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THE CENTIHF SCIENCE SERIES
EdJtbd by sib henry e. koscoe, d.c.l., lld.. f.r.s.
MICHAEL FARADAY
HIS LIFE AND WORK
The Century Science Series.
Edited by Sir HENRY ROSCOE, D.C.L., F.R.S.
Popu'ar Edition, price 2s. 6d. each.
Pasteur.
By Percy Frankland, Ph.D. (Wurzburg), B.Sc. (Lond.),
F.R.S. , and Mrs. Percy Frankland.
Humphry Davy, Poet and Philosopher.
ByT. E. Thorpe, LL.D., F.R.S.
Charles Darwin and the Theory of Natural
Selection.
By Edward B. Poulton, M.A., F.R.S.
John Dalton and the Rise of Modern Chemistry.
By Sir Henry E. Roscoe, F.R.S.
Major Rennell, F.R.S., and the Rise of English
Geography.
By Sir Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S.
Justus von Liebig : his Life and Work (1803-1873).
By W. A. Shenstone, F.I.C., Lecturer on Chemis-ry in
Clirton College.
The Herschels and Modern Astronomy,
By Agnes M. Clerke.
Charles Lyell and Modern Geology.
By Professor T. G. Bonney. F.R.S.
J. Clerk Maxwell and Moiern Physics.
By R. T. Glazebr:>ok, F.R.S.
Michael Faraday: his Life and Work.
By Prof. Silvanus P. Thompson, F.R.S.
CASSELL & COMPANY, Limited, London; Paris, New
York & Melbourne.
THE OENTURY SCIENCE SERIES
MICHAEL FARADAY
HIS LIFE AND WORK
BY
SILVANUS P. THOMPSON, D.Sc, F.ES.
Principal or and Professor or Physics in the City and Guilds
of London Technical College, Finsbuby
CASSELL and COMPANY, Limited
LONDON, PARIS, NEW YORK 4' MELBOURNE
1901
[all riohts reserved] '
First Edition Novembe> 1898,
Reprinted igoi.
ON A PORTEAIT OF FARADAY.
Was ever man so simple and so sage,
So crowned and yet so careless of a prize !
Great Faraday, who made the world so wise,
And loved the labour better than the wage.
And this you say is how he looked in age,
With that strong brow and these great humble eyes
That seem to look with reverent surprise
On all outside himself. Turn o'er the page,
Recording Angel, it is white as snow.
Ah God, a fitting messenger was he
To show Thy mysteries to us below.
Child as he came has he returned to Thee.
Would he could come but once again to show
The wonder-deep of his simplicity.
Cosmo Monkhocse.
PREFACE
Shortly after the death of Faraday in 1867, three
biographies of him — each admirable in its own line —
were published. The " Life and Letters of Faraday,"
by Dr. Bence Jones, secretary of the Royal Institution,
which was issued in 1868 in two volumes, has long
been out of print. " Faraday as a Discoverer," written
in 1868 by Professor Tyndall, which, though slighter
as a record, brings out many points of character into
striking relief, is also now exhausted. Dr. Gladstone's
"Michael Faraday," published in 1872, so rich in
reminiscences, and so appreciative of the moral and
religions side of his character, is also out of print.
Other and briefer biographies exist ; the " Eloge
Historique " of M. Dumas; the article "Faraday" in
the " Encyclopaedia Britannica " by Professor Clerk
Maxwell; and the chapter on Faraday in Dr. W.
Garnett's " Heroes of Science." But there seems
room for another account of the life and labours of
the man whose influence upon the century in which
V1U MICHAEL FARADAY.
he lived was so great. For forty years he was a
living and inspiring voice in the Royal Institution,
beyond all question the greatest scientific expositor
of his time. Throughout almost the whole of that
time his original researches in physics, and chiefly
in electricity, were extending the boundaries of know-
ledge and laying the foundations not only for the
great developments of electrical engineering of the
last twenty years but for those still greater develop-
ments in the theories of electricity, magnetism, and
light which are every year being extended and made
fruitful. "Were there no other reason than these
developments in practice and theory, they would
amply justify the effort to review now, after so many
years, the position of Faraday amongst the eminent
men of the nineteeth century.
Those who were intimately acquainted with him
are a fast dwindling band. In the recollection of
such as have survived him, his image lives and
moves, surrounded with gracious memories, a vivid
personality instinct with rare and unselfish kindliness.
But the survivors are few, and their ranks grow
thinner with each succeeding year. And so it comes
about that the task of writing of his life and work
has been entrusted to one who never ceases to regret
that he never met Faraday.
PREFACE, IX
Thanks to the permission of the managers of the
Royal Institution, a number of short extracts from
Faraday's notebooks, hitherto unpublished, are now
printed for the first time. Much more remains which
it is to be hoped, for the benefit of science, may be
published ere long. The author desires further to
acknowledge the kindness of Messrs. Longmans & Co.
in allowing the reproduction of the illustrations on
pages 3 and 258, which are taken from Bence Jones's
" Life and Letters of Faraday," published in 1868.
Mr. Elkin Mathews has kindly permitted the inser-
tion of the sonnet by Mr. Cosmo Monkhouse which
follows the title-page. The author is also indebted
to Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S., for many valuable
notes and suggestions, and to Miss M. K. Reynolds
for photographs used in preparing Fig. 14. Most of
all he is indebted to Miss Jane Barnard for access
to Faraday's private papers, and for permission to
print certain extracts from them.
S. P. T.
CONTENTS
Chap. I. — Early Life, Training, and Travel
Chap. II. — Life at the Royal Institution .
Chai\ III. — Scientific Researches — First Period
Chap. IV. — Scientific Researches — Second Period
Chap. V. — Scientific Researches — Third Period
Chap. VI. — Middle and Later Life
PAGE
1
00
75
102
172
222
Chap. VII. — Views on the Pursuit of Science and on
Education ... . .26).
Chap. VIII. — Religious Views
286
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Portrait ......•••
FIGS.
1. Riebau's Shop
2. Electromagnetic Rotations (facsimile sketch)
Appai'atus for Rotation (facsimile sketch)
Faraday's Ring (facsimile sketch)
Induction Experiment (facsimile sketch) .
The " .Now Electrical Machine " (facsimile sketch)
The Teetotum Apparatus .....
The Revolving Copper Cylinder (facsimile sketch)
Earth Inductor
A Spark from a Magnet (facsimile sketch) .
How to Cut the Magnetic Lines
Illustration of the New Terms (facsimile sketch)
Bundle of Wires (facsimile sketch) .
Apparatus for Investigating Dielectric Capacity
Block of Heavy-glass (facsimile sketch)
Action of Magnet on Light (facsimile sketch) .
Frontispiece
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14
15.
16.
17. Arrangements of Magnets (facsimile sketch)
18. The Ring Electromagnet (facsimile sketch)
19. The Equatorial Position ....
20. Illustration of Lateral Vibrations
21. A Lecture Model ....
22. Cottage at Hampton Court
PAGE
3
88
108
111
121
123
124
1?')
129
133
145
151
159
176
177
178
179
188
195
239
258
MICHAEL FARADAY.
CHAPTER I.
EARLY LIFE, TRAINING, AND TRAVEL.
On the 22nd of September, 1791, was born, at
Newington Butts, then an outlying Surrey village,
but since long surrounded and swallowed up within
the area of Greater London, the boy Michael Faraday.
He was the third child of his parents, James and
Margaret Faraday, who had but recently migrated
to London from the little Yorkshire village of
Clapham. Clapham lies under the shadow of Ingle-
borough, on the western border of the county,
midway between Settle and Kirkby Lonsdale. The
father, James Faraday, was a working blacksmith ;
the mother, daughter of a farmer of Mallerstang, the
romantic valley which runs past Pendragon Castle to
Kirkby Stephen. James Faraday was one of the ten
children of a Robert Faraday, who in 1756 had
married Elizabeth Dean, the owner of a small home-
stead known as Clapham Wood Hall, since pulled
down. All Robert Faraday's sons appear to have
been brought up to trades, one being a shoemaker,
B
2 MICHAEL FARADAY.
another a grocer, another a farmer, another a flax-
worker, and another a shopkeeper. Descendants of
some of these still live in the district.
After Michael's birth, his parents moved to the
north side of the Thames, living for a short time
in Gilbert Street, but removing in 1796 to rooms
over a coach-house in Jacob's Well Mews, Charles
Street, Manchester Square, where they lived till
1809. In that year, young Michael being now nearly
eighteen years old, they moved to 18, Weymouth
Street, Portland Place. Here in the succeeding
year James Faraday, who had long been an in-
valid, died ; his widow, who for some years re-
mained on at Weymouth Street, maintaining herself
by taking in lodgers until her sons could support
themselves and her, survived till 1838. Though a
capable woman and a good mother, she was quite
uneducated. In her declining years she was wholly
supported by her son, of whom she was very proud,
and to whom she was devoted.
Michael received very little schooling. One ol
his nephews tells the following tale of his boy-
hood. He was at a dame's school ; and, either from
some defect in his speech or because he was too
young to articulate his r's properly, he pronounced
his elder brother's name " Wobert." The harsh
schoolmistress, bent on curing the defect by personal
chastisement, sent the aforesaid " Wobert " out with a
halfpenny to get a cane, that young Michael might be
duly flogged. But this refinement of cruelty reacted
on itself ; for Robert, boiling with indignation, pitched
the halfpenny over a wall, and went home to tell his
BOOKBINDERS ERRAND-BOY. 3
mother, who promptly came down to the scene of
action and removed both boys from the school.
From the age of five to thirteen Michael lived at
Jacob's Well Mews, spending his out-of-school hours
KIEEAU 8 SHOP."
at home or in the streets playing at marbles and
other games with the children of the neighbourhood.
In 1804 he went on trial for twelve months as
errand-boy to a bookseller and stationer at No. 2,
Blandford Street — Mr. George Biebau. This
house, which is still kept as a stationer's shop
(by Mr. William Pike), is now marked with an
enamelled tablet recording its connection with the
4 MICHAEL FARADAY.
life of Faraday* "When he first went to Mr. Riebau,
it -was his duty to carry round the newspapers
in the morning. He has been graphically described
as a bright-eyed errand-boy who " slid along the
London pavements, with a load of brown curls upon
his head and a packet of newspapers under his arm."
Some of the journals were lent out, and had to be
called for again. He was very particular on Sunday
mornings to take them round early, that he might
complete his work in time to go with his parents
to their place of worship. They belonged — as his
grandfather before him — to the sect known as Sande-
manians, a small body which separated from the
Presbyterian Church of Scotland towards the middle
of the eighteenth century. Their views, which were
very primitive, were held with intense earnestness
and sincerity of purpose. Their founder had taught
that Christianity never was or could be the formal or
established religion of any nation without subverting
its essential principles ; that religion was the affair
of the individual soul; and that "the Bible" alone,
with nothing added to it or taken away from it by
man, was the sole and sufficient guide for the soul.
They rejected all priests or paid ministers, but
recognised an institution of unpaid eldership. Their
worship was exceedingly simple. Though their
numbers were few, they were exceedingly devout,
simple, and exclusive in their faith. Doubtless the
rigorous moral influences pervading the family and
* Faraday's usual place of work at bookbinding was a little room
on the left of the entrance. (See the story of his visit there with
Tyndall in after years, as narrated in Tyndall's " Faraday," p. 8.)
APPRENTICED AS BOOKBINDER. 5
friends of James Faraday had a great part in
moulding the character of young Michael. To his
dying day he remained a member of this obscure
sect. As he was no merely nominal adherent,
but an exceedingly devoted member, and at two
different periods of his life an elder and a preacher,
no review of his life-work would be complete with-
out a fuller reference to the religious side of his
character.
After the year of trial, Michael Faraday was
formally apprenticed to learn the arts of bookbinder,
stationer, "and bookseller," to Mr. Riebau. The in-
denture* is dated October 7, 1805. It is stated that,
" in consideration of his faithful service, no premium
is given." During his seven years of apprenticeship
there came unexpected opportunities for self-improve-
ment. Faraday's lifelong friend and co-religionist,
Cornelius Varley, says : — " When my attention was
first drawn to Faraday, I was told that he had been
apprenticed to a bookbinder. I said he was the best
bookworm for eating his way to the inside; for
hundreds had worked at books only as so much
printed paper. Faraday saw a mine of knowledge,
and resolved to explore it." To one of his friends he
said that a book by Watts, " On the Mind," first made
him think, and that the article on " Electricity " in a
cyclopaedia which came into his hands to be bound
first turned his attention to science. He himself
•wrote: — "Whilst an apprentice I loved to read the
scientific books which were under my hand; and,
* Still preserved in Faraday's Diploma-took, now in the possession
of the Koyal Society.
b MICHAEL FARADAY.
amongst them, delighted in Marcet's 'Conversations
in Chemistry' and the electrical treatises in the
'Encyclopaedia Britannica.' I made such simple
experiments in chemistry as could be defrayed in
their expense by a few pence per week, and also
constructed an electrical machine, first with a glass
phial, and afterwards with a real cylinder, as well as
other electrical apparatus of a corresponding kind."
This early machine * is now preserved at the Royal
Institution, to which it was presented by Sir
James South. Amongst the books which he had
to bind were Lyons' "Experiments on Electricity"
and Boyle's " Notes about the Producibleness of
Chymicall Principles," which books, together
with Miss Burney's "Evelina," all bound with his
own hands, are still preserved in the Royal Insti-
tution.
Walking near Fleet Street, he saw displayed a bill
announcing that evening lectures on natural phil-
osophy were delivered by Mr. Tatum at> 53, Dorset
Street, Salisbury Square, E.C., price of admission one
shilling. "With his master's permission, and money
furnished by his elder brother Robert, who was a
blacksmith and (later) a gasfitter, Michael began
to taste scientific teaching. Between Februar\ r >
1810, and September, 1811, he attended some twelve
or thirteen lectures. He made full and beautiful
notes of all he heard : his notebooks, bound by him-
self, being still preserved. At these lectures he fell
in with several thoroughly congenial comrades, one
An account of this machine will be found in the Argonaut
vol. ii., p. 33. '
NEW ACQUAINTANCES. 7
of them, by name Benjamin Abbott, being a well-
educated young Quaker, who was confidential clerk
in a mercantile house in the City. Of the others —
amongst whom were Magrath, Newton, Nicol, Hux-
table, and Richard Phillips (afterwards F.R.S. and
President of the Chemical Society) — several remained
lifelong friends. Happily for posterity, the letters —
long and chatty — which the lad wrote in the fulness
of his heart to Abbott have been preserved ; they
are published in Bence Jones's "Life and Letters."
They are remarkable not only for their vivacity
and freshness but for their elevated tone and ex-
cellent composition — true specimens of the lost art
of letter-writing. The most wonderful thing about
them is that they should have been written by a
bookbinder's apprentice of no education beyond the
common school of the district. In his very first
letter he complains that ideas and notions which
spring up in his mind " are irrevocably lost for want
of noting at the time." This seems the first premoni-
tion of that loss of memory which so afflicted him
in after life. In his later years he always carried
in his waistcoat pocket a card on which to jot down
notes and memoranda. He would stop to set down
his notes in the street, in the theatre, or in the
laboratory.
Riebau, his master in the bookbinding business,
seems, from the way he encouraged the studies of his
young apprentice, to have been no ordinary man.
Hh name would suggest a foreign extraction ; and
to his shop resorted more than one political refugee.
There lodged at one time at Riebau's an artist named
8 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Masquerier,* who had painted Napoleon's portrait
and had fled from France during the troublous times.
For the apprentice boy, who used to dust his room and
black his boots, Masquerier took a strong liking. He
lent him books on perspective and taught him how
to draw. Another -frequenter of Kiebau's shop was
a Mr. Dance, whose interest in the industry and in-
telligence of the apprentice led him to an act which
changed the whole destiny of his life. Faraday
himself, in the very few autobiographical notes which
he penned, wrote thus : —
During my apprenticeship I had the good fortune, through
the kindness of Mr. Dance, who was a customer of my master's
shop and also a member of the Eoyal Institution, to hear four
of the last lectures of Sir H. Davy in that locality.t The
dates of these lectures were February 29, March 14, April 8
and 10, 1812. Of these I made notes, and then wrote out the
lectures in a fuller form, interspersing them with such draw-
ings as I could make. The desire to be engaged in scientific
occupation, even though of the lowest kind, induced me,
whilst an apprentice, to write, in my ignorance of the world
and simplicity of my mind, to Sir Joseph Banks, then President
of the Royal Society. Naturally enough, "No answer" was
the reply left with the porter.
He submitted his notes to the criticism of his
friend Abbott, with whom he discussed chemical and
electrical problems, and the experiments which they
had individually tried. Out of this correspondence,
* " When he [Faraday] was young, poor, and altogether unknown,
Masquerier was kind to him; and now that he is a great man he
does not forget his old friend. " — Diary of H. Oabb Robinsonj vol. iii.
p. 375.
t He always sat in the gallery over the clock.
LETTERS TO ABBOTT. 9
one letter only can be given; it was written Sep-
tember 28, 1812, ten days before the expiry of his
apprenticeship : —
Dear A , ... I will hurry on to philosophy, where I
am a little more sure of my ground. Your card was to me a
very interesting and pleasing object. I was highly gratified in
observing so plainly delineated the course of the electric fluid
or fluids (I do not know which). It appears to me that by
making use of a card thus prepared, you have hit upon a happy
illustrating medium between a conductor and a non-conductor ;
had the interposed medium been a conductor, the electricity
would have passed in connection through it— it would not have
been divided ; had the medium been a non-conductor, it would
have passed in connection, and undivided, as a spark over it,
but by this varying and disjoined conductor it has been divided
most effectually. Should you pursue this point at any time
still further, it will be necessary to ascertain by what particular
power or effort the spark is divided, whether by its affinity to
the conductor or by its own repulsion ; or if, as I have no
doubt is the case, by the joint action of these two forces, it
would be well to observe and ascertain the proportion of each
in the effect. There are problems, the solution of which will
be difficult to obtain, but the science of electricity will not be
complete without them ; and a philosopher will aim at perfec-
tion, though he may not hit it— difficulties will not retard him,
but only cause a proportionate exertion of his mental faculties.
I had a very pleasing view of the planet Saturn last week
through a refractor with a power of ninety. I saw his ring
very distinctly ; 'tis a singular appendage to a planet, to a
revolving globe, and I should think caused some peculiar
phenomena to the planet within it. I allude to their mutual
action with respect to meteorology and perhaps electricity. . . .
The master, a French emigre named De la Roche,
of King Street, Portman Square, to whom he en-
gaged himself as a journeyman bookbinder, was of a
10 MICHAEL FARADAY.
very passionate disposition, and made Faraday very
uncomfortable. He longed to get out of trade, and
under the encouragement of Mr. Dance he wrote to
Sir Humphry Davy, sending, "as a proof of my
earnestness," the notes he had taken of Davy's last
four lectures. Faraday's letter, which has been
preserved but never published, is an astounding
example of the high-flown cringing style in vogue at
that date. Davy's reply was favourable, and led to a
temporary engagement of some days as amanuensis
at the time when he was wounded in the eye by an
explosion of the chloride of nitrogen. Faraday him-
self, nearly twenty years afterwards, wrote* a full
account of the circumstances.
[M. Faraday to Dr. J. A. Paris.]
Royal Institution, December 23, 1829
My dear Sir, — You asked me to give you an account of
my first introduction to Sir H. Davy, which I am very happy
to do, as I think the circumstances will bear testimony to his
goodness of heart.
When I was a bookseller's apprentice, I was very fond of
experiment and very adverse to trade. It happened that a
gentleman, a member of the Eoyal Institution, took me to
hear some of Sir H. Davy's last lectures in Albemarle Street.
I took notes, and afterwards wrote them out more fairly in a
quarto volume.
My desire to escape from trade, which I thought vicious
and selfish, and to enter into the service of Science, which I
imagined made its pursuers amiable and liberal, induced me at
last to take the bold and simple step of writing to Sir H. Davy>
expressing my wishes, and a hope that, if an opportunity came
* See Dr. Paris's " Life of Davy," vol. ii., p. 2 ; or Bence Jones's
' Life and Letters of Faraday," vol. i., p. 47.
WINS FAVOUR WITH DAVY. 11
in his way, he would favour my views ; at the same time, I
sent the notes I had taken of his lectures.
The answer, which makes all the point of my communica-
tion, I send you in the original, requesting you to take great
care of it, and to let me have it back, for you may imagine
how much I value it.
You will observe that this took place at the end of the year
1812, and early in 1813 he requested to see me, and told me
of the situation of assistant in the laboratory of the Koyal
Institution, then just vacant.
At the same time that he thus gratified my desires as to
scientific employment, he still advised me not to give up the
prospects I had before me, telling me that Science was a harsh
mistress ; and in a pecuniary point of view but poorly reward-
ing those who devoted themselves to her service. He smiled
at my notion of the superior moral feelings of philosophic men,
and said he would leave me to the experience of a few years
to set me right on that matter.
Finally, through his good efforts I went to the Royal
Institution early in March of 1813, as assistant in the laboratory;
and in October of the same year went with him abroad as his
assistant in experiments and in writing. I returned with him
in April, 1815", resumed my station in the Royal Institution,
and have, as you know, ever since remained there.
I am, dear Sir, very truly yours,
M. Faraday.
The following is Davy's note : —
Mr. P. Faraday, 188, Weymouth St., Portland Place.
December 24, 1812.
Sie, — I am far from displeased with the proof you have
given me of your confidence, and which displays great zeal,
power of memory, and attention. I am obliged to go out of
Town, and shall not be settled in town till the end of Jany :
12 MICHAEL FARADAY.
I will then see you at any time you wish. It would gratify
me to be of any service to you ; I wish it may be in my power.
I am Sir
your obt. humble servt.
H. Davy.
Accordingly, Faraday called on Davy, who received
him in the anteroom to the lecture theatre, by the
window nearest to the corridor. He advised him
then to stick to bookbinding, promising to send him
books from the Institution to bind, as well as other
books. He must have been agreeably impressed,
otherwise he would not, when disabled, have sent for
Faraday to write for him. Early in 1813 the humble
household, in which Faraday lived with his widowed
mother in Weymouth Street, was one night startled
by the apparition of Sir Humphry Davy's grand
coach, from which a footman alighted and knocked
loudly at the door. For young Faraday, who was at
that moment undressing upstairs, he left a note from
Sir Humphry Davy requesting him .to call next
morning. At that interview Davy asked him whether
he was still desirous of changing his occupation, and
offered him the post of assistant in the laboratory in
place of one who had been dismissed. The salary was
to be twenty-five shillings a week, with two rooms at
the top of the house. The minute appointing him is
dated March 1, 1813 :—
Sir Humphry Davy has the honour to inform the managers
that he has found a person who is -desirous to occupy the
situation in the Institution lately filled by William Payne.
His name is Michael Faraday. He is a youth of twenty-two
years of age. As far as Sir H. Davy has been able to observe
ENTERS ROYAL INSTITUTION. 13
or ascertain, he appears well fitted for the situation. His
habits seem good, his disposition active and cheerful, and his
manner intelligent. He is willing to engage himself on the
same terms as those given to Mr. Payne at the time of quitting
the Institution.
Resolved— That Michael Faraday be engaged to fill the
situation lately occupied by Mr. Payne on the same terms.*
There have come down several additions to the
story. One, probably apocryphal, says that Faraday's
first introduction to Davy was occasioned by Davy's
calling at Riebau's to select some bookbinding, and
seeing on the shelves the bound volume of manuscript
notes of his own lectures. The other was narrated
by Gassiot to Tyndall, as follows : —
Clapham Common, Surrey,
November 28, 1867.
My deak Tyndall, ^Sir H. Davy was accustomed to call
on the late Mr. Pepys in the Poultry, on his way to the
London Institution, of which Pepys was one of the original
managers ; the latter told me that on one occasion Sir H. Davy,
showing him a letter, said, " Pepys, what am I to do ? — here is a
letter from a young man named Faraday ; he has been attend-
ing my lectures, and wants me to give him employment at the
Koyal Institution — what can I do 1 " " Do 1 " replied Pepys,
* His duties as laid down by the managers were these : — " To attend
and assist the lecturers and professors in preparing for, and during
lectures. Where any instruments or apparatus may ho require!, to
attend to their careful removal from the model-room and laboratory
to the lecture-room, and to clean and replace them after being used,
reporting to the managers such accidents as shall require repair, a
constant diary being kept by him for that purpose. That in one day
in each week he be employed in keeping clean the models in the
repository, and that all the instruments in the glass cases be cleaned
and dusted at least once within a month."
14 MICHAEL FAEADAY.
"put him to wash bottles; if he is good for anything he will do
it directly ; if he refuses, he is good for nothing." " No, no,'
replied Davy, " we must try him with something better than
that." The result was, that Davy engaged him to assist in
the Laboratory at -weekly wages.
Davy held the joint office of Professor of Chemistry and
Director of the Laboratory ; he ultimately 1 gave up the former
to the late Professor Brande, but he insisted that Faraday
should be appointed Director of the Laboratory, and, as
Faraday told me, this enabled him on subsequent occasions to
hold a definite position in the Institution, in which he was
always supported by Davy. I believe he held that office to the
last.
Believe me, my dear Tyndall, yours truly,
J. P. Gassiot.
In 1808 Mr. Tatum had founded a City Philo-
sophical Society* It consisted of thirty or forty
young men in humble or moderate rank, who met on
Wednesdays for mutual instruction ; lectures being
given once a fortnight by the members in turn.
Tatum introduced Faraday to this Society in 1813.
Edward Magrath was .secretary. Amongst Faraday's
notes of his life is the following : —
During this spring Magrath and I established the mutual-
/improvement plan, and met at my rooms up in the attics of
the Royal Institution, or at "Wood Street at his warehouse. It
consisted perhaps of half-a-dozen persons, chiefly from the
City Philosophical Society, who met of an evening to read
together, and to criticise, correct, and improve each other's
* The City Philosophical Society was given up at the time when
Mechanics' Institutes were started in London, Tatum selling his
apparatus to that established in Fleet Street, the forerunner of the
Birkbeck Institution. Many of the City Society's members joined
the Society of Arts
AT WORK IN CHEMISTRY. 15
pronunciation and construction of language. The discipline
was very sturdy, the remarks very plain and open, and the
results most valuable. This continued for several years.
He writes, after a week of work at the Royal
Institution, to Abbott : —
Eoyal Institution, March 8, 1813.
It is now about nine o'clock, and the thought strikes me
that the tongues are going both at Tatum's and at the lecture
in Bedford Street ; but I fancy myself much better employed
than I should have been at the lecture at either of those places.
Indeed, I have heard one lecture already to-day, and had a
ringer in it (I can't say a hand, for I did very little). It was
by Mr. Powell, on mechanics, or rather on rotatory motion, and
was a pretty good lecture, but not very fully attended.
As I know you will feel a pleasure in hearing in what I
have been or shall be occupied, I will inform you that I have
been employed to-day, in part, in extracting the sugar from a
portion of beetroot, and also in making a compound of sulphur
and carbon— a combination which has lately occupied in a
considerable degree the attention of chemists.
With respect to next Wednesday, I shall be occupied until
late in the afternoon by Sir H. Davy, and must therefore
decline seeing you at that time ; this I am the more ready to
do as I shall enjoy your company next Sunday, and hope to
possess it often in a short time.
The next letter to Abbott, dated April 9, recounts
an explosion in which both he and Sir Humphry
Davy received considerable injury. In June he wrote
to Abbott four very remarkable letters concerning
lectures and lecturer^ He had already heard Tatum
and Davy, and had now assisted Brande and Powell
in their lectures, and had keenly observed their habits,
peculiarities, and defects, as well as the effects they
16 MICHAEL FARADAY.
produced on the audience. He writes without the
slightest suspicion of suggestion that he himself has
any likelihood of becoming a lecturer, and says that
he does not pretend to any of the requisites for such
an office. " If I am unfit for it," he says, " 'tis evident
that I have yet to learn ; and how learn better than
by the observation of others ? If we never judge at
all, we shall never judge right." " I, too, have in-
ducements in the C[ity] Philosophical] S[ociety] to
draw me forward in the acquisition of a small portion
of knowledge on this point." " I shall point out but
few beauties or few faults that I have not witnessed
in the presence of a numerous assembly."
He begins by considering the proper shape of a
lecture-room ; its proper ventilation, and need of
suitable entrances and exits. Then he goes on to
consider suitability of subjects and dignity of subject.
In the second of the letters he contrasts the perceptive
powers of the eye and ear, and the proper arrange-
ments for a lecturer's table ; then considers diagrams
and illustrations. The third letter deals with the
delivery and style of the lecture, the manner and
attitudes of the lecturer, his methods of keeping alive
the attention of the audience, and duration of the
discourse. In the fourth of these letters (see p. 228),
he dwells on the mistakes and defects of lecturers,
their unnecessary apologies, the choice of apt ex-
periments, and avoidance of trivialities.
In September, 1813, after but six months of work
in the laboratory, a proposition came to him from Sir
Humphry Davy which resulted in a complete change
of scene. It was an episode of foreign travel, lasting
PROPOSALS FOR FOREIGN TRAVEL. 17
as it proved, eighteen months. In the autobio-
graphical notes he wrote : —
In the autumn Sir H. Davy proposed going abroad, and
offered me the opportunity of going with him as his amanuensis,
and the promise of resuming my situation in the Institution
upon my return to England. Whereupon I accepted the offer,
left the Institution on October 13, and, after being with Sir
H. Davy in France, Italy, Switzerland, the Tyrol, Geneva, &c,
in that and the following year, returned to England and
London April 23, 1815.
Before he left England, on September 18. 1813, at
the request of his mother, he wrote to an uncle and
aunt the following account of himself : —
I was formerly a bookseller and binder, but am now turned
philosopher, which happened thus :— Whilst an apprentice, I,
for amusement, learnt a little of chemistry and other parts of
philosophy, and felt an eager desire to proceed in that way
further. After being a journeyman for six months, under a
disagreeable master, I gave up my business, and, by the
interest of Sir H. Davy, filled the situation of chemical assistant
to the Boyal Institution of Great Britain, in which office I
now remain, and where I am constantly engaged in observing
the works of Nature and tracing the manner in which she
directs the arrangement and order of the world. I have lately
had proposals made to me by Sir Humphry Davy to accompany
him, in his travels through Europe and into Asia, as philo-
sophical assistant. If I go at all I expect it will be in October
next, about the end, and my absence from home will perhaps
be as long as three years. But as yet all is uncertain. I have
to repeat that, even though I may go, my path will not pass
near any of my relations, or permit me to see those whom I so
much long to see.
To Faraday, who was now twenty-two years old,
foreign travel meant much more than to most young
c
18 MICHAEL FARADAY.
men of equal age. With his humble bringing up and
slender resources, he had never had the chance of
seeing the outside world ; he had never, to his own
recollection, even seen the sea. When on Wednesday,
October 13, he started out on the journey to Ply-
mouth, in order to cross to the port of Morlaix, he
began his journal of foreign travel thus: —
This morning formed a new epoch in my life. I have never
before, within my recollection, left London at a greater distance
than twelve miles.
This journal he kept with minute care, with the sole
purpose of recalling events to his mind. It gives full
details as to Davy's scientific friends and work, inter-
mingled with graphic descriptions of scenery ; and is
remarkable also for its personal reticence." As with
many another, so with Faraday, foreign travel took
in his life the place of residence at a University. In
France, in Italy, he received enlarged ideas ; and
what he saw of learned men and academies of science
exercised no small formative effect upon one then at
the most impressionable age. He comments gaily on
the odd incidents of travel ; the luminescence of the
sea at night ; the amazing fuss at the Custom House ;
the postilion with his jack-boots, whip, and pouch;
the glow-worm (the first glow-worm he had ever
seen) ; and the slim pigs of Normandy. At Paris he
visits the Louvre, Avhere his chief comment on its
treasures is, that by their acquisition France has
made herself " a nation of thieves." He goes to the
Prefecture of Police for his passport, in which he is
described as having "a round chin, a brown beard,
a large mouth, a great nose," etc. He visits the
A NEW ELEMENT. 19
churches, where the theatrical air pervading the
place "makes it impossible to attach a serious or
important feeling to what is going on." He comments
on the wood fires, the charcoal used in cooking, the
washerwomen on the river bank, the internal decora-
tions of houses, the printing of the books. Then he
goes about with Davy amongst the French chemists.
Ampere, Clement, and Desormes come to Davy to
show him the new and strange substance " X,"
lately discovered by M. Courtois. They heat it, and
behold it rise in vapour of a beautiful violet colour.
Ampere himself, on November 23rd, gives Davy a
specimen. They carefully note down its characters.
Davy and his assistant make many new experiments
on it. At first its origin is kept a profound secret by
the Frenchman. Then it transpires that it is made
from ashes of seaweed. They work on it at Chevreul's
laboratory. Faraday borrows a voltaic pile from
Chevreul. With that intuition which was character-
istic of him, Davy jumps almost at once to a conclu-
sion as to the nature of the new body, which for
nearly two years had been in the hands of the French-
men awaiting elucidation. When he leaves Paris,
they do not wholly bless his rapidity of thought.
But Faraday has seen — with placid indifference — a
glimpse of the great Napoleon " sitting in one corner
of his carriage, covered and almost hidden by an
enormous robe of ermine, and his face overshadowed
by a tremendous plume of feathers, that descended
from a velvet hat"; he has also met Humboldt, and
he has heard M. Gay Lussac lecture to about two
hundred pupils.
20 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Dumas has recorded in his " Eloge Historique " a
reflection of the impressions left by the travellers.
After speaking of the criticism to which "Davy was
exposed during his visit, he says : —
His laboratory assistant, long before lie had won his great
celebrity by his works, had by his modesty, his amiability, and
his intelligence, gained most devoted friends at Paris, at
Geneva, at Montpellier. Amongst these may be named in
the front rank M. de la Kive, the distinguished chemist, father
of the illustrious physicist whom we count amongst our foreign
associates. The kindnesses with which he covered my youth
contributed not a little to unite us — Faraday and myself.
With pleasure we used to "recall that we made one another's
acquaintance under the auspices of that affectionate and helpful
philosopher whose example so truly witnessed that science
does not dry up the heart's blood. At Montpellier, beside the
hospitable hearth of Burard, the associate of Chaptal, doyen
of our corresponding members, Faraday has left memories
equally charged with an undying sympathy which his master
could never have inspired. We admired Davy, we loved
Faraday.
It is December 29 when the travellers leave Paris
and cross the forest of Fontainebleau. Faraday thinks
he never saw a more beautiful scene than the forest
dressed in an airy garment of crystalline hoar frost.
They pass through Lyons, Montpellier, Aix, Nice,
searching on the way for iodine in the sea-plants of
the Mediterranean. At the end of January, 1814,
they cross the Col de Tende over the snow at an
elevation of 6,000 feet into Italy, and find themselves
in the midst of the Carnival at Turin. They reach
Genoa, and go to the house of a chemist to make
experiments on the raia torpedo, the electric skate
WITH DAVY IN ITALY. 21
trying to ascertain whether water could be decom-
posed by the electrical discharges of these singular
fishes. From Genoa they go by sea to Lerici in an
open boat, with much discomfort and fear of ship-
wreck ; and thence by land to Florence.
At Florence he goes with Davy to the Accademia
del Cimento. He sees the library, the gardens, the
museum. Here is Galileo's own telescope — a simple
tube of paper and wood, with lenses at each end — ■
with which he discovered Jupiter's satellites. Here is
the great burning glass of the Grand Duke of Tuscany.
And here is a numerous collection of magnets, includ-
ing one enormous loadstone supporting a weight of
150 pounds. They make "the grand experiment of
burning the diamond " in oxygen by the sun's heat
concentrated through the Grand Duke's burning
glass. They find the diamond to be pure carbon.
Then early in April they depart for Koine.
From Rome Faraday wrote to his mother a long
chatty letter summarising his travels, and sending
messages of kindly remembrance to his old master
Riebau and others. He tells hoAV, in spite of political
troubles, Sir Humphry Davy's high name has pro-
cured them free admission everywhere, and how they
have just heard that Paris has been taken by the
Allied troops.
At Rome they witness unconvinced some attempts
of Morichini to impart magnetism to steel needles
by the solar rays. They pass the Colosseum by moon-
light, making an early morning start across the
Campagna, on the road to Naples, with an armed
guard for fear of brigands. Twice, in the middle of
22 MICHAEL FARADAY.
May, they ascend Vesuvius, the second time during
a partial eruption rendered all the more vivid by the
lateness of the hour— half-past seven— at which the
edge of the crater was reached. In June they visit
Terni, and note the nearly circular rainbow visible in
the spray of the cataract ; and so across the Apennines
to Milan,
At Milan occurs the following entry: —
Friday 17th [June, 1814], Milan. Saw M. Volta, who came
to Sir H. Davy, an hale elderly man, bearing the red ribbon,
and very free in conversation.
He does not record how the ceremonious old Count,
who had specially attired himself in his Court uni-
form to welcome the illustrious chemist, was horrified
at the informal manners and uncourtly. dress of the
onrist philosopher.
So, travelling by Como and Domo d'Ossola, they
come to Geneva, and here remain a long time;
and Faraday writes again to his mother and to
Abbott. He can even find time to discuss with the
latter the relative merits of the French and Italian
languages, and the trend of civilisation in Paris and
in Rome. Twice he sends messages to Riebau. One
of his letters to Abbott, in September, contains
passages of more than transient interest : —
Some doubts have been expressed to me lately with respect
to the continuance of the Royal Institution ; Mr. Newman can
probably give a guess at the issue of them. I have three boxes
of books, ifec, there, and I should be sorry if they were lost bv
the turning up of unforeseen circumstances ; but I hope all
will end well (you will not read this out aloud). Remember
HINTS OF DISCOMFORT. 23
me to all friends, if you please. And " now for you and I to
ourselves." . . .
In passing through life, my dear friend, everyone must
expect to receive lessons, both in the school of prosperity and
in that of adversity; and, taken in a general sense, these
schools do not only include riches and poverty, but everything
that may cause the happiness and pleasure of man, and every
feeling that may give him pain. I have been in at the door of
both these schools ; nor am I so far on the right hand at present
that I do not get hurt by the thorns on my left. With respect
to myself, I have always perceived (when, after a time, I saw
things more clearly) that those things which at first appeared
as misfortunes or evils ultimately were actually benefits, and
productive of much good in the future progress of things.
Sometimes I compared them to storms and tempests, which
cause a temporary disarrangement to produce permanent good ;
sometimes they appeared to me like roads — stony, uneven,
hilly, and uncomfortable, it is true — but the only roads to a
good beyond them ; and sometimes I said they were clouds
which intervened between me and the sun of prosperity, but
which I found were refreshing, reserving to me that tone and
vigour of mind which prosperity alone would enervate and
ultimately destroy. . . .
You talk of travelling, and I own the word is seducing, but
travelling does not secure you from uneasy circumstances. I
by no means intend to deter you from it ; for though I should
like to find you at home when I come home, and though I
know how much the loss would be felt by our friends, yet I
am aware that the fund of knowledge and of entertainment
opened would be almost infinite. But I shall set down a few
of my own thoughts and feelings, &c, in the same circum-
stances. In the first place, then, my dear B., I fancy that
when I se,t my foot in England I shall never take it out again ;
for I find the prospect so different from what it at first
appeared to be, that I am certain, if I could have foreseen the
things that have passed, I should never have left London. In
the second place, enticing as travelling is — and I appreciate
fully its advantages and pleasures — I have several times been
24 MICHAEL FARADAY.
more than half decided to return hastily home ; but second
thoughts have still induced me to try what the future may
produce, and now I am only retained by the wish of improve-
ment. I have learned just enough to perceive, my ignorance,
and, ashamed of my defects in everything, I wish to seize the
opportunity of remedying them. The little knowledge I have
gained in languages makes me wish to know more of them,
and the little I have seen of men and manners is just enough
to make me desirous of seeing more ; added to which, the
glorious opportunity I enjoy of improving in the knowledge of
chemistry and the sciences continually determines me to
finish this voyage with Sir Humphry Davy. But if I wish to
enjoy those advantages, I have to sacrifice much ; and though
those sacrifices are such as an humble man would not feel, yet
I cannot quietly make them. Travelling, too, I find, is almost
inconsistent with religion (I mean modern travelling), and I
am yet so old-fashioned as to remember strongly (I hope
perfectly) my youthful education ; and upon the whole, malgri
the advantages of travelling, it is not impossible but that you
may see me at your door when you expect a letter.
You will perceive, dear B., that I do not wish you hastily
to leave your present situation, because I think that a hasty
change will only make things worse. You will naturally
compare your situation with others you see around you, and
by this comparison your own will appear more sad, whilst the
others seem brighter than in truth they are ; for, like the two
poles of a battery, the ideas of each will become exalted by
approaching them. But I leave you, dear friend, to act in
this case as your judgment may direct, hoping always for
the best.
Sir Humphry works often on iodine, and has lately been
making experiments on the prismatic spectrum at M. Pictet's.
They are not yet perfected, but from the use of very delicate
air thermometers, it appears that the rays producing most
heat are certainly out of the spectrum and beyond the red
rays. Our time has been employed lately in fishing and
shooting ; and many a quail has been killed in the plains oi
ARISTOCRATIC HAUTEUR. 25
Geneva, and many a trout and grayling have been pulled
out of the Eh one
I need not say, dear Ben, how perfectly I am yours,
M. Faraday.
This letter reveals, what the diary of travel' so
scrupulously hides, the existence of circumstances
which were hardly tolerable in Faraday's position.
To make the reference intelligible it should be re-
membered that Davy, who had come up to London
in 1801 as a raw youth, of immense ability but very
uncouth exterior, had developed into a fashionable
person, had become the idol of the hour, had married
a very wealthy widow, had been knighted, and had
given himself up very largely to the pursuits of
fashionable society and to the company of the aristo-
cratic beau monde. Lady Davy accompanied Sir
Humphry in this Continental tour; and though
Faraday had been taken with them as secretary and
scientific assistant, it would seem that he had not
always been treated with the respect due to one in
that position. The above letter evidently disquieted
Abbott, for he wrote back to Faraday to inquire more
closely into his personal affairs, telling him he was
sure he was not happy, and asking him to share his
difficulties. Faraday, who was now back in Home,
replied in January in a long letter of twelve pages,*
* Two passages may be quoted. " Finally, Sir H. has no valet
except myself . . . and 'tis the name more than the thing- which
hurts." "When I return home, I fancy I shall return to my old
profession of bookseller, for books still continue to please me more
than anything else."
26 MICHAEL FARADAY.
which he says he had intended to fill with an account
of the waterfalls he had seen, but which gives instead
a detailed account of his vexations. He had, he
said, written his former letter when in a ruffled state
of mind. He now gives the explanation. Before,
however, this letter could reach Abbott, the latter
had written yet more urgently to know what was the
matter. To this Faraday replied on February 23rd.
As this shorter letter summarises the previous one
it may be given here. Both are printed in Bence
Jones's " Life and Letters " : —
Rome, February 23, 1815.
Dear B , — In a letter of above twelve pages I gave
answers to your question respecting my situation. It was a
subject not worth talking about, but I consider your inquiries
as so many proofs of your kindness and the interest you take
in my welfare, and I thought the most agreeable thanks I
could make you would be to answer them. The same letter
also contained a short account of a paper written by Sir
Humphry Davy on ancient colours, and some other miscel-
laneous matters.
I am quite ashamed of dwelling so often on my own affairs,
but as I know you wish it, I shall briefly inform you of my
situation. I do not mean to employ much of this sheet of
paper on the subject, but refer you to the before-mentioned
long letter for clear information. It happened a few days
before we left England, that Sir H.'s valet declined going with
him, and in the short space of time allowed by circumstances
another could not be got. Sir H. told me he was very sorry,
but that, if I would do such things as were absolutely necessary
for him until he got to Paris, he should there get another. I
murmured, but agreed. At Paris he could not get one. No
Englishmen were there, and no Frenchman fit for the place
could talk English to me. At Lyons he could not get one ;
at Montpellier he could not get one ; nor at Genoa, nor at
SECRET OF MORTIFICATION. 27
Florence, nor at Rome, nor in all Italy ; and I believe at last
he did not wish to get one : and we are just the same now as
we were when he left England. This of course throws things
into my duty which it was not my agreement, and is not my
wish, to perform, but which are, if I remain with Sir H.,
unavoidable. These, it is true, are very few ; for having been
accustomed in early years to do for himself, he continues to do
so at present, and he leaves very little for a valet to perform ;
and as he knows that it is not pleasing to me, and that I do
not consider myself as obliged to do them, he is always as
careful as possible to keep those things from me which he
knows would be disagreeable. But Lady Davy is of another
humour. She likes to show her authority, and at first I found
her extremely earnest in mortifying me. This occasioned
quarrels between us, at each of which I gained ground, and
she lost it ; for the frequency made me care nothing about
them, and weakened her authority, and after each she behaved
in a milder manner. Sir H. has also taken care to get servants
of the country, ycleped lacquais de place, to do everything she
can want, and now I am somewhat comfortable ; indeed, at
this moment I am perfectly at liberty, for Sir H. has gone to
Naples to search for a house or lodging to which we may
follow him, and I have nothing to do but see Eome, write my
journal, and learn Italian.
But I will leave such an unprofitable subject, and tell you
what I know of our intended route. For the last few weeks it
has been very undecided, and at this moment there is no
knowing which way we shall turn. Sir H. intended to see
Greece and Turkey this summer, and arrangements were half
made for the voyage ; but he has just learned that a quarantine
must be performed on the road there, and to do this he has
an utter aversion, and that alone will perhaps break up the
journey.
Since the long letter I wrote you, Sir H. has written two
short papers for the Royal Society — the first on a new solid
compound of iodine and oxygen, and the second a new gaseous
28 MICHAEL FARADAY.
compound of chlorine and oxygen, which contains four times
as much oxygen as euchlorine.
The discovery of these bodies contradicts many parts of
Gay-Lussac's paper on iodine, which has been very much
vaunted in these parts. The French chemists were not aware
of the importance of the subject until it was shown to them,
and now they are in haste to reap all the honours attached
to it ; but their haste opposes their aim. They reason theo-
retically, without demonstrating experimentally, und errors are
the result.
I am, my dear Friend, yours ever and faithfully,
M. Faraday.
The equivocal position thus forced upon Faraday
by the haute, lit of Lady Davy nearly caused a contre-
temps during the stay at Geneva, which lasted from
the end of June, 1814, to about the middle of
September. Bence Jones's account, derived from
Faraday himself, is as follows: — Professor G. de la
Rive, undazzled by the brilliancy of Davy's reputation,
was able to see the true worth of his assistant. Davy
was fond of shooting, and Faraday, who accompanied
them, used to load Davy's gun for him, while De la
Rive loaded his own. Entering into conversation
with Faraday, De la Rive was astonished to find that
the intelligent and charming young man whom he
had taken hitherto for a domestic was really prepara-
teur de laboratoire in the Royal Institution. This
led him to place Faraday, in one respect, on an
equality with Davy. Whilst they were staying in his
house, he wished them to dine together at his table.
Davy, it is said, declined, because Faraday acted in
some things as his servant. De la Rive expressed
VISIT TO GENEVA. 29
his feelings strongly, and ordered dinner in a separate
room for Faraday. A rumour spread years after that
De la Rive gave a dinner in Faraday's honour : this is
not so, however.
Of that Geneva visit Faraday says, in 1858, to M.
A. de la Rive : —
I have some such thoughts (of gratitude) even as regards
your own father, who was, I may say, the first who personally
at Geneva, and afterwards by correspondence, encouraged and
by that sustained me.
This correspondence, which began with the father
and was continued with the son, lasted altogether
nearly fifty years.
From Geneva the travellers went northward, by
Lausanne, Vevay, Bern, Zurich, and Schaffhausen,
across Baden and Wtirtemburg to Munich. After
visiting this and other German towns, they crossed
Tyrol southwards to Vicenza, halting in the neigh-
bourhood of the Pietra Mala to collect the in-
flammable gas which there rises from the soil.
They spent a day in Padua, and three days in Venice ;
and on by Bologna to Florence, where Davy com-
pleted his analysis of the gas collected at Pietra Mala.
Early in November they were again in Rome. He
writes once and again to his mother, while his anxiety
about the Royal Institution makes him send inquiries
to Abbott as to what is going to happen there, and to
charge him, " if any change should occur in Albemarle
Street," not to forget his books which are lying there.
" I prize them now more than ever."
To his former master, Riebau, he wrote from Rome
as follows : —
SO MICHAEL FARADAY.
Eome, Jan. 5th, 1815.
Honoured Sir,
It is with very peculiar but very pleasing and
indeed nattering sentiments that I commence a letter intended
for you, for I esteem it as a high honour that you should not
only allow but even wish me to write to you. During the
whole of the short eight years that I was with you, Sir, and
during the year or two that passed afterwards before I left
England, I continually enjoyed your goodness and the effects
of it ; and it id gratifying to me in the highest degree to find
that even absence has not impaired it, and that you are willing
to give me the highest proof of (allow me to say) friendship
that distance will admit. I have received both the letters that
you have wrote to me, Sir, and consider them as far from
being the least proofs of your goodwill and remembrance of
me. Allow me to thank you humbly but sincerely for these
and all other kindness, and I hope that at some future day
an opportunity will occur when I can express more strongly
my gratitude.
I beg leave to return a thousand thanks to my kind
Mistress, to Mr. and Mrs. Paine and George for their re-
membrances, and venture to give mine with respect in return.
I am very glad to hear that all are well. I am very much
afraid you say too much of me to Mr. Dance, Mr. Cosvvay,
Mrs. Udney, etc., for I feel unworthy of what you have said of
me formerly, and what you may say now. Since I have left
England, the experience I have gained in more diversified and
extended life, and the knowledge 1 have gained of what is to
be learned and what others know, have sufficiently shown me
my own ignorance, the degree in which I am surpassed by
all the world, and my want of powers ; but I hope that at
least I shall return home with an addition to my self-know-
ledge. When speaking of those who are so much my superiors,
as Mr. Dance, Mr. Cosway, and Mrs. Udney, etc., I feel a
continual fear that I should appear to want respect, but the
manner in which you mention their names in your letter
emboldens ine to beg that you will give my humblest respects
BOOKS AND EOOKSELLKKS. 31
to those honored persons, if, and only if (I am afraid of
intruding) they should again speak of me to you. Mr. Dance's
kindness claims my gratitude, and I trust that my thanks, the
only mark that I can give, will be accepted.
Since I have been abroad, my old profession of books has
oftentimes occurred to my mind and been productive of much
pleasure. It was my wish at first to purchase some useful
book at every large town we came to, but I found my stock
increase so fast that I was obliged to alter my plan and purchase
only at Capital Cities. The first books that I wanted' were
grammars and dictionaries, but I found few places like London
where I could get whatever I wanted. In France (at the time
we were there) English books were very scarce, and also
English and French books ; and a French grammar for an
Englishman was a thing difficult to find. Nevertheless the
shops appeared well stocked with books in their own language,
and the encouragement Napoleon gave to Arts and Sciences
extended its influence even to the printing and binding of
books. I saw some beautiful specimens in both these branches
at the Bibliotheque Imperiale at Paris, but I still think they
did not exceed or even equal those I had seen in London
before. We have as yet seen very little of Germany, having
passed rapidly through Switzerland and stopping but a few
days at Munich, but that little gave me a very favorable idea
of the Booksellers' shops. I got an excellent English and
German dictionary immediately I asked for it, and other books
I asked for I found were to be had, but E. and Q. Grammars
were scarce, owing to the little communication between the
two Empires, and the former power of the French in Germany.
Italy I have found the country furnished with the fewest
means — if books are the means of disseminating knowledge,
and even Venice which is renowned for Printing appeared to
me bare and little worthy of its character. It is natural to
suppose that the great and most estimable use of printing is to
produce those books which are in most general use and which
are required by the world at large ; it is those books which
form this branch of trade, and consequently every shop in it
gives an account of the more valuable state of the art (i.e.) the
32 MICHAEL FARADAY.
use made of it. In Italy there are many books, and the
shelves of the shops there appear full, but the books are old,
or what is new have come from France ; they seem latterly to
have resigned printing and to have become satisfied with the
libraries their forefathers left them. I found at Florence an E.
and I. Grammar (Veneroni's), which does a little credit to
Leghorn ; but I have searched unsuccessfully at Home, Naples,
Milan, Bologna, Venice, Florence, and in every part of Italy
for and E. an I. Dictionary, and the only one I could get was
Rollasetti in 8vo. E. F. and I. A circumstance still more
singular is the want of bibles ; even at Eome, the seat of the
Roman Catholic faith, a bible of moderate size is not to be
found, either Protestant or Catholic. Those which exist are
large folios or 4tos and in several volumes, interspersed with
the various readings and commentaries of the fathers, and they
are in the possession of the Priests and religious professors.
In all shops at Tionie where I ask for a small pocket bible the
man seemed afraid to answer me, nnd some Priest in the shop
looked at me in a very inquisitive way.
I must now. Kind Sir, put an end to this letter, which I
fear you will think already too long. I beg you will have the
goodness to send to my Mother and say I am well, and give
my duty to her and my love to my brother and sisters. I have
wrote four or five times lately from Rome to various friends.
Remember me, if you please, to Mr. Kitchen, and others who
may enquire after me. I thank you for your concluding
wishes and am, Sir,
Your most dutifully,
Faraday.
To his sisters he wrote also. To the elder, on the
Church festivals, the Carnival, and the ruins of the
Colosseum. To the younger, on the best way of
learning French. His diary is full of the Carnival,
the foolishness of which afforded him much amuse-
ment. He witnessed the horse-races in the Corso,
went four times to masked balls, where his boyish
THE END OF THE TOUR. 33
love of uproarious fun broke out beyond restraint, for
to the last one he went disguised in a night-gown and
night-cap. Between gaieties in the evenings and
chemical experiments with Davy in the day, his time
must have been pretty fully occupied. They had had
the intention of going on to Greece and Turkey, but
owing to dread of quarantine these projects were
abandoned, and at the end of February, 1815, they
moved southwards to Naples. Here is a characteristic
entry : —
Tuesday, March 7th. — I heard for news that Bonaparte was
again at liberty. Being no politician, I did not trouble myself
much about it. though I suppose it will have a strong influence
on the affairs of Europe.
He went with Sir Humphry to explore Monte Somma,
and ventured to make another ascent of the cone
of Vesuvius, with the gratification of finding the crater
in much greater activity than during the visits of the
preceding year.
Then, for reasons not altogether clear, the tour was
suddenly cut short. Naples was left on March 21st,
Rome on 24th, Mantua was passed on 30th. Tyrol
was recrossed, Germany traversed by Stuttgardt,
Heidelberg, and Cologne. Brussels was reached on
16th April, whence London was regained via Ostend
and Deal. A letter written from Brussels to his
mother positively overflows with the joy of expected
return. He does not want his mother to be inquiring
at Albemarle Street as to when he is expected : —
You may be sure that my first moments will be in your
company. If you have opportunities, tell some of my dearest
D
34 MICHAEL FARADAY.
friends, but do not tell everybody— that is, do not trouble
yourself to do it. I am of no consequence except to a few,
and there are but a few that are of consequence to me, and
there are some whom I should like to be the first to tell myself
— Mr. Riebau for one. However, let A. know, if you can. . . .
Adieu till I see you, dearest Mother ; and believe me ever
your affectionate and dutiful son, M. Fabaday.
[P.S.] 'Tis the shortest and (to me) the sweetest letter I
ever wrote you.
A fortnight after his return to London, Faraday
was re-engaged, at a salary of thirty shillings a week,
at the Royal Institution as assistant in the laboratory
and mineralogical collection. He returned to the
scene of his former labours ; but with what widened
ideas ! He had had eighteen months of daily inter-
course with the most brilliant chemist of the age.
