino : CiampolpJ. Philalethes ijenders the 
name ' Sudelbart.' 

Barbarossa, ' Redbeard,' the Italian sur- 
name of the Emperor Frederick I (1152-1190) ; 
referred to by the Abbot of San Zeno (in Circle 
IV of Purgatory), in connexion with his de- 
struction of Milan (March, 1162), as lo buon 
.5., Purg. xviii. 119. [Federiooi: Milano.] 

Bardi], wealthy family of Florence, who 
were Guelfs (Villani, v. 39), and afterwards 
sided with the Cerchi and Bianchi (viii. 39) ; 
they were the founders of the great Florentine 
banking house, which achieved European 
celebrity, and eventually failed in 1345 for 
nearly a million gold florins (xii. 55). Some 
of the old commentators think they are alluded 
to. Par. xvi. 94-8. Buti says : — 

' Questi nuovi felloni furno i Bardi . . . le case 
delli Ravignani furno poi del conti Guidi . . . poi 
furno dei Cerchi, e poi delli Bardi.' 

But the reference is almost certainly to the 
Cerchi, and perhaps the Donati also [Cerchi]. 

It was to a member of this family, Simone 
de' Bardi, that Beatrice Portinari was married 
in 1287 [Beatrice-']. 

Bardticcio], Florentine, renowned for his 
piety ; who, with another good man, Giovanni 
da Vispignano, is supposed by some to be 
referred to by Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell), 
who, speaking of the evil state- of Florence, 
says, ' Giusti son due, ma non vi sono intesi ' 
(i. e. there are two just citizens, but no regard is 
paid to them), Inf. vi. 73. Villani records their 
deaths and the miracles wrought by their 
means : — 

'L'anno 1331 morirono in Firenze due buoni e 
giusti uomini e di santa vita a conversazione e di 
grandi limosine, tutto che fossono laici. L'uno 
ebbe noma Barduccio ... a I'altro abbe noma 
Giovanni da Vispignano. . . , E per ciascuno mostr6 

Iddio aperti miracoli di sanara infermi a attratti e 
di pill diverse maniere, a per ciascuno fu fatta 
solenna sepoltura, e poste piii immagini di cera 
par voti fatti.' (x. 175.) 

Vellutello holds it ' per cosa certa ' that the 
allusion is to these two ; but it is not probable 
that their reputation would have been so great 
at the time Ciacco was speaking, i.e. thirty 
years before their death. The reference is 
usually understood to be to D. himself and 
Guide Cavalcanti. [Cavalcanti.] 

Bari, town of S. Italy in Apulia on the 
Adriatic coast ; mentioned by Charles Martel 
(in the Heaven of Venus) as one of the extreme 
points of the Kingdom of Naples, Par. viii. 62. 

Barone, Baron ; title applied by D. to St. 
Peter, Par. xxiv. 115 [Pietroi]; St. James, 
Par. xxy. 17 [Jacopoi.] 

Barone, II gran, the great Baron, i. e. the 
Marquis Hugh of Brandenburg, Par. xvi. 128 
[Ugo di Brandimborgo]. 

Bartolommeo della, Scala], eldest son 
of Alberto della Scala, whom he succeeded as 
lord of Verona, Sep.. 10, 1301-March 7, 130J; 
he is referred to (probably) as ' il gran Lom- 
bard o,' Par. xvii. 71. [Lonibardo, O-ran: 
Scala, Delia.] 

Barucci, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been of importance in his day, 
Par. xvi. 104. They were extinct in D.'s time ; 
Villani says : — 

' In porta del Duojno . . . furono i Barucci che 
stavano da Santa Maria Maggiore, che oggi sono 
venuti menc' (iv. 10.') . . . 'Furono molto antichi 
uomini.' (v. 30.) . . . ' Nel sasto di porta del Duomo 
furono in quegli tempi Ghibellini, i Barucci, i 
Cattani da Castiglione e da Cersino, gli Agolanti, 
i Brunalleschi, a poi si feciono Guelfi parte di loro.' 
(v. 39-) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

' Questi furono piani di ricchezze a di leggiadrie ; 
oggi sono pochi in numero, a sanza stato d'onore 
cittadino : sono Ghibellini,' 

Battista, II, St. John the Baptist, Inf. xiii. 
143; xxx. 74; Purg. xxii. 152; Par. xvi. 47; 
he was the patron saint of Florence, which in 
pagan times had been under the protection of 
Mars, hence Florence is spoken of as ' la cittk 
che nel Battista Muto il primo patrone,' Inf. xiii. 
143-4; 'I'ovil di san Giovanni,' Par. xvi. 25; 
the Florentine florin, which wa,s stamped on 
one side with the lily (' fiore,' whence fiorino), 
and on the other with the image of the Baptist, 
referred to as ' la lega suggellata del Battista,' 
Inf. xxx. 74 (cf. Par. xviii. 133-5) ! t'^s Baptistery 
of Florence, which was dedicated to the Baptist, 
referred to by D. as 'il mio bel san Giovanni,' 
Inf. xix. 17; and as 'il Battista,' the phrase 
' tra Marte e il Battista ' (i. e. between the 




Ponte Vecchio, on which the ancient statue of 
Mars used to stand, and the Baptistery) being 
used to indicate approximately the N. and S. 
limits of the city of Florence in the days of 
Cacciaguida, Par. xvi. 47 [Battisteo: Fio- 
renza: Marte^]. 

St. John the Baptist is mentioned (in allusion 
to Matt. iii. 4, ' his meat was locusts and wild 
honey') as an example of temperance in the 
Circle of the Gluttonous in Purgatory, Purg. 
xxii. 151-4 [Golosi] ; he is referred to as 
Giovanni, Inf. xix. 17 ; Par. iv. 29 ; xvi. 25 ; il 
gran Giovanni, Par. xxxii. 31 ; quel Giovanni, 
lo quale j>recedette la verace luce, V. N. § 243_^~' 
(ref. to Matt. iii. 3) ; Praecursor, Epist. vii. 2 
(ref. to Matt. xi. 2-3) ; colui che voile viver 
solo, E che i>er salti fu tratto a martiro. Par. 
xviii. 134-5 (ref to Matt. iii. i ; xiv. 1-12) ; the 
forerunner of Christ, V. N. § 2436-T ; Epist. 
vii. 2 ; his life in the wilderness, Par. xviii. 134 ; 
xxxii. 32 ; his execution by Herod at the 
instance of the daughter of Herodias, Par. 
xviii. 135 ; xxxii. 32 ; his two years in Limbo 
(i.e. from his own death to that of Christ), 
Par. xxxii. 33 ; his place in the Celestial Rose 
(opposite to the Virgin Mary, with St. Anne on 
his right, and St. Lucy on his left). Par. xxxii. 
31-3 [Roaa] ; the patron saint of Florence, Inf. 
xiii. 143 ; xix. 17 ; xxx. 74 ; Par. xvi. 25, 47 
[Giovanni i]. 

Battisteo, the Baptistery of San Giovanni 
at Florence; Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) tells D. that he was baptized, 'nell' 
antico vostro Battisteo,' Par. xv. 134; it is 
referred to elsewhere (by D.) as 'il mio bel 
san Giovanni,' Inf. xix. 17 ; (by Cacciaguida) 
as 'il Battista,' Par. xvi. 47 [Battista, II: 
Giovanni i]. 

In connexion with the Baptistery D. refers 
(Inf. xix. 16-21) to the fact that he once broke 
one of the ' pozzetti ' of the font in order to 
rescue a child who had fallen in and could not 
get out again. The ' pozzetti ' were circular 
holes in the thickness of the outer wall of the 
font (such as may still be seen in that at Pisa), 
in which the officiating priest used to stand to 
escape the pressure of the crowd, and which 
apparently were also used on occasion as 
baptismal basins. Lana (writing between 1323 
and 1328) says : — 

' Li forami, dov' erano piantati li peccatori, dice 
che sono tutti simili a quelli, che sono nella pila 
del battesimo di san Giovanni da Firenze, nelli 
quali sta lo prate che battizza. Circa la qual 
comparazione 6 da sapere che sono molte cittadi 
che non v'6 battesimo se non in una chiesa in 
su la terra, e molte ne sono che ogni chiesa ha 
battesimo. Or Firenze h. di quelle che vi ha pur 
uno ed 6 nella chiesa principale che 6 edificata a 
nome di san Joanni Battista, ov' avenne che per 
alcune costituzioni della Chiesa vaca lo battesimo 
per alcun tempo dell' anno, come e nella quaresma, 
salvo in caso di necessitadi ; e tutti quelli che 

nasceno sono servati al sabato san to a battezzare. 
Siche in quelle terre dov' h osservata tal costitu- 
zione, e non hanno se non un luogo da battezzare, 
quando vien lo sabato santo si v' e grande molti- 
tudine di gente, per quella cagione ; ed awenne 
gia che v' era tal calca, che '1 prete a ci6 deputato 
fu spinto a tal modo e soppressato, che vi misvenne 
molte creature. Sichfe per voler schifare tal pericolo 
fenno li Fiorentini fare una pila di pietra viva 
grande con otto cantoni, ed era ed e si massiccia 
che nella sua grossezza sono foramini, nelli quali 
s'entra per di sopra ; ed in quelli entra lo prete 
battezzatore e stawi entro fino la corregia, si ch' 
elli h sicuro d'ogni calca e spingimento, e qui 
entro entra al tempo della grande moltitudine a 

Benvenuto gives the following account of the 
incident alluded to by D., which he says 
happened during his priorate in 1300: — 

' Debes scire quod Florentiae in ecclesia patronali 
Johannis Baptistae circa fontem baptismalem sunt 
aliqui puteoli marmorei rotundi in circuitu capaces 
unius hominis tantum, in quibus solent stare 
sacerdotes cum cruribus ad baptizandum pueros, 
ut possint liberius et habilius exercere officiura 
suum tempore pressurae, quando oportet simul et 
semel plures baptizari, quoniam tota Florentia tam 
populosa non habet nisi unum Baptisterium {var. 
Baptismum). . . . Et autor incidenter commemorat 
unum casum satis peregrinum, qui eraerserat pauco 
tempore ante in dicto loco. Qui casus fuit talis : 
cum in ecclesia praedicta circa Baptismum coUu- 
derent quidam pueri, ut est de more, unus eorum 
furiosior aliis intravit unum istorum foraminum, et 
ita et taliter implicavit et involvit membra sua, 
quod nulla arte, nuUo ingenio poterat inde retrahi. 
Clamantibus ergo pueris, qui ilium juvare non 
poterant, factus est in parva hora magnus con- 
cursus populi ; et breviter, nuUo sciente aut potente 
succurrere puero periclitanti, supervenit Dantes, 
qui tunc erat de Prioribus regentibus. Qui subito 
viso puero, clamare coepit : Ah quid facitis, gens 
ignara ! portetur una securis ; et continue portata 
securi, Dantes manibus propriis percussit lapidem, 
qui de marmore erat, et faciliter fregit : ex quo 
puer quasi reviviscens a mortuis liber evasit.' 

In the C omenta Anonimo (ed. Vernon, 1848) 
the name of the boy is given as Antonio di 
Baldinaccio de' Cavicciuli, a family which 
was especially hostile to D. [Adimari.] 

As baptisms used to take place only on two 
days in the year, on the eves of Easter and 
Pentecost, and in the Baptistery alone, the 
crowd on these occasions must have been very 
great. Villani records that in his time the 
yearly baptisms averaged between 5,000 and 
6,000, the numbers being checked, he says, by 
means of beans, a black one being deposited 
for every male child and a white one for every 
female. He incidentally remarks that the 
excess of males over females was between 300 
and 500 every year : — 

' Troviamo dal piovano che battezzava i fanciulli 
(iraperocchfe ogni maschio che si battezzava in san 
Giovanni, per averne il novero metteva una fava 
nera, e per ogni femmina una fava bianca) che 



erano I'anno in questi tempi dalle cinquantacinque 
alle sessanta centinaia, avanzando piu il sesso 
masculino che '1 femminino da trecento in cinque- 
cento per anno.' (xi. 94.) 

The present Baptistery, which is octagonal 
in form, was in D.'s time the Cathedral of 
Florence, that of Santa Maria del Fiore, which 
was begun by Arnolfo in 1298, not having been 
completed until the middle of Cent. xv. The 
structure dates back at least as early as Cent, vi, 
and was erected on the site of, or perhaps 
converted from, an ancient temple of Mars, the 
tutelary deity of Florence (Inf. xiii. 144). It 
was probably built on the model of the 
Pantheon, with an open space in the centre of 
the dome, which in 1550 was surmounted by 
a lantern. The existing exterior of black and 
white marble was erected (i 288-1 293) by Ar- 
nolfo. In 1248 the building narrowly escaped 
destruction at the hands of the Ghibellines. 
Wishing to wreak their vengeance upon the 
Guelfs, by whom it had been used as a council 
chamber, they gave orders to the architect, 
Niccolo Pisano, to demolish the tall tower of 
Guardamorto, which stood close beside it, and 
so to arrange that it should crush San Giovanni 
in its fall. Niccol6, however, failed to carry 
out his instructions, and the church was sparecf. 
The famous bronze gates did not exist in D.'s 
time, the one on the S. side having been 
executed by Andrea Pisano about 1330, the 
others by Ghiberti about 1400. The font to 
which D. alludes is said to have been removed 
in 1576 by the Grand Duke, Francesco I de' 
Medici, on the occasion of the baptism of his 
son Philip. The present font was placed 
where it stands in 1658, but it is the work of 
an earlier period. 

Be, first syllable of the name Beatrice ; D. 
speaks of his reverence for even the syllables 
of B.'s name, Be and Ice, Par. vii. 14. Some 
editors, reading ^, think there is an allusion to 
the pet name Bice. [Beatrice 1 : Bice : Ice.] 

Beatitudiai], the Beatitudes, the promises 
of blessing made by our Lord in the Sermon 
on the Mount (Matt. v. 3-12). In each Circle 
of Purgatory D. represents an Angel singing 
one of the Beatitudes to comfort those who 
are purging themselves of their sins. In 
Circle I, where the sin of Pride is purged, the 
Angel of Humility sings Beati pauperes spiritu, 
' Blessed are the poor in spirit,' Purg. xii. 1 10. 
[Superbi.] In Circle II, where the sin of 
Envy is purged, the Angel of Charity sings 
Beati misericordes, ' Blessed are the merciful,' 
Purg. XV. 38. [Invidiosi.] In Circle III, 
where the sin of Wrath is purged, the Angel 
of Peace sings Beati pacifici, ' Blessed are the 
peacemakers,' Purg. xvii. 68. [Iracondi.] In 
Circle IV, where the sin of Sloth is purged, the 
Angel of the Love of God sings Beati qui 
lugent, 'Blessed are they that mourn,' Purg. 

xix. 50. [Acoidiosi.] In Circle V, where the 
sin of Avarice is purged, the Angel of Justice 
sings Beati qui sitiunt justitiam, ' Blessed are 
they who thirst after justice,' Purg. xxii. 5. 
[Avari.] In Circle VI, where the sin of Glut- 
tony is purged, the Angel of Abstinence sings 
Beati qui esuriunt justitiam, ' Blessed are they 
who hunger after justice,' Purg. xxiv. 151. 
[Golosi.] In Circle VII, where the sin of Lust 
is purged, the Angel of Purity sings Beati 
mundo corde, ' Blessed are the pure in heart,' 
Purg.xxvii.8. [Lussuriosi.] In the Terrestrial 
Paradise, as D. and Virgil enter, Matilda sings 
(from Psalm xxxii. i), Beati quorum tecta sunt 
peccata, ' Blessed are they whose sins are 
covered,' Purg. xxix. 3. [Purgatoric] 

Beatrice!, Beatrice, the central figure of 
the Vita Nuova and of the Divina Commedia, 
commonly identified with Beatrice Portinari, 
daughter of Folco Portinari of Florence. She 
was born in 1266, probably in June (Purg. xxx. 
124) ; married Simone de' Bardi in 1287 ; died 
June 8, 1290 (V. N. § 30I-13 ; Purg. xxxii. 2), 
at the age of 24 (Purg. xxx. 124). [Arabia.] 

The assumption that D.'s Beatrice was the 
daughter of Folco Portinari rests mainly upon 
a statement of Boccaccio which he makes in 
his Vita di Dante, and more explicitly in his 
Comento. In commenting on Inf. ii. 70, where 
the name of Beatrice occurs for the first time, 
he says : — 

'Perciocche questa h la primiera volta che di 
questa donna nel presente libro si fa menzione, 
non pare indegna cosa alquanto manifestare, di 
qui I'autore in alcune parti della presente opera 
intend^, nominando lei. . . . Fu adunque questa 
donna (secondo la relazione di fededegna persona, 
la quale la conobbe, e fu per consanguinita 
strettissima a lei) figliuola di un valente uomo 
cbiamato Folco Portinari, antico cittadino di 
Firenze : e comecchfe I'autore sempre la nomini 
Beg,tri(;e dal suo primitivo, ella fu chiamata Bice : 
ed egli acconciamente il testimonia nel Paradiso, 
laddove dice : " Ma quella reverenza, che s'in- 
donna Di tutto me, pur per B e per ICE." E fu 
di costumi e di onesta laudevole, quanto donna 
esser debba, e possa ; e di bellezza e di leggiadria 
assai ornata : e fu moglie d'un cavaliere de' Bardi, 
chiamatp messer Simone, e nel ventiquattresimo 
anno della sua eta passb di questa vita, negli anni 
di Cristo mccxc' 

This very definite statement both as to the 
parentage and marriage of Beatrice was made 
by Boccaccio, within fifty years of D.'s death, 
in his public lectures before a Florentine 
audience, at a time when the Portinari and 
Bardi, both of them well-known families, were 
still residing in Florence. It is hardly credible 
that he should thus publicly commit himself, 
and run the risk of being publicly contradicted, 
unless his statement were in accordance with 
the actual facts. 

In addition to this testimony of Boccaccio 
(whose father, it may be noted, was intimately 




connected with the Bardi, having acted as their 
agent in Paris), there is the evidence of the 
poet's own son, Pietro di Dante, in his comment 
on Inf. ii. 70 (in a passage which occurs in the 
Ashburnham MS. of the Comento, but is 
omitted from the version printed by Ld. 
Vernon) : — 

' Et quia modo hie primo de Beatrice fit mentio, 
de qua tantus est serino raaxime infra in tertio 
libro Paradisi, premictendum est quod revera 
quedam dotnina nomine Beatrix, insignis valde 
moribus et pulcritudine tempore auctoris viguit 
in civitate Florentie, nata de domo quorumdara 
civium florentinorum qui dicuntur Portinarii, de 
qua Dantes auctor procus fuit et amator in vita 
dicta domine, et in ejus laudem multas fecit 
cantilenas ; qua mortua ut ejus nomen in famam 
levaret in hoc suo poemate sub allegoria et typo 
theologie earn ut plurimum accipeFe voluit.' ^See 
Rotnania, xxiii. 265.) 

Benvenuto da Imola, who was a friend of 
Boccaccio, and attended his, lectures on Dante 
in Florence, is emphatic as to the reality of 
Beatrice, though he does not mention her 
family name : — 

'Sed quae est ista Beatrix? Ad hoc sciendum 
est quod ista Beatrix realiter et vere fuit mulier 
florentina magnae pulcritudinis.' 

The function of Beatrice in the D. C. is to 
conduct D. from the Terrestrial to the Celestial 
Paradise. She appears to Virgil (having been 
moved by St. Lucy, at the bidding of the 
Virgin Mary), and sends him to the help of D. 
(Inf. ii. 52-118). Subsequently, when Virgil 
has left D., she appears to D. himself, standing 
on a mystic car, and clad in white, green, and 
red (the colours of the three theological virtues, 
faith, hope, and loye) (Purg. xkx. 31-3) ; 
addressing him by name {v. 55), she calls him 
to account for the error of his ways (Purg. xxx. 
103-xxxi. 69) ; then, after having revealed to 
him the destiny of the Church, she accompanies 
him on his pilgrimage through heaven as his 
guide and interpreter, and finally leaves him 
(after a solemn denunciation of Boniface VIII 
and Clement Vj to resume her seat among the 
elect, at the side of Rachel, in the Celestial 
Rose, sending St. Bernard to take her place 
with D. (Par. xxxi. 59). [Bernardo: Bosa: 

' AUegorically, Beatrice represents Theology, 
the divine science, which leads man to the 
contemplation of God, and to the attainment 
of celestial happiness. 

Speaking to Virgil, Beatrice refers to D. 
as I'amico mio, Inf. ii. 61 ; D. himself she 
addresses once only by name, Dante being 
her first word to him, Purg. xxx. 55 ; on other 
occasions she addresses him as /rate, Purg. 
xxxiii. 23 ; Par. iii. 70; iv. 100; vii. 58, 130. 

Beatrice is mentioned by name sixty-three 
times in the B.C., but on no occasion does D. 
address her by name ; the name occurs twice 

only in the Inferno, Inf. ii. 70, 103 ; seventeen 
times in the Purgatorio, Purg. vi. 46 ; xv. 77 ; 
xviii. 48, 73 ; xxiii. 128 ; xxvii. 36, 53 ; xxx. 73 ; 
xxxi. 80, 107, 114, 133; xxxii. 36, 85, 106; 
xxxiii. 4, 124 ; forty-four times in the Paradiso, 
Par. i. 46, 64 ; ii. 22 ; iii. 127 ; iv. 13, 139 ; v. 
16, 85, 122 ; vii. 16 ; ix. 16 ; x. 37, 52, 60 ; xi. 
11; xiv. 8, 79; XV. 70; xvi. 13; xvii. 5, 30; 
xviii. 17, S3 ; xxi. 63 ; xxii. 125 ; xxiii. 19, 34, 
76 ; xxiv. 10, 22, 55 ; xxv. 28, 137 ; xxvi. TJ ; 
xxvii. 34, 102 ; xxix. 8 ; xxx. 14, 128 ; xxxi. 59, 
66, 76 ; xxxii. 9 ; xxxiii. 38. 

D. speaks of B. as donna beata e bella, Inf. 
ii. S3 ; donna di virtu, Inf. ii. 76 ; loda di Dio 
vera, Inf. ii. 103 ; quella, il cui bel occhio iutto 
vede. Inf. x. 131 ; donna che saprd,. Inf. xv. 90; 
quella che lume fla tra il vero e Pintelletto, 
Purg. vi. 44 ; la donna, Purg. xxx. 64 ; la donna 
mia, Purg. xxxii. 132 ; Par. v. 94 ; vii. 11 ; viii. 
15 ; &c. ; madonna. Par. ii. 46; quel sol, che 
jiria d'amor mi scaldd il petto. Par. iii. i ; la 
dolce guida. Par. iii. 23 ; amanza del primo 
amante. Par. iv. 118; diva. Par. iv. 118; bella 
donna. Par. x. 93 ; colei ch' aW alto volo mi vestl 
le piume. Par. xv. 54; quella donna ch'a Dio 
mi menava. Par. xviii. 4 ; il mio conforto. Par. 
xviii. 8 ; quel miracolo. Par. xviii. 63 ; la mia 
celeste scorta. Par. xxi. 23 ; quella, ond' io 
aspetto il come ^ I quando Del dire e del tacer. 
Par. xxi. 46-7 ; la mia guida. Par. xxii. i ; dolce 
guida e cara. Par. xxiii. 34 ; la dolce donna. 
Par. xxii. 100 ; quella pia, che guidb le penne 
Delle mie ali a cosl alto volo. Par. xxv. 49-So ; 
quella che imparadisa la mia mente. Par. xxviii. 
3 ; quella che vedea i pensier dubi Nelld mia 
mente. Par. xxviii, 97-8 ; il sol degli occhi miei. 
Par. xxx. 75 ; he refers to her familiar name 
Bice, Par. vii. 14. [Bice.] 

In the Vita Nuova Beatrice is mentioned 
by name twenty-three times : V. N. %% 2'> 

5I7, 32^ 1246^ 1434^ 226' 23, 23I8' 101' 102, 2428, 
32, 42j 29II, 3213: 27, 58, 95^ 40*' 16' 4166, 42^, 

43IS ; D. refers to her as la gloriosa donna 
della mia mente, § 3^; la gentilissima B., 
§§ S"' 32^ 1434^ 23I8, 40I6 ; la mia donna, §§ 69, 
1", 1 880, 248^ 416^ ^c. ; la gentilissima donna, 
§§ 9^*' 11^^ 14^^ 26I, 31I, 4i9; quella genti- 
lissima, la quale fu distruggitrice di tutti 
i vizi e regina delle mrtti, § ioii-i3 ; la donna 
della cortesia, § 12IO; /^ mirabile donna, 
hh 1.4*^, 23« ; questa gentilissima, §§142, iS^s, 
3l3, 2225, 23122^ 297 ; questa donna, U 1448 

1582, l613, 172, 18M igll2^ 2I?4, 2213' ", 35^ 

la mia gentilissima donna, § iSi* ; madonna, 
§ 19*8 ; tanta meraviglia, § 22* ; questa nobi- 
lissima B., § 22^ ; donna gentile, § 22'2 ; la 
mirabile B., § 2424 ; Bice, § 245^ ; questa B. 
beata, § 29IO ; la mia nobilissima donna, 
h IT ; questa gloriosa B., § 40* ; questa bene- 
detta, § 43* ; q^ella benedetta B., § 43I5, 
In the Qonvivio she is mentioned by name 

four times : Conv. ii. 26' si, 780, gss ; -q. speaks 


Of her as quella B. beata, Conv. ii. 28 ; quella 



gloriosa £., Conv. ii. a^i, 78O ; qttella viva B. 
beata, Conv. ii. 9^^ ; quella gloriosa donna, 
Conv. ii. 9I3* ; il primo dtletto delta mia 
anima, Conv. ii. 13''. 

Beatrice 2, Beatrice, youngest daughter of 
Raymond Berenger IV, Count of Provence ; 
married (in 1246) to Charles of Anjou, who 
subsequently (in 1266) became King of Sicily 
and Naples [Carlo'] ; by this marriage Pro- 
vence became united to the French crown 
(Purg. XX. 61) [Provenza]. Her eldest sister, 
Margaret, married Charles' eldest brother, 
Louis IX of France. The two sisters are 
mentioned together by Sordello (in Ante- 
purgatory) in connexion with their husbands, 
who he says were as inferior to Peter III of 
Aragon, as Charles II of Anjou was to his 
father, Charles I, Purg. vii. 127-9 [Luigi": 
Margherita]. B?nvenuto says the reference 
is to the two daughters of Charles II, who 
married James and Frederick, the two sons 
of Peter III and Manfred's daughter Con- 
stance : — 

' Istae duae erant nurus dictae Constantiae, 
altera uxor donni Jacobi, altera donni Friderici, 
quarum neutra poterat gloriari de probo viro.' 

This, however, is at variance with the facts, 
for James' wife was called Blanche, and 
Frederick's Eleanor. 

B. is referred to by the Emperor Justinian 
(in the Heaven of Mercury) as one of the 
four daughters of Raymond Berenger IV, 
each of whom became a Queen, Par. vi. 133-4. 
[Beringhieri, Eamondo : Table xi.] 

Beatrice 3], Beatrice, youngest daughter 
of Charles II of Naples; married (in 1305) to 
Azzo VIII, Marquis of Este, in consideration, 
it was said, of a large sum of money. This 
transaction, which D. compares to the selling 
of female slaves by corsairs, is alluded to by 
Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory), Purg. 
XK. 79-81. To add to the disgrace of the pro- 
ceeding it appears that Azzo was a great deal 
older than Beatrice, since he had married his 
first wife, Giovanna Orsina, more than twenty 
years before. 

Villani (viii. 88) mentions the marriage, but 
says nothing about the alleged bargain. [Azzo 
daEsti: Carlo'*: Table xxiii.] 

Beatrice*], daughter of Obizzo II of Este, 
and sister of Azzo VIII ; she was married first 
to Nino Visconti of Pisa, by whom she had 
a daughter Joan, and afterwards (at Modena 
in June, 1300) tcj Galeazzo Visconti of Milan. 
It appears that before her marriage to the 
latter she had already been betrothed to 
Alberto Scotto of Piacenza, but Matteo Visconti 
of Milan, being anxious for an alliance with 
the house of Este, managed to secure her as 
the wife of his son Galeazzo. Beatrice, after 
her marriage, came to reside in Milan, but 
within two years (in 1302) the Visgonti were 

expelled thence by the Torriani (aided by 
Alberto Scotto, who thus avenged the slight 
passed upon him), and Galeazzo was forced to 
take refuge in Tuscany, where he died in 1328. 
Beatrice, however, lived to return to Milan, 
her son Azzo having regained the lordship, 
and died there in 1334. 

Nino Visconti (in Antepurgatory) refers to 
Beatrice as the mother of his daughter Joan, 
and reproaches her with her seqond marriage, 
saying that the Milanese viper will not become 
her toiiib so well as the cock of Gallura, 
Purg. viii. 73-81 [Giovanna" : Nino''' : Table 
xxiii : O-aleazzo : Milanese]. As a matter 
of fact the arms of both the Visconti families, 
viz. the cock and the viper, were placed upon 
the tomb of Beatrice in the church of San 
Francesco at Milan ; and as, during her life- 
time, she was in the habit of using the combined 
arms of her second husband and of her father, 
viz. the viper and the eagle, it is not improbable 
that her commemoration of both her husbands 
on her tomb was due to a desire to falsify the 
prediction put by D. into the mouth of Nino. 
(See Del Lungo, Dante ne' tempi di Dante, 
pp. 302-12.) 

Sacchetti relates [Nov. xy) that Beatrice's 
marriage with Nino, who was an old ma,n at 
the time, was arranged by her brother Azzo 
with a view to bringing into the family of Este 
the Giudicato of Gallura, which belonged to 
Nino. On Nino's dying without male issue 
Azzo is said to have bitterly reproached his 
sister, whose reply forms the point of Sacchetti's 

Beccheria, Tesa,uro de' Beccheria of Pavia, 
Abbot of Vallombrosa, and Legate in Florence 
of Alexander IV. After the expulsion of the 
Ghibellines from Florence in July, 1258, he 
was seized by the Florentines on a charge of 
intriguing with them, put to the torture, and 
beheaded in the Piazza di sant' Apollinare in 
September of the same year. For this act of 
sacrilege the Florentines were excommunicated 
by the Pope. From Villani it appears that in 
spite of his confession, extracted by torture, 
many people thought him innocent : 

'Del mege di Settembre prossimo del detto 
anno (1258), il popolo di Firenze fece pigliare 
I'abate di Valembrosa, il quale era gentile uomo 
de' signori di Beccheria di Pavia in Lombardia, 
essendoli appostp, che a petizione de' ghibellini 
usciti di Firenze trattava tradimento, e quelle per 
martiro gli fecero confessare, e scelleratamente 
nella piazza di santo Apollinare gli feciono a grido 
di popolo tagliare il capo, non guardando a sua 
dignita, n6 a ordine sacro ; per la qual cosa il 
comune fli Firenze e' Fiorentini dal papa furono 
sconjunicati. . . . E di vero si disse, che '1 religioso 
uomo nulla colpa avea, con tutto che di suo 
legnaggio fosse grande ghibellino.' (vi. 65.) 

D., however, did not believe in his innocence, 
for he places him in Antenora among those 


Beccio da Caprona 

Bellincion, Berti 

who were traitors to their country, referring to 
him as quel di Beccheria, Inf. xxxii. 118-20. 
[Anteiiora.] Though Tesauro was not a 
Florentine by birth, he was practically one by 
adoption, as Benvenuto points out : — 

' Poterat dici florentinus, ratione incolatus, quia 
erat ibi beneficiatus.' 

Beccio da Caprona], the murderer (ac- 
cording to Pietro di Dante and the Anonimo 
Fiorentino) of Farinata degli Scornigiani of 
Pisa, Purg. vi. 17-18 [Marzuoeo]. 

Beda, the Venerable Bede, Anglo-Saxon 
monk, the father of English history, and most 
eminent writer of his age, was born circ. 673, 
near Wearmouth in N.E. of Durham ; at the 
age of seven he was received into the monastery 
at Wearmouth, where he was educated ; in his 
nineteenth year he was ordained deacon, and 
in his thirtieth he became priest ; after three 
years at Wearmouth he removed to the newly- 
founded monastery 9,t Jarrow, where he spent 
the whole of his life in study and writing, and 
where he died in 735. He was the author of 
a large number of works, chiefly ecclesiastical, 
the most important being his Ecclesiastical 
History of England {Historia Ecdesiastica 
Nostrae Insulae (ic Gentis) \x\ five books, which 
he brought down to 731, witfiin four years of 
his death. 

D. places Bede, together with Isidore pf 
Seville and Richard of St. Victor, among 
the great doctors (S;piriti S^apienti) in the 
Heaven of the Sun, where his spirit is pointed 
out by St. Thomas Aquinas, Par. x. 131 [Sole, 
Cielo del] ; the Italian Cardinals reproached 
with their neglect of his works, Epist. viii. 7. 

Belacqu^, musical instrument-maker of 
Florence, noted for his indolence, say the 
old commentators. D. places him in Ante- 
purgatory among those who neglected their 
repentance until just before death, Purg. 
iv. 123 ; un, v. 106; colui, v. no; lui, v. 117 ; 
ei, V. 127 [Antipurgatorio]. As D. and 
Virgil pass along, V. explains that the ascent 
of the Mt. of Purgatory becomes easier as 
it approaches the top, and that, once on the 
summit, D. would be able to repose hi,s weari- 
ness, Purg. iv. 88-95 ; thereupon a voice says 
to D. that mayhap he will -yv-ant a rest before 
that {vv. 97-9) ; turning round they see figures 
lounging listlessly under the shadow of a rock 
{%iv. 100-5), and among them one sitting 
clasping his knees, with his face hidden between 
them {vv. 106-8) ; D. draws V.'s attention to 
his indolent aspect, whereupon the figure, scarce 
raising his face, addresses D., whq recognizes 
that it is Beviiacqua (109-15) ; in reply to 
a. question from D. as to why he is seated 
there, B. explains that, because he delayed his 
repentance to the last, he is doomed to wait 
outside Purgatory for as long as he had lived 


on earth, unless some righteous person make 
intercession for him {vv. 123-35). 

Benvenuto says that besides being a maker 
of musical instruments, B. was something of 
a musician also, and adds that D., who was 
a lover of music, was intimate with him on that 
account: — 

'Iste fuit de Florentia, qui faciebat citharas et 
^lia instrumenta musica, unde cum magna cura 
sculpebat et incidebat coUa et capita cithararum, 
et aliquando etiam pulsabat. Ideo Dantes fami- 
liariter noverat eum, quia delectatus est in sono.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says of him : — 
' Questo Belacqua fu uno cittadino da Firenze, 
artefice. et facea cotai colli di liuti et di chitarre, 
et era il piii pigro uomo che fosse m^i ; et si dice 
di lui ch' egU venia la mattina a bottega, et ponevasi 
a sedere, et mai non si levava se non quando egli 
voleva ire a desinare et a dormire. Ora I'Auttore 
fu forte sue dimestico : molto 11 riprendea di 
questa sua nigligenzia ; onde un di, riprendolo, Bel- 
acqua rispose coUe parole d'Aristotile : Sedendo et 
quiescendo aninta efficiiur sapiens ; di cjte I'Auttore 
gli rispose : Per certo, se per sedere si diventa 
savio, niuno fu mai piii savio di te.' 

Belinoi, Hamericus de, [Hamericus'.] 

Bella, Delia], ope of the Florentine families 
which received knighthood from the Marquis 
Hugh of Brandenburg, il gran Barone, Par. 
xvi. 128 ; alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) as having the same arms as 
the Marquis, but with a border of gold, 
{vv. 131-2J [aangalan(^i : XJgo di Brandim- 
borgo]. Many think there is a special reference 
to the famous Giano della Bella, the great law- 
maker and champion of the commons of 
Florence ; thus Benvenuto says, ' iste de quo 
autor loquitui; fuit quidam Zannes de la Bella.' 
[Giano della Bella.] 

Villani states that the family had lost their 
nobility in D.'s day: — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero . . . abitavano 
quelli della Bella di san Martino divenuti popolani.' 
(iv. II.) 

They were Guelfs (v. 39), and after the 
Ghibelline victory at Montaperti in 1260, 
uplike the majority of Guelf families, they 
elected to remain in Florence, instead of 
retiring to Lucca (vi. 79). 

Bellincion, Berti, Florentine of the ancient 
Ravignani family, father of 'la buona Gual- 
drada ' (Inf. xvi; 37), through whose marriage 
with Guido Guerra IV, the Conti Guidi traced 
their descent from the Ravignani. He lived 
in the second half of Cent, xii, and in 1 176 
was deputed by the Florentines to take over 
from the Sienese the castle of Poggibonsi, 
which had been ceded by the latter. Villani 
speaks of him as ' il buono messere Bellincione 
Berti de' Ravignani onorevole cittadino di 
Firenze (iv. i). 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) quotes 


B. as an example of the simplicity of the 
Florentines of his day, describing how he was 
content to be girt with 'leather and bone,' 
Par. XV. 1 12-13 ; and speaks of him as 'I' alto 
Bellincion' in connexion with the Ravignani, 
and their descendants the Conti Guidi, Par. 
xvi. 97-9. [Gualdrada : Guidi, Conti : 

Bellisar, Belisarius, the famous general of 
the Emperor Justinian, born on the borderland 
between Thrace and Illyricum qirc. 4.D. 505, 
died at Constantinople, March, 565. His great 
achievements were the overthrow of the 
Vandal kingdom in Africa, the reconquest of 
Italy from the Goths, and the foundation of 
the exarchate of Ravenna upon the ruins of the 
Gothic dominions. In 563, when he was nearly 
sixty, he was accused of being privy to a con- 
spiracy against Justinian, in consequence of 
which, according to the popular tradition, his 
property was confiscated, his eyes were put 
out, and he was compelled to beg jn the streets 
of Constantinople, crying to the passers-by, 
' Date obolum Belisario.' In truth, however, 
his disgrace only lasted eight months, during 
which he was confined to his own palace. The 
Emperor, having satisfied himSelf that the 
charge was false, restored him to favour, and 
he lived in possession of his wealth and horiours 
until his death two years later (in 565), Justinian 
himself dying a few months after. 

Belisarius is mentioned by the Emperor 
Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury), who 
says that he entrusted him with the conduct of 
his wars, while he himself was occupied with 
his great work on the Roman law. Par. vi. 23-7. 

It is probable that D., who doe^ not hint at 
the ingratitude of Justinian towards his great 
general, did not know more of the history of 
the latter than is contained in thp medieval 
chronicles. Villani concludes his account as 
follows : 

' Belisario bene awenturosamente e con vittoria 
in tutte parti vinse e soggiogb i ribelli dello 
'mperio, e tenne in bupno state mentre vivette, 
infino agli anni di Cristo 565, che Giustiniano 
imperadore e Belisario moriro bene awenturosa- 
mente.' (ii. 6.) 

Bello, Bello degli Alighieri, son of Ali- 
ghiero I, and brother of Bellincione, D.'s 
grandfather ; he is describe4 in documents as 
'dominus ' (in Italian 'messere '), which implies 
that he was either a judge or a knight ; he was 
one of the council of the Anziani in 1255, and 
must have been among those who had to fly 
from Florence after the Ghibelline victqry at 
Montaperti in 1260, he and his branch of the 
family having been Guelfs ; he was dead in 
1268, in which year his son Geri was granted 
compensation for a house which had been de- 
stroyed by the Ghibellines after his exile in 1 260. 

Bello is mentioned by Virgil (in Circle VIII 

Bello, Geri Del 

of Hell) in connexion with his son Geri, Inf. 
xxix. 27. [BeUo, (Jeri del : Table xxii.] 

Bello, Geri del, Geri (i.e. Ruggieri) del 
Bello degli Alighieri, son of the preceding, and 
first cousin of D.'s father, Alighiero II ; his 
name appears as ' Geri quondam Dom. Belli 
Alaghieri' in a document dated 1269, contain- 
ing a list of the compensations granted to 
Guelf families in Florence for the losses 
inflicted by the Ghibellines after the battle of 
Montaperti in 1360; he had three brothers, 
viz. Gualfreduccip, who in 1237 was enrolled in 
the Arte di Calimala, Cenni (i.e. Bencivenni), 
who died in 1277, and Clone (i.e. Uguccione), 
who was a knight of the golden spur (' cavaliere 
a spron d'oro '). [Table xx:ii.] 

D. places Geri among the 'seminator di 
scandalo e di scisma ' in Bolgia 9 of Circle VI II 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf xxix. 27 ; un spirto 
del mio sangue, v. 20 ; ello, v. 23 ; ei, v. 24 ; 
lui, z/. 25 ; gli, V. 32 ; lui, v. 34 ; ei, v. 34 ; se, 
V. 36. [Scismatici.] Virgil, having noticed 
that D. was gazing qarnestly into the ninth 
Bolgia, asks him the reason, to which D. 
replies that he was looking for a spirit of his 
own race who should have been there, Inf. 
xxix. 3-21 ; V. then tells D. that he had seen 
this spirit, whose name was Geri del Bello, 
point threateningly at D., and then, as D. was 
intent upon Bertran de Born and did not 
notice hirri, go his way in silence (vv. 22-30) ; 
D. explains that Geri had died a violent death, 
and had not yet been avenged by any of his 
kin, and that that was doubtless the reason why 
he was indignant with hirRself and did not 
stop to speak, wherefore he felt all the more 
pity for him (vv. 31-6). 

The old cpmmentators differ as to the 
details of Geri's story ; Laiia, Buti, and the 
Anqnimo Fiorentino say that he killed one of 
the Gerini or Geremei, and was in retaliation 
slain by one of them ; the Ottimo, Benvenuto, 
and others give the name of the family as 
Sacchetti. Lana says of Geri : — 

' Fu sagacissima persona, piacevole e converse- 
vole : dilettossi di commettere male tra le persone, 
e sapealo fare si acconciamente, che pocjii se ne 
poteano guardare da lui.' 

According to Buti, Geri's father had been 
killed by one of the Gerini, and in revenge he 
treacherously murdered one of the latter. The 
story is tf^at he disguised himself as a leper 
and went to beg at the house of the Gerini ; 
when the master of the house appeared Geri, 
pretending that the Podestk was coming, 
advised him to put away his arms, and then, 
when he was defenceless, fell upon him and 
killed him. For this deed he was banished to 
Fucecchio, where subsequently he was slain 
by Geremia de' Gerini, whose uncle had been 
appointed to the office of Podestk in that town. 

Benvenuto, who describes Geri as a turbulent 




and quarrelsome person, says that he sowed 
discord among the Sacchetti, one of whom 
retaliated by killing him ; and he states that it 
was not until thirty years afterwards that Geri's 
death was avenged by the sons of Clone, who 
killed one of the Sacchetti in his own house : — 
' Gerius iste vir nobilis fuit frater domini Cioni 
del Bello de Aldigheriis ; qui homo molestus at 
scismaticus fuit interfectus ab uno de Sacchettis 
nobilibus de Florentia, quia seminaverat discordiara 
inter quosdam ; cujus mors non fuit vindicata per 
spatium triginta annorum. Finaliter filii domini 
Cioni et nepotes praefati Gerii, fecerunt vindictam, 
quia interfecerunt unum de Sacchettis in ostio suo.' 

There can be little doubt that the Sacchetti 
were the family with whom Geri was at feud, 
for not only does Pietro di Dante in his com- 
mentary (according to the Ashburnham MS.) 
give the name of Geri's murderer as one of the 
Sacchetti (' occiso olim per quemdam Bro- 
darium de Sacchettis de Florentia'), but he 
also, like Benvenuto, states that the vengeance 
was accomplished by the murder of one of 
this family by the nephews of Geri (' nepotes 
dicti Gerii in ejus ultione/qyemdam de dictis 
Sacchettis occid?runt '). Further, the existence 
of a blood-feud between the Alighieri and the 
Sacchetti is attested by the fact that in 1342 
an act of reconciliation was entered into 
between these two families at the instance of 
the Duke of Athens, the guarantor on the part 
of the Alighieri being Dante's half-brother, 
Francesco, who appeared on behalf of himself 
and his two nephews, the poem's sons, Pietro 
and Jacopo, and the rest of the family : — 

' Franciscus quondam AUegherii . . . pro se ipso 
et suo nomine . . . , obligando ac etiam pro et vice 
et nomine Doinini Petri et Jacobi filiorum quondam 
Dantis AUegherii . . . , consortum suorum absentium, 
et pro et vice et nomine omnium et singulorum 
aliorum eorum et cujusque ipsorum consortum 
filiorum fratrum descendentiiim et adscendentium 
et consanguineorum in quocunque gradu, tam 
natorum, quam nasciturorum.' 

(See Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital. N.S. ii. 65-70.) 

Belo, Belus, King of Tyre, father of Dido 
{^Aen. i. 625) ; the troubadour Folquet (in the 
Heaven of Venus), referring to Dido as ' la 
figlia di Belo,' compares his love for Adalagia 
with hers for Aeneas, Par. ix. 97-9. [Ada- 
lagia : Dido : rolco.] 

Beltramo dal Bornio, Bertran de Bom, 
Conv. iv. I ii28. [Bertram dal Bornio.] 

Belzebi, Beelzebub, ' prince of the devils ' 
(Matt. xii. 24), name by which D. refers to 
Satan (whom he usually calls Lucifer), Inf. 
xxxiv. 127. [Luciferc] 

Benaco, the Roman Lacus Benacus, the 
modern Lago di Garda, lake in N. of Italy, at 
the foot of the Tyrolese Alps ; its E. shore is 
in Venetia, the W. in Lombardy. 

Virgil mentions it, in his account of the 
founding of Mantua, in connexion with the 
Mincio. which flows out of the S. extremity 
of the lake. Inf. xx. 63, 74, 77 ; laco, v. 61 ; 
lago, V. 66 ; and describes its situation, vv. 
61-3 [Mantua: Mincio: TiraUi]. The 
southernmost point of the lake is indicated by 
the mention of Peschiera {vv. 70-3) [Pes- 
cMera] ; the northernmost, roughly, by the 
mention of a spot where the Bishops of Trent, 
Brescia, and Verona could all give their 
blessing (vv. 67-9), i. e. since a Bishop can 
only give his episcopal blessing within the 
limits of his own diocese, a place where the 
three dioceses of Trent, Brescia, and Verona 
meet. Attempts have been made to identify 
the exact locality indicated. Some think the 
reference is to the little island off the point 
of Manerba on the W. shore, on which (ac- 
cording to Bishop Gonzaga, who had been 
Prior of the Franciscan monastery to which 
the island in his time belonged) there was 
a chapel, dedicated to St. Margaret, and sub- 
ject to the jurisdiction of three Bishops, ' Tri- 
dentino scilicet, Brixiensi, atque Veronensi.' 
(See Ferrazzi, Man. Dant., iii. 91-2 ; iv. 31-2, 
389 ; v. 344-6-) 

Benedetto 1, St. Benedict, founder of the 
Benedictine order, the first religious order of 
the West, was born of a noble family at Nursia 
(now Norci.a) in the E. of Umbria, in the year 
480. In early yQuth he was sent to school in 
Rome, but shocked by the wild life of his 
associates be ran away at the age of fourteen, 
and hid himself among the mountains near 
Subiaco on the borders of the Abruzzi. There 
he lived in solitude for three years in a cave, 
acquiring a great reputation for sanctity, which 
led the monks of the neighbouring monastery 
of Vicovaro to choose him as their abbot. 
Impatient, ho,wever, of his severe rule, of which 
he had warned them before accepting their 
invitation, they attempted to rid themselves of 
him by poison. Their attempt being discovered 
St. B. left them and returned once more to 
Subiaco, whence in 528 he went to Monte 
Cassino, where in the next year he founded 
his famous monastery on the site of an ancient 
temple of Apollo. He died at Monte Cassino 
fourteen years later, March 21, 543. His 
'Regula Monachorum,' which was designed 
to repress the irregular lives of the wandering 
monks, was first introduced in this monastery, 
and eventually became the rule of all the 
western monks. One of the features of his 
system was that, in addition to their religious 
exercises, his monks occupied themselves with 
manual labour, and in the instruction of the 
young. [Cassino.] 

D. places St. Benedict among the contem- 
plative spirits (Spiriti Contemplanti) in the 
Heaven of Saturn, la maggiore e la piti lucu- 



lenta {margheritd), Par. xxii. 28 ; lei, v. 31 ; 
lui, V. S2; padre, v.'fi; egli, v. 61 [Saturno, 
Cielo di] ; his place in the Celestial Rose, by 
the side of St. Francis and St. Augustine, is 
pointed. out to D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 
35 [Eosa] ; D.'s statement that a man may 
lead a religious life without assuming the habit 
of St. Benedict, or St. Augustine, or St. Francis, 
or St. Dominic, Conv. iv. 2868-74 

In the Heaven of Saturn Beatrice directs 
D.'s attention to a number of little spheres of 
light, one of the largest and brightest of which 
(the spirit of St. B.) advances, and in response 
to D.'s secret desire addresses him (Par. xxii. 
19-31) ; after relating how he founded the mon- 
astery of Monte Cassino and converted the 
neighbouring villages from paganism to the 
true faith (vv. 32-45), he explains to D. who 
his companions are, naming several of them 
{vv. 46-51) ; then, D. having expressed a wish 
'to see him in his bodily form, divested of the 
envelope of light {vv. 52-60), St. B. tells him 
that he must wait until he reaches the Em- 
pyrean, where all desires are satisfied {vv. 
61-72) ; and finally, after a lament over the 
backslidings of his own and other monastic 
orders {vv. 73-96), he parts from D. and re- 
joins the company of spirits {vv. 97-9). 

In his account of the founding of the mon- 
astery of Monte Cassino {vv. 37-45), D. has 
closely followed St. Gregory, who in his 
Dialogues (ii. 2) says : — 

' Castrum, quod Casinum dicitur, in excels! 
montis latere situm est (qui videlicet mons distenso 
sinu hoc idem castrum recipit, sed per tria milia 
in altum se subrigens velut ad aera cacumen 
tendit), ubi vetustissimiim fanum fuit, in quo ex 
antiquorum more gentilium a stulto rusticorum 
populo Apollo celebrabatur. Circumquaque in 
cultu daemonum luci excreverant, in quibus adhuc 
eodem tempore infidelium insana multitudo sacri- 
ficiis sacrilegis insudabat. Illuc itaque vir Dei 
(Benedictus) perveniens contrivit idolum, subvertit 
aram, succendit lucos, atque ipso in templo ApoUinis 
oraculum Mariae Virginis, ubi vero ara ejusdem 
ApoUinis fuit, oraculum sancti Joannis construxit, 
et commorantem circumquaque multitudinem prae- 
dicatione continua ad fidem vocabat.' 

Benedetto 2], Benedict XI (Niccol5 Boc- 
casini), son of a notary of Treviso, was born 
in 1240, and became a Dominican in 1257 ; 
in 1296 he was elected General of the Order, 
and two years later he was created Cardinal 
Bishop of Ostia by Boniface VIII ; he was 
elected Pope at Rome, Oct. 22, 1303, in suc- 
cession to Boniface, and died at Perugia (of 
poison administered in some figs, it is said), 
after a reign of a little more than eight months, 
July 7, 1304. Great hopes were entertained 
of Benedict at his election, as he was known 
to be a man of wise and upright character, but 
the briefness of his pontificate prevented their 
realization. Villani says of him : — 

Benedetto, San 

' Questi fu di Trevigi di piccola nazione, che 
quasi non si trov6 parente . . . fu frate predicatore, 
uomo savio e di santa vita, e per la sua bonta e 
onesta vita per papa Bonifazio fu fatto cardinale, 
e poi papa. Ma vivette in su '1 papato mesi otto e 
mezzo ; ma in questo piccolo tempo comincib assai 
buone cose, e mostrb gran volere di pacificare 
i cristiani.' ^viii. 66.) — ' Fu buono uomo, e onesto 
e giusto, e di santa e religiosa vita, e avea voglia 
di fare ogni bene, e per invidia di certi de' suoi 
frati cardinali, si disse, il feciono morire di velenc' 
(viii. 80.) 

Dino Compagni : — 

' Nostro Signore Iddio, il quale a tutte le cose 
provede, volendo ristorare il mondo di buono 
pastore, provvide alia necessita de' cristiani. 
Perchfe chiamato fu nella sedia di santo Piero 
papa Benedetto, nato di Trevigi, frate predicatore, 
e priore generale, uomo di pochi parenti e di 
piccolo sangue, costante e onesto, discrete e santo. 
II mondo si rallegri di nuova luce.' (iii. i.) 

In March i3of Benedict XI sent Niccol6 da 
Prato, whom he had created Cardinal, to pacify 
the factions in Florence. His coming was 
hailed with delight by the Ghibellines and 
Bianchi, as the Cardinal himself was a Ghi- 
belline ; but his impartiality disappointed their 
hopes, and led to the failure of the mission, the 
Cardinal departing in the following June, and 
leaving the city under an interdict. [Bianchi.] 

Some commentators take Benedict XI to be 
the 'Veltro' of Inf. i. loi-ii, pointing to the 
facts that his birthplace was 'tra Feltro e 
Feltro' {v. 105), Treviso being between Feltre 
in the Trevisan March, and Montefeltro in 
Romagna ; that as Pope he would be possessed 
of the divine authority attributed to the 'Veltro' 
{v. no); and that his character and the ex- 
pectations formed of him , answered the de- 
scription of the promised deliverer {vv. 103-4). 
This identification, however, is untenable, 
seeing that Benedict was already dead when 
the Inferno was written. [Veltro.] 

In his letter to the Italian Cardinals, urging 
them to elect an Italian Pope as successor to 
Benedict XI, D. refers to the latter as 'de- 
functus Antistes,' Epist. viii. 10. 

Benedetto 3], Pope Benedict V, 964; 
during the absence of the Emperor Otto I 
from Rome, the Romans rose against his 
nominee Leo VIII, drove him from the city, 
and set up as Pope John XII, whom Otto 
had deposed ; on the death of John soon after, 
they elected IBenedict V in his place ; as soon, 
however, as Otto returned to Rome he deposed 
Benedict, whom he sent into exile to Germany, 
and restored Leo VIII. D., referring to these 
incidents, says that from this action of Otto 
it might be argued that the Church was 
dependent upon the Empire, Mon. iii. iii6-2i_ 
[Leo: Otto.] 

Benedetto, San 1, mountain in the Etrus- 
can Apennines, on the slopes of which, above 


Benedetto, San 


Forli, IS situated a monastery of St. Benedict, 
known as San Benedetto in Alpe. D. mentions 
it in connexion with the Acquacheta or Mon- 
tone, the falls of which are close by, Inf. xvi. 
ICO [Acquacheta: Montone]. He implies 
(according to one interpretation of vv. 101-2) 
that the monastery ought to have maintained 
more monks than it did. It appears, however, 
as a matter of fact, that the monastery never 
was a wealthy one, and consequently was not 
deserving of the reproach implied in this in- 
terpretation. The reference is more probably 
to a proposal of the Conti Guidi, in whose 
territory the monastery was, to build a castle 
on the table-land just above the falls ; this 
plan, which was never carried into execution, 
is mentioned both by Boccaccio, who had it 
from the abbot of the monastery, and Ben- 
venuto ; the former says : — 

* Ove dovea per milte esser riceito : lo fui gia 
lungamente in dubbio di eib che I'autore volesse 
in questo verso dire ; poi per ventui a trovatomi 
nel detto monisterio di san Benedetto insieme con 
I'abate del luogo, ed egli mi disse, che fu gia 
tenuto ragioiiamento per quelli couti, i quali son 
signori di quella Alpe, di volere assai presso di 
questo luogo dove quest' acqua cade, siccome in 
luogo niolto comodo agli abitanti, fare un castello, 
e riducervi entro molte villate da torno di lor 
vassalli : poi mori colui che questo, piii che alcun 
degli altri, metteva innanzi, e cosi 11 ragionamento 
non ebbe effetto.' 

The locality of the monastery, which was 
situated on the mountain road leading from 
Florence across the Apennines to Forll, was 
probably familiar to D., who, as he himself 
tells us (Conv. iv. 11), had made the ascent of 

Benedetto, San 2, St. Benedict of Nursia, 
Conv. iv. 2869. [Benedetto ^] 

Benedictusi, Pope Benedict V, Mon. iii. 
1119. [Benedetto^] 

Benedictus 2], Pope Benedict XI, referred 
to as defuncius Antistes, Epist. viii. 10. [Bene- 

Benevento, town in Campania, on the 
Calore, about 30 miles N.E. of Naples. On 
the plain of Grandella, near Benevento, was 
fought (Feb. 26, I26f) the great battle between 
Charles of Anjou and Manfred, King of Sicily, 
which resulted in the total defeat and death of 
the latter. 

D. mentions Benevento in connexion with 
the burial of Manfred's body at the head of 
the bridge over the Calore, close to the town, 
where it was laid under a great pile of stones 
cast upon it one by one by the soldiers of 
Charles' army, 'Sotto la guardia della grave 
mora,' Purg. iii. 128-9 ; subsequently the body 
was removed thence by the Archbishop of 
Cosenza, at the bidding, it is said, of Clement 
IV, and cast unburied upon the banks of the 


Verde, outside the kingdom of Naples, vv. 
130-2. [Manfredi.] 

Villani gives the following account of the 
battle, and of the burial of Manfred : — 

' Ordinate le schiere de' due re nel piano della 
Grandella perlo modo detto dinanzi, e ciascuno de' 
detti signori ammonita la sua gente di ben fare, e 
dato il nome per lo re Carlo a' suoi, Mongioia 
cavalieri; e per lo re Manfredi, Soavia cavalieri; 
il vescovo d'Alzurro, siccome legato del papa, 
assolvette e benedisse tutti quelli dell' oste del re 
Carlo, perdonando colpa e pena, perocch' essi 
combatteano in servigio di santa Chiesa. E ci6 
fatto, si comincid I'aspra battaglia tra le prime due 
schiere de' Tedeschi, e de' Franceschi, e fu si forte 
I'assalto de' Tedeschi, che malamente menavano 
la schiera de' Franceschi, e assai gli feciono 
rinculare addietro, e presono campo. II buono re 
Carlo veggendo i suoi cosi malmenare, non tenne 
I'ordine della battaglia di difendersi colla seconda 
schiera, awisandosi che se la prima schiera de' 
Franceschi ove avea tutta sua fidanza fosse rotta, 
piccola speranza di salute attendea dall' altre ; 
incontanente colla sua schiera si mise al soccorso 
della schiera de' Franceschi, contro a quella de' 
Tedeschi, e come gli usciti di Firenze e loro schiera 
vidono lo re Carlo fedire alia battaglia, si misono 
appresso francamente, e feciono maravigliose cose 
d'arme il giorno, seguendo sempre la persona del 
re Carlo ; e simile fece il buono Gilio il Bruno 
conestabile di Francia con Ruberto di Fiandra con 
sua schiera, e dall' altra parte fedi il conte Giordano 
colla sua schiera, onde la battaglia fu aspra e dura, 
e grande pezza durd che non si sapea chi avesse il 
migliore ; perocche gli Tedeschi per loro virtude e 
forza colpendo di loro spade, molto danneggiavano ' 
i Franceschi. Ma subitamente si lev6 uno grande 
grido tra le schiere de' Franceschi, chi che'l si 
cominciasse, dicendo : agli siocchi, agli stocchi, a 
fedire i cavalli; e coSi fu fatto, per la qual cosa in 
piccola d'ora i Tedeschi furono molto malmenati 
e molto abbattuti, e quasi in isconfitta volti. Lo 
re Manfredi lo quale con sua schiera de' Pugliesi 
stava al soccorso dell' oste, veggendo gli suoi che 
non poteano durare la battaglia, si confortd la 
sua gente della sua schiera, che '1 seguissono alia 
battaglia, da' quali fu male inteso, perocchfe la 
maggiore parte de' baroni pugliesi, e del Regno, 
m tra gli altri il conte Camarlingo, e quelle della 
Cerra, e quello di Caserta e altri, o per vilta di 
cuore, o veggendo a loro avere il peggiore, e chi 
disse per tradimento, come genti infedeli e vaghi 
di nuovo signore, si fallirono a Manfredi, abbando- 
nandolo e fuggendosi chi verso Abruzzi e chi verso 
la citta di Benivento. Manfredi rimaso con pochi, 
fece come valente signore, che innanzi voile in 
battagha morire re, che fuggire con vergogna : e 
mettendosi I'elmo, una aquila d'argento eh' egli 
avea ivi su per cimiera, gli cadde in su I'arcione 
dinanzi :e egh ci6 veggendo isbigotti molto, e 
disse a baroni che egh erano da lato in latino : 
hoc est signum Dei, perocche questa cimiera 
appiccai 10 colle mie mani in tal modo, che non 
dovea potere cadere ; ma per6 non lascid,' ma 
come valente signore prese cuore, e incontanente 
SI mise alia battaglia, non con sopransegne reali 
per non essere conosciuto per lo re, ma come un 

Beni, Di Pine de' 

Beringhieri, Ramondo 

altro barone, lui fedendo francamente nel mezzo 

della battaglia ; ma per6 i suoi poco duraro, che 

gik erano in volta : incontanente furono sconfitti, 

e lo re Manfredi morto in mezzo de' nemici : 

dissesi per uno scudiere francesco, ma non si seppe 

il certo . . . Nella sua fine, di Manfredi si cerc6 

piii di tre giorni, che non si ritrovava, e non si 

sapea se fosse morto, o preso, o scampato, perchd 

non avea avuto alia battaglia in dosso armi reali ; 

alia fine per uno ribaldo di sua gente fu riconosciuto 

per piu insegne di sua persona in mezzo il campo 

ove fu la battaglia ; e trovato il suo corpo per lo 

detto ribaldo, il mise traverse in su uno asino 

vegnendo gridando : chi accatla Manfredi, chi accaiia 

Manfredi: quale ribaldo da uno barone del re fu 

battuto, e recato il corpo di Manfredi dinanzi al 

re, fece venire tutti i baroni ch' erano presi, e 

domandato ciascuno s' egli era Manfredi, tutti 

timorosamente dissono di si. Quando venne il 

conte Giordano si si diede delle mani nel volto 

piangendo e gridando : omi, ome, signor mio : 

onde molto ne fu commendato da' Franceschi, e 

per alquanti de' baroni del re fu pregato che gli 

facesse fare onore alia sepultura. Rispose il re : 

je le fairois vohntiers, s'il ne fui excoinmunie\ ma 

imperocch' era scomunicato, non voile il re Carlo 

che fosse recato in luogo sacro ; ma appie del 

ponte di Benivento fu soppellito, e sopra la sua 

fossa per ciascuno dell' oste gittata una pietra, 

onde si fece grande mora di sassi. Ma per alcuni 

si disse, che poi per mandate del papa, il vescovo 

di Cosenza il trasse di quella sepultura, e mandoUo 

fuori del Regno ch' era terra di Chiesa, e fu sepolto 

lungo il fiume del Verde a' confini del Regno e di 

Campagna : questo per6 non affermiamo. Questa 

battaglia e sconfitta fu uno venerdi, il sezzaio di 

Febbraio, gli anni Cristo 1265.' (vii. 9.) 

Beni, Di Pine de'. [Pinibus, De.] 

Benincasa d'Arezzo], Benincasa of Late- 
rina (in the upper Val d'Amo), a judge of 
Arezzo ; according to the old commentators, 
while acting as assessor for fhe Podestk of 
Siena, he sentenced to death a brother (or 
uncle) of Ghino di Tacco, a famous robber 
and highwayman of Siena ; in revenge Ghino 
stabbed him while he was sitting in the papal 
audit office at Rome, whither he had got him- 
self transferred from Siena, at the expiry of 
his term there, in order to be out of Ghino's 

D. places B. in Antepurgatory, among those 
who died a violent death, without absolution, 
but repented at the last moment, referring to 
him as 'I'Aretin, che dalle braccia Fiere di 
Ghin di Tacco ebbe la morte,' Purg. vi. 13-14. 
[Antipurgatorio : Ghin di Tacco.] 

Benvenuto, who describes Benincasa as a 
great lawyer, relates that on one occasion, 
being questioned on a point of law by some 
of his pupils at Bologna, he referred them 
contemptuously to their own Accursius, who he 
said had befouled the whole Corpus Juris :— 

' Hie poeta nominat unum magnum juriscon- 
sultum de Aretio, qui fuit tempore illo famosus et 
acutus in civili sapientia, audax nimis. Unde 

semel interrogatus a scholaribus suis Bononiae de 
quodam puncto juris, non erubuit dicere : Ite, ite 
ad Accursium, qui imbractavit tctum corpus juris. 
Hie vocatus est dominus Benincasa, et fuit de uno 
castello comitatus Aretii, quod dicitur Laterina.' 

Bergamaschi, inhabitants of Bergamo, 
town in Lombardy about 30 miles N.E. of 
Milan ; Peschiera well placed to hold them 
and the Brescians in check, Inf xx. 70-1 
[Peschiera] ; their dialect and that of the 
Milanese condemned, V. E. i. li^o-s. [Ber- 

Bergamo. [Pergamum.] 

Bergomates, inhabitants of Bergamo, 
V.E. i. 1 130. xhe reading of the MSS. and 
early edd. is Pergameos (from Pergamum, the 
Latin form of Bergamo), for which Fraticelli 
and subsequent edd. substituted Bergomates; 
the correct reading has been restored by Rajna. 

Beringhieri, Ramondo, Raymond Be- 
renger IV, last Count of Provence (1209-1245) ; 
mentioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the 
Heaven of Mercury), who says he had four 
daughters, each of them a Queen, an honour 
which he owed to his faithful minister Romeo 
(i.e. Romieu of Villeneuve), Par. vi. 133-5. 

The Count's four daughters were : — Margaret, 
married in 1234 to Louis IX, King of France 
[Margherita] ; Eleanor, married in 1236 to 
Henry III, King of England [Eleonora] ; 
Sancha or Sanzia, married in 1244 to Henry's 
brother, Richard, Earl of Cornwall, afterwards 
(in 1257) King of the Romans [Sanzia] ; and 
Beatrice, married in 1246 (the year after her 
father's death) to Charles of Anjou, brother of 
Louis IX, afterwards (in 1266) King of Sicily 
and Naples [Beatrice^]. As Beatrice was 
her father's heiress, and at the time of her 
marriage was Countess of Provence, her union 
with Charles of Anjou brought Provence into 
the possession of the royal house of France ; 
this result is alluded to by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory), Purg. xx. 61 ; and by 
Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) son 
of Charles II of Anjou and Naples, who says 
that if he had lived he would have been Count 
of Provence (in right of his grandmother 
Beatrice), Par. viii. 58-60. [Carlo': Pro- 
venza : Table xi.] 

The story of Romeo and Count Raymond, 
which D. adopted, is told by Villani : — 

' II buono conte Raimondo Berlinghieri di 
Proenza fu gentile signore di legnaggio, e fu 
d'una progenia di que' della casa d'Araona, e di 
quella del conte di Tolosa. Per retaggio fu sua la 
Proenza di qua dal Rodano ; signore fu savio e 
cortese, e di nobile stato, e virtuoso, e al suo 
tempo fece onorate cose, e in sua corte usarono 
tutti i gentili uomini di Proenza, e di Francia, 
e Catalogna per la sua cortesia e nobile stato. . . . 




Arriv6 in sua corte uno romeo che tornava da san 
Jacopo, e udendo la bonta del conte Raimondo, 
ristette in sua corte, e fu si savio e valoroso, e 
venne tanto in grazia al conte, che di tutto il fece 
maestro e guidatore ; il quale sempre in abito 
onesto e religiose si mantenne, e in poco tempo 
per sua industria e senno raddoppi6 la rendita di 
suo signore in tre doppi, mantenendo sempre 
grande e onorata corte. E avendo guerra col 
conte di Tolosa per confini di loro terre (e il conte 
di Tolosa era il maggiore conte del mondo, e sotto 
se avea quattordici conti), per la cortesia del conte 
Raimondo, e per lo senno del buono romeo, e per 
lo tesoro ch'egli avea raunato, ebbe tanti baroni e 
cavalieri, ch' egli venne al disopra della guerra, 
e con onore. Quattro figliuole avea il conte e 
nullo figliuolo maschio. Per lo senno e procaccio 
del buono romeo, prima gli maritb la maggiore al 
buono re Luis di Francia per moneta, dicendo al 
conte : " Lasciami fare, e non ti gravi il costo, che 
se tu mariti bene la prima, tutte I'altre per lo 
suo parentado le mariterai meglio, e con meno 
costo." E cosi venne fatto, che incontanente il re 
d'Inghilterra per essere cognato del re di Francia, 
tolse I'altra per poca moneta ; appresso il fratello 
carnale essendo eletto re de' Romani, simile tolse 
la terza ; la quarta rimanendo a marita^'e, disse il 
buono romeo : " Di questa voglio che abbi uno 
valente uomo per figliuolo, che rimanga tua reda"; 
e cosi fece. Trovando Carlo conte d'Angib, fra- 
tello del re Luis di Francia, disse: "A cestui la 
da', ch' e per essere il migliore uomo del mondo," 
profetando da lui ; e cosi fu fatto. Avvenne poi 
per invidia, la quale guasta ogni bene, ch' e' baroni 
di Proenza appuosono al buono romeo, ch' egli 
avea male guidato il tesoro del conte, e feciongli 
domandare conto : il valente romeo disse : " Conte, 
io t' ho servito gran tempo, e messo di picciolo 
stato in grande, e di ci6 per lo falso consiglio di 
tue genti se' poco grato ; io venni in tuo corte 
povero romeo, e onestamente del tuo sono vivuto, 
fammi dare il mio muletto, e il bordone e scarsella 
com' io ci venni, e quetoti ogni servigio." II 
conte non volea si partisse ; per nulla voile ri- 
manere, e com' era venuto, cosi se n'andd, che mai 
non si seppe onde si fosse, nfe dove s'andasse ; 
avvisossi per molti, che fosse santa anima la sua.' 
(vi. 90.) 

Berlinghieri. [Beringhieri.] 

Bernardin di Fosco, Bernardo, son of 
Fosco, of Faenza, said by the old commentators 
to have been of humble origin, but- to have 
so distinguished himself as to be received on 
terms of equality by the nobles of his native 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
who speaks of him as ' verga gentil di picciola 
gramigna,' mentions him among the worthies 
of Romagna, as an instance of a person who 
from base beginnings raised himself to a high 
position in virtue of his noble qualities, Purg. 
xiv. 101-2. 

The Ottimo Comento, whom Benvenuto fol- 
lows, says of him : — 

' Questo messer Bernardino, figliuolo di Fosco, 
lavoratore di terra e di vile mestiero, con sue 

virtuose opere venne tanto eccellente, che Faenza 
di lui ricevette favore ; e fu nominate in pregie, 
e nen si vergognavane li grandi antichi uomini 
venirlo a visitare per vedere le sue orrevolezze, ed 
udire da lui leggiadri metti.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino records a striking 
example of his liberality :— 

' Fu questi nate di piccola gente, e fu cittadino 
di Faenza, grandissimo ricco uomo, et tenea molti 
cavalli et molti famigli, et avea imposto a' famigli 
suoi che chiunque chiedesse veruno de' cavalli 
suoi, che a tutti gli desse. Awenne che un di, 
volendo cestui cavalcare a' suoi lueghi, comand6 a' 
famigli che facesseno porre la sella a' cavalli : fugli 
detto che tutti erono prestati : mandd richeggendo 
de' cavalli de' cittadini, et perchfe erono in diverse 
faccende aoperati, veruno ne potfe avere. Chiama 
uno suo famiglio, et fassi recare uno libro per 
giurare : il famiglio, che il conoscea cortese, perchfe 
egli non giurasse cosa ch' egli s'avessi a pentere, 
credendo che del case fosse irate, non gliele volea 
recare : nell' ultimo, avendegli recato il libro, 
giurd che mai niune cavallo gli sarebbe chiesto, 
quantunque egli n' avesse bisogno, ch' egli non 
prestasse, per6 ch' egli avea prevate quanto altri 
avea care d'essergli prestati, quande altri n'avea 

Beyond the indications afforded by D. him- 
self and the old commentators nothing is known 
of Bernardo di Fosco, save that he was Podestk 
of Siena in 1249 (and probably of Pisa in 
1248) ; and that he played a prominent part 
in the defence of Faenza against the Emperor 
Frederick II in 1240, during the podestkship 
of Michele Morosini of Venice, a defence which 
lasted nearly a year, and was famous enough 
to be commemorated in a sirventese by Ugo 
di san Circ, who makes special mention of 
' Miguel Moresi ' and ' Bemart de Fosc' (See 
Casini, Dante e la Romagna^ 

Bernardo 1, Bernard of Quintaville, a 
wealthy merchant of Assisi, where he was 
a person of much importance, who was the 
first follower of St. Franqis of Assisi. At first, 
though attracted by St. Francis, he distrusted 
him ; but having convinced himself of his 
sincerity, he submitted himself to his direction, 
sold all his possessions for the benefit of the 
poor, and embraced the rule of poverty. After 
the death of his master he became the head of 
the Order. 

St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) mentions B. as having been the first to 
follow St. F., and refers to his great eager- 
ness to become his disciple. Par. xi. 79-81. 
[Praneesco^.] In this account D. follows 
the Vita Francisci of Tommaso da Celano, 
who says : — 

' Frater Bernardus legatam pacem amplectens, 
ad mercandum regnum coelerum post Sanctum 
Dei (sc. Franciscum) cucurrit alacriter. . . . Solvit 
protinus calceamenta de pedibus, baculum deponit," 




Bernardo 2, St. Bernard, the great Abbot 
of Clairvaux, and preacher of the disastrous 
second Crusade, was born of noble parents in 
the village of Fontaines, near Dijon, in Bur- 
gundy, in 1091. After studying in Paris, in 
1 1 13, at the age of twenty-two, he joined the 
newly-founded Benedictine monastery of Ci- 
teaux, not far from his own home, at the head 
of which was Stephen Harding, an English- 
man. Two years later, in 1115, St. B. was 
selected by Harding to be the head of one 
of the branches, which the increasing fame of 
Citeaux made it necessary to establish, and he 
set out with a small band of devoted followers, 
journeying N. until he came to a spot in the 
diocese of Langres in Champagne, known as 
the 'valley of wormwood,' where he made 
a clearing and founded his famous abbey of 
Clairvaux. His influence soon spread beyond 
the limits of his monastery, and from this time 
until his death he is one of the most prominent 
figures in the history of his time. After the 
death of Honorius II in 1130 his champion- 
ship secured the triumph of Innocent II over 
his rival Anacletus ; and in 11 40 at the Council 
of Sens he secured the condemnation of the 
heretic Peter Abelard. The news of the cap- 
ture of Edessa by the infidels in 11 44 led 
St. B., with the approval of the Pope, to preach 
a new Crusade, which resulted in the dis- 
astrous expedition of Louis VII and Conrad III 
(1147-1149). The failure of the Crusade was 
a crushing blow to St. B., from which he never 
recovered, and though he continued to take an 
active part in pubhc affairs, he gradually sank, 
and died, at the age of sixty-two, Aug. 20, 
1 1 53. He was canonized a few years after his 
death by Pope Alexander III. His numerous 
writings consist of epistles, sermons, and theo- 
logical treatises, which are conspicuous for his 
devotion to the Virgin Mary, whence on his 
canonization he was described as 'alumnus 
familiarissimus Dominae Nostrae.' His most 
important work is the De Consideratione 
(quoted by D., Epist. x. 28), written in the last 
years of his life, and addressed to his disciple, 
Pope Eugenius III, which is largely a protest 
against the excessive centralization of the au- 
thority of the Church at Rome. (See Morison, 
Life and Times of St. B.) [Consideratione, 

In the B. C, St. Bernard acts as D.'s guide, 
when Beatrice leaves him, and remains with 
him until the end of the vision ; he is regarded 
as the symbol of contemplation (Par. xxxi. 
lio-ii; xxxii. l), whereby man attains the 
vision of the Deity. Pietro di Dante says : — 

' Figura est, quod per theologiam Deum videre 
et cognoscere non possumus, sed per gratiam et 
con templationem. Ideo mediante sancto Bernardo, 
idest contemplatione, impetratur a Virgine gratia 
videndi talia, quae per scripturas percipi non 

St. B. is mentioned by name. Par. xxxi. 102, 
139 ; xxxiii. 49 ; Epist. x. 28 ; he is referred to 
as zm Sene VesHto con le genti gloriose, Par. 
xxxi. 59-60 ; egli, v. 65 ; il santo Sene, v. 94 ; 
colui, che in questo mondo, Contemplando, gusib 
di que Ha pace, w. iio-ii ; egli, v, 113 ; quel 
contemplante, Par. xxxii. i ; santo Padre, ■z/. 100; 
colui, cK abbelUva di Maria, v. 107 ; egli, 
V. 109; I'orator, Par. xxxiii. 41. D. several 
times alludes to St. B.'s well-known devotion 
to the Virgin, which is apparent in all his 
works, and especially in his Homilies on the 
Annunciation, and on the Praises of the Virgin 
(Par. xxxi. 100-2, 139-42 ; xxxii. 40-2). The 
description of St. B. as having ' a benign joy 
diffused in his eyes and cheeks' (Par. xxxi. 
61-2) is, as Butler points out, evidently an 
allusion to a personal characteristic, which is 
mentioned by Alan, Bishop of Auxerre : — 

' Apparebat in carne ejus gratia quaedam, 
spiritualis tamen potius quam carnalis ; in vultu 
claritas praefulgebat, non terrena utique, sed 
caelestis; in oeulis angelica quaedam .puritas et 
columbina simplicitas radiabat. Ipsa etiam sub- 
tilissima cutis in genis modice rubens. . . .' 

Beatrice, having conducted D. to the Em- 
pyrean, points out to him the Celestial Rose, 
in which are the seats of the Elect (Par. xxx. 
128-48), and, while he is lost in wonder at 
the sight, leaves him in order to return to 
her own place among them (xxxi. 1-54) ; not 
knowing that she has departed, D. turns to ' 
question her, and finds in her stead an elder 
(St. Bernard), who, in answer to his inquiry 
as to where B. is, states that he has been sent 
by her to take her place at D.'s side (vv. 5 5-66) ; 
he then points out to D. where she is seated 
{vv. 67-9) ; after D. has prayed to B. to 
continue her care for his welfare, St. B. bids 
him look steadfastly upon the Celestial Rose, 
and so prepare himself for the divine vision, 
which he says will be vouchsafed them at the 
instance of the Virgin Mary, whose faithful 
servant he declares himself to be {vv. 70-102) ; 
D. then, by St. B.'s direction, looks to where 
the Virgin is seated amid countless angels, and 
St. B., seeing D.'s eyes fixed upon her, turns 
his own gaze towards her with deep devotion 
{vv. 103-42) ; having explained to D. the 
arrangement of the seats of the Elect in the 
Rose, and having solved his doubt as to the 
salvation of infants (xxxii. 1-138), St. B. offers 
up a prayer to the Virgin that she may help 
D. to attain the vision of the highest bliss, 
and may henceforth have him in her keeping, 
so that he slide not back into his evil affections 
(xxxii. 139-xxxiii. 39) ; at the end of his prayer 
he signs to D. to look upward, and thereafter 
the vision closes {vv. 40-145). [Maria' : 

St. Bernard's prayer to the Virgin is adapted 
by Chaucer in the ' Invocacio ad Mariam ' in 
the Seconde Nonnes Tale {vv. 29-56) : — 


Bernardone, Pietro 

Bertram dal Bornio 

' And thou that flour of virgines art alle, 
Of whom that Bernard list so wel to wryte, 
To thee at my biginning first I calle . . . 

Thou mayde and mooder, doghter of thy sone, 
Thou welle of mercy, sinful soules cure, 
In whom that God, for bountee chees to wone, 
Thou humble, and heigh over every creature, 
Thou nobledest so ferforth oar nature. 
That no desdeyn the maker hadde of kinde, 
His sone in blode and flesh to clothe and winde. 

Withinne the cloistre blisful of thy sydes 
Took mannes shap the eternal love and jjees, 
That of the tryne compas lord and gyde is. 
Whom erthe and see and heven, out of relees, 
Ay herien; and thou, virgin wemmelees. 
Bar of thy body, and dweltest maydeu pure, 
The creatour of every creature. 

Assembled is in thee magnificence 
With raercy, goodnesse, and with swich pitee 
That thou, that art the Sonne of excellence, 
Nat only helpeth hem that preyen thee. 
But ofte tyme. of thy benignitee, 
Ful frely, er tnat men thyn help biseche. 
Thou goost biforn, and art hir lyves leche.* 

Bernardone, Pietro, wealthy wool-mer- 
chant of Assisi, father of St. Francis ; he 
strongly opposed his son's wish to devote 
himself to a life of asceticism, and even pro- 
secuted him before the Bishop of Assisi for 
squandering his money in charity. St. Francis 
thereupon, in the presence of the Bishop and 
of his father, renounced all worldly possessions, 
stripping off even his clothes, so that the 
Bishop had to cover him with his mantle. 
[Francesco ^] 

St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun), in his account of the life of St. F., 
alludes to Bemardone's opposition to his son, 
and to the incident of St. F.'s renunciation 
before the Bishop, Par. xi. 58-62 ; and refers 
to the fact that St. F. in his humility, to 
remind himself of his origin, used to call him- 
self ' fi' di Pietro Bernardone,' vv. 88-90. 

