History of the Jews

Cornell University Library
DS 123.G73 1891

"' History of the Jewsfrom the earliest tim

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HISTORY OF THE JEWS.

HISTORY OF THE JEWS.

BY

PROFESSOR H. GRAETZ.

*•*

VOL. III.

From the Revolt against the Zendik (511 C. E.) to

THE Capture of St. Jean d'Acre by the

Mahometans (1291 C. E.).

PHILADELPHIA:

Jewish Publication Society of America.

1894.

(-^ •

V,3

Copyright, 1894,
By the Jewish Publication Society of America.

PRESS AND BINDERY OF
THE FRIEDENWALD CO., BALTtMORE.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

THE DECAY OF JUD/EA, AND THE JEWS IN DISPERSION.

The Zendik Religion — King Kobad and Mazdak the Re-
former— Revolt of the Jews — Mar-Zutra — Revival of the
Schools — The Saburaim — The Talmud committed to writing
— Tolerance of Chosru II — The Christianization of Judcea —
The Jews under Byzantine Rule — Justinian — Persecution of
the Samaritans — Benjamin of Tiberias — Attack on Tyre —
The Emperor Heraclius po^g^ i

500 — 628 c. E.
CHAPTER II.

THE JEWS IN EUROPE.

Growth of the Jews in Europe — The Communities in Con-
stantinople and Italy — Theodoric — Isidore of Seville — Pope
Gregory I — The Jews of France — Chilperic and Dagobert —
Avitus — The Jews in Spain — Controversies between Jews and
Christians page 24

510 — 640 c. E.
CHAPTER III.

THE JEWS OF THE ARABIAN PENINSULA.

Happy condition of the Jews in Arabia — Traditions as to their
original settlements — Yathrib and Chaibar — The Jewish-
Arabic tribes — The Benu-Nadhir, the Benu-Kuraiza, and
Benu-Bachdal — The Benu-Kainukaa — The Jews of Yemen —
Their power and influence — Conversion of Arabian tribes to
Judaism — Abu-Kariba, the first Jewish- Himyarite king —
Zorah Dhu-Nowas — Samuel Ibn-Adija— Mahomet^His in-
debtedness to Judaism— Mahomet's early friendliness to the
Jews and subsequent breach with them — His attacks on the
Jewish tribes — The War of the Fosse— The position of the
Jews under the Caliphs page 53

500—662 c. E-

IV CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

THE AGE OF THE GEONIM.

The Conquests of Islam— Omar's Intolerance— Condition of
the Jews in Babylonia— Bostanai— The Princes of the Cap-
tivity and the Geonim— Dignity and Revenues of the Prmce
— Communal Organization— Excommunication— Julian of
Toledo and the Jews— The Moslems in Spain— The Jews
and Arabic Literature— The Assyrian Vowel-system — The
Neo-Hebraic Poetry : Jose ben Jos6— Simon ben Kaipha—
Employment of Rhyme— Jannai — Eleazar Kaliri — Oppo-
sition to the Study of the Talmud— The Jews in the Crimea
and the Land of the Chazars- The False Messiah Obadia
Abu-Isa— Solomon, the Prince of the Captivity . page ^d

640 — 760 C. E.
CHAPTER V.

RISE OF KARAISM AND ITS RESULTS.

Anan ben David, the founder of Karaism — His life, writings,
and influence — Hostility to the Talmud — Anan's innovations
— Karaite reverence of Anan— The Exilarchate becomes
elective — Adoption of Judaism by the Chazars — King Bulan
and Isaac Sinjari — Bulan's Jewish successors — Charlemagne
and the Empire of the Franks — The Jews and Commerce —
Jewish Envoy sent to the Caliph Haroun Alrashid— Spread
of the Jews in Europe — The Caliphs and the Jews — The
study of philosophy — Sahal — The Kalam — Mutazilists and
Anthropomorphists — ^Judah Judghan — The Shiur Komah —
The Akbarites — Moses the Persian page 127

761 — 840 c. E.
CHAPTER VI.

FAVORABLE CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN THE PRANKISH DOMI-
NIONS, AND THE DECAY OF THE EXILARCHATE IN THE EAST.

The Jews under Louis le D6bonnaire — The Empress Judith
and her Veneration for Judaism — Agobard, Bishop of Lyons
— Conversion of Bishop Bodo — Amolo's effort against the

Jews — Charles the Bald — Troubles in B6ziers and Toulouse

Decree against the Jews in Italy — Boso of Burgundy Ba-

silius — Leo the Philosopher — Decline of the Exilarchate

The Geonim acquire Additional Influence — The Prayer Book
of Amram — Mar-Zemach — Literary and Scientific Activity
of the Jews — Decay of Karaism — Dissensions at Pumbe-

ditha page 160

814 — 920 c. E.

CONTENTS. V

CHAPTER VII.

THE GOLDEN AGE OF JEWISH SCIENCE: SAADIAH AND CHASDAI.

Judaism in the Tenth Century — Saadiah, the Founder of Re-
ligious Philosophy — Translation of the Bible into Arabic —
Saadiah opposes Karaism — The Karaite Solomon ben Yeru-
cham — Saadiah and the School at Sota— Saadiah tetires
from Sora — His Literary Activity — Extinction of the Exil-
archate — Sahal and other Karaite writers — Jews in Spain —
The School at Cordova— Dunash ben Tamim — Chasdai —
His services to Judaism — Menachem ben Saruk— Chasdai
and the King of the Chazars . page x^"]

928 — 970 c. E.
CHAPTER VIII. ':'

THE RISE OF JEWISH-SPANISH CULTURE, AND THE DECAY OF
THE GAONATE.

The Gaon Sherira and his son Hai — Shefira's Historical Letter
— The Jewish Congregations in Spain — ^Jewish Culture in
Andalusia — The Disciples of Menachem and Dunash — ^Je-
huda Chayuj — Contest between Chanoch and Ibn-Abitur —
Jacob Ibn-Jau — The Jews of France — Nathan the Babylonian
and Leontin — The Jews of Germany — Gershom and his
Ordinances — The Emperor Henry II — The Caliph Hakem
— The Jewish Chagan David and the Russians — Destruction
of the Jewish-Chazar Kingdom — The Karaites — Joseph Al-
karkassani and Levi Halevi — Hai Gaon — His Character and
Importance — Samuel bar Chofni — Chiskiya, the last Gaon —
Samuel Ibn-Nagrela — Jonah Ibn-Janach . , . page 231

970 — 1050 c. E.
CHAPTER IX.

IBN-GEBIROL AND HIS EPOCH.

Solomon Ibn-Gebirol — His early life — His poems — The states-
man Yekutiel Ibn-Hassan befriends him — Murder of Yeku-
tiel — Bachya Ibn-Pakuda and his moral philosophy — The
Biblical critic Yizchaki ben Yasus — Joseph ben Chasdai, the
Poet — Death of Samuel Ibn-Nagrela — Character of his son
Joseph and his tragic fate — Death of Ibn-Gebirol — The
French and German communities— Alfassi — Life and works
of Rashi— Jewish scholars in Spain— King Alfonso, /a^<; 265

1027 — 1070 c. E.

VI CONTENTS.

CHAPTER X.

THE FIRST CRUSADE.

The position of the Jews in Germany previous to the Crusades
—The community of Speyer and Henry IV— The Martyrs
of Treves and Speyer— Emmerich of Lemmgen and the
Martyrs of May ence— Cruel persecutions at Cologne — Suffer-
ing of the Jews in Bohemia— Pitiful death of the Jews of
Jerusalem— Emperor Henry's justice towards the Jews—
Return of Converts to Judaism— Death of Alfassi and
Rashi page 297

1096 — 1 105 C. E.

CHAPTER XI.

ZENITH OF THE SPANISH-JEWISH CULTURE : JEHUDA HALEVI.

The Jews under the Almoravides — Joseph Ibn-Sahal, Baruch
Ibn-Albalia, Joseph Ibn-Zadik — Joseph Ibn-Migash — The
Poets Ibn-Tabben, Ibn-Sakbel and Ibn-Ezra — Abulhassan
Jehuda Halevi — His Poems and Philosophy — The Chozari
— Incidents of his Life — Prince Samuel Almansur — ^Jehuda
Halevi's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem — His Death . page ■^w

1 105 — 1 148 c. E.
CHAPTER XII.

PERSECUTIONS DURING THE SECOND CRUSADE AND UNDER
THE ALMOHADES.

Condition of the Jews in France — The Second Crusade — Peter
the Venerable and the Monk Rudolph — Bernard of Clair-
vaux and ihe Emperor Conrad — Protectors of the Jews —
Persecutions under the Almohades — Abdulmumen and his
Edict — The Prince Jehuda Ibn-Ezra — The Karaites in Spain
— ^Jehuda Hadassi — The historian Abraham Ibn-Daud and
his Philosophy — Abraham Ibn-Ezra — Rabbenu Tarn,

page 347
1 143— 1 170 c. E.

CHAPTER XIII.

SURVEY OF THE EPOCH OF MAIMUNI (mAIMONIDES).

The Jews of Toledo — Ibn-Shoshan, Ibn-Alfachar — The Poet

Charisi — Sheshet Benveniste — Benjamin of Tudela The

Jews of Provence — The Kimchis — The Communities of B6-
ziers, Montpellier, Liinel, and Marseilles — Persecutions of
Jews in Northern France — The Jews of England — Richard
I — The Jews of York — The Jews of Germany — ^Judah the

CONTENTS. Vll

Pious, of Ratisbon — Petachya the Traveler — The Jews of
Italy and of the Byzantine Empire — Communities in Syria
and Palestine — The Jews of Bagdad — Mosul — 1 he Pseudo-
Messiah, David Alroy — The Jews of India — Conversion to
Judaism of Tartars — The Jews of Egypt . . . page 2,^1

1 171 — 1205 c. E.
CHAPTER XIV.

MAIMUNI (mAIMONIDES).

Early years of Maimuni (Maimonides) — His journey to Fez —
Letter of Consolation of Maimun (father of Maimonides) —
Maimuni and the Jewish Converts to Islam — The Maimun
Family in Palestine and Egypt — Maimuni's Comnientary on
the Mishna — Saladin and the Jews — Letter of Maimonides to
Yemen — The Mishne- Tor ah of Maimuni — Controversies with
reference to this Work — Joseph Ibn-Aknin — Maimuni as a
Physician — Jerusalem again populated by Jews — Maimuni
and the Jews of Provence — The More Nebuchim and its im-
portance— Death of Maimonides pa^ge 446

1 17 1 — 1205 c. E.
CHAPTER XV.

NEW POSITION OF THE JEWS IN CHRISTIAN LANDS AT THE
BEGINNING OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.

Effects of the Death of Maimuni — Abraham Maimuni and
Joseph Ibn-Aknin — Hostility of the Papacy against the Jews
— Pope Innocent III — The Albigenses — Emigration of Rab-
bis to Palestine — The Lateran Council and the Jewish Badges
— Synod of Rabbis at Mayence — The Dominicans and the
Rise of the Inquisition — King Jayme of Aragon and his
Physician Bachiel — Stephen Langton and the Jews of Eng-
land— Gregory IX and Louis IX of France — The Jews of
Hungary page 494

1205 — 1232 c. E.
CHAPTER XVI.

THE MAIMUNIST CONTROVERSY AND THE RISE OF THE
KABBALA.

The Opposition against Maimuni — Maimunists and anti-Mai-
munists — Meir Abulafia— Samson of Sens — Solomon of
Montpellier — Excommunication of the Maimunists— David
Kimchi's energetic Advocacy of Maimuni — Nachmani— His
Character and Work— His Relations to Maimuni, Ibn-Ezra,

VIU CONTENTS.

and the Kabbala— Solomon of Montpellier calls in the aid
of the Dominicans— Moses of Coucy— Modern date of the
Kabbala— Azriel and Ezra— Doctrines of the Kabbala—
Jacob ben Sheshet Gerundi— The German Kabbalists—
Eleazar of Worms— Last flicker of the Neo- Hebraic Poetry
—The Satirical Romance : Al-Charisi and Joseph ben Sa-
hara P"-Se 522

1232 — 1236 C. E.

CHAPTER XVn.

PUBLIC DISCUSSIONS, AND THE BURNING OF THE TALMUD.

Pope Gregory IX — Emperor Frederick H and the Jewish
Scholars, Jehuda Ibn-Matka and Jacob Anatoli — The Jewish
Legislation of Frederick of Austria — The Martyrs of Fulda
and of Aquitaine — Louis XI of France and his Enmity to
the Jews — Attacks on the Talmud — The Apostate Nicholas-
Donin — Disputation at the French Court between Yechiel
of Paris and Nicholas-Donin — The Martyrs at Frankfort —
The Rabbinical Synod — The Church and Jewish Physicians
— Moses Ibn-Tibbon and Shem-Tob Tortosi — Papal Bull
acquitting Jews of the Blood-accusation — The Last French
Tossafists — The Jews of England — The Jewish Parliament —
Alfonso the Wise and the Jews of Spain — Meir de Maleaand
his Sons — The Jewish Astronomers Don Judah Cohen and
Don Zag Ibn-Said — The Jews of Aragon — De Penyaforte
and the Apostate Pablo Christiani — The First Censorship of
the Talmud — Nachmani's Disputation with Pablo — Influence
of Nachmani — The Karaites page 563

1236 — 1270 c. E.
CHAPTER XVIII.

THE AGE OF SOLOMON BEN ADRET AND ASHERI.

Martyrs in Germany— The Jews of Hungary and Poland — The
Council at Buda — The Jews of Spain and Portugal — Solomon
ben Adret, his character and writings — Raymund Martin's
anti-Jewish Works — New antagonism to the Maimunist Phi-
losophy—David Maimuni— Moses Taku — Meir of Rothen-
burg— The Jews of Italy— Solomon Petit— Rudolph of Habs-
burg — Emigration of Jews from the Rhine Provinces — Suffer-
ings of the English Jews — Expulsion of the Jews from Eng-
land and Gascony— Saad-Addaula — Isaac of Accho,/>a^f 610
1270 — 1306 c. E.

HISTORY OF THE JEWS.

CHAPTER I.

THE DECAY OF JUD^A, AND THE JEWS IN DISPERSION.

The Zendik Religion — King Kobad and Mazdak the Reformer —
Revolt of the Jews — Mar-Zutra — Revival of the Schools — The
Saburaim — The Talmud committed to writing — Tolerance of
Chosru II — The Christianization of Judaea — The Jews under
Byzantine Rule — Justinian — Persecution of the Samaritans —
Benjamin of Tiberias — Attack on Tyre — The Emperor Heraclius.

500 — 628 C. E.

Hardly had the Jews recovered from the long and
horrible persecution to which they had been sub-
jected by King Firuz, when they were overtaken by
fresh storms, which subverted the work of three
centuries. Firuz had been followed by his brother,
who reigned a short time, and was succeeded by
Kobad (Kovad, Cabades). The latter was a weak
king, not without good qualitie's, but he allowed
himself to become the tool of a fanatic, and was
prevailed upon to institute religious persecutions.
There arose under this monarch a man who desired
to reform the religion of the Magi and make it the
ruling faith. Mazdak — for that was the name of this
reformer of Magianism — believed that he had dis-
covered a means of promoting the promised victory
of Light over Darkness, of Ahura-Mazda over
Angromainyus. He considered greed of property
and lust after women the causes of all evil among
men, and he desired to remove these causes by
introducing community of property and of women,
even allowing promiscuous intercourse among those

2 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. I.

related by ties of consanguinity. In Mazdak's
opinion it was on the foundation of communistic
equality that the edifice of Zoroaster's doctrine
could most safely be raised. As he led a. virtuous
and ascetic life, and was very earnest in his en-
deavors to reform, he soon succeeded in gaining
numerous adherents (about the year 501), who
availed themselves of these advantageous liberties,
and called themselves Zendik, or true believers of
the Zend. King Kobad himself became Mazdak's
faithful disciple and supporter. He issued a decree
commanding all the inhabitants of the Persian
Empire to accept the doctrines of Mazdak, and to
live in accordance therewith. The lower classes
became the most zealous of Zendiks ; they promptly
appropriated the possessions of the rich and such
of the women as pleased them. Thus there arose
a confusion of the ideas of right and wrong, of
virtue and vice, such as had never been known in
the history of nations. Finally, the Persian nobles
dethroned this communistic king, and threw him
into prison ; but when Kobad escaped from confine-
ment and, by the aid of the Huns, was again placed
in possession of his dominions, they were unable
to prevent Mazdak's adherents from renewing their
licentious conduct. Many children born during
Kobad's reign were of doubtful paternity, and no
one could be certain of the peaceful enjoyment of
his property.

The Jews and Christians naturally did not escape
the communistic plague, and although only the rich
suffered from the legalized robbery of the Zendiks,
the community of women struck a terrible blow at
all classes. Chastity and holding sacred the mar-
riage vows had, from the first, been characteristic
virtues of the Jews, and by Talmudic law, they had
become even more deeply rooted in their natures.
They could not endure the thought of their wives
and maidens exposed to violation, and the purity of

CH. 1. MAZDAK, THE ZeNDIK REFORMER. 3

their families, which they treasured as the apple of
their eye, threatened with defilement. They appear
therefore to have opposed an armed resistance to
the Hcentious attacks of the Zendiks. An insur-
rection of the Jews, which broke out at this juncture,
was in all probability organized for the purpose, of
resisting this intolerable communism. At the head
of this insurrection stood Mar-Zutra II, the youthful
Prince of the Captivity, who, to judge from the fact
alone that legend has embellished his birth and
deeds with wonderful details, must have been a
remarkable personage.

Mar-Zutra, born in about 496, was the son of
Huna, a learned Prince of the Captivity, who, after
the death of the tyrant Firuz, was invested with the
dignity of the Exilarchate (488-508). At the time
of his father's death, Mar-Zutra was still a young
boy. During the period of his minority, the office
of Prince of the Captivity was held by Pachda, his
sister's husband, who does not seem to have been
inclined to yield this dignity to the lawful heir.
Mar-Zutra's grandfather, Mar-Chanina, in company
with his grandson, sought the court of the Persian
king, and in 511, presumably by means of valuable
presents, succeeded in effecting Pachda's deposition
and Mar-^utra's investiture. It was this young
prince who now arose, sword in hand, to protect his
brethren. The immediate cause of the insurrection
is said to have been the murder of Mar-Isaac, the
president of one of the academies. Mar-Zutra's
forces consisted of four hundred Jewish warriors,
with whose help he probably succeeded in expelling
Mazdak's rapacious and lustful adherents from the
territory of Jewish Babylonia, and in resisting this
shameless violation of most sacred rights. He is
further said to have accomplished such brilliant feats
of arms that the troops which had been sent by the
king to quell the insurrection were unable to with-
stand him. Mar-Zutra is even said to have won

4 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. I.

independence for his people, and to have laid the
non-Jewish inhabitants of Babylonia under tribute.
Machuza, near Ctesiphon, became the capital of a
small Jewish state, with the Prince of the Captivity
for its king.

The independence thus conquered by Mar-Zutra
lasted nearly seven years ; the Jewish army was
finally overcome by the superior numbers of the
Persian host, and the Prince of the Captivity was
taken prisoner. He and his aged grandfather,
Mar-Chanina, were executed, and their bodies nailed
to the cross on the bridge of Machuza (about 520).
The inhabitants of this town -were stripped of their
possessions, and led into captivity, and it is probable
that this was not the full extent of the persecution.
The members of the family of the Prince of the
Captivity were compelled to flee. They escaped
to Judaea, taking with them Mar-Zutra's posthum-
ous heir, who also bore the name Mar-Zutra.
He was educated in Judaea, and there became a
distinguished scholar. On account of Kobad's per-
secution, the office of Prince of the Captivity in
Babylonia remained in abeyance for some time.
The Talmudical academies were closed, for the
teachers of the Law were persecuted and com-
pelled to hide. Two of the leading m§n, Ahunai
and Giza, fled, and the latter settled on the
river Zab. Other fugitives probably directed their
steps towards Palestine or Arabia. Kobad's re-
venge for an insurrection provoked by fanaticism
dealt a severe blow at the public life of the Baby-
lonian Jews, which centered in the two academies,
at Sora and Pumbeditha. However, the persecution
does not seem to have extended over the whole of
Persia, for Jewish soldiers served in the Persian
army which fought against the Greek general
Belisarius, and the Persian captain had so great a
regard for them that he requested a truce in order
that they might peacefully observe the feast of
Passover.

CH. I. KOBAD AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 5

After Kobad's death, the persecution of the
Babylonian Jews ceased. His successor, Chosroes
Nushirvan, was not, indeed, well-disposed towards
them, and imposed upon them and the Christians a
poll-tax from which only children and old men were
exempt ; yet this tax was not an indication of
intolerance or hate, but simply a means of filling
the imperial treasury'.

As soon as peace was restored the representa-
tives of the Babylonian Jews hastened to re-establish
their institutions, to re-open the academies, and, as
it were, to re-unite the severed links in the chain
of tradition. The fugitive Giza, who had remained
In hiding by the river Zab, was called to preside
over the academy at Sora ; the' sister academy at
Pumbeditha chose Semuna as its head. A third
name of this period has been transmitted to pos-
terity, that of Rabai of Rob (near Nahardea), whose
position and office are, however, not clearly known.
These men, with their associates and disciples,
devoted their whole activity to the Talmud. It was
the sole object of the attention of all thoughtful and
pious men of that period ; it satisfied religious zeal,
promoted tranquillity of mind,, and was also the
means of acquiring fame, and thus furthering both
spiritual and temporal aims. The persecution of
the Law endeared and sanctified it, and the Talmud
was the sacred banner around which the entire
nation rallied.