He had seen and conversed with Ampere, Arago,
Gay-Lussac, Chevreul, Dumas, Volta, De la Rive,
Biot, Pictet, De Saussure, and De Stael. He had
formed a lasting friendship with more than one of
these. He had dined with Count Rumford, the
founder of the Royal Institution. He had gained
a certain mastery over foreign tongues, and had seen
the ways of foreign society. Though it was many
years before he again quitted England for a foreign
tour, he cherished the most lively recollection of
many of the incidents that had befallen him.
35
CHAPTER II.
LIFE AT THE ROYAL INSTITUTION.
Amongst the scientific societies of Great Britain,
the Royal Institution of London occupies a con-
spicuous place. It has had many imitators in its time,
yet it remains unique. A "learned society" it may
claim to be, in the sense that it publishes scientific
transactions, and endeavours to concentrate within
itself and promote the highest science, within a
certain range of subjects. In some respects it re-
sembles a college; for it appoints professors, and
provides them with space, appliances, and materials
for research, and a theatre wherein to lecture. For
its members it provides a comfortable, well-stocked
library, and a reading-room where daily and periodic
journals may be consulted. But it has achieved a
reputation far in excess of any it would have held,
had that reputation depended solely on its publica-
tions, or on the numerical strength of its membership.
Founded in the year 1799 by that erratic genius
Count Rumford, as a sort of technical school* it
would speedily have come to an end had not others
stepped in to develop it in new ways. From the
certain ruin which seemed impending in 1801, it was
* The meeting at which it was actually originated was held under
the presidency of Sir Joseph Banks, P.E.S., nominally as a meeting
for the Assistance of the ToorJ
36 MICHAEL FARADAY.
saved by the appearance upon the scene of the
brilliant youth Humphry Davy, whose lectures made
it for ten years the resort of fashion. In 1814 it was
again in such low water that Faraday, travelling on
the Continent at that time as amanuensis to Sir
Humphry, was every month expecting to hear of
its collapse. Until about 1833, when the two Fullerian
Professorships were founded, it was continually in
financial difficulties. The persistent and extraordinary
efforts made by Faraday from 1826 to 1839, and the
reputation of the place which accrued by his dis-
coveries, were beyond all question its salvation
from ruin. When it was founded it was located in
two private houses in Albemarle Street, then regarded
as quite out of town, if not almost suburban; the
premises being altered and an entrance ball with
staircase added. A little later the lecture-theatre,
much as it still exists, was constructed. The exterior
at first remained unchanged. The stucco pilasters of
Grecian style, which give it its air of distinction,
were not erected until 1838. The fine rooms of the
Davy-Faraday laboratory at the south end were only
added in 1896 by the liberality of Mr. Ludwig Mond.
T3esides the laboratories for research in physical
chemistry, which have thus been associated with the
older part of the Institution, additional rooms for the
library have been provided in this munificent gift to
science. The older laboratories of the Institution,
though they retain some features from Kumford's
time, have been considerably remodelled. The old
rooms where Davy, Young, Brande, Faraday, Frank-
land, and Tyndall conducted their researches are still
ROYAL INSTITUTION LABORATORIES. 37
in existence; but the chief laboratory was recon-
structed in 1872 in Tyndall's time ; and it has been
quite recently enlarged and reconstructed to accom-
modate the heavy machinery required in Professor
Dewar's researches on liquid air and the properties of
bodies at low temperatures.
The spirit of the place may be summed up very
briefly. It has existed for a century as the home
of the highest kind of scientific research, and of
the best and most specialised kind of scientific
lectures. It was here that Davy first showed the
electric arc lamp; that he astonished the world by
decomposing potash and producing potassium; that
he invented the safety lamp. It was here that
Faraday worked and laboured for nearly fifty years.
Here that Tyndall's investigations on radiant heat
and diamagnetism were carried on. Here that Brande,
Frankland, Odling, Gladstone, and Dewar have handed
on the torch of chemistry from the time of Davy.
Professorships, of which the educational duties are
restricted to a few lectures in the year, giving leisure
and scope for research as the main duty, are not to be
found anywhere else in the British Islands ; those at
colleges and universities being invariably hampered
with educational and administrative duties.
As for the lectures at the Royal Institution, they
may be divided under three heads : the afternoon
courses; the juvenile lectures at Christmas; the
Friday night discourses. The afternoon lectures are
thrice a week at three o'clock, and consist usually of
short courses, from three lectures to as many as twelve,
by eminent scientific and literary men. Invariably
38 MICHAEL FARADAY.
one of these courses during the season, either before
or after Easter, is given by one of the regular Pro-
fessors ; the remaining lecturers are paid professional
fees in proportion to the duration of their course.
The Christmas lectures, always six in number, are
given, sometimes by one of the Professors, sometimes
by outside lecturers of scientific reputation. But
the Friday night discourses, given at nine o'clock,
during the season from January till June, are unique.
No fee is paid to the lecturer, save a contribution
toward expenses if applied for, and it is considered to
be a distinct honour to be invited to give such a
discourse. , There is no scientific man of any original
claim to distinction; no chemist, engineer, or electrician;
no physiologist, geologist, or mineralogist, during the
last fifty years, who has not been invited thus to give
an account of his investigations. Occasionally a
wider range is taken, and the eminent writer of books,
dramatist, metaphysician, or musician has taken his
place at the lecture-table. The Friday night gather-
ing is always a brilliant one. From the salons of
society, from the world of politics and diplomacy, as
well as from the ranks of the learned professions and
of the fine arts, men and women assemble to listen to
the exposition of the latest discoveries or the newest
advances in philosophy by the men who have made
them. Every discourse must, so far as the subject
admits, be illustrated in the best possible way by
experiments, by diagrams, by the exhibition of
specimens. Not infrequently, the person invited to
give a Friday evening discourse at the Eoyal Institu-
tion will begin his preparations five or six months
THE FAMOUS LECTURES. 39
beforehand. At least one instance is known — the
occasion being a discourse by the late Mr. Warren De
la Hue — where «the preparations were begun more
than a year beforehand, and cost several hundreds of
pounds. And this was to illustrate a research already
made and completed, of which the bare scientific
results had already been communicated in a memoir
to the Koyal Society. A mere enumeration of the
eminent men who have thus given their time and
labours to the Koyal Institution would fill many
pages. It is little cause for wonder then that the
lecture- theatre at Albemarle Street is crowded week
after week in the pursuit of science under condi-
tions like these; or that every lecturer is spurred
on by the spirit of the place to do his subject the
utmost justice by the manner in which he handles
it. There are no lectures so famous, in the best
sense of the word so popular, certainly none sus-
tained at so high a level, as the lectures of the Royal
Institution.
But it was not always thus. Davy's brilliant but
ill-balanced genius had drawn fashionable crowds
to the morning lectures which he gave. Brande
proved to be a much more humdrum lecturer; and
though with young Faraday at his elbow he found
his work of lecturing a task " on velvet," he was
not exactly an inspiring person. During Davy's
protracted tour abroad things had not altogether
prospered, and his return was none too soon. Faraday
threw himself whole-heartedly into the work of the
Institution, not only helping as lecture assistant, but
giving a hand also in the preparation of the Quarterly
40 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Journal of Science, which had been established as a
kind of journal of proceedings.
But now Faraday was to take a quiet step forward.
He appears at the City Philosophical Society in the
character of lecturer. He gave seven lectures there,
in 1S16, on chemistry, the fourth of them being "On
Radient Matter." Extracts are given from most of
these lectures in Bence Jones's " Life and Letters of
Faraday " ; they show all that love of accuracy, that
philosophic suspense of judgment in matters ol
hypothesis, which in after years were so characteristic
of the man.
He also kept a commonplace book filled with
notes of scientific matters, with literary excerpts,
anagrams, epitaphs, algebraic puzzles, varieties of
spelling of his own name, and personal experiences,
including a poetical diatribe against falling in love,
together with the following more prosaic aphorism : —
What is Love ? — A nuisance to everybody but the parties
concerned. A private affair which every one but those con-
cerned wishes to make public.
It also includes a piece in verse, by a member of
the City Philosophical Society — a Mr. Dryden — called
" Quarterly Night," which is interesting as embalming
a portrait of the youthful Faraday as he appeared to
his comrades : —
Neat was the youth in dress, in person plain ;
His eye read thus, Philosopher in grain;
Of understanding clear, reflection deep ;
Expert to apprehend, and strong to keep.
His watchful mind no subject can elude,
Nor specious arts of sophists ere delude j
CITY PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. 41
•His powers, unshackled, range from pole to pole ;
His mind from error free, from guilt his soul.
"Warmth in his heart, good humour in his face,
A friend to mirth, but foe to vile grimace ;
A temper candid, manners unassuming,
Always correct, yet always unpresuming.
Such was the youth, the chief of all the band ;
His name well known, Sir Humphry's right hand.
At this date there were no evening duties at the
Royal Institution, but Faraday found his evenings
well occupied, as he explains to Abbott when rallied
about his having deserted his old friend. Monday
and Thursday. evenings he spent in self-improvement
according to a regular plan. Wednesdays he gave to
" the Society " (i.e. the City Philosophical). Satur-
days he spent with his mother at Weymouth Street ;
leaving only Tuesdays and Fridays for his own
business and friends.
And so the busy months pass, and he gives more
lectures in the privacy of the City Society, one of
them, "On some Observations on the Means of obtain-
ing Knowledge," attaining the dignity of print at the
hands of Effingham Wilson, the enterprising City
publisher, who a few years later printed Browning's
" Paracelsus " and Alfred Tennyson's first volume,
" Poems : Chiefly Lyrical." By the time he has given
nine lectures he has gained confidence. The discourses
had all been written out beforehand, though never
literally " read." For the tenth lecture — on Carbon —
he wrote notes only. This is in July, 1817, and in these
notes he touches on a matter in which he had been
very busily aiding Sir Humphry Davy, the invention ot
42 MICHAEL FARADAY.
the safety lamp. Many of the early forms of experi-
mental apparatus constructed, and some of the early
lamps, are still preserved in the museum of the Royal
Institution. Dr. Clanny had, in 1813, proposed an
entirely closed lamp, supplied with air from the mine,
through water, by hello ws. After 'many experiments
on explosive mixtures of gas and air, and on the
properties of flame, Davy adopted an iron-wire gauze
protector for his lamp, which was introduced into
coal mining early in 1816. In Davy's preface to his
work describing it, he says : " I am myself indebted
to Mr. Michael Faraday for much able assistance in
the prosecution of my experiments."
And well might Davy be grateful With all his
immense ability, he was a man almost destitute of
the faculties of order and method. He had little
self-control, and the fashionable dissipations which he
permitted himself lessened that little. Faraday not
only kept his experiments going, but made himself
responsible for their records. He preserved every
note and manuscript of Davy's with religious care.
He copied out Davy's scrawled researches in a neat
clear delicate handwriting, begging only for his pains
to be allowed to keep the originals, which he bound
in two quarto volumes. Faraday has been known
to remark to an intimate friend that amongst his
advantages he had had before him a model to teach
him what he should avoid. But he was ever loyal to
Davy, earnest in his praise, and frank in his acknow-
ledgment of his debt to his master in science. Still
there arose the little rift within the lute. The safety
lamp, great as was the practical advantage it brought
A RIFT WITHIN THE LUTE. 43
to the miner, is not safe in all circumstances.
Davy did not like to admit this, and would never
acknowledge it. Examined before a Parliamentary
Committee as to whether under a certain condition
the safety lamp would become unsafe, Faraday
admitted that this was the case. Not even his
devotion to his master would induce him to hide the
truth. He was true to himself in making the acknow-
ledgment, though it angered his master. One Friday
evening at the Royal Institution — probably about
1826 — there was exhibited an improved Davy lamp
with a eulogistic inscription ; Faraday added in pencil
the words : " The opinion of the inventor."
At this time he began to give private lessons in
chemistry to a pupil to whom he had been recom-
mended by Davy. His lectures at the City Society in
Dorset Street were continued in 1818, and at the
conclusion of those on chemistry he delivered one on
'■' Mental Inertia," which has been recorded at some
length by Bence Jones.
In 1818 he attended a course of lessons on oratory
by the elocutionist Mr. B. H. Smart, paying out of his
slender resources half a guinea a lesson, so anxious
was he to improve himself, even in his manner of
lecturing. His notes on these lessons fill 133 manu-
script pages.
His other notes now begin to partake less of the
character of quotations and excerpts, and more of the
nature of queries or problems for solution. ' Here are
some examples : —
" Do the pith balls diverge by the disturbance of electricity
in consequence of mutual induction or notl"
44 MICHAEL FARADAY.
" Distil oxalate of ammonia. Query, results 1 "
" Query, the nature of the body Phillips burns in his spirit
lamp?"
The Phillips here mentioned was the chemist
Richard Phillips (afterwards President of the Chemi-
cal Society), one of his City friends, whose name so
frequently occurs in the correspondence of Faraday's
middle life. Phillips busied himself to promote the
material interests of his friend who — to use his own
language — Avas " constantly engaged in observing the
works of Nature, and tracing the manner in which she
directs the arrangement and order of the world," on
the splendid salary of £100 per annum. The follow-
ing note in a letter to Abbott, dated February 27, 1818,
reveals new professional labours : —
I have been more than enough employed. We have been
obliged even to put aside lectures at the Institution ; and now
I am so tired with a long attendance at Guildhall yesterday
and to-day, being subpoenaed, with Sir H. Davy, Mr. Brande,
Phillips, Aikin, and others, to give chemical information on a
trial (which, however, did not come off), that I scarcely know
what I say.
Shortly afterwards Davy again went abroad, but
Faraday remained in England. From Rome Davy
wrote a note, the concluding sentence of which shows
how Faraday was advancing in his esteem . —
Eome : October, 1818.
Mr. Hatchett's letter contained praises of you which were
very gratifying to me ; for, believe me, there is no one more
interested in your success and welfare than your sincere well-
wisher and friend,
H. Davy.
BEGINS ORIGINAL RESEARCHES. 45
In the next year Davy wrote again, suggesting to
Faraday that he might possibly be asked to come to
Naples as a skilled chemist to assist in the unrolling
of the Herculaneum manuscripts. In May he wrote
again, from Florence : — .
It gives me great pleasure to hear that you are comfortable
at the Royal Institution, and I trust that you will not only do
something good and honourable for yourself, but likewise for
science.
I am, dear Mr. Faraday, always your sincere friend and
well-wisher,
H. Davy.
The wish' that Davy expressed that Faraday might
" do something " for himself and likewise for science
was destined soon to come to fulfilment. But in
the case of one who had worked so closely and had
been so intimately associated as an assistant, it must
necessarily be no easy matter always to draw a
distinction between the work of the master and that
of the assistant. Ideas suggested by one might easily
have occurred to the other, when their thoughts had
so long been directed to the same ends. And so it
proved.
Reference to Chapter III. will show that already,
beginning in 1816 with a simple analysis of caustic
lime for Sir Humphry Davy, Faraday had become an
active worker in the domain of original research. The
fascination of the quest of the unknown was already
upon him. While working with and for Davy on the
properties of flame and its non-transmission through
iron gauze, in the investigation of the safety lamp,
other problems of a kindred nature had arisen. One
46 MICHAEL FARADAY.
of these, relating to the flow of gases through capillary-
tubes, Faraday had attacked by himself in 1817. The
subject formed one of the six original papers which
he published that year. In the next two years he
contributed in all no fewer than thirty-seven papers
or notes to the Quarterly Journal of Science. In
1819 began a long research on steel which lasted over
the year 1820. He had already given evidence of
that dislike of half-truths, that aversion for " doubtful
knowledge " which marked him so strongly. He had
exposed, with quiet but unsparing success, the empti-
ness of the claim made by an Austrian chemist to
have discovered a new metal, " Sirium," by the simple
device of analysing out from the mass all the con-
stituents of known sorts, leaving behind — nothing.
And now, Faraday being twenty-nine years of age,
a new and all-important episode in his life occurred
Amongst the members of the little congregation
which met on Sundays at Paul's Alley, Red Cross
Street, was a Mr. Barnard, a working silversmith of
Paternoster Row, an elder in the Sandemanian body.
He had two sons, Edward Barnard, a friend of
Faraday's, and George, who became a well-known
water-colour artist ; and three daughters ; one who was
already at this time married ; Sarah, now twenty-one
years of age ; and Jane, who was still younger.
Edward had seen in Faraday's note-book those boyish
tirades against falling in love, and had told his sister
Sarah of them. Nevertheless, in spite of all such
misogynistic fancies, Faraday woke up one day to
find that the large-eyed, clear-browed girl had grown
to a place in his heart that he had thought barred
HE FALLS IN LOVE. 47
against the assaults of love. She asked him on one
occasion to show her the rhymes against love in his
note-book In reply he sent her the hitherto un-
published poem : —
R. I.
Oct. llth, 1819.
You ask'd me last night for the lines which I penn'd,
When, exulting in ignorance, tempted by pride,
I dared torpid hearts and cold breasts to commend,
And affection's kind pow'r and soft joys to deride.
If you urge it I cannot refuse your request :
Though to grant it will punish severely my crime :
But my fault I repent, and my errors detest ;
And I hoped to have shown my conversion in time.
Remember, our laws in their mercy decide
That no culprit be forced to give proof of his deed :
They protect him though fall'n, his failings they hide,
And enable the wretch from his crimes to receed (sic).
The principle's noble ! I need not urge long
Its adoption ; then turn from a judge to a friend.
Do not ask for the proof that I once acted wrong,
But direct me and guide me the way to amend.
M. F.
What other previous passages between them are hinted
at in the letter which he sent her, is unknown ; but
on July 5, 1820, he wrote : —
Royal Institution.
You know me as well or better than I do myself. You
know my former prejudices, and my present thoughts — you
know my weaknesses, my vanity, my whole mind ; you have
converted me from one erroneous way, let me hope you will
attempt to correct what others are wrong.
Again and again I attempt to say what I feel, but I cannot.
48 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Let me, however, claim not to be the selfish being that
wishes to bend your affections for his own sake only. In
whatever way I can best minister to your happiness either by
assiduity or by absence, it shall be done. Do not injure me
by withdrawing your friendship, or punish me for aiming to
be more than a friend by making me less ; and if you cannot
grant me more, leave me what I possess, but hear me.
Sarah Barnard showed the letter to her father.
She was young, and feared to accept her lover. All
her father would say by way of counsel was that love
made philosophers say many foolish things. The
intensity of Faraday's passion proved for the time a
bar to his advance. Fearing lest she should be unable
to return it with equal force, Miss Barnard shrank
from replying. To postpone an immediate decision,
she went away with her sister, Mrs. Keid, to Kamsgate.
Faraday followed to press his suit, and after several
happy days in her company, varied with country
walks and a run over to Dover, he was able to say :
"Not a moment's alloy of this evening's happiness
occurred. Everything was delightful to the last
moment of my stay with my companion, because she
was so."
Of the many letters that Faraday wrote to his
future wife a number have been preserved. They are
manly, simple, full of quiet affection, but absolutely
free from gush or forced sentiment of any kind.
Extracts from several of them are printed by Bence
Jones. One of these, written early in 1821, runs as
follows : —
I tied up the enclosed key with my books last night,
and make haste to return it lest its absence should occasion
A HAPPV MARRIAGE. 49
confusion. If it has, it will perhaps remind you of the disorder
I must be in here also for the want of a key— I mean the one to
my heart. However, I know where my key is, and hope soon
to have it here, and then the Institution will be all right again.
Let no one oppose my gaining possession of it when unavoid-
able obstacles are removed.
. Ever, my dear girl, one who is perfectly yours,
M. Faraday.
Faraday obtained leave of the managers to bring
his wife to live in his rooms at the Institution; and
in May, 1821, his position was changed from that of
lecture assistant to that of superintendent of the
house and laboratory. In these changes Sir Humphry
Davy gave him willing assistance. But his salary
remained £100 a year.
Obstacles being now removed, Faraday and Miss
Barnard were married on June 12. Few persons were
asked to the wedding, for Faraday wished it to be
"just like any other day." " There will," he wrote,
" be no bustle, no noise, no hurry. ... it is in the
heart that we expect and look for pleasure."
His marriage, though childless, was extremely
happy. Mrs. Faraday proved to be exactly the true
helpmeet for his need ; and he loved her to the end
of his life with a chivalrous devotion which has
become almost a proverb. Little indications of his
attachment crop up in unexpected places in his
subsequent career ; but as with his religious views so
with his domestic affairs, he never obtruded them
upon others, nor yet shrank from mentioning them
when there was cause. Tyndall, in after years, made
the intensity of Faraday's attachment to his wife the
50 MICHEAL FARADAY.
subject of a striking simile : " Never, I believe, existed
a manlier, purer, steadier love. Like a burning
diamond, it continued to shed, for six and forty years,
its white and smokeless glow."
In his diploma-book, now in possession of the
Royal Society, in which he carefully preserved all the
certificates, awards, and honours bestowed upon him
by academies and universities, there may be found on
a slip inserted in the volume this entry : —
25th January, 1847.
Amongst these records and events, I here insert the date of
one which, as a source of honour and happiness, far exceeds
the rest. We were married on June 12, 1821.
M. Faraday.
And two years later, in the autobiographical notes
he wrote : —
On June 12, 1821, he married— an event which more than
any other contributed to his earthly happiness and healthful
state of mind. The union has continued for twenty-eight
years, and has nowise changed, except in the depth and strength
of its character.
When near the close of his life, he presented to
the Royal Institution the bookcase with the volumes
of notes of Davy's lectures and of books bound by
himself, the inscription recorded that they were the
gift of " Michael and Sarah Faraday."
Every Saturday evening he used to take his wife
to her father's house at Paternoster Row, so that on
Sunday they should be nearer to the chapel at Paul's
Alley. And in after years, when he was away on
scientific work, visiting lighthouses, or attending
'o
FIRST ELECTRICAL DISCOVERY. 51
meetings of the British Association, he always tried
to return for the Sunday.
A letter from Liebig in 1844 (see p. 225) gives one
of the very few glimpses of contemporary date of the
impression made by Mrs. Faraday upon others.
One month after his marriage Faraday made his
profession of faith before the Sandemanian church, to
which his wife already belonged, and was admitted a
member. To his religious views, and his relations to
the body he thus formally joined, reference will be
found later.
Faraday now settled down to a routine life of
scientific work. His professional reputation was
rising, and his services as analyst were being sought
after. But in the midst of this he was pursuing
investigations on his own account. In the late
summer of this year he made the discovery of the
electro-magnetic rotations described in Chapter III. —
his first important piece of original research — and
had in consequence a serious misunderstanding with
Dr. Wollaston. On September 3rd, working with
George Barnard in the laboratory, he saw the electric
wire for the first time revolve around the pole of the
magnet. Rubbing his hands as he danced around the
table with beaming face, he exclaimed : " There they
go ! there they go ! we have succeeded at last." Then
he gleefully proposed that they should wind up
the day by going to one of the theatres. Which
should it be ? " Oh, to Astley's, to see the horses."
And to Astley's they went. On Christinas Day he
called his young wife to see something new : an electric
conducting-wire revolving under the influence of the
52 MICHAEL FARADAY.
magnetism of the earth alone. He also read two
chemical papers at the Koyal Society, announcing
new discoveries ; one of them in conjunction with his
friend Phillips. In July, 1822, he took his wife and
her mother to Ramsgate, whilst he went off with
Phillips to Swansea to try a new process in Vivian's
copper works. During this enforced parting, Faraday
wrote his wife three letters from which the following
are extracts : —
(July 21, 1822).
I perceive that if I give way to my thoughts, I shall write
you a mere love-letter, just as usual, with not a particle of
news in it : to prevent which I will constrain myself to a
narrative of what has happened since I left you up to the
present time, and then indulge my affection.
Yesterday was a day of events — little, but pleasant. I
went in the morning to the Institution, and in the course of
the day analysed the water, and sent an account of it to Mr.
Hatchett. Mr. Fisher I did not see. Mr. Lawrence called in,
and behaved with his usual generosity. He had called in the
early part of the week, and, finding that I should be at the
Institution on Saturday only, came up, as I have already said,
and insisted on my accepting two ten-pound bank-notes for
the information he professed to have obtained from me at
various times. Is not this handsome ? The money, as you
know, could not have been at any time more acceptable ; and
I cannot see any reason, my dear love, why you and I should
not regard it as another proof, among many, that our trust
should without a moment's reserve be freely reposed on Him
who provideth all things for His people. Have we not many
times been reproached, by such mercies as these, for our caring
after food and raiment and the things of this world ?
On coming home in the evening, i.e., coming to Paternoster
Eow home, I learned that Mr. Phillips had seen C, and had
told her we should not leave London until Monday evening.
"A MERE LOVE-LETTER." 53
So I shall have to-morrow to get things ready in, and I shall
have enough to do. I fancy we are going to a large mansion
and into high company, so I must take more clothes. Having
the £20, I am become bold
And now, how do my dear wife and mother do ? Are you
comfortable 1 ! are you happy? are the lodgings convenient, and
Mrs. 0. obliging? Has the place done you good? Is the
weather fine ? Tell me all things as soon as you can. I think
if you write directly you get this it will be best, but let it be a
long letter. I do not know when I wished so much for a long
letter as I do from you now. You will get this on Tuesday,
and any letter from you to me cannot reach Swansea before
Thursday or Friday — a sad long time to wait. Direct to me,
Post Office, Swansea ; or perhaps better, to me at — Vivian
Esq., Marino, near Swansea, South Wales
And now, my dear girl, I must set business aside. I am
tired of the dull detail of things, and want to talk of love to
you ; and surely there can be no circumstances under which I
can have more right. The theme was a cheerful and delightful
one before we were married, but it is doubly so now. I now
can speak, not of my own heart only, but of both our hearts.
I now speak, not with any doubt of the state of your thoughts,
but with the fullest conviction that they answer to my own.
All that I can now say warm and animated to you, I know
that you would say to me again. The excess of pleasure which
I feel in knowing you mine is doubled by the consciousness
that you feel equal joy in knowing me yours.
Marino : Sunday, July 28, 1822.
My deaely beloved Wife, — I have just read your letter
again, preparatory to my writing to you, that my thoughts
might be still more elevated and quickened than before. I
could almost rejoice at my absence from you, if it were only
that it has produced such an earnest and warm mark of
affection from you as that letter. Tears of joy and delight fell
from my eyes on its perusal. I think it was last Sunday
evening, about this time, that I wrote to you from London ;
and I again resort to this affectionate conversation with you,
54 MICHAEL FARADAY.
to tell you what has happened since the letter which I got
franked from this place to you on Thursday I believe.
We have been working very hard here at the copper works,
and with some success. Our days have gone on just as before.
A walk before breakfast ; then breakfast ; then to the works
till four or five o'clock, and then home to dress, and dinner.
After dinner, tea and conversation. I have felt doubly at a
loss to-day, being absent from both the meeting and you.
When away from London before, I have had you with me, and
we could read and talk and walk ; to-day I have had no one to
fill your place, so I will tell you how I have done. There are
so many here, and their dinner so late and long, that I made
up my mind to avoid it, though, if possible, without appearing
singular. So, having remained in my room till breakfast time,
we all breakfasted together, and soon after Mr. Phillips and
myself took a walk out to the Mumbles Point, at the extremity
of this side of the bay. There we sat down to admire the
beautiful scenery around us, and, after we had viewed it long
enough, returned slowly home. We stopped at a little village
in our way, called Oystermouth, and dined at a small, neat,
homely house about one o'clock. We then came back to
Marino, and after a little while again went out— Mr. Phillips
to a relation in the town, and myself for a walk on the sands
and the edge of the bay. I took tea in a little cottage, and,
returning home about seven o'clock, found them engaged at
dinner, so came up to my own room, and shall not see them
again to-night. I went down for a light just now, and heard
them playing some sacred music in the drawing-room ; they
have all been to church to-day, and are what are called regular
people.
The trial at Hereford is put off for the present, but yet we
shall not be able to be in town before the end of this week.
Though I long to see you, I do not know when it will be ; but
this I know, that I am getting daily more anxious about you.
Mr. Phillips wrote home to Mrs. Phillips from here even before
I did— i.e. last Wednesday. This morning he received a letter
PROM HUSBAND TO WIFE. 55
from Mrs. Phillips (who is very well) desiring him to ask me
for a copy of one of my letters to you, that he may learn to
write love-letters of sufficient length. He laughs at the scold-
ing, and says that it does not hurt at a distance
It seems to me so long since I left you that there must have
been time for a great many things to have happened. I
expect to see you with such joy when I come home that I shall
hardly know what to do with myself. I hope you will be well
and blooming, and animated and happy, when you see me. I
do not know how we shall contrive to get away from here.
We certainly shall not have concluded before Thursday even-
ing, but I think we shall endeavour earnestly to leave this
place on Friday night, in which case we shall get home late on
Saturday night. If we cannot do that, as I should not like to
be travelling all day on Sunday, we shall probably not leave
until Sunday night ; but I think the first plan will be adopted,
and that you will not have time to answer this letter. I expect,
nevertheless, an answer to my last letter— i.e. I expect that
my dear wife will think of me again. Expect here means
nothing more than I trust and have a full confidence that it
will be so. My kind girl is so affectionate that she would not
think a dozen letters too much for me if there were time to
send them, which I am glad there is not.
Give my love to our mothers as earnestly as you would
your own, and also to Charlotte or John, or any such one that
you may have with you. I have not written to Paternoster
Row yet, but I am going to write now, so that I may be
permitted to finish this letter here. I do not feel quite sure,
indeed, that the permission to leave off is not as necessary
from my own heartas from yours.
With the utmost affection— with perhaps too much — I am,
my dear wife, my Sarah, vour devoted husband,
M. Faraday.
Faraday's next scientific success was the liquefac-
tion of chlorine (see Chapter III, p. 93). This dis-
covery, which created much interest in the scientific
56 MICHAEL FARADAY.
world, was the occasion of a serious trouble with Sir
Humphry Davy ; for doubtless Davy was annoyed
that he had left such a simple experiment to a mere
assistant. Writing on the matter years after, Faraday
said : —
When my paper was written, it was, according to a custom
consequent upon our relative positions, submitted to Sir H.
Davy (as were all my papers for the "Philosophical Transac-
tions " up to a much later period), and he altered it as he
thought fit. This practice was one of great kindness to me,
for various grammatical mistakes and awkward expressions
were from time to time thus removed, which might else have
remained.
In point of fact, Davy on this occasion added a
note (which was duly printed) saying precisely how
far he had any share in suggesting the experiment,
but in no wise traversing any of Faraday's claims.
Although he thus acted generously to the latter, there
can be no question that he began to be seriously
jealous of Faraday's rising fame. The matter was the
more serious because some who did not have a nice
appreciation of the circumstances chose to rake up a
charge which had been raised two years before against
Faraday by some of Dr. Wollaston's friends — in par-
ticular by Dr. Warburton — about the discovery of the
electro -magnetic rotations, a charge which Faraday's
straightforward action and Wollaston's frank satis-
faction ought to have dissipated for ever. And all
this was doubly aggravating because Faraday was
now expecting to be proposed as a candidate for the
Fellowship of the Royal Society, of which Sir Humphry
was President.
PROPOSED FOR THE FELLOWSHIP. 57
At that time, as now, the proposal paper or
" certificate " of a candidate for election must be
presented, signed by a number of influential Fellows.
Faraday's friend Phillips took in hand the pleasant
task of drawing up this certificate and of collecting
the necessary signatures. The rule then was that the
certificate so presented must be read out at ten
successive meetings of the Society ; after which a
ballot took place. Faraday's certificate bears twenty-
nine names. The very first is that of Wollaston, and
it is followed by those of Children, Babington, Sir John
Herschel, Babbage, Phillips, Roget, and Sir James
South.
On the 5th of May, 1823, Faraday wrote to
Phillips : —
A thousand thanks to you for your kindness — I am delighted
with the names— Mr. Brande had told me of it before I got
your note and thought it impossible to be better. I suppose
you wiil not be in Grosvenor Street this Evening, so I will put
this in the post.
Our Best remembrances to Mrs. Phillips.
Yours Ever,
M. Fakaday.
The certificate was read for the first time on
May 1st. The absence of the names of Davy and
Brande is accounted for by the one being President
and the other Secretary. Bence Jones gives the
following account of what followed : —
That Sir H. Davy actively opposed Faraday's election is no
less certain than it is sad.
Many years ago, Faraday gave a friend the following facts,
58 MICHAEL FABADAY.
which were written down immediately : — " Sir H. Davy told
me I must take down my certificate. I replied that I had not
put it up ; that I could not take it down, as it was put up by
my proposers. He then said I must get my proposers to take
it down. I answered that I knew they would not do so.
Then he said, I as President will take it down. I replied that
I was sure Sir H. Davy would do what he thought was for the
good of the Royal Society."
Faraday also said that one of his proposers told him that
Sir H. Davy had walked for an hour round the courtyard of
Somerset House, arguing that Faraday ought not to be elected.
This was probably about May 30.
Faraday also made the following notes on the
circumstance of the charge made by Wollaston's
friends : —
1823. In relation to Davy's opposition to my election at the
Royal Society.
Sir H. Davy angry, May 30.
Phillips' report through Mr. Children, June 5.
Mr. Warburton called first time, June 5 (evening).
I called on Dr. Wollaston, and he not in town, June 9.
I called on Dr. Wollaston, and saw him, June 14.
I called at Sir H. Davy's, and he called on me, June 17.
On July 8 Dr. Warburton wrote that he was
satisfied with Faraday's explanation, and added that
he would tell his friends that " my objections to you
as a Fellow are and ought to be withdrawn, and that
I now wish to forward your election."
Bence Jones adds : —
On June 29, Sir H. Davy ends a note, " I am, dear Faraday,
very sincerely your well wisher and friend." So that outwardly
the storm rapidly passed away ; and when the ballot was
taken, after the certificate had been read at ten meetings, there
was only one black ball.
FELLOWSHIP AND MAGNANIMITY. 59
The election took place January 8, 1824.
Of this unfortunate misunderstanding* Davy's
biographer, Dr. Thorpe, writes : —
The jealousy thus manifested by Davy is one of the most
pitiful facts in his history. It was a sign of that moral weak-
ness which was at the bottom of much of his unpopularity,
and which revealed itself in various ways as his physical
strength decayed." ....
Faraday allowed himself in after days no shade of
resentment against Davy ; though he confessed rather
sadly that after his election as F.R.S. his relations
with his former master were never the same as before.
If anyone recurred to the old scandal, he would fire
with indignation. Dumas in his " FJoge Historique "
has given the following anecdote : —
Faraday never forgot what he owed to Davy. Visiting him
at the family lunch, twenty years after the death of the latter,
he noticed evidently that I responded with some coolness to
the praises which the recollection of Davy's great discoveries
had evoked from him. He made no comment. But, after the
meal, he simply took me down to the library of the Eoyal
Institution, and stopping before the portrait of Davy he said :
" He was a great man, wasn't he?" Then, turning round, he
added, " It was heret that he spoke to me for the first time."
I bowed. We went down to the laboratory. Faraday took
* A writer in the Quarterly Journal of Science for 1868, p. 50, sajs:
" We have reason to know that Davy was slightly annoyed that the
certificate proposing- Faraday for election should have originated with
Richard Phillips, and that he should not have heen consulted before
that gentleman was allowed to take the matter in hand." This is
absurd, because the President was by long-standing etiquette debarred
from signing the certificates of any but foreign members, as the
certificate book of the Royal Society attests.
t See p. 12.
60 MICHAEL FARADAY.
out a note-book, opened it and pointed out with his finger the
words written by Davy, at the very moment when by means
of the battery he had just decomposed potash, and had seen
the first globule of potassium ever isolated by the hand of man.
Davy had traced with a feverish hand a circle which separates
them from the rest of the page : the words, " Capital Experi-
ment," which he wrote beluw, cannot be read without emotion
by any true chemist. I confessed myself conquered, and this
time, without hesitating longer, I joined in the admiration of
my good friend.
Dr. Thorpe in his life of Davy adds : —
.... To the end of his days he [Faraday] regarded Davy
as his true master, preserving to the last, in spite of his know-
ledge of the moral frailties of Davy's nature, the respect and
even reverence which is to be seen in his early lecture notes
and in his letters to his friend Abbott.
In 1823 the Athenteum Club was started by J.
Wilson Croker, Sir H. Davy, Sir T. Lawrence, Sir F.
Chantrey, and others, as a resort for literary and
scientific men. Faraday was made Club Secretary ;
but he found the duties totally uncongenial, and in
1824 resigned the post to his friend Magrath.
Faradaj- was advanced in 1825 to the position of
Director of the Laboratory of the Royal Institution,
Brande remaining Professor of Chemistry. One of
the first acts of the new Director was to hold evening
meetings of the members in the laboratory, when
experiments were shown and some demonstration was
given. There were three or four of these informal
gatherings that year. In the next year these Friday
evening meetings were held more systematically.
There were seventeen during the season, at six of
FEES FOR PROFESSIONAL WORK. 61
which Faraday gave discourses {see p. 100). In 1827
there were nineteen, of which he delivered three.
By this time the gatherings were held in the theatre
as at present, save that ladies were only admitted at
that date, and for many years, to the upper gallery.
He also originated the Christmas lectures to juveniles,
while continuing to give regular courses of morning
lectures, as his predecessors Young and Davy had
done. His activity for the Royal Institution was
incessant.
Down to the year 1830 Faraday continued to
undertake, at professional fees, chemical analyses and
expert work in the law-courts, and thereby added
considerably to the very slender emolument of his
position; but, finding this work to make increasing
demands on his time, which he could ill spare from
the absorbing pursuit of original researches, he
decided to abandon a practice which would have
made him rich, and withdrew from expert practice.
The following letter to Phillips was written only a few
weeks before this determination : —
[M. Faraday to Richard Phillips.]
Royal Institution,
June 21, 1831.
My deaii Phillips, — I have been trying hard to get time
enough to write to you by post to-night, but without success ;
the bell has rung, and I am too late. However, I am resolved
to be ready to-morrow. We have been very anxious and
rather embarrassed in our minds about your anxiety to know
how things were proceeding, and uncertain whether reference
to them would be pleasant, and that has been the cause why I
62 MICHAEL FARADAY.
have not written to you, for I did not know what character
your connexion with Badaras had. I was a little the more
embarrassed because of my acquaintance with Mr. Eickard
and his family, and, of course with his brother-in-law, Dr.
Urchell, of whom I have made numerous enquiries to know
what Mr. Rickard intended doing at Birmingham. He
(expressed a) hope it would be nothing unpleasant to you, but
was not sure. Our only bit of comfort in the matter was on
hearing from Daniell about you a little ; he was here to-day,
and glad to hear of you through me. But now that I may
write, let me say that Mrs. Faraday has been very anxious
with myself, and begs me earnestly to remember her to Mrs.
Phillips. We have often wished we could have had you here
for an hour or two, to break off what we supposed might be
the train of thoughts at home.
With regard to the five guineas, do not think of it for a
moment. Whilst I supposed a mercantile concern wanted my
opinion for its own interested uses, I saw no reason why it
should not pay me ; but it is altogether another matter when
it becomes your affair. I do not think you would have
wished me to pay you five guineas for anything you might
have done personally for me. " Dog don't eat dog," as Sir E.
Home said to me in a similar case. The affair is settled.
I have no doubt I shall be amused and, as you speak of
new facts, instructed by your letter to Dr. Reid, as I am by all
your letters. Daniell says he thinks you are breaking a fly
upon the wheel. You know I consider you as the Prince of
Chemical critics.
Pearsall has been working, as you know, on red man-
ganese solutions. He has not proved, but he makes out a
strong case for the opinion, that they owe their colour and
other properties to manganesic acid. This paper will be in
the next number of the Journal.
With regard to the gramme, wine-pint, etc., etc., in the
manipulation I had great trouble about them, for I could find
no agreement, and at last resolved to take certain conclusions
from Capt. Kater's paper and the Act of Parliament, and
calculate the rest. L I think I took the data at page 67,
SACRIFICES FOR SCIENCE. 63
paragraph 119, as the data, but am not sure, and cannot go
over them again.
My memory gets worse and worse daily. I will not,
therefore, say I have not received your Pharmacopoeia— that
of 1824 is what I have at hand and use. I am not aware of
any other. I have sent a paper to the R. S., but not chemical.
It is on sound, etc., etc. If they print it, of course you will
have a copy in due time.
I am, my dear Phillips,
Most faithfully and sincerely yours,
M. Faraday.
Is it right to ask what has become of Badams 1 I suppose
he is, of course, a defaulter at the E. S.
This sacrifice for science was not small. He had
made £1,000 in 1830 out of these professional
occupations, and in 1831 would have made more but
for his own decision. In 1832 some Excise work that
he had retained brought him in £155 9s. ; but in no
subsequent year did it bring in so much. He might
easily have made £5,000 a year had he chosen to
cultivate the professional connection thus formed;
and as he continued, with little intermission, in
activity till 1860, he might have died a wealthy man.
But he chose otherwise ; and his first reward came in I
the autumn of 1831, in the great discovery on
magneto-electric currents — the principle upon which
all our modern dynamos and transformers are based,
the foundation of all the electric lighting and electric
transmission of power. From this work he went on
to a research on the identity of all the kinds of
electricity, until then supposed to be of separate sorts,
and from this to electro-chemical work of the very
64 MICHAEL FARADAY.
highest value. Of all these investigations some
account will be found in the chapters which
follow.
But the immense body of patient scientific work
thus done for the love of science was not accom-
plished without sacrifices of a more than pecuniary
kind. He withdrew more and more from society,
declined to dine in company, ceased to give dinners,
withdrew from all social and philanthropic organisa-
tions; even withdrew from taking any part in the
management of any of the learned societies. The
British Association for the Advancement of Science
was started in 1831. Faraday took no part in that
movement, and did not attend the inaugural meeting
at York. The next year, however, he attended the
second meeting of that body at Oxford. Here he
" had the pleasure " — it is his own phrase — of making
an experiment on the great magnet in the University
museum, drawing a spark by induction in a coil of
wire. This was a coil 220 feet long, wound on a
hollow cylinder of pasteboard, which had been used
in the classical experiments of the preceding year.
He also showed that the induced currents could heat
a thin wire connected to the terminals of this coil.
These experiments, which were made in conjunction
with Mr. (afterwards Sir William Snow) Harris, Pro-
fessor Daniell, and Mr. Duncan, seem to have excited
great attention at the time. The theologians of
Oxford appear to have been mightily distressed both
by the success of the spark experiment and by the
welcome shown by the University to the representa-
tives of science. The following passage from Pusey's
THE HODGE-PODGE OP PHILOSOPHERS. do
life * reveals the rampant clericalism which then and
for a score of years sought to put back the clock 01
civilisation.
During the Long Vacation of 1832 Pusey had plenty of
work on hand. The British Association had held its first
meeting in Oxford during the month of June, and on the 21st
the honorary degree of D.C.L. was bestowed on four of its
distinguished members : Brewster, Faraday, Brown, and
Dalton. Keble, who was now Professor of Poetry, was angry
at the " temper and tone of the Oxford doctors " ; they had
"truckled sadly to the spirit of the times" in receiving " the
hodge-podge of philosophers " as they did. Dr. L. Carpenter
had assured Dr. Macbride that "the University had prolonged
her existence for a hundred years by the kind reception he
and his fellows had received."
It is not without significance, perhaps, that all the
four men thus contemptuously labelled by Keble as
the " hodge-podge of philosophers '" were Dissenters.
Brewster and Brown (the great botanist and dis-
coverer of the " Brownian " motion of particles)
belonged to the Presbyterian Church of Scotland,
Dalton was a Member of the Society of Friends, and
Faraday a Sandemanian. Newman appears to have
been equally discomposed by the circumstance, for he
got his friend Mr. Rose to write an article — a long
and weary diatribe — against the British Association,
which he inserted in the British Critic for 1839.
Its slanders, assumptions, suppressions, and sugges-
tions are in a very unworthy temper.
Faraday's devotion to the Royal Institution and
its operations was marvellous. He had already
* Liddon's "Life of E. B. Pusey" (1893), p. 219.
66 MICHAEL FARADAY.
abandoned outside professional work. From 1838 he
refused to see any callers except three times a week.
His extreme desire was to give himself uninterrupt-
edly to research. His friend A. de la Rive says : —
Every morning Faraday went into his laboratory as the
man of business goes to his office, and then tried by experi-
ment the truth of the ideas which he had conceived overnight,
as ready to give them up if experiment said no as to follow
out the consequences with rigorous logic if experiment an-
swered yes.
He had in 1827 declined the appointment of
Professor of Chemistry in the University (afterwards
called University College) of London, giving as his
reason the interests of the Royal Institution. He
wrote : —
I think it a matter of duty and gratitude on my part to do
what I can for the good of the Eoyal Institution in the
present attempt to establish it firmly. The Institution has
been a source of knowledge and pleasure to me for the last
fourteen years ;■ and though it does not pay me in salary what
I now strive to do for it, yet I possess the kind feelings and
goodwill of its authorities and members, and all the privileges
it can grant or I require ; and, moreover, I remember the
protection it has afforded me during the past years of my
scientific life. These circumstances, with the thorough con-
viction that it is a useful and valuable establishment, and the
strong hopes that exertions will be followed with success, have
decided me in giving at least two years more to it, in the
belief that after that time it will proceed well, into whatever
hands it may pass.
In 1829, however, he was asked to become lecturer
on chemistry at the Royal Academy at Woolwich. As
this involved only twenty lectures a year he agreed
TRINITY HOUSE APPOINTMENT. 6?
the salary being fixed at £200 a year. These lectures
were continued until 1849.
In 1836 the whole course of his scientific work
was changed by his appointment as scientific adviser
to Trinity House, the body which has official charge
of the lighthouse service in Great Britain. To the
Deputy -master he wrote : —
I consider your letter to me as a great compliment, and
should view the appointment at the Trinity House, which you
propose, in the same light ; but I may not accept even honours
without due consideration.
In the first place, my time is of great value to me ; and
if the appointment you speak of involved anything like
periodical routine attendances, I do not think I could accept it.
But if it meant that in consultation, in the examination of
proposed plans and experiments, in trials, etc., made as my
convenience would allow, and with an honest sense of a duty
to be performed, then I think it would consist with my present
engagements. You have left the title and. the sum in pencil.
These I look at mainly as regards the character of the appoint-
ment ; you will believe me to be sincere in this when yon
remember my indifference to your proposition as a matter
of interest, though not as a matter of kindness.
In consequence of the goodwill and confidence of all around
me, I can at any moment convert my time into money, but I
do not require more of the latter than is sufficient for neces-
sary purposes. The sum, therefore, of £200 is quite enough in
itself, but not if it is to be the indicator of the character of
the appointment ; but I think you do not view it so, and that
you and I understand each other in that respect ; and your
letter confirms me in that opinion. The position which I
presume you would wish me to hold is analogous to that
of a standing counsel.
As to the title, it might be what you pleased almost.
Chemical adviser is too narrow, for you would find me ven-
turing into parts of the philosophy of light not chemical.
68 MICHAEL FARADAY
Scientific adviser you may think too broad (or in me too
presumptuous) ; and so it would be, if by it was understood
all science.
He held the post of scientific adviser for nearly
thirty years. The records of his work are to be
found in nineteen large portfolios full of manuscripts,
all indexed with that minute and scrupulous atten-
tion to order and method which characterised all
his work.
He also held nominally the post of scientific
adviser to the Admiralty, at a salary of £200 a year.
But this salary he never drew. Once the officials ot
the Admiralty requested his opinion upon a printed
advertising pamphlet of somebody's patent disinfect-
ing powder and anti-miasma lamp. Faraday returned
it, with a quietly indignant protest that it was not
such a document as he could be expected to give an
opinion upon.
Faraday's hope, expressed in 1827, that in two
years the Koyal Institution might be restored to a
financially sound position, was not realised. He
worked with the most scrupulous economy, noting
down every detail of expenditure even in farthings.
" We were living on the parings of our own skin,"
he once told the managers. In 1832 the financial
question became acute. At the end of that year a
committee of investigation reported as follows : —
The Committee are certainly of opinion that no reduction
can be made in Mr. Faraday's salary— £100 per annum, house,
coals, and candles ; and beg to express their regret that the
circumstances of the Institution are not such as to justify
their proposing such an increase of it as the variety of duties
A HUNDRED A YEAR, AND TWO ROOMS. 69
which Mr. Faraday has to perform, and the zeal and ability
with which he performs them, appear to merit.
A hundred a year, the use of two rooms, and
coals ! Such was the stipend of the man who had
just before been made D.C.L. of Oxford, and had re-
ceived from the Eoyal Society the highest award it
can bestow — the Copley Medal ! True, he made £200
by the Woolwich lectures; but he had a wife to main-
tain, his aged mother was entirely dependent upon
him, and there were many calls upon his private
exercise of charity.
About the year 1835 it was the intention of Sir
Robert Peel to confer upon him a pension from the
Civil List, but he went out of office before this could
be arranged, and Lord Melbourne became Prime
Minister. Sir James South had in March written
to Lord Ashley, afterwards the well-known Earl ot
Shaftesbury, asking him to place a little historiette
of Faraday in Sir Robert Peel's hands. The said
historiette * contained an account of Faraday's early
career and a description of the electrical machine
which he had constructed as a lad. " Now that his
pecuniary circumstances," it went on, "were im
proved, he sent his younger sister to boarding-school,
but to enable him to defray the expense, to deprive
himself of dinner every other day was absolutely in-
dispensable." Peel expressed to Ashley lively regret
at not having received the historiette earlier when he
was still in office. To Ashley, later, he wrote the
following hitherto unpublished letter : —
* For this information and many particulars of this transaction I
am indebted to Dr. J. H. Gladstone, F.R.S.
70 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Drayton Manor,
May 3, 1835.
My Dear Ashley,— You do me but justice in enter-
taining the belief that had I remained in office one of my
earliest recommendations to his Majesty would have been to
grant a pension to Mr. Faraday, on the same principles pre-
cisely upon which one was granted to Mr. Airy. If there
had been the means, I would have made the offer before I
left office.
I was quite aware of Mr. Faraday's high eminence as a
man of science, and the valuable practical service he has
rendered to the public in that capacity ; but I was to blame in
not having ascertained whether his pecuniary circumstances
made an addition to his income an object to him.
I am sure no man living has a better claim to such a con-
sideration from the State than he has, and I trust the principle
I acted on with regard to the award of civil pensions will not
only remove away impediments of delicacy and independent
feeling from the acceptance of them, but will add a higher
value to the grant of a pension as an honourable distinction
than any that it could derive from its pecuniary amount.
Ever, my dear Ashley,
Most faithfully yours,
Eobert Peel.
Sir James South still endeavoured to bring about
the grant thus deferred, and wrote to the Hon. Caroline
Fox, asking her to put the historiette of Faraday in
the hands of Lord Holland, for him to lay before
Melbourne. Faraday at first demurred to Sir James
South's action, but on the advice of his father-in-law,
Barnard, withdrew his demurrer. Later in the year
he was asked to wait on Lord Melbourne at the
Treasury. He lias left a diary of the events of the
day, October 26 th. According to these notes it
LORD MELBOURNE'S PARTICIPLE. 71
appears that Faraday first had a long talk with
Melbourne's secretary, Mr. Young, about his firs
demurring on religious grounds to accept the pension
about his objection to savings' banks, and the laying-
up of wealth. Later in the day he had a short inter-
view with the- First Lord of the Treasury, when Lord
Melbourne, utterly mistaking the nature of the man
before him, inveighed roundly upon the whole system
of giving pensions to scientific and literary persons,
which he described as a piece of humbug. He pre-
fixed the word " humbug " with a participle which
Faraday's notes describe as " theological." Faraday,
with an instant flash of indignation, bowed and with-
drew. The same evening he left his card and the
following note at the Treasury : —
To the Sight Son. Lord Viscount Melbourne, First Lord of
the Treasury.
October 26.
My Lokd, — The conversation with which your Lordship
honoured me this afternoon, including, as it did, your Lord-
ship's opinion of the general character of the pensions given of
late to scientific persons, induces me respectfully to decline
the favour -which I believe your Lordship intends for me ; for
I feel that I could not, with satisfaction to myself, accept at
your Lordship's hands that which, though it has the form of
approbation, is of the character which your Lordship so pithily
applied to it.
Faraday's diary says : —
Did not like it much, arid, on the whole, regret that friends
should have placed me in the situation in which I found
myself. Lord Melbourne said that "he thought there had
been a great deal of humbug in the whole affair. He did not
72 MICHAEL FARADAY.
mean my affair, of course, but that of the pensions altogether.'
. . . I begged him to understand that I had known nothing
of the matter until far advanced, and, though grateful to those
friends -who had urged it forward, wished him to feel at
perfect liberty in the affair as far as I was concerned. . .
In the evening I wrote and left a letter. I left it myself at
ten o'clock at night, being anxious that Lord Melbourne
should have it before anything further was done in the
affair.
However, the matter did not end here. Faraday's
friends were indignant. A caustic, and probably
exaggerated, account — for which Faraday disclaimed
all responsibility — of the interview appeared in Fraser's
Magazine, and was copied into The Times of Novem-
ber 28th, with the result that, had it not been for
the personal intervention of the King, the pension
might have been refused. The storm, " however,
passed away, and the pension of £300 per annum was
granted on December 24th. Years afterwards, writing
to Mr. B. Bell, Faraday said, " Lord Melbourne behaved
very handsomely in the matter."
In Fraser's Magazine for February, 1836 (vol.
xiii., p. 224), is a portrait of Faraday by Maclise,
accompanied by a very amusing biographical notice
by Dr. Maginn. The picture represents Faraday
lecturing, and surrounded by his apparatus. The
article begins thus : —
Here you have him in his glory— not that his position was
inglorious when he stood before Melbourne, then decorated
with a blue velvet travelling cap, and lounging with one leg
over the chair of Canning ! — and distinctly gave that illus-
trious despiser of "humbug" to understand that he had
mistaken his lad. No ! but here you have him as he first
MICHAELS PENSION. 73
flashed upon the intelligence of mankind the condensation of
the gases, or the identity of the five electricities.
After a lively summary of his career, and the
jocular suggestion that, as the successor of Sir
Humphry Davy, Far-a-day must be near-a-knight
the article continues : —
The f nture Baronet is a very good little fellow . . . playing
a fair fork over a leg of mutton, and devoid of any reluctance to
partake an old friend's third bottle. We know of few things
more agreeable than a cigar and a bowl of punch (which he
mixes admirably) in the society of the unpretending ex-
bookbinder. . . .
Well, although Young got Broderip to write a sort of
defence of his master, and "Justice B " — mirabile dictu! —
got Hook to print it in the John Bull, the current of public
feeling could not be stopped : Kegina spoke out — William
Rex, as in duty bound, followed — Melbourne apologised — and
" Michael's pension, Michael's pension" is all right;
In one of his note-books of this period is found
the following entry : —
15 January, 1834.
Within the last week have observed twice that a slight
obscurity of the sight of my left eye has happened. It
occurred on reading the letters of a book held about fourteen
inches from the eye, being obscured as by a fog over a space
about half an inch in diameter. This space was a little to the .
right and below the axes of the eye. Looking for the effect
now and other times, I cannot perceive it. I note this down
that I may hereafter trace the progress of the effect if it
increases or becomes more common.
Happily, the trouble did not recur ; but the entry
is characteristic of the habits of accuracy of the man.
Loss of memory, unfortunately, early set in. There is
74 MICHAEL FARADAY.
actually a hint of this in the first of his letters to
Abbott (p. 7), and references to the trouble and
to dizziness in the head recur perpetually in his
correspondence. Whenever these brain - troubles
threatened, he was compelled to drop all work and
seek rest and change of scene. He often ran down to
Brighton, which he thought, however, a poor place.