St. Bonaventura, in his Vita Francisci 
(written in 1261), relates that when St. F. heard 
himself lauded as a holy man, he would bid one 
of his friars to vilify him, and on being thus 
reproached with his low birth and his father's 
occupation, would reply that it was fitting for 
the son of Pietro Bernardone to hear such 
things : — 

' Cum populi merita sanctitatis in eo extoUerent, 
praecipiebat alicui fratri ut in contrarium verba 
ipsum vilificantia proferret, cumque frater ille licet 
invitus eum rusticum et mercenarium, et inutilem 
diceret, respondebat : Benedicat tibi Dominus, fill 
carissime, quia tu verissima loqueris, et talia filium 
Petri Bernardonis decet audire.' 

Bernardus, St. Bernard of Clairvaux, 
Epist. X. 28. [Bernardo ^.] 

Berneil, Guiraut de. [Qerardus de Bor- 

Berta, Bertha, imaginary personage ; 
coupled with Petrus, V. E. ii. 6^* ; any gossip 
or simpleton, donna (var. monna) Berta e ser 
Martina, 'gammer Bertha and gaffer Martin,' 
Par. xiii. 139. Fraticelli quotes from Passa- 

vanti's Specchio delta vera Penitenza (written 
1354) :- 

' Ser Martino dall' aja e donna Berta dal mulino 
piu arditamente si mettono ad interpretare i sogni, 
che non farebbe Socrate e Aristotile.' (Traitaio rfe' 

Berti, Bellincion. [Bellincion Berti.] 

Bertinoro. [Brettinoro.] 

Bertram dal Bornio, Bertran de Born, 
lord of Hautefort near Pdrigueux, one of the 
earliest and most famous of the troubadours ; 
he was born of a noble Limousin family about 
1 140, and died at the age of about 75 (prob- 
ably in 121 5), as a monk in the Cistercian 
monastery of IDalon, near Hautefort, which he 
had entered some twenty years before, and to 
which he and his family had made numerous 
donations ; his name occurs several times in 
the cartularies of the monastery between 1197 
and 1202, and the date of his death is fixed 
with tolerable certainty by a laconic entry (in 
the year 1215) in the diary of a monk of Saint- 
Martial in Limoges : — 

' Octava candela in sepulcro ponitur pro Bertrando 
de Born ; cera tres solidos empta est.' 

D. places Bertran among the sowers of 
discord in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxviii. 134 ; un busto sema 
capo, V. 119 ; quel, v. 123 ; colui che gid, tenne 
Altaforte, Inf. xxix. 29 [Scismatici] ; among 
the company of sinners in this Bolgia D. sees 
a headless body going along with the rest, 
with the head held in its hand, swinging by 
the hair, like a lantern (Inf. xxviii. 112-26); 
on nearing D. it suddenly lifts up its arm with 
the head, which begins to speak, informing 
D. that it belonged to Bertran de Bom, who 
gave the evil counsel to the Young King {;vv. 
127-35) ; and that, as he, like Ahithophel, set 
father and son at variance, so in retaliation 
his head is parted from his trunk {^v. 136-42), 
[Altaforte : Arrigo *.] 

D. mentions Bertran as an example of 
munificence, Conv. iv. I l^^s ; and as the poet 
of arms par excellence, quoting the first line 
(' No puosc mudar, un chantar non esparga') 
of one of his sirventes (written on the occasion 
of the outbreak of hostilities between Philip 
Augustus and Richard Coeur-de-Lion in I188), 

V. E. ii. 279-85. 

More than forty of Bertran's poems have 
been preserved, the majority of them being 
of a warlike tone ; the most famous is his 
lament (beginning ' Si tuit Ii dol elh plor eUi 
marnmen ') for the death of the Young King, 
1. e. Prince Henry, son of Henry II of England. 
Of the part played by Bertran in the rebellion 
of the Young King against his father, for which 
D. places him in Hell, little or nothing is 
known historically; and not much is to be 
gathered from Bertran's own poems. The 
sources of D.'s information upon the subject 


Bertram dal Bornio 


were the old Provengal biographies of the 
troubadour and the razos or arguments to his 
poems. In one of these it is related that the 
King of England hated Bertran as the evil 
counsellor of his son, and the cause of the 
strife between them : — 

' E'l reis Henries volia mal a'n Bertran, per so 
qu'el era amies e eonselhaire del rei jove, so filh, 
lo quals avia aguda guerra ab el, e crezia qu'en 
Bertrans n'agues tota la colpa.' 

From these old biographies and notices, 
which, though in many respects historically 
inaccurate, nevertheless represent the trou- 
badour as he appeared to D., we get the 
following account : — 

Bertran de Born was viscount of Hautefort, 
a eastle with nearly = thousand retainers, in the 
Bishopric of PSrigueux in the Limousin. He had 
a brother Constantine, whom he would have dis- 
possessed of his inheritance, had it not been for 
the King of England. He was continually at war 
with his neighbours, the Count of Perigueux, and 
the Viscount of Limoges, as well as with his own 
brother, and Richard Coeur-de-Lion, so long as 
he was Count of Poitou. He was a good knight, 
and a good warrior, and a good wooer, and a good 
troubadour, and wise and well-spoken. And when- 
ever he had a mind he was master of the King of 
England and of his son ; but he always desired 
that father and son should be at war, and one 
brother with another : — v 

' Bos chevaliers fo e bos guerriers e bos domneiaire e bos 
trobaire e savis e be parlans e saup tractar mals e bes,. et 
era senher totas vetz quan si volia del rei Henric d'Engla- 
terra e del filh de lui. Mas totz temps volia qu'ilh aguessen 
guerra ensems, lo paire e*l filhs.' 

And he likewise always desired the King of 
England and the King of France to be at war 
together. And if ever they made peace, straight- 
way he tried by his songs to undo the peace and 
to show how each was dishonoured by it ; whereby 
he gained for himself much good and much evil. 

And he wrote many poems, and the King of 
Aragon used to say that the songs of Guiraut de 
Borneil were as the wives of his sirvenies. And 
the jongleur who sang for him was called Papiol. 
And Bertran was gracious and courteous, and 
used to call Geoffrey, the Count of Brittany, 
Rassa ; and the King of England, Oc e No (i. e. 
' Yes and No ') ; and the Young King he called 
Maiinier. And he loved to set the barons at war, 
and he set King Henry at war with his son until 
the Young King was slain in Bertran's castle. 
And Bertran used to boast that he had more wits 
than he had need of; and when King Henry took 
him prisoner he asked him whether he had not 
need of all his wits then ; and Bertran answered 
that he lost all his wits when the Young King 
died. Then King Henry wept and forgave him and 
gave him lands and honours : — 

' E'n Bertrans de Born si's vanava qu'el cujava tan valer 
que ja no cujava que totz sos sens I'agues mestier. E puois 
lo reis lo pres, e quan Tac pres ... en Bertrans ab tota sa 
gen fo menatz al pavilho del rei Henric, e'l reis lo receup 
mout mal, e'l reis Henries si'lh dis : Bertrans, Bertrans, yos 
avetz dich que anc la meitatz del vostre sen no'us ac mestier 
nuls temps, mas sapchatz qu'ara vos a el be mestier totz.— - 
Senher, dis en Bertrans, el es be vers qu'ieu o dissi, e dissi 
be vertat.— E'l reis dis ; leu ere be qu'el vos sia aras falhitz. 

— Senher, dis en Bertrans, be m'es falhitz, — E com? dis lo 
reis. — Senher, dis en Bertrans, lo jorn que'l valens joves 
reis, vostre filhs, morit, ieu perdei lo sen e'l saber e la con- 
noissenza. — E'l reis, quan auzit so qu'en Bertrans 11 dis en 
ploran del filh, venc li grans dolors al cor de pietat et als 
uolhs, si que no's puoc tener qu'el no pasmes de dolor. 
E quan el revenc de pasmazo, el crida e dis en ploran : En 
Bertrans, en Bertrans, vos avetz be drech, et es De razos, si 
vos avetz perdut lo sen per mo filh, qu'el vos volia mielhs 
que ad home del mon. Et ieu, per amor de lui, vos quit la 
persona e I'aver e'l vostre chastel, e vos ren la mia amor 
e la mia gracia, e vos do cine cens marcs d'argen per los 
dans que vos avetz receubutz. — E'n Bertrans si'lh chazet 
als pes referen li gracias e merces.' 

And Bertran lived long in the world, and then 
joined the order of the Cistercians. 

(See A. Thomas, Podsies de Bertran de 
Born, 1888; and A. Stimming, Bertran von 
Born, 1893.) 

Bertramus de Bornio, Bertran de Bom, 
V. E. ii. 2''9-80 ; Bertramus, V.E. ii. 2^*. [Ber- 
tram dal Bornio.] 

Bestemmiatori], Blasphemers ; placed 
among the Violent in Round 3 of Circle VII of 
Hell, Inf. xiv. 43-72 ; genie, vv. 22, 26-7 
[Violenti] ; their punishment is to lie prone 
on the ground in a desert of burning sand, 
while flakes of fire fall upon them from 
above. Inf. xiv. 13-30. Example: Capaneus 

Betlemme], Bethlehem ; alluded to as the 
birthplace of Christ, Purg. xx. 23. [Maria^.] 

Bianca, Blanche, pseudonym of a lady 
(called also Giovanna and Cortese) mentioned 
in one of D.'s poems, Canz. x. 153. 

Bianchi], the ' Whites,' one of the divisions 
of the Guelf party in Florence, who eventually 
identified themselves with the Ghibelhnes, 
while their opponents, the Neri or 'Blacks,' 
remained staunch Guelfs {see below). [Table 


Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell) refers to the 
Bianchi as la parte selvaggia (in allusion, as 
is supposed, to the fact that their leaders, the 
Cerchi, ' uomini salvatichi ed ingrati,' as Villani 
calls them, came from the forest-lands of Val 
di Sieve in the Mugello), and after adverting 
to the bloody strife between the two parties, 
foretells their expulsion of the Neri (in 1301), 
their own downfall (in 1302), and the triumph 
of their rivals with the help of an ally (Boni- 
face VIII), adding that the latter will keep the 
upper hand for a long period, during which 
they will grievously oppress the Bianchi, Inf. 
vi. 64-72 [CercM : Ciaeoo] ; Vanni Fucci (in 
Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell) foretells the 
expulsion of the Neri from Pistoja (in 1301), 
and the expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence 
(1301-2), and the defeat of the latter at Campo 
Piceno, and the siege and capture of Serra- 
valle (in 1302) by the Neri of Florence and 
the Lucchese under Moroello Malaspina, Inf. 
xxiv. 143-50 [Pucoi, Vanni] ; Cacciaguida (in 
the Heaven of Mars) refers to the exiled 
Bianchi (from whom D. held aloof after 1303) 


G 2 



as la compagnia malvagia e scempia^ Par. 
xvii. 62. [Dante.] 

The parties of the Bianchi and Neri had 
their origin in the year 1300 in Pistoja, in 
a feud between two branches of the Cancellieri, 
a Guelf family of that city, who were descended 
from the same sire, one Ser Cancelliere, but 
by diiferent mothers. These two branches 
adopted distinctive names, the one being 
known as the Cancellieri Bianchi, as being 
descended from Cancelliere's wife Bianca, 
the other as the Cancellieri Neri, according to 
Machiavelli : — 

' Perche i Cancellieri erano discesi da messer 
Cancelliere, che aveva avute due mogli, delle 
quali I'una si chiam6 Bianca, si nomin6 ancora 
I'una delle parti, per quelli che da lei erano 
discesi, Bianca, e I'altra, per torre nome contrario 
a quella, fu nominata Nera.' {1st. Fior. ii.) 

A strong feeling of rivalry existed between 
these two branches, which at last, on the 
occasion of a trifling quarrel, broke out into 
actual hostilities. Benvenuto relates that one 
day the father of Focaccia, who belonged to 
the Cancellieri Bianchi, chastised one of his 
nephews, for assaulting another boy with 
a snow-ball. The nephew in revenge a few 
days after struck his uncle, for which he was 
sent by his father to receive such punishment 
as the uncle should think fit to administer. 
The latter, however, laughed the matter off, 
and sent the boy away with a kiss. But 
Focaccia, catching his cousin as he came out 
of the house, dragged him into the stable and 
cut off his hand on the manger, and then, not 
content with this, sought out the boy's father, 
his own uncle, and murdered him : — 

'Accidit a casu, quod pater Focacciae tempore 
hiemis, cum luderetur ad nivem, verberavit unum 
puerum nepotem suum, quia ille dicebatur per- 
cussisse inepte alium puerum cum nive ; ex quo 
puer post aliquos dies simulans se velle loqui isti 
patruo suo, dedit illi alapam in vindictam. Pater 
pueri dolens de temerario excessu filii, misit ipsum 
ad fratrem ut facefet correptionem de eo ad placitum 
suum. Et ille tamquam prudens risit, et remittebat 
filium patri non tactum nisi solo osculo. Sed 
Focaccia sceleratus expeotans puerum in limine 
domus, traxit ipsum in stabulum patris, et ampu- 
tavit illi manum impie cum ense super praesepe 
equi ; et non contentus ista crudelitate indignissima, 
continuo accessit ad domum patris pueri, qui erat 
patruus suus, et ilium crudelissime obtruncavit.* 

This atrocious crime naturally led to re- 
prisals, and in a short time the whole city 
was in a ferment. One half the citizens 
sided with the Neri, the other half with the 
Bianchi, so that Pistoja was reduced to a state 
of civil war. To put an end to this state of 
things the Florentines intervened. In the 
hopes of extinguishing the feud they secured 
the leaders of both factions, and imprisoned 
them in Florence. Unhappily this measure 
only led to the introduction of the feud among 


themselves. In Florence also there happened 
to be two rival families, the Donati, who were 
ancient but poor, and the Cerchi, who were 
rich upstarts. The former, headed by Corso 
Donati, took the part of the Cancellieri Neri, 
while the Cerchi, headed by Viero de' Cerchi, 
took the part of the Cancellieri Bianchi. So 
it came about that, through the private en- 
mities of two Pistojan and of two Florentine 
houses, Florence, which was ostensibly Guelf 
at the time, became divided into Black Guelfs 
and White Guelfs. These two divisions, which 
had originally been wholly unpolitical, by 
degrees became respectively pure Guelfs and 
disaffected Guelfs, the latter, the White 
Guelfs, finally throwing in their lot with the 
Ghibellines. [Cancellieri: Cerchi: Donati: 

The commencement of actual hostilities in 
Florence between the Bianchi and Neri was 
due to a brawl one evening in the spring of 
the same year (May I, 1300) between some 
of the Cerchi and Donati on the occasion of 
a dance in the Piazza di santa Trinitk. Two 
parties of young men on horseback belonging 
to either side, while looking on, began hustling 
each other. This soon led to serious fighting, 
during which one of the Cerchi had his nose 
cut off. The peace having once been broken, 
the conflict was carried on without intermission, 
until at last in 1302 the Neri, with the aid 
of Charles of Valois, finally expelled the 
Bianchi from Florence, D. being included in 
the decree of banishment. The incident is 
described by Villani : — 

' Awenne, che andando a cavallo dell' una setta 
e deir altra per la citta armati e in riguardo, che 
con parte de' giovani de' Cerchi era Baldinaccio 
degli Adimari, e Baschiera de' Tosinghi, e Naldo 
de' Gherardini, e Giovanni Giacotti Malispini co' 
loro seguaci piii di trenta a cavallo; e con gli 
giovani de' Donati, erano de' Pazzi, e Spini, e 
altri loro masnadieri ; la sera di calen di Maggio 
anno 1300, veggendo uno ballo di donne che si 
facea nella piazza di santa Trinita, I'una parte 
contra I'altra si cominciarono a sdegnare, e a 
pignere I'uno contro all'altro i cavalli, onde si 
cominci6 una grande zuifa e raislea, ov' ebbe piii 
fedite, e a Ricoverino di messer Ricovero de' 
Cerchi per disawentura fu tagliato il naso dal 
volto ; e per la detta zuffa la sera tutta la citta fu 
per gelosia sotto I'arme. Questo fu il comincia- 
raento dello scandalo e partimento della nostra 
citta di Firenze e di parte guelfa, onde molti mali 
e pericoli ne seguiro appresso.' (viii. 39.) 

The following list of the various families 
which joined the Bianchi and the Neri re- 
spectively, many of whose names are fami- 
liar as occurring in the D. C, is given by 
Villani : — 

' I Cerchi furono in Firenze capo della parte 
bianca, e con loro tennero della casa degli Adimari 
quasi tutti, se non se il lato de' Cavicciuli ; tutta la 
casa degli Abati, la quale era allora moho possente, 


Bibbia, La 

e parte di loro erano guelfi e parte ghibellini ; 
grande parte de' Tosinghi, spezialmente il lato del 
Baschiera ; parte di casa i Bardi, e parte de' Rossi, 
e cosi de' Frescobaldi, e parte de' Nerli e de' 
Mannelli, e tutti i Mozzi, che allora erano molto 
possenti di ricchezza e di stato ; tutti quegli della 
casa degli Scali, e la maggiore parte de' Gherar- 
dini, tutti i Malispini, c gran parte de' Bostichi e 
Giandonati, de' Pigli, e de' Vecchietti e Arrigucci, 
e quasi tutti i Cavalcanti, ch' erano una grande e 
possente casa, e tutti i Falconieri, ch' erano una 
possente casa di popolo. E con loro s'accostarono 
molte case e schiatte di popolani e artefici minuti, 
e tutti i grandi e popolani ghibellini ; e por lo 
seguito grande ch'aveano i Cerchi, il reggimento 
della citta era quasi tutto in loro pqdere. 

Delia parte nera furono tutti quegli della casa 
de' Pazzi quasi principali co' Donati, e tutti i 
Visdomini, e tutti i Manieri e' Bagnesi, e tutti 
i Tornaquinci, e gli Spini, e' Bondelraonti, e' 
Gianfigliazzi, Agli, e Brunelleschi, e Cavicciuli, 
e I'altra parte de' Tosinghi, e tutto il rimanente ; 
e parte di tutte le case guelfe nominate di sopra, 
che quegli che non furono co' bianehi, per contrario 
furono co' neri. E cosi delle dette due parti tutta 
la citta di Firenze e '1 contado ne fu partita e 
contaminata.' (viii. 39.) 

Bianco, one of the Bianehi, or disaffected 
Guelfs of Florence, Inf. xxiv. 150. [Bianehi.] 

Biante, Bias of Priene in Ionia (circ. B.C. 
550) ; mentioned as one of the Seven Sages 
of Greece, who were the predecessors of the 
philosophers, Conv. iii. li^*-*!. JQ.'s authority 
here appears to have been St. Augustine : — 

' Regnante verp apud Hebraeos Sedechia et apud 
Rbmanos Tarquinio Prisco, ductus est captivus in 
Babyloniam populus Judaeorum eversa Hierusalem. 
. . . Eo tempore Pittacus Mitylenaeus, alius e 
septem sapientibus, fuisse perhibetur. Et quinque 
ceteros, qui ut septem numerentur, Thaleti . . . et 
huic Pittaco adduntur, eo tempore fuisse scribit 
Eusebius, quo captivus Dei populus in Babylonia 
tenebatur. Hi sunt autem : Solon Atheniensis, 
Chilon Lacedaemonius, Periandrus Corinthius, 
Cleobulus Lindius, Bias Prienaeus. Omnes hi, 
septem appellati sapientes, post poetas theologos 
claruerunt, quia genere vitae quodam laudabili 
praestabant hominibus ceteris et morum nonnulla 
praecepta sententiarum brevitate complexi sunt. 
Nihil autem monumentorum, quod ad litteras 
attinet, posteris reliquerunt, nisi quod Solon 
quasdam leges Atheniensibus dedisse perhibetur ; 
Thales vero physicus fuit, et suorum dogmatum 
libros reliquit. . . . Tunc et Pythagoras, ex quo 
coeperunt appellari philosophi.' {Civ. Z)«, xviii. 25.) 

Bibbia, La, the Bible ; mentioned in con- 
nexion with St. Jerome's preface to his Latin 
translation of the Bible (the Vulgate), Conv. 
iv. 5143.-4 [Jeronimo] ; usually referred to as 
la Scrittura, Par. iv. 43; xii. 125; xix. 83; 
xxix. 90; xxxii. 68 ; Conv. iv. 12**^; Scriptura, 
V. E. i. 410 ; Mon. iii. 388, 4S ; Epist. x. 22 ; 
le Scritture, Par. xiii. 128 ; I'antica e la novella 
Proposizion, Par. xxiv. 97-8 ; le nuove e le 
Scritture antiche, Par. xxv. 88 ; il vecchio e il 

nuovo Testamento, Par. v. 76 ; vetus et novum 
Testamentum, Mon. iii. i^^^ ; duo Testamenta, 
Mon. iii. 14'^*. [Bvaageiio.] 

D. quotes the Bible upwards of 200 times: — 
Inf. xi. 106-8 {Gen. i. 28; ii. 15; iii. 19); 
Purg. ii. 46 {Psalm cxiv. l) ; Purg. v. 24 {Psalm 
li. l) ; Purg. X. 40 {Lu&e i. 28) ; Purg. x. 44 
{Luke i. 38) ; Purg. xii. 1 10 {Malt. v. 3) ; Purg. 
xiii. 29 {Jokn ii. 3) ; Purg. xiii. 36 {Matt. v. 
44) ; Purg. xiv. 133 {Gen. iv. 14) ; Purg. xv. 38 
{Matt. v. 7) ; Purg. xvi. 19 {/o^n i. 29) ; Purg. 
xvii. 68-9 {Matt. v. 9) ; Purg. xviii. 100 {Luke 
i. 39) ; Purg. xix. 50 {Matt. v. 4) ; Purg. xix. "Ji 
{Psalm cxix. 25) ; Purg. xix. 137 {Matt. xxii. 
30); Purg. XX. 136 {Luke ii. 14); Purg. xxii. 
4-6 {Matt. v. 6) ; Purg. xxiii. 11 {Psalm li. 15) ; 
Purg. xxiii. 74 {Matt, xxvii. 46) ; Purg. xxiv. 
151-4 {Matt. v. 6) ; Purg. xxv. 128 {Luke i. 
34) ; Purg. xxvii. 8 {Matt. v. 8) ; Purg. xxvii. 
58 {Matt. xxv. 34) ; Purg. xxviii. 80 {Psalm 
xcii. 4) ; Purg. xxix. 3 {Psalm xxxii. l) ; Purg. 
xxix. 51 {Matt. xxi. 9) ; Purg. xxix. 85-7 {Luke 
i. 42) ; Purg. XXX. 1 1 {Cant. iv. 8) ; Purg. xxx. 
19 {Matt. xxi. 9) ; Purg. xxx. 83-4 {Psalm 
xxxi. 1-8) ; Purg. xxxi. 98 {Psalm li. 7) ; Purg. 
xxxiii. I {Psalm Ixxix. i) ; Purg. xxxiii. 10-12 
{John xvi. 16) ; Par. iii. 121-2 {Luke i. 28) ; 
Par. viii. 29 {Matt. xxi. g) ; Par. xiii. 93 
(l Kings iii. 5) ; Par. xvi. 34 {Luke i. 28) ; 
Par. xviii. 91-3 {Wisd. i. l) ; Par. xx. 94 
{Matt. xi. 12) ; Par. xxiv. 64-5 {Heb. xi. l) ; 
Par. xxv. 38 {Psalm cxxi. i) ; Par. xxv. 91 
{Isaiah Ixi. 7, 10) ; Par. xxv. 73-4, 98 {Psalm 
ix. loj ; Par. xxvi. 42 {Exod. xxxiii. 19) ; Par. 
xxxii. 12 {Psalm li. i) ; Par. xxxii. 67-70 {Gen. 
xxv. 22-5) ; Par. xxxii. 95 {Luke i. 28). 

V. N. § 7*1-3 {Lament, i. 12) ; V. N. § 23S5-6 
{Mark xi. 10); V.N. § 2488-9 {Matt. iii. 3); 
V. N. §§ 29I-3, 318-9 (Lament, i. i) ; Conv. 
i. 481-^ {Matt. xiii. 57) ; Conv. i. I l^i-^ {Matt. 
XV. 14) ; Conv. ii. 1*8-3 {Matt. xvii. i) ; Conv. 
ii. i58-60 {Psalm cxiv. i); Conv. ii. 4*^-3 
{Psalm viii. i); Conv. ii. 6^"' {Heb. i. i); 
Conv. ii. 616-13 {John i. 5) ; Conv. ii. 6^^-^ 
{Luke i. 26-7) ; Conv. ii. 6^8-8 {Matt. xxvi. 
S3) ; Conv. ii. 629-31 {Matt. iv. 6, 11) ; Conv. 
ii. e^*-' {Cant. viii. 5) ; Conv. ii. 6103-5 {Psalm 
xix. i) ; Conv. ii. 9II6-10 {John xiv. 6) ; Conv. 
ii. 1182-5 {Eccles. v. 13); Conv. ii. IS^''!-^ 
{John xiv. 27) ; Conv. ii. 15176-8 {Cant. vi. 
8-9) ; Conv. iii. 4T6-7 {Psalm c. 3) ; Conv. iii. 
814-20 [Ecclus. i. 3 ; iii. 21-3) ; Conv. iii. 1 1128-9 
{Prov. viii. 17) ; Conv. iii. 1453-60 {Ecclus. 
xxiv. 9) ; Conv. iii. 14^^ {Prov. viii. 23) ; Conv. 
iii. I4''3 {John 1. 1-2) ; Conv. iii. 154S-6 {Wisd. 
iii. 11) ; Conv. iii. 1553-s {Wisd. vii. 26) ; Conv. 
iii. 15I6I-2 {Wisd. ix. 9.); Conv. iii. 15I68-7T 
{Prov. viii. 27-30); Conv. iii. 15I90-2 {Prov. 
iv. 18); Conv. iv. 2'4-5 {Eccles. iii. 7); 
Conv. iv. 283-7 {James v. 7) ; Conv. iv. s^-ij 
{Prov. viii. 6) ; Conv. iv. 5*8-4 {Jsaiah xi. i) ; 
Conv. iv. 564-6 {Euke ii. i) ; Conv. iv. 6164-b 
{Wisd.y'x. 23 in Vulg., omitted from A. V.) ; 


Bibbia, La 

Conv. iv. 6i''*-8 {Ecdes. x. i6, 17) ; Conv. iv. 
795-7 {Prov. xxii. 28) ; Conv. iv. 798-102 [Prov. 
iv. 18-19) ; Conv. iv. 7i3<'-3 [Prov. v. 23) ; 
Conv. iv. 1 1I12-13 {Luke xvi. 9) ; Conv. iv. 
12U3-4 (c:^;2. i. 26) ; Conv. iv. 138I-2 (i?(?»z. 
xii. 3); Conv. iv. 1569-71 [Ecdes. iii. 21); 
Conv. iv. 1 5I37-9 (Prov. xxix. 20) ; Conv. iv. 
16I-* [Psalm Ixiii. 1 1) ; Conv. iv. 168-10 ( Wisd. 
vi. 23 in Vu!g.) ; Conv. iv. i6*9-54 [Ecdes. x. 
16-17); Conv. iv. 16110-12 [ 15-16); 
Conv. iv. 17M-101 [Luke x. 41-2) ; Conv. iv. 
1960-8 [Psalm viii. i, 4-6) ; Conv. iv. 2o28-9 
(Acts X. 34) ; Conv. iv. 2o6i-3 (James i. 17) ; 
Conv. iv. 2i56 [Pom. xi. 33) ; Conv. iv. 21I10-12 
(Isaiah xi. 2) ; Conv. iv. 22^^-8 (i C(7r. ix. 24); 
Conv. iv. 221*9-59 (Mark xvi. 1-7) ; Conv. iv. 
22169-74 (j^fa/^. xxviii. 2-3) ; Conv. iv. 2379-8O 
(Psalm civ. 9) ; Conv. iv. 23I05-6 [Luke xxiii. 
44) ; Conv. iv. 241*2-7 (Prov. i. 8, 10) ; Conv. 
iv. 24I68-5 [Prov. XV. 31); Conv. iv. 24I72-3 
(Coloss. iii. 20) ; Conv. jv. 25i7-'i8 [Prov. iii. 
34) ; Conv. iv. 25I9-20 (Prov. iv. 24) ; Conv. 
iv. 276O-3 (i Kings iii. 9); Conv. iv. 2775-6 
(Matt. x. 8) ; Conv. iv. 2875-81 [Rom. ii. 28-9) ; 
Conv. iv. 3o37-8 [Matt. vii. 6). 

V. E. i. 2*5 [Numb. xxii. 28) ; V. E. i. 4I3-I8 
(Gen. iii. 2-3) ; V. E. i. 1235 [Matt, v. 22) ; 
Mon. i. 1IO-12 (Psalm \. 3); Mon. i. i38-9 
(James i. 5) ; Mon. i. 4I* [Psalm viii. 5) ; Mon, 
i. 423-0 [Luke ii. 13-14) ; Mon. i. 4?5 (Luke 
xxiv. 36) ; Mon. i. 5^0-1 [Matt. xii. 25) ; Mon. 
i. 810-11 [Gen. i. 26); Mon. i. 823-4 [Deut. 
vi. 4); Mon. i. 1380 [Psalm 1. 16); Mon. i. 
jjGi-s [Psalm Ixxii. i) ; Mon. i. 1466-73 [Exod. 
xviii. 17-26); Mon. i. 1522-4 (Psalm iv. 7); 
Mon. i. 16I8 (Gal. iv. 4); Mon. i. i636-8 
(Psalm cxxxiii. l) ; Mon. ii. 1I-6 (Psalm ii. 1-3) ; 
Mon. ii. 2*2 [John i. 3-4) ; Mon. ii. 272-3 [Rom. 
i. 20) ; Mon. ii. 3^4-6 (Luke vi. 38) ; Mon. ii. 
4II-14 [Exod. viii. 18-19) ; Mon. ii. 836 [jj^b. 
xi. 6) ; Mon. ii. 837-42 [Levit. xvii. 3-4) ; Mon. 
ii. 857-9 [Exod. vii. 9) ; Mon. ii. 86I-* (2 Chron. 
XX. 12) ; Mon. ii. 870 [Acts i. 23-6) ; Mon. ii. 
975 [Rom. xi. 33) ; Mon. ii. 9I01-3 [Luke ii. 1) ; 
Mon. ii. iqIO [Psalm xi. 7); Mon. ii. ii69 
(2 Tim. iv. 8) ; Mon. ii. 138-11 (Rom. v. 12) ; 
Mon. ii. 13I6-26 [Ephes. i. 5-8) ; Mon. ii. 1326-7 
(John xix. 30) ; Mon. ii. 1386-7 [Exod. ii. 14) ; 
Mon. ii. 1344-5 (Isaiah liii. 4) ; Mon. iii. ii-3 
(Dan. vi. 22) ; Mon. iii. iis-ie [Prov. viii. 7) ; 
Mon. iii. 1^2 (Ephes. vi. 14) ; Mon. iii. i24-5 
(Isaiah vi. 6-7) ; Mon. iii. i27 [Coloss. i. 13-14) ; 
Mon. iii. i3i-3 (Psalm cxii. 6-7) ; Mon. iii. 376 
(Psalm cxi. 9) ; Mon. iii. 379 [Cant. i. 3) ; Mon. 
iii. 384-6 [Matt, xxviii. 20); Mon. iii. 399-104 
(Matt. XV. 2-3) ; Mon. iii. 4I0-13 (Gen. i. 16) ; 
Mon. iii. 58-10 [Gen. xxix. 34-5) ; Mon. iii. 6*-5 
(i Sam. XV. 16, 23, 28) ; Mon. iii. 7I-3 [Matt. 
ii. 11) ; Mon. iii. 82-5> *i (Matt. jcvi. 19) ; Mon. 
iii. 92 (Luke xxii. 38) ; Mon. iii. 925 [Ltcke 
xxii. 7) ; Mon. iii. 988-42 [Luke xxii. 14, 35-6) ; 
Mon. iii. 960 [Luke xxii. 38) ; Mon. iii. 970-8O 
(Matt. xvi. 15-16, 21-3) ; Mon. iii. 981-6 (Matt. 

Bibbia, La 

xvii. 4) ; Mon. iii. g'o (Matt. xiv. 28) ; Mon. 
iii. 994-7 [Matt. xxvi. 33, 35 ; Mark xiv. 29) ; 
Mon. iii. g98-l02 [Euke xxii. 33) ; Mon. iii. 
5X03-7 [John xiii. 6, 8) ; Mon. iii. 9IO8-9 (John 
xviii. 10) ; Mon. iii. 9III-14 (John xx. 5-6) ; 
Mon. iii. 9116-19 (John xxi. 7) ; Mon. iii. 9I20-2 
(John xxi. 21) ; Mon. iii. 9I32-5 (Matt. x. 
34-5) ; Mon. iii. 9137-9 (Acts i. l) ; Mon. iii. 
Io44-6 (John xix. 23-4, 34) ; Mon. iii. io5o-3 
(I Cor. iii. 11) ; Mon. iii. lo53 (Matt. xvi. 18) ; 
Mon. iii. io59-6i (Cant. viii. 5) ; Mon. iii. 
10I09-11 [Matt. X. 9); Mon. iii. 1343-5 [Acts 
XXV. 10) ; Mon. iii. 1346-7 [Acts xxvii. 24) ; 
Mon. iii. 13*9-53 [Acts xxviii. 19) ; Mon. iii. 
1357-8 [Phil. i. 23) ; Mon. iii. 1366-76 [Levit. 
ii. II ; xi. 43) ; Mon. iii. 1422-3 [Matt. xvi. 18); 
Mon. iii. 1423-5 (John xvii. 4) ; Mon. iii. 1488-5 
(Numb, xviii. 20j ; Mon. iii. 1520-3 (Johnian. 
15); Mon. iii. 1524-6 (jokn xxi. 19); Mon. 
iii. 1528-34 [John xviii. 36); Mon. iii. 1586-9 
[Psalm xcv. 5) ; Mon. iii. i67* (Psalm xxxii. 9). 

Epist. iv. 5 [John xv. 19) ; Epist. v. 4 
(Psalm xcv. 2 ; Rom. xiii. 2 ; Acts ix. 5) ; 
Epist. V. 5 (Luke xjci. 8) ; Epist. v. 7 (Psalm 
xcv. 5) ; Epist. V. 8 [Rom. i. 20) ; Epist. v. 9 
[Matt. xxii. 21); Epist. v. 10 [Ephes. iv. 17; 
I Pet. ii. 17) ; Epist. vi. I (Deut. xxxii. 35) ; 
Epist. vi. 5 [Rom. i. 29) ; Epist. vi. 6 (Isaiah 
liii. 4) ; Epist. vii. 2 (Josh. x. 12-13 > Luke vii. 
19 ; John i. 29) ; Epist. vii. 3 (Luke ii. i ; Matt. 
iii. 15) ; Epist. vii. 5 (l Sam. xv. 17-18) ; Epist. 
viii. I (Lament, i. i) ; Epist. viii. 2 (John xxi. 
15-17) > Epist. viii. 3 (Psalm Ixxix. 10) ; Epist. 
viii. 4 (Ezek. viii. 16) ; Epist. viii. 5 (l Cor. xv. 
10; Psalm. Ixix. 9 ; Matt. xxi. 16) ; Epist. viii. 
8 (Numb. xxii. 28) ; Epist. x. 2 [Wisd. vii. 14); 
Epist. X. 7 [Psalm cxi v. i) ; Epist. x. 22 
(Jerem. xxiii. 24 ; Psalm cxxxix. 7-9 ; Wisd. 
i. 7 ; Ecclus. xiii. 16) ; Epist. x. 27 (Ephes. iv. 
10; Ezek. xxviii. 12-13) ! Epist. x. 28 (2 Cor. 
xii. 3-4 ; Matt. xvii. 6 ; Ezek. i. 28 ; Dan. ii. 
3 ; Matt. v. 45) ; Epist. x. 33 (John xvii. 3 ; 
Rev. i. 8); A. T. § 2i69 [Gen. i. 9); A. T. 
§ 226-8 [Job xi. 7) ; A, T. § 229-11 [Psalm 
cxxxix. 6) ; A. T. § 22II-13 [Isaiah Iv. 9) ; 
A. T. § 22I5-I8 [Rom. xi. 33) ; A. T. § 222» 
(John viii. 21). 

The above references are to the Authorized 
Version (A. V.) ; the Vulgate references, where 
they differ from these (as in the Psalms), are 
given under the headings of the several books 
quoted or referred to by D., viz. Genesis 
[Oenesis], Exodus [Bxodus], Leviticus [Le- 
viticus], Numbers [Numerorum, Liber], Deu- 
teronomy [Deateroaomium], Joshua [Josae, 
Liber], Judges [Judicum, Liber], Samuel 
[Samuelis, Libri], Kings [Regum, LIbrI], 
Chronicles [Paralipomenoa, Libri], Tobit 
[Tobiae, Liber], Judith [Juditb, Liber], Esther 
[Esther, Liber], Job [Job, Liber], Psalms 
Psalmorum, Liber], Proverbs [Proverbioram, 
Liber], Ecclesiastes [Bcclesiastes], Canticles 
or the Song of Solomon [Caaticutn Cantl- 


Bibbia, La 


contm\, Wisdom [Sapientlae, Liber], Eccle- 
siasticus [Bccleslastlcus], Isaiah [Isalae, 
Propbetia], Jeremiah [Jeremiae, Propbetia], 
Lamentations {Lamentatioaes Jeremiae}, 
Ezekiel [Bzechielis, Propbetia], Daniel 
{Danlelis, Propbetia], Maccabees [Macha- 
baeorum, Llbrl], Matthew [Mattbaeatn, 
Bvangellum secundum], Mark [Marcum, 
Evangellum secundum], Luke [Lucam, 
Bvangellum secundum], John [Jobannem, 
Bvangellum secundum], Acts of the Apostles 
[Actus Apostolorum], Epistle to the Romans 
[Romanos, Bplstola ad], Epistle to the 
Corinthians [Corlntblos, Bplstola ad], Epistle 
to the Galatians [Oalatas, Bplstola ad], 
Epistle to the Ephesians [Bpheslos, Bplstola 
ad]. Epistle to the Philippians [Pbillppenses, 
Bplstola ad], Epistle to the Colossians [Colos- 
senses, Bplstola ad], Epistle to the Thessa- 
lonians [Tbessalonlcenses, Bplstola ad]. 
Epistle to Timothy [TImotbeum, Bplstola 
ad], Epistle to the Hebrews [Hebraeos, 
Bplstola ad], Epistle of James [Jacobl, 
Bplstola], Epistles of Peter [Petri, Bpistolae], 
Epistle of Jude [Judae, Bplstola], Revelation 

St. Jerome, in his preface to the Latin 
translation of the Bible {Prologus Galeatus), 
reckons the canonical books of the O. T. at 
twenty-four ; he divides them into thi:ee groups 
■ — the first of which comprises the five books 
of Moses ; the second comprises eight pro- 
phetical books, viz. Joshua, Judges,. Sa,muel, 
Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the 
twelve minor prophets (counting as one book) j 
the third comprises nine hagiographical books, 
Daniel, Chronicles, Esdras, and Esther; to 
which he adds Ruth and Lamentations, making, 
twenty-four in all : — 

' Primus liber, quem nos Genesim dicimus ; 
secundus, qui Exodus appellatur ; tertius, Leviticus ; 
quartus, quem Numeros vocamus ; quintus, qui 
Deuteronomium praenotatur. Hi sunt quinque libri 
Moysi, quos Hebraei Legem appellant. Secun- 
dum, prophetarum ordinem faciunt : et incipiunt 
ab Jesu filio Nave ; deinde subtexunt Judicum 
librum ; tertius sequitur Samuel, quem nos Regum 
primum et secundum dicimus ; quartus Regum, 
qui tertio et quarto Regum volumine continetur ; 
quintus est Isaias ; sextus, Jeremias ; Septimus, 
Ezechiel ; octavus, liber duodecim Prophetarum. 
Tertius ordo, Hagiographa possidet : et primus 
liber incipit a Job ; secundus a David ; tertius est 
Salomon, tres libros habens Proverbia ; quartus, 
Ecclesiasten ; quintus, Canticum Canticorum ; 
sextus est Daniel ; Septimus, qui liber apud nos 
Paralipomenon primus et secundus inscribitur ; 
octavus, Esdras ; nonus, Esther. Atque ita Sunt 
pariter veteris legis libri vigintiduo : id est, Moysi 
quinque, et Prophetarum octo, Hagiographorum 
novem. Quanquara nonnuUi Ruth et Cinoth (i. e. 
Lamentationes) inter Hagiographa scriptitent, et 
hos libros in sue putent numero supputandos, ac 

per hoc esse priscae legis libros vigintiquatuor : 
quos sub numero vigintiquatuor seniorum Apoca- 
lypsls Joannis inducit adorantes Agnum.' 

The twenty-four books of the O. T., ac- 
cording to this reckoning of St. Jerome, are 
supposed to be symbolized by the four-and- 
twenty elders in the mystical Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 83-4. 

Blbbla, Proemlo delta. [Proemlo della 

Bice, familiar abbreviation of Beatrice ; 
coupled with Vanna, the familiar name of 
Giovanna, the lady-love of Guido Cavalcanti, 
Son. xiv. 9 (V. N. § 24*8) ; Son. xxxii. 9 
[Giovanna*] ; alluded to (perhaps), Par. vii. 
14, where, however, D. probably merely means 
to express his reverence for every part of the 
name of B. [Beatrice 1.] 

Bilacqua. [Belacqua.] 

Billi], name of a Florentine family, supposed 
by some commentators to be alluded to by 
the arms la colonna del vaio. Par. xvi. 103. 
The reference is more probably to the Pigli. 

Bindi, people of the name of Bindo, popular 
abbreviation of Aldobrando ; mentioned to- 
gether with Lapo, asbeingamongthe commonest 
names in Florence, Par. xxix. 103. [Lapi.] 

Bisdomini. [Visdomini.] 

Bisenzio, stream in Tuscany, which flows 
close to Prato and Campi, and falls into the 
Arno opposite Lastra, about 10 miles below 
Florence ; mentioned by Camicione dei Pazzi 
(in Caina) in connexion with the Conti Alberti, 
whose castles of Vernia and Cerbaia were 
situated in the Val di Bisenzio, Inf. xxxii. 56. 

Bismantova, village in the Emilia on 
a steep hill of the same name about 20 miles 
S. of Reggio ; mentioned by D. in connexion 
with the precipitous ascent to it, Purg. iv. 26. 
In the Middle Ages it was strongly fortified 
and was a place of some importance. Nothing 
now remains but a huge sheer semicircular 
rock, known as ' La Pietra di Bismantova.' 
Benvenuto describes it as having had a sort 
of plateau at the s.ummit, which at times seems 
to have been cultivated. He says it could 
only be approached by a single tortuous path- 
way, which became very steep towards the 
top. To his fancy the ' mountain presented 
a striking resemblance in many particulars to 
the Mt. of Purgatory. For B. ip, cacume there 
is a variant B. e in Cacume, the last word being 
taken, by Buti, Landino, and others, for the 
name of another mountain, said to be in 

Bocca, Bocca degli Abati, one of the Ghi- 
bellines who remained in Florence after the 




expulsion of the rest of the party in 1258, and 
who, while ostensibly fighting on the side of 
the Florentine Guelfs at the battle of Mont- 
aperti, at the moment when the latter were 
hard pressed by Manfred's German cavalry, 
treacherously cut off the hand of the Florentine 
standard-bearer, thus creating a panic, which 
ended in the disastrous defeat of the Guelfs 
[Arbia]. Villani says : — 

'Come la schiera de' Tedeschi rovinosamente 
percosse la schiera de' cavalieri de' Fiorentini ov* 
era la 'nsegna della cavalleria del comune, la quale 
portava messer Jacopo del Nacca della casa de' 
Pazzi di Firenze, uomo di grande valore, il traditore 
di messer Bocca degli Abati, ch' era in sua schiera 
e presso di lul, colla spada fedi il detto messer 
Jacopo e tagliogli la mano colla quale tenea la 
detta insegna, e ivi fu morto di presente. E ci6 
fatto, la cavalleria e popolo veggendo abbattuta 
I'insegna, e cosi traditi da' loro, e da' Tedeschi si 
forte assaliti, in poco d'ora si misono in isconfitta.' 
(vi. 78.) 

Bocca is placed in Antenora, the second 
division of Circle IX of Hell, among those who 
have betrayed their country, Inf. xxxii. 106 ; 
una [testa), v. 78 ; colui che bestemmiava, 
V. 85 ; malvagio traditor, v. no [Antenora] ; 
as D. and Virgil pass along among the traitors, 
the former strikes his foot against the head 
of one of them (Inf. xxxii. 73-8), who demands 
why he is struck, unless it be in order 'to 
increase the vengeance of Montaperti' (vv. 
79-81) ; on hearing the last word D. asks V. 
to wait, as he wishes to solve a doubt (either 
as to the identity of the trajtor at Montaperti, 
or as to that of the speaker), and demands 
who it is that thus chjdes others {vv. 82-7) ; 
the speaker (Bocca) replies by asking D. who 
he is that goes through Antenora striking 
others with a force more like that of a living 
man than of a damned spirit (as he supposes 
D. to be) [vv. 88-90); D. retorts that he is 
alive and can make hjm famous, if he desire 
fame, by recording his name {vv. 91-3) ; B. 
replies that on the co^trary he desjres oblivion, 
and bids D. go and leave him alone {vv. 
94-6) ; D. thereupon seizes him by the scalp 
and threatens to tear out his hair unless he 
reveals his name {vv. 97-9) ; as he refuses 
D. carries out his threat, making him howl 
so that one of his companions (Buoso da Duera) 
shouts to him, calling him by name, to know 
what is the matter {vv. 100-8) ; D. having 
thus learned B.'s name is content, and says 
he will brand him with infamy by telling the 
truth about him {vv. 109-11); B. defies him 
to do his worst, and then, to avenge himself 
for having been named by his companion, 
informs D. who the latter is {vv. 11 2-1 7); 
after he has named several more qf his com- 
panions D. leaves him {vv. 118-24). 

Boccio. [Becoio.] 
Boemia. [Buemme.] 

BoStius, author of the De Consolatione 
Phtlosophiae, Mon. i. 92s ; ii. 991 ; Epist. x. 33. 

Boezio, Boethius (Anicius Manlius Tor- 
quatus Severinus Boethius), Roman statesman 
and philosopher, born at Rome circ. A.D. 475, 
died at Pavia (Ticinum) 525. pibbon de- 
scribes him as ' the last of the Romans whom 
Cato or TuUy could have acknowledged for 
their countryman.' His father, Flavius Man- 
lius Boethius, was consul in 487, and died soon 
after. As a wealthy orphan Boethius inherited 
the patrimony and honours of the Anician 
family, and was educated under the care of 
the chief men at Rome. He also studied at 
Athens, and translated or commented on ' the 
geometry of Euclid, the music of Pythagoras, 
the arithmetic of Nicomachus, the mechanics 
of Archimedes, the astronomy of Ptolemy, the 
tjieology of Plato, and the logic of Aristotle, 
with the commentary of Porphyry.' To his 
works was due to a great extent the knowledge 
of Aristotle in the Middle Ages. He was no 
less distinguished for his virtue than for his 
learning, and was always ready to relieve the 
poor and oppressed. He married Rusticiana, 
daughter of the senator Symmachus, by whom 
he had two sons. From "Theodoric, King of 
the Ostrogoths, who was then master of Italy, 
he received the title of patrician while still 
a youth, and in 510 he was made consul, an 
honour which twelve years later (522) was 
conferred upon his two sons. But his good 
fortune did not last ; his powerful position and 
bold maintenance of justice aroused jealousy 
and hatred, and he was accused by his enemies 
of plotting against Theodoric. The king, be- 
lieving him guilty, threw him into prison at 
Pavia, while the senate without a trial passed 
a sentence against him of confiscation and 
death. After he had spent some time in prison 
he was put to death by torture, a cord being 
fastened round his head and tightened until 
his eyes were forced from their sockets; he 
was then beaten with clubs until he expired. 
He was buried in the church (now desecrated) 
called St. Peter's of the Golden Ceiling (S. 
Pietro in Cielo d'Oro), where in 722 a tomb 
was erected to his memory by Liutprand, King 
of the Lombards; this was replaced in 990 
by a more magnificent one erected by the 
Emperor Otho III, for which Pope Sylvester II 
wrote an inscription. It was during his im- 
prisonment at Pavia that Boethius wrote his 
most celebrated work, the De Consolatione 
Philosophiae [Consolatione Philosopbiae, 
De]. In the Middle Ages Boethius was re- 
garded as a martyr who died in defence of 
the Christian faith. Villani, in his record of 
the death of Theodoric, says of him : — 

' Questi fu quelle Teodorico il quale mand6 in 
pregione e fece poi morire in Pavia U buono santo 




Boezio Severino, console di Roma, perch' egli per 
bene e stato della repubblica di Roma e della fede 
cristiana, il contrastava de' suoi difetti e tirannie, 
opponendogli false cagioni. AUora il santo Boezio 
compuose in pregione a Pavia il libro della filosofica 
consolazione.' (ii. 5.) 

D. places B. among the great doctors {Spiriti 
Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, Par. x. 
121-9 [Sole, Cielo del] ; his spirit is pointed 
out by St. T^homas Aquinas, who speaks of 
him as Panima santa, che il mondo fallace Fa 
manifesto {vv. 125-6), and alludes to his exile 
and torture, and to his burial at Pavia {vv. 
127-9) [Cieldauro]. 

B. is frequently mentioned by D. in his 
prose works, in connexion with the De Con- 
solatione, Conv. i. 286, ii^S; ii. 327^ nis^ ijis^ 
16* ; iii. l78, 2^2 ; iv. 1235.74^ 13130,130; Mon. 
i. 9^5 ; ii, 9^1 ; Epist. x. 33 ; he is spoken of as 
il Savio, Conv. iv. 13108 ; and is alluded to 
perhaps (though the reference js most prob- 
ably to Virgil) by Francescpi da Rimini (ad- 
dressing D. in Circle II of Hell) as il tuo 
dottore. Inf. v. 123 [Virgilio]. In these well- 
known lines (wz/. 121-3) Francesca quotes what 
is almost certainly a reminiscence of a passage 
in the De Consolatione : — 

' In omni adversitate fortunae infelicissimum est 
genus infortunii fuisse felicem' {Lib. ii. pr. 4). 

This passage was imitated by Chaucer in 
his Trotlus and Criseyde : — 

' Of fortunes sharp adversitee 
The worst kinde of infortune is this, 
A man to have ben in prosperitee, 
And it remembren, whan it passed is.^ 

(Bt. ii. vv. 1625-8.) 

In his translation of the book he renders 

' In alle adversitee of fortune, the most unsely 
kinde of contrarious fortune is to han ben 

Boethius obliged, by the nature of his book, 
to speak of himself in the De Consolatione, 
Conv. i. z^s^i"! ; his contempt for popular 
glory, Conv. i. ll^^~^; his book one of those 
wherein D. sought consolation after the death 
of Beatrice, Conv. ii. iz'^^'^^^, i6*~8. 

Bologna, city of N. Italy, capital of the 
Emilia (in the old Romagna), situated on 
a plain between the Apennines and the Po, 
with the two rivers Savena and Reno about 
two miles distant on the E. and W. respectively. 
It was the seat of one of the most famous 
mediaeval universities (founded in 11 19), at 
which D. is said to have studied. Among the 
buildings in existence in D.'s day were the 
Palazzo dei Podestk (1201), where King Enzio, 
son of the Emperor Frederick II, was kept 
a prisoner and died in 1272; the Palazzo 
Pubblico (1290), the Palazzo della Mercanzia 
(1294), the churches of San Giacomo Maggiore 
(1267), and San Domenico (dedicated to St. 
Dominic, who died at Bologna in 1221) ; and 

the two great towers, the Asinelli (1109) and 
the Carisenda (mo). The Bolognese, who 
took an active share in the Crusades, for a long 
time remained neutral in the contest between 
the Guelfs and Ghibellines, but eventually they 
sided with the former. 

Bologna is mentioned in connexion with 
Catalano and Loderingo, two Bolognese Frati 
Gaudenti, one of whom refers iq the university, 
Inf. xxiii. 142 [Catalano] ; Fabbro of Bologna, 
one of the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 
100 [Fabbro] ; the dialect of B. rejected by 
the chief Bolognese poets, V. E. i. 15*^"* 
[Bolognesi] ; Caccianimico, a native of B. 
(in Bolgia I of Malebolge), alludes to the 
situation of the city between the Savena and 
the Reno, Inf. xviii. 61 [Reno ^ : Savena] ; 
he refers to the Bolognese use of sipa for sia, 
and declares that there are more pandars in 
Hell from B. than would equal the whole 
copulation of the city at that time, vv. 59-61 
Caocianinjico : Seduttori]. Benvenuto, who 
ived for ten years at Bologna, and lectured 
there on the D. C, remarks that this is not 
by any means an extraordinary estimate ; he 
adds that as much might be said of many other 
Italian cities, to say nothing of Paris. 

D. mentions the Salse, a ravine near B., 
where the bodies of criminals were thrown, 
Inf. xviii. 51 [Salse] ; and the Carisenda tower, 
Inf. xxxi. 136 [Carisenda] ; the university is 
referred to, Inf. xxiii. 142; •Bologna itself is 
alluded to under the guise of a nymph of the 
Reno, Eel. ii. 85 [Ifaias]. 

Bolognese, native of Bologna ; of Venedico 
Caccianimico, Inf. xviii. 58 [Caeoianimioo] ; 
of the two Frati Gaudenti, Catalano dei Cata- 
lan! and Loderingo degli Andalo, Inf. xxiii. 103 
[Catalano : Iioderingo]. 

Bolognese, Francp, Franco of Bologna, 
an illuminator nientioned by Oderisi (in Circle 
I of Purgatory) as being a better artist than 
himself, Purg. xi. 82-4. Little is known of 
Franco ; Vasari, in his life of Giotto, says he 
was employed, together with Oderisi (whose 
pupil he appears to have been), by Boniface 
VIII in the Vatican library, where he illumi- 
nated many of the MSS. It would appear 
from D.'s reference to him in the text that he 
was still living in 1300. [Oderisi.] 

Bolognesi, the Bolognese; the B. of the 
Borgo San Felice and those of the Strada 
Maggiore instances of inhabitants of the same 
city speaking different dialects, V. E. i. 9*2-4 . 
their dialect discussed at length and pronounced 
to be the best of the Italian dialects (a supe- 
riority due to importations from neighbouring 
dialects), but at the same time not worthy to 
rank as the language of Italy, as is evident 
from the fact that the chief Bolognese poets 
did not employ it, V.E. i. 153-53 ■ two Bolognese 
poets, Guido dei Ghisilieri and Fabruzzp dei 




Lambertazzi, writing in the ' tragic ' style began 
with a line of seven syllables, V. E. ii. i238-« ; 
two Bolognese Frati Gaudenti, Inf. xxiii. 103 
[Catalano: Loderingo]. 

D. (by the mouth of Caccianimico in Bolgia I 
of Ma,lebolge) reproaches the B. with being 
pandars and avaricious, Inf. xviii. 58-63. With 
regard to the latter charge Benvenuto says they 
were not miserly, iDut were greedy of money 
in order to gratify their sensual appetites, and 
consequently were not scrupulous as to the 
methods by which they gained it : — 

' Autor capit hie avaritiam large ; nam bononi- 
ensis naturaliter at communiter non est avarus in 
retinendo, sed in capiendo tantum. Illi enim, qui 
sunt vitiosi, ibi prodig^liter expendunt ultra vires 
facultatis vel lucri ; ideo faciunt turpia lucra, 
aliquando cum ludis, aliquando cum fui'tis, ali- 
quando cum lenociniis, exponentes filias, sorores, 
et uxores libidini, ut s^dsfaciant gulae et yolupta- 
tibus suis.' 

This testimony of Benvenuto, who knew 
Bologna intimately, fully justifies D.'s strictures. 
He suggests that D.'s own knowledge of 
the matter was gained by personal experience 
while he was a student at Bologna. The account 
of the Bolognese given by Fazio degli Uberti 
in the Dittamondo (iii. 5) is to the same effect : — 

' Intra Savena e Ren citta si vede, 
Si vaga e p^ena di tutti i diletti, 
Che tal vi va a caval, che torna a piede. 
Quivi son donna con ieggiadri aspetti, 
E il noma 4ella terra sie^e il fatto, 
Buona ne'studi e sottil d'lntellettr." 

Benvenuto elsewhere gives a terrible account 
of the moral depravity of Bologna in another 
respect [Aocorso, Franoesoo d']. 

Bolsena, Lajce of Bolsena (the lacus Vulsi- 
niensis oi the Romans), in the extreme N. of 
Latium, ope of the largest lakes in Central 
Italy. It was, and is still, famous for its eels. 
Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purgatory) 
mentions the lake and its eels in connexion 
with Pope Martin IV, who, was in the hab(t 
of gorging himself on baked eels that had 
been drowned in wine, Purg. xxiv. 22-4 

Bonaccorsi, Pinamonte de'. [Pina- 

Ponagiunta, Bonagiunta Orbicciani degli 
Overardi, son of Riccomo di Bonagiunta of 
Lucca, notary and poet of the latter half of 
Cent, xiii ; he was alive on Dec. 6, 1296, on 
which date he is mentioned in a document as 
having been engaged in superintending the 
works of the church of San Michele at Lucca. 
A considerable number of his poems has; 
been preserved ; they show little originality of 
either thought o,r expression, and are imitated 
for the most part from Provengal models. 

D. places B. among the Gluttonous in Circle 
VI of Purgatory, Purg. xxiv. 19, 20 ; questi, 
V. 19; lui, V. 21 ; quel da Lucca, v. 35 ; ei, 


i^w. 37, 38, 44 ; lui, z/. 52 [Golosi]; B., who 
is pointed out to D. by Forese Donati (Purg. 
xxiv. 19-20), shows a desire to speak to the 
former, and mutters something about ' Gen- 
tucca,' which D. overhears (vv. 34-9) ; being 
invited by D. to speak, he foretells to him 
that he will become enamoured of a certain 
lady of Lucca, who is not yet married [vv. 40-8) 
[Gentucoa] ; he then asks D. if he is the 
author of the 'new rimes' beginning 'Donne, 
ch'avete intelletto d'Amore' (being the first 
canzone in the V. N.) [vv. 49-51) ; D. replies 
that he writes as Love dictates i^v. 52-4) ; 
B. acknowledges in this the secret of the 'dolce 
stil nviovo,' and of D.'s superiority over Jacopo 
da Lentino, Guittone d'Are?zo a,nd himself; 
he then relapses into silence and D. moves on 
{vV' 55-63). [Guittone : Ifotaro, II.] 
Casini repiarks upon this passage : — 

' Per la plena intelligenza di questo passo h da 
notare che quando Dante incomincid a poetare, 
circa nel 1283, due scuol? di poesia lirica fiorivano 
in Italia : la scuola siciliana, cosi delta dal luogo 
ove prima si formd, allargandosi poi assai presto 
a tutto il mezzogiorno d'ltalia e alia Toscana, 
deHa quale scuola furono capi, in Sicilia il notaio 
Giacomo da Lentini e in Toscana Buonagiunta 
da Lucca ; e la scuola dottrinale, che teorizzd 
largamente sull' amore, fiorita specialmente in Tos- 
cana con Guittone d'Arezzo e in Bologna con 
Guide Guinizelli. I poeti della scuola siciliana 
non fecero altro che da,re veste italiana alia lirica 
provenzale, ristringendola agli argomenti amorosi 
e prediligendo la forma metriqa della canzone; 
quelli della scuola dottrinale si staccarono dalla 
poesia provenzale, introducendo nelle lor rime le 
teoriche e le discussion! intorno all' amore, al- 
largandosi alcuni ad argomenti fllosofici o religiosi 
politici, tentando di nobilitare lo stile poetico 
coir avvicinarsi piii alia costruzione del periodo 
latino, accogliendo accanto alia canzone il sonetto. 
A queste due scuole seguitb la fiorentina, detta del 
dolce siil nuovo, cui appartennero, oltre Dante, 
Guide Cavalcanti, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, 
Gianni Alfani e piii altri. Questi poeti, mevendo 
dalla teorica del Guinizelli sulla natura dell' amore, 
considerate come il sentimento proprio d^Ue anirae 
virtuose, creareno tutto un sistema d'idealizzazione 
della donna, mescelando le speculazioni dottrinali 
alle ima^inazioni geniah della fantasia, e della 
poesia amatoria fecero per i primi in Italia una 
vera opera d'arte : poiche alia profondita e novita 
dei concepimenti seppero far corrispondere uno 
stile pill franco e perspicuo, una lingua piii naturale 
e piii eflScace, e forme metriche meglio determinate 
(canzone e sonetto) o raccqlte dalla poesia del 
popolo (ballata). Tale svolgimento della lirica ita- 
liana nella secpnda meta del secole xiii h poetica- 
mente rappresentato in questo episodic di Buona- 

D. blames Bonagiunta, together with Guit- 
tone dArezzo, Brunetto Latino, and other 
Tuscan poets, for having written in their local 
dialects, to the exclusion of the ' curial vulgar 
tongue,' V. E. i. 13T-13, 

Bonatti, Guido 


Benvenuto says that Bonagiunta was more 
addicted to wine than to versifying, but was 
a facile writer, and addressed some of his 
poems to D., who had been acquainted with 
him : — 

' Iste fuit Bonagiunta da Urbisanis, vir honora- 
bilis, de civitate lucana, luculentus orator in lingua 
materna, et facilis inventor rhythmprum, seij 
facilior vinorum, qui noverat autorem in vit^, 
et aliquando scripserat sibi. Ideo autor fingit 
eum ita familiariter loqui secum de ipso et de aliis 
inventoribus modernis.' 

Bonatti, Guido, famous astrologer and 
soothsayer of ForR, placed by D. among the 
Soothsayers, along with Asdente, in Bolgia 
4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xx. 
Il8 [Indovini]. B., who was a tiler ('rico- 
pritore di tetti ') by trade, seems to have acted 
as domestic astrologer to Guido d^ Montefeltro ; 
it is said to have been by his aid that the latter 
won his decisive victory over the French papal 
forces at ForR, May I, 1282 (Vill. vii. 81) 
[Forli]. Benvenuto says that B. wrote a work 
on astrology {Liber introductorius ad Judicia 
Stellarum, written circ. 1270 ; printed at 
Venice, 1491), which he had seen, and which 
was so clearly writtep as to be intelligible even 
to women. He tells an amusing story of how 
a rustic, by observing the behaviour of his 
donkey, was able correctly to foretell the Qoming 
of a storm on a fine day, to the confusipn of 
the astrologer, who, after consulting his astro- 
labe, had asserted thg.! it was impossible there 
should be that day. 

An 0I4 chronicle, appended to the 1494 
edition of fhe Speculum Historiale of Vincent 
de Beauvajs, says of Bonatti : — 

' In syderfilibus discipliriis universo occidenti 
notissimus et celeberrimus fuit. Cui adeo e^ in 
iacultate aperta fuerunt omnia, ut nil apud earn 
illi incognitum fuerit.' 

Salimbepe of Parma, who was his contem- 
porary, gives the following account (printed by 
C. E. Nofton in Report XIV of Americfin 
Dante Society) of how he was discomfited at 
Forll by ^ Franciscan friar of jieggio : — 

'Frater Hugo de Regio, qui dictus est Hugo 
paucapalea, fuit magister in grammatica in saeculo, 
et magnus trufator et magnus prolocutor, et in 
ordine fratrum Minorum soUeifinis et optimus 
praedic^tor, et qui mordaces ordinis confutabat et 
confundebat praedicationibus et exemplis. Nam 
quidatti magister Guido Bonattus de Furlivio, qui 
se philosophum et astrologum esse dicebat, at 
praedicationes fratrum Minorum et Praedicatorum 
vituperabat, ita ab eo fuit confusus coram universi- 
tate et populo liviensi, ut toto tempore quo frater 
Hugo fuit in partibus illis, non solum non loqui, 
veru;p etiam nee apparera audaret.' 

Filippo Villani claims Guido Bonatti as 
a Florentipp, and says that he was of good 
family, and was brought up to the law, which 

he abandoned for the superior attractions of 

Bonaventura, St. Bonaventura, otherwise 
Giovanni Fidanza ; placed by D. among the 
doctors of the Church {Spiriti Sapienti) in the 
Heaven of the Sun, Par. xii. 127 ; luce, v. 28 
[Sole, Cielo del]. When St. Thomas Aquinas 
has finished his account of the life of St. Francis, 
St. B. proceeds to relate that of St. Dominic 
(Par.xii.3i-ios); after bewailing the degeneracy 
of the Franciscan Order {vv. 106-26), he names 
himself (vv. 127-29) and eleven others who 
are with him {vv. 130-45) [Domenieo]. 

St. Bonaventura was born at Bagnoregio 
(now Bagnorea), near Orvieto, in 1221, the 
year of St. Dominic's death. As a child he 
was attacked by a dangerous disease, which 
was miraculously cured by St. Francis of Assisi. 
When the latter heai;(i that the child had 
recovered he is said to have exclaimed ' buona 
Ventura ' (happy chance), whereupon the boy's 
mother changed his name to Bonaventura. 
Ip 1243 he entered the Franciscan Order. 
After studying at Paris under Alexander of 
Hales, he became successively professor of 
philosophy and theology, and in 1255 was 
made doctor. Having risen to be General of 
the Franciscan Order (in 1256), he was offered 
the Archbishopric of York by Clemept IV, 
which he declined. He was afterwards (1274) 
createdCardinalBishopof Albano byGrego^y X, 
whpm he accompanied to the second Council 
qf Lyons, where he died, July" 15, 1274, 'his 
magnificent funeral being attended by a Pope, 
ap Emperor, and a King.' St. B. was canon- 
ized in 1482 by Sixtus IV, and placed among 
the doctors of the Church, with the title of 
'Doctor Seraphicus,' by Sj^^tus V. He was 
a voluminous writer, one of his works being 
a life of St. Francis. Butler remarks that 
his philosophy was strongly leavened with 
mysticism, and differs from that of Aquinas 
(whose mind was of a far more masculine 
stamp) in having more affinity with Plato than 
with Aristotle. 

Etonconte. [Buonconte.] 

Bondelmonti. [Buondelmonti.] 

Bonifazio 1, Bopiface VIII (Benedetto 
Gaetani or Guatani), born at Anagni circ. 1217 ; 
created Cardinal by Martin IV in 128 1 ; elected 
Pope at Naples, in succession to Celestine V, 
Dec. 24, 1294; crowned at Rome, Jan. 23, 
1295 ; died at Rome, Oct. 11, 1303. 

Boniface is spoken of (by Nicholas III in 
Bplgia 3 of Malebolge) as Bonifazio,, Inf. xix. 
S3 ; (by Guido da Montefeltro in Bolgia 8 of 
Malebolge) as il gran Prete, Inf. xxvii. 70 ; 
and lo Principe del nuovi Farisei, Inf. xxvii. 
85 ; (by Hugh Capet in Circle V of Purgatory) 
as il Vicario di Crista, Purg. xx. 87 ; (by St. 
Bonaventura in the Heaven of the Sun) as 




colui che siede, che traligna. Par. xii. 90 ; (by 
St. Peter in the Heaven of the Fixed Stars) as 
Quegli M usurpa in terra il luogo mio, Par. 
xxvii. 22 ; (by Beatrice in the Empyrean) as 
quel (t Alagna, Par. xxx. 148. 

D. assigns to Boniface, by anticipation (he 
not having died until three years after the 
assumed date of the Vision), his place among 
the Simoniacs in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), by the artifice of making 
Nicholas III mistake D. himself for Boniface, 
Inf. xix. 52-7 [Simoniaoi] ; Nicholas ex- 
presses surprise that B. slhould have come 
three years before his time (z/w. 52-4), and 
asks whether he is ali'eady weary of the power 
which he acquired by deceitful means {vv. 
55-7) [Wicoolo^]; the dealings of B. with 
Guido da Montefeltro are referred to, Inf. xxvii. 
70-1 1 1 [Guido Montefeltrano] ; his war with 
the Colonna family, Inf. xxvii. 85-7 [Colon- 
nesi: Laterano]; his imprisonment at Anagni, 
Purg. XX. 86-90 [Alagna] ; his evil reign. Par. 
xii. 90 ; xxvii. 25-7 ; his usurpation of the 
Papal See (his election not being valid so long 
as his predecessor Celestine V was alive), Par. 
xxvii. 22-4 [Celestino] ; his place among the 
Simoniacs between Nicholas I II and Clement V, 
Par. xxx. 146-48 (cf. Inf. xix. 52-4). 

Some think it is Boniface VIII (others think 
Charles of Valois) to whom Ciacco (in Circle 
III of Hell) refers as tal che testi piaggia. Inf. 
vi. 69 [Carlo *] ; B. is probably also alluded 
to (though tha reference may be to the devil, 
or to the Pope in general, or to the Emperor, 
or to both) as il capo reo, Purg. viii. 131 ; and 
as la puttana sciolta, Purg. xxxii. 149, and 
consequently lafuia, Purg. xxxiii. 44, the harlot 
of the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise, who represents the Church, but with 
especial reference to Boniface VIII and 
Clement V [Processione] ; the part he played 
in the expulsion of the Bianchi, D. among 
them, from Florence is supposed to be alluded 
to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), 
Par. xvii. 49-51 ; there is perhaps a further 
reference to him in the expression of Marco 
Lombardo (in Circle III of Purgatory), ' & giunta 
la spada Col pasturale,' Purg. xvi. 109-10, 
the allusion to the union of the sword with the 
crook, of the temporal power with the spiritual, 
being, as some think, to the action of B. after 
the victory of Albert of Hapsburg over Adolf 
of Nassau in 1298, when he not only refused 
to crown the victor, but, as Sismondi relates 
(Vol. ii. Chap. 9, ed. 1838), placed the crown 
on his own head, and seizing a sword, cried : 
' I am Caesar, I am Emperor, I will defend 
the rights of the Empire ' [Alberto Tedesoo]. 
Some see an allusion to the death of Boniface 
(but the reference is more probably to the 
removal of the Papal court to Avignon in 1305) 
in the prophecy of Folquet of Marseilles (in 
the Heaven of Venus), Par. ix. 139-42. 


Boniface VIII, after procuring the abdication 
of the incapable Celestine V, secured his own 
election through the influence of Charles II 
of Naples, whose support he -gained by pro- 
mising to help him in his war for the re- 
covery of Sicily. Villani says : — 

' Nel detto anno 1294, messer Benedetto Guatani 
cardinale, avendopersuo senno e segacita adoperato 
che papa Celestino avea rifiutato il papato . . . segui 
la sua impresa, e tanto adoperd co' cardinali e col 
procaccio del re Carlo, il quale avea amista di 
molti cardinali, specialmente de' dodici nuovi eletti 
per Celestino, e stando in questa cerca, una sera 
di notte isconosciuto con poca compagnia and6 al 
re Carlo, c dissegli : Re, il tuo papa Celestino t' 
ha voluto e potato servire nella tua guerra di 
Cicilia, ma non ha saputo ; ma se tu adoperi co' 
tuoi amici cardinali che io sia-eletto papa, io saprd, 
e vorrd, e potr6 ; promettendogli per sua fade e 
saramento di mettervi tutto il podere della Chiesa. 
Allora Io re fidandosi di lui, gli promise e ordind 
co' suoi dodici cardinali che gli dessero le loro 
boci . . . e per questo modo fu eletto papa nella 
citta di Napoli, la vilia della nativita di Cristo del 
detto anno.' (viii. 6.) 

It was at the invitation of Boniface that 
Charles of Valois, brother of Philip IV of 
France, went to Florence in Nov. 1301, os- 
tensibly to make peace between the Bianchi 
and Neri, his intervention resulting in the 
expulsion of the former and the exile of D. 
[Carlo*]. Boniface was thus the ultimate 
cause of D.'s lifelong banishment, and the 
poet in consequence indulges towards him 
a fierce hatred, assigning him, as is noted 
above, his place of torment in Hell while he 
was yet a.Uve. It is noteworthy, however, that 
notwithstanding his personal hatred for Boni- 
face D. refuses in any way to condone the 
enormity of the oiFence committed by Philip IV 
in laying hands on the Vicar of Christ, when 
the long struggle between them, and the bitter 
contest with the Colonna family, finally cul- 
minated in the tragedy of Anagni [Alagna]. 

Ozanam remarks : — 

' Dante est I'ennemi politique de Boniface ; il 
croit lui devoir son exil, I'asservissement de sa 
patrie ; il I'accuse de fraude, de simonie, d'usurpa- 
tion . . . Mais en presence du crime d'Anagni . . . 
il ne voit plus que le Christ captif en la personne 
de son vicaire.' 

Apart from his having prostituted the in- 
fluence of the Church in the furtherance of 
the designs of Charles II of Naples, Boniface 
was repeatedly guilty of simony in advancing 
his own family and adherents to ecclesiastical 
dignities, as is recorded by Villani : — 

'Fece al suo tempo piu cardinali suoi amici e 
confident!, intra gli altri due suoi nipoti molto 
giovani, e uno suo zio fratello che fu della madre, 
e venti tra vescovi e arcivescovi suoi parenti e 
amioi della piccola citta d'Anagna di ricchi vesco- 
vadi, e I'altro suo nipote e figliuoli, ch' erano 
conti . . . lascio loro quasi infinito tesoro.' (viii. 64.) 



Milman says of him : — • 

' Of all the Roman Pontiffs Boniface left the 
darkest name for craft, arrogance, ambition, even 
for avarice and cruelty. He was hardly dead 
when the epitaph was proclaimed to the un- 
protesting Christian world : He came in like a 
fox, he ruled like a lion, and he died like a dog.' 
{Lot. Christ.) 

Villani, Guelf though he was, is unable to 
condone his notorious faults : — 

' Questo papa Bonifazio fu della citta d'Alagna, 
assai gentile uomo di sua terra, iigliuolo di messer 
Lifredi Guatani, e di sua nazione ghibellino, e 
mentre fu cardinale protettore di loro . . . ma poi 
che fu fatto papa molto si fece guelfo, e molto fece 
per lo re Carlo nella guerra di Cicilia.' (viii. 6.) — 
' Fu savissimo di scrittura e di senno naturale, e 
uomo molto avveduto e pratico, e di grande cono- 
scenza e memoria ; molto fu altiero, e superbo, e 
crudele contro a' suoi nimici e awersari, e fu di 
grande cuore, e molto temuto da tutta gente, e 
alz6 e aggrandi molto lo state e ragioni di Santa 
Chiesa . . . Magnanimo e largo fu a gente che gli 
piacesse, e che fossono valorosi, vago molto della 
pompa mondana secondo suo stato, e fu molto 
pecunioso, non guardando ne faccendosi grande 
nfe stretta coscienza d'ogni guadagno, per ag- 
grandire la Chiesa e' suoi nipoti . . . Fu piii 
mondano che non richiedea alia sua dignita, e 
fatte avea assai delle cose a dispiacere di Dio.' 
(viii. 64.) 

The following scathing verses on his avarice 
and simony were addressed to Boniface by 
his contemporary Jacopone da Todi, a Fran- 
ciscan monk (died circ. 1306), who was im- 
prisoned in consequence : — 

'O Papa Bonifacio, 

molto ai jocato al mundo, 
penso che jocundo 
non ten porai partire. 
£1 mundo non he usato 
lassar i soi serventi, 
che ala sua partita^ 
se partano gaudenti ; 
non fara lege nova 
de fartene exempto, 
ch'el non te dia el presento, 
ch'el dona al so servire. 

* * * 

Par che la vergogna 
de drieto haoi zetata ; 
Tanima el corpo hai posto 
a levar tua casata ; 
chi in arena mobele 
fa grande edificata, 
subito e ruinata, 
non li po fallire. 

* * ii: 

Quando in la contrada 

te piace alcun castello, 

adesso mitti discordia 

entro frate et fratello; 

a I'un zeti el brazo al collo, 

a I'altro mostri el coltello ; 

sel non consente al to appello 

menacilo del ferire. 
Se alcuno vescovello 

po covelle pagare 

mittigli lo flagello 

che lo voi degradare ; 

poi lo mandi al camarlengo 

ch'el si deba acordare 

che tanto pora dare 

che tu lo lassi redire. 

Pensi per astutia 
lo mundo dominare ; 
zo che tu ordeni I'un anno 
I'altro voi guastare; 
a! mundo non he cavallo 
che se lassi infrenare 
ch'el possi cavalcare 
secundo el to volere. 

* » * 

O lin^a maledecta 
ha dicere vilania, 
remproperar \'ergogne 
con grande blasphemia; 
ne imperator ne rege, 
ne altro homo che sia, 
da ti non se parthia 
senza crudel ferire. 

* * * 

O pessima avaritia 
sete induplicata 
bever tanta pecunia 
e non esser satiata. 
non te pensavi, misero, 
a cui Thai congregata, 
che tal te I'a robata 
che non era in to pensefe. 

* * * 

Non trovi chi recordi 
papa nuUo passato 
ch'in tanta vanagloria 
se sia delectato ; 
per ch'el timor de Dio 
de retro hai zetato, 
signo he de desperato 
o del falso sentire. Amen.' 

Bonifazio 2, a Bishop (identified by modem 
commentators with Bonifazio dei Fieschi of 
Genoa, Archbishop of Ravenna, 1 274-1 295), 
whom D. places among the Gluttonous in Circle 
VI of Purgatory, describing him as ' Bonifazio 
Che pasture col rocco molte genti,' Purg. xxiv. 
29-30 [Golosi]. Benvenuto says this expres- 
sion is appropriate of the Archbishop of Ra- 
venna, whose see is a very extensive one : — 

' Archiepiscopus ravennas est magnus pastor, 
qui habet sub se multos episcopos suffraganeos ab 
Arimino usque Parmam.' 

With reference to the term rocco used by D. 
here of the pastoral staff, Lana says : — 

' Questo Bonifacio fu arcivescovo di Ravenna, 
lb quale non porta lo pastorale cosi ritorto come 
gli altri arcivescovi, ma 6 fatto di sopra al modo di 
rocco delli scacchi.' 

The ancient pastoral staff of the Archbishops 
of Ravenna, which is still preserved, bears at 
the top an ornament shaped like a chess ' rook,' 
answering to the description given by Lana. 
(See the illustration given by C. Ricci in La 
D. C. illustrata nei luoghi e nelle persone, 

P- 459-) 

Bonifazio dei Fieschi, who was a nephew 
of Innocent IV, was appointed Archbishop 
of Ravenna by Gregory X in 1274, during 
the second Council of Lyons ; he was sent 
to France by Honorius IV in 1285 to help 
Edward I of England in his efforts to bring 
about a reconciliation between Alphonso III of 
Aragon and Philip the Fair, and to negotiate 
for the release of Charles II of Naples; he 
died Feb. i, 129^. He is known to have been 




immensely wealthy and to havfe possessed 
a great collection of plate and rich embroideries, 
but there is no record of his having been 
addicted to gluttony. In a contemporary 
account he is described as ' magnus prolocutor 
et partem ecclesiasticam firmiter tenens ' ; and 
another says of him: ' acquisivit et auxit et 
augmentavit multa bona et jurisdictionem et 
honores ecclesie.' (See C. Ricci, L'ultimo 
rifugio di D., pp. 120 ff.) 

Bonifazio 3], Fazio or Bonifazio de' Mori 
Ubaldini of Signa, a lawyer who was Gonfalo- 
niere di Giustizia in Florence in 1316, and 
several times Prior. He was sent as ambas- 
sador to Clement V in 13 10 for the pur- 
pose of organizing the opposition to the Em- 
peror Henry VII when he came into Italy ; 
and his name figures in consequence on the 
list of those condemned by the Emperor in 
1313. He is probably the individual referred 
to as quel da Signa, whom Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) couples with Baldo d'Agu- 
glione, Par. xvi. 56. [Aguglione.] 

Dino Compagni, who calls him Fazio da 
Signa (ii. 23), states that he and Baldo were 
renegade Bianchi, and took an active part 
in helping the Neri to expel their old allies 
from Florence in 1301. Some think D. meant 
Pino da Signa, whom Compagni (i. 14) men- 
tions together with Baldo, amongst those who 
conspired against Giatio della Bella in 1294. 

Bonifazio di Monferrato. [Monfer- 

Bononia, Bologna, V. E. i. 15**) ^. [Bo- 

Bononienses> the Bolognese, V. E. i. 
g43-4^ I5*i27; ii. i2«. [Bolognesi.] 

Bononiensis, Bolognese ; vulgare Bononi- 
ense, the Bolognese dialect, V. E. i. 1588. 
Bonorum, De Pine. [Plnlbus, £)e.] 
Bonsignori, Niccold de'. [Niocoldi.] 

Bcnturo, Bonturo Dati, head of the popu- 
lar party in Lucca at the beginning of Cent, 
xiv ; mentioned ironically by one of the devils 
in Bolgia 5 of Malebolge as being the only man 
in Lucca who was not a barrator (he having 
been in reality an ' archbarrator,' as Benvenuto 
calls him). Inf. xxi. 41. [Barattieri.] 