But the disciples of the last Amora'irh had lost all
creative power, and were unable to continue the de-
velopment of the Talmud. The subject-matter and
the method of teaching were both so fully defined
that they were incapable of extension or of amplifi-
cation. The stagnation in Talmudical development
was more marked than ever before. The presidents
of the academies were content to adhere to the
ancient custom of assembling their disciples during
the months of Adar (March) and Ellul (September),

6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. ^'^- ^•

giving them lectures on the traditional lore and the
methodology of the Talmud, and assigning to them
themes for private study. At the utmost they
settled, according to certain principles, many points
of practice in the ritual, the civil law and the mar-
riage code, which had until then remained undeter-
mined, or concerning which there was a difference of
opinion in the academies. Their purpose was to
render the exhaustless material of the Talmud,
which discussion and controversy had deprived of
all definiteness, available for practical use. In
order to prevent the decay of religious living, it was
necessary that all doubt and uncertainty should
cease ; the judges stood in need of fixed principles by
which to decide the cases brought before them, and
all were ignorant of authoritative precepts by which
to regulate their religious conduct. The establishing
of the final rules for religious and legal practice after
careful consideration of the arguments /ro and coit
conferred upon the post-Amoraic teachers the name
of Sabureans (Saburai). After the various opinions
(Sebora) were reviewed, they were the ones that
established the final, valid law. The activity of the
Sabureans really began immediately after the com-
pletion of the Talmud, and Giza, Semuna and
their associates merely worked along the same
lines ; their intention was to develop a practical
code rather than the theory of the Law. They did not
arrogate to themselves the authority to originate.
First of all, Giza and Semuna, the presidents of
the academies, engaged in the work of committing
the Talmud to writing. They availed themselves
partly of oral tradition, partly of written notes
made by various persons as an aid to memory.

As everything which proceeded from the Amoraic
authorities appeared of importance to their succes-
sors, they gathered up every utterance, every
anecdote which was current in learned circles, so
that posterity might not be deprived of what they

CH. I. THE TALMUD COMMITTED TO WRITING. 7

deemed to be the fulness of wisdom. They made
additions for the purpose of explaining obscure
passages. In this form, as edited by the Sabureans,
the contemporary communities and posterity re-
ceived the Talmud.

The era of the Sabureans witnessed the begin-
nings of an art without which the sacred writings
had remained a sealed book,- — the introduction of a
system of vowel-points^ by means of which the
text of Holy Writ became intelligible to the un-
learned. This art owes its origin to a faint breath
of "scientific research" wafted from dying Greece.
Justinian had closed the schools of philosophy in
Greece, and the last of her wise men sought refuge
in Persia. From them the science of grammar
was communicated to the Syrian Christians, these
in turn roused in their Jewish neighbors the spirit
of emulation in the investigation of the Scriptures,
and this led to the adoption of vowel-points and
accents.

The names of the immediate successors of Giza
and Semuna have been preserved neither by the
chronicles nor by tradition ; they were forgotten in
the persecution with which the academies were
again visited. In this century Magianism contended
with Christianity for the palm of intolerance.
Judaism was an abomination to both, and the priests
of these two religions, of which the one preached the
victory of light, and the other the rule of brotherly
love, used weak kings as the instruments of hor-
rible persecutions.

Chosroes Nushirvan's son, Hormisdas (Ormuz)
IV, was unlike his great father in every respect.
His tutor and counselor, Abuzurj-Mihir, the Persian
Seneca, is said to have invented the game of chess
for this weakly monarch, in order to teach him the
dependence of the king on the army and the people.
During this philosopher's lifetime the true character
of Hormisdas was hidden, but immediately upon

8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. ^^' ^"

his retirement the Nero-like nature of the king
broke out, and overstepped the bounds of prudence
and moderation.

Led by the Magi, who attempted to arrest the
approaching dissolution of their religion by perse-
cuting the adherents of other beliefs, he vented his
wrath upon the Jews and the Christians of his
empire. The Talmudical academies in Sora and
Pumbedltha were closed, -and as under Firuz and
Kobad, many of the teachers of the Law again
emigrated (about 581). They settled in Firuz-
Shabur (near Nahardea), which was governed by
an Arabian chieftain, and was, therefore, less ex-
posed to espionage. They continued their labors
in Firuz-Shabur, and new academies arose in that
town, the most distinguished being that of Mari.

Hormisdas' cruel reign, however, was of short
duration ; the Persians became dissatisfied and
refractory, and the political enemies of Persia
entered its territory, and possessed themselves
of the country. The empire of the Sassanians
would have become the prize of some success-
ful invader, had it not been saved by the efforts
of the brave general Bahram Tshubin. But when
the foolish monarch went so far as to reward
the deliverer of his country with ingratitude and to
dismiss him, Bahram rose against the unworthy
king, dethroned him, and threw him into prison, in
which he was afterwards murdered (589). At first,
for the sake of appearances, Bahram governed in
the name of Prince Chosru, but soon he threw off all
disguise and ascended the Persian throne. The
Jews of Persia and Babylonia hailed Bahram as
their deliverer. He was for them what the Emperor
Julian had been for the Jews of the Roman empire
two hundred years before ; he put an end to their
oppression and favored their endeavors. For this
reason they espoused his cause with great devotion,
assisted him with money and troops, and supported

CH. I. BAHRAM. 9

his tottering throne. Without the aid of the Jews,
it is probable that he would have experienced
great difficulty in retaining it for any length of time,
for after some hesitation the Persian nation turned
towards Chosru, the lawful heir to the throne. Only
the army for the most part remained faithful to
Bahram, and the Jews, doubtless, provided for the
maintenance and the pay of the troops. The
re-opening of the academies in Sora and Pumbe-
ditha is undoubtedly to be attributed to the favor of
Bahram in return for the devotion of the Persian
Jews. Chanan of Iskia returned from Firuz-Shabur
to Pumbeditha, and restored the ancient academic
organization ; it is also probable that the academy
of Sora, which enjoyed by far the greater repute,
elected a president at this time, although his name
is not mentioned in the chronicles.

Bahram's rule was brought to a sudden end.
The Byzantine emperor. Mauritius, to whom the
fugitive Prince Chosru haa fled, sent an army to his
aid, with which the loyal Persians united to make
war upon Bahram. The Jews paid with their lives
for their adherence to the usurper. At the capture
of Machuza, a town containing a large Jewish popu-
lation, the Persian general Mebodes put the greater
part of the Jews to death. They probably fared
no better in the other cities into which Chosru's
victorious army penetrated. Bahram's army was
vanquished, and he himself compelled to take
refuge with the Huns. Chosru II, surnamed Firuz,
ascended the throne of his ancestors. This prince,
who was both just and humane, resembled his
grandfather Nushirvan rather than Hormisdas, his
father ; he did not hold the Jews to account for
their participation in the revolt. Throughout his
long reign (590-628), the two academies enjoyed
uninterrupted prosperity. Chanan was succeeded
by Mari bar Mar, who had founded an academy in
Firuz-Shabur, and the president of Sora during the

lO HISTORY OF THE JEWS. Lfi. I-

same period was a teacher of similar name, Mar
bar Huna (609 to about 620), during whose admm-
istration the fortunes of the Jews of Palestme
alternated from victory to defeat. The successors
of these teachers were Chaninai in Pumbeditha and
Chananya in Sora ; they lived to see the victorious
advance of the Arabs and the end of the Persian
rule. The last of the Sassanian kings, of whom
there were ten in the short period of twelve years,
had no leisure to devote to the affairs of the Jewish
population of their shattered empire ; the Jewish
community in Babylonia continued, therefore, to
exist in its ancient order, with the Prince of the
Captivity at its head. During the half-century that
elapsed between the re-opening of the academies
under Bahram and the Arab conquest of Persia
(589-640), three Resh-Galutas are mentioned by
name : Kafna'i, Chaninai, and Bostanai. The last
of these belongs to the ensuing epoch, in which,
aided by favorable circumstances, he succeeded in
again investing the dignity of Prince of the Cap-
tivity with substantial power.

The position of the Jews in Judaea during the sixth
century was so terrible that a complete cessation
of intellectual pursuits ensued. Like their co-reli-
gionists of the Byzantine empire, they were without
political standing ; the laws of the younger Theo-
dosius were still in force, and were applied with
increased severity by Justin I. The Jews were
excluded from all posts of honor, and were forbidden
to build new synagogues. The successors of this
emperor, as narrow-minded as he and even harder
of heart, enforced the anti-Jewish laws rigorously.
The spirit which animated the rulers of the Eastern
Empire against the Jews is shown by an utterance
of the Emperor Zeno, the Isaurian upstart. In
Antioch, where, as in all the great cities of the
Byzantine empire, there existed the race-course
(stadium) and the factions of the two colors, blue

CH. I. THE EMPEROR ZENO. II

and green, one of those disturbances which seldom
ended without bloodshed had been fomented by
the latter party. Upon this occasion the partisans
of the green murdered many Jews, threw their
bodies into the flames, and burned their synagogues.
When the Emperor Zeno was informed of this
occurrence, he exclaimed that the sole fault of the
partisans of the green was that they had burned only
the dead Jews, and not the living ones as well !
The bigoted populace, whom the disputes of the
clergy and the color-factions had demoralized, saw
in their ruler's hatred of the Jews a tacit invitation
to vent their rage upon them. The inhabitants of
Antioch had always been inimical towards the Jews.
When, therefore, a notorious charioteer of Con-
stantinople, Calliopas by name, came to Antioch,
and joining the party of the green, occasioned
a riot, the Jews again felt the brutal barbarity of
this faction. Its partisans had repaired to Daphne,
near Antioch, in order to celebrate some festival,
and there, without any sufficient motive, they
destroyed the synagogue and its sanctuaries, and
brutally murdered the worshipers (507).

Meanwhile how much of the land of their fathers
still remained in the hands of the Jews ? Chris-
tianity had made itself master of Judaea, and had
become the heir of Judaism. Churches and monas-
teries arose in the Holy Land, but its former mas-
ters were subjected to all sorts of persecution
whenever they attempted to repair a dilapidated
synagogue. Bishops, abbots and monks lorded it
over Palestine, and turned it into a theater of
dogmatic wranglings over the simple or dual nature
of Christ. Jerusalem had ceased to be a center for
the Jews ; it had become a thoroughly Christian
city, the seat of an archbishop, and inaccessible
to its own sons. The law forbidding Jews to enter
the Holy City, which had been revived by Constan-
tine, was, after the death of Julian, most rigorously

12 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. ^"' ■''

enforced by the authorities. Tiberias, the stately
city on the lake, alone maintained its academical
rank, and under the presidency of Mar-Zutra 11
and his descendants, it became a seat of authority tor
the Jews of other countries. Even the Jewish king
of Arabia voluntarily submitted to the exhortations
addressed to him from Tiberias. But Christianity
had acquired a hold even there, and Tiberias was
also the seat of a bishopric. The mountain cities
of Galilee were inhabited by Jews, who probably
followed the same occupations as their forefathers,
namely, agriculture and the cultivation of the olive.

Nazareth, the cradle of Christianity, where the
most beautiful women in all Palestine were to be
found, seems to have been mostly populated by
Jews, as it had not been raised to the rank of a
bishopric. Scythopolis (Bethsan), which became
the capital of Palsestina Secunda during this cen-
tury, and Neapolis (Shechem), the capital of the
Samaritans since Samaria had become Christian,
had Jewish inhabitants. But in all these cities, with
the exception of Nazareth, the Jews seem to have
been in the minority, insignificant in comparison
with the number of the Christians.

There probably existed an educational system
among the Jews of Palestine, but it must have been
inadequate and unimportant, since, with the excep-
tion of Mar-Zutra, not even the names of the
teachers are known. Until the time of Justinian
the Jews of Palestine and the Byzantine empire,
whatever may have been their civil disabilities,
enjoyed complete religious liberty ; the em.perors
did not interfere in the affairs of the heart. Jus-
tinian was the emperor who, besides imposing
greater civil restrictions, first interfered in matters
of conscience. It was he who promulgated the
disgraceful law that Jewish witnesses were not to
be allowed to testify against Christians, and that
they were to be considered competent witnesses

CH. I. JUSTINIAN. 13

only in their own cases (532). Compared with the
Samaritans, the Jews were a favored class, for the
evidence of the former had no validity whatever,
and they were not even allowed to dispose of their
property by will. This was an act of revenge
against the Samaritans, who had several times
risen in revolt against the imperial power, and on
one occasion had set up a king in the person of
Julian ben Sabar (about 530). As the Jews had
not taken part in this insurrection, they were favored
to a certain extent. Meanwhile, however, Justinian
also published an anti- Jewish law. Although the
Jews and Samaritans were excluded, like all here-
tics, from offices of honor, they were obliged by law
to assume the onerous and expensive decurionate
(magisterial office), without being permitted, how-
' ever, to enjoy the privileges attached to it, namely,
- exemption from exile and flogging. " They shall
bear the yoke, although they sigh under it ; but they
shall be deemed unworthy of every honor" (537).

Justinian was one of those rulers who, in spite
of narrowness of mind and wickedness, have their
own opinions on religious matters, and desire to
assert them without regard for their subjects' peace
of mind. Justinian wished to carry out his views
concerning the Christian celebration of Easter, and
he therefore forbade the Jews to celebrate the
Passover before the Easter of the Christians. The
governors of the provinces had strict orders to
enforce this prohibition. Thus, whenever the Jewish
feast of the Passover preceded the Christian Easter,
in the year before leap-year, the Jews incurred
heavy fines for holding divine service and eating
unleavened bread (about 540).

Other invasions were made by Justinian on the
territory of religious affairs. A Jewish congregation,
probably in Constantinople or Csesarea, had been
for some time divided against itself. One party
wanted the reading of the portions of the Penta-

CH I'
14 HiStORY OP THE JEWS.

teuch and the Prophets to be followed by a transla-
tion into Greek, for the benefit of the ^H'terate and
the women. The pious members on the otner
hand, especially the teachers of the Law, enter-
tained an aversion to the use of the language of
their tormentors and of the Church in divme ser-
vice, probably also on the ground that no time
would be left for the Agadic exposition. Ihe dis-
pute became so violent that the Grecian party laid
the matter before the emperor, and appealed to
him, as judge, in the last instance. Justinian of
course pronounced judgment in favor of the Greek
translation, and recommended to the Jews the use
of the Septuagint or of Aquila's translation in their
divine service. He also commanded that in all
the provinces of his empire the lessons from the
Holy Scriptures be translated into the vernacular.
Thus far Justinian was in the right. It is true
that he also forbade, under threat of corporal
punishment, the excommunication of the Greek
party or party of innovation by those that clung
to the old liturgical system ; but even this may
be regarded as an act of justice, as the emperor
desired to guarantee liberty in matters connected
with the liturgy. But another clause of the same
rescript proves unmistakably that in this matter
he was consulting the interests of the Church
alone, laboring, as he did, under the delusion that
the use of a Greek translation in the synagogical
services, especially of the Septuagint, Christian in
coloring, would win over the Jews to the Christian
faith. He decreed that all the Jewish congregations
of the Byzantine empire, naturally including those
which entertained no desire in this direction, should
use a Greek or Latin translation of the lessons for
each Sabbath, and he forbade the use of the Agadic
exposition, which had been customary until then.
Justinian desired to suppress the national concep-
tions of the Holy Scripture in favor of a translation

en. I. INTERFERENCE WITH THE LiTURGY. 1$

which had been altered in many places to suit the
purposes of Christianity.

It was probably Justinian who forbade the recital
of the confession of faith, " Hear, O Israel, the
Lord is one," in the synagogues, because it seemed
a protest against the doctrine of the Trinity. He
also forbade the prayer, " Holy, holy, holy," because
the Jews added an Aramaic sentence, by way of ex-
planation, in order that this prayer might not, as the
Christians held, be taken as a confirmation of the
Trinity. Finally, he forbade the reading of the
prophet Isaiah on the Sabbath, ' so that the Jews
might be deprived of this source of comfort for their
present sorrows and of hope for future happiness.

The service in the synagogue was to be a means
of converting the Jews, and the spirit of Judaism,
manifesting itself in Agadic expositions and hom-
ilies, was to be made to yield to Christian doctrines,
the path to which was to be leveled by a method of
interpretation showing Christ to be prefigured in
the Old Testament. It appears, therefore, that
the despotic Justinian by no means proposed to
grant liberties to the synagogue, but that he desired,
on the contrary, to impose a species of restraint.
He was very zealous in exacting obedience to this
decree, and he commanded his minister, Areobindus,
to communicate the edict concerning the translation
of the lessons read in the synagogue to all the
officers of the provinces, and to enjoin upon them
to watch strictly over its rigorous execution (Feb-
ruary_i3th,_553).

This malignant decree was, however, followed by
no serious consequences ; the need of a translation
of the Bible was not sufficiently pressing among the
Jews to oblige them to make use of one. The
party which desired to introduce a translation stood
isolated, and it was not difficult to conduct divine
service in the customary manner and to escape the
notice of the authorities in those instances in which

1 6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. '^^' ^'

the congregation was at peace. The preachers
continued to make use of the Agada, even intro-
ducing covert attacks upon anti-Jewish Byzantium
into their sermons. '"There are creeping things
innumerable' (Psahn civ) signifies the _ countless
edicts which the Roman empire (Byzantium) pub-
lishes against us ; the ' small and great beasts ' are
the dukes, governors, and captains ; whosoever of
the Jews associates himself with them shall become
an object of scorn." "As an arrow is not perceived
until it has pierced the heart, so it is with the de-
crees of Esau (Byzantium). His shafts come sud-
denly, and are not felt until the word is spoken for
death or imprisonment. Their writings are ' the
arrow that flieth by day.' " In this strain the
teachers of the Law preached in Judaea,

The Jews of Palestine had but little cause to be
satisfied with Justinian's rule, which oppressed them
doubly with its extortionate taxation and its reli-
gious hypocrisy. Stephanus, the governor of Palaes-
tina Prima, doubtless no better than the majority of
officials in Justinian's time, helped to irritate the
Jews, by whom he was thoroughly hated. The time
was past, however, when the Jews could angrily
shake the galling yoke from their necks, and take
up arms against their oppressors. The Samaritans,
who had been hard pressed since the days of the
Emperor Zeno, were more passionate and venture-
some, but their numerous insurrections resulted in
forging new chains for them, especially since the
days of their short-lived king, Julian, when they had
so ruthlessly massacred their hated enemies, the
Christians. They were compelled, with even greater
rigor than the Jews, to embrace Christianity, and
all who refused to submit forfeited the right of dis-
posing of their property. Although Sergius, bishop
of Cssarea, declared that the obstinacy of the
Samaritans had decreased, and that they embraced
Christianity with ever-increasing sincerity, and

CH. I. CONDITION OF THE SAMARITANS. 1 7

although he succeeded in inducing Justinian to
mitigate the severity of the harsh laws which had
been promulgated against them, they nevertheless
concealed in their hearts the deepest hatred toward
their tormentors.

On the occasion of a chariot-race in Csesarea,
the capital, where the jealousy of the color-factions
against one another never allowed an event of that
kind to pass off without a riot, the Samaritans threw
off all restraint, and fell upon the Christians. The
Jewish youth mjide common cause with them, and
together they massacred their Christian opponents
in Caesarea and destroyed their churches. Ste-
phanus, the governor, hastened to the aid of the
Christians, but the Samaritans pressed him and his
military escort so hard that he was obliged to take
refuge in his official residence. Eventually they
killed him in his own house, and spread terror
throughout the city and the surrounding country
(July, 556). The Samaritans probably counted upon
the support of one of their countrymen, Arsenios
by name, the all-powerful favorite of Empress Theo-
dora, with whose secret commissions he was en-
trusted. Stephanus' widow hurried to Constanti-
nople to acquaint the emperor with this disturbance
and the death of her husband, whereupon Justinian
ordered Amantius, the governor of the East resi-
dent in Antioch, to intervene with an armed force.

Amantius found it easy to execute this command,
as the movement was not serious, but few of the
Samaritans and Jews of Palestine being concerned
in it. Punishment was meted out only to the guilty,
but was in keeping with the spirit of the times, and
consisted of beheading, hanging, loss of the right
hand, and confiscation of property.

Justinian's successor, Justin the Younger, appears
to have made no change in the anti-Jewish laws.
Although he renewed the oppressive enactments
of his predecessor against the Samaritans, whom

l8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. I.

he deprived of the right to dispose of their prop-
erty by testament or by deed, there is no edict of
his which was prejudicial to the Jews. Under the
two excellent emperors, Tiberius and Mauritius, no
mention is made of the Jews. It is not until the
accession of the usurper Phocas, who renewed
the times of Caligula and Commodus, that a disturb-
ance occurs, in the course of which the Jews were car-
ried away to a deed of brutal violence, which proves
that the arbitrariness of the officials and the arro-
gance of the clergy must have cgjised intolerable
suffering among them.