He constructed for himself a velocipede* on which
to take exercise. Two or three times he went to
Switzerland for a longer holiday, usually accompanied
by his wife and her brother, George Barnard.
"Physically," says Tyndall, "Faraday was below
the middle size, well set, active, and with extra-
ordinary animation of countenance. His head from
forehead to back was so long that he had usually to
bespeak his hats." In youth his hair was brown,
curling naturally ; later in life it approached to white,
and he always parted it down the middle. His voice
was pleasant, his laugh was hearty, his manners when
with young people, or when excited by success in the
laboratory, were gay to boyishness. Indeed, until the
end of the active period of his life he never lost the
capacity for boyish delight, or for unbending in fun
after the stress of severe labour.
* " It was probably in a four-wheeled velocipede that Faraday was
accustomed, some thirty years ago, to work his way up and down the
steep roads near Hampstead and Highgate. This machine appears
to have been of his own construction, and was worked by levers and
a crank axle in the same manner as the rest of the four-wheeled class."
— The Velocipede : its past, its present, and its future. By J. F. B. Firth.
London, 1869.
CHAPTER HI.
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES: FIRST PERIOD.
From first to last the original scientific researches of
Faraday extend over a period of forty-four years,
beginning with an analysis of caustic lime, published
in the Quarterly Journal of Science in 1816, and
ending with his last unfinished researches of 1860
to 1862, on the possible existence of new relations
between magnetism and gravity and between mag-
netism and light. The mere list of their titles fills
several pages in the catalogue of scientific papers
published by the Royal Society.
For convenience of description, these forty -four
years may be divided into three periods : the first
lasting from 1816 to 1830, a period of miscellaneous
and in some respects preliminary activity; the second
from 1831 to the end of 1839., the period of the
classical experimental researches in electricity down
to the time when they were temporarily suspended by
the serious state of his health ; the third from 1844,
when he was able to resume work, down to 1860, a
period which includes the completion of the experi-
mental researches on electricity, the discovery of the
76 MICHAEL FARADAY.
relations between light and magnetism, and that ot
diamagnetism.
Faraday's first research was an analysis for Sir
Humphry Davy of a specimen of caustic lime which
had been sent to him by the Duchess of Montrose
from Tuscany. The Quarterly Journal of Science, in
which it appeared, was a precursor of the Proceedings
of the Royal Institution, and was indeed edited by
Professor W. F. Brande. Faraday frequently wrote
for it during these years, and took editorial charge ot
it on more than one occasion during Brande's holidays.
The paper on caustic lime was reprinted by Faraday
in the volume of his " Experimental Researches on
Chemistry and Physics," prefaced by the following
note : —
I reprint this paper at full length ; it was the beginning of
my communications to the public, and in its results very
important to me. Sir Humphry Davy gave me the analysis
to make as a first attempt in chemistry, at a time when my
fear was greater than my confidence, and both far greater than
my knowledge ; at a time also when I had no thought of ever
writing an original paper on science. The addition of his own
comments, and the publication of the paper, encouraged me to
go on making, from time to time, other slight communications,
some of which appear in this volume. Their transference from
the Quarterly into other journals increased my boldness, and
now that forty years have elapsed, and I can look back on
what successive communications have led to, I still hope, much
as their character has changed, that I have not either now or
forty years ago been too bold.
For the next two or three years Faraday was
very closely occupied in the duties of assisting Sir
Humphry Davy in his researches, and in helping to
RESEARCHES BEGINNING. 77
prepare the lectures for both Davy and Brande. Yet
he found time still to work on his own account. In
1817 he had six papers and notes in the Quarterly
Journal of Science, including one on the escape of
gases through capillary tubes, and others on wire-
gauze safety lamps and Davy's experiments on flame.
In 1818 he had eleven papers in the Journal ; the
most important being on the production of sound in
tubes by flames, while another was on the combustion
of the diamond. In 1819 he had nineteen papers in
the Quarterly Journal, chiefly of a chemical nature.
These related to boracic acid, the composition of
steels, the separation of manganese from iron, and on
the supposed new metal, " Sirium " or " Vestium,"
which he showed to be only a mixture of iron and
sulphur with nickel, cobalt, and other metals.
The year 1820 was marked in the annals of science
by the discovery,' by Oersted of Copenhagen, of the
prime fact of electromagnetism, the deflexion which is
produced upon a magnetic needle by an electric current
that passes either under or over the needle. Often had
it been suspected that there must be some connection
between the phenomena of electricity and those ot
magnetism. The similarities between the attractions
and repulsions caused by electrified bodies, and those
due to the magnet when acting on iron, had constantly
suggested the possibility that there was some real
connection. But, as had been pointed out centuries
before by St. Augustine, while the rubbed amber will
attract any substance if only small or light enough,
being indifferent to its material, the magnet will only
attract iron or compounds of iron, and is totally
78 MICHAEL FARADAY.
inoperative* on all other substances. Again, while it
had been noticed that in houses which had been
struck by lightning knives, needles, and other steel
objects near the path of the electric flash had become
magnetised, no one had been able, by using the most
powerful electric machines, to repeat with certainty
the magnetisation of needles. In vain they had tried
to magnetise knives and wires by sending sparks
through them. Sometimes they showed a trace of
magnetism, sometimes none. And in the cases where
some slight magnetisation resulted, the polarity could
not be depended upon. Van Swinden had written
a whole treatise in two volumes on the analogies
between electricity and magnetism, but left the real
relation between the two more obscure than ever.
After the invention, in 1800, of the voltaic pile, which
for the first time provided a means of generating a
steady flow or current of electricity, several experi-
menters, including Oersted himself, had again essayed
to discover the long-suspected connection, but with-
out success. Oersted was notoriously a poor experi-
menter, though a man of great philosophical genius.
Having in 1820 a more powerful voltaic battery in
operation than previously, he repeated t the operation
of bringing near to the compass needle the copper wire
that conveyed the current ; and, laying it parallel to
the needle's direction, and over or under it, found that
the needle tended to turn into a direction at right
* Except on nickel and cobalt, which are also para-magnetic metals.
+ For a graphic account by Hansteen of the circumstances of
Oersted's discovery, see Bence Jones's " Life and Letters of Faraday,"
vol. ii. p. 390.
oersted's discoveky. 79
angles to the line of the current, the sense of the
deviation depending upon the direction of now of the
current, and also on the position of the wire as to
whether it were above or below the needle. A current
flowing from south to north over the needle caused
the north-pointing end of the needle to be deflected
westwards. If the wire were vertical, so that the
current flowed downwards, and a compass needle was
brought near the wire on the south side, therefore
tending under the earth's directive influence to point
northwards toward the wire, it was observed that the
effect of the current flowing in the wire was to cause
the north-pointing end of the needle to turn west-
wards. Or, reversing the flow of current, the effect
on the needle was reversed ; it now tended eastwards.
All these things Oersted summed up in the phrase
that " the electric conflict acts in a revolving manner "
around the wire.* In modern phraseology the whole
of the actions are explained if one can conceive that
the effect of the electric flow in the wire is to tend to
make the north pole of a magnet revolve in one sense
around the wire, whilst it also tends to make the
south pole of the magnet revolve around the wire in
the other sense. The nett result in most cases is that
* " To the effect which takes place in this conductor [or uniting
wive] and in the surrounding space, we shall give the name of the
conflict of electricity ." ....
"From the preceding facts we may likewise collect that this con-
flict performs circles ; for without this condition, it seems impossible
that the one part of the uniting wire, when placed below the magnetic
pole, should drive it towards the east, and when placed above it
towards the west ; for it is the nature of a circle that thu motions in
opposite parts should have an opposite direction." — H. C. Oei;sii:ii,
Ann. of Phil., Oct. 1820, pp. 273-270.
80 MICHAEL FARADAY.
the magnetic needle tends to set itself square across
the line of the current. Oersted himself was not too
clear in his explanations, and seems, in his later
papers, to have lost sight of the circular motion
amidst repulsions and attractions.
This discovery, which showed what was the
geometrical relation between the magnet and the
current, also showed why the earlier attempts had
failed. It was requisite that the electricity should
be in a state of steady flow ; neither at rest as in the
experiments with electric charges, nor yet in capricious
or oscillatory rush as in those with spark-discharges.
Faraday, adverting a quarter of a century later to
Oersted's discovery, said : " It burst open the gates of
a domain in science, dark till then, and filled it with
a flood of light."
The very day that Oersted's memoir was pub-
lished in England, Davy brought a copy down into
the laboratory of the Royal Institution, and he and
Faraday at once set to work to repeat the experi-
ments and verify the facts.
It is a matter of history how, on the publication
of Oersted's discovery, Ampere leaped forward to
generalise on electromagnetic actions, and discovered
the mutual actions that may exist between two
currents, or rather between' two conducting wires that
carry currents. They are found to experience mutual
mechanical forces urging them into parallel prox-
imity. Biot and Laplace added to these investiga-
tions, as also did Arago. Davy discovered that the
naked copper wire, while carrying a current, could
attract iron filings to itself— not end-ways in adherent
A PARADOXICAL PHENOMENON. 81
tufts, as the pole of a magnet does, but laterally, each
filing or chainlet of filings tending to set itself
tangentially at right angles to the axis of the
wire.
This curious right-angled relation between electric
flow and magnetic force came as a complete paradox
or puzzle to the scientific world. It had taken
centuries to throw off the strange unmechanical ideas
of force which had dominated the older astronomy.
The epicyclic motions of the planets postulated by
the Ptolemaic system were in no way to be accounted
for upon mechanical principles. Kepler's laws of
planetary motion were merely empirical, embodying
the results of observation, until Newton's discovery of
the laws of circular motion and of the principle of
universal gravitation placed the planetary theory on
a rational basis. Newton's laws required that forces
should act in straight lines, and that to every action
there should be an equal and opposite reaction. If
A attracted B, then B attracted A with an equal force,
and the mutual force must be in the line drawn from
a to b. The discovery by Oersted that the magnet
pole was urged by the electric wire in a direction
transverse to the line joining them, appeared at first
sight to contravene the ideas of force so thoroughly
established by Newton. How could this transver-
sality be explained ? Some sought to explain the
effect by considering the conducting wire to operate
as if made up of a number of short magnets set
transversely across the wire, all their north poles
being set towards the right, and all their south poles
towards the left. Ampere took the alternative view
G
82 MICHAEL FARADAY.
that the magnet might be regarded as equivalent to a
number of electric currents circulating transversely
around the core as an axis. In neither case was the
explanation complete.
Faraday's scientific activities in the year 1820
were very marked. New researches on steel had
been going on for some months. It had been
hoped that by alloying iron with some other metals,
such as silver, platinum, or nickel, a non-rusting
alloy might be found. This idea took its rise from
the erroneous notion that meteoric iron, which is
richly alloyed with nickel, does not rust. Faraday
found nickel steel to be more readily oxidised, not
less, than ordinary steel. The platinum steel was
also a failure. Silver steel was of more interest,
though it was found impossible to incorporate in
the alloy more than a small percentage of silver.
Nevertheless, silver steel was used for some time
by a Sheffield firm for manufacture of fenders.
The alloys of iron with platinum, iridium, and
rhodium were also of no great use. But the re-
search demonstrated the surprising effects which
minute quantities of other metals may have upon
the quality of steel. Occasionally in later life Faraday
would present one of his friends with a razor made
from his own special steel. A paper on the use of
alloys of steel in surgical instrument making was
published in the Quarterly Journal in collaboration
with Mr. Stodart. Faraday also read his first paper
before the Royal Society on two new compounds of
chlorine and carbon, and on a new compound of
iodine, carbon, and hydrogen. He also succeeded in
TWO YEARS WASTED. 83
making artificial plumbago from charcoal. In writing
to his friend Professor G. de la Rive, he gives a long
and chatty abstract of his researches on the alloys of
steel. They appear to have originated in some analyses
of wootz or Indian steel, a material which, when etched
with acid, shows a beautifully damascened or reti-
culated surface. This effect Faraday never found
with pure steel, but imitated it successfully with a
steel alloyed with " the metal of alumine," an element
which down to that time had not been isolated. He
then describes the rhodium, silver, and nickel steels,
and mentions incidentally how he has been surprised
to discover that he can volatilise silver, and that he
cannot reduce the metal titanium. He is doubtful
whether this metal " ever has been reduced at all in
the pure state." [It can now be readily reduced
either in the electric arc or by the use of metallic
aluminium.] He winds up the letter with the words :
" Pray pity us that, after two years' experiments, we
have got no further ; but I am sure, if you knew the
labour of the experiments, you would applaud us for
our perseverance at least."
In 1821, the year of his marriage, came the first of
the important scientific discoveries which brought
him international fame. This was the discovery of
the electromagnetic rotations. It appears that
Oersted's brilliant flash of insight that the " electric
conflict acts in a revolving manner " upon the pole of
the neighbouring compass needle had been lost sight
of in the discussions which followed, and to which
allusion has been made above. All the world was
thinking about attractions and repulsions. Two men,
84 MICHAEL FARADAY.
however, seem to have gone a little further in their
ideas. Dr. Wollaston had suggested that there ought
to be a tendency, when a magnet pole was presented
towards a straight conducting wire carrying a current,
for that conducting wire to revolve around its own
axis. This effect — though in recent years it has been
observed by Mr. George Gore — he unsuccessfully tried
to observe by experiments. He came in April, 1821,
to the laboratory of the Royal Institution to make an
experiment, but without result. Faraday, at the
request of his friend Phillips, who was editor of the'
Annals of Philosophy, wrote for that magazine in
July, August, and September a historical sketch of
electromagnetism down to date. This was one of
the very few of Faraday's writings that was anonymous.
It was simply signed " M." This is in vol. iii. p. 107.
On p. 117 the editor says: "To the historical sketch
of electromagnetism with' which I have been favoured
by my anonymous correspondent, I shall add a sketch
of the discoveries that have been made by Mr.
Faraday of the Royal Institution." In the course of
this work Faraday repeated for his own satisfaction
almost all the experiments that he described. This
led him to discover that a wire, included in the circuit,
but mounted so as to hang with its lower end in a
pool of quicksilver, could rotate around the pole of a
magnet; and conversely that if the wire were fixed
and the pole of the magnet free to move, the latter
would rotate around the former. " I did not realise,"
he wrote, " Dr. Wollaston's expectation of the rotation
of the electromagnetic wire around its axis." As was
so often his custom, he had no sooner finished the
LETTER TO DE LA RIVE. 85
research for publication than he dashed off a brief
summary of it in a letter to one of his friends. On
this occasion it was Professor G. de la Rive, of Geneva,
who was the recipient of his confidences. On
September 12 he wrote : —
I am much flattered and encouraged to go on by your good
opinion of what little things I have been able to do in science,
and especially as regards the chlorides of carbon.
You partly reproach us here with not sufficiently esteeming
Ampere's experiments on electromagnetism. Allow me to
extenuate your opinion a little on this point. With regard to
the experiments, I hope and trust that due weight is allowed
to them ; but these you know are few, and theory makes up
the great part of what M. Ampere has published, and theory
in a great many points unsupported by experiments when they
ought to have been adduced. At the same time, M. Ampere's
experiments are excellent, and his theory ingenious ; and, for
myself, I had thought very little about it before your letter
came, simply because, being naturally sceptical on philosophical
theories, I thought there was a great want of experimental
evidence. Since then, however, I have engaged on the subject,
and have a paper in our " Institution Journal," which will
appear in a week or two, and that will, as it contains experi-
ment, be immediately applied by M. Ampere in support of his
theory, much more decidedly than it is by myself. I intend
to enclose a copy of it to you with the other, and only want
the means of sending it.
I find all the usual attractions and repulsions of the
magnetic needle by the conjunctive wire are deceptions, the
motions being not attractions or repulsions, nor the result of
any attractive or repulsive forces, but the result of a force in
the wire, which instead of bringing the pole of the needle
nearer to, or further from the wire, endeavours to make it
move round it in a never ending circle and motion whilst the
86 MICHAEL FARADAY.
battery remains in action. I have succeeded not only in
showing the existence of this motion theoretically, but experi-
mentally, and have been able to make the wire revolve round
a magnetic pole, or a magnetic pole round the wire, at pleasure.
The law of revolution, and to which all the other motions
of the needle and wire are reducible, is simple and
beautiful.
Conceive a portion of connecting wire north and south, the
north end being attached to the positive pole of a battery, the
south to the negative. A north magnetic pole would then pass
round it continually in the apparent direction of the sun, from
east to west above, from west to east below.
Reverse the connections with the battery, and the motion
of the pole is reversed ; or if the south pole be made to revolve,
the motions will be in the opposite directions, as with the
north pole.
If the wire be made to revolve round the pole, the motions
are according to those mentioned. In the apparatus I used
there were but two plates, and the directions of the motions
were of course* the reverse of those with a battery of several
pairs of plates, and which are given above. Now I have been
able, experimentally, to trace this motion into its various forms
as exhibited by Ampere's, Nelice's, &c, and in all cases to show
that the attractions and repulsions are only appearances due
to this circulation of the pole, to show that dissimilar poles
repel as well as attract, and that similar poles attract as well as
repel, and to make, I think, the analogy between the helix and
common bar magnet far stronger than before. But yet I am
by no means decided that there are currents of electricity in
the common magnet.
I have no doubt that electricity puts the circles of the helix
into the same state as those circles are in, that may be con-
ceived in the bar magnet, but I am not certain that this state
is directly dependant on the electricity, or that it cannot be
produced by other agencies ; and therefore, until the presence
of electrical currents be proved in the magnet by other than
* This is an error due to haste in writing.
LEAVES FROM THE NOTE-BOOK. 87
magnetical effects, I shall remain in doubt about Ampere's
theory.
[.Wishing you all health and happiness, and waiting for news
from you,
I am, my dear Sir, your very obliged and grateful
M. Fakaday.
The reference at the beginning of this letter to
the chlorides of carbon has to do with his discovery
communicated to the Royal Society. Later in the
year, a joint paper on another compound of carbon
and chlorine, by himself and his friend Richard
Phillips, was sent in. Both were printed together in
the Philosophical Transactions of 1821.
The following is an extract from Faraday's labora-
tory book relating to the discovery. The account is
incomplete, a leaf having been torn out :—
1821, Sept. 3.
The effort of the wire is always to pass off at a right angle
from the pole, indeed to go in a circle round it, so when either
pole was brought up to the wire perpendicular to it and to the
radius of the circle it described, there was neither attraction
nor repulsion, but the moment the pole varied in the slightest
manner either in or out, the wire moved one way or the other.
The poles of the magnet act on the bent wire in all positions
and not in the direction only of any axis of the magnet, so
that the current can hardly be cylindrical or arranged round
the axis of a cylinder ?
From the motion above a north magnet pole in the centre
of one of the circles should make the wire continually turn
round. Arranged a magnet needle in a glass tube with mercury
about it, and by a cork, water, &c, supported a connecting
wire so that the upper end should go into the silver cup and
its mercury, and the lower move in a channel of mercury round
S8
MICHAEL FAEADAT.
the pole of the needle. The battery arranged with the wire as
before. In this way got the revolution of the wire round the
pole of the magnet. The direction was as follow, looking from
above down : —
Fig. 2. (Facsimile op Original Sketch.)
Very satisfactory, but make more sensible apparatus.
Tuesday, Sept. 4.
Apparatus for revolution of wire and magnet. A deep
basin with bit of wax at bottom and then filled with mercury.
A magnet stuck upright in wax so that pole just above the
surface of mercury. Then piece of wire floated by cork at
lower end dipping into mere 5, and above into silver cup as
before : —
rtb
Fig. 3. (Facsimile op Omginal Sketch.)
The research on the electromagnetic rotations,
which was published in the Quarterly Journal of
Science for October, 1821 (and reprinted in the second
volume of the " Experimental Researches in Elec-
tricity "), was the occasion of a very serious misunder-
standing with Dr. Wollaston and his friends, which
at one time threatened to cause Faraday's exclusion
SCENES IN THE LABORATORY. 89
from the Royal Society. Faraday's prompt and frank
action in appealing to Dr. Wollaston saved him in a
very unpleasant crisis ; and the latter came three or
four times to the laboratory to witness the experi-
ments. On Christmas Day of the same year, Faraday
succeeded in making a wire through which an electric
current is passing move under the influence of the
earth's magnetism alone. His brother-in-law, George
Barnard, who was in the laboratory at the time,
wrote : — " All at once he exclaimed, ' Do you see, do
you see, do you see, George ? ' as the wire began to
revolve. One end I recollect was in the cup of quick-
silver, the other attached above to the centre. I shall
never forget the enthusiasm expressed in his face
and the sparkling in his eyes ! "
In 1822 little was added to Faraday's scientific
work. He had a joint paper with Stodart on steel
before the Royal Society, and in the Quarterly
Journal two short chemical papers and four on
electromagnetical motions and magnetism. He had
long kept a commonplace book in which he entered
notes and queries as well as extracts from books and
journals ; but this year he began a fresh manuscript
volume, into which he transferred many of the
queries and suggestions of his own originating. This
volume he called "Chemical Notes, Hints, Suggestions,
and Objects of Pursuit." It contains many of the
germs of his own future discoveries, as the following
examples show : —
Convert magnetism into electricity.
Do pith balls diverge by disturbance of electricities in
consequence of induction or not 1
90 MICHAEL FARADAY.
General effects of compression, either in condensing gases,
or producing solutions, or even giving combinations at low
temperatures.
Light through gold leaf on to zinc or most oxidable metals,
these being poles — or on magnetic bars.
Transparency of metals. Sun's light through gold leaf.
Two gold leaves made poles — light passed through one to the
other.
Whenever any query found an answer, he drew
his pen through it and added the date. In front of
the book— probably at some later time — he wrote
these words : —
1 already owe much to these notes, and think such a
collection worth the making by every scientific man. I am
sure none would think the trouble lost after a year's experience.
A striking example had already occurred of similar
suggestive notes in the optical queries of Sir Isaac
Newton.
In another manuscript notebook occur the follow
ing entries under date of September 10, 1821 : —
2 similar poles though they repell at most distances attract
at very small distances and adhere. Query why
Could not magnetise a plate of steel so as to resemble flat
spiral. Either the magnetism would be very weak and
irregular or there would be none at all.
These are interesting as showing how Faraday
was educating himself by continual experiment. The
explanation of each of these paradoxes has long
passed into the commonplace of physics ; but they
would still puzzle many who have learned their
science bookishly at second-hand.
AN UNSUCCESSFUL EXPERIMENT. 91
It will be noted that amongst the entries cited
above there are two of absolutely capital importance,
one foreshadowing the great discovery of magneto-
electric induction, the other indicating how the
existence of electro-optical relations was shaping
itself as a possibility in Faraday's mind. An entry in
his laboratory book of September 10 is of great
interest : —
Polarised a ray of lamp-light by reflection, and endeavoured
to ascertain whether any depolarising action [is] exerted on it
by water placed between the poles of a voltaic battery in a
glass cistern ; one Wollaston's trough used ; the fluids
decomposed were pure water, weak solution of sulphate of
soda, and strong sulphuric acid : none of them had any effect
on the polarised light, either when out of or in the voltaic
circuit, so that no particular arrangement of particles could be
ascertained in this way.
It may be added that no such optical effect of
electrolytic conduction as that here looked for has
yet been discovered. The experiment, unsuccessful
at that day, remains still an unsuccessful one. A
singular interest attaches to it, however, and it was
repeated several times by Faraday in subsequent
years, in hope of some results.
In 1823 Faraday read two papers to the Koyal
Society, one on Liquid Chlorine, the other on the
Condensation of several Gases into Liquids. No
sooner was the work completed than he dashed off a
letter to De la Rive to tell him what he had accom-
plished. Under date March 24, 1823, he writes : —
I have been at work lately, and obtained results which I
hope you will approve of. I have been interrupted twice in
92 MICHAEL FARADAY.
the course of experiments by explosions, both in the course of
eight days — one burnt my eyes, the other cut them ; but
fortunately escaped with slight injury only in both cases, and
am now nearly well. During the winter I took the opportunity
of examining the hydrate of chlorine, and analysing it ; the
results, which are not very important, will appear in the next
number of the Quarterly Journal, over which I have no
influence. Sir H. Davy, on seeing my paper, suggested to me
to work with it under pressure, and see what would happen by
heat, &c. Accordingly I enclosed it in a glass tube hermetically
sealed, heated it, obtained a change in the substance, and a
separation into two different fluids ; and upon further examina-
tion I found that the chlorine and water had separated from
each other, and the chlorine gas, not being able to escape, had
condensed into the liquid form. To prove that it contained
no water, I dried some chlorine gas, introduced it into a long
tube, condensed it, and then cooled the tube, and again
obtained fluid chlorine. Hence what is called chlorine gas is
the vapour of a fluid
I expect to be able to reduce many other gases to the liquid
form, and promise myself the pleasure of writing you about
them. I hope you will honour me with a letter soon.
I am, dear Sir, very faithfully, your obedient servant,
M. Faraday.
The work of liquefying the gases had been taken
up by Faraday during his hours of liberty from other
duties. It was probably his characteristic dislike to
" doubtful knowledge " which prompted him to re-
examine a substance which had at one time been
regarded as chlorine in a solid state, but which Davy
in 1810 had demonstrated to be a hydrate of that
element. The first work was, as narrated above, to
make a new analysis of the supposed substance. This
analysis, duly written out, was submitted to Sir
CHLORINE LIQUEFIED. 93
Humphry, who, without stating precisely what results
he anticipated might follow, suggested heating the
hydrate under pressure in a hermetically sealed glass
tube. This Faraday did. When so heated, the tube
filled with a yellow atmosphere, and on cooling was
found to contain two liquids, one limpid and colour-
less like water, the other of an oily appearance.
Concerning this research a curious story is told in the
life of Davy. Dr. Paris, Davy's friend and biographer,
happened to visit the laboratory while Faraday was
at work on these tubes. Seeing the oily liquid, he
ventured to rally the young assistant upon his care-
lessness in employing greasy tubes. Later in the day,
Faraday, on filing off the end of the tube, was startled
by finding the contents suddenly to explode; the
oily matter completely disappearing. He speedily
ascertained the cause. The gas, liberated from com-
bination with water by heat, had under the pressure
of its own evolution liquefied itself, only to re-expand
with violence when the tube was opened. Early the
next day Dr. Paris received the following laconic
note: —
Dear Sir,—
The oil you noticed yesterday turns out to be liquid
chlorine.
Yours faithfully,
M. Fakaday.
Later he adopted a compressing syringe to condense
the gas, and again succeeded in liquefying it. Davy,
who added a characteristic note to Faraday's published
paper, immediately applied the same method of
liquefaction by its own pressure to hydrochloric acid
94 MICHAEL FARADAY.
gas ; and Faraday reduced a number of other gases
by the same means. These researches were not with-
out danger. In the preliminary experiments an ex-
plosion of one of the tubes drove thirteen fragments
of glass into Faraday's eye. At the end of the year he
drew up a historical statement on the liquefaction of
gases, which was published in the Quarterly Journal
for January, 1824. A further statement by him was
published in the Philosophical Magazine for 1836;
and in 1844 his further researches on the lique-
faction of gases were published in the Philosophical
Transactions.
In 1824 Faraday again brought to the Royal
Society a chemical discovery of first importance.
The paper was on some new compounds of carbon
and hydrogen, and on certain other products obtained
during decomposition of oil by heat. From condensed
oil-gas, so obtained, Faraday succeeded in separating
the liquid known as benzin or benzol, or, as he named
it at the time, bicarburet of hydrogen. It has since
its discovery formed the basis of several great chemical
industries, and is manufactured in vast quantities.
Prior to the reading of this paper he had, as we have
already related, been elected a Fellow of the Royal
Society, an honour to which he had for some years
aspired, and which stood alone in his regard above
the scientific honours of later years.
In this year he tried, amongst his unsuccessful
experiments, two of singular interest. One was an
attempt to find whether two crystals (such as nitre)
exercised upon one another any polar attractions like
those ot two lodestones. He suspended them by
RESEARCH ON OPTICAL GLASS. 95
fibres of cocoon silk, and, finding this material not
delicate enough, by spider-lines. The other was an
attempt to discover magneto-electricity. For various
reasons he concluded that the approximation of the
pole of a powerful magnet to a conductor carrying a
current would have the effect of diminishing the
amount of that current. He placed magnets within
a copper wire helix, and observed with a galvanometer
whether the current sent through the circuit of the
helix by a given battery was less when the magnet
was absent. The result was negative.
In this year also began the laborious researches
on optical glass, which though in themselves leading to
no immediate success of commercial value, nevertheless
furnished Faraday with the material essential at the
time for the making of the most momentous of all
his discoveries. A committee had been appointed by
the President and Council of the Koyal Society for
the improvement of glass for optical purposes,
and Faraday was amongst those chosen to act
upon it.
In 1825 the Royal Society Committee delegated I
the investigation of optical glass to a sub-committee
of three, Herschel (afterwards Sir John), Dollond
(the optician), and Faraday. The chemical part, in
eluding the experimental manufacture, was entrusted
to Faraday. Dollond was to work the glass and test
its qualities from the instrument maker's point ofl
view, whilst Herschel was to examine its refraction,
dispersion, and other physical properties. This sub-
committee worked for nearly five years, though by
the removal of Herschel from England its number was
96 MICHAEL FARADAY.
reduced to two. In 1827 the work became more
arduous. Faraday thus writes : —
The President and Council of the Koyal Society applied to
the President and Managers of the Royal Institution for leave
to erect on their premises an experimental room with a
furnace, for the purpose of continuing the investigation on the
manufacture of optical glass. They were guided in this by the
desire which the Royal Institution has always evinced to
assist in the advancement of science ; and the readiness with
which the application was granted showed that no mistaken
notion had been formed in this respect. As a member of both
bodies, I felt much anxiety that the investigation should be
successful. A room and furnaces were built at the Royal
Institution in September, 1827, and an assistant was engaged,
Sergeant Anderson, of the Royal Artillery. He came on the
3rd of December.
Anderson, who was thus made assistant to Faraday,
remained in that capacity till his death in 1866. He
was a most devoted servant. In a footnote to the
" Experimental Researches " (vol. iii. p. 3) Faraday in
1845 wrote of him : —
I cannot resist the occasion that is thus offered me of
mentioning the name of Mr. Anderson, who came to me as an
assistant in the glass experiments, and has remained ever since
in the laboratory of the Royal Institution. He assisted me in
all the researches into which I have entered since that time ;
and to his care, steadiness, exactitude, and faithfulness in the
performance of all that has been committed to his charge, I
am much indebted. — M. F
Tyndall, who had a great admiration for Anderson,
declared that his merits as an assistant might be
summed up in one phrase — blind obedience. The
story is told of him bv Benjamin Abbott: —
Anderson's oheoience. 97
Sergeant Anderson . . . was chosen simply because of
the habits of strict obedience his military training had given
him. His duty was to keep the furnaces always at the same
heat, and the water in the ashpit always at the same level. In
the evening he was released, but one night Faraday forgot to
tell Anderson he could go home, and early next morning he
found his faithful servant still stoking the glowing furnace, as
he had been doing all night long.
The research on optical glass was viewed askance
by several parties. The expenditure of money which
it involved was one of the " charges " hurled against
the Council of the Royal Society by Sir James South
in 1830. Nevertheless it was deemed sufficiently
important to receive powerful support, as the follow-
ing letter shows : —
Admiralty, 20 Dec, 1827.
Sir,
I hereby request, on behalf of the Board of Longitude,
that you will continue, in the furnace built at the Royal
Institution, the experiments on glass, directed by the joint
Committee of the Royal Society and the Board of Longitude'
and already sanctioned by the Treasury and the Board of
Excise.
I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Thomas Young, M.D.,
Michael Faraday, Esq., Sec. Bd. Long.
Royal Institution.
In February, 1825, Faraday's duties towards the
Royal Institution were somewhat modified. Hitherto
he had been nominally a mere assistant to Davy
and Brande, though he had occasionally undertaken
lectures for the latter. Now, on Davy's recommenda-
tion, he was, as we have seen, appointed by the
H
98 MICHAEL FARADAY.
managers Director of the Laboratory under the super-
intendence of the Professor of Chemistry. He was
relieved, " because of his occupation in research," from
his duty as chemical assistant at the lectures.
The research on optical glass was not concluded
till 1829, when its results were communicated to the
Ro}'al Society in the Bakerian lecture of that year — a
memoir so long that it is said three sittings were
occupied in its delivery. It is printed in extenso in
the Philosophical Transactions of 1830. It opens
as follows : —
When the philosopher desires to apply glass in the con-
struction of perfect instrument'', and especially the achromatic
telescope, its manufacture is found liable to imperfections so
important and so difficult to avoid, that science is frequently
stopped in her progress by them — a fact fully proved by the
circumstance that Mr. Dollond, one of our first opticians, has
not been able to obtain a disc of flint glass 4^ inches in diameter,
fit for a telescope, within the last five years ; or a similar disc,
of 5 inches, within the last ten years.
This led to the appointment by Sir H. Davy of the Eoyal
Society Committee, and the Government removed the excise
restrictions, and undertook to bear all the expenses as long as
the investigation offered a reasonable hope of success.
The experiments were begun at the Falcon Glass Works,
three miles from the Royal Institution, and continued there in
1825, 1826, and to Sept., 1827. when a room was built at the
Institution. At first the inquiry was pursued principally as
related to flint and crown glass ; but in September, 1828, it
was directed exclusively to the preparation and perfection of
peculiar heavy and fusible glasses, from which time continued
progress has been made.
In 1830 the experiments on glass-making were
stopped.
In 1831 the Committee for the Improvement of
GLASS-MAKINU LAID ASIDE. 99
Glass for Optical Purposes reported to the Royal
Society Council that the telescope made with Mr.
Faraday's glass had been examined by Captain Kater
and Mr. Pond. " It bears as great a power as can
reasonably be expected, and is very achromatic. The
Committee therefore recommend that Mr. Faraday be
requested to make a perfect piece of glass of the
largest size that his present apparatus will admit, and
also to teach some person to manufacture the glass
for general sale."
In answer to this Faraday sent the following letter
to Dr. Roget, Sec. R.S. : —
[M. Faraday to P. M. Boget.]
Eoyal Institution, July 4, 1831.
Dear Sir, — I send you herewith four large and two small
manuscript volumes relating to optical glass, and comprising
the journal book and sub-committee book, since the period
that experimental investigations commenced at the Royal
Institution.
With reference to the request which the Council of the
Royal Society have done me the honour of making— namely,
that I should continue the investigation — I should, under cir-
cumstances of perfect freedom, assent to it at once ; but obliged
as I have been to devote the whole of my spare time to the ex-
periments already described, and consequently to resign the
pursuit of such philosophical inquiries as suggested themselves
to my own mind, I would wish, under the present circumstances,
to lay the glass aside for a while, that I may enjoy the pleasure
of working out my own thoughts on other subjects.
If at a future time the investigation should be renewed, I
must beg it to be clearly understood I cannot promise full
success should I resume it : all that industry and my abilities
can effect shall be done ; but to perfect a manufacture, not
being a manufacturer, is what I am not bold enough to promise
I am, (fee,
M. Faraday.
100 MICHAEL FARADAY.
The optical glass was a failure, so far as concerned
the original hope that it would lead to great im-
provements in telescopes. Nevertheless it furnished
scientific men with a new material, the " heavy glass "
consisting essentially of boro-silicate of lead, for which
sundry uses in spectroscopy and other optical instru-
ments have since been found.
In 1845 Faraday added this note : —
I consider our results as negative, except as regards any
good that may have resulted from my heavy glass in the hands
of Amici (who applied it to microscopes) and in my late
experiments on light.
These were the famous experiments on magneto-
optics and diamagnetism. Incidentally the research
had led also to the permanent engagement of Sergeant
Anderson as assistant to Faraday.
During these years, from 1825 to 1829, which had
been thus occupied in an apparently fruitless quest,
he had been far from idle. He had gone on con-
tributing chemical papers to the Philosophical
Transactions and to the Quarterly Journal. These
dealt wit sulpho-naphthalic acid, with the limits of
vaporisation, with caoutchouc, bisulphide of copper,
the fluidity of sulphur and phosphorus, the diffusion
of gases, and the relation of water to hot polished
surfaces. He had also originated at the Royal Insti-
tution the Friday evening discourses (see p. 33), the
first of which he held in 1826. For some years he
himself delivered no inconsiderable portion of these
discourses every session. In 1826 he gave six, in
1827 three, in 1828 five, in 1829 six, and these in
addition to his regular afternoon courses of six or
RESEARCHES AND LECTURES. 101
eight lectures on some connected subject. He had
also, in 1826, begun the Christmas lectures adapted
to a juvenile audience, and had in 1827 given a course
of twelve lectiu-es at the London Institution in
Finsbury Circus. In addition to these labours he
had, in 1827, brought out the first edition of his book
on " Chemical Manipulation." In 1829 he began his
lectures at the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich,
which continued till 1849.
The year 1830 may be regarded as the close of
the first period of Faraday's researches, during which
time, though much of his labour had been of a
preparatory and even desultory kind, it had been a
training for the higher work to come. He had made
three notable discoveries in chemistry, the new sub-
stances benzol and butylene, and the solubility of
naphthalene in sulphuric acid forming the first ot a
new class of bodies, the sulpho-acicls. He had also
made an important discovery in physics, that of the
electromagnetic rotations. He had already published
sixty original papers, besides many notes of lesser
importance, nine of these papers being memoirs in the
Philosophical Transactions. He had already begun
to receive from learned societies, academies, and
universities the recognition of his scientific attain-
ments, and he had established firmly both his own
reputation as a lecturer, and the reputation of the
Royal Institution, which was the scene of his lectures.
CHAPTER IV.
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES: SECOND PERIOD.
With the year 1831 begins the period of the cele-
brated " Experimental Researches in Electricity and
Magnetism." During the years which had elapsed
since his discovery of the electromagnetic rotations in
1823, Faraday, though occupied, as we have seen, with
other matters, had not ceased to ponder the relation
between the magnet and the electric current. The
great discoveries of Oersted, Ampere, and Arago had
culminated in England in two results : in Faraday's
discovery that the wire which carries an electric
current tends to revolve around the pole of a neigh-
bouring magnet; and in Sturgeon's invention of the
soft-iron electromagnet, a core of iron surrounded by
a coil of copper wire, capable of acting as a magnet at
will when the electric current is transmitted to the
coil and so caused to circulate around the iron core.
This production of magnetism from electricity, at
will, and at a distance, by the simple device of send-
ing the electricity to circulate as a current around
the central core of iron was then, as now, a cause of
much speculation. The iron core which is to bo
made temporarily into a magnet stands alone, isolated.
FOEESHADOWINGS. 103
Though surrounded outwardly by the magnetising
coil of copper wire, it does not touch it ; nay, must be
screened from contact with it by appropriate insula-
tion. The electric current entering the copper coil at
one end is confined from leaving the copper wire by
any lateral path : it must circulate around each and
every convolution, nor be permitted to flow back by
the return-wire until it has performed the required
amount of circulation. That the mere external
circulation of electric current around a totally dis-
connected interior core of iron should magnetise that
core ; that the magnetisation should' be maintained so
long as the circulation of electricity is maintained;
and that the magnetising forces should cease so soon
as the current is stopped, are facts, familiar enough to
every beginner in the science, but mysterious enough
from the abstract point of view. Faraday was firmly
persuaded that, great as had been these discoveries of
the production of magnetism and magnetic motions
from electricity, there remained other relations of no
less importance to be discovered. Again and again
his mind recurred to the subject. If it were possible
to use electricity to produce magnetism, why should
not the converse be true ? In 1822 his notebook
suggestion was, as we have seen, " Convert magnetism
into electricity." Yes, but how ?
He possessed an intuitive bent of mind to inquire
about the relations of facts to one another. Convinced
by sheer converse with nature in the laboratory, of the
correlation of forces and of the conservation of energy
long before either of those doctrines had received dis-
tinct enunciation as principles of natural philosophy,
104 MICHAEL FARADAY.
he seems never to have viewed an action without
thinking of the necessary and appropriate reaction;
never to have deemed any physical relation complete
in which discovery had not been made of the converse
relations for which instinctively he sought. So in
December, 1824, we find him experimenting on the
passage of a bar magnet through a helix of copper wire
(see Quarterly Journal for July, 1825), but without
result. In November, 1825, he sought for evidence that
might prove an electric current in a wire to exercise
an influence upon a neighbouring wire connected to a
galvanometer. But again, and yet again in December
of the same year, the entry stands " No result." A
third failure did not convince him that the search
was hopeless : it showed him that he had not yet
found the right method of experimenting. It is
narrated of him how at this period he used to carry
in his waistcoat pocket a small model of an electro-
magnetic circuit — a straight iron core about an inch
long, surrounded by a few spiral turns of copper wire
— which model he at spare moments would take out
and contemplate, using it thus objectively to concen-
trate his thoughts upon the problem to be solved.
A copper coil, an iron core. Given that electricity
was flowing through the one, it evoked magnetism in
the other. What was the converse ? At first sight
it might seem simple enough. Put magnetism from
some external source into the iron core, and then try
whether on connecting the copper coil to a galvano
meter there was any indication of an electric current.
But this was exactly what was found not to result.
And not Faraday alone, but others, too, were foiled
OTHER MEN'S FAILURES. 105
in the hope of observing the expected converse. Not
all who tried were as wise or as frank as Faraday in
confessing failure. Fresnel, in the height of the fever
of Oersted's discovery, had announced to the Academy
of Sciences at Paris, on the 6th of November, 1820,
that he had decomposed water by means of a magnet
which was laid motionless within a spiral of wire.
Emboldened by this announcement, Ampere remarked
that he too had noticed something in the way of
production of currents, from a magnet. But before
the end of the year both these statements were with-
drawn by their authors. Again, in the year 1822,
Ampere, being at Geneva, showed to Professor A. de
la Rive in his laboratory a number of electromagnetic
experiments from his classical researches ; and amongst
them one* which has been almost forgotten, but
which, had it been followed up, would assuredly have
led Ampere to the discovery of the induction of
currents. In the experiment in question a thin copper
ring, made of a narrow strip folded into a circle, was
hung inside a circular coil of wire, traversed by a
current. To this apparatus a powerful horse-shoe
magnet was presented ; and De la Rive states that,
when the magnet was brought up, the suspended ring
was observed sometimes to move between the two
limbs of the magnet, and sometimes to be repelled
from between them according to the sense of the
current in the surrounding coil. He and Ampere
both attributed the effect to temporary magnetism
conferred upon the copper ring. Ampere himself was
* See a paper by the author in the Philosophical Magazine for June,
1895, entitled " Note on a Neglected Experiment of Ampere."
106 MICHAEL FARADA?.
at the time disposed to attribute it to the possible
presence of a little iron as an impurity in the copper.
There are, however, some discrepancies in the three
published versions of the story. According to
Becquerel, Ampere had by 1825 satisfied himself of
the non-existence of induction currents.
Quite independently, the question of the possibility
of creating currents by magnets was raised by another
discovery, that of the so-called "magnetism of rotation."
In 1824 Arago had observed that a fine magnetic
compass constructed for him by Garnbey, having the
needle suspended in a cell, the base of which was a
plate of pure copper, was thereby damped in its
oscillations, and instead of making two or three
hundred vibrations before it came to rest, as would be
the case in the open air, executed only three or four
of rapidly decreasing amplitude* In vain did Dumas
at the request of Arago analyse the copper, in the
supposition that iron might- be present. Inquiry
compelled the conclusion that some other explanation
must be sought. And, reasoning from the apparent
action of stationary copper in bringing a moving
magnetic needle to rest, he conjectured that a moving
mass of copper might produce motion in a stationary
magnetic needle. Accordingly he set into revolution,
beneath a compass needle, a flat disc of copper, and
found that, even when a sheet of card or glass was
interposed to cut off all air-currents, the needle tended
to follow the moving copper disc, turning as if dragged
* Compare Dumas, " Moge Historique de Michel Faraday," p. xxxiii.,
who gives the above statement. Arago's own account to the Academie
differs slightly.
A PUZZLING EXPERIMENT. 107
by some invisible influence. To the suggestion that
mere rotation conferred upon copper a sort of
temporary magnetism Arago listened with some
impatience. All theories proposed to account for the
phenomenon he discredited, even though emanating
from the great mathematician Poisson. He held
his judgment in absolute suspense. Babbage and
Herschel measured the amount of retarding force
exerted on the needle by different materials, and
found the most effective to be silver and copper
(which are the two best conductors of electricity),
after them gold and zinc, whilst lead, mercury, and
bismuth were inferior in power. The next year the
same experimenters announced the successful inversion
of Arago's experiment; for by spinning the magnet
underneath a pivoted copper disc they caused the
latter to rotate briskly. They also made the notable
observation that if slits are cut radially in the copper
disc they diminish its tendency to be dragged by the
spinning magnet. Sturgeon showed that the damp-
ing effect of a moving copper disc was diminished by
the presence of a second magnet pole of contrary kind
placed beside the first. All these things were most
suggestive of the real explanation. It clearly had
something to do with the electric conductivity of
the metal disc, and therefore with electric currents.
Sturgeon five years later came very near to the
explanation : after repeating the experiments he con-
cluded that the -effect was an electric disturbance in
the copper disc, " a kind of reaction to that which
takes place in electromagnetism. "
Faraday knew of all the discussions which had
108
MICHAEL FARADAY.
arisen respecting Arago's rotations. They may have
been the cause of his unsuccessful attempts of 1824
and 1825. In April, 1828, for the fourth time he
tried to discover the currents which he was convinced
must be producible by the magnet, and for the fourth
time without result. The cause of failure was that
both magnet and coil were at rest.
Fig. 4.
The summer of 1831 witnessed him for the fifth
time making the attack on the problem thus per-
sistently before him. In his laboratory note-book he
heads the research " Experiments on the production
ot electricity from magnetism." The following ex-
cellent summary of the laboratory notes is taken from
Bence Jones's " Life and Letters " : —
I have had an iron ring made (soft iron), iron round and
Iths of an inch thick, and ring six inches in external diameter.
Wound many coils of copper round, one half of the coils being
separated by twine and calico, there were three lengths of
SUCCESS IN SIGHT. 109
wire, each about twenty-four feet long, and they could be con-
nected as one length, or used as separate lengths. By trials
with a trough each was insulated from the other. Will call
this side of the ring a. On the other side, but separated by
an interval, was wound wire in two pieces, together amounting
to about sixty feet in length, the direction being as with the
former coils. This side call b. *
Charged a battery of ten pairs of plates four inches square.
Made the coil on b side one coil, and connected its extremities
by a copper wire passing to a distance, and just over a magnetic
needle (three feet from wire ring), then connected the ends of
one of the pieces on a side with battery : immediately a
sensible effect on needle. It oscillated and settled at last in
original position. On breaking connection of A side with
battery, again a disturbance of the needle.
In the seventeenth paragraph, written on the 30th
of August, he says, " May not these transient effects be
connected with causes of difference between power of
metals at rest and in motion in Arago's experiments?"
After this he prepared fresh apparatus.
As was his manner, he wrote off to one of his
friends a letter telling what he was at work upon.
On this occasion the recipient of his confidences Avas
his friend Phillips : —
[Michael Faraday to Bicluxrd Phillips.']
Koyal Institution.
My dear Phillips, Sept. 23, 1831.
I write now, though it may be some time before I
send my letter, but that is of no great consequence. I received
* This ring Faraday is represented as holding in his hand in the
beautiful marble statue by Foley which stands in the Entrance Hull
of the Royal Institution. The ring itself is still preserved at the
Koyal Institution amongst the Faraday relics. The accompanying
cut (tig. i) is facsimiled from Faraday's own sketch in his laboratory
note-hook.
110 MICHAEL FARADAY.
your letter to Dr. Reid and read it on the coach going to
Hastings, where I have been passing a few weeks, and I fancy
my fellow passengers thought I had got something very droll
in hand ; they sometimes started at my sudden bursts, especially
when I had the moment before been very grave and serious
amongst the proportions. As you say in the letter there are
some new facts and they are always of value ; otherwise I
should have thought you had taken more trouble than the
matter deserved. Your quotation from Boyle has nevertheless
great force in it.
I shall send with this a little thing in your own way " On the
Alleged decline of science in England." It is written by Dr.
Moll of Utrecht, whose name may be mentioned in conversa-
tion though it is not printed in the pamphlet. I understand
the view taken by Moll is not at all agreeable to some. " I do
not know what business Moll had to interfere with our scientific
disputes " is however the strongest observation I have heard of
in reply.
I do not think I thanked you for your last Pharmacopoeia
I do so now very heartily. I shall detain this letter a few days
that I may send a couple of my papers (i.e. a paper and appendix)
with it, for though not chemical I think you will like to have
them. 1 am busy just now again on Electro-Magnetism, and
think I have got hold of a good thing, but can't say; it may be
a-weed instead of a fish that after all my labour I may at last
pull up. I think I know why metals are magnetic when in
motion though not (generally) when at rest.
We think about you all very much at times, and talk over
affairs of Nelson Square, but I think we dwell more upon the
illnesses and nursings and upon the sudden calls and chats
rather than the regular parties. Pray remember us both to
Mrs. Phillips and the damsils — I hope the word is not too
familiar.
I am Dear Phillips,
Most Truly Yours,
K. Phillips, Esq., M. Fakaday.
&.c, &c, &c.
TEN DAYS OF SPLENDID WORK. Ill
September 24 was the third day of his experiments.
He began (paragraph 21) by trying to find the effect of
one helix of wire, carrying the voltaic current of ten
pairs of plates, upon another wire connected with a
galvanometer. " No induction sensible." Longer and
different metallic helices (paragraph 22) showed no
effect ; so he gave up those experiments for that day,
and tried the effects of bar magnets in-
stead of the ring magnet he had used on
the first day. ,■*
In paragraph 33 he says : — \"
An iron cylinder had a helix wound on it.
The ends of the wires of the helix were connected
with the indicating helix at a distance by copper
wire. Then the iron placed between the poles of
bar magnets as in accompanying figure (Fig. 5).
Every time the magnetic contact at n or s was
made or broken, there was magnetic motion at
the indicating helix — the effect being, as in
former cases, not permanent, but a mere mo-
mentary push or pull. But if the electric com- Fig. 5.
munication (i.e. by the copper wire) was broken,
then the disjunction and contacts produced no effect whatever.
Hence here distinct conversion of magnetism into electricity.
The fourth day of work was October 1. Para-
graphs 36, 37, and 38 describe the discovery of
induced voltaic currents : —
36. A battery of ten troughs, each of ten pairs of plates
four inches square, charged with good mixture of sulphuric
and nitric acid, and the following experiments made with it in
the following order.
37. One of the coils (of a helix of copper wire 203 feet long)
was connected with the flat helix, and the other (coil of same
112 MICHAEL FARADAY.
length round same block of wood) with the poles of the battery
(it having been found that there was no metallic contact
between the two) ; the magnetic needle at the indicating flat
helix was affected, but so little as to be hardly sensible.
38. In place of the indicating helix, our galvanometer was
used, and then a sudden jerk was perceived when the battery
communication was made and broken, but it was so slight as
to be scarcely visible. It was one way when made, the other
when broken, and the needle took up its natural position at
intermediate times.
Hence there is an inducing effect without the presence of
iron, but it is either very weak or else so sudden as not to
have time to move the needle. I rather suspect it is the latter.
The fifth day of experiment was October 17.
Paragraph 57 describes the discovery of the produc-
tion of electricity by the approximation of a magnet
to a wire : —
A cylindrical bar magnet three-quarters of an inch in
diameter, and eight inches and a half in length, had one end
just inserted into the end of the helix cylinder (220 feet long) ;
then it was quickly thrust in the whole length, and the galvan-
ometer needle moved ; then pulled out, and again the needle
moved, but in the opposite direction. This effect was repeated
every time the magnet was put in or out, and therefore a wave
of electricity was so produced from mere approximation of a
magnet, and not from its formation in situ.
The cause of all the earlier failures was, then, that
both magnet and coil were at rest. The magnet might
lie in or near the coil for a century and cause no effect.
But while moving towards the coil, or from it, or
by spinning near it, electric currents were at once
induced.
The ninth day of his experiments was October 28,
SUCCESS AND ITS SECRET. 118
and this day he "made a copper disc turn round
between the poles of the great horse-shoe magnet of
the Royal Society. The axis and edge of the disc
were connected with a galvanometer. The needle
moved as the disc turned." The next day that he
made experiments, November 4, he found " that a
copper wire one-eighth of an inch drawn between the
poles and conductors produced the effect." In his
paper, when describing the experiment, he speaks of
the metal "cutting" the magnetic curves, and in a
note to his paper he says, " By magnetic curves I
mean lines of magnetic forces which would be depicted
by iron filings."
We here come upon those " lines of force " which
plaj^ed so important a part in these and many of
Faraday's later investigations. They were known
before Faraday's time — had, in fact, been known for
two hundred years. Descartes had seen in them
evidence for his hypothetical vortices. Musschen-
broek had mapped them. But it was reserved to
Faraday to point out their true significance. To the
very end of his life he continued to speculate and
experiment upon them.
All this splendid work had occupied but a brief
ten days. Then he rearranged the facts which he had
thus harvested, and wrote them out in corrected form
as the first series of his " Experimental Researches in
Electricity." The memoir was read to the Royal
Society on November 24, 1831, though it did not
appear in printed form until January, 1832 — a delay
which gave rise to serious misunderstandings. The
paper having been read, he went away to Brighton to
I
114 MICHAEL FARADAY.
take a holiday, and in the exuberance of his heart
penned the following letter* to Phillips : —
[M. Faraday to R. FhiUips.]
Brighton : November 29, 1831.
Dear Phillips, — For once in my life I am able to sit down
and write to you without feeling that my time is so little that
my letter must of necessity be a short one and accordingly I
have taken an extra large sheet of paper intending to fill it
with news and yet as to news I have none for I withdraw
move and more from Society, and all I have to say is about
myself.
But how are you getting onl are you comfortable? and how
does Mrs. Phillips do ; and the girls ? Bad correspondant as I
am, I think you owe me a letter and as in the course of half an
hour you will be doubly in my debt pray write us, and let us
know all about you. Mrs. Faraday wishes me not to forget to
put her kind remembrances to you and Mrs. Phillips in my
letter.
To-morrow is St. Andrew's day,f but we shall be here until
Thursday. I have made arrangements to be out of the Council
and care little for the rest although I should as a matter of
curiosity have liked to see the Duke in the chair on such an
occasion.
We are here to refresh. I have been working and writing
a paper and that always knocks me up in health, but now I
feel well again and able to pursue my subject and now I will
tell you what it is about. The title will be, I think, Experi-
mental Researches in Electricity: §1. On the induction
of electric currents. § II. On the evolution of Electricity from
magnetism. § III. On a New electrical condition of matter.
% IV. On Arago's magnetic phenomena. There is a bill of fare
for you ; and what is more I hope it will not disappoint you.
* Now in the possession of the author, to whom it was given hy
his kinswoman Lady Wilson, youngest daughter of Richard Phillips.
f The day of the Annual Meeting and election of Council of the
Royal Society.