B. appears to have carried on his nefarious 
traffic on so large a scale that nearly all the 
offices in Lucca were manipulated by him. 
Benvenuto says that once, when he was on a 
mission to Boniface VIII, the Pope, by way of 
remonstrance at some piece of double-dealing, 
shook him by the arm, whereupon B. ex- 
laimed : ' Holy Father, you have shaken the 
half of Lucca ' : — 

' Bonturus fuit archibaratarius, qui sagaciter 
ducebat et versabat illud commune totum, et dabat 


officia quibus volebat; similiter excludebat quos 
volebat. Unde dum semel ivisset legatus ad 
papam BonifaBium, Bonifacius, magnus marescalcus 
hominum, qui cognoscebat laqueos ejus, cepit eum 
per brachium, et vibravit. Cui ille respondit : tu 
quassasti dimidiam Lucam.' 

In 1314 his insolent reply to the demand of 
the Pisans for the restitution of the castle of 
Asciano, viz. that the Lucchese kept this castle 
as a mirror for the Pisan ladies (Villani, vii. 
122), led to a fierce war between Pisa and 
Lucca, which terminated disastrously for the 
latter. The Lucchese in consequence expelled 
Bonturo from Lucca, and he was obliged to 
take refuge in Florence, where he died. The 
Pisans, after their triumph, wrote the following 
lines in blood upon the gate of Lucca in 
mockery of Bonturo : — 

* Or ti specchia, Bontur Dati, 
Ch* e^ Lucchesi hai consigliati ! 
Lo die di San Frediano 
Alle portb di LuCca fu U pisano.' 

Boote], Bootes (or Areas), son of Helice or 
CaUisto by Jupiter. Juno having in jealousy 
metamorphosed CaUisto into a she-bear, she 
was one day pursued by her son Areas while 
hunting ; when he was on the point of killing 
her Jupiter transformed them both into Con- 
stellations, CaUisto becoming the Great Bear, 
Areas the Little Bear or Bootes. D., referring 
to Bootes as il Jiglio iPElice, speais of the 
North as the region which is covered every 
day by Helice and her son, i. e. by the Great 
and Little Bear, Par. xxxi. 31-3 [JBlice] ; the 
two Bears are spoken of as POrse, Purg. iv. 65 ; 
Par. ii. 9 [Orsa] ; the Little Bear is aUuded to, 
Par. xiii. 10 [Come]. 

Borea, Boreas, the N. wind, Par. xxviii. 81 ; 
D. here speaks of it as blowing 'from that 
cheek whence it is most gentle,' and clearing 
away the fog. Brunetto Latino in his Tr^sor 
(i. 107), after naming the four points of the 
compass from which the winds blow, says : — 

' Et ce sont Ii quatre vent principal dou monde, 
et chascuns d'euiz en a .ii. autres entor lui qui 
sont aussi comma bastart.' 

Speaking of the ' bastard ' or side-winds of 
the N. wind, he says : — 

' Li principaus vens qui vient de la tramontane 
done nues et froidure, et oil qui Ii est encoste, 
vers couchant, done noif et grelle . . . mais Ii 
autres qui est vers levant rastrait pluies et nues,' — 
i.e. the direct N. wind brings clouds and 
cold, the N.W. wind brings snow and hail, 
while the N.E. keeps off rain and clouds. It 
is evident, therefore, that D. is speaking of the 
N.E. wind. 

Lucan's mention of Boreas {Phars. ix. 480), 
quoted, Mon. ii. 4*1. 

Borgo, the Borgo sant' Apostolo, one of the 
ancient quarters of Florence, situated close to 
the Arno, between the Ponte Vecchio and the 

Borgo san Felice 

Branca d'Oria 

Ponte S. Trinitk ; mentioned by Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars), who says that in his 
day the Gualterotti and Importuni lived there, 
and that the quarter vifould have been more 
peaceful had they not had new neighbours, 
Par. xvi. 133-5. The ' nuovi vicini ' were the 
Buondelmonti, who came into Florence in 
1 135, and subsequently (in 1215) gave rise to 
the feuds which led to the introduction of the 
Guelf and Ghibelline factions into Florence. 
[Buoudelmonti : Fiorenza.] Villani says : — 

' In borgo santo Apostolo erano grandi Gualte- 
rotti e Importuni, che oggi son popolani ; i 
Bondelmonti erano nobili e antichi cittadini in 
contado, e Montebuoni fu loro tastello, e piii altri 
in Valdigreve ; prima si puosono Oltrarno, e poi 
tornarono in Borgo.' (iv. 13.) 

Borgo san Felice. [Burgum S. Pelicis.] 

Bomeil, Gerardus de. [Gerardus de , 

Bomio, Born, name of a forest, on the 
borders of the Limousin and P^rigord, in the 
midst of which, on the shore of a small lake, 
not far from the village of Bellegarde, was 
situated the castle where the famous trouba- 
dour, Bertran de Born, was bom (circ. 1140), 
Inf. xxviii. 134. 

Bomio, Bertram dal. [Bertram dal 

Borsiere, Guglielmo, a Florentine, said 
to have been a pursemaker, placed by D. in 
Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell among those 
guilty of unnatural offences ; he is mentioned 
by Jacopo Rusticucci, who asks D. for news of 
Florence, saying that Guglielmo, who had but 
recently joined them, gave them a grievous 
report of it. Inf. xvi. 67-72. [Sodomiti.] 

Benvenuto says that Guglielmo (who, as is 
evident from vv. 70-1, must have died shortly 
before 1300), becoming tired of pursemaking, 
left his trade and took to a social life, spending 
his time in travelling about and visiting noble- 
men's houses. He also tells the story, which 
is the subject of one of the tales of the Deca- 
merone (i. 8), of how he cured a certain Messer 
Ermino Grimaldi of Genoa of his miserly ways, 
Boccaccio (in his Comento) says of him : — 

'Questi fii cavalier di corte, uorao costumato 
molto e di laudevol maniera ; ed era il suo 
esercizio, e degli altri suoi pari, il trattar paci tra' 
grandi e gentili uomini, trattar matrimonii e 
parentadi, e talora con piacevoli e oneste novelle 
recreare gli animi de' faticati, e confortargli alia 
cose onorevoli ; il che i moderni non fanno, anzi 
quanto pill sono scellerati e spiacevoli, e con 
brutte operazioni e parole, piii piacciono e meglio 
possono essere proweduti.' 

Boso. [Buoao.] 

Bostichi, ancient noble Florentine family, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been of importance in his 

day, Par. xvi. 93. Villani states that they 
lived near tlie Mercato Nuovo (iv. 13) and 
were Guelfs (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; they fled from 
Florence with the rest of the party in 1260 
after the Ghibelline victory at Montaperti (vi. 
79), and subsequently sided, some with the 
Bianchi, some with the Neri (viii. 39). Accord- 
ing to Dino Compagni (ii. 20) the Bostichi 
Neri were guilty of the wildest excesses in 
Florence after the return of Corso Donati in 
Nov. 1301. The Ottimo Comento speaks of 
them as having fallen into decay : — 

' Sono al presente di poCo valore, e di poca 

Brab&nte, Brabant, ancient duchy, now 
one of the provinces of Belgium ; mentioned 
in connexion with the second wife of Philip 
III of France, whom D. calls la donna di 
Brabante, Purg. vi. 23. Mary, daughter of 
Henry III, Duke of Brabant, married Philip 
III as his second wife in 1274. [Filippo ^ : 
Table viii]. She is said to have accused 
Pierre de la Brosse, Philip's chamberlain, of 
an attempt upon her chastity, in consequence 
of which he was put to death. D. appears to 
have believed that Pierre was innocent, and 
he urges Mary to repent of having caused his 
death, while she yet had time (■Z'z/. 22-4). 
Mary died, Jan. 12, 1321, in the same year as 
D., and may not improbably have read this 
warning. [Breccia.] 

Margaret of Brabant, to whom three letters, 
said to have been written by D., were addressed 
by the Countess of BattifoUe, was the wife of 
tlie Emperor Henry VII of Luxemburg. The 
letters, which are undoubtedly spurious, are 
printed by Giuliani. 

Branca d'Oria, member of the famous 
Ghibelline house of Doria at Genoa, who, with 
the aid of his nephew, treacherously murdered 
(circ. 1290) his father-in-law, Michael Zanche, 
governor of Logodoro in Sardinia, at a banquet 
to which he had invited him. 

D. places his soul in Tolomea, the third 
division of Circle IX of Hell, among the 
Traitors, although he was not yet dead. Inf. 
xxxiii. 137, 140; un tal, v. 155. [Tolomea.] 
Frate Alberigo having pointed out to D. the 
shade of Branca d'Oria, D. objects that the 
latter is yet alive (vv. 134-41) ; A. replies 
that Branca's soul descended to Hell, even 
before that of his victim, Michael Zanche (who 
was among the Barrators in Malebolge, Inf. 
xxii. 88), his body on earth being inhabited by 
a fiend {vv. 142-47). [Alberigo, Frate : 
Michel Zanche.] 

Barnabo, the son of Branca d'Oria (not 
Branca himself, as Dino Compagni erroneously 
states), received the Emperor Henry VII 
when he visited Genoa in 13 11. 

There is a tradition, mentioned by Papanti 
(Dante secondo le tradizioni), that Branca and 


Branda, Fonte 


his friends revenged themselves upon D. for 
this condemnation of him, by causing D. to be 
ill-received when he visited Genoa. 

Branda, Fonte, celebrated fountain at 
Siena (mention of which occurs as early as 
1081), situated at the foot of the hill upon 
which the church of San Domenico stands, so 
called from the Brandi family, tp whom- the 
site at one time belonged ; commonly supposed 
to be the fountain referred to by Maestro 
Adamo (in Bolgia 10 of Malebolge), Inf. xxx. 
78. It appears, however, that there was 
another fountain of the same name (now dried 
up, but the existence of which is attested by 
its mention in ancient documents) in the neigh- 
bourhood of Romena, close to the scene of 
Maestro Adamo's crime and punishment, 
which may be the one alluded to. All the old 
commentators take the reference to be to the 
Fonte Branda at Siena, but this may be 
merely because it was better known. [Adamo, 

Brandimborgo, Ugo di. [TTgo di Bran- 

Brandino Padovano. [Ildebrandinus 

Brandizio, Brundusium (Brindisi), town 
on the Adriatic in Apulia (the Roman Cala- 
bria), the termination of the Via Appia, and 
the usual port of embarkation in ancient times 
for Greece and the East ; Virgil died here on 
his return from Greece, Sep. 26, B.C. 19. 

Addressing D. (in Antepurgatory), Virgil 
says of his own body, 'Napoli I'ha, e da 
Brandizio h tolto,' Purg. iii. 27 ; the allusion is 
to the transference of V.'s body from Brundu- 
sium to Naples by order of Augustus, and to 
the old epitaph recorded by Suetonius : — 

' Mantua me genuit, Calabri rapuere, tenet nunc 
Parthenope ; cecini pascua, rura, duces *— 

i. e. I was born at Mantua, died at Calabrian 
Brundusium, and was buried at Naples ; 
I wrote the Eclogues, the Georgia, and the 
Aeneid. [Augusto ^ : Virgilio.J 

Brenno, Brennus, leader of the Senonian 
Gauls, who in B.C. 390 crossed the Apennines, 
defeated the Romans at the AUia, and took 
Rome ; after besieging the Capitol for six 
months he quitted the city upon receiving 
1,000 pounds of gold as a ransom for the 
Capitol, and returned safe home with his booty. 
According to later tradition (followed by Livy, 
V. 48-9), at the moment when the gold was 
being weighed, and Brennus, declaring the 
Roman weights to be false, had thrown his 
sword into the scale, Camillus and a Roman 
army appeared, fell upon the Gauls and 
slaughtered them. 

The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) mentions the defeat of Brennus 
among the exploits of the Roman Eagle, Par. 


vi. 44 [Aqiiila i] ; the story of the attack of 
the Gauls on the Capitol, and their repulse by 
Manlius, is referred to, Conv. iv. 5160-4 . and 
told on the authority of Livy (v. 47) and Virgil 
{Aen. viii. 652-6), Mon. ii. 4*2-57 [Camillo: 
GalU^: Manlius]. 

Brennus. [Brenno.] 

Brenta, river of Upper Italy, which rises 
in the Tyrolese Alps above Trent, flows S.E. 
and then S. past Bassano, and after being 
joined by the Bacchiglione just below Padua, 
falls into the Venetian Lagoons by two mouths 
(the southernmost, near Brondolo, being now 
the outlet of the Brenta canal). 

D. mentions the B. in connexion with the 
embankments built by the Paduans as a pro- 
tection against its floods. Inf. xv. 7-9 [Chiar- 
entana] ; Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) 
mentions it as one of the boundaries of the 
March of Treviso, Par. ix. 27 [Marca Trivi- 

Brescia, town in Lombardy about 16 miles 
W. of the Lago di Garda ; mentioned by Virgil, 
in his account of the founding of Mantua, in con- 
nexion with a place on the lake where the three 
dioceses of Trent, Brescia, and Verona meet, 
Inf. XX. 68 [Benaco] ; a neighbour of Mantua, 
Cremona, and Verona (from which it is dis- 
tant about 38, 30, and 40 miles respectively), 
V. E. i. I58~ii ; one of the Guelfic cities which 
opposed the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. vii. 6. 

Bresciani, inhabitants of Brescia, Inf. xx. 
71 ; Brixiani, V. E. i. 1481 ; Brixienses, V. E. 
i. 1426 ; Peschiera well placed to hold them 
and the Bergamasks in check, Inf. xx. 70-1 
[Peschiera] ; their dialect, together with those 
of the Veronese, Vicentines, Paduans, and 
Trevisans, condemned as harsh, especially in 
a woman's mouth, one of their peculiarities 
being a fondness for consonantal endings in/, 
V. E. i. 1420-36. 

Brettinoro, now Bertinoro, small town in 
the Emilia, between Fori! and Cesena ; it was 
the native place of Guido del Duca (Purg. 
xiv. 81) and Arrigo Mainardi (Purg. xiv. 97). 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
mentions it in allusion to the expulsion of the 
Ghibellines in 1295, probably with especial 
reference to the Mainardi family, Purg. xiv. 
1 1 2- 1 4. After being for a time under the lord- 
ship of the Malatesti of Rimini, the town 
passed towards the end of Cent, xiii into 
the hands of the Ordelaffi of Forli, in whose 
possession it was at the date of the Vision. 
According to the Ottimo Comento, whose 
account is repeated by Benvenuto, it was in 
its best days renowned for the hospitality of 
its nobles : — 

' Intr' all* altre laudabili costume de' nobili di 
Brettinoro era il convivere, e che non voleano che 
uomo vendereccio vi tenesse ostello ; ma una 


Brigata Spendereccia 

colonna di pietra era in mezzo il casteljo, alia 
quale, come entrava deiitro il forestiere, era 
menato, ed a una delle campanelle convenia 
mettere il cavallo e cappello ; e come la fronte li 
dava, cosi era menato alia casa per lo gentile uomo 
al quale era attribuita quella campanella, ed onorato 
secondo suo grado. La quale colonna e campanella 
furono trovate per torre materia di scandolo intr' 
alii detti gentili, che ciascuno prima correva a 
menarsi a casa il forestiere, siccome oggi quasi si 

Briareo, Briareus or Aegaeon, son of 
Uranus and Gaea, one of the giants who warred 
against Olympus. He was slain by Jupiter 
with a thunderbolt and buried under Mt. Etna. 
Virgil represents him with a hundred arms and 
fifty heads : — 

' Aegaeon . . . centum cui brachia dicunt 
Centenasque manus, quinquaginta oribus ignem 
Pectoribusquearsisse, Jovis cum fulmina contra 
Tot paribus streperet clipeis, tot stringeret enses.^ 
(Aen. I. 565-8.) 

D. calls him lo ismisurato B., a recollection 
of the ' immensus Briareus ' of Statins ( Theb. 
ii. 596), and places him with Antaeus, Ephi- 
altes and Nimrod, as one of the warders at 
the mouth of Circle IX of Hell, Inf. xxxi. 98 
[G-iganti] ; he is represented, transfixed by 
the bolt of Jupiter, among the examples of 
defeated pride in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. 
xii. 28-30. [Superbi.] 

Brigata, II, Nino il Brigata, grandson of 
Count Ugolino della Gherardesca of Pisa, 
whose imprisonment and death he shared in 
1288 in the Tower of Famine at Pisa, Inf. 
xxxiii. 89 ; he and his uncle Uguccione, and 
his younger brother Anselmuccio, referred to 
by Ugolino (in Antenora) as It tre, v. 71 
[Ugolino, Conte]. Nino was the son of 
Guelfo, eldest son of Ugolino, and Elena, 
daughter of Enzio, King of Sardinia, the natural 
son of Frederick II [Table xxx]. D. repre- 
sents both the two sons of Ugolino, and his 
two grandsons, as being of tender age ('etk 
novella,' v. 88). Nino cannot have been very 
young, for he is said to have been married, 
and not long before his death the Ghibellines 
had wished to associate him with his grand- 
father in the government of Pisa ; he is men- 
tioned in a document (dated 1272) relating 
to the claims of himself and his brothers (but 
without mention of Anselmuccio, the youngest, 
who was probably not born at the time) to 
their mother's rights in Sardinia. D. in the 
Convivio (iv. x^f^"'^) uses the phrase 'etk 
novella' as the equivalent of ' gioventute,' 
which he elsewhere (iv. 2411^37) defines as the 
period between twenty-five and forty-five ; so 
that the expression as applied to Ugolino's 
sons and grandsons is not so incongruous as it 
at first appears. [Anselmuccio.] 

Brigata Spendereccia], the ' Spendthrift 
Brigade ' of Siena, a company of extravagant 

young men which flourished for a short time 
during the second half of Cent, xiii ; alluded 
to by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Malebolge) 
as il brigata, Inf. xxix. 130 ; he mentions four 
of its most conspicuous members by name, 
viz. Stricca, v. 125 ; Niccol6, v. IT] ; Caccia 
d''Asciano, v. 131 ; and ' I'Abbagliato,' v. 132; 
a fifth member, Lano, is mentioned. Inf. xiii. 
120. [Abbagliato : Caccia d'Asoiano : 
Lano : Ificoold 1 : Stricca.] 

Benvenuto gives a long account of this 
'brigade,' which he says' was composed of 
twelve members, all wealthy young men, who 
were bent upon doing something to make 
themselves talked about. Accordingly they 
each contributed a large sum to a common 
fund, of which each member was bound to 
spend lavishly, under pain of expulsion from 
the society. They then hired a magnificent 
palace, where they met once or twice in the 
month, and gave sumptuous banquets, enter- 
taining and loading with gifts any persons of 
distinction who happened to come to Siena. 
They prided themselves on having all sorts 
of strange and rare dishes ; and one of their 
freaks was to fling the gold and silver utensils 
and table ornaments out of the window as 
soon as the banquet was over. In this way 
they ran through their means in less than two 
years, and became the laughing-stock of all 
the world, some of them being reduced to 
live on charity. Benvenuto adds that two sets 
of poems were composed on them, one de- 
scribing their magnificent beginning, the other 
their miserable ending. The poems referred 
to by Benvenuto are probably those of Folgore 
da San Gemignano (himself supposed to have 
been a member of the 'brigade') and Cene 
dalla Chitarra of Arezzo, the former of whom 
addressed to the ' brigata nobile e cortese ' 
a series of twelve sonnets, one for each month 
of the year, in celebration of their merry life, 
while the latter wrote a series in parody of 
the other, giving a picture of the miserable 
condition to which they were reduced by their 
folly ; specimens of both are given by Nan- 
nucci {Lett. Ital., i. 341-50). The following is 
Folgore's opening sonnet, in which we get 
the names of six other members of the ' brigade,' 
making up, with the five mentioned by D., 
and Folgore himself, the complete number of 
twelve : — 

' Alia brigata nobile e cortese, 

E a tutte quelle parte dove souo, 
Con allegrezza stando sempre, dono 

Cani, ucceUi, e denari per ispese. 

Ronzin portanti, quaglie a volo prese, 
Braccni, levrier corrier, veltri abbandono : 
In questo regno Niccolo corono, 

Poich' elli i. il fior della citta Sanese. 

Tingoccio, Atain di Toguo, ed Ancaiano, 
E Bartolo, e Mugaro, e Fainotto, 

Che paiono figliuoli del re Bano; 
Prodi e cortesi piii che Lancilotto ; 

Se bisognasse, con le lance in mano 
Parian torneamenti a Camelotto.' 




Brisso, Bryson, ancient Greek philosopher, 
mentioned by Aristotle as having attempted 
to square the circle, a problem which appa- 
rently he tried to solve dishonestly by non- 
geometrical methods {Soph. Elench. i. lo ; 
Anal. Post. i. 8). 

St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) mentions B., together with Parmenides 
and Melissus, as examples of bad reasoners, 
who attempt to find the truth without having 
first mastered the art of reasoning. Par. xiii. 

Brixia, Brescia, V. E. i. 151" ; Epist. vii. 6. 

Brixiani, Brescians, V. E. i. 1481 ; Brix- 
ienses, V. E. i. 1428. [Bresciani.] 

Brixienses. [Brixiani.] 

Breccia, Pier dalla, Pierre de la Brosse, 
according to tradition, a surgeon of low birth, 
but actually a gentleman of Touraine of 
honourable extraction, who was favourite and 
chamberlain of Philip III of France. He had 
already held the office of chamberlain to 
Philip's father, Louis IX, whom he accom- 
panied on his last expedition to the East, 
which ended in the King's death at Tunis in 
1270. On the sudden death in 1276 of the 
heir to the throne, Louis, Philip's son by his 
first wife, Isabella of Aragon, an accusation 
was brought against the Queen, Mary of 
Brabant, of having poisoned Louis, in order 
to secure the succession of her own son, among 
her accusers being Pierre de la Brosse. 

'L'an de grace mil deux cens soixante seize, 
avint que Loys le premier fils le roy Phelippe 
mouru et fu empoisonne, ainsi comma aucuns 
dient. Le roy en fu en souspeyon, et ceste 
souspeyon mist en son cuer Pierre de la Broce, 
son maistre chambellenc : car il maintenoit et 
disoit en derrenier que ce avoit fait la royne, et 
que elle feroit, se elle povoit, mourir les autres, 
pour ce que le royaume peust venir aux enfans 
qui estoient de son corps.' {Grandes Chroniques de 
France : Phelippe III. ch. xxii.) 

j>Jot long afterwards Pierre was suddenly 
arrested by order of the King at Vincennes, 
and imprisoned at Janville, in the Beauvaisis. 
From thence he was removed to Paris, where 
he was condemned and sentenced to death 
before an assembly of the nobles, and hanged 
by the common hangman, in the presence of 
the Dukes of Burgundy and Brabant, and of 
the Count of Artois, June 30, 1278. The 
suddenness and ignominy of his execution 
appear to have caused great wonder and con- 
sternation, especially as the charge on which 
he was condemned was not made known. 
According to the popular account he had been 
accused by the Queen of an attempt upon her 
chastity. The truth seems to be that he was 
hanged upon a charge of treasonable cor- 
respondence with Alphonso X, King of Castile, 


with whom Philip was at war, the intercepted 
letters on which the charge was based having, 
it is alleged, been forged at the instance of 
the Queen. It is at any rate certain that Pierre 
was an object of envy and hatred to the great 
nobles of Philip's court, and it is likely enough 
that they made common cause with the Queen 
in bringing about his fall. 

D. places Pierre de la Brosse in Ante- 
purgatory among those who put off repentance, 
Purg. vi. 22 [Antipurgatorio] ; and evidently 
regarded him as innocent, for he speaks of his 
spirit as having been divided from his body 
'through hate and envy, not for fault com- 
mitted' {vv.\<^2\) ; at the same time he implies 
that Mary of Brabant was guilty of his death, 
since he warns her to repent of her crime ere it 
is too late (she being still alive at the time he 
wrote), lest she should be consigned to a worse 
place than Pierre, namely to Hell {vv. 22-4) 
[Brabante]. Benvenuto states that D. satis- 
fied himself Of Pierre's innocence while he was 
in Paris: — 

' Dantes, qui fuit Parisius, post exilium sutim, 
explorata diligenter veritate hujus rei, dignum 
duxit, ipsum ponere salvum in purgatorio, et 
reddere sibi bonam famam, sicut fecerat Petro de 
Vineis in inferno.' 

Bromius, ' the noisy god,' surname , of 
Bacchus ; mentioned, in connexion with King 
Midas, Eel. ii. 53. [Bacco : Mlda.] 

Bruggia, Bruges, capital of Western Flan- 
ders, about 25 miles N. W. of Ghent, and about 
ten from the coast ; mentioned, together with 
Wissant, in connexion with the embankments 
built by the Flemings to keep back the sea, 
B. roughly indicating the eastern limit of the 
Flemish sea-board, Wissant the western, Inf. 
XV. 4 [Gtiizzante] ; coupled by Hugh Capet 
(in Circle V of Purgatory) with Douay, Ghent, 
and Lille, to indicate Flanders, Purg. xx. 46. 

The reference here is to the events which 
took place in Flanders between 1297 and 1304, 
in which those towns played a conspicuous 

In 1297 Guy, Count of Flanders, having by his 
dealings with Edward I of England excited the 
suspicions of Philip IV of France, was decoyed by 
the latter under a lying pretext to Corbeil, where 
he was kept prisoner until he had sworn to 
renounce all communication with Edward. No 
sooner, however, did Guy regain his liberty than 
he broke his oath. Philip thereupon proceeded 
to make war upon him, and sent his brother, 
Charles of Valois, into Flanders to reduce the 
country. Guy, having been abandoned by his 
ally, the King of England, who through the 
mediation of Boniface VIII had made peace with 
Phihp (March, isgf), was compelled to come to 
terms with Charles. It was agreed that he should 
go to Fans with his two sons to sue for the king's 
pardon, a safe-conduct for his return being 
promised him in the event of peace not being con- 

Brunelleschi, Agnello 

Brunetto Latino 

eluded between them within the'year. Philip, how- 
ever, declared that in offering these terms Charles 
had exceeded his authority, and treacherously 
imprisoned Guy and his two sons. Treating 
Flanders as a subject state, he visited the country 
in person and was well received by a portion of 
the population. But the cruelty and oppression 
of Chatillon, the French Governor, drove the lower 
classes to arms ; they rose in every part of the 
country, and with an army, which consisted mostly 
of peasants and mechanics, they totally defeated 
the French, at Courtrai (the ' Battle of the Spurs'), 
March 21, 130J. In this battle, in which they lost 
the. flower of their nobility, the Comte d'Artois 
among them, the French met with the vengeance 
to which D. alludes, Purg. xx. 47. After this 
defeat Philip made peace with Flanders, released 
his prisoners, and surrendered all the country N. 
of the Lys to Robert de Bethune (eldest son of 
Guy, who had died in captivity), the southern 
portion being annexed to France. (See Philalethes; 
and Villani, xix, xx, xxxii, xxxvii, Iv-lviii, Ixxvi- 

Brunelleschi, Agnello. [AgnSl.] 

Brunetto Latino, Florentine Guelf, son 
of Buonaccorso Latino, born in Florence circ. 
1210, died 1294 ; he was a notary (whence the 
title of ' Ser ' given him by D., Inf. xv. 30, loi), 
and is commonly supposed (from a misunder- 
standing of Inf. XV. 82-5) to have been D.'s 
master, which in the ordinary sense of the 
word he cannot have been, since he was about 
fifty-five when D. was born. It is uncertain 
at what period he began to take part in public 
affairs in Florence ; he held an official position 
in 1253, and in the next year he attested, in 
his capacity of notary, two public documents 
(April 20, and Aug. 25), which are still pre- 
served, and one of which is drawn up in his 
own handwriting. In 1260 he was sent on an 
embassy to Alphonso X of Castile (one of the 
candidates for the imperial crown) in order 
to induce him to assist the Guelfs against 
Manfred and the Ghibellines. While he was 
on his way back, he learnt from a student 
who had come from Bologna, the news of the 
decisive victory of the Ghibellines over the 
Florentine Guelfs at Montaperti (Sep. 4, 1260), 
and the consequent expulsion of the latter from 
his native city : — 

' Esso Coraune sagio 
Mi fece suo messagio 

Air alto re di Spagna, 
Ch' or & re de la Magna 

£ la corona atende, 
Se Dio no gliel contende . . . 

B io presi conpagna 
E andai in Ispagna 

E feci Tambasciata 
Che mi fue comandata: 

E poi sanza sogiorno 
Ripresi mio ritorno, 

Tanto che nel paese 
Di terra Navarrese, 

Venendo per la calle 
Del pian di Roncisvalle, 

Incontrai uno scolaio 
Su'n im muletto baio 

Che venia da Bologna . . 
Io lo pur domandai 

Novelle di Toscana 
In dol2e lingua e plana, 

Ed e' cortesemente, 
Mi disse inmantenente, ' 

Ch' e' Guelfi di Fiorenza 
Per mala provedenza 

E per forza di guerra 
Eran fuor de la terra, 

E '1 dannagio era forte 
Di pregione e di morte.' 

{Tesoreito, ii. 11-50.) 

On the receipt of this disastrous news B. aban- 
doned his intention of returning to Italy, and 
took refuge in France. He appears first to have 
gone to Montpellier (Tesoretto, xxi. 3) ; he was 
in Paris in Sep. 1263, and at Bar-sur-Aube in 
April, 1264, as we know from notarial docu- 
ments in his handwriting under those dates 
(see Rassegna Italiana, March, 1885, and 
Athenaeum, Nov. 6, 13, 20, 1897). While in 
France he compiled his encyclopaedic work, 
the Livre dou Tresor, as he himself records : — 

' Mainfroiz . . . tint le roiaume de Puille et de 
Secile contre Dieu et centre raison, si comme cil 
qui dou tout fu contraires a sainte Eglise. Et por 
ce fist il maintes guerres et diverses persecutions 
contre toz les Ytaliens qui se tenoient devers 
sainte Eglise, meismement contre la guelfe partie 
de Florence, tant que il furent chaci^ hors de la 
vile, et lor choses en furent mises a feu et a flamme, 
et a destruction ; et avec els en fu chaci6 maistres 
Brunez Latin ; et si estoit il par cele guerre 
essilliez en France quant il fist cest livre.' ( Tresor, 
i. 99.) 

After Manfred's defeat and death at the 
battle of Benevento (Feb. 26, X26f), and the 
consequent discomfiture of the Ghibellines of 
Tuscany, Brunetto returned to Florence and 
resumed his share in public affairs. In 1269 
at Florence and in 1270 at Pisa he acted as 
notary to Guy de Montfort, Charles of Anjou's 
vicar in Tuscany ; in 1273 he was secretary 
to the Florentine government ('scriba con- 
siliorum Communis Florentiae '), and in 1275 
he was president (' console ') -of the notarial 
guild ; he was one of the commissioners aiid 
guarantors of the ephemeral peace patched 
up between the Guelfs and Ghibellines in 
Florence in 1280 by the Cardinal Latino ; in 
1284 (Oct. 13) he was one of the two syndics 
of the Florentine government for the conclusion 
of an offensive and defensive alliance with 
Genoa and Lucca against the Pisans, who in 
the previous August had been totally defeated 
by the Genoese in the great naval battle at 
Meloria; in 1287 (Aug. 15 to Oct. 15) he 
served the office of prior ; and in 1289 he was 
appointed one of the public orators of Florence ; 
he died in Florence, aged over eighty, in 1294. 
His influence and authority with the Florentines 
are attested by the fact that his name appears 
in no less than thirty-five public documents 
(between Oct. 21, 1282 and July 22, 1292) as 
having been consulted by the government on 
various important matters, and for the most 

[99] H 2 

Brunette Latino 

Brunetto Latino 

part it is recorded that his advice was followed. 
(See Thor Sundby, Vita ed Opere di B. L., 
trans, by Renier, with appendices by Del Lungo 
and Mussafia.) 

Brunetto was buried in the church of Santa 
Maria Maggiore at Florence. His portrait, 
according to Vasari (in his Vita di Giotto), is 
one of those associated with that of D. in the 
fresco attributed to Giotto in the Bargello :— 

' Giotto . . . ritrasse nella cappella del palagio 
del Podesta di Firenze Dante Alighieri, coetaneo 
ed amico suo grandissimo . . . Nella medesima 
cappella h il ritratto, similmente di mano del 
medesimo, di ser Brunetto Latini maestro di 
Dante, e di messer Corso Donati gran cittadino di 
que' tempi.' 

Villani, in recording Brunetto's death, 
speaks of him as having been the first to 
introduce the systematic study of oratory and 
political science into Florence : — 

' Nel anno 1294 mori in Firenze uno valente 
cittadino il quale ebbe nome ser Brunetto Latini, 
il quale fu gran filosofo, e fu sommo maestro in 
rettorica, tanto in bene sapere dire come in bene 
dittare. E fu quegli che spuose la Rettorica di 
TuUio, e fece il buono e utile libro detto Tesoro, e 
il Tesoretto, e la Chiave del Tesoro, e piii altri libri 
in filosofia, e de' vizi e di virtu, e fu dittatore del 
nostro comune. Fu mondano uomo, ma di lui 
avemofattamenzione, perocch' eglifu cominciatore 
e maestro in digrossare i Fiorentini, e farli scorti 
in bene parlare, e in sapere guidare e reggere la 
nostra repubblica secondo la politica.' (viii. 10.) 

Brunetto's two best known works are the 
Livre dou Tresor (in which are comprised 
several of the treatises referred to by Villani), 
a sort of Encyclopaedia of history, natural 
science, ethics, rhetoric, and politics, in French 
prose (written between 1262 and 1266) \Te- 
sord\ ; and the Tesoretto, a didactic poem, 
written (in 1262 or 1263) in a popular style in 
Italian heptasyllabic couplets. To the latter, 
in which the favourite device of an allegorical 
journey is employed, D. was doubtless in- 
debted for many suggestions. 

D. places Brunetto Latino in Round 3 of 
Circle VII of Hell, among those guilty of 
unnatural offences, ser Brunetto, Inf. xv. 30, 
loi ; Brunetto Latino, v. 32 ; un, v. 23 ; 
quegli, V. 31 ; lui, vv. 34, 44; ei, v. 46; lui, 
'"■ S°i ^£'^h '^^ 55 ; It'll v. 80; egli, V. 103 
[Sodomiti]. As D. and Virgil proceed along 
the embankment on their way through Circle 
VII they see a crowd of souls advancing 
towards them on the plain below, who look 
hard at them (Inf. xv. 16-21); one of them 
(Brunetto), recognizing D., gives an exclama- 
tion of surprise and takes hold of the skirt of 
his robe [vv. 22-4) ; D. looks at him closely 
and in turn recognizing him, leans down and 
addresses him by name {vv. 25-30) ; B. L. 
proposes to turn back and accompany D. for 
a while {vv. 31-3), to which D. gladly assents, 

with the approval of V. {vv. 34-42) ; not 
venturing to descend alongside of B. L., he 
walks parallel with him keeping his head bent 
down towards him {vv. 43-5) ; B. L. asks D. 
what brings him to Hell before he is dead, 
and who his guide is {vv. 46-8) ; D. having 
replied, B. L. tells him that if he ' follows his 
star ' he will become famous {;vv. 49-57), and 
adds that if he himself had lived he might 
have helped D. in his task (vv. 58-60) ; he 
then foretells how the Florentines will repay 
the good D. does them (in opposing the entry 
of Charles of Valois) by persecuting him (vv. 
61-9), and how later both Bianchi and Neri 
will court him (an apparently unfulfilled pro- 
phecy), but in vain (vv. 70-8) ; D. replies, 
expressing his reverence and gratitude for 
B. L.'s teaching (vv. 79-87), and declares that 
he will bear in mind his and other (i. e. those 
of Ciacco and of Farinata) predictions as to 
his own future in order that Beatrice may 
expound them, but that meanwhile he is pre- 
pared for evil fortune if it be in store for him 
(vv. 88-96) ; after a word of approval from V. 
(z/z/. 97-9) D. asks B. L. as to his companions 
(vv. 100-2) ; the latter replies that they were 
all ' clerks and great men of letters, and of 
great fame,' some of whom he names {^v. 
103-14) ; then seeing another company ap- 
proaching, he takes leave of D. recommending 
his Trdsor to him, and speeds back to rejoin 
his companions (yv. 115-24). 

It is not known on what grounds D. con- 
demned Brunetto to this particular division of 
Hell ; possibly, as in the case of Priscian, he is 
introduced merely as the representative of 
a class (' letterati grandi,' v. 107), which was 
undoubtedly especially addicted in those times 
to the vice in question. Benvenuto testifies 
that it was prevalent to a terrible degree 
in Bologna while he was lecturing on the 
Divina Commedia there in 1375, to such a 
degree, indeed, that he felt himself bound, in 
spite of the odium and personal risk which he 
incurred by so doing, to bring the matter to 
the notice of the Papal Legate [Accorso, 
Prancesco d' : Priseiano]. Some think 
ViUani's expression ' fu mondano uomo,' as 
well as the phrase in the Tesoretto, ' siamo 
tenuti Un poco mondanetti ' (xxi. 22-3), point 
to the supposition that Brunetto had an evil 
reputation in this particular respect. It is 
noticeable, on the other hand, that vice of this 
nature is especially reprobated in the Tresor:— 

' Chastee est bele chose, porce que ele se delite 
es convenables choses, au tens, au leu, a la quantity 
et a la guise qu'il convient ; mais li deliz dou 
siecle desevrez de nature est desmesureement 
blasmable plus que avoltire, ce est gesir avec le 
maale ' (ii. 30) ... ' Deliz par male nature est gesir 
avec les maales, et telz autres deshonorables 
choses' (ii. 37) . . . 'De luxure vienent avugleti 
de cuer, non fermete, amor de soi meisme, haiiie 


Brunetus Plorentinus 


de Dieu, volenti de cest siecle et despit de I'autre, 
fornicacion, avoutire, et pechi6 contre nature' 
(ii. in)— 

as well as in the Tesoretto : — 

' Ben fe gran vituperio 
Comraettere avolterio . . . 

Ma tra questi peccati 
Son vie piu condannati 

Que' che son soddomiti. 
Deh come son periti 

Que' che contra natura 
Brigan cotal lussura ! ' (xxi. 315-26.) 

Others contend that the term 'mondano' 
means nothing more than ' worldly ' as opposed 
to ' spiritual.' .(See Scherillo, Brunetto Latini, 
in Alcuni capitoli della biografia di Dante, 
pp. 1 16-221.) 

The question has been raised as to the cor- 
rect form of Brunetto's surname, Latini or 
Latino ; the former is most commonly used, 
but Brunetto himself (on occasion at least) 
preferred Latino, as appears from the Tesoretto, 
where the phrase ' io Brunetto Latino ' occurs 
twice (i. 70 ; xx. 5), this form being assured in 
both cases by the rime. Latino is the form 
invariably used by Bono Giamboni in his 
translation of the Trdsor, in which the name 
appears in the French equivalent Bnmez 
Latins (i. e. Brunettus Latinus, in Italian, 
Brunetto Latino) ; as well as by Boccaccio in 
his Comento. On the other hand it is certain 
that the form Latini was also used, both by 
Brunetto himself and by his contemporaries. 
(See Academy, July 17, 1886 ; Feb. 9, 1895.) 

In his estimate of the Tuscans and their 
dialects, D. blames Brunetto, together with 
Bonagiunta of Lucca, Gallo of Pisa, and Mino 
Mocato of Siena, for having written in his own 
local dialect, V. E. i. is^^is. 

Brunetus Florentinus, Brunetto Latino, 
V. E. i. 1310-11. [Brunette]. 

Bruto 1, Lucius Junius Brutus, son of 
Marcus Junius and of Tarquinia, sister of 
Tarquinius Superbus. His elder brother was 
murdered by Tarquinius, and Lucius only 
escaped his brother's fate by feigning idiotcy, 
whence he was sumamed Brutus. After the 
rape of Lucretia by Sextus Tarquinius, and 
her consequent suicide [Lucrezia], B. roused 
the Romans to expel the Tarquins ; and upon 
their banishment he was elected first consul 
with Tarquinius CoUatinus. While consul he 
proved his unflinching patriotism by putting 
to death jhis two sons, who had attempted 
to restore the Tarquins. He fell in battle 
shortly after, fighting against Aruns, son of 

D. places B. in Limbo among the great 
heroes of antiquity, describing him as quel 
Bruto che caccib Tarquino, Inf. iv. 127 
[Limbo] ; he is mentioned, as first Consul 
and founder of the Roman Republic, Conv. iv. 
J99-100 J as having sacrificed his sons on the 
altar of duty, Conv. iv. 51^1-2 ; D. refers to 

Livy's account (ii. 4) of the latter incident, and 
quotes Aen. vi. 821-2, Mon. ii. 5I12-20. 

Bruto 2, Marcus Junius Brutus, the so-called 
tyrannicide. When he was only eight years 
old his father was slain in Gaul by command 
of Pompey, but nevertheless, having been 
trained by his uncle Cato in the principles of 
the aristocratic party, when the civil war broke 
out (B.C. 49) he joined Pompey. After the 
battle of Pharsalia (b. c. 48) he was pardoned 
by Caesar, and was admitted by him into con- 
fidence and favour, being made governor of 
Cisalpine Gaul (B.C. 46), and praetor (B.C. 44), 
ahd being, further, promised the governorship 
of Macedonia. But in spite of all his obliga- 
tions to Caesar, he was persuaded by Cassius 
to murder him under the delusive idea of 
again establishing the repubhc. After Caesar's 
death, B. remained for a time in Italy, and 
then took possession of the province of Mace- 
donia. He was joined by Cassius, who com- 
manded in Syria, and their united forces were 
opposed to Octavian (afterwards Augustus) 
and Antony. Two battles were fought in the 
neighbourhood of Philippi (B.C. 42), in the 
former of which B. was victorious, though 
Cassius was defeated ; but in the latter B. also 
was defeated, whereupon he put an end to his 
own life. [Cassio.] 

D. places Brutus with Cassius and Judas 
Iscariot in Giudecca, the last division of Circle 
IX of Hell, the nethermost pit, in the jaws 
of Lucifer, Inf. xxxiv. 65. [Giudecca: Luci- 
fero] ; the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven 
of Mercury) mentions him in connexion with 
his defeat by Augustus at Philippi, Par. vi. 74. 

At first sight it appears inconsistent that D., 
the sworn enemy of despotism, who sets Cato, 
though he committed suicide rather than fall into 
Caesar's hands, as guardian of the gate of Purgatory, 
should condemn Brutus and Cassius, the last 
defenders of the liberty of Rome, to the lowest 
pit of Hell, as equally guilty with Judas. The 
explanation lies in the principle, maintained by D. 
in the De Monarchia and elsewhere, that the 
institution of the Roman Empire was ordained by 
Divine Providence for the well-being of mankind, 
just as was that of the Papal office. 

' Opus fuit homini duplici directivo, secundum duplicem 
finem: scilicet Summo PQntifice, qui secundum revelata 
liumanum genus perduceret ad vitam aeternam ; et Im- 

Eeratore, qui secundum philosophica documenta genus 
umanum ad temporalem felicitatem dirigeret ' (iii. i6">— 8^). 

Consequently he regards the murderers of 
Caesar, not as the defenders of liberty, but as 
traitors against the Empire, of which he held 
Caesar to be the first representative. (Hence 
Caesar is placed, not among the tyrants in Hell 
with Alexander the Great, but in Limbo with 
Aeneas, the ultimate founder, according to D.'s 
theory, of the Roman Empire.) Just as Judas, 
the betrayer of Christ, is the prototype of those 
who betray the highest spiritual authority, so 
Brutus and Cassius, the betrayers of Caesar, are 



Buiamonte, Giovanni 

the prolotjfpes of those who betray the highest 
civil authority. 

Brutus, Lucius Junius Brutus, Mon. ii. 5I13. 

Bucciola Tommaso. [Faenza, Tom- 
itiaso da.] 

Bucciola, Ugolino, Ugolino Bucciola or 
Buzzola, son of Frate Alberigo (Inf. xxxiii. llS), 
was a member of the Manfredi family of 
Faenza ; he was born probably between 1240 
and 1250; he was a Guelf, and in 1279 was 
one of the principal sureties in the peace 
between the Geremei and the Lambertazzi ; 
in 1282 he was elected Podestk of Bagna- 
cavallo ; three years later he was concerned, 
together with his father Alberigo and others 
of the Manfredi family, in certain violent 
doings at the castle of Sezate ; in 1292 (he 
having married meanwhile), and again in 1295 
and 1296, he was engaged in party quarrels, 
which resulted in his having to leave Faenza, 
and retire to Ravenna, where he died, Jan. 8, 
1 30 1. (See Torraca, Fatti e scritti di U. 
Buzzola, Rome, 1893.) 

D. mentions Ugolino, together with Tom- 
maso da Faenza (who, according to some 
accounts, was his brother), as having rejected 
the local dialect in their poems, V. E. i. 1418-20. 

Two sonnets of Ugolino's of little merit 
have been preserved (one addressed to Onesto 
Bolognese), which are printed by Torraca. 
His contemporary, Francesco da Barberino 
( 1 264-1 348), who knew him personally, speaks 
of him in his Documenti d'Amore as having 
written a didactic poem De salutandi modis in 
the Faentine dialect ' in ydiomate Faventino- 
rum, rimis ornatissimis atque subtilibus.' 

BacoUca, the Bucolics or Eclogues of 
Virgil ; referred to as z Bucolici Carmi, Purg. 
xxii. 57; Bucolica, Mon. i. ii^; D. quotes 
and comments on Ed. iv. 6, Mon. i. ii^-iO; 
three lines from the same Eclogue (iv. 5-7) 
are translated, Purg. xxii. 70-2 ; and referred 
to, Epist. vii. I [Astraea] ; Virgil is spoken of 
as the author of the Eclogues ' il Cantor de' 
Bucolici Carmi,' Purg. xxii. 57. [Virgilic] 

Bucolic] Carmi, the Eclogues of Virgil, 
Purg. xxii. 57. [Bucolica.] 

Buemme, Bohemia, in the Middle Ages an 
independent kingdom, under the Premsyl 
dynasty from 11 97 to 1306, and then under the 
Luxemburg dynasty (founded by John of Lux- 
emburg, son of the Emperor Henry VH) till 
1437. [Table ii.] 

Wenceslas IV is referred to by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter as ffuel di Buemme, 
Par. xix. 125 [Vincislao] ; Bohemia itself is 
alluded to by the Eagle (in reference to the 
cruel invasion of the country in 1304 by Albert 
of Hapsburg, who attempted to force Wen- 
ceslas IV to submit to the exclusion of his 

own son Wenceslas from the throne of Hun- 
gary in favour of Charles Martel's son, Charles 
Robert) as il regno di Praga, Par. xix. 117 
[Alberto Tedesoo : Praga] ; and by Sordello 
(in Antepurgatory), in connexion with Ottocar 
II, as la terra dove Facqua nasce, Che Multa 
in Albia, e Albia in inar ne porta (i.e. the 
country where the Moldau rises), Purg. vii. 
98-9. [Albia : Multa : Ottaoherc] 

Buggea, Bougia or Bougie, town in N. 
Africa, in Algeria, on the gulf of the same 
name. In the Middle Ages it was a very im- 
portant commercial port, its chief article of 
export being wax and wax-candles, whence 
the latter came to be known as bougies. In 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it carried 
on a brisk trade with Italy, and Italian mer- 
chants (chiefly Genoese and Pisan) had nume- 
rous buildings of their own in the city, as is 
evident from the repeated mention of 'Ii 
fondachi di Buggea' in a treaty concluded in 
1264 between the Pisans and the Emir of Tunis 
(printed by Monaci, Crest. Ital., pp. 166-8). 

Bougie is situated about 100 miles E. of 
Algiers, and is on almost exactly the same 
meridian as Marseilles ; hence the troubadour 
Folquet of Marseilles (in the Heaven of Venus), 
wishing to indicate his birthplace, says it is 
a place where the sun rises and sets at almost 
the same hour as it does at Bougie, Par. ix. 
91-3. [Foloo : Marsilia.] 

Btiiamonte, Giovanni], Florentine usurer 
of the Bicchi family, said by the old commenta- 
tors to be the individual referred to (by Rinaldo 
degli Scrovigni) as 'il cavalier sovrano Che 
recherk la tasca con tre becchi,' Inf. xvii. 72-3 ; 
Rinaldo informs D. that the advent of Buia- 
monte is eagerly awaited by the Florentine 
usurers who are with himself in Round 3 of 
Circle VII of Hell {ijv. 71-3) [Rinaldo: 
Usurai]. D. condemns B. and Vitaliano of 
Padua to Hell by anticipation, they both 
having been alive at the date of the Vision 
(1300). Several of the old commentators say 
that the ' tre becchi ' are three goats, giving 
B.'s arms as on a field or three goats sable, 
e. g. the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Pqrtava per arme 11 campo giallo et tre becchi 
neri I'uno sopr» I'altro, come stanno i Leopard! 
che sono nell' arme del re d'Inghilterra.' 

Lana, Buti, and others, on the other hand, 
explain the ' tre becchi ' as three beaks, giving 
the arnjs as on a field azure three kites' or 
eagles' beaks or, 'tre becchi di nibbio gialli 
nel campo azzurro.' The latter is the correct 
description as appears from Vernon's note ;— 

' Ld. Vernon gives a reproduction of the shield 
taken from the Archives of Florence. The 6«a*i 
upon it are eagles' beaks ; two above and one 
underneath. The family of the Buiamonti had 
the lordship of Torre Becchi, a strong place in the 
territory of Florence. Buiamonte di messer Rota, 




a distinguished Guelf, with his three sons, took 
part in the disastrous battle of Montaperti. 
Giovanni Buiamonte is supposed to have been 
another son of the above. He was Gonfaloniere 
of Justice in 1293, and his palace was destroyed 
in the great fire of 1304, which was kindled by the 
treachery of Neri degli Abati.' 

Bulgari], Ghibelline family of Bertinoro, 
thought by some to be alluded to, Purg. xiv. 

Bulicame, hot sulphurous spring near Vi- 
terbo, to the stream of which D. compares Phle- 
gethon, one of the rivers of Hell, Inf. xiv. 79 
[riegetonta]. Like similar establishments in 
all times, the hot-spring of Bulicame was the 
resort of prostitutes ('le peccatrici '), who 
being compelled to reside in a special quarter 
had the water supplied to baths in their houses 
(doubtless for the use of their clients) by 
means of conduits leading from the spring. 
Benvenuto says : — 

' Debes scire quod apud civitatem Viterbii est 
quaedam mirabilis aqua calida, rubea, sulphurea, 
profunda, de cujus lecto exit quidam rivulus 
parvus, quem meretrices habitantes in ilia planicie 
dividunt inter se ; nam in qualibet domuncula 
meretricis est balneum ex illo rivulo ordinatum; 
ergo bene est comparatio propria in rubore, in 
colore, et in foetore.' 

Fazio degli Uberti states that the spring at 
Bulicame was hot enough to cook a sheep 
while a man walked a quarter of a mile, and 
adds that the bath was a sovereign remedy for 
the stone : — 

' lo nol credea, perchfc I'avessi udito, 
Senza provar, che '1 bulicame fosse 
Acceso d^un bailor tanto inlinito. 
Ma gettato un monton dentro si cosse, 
In men che un uomo andasse un quarto miglio, 
Ch' altro non ne vedea che proprio I'ossa. 
Un bagno v' ha, che passa ogni consigUo 
Contra U mal della pietra.* 

(Pittamondo, iii. 10.) 

In Cent, xv the place seems to have been 
abandoned altogether to loose women, as 
appears from a municipal edict of Viterbo 
dated 1469 : — 

' Nessuna meretrice ardisca nh presuma da hora 
nanze bagnarse in alcun bagno dove sieno consuete 
bagnarse le cittadine et donne viterbese, ma si 
vogliono bagnarse, vadino dicte meretrici nel 
bagno del bulicame.' 

According to Villani the hot-springs were 
known -to the Romans : — 

' La citta di Viterbo fu fatta per li Romani . . . 
gli Romani vi mandavano gl'infermi per cagione 
de' bagni ch'escono del bulicame.' (i. 51.) 

Barlow describes the ruins of a large estab- 
lishment, half-way between Bulicame and 
Viterbo, known as the Bagno di ser Paolo 
Benigno, to which the water of Bulicame was 
conveyed by conduits, and which has been com- 
monly identified with the baths alluded to by D. 
(Contributions to the Study of the D.C., p. 129.) 

The use of the word bulicame, Inf. xii. 117, 
128, was doubtless suggested to D. by the 
association of Viterbo, a reference to which 
occurs in the same passage {vv. 118-20). 

Buona— [Bona—] 

Buonconte, Buonconte da Montefeltro, son 
of the famous Ghibelline captain, Guido da 
Montefeltro ; placed by D. in Antepurgatory 
among those who delayed their repentance to 
the last, Purg. v. 88 ; un altro, v. 85 ; lui, v. 
91 ; egli, V. 94 ; il secondo [spirito), v. 132. 

In June 1287 Buonconte helped the Ghibel- 
lines to expel the Guelfs from Arezzo, an 
event which was the beginning of the war 
between Florence and Arezzo (Vill. vii. 115); 
in 1288 he was in command of the Aretines 
when they defeated the Sienese at Pieve del 
Toppo (Vill. vii. 120) [Toppo, II] ; and in 
1289 he was appointed captain of the Aretines 
and led them against the Guelfs of Florence, 
by whom they were totally defeated (June 11) 
at Campaldino, among the slain being Buon- 
conte himself, whose body, however, was never 
discovered on the field of battle (Vill. vii. 131). 

In Antepurgatory several spirits pray D. for 
his good offices, one of whom names itself as 
Buonconte of Montefeltro (Purg. v. 85-8) ; he 
laments that neither his wife Joan, nor his 
other relatives (meaning probably his daughter, 
who married one of the Conti Guidi, his 
brother Federico, who was Podestk of Arezzo 
in 1300, and was killed at Urbino in 1322, or 
his father's cousin Galasso da Montefeltro, 
who was Podestk of Arezzo in 1290 and 1297) 
remembered him in their prayers {vv. 88-90) ; 
in answer to D.'s inquiry as to how it happened 
that his body was never found at Campaldino 
and its burial-place never known (w. 91-3), 
B. replies that having been wounded in the 
throat, he fled across the plain to the point 
(just above Bibbiena) where the Archiano 
falls into the Arno, and that there he fell down 
and died, with the name of the Virgin Mary 
on his lips (vv. 94-102) ; he then relates how 
the angel of God took his soul, and how the 
devil, in fury at being baulked of his prey at the 
last moment, through B.'s tardy repentance, 
wreaked his vengeance upon the body, causing 
a storm of rain to fall, which flooded the Ar- 
chiano, so that the corpse was swept down into 
the Arno, where it was rolled along the bottom 
and at last covered up by the gravel of the 
river {vv. 103-29). [Archiano: G-iovannai.] 

Benvenuto relates that Buonconte, having 
been sent by the Bishop of Arezzo to recon- 
noitre the enemy's position before the battle, 
returned with the report that it would be highly 
imprudent to risk an engagement. The Bishop 
thereupon taunted him with being an unworthy 




scion of the house of Montefehro ; to which B. 
replied that if the Bishop dared follow where 
he led, he would never return alive ; and so it 
happened that both were killed. 

Sacchetti introduces a reminiscence of Buon- 
conte's death at Campaldino into his Novel- 
liere (clxxix), in which he tells a story of how 
a daughter of B. and a daughter of Count 
Ugolino of Pisa, each of whom had married 
one of the Conti Guidi, taunted each other, 
the one with the death of Ugolino in prison by 
starvation, the other with the circumstances of 
Buonconte's defeat by the Guelfs. 

Buondelmonte, Buondelmonte de' Buon- 
delmonti of Florence, whose breach of faith 
with a lady of the Amidei family, whom he had 
promised to marry, led to his murder by the 
outraged Amidei at the foot of the statue of 
Mars on the Ponte Vecchio in 1215 ; Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) apostrophizes 
B., and reproaches him with his breach of 
troth, and with its fatal consequences. Par. xvi. 
1 40-1. [Buondelmonti.] 

Buondelmonti, the leaders of the Guelf 
party in Florence {see below), whose family left 
the country and took up their residence in 
Florence in 1 135, on account of the destruction 
of their castle of Montebuono in the Valdigreve 
close to Florence, in the process of the expan- 
sion of the city. Villani says : — 

'Negli anni di Cristo 1135 essendo in pi6 il 
castello di Montebuono, il quale era molto forte e 
era di que' della casa de' Bondelmonti, i quali 
erauo cattani antichi gentili uomini di contado, e 
per lo nome del detto loro castello avea noma la 
casa Bondelmonti; e per la fortezza di quello, e 
che la strada vi correa appiS, coglievano pedaggio, 
per la qual cosa a* Fiorentini non piacea ne 
voleano si fatta fortezza presso alio citta, si v' 
andarono ad oste del mesa di Giugno ad ebbonlo, 
a patti cha '1 castallo si disfacesse, e I'altre pos- 
sassioni rimanessaro a'detti cattani, e tornassero 
ad abitare in Firenze. E cosi comincid il comuna 
di Firenze a distendarsi, e coUa forza piii che con 
ragione, crescendo il contado e sottomettandosi 
alia giuridizione ogni nobile di contado, e dis- 
faccendo le fortezza.' (iv. 36.) 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments 
the extension of Florence, which brought the 
Buondelmonti, amongst others, into the city. 
Par. xvi. 66 [Valdigreve] ; and says that the 
Borgo sant' Apostolo, the quarter of Florence 
in which they dwelt, would have been more 
peaceful had they never entered it (z/z;. 134-5) 
[Borgo] ; he then apostrophizes Buondel- 
monte, one of the family, whose murder by the 
Amidei gave rise to the Guelf and Ghibelline 
factions in Florence, and laments that he had 
not rather been drowned in the Ema when the 
family originally came into the city {vv. 140-4) 
[Ema] ; he adds, however, that it was meet 
that the statue of Mars, at the foot of which B. 


was killed, should claim its victim (t/w. 145-7). 

Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti (Par. xvi. 
140-7) was murdered by the Amidei in 1215 at 
the instigation of Mosca de' Lamberti, in revenge 
for an insult to their family, Buondelmonte 
having, it appears, promised to marry a lady 
of the Amidei, and having capriciously thrown 
her over for one of the Donati. In consequence 
of this murder a bitter feud arpse between the 
partizans of the Buondelmonti and those of the 
Uberti (a member of whose family had been 
implicated in the murder), which resulted in 
the introduction into Florence of the Guelf and 
Ghibelline factions, the former being headed 
by the Buondelmonti, the latter by the Uberti. 
[Amidei: Ghibellini: Mosca: Uberti.] 

The following account of the murder, and of 
the incident which led to it, is given by 
Villani :— 

' Nagli anni di Cristo 1215 assando podasta di 
Firanza messar Gherardo Orlandi, avendo uno 
masser Bondelmonte de' Bondelmonti, nobile 
cittadino di Firanza, promesso a terra par moglie 
una donzalla di casa gli Amidei, onoravoli a nobili 
cittadini ; e poi cavalcando per la citta il detto 
messer Bondelmonte, ch' era molto leggiadro e 
bello cavaliere, una dona di casa i Donati il chiamji, 
biasimandolo dalla donna ch'egli avea promessa, 
coma non era balla nS sofficienta a lui, e dicendo : 
io v'avea guardata questa mia figliuola — la quale 
gli mostrd, e era bellissima ; incontananta per 
subsidio diaboli preso di lai, la promise e ispos6 a 
moglie; per la qual cosa i parenti della prima 
donna promessa raunati insiama, e dogliandosi 
di ci6 che messar Bondelmonte aveva loro fatto 
di vergogna, si presono il maladetto isdegno, onde 
la citta di Firenze fu guasta e partita ; che di 
piu casati de' nobili si congiuraro insieme, di 
fare vergogna al detto messer Bondelmonte, per 
vendetta di quelle ingiurie. E stando tra lore a 
consiglio in che modo il dovessero offendere, di 
batterlo o di fadirlo, il Mosca de' Lamberti disse 
la mala parola : Cosa fatta, capo ha ; cioe che fosse 
morto, e cosi fu fatto ; che la mattina di Pasqua di 
Risurrasso, si raunaro in casa gli Amidei di santo 
Stefano, e vegnendo d'oltrarno il detto messere 
Bondelmonte vastito nobilmante di nuovo di roba 
tutta bianca, a in su uno palafreno bianco, giugnendo 
appife del ponte Vecchio da lato di qua, appunto 
appife del pilastro ov'era la 'nsegna di Marti, il 
detto raassara Bondelmonte fu atterrato del cavallo 
per lo Schiatta degli Uberti, e par lo Mosca 
LamlDerti e Lambertuccio degli Amidei assalito 
e fadito, a per Oderigo Fifanti gli furono segate le 
vane e tratto a fine ; e ebbevi con loro uno de' 
conti da Gangalandi. Per la qual cosa la citta 
corse ad arma a romora ; e questa morte di messer 
Bondelmonte fu la cagiona e cominciamento dalle 
maledette parti guelfa e ghibellina in Firenze, con 
tuttoche dinanzi assai erano le sette tra' nobili 
cittadini e le dette parti, per cagione delle brighe 
e question! dalla Chiesa alio 'mperio ; ma per la 
morte del detto messere Bondelmonte, tutti i 
legnaggi de' nobili e altri cittadini di Firenze se 
ne partiro, e chi tenne co' Bondehnontiche presono 


Buoso Donati 

la parte guelfa e furonne capo, e chi con gli Uberti 
che furono capo de' Ghibellini, onde alia nostra 
citta segui molto di male e ruina, come innanzi 
fara menzione, e mai non si crede ch' abbia fine, 
se Iddio nol termina. E bene mostra che '1 nemico 
deir umana generazione per le peccata de' Fio- 
rentini avesse podere nell' idolo di Marti, ch' e' 
Fiorentini paganl anticamente adoravano, che 
appid della sua figura si commise si fatto'micidio, 
onde tanto male e seguito alia citta di Firenze.' 
(v. 38.) 

This incident, which forms the subject of 
one of the tales of the Pecorone of Giovanni 
Fiorentino (viii. i), is also recorded by Dino 
Compagni, but with some difference of detail : — 

'Doppo molti antichi mali per le discordie de' 
suoi cittadini riceuti, una ne fu generata nella 
detta citta, la quale divise tutti i suoi cittadini in 
tal modo, che le due parti s'appellorno nimici per 
dua nuovi iiomi, ciofe Guelfi e Ghibellini. E di 
ci6 fu cagicne, in Firenze, che uno nobile giovane 
cittadino, chiamato Buondelmonte de' Buondel- 
monti, aveva promesso torre per sua donna una 
figUuola di m. Oderigo Giantrufetti. Passando 
dipoi uno giorno da casa i Donati, una gentile 
donna chiamata madonna Aldruda, donna di m. 
Forteguerra Donati, che aveva dua figliuole molte 
belle ; stando a' balconi del suo palagio, lo vidde 
passare, e chiamollo, e mostrdgli una delle dette 
figliuole, e dissegli : chi hai tu tolta per moglie ? 
io ti serbavo questa. La quale guardando molto 
gli piacque, e rispose : Non posso altro oramai. 
A cui madonna Aldruda disse : Si, puoi, ch6 la 
pena pagherb io per te. A cui Buondelmonte 
rispose : E io la voglio. E tolsela per moglie, 
lasciando quella che aveva tolta e giurata. Onde 
m. Oderigo, dolendosene co' parenti e amici suoi, 
deliberorono di vendicarsi, e di batterlo e fargli 
vergogna. II che sentendo gli Uberti, nobilissima 
famiglia e potente, e suoi parenti, dissono voleano 
fusse morto : ch6 cosi fia grande I'odio della morte 
come delle ferite ; cosa fatta capo ha. E ordi- 
norno ucciderlo il di menasse la donna; e cosi 
feciono. Onde di tal morte i cittadini se ne 
divisono, e trassonsi insieme i parentadi e I'amista 
d'amendua le parte, per modo che la detta divi- 
sione mai non fini.' (i. 2.) 

Buoso, one of five Florentines (Inf. jcxvi. 
4-5) placed by D. among the Robbers in 
Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge),' 
Inf. XXV. 140 [Ladri]. Nothing is known of 
B., the commentators not being agreed even 
as to his name. Lana and Pietro di Dante 
call him Buoso degli Abati, while Benvenuto 
identifies him with Buoso Donati, who is men- 
tioned, Inf. XXX. 44 [Buoso Donati]. B. is 
one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo 
transformation (Inf. xxv. 35-141) ; B., who is 
originally in human shape {v. 86j, exchanges 
forms with Francesco Guercio de' Cavalcanti 
{vv. 103-41), who appears, to begin with, in 
the shape of a serpent X^-. 83). The third spirit 
is that of Agnello Brunelleschi {v. 68) [Agndl : 
Cavalcanti, F. G. de' : Puooio Sciancato]. 

Buoso Donati, one of the Donati family 
of Florence (mentioned in the 'estimo' of 1269, 
a document containing a list of the compensa- 
tions granted to Guelf families in Florence for 
damage done by the Ghibellines in 1260 after 
the battle of Montaperti, and in the peace 
proposals of Cardinal Latino in 1280), said by 
Benvenuto and others to be the Buoso who is 
placed among the Robbers in Malebolge, Inf. 
xxv. 140 [Buoso : Donati] ; he is mentioned by 
his full name in connexion with the fraud of 
the mimic Gianni Schicchi de' Cavalcanti, who, 
after his death, in collusion with his son Simone, 
personated him on his supposed death-bed, and 
dictated a will in favour of Simone ; Gianni took 
care, however, to insert several clauses con- 
taining bequests to himself, by way of com- 
mission on the transaction, amongst others 
being that of a favourite and very handsome 
mare (or she-mule) of Buoso's, to which D. 
alludes as la donna della torma, ' the lady of 
the stud,' Inf. xxx. 42-5. 

It appears that before his death Buoso had 
expressed a desire to make amends to some of 
the persons he had robbed ; Simone, in alarm 
lest his father should have given effect to this 
resolve in his will, consulted Gianni Schicchi, 
who hit upon the above-mentioned device for 
securing the property to Simone [Cavalcanti, 
Gianni Schicchi de']. Pietro di Dante says 
that Buoso was smothered by Simone (whom 
he calls his nephew), and Gianni Schicchi. The 
circumstances of the fraud are described in 
detail by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Dicesi che, essendo messer Buoso Donati 
aggravate d'una infermita mortale, volea fare 
testamento, perd che gli parea avere a rendere 
assai dell' altrui. Simone suo figliuolo il tenea a 
parole, per ch' egli nol facesse ; et tanto il tenne 
a parole ch' elli mori. Morto che fu, Simone il 
tenea celato, et avea paura ch' elli non avessi fatto 
testamento mentre ch' egli era sano ; et ogni 
vicino dicea ch'egli I' avea fatto. Simone, non 
sappiendo pigliare consiglio, si dolse con Gianni 
Sticchi et chiesegli consiglio. Sapea Gianni 
contraffare ogni uomo, et coUa voce et cogli atti, 
e massimamente messer Buoso, ch' era uso con 
lui. Disse a Simone : Fa venire uno notajo, et 
di' che messer Buoso voglia fare testamento ; io 
enterr6 nel letto suo, et cacceremo lui dirietro, et 
io mi fasceri) bene, e metterommi la cappellina sua 
in capo, et farb il testamento come tu vorrai ; e 
vero che io ne voglio guadagnare. Simone fu 
in Concordia con lui ; Gianni entra nel letto, e 
mostrasi appenato, et contrafia la voce di messer 
Buoso che parea tutto lui, e comincia a testare 
et dire : Io lascio soldi .xx. all' opera di santa 
Reparata, et lire cinque a' Frati Minori, et cinque 
a' Predicatori, et cosi viene distribuendo per 
Dio, ma pochissimi danari. A Simone giovava del 
fatto : Et lascio, soggiunse, cinquecento fiorini a 
Gianni Sticchi. Dice Simone a messer Buoso : 
Questo non bisogna mettere in testamento ; io 
gliel daro come voi lascerete. — Simone, lascerai 
fare del mio a mio senno ; io ti lascio si bene, che 


Buoso da Duera 


tu dei esser contento. Simone per paura si stava 
cheto. Quest! segue : Et lascio a Gianni Sticchi 
la mula mia ; che avea messer Buoso la migliore 
mula di Toscana. Oh, messer Buoso, dicea Sjmone, 
di cotesta mula si cura egli poco et poco 1' avea 
cara ; io so ci6 che Gianni Sticchi vuole meglio di 
te. Simone si comincia adirare et a consumarsi ; 
ma per paura si stava. Gianni Sticchi segue : Et 
lascio a Gianni Sticchi fiorini cento, che io debbo 
avere da tale mio vicino ; et nel rimanente lascio 
Simone mia reda universale con questa clausula, 
ch' egli dovesse mettere ad esecuzione ogni lascio 
fra quindici di, se non, che tutto il reditaggio 
venisse a' Frati Minori del convento di Santa 
Croce; et fatto il testamento, ogni uomo si parti. 
Gianni esce del letto, et riraettonvi messer Buoso, 
et lievono il pianto, et dicono ch'egli e morto.' 

Buoso da Duera], a Ghibelline of Cremona, 
where he and the Marquis Pallavicino were 
heads of the party; he was expelled from 
Cremona in 1267, and in spite of repeated 
attempts did not succeed in re-establishing 
himself there until 1282. D. places him in 
Antenora, the second division of Circle IX of 
Hell, among those who were traitors to their 
country, referring to him as quel da Duera, 
Inf. xxxii. 116; un altro, v. 106 ; guei, v. 114; 
ei, V. IIS [Antenora]. While D., with his 
hand twisted in the hair of Bocca degli Abati, 
is trying in vain to force him to tell his name, 
one of the companions of the latter in the ice, 
disturbed by his yells, shouts to him to know 
what is the matter, calhng him by his name, so 
that D. learns what he wanted (Inf. xxxii. 103- 
11); Bocca, furious at having his name revealed, 
revenges himself by revealing to D. the identity 
of his companion, explaining that it is Buoso of 
Duera, who is there bewailing the money of the 
French [vv. 1 12-17). 

When Charles of Anjou entered Italy in 1265 
on his way to encounter Manfred and take 
possession of the kingdom of Naples, the 
French troops under Guy de Montfort, accom- 
panied by Charles' wife, Beatrice of Provence, 
advanced through Lombardy, and made their 
way into Parma, unmolested by the force of 
Cremonese and other Ghibellines of Lombardy, 
with which the Marquis Pallavicino had been 
ordered by Manfred to block their passage. 
This neglect of Manfred's instructions was due 
to some act of treachery, not clearly specified, 

on the part of the Cremonese leader, Buoso da 
Duera, who was believed to have been bribed 
by the French — by Charles' wife, according to 
Benvenuto ('Uxor Caroli veniens cum Guidone 
de Monforte portabat secum magnam pecu- 
niam, cum qua venenavit avaram mentem 
Bosii.') In revenge for this treachery the 
whole of the Duera line in Cremona was ex- 
terminated by the Cremonese. Villani says :— 
' II conte Guido di Monforte coUa cavaleria che 
'1 conte Carlo gli lascid a guidare, e coUa contessa 
moglie del detto Carlo, e co' suoi cavalieri, si 
partirono di Francia del mese di Giugno del detto 
anno (1265) . . . e coll' aiuto de' Milanesi, si misono 
a passare la Lombardia tutti in arme, e cavalcando 
schierati, e con molto affanno di Piemonte infino 
a Parma, perocche '1 marchese Pallavicino parente 
di Manfredi, colla forza de' Chermonesi e dell' 
altre citta ghibelline di Lombardia ch' erano in 
lega con Manfredi, era a guardare i passi con piij 
di tremila cavalieri, che Tedeschi e che Lombardi ; 
alia fine come piacque a Dio . . . i Francesehi 
passarono sanza contasto di battaglia, e arrivarono 
alia citta di Parma. Bene si disse che uno messer 
Buoso della casa di que' da Duera di Chermona, 
per danari ch' ebbe da' Francesehi, mise consiglio 
per modo, che I'oste di Manfredi non fosse al con- 
tasto al passo, com' erano ordinati, onde poi il 
popolo di Chermona a furore distrussono il detto 
legnaggio di quegli da Duera.' (vii. 4.) 

Sismondi thinks it doubtful, as a matter of 
history, whether Buoso was actually guilty of 
the treachery imputed to him by D. It appears 
that he was stationed to guard the passage of 
the Oglio, but owing to the advance of Obizzo 
da Este with a strong force to the support of 
the French, abandoned his position and took 
shelter in Cremona. The opposite bank of the 
river being thus in the hands of their allies, 
Charles' troops were able to effect their crossing 
without difficulty. Buoso's failure to oppose 
their passage, coupled with the fact that he 
was notoriously avaricious, probably gave rise 
to the suggestion that he had been bribed by 
the French to retire. 

Burgum S. Felicis, Borgo San Felice, 
quarter of Bologna; its dialect different from 
that of the Strada Maggiore in the same city, 
V. E. i. 9«-*. [Bolognesi.] 

Buzzola. [Bucoiola.] 


Caccia d' Asciano, Caccia dei Cacciaconti, 
whose family was a branch of the Scialenghi, 
a member of the ' Spendthrift Brigade' of Siena; 
mentioned by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle 
VIII of Hell) among other Sienese spendthrifts 
as having recklessly squandered his means. Inf. 


xxix. 131. [Asciano : Brigata Spendereccia : 

Cacciaguida, the great-great-grandfather 
of D., of whose life nothing is known beyond 
what D. himself tells us ; viz. that he was bom 
in Florence (Par. xv. 130-3) in the Sesto di 


Porta san Piero (Par. xvi. 40-2) about the year 
1090 {vv. 34-9) ; that he belonged (possibly) to 
the Elisei, one of the old Florentine families 
which boasted Roman descent (Par. xv. 136; 
xvi. 40) ; that he was baptized in the Baptistery 
of San Giovanni in Florence (Par. xv. 134-5) ; 
that he had two brothers, Moronto and Eliseo 
(v. 136) ; that his wife came from the valley of 
the Po, and that from her, through his son, D. 
got his surname of Alighieri {vv. 91-4, 137-8) ; 
that he followed the Emperor Conrad III on 
the Second Crusade, and was knighted by him 
(vv. 139-44) ; and finally that he fell fighting 
against the infidel about the year 1147 {vv. 
145-8). His existence is attested by the men- 
tion of his name in a document (still preserved 
in Florence), dated Dec. 9, 1189, in which his 
two sons (' Preitenittus et Alaghieri fratres, filii 
dim Cacciaguide ') bind themselves to remove 
a fig-tree which was growing against the wall 
of the Church of San Martino. (See Frullani 
e Gargani, Delia Casa di Dante, p. 29.) 
[Table xxii.] 

D. places Cacciaguida in the Heaven of Mars 
among those who fought for the faith (Spiriti 
Militanti), Par. xv. 135 ; his spirit is spoken 
of as astro, v. 20 ; gemma, v. 22 ; lume, vv. 31, 
52 ; spirto, v. 38 ; luce, Par. xvi. 30 ; xvii. 28, 
121 ; santa lampa. Par. xvii. 5 ; anima santa, 
V. loi ; specchio beato. Par. xviii. 2 ; fulgor 
santo, V. 25 ; ei, v. 28 ; alma, v. 50 ; he is 
addressed by D. as vivo topazio. Par. xv. 85 ; 
voi, Par. xvi. 16, 17, 18 ; padre mio, Par. xvi. 
16 ; xvii. 106 ; cara mia primizia, Par. xvi. 22 ; 
cara piota mm, Par. xvii. 13 ; and referred to 
by him as amor paterno. Par. xvii. 35 ; il mio 
tesoro, V. 121 ; he addresses D. as sanguis 
meus, Par. xv. 28 ; figlio. Par. xv. 52 ; xvii. 94 ; 
fronda mia. Par. xv. 88, speaking of himself as 
la tua radice, v. 89 ; and refers to him as il mio 
seme, Par. xv. 48. 

Among the spirits in the Heaven of Mars 
one (that of Cacciaguida) makes itself known 
to D. as an ancestor of his (Par. xv. 19-90) ; 
after referring to his son Alighiero, through 
■whom D. got his surname, and begging D.'s 
prayers for him {^v. 91-6), C. pronounces a 
eulogy on the virtues of the old citizens of the 
Florence of his day {vv. 97-129) ; he then gives 
details of his own life from his birth in Florence 
to his death in the Holy Land {vv. 130-48) (see 
above) ; after a reference to the date of his 
birth and to the situation of the house in which 
he was born (Par. xvi. 34-45) (see below), 
he again discourses on the former state of 
Florence, mentioning the names of some forty 
families {^v. 46-154) ; then, in reply to D.'s 
questions as to his own future, he foretells his 
exile (Par. xvii. 46-60), and his association at 
first with the exiled Bianchi and Ghibellines, 
and his subsequent withdrawal from them (vv. 
61-9), and refuge with one of the Scaligers 
(vv. 70-99) ; and lastly, having pointed out 

Caccianimico, Venedico 

the souls of other warriors who are there with 
him, he leaves D. and returns to his station 
(Par. xviii. 28-51) [Alighieri: Currado^ : 
Lombardo : Harte, Cielo di]. 

There is considerable difference of opinion as 
to the precise date of Cacciaguida's birth, the 
indications given by D. (Par. xvi. 34-9) being 
variously interpreted. Cacciaguida says that from 
the Incarnation of Christ down to the day of his 
own birth the planet Mars had returned to the 
sign Leo 580 times (or 553 times, according as 
trenta or ire be read in v. 38), i. e. had made that 
number of revolutions in its orbit. The questions 
involved are twofold — (a) as to the reading, Irenta 
or tre ; (b) as to whether the period of the revolu- 
tion of Mars is to be estimated at about two years, 
as given by Brunette Latino {Trisor, i. in) and 
implied by D. in the Convivio (ii. 15"'), or at the 
correct period, as given by Alfraganus, of 687 days 
approximately (actually, according to Witte, 686 
days, 22 hrs., 24 min.). If we read trenta (with 
the majority) and take the period of Mars at the 
estimate of Alfraganus, we get (due regard being 
had to leap-years) the year 1091 as the date of 
Cacciaguida's birth. If, on the other hand, we 
read tre, and put the period of Mars at two years, 
we get the year 1106. In the former case 
Cacciaguida would have been 56, in the latter 41, 
at the time when he joined Conrad III on the 
Second Crusade (1147) and met his death (Par. 
XV. r39-48). Several of the old commentators 
(Anonimo Fiorentino, Buti, Landino, &c.), reading 
trenta and computing the period of Mars at two 
years, bring the date of Cacciaguida's birth to 
n6o, i.e. thirteen years after his death! while 
Benvenuto, who avoids this error, brings it to 
1054, which on his own showing (since he gives 
1 154 as the date of the Crusade) would make 
Cacciaguida a Crusader at the age of 100 ! 

Cacciaguida indicates (Par. xvi. 40-2) the 
situation of the house in which he and his 
ancestors lived in Florence, as being ' in the place 
where the last sextary is first attained by him 
who runs in the yearly horse-race,' i. e. on the 
boundary of the district known later as the Sesto 
di Porta san Piero. The house of the Ehsei (Vill. 
iv. 11) stood not far from the junction of the 
Mercato Vecchio and the Corso, apparently just 
at the angle formed on the N. side of the present 
Via de' Speziali by its intersection with the Via 
de' Calzaioli (see Philalethes' plan of old Florence, 
and that of modern Florence in Baedeker's N. 
Italy). The Sesto di Porta san Piero appears, as 
Witte observes, to have been the last of the city 
divisions to be traversed by the competitors in the 
' annual gioco,' who entered the city probably at 
the Porta san Pancrazio, close to "where the 
Palazzo Strozzi now stands, crossed the Mercato 
Vecchio, and finished in the Corso which was 
thence so called. [Fiorenza.] 

Caccianimico, Venedico, VeneticoCaccia- 
nemici dell' Orso, of Bologna, son of Alberto 
de' Caccianemici, who was head of the Geremei 
or Guelf party of Bologna from 1260 till 1297. 
Venetico was a man of violent temperament, 
as appears from the fact that in 1268, at his 


Caccianimico, Venedico 


father's instigation, he murdered his cousin 
Guido Paltena, and in 1286 he was accused of 
having harboured a malefactor in his house at 
Bologna ; he was at various times Podestk of 
Pistoja, Modena, Imola, and Milan (in iz86), 
and was, with his father, an active opponent of 
the Lambertazzi or Ghibelline party of Bologna. 
He was a staunch ally of the Marquis of Este, 
and his support of the policy of the latter with 
regard to Bologna appears to have led to his 
expulsion from his native city in 1289. He 
had two sons, one of whom, Lambertino, 
married in 1305 Costanza of Este, daughter of 
the Marquis Azzo VIII. (See Gozzadini, Le 
Torri gentilizie di Bologna, pp. 2 12 if.) 

D., who appears to have been personally 
acquainted with C, places him among the 
Pandars and Seducers in Bolgia I of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 50 ; uno {pecca- 
tore), V. 40 ; costui, v. 42 ; quel frustato, v. 46 ; 
egli, v.^2; il, v. 64 ; ruffian, v. 66 [Seduttori] ; 
as D. passes through the Bolgia he catches 
sight of a form (that of Caccianimico) which 
is familiar to him (Inf. xviii. 40-2) ; with 
Virgil's consent he stops to look more closely 
at him (vv. 43-5) ; C. thereupon tries to conceal 
his identity by holding his face down, but D. 
recognizes him, and addressing him by name, 
asks what brought him there (•z/t/. 46-51); C. 
unwillingly rephes that it was he who brought 
Ghisolabella to do the will of the Marquis 
(vv. 52-7) ; he then tells D. that he is by no 
means the only Bolognese in that part of Hell, 
for there are as many pandars from Bologna 
there with him as would equal the whole 
existing population of the city {vv. 58-61) ; he 
adds that avarice was at the bottom of it all 
(ww. 62-3) ; at this point a demon comes up 
and slashes him, telling him to get on, as there 
are no women for hire there (z/w. 64-6) [Bolo- 
gnesi: G-hisolabellaj. 