In Antioch, hatred had existed between Jews and
Christians for centuries, and had been intensified
by constant friction. Suddenly the Jews fell upon
their Christian neighbors, perhaps at the races in
the circus, and retaliated for the injuries which they
had suffered ; they killed all that fell into their
hands, and threw their bodies into the fire, as the
Christians had done to them a century before. The
Patriarch Anastasius, surnamed the Sinaite, an
object of special hate, was shamefully abused by
them, and his body dragged through the streets
before he was put to death. When the news of
this rebellion reached Phocas, he appointed Bono-
sus governor of the East, and Cotys, commander
of the troops, and charged them to bring the rebels
to account. But the Jews of Antioch fought so
bravely that the Roman army could obtain no , ad-
vantage over them. It was only when the campaign
was renewed with numerous troops collected from
the neighboring country that they succumbed to
the Roman generals, who killed part of them, muti-
lated others, and sent the rest into exile (Septem-
ber and October, 608).

The misdeeds of the Emperor Phocas afforded
the Jews an unexpected opportunity to give vent to
their deep resentment. He had dispossessed his
predecessor Mauritius, and this provoked the Per-

CH. 1. ALLIANCE OF PERSIAliS ANiD JEWS. 1$

sian king, Chosru II, the son-in-law of the latter, to
attack the Roman possessions in the East. A
Persian host inundated Asia Minor and Syria, in
spite of the fact that Heraclius, the newly elected
emperor, sent news to the Persian king of Phocas'
well-merited chastisement, and begged for peace.

A division of the Persian army under the general
Sharbarza descended from the heights of Lebanon
in order to wrest Palestine from the Byzantine
scepter. On hearing of the weakness of the Chris-
tian arms and of the advance of the Persian troops,
the Jews of Palestine felt a fierce desire for battle.
It seemed to them that the hour had come for
revenge upon their twofold enemy, Roman and
Christian, for the humiliations which they had borne
for centuries. Tiberias was the hotbed of this war-
like movement, and it was started by a man named
Benjamin, who possessed a prodigious fortune,
which he employed in enlisting and arming Jewish
troops. A call was issued to all the Jews of Pales-
tine to assemble and join the Persian army, and it
met with a ready response. The sturdy Jewish
inhabitants of Tiberias, of Nazareth, and of the
mountain cities of Galilee, flocked to the Persian
standard. Filled with rage, they spared neither the
Christians nor their churches in Tiberias, and prob-
ably put an end to the bishopric. With Sharbarza's
army they marched on Jerusalem, in order to wrest
the Holy City from the Christians. The Jews of
southern Palestine joined their countrymen, and with
the help of the Jews and a band of Saracens, the
Persian general took Jerusalem by storm (July,
614). Ninety thousand Christians are said to have
perished in Jerusalem ; but the story that the Jews
bought the Christian prisoners from the Persians,
and killed them in cold blood is a pure fiction.

In their rage, however, the Jews relentlessly de-
stroyed the Christian sanctuaries. All the churches
and monasteries were burned, and the Jews undoubt-

20 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. I.

edly had a greater share in this deed than the Per-
sians. Had not Jerusalem — the original possession
of the Jews — been torn from them by violence and
treachery ? Did they not feel that the Holy City
was as foully desecrated by the adoration of the
cross and of the bones of the martyrs as by the
idolatries of Antiochus Epiphanes and Hadrian?
The Jews seem to have deluded themselves with
the hope that the Persians would grant them Jeru-
salem and the surrounding territory whereon to
establish a commonwealth.

With the Persians, the Jews swept through Pales-
tine, destroyed the monasteries which abounded in
the country, and expelled or killed the monks. A
detachment of Jews from Jerusalem, Tiberias, Gali-
lee, Damascus, and even Cyprus, undertook an
incursion against Tyre, having been invited by the*
four thousand Jewish inhabitants of that city to fall
upon the Christians on Easter-night and to mas-
sacre them. The Jewish host is said to' have con-
sisted of 20,000 men. The expedition, however,
miscarried, as the Christians of Tyre had been
informed of the impending danger. They antici-
pated their enemies, seizing their Jewish fellow-citi-
zens and throwing them into prison ; then they
awaited the arrival of the Jewish troops, who found
the gates closed and fortified. The invading Jews
revenged themselves by destroying the churches
around Tyre. As often, however, as the Christians
of Tyre heard of the destruction of a church, they
killed a hundred of their Jewish prisoners, and threw
their heads over the walls. In this manner 2000
of the latter are said to have met their death.
The besiegers, disheartened by the death of their
brethren, withdrew, and were pursued by the
Tyrians.

The Palestinian Jews were relieved of the sight
of their enemies for about fourteen years, and the
immediate result of these wars filled them with joy.

CH. I. CONVERSIONS TO JUDAISM. 21

No doubt many a Christian became converted
through fear, or because he despaired of the con-
tinuance of Christianity. The conversion of a monk
who of his own free will embraced Judaism was a
. great triumph for the Jews. This monk had spent
many years in the monastery on Mount Sinai in
doing penance and reciting litanies. Suddenly he
was assailed by doubts as to the truth of Chris-
tianity. He alleged that he had been led to this
change by vivid dreams, which showed him on one
side Christ, the apostles, and the martyrs enveloped
in gloomy darkness, while on the other side were
Moses, the prophets, and the holy men of Judaism,
bathed in light. Weary of this internal struggle,
he descended from Mount Sinai, crossed the desert
to Palestine, and finally went to Tiberias, where he
declared his settled determination to embrace Ju-
daism. He offered himself for circumcision, adopted
the name of Abraham, married a Jewess, and hence-
forward became a zealous advocate of Judaism and
a vehement opponent of his former religion.

Meanwhile the hope which the Jews had placed
in the Persian conquerors had not been fulfilled.
The Persians did not deliver up to them the city of
Jerusalem, and did nothing to promote the rise of a
free Jewish commonwealth, besides which they prob-
ably oppressed the Jews with taxes. There thus
arose great discord between the allies, which ended
in the Persian general's seizing many of the Jews of
Palestine and banishing them to Persia. This only
served to increase the discontent of the Jews, and
induced them to change their opinions and to lean
more towards the Emperor Heraclius. This prince,
who underwent the rare transformation, by which a
dull coward is in a night changed into an enthusi-
astic hero, was anxious to conciliate his Jewish
enemies in order to use them against his chief
opponent. He therefore entered into a formal
alliance with the Jews, the negotiations for which

22

HISTORY OF THE JEWS. ^H. I.

were probably conducted by Benjamin of Tiberias.
This treaty secured for them immunity from punish-
ment for the injuries which they had inflicted on the
Christians, and held out to them other advantages
which have not come down to us (about 627).

Heraclius' victories, coupled with Chosru's inca-
pacity, and the revolt which Syroes, the son of the
latter, had raised against his father, won back for
the Greek emperor all those provinces which were on
the point of being permanently constituted Persian
satrapies. After the conclusion of peace between
Heraclius and Syroes, who dethroned and killed his
aged father, the Persians quitted Judaea, and again
the country fell under Byzantine rule (628). In the
autumn of the same year the emperor proceeded
in triumph to Jerusalem. On his journey he touched
at Tiberias, where he was hospitably entertained by
Benjamin, who also furnished the Byzantine army
with the means of subsistence. In the course of
conversation the emperor asked him why he had
shown such hatred towards the Christians, to which
Benjamin ingenuously replied, " Because they are
the enemies of my religion."

When Heraclius entered the Holy City he was
met by the vehement demand of the monks and
the Patriarch Modestus for the extirpation of all
the Jews of Palestine, at once a measure of revenge
for their past treatment of the Christians, and a
safeguard against the recurrence of the outrage if
similar incursions should happen. The emperor
protested, however, that he had solemnly and in
writing promised immunity from punishment to the
Jews, and to violate this pledge would make him
a sinner before God and a traitor before men.
The fanatical monks replied that the assassination
of the Jews, far from being a crime, was, on the
contrary, an offering acceptable to God. They
offered to take the entire responsibility for the sin
upon their own shoulders, and to appoint a special

CH. I. HERACLIUS AND THE JEWS. 23

week of fasting by way of atonement. This argu-
ment convinced the bigoted emperor and sufficed
to quiet his conscience ; he instituted a persecution
of the Jews throughout Palestine, and massacred
all that failed to conceal themselves in the moun-
tains or escape to Egypt.

There still existed Jewish congregations in Egypt,
even in Alexandria itself, whence the jews had been
expelled by the fanatic Cyril in the beginning of
the fifth century. A certain Jew of Alexandria,
Urbib by name, celebrated for his wealth and gene-
rosity, during a pestilential famine charitably fed
the needy without distinction of religion. The
Jews of Alexandria, moved by warm sympathy for
their suffering coreligionists, fraternally welcomed
the unhappy fugitives from Judaea, the victims of
monkish fanaticism. Heraclius seized upon this
occasion to renew the edicts of Hadrian and Con-
stantine, by which the Jews were forbidden to enter
Jerusalem or its precincts (628).

CHAPTER II.

THE JEWS IN EUROPE.

Growth of the Jews in Europe— The Communities in Constantinople
and Italy — Theodoric— Isidore of Seville— Pope Gregory I.— The
Jews of France — Chilpericand Dagobert — Avitus — The Jews in
Spain — Controversies between Jews and Christians.

510 — 640 C. E.

The Jews of Europe had no history, in the proper
sense of the word, until a conjunction of fortunate
circumstances enabled them to develop their powers,
and to produce certain works whereby they wrested
the pre-eminence from their brethren in the East.
Until then there are only chronicles of martyrdom
at the hands of the victorious Church, monotonously
repeated with but little variation in all countries.
" Dispersed and scattered throughout the world,"
says a celebrated author of this period, " the Jews,
though subject to the Roman yoke, nevertheless
live in accordance with their own laws." The only
point of interest is the manner in which the Jews
settled in the European states, and lived unmo-
lested, in friendly intercourse with their neighbors,
until Christianity gradually encompassed them, and
deprived them of the very breath of life. In the
Byzantine empire, in Ostrogothic Italy, in Prankish
and Burgundian Gaul, • in Visigothic Spain, every-
where we are confronted with the same phenomena.
The people, even the barons and the princes, were
entirely free from intolerance, felt no antipathy
against the Jews, and associated with them without
prejudice ; to the higher clergy, however, the pros-
perity and comfort of the Jews appeared as a
humiliation of Christianity. They desired the fulfill-
ment of the curse which the founder of Christianity
24

CH. II. TOLERATION OF THE BISHOPS. 25

is said to have pronounced on the Jewish nation,
and every anti-Jewish, narrow-minded thought which
the fathers of the Church had uttered against them
was to be literally fulfilled by embittering their life.
At the councils and synods, the Jewish question
occupied the clerical delegates quite as fully as dog-
matic controversies and the prevailing immorality,
which was continually gaining ground among the
clergy and the laity, in spite, or perhaps in conse-
quence of, ecclesiastical severity and increased aus-
terity in observances.

It is remarkable, however, that the Roman bishops,
the recognized champions of Christianity, treated
the Jews with the utmost toleration and liberality.
The occupants of the Papal throne shielded the
Jews, and exhorted the clergy and the princes
against the use of force in converting them to
Christianity. This liberality was in truth an incon-
sistency, for the Church, following the lines of
development prescribed by the Council of Nice,
had to be exclusive, and therefore hard-hearted and
given to persecution. It could only say to Jew,
Samaritan, and heretic : " Believe as I believe, or
die," the sword supplying the lack of argument.
But who would not prefer the benevolent inconsist-
ency of Gregory the Holy to the terrible consist-
ency of the bloodthirsty kings Sisebut and Dago-
bert, who, ecclesiastically speaking, were more
Catholic than the Pope? But the toleration of
even the most liberal of the bishops was not of
much consequence. They merely refrained from
proselytizing by means of threats of banishment or
death, because they were convinced that in this
manner the Church would be peopled with false
Christians, who would curse it in their inmost hearts.
But they did not hesitate to fetter and harass the
Jews, and to place them next to the serfs in the
scale of society. This course appeared absolutely
just and pious to almost all the representatives of

26 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

Christianity during the centuries of barbarism.
Those nations, however, which were baptized in the
Arlan creed showed less intolerance of the Jews.
The more Arianism was driven out of Europe, and
the more it gave way before the Catholic religion,
the more the Jews were harassed by proselytizing
zeal. Their valiant resistance continually incited
fresh attacks. Their heroic constancy in the face
of permanent degradation is, therefore, a noble
trait which history ought not to conceal. Nor were
the Jews devoid of all knowledge in those illiterate
times. They were certainly better acquainted with
the records of their religion than the inferior clergy,
for the latter were not capable of reading their
missal.

Our survey of the settlement of the Jews in Europe
begins, on our way from Asia, with the Byzantine
empire. They lived in its cities before Christianity
had begun its world-conquest. In Constantinople
the Jewish community inhabited a separate quarter,
called the brass-market, where there was also a
large synagogue, from which they were, however,
expelled by one of the emperors, Theodosius II or
Justinus II, and the synagogue was converted into
the " Church of the Mother of God."

The holy vessels of the ruined Temple, after hav-
ing been transported from place to place, had at
last been deposited at Carthage, where they re-
mained for nearly a century. It was with pain that
the Jews of the Byzantine capital witnessed their
removal to Constantinople by Belisarius, the con-
queror of the empire of the Vandals. The Jewish
trophies were displayed in triumph along with
Gelimer, the Prince of the Vandals and grandson
of Genseric, and the treasures of that uqfortunate
monarch. A certain Jew, filled with profound grief
on seeing the living memorials of Judaea's former
greatness in the hands of her enemies, remarked to
a courtier that it was not advisable to deposit them

CH. II. CONQUEST OF ROME BY THE GOTHS. 27

in the Imperial palace, for they might bring- misfor-
tune in their train. They had brought misfortune
to Rome, which had been pillaged by Genseric, and
they had brought down adversity upon his succes-
sor, Gelimer, and his capital. It would therefore be
better to remove these holy relics to Jerusalem,
where they had been wrought by King Solo-
mon. No aooner had the Emperor Justinian been
informed of this observation than his superstitious
mind began to be fearful of the consequences, and
he accordingly removed the Temple vessels in
haste to Jerusalem, where they were deposited in a
church.

In Greece, Macedonia, and Illyria the Jews had
been settled a long time, and although the Chris-
tian emperors persecuted them, and laid them under
considerable restraint, they nevertheless allowed
them autonomy in communal affairs, and the appli-
cation of their own system of jurisprudence in civil
suits. Every community had a Jewish overseer
(ephoros), who had the control of the market prices,
weights and measures. In Italy the Jews are known
to have been domiciled as early as the time of the
Republic, and to have been in enjoyment of full
political rights until these were curtailed by the
Christian emperors. They probably looked with
excusable pleasure on the fall of Rome, and exulted
to see the ruling city of the world become the prey
of the barbarians and the mockery of the whole
world, and felt that the lamentation over Jerusalem
could be literally applied to Rome as well : " She
that was great among the nations, and princess
among the provinces, how is she become tribu-
tary ?" After the Gepidse and the Heruli, by whom
Rome had been temporarily enslaved, came the
Goths, who threw the name of Rome into oblivion
by founding the Ostrogothic empire under Theo-
doric (Dioterich) of the house of the Amali.

The Jews also had to bear a share of the

28 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

calamities which the savage swarms of barbarian
tribes brought upon the Roman world. With the
adoption of Christianity the Germanic and Scla-
vonic hordes learnt also intolerance from the
Romans, their teachers, and in their rude minds it
assumed even more hateful forms. The Jewish
preachers of this time had to complain of new foes.
" See, O Lord, how many are mine enemies ! If
Esau (Rome) hateth Jacob," thus the Agadists
expressed themselves, " he hath at least some spe-
cious ground, for he was robbed of his birthright ;
but what hath Israel done to the barbarians and the
Goths ?" But of what could the barbarians rob the
Jews ? They had long since forfeited their political
independence, and their spiritual fortune was secure
against destruction. Rome, however, was robbed
by the barbarians of its crown, and clothed with the
dress of the slave.

Rome did not remain the political center of
Italy, Ravenna, in alternation with Verona, being
the residence of the Ostrogothic emperors. In
these cities, as also in Rome, Milan, and Genoa,
Jewish communities existed at this period. The
Jews were also well represented in Lower Italy,
especially in the beautiful town of Naples, in
Palermo, Messina, and Agrigentum, on the island
of Sicily, and in Sardinia. In Palermo there lived
Jewish families of ancient nobility, who bore the
name of Nasas (Nassi). The laws governing the
Italian Jews were the decrees of Theodosius, which
gave them autonomy in the management of the
internal affairs of their communities, but forbade
the building of new synagogues, the assumption of
judicial offices and military rank, and the possession
of Christian slaves. The last point frequently led
to friction between the clergy and the Jews. The
repeated invasions of the barbarian tribes and the
numerous wars had increased the number of pris-
oners, and the Jews carried on a brisk trade in

CH. II. JEWS AND THE SLAVE-TRADE. 29

slaves, although they were not the only slave
merchants. The depopulated cities and the deso-
late fields rendered the slave-market a necessity.
Laborers were thus obtained for agriculture and
the business of daily life. The Jewish slave-owners
made a practice of converting their slaves to Ju-
daism, partly because there was a Talmudical ordi-
nance which directed that they should either be
circumcised, or, if they resisted, be sold again,
and partly in order not to be hindered in the exer-
cise of religious duties by the presence of foreign
elements in the house. The slaves themselves
preferred to remain with their Jewish masters,
who, with few exceptions, treated them humanely,
regarded them as members of the family, and
shared their joys and sorrows.

Although the restrictions of the Theodosian code
had the force of law, it may be questioned whether
they were really carried into effect. The bishops of
the apostolic see, who had learnt political shrewd-
ness from the Roman statesmen, were too prudent
to be fanatic. The Pope Gelasius had a friend, a Jew
of Telesina, who bore the title of " the most illustri-
ous " (clarissimus), and at his intercession his rela-
tive Antoninus was warmly recommended by the
Pope to the bishop Secundinus. A charge having
been brought against a Jew named Basilius, of
selling Christian slaves from Gaul, he pleaded that
he only sold heathen slaves, and that it was impos-
sible to prevent a few Christians from being included
among a number of other slaves ; this excuse was
accepted by Pope Gelasius.

When Italy became Ostrogothic under Theodoric,
the Jews of that country were placed in a peculiar
position. Hostile outbreaks were not infrequent
during this reign, but at bottom they were not
difected against the Jews, but against this hated
Arian monarch. Theodoric, although an Arian,
was by no means favorably disposed towards the

30 HISTORV OF THfi JeWS. CM. 11.

Jews, whose conversion he desired. On a certain
occasion, he had his counselor and minister Cassio-
dorus write the following to the community of Milan :
"Why dost thou seek temporal peace, O Judah,
when because of thine obduracy thou art unable to
find eternal peace ? " The Jews of Genoa having
requested permission to put their synagogue into
better repair, Theodoric sent them the following
reply : " Why do you desire that which you should
avoid? We accord you, indeed, the permission
you request, but we blame the wish, which is tainted
with error. We cannot command religion, however,
nor compel any one to believe contrary to his
conscience." He permitted the Jews neither to
erect new synagogues, nor to decorate old ones, but
simply allowed them to repair such as were falling
into decay.

The Ostrogothic ruler was zealous in preserving
internal peace and in upholding the laws, and ac-
cordingly he was just to the Jews whenever any
undeserved injury was inflicted upon them. The
Catholics entertained a secret hate of the Arians,
and with the deepest resentment saw Arianism on
the throne, while the Catholic Church was merely
magnanimously tolerated : they seized upon every
opportunity of thwarting Theodoric, when it could
be done with impunity. On one occasion, when a
few slaves rose against their Jewish masters in
Rome, the mob gathered, burnt the synagogue,
illtreated the Jews, and plundered their property,
in order to laugh Theodoric's edicts to scorn. Theo-
doric, having been informed of this, bitterly re-
proached the Roman Senate, which was now but
the shadow of its former self, for permitting such
misconduct, and imperiously charged it to discover
the culprits and oblige them to make compensation
for the damage they had done. As the leaders
of the riot were not discovered, Theodoric con-
demned the Roman commune to make compensa-

CH. 11. f HE lTALIA^f JEWS. 3 1

tion. This severity roused the entire Catholic
Church against him.

It is creditable to the Italian Jews of this period
that, in spite of the general deterioration and de-
moralization, the political and ecclesiastical litera-
ture of the times imputes no other crimes to them
than obduracy and unbelief. Their religion shielded
them- from the prevailing wickedness. Cassiodo-
rus, who became a monk after resigning all his
dignities, composed among other works a homiletic
exposition of the Psalms, in which he makes fre-
quent reference to the Jews, apostrophizing them,
and endeavoring to convert them. It is character-
istic of this period that Cassiodorus, — who, besides
Boethius, was the only notability of the sixth cen-
tury possessing a certain philosophic culture — de-
signated the Jews by the most opprobrious names.
It would be easy to compile a dictionary of abusive
words from his writings ; he called them " scorpions
and lions," "wild asses," "dogs and unicorns."