THE PITH OF THE DISCOVERY. 115
Now the pith of all this I must give you very briefly ; the
demonstrations you shall have in the paper when printed —
§ I. When an electric current is passed through one of two
parallel wires it causes at first a current in the same direction*
through the other, but this induced current does not last a
moment, notwithstanding the inducing current (from the
Voltaic battery) is continued all seems unchanged except that
the principal current continues its course, but when the current
is stopped then a return current occurs in the wire under
induction of about the same intensity and momentary duration
but in the opposite direction to that first found. Electricity
in currents therefore exerts an inductive action like ordinary
electricity but subject to peculiar laws : the effects are a current
in the same direction when the induction is established : a
reverse current when the induction ceases and a peculiar state
in the interim. Common electricity probably does the same
thing but as it is at present impossible to separate the be-
ginning and the end of a spark or discharge from each other,
all the effects are simultaneous and neutralise each other —
§11. Then I found that magnets would induce just like
voltaic currents and by bringing helices and wires and jackets
up to the poles of magnets, electrical currents were produced
in them these currents being able to deflect the galvanometer,
or to make, by means of the helix, magnetic needles, or in one
case even to give a spark. Hence the evolution of electricity
from magnetism. The currents were not permanent, they
ceased the moment the wires ceased to approach the magnet
because the new and apparently quiescent state was assumed
just as in the case of the induction of currents. But when the
magnet was removed, and its induction therefore ceased, the
return currents appeared as before. These two kinds of
induction I have distinguished by the terms Volta-electric and
Magneto-electric induction. Their identity of action and
* This is a Blip in the description ; the momentary current in-
duced in the secondary wire on making the current in the primary
is inverse : it is succeeded by a momentary direct current when tne
primary current is stopped.
116 MICHAEL FARADAY.
results is, I think, a.very powerful proof of the truth of M.
Ampere's theory of magnetism.
§111. The new electrical condition which intervenes by
induction between the beginning and end of the inducing
current gives rise to some very curious results. It explains
why chemical action or other results of electricity have never
been as yet obtained in trials with the magnet. In fact, the
currents have no sensible duration. I believe it will explain
perfectly the transference of elements between the poles of the
pile in decomposition but this part of the subject I have
reserved until the present experiments are completed and it is
so analogous, in some of its effects to those of Ritter's secondary
piles, De la Rive and Van Beck's peculiar properties of the
poles of a voltaic pile, that I should not wonder if they all
proved ultimately to depend on this state. The condition of
matter I have dignified by the term Elect 'rotonir, The Electro-
tonic State. What do you think of that? Am I not a bold
man, ignorant as I am, to coin words but I have consulted the
scholars,* and now for § IV. The new state has enabled me
to make out and explain all Arago's phenomena of the rotating
magnet or copper plate, I believe, perfectly ; but as great
names are concerned Arago, Babbage, Herschel, &c, and as I
have to differ from them, I have spoken with that modesty
which you so well know you and I and John Frost f have in
common, and for which the world so justly commends us. I
am even half afraid to tell you what it is. You will think I
am hoaxing you, or else in your compassion you may conclude
I am deceiving myself. However, you need do neither, but
had better laugh, as I did most heartily when I found that it
was neither attraction nor repulsion, but just one of my old
rotations ill a new form. I cannot explain to you all the
actions, which are very curious ; but in consequence of the
* This doubtless refers to AYhewell, of Cambridge, whom he was
in the habit of consulting on questions of nomenclature.
f A man of fashion who had, without any claim to distinction,
wormed himself into scientific society, posed as a, savant, and had
delivered a high-flown oration on botany n.t the Royal Institution.
A JUBILANT EPISTLE. 117
electrotonic state being assumed and lost as the parts of the
plate whirl under the pole, and in consequence of magneto-
electric induction, currents of electricity are formed in the
direction of the radii ; continuing, for simple reasons, as long as
the motion continues, but ceasing when that ceases. Hence
the wonder is explained that the metal has powers on the
magnet when moving, but not when at rest. Hence is also
explained the effect which Arago observed, and which made
him contradict Babbage and Herschel, and say the power was
repulsive ; but, as a whole, it is really tangential. It is quite
comfortable to me to find that experiment need not quail
before mathematics, but is quite competent to rival it in
discovery ; and I am amused to find that what the high mathe-
maticians have announced as the essential condition to the
rotation — namely, that time is required — has so little founda-
tion, that if the time could by possibility be anticipated instead
of being required — i.e. if the currents could be formed before
the magnet came over the place instead of aftei — the effect-
would equally ensue. Adieu, dear Phillips.
Excuse this egotistical letter from yours very faithfully.
M. Fakaday.
The second section shows that Faraday had dis-
covered the cause of all the previous failures to evoke
electric currents in wires by means of a magnet: it
required relative -motion. What the magnet at rest
fails to do, the magnet in motion accomplishes. This
crucial point is admirably commemorated in the
following impromptu given by Mr. Herbert Mayo to
Sir Charles Wheatstone : —
Around the magnet Faraday
Was sure that Volta's lightnings play :
But how to draw them from the wire?
He took a lesson from the heart :
'lis when we meet, 'tis when we part,
Breaks forth the electric fire.
118 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Faraday's holiday was brief; by December 5 he
was again at work on his researches. He re-observed
the directions of the induced currents about which, as
the slip in his letter to Phillips shows, his mind was
in some doubt. Then on December 14th comes the
entry : — " Tried the effects of terrestrial magnetism in
evolving electricity. Obtained beautiful results."
" The helix had the soft iron cylinder (freed from
magnetism by a full red heat and cooling slowly) put
into it, and it was then connected with the galvan-
ometer by wires eight foot long; then inverted the
bar and helix, and immediately the needle moved ;
inverted it again, the needle moved back; and, by
repeating the motion with the oscillations of the
needle, made the latter vibrate 180°, or more."
The same day he " made Arago's experiment with
the earth magnet, only no magnet used, but the plate
put horizontal and rotated. The effect at the needle
was slight but very distinct Hence Arago's
plate a new electrical machine."
When we compare these manuscript notes, record-
ing the experiments in the order in which they were
made with the published account of them in the
" Experimental Researches," we find many of them
transcribed almost verbatim. But there is a difference
in the order of their arrangement. In point of time
the experiments on the evolution of electricity from
magnetism, beginning with the ring (p. 108), preceded
those on the induction of a current by another cur-
rent. In the printed "Researches" the experiments
on the induction of currents are put first,, with an
introductory paragraph on the general phenomenon
POINTS IN THE DISCOVERY. 119
of induction.* Faraday's habit of working up an
experiment — whether successful or unsuccessful — by
increasing the power to the maximum available is
illustrated in the course of the experiments on the
iron ring. At first he used a battery of ten pairs
of plates four inches square. Then, having been
eminently successful in producing deflexions of his
galvanometer, he increased the battery to one hundred
pairs of plates, with the result that when contact
was completed or broken in the primary circuit the
impulse on the galvanometer in the secondary circuit
was so great as to make the needle spin round rapidly
four or five times before its motion was reduced to a
mere oscillation. Then he removed the galvanometer
and fixed small pencils of charcoal to the ends of the
secondary helix ; and to his great joy perceived a
minute spark between the lightly touching charcoal
points whenever the contact of the battery to the
primary helix was completed. This was the first
* The use of this term, as distinguished from production, to dis-
tinguish tetween the primary generation of a current in a roltaic cell,
a thermopile, or a fiiction-machine, hy chemical or molecular action,
and its indirect production "without contact or communication of any
material sort, as by motion of a wire near a magnet or by secondary
influence from a neighbouring primary current while that current is
varying in strength or proximity, is exceedingly significant. Fara-
day's own meaning in adopting it is best grasped by referring top. 1
of the " Experimental Kesearcb.es " : —
" On the Induction of Electric Currents." .... The general term induction
which, as it has been received into scientific language, may also, with propriety,
be used to express the power which electrical currents may possess of inducing any
particular state upon matter in their immediate neighbourhood. ... I propose
to call this action of the current from the voltaic battery volta-eleclric induction . . .
but as a distinction in language is still necessary, I propose to call the agency thus
exerted by ordinary magnets magneto-electric or vwgni-dtctric induction.
120 MICHAEL FARADAY.
transformer, for the first time set— on a small scale
— to produce a tiny electric light. The spark he
regarded as a precious indication that what he was
producing really was an electric current. Using the
great compound steel magnet of the Royal Society
(constructed by Dr. Gowin Knight) at Christie's house
at Woolwich he had, as narrated above, also obtained
a spark from the induced current. For some time he
failed to obtain either physiological or chemical effects.
But upon repeating the experiments more at leisure
at the Royal Institution, with Daniell's armed load-
stone capable of lifting thirty pounds, a frog was
found to be convulsed very strongly each time mag-
netic contact between the magnet and the iron core
of the experimental coil was made or broken.
The absence of evidence as to chemical action
seemed still to disquiet him. He wanted to be sure
that his induced currents would do everything that
ordinary voltaic currents would do. Failing the final
proof from chemical action, he rested the case on the
other identical properties. '' But an agent," he says,
" which is conducted along metallic wires in the
manner described ; which, whilst so passing, possesses
the peculiar magnetic actions and force of a current
of electricity ; which can agitate and convulse the
limbs of a frog ; and which, finally, can produce a
spark by its discharge through charcoal, can only be
electricity. As all the effects can be produced by
ferruginous electro-magnets, there is no doubt that
arrangements like the magnets of Professors Moll,
Henry, Ten Eyke, and others, in which as many as
two thousand pounds have been lifted, may be used
A NEW ELECTRICAL MACHINE.
121
for these experiments ; in which case not only a
brighter spark may be obtained, but wires also ignited,
and as the currents can pass liquids, chemical action
be produced. These effects are still more likely to be
obtained when the magneto-electric arrangements, to
be explained in the fourth section, are excited by the
powers of such apparatus." The apparatus described
in the fourth section comprised several forms of
Fig. 6. (Facsimile of Okiginal Sketch.)
magneto-electric machines, that is to say, primitive
kmds of dynamos. Having in his mind the pheno-
menon discovered by Arago, and the experiments of
Eabbage and Herschel on the so-called magnetism of
rotation, he followed up the idea that these effects
might be due to induced currents eddying round in
the copper disc. No sooner had he obtained electricity
from magnets than he attempted to make Arago's
experiment a new source of electricity, and, as he
himself says, " did not despair " " of being able to
construct a new electrical machine."
122 MICHAEL FARADAY.
The "new electrical machine" was an exceedingly
simple contrivance. A disc of copper, twelve inches
in diameter (Fig. 6), and about one-fifth of an iuch in
thickness, fixed upon a brass axle, was mounted in
frames, so as to allow of revolution, its edge being at
the same time introduced between the magnetic poles
of a large compound permanent magnet, the poles
being about half an inch apart* The magnet first
used was the historical magnet of Gowin Knight.
The edge of the plate was well amalgamated, for the
purpose of obtaining a good but movable contact, and
a part round the axle was also prepared in a similar
manner. Conducting strips of copper and lead, to
serve as electric collectors, were prepared, so as to be
placed in contact with the edge of the copper disc ;
one of these was held by hand to touch the edge of
the disc between the magnet poles. The wires from a
galvanometer were connected, the one to the collect-
ing-strip, the other to the brass axle ; then on revolv-
ing the disc a deflexion of the galvanometer was
obtained, which was reversed in direction when the
direction of the rotation was reversed. " Here, there-
fore, was demonstrated the production of a permanent
current of electricity by ordinary magnets." These
effects were also obtained from the poles of electro-
magnets, and from copper helices without iron cores.
Several other forms of magneto-electric machines were
tried by Faraday.
* K I
'Experimental Researches,'' i. 25, art. 85. This copper disc is
still preserved at the Eoyal Institution. It was shown in action by
the author of this work, at a lecture at the Royal Institution delivered
April 11th, 1891. Fig. 6 is reproduced in facsimile from Faraday's
laboratory note-book.
NEW FORMS OF APPARATUS. 123
In one * a flat ring of twelve inches' external
diameter, and one inch broad, was cut from a thick
copper plate, and mounted to revolve between the
poles of the magnet, two conductors being applied to
make rubbing contact at the inner and outer edge at
the part which passed between the magnetic poles.
In another,t a disc of copper, one-fifth of an inch
thick and only 1^ inch in diameter (Fig. 7), was amalga-
mated at the edge, and mounted on a copper axle. A
Fig. 7.
square piece of sheet metal had a circular hole cut in
it, into which the disc fitted loosely ; a little mercury
completed communication between the disc and its
surrounding ring. The latter was connected by wire
to a galvanometer; the other wire being connected
from the instrument to the end of the axle. Upon
rotating the disc in a horizontal plane, currents were
obtained, though the earth was the only magnet
employed.
Faraday also proposed a multiple machinej having
several discs, metallically connected alternately at the
* "Experimental Researches," i. art. 135.
t lb., art. 155. % lb., art. 158.
124
MICHAEL FARADAY.
edges and centres by means of mercury, which were
then to be revolved alternately in opposite directions,
In another apparatus,* a copper cylinder (Fig. 8),
closed at one extremity, was put over a magnet, one
half of which it enclosed like a cap, and to which it
was attached without making metallic contact. The
arrangement was then floated upright in a narrow jar
Fig. 8.
of mercury, so that the lower edge of the copper cap
touched the fluid. On rotating the magnet and its
attached cap, a current was sent through wires from
the mercury to the top of the copper cap. In another
apparatus, f still preserved at the Royal Institution, a
cylindrical bar magnet, half immersed in mercury,
was made to rotate, and generated a current, its own
metal serving as a conductor. In another form,| the
cylindrical magnet was rotated horizontally about its
own axis, and was found to generate currents which
* lb., art. 219.
t "Experimental Researches," i. art. 220.
X lb., art. 222.
AN EARTH-INDUCTOR.
125
flowed from the middle to the ends, or vice versd,
according to the rotation. The description of these
new electrical machines is concluded with the follow-
ing pregnant words : —
I have rather, however, been desirous of discovering new
facts and relations dependent on magneto-electric induction,
than of exalting the force of those already obtained ; being
assured that the latter would find their full development
hereafter.
Fm. 9.
In yet another machine (Fig. 9), constructed by
Faraday some time later * a simple rectangle of copper
wire w, attached to a frame, was rotated about a
horizontal axis placed east and west, and generated
alternate currents, which could be collected by a
simple commutator c.
Within a few months machines on the principle of
magneto-induction had been devised by Dal Negro,
and by Pixii. In the latter's apparatus a steel horse-
shoe magnet, with its poles upwards, was caused to
rotate about a vertical shaft, inducing alternating
currents in a pair of bobbins fixed above it, and
• lb., iii. art. 3192.
126 MICHAEL FARADAY.
provided with a horseshoe core of soft iron. Later, in
1832, Pixii produced, at the suggestion of Ampere* a
second machine, provided with mercury cup con-
nections to rectify the alternations of the current.
One of these machines was shown at the British
Association meeting at Oxford in the same year
(p. 64).
The idea developed in the third part of this
research was intensely original and suggestive. Fara-
day's own statement is as follows : —
Whilst the wire is subject to either volta-electric or magneto-
electric induction, it appears to be in a peculiar state ; for it
resists the formation of an electrical current in it, whereas, if
left in its common condition, such a current would be produced ;
and when left uninfluenced it has the power of originating a
current, a power which the wire does not possess under common
circumstances. This electrical condition of matter has not
hitherto been recognised, but it probably exerts a very im-
portant influence in many, if not most, of the phenomena
produced by currents of electricity. For reasons which will
immediately appear, I have, after advising with several learned
friends, ventured to designate it as the electrotonic state.
This peculiar condition shows no known electrical effects
whilst it continues ; nor have I yet been able to discover any
peculiar powers exerted or properties possessed by matter
whilst retained in this state.
This state is altogether the effect of the induction exerted,
and ceases as soon as the inductive force is removed
The state appears to be instantly assumed, requiring hardly
a sensible portion of time for that purpose In all
those cases where the helices or wires are advanced towards
or taken from the magnet, the direct or inverted current of
* "Ar.a thim, Thys.," li. 76, 1832.
THE ELECTROTONIC STATE. 127
induced electricity continues for the time occupied in the
advance or recession ; for the electro-tonic state is rising to a
higher or falling to a lower degree during that time, and the
change is accompanied by its corresponding evolution of
electricity ; but these form no objections to the opinion that
the electro-tonic state is instantly assumed.
This peculiar state appears to be a state of tension, and may
be considered as equivalent to a current of electricity, at least
equal to that produced either when the condition is induced
or destroyed.
Faraday further supposed that the formation of
this state in the neighbourhood of a coil would
exert a reaction upon the original current, giving
rise to a retardation of it ; but he was unable at
the time to ascertain experimentally whether this was
so. He even looked — though also unsuccessfully —
for a self-induced return current from a conductor of
copper through which a strong current was led and
then suddenly interrupted, the expected current of
reaction being " due to the discharge of its supposed
electrotonic state."
If we would understand the rather obscure language
in which this idea of an electrotonic state is couched,
we must try to put ourselves back to the epoch
when it was written. At that date the only ideas
which had been formulated to explain magnetic and
electric attractions and repulsions were founded upon
the notion of action at a distance. Michell had
propounded the view that the electric and magnetic
forces vary, like gravity, according to a law of the
inverse squares of the distances. Coulomb, in a series
of experiments requiring extraordinary patience as
well as delicacy of manipulation, had shown — by an
128 MICHAEL FARADAY.
application of Michell's torsion balance — that in par-
ticular cases where the electric charges are concen-
trated on small spheres, or where the magnetic poles
are small, so as to act as mere points, this law — which
is essentially a geometric law of' point-action — is
approximately fulfilled. The mathematicians, Laplace
and Poisson at their head, had seized on this demonstra^
tion and had elaborated their mathematical theories.
Before them, though the research lay for a century
unpublished, Cavendish had shown that the only law
of force as between one element of an electric charge
and another compatible with a charge being in
equilibrium was the law of inverse squares. But in
all these mathematical reasonings one thing had been
quite left out of sight — namely, the possible properties
of the intervening medium. Faraday, to whom the
idea of mere action at a distance was abhorrent, if not
unthinkable, conceived of all these forces of attraction
and repulsion as effects taking place by something
going on in the intervening medium, as effects
propagated from point to point continuously through
space. In his earlier work on the electromagnetic
rotations he had grown to regard the space around
the conducting wire as being affected by the so-called
current ; and the space about the poles of a magnet
he knew to be traversed by curved magnetic lines,
invisible indeed, but real, needing only the simplest of
expedients — the sprinkling of iron filings — to reveal
their existence and trend. When therefore he found
that these new effects of the induction of one electric
current by another could likewise cross an intervening
space, whether empty or filled with material bodies,
A SPARK FROM A MAGNET. 129
he instinctively sought to ascribe this propagation
of the effect to a property or state of the medium.
And finding that state to be different from any state
previously known, different from the state existing
between two magnets at rest or between two stationary
electric charges, he followed the entirely philosophical
course of exploring its properties and of denoting it
by a name which he deemed appropriate. As we
shall see, this idea of an elect votonic state recurred in
Fig. 10.
his later researches with new and important conno-
tations.
He was soon at work again, as we have seen.
He experimented, in January, 1832, on the currents
produced by the earth's rotation — on the 10th at the
round pond in Kensington Gardens, and on the 12th
and 13 th at Waterloo Bridge.
"This evening," he writes in his notebook under
date February 8, " at Woolwich, experimenting with
magnet* and for the first time got the magnetic spark
myself. Connected ends of a helix into two general
ends, and then crossed the wires in such a way that a
blow at a b would open them a little [Fig. 10]. Then
* The great magnot of the Royal Society, which was at this time
leat to Mr. Christie.
130 MICHAEL FARADAY.
bringing a b against the poles of a magnet, the ends
were disjoined, and bright sparks resulted."
From succeeding with a steel magnet it was but a
short step to succeed when a natural loadstone was
used. The next day we find this entry : — " At home
succeeded beautifully with Mr. Daniell's magnet.
Amalgamation of wires very needful. This is a
natural loadstone, and perhaps the first used for the
spark."
He sent to the Royal Society an account of these
and the earlier experiments ; his paper on terrestrial
magneto-electric induction, and on the force and
direction of magneto-electric induction, received the
distinction of being read as the Bakerian lecture of
the year.
The following summary of this second paper is
from the pen of Professor Tyndall : —
He placed a bar of iron in a coil of wire, and lifting tlie
bar into the direction of the dipping needle, he excited by this
action a current in the coil. On reversing the bar, a current
in the opposite direction rushed through the wire. The same
effect was produced, when, on holding the helix in the line of
dip, a bar of iron was thrust into it. Here, however, the earth
acted on the coil through the intermediation of the bar of iron.
He abandoned the bar, and simply set a copper plate spinning
in a horizontal plane ; he knew that the earth's lines of
magnetic force then crossed the plate at an angle of about 70°.
When the plate spun round, the lines of force were intersected
and induced currents generated, which produced their proper
effect when carried from the plate to the galvanometer.
"When the plate was in the magnetic meridian, or in any
other plane coinciding with the magnetic dip, then its rotation
produced no effect upon the galvanometer."
tyndall's summary. 131
At the suggestion of a mind fruitful in suggestions of a
profound and philosophic charactei'— I mean that of Sir John
Herschel — Mr. Barlow, of Woolwich, had experimented with a
rotating iron shell. Mr. Christie had also performed an
elaborate series of experiments on a rotating iron disc. Both
of them had found that when in rotation the body exercised a
peculiar action upon the magnetic needle, deflecting it in a
manner which was not observed during quiescence'; but
neither of them was aware at the time of the agent which
produced this extraordinary deflection. They ascribed it to
some change in the magnetism of the iron shell and disc.
But Faraday at once saw that his induced currents must
come into play here, and he immediately obtained them from
an iron disc. With a hollow brass ball, moreover, he produced
the effects obtained by Mr. Barlow. Iron was in no way
necessary ; the only condition of success was that the rotating
body should be of a character to admit of the formation of
currents in its substance ; it must, in other words, be a con-
ductor of electricity. The higher the conducting power, the
more copious were the currents. He now passes from his little
brass globe to the globe of the earth. He plays like a magician
with the earth's magnetism. He sees the invisible lines along
which its magnetic action is exerted, and, sweeping his wand
across these lines, he evokes this new power. Placing a simple
loop of wire round a magnetic needle, he bends its upper
portion to the west ; the north pole of the needle immediately
swerves to the east ; he bends his loop to the east, and the
north pole moves to the west. Suspending a common bar
magnet in a vertical position, he causes it to spin round its
own axis. Its pole being connected with one end of a galvano-
meter wire, and its equator with the other end, electricity
rushes round the galvanometer from the rotating magnet. He
remarks upon the "singular independence' 1 of the magnetism
and the body of the magnet which carries it. The steel behaves
as if it were isolated from its own magnetism.
And then his thoughts suddenly widen, and he asks himself
whether the rotating earth does not generate induced currents
as it turns round its axis from west to east. In his experiment
132 MICHAEL FARADAY.
with the twirling magnet the galvanometer wire remained at
rest ; one portion of the circuit was in motion relatively to
another portion. But in the case of the twirling planet the
galvanometer wire would necessarily be carried along with the
earth ; there would be no relative motion. What must be the
consequence 1 Take the case of a telegraph wire with its two
terminal plates dipped into the earth, and suppose the wire to
lie in the magnetic meridian. The ground underneath the
wire is influenced, like the wire itself, by the earth's rotation;
if a current from south to north be generated in the wire, a
similar current from south to north would be generated in the
earth under the wire ; these currents would run against the
same terminal plate, and thus neutralise each other.
This inference appears inevitable, but his profound vision
perceived its possible invalidity. He saw that it was at least
possible that the difference of conducting power between the
earth and the wire might give one an advantage over the other,
and that thus a residual or differential current might be
obtained. He combined wires of different materials, and
caused them to act in opposition to each other, but found the
combination ineffectual. The more copious flow in the better
conductor was exactly counterbalanced by the resistance of the
worst. Still, though experiment was thus emphatic, he would
clear his mind of all discomfort by operating on the earth
itself. He went to the round lake near Kensington Palace,
and stretched 480 feet of copper wire, north and south, over
the lake, causing plates soldered to the wire at its ends to dip
into the water. The copper wire was severed at the middle,
and the severed ends connected with a galvanometer. No
effect whatever was observed. But though quiescent water
gave no effect, moving water might. He therefore worked at
AVaterloo Bridge for three days, during the ebb and flow of the
tide, but without any satisfactory result. Still he urges,
" Theoretically it seems a necessary consequence, that where
water is flowing there electric currents should be formed. If a
line be imagined passing from Dover to Calais through the sea
and returning through the land, beneath the water, to Dover,
it traces out a circuit of conducting matter, one part of which,
THE LAW OF INDUCTION. 133
when the water moves up or down the Channel, is cutting tlie
magnetic curves of the earth, whilst the other is relatively at
rest There is every reason to believe that currents
do run in the general direction of the circuit described, either
one way or the other, according as the passage of the waters is
up or down the Channel.'' This was written before the sub-
marine cable was thought of, and he once informed me that
actual observation upon that cable had been found to be in
accordance with his theoretic deduction.
It may here be apposite to discuss a fundamental
question raised in these researches. In Faraday's
i
N
k:;tr.
P
mind there arose the conviction of a connection be-
tween the induction of currents by magnets and the
magnetic lines which invisibly fill all the space in the
neighbourhood of the magnet. That relation he dis-
covered and announced in the following terms : —
" The relation which holds between the magnetic
pole, the moving wire or metal, and the direction of
the current evolved — i.e. the law which governs the
evolution of electricity by magneto- electric induction,
is very simple, though rather difficult to express. If
in Fig. 11, P N represent a horizontal wire passing by
a marked [i.e. 'north-seeking'] magnetic pole, so
that the direction of its motion shall coincide with
the curved line proceeding from below upwards ; or if
134 MICHAEL FARADAY.
its motion parallel to itself be in a line tangential to
the curved line, but in the general direction of the
arrows ; or if it pass the pole in other directions, but
so as to cut the magnetic curves* in the same general
direction, or on the same side as they would be cut by
the wire if moving along the dotted curved line ;
then the current of electricity in the wire is from p to
n. If it be carried in the reverse direction, the electric
current will be from N to p. Or if the wire be in the
vertical position, figured p' n', and it be carried in
similar directions, coinciding with the dotted horizontal
curve so far as to cut the magnetic curves on the
same side with it, the current will be from p' to n',"
When resuming the research in December, Fara-
day investigated the point whether it was essential or
not that the moving; wire should, in "cutting" the
magnetic curves, pass into positions of greater or
lesser magnetic force ; or whether, always intersecting
curves of equal magnetic intensity, the mere motion
sufficed for the production of the current. He found
the latter to be true. This notion of cutting the
invisible magnetic lines as the essential act necessary
and sufficient for induction was entirely original with
Faraday. For long it proved a stumbling-block to
the abstract mathematicians, since there was, in most
cases, no direct or easy way in which to express the
number of magnetic lines that were cut. Neither
had any convention been adopted up to that time as
* [Original footnote by Faraday.] By magnetic curves, I mean
the lines of magnetic force, however modified hy the juxtaposition of
poles, which would he depicted hy iron filings ; or those to which a
very small magnetic needle would form a tangent.
CUTTING THE MAGNETIC LINES. 135
to how to reckon numerically the number of magnetic
lines in any given space near a magnet. Later, in
1851, Faraday himself gave greater precision to these
ideas. He found that the current was proportional
to the velocity, when the conductor was moving in a
uniform magnetic field with a uniform motion. Also,
that the quantity of electricity thrown by induction
into the circuit was directly proportional to the
"amount of curves intersected." The following
passage, from Clerk Maxwell's article on Faraday
in the " Encyclopaedia Britannica," admirably sums
up the matter : —
The magnitude and originality of Faraday's achievement
may be estimated by tracing the subsequent history of his
discovery. As might be expected, it was at once made the
subject of investigation by the whole scientific world, but some
of the most experienced physicists were unable to avoid
mistakes in stating, in what they conceived to be more scientific
language than Faraday's, the phenomena before them. Up to
the present time the mathematicians who have rejected Fara-
day's method of stating his law as unworthy of the precision of
their science, have never succeeded in devising any essentially
different formula which shall fully express the phenomena
without introducing hypotheses about the mutual action of
things which have no physical existence, such as elements of
currents which flow out of nothing, then along a wire, and
finally sink into nothing again.
After nearly half a century of labour of this kind, we may
say that, though the practical applications of Faraday's dis-
covery have increased and are increasing in number and value
every year, no exception to the statement of these laws as
given by Faraday has been discovered, no new law has been
added to them, and Faraday's original statement remains to
this day the only one which asserts no more than can be
verified by experiment, and the only one by which the theory
136 MICHAEL FARADAY.
of the phenomena can be expressed in a manner which is
exactly and numerically accurate, and at the same time within
the range of elementary methods of exposition.
In the year 1831, which witnessed • this master-
piece of scientific research, Faraday was busy in
many other ways. He was still undertaking chemical
analyses and expert work for fees, as witness his
letter to Phillips on p. 62. He was also, until
November, on the Council of the Royal Society. To
the '' Philosophical Transactions " he contributed a
paper " On Vibrating Surfaces," in which he solved a
problem in acoustics which had previously gone with-
out explanation. It had long been known that in the
experiments of obtaining the patterns called "Chladni's
figures," by strewing powders upon vibrating plates,
while the heavier powders, such as sand, moved into
the nodal lines, lighter substances, such as lycopodium
dust, collected in little circular heaps over the parts
where the vibration was most energetic. Faraday's
explanation was that these lighter powders were
caught and whirled about in little vortices which
formed themselves at spots where the motions were
of greatest amplitude.
He also wrote a paper "On a Peculiar Class of
Optical Deceptions," dealing with the illusions that
result from the eye being shown in successive glimpses,
as between the teeth of a revolving wheel, different
views of a moving body. This research was, in effect,
the starting point of a whole line of optical toys, begin-
ning with the phenakistiscope or stroboscope, which
developed through the zoetrope and praxino-scope into
the kinematograph and animatograph of recent date.
LECTUKE.S ON PHYSICAL SUBJECTS. 137
He gave four afternoon lectures at the Royal
Institution and five Friday evening discourses. These
were on optical deceptions, .on light and phosphor-
escence, being an account of experiments recently
made by Mr. Pearsall, chemical assistant in the Insti-
tution ; on oxalamide, then recently discovered by M.
Dumas ; on Trevelyan's experiments about the produc-
tion of sound by heated bodies ; and on the arrange-
ments assumed by particles upon vibrating surfaces.
In 1832 he gave five Friday evening discourses,
four of Avhich related to his own researches. In
August he entered upon the third series of " Experi-
mental Researches in Electricity," which was devoted
to the identity of electricities derived from different
sources, and on the relation by measure of common
[i.e. frictional] and voltaic electricity. He did not
like any doubt to hang about as to whether the
electricity obtained from magnets by induction was
really the same as that obtainable from other sources.
Possibly he had in his mind the difficulties which had
arisen thirty years before over the discoveries of
Galvani and Volta, when it was so far doubted whether
the electricity in currents from piles and batteries of
cells was the same as the electricity evoked by
friction, that the distinctive and misleading name of
" galvanism " was assigned to the former. He com-
mented on the circumstance that many philosophers
—and he included Davy by name in an explicit
reference— were vainly drawing distinctions * between
* The entire uselessness as well as the misleading effects of such
unscientific nomenclature might well he taken to heart hy those
electrophysiologists and electrotherapeutists who still indulge in the
jargon of " franlilinisation," " faradisation," and " galvanisation."
138 MICHAEL FAKADAY.
electricities from different sources, or at least doubt-
ing whether their identity were proven. His first
point was to consider whether " common electricity,"
" animal electricity," and " magneto-electric currents "
could, like " voltaic electricity," produce chemical
decompositions. He began by demonstrating that an
ordinary electric discharge from a friction machine
can affect a suitably disposed galvanometer. One of
his instruments of sufficient sensitiveness was sur-
rounded by an enclosing cage of double metal foil and
wire-work, duly connected to " earth," so as to render
it independent of all disturbances by external electric
charges in its neighbourhood. His " earth " for this
purpose consisted of a stout metal wire connected
through the pipes in the house to the metallic gas-
pipes belonging to the public gas works of London,
and also with the metallic water-pipes of London — an
effectual "discharging train." He used a friction
electric machine with a glass plate 50 inches in
diameter, and a Leyden-jar battery of fifteen jars, each
having about 84 square inches of coated glass. This
battery of jars was first charged from the machine
and then discharged through a wet thread four feet
long, and through the galvanometer to earth via the
" discharging train." Having by this means satisfied
himself that these electric discharges could deflect a
galvanometer, whether through the wet thread, a
copper wire, or through water, or rarefied air, or by
connection through points in air, he went on to the
question of chemical decomposition. Dipping two
silver wires into a drop of solution of sulphate of
copper, he found that one of them became copper-
IDENTITY OF ELECTRICITIES. 139
plated by the electricity that was evolved by 100 or
200 turns of the disc machine. He bleached indigo,
turned starch purple with iodine liberated from iodide
of potassium, exactly as might have been done by a
" volta-electric current " from a battery of cells. He
also decomposed water, giving due recognition to the
antecedent experiments of Van Troostwyk, Pearson,
and Wollaston.
In the paper which he drew up he compares
these results with others made with electric dis-
charges from an electric kite and with those of the
torpedo and other electric fishes. He recapitulates
the properties of magneto-electricity and the proofs
now accumulating that it can decompose water. He
drew up a schedule of the different effects which
electricity can produce, and of the different sources of
electricity, showing in tabular form how far each so-
called kind of electricity had been found to produce
each effect. The conclusion was that there is no
philosophical difference between the different cases ;
since the phenomena produced by the different kinds
of electricity differ not in their character but only in
degree. "Electricity, whatever may be its source, is
identical in its nature." On comparing the effects
produced by different discharges, he concludes that
" if the same absolute quantity * of electricity pass
through the galvanometer, whatever may be its
intensity, the deflecting force upon the magnetic
needle is the same." He was then able to go on to a
* In modern language this would be called the time-integral of the
discharge. The statement is strictly true if the galvanometer (as was
the case with Faraday's) is one of relatively long period of oscillation.
140 MICHAEL FARADAY.
quantitative comparison between the " quantity " of
electricity from different sources, and came to the
conclusion that both in magnetic deflection and in
chemical force the current of electricity given by his
standard battery for eight beats of his watch was
equal to that of the friction machine evolved by thirty
revolutions ; further, that " the chemical power, like
the magnetic force, is in direct proportion to the
absolute quantity of electricity which passes."
This series of researches was published in January,
1833. In April of the same year he sent to the
Royal Society another paper — the fourth series — on
electric conduction. It arose from the surprising
observation that, thousrh water conducts, ice acts as
a complete non-conductor. This led to an examin-
ation of the conducting power of fusible solids
in general. He found that as a rule — excepting
on the one hand the metals, which conduct whether
solid or liquid, and on the other hand fatty bodies,
which are always non-conductors — they assume con-
ducting power when liquefied, and lose it when
congealed. Chloride of lead, of silver, of potassium,
and of sodium, and many chlorates, nitrates, sul-
phates, and many other salts and fusible substances
were found to follow this rule. All the substances
so found to act were compound bodies, and capable
of decomposition by the current. When conduction
ceased, decomposition ceased also. An apparent
exception was found in sulphide of silver, which,
when heated, acquired conducting powers even before
it assumed the liquid state, yet decomposed in the
solid state. This led him on to study electro-chemical
ELECTRO-CHEMICAL WORK. 141
decompositions more closely. Here he was following
directly in the footsteps of his master Davy, whose
discovery of the decomposition of potash and soda
by the electric current had been one of the most
prominent scientific advances resulting from the
invention of the voltaic cell. The fifth series of
researches, published in June, 1833, embodies the
work. He first combats the prevailing opinion that
the presence of water is necessary for electro-chemical
decomposition; then analyses the views of various
philosophers — Grotthuss, Davy, De la Kive, and
others — who had discussed the question whether the
decompositions are due to attractions exercised by
the two poles of the electric circuit. This he contests
in the most direct manner. Already he has reason
to believe that for a given quantity of electricity
passed through the liquid the amount of electro-
chemical action is a constant quantity, and de-
pends in no way on the distance of the particles
of the decomposable substance from the poles.
He regards the elements as progressing in two
streams in opposite directions parallel to the
current, while the poles " are merely the surfaces
or doors by which the electricity enters into or
passes out of the substance suffering decomposi-
tion."
Amongst the laboratory notes of this time are
many which were never published in the " Ex-
perimental Researches," or of which only brief
abstracts appeared. Some of these are of great
interest.
Here is one literally transcribed;^
142 MICHAEL FAHADAY.
26 Feb. 1833.
Chloride Magnesium. — When solid and wire fuzed in non-
conductor — When fuzed conducted very well and was
decomposed A and P Pole much action and gas -chlorine ?
At N Pole Magnesium separated and no gas. Sometimes
Magnesium burnt flying- off in globules burning brilliantly.
When wire at that pole put in water or white M A
[muriatic acid] matter round it acted powerfully evolving
hydrogen and forming Magnesia ; and when wire and
surrounding matter heated in spirit lamp ilfignesium burnt
with intense light into Magnesia. VERY GOOD EXPT.
This recalls the " capital experiment " entry which
Sir Humphry Davy wrote after the account of his
decomposition of caustic potash. On the 7 th of
April we come to a marvellous page of speculations.
He has seen that liquids, both solutions and fused
salts, can be decomposed by the current, and that
at least one solid is capable of electrolysis. But he
finds that alloys and metals ai"te not decomposed.
He finds that electrolysis is easiest for those com-
pounds that consist of the most diverse elements,
and is led on to speculate as to the possible con-
stitution of those conductors that the current does
not decompose. This may involve a recasting of
accepted ideas; but from such a step he does not
shrink, as the following extracts show: —
Metals may not be compounds of elements most fre-
quently combined, but rather of such as are so similar to
each other as to pass out of the limit of voltaic de-
composition.
13th April (same page).
If voltaic decomposition of the kind I believe then
review all substauces upon the new view to see if they
may not be decomposable, &c. &c. <fec.
ATTRACTION BY POLES DOUBTED. 143
He has now found that the facts observed do
not admit of being explained on the supposition
that the motion of the ions is due to the attraction
of the poles, and accordingly there follows the
entry : —
(Ap. 13, 1833.)
A single element is never attracted by a pole, i.e.
without attraction of other element at other pole. Hence
doubt Mr. Brande's Expts on attraction of gases and
vapours. Doubt attraction by poles altogether.
To this subject he returned in 1834; an inter-
vening memoir — the sixth — being taken up with
the power of metals and solids to bring about the
combination of gaseous bodies. In the seventh
series, published in January, 1834, his first work
is to explain the new terms which he has adopted,
on the advice of Whewell, to express the facts.
The so-called poles, being in his view merely doors
or ways by which the current passes, he now terms
electrodes, distinguishing the entrance and exit re-
spectively as anode and cathode* while the decom-
posable liquid is termed an electrolyte, and the
decomposing process electrolysis. " Finally," he says,
in a passage (here italicised) worthy to be engraved
in gold for the essential truth it enunciates on a
question of terminology, " I require a term to express
those bodies which can pass to the electrodes, or,
* From avu upwards and 6$6s u way ; and Kara dowmoards
and 636s a way. The words cathode and cation are now more
usually spelled kathode and /cation. Faraday sometimes spelled
the word cathion (Exp. Ees. Art. 1351), as did also Whewell
'Hist, of Ind. Sciences, vol. iii. p. 166).
144 MICHAEL FARADAY.
as they are usually called, the poles. Substances
are frequently spoken of as being electronegative,
or electropositive, according as they go under the
supposed influence of a direct attraction to the
positive or negative pole. But these terms are much
too significant for the use to which I should have
to put them ; for though the meanings are perhaps
right, they are only hypothetical, and may be
wrong; and then, through a very imperceptible but
still very dangerous, because continual, influence,
they do great injury to science, by contracting and
limiting tlte habitual views of those engaged in
pursuing it, I propose to distinguish such bodies
by calling those anions which go to the anode of
the decomposing body; and those passing to the
cathode, cations; and when I shall have occasion
to speak of these together, I shall call them ions*
Thus, the chloride of lead is an electrolyte, and
when electrolyzed evolves the two ions, chlorine
and lead, the former being an anion and the latter
a cation." In Faraday's own bound volume of the
'' Experimental Researches " he has illustrated these
terms by the sketch here reproduced. (Fig. 12.)
Faraday's letter to Whewell when he consulted
him as to the new words has not been preserved. He
discarded, when the paper was printed, the terms he
had first ussd. Whewell's replies of April 25th and
May 5th, 1834, have been preserved and are printed
in Todhunter's biography of Whewell. From the later
of the two the following passage is extracted : —
* Literally, the travellers, the things which are going.
NEW NOMENCLATURE.
145
[Whewell to Faraday], May 5, 1834.
If you take anode and cathode, I would propose for the two
elements resulting from electrolysis the terms anion and cation,
which are neuter participles signifying that which goes up, and
that which goes down; and for the two together you might
use the term ions. . . . The word is not a substantive in
Greek, but it may easily be so taken, and I am persuaded that
the brevity and simplicity of the terms you will thus have will
in a fortnight procure their universal acceptation. The anion
is that which goes to the anode, the cation is that which goes
Via. 12.
to the cathode. The ih in the latter word arises from the
aspirate in hodos (way), and therefore is not to be introduced
in cases where the second term has not an aspirate, as ion
has not.
On May 15th Faraday replied as follows : —
[Faraday to Whewell.]
I have taken your advice and the names, and use anode,
cathode, anions, cations and ions ; the last I shall have but
little occasion for. I had some hot objections made to them
here, and found myself very much in the condition of the man
with his Son and Ass, who tried to please everybody ; but
when I held up the shield of your authority it was wonderful
to observe how the tone of objection melted away. I am quite
K
146 MICHAEL FARADAY.
delighted with the facility of expression which the new terms
give me, and shall ever be your debtor for the kind assistance
you have given me.
As though to prepare the way for a still further
cutting of himself adrift from the slavery of using
terms that might be found misleading, he added the
following note : —
It will be well understood that I am giving no opinion
respecting the nature of the electric current now, beyond what
1 have done on former occasions ; and that though I speak of
the current as proceeding from the parts which are positive to
those which are negative, it is merely in accordance with the
conventional, though in some degree tacit, agreement entered
into by scientific men, that they may have a constant, certain,
and definite means of referring to the direction of the forces of
that current.
The " former occasions " is a reference to an earlier
suggestion that a current might mean anything pro-
gressive, whether a flow in one direction or two fluids
moving in opposite directions, or merely vibrations, or,
still more generally, progressive forces. He had
expressly said that what we call the electric current
" may perhaps best be conceived of as an axis of -power
having contrary forces, exactly equal in amount, in
contrary directions."
He then suggests as a measurer of current the
standard form of electrolytic cell ever since known as
the voltameter. He preferred that kind in which
water is decomposed, the quantity of electricity which
had flowed through it being measured by the quantity
of the gas or gases evolved during the operation.
Eefore adopting this he undertook careful experiments
ELECTRO-CHEMICAL LAWS. 147
in which his fine manipulative skill, no less than his
chemical experience, was called into service to verify
the fact that the quantity of water decomposed was
really proportionate to the quantity of electricity
which has been passed through the instrument.
Having this standard, he investigated numerous other
cases of decomposition by the current, and so arrived
at a substantial basis for the doctrine of definite,
electro-chemical action. Speaking of the substances
into which electrolytes are divided by the current,
and which he had called ions, he says : " They are
combining bodies ; are directly associated with the
fundamental parts of the doctrine of chemical affinity ;
and have each a definite proportion, in which they
are always evolved during' electrolytic action. . . .
I have proposed to call the numbers representing the
proportions in Avhich they are evolved electro-chemical
equivalents. Thus hydrogen, oxygen, chlorine, iodine,
lead, tin are ions; the three former are anions, the
two metals cations, and 1, 8, 36, 125, 104, 58, are their
electro-chemical equivalents nearly.' -
This fundamental law being set upon an impreg-
nable basis of facts, he goes, on to speculate upon the
absolute quantity of electricity or electric power
belonging to different bodies ; a notion which only
within the last few years has found general acceptance.
In developing this theory he uses the following
language : —
According to it [i.e. this theory], the equivalent weights of
bodies are simply those quantities of them which contain
equal quantities of electricity, or have naturally equal elec-
tric powers ; it being the electeicity which determines the
148 MICHAEL FARADAY.
equivalent number, because it determines the combining force.
Or, if we adopt the atomic theory or phraseology, then the
atoms of bodies which are equivalents to each other in their
ordinary chemical action, have equal quantities of electricity
naturally associated with them. But I must confess I am
jealous of the term atom. . . .
Here we find the modern doctrine of electrons or
unitary atomic charges, clearly formulated in 1834.
In the course of this speculation he remarks that " if
the electrical power which holds the elements of a
grain of water in combination, or which makes a grain
of oxygen or hydrogen in the right proportions unite
into water when they are made to combine, could be
thrown into the condition of a current, it would exactly
equal the current required for the separation of that
grain of water into its elements again." And all this
years before there was any doctrine of the conservation
of energy to guide the mind of the philosopher ! The
passage just cited contains the germs of the thermo-
dynamic theory of electromotive forces worked out
a dozen years later by Sir William Thomson (now
Lord Kelvin), by which theory we can predict the
electromotive forces of any given chemical com-
bination from a knowledge of the heat evolved by
a given mass of the product in the act of combining.
The eighth series of the researches, which was
read in June, 1834, deals chiefly with voltaic cells and
batteries of cells. He is now applying to the opera-
tions inside the primary cell the electrochemical
principles learned by the study of electrolysis in
secondary cells. His thoughts have been incessantly
playing around the problem of electrolytic conduction.
ANOTHER UNSUCCESSFUL QUEST. 149
He was convinced that the forces which shear the
anions from combination with the cations and transfer
them in opposite directions must be inherent before
the circuit is completed, and therefore before any
actual transfer or movement takes place. " It seems to
me impossible," he says, " to resist the idea that it [the
" transfer," or " what is called the voltaic current "]
must be preceded by a state of tension in the fluid.
I have sought carefully for indications of a state
of tension in the electrolytic conductor ; and conceiv-
ing that it might produce something like structure,
either before or during its discharge, I endeavoured
to make this evident by polarised light." He used
a solution of sulphate of soda, but without the
slightest trace of optical action in any direction of
the ray. He repeated the experiment, using a solid
electrolyte, borate of lead, in its non-conducting state,
but equally without result.
During the time of these electrochemical researches
in 1833 and 1834, Faraday's activities for the Royal
Institution were undiminished. In 1833 he gave
seven Friday discourses, three of them on the re-
searches in hand, one on Wheatstone's investigation
of the velocity of the electric spark, and one on the
practical prevention of dry rot in timber, which was
afterwards republished as a pamphlet, and ran to two
editions. In 1834 he gave four Friday discourses ;
two on his electrochemical researches, one on Ericsson's
heat-engine, and the other on caoutchouc.
The ninth series of electrical researches occupied
the autumn of 1834. In it he returns to the study
of the magnetic and inductive actions of the current,
150 MICHAEL FARADAY.
investigating the self-induced spark at the break of
the circuit, to which his attention had been directed
by Mr. W. Jenkin. Several points in this research
are little known even now to electricians, the labora-
tory notes being much more detailed than the pub-
lished paper. He describes an exceedingly neat high-
speed break for producing rapid interruptions, using
for that purpose stationary ripples on the surface of
a pool of mercury. In a wonderful day's work on
1 3th November, filling thirty-four pages of the labora-
tory book, illustrated with numerous unpublished
sketches, he tracks out the properties of self-in-
duction. He proves that the spark (on breaking
circuit) from a wire coiled up in a helix is far
brighter than that from an identical wire laid out
straight. He finds that a non-inductive and, there-
fore, sparkless coil can be made by winding the
wire in two opposite helices. "Thus the whole [in-
ductive] effect of the length of wire was neutralised
by the reciprocal and contrary action of the two
halves which constituted the helices in contrary
directions." The next da}' he writes : " These effects
show that every part of an electric circuit is acting
by induction on the neighbouring parts of the same
current, even in the same vAre and the same part
of the wire."
On 22nd November he is tiying another set of
experiments, also never fully published. They relate
to the diminution of self-induction of a straight
conductor by dividing it into several parallel strands
at a small distance apart from one another. The
note in the laboratory book runs thus : —
EFFECTS OF SELF-INDUCTION 1 . 151
Copper wire ■& of i nc h in diameter. Six lengths of five
feet each, soldered at ends to piece of copper plate so as
form terminations, and these amalgamated. When this
bundle was used to connect the electro-motor it gave but
very feeble spark on breaking contact, but the spark was
sensibly better when the wires are held together so as to
act laterally than when they were opened out from each
other, thus showing lateral action.
Made a larger bundle of the same fine copper wire.
There were 20 lengths of 18 feet 2 inches each and the
thick terminal pieces of copper wire 6 inches long and J of
inch thick.
This bundle he compared with a length of 19 feet
6 inches of a single copper wire ^ inch in diameter,
Fig. 13.
having about equal sectional area. The latter gave
decidedly the largest sparks on breaking circuit.
Faraday did not see fit at this time to accept
the idea, suggested indeed by himself in 1831, that
these effects of self-induction were the analogue of
momentum or inertia. That explanation he set aside
on finding that the same wire when coiled had
greater self-inductive action than when straight.
Had he at that time grasped this analogy, he would
have seen that the very property which gives rise
to the spark at break of circuit also retards the
rapid growth of a current ; and then the experiment
described above would have shown him that Sir
W. Snow Harris was right in preferring flat copper
ribbon to a round wire of equivalent section as a
152 MICHAEL FARADAY.
material for lightning conductors. He was, however,
disappointed to find so small a difference between
round wires and parallel strands. The memoir as
published contains an exceedingly interesting con-
clusion : —
Notwithstanding that the effects appear only at the
making and breaking of contact (the current, remaining
unaffected, seemingly, in the interval,) I cannot resist the
impression that there is some connected and correspondent
effect produced by this lateral action of the elements of
the electric stream during the time of its continuance. An
action of this kind, in fact, is evident in the magnetic
relations of the parts of the current. But admitting (as
we may do for the moment) the magnetic forces to constitute
the" power which produces such striking and different results
at the commencement and termination of a current, still
there appears to be a link in the chain of effects— a wheel
in the physical mechanism of the action, as yet unrecognised.
The tenth series of researches, on the voltaic
battery, though completed in October, 1834, was not
published till June, 1835.
The next research, begun in the autumn of 1835,
after a lull of about eight months, lasted over two
years. It was not completed till December, 1837. This
investigation took Faraday away from magnetic and
electrochemical matters to the old subject of statieal
electric charges, a subject hitherto untouched in his
researches. But he had long brooded over the
question as to the nature of an electric charge. Over
and over again, as he had watched the inductive
effect of electric currents acting from wire to wire,
his mind turned to the old problem of the inductive
influence — discovered eighty years before, by John
ACTION IN A MEDIUM. 153
Canton — exerted, apparently at a distance, by electric
charges. He had learned to distrust action at a
distance, and now the time was ripe for a searching
inquiry as to whether electric influence, or induction *
as it was then called, was also an action propagated
by contiguous actions in the intervening medium.
Faraday had done no special electric work during
the first nine months of 1835. He had worked at
a chemical investigation of fluorine through the
spring, and in July took a hurried tour in Switzer-
land, and returned to work at fluorine. Not till
November 3rd does he turn to the subject over which
he had been brooding. On that date, intercalated
between notes of his chemical studies,, filling a dozen
pages of the laboratory book, are a magnificent series
of speculations as to the nature of charges, and on
the part played by the electric — or, as we should now
say, the dielectric — medium. They begin thus : —
" Have been thinking much lately of the relation
of common and voltaic electricity, of induction by the
former and decomposition by the latter, and am quite
convinced that there must be the closest connection.
Will be first needful to make out the true character " —
note the phrase — "of ordinary electrical phenomena."
* The term induction appears to have "been originally used, in
contradistinction to contact or conduction, to connote those effects
which apparently are in the class of actions at a distance. Thus
we may have induction of a charge by a charge, or of a magnet-
pole by a magnet-pole. To these Faraday had added the induction
of a current by a curient, and the induction of a current by a
moving magnet. Amid such varying adaptations of the word in-
duction, there is much gain in allotting to the electrostatic induction
of charges by charges the distinguishing name of infliurtce, as
suggested by Priestley.
154 MICHAEL FARADAY.
The following notes are for experiment and ob-
servation.
" Does common electricity reside upon the sur-
face of a conductor or upon the surface of the
[di-]electric in contact with it ? "
He goes on to consider the state of a dielectric
substance, such as glass, when situated between a
positively charged and a negatively charged surface,
as in a charged Leyden jar, and argues from analogy
thus : —
" Hence the state of the plate [of glass] under
induction is the same as the state of a magnet, and if
split or broken would present new P[ositive] and
X[egative] surfaces before not at all evident." This
speculation was later verified by Matteucci.
" Probable that phenomena of induction prove
more decidedly than anything else that the electricity
is in the [di-]electric not in the conductor."
He still worked for a week or two on fluorine,
interposing some experiments on the temperature-
limit of magnetisation, but on December 4th decides
not to go on with fluorine at present. Then, beginning
on December 5th, there follow twenty-nine pages ot
the laboratory diary, illustrated with sketches. He
had borrowed from a Mr. Kipp a large deep copper
pan thirty-five inches in diameter, and he set to work
electrifying it and exploring the distribution of the
charges, inside and out, and the inductive effect on
objects placed within. Everywhere he is mentally
comparing the distribution of the effects with that of
the flow of currents in an electrolyte. Before many
days he writes : —
PREGNANT SUGGESTIONS. ' 155
" It appears to me at present that ordinary and
electrolytic induction are identical in their first nature,
but that the latter is followed by an effect which
cannot but from the nature and state of the substances
take place with the former." Then comes this preg-
nant suggestion : —
" Try induction through a solid crystalline body as
to the consequent action on polarized light."
By the end of a week he had begun to suspect
that his magnet analogy went farther than he was at
first prepared to hold. The action of a magnet was
along curved lines of force. So he asks : —
" Can induction through air take place in curves
or round a corner — can probably be found experi-
mentally — if so not a radiating effect."
After ten days more he has made another step.
" Electricity appears to exist only in polarity as in
air, glass, electrolytes, etc. Now metals, being con-
ductors, cannot take up that polar state of their own
power, or rather retain it, and hence probably cannot
retain developed electric forces.
" Metals, however, probably hold it for a moment, as
other things do for a longer time ; an end coming at
last to all."
This, it Avill be observed, is nothing more or
less than Clerk Maxwell's theory of conduction as
being the breaking down of an electrosta tic strain.
In January, 1836, followed the famous experiment
of building a twelve-foot cube, which when electrified
exteriorly to the utmost extent, showed inside no trace
of electric forces. The account in the unpublished
156 MICHAEL FARADAY.
MS. of the laboratory book is, as is the case with
so many of these middle-period researches, much
fuller than the published risumi of them in the
"Experimental Researches." All through 1836 he
was still at work. Even when on a holiday in the
Isle of Wight, in August, he took his notebook with
him, and writes : —
" After much consideration (here at Ryde) of the
manner in which the electric forces are arranged in
the various phenomena generally, I have come to
certain conclusions which I will endeavour to note
down without committing myself to any opinion as to
the cause of electricity, i.e. as to the nature of the
power. If electricity exist independently of matter,
then I think that the hypothesis of one fluid will not
stand against that of two fluids. There are, I think,
evidently, what I may call two elements of power of
equal force and acting towards each other. These
may conventionally be represented by oxygen and
hydrogen, which represent them in the voltaic battery.
But these powers may be distinguished only by direc-
tion, and may be no more separate than the north
and south forces in the elements of a magnetic needle.
They may be the polar points of the forces originally
placed in the particles of matter ; and the description
of the current as an axis of power which I have
formerly given suggests some similar general im-
pression for the forces of quiescent electricity. Law
of electric tension might do, and though I shall use
the terms positive and negative, by them I merely
mean the termini of such lines.''