The Ghisolabella mentioned by Caccianimico 
as having been handed over by him to the evil 
passions of the Marquis of Este was his own 
sister, who in or before 1270 was married to 
Niccol6 da Fontana of Ferrara. The Marquis 
in question is said by Lana and Buti to have 
been Obizzo II (1264-1293), while Benvenuto 
and others say it was his son, Azzo VIII 
(1293-1308); as far as dates are concerned, 
the former seems the more likely, for the 
incident probably took place before Ghisola- 
bella's marriage, i.e. before the year 1270. 
Benvenuto, who describes C. as 'vir nobilis, 
liberalis, et placabilis, qui tempore suo fuit 
valde potens in Bononia favore marchionis 
Estensis,' says that he lent himself to this 
intrigue in order to further ingratiate himself 
with the Marquis : — 

' Habuit unam sororem pulcerrimam, quam con- 
duxit ad serviendum marchioni Azoni de sua pulcra 
persona, ut fortius promereretur gratiam ejus.' 

He adds, however, that there was more than 


one version of the affair (as D. himself implies. 
Inf. xviii. 57) — according to one, Ghisolabella 
was seduced without her brother's knowledge ; 
according to another, Azzo introduced himself 
in disguise into the heuse of Caccianimico and 
having explained what his errand was, suc- 
ceeded in his design, C. not being in a position 
to resist him. 

The following detailed account, given by the 
Anonimo Fiorentino, probably represents the 
popular version of the story : — 

' Fu costui messer Venedico de' Caccianimici da 
Bologna ; e fu provigionato uno tempo del marchese 
Azzo da Esti, signore di Ferrara. Avea messer 
Venedico una sua sorella, bellissima donna, detta 
madonna Ghisola, et antonomastice, per eccellenzia, 
per6 che avanzava in bellezza tutte le doune 
bolognesi a quello tempo, fu chiamata la Ghisola 
bella. II marchese Azzo, udendo parlare della 
bellezza di costei, et avendola alcuna volta veduta' 
per I'amista di messer Venedico, ultimamente, 
sotto questa fidanza, si parti da Ferrara scono- 
sciuto, et una sera di notte picchid all' uscio di 
messer Venedico : messer Venedico si maraviglid, 
et disse che la sua venuta non potea essere senza 
gran fatto. II Marchese, sotto gran fidanza, et 
perche conoscea I'animo di messer Venedico, gli 
disse ch' egli volea meglio alia sua sirocchia, a 
madonna Ghisola, che a tulto il mondo ; et ch' 
egli sapea ch' ell' era in quella casa: et pertanto, 
dopo molti prieghi, messer Venedico consent! et 
discese alia volonta del Marchese ; partissi della 
casa, et lascid lui dentro ; onde il Marchese, giunto 
a costei, doppo alcuna contesa, ebbe a fare di lei.' 

The commentator adds : — 

' Poi in processo di tempo la novella si sparse : 
et perchfe parea forte a credere che messer 
Venedico avesse consentito questo della sirocchia, 
chi dicea la novella et apponevala a uno, et chi 
a un' altro ; di che ora messer Venedico chiarisce 
a Dante, et dice che, come che questa novella si 
dica, io fui quelli che condussi costei a fare la 
volonta del Marchese.' 

Caco, Cacus, son of Vulcan, a fire-breathing 
monster who lived in a cave on Mt. Aventine, 
and preyed upon the inhabitants of the district. 
He stole from Hercules, while he was asleep, 
some of the cattle which the latter had taken 
from Geryon in Spain, and, to prevent their 
being tracked, dragged them into his cave by 
their tails ; but their whereabouts being dis- 
covered by their bellowing as the rest of the 
herd passed by the cave, Hercules attacked 
Cacus and (according to Virgil, Aen. viii. 193- 
267) strangled him. 

D., who represents Cacus as a Centaur, 
places him among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 of 
Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxv. 25 ; 
un Centaur 0, v. ly ; egli, v. 20; et, v. 34 
[Ladri] ; on the disappearance of Vanni Fucci, 
D. sees a Centaur approach and furiously cry 
out after V.F. (Inf. xxv. 16-8) ; the Centaur's 
back, from croup to neck, is covered with 
snakes, while on the nape of his neck is 


Caelo, De 

perched a fiery dragon {vv. 19-24) ; Virgil 
tells D. that this is Cacus, whose den was in 
Mt. Aventine, and was often swamped in blood 
(vv. 25-7) ; he then refers to his theft of the 
cattle from Hercules, and to his death beneath 
the club of the latter, and explains that he is 
not placed in Circle VII with the other Centaurs 
because, unlike them, he employed fraud in his 
theft [vv. 28-33) [Centauri]. 

With regard to the mode of Cacus' death D. 
follows, not Virgil, but Livy : ' cum Herculem 
vadentem ad speluncam Cacus vi prohibere 
conatus esset, ictus clava morte occubuit ' (i. 7). 
His representation of C. as a Centaur was 
doubtless due to a misunderstanding of Virgil's 
description, from which several details of his 
account are borrowed : — 

' Hie spelunca fuit, vasto submota recessu, 
Semihominis Caci facies quam dira tenebat, 
Solis inaccessam radiis ; semperque recenti 
Caede tepebat humus, foribusque adfixa superbis 
Ora virum tristi pendebant pallida tabo. 
Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater: illius atros 
Ore vomens ignes magna se mole ferebat.' 

{Aen. viii. 193-9.) 

Cadmo, Cadmus, founder of Thebes, son of 
Agenor, King of Phoenicia, and brother of 
Europa [Eiiropa^]. He married Harmonia, 
daughter of Mars and Venus [Armenia], by 
whom he became the father of Autonoe, Agave, 
Semele, Ino, and Polydorus [Ino: Semeld]. 
As a penalty for having slain a dragon sacred 
to Mars, C. was tra,nsformed into a serpent, 
Harmonia, at her own request, sharing his 

D. alludes to this transformation, Inf. xxv. 
97-8 ; he refers to Ovid's account of it, from 
which several touches in his own description 
{vv. 103-38) are borrowed : — 
[Cadmus is changed into a serpent.] 

' Ut serpens, in longam tenditur alvum ; 
Durataeque cuti squamas increscere sentit, 
Nigraque caeruleis variari corpora guttis ; 
In pectusque cadit pronus ; commissaque in unum 
Faulatim tereti sinuantur acumine crura . . . 

Lingua repente 
In partes est fissa duas, nee verba volenti 
Sufficiunt ; quotiesque aliquos parat edere questus, 

[Harmonia, in answer to her prayer, shares his 

' " Cadme, quid hoc? ubi pes ? ubi sunt humeritjue manusque ? 
Et color, et facies, e^ dum loquor, omnia? cur non 
Me quoque, caelestes, in eandem vertitis anguem?" 
Dixerat ; ille suae lambebat conjugis ora ; 
Inque sinus caros, veluti cognosceret, ibat ; 
Et dabat amplexus, assuetaque colla petebat . . . 

at ilia 
Lubrica permulcet cristati colla draconis, 
Et subito duo sunt ; junctoque volumine serpunt.' 

(Meiiim. iv. S75-9i 585- Si 59' f-' 
D. seems also to have had in mind Ovid's 
account of the transformation by Ceres of 
a boy into a lizard : — 

' Loquentem 
Cum liquido mixta perfudit Diva polenta. 
Combibit os maculas ; et, qua modo brachia gessit, 
Crura jgerit ; cauda est mutatis addita membris j 
Inque brevem formam, ne sit vis magna nocendi, 
Contrahitur ; parvaque minor mensura lacerta est.' 
(Metam. v. 453-S.) 

Caelesti Hlerarchla, De, treatise On the 
Celestial Hierarchy, reputed to be the work of 
Dionysius the Areopagite ; his doctrine that 
every essence and virtue proceeds from the 
First Cause, and is reflected, as it were, from 
the higher to the lower Intelligences, Epist. 
X. 21 [Dionisio^]. Fraticelli quotes the follow- 
ing passage : — 

' Conclusum igitur a nobis, quomodo ilia quidem 
antiquissinia,quae Deo praesto, est intelligentiarum 
distributio, ab ipsamet primilus initiante illumina- 
tione consecrata, immediate illi intendendo, secre- 
tiori simul et manifestiori divini Principatus illus- 
tratione purgetur et illuminetur atque perficiatur.' 

Caelo, Del, Aristotle's treatise (in four 
books) On the Heavens ; quoted by D. under 
two titles, Di Cielo e Mondo, Conv. ii. 32"' 6i^ 
43*, 513 ; iii. S5'^, 9UI ; iv. 926 ; De Caelo et 
Mundo, A. T. Sh '2**, 13*1 ; and De Caelo, 
Epist. X. 27 ; A. T. § 2x56. It may be noted 
that D. appears at times to be quoting rather 
from the De Caelo et Mundo of Albertus Magnus 
(which is a commentary on Aristotle's treatise) 
than from the De Caelo itself. Alexander of 
Aphrodisias (circ. a.d. 200) held that the latter 
should be entitled De Mundo rather than De 
Caelo ; and this was the title apparently which 
it bore in the Greek texts, for St. Thomas 
Aquinas says of it 'Apud Graecos intitulatur 
De Mundo' The Arabian and Latin translators 
combined the two, and called the treatise De 
Caelo et Mundo, under which title it is usually 
quoted in the Middle Ages. 

D. quotes from it Arjstotle's erroneous opinion 
that there were only eight Heavens, the eighth 
and outer one being that of the Fixed Stars, 
also that the Heaven of the Sun was next to 
that of the Moon, Conv. ii. 3I9-30 {Cael. ii. 10, 
12) ; his observation of the occultation of Mars 
by the Moon, Conv. ii. 359-65 (Cael. ii. 12) ; his 
opinion that the Empyrean is the abode of 
blessed spirits, Conv. ii. 43''-4 (Cael. i. 3, 9) ; 
that the celestial Intelligences equal in number 
the celestial revolutions, Conv. ii. 512-17 (Cael. 
i. 8) ; his rejection of the Platonic theory that 
the Earth revolves on its own axis, Conv. iii. 
553-8 (Cael. ii. 8, 12, 14); his opinion that the 
stars have no change save that of local motion, 
Conv. iii. 9I09-11 (Cael. ii. 8) ; that the juris- 
diction of Nature has fixed limits, Conv. iv. 
921-7 (Cael. i. 2, 7) ; that the material of the 
Heavens increases in perfection with its remote- 
ness from the Earth, Epist. x. 27 (Cael. i. 2) ; 
that bodies are ' heavy ' or ' light ' in respect of 
motion, A. T. § 12*2-4 (Cael. iv. l) ; that God 
and Nature always work for the best, A. T. 
§ 1339-41 (Cael. i. 4) ; that to inquire into the 
reasons for God's laws is presumptuous and 
foolish, they being beyond our understanding, 
A. T. § 2166 (Cael. ii. 5). [Aristotile.] 

D. was also indebted to the De Caelo (ii. 13) 
for the Pythagorean theory as to the constitu- 
tion of the universe, with the central place 


Caelo, De 


occupied by fire, round which revolve the Earth 
and a 'counter-Earth' (anticiona), Conv. iii. 
529-41. [Antiotona : Pittagora.] 

Caelo, /)e2], treatise of Albertus Magnus, 
otherwise known as De Caelo et Mundo, a com- 
mentary upon the Aristotelian treatise of the 
same name \Caelo, De^; from here D. got 
the opinions of Aristotle and Ptolemy as to the 
number and order of the several heavens, 
Conv. ii. 386-45 (see Romania, xxiv. 408-11). 

Caelo et Mundo, De. [Caelo, De.] 

Caelum Empyreum.the Empyrean, Epist. 
X. 24, 26. [Cielo Empireo.] 

Caelum Stellatum, the Heaven of the 
Fixed Stars, A. T. § 2i9. [Cielo Stellate] 

Caesari, Juhus Caesar, Mon. ii. 51^1 ; Epist. 
vii. 1 , 4 [Cesarei] ; Augustus, Mon. ii. g'-"^, 12*^ 
[Augusto^] ; Tiberius, Mon. ii. 13*^; Epist. v. 
10 [Tiber io]. 

Caesar 2, appellative of the Roman Em- 
perors ; of Nero, Mon. iii. 1344-53 [iTerone] ; 
hence of the sovereigns of the Holy Roman 
Empire; of Frederick II, V. E. i. 12^1 ; of 
Henry VII, Epist. v. 2; vi. 5, /?«. ; of the 
Emperor in general, Mon. iii. 16"^ ; Epist. v. 
3, 5, 9; vii. I [Cesare^]. 

Caesareus, pertaining to the Holy Roman 
Empire, imperial, Epist. x. iii. 

Cagioni, Libro di. [Causis, De.] 

Cagnano, small river of Upper Italy in 
Venetia, now known as the Botteniga, which 
unites with the Sile at Treviso ; Cunizza (in 
the Heaven of Venus) alludes to Treviso as 
the place dove Sile e Cagnan s'accompagna. 
Par. ix. 49 ; the two rivers are mentioned to- 
gether to indicate Treviso, Conv. iv. 14II6-17. 
[Gherardo da Cammino : Trevigi.] 

Cagnazzo, ' Dogface,' one of the ten demons 
in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) 
deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, 
Inf. xxi. 119; xxii. 106; guei, v. 120; when 
Ciampolo offers to summon some of his fellow 
Barrators if the demons will retire (Inf. xxii. 
97-105), C. suggests that it is a trick of the 
former in order to get away from them 
{vv. 106-8) ; persuaded, however, by Alichino 
they prepare to move off, C. being the first to go 
(vv. 119-20) [Aliehino : Ciampolo]. Phila- 
lethes renders the name ' Reckelschnauzer.' 

Caiaphas, the high-priest, Mon. ii. 1351. 

Caietani, inhabitants of Gaeta ; their dialect 
distinct from that of the Neapolitans, V. E. i. 
939-41. [Gaeta.] 

Caifas], Caiaphas, the high-priest, placed 
together with his father-in-law Annas, among 

Hell (Malebolge), un crocifisso in terra, Inf. 
xxiii. Ill; quel confitto, v. 115 ; ei, v. 119; 
colui cK era disteso in croce, v. 125 [Anna^: 
Ipooriti] ; D. has just begun to address the 
two Frati Gaudenti, Catalano and Loderingo, 
when suddenly he catches sight of a figure 
crucified on the ground, which writhes and 
sighs as he looks at it (Inf. xxiii. 109-13); 
Catalano explains to him that this is Caiaphas, 
who gave the advice to the Pharisees {John 
xi. 50) that it was expedient that one man 
should die for the people (vv. 1 14-17); and 
points out that he is so placed that all the 
other hypocrites pass over his prostrate naked 
body {vv. 118-20) ; he adds that his father-in- 
law Annas, and all the rest of the Council of 
the Jews who condemned Christ are punished 
there in the same way {vv. 121-3) ; D. mean- 
while notices that Virgil is gazing in wonder at 
the crucified figure (the significance of which 
would, of course, be unknown to him) {vv. 

Caiaphas is mentioned with Pilate in con- 
nexion with the judgement of Christ, Mon. ii. 
1351. [Pilate] 

Caina, name given by D. to the first of the 
four divisions of Circle IX of Hell, where 
Traitors are punished, Inf. v. 107 (var. Cairi) ; 
xxxii. 58 [Inferno]. In this division, which is 
named after Cain, the murderer of his brother, 
are placed those who have been traitors to 
their own kindred. Inf. xxxii. 16-69 [Tradi- 
tori]. Examples : Alessandro and Napoleone 
degli Alberti [Alberti] ; Mordred [Morda- 
rette] ; Focaccia dei Cancellieri [Pooaccia] ; 
Sassolo Mascheroni [Mascheroni] ; Camicione 
dei Pazzi (and Carlino dei Pazzi) [Camicione ; 

Caino, Cain, eldest son of Adam and Eve, 
the murderer of his brother Abel ; mentioned 
in connexion with the old popular belief that 
the ' man in the Moon ' was Cain with a bundle 
of thorns (probably with reference to his un- 
acceptable offering), Caino e le spine (i. e. the 
Moon), Inf. xx. 126; the spots on the Moon 
which gave rise to this popular superstition 
about Cain, Par. ii. 49-51. [Luna.] 

The following passage from the Tuscan ver- 
sion of the story gives the Italian form of the 
tradition— Cain attempts to excuse himself for 
the murder of Abel :— 

' Caino cerc6 di scusarsi, ma allora Iddio Ii 
rispose : Abele sara con me in Paradise, e tu in 
pena della tu' colpa sarai confinato nella luna, e 
condannato a portare eternamente addosso un 
fascio di spine. Appena dette qoeste parole da 
Dio, si lev6 un fortissimo vento e trasportd Caino 
in corpo e anima nella luna, e d'allora in poi si 
vede sempre la su' faccia maledetta, e il fardello di 
spine che h obbligato a reggere insino alia fin del 
mondo, indizio della vita disperata che Ii tocca 
C^ee St. Prato, Caino e h spine 


the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of semndo Dante e la tradizione plpohre") ' 




A similar belief was current in England, as 
appears from the Testament of Cresseid (by 
Robert Henryson, formerly attributed to 
Chaucer) in the description of Lady Cynthia 
(the Moon) : — 

' Hir gyte was gray, and full of spottis blak ; 
And on hir breist ane churl paintit ful evin, 
Beirand ane bunch of thomis on his bak, 
Quhllk for his thift micht dim na nar the hevin.' 

l,vv. 260-263.) 

There are several references to this belief in 
Shakespeare {Tempest, ii. 2; Mtds. Night's 
Dream, iii. I ; v. i). According to the old 
German popular tale the man in the Moon 
was set there as a punishment for gathering 
sticks on Sunday. 

Cain is introduced as an example of Envy 
in Circle II of Purgatory, where his voice is 
heard crying Anciderammi qualunque m'ap- 
prende, ' Every one that findeth me shall slay 
me' (Gen. iv. 14), Purg. xiv. 133. [In- 

Some MSS. read Cain or Caino instead of 
.Caina, Inf. v. 107; the former seems pre- 
ferable, if only on the ground that with Caina 
we should expect the article, as in Inf. xxxii. 
58 (cf. I'Antenora, Inf. xxxii. 88; guesia To- 
lomea, Inf. xxxiii. 124; la Giudecca, Inf. 
xxxiv. 117). (See Moore, Text. Crit., pp. 38-9 

Caiphas. [Caiaphas.] 

Calabrese, inhabitant of Calabria (the 
province which forms the ' toe ' of Italy), 
Calabrian ; il Calabrese abate, i. e. the abbot 
Joachim, Par. xii. 140. [Gioacohino 1.] 

Calabri, Calabrians ; distinction between 
their dialect and that of the inhabitants of 
Ancona, V. E. i. lo*^. 

Calaroga, [CaUaroga.] 

Calboli, name of an illustrious Guelf family 
of Forll ; mentioned by Guido del Duca (in 
Circle II of Purgatory), Purg. xiv. 89; he 
refers to two members of this house, viz. 
Rinieri da Calboli, vv. 89-90 [Rinieri], and 
his grandson, Fulcieri, vv. 58-66 [Fulcieri]. 
The castle of Calboli, whence the family de- 
rived their name, was situated in the upper 
valley of the Montone, near Rocca S. Ca- 
sciano. It was destroyed by Guido da Monte- 
feltro in 1277. 
Calboli, Fxilcieri da. [Fulcieri.] 
CalboU, Rinieri da. [Klnier 1.] 
Calcabrina, one of the ten demons in 
Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) 
deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, 
Inf. xxi. 118; xxii. 133. Furious at having 
been duped by Ciampolo, C. vents his rage by 
flying at his fellow-demon Alichino, by whose 
advice the demons had retired, and had thus 
given their victim the chance to escape (Inf. 
xxii. 133-8) ; the two grapple together and 

both fall into the boiling pitch {vv. 139-41), 
whence they are fished out by four of their com- 
panions (z'Z'. 145-50). [Alichino: Ciampolo.] 
Philalethes renders the name ' Frostetretel.' 

Calcanta, Calchas, son of Thestor, the 
soothsayer who accompanied the Greeks to 
Troy; D. associates him with Eurypylus as 
having foretold the time of the sailing of the 
Greek fleet from Aulis, where it was detained 
by Artemis, and refers to Virgil's account. Inf. 
XX. 1 10-14 [Atilide] : — 

'Suspensi Eurypylum scitantem oracula Phoebi 
Mittimus, isque adytis haec tristia dicta reportat ; 
Sanguine placastis ventos, et virgine caesa, 
Quum primum lliacas, Danai, venistis ad oras ; 
Sanguine quaerendi reditus, animaque litandum 
Argolica ; — volgi quae vox ut venit ad aures, 
Obstipuere animi, eelidusque per ima cucurrit 
Ossa tremor, cui fata parent, quern poscat Apollo. 
Hie Ithacus vatem magno Calchanta tumultu 
Protrahit in medios ; quae sint ea numina divom 
Flagitat.' (Aen. ii. 1 14-124.) 

Virgil, as a matter of fact, makes no men- 
tion of the circumstance referred to by D., 
who has perhaps here confused two separate 
incidents [Buripilo]. 

Note. — D. uses the form Calcanta here in 
rime (: canta : quanta) for Calcante. (See 
Nannucci, Teorica dei Nomi, pp. 237-8.) 

Calcidonio, native of Chalcedon, a Greek 
city of Bithynia, on the coast of the Propontis, 
at the entrance of the Bosphorus, nearly oppo- 
site to Byzantium ; epithet applied to Xeno- 
crates, Conv. iv. 6^^^. [Senocrate.] 

Calfucci, ancient noble family at Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as being descended from the Donati, 
who are hence described as ' Lo ceppo di che 
nacquero i Calfucci,' Par. xvi. 106 [Donati]. 
According to Villani the Calfucci (who, with 
theUccellini and Bellincioni, the other branches 
of the Donati, were Guelfs) were extinct in 
D.'s time : — 

' Nel quartiere di Porta san Piero . . . erano i 
Donati ovvero Calfucci, che tutti furono uno 
legnaggio, ma i Calfucci vennoiio meno.' (iv. 11.) 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

' Calfucci, Donati, ed Uccellini furono d'uno 
ceppo : Ii Donati spensero Ii detti loro consorti 
Calfucci, si che. oggi nuUo, od uno solo se ne 
mentova, o pochissimi.' 

Calisto, Calixtus I, Bishop of Rome (217- 
222) during the reigns of the Emperors Ma- 
crinus and Elagabalus. D. follows the tradition 
that he was martyred, and includes him, 
together with Sixtus I, Pius I, and Urban I, 
among those of his immediate successors men- 
tioned by St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed 
Stars) as having, like himself, shed their blood 
for the Church, Par. xxvii. 44. 

Callaroga, the ancient Calagurris (famous 
as the birthplace of Quintilian and Prudentius), 



Cammino, Gherardo da 

now Calahorra, city in Old Castile, between 
Logroiio and Tudela, two miles from the Ebro ; 
mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven 
of the Sun) as the birthplace of St. Dominic, 
whence he calls it la fortunata Callaroga. 
Par. xii. 52 ; he describes it as being in the 
kingdom of Castile and Leon, a country not 
far from the Atlantic, vv. 49-54. [Atlantioo : 

Calliopfe, Calliope, Muse of Epic Poetry ; 
invoked by D. at the commencement of the 
Purgatorio, Purg. i. 9. At the commencement 
of the Inferno he invoked the Muses in general 
(Inf. ii. 7) ; at the commencenjent of the Para- 
dise he invokes Apollo (Par. i. 13) [Parnaso], 
and claims to be under the inspiration of 
Minerva and the nine Muses as well (Par. 
ii. 8-9). [Muse.] 

Note.— Y ox the accent Calliopi (some read 
Callioped) compare Climeni (Par. xvii. l), 
Eunoi (Purg. xxviii. 131 ; xxxiii. 127), Gelboi 
(Purg. xii. 41), Giosui (Purg. xx. ill ; Par. ix. 
125; xviii. ■!,%), Leti (Inf. xiv. 131, 136; Purg. 
xxvi. 108 ; &c.), Moisi (Inf. iv. 57 ; Purg. xxxii. 
80 ; &c.), JVo^ (Inf. iv. 56 ; Par. xii. 17), SemeU 
(Inf. XXX. 2 ; Par. xxi. 6). 

Calliopea. [CalliopS.] 

Calliopeus, of Calliope ; C. sermo, a po- 
etical composition in a lofty style, Epist. iv. 2. 

Callisto], the nymph Callisto, otherwise 
known as Helice, the mother of Bootes ; she 
was transformed into the constellation of the 
Great Bear, her son becoming the Little Bear, 
Purg. xxv. 131 ; Par. xxxi. 32. [Eoote : 

Calpe], Mt. Calpe, the modern Gibraltar ; 
alluded to by Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle 
VIII of Hell) as one of the 'Columns of 
Hercules,' Inf. xxvi. 108. [Colonne di Erode.] 

Camaldoli], monastery perched high among 
the mountains, in a thick pine forest, in the 
Casentino, about ■ 30 miles from Florence, 
founded in 1012 by St. Romualdus for his 
Order of Reformed Benedictines. The origin 
of the name is said to be Campvs Maldoli, 
from a certain Count Maldolus, who presented 
the site to St. Romualdus. It is alluded to by 
Buonconte da Montefeltro (in Antepurgatory) 
as I'Ermo, Purg. v. 96. [Ermo, L' : Ho- 

Camicion de' Pazzi, Alberto (or Uberto) 
Camicione, one of the Pazzi of Valdarno, of 
whom nothing is known save that he treacher- 
ously killed his kinsman Ubertino. [Pazzi.] 

Benvenuto says : — 

' Iste fuit quidam miles de Pazzis nobilibus de 
Valle Ami, vocatus dominus Ubertus Camisonus, 
qui occidit proditorie dominum Ubertinum con- 
sanguineum suum.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Questo Camiscione fu de' Pazzi di Valdarno j 
et andando un di a diletto messer Ubertino de' 
Pazzi ed egli, perocch^ avevono certe fortezze 
comuni come consorti, Camiscione pensa di 
pigliarle per s6, morto messer Ubertino : cosi 
cavalcando gli corse addosso con uno coltello, et 
diegli pill colpi, et finalmente I'uccise.' 

D. places C. in Caina, the first division of 
Circle IX of Hell, among those who have been 
traitors to their own kindred. Inf. xxxii. 68 ; 
un, V. 52 [Caina] ; he is described as having 
lost both his ears^ through the cold of the ice 
in which he is placed (vv. 52-3) ; he addresses 
D., and after naming several of those who are 
with him, tells his own name, adding that he 
awaits the arrival of his kinsman Carlino de' 
Pazzi, the heinousness of whose crime will 
make his own appear trivial in comparison 
{vv. 54-69) [Carlino de' Pazzi]. 

Camilla. [CammiUa.] 

Camillo, M. Furius Camillus, one of the 
great heroes of the Roman republic ; he was 
six times consular tribune and five times 
dictator. During his first dictatorship (396) 
he gained an important victory over the Falis- 
cans and Fidenates, took Veil, and entered 
Rome in triumph. Five years later (391), 
however, he was accused of having made an 
unfair distribution of the plunder from Veii, 
and went into voluntary exile at Ardea; but 
in the next year (390), the Gauls having taken 
Rome and besieged the Capitol, the Romans 
recalled C, who having been made dictator 
in his absence, hastily collected an army, 
attacked the Gauls, and completely defeated 
them. He died of the pestilence in 365. 

The story of C.'s liberation of Rome from 
the Gauls, and his voluntary return into exile 
after his victory, is referred to, Conv. iv. 
5 134-9 ; and given on the authority of Livy 
(v. 46) and Virgil {Aen. vi. 825), Mon, ii. 
5I00-11. [Brenno : GteUi 2.] 

Camillus. [CamUlo.] 
Camino. [Caniinino.] 

Cammilla, Camilla, daughter of King Me- 
tabus of the Volscian town of Privernum j 
she assisted Turnus, King of the Rutulians, 
against Aeneas, and after slaying a number of 
the Trojans, was at length killed by Aruns 
(Aen. xi. 768-831). 

D. mentions her, with Turnus, Nisus, and 
Euryalus, as having died for Italy, Inf. i. 107 ; 
and places her in Limbo, among the heroes of 
antiquity, in company with Penthesilea (Aen. 
xi. 662), Latinus, and Livinia, Inf. iv. 124-6. 

Cammino, Gherardo da, gentleman of 
Treviso, of which he was lord, under the title 
of Captain-General, from 1283 until his death 
in 1306, when he was succeeded by his son 


Cammino, Glierardo da 


Riccardo (Par. ix. 50-1) ; he is mentioned by 
Marco Lombardo (in Circle HI of Purgatory), 
who, in speaking of the degenerate state into 
which Lombardy had fallen after the wars 
between Frederick II and the Church, says 
that there yet survive three old men whose 
lives are a reproach to the younger generation, 
viz. Currado da Palazzo, Guido da Castello, 
and'il buon Gherardo,' Purg. xvi. 121-6; D. 
then asks of what Gherardo Marco is speaking 
{■Vv. 133-5); whereupon Marco expresses 
astonishment that D. should never have heard 
of G., whose name must have been well known 
throughout Tuscany (vv. 136-8), and adds 
that he knows him by no other name than 
that of ' il buon Gherardo,' unless it be as the 
father of Gaia (whose reputation was just the 
opposite of that of her father) {vv. 139-40). 
[Fedenco^: Gaia.] 

In his discussion as to the nature of nobility 
in the Convivio D. singles out Gherardo as an 
illustrious instance of true nobility : — 

' Pogniamo che Gherardo da Cammino fosse 
State nepote del piii vile villano che mai bevesse 
del Sile o del Cagnano, e la obblivione ancora non 
fosse del suo avolo venuta ; chi sara oso di dire 
che Gherardo da Cammino fosse vile uomo ? e chi 
non parlera meco, dicendo quelle essere stato 
nobile ? Certo nuUo, quanto vuole sia presuntuoso, 
perocchd egli fu, e fia sempre la sua memoria.' 
(iv. 14"'-^'.) 

That Gherardo's name was familiar in Tus- 
cany is evident from the fact, pointed out by 
Del Lungo, that he is mentioned in one of the 
Cento Novella Antiche (Nov. xv. ed. Bor- 
ghini) as having shortly before his death 
(which occurred ' dopo ventidue anni di gius- 
tissimo govemo' on March 26, 1306) lent to 
Corso Donati, who was later on (in 1308) 
Podestk of Treviso, a sum of ' quattro mila lib. 
per aiuto alia sua guerra.' The Ottimo 
Comento remarks that G. ' si dilett6 non in 
una, ma in tutte cose di valore,' and Ben- 
venuto says of him : — 

' Iste fuit nobilis miles de Tarvisio, de nobilissima 
domo illorum de Camino, qui saepe habuerunt 
principatum illius civitatis. Hie fuit vir totus 
benignus, humanus, curialis, liberalis, et amicus 
bonorum : idee antonomastice dictus est bonus.' 

According to Philalethes, Gherardo was so 
highly respected that in 1294 two brothers of 
the House of Este sought knighthood at his 

Of the Cammino family Barozzi (in Dante 
e il suo Secolo, pp. 803-4) says : — 

' Erano i da Camino una delle piu potenti fa- 
miglie della Marca Trivigiana, che ritiensi abbiano 
cangiato il primitive cognome di Mentanara in 
quelle da Camino, per un castello di questo neme 
fatto fabbricare da Guecello Montanara nel 1089 ; 
nen si hanne per6 documenti certi interno a questa 
famiglia se non nella secenda meta del secelo xii. 
Gherardo figlio di Biaquino e d'India da Carapo- 

sampiero fu il piii illustre personaggio della sua 
stirpe. — E agevole il retinere che Dante lo abbia 
conesciuto di persona, tanto piii che Gherardo fu 
protettore dei letterati e dei poeti.' 

Cammino, Riccardo da], son of Ghe- 
rardo da Cammino (the preceding), whom he 
succeeded in the lordship of Treviso in 1306 ; 
he inarried Giovanna, daughter of Nino Vis- 
conti of Pisa, and was (according to the most 
trustworthy accounts) murdered in 13 12 by 
a half-witted servitor, while playing at chess 
in his own palace with Alteniero degli Azzoni, 
who had planned the assassination in order 
to avenge the honour of his wife whom Ric- 
cardo had seduced [Griovanna ^ : Table xxx], 
Barozzi (in Dante e il suo Secolo, p. 805) 
says : — 

' A Gherardo successe nel governe di Treviso il 
di lui figlio primogenito Riccardo, che per la sua 
supferbia ed arreganza venne in odio ai Trivigiani. 
tu in allora che Altinieri degh Azzeni, uno dei 
principali della citta, mosso dal desiderie di re- 
stituire la liberta alia patria, e forse anche da 
particolari motivi di vendetta, unitesi col conte 
Rambaldo di Cellalto, con Guide Tempesta, con 
Pietro Bonaparte e con Telberte Calza, deliberd 
di ammazzare Riccardo. Nel giorno cinque di 
aprile del 1312 mentre questi giuocava agli scacchi, 
un sicario cempro dalle Azzeni gli si accostb 
arditamente e le percosse con un' arma tagliente 
sopra il capo. L'emicida fu teste ucciso, forse a 
seppellire per sempre il neme dei congiurati ; ma 
Riccardo morendo sospettb gli autori del colpo . . . 
Altiniero dope aver aiutato i Trivigiani a scuotere 
il giege di Guecello da Camino fratello e succes- 
sere di Riccardo nel governe della citta, fu eletto 
podesta di Padova che difese eroicamente contro 
le genti di Cane della Scala, scenfiggendole nel- 
12 di luglio 1320. . . . Dope lunghe e fertunese 
vicende incentr6 anch' egli una morte vielenta, 
ucciso nel letto, su cui giaceva ferite, da Guglielmo 
da Campesampiere (a member of the family to 
which Riccardo'S paternal grandmother belonged).' 

The Ottimo Comento says that Riccardo 
was murdered with the connivance of Can 
Grande della Scala ('il fece uccidere messer 
Cane della Scala per mano d'uno villano col 
trattato di certi gentiluomini del paese'). 
According to Benvenuto his death was con- 
trived by his own brother Guecello, who suc- 
ceeded him in the lordship of Treviso. 

Riccardo's assassination is foreshadowed by 
Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), who says 
of him ' Tal signoreggia e va con la testa alta, 
Che gik per lui carpir si fa la ragna,' Par. ix. 
50-1. [Cunizza.] 

Camonica, Val. [Valcamonica.] 

Campagnatico, village and castle, belong;- 
ing to the Ghibelline Counts Aldobrandeschi, 
situated on a hill in the valley of the Ombrone, 
not far from Grosseto in the Sienese Ma- 
remma ; it was in the possession of the Aldo- 
brandeschi from Cent, x until the end of 



Campo di Siena 

Cent, jciii, when it passed into the hands of 
the Sienese. 

Omberto Aldobrandeschi (in Circle I of 
Purgatory) refers to it as the place where he 
was murdered (in 1259) by the Sienese, Purg. 
xi. 65-6. [Aldobrandeschi : Omberto.] 

Campaldino, small plain in the Casentirio, 
in the Upper Valdamo, between Poppi and 
Bibbiena, the scene of the battle, fought June 1 1 , 
1289, between the Florentine Guelfs and the 
Ghibellines of Arezzo,' in which the latter were 
totally defeated, Buonconte da Montefeltro, 
one of their leaders, being slain on the field. 

In his interview with Buonconte (in Ante- 
purgatory) D. questions him as to what became 
of his body, which was never discovered on 
the battle-field of Campaldino, Purg. v. 91-3. 

' Come piacque a Dio i Fiorentini ebbono la 
vittoria, e gli Aretini furono rotti e sconfitti, e 
furono morti piu di millesettecento tra a cavallo 
e a pi6, e presi piu di duemila. . . . Intra' morti 
rimase messer Guiglielmino degli Ubertini vescovo 
d'Arezzo, il quale fu uno grande guerriere, e 
messer Guiglielmino de' Pazzi di Valdarno e' suoi 
nipoti . . . e morivvi Bonconte figliuolo del conte 
Guido da Montefeltro, e tre degli Uberti, e uno 
degli Abati, e piii altri usciti di Firenze . . . Alia 
detta sconiitta rimasono molti capitani e valenti 
uomini di parte ghibellina, e nemici del comune di 
Firenze, e funne abbattuto I'orgoglio e superbia 
non soiamente degli Aretini, ma di tutta parte 
ghibellina e d'imperio.' (Villani, vii. 131.) 

Among the leaders on the Guelf side were 
Vieri de' Cerchi and Corso Donati (at that 
time Podestk of Pistoja), who were destined 
later to become the heads respectively of 
the Bianchi and Neri parties in Florence 
[Bianchi]. It was largely owing to the gal- 
lantry of Corso that the day was won for the 
Florentines. In command of the Aretine 
reserve was the Conte Guido Novello, Podestk 
of Arezzo, and head of the Ghibelline party, 
who distinguished himself by running away. 

This engagement was also known as the 
battle of Certomondo, from the name of a 
Franciscan monastery (founded by the Conti 
Guidi in 1262) not far from the place where it 
was fought :t— 

' Si schierarono e aflTrontarono le due osti . . . 
nel piano a pi6 di Poppi nella contrada detta 
Certomondo, che cosi si chiama il luogo, e una 
chiesa de' frati minori che v'i presso, e in uno 
piano che si chiama Campaldino ; e ci6 fu un 
sabato mattina a di 11 del mese di Giugno.' (Vill. 
vii. 131.) 

The later biographers of D. assert that he 
himself was present at this battle, fighting on 
the side of the Guelfs. The only authority for 
this statement is the Vita di Dante of Leonardo 
Bruni, in which he quotes a fragment of a 
letter supposed to have been written by D. 
referring to his experiences in the battle :— 

' Dieci anni erano gia passati dalla battaglia di 
Campaldino, nella quale la parte ghibellina fu 
quasi al tutto raorta e disfatta ; dove mi trovai non 
fanciuUo nell' armi, e dove ebbi temenza molta, e 
nella fine grandissima allegrezza per li varii casi 
di quella battaglia.' 

It is significant, however, that no mention 
of the fact is made by Villani (vii. 131), or 
Dino Compagni (i. 10), or Benvenuto da 
Imola, all of whom give detailed accounts of 
the battle. It is remarkable also, as Bartoli 
points out {Lett. Ital., v. 3), that in answer to the 
Isidding of one of the spirits in Antepurgatory, 
' Guarda se alcun di noi unque vedesti ' (Purg. 
V. 49), D. replies : ' Perchfe ne' vostri visi guati 
Non riconosco alcun ' (vv. 58-9) ; and yet 
Buontonte, whom he could hardly have failed to 
recognize if he had been present at the battle 
of Campaldino, was amongst those into whose 
faces he was gazing. Those who hold that 
D. took part in the battle see a reference to it, 
Inf. xxii. 4-5. 

Matteo Palmieri, in his Vita Civile (Lib. iv. 
ad fin.), relates a marvellous incident which is 
alleged to have happened to D. at Campaldino. 

Campi, village in Tuscany, on the Bisenzio, 
about nine miles N.W. of Florence; mentioned, 
together with Certaldo and Figline, by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars), who laments 
that owing to the immigration into Florence 
of the inhabitants of these places the character 
of the Florentines had become debased. Par. 
xvi. 49-51. 

Casini points out that there is probably a 
special significance in D.'s mention of these 
places : — 

' Campi in Val di Bisenzio, Certaldo nella 
Valdelsa, Figline nel Valdarno superiore sono tre 
borgate del territorio fiorentino, di qualche im- 
portanza al tempo di Dante, ma oscure nel se- 
colo di Cacciaguida : il che accresce il significato 
dispregiativo delle parole con le quali I'antico 
cittadino lamenta I'inurbarsi delle famiglie conla- 
dine. N6 la scelta di queste borgate 6 senza 
ragione : poichd Dante, scrivendo questo verso, 
ricordava certo che da Figline erano venuti quei 
fratelli Franzesi, usurai e mali consiglieri del re dl 
Francia, tornati in Firenze con Carlo di Valois, 
e quel Baldo Fini dottore di legge che i Neri 
mandarono nel 1311 a sommuovere il re di Francia 
contro I'imperatore Arrigo VII : ricordava che da 
Certaldo era quel giudice Jacopo d'lldebrandino, 
che fu dei Priori nel 1289 e poi piu tardi uno del 
faccendieri di parte Nera, e di quelli che ebbero 
voce d'aver "distrutto" Firenze.' 

Campidoglio, modern name of the Capitol 
of Rome ; applied by an anachronism by 
the ancient Capitol, in connexion with the 
siege by the Gauls under Brennus in 390, 
Conv. iv. 5I62. [Capitolium: Gaiua.] 

Campo di Siena, the principal piazza in 
Siena, formerly known as the Campo or the 
Piazza del Campo, now called the Piazza 


Campo Piceno 

Can Grande della Scaia 

Vittorio Emanuele ; mentioned by Oderisi (in 
Circle I of Purgatory) in connexion with Pro- 
venzano Salvani, Purg. xi. 134. [Frovenzan 
Salvani : Siena.] 

Campo Piceno, (apparently) a plain in 
Tuscany in the neighbourhood of Pescia, be- 
tween Serravalle and Montecatini ; Vanni 
Fucci (in Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell), 
prophesying the defeat of the Bianchi by Moro- 
ello Malaspina (' il vapor di Valdimagra '), says 
the battle will take place on the ' Picene plain,' 
Inf. xxiv. 148. 

There is some doubt as to what particular 
engagement is here referred to, as neither 
Villani nor Dino Compagni makes mention of 
any battle on the Campo Piceno. The allusion 
is probably to the siege and capture, in 1302, 
of the stronghold of Serravalle by the Floren- 
tine Neri and Lucchese, under Moroello Mala- 
spina, in the course of their attack upon Pistoja. 
(Villani, viii. 52.) Some think the reference is 
to the siege and final reduction, in 1305-6, of 
Pistoja itself, on which occasion also the 
Florentines and Lucchese were led by Moro- 
ello. Ever since the expulsion of the Bianchi 
from Florence in 1301, Pistoja had remained 
the only stronghold in Tuscany of themselves 
and the Ghibellines ; after its capture, April 10, 
1306, the fortifications were razed, and the 
territory divided between Florence and Lucca 
(Vill. viii. 83) [Malaspina, Moroello]. 

It is not clear why the Campo Piceno, which 
evidently denotes a district in the neighbourhood 
of Pistoja, was so called. It is at some distance 
from the ancient Picenum, which was a district on 
the Adriatic coast. The wrongful application of 
the name probably arose from a misunderstanding 
of a passage in Sallust, in whose account of the 
defeat of Catiline it is stated, as Butler and others 
have pointed out, that when Metellus Celer, who 
was commanding 'in agro Piceno,' heard of 
Catiline's move ' in agrum Pistoriensem,' he 
succeeded by rapid marches in blocking the 
mountain route from Pistoja into Gaul : — 

* Reliquos Catilina per montes asperos ma^nis itineribus 
in acnim Pistoriensem abducit, eo consilio, uti per tramites 
occmte perfugeret in Galliatn Transalpinam. At Q. Metellus 
Celer cum trious legionibus in a^o Piceno praesidebat, ex 
difficuitate renim eadem ilia existumans. quae supra dixi- 
mus, Catilinam agitare. Igitur ubi iter ejus ex perfugis 
cognovit, castra propere movit ac sub ipsis radicibus mon- 
tium consedit, qua illi descensus erat in Galliam properanti.' 
(Catil. § 57.) 

Villani, who expressly refers to Sallust as his 
authority, says that Catiline, on leaving Fiesole, 
' arriv6 di la ov' e oggi la citta di Pistoja nel luogo 
detto Campo a Piceno, ci6 fu di sotto ov' 6 oggi il 
castello di Piteccio ' (i. 32) ; and later, that ' alia 
fine deir aspra battaglia Catellina fu in quello 
luogo di Piceno sconfitto e morto con tutta sua 
gente.' The same confusion appears in the com- 
mentators on D. ; e. g. Benvenuto says : — 

' Picenum appellatus est ager apud Fistorium, in quo dim 
fuit debellatus Catilina, ut patet apud Sallustium ; ' 
and John of Serravalle : — 

* Ille campus qui est prope Fistorium in quo devictus fuit 
Cathellina vocatur Picenus a Sallustio.' 

Can Grande della Scala, Can Francesco 
della Scala, called Can Grande, third son of 
Alberto della Scala (lord of Verona, 1277- 
1301), was born on March 9, 129J ; he married 
Joan, daughter of Conrad of Antioch ; and 
died at Treviso, July 22, 1329. In 1308 he was 
associated with his brother Alboino in the 
lordship of Verona, and was made joint Vicar 
Imperial with him by the Emperor Henry VII ; 
on the death of Alboino (Oct. 131 1) he became 
sole lord of Verona, a position which he main- 
tained until his death. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) fore- 
tells to D. that he shall see Can Grande at the . 
court of ' il gran Lombardo ' (i. e., according to 
the most probable interpretation, Bartolommeo, 
Cane's eldest brother). Par. xvii. 70-6 ; after 
referring to the fact th^t Cane was born under 
the influence of the planet Mars, which gave 
promise of his future warlike character {yv. 
76-8), and stating that he was at that time 
(i. e. in 1300, the assumed date of the Vision) 
unknown, owing to his being only nine years 
old (vv. 79-81), C. forecasts his future great- 
ness and magnificence, and his signal services 
to the Emperor Henry VII and the Ghibelline 
cause, and bids D. repose his hopes in him 
(ww. 82-8) ; he then, in conclusion, makes a 
vague reference to Cane's future achievements, 
and suddenly breaks off (z/t/. 89-93). [Lom- 
bardo 1 : Scala, Della :' Table xxviii.] 

Can Grande is identified by many with the 
' Veltro ' of Inf. i. loi ; and the ' Cinquecento 
diece e cinque ' of Purg. xxxiii. 43 [Veltro : 
DXV] ; he is mentioned at the close of the 
treatise De Aqua et Terra (which is dated 
from Verona in 1320, a year before D.'s death, 
at a time when Cane was Imperial Vicar), 
A. T. § 343. 

Of Cane's character D. speaks in terms of 
high praise in the D. C, mentioning his war- 
like exploits (' notabili fien I'opere sue,' Par. 
xvii. 78), his indifference to money or to toil 
('sua virtute In non curar d'argento nfe 
d'affanni,' vv. 83-4), and his magnificent 
bounty (' Le sue magnificenze conosciute Sa- 
ranno,' vv. 85-6). To him he dedicated the 
Paradiso, in a lengthy letter addressed, 
' Magnifico atque victorioso domino, domino 
Cani Grandi de Scala, sacratissimi Caesarei 
principatus in urbe Verona et civitate Vicentia 
Vicario Generali,' in which the title and subject 
of the Divina Commedia are discussed. The 
letter opens with a eulogy of Can Grande's 
magnificence and bounty, of which D. says he 
himself partook, and which he acknowledges 
to have surpassed even the extravagant reports 
he had heard of it : — 

' Inclyta vestrae magnificentiae laus, quam fama 
vigil volitando disseminat, sic distrahit in diversa 
diversos, ut hos in spem suae prosperitatis attollat, 
hos exterminii dejiciat in terrorem. Hoc quidem 
praeconium, facta modernorum exsuperans, tan- 

[115] I 2 

Can Grande della Scala 


quam veri existentia latius, arbitrabar aliquando 
sUperfluum. Verum ne diuturna me nimis incerti- 
tudo suspenderet, velut Austri regina Hjerusalem 
petiit, velut Pallas petiit Helicona, Veronam petii 
fidis oculis discursurus audita. Ibique magnalia 
vestra vidi, vidi beneficia simul et tetigi ; et quem- 
adtnodum prius dictorum suspicab&r excessum, sic 
posterius ipsa facta excessiva cognovi.' (Epist. 

Can Grande, who had been present when 
Henry VII received the iron crown at Milan 
(Jan. 6, 1311), was on the point of embarking 
at Genoa to assist at the coronation in Rome, 
when the news of Alboino's death reached him 
(Oct.), and he returned at once to Verona to 
assume the lordship. One of his first acts was 
to rescue Brescia, which had submitted to the 
Emperor a few months before, from the hands 
of the Guelfs ; and thenceforward until his 
death he played the leading part in the aifairs 
of Lombardy. 

The following is a summary of the most im- 
portant events in his career : — 

1308-1311. Joint lord of Verona with Alboino. — 
13x1. Vicar Imperial in Verona (Vill. ix. 20) ; 
(Oct.) Sole lord ofVerona ; (Dec.) Rescues Brescia 
from the Guelfs (Vill. ix. 32) ; helps to take Vicenza 
from the Paduans. — 1312. Vicar Imperial in Vi- 
cenza. — 1314. (Sep.) Repels Paduan attack on 
Vicenza (Vill. ix. 63); (Oct.) makes peace with 
Padua and is confirmed in lordship of Vic.enza. — 
1315. Attacks Cremona, Parma, and Reggio, in 
alliance with Passerino de' Bonaccorsi, lord of 
Mantua and Modena. — 1316. Dante perhaps at 
Verona.^1317. (May) With help of Uguccione 
della Faggiuola repels fresh attack of Paduans on 
Vicenza ; (Dec.) appointed Vicar Imperial in Verona 
and Vicenza by Frederick of Austria ; besieges 
Padua (Vill. ix. 89).— 1318. (April) Takes Cremona 
(Vill. ix. 91) ; (Dec. 16) elected Captain General 
of Ghibelline league in Lombardy at Soncino. — 

1319. (Aug.) Besieges Padua (Vill. ix. 100). — 

1320. (Aug, 25) Repulsed by Paduans, Uguccione 
della Faggiuola being killed (Vill. ix. 121). — 1322. 
(Sep.) Takes part with Passerino de' Bonaccorsi 
in siege of Reggio (Vill. ix. 167). — 1324. (June) 
Attacked in Padua by German forces of Otho of 
Austria, whom he repels (Vill. ix. 255). — 1327. 
Besieges Padua (Vill. x. 42). — 1328. Captures 
Mantua; (Sep. 28) at invitation of Paduan 
Ghibellines becomes lord of Padua (Vill. x. loi). — 
1329- (July 18) Takes Treviso, where he dies 
(July 22) ; buried at Verona (Vill. x. 137). 

Can Grande is described in the Veronese 
Chronicle as being tall, handsome, of soldierly 
bearing, and gracious in manner and speech : — 

'Fuit staturae magnae et pulchrae, et omnibus 
spectabilis et gratiosus in actis, similiter et loquela, 
et bellicosus in armis.' 

Albertino Mussato, on the other hand, who 
was taken prisoner during the unsuccessful 
attempt of the Paduans upon Vicenza in 13 14, 
speaks of him as being harsh and vindictive, 
wanting in self-control, obstinately bent upon 

having his own way, and willing to be thought 
more ruthless than he really was : — 

' Erat vir ille acer et intractabilis, nuUos coercens 
impetus, sed ad quaecunque ilium ira provocasset 
praeceps et inexorabilis, nee non habitu gestuque 
immanior videri malens, quam sua valuisset exer- 
cere severitas ; nee plus quidquam pensi habens 
quam si eidem, quaecunque voluisset, licerent.' 

Villani says of him : — 

' Fu valente tiranno e signore dabbene.' (xi. 95.) 
— ' Fu il maggiore tiranno e '1 pill possente e ricco 
che fosse in Lombardia da Azzolino di Romano 
infino allora, e chi dice di piii.' (x. 137.) 

Boccaccio, who makes him the subject of 
one of the stories in the Decamerone (i. 7), 
speaks of him as being second only to the 
Emperor Frederick II : — 

' Messer Cane della Scala, alquale in assai cose 
fu favorevole la fortuna, fu uno de' piii notabili e 
de' piu magnifici signori, che dallo imperadore 
Federigo secondo in qua si sapesse in Italia.' 

Benvenuto tells a characteristic story of 
how as a boy he showed his contempt for 
riches : — 

' Dum pater ejus duxisset eum semel ad videndum 
magnum thesauriim, iste illico levatis pannis minxit 
super eum ; ex quo omnes spectantes judicaverunt 
de ejus futura magnificentia per istum contemptum 

The following account of Can Grande's court 
at Verona, given by Sagacio Mucio Gazata, 
a chronicler of Reggio, who was himself re- 
ceived there as a guest while in exile, is quoted 
by Sismondi : — 

' Different apartments, according to their con- 
dition, were assigned to the exiles in the Scala 
palace ; each had his own servants, and a well- 
appointed table served in private. The various 
apartments were distinguished by appropriate 
devices and figures, such as Victory for soldiers, 
Hope for exiles, Muses for poets, Mercury for 
artists, and Paradise for preachers. During meals 
musicians, jesters, and jugglers performed in these 
rooms. The halls were decorated with pictures 
representing the vicissitudes of fortune. On 
occasion Cane invited certain of his guests to his 
own table, notably Guido da Castello, who on 
account of his singlemindedness was known as the 
Simple Lombard, and the poet Dante Alighieri.' 

The sarcophagus and equestrian statue of 
Can Grande are still to be seen among the 
famous tombs of the Scaligers at Verona. 

Canavese, district of Upper Italy, which 
lies between the Dora Riparia and the Dora 
Baltea, and stretches from the slopes of the 
Pennine and Graian Alps down to the Po ; it 
formed part of the ancient marquisate of 
Montferrat, and, according to Benvenuto, 
boasted of nearly 200 castles : — 

' Contrata est contermina Montiferrato, quae 
clauditur a duobus brachiis fluminis, quod dicitur 
Dura, a tertia parte clauditur Pado, a quarta ab 
Alpibus, et habet forte ducenta castella.' 




Sordello (in Antepurgatory) mentions it, 
together with Montferrat, in connexion with 
William Longsword, Marquis of Montferrat 
and Canavese (1254-1292), Purg. vii. 136. 
[Guglielmo 3 : Monferrato.] 

Cancellieri], Guelf family of Pistoja, which, 
owing to a feud between two branches, known 
as the Cancellieri Bianchi and the Cancellieri 
Neri, gave rise to the factions of the Bianchi 
and Neri, first in Pistoja (in 1300) and later in 
Florence. Focaccia, a member of this family, 
who was one of those principally concerned in 
the original strife, is mentioned by Camicione 
de' Pazzi (in Caina) as a typical traitor, Inf. 
xxxii. 63. 

Villani gives the following account of the 
Cancellieri family and of the origin of the 
feud : — 

' In questi tempi (1300) essendo la citta di 
Pistoia in felice e grande e buono stato secondo il 
suo essere, a intra gli altri cittadini v' avea uno 
lignaggio di nobili e possenti che si chiamavano i 
Cancellieri, non per6 di grande antichita, nati 
d'uno ser Cancelliere, il quale fu mercatante e 
guadagnb moneta assai, e di due raogli ebbe piii 
figliuoli, 1 quali per la loro ricchezza tutti furono 
cavalieri, e uomini di valore e dabbene, e di loro 
nacquero molti figliuoli e nipoti, sicchd in questo 
tempo erano piii di cento uomini d'arme, ricchi 
e possenti e di grande affare, sicch6 non solamente 
i maggiori di Pistoia, ma de' piii possenti legnaggi 
di Toscana. Nacque tra loro per la soperchia 
grassezza, e per sussidio del diavolo, sdegno e 
nimista, tra '1 late di quelli ch' erano nati d'una 
donna a quelli dell' altra ; e I'una parte si puose 
nome i Cancellieri neri, e I'altra i bianchi ; e 
crebbe tanto che si fedirono insieme, non per6 di 
cosa inorma. E fedito uno di que' del lato de' Can- 
cellieri bianchi, que' del lato de' Cancellieri neri 
per avere pace e concordia con loro, mandarono 
quegli ch' avea fatta 1' offesa alia misericordia di 
coloro che I'aveano ricevuta, che ne prendessono 
I'ammenda e vendetta a loro volonta ; i quali del 
lato de' Cancellieri bianchi ingrati e superbi, non 
avendo in loro pieta n6 carita, la mano dal braccio 
tagliaro in su una mangiatoia a quegli ch' era 
venuto alia misericordia. Per lo quale comincia- 
mento e peccato, non solamente si divise la casa 
de' Cancellieri, ma piii micidii ne nacquero tra 
loro, e tutta la citta di Pistoia se ne divise, che 
I'uno tenea coll' una parte, e I'altro coU' altra, e 
chiamavansi parte bianca e nera, dimenticata tra 
loro parte guelfa e ghibellina : e piu battaglie 
cittadine, con molti periooli e micidii, ne nacquero 
e furono in Pistoia; e non solamente in Pistoia, 
ma poi la citta di Firenze e tutta Italia contaminaro 
le dette parti.' (viii. 38.) 

The subjoined narrative is from the Istorie 
Pistalesi, and is presumably the most authentic. 
It is noteworthy that neither in this account, 
nor in that of Villani given above, is there any 
mention of Focaccia, the hero of the story as 
told by Benvenuto da Imola [Bianchi]. He is, 
however, the chief actor in another disturbance 
which took place later in the same year, and 

which, according to the Pistojan chronicle, was 
the particular occurrence which led to the 
intervention of the Florentines, and to the sub- 
sequent introduction into Florence itself of the 
Bianchi and Neri feud. It is possible, therefore, 
that D.'s reference (Inf. xxxii. 63) may be to 
this latter incident, and not to the original 
quarrel between the two parties, as is generally 
supposed [rocaccia]. 

'Narra si in questo libro la cagione, perche la 
citta di Pistoia e '1 suo contado venne in divisione ; 
cioS I'uno cittadino con I'altro, e I'uno fratello 
con I'altro. E per quella divisione si divise la 
citta di Firenze, e fecero di loro due parti : per 
modo che non fu ne maschio, ne femina, ne grande, 
ne piccolo, ne frate, ne prete, che diviso non fosse. 
Per la qual divisione si crearono in Pistoia due 
parti ; delle quali I'una si chiam6 parte Bianca, e 
I'altra si chiam6 parte Nera ; multiplicando tanto, 
che non romase persona ne in Citta, ne in Contado, 
che non tenesse, 6 con I'una parte, 6 con I'altra. . . . 
' Nel 1300 la detta Citta havea assai nobili, e 
possenti cittadini, in fra quali era una schiatta, di 
nobili, e possenti cittadini, e gentil' huomini, gli 
quali si chiamavano Canceglieri ; et havea quella 
schiatta in quel tempo diciotto cavaglieri a speroni 
doro, et erano si grandi, e di tanta potenza, che 
tutti gl' altri grandi soprastavano, e batteano : e 
per loro grandigia, e richezza, montarono in tanta 
superbia, che non era nessuno si grande ne in 
Citta, ne in Contado, che non tenessono al disotto ; 
molto villaneggiavano ogni persona, e molte sozze 
e rigide cose faceano; e molti ne faceano uccidere, 
e fedire, e per tema di loro nessuno ardia a 

' Seguitoe, che certi giovani della detta casa, li 
quali teneano la parte Bianca ; et altri giovani 
della detta casa, li quali teneano la parte Nera : 
essendo a una cella, ove si vendea vino, et havendo 
beuto di soperchio, nacque scandolo in tra loro 
giocando ; Onde vennero a parole, e percossonsi 
insieme, si che quello della parte Bianca soprasteo 
a quello della parte Nera: lo quale havea nome 
Dore di M. Guiglielmo, uno de maggiori di casa 
sua, ciofe della parte Nera. Quello della parte 
Bianca, che 1' havea battuto, havea nome Carlino 
di M. Gualfredi pure de maggiori della casa della 
parte Bianca. Onde vedendosi Dore essere battuto, 
et oltraggiato, et vitoperato dal consorto suo, e 
non potendosi quivi vendicare, peroch' erano piii 
fratelli a darli : partissi, e propuosesi di volersi 
vendicare, e quel medesimo di cioe la sera a tardi 
stando Dore in posta, uno de fratelli del detto 
Carlino, cl^' havea offeso lui, ch' havea nome 
M. Vanni di M. Gualfredi, et era giudice, passando 
a cavallo in quel luogo, dove Dore stava in posta : 
Dore lo chiam6, et egli non sapendij quello, ch'el 
fratello gl' havea fatto, and6 a lui, et volendoli 
Dore dare d'una spada in su la testa M. Vanni, 
per riparare lo colpo, par6 la ixiano ; onde Dore 
menando gli tagli6 il volto, e la mano per modo, 
che non ve li romase altro, ch'el dito grosso : di 
che M. Vanni si partio, et andonne a casa sua : e 
quando lo padre, e' fratelli, e gl' altri consorti lo 
videro, cosi fedito, n' hebbero grande dolore : per6 
ch' egl' era, come detto e, de migliori del lato suo : 
et anco perche colui, che 1' havea fedito era quello 


Cancellieri, Pocaccia de' 


medesimo in tra quelli del suo lato, di che tutti gl' 
amici e parenti loro ne furono forte mal content!. 
Lo padre di M. Vanni, f;' fratelli pensarono per 
vendetta uccidere Dore, e '1 padre, e fratelli, e 
consorti di quelle lato : EUino erano mplto grandi, 
e molto imparentati, e colore gli teraeano assai, e 
tanta paura haveano di loro, che per temenza non 
usciano di casa. Onde vedendo il padre, e' fratelli, 
e consorti di Dore, che li convenia cosj stare in 
casa, credendo uscire della briga, diliberarono di 
mettere Dore nelle mani del padre, e de' fratelli 
di M. Vanni, che ne facessono loro piacere ; cre- 
dendo che con discrezione lo trattassono, come 
fratello, dopo questa deliberazione ordinarono 
tanto, che feciono pigliare Dore, e cosi preso lo 
mandarono a casa di M. Gualfredi, e de' fratelli di 
M. Vanni, e miserlo loro in mano : Costoro come 
spietati e crudeli, non riguardando alia benignita 
di coloro, che gli li haveano mandato, lo misono 
in una stalla di cavalli, e quivi uno de' fratelli di 
M. Vanni li tagli6 quella mano, con la quale egli 
havea tagliato quella di M. Vanni, e diedili un 
colpo nel viso in quel medesimo lato dove egli 
havea fedito M. Vanni, e cosi fedito e dimozzicato 
lo rimandarono a casa del padre ; Quando lo padre, 
e' frateUi, e consorti del lato suo, et altri suoi 
parenti lo , videro cosi concio, furono troppo 
dolenti : e questo fue tenuto per ogni persona 
troppo rigida e crudele cosa, a mettere mano nel 
sangue loro medesimo, c spezialmente havendolo 
loro , mandato alia misericordia : Questo fue lo 
cominciamento della divisione della Citta e 
Contado di Pistoia ; onde seguirono uccisioni 
d'huomini, arsioni di case, di castella, e di ville. 

' La guerra si comincid aspra in tra quelli della 
casa de Canceglieri della parte Nera, e quelli 
della detta casa della parte Bianca, e disfidaronsi 
insieme, e tanto multiplied la guerra, che non 
rimase in Pistoia ne nel Contado persona, che 
non tenesse, 6 con I'una parte, 6 con I'altra : e 
spesso per questa cagione combattea I'uno vicino 
con I'altro in Citta et in Contado.' {1st. Pist., ed. 
1578, pp. 1-3.) 

In the Pecorone of Giovanni Fiorentino 
a girl is said to have been the cause of the 
quarrel : — 

' Per una fantesca che era assai bella e gratiosa 
nacque fra loro una maladetta divisione di parole 
e di alcuna ferita, di che sendosi divisi in due 
parti, I'una si chiamava Cancellieri Bianchi, ci6 e 
quegU che discesero dalla prima moglie, et altri si 
cbiamarono Cancellieri Neri, e questi discesero 
dalla seconda.' {Giorn. xiii. Nov. i.) 

Cancellieri, Focaccia de'. [Fooaceia.] 

CancrOj Cancer (' the Crab '), constellation 
and fourth sign of the Zodiac, which the Sun 
enters at the summer solstice (about June 21) 
[Zodiaco]. Speaking of the brightness of the 
spirit of St. John, D. says that if a luminary of 
that brilliance were to shine in Cancer, it 
would be as light as day during a whole 
winter month, Par. xxv. 100-2. During the 
middle month of winter, when the Sun is in 
Capricorn, Cancer, being then exactly opposite 
the Sun, is up throughput the night, which, in 

the case D. supposes, would thus be turned 
into day, so that daylight would be continuous 
throughout the month. D.'s meaning is that 
the spirit of St. John shone with a briUiancy 
equal to that of the Sun. 

Cancer and Capricorn each of them distant 
somewhat more than 23 degrees (actually 
23° 28') from the Equator, Conv. iii. 5I3T-42. 

Cane della Scala. [Can Orande.] 

Canis Grandis de Scala, Can Grande, 
Epist. %. tit. ; A. T. § 248. [Can Orande.] 

Canne], Cannae, village in Apulia, famous 
as the scene of the defeat of the Romans by 
Hannibal during the Second Punic War, B.C. 
216. D. alludes to the battle of Cannae and 
to the heap of gold rings taken from the bodies 
of the dead Romans and produced in the 
senate-house at Carthage by Hannibal's envoy 
as proof of his victory, Inf. xxviii. 10-12 ; Conv. 
iv. 5I64-8 ; in the former passage (v. 12) D. 
mentions Livy as his authority, but from the 
. context of the second passage it appears that 
he was indebted rather to Orosius (Hist. iv. 16, 
§§ 5, 6) than to Livy (xxiii. 11-12). [Livio: 
Orosio : Scipione 1.] 

Cantlcum Caaticorutn, Canticles or the 
Song of Songs (in A. V. the Song of Solomon), 
Mon. iii. lo^^* ; quoted, Purg. xxx. 1 1 [Cant. 
iv. 8) ; Conv. ii. (fi*^'' [Cant. viii. 5) ; Conv. ii. 
15X76-8 [Cant. vi. 8-9: Vulg. vi. 7-8); Mon. 
iii. 3^9 (Cant. i. 3) ; Mon. iii. io59-6i (Cant. 
viii. s). — The Canticles is supposed to be sym- 
bolized by one of the four-and-twenty elders 
(representing the 24 books of the O. T. accord- 
ing to the reckoning of St.Jerome) in the mys- 
tical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 83-4. [Bibbla : Processione.] 

Cantor, II, the Singer ; title by which D. 
refers to David, Par. xx. 38 ; xxv. 72 ; xxxii. 11 
[David] ; to Virgil, Purg. xxii. 57 [Virgilio]. 

Canzoniere], collection of D.'s lyrical 
poems, consisting of sonnets, canzoni, balhie, 
and sestine. A large proportion of these 
belong to the Vita Nuova, and a few to the 
Convivio ; the rest appear to be independent 
pieces, though some think that the ' canzoni 
pietrose ' (viz. Canz. xii, Sest. ii, Canz. xv, and 
Best, i), so called from the frequent recurrence 
in them of the word j>ietra (supposed, like the 
selvaggia of Cino da Pistoja and the lauro of 
Petrarca, to be a lady's name), form a spedal 

The Vita Nuova contains twenty-five son- 
nets (Son. i-xxv) two of which (Son. ii, iv) 
are irregular, while one (Son. xviii) has two 
versions of the first quatrain (V. N. §§ 3, 7, % 
9) 13. 14, IS. 16, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27, 33, 35. 
36, 37, 38, 39> 40; 41, 42) ; five canzoni (Canz. 
i-v), of which two (Canz. iii, v) are imperfect 
(V. N. §§ 19, 23, 28, 32, 34) ; and one ballata 
(Ball, i, V. N. § 12). \yita Nuova.] 




The Convivio contains three canzoni (Canz. 
vi-viii) with an accompanying commentary, 
out of fourteen which it was intended to con- 
tain. \Convivio7[ 

In the De Vulgari Eloquentia D. quotes the 
first lines of nine of his poems, all of which are 
extant, except one, beginning ' Traggemi della 
mente Amor la stiva ' (V. E. ii. 1 1^2) which is 
not included in the existing collections, and so 
far has not been discovered in MSS.; of the 
eight others, two are given at length in the 
Vita Nuova (Canz. i, ii), and one jn the 
Convivio (Canz. vii) ; these eight poems occur 
as follows ! — 

' Doglia mi reca nello core ardire ' (Canz. x ; 
V. E. ii. 2«). 

'Amor, che muovi tua virtu dal cielo' (Canz. ix; 
V. E. ii. 5™, ii=»). 

' Amor, che nella mente mi ragiona ' (Canz. vii ; 
V. E. ii. 6" ; Conv. iii ; Purg. ii. 112). 

'Donne, ch'avete intelletto d'amore ' (Canz. i; 
V. E. ii. 8", 12" ; V. N. § 19). 

'AI poco giorno, ed al gran cerchio d'ombra' 
(Sest. i ; V. E. ii. io'», 13'*). 

'Donna pietosa, e di novella etate' (Canz. ii; 
V. E. ii. n*'; V.N. § 23). 

' Poscia ch' Amor del tutto m' ha l^sciato ' 
(Canz. xix ; V. E. ii. i?''). 

' Amor, tu vedi ben che questa Donna ' (Sest. ii ; 
V. E. ii. I3==). 

In the Epistolae two poems are included : — 
a canzone, beginning ' Amor, dacchfe convien 
pur ch' io mi doglia ' (Can?, xi), is appended 
to the letter addressed to Moroello Malaspina 
(Epist. iii) ; and a sonnet, beginning ' To sono 
stato con Amore insjeme ' (Son. xxxvi), is 
appended to the letter addressed to Cino da 
Pistoja (Epist. iv). 

This gives a total, so far, of twenty-six son- 
nets, i. e. twenty-five (V. N.) and one (Epist. 
iv) ; thirteen canzoni, \. e. five (V. N.), three 
(Conv.), four (V. E.), and one (Epist. iii) ; 
two sestine (V. E.) ; and one ballata (V. N.). 

In addition to these, a considerable number 
of other lyrical poems is attributed to D., some 
of which are almost certainly not his. In the 
several editions of the Canzoniere the number 
varies according to the taste or caprice of the 
various editors, there being as yet no accepted 
critical test. Witte's collection includes in all 
eighty sonnets, twenty-six canzoni, and twelve 
ballate.. Fraticelli prints as genuine, forty- 
four sonnets, twenty-one canzoni, ten ballate, 
and three sestine ; as doubtful, five sonnets, 
one canzone, and two ballate ; and as spurious, 
thirty-four sonnets, thirteei} canzoni, three 
ballate, and three mq.drigals. Giuliani prints 
as genuine, thirty-fiye sonnets, twenty-one 
canzoni, seven ballate, an4 one sestina ; as 
doubtful, eight sonnets, one canzone, four 
ballate, and two sestine. In the Oxford Dante 
are printed fifty-one sonnets, twenty-one can- 
zoni, ten ballate, and four sestine, eighty-six 

poems in all, the total being made up of the 
seventy-eight printed as genuine by Fraticelli, 
and the eight which he considers doubtful. 
[Table xxxii.] 

The tenzone or poetical correspondence 
between D. and Forese Donati, consisting of 
six sonnets (three addressed by D. to Forese, 
and three of Forese's in reply), though long 
considered of dubious authenticity, is now 
generally accepted by the best critics as 
genuine. These sonnets are not included in 
the Oxford Dante. [Forese]. 

Of D.'s lyric poems Villani says : — 
' Fece in sua giovanezza il libro della VHa nova 
d'amore ; e poi quando fu in esilio fece da venti can- 
zonf morali e d'amore molto eccellenti.' (ix. 136.) 

Boccaccio says : — 

' Compose molte canzoni distese, sonetti, e 
ballate assai e d'amore e morali, oltre a quelle 
che nella sua i^ita Nuovd appariscono.' 

Among those to whom D. addressed poems 
were his friends Guide Cavalcanti (Son. xxxii) 
and Cino da Pistoja (Son. xxxiv, xlvi). 

The first printed collection of D .'s lyric poems 
appears to have been that included in ' Sonetti 
e canzoni di diversi antichi autori toscani in 
dieci libri raccolte,' published at Florence in 
1 527, the first four books of which contain forty- 
five sonnets, nineteen canzoni, eleven ballate, 
and one sestina, attributed to D. Certain, 
however, of the cc^nzoni and madrigali (as 
they are described) had already been printed 
at Milan in 15 18. Fifteen canzoni are printed 
at the end of the first edition of the Vita 
Nuova (Florence, 1576). 

Caorsa, Cahors, town in S. of France, on 
the river Lot, capital of the ancient Province 
of Quercy in Guyenne, chief town of mod. 
Department of Lot. It was famous in the 
Middle Age? as a great centre of usurers, 
whence the term Caorsinus\)t.cs.xas. a common 
synonym for ' usurer.' 

D. uses the terms Sodqm and Cahors, to 
indicate Sodomites and Usurers, who are 
punished in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, 
among the Violent, Inf. xi. 49-51 [Sodomiti : 

Boccaccio says that the practice of usury 
was so prevalent at Cahors that even the 
servant-maids used to lend their wages, and 
any trifiing sum they received : — 

' Caorsa 6 una citta in Prpenz^ ... si del tutto 
data al prestare a^ usura, che in quella non 6 ne 
uomo n6 femmina, rvh vecchio ne giovane, nh 
piccolo ne grande che a ci6 non intenda ; e non 
che altri, ma ancora le serventi, npn che il lor 
salario, ma se d'altra parte sei p otto denari 
venisser loro alle mani, tantosto gh dispongono e 
prestano ad alcun prezzo ; per la qual cosa e 
tanto questo lor miserabile esercizio divulgato, e 
massimamente appo noi, che come I'uom dice 
d'alcuno, egli e Caorsino, cosi s'intende che egli 
sia usuraio.' 




In the frequent edicts issued by various 
European sovereigns for the expulsion of 
usurers, the term 'Caorsini' (often coupled 
with ' Lombard! ') constantly recurs. Du 
Cange quotes from an edict issued by Charles 
II of Anjou against the Jews, dated Dec. 8, 
1289: — 

' Praecipimus ut expulsio praedicta extendatur 
ad omnes Lombardos, Caturcinos, aliasque personas 
alienigenas, usuras publice exercentes'; 

and from another issued by Philip III of 
France : — 

'Extirpate volentes de finibus Regni nostri 
usurariam pravitatem, quam quosdam Lombardos 
at Caorsinos, aliosque complures alienigenas in 
eodem Regno publice intelleximus exercere . . . ' 

Matthew of Westminster writes (anno 
1232) :— 

' Rogerius London, episcopus . . . aegre sustinens 
usurarios Christianos quos Caursinos appellamus, 
in civitate sua habitare, et foenora sua, variato 
nomine palliantes, exercere, conabatur eos a 
dioecesi sua propulsare.' 

So Matthew Paris (anno 1235) : — 
' Invaluit his diebus adeo Caursinorum pestis 
abominanda, ut vix esset aliquis in tota Anglia, 
. . . qui retibus illorum jam non illaquearetur. 
Etiam ipse Rex debito inestimabili eis tenebatur 
obligatus. Circumveniebant enim in necessitatibus 
indigentes, usuram sub specie negoti^tionis palli- 

The word was still in use in the same sense 
in the next century, as appears from a statute 
of the church of Meaux (anno 1346), quoted by 
Du Cange : — 

' Inhibentes ne quis in domibus, vel in locis, aut 
in terris Ecclesiarum Lombardos, aut alios advenas, 
qui vulgariter Caorcini dicuntur, usurarios mani- 
feste receptare praesumat.' 

All the old commentators (with the exception 
of the Anonimo Fiorentino, who says : ' Caorsa 
h una terra in Lunigiana ') seem to have under- 
stood the reference as being to Cahors in 
Guyenne. The suggested derivation of ' Caor- 
sini' from the Corsini, the great Florentine 
bankers, is inadmissible, there being no evidence 
to show that the Corsini were known outside 
Florence, much less outside Italy, as early as 
the first half of Cent, xiii, during which period 
the term was in common use in England and 
France, as is shown above. (See Todeschini, 
Scritti su D., ii. 303-12.) 

Caorsino, inhabitant of Cahors ; St. Peter, 
in his denunciation (in the Heaven of Fixed 
Stars) of his successors in the See of Rome, 
referring to the extortions and avarice of John 
XXII (who was a native of Cahors), and of his 
predecessor, the Gascon Clement V, says 'Del 
sangue nostro Caorsini e Guaschi S'apparec- 
chian di here,' Par. xxvii. 58-9 [Caorsa : 
Clements 2 : Giovanni XXII]. 

Caos, Chaos, the vacant and infinite space, 
which, according to the ancient cosmogonies, 
existed previous to the creation of the world, 
and out of which the gods, men, and all things 
came into being. 

D. mentions Chaos in connexion with the 
theory of Empedocles, that the alternate 
supremacy of hate and love was the cause of 
periodic destruction and cgnstruction in the 
scheme of the universe, Inf. xii. 41-3 [Empe- 

Caosse. [Caos.] 

Capaneo, Capaneus, son of Hipponoiis, 
one of the seven kings who besieged Thebes ; 
he was struck by Zeus with a thunderbolt as 
he was scaling the walls of the city, because 
he had dared to defy the god. 

D. places C. among the Blasphemers in 
Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, and represents 
him as defying the gods even in Hell, Inf. xiv. 
63 ; quel grande, v. 46 ; quel medesmo, v. 49 ; 
lui, V. 50 ; I'un de' sette regi CK assiser Tebe, 
w. 68-9 ; lui, ^/. 71 [Bestemmlatori] ; he is 
referred to (in connexion with Vanni Fucci, 
than whom D. says he saw no spirit in all 
Hell more rebellious against God, not even 
Capaneus) as quel che cadde a Tebe giil dd 
muri, Inf. xxv. 15 ; and mentioned as the 
type of impious pride, Canz. xviii. 70. 

As D. and Virgil cross the plain of sand 
where the Violent are exposed to the rain of 
fire, D. sees a mighty spirit (that of C.) ' who 
seems not to care for the burning,' and asks 
V. who it is (Inf. xiv. 43-8) ; the spirit himself 
in reply exclaims that such as he was living 
guch he is dead {vv. 49-51) ; and that even if 
Jove were to weary out Vulcan and the Cyclops, 
as he did at the battle of Phlegra, and were to 
shoot at him with all his might, he would still 
care not (^v. 52-60) ; thereupon V. rebukes 
him, calling him by name {^v. 61-6), and then 
explains to D. who he was (vv. 67-72). 

D. got the story of C. from Statins, from 
whose account he has borrowed several 
touches : — 

[The gods, anxious for the fate of Thebes, 
clamour to Jupiter to intervene ; he remains un- 
moved. The voice of Capaneus is heard impiously 
challenging the gods to come to the aid of the city, 
and taunting Jupiter in particular.] 
'Nontamen haec turbant pacem Jovis; ecce quierant 
Juma, cum mediis Capaneus auditus in astris: 
Nunane pro trepidis, clamabat, numina Thebis 
Statis? ubi infandae segnes teljuris alumni, 
Bacchus et Alddes? pudet instigare minores. 
Tu potius venias (quis enim concurrere nobis 
Dignior? en cineres Semeleaqne busta tenentur), 
Nunc age, nunc totis in me conitere flammis, 
luppiterl an pavidas tonitru turbare puellas 
Fortius et soceri turres excindere Cadmi ? 
[Jupiter, at the instance of the other gods, 
smites him with a thunderbolt ; he refuses to fall, 
and dies upright, leaning for support against the 
walls of the city. ] 




Ingemuit dictis superum dolor ; ipse furentem 

Risit et incussa sanctarutn mole coniarum, 

Quaenam spes jiominum tumidae post praelia Phlegrae? 

Tune etiam feriendus ? ait. Premit undiqae lentum 

Turba deum frendens et tela ultricia poscit . . . 

in media vertigine mundi 
Stare virutn jnsatiasque vident deposcere pugnas . . . 

dicentem toto Jove fulmen adactum 
Corripuit; primae fugere in nubila cristae, 
Et clipei niger umbo cadit, jamque omnia lucent 
Membra vin . . . 

Stat tamen, extremumgue in sidera versus anhelat, 
Fectoraque invisis obicit fumantia muris, 
Ne caderet : sed membra vinim terrena relinquunt, 
Exuiturque anitpus ; paulum si tardius artus 
Cessissent, potuit fulmen sperare secundum.' 

{Thebaid.-yi. 897-906, 907-11, 918 ff.) 

Capeti], the Capets, the third race of 
French kings ; alluded to by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) as 'la mala pianta, 
Che la terra cristiana tutta aduggia,' Purg. xx. 


In the year 1300 (the assumed date of the 
Vision) a Capet was on the throne of France 
(viz. Philip IV, who was also King-consort of 
Navarre), and another on the throne of Naples 
(viz. Charles II of Anjou, whose grandson, 
Charles Robert, was heir to the Hungarian 
throne). The first of the Capets known in 
history was Robert the Strong, a Saxon, who 
was Count of Paris in 861, Count of Anjou in 
864, and Duke of France in 866, in which 
year he died ; his great-grandson, Hugh Capet 
(Duke of France, 960), son of Hugh the Great 
(Duke of France, d. 956), was elected King of 
France in 987, and thus supplanted the Car- 
lovingian dynasty. In the Capetian dynasty 
the French crown descended from father to 
son (from Hugh Capet down to Louis X, 
who was succeeded by his two brothers) for 
more than three hundred years. [Ciapetta : 
Table viii. A.] 