In spite of the antipathy of the leaders of opinion,
the Jews of Italy were happy in comparison with
their brethren of the Byzantine empire. Theodoric's
successors, his beautiful and accomplished daughter
Amalasuntha, and her husband and murderer Theo-
datus, a weakling with philosophical pretensions,
followed his principles. The Jews supported King
Theodatus with tenacious fidelity, even when he
himself had given up all hope. The Jews of Naples
risked their lives rather than come under Justinian's
scourge. Belisarius, the conqueror of the Vandal
empire, the laurel-crowned hero, trembled at Jus-
tinian's wrath, and allowed himself to be used as
the blind tool of the latter's tyranny ; he had already
subjugated the whole of Sicily and the southern
extremity of the Italian peninsula, and now was
swiftly approaching Naples, the largest and most
beautiful city of Lower Italy. On his summons to
the inhabitants to surrender, the Neapolitans di-

32 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

vided into two factions. But even the war party
was not disposed to sacrifice itself for the Ostro-
goths, who were hated in Italy. The_ Jews aione,
and two lawyers, Pastor and Asclepiadotus, who
had been raised to fame through the influence of the
Ostrogothic kings, opposed the surrender of the
city to the Byzantine general. The Jews, who were
wealthy and patriotic, offered their lives and their
fortunes for the defense of the city. In order to
allay the fear of scarcity of provisions, they prom-
ised to supply Naples with all necessaries during
the siege. The Jews, unaided, defended that part
of the city which was nearest the sea, and fought
with such bravery, that the enemy did not venture
to direct their attacks against that quarter. A con-
temporary historian (Procopius) has raised a glorious
monument to the heroic bravery of the Jews of
Naples.

Having one night, by means of treachery, pene-
trated into the city, the enemy almost made them-
selves masters of it (536), but the Jews, with the
courage of lions, still continued the struggle. It
was only at break of day, when the enemy had
overwhelmed them with numbers, and many of their
own side had been killed, that the Jews quitted
their posts. It is not related how the surviving
Jewish combatants fared- — certainly no better than
their confederates Asclepiadotus and Pastor, who
fell victims to the fury of the people. Now occurred
that which the Italian Jews had anticipated with
horror ; they came under the rule of the Emperor
Justinian, whose anti-Jewish ideas place him in a
class with Hadrian, Constantlne, and Firuz. Italy,
ruler of the world, sank to the rank of a province
(Exarchate) of the Byzantine empire, and the Jews
of Italy trembled before the exarch of Ravenna.

This situation, however, did not continue long.
Justinian's successors were obliged to abandon a
great part of Italy forever to the powerful and

CH. II. POPE GREGORY I. 33

uncouth Lombards (589), who, half heathen, half
Arian, troubled themselves but little about the
Jews. At all events there are no exceptional laws
for the Jews to be met with in the Longobard
code. Even when the Lombards embraced the
Catholic faith, the position of the Jews in Italy-
remained bearable. The heads of the Catholic
Church, the Popes, were free from extreme intoler-
ance. Gregory I (590-604), called the Great and
the Holy, who laid the foundation of the power of
Catholicism, gave utterance to the principle that
the Jews should be converted only by means of
gentle persuasion and not by violence. He con-
scientiously maintained their rights of Roman citizen-
ship, which had been recognized by various em-
perors. In the territory which was subject to the
papal sway in Rome, Lower Italy, Sicily, and Sar-
dinia, he steadfastly persisted in this course, in the
face of the fanatical bishops, who regarded the
oppression of the Jews as a pious work. His
pastoral letters are full of earnest exhortations,
such as the following : " We forbid you to molest
the Jews or to lay upon them restrictions not im-
posed by the established laws ; we further permit
them to live as Romans and to dispose of their
property as they will ; we only prohibit them from
owning Christian slaves."

But greatly as Gregory abhorred the forcible
conversion of the Jews, he exerted himself to win
them for the Church by other means. He did not
hesitate to make an appeal to cupidity, and remitted
a portion of the land-tax to such of the Jewish far-
mers and peasants as embraced Christianity. He
did not, indeed, deceive himself with the belief that
the converts who were obtained in this naanner
were loyal Christians ; he counted, however, upon
their descendants. " If we do not gain them over,"
he wrote, " we at least gain their children." Having
heard that a Jew named Nasas had erected an altar

34 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

to Elijah (probably a synagogue known by this
name) in the island of Sicily, and that Christians
met there to celebrate divine service, Gregory
commanded the prefect Libertinus to raze the
building, and to inflict corporal punishment on
Nasas for his offense. Gregory vigorously per-
secuted such of the Jews as purchased or pos-
sessed Christian slaves. In the Prankish empire,
where fanaticism had not yet made its way, the
Jews were not forbidden to carry on the slave
trade. Gregory was indignant at this, and wrote
to King Theodoric (Dieterich) of Burgundy, Theo-
debert, king of Austrasia, and also to Queen Brun-
hilde, expressing his astonishment that -they allowed
the Jews to possess Christian slaves. He exhorted
them with great warmth to remove this evil, and to
free the true believers from the power of their
enemy. Reccared, the king of the Visigoths, who
submitted to the papal see, was flattered beyond
measure by Gregory for promulgating an edict of
intolerance.

In the Byzantine empire and in Italy, Christianity
had from the very first shown more or less hostility
to Judaism, but in the west of Europe, in France
and Spain, where the Church established itself with
difficulty, the situation of the Jews assumed a dif-
ferent and much more favorable aspect. The inva-
sions of the barbarians had completely changed the
social order existing in these countries. Roman
institutions, both political and ecclesiastical, were
nearly effaced, and the polity of the empires estab-
lished by heathen or half Christianized nations was
not built up on the basis of Church law. It was a
long while before Catholicism gained a firm footing
in the west of Europe, and the Jews who had settled
there enjoyed undisturbed peace until the victorious
Church gained the upper hand.

The immigration of the Jews into these important
and wealthy provinces took place probably as early

CH, II. JEWISH SETTLEMENTS IN GAUL. 35

as the time of the Republic or of Caesar. The
Jewish merchants whose business pursuits brought
them from Alexandria or Asia Minor to Rome and
Italy, the Jewish warriors whom the emperors Ves-
pasian and Titus, the conquerors of Judaea, had dis-
persed as prisoners throughout the Roman prov-
inces, found their way voluntarily or involuntarily
into Gaul and Iberia. The presence of the Jews in
the west of Europe is a certain fact only since the
second century.

The Gallic Jews, whose first settlement was in
the district of Aries, enjoyed the full rights of
Roman citizenship, whether they arrived in Gaul
as merchants or as fugitives, with the peddler's
pack or in the garb of slaves ; they were treated
as Romans also by the Prankish and Burgundian
conquerors. The most ancient legislation of the
Franks and Burgundians did not consider the Jews
as a distinct race, subject to peculiar laws. In the
Prankish kingdom founded by Clovis, the Jews
dwelt in Auvergne (Arverna), in Carcassonne,
Aries, Orleans, and as far north as Paris and
Belgium. Numbers of them resided in the old
Greek port of Marseilles, and in Beziers (Biterrae),
and so many dwelt in the province of Narbonne
that a mountain near the city of that name was
called Mons Judaicus. The territory of Narbonne
belonged for a long time to Visigothic Spain, and
for this reason the Jewish history of this district
reflects all the vicissitudes of the Jews on the further
side of the Pyrenees.

The Jews of the Prankish and Burgundian king-
doms carried on agriculture, trade, and commerce
without restraint ; they navigated the seas and
rivers in their own ships. They also practised
medicine, and the advice of the Jewish physicians
was sought even by the clergy, who probably did
not care to rely entirely on the miraculous healing
powers of the saints and of relics. They were also

36 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

skilled in the use of the weapons of war, and took
an active part in the battles between Clovis and
Theodoric's generals before Aries (508).

Besides their Biblical names, the Jews of Gaul
bore the appellations which were common in the
country, such as Armentarius, Gozolas, Priscus, or
Siderius. They lived on the best of terms with the
people of the country, and intermarriages even
occurred between Jews and Christians. The Chris-
tian clergy did not scruple to eat at Jewish tables,
and in turn often entertained the Jews.

The higher ecclesiastics, however, took umbrage,
because the Jews refused, at Christian banquets, to
eat of certain dishes, which the precepts of their
religion forbade them to enjoy. For this reason
the council of Vannes (465) prohibited the clergy
from taking part in Jewish banquets, " because they
considered it undignified that Christians should eat
the viands of the Jews, while the latter refused to
eat of Christian dishes, thus making it appear as
though the clergy were inferior to the Jews."
But this decision of the council was of no avail ;
canonical severity was powerless to check this
friendly intercourse. It became necessary to re-
enact this ecclesiastical prohibition several times.
Thus, in spite of their separation from Judaea and
Babylonia, the centers of Judaism, the Jews of Gaul
lived in strict accordance with the precepts of their
religion. Wherever they settled they built their
synagogues, and constituted their communities in
exact agreement with the directions of the Talmud.

The friendly relations existing between the Jews
and the inhabitants of Gaul underwent no change
even when the country, by reason of Clovis' con-
version, came under the rule of the Catholic Church.
Clovis was, indeed, a bloodthirsty butcher, but not
a fanatic. The clergy were under obligations to
him, because he had abandoned heathenism for
Christianity, and he did not need to yield to them

CH. II. GROWING FEELING AGAINST THE JEWS. 37

in any way. As he left an hereditary kingdom to
his successors, they were not placed in painful
situations and dilemmas, as were the elective kings
of the Visigoths, and were not obliged to make
concessions or sacrifices to the Church. Among
the Franks, therefore, heathen customs remained
long in vogue, and the Jews were permitted to live
according to their religion without molestation. It
is true that many ecclesiastical fanatics exerted
themselves to convert the Jews by every means in
their power, even using ill treatment, and many
severe resolutions were passed at their councils.
But these persecutions remained isolated, even
when they were countenanced by one or another
of the zealous kings. Burgundy, however, ever
since King Sigismund had embraced the Catholic
faith (516), and felt bound to elevate oppression
of the Arians and the Jews into the policy of the
state, was more hostile to the Jews than the rest
of France. It was this king who first raised the
barrier between Jews and Christians. He con-
firmed the decision of the council of Epaone, held
under the presidency of the bloodthirsty bishop
Avitus, forbidding even laymen to take part in
Jewish banquets (517).

A spirit of hostility to the Jews gradually spread
from Burgundy over the Frankish countries. As
early as the third and fourth councils at Orleans
(538 and 545), severe enactments were passed
against them. Not only were the Christians com-
manded not to take part in Jewish banquets, and
the Jews forbidden to make proselytes, but the
latter were even prohibited from appearing in the
streets and public squares during Easter, because
" their appearance was an insult to Christianity."
Childebert I of Paris embodied this last point in
his constitution (554), and thus exalted the intoler-
ance of the clergy into a law of the state. This
feeling of hostility, however, was not prevalent

38 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

among Childebert's contemporaries. The Prankish
empire was divided among several monarchs, who,
although related, mortally hated one another ; this
division had the effect of confining intolerant prac-
tices to single provinces. Even ecclesiastical digni-
taries of high rank continued to maintain friendly
intercourse with the Jews, without fearing any
danger to the Church. But fanaticism is naturally
contagious ; when it has once gained a firm footing
in a country, it soon obtains ascendancy over all
minds, and overcomes all scruples. In the Prankish
empire the persecution of the Jews proceeded from
a man who may be regarded as the very incarnation
of Jew-hatred. This was Avitus, Bishop of Arverna,
whose see was at Clermont ; what Cyril had been
to the Jews of Alexandria, Avitus was to the Jews
of Gaul.

The Jewish population of his bishopric was a
thorn in his side, and he accordingly roused the
members of his flock against it. Again and again
he exhorted the Jews of Clermont to become con-
verts, but his sermons meeting with no response,
he incited the mob to attack the synagogues, and
raze them to the ground. But even this did not
content the fanatic ; he offered the Jews the choice
between presenting themselves for baptism and
quitting the city. Only one Jew received baptism,
thus making himself an object of abhorrence to the
whole community. As he was going through the
streets at Pentecost in his white baptismal robe, he
was sprinkled with rancid oil by a Jew. This seemed
a challenge to the fanatic mob, and they fell upon
the Jews. The latter retreated to their houses,
where they were attacked, and many of them killed.
The sight of blood caused the faint hearts to waver,
and five hundred of the Jews besought Bishop Avitus
to accord them the favor of baptism, and implored
him to put an end to the massacre at once. Such
of them as remained true to their religion fled to

CH. II. THE MEROVINGIAN KINGS. 39

Marseilles (576). The Christian population cele-
brated the day of the baptism of the five hundred
with wild rejoicing, as though the cross might pride
itself on a victory which had been won by the sword.
The news of the occurrence in Clermont caused
great joy among the fanatics. Bishop Gregory of
Tours invited the pious poet Venantius Fortunatus
to celebrate in song the achievement of Avitus.
But the Latin verses of this poet, who had emigrated
to France from Italy, instead of glorifying A\^tus,
raised a monument of shame to his memory. They
indicate quite clearly that the Jews of Clermont
suffered innocently, and became converts to Chris-
tianity out of sheer desperation. Thus the effects
of the ever-growing fanaticism made themselves felt
in many parts of France. The Council of Macon
(581) adopted several resolutions which aimed at
assigning an inferior position in society to the Jews.
They were neither to officiate as judges nor to be
allowed to become tax-farmers, "lest the Christian
population appear to be subjected to them." The
Jews were further obliged to show profound rever-
ence to the Christian priests, and were to seat
themselves in their presence only by express per-
mission. All who transgressed this law were to be
severely punished. The edict forbidding the Jews
to appear in public during Easter was re-enacted
by this council. Even King Chilperic, although he
bore no particular good-will to the Catholic clergy,
emulated the example set by Avitus. He also
compelled the Jews of his empire to receive baptism,
and himself stood sponsor to the Jewish neophytes
at the baptismal font. But he was content with the
mere appearance of. conversion, and offered no
opposition to the Jews, although they continued to
celebrate the Sabbath and to observe the laws of
Judaism.

The later Merovingian kings became more and
more bigoted, and their hatred of the Jews conse-

40 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

quently increased. Clotaire II, on whom had de-
volved the rule of the entire Prankish empire (613),
was a matricide, but was nevertheless considered a
model of religious piety. He sanctioned the de-
cisions of the Council of Paris, which forbade the
Jews to hold magisterial power or to take military
service (615). His son Dagobert must be counted
among the most anti-Jewish monarchs in the whole
history of the world. Many thousands of Jewish
fugitives who had fled to the Prankish empire to
escape from the fanaticism of Sisebut, king of the
Visigoths, roused the jealousy of this sensual mon-
arch, who was ashamed of being considered inferior
to his Visigothic contemporary and of manifesting
less religious zeal. He therefore issued a decree,
wherein he declared that the entire Jewish popula-
tion of the Prankish empire must either embrace
Christianity before a certain day, or be treated as
enemies and be put to death (about 629).

The more the authority of the Merovingian fai-
neants, as they have been called, declined, and the
more the power of the politic and cautious stewards,
Pepin's descendants, rose, the greater was the ex-
emption from persecution and torture enjoyed by
the Jews. The predecessors of Charlemagne seem
to have felt that the Jews were a useful class of
men, whose activity and intellectual capabilities could
not but be advantageous to the state. The slave
trade alone remained a standing subject of legisla-
tion in the Councils ; but in spite of their zeal they
were unable to abolish the traffic in human beings,
because their condemnation appHed to only one
phase of the trade.

The Jews of Germany are to be regarded merely
as colonies of the Prankish Jews, and such of them
as lived in Austrasia, a province subject to the
Merovingian kings, shared the same fate as their
brethren in Prance. According to a chronicle, the
most ancient Jews in the Rhine district are said to

CH, II. THE JEWS IN SPAIN. 4 1

have been the descendants of the legionaries who
took part in the destruction of the Temple. From
the vast horde of Jewish prisoners, the Vangioni
had chosen the most beautiful women, had brought
them back to their stations on the shores of the
Rhine and the Main, and had compelled them to
minister to the satisfaction of their desires. The
children thus begotten of Jewish and Germanic
parents were brought up by their mothers in the
Jewish faith, their fathers not troubling themselves
about them. It is these children who are said to
have been the founders of the first Jewish communi-
ties between Worms and Mayence. It is certain
that a Jewish congregation existed in the Roman
colony, the city of Cologne, long before Christianity
had been raised to power by Constantine. The
heads of the community and its most respected
members had obtained from the heathen emperors
the privilege of exemption from the onerous munici-
pal offices. The first Christian emperor, however,
narrowed the limits of this immunity, exempting only
two or three families. The Jews of Cologne en-
joyed also the privilege of exercising their own
jurisdiction, which they were allowed to retain until
the Middle Ages. A non-Jewish plaintiff, even
though he were a priest, was obliged to bring his
suit against a Jew before the Jewish judge (bishop of
the Jews).

While the history of the Jews in Byzantium, Italy,
and France possesses interest for special students,
that of their brethren in the Pyrenean peninsula
rises to the height of universal importance. The
Jewish inhabitants of this happy peninsula contri-
buted by their hearty interest to the greatness of
the country, which they loved as only a fatherland
can be loved, and in so doing achieved world-wide
reputation. Jewish Spain contributed almost as
much to the development of Judaism as Judsea and
Babylonia, and as in these countries, so every spot

42 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

in this new home has become classic for the Jewish
race. Cordova, Granada, and Toledo are as fa-
miliar to the Jews as Jerusalem and Tiberias, and
almost more so than Nahardea and Sora. When
Judaism had come to a standstill in the East, and
had grown weak with age, it acquired new vigor in
Spain, and extended its fruitful influence over a
wide sphere. Spain seemed to be destined by
Providence to become a new center for the mem-
bers of the dispersed race, where their spirit could
revive, and to which they could point with pride.

The first settlement of the Jews in beautiful Hes-
peria is buried in dim obscurity. It is certain that
they went thither as early as the time of the Roman
Republic, as free men, to take advantage of the
rich resources of this country.

The victims of the unhappy insurrections under
Vespasian, Titus, and Hadrian were also dispersed
to the extreme west, and an exaggerated account
relates that 80,000 of them were carried off to Spain
as prisoners. They probably did not remain long
in slavery ; the sympathy of their free brethren un-
doubtedly hastened to ransom them, and thus fulfil
the most important of the duties prescribed by Tal-
mudical Judaism to its adherents. How numerously
the Jews had settled in some parts of Spain is shown
by the names which they conferred upon these locali-
ties. The city of Granada was called the city of the
Jews in former times, on account of its being entirely
inhabited by them : the same name was also borne
by the ancient town of Tarragona (Tarracona), before
its conquest by the Arabs. In Cordova there existed
a Jewish gateway of ancient date, and near Sara-
gossa there was a fortress which at the time of the
Arabs was called Ruta al Jahud. In the neighbor-
hood of Tortosa a gravestone was found with both
a Hebrew and a national name. This memorial
was inscribed in three languages — Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin ; the Jews must, therefore, have emi-

CH. 11. FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH CHRISTIANS. 43

grated at an early period from a Greek district to
the north of Spain, and acquired the Latin language,
without forgetting that of the Holy Writings.

Pride of ancestry, which was a characteristic of the
Jews of this country as of the other Spaniards, was
not content with the fact that the Jewish colony in
Spain had possessed the right of citizenship long
before the Visigoths and other Germanic tribes had
set their tyrannous iron foot in the land, but desired
to lay claim to even higher antiquity for it. The
Spanish Jews maintained that they had been trans-
ported hither after the destruction of the Temple by
the Babylonian conqueror, Nebuchadnezzar. Cer-
tain Jewish families, the Ibn-Dauds and the Abraba-
nels, boasted descent from the royal house of David,
and maintained that their ancestors had been settled
since time immemorial partly in the district of
Lucena, and partly in the environs of Toledo and
Seville. The numerous Spanish-Jewish family of
Nasi also traced back its pedigree to King David,
and proved it by means of a genealogical table and
seals. The family of the Ibn-Albalias was more
modest, and dated its immigration only from the
destruction of the Second Temple. A family tradi-
tion runs to the effect that the Roman governor of
Spain begged the conqueror of Jerusalem to send
him some noble families from the capital of Judaea,
and that Titus complied with his request. Among
those thus transported was a man named Baruch,
who excelled in the art of weaving curtains for the
Temple. This Baruch, who settled in Merida, was
the ancestor of the Ibn-Albalias.

Christianity had early taken root in Spain. In
fact a council of bishops, priests, and the subordi-
nate clergy met at Illiberis (Elvira, near Granada)
some time before Constantine's conversion. The
Jews were nevertheless held in high esteem by the-
Christian population as well as by the heathens.
The Iberians and Romans who had been converted

44 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. . CH. II.

to Christianity had not yet discovered in the Jews a
race repudiated by God, a people whose presence
was to be shunned. They associated with their
Jewish neighbors in perfect freedom. The newly-
converted inhabitants of the country, who often
heard their apostle preach about Jews and Judaism,
had no conception of the wide gulf dividing Judaism
from Christianity, and as often had the produce of
their fields blessed by pious Jews as by their own
clergy. Intermarriages between Jews and Chris-
tians occurred quite as frequently in Spain as in
Gaul.