Right on until November 30th, 1837, this research
ACTION AT A DISTANCE UNTHINKABLE. 157
was continued. The summary of this and the succeed-
ing researches of 1838 on the same subject, drawn up
by Professor Tyndall * is at once so masterly and so
impartial that it cannot be bettered. It is therefore
here transcribed without alteration.
His first great paper on frictional electricity was sent to the
Royal Society on November 30, 1837. We here find him face
to face with an idea which beset his mind throughout his whole
subsequent life— the idea of action at a distance. It perplexed
and bewildered him. In his attempts to get rid of this per-
plexity he was often unconsciously rebelling against the limit-
ations of the intellect itself. He loved to quote Newton upon
this point : over and over again he introduces his memorable
words, "That gravity should be innate, inherent, and essential
to matter, so that one body may act upon another at a distance
through a vacuum and without the mediation of anything else,
by and through which this action and force may be conveyed
from one to another, is to me so great an absurdity, that I
believe no man who has in philosophical matters a competent
faculty of thinking can ever fall into it. Gravity must be
caused by an agent acting constantly according to certain laws;
but whether this agent be material or immaterial I have left to
the consideration of my readers." f
Faraday does not see the same difficulty in his contiguous
particles. And yet by transferring the conception from masses
to particles we simply lessen size and distance, but "we do not
alter the quality of the conception. Whatever difficulty the
mind experiences in conceiving of action at sensible distances,
besets it also when it attempts to conceive of action at insensible
distances. Still the investigation of the point whether electric
and magnetic effects were wrought out through the intervention
of contiguous particles or not, had a physical interest altogether
apart from the metaphysical difficulty. Faraday grapples with
the subject experimentally. By simple intuition he sees that
* " Faraday as a Discoverer," p. 67.
t Newton's third letter to Bentley
158 MICHAEL FARADAY.
action at a distance must be exerted in straight lines. Gravity,
he knows, will not turn a corner, but exerts its pull along a
right line ; hence his aim and effort to ascertain whether
electric action ever takes place in curved lines. This once
proved, it would follow that the action is carried on by means
of a medium surrounding the electrified bodies. His experi-
ments in 1837 reduced, in his opinion, this point to demonstra-
tion. He then found that he could electrify by induction au
insulated sphere placed completely in the shadow of a body
which screened it from direct action. He pictured the lines of
electric force bending round the edges of the screen, and re-
uniting on the other side of it ; and he proved that in many
cases the augmentation of the distance between his insulated
sphere and the inducing body, instead of lessening, increased
the charge of the sphere. This he ascribed to the coalescence
of the lines of electric force at some distance behind the screen.
Faraday's theoretic views on this subject have not received
general acceptance, but they drove him to experiment, and
experiment with him was always prolific of results. By suit-
able arrangements he places a metallic sphere in the middle of
a large hollow sphere, leaving a space of something more than
half an inch between them. The interior sphere was insulated,
the external one uninsulated. To the former he communicated
a definite charge of electricity. It acted by induction upon
the concave surface of the latter, and he examined how this act
of induction was affected by placing insulators of various kinds
between the two spheres. He tried gases, liquids, and solids,
but the solids alone gave him positive results. He constructed
two instruments of the foregoing description, equal in size and
similar in form. The interior sphere of each communicated
with the external air by a brass stem ending in a knob. The
apparatus was virtually a Leyden jar, the two coatings of which
were the two spheres, with a thick and variable insulator
between them. The amount of charge in each jar was deter-
mined by bringing a proof-plane into contact with its knob,
and measuring by a torsion balance the charge taken away.
He first charged one of his instruments, and then dividing the
charge with the other, found that when air intervened in both
SPECIFIC INDUCTIVE CAPACITY.
159
cases, the charge was equally divided. But when shell-lac,
sulphur, or spermaceti was interposed between the two spheres
of one jar, while air occupied this interval in the other, then he
found that the instrument occupied by the " solid dielectric ''
took more than half the original charge. A portion of the
charge was absorbed in the dielectric itself. The electricity
took time to penetrate the dielectric. Immediately after the
Fig. 14.
discharge of the apparatus no trace of electricity was found
upon its knob. But after a time electricity was found there,
the charge having gradually returned from the dielectric in
which it had been lodged. Different insulators possess this
power of permitting the charge to enter them in different
degrees. Faraday figured their particles as polarised, and he
concluded that the force of induction is propagated from
particle to particle of the dielectric from the inner sphere to
the outer one. This power of propagation possessed by in-
sulators he calls their " Specific Inductive Capacity."
Faraday visualises with the utmost clearness the state of
his contiguous particles ; one after another they become
160 MICHAEL FARADAY.
charged, each succeeding particle depending for its charge
upon its predecessor. And now he seeks to break down the
wall of partition between conductors and insulators. "Can
we not," he says, "by a gradual chain of association carry up
discharge from its occurrence in air through spermaceti and
water to solutions, and then on to chlorides, oxides, and metals,
without any essential change in its character ? " Even copper,
he urges, offers a resistance to the transmission of electricity.
The action of its particles differs from those of an insulator
only in degree. They are charged like the particles of the
insulator, but they discharge with greater ease and rapidity ;
and this rapidity of molecular discharge is what we call
conduction. Conduction, then, is always preceded by atomic
induction ; and when through some quality of the body, which
Faraday does not define, the atomic discharge is rendered slow
and difficult, conduction passes into insulation.
Though they are often obscure, a fine vein of philosophic
thought runs through these investigations. The mind of the
philosopher dwells amid those agencies which underlie the
visible phenomena of induction and conduction ; and he tries
by the strong light of his imagination to see the very molecules
of his dielectrics. It would, however, be easy to criticise these
researches, easy to show the looseness, and sometimes the
inaccuracy, of the phraseology employed ; but this critical
spirit will get little good out of Faraday. Eather let those
who ponder his works seek to realise the object he set before
him, not permitting his occasional vagueness to interfere with
their appreciation of his speculations. We may see the ripples,
and eddies, and vortices of a flowing stream, without being
able to resolve all these motions into their constituent elements ;
and so it sometimes strikes me that Faraday clearly saw the
play of fluids and ethers and atoms, though his previous train-
ing did not enable him to resolve what he saw into its con-
stituents, or describe it in a manner satisfactory to a mind
versed in mechanics. And then again occur, I confess, dark
sayings, difficult to be understood, which disturb my confidence
in this conclusion. It must, however, always be remembered
that he works at the very boundaries of our knowledge, and
CABLE RETARDATION PREDICTED. 101
that his mind habitually dwells in the " boundless contiguity
of shade" by which that knowledge is surrounded.
In the researches now under review the ratio of speculation
and reasoning to experiment is far higher 1han in any of
Faraday's previous works. Amid much that is entangled and
dark we have flashes of wondrous insight and utterances
which seem less the product of reasoning than of revelation.
I will confine myself here to one example of this divining
power : — By his most ingenious device of a rapidly rotating
mirror, Wheatstone had proved that electricity required time
to pass through a wire, the current reaching the middle of the
wire later than its two ends. " If," says Faraday, " the two
ends of the wire in Professor Wheatstone's experiments were
immediately connected with two large insulated metallic
surfaces exposed to the air, so that the primary act of induc-
tion, after making the contact for discharge, might be in part
removed from the internal portion of the wire at the first
instance, and disposed for the moment on its surface jointly
with the air and surrounding conductors, then I venture to
anticipate that the middle spark would be more retarded than
before. And if those two plates were the inner and outer
coatings of a large jar or Leyden battery, then the retardation
of the spark would be much greater." This was only a
prediction, for the experiment was not made. Sixteen years
subsequently, however, the proper conditions came into play,
and Faraday was able to show that the observations of Werner
Siemens and Latimer Clark on subterraneous and submarine
wires were illustrations, on a grand scale, of the principle
which he had enunciated in 1838. The wires and the sur-
rounding water act as a Leyden jar, and the retardation
of the current predicted by Faraday manifests itself in every
message sent by such cables.
The meaning of Faraday in these memoirs on induction
and conduction is, as I have said, by no means always
clear ; and the difficulty will be most felt by those who are
best trained in ordinary theoretic conceptions. He does not
know the reader's needs, and he therefore does not meet
them. For instance, he speaks over and over again of the
L
16.2 MICHAEL FARADAY.
impossibility of charging a body with one electricity, though
the impossibility is by no means evident. The key to the
difficulty is this. He looks upon every insulated conductor
as the inner coating of a Leyden jar. An insulated sphere
in the middle of a room is to his mind such a coating ; the
walls are the outer coating, while the air between both is
the insulator, across which the charge acts by induction.
Without this reaction of the walls upon the sphere, you
could no more, according to Faraday, charge it with electricity
than you could charge a Leydea jar, if its outer coating were
removed. Distance with him is immaterial. His strength
as a generaliser enables him to dissolve the idea of magni-
tude ; and if you abolish the walls of the room — even the
earth itself — he would make the sun and planets the outer
coating of his jar. I dare not contend that Faraday in these
memoirs made all these theoretic positions good. But a
pure vein of philosophy runs through these writings; while
his experiments and reasonings on the forms and phenomena
of electrical discharge are of imperishable importance.
In another part of the twelfth memoir, not in-
cluded in the above summary, Faraday deals with
the disruptive discharge, and with the nature of the
spark under varying conditions. This is continued
on into the thirteenth memoir, read Februaty, 1838,
and is extended to the cases of " brush " and " glow "
discharges. He discovered the existence of the very
remarkable phenomenon of the "dark" discharge
near the cathode in rarefied air. He sought to
correlate all the various forms of discharge, as show-
ing the essential nature of an electric current. "If
a ball be electrified positively," he says, " in the
middle of a room, and be then moved in any
direction, effects will be produced, as if a current
in the same direction (to use the conventional mode
COINAGE OF NEW WORDS. 163
of expression) had existed." This is the theory of
convection currents later adopted by Maxwell, and
verified by experiment by Rowland in 1876.
In the course of this research on induction,
Faraday had, as we have seen, been compelled to
adopt new ideas, and therefore to adopt new names
to denote them. The term dielectric for the medium
in or across which the electric forces operate was
one of these. As in previous cases, he consulted
with his friends as to suitable terms. In this in-
stance the following letter from Whewell explains
itself. The letter to which it is a reply has not
been preserved, but the reference to Faraday's ob-
jection to the word current may be elucidated by
a 'comparison with what Faraday wrote in criticism
of that word on pages 146 and 212.
[Rev. W. Whewell to M. Faraday.]
Thin. Coll., Cambridge, Oct. 14, 1837.
My dear Sir, — I am always glad to hear of the progress
of your researches, and never the less so because they require
the fabrication of a new word or two. Such a coinage has
always taken place at the great epochs of discovery ; like
the medals that are struck at the beginning of a new reign : —
or rather like the change of currency produced . by the
accessiou of a new sovereign ; for their value and influence
consists in their coming into common circulation. I am
not sure that I understand the views which you are at
present bringing into shape sufficiently well to suggest any
such terms as you think you want. I think that if I could
have a quarter of an hour's talk with you I should probably
be able to construct terms that would record your new
notions, so far as I could be made to understand them
better than I can by means of letters : for it is difficult
164 MICHAEL FARADAY.
without question and discussion to catch the precise kind
of relation which you want to express. However, by way
of beginning such a discussion, I would ask you whether
you want abstract terms to denote the different and related
conditions of the body which exercises and the body which
suffers induction 1 For though both are active and both
passive it may still be convenient to suppose a certain
ascendancy on one side. If so would two such words as
iii'luctricity and inducteity answer your purpose ? They
ure not very monstrous in their form ; and are sufficiently
distinct. And if you want the corresponding adjectives
yon may call the one the inductric, and the other the
indueteovs body. This last word is rather a startling one ;
but if such relations are to be expressed, terminations are
a good artifice, as we see in chemistry : and I have no
doubt if you give the world facts and laws which are better
expressed with than without such solecisms, they will soon
accommodate to the phrases, as they have often done to
worse ones. But I am rather in the dark as to whether
this is the kind of relation which you want to indicate.
If not, the attempt may perhaps serve to shew you where
my dulness lies. I do not see my way any better as to
the other terms, for I do not catch your objection to
current, which appears to me to be capable of jogging on
very well from cathode to anode, or vice versa. As for
positive and negative, I do not see why cathodic and anodic
should not be used, if they will do the service you want
of them.
I expect to be in London at the end of the month,
and could probably tee you for half an hour on the 1st of
November, say at 10, 11, or 1-2. But in the mean time I
shall be glad to hear from you whether you can make
anything of such conundrums as I have mentioned, and am
always yours very truly,
W. Whew£LI»
M. Faraday Esq re -
Koyal Institution.
LATEKAL ACTIONS OF CURRENT. 165
The concluding part of the thirteenth memoir,
in which these new terms are used, is an exceedingly
striking speculation on the lateral or transverse
effects of the current. In calling special attention
to them, he says : " I refer of course to the magnetic
action and its relations ; but though this is the
only recognised lateral action of the current, there
is great reason for believing that others exist a: cl
would by their discovery reward a close search for
them." He seems to have had an instinctive per-
ception of something that eluded his grasp. Not
until after Maxwell had given mathematical form
to Faraday's own suggestions was this vision to be
realised. He is dimly aware that there appears to
be a lateral tension or repulsion possessed by the
lines of electric inductive action ; and onward runs
his thought in free speculation : —
When current or discharge occurs between two bodi* s,
previously under inductrical relations to each other, the
lines of inductive force 'will weaken and fade away, and,
as their lateral repulsive tension diminishes, will contract
and ultimately disappear in the line of discharge. May not
this be an effect identical with the attractions of similar
currents 1 i.e. may not the passage of static electricity into
current electricity, and that of the lateral tension of the
lines of the inductive force into the lateral attraction of
lines of similar discharge, have the same relation and de-
pendences, and run parallel to each other?
Series fourteen of the memoirs is on the nature,
of the electric force and on the relation of the
electric and magnetic forces, and comprises an in-
conclusive inquiry as to a possible relation between
166 MICHAEL FARADAY.
specific inductive capacity and axes of crystallisation
in crystalline dielectrics — a relation later assumed
as true by Maxwell even before it was demonstrated
by Von Boltzmann. In this memoir, too, occurs a
description of a simple but effective induction balance.
Then he asks what happens to insulating substances,
such as air or sulphur, when, they are put in a place
where the magnetic forces are varying; they ought,
he thinks, to undergo some state or condition corre-
sponding to the state that causes currents in metals
and conductors, and, further, that state ought to
be one of tension. "I have," he says, "by rotating
non-conducting bodies near magnetic poles, and poles
near them, and also by causing powerful electric
currents to be suddenly formed and to cease around
and about insulators in various directions, en-
deavoured to make some such state sensible, but
have not succeeded." In short, he was looking for
direct evidence of the existence of what Maxwell
called " displacement currents " — evidence which was
later found independently by the author and by
Kijntgen. And, again, there rises in his mind a
perception of that elertrotunic state which had
haunted his earlier researches as a something im-
posed upon the surrounding medium during the
growth or dying of an electric current.
In these years (1835-1838) Faraday was still in-
defatigable in his lecture duties. In 1835 he gave
four Friday discourses, and in May and June eight
afternoon lectures at the Royal Institution on the
metals; also a course of fourteen lectures on elec-
tricity to the medical students at St. George's
INCESSANT ACTIVITIES. 16"?
Hospital. In 1836 he published in the Philosophical
Magazine a paper on the magnetism of the metals
— notable as containing the still unverified specu-
lation that all metals would become magnetic in
the same way as iron if only cooled to a sufficiently
low temperature — and three other papers, including
one on the " passive " state of iron. He gave four
Friday discourses and six afternoon lectures on
heat. In 1837 also four Friday night discourses
and six afternoon lectures were delivered. In 1838
three Friday discourses and eight afternoon lectures
on electricity, ending in June with a distinct enun-
ciation of the doctrine of the transformations of
"force" {i.e. energy) and its indestructibility, afforded
evidence of his industry in this respect. At the same
time he was giving scientific advice to the authorities
of Trinity House as to their lighthouses.
The laboratory notebook for March to August,
1.838, shows a long research, occupying nearly 100
folio pages, on the relation of specific inductive
capacity to crystalline structure. This is followed
by some experiments upon an electric eel, at the
Royal Adelaide Gallery, with some unpublished
sketches of the distribution in the water of the
currents it emits. He proved, with great satisfaction,
that the currents it gave were capable of producing
magnetic effects, sparks, and chemical decompo-
sition. These observations were embodied in the
fifteenth series of memoirs.
One entry in the laboratory book, of date
April 5th, 1838, is of great interest, as showing how
his mind ever recurred to the possibility of finding a
168 MICHAEL FARADAY.
connection between optical and electric phenomena :
" Must try polarized light across a crystalline di-
electric under charge. Good reasons perhaps now
evident why a non-crystalline dielectric should have
no effect."
Faraday was now feeling greatly the strain of
all these years of work, and in 1839 did little re-
search until the autumn. Then he returned to the
question of the origin of the electromotive force
of the voltaic cell, and by the end of the year
completed two long papers on this vexed question;
they formed the sixteenth and seventeenth series,
and conclude the memoirs of this second period.
In the eighth series, completed in April, 1834,
on the " Electricity of the Voltaic Pile," Faraday
had dealt with the question — at that time a topic
of excited controversy — of the origin of the electro-
motive force in a cell. Volta, who knew nothing
of the chemical actions, ascribed it to the contact
of dissimilar metals, whilst Wollaston, Becquerel, and
De la Rive considered it the result of chemical
actions. The controversy has long ceased to interest
the scientific world ; for, with the recognition of
the principle of the conservation of energy, it be-
came evident that mere contact cannot provide a
continuing supply of energy. It would now be
altogether dead but for the survival of a belief in
the contact theory on the part of one of the most
honoured veterans in science. But in the years 1834
to 1840 it was of absorbing interest. Faraday's
work quietly removed the props Avhich supported
the older theory, and it crumbled away. He found
TIJE CONTACT THEORY OF ELECTRICITY. 169
that the chemical and electrical effects in the cell
were proportional one to the other, and inseparable.
He discovered a way of making a cell without any
metallic contacts. He showed that without chemical
action there was no current produced. But his re-
sults were ignored for the time. After six years
Faraday reopened the question. Again the admir-
able summary of Professor Tyndall is drawn upon
for the following account: —
The memoir on the "Electricity of the Voltaic Pile,''
published in 1834, appears to have produced but little im-
pression upon the supporters of the contact theory. These
indeed were men of too great intellectual weight and in-
sight lightly to take up, or lightly to abandon, a theory.
Faraday therefore resumed the attack in two papers com-
municated to the Koyal Society on February 6 and March
19, 1840. In these papers he hampered his antagonists by
a crowd of adverse experiments. He hung difficulty after
difficulty about the neck of the contact theory, until in its
efforts to escape from his assaults it so changed its character
as to become a thing totally different from the theory pro-
posed by Volta. The more persistently it was defended,
however, the more clearly did it show itself to be a congeries
of devices, bearing the stamp of dialectic skill rather than
that of natural truth.
In conclusion, Faraday brought to bear upon it an argu-
ment which, had its full weight and purport been understood
at the time, would have instantly decided the controversy.
"The contact theory," he urged, "assumes that a force which
is able to overcome powerful resistance, as for instance that
of the conductors, good or bad, through which the current
passes, and that agaiti of the electrolytic action where bodies
are decomposed by it, can arise out of nothing ; that without
any change in the acting matter, or the consumption of any
generating force, a current shall be produced which shall
170 MICHAEL FARADAY.
go on for ever against a constant resistance, or only be
stopped, as in the voltaic trough, by the ruins which its
exertion has heaped up in its own course. This would
indeed be a creation of power, and is like no other force in
nature. We have many processes by which the form of the
power may be so changed, that an apparent conversion of
one into the other takes place. So we can change chemical
force into the electric current, or the current into chemical
force. The beautiful experiments of Seebeck and Peltier
show the convertibility of heat and electricity ; and others
by Oersted and myself show the convertibility of electricity
and magnetism. But in no case, not even in those of the
gymnotus and torpedo, is there a pure creation or a pro-
duction of power without a corresponding exhaustion of
something to supply it."
In 1839 Faraday gave five Friday discourses and
a course of eight afternoon lectures on the non-
metallic elements. In 1840 he gave three Friday
discourses and seven lectures on chemical affinity.
But in the summer came the serious breakdown
alluded to on page 75. He did no experimental work
after September 14th, nor indeed for nearly two
years. Even then it was only a temporary return
to research to investigate the source of the electrifi-
cation produced by steam in the remarkable experi-
ments of Mr. (afterwards Lord) Armstrong. He proved
it to be due to friction. This done, he continued
to rest from research until the middle of 1844,
though he lectured a little for the Royal Institu-
tion. In 1841 he gave the juvenile lectures. In
1842 he gave two Friday discourses, one of them
being on the lateral discharge in lightning-rods. He
also gave the Christmas lectures on electricity.
In 1843 he gave three Friday discourses, one
END OF SECOND ACTIVE PERIOD. 171
of which was on the electricity generated by a jet
of steam ; and repeated the eight afternoon lectures
he had given in 1838. In 1844 he gave eight
lectures on heat and two Friday discourses. He
also resumed research on the condensation of gases,
and vainly tried to liquefy oxygen and hydrogen,
though he succeeded with ammonia and nitrous
oxide.
During these years of rest he also did a little
work for Trinity House, chiefly concerning light-
houses and their ventilation
CHAPTER V.
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES: THIRD PERIOD.
Throughout the fruitful ten years of Faraday's
middle period two magistral ideas had slowly grown
up in his mind, and as he let his thought play about
the objects of his daily activities, these ideas possessed
and dominated him as no newly suggested idea could
have done. They were the correlation and inter-
convertibility of the forces of nature, and the optical
relations of magnetism and electricity.
During the period of enforced rest, from 1839 to
184-i, these ideas had been ever with him. His was a
mind which during times of quiet brooding did not
cease to advance. In silence his thoughts arranged
themselves in readiness for the next period of activity,
and his work, when it began again, was all the more
fruitful for the antecedent period of cogitation.
On August 30th, 1845, Faraday for the sixth time
set to work in his laboratory to search for the con-
nection between light and electricity for which he
had so often looked, and about which he had so boldly
speculated. He began by looking for some effect
to be produced on polarised light by passing it
through a liquid which was undergoing electrolysis.
What effect precisely he expected to observe is
OPTICAL ANALYSIS. 173
unknown. Doubtless he had an open mind to per-
ceive effects of any kind had such occurred. Earlier
in the century the phenomena of polarised light had
been worked out in great detail, through a host of
beautiful phenomena, by Arago, Biot, Brewster, and
others; and their discoveries had shown that this
agent is capable of revealing in transparent substances
details of structure which otherwise would be quite
invisible. Placed between two Nicol prisms or two
slices of tourmaline, to serve respectively as "polariser"
and "analyser," thin sheets of transparent crystal —
selenite or mica — were made to reveal the fact that
they possessed an axis of maximum elasticity. For
when the analyser and polariser were set in the
" crossed " position, where the one would cut off
all the luminous vibrations that the other would
transmit, no light would be visible to the observer,
unless in the intervening space there were interposed
some substance endowed with one of two properties,
either that of resolving some part of the vibrations
into an oblique direction or else that of rotating the
plane of the vibrations to right or to left. If either
of these things is done, light appears through the
analyser. It is thus that structure is observed in
horn and in starch grains. It is thus that the
strains in a piece of compressed glass are made
visible. It is thus that crystalline structures gener-
ally can be studied. It is thus that the discovery was
made of the substances which possess the strange
property of twisting or rotating the plane of polar-
isation of light — namely, quartz crystal, solutions of
sugar and of certain alkaloids, and certain other
174 illCHAEL FA11ADAY.
liquids, such as turpentine. Such was the agent
which Faraday proposed to employ to detect whether
electric forces impress any quality resembling that ot
structure -upon transparent materials.
The notes begin with the words : — •
" I have had a glass trough made 24 inches long,
1 inch wide and about H deep, in which to decom-
pose electrolites and, whilst under decomposition,
along which I could pass a ray of light in different
conditions and afterwards examine it."
He put into this trough two platinum electrodes
and a solution of sulphate of soda, but could find no
effects. Eight pages of the notebook are filled with
details all leading to negative results. For ten days
he worked at these experiments with liquid electrolytes.
The substances used were distilled water, solution of
sugar, dilute sulphuric acid, solution of sulphate
of soda (using platinum electrodes), and solution of
sulphate of copper (using copper electrodes). The
current was sent along the ray, and perpendicular
to it in two directions at right angles with each other.
The ray was made to rotate, by altering the position
of the polariser (in this case a black-glass mirror
at the proper angle), so that the plane of polarisation
might be varied. The current was used as a con-
tinuous current, as a rapidly intermitting current, and
as a rapidly alternating induction current; but in lib
case was any trace of action 'perceived.
Then he turned to solid dielectrics to see if undei
electric strain they would yield any optical effect.
He had indeed so far back as 1838 tried the experi-
ment of coating two opposite faces of a glass cube
A DIFFICULT RESEARCH. 175
with metal foil plates that were then electrified by a
powerful electric machine. But the experiment had
no result. This experiment he now repeats with a
score of elaborate variations, trying both crystalline
and non-crystalline dielectrics. Kock-crystal, Iceland
spar, flint glass, heavy-glass, turpentine, and air, had
a beam of polarised light passed through them, and at
the same time " lines of electrostatic tension " were,
by means of the coatings, Leyden jars, and the electric
machine, directed across these bodies, both parallel to
the polarised ray and across it, both in and across the
plane of polarisation ; but again without any visible
effect. Then he tries on the same bodies, and on
water, the " tension " of a rapidly alternating induced
current, but still with the same negative result.
Professor Tyndall stated that from conversation with
Faraday, and with his faithful assistant Anderson, he
inferred that the labour expended on this preliminary
and apparently fruitless research was very great. It
occupies many pages of the laboratory notebook. That
thirty-two years later Dr. Kerr succeeded in finding
this optical effect of electrostatic strain for which
Faraday vainly sought, is no reflection upon Faraday's
powers of observation. Had there been no Faraday
there had doubtless been no discovery by Kerr.
So far the quest had been carried on either with
electric currents flowing through the transparent
substance or else with mere statical electric forces,
and a whole fortnight had been spent without result.
Now another track is taken, and it leads straight
to success. He substitutes magnetic for electric
forces.
176 MICHAEL FARADAY.
" 13th Sept. 1845.
" To-day worked with lines of magnetic force,
passing them across different bodies transparent in
different directions, and at the same time passing a
polarized ray of light through them, and afterwards
examining the ray by a Nichol's Eye-piece or other
means. The magnets were Electro-magnets one
being our large cylinder Electro-magnet and the
other a temporary iron core put into the helix on
Fig. 15.
a frame. This was not nearly so strong as the former.
The current of 5 cells of Grove's battery was sent
through both helices at once and the magnets were
made and unmade by putting in or stopping off the
electric current." Air, flint-glass, rock-crystal, cal-
careous spar, were examined, but without effect. And
so ho worked on through the morning, trying first
one specimen, then another, altering the directions
of the poles of his magnets, reversing their polarity,
changing the position of his optical apparatus, in-
creasing the battery power of his magnetising current
Then he bethinks him of that " heavy-glass " — the
boro-silicate of lead — which had cost him nearly four
years of precious labour during the first period of his
MAGNETO-OPTIC DISCOVERY.
177
scientific life. The entry in the notebook is charac-
teristic.
" A piece of heavy glass, which was 2 inches by
l - 8 inches and 05 of an inch thick, being a silico-
borate of lead, was experimented with. It gave no
effects when the same magnetic poles or the contrary
poles were on opposite sides (as respects the course of
Fig. 16.
the polarised ray) ; — nor when the same poles were on
the same side either with the constant or intermitting
current ; BUT when contrary magnetic poles were on
the same side there was an effect produced on the
polarised ray, and thus magnetic force and light were
proved to have relations to each other. This fact will
most likely prove exceedingly fertile, and of great
value in the investigation of conditions of natural
force.
" The effect was of this kind. The glass, a result
of one of my old experiments on optical glass, had
M
178
MICHAEL FARADAY.
been exceedingly well annealed so that it did not
in any degree affect the polarized ray. The two
magnetic poles were in a horizontal plane, and the
piece of glass put up flat against them so that the
polarized ray could pass through its edges and be
examined by the eye at a Nicholl's eye piece. In its
natural state the glass had no effect on the polarized
ray but on making contact at the battery so as
to render the cores N and S magnets instantly
the glass acquired a certain degree of power of
Fig. 17.
deiwlit, rising the ray which it retained steadily as
long as the cores were magnets but which it lost
the instant the electric current was stopped. Hence
it was a permanent condition and as was expected
did not sensibly appear with an intermitting current.
" The effect was not influenced by any jogging
motion or any moderate pressure of the hands on
the glass.
" The heavy glass had tinfoil coatings on its
two sides but when these were taken off the effect
remained exactly the same.
A mass of soft iron on the outside of the heavy
glass greatly diminished the effect [see Fig. 17]. . . .
" All this shews that it is when the polarized ray
passes parallel to the lines of magnetic induction
ENOUGH FOR TO-DAY. 179
or rather to the direction of the magnetic curves,
that the glass manifests its power of affecting the
ray. So that the heavy glass in its magnetized
state corresponds to the cube of rock crystal : the
direction of the magnetic curves in the piece
of glass corresponding to the direction of the
optic axis in the crystal (see Exp. Researches
1689-1698). . .
Fig. 18.
"Employed our large ring electro-magnet which
is very powerful and has of course the poles in the
right [position] only they are very close not more
than [05] of an inch apart. When the heavy
glass was put up against it the effect was produced
better than in any former case. . . .
"Have got enough for to-day."
The description which he published in the
" Researches " of the first successful experiment is
as follows : —
"A piece of this glass about 2 inches square
and 0"5 of an inch thick, having flat and polished
edges, was placed as a diamagnetic* between the
* Faraday's definition is : — " By a diamagnelic, I mean a body
through which lines of magnetic force are passing, and which
180 MICHAEL FARADAY.
poles (not as yet magnetized by the electric current),
so that the polarized ray should pass through its
length ; the glass acted as air, water, or any other
indifferent substance would do ; and if the eye-piece
[i.e. analyzer] were previously turned into such a
position that the polarized ray was extinguished, or
rather the image produced by it rendered invisible,
then the introduction of this glass made no alteration
in that respect. In this state of circumstances the
force of the electromagnet was developed, by sending
an electric current through its coils, and immediately
the image of the lamp-flame became visible, and
continued so as long as the arrangement continued
magnetic. On stopping the electric current, and so
causing the magnetic force to cease, the light in-
stantly disappeared ; these phsenomena could be
renewed at pleasure, at any instant of time, and
upon any occasion, showing a perfect dependence
of cause and effect,"
He paused for four days in order to procure
more powerful electromagnets, for the effect which
he had observed was exceedingly slight : " A person
looking for the phsenomenon for the first time would
not be able to see it with a weak magnet."
The entry in the notebook begins again: —
" 18th Sept. 1845.
" Have now boi rowed and received the Woolwich
magnet."
does not Ijy their action assume the usual magnetic state of iron
or loadstone." It was thus a term strictly analogous to the term
dielectric used for bodies through which lines of electric force
might pass.
AN EXCELLENT DAY'S WORK. 181
This was a more powerful electromagnet than
that at the Institution. With this he sets to
work with such energy that twelve pages of the
laboratory book are filled in one day. His thoughts
had ripened during the five days, and he advanced
rapidly from point to point. The first experiment
with the Woolwich magnet brings out another point,
of which at once he grasped the significance : —
"Heavy Glass (original, or 174*) when placed
thus produced a very fine effect. The brightness of
the image produced rose gradually not instantly, due
to this that the iron cores do not take their full
intensity of magnetic state at once but require
time, and so the magnetic curves rise in intensity.
In this way the effect is one by which an optical
examination of the electromagnet can be made —
and the time necessary clearly shewn."
He next ascertains definitely that the phenomenon
is one of rotatory polarisation — that is to say, the
action of the magnet is to twist and rotate the
plane of polarisation through a definite angle de-
pending on the strength of the magnet and the
direction of the exciting current. He finds the
direction of the rotation, and verifies it by com-
parison with the ordinary optical rotation produced
by turpentine and by a solution of sugar, winding
up with the words: — ■
" An excellent fifty's work."
For four days he went on accumulating proofs,
and now succeeding with the very substances with
* i.e. Specimen No. 174. Its composition was equal parts by
weight of boracio acid, oxide of lead, and silica.
182 MICHAEL FARADAY.
which he formerly failed. On September 26th he
tried the conjoint effect of a magnetic and an
electric field. He also tried the effect of a current
running along a transparent liquid electrolytically
whilst the magnet was in operation. The only re-
sults appeared to be those due to the magnet alone.
For six days in October the experiments were con-
tinued. He noted, as a desideratum, a transparent
oxide of iron. "With some degree of curiosity and
hope'' he "put gold leaf into the magnetic lines,
but could perceive no effect." He was instinctively
looking for the phenomenon which Kundt later
discovered as a property of thin transparent films
of iron. He entered amongst the speculative sugges-
tions in his notebook the query: "Does this [magnetic]
force tend to make iron and oxide of iron trans-
parent ? " On October 3rd he tried experiments on
light reflected from the surface of metals placed in
the magnetic field. He indeed obtained an optical
rotation by reflection at the surface of a polished
steel button, but the results were inconclusive owing
to imperfection of the surface. It was reserved for
J)r. Kerr to rediscover and follow up this effect.
On October 6th he looked for mechanical and
magnetic effects on pieces of heavy-glass and on
liquids in glass bulbs placed between the poles of
his magnet, but found none. He also looked for
possible effects of rapid motion given to the dia-
magnetic while jointly subject to the action of
magnetism and the light, but found none.
On October 11th he thinks he has got hold of
another new fact when experimenting on liquids in a
UNFULFILLED EXPECTATIONS. 183
long glass tube, the record of it filling three pages.
But two days afterwards he finds it only a disturbing
effect due to the communication of heat to the liquid
from the surrounding magnetising coil. He seems to
regret the loss of the new fact, but adds : " As to the
other phenomenon of circular polarization, that comes
out constant, clear, and beautiful."
Then, with that idea of the correlation of forces
always in his head, there recurs to him the notion
that if magnetism or electric currents can affect a
beam of light, there must be some sort of converse
phenomenon, and that in some way or other light
must be able to electrify or to magnetise. Thirty-one
years before, when visiting Rome with Davy, he had
witnessed the experiments of Morichini on the
alleged magnetic effect of violet light, and had
remained unconvinced. His own idea is very
different. And October 14th being a bright day with
good sunlight, he makes the attempt. Selecting a
very sensitive galvanometer, he connects it to a spiral
of wire 1 inch in diameter, 42 inches long, of 56
convolutions, and then directs a beam of sunlight
along its axis. He tries letting the beam pass
alternately through the coil while the outside is
covered, and then along the exterior while the interior
is shaded. But still there is no effect. Then he
inserts an unmagnetised steel bar within the coil, and
rotates it while it is exposed to the sun's rays. Still
there is no effect, and the sun goes down on another
of the unfulfilled expectations. But had he lived to
learn of the effect of light in altering the electric
resistance of selenium discovered by Mayhew, of the
184 MICHAEL FARADAY.
photoelectric currents discovered by Becquerel, of
the discharging action of ultra-violet light discovered
by Hertz, of the revivifying effect of light on recently
demagnetised iron discovered by Bidwell, he would
have rejoiced that such other correlations should
have been found, though different from that which
he sought. On November 3rd he receives a new
horseshoe magnet, with which he hoped to find some
optical effect on air and other gases, but again
without result. That the magnetism of the earth
does actually rotate the plane of polarisation of
sky light was the discovery of Henri Becquerel so late
as 1878.
Faithful to his own maxim : " Work, finish,
publish," Faraday lost no time in writing out his
research. It was presented to the Koyal Society on
November 6th, but the main result was verbally
mentioned on November 3rd at the monthly meeting
of the Royal Institution, and reported in the
Athenceum of November 8th, 1845.
But even before the memoir was thus given to the
world another discovery had been made. For on
November 4th with the new magnet he repeated an
experiment which a month previously had been
without result. So preoccupied was he over the new
event that he did not even go to the meeting of the
Royal Society on November 20th, when his paper on
the " Action of Magnets on Light " was read. What
that new discovery was is well told by Faraday himself
in the letter which he sent to Professor A. de la Rive
on December 4th : —
FRESH MAGNETIC DISCOVERY. .185
[Faraday to Professor Aug. de la Hive.']
Brighton, December 4, 1845.
My dear Friend, — * * I count upon you as one
of those whose free hearts have pleasure in my success, and I
am very grateful to you for it. I have had your last letter by
me on my desk for several weeks, intending to answer it ; but
absolutely I have not been able, for of late I have shut myself
up in my laboratory and wrought, to the exclusion of every-
thing else. I heard afterwards that even your brother had
called on one of these days and been excluded.
Well, a part of this result is that which you have heard,
and my paper was read to the Royal Society, I believe, last
Thursday, for I was not there ; and I also understand there
have been notices in the Athenceum, but I have not had time
to see them, and I do not know how they are done. However,
I can refer you to the Times of last Saturday (November 29th)
for a very good abstract of the paper. I do not know who
put it in, but it is well done, though brief. To that account,
therefore, I will refer you.
For I am still so involved in discovery that I have hardly
time for my meals, and am here at Brighton both to refresh
and work my head at once, and I feel that unless I had been
here, and been careful, I could not have continued my labours.
The consequence has been that last Monday I announced to
our members at the Royal Institution another discovery, of
which I will give you the pith in a few words. The paper will
go to the Royal Society next week, and probably be read as
shortly after as they can there find it convenient.
Many years ago I worked upon optical glass, and made a
vitreous compound of silica, boracic acid, and lead, which I
will now call heavy glass, and which Amici uses in some of his
microscopes ; and it was this substance which enabled me first
to act on light by magnetic and electric forces. Now, if a
square bar of this substance, about half an inch thick and two
inches long, be very freely suspended between the poles of a
powerful horse-shoe electro-magnet, immediately that the
magnetic force is developed, the bar points ; but it does not
186 MICHAEL FARADAY.
point from pole to pole, but equatorially or across the magnetic
lines of force — i.e. east and west in respect of the north and
south poles. If it be moved from this position it returns to
it, and this continues as long as the magnetic force is in action.
This effect is the result of a still simpler action of the magnet
on the bar than what appears by the experiment, and which
may be obtained at a single magnetic pole. For if a cubical
or rounded piece of the glass be suspended by a fine thread six
or eight feet long, and allowed to hang very near a strong
magneto-electric pole (not as yet made active), then on render-
ing the pole magnetic the glass will be repelled, and continue
repelled until the magnetism ceases. This effect or power I
have worked out through a great number of its forms and
strange consequences, and they will occupy two series of the
"Experimental .Researches." It belongs to all matter (not
magnetic, as iron) without exception, so that every substance
belongs to the one or the other class — magnetic or diamagnetic
bodies. The law of action in its simple form is that such
matter tends to go from strong to weak points of magnetic
force, a.nd in doing this tbe substance will go in either
direction along the magnetic curves, or in either direction
across them. It is curious that amongst the metals are found
bodies possessing this property in as high a degree as perhaps
any other substance. In fact, I do not know at present
whether heavy glass, or bismuth, or phosphorus is the most
striking in this respect. I have very little doubt that you
have an electro-magnet strong enough to enable you to verify
the chief facts of pointing equatorially and repulsion, "if you
will use bismuth carefully examined as to its freedom from
magnetism, and making of it a bar an inch and a half long,
and one-third or one-fourth of an inch wide. Let me, how-
ever, ask the favour of your keeping this fact to yourself for
two or three weeks, and preserving the date of this letter as a
record. I ought (in order to preserve the respect due to the
Royal Society) not to write a description to anyone until the
paper has been received or even read there. After three
weeks or a month I think you may use it, guarding, as I am
sure you will do, my right.
MAGNETIC EXPERIMENTS. 187
And now, my dear friend, I must conclude, and hasten to
work again. But first give my kindest respects to Madame de
la Rive, and many thanks to your brother for his call.
Ever your obedient and affectionate friend,
M. Faraday.
The discovery of diamagnetism which Faraday
thus announced was in itself a notable achievement.
As Tyndall points out, the discovery itself was in all
probability due to Faraday's habit of not regarding
as final any negative result of an experiment until he
had brought to bear upon it the most powerful
resources at his command. He had tried the effects of
ordinary magnets on brass and copper and other
materials commonly considered as non-magnetic.
But when, for the purpose of the preceding reseai - ch
on the relation of magnetism to light, he had
deliberately procured electromagnets of unusual
power, he again tried what their effect might be upon
non-magnetic stuffs. Suspending a piece of his
heavy glass near the poles in a stirrup of writing-
paper slung upon the end of a long thread of cocoon
silk, he found it to experience a strong mechanical
action when the magnet was stimulated by turning
on the current. His precision of description is
characteristic : —
I shall have such frequent occasion to refer to two chief
positions of position across the magnetic field, that, to avoid
periphrasis, I will here ask leave to use a term or two
conditionally. One of these directions is that from pole to
pole, or along the lines of magnetic force, I will call it the
axial direction ; the other is the direction perpendicular to
this, and across the line of magnetic force and for the time,
188 MICHAEL FARADAY.
and as respects the space between the poles, I will call it the
equatorial direction.
Note the occurrence in the above passage for the
first time of the term " the magnetic field." Faraday's
description of the discovery continues as follows : —
The bar of silicated borate of lead or heavy glass already
described as the substance in which magnetic forces were first
made effectually to bear on a ray of light, and which is 2
inches long, and about 0"5 inch wide and thick, was suspended
centrally between the magnetic poles, and left until the effect
of torsion was over. The magnet was then thrown into action
rr
Fig. 19.
by making contact at the voltaic battery. Immediately the
bar moved, turning round its point of suspension, into a
position across the magnetic curve or line of force, and, after a
few vibrations, took up its place of rest there. On being
displaced by hand from this position it returned to it, and
this occurred many times in succession.
Either end of the bar indifferently went to either side of
the axial line. The determining circumstance was simply
inclination of the bar one way or the other to the axial line at
the beginning of the experiment. If a particular or marked
end of the bar were on one side of the magnetic or axial
line when the magnet was rendered active, that end went
further outwards until the bar had taken up the equatorial
position. . . .
Here, then, we have a magnetic bar which points east
and west in relation to north and south poles — i.e. points
perpendicularly to the lines of magnetic force. . . .
DIAMAGNETIC LAWS. 189
To produce these effects of pointing across the magnetic
curves, the form of the heavy glass must be long. A cube or
a fragment approaching roundness in form will not point, but
a long piece will. Two or three rounded pieces or cubes,
placed side by side in a paper tray, so as to form an oblong
accumulation, will also point.
Portions, however, of any form are repelled; so if two
pieces be hung up at once in the axial line, one near each pole,
they are repelled by their respective poles, and approach,
seeming to attract each other. Or if two pieces be hung
up in the equatorial line, one on each side of the axis,
then they both recede from the axis, seeming to repel each
other.
From the little that has been said, it is evident that the
bar presents in its motion a complicated result of the force
exerted by the magnetic power over the heavy glass, and that
when cubes or spheres are employed a much simpler indication
of the effect may be obtained. Accordingly, when a cube was
thus used with the two poles, the effect was repulsion or
recession from either pole, and also recession from the magnetic
axis on either side.
So the indicating particle would move either along the
magnetic curves or across them, and it would do this either in
one direction or the other, the only constant point being that
its tendency was to move from stronger to weaker places of
magnetic force.
This appeared much more simply in the case of a single
magnetic pole, for then the tendency of the indicating cube or
sphere was to move outwards in the direction of the magnetic
lines of force. The appearance was remarkably like a case of
weak electric repulsion.
The cause of the pointing of the bar, or any oblong
arrangement of the heavy glass, is now evident. It is merely
a result of the tendency of the particles to move outwards, or
into the positions of weakest magnetic action.
When the bar of heavy glass is immersed in water,
alcohol, or aether, contained in a vessel between the poles, all
190 MICHAEL FARADAY.
the preceding effects occur — the bar points and the cube
recedes exactly in the same manner as in air.
The effects equally occur in vessels of wood, stone, earth,
copper, lead, silver, or any of those substances which belong to
the diamagnetic class.
I have obtained the same equatorial direction and
motions of the heavy glass bar as those just described, but
in a very feeble degree, by the use of a good common steel
horseshoe magnet.
Then he goes on to enumerate the many bodies of
all sorts : crystals, powders, liquids, acids, oils ; organic
bodies such as wax, olive-oil, wood, beef (fresh and
dry), blood, apple, and bread, all of which were found
to be diamagnetic. On this he remarks : —
It is curious to see such a list as this of bodies presenting
on a sudden this remarkable property, and it is strange to find
a piece of wood, or beef, or apple, obedient to or repelled by a
magnet. If a man could be suspended with sufficient delicacy
after the manner of Dufay, and placed in the magnetic field,
he would point equatorially, for all the substances of which he
is formed, including the blood, possess this property.
A few bodies were found to be feebly magnetic,
including paper, sealing-wax, china ink, asbestos,
fluorspar, peroxide of lead, tourmaline, plumbago,
and charcoal. As to the metals, he found iron,
cobalt, and nickel to stand in a distinct class. A
feeble magnetic action in platinum, palladium, and
titanium was suspected to be due to traces of iron in
them. Bismuth proved to be the most strongly
diamagnetic, and was specially studied. The repellent
effect between bismuth and a magnet had indeed
been casually observed twice in the prior history of
THE MAGNETIC BRAKE. 191
science, first by Brugmans, then by Le Baillif.
Faraday, with characteristic frankness, refers to his
having a "vague impression" that the repulsion of
bismuth by a magnet had been observed before,
though unable at the time of writing to recollect any
reference. His own experiments ran over the whole
range of substances, however, and demonstrated the
universal existence in greater or less degree of this
magnetic nature. Certain differences observed be-
tween the behaviour of bismuth and of heavy glass
on the one hand, and of copper on the other hand,
though all are diamagnetic, led him to note and
describe some of the pseudo-diamagnetic effects which
occur in copper and silver, in consequence of the
induction in them of eddy-currents, from which heavy-
glass and bismuth are, by their inferior electric
conductivity, comparatively free. He described the
beautiful and now classical experiment of arresting,
by turning on the exciting current, the rotation of
a copper cylinder spinning between the poles of an
electromagnet.
Faraday continued to prosecute this newest line of
research, and at the end of December, 1845, presented
another memoir (the twenty-first series of the Experi-
mental Researches) to the Royal Society. He had
now examined the salts of iron, and had found that
every salt and compound containing iron in the basic
part was magnetic, both in the solid and in the liquid
state. Even prussian-blue and green bottle-glass
were magnetic. The solutions of the salts of iron
were of special importance, since they furnish the
means of making a magnet which is for the time
192 MICHAEL FARADAY.
liquid, transparent, and, within certain limits, adjust-
able in strength. His next step was to examine how
bodies behaved when immersed in some surrounding
medium. A weak solution of iron, enclosed in a very
thin glass tube, though it pointed axially when hung
in air, pointed equatorially when immersed in a
stronger solution. A tube full of air pointed axially,
and was attracted as if magnetic when surrounded
with water. Substances such as bismuth, copper, and
phosphorus are, however, highly diamagnetic when
suspended in vacuo. Such a view would make mere
space magnetic. Hence Faraday inclined at first to
the opinion that diamagnetics had a specific action
antithetically distinct from ordinary magnetic action.
Several times he pointed out that all the phenomena
resolve themselves simply into this, that a portion of
such matter as is termed diamagnetic tends to move
from stronger to places or points of weaker force in
the magnetic field. He does, indeed, hazard the
suggestion that the phenomena might be explained
on the assumption that there was a sort of diamag-
netic polarity — that magnetic induction caused in
them a contrary state to that which it produced in
ordinary magnetic matter. But his own experi-
ments failed to support this view, and, in oppo-
sition to Weber and Tyndali, he maintained
afterwards the non-polar nature of diamagnetic
action.
In 1846 Faraday gave two Friday night discourses
on these magnetic researches, one on the cohesive
force of water, and one on Wheatstone's electro-
magnetic chronoscope. At the conclusion of the
THOUGHTS ON RAY VIBRATIONS, 193
last-named he said that he was induced to utter a
speculation which had long been gaining strength in
his mind, that perhaps those vibrations by which
radiant energies, such as light, heat, actinic rays, etc.,
convey their force through space are not mere
vibrations of an aether, but of the lines of force which,
in his view, connect different masses, and so was
inclined, in his own phrase, " to dismiss the sether."
In one of his other discourses he made the suggestion
that we might " perhaps hereafter obtain magnetism
from light."
The speculation above referred to is of such
intrinsic importance, in view of the developments of
the last decade, that it compels further notice.
Faraday himself further expanded it in a letter to
Kichard Phillips, which was printed in the Philo-
sophical Magazine for May, 1846, under the title
" Thoughts on Kay- vibrations." In this avowedly
speculative paper Faraday touched the highest point
in his scientific writings, and threw out, though in a
tentative and fragmentary way, brilliant hints of that
which his imagination had perceived, as in a vision ;
— the doctrine now known as the electromagnetic
theory of light. At the dates when the earlier
biographies of Faraday appeared, neither that doctrine
nor this paper had received the recognition due to its
importance. Tyndall dismisses it as " one of the
most singular speculations that ever emanated from
a scientific man." Bence Jones just mentions it in
half a line. Dr. Gladstone does not allude to it. It
therefore seems expedient to give here some extracts
from the letter itself: —
194 MICHAEL FARADAY,
, THOUGHTS ON KAY- VIBRATIONS.
To Richard Phillips, Esq.
Dear Sir, — At your request, I will endeavour to convey
to you a notion of that which I ventured to say at the close
of the last Friday evening meeting . . . ; but, from first
to last, understand that I merely threw out, as matter for
speculation, the vague impressions of my mind, for I gave
nothing as the result of sufficient consideration, or as the
settled conviction, or even probable conclusion at which I had
arrived.
The point intended to be set forth for the consideration
of the hearers was whether it was not possible that the
vibrations — which in a certain theory are assumed to account
for radiation and radiant phenomena — may not occur in the
lines of force which connect particles, and consequently
masses, of matter together — a notion which, as far as it is
admitted, will dispense with the aether, which, in another
view, is supposed to be the medium in which these vibra-
tions take place.
Another consideration bearing conjointly on the hypo-
thetical view, both of matter and radiation, arises from the
comparison of the velocities with which the radiant action and
certain powers of matter are transmitted. The velocity of
light through space is about 190,000 miles* a second. The
velocity of electricity is, by the experiments of Wheatstone,
shown to be as great as this, if not greater. The light is
supposed to be transmitted by vibrations through an aether
which is, so to speak, destitute of gravitation, but infinite in
elasticity ; the electricity is transmitted through a small
metallic wire, and is often viewed as transmitted by vibrations
also. That the electric transference depends on the forces or
powers of the matter of the wire can hardly be doubted when
* Subsequent investigation has reduced this figure to about
186,400 miles per second, or about 30,000,000,000 centimetres per
second.
LATERAL VIBRATIONS. 195
we consider the different conductibility of the various metallic
and other bodies, the means of £>ffe3ting it by heat or cold, the
way in which conducting bodies by combination enter into the
constitution of non-conducting substances, and the contrary,
and the actual existence of one elementary body (carbou) both
in the conducting and non-conducting state. The power of
electric conduction, being a transmission of force equal in
velocity to that of light, appears to be tied up in and
dependent upon the properties of the matter, and is, as it
were, existent in them.
In experimental philosophy we can, by the phenomena
presented, recognise various kinds of lines of force. Thus
Fig. 20.
there are the lines of gravitating force, those of electrostatic
induction, those of magnetic action, and others partaking of a
dynamic character might be perhaps included. The lines of
electric and magnetic action are by many considered as
exerted through space like the lines of givitating force. For
my own part, I incline to believe that wh3n there are inter-
vening particles of matter— being themse.ves only centres o
force — they take part in carrying on the fcrce through the
line, but that when there are none the line proceeds through
space. Whatever the view adopted respecting them may be,
we can, at all events, affect these lines of force in a manner
which may be conceived as partaking of the nature of a shake
or lateral vibration. For suppose two bodies, a b, distant
from each other, and under mutual action,* and therefore
* The accompanying diagram (Fig. 20) was not given by Fara-
day. It was pencilled by the author more than twenty years ago in
the margin of his copy of Faraday's " Experimental Rescarche°," vol.
iii., p. 450, opposite this passage.
196 MICHAEL FARADAY.
connected by lines of force, and let us fix our attention upon
one resultant of force having an invariable direction as regards
space ; if one of the bodies move in the least degree right or
left, or if its power be shifted for a moment within the mass
(neither of these cases being difficult to realise if a or b be
either electric or magnetic bodies), then an effect equivalent to
a lateral disturbance will take place in the resultant upon
which we are fixing our attention, for either it will increase
in force whilst the neighbouring resultants are diminishing,
or it will fall in force while they are increasing.
The view which 1 am so bold as to put forth considers,
therefore, radiation as a high species of vibration in the lines
of force which are known to connect particles, and also masses,
of matter together. It endeavours to dismiss the rether, but
not the vibrations. The kind of vibration which, I believe,
can alone account for the wonderful, varied, and beautiful
phenomena of polarisation is not the same as that which
occurs on the surface of disturbed water or the waves of sound
in gases or liquids, for the vibrations in these cases are direct,
or to and from the centre of action, whereas the former are
lateral. It seems to me that the resultant of two or more
lir.es of force is in an apt condition for that action, which may
be considered as equivalent to a lateral vibration ; whereas a
uniform medium like the aether does not appear apt, or more
apt than air or water.
The occurrence of a change at one end of a line of force
easily suggests a consequent change at the other. The
propagation of light, and therefore probably of all radiant
action, occupies time ; and that a vibration of the line of force
should account for the phenomena of radiation, it is necessary
that such vibration should occupy time also.
And now, my dear Phillips 1 must conclude. I do not
think I should have allowed these notions to have escaped
from me had I not been led unawares, and without previous
consideration, by the circumstances of the evening on which
THE SHADOW OF A SPECULATION. 197
I had to appear suddenly * and occupy the place of another.
Now that I have put them on paper, I feel that I ought to
have kept them much longer for study, consideration, and
perhaps final rejection ; and it is only because they are sure
to go abroad in one way or another, in consequence of their
utterance on that evening, that I give them a shape, if shape
it may be called, in this reply to your inquiry. One thing is
certain, that any hypothetical view of radiation which is likely
to be received or retained as satisfactory must not much
longer comprehend alone certain phenomena of light, but must
include those of heat and of actinic influence also, and even
the conjoined phenomena of sensible heat and chemical power
produced by them. In this respect a view which is in some
degree founded upon the ordinary forces of matter may
perhaps find a little consideration amongst the other views
that will probably arise. I think it likely that I have made
many mistakes in the preceding pages, for even to myself my
ideas on this point appear only as the shadow of a speculation,
or as one of those impressions on the mind which are allowable
for a time as guides to thought and research. He who labours
in experimental inquiries knows how numerous these are, and
how often their apparent fitness and beauty vanish before the
progress and development of real, natural truth.
I am, my dear Phillips,
Ever truly yours,
Royal Institution, M. Faraday.
April 15, 1846.
If it be thought that too high a value has here
been set upon a document which its author
himself only claimed to be " the shadow of a
speculation," let that value be justified out of the
* The discourse was to have been delivered by Wheatstone him-
self, who, however, at the last moment, overcome by the shyness from
which he suffered to an almost morbid degree, quitted the Institution,
and left the delivery of the discourse to Faraday.