Capitolium, the Capitol of Rome ; besieged 
by the Gauls (under Brennus in 390) and 
saved by M. Manlius, who was aroused from 
sleep by the cackling of the sacred geese, 
Mon. ii. 4*3-9 j referred to, by an anachronism, 
in connexion with the same incident, as 
Campidoglio, Conv. iv. 5I6O-4 [Campidoglio : 
Galli^: Manlius]. 

Capocchio, 'Blockhead,' name (or nick- 
name) of an alchemist placed by D. among 
the falsifiers in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf xxix. 136 ; xxx. 28 ; 
raltro lebbroso, xxix. 124 [Falaatori]. On 
their way through Bolgia 10 D. and Virgil see 
two spirits (Griffolino and Capocchio) seated 
back to back supporting each other, and 
scratching the scabs from their flesh (Inf. 
xxix. 73-84) ; V. addresses one of them (Grif- 
folino) and asks if any ' Latins ' are among 
them (z/z/. 85-90) ; G. replies that both he and 
his comrade are ' Latins,' and asks V. who he 
is {vv. 91-3) ; V. tells him that he has brought 
D., who is alive, to show him Hell [yv. 94-6) ; 
thereupon the two spirits start apart and gaze 

at D. {vv. 97-9) ; at V.'s suggestion D. then 
asks them who they are {^v. 100-8) ; G. 
states that he belonged to Arezzo, and was 
burnt at the instance of Albero of Siena, 
because in jest he had offered to teach him to 
fly, and had not done so ; he adds, however, 
that it was not on that account that he was in 
Hell, but because he had been an alchemist 
{vv. 109-20) [Albero : Griffolino] ; D. then 
asks V. if any folk were ever so vain (empty- 
headed) as the Sienese {vv. 121-3), to which 
the other spirit (Capocchio) replies, ironically 
mentioning as exceptions several notorious 
Sienese spendthrifts {vv. 124-32) ; he after- 
wards names himself, mentioning that he had 
falsified metals by alchemy, and implies that 
D. had been acquainted with him {vv. 133-9) > 
later on two other spirits, come rushing madly 
along, one of whom makes for C, gores him 
on the neck, and drags him to the ground 
(xxx. 25-30) ; G. informs D. that this is 
Gianni Schicchi, and that the other is Myrrha 
{vv. 31-45) [Gianni Sehicchi : Mirra]. 

C. was a Florentine (or, according to some, 
a Sienese) and was burnt at Siena in 1293 as 
an alchemist, as is proved by a document 
dated Aug. 3, 1293, preserved in the State 
Archives at Siena : — 

' Item pagati xxxviii sol. dicta die in uno floreno 
de auro tribus ribaldis qui fecerunt unam justitiam, 
ideo quod fecerunt comburi Capocchium.' 

Benvenuto tells a story of how one Good 
Friday C. depicted on his finger-nails the whole 
story of the Passion, and then, on being sur- 
prised by D., licked it off again ; for which 
D. reproved him, it seeming to him as mar- 
vellous a feat as that of the man who made 
a copy of the whole Iliad minute enough to be 
contained in a nutshell, or that of another 
man who made imitation ants in ivory : — 

' Iste fuit quidam magister Capochius florentinus, 
vir ingeniosus ad omnia, maxime ad transnatu- 
randum metalla ; qui ob hoc, ut quidam dicunt, 
fuit combustus in civitate Senarum. . . . Semel die 
quodam Veneris sancti cum staret solus abstractus 
in quodam claustro, efBgiavit sibi totum processum 
passionis Domini in unguibus mira artificiositate ; 
et cum Dantes superveniens quaereret : quid est 
hoc quod fecisti ? iste subito cum lingua delevit 
quidquid cum tanto labore ingenii fabricaverat. 
De quo Dantes multum arguit eum, quia istud 
opus videbatur sibi non minus mirabile, quam opus 
illius, qui totam Iliadem tam subtiliter descripsit, 
quod intra testam nucis claudebatur ; et alius fecit 
formicas eburneas.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says that D. and 
C. studied together, and that the latter, before 
he took to counterfeiting metals, used to be 
a wonderful'mimic : — 

' Fu da Firenze, et fu conoscente dell' Auttore, 
et insieme studiorono ; et fu uno che, a modo 
d'uno uomo di corte, seppe contraffare ogni uomo 
che volea, et ogni cosa, tanto ch' egli parea 



propriamente la cosa o I'uomo ch' egli contraffacea 
in ciascuno atto : diessi nell' ultimo a contraffare i 
metalli, come egli facea gli uomini.' 

Caponsacchi. [Caponsaooo, II.] 
Caponsacco, II, one of the Caponsacchi, 
ancient noble family of Florence, who origin- 
ally (in 1 125) came from Fiesole. Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars) says that they were 
already settled in the Mercato Vecchio in his 
day, Par. xvi. 121-2. Villani mentions them 
among the noble famihes that lived in that 
quarter : — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero . . . presso a 
Mercato vecchio abitavano i Caponsacchi che 
furono grandi Fiesolani.' (iv. 11.) 

He says they were one of the original Ghi- 
belline families in Florence (v. 39), and records 
that they took part in the expulsion of the 
Florentine Guelfs in 1244 (vi. 33), and that 
they were among the Ghibellines who were 
themselves expelled in 1258 (vi. 65). After 
their return from exile in 1280 they appear to 
have joined the Bianchi, and to have been 
again expelled along with them in 1302. It is 
stated by Rica (Ckiese Florentine) that the wife 
of Folco Portinari and mother of Beatrice was 
a member of the Caponsacchi family. 

Cappelletti, according to some, a noble 
Ghibelline family of Verona, according to 
others a Guelf family of Cremona ; mentioned 
by D., together with the Mojitecchi, in his 
appeal to the Emperor, Albert of Austria, to 
come into Italy to look after the interests of 
his adherents, Purg. vi. 106. 

On an incident arising out of a feud between 
these two families, ' the Montagues and Capu- 
lets,' Shakespeare founded his play of Romeo 
and Juliet. According to Benvenuto the two 
houses were in alliance, and waged war together 
against their common foe, the Counts of San 
Bonifacio : — 

' Istae fuerunt duae clar^e familiae Verpnae, 
maxime Monticuli, quae habuerunt diu bellum cum 
alia nobilissima familia, scilicet, cum comitibus de 
Sancto Bonifacio.' 

The Montecchi were the heads of the Ghibel- 
line party in Verona, and allied themselves with 
the notorious Ezzelino da Romano, who through 
their means became lord of Verona (1236-1259) 
[Montecchi]. Pietro di Dante speaks of the 
Cappelletti as belonging to Cremona, their op- 
ponents in that city being the Troncaciufifi ; — 

' In Verona est facta pars Montecchia et pars 
Comitum ; in Cremona Cappelletti et Troncaciuffi ; 
in Urbeveteri pars Monaldeschia et Philippesca; 
et sic de aliis.' 

According to this view the four houses named 
by D. are meant to be regarded as pairs of 
opposing families, whose differences were to be 
ended by the coming of the Emperor, not 
merely as examples of oppressed Ghibellines ; 


this is the more probable, because two of the 
four families appear to have been Guelf, viz. 
the Monaldi or Monaldeschi (according to 
Villani, ix. 40), and the Cappelletti (according 
to Salimbene, who describes them as the 
leaders of the Papal party in Cremona). [Pilip- 

Capra, 'the Goat,' i.e. Capricorn, one of 
the signs of the Zodiac ; alluded to as ' il corno 
della Capra del ciel,' Par. xxvii. 68-9. [Capri- 

Capraia. [Caprara.] 

Caprara, Capraia, small island in the Medi- 
terranean, about 20 miles E. of the N.-most 
point of Corsica ; D. calls upon it and Gorgona, 
another island further N., to come and block 
up the mouth of the Arno, in order that Pisa 
and its inhabitants may be annihilated, Inf 
xxxiii. 82-4 [Gorgona]. Both these islands 
in D.'s time belonged to Pisa. A nephew of 
the Count Ugolino deUa Gherardesca, viz. the 
Count Anselmo, whona he is said to have 
poisoned (Villani, vii. 121), took his title from 

Capricorno, Capricorn, constellation and 
tenth sign of the Zodiac, which the Sun enters 
at the winter solstice (about Dec. 22) [Zodiaoo]. 
D. speaks of the Sun driving Capricorn from 
mid-heaven, meaning that C. had passed the 
meridian, the time indicated being about 6 a.m., 
Purg. ii. 56-7; the sign is referred to as 'il 
corno della Capra del ciel' (the season indi- 
cated being mid-winter). Par. xxvii. 68-9; 
Cancer and Capricorn each of them distant 
rather more than 33 degrees (actually 23° 28') 
from the Equator, Cqnv. iii. 5i37-42_ 

Caprona, castle in the territory of Pisa, 
about 5 miles from that city, on a hill close 
to the Arno. In August, 1289, shortly after 
the death of Count Ugolino and the expulsion 
of the Guelfs froni Pisa, the Tuscan Guelfs, 
headed by the Lucchese apd Florentines, in- 
vaded the Pisan territory, and paptured several 
forts, including that of Caprona, as Villani 
records : — 

' Nel detto anng 1289 4^1 mese d'Agosto, i 
Lucchesi feciono oste sopra la citta di Pisa colla 
forza de' Fiorentini, . . . e andarono insino alle 
porte di Pisa, e fecionvi i Lucchesi correre il palio 
per la Joro festa di san Regolo, e guastarl^ intorno 
in venticinque di che vi stettono ad oste, e presono 
il castello di Caprona, e guastarlo.' (vii. 137.) 

D. mentions Caprona, with reference (prob- 
ably) to the capitulation of the Pisan garrisqn, 
and their issue from the fort through the rtiidst 
of the besieging force under a safe-coiiduct, 
Inf. xxi. 94-6. 

Biiti, who was a Pisan, and lectured on the 
D. C. at Pisa, holds that D. is referring tq 
what took place on a later occasion, when 


Cardinale, II 

Cardinale, II 

Caprona and the other captured forts were 
retaken by the Pisans under Guido da Monte- 
feltro, who was military captain of Pisa from 
March I28f to 1293 (Villani, vii. 128 ; viii. 2) :— 

' Questo castello era si forte che per battaglia 
non si poteva avere, onde avvenne che, fatto poi 
capitano di guerra per li Pisani il conte Guido da 
Monte Feltro, acquist6 a' Pisani tutto ci6 che 
avevano perduto, et ancora Caprona : imper6 che, 
spiato per alcuno segreto modo che quelli dentro 
non av^eano acqua, si raosse un di' da Pisa et 
assedib Caprona ; e non avendo piii che here, 
benche avessono assai da mangiare, i fanti che 
v'erano dentro s'arrenderono a patto d'essere 
salve le persone. E quando uscirono fuori del 
castello et andavano tra' nimici, v' erano di quelli 
che diceano e gridavano : Appicca, appicca : im- 
per6 che il conte Guido li avea fatti legare tutti 
ad una fune, accib che non si partissono I'uno 
dair altro, et andando spartiti non fossono morti 
da' - contadini ; e facevali menare in verso Pisa, 
per conducerli a una via che andava diritto a 
Lucca, piti breve che alcun' altra ; e pertanlo elli 
ebbono paura ch' el patto, che era loro stato fatto, 
non fosse attenuto.' 

The difficulty in the way of accepting this as 
the incident alluded to by D. lies in the fact 
that on the occasion he refers to he was himself 
present (' vid' io ') ; so that, if Buti's supposition 
is correct, D. must either, though himself a Guelf, 
have been among the Ghibellines who were 
besieging the fort, or he must have formed part 
of the beleaguered garrison, neither of which is 
likely to have been the case. It may be added 
that neither Villani nor the other chroniclers 
mention this alleged recapture of Caprona of 
which Buti speaks. 

Benvenuto, who understands the reference 
to be to the original capture of Caprona by the 
Tuscan Guelfs, states that D. himself took part 
in the siege : — 

'Hie nota quod autor fuit personaliter in isto 
exercitu ; erat enim tunc juvenis viginti quinque 
annorum, et ibi vidit istum actun) ; ideo libentius 
fecit talem comparalionem, ut de se memoriam 
faceret, quia aliquando tractaverat arma.' 

But it is more probable that he wag present 
merely as a spectator. 

Buti records that in his d^y the castle of 
Caprona was a ruin, nothing being left but the 
outside walls and one of the (owers. 

Cardinale, II, Cardinal Ottaviano degli 
Ubaldini, known to his contemporaries as ' the' 
Cardinal' par excellence; e.g. the Anonimo 
Fiorentino says : — 

' Perb che questo cardinale Ottaviano fu il 
maggiore di veruno altro cardinale a quel tempo, 
per eccellenzia, dicendo il Cardinale, s'intendea di 

D. places him among the Heretics in Circle 
VI of Hell, Inf x. 120. [Eretici.] 
Ottaviano, who was brother of Ubaldino 

della Pila (Purg. xxiv. 29) and uncle of the 
Archbishop Ruggieri (Inf. xxxiii. 14), was made 
Bishop of Bologna in 1240, when he was under 
thirty, by special dispensation of Pope Gregory 
IX, and in 1244 he was created Cardinal by 
Innocent IV at the Council of Lyons ; he was 
papal legate in Lombardy, and died in 1273 
[Ubaldini]. Benvenuto describes him as a 
devoted Ghibelline, and credits him (as do 
Lana and others) with a saying : ' If I have 
a soul, I have lost it a thousand times over for 
the Ghibellines' : — 

'Vir fuit valentissimus tempore suo, sagax et 
audax, qui curiam Romanam versabat pro velle 
suo, et aliquando tenuit eam in montibus Florentiae 
in terris suorum per aliquot menses ; et saepe de- 
fendebat palam rebelles ecclesiae contra Papam 
et Cardinales; fuit magnus protector et fautor 
ghibelinorum, et quasi obtinebat quidquid volebat. 
Ipse fecit primum Archiepiscopum de dome vice- 
comitum Mediolani, qui exaltavit stirpem suam ad 
dominium illius civitatis, et altam potentiam in 
Lombardia : erat multum honoratus et formidatus ; 
ideo, quando dicebatur tunc : Cardinalis dixit sic ; 
Cardinalis fecit sic ; intelligebatur de cardinali 
Octaviano de Ubaldinis per excellentiam. Fuit 
tamen epicureus ex gestis et verbis ejus j nam 
cum semel petiisset a ghibelinis Tusciae certam 
pecuniae quantitatem pro uno facto, et non 
obtinuisset, prorupit indignanter et irate in banc 
vocem : si anima est, ego perdidi ipsam millies 
pro ghibelinis.' 

Salimbene of Parma, who was personally 
acquainted with him, gives the following naive 
account of the Cardinal in his Chronicle 
(printed by C. E. Norton in Report XIV of 
American Dante Society) : — 

' Missus fuit in Lombardiam legatus dominus 
Octavianus diaconus cardinalis. Hie, fuit pulcher 
homo et nobilis, scilicet de filiis Hubaldini de 
Musello in episcopatu fiorentino : multum reputatus 
fuit ex parte Imperii, sed propter honorem suum 
interdum faciebat aliqua ad utilitatem Ecclesiae, 
gciens quod propter hoc missus fuerat. . . . Cum 
redii in Lombardiam, et post plures annos dominus 
Octavianus adhuc legatus esset Bononiae, pluribus 
vicibus comedi cijm eo ; et locabat me semper in 
capite mensae suae, ita quod inter me et ipsum 
non erat nisi sooius frater, et ipse tertium locum 
mensae habebat a capite. Tunc faciebam quod 
Sapiens in Prov. dopet xxiii ; et hoc fieri oportebat, 
quoniam tota sala palatii discumbentibus erat plena. 
Verumtamen abundanter et decenter comestibilia 
habebamus et vinum abundans et praecipuum 
ponebatur, et omnia delicata. Tunc coepi cardi- 
nalem diligere.' 

Villani relates that he alone of the Papal 
Court rejoiced at the news of the battle of 
Montaperti : — 

'Come in corte di Roma venne la novella della 
sconfitta, il papa e' cardinali ch' amavano lo stato 
di santa Chiesa, n' ebbono grande dolore e com- 
passione . . . ma il cardinal Ottaviano degli 




Ubaldini, ch' era ghibellino, ne fece gran festa.' 
(vi. 80.) 

It appears, however, that the Cardinal, though 
a Ghibelline by family and with undoubted 
Ghibelline leanings, was during at least a con- 
siderable portion of his career a zealous partisan 
of the Guelf cause, to which, as Philalethes 
points out, he rendered important services. 
(See Gozzadini, Le Torri gentilizie di Bologna, 
pp. 503 ff.) 

Cariddi, Charybdis, eddy or whirlpool in 
the Straits of Messina, which was regarded as 
peculiarly dangerous by ancient navigators, 
because in the endeavour to avoid it they 
risked being wrecked upon Scylla, a rock 
opposite to it. 

D. compares the jostling of the Misers 
and the Prodigals in Circle IV of Hell, to 
the tumbling and breaking of the waves in the 
whirlpool, as the opposing currents from the 
Ionian and Tyrrhenian Seas meet together. 
Inf. vii. 22-4. [Avari.] 

Benvenuto quotes the famous line (from the 
Alexandreis of Gautier de Lille) : — 

'Incidit in Scillam cupiens vitare Caribdim.' 

Carignano, Angiolello da. [AngioleUo.] 

Carisenda, one of the leaning towers at 
Bologna, built in mo by Filippo and Oddo 
dei Garisendi ; it is 163 ft. high and 10 ft. out 
of the perpendicular. At its side stands the 
Asinelli tower (erected in 1109 by Gherardo 
degli Asinelli) which is 320 ft. high, and 4 ft. 
out of the perpendicular. 

D. compares the stooping giant Antaeus to 
the Carisenda tower as it appears to a spectator 
when the clouds are sailing over it from behind 
him. Inf. xxxi. 136-8. [Anteo.] 

These two towers stand in a small piazza at the 
E. end of what is now the Via Rizzoli, in the 
quarter formerly known as the Porta Ravignana, 
nearly in the centre of the town. Benvenuto says 
that the Carisenda (which is also known as ' la 
torre mozza') was considerably higher at the 
time D. wrote, a great part of it having been 
thrown down by Giovanni di Oleggio, one of the 
Visconti of Milan, during his 'tyranny' (1351- 
1360) at Bologna. He adds that this was doubtless 
a reminiscence of D.'s student-days at the university 
of Bologna. (See Gozzadini, Le Torri gentilizie di 
Bologna, pp. 272 ff.) 

There is a tradition to the effect that the 
Carisenda tower was built purposely with a lean, 
in order that it should attract more attention than 
the lofty Asinelli tower at its side. A close 
inspection, however, of the building will reveal 
the fact that the courses of bricks, as well as the 
holes for the scaffolding (which still remain), run 
at right angles to the inclination of the tower, 
thus proving that the leaning is due, not to design, 
but to the accidental sinking of the foundations. 
To the same cause is doubtless due the inclination 
of the neighbouring tower, and of the Campanile 
at Pisa (which is 13 ft. out of the perpendicular in 

a height of 179 ft.), as well as of several of those 
at Venice. Vasari, in his life of Arnolfo di Lapo, 
discusses the reasons why neither the Campanile 
at Pisa, nor the Carisenda tower at Bologna, has 
lost its stability in spite of the inclination. 

Carlino, Carlino de' Pazzi of Valdarno, who, 
while the Neri of Florence and the Lucchese 
were besieging Pistoja in 1302, held the castle 
of Piantravigne in the Valdarno for the Bianchi 
of Florence, but treacherously for a bribe 
delivered it into the hands of the Neri. Villani 
gives the following account : — 

'Nella stanza del detto assedio di Pistoia si 
rubell6 a' Fiorentini il castello di Piantravigne in 
Valdarno, per Carlino de' Pazzi di Valdarno, e in 
quello col detto Carlino si rinchiusono de' migliori 
nuovi usciti bianchi e ghibellini di Firenze grandi 
e popolani, e faceano grande guerra nel Valdarno ; 
la qual cosa fu cagione di levarsi I'oste da Pistoia, 
lasciando i Fiorentini il terzo della loro gente all' 
assedio di Serravalle in servigio de' Lucchesi, e 
tutta I'altra oste tornata in Firenze, sanza soggiorno 
n' andarono del mese di Giugno in Valdarno e al 
detto castello di Piano, e a quello stettono e as- 
sediarono per ventinove di. Alia fine per tradi- 
mento del sopraddetto Carlino, e per moneta che 
n' ebbe, i Fiorentini ebbono il castello. Essendo 
il detto Carlino di fuori, fece a' suoi fedeli dare 
I'entrata del castello, onde molti vi furono morti e 
presi, pure de' migliori usciti di Firenze.' (viii. 53.) 

Dino Compagni says : — 

'A parte bianca e ghibellina accorsono molte 
orribili disaventure. Eglino aveano in Valdarno 
uno castello in Plan di Sco, nel quale era Carlino 
de' Pazzi con lx cavagli e pedoni assai. I Neri 
di Firenze vi posono I'assedio. Dissesi che Car- 
lino li tradi per danari ebbe: il perchd i Neri 
vi misono le masnade loro, e presono gli uomini, 
e parte n'uccisono, e il resto feciono ricomperare.' 
(ii. 28.) 

Carlino's act of treachery not having yet 
taken place at the assumed date of the Vision 
(1300), D. assigns him his place in Caina by 
anticipation, making his kinsman Camicione, 
who had himself been guilty of the treacherous 
murder of a relative, say that he awaited 
Carlino's coming to excuse him (meaning that 
his own crime would appear trivial beside that 
of Carlino), Inf. xxxii. 69. [Camicione: Pazzi.J 

Benvenuto says that two relatives of Carlino, 
one of them being his uncle, were among the 
Ghibelline prisoners put to death by the Neri 
on taking possession of the castle. 

The site of the castle of Piantravigne, which 
was in the commune of Pian di Sco in the 
Upper Valdarno, is now occupied by Pieve di 
San Lorenzo in Piantravigne. 

Carlo 1, Charles I, King of Naples and Sicily, 
Count of Anjou and Provence, younger son of 
Louis VIII of France and Blanche of Castile, 
and brother of St. Louis ; he was born in 1220 ; 
in 1246 he married Beatrice, youngest daughter 




of Count Raymond Berenger IV of Provence, 
in whose right he became Count of Provence ; 
and in 1266, after the defeat of Manfred at 
Benevento, he became King of Naples and 
Sicily; he died Jan. 7, 138^. [Berlinghieri, 
Raxnondo : Provenza : Tatole viii.] 

D. places Charles in the valley of flowers 
in Antepurgatory among the princes who 
neglected to repent, where he is seated beside 
Peter III of Aragon ; Sordello, who points him 
out, refers to him as colui del maschio naso^ 
Purg. vii. 113 ; il nasuto, v. 124; lui, v. 125 ; 
il seme, v. 127 [Antlpurgatorio] ; and says 
that he (' il seme ') is as superior to his son, 
Charles II ('la pianta'), as Peter III of Aragon 
is to him (Charles I) and his brother (Louis IX) 
{vv. 127-9) [Beatrice 2; Carlo 2; Luigi^: 
Margherita : Pietro ^J ; he is mentioned in 
connexion with Pope Nicholas III, who was 
his enemy. Inf. xix. 99 [Ifieoold^] ; Oderisi (in 
Circle I of Purgatory) mentions him in con- 
nexion with Provenzano Salvani, whose friend 
(taken prisoner at Tagliacozzo) he held to 
ransom, Purg. xi. 136-7 [Provenzano Sal- 
vani] ; Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) 
speaks of his coming into Italy, and charges 
him with the murder of Conradin and of 
Thomas Aquinas, Purg. xx. 67-9 (Curradino : 
Tom.maBo2] ; his grandson Charles Martel (in 
the Heaven of Venus) speaks of him (or, as 
some think, of his son, C. M.'sfather, Charles II) 
as the ancestor in whose right his own descend- 
ants ought to have been on the throne of Sicily, 
Par. viii. 67-72 [CarloS]. 

Charles of Anjou, 'the greatest champion the 
Guelf cause ever had,' having been Invited (in 
1263) by Urban IV to assume the crown of Naples 
('to which, says Milman, there were already 
three claimants of right — if it was hereditary, it 
belonged to Conradin, if at the disposal of the 
Pope, it was already awarded to Edmund of 
England ; and Manfred was on the throne, sum- 
moned, as it seemed, by the voice of the nation'), 
in response to the entreaties of the new Pope, 
Clement IV, came into Italy in the spring of 1265, 
and in Uttle more than three years, by his defeat 
of Manfred at Benevento (Feb. 26, 126J), and of 
Conradin at Tagliacozzo (Aug. 23, 1268), com- 
pletely and finally crushed the power of the 
Hohenstaufen in Italy. 

Charles, whose wife Beatrice, as Villani records 
(vi. 89), had pledged her jewels in order to furnish 
the expedition which was to make her a Queen 
like her three elder sisters, arrived in Rome in 
May, 1265, and was forthwith elected Senator. 
On Jan. 6, I26f , he was crowned King of Sicily 
and Apulia, and immediately after he set out to 
invade Manfred's dominions. Meeting the pro- 
posal of the latter for negotiations with the 
defiance, 'I will send him to Hell, or he shall 
send me to Paradise,' Charles engaged him on 
Feb. 26 at Benevento, the pass at Ceperano 
having been treacherously left open, and totally 
defeated him, Manfred himself being among the 
slain [Benevento : Ceperano : Manfred!]. Charles 

thus became master of the kingdom ; but in less 
than two years the insupportable tyranny of the 
French led to an invitation to the young Conradin, 
son of the Emperor Conrad IV, to come and assert 
his hereditary rights and deliver the country from 
the foreign yoke. In response to this appeal 
Conradin entered Italy, and during the absence of 
Charles ih Tuscany, made his way to Rome, 
where he was received with enthusiasm, notwith- 
standing his having been excommunicated by the 
Pope. After collecting men and treasure at Rome, 
he set out on Aug. 10, i268, to make good the 
Hohenstaufen claim to the kingdom of Naples. 
Charles, on hearing of his advance, hastened to 
oppose him, and a fortnight later (Aug. 23) the 
two armies met at Tagliacozzo in the Abruzzi. 
Though inferior in numbers Charles gained a 
complete victory, owing to the superior strategy 
of the veteran captain Erard de Val^ry, who had 
offered his services to the brother of his sovereign. 
Conradin fled from the field and attempted to 
escape into Sicily, but he was betrayed into the 
hands of Charles, who, after a mock trial, had 
him beheaded like a felon in the market-place at 
Naples (Oct. 29), where his body was buried, 
Charles not allowing it to be laid in consecrated 
ground [Alardo : Curradino : Tagliacozzo]. 

Thus confirmed in the possession of the two 
Sicilies, Charles gradually extended his influence 
in Italy, until, as Villani says, he became one of 
most powerful princes in Europe : — 

' Ne' detti tempi (1279) lo re Carlo re di Gerusalera e di 
Cicilia era il piu possente re e il pifl ridottato in mare e in 
terra, che nullo re de' cristiani.* (vii. 57.) 

The people of Sicily, however, rendered desperate 
by the tyranny and exactions of their conquerors, 
determined to throw ofi" the French yoke, and at 
length in 1282 an insurrection, which had been 
carefully fostered for some time previously by 
John of Procida, a devoted adherent of the 
Hohenstaufen, with the connivance and help (as 
was commonly believed) of Pope Nicholas III and 
the Greek Emperor Palaeologus, suddenly broke 
out. The immediate occasion of the rising was 
an insult offered to a Sicilian girl by a French 
soldier during the Easter festival at Palermo, 
which led to the frightful massacre of the French, 
known as- the ' Sicilian Vespers,' and to the 
termination of their rule in the island [Vespri 
Siciliani]. After the expulsion of the Angevins 
the crown of Sicily was offered to and accepted 
by Peter III of Aragon, who had a claim to it in 
right of his wife, Constance, the daughter of 
Manfred [Costanza^]. Charles made several 
unsuccessful attempts to regain possession of the 
island, and finally died at Foggia in Apulia, in 
the midst of preparations for a fresh invasion, 
Jan. 7, I28f 

Villani, who devotes considerable space to the 
doings of Charles of Anjou (vi. 88-9 ; vii. 1-95), 
speaks of him as 

'il pii sofKciente principe di prodezza d'arme, e d'ogni 
virtii che fosse al suo tempo ' (vi. 88) : and, ' il pii temuto 
e ridottato sienore, e il pii valente d'arme e con piu alti 
intendimenti, che niuno re che fosse nella casa di Francia da 
Carlo Magno infino a lui, e quegli che piu esalto la Chiesa 
di Roma.' (vii. 95.) 

He gives the following description of his 




character and person, noting, as D. does (Purg. 
vii. 113, 124), his large nose : — 

'Questo Carlo fu il primo oriffine de're di Cicilia e di 
Puglia stratti della casa di Francia . . . ed^ bene ragione di 
far memoria di tanto signore, e tanto amico e protettore e 
difenditore di santa Chiesa e della nostra citta di Firenze. . . . 
Fu savio, di sane consiglio, e prode in arme, e aspro, e molto 
temuto e ridottato da tutti 1 re del mondo, magnanimo e 
d'alti intendimenti, in fare ogni ejande impresa sicuro, in 
ogni avversita fermo, e veritiere d ogni sua promessa, poco 
parlante, e molto adoperante, e quasi non ridea se non pocg, 
onesto com' uno religioso, e cattolico, aspro in giustizia, e di 
feroce riguardo, grande di persona e nerboruto, di colore 
ulivlgno, e con grande naso, e parea bene maesta reale piu 
eh' altro signore ; molto vegghiava e poco dormiva, e usava 
di dire, che dormendo, tanto tempo si perdea; largo fu 
a' cavalieri d'arme, ma covidoso d'acquistare terra e signoria 
e moneta d'onde si venisse, per fornire le sue imprese e 
guerre; di gente di corte, mmestrieri, e giucoiari non si 
ailett6 mai.' (vii. 1.) 

Rustebuef, a contemporary Burgundian poet, 
who wrote two poems appealing to the young 
nobles to join Charles In his expedition against 
Manfred, speaks thus highly of him : — 

'De Puille est la matiere que je vueil comencier, 
Et du roi de Cezile, que Diex puisse avancier! 
Qui voldra els sainz ciels semance semancier 
Voise aidier au bon roi qui tant fet a prisier. 
Li bons rois estoic cuens d*Anjou et de Provance, 
Et s'estoit filz de roi, freres au roi de France. 
Bien pert qu'il ne vuet pas fere Dieu de sa pance, 
Quant por Tarme sauver met le cors en balance.' 
{Le Dit de Puille^ w. 5-12.) 

Carlo^, Charles II, King of Naples, Count 
of Anjou and Provence, son of the preceding 
by Beatrice of Provence ; he was born in 1243, 
before his father became King of Naples, after 
which he bore the title of Prince of Salerno ; 
he married (circ. 1 271) Mary, daughter of 
Stephen V of Hungary, by whom he had nine 
sons and five daughters ; on his father's death 
(in 1285) he became King of Naples, but being 
at the time a prisoner in Spain, where he was 
detained till 1288, he was not crowned until 
May 29, 1289 ; he died May 6, 1309. His two 
eldest sons, Charles Martel, titular King of 
Hungary (d. 1295), and Louis (d. 1297), having 
predeceased him, he was succeeded in Naples 
by his third son, Robert, Duke of Calabria 
[CarloS; IiuigiS; Boberto^: Table viii]. 
Of his daughters, the eldest, Margaret, married 
(1290) Charles of Valois [Carlo* : Table viii] ; 
the second, Blanche, married (1295) James II 
of Aragon [Jaoomoi : Table i] ; the third, 
Eleanor, married (1302) Frederick II of Sicily 
[Federieo^: Table iv] ; the fourth, Mary, 
married Sancho, King of Majorca [Table xiv] ; 
and the youngest, Beatrice, married (1305) 
Azzo VIII of Este [Azzo : Table xxiii]. 

Charles is mentioned by Jacopo del Cassero 
(in Antepurgatory) in connexion with the king- 
dom of Apulia, which the latter refers to as 
quel di Carlo, Purg. v. 69 [Puglia] ; the 
Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) 
warns him, as the leader of the Guelfs, not to 
oppose the Imperial Eagle, referring to him 
(to distinguish him from his father) as Carlo 
novella, Par. vi. 106-7 [Guelfl] ; his son Charles 
Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) speaks of him 
(or, as some think, of Charles I) as the ancestor 


in whose right his own descendants ought to 
have been on the throne of Sicily, Par. viii. 
67-72 [Carlo 3; Ridolfoi] ; and contrasts his 
' larga natura ' with the niggardliness of his son 
(C. M.'s brother) Robert {vv. 82-3) [Roberto^] ; 
the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter refers to him 
as il Ciotto di Gerusalemme, he being lame — 
'fu sciancato alquanto' says Villani (vii. i) — 
and the title of Jerusalem being attached to 
the crown of Naples (since the abandonment 
of her claim by Mary of Antioch to Charles I ), 
and says that his good qualities might be indi- 
cated by I (one), his bad ones by M (thousand), 
Par. xix. 1 27-9 [Gherusaleiuiue] ; the Eagle 
mentions him again in connexion with the suffer- 
ings of Sicily during his war with Frederick of 
Aragon, Par. xx. 62-3 [Cicilia] ; Sordello (in 
Antepurgatory), alluding to him as la pianta, 
refers to his inferiority to his father {il seme), 
Purg. vii. 127-9 [Carlo 1] ; Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) rebukes him for having 
married his youngest daughter Beatrice, from 
mercenary motives, to Azzo VIII, the old 
marquis of Este, referring to him (in allusion 
to his capture on board ship in 1284 by Ruggieri 
di Loria — see below) as I' altro {Carlo), che giA, 
uscl preso di nave, Purg. xx. 79-Bi [Azzo : 
Beatrices] ; D. denounces him and his adver- 
sary Frederick of Aragon for their evil doings, 
both in the Convivio (iv. 6i*2-3j and the De 
Vulgari Eloquentia (i. 1288-8). 

After the ' Sicilian Vespers ' (in 128a) Charles, 
who was then Prince of Salerno, set out from 
Provence to join his father in his attempt to recover 
the island of Sicily, and was entrusted by him 
with the command of the fleet at Naples, but 
with strict injunctions not to engage the enemy. 
Incensed, however, by the taunts of the Sicilian 
admiral, Ruggieri di Loria, who was in command 
of the fleet of Peter III of Aragon, Charles came 
out and attacked him, but was totally defeated 
(June, 1284), and himself taken prisoner on board 
his ship (Purg. xx. 79), and conveyed to Sicily. 
Villani, in his account of the affair, relates an 
incident which proves that the Angevins were 
scarcely more popular in the kingdom of Naples 
than they were in Sicily : — 

'II prenze rimaso alia battaglia con la meti delle sue 
galee ov' erano i baroni e' cavalieri, chi di battaglia di mare 
s'mtendeano poco, tosto furono isconfitti e presi con nove 
delle loro galee; e il prenze Carlo in persona con molta 
baronia furono presi e menati in Cicilia, e furono messi in 
pregione in Messma nel castello di Mattagrifone. E avvenne, 
come fu fatta la detta sconfitta e preso il prenze, che quelli 
"1 Surrenti mandarono una loro galea con loro ambtisciadori 
a Ruggeri di Loria con quattro cofani pieni di fichi fiori . . . 
e con dugento agostari d'oro per presentare al detto ammi- 
raglio; e gmgnendo alia galea ove era preso il prenze, 
veggendolo riccamente armato e con molta gente intomo, 
credettono che fosse messer Ruggeri di Loria, si gli s'in- 
ginocchiarono a' piedi, e feciongh fl detto presente, dicendo i 
Messer 1 ammiraglio . . . plazesse a Deo com' hai preso lo 
ligho avessi lo patre I ... II prenze Carlo con tutto suo dam- 
maggio comincio a ridere, e disse all' ammiraglio : Pour le 
saint Dieu ces sont bien leales a monseigneur le roi ! Questo 
avemo messo in nota per la poca fede ch' hanno quegli del 
Regno al loro signore.^ (vii. 93.) 

The Sicilians, having got the Prince of Salerno 
mto their hands, were for beheading him, as his 



father had beheaded Conradin ; but by the advice 
of Manfred's daughter Constance, wife of Peter of 
Aragon, his life was spared, and he was sent 
a prisoner into Spain. In the following year 
(1285) Charles I of Naples and Peter III of Aragon 
both died. The latter was succeeded in Aragon by 
his eldest son, Alphonso, while James, his second 
son, was crowned King of Sicily. The Prince of 
Salerno being still a captive in the hands of the 
Aragonese in Catalonia, his eldest son, Charles 
Martel, assumed the government of the kingdom 
of Naples. In 1288, through the intervention of 
Edward I of England, Charles was liberated by 
Alphonso of Aragon, on the understanding that 
Sicily should remain in the possession of Alphonso's 
brother, James, while Charles was to retain the 
kingdom of Naples ; the latter, further, undertook 
to induce Charles of Valois to abandon his claim 
to the crown of Aragon, which had been bestowed 
upon him by Martin IV on the excommunication 
of Peter III. [Carlo*.] Leaving his three sons, 
Louis, Robert, and John, as hostages, and pledging 
himself to return to captivity if the conditions 
were not fulfilled within a specified period, Charles 
hastened into Italy to the Papal court. On 
May 29, 1289, in defiance of his pledges, he 
was crowned King of Sicily and Naples by 
Nicholas IV, who granted him a large subsidy in 
aid of his operations against Sicily. Meanwhile 
Charles of Valois, with the support of Sancho IV 
of Castile, invaded Aragon, and compelled Al- 
phonso to withdraw the troops he had sent to 
the assistance of his brother James in Sicily. In 
1291, on the sudden death of Alphonso, James 
assumed the crown of Aragon, leaving the govern- 
ment of Sicily in the hands of his brother Frederick. 
A few years later, however, through the mediation 
of Boniface VIII, a treaty was made between 
Charles II and James, whereby the latter, ignoring 
the claims of his brother, Frederick, agreed to 
abandon Sicily to Charles, and to support him 
with his troops in the event of resistance on the 
part of the Sicilians, and at the same time to 
release his three sons from captivity ; in con- 
sideration of which Charles bestowed (in 1295) 
on him his daughter Blanche with a large dowry, 
while the Pope granted him the sovereignty of 
Corsica and Sardinia, which of right belonged to 
the Pisans and Genoese. When the news of this 
treaty reached the Sicilians, they at once re- 
nounced their allegiance to James, and elected 
his brother Frederick king in his stead (1296). 
Charles thereupon declared war on Frederick, 
and with the aid of James of Aragon and Ruggieri 
di Loria, who had abandoned Frederick's cause, 
had all but reduced Sicily, when in 1299, after 
Frederick had been defeated (July 4) in a naval 
battle off Cape Orlando, James suddenly with- 
drew, declaring that he would not be the instru- 
ment of his brother's overthrow. Shortly after, 
Frederick defeated the French troops of Charles 
and took prisoner his son Philip, Prince of 
Tarentum. In April, 1302, Charles of Valois, who 
as pacificator in Tuscany had been engaged in 
crushing the Bianchi and Ghibellines in Florence, 
made a descent upon Sicily, in company with 
Robert, Duke of Calabria, Charles IFs eldest 
surviving son. But the expedition was a failure, 

and he was forced to conclude an ignominious 
peace with Frederick, who was confirmed in the 
sovereignty of Sicily with the title of King of 
Trinacria, and received in marriage (.May, 1302) 
Eleanor, third daughter of Charles II. The latter, 
having been foiled in every attempt to regain 
possession of the kingdom of Sicily, died on 
May 3, 1309, and was succeeded in the kingdom 
of Naples by his son Robert. 

Villani, who describes Charles as ' bello uomo 
di corpo, e grazioso e largo ' (vii. 95), on record- 
ing his death says of him : — 

' Fu uno de' piu Iarg;hi e graziosi signori che al suo tempo 
vivesse, e nel suo regno fu chiamato il secondo Alessandro 
per la cortesia ; ma per altre virtil fu di poco valore, 
e inas;agnato in sua vecchiezza disordinatamente in vizto 
carnale.* (viii. 108.) 

Carlo 3, Charles Martel, eldest son of Charles 
II of Naples and Anjou (the preceding), and 
of Mary, daughter of Stephen IV (V) of Hun- 
gary ; he was born in 1271 ; and in 1291 he 
married Clemence of Hapsburg, daughter of 
the Emperor Rudolf I, by whom he had three 
children, Charles Robert (Carobert) (after- 
wards King of Hungary), Clemence (married 
Louis X of France), and Beatrice [Carlo ^: 
Table viii] ; he died at Naples in 1295, at 
the age of twenty-four. 

D. places C. M. in the Heaven of Venus 
among the spirits of lovers {Spiriti Amanti), 
Par. ix. 1 ; un lume. Par. viii. 31 ; luce, v. 43 ; 
signer, v. 86 ; lui, v. 94 ; egli, w. 94, 115; 
lume santo. Par. ix. 7 [Venere, Cielo di] ; the 
spirit of C. M. approaches D. and Beatrice 
from among a number of other spirits, and 
addresses D., quoting the first line of one of 
his canzoni (Canz. vi. i) (Par. viii. 31-9) ; D., 
with the approval of B., asks who he is {vv. 
40-8) ; C. M. replies, saying that his life upon 
earth had been but short, otherwise he might 
have prevented much evil (w. 49-51); after 
explaining why D. does not recognize him 
{vv. 52-4), and referring to their acquaintance 
during his lifetime, and to D.'s love for him 
{vv. 55-7), he goes on to say that if he had 
lived he would have been Count of Provence 
{vv. 58-60) [Provenza], King of Apulia [vv. 
61-3) [Puglia], and King of Hungary (t/w. 
64-6) [Ungaria] ; he adds that had it not been 
for the misgovemment which led to the ' Sicilian 
Vespers ' and the expulsion of the French from 
Sicily, the descendants through himself of 
Charles I of Anjou and of the Emperor Rudolf 
(whose son-in-law he was), would have ruled 
in ' Trinacria ' (i. e. the island of Sicily) {vv. 
67-75) [Cioilia: Trinacria] {see below); he 
then proceeds to reproach his brother Robert 
(afterwards King of Naples) for his avarice 
and for the greed Of his Catalan followers, 
contrasting his niggardliness with the open- 
handedness of his father {vv. 76-84) [Cata- 
logna] ; in reply to a question of D. he explains 
how, if Nature be thwarted, a good seed may 
produce evil fruit {vv. 85-135), men's natural 
dispositions being influenced by circumstances 




{•vv. 136-48), as in the case of his own brothers, 
Louis, who, being a king's son, became a monk 
(vv. 145-6), and Robert, who became a king, 
when he had better have been a monk {v. 147) 
[LuigiS; Eoberto2] ; C. M. having ceased, 
D. apostrophizes his daughter (or widow) 
Clemence, and tells her how C. M. had foretold 
the future wrongs of his line (with special allu- 
sion probably to the exclusion of Charles Robert 
from the throne of Naples by his uncle Robert), 
but had bidden him not to reveal them (Par. 
ix. 1-6) [Carlo ^ : Clemenza] ; meanwhile the 
spirit of C. M. had returned whence it came 
(vv. 7-9). 

With regard to Par. viii. 67-75, 't "s noteworthy 
that in the descendants of Charles Martelthe con- 
tending factions of Italy would have been united, 
Rudolf (his father-in-law) being, as Emperor, the 
head of the Ghibellines, and Charles of Anjou (his 
grandfather) being the great supporter of the 
Guelfs. It is not improbable, as Butler suggests, 
that Charles had some such result in view when 
he arranged the alliance ; Villani says : — 

' Lo re Carlo il (sc. Ridolfo) temette forte ; e per essere 
bene di lui, diede a Carlo Martello fieliuolo del figliuolo, la 
figliuola del detto re Ridolfo per moglie.' (vii. 55.) 

On the death of his grandfather in 1285, Charles 
Martel, who was then only fourteen, assumed the 
government of the kingdom of Naples (his father 
being then a prisonfer in Catalonia"), under the 
guardianship of his cousin, Robert of Artois. In 
1290, on the death (July 19) without issue of his 
mother's brother, Ladislas III (IV), he became 
titular King of Hungary, and on Sep. 8 was 
crowned with great pomp at Naples; but he never 
reigned in Hungary, the kingdom being seized by 
Andrew III (1290-1301), who was first cousin 
to Stephen IV (V) his maternal grandfather 
[TIngaria: Table xii]. 

' II re Carlo si tomo a Napoli, e M giorno di Nostra Donna 
di Settembre' prossimo il detto re fece in Napoli grande corte 
e festa, e fece cavaliere Carlo Martello suo primigenito 
6g1iuolo, e fecelo coronare del reame d'Ungheria per uno 
cardinale legato del papa, e per piii arcivescovi e vescovi. 
E per la detta coronazione e festa piii altri cavalieri novelli 
si feciono il giorno, Franceschi, e Provenzali, e del Regno, 
e spezialmente Napoletani, per lo re e per lo figliuolo ; e fu 
grande corte e onorevole, e cio fece lo re Carlo, perocchfe era 
jnorto in quello anno il re d'Ungheria, del quale non rimase 
niuno figliuolo maschio ne altra reda, che la reina Maria 
moglie del detto r^Carlo, e madre del detto Carlo Martello, 
a cui succedeva per ereditaegio il detto reame d'tlngheria. 
Ma morto ii detto re d'Ungheria, Andreasso disceso per 
legnaffgio della casa d'Ungheria entr6 nel reame, e la 
maggiore parte tra per forza e per amore ne conquisto, 
e fecesene fare signore e re.' (Villani, vii. 135.) 

In 1291 he married Clemence of Hapsburg, 
daughter of the Emperor Rudolf I, by whom he 
had three children, Charles Robert (Carobert), 
Clemence, who married Louis X of France, and 
Beatrice. [Carlo °: Table viii.] In the spring 
of 129^ he visited Florence, where he remained 
more than three weeks, awaiting the arrival of his 
father from France ; he became very popular with 
the Florentines, and it was on this occasion 
probably that Dante made his acquaintance (Par. 
viii- 55-7)- 

'Ando il re Carlo in Francia ... e lui tomando ... si 
pass6 per la citta di Firenze, nella quale era gia venuto da 
Napoli per farglisi incontro Carlo Martello suo figliuolo re 

d'Ungheria, e con sua compagnia duecento cavalieti ft 
sprom d'oro, Franceschi, e Provenzali, e del Regno, tutti 

fiovani, vestiti col re d'una partita di scarlatto e_ verde 
runo, e tutti con selle d'una assisa a palafreno riievate 
d'ariento e d'oro, colP arine a quartieri a gigli ad oro, 
e accerchiata rosso e d'argento, ciofe I'arme d'Ungheria, 
che parea la piu nobile e ricca compagnia che anche avesse 
uno giovane re con seco. E ih Firenze stette piii di venti di, 
attendendo il re suo padre e' fratelli, e da' Fiorentini gli fa 
fatto grande onore, ed egli mostro grande amore a' Fioren- 
tini, ond' ebbe molto la grazia di tutti.' (Vill. viii. 13.) 

Benvenuto says ; — 

' Cum isto (Carolo Martello) Dantes habuit certam fanilig- 
ritatem, cum venisset semel Florentiam . . . quo tempore 
bantes florebat in patria, juvenis viginti quinque annorum ; 
qui tunc ardens amore, vacans sonis et cantibus, uncis 
amoris promeruit gratiam istius juvenis Caroli.' 

In 1295, on the departure of Charles II for the 
court of Aragon, with his daughter Blanche, the 
destined bride of James II, Charles Martel was 
appointed by his father Vicar-General in the 
kingdom of Naples, but he died at Naples shortly 
after in that same year. 

Benvenuto says that C. M. died in the same 
year as his wife (' Carolus iste uno et eodem anno 
reddidit animam Deo cum Clementia uxore sua'), 
but this is a mistake, as Clemence did not die 
until 1301, and D. represents C. M. as being dead 
in 1300. The actual date of his death is proved 
by a letter written, under date Aug. 30, 1295, by 
Boniface VIII to Mary of Hungary, appointing 
her Regent of the kingdom of Naples and con- 
doling with her on the death of her son : — 

' Charissimae in Christo filiae Mariae Regitiae Siciliae 
illustri. Pridem, non absque gravi nostrae mentis amari- 
catione, percepto, guod clarae memoriae Carolus Rex Hun* 
gariae, cnarissimi in Christo filii nostri Caroli Regis Siciliae 
nlustris ac tuus primogenitus, ipsius(jue Regis in regno 
Siciliae vicarius generalis, mortem, sicut Domino placuit, 
apud NeapoHm subierat temporalem, nos attentae considera- 
tionis studio, prout ad nostrum spectat oilicium, attendentes, 
quod in regno ipso, rege absente praefato, non habebatur 
qui vices exerceret ipsius, &c. . . . Datum Anagniae, tertio 
kal. septembris, anno i.' (See Todeschini, Sctitti su Daniif 
i. 173-206.) 

Carlo*, Charles, Count of Alengon and 
Valois (1285), and of Anjou (1290), commonly 
known as Charles of Valois, third son of 
Philip III of France (by his first wife, Isabella 
of Aragon), brother of Philip IV, and father of 
Philip VI ; he was bom in 1270; in 1284, 
when he was only fourteen, he was nominated 
by Pope Martin IV to the crown of Aragon, 
which the latter had declared vacant upon the 
excommunication of Peter III in the previous 
year, and some years later he made an un- 
successful attempt to take possession of the 
kingdom, in spite of the undertaking which 
had been given by Charles II of Naples to 
Alphonso, son and successor of Peter III, that 
his claims should be abandoned [Carlo ^ : 
Pietro 3] ; he married (in 1290) Margaret of 
Anjou, eldest daughter of Charles II, in whose 
right he became Count of Anjou, and by whom 
he had two sons (the elder of whom was sub- 
sequently King of France as Philip VI), and 
four daughters ; he died Dec. 16, 1325. 
[Table viii : a?able xi.] 

Charles is mentioned by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory), who refers to him as 
un altro Carlo (to distinguish him from 




Charles I of Anjou, previously mentioned), 
and foretells his coming into Italy without an 
army, but armed only with 'the lance of 
treachery,' wherewith he would ' burst the 
paunch of Florence,' and gain for himself not 
land (in allusion to his nickname ' Sanzaterra '), 
but disgrace and remorse, Purg. xx. 70-8 (see 
below) ; some think he is alluded to by Ciacco 
(in Circle III of Hell), who foretells the return 
to power of the Florentine Neri by the help of 
tal che teste piaggia, i. e. one who is hanging 
off the shore, lying to (' scilicet Karoli sine 
terra, qui nunc stat ad plagiam, quasi dicat, 
qui nondum est in motu, nee in procinctu 
veniendi,' says Benvenuto), Charles being at 
that time ( 1 300) at war in Flanders on behalf of 
his brother, Philip the Fair (Vill. viii. 32), Inf. 
vi. 6g I others take this reference to be to the 
duplicity of Boniface VIII, who, while osten- 
sibly trying to mediate between the Bianchi 
and Neri, was in reality favouring the latter, 
the ultra Guelfs, and thus brought about the 
ultimate triumph of that party (' dicesi appo 
i Fiorentini co\m piaggiare, il quale mostra di 
voler quello che egli non vuole,' says Boccaccio) 
[Bonjfazio^] ; Charles is alluded to by D., 
under the title of Totila, with reference to his 
expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence, and 
his fruitless expedition to Sicily in 1302, V. E. 
ii. 6*6~8 (' ejecta maxima parte florum de sinu 
tuo, Florentia, nequicquam Trinacriam Totila 
serus adivit ') [see below). 

In the year 1300 Charles of Valois was sum- 
moned to Italy by Boniface VIII, for the twofold 
purpose of helping Charles II of Naples in his war 
against Frederick II of Aragon in Sicily, and of 
making peace between the contending factions of 
the Bianchi and Neri in Tuscany, the Pope promising 
in return to secure his election as Emperor. 

' Informato papa Bonifazio del male stato e diibitoso della 
citta di Firenze ... si prese per consiglio di mandare per 
messer Carlo di Valos, fratello del re di Francia, per doppio 
intendimentoj principalmente per aiuto del re Carlo per la 
guerra di Cicilia, dando intendimento al re di Francia e z ' 

detto messer Carlo di farlo eleggere imperadore de' Ro- 

gli die' titolo di paciaro in 

Toscana, per recare colla suaforza la citta di Firenze al suo 

mani . . . e oltre a questo 

intendimento.' (Villani, viii. 43.) ' Nel detto anno 1301 del 
mege di Settembre, ginnse nella citta d'Alagna in Cam- 
pagna, ov' era papa Bonifazio colla sua corte, messer Carlo 
conte di Valos . . . con piii conti e baroni, e da cinquecento 
cavalieri franceschi in sua compagnia (cf. Purg, xx. 73), 
avendo fatta la via da Lucca ad Alagna sanza entrare in 
Firenze, perche n' era sospetto ; il quale messer Carlo dal 
papa e da suoi cardinal! fu ricevuto onorevolemente ; e venne 
aa Alagna lo re Carlo e' suoi figli'uoli a parlamentare con 
lui e a onorarlo . . . E trattato e messo in assetto col papa 
e col re Carlo il passaggio di Cicilia alia primal era vegnente, 
per la principale cagione perch' era mosso di Francia, il 
papa, non dimenticato lo sdegno preso contro alia parte 
Dianca di Firenze, non voile che soggiornasse e vernasse 
invano, e per infestamento de' guelfi di Firenze si gli diede 
il titolo di paciaro in Toscana, e ordino che tomasse alia 
citt& di Firenze.' (viii. 49.) 

Charles arrived in Florence on All Saints' Day, 
1301, having been allowed to enter the city un- 
opposed, on the faith of his promise to hold the 
balance between the two parties, and to maintain 
peace. No sooner, however, had he obtained 
command of the city, than he treacherously 

espoused the cause of the Neri, armed his 
followers, and threw the whole of Florence into 
confusion. In the midst cf the panic Corso Donati, 
the exiled leader of the Neri, made his way into 
the city, broke open the prisons and released the 
prisoners, who, together with his own adherents, 
attacked and pillaged the houses of the Bianchi 
during five days, Charles of Valois meanwhile, 
in spite of his promises, making no attempt to 
interfere. Finally, in the following April, the 
Bianchi were expelled from Florence, D. being 
among those who were condemned to be exiled. 

'11 di d'Ognissanti 1301, entr6 messer Carlo in Firenze, 
disarmata sua gente, faccendogli i Fiorentini grande onore 
. . . e a di 5 di Novembre nella chiesa di Santa Maria 
Novella, essendosi raunati podesta, e capitano, e' priori, 
e tutti i consiglieri, e il vescovo, e tutta la buona gente di 
Firenze . , . messer Carlo, come figliuolo di re, promise di 
conservare la cittk in pacifico e buono stato ; e 10 scrittore 
a queste cose fui presente. Incflntanente per lui e per sua 
gente fu fatto il contradio, che . . . siccom' era ordinato per 
gli guelfi neri, fece armare sua gente, . . . onde per la detta 
novitade di vedere i cittadini la sua gente a cavallo armata, 
la citta fu tutta in gelosia e sospetto, e all' arme grandi 
e popolani, ciascuno a casa de' suoi amici secondo suo 
podere, abbarrandosi la citta in piu parti. ... In questo 
romore messer Corso de' Donati, il quale era isbandito 
e rubello, com' era ordinato, il di medesimo venne in Firenze 
da Peretola, con alquanto seguito di certi suoi amici e mas- 
nadieri a pie. ... E lui entrato dentro schierato in su la 
piazza di san Piero maggiore, gli crebbe genti e seguito di 
suoi amici, gridando : Viva messer Corso e '1 barone ! cio 
era messer Corso, che cosl il nomavano ; e egli veggendosi 
crescere forza e seguito, la prima cosa che fece, ando alle 
carcere del comune, . . . e quelle per forza aperse e dilibero 
i pregioni. . . . E con tutto questo stracciamento di cittade, 
messer Carlo di Valos ne sua gente non mise consiglio ne 
riparo, ne attenne saramento o cosa promessa per lui. Per 
la qual cosa i tiranni e malfattori e isbanditi ch erano nella 
cittade, presa baldanza, e essendo la citta sclolta e sanza 
signorla, cominciarono a rubare i fondachi e botteghe, e le 
case a chi era di parte bianca, o chi avea poco podere, con 
molti micidii, e fedite faccendo nelle persone di pid buoni 
uomini di parte bianca. E duro questa pestilenzia in cittk 
per cinque di continui, con grande ruina della terra. . , . 
E per questo modo fu abbattuta e cacciata di Firenze I'in- 
grata e superba parte de' bianchi, con seguito di molti 
ghibellini di Firenze, per messer Carlo di Valos di Francia 
per la commissione di papa Bonifazio, a di 4 d'Aprile 130a, 
onde alia nostra cittk di Firenze segiiirono molte rovine 
e pericoli.' iVill. viii. 49.) (Cf. Dino Compagni, ii. 2-28.) 

The secret object of his mission to Florence 
having thus been fulfilled, in accordance with the 
designs of Boniface VIII, Charles of Valois left 
Tuscany (April, 1302), and proceeded to Naples to 
make preparations for a campaign against Sicily. 

' Nel detto anno 1302 del mese d'Aprile, messer Carlo di 
Valos, fornito in Firenze quello perche era venuto, ciofe sotto 
trattato di pace cacciata la parte bianca di Firenze, si parti 
e andonne a corte, e poi a Napoli.' (Vill. viii. 50.) 

Accompanied by Robert, Duke of Calabria, 
eldest surviving son of Charles II, he landed in 
Sicily with a large force ; but the guerilla warfare 
carried on by Frederick II, and the ravages of the 
climate, soon reduced him to such extremities that 
he was forced to conclude an ignominious peace. 
Without the knowledge of Charles II he agreed 
that Frederick should marry Eleanor, the second 
daughter of the former, and should be confirmed 
in the possession of Sicily [Federioo']. In 
November of the same year he returned to France, 
the barren result of his expedition having earned 
him the nickname in Italy of Carlo SattsaieiTa 
(' Lackland'). 

' Veggendo che altro non potea, messer Carlo sanza saputa 
del re Carlo ordino una dissimulata pace con don Federigo 
. . . e cosi per contradio si disse per motto : Messer Carlo 



Carlo Magno 

venne in Toscana per paciaro, e lascio il paese in guerra ; 
e and6 in Cicilia per fare guerra, e reconne vergognosa pace. 
II quale il Novembre vegnente si torno in Francia, scemata 
e consumata sua gente e con poco onore.' (Vill. viii. 50.) 

Charles died at Nogent in 1325, leaving a son, 
Philip, who afterwards (in laaS) became King of 
France as Philip VI, being the first of the Valois 
line. His countrymen remarked of Charles that 
he was 'fils de roi, frere de roi, oncle de trois 
rois, p6re de roi, et jamais roi ' ; he having un- 
successfully aspired to no less than four crowns, 
viz. those of Aragon, of Sicily, of Constantinople 
(through his second wife, Catherine, daughter of 
Philip Courtenay, titular Emperor of Constanti- 
nople), and of the Empire. 

Carlo S], Charles, Duke of Lorraine, fourth 
son of Louis IV of France (936-954), and 
brother of Lothair (954-986). On the death, 
without issue, of Louis V (986-987), eldest son 
of Lothair, the rightful successor to the throne 
was his uncle, Charles, who was the last re- 
maining representative of the Carlovingian 
line ; but owing to the fact that, as Duke of 
Lorraine, he was a vassal of the German 
Emperor, the French would not accept him as 
king. The throne was thereupon seized by 
Hugh Capet, who' besieged Charles in Laon, 
took him prisoner, and kept him in captivity 
until his death in 992. 

Charles of Lorraine is alluded to by Hugh 
Capet (whom D. appears to have confounded 
with his father, Hugh the Great), who (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) says that when the 
' ancient kings ' had come to an end ' fuor 
ch' un renduto in panni bigi ' (i. e. with the 
exception of one who became a monk), he was 
so powerful that his own son (if Hugh Capet is 
the speaker, this must be Robert II, who was 
crowned in 980— if Hugh the Great, the son, of 
course, is Hugh Capet) was promoted to the 
vacant throne, and thus commenced the Cape- 
tian line of kings, Purg. xx. 53-60 [Capeti : 

The difficulty here is that Charles of Lor- 
raine, who is undoubtedly the person intended, 
did not become a monk. There can hardly be 
a question, however, that D. has confused him, 
the last of the Carlovingians, with Childeric 
III, the last of the Merovingians, who, after 
his deposition by Pepin le Bref in 752, was 
confined in the monastery of Sithieu, where he 
died in 755. [Childerioo.] 

' Stefano papa secondo . . . feee al detto Pipino 
molti brivilegi e grazie, e fecelo e confermb re di 
Francia, e dispuose Ilderigo re ch' era della prima 
schiatta, perocch' era uomo di niuno valore, e 
rendSsi monaco.' (Villani, iL 12.) 

Carlo 6], Charles Robert (Carobert), King of 
Hungary, 1308-1342 ; he was the son (bom 
1 292) of Charles Martel (eldest son of Charles 1 1 
of Naples) and Clemence of Hapsburg; on the 
death of Otho of Bavaria (in 1308) he succeeded 
to the throne of Hungary, of which his father 
had been titular king (1290-1295), and on the 

death (in 1309) of his grandfather, Charles II, 
he claimed the throne of Naples also ; his 
claim, however, was disputed by his uncle 
Robert, eldest surviving son of Charles II, who 
appealed in person to Pope Clement V, and 
obtaining a decision in his favour, was crowned 
King of Naples at Avignon, June, 1309 (Vill. 
viii. 112), his nephew being at the same time 
recognized by Clement as King of Hungary 
[Ungaria : Table xii]. 

Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) 
alludes to his son with reference to the fact 
that, had it not been for the misgovernment 
of the French, the descendants through him- 
self of Charles of Anjou and of Rudolf of 
Hapsburg (whose son-in-law he was) would 
have reigned in Sicily (in which case the con- 
tending factions of Italy would have found a 
common chief in the person of Charles Robert), 
Par. viii. 67-75 [Carlo 3] ; he refers to the 
supersession of Charles Robert in the king- 
dom of Naples, Par. ix. 6 [Eoberto^: Table 

Carlo Magno, Charlemagne (Charles the 
Great), restorer of the Empire of the West, 
eldest son (born at Salzburg in 742) of Pepin 
le Bref, King of the Franks (752-768) ; on his 
father's death ' he became joint king with his 
brother Carloman, and on the death of the 
latter (in 771) he became sole king of the 
Frankish Empire ; in 774, after his defeat of 
Desiderius, he assumed the title of King of 
Lombardy; and on Christmas Day, 800, he 
was crowned Emperor of the West, at Rome, 
by Pope Leo III ; .he died on Jan. 28, 814, 
and ,was buried at Aix-la-Ch^pelle ; he was 
canonized in 1 165. 

'His services against the Arian, the Lombard, 
the Saracen,^nd the Avar, earned him the title of 
Champion oithe Faith, and Defender of the Holy 
See.' (Bryce, H. R. E.) 

D. places Charlemagne, together withRolanti, 
in the Heaven of Mars, among those who 
fought for the faith {Spiriti Militanti), Par. 
xviii. 43 [Marte, Cielo di] ; he is mentioned 
in connexion with the destruction of his rear- 
guard under Roland at Roncesvalles, Inf xxxi. 
17 [Boncisvalle] ; and (by the Emperor 
Justinian in the Heaven of Mercury) in con- 
nexion with his defence of the Church against 
Desiderius and the Lombards, Par. vi. 96 

' When on Pepin's death the restless Lombards 
again took up arms and menaced the possessions 
of the Church, Charles swept down like a whirl? 
wind from the Alps at the call of Pope Hadmn, 
seized King Desiderius in his capital, assumed 
himself the Lombard crown, and made northern 
Italy thenceforth an integral part of the Frankish 
Empire.' (.Bryce, H. R. E.) 

In the De Monarchia (iii. i ii-i3) j). refers to 
Charlemagne's defeat of Desiderius and to his 


Carlo Martello 

Carro, II 

coronation at Rome by the Pope as Emperor 
of the West, and combats the theory that the 
latter incident implies, the dependence of the 
Empire upon the Church. In this passage D. 
erroneously states that C. was crowned by Pope 
Adrian I, while the Emperor Michael was on 
the throne of Constantinople ; as a matter of 
fact he was crowned by Pope Leo III (795- 
816) during the reign of the Empres§ Irene 
(797-803) [CoBtantinopoli]. 

Carlo Martello. [Carlo 3.] 

Carlovingi], the Carlovingian line of French 
kings (752-987), the second dynasty, which 
supplanted that of the Merovingians (448-752) ; 
there were twelve kings of this line, the first 
being Pepin le Bref (752-768), and the last 
Louis V (986-987), on whose death the crown 
was seized by Hugh Capet, the first king of the 
Capetian line. [Capeti : Table viii. A.] 

Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) 
refers to the Carlovingians as ' li regi antichi ' 
(though, perhaps, owing to D.'s having con- 
fused the last of that line with the last of the 
Merovingians, it is the latter who are meant, 
the designation of ' ancient kings ' being more 
appropriate to them than to the comparatively 
recent Carlovingians), Purg. xx. 53. [Carlo ^.] 

Carnali Peccatori. [Lussuriosi.] 

Carnaro. [Quamaro.] 

Carolus Magnus, Charlemagne, Mon. iii. 
1 1^' 6 [Carlo Magno]. 

Carolus Secundus, Charles II of Naples, 
V. E. i. 1237-8 [Carlo 2]. 

Carcn, Charon, son of Erebus, the boatman 
who ferried the shades of the dead across the 
rivers of the lower world ; introduced by D. as 
ferryman on the river of Acheron in Hell, 
across which he conveys in his boat the souls 
of those who have died in the wrath of Qod, 
Inf. iii. 94, 109, 128; un vecchio, bianco per 
antico pelo, v. 83 ; ei, v. 90 ; lui, v. 94 ; il 
nocchier della livida pahide, v. 98 ; dimonio, 
con occhi di bragia, v. 109 ; he is represented 
as having shaggy jaws (' lanose gote,' v. 97) 
and fiery eyes (' occhi di fiamme,' ' occhi di 
bragia,' vv. 99, 109), in imitation of Virgil's 
description : — 

' Portitor has horrendus aquas et flumina servat 
Terribili squajcre Charon, cui plurima mento 
Canities inculta jacet, stant ]uniina flarnma, 
Sordidus ex humeris nodo dependet amictus.' 

(Aen. vi. 298-301.) 

As D. and Virgil approach the shore of 
Acheron, a hoary old man (Charon, the symbol 
of conscience) makes towards them in his 
boat, and chides them, telling D., whom he 
sees to be alive, to get away thence (Inf. iii. 
82-9) ; as D. does not go back, C. tells him 
that he must seek another way into the world 
of spirits, but V. pacifies him by informing 
him of D.'s divine mission iyv. 90-9) ; C. then 

collects the spirits that are waiting, beating 
with his oar such as lag, and conveys them 
across the stream of Acheron i^v. 100-20) ; 
while V. bids D. take courage from the words 
of C. (which imply that he shall not be among 
the damned) (vv. 1 21-9) [Acheronte]. 

Carpigna, now Carpegna, town in Romagna 
(in the present province of the Marches) in 
the district of Montefeltro, about 15 miles 
N.W. of Urbino, between the sources of the 
Marecchia and the Foglia. 

Guido di Carpegna, who belonged to a branch 
of the Counts of Montefeltro, is mentioned by 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
together with Pier Traversaro, among the 
worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 98. 

Benvenuto says that Guido was noted for his 
liberality, and tells a story of how, in order to 
defray the expenses of an entertainment he 
gave at Bertinoro, he sold half a valuable 
quilt, explaining to a friend who remonstrated 
with him, that when abed in summer he left his 
feet uncovered to keep them cool, and in winter 
kept them warm by curling himself up : — 

' Iste fuit vir nobilis de Montefeltro, qui omnes 
sibi pares liberalitate superavit : de quo audio 
quod, cum fecisset solemne conviviura in Bretenorio, 
deficiente pecunia, fecit vendi dimidium carae 
cultrae quam habebat. De qua re increpatus a 
familiari, curialitatem suam condivit curiali scom- 
mate, dicens quod in aestate prae calore tenebat 
pedes extra, et in byeme vero prae frigore tenebat 
crura contracta.' 

The Carpegna family, who boasted descent 
from one of the comrades of Odoacer (Cent, v), 
appear to have been established in Romagna 
in the neighbourhood of Montefeltro as early as 
Cent. X. Two members of the family bore the 
name of Guido, of whom the elder was already 
dead in 1221, while the younger, who was 
grandson of the other, died towards the end of 
Cent. xiii. Guido di Carpegna the elder had 
three sons, Rinieri (mentioned as late as 1249), 
Ugo (Podestk of Rimini in 1249, alive in 1256), 
and Guiduccio ; Rinieri, the eldest of the three, 
had two sons, Guido and Ugo, of whom the 
former, Guido di Carpegna the younger, is 
probably the person alluded to by D. This 
Guido was Podestk of Ravenna in 1251 ; he is 
mentioned as late as 1270, but was dead in 
1289, having left three sons, Guido, Rinieri, 
and Contuccio. (See Casini, Dante e la 

Carpigna, Guido di. [Carpigna.] 

Carrarese, inhabitant of Carrara, a town 
in the N.W. corner of Tuscany, at the foot of 
the Carrara hills, famous for their quarries of 
white marble ; mentioned by Virgil (in Bolgia 4 
of Circle VIII of Hell) in connexion with the 
soothsayer Aruns, Inf. xx. 48 [Aronta]. 

Carro, II 1, 'the Wain,' the constellation 
otherwise known as Ursa Major, ' the Great 


K 2 

Carro, II 

Bear ; ' described as lying tutto sopra il Coro, 
i.e. right upon the N.W. line (the time in- 
dicated being between 4 a.m. and 5 a.m.), Inf. 
xi. 114 [Coro] ; no longer visible to D. by the 
time he was well advanced into the S. hemi- 
sphere, Purg. i. 30 ; never invisible from the 
N. hemisphere in the course of its revolution 
round the Pole, Par. xiii. 7-9 (cf. Canz. xv. 

D. speaks of ' the Wain ' elsewhere as setten- 
trione, Purg. xxx. i ; sette stelle gelide, Canz. 
XV. 29; and (in a quotation from Boethius), 
septem gelidi triones, Mon. ii. 9^8 [Setten- 
trioneij ; and also as Helice [Boots : Elice], 
and 'the Bear' [Orsa]. 

Carro, II 2, the two- wheeled Car in the 
mystic Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 107, 151 ; xxx. 9, 61,101; xxxii.24, 
104, 115, 126, 132; divina basterna, Purg. 
xxx. 16 ; benedetto carco, Purg. xxxii. 26 ; 
dificio santo Purg. xxxii. 142 ; vaso, Purg. 
xxxiii. 34. 

The mystic Car is usually understood to be 
symbolical of the Church, its two wheels re- 
presenting, according to the most commonly 
received interpretation, the Old and New 
Testaments ; various other interpretations have 
been suggested, e. g. the active and contem- 
plative life, the Franciscan and Dominican 
orders (cf. Par. xii. 106-10), the Greek Church 
and the Latin Church, Holy Scripture and 
Tradition, &c. [Processione]. 

Cartagine, Carthage, the celebrated city of 
the ancient world, situated in the recess of 
a large bay in the northernmost extremity of 
N. Africa ; it was founded by Phoenicians of 
Tyre, according to tradition, circ. B. c. 853, 
i. e. nearly 100 years before the foundation of 
Rome, of which it was destined subsequently 
to be the great rival. The contest between 
Rome and Carthage, which lasted for more 
than 100 years, was carried on through the 
three Punic wars ; in the first (B. C. 265-242) 
Carthage lost Sicily and the Lipari islands ; in 
the second (b. c. 218-201) which began with 
the siege of Saguntum, she was stripped of all 
her power ; and in the third (B.C. 146) the city 
itself was captured and destroyed by Scipio 
Africanus Minor. At a later period it was 
rebuilt, and under the Empire it again became 
the first city of Africa ; it was taken by the 
Vandals in A. D. 439, retaken by Belisarius in 
533, and destroyed by the Arabs in 698. 

D. mentions Carthage in connexion with the 
imprisonment and death of Regulus in the first 
Punic war, Conv. iv. 5124-9 [Regolo] ; its 
capture and destruction by Scipio, Epist. viii. 
10 [Soipione 2]. 

Cartaginesi, Carthaginians ; their nego- 
tiations with the Romans through Regulus for 
an exchange of prisoners in the first Punic war, 
Conv. iv. 5124-7 [Regolo]; Dido their queen. 


Mon. ii. 3102-3 [Dido] ; their meditated attack 
upon Rome under Hannibal in the second 
Punic war frustrated by a sudden storm of 
hail, as is recorded by Livy (xxvi. 11), Mon. 
ii. 488-64 [Annibale]; defeated by the Romans 
in the great struggle for empire, Mon. ii. 
1 1 69-63 [Bomanii]; alluded to in connexion 
with the second Punic war, and their defeat 
of Romans at Cannae, Inf. xxviii. 10 [Canne] ; 
described (by an anachronism) as Arabs, Par. 
vi. 49 [Arabi] ; the Punic, race, Mon. ii. 46I, 
ii53 [Poeni] ; Africans, Mon. ii. Ii8»-i [aM: 

Carthaginenses, Carthaginians, Mon. ii. 
3103. [Cartaginesi.] 

Carthago, Carthage, Epist. viii. 10. [Car- 

Casale, town of N. Italy in Piedmont, on 
the right bank of the Po, about 30 miles E. of 
Turin ; mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the 
Heaven of the Sun) together with Acqua- 
sparta. Par. xii. 124. The allusion is to Uber- 
tino da Casale and Matteo d'Acquasparta, the 
leaders of the two sects which arose within 
the Franciscan Order soon after the death of 
St. Francis. Butler (after Philalethes) notes :— 

' The one party, of whom Matteo d'Acquasparta, 
Generalin 1289, was head, construing the founder's 
rule (" scrittura," u. 125) in a somewhat liberal 
sense, relaxed the severities of the Order ; while 
the others, with the encouragement of successive 
Popes, adopted a narrower and more literal inter- 
pretation. The most vigorous champion of this 
view was Ubertino, whose followers took the 
liame of Spiritualists. Clement V did his best to 
reconcile the two factions, for which he has D.'s 
approval ' [AoQLuasparta : Ubertino da Oasale]. 

Casalodi, castle near Brescia, whence the 
Guelf Counts of Casalodi, who in 1272 made 
themselves masters of Mantua, took their 
title ; it is mentioned by Virgil (in Bolgia 4 of 
Circle VIII of Hell) in reference to the ex- 
pulsion of Alberto da Casalodi from Mantua 
by the stratagem of Pinamonte de' Buonac- 
corsi, and the consequent slaughter of a large 
number of the inhabitants. Inf. xx. 95. [Pina- 

Cascidli, name of a place (for which most 
edd. read Cascoli) mentioned in a poem attri- 
buted by D. to Castra of Florence and quoted, 
V. E. i. 1 1^8. CascioU (which is the reading 
of Cod. Vat. 3793, the only MS. in which the 
poem has been preserved) is identified by 
some with Casoli, in the Abruzzo, on a branch 
of the Sangro, about 20 miles S. E. of Chieti ; 
by others with Ascoli, in the Marches, on the 
Tronto, close to the border of the Abruzzo. 

Cascoli. [Cascidli.] 

Casella, musician of Florence (or, accord- 
ing to some, of Pistoja), and friend of D., who 



Cassero, Jacopo del 

sees him in Antepurgatory among those who 
neglected to repent, and addresses him as Casella 
mio, Purg. ii. 91 ; una (anima), v. 76 ; lei, 
•V. 80 ; Vombra, v. 83 ; lei, v. 84 ; egli, vv. 94, 
113 [Antipurgatorio] ; as D. and Virgil are 
looking at the crowd of souls just disembarked 
upon the shore of Purgatory from the vessel 
of the celestial boatman, one of them (that of 
Casella) draws near and makes as though to 
embrace D., who vainly attempts to clasp it 
(Purg. ii. 50-81); Casella draws back smiling 
and bids D. cease his attempts, whereupon 
D., recognizing who it is, begs C. to stay and 
speak with him [w. 82-7) ; C. complies, and 
asks D. the object of his journey, which he 
explains, and then inquires of C. how it is that 
he has only just arrived (vv. 88-93) i C. 
answers that the delay was due to no injustice, 
but to the just will of the celestial boatman, 
who several times denied him passage as he 
was waiting at the mouth of the Tiber with 
other souls destined for Purgatory (t/i/. 94-105) 
[Tevere] ; he explains that for the last three 
months (i.e. since the beginning of the Jubilee, 
at Christmas, 1299) the angel had taken all 
who had desired to go (vv. 98-9) [Giubbileo] ; 
D. then begs him to sing, whereupon he begins 
to chant one of D.'s canzoni (Canz. vii) 
(vv. 106-14) ; D., v., and the other spirits 
stop and listen, till Cato chides them for 
loitering, and they all move on their way 
(vv. 115-33)- 

This episode of the meeting between D. and 
Casella is alluded to by Milton in his Sonnet 
to Henry Lawes : — 

' Dante shs^ll give Fame leave to set thee higher 
, Than his Casella, whom he wooed to sing, 
Met in the milder shades of Purgatory.' 

C. is said to have set to music some of D.'s 
verses. Crescimbeni claims to have seen in 
the Vatican Library a ballad or madrigal by 
Lemmo da Pistoja, who lived towards the end 
of Cent, xiii, with the inscription ' Lemmo 
fece, e Casella diede la nota,' i.e. composed 
by Lemmo and set to music by Casella. 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says of Casella : — 

'Questi fue Casella da Pistoja grandissimo 
musico, et massimamente nell' arte dello 'ntonare; 
et fu molto dimesticp dell' Auttorp, per6 che in 
sua giovinezza fece Dante molte canzone et ballate, 
che questi intond ; et a Dante dilettb forte I'udirle 
da lui, et massimamente al tempo ch' era innamorato 
di Beatrice.' 

Benvenuto : — 
. ' Iste spiritus, cum quo autor tam amicabiliter 
loquitur, fuit quidam suus florentinus nomine 
Casella, qui fuit famosus cantor tempore suo, vir 
quidem curialis, affabilis, ad quem Dantes saepe 
solebat accedere in vita ad recreandum spiritum 
cantu illius, quando erat fatigatus studio, vel 
stimulatus passione amoris.' 

A record exists, among the documents pre- 
served at Siena, of the payment of a fine by 

Casella for perambulating the streets at night ; 
it is dated July 13, 1282, so that Casella's 
death, the year of which is unknown, must 
have occurred some time between that date 
and the year 1300. 

Casentinenses, inhabitants of the Casen- 
tino ; their dialect, like that of the people of 
Prato, harsh and discordant owing to their 
exaggerated accentuation, V. E. i. 1 1*0-2 ; 
alluded to as brutti porci, Purg. xiv. 43. 

Casentino, district in Tuscany, comprising 
the upper valley of the Arno and the slopes of 
the Etruscan Apennines ; mentioned by Maes- 
tro Adamo (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell) in connexion with the numerous streams 
which descend thence into the Arno, Inf. xxx. 
65 ; Buonconte (in Antepurgatory) mentions 
it In connexion with the Archiano (which falls 
into the Arno just above Bibbiena), Purg. v. 
94 [Archiano] ; and alludes to it as la valle 
. . . Da Pratomagno al gran giogo, i. e. the 
valley between the ridge of Pratomagno (on 
the W. side), and the main ridge of the Apen- 
nines (on the E.), Purg. v. 1 15-16 [Prato- 
raagno] ; in tracing the course of the Arno, 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
speaks of the inhabitants as brutti porci (with 
especial reference probably to the Conti Guidi, 
lords of Romena and Porciano in the Casen- 
tino, there being perhaps an allusion to the 
latter name), Purg. xiv. 43. [Arno.] 

Casino. [Cassinc] 

Casoli. [Cascidli.] 

Cassentinenses. [Casentinenses.] 

Cassero, Guide del], nobleman of Fano, 
who, together with Angiolello da Carignano, 
was murdered (circ. 13 12) by order of Mala- 
testino of Rimini, Inf. xxviii. "]"]. [Angiolello.] 

Cassero, Jacopo del], member of a 
powerful Guelf family of fano (probably a 
relative of the preceding), who incurred the 
enmity of Azzo VIII of Este by his opposition 
to the designs of the latter upon Bologna, of 
which city Jacopo was Podestk in I2i96. In 
revenge Azzo had him assassinated at Oriaco, 
between Venice and Padua, while he was on 
his way (in 1298) to assume the office of 
Podestk at Milan at the invitation of Maffeo 
Visconti. He appears to have gone by sea 
from Fano to Venice, and thence to have pro- 
ceeded towards Milan by way of Padua ; but 
while he was still among the lagoons, only 
about eight miles from Venice, he was waylaid 
and stabbed. Malatesta of Rimini was sus- 
pected of being concerned in the murder, he 
having, it is said, induced Mafifeo Visconti to 
appoint Jacopo Podestk of Milan, in order that 
when the latter was out of the way he might 
the more easily secure the lordship of Fano. 