The higher Catholic clergy, however, could not
suffer this friendly intercourse between Jews and
Christians to continue ; they perceived it to be
dangerous to the newly-established Church. To
the representatives of the Church in Spain is due
the honor— if honor it be — of first having raised a
barrier between Jew and Christian. The Council
of Illiberis (about 320), at whose head was Osius,
Bishop of Cordova, forbade the Christians, under
pain of excommunication, to hold friendly inter-
course with the Jews, to contract marriages with
them, or to allow thern to bless the produce of
their fields. The seed of malignant hatred of the
Jews, which was thus first sown by the Synod of
Illiberis, did not, however, produce its poisonous
fruit until much later. When the migrating Ger-
manic hordes of the Suevi, Vandals, and Visigoths
first laid waste this beautiful country, and then
chose it for their home, the Catholics of the land
were obliged to bear the yoke of political and
religious dependence, for the Visigoths, who had
taken lasting possession of the peninsula, happened
to have been converted to the Arian faith.. On the
whole, the Visigothic Arians were tolerably indif-
ferent to the controversy of the creeds, as to whether
the Son of God was the same as, or similar to, the-
Father, and whether Bishop Arius ought to be

CH. II. THE JEWS UNDER THE VISIGOTHS. 45

regarded as orthodox or heretical. But they
thoroughly hated the Catholic inhabitants of the
country, because in every Catholic they saw a
Roman, and consequently an enemy. The Jews,
on the other hand, were unmolested under the
Arian kings, and besides enjoying civil and political
equality, were admitted to the public ofifices. Their
skill and knowledge, which gave them the advan-
tage over the uncivilized Visigoths, specially fitted
them for these .posts. The favorable condition of
the Jews in Spain continued for more than a century,
beginning with the time when this country first
became a province of the Toletanic-Visigothic
empire, and extending over the later period, when,
under Theudes (531), it became the center of the
same. The Jews who dwelt in the province of
Narbonne, and in that district of Africa which
formed part of the Visigothic empire, also enjoyed
civil and political equality ; some of them rendered
material service to the Visigothic kings. The Jews
that lived at the foot of the Pyrenees defended
the passes leading from Gaul" into Spain against
the invasions of the Franks and Burgundians, who
longed to possess the country. They were regarded
as the most trusty guardians of the frontier, and
their martial courage gained for them special dis-
tinction. The Visigothic Jews must have remained
in communication, either through Italy or through
Africa, with Judaea or Babylonia, from which coun-
tries they probably received their religious teachers.
They adhered strictly to the precepts of the Talmud,
abstained from wine made by non-Jews, and admitted
their heathen and Christian slaves into the covenant
of Abraham, as ordained by the Talmud. While
their brethren on the other side of the Pyrenees
were greatly oppressed, and forcibly converted to
Christianity, or compelled to emigrate, they enjoyed
complete liberty of religion, and were further
granted the privilege, which was denied the Jews in

46 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. 11.

all the other countries of Europe, of initiating their
slaves into their religion.

But as soon as the Catholic Church obtained the
supremacy in Spain, and Arianism began to be
persecuted, the affairs of the Jews of this country
assumed an unfavorable aspect. King Reccared,
who had abjured the Arian creed at the Council of
Toledo, was the first to unite with the Synod in
imposing restrictions on the Jews. They were
prohibited from contracting marriages with the
Christians, from acquiring Christian slaves, and
from holding public offices ; such of their children
as were born of intermarriages were to be forcibly
baptized (589). They were thus made to assume
an isolated position, which pained them all the more
as they were animated by a sense of honor, and
until now had lived upon equal terms with their
fellow-citizens, having, in fact, been privileged more
than the Catholics. Most oppressive of all was the
restraint touching the possession of slaves. Hence-
forward the Jews were neither to purchase Christian
slaves nor to accept them as presents, and if they
transgressed the order and initiated the slaves into
Judaism, they were to lose all rights in them. The
whole fortune of him that circumcised a slave was
forfeited to the state. All well-to-do people in the
country possessed slaves and serfs, who cultivated
their land and provided for the wants of the house ;
the Jews alone were to be deprived of this advan-
tage. It is conceivable that the wealthy Jews who
owned slaves exerted themselves to obtain the
repeal of Reccared's law, and to this end they
proffered a considerable sum of money to the king.
Reccared, however, refused their offer, and for this
deed was commended beyond measure by Pope
Gregory, whose heart's desire was fufilled by this law
(599). Gregory compared the Visigothic monarch to
David, king of Israel, " who refused to accept the
water which his warriors had brought him at the

CH. 11. SISEBUT PERSECUTES THE JEWS. 47

risk of their lives, and poured it out before the
Lord." In the same manner, he contended, Rec-
cared had sacrificed to God the gold which had been
offered to him. At the same time Reccared con-
firmed a decision of the Council of Narbonne,
forbidding the Jews to sing Psalms at their funeral
services, — a custom which they had probably adopted
from the Church.

Although Reccared desired to enforce these
restrictive laws against the Jews, it was never-
theless not very difficult for the latter to evade
them. The peculiar constitution of Visigothic Spain
afforded them the means of escaping their pressure.
According to this constitution the king was not an
all-powerful ruler, for the Visigothic nobles, who
possessed the right of electing him, were absolutely
independent in their own provinces. Neither they
nor the people at large shared the fanaticism of the
Church against the Jews. They accorded them, as
in the past, the right of purchasing slaves, and
probably also bestowed offices upon them. In twenty
years Reccared's laws against the Jews had fallen
into complete disuse. His successors paid but
little attention to the matter, and were on the
whole not unfavorably disposed towards the Jews.

At this period, however, a king of the Visigoths
was elected, who, liberal in other respects, and
not uncultured, was a scourge for the Jews
of his dominions, and, m consequence, prepared
a grievous destiny for his empire. Sisebut, a con-
temporary of the Emperor Heraclius, was, like the
latter, a fanatical persecutor of the Jews. But
while some excuse may be found for Heraclius's
conduct in the revolt of the Jews of Palestine, and
in the fact that he was compelled to adopt this
course by the blind fury of the monks, Sisebut
acted thus without any provocation, of his own
free will, and almost contrary to the wish of the
Catholic clergy. At the very commencement of

48 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

his reign (612), the Jews engaged his attention.
His conscience was troubled by the fact, that in
spite of Reccared's laws, Christian slaves still
served Jewish masters, and were initiated into
Judaism, to which faith they willingly adhered. He
therefore renewed these laws, and commanded the
ecclesiastics and the judges, as well as the entire
population of the country, to see that in future no
Christians stood in servile relations to the Jews, but
he went further in this direction than Reccared ; the
Jews were not only prohibited from acquiring any
slaves, but were forbidden to retain those whom
they possessed. Only those Jews who embraced
Christianity were permitted to own slaves, and they
alone were allowed to advance a claim to the
slaves left by their Jewish relatives. Sisebut sol-
emnly exhorted his successors to maintain this law.
" May the king who dares abolish this law " — thus
ran the formula of Sisebut's curse — "incur the
deepest disgrace in this world, and eternal
torments in the flames of hell." In spite of this
severity and of Sisebut's earnest exhortations,
this law appears to have been as little en-
forced at that period as under Reccared. The
independent nobles of the country extended their
protection to the Jews, either for their own interest
or out of defiance to the king. Even many of the
priests and bishops seem to have supported the
Jews, and to have concerned themselves but little
about the king's command. Sisebut therefore
enacted a still severer decree. Within a certain
period all the Jews of the land were either to
receive baptism or to quit the territory of the Visi-
gothic empire. This order was strictly executed.
The weak, who clung to their property or loved the
land which their fathers. had inhabited time out of
mind, allowed themselves to be baptized. The
stronger-minded, on the other hand, whose con-
science could approve of no compromise, emigrated

CH. II. THE COUNCIL OF TOLEDO. 49

to France or to the neighboring continent of Africa
(612-613). The clergy, however, were by no
means satisfied with this forced conversion, and one
of their principal representatives reproached the
king with having indeed "exhibited zeal for the
faith, but not conscientious zeal." With this fana-
tical persecution Sisebut paved the way for the
dissolution of the Visigothic empire.

Sisebut's rigorous laws against the Jews lasted
no longer than his reign. They were repealed by
his successor, Swintila, a just and liberal monarch,
whom the oppressed named the "father of his
country." The exiled Jews returned to their native
land, and the proselytes reverted to Judaism (621-
631). In spite of their baptism the Jewish converts
had not abandoned their religion. The act of
baptism was deemed sufficient at this period^ and
no one inquired whether the converts still retained
their former customs and usages. The noble king
Swintila was, however, dethroned by a conspiracy
of nobles and the clergy, and a docile tool, Sisenand
by name, raised to his place. Under this monarch
the clergy again acquired the ascendancy. Once
again, at the Council of Toledo (633), the Jews
became the object of synodal attention. At the
head of this council stood Isidore, archbishop
of Hispalis (Seville), a well-informfed and equitable
prelate, but infected with the prejudices of his time.
The synod proclaimed the principle that the Jews
ought not to be made to embrace Christianity by
violence and threats of punishment; nevertheless
Reccared's laws against them were re-enacted.
The full severity of the ecclesiastical legislation was,
however, directed against the Jews who had been
forcibly converted under Sisebut, and had reverted
to their religion. Although the clergy themselves
had criticized the method of their conversion, they
nevertheless considered it a duty to keep within
the paFe of Christianity the Jews that had once

50 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

received the holy sacrament, " in order that the
faith may not be dishonored." Religion was
regarded at this period merely as a lip-confession.
The synod which sat under Sisenand decided, there-
fore, that the Jews who had been baptized should be
forcibly restrained from the observance of their
religion, and withdrawn from the society of their
co-religionists, and that the children of both sexes
should be torn from their parents and thrust into
monasteries. Those discovered observing the Sab-
bath and the Jewish festivals, contracting marriages
according to the Jewish rites, practising circum-
cision, or abstaining from certain foods, in obedience
to the precepts of Judaism, were to expiate their
offenses by forfeiting their freedom. They were to
be reduced to slavery, and presented to orthodox
Christians chosen by the king. According to this
canonical legislation, the forcibly converted Jews
and their descendants were not to be admitted as
witnesses, because "those that have been untrue
to God cannot be sincere to man"; this was the
conclusion reached by ignorance in session. In
comparison with this severity, the treatment of the
Jews that had remained steadfast to their faith
appears quite merciful.

Even these, however, the clergy exerted them-
selves to alienate from Judaism. Isidore of Seville
wrote two books against the Jews, wherein he
attempted to prove the doctrines of Christianity by
means of passages from the Old Testament, natur-
ally in that tasteless, senseless manner which had
been employed since the commencement of the
polemic warfare against Judaism by the Fathers.
The Spanish Jews, in order to confirm themselves in
their ancestral faith, were induced to take up the
controversy, and to refute this specious proof.
The learned men among them replied with counter
treatises, written probably in Latin. Their superior
knowledge of the Biblical records made their

CH. II. CHINTILA. - 5 1

victory easy. In answer to the principal rejoinder,
that the scepter had departed from Judah, and that
the Christians, who possessed kings, thus formed
the true people of Israel, the Jews pointed to a
Jewish kingdom in the extreme East, which they
asserted was ruled over by a descendant of David.
They alluded to the Jewish- Himyarite empire in
southern Arabia, but this was governed by a
dynasty which had been converted to Judaism.

These resolutions of the fourth Council of Toledo
and Sisenand's persecution of the Jewish converts
do not appear to have been carried out with all the
proposed severity. The Visigothic-Spanish nobles
took the Jews more and more under their patronage,
and against them the royal authority was powerless.
At this period, however, a king resembling Sisebut
ascended the Visigothic throne. Chintila assembled
a general council, and not only did he obtain from
them a confirmation of all anti-Jewish clauses
contained in the existing laws, but enacted that no
one should be allowed to remain in the Visigothic
empire who did not embrace the Catholic religion.
The ecclesiastical assembly adopted these propo-
sitions with joy, and exulted over the fact that " by
the piety of the king, the unyielding infidelity of the
Jews would at last be destroyed." They appended
the canonical law, that in future every king, be-
fore his accession, should be compelled to take a
solemn oath not to allow the converted Jews to
violate the Catholic faith, nor to favor their unbelief,
but strictly to enforce the ecclesiastical decisions
against them (638).

A second time the Jews were obliged to emigrate,
and the converts, who still clung to Judaism in
their secret hearts, were compelled to sign a con-
fession to the effect that they would observe and
obey the Catholic religion without reserve. But the
confession thus signed by men whose sacred con-
victions were outraged, was not and could not be

52 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. II.

sincere. They hoped steadfastly for better times,
when they might be able to throw off the mask,
and the elective constitution of the Visigothic em-
pire soon made this possible. The present situation
lasted only during the four years of Chintila's reign
(638-642).

CHAPTER III.

THE JEWS OF THE ARABIAN PENINSULA.

Happy condition of the Jews in Arabia— Traditions as to their
original settlements— Yathrib and Chaibar— The Jewish- Arabic
tribes— The Benu-Nadhir. the Benu-Kuraiza, and Benu-Bachdal
— The Benu-Kainukaa — The Jews of Yemen— Their power and
influence — Conversion of Arabian tribes to Judaism — Abu-Kariba
the first Jewish-Himyarite king — Zorah Dhu-Nowas — Samuel
Ibn-Adija — Mahomet — His indebtedness to Judaism — Mahomet's
early friendliness to the Jews and subsequent breach with them
— His attacks on the Jewish tribes — The War of the Fosse— The
position of the Jews under the Caliphs.

500—662 c. E.

Wearied with- contemplating the miserable plight
of the Jews in their ancient home and in the coun-
tries of Europe, and fatigued by the constant sight
of fanatical oppression, the eyes of the observer
rest with gladness upon their situation in the
Arabian peninsula. Here the sons of Judah were
free to raise their heads, and did not need to look
about them with fear and humiliation, lest the eccle-
siastical wrath be discharged upon them, or the
secular power overwhelm them. Here they were
not shut out from the paths of honor, nor excluded
from the privileges of the state, but, untrammeled,
were allowed to develop their powers in the midst
of a free, simple, and talented .people, to show their
manly courage, to compete for the gifts of fame,
and with practised hand to measure swords with
their antagonists. Instead of bearing the yoke,
the Jews were, not infrequently the leaders of the
Arabian tribes. Their intellectual superiority con-
stituted them a power, and they concluded offensive
and defensive alliances, and carried on feuds.
Besides the sword and the lance, however, they
handled the ploughshare and the lyre, and in
53

54 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

the end became the teachers of the Arabian nation.
The history of the Jews of Arabia in the century
which precedes Mahomet's appearance, and during
the period of his activity, forms a glorious page in
the annals of the Jews.

The first immigration of Jewish families into the
free peninsula is buried in misty tradition. Accord-
ing to one account, the Israelites sent by Joshua to
fight the Amalekites settled in the city of Yathrib
(afterwards Medina), and in the province of Chaibar ;
according to another, the Israelite warriors, under
Saul, who had spared the beautiful young son of the
Amalekite king, and had been repudiated by the
nation for their disobedience, returned to the Hejas
(northern Arabia), and settled there. An Israelite
colony is also supposed to have been formed in
northern Arabia during the reign of David. It is
possible that under the powerful kings of Judah, sea-
faring Israelites, who navigated the Red Sea on
their way to Ophir — the land of gold — established
trading stations, for the trade with India, in Mariba
and Sanaa (Usal), the most important commercial
towns of southern Arabia (Yemen, Himyara, Sabea),
and planted Jewish colonies there. The later Arab-
ian Jews said, however, that they had heard from
their forefathers that many Jewish fugitives had
escaped to northern Arabia on the destruction of the
First Temple by Nebuchadnezzar. But there can
be no doubt that the persecution of the Jews by the
Romans was the means of establishing a Jewish
population in the Arabian peninsula. The death-
defying zealots who, after the destruction of the
Second Temple, fled in part to Egypt and to
Cyrene, in order to continue there the desperate
struggle against the thraldom of Rome, also passed
in straggling bands into Arabia, where they were
not compelled to hide their love of freedom or to
abandon their warlike bearing.

From these fugitives sprang three Jewish-Arabic

CH. III. JEWS OF CHAIBAR AND YEMEN. 55

tribes — the Benu-Nadhir, the Benu-Kuraiza, and
the Benu-Bachdal, the first two of which were des-
cended from Aaron, and therefore called themselves
Cohanim (Al-kahinani). Another Jewish family —
the Benu-Kainukaa — were established in northern
Arabia, and their mode of living was different
from that of the Nadhir and Kuraiza. These tribes
had their center in the city of Yathrib, which was
situated in a fruitful district, planted with palms and
rice, and watered by small streams. As the Jews
were often molested by Bedouins, they built castles
on the elevated places in the city and the surround-
ing country, whereby they guarded their independ-
ence. Although originally the sole rulers of this
district, they were afterwards obliged to share their
power and the possession of the soil with the Arabs,
for, about the year 300, two related families, the
Benu-Aus and the Chazraj (together forming the
tribe of Kaila), settled in the same neighborhood,
and sometimes stood in friendly, sometimes in hos-
tile relations to the Jews.

To the north of Yathrib was situated the district
of .Chaibar, which was entirely inhabited by Jews,
who constituted a separate commonwealth. The
Jews of Chaibar are supposed to have been des-
cendants of the Rechabites, who, in accordance with
the command of their progenitor, Jonadab, the son
of Rechab, led a nomadic and Nazarite life ; after
the destruction of the First Temple, they are said to
have wandered as far as the district of Chaibar,
attracted by its abundance of palms and grain. The
Jews of Chaibar constructed a line of castles or for-
tresses, like the castles of the Christian knights ;
the strongest of them was Kamus, built upon a hill
difficult of access. These castles protected them
from the predatory incursions of the warlike Be-
douins, and enabled them to offer an asylum to
many a persecuted fugitive. Wadil-Kora (the val-
ley of the villages), a fertile plain a day's journey

56 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

from Chaibar, was also inhabited exclusively by
Jews. In Mecca, where stood the sanctuary of the
Arabs, there probably lived but few Jews.

They were numerously represented, however, in
southern Arabia (Yemen), "the land," its inhabi-
tants boasted, "the very dust of which was gold,
which produced the healthiest men, and whose
women brought forth without pain." But unlike
their brethren in Hejas, the Jews of Arabia Felix
lived without racial or political cohesion, scattered
among the Arabs. They nevertheless in time ob-
tained so great an influence over the Arab tribes
and the kings of Yemen (Himyara), that they were
able to prevent the propagation of Christianity in
this region. The Byzantine Christian emperors had
their desires fixed upon these markets for Indian
produce. Without actually meditating the subjec-
tion of the brave Himyarites (Homerites), they
desired to gain their friendship by converting them
to Christianity ; the cross was to be the means of
effecting a commercial connection. It was not until
the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth
century that the Christian envoys succeeded in con-
verting to Christianity an Arab prince and his tribe,
whose capital was the commercial town of Najara. —
Arabia owned only half the island of Yotabe (now
Jijban), in the Red Sea (60 miles to the south of the
capital, Aila) ; a small Jewish free state had existed
there since time immemorial.

In consequence of their Semitic descent, the Jews
of Arabia possessed many points of similarity with
the primitive inhabitants of the country. Their lan-
guage was closely related to Arabic, and their cus-
toms, except those that had been produced by their,
religion, were not different from those of the sons of
Arabia. The Jews became, therefore, so thoroughly
Arabic that they were distinguished from the natives
of the country only by their religious belief. Inter-
marriage between the two nations tended to heighten

CH. III. SIMILAR TRAITS OF JEWS AND ARABS. 57

the similarity of their characters. Like the Him-
yarites, the Jews of southern Arabia applied them-
selves more particularly to the trade between India,
the Byzantine empire, and Persia. The Jews of
northern Arabia, on the contrary, led the life of Be-
douins ; they occupied themselves with agriculture,
cattle breeding, transport by caravan, traffic in wea-
pons, and probably also the calling of robbers. The
Arabian Jews likewise possessed a patriarchal, tribal
constitution. Several families were united under
one name, and led by a chieftain (shaich), who in
times of peace settled controversies and pronounced
judgment, and in war commanded all the men able
to bear arms, and concluded alliances with neighbor-
ing tribes. Like the Arabs, the Jews of the penin-
sula extended their hospitality to every one who
entered their tents, and held inviolable faith with
their allies ; but they shared also the faults of the
original inhabitants of the peninsula, avenging the
death of one of their number with rigorous inflexi-
bility, and hiding in ambush in order to surprise and
annihilate their enemy. It would sometimes happen
that a Jewish tribe, having entered into an alliance
with an Arabian clan, would find itself opposed to a
kindred tribe which had espoused another cause.
But even though Jews were at feud with each other,
their innate qualities moderated in them Bedouin
ferocity, which never extended mercy to a foe.
They ransomed the prisoners of a kindred tribe
with which they happened to be at war, from the
hands of their own allies, being unwilling to abandon
them as slaves to heathens, "because," said they,
" the redemption of such of our co-religionists as
are prisoners is a religious duty." Besides being
equal to the Arabs in bravery, the Jews also con-
tended with them for the palm in poetry. For in
addition to manliness and courage, poetry was culti-
vated among the Arab nobles ; it was fostered by
the chieftains, and richly rewarded by the Arab

58 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

kings. Next to the warrior, the poet was the man
most honored in Arabia ; for him all hearts and
tents opened wide. The Jews of Arabia were like-
wise able to speak with elegance the Arabic lan-
guage, and to adorn their poetry with rhymes.