198 MICHAEL FARADAY.
mouth of the man who eighteen years later enriched
the world with the mathematical theory of the pro-
pagation of electric waves, the late Professor Clerk
Maxwell. In 1864 he published in the Philosophical
Transactions a " Dynamical Theory of the Electro-
magnetic Field," in which the following passages
occur : —
We have therefore reason to believe, from the phenomena
of light and heat, that there is an sethereal medium filling
space and permeating bodies capable of being set in motion,
and of transmitting that motion to gross matter, so as to heat
it and affect it in various ways. . . . Hence the parts of
this medium must be so connected that the motion of one part
depends in some way on the motion of the rest ; and at the
same time these connections must be capable of a certain kind
of elastic yielding, since the communication of motion is not
instantaneous, but occupies time. The medium is therefore
capable of receiving and storing up two kinds of energy —
namely, the "actual" energy depending on the motion of its
parts, and "potential" energy, consisting of the work which
the medium will do in recovering from displacement in virtue
of its elasticity.
The propagation of undulations consists in the continual
transformation of one of tliese forms of energy into the other
alternately, and at any instant the amount of energy in the
whole medium is equally divided, so that half is energy of
motion and half is elastic resilience.
In order to bring these results within the power of
symbolic calculation, I then express them in the form of the
general equations of the electromagnetic field.
The general equations are next applied to the case of a
magnetic disturbance propagated through a non conducting
field, and it is shown that the only disturbances which can be
so propagated are those which are transverse to the direction
ELECTROMAGNETIC THEORY OF LIGHT. 199
of propagation, and that the velocity of propagation is the
velocity v, found from experiments such as those of Weber,
which expresses the number of electrostatic units of electricity
which are contained in one electromagnetic unit. This velo-
city is so nearly that of light, that it seems we have strong
reason to conclude that light itself (including radiant heat and
other radiations, if any) is an electromagnetic disturbance in
the form of waves propagated through the electromagnetic
field according to electromagnetic laws. . . . Conducting
media are shown to absorb such radiations rapidly, and there-
fore to be generally opaque.
The conception of the propagation of transverse magnetic
disturbances to the exclusion of normal ones is distinctly set
forth by Professor Faraday in his " Thoughts on Ray Vibra-
tions." The •electromagnetic theory of light, as -proposed by
him, is the same in substance as that which I have begun to
develop in this paper* except that in 1846 there were no data
to calculate the velocity of propagation.
During the rest of this year (1846) and the next
Faraday did very little research, though he continued
his Royal Institution lectures and his reports for
Trinity House. Amongst the latter in 1847 was one
on a proposal to light buoys by incandescent electric
lamps containing a platinum wire spiral. He was
compelled, indeed, to rest by a recurrence of brain
troubles, giddiness, and loss of memory. Honours
however, continued to be heaped upon him both
abroad and at home, as the following extract from
Bence Jones shows : —
In 1846, for his two great discoveries, the Rumford and
the Royal Medals were both awarded to him. This double
honour will probably long be unique in the annals of the
* The italics here are mine. S. P. T.
200 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Eoyal Society. In former years he had already received the
Copley and Eoyal Medals for his- experimental discoveries.
As his medals increased it became remarkable that he — who
kept his diploma-book, his portraits and letters of scientific
men, and everything he h\ 1 in the most perfect order— seemed
to take least care of his most valuable rewards. They were
locked up in a box, and might have passed for old iron.
Probably he thought, as others did afterwards, that their
value, if seen, might lead to their loss.
Between the twenty-first and twenty-second series
of "Experimental Researches" nearly three years
elapsed. In the autumn of 1848 the matter which
claimed investigation was the peculiar behaviour of
bismuth in the magnetic field. Certain anomalies
were observed which were finally traced to the
crystalline nature of the metal, for it appeared that
when in that state the crystals themselves— to adopt
modern phraseology — showed a greater magnetic
permeability in a direction perpendicular to then*
planes of cleavage than in any direction parallel to
those planes. Hence when a crystalline fragment
was hung in a uniform magnetic field (where the
diamagnetic tendency to move from a strong to a
weak region of the field was eliminated), it tended to
point in a determinate direction. Faraday expressed
it that the structure of the crystal showed a certain
" axiality," and he regarded these effects as presenting
evidence of a " magnecrystallic " force, the law of
action being that the line or axis of magnecrystallic
force tended to place itself parallel to the lines of the
magnetic field in which the crystal was placed.
Arsenic, antimony, and other crystalline metals were
CRYSTALLINE FORCES. 201
similarly examined. The subject was an intricate
one, and there are frequent obscurities in the phrase-
ology tentatively adopted for explaining the phe-
nomena. In one place Faraday rather pathetically
laments his imperfect mathematical knowledge. This
seems like an echo of his inability to follow the
analytical reasoning of Poisson, who, starting from a
hypothesis about the supposed "magnetic fluids"
being movable within the particles of a body,
supposing that these particles were non-spherical and
were symmetrically arranged, had predicted (in 1827)
that a portion of such a substance would, when
brought into the neighbourhood of a magnet, act
differently, according to the different positions in
which it might be turned about its centre. But this
very inability to follow Poisson's refined analysis gave
a new direction to Faraday's thoughts, and caused
him to conceive the idea of magnetic permeabilities
differing in different directions, an idea which, as
Sir William Thomson (the present Lord Kelvin)
showed in 1851,* is equally susceptible of mathe-
matical treatment by appropriate symbols. Lord
Kelvin has also spoken (op. cit., p. 484) of the
matter as follows : " The singular combination of
* It is light to add that what, according to the theory explained
in the text, must he the correct explanation of the peculiar phenomena
of magnetic induction depending on magnecrystallic properties was
clearly stated in the form of a conjecture by Faraday in his twenty-
second series in the following terms: "Or we might suppose that
the crystal is a little more apt for magnetic induction, or a little iess
apt for diamagnetic induction, in the direction of the magnecrystallic
axis than in other directions " (Sir William Thomson, Philosophical
Magazine, 1851, or "Papers on. Electrostatics and Magnetism," p. 476).
202 MICHAEL FARADAY.
mathematical acuteness with experimental research
and profound physical speculation which Faraday,
though not a 'mathematician/ presented is remark-
ably illustrated by his use of the expression ' conduct-
ing power of a magnetic medium, for lines of force.' "
Tyndall has given a succinct summary of these
researches — in which also he took a part — from
which the following extract must suffice : —
And here follows one of those expressions which charac-
terise the conceptions 'of Faraday in regard to force gener-
ally : " It appears to me impossible to conceive of the results
in any other way than by a mutual reaction of the magnetic
force, and the force of the particles of the crystal upon each
other." He proves that the action of the force, though thus
molecular, is an action at a distance. He shows that a
bismuth crystal can cause a freely-suspended magnetic needle
to set parallel to its magnecrystallic axis. Few living men are
aware of the difficulty of obtaining results like this, or of the
delicacy necessary to their attainment. " But though it thus
takes up the character of a force acting at a distance, still it is
due to that power of the particles which makes them cohere in
regular order and gives the mass its crystalline aggregation,
and so often spoken of as acting at insensible distances." Thus
he broods over this new force, and looks at it from all points
of inspection. Experiment follows experiment, as thought
follows thought. He will not relinquish the subject as long as
a hope exists of throwing more light upon it. He knows full
well the anomalous nature of the conclusion to which his
experiments lead him. But experiment to him is final, and he
will not shrink from the conclusion. "This force," he says,
" appears to me to be very strange and striking in its character.
It is not polar, for there is no attraction or repulsion." And
then, as if startled by his own utterance, he asks: "What is
the nature of the mechanical force which turns the crystal
round and makes it affect a magnet 2 " . . . "I do not
MAGNETISM AND CRYSTALLISATION. 203
remember," he continues, "heretofore such a case of force as
the present one— where a body is brought into position only
without attraction or repulsion."
Pliicker, the celebrated geometer already mentioned, who
pursued experimental physics for many years of his life with
singular devotion and success, visited Faraday in those days,
and repeated before him his beautiful experiments on magneto-
optic action. Faraday repeated and verified Pliicker's observa-
tions, and concluded, what he at first seemed to doubt, that
Pliicker's results and magnecrystallic action had the same
origin.
At the end of his papers, when he takes a last look along
the line of research, and then turns his eyes to the future,
utterances quite as much emotional as scientific escape from
Faraday. " I cannot," he says at the end of his first paper on
magnecrystallic action, "conclude this series of researches
without remarking how rapidly the knowledge of molecular
forces grows upon us, and how strikingly every investigation
tends to develop more and more their importance and their
extreme attraction as an object of study. A few years ago
magnetism was to us an occult power, affecting only a few
bodies. Now it is found to influence all bodies, and to possess
the most intimate relations with electricity, heat, chemical
action, light, crystallisation, and through it with the forces
concerned in cohesion. And we may, in the present state of
things, well feel urged to continue in our labours, encouraged
by the hope of bringing it into a bond of union with gravity
itself."
In 1848 Faraday gave five Friday night discourses,
three of them on the " Diamagnetic Condition of
Flame and Gases.'' In 1849 he gave two, one of
them on Pliicker's researches. In 1850 he gave
two, one of them being on the electricity of the
air, the other on certain conditions of freezing
water. He had meanwhile continued to work at
magnetism. The twenty-third series dealt with the
204 MICHAEL FARADAY.
supposed diamagnetic polarity. It incidentally dis-
cussed the distortion produced in a magnetic field by
a mass of copper in motion across it. The twenty-
fourth series was on the possible relation of gravity
to electricity. The paper concludes with the words :
" Here end my trials for the present. The results are
negative. They do not shake my strong feeling of
the existence of a relation between gravity and
electricity, though they give no proof that such a
relation exists." The next series (the twenty-fifth)
was on the "Non-expansion of Gases by Magnetic
Force " and on the " Magnetic Characters of Oxygen
[which he had found to be highly magnetic], Nitrogen,
and Space." He had found that magnetically sub-
stances must be classed either along with iron and
the materials that point axially, or else with bismuth
and those that point equatorially, in the magnetic
field. The best vacuum he could procure he regarded
as the zero of these tests; but before adopting it as
such, he verified by experiment that even in a
vacuum a magnetic body still tends from weaker to
stronger places in the magnetic field ; while diamag-
netic bodies tend from stronger to weaker. He then
says we must consider the magnetic character and
relation of space free from any material substance.
" Mere space cannot act as matter acts, even though
the utmost latitude be allowed to the hypothesis of
an ether." He then proceeds as follows : —
Now that the true zero is obtained, and the great variety
of material substances satisfactorily divided into two general
classes, it appears to me that we want another name for the
magnetic class, that we may avoid confusion. The word
MOKE NEW WOEDS. 205
magnetic ought to be general, and include all the phenom-
ena and effects produced by that power. But then a word
for the subdivision opposed to the diamagnetic class is
necessary. As the language of this branch of science may
soon require general and careful changes, I, assisted by a kind
friend, have thought that a word — not selected with particular
care — might be provisionally useful ; and as the magnetism
of iron, nickel, and cobalt when in the magnetic field is like
that of the earth as a whole, so that when rendered active
they place themselves parallel to its axes or lines of magnetic
force, I have supposed that they and their similars (includ-
ing oxygen now) might be called paramagnetic bodies, giving
the following division : —
MagneticiP arama S n ? tie
(.diamagnetic.
The " kind friend " alluded to was Whewell, as the
following letter shows : —
[Bev. W. Wheivell to M. Faraday.']
juiy, 1850.
I am always glad to hear of your wanting new words,
because the want shows that you are pursuing new thoughts
— and your new thoughts are worth something — but I always
feel also how difficult it is for one who has not pursued the
train of thought to suggest the right word. There are so
many relations involved in a new discovery, and the word
ought not glaringly to violate any of them. The purists would
certainly object to the opposition, or co-ordination, of ferro-
magnetic and diamagnetic, not only on account of the want of
symmetry in the relation of ferro and dia, but also because thr
one is Latin and the other Greek. . . . Hence it would
appear that the two classes of magnetic bodies are those which
place their length /larnHel, or according, to the terrestrial
magnetic- lines, and those which place their length transversa
to such lines. Keeping the preposition dia for the latter, the
preposition para, or ana, might be used for the former
Perhaps para would be best, -as the word parallel, in which
it is involved, would be a technical memory for it. ... 1
206 MICHAEL FARADAY.
rejoice to hear that you have new views of discovery opening
to you. I always rejoice to hail the light of such when they
dawn upon you.
The twenty-sixth series of researches opened with
a consideration of magnetic "conducting power," or
permeability as we should now term it, and then
branched off into a lengthy discussion of atmospheric
magnetism. The subject was continued through the
twenty - seventh series, which was completed in
November, 1850. The gist of this is summed up in
one of his letters to Schonbein : —
Royal Institution, November 19, 1850.
My dear Schonbein,— I wish I could talk with you,
instead of being obliged to use pen and paper. I have fifty
matters to speak about, but either they are too trifling for
writing, or too important, for what can one discuss or say
in a letter 1 ... By the bye, I have been working with
the oxygen of the air also. You remember that three years
ago I distinguished it as a magnetic gas in my paper on
the diamagnetism of flame and gases founded on Bancalari's
experiment. Now I find in it the cause of all the annual and
diurnal, and many of the irregular, variations in the terrestrial
magnetism. The observations made at Hobarton, Toronto,
Greenwich, St. Petersburg, Washington, St. Helena, the Cape
of Good Hope, and Singapore, all appear to me to accord with
and support my hypothesis. I will not pretend to give you
an account of it here, for it would require some detail, and
I really am weary of the subject. I have sent in three long
papers to the Royal Society, and you shall have copies of them
in due time. . . .
Ever, my dear Schonbein, most truly yours,
M. Faraday.
While writing out these researches for the Royal
Society, he had been staying in Upper Norwood. He
PAPERS TO BE LET LOOSE. 207
wrote thus ot himself to Miss Moore at the end of
August : —
We have taken a little house here on the hill-top, where I
have a small room to myself, and have, ever since we came
here, been deeply immersed in magnetic cogitations. I write,
and write, and write, until three papers for the Royal Society
are nearly completed, and I hope that two of them will be
good if they justify my hopes, for I have to criticise them
again and again before I let them loose. You shall hear of
them at some of the Friday evenings. At present I must not
say more. After writing, I walk out in the evening, hand-in-
hand with my dear wife, to enjoy the sunset ; for to me, who
love scenery, of all that I have seen or can see there is none
surpasses that of Heaven. A glorious sunset brings with it a
thousand thoughts that delight me."
To De la Rive he wrote later as follows : —
[M. Faraday to A. de la Rive.]
Royal Institution, February 4, 1851.
My dear De la Rive, — My wife and I were exceedingly
sorry to hear of your sad loss. It brought vividly to our
remembrance the time when we were at your house, and you,
and others with you, made us so welcome. What can we say
to these changes but that they show by comparison the vanity
of all things under the sun ? I am very glad that you have
spirits to return to work again, for that is a healthy and
proper employment of the mind under such circumstances.
With respect to my views and experiments, I do not
think that anything shorter than the papers (and they will run
to a hundred pages in the "Transactions") will give you
possession of the subject, because a great deal depends upon
the comparison of observations in different parts of the world
with the facts obtained by experiment, and with the deduc-
tions drawn from them ; but I will try to give you an idea of
the root of the matter. You are aware that I use the phrase
208 MICHAEL FAEADAT.
line of magnetic force, to represent the presence of magnetic
force, and the direction (of polarity) in which it is exerted ;
and by the idea which it conveys one obtains very well, and I
believe without error, a notion of the distribution of the forces
about a bar-magnet, or between near flat poles presenting a
field of equal force, or in any other case. Now, if circum-
stances be arranged so as to present a field of equal force,
which is easily done, as I have shown by the electro-magnet,
then if a sphere of iron or nickel be placed in the field, it
immediately disturbs the direction of the lines of force, for
they are concentrated within the sphere. They are, however,
not merely concentrated, but contorted, for the sum of forces
in any one section across the field is always equal to the sum
of forces in any other section, and therefore their condensation
in the iron or nickel cannot occur without this contortion.
Moreover, the contortion is easily shown by using a small
needle (one-tenth of an inch long) to examine the field, for, as
before the introduction of the sphere of iron or nickel, it
would always take up a position parallel to itself. After-
wards it varies in position in different places near the sphere.
This being understood, let us then suppose the sphere to be
raised in temperature. At a certain temperature it begins to
lose its power of affecting the lines of magnetic force, and ends
by retaining scarcely any. So that as regards the little needle
mentioned above, it now stands everywhere parallel to itself
within the field of force. This change occurs with iron at a
very high temperature, and is passed through within the
compass, apparently, of a small number of degrees. With
nickel it occurs at much lower temperatures, being affected by
the heat of boiling oil.
Now take another step. Oxygen, as I showed above,
three years ago in the Philosophical Magazine for 1847, vol.
xxxi., }>)>. 410, 41"), 416, is magnetic in relation to nitrogen and
other gases. E. Becquerel, without knowing of my results
has confirmed and extended them in his paper of last year,
and given certain excellent measures. In my paper of 1847
I showed also that oxygen (like iron and nickel) lost its
magnetic power and its ability of being attracted by the
ATMOSPHERIC MAGNETISM. 209
magnet when heated (p. 417). And I further showed that the
temperatures at which this took place were within the range
of common temperature, for the oxygen of the air— i.e. the air
altogether— is increased in magnetic power when cooled to
(i° F. (p. 406). Now I must refer you to the papers themselves
for the (to me) strange results of the incompressibility
(magnetically speaking) of oxygen and the inexpansibility of
nitrogen and other gases ; for the description of a differential
balance by which I can compare gas with gas, or the same
gas at different degrees of rarefaction ; for the determination
of the true zero, or point between magnetic and diamagnetic
bodies ; and for certain views of magnetic conduction and
polarity. You will there find described certain very delicate
experiments upon diamagnetic and very weak magnetic bodies
concerning their action on each other in a magnetic field of
equal force. The magnetic bodies repel each other, and the
diamagnetic bodies repel each other ; but a magnetic and a
diamagnetic body attract each other. And these results,
combined with the qualities of oxygen as just described,
convince me that it is able to deflect the lines of magnetic
force passing through it just as iron or nickel is, but to an
infinitely smaller amount, and that its power of deflecting
the lines varies with its temperature and degree of rarefaction.
Then comes in the consideration of the atmosphere, and
the manner in which it rises and falls in temperature by the
presence and absence of the sun. The place of the great warm
region nearly in his neighbourhood ; of the two colder regions
which grow up and diminish in the northern and southern
hemispheres as the sun travels between the tropics ; the effect
of the extra warmth of the northern hemisphere over the
southern ; the effect of accumulation from the action of
preceding months ; the effect of dip and mean declination at
each particular station ; the effects that follow from the non-
coincidence of magnetic and astronomical conditions of
polarity, meridians, and so forth ; the results of the distribu-
tion of land and water for any given place— for all these and
many other things I must refer you to the papers. I could
not do them justice in any account that a letter could contain,
O
210 MICHAEL FARADAY.
and should run the risk of leading you into error regarding
them. But I may say that, deducing from the experiments
and the theory what are the deviations of the magnetic needle
at any given station, which may be expected as the mean
result of the heating and cooling of the atmosphere for a given
season and hour, I find such a general accordance with the
results of observations, especially in the direction and generally
in the amount for different seasons of the declination varia-
tion, as to give me the strongest hopes that I have assigned
the true physical cause of those variations, and shown the
modus operandi of their production.
And now, my dear de la Rive, I must leave you and inn
to other matters. As soon as I can send you a copy of the
pnpers I will do so, and can only say I hope that they will
meet with your approbation. With the kindest remembrances
to your son,
Believe me to be, my dear friend, ever truly yours,
M. Fakaday.
This hope of explaining the variations of terrestrial
magnetism by the magnetic properties of the oxygen
of the air was destined to be illusory. At that time
the cosmical nature of magnetic storms was unknown
and unsuspected. To this matter we may well apply
Faraday's own words addressed to Tyndall respecting
the alleged diamagnetic polarity, and the conflict of
views between himself on the one hand and Weber
and Tyndall on the other : — " It is not wonderful that
views differ at first. Time will gradually sift and
shape them. And I believe that we have little idea
at present of the importance they may have ten or
twenty years hence."
In 1851, from July to December, Faraday was
actively at work in the laboratory. The results
LINES OP MAGNETIC FORCE. 211
constitute the material for the twenty-eighth and
twenty-ninth (the last) series of the "Experimental
Eesearches." In these he returned to the subject
with which the first series had opened in 1831 : the
induction of electric currents by the relative motion
of magnets and conducting wires. These two
memoirs, together with his Royal Institution lecture
of January, 1852, " On the Lines of Magnetic Force,"
and the paper " On the Physical Character of the
Lines of Magnetic Force" (which he sent to the
Philosophical Magazine, as containing "so much of
a speculative and hypothetical nature "), should be
read, and re-read, and read again, by every student
of physics. They are reprinted at the end of the
third volume of the " Experimental Eesearches."
In the opening of the twenty-eighth memoir he
says : —
From my earliest experiments on the relation of electricity
and magnetism, I have had to think and speak of lines of
magnetic force as representations of the magnetic power — not
merely in the points of quality and direction, but also in
quantity. . . . The direction of these lines about and
amongst magnets and electric currents is easily represented
and understood in a general manner by the ordinary use of
iron filings.
A point equally important to the definition of these lines
is, that they represent a determinate and unchanging amount
of force. Though, therefore, their forms, as they exist between
two or more centres or sources of power, may vary very
greatly, and also the space through which they may be traced,
yet the sum of power contained in any one section of a given
portion of the lines is exactly equal to the sum of power in
any other section* of the same lines, however altered in form
L* This is exactly Stokes'a theorem of " tubes " of force. S. P. TJ
212 MICHAEL FARADAY.
or however convergent or divergent they may be at the second
place. . . . Now, it appears to me that these lines may
be employed with great advantage to represent the nature,
condition, and comparative amount of the magnetic forces,
and that in many cases they have, to the physical reasoner, at
least, a superiority over that method which represents the
forces as concentrated in centres of action, such as the poles of
magnets or needles ; or some other methods, as, for instance,
that which considers north or south magnetisms as fluids
diffused over the end, or amongst the particles, of a bar. No
doubt any of these methods which does not assume too much
will, with a faithful application, give true results. And so
they all ought to give the same results, as far as they can
respectively be applied. But some may, by their very nature,
be applicable to a far greater extent, and give far more varied
results, than others. For, just as either geometry or analysis
may be employed to solve correctly a particular problem,
though one has far more power and capability, generally
speaking, than the other ; or, just as either the idea of the
rollexion of images or that of the reverberation of sounds may
be used to represent certain physical forces and conditions, so
may the idea of the attractions and repulsions of centres, or
that of the disposition of magnetic fluids, or that of lines of
force, be applied in the consideration of magnetic phenomena.
It is the occasional and more frequent use of the latter whicli
I at present wish to advocate. . . . When the natural
truth, and the conventional representation of it, most closely
agree, then are we most advanced in our knowledge. The
emission and rether theories present such cases in relation to
light. The idea of a fluid or of two fluids is the same for
electricity ; and there the further idea of a current has been
raised, which, indeed, has such hold on the mind as occasion-
ally to embarrass the science as respects the true character of
the physical agencies, and may be doing so evjn now to a
degree which we at present little suspect. The same is the
case with the idea of a magnetic fluid or fluids, or with the
assumption of magnetic centres of action of which the
resultants are at the poles.
THE FUNCTIONS OF THE jETHER. 213
How the magnetic force is transferred through bodies or
through space we know not — whether the result is merely
action at a distance, as in the case of gravity, or by some
intermediate agency, as in the cases of light, heat, the electric
current, and, as I believe, static electric action. The idea of
magnetic fluids, as applied by some, or of magnetic centres of
action, does not include that of the latter kind of transmission,
but the idea of lines of force does. Nevertheless, because a
particular method of representing the forces does not include
such a mode of transmission, the latter is not disproved, and
that method of representation which harmonises with it may
be the most true to nature. The general conclusion of
philosophers seems to be that such cases are by far the most
numerous. And for my own part, considering the relation of
a vacuum to the magnetic force, and the general character of
magnetic phenomena external to the magnet, I am more
inclined to the notion that in the transmission of the force
there is such an action, external to the magnet, than that the
effects are merely attraction and repulsion at a distance.
Such an action may be a function of the (ether, for it is not at
all unlikely that if there be an cether, it should have other uses
than simply the conveyance of radiations*
He then proceeds to recount the experimental
evidence of revolving magnets and loops of wire.
Following out the old lines of so moving the parts of
the system that the magnetic lines Avere " cut " by the
copper conductors, and connecting the latter with a
slow-period galvanometer, to test the resultant in-
duction, he found that " the amount of magnetic
force " [or flux, as we should nowadays call it] " is
determinate for the same lines of force, whatever the
distance of the point or plane at which their power is
exerted is from the magnet." The convergence or
divergence of the lines of force caused, per se, no
[* The italics are mine. S. P. T.]
214 MICHAEL FATJADAY.
difference in their amount. Obliquity of intersection
caused no difference, provided the same lines of force
were cut. If a wire was moving in a field of equal
intensity, and with a uniform motion, then the
current produced was proportional to the velocity of
motion. The " quantity of electricity thrown into
a current" was, ceteris paribus, "directly as the
amount of curves intersected." Within the magnet,
running through its substance, existed lines of force
of the same nature as those without, exactly equal in
amount to those without, and were, indeed, con-
tinuous with them. The conclusion must logically
be that every line of force is a closed circuit.
Having thus established the exact quantitative
laws of magneto-electric induction, he then advanced
to make use of the induced current as a means of
investigating the presence, direction, and amount of
magnetic forces — in other words, to explore and
measure magnetic fields. He constructed revolving
rectangles and rings furnished with a simple commu-
tator, to measure inductively the magnetic forces of
the earth. Then he employed the induced current to
test the constancy of magnets when placed near to
other magnets in ways that might affect their power.
Next he considers the fields of magnetic force of two
or more associated magnets, and notes how their
magnetic lines may coalesce when they are so placed
as to constitute parts of a common magnetic circuit.
The twenty-ninth series is brought to a close by a
discussion of the experimental way of delineating
lines of magnetic force by means of iron filings.
The paper on the "Physical Character of the
THE ELECTROTONIC STATE. 215
Lines of Magnetic Force" recapitulated the points
established in the twenty-ninth series of " Eesearches,"
and emphasis is laid upon the logical necessity that
time must be required for their propagation. The
physical effects in a magnetic field, as equivalent to a
tendency for the magnetic lines to shorten themselves,
and to repel one another laterally, are considered, and
are contrasted with the effects of parallel electric
currents. Commenting on the mutual relation
between the directions of an electric current and of
its surrounding magnetic lines, he raises the question
whether or not they consist in a state of tension of
the aether. " Again and again," he says, " the idea of
an electrotonic state has been forced on my mind.
Such a state would coincide and become identified
with that which would then constitute the physical
lines of magnetic force." Then he traces out the
analogy between a magnet, with its " sphondyloid "
(or spindle-form field) of magnetic lines, and a voltaic
battery immersed in water, with its re-entrant lines
of flow of circulating current. Incidentally, while
discussing the principle of the magnetic circuit, he
points out that when a magnet is furnished at its
poles with masses of soft iron, it can both receive and
retain a higher magnetic charge than it does without
them, " for these masses carry on the physical lines of
force, and deliver them to a body of surrounding
space, which is either widened, and therefore in-
creased, in the direction across the lines of force,
or shortened in that direction parallel to them, or
both ; and both are circumstances which facilitate
the conduction from pole to pole."
216 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Thus closed, with the exception of two fragmentary
papers, one on "Physical Lines of Force," and the
other on " Some Points in Magnetic Philosophy," in
the years 1853 and 1854 respectively, the main life-
work of Faraday, his "Experimental Researches."
Their effect in revolutionising electric science, if slow,
was yet sure. Though the principle of the dynamo
was discovered and published in 1831, nearly forty
years elapsed before electric-lighting machinery
became a commercial product. Though the depend-
ence of inductive actions, both electromagnetic and
electrostatic, \ipon the properties of the intervening
medium was demonstrated and elaborated in these
"Researches," electricians for many years continued
to propound theories which ignored this fundamental
fact. French and German writers continued to
publish treatises based on the ancient doctrines of
action at a distance, and of imaginary electric and
magnetic fluids. A^on Boltzmann, a typical German
of the first rank in science, says that until there came
straight from England the counter-doctrines amidst
which Faraday had lived, "we (in Germany and
France) had all more or less imbibed with our
mothers' milk the ideas of magnetic and electric
fluids acting direct at a distance." And again, " The
theory of Maxwell " — that is, Faraday's theory thrown
by Maxwell into mathematical shape — "is so dia-
metrically opposed to the ideas which have become
customary to us, that we must first cast behind us all
our previous views of the nature and operation of
electric forces before we can enter into its portals."
The divergence of view between Faraday and the
NOVEI.TY OF FARADAY'S VIEWS. 217
Continental electricians is nowhere more clearly
stated than by Faraday's great interpreter, Maxwell,
in the apologia which he prefixed in 1873 to his
"Treatise on Electricity and Magnetism," wherein,
speaking of the differences between this work and
those recently published in Germany, he wrote : —
One reason of this is that before I began the study of
electricity I resolved to read no mathematics on the subject till
I had first read through Faraday's "Experimental ^Researches
on Electricity." I was aware that there was supposed to be
a difference between Faraday's way of conceiving phenomena
and that of the mathematicians. So that neither he nor they
were satisfied with each other's language. I had also the
conviction that this discrepancy did not arise from either
party being wrong. I was first convinced of this by Sir
William Thomson [Lord Kelvin], to whose advice and assist-
ance, as well as to his published papers, I owe most of what
I have learned on this subject.
As I proceeded with the study of Faraday, I perceived
that his method of conceiving the phenomena was also a
mathematical one, though not exhibited in the conventional
form of mathematical symbols. I also found that these
methods were capable of being expressed in the ordinary
mathematical forms, and thus compared with those of the
professed mathematicians.
For instance, Faraday, in his mind's eye, saw lines of
force traversing all space where the mathematicians saw
centres of force attracting at a distance. Faraday saw a
medium where they saw nothing but distance. Faraday
sought the seat of the phenomena in real actions going on in
the medium ; they were satisfied that they had found it in a
power of action at a distance impressed on electric fluids.
When I had translated what I considered to be Faraday's
ideas into a mathematical form, I found that in general the
results of the two methods coincided, so that the same
phenomena were accounted for and the same laws of action
218 MICHAEL FARADAY.
deduced by both methods, but that Faraday's methods
resembled those in which we begin with the whole and arrive
at the parts by analysis, while the ordinary mathematical
methods were founded on the principle of beginning with
the parts and building up the whole by synthesis.
I found, also, that several of the most fertile methods of
research discovered by the mathematicians could be expressed
much better in terms of ideas derived from Faraday than in
their original form.
The whole theory, for instance, of potential, considered as
a quantity which satisfies a certain partial differential equation,
belongs essentially to the method which I have called of
Faraday. . . .
If by anything I have here written I may assist any
student in understanding Faraday's modes of thought and
expression, I shall regard it as the accomplishment of one of
my principal aims : to communicate to others the same delight
which I have found myself in reading Faraday's " Researches."
Clerk Maxwell may also be credited with the
remark that Faraday's work had had the result of
banishing the term " the electric fluid " into the
limbo of newspaper science.
Faraday's work for Trinity House continued
during these last years of research work He
reported on such subjects as adulteration of white
lead, impure oils, Chance's lenses, lighthouse ventila-
tion, and fog signals. Two systems of electric arc
lighting for lighthouses — one by Watson, using
batteries, the other by Holmes, using a magneto-
electric machine — were examined in 1853 and 1854,
but his report on them was adverse. He " could not
put up in a lighthouse what has not been established
beforehand, and is only experimental." In 1856 he
made five reports, in 1857 six, and in 1858 twelve
ELECTRIC LIGHT IN LIGHTHOUSES. 219
reports to Trinity House, one of these being on the
electric light at the South Foreland. In 1859 he
reported on further trials in which Duboscq's lamps
were used. In 1860 he gave a final report on the
practicability and utility of magneto-electric lighting,
and expressed the hope it would be applied, as there
was now no difficulty. In 1861 he inspected the
machinery as established at the Dungeness light-
house. In 1862 he gave no fewer than seventeen
reports, visiting Dungeness, Grisnez, and the South
Foreland. In 1863 he again visited Dungeness. In
1864 he made twelve reports, and examined the
•drawings and estimates for establishing the electric
light at Portland. His last report was in 1865, upon
the St. Bees' light, and he then retired from this
service.
His Friday night discourses were still continued
during these years. In 1855 he gave one on
"Euhmkorff's Induction-coil." In 1856 he gave one
on a process for silvering glass, and on finely
divided gold. This latter subject, the optical
properties of precipitated gold, formed the topic of
the Bakerian lecture of that year — his last contribu-
tion to the Boyal Society. He gave another dis-
course on the same subject in 1857, and also one on
the conservation of force. In 1856, when investi-
gating the crystallisation of water, he discovered
the phenomenon of regelation of ice. In virtue of
this property two pieces of ice will freeze solidly
together under pressure, even when the temperature
of the surrounding atmosphere is above the freezing
point. This discovery led on the one hand to the
220 MICHAEL FARADAY.
explanation of glacier motions ; on the other to im-
portant results in thermodynamic theory. In 1859
he gave two discourses, one on ozone, the other
on phosphorescence and fluorescence. He also gave
two in 1860, on lighthouse illumination by electric
light, and on the electric silk-loom. In 1861 he dis-
coursed on platinum and on De la Rue's eclipse pho-
tographs. The last of his Friday night discourses was
given on June 20th, 1862. It was on Siemens's gas
furnaces. He had been down at Swansea watching
the furnaces in operation, and now proposed to
describe their principle. It was rather a sad occasion,
for it was but too evident that his powers were fast .
waning. Early in the evening he had the misfortune
to burn the notes he had prepared, and became
confused. He concluded with a touching personal
explanation how with advancing years his memory
had failed, and that in justice to others he felt it his
duty to retire.
At intervals he still attempted to work at research.
In 1860 he sent a paper to the Royal Society on the
relations of electricity to gravity, but, on the
advice of Professor (afterwards Sir George) Stokes, it
was withdrawn. He had also in contemplation some
experiments upon the time required in the propaga-
tion of magnetism, and began the construction of a
complicated instrument, which was never finished.
His very last experiment, as recorded in his labora-
tory notebook, is of extraordinary interest, as showing
how his mind was still at work inquiring into the
borderland of possible phenomena. It was on March
12th, 1862. He was inquiring into the effect of a
HYPOTHESIS AND EXPERIMENT. 221
magnetic field upon a beam of light, which he was
observing with a spectroscope to ascertain whether
there was any change produced in the refrangibility
of the light. The entry concludes : " Not the slightest
effect on the polarised or unpolariscd ray was ob-
served." The experiment is of the highest interest
in magneto-optics. The effect for which Faraday
looked in vain in 1862 was discovered in 1897 by
Zeeman. That Faraday should have conceived the
existence of this obscure relation between magnetism
and light is a striking illustration of the acuteness of
mental vision which he brought to bear. Living and
working amongst the appliances of his laboratory,
letting his thoughts play freely around the pheno-
mena, incessantly framing hypotheses to account for
the facts, and as incessantly testing his hypotheses by
the touchstone of experiment, never hesitating to
push to their logical conclusion the ideas suggested
by experiment, however widely they might seem to
lead from the accepted modes of thought, he worked
on with a scientific prevision little short of miraculous.
His experiments, even those which at the time
seemed unsuccessful, in that they yielded no positive
result, have proved to be a mine of amazing richness.
The volumes of his " Experimental Researches " are a
veritable treasure-house of scionse.
CHAPTER VI.
MIDDLE AND LATER LIFE.
Although to avoid discontinuity the account of
Faraday's researches has in the previous chapter been
followed to their close in 1862, we must now return
to his middle period of life, when his activities at the
Royal Institution were at their zenith.
Mention has been made of the serious breakdown
of Faraday's health at the close of 1839. Dr. Latham,
whom he consulted as to his attacks of giddiness,
wrote to Brande : —
Grosvenor Street,
December 1, 1839.
Dear Brande,— I have been seeing our friend Faraday
these two or three days, and been looking after his health. I
trust he has no ailment more than rest of body and mind will
get rid of. But rest is absolutely necessary for him. Indeed,
I think it would be hardly prudent for him to lecture again
for the present. He looks up to his work ; but, in truth, he
is not fit, and if he is pressed he will suddenly break down.
When we meet, I will talk the matter over with you.
Yours most sincerely,
P. XT. Latham.
The advice was taken. He gave up nearly all
research work, but tried to go on with Friday night
BREAKDOWN OF HEALTH. 223
discourses and afternoon lectures in 1840. Then
came a more serious breakdown, and he rested for
nearly four years, with the exception of the Christmas
lectures in 1841 and a few Friday discourses in 1842
and 1843. This illness caused him great distress of
mind, mainly due to an idea that the physicians did
not understand his condition. When in this state he
sometimes set down pencil notes on scraps of paper
to relieve his feelings. One such is the following: —
Whereas, according to the declaration of that true man of
the world Talleyrand, the use of language is to conceal the
thoughts ; this is to declare in the present instance, when I
pay I am not able to bear much talking, it means really, and
without any mistake, or equivocation, or oblique meaning, or
implication, or subterfuge, or omission, that I am not able ;
being at present rather weak in the head, and able to work
no more.
During these times of enforced idleness he used
to amuse himself with games of skill, with paper-
work, and with visits to the theatre and to the
Zoological Gardens. Mrs. Faraday left the following
note : —
Michael was one of the earliest members of the Zoological
Society, and the Gardens were a great resource to him when
overwrought and distressed in the head. The animals were a
continual source of interest, and we, or rather I, used to talk
of the time when we should be able to afford a house within
my walking distance of the entrance ; for I much feared he
could not continue to live in the Institution with the continual
calls upon, his time and thought ; but he always shrank from
the notion of living away from the II. I.
His niece, Miss Reid, told how fond he was of
seeing acrobats, tumblers, dwarfs and giants; even
221 MICHAEL FARADAY.
a Punch and Jucty show was an unfailing source of
delight. When travelling in Switzerland, as he did
on several occasions, accompanied by Mrs. Faraday
and her brother, George Barnard, the artist, he kept
u journal, which reveals his simple pleasures and
enthusiasms. He is delighted with waterfalls and
avalanches, watches the cowherd collecting his cows
and the shepherd calling the sheep, which followed
him, leaving the goats to straggle. On one such
visit (in 1841), in order that he might not be absent
on Sunday from his wife, he walked the whole
distance from Leukerbad to Thun, over the Gemini —
a distance of 45 miles — in one day. At Interlaken,
observing that clout-nail-making was practised as a
local industry, he wrote : '' I love a smith's shop and
everything relating to smithery. My father was a
smith."
In 1844 he was well enough to attend the British
Association meeting at York. Liebisr, who had also
been there, wrote to him three months later with
some reminiscences. What had struck him most
was the tendency in England to ignore the more
purely scientific works and to value only those with
a " practical " bearing. " In Germany it is quite the
contrary. Here, in the eyes of scientific men, no
value, or at least but a trifling one, is placed on the
practical results. The enrichment of science is alone
considered worthy of attention." Liebig further ex-
pressed himself dissatisfied with the meeting at York.
He had been interested to make the acquaintance of
so many celebrated men, but it was, strictly, " a feast
given to the geologists, the other sciences serving only
IMPRESSIONS OF LIEBIG. 225
to decorate the table.'' Then came a more personal
note : —
Often do my thoughts wander back to the period which I
spent in England, among the many pleasant hours of which
the remembrance of those passed with you and your amiable
wife is to me always the dearest and most agreeable. With
the purest pleasure I bring to mind my walk with her, in the
botanical garden at York, when I was afforded a glance of the
richness of her mind ; what a rare treasure you possess in
her ! The breakfast in the little house with Snow Harris,
and Graham, and our being together at Bishopthorpe, are still
fresh in my memory.
If Liebig was disposed to underrate the useful
applications of science, Faraday certainly was not.
Though his own research work was carried on with
the single aim of scientific progress ; though he him-
self never swerved aside into any branch research that
might have yielded money ; yet he was ever ready to
examine, and even to lecture upon, the inventions of
others. He accepted for the subjects of his Friday
night discourses all sorts of topics — artificial stone,
machinery for pen-making, lithography, Ruhmkorff's
induction coil, a process for silvering mirrors, and
lighthouse illumination by electric light. His very
last lecture was on Siemens's gas-furnaces. He could
be just as enthusiastic over the invention of another
as over some discovery of his own. With respect to
his lecture on the Ruhmkorff coil, Tyndall describes
him in a passage which is interesting, as containing an
epithet since adopted for another great man for whom
Tyndall had less respect than for Faraday : —
226 MICHAEL FARADAY.
I well remember the ecstasy and surprise of the grand old
man, evoked by effects which we should now deem utterly
insignificant.
Bence Jones says : —
When he brought the discoveries of others before his
hearers, one object, and one alone, seemed to determine all
he said and did, and that was, " without commendation and
without censure," to do the utmost that could be done for the
discoverer.
In so perfect a character it would be marvellous if
there were not some flaw. His persistent ignoring of
Sturgeon, and his attribution of the invention of the
electromagnet to Moll and Henry, whose work was
frankly based on Sturgeon's, is simply inexplicable.
He failed to appreciate the greatness of Dalton, and
thought him an overrated man.
Amid all his overflowing kindliness of heart,
Faraday preserved other. less obvious traits of char-
acter. Any act of injustice or meanness called forth
an almost volcanic burst of indignation. Hot flashes
of temper, fierce moments of wrath were by no means
unknown. But he exercised a most admirable self-
control, and a habitual discipline of soul that kept his
temper under. Grim and forbidding, and even exact-
ing he could show himself to an idle or unfaithful
servant. There were those who feared as well as
those who loved and admired him. Dr. Gladstone
says of him that he was no " model of all the virtues,"
dreadfully uninteresting, and discouraging to those
who feel calm perfection out of their reach. "His
inner life was a battle, with its wounds as well as its
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 227
victory." " lb is true also," he adds, " that with his
great caution and his repugnance to moral evil, he
was more disposed to turn away in disgust from an
erring companion than to endeavour to reclaim him."
For thirty years Faraday was the foremost of
lecturers on science in London. From the first
occasion when, in 1823, as Sir Roderick Murchison
narrates, he was called upon unexpectedly to act as
substitute for Professor Brande at one of his morning
lectures at the Royal Institution (then held in the
subterranean laboratory), down to the time of his
latest appearance as a lecturer in 1862, he was
without a rival as the exponent of natural science.
As no man could achieve and retain such a
position without possessing both natural gifts and
appropriate training, it is fitting to inquire what were
those gifts and what the training which were so
happily united in him.
I was (he said) a very lively, imaginative person, and could
believe in the Arabian Nights as easily as in the Encyclopaedia ;
but facts were important to me, and saved me. I could trust
a fact, and always cross-examined an assertion.
From the very first Faraday had an appreciation
of the way in which public lectures should be given.
In his notes of Davy's fourth lecture of April, 1812,
he wrote :±—
During the whole of these observations his delivery was
easy, his diction elegant, his tone good, and his sentiments
sublime.
His own first lecture was given in the kitchen of
Abbott's house, with home made apparatus placed on
228 MICHAEL FARADAY.
the kitchen table. To Abbott, after only a few weeks
of experience at the Royal Institution, he wrote the
letters upon lectures and lecturers, to which allusion
was made on p. 15. These show a most remark-
ably sound perception of the material and mental
furniture requisite for success. From the third and
fourth of them are culled the following excerpts : —
The most prominent requisite to a lecturer, though perhaps
not really the most important, is a good delivery ; for though
to all true philosophers science and nature will have charms
innumerable in every dress, yet I am sorry to say that the
generality of mankind cannot accompany us one short hour
unless the path is strewed with flowers. In order, therefore,
to gain the attention of an audience (and what can be more
disagreeable to a lecturer than the want of it ?), it is necessary
to pay some attention to the manner of expression. The
utterance should not be rapid and hurried, and consequently
unintelligible, but slow and deliberate, conveying ideas with
ease from the lecturer, and infusing them with clearness and
readiness into the minds of the audience. A lecturer should
endeavour by all means to obtain a facility of utterance, and
the power of clothing his thoughts and ideas in language
smooth and harmonious, and at the same time simple and easy.
With respect to the action of the lecturer, it is requisite
that he should have some, though it does not here bear the
importance that it does in other branches of oratory ; for
though I know of no species of delivery (divinity excepted)
that requires less motion, yet. I would by no means have a
lecturer glued to the table or screwed on the floor. He must
hy all means appear as a body distinct and separate from the
things around him, and must have some motion apart from
that which they possess.
A lecturer should appear easy and collected, undaunted
and unconcerned, his thoughts about him, and his mind clear
and free for the contemplation and description of his subject.
His action should not be hasty and violent, but slow, easy, and
QUALIFICATIONS OF A LECTURER. 229
natural, consisting principally in changes of the posture of the
body, in order to avoid the air of stiffness or sameness that
would otherwise be unavoidable. His whole behaviour should
evince respect for his audience, and he should in no case
forget that he is in their presence. No accident that does not
interfere with their convenience should disturb his serenity, or
cause variation in his behaviour ; he should never, if possible,
turn his back on them, but should give them full reason to
believe that all his powers have been exerted for their pleasure
and instruction.
Some lecturers choose to express their thoughts extempora-
neously immediately as they occur to the mind, whilst others
previously arrange them and draw them forth on paper. But
although I allow a lecturer to write out his matter, I do not
approve of his reading it— at least, not as he would a quotation
or extract.
A lecturer should exert his utmost effort to gain completely
the mind and attention of his audience, and irresistibly to
make them join in his ideas to the end of the subject. He
should endeavour to raise their interest at the commencement
of the lecture, and by a series of imperceptible gradations,
unnoticed by the company, keep it alive as long as the subject
demands it. A flame should be lighted at the commencement,
and kept alive with unremitting splendour to the end. I'or
this reason I very much disapprove of breaks in a lecture, and
where they can by any means be avoided they should on no
account find place. . . . For the same reason — namely,
that the audience should not grow tired — I disapprove of long
lectures ; one hour is long enough for anyone. Nor should
they be allowed to exceed that time.
A lecturer falls deeply beneath the dignity of his character
when he descends so low as to angle for claps ' and asks for
commendation. Yet have I seen a lecturer even at this point.
I have heard him causelessly condemn his own powers. I
have heard him dwell for a length of time on the extreme care
and niceness that the experiment he will make requires. I
have heard him hope for indulgence when no indulgence was
wanted, and I have even heard him declare that the experi-
230 MICHAEL FARADAY.
ment now made cannot fail, from its beauty, its correctness,
and its application, to gain the approbation of all. ... I
would wish apologies to be made as seldom as possible, and
generally only when the inconvenience extends to the
company. I have several times seen the attention of by far
the greater part of the audience called to an error by the
apology that followed it.
'Tis well, too, when the lecturer has the ready wit and the
presence of mind to turn any casual circumstance to an illus-
tration of his subject. Any particular circumstance that has
become table-talk for the town, any local advantages or dis-
advantages, any trivial circumstance that may arise in com-
pany, give great force to illustrations aptly drawn from them,
and please the audience highly, as they conceive they perfectly
understand them.
Apt experiments (to which I have before referred) ought to
be explained by satisfactory theory, or otherwise we merely
patch an old coat with new cloth, and the whole [hole] becomes
worse. If a satisfactory theory can be given, it ought to be
given. If we doubt a received opinion, let us not leave the
doubt unnoticed and affirm our own ideas, but state it clearly,
and lay down also our objections. If the scientific world is
divided in opinion, state both sides of the question, and let
each one judge for himself by noticing the most striking and
forcible circumstances on each side. Then, and then only,
shall we do justice to the subject, please the audience, and
satisfy our honour, the honour of a philosopher.
One who already had set before himself such high
ideals could not fail at least to attempt to fulfil them.
Accordingly, when in 1816 he began to lecture to the
City Philosophical Society, he began to attend an
evening class on elocution conducted by Mr. B. H.
Smart, though the pinch of poverty made it difficult
to him to afford the needful fees. Again, in 1S23,
previous to taking part in Brande's laboratory lectures,
USE OF CRITICISM. 231
he took private lessons in elocution from Smart, at
the rate of half-a-guinea a lesson. After 1827, when
he was beginning his regular courses of lectures in the
theatre, he often used to get Mr. Smart to attend in
order to criticise his delivery.
Amongst the rules found in his manuscript notes
were the following : —
Never to repeat a phrase.
Never to go back to amend.
If at a loss for a word, not to ch-ck-ch or eh-eh-ek, but to
stop and wait for it. It soon comes, and the bad habits are
broken and fluency soon acquired.
Never doubt a correction given to me by another.
His niece, Miss Keid, who lived from 1830 to 1840
at the Institution with the Faradays, gave the following
amongst her recollections : —
Mr. Magrath used to come regularly to the morning lec-
tures, for the sole purpose of noting down for him "any faults
of delivery or defective pronunciation that could be detected.
The list was always received with thanks ; although his cor-
rections were not uniformly adopted, he was encouraged to
continue his remarks with perfect freedom. In early days he
always lectured with a card before him with SIovj written upon
it in distinct characters. Sometimes he would overlook it and
become too rapid ; in this case, Anderson had orders to place
the card before him. Sometimes he had the word Time on a
card brought forward when the hour was nearly expired.
In spite of his recourse to aids in acquiring elocu-
tionary excellence, his own style remained simple
and unspoiled. " His manner," says Bence Jones,
" was so natural, that the thought of any art in his
lecturing never occurred to anyone. For his Friday
232 MICHAEL FARADAY.
discourses, and for his other set lectures in the theatre,
he always made ample preparation beforehand. His
matter was always over-abundant. And, if his ex-
periments were always successful, this was not solely
attributable to his exceeding skill of hand. For, un-
rivalled as he was as a manipulator, in the cases in
which he attempted to show complicated or difficult
experiments, that which was to be shown was always
well rehearsed beforehand in the laboratory. He was
exceedingly particular about small and simple illus-
trations. He never merely told his hearers about an
experiment, but showed it to them, however simple
and well known it might be. To a young lecturer he
once remarked : ' If I said to my audience, "This stone
will fall to the ground if I open my hand," I should
open my hand and let it fall. Take nothing for granted
as known; inform the eye at the same time as you
address the ear.' He always endeavoured at the
outset to put himself en rapport with his audience bj
introducing his subject on its most familiar side, and
then leading on to that which was less familiar. Before
the audience became aware of any transition, they
were already assimilating new facts which were thus
brought within their range. Nor did he stay his dis-
course upon the enunciation of facts merely. Almost
invariably, as his allotted hour drew towards its close,
he gave rein to his imagination. Those who had
begun with him on the lower plane of simple facts
and their correlations were bidden to consider the wider
bearings of scientific principles and their relations to
philosophy, to life, or to ethics. While he never
forced a peroration, nor dragged in a quotation from
AS LECTURER. 233
the poets, his own scientific inspiration, as he outlined
some wide-sweeping speculation or suggestion for
future discoveries, amply supplied the fitting finale.
If the rush of his ideas might sometimes be compared
to tearing through a jungle, it at least never degen-
erated into sermonising; and never, save when he
was physically ill, failed to arouse an enthusiastic glow
of response in his hearers. 'No attentive listener,'
says Mrs. Crosse, ' ever came away from one of Fara-
day's lectures without having the limits of his spiritual
vision enlarged, or without feeling that his imagination
had been stimulated to something beyond the mere
expression of physical facts.' "
He was not one who let himself dwell in illusions.
When he did well he was perfectly conscious of the
fact, and enjoyed a modest satisfaction. If he had
failed of his best, he was conscious too of that. His
deliberate act in giving up all other lectures at the
time when his brain-troubles were gaining upon him,
while retaining the Christmas lectures to juveniles,
was thoroughly characteristic. Of one of his earlier
courses of lectures he himself made — about 1832 —
the following note : —
The eight lectures on the operations of the laboratory at
the Royal Institution, April, 1828, were not to my mind.
There does not appear to be that opportunity of fixing the
attention of the audience by a single clear, consistent, and
connected chain of reasoning which occurs when a principle
(sic) or one particular application is made. ... I do not
think the operations of the laboratory cnn be rendered useful
and popular in lectures. . . .
The matter of these same lectures was, however,
the basis of his book on Chemical Manipulation
234 MICHAEL FARADAY
published in 1827. It went through three editions,
and was reprinted in America. But in 1838 he
declined to let a new edition be issued, as he con-
sidered the work out of date.
Besides the note quoted above from the Faraday
MS. occurs the following : —
The six juvenile lectures given Christmas, 1827, were just
what they ought to have been, both in matter and manner ;
but it would not answer to give an extended course in the
same spirit.
Nineteen times did Faraday give the Christmas
lectures. Those on the Chemistry of a Candle were
given more than once ; and were the last he gave, in
1XG0. They have been published, as were those on
the Forces of Nature. The lectures on Metals he
was urged to publish, but declined in the following
terms : —
Royal Institution, January 3, 1859.
Dear Sie, — Many thanks to both you and Mr. Bentley.
Mr. Murray made me an unlimited offer like that of Mr.
Bentley's many years ago, but for the reasons I am about to
give you I had to refuse his kindness. He proposed to take
them by shorthand, and so save me trouble, but I knew that
would be a thorough failure ; even if I cared to give time to
the revision of the MS., still the lectures without the experi-
ments and the vivacity of speaking would fall far behind those
in the lecture-room as to effect. And then I do not desire to
give time to them, for money is no temptation to me. In fact,
I have always loved science more than money ; and because
my occupation is almost entirely personal I cannot afford to
get rich. Again thanking you and Mr. Bentley, I remain,
Very truly jours,
M. Faraday.
AN INSPIRED CHILD. 235
Of his lectures Lady Pollock wrote : —
He would play with his subject now and then, but very
delicately; his sport was only just enough to enliven the
attention. He never suffered an experiment to allure him
away from his theme. Every touch of his hand was a true
illustration of his argument. . . . But his meaning was
sometimes beyond the conception of those whom he addressed.
When, however, he lectured to children he was careful to be
perfectly distinct, and never allowed his ideas to outrun their
intelligence. He took great delight in talking to them, and
easily won their confidence. The vivacity of his manner and
of his countenance, and his pleasant laugh, the frankness of his
whole bearing, attracted them to him. They felt as if he
belonged to them ; and indeed he sometimes, in his joyous
enthusiasm, appeared like an inspired child.
. . . His quick sympathies put him so closely in relation
with the child that he saw with the boy's new wonder, and
looked, and most likely felt for the moment, as if he had never
seen the thing before. Quick feelings, quick movement, quick
thought, vividness of expression and of perception, belonged to
him. He came across you like a flash of light, and he seemed
to leave some of his light with you. His presence was always
stimulating. — St. Paul's Magazine, June, 1870.
A writer in the British Quarterly Review says : —
He had the art of making philosophy charming, a. 'id this
was due in no little measure to the fact that to grey-headed
wisdom he united wonderful juvenility of spirit. . . .
Hilariously boyish upon occasion he could be, and those who
knew him best knew he was never more at home, that he
never seemed so pleased, as when making an old boy of him-
self, as he was wont to say, lecturing before a juvenile audience
at Christmas.
Caroline Fox (in " Memories of Old Friends "),
under date June 13th, 1851, wrote in her journal : —
236 MICHAEL FARADAY.
We went to Faraday's lecture on " Ozone." He tried the
various methods of making ozone which Schonbein had already-
performed in our kitchen, and he did them brilliantly. He
was entirely at his ease, both with his audience and his
chemical apparatus.
In the diary of H. Crabb Robinson is an apprecia-
tion of Faraday of some interest : —
May 8th, 1840. . . . Attended Carlyle's second lecture.