Cassero, Jacopo del 

Jacopo was the son of Uguccione del Cas- 
sero, Podestk of Macerata in 1268, and 
nephew of Martino del Cassero, who was pro- 
fessor of law at Arezzo in 1255, and was 
reputed the first jurist of his day in Italy. J. is 
mentioned by Villani (vii. 120) among the 
Guelf leaders who joined the Florentines in 
their expedition against Arezzo in 1288. Docu- 
ments are still preserved at Bologna relating 
to his election as Podestk, and to his departure 
at the expiration of his term of office, which 
he refused to prolong on account of the odium 
he had incurred in defending the city, ' contra 
Marchionem estensem perfidum thyrannum et 
inimicum comunis et populi bononiensis et 
ejus sequaces.' After his assassination his 
body was conveyed to Fano, where it was 
buried in the Church of San Domenico, with 
a long inscription which is still legible. (See 
Del Lungo, Dante ne^ tempi di Dante, pp. 
423 ff.) 

D. places Jacopo m Antepurgatory among 
those who put off their repentance to the last, 
Purg. V. 64-84 ; tmo (peccatore), v. 64 [Anti- 
purgatorio] ; D. having expressed his will- 
ingness to do anything in his power for the 
spirits who have besought his good offices 
(vv. 43-63), one of them (Jacopo) begs him 
that if ever he goes to Fano he will cause 
prayers to be offered on his behalf (vv. 64- 
72) ; he then relates that he was a native of 
Fano, and had been murdered at the bidding 
of Azzo of Este in the Paduan territory, where 
he had thought to be secure [vv. 73-8) ; he 
explains that he was overtaken at Oriaco, and 
might have escaped if he had fled towards La 
Mira (vv. 79-81), but he ran to the marshy 
ground, and getting entangled in the cane- 
brakes and mud, fell and bled to death (vv. 82- 
4) [Azzo da Ssti: Mira, Iia : Oriaco]. 

According to the old commentators Jacopo 
had excited the animosity of Azzo not only by 
his political opposition, but also by personal 
abuse of the marquis ; thus Lana says : — 

' Non li bastava costui fare de' fatti contra li 
amici del marchese, ma elli continue usava villanie 
volgari contra di lui, ch' elli giacque con sua 
matrigna, e ch' elli era disceso d'una lavandara 
di panni, c ch' elli era cattivo e codardo ; e mai 
la sua lingua non saziavasi di villaneggiare di 
lui. Per li quali fatti e detti I'odio crebbe si al 
marchese, ch' elli li trattd la morte in questo 

Similarly Benvenuto : — 

' Bononienses elegerunt in Potestatem eorum 
. . . nobilem militem dominum Jacobum del Cassaro 
de civitate Fani. Qui vir temerarius, et qui non 
bene didicerat regulam juris : potentioribus pares 
esse non possumus, semper obloquebatur temere 
de marchione estensi, semper vocans eum pro- 
ditorem estensem, qui reliquerat Ghibellinos Ro- 
mandiolae. Marchio saepe audiens haec et in- 
dignans dixit : certe iste agaso Marchianus non 


impune feret imprudentiam suam asininam, sed 
castigabitur fuste ferreo. Dedit ergo operam, quod 
certi famuli idonei ad hoc persequerentur ilium, 
quocumque pergeret, finito officio Bononiae.' 

Cassino, the monastery of Monte Cassino, 
'the parent of all the greatest Benedictine 
monasteries in the world,' founded by St. Bene- 
dict of Nursia in 529, and the scene of his 
death in 543. It is situated on a spur of 
Monte Cairo, a few miles from Aquino in the 
N. of Campania, almost exactly halfway be- 
tween Rome and Naples. When St. Bene- 
dict first came to the spot, it was still the 
centre of pagan worship, the summit of the 
hill being crowned by a temple of Apollo, and 
a grove sacred to Venus, both of which were 
destroyed by him. 

St. Benedict (in the Heaven of Saturn) men- 
tions Cassino, Par. xxii. 37 ; badia, v. 76 ; 
and relates to D. how he found the site in the 
hands of the heathen, and how he planted his 
monastery there, and by the blessing of God 
was enabled to withdraw the surrounding 
inhabitants from their idolatrous worship 
(vv. 37-45) ; he subsequently laments over the 
degenerate state into which his foundation had 
fallen (vv. 73-81). [Benedetto 1.] 

Benvenuto gives an interesting account, 
which he had from Boccaccio, of a visit paid 
by the latter to the monastery of Monte 
Cassino, and of the melancholy condition in 
which he found the books in the library : — 

' Narrabat mihi jocose venerabilis praeceptor 
mens Boccaccius de Certaldo . . . quod dum esset 
in Apulia, icaptus fama loci, accessit ad nobile 
monasterium montis Cassini. . . . Et avidus videndi 
librariam, quam audiverat ibi esse nobilissimam, 
petivit ab uno monacho humiliter, velut ille qui 
suavissiipus erat, quod deberet ex gratia aperire 
sibi bibliothecam. At ille rigide respondit, osten- 
dens sibi altam scalam : ascende quia aperta est. 
Ille laetus ascendens invenit locum tanti thesauri 
sine ostio vel clavi, ingressusque vidit herbam 
natam per fenestras, et libros omnes cum bancis 
coopertis pulvere alto ; et mirabundus coepit 
aperire et volvere nunc istum librum, nunc ilium, 
invenitque ibi multa et varia volumina antiquorum 
et peregrinorum librorum ; ex quorum aliquibus 
detracti erant aliqui quaterni, ex aliis recisi 
margines chartarum, et sic multipliciter deformati ; 
tandem miseratus labores et studia tot inclytissi- 
morum ingeniorura devenisse ad manus perditissi- 
morum hominum, dolens et illacrymans recessit ; 
et occurrens in claustro petivit a monacho obvio 
quare libri illi pretiosissimi essent ita turpiler 
detruncati. Qui respondit quod aliqui monachi, 
volentes lucrari duos vel quinque solidos, radebant 
unum quaternum et faciebant psalteriolos, quos 
vendebant pueris ; et ita de marginibus faciebant 
evangelia et brevia, quae vendebant mulieribus. 
Nunc, vir studiose, frange tibi caput pro faciendo 

In this library is preserved an important 
MS. of the D. C, hence known as the Codex 



Castel, Guido da 

Cassinensis, from which an edition was printed 
by the monks in 1865, in commemoration of the 
sixth centenary of the birth of D. 

Cassio, Caius Cassius Longinus, , one of 
the murderers of Julius Caesar. In B. C. 49 
he was tribune of the plebs, joined the aristo- 
cratical party in the civil war, and fled with 
Pompey from Rome. After the defeat of the 
latter at Pharsalia in 48, C. surrendered to 
Caesar, who not only pardoned him, but in 
44 made him praetor, and promised him the 
province of Syria for the next year. But he 
had never ceased to look upon Caesar as his 
enemy, and it was he who formed the con- 
spiracy against the life of the dictator, and 
gained over Marcus Brutus to take part in it. 
After the murder of Caesar (March 15, 44), 
C. went to Syria, which he claimed as his 
province, although the senate had assigned it 
to Dolabella, and had conferred Cyrene on 
C. in its stead. After defeating Dolabella he 
crossed over to Greece with Brutus in order 
to oppose Octavian and Antony. The op- 
posing forces m^t at Philippi (42), where C. 
was defeated by Antony, while Brutus, who 
commanded the other wing of the army, drove 
Octavian off the field. C, ignorant of the 
success of Brutus, would not survive his de- 
feat, and commanded one of his freedmen to 
put an end to his life. In a second battle 
shortly after Brutus also was defeated, where- 
upon he too killed himself. 

D. places Cassius with Brutus and Judas 
Iscariot in the jaws of Lucifer in Giudecca, 
the last division of Circle IX, the nethermost 
pit of Hell, Inf. xxxiv. 67 [Bruto ^ : Giudeoea : 
Iiucifero] ; he is mentioned with Brutus by 
the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) in connexion with the victories of 
the Roman Eagle under Augustus, the re- 
ference being to the battle of Philippi, Par. 
vi. 74 [Aquilai; FilippiS]. 

D. describes C. as membruto, ' stout of limb ' 
(Inf. xxxiv. 67), which is not in accordance with 
the facts so far as they are known. Shakespeare, 
following Plutarch (with whom D. probably was 
unacquainted), speaks of him as 'spare Cassius,' 
and gives him 'a lean and hungry look.' It has 
been suggested that D. was thinking of Lucius 
Cassius, whose corpulence is specially noticed by 
Cicero : — 

'Hoc providebam animo, Quirites, remote Catilina, nee 
mihi esse P. Lentuli somnum, nee L. Cassii adipem, nee 
Cethegi furiosam temeritatem pertimescendam.' \ln Cati- 
linam.^ iii. 7.) [Cioero.] 

Castalia], celebrated fountain on Mt. Par- 
nassus, sacred to Apollo and the Muses ; 
referred to as la ctstema di Pamaso, Purg. 
xxxi. 141 (cf Purg. xxii. 65). [Parnaso.] 

Castalius, Castahan ; Castaliae sorores, 
i. e. the Muses, Eel. i. 54. [Castalia : Muse.] 

Castel, Gtlido da, gentleman of Reggio, 
mentioned by Marco Lombardo (in Circle III 

of Purgatory) as one of three old men (the 
other two being Currado da Palazzo and 
Gherardo da Cammino) who yet survive as 
a reproach to the younger generation in Lom- 
bardy, Purg. xvi. 125 ; Marco adds that Guido 
is better named, in the French fashion, the 
simple Lombard, 'il semplice Lombardo' 
{v. 126). The point of this expression is some- 
what obscure ; the usual explanation that the 
term ' Lombard ' was at that time a general 
name in France for an Italian (e. g. Boccaccio 
makes two Frenchmen speaking of Tuscans 
call them 'questi Lombardi cani') does not 
hold, since Guido was a Lombard, and con- 
sequently would be called so by others besides 
Frenchmen. The point of the appellation 
would seem to lie rather in the epithet ' sem- 
plice,' as descriptive of Guide's character. 
It is possible, however, that the term ' Lom- 
bardo' here is a rendering of the French 
' Lombart ' in its more special signification of 
'usurer' [Caorsirio]. In the Ottimo Comento 
it is stated that Guido da Castello was noted 
for his generosity in supplying the necessities 
of th6se who passed his way on the road to or 
from France : — 

' Messer Guido studi6 in onorare li valenti 
uomini, che passavano per lo cammino francesco, 
e molti ne rimise in cavalli ed armi, che di Francia 
erano passati di qua ; onorevolmente consumate 
loro facultadi, tornavano meno ad srnesi, ch' a 
loro non si convenja, a tutti diede, senza speranza 
di merito, cavalli, arme, danari.' 

The name ' semplice Lombardo,' applied to 
Guido by his French-speaking friends, may 
therefore have been meant as a playful de- 
scription of the ' honest usurer,' who provided 
horses, arms, and rnoney, without looking for 
any return. (See Academy, Nov. I, 1890.) 

Guido was a contemporary of D., who is 
said to have been his guest at one time. The 
two are mentioned as fellow-guests at the 
court of Can Grande della Scala at Verona 
[Can Grande]. Berivenuto says Guido be- 
longed to the Castello branch of the Roberti 
family, and adds that he was an accomplished 
poet in the vulgar tongue :-^ 

' Iste fuit de Regio Lombardiae, de Robertis, 
quorum tria erant membra, scilicet illi de Tripoli, 
illi de Castello, et illi de Furno. . . . Iste florebat 
in Regio tempore nostri poetae . . . fuit autem vir 
prudens et rectus, sani consilii, amatus et honoratus, 
quia zelator er-at reipublicae, et protector patriae, 
licet tunc alii essent potentiores in terra ilia : fuit 
libe^-'^lis ; cujus liberalitatem poeta noster expertus 
est semel, regeptus et honoratus ab eo in domo 
sf^a. fuit etiam Guido pulcer inventor in rhythmo 
vulgari, ut pulcre apparet in quibusdam dictis 

D. mentions Guido in the Convivio in his 
discussion as to the nature of nobility, where 
he says that if mere notoriety constituted a 
claim to nobility : — 




'Asdente, il calzolaio di Parma, sarebbe piii 
nobile che alcuno suo cittadino, e Albuino della 
Scala sarebbe piii nobile che Guido da Castello di 
Reggio ; che ciascuna di queste cose i falsissima.' 
(iv. i6«»-".) 

Castella, Castile, one of the old kingdoms 
of Spain, comprising the modern provinces of 
Old and New Castile. The kingdom of Castile 
was united to that of Leon from 1037 till the 
death of Alphonso VII in 11 57, when the two 
were separated, Alphonso's eldest son, San- 
cho III, succeeding to the throne of Castile, 
the second son, Fernando II, to that of Leon. 
The two kingdoms were reunited in 1230, in 
which year Fernando III, who had succeeded 
to the throne of Castile in 1217, on the death 
of his maternal uncle, Enrique I (his mother, 
Doiia Berenguela, having abdicated in his 
favour), became also King of Leon, in suc- 
cession to his father, Alphonso IX. [Table 
iii : Table iii. A.] 

The kingdom of Castile and Leon is alluded 
to by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the 
Sun), Par. xii. 46-54 ; he describes it as the 
country in the W. of Europe, not far from the 
Atlantic (vv. 46-51), in which is situated 
Callaroga, the birthplace of St. Dominic, 
which he says ' lies under the protection of the 
great shield, in which the lion is subject and 
subjugates ' (vv. 52-4), the arms of Castile 
and Leon consisting of two castles and two 
lions, the lion being above the castle on one 
half of the shield, and below it on the other 
[Callaroga] ; Fernando IV, King of Castile 
and Leon (1295-1312), is alluded to (probably) 
by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter as g^ue/ 
di Spagna, Par. xix. 125 [Spagna] ; Castile 
is mentioned, in connexion with its ' good 
king,' il buon re di Castella, i.e. (probably) 
Alphonso VIII, King of Castile (1158-1214), 
Conv. iv. II126-S [Alfonso 3]; and as being 
a neighbour of Aragon, Mon. i. li^^"'' [Ara- 

CasteUana Civitas, Cittk di Castello, 
town on the Tiber, in extreme N. of Umbria ; 
its dialect, as well as those of Perugia, Orvieto, 
and Viterbo, not discussed by D . as being closely 
connected with the Roman and Spoletan dia- 
lects, V. E. i. 1329-32. 

Castello, Citt^ di. [Castellana Civitas.] 

Castello, Guido da. [Castel, Guido da.] 

Castello Sant' Angelo], Castle of St. An- 
gelo on the right bank of the Tiber at Rome, 
originally the Moles Hadriani, the mausoleum 
erected by Hadrian for himself and his suc- 
cessors ; it was completed in A. D. 140 by 
Antoninus Pius. From Hadrian down to 
Septimius Severus (d. A. D. 2ii) all the Em- 
perors and their families were buried in it. 
In 537) when Rome was besieged by the Goths, 
it was converted into a fortress. It owes its 


modern name to the tradition that Gregory 
the Great (590-604), while leading a pro- 
cession to pray for the cessation of the plague, 
beheld the Archangel Michael sheathing his 
sword above the Castle, in commemoration of 
which the chapel of S. Angelo inter Nubes 
was subsequently erected at the summit of 
the building by Boniface IV (608-614). The 
great bronze pine-cone (referred to, Inf. xxxi. 
59) is said at one time to have been placed on 
the pinnacle of the Castle. 

D. refers to it in connexion with the crowds 
of pilgrims who swarmed across the bridge of 
St. Angelo during the Jubilee of 1300, as il 
castello, Inf. xviii. 32. [Giubbileo.j 

Castiglia. [Castella.] 

Castore, Castor, twin-brother of Pollux; 
Leda, having been visited by Jupiter in the 
form of a swan, brought forth two eggs, from 
one of which issued Helen, and from the other 
Castor and Pollux. At their death Jupiter 
placed the twins among the stars as the con- 
stellation Gemini. [Leda.] 

Virgil (in Antepurgatory) mentions Castor 
and Pollux to indicate the sign Gemini, and 
intimates to D. that if it were the month of 
June, when the Sun is in Gemini, that part 
of the Zodiac in which the Sun would then be, 
would lie nearer the N. (Gemini being to the 
N. of Aries, in which the Sun was at the time 
of the Vision), Purg. iv. 61-6. [Gemelli: 

Castra, a Florentine, to whom D. attri- 
butes the authorship of a canzone (the first 
two hnes of which he quotes) in ridicule of the 
dialect of the men of Ancona, Rome, and 
Spoleto, V. E. i. 1121-9. 

The poem in question has been preserved 
in one MS. only (Cod. Vat. 3793), where it 
appears with the name ' Messer Osmano ' pre- 
fixed to it ; this name (which is probably for 
Osimano, i. e. belonging to Osimo, a city in 
the March of Ancona) may be either a pseud- 
onym of the author, or the name of the 
person to whom the poem is addressed. 
According to Grion, Castra (or Castratutti) 
and Osmano are both of them pseudonyms 
of a certain Ser Manno, some of whose poems 
are printed by Crescimbeni. (See D'Ancona 
and Comparetti, Antiche Rime Volgari, i. 
484-8 ; and Mpnaci, Crest. Ital., pp. 492-4.) 

Castrocaro, formerly a strong castle, now 
a village, in Romagna, in the valley of the 
Montone, a few miles from Forli ; in Cent 
xiii it belonged to the Counts of Castrocaro, 
who were Ghibellines, but submitted (in 1282) 
to the Church. 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
includes its Counts among the degenerate 
families of Romagna, and laments that they 
had not died out, Purg. xiv. 116-17. 



Benvenuto speaks of them as being extinct 
in his day : — 

' Castrocaro, nobile castrum, et vere carum, 
supra Forlivium in valle Montorii, cujus comites 
hodie defecerunt. Sed tunc adhuc vigebant, sed 
degenerabant a nobilitate vicinorum.' 

About the year 1300 the castle passed into 
the hands of the Ordelaffi of Forli ; subsequently 
it appears to have been purchased by the 
Florentines. It was for some years one of 
the principal Guelf strongholds in Romagna. 

Catalano, a member of the Guelf Catalani 
family of Bologna (a branch of the Malavolti, 
whence Villani speaks of C. as Catalano de' 
Malavolti), born at Bologna circ. 1210; he was 
Podesta of Milan in 1243, of Parma in 1250, of 
Piacenza in 1260; in 1249 he commanded 
a division of the Bolognese infantry at the 
battle of Fossalta, in which King Enzio was 
defeated and taken prisoner ; in 1261 he was 
associated with Loderingo degli Andal6 of 
Bologna in founding the Order of the Knights 
of Our Lady (subsequently known as the ' Frati 
Gaudenti ') ; in 1265 and 1267 he and Loderingo 
shared the office of Podestk in Bologna, and in 
1266 in Florence ; shortly after his last term of 
office he retired to the monastery of the Frati 
Gaudenti at Ronzano near Bologna, \vhere he 
died and was buried in 1285. (See Gozzadini, 
Le Torri gentilizie di Bologna, pp. 203 ff.) 

After the defeat and death of Manfred at Bene- 
vento (Feb. 26, i26|), the Florentine commons, 
who were for the most part Guelf, began to be 
turbulent and to murmur against the government 
of Guido Novello and the Ghibelline nobles. The 
latter, therefore, as a conciliatory measure, arranged 
that the ofBce of Podesta should be held jointly by 
a Guelf and a Ghibelline, instead of by a single 
individual as heretofore ; and they selected for 
the purpose the two Bolognese, Frati Gaudenti, 
Catalano de' Catalani, a Guelf, and Loderingo 
degli Andalo, a Ghibelline, in the expectation that 
they would administer the office impartiallj'. 
Catalano and Loderingo set to work to reform 
the government, without favouring either party, 
their most important measure being the establish- 
ment of the ' Council of Thirty-six,' which was 
selected from nobles and commons of both parties. 
This measure, however, gave oifence to Guido 
Novello and the Ghibelline nobles, who attempted 
to suppress the Council ; but the commons rose 
upon them, and they were forced to leave the 
city, the houses of many of the Ghibellines (that 
of the Uberti, in the quarter known as the 
Gardingo, among them) being wrecked by the 
populace. Catalano and Loderingo, who had 
already asked to be relieved of their office, there- 
upon quitted Florence, not without a suspicion on 
the part of the Florentines (vvhich both D. and 
Villani regarded as well-founded) that ' under 
cover of false hypocrisy,' as Villani puts it, they 
had combined together for their own purposes, 
taking bribes from the Guelfs and persecuting the 
Ghibellines. They were succeeded in the office of 
jPodesta by Ormanijo Monaldeschi of Orvieto. 

Villani gives the following account : — 

' Come la novella fu in Firenze e per Toscana della scon- 
fitta di Manfredi, i ghibellini . . . comrnciarono ad invilire, 
e avere panra in tutte parti, e' guelfl usciti di Firenze 
ch' erano ribelli, e tali a' confini per lo contado e in piii 
parti cominciarono a invigorire e a prendere cuore e ardire 
. . . onde il popolo di Firenze ch' era piii guelfo d'animo che 
ghibejlino . . . simile cominciarono a rinvifforire, e a mor- 
morare, e parlare per la cittk, dogliendosi delle spese 
e incarichi disordinati che riceveano dal conte Guido_ No- 
vello, e dagli altri che reggeano la terra; onde quelli che 
reggeano la cittk di Firenze a parte ghibellina, sentendo 
nella citta il detto subuglio e mormorio, e avendo paura che 
'I popolo non si rubellasse contra a loro, per una cotale 
mezzanitk, e per contentare il popolo, elessono due cavalieri 
frati godenti di Bologna per podestadi di Firenze, che Tuno 
ebbe nome messer Catalano de' Malavolti, e I'altro messer 
Roderigo di Landolo, e I'uno era tenuto di parte guelfa, 
cio era messer Catalano, e Taltro di parte ghibellma _. . . 
Questi due frati per lo popolo di Firenze furono fatti venire, 
e misongli nel palagio del popolo d'incontro alia Badia, 
credendo che per I'onesta dell' abito fossono comuni, e 
guardassono il comune da soperchie spese; i quali tutto- 
che d'animo di parte fossono divisi, sotto coverta di falsa 
ipocrisia furono in Concordia piii al guadagno loro proprio 
one al bene comune.' (vii. 13.) 

D. places Catalano, together with Loderingo, 
among the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxiii. 104 ; due, v. 82 ; 
frati, V. 109 ; Catalano, Vun, v. \ca ; il frate 
Catalan, v. 114; il frate, vv. 127, 142 [Ipo- 
eriti] ; D. having begged Virgil to discover 
some one of the Hypocrites who might be 
known by deed or name, one of the latter cries 
to them to stop, as he can satisfy their curiosity 
(Inf. xxiii. 73-9) ; D. then at V.'s bidding stops, 
and two of the Hypocrites hasten up to him, 
and after gazing at him in wonder ask who he 
is {vv. 80-93) ; D. having replied asks in his 
turn who they are and what is the nature of 
their punishment {vv. 94-9) ; he is answered 
by one of them (Catalano), who says they were 
Frati Gaudenti of Bologna, and gives their 
names, recounting how they two were chosen 
to fill the office of Podestk at Florence usually 
filled by one man, and how, instead of keeping 
peace, they wrought havoc in the city, as the 
ruins about the Gardingo still testify {vv. 100-8) 
[Prati Gaudenti: Gardingo: Loderingo]; 
D. begins to address them, but breaks off short 
on catching sight of a sinner crucified on the 
ground {vv. 109-13) ; C. explains that this is 
Caiaphas, and that his father-in-law Annas, 
and the rest of the Council who condemned 
Christ, are there with him {vv. 1 14-23) [Caifaa] ; 
Virgil then, after gazing in wonder at Caiaphas, 
inquires as to the way out {vv. 127-32), and 
from C.'s answer finds that the devil Malacoda 
in the previous Bolgia (Inf. xxi. 1 11) had lied 
to him {vv. 133-41) ; whereupon C. remarks 
that he had heard erewhile at Bologna that the 
devil was ever a liar and the father of lies 
{vv. 142-4) [Bologna: Malacoda]. 

Catalogna, Catalonia (Cataluna), province 
in N. E. corner of Spain, which in D.'s time 
formed part of the kingdom of Aragon ; men- 
tioned by Charles Martel (in the Heaven of 
Venus), who, in allusion to the greed of the 
needy Catalan retainers of his brother Robert, 


Catania, Golfo di 


speaks of Vavara povertd. di Caialogna, Par. 
viii. 77. [CarloS; Roberto^.] 

Robert, with his brothers Louis and John, 
had been detained in Catalonia from 1288 to 
1295 by the King of Aragon, as hostages for 
their father, Charles II of Naples, and during 
his residence there R. had gathered round him 
a following of Catalan gentlemen who accom- 
panied him into Italy. Benvenuto says : — 

' Rex Robertus quando stetit in Aragonia, cujus 
pars maritima vocatur Catalonia, obses pro patre 
suo, acquisivit amicitias et fatniliaritates multorum, 
quos postea in Italia promovebat ad officia, qui 
noverant bene accumulare. Ad quod duo impelle- 
bant COS, scilicet, paupertas, quae suadet homini 
furtum et rapinam ; et avaritia, quae reddit 
honiinem ingeniosum ad omnia illicita lucra.' 

When Robert came to Florence in 1305 he 
brought with him, Villani says (viii. 82), ' una 
masnada di trecento cavalieri araonesi e cata- 
lani ' ; and after he became King of Naples (in 
1309) we several times find his Catalan and 
Aragonese troops employed in Italy against 
the Emperor Henry VII, as Villani records : — 

* Nel detto anno 1311 . . . i Fiorentini mandarono 
a Bologna il maliscaico del re Ruberto con quattro- 
cento cavalieri Catalan!, ch' erano al loro soldo 
per la guardia di Bologna, e per contastare alio 
'mperadore se venisse da quella parte.' (ix. 17.) — 
* Nell' anno 1312 del mese d'Aprile, sentendo il re 
Ruberto I'apparecchiamento che '1 re d'Alamagna 
facea a Pisa per venire a Roma per coronarsi, si 
mandb innanzi a Roma . . . messer Gianni suo 
fratello con seicento cavalieri catalani e pugliesi 
. . , e v' andarono di Firenze dugento cavalieri di 
cavallate de' migliori cittadini, e '1 maliscaico del 
re Ruberto, ch' era al loro soldo, con trecento 
cavalieri catalani e mille pedoni.' (ix. 39.) 

Catania, Golfo di], the Gulf of Catania, on 
the E. of Sicily ; alluded to by Charles Martel 
(in the Heaven of Venus) as il golfo Che riceve 
da Euro maggior briga, i. e. the gulf which is 
most exposed to the S. E. wind, it being open 
to the E., Par. viii. 68-9 ; he also refers to the 
circumstance that owing to the proximity of 
Mt. Aetna, the gulf, which lies 'tra Pachino e 
Peloro ' (^'. 68), i. e. between Cape Passaro and 
Cape Faro, is often covered with a dense pall 
of smoke. [Etna.] 

Catellini, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been already in their decline 
in his time. Par. xvi. 88. In D.'s day they 
were extinct ; Villani says : — 

' Nel quartiere della porta di san Brancazio . . . 
i Catellini furono antichissimi, e oggi non n' e 
ricordo; dicesi ch' e' figliuoli Tieri per bastardo nati 
fossono di loro legnaggio.' (iv. 12.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

' Questi sono spenti al nome, salvo che di loro si 
dice, che sono discesi certi cittadini, detti figliuoli 
di Bernardo Manfredi.' 

According to Ld. Vernon two members of 
this family held high ofifice in Florence in 1197 
and 1215 ; they were Ghibellines, and as such 
were expelled from Florence in 1258 and again 
in 1268 ; they returned after the pacification of 
1280, but were excluded from office owing to 
their refusal to enrol themselves in one of the 

Catilina, Lucius Sergius Catilina,the famous 
Roman conspirator; born circ. B.C. 108, praetor 
68, died 62. C, who was the descendant of an 
ancient patrician family which had fallen into 
poverty, was a candidate for the consulship in 
66, but was disqualified in consequence of an 
impeachment for oppression during his praetor- 
ship. In revenge he formed a plot to murder 
the two consuls who had been elected. This 
plot having failed he engaged in a more exten- 
sive conspiracy, which came to a head during 
the consulship of Cicero, B.C. 63. By the vigi- 
lance of the latter all C.'s plans were baffled, 
and he himself was forced to leave Rome. 
Shortly after, Cicero obtained legal evidence 
against the rest of the conspirators, and at 
once summoned their leaders to the Senate, 
where they were condemned to death, the 
sentence being carried out that same night. 
A force was then dispatched against C, who 
was defeated and killed, while fighting with 
great valour, in the neighbourhood of Florence, 
B.C. 62. According to mediaeval authorities 
it was on this occasion that the town of Fiesole 
was destroyed by the Romans. 

D. alludes to the conspiracy of C. and its 
frustration by Cicero, Conv. iv. S^'s-e, [Cice- 
rone : Fiesole.] 

Cato, Marcus, Cato of Utica, Mon. ii. 5I3*. 
[Catone 2.] 

Catona, small town of S. Italy, in Calabria, 
a few miles N. of Reggio, almost exactly oppo- 
site Messina ; mentioned by Charles Martel (in 
the Heaven of Venus) to indicate the southern- 
most limit of the kingdom of Naples, Par. viii. 
62 [Ausonia: Ifapoli]. It appears in D.'s 
time to have been the point of departure for 
Messina ; thus after the ' Sicilian Vespers ' 
Charles I concentrated his troops at Catona 
previous to their embarkation for that port. 

For Catona many mod. edd. read Crotona, 
v^hich is adopted by Pietro di Dante, and men- 
tioned as a variant by Buti ; it has, however, 
very slight MS. authority. Blanc supports it 
on the ground that Crotona is much better 
known than Catona, which is precisely a reason 
for suspecting it. Catona is the reading of 
Witte and of the most recent edd. (See Giom. 
Star. Lett. ItaL, xxx. 214-26.) 

Catone 1, Marcus Porcius Cato, the Censor, 
commonly called Cato Major (i.e. the Elder), to 
distinguish him from his great-grandson Cato 
of Utica [Catone 2] ; he was born B.C. 234, 
elected Censor in 184, and di.ed at the age of 




85 in 149; he was especially noted for his 
attempts to repress the growing luxury of the 
Romans, and for his uncompromising hostility 
to Carthage. 

D. refers to him as Catone, Conv. iv. 3i82; 
Catone VecchiOjCorw. iv.27151, 28*6; his opinion 
(as put into his mouth by Cicero) as to the 
divinity of the soul [Senect. § 21), Cortv. iv. 
2180-6 . his increased delight in conversation 
as he grew older [Senect. § 14), Conv. iv. 27151— t; 
his eagerness to see (after death) the great 
Romans who had gone before him {Senect. 
§ 23), Conv. iv. 28**-8. [Senectute, De.] 

Catone^, Marcus Porcius Cato Uticensis, 
great-grandson of Cato the Censor, born B. c. 95 ; 
brought up as a devoted adherent of the Stoic 
school, he became conspicuous for his rigid 
morality. In 63 he was tribune of the plebs, 
and supported Cicero in his proposal that the 
Catilinarian conspirators should be put to death. 
He was one of the chief leaders of the aristo- 
cratical party, and opposed vehemently the 
measures of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. On 
the outbreak of the civil war in 49 he sided with 
Pompey ; after the battle of Pharsalia he joined 
Metellus Scipio in Africa ; when the latter was 
defeated at Thapsus, and all Africa, with the 
exception of Utica, submitted to Caesar, he 
resolved to die rather than fall into his hands ; 
he therefore put an end to his own life, after 
spending the greater part of the night in reading 
Plato's Phaedo on the immortality of the soul, 
B.C. 46. 

Cato is mentioned in connexion with his 
march through the desert of Libya shortly 
before his death [Phars. x. 411 ff.), Inf xiv. 15; 
he is placed as warder at the entrance to 
Purgatory, tin veglio solo, Purg. i. 31 ; ei, v. 42 ; 
lui, V. 52 ; egli, v. 86 ; altrui, v. 133 (where 
some think the reference is to God) ; il veglio 
onesto, Purg. ii. 119; the description of Cato's 
personal appearance, with long white hair and 
beard (Purg. i. 34-6) is borrowed from Lucan: — 

' Hie nee horrificam sancto dimovit ab ore 
Caesariem, duroque admisit gaudia vultu ; 
Ut primum tolli feralia viderat arma, 
Intonsos rigidam in frontem descendere canos 
Passus erat, moestamque genis increscere barbam.* 
{Phars. ii. 372-6.) 

D. and Virgil meet Cato on their arrival on 
the island from which rises the Mt. of Purga- 
tory, where he appears as a sohtary old man of 
venerable aspect, with long white hair and 
beard, and a radiant countenance (Purg. i. 
31-9) ; he asks D. and V. who they are, taking 
them for damned spirits (vv. 40-8) ; V., after 
making D. do reverence, replies that through 
the intervention of Beatrice D. is come to see 
the spirits under his guardianship (vv. 49-69), 
and is seeking freedom, for the sake of which 
Cato himself had died at Utica {vv. 70-5) ; 
after explaining that D. is yet alive, and that 
he himself was come from Limbo, where Cato's 
wife Mg.rcia was, V. implores him for the latter's 

sake to grant them admittance {vv. 76-84) : 
Cato replies that Marcia can no longer move 
him now, but that for Beatrice's sake he will 
grant their request {vv. 85-93) ; then having 
bid V. gird D. with a rush and wash his face, 
he disappears {vv. 94-109) ; he appears once 
more to chide the loitering spirits who were 
listening to Casella's singing (after which he is 
not seen again), Purg. ii. i ig-23. 

As a suicide and a pagan, and as the bitter 
opponent of Caesar, the founder of the Roman 
Empire, we should expect to find Cato in Hell, 
with Pier delle Vigne, or with Brutus and Cassius, 
instead of being admitted to Purgatory and destined 
eventually to a place in Paradise (Purg. i. 75). 
D., however, regards him, not in his relation to 
the Roman Empire, but as the devoted lover of 
liberty, the representative of the soul made free 
by the annihilation of the body ; and consequently 
as the appropriate guardian of those who by 
purgation were freeing themselves from the last 
traces of sin before appearing in _ the presence 
of God. 

In his treatment of Cato D.' appears to have 
followed Virgil, who, instead of placing him - 
among the suicides in Taxtarus {Aen. vi. 434-9), 
represents him as a lawgiver among the righteous 
dead in Elysium : — • 

'Secretosque pios, his dantem jura Catonem ' 

(viii. 670) 

— a line which probably suggested to D. the 
employment of Cato as warder of Purgatory. D.'s 
estimate of Cato was doubtless also in part derived 
from Cicero {see below), and from Lucan, who 
pictures him as the personification of godlike 
virtue : — 

'Nam cui crediderim Superos arcana daturos 
Dicturosque magis quam sancto vera Catoni ? . . , 
Ecce parens verus patriae dignissimus aris, 
Roma, tuis ; per quern nunquam jurare pudebit, 
Et quem, si stetens unquam cervice soluta, 
TuDC olim factura deum.' 

{Phars. ix. 554-5 ; 601-4.) 
' Hi mores, haec duri immota Catonis 
Secta fuit, servare modum, finemque tenere, 
Naturamque sequi, patriaeque impendere vitam ; 
Nee sibi, sed toti genitum se credere mundo. 
Huic epulae, vicisse famem ; magnique penates, 
Submovisse hiemem tecto ; pretiosaque vestis, 
Hirtam membra super, Romani more Quiritis, 
Induxisse togam ; Venerisque huic maximus usiis, 
Progenies ; Urbi pater est, Urbique maritus ; 
Justitiae cultor, rigidi servator honesti ; 
In commune bonus ; nullosque Catonis in actus 
Subrepsit, partemque tulit sibi nata voluptas.' 

{Pilars, ii. 380-91.) 

D. expresses his great reverence for Cato in 
the De Monarchia : — ' Accedit et illud inenarrabile 
sacrificium severissimi verae libertatis auctoris 
Marci Catonis . . . (qui) ut mundo libertatis amores 
accenderet, quanti libertas esset ostendit, dum e 
vita liber decedere maluit, quam sine libertate 
remanere in ilia ' (ii. g^^a-io^ . ^^j ;„ tjjg Convivio: — 
' O sacratissimo petto di Catone (cf. Purg. i. 80), 
chi presumera di te parlare ? Certo maggiormente 
parlare di te non si puo, che tacere.' (iv. 5'*""^.) — 
' Furono dunque filosofi molto antichi . . . che 
videro e credettero questo fine della vita umana 
essere solamente la rigida onesta ; cioe rigidamente, 
senza rispetto alcuno, la verita e la giustizia seguire. 
. . . E costoro e la loro setta chiamati furono 



Causis, De 

Stoici : e fu di loro quello glorioso Catone.' 
(iv. 6'"""^.) — 'Si legge di Catone, che non a s6, 
ma alia patria e a tutto il mondo nato essere 
credea.' (iv. 27""^.) — In speaking of Cato's wife 
Marcia, whom he gave to Hortensius, and who 
after the death of the latter came back to him, D. 
says her return to Cato symbolizes the noble soul 
returning to God in old age : — ' Marzia, vedova 
fatta . . . torn6 dal principio del suo vedovaggio 
a Catone ; per che si significa la uobile anima dal 
principio del senio tornare a Dio. E quale uomo 
terreno piii degno fu di significare Iddio, che 
Catone 1 Certo nuUo. . . . Nel nome di cui 6 
bello terminare ci6 che delli segni della nobilta 
ragionare si convegna, perocchfe in lui essa nobilta 
tutti li dimostra per tutte etadi.' (iv. 28'" ".) 

Cato's escape from Julius Caesar into Africa, 
Conv. iii. 5I21-S [Cesarei] ; his greatness not 
to be measured by words, Conv. iv. 51*0-2 j 
belonged to the Stoic sect of philosophers, 
Conv. iv. 6^3-6 ; his belief that he was born 
not for himself, but for his country and the 
whole world (from Lucan, Phars. ii. 383 : ' Nee 
sibi, sed toti genitum se,crederemundo'),Conv. 
iv. 2731-3 ; Lucan's account of the return of his 
wife Marcia to him, Conv. iv.aS^'-i^' [Marzia] ; 
the most staunch champion of liberty, choosing 
death as a free man, rather than life without 
liberty, Mon. ii. 5I32-40 j Cicero's estimate of 
his character quoted (freely) from the De Offictis 
(i. 31) : ' Cato, to whom nature had given in- 
credible firmness and who had strengthened 
this severity by his unremitting constancy to 
his principles, and who never formed a resolu- 
tion by which be did not abide, was indeed 
bound to die rather than to look on the face of 
a tyrant,' Mon. ii. 5I68-70. 

Catria, Monte Catria, one of the highest 
peaks of the Apennines, on the borders of 
Umbria and the Marches, between Gubbio and 

St. Peter Damian, (in the Heaven of Saturn) 
describes it as a 'boss' formed by the lofty 
Apennines which rise between the shores of 
the Adriatic and of the Mediterranean, and 
refers to the fact that on its slopes was situated 
the monastery of Fonte Avellana, of which he 
was at one time Abbot, Par. xxi. 106-14. 
[Apennino : Avellana.] 

Cattolica, La, small town on the Adriatic, 
between Rimini and Pesaro, at the point where 
the Emilia and the Marches meet ; mentioned 
by Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII 
of Hell) in connexion with the murder of Guide 
del Cassero and Angiolello da Carignano by 
order of Malatestino of Rimini, Inf. xxviii. 80. 

Caucasus, Mt. Caucasus ; Caucason, Epist. 
vi. 3 ; Eel. ii. 22 ; the Florentines threatened 
with the Imperial Eagle, which soars alike over 
the Pyrenees, Caucasus, and Atlas, Epist. vi. 3. 

Caudinae Furcae, the 'Caudine Forks,' 
narrow passes in the mountains near Caudium, 

a town in Samnium on the road from Capua to 
Beneventum, where the Roman army sur- 
rendered to the Samnites, B.C. 321. D. quotes 
Lucan (Phars. ii. 135-8) to show how nearly 
the Empire in Italy was transferred from the 
Romans to the Samnites, Mon. ii. ii*3-5i_ 

Causis, De, pseudo-Aristotelian treatise of 
unknown authorship, on which commentaries 
were written by Albertus Magnus, St. Thomas 
Aquinas, and Aegidius Romanus. It appears 
to have been transmitted by the Hebrews of 
Spain as a work of Aristotle, and was included 
as such in the MSS. and early printed editions 
of his works. It was translated from Arabic 
into Latin between 1 1 67 and 1 187 by Gerardus 
Cremonensis (d. at Toledo, 1 187), 'magnus 
linguae translator arabicae,' who translated 
also the Canon Medicinal of Avicenna, and the 
Almagest of Ptolemy. The treatise, which is 
quoted as early as Cent, xii, was regarded as 
of great weight and authority in the Middle 
Ages. It was probably originally written in 
Arabic. Albertus Magnus, who wrote a com- 
mentary on it under the same name (the full 
title of his work is De Causis et Processu Uni- 
versitatis), was the first to suspect that it was 
a compilation from Aristotle and the Arabian 
philosophers. He ascribed it to a certain 
David the Jew: — 

' David Judaeus quidam ex dictis Aristotelis, 
Avicennii, Algazelis, et Alpharabii congregavit, 
per modum theorematura ordinans ea, quorum 
commentum ipsemet adhibuit, sicut et Euclides in 
geometricis fecisse videtur.' (De Causis et Proc, 
Univ., ii. i.) 

St. Thomas Aquinas identified portions of 
it as extracts from the Elevatio Theologica 
(Stoix«Wij BeoKoyiKrj) of Proclus, upon whose 
work it was probably based. 

(See Jourdain, Traductions Latines d^Aris- 
tote, pp. 183-5, 196 ; Prantl, Geschichte der 
Logik im Abendlande, Bd. iii. pp. 8-10 ; and 
Bardenhewer, Die pseudo-aristotelische Schrift 
Ueber das reine Gute bekannt unter dent 
Namen Liber de Causis.) 

TheZ'^ Causis quoted by D. has been thought 
by some to be the above-mentioned work of 
Albertus Magnus ; but it is evident that the 
work referred to by D. is the pseudo- Aristotelian 
treatise, since nearly all his quotations are 
taken word for word from the latter. 

D. makes no reference to the authorship of 
the De Causis \ he quotes it simply as libra di 
Cagioni, Conv. iii. 2^7 ; Hbro delle Cagioni, 
Conv. iii. 6"' n*, 7I'? ; iv. 218' ; De Causis, 
Mon. i. 1 1I32-3 ; liijgf jg Causis, Epist. x. 20, 21. 

p. quotes from the De Causis (the references 
being to the thirty-two Propositiones or Lec- 
tiones, into which the Latin work is divided) 
the theory that every ' substantial form ' pro- 
ceeds from its'First Cause, which is God, Conv. 


Cavalcante Cavalcanti 

Cavalcanti, Guido 

iii. 2''*-7 (Prop, xx) ; that the Divine Goodness 
and its gifts become diverse by the concurrence 
of that which receives them, Conv. iii. 2^1-* 
{Prop. XX, ' Diversificantur bonitates et dona 
ex concursu recipientis') ; that the first of all 
thirigs is 'being,' Conv. iii. 2*2-4 (Prop, iv init., 
' Prima rerum creatarum est esse, et non est 
ante ipsum creatum aliud ') ; that every Intelli- 
gence on high knows what is above itself and 
what below, Conv. iii. 639-42 (Prop. viii init, 
' Omnis intelligentia scit quod est supra se, et 
quod est sub se ; verumtamen scit quod est 
sub se, quoniam est causa ei, et scit quod 
est supra se, quoniam acquirit bonitates ab 
eo ') ; that every cause informs its effect with 
the goodness it has received from its own 
cause, which is God, Conv. iii. e^i^-i^ (Prop, i, 
' Causa prima adjuvat secundam causam super 
operationem suam, quoniam omnem opera- 
tionem quam causa efHcit secunda, prima etiam 
causa efficit') ; that the Primal Goodness dis- 
penses its bounty ' with a single affluence ' (con 
un discorrimento), Conv. iii. jVi-\9 (Prop. xx, 
' Prima bonitas influit bonitates super res omnes 
influxione una') ; that every noble soul has three 
methods of operation, the animal, the intel- 
lectual, and the divine, Conv. iv. 2l*9-9i (Prop. 
iii init., 'Omnis anima nobilis tres habet opera- 
tiones. Nam ex operationibus ejus est operatio 
animalis, et operatio intelligibilis, et operatio 
divina ') ; that the difference between causes is 
one of degree, Mon. i. 11I29-33 (Prop. i) ; that 
every primary cause has greater influence upon 
the object affected than a universal secondary 
cause, Epist. x. 30 (Prop. i. init., ' Omnis causa 
primaria plus est influens supra causatum suum 
quam causa universalis secunda ') ; that every 
intelligence is full of forms, Epist. x. 21 (Prop. 
x init., ' Omnis intelligentia plena est formis '). 

Cavalcante Cavalcanti. [Cavalcanti, 

Cavalcanti, noble familyof Florence, several 
members of which are mentioned by D., the 
most conspicuous being Cavalcante and his son 
Guido, the poet and friend of D. 

Villani describes the Cavalcanti as being very 
wealthy and powerful : — 

' I Cavalcanti erano una grande e possente casa 
. . . erano delle piu possenti case e di genti, e di 
possessioni, e d'avere di Firenze.' (viii. 39, 71.) 

They were originally Guelfs (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; 
on the outbreak of the Bianchi and Neri feuds 
in Florence they for the most part sided with 
the Cerchi, the leaders of the Bianchi faction, 
of which they were subsequently some of the 
most prominent supporters. 

Cavalcanti, Cavalcante], Florentine 
Guelf, father of D.'s friend, the poet Guido 
Cavalcanti ; he is placed among the Heretics 
in Circle VI of Hell, but is not mentioned by 

name ; ombra. Inf. x. 53 ; lui, v. 61 ; costui, 
V. 65 ; quel caduto, v. I lo [Eretici]. 

While D. is conversing with the Ghibelline 
Farinata degli Uberti, the shade of Cavalcante 
rises up from a sepulchre alongside of the 
latter, and looks eagerly to see if his son is 
with p. (Inf. X. 53-6) ; not seeing Guido, he 
asks where he is, and why he is not with D. 
(vv. 57-60) ; D., divining his identity from 
' his words and the fashion of his punishment ' 
(vv. 64-6), replies that he is not come of 
himself, but is brought by Virgil, ' whom per- 
haps your Guido held in disdain' (^v. 61-3) ; 
noticing that D. used the past tense (' ebbe 
a disdegno'), C. anxiously asks if his son is 
dead, and receiving no reply, falls back into 
his sepulchre and is seen no more (vv. 67-72) ; 
subsequently D. in compunction prays Farinata 
to tell him that Guido is yet ahve, and that 
his own silence was due to wonderment at C.'s 
ignorance as to his son's fate (vv. 109-14) 
[Cavalcanti, Guido : Farinata]. 

C. is said to have been an Epicurean, and 
to have disbelieved in the immortality of the 
soul ; Boccaccio says of him : — 

' Fu leggiadro e ricco cavaliere, e segui I'opinion 
d'Epicuro, in non credere che I'anima dopo la 
morte del corpo vivesse, e che il nostro sommo 
bene fosse ne' diletti carnali ; e per questo siccome 
eretico 6 dannato.' 

Benvenuto : — 

' Iste omnino tenuit sectam epicureorum, semper 
credens, et suadens aliis, quod anima simul 
moreretur cum corpore ; unde saepe habebat in 
ore istud dictum Salomonis ; Unus est interitus 
hominis et jumentorum, et aequa utriusque con- 
ditio. . . . Iste cum audisset autorem conferentem 
multa cum Farinata de novitatibus Florentiae . . . 
surrexit statim ad videndum autorem, qui ita 
mordaciter tangebat ghibelinos, quia ipse Caval- 
cante erat guelphus cum suis. . . . Et sic vide quod 
autor ponit duos epicureos simul de parte con- 
traria, unum ghibelinum, alterum guelphum.' 

Cavalcanti, Guido, famous Florentine 
poet, son of Cavalcante, his mother being 
(probably) a lady of the house of the Conti 
Guidi ; he was bom probably between 1250 
and 125s, but in any case not later than 1259 ; 
while still a youth (in 1267) he was betrothed 
by his father to Beatrice degli Uberti, daughter 
of the famous Farinata, at the time when an 
attempt was made to conciliate the feuds in 
Florence by means of matrimonial alliances 
between members of the opposing factions 
(see below) ; the date of the marriage, by 
which Guido had two children, a son Andrea 
and a daughter Tancia, is unknown. In 1280 
Guido acted as one of the sureties of the peace 
arranged by the Cardinal Latino. From 1283 
dates his friendship with D. (V. N. § 3I02-3). 
In 1284 he was a member, together with 
Brunetto Latino and Dino Compagni, of the 
Grand Council. He was an ardent Guelf, and 


Cavalcanti, Guido 

Cavalcauti, Guido 

when the Guelf party in Florence, split up 
into Bianchi and Neri, headed respectively by 
the Cerchi and the Donati, he threw in his 
lot with the former and distinguished himself 
by the violence of his opposition to the Donati, 
and especially to Corso Donati by whom, as 
Dino Compagni relates (i. 20), he was nick- 
named 'Cavicchia' (see Del Lungo's note). 
Between 1292 and 1296 Guido set out on 
a pilgrimage to Compostela in Galicia, but he 
got no further on his way than Toulouse, 
whence he appears to have turned back to 
Nimes. While he was on this journey Corso 
Donati made an attempt to assassinate him, 
in retaliation for which Guido on his return 
attacked Corso in the streets of Florence, 
receiving a wound in the affray (Comp., i. 20). 
In the summer of 1300, during D.'s priorate 
(June-Aug.), it was decided (June 24), in order 
to put an end to the disturbances caused by 
the continued hostilities between the two 
factions, to banish the leaders of both sides, 
the Neri being sent to Castel della Pieve, the 
Bianchi (Guido being among them) to Sar- 
zana in Lunigiana; amongthose who approved 
this decision were Dante, in his capacity as 
Prior, and Dino Compagni, who formed one 
of the council (' I Signori, isdegnati, ebbono 
consiglio di piii cittadini, e io Dino fui uno 
di quelli.' i. 21). It thus came about that D. 
was instrumental in sending his own friend 
into exile, and, as it proved, to his death ; for 
though the exiles were recalled very shortly 
after, so that Guido only spent a few weeks 
at Sarzana, he never recovered from the effects 
of the malarious climate of the place, and died 
in Florence at the end of August in that same 
year ; he was buried in the cemetery of Santa 
Reparata on Aug. 29, as is attested by an 
entry in the official records still preserved in 

In recording his exile and death, Villani 
says of him : — 

' Questa parte (i bianchi) vi stette meno a' con- 
fini, che furono revocati per lo infermo luogo, e 
tornonne malato Guido Cavalcanti, onde morio, 
e di lui fu grande dammaggio, perocchfe era come 
filosofo, virtudioso uomo in piii cose, se non ch' 
era troppo tenero (' touchy') e stizzoso.' (viii. 4a.) 

The betrothal of Guido Cavalcanti to the 
daughter of Farinata degli Uberti, and the 
other matrimonial alliances projected at the 
same time, are recorded by Villani under the 
year 1267 : — 

' Per trattato di pace, il gennaio vegnente il 
popolo rimise in Firenze i guelfi e' ghibellini, e 
feciono fare tra loro piii matrimoni e parentadi, 
intra li quali questi furono i maggiorenti ; che 
messer Bonaccorso Bellincioni degli Adimari diede 
per moglie a messer Forese suo figliuolo la figliuola 
del conte Guido Novello, e messer Bindo suo 
fratello tolse una degli' Ubaldini, e messer Caval- 
cante de' Cavalcanti diede per moglie a Guido suo 

figliuolo la figliuola di messer Farinata degli 
Uberti, e messer Simone Donati diede la figliuola 
a messer Azzolino di messer Farinata degli Uberti.' 
(vii. 15.) 

Of Guido's poems, which consist of canzoni, 
sonnets, and ballaie, some didactic, some 
purely lyrical, a large number has been pre- 
served ; the most famous of the didactic poems 
is the canzone (' Donna mi prega, perch' io 
voglio dire ') on the nature of love, which is 
twice quoted by D. (V. E. ii. loS"^' "3) and was 
the subject of numerous commentaries, among 
them being one in Italian by Aegidius 
Romanus [^gidio ^J ; the sonnets are for the 
most amatory, many of them being addressed 
to Dante, Dino Compagni, and Cino da 
Pistoja ; the ballaie are the least artificial of 
his poems. Guido Cavalcanti belongs with 
Dante, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Gianni 
Alfani, &c. to the school of ' il dolce stil nuovo,' 
which superseded that of Guido Guinicelli— the. 
Guido whom his namesake eclipsed as a poet in 
the vulgar tongue, according to D.'s estimate : 

' Ha tolto I'uno all' altro Guido 
La gloria della lingua.' (JPurg. xi. 97-8,) 

(See D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett. Ital., i. 93-5 ; 
and Ercole, Rime di G. C.) 

In the D. C, Guido is mentioned in the con- 
versation between D. and Cavalcante in Circle 
VI of Hell, where the latter refers to him as 
'mio figlio' and asks why he is not with D., 
Inf. X. 60 ; D. in his reply refers to him as 
' Guido vostro,' and, indicating Virgil, hints 
that Guido ' held him in disdain ' (w. 61-3) ; 
D. having used the past tense ('ebbe a dis- 
degno '), Cavalcante assumes that his son is 
dead, and asks D., 'non viv' egli ancora?' 
(vv. 67-9) ; D. does not reply, but subsequently 
bids Farinata tell Cavalcante that Guido is 
still alive, 'il suo nato fe co' vivi ancor con- 
giunto ' {vv. 109-14) [Cavalcante] ; he is 
mentioned again (by Oderisi in Circle I of 
Purgatory) as ' I'uno Guido ' whose fame as an 
Italian poet should eclipse that of 'I'altro 
Guido ' (i. e. Guido Guinicelli), and who in his 
turn should perhaps be eclipsed by another 
contemporary poet (i. e. according to some, 
by D. himself), Purg. xi. 97-9. [Guide*]. 

In the Vila Nuova, which is dedicated to 
Guido Cavalcanti (§ 3122-3)^ 15. several times 
refers to him as his most intimate friend, 
' quegli, cui io chiamo primo de' miei amici,' 
V. N. § 3^8-9 ; ' mio primo amico,' §§ 24", 
31^2, 348"* ; he includes him among the 
famous poets of the day, and mentions that 
G. was one of those to whom he sent his 
sonnet ' A ciascun' alma presa e gentil core,' 
to which G. replied, and which D. says was 
the beginning of their friendship : — 

' A questo sonetto fu risposto da molti ... tra li 
quali fu risponditore quegli, cui io chiamo primo 
de' miei amici ; e disse allora un sonetto lo quale 
comincia : Vedesti al mio parere ogni valore. E 


Cavalcanti, Guido 

Cavalcanti, Guido 

questo fu quasi il principio dell' amista tra lui e 
me, quand' egli seppe ch' io era quegli che gli aVea 
ci6 mandato.' (§ 3''-"".) 

To him D. addressed a sonnet referring to 
G.'s love for a lady of the name of Giovanna 
(Son. xxxii) : — 

' Guido, vorrei che tu e Lapo ed io 
Fossimo presi per incantamento, 
E messi ad un vascel, ch' ad ogni vento 

Per mare andasse a voler vostro e^ mio . . . 

£ monna Vanna e monna Bice poi, , , . 
Con noi ponesse il buono incantatore, 

E quivt ragionar sempre d'amore . . .' 

In the ' De Vulgari Eloquentia Guido is 
several times mentioned ; he is referred to as 
Guido Florentinus, V. E. i. 13^^ ; ii. 12^1 ; 
Guido Cavalcanti, V. E. ii. 6^^ ; Guido de 
Florentia, V. E. ii. 12I* ; his poems quoted, 
' Poi che di doglia cuor convien ch' io porti,' 
V. E. ii. 6^'; 'Donna mi prega, perch' io 
voglio dire,' V. E. ii. 12IT1 63 . he, like D. him- 
self and Lapo, rejected the Florentine dialect 
in his poems, V. E. i. 1382-7 ; composed can- 
zoni in the most illustrious style, V. E. ii. 6^* ; 
wrote stanzas of eleven- syllabled lines, V. E. 
ii. I2i*~i6 J employed three-syllabled lines in 
his canzone on the nature of love, V. E. ii. 

Several of the old commentators suppose 
that Guido Cavalcanti and D. himself are the 
two persons referred to by Ciacco (in Circle 
III of Hell), who, in speaking of the corrupt 
state of Florence, says ' Giusti son due, ma non 
vi sono intesi,' i. e. 'there are two just citizens, 
but no heed is paid to them. Inf. vi. 73. Thus 
Boccaccio says : — 

'Quali questi due si sieno, sarebbe grave I'in- 
dovinare ; nondimeno sono alcuni, i quali donde 
che egli sel traggano, che voglion dire essere state 
I'uno I'autor medesimo, e I'altro Guido Cavalcanti, 
il quale era d'una medesima setta con lui.' 

Similarly Benvenuto : — 

'Autor loquitur de se et Guidone Cavalcante, 
qui de rei veritate tempore illo erant duo oculi 
Florentiae, sed autor non exprimit nomen, sed 
relinquit intelligi judicio prudentum. De se enim 
nullus sapiens dubitabit.' 

Others think D. and Dino Compagni are 
intended [Compagni, Dino] ; while Vellutello 
has no doubt that the reference is to two pious 
Florentines, Barduccio and Giovanni da Vis- 
pignano, whose saintly reputation is recorded 
by Villani [Barduccio]. 

The meaning of D.'s expression with regard 
to Guido that ' haply he held Virgil in disdain ' 
(Inf. X. 63) has been much disputed. The 
early commentators explain that Guido pre- 
ferred philosophy to poetry ; e. g. Boccaccio 
says : — 

' Percioccjife la filosofia gli pareva, siccome ella 
6, da molto piu che la poesia, ebbe a sdegno 
Virgilio e gli altri poeti.' , 

Some think the reason was political, and 
that Guido, who was a Guelf, was in ant- 

agonism with Virgil as the poet of the Roman 
Empire ; while others (e. g. Rossetti) think it 
was because of his ' strong desire to see the 
Latin language give place in poetry and litera- 
ture to a perfected Italian idiom,' a desire to 
which D. alludes in the Vita Nuova, where he 
says that Guido wished him to write to him in 
the vulgar tongue only (§ 3121-*). 

Of Guido's character we have, besides the 
account of Villani quoted above, that of his 
friend and poetical correspondent, Dino Com- 
pagni, who describes him in his chronicle as 
' uno giovane gentile . . . cortese e ardito, ma 
sdegnoso e solitario e intento alio studio' 
(i. 20). Boccaccio in his Comento says of 
him : — 

' Fu uomo costumatissimo e ricco e d'alto in- 
gegno, e seppe molte leggiadre cose fare meglio 
che alcun altro nostro cittadino : e oltre a ci6 fu 
nel suo tempo reputato ottimo loico e buon filo- 
sofo, e fu singularissimo amico dell' autore, siccome 
esso medesimo mostra nella sua Vita Nuova, e fu 
buon dicitore in rima.' 

And in ih€ Decamerone : — 

' Fu uno de' migliori loici che avesse il mondo, 
e ottimo filosofo naturale, si fu egli leggiadrissimo 
e costumato e parlante uomo molto, e ogni cosa 
che far voile e a gentile uom pertenente, seppe 
meglio che altro uom fare, e con questo era 
ricchissimo, e a chiedere a lingua sapeva onorare, 
cui neir animo gli capeva, che il valesse. . . . 
Alcuna volta speculando, molto astratto dagli 
uomini diveniva, e perci6 che egli alquanto tenea 
della opinione degli Epicuri, si diceva tra la gente 
volgare, che queste sue speculazioni erano solo in 
cercare, se trovar si potesse, che Iddio non fosse.' 
(vi. 9.) 

Benvenuto says of him, 'fuit alter oculus 
Florentiae tempore Dantis.' 

Rossetti, who translated many of Guido's 
poems, gives the following estimate of him : — 

' He seems to have been in all things of that 
fitful and vehement nature which would impress 
others always strongly, but often in opposite 
ways. Self-reliant pride gave its colour to all his 
moods ; making his exploits as a soldier frequently 
abortive through the headstrong ardour of partisan- 
ship, and causing the perversity of a logician to 
prevail in much of his amorous poetry. The 
writings of his contemporaries, as well as his own, 
tend to show him rash in war, fickle in love, and 
presumptuous in belief; but also by the same 
concurrent testimony, he was distinguished by- 
great personal beauty, high accomplishments of 
all kinds, and daring nobility of soul. Not un- 
worthy, for all the weakness of his strength, to 
have been the object of D.'s early emulation, the 
first friend of his youth, and his precursor and 
fellow-labourer in the creation of Italian Poetry. 
. . . As a poet, he has more individual life of his 
own than belongs to any of his predecessors ; by 
far the best of his pieces being those which relate 
to himself, his loves and hates.' (Dante and his 


Cavalcanti, Francesco G. de' 

Celestino V 

Two characteristic stories of Guide have 
been preserved, the one by Boccaccio {Decam. 
vi. 9), the other by Sacchetti {Nov. 68). 

Cavalcanti, Francesco Guercio de'], 
'squinting Francis' (called Guelfo by the 
Ottimo), member of the Cavalcanti family of 
Florence, who was murdered by the inhabi- 
tants of Gaville, a village in the Upper Val- 
darno ; his death was speedily avenged by 
the Cavalcanti, who in their fury are said to 
have almost dispeopled Gaville. He is one of 
five Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 4-5)— the others 
being Cianfa (Inf. xxv. 43), Agnello (v. 68), 
Buoso [v. 140), and Puccio Sciancato {v. 148) — 
whom D. places among the Robbers in Bolgia 
7 of Circle VI 11 of Hell (Malebolge), alluding 
to him as quel, che tu, Gaville, piagni. Inf. 
xxv. 151. [Ladri.] Francesco is one of three 
spirits seen by D. to undergo transformation ; 
he is a serpent to begin with (un serpentello 
acceso, v. 83), and gradually exchanges forms 
with Buoso, who is at first in human shape 
(vv. 103-41). [Buoso : Puccio Soiancato.] 
The AnonimO Florentine says of him : — 

' Questi S messer Francesco chiaraato messer 
Guercio de' Cavalcanti, che fu morto da certi 
uomini da Gaville, ch' h una villa nel Val d'Arno 
di sopra nel contado di Firenze, per la qual morte 
i consorti di messer Francesco molti di quelli da 
Gaville uccisono et disfeciono ; et per6 dice I'Aut- 
tore che per lui quella villa ancor ne piagne, et 
per le accuse et testimonianze et condennagioni 
et uccisioni di loro, che per quella cagione ne 
seguitorono, che bene piangono ancora la morte di 
messer Francesco.' 

Cavalcanti, Guelfo de'. [Cavalcanti, 
Francesco Guercio de'.] 

Cavalcanti, Gianni Schicchi de'. 
[Gianni Schicchi.] 

Cayster, river of Asia Minor, which rises 
in Mt. Tmolus, and flows through Lydia and 
Ionia into the Aegean Sea a few miles above 
Ephesus ; it was famous for its swans, in which 
connexion (in imitation of Georg. i. 384) D. 
mentions it. Eel. ii. 1 8. 

Cecilio, Caecilius Statins, Roman comic 
poet, contemporary of Ennius, and immediate 
predecessor of Terence ; he was a native of 
Milan, and originally a slave, but afterwards 
was freed ; he died B.C. 168. 

C. is mentioned, together with Terence, 
Plautus, and Varro (or Varius) by Statins (in 
Purgatory), who asks Virgil for news of them, 
and is told that they and Persius and many 
others are with Homer and V. himself in 
Limbo, Purg. xxii. 98. [Limbo.] 

D. doubtless got the name of C. from Horace, 
by whom he is twice mentioned in his lists of 
Roman poets : — 

'Dicitur . . . 

Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare Eplcharmi ; 
Vincere Caecilius gravitate, Terentius arte.' 

\,Epist. n. i. S7-9.) 

'Quid autem 
Caecilio Plauloque dabit Romanus ademptum 
Virgilio Varioque?' {A. P. 53-5.) 

C. is also mentioned, together with Plautus 
and ' Terentius vester,' by St. Augustine in the 
De Civitate Dei (ii. 12), with which D. was 

Cecina, river of Tuscany, which flows into 
the Mediterranean about 20 miles S. of Leg- 
horn ; mentioned together with Corneto, which 
is situated on the Marta, about 10 miles N. 
of Civitavecchia, these two rivers indicating 
roughly the N. and S. limits of the Maremma 
of marshy sea-board of Tuscany, Inf. xiii. 9 

Cefalo, Cephalus, King of Athens ; men- 
tioned in connexion with Ovid's account of 
how C, being at war with Crete, sought assis- 
tance from Aeacus, King of Aegina (Metam. 
vii. 501-5), of how Aeacus complied (vv. 506- 
II), and of how he related to C. the history of 
the pestilence that destroyed the people of 
Aegina and of the repopulation of the island 
{vv. 523-657) Conv. iv. 27I56-87 [Eaco], D. 
translates the second passage {vv. 506-11), 
which according to the established text runs 
as follows : — 

'Aeacu^ in capulo sceptri nitente sinistra, 
Ne petite auxilium, sed sumite, dixit, Athenae. 
Nee dubie vires, quas haec habet insula, vestras 
Oucite ; et omnis eat rerum status iste mearum. 
Robora non desunt ; superat mihi miles, et host! : 
Gratia Dis ; felix et inexcusabile tempus.' 

The text used by D., however, evidently 
read Dicite for Ducite and erat for eat (v. 509), 
and, unless the Italian text is corrupt, it must 
have read hostis for hosti {v. 510). 

Celestino V], Celestine V (Pietro da 
Morrone), elected Pope at the age of nearly 
80, at Perugia, July 5, 1294; abdicated at 
Naples, Dec. 13 of the same year. After the 
death of Nicholas IV in 1292, the Cardinals 
had been in conclave for nearly two years 
without electing a new Pope, when on the 
suggestion of the Cardinal of Ostia they sum- 
moned the venerable hermit, Pietro da Mor- 
rone, from his cell in the remote Abruzzi to 
assume the papal crown. Pietro, who was of 
humble birth, was on account of his extra- 
ordinary austerities regarded by the people as 
a man of the highest sanctity. Scarcely, how- 
ever, had he ascended the pontifical throne 
than, weary of his dignity, he began to long 
for his former solitude, and to cast about for 
some way of vacating his office. 

'Negli anni di Cristo 1294 del mese di Luglio, 
essendo stata vacata la Chiesa di Roma dopo la 
morte di papa Niccola piii di due anni, per dis- 
cordia de' cardinali ch'erano partiti, e ciascuna 
setta volea papa uno di loro, essendo i cardinali 
in Perugia . . . furono in concordia di non chiamare 
niuno di loro coUegio, e elessono uno santo uomo, 
ch' avea nome frate Piero dal Morrope d'Abruzzj. 
Questi era romito e d'aspra vita e penitenzia, e 


Celestino V 

Celestino V 

per lasciare la vanita del mondo . . . se n'andb a 
fare penitenzia nella montagna del Morrone, la 
quale 6 sopra Sermona. Questi eletto e fatto 
venire e coronato papa, per riformare la Chiesa 
fece di Settembre vegnente dodici cardinal! . . . 
ma perche egli era semplice e non litterato, e delle 
pompe del mondo non si travagliava volentieri, 
i cardinal! il pregiavano poco, e parea loro che 
a utile e stato della Chiesa avere fatta mala ele- 
zione. II detto santo padre aweggendosi di ci6, 
e non sentendosi sofficiente al, governamento della 
Chiesa, come quegli che piii amava di servire a Die 
e I'utile di sua anima che I'onore mondano, cercava 
ogni via come potesse rinunziare il papato.' 
(Villani, viii. 5.) 

According to the current belief, which was 
shared by D. (Inf. xix. 56), Celestine's abdica- 
tion was brought about by the crafty Benedetto 
Gaetani, who a few days after, through the 
interest of Charles II of Naples, secured his 
own election, and became Pope as Boniface 

' Intra gli altri cardinal! della corte era uno 
messer Benedetto Guatani d'Alagna molto savio 
di scrittura, e delle cose del mondo molto pratico 
e sagace, il quale aveva grande volonta di per- 
venire alia dignita papale, e quello con ordine 
avea cercato e procacciato col re Carlo e co* 
cardinali, e gia aveva da loro la promessa, la quale 
poi gli venne fatta. Questi si mise dinanzi al santo 
padre, sentendo ch' egli avea voglia di rinunziare 
il papato, ch' egli facesse una nuova decretale, che 
per utilita della sua anima ciascuno papa potesse 
il papato rinunziare, mostrandogli I'esemplo di 
santo Clemente, che quando santo Pietro venne 
a morte, lascid ch' appresso lui fosse papa ; e 
quegli per utile di sua anima non voile essere . . . 
e cosi come il consiglid il detto cardinale, fece 
papa Celestino il detto decreto ; e ci6 fatto, il di 
di Santa Lucia di Dicembre vegnente, fatto con- 
cestoro di tutti i cardinali, in loro presenza si 
trasse la corona e il manto papale, e rinunzib il 
papato, e partissi della corte, e tornossi ad essere 
eremita, e a fare sua penitenzia. E cosi regnd 
nel papato cinque mesi e nove di papa Celestino.' 
(Vill. viii. s.) — ' Vero e che moiti dicono, che il 
detto cardinale gli venne una notte segretamente 
con una tromba a capo al letto, et chiamoUo tre 
volte, ove Papa Celestino gli rispose, et disse, 
Chi sei tu? Rispose quel dalla tromba, lo sono 
I'angel da Iddio mandate a te come suo divoto 
servo ; et da parte sua ti dico che tu abbia piii 
cara I'anima tua che le pompe di questo mondo, 
et subito si parti. Di che Papa Celestino non 
rest6 ch' egli rinuntid.' {Pecorone, xiii. 2.) 

In order to secure himself from any attempt 
at opposition on the part of Celestine, Boniface 
put him in prison, where he died in 1296. He 
was canonized a few years later (in 1313) by 
Clement V. [Bonifazio^.] 

Celestine is alluded to as the predecessor of 
Boniface VIII, in connexion with his abdica- 
tion. Inf. xxyii. 105 ; and according to the 
most general opinion (dating from the earliest 
commentators) he is the person indicated by 
D. as ' colui Che fece per viltate il gran rifiuto,' 

whose shade he saw among the souls of those 
' Che visser senza infamia e senza lodo,' and 
who were not worthy to enter Hell, "Inf. iii. 36, 
59-60. It has been objected to this identifica- 
tion that D. would hardly have condemned so 
severely one whom the Church regarded and 
honoured as a saint ; but this objection does 
not hold good inasmuch as, though Celestine 
was canonized in 1313, the decree of canoniza- 
tion was not made public until 1328, during 
the pontificate of John XXII, seven years 
after D.'s death, as is recorded by Villani : — 

' Nel detto anno 1328, papa Giovanni co' suoi 
cardinali appo la citta di Vignone in Proenza, ov' 
era lo corte, canonizzb santo Pietro di Muirone, il 
quale fu papa Celestino quinto.' (x. 89.) 

This point is noted by Boccaccio, who 
says : — 

' Quando I'autore entrd in questo cammino . . , 
questo san Piero non era ancora canonizzato . . . 
fu canonizzato molti anni dopo, cioe al tempo di 
papa Giovanni vegesimo secondo : e per6 infino a 
quel di che canonizzato fu, fu lecito a ciascuno di 
crederne quello che piii gli piacesse, siccome 6 di 
ciascuna cosa che della chiesa determinata non 

It must be borne in mind that by his abdi- 
cation Celestine rendered himself in D.'s eyes 
a traitor to mankind, in that he betrayed the 
sacred office of the ' summus pontifex, qui 
secundum revelata humanum genus perduceret 
ad vitam aeternam' (Mon. iii. 16''^"'); that 
he for the time being extinguished all hopes of 
a reform in the Church ; and finally, that he 
had left the way open for D.'s bitterest enemy, 
Boniface VIII. What D. stigmatizes as coward- 
ice the Church chose to regard as humility, 
but as Milman remarks : — 

' Assuredly there was no magnanimity contemp- 
tuous of the Papal greatness in the abdication of 
Celestine ; it was the weariness, the conscious in- 
efficiency, the regret of a man suddenly wrenched 
from all his habits, pursuits, and avocations, and 
unnaturally compelled or tempted to assume an 
uncongenial dignity. It was the cry of passionate 
feebleness to be released from an insupportable 

Of the old commentators, Pietro di Dante 
seems to have no doubt that Celestine is in- 
tended: — 

' Inter quos nominat fratrem Petrum de Murrono, 
ut credo, qui dictus est Papa Celestinus V; qui 
possendo ita esse sanctus et spiritualis in papatu 
sicut in eremo, papatui, qui est sedes Christi, 
pusillanimiter renuntiavit.' 

The rest are almost unanimously of the 
same opinion, but most of them mention Esau 
as an alternative. Benvenuto, on the other 
hand, energetically maintains that D. could 
not have meant Celestine, since his abdi- 
cation was an act, not of cowardice, but of 
noble self-renunciation ; his own opinion is 




that the reference is to Esau, but he adds that 
if D. did mean Celestine it was through 
ignorance that he was a holy man, and because 
he made way for Boniface VIII : — 

' Certe communis et vulgaris fere omnium opinio 
esse videtur, quod autor noster hie loquatur de 
Celestine . . . sed, quicquid dicatur, mihi videtur 
quod autor nuUo modo loquatur nee loqui possit 
de Celestino. Prime, quia licet Celestinus fecerit 
maximam renuntiationem, non tamen ex vilitate, 
imo ex magnanimitate ; fuit enim Celestinus, si 
verum loqui volumus, vere magnanimus ; magn- 
animus ante papatum, in papatu, et post papatum. 
. . . Quis ergo fuit iste tristissimus ! Dico breviter 
. . . quod fuit Esau : iste enim fecit magnam 
refutationem quande renunciavit Omnia primo- 
genita sua fratri sue Jacob . . . ista fuit maxima 
renunciatio ; nam ex primogenitura Isaac patris 
eerum descensurus erat Christus. ... Si tamen 
quis velit omnino resistere, et dicere autorem 
intellexisse de Celestino . . . pro excusatione 
autoris dicam quod nondura erat sibi nota sanctitas 
heminis. . . . Praeterea autor erat iratus Bonifacio, 
auteri exilii et expulsienis ejus. Qui Celestinus 
denaverat sponte Bonifacio summum pontificatum.' 

Fazio degli Uberti in the Dittamondd (written 
before 1360) names Celestine as being in Hell, 
evidently in allusion to this passage of the 
D. C. :— 

' Tra lor 'tosl per cattivo si danna 
II mis^ro .'Giovanni lor Delfino, 
Che rifiiit6 Ponor di tanta manna, 
Come fe in inferno papa Celestino.' (iv. 21.) 

Among the Various persons suggested by 
modern commentators are Diocletian, the 
Roman Emperor who abdicated ; Augustulus, 
the last Roman Emperor of the West ; Giano 
della Bella ; and Vieri de' Cerchi, the incap- 
able head of the Florentine Bianchi. (See 
Barlow, II gran Rifiuto). 

Centauri, Centaurs, mythical raCe, half 
horses and half men ; they are said to have 
been the offspring of Ixion, King of the 
Lapithae, and a cloud in the shape of Hera, 
hence D., who introduces them as examples of 
gluttony in Circle VI of Purgatory, refers to 
them as ' i maladetti Nei nuvoli formati,' Purg. 
xxiv. 1 2 1-2 ; their fight with the Lapithae and 
Theseus at the wedding of Pirithoiis, their 
half-brother, and Hippodame, is alluded to, 
vv. 122-3 [Grolosi: Teseo]. D. got the story 
from Ovid : — 

[During the wedding-feast the Centaur Eurytus, 
inflamed with wine, attempts to carry off the bride, 
while his companions seize the other women.] 

' Duxerat Hippodamen audaci Ixione natus, 
Nubigenasque feros, positis ex ordine mensis, 
Arboribiis tecto discumbere jusserat antro . . . 
Ecce canunt hymenaeon, et ignibus atria fumant ; 
Cinctaque adest virgo matnim, nuruumque catervai 
Praesignis facie; feficem diximus ilia 
Conjuge Pirithoiim : quod paene fefelUmus omen. 
Nam tibi, saevorum saf^vissime Centaurarum 
Euryte, quam vino pectus, tam virgine visa 
Ardet ; et ebrietas geminata libidine regnat. 
Protinus eversae turbant convivia roensae ; 
Raptaturque comis per vim nova nupta prehecsis. 

Eurytus Hippodamen, alii, quam quisque probabanC 
Aut poterant, rapiunt.' 

[Theseus rescues Hippodame and the fight 
becomes general.] 

'"Quae te vecordia," Theseus, 
"Euryte, pulsat," ait, "qui, roe vivente lacessas 
Pirithoiim, violesque duos ignanls in uno?" 
Neve ea magnanimus fnistra memoraverit heros, 
Submovet instantes, raptamque fu'rentibus aufert,' 

[In the sequel, after a bloody conflict, the 
Centaurs are defeated.] {Metam. iii. 210 ff.) 

D. places the Centaurs as guardians of the 
Tyrants and Murderer's in Round I of Circle 
VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 56; fiere snelle, v..y6; 
they are armed with bows and arrows {vv. 56, 
60), and shoot any of the spirits who attempt 
to evade their punishment {vv. 73-5) ; three of 
them, Chiron, Nessus, and Pholus, advance 
from the troop {vv. 59-60) ; Nessus threatens 
D. and Virgil {vv. 61-3), but is rebuked by 
the latter {vv. 64-6), who explains to D. who 
they are {vv. 67-72), and requests Chiron to 
give them an escort {vv. 91-6) ; Chiron sends 
Nessus with them, who points out the different 
sinners to them as they -go along {vv. 97-139) 
[Chirone : Folo i TTesso : Violent!]. 

Elsewhere D. refers to the Centaurs as ' the 
brothers of Cacus,' Inf. Scxv. 28. [Caoo.] 

The Centaurs, with their semi-bestial form, 
typify the sins of bestiality (Inf. xi. 83). Ben- 
venuto regards them as representative of the 
foreign mercenaries (' stipendiarii,' the ' con- 
dottieri ' of later times), who were beginning to 
overrun Italy : — 

' Isti centauri figuraliter sunt stipendiarii, et viri 
militares praedatores . . . proh dolor! in haec 
tempera infelicitas mea me deduxit, ut viderem 
hodie miseram Italiam plenam barbaris socialibus 
omnium nationura. Hie enim sunt Anglici sanguine!, 
Alemanni furiosi, Britones bruti, Vascones rapaces, 
Hungari immundi.' 

Centauro, Centaur ; of Nessus, Inf. xii. 
61, 104, 115, 129 [ITesso] ; of Cacus (who was 
not properly speaking a Centaur), Inf. xxv. 17 

Ceperano, town in Latium on the banks of 
the Liris (branch of the Garigliano), which 
there forms part of the frontier between the 
Papal States and the kingdom of Naples. 

D. mentions C. in allusion to the betrayal of 
Manfred by the Apulians just before the fatal 
battle of Benevento (Feb. 26, I26|), Inf. xxviii. 

Hearing of the approach of Charles of 
Anjou, Manfred directed all his energies to the 
defence of the passes into his kingdom. At 
the point called the bridge of Ceperano, where 
the road crosses the Liris, he posted the Count 
Giordano, and his relative, the Count of 
Caserta ; the latter, however, turned traitor (in 
revenge, it is said, for a private wrong), and 
abandoned the pass, leaving Charles to advance 
unopposed : — 




' Lo re Manfredi sentendo la venuta del detto 
Carlo, e poi della sua gente . . . incontanente mise 
tutto suo studio alia guardia de' passi del Regno, 
e al passo al ponte a Cepperano mise il conte 
Giordano e quello di Caserta . . . con gente assai 
a pi^ e a cavallo. . . . Awenne che, giunto il re 
Carlo con sua oste a Fresolone in Campagna, 
scendendo verso Cepperano, il detto conte Giordano 
che a quello passo era a guardia, veggendo venire 
la gente del re per passare, voile difendere il 
passo ; il conte di Caserta disse ch' era meglio a 
lasciarne prima alquanti passare, si gli avrebbono 
di la dal passo sanza colpo di spada. II conte, 
quando vide ingrossare la gente, ancora voile 
assalirli con battaglia ; allora il conte di Caserta, il 
quale era nel trattato, disse che la battaglia era di 
gran rischio, imperciocch6 troppi n'erano passati. 
Allora il conte Giordano veggendo si possente la 
gente del re, abbandonarono la terra e il ponte, 
chi dice per paura, ma i piii dissono per lo trattato 
fatto dal re al conte di Caserta, imperciocch' egli 
non amava Manfredi . . . e voile fare questa 
vendetta col detto tradimento. E a questo diamo 
fede, perocchfe furono de' primi egli e' suoi che 
s'arrenderono al re Carlo, e lasciato Cepperano, 
non tornaro all' oste del re Manfredi a san Ger- 
mane, ma si tennero in loro castella.' (Villani, 
vii. 5.) 

D. implies that there was a battle at Cepe- 
rano, but as a matter of fact no engagement 
took place at the bridge ; he has perhaps con- 
fused what happened there with the action at 
San Germano, which was besieged and taken 
a few days later (Vill. vii. 6) ; or possibly, since 
the context seems to point to an engagement 
in which there was great loss of life, his words 
(taken somewhat loosely) refer to the decisive 
battle at Benevento itself, during which, at 
a critical moment, as Villani relates : — 

' la maggiore parte de' baroni pugliesi, e del 
Regno, . . . o per vilta di cuore, o veggendo a loro 
avere U peggiore, e chi disse per tradimento, . . . 
si fallirono a Manfredij abbandonandolo e fuggen- 
dosi.' (vii. g.) [Benevento : Manfredi.] 