The knowledge of their religion, which the Ara-
bian Jews had brought with them in their flight from
Judaea, and that which afterwards came to them
from the academies, conferred upon them superi-
ority over the heathen tribes, and soon made them
their masters. While but few Arabs, before the
latter part of the seventh century, were familiar
with the art of writing, it was universally understood
by the Jews, who made use, however, of the square,
the so-called Assyrian characters. As the few
Arabs that succeeded in learning to write generally
employed the Hebrew characters, it would appear
that they first acquired the are of writing from the
Jews. Every Jew in Arabia was probably able to
read the Holy Scriptures, for which reason the
Arabs called the Jews the " nation of writing " (Ahl'
ul kitab).

In the form in which it was transmitted to them,
that is to say, with the character impressed upon
it by the Tanaim and the Amoraim, Judaism was
most holy to the Arabian Jews. They strictly ob-
served the dietary laws, and solemnized the festi-
vals, and the fast of Yom-Kippur, which they called
Ashura. They celebrated the Sabbath with such
rigor that in spite of their delight in war, and the
opportunity for enjoying it, their sword remained in
its scabbard on that day. Although they had noth-
ing to complain of in this hospitable country, which
they were able to regard and love as their father-
land, they yearned nevertheless to return to the
holy land of their fathers, and daily awaited the
coming of the Messiah. Like all the Jews of the
globe, therefore, they turned their face in prayer
towards Jerusalem. They were in communication

CH. III. INFLUENCE OF THE JEWS ON THE ARABS. 59

with the Jews of Palestine, and even after the fall
of the Patriarchate, willingly subordinated them-
selves to the authorities in Tiberias, whence they
received, as also from the Babylonian academies
probably, religious instruction and interpretation of
the Bible. Yathrib was the seat of Jewish learning,
and possessed teachers of the Law(Achbar, Chabar)
who expounded the Scriptures in an academy (Mi-
dras). But the knowledge of the Bible which the
Arabian Jews possessed was not considerable.
They were acquainted with it only through the me-
dium of the Agadic exegesis, which had become
familiar to them in their travels or had been brought
to them by immigrants. For them the glorious his-
tory of the past coalesced so completely with the
Agadic additions that they were no longer able to
separate the gold from the dross. Endowed with
poetical fancy, the Arabian Jews on their side
embellished the Biblical history with interesting
legends, which were afterwards circulated as actual
facts.

The Jews of Arabia, enjoying complete liberty,
and being subjected to no restraint, were able to
defend their religious opinions without fear, and to
communicate them with impunity to their heathen
neighbors. The Arab mind, susceptible to intel-
lectual promptings, was delighted with the simple,
sublime contents of the Bible, and by degrees cer-
tain Jewish conceptions and religious ideas became
familiar and current in Arabia. The Arabian Jews
made their neighbors acquainted with a calendar-
system, without which the latter were completely at
sea in the arrangement of their holy seasons ;
learned Jews from Yathrib taught the Arabs to
insert another month in their lunar year, which was
far in arrear of the solar year. The Arabs adopted
the nineteen-years cycle of the Jews (about 420),
and called the intercalary month Nasi, doubtless
from the circumstance that the Jews were accus-

60 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

tomed to receive their calendar for the festivals from
their Nasi (Patriarch).

The Jews even succeeded in instructing the
Arabs in regard to their historical origin, concern-
ing which their memories were void, and in their
credulity the latter accepted this genealogy as the
true one. It was of great consequence to the Jews
to be regarded and acknowledged by the Arabs as
their kinsmen, and too many points of social interest
were bound up with this relationship for them to
allow it to escape their attention. The holy city of
Mecca (Alcharam), the chief city of the country, was
built round an ancient temple (Kaaba, the Square),
or more properly, round a black stone ; for all
Arabs it was an asylum, in which the sword durst
not quit the sheath. The five fairs, the most im-
portant of which was at Okaz, could be frequented
only in the four holy months of the year, when the
truce of God prevailed. Whoever desired to take
advantage of these periods and to enjoy security of
life in the midst of a warlike people, not over-scru-
pulous in the matter of shedding blood, was obliged
to establish his relationship to the Arabs, otherwise
he was excluded from these privileges.

Happily, the Arabian Jews bethought them of the
genealogy of the Arabs as set forth in the first
book of the Pentateuch, and seized upon it as the
instrument by which to prove their kinship with
them. The Jews were convinced that they were
related to the Arabs on two sides, through Yoktan
and through Ishmael. Under their instruction,
therefore, the two principal Arabian tribes traced
back the line of their ancestors to these two pro-
genitors, the real Arabs (the Himyaritcs) supposing
themselves to be descended from Yoktan ; the
pseudo-Arabs in the north, on the other hand, de-
riving their origin from Ishmael. These points of
contact granted, the Jews had ample opportunity to
multiply the proofs of their relationship. The Arabs

CH. III. ARABS BECOME CONVERTED TO JUDAISM. 6 1

loved genealogical tables, and were delighted to be
able to follow their descent and history so far into
hoary antiquity ; accordingly, all this appeared to
them both evident and flattering. They conse-
quently exerted themselves to bring their genealogi-
cal records and traditions into unison with the Bibli-
cal accounts. Although their traditions extended
over less than six centuries on the one side to their
progenitor Yarob and his sons or grandsons Himyar
and Kachtan, and on the other, to Adnan, yet in
their utter disregard of historical accuracy, this fact
constituted no obstacle. Without a scruple, the
southern Arabians called themselves Kachtanites,
and the northern Arabians Ishmaelites. They
readily accorded to the Jews the rights of relation-
ship, that is to say, equality and all the advantages
attending it.

The Arabs were thus in intiinate intercourse
with the Jews, and the sons of the desert, whose
unpoetical mythology afforded them no matter for
inspiration, derived much instruction from Judaism.
Under these circumstances many Arabs could not
fail to develop peculiar affection for Judaism, and
some embraced this religion, though their conver-
sion had not been thought of by the Jews. As they
had practised circumcision while heathen, their con-
version to Judaism was particularly easy. The mem-
bers of a family among the Arabs were indissolubly
bound to one another, and, according to their phyl-
archic constitution, the individuals identified them-
selves with the tribe. This brought about, that
when a chieftain became a Jew, his whole clan at
once followed him, the wisest, into the fold of
Judaism. It is expressly recorded about several
Arabian tribes that they were converted to Judaism ;
such were the Benu-Kinanah, a warlike, quarrelsome
clan, related to the most respected Koraishites of
Mecca, and several other families of the tribes Aus
and Chazraj in Yathrib.

62 HiSTORV' OF THE JEWS- Ctt. III.

Especially memorable, however, in the history of
the Arabs is the conversion to Judaism of a power-
ful king of Yemen. The princes or kings of Yemen
bore the name of Tobba, and at times ruled over
the whole of Arabia ; they traced their historical
origin back to Himyar, their legendary origin to
Kachtan. One of these kings, who went by the
name of Abu-Kariba Assad-Tobban, was a man of
judgment, knowledge, poetical endowments, and of
valor which incited him to conquest. Abu-Kariba
therefore undertook (about 500) an expedition
against Persia and the Arabian provinces of the
Byzantine empire. On his march he passed through
Yathrib, the capital of northern Arabia, and not
expecting treachery from the inhabitants of the
town, left his son there as governor. Hardly, how-
ever, had he proceeded further, when he received
the sad intelligence that the people of Yathrib had
killed his son. Smitten with grief, he turned back
in order to wreak bloody vengeance on the per-
fidious city, and after cutting down the palm trees,
from which the inhabitants derived their principal
sustenance, laid siege to it with his numerous band
of warriors. A Jewish poet composed an elegy on
the ruined palm trees, which the Arabs loved like
living beings, and the destruction of which they
bewailed like the death of dear relatives. The
Jews rivaled the Chazraj Arabs in bravery in
resisting Abu-Kariba's attack, and finally succeeded
in tiring out his troops. During the siege, the
Himyarite king was seized with a severe illness,
and no fresh water could be discovered in the
neighborhood to quench his burning thirst. Two
Jewish teachers of the Law from Yathrib, Kaab
and Assad by name, took advantage of Abu-Kariba's
exhaustion to betake themselves to his tent, and
persuade him to pardon the inhabitants of Yathrib
and raise the siege. The Arabs have woven a
tissue of legend about this interview, but it is certain

CH. III. ROYAL CONVERTS TO JUDAISM. ' 63

that the Jewish sages found opportunity to dis-
course to Abu-Kariba of Judaism, and succeeded
in inspiring him with a lively interest for it. The
exhortations of Kaab and Assad raised his sym-
pathy to so high a pitch that he determined to
embrace the Jewish faith, and induced the Him-
yarite army to do likewise.

At his desire the two Jewish sages of Yathrib
accompanied him to Yemen, in order to convert his
people to Judaism. This conversion, however, was
not easy, for a nation does not cast off its opinions,
usages and bad habits at will. There remained as
many heathens as Jews in the land ; they retained
their temples, and were allowed to profess their
religion unmolested. Altogether the Judaism which
the king of Yemen professed must have been very
superficial, and cannot have influenced to an appre-
ciable extent the customs or the mode of living of
the people. A prince of the noble tribe of the
Kendites, a nephew of the king of Yemen, Harith
Ibn-Amru by name, also embraced the Jewish faith.
Abu-Kariba appointed him as viceroy of the Maad-
dites on the Red Sea, and also gave him the gov-
ernment of Mecca and Yathrib. With Harith a
number of the Kendites went over to Judaism.
The news of a Jewish king and a Jewish empire in
the most beautiful and fertile part of Arabia was
spread abroad by the numerous foreigners who
visited the country for the purpose of trade, and
reached the Jews of the most distant lands. It
was asserted that they had settled there before the
destruction of the First Temple and the fall of the
Israelite kingdom.

Abu-Kariba's reign did not last long after his
adoption of Judaism. His warlike nature prevented
him from maintaining peace, and prompted him to
engage in bold enterprises. It is said that in one
of these campaigns he was slain by his own soldiers,
who were worn out with fatigue and weary marches.

64 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

He left three sons, Hassan, Amru, and Zorah, all
of whom were minors.

Zorah, the youngest (520-530), was nicknamed
Dhu-Nowas (curly-locks) on account of his fine head
of hair. He was a zealous disciple of Judaism, and
for that reason gave himself the Hebrew name
Yussuf. But his zeal for the religion of which his
father had also been an enthusiastic advocate con-
tinually involved him in difficulties, and brought
misfortune to him, his kingdom, and the Jews of
Himyara. King Zorah Yussuf Dhu-Nowas had
heard how his co-religionists in the Byzantine king-
dom suffered from daily persecution. He felt
deeply for them, and wished therefore by retalia-
tion to force the Byzantine emperors to render
justice to the Jews. When some Roman (Byzan-
tine) merchants were traveling on business through
Himyara, the king had them seized and put to
death. This spread terror among the Christian
merchants who traded with the country whence come
the sweet perfumes and the wealth of India. It
also caused the Indian and Arabian trade to decline.
In consequence of this, Dhu-Nowas involved his
people in an exhausting war.

A neighboring king, Aidug, who still adhered to
heathenism, reproached the Jewish king for his im-
politic step in destroying the trade with Europe.
The excuse Dhu-Nowas made was that many nota-
ble Jews in Byzantium were innocently put to death
every year. This, however, made no impression
upon Aidug. He declared war against Dhu-Nowas
and defeated him in battle (521). As the outcome
of his victory, Aidug is said to have embraced Chris-
tianity. Dhu-Nowas was not killed in this battle, as
the Christian authorities relate, but made another
effort, and through his impetuosity entangled him-
self in new difficulties. Najaran, in Yemen, was
inhabited chiefly by Christians ; it had, too, a Chris-
tian chief, Harith (Aretas) Ibn-Kaleb, who -was a

CH. III. PERSECUTION. 65

feudatory of the Jewish-Himyaritic kingdom. Harilh
probably did not perform his feudal duties in the
war against Aidug, or he may have committed other
acts of insubordination. One account relates that
two young Jews were murdered in Najaran, and
that the chief Harith was cognizant thereof. The
Jewish king was therefore much displeased ; at
any rate, .Dhu-Nowas had a pretext for chastising
the ruler of Najaran as a rebel. He besieged the
town, and reduced the inhabitants to such straits
that they were forced to capitulate. Three hundred
and forty chosen men, with Harith at their head,
repaired to Dhu-Nowas's camp to sign the terms of
peace (523). There, it is said, the king of Himyara,
although he had assured the men of immunity from
punishment, determined either to force them to
accept Judaism or to put them to death. As they
refused to renounce their faith, it is reported that
they were executed, and their bodies thrown into
the river. The entire account is so completely
legendary that it is impossible to discover any his-
torical fact. This much is certain : Dhu-Nowas
levied a heavy tribute on the Christians in the king-
dom of Himyara as a reprisal for the persecution of
his co-religionists in Christian countries.

The news of the events in Najaran spread like
wildfire ; the number of the victims was exaggerated,
and the punishment of the rebels was stigmatized
as a persecution of the Christians on the part of a
Jewish king. An elegy was composed on the
martyrs. Simeon, a Syrian bishop, who was travel-
ing to northern Arabia, did his utmost to rouse up
enemies against Dhu-Nowas. Simeon believed the
exaggerated account which had been circulated.
He sent an incisive letter to another bishop who
lived near Arabia, imploring him to set the Chris-
tians against the Jewish king, and to incite the
Nejus (king) of Ethiopia to war against him. _He
also proposed to imprison the teachers of Judaism

66 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

in Tiberias, and to compel them to write to Dhu-
Nowas to put a stop for their sake to the persecution
of the Christians. The Emperor Justin the First, a
weak and fooHsh old man, was also asked to make
war on the Jewish king. But his people were en-
gaged in a war against the Persians, and he there-
fore replied, " Himyara is too far from us, and I
cannot allow my army to march through a sandy
desert for so great a distance. But I will write
to the king of Ethiopia to send troops to Himyara."
Thus, many enemies conspired to ruin one who
had attempted to assist his co-religionists in every
way. Dhu-Nowas's most formidable enemy was
Elesbaa (Atzbaha), the Nejus of Ethiopia, a monarch
full of religious zeal. He beheld with jealousy the
crown on the head of a Jew, and required no per-
suasion to fight, for the Jewish kingdom had long
been a thorn in his side. Elesbaa equipped a
powerful fleet, which the Byzantine Emperor, or
rather young Justinian, his co-regent, re-inforced with
ships from Egypt. A numerous army crossed the
narrow strait of the Red Sea to Yemen. The Chris-
tian soldiers were united with this army. Dhu-
Nowas, it is true, took measures to prevent the
landing of the Ethiopian army by barring the landing-
places with chains, and gathering an army on his
side. The army of Himyara, however, was inferior
in numbers to that of Ethiopia, but the king relied
on his faithful and courageous cavalry. The first
engagement terminated disastrously for Dhu-Nowas.
The town of Zafara (Thafar) fell into the hands of
the enemy, and with it the queen and the treasures.
The Himyaran soldiers lost all courage. Yussuf
Dhu-Nowas, who saw that there was no escape, and
who was unwilling to fall into the hands of his arro-
gant foe, plunged, with his steed, from a rock into
the sea, his body being carried far away (530). The
victorious Ethiopians raged in Himyara with fire
and sword, plundering, massacring, and taking the

CH. III. THE JEWS CONQUERED BY TREACHERY. 67

unarmed prisoners. They were so enraged at the
Jews in Himyara that they massacred thousands as
an atoning sacrifice for the supposed Christian
martyrs of Najaran. Such was the end of the
Jewish kingdom of Himyara, which arose in a night
and disappeared in a night.

About this time the Jews of Yathrib fell into
strife with the neighboring tribes of Arabia. The
Jews in Yathrib, on account of their intimate relation
with the king of Himyara, whose authority extended
over the province, ruled over the heathen, and a
Jewish chief was governor. The Arabians of the
Kailan race (Aus and Chazraj) hated the rule of
the Jews, and seized the opportunity of rebelling
when the Jews could not rely on assistance from
Himyara. An Arabian chief of the Ghassanid race,
Harith Ibn Abu Shammir, who was closely related to
the Kailan race, was invited to lead his troops to-
wards Yathrib. This brave and adventurous prince
of Arabia, who was attached to the Byzantine court,
accepted the invitation. In order not to arouse the
suspicions of the Jews, Ibn Abu Shammir gave out
that he intended going to Himyara. He encamped
near Yathrib, and invited the Jewish chiefs to visit
him. Many of them came, expecting to be wel-
comed with the prince's usual generosity, and to be
loaded with presents. But as they entered the
tent of the Ghassanid prince, they were one by one
murdered. Thereupon Ibn Abu Shammir exclaimed
to the Arabs of Yathrib : "I have freed you from
a great part of your enemies ; now it will be easy
for you to master the rest, if you have strength and
courage." He then departed. The Arabs, how-
ever, did not venture to engage openly with the
Jews, but had recourse to a stratagem. During a
banquet, all the Jewish chiefs were killed, as well as
Alghitjun or Sherif, the Jewish prince. Deprived
of their leaders, the Jews of Yathrib were easily
conquered by the Arabians, and they were obliged

68 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

to give up their strongholds to them (530-535).
It was a long time before they could get over the
loss of their power and the sense of defeat. The
insecurity of their lives taught them dissimulation,
and they gradually placed themselves under the
protection of one or another tribe, and so became
dependents (Mawali) of Aus and Chazraj. They
hoped for the coming of the Messiah to crush their
enemies.

Harith Ibn Abu Shammir, the Ghassanid prince,
on his return from Yathrib, commenced a feud with
a Jewish poet, who thereby became renowned
throughout Arabia. Samuel Ibn-Adiya (born about
500 and died about 560), whose martial spirit was
shown in the attacks of the Ghassanids, won immor-
tality through his friendship with the most cele-
brated poet of Arabia in the time before Mahomet.
His biography gives an insight into the life of the
Jews of Arabia of that time. According to some,
Samuel was descended from the heathen race of the
Ghassanids ; according to others, he was of Jewish
origin, or to be more correct, he had an Arabian
mother and a Jewish father. Adiya, his father, had
lived in Yathrib until he built a castle in the neigh-
borhood of Taima, which, from its many colors, was
called Al-ablak, and has been immortalized in
Arabic poetry. Samuel, the chief of a small tribe,
was so respected in Hejas that the weaker tribes
placed themselves under his protection. Ablak was
a refuge for the persecuted and exiled, and the
owner of the castle defended those under his roof
at the risk of his life.

Imrulkais Ibn Hojr, the adventurous son of the
Kendite prince, and at the same time the most dis-
tinguished poet of Arabia, was hemmed in on all
sides by secret and open enemies, and could find
shelter nowhere except in Samuel's safe retreat.
The Jewish poet, the lord of the castle, was proud
to afford a refuge to Arabia's most celebrated writer,

CH. III. SAMUEL, THE JEWISH POET. 69

whose fame and adventures were known through-
out the peninsula. Imrulkais took his daughter and
what remained of his retinue to Ablak, and Hved
there for some time. As the Kendite prince had no
prospect of obtaining the assistance of the Arabs
to avenge the murder of his father, and to regain
his paternal inheritance, he endeavored to win over
Justinian, the Byzantine Emperor. Before starting
on his journey, he charged Samuel with the care of
his daughter, his cousin, and of five valuable coats
of mail and other arms. Samuel promised to guard
the persons and the goods entrusted to him as he
would the apple of his eye. But these arms brought
misfortune on him. When the Ghassanid prince
was in Hejas he went to Ablak, Samuel's castle,
and demanded the surrender of Imrulkais' arms.
Samuel refused to surrender them according to his
promise. Harith then laid siege to the castle.
Finding it impregnable, however,- the tyrant had re-
course to a barbarous expedient to compel Samuel
to submit. One of Samuel's sons was taken out-
side the citadel by his nurse, and Harith captured
him, and threatened to kill him unless Samuel
acceded to his request. The unfortunate father
hesitated for only a moment between duty to his
guest and affection for his son ; his sense of duty
prevailed, and he said to the Ghassanid prince :
" Do what you will ; time always avenges treachery,
and my son has brothers." Unmoved by such
magnanimity, the despot slew the son before his
father's eyes. Nevertheless, Harith had to with-
draw from Ablak without accomplishing his object.
The Arab proverb, " Faithful as Samuel," used to
express undying faith, originated from this circum-
stance.

Many blamed him for the sacrifice of his son ; but
he defended himself in a poem, full of noble senti-
ments, courage and chivalrous ideas : —

yO HISTORY OF THE JEWS. . CH. III.

Oh, ye censurers, cease to blame the man

Who so oft has defied your censure.

You should, when erring, have guided me aright.

Instead of leading me astray with empty words.

I have preserved the Kendite coats of mail ;

Another may betray the trust confided him !

Thus did Adiya, my father, counsel me in by-gone days :

" O Samuel, destroy not what I have built up !"

For me he built a strong and safe place, where

I ne'er feared to give defiance to my oppressor.

Before his death (about 560) Samuel could look
back with pride on his chivalrous life and on the
protection he had afforded the weak. His swan^
song runs : —

Oh, would that I knew, the day my loss is lamented.

What testimony my mourners would afford me ;

Whether they will say " Stay with us ! For

In many a trouble you have comforted us ;

The rights you had you ne'er resigned.

Yet needed no reminder to give theirs to others."