It gave great satisfaction, for it had uncommon thoughts and
was delivered with unusual animation. ... In the evening
heard a lecture by Faraday. What a contrast to Carlyle ! A
perfect experimentalist with an intellect so clear. Within his
sphere un uomo comjnto.
Many references to Faraday's lectures occur in the
life of Sir Richard Owen (published 1894), chiefly ex-
tracted from Mrs. Owen's diary. Two or three extracts
must suffice : —
1839, Jan. 8th. At eight o'clock with R. to the Royal
Institution to hear Faraday lecture on electricity, galvanism,
and the electric eel. Faraday is the beau ideal of a popular
lecturer.
1845, Jan. 31. To Faraday's lecture at the Royal Institu-
tion. The largest crowd I have ever seen there. Many
gentlemen were obliged to come into the ladies' gallery, as
they could not get seats elsewhere. After an exceedingly
interesting lecture, Faraday said he had a few remarks to
make on some new reform laws for the Institution. These
remarks were admirably made, and no one could feel offended,
although it was a direct attack on those gentlemen who helped
to render the ladies very uncomfortable, sometimes by filling
seats, and often front seats, in the part intended only for
ladies. Wearing a hat in the library was one of the delin-
quencies, likewise sitting in the seats reserved for the directors,
who were obliged by their office and duties to be last in. Mr.
ROYAL INSTITUTION LECTURES. 237
Faraday also remarked that the formation of two currents
caused by certain gentlemen rushing upstairs the instant the
lecture was over to fetch their lady friends was not conducive
to the comfort of those coming downstairs. Everything taken
very well.
1849, May 28th. With R. to Royal Institution. We got
there just before three, and there was a crowded audience as
usual to hear Faraday's lecture. The poor man entered and
attempted to speak, but he was suffering from inflammation or
excessive irritation of the larynx, and after some painful efforts
to speak, a general cry arose of " Postpone," and someone,
apparently in authority, made a short speech from the gallery.
Mr. Faraday still wished to try and force his voice, saying he
was well aware of the difficulty of getting back the carriages,
etc., before the time for the lecture had elapsed, to say nothing
of the disappointment to some ; but every moment the cry
increased. " No, no ; you are too valuable to be allowed to
injure yourself. Postpone, postpone." Poor Faraday was
quite overcome.
The interrupted lecture was resumed after a fort-
night's interval; and he made up the full number
of lectures by giving two extra discourses, at one of
which the Prince Consort was present.
At another lecture [in 1856]. Faraday explained the magnet
and strength of attraction. He made us all laugh heartily ;
and when he threw a coalscuttle full of coals, a poker, and a
pair of tongs at the great magnet, and they stuck there, the
theatre echoed with shouts of laughter.
His friend De la Rive testified in striking terms
to Faraday's power as a speaker.
Nothing can give a notion of the charm which he imparted
to these improvised lectures, in which he knew how to
combine animated, and often eloquent, language with a
judgment and art in his experiments which added to the
238 MICHAEL FARADAY.
clearness and elegance of his exposition. He exerted an
actual fascination upon his auditors ; and when, after having
initiated them into the mysteries of science, he terminated his
lecture, as he was in the habit of doing, by rising into regions
far above matter, space, and time, the emotion which he
experienced did not fail to communicate itself to those who
listened to him, and their enthusiasm had no longer any
bounds.
Faraday remained all his life a keen observer of
other lecturers. Visiting France in 1845, he went
to hear Arago give an astronomical lecture. "He
delivered it in an admirable manner to a crowded
audience," was his comment.
To the Secretary of the Institution, who in 1846
consulted him regarding evening lectures, he said :
I see no objection to evening lectures if you can find a fit
man to give them. As to popular lectures (which at the same
time are to be respectable and sound), none are more difficult
to find. Lectures which really teach will never be popular ;
lectures which are popular will never really teach. They
know little of the matter who think science is more easily to
be taught or learned than ABC; and yet who ever learned
his ABC without pain and trouble ? Still, lectures can
(generally) inform the mind, and show forth to the attentive
man what he really has to learn, and in their way are very
useful, especially to the public. I think they might be useful
to us now, even if they only gave an answer to those who,
judging by their own earnest desire to learn, think much of
them. As to agricultural chemistry, it is no doubt an
excellent and a popular subject, but I rather suspect that
those who know least of it think that most is known about it. .
His fondness for illustrating obscure points hi his
lectures by models has been more than once alluded
to. He would improvise these out of wood, paper,
USE OF MODELS AND CARDS. 239
wire, or even out of turnips or potatoes, with much
dexterity of hand. In one of his unpublished
manuscripts, dating about 1826, dealing with the
then recently discovered phenomena of electro-
magnetism, occurs the following note : —
It is best for illustration to have a model of the constant
position which the needle takes across the wire : le. voila
(Fig. 21).
Many such simple models were used in his
lectures. He leaned upon them to aid his defective
memory ; but they helped his audience quite as much
as they aided him. Reference was made on p. 7 to
bis use of cards, on which to jot down notes of
thoughts that occurred to him. One such runs as
follows : —
Eercember to do one thing at once.
Also to finish a thing.
Also to do a little if I could not do much.
Pique about mathematics in chemists, and resolution to
support the character of experiment — as better for the mass.
Hence origin of the title Exp. researches.
Influence of authority. Davy and difficulty of steering
between self-sufficiency and dependance (sic) on others.
240 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Aim at high things, but not presumptuously.
Endeavour to succeed — expect not to succeed.
Criticise one's own view in every way by experiment — if
possible, leave no objection to be put by others.
Faraday's enthusiasm about experimental re-
searches was at times unrestrained, and always
contagious. Dumas describes how Faraday repeated
for him the experimental demonstration of the action
of magnetism on light. Having come to the final
experiment, Faraday rubbed his hands excitedly,
while his eyes lit up with fire, and his animated
countenance told the passionate feelings which he
brought to the discovery of scientific truth. On
another occasion -Pluck er, of Bonn, then on a visit to
London, showed Faraday in his own laboratory the
action of a magnet upon the luminous electric
discharge in vacuum tubes. " Faraday danced round
them ; and as he saw the moving arches of light, he
cried : ' Oh, to live always in it ! ' " Once a friend
met him at Eastbourne in the midst of a tremendous
storm, rubbing his hands together gleefully because
he had been fortunate enough to see the lightning
strike the church tower. To the Baroness Burdett-
Coutts he once wrote inviting her to see some
experiments upon spectrum analysis in his private
room. The experiments, he wrote, will not he
beautiful except to the intellhjent.
Yet another reminiscence is to be found in the
Memorials of Joseph Henry. It relates, probably, to
the date of 1837, when Henry visited Europe.
FREEDOM OF SPECULATION. 241
Henry loved to dwell on the hours that he and Bache had
spent in Faraday's society. I ' shall never forget Henry's
account of his visit to King's College, London, where Faraday,
Wheatstone, Daniell, and he had met to try and evolve the
electric spark from the thermopile. Each in turn attempted
it and failed. Then came Henry's turn. He succeeded,
calling in the aid of his discovery of the effect of a long
interpolar wire wrapped around a piece of soft iron. Faraday
became as wild as a boy, and, jumping up, shouted : " Hurrah
for the Yankee experiment ! "
The following memorandum was found on a slip
of paper in Faraday's "research drawer":—
THE FOUR DEGREES
The discoverer of a fact.
The reconciling of it to known principles.
Discovery of a fact not reconcilable.
He who refers all to still more general principles.
M. F.
Faraday's mind was of a very individual turn ; he
could not walk along the beaten tracks, but must
pursue truth wherever it led him. His dogged
tenacity for exact fact was accompanied by a perfect
fearlessness of speculation. He would throw over-
board without hesitation the most deeply-rooted
notions if experimental evidence pointed to newer
ideas. He had learned to doubt the idea of poles ; so
he outgrew the idea of atoms, which he considered
an arbitrary conception. Many who heard his bold
speculations and his free coinage of new terms
deemed him vague and loose in thought. Nothing
could be more untrue. He let his mind play freely
about the facts ; he framed thousands of hypotheses,
242 MICHAEL FARADAY.
only to let them go by if they were not supported by
facts. "He is the wisest philosopher," he said in a
lecture on the nature of matter, " who holds his
theory with some doubt — who is able to proportion
his judgment and confidence to the value of the
evidence set before him, taking a fact for a fact and a
supposition for a supposition, as much as possible
keeping his mind free from all source of prejudice;
or, where he cannot do this (as in the case of a
theory), remembering that such a source is there."
In one of his later experimental researches he
wrote : —
As an experimentalist, I feel bound to let experiment
guide me into any train of thought 'which it may justify ;
being satisfied that experiment, like analysis, must lead to
strict truth if rightly interpreted ; and believing also that it
is in its nature far more suggestive of new trains of thought
and new conditions of natural power.
Perhaps it was this ver} r freedom of thought
which debarred him from enlisting other men as
collaborators in his researches. His one assistant
for thirty years, Sergeant Anderson, was indeed in-
valuable to him for his quality of implicit obedience.
Other helpers in the laboratory he had none. Ap-
parently he found his researches to be of too indi-
vidual a character to permit him to deputise any part
of his work. He was never satisfied when told about
another's experiment ; he must perform it for himself.
Often a discovery arose from some chance or trivial
incident of an otherwise unsuccessful experiment.
The power of "lateral vision," which Tyndall has
so strongly emphasised, was a prime factor in his
WHY NO SUCCESSOR. 243
successes. That power could not be delegated to any
mere assistant. Many times did outsiders approach
him, thinking to bring new facts to his notice ; never,
save on the solitary occasion when a Mr. William Jenkin
drew his attention to the " extra-current " spark seen
on the breaking of an electric circuit, did such novelties
turn out to be really new. Alleged discoveries thus
brought to him merely plagued him. He thought
that anyone who had the wit to observe any really
new phenomenon would be the person best qualified
to work it out. His method was to work on alone,
dwelling amidst his experiments until the mind,
familiarising itself with the facts, was ready to suggest
their correlations. It was sometimes urged against
him as a complaint that he never took up any younger
man to train him as his successor, even as Davy had
taken up himself and trained him in scientific work.
One of the miscellaneous notes, found after his death,
throws some light on this : —
It puzzles me greatly to know what makes tlie successful
philosopher. Is it industry and perseverance with a moderate
proportion of good sense and intelligence 1 Is not a modest
assurance or earnestness a requisite? Do not many fail be-
cause they look rather to the renown to be acquired than to
the pure acquisition of knowledge, and the delight which the
contented mind has in acquiring it for its own sake 1 I am
sure I have seen many who would have been good and success
ful pursuers of science, and have gained themselves a high
name, but that it was the name and the reward they were
iilways louking forward to — the reward of the world's praise.
In such there is always a shade of envy or regret over their
minds, and I cannot imagine a man making discoveries in
science under these feelings. As to Genius and its power,
244 MICHAEL FARADAY.
there may be cases ; I suppose there are. I have looked long
and often for a genius for our Laboratory, but have never found
one. But I have seen many who would, I think, if they had
submitted themselves to a sound self-applied discipline of
mind, have become successful experimental Philosophers.
To Dr. Becker lie wrote :
I was never able to make a fact my own without seeing it ;
and the descriptions of the best works altogether failed to
convey to my mind such a knowledge of things as to allow
myself to form a judgment upon them. It was so with new
things. If Grove, or Wheatstone, or Gassiot, or any other
told me a new fact, and wanted my opinion either of its value,
or the cause, or the evidence it could give on any subject, I
never could say anything until I had seen the fact. For the
same reason I never could work, as some Professors do most
extensively, by students or pupils. All the work had to be
my own.
Of Faraday's social life and surroundings during
his meridional and later period much might be
written. After his great researches of 1831 to 1836
scientific honours flowed in freely upon him, especially
from foreign academies and universities; and the fame
he won at home would have brought him, had he
been so minded, an ample professional fortune and all
the artificial amenities of Society which follow the
successful money-maker. From all such mundane
-" success" he cut himself off when in 1831 he decided
to abandon professional fee-earning, and to devote
himself to the advancement of science. Probably the
tenets of the religious body to which he belonged
were a leading factor in compelling this decision.
Not having laid upon him the necessity of providing
for a family, and 'accustomed to live in an unostenta-
INCOME AND EXPENDITURE. 245
tious style, he could contemplate the future without
anxiety. With his pension, his Woolwich lectures,
and his Trinity House appointment, Faraday was in
no sense poor, though his Royal Institution professor-
ship never brought him so much as £300 a year until
after he was over sixty years of age ; but on the other
hand, his private charities were very numerous. How
much of his income was spent in that way can never
be known ; for the very privacy of his deeds of kind-
ness prevented any record from being kept. Certain it
is that his gifts to the aged poor and sick must have
amounted to several hundreds of pounds a year ; for
while his income for many years must have averaged
at least £1,000 or £1,100, and his domestic expendi-
ture could not have much exceeded half that sum, he
does not seem to have attempted to save anything.
Nor did he grudge time or strength to do kindly
charitable acts in visiting the sick.
From about the year 1834 he resolutely declined
invitations to dinners and such social gaieties ; not, as
some averred, from any religious asceticism, but that
he might the more unrestrainedly devote himself to
his researches. " If," says Mrs. Crosse, " Babbage,
Wheatstone, Grove, Owen, Tyndall, and a host of
other distinguished scientists, were to be met very
generally in the society of the day, there was one man
who was very conspicuous by his absence — this was
Faraday! His biographers say that in earlier years
he occasionally accepted Lady Davy's invitations to
dinner ; but I never heard of his going anywhere, ex-
cept in obedience to the commands of royalty." He
did indeed occasionally dine quietly with Sir Robert
246 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Peel or Earl Russell ; and of the few public dinners
he attended, he enjoyed most the annual banquet ol
the Royal Academy of Arts.
Faraday does not, however, appear to have had
any very direct relations with- the world of art. Once
he was consulted by Lord John Russell as to the
removal of Raphael's cartoons from Hampton Court
to the National Gallery. His advice was adverse, on
account of the penetrating power of dust. Though a
sufficiently good draughtsman to prepare his own
drawings, he had little or no knowledge of the
technicalities of painting. Yet his sensitive and
enthusiastic temperament had much in common with
that of the artist, and he enjoyed music, especially
good music, greatly. In early life he played the flute
and knew many songs by heart. He took bass
parts in concerted singing, and is said to have sung
correctly in time and tune. In his circle of
acquaintanceship were numbered several painters of
eminence — Turner, Landseer, and Stanfield. His
brother-in-law, Mr. George Barnard, the late well-
known water-colour artist, has written the following
note : —
My first and many following sketching trips were made,
with Faraday and his wife. Storms excited his admiration at
all times, and he was never tired of looking into the heavens.
He said to me once, " I wonder you artists don't study the
light and colour in the sky more, and try more for effect." I
think this quality in Turner's drawings made him admire them
so much. He made Turner's acquaintance at Hullmandel's,
and afterwards often had applications from him for chemical
information about pigments. Faraday always impressed upon
Turner and other artists the great necessity there was to
SCIENCE, LITERATURE, AND ART. 247
experiment for themselves, putting washes and tints of all
their pigments in the bright sunlight, covering up one half,
and noticing the effect of light and gases on the other. . . .
Faraday did not fish at all during these country trips, but
just rambled about geologising or botanising.
Earlier in his career, Faraday and his brother-in-
law used to enjoy conversaziones of artists, actors, and
musicians at Hullmandel's. Sometimes they went up
the river in Hullmandel's eight-oar boat, camping
gipsy-wise on the banks for dinner, and enjoying the
singing of Signor Garcia and his wife and of his
daughter, afterwards Madame Malibran. From these
things, too, he withdrew very largely when he ceased
to dine out, though he still liked to hear the opera
and to visit the theatre. Curiously enough, he seems
to have had very little in common with literary men.
In the last half of the previous century there had
been many intimate relations between the leaders of
literature and those of science. The circle which
included Watt, Boulton, and Wedgwood included
also Priestley and Erasmus Darwin. In our own time
the names of Darwin, Huxley, Hooker, and Tyndall
are to be found in conjunction with those of Tennyson,
Browning, and Jowett. But the biographies of literary
men and artists of the period from 1830 to 1850
bear few references to Faraday. He moved in his
own world, and that a world very much apart from
literature or art. In his method of working he was
indeed an artist, often feeling his way rather than
calculating it, and arriving at his conclusions by
what seemed insight rather than by any direct process
of reasoning. The discovery of truth comes about in
248 MICHAEL FARADAY.
many ways ; and if Faraday's method in science was
artistic rather than scientific, it was amply justified by
the brilliant harvest of discoveries which it enabled
him to reap.
As is well known, Faraday never took out any
patents for his discoveries ; indeed, whenever in his
investigations he seemed to come near to the point
where they began to possess a marketable value from
their application to the industries, he left them, to
pursue his pioneering inquiries in other branches.
He sought, indeed, for principles rather than for
processes, for facts new to science rather than for
merchantable inventions. When he had made the
discovery of magneto-electric induction — the basis of
all modern electric engineering — he carried the re-
search to the point of constructing several experi-
mental machines, and then abruptly turned away
with these memorable words : —
I have rather, however, been desirous of discovering new
facts and new relations dependent on magneto-electric induc-
tion than of exalting the force of those already obtained ;
being assured that the latter would find their full development
hereafter.
Several times was Faraday known, when asked
about the possible utility of some new scientific dis-
covery, to quote Franklin's rejoinder : " What is the
use of a baby ? "
It is narrated of him that on one occasion, at a
Trinity House dinner, he and the Duke of Wellington
had a little friendly chat, in the course of which the
Duke advised Faraday to give his speculations "a
practical turn as far as possible " — " a suggestion,"
PRACTICAL UTILITIES. 249
said Faraday, who always spoke of the veteran with
pleasure, " full of weight, coming from such a man."
Faraday was, however, the last to -despise the im-
portance of industrial applications of science. In his
unpublished manuscripts at the Royal Institution
there are some curious references to trials which he
made of a meat-canning process, invented about 1848
by a Mr. Goldner, of Fiiasbury. He also had fancies
for other domestic applications, including wine-making.
He used himself to bind his own note-books. To a
Mr. Woolnough, who had written a book on the
marbling of paper, he wrote a letter saying how much
interest he felt in the subject, " because of its associa-
tions with my early occupation of bookbinding ; and
also because of the very beautiful principles of natural
philosophy which it involves." * He even, on one
occasion, produced a home made pair of boots. His
devotion to the practical applications of science is
attested by his untiring work for improving the light-
houses of our coast. It is believed that his death was
accelerated by a severe cold caught when on a visit of
lighthouse inspection during stormy weather.
Faraday was never ashamed of the circumstance
of his having risen from a bumble origin. In his
letters he not unfrequently alludes to things that
remind him of his bookbinding experiences, or of
boyish episodes in his father's smithy. Yet he had
none of the vulgar pride of ascent which too often
dogs the path of the self-made man. Severe self-
discipline and genuine humility prevented either
undue proclamation or awkward reticence respecting
his early life. His elder brother Robert was a gas-
250 MICHAEL FARADAY.
fitter. Faraday was not ashamed to help him to
secure work in his trade, nor to give him the benefit
of his scientific aid in perfecting appliances for venti-
lating by gas-burners. The following characteristic
story was told by Frank Barnard : —
Robert was throughout life a warm friend and admirer of
his younger brother, and not a whit envious at seeing himself
passed in the social scale by him. One day he was sitting in
the Royal Institution just previous to a lecture by the young
and rising philosopher, when he heard a couple of gentlemen
behind him descanting on the natural gifts and rapid rise of
the lecturer. The brother — perhaps not fully apprehending
the purport of their talk — listened with growing indignation
while one of them dilated on the lowness of Faraday's origin.
" Why," said the speaker, " I believe he was a mere shoeblack
at one time." Robert could endure this no longer ; but turn-
ing sharply round he demanded : " Pray, sir, did he ever black
your shoes 1 " " Oh ! dear no, certainly not," replied the
gentleman, much abashed at the sudden inquisition into the
facts of the case.
In 1853 Faraday came before the public in a
novel manner — as the exposer of the then rampant
charlatanry of table-turning and spirit-rapping. The
Athenaeum for July 2nd contains a long letter from
him on table-turning. He experimentally investi-
gated the alleged phenomena as produced by three
skilful mediums in seances at the house of a friend.
His mechanical skill was more than a match, how-
ever, for that of the supposed spirits. When the
observers assembled around the table placed their
hands in the orthodox way upon the table-top, the
table turned, apparently without any effort on the
part of any one of the party. This was eminently
SPIRIT MEDIUMS EXPOSED. 251
satisfactory for the spirits. But when Faraday
interposed between each hand and the table- top a
simple roller-mechanism which, if any individual in
the circle applied muscular forces tending to turn it,
instantly indicated the fact, the table remained
immovable. Faraday wrote merely describing the
facts, and saying that the test apparatus was now on
public view at 122, Regent Street. He ends thus : —
I must bring this long description to a close. I am a little
ashamed of it, for I think, in the present age, and in this part
of the world, it ought not to have been required. Neverthe-
less, I hope it may be useful. There are many whom I do not
expect to convince ; but I may be allowed to say that I cannot
undertake to answer such objections as may be made. I state
my own convictions as an experimental philosopher, and find
it no more necessary to enter into controversy on this point
than on any other in science, as the nature of matter, or
inertia, or the magnetisation of light, on which I may differ
from others. The world will decide sooner or later in all such
cases, and I have no doubt very soon and correctly in the
present instance.
This exposure excited great interest at the time,
and there was an active correspondence in The Times.
The spiritualists, instead of appreciating the services
to truth rendered by the man of science, railed
bitterly at him. Even the refined and noble spirit of
Mrs. Browning was so dominated by the superstition
of the moment that, as shown by her recently
published letters, she denounced Faraday in singularly
acrimonious terms, and taunted him for shallow
materialism ! What Faraday thought of the hubbub
evoked by his action is best learned from a letter
252 MICHAEL FARADAY.
which he addressed three weeks later to his friend
Schonbein : — •
I have not been at work except in turning the tables upon
the table-turners, nor should I have done that, but that so
many inquiries poured in upon me, that I thought it better to
stop the inpouring flood by letting all know at once what my
views and thoughts were. What a weak, credulous, incredulous,
unbelieving, superstitious, bold, frightened, what a ridiculous
world ours is, as far as concerns the mind of man. How full
of inconsistencies, contradictions, and absurdities it is. I
declare that, taking the average of many minds that have
recently come before me (and apart from that spirit which
God has placed in each), and accepting for a moment that
average as a standard, I should far prefer the obedience,
affections, and instinct of a dog before it. Do not whisper
this, however, to others. There is One above who worketh in
all things, and who governs even in the midst of that misrule
to which the tendencies and powers of men are so easily
perverted.
He declined an invitation in 1855 to see mani-
festations by the medium Home, saying that he had
"lost too much time about such matters already."
Nine years later the Brothers Davenport invited him
to witness their cabinet " manifestations." Again he
declined, and added : " I will leave the spirits to find
out for themselves how they can move my attention.
I am tired of them."
In this year he wrote to The Times respecting the
disgraceful and insanitary condition of the river
Thames. In Punch of the following week appeared a
cartoon representing Faraday presenting his card to
old Father Thames, who rises holding his nose to
avoid the stench.
With increasing age the infirmity of loss of
FAILURE OP MEMORY. 253
memory made itself increasingly felt. He alludes
frequently to this in his letters. To one friend who
upbraided him gently for not having replied to a
letter he says : " Do you remember that I forget ? "
To another he says he is forgetting how to spell such
words as " withhold " and " successful." To Matteucci,
in 1849, he bemoans how, after working for six weeks
at certain experiments, he found, on looking back to
his notes, he had ascertained all the same results
eight or nine months before, and had entirely
forgotten them ! In the same year he wrote to Dr.
Percy : —
I cannot be on the Committee ; I avoid everything of that
kind, that I may keep my stupid head a little clear. As to
being on a Committee and not working, that is worse still.
In 1859, in a letter to his niece, Mrs. Deacon, filled
mainly with religious thoughts, he says : " My worldly
faculties are slipping away day by day. Happy is it
for all of us that the true good lies not in them."
From the journals of Walter White comes the
following anecdote under date December 22nd,
1858:—
Mr. Faraday called to enquire on the part of Sir Walter
Trevelyan whether a MS. of meteorological observations made
in Greenland would be acceptable. The question answered, I
expressed my pleasure at seeing him looking so well, and
asked him if he were writing a paper for the Eoyal. He
shook his head. " No ; I am too old." " Too old 1 Why, age
brings wisdom." "Yes, but one may Overshoot the wisdom.''
" You cannot mean that you have outlived your wisdom 1 "
"Something like it, for my memory is gone. If I make an
experiment, I forget before twelve hours are over whether the
result was positive or negative ; and how can I write a paper
254 MICHAEL FARADAY
while that is the case? No, I must content myself with
giving my lectures to children."
From another source we learn of a hitherto un-
recorded incident which happened to Mr. Joseph
Newton, for some time an assistant in the Royal
Mint. While arranging some precious material on
the Royal Institution theatre lecture-table, previous
to a lecture on the Mint and minting operations by
Professor Brande, Mr. Newton noticed an elderly,
spare, and very plainly-dressed individual watching
his movements. Imagining that this person was a
superior messenger of the Institution, Mr. Newton
volunteered some information as to the coinage of
gold. " I suppose,'' said the Mint employee, " you
have been some years at the Royal Institution ? "
" AY ell, yes, I have, a good many," responded the
dilapidated one. " I hope the}' treat you pretty
liberally — I mean, that they give you a respectable
' screw,' for that is the main point.'' " Ah ! I agree
with you there. I think that the labourer is worthy
of his hire, and I shouldn't mind being paid a little
better." Mr. Newton's surprise, on returning to the
Royal Institution in the evening, to find that the man
whom he had so recently patronised was none other
than the illustrious but modest Michael Faraday can
better be imagined than described.
A pretty instance, given on the authority of Lady
Pollock, may be recorded of the feeling aroused by
Faraday's presence when he returned to his accus-
tomed seat in the lecture-room of the Royal Institu-
tion, after a protracted absence occasioned by illness : —
HONOURS OFFERED AND DECLINED. 255
As soon as his presence was recognised, the whole audience
rose simultaneously and burst into a spontaneous utterance of
welcome, loud and long. Faraday stood in acknowledgment
of this enthusiastic greeting, with his fine head slightly bent ;
and then a certain resemblance to the pictures and busts of
Lord Nelson, which was always observable in his countenance,
was very apparent. His hair had grown white and long, his
face had lengthened, and the agility of his movement was
gone. The eyes no longer flashed with the fire of the soul, but
they still radiated kindly thought ; and ineffaceable lines of
intellectual force and energy were stamped upon his face.
In 1857 lie was offered the Presidency of the
Royal Society. A painting preserved in the rooms
of the Royal Society records the scene when Lord
Wrottesley, Grove, and Gassiot waited upon him as
a deputation from the Council, to press on him his
acceptance of the highest place which science has to
offer. He hesitated and finally declined, even as he
had declined the suggestion of knighthood years before.
" Tyndall," he said in private to his successor, " I must
remain plain Michael Faraday to the last ; and let me
now tell you, that if I accepted the honour which the
Royal Society desires to confer upon me, I could not
answer for the integrity of my intellect for a single
year." He also declined the Presidency of the Royal
Institution, which he had served for fifty years. His
one desire was for rest. r 'The reverent affection of
his friends was," said Tyndall, " to him infinitely more
precious than all the honours of official life."
Allusion has been made to Faraday's tender and
chivalrous regard for his wife. Extracts from two
letters, written in 1849 and 1863 respectively, must
here suffice to complete the story : —
256 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Birmingham, Dr. Percy's :
Thursday evening, September 13, 1849.
My Dearest Wife,— I have just left Dr. Percy's hospitable
table to write to you, my beloved, telling you how I have been
getting on. I am very well, excepting a little faceache ; and
very kindly treated here. They all long most earnestly for
your presence, for both Mrs. and Dr. Percy are anxious jou
should come ; and this I know, that the things we have seen
would delight you, but then I doubt your powers of running
about as we do ; and though I know that if time were given
you could enjoy them, yet to press the matter into a day or
■ two would be a failure. Besides this, after all, there is no
pleasure like the tranquil pleasures of home, and here — even
here — the moment I leave the table, I wish I were with you ix
quiet. Oh ! what happiness is ours ! My runs into the
world in this way only serve to make me esteem that happiness
the more. I mean to be at home on Saturday night, but it
may be late first, so do not be surprised at that ; for if I can, I
should like to go on an excursion to the Dudley caverns, and
that would take the day
Write to me, dearest. I shall get your letter on Saturday
morning, or perhaps before.
Love to father, Margery, and Jenny, and a thousand loves
to yourself, dearest,
From your affectionate husband,
M. Faraday.
5, Claremont Gardens, Glasgow :
Monday, August 14, 1863.
Dearest, — Here is the fortnight complete since I left you
and the thoughts of my return to our home crowd in strongly
upon my mind. Not that we are in any way un cared for, or left
by our dear friends, save as I may desire for our own retire-
ment. Everybody has overflowed with kindness, but you
know their manner, and their desire, by your own experience
with me.
THE WIFE AND THE QUEEN. 257
I long to see you, dearest, and to talk over things together,
and call to mind all the kindness I have received. My head is
full, and my heart also, but my recollection rapidly fails, even
as regards the friends that are in the room with me. You will
have to resume your old function of being a pillow to my mind,
and a rest, a happy-making wife.
My love to my dear Mary. I expect to find you together,
but do not assume to know how things may be.
Jeannie's love with mine, and also Charlotte's, and a great
many others which I cannot call to mind.
Dearest, I long to see and be with you, whether together or
separate.
Your husband, very affectionate,
M. Faraday.
Tn 1858 the Queen, at the suggestion of Prince
Albert, who much esteemed and valued Faraday's
genius, placed at his disposal for life a comfortable
house on the green near Hampton Court. Faraday's
only hesitation in accepting the offer was a doubt
whether he could afford the needful repairs. On a
hint of this reaching the Queen, she at once directed
that it should be put into thorough repair inside and
out. He still kept his rooms at the Eoyal Institution,
and continued to live there occasionally.
With the increasing infirmities of age, his anxieties
for his wife seemed to be the only trouble that marred
the serenity of his thought. Lady Pollock's narrative
gives the following particulars : —
Sometimes he was depressed by the idea of his wife left
without kin — of the partner of his hopes and cares deprived of
him. She had been the first love of his ardent soul ; she was
the last ; she had been the brightest dream of his youth, and
she was the dearest comfort of his age ; he never ceased for an
258
MICHAEL FARADAY.
instant to feel himself happy with her ; and he never for one
hour ceased to care for her happiness. It was no wonder, then,
that he felt anxiety about her. But he would rally from such
a trouble with his great religious trust, and looking at her
with moist eyes, he would say, " I must not be afraid ; you
will be cared for, my wife ; you will be cared for."
1''ig. 22. — faraday's home at uami'TON covet.
There are some who remember how tenderly he used to
lead her to her seat at the Eoyal Institution when she was
suffering from lameness ; how carefully he used to support her ;
how watchfully he used to attend all her steps. It did the
heart good to see his devotion, and to think what the man was
and what he had been.
Gradually his powers waned. He
juvenile lectures at Christmas, 1860
1861, being now seventy years of age, he resigned his
gave his last
and in October,
CLOSE OF SCIENTIFIC CAREER. 259
Professorship, while retaining the superintendence of
the laboratory. "Nothing," he wrote to the managers,
" would make me happier in the things of this life
than to make some scientific discovery or develop-
ment, and by that to justify the Board in their desire
to retain me in my position here." His last research
in the laboratory was made on March 12, 1862. On
June 20th he gave his last Friday night discourse — on
Siemens's gas furnaces. He had, as his notes show,
already made up his mind to announce his retirement,
and the lecture was a sad and touching occasion, for
the failure of his powers was painfully evident. He
continued for two years longer, and with surprising
activity, to work for Trinity House on the subject of
lighthouse illumination by the electric light. In 1865
he resigned these duties to Dr. Tyndall. In 1864 he
resigned his eldership in the Sandemanian church.
In March, 1865, he resigned the position of super-
intendent of the house and laboratories of the Royal
Institution. He continued to attend the Friday
evening meetings ; but his tottering condition of frame
and mind was apparent to all. All through the
winter of 1865 and 1866 he became very feeble. Yet
he took an interest in Mr. Wilde's description of his
new magneto-electric machine. Almost the last
pleasure he showed on any scientific matter was when
viewing the long spark of a Holtz's influence machine.
He still enjoyed looking at sunsets and storms. All
through the summer and autumn of 1866 and the
spring of 1867 his physical powers waned. He was faith-
fully and lovingly tended by his wife and his devoted
niece, Jane Barnard. He was scarcely able to move'
260 MICHAEL FARADAY.
but his mind " overflowed " with the consciousness
of the affectionate regard of those around him. He
gradually sank into torpor, saying nothing and taking
little notice of anything. Sitting in his chair in his
study, he died peacefully and painlessly on the
26th of August, 1867. On the 30th of August
he was quietly buried in Highgate Cemetery, his
remains being committed to the earth, in accord-
ance with the custom of the religious body to which
he belonged, in perfect silence. None but personal
friends were present, the funeral being by his own
verbal and written wishes strictly simple and private.
A simple unadorned tombstone marks the last resting-
place of Michael Faradny.
CHAPTER VII.
VIEWS ON THE PUBSU1T OF SCIENCE AND ON
EDUCATION.
Between Faraday and the scientific men of his time
there subsisted many various relations. The in-
fluence which he exerted as a lecturer and as an
experimental investigator was unique; but, apart
from such influences, those relations were mainly
confined to individual friendships. With the organ-
isation of science he had relatively very little to do.
We have seen how highly he prized the honour of
admission to the Fellowship of the Royal Society ;
and it remains to be told of the gratification with
which he accepted the scientific honours which he
received from almost every academy and university
in Europe. Yet he took little part in the work of
scientific societies as such. Four years after his
election as F.R.S. he served on the Council, and he
remained on till 1831. He served again in 1833 and
1835. He was not, however, satisfied with the
management of the Royal Society, nor with the way
in which its Fellowship was at that time bestowed
on men who had no real claims on science, but
were nominated through influence. Echoes of this
262 MICHAEL FARADAY.
discontent are to be found in various pamphlets of the
day by Moll, Babbage. South, and others. Faraday,
who edited Moll's pamphlet on the "Decline of
Science," is believed to have had an even larger share
in its production. In 1830 the really scientific men
amongst the Fellows desired to place Sir John
Herschel as President; the less scientific preferred
the Duke of Sussex. Faraday took the unusual step
of speaking on the question, advocating the principle
that eminence in science should be the sole quali-
fication for the Presidency. At the same meeting
Herschel moved, and Faraday seconded, a plan for
reforming the Council by nominating a list of fifty
Fellows from whose number the Council should be
chosen. They carried their plan, and Faraday's name
was amongst those so selected to serve. But the
presidential election went in favour of the Duke of
Sussex by 119 to 110 votes. After 1835 Faraday
never served again on the Council. In 1843 he wrote
to Matteucci : —
I think you are aware that I have not attended at the
Eoyal Society, either meetings or council, for some years. Ill
health is one reason, and another that I do not like the
present constitution of it, and want to restrict it to scientific
men. As these my opinions are not acceptable, I have
withdrawn from any management in it (still sending scientific
communications if I discover anything I think worthy). This,
of course, deprives me of power there.
Two months earlier he wrote to Grove, who at
that time was carrying out the long-needed reforms,
sympathising, but declining to co-operate : —
REFORM IN THE ROYAL SOCIETY. 263
Royal Institution,
December 21, 1842.
My dear Grove, — ... As to the ltoyal Society, you
know my feeling towards it is for what it has been, and I hope
may be. Its present state is not wholesome. You are aware
that I am not on the council, and have not been for years, and
have been to no meeting there for years ; but I do hope for
better times. I do not wonder at your feeling— all I meant to
express was a wish that its circumstances and character
should improve, and that it should again become a desirable
reunion of all really scientific men. It lias done" much, is
now doing much, in some parts of science, as its magnetic
observations show, and I hope will some day become alto-
gether healthy.
Ever, my dear Grove, yours sincerely,
M. Faraday.
Though he continued down to 1860 to send
researches for publication to the Royal Society, he
seldom attended its meetings.* He was not even
present in November, 1845, on the occasion of the
reading of his paper on the action of the magnet on
light. In 1857 he declined the Presidency, though
urged by the unanimous wish of the Council, as
narrated on p. 225.
Though in the meridian of his active life, he took
* Once again did Faraday intervene in Royal Society affairs at
the crucial time when Lord Rosse was elected President in 1848.
The following excerpts from the journals of Walter White show the
cause : —
"November 25th.— There have been many secret conferences th s
week — much trimming and time-serving. Alas for human nature ! "
"November 30th.— The eventful day, the ballot begun. Mr.
Faraday made some remarks about the list."
264 MICHAEL FARADAY.
no part in tho founding of the British Association
in 1831, but was at the Oxford meeting in 1832,
being one of the four scientific men (p. 65) selected
to receive the honorary degree of D.C.L. on that
occasion. He also communicated a paper on Electro-
chemical Decomposition to the B.A. meeting at
Cambridge in 1833. He acted as president of the
Chemical Section of the Association in 1837 at
Liverpool, and in 1846 at Southampton ; and he
was chosen as vice-president of the Association
itself in the years 1844, at York (p. 224); 1849,
at Birmingham (p. 256); and 1853, at Hull. He
delivered evening discourses in 1847, at Oxford, on
Magnetic and Diamagnetic Phenomena ; and in 1849,
at Birmingham, on Mr. Gassiot's Battery. He also
contributed to the proceedings at the meetings at
Ipswich in 1851 and at Liverpool in 1854.
His comparative aloofness from scientific organi-
sations arose probably from the exceedingly individual
nature of his own researches — to which allusion
was made on p. 242 — rather than from any lack of
sympathy. He had no jealousy of co-operation in
science. To Tyndall, then at Marburg, he wrote in
1850 rejoicing at the circumstance that the work
on the magnetic properties of crystals was being
taken up by others. " It is wonderful," he says,
" how much good results from different persons
working at the same matter. Each one gives views
and ideas new to the rest. When science is a
republic, then it gains ; and though I am no re-
publican in other matters, I am in that." Other
causes there were, doubtless, tending to his isolation.
PRIORITY IN SCIENTIFIC DISCOVERY. 265
amongst them an old jealousy, now long dead, against
the Royal Institution on the part of some of the
Fellows of the Royal Society. Above all, probably,
was his detestation of controversy.
Priority in scientific discovery was a matter which
deeply concerned one whose life was devoted to
scientific pioneering. To any question as to scien-
tific priority between himself and other workers he
was keenly sensitive. This was, indeed, natural in
one who had voluntarily relinquished fortune, and
retired from lucrative professional work, in the sole
and single aim of advancing natural knowledge.
His single-minded and sensitive nature made him
particularly scrupulous in all such matters, and his
early experiences must have added to the almost
excessive keenness of his perceptions. Having had
in 1823, when still merely assistant to Davy, to bear
the double burden of a serious misunderstanding
with Dr. Wollaston as to the originality of his dis-
covery of the electro-magnetic rotations, and of a
serious estrangement from his master arising out ol
the liquid chlorine discovery — an estrangement which
threatened to cause his election to the Royal Society
to be indefinitely postponed — he was in later life
especially precise in dating and publishing his own
researches. In 1831 there arose, concerning his great
discovery of magneto -electric induction, a curious
misunderstanding. His discovery was, as we have
seen, made in September and October. He collected
his results and arranged them in the splendid me-
moir — the first in the series of '' Experimental
Researches in Electricity " — which was read at the
266 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Royal Society on November 24th. The resume ot
his work, which he wrote five days later to Phillips, is
given on pages 114-117. A fortnight later he wrote
a shorter and hasty letter in the same way to his
friend, M. Hachette of Paris — a letter which Faraday
subsequently well termed "unfortunate," in view of
the consequences that followed. M. Hachette, a week
later, communicated Faraday's letter to the Academie
des Sciences on December 26th. It was published
in Le Temps of December 28th. At that date the
complete memoir read to the Royal Society was not
yet printed or circulated. The consequence was that
two Italian physicists, MM. Nobili and Antinori,
seeing the brief letter, and " considering that the
subject was given to the philosophical world for
general pursuit," immediately began researches on
magneto-electric induction in ignorance of Faraday's
full work. Their results they embodied in a paper,
in which they claimed to have "verified, extended,
and, perhaps, rectified the results of the English
philosopher," accusing him of errors both in ex-
periment and theory, and even of a breach of good
faith as to what he had said about Arago's rotations.
This paper they dated January 31st, 1832 ; but it
7/as published in the belated number of the Antologia
for November, 1831, where its appearance at an
apparently earlier date than Faraday's original
paper in the Philosophical Transactions made many
Continental readers suppose that the researches of
Nobili and Antinori preceded those of Faraday. In
June, 1832, Faraday published in the Philosophical
Magazine a translation of Nobili's memoir, with his
PRIORITY IN PUBLICATION. 267
own annotations; and later in the year he wrote to
Gay Lussac a long letter on the errors of Nobili
and Antinori. He showed how, in spite of his efforts
to clear up the misunderstanding, in spite of his
having sent several months previously to MM. Nobili
and Antinori copies of his original papers, no cor-
rection or retractation had been made by them ; and
he concluded by a dignified protest that none might
say he had been too hasty to write that which might
have been avoided. It may be taken that the rule
now recognised as to priority of scientific publication
— namely, that it dates from the day when the dis-
coverer communicates it formally to any of the
recognised learned societies — was virtually established
by Faraday's example. It will be remembered that
writing to De la Rive in 1845, to tell him of his
diamagnetic discoveries, he begged him to keep the
matter secret, adding : " I ought (in order to preserve
the respect due to the Royal Society) not to write
a description to any one until the paper has been re-
ceived or even read there." To younger men he incul-
cated the necessity of proper and prompt publication
of their researches if they would reap the benefit of
their work. To Sir William Crookes, then a rising
young chemist, he said : '' Work, Finish, Publish."
Writing in 1853 to Professor Matteucci, who had been
annoyed with him for allowing Du Bois Reymond,
with whom Matteucci had had some controversy
about priority, to dedicate his book to him, Faraday
says : " Who has not to put up in his day with
insinuations and misrepresentations in the accounts
of his proceedings given by others, bearing for the
268 MICHAEL FARADAY.
time the present injustice, which is often uninten-
tional, and often originates in hasty temper, and
committing his fame and character to the judgment
of the men of his own and future time 1" . . .
'' I see that that moves you which would move me
most — namely, the imputation of a want of good
faith — and I cordially sympathise with any one who
is so charged unjustly. Such cases have seemed to
me almost the only ones for which it is worth while
entering into controversy." . . . " These polemics
of the scientific world are very unfortunate things;
they form the great stain to which the beautiful
edifice of scientific truth is subject. Are they
inevitable?"
Controversy whether in religion or science was to
him alike detestable. He took no part in politics. A
letter to Tyndall (see " Faraday as a Discoverer," p. 3y),
written after the latter had told him of a rather heated
discussion at the British Association meeting in 1855,
speaks of his own efforts at forbearance. He says : —
These great meetings, of which I think very well altogether,
advance science chiefly by bringing scientific men together and
making them to know and be friends with each other ; and I
am sorry when that is not the effect in every part of tbeir
coarse. . . . The real truth never fails ultimately to
appear. ... It is better to be blind to the results of
partisanship, and quick to see good will. One has more
happiness in oneself in endeavouring to follow the things that
make for peace. You can hardly imagine how often I have
been heated in private when opposed, as I have thought un-
justly and superciliously, and yet I have striven, and succeeded
J hope, in keeping down replies of the like kind. And I know
I have never lost by it.
HATRED OF CONTROVERSY. 269
During the years when he was examining the
apparatus of rival inventors for lighthouse illumina-
tion, he could calmly hear them described as Mr. So-
and-So's electric lights, all the while knowing that it
was his own discovery of magneto-electric induction
which had made the mechanical production of electric
light possible. Yet he fired up if anyone dared to
revive the priority dispute between Davy and Stephen-
son as to the invention of the safety lamp. " Dis-
graceful subject," was his own comment. In his
dispute with Snow Harris as to the design of lightning
rods, in which, as it is now known, Snow Harris was
right ; in his dispute with Airy over the curved lines
of force ; in his minor difficulties over Hare's pile and
Becquerel's magnetic observations, none could either
assert his own position with more simple dignity, nor
admit with greater frankness the rights of his rival.
To Hare he wrote : —
You must excuse me, however, for several reasons from
answering it [Hare's letter] at any length ; the first is my
distaste for controversy, which is so great that I would on no
account our correspondence should acquire that character. I
have often seen it do great harm, and yet remember few cases
in natural knowledge where it has helped much either to pull
down error or advance truth. Criticism, on the other 'hand, is
of much value.
When we reflect how large a part of his experi-
mental researches was devoted to establishing the
relations between the various forces of nature, we
cannot but think that Faraday must have regarded
with somewhat mixed feelings the publication in 1846
of Sir William Grove's volume on the Correlation of
270 MICHAEL FARADAY.
Forces. He had, in June, 1834, given a course of
lectures on the mutual relation of chemical and
electrical phenomena, and had dealt therein with the
conversion of chemical and electrical power into heat,
and had speculated on the inclusion of gravitation in
these mutual relations. In 1853 Faraday marked the
old lecture notes of these lectures with his initials,
and endorsed them with the words "Correlation of
Physical Forces." Probably none rejoiced more than
he that Grove had undertaken the work of popularising
the notion which for a score of years had been familiar
to himself. Yet he was keen to resent an unjust
reflection, as is shown by his letter to Richard Phillips,
republished in Vol. II. of the " Experimental Re-
searches," p. 229, respecting Dr. John Davy's Life of
Sir Humphry.
Faraday has himself left on record (p. 10) that when
he wrote to Davy asking to be taken into his employ-
ment, his motive was his desire " to escape from trade,
which I thought vicious and selfish, and to enter into
the service of Science, which, I imagined, made its
pursuers amiable and liberal." Davy had smiled at
this boyish notion, and had told him that the experi-
ence of a few years would correct his ideas. Years
afterwards he spoke of this matter to Mrs. Andrew
Crosse in an interview which sbe has recorded : —
After viewing the ample appliances for experimental
research, and feeling much impressed by the scientific atmo-
sphere of the place, I turned and said, " Mr. Faraday, you
must be very happy in your position and with your pursuits,
which elevate you entirely out of the meaner aspects and
lower aims of common life."
HONOURS AND TITLES. 271
He shook his head, and with that wonderful mobility
of countenance which was characteristic, his expression of
joyousness changed to one of profound sadness, and he replied :
" When I quitted business and took to science as a career,
I thought I had left behind me all the petty meannesses
and small jealousies which hinder man in his moral progress;
but I found myself raised into another sphere, only to find
poor human nature just the same everywhere — subject to
the same weaknesses and the same self-seeking, however
exalted the intellect."
These were his words as well as I can recollect ; and,
looking at that good and great man, I thought I had never
seen a countenance which so impressed me with the character-
istic of perfect unworldliness.
Probably few men have ever been recipients of so
many scientific honours as Faraday. Beginning in
the year 1823 with his election as a corresponding
member of the Academie des Sciences of Paris, and as
an honorary member of the Cambridge Philosophical
Society, the list of his diplomas and distinctions —
some ninety-seven in number — ended in 1864 with
his election as Associate of the Royal Academy of
Sciences of Naples. It included honours from almost
every academy and university of Europe. These
honours Faraday valued very highly ; and whilst he
consigned his various gold medals to a mere wooden
box, his diplomas were kept with the utmost care in a
special diploma book, in which they were mounted
and indexed. To Mr. Spring Rice, who in 1838 asked
him for a list of his titles, he replied, enclosing the
list, and adding this remark : " One title, namely that
of F.R.S., was sought and paid for; all the rest are
spontaneous offerings of kindness and goodwill from
272 MICHAEL FARADAY.
the bodies named." Years afterwards he was asked
by Lord Wrottesley to advise the Government as to
how the position of science or of the cultivators of
science in England might be improved. The letter
is so characteristic that it cannot be spared : —
Royal Institution : March 10, 1854.
My Lokd, — I feel unfit to give a deliberate opinion on the
course it might be advisable for the Government to pursue if
it were anxious to improve the position of science and its
cultivators in our country. My course of life, and the circum-
stances which make it a happy one for me, are not those of
persons who conform to the usages and habits of society.
Through the kindness of all, from my Sovereign downwards. I
have that which supplies all my need : and in respect of
honours, I have, as a scientific man, received from foreign
countries and sovereigns those which, belonging to very limited
and select classes, surpass in my opinion anything that it is in
the power of my own to bestow.
I cannot say that I have not valued such distinctions ; on
the contrary, I esteem them very highly, but I do not think I
have ever worked for or sought after them. Even were such
to be now created here, the time is past when these would
possess any attraction for me. . . .
Without thinking of the effect it might have upon distin-
guished men of science, or upon the minds of those who,
stimulated to exertion, might become distinguished, I do
think that a government should, for its own sake, honour the
men who do honour and service to the country. I refer now
to honours only, not to beneficial rewards. Of such honours,
I think, there are none. Knighthoods and baronetcies are
sometimes conferred with such intentions, but I think them
utterly unfit for that purpose. Instead of conferring distinc-
tion, they confound the man who is one of twenty, or perhaps
fifty, with hundreds of others. They depress rather than
exalt him, for they tend to lower the especial distinction of
mind to the commonplace of society. An intelligent country
HOW SCIENCE CAN BE HONOURED. 2*73
ought to recognise the scientific men amongst its people as a
class. If honours are conferred upon eminence in any class, as
that of the law or the army, they should be in this also. The
aristocracy of the class should have other distinctions than
those of lowly and high-born, rich and poor, yet they should
be such as to be worthy of those whom the sovereign and the
country should delight to honour ; and, being rendered very
desirable, and even enviable, in the eyes of the aristocracy by
birth, should be unattainable except to that of science. Thus
much, I think, the Government and the country ought to do,
for their own sake and the good of science, more than for
the sake of the men who might be thought worthy of such
distinction. The latter have attained to their fit place,
whether the community at large recognise it or not. . . .
I have the honour to be, my lord, your very faithful
servant,
M. Faraday.
To Professor Andrews he wrote in 1843 in a
similar strain : —
I have always felt that there is something degrading in
offering rewards for intellectual exertion, and that societies or
academies, or even kings and emperors, should mingle in the
matter does not remove the degradation, for the feeling which
is hurt is a point above their condition, and belongs to the
respect which a man owes to himself. . . . Still, I think
rewards and honours good if properly distributed ; but they
should be given for what a man has done, and not offered for
what he is to do.
When a friend wrote to him on hearing a rumour
that he had himself been knighted, his reply,
published years after in the London Review, was : " 1
am happy that I am not a Sir, and do not intend (if it
depends upon me) to become one. By the Prussian
s
274 MICHAEL FARADAY.
knighthood* I do feel honoured; in the other I
should not."
On one occasion he commented rather sarcasti-
cally upon the British Government and its stinginess
as compared with those of all other civilised countries
in its aids to scientific progress. This complaint is
equally justified to day. To many it may be news
that England pays to its Astronomer Royal — who
must obviously be a person of very high scientific
qualifications — a salary less than those paid to the
five assistant under-secretaries in the Colonial and
Foreign Offices ; less than that paid to the sergeants-
at-arms in the Houses of Parliament ; less than that
paid to the person appointed Director of Clothing
in the War Office. Enlightened England !
Faraday did not deem the pursuit of science to be
necessarily incompatible with what he termed " pro-
fessional business " — that is, expert work. Until the
day when he abandoned all professional engagements,
so as to devote himself to researches, he had been
receiving a considerable and growing income from
this source. But he objected to the indignities to
which this work exposed him from lawyers, who
would not understand that he took no partisan view.
He could not endure the browbeating of cross-
examining counsel. The late Lord Cardwell was
witness to a gentle but crushing reproof which he
once administered to a barrister who attempted to
bully him. A writer in the British Quarterly Review
* He was a Chevalier of the Prussian Orler of Merit, also Com-
mander in the Legion of Honour, and Knight Commander of the
Order of St. Maurice and St. Lazarus.
UNIVERSITY DEGREES IN SCIENCE. 275
attributes to a specific case his determination to
cease expert work.
He gave evidence once in a judicial case, when the scientific
testimony, starting from given premises, was so diverse that
the presiding judge, in summing up launched something like
a reproach at the scientific witnesses. " Science has not shone
this day," was his lordship's remark. From that time forth no
one ever saw Faraday as a scientific witness before a law
tribunal.
Amongst the honours received by Faraday there
was one of which, in 1838, he said that he felt it
equal to any other he had received — namely, that of
Member of the Senate of the University of London,
to which position he was nominated in 1836 bj r the
Crown. For twenty-seven years he remained a
senator, and when, in 1859, the project for creating
degrees in science was on foot, he was one of the
committee who drew up a report and scheme of
examination for the Senate. To the Rev. John
Barlow he wrote on this matter: —
The Senate of the University accepted and approved of
the report of the Committee for Scientific Degrees, so that
that will go forward (if the Government approve), and will
come into work next year. It seems to give much satisfaction
to all who have seen it, though the subject is beset with
difficulties ; for when the depth and breadth of science came
to be considered, and an estimate was made of how much a
man ought to know to obtain a right to a degree in it, the
amount in words seemed to be so enormous as to make me
hesitate in demanding it from the student ; and though in the
D.S. one could divide the matter and claim eminence in one
branch of science, rather than good general knowledge in all,
still in the B.S., which is a progressive degree, a more extended
though a more superficial acquaintance seemed to be required.
In fact, the matter is so new. and there is so little that can
276 MICHAEL FARADAY.
serve as a previous experience in the founding and arranging
these degrees, that one must leave the whole endeavour to
shape itself as the practice and experience accumulates.
When, in 1863, his feebleness impelled him to
resign this position, he- wrote to Dr. Carpenter : —
The position of a senator is one that should not be held
by an inactive man to the exclusion of an active one. It has
rejoiced my heart to see the progress of the University, and
of education under its influence and power ; and that delight
I hope to have so long as life shall be spared to me.
He had little sympathy with either test-book
science or with mere examinations. "I have far
more confidence," he wrote, " in the one man who
works mentally and bodily at a matter than in the
six who merely talk about it. Nothing is so good
as an experiment which, whilst it sets error right,
gives an absolute advancement in knowledge." In
another place he wrote: — "Let the imagination go,
guarding it by judgment and principles, but holding
it in and directing it by experiment." For book-
learned chemistry and mere chemical theory, apart
from experimental facts, he had an undisguised con-
tempt. Writing to General Portlock on the subject
of chemical education, he stated that he had been
one of the Senate of the University of London
appointed to consider especially the best method of
examination. They had decided on examination by
papers, accompanied by vivd voce. "We think," he
added, "that no numerical value can be attached
to the questions, because everything depends on how
they are answered." Then, referring to the teaching
at Woolwich, he says, " My instructions always have
SCIENCE AND THE UNIVERSITIES. 277
been to look to the note-books for the result."
"Lectures alone cannot be expected to give more
than a general idea of this most extensive branch
of science, and it would be too much to expect
that young men who at the utmost hear only fifty
lectures on chemistry should be able to answer with
much effect, in writing, to questions set down on
paper, when we know by experience that daily work
for eight hours in practical laboratories for three
months does not go very far to confer such ability."
He had, at an earlier date, declined to be ap-
pointed as examiner in the University. He had
previously declined the professorship of chemistry
in University College ; and he had also declined
the chemical chair in the University of Edinburgh.