Cephas (a Syriac word, answering to the 
Greek Peter, and signifying a rock), name 
given by Christ to Simon : — 

'When Jesus beheld Simon, he said, Thou art 
Simon the son of Jona : thou shalt be called 
Cephas, which is by interpretation, A stone.' {John 
i. 4a.) 

St. Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn) 
contrasts the simplicity of St. Peter (whom he 
calls by the name of Cephas) and St. Paul 
with the luxury of the prelates of his day, Par. 
xxi. 127-8 [Pietroi]. 

Cepperano, [Ceperano.] 

Cerbero, Cerberus, huge dog-like monster, 
with three heads, who guarded the entrance to 
the infernal regions ; the last and most difficult 
of the twelve labours of Hercules was to bring 
Cerberus into the upper world, which he ac- 


complished by putting the monster in a chain 
and carrying him off. 

D., taking C. as the type of gluttony, places 
him as guardian of Circle HI of Hell, where 
the Gluttonous are punished, Inf vi. 13 ; Jiera 
crudele e diver sa, v. 13; il gran vermo, v. 22 ; 
demonio, v. 32 ; he is described as a cruel and 
uncouth brute, with three heads, scarlet eyes, 
a greasy black beard, a huge belly, and paws 
armed with nails, with which he claws and 
rends the spirits under his charge {vv. 13-18), 
while he deafens them with his barking (vv. 
32-3) [Golosi] ; when he catches sight of D. 
and Virgil, he shows his tusks at them, but V. 
appeases him by throwing handfuls of earth 
down his throats {vv. 22-31). The incident 
is imitated from Virgil : — 

' Cerberus haec ingens latratu regna trifauci 
Personat, adverso recubans inmanis in antro. 
Cui vates, horrere videns jam colla colubris, 
Melle soporatam et medicatis frugibus offam 
Objicit. Ille fame rabida tria guttura pandens 
Corripit objectam, at(jue inmania terga resolvit 
Fusus humi, totoque ingens extendftur antro.' 

{Aen. vi. 417-23.) 

The heavenly messenger at the gate of Dis 
mentions C. as having had ' his chin and 
throat peeled,' in allusion to his having been 
chained and carried off to the upper world 
by Hercules, Inf. ix. 98-9 : — 

'Tartareum ille (Alcides) manu custodem in vincla 

Ipsius a solio regis, traxitque trementem.' 

[Aen. vi. 39S-6.) 

Cerchi, wealthy Florentine family of low 
origin, who originally came from Acone, a small 
village in the neighbourhood of Florence ; in 
1215, when Florence was divided into Guelfs 
and Ghibellines, they espoused the cause of 
the former, and were already at that date 
rising into prominence ; subsequently, when 
the Florentine Guelfs split up into Bianchi and 
Neri, by which time they were wealthy mer- 
chants, and very powerful in the commercial 
- world, they became the leaders of the former, 
while the Donati, who were of noble origin, 
headed the Neri. Villani, whose father was 
a partner in the house of Cerchi, and who 
acted as their agent in England, says r — 

' Nel sesto di porte san Piero furono de' nobili 
guelfi gli Adimari, i Visdomini, i Donati, i Pazzi 
. . . e gia i Cerchi cominciavano a salire in istato, 
tutto fossono mercatanti.' (v. 39.) — 'Erano di 
grande affare, e possenti, e di grandi parentadi, 
e ricchissimi mercatanti, che la loro compagnia era 
delle maggiori del mondo ; uomini erano morbidi 
e innocenti, salvatichi e ingrati, siccome genti 
venuti di piccolo tempo ill grande stato e podere.' 
(viii. 39.) 

The Cerchi are mentioned by Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars), who laments the 
extension of the city of Florence, which brought 
them from their original home at Acone within 
its walls. Par. xvi. 65 [Acone i] ; he alludes 
to their residence in the Porta san Piero, where. 

L 2 



the Ravignani, the ancestors of the Conti 
Guidi (whose palace the Cerchi bought in 
1280), dwelt in his time, and speaks of them as 
'nuova fellonia di tanto peso, Che tosto fia 
jattura della barca;' in reference to their up- 
start origin, and to the ruin which the Bianchi 
and Neri feuds were destined to bring upon 
the city {^v. 94-8) [Guidi, Conti: Ravi- 

In reference to the Cerchi as leaders of the 
Bianchi, the latter are called by Ciacco (in 
Circle III of Hell) 'la parte selvaggia,' i.e. 
the rustic (the Cerchi having only recently 
come into the city from the country), and 
hence boorish, savage, party (just as Villani 
calls them ' salvatichi,' and speaks of their 
'bizarra salvatichezza '), Inf. vi. 65 [Bianohi]. 

After their purchase of the palace of the 
Conti Guidi (Vill. iv. 11) the Cerchi became 
the near neighbours of the more ancient but 
less wealthy Donati, and in consequence great 
jealousy, ending in a deadly feud, arose be- 
tween the two houses, which led to constant 
breaches of the peace in Florence. The 
degree of jealousy and suspicion with which 
they regarded each other may be gathered 
from the following incident, related by Dino 
Compagni : — 

' Intervenne, che una famiglia che si chiamavano 
i Cerchi (uomini di basso stato, ma buoni mercatanti 
e gran ricchi, e vestiano bene, e teneano molti 
famigli e cavagli, e aveano bella apparenza), alcuni 
di loro comprorono il palagio de' conti (Guidi), 
che era presso alle case de' Pazzi e de' Donati, 
i quali erono piu antichi di sangue, ma non si ' 
ricchi : onde, veggendo i Cerchi salire in altezza 
(avendo murato e cresciuto il palazzo, e tenendo 
gran vita), cominciorono avere i Donati grande 
odio contro a loro. . . . Di che si generb molto 
scandalo e pericolo per la citta e per speziali 
persone. . . . Essendo molti cittadini uno giorno, 
per seppellire una donna morta, alia piazza de' 
Frescobaldi, essendo I'uso della terra a simili 
raunate i cittadini sedere basso in su stuoie di 
giunchi, e i cavalieri e dottori su alto in sulle 
panche, essendo a sedere i Donati e i Cerchi in 
terra (quelli che non erano cavalieri), I'una parte 
al dirempetto all' altra,' uno, o per racconciarsi 
i panni o per altra cagione, si lev6 ritto. Gli 
awersari anche, per sospetto, si levorno, e missino 
mano alle spade ; gli altri feciono il simile : e 
vennono alia zuffa : gli altri uomini che v' erano 
insieme, li tramezzorono, e non gli lasciorno 
azzuffare. . . . Non si pote tanto amortare, che alle 
case de' Cerchi non andasse molta gente; la quale 
volentieri sarebbe ita a ritrovare i Donati se none 
che alcuni de' Cerchi non lo consent!.' (i. 20.) 

Cerere, Ceres, daughter of Saturn and 
Rhea, and sister of Jupiter, by whom she 
became the mother of Proserpine. Jupiter, 
without her knowledge, had promised her 
daughter to Pluto, the god of the lower world, 
and while Proserpine was gathering flowers 
near Enna in Sicily, 'she herself, a fairer flower, 


was plucked ' by the infernal god, and carried 
oflF to the lower regions. After wandering 
many days in search of her daughter C. learnt 
from the Sun that Pluto had carried her off; 
whereupon she quitted Olympus in anger and 
came to dwell on earth among men, becoming 
the protectress of agriculture. 

D. mentions her as goddess of Corn, Conv. 
ii. j43-4 ; and alludes to her as the mother of 
Proserpine, to whom he compares Matilda, as 
she appeared to him gathering flowers upon 
the banks of the river Lethe, Purg.xxviii. 49-51 
[Matelda: Proserpina]. The description is 
taken from Ovid : — 

' Haud procul Hennaeis lacus est a moenibus altae 
Nomine Fergus aquae : . . . 

Silva coronat aquas, cinffens latus omne; suisque 
Frondibus, ut velo, Phoebeos submovet ictus. 
Frigora dant rami, Tyrios humus humida flores, 
Perpetuum ver est; quo dum Proserpina luco 
Ludit, et aut violas, aut Candida lilia carpit, 
Dumque puellari studio calathosque sinumque 
Implet, et aequales certat superare legendo, 
Paene simul visa est, dilectaque, raptaque Diti; 
Usque adeo properatur amor ! Dea territa maesto 
Et matrem, et comites, sed matrem saepius, ore 
Clamat ; et, ut summa vestem lani^rat ab ora, 
Collect! flores tunicis cecidere remissis. 
Tantaque simplicitas puerilibus adfuit annis, 
Haec quoque virgineum movit jactura dolorem,' 

{MetaTK. V. 585-401.) 

Certaldo, village in Tuscany, in the Val 
d'Elsa, about seven miles from Poggibonsi 
on the road between Florence and Siena; 
mentioned, together with Campi and Figline, 
by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who 
laments the immigration into Florence of in- 
habitants from these places, and the consequent 
debasement of the Florentine character, Par. 
xvi. 50. [Campi.] 

Benvenuto sees a special allusion to a cer- 
tain Jacobo da Certaldo, one of the Priors of 
Florence, who, when the Podestk threatened 
to resign, insolently asked him if he thought 
he was the only person who could govern 
Florence, and coolly himself assumed the office 
of Podestk : — 

' Hoc dixit autor propter quemdam dominura 
Jacobum de Certaldo, qui fuit tantae temeritatis, 
quod cum Potestas Florentiae ex certo casu raiiia- 
retur se depositurum sceptrum, iste, qui tunc erat 
de prioribus, arroganter respondit : Nonne credas 
quod sit alius sciens regere terram istam! Et 
continue assumpta virga Potestatis, accessit ad 
palatium Potestatis et coepit sedere ad bancum ad 
jura reddenda ; et hoc fecit aliquot diebus.' 

Certaldo was the residence of Boccaccio, and 
Benvenuto, who calls him 'venerabilis prae- 
ceptor meus,' takes this opportunity of singing 
the praises of the author of the Decamerom. 

Cervia, small town in the Emilia (in the 
old Romagna) on the Adriatic, about twelve 
miles S. of Ravenna ; it was a place of some 
importance in the Middle Ages, as enjoying 
a salt monopoly, which appears to have 
yielded a considerable revenue. Benvenuto 
says : — 



' Habet haec civitas praerogativam salis ; uude 
cardinalis ostiensis dorainus Bononiae et Roman- 
diolae erat solitus dicere : Plus habemus de Cerviola 
parvula, quam de tota Romandiola.' 

In answer to an inquiry from Guido da 
Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell) as to the condition of Romagna, D. in- 
forms him that the Polenta family, who had 
long been lords of Ravenna (since 1270), were 
at that time (in 1300) also lords of Cervia, 
Inf. javii. 40-2. 

Philalethes states that in 1292 Bernardino 
Polenta, a brother of Francesca da Rimini, 
was Podestk of Cervia, while another brother, 
Ostasio Polenta, was Podestk of Ravenna. 
The lord of Ravenna at the time D. was 
speaking was Guido Vecchio da Polenta 
(d. 1310), father of Francesca da Rimini, and 
grandfather of Guido Novello, D.'s future host 
of Ravenna. Cervia subsequently passed into 
the hands of the Malatesta of Rimini. [Mala- 
testa: Folenta.] 

Cesare 1, Caius Julius Caesar (born B.C. 100), 
according to D.'s theory, the first of the Roman 
Emperors ; he was Consul in 59, conquered 
Gaul and invaded Britain between 58 and 
49 (in which year he passed the Rubicon 
and marched on Rome), and subsequently de- 
feated Pompey's lieutenants in Spain ; in 48 
he crossed over to Greece and defeated 
Pompey at Pharsalia; and pursuing him into 
Egypt, after his death, made war upon 
Ptolemy in 47 ; in 46 he defeated Scipio and 
Juba iji Africa at Thapsus, and in the next 
year crossed over to Spain and defeated 
Pompey's sons at Munda; in the autumn of 
45 he returned in triumph to Rome, where in 
the following spring (March 15, 44) he was 
assassinated by Brutus and Cassius. 

D. places Caesar, whom he represents as 
armed ^nd as having the eyes of a hawk 
('fuisse traditur . . . nigris vegetisque oculis,' 
says Suetonius), among the great heroes of 
antiquity in Limbo, in company with the 
Trojan warriors Hector and Aeneas (the 
mythical founder of the Roman Empire), Inf. 
iv. 122-3 [Limlbo] ; he is mentioned in con- 
nexion with his crossing the Rubicon, Inf. 
xxviii. 98 ; Epist. vii. 4 [Ciirio : Kubicon] ; 
his campaign in Spain against Pompey's lieu- 
tenants, Afranius and Petreius, Purg. xviii. 
loi [Ilerda] ; the belief that he had been 
guilty of sodomy, Purg. xxvi. 77 {see below) ; 
his victories in Gaul, Spain, Greece, and 
Egypt, Par. vi. 57-72 [Aquila i] ; his victory 
at Thapsus, Conv. iii. 5I23; Mon. ii. 5I6I 
[Catone^]; his office as 'first supreme 
prince ' (i.e. Emperor of Rome), Cony. iv. si"" ; 
called Julius by Virgil (in his first speech to 
D.), Inf. i. 70 [JuHua] ; alluded to (by 
St. Thomas Aquinas in the Heaven of the 
Sun), in connexion with the sioiy of the fisher- 

man Amyclas, as Colui cK a tidto il mondo 
fe' paura, Par. xi. 69 ; and mentioned in the 
same connexion, Conv. iv. 13I13-I9 [Am.i- 

In the passage, Purg. xxvi. 77-8, D. alludes to 
an incident which is said to have taken place 
during one of Caesar's triumphs, when he was 
greeted by the crowd with shouts of ' Regina,' 
in allusion to the common belief that while in 
Bithynia he had committed sodomy with King 
Nicomedes. The Anonimo Fiorentino says : — 

, 'Poi che Cesare ebbe vinta Tultima battaglia contro a' 
figliuoli di Pompeo appresso a Monda . . . tornd a Roma, 
dove gli furon fatti cinque triunfi ; et pero che lecito era 
a ciascuno di rimproverare al triunfatore ogni suo vizio . . . 
uno grido a Cesare : O reffina di Bitinia, come se' oggi 
onorato! rimproverandogli il vizio di sodomita, il quale 
avea usato in lui il re di Bitinia.^ 

Suetonius, in his life of Caesar, in a chapter 
headed I>e pudicitia ejus prostrata apud Nicomedem 
regem, gives the following account : — 

'Pudicitiae Caesaris famam nihil quidem praeter Nico- 
medis contubernium laesit, gravi tamcn et perenni ojiprobrio, 
et ad omnium convicia exposito. Omitto Calvi Licinii 
notissimos versus, Bithynia quicquid et paedicator Caesaris 
unquan^ habuit. Praetereo actiones Dotabellae, et Curionis 
patris, in quibus eum Dolabella pellicem reginae spondam 
mteriorem regiae lecticae, et Curio stabulum Nicomedis, et 
bithynicum fornicem dicunt. Missa etiam facio edicta 
Bibuli, quibus proscripsit collegam suum bithynicam reginam 
eique regem antea misse cordi, nunc esse regnum. Quo 
tempore, ut M. Brutus refert, Octavius etiam quidam vali- 
tudine mentis liberius dicax conventu maximo, quum Pom- 
peium regem appellasset, ipsum reginam salutavit. , . . 
Gallico denique tnumpho milites ejus mter caetera carmina 
qualia currum prosequentes joculariter canunt, etiam vulga- 
tissimum illud pronunciaverunt, 

Gallias Caesar subegit, Nicomedes Caesarem, 
Ecoe Caesar nunc triumphat, qui subegit Gallias, 
Nicomedes non triumphat qui subegit Caesarem.* 

The commentators suppose that D.,who speaks 
of Caesar's having been greeted as ' Regina ' 
during a triumph, confused the two incidents 
referred to by Suetonius, viz. his being saluted as 
' Regijia ' in a public assembly, and his being 
mocked by his soldiers during a triumph on ac- 
count of his supposed unnatural intercourse with 
Nicomedes. D.'s authority, however, was probably 
not Suetonius, but the Magnae JDerivaliones of 
Uguccione da Pisa, whose version of the incident, 
given under the word triumphus, exactly agrees 
with that of D. : — 

' In ilia die licebat cuilibet dicere in personam trium- 
phantis quicquid vellet: unde Caes^ri tnumphanti fertur 
quidam dixisse cum deberet induci m civitatem : Aperite 
portas regi calvo et reginae Bitiniae, volens significare quod 
calvus erat et quod succ^ba extiterat regis Bitiniae. Et 
alius de eodem vitio : Ave rex et regina ! ' 

D. was well acquainted with this work of 
Uguccione, of which he made considerable use, 
and which he quotes by name in the Convivio 
(iv. 6'°), ['D'g:uccione ''.'] 

D. consistently regards Julius Caesar as the 
first of the Roman Emperors, hence he ad- 
dresses Henry VII of Luxemburg as ' Caesaris 
successor,' Epist. vii. I ; and it is as traitors to 
Caesar, the representative of the highest civil 
authority ('primo principe sommo,' Conv. iv. 
5100), that he condemns Brutus and Cassius to 
the lowest pit of Hell, along with Judas, the 
betrayer of the representative of the highest 
spiritual authority. [Bruto 2.'\ 




Cesare 2, Caesar, appellative of the Roman 
Emperors^ applied by D. to the sovereigns of the 
Holy Roman Empire as well ; of Frederick II, 
Inf. xiii. 65; V. E. i. 1221 [Federico^]; of 
Albert I, Purg. iv. 92, 114 [Alberto Tedesoo] ; 
of li^nry vn, Epist. v. 2; vi. ^,fin. [Arrigo^] ; 
of the Roman Emperor' in general, Par. i. 29 ; 
xvi. 59 ; Men. iii. l6i35 ; Epist. y. 3, 5, 9 ; 
vii. I ; of Justinian, Par. vi. 10 [Qiustiniano] ; 
of Tiberius, who, as having succeeded Julius 
Caesar and Augustus, is called il tereo Cesare,; Mon.ii.13*'; Epist. v. 10 [Tiberio] ; 
of Julius Caesar, Mon. ii. 51*1 ; Epist. vii. I, 4 
"Cesare 1]; of Augustus, Mon. ii. gi^^, i2« 

Augusto 2] ; of Nero, Mon. iii. I2**> *'> 60, 53 

lifer one]. 

D. lays great stress on the fact that to the 
Roman Emperor, in the person of his represen- 
tative, Pontius Pilate, was granted the glory of 
satisfying the divine justice (Par. vi. 88-90), since 
by the crucifixion of Christ the wrath of God on 
account of the sin of Adam was appeased (Par. vii. 
40-48). The argument is developed in the De 
Monarchia : — 

' Si Romanum imperium de jure non fuit, peccatum Adae 
in Christo non fuit punitum. ... Si ergo sub ordinario 
judice Christus passus non fuisset, ilia poena punitio non 
fuisset ; et judex ordinarius esse non poterat, nisi supra 
totum humanum genus jurisdictionem habens. . . . Et 
supra totum liumanum genus Tiberius Caesar, cujus vicarius 
erat Filatus, jurisdictionem non habuisset, nisi Romanum 
imperium de jure fuisset.' (ii. 13!"^".) 

Cesena], town of N. Italy in the Emilia (in 
the old Romagna), on the Savio, midway 
between Fori! and Rimini, at the foot of the 
hills belonging to the Etruscan Apennine 

In answer to an inquiry from Guido da Monte- 
feltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) as to 
the condition of Romagna, D. refers to Cesena 
as the city ' a cui il Savio bagna il franco,' and 
remarks that, just as it is placed between hill 
and plain, so it has alternate experience of 
tyranny and freedom. Inf. xxvii. 52-4. 

Cesena, about the time of which D. is speak- 
ing (1300), appears to have been to a certain 
extent independent. Galasso da Montefeltro 
(cousin of Guido) was Captain and Podesti 
in 1289, and Podestk again in 1299; on his 
death in 1300 Ciapettino degli Ubertini be- 
came Podestk, while Uguccione della Faggiuola 
and Federigo da Montefeltro (Guide's son) 
were Captains, but they were driven out in the 
following year. In 13 14 the lordship of the 
town was assumed by Malatestino, lord of 

Chermontesi, [CMaram^ontesi.] 

Cherubi, Cherubim (in rime for Cheruhini, 
coupled with Serafi for Serafini), Par. xxviii. 
99 (: dubi : ubi). [Cherubini.] 

Cherubini, Cherubim ; Guido da Monte- 
feltro says that on his death St. Francis 
claimed him, but that he was carried off to Hell 

by a devil, one of the black Cherubim, and 
thrust into Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII (Malebolge), 
Inf. xxvii. 1 12-14. The commentators point 
out that, as the Cherubim preside over the 
eighth Heaven {see below), so the fallen mem- 
bers of that order are appropriately put in 
charge of the eighth Circle of Hell. 

Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) men- 
tions the Cherubim, in her exposition of the 
arrangement of the Angelic Hierarchies, as 
ranking second in the first Hierarchy, the 
Seraphim ranking first of all. Par. xxviii. 98-9 
(cf. Conv. ii. 65*^^) [Gerarcfaia] ; they con- 
template the second Person of the Trinity, 
God the Son, Conv. ii. 6*1"* ; they preside over 
the Heaven of the Fixed Stars. [Paradiso 1.] 

The Cherubim were said to excel in know- 
ledge, the Seraphim in ardour ; as these were 
respectively the characteristics of the two orders 
of St. Dominic and St. Francis, the Dominicans 
being more especially distinguished by their 
attention to doctrine, the Franciscans by their 
good works, a parallel was established between 
the two angelic and the two monastic orders. 
St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) alludes to this when he says of St. Francis 
and St. Dominic (Par. xi. 37-9) : — 

' L'un fu tutto serafico in ardore, 
L'altro per sapienza in terra file 
Di ciierubjca luce ^^o splendore,* 


Chiana, river in Tuscany, noted in D.'s 
time for the sluggishness of jts stream ; the 
silting up of its bed turned the whole Valdi- 
chiana into a malarious swamp, which was 
a byword for its unhealthiness. At the begin- 
ning of the present century the valley was 
drained, and the river converted into a canal, 
connecting the Arno (at a point close to Arezzo) 
with the Lago di Chiusi and the Paglia (a tribu- 
tary of the Tiber), which it enters a little N. of 
Orvieto. The Chiana is remarkable as having 
entirely changed the direction of its current ; 
formerly the stream flowed S. towards the 
Tjber, now it runs in the reverse direction 
towards the Arno. 

D., referring to its sluggishness, says that 
the dancing of the two garlands of stars in the 
Heaven of the Sun as greatly surpassed such 
dancing as we are accustomed to, as the 
motion of the Primum Mobile, the most swiftly 
revolving of the Heavens, surpasses that of the 
Chiana, Par, jciii. 22-4. [Mobile Primo.] 

D. mentions the Valdichiana, the district 
between Arezzo, Cortona, Montepulciano, and 
Chiusi, and alludes to the crowded state of its 
hospitals in the month of August on account 
of its unhealthiness, coupling it with the 
malarious Maremma of Tuscany and the low- 
lands of Sardinia, Inf xxix. 46-8. 

Benvenuto states that there was a large 
hospital for poor fever-patients at Altopasso in 
the Valdichianf' district. 


Chiara, Santa 

Chiara, Santa], St. Clara, the first founder 
of conventual institutions for women ; she was 
born of a noble familyof Assisi in 1194; founded 
in 1212, under the direction of St. Francis, the 
order of nuns which bears her name ; died in 
1253, and was canonized, by Alexander IV, in 
1255. The rule of her order, which was con- 
firmed in 1246 by Gregory IX, was character- 
ized by extreme austerity. 

St. C. is alluded to by Piccarda Donati (ad- 
dressing D. in the Heaven of the Moon), who 
had been a niin of the order, as Donna . . . alia 
cui norma Nel vostro mondo giit si veste e vela, 
Par. iii. 98-9. [Piooajrda.] Benvenuto says of 
her: — 

' Fuit conterranea et contemporanea beati Fran- 
cisci, ejus dilecta et devota, quae in omnibus 
illius vestigia voluit imitari, in paupertate, caritate, 
humilitate, sobrietate, puritate, et simplicitate.' 

Chiaramontesi], ancient noble family of 
Florence, alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) as having been among the 
great families of his day ; he speaks of them, 
in reference to a fraud of a member of the 
house when overseer of the salt-customs, as 
Quel ch' arrossan per lo staio, 'those who 
blush for the bushel,' Par. ?;vi. 105 ; this same 
fraud is alluded to again, together with that of 
Niccola Acciaiuoli, in connexion with the 
ascent to the church of San Miniato, the steps of 
which D. says were made in the days 'when 
the ledger and the stave were safe' in Florence, 
Purg. xii. 103-5 [Aooiaiuoli, Ifiooola]. 

The perpetrator of the fraud in question 
was a certain Durante de' Chiaramontesi, who, 
about the year 1299, when overseer of the salt 
customs in Florence, used to receive the salt 
in a measure of the legal capacity, but dis- 
tributed it in a measure of smaller capacity 
from which a stave had been withdrawn, and 
thus made a large profit on the difference. 
The Ottimo Comento says : — 

' Essendo un ser Durante de' Chermontesi doga- 
nieri e camarlingo della camera del sale del co- 
mune di Firenze, trasse il detto ser Durante una 
doga dello staio, applicando a se tuttp il sale, owero 
pecunia che di detto avanzamento perveniva.* 

The Anonimo fiprentino : — 

' Era usanza di meusurare il sale et altre cose 
con stara fatte a doghe di legname, come V'&o"- 
ciuoli ; un cittadipo della famiglia de' Chiaramontesi 
fu camerlingo a dare il sale ; appresso questi, 
quando il recevea dal comune, il riceveva colic 
staio diritto ; quando il dava al popolo ne trasse 
una doga picciola dello staio, onde grossamente 
ne venia a guadagnare. Scopersesi il fatto ; et 
saputa la verita, questo cittadino fu condennato et 
gravemente et vituperevolmente, onde poi i di- 
scendenti suoi, che sono antichi uomini, essendo 
loro ricordato arrossono et vergognonsi ; et fessl 
di ci6 in lor vergogna una canzoncella che dicea ; 
EgU e iratta una doga del sale, Et gli uffici son tutti 


Benvenuto states that the culprit was be- 
headed, and that to prevent similar frauds it 
was ordained that for the future the measure 
should be of iron. 

Neither Villani nor Dino Compagni makes 
mention of this particular fraud, which by 
Lana, and one or two of the other old com- 
mentators, is laid at the door, not of the 
Chiaramontesi, but of the Tosinghi, who are 
said to have cheated in the distribution not of 
salt, but of corn. 

Villani, who mentions the Chiaramontesi 
among the Guelf families (v. 39), says of them : — 

* N^ quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . 
i Galligai, e Chiarmontesi, e Ardinghi che abita- 
vanp in orto san Michele, erano molto antichi.' 
(iv. II.) 

According to the Ottimo Comento they had 
fallen into decay in D.'s time : — 

' Ebbero noma ed hanno Chermontesi ; e se 
alcuna cosa erano, caddero quandp i Cerchi furono 
pacciati si come Bianchi.' 

Ld. Vernon states that members of the 
family are named in early records ^s having 
held office in Florence quite at the beginning 
pf Cent, xiii ; while one of them was among 
the Priors in 1301. Their name pedal's ii? the 
Riforma of 1 3 1 1 among the families condemned 
%o banishment and perpetual exclusion from 

Chjarentana, Carin^hia, mountainous pro- 
vince of Illyria, which lies between Styria and 
the Tyrol, and is separated from Venetia by 
the Carnic Alps ; as at present constituted it 
forms part of the Austrian Empire, but the 
roediaeval duchy of Carinthia was considerably 
moye extensive thani the modern province of 
that name. 

D . mentions C. in connexion with the Brenta, 
the floods of which he says a^^e caused by the 
melting of the snows in that district during the 
sumrner, Inf. xv. 7-9. [Brenta.] 

Modern commentators have made a difficulty 
about identifying CMarentana with Carinthia, 
inasmuch as the Brenta takes its rise a long 
way to the W. of that province ; but, as Butler 
points out, in early mediaeval times the duchy 
of Carinthia embraced not only the Val Sugana, 
where are the head-waters of the Brenta, but 
extended even as far as the city of Padua, the 
lordship of which, as Villani records (ix. 192), 
was exercised by the Dukes of Carinthia as 
late as 1322. 

Witte favours the suggestion that the refer- 
ence is to a mountain-group, called Canzana or 
Carenzana, in the neighbourhood of Trent, 
which is described as lying between Valvignola 
and Valfronte on the E. of the lake of Levico, 
and as stretching, under various names, along 
the left bank of the Brenta. CMarentana, 
however, is the regular Italian term for Carin- 
thia in mediaeval writers, and is used as such 



Chi rone 

repeatedly by Villani (e. g. ix. 92 ; xii. 67) as 
well as by Fazio degli Uberti (Dittam., iii. 2) ; 
and it was understood in that sense by Ben- 
venuto : — 

•' Brenta flumen oritur in Alemannia in parte 
quae dicitur Carinthia, ubi regnant quidam domini 
qui vocantur duces Carinthiae.' 

Boccaccio apparently understood it in the 
same way : — 

' Chiarentana 6 una regione posta nell' Alpi, che 
dividono Italia della Magna.' 

Chiascio. [CMassi 2.] 

Chiassii, the Roman Classis, the ancient 
harbour of Ravenna, which under Augustus 
was an important naval station. Chiassi, 
which was at one time a large town, was 
destroyed by Liutprand, King of the Lombards, 
in 728. The name is preserved in that of the 
church of Sant' ApoUinare in Classe, which 
stands on the site of part of the old town. 
D. mentions it in connexion with the ' Pineta ' 
or pine-forest, which extends along the shore 
of the Adriatic for several miles N. and S. of 
Ravenna, Purg. xxviii. 20. [Pineta.] 

Chiassi 2], the Chiassi or Chiascio, stream 
in N. of Umbria, which rises in the hill near 
Gubbio, on which St. Ubaldo lived as a hermit 
before he was made Bishop of Gubbio, and 
enters a. branch of the Tiber a few miles S.E. 
of Perugia. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the 
Heaven of the Sun) in his description of the 
situation of Assisi, which stands on the S.W. 
slope of Monte Subasio, between the streams 
of Tupind (on the E.) and Chiassi (on the W.), 
alludes to it as I'acquache discende Del colle 
eletto dal beato Ubaldo, Par. xi. 43-4 [Asoesi]. 

Chiavari. [Chiaverl.] 

Chiaveri, now Chiavari, town in Liguria, 
on the Riviera di Levante, some 20 miles E. of 
Genoa ; mentioned by Pope Adrian V (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) in connexion with the 
Lavagna, which runs into the sea between 
that town and Sestri l,evante, Purg xix. 100 

Chiesa, the. Churgh, Par. v. 77 ; vi. 22 ; 
xxii. 82; Conv. iii. 6^1; iv. 231*2; Ecclesia, 
Men. ii. 136O; iii. 3*2-133^ 6", io*-i30, 1313-Te, 
141-50^ 157-62. Mater Ecclesia, Mon. iii. 3*2 ; 
Epist. viii. 6 ; santa Chiesa, Purg. iii. 137 ; 
xxiv. 22; Par. iv. 46; v. 35; vi. 95; x. 108; 
xxxii. 125 ; Conv. ii. 431, 6^* ; Chiesa militante. 
Par. XXV. 52 ; Ecclesia militans, Epist. viii. 4 ; 
I'esercito di Crista, Par. xii. 37 ; Sposadi Dio, 
Par. X. 140 ; Sposa di Crista, Par. xi. 32 ; xii. 
43; xxvii. 40; xxxi. 3; xxxii. 128; Spasa e 
Secretaria di Crista, Conv. ii. 633-* . sponsa 
Christi, Mon. iii. 3'*; Epist. vii. 7; viii. 11; 
Mater piissima, Sponsa Christi, Epist. vii. 7 ; 
Crucifixi Sponsa, Epist. viii. 4 ; bella Donna, 
Inf. xix. 57; Vigna, Par. xviii. 132; Orto di 

Crista, Par. xii. 72, 104 ; xxvi. 64 ; Barca di 
Pietra, Par. xi. 119; Navicella, Purg. xxxii. 
129; Navicula Petri, Epist. vi. i ; la Sedia 
che fu benigna . . . ai poveri giusti, Par. xii. 
88-9 ; Apostalica Sedes, Epist. viii. 2, 11; 
Chiesa di Roma, Purg. xvi. 127 ; spoken of by 
St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars) as il 
loco mio. Par. xxvii. 22 ; and by St. James (in 
the same) as nostra Basilica, Par. xxv. 30. 

In the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise the Church is represented as a two- 
wheeled Car, Carro, Purg. xxix. 107, 151 ; 
XXX. 9, 61, 101 ; xxxii. 24, 104, 115, 126, 132; 
Bastema, Purg. xxx. 16 ; Dificio santo, Purg. 
xxxii. 142 ; Vasa, Purg. xxxiii. 34. [Prooes- 

Childerico]. Childeric III, last of the 
Merovingian Kings of France, sumamed ' Le 
Faineant ' ; he was born circ. 734, succeeded 
to the throne in 742 (after an interregnum of 
5 years, his predecessor, Thierry IV, having 
died in 737), and was deposed by Pepin le 
Bref in March, 752. After his deposition he 
was compelled by Pepin to become a monk, 
and was shut up in the convent of Sithieu at 
St. Omer, where he died in 755. D. has appa- 
rently confused Charles, Duke of Lorraine, the 
last of the Carlovingian line', with Childeric, 
the last of the Merovingians, in the passage, 
Purg. XX. 53-60. [Carlo ".] 

Chilon, of Lacedaemon (circ. B. C. 590) ; 
one of the Seven Sages of Greece, Conv. iii. 
1 1 38. [Biante.J 

Chirone, Chiron, the Centaur, son of 
Saturn and Philyra, daughter of Oceanus. 
Saturn being enanioured of Philyra, and fear- 
' ing the jealousy of his wife Rhea, changed 
himself into a horse, and in this shape begat 
Chiron, who hence had the form of a Centaur. 

C. educated Achilles, Aesculapius, Hercules, 
and many other famous Greeks. 

D. places C, along with Nessus and Pholus, 
as leader of the Centaurs, who act as guardians 
of the Violent in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, 
Inf. xii. 65, 71, 77, 97 ; Purg. ix. 37 [Centauri]; 
Virgil, being questioned by Nessus as to his 
errand, replies that he will give his answer to 
Chiron (Inf. xii. 61-6) ; N. then points out to 

D. the latter, who is represented as stationed 
between Nessus and Pholus with his face bent 
down on his breast, describing him as ' il gran 
Chirone, il qual nudrl Achille ' (vv. 70-1) ; as 
D. and V. approach C. puts aside the beard 
from his mouth with an arrow, and observes 
to his companions that D. moves what he 
touches {vv. 77-82) ; V. explains to him that 
D. is alive, and asks him for an escort, which 
C. grants, bidding Nesgus accompany them 
(vv. 83-99) [Nesso] ; C. is mentioned again 
as the tutor of Achilles in connexion with the 
fact that Thetis took her son away from him 
and hid him in Scyros for fear he should be 




sent to the Trojan War, Purg. ix. 37. [Achille : 

Chiusi, the ancient Clusium, formerly one 
of the twelve great Etruscan cities ; it is 
situated in the Valdichiana, close to the lake 
of the same name, on the borders of Tuscany 
and Umbria, midway between Florence and 

Caccjaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) 
mentions Chiusi, together with Sinigaglia, 
and says that these two once-powerful cities 
were rapidly falling into decay, as Luni and 
Urbisaglia had already done, adding that if 
cities decay and perish we ought not to be 
surprised that families should come to an end, 
Par. xvi. 73-8. 

The sentiment is perhaps borrowed from the 
letter of Servius Sulpicius to Cicero on the 
death of Tullia ! — 

' Ex Asia rediens, quum ab Aegina Megaram 
versus navigarem, coepi regiones circumcirca 
prospicere ; post me erat Aegina, ante Megara, 
dextra Piraeus, sinistra Corinthus : quae oppida 
quodam tempore florentissima fuerunt, nunc pro- 
strata et diruta ante oculos jacent. Coepi egomet 
mecum sic cogitare, Hem, nos homunculi indig- 
namur, si quis nostrlim interiit aut ' occisus est, 
quorum vita brevior esse debet : quum, uno loco, 
tot oppidorum cadavera prpjecta jaceant.' {Ad 
Fam. iv. 5.) 

The decay of Chiusi was doubtless in g^eat 
part due to the unhealthiness of its situation 
in the malarious Valdichiana, as Benvenuto 
points out. [Chiana.] 

Chremes, imaginary personage, the typical 
father in a comedy ; introduced by Horace in 
the Ars Po'etica, in a passage iyv. 93-5) which 
D. quotes in illustration of his argument that 
the language of comedy is more lowly than 
that of tragedy, Epist. x. 10. 

Cbristinna, De Doctrina. [DocMaa Chris- 
tiana, De.] 

Christiani, Christians, Mon. iii. 3*". [Cris- 

Christianas, Christian ; fides Christiana, 
Mon. ii. 123 J Christiana religio, Mon. iii. 3^32. 

Christus. [Cristo.] 

Chrysippus, celebrated Stoic philosopher, 
bom at Soli in Cilicia, B.C. 280 ; died B.C. 207, 
aged seventy-three. C., who studied at Athens 
under the Stoic Cleanthes, disliking the Aca- 
demic scepticism, became one of the most 
strenuous supporter? of the principle that 
knowledge is attainable, and may be esta- 
blished on certain foundations. D. quotes 
from Cicero's De Officiis (iii. 10) the dictum 
of C. that a man who runs in a race should do 
his best to win, but should in no wise try to 
trip up his rival, Mon. ii. 89*-i"i. [Eurialc] 

Ciacco, a Florentine, contemporary of D. 

(possibly identical with the Ciacco dell' An- 
guillaia, one of whose poems is printed from 
Cod. Vat. 3793 by D'Ancona and Comparetti 
in Antiche Rime Volgari, iii. 178-81), placed 
among the Gluttons in Circle III of Hell, Inf. 
vi. 52, 58 ; una (ombra), v. 38 ; ella, v. 39 ; 
lei, V. 43 ; egli, v. 49 ; anijna trista, v. SS j 
gli, V. 38 ; egli, v. 64 ; lui, v. 77 ; quegli, 
I/. 85 [Qolosi]. As D. and Virgil pass over 
the shades of the Gluttons which lie prone on 
the ground, one of them (that of Ciacco) raises 
itself to a sitting posture and addresses D. 
(Inf. vi. 34-9) ; he asks, since D. was born 
(1265) before he died (1286), whether D. re- 
members him (^v. 40-2) ; D. says he does not 
recognize him, and asks who he is (ijv. 43-8) ; 
C, in reply, names himself, saying that he 
was a Florentine, and that he and his com- 
panions are being punished for gluttony 
{vv. 49-57) ; D. expresses pity for his fate, 
and then inquires as to the future of Florence, 
whether any just men yet be there, and why 
it is so torn with discord {^v. 58-63) ; C, in 
reply, foretells that the rivalry between the 
Bianchi and Neri will result in bloodshed (May 
I, 1300), that the Bianchi, after expelling the 
Neri (1301), will within three years (April, 1302) 
be in their turn overthrown by the Neri with 
the aid of an ally (Boniface VHI or Charles 
of Valois), and that the latter will keep the 
upper hand for a long while, and will grievously 
oppress the Bianchi (yv. 64-72); he adds in con- 
clusion that there are two just men yet in 
Florence (supposed to be D. himself and Guido 
Cavalcanti), but that no heed is paid to them 
(here, and that pride, envy, and avarice are 
the sparks which kindled the flame of discord 
in the city ivv. 73-6) ; D. then inquires for 
news of five Florentines, Farinata degli Uberti 
(Inf. X. 32), Tegghiaio Aldobrandi (Inf. xvi. 
41), Jacopo Rusticucci (Inf. xvi. 44), a certain 
Arrigo, and Mosca de' Lamberti (Inf. xxviii. 
106), whether they are in Heaven or Hell 
{vv. 77-84) ; C. replies that they are among 
the blackest souls, and that if D. goes far 
enough down into Hell he will see them 
{vv. 85-7) ; he then, after begging D. to keep 
his memory alive in the upper world, declines 
to speak any more, and with a lingering glance 
at D. falls prone again among the other shades 
{vv. 88-93). 

Ciacco (a name which, according to Fan- 
fani, is often met with in old Florentine re- 
cords, and which is apparently an abbreviation 
of Giacomo) is described by Boccaccio as a 
great glutton and parasite, but for all that 
a man of good parts and good breeding ; — 

'Fu GQstui uomo non del tutto di corte, ma 
percipcchd poco avea da spendere, erasi, come 
egli stesso dice, dato del tutto al vizio della gola. 
Era morditore di parole, e le sue usanze erano 
sempre co' gentili uomini e ricchi, e massimamente 
con quelli che splendidamente e dilicatamente 



hiangiavano e beveano, da' quali se chiamato era 
a mangiare v* andava, e similmente se invitato 
non era, esao medesimo s'invitava ; ed era per 
questo vizio notissimo uomo a tutti i Fiorentini ; 
senzach^ fuor di questo egli era costumato uomo, 
secondo la sua condizione, ed eloquente e afTabile 
e di buon sentimento ; per le quali cose era assai 
volentieri da qualunque gentile uomo ricevutc' 

Benvenuto says the Florentines had the 
reputation of being sober in drink and diet as 
a rule, but adds that when they did exceed 
they outdid every one else in gluttony; he 
thinks it was on this account, apart from the 
fact that D. was personally acquainted with 
him, that Ciacco was selected as an example : — 

' Nota quod autor potius voluit ponere istum 
quam alium, turn quia melius noverat eum, turn 
quia Fiorentini, quamvis sint communiter sobrii in 
cibo et potu, tamen, quando regula fallit, excedunt 
gulositatem oninium hominum mundi, sicut testan- 
tur duo alii Fiorentini poetae, scilipet Petrarcha et 

Boccaccio tells a story in the Decamerone 
(ix. 8) of how Ciacco was fooled by a fellowr 
parasite named Biondello in the matter of a 
dinner at the house of Corso Donati, where, 
instead of lampreys and sturgeon, as he had 
been led to e?cpect, he got nothing but pease 
and fried fish ; and of how he revenged himself 
by embroiling Biondello with the hot-tempered 
Filippo Argenti,who gave him a sound hiding : 

' Essendo in Firenze uno da tutti chiamato 
Ciacco uomo ghipttissimo, quantp alcun' altro 
fosse giammai, e non possendo la sua possibilita 
sostenere le spese, che la sua ghiottprnia richiedea, 
essendo per altro assai costumato, e tutto pienp 
di belli e piacevoli motti, si diede ad essere non 
del tutto uom di cqrte, ma morditore, et ad usare 
con coloro, che ricchi erano, e di mangiare delle 
buone cose si dilettavano, e con questi a desinare 
et a cena (ancor che chiamato non fpsse ogni 
volta) andava assai spvente. Era similmente in 
que' tempi in Firenze uno, il quale era chianiato 
Biondello, piccoUetto dellapersona, leggiadro molto, 
e pill pulito che una mosca, con sua cuffia in capo, 
con una zazzerina bipnda, e per punto senza un 
capel torto avervi. II quale quel medesimo 
mestiere usava che Ciacco. II quale essendo una 
mattina di quaresima andato la, dove il pesce si 
vende, e comperando due grossissime lamprede 
per IVIesser Vieri de' Cerchi, fu veduto da Ciaccp, 
il quale avvicinatosi a Biondello disse : Che vuol 
dir questo? A cui Biondello rispose: lersera 
ne furon mandate tre altre troppo piii belle, che 
queste non sono, et uno storione a Messer Cprso 
Donati, le quali non bastandogli per voler dar 
mangiare a certi gentili uomini m' ha fatte com- 
perare quest' altre due ; non vi verrai tu ? Rispose 
Ciacco : Ben sai, che io vi verrd. E quando 
tempo gli parve, a casa Messer Corso se n' and6, 
e trovoUo con alcuni suoi vicini, che ancora non 
era andato a desinare. Al quale egli, essendo da 
lui domandato, che andasse facendo, rispose : 
Messere, io vengo a desinare con voi, e con la 
Vostra brigata. A cui Messer Corso disse : Tu sie 



'1 ben venuto, e perci6 che egli d tempo, andianne. 
Postisi adunque a tavola primieramente ebbero 
del cece, e della sorra, et appresso del pesce 
d'Arno fritto senza piii. Ciacco accortosi dello 
'nganno di Biondello, et in se non poco turbato, 
sene propose di dovernel pagare.' 

In the sequel Ciacco revenges himself on 
Biondello by sending a feigned message from 
him with a bottle to Filippo Argenti asking 
for some wine ; whereupon the latter, suspect- 
ing that he is being made fun of, in fury falls 
upon Biondello and cruelly beats him. [Ar- 
genti, Filippo.] 

Ciacco de' Tarlati, [Cione de' Tarlati] 

Ciampolo], name given by tjie commen- 
tators to a native of Navarre, whom D. places 
among the Barrators in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Majebolge), Inf. xxii. 48 ; uno {pecca- 
tore), V. 32 ; Io sciagurato, v. 44 ; quei, v. 47 ; 
il sorco, V. 58 ; lui, v. yy ; Io spaurato, v. 98 ; 
Io Navarrese, v. 121; quegli, v. 128; quel, 
V. 135 ; il baratiier, v. 136 [Barattieri]. In 
the boiling pitch where the Barrators are tor- 
tured, D. and Virgil see one of the sinners 
with his snovit above the surface, \yho is hooked 
by the demon Graffiacane (Inf. xxii. 31-6) ; at 
D.'s request V. asks who he is (vv. 43-7) ; the 
sinner replies that he was a native of Navarre, 
that his father had been a spendthrift, and 
that in consequence his mother had placed 
him in the service of a nobleman {vv. 48-51); 
that he afterwards became a retainer of King 
Thibaut, and toqk to working jobbery, for 
which he was now being punished (vv. 52-4) ; 
as he concludes his story a demon, Ciriatto, 
rips him with his tusk, and another, Barba- 
riccia, grips him in his arms, and tells V. to 
ask -yvhat more he wants to know of him 
{vv. 55-63) ; V. then inquires of C. if there 
are any of ' Latin ' race with him there (vv. 
64-6) ; C. replies that there was one of a 
neighbouring race (i. e. Sardinian), whom he 
would be glad to rejoin beneath the pitch, in 
order to escape the maulings of the demons 
(vv. 66-9) ; the latter thereupon set on him 
again (vv. 70-5) ; after a while, V. having 
asked to whom he was referring, C. names 
two Sardinians, Fra Gomita and Michael 
Zanche (vv. 76-90), and, after being once 
more interrupted by the threats of the demons, 
promises to summon some Tuscan and Lom- 
bard barrators if the demons will withdraw 
(vv. 91-105) ; the latter suspect a trick, but 
are persuaded by Alichino to retire (vv. 106- 
20), whereupon C. leaps into the pitch and 
escapes from them (vv. 1 2 1-3) ; Alichino, 
furious at being tricked, pursues him, but C. 
ducks down and disappears (vv. 124-32) ; to 
vent his rage one of the other demons, Calca- 
brina, fiies at Alichino, and they fall together 
into the pitch, whence they are fished out by 
four of their companions (vv. 133-50). 



Benvenuto supposes that D. heard of this 
Navarrese (whose name sounds more Italian 
than Spanish — Ciampolo or Giampolo, i. e. 
Giovanni Paolo) in Paris ' cum ibi esset gratia 
studii post indignam expulsionem suam.' Ac- 
cording to his account C.'s father, after wasting 
all his substance, hanged himself: — 

'Iste infelix fult natione hispanus de regno 
Navarriae, natus ex nobili matre et vilissimo patre. 
Qui cum prodigaliter dilapidasset omnia bona sua, 
ut audio, tandem desperate suspendit se laqueo. . . 
Iste ergo filius vocatus est nomine Ciampolus, 
quem mater sua nobilis dpmina posuit ad standum 
cum quodam nqbili : qui scivit ita sagaciter se 
habere, quod factus est illi in brevi carissimus ; et 
sic fama prosperante et favore domini coadjuvante 
iste intravit curiam regis Thebaldi, qui ultra reges 
Navarriae fuit vir singujaris justitiae et clementiae, 
et summa sagacitate tam mirabiliter adeptus est 
gratiam et favorem regis : qui rex amoratus de eo 
commisit totam curiam regendam manibus ejus, 
ita quod conferebat beneficia, et omnia ministrabat. 
Tunc coepit astutissime baratare et accumulare ; 
et licet saepe fieret querela de eo, rex nihil cre- 
dere volebat ; et sic continuo crescebat audacia 

Philalethes observes that if tradition had 
not assigned the name Cianipolo to this indi- 
vidual he would have been inclined to identify 
him with Geofifroi de Beaumont, Thibaut's 
seneschal, to whom the king entrusted the 
government of Navarre during his absence in 
the East. [Tetaaldo 2.] 

Cianfa, according to the old commentators, 
a member of the Donati famijy of Florence ; 
one of five Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 4-5) placed 
by D. among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 of Circle 
VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf.xxv.43 [Ladri] ; 
D. hears three spirits talking, and one of them 
asks what has become of Cianfa {vv. 35-43) ; 
presently he sees a serpent with six feet (iden- 
tified by the commentators with Cianfa), which 
fastens itself to one of the three {vv. 49-51), 
and gradually the two forms, of serpent and 
man, are blended together and become in- 
distinguishable {vv. 52-78) [Agn^l : Puccio 

The Anonimo (ed. Selrni) says of Cianfg. : — 
' Fu cavaliere de' Donati, e fu grande ladro di 
bestiame, e rompia botteghe e votava le cassette.' 
A ' Dominus Cianfa de Dopatis,' who is pos- 
sibly the Cianfa referred to by D., is mentioned 
in the will of Corso Donati, from which it 
appears that he was alive in 1282, in which 
year he was a member of the ' ConsigUo del 
Capitano per il Sesto di Porta san Piero.' (See 
Torraca, Nuove Rassegne, p. 378.) 

Cianghella, Florentine lady of ill repute, 
contemporary of D. ; said to have been the 
daughter of Arrigo della Tosa, and to have 
died circ. 1330; she is mentioned by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars), who, speaking 
of the degenerate state of Florence, says that 


in his day such a person as she would have 
been as great a marvel in that city as Cornelia 
would be now, Par. xv. 128 [Corniglia]. 

The old commentators say C. was notorious 
for her arrogance, extravagance, and profligacy. 
Benvenuto states that she married a certain 
Lito degli Alidosi of Imola, a native of his 
own city, after whose death she returned to 
Florence and led a disreputable hfe. He 
says he had heard many stories of her from 
a neighbour of hers in Imola. One of these 
he records as a specimen, to the effect that 
on a certain occasion when she had gone 
to church to hear a sermon she was so in- 
furiated, because none of the ladies present 
rose to make room for her, that she violently 
assaulted several of them ; her blows being 
returned, a free fight ensued, greatly to the 
amusement of the male members of the con- 
gregation, who could not restrain their laughter, 
in whjch the preacher himself joined, and thus 
the sermon was brought to an end. She 
appears also to have been in the habit of beat- 
ing her servants with a stick : — 

' Ista Cianchella fuit nobilis muKer florentina de 
stirpe illorura de la Tosa, quae fuit maritata in 
civitate Imolae cuidam Lito de Alidosiis, fratri 
domini Alidosii qui olim abstulit Imolam Bononiae 
cum Maghinarcjo Pagano. . . . De ista possem 
multa et vera referre, qu^e audivi ab optimo patre 
meo magistro Compagno, qui diu legit tam lauda- 
biliter quam utiliter juxta domum habitationis 
praedictae dominae. Ergp quia autor ponit istam 
pro prava muliere, dicam aliquid jocosum de ea. 
IJaec siquidem mulier fuit arrogantissima et in- 
tolerabilis ; ibat per dqmum cum bireto in capite 
floreutinarum et baculo in manu, nunc verberabat 
fanfulum, nunc coquum. Accidit ergo semel quod 
cum ivisset ad missam ad locum fratrum praedica- 
torum de Imola, npn longe a domo ejus, quidam 
frater praedicabat a casu. Et cum nulla domina 
assurgeret sibi, Cianchella accensa indignatione et 
ira coepit injicere manus atroces nunc in istam, 
nunc in illam dominam, lacerando uni crines et 
trichas, alter! bindas et velg.mina. Aliquae non 
patientes, coeperunt reddere sibi vicem suam. Ex 
quo orto magno strepitu cum clamore in ecclesia, 
viri circumstantes audieiites praedicationem coepe- 
runt omnes fortissime ridere, et ipse praedicator 
similiter ; et sic praedicafio fuit soluta, et risu 
finita. Quid ultra ? Haec mulier defuncto marito 
reversa est Florentiam, et ibi fuit vanissima, et 
multos habuit procos et multum lubrice vixit. 
Unde ipsa mortua, quidam frater simplex, prae- 
dicans super funere ejus, dixit quod invenerat in 
ista foemina unum solum peccatum, scilicet, quod 
oderat pgpulum Florentiae.' 

Lana describes her as having been the 
arbitress of fashion in the matter of dress : — 

' Fue ed e una donna di quelle della Tosa, la 
quale per tutta questa etade h stata la inventrice 
di tutte le novitadi nelli abiti delle donne ; e stata 
molto bella donna, e I'altre, credendo parer si 
belle, hanno voluto contraffarla, onde sono venute 


Ciapetta, Ugo 

Ciapetta, Ugo 

in tanta incontinenzia, ch' ello gli perdeno le pub- 
bliche e comuni.' 

Ciapetta, Ugo, Hugh Capet, King of 
France, 987-996, the first king of the Capetian 
line ; placed by D. among the Avaricious in 
Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 49; quello 
spirto,v.yi; esso,v.^\; anima,v. ii\,; egli, 
V. 40 ; esso, v. 124 [Avari]. As D. and Virgil 
go forward they hear the voice of a spirit 
(that of Hugh Capet) proclaiming instances of 
liberality and self-denial (Purg. xx. 16-33) > D. 
approaches the spirit and inquires who he 
was and why he alone utters these praises [vv, 
34-9) ; the spirit replies that he was the founder 
of the evil race of Capetian kings (vv. 40-5) ; 
after referring to the iniquitous dealings of 
Philip the Fair with Flanders, and invoking 
the divine vengeance upon him [vv. 46-8) 
[Fiandra], he names himself, and says that 
from him were sprung the Philips and Louises 
by whom of late France had been ruled {vv. 
49-51) [Capeti] ; he then states that he was 
the son of a Parisian butcher {v. 52), and that 
when the Carlovingians had all died out save 
one, who became a monk, he found himself so 
powerful that he was able to promote his own 
son to the ' widowed crown ' of France (vv. 
S3-6q) [Carlovingi: Carlo ^]; after remark- 
ing that it was with the annexation of Provence 
to the French crown that the kings of his race 
began their evil career (vv. 61-5) [Provenza], 
he refers to their seizure of Ponthieu, Normandy, 
and Gascony (vv. 65-6) [Ponti : Normandia : 
Guascogna] ; to the murder of Conradin and 
St. Thomas Aquinas by Charles of Anjou 
(vv. 67-9) [Carlo i] ; to the mission of Charles 
of Valois to Italy, to his treacherous dealings 
with Florence, and to his ill-success (vv. 70-8) 
[Carlo*]; to Charles IPs infamous marriage 
of his daughter Beatrice to Azzo VIII of Este 
(vv. 79-84) [Carlo ^J ; to the imprisonment of 
I5oniface VIII at Anagni by Philip the Fair, 
and to the destruction of the Templars by the 
latter (vv. 85-93) [Bonifazio^ : Templari] ; 
after again invoking the divine vengeance 
(vv. 94-6), he explains to D. that during the day 
he and the spirits with him utter the praises 
D. had heard, but that during the night they 
recall examples of avarice and of the lust of 
wealth (vv. 97-102), of which he gives instances 
(vv. 103-17) ; he adds that they speak loud or 
low according as their devotion urges them 
(vv. 118-20), and in conclusion answers D.'s 
second question (vv. 35-6) by explaining that 
the praises are uttered by them all, but that 
he was the only one who was uttering them 
aloud at that time (vv. 121-4). 

The statements put by D. into the mouth of 
Hugh Capet as to the origin of the Capetian 
dynasty are in several respects at variance vyith 
the historical facts, and can only be e}(plained on 
the supposition that D. has confused Hugh Capet 
virith his father, Hugh the Great, some of then; 

being applicable to the one, some to the other. 
The facts are as follows : — Hugh the Great died 
in 956 ; Louis V, the last of the Carlovingians, 
died in 987, in which year Hugh Capet became 
king ; on his death in 996, he was succeeded by 
his son Robert, who had previously been crowned 
in 988. 

D. makes Hugh Capet say : — firstly, that he 
was the son of a butcher of Paris {v. 52), whereas 
common tradition assigned this origin not to 
Hugh Capet, but to his father Hugh the Great 
(see below) ; — secondly, that when the Carlo- 
vingians came to an end he was so powerful 
that he was able to make his son king (vv. 53-60), 
whereas on the failure of the Carlovingian line 
Hugh Capet himself became king (987) ; and 
though it is urged in explanation of the expression 
'■ widowed crown ' (v. 58) that he associated Ins 
son Robert with him in the government and had 
him crowned in the year 1,988) after his own 
accession, while he himself appears never to have 
been actually crowned, and that therefore, strictly 
speaking, he did advance his son Robert to the 
'widowed crown,' it is not by any means likely 
that D. was aware of these facts ; nor do they 
explain Hugh Capet's further statement (vv. 59-60) 
that with his son the Capetian line began, whereas 
in fact it began with himself. On the other hand 
this statement could not apply to Hugh the Great, 
of whom p. seems to have beeii thinking, because 
he had already been dead more than 30 years 
when the crown became vacant by the death of 
Louis V, and was seized by Hugh Capet. 

The tradition that Hugh the Great, who in 
reality was descended from the Counts of Paris, 
vvas the son of a butcher, was commonly believed 
in the Middle Ages, and was, as Villani records, 
accepted as true by most people in D.'s time : — 

*Ueo Ciapetta, fallitq il legnaggio di C^rlo Magno, fa 
re di Francia nelli apni di Cristo 987. Questo Ugo m duca 
d'Orliens (e per alcuno si scrlve, cne fur sempre i suoi antichi 
e duclii e dl grande lignaggio), ligliuolo d'Ugo il ffrande, 
e nato per madre della serocchia d'Otto primo della Magna j 
ma per li piil si dice, che '1 padre fu uno grande e ricco 
borgese di Parigi stratto di nazione di buccieri, owero mer- 
catante di bestie ; ma per la sua grande ricchezza e potenza, 
vacate ii ducato d'Orliens, e rimasane una donna, si I'ebbe 
per mogiie, ohde nacque il detto Ugo Ciapetta.' (iv. 4.) 

Benvenuto supposes that D. fqund out about 
the origin of the Capets while he was in Paris, 
and stated it here in order to correct the erroneous 
belief that they were of noble descent : — 

' Aliqui dicunt, quod iste fuit nobilissimus miles de Nor- 
mandia; alii quod fuit dux Aureliani. Sed Dantes curio- 
sissimus investigator rerum memorandarum, cupi esset 
Farisius gratia studii, rg)erit, quod iste Hugo de rei veritate 
fuerat films carnificis. Ideo reputat fictum quidquid aliter 
dicatur, ad colorandam vilitatem originis, sicut mufti faciant.' 

The legend is recounted at length in an Old 
French poem dealing with the life and adventures 
of Hugh Capet, in which the author, speaking of 
Capet's father, says ; — 

' Bouchier fu li plus riche de trestout le pais.' 
The tradition hngered on as late as Cent, xv, for 
Villon, in one of his Ballades, speaks of 

'' Hue Capel, 
Qui fut extr^ict de boucherie.' 

It is mentioned also, with a reference to D,, in 
the Satyre Menippee (Cent, xvi) : — 




Tota familia Borboniorum descendit de becano, sive 
mavultis de lanio, qui carnem vendebat in laniena Parisina, 
ut assent quidam poeta valde amicus Sanctae Sedis Apo- 
stolicae, et ideo qui noluisset mentiri.' (p. 107, ed, Read.j 

Cicero, Marcus Tullius Cicero, the cele- 
brated Roman writer, philosopher, and states- 
man ; born B. c. 106, died B. C. 43. He was 
elected Consul, B.C. 63, and during his consul- 
ship crushed the famous Catiline conspiracy. 
D. alludes to this incident in his career, with 
especial reference to the fact that he was a 
' novus homo ' : — 

' Non pose Iddio le mani quando uno nuovo 
cittadino di piccola condizione, ciofe TuUio, contro 
a tanto cittadino quanto era Catilina, la Romana 
liberta difese ? ' Conv. iv. 5"". [Catilina.] 

C. is placed among the great men of antiquity 
in Limbo, Inf. iv. 141 [Limbo] ; D. usually 
speaks of him as TuUy, Tullio, Inf. iv. 141 , 
Conv. i. Il94, I2i9; ii. 966, Y'^p, 16*; iv. 5"*, 

6109^ 89' 17, I265> Tl, 15123^ 2I'*1, 221^, 2462' 93' lO:', 
2595, 27"' 111' 134' ISl, 2814' 44^ 2973 ; TulHuS, 

V. E. ii. 6^3 (according to some edd.) ; Mon. 
ii. 5I6' 141' 142, 896, io22, 37 ; Epjst. x. 19 ; Cicero, 

Mon. i. l23 ; ii. 554. 67, 84. 

The inclusion of Cicero among the writers 
' qui usi sunt altissimas prosas ' (V. E. ii. 6*i~4) 
is due, as Rajna points out, to a misreading, 
the MSS. reading not 'Tullium, Livium, Pli- 
rium,' but ' Titum Livium, Plinium.' 

D. quotes Cicero's works upwards of thirty 
times ; the following are quoted by name : — 

De Offi-ciis, quoted as Degli Officii (var. 
Ufficii), Conv. iv. 81", 151^*, 24I00, 2595, 
27III, 134; Officia, Mon. ii. 555,168^ 895, io24. 
[Omclls. De.] 

De Finibus, quoted as Di Fine de' Beni, 
Conv. i. ii96; iv. 611"; Dgi pi^g ^ Beni, 
Conv. iv. 22!^; De Fine Bonorum, Mon. ii. 
585,141. \Pinibus, De.\ 

De Amicitia, quoted as D'Amicizia, Conv. 
i. I2i9; Dell' Amist^, CoTxv.iliz^^. [Amicitia, 

De Senectute, quoted as Delia Vecchiezza, 
Conv. ii. 9^'' ; Di Senettute, Conv. iv. 21*1, 
2463, 94^ 2713' 151, 2814. [Senectute, De.] 

De Inventione Rhetorica (commonly known 
as De Inventione), quoted as Rhetorica, Mon. 
ii. 5I6 ; Nova Rhetorica, Epist. x. 19. [Inven- 
tioae, De.] 

Paradoxa, quoted as Di Paradosso, Conv; 
iv. 1255. [Paradoxa.] 

Besides the above D. made use of the Aca,- 
demicae Quaestiones, whence (i. 4) he took his 
account of the various philosophical schools, 
Conv. iv. 6125-42 [Academicae Quaestiones] ; 
and perhaps of the Tusculanae Quaestiones, 
whence (v. 3) he may have derived his state- 
ment as to the invention of the terms ' philo- 
sophy 'and 'philosopher 'by Pythagoras, Conv. 
ii. 16102-3; iii. ii4i-4 [pittagora]. The only 
trace of an acquaintance on D.'s part with the 
Orationes appears in the description of Cassius 

as 'membruto' (Inf. xxxiv. 67), which Mai 
suggested was perhaps a reminiscence of a 
passage from the Catiline Orations (iii. 7) 
where Cicero speaks of the obesity of Lucius 
Cassius. According to Mai the Catiline Ora- 
tions were used in the schools in D.'s day, 
which would account for his acquaintance with 
the passage. [Cassic] 

D. ascribes to Cicero the saying that 'the 
son of a worthy man ought to strive to bear 
good witness to his father,' Conv. iv. 29. This 
passage has not been identified in any of 
Cicero's works. D. probably got it at second- 
hand from some collection of adages. (See 
Moore, Studies in Dante^ i. 258-73.) 

Cicilia, island of Sicily, Inf. xii. 108 ; Purg. 
iii. 116; Sicilia, Conv. iv. 2695> 138 ; y. E. i. 857, 
io57, 1231; Trinacria, Par. viii.67 ; V.E.i. I2i5; 
ii. 648; £ci. ii. 71 . alluded to as fisola del 
fuoco, Par. xix. 131 ; quella terra, Par. xx. 62 ; 
the sufferings of the island under Dionysius, 
tyrant of Syracuse, Inf. xii. 107-8 [Dionisioi] ; 
Manfred (in Antepurgatory) speaks of his 
daughter Constance, wife of Peter III of 
Aragon and Sicily, as genitrice Dell' onor di 
Cicilia e d' Aragona ('the honour of Sicily and 
Aragon ' being either her eldest son, Alphonso 
III, King of Aragon, who succeeded to both 
crowns, but had resigned that of Sicily to his 
brother James ; or her two younger sons, 
James and Frederick, who at the time were 
Kings of Aragon and of Sicily respectively), 
Purg. iii. 115-6 [ Alfonso 1; Aragona] ; Charles 
Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) speaks of the 
island as la bella Trinacria (there being prob- 
ably a special significance in his use of this 
particular name), and refers to the smoke from 
Aetna which overhangs its E. coa;st. Par. viii. 
67-70 [Catania : Trinacria] ; he says that his 
descendants would have been ruling in Sicily if 
the misgovemment of his grandfather, Charles I 
of Anjou, had not brought about the massacre 
of theFrenchat the 'Sicilian Vespers '(■z/z/. 7 1-5} 
[Carlo 1 : Carlo 3] ; the Eagle in the Heaven 
of Jupiter refers to the island as I'isola del 
fuoco (on account of the eruptions of Aetna), 
in connexion with Frederick II of Aragon 
(King of Sicily, 1296-1337), and alludes to the 
fact that Anchises died there, Par. xix. 130-2 
[Anchise : rederico 3] ; the Eagle refers to 
it again, in allusion to its sufferings during 
the war between Frederick of Aragon and 
Charles II of Naples, as'quella terra Chepiange 
Carlo e Federico vivo,' Par. xx. 62-3 [Carlo 2] ; 
Aeneas leaves there his aged followers in 
the care of Acestes, Conv. iv. 2692-6 [Aoeste] ; 
trains Ascanius to arms there, Conv. iv. 2696-9 
[Ascanio] ; and institutes games in memory of 
Anchises, Conv. iv. 26137-8 [Enea] ; Sicily one 
of the S. limits of the Italian language, V. E. 
i. 853-7 ; to be reckoned with Sardinia as on 
the right side of Italy, if the Apennines be 
taken as the dividing line (from N. to S.), 



Cielo Cristallino 

V. E. i. 1066-9 . its dialect distinct from that 
of Apulia, V. E. i. 106I-2 ; the seat of the Court 
(in the time of the Emperor Frederick II), 
whence the name Sicilian applied to Italian 
poetry, V. E. i. 1230-5; the Sicilian dialect the 
most famous of all the Italian dialects, both 
because all poems written in Italian were called 
Sicilian, and because many important poems 
were written by Sicilians, V. E. i. 126-H; this 
fame a reproach to the princes of Italy, who 
neglected letters, V. E. i. 1 21^-9 ; the common 
Sicilian dialect unworthy of preference, that 
spoken by the nobles worthy of commenda- 
tion, but neither the Sicilian nor the Apulian 
fo be reckoned the most beautiful dialect of 
Italy, V. E. i. I2*3~^*; the Italian vulgar tongue 

employed by Sicilian poets, V. E. i. ig^^-T ; . _ _ . . . 

the fruitless expedition of Charles of Valois f Conv. ii. 420-7 ; has its two poles ' firm, fixed, 

Cielo Cristallino, the Crystalline Heaven, 
Conv. ii. iP-~^^; 15I22; origin of the name, 
Conv. ii. 4I2-13 ; the ninth Heaven, Conv. 
ii. 43-13, 1462 ; A. T. § 2i3-* ; otherwise called 
the Primum Mobile, or First Movement, Par. 
XXX. 107; Conv. ii. 3*1-2, 420,61*9, 1 5I22; Mon. 
i. 9II ; A. T. § 21^; the origin of the motion 
of all the other Heavens, Conv. ii. 15132-5; 
Inf. ix. 29 ; Par. xxvii. 106-8 ; xxviii. 70-1 ; 
its existence first conceived by Ptolemy to 
account for the complex motion of the Heaven 
of the Fixed Stars, Conv. ii. 386-45 [cielo 
Stellate] ; its revolution accomplished in some- 
thing under 24 hours, Conv. ii. 3*^-8 ; imper- 
ceptible to sense save for its motion, Conv. ii. 
49-10 ; its almost inconceivable velocity caused 
by its longing to be united with the Empyrean, 

against Sicily, V. E. ii. 6« [Carlo*] ; Aetna 
the most rich in pasture of all the Sicilian 
mountains, Eel. ii. 71-2. [Etna.] 

The name Sicily is sometimes loosely applied to 
the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, comprising 
Naples (Apulia and Calabria) and Sicily proper. 
This kingdom was ruled successively by Norman 
(1129-1194), Swabian (1194-1266), and Angevin 
(1266-1282) sovereigns [Wapoli : Puglia]. In 
1282 the Sicilians rose against the house of Anjou, 
and expelled the French, after the massacre known 
as the ' Sicilian Vespers ' [ Vespro Sieiliano], This 
revolt led to the separation of the two kingdoms, 
Sicily passing to the house of Aragon, while 
Naples remained in the hands of the Angevins 
[Carlo': Carlo': Federioo*: Jaoomo': Tableiv: 
Table iv. A]. 

Ciciliano, Sicilian, Inf. xxvii. 7 ; Sidlianus, 
V. E. i. 125' 6, 8, 33, 44 ; Siculus, V. E. i. 1271 ; 
Eel. ii. 72 [Sioillanus] ; il hue Cicilian, i. e. 
the brazen bull made by Perillus for PhaJaris, 
tyrant of Agrigentum in Sicily, in which human 
beings were tortured by being roasted alive, 
and which was so constructed that the shrieks 
of the victims sounded like the bellowing of 
the bull, Inf xxvii. 7-12 ; D. alludes to the fact 
that Phalaris tested the contrivance first of all 
upon Perillus himself {vv. 7-9), and compares 
the shrieks of the damned in Bolgia 8 of 
Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), who are tor- 
tured in flame, to those which issued from the 
buU [tjv. XO-15). [Perillo.] 

Ciclope. [Cyclops.] 

Ciclopi. [Cyclopes.] 

Cieldauro, the church of San Pietro in Ciel 
d'Oro ('Golden Ceiling') at Pavia; mentioned 
by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) in connexion with Boethius, who was 
buried there after his execution by Theodoric 
in 524, Par. x. 128 [Boezio]. Boccaccio 
introduces this church in the Decamerone 

Cielo e Moado, Di. [Caelo, De.] 


and immutable' as regards all things else, 
those of the lower Heavens being fixed only 
as regards themselves, Conv. ii. 4*8-51 . jjke 
the other Heavens, has an equator or circle 
equidistant from each pole, where the motion 
is most rapid, Conv. ii. 462-68 . resembles Moral 
Philosophy, inasmuch as it directs by its motion 
the daily revolutions of all the other Heavens, 
Conv. ii. 1462-3, 15I22-38 . jf its motion were to 
cease a third part of the Heavens would be 
invisible to every part of the Earth, while there 
would be neither life nor measure of time on 
the latter, and the whole Universe would be in 
disorder, Conv. ii. 15I39-57 ^see below); the 
largest of the corporeal Heavens (the Empyrean 
being incorporeal), Par. xxvii. 68 ; xxx. 39 ; 
is encircled by the Empyrean, and itself en- 
circles all the other Heavens, Son. xxv. i ; 
Par. i. 122-3; "• 113-14; xxiii. 112; xxvii. 
1 12-13 ; the most rapid of the Heavens, Conv. 
ii. 420 ; Purg. xxxiii. 90 ; Par. i. 123 ; xiii. 24 ; 
xxvii. 99 ; its motion not measured by that of 
any of the other Heavens, but their motion 
measured by it, hence it is the origin of time, 
Par. xxvii. 115-19 (cf. Conv. ii. 15154-6) j 'has no 
other where than the mind of God,' Par. xxvii. 
109-10; is perfectly uniform throughout, Par. 
xxvii. loo-l ; A. T. § 2i3-6. 

D. refers to the Crystalline Heaven as la 
spera che piil larga gira, Son. xxv. i ; il ciel 
che tutto gira. Inf. ix. 29 ; il cielo che pitt alto 
festina, Purg. xxxiii. 90 ; il ciel che ha maggior 
fretta. Par. i. 123 ; corpo nella cui -virtute 
Lesser di tutto suo contento giace, Par. ii. 
1 13-14; il ciel che tutti gli altri avanza, 
Par. xiii. 24 ; Lo real manto di tutti i volunti 
Del mondo, Par. xxiii. 1 12-13 ; lesto, Par. xxvii. 
118; il maggior corpo, Par. xxvii. 68 ; xxx. 39 ; 
ciel velocissimo. Par. xxvii. 99 ; volume. Par. 
xxviii. 14 ; il ciel che tutto quanta rape L'altro 
universo seco, Par. xxviii. 70-1. 

In the passage, Conv. ii. 15"^", D. states that, 
if the movement of the Primum Mobile or Crystal- 
line Heaven, on which depends the daily motion 
of all the other Heavens, were suspended, there 

Cielo Cristallino 

Cielo Empireo 

would remain only the almost insensible move- 
ment of the Starry Heaven from W. to E. of one 
degree in a hundred years (corresponding to what 
is now called the Precession of the Equinoxes). 
In this case the Earth would cease to revolve, 
and, as only i86° of the Heavens would then be 
visible to us, the Sun and other planets would 
be invisible for half their revolutions, being hidden 
behind our backs during the rest of the time ; 
further, a third part of the Heavens would never 
have been seen from the Earth, since from the 
Creation to D.'s day (Which he estimates at about 
6,400 years) the Starry Heaven would only 
have moved from W. to E. about 60°, hence 
60°+ 180° =!S^o° would be the whole amount of 
the Heavens which would have been visible, 
leaving 360°— 240° = 120°, i.e. one-third part of 
the Heavens Which had never been seen. 

The data as to the periods of the several planets 
D. got from Alfraganus, who in his chapter De 
orbibus planetarum says : — 

' Fit orbis Lunae 29 dierum et 12 hor^nlm et dimidiae et 
quartae unius horae. Mercurii ac Veneris ac Solis, uniuscujus- 
gue istorum rotatus fit 365 diebus et quarta unius diei ferfe. 
Martis autem in anno Persico et 10 ilaensibus et 22 diebus ferfe. 
Jovis verb in circUlo eg^ressae cuspidis in 1 1 annis et 10 mensi- 
bus et 16 diebus. In circulo autenl signorUm, minus uno die 
et dimidio fere, fet Saturni in circulo egressae cuspidis in 
vigintinovem annis et quinque mensibus, et quindecim diebus. 
In circulo signonim minus hoc per novem dies.' (Cap. 17.) 

D. has calculated the half revolutions roughly 
from these data\ according to his figures the 
periods would be, for Saturn, I4j years x 2 
= 29 years (as against ^9 years, 5 tnonths, 15 days, 
given by Alfraganus) ; for Jupiter, 6 years x 2 
= 12 years (as against 11 years, 10 months, 
16 days) ; for Mars, t year nearly x 2 = a years 
nearly (as against i year, 10 months, 22 days) ; 
for the Sun, Venus, and Mercury, 182 days, 
14 hours X 2 = 365 days, 4 hours (as against 
365 days, 6 hours) ; and for the Moon, 14^ days 
X 2 = 29 days (as against 29 days, i2| hours). 

The Crystalline Heaven is the ninth in D.'s 
conception of the Universe, Conv. ii. 4^, 1462 ; 
A. T. § 21* [Paradisoi] ; resembles Moral 
Philosophy, Conv. ii. 1462-3, 15122-6*; it is 
presided over by the Seraphim, Par. xxviii. 
71-2 [Serafini]. 

dn leaving the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, 
D. and Beatrice ascend to the Crystalline 
Heaven (Par. xxvii. 78-99) ; B. explains to D. 
the working of the Primunt Mobile, and its 
effect upon the other Heavens {vv. xoo-20) ; 
D. sees a point of dazzling brilliancy around 
which revolve nine concentric circles of flame 
(Par. xxviii. 1-39) ; B. explains that this point 
is the Deity, and the fiery circles are the nine 
Angelic Hierarchies, the order of which she 
expounds to him {^vv. 40-139) [Gerarchia] ; 
after B. has discoursed further of the angels 
and other matters, they ascend to the Empy- 
rean (Par. xxix. i-xxx. 39). 

Witte gives the following summary account 
of the system of the universe (in which the 
Primum Mobile plays such an important part) 
adopted by D. : — 

'The Ptolemaic system, as D. knew it, con- 

sisted of ten perfectly concentric Heavens. The 
Earth was the fixed immovable centre of this 
system, and equally immovable was the outer- 
most Heaven, or Empyrean, the abode of the 
Blessed, by which the Universe is surrounded. 
Its desire towards this dwelling of the Deity 
lends to the next, the ninth or Crystalline Heaven, 
the Primum Mobile, so rapid a motion that in 
spite of its immeasurable circumference it revolves 
upon its axis in a little under twenty-four hours, 
carrying with it in its circuit all the other eight 
Heavens, without, however, interfering with their 
special revolutions. Such a special revolution, 
and the slowest of all, viz. of but one degree 
from W. to E. in a hundred years, is that of the 
eighth Heaven, in which the Fixed Stars are set, 
at equal distances from the Earth, and receiving 
their light from the Sun (Par. xx. 6 ; xxiii. 30 ; 
Conv. ii. 14'"' ; iii. I2''~°). In this movement of 
the Heaveil of the Fixed Stars all those enclosed 
by it partake. Then follow the Heavens called 
after the seven planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the 
Sun, Venus, Mercury, and the Moon ; all of which, 
besides the two movements common to them all, 
have their own special revolution. ... It is, how- 
ever, no inanimate gravity which impels the mani- 
fold motions of these heavenly bodies ; each one 
is occasioned by the will of a supernatural being, 
an Angel, an Intelligence (Par. ii. 127-9 > Conv. ii. 
S*-°). These Intelligences are the inhabitants of 
each separate Heaven, and the motion of the 
planets is nothing else than the force of the thought 
of these holy spirits. Their power exerts that 
influence upon the Earth which the astrologers 
often ascribed to the planets and constellations 
themselves — an influence which imparts certain 
tendencies and inclinations to man, but which, 
through his exclusive privilege of free-will, can be 
combated and overcome.' 

Cielo decimo. [Cielo Empireo.] 

Cielo del Sole. [Sole, Cielo del.] 

Cielo della Luna. [Luna, Cielo della.] 

Cielo delle Stelle Fisse. [Cielo Stel- 
Cielo di Glove. [Giove, Cielo di.] 
Cielo di Marte. [Marte, Cielo di.] 
Cielo di Mercurio. [Merourio, Cielo di.] 
Cielo di Saturno. [Saturno, Cielo di.] 
Cielo di Venere. [Venere, Cielo di.] 

Cielo Empireo, the Empyrean, the highest 
Heaven, the abode of the Deity, 'the pure 
Empyrean where He sits High throned above 
all highth,' Inf. ii. 21 ; Conv. ii. 4I*, \^^'= ; 
Epist. X. 24, 26 ; meaning of the name, Conv. 
ii. 4I5-I6 ; Epist. X. 24 ; the tenth or last 
Heaven, Conv. ii. 4I3-15, 25, Q.r>\^ 1463 ; Purg. 
XV. 52 ; Par. xxii. 62 ; xxiii. 108 ; Epist. x. 24 ; 
or, regarded from the opposite point of view, 
the first, Purg. xxx. I ; Par. iv. 34 ; Epist. x. 
25, 26 ; in it is contained the Primum Mobile, 
Par. i. 122-3 ; ii. 113-14; xxvii. 112-14 [Cielo 
Cristallino] ; contains all bodies and is con- 


Cielo Empireo 

Cielo Stellato 

tainedbynone, Conv. ii. 486-' ; Purg. xxvi.63 ; 
Epist. X. 24, 25 ; within it all bodies move, 
Epist. X. 24: but itself remains motionless in 
eternal peace, Conv. ii. 4"-"' ''' ''. IS^^^"' ; 
Par. i. 122; ii. 112 ; Epist. x. 24; immaterial. 
Par. XXX. 39 ; Epist. x. 24 ; composed purely 
of light, Par. xxiii. 102 ; xxx. 39 ; of which it 
receives more than any other of the Heavens, 
Par. i. 4 ; Epist. x. 25, 26 ; does not exist in 
space, but in the divine Mind, Conv. ii. 4^'^^^ ; 
the abode of Angels and of the Blessed, Conv. 
ii. 430-2; Par. xxx. 43-xxxi. 27; and of the 
Deity, Conv. ii. 4^8-9 ; Par. xxxiii. 52-141 ; 
hence replete with love, Purg. xxvi. 63 ; Epist. 
X. 24 ; resembles the divine science of Theology, 
inasmuch as it is full of peace, Conv. ii. 1468-*, 
Iji65-7j whereas the other Heavens are pre- 
sided over by the several Angelic Orders or 
Intelligences, God himself is the Intelligence 
of the Highest Heaven, Conv. ii. 699-i"2 ; Par. 
xxvii. 112; xxxiii. 124-6. 