Shoraich, his son, followed in his father's foot-
steps. He was a brave and noble man. On one
occasion Maimun Asha, the celebrated Arabic poet,
whose ungovernable temper raised many enemies
against him, was pursued by an adversary, and hav-
ing been captured, he was, by chance and without
being recognized, taken with other prisoners to
Taima, the castle of Shoraich. Hero, in order to
obtain his release, he sang a poem in praise of
Samuel : —

Be like Samuel, when the fierce warrior

Pressed heavily around him with his array ;

" Choose between the loss of a child and faithlessness ! "

Oh, evil choice which thou hadst to make !

But quickly and calmly did he reply :

" Kill thy captive, I fulfil my pledges."

Towards the end of the sixth century, the Jews of
Yathrib had nearly recovered from the oppressive
blows dealt them by their neighbors in Arabia.
Their rulers, the Aus and Chazraj, had exhausted
themselves in bloody feuds which lasted twenty

CH. III. MAHOMET. 7I

years, whilst their alHes suffered less. In conse-
quence of another war between the same tribes, the
Jews again rose to importance in Yathrib.

Judaism not only won over to its side many tribes
in Arabia, and taught the sons of the desert certain
indispensable arts, but it also inspired the founder
of a religion, who played an important part in the
great drama of the world's history, and whose influ-
ence survives to this day. Mahomet, the prophet
of Mecca and Yathrib, was, it is true, not a loyal
son of Judaism, but he appreciated its highest aims,
and was induced by it to give to the world a new
faith, known as Islam, founded on a lofty basis.
This religion has exercised a wonderful influence
on the course of Jewish history and on the evolution
of Judaism. In the peaceful meetings in Mecca,
his birthplace, at the public markets, and on his
travels, Abdallah's son heard much spoken of the
religion which acknowledges the belief in one God,
who rules the M/^orld. He heard much of Abraham,
who devoted himself to the service of God, and
of religion and morality, which gave the disciples of
Judaism the advantage over infidels. Mahomet's
mind, at once original and receptive, was power-
fully impressed by all this. Waraka Ibn-Naufal, a
celebrated Meccan, and a descendant of the noble
Khoraish race, was a cousin of Chadija, Mahomet's
wife, and he had embraced Judaism and knew
Hebrew well. He certainly imbued Mahomet with
a love for the religion of Abraham.

Mahomet's first doctrines were strongly tinged
with Jewish coloring. He first conceived them when
suffering from epilepsy, and he communicated them
to his friends, pretending that they were revealed
to him by the angel Gabriel. First and foremost
he proclaimed the simple but fundamental principle
of Judaism: "There is no God but Allah"; later
his pride led him to add as an integral part of the
confession of faith, " and Mahomet is his prophet."

"JZ HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

Judaism may justly consider his teachings a victory
of its own truths and a fulfilment of the prophecy
that " one day every knee will bend to the only God,
and every tongue will worship Him," for Mahomet
taught the unity of God, that there are no gods
beside Him (anti-trinity), and that He may not be
represented by any image. He preached against
the dissolute idolatry which was practised with 300
idols in the Kaaba ; he declaimed against the
immorality which was openly and shamelessly
practised amongst the Arabs ; he condemned the
revolting practice of parents who from fear or in
order to be rid of them drowned their newborn
daughters, and he declared that there was nothing
new in all these changes, but that they were com-
manded by the faith of the ancient religion of Abra-
ham. A similar thing had happened at the time
when Paul of Tarsus first made known to the Hel-
lenes the history and principles of Judaism.

The best teachings in the Koran are borrowed
from the Bible or the Talmud. In consequence of
the difficulties which Mahomet for several years
(612-633) had to encounter in Mecca on account of
these purified doctrines, there grew around the
sound kernel a loathsome husk. Mahomet's con-
nection with the Jews of Arabia assisted not a little
in determining and modifying the teachings of
Islam. Portions of the Koran are devoted to them,
at times in a friendly, at times in a hostile spirit.

When Mahomet failed in obtaining a hearing in
Mecca, the seat of idolatrous worship in Arabia,
and even ran the risk of losing his life there, he
addressed himself to some men from Yathrib, and
urged them to accept his doctrines. These men
were more familiar with Jewish doctrines than the
Meccans ; they found in Mahomet's revelations a
close analogy to what they had often heard from
their Jewish neighbors. They, therefore, showed
themselves inclined to follow him, and caused him

CH. III. MAHOMET AND THE. JEWS. 73

to be invited to Yathrib, where his teachings were
likely to be favorably received on account of the
numerous Jews residing there. As soon as he
came there (622, the year of expatriation — Hejira),
Mahomet took care to win over the Jews, of Yathrib
and to set forth his aims, as though he desired to
bring about the universal recognition of Judaism
in Arabia. When he saw the Jews fasting on the
day of Atonement, he said, " It becomes us more
than Jews to fast on this day," and he established a
fast-day (Ashura). Mahomet entered into a formal
alliance for mutual defense with the Jewish tribes,
and instituted the custom of turning towards
Jerusalem in prayer (Kiblah). In the disputes
between the Jews and his disciples (Moslems),
which were submitted to his judgment, he behaved
leniently to the Jews. For this reason Mahomet's
disciples preferred to bring the matters in dispute
before a Jewish chief, because they expected more
impartiality from him than from Mahomet. Mahomet
for a long time employed a Jewish scribe to do his
correspondence, he himself being unable to write.
These advances on the part of a man of so much
promise were very flattering to the Jews of Medina.
They looked upon him to some extent as a Jewish
proselyte, and expected to see Judaism through him
attain to power in Arabia. Some of them followed
him devotedly and were his faithful allies (Ansar) ;
amongst them was a learned youth, Abdallah Ibn-
Salam, of the race of Kainukaa. Abdallah and
other Jews assisted Mahomet, in propagating the
Koran. The unbelieving Arabs frequently re-
proached him, saying that he was an ear (accepted
anything as truth), that it was not the angel
Gabriel who was teaching him, but a mortal man.
Nevertheless, though Abdallah Ibn-Salam and other
Jewish Ansars supported him, they were far from
abandoning Judaism on this account, and continued
to observe the Jewish commandments, and Mahomet
was at first not offended by this conduct.

74 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

But only a small number of the Jews of Medina
joined the band of believers, particularly when they
perceived his selfish efforts, his haughtiness, and his
insatiable love of women. They bore in their hearts
too high an ideal of their ancient prophets to
place this enthusiast, who longed after every beauti-
ful woman, on an equal footing with them. " See
him," said the Jews, " he is not satisfied with food,
and has no other desire than that of being surrounded
by women. If he is a prophet, he should confine
himself to his duties as a prophet, and not turn to
women." Other Jews said : " If Mahomet is a
prophet, he should appear in Palestine, for only in
that place God appears unto his elect." The Jews
also objected to him, saying, " You pride yourself
on being of Abraham's faith, but Abraham did not
use the flesh and milk of camels." Mahomet's
chief opponents on the Jewish side were Pinehas
Ibn-Azura, a man of caustic wit, who seized every
opportunity to make Mahomet appear ridiculous ;
furthermore, the far-famed Kaab Ibn-Asharaf, the
offspring of an Arab father and a Jewish mother ;
a poet, Abu-Afak, an old man more than a hundred
years old, who endeavored to arouse hate against
Mahomet amongst the ignorant Arabs ; and Abdal-
lah, the son of Saura, who was looked upon as the
most learned Jew in Hejas. Pinehas is the author
of a witty answer to Mahomet's invitation *to
the Jewish tribe of Benu-Kainukaa to accept
Islam. Mahomet, in his epistle, had used the
words : " Lend yourselves unto God as a beautiful
pledge." Pinehas answered, " God is so poor that
He borrows from us ! " Thus the Jewish opponents
of Mahomet placed a ridiculous meaning on his
sayings and revelations, and treated him contemp-
tuously, not anticipating that the fugitive from
Mecca, who had come to M'idina for assistance,
would shortly humble and in part destroy their
tribes, and that he would control the destiny of

CH. III. MAHOMET BREAKS WITH JUDAISM. 75

many of their co-religionists in times to come.
They relied too much on their own courage and
strength, and forgot that the most dangerous enemy
is he whom one disregards too much. Mahomet,
indeed, with sly dissimulation, at first accepted the
contempt bestowed on him by the Jews with appar-
ent equanimity. He advised his disciples, " Fight
only in a becoming manner with the people who
believe in the Holy Writ (Jews), and say : We-
believe in that which has been revealed to us
and to you. Our God is the same as yours, and
we are faithful to Him." But the mutual dis-
content made it difficult to maintain peace perma-
nently. On the one side, the Jews did their best
to alienate Mahomet's followers. They succeeded
in prejudicing the first man in Medina, the Chazra-
jite Abdallah Ibn-Ubey, against Mahomet, so that
he remained antagonistic to Mahomet to the end
of his days. This man was about to be elected
king of his town, but through the arrival of Mahomet
he had been cast into the shade. On the other
side, his followers urged him to declare to what
extent he held to Judaism. They saw that his
disciples amongst the Jews still continued to observe
the Jewish laws, and to abstain from camel's flesh,
and they said to him, " If the Torah be a divine
book, then let us follow its teachings." Since
Mahomet was thoroughly an Arab, he could not
join Judaism, and he perceived that the Arabs would
not conform to religious customs which were quite
strange to them. So it only remained for him to
break with the Jews definitely. He thereupon
published a long Sura (called the Sura of the Cow),
full of invectives against the Jews. He altered the
position assumed in prayer, and decreed that the
believers should no longer turn their faces towards
Jerusalem, but towards Mecca and the Kaaba. He
discarded fasting on the day of Atonement (Ashura),
and instituted instead the holy month Ramadhan,

76 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

as had been customary among- the Arabs from very-
ancient times. He was obliged to withdraw much
of what he had in the beginning given out as God's
revelation. Mahomet now asserted that the Torah
had contained many allusions to his appearance
and calling as a prophet, but that the Jews had ex-
punged the passages. At first he declared that the
Jews were possessed of the true faith ; later on he
said that they honored Ezra (Ozair) as the son of
God, just as the Christians did Jesus, and that
the Jews were consequently to be regarded as
infidels. His hatred against the Jews, who refused to
accept his prophecies, and saw through his designs,
continually widened the breach between them and
him.

Although he hated the Jews in his innermost
heart, yet he did not venture to provoke them by
acts of violence, because his authority was not suffi-
ciently great, and the Jews outnumbered his follow-
ers. But after the battle at Bedr (in the winter of
624), when the small body of Mahometans gained a
victory over the numerous Koraishites, the situation
changed. Mahomet, whose power was greatly in-
creased through this victory, exchanged the attitude
of a humble prophet for that of a fanatical tyrant,
to whom any measure, even assassination, was a
justifiable means of freeing himself from his ene-
mies. However, he was prudent enough to avoid
becoming involved in disputes with the powerful
Jewish tribes ; he began with the weak and defense-
less. A poetess, Asma, daughter of Merwan, who
was of Jewish descent, and married to an Arab, was
murdered at night whilst asleep (because she had
composed satires against the false prophet), and he
commended the murderer. Thereupon the Jewish
tribe Kainukaa experienced his religious wrath. It
was the weakest of the Jewish- Arabian tribes, and
to it belonged that Pinehas Ibn-Azura, whose sar-
castic wit had made Mahomet appear in a ridiculous

CH. III. A JEWISH TRIBE DRIVEN FROM ARABIA. JJ

light. The pretext was of the slightest kind. A Ma-
hometan had killed a Jew on account of a poor prac-
tical joke, and the Kainukaa avenged his death.
Mahomet thereupon challenged them to profess
Islam, or to accept war as the alternative. They
replied : " We are, it is true, for peace, and would
gladly maintain our alliance with you ; but since you
desire to make war upon us, we will show that we
have no fear." They reckoned upon the assistance
of the tribes of Nadhir and Kuraiza, who were their
co-religionists, and withdrew to their fortresses at
Medina. Mahomet collected his troops, and be-
sieged the Kainukaa. Had the numerous Jews
of northern Arabia, Nadhir, Kuraiza, and those of
Chaibar, who, like the Kainukaa, were threatened,
come to their assistance, and had they, before it was
too late, made an offensive and defensive alliance,
they would have been able to crush Mahomet and his
straggling followers, on whose fidelity, moreover, he
could not entirely rely. But the Jews, like the Arabs,
were divided, and each tribe had only its own inter-
ests in view. The Kainukaa fought desperately for
fifteen days, expecting re-inforcements from their
co-religionists. But as these did not come, they sur-
rendered to the enemy. Mahomet had all the Jews
of Kainukaa put in chains with the intention of
killing them ; but a word from Abdallah Ibn-Ubey,
their ally, made him draw back with alarm from his
purpose. Abdallah laid hold of his shirt of mail,
and said : " I will not let you go until you promise
me to spare the captives ; for they constitute my
strength ; they have defended me against the black
people and the red people." To which Mahomet
replied : " Let them be free ; may God condemn
them, and Abdallah with them ! " The Jews of
Kainukaa, 700 in number, were obliged to leave their
possessions behind, and they set out for Palestine in
a most destitute condition (February, 624). They
settled in Batanea, whose chief town was Adraat,

78 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

where they were probably received in a fraternal
manner by their co-religionists, who, at this time,
were free from the Byzantine yoke.

After the victory over the Kainukaa, Mahomet
communicated to the Moslems a revelation against
the Jews, which deprived them of every protection :
" O ye believers, choose ye not Jews and Christians
as allies ; they may protect themselves. He who
befriends them is one of them ; God tolerates no
sinful people." This exclusion was less harmful to
the Christians, as they were not numerously repre-
sented in northern Arabia, and generally kept them-
selves neutral. The Jews, on the contrary, who
were accustomed to independence, and who were
full of warlike courage, became involved in numer-
ous disputes by this act of outlawry. Their former
allies for the most part renounced them, and at
Mahomet's bidding, took spiteful vengeance on
them.

With this mutual, deadly hatred existing be-
tween Mahomet and the Jews, it is said that the
Benu-Nadhir invited him one day to their castle of
Zuhara with the intention of hurling him from the
terraces and thus ending his life. At that time their
chief was Hujej Ibn-Achtab. Mahomet accepted
the invitation, but watched the movements of the
Jews. Suspecting that they desired his death, he
stole away and hastened to Medina. The Jews of
Nadhir paid dearly, it is said, for this treacherous
project. Mahomet gave them the choice of quitting
their homes within ten days, or of preparing for
death. The Nadhir were resolved at first to avoid
war and to emigrate, but encouraged by Abdallah,
who promised them assistance, they accepted the
challenge which had been thrown down. They,
however, waited in vain for the assistance promised
to them. Mahomet commenced operations against
them, and uprooted and burnt the date-trees which
supplied them with food. His own people rebelled

CH. III. JEWS INCITE A REVOLT AGAINST MAHOMET. 79

at this proceeding, for to these unscrupulous war-
riors a palm was holier than a man's life. After
several days of siege, the Nadhir were obliged to
capitulate, and the terms were that they should
depart without arms, and that they should take only
a certain portion of their possessions — as much as a
camel could carry.

They thereupon emigrated to the number of six
hundred, some of them going to their countrymen
in Chaibar, and some settling in Jericho and Adraat
(June-July, 625). The war against the Nadhirites
was, later on, justified by Mahomet through a reve-
lation of the Koran, which read : "All in the heavens
and earth praise God ; He is the most honored, the
most wise. ■ He it is who drove out the unbelievers
amongst the people of the Book from their dwelling
places (Kainukaa) , to send them to those who had
already emigrated. You thought not that they
would go forth, they themselves thought that their
strong places would protect them from God himself,
but God attacked them unexpectedly, and threw
terror into their hearts, so that their houses were
destroyed with their own hands, as well as laid
waste by believers." The exiled Benu-Nadhir, who
had remained in Arabia, did not accept their misfor-
tune quietly, but exerted themselves to form a
coalition with the enemies of Mahomet in order to
attack him with combined forces. Three respected
Nadhirites, Hujej, Kinanah Ibn-ol-Rabia, and Sallam
Ibn Mishkam, incited the Koraishites in Mecca, in
alliance with the mighty tribe of the Ghatafan and
others, to make war against the haughty tyrannical
prophet, who was daily becoming more powerful
and more cruel. The enemies of Mahomet in
Mecca, though filled with rage against him, were
first incited by the Jews to join battle with him.

Through the activity of the Nadhirites the
Arabian tribes were induced to join in the war. They
found it more difficult, however, to induce their co-

80 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

religionists, the Benu-Kuraiza, to take part. Kaab-
Ibn-Assad, the governor of Kuraiza, at first would
not receive the Nadhirite Hujej, who had desired
his protection, because his tribe had made an
alliance with Mahomet and the Moslems, and he
was so guileless as to rely on Mahomet's word.
Hujej managed to convince him of the danger
which threatened the Jews, and to persuade him
that the victory of so many allies over the less
numerous Moslems was certain. The Benu-Kuraiza
yielded to his arguments. Ten thousand of the
allied troops took the field, and intended to surprise
Medina. Mahomet, forewarned by a deserter,
would not allow his army, which was inferior in
numbers, to fight a pitched battle. He fortified
Medina by surrounding it with a deep ditch and
other defenses. The Arabs, accustomed to fight
in single combat, vainly discharged their arrows
against the fortifications. Mahomet succeeded
finally in sowing the seeds of mutual distrust among
the chief allies, viz., the Koraishites, the Ghatafan
and the Jews.

The " War of the Fosse " terminated favorably
for Mahomet, and very unhappily for the Jews,
upon whom the whole of his wrath now fell. On
the day after the departure of the allies, Mahomet,
with 3000 men, took the field against Kuraiza,
announcing that he was thus obeying an express
revelation. His next step was to arouse the enthu-
siasm of his followers in the cause of the war.
" Let him that is obedient offer up his prayers in
the neighborhood of Kuraiza," was the formula
with which he exhorted them. The Jews, unable to
resist in a battle, retired to their fortresses, which
they put into a state of defense. Here they were
besieged by Mahomet and his troops for twenty-
five days (February-March, 627). Food then began
to fail the besieged, and it became necessary to
think of capitulation. They besought Mahomet to

CH. III. END OF THE KURAIZA. 8 1

treat them as he had treated their brethren, the
Nadhirites, viz., allow them to withdraw with their
wives, their children, and a portion of their property.
The vindictive prophet, however, refused their
request, and demanded unconditional surrender.

Nearly 700 Jews, amongst them the chiefs Kaab
and Hujej, were ruthlessly slaughtered in the
market-place, and their bodies thrown into a com-
mon grave. The market-place was thenceforth
called the Kuraiza Place. And all this was done in
the name of God ! The Koran makes reference
to it in the following verse : " God drove out of
their fortresses those of the people of the Book
[the Jews] who assisted the allies, and he cast into
their hearts terror and dismay. Some of them you
put to flight, some you took captive ; he has caused
you to inherit their land, their houses, and their
wealth, and a land which you have not trodden ;
for God is almighty." The women were bartered
for weapons and horses. Mahomet wished to retain
one of the captives, a beautiful girl, Rihana by name,
as his concubine ; she, however, proudly rejected
his advances. Only one of the Kuraiza remained
alive, a certain Zabir Ibn-Bata, and he only by the
intercession of Thabit, one of his friends. Full of
joy, the latter hastened to the aged Zabir, to tell
him of his fortune. " I thank thee," said the Jewish
sage, who lay in fetters ; " but tell me what has
become of our leader Kaab ? " " He is dead,"
answered Thabit. "And Hujej Ibn-Achtab, the
prince of the Jews?" "He is dead," he again
replied. "And Azzel Ibn-Samuel, the fearless
warrior ? " " He, too, is dead," was his answer
again. "Then I do not care to live," said Zabir.
The old man begged that he might die by the
hands of his friend. His wish was granted.

A year later came the turn of the Jews in the
district of Chaibar, a confederacy of small Jewish
states. This war, however, was protracted into a

82 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. III.

long campaign, because the province had a number
of fortresses which were in a good state of repair,
and were well defended. The exiled Nadhirites in
Chaibar roused their comrades to vigorous resist-
ance. The Arab races of Ghatafan and Fezara
had promised assistance. The leading spirit of the
Chaibarites was the exiled Nadhirite, Kinanah
Ibn Rabia, a man who possessed indomitable
firmness and courage. He was called the King of
the Jews, and was abetted by Marhab, a giant of
Himyarite extraction. Mahomet, before the begin-
ning of the war, turned in prayer to God, beseeching
him to grant a victory over the Jews of Chaibar.
The war, in which Mahomet employed 14,000
warriors, lasted almost two months (Spring 628).

The war against Chaibar assumed the same
character as that which was waged against the other
Jewish tribes. It was begun by the cutting down
of the palm trees, and the siege of the small
fortresses, which surrendered after a short resist-
ance. Mahomet met the most vigorous resistance
at the fortress Kamus, which was built on a steep
rock. The Mahometans were several times beaten
back by the Jews. Abu-Bekr and Omar, Mahomet's
two bravest generals, lost their distinction as
unconquered heroes before the walls of Kamus.
Marhab performed wonderful feats of valor, to
avenge the death of his brother, who had fallen
earlier in the war.