This was not, however, from any want of sympathy
with university work, or failure to appreciate the
ideal of a university as a seat of learning. Writing
to Tyndall, in 1851, about another university — that
at Toronto — he said : " I trust it is a place where
a man of science and a true philosopher is required,
and where, in return, such a man would be nourished
and cherished in proportion to his desire to advance
natural knowledge."
At the same time he had an exceeding repugnance
to the custom of expecting candidates for professorial
chairs to produce " testimonials '' of their qualifica-
tions. When his intimate friend Richard Phillips
was a candidate for the very chair which Faraday
refused at University College, Faraday declined on
principle to give a testimonial. " I should indeed
have thought," he added, "his character had been
278 MICHAEL FARADAY.
known to be such that it would rather have been
degraded than established by certificates."
Similarly, in 1851, he told Tyndall, then an
applicant for the Chair of Physics at Toronto, that he
had in every case refused for many years past to give
any on the application of candidates. " Nevertheless,
he added, " I wish to say that when I am asked about
a candidate by those who have the choice or appoint-
ment, I never refuse to answer."
On general education, Faraday's ideas were much
in advance of his time. From the epoch when as a
young man he lectured to the City Philosophical
Society on the means of obtaining knowledge and on
mental inertia, down to the close of his career, he
consistently advocated the cultivation of the experi-
mental method and the use of science as a means of
training the faculties. A concise account of his views
is to be found in the lecture he gave in 1854 before
the Prince Consort on " Mental Education," a lecture
which prescribes the self-educating discipline of
scientific study and experiment as a means of correct-
ing deficiency of judgment. It included a powerful
plea for suspense of judgment and for the cultivation
of the faculty of proportionate judgment. In 18G2
he was examined at some length by the Royal Com-
missioners upon Public Schools. With them he
pleaded strongly for the introduction of science into
the school curricula ; and when asked at what a^e it
might be serviceable to introduce science-teaching,
replied : " I think one can hardly tell that until alter
experience for some few years. All I can say is this
that at my juvenile lectures at Christmas time I have
SCIENCE IN EDUCATION. 279
never found a child too young to understand intelli-
gently what I told him ; they came to me afterwards
with questions which proved their capability."
One passage from the close of a lecture given in
1858 deserves to be recorded for its fine appreciation of
" the kind of education which science offers to man" : —
It teaches us to be neglectful of nothing, not to despise the
small beginnings — they precede of necessity all great things.
. . . It teaches a continual comparison of the small and
great, and that under differences almost approaching the
infinite, for the small as often contains the great in principle
as the great does the small ; and thus the mind becomes
comprehensive. It teaches to deduce principles carefully, to
hold them firmly, or to suspend the judgment, to discover and
obey law , and by it to be bold in applying to the greatest what
we know of the smallest. It teaches us, first by tutors and
books, to learn that which is already known to others, and
then by the light and methods which belong to science to
learn for ourselves and for others ; so making a fruitful return
to man in the future for that which we have obtained from the
men of the past. Bacon in his instruction tells us that the
scientific student ought not to be as the ant, who gathers
merely, nor as the spider who spins from her own bowels, but
rather as the bee who both gathers and produces.
All this is true of the teaching afforded by any part of
physical science. Electricity is often called wonderful, beautiful ;
but it is so only in common with the other forces of nature.
The beauty of electricity or of any other force is not that the
power is mysterious, and unexpected, touching every sense at
unawares in turn, but that it is under laiv, and that the taught
intellect can even now govern it largely. The human mind is
placed above, and not beneath it, and it is in such a point of
view that the mental education afforded by science is rendered
super-eminent in dignity, in practical application and utility ;
for by enabling the mind to apply the natural power through
law, it conveys the gifts of God to man.
280 MICHAEL FARADAY.
A peculiar interest attaches to Faraday's attitude
towards the study of mathematics. He who had
never had any schooling beyond the common school
of his parish had not advanced beyond the simplest
algebra in his mastery over symbolic reasoning.
Several times in his "Experimental Researches" he
deplores what he termed " my imperfect mathe-
matical knowledge." Of Poisson's theory of magnetism
he said : " I am quite unfit to form a judgment,"
Dr. Scoffern repeats a pleasantry of Faraday's having
on a certain occasion boasted that he had once in the
course of his life performed a mathematical operation
— when he turned the handle of Babbage's calculating
machine. Certain it is that he went through the
whole of his magnificent researches without once
using even a sine or a cosine, or anything more
recondite than the simple rule-of- three. He ex-
pressed the same kind of regret at his unfamiliarity
with the German language — " the language of science
and knowledge," as he termed it in writing to Du Bois
Reymond — which prevented him from reading the
works of Professor " Ohms." Nevertheless he valued
the mathematical powers of others, and counselled
Tyndall to work out his experimental results, " so that
the mathematicians may be able to take it up." Yet
he never relaxed his preference for proceeding along
the lines of experimental investigation. His curious
phrase (p. 239) as to his pique respecting mathematics
is very significant, as is also his note of jubilation in
his letter to Phillips (p. 117) at finding that pure
experiment can successfully rival mathematics in
unravelling the mysteries which had eluded the efforts
ON MATHEMATICS. 281
of Poisson and Arago. He himself attributed to his
defective memory his want of hold upon symbolic
reasoning. To Tyndall he wrote in 1851, when thank-
ing him for a copy of one of his scientific memoirs : —
Such papers as yours make me feel more than ever the loss
of memory I have sustained, for there is no reading them, or
at least retaining the argument, under such deficiency.
Mathematical formulas more than anything require quick-
ness and surety in receiving and retaining the true value of
the symbols used ; and when one has to look back at every
moment to the beginning of a paper, to see what H or A or B
mean, there is no making way. Still, though I cannot hold
the whole train of reasoning in my mind at once, I am able
fully to appreciate the value of the results you arrive at, and it
appears to me that they are exceedingly well established and
of very great consequence. These elementary laws of action
are of so much consequence in the development of the nature
of a power which, like magnetism, is as yet new to us.
Again to Clerk Maxwell, in 1857, he wrote : —
There is one thing I would be glad to ask you. When a
mathematician engaged in investigating physical actions and
results has arrived at his own conclusions, may they not be
expressed in common language as fully, clearly, and definitely
as in mathematical formula? 1 If so, would it not be a great
boon to such as we to express them so — translating them out
of their hieroglyphics that we also might work upon them by
experiment 1 I think it must be so, because I have always
found that you could convey to me a perfectly clear idea of
your conclusions, which, though they may give me no full
understanding of the steps of your process, gave me the results
neither above nor below the truth, and so clear in character
that I can think and work from them.
If this be possible, would it not be a good thing if mathe-
maticians, writing on these subjects, were to give us their
282 MICHAEL FARADAY.
results in this popular useful working state as well as in that
which is their own and proper to them ?
The achievement of Faraday in finding for the
expression of electromagnetic laws means which,
though not symbolic, were simple, accurate, and in
advance of the mathematics of his time, has been
alluded to on page 217. Liebig, in his discourse on
" Induction and Deduction," refers to Faraday thus : — ■
I have heard mathematical physicists deplore that Faraday's
records of his labours were difficult to read and understand,
that they often resembled rather abstracts from a diary. But
the fault was theirs, not Faraday's. To physicists who have
approached physics by the road of chemistry, Faraday's
memoirs sound like an admirably beautiful music.
Von Helmholtz, in his Faraday lecture of 1881,
has also touched on this aspect.
Now that the mathematical interpretation of Faraday's
conceptions regarding the nature of electric and magnetic
forces has been given by Clerk Maxwell, we see how great a
degree of exactness and precision was really hidden behind the
words which to Faraday's contemporaries appeared either
vague or obscure ; and it is in the highest degree astonishing
to see what a large number of general theorems, the methodical
deduction of which requires the highest powers of mathe-
matical analysis, he found by a kind of intuition, with the
security of instinct, without the help of a single mathematical
formula.
Two other passages from Von Helmholtz are
worthy of being added : —
And now, with a quite wonderful sagacity and intellectual
precision, Faraday performed in his brain the work of a great
mathematician without using a single mathematical formula
MAXWELL AND VON IIELMHOLTZ. 283
He saw with his mind's eye that magnetised and dielectric
bodies ought to have a tendency to contract in the direction
of the lines of force, and to dilate in all directions perpen-
dicular to the former, and that by these systems of tensions
and pressures in the space which surrounds electrified bodies,
magnets,' or wires conducting electric currents, all the pheno-
mena of electrostatic, magnetic, electromagnetic attraction,
repulsion, and induction could be explained, without recurring
at all to forces acting directly at a distance. This was the
part of his path where so few could follow him ; perhaps a
Clerk Maxwell, a second man of the same power and in-
dependence of intellect, was needed to reconstruct in the
normal methods of science the great building the plan of
which Faraday had conceived in his mind, and attempted to
make visible to his contemporaries.
Nobody can deny that this new theory of electricity and
magnetism, originated by Faraday and developed by Maxwell,
is in itself well consistent, in perfect and exact harmony with
all the known facts of experience, and does not contradict any
one of the general axioms of dynamics, which have been
hitherto considered as the fundamental truths of all natural
science, because they have been found valid, without any
exception, in all known processes of nature.
And, after dealing with the phenomena discussed
by Faraday, Von Helmholtz adds these pregnant
words : —
Nevertheless, the fundamental conceptions by which
Faraday was led to these much-admired discoveries have
not received an equal amount of consideration. They were
very divergent from the trodden path of scientific theory, and
appeared rather startling to his contemporaries. His principal
aim was to express in his new conceptions only facts, with
the least possible use of hypothetical substances and forces.
This was really an advance in general scientific method,
destined to purify science from the last remnants of meta-
physics. Faraday was not the first, and not the only man,
284 MICHAEL FARADAY.
who bad worked in this direction, but perhaps nobody else
at his time did it so radically.
Clerk Maxwell said of him :
The way in which Faraday made use of his lines of force
in co-ordinating the phenomena of electric induction shows
him to have been a mathematician of high order, and one
from whom the mathematicians of the future may derive
valuable and fertile methods.
It is fitting to include in this review of Faraday's
place in relation to the mathematical side of physics
some words of Lord Kelvin, taken from his preface
to the English edition of Hertz's "Electric Waves" : —
Faraday, with his curved lines of electric force, and his
dielectric efficiency of air and of liquid and solid insulators,
resuscitated the idea of a medium through which, and not
only through which but by which, forces of attraction or
repulsion, seemingly acting at a distance, are transmitted.
The long struggle of the first half of the eighteenth century
was not merely on the question of a medium to serve for
gravific mechanism, but on the correctness of the Newtonian
law of gravitation as a matter of fact, however explained.
The corresponding controversy in the nineteenth century was
very short, and it soon became obvious that Faraday's idea
of the transmission of electric force by a medium not only did
not violate Coulomb's law of relation between force and
distance, but that, if real, it must give a thorough explanation
of that law. Nevertheless, after Faraday's discovery of the
different specific inductive capacities of different insulators,
twenty years passed before it was generally accepted in Con-
tinental Europe. But before his death, in 1867, he hac(
succeeded in inspiring the rising generation of the scientific
world with something approaching to faith that electric force
is transmitted by a medium called ether, of which, as had
been believed by the whole scientific world for forty years,
KELVIN'S APPRECIATION. 285
light and radiant heat are transverse vibrations. Faraday
himself did not rest with this theory of electricity alone.
The very last time I saw him at work at the Eoyal Institution
was in an underground cellar, which he had chosen for
freedom from disturbance, and he was arranging experiments
to test the time of propagation of magnetic force from an
electromagnet through a distance of many yards of air to a
fine steel needle, polished to reflect light ; but no result came
from those experiments. About the same time, or soon alter,
certainly not long before the end of his working time, he was
engaged (I believe at the Shot Tower, near Waterloo Bridge,
on the Surrey side) in efforts to discover relations between
gravity and magnetism, which also led to no result.
Lord Kelvin, who was himself the first to perceive
that Faraday's ideas were not inconsistent with mathe-
matical expression, and to direct Clerk Maxwell and
others to this view, had, in 1854, delighted the old
man by bringing mathematical support to the con-
ception of lines of force. In 1857 he sent to Faraday
a copy of one of his papers, and received in acknow-
ledgment a letter of warm encouragement, which,
however, does not appear to have been preserved.
Lord Kelvin's reply is its own best commentary : —
Such expressions from you would be more than a sufficient
reward for anything I could ever contemplate doing in science.
I feel strongly how little I have done to deserve them, but they
will encourage me with a stronger motive than I have ever
had before to go on endeavouring to see in the direction you
have pointed, which I long ago learned to believe is the
direction in which we must look for a deeper insight into
nature.
CHAPTER VIII.
RELIGIOUS VIEWS.
The name of Glasites or Sandemanians is given to
a small sect of Christians which separated from the
Scottish Presbyterian Church about 1730 under
the leadership of the Rev. John Glas. Most of the
congregations which sprang up in England were
formed in consequence of the dissemination of the
writings and by the preaching of Robert Sandeman,
son-in-law and successor of Glas. Hence the double
name. The Sandemanian Church in London was
constituted about 1760. It still has a chapel hi
Barnsbury, though the sect as a whole — never
numerous — has dwindled to a small remnant.* The
religious census of 1851 showed but six congregations
in England and six in Scotland. As it never was a
proselytising body, it is probable that it has diminished
since that date. John Glas was deposed in 1728
by the Presbyterian Courts from his position as
minister in the Scottish Church, because he taught
* Faraday's nephew, Frank Barnard, stated in 1871 that the London
congregation included amongst its members not more than twenty men,
mostly quite poor, only seven or eight of them being masters of their
own businesses, and that Faraday was for some time tLe wealthiest
man of the fraternity.
THE SANDEMANIAN CREED. 287
that the Church should be governed only by the
doctrines of Christ and His apostles, and not be
subject to any League or Covenant. He held that
the formal establishment by any nation of a pro-
fessed religion was the subversion of primitive
Christianity ; that Christ did not come to establish
any worldly authority, but to give a hope of eternal
life to His people whom He should choose of His own
sovereign will ; that " the Bible," and it alone, with
nothing added to it nor taken away from it by man,
was the sole and sufficient guide for each individual,
at all times and in all circumstances ; that faith in
the divinity and work of Christ is the gift of God,
and that the evidence of this faith is obedience to the
commandment of Christ.
The tenets of Glas are somewhat obscure and
couched in mystical language. They prescribe a
spiritual union which binds its members into one
body as a Church without its being represented
by any corresponding outward ecclesiastical polity.
He died in 1773. Sandeman, who spent most of
his life in preaching these doctrines, died about the
same time in New England. He caused to be
inscribed on his tomb that "he boldly contended
for the ancient faith .that the bare death of Jesus
Christ, without a deed or thought on the part
of man, is sufficient to present the chief of sinners
spotless before God."
The Sandemanians try — so far as modern con-
ditions permit — to live up to the practice of the
Christian Church as it was in the time of the
Apostles. At their chapel they " broke bread "
283 MICHAEL FARADAY.
every Lord's day in the forenoon, making this a
common meal between the morning and afternoon
services, and taking their places by casting lots-
And weekly, at their simple celebration of the Lord's
Supper at the close of the afternoon service, before
partaking, they collect money for the support of the
poor and for expenses. In some places they dined
together at one another's houses instead of at the
chapel. " They esteem the lot as a sacred thing.
The washing of the feet is also retained : not, it would
seem, on any special occasion, but the ablution is
performed ' whenever it can be an act of kindness to
a brother to do so.' Another peculiarity of this
religious body is their objection to second marriages." *
Members are received into the Church on the con-
fession of sin and profession of faith made publicly at
one of the afternoon services. In admitting a new
member they give the kiss of charity. They deem it
wrong to save up money ; " the Lord will provide "
being an essential item of faith. Traces of this curious
fatalism may be found in one of Faraday's letters to
his wife (p. 52). He seems always to have spent his
surplus income on charity. • The Sandemanians have
neither ordained ministers nor paid preachers. In
each congregation, however, there are chosen elders
(presbyters or bishops), of whom there must always be
a plurality, and of whom two at least must be present
at every act of discipline. The elders take it in turns
to preside at the worship, and are elected by the
unanimous choice of the congregation The sole
* C. M. Davies : " Unorthodox London,'' pajo 8!.
A. PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 289
qualification for this office, which is unpaid, is that
earnestness of purpose and sincerity of life which
would have been required in Apostolic times for the
office of bishop or presbyter. No difference of opinion
is tolerated, but is met by excommunication, which
amongst families so connected by marriage produces
much unhappiness, since they hold to the Apostle's
injunction, " With such an one, no, not to eat."
The foregoing summary is needed to enable the
reader to comprehend the relationship of Faraday
to this body. His father and grandfather had be-
longed to this sect. In 176.3 there was a congregation
at Kirkby Stephen (the home of Faraday's mother)
numbering about thirty persons ; and there appears
to have been a chapel — now used as a barn — in
Clapham. A strong religious feeling had been
dominant in the Faraday family through the preced-
ing generation. James Faraday, on his removal to
London, there joined the Sandemanian congregation,
which at that time met in a small chapel in St. Paul's
Alley, Barbican, since pulled down. It had, when
founded in 1762, held its first meetings in the hall of the
Glovers' Company, and later in Bull and Mouth Street,
till 1778. James Faraday's wife, mother of Michael
Faraday, never formally joined the Sandemanian
Church, though a regular attendant of the congrega-
tion. Michael Faraday was from a boy brought up
in the practice of attending this simple worship, and
in the atmosphere of this primitive religious faith,
Doubtless such surroundings exercised a moulding
influence on his mind and character. The attitude
of abstinence from attempts to proselytise, on the part
T
290 MICHAEL FARADAY.
ot the church, finds its reflex in Faraday's habitual
reticence, towards all save only the most intimate of
friends, on matters of religious faith. " Never once,"
says Professor Tyndall, " during an intimacy of fifteen
years, did he mention religion to me, save when I
drew him on to the subject. He then spoke to me
without hesitation or reluctance; not with any
apparent desire to ' improve the occasion,' but to give
me such information as I sought. He believed the
human heart to be swayed by a power to which
science or logic opened no approach ; and right or
wrong, tbis faith, held in perfect tolerance of the faiths
of others, strengthened and beautified his life."
Of his spiritual history down to the time of his
marriage very little is known, for he made no earlier
profession of faith. It is not to be supposed that he
who was so scrupulous of truth, so single-minded in
every relation of life, would accept the religious belief
of his fathers without satisfying his conscience as to
the rightness of its claims. Yet none of his letters or
writings of that period show any trace* of that stress
of soul through which at one time or another every
* A letter from his nephew, Frank Barnard, to Dr. Gladstone says :
" I believe that in his younger days he had his period of hesitation, of
questioning in that great argument. I have heard that, so alive was
he to the necessity of investigating anything that seemed important,
he visited Joanna Southcote, perhaps to learn what that woman's pre-
tensions were : I think he was a mere lad at that time. But this
period once passed, he questioned no more, for the more he saw that
Nature was mighty, the more he felt that God was mightier ; and to
any cavillings upon the doubts of Colenso or the reality of the Mosaic
cosmogony, I believe he would simply have replied .in the apostle's
words: 'Is anything too hard for God.? ' . . .
" I once heard him say from the pulpit, ' I hope none of my hearers
will in these matters listen to the thing called philosophy.' "
HIS PROFESSION OF FAITH. 291
sincere and earnest seeker after truth must pass before
he finds anchorage. Certain it is that he clung with
warm attachment to the little self-contained sect
amongst whom he had been brought up. Its influence,
though contracting his activities by precluding all
Christian communion or effort outside their circle,
and cutting him off from so much that other Christian
bodies hold good, fenced him effectually from dreams
of worldliness, and furnished him with that very
detachment which was most essential to his scientific
pursuits. One month after his marriage he made
his confession of sin and profession of faith before the
Sandemanian Church. It was an act of humility the
more striking in that it was done without any con-
sultation with his wife, to whom he was so closely
attached, and who was already a member of the
congregation. When she asked him why he had not
told her what he was about to do, he replied : " That
is between me and my God."
In 1844 he wrote to Lady Lovelace as follows : —
" You speak of religion, and here you will be
sadly disappointed in me. You will perhaps re-
member that I guessed, and not very far aside, your
tendency in this respect. Your confidence in me
claims in return mine to you, which indeed I haTe
no hesitation in giving on fitting occasions, but
these I think are very few, for in my mind re-
ligious conversation is generally in vain. There is
no philosophy in my religion. I am of a very
small and despised sect of Christians, known, if
known at all, as Sandemanians, and our hope is
founded on the faith that is in Christ. But though
292 MICHAEL FARADAY
the natural works of God can never by any possibility
come in contradiction -with the higher things that
belong to our future existence, and must with
everything concerning Him ever glorify Him, still
I do not think it at all necessary to tie the study
of the natural sciences and religion together, and,
in my intercourse with my fellow creatures, that
which is religious and that which is philosophical
have ever been two distinct things."
His own views were stated by himself at the
commencement of a lecture on Mental Education
in 1854:—
High as man is placed above the creatures around him,
there is a higher and far more exalted position within his
view ; and the ways are infinite in which he occupies his
thoughts about the fears, or hopes, or expectations of a future
life. 'I believe that the truth of that future cannot be brought
to his knowledge by any exertion of his mental powers, how-
ever exalted they may be ; that it is made known to him by
other teaching than his own, and is received through simple
belief of the testimony given. Let no one suppose for • a
moment that the self-education I am about to commend, in
respect of the things of this life, extends to any considerations
of the hope set before us, as if man by reasoning could find
out God. It would be improper here to enter upon this
subject further than to claim an absolute distinction between
religious and ordinary belief. I shall be reproached with the
weakness of refusing to apply those mental operations which
I think good in respect of high things to the very highest.
I am content to bear the reproach.
One of his friends wrote : " When he entered
the meeting-house he left his science behind, and
he would listen to the prayer and exhortation of
the most illiterate brother of his sect with an
AS ELDER AND PREACHER. 293
attention which showed how he loved the word of
truth, from whomsoever it came."
" The most remarkable event," says Dr. Bence
Jones, " of his life in 1840 was his election as an
elder of the Sandemanian Church. During that
period when in London he preached on alternate
Sundays." This was not an entirely new duty, for
he had been occasionally called upon by the elders,
from the date of his admission in 1821, to exhort
the brethren at the week-day evening meetings, or
to read the Scriptures in the congregation. Bence
Jones says that, though no one could lecture like
Faraday, many might preach with more effect.
.The eager and vivacious manner of the lecture-
room was exchanged for a devout earnestness that
was in complete contrast. His addresses have been
described as a patchwork of texts cited rapidly
from the Old and New Testaments ; and they were
always extempore, though he prepared careful notes
on a piece of card beforehand. Of these, samples
are given in Bence Jones's ''Life and Letters'." His
first discourse as an elder was on Matt. xi. 28-30,
dilating on Christ's character and example. "Learn
of Me." The ground of humility of Christians must
be the infinite distance between them and their
Pattern. He quoted 1 John ii. 6 ; 1 Peter ii. 21 ;
Phil. iii. 17 ; 1 Cor. xi. 1 ; and 1 Cor. xiv. 1.
An exceedingly vivid view of Faraday as elder
of the Church was given in 1886* by the late Mr.
C. C. Walker, himself at one time a member of
* Manchester Guardian, November 27.
294 MICHAEL FARADAY.
the Sandemanian congregation in London; a con-
gregation, moreover, which included several persons
of distinction— Cornelius Varley, the engraver, and
George Barnard, the water-colour painter.
At Faraday's chapel there was a presiding elder, supported
by the rest of the elders on two rows of seats elevated across
the end of the chapel, one row above the other. The ground
floor was filled with the old-fashioned high pews, and there
was a gallery above on both sides, also with pews. Fara-
day sat in a pew on the ground floor, about the middle.
There was a large table on the floor of the chapel in front
of the elders' seats. The presiding elder usually preached.
Such was the place Faraday worshipped in, situated at the
end of a narrow dirty court, surrounded by squalid houses
of the poorest of the poor, and so little known that although
I knew every street, iane and alley of the whole district,
and this alley itself, at the bottom of which the chapel was,
I never knew of the existence of the meeting-house till I
learned about thirty-five years ago that there was a chapel there
to which the world-renowned Faraday not only went, but where
he preached. This led me to make a search, and to my
great delight, I found it, though with some difficulty. Al-
though the neighbourhood was uncleanly, not so was the
interior of the chapel, nor the dining room, with its tables
and forms, all of which were spotless.
Faraday's father was a blacksmith, and worshipped here.
He brought up his family religiously, and Faraday from
his earliest days attended the chapel. Here he met Miss
Barnard, his future wife. Mr. Barnard was a respectable
" working silversmith," as manufacturing silversmiths were
then called, to distinguish them from the shopkeepers who
then, as now, called themselves " silversmiths," though fre-
quently making none of the goods they sell. His manufactory
was for a time at Amen Court, Paternoster Bow ; afterwards
it was removed to a large building erected by the firm at
Angel Street, near the General Post Office, and the business
has since been carried on by the sons and grandsons.
RELIGIOUS SERVICE. 295
Mr. Barnard and his family worshipped at the Sande-
manian Chapel. To this chapel Faraday walked every
Sunday morning from his earliest days ; he never kept a
carriage, and on religious principles would not hire a cab
or omnibus on the Lord's day.*
The service commenced at eleven in the morning and
lasted till about one, after which the members — "' brothers
and sisters," as they called each other — had their midday
meal "in common " in the room attached to the chapel,
which has already been referred to. The afternoon worship
usually ended about five o'clock, after partaking of the Lord's
Supper. The services were very much like those of the
Congregationalists, and consisted of extempore prayers, hymns,
reading the Scripture, and a sermon, usually by the presiding
elder. Faraday had been an elder for a great many years,
and for a considerable time was the presiding elder, and
consequently preached ; but during this time relinquished
his office. There was one peculiarity in the service ; the
Scriptures were not read by the presiding elder, but he
called on one of the members to read ; and when Faraday
was there— which he always was when in London— the pre-
siding elder named " Brother Michael Faraday," who then
left his pew, passing along the aisle, out of the chapel, up
the stairs at the back, and reappeared behind the presiding
elder's seat, who had already opened the large Bible in
front of him, and pointed out the chapter to be read. It
was one of the richest treats that it has been my good
fortune to enjoy to hear Faraday read the Bible. The reader
was quite unaware what he was to read until it was selected
and when one chapter of the Old Testament was finished
another would be given, probably from the New Testament
Usually three chapters were read, and sometimes four, it
succession ; but if it had been half a dozen there would
have been no weariness, for the perfection of the reading,
with its clearness of pronunciation, its judicious emphasis,
[* This is not altogether accurate. Certainly in his later life
Faraday used to hire a cab to take him and Mrs. Faraday to the
chapel. S. P. T.]
296 MICHAEL FARADAY.
the .rich musical voice, and the perfect charm of the reader,
with his natural reverence, made it a delight to listen. I have
heard most of those who are considered our best readers
in church and chapel, but have never heard a reader that
[ considered equal to Faraday.
At this distance of time his tones are always in my ears.
I was told by members of the chapel that he was most
assiduous in visiting the poorer brethren and sisters at their
own homes, comforting them in their sorrows and afflictions,
and assisting them from his own purse. Indeed, they said, he
was continually pressed to be the guest of the high and noble
(which we may well believe), but he would, if possible, decline
preferring to visit some poor sister in trouble, assist her, take
a cup of tea with her, read the Bible and pray. Though so full
of religion, he was never obtrusive with it ; it was too sacred a
thing.
Tyndall has preserved another vivid reminiscence
of Faraday's inner life, which he wrote down after one
of the earliest dinners which he had in the Royal
Institution.
" At two o'clock he came down for me. He, his
niece, and myself formed the party. ' I never give
dinners,' he said ; ' I don't know how to give dinners ;
and I never dine out. But I should not like my
friends to attribute this to a wrong cause. I act
thus for the sake of securing time for work, and not
through religious motives as some imagine.' He said
grace. I am almost ashamed to call his prayer a
' saying ' of grace. In the language of Scripture, it
might be described as the petition of a son into
whose heart God had sent the Spirit of His Son, and
who with absolute trust asked a blessing from his
Father. We dined on roast beef, Yorkshire pudding
ELDERSHIP INTERKUFfED. 297
and potatoes, drank sherry, talked of research and its
requirements, and of his habit of keeping himself free
from the distractions of society. He was bright and
joyful— boylike, in fact, though he is now sixty-two.
His work excites admiration, but contact with him
warms and elevates the heart. Here, surely, is a
strong man. I love strength, but let me not forget
the example of its union with modesty, tenderness,
and sweetness, in the character of Faraday."
There is a story told by the Abbe Moigno that
one day at Faraday's request he introduced him to
Cardinal Wiseman. In the frank interview which
followed, the Cardinal did not hesitate to ask Faraday
whether, in his deepest conviction, he believed all the
Church of Christ, holy, catholic, and apostolic, was
shut up in the little sect in which he was officially an
elder. " Oh, no ! " was Faraday's reply ; " but I do
believe from the bottom of my soul that Christ is
with us."
The course of Faraday's eldership was, however,
interrupted. It was expected of an elder that he
should attend every Sunday. One Sunday he was
absent. When it was discovered that his absence was
due to his having been ""commanded " to dine with
the Queen at Windsor, and that so far from expressing
penitence, he was prepared to defend his action, his
office became vacant. He was even cut off from
ordinary membership. Nevertheless, he continued for
years to attend the meetings just as before. He
would even return from the provincial meetings of
the British Association to London for the Sunday, so
as not to be absent. In 1860 he was received back as
298 MICHAEL FARADAY.
an elder, which office he held again for about three
years and a half, and finally resigned it in 1864.
It is doubtful whether Faraday ever attempted to
form any connected ideas as to the nature or method
of operation of the Divine government of the physical
world, in which he had such a whole-souled belief.
Newton has left us such an attempt. Kant in his
own way has put forward another. So did Herschel;
and so in our time have the authors of " The Unseen
Universe." To Faraday all such "natural theology"
would have seemed vain and aimless. It was no part
of the lecturer on natural philosophy to speculate as
to final causes behind the physical laws with which
he dealt. Nor, on the other hand, was it the slightest
use to the Christian to inquire in what way God ruled
the universe : it was enough that He did rule it.
Faraday's mental organisation, which made it
possible for him to erect an absolute barrier between
his science and his religion, was an unusual one. The
human mind is seldom built in such rigid compart-
ments that a man whose whole life is spent in
analysing, testing, and weighing truths in one depart-
ment of knowledge, can cut himself off from applying
the same testing and inquiring processes in another
department. The founder of the sect had taught them
that the Bible alone, with nothing added to it or taken
away from it by man, was the only and sufficient guide
for the soul. Apparently Faraday never admitted
the possibility of human flaw in the printing, editing,
translation, collation, or construction of the Bible.
He apparently never even desired to know how it
compared with the oldest manuscripts, or what was
REITGJON AND SCIENCE. 299
the evidence for the authenticity of the various
versions. Having once accepted the views of his sect
as to the absolute inspiration of the English Bible as
a whole, he permitted no subsequent question to
be raised as to its literal authority. Tyndall once
described this attitude of mind in his own trenchant
way by saying that when Faraday opened the door of
his oratory he closed that of his laboratory. The
saying may seem hard, but it is essentially true. To
few indeed is such a limitation of character possible:
possibly it may be unique. We may reverence the
frank single-minded simplicity of soul which dwelt in
Faraday, and may yet hold that, whatever limitation
was right for him, others would do wrong if they
refused to bring the powers of the mind — God-given
as they believe — to bear upon the discovery of truth
in the region of Biblical research. Yet may none
of them dream of surpassing in transparent honesty
of soul, in genuine Christian humility, in the virtues
of kindness, earnestness, and sympathetic devotion,
the great and good man who denied himself that
freedom.
INDEX
Abbott, Benjamin, 7, 8, 97, 227;
letters to, 7, 9, 15, 22, 25, 26, 41,
44, 228
Acoustical researches, 136
Action at a distance unthinkable,
128, 153, 157, 216
Admiralty, Scientific adviser to
the, 68
JEther, the, Speculations upon,
193, 213
Airy, Sir George, Dispute with,
269
Aloofness from scientific organisa-
tions, 264
Ampere, Andree Marie, Meeting
with, 19; his researches, P-0, 82,
85, 105, 126
Analyst, Faraday's professional
work as, 51, 61, 63,274
Anderson, Sergeant, engaged as
assistant, 96 ; his implicit obedi-
ence, 97, 242
Andrews, Professor T. , Letter to,
273
Apparatus, Simplicity of, 239
Arago, F., Meeting with, 34, 238 ;
his notations, 106, 116, 118 ; his
philosophical reserve, 107
Armstrong, Lord, on electrification
of steam, 170
Artists amongst acquaintances, 246
Astley's Theatre, 51
Athenaeum Club, 59
Atmospheric magnetism, 206, 209,
210
Atoms or centres of force, 241
Autobiographical notes, 8, 17, 50,
58, ,70, 71, 73, 76, 223, 243
B.
Babbage, Charles, 107, 116, 262
Barnard, Edward, 46
, Frank, 250, 286
, George, 46, 51, 74, 89, 224,
246, 294
, Miss Jane, 46, 259
, Sarah (Mrs.» Faraday),
46, 294
Becker, Dr., Letter to, 244
Bence Jones's " Life and Letters
of Faraday," 7, 26, 40, 43, 48,
57, 58, 78, 108, 199, 226, 231, 293
Benzol, Discovery of, 94, 101
Bidwell, S., magnetic action of
light, 184
Biographies of Faraday {see Pre-
face)
Boltzmann : on crystalline dielec-
trics, 166 ; on the doctrines of
Faraday and Maxwell, 216
Bookbinding, 5, 6, 17, 249
Bookselling, 5, 17, 26, 31
Books by Faraday: — "On the
Means of Obtaining Know-
ledge," 41 ; " Chemical Manipu-
lations," 101, 233; "On Alleged
Decline of Science in England "
(editor), 110; "Experimental
Researches in Electricity and
Magnetism," 102; "Experi-
mental Researches in Chemistry
and Physics," 76 ; "On the
" Prevention of Dry Rot in Tim-
ber," 149; "Chemistry of a
Candle," 234; "The Forces of
Nature," 234
302
MICHAEL FARADAY.
Boots, a home-made pair of, 249
Brande, W. F., Prof., 39, 57
Breakdown in health, 170, 199,
222, 259
British Association, 64, 224, 264,
268, 297
Browning, Mrs. E. B., denounces
Faraday, 251
Burdett-Coutts, Baroness, Letter
to, 240
C.
Cards, Use of, to assist memory, 7,
239
Charge, electric, Query as to seat
of, 154
, The nature of an electric,
152
Charitable gifts, 245, 296
Chemical researches, 45, S2, 87 ;
analysis of caustic lime, 76 ; new
chlorine compounds, 87 ; lique-
faction of chlorine, 93 ; discovery
of benzol, 94 ; sulpho-naphthalic
acid, 100
Chemistry, * How to examine iu,
277
Children and Faraday, 233, 235
Chlorine, Liquefaction of, 55, 91
Christmas lectures, 33, 37, 61, 101,
233, 234, 235, 258
City Philosophical Society, 14, 16,
40, 41, 230
Clerk Maxwell, J. : article on
Faraday, 135 ; theory of con-
duction, 155 ; electromagnetic
theory of light, 199 ; on Fara-
day's conception of electric
action, 217; letter to, on mathe-
matics, 281
Closing days of Faraday's life, 259
Coinage of new words, 116, 143,
144, 163, 188, 205
Commonplace books, 40, 89
Conduction, Theory of, 155
Conservation of energy, 167, 219
Contact theory of cells, 168
Continent, Visits to, 16, 17, 74,
224
Controversy, Detestation of, 268
Convolutions of the forces of
nature, 167, 172, 269, 270
Copper disc experiment, 113
Criticism, Uses of, 14, 231, 240,
269
Crosse, Mrs. A., Reminiscences of,
233, 245, 270
Crystallisation in relation to electric
properties, 166, 167
Crystals in the magnetic field, 200,
202
Current, Conception of a, 146, 163
Cutting the magnetic lines, 134,
213
Crookes Sir "W., Advice to, 267
Dalton, John, 65, 226
Dance, Mr., gives Faraday tickets,
8 ; message to, 30
Daniell, Prof. J. F., 64
Davy, Sir Humphry: lectures of,
8, 36, 227 ; note to Faraday, 11 ;
engages Faraday, 12 ; travels
abroad, 17; his aristocratic lean-
ings, 25 ; researches on electric
arc, 37 ; invention of safety
lamp, 37, 42, 269 ; writes to
Faraday, 44, 45 ; misunderstand-
ing with, 56 ; his jealousy of
Faraday, 56, 59 ; his electro-
magnetic discovery, 80 ; and the
liquefaction of chlorine, 93
Davy-Faraday laboratory, The, 36
De la Rive, Auguste, 29, 66, 105,
237 ; letters to, 29, 185
, Gustave, 20, 28,
116, 141 ; letters to, 83, 85, 91,
207, 267
De la Rue, Warren: his lecture,
39; his eclipse photographs, 219
Diamagnetic, A, 179
polarity, 192, 210
Diamagnetism, Discovery of, 186
Dielectric medium, 153, 159, 163
Diploma-book, 271
Discharge, electric, Forms of, 137,
162
• , Dark, 162
Discoveries, Value of, 63, 224, 248
Displacement currents, 166
Doctrine of conservation of energy
167, 219
of correlation of forces^ 172,
269, 270
of electrons, 148
Domestic affairs, 49, 69, 244, 257
Doubtful knowledge, Aversion for,
46, 92
Dry rot in timber, 149
INDEX.
303
Dumas : Beminiscences by, 20, 59,
240 ; and Arago's copper, 106 ;
discovery of oxalamide, 137
E.
Eddy- currents, Effects due to, 107,
191, 204
Education, Views on, 278
Eel, The electric, 167
Electric light for lighthouses, 218,
269
Electrical machine, Faraday's
own, 6
, The " new," 121
Electrochemical laws, 141, 147
Electrodes, 143
Electrolysis, 143
Electrolytes, 143
Electromagnetic rotations discov-
ered, 61, 83, 87
Electromagnetism, Foundations of,
77
Electrons, Doctrine of, 148
Electrotonic state, 116, 126, 166,
216
Elocution, Lessons in, 43, 230
Enthusiasm, 15, 89, 225, 240
Ether, The {see ^Etheb)
Evolution of electricity from mag-
netism, 108, 114
Examinations in chemistry, 277
Experiment, Love of, 117, 230, 276
the touchstone of hypothesis,
221
versus mathematics, 117, 239,
280
Experimental researches in elec-
tricity and magnetism : the first
series, 113 ; the last series, 216;
Clerk Maxwell on, 218
Fxpert work, 51, 61, 63, 274
Explosions in the laboratory, 94
F.
Faraday, James, 1, 2, 224
, Michael : born, 1 ; schooling
of, 2 ; goes as errand boy, 3 ;
apprenticed as bookbinder and
stationer, 5 ; journeyman book-
binder, 9 ; attends Tatum's
lectures, 6 ; attends Sir H.
Davy's lectures, 8 ; acts as
Davy's amanuensis, 10 ; engaged
at Eoyal Institution, 12 ; his
foreign tour with Davy, 16 !
visits Paris, 18 ; visits Florence,
21 ; visits Geneva, 22, 28 ; returns
to Eoyal Institution, 34 ; lectures
at City Philosophical Society,
40, 43 ; loyalty to Davy, 42, 59,
269 ; begins original work, 46 ;
falls in love, 46 ; his poem to
Miss Barnard, 46 ; his wedding,
49 ; made superintendent of
laboratory, 49, 98 ; discovers
electromagnetic rotations, 51 ;
elected F.E.S., 59 ; made D.C.L.
of Oxford, 65 ; awarded Copley
Medal, 69 ; declines professor-
ship in London University, 66 ;
receives a pension in Civil List,
72 ; appointed adviser to Trinity
House, 67 ; appointed elder in
Sandemanian church, 293 ; dis-
covers magneto-electric induc-
tion, 112, 115; discovers mag-
neto-optic rotation, 176 ; discovers
diamagnetism, 186 ; readmitted
to Sandemanian church, 297 ;
exposes spiritualistic phenomena,
250 ; declines Presidency of
Eoyal Society, 255 ; declines
. presidency of Eoyal Institution,
255 ; resigns professorship at
Eoyal Institution, 259; resigns
advisership to Trinity House,
259 ; resigns eldership in Sande-
manian church, 259 ; decease
and funeral, 260
, Eobert, 1, 2, 6, 249, 250
, Sarah (Mrs. Faraday), 49, 50,
51, 223, 225, 255, 257, 291 ; letters
to, 47, 48, 52, 53, 256
Faraday's father, 1, 2, 224, 289
mother, 1, 2, 12, 17, 22, 33,
41, 69, 289
Fatalism, 52, 288
Fees for professional work, 51, 61
244, 274
Field, The magnetic; first use of
this term, 188
Fishes, electrical, Eesearches on
20, 139, 167
Fluids, Alleged electric and mag-
netic, 212, 216, 218
Foreign travel, 16, 17, 74, 224
Fox, Caroline, Eeminiscences of,
235
Fraser's Magazine and Faraday's
pension, 72
304
MICHAEL FARADAY.
Fresnel's announcement, 105
Friday evenings at the Royal
Institution, 33, 60, 100, 101, 149,
166, 170, 192, 213, 219, 220, 225,
232, 236, 259
Fuller, John, founds the Fullerian
professorships, 36
Funeral, 260
G.
Gases, Liquefaction of, 55, 91, 171
, Magnetic properties of, 201,
208
Gassiot, J. P., Reminiscences by,
13
German language, Views on the,
280
Gladstone, Dr. J. Hall, 69, 290
Glass, Researches on, 95
Glassites (see SANDBM4.irii.N3)
Gold, Optical properties of, 219
Gravity in relation to electricity,
204, 220, 285
, Speculations as to, 195, 203
Grove, Sir Wm, 263, 269
Gymnotus, 167
H.
Hachette, Letter to, 266
Hampton Court, House at, 257,
25S
Hare, R., Letter to, 269
Harris, Sir W. Snow, 64, 269
Heat, Effect of, on magnetism,
208
Heavy-glass, 100, 176
Helmholtz, Prof. H. von, 282, 283
Henry, Professor Joseph, Reminis-
cence by, 241
Herschel, Sir John, 57, 95, '107,
116, 131, 262, 297
Home life, 49, 69, 223, 244, 257
Honours awarded to Faraday, 69,
199, 244, 255, 271
, scientific, Views on, 271
Hypotheses, Free use of, 221, 241
I.
Ice a non-conductor, 140
, Regelation of, 219
Identity of electricity from differ-
ent sources, 137
Imagination, Use of the, 160, 227,
276
Incandescent electric lamps, 199
Income, 68, 245
Indignation against wrong, 227
Induced currents, 114
Induction (electromagnetic), Dis-
covery of, 114
(electrostatic), or influence,
153
•, Meaning of the term, 119
Inductive capacity, 159
Influence (see Induction)
Inner conflicts, 226, 290
Iodine, Davy's experiments on, 19,
24, 27
Ions, Origin of term, 144, 145
J.
Jenfein, Wm., observes sparK at
break, 150, 243
Jones (see Bence Jones)
Journals of foreign travel, 18, 224
Juvenile lectures at Royal Institu-
tion, 33, 37, 61, 101, 233, 234,
235, 258
K.
Keble, Rev. J., and the hodge-
podge of philosophers, 65
Kelvin, Lord: theory of electro-
motive forces, 148 ; on theory of
magnetic permeability in seolo-
tropio media, 201 ; on Faraday's
views of electricity, 284 ; letter
from, 285
Kerr, Dr. John : electro-optic dis-
covery, 173 ; magneto-optic dis-
covery, 182
Kindliness, 226
Knighthood no honour, 273
Kundt, Aug., magneto -optic dis-
covery, 182
Laboratories at Albemarle Street
36, 51, 66, 80, 84, 96
Lateral effects of current, 151, 165.
170
Lectures at Royal Institution :
Davy's, 8, 36; Faraday's first,
227; Juvenile, 33, 37, 61, 101,
233, 234, 235, 258; afternoon,
37, 166
, Friday night discourses, 33,
INDEX.
305
60, 100, 101, 149, 166, 170, 192,
203, 219, 220, 225, 232, 236, 259
Lectures at the London Institution
101
at the British Association,
264
at St. George's Hospital, 166
at Woolwich, 66, 101
Lecturing, Views about, 16, 226,
232, 238
Letters from Faraday to : Abbott,
B., 7, 9, 15, 22, 25, 26, 41, 44,
228 ; Andrews, T., 273 ; Barnard,
Miss Sarah, 47, 48 ; Becker, Dr.,
244 ; Burdett-Coutts, Baroness,
240; Davy, Sir H., 10; De la
Hive, A., 29, 185; De la Rive,
O., 83, 85, 91, 207, 267 ; Deacon,
Mrs., 253 ; Faraday, Mrs., 52,
53, 256; Grove, Sir Wm„ 263;
Hare, B., 269 ; Lovelace, Lady,
291; Matteucci, Prof. C, 253,
262, 267 ; Melbourne, Lord, 71 ;
Moore, Miss, 207 ; Murray, Mr.
John, 234; Paris, Dr. J. A., 10,
93 ; Percy, Dr. J. 253 ; Phillips,
E., 61, 109, 114, 194, 270, 277;
Eiebau, G., 30 ; Boyet, Dr. P.,
99 ; Schonbein, Professor, 206 ;
252 ; the Deputy-Master of
Trinity House, 67; Tyndall,
Prof. J., 210, 264, 268, 277, 278,
280; Whewell, Rev. W., 145;
Young, Dr. T., 97
to Faraday : From Sir H.
Davy, 44, 45 ; from Baron
Liebig, 225 ; from Sir W. Thom-
son (Lord Kelvin), 285 ; from
Bev. W. Whewell, 116, 144, 145,
163, 205
Liebig, J. von, Beminiscences by,
224, 282
Light, Action of magnetism on,
176
, Electromagnetic theory of,
197, 199, 213
Lighthouses, Scientific work for,
67, 199, 218, 259
Lines of force, 113, 133, 195, 208,
211, 213, 285; vibrations of, 195
Liquefaction of gases, 55, 91, 171
London University (see Uni-
versity)
Love of children, 233, 235
, Poetical diatribe against, and
recantation, 40, 47
Lovelace, Lady, Letter to, 291
Love-letters of" Faraday, 47, 48, 52,
53, 256
M.
Magnecrystallic forces, 201
Magnetic lines, 113, 133, 195, 213
214
Magnetisation by light, 183
of light, 176
Magnetism and cold, 167
of gases, 204
of rotation, Alleged, 106, 121
Magneto-electric discovery, 95, 112
induction, 115
light, 120, 130, 218, 259
machines, 122, 125, 126, 218,
259
Magneto-optical researches 176,
182, 220
Magrath, E., 7, 14, 60, 231
Marcet, Mrs., Conversations on
Chemistry, 6
Masquerier teaches Faraday to
draw, 8
Mathematics versus experiment,
117, 239, 280
, Faraday's views on, 280, 281
and Faraday's methods, 217,
282
Matteucci, C, Letters to, 253, 262,
267
Maxwell (see Clebk, Maxwell)
Mayo, Herbert, Impromptu by,
Meat-canning processes, 243
Medium, Action in a, 157, 213, 216
, The part played by the, 128,
153, 158, 194, 213
Melbourne, Lord, and Faraday's
pension, 69
Memory, Troubles of a defective,
7, 63, 74, 253
Mental education, Views on, 278,
292
Models, Use of, 104, 239
Moigno, Abbe, Beminiscence by,
297
Moll, G. ; his electromagnets, 120;
pamphlet on "Decline of Sci-
ence," 110, 262
Moore, Miss, Letter to, 207
Morichini's experiments on mag-
netisation by light, 21, 183
306
MICHAEL FARADAY.
Murohison, Sir R., Reminiscence
by, 227
Music, Enjoyment of, 246
N.
Natural theology, Views on, 298
New electrical machine, 121
Newman, Rev. J. H., and the
British Association, 65
Newton, Mr. Jos., Reminiscence
b y.. 2H
Nobili and Antinori, their mistaks,
266
Non-inductive "winding, 150
Notebooks a better test than
examinations, 277
, Faraday's own, 8, 50, 73, 87,
90, 91, 108, 111, 118, 129, 141,
143, 150, 153, 156, 167, 177, 180,
181, 182, 220
O.
Oersted's discovery of electromag-
netism, 77, 78
Optical glass, Research on, 95, 100
illusions, Research on, 136
relations of electricity, 91,
149, 155, 167, 172, 174, 175
of magnetism, 176, 182,
220
Order and method, 68, 99, 200
Owen, Lady, Reminiscences by,
236
Oxford and the philosophers, 64
Oxygen, Magnetic properties of,
208
Paris, Dr. J. A., Letters to, 10, 93
Passive state of iron, 167
Peel, Sir Robert, 69, 70, 246
Pension : declined, 71 ; accepted,
72
Percy, Dr. JorJn, Letter to, 253
Permeability, Magnetic, in crystals,
201
, Research on, 206
Personal appearance, 4, 18, 74, 255
Phillips, Richard, 7, 44, 52, 54, 57,
59, 61, 84, 87, 193 ; letters to, 61,
109, 114, 194, 270, 277
Phosphorescence, Lectures on, 136,
219
Pliicker, Julius : on magneto-optic
action, 203 ; shows electric dis-
. charge, 240
Poetry by Faraday, 40, 47
Poisson : on Arago's rotations,
107 ; on magnetic theory, 201
Polar forces in crystals, 94, 200,
202 .
Polemics in science hateful, 268
Poles are only doors, 141, 241-
Politics, Indifference to 19, 21, 33,
268
Pollock, Lady, Reminiscences by,
235, 254, 257
Practical applications of science,
63, 216, 224, 248, 259
Preaching, Style of, 293
Preservation of Raphael's cartoons,
246
Prince Consort, H.R.H. the, 237,
257, 278
Principle of all dynamo machines,
216
Priority in discoverv, 265
Professional work for fees, 51, 61,
274
relinquished, 61, 274, 275
Professorship of Chemistry at Uni-
versity College, The, 66, 277;
declined, 66
Professorships at the Royal Institu-
tion, 36
Proportional judgment advocated,
242
Public Schools Commission, Evi-
dence given before, 278
Punch, Caricature in, 252
Pusey and science, 65
Q.
Quarterly Journal of Science 39,
46, 75, 76, 82, 88, 92, 94, 104
Queen Victoria, 257, 297
R.
Radiant matter, 40
Rain torpedo, The, 20
Ray-vibrations, Thoughts on, 193
Regelation of ice, 219
Reid, Miss, Reminiscences by, 223,
231 *' '
Religious belief, 51, 289, 291
INDEX.
307
Religious character, 71, 244, 245
Remuneration of science, 44, 68,
244, 274
Repulsions, magnetic, New, 190
Research, Royal Institution as
place for, 37
unhampered by other duties,
37
Researches, Original : the four
degrees of, 241 ; Faraday's first,
76 ; Faraday's last, 220 ; division
into periods, 75 ; summary of,
216
Residences : — Weymouth Street, 2 ;
Royal Institution, 13, 68 ; Hamp-
ton Court Cottage, 258
Retardation of discharge, 161
Riebau, George : Faraday's em-
ployer, 3, 7, 22 ; Faraday 'ap-
prenticed to, 51; letters and
messages to, 29, 34
Ring, The famous experiment with
the, 108
Robinson, H. Crabb, Reminiscences
by, 8, 236
Rontgen on displacement currents,
166
Rotation of plane of polarisation of
light, 177
Rotations, electromagnetic, Dis-
covery of, 51, 83, 87
Royal Institution : foundation of,
35 ; Davy's lectures at, 8, 36,
39 ; precarious state of, 22, 29,
35, 36, 68 ; laboratories of, 36 ;
lectures at the, 37, 166 ; Christ-
mas lectures, 33, 37, 61, 101,
233, 234, 235, 258 ; Friday night
meetings, 33, 60, 100, 101, 149,
166, 170, 192, 203, 219, 220, 225,
232, 236, 239 ; Presidency offered
and declined, 255
Royal Society : first papers read to
the, 52, 263 ; candidature for
Fellowship in the, 56, 57, 59;
Faraday's election as Fellow of
the, 59 ; committee on optical
glass, 95, 99 ; Member of Council,
136, 261 ; Presidency offered to
him, 255, 263 ; dissatisfaction
with, 262
Ruhmkorff'B induction-coil, 219,
225
Rumford, Benjamin Count of :
founds the Royal Institution,
35 ; Faraday dines with, 34
S.
Sacrifice for Science, 63, 64, 234,
244
Safety-lamp: Faraday aids Davy
to invent the, 42 ; controversy
about, 269
Salaries paid to scientific men, 44,
68, 244, 274
Sandemanians, 4, 51, 286
Schonbein, Prof., Letters to, 206,
252
Science in education, 279
teaching, Views on, 278
Scientific'societies, 261
Scoffern, Dr. , Anecdote by, 280
Self-induction investigated, 150,
151
Sermons, Faraday's, 293
Shaftesbury, Earl of, 69
Sirium, alias Vestium, 46, 77
Siste's, His letters to his, 32
Smart, B. H, teaches elocution,
43, 230
Snow-Harris (see Haebis)
Social character, 245
Society of Arts, 14
Source of electromotive force in
cell, 168
South, Sir James, 6, 57, 09, 70, 97,
262
Spark from a magnet, 64, 119, 130
Specific inductive capacity, 159
Spiritualists, Opinion of, 251
Steel, Research on, 82
Stinginess of British Government
towards science, 274
Sturgeon, W. : his invention of
the electromagnet, 102, 226 ; on
Arago's rotations, 107
Submarine cables, 161
Sunday observance, 24, 51, 55, 224,
295, 297
Table-turning explained, 251
Tatum's lectures, 6, 14
Testimonials of candidates, Repug-
nance to, 277
Thames impurities, 252
Thomson, Sir W. (see Kelvin)
Thoughts on ray-vibrations, 193
Thunderstorms enjoyed, 240
Time of propagation of magnetism,
220, 284
308
MICHAEL FARADAY.
Toronto, what its university might
have been, 277, 278
Torpedo, The, 20
Trinity House, Scientific adviser
to, 67, 199, 218, 259
Tubes of force, 211
Turner, J. W. M., R.A., Advice to,
about pigments, 246
Tyndall, Prof. : reminiscences by,
4, 49, 74, 175, 187, 225, 255, 290,
296, 299 ; his " Faraday as a Dis-
coverer," 4, 130, 157, 169, 202;
letters to, 210, 264, 268, 277, 278,
280
U.
Utility of discoveries, 63, 224, 248
University College, Professorship
in, 66, 277
University of London : Senator of,
275 ; degrees in science, 275
Varley, Cornelius, 5, 294
Velocipede riding, 74
Vesuvius, Ascents of, 22, 33
Vibrations, Thoughts on ray-, 193
Visits to the sick, 245, 296
Volta, Count Alessandro, Meeting
with, 22
Volta-electric induction, 115
Voltameter. 146
W.
Water, On freezing of, 203
Wellington, The Duke of, on prac-
tical application of discovery
248
Wheatstone, Sir Charles : on velo-
city of discharge, 149, 161 ; his
electric chronoscope, 192
Whewell, Rev. W., Correspond-
ence with, about terms, 116, 144,
145, 163, 205
White, Walter, Reminiscences by,
253 263
William IV., King, 72, 73
Wiseman, Cardinal, Meeting with.
297
Wollaston, Dr. W. H., Misunder-
standing with, 51, 56, 57, 58, 84,
89
Woolwich Academy lectures, 66,
101
Working, Method of, 60, 242, 247
Young, Dr. T., Letter from, 97
Z.
Zeeman's magneto-optic discovery,
220
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