D. refers to the Empyrean as aWo divinis- 
simo e quieto, Conv. ii. 4^^ ; luogo quieto e 
pacifico, Conv. ii. 4^8 ; cielo quieto, Conv. ii. 
146a ; ii sovrano edificio del mondo, Conv. ii. 
436 ; spera suprema, Purg. xv. 52 ; Par. xxiii. 
108 ; prima cielo, Purg. xxx. i ; primo giro, 
Par. iv. 34 ; primum caelum, Epist. x. 25, 26 ; 
ultima spera, Par. xxii. 62 ; caelum supremum, 
Epist. x. 24 ; decimo cielo, Conv. ii. i^^, 6101, 
148S ; il del . . . Ch'i pien cTamore e piii ampio 
si spazia, Purg. xxvi. 62-3 ; il del che piii delta 
luce prende, Par. i. 4 ; il del sempre quieto, 
Nel qual si volge quel cK ha maggior fretta. 
Par. i. 122-3 ; il del delta divina pace. Par. ii. 
112 ; il del piii chiaro, Par. xxiii. 102 ; il del 
ch' e pura luce. Par. xxx. 39. 

The nature of the Empyrean is thus ex- 
pounded by D. in the Convivio : — 

' Fuori di tutti gli altri cieli, Ii Cattolici pongono 
lo Cielo Empireo, che tanto vuol dire, quanto cielo 
di fiamma ovvero luminoso ; e pongono esso essere 
immobile, per avere in s^, secondo ciascuna parte, 
ci6 che la sua materia vuole. . . . E questo quieto 
e paciiico cielo h lo luogo di quella somma Deita che 
Se sola compiutamente vede. Questo 6 lo luogo 
degli spiriti beati, secondo che la santa Chiesa 
vuole, che non pu6 dire menzogna. . . . Questo h 
il sovrano edificio del mondo, nel quale tutto il 
mondo s'inchiude, e di fuori dal quale nulla 6 : 
ed esso non h in luogo, ma formato fu solo nella 
prima Mente, la quale Ii Greci dicono Protonoe. 
Questo e quella magnificenza, della quale parl6 il 
Salmista, quando dice a Dio : Levata 6 la magnifi- 
cenza tua sopra Ii cieli.' (ii. 4"-".) 

The Heaven of the Empyrean is the tenth 
in D.'s conception of the Universe, Purg. xv. 
52 ; Par. xxii. 62 ; xxiii. 108 ; Conv. ii. /^^, 
61"!, 146a; Epist. x. 24 [Paradisoi]; resembles 
Theology, Conv. ii. 1468-*, i5i«6-?; it is pre- 
sided over by the Deity, Conv. ii. 699-102. 

On leaving the Crystalline Heaven D. and 
Beatrice ascend to the Empyrean, where a 

great brightness surrounds them (Par. xxx. 
38-60); Paradise appears first as a river of hght 
{vv. 61-96); afterwards, as D. sees more clearly, 
it assumes the appearance of a vast white Rose, 
in which are the seats of the Blessed (Par. xxx. 
97-xxxii. 84) ; B. points out to D. the seat 
prepared for the Emperor Henry VII (Par. 
xxx. 133-8) ; St. Bernard explains the arrange- 
ment of the seats, and points out, among the 
spirits already there, the Virgin Mary, Eve, 
Rachel, Beatrice, Sarah, Rebekah, Judith, 
Ruth, St. Anne, St. Lucy, Adam, Moses, St. 
Peter, St. John the Evangelist, St. John the 
Baptist, St. Francis, St. Benedict, and St. 
Augustine (Par. xxxi. 115-17; xxxii. 1-35) 
[Rosa]. After the manifestation of the Deity 
(Par. xxxiii. 76-108), the Trinity {vv. 109-26), 
and of Christ {vv. 127-39), the Vision ends. 
Cielo nono, [Cielo Cristallino.] ■ 
Cielo ottavo. [Cielo Stellato.] 
Cielo primo. [Luna, Cielo della.] 
Cielo quarto. [Sole, Cielo del.] 
Cielo quinto. [Marte, Cielo di.] 
Cielo secondo. [Mereurio, Cielo di.] 
Cielo sesto. [Giove, Cielo di.] 
Cielo settimo. [Saturno, Cielo di.] 

Cielo Stellato, the Starry Heaven, or 
Heaven of the Fixed Stars, V. N. % 2^0 ; Conv. 
ii. 3*3, 475^ 15I8 ; caelum stellatum, A. T. § 2i9 ; 
cielo delle Stelle Fisse, Cofiv. ii. 3^8, 48 ; la 
spera stellata, Conv. ii. 14^9 ; I'ottava spera, 
Conv. ii. 3^*, 14^9 ; Par. ii. 64 ; octavo sphaera, 
A. T. § 2i9-i0; r ottavo cielo, Conv. ii. 4*; lo 
del . . . che ha tante vedute. Par. ii. 115 ; il 
del, cut tanti lumi fanno bello, Par. ii. 130; 
il cerchio che piii tardi in cielo e torto, Purg. 
xi. 108 (cf. Conv. ii. 15) ; erroneously believed 
by Aristotle, who held that there were only 
eight Heavens, to be the outermost and last of 
the Heavens, Conv. ii. 319-26 . ptolemy, noticing 
its complex motion, conceived that there must 
be another Heaven beyond, viz. the Primum 
Mobile, Conv. ii. 386-45 ; the Heaven of the 
Fixed Stars the eighth in order of position, 
Conv. ii. 323-5^ 48-9 ; A. T. § 2i9 ; those of its 
stars which are nearest to its equator possessed 
of the greatest virtue, Conv. ii. 476-7 ; re- 
sembles Physics arid Metaphysics, Conv. ii. 
14^9-62^ IJ4-121 . reasons for this resemblance, 
Conv. ii. 1513-121; the number of its stars 
estimated by the wise men of Egypt at 1,022, 
Conv. ii. 15I8-22 [stelle Fisse]; its Galaxy, 
Conv. ii. i54*-8(i [Galassia] ; one of its poles 
visible, the other invisible, Conv. ii. 1510-1I1 
87-94 {^see below) ; its double motion, one from 
E. to W. (i. e. the daily motion of the heavens), 
and another hardly perceptible from W. to E. 
(i.e. the precession of the equinoxes), this latter 
being so slow that it only advances one degree 
in a hundred years, and hence the revolution 


Cielo Stellato 


will never be completed, the world being 
already in its last age, and only a little more 
than a sixth part of its revolution having been 
accomplished since the beginning of the world, 
Conv. ii. 1 512-1 *> 96-118 (^see below) ; if the 
motion of the Primum Mobile were to be sus- 
pended, and only this motion of the Starry 
Heaven to remain, a third part of the Heavens 
would not yet have been seen from the Earth, 
and the Sun and planets would be hidden for 
half their revolutions, Conv. ii. I jiss-sa [Clelo 
Cristallino] ; the Starry Heaven had moved 
one-twelfth part of a degree towards the E. 
since the birth of Beatrice (which took place 
therefore about eight years and four months 
before), V. N. § 28-12 [Beatrice]. 

D.'s information with regard to the two poles 
and the two motions of the Starry Heaven 
was borrowed from the Ekmenla Astronomica 
of Alfraganusj of the two celestial poles, he 
says :— 

' Caelum . . . cum omnibus stellis convertitur circulari 
motu, super duobus polls, fixis et immotis : quorum alter 
in pla^a Doreali consistlt, alter in australi ' (the visible pole, 
of course, beinff the one in the northern region of the sky; 
the invisible, that in the southern region). (Cap. 2.) 

Of the two celestial motions he says : — 

' Dice itaque duos in caelo observari principales motus : 
quorum primus totum versat caelum, facitque noctem et 
diem. Is namque circumagit Solem, et Lunam, omnesque 
Stellas reliquas ab oriente in occidentem, una quotidie con- 
versione . . . Motus autem secundus is est, quo Solem et 
Stellas versari cemimus ab occtdente in orientem, in partes 
primo motui contrarias.' (Cap. 5.) 

The nature of the second motion (from W. to E.) 
he explains as follows : — 

* Stellarum fixarum sphaera , . . cujus motus . . . est uni- 
versis stellis errantibus communis . . . ab occidente gyratur 
in orientem super zodiaci polls, centenis quibusque annis, ut 
Ftolemaei est sententia, per spatium unius gradus. £odem 
motu una convertuntur septem planetarum sphaerae ; ita ut 
. . . totum zodiacum percurrant annis 36000. (Cap. 13.) 

The astronomy of D.'s time, following Ptolemy, 
put the revolution of the Starry Heaven, i. e. the 
cycle of the precession of the equinoxes, at 36,000 
years (a hundred years for each of the 360 
degrees) ; this is too much, it being really 26,000 

D.'s calculation, that only a little more than 
a sixth part of the revolution had been accom- 
plished since the beginning of the world, is based 
upon the belief that the creation took place five 
thousand years and more before the birth of Christ; 
so that in the thirteenth century A. D. more than 
six thousand years had elapsed, and the Heaven 
had moved through rather more than 60 degrees, 
or one-sixth of the whole circuit. (Orosius puts 
the period from Adam to Abraham at 3,184 years, 
and from Abraham to the Nativity at 2,015 years, 
making 5,199 years from the creation to the 
Nativity; this sum, with the addition of the 1,300 
years of the Christian era, gives a total of 6,499 

The Heaven of the Fixed Stars is the eighth 
in D.'s conception of Paradise, Par. ii. 64 ; 
Conv. ii. 32*, 48, 1461 ; A. T. § ai^-i" [Para- 
dlsoi] I resembles Physics in three respects 
and Metaphysics also in three respects, (^onv. 

ii. I5*-I2i ; it is presided over by the Cherubim 
[Cherubini]. Inside of the Empyrean re- 
volves the Primum Mobile, in which originate 
the influences which are distributed by the 
Starry Heaven to the various spheres which 
make up the Universe, Par. i. 122-3 i "• 
1 12-17. 

On leaving the Heaven of Saturn, D. and 
Beatrice ascend with incredible velocity to that 
of the Fixed Stars, entering it in the constella- 
tion of Gemini, under which D. was born (Par. 
xxii. 100-23) ; they here behold the triumph 
of Christ and the coronation of the Virgin 
Mary (Par. xxiii) ; St. Peter examines D. con- 
cerning the nature and matter of faith (Par. 
xxiv) ; St. James examines him concerning 
hope (Par. xxv. 1-96) ; St. John then appears 
{vv. 97-139), and examines him concerning 
love (Par. xxvi. 1-66) ; after which Adam ap- 
pears, who resolves certain doubts of D. re- 
specting the first state of man {vv. 67-142) ; 
then St. Peter inveighs against the iniquity of 
the Popes (Par. xxvii. 1-66) ; afterwards D. and 
B. ascend to the Crystalline Heaven (7/^.67-99). 

Cielo terzo. [Venere, Cielo di.] 

Cielo d'Alcamo. [Ciullo d'Aloamo.] 

Cimabue, Giovanni Cimabue, the great 
Florentine artist, and master of Giotto, com- 
monly regarded as the regenerator of painting 
in Italy ; he was born circ. 1 240, and died, not 
in 1300 as Vasari states, but in or after 1302, 
since he is proved by documentary evidence 
to have been painting in Pisa in that year ; he 
was buried in Santa Maria del Fiore at 

Oderisi (in Circle I of Purgatory) mentions 
him in illustration of the brief endurance of 
fame, that of C. having been speedily eclipsed 
by the fame of Giotto, Purg. xi. 94-6. Vasari 
says : — 

' Oscurd Giotto veramente la fama di lui, non 
altrimenti che un lume grande faccia lo splendore 
d'un molto minora : perciocche, sebbene fu Cimabue 
quasi prima cagione della rinnovazione dell' arte 
della pittura ; Giotto nondimeno suo creato,mosso 
da lodevole ambizione ed aiutato dal cielo e dalla 
natura, fu quegli che, andando piii alto col pensiero, 
aperse la porta della verita a coloro che 1' hanno 
poi ridotta a quella perfezione e grandezza, in che 
la veggiamo al secolo nostro.' 

The Ottimo Comento (quoted by Vasari) 
says : — 

'Fu Cimabue di Firenze pintore nel tempo di 
I'autore, molto nobile di piii che homo sapesse, et 
con questo fue si arogante et si disdegnoso, che si 
per alcuno Ii fusse a sua opera posto alcun fallo 
o difetto, o elli da sh V avessi veduto (che, come 
accade molte volte, I'artefice pecca per difetto della 
materia, in che adopra, o per mancamento ch' 6 
nello strumento con che lavora), inmantenente 
quell' opra disertava, fussi cara quanto volesse.' 

Vasaj-i quotes an epitaph on C. (evidently 





based upon Purg. xi. 94-5) which, he says, was 
placed in the Cathedral at Florence : — 

'Credidit ut Cimabos picturae castra tenere, 
Sic tenuit, vivens ; nunc tenet astra poll.' 

C.'s portrait, according to Vasari, was intro- 
duced by Simone da Siena in one of his frescoes 
in the Spanish Chapel of Santa Maria Novella 
at Florence : — 

' II ritratto di Cimabue si vede di mano di Simone 
Sanese, nel capitolo di Santa Maria Novella, fatto 
in profilo nella storia della Fede, in una figura che 
ha il vise magro, la barba piccola, rossetta ed 
appuntata, con un cappuccio secondo I'uso di quei 
tempi, che lo fascia intorno intorno e sotto la gola 
con bella nianiera. Quelle che gli 6 allato, 6 
I'istesso Simone maestro di quell' opera, che si 
ritrasse da s6 con due specchi per far la testa in 
profilo, ribattendo I'uno nell'altro.' 

Cincinnato, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, 
one of the heroes of the old Roman republic, 
the Roman model of frugality and integrity ; 
he lived on his farm, which he cultivated him- 
self. In B.C. 458 he was called from the plough 
to assume the dictatorship, in order to deliver 
the Roman army from the Aequians ; having 
accomplished this task, and defeated the enemy, 
he returned to his farm, after holding the dic- 
tatorship only sixteen days. In 439 he was a 
second time appointed dictator, at the age of 

The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) mentions him in connexion with the 
exploits of the Roman Eagle, referring to him 
(in allusion to his surname Cincinnatus, i. e. 
' shaggy-haired ') as Quimio che dal cirro 
Negletto fu nomato, Par. vi. 46-7 [Aquilai] ; 
he is mentioned again (as Cincinnato) by 
Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who, 
speaking of the degenerate state of Florence, 
says that in his day such a person as Lapo 
Salterello would have been as great a marvel 
in that city as Cincinnatus would be now. Par. 
XV. 127-9 [Iiapo 2] ; his laying down of the 
dictatorship and voluntary return to the plough 
are referred to, Conv. iv. 5I30-4 j and, with a 
reference to Livy (iii. 28), though D. was more 
probably thinking of the account of Orosius 
(ii. 12, §§ 7, 8), and to Cicero (Fin. ii. 4), Mon. 
ii. 576-89. 

Cincinnatus, the dictator, Mon. ii. 576> 88. 

Cino, Cino (i. e. Guittoncino) di ser Fran- 
cesco de' Sinibuldi of Pistoja, commonly known 
as Cino da Pistoja, the friend of D., and one 
of the principal poets of the new lyric school 
in Italy (which comprised, among others, Lapo 
Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Guido Orlandi, 
Gianni Alfani, Guido Cavalcanti, and Dante 
Alighieri), was born at Pistoja in 1270; he 
was a lawyer by profession, and was the author 
of several legal works, the most important of 
which is the Lectura in Codicem, a commentary 

on the first nine books of the Code of Justinian ; 
after studying at Pistoja (-vyhence he was exiled 
in 1307) and Bologna, he received his doctorate 
at Bologna (1314), and lectured on law succes- 
sively at Treviso (1318), Siena (1321), Florence 
(1324), Perugia (1326), where he had among 
his pupils the famous Bartolo da Sassoferrato, 
and Naples (1330). Towards the close of his 
life he returned to Pistoja, which he had re- 
visited at various intervals, and held several 
official posts in his native town, where he died 
at the end of 1336 or the beginning of 1337. 
He was buried in the Cathedral of San Jacopo 
at Pistoja, where a monument by Cellino di 
Nese of Siena was erected to him; on it is a 
bas-relief representing Cino lecturing to nine 
pupils, among them Francesco Petrarca, who 
afterwards composed a sonnet on his death. 
In politics Cino belonged to the Bianchi party, 
with decided GhibeUine leanings, as appears 
from the fact that he accompanied Duke Louis 
of Savoy as his assessor when the latter went 
to Rome in 1310 to make preparations for the 
reception of Henry VII of Luxemburg, on 
whose death , he wrote a poem in which he 
speaks of the Emperor as ' colui in cui virtute 
Com' in suo proprio loco dimorava.' Among 
Cino's friends, besides D., who in the De 
Vulgari Eloquentia usually speaks of him- 
self as 'amicus Cini' (V. E. i. loso, 1725. jj. 
293, 549, 6'3), were Onesto da Bologna, Cecco 
d'Ascoli, Bosone da Gubbio, and his pupil 

Cino was one of those who replied to D.'s 
sonnet, ' A ciascun' alma presa, e gentil core ' 
(V. N. § 3^7) ; among numerous poems of his 
which have laeen preserved, several of them 
addressed to D., is a canzone on the death of 
Beatrice, and another on the death of D. him- 
self. His love-poems are said to have been 
inspired by his passion for Selvaggia^ daughter 
of Filippo Vergiolesi of Pitecchio, who after- 
wards married Focaccia de' Cancellieri of 
Pistoja. He himself married (in 1300) Mar- 
gherita degli Ughi, by whom he had five 
children. (See G. Carducci, Rime di Cino da 
Pistoja ; Bartoli, Lett. Jtal., iv. 1-133 ! ^^ 
D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett. ItaL, 1. 306-15.) 

D. addressed two sonnets to Cino (Son. 
xxxiv, xlvi) ; and a letter (' Exulanti Pistoriensi 
Florentinus ej ul immeritus ') in which he re- 
plies to C.'s inquiry whether the soul ' can pass 
from passion to passion ' (Epist. iv.) ; Cino is 
named. Son. xxxiv. 2 ; xlvi. 12 ; Cinus Pistori- 
ensis, V. E. i. loao, 133T, 1724-6; jj. 382, 5*7; 
Cinus, V. E. ii. 7.^^ ; Cinus de Pistorio, V. E. 
ii. 6'" ; he is addressed by D. as carissime, 
Epist. iv. I ; /rater carissime, Epist. iv. 5 ; his 
poems are quoted, V. E. ii. 2^2, 5*8^ 671 ; d. 
couples C. with himself as having written 
poems in the vulgar tongue, V. E. i. io28-3i | 
and with Guido Cavalcanti, Lapo Gianni, and 
himself, as having rejected the Tuscan dialect, 


Cinus Pistoriensis 


C. being mentioned last on account of D.'s 
hatred to Pistoja, V. E. i. 13S3-9 ; the excellence 
of the vulgar tongue exemplified in the canzoni 
of C. and D., V. E. i. 17I8-26 ; c. the poet of 
love, D. the poet of rectitude, V. E. ii. 282-3 ; 
he and D. both made use of eleven-syllabled 
verses, V. E, ii. 539-50 ; and both employed the 
most excellent form of canzone, V. E. ii. e^f-s. 

Cinus Pistoriensis. [Cino.] 

Cinyras, King of Cyprus, son of Apollo, 
and father of Adonis by his own daughter 
Myrrha, who deceived him by disguising her- 
self as another woman. 

D. alludes to the incest of C. (the story of 
which is told by Ovid, Metam. x. 298 fif.), Inf. 
XXX. 38-41 ; and compares Florence to Myrrha, 
Epist. vii. 7. [Mirra.] 

Ciolus, Ciolo, said to be the name of one 
of the Florentine exiles who submitted to the 
degrading terms imposed upon those who 
were desirous of returning to Florence. D. 
says in his letter to a Florentine friend, in 
which he scornfully rejects any such terms 
for himself, that it would ill become a man 
who was familiar with philosophy to so far 
humiliate himself as to submit to be treated 
like a prisoner after the manner of Ciolo and 
other infamous wretches, 'more cujusdam 
Cioli et aliorum infamium,' Epist. ix. 3. 

This Ciolo is not improbably the Ciolo degli 
Abati, who, alone of his house, was expressly 
excepted by name (' Omnes de domo de Abba- 
tibus, excepto Ciolo ') from the decree known 
as the ' Riforma di messer Baldo d'Aguglione' 
issued in 131 1 (Sep. 2) against the contu- 
macious exiles, D. being one of them. (See 
Del Lungo, DeW Esilio di D., p. 137; Dino 
Comfagni, iii. p. 289, n. 2i^.) Some suppose 
the individual in question to be a certain Lippo 
Lapi Ciole, who among others is said to have 
been allowed to return to Florence in 1316 
on condition that he should walk behind the 
Carroccio with a fool's cap on his head. (See 
Witte, Dante-Forschungen, i. 498.) A certain 
Ser Ciolo da Firenze is the hero of one of 
Sacchetti's tales {Nov. Ii) in which he plays 
a part somewhat resembling that ascribed to 
Ciacco in the Decamerone. [Ciacco.] 

Cione de' Tarlati. [Guooio de* Tarlati.] 

Ciotto di Gerusalemme. [Gerusa- 

Cipri, Cyprus, the most easterly island in 
the Mediterranean ; mentioned by Pier da 
Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell) 
together with Majorca, one of the most 
westerly, to indicate the whole length of the 
Mediterranean Sea, Inf.xxviii. 82 ; it is alluded 
to by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter by 
the mention of two of its chief cities, Fama- 
gosta and Nicosia, with reference to the suffer- 
ings of the island under the misgovernment of 

Henry II of Lusignan, Par. xix. 145-7. [Ar- 
rigo 8 : Table v. A.] 

Benvenuto, apropos of this passage, launches 
out into a peculiarly fierce tirade against the 
luxury, effeminacy, and wantonness of Cyprus 
and its king : — 

' Regnum Cypri . . . rixatur propter regem suum 
bestialiter viventem, qui rex non discordat, nee 
recedit a latere aliarum bestiarum, idest aliorum 
regum vitiosiorum. Et vera non discohaeret, et 
non dissociatur a vivere bestiali aliorum, immo 
vincit et excedit cum sua gente Cypri omnes reges 
et gentes regnorum christianitatis in superfluitate 
luxuriae, gulae, mollitiei, et in omni genere volup- 
tatum. Sed velle describere genera epularum, 
suraptuositatem, varietatem, et nimietatem, fasti- 
diosum asset narrare, et taediosum scribere et 
perniciosum audire. Idee viri sobrie et temper- 
anter viventes debent avertere oculos a videndo, 
et aures ab audiendo mores meretricales lubricos 
et foetidos insulae illius, quam permittente Deo 
nunc januenses invaserunt, expugnaverunt et male 

Ciprigna, Cypriote, name applied by D. 
to the planet Venus, Cyprus having been 
regarded as , the birthplace of the goddess, 
Par. viii. 2 [Venere i] ; he explains how the 
name of Venus, goddess of love, came to be 
given to the planet, describing how the ancients 
worshipped not only her, but also her mother 
Dione, and her son Cupid, as being endowed 
with the power of inspiring love {%iv. 1-12) 
[Cupido : Dione]. 

Circe, the enchantress Circe, daughter of 
Helios (the Sun) and Perse, who dwelt in the 
island of Aeaea, upon which Ulysses was cast, 
and had the power of transforming men into 
beasts ; she is mentioned by Ulysses (in 
Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell), who describes 
how he sta.yed more than a year with her in 
the neighbourhood of Gaeta, before Aeneas 
had so named it, Inf. xxvi. 91-3 [Ulisse] : — 

'Tu quoque litoribus nostris, Aene'ia nutrix, 
Aeternam moriens famam, Caieta, dedisti ; 
Ht nunc servat honos sedem tuus, ossaque nomen 
Hesperia in magna, si qua est ea gloria, signat . . . 
Proxuma Circaeae raduntur litora terrae.' 

{fAen. vii. 1-4, 10.) 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
compares the inhabitants of the Valdarno to 
the men transformed by her into beasts, Purg. 
xiv. 40-2 [Arno] : — 

* Hinc exaudiri gemitus iraeque leonum, . . . 
Saetigerique sues, atque in praesepibus ursi 
Saevire, ac formae magnorum ululare luporum, 
Quos hominum ex facie dea saeva potentibus herbis 
Induerat Circe in voltus ac terga ferarum.* 

{Aen. vii. 15, 17-20.) 

Ciriatto, one of the ten demons in Bolgia 
S of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), deputed 
by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 
122; xxii. 55; he is represented as being 
tusked like a boar (' sannuto '), Inf. xxi. 122 ; 
and with- one of his tusks he rips up the bar- 
rator Ciampolo, Inf. xxii. 55-7 [Alichiuo: 


M 2 


Civitate Dei, De 

Clampolo]. Philalethes renders the name 
' Schweinsborst.' 

Giro, Cyrus the elder, founder of the 
Persian Empire, son of Cambyses, a Persian 
noble, and of Mandane, daughter of Astyages, 
King of Media; he led the Persians against 
Astyages, defeated him and took him prisoner, 
and became King of the Medes, B.C. 559; 
conquered the kingdom of Lydia and took 
Croesus prisoner, B.C. 546; conquered Babylon, 
B.C. 538; was defeated and slain in a battle 
against the Massagetae, a Scythian people, 
B. C. 529. 

D. includes him among the examples of 
defeated pride in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. 
xii. 56 [Superbi] ; and refers to the story (for 
which his authority was Orosius, Hisi. ii. 7, § 6) 
of the vengeance of Tomyris, Queen of the 
Massagetae, whose son he had slain, how after 
his defeat and death she had his head cut off 
and thrown into a vessel filled with human 
gore, and mocked it, saying, ' For blood thou 
hast thirsted, drink thy fill' {vv. 55-7) ; his 
conquest of Babylon, and dream of universal 
empire, and his subsequent defeat and death 
at the hands of Tomyris, are referred to, Mon. 
ii. 9*3-8 [Orosio : Tamiri]. 

Cirra, Cirrha, town in Phocis, on the Cris- 
saean Gulf, about 15 miles S.W. of Delphi, 
often confused with Crissa, an inland town 
a few miles distant, of which it appears to 
have been the port ; both towns were inti- 
mately connected with Delphi, the seat of the 
oracle of Apollo, hence Cirrha was sometimes 
used as a synonym of Delphi (cf Statius, 
Tkeb. iii. 106, 455, 474). The name was also 
applied to one of the peaks of Parnassus, to 
that namely which was sacred to Apollo (the 
other, Nisa, being sacred to Bacchus), as is 
explained by Isidore of Seville in his Ori- 
gines : — 

' Parnasus mons est Thessaliae, juxta Boeotiam, 
qui gemino vertice est erectus in caelum. Hie in 
duo finditur juga, Cirra et Nisa, unde et nuncu- 
patus, eo quod in singulis jugis colebantur Apollo 
et Liber.' (xiv. 8.) 

Hence Cirrha was also used as a synonym 
of Parnassus (cf. Statius, Theb. i. 62, ii. 63, 
iii. 611). [Parnaso.] 

D. mentions Cirrha in connexion with Apollo 
in his capacity as god of song, and suggests 
that he himself is but the forerunner of more 
mighty poets. Par. i. 35-6. 

Most of the old commentators are silent on 
the subject of Cirrha, but both the Ottimo 
Comento and Benvenuto hold that D.'s refer- 
ence is to one of the peaks of Parnassus : — 

' II tempio d' Apollo, dove si viene a pregare, h in 
sul giogo di Parnaso detto Cirra ; e nell' altro 
giogo, detto Nisa, k il tempio di Bacco.'— ' Cirra, 
idest Apollo, qui colitur in Cirrha, altero jugo 
mentis Parnasi.' 

Citerea, Cytherea, name of Venus {Aen. i. 
261, 661, &c.), who was so called from Cythera 
(now Cerigo), an island off the S.E. point of 
Laconia, near which she is said to have risen 
from the foam of the sea. 

D. applies the name to the planet Venus, 
the time indicated being the early morning 
before dawn, Purg. xxvii. 95. As a matter of 
fact in April, 1300, the assumed date of the 
Vision, Venus was not actually a morning-star, 
but rose after the Sun. [Venere^.] 

Cittk di Castello. Castellana Civitas. 

Ciu£fagni], one of the Florentine families 
which received knighthood from the Marquis 
Hugh of Brandenburg, ' il gran Barone,' Par. 
xvi. 128. [Gangalandi.] 

CiuUo d'Alcamo], the author (called by 
some Cielo d'Alcamo or Cielo dal Camo) of 
the poem, the third line of which (' Tragemi 
d'este focora, se t' este a boluntate,' or, ac- 
cording to the reading of Cod. Vat. 3793, the 
only MS. in which the poem has been pre- 
served, ' Trami d'este focora se t' este a bolon- 
tate ') is quoted by D. as an example of the 
Sicilian dialect as spoken by the lower classes, 
V. E. i. 1250. 

Alcamo is a town in the N.W. of Sicily, 
about 25 miles S.W. of Palermo, and 7 S.E. 
of Castellamare. CiuUo, according to Nan- 
nucci, represents the Sicilian Nzullo, an abbre- 
viation of VincenciuUo, VincenzuUo, the dimi- 
nutive of Vincenzio. The poem, which consists 
of thirty-two stanzas of five lines each (riming 
aaa bb, ccc dd, &c.), is in the form of a dialogue 
(' contrasto ') between a lover and his mistress, 
and was written, as is proved by internal 
evidence, between 123 1 and 1250, so that the 
author was a contemporary of the Emperor 
Frederick II. (See D'Ancona and Comparetti, 
Rime Antiche Volgari, i. 165-377 ; Monad, 
Crest. Ital., 106-9 ; and Nannucci, Lett. Ital., \. 
1-15.) . 

Civitas Castellana. [Castellana Civi- 

Civitate Dei, De, St. Augustine's work 
(in twenty-two books) On the City of God, an 
apologetic treatise (written between 413 and 
426) in vindication of Christianity and the 
Christian Church ; his comparison of the 
significant and insignificant parts of a narrative 
to the share and other parts of a plough, Mon. 
iii. 451-9 [Civ. Dei, xvi. 2) : — 

' Non sane omnia, quae gesta narrantur, aliquid 
etiam significare putanda sunt ; sed propter ilia, 
quae aliquid significant, etiam ea, quae nihil 
significant, adtexuntur. Solo enim vomere terra 
proscinditur ; sed ut hoc fieri possit, etiam cetera 
aratri membra sunt necessaria ' — a passage which 
is quoted, in a mutilated form, by Boccaccio in 
his Comento at the close of Leeione vi. 

Though D. only once quotes ihtDe Civitate 




Dei by name, he was evidently familiar with the 
work, from which he derived details, for in- 
stance, as to Pythagoras, the Seven Sages of 
Greece, &c. [Agostino 2.] 

Claudianus], Claudian (Claudius Claudi- 
anus), the last of the Latin classic poets ; he 
was born at Alexandria arid came to Italy in 
A. D. 395, where he enjoyed the patronage of 
Stilicho, the famous general of the Emperor 
Theodosius I ; he diedcirc. 408. C, who was 
a jjagan, wrote a number of poems, many of 
which are extant, remarkable for the purity of 
their Latin. 

A quotation from his De Bella Gildonico, 
' minuit praesentia famam' {v. 385), occurs in 
the so-called letter of D. to Guido da Polenta, 
in which the passage is erroneously ascribed 
to Virgil ; for this reason, among others, the 
authenticity of this letter is suspected. 

Some think D. borrowed from Claudian's 
De Raptu Proserpinae (ii. 262) his description 
of Proserpine, Purg. xxviii. 50-1 ; but his 
authority here was Ovid {Metam. v. 385-401), 
and it is doubtful whether he had any ac- 
quaintance with Claudian. (See Academy, 
Dec. 2, 1893.) 

Clemens, Pope Clement V, Epist. v. 10. 
[Clemente 2.] 

Clemente 1, Clement JV (Guy Foulquois), 
a native of Languedoc ; created Cardinal (by 
Urban IV, whom he succeeded), 1261; elected 
Pope at Perugia, Oct. 8, 1264 ; died at Viterbo, 
Nov. 29, 1268. 

Manfred (in Antepurgatory) mentions him 
in connexion with the Bishop of Cosenza, who 
by his orders disinterred M.'s body from its 
grave beneath the heap of stones at the bridge 
of Benevento, and had it cast outside the 
limits of the kingdom of Naples, Purg. iii. 
124-9 [Benevento : ManfrediJ. Some think 
Clement IV is included among the Popes 
mentioned by Nicholas III (in Bolgia 3 of 
Circle VIII of Hell), Intxix. 73-4 [Niocold^]. 

Clemente 2], Clement V (Bertrand de 
Goth), a native of Gascony ; appointed Arch- 
bishop of Bordeaux by Boniface VIII, 1299 ; 
elected Pope (in his absence) at Perugia, 
June 5, 1305, in succession to Benedict XI ; 
crowned at Lyons, Nov. 14 of the same year ; 
died at Roquemaure, near Avignon, April 20, 
1314. It was during the Pontificate of Cle- 
ment V, who appears never to have entered 
Italy, that the Papal See was removed to 
Avignon, where it remained in what Italian 
writers call the ' Babylonian Captivity,' for 
over seventy years ; at the end of which period 
(i378)theGreatSchismtook place, ClementVII 
reigning as Pope at Avignon, Urban VI at 
Rome. The Schism came to an end with the 
election of Alexander V in 1409. 

Clement owed his election to an intrigue 
between Philip the Fair and the French party 

among the Cardinals. After a long contest 
between the latter, headed by Napoleone degli 
Orsini and the Cardinal Niccol6 da Prato, and 
the partisans and kindred of Boniface VIII, 
headed by Matteo degli Orsini and Francesco 
Gaetani, a compromise was arrived at. It 
was agreed that one party should nominate 
three Ultramontane (Northern) prelates, not 
members of the Sacred College, and that the 
other party should within forty days elect one 
of these to the Papacy. The Gaetani party 
having named three Archbishops (among them 
the Archbishop of Bordeaux), of whom they 
felt sure, as they had all been appointed by 
Boniface VIII, Niccol6 da Prato made up his 
mind that their choice should fall upon the 
Archbishop of Bordeaux. He at once entered 
into secret communications with Philip the 
Fair, and brought about an interview between 
him and the Archbishop, in the course of 
which the King told the latter that he had it 
in his power to make him Pope, but that he 
must first agree to six conditions. These 
having been named, with the exception of the 
last (relating probably to the suppression of 
the Templars), which the King kept secret, 
the Archbishop gave his consent to them, 
pledging himself in a solemn oath upon the 
Host, and delivering up his brother and two 
nephews as hostages. The result of the inter- 
view having been communicated to the French 
Cardinals, the Archbishop of Bordeaux was 
unanimously chpsen Pope, the Gaetani party 
remaining in entire ignorance of the intrigue 
by which the election had been brought about. 
' II savio e provveduto cardinale da Prato si 
pens£>, che meglio si potea fornire il loro intendi- 
mento a prendere messer Ramondo del Gotto 
arcivescovo di Bordello, che nullo degli altri, con 
tutto che fosse creatura del papa Bonifazio, e non 
amico del re di Francia, per offese fatte a' suoi 
nella guerra di Guascogna per messer Carlo di 
Valos ; ma conoscendolo uomo vago d'onore e di 
signoria, e ch' era Guascone, che naturalmente 
sono cupidi, che di leggieri si potea pacificare col 
re di Francia ; e cosi presono il partito segreta- 
mente, e per saramento egli e la sua parte del 
coUegio . . . e per fidati e buoni corrieri ordinati 
per gli loro mercatanti (non sentendone nulla 
I'altra parte), mandarono da Perugia a Parigi in 
undici di, ammonendo e pregando il re di Francia 
per lo tenore delle loro lettere, che s' egli volesse 
racquistare suo stato in santa Chiesa, e rilevare i 
suoi amici Colonnesi, che '1 nimico si facesse ad 
amico, ci6 era messer Ramondo del Gotto arcives- 
covo di Bordello, I'uno de' tre eletti piii confident! 
deir altra partej' cercando e trattando con lui patti 
larghi per se e per gli amici suoi, perocche in sua 
mano era rimessa la lezione dell' uno di que' tre 
cui a lui piacesse. Lo re di Francia avute le dette 
lettere e commissioni, fu molto allegro e sollecito 
alia impresa. In prima mandate lettere amichevoli 
per messi in Guascogna a messer Ramondo del 
Gotto arcivescovo di Bordello, che gli si facesse 
incontro, che gli volea parlare . . . e udita insierae 




la messa, e giurata in su I'altare credenza, lo re 
parlamenta con lui, e con belle parole, di ricon- 
ciliarlo con messer Carlg, e poi si gli disse : Vedi 
arcivescovo, i' ho in mia mano di poterti fare papa 
s' io voglio, e per6 sono venuto a te : e perci6, se 
tu mi prometterai di farmi sei grazie ch' io ti 
domanderd, io ti fard questo onore : e acciocchfe 
tu sie certo ch' io n' ho il podere, — trasse fuori e 
mostrogli le lettere e le commissioni dell' uno 
coUegio de' cardinal! e dell' altro. II Guascone 
covidoso della dignita papale, veggendo cosi di 
subito come nel re era al tutto di poterlo fare 
papa, quasi stupefatto dell' allegrezza gli si gittd 
a' piedi, e disse ; Signore mio, ora conosco che 
m' ami piii che uomo che sia, e vuoimi rendere 
bene per male : tu hai a comandare e io a ubbidire, 
e sempre sard cosi disposto. Lo re il rilevd suso, 
e basciollo in bocca, e poi gli disse : Le sei speziali 
grazie ch' io voglio da te sono queste. La prima, 
che tu mi riconcili perfettamente coUa Chiesa, e 
facci perdonare del misfatto ch' io commisi della 
presura di papa Bonifazio. II secondo, di ri- 
comunicare me e' miei seguaci. II terzo articolo, 
che mi concedi tutte le decime del reame per 
cinque anni per aiuto alle mie spese c' ho fatte 
per la guerra di Fiandra. II quarto, che tu mi 
prometti di disfare e annullare la memoria di papa 
Bonifazio. II quinto, che tu renda I'onore del 
cardinalato a messer Jacopo e a messer Piero della 
Colonna, e rimettigli in stato, e fai con lore insieme 
certi miei amici cardinali. La sesta grazia e pro- 
messa mi riservo a luogo e a tempo, ch' & segreta 
e grande, L'arcivescovo promise tutto per sara- 
mento in sul Corpus Domini, e oltre a ci6 gli die' 
per istadichi il fratello e due suoi nipoti ; e lo re 
giur6 a lui e promise di farlo eleggere papa.' 
(Villani, viii. 80.) 

Having been elected under these circum- 
stances, Clement naturally, as Pope, was little 
more than a creature of the French king, whose 
behests he was forced to carry out one after 
the other. The condemnation of Boniface VII I, 
however, he managed to avoid, Philip's atten- 
tion being diverted to a more profitable matter, 
viz. the plundering and ultimate suppression of 
the Order of the Templars. 

' Per sua avarizia si mosse il re, e si ordm6 e 
fecesi promettere segretamente al papa, di disfare 
I'ordine de' tempieri, opponendo contro a loro 
molti articoli di resia: ma piii si dice che fu per 
trarre di loro molta moneta, e per isdegni presi 
col maestro del tempio e coUa magione. II papa 
per levarsi d'addosso il re di Francia, per la 
richesta ch' egli avea fatta del condannare papa 
Bonifazio . . . o ragione o torto che fosse, per 
piacere al re egli assenti di ci6 fare.' (Villani, 
viii. 92.) 

When in 1308, on the assassination of the 
Emperor Albert of Austria, the Imperial crown 
became vacant, Clement was pressed by Philip 
to support (as some suppose, in fulfilment of 
the secret sixth condition of his election) the 
candidature of his brother, Clement's old enemy, 
Charles of Valois. Ostensibly the Pope com- 
plied, but, dreading any further extension of 

the formidable power of France, he secretly 
exerted all his influence against Charles, and 
favoured the claims of his rival, Henry of 
Luxemburg, who was elected as Henry VII. 
When the new Emperor descended into Italy 
to assert his imperial rights Clement for a time 
loyally co-operated with him ; but, yielding to 
the menaces of the French king, he gradually 
withdrew his support, leaving Henry to carry 
out his task alone, unaided, if not actually 
opposed, by the Papal influence. Clement 
survived the Emperor he had betrayed less 
than a year, his death having been hastened, 
according to Villani, by his apprehensions as 
to the fate in store for him in the next world, 
which had been revealed to him through witch- 
craft, by means of a vision. 

' Nell' anno 1314 di 20 d'Aprile, mori papa 
Clemente. . . . Questi fu uomo molto cupido di 
moneta, e simoniaco, che ogni beneficio per danari 
s'avea in sua corte, e fu lussurioso ; che palese si 
dicea, che tenea per arnica la contessa di Pelagorga 
bellissima donna, figliuola del conte di Fusci. E 
lascib i nipoti e suo lignaggio con grandissimo e 
innumerabile tesoro : e dissesi che, vivendo il 
detto papa, essendo morto uno suo nipote cardinale 
cui egli molto amava, costrinse uno grande maestro 
di negromanzia che sapesse che dell' anima del 
nipote fosse. II detto maestro fatte sue arti, uno 
cappellano del papa molto sicuro fece portare 
a' dimonia, i quali il menarono alio 'nferno, e 
mostrargli visibilemente uno palazzo iv' entro uno 
letto di fuoco ardente, nel quale era I'anima del 
detto suo Jiipote morto, dicendogli, che per la sua 
simonia era cosi giudicato. E vide nella visione 
fare un altro palazzo alia 'ncontra, il quale gli fu 
detto si facea per papa Clemente ; e cosi rapportb 
il detto cappellano al papa, il quale mai poi non fu 
allegro, e poco vivette appresso : e morto lui, e 
lasciatolo la notte in una chiesa con grande 
luminara, s'accese e arse la cassa, f '1 corpo sua 
dalla cintola in giii.' (ix. 59.) 

D. assigns to Clement, who is not mentioned 
by name in the D. C, a place among the 
simoniacal Popes in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xix. 82-7 [Simoniaoi] ; 
Nicholas III, who is already in Hell, foretells 
his coming there next after Boniface VIII (the 
intervening Pope, Benedict XI, having by his 
uprightness escaped condemnation), speaking 
of him as ' a lawless pastor from the Westward' 
(i.e. from Gascony) 'of fouler works' than 
Boniface (vv. 82-4) ; and alludes to his deal- 
ings with Philip the Fair in the matter of his 
election to the Papacy, comparing him to 
Jason, ' who laboured underhand to be high- 
priest ' {Mace. iv. 7) by bribing King Antiochus 
(vv. 85-7) [Antioeo : Jasone 2 : Niooold ^] ; 
his dealings with Philip are alluded to again 
(by Hugh Capet in Circle V of Purgatory) 
with especial reference to the destruction of 
the Templars, Purg. xx. 91-3 [Templari] ; 
and also in the mystical Procession in the 
Terrestrial Paradise, in which the Church, 




with especial reference to Boniface VIII and 
Clement V, is figured as a whore ('puttana 
sciolta,' 'fuia'), which dallies with a giant 
(Philip IV), Purg. xxxii. 148-56 ; the removal 
of the Papal See to Avignon being alluded to, 
w. i57-6o[I'ilippo2 : Processione] ; Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) refers to his 
betrayal of the Emperor Henry VII, and in 
allusion to his nationality speaks of him as 
il Guasco, Par. xvii. 82 [Arrigo^] ; St. Peter 
(in the Heaven of Fixed Stars), in reference to 
the sirnonyand extortions of him and John XX 1 1 
(a native of Cahors), says ' Del sangue nostro 
Caorsini e Guaschi S'apparecchian di here,' 
Par. xxvii. 58-9 [Caorsino : Guasco] ; finally, 
Beatrice (in the Empyrean) denounces C.'s 
treachery to Henry VII (these being her last 
words in the poem), foretelling that his death 
(April 20, 1314) shall follow hard upon that of 
the Emperor (Aug. 24, 1313), and that for his 
simony he shall be thrust into Hell, making 
Boniface VIII go lower down, Par. xxx. 142-8 

p. mentions Clement in his letter to the 
Princes of Italy, in connexion with his support 
of Henry VII in Italy, Epist. v. 10 ; and refers, 
in his letter to the Italian Cardinals, to his 
death, and his removal of the Papal See to 
Avignon, Epist. viii. 10, 11. 

Some think D.'s apostrophe, Par. xviii. 
130-6, is addressed to Clement V, but the latter 
was alreadydead when this passage was written; 
the Pope in question is John XXII. [Q-iovanni 

Clemenza, Clemence, either the widow or 
the daughter of Charles Martel of Hungary, 
apostrophized by D. as bella Clemenza, Par. 
ix. I [Carlo 3]. There is considerable doubt 
as to which Clemence D. is here address- 
ing. Charles' widow, Clemence of Hapsburg, 
daughter of the Emperor Rudolf I, died in 
1 301, the year after the assumed date of the 
Vision, but long before the Paradiso was 
written. Charles' daughter Clemence, who 
married Louis X of France, and was still living 
in 1328, at the assumed date of the Vision can 
have been only seven or eight years old. The 
large majority of commentators take the refer- 
ence to be to the latter, since it is difficult to 
understand how D., in his own person, could 
address, as still living, Charles' widow, who 
had been dead some twenty years at the 
time at which he was writing. On the other 
hand, D. refers to Charles Martel in his apo- 
strophe to Clemence as 'Carlo tuo' (■Z'. l), 
which is an unusual and unnatural way of 
speaking to a daughter of her father ; not a 
few of the commentators, therefore, decide in 
favour of the elder Clemence, including Pietro 
di Dante (who, however, speaks of her as 
'filia_ regis Alberti de Austria'), and Benvenuto 
('dirigens sermonem ad Clenientiam uxorem 

Caroli, autor dicit . . . Carlo tuo, vir tuus pulcer 

Cleobulo, Cleobulus, of Lindus in Rhodes 
(circ. B.C. 580); one of the Seven Sages of 
Greece, Conv. iii. 11*". [Biante.] 

Cleopa],the disciple Cleophas, one of the two 
to whom Christ appeared on the road to Em- 
maus after His resurrection {Luke-xsiw. 13-35) 5 
alluded to, Purg. xxi. 8. 

Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, daughter of 
Ptolemy Auletes, celebrated for her beauty. 
At the death of her father (B.C. 51) she became 
joint sovereign with her brother Ptolemy, but 
was expelled from the throne by the guardians 
of the latter. She was replaced upon the 
throne by Julius Caesar, by whom she had 
a son, Caesarion. After Caesar's death she 
became the mistress of Mark Antony, and was 
present with him at the battle of Actium, 
where he was defeated by Octavianus. She then 
fled to Alexandria, and, Antony having stabbed 
himself, tried to gain the love of Augustus ; 
but failing in this, and seeing that he was 
determined to carry her captive to Rome, she 
put an end to her life with the poison of an 
asp (b. c. 30). The dynasty of the Ptolemies 
thus came to an end in Egypt, which now 
became a Roman province. 

D. places C. among the Lustful, together 
with Dido, in Circle 11 of Hell, speaking of 
her as Cleopatra lussuriosa, Ipf. v. 63 [Lussu- 
riosi] ; the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven 
of Mercury) mentions her jn connexion with 
the victories of the Roman Eagle, and refers 
to her flight from Actium and to her death, 
Par. vi. 76-8 [Aquila i]. 

Cleopatras. [Cleopatra.] 

Cleto, Cletus (or Anacletus), Bishop of 
Rome from 76 (or 78) to 88 (or 90), successor 
of Linus, who is held to have been the im- 
mediate successor of St. Peter [Lino i]. C, who 
was martyred under Domitian, is mentioned 
by St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars), 
together with Linus, in connexion with their 
martyrdom and his own. Par. xxvii. 41. . 

Climen^, Clymene, mother of Phaethon by 
Phoebus ; D. compares himself, in his un- 
certainty as to what Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) was going to prophesy about 
his fate, to Phaethon, when he went to his 
mother Clymene to learn if he were really the 
son of Phoebus, Par. xvii. 1-6. 

Phaethon's comrade, Epaphus, having in- 
sinuated that he was not the son of Phoebus, 
C. swears to him by Phoebus himself that he is 
truly the son of the god, and urges him to go 
and ask Phoebus in person. The result is that 
Phaethon induces his father to let him drive 
his chariot, an enterprise that proves fatal to 
him [Fetonte]. D. got the story from Ovid : — 




' Fu!t huic (Epapho) animis aequalis et annis 
Sole satus Phaethon, quem quondam magna loquentem, 
Nee sibi cedentem, Phoeboque parente superbum, 
Non tulit Inachides : MatriquCj ait, omnia demens 
Credis ; et es tnmidas genitons imagine falsi. — 
Erubnit Phaethon, iramque pndore repressit ; 
Et tulit ad Clymenen Epaphi convicia matrem: 
Quoque magis doleas, genitrix, ait, ille e^o liber, 
lUe ferox tacui ; pudet naec opprobria nobis 
Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse repelli. 
At tu SI modo sum caelesti stirpe creatus, 
Ede notam tanti generis; meque assere caelo. — 
Dixit, et implicuit materno brachia collo.' 

{Metam. i. 750 ff.) 

Clid, Clio, the muse of History; mentioned 
by Virgil, addressing Statius (in Purgatory), in 
reference to the fact that the latter had invoked 
her at the beginning of the Thebaid (i. 41 ; 
cf. X. 630), thus proving that he was a pagan, 
Purg. xxii. 58. 

Cloelia, Roman maiden, one of the hostages 
given to Porsena, King of Clusium, who made 
her escape and swam across the Tiber to 
Rome, but was sent back by the Romans. 
Porsena was so struck with her exploit that he 
set her at liberty, together with some of the 
other hostages. 

D. refers to the incident of her escape, his 
account being borrowed from that of Orosius, 
whose description (ii. 5, § 3) of Cloelia's ' admi- 
rabilis transmeati fluminis audacia' he echoes, 
Mon. ii. 465-70, 

Cloto, Clotho, the spinning fate, the youngest 
of the three fates, who at the birth of every 
mortal was supposed to wind on the distaff of 
Lachesis, the allotting fate, a certain amount of 
yarn, the duration of the individual's life being 
determined by the length of time it took to 
spin. [Atropds.] 

Clotho and Lachesis are mentioned by Virgil, 
who explains to Statius (in Purgatory) that 
D.'s life has not yet run its course, Purg. xxi. 
25-7. [Lachesis.] 

Clugni, Cluny, town in France, about 10 
miles N.W. of Macon, the site of a famous 
Benedictine abbey, founded in 910 ; it had 
2,000 monastic communities directly under its 
sway in France, Italy, Spain, England, and 
other parts of Europe, the inmates of which 
formed the congregation of Cluniac monks. 

A few modem add. (e.g. Witte and Phil- 
alethes) read Clugni, instead of Cologna (the 
reading of most of tie old edd.), Inf. xxiii. 63. 

Cocito, Cocytus, ' named of lamentation 
loud Heard on the rueful stream,' river of Hell, 
whose waters are frozen and form a vast sheet 
of ice in the nethermost pit, in which, im- 
mersed to various depths, and in various 
postures, are placed the four classes of Traitors, 
Inf xiv. 119; xxxi. 123; xxxiii. 156; xxxiv. 52; 
stagno, Ini. xiv. 119 (cf. Aen. vi. 323); lago, 
Inf. xxxii. 23 ; la ghiaccia,\xil.-xxx\\.^e,\ xxxiv. 
^9 i la- gelatina, Inf. xxxii. 60 ; i gelati guazzi, v. 
72 ; Id. dove i peccatori stanno freschi, v. 117; la 


gelata, Inf. xxxiii. 91 ; lafredda crosta, v. 109 ; 
le gelate croste, Inf xxxiv. 75. [Traditori.] 

Like Acheron, Styx, and Phlegethon, C. 
owes its origin to the tears of the ' gran veglio 
di Creta' (Inf. xiv. 1 12-19) [Greta] ; these 
unite in a stream which under various names 
flows down to the bottom of Hell, where it 
forms Cocytus, the waters of which are col- 
lected into a lake, and frozen by the wind 
generated by the wings of Lucifer (Inf. xxxiv. 
46-52) [Piumi Infernali : Lucifero]. 

Coelo, De. {Caelo, De.] 

ColchJ, Colchians, inhabitants of Colchis ; 
mentioned by Virgil, in connexion with the 
expedition of Jason and the Argonauts in 
search of the golden fleece, Inf. xviii. 87. 
[Coloo : Jasone 1.] 

Colchus, Colchian ; vellera colcha, ' the 
golden fleece,' Eel. ii. i. [Colco.] 

Colco, Colchis, country of Asia, bounded 
on the W. by the Euxine, on the N. by the 
Caucasus, on the E. by Asian Iberia ; famous 
as the land to which Jason and the Argonauts 
sailed in search of the golden fleece. 

D. mentions it in connexion with the Argo- 
nauts, whom he speaks of as Quel gloriosi che 
passaro a Colco, Par. ii. 16 ; he here warns his 
readers that their wonder at the contents of 
the Paradiso will surpass that of the Argonauts 
'when they saw Jason turned ploughman' 
{vv. 17-18) [Argonaut!]. There is pjobably 
a reminiscence of Ovid (Metam. vii. 120) : — 

'Mirantur Colchi; Minyae clamoribus implent, 
Adjiciuntque animos; 

but D. has transferred the ' wonder ' from the 
Colchians to the companions of Jason 
[Jasone i]. 

Colle, town in Tuscany, in the Valdelsa, 
situated on a hill about 10 miles N.W. of 
Siena, and 14 E. of Volterra. It was the scene 
of a battle (June, 1269) in which the Sienese 
Ghibellines, with a mixed force of Germans 
and Spaniards, under Provenzano Salvani 
(who was slain) and Count Guido Novello, 
were defeated by the Florentine Guelfs with the 
help of some of the French troops of Charles 
of Anjou. Colle is mentioned by Sapla (in 
Circle II of Purgatory) in connexion with this 
engagement, Purg. xiii. 115. [Sapla: Pro- 
venzano Salvani.] 

By this victory the Florentines avenged the 
disastrous defeat of Montaperti nine years 
before : — 

' Gli anni di Cristo 1269 nel mese di Giugno, i 
Sanesi, ond' era governatore messere Provenzano 
Salvani di Siena, col conte Guido Novello, colle 
masnade de' Tedeschi e di Spagnuoli, e con gli 
usciti ghibellini di Firenze e dell' altre terre di 
Toscana, e coUa forza de' Pisani, i quali erano in 
quantita di millequattrocento cavalieri e da ottomila 
pedoni, si vennono ad oste al castello di Colle di 
Valdelsa, il quale era alia guardia de' Fiorentini. 

CoUina Porta 

Colonue, Guido delle 

. . . E postisi a campo alia badia a Spugnole, e 
venuta in Firenze la novella il venerdi sera, il 
sabato mattina messer Giambertaldo vicario del re 
Carlo per la taglia di Toscana si parti di Firenze 
coUe sue masnade, il quale allora avea in Firenze 
seco da quattrocento cavalieri franceschi ; e sonando 
la campana, i Guelfi di Firenze seguendolo a ca- 
vallo e a piede, giunsono in Colle la cavalleria 
la domenica sera, e trovarsi intorno di ottocento 
cavalieri, o meno, con poco popolo, perocch^ cosi 
tosto, come i cavalieri, non poterono giugnere a 
Colle. . . . Sentendo i Sanesi la venuta della 
cavalleria di Firenze, si levarono da campo dalla 
detta badia per recarsi in piii salvo luogo. Messer 
Giambertaldo veggendogli mutare il campo, sanza 
attendere piii gente, passb coUa cavalleria il ponte, 
e schierata sua gente coUa cavalleria di Firenze, e 
quello popolo che v' era giunto, e' CoUigiani (ma 
per la subita venuta de' Fiorentini nuUo ordine 
aveano di capitani d'oste, nS d'insegna del comune) 
. . . bene awenturosamente, come piacque a Dio, 
ruppono e sconfissono i Sanesi e loro amista. . . , 
II conte Guido Novello si fuggi, e messere Pro- 
venzano Salvani signore e guidatore dell' oste de' 
Sanesi fu preso, e tagliatogli il capo, e per tutto il 
campo portato fitto in su una lancia. ... In questa 
battaglia i guelfi di Firenze fecero grande uccisione 
de' nemici per vendetta di loro parenti e amici che 
rimasono alia sconfitta a Montaperti ; quasi nullo 
o pochi ne menarono a pregioni, ma gli misono 
a morte e alle spade ; onde la citta di Siena, a 
comparazione del suo popolo, ricevette maggiore 
danno de' suoi cittadini in questa sconfitta, che non 
fece Firenze a quella di Montaperti.' (Villani, vii. 31 .) 

Collina Porta, the Colline gate, the most 
N. of the gates of ancient Rome, close to the 
Quirinal and Viminal hills ; Lucan's mention 
of it [Phars. ii. 13S), in connexion with the 
battle between the Samnites and the Romans 
under Sulla (B.C. 82), quoted, Mon. ii. li**. 

Cologna, Cologne on the Rhine ; men- 
tioned by D. in his description of the Hypo- 
crites, who, he says, had ' cowls with hoods 
down in front of their eyes shaped Hke those 
worn by the monks of Cologne,' Inf. xxiii. 61-3. 

According to the old commentators the 
hoods worn by the Cologne monks were pecu- 
liarly ungainly, and were so fashioned by order 
of the Pope as a punishment for their pre- 
sumption in having petitioned for leave to 
wear scarlet cowls and other decorations. 
Lana says : — 

' t. da sapere che elli h uno ordine di monaci Ii 
quali hanno lo capo in Cologna, che e in Alemagna 
ed 6 molto ricchissima e nobilissima badia quella ; 
il quale abbate gia piii tempo sentendosi esser 
signer di tanto ordine ed avere, cresce per arro- 
ganzia in tanta audacia che elli and6 ricchissima- 
mente a corte di messer lo papa, e a lui domandd, 
facendoli notevile lo suo essere, che Ii piacesse di 
darli parola ed eziandio fare scrivere in canone, 
che I'abbate del detto luogo potesse avere la cappa 
di scarlatto e '1 cappuccio ; ancora, che le manu- 

brette delle sue cinture fosseno d'argento sovra 
dorate. Udito lo papa cosi inonesta domanda, 
procedette verso lui che elli e Ii suoi frati non 
potesseno avere cappe se non nere e di panno non 
foUato, e avesseno quelle cappe dinanzi e di drieto 
tanto lunghe, ch' elli menasseno coda per derisione 
di loro ; ancora che Ii cappucci delle predette cappe 
fosseno si grandi ch' elle tenesseno una misura di 
formento, che 6 tanto quanto k uno staro ; e per 
quell' arroganzia del detto abbate, die volea alle 
sue cinture guarnimento d'argento e d'oro, che 
non potesse avere nh elli nfe Ii suoi frati, overo 
monaci, altro guarnimento ad esse se non di legno. 
E a quel tempo in qua hanno quelli monaci e '1 
suo abbate tenuto e usato tale abito.' 

Zamboni (in Gli Ezzelini, Dante e gli 
Schiavi) identifies the Cologna mentioned 
here, not with the German town, but with 
a village of that name in the neighbourhood 
of Verona, which he says was in D.'s time the 
centre of a woollen industry for the manufac- 
ture of monks' cowls; while Philalethes and 
Witte, reading Clugnl (for which there appears 
to be very slight authority) instead of Cologna, 
take the reference to be to the famous Bene- 
dictine abbey of Cluny in France. [Clugni.] 

Cologna, Alberto di, Albert of Cologne, 
i. e. Albertus Magnus, Par. x. 98. [Alberto 1.] 

Colonia. [Cologna.] 

Colonna, Egidio. [Egidio 2.] 

Colonna, Jacopo], one of the Colonna 
cardinals deprived by Boniface VIII ; alluded 
to as the colleague of Napoleone Orsini, ' col- 
lega Ursi,' Epist. viu. 10. [Colonnesi : Or- 
sini, Napoleone.] 

Colonna, Pietro], one of the Colonna 
cardinals deprived by Boniface VIII ; alluded 
to as the colleague of Napoleone Orsini, ' col- 
lega Ursi,' Epist. viii. 10. [Colonnesi : Or- 
sini, Napoleone.] 

Colonna, Sciarra], one of the leaders in 
the attack upon Boniface VllI at Anagni ; he 
and William of Nogaret are alluded to by 
Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) as 
' vivi ladroni,' Purg. xx. 90. [Alagna : Boni- 
fkzio 1 : Colonnesi : Guglielmo di No- 

Colonne, Guido delle, a judge of Messina 
in Sicily, who belonged to the Sicilian school 
of poetry which flourished under the Emperor 
Frederick II and his son Manfred. Besides 
poems Guido also wrote a romance of Troy in 
Latin prose, the Historia Trojana, which was 
widely popular in the Middle Ages ; it was 
avowedly compiled from the apocryphal his- 
tories be Excidio Trojae and De Bella 
Trojano of Dares and Dictys, but is in reality 
a more or less close translation of the O. F. 
Roman de Troie (written circ. 1160) of Benott 
de Sainte-More. This history (which is said 
to have been undertaken at the instance of 
Matteo della Porta, Archbishop of Palermo, 


Colonne di Ercole 


1263-1272) is in twenty-eight books, of which 
the first was written about 1270, and all the 
others in Sep.-Nov. 1287; the interruption in 
the work was caused by Guido's having ac- 
companied Edward I to England, when the 
latter was on his way home from the Crusade 
after the death of Henry III. In 1276 (or 
perhaps earlier) Guido was made Judge of 
Messina, whence he is commonly known as 
Guido delle Colonne, Giudice di Messina. 
According to an English chronicler he was 
still alive during the pontificate of Nicholas IV 
(1288-1292). Guido was well known in Eng- 
land ; he is mentioned by Chaucer in the 
Hous of Fame as ' Guido de Columpnis ' (iii. 
379), while his Historia Tfojana was trans- 
lated into Middle English under the name of 
the ' Geste Hystoriale ' of the Destruction 
of Troy (E. E. T. S. 1869-74). A small number 
of Guido's poems has been preserved, including 
two (printed by Nannucci, Lett. Ital., i. 73-81, 
and by Monaci, Crest. Jtal., 218-23) which 
are quoted by D. 

The origin of Guido's surname delle Colonne is 
uncertain. Gorra thinks that it was derived from 
the old name (' Columnae Herculis ') of Terranova 
on the S. coast of Sicily, to which Guido himself 
refers in his Historia (Bk. xiii). Monaci, on the 
other hand, holds that Guido was not a Sicilian at 
all, but belonged to a branch of the Roman 
Colonna family, the title 'Judex Messanae,' by 
which he is referred to in Sicilian documents, 
being of itself sufficient proof that he was not 
a native of Messina, it being the recognized custom 
at that time to appoint judges from outside. 
(This, however, is contested by Torraca, Giorn. 
Dant., V. 145-74.) Gaspary doubts the identity of 
the poet with the author of the Historia Trojana, 
and suggests that the latter was the son of Guido 
delle Colonne the poet. (See D'Ancona and Bacci, 
Lett. Hal., i. 39-40.) 

D. (who makes no reference to the Historia 
Trojana) quotes, but without mentioning the 
author's name, the first lines of two of Guido's 
canzoni (' Ancor che I'aigua per lo foco lassi,' 
and ' Amor che lungamente m' hai menato ') 
as examples of the lofty style of Sicilian poetry, 
V. E. i. I2i2> 14 . the latter line is quoted again 
as an instance of the use of the eleven-syllabled 
line, the author's name being given ^5 Judex 
de Columnis de Messina, V. E. ii. 5*3~*. 

Some think that Guido delle Colonne is one 
of the Guidi referred to by Oderisi (in Circle I 
of Purgatory), Purg. xi. 97-8. [Guido *.] 

Colonne di Ercole], the 'Columns of 
Hercules,' i.e. Mt. Abyla in N. Africa and Mt. 
Calpe (Gibraltar) in Spain, so called from the 
tradition that they were originally one moun- 
tain, which was torn asunder by Hercules ; 
they were supposed to mark the W. limit of 
the habitable world. Brunetto Latino says : — 

' En Espaigne ... est la fins de la terre, selonc 
ce que les anciennes gens proverent, et meisme- 

ment le tesmoigne la terre de Calpe et Albina, ou 
Hercules ficha les colonnes quant il vainqui toute la 
terre, au leu ou la nostre mer ist de la mer Oceane, 
et s'en va parmi les .ii. mons ou sont les .11. isles 
Gades et les colonnes Hercules.' (Tresor, i. 134.) 

And in the Tesoretto : — 

*Appresso questo mare 

Vidi diritto stare 
Gran colonne, le quali 

Vi mise per segnali 
Ercules il potente, 

Per mostrare alia gente, 
Che loco sia finata 

La terra, e terminata.* (xi, iig-26.) 

Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) 
refers to the Pillars of Hercules in connexion 
with the Strait of Gibraltar, which he describes 
as ' quella foce stretta Ov' Ercole segn6 Ii suoi 
riguardi,' Inf. xxvi. 107-8 ; they are spoken of 
as the W. limit of the habitable world, 'ter- 
mini occidentales ab Hercule positi,' A. T. 
§ i9«-2. [Abile : Calpe : Setta.] 

Colonnesi], the Colonna family of Rome ; 
their war with Boniface VIII, who proclaimed 
a crusade against them, is alluded to by Guido 
da Montefeitro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), Inf. xxvii. 85-7, 96-1 1 1 [Laterano : 
Penestrino] ; the Colonna cardinals, Jacopo 
and Pietro, are referred to by D. in his letter 
to the Italian cardinals as the colleagues of 
Napoleone Orsini, ' collegae Ursi,' Epist. viii. 
10 [Orsini, Napoleone]. 

The feud between the Colonnesi and Boni- 
face, which existed throughout his reign, came 
to a head in 1297, in which year it appears that 
Sciarra Colonna robbed part of the Papal 
treasure. The Pope in consequence deprived 
his two uncles, Jacopo and Pietro, of their 
rank as Cardinals, excommunicated them and 
the rest of their house, and razed to the ground 
thejr palaces in Rome. The Colonnesi there- 
upon left Rome and openly defied Boniface 
from their strongholds of Palestrina and Nepi. 
The latter was captured, but Palestrina held 
out, and was only surrendered on promise of 
a complete amnesty. No sooner, however, did 
the Pope get the fortress into his hands than 
he had it completely destroyed; and the 
Colonnesi, who had received absolution on 
their submission, furious at this piece of 
treachery, again defied the Pope, and were 
again excommunicated. During the remainder 
of Boniface's reign they remained in exile. 
They had their revenge when Sciarra Colonna, 
as agent of Philip the Fair, captured Boniface 
at Anagni. The Colonna cardinals were 
eventually reinstated in their dignities by 
Clement V at the bidding of Philip the Fair. 
[Alagna: Clemente^.] 

Villani's account of the struggle between 
Boniface and the Colonnesi closely resembles 
that of D. in several details : — 

' Negli anni di Cristo 1297, a di 13 del mese di 
Maggio, tenendosi papa Bonifazio raolto gravato 


Colossenses, Bpistola ad 


da' signori Colonnesi di Roma, perchfe in piii cose 
r aveano contastato per isdegno di loro maggior- 
anza, ma piii si tenea il papa gravato, perch6 
messer Jacopo e messer Piero della Colonna 
cardinal! gli erano stati contradi alia sua lezione, 
mai non si pens6 se non di mettergli al niente. E 
in questo awenne, che Sciarra della Colonna loro 
nipote, vegnendo al mutare della corte di Alagna 
alle some degli arnesi e tesoro della Chiesa, le 
rub6 e prese, e menoUe in sua terra. Per la qual 
cagione aggiugnendovi la mala volontade conceputa 
per addietro, il detto papa contro a loro fece pro- 
cesso in questo modo; ch'e' detti messer Jacopo 
e messer Piero della Colonna diaconi cardinali, 
del cardinalato e di molti altri beneficii ch' aveano 
dalla Chiesa, gli dispuose e priv6 ; e per simile 
modo condannb e priv6 tutti quegli della casa 
de' Colonnesi, cherici e laici, d'ogni beneficio 
ecclesiastico e secolare, e scomunicoUi che mai 
non potessono avere beneficio ; e fece disfare le 
case e' palazzi loro di Rcma, onde parve molto 
male a' loro amici romani ; ma non poterono 
contradire per la forza del papa e degli Orsini loro 
contrari ; per la qual cosa si rubellarono al tutto 
dal papa e cominciarono guerra, perocch' eglino 
erano molto possenti, e aveano gran seguito in 
Roma, e era loro la forte citta di Pilestrino, e 
quella di Nepi, c la Colonna, e piii altre castella. 
Per la qual cosa il papa diede la indulgenza <Ji 
colpa e pene chi prendesse la croce contro a loro, 
e fece fare oste sopra la citta di Nepi ; . . . e tanto 
stette I'oste all' assedio, che la citta s'arrende al 
papa a patti, ma molta gente vi mori e ammalo 
per corruzione d'aria ch' ebbe nella detta oste. . . . 
Negli anni di Cristo 1298 del mese di Settembre, 
essendo trattato d'accordo da papa Bonifazio a' 
Colonnesi, i detti Colonnesi cherici e laici vennero 
a Rieti ov" era la corte, e gittarsi a pife del detto 
papa alia misericordia, il quale perdond loro, e 
assolvettegli della scomunicazione, e voile gli 
rendessono la citta di Pilestrino ; e cosi feciono, 
promettendo loro di ristituirgli in loro stato e 
dignita, la qual cosa non attenne loro, ma fece 
disfare la detta citta di Pilestrino del poggio e 
fortezze ov' era, e fecene rifare una terra al piano, 
alia quale puose noma Civita Papale; e tutto 
questo trattato falso a frodolente fece il papa per 
consiglio del conte da Montefeltro, allora frata 
minora, ova gli dis^e la mala parola : Lunga 
promessa coll'attender corto. I detti Colonnesi 
trovandosi ingannati di ci6 ch' era loro promesso, 
e disfatta sotto il detto inganno la nobile fortezza 
di Pilestrino, innanzi cha compiesse I'anno si 
rubellarono dal papa a dalla Chiesa, e '1 papa gli 
scomunic6 da capo con aspri processi ; e per tema 
di non essere presi o morti, per la parsacuzione 
del detto papa, si partirono di terra di Roma, e 
isparsonsi chi di loro in Cicilia, e chi in Francia, 
e in altre parti, nascondandosi di luogo in luogo 
per non essere conosciuti, a di non dare di loro 
posta ferma, spezialmente messar Jacopo e messer 
Piero ch' erano stati cardinali ; a cosi stettono in 
esilio mentre vivette il detto papa.' (Villani, viii. 
21, 23.) 
Colossenses, Bpistola ad. [Colossensi.] 
Colossensi, Colossians ; Epistle of St. Paul 
to, quotetj, Conv. iv. 2^^"^^'^ {Coloss. iii. 20). 

Columnis, Judex de, Guidodelle Colonne, 
V. E. ii. 5*3. [Colonne, Guido delle.] 

Comentatore, II, the Commentator, i.e. 
Averroes, whose most famous work was a 
commentary on Aristotle, Conv. iv. 1368 ; 
Commentator, A.T. §§ 5^, iS^s (cf. Inf. iv. 144). 

Comestore, Pietro. [Pietro Mangia- 

Commedia, Comedy, title given by D. to 
his poem. Inf. xvi. 128 ; xxi. 2 ; Epist. x. 3, 
10, 13 ; his reasons for so calling it are given 
in his letter to Can Grande : — 

' Libri titulus est : Incipit Comoedia Dantis 
Allagherii, Florentini natione, non moribus. . . Est 
Comoedia genus quoddam poeticae narrationis, ab 
omnibus aliis differens. Differt ergo a Tragoedia 
in materia per hoc, quod Tragoedia in principio 
est admirabilis et quieta, in fine sive axitu est 
foetida et horribilis . . . ut patet per Senecam in 
suis Tragoediis. Comoedia vero inchoat asperita- 
tem alicujus rei : sed ejus materia prospere termi- 
natur, ut patet per Tarentium in suis Comoediis. . . 
Similiter diiferunt in modo loquendi ; elate et 
sublime Tragoedia ; Comoedia vero remisse et 
humiliter. . . Et per hoc patet, quod Comoedia 
dicitur praesens opus. Nam si ad materiam ra- 
spiciamus, a principio horribilis et foetida est, quia 
Infemus; in fine prospera, desiderabilis at grata, 
quia Paradisus. Si ad modum loquendi, remissus 
est modus et humilis, quia loquutio Vulgaris, in 
qua et mulierculae communicant,' (Epist. x. 10.) 

The title Divina Commedia is subsequent 
to D. ; it appears in some of the oldest MSS. 
and in Boccaccio's ' Vita di Dante.' The first 
printed edition bearing this title is the Venice 
one of 1555 ; in a previous edition, with the 
commentary of Landino (Florence, 1481), the 
epithet 'divino' is' applied to D. himself, but 
not to the poem. In the earliest printed 
editions (Foligno, 1472 ; Jesi, 1472) the title 
is simply ' La Comedia di D. A.' Aldus 
entitled his first edition (1502) 'Le terze rime 
di D.' ; his second he calls simply ' Dante.' 
The title Divina Commedia perhaps had its 
origin in D.'s own description of the poem as 
' lo sacrato poema,' Par. xxiii. 62 ; ' il poema 
sacro,' Par. xxv. i. 

The form of the poem is triple, the three 
divisions corresponding with the three kingdoms 
of the next world, Hell, Purgatory, Paradise. 
Each division or Cantica contains thirty-three 
Cantos (with an introductory one to the first 
Cantica), perhaps with a reference to the years 
of Christ's life upon earth, while the triple 
form of verse ('terza rima') may be regarded 
as symbolical of the Trinity. The opening 
Canto of the Inferno forms an introduction to 
the whole poem, which thus contains 100 
Cantos, the square of the perfect number ten 
(V. N. § 309-1"; Conv. ii. ijSO-b). These 
contain in all 14,233 hues, viz. .4,720 in the 



Compagni, Dino 

Inferno, 4,755 in the Purgatorio, and 4,758 in 
the Paradiso. The average length of each 
Canto is 142-33 Unes ; the longest being Purg. 
xxxii, with 160 lines, the shortest. Inf. vi, with 
115 lines. D. himself applies the term canzone 
(Inf. XX. 3) or cantica '(Purg. xxxiii. 140) to the 
three main divisions of the poem, and canto 
(Inf. XX. 2 ; Par. v. 139) to the subdivisions. 

D. places the date of the action of the poem 
in the Jubilee year 1300. Thus he describes 
the Vision as having taken place ' Nel mezzo 
del cammin di nostra vita' (Inf. i. i), i.e. in 
his thirty-fifth year, the days of our life, ac- 
cording to the Psalmist, being ' three-score 
years and ten' {Psalm xc. 10), and D. having 
been born in 1265. Further, he says (Inf. xxi. 
112) that Christ's descent into Hell took place 
1266 years ago, which, with the addition of 
the thirty-four years from Christ's Incarnation, 
gives the date 1300. 

As regards the duration of the action of the 
poem there is much difference of opinion. The 
most probable estimate, on the whole, seems 
to be that which puts it at seven days. Of 
these, twenty-four hours would be occupied 
in traversing Hell (i. e. from nightfall on the 
evening of Good Friday, April 8, 1300, until 
shortly after sunset on Easter-eve), four days 
in traversing Purgatory (i. e. one day in Ante- 
purgatory, two days in Purgatory proper, and 
one day in the Earthly Paradise at the summit 
of the Mt. of Purgatory), and one day in 
traversing Paradise ; the remaining time being 
occupied by the passage from Hell to Purga- 
tory, and from Purgatory to Paradise. 

The chronology of the poem (according to 
Moore, Time- References in the D. C.) is as 
follows : — 

(Thursday, April 7, 1300) night. Inf. i. 21 ; 
(Good Friday, April 8) morning, vv. 17, 37 ; 
nightfall, Inf. ii. i ; midnight, Inf. vii. 98 ; 
(Saturday, April 9) 4 a.m.. Inf. xi. 113 ; 6 a.m.. 
Inf. XX. 125; 7 a.m., Inf. xxi. 112; i p.m.. 
Inf. xxix. 10 ; 7.30 p.m., Inf. xxxiv. 96; (Easter 
Sunday, April 10) circ. 4 a.m., Purg. i. ig-21 ; 
circ. 5 a.m., w. 107-15 ; sunrise, circ. 5.15 a.m., 
Purg. ii. I ; 6 a.m., vv. 55-7 ; 6-6.30 a.m., 
Purg. iii. 16, 25 ; circ. 9 a.m., Purg. iv. 15 ; 
noon, V. 138 ; evening, Purg. vii. 43, 85 ; just 
after sunset, Purg. viii. i ; circ. 7.30 p.m., 
V. 49 ; circ. 8.45 p.m., Purg. ix. 1-9 ; (Monday, 
April 11) before dawn, vv. 13, 52; circ. 
7.30 a.m., V. 44 ; circ. 8.30 a.m., Purg. x. 14 ; 
circ. noon, Purg. xii. 81 ; 3 p.m., Purg. xv. i ; 
circ. 6 p.m., v. 141 ; circ. 6.30 p.m., Purg. xvii. 
9 ; twilight, vv. 62, 72 ; towards midnight, 
Purg. xviii. 76; (Tuesday, April 12) circ. 
4.30 a.m., Purg. xix. 1-6 ; daylight, v. 37 ; 
II a.m., Purg. xxii. 118; circ. 2 pjn., Purg. 
XXV. 1-3 ; circ. 4-5 p.m., Purg. xxvi. 4-6 ; circ. 
6 p.m., Purg. xxvii. 1-5 ; sunset, z/. 61; twilight, 
V. 70 ; starlight, v. 89 ; (Wednesday, April 13) 
before dawn, v. 94 ; sunrise, vv. 109-12 ; sun 


up, V. 133 ; noon, Purg. xxxiii. 103 ; (Thursday, 
April 14) day, Par. i. i-xxxiii. 145. 

The dates of the completion of the several 
parts of the poem have been calculated from 
internal evidence by several writers, but with 
widely different results, chiefly owing to the 
difference of opinion with regard to the identi- 
fication of the ' Veltro ' of Inf. i. loi. 

The following limitations, however, may be 
fixed with tolerable certainty : — i. The Inferno 
must have been completed after April 20, 1314, 
the date of the death of Clement V, because 
of the allusion to that event, Inf. xix. 76-87 ; 
and not later than 1319, since it is referred to 
as finished in a Latin poem addressed to D. 
in that year by Giovanni del Virgilio, as well 
as in D.'s Eclogue in reply. — 2. The Purga- 
torio must have been completed not later than 
1319, since it is also alluded to as finished in 
the above-mentioned poems of Giovanni del 
Virgilio and of D. — 3. The Paradiso must 
have been completed after Aug. 7, 1316, the 
date of the accession of John XXII, since that 
Pope is alluded to. Par. xxvii. 58-9 ; the latest 
limit being fixed by the date of the poet's 
death, Sep. 14, 1321. (See Witte, Dante- 
Forschungen, i. 134-40.) 

There are between 500 and 600 MSS. of the 
D. C. known to exist, but none claiming to be 
earlier than 1335 or 1336, i.e. none earlier than 
fourteen or fifteen years after D.'s death. 

Of printed editions there arg between 300 and 
400. The earliest are dated 1472, in which year 
three editions were published, viz. at Foligno, at 
Mantua, and at Jesi. The first Florentine edition 
appeared, with the commentary of Landino, in 
1481. Two editions were printed in the next 
century by Aldus, the first in 1502, the second in 
1515 ; in the former (and in another book printed^in 
the same year) the Aldine anchor began to be used 
for the first time, but it does not appear in all copies. 

The British Museum Catalogue registers four- 
teen editions of the Italian text in Cent, xv (from 
1472 to 1497), twenty-nine in Cent, xvi, three only 
in Cent, xvii, fifteen in Cent, xviii, and about ninety 
between 1800 and 1886. The total number of 
editions in various languages printed in the present 
century now amounts to between 200 and 300. 

Commentator, Averroes, A. T. §§ 5^, iS^s. 

Comoedia, the Divina Commedia, Epist. 
X. 3, 10, 13. [Commedia.^ 

Compagni, Dino], Florentine Guelf, of the 
Bianchi faction, born circ, 1260, died Feb. 26, 
132^. Dino was one of the promoters of the 
democratic reform of 1282, and a supporter of 
Giano della Bella, the great law-maker and 
champion of the commons. He was Prior in 
1289, Gonfalonier of Justice in 1293, and Prior 
again in 1301, in which year his tenure of 
office was brought to an abrupt termination by 
the violence of the Neri on the occasion of the 
coming of Charles of Valois to Florence ; he 

Confessioni, Le 

Consolatione Philosophiae, De 

was only saved from sharing the fate of