When Mahomet sent his third general, Ali,
against him, the Jewish hero addressed him thus :
" Chaibar knows my valor, I am Marhab the hero,
well armed and tried in the field." He then chal-
lenged Ali to single combat. But his time had
come. He fell at the hands of his peer. After
many attempts, the enemy succeeded in effecting an
entrance into the fortress. How the captives fared
is not known. Kinanah was captured and put on
the rack in order to force him to discover his hidden

CH. III. CHAIBAR CONQUERED. 83

treasures. But he bore pain and even death with-
out uttering a word. After the fortress had fallen,
the Jews lost courage, and the other fortresses
surrendered on condition that the garrisons should
be allowed to withdraw. They were subsequently
allowed to take possession of their lands, and only
had to pay as an annual tribute one half of their
produce. The Mahometan conquerors took pos-
session of all the movable property, and returned
home laden with the spoils of the Jews. Fadak,
Wadil-Kora and Taima also submitted. Their
inhabitants, according to agreement, were allowed
to remain in their land. The year 628 everywhere
was distinguished by fatalities for the Jews. It
marks the victory of Mahomet over the Jews of
Chaibar, the decay of the last independent Jewish
tribes, and the persecution of the Jews of Palestine
by the Emperor Heraclius, who had, for a short
time, again taken up arms. The sword which the
Hasmoneans had wielded in defense of their reli-
gion, and which was in turn used by the Zealots
and the Arabian Jews, was wrung from the hands
of the last Jewish heroes of Chaibar, and hence-
forth the Jews had to make use of another weapon
for the protection of their sanctuary.

Mahomet had brought two pretty Jewish women
with him from the war at Chaibar : Safia, the
daughter of his inveterate enemy, the Nadhirite
Hujej, and Zainab, the sister of Marhab. This
courageous woman bethought herself of an artifice,
whereby she might avenge the murder of her co-
religionists and relatives. She pretended to be
friendly towards him, and prepared a repast for
him. Mahomet unsuspectingly ate of a poisoned
dish which she had set before him and his com-
panions. One of them died from the effects. But
Mahomet, who, not having found the dish to
his taste, had scarcely tasted it, was saved alive,
but suffered for a long time, and felt the effects of

§4 HISTORY OF tHE JEWS. CM. III.

the poison to the hour of his death. Questioned
as to the reason of her action, Zainab coolly replied,
" You have persecuted my people with " untold
afflictions ; I therefore thought that if you were
simply a warrior, I could procure rest for them
through poison, but if you were really a prophet,
God would warn you in time, and you would come
to no harm."

Mahomet thereupon ordered her to be put to
death, and commanded his troops to use none of the
cooking utensils of the Jews before they had been
scalded. The rest of the Jews did not even now
give up the hope of freeing themselves of their
arch-enemy. They intrigued against him, and made
common cause with some ill-disposed Arabs. The
house of a Jew, Suwailim, in Medina was the ap-
pointed meeting-place for the malcontents, whom
Mahomet and his fanatic followers named " the
hypocrites " (Munafikun). A traitor betrayed them,
and Suwailim's house was burnt to the ground. The
Jews in Arabia felt real joy at Mahomet's death
(632), because they, like others, believed that the
Arabs would be cured of their false belief that he
was a higher being endowed with immortality. But
fanaticism, together with the love of war and con-
quest, had already taken possession of the Arabians,
and they accepted the Koran as a whole, alike its
revolting features and the truths borrowed from
Judaism, as the irrefragable Word of God. Juda-
ism had reared in Islam a second unnatural child.
The Koran became the book of faith of a great
part of humanity in three parts of the world, and,
being full of hostile expressions against the Jews,
it naturally urged on the Mahometans to acts of
hostility against the Jews. This is paralleled by
the effect which the Apostles and the Evangel-
ists produced upon the Christians. So great was
the fanaticism of the second Caliph, Omar, a man of
a wild and energetic nature, that he broke the

CH. III. DEATH OF MAHOMET. 85

treaty made by Mahomet with the Jews of Chaibar
and Wadil Kora. He drove them from their lands,
as he did also the Christians of Najaran, in order
that the holy ground of Arabia might not be dese-
crated by Jews and Christians.

Omar assigned the landed property of the Jews
to the Mahometan warriors, and a strip of land near
the town of Kufa, on the Euphrates, was given them
in return (about 640). But as no evil in history is
quite devoid of good consequences, the dominion of
Islam furthered the elevation of Judaism from its
deepest degradation.

CHAPTER IV.

THE AGE OF THE GEONIM.

The Conquests of Islam — Omar's Intolerance — Condition of the Jews
in Babylonia — Bostanai--The Princes of the Captivity and the
Geonim — Dignity and Revenues of the Prince — Communal
Organization — Excommunication — Julian of Toledo and the
Jews — The Moslems in Spain — The Jews and Arabic Litera-
ture— The Assyrian Vowel-system — The Neo-Hebraic Poetry :
Jos6 ben Jos6 — Simon ben Kaipha — Employment of Rhyme —
Jannaif — Eleazar Kaliri — Opposition to the Study of the Talmud
— The Jews in the Crimea and the Land of the Chazars — The
False Messiah Obadia Abu-Isa — SolomoUj the Prince of the

Captivity.

640 — 760 c. E.

Scarcely ten years after Mahomet's death the
fairest lands in the north of Arabia and the north-
west of Africa acknowledged the supremacy of the
Arabs, who, with the sword in one hand and the
Koran in the other, swept across the borders of
Arabia with the cry : " There is no God but Allah,
and Mahomet is his prophet." Although there was
no distinguished man at the head of the Arab
troops, they conquered the world with far greater
speed than the hosts of Alexander of Macedon.
The kingdom of Persia, weakened by old age and
dissension, succumbed to the first blow, and the
Byzantine provinces, Palestine, Syria, and Egypt,
whose inhabitants had but little sympathy with the
intriguing court of Constantinople, did not offer the
slightest resistance to the Arabs.

Medina, an oasis in the great desert, a spot un-
known to the different nations, became the lawgiver
for millions, just as Rome had been in olden times.
The various peoples that had been conquered, had
no choice but to recognize Mahomet as a prophet
and be converted to Islam, or to pay tribute. The

86

CH. IV. OMAR IN JERUSALEM. 8/

Emperor Heraclius had taken Palestine from the
Persians only ten years before it was again lost.
Jews and Samaritans both helped the Arabs to cap-
ture the land, in order that they might be freed from
the heavy yoke of the malignant Byzantine rule. A
Jew put into the hands of the Mussulmans the
strongly-fortified town of Csesarea, the political
capital of the kingdom, which is said to have con-
tained 700,000 fighting men, amongst whom were
20,000 Jews. He showed them a subterranean
passage, which led the besiegers into the heart of
the town. The Holy City, too, after a short siege,
had to yield to the Mahometan arms. The second
successor of Mahomet, the Caliph Omar, took per-
sonal possession of Jerusalem (about 638), and laid
the foundation-stone of a mosque on the site of the
Temple. Bishop Sophronius, who had handed over
the keys of Jerusalem to Omar, untaught by the
change of fate which he had himself experienced, is
said to have made arrangements with the Caliph,
in capitulating, that the Jews be forbidden to settle
in the Holy City. It is true that Jerusalem was
looked upon by the Mussulmans as a holy place,
and pilgrimages were made thither by them. It was
also called the Holy City (Alkuds) by them, but it
was to remain inaccessible to its sons. Omar is
said to have driven out both Jews and Christians
from Tiberias. Thus ceased the literary activity
of the school of that place. They, however, received
permission to settle there again under the succeed-
ing Caliphs.

Rising Islam was as intolerant as Christianity.
When Omar had driven the Jews out of Chaibar
and the Christians out of Najaran, he gave instruc-
tions to his generals against the Jews and Chris-
tians. These orders were called " the covenant of
Omar," and contained many restrictions against the
" peoples of the Book" (Jews and Christians). They
were not allowed to build new houses of worship,

88 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

nor to restore those that were in ruins. They had
to sing in subdued tones in the synagogues and
churches, and were compelled to pray silently for
the dead.

They dared not hinder their followers from ac-
cepting Islam, and were compelled to show marks
of respect to Mussulmans whenever they met them.
Further, they were not allowed to fill judicial or
administrative offices. They were forbidden to ride
on horses, and had to wear marks whereby they
could easily be distinguished from the Moslems.
Jews and Christians were not allowed to make use
of a signet-ring, which was considered a mark of
honor. Whilst the Mahometans were exempt from
taxes, and at most only had to pay a slight contri-
bution for the poor, Jews and Christians had to pay
a poll-tax and ground-rent.

In spite of this fact, the Jews felt themselves freer
under the new rule of Islam than they did in the
Christian lands. The restrictive laws of Omar
were not carried out even during Omar's lifetime,
and though the fanatic Mussulmans scorned the
Jews for their religion, they did not despise them as
citizens, but showed great honor to worthy Jews.
The first Mahometans treated the Jews as their
equals ; they respected them as friends and allies,
and took an interest in them even as enemies. The
Asiatic and Egyptian Jews consequently treated
the Mahometans as their liberators from the yoke
of the Christians. A mystical apocalypse makes a
distinct reference to the joy experienced at the
victory of Islam. Simeon bar Yocha'i, who was
looked upon as a mystic, foretells the rise of Islam,
and bewails the same in the prayer which runs as
follows : " Have we not suffered enough through
the dominion of the wicked Edom (the Roman-
Christian dominion), that the dominion of Ishmael
should now rise over us ? " Metatoron, one of the
chief angels, answers him : " Fear not, son of man !

CH. IV. THE EXILARCH BOSTANAI. 89

God sets up the kingdom of Ishmael only in order
that it may free you from the dominion of the
wicked Edom. He raises up a prophet for them,
he will conquer countries for them, and there will
be great hatred between them and the sons of
Esau" (the Christians). Such were the sentiments
of the Jews with regard to the conquests of the
Mahometans.

The Jews in the ancient Babylonian district (called
Irak by the Arabs) attained a great measure of
freedom through the victories of the Mahometans.
During their campaigns against the last Persian
kings, the Jews and the Nestorian Christians, who
had been persecuted under the last Sassanian
princes, had rendered them much assistance. The
Jews and the Chaldean Christians formed, the bulk
of the population near the Euphrates and the Tigris.
Their assistance must have been opportune, as we
find even the fanatical Caliph Omar bestowing
rewards and privileges upon them. It was, doubt-
less, in consequence of the services which they had
rendered that the Mahometan generals recognized
Bostanai, the descendant of the Exilarch of the
house of David, as the chief of the Jews. Omar
respected Bostanai so highly that he gave him a
daughter of the Persian king Chosru in marriage.
She had been taken prisoner, together with her
sisters (642) — a singular turn of fate ! The grand-
son of a race that boasted descent from the house
of David married a princess whose ancestors traced
their descent from Darius, the founder of the Per-
sian dynasty. Bostanai was the first Exilarch who
was the vassal of the Mahometans.

The Exilarch exercised both civil and judicial
functions, and all the Jews of Babylonia formed a
separate community under him. Bostanai also ob-
tained the exceptional permission to wear a signet-
ring (Gushpanka). By this means he was able to
give his documents and decrees an official charac-

90 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

ter. The seal, in reference to some unknown his-
torical allusion, bore the impress of a fly. Bostanai
must have been an important personage in other
respects, since legends cluster about him, and would
make his birth itself appear a miraculous event.
The Judseo-Babylonian community, which had ac-
quired some importance through Bostanai, obtained
its real strength under Ali, the fourth Caliph, Ma-
homet's comrade and son-in-law, the hero of
Chaibar.

Omar had died at the hands of an assassin (644),
and his successor, Othman, had been killed in an
insurrection (655). Ali was nominated Caliph by
the conspirators, but he had to struggle against
many bitter opponents. Islam was divided into two
camps. The one declared for Ali, who resided in the
newly-built town of Kufa ; the other for Moawiyah,
a relative of the murdered Caliph Othman.

The Babylonian Jews and Nestorian Christians
sided with AH, and rendered him assistance. A Jew,
Abdallah Ibn-Saba, was a spirited partisan of Ali.
He asserted that the succession to the Caliphate was
his by right, and that the divine spirit of Mahomet
had passed to him, as it had from Moses to Joshua.
It is said that when Ali took the town of Firuz-Shabur
or Anbar, 90,000 Jews, under Mar-Isaac, the head
of a college, assembled to do homage to the Caliph,
who was but indifferently supported by his own fol-
lowers (658). The unhappy Ali valued this homage,
and, doubtless, accorded privileges to the Jewish
principal. It is quite probable that from this time
the head of the school of Sora was invested with a cer-
tain dignity, and took the title of Gaon. There were
certain privileges connected with the Gaonate, upon
which even the Exilarch did not venture to encroach.
Thus a peculiar relation, leading to subsequent
quarrels, grew up between the rival offices — the
Exilarchate and the Gaonate. With Bostanai and
Mar-Isaac, the Jewish officials recognized by the

CH. IV. BOSTANAI'S DESCENDANTS. 9 1

Caliph, there begins a new period in Jewish history —
the Epoch of the Geonim. After Bostanai's death
dissension arose among his sons. Bostanaii had left
several sons by various wives, one of them the
daughter of the Persian king. Perhaps her son
was his father's favorite, because royal blood flowed
in his veins, and he was probably destined to be his
successor. His brothers by the Jewish wives were
consequently jealous of him, and treated him as a
slave, i.e., as one that had been born of a captive
non-Jewess, who, according to Talmudic law, was
looked upon as a slave, so long as he could not
furnish proof that either his mother or himself had
been formally emancipated. This, however, he could
not do. The brothers then determined to sell the
favorite, their own brother, as a slave. Revolting
as this proceeding was, it was approved by several
members of the college of Pumbeditha, partly from
religious scruples, partly from the desire to render
a friendly service to Bostanai's legitimate sons.
Other authorities, however, maintained that Bos-
tanai, who was a pious man, would not have married
the king's daughter before he had legally freed her,
and made her a proselyte. In order to protect her
son from humiliation, one of the chief judges, Clia-
ninai, hastened to execute a document attesting her
emancipation, and thus the wicked design of the
brothers was frustrated ; but the stain of illegitimacy
still attached to the son, and his descendants were
never admitted to the rank of the descendants of the
Exilarch Bostanai,

Bostanai's descendants in the Exilarchate arbi-
trarily deposed the presidents of the colleges, and
appointed their own partisans to the vacant places.
The religious leaders of the people thus bore Bos-
tonai's descendants a grudge. Even in later times,
an authority amongst the Jews had to defend himself
with the words : "I am a member of the house of the
Exilarch, but not a descendant of the sons of Bostanai,

92 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

who were proud and oppressive." The vehement
quarrels about the Caliphate, between the house of
Ali and the Ommiyyades, were repeated on a small
scale in Jewish Babylonia. The half-century from
Bostonai and the rise of the Gaonate till the Exil-
archate of Chasdai (670 to 730) is in consequence
involved in obscurity. Few also of the Geonim who
held office and of the presidents of the colleges
during this period are known, and their chronological
order cannot be ascertained. After Mar-Isaac,
probably the first Gaon of Sora, Hunai held office,
contemporaneously with Mar-Raba in Pumbeditha
(670 to 680). These presidents issued an important
decree with respect to the law of divorce, whereby a
Talmudical law was set aside. According to the
Talmud, the wife can seek a divorce only in very
rare cases, e.g., if the husband suffers from an
incurable disease. Even if the wife were seized
with an unconquerable aversion to her husband, she
could be compelled by law to live with him, and to
fulfil her duties, on penalty of losing her marriage
settlement, and even her dowry, in case she insisted
upon the separation. Through the domination of
Islam circumstances were now changed. The Koran
had somewhat raised the position of women, and
empowered the wife to sue for a divorce. This led
many unhappy wives to appeal to the Mahometan
courts, and they compelled their husbands to give
them a divorce without the aforesaid penalties. It
was in consequence of the events just related that
Hunai and Mar-Raba introduced a complete reform
of the divorce laws. They entirely abrogated the
Talmudical law, and empowered the wife to sue for
a divorce without suffering any loss of her property-
rights. Thus the law established equality between
husband and wife. For the space of forty years
(680 to 720), only the names of the Geonim and
Exilarchs are known to us ; historical details, how-
ever, are entirely wanting. During this time, as a

CH. IV. THE GEONIM AND THE EXILARCH. 93

result of quarrels and concessions, there arose
peculiar relations of the officials of the Jewish-
Persian kingdom towards one another, which de-
veloped into a kind of constitution,

The Jewish community in Babylonia (Persia),
which had the appearance of a state, had a peculiar
constitution. The Exilarch and the Gaon were of
equal rank. The Exilarch's office was political.
He represented Babylpnian-Persian Judaism under
the Caliphs. He collected the taxes from the
various communities, and paid them into the treasury.
The Exilarchs, both in bearing and mode of life, were
princes. They drove about in a state carriage ; they
had outriders and a kind of body-guard, and re-
ceived princely homage.

The religious unity of Judaism, on the other hand,
was embodied in the Gaonate of Sora and Pumbe-
ditha. The Geonim expounded the Talmud, with a
view to a practical application of its provisions ; they
made new laws and regulations ; administered them,
and meted out punishment to those that transgressed
them. The Exilarch shared the judicial power with
the Gaon of Sora and the head of the college of
Pumbeditha.

The Exilarch had the right of nomination to
offices, though not without the acquiescence of the
college. The head of the college of Sora, however,
was alone privileged to be styled "Gaon"; the
head of the college of Pumbeditha did not bear the
title officially. The Goan of Sora together with his
college, as a rule, was paid greater deference than
his colleague of Pumbeditha, partly out of respect
to the memory of its great founders, Rab and Ashi,
partly on account of its proximity to Kufa, the cap-
ital of Irak and of the kingdom of Islam in the East.
On festive occasions, the head of the college of
Sora sat at the right side of the Exilarch. He
obtained two-thirds of certain revenues for his
school, and performed the duties of the Exilarch

94 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

when the office was vacant. For a long time, too, only
a member of the school of Sora was elected president
of the school of Pumbeditha, this school not being
permitted to elect one from its own ranks.

Now that the Exilarch everywhere met with the
respect due a prince, he was installed with a degree
of ceremony and pomp. Although the office was
hereditary in the house of Bostanai, the acquiescence
of both colleges was required for the nomination of
a new Exilarch, and thus there came to be a fixed
installation service. The officials of both the col-
leges, together with their fellow-collegians, and the
most respected men in the land, betook themselves
to the residence of the designated Exilarch. In a
large open place, which was lavishly adorned, seats
were erected for him and the presidents of the two
schools. The Gaon of Sora delivered an address to
the future Exilarch, in which he was reminded of the
duties of his high office, and was warned against
haughty conduct toward his brethren. The installa-
tion always took place in the synagogue, and on a
Thursday. Both officials put their hands upon the
head of the nominee, and declared amidst the clang
of trumpets, " Long live our lord, the Prince of the
Exile."

The people, who were always present in great
numbers on the occasion, vociferously repeated the
wish. All present then accompanied the new
Exilarch home from the synagogue, and presents
flowed in from all sides. On the following Saturday
evening there was a special festive service for the
new prince. There was a platform in the shape of
a tower erected for him in the synagogue. This was
decked with costly ornaments that he might appear
like the kings of the house of David in the Temple,
on a raised seat, apart from the people. He was
conducted to divine service by a numerous and
honorable suite. The reader chanted the prayers
with the assistance of a well-appointed choir.

CH. IV. HONORS PAID TO THE EXILARCH. 95

When the Exilarch was seated on his high seat,
the Gaon of Sora approached the Exilarch, bent the
knee before him, and sat at his right hand. His
colleague of Pumbeditha having made a similar
obeisance, took his seat on the left. When the
Law was read, they brought the scroll to the
Exilarch, which was looked upon as a royal prerog-
ative. He was also the first one called to the read-
ing of the Law, which on ordinary occasions was the
prerogative of the descendants of the house of Aaron.
In order to honor him, the president of the college
of ' Sora acted as interpreter (Meturgeman), ex-
pounding the passage that had been read.

After the Law was read, it was customary for the
Prince of the Exile to deliver an address. But if
the Exilarch was not learned, he delegated this
duty to the Gaon of Sora. In the final prayer for
the glorification of God's name (Kadish, Gloria), the
name of the Exilarch was mentioned: "May this
happen in the lifetime of the Prince." Thereupon
followed a special blessing for him, the heads of the
colleges and its members (Yekum Purkan), and the
names of the countries, places and persons, far and
near, that had advanced the welfare of the colleges
by their contributions. A festive procession from
the synagogue to the house or palace of the Exilarch,
and a sumptuous repast for the officials and promi-
nent personages, which often included state officers,
formed the conclusion of this peculiar act of homage
to the Exilarch.

Once a year, in the third week after the Feast of
Tabernacles, a kind of court was held at the house
of the Exilarch. The heads of the college, together
with their colleagues, the presidents of the commu-
nity, and many people besides, came to see him at
Sora, probably with presents. On the following
Sabbath the same ceremonial took place as at the
nomination. Lectures were delivered during this
court week, which was afterwards known as "the
Great Assembly," or the " Feast of the Exilarch."

g^' HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

The Exilarch derived his income partly from
certain districts and towns, and partly from irreg-
ular receipts. The districts Naharowan (east of the
Tigris), Farsistan, Holwan — as far as the jurisdiction
of the Exilarch extended — even during the period of
decadence, brought him an income of 700 golden
denarii (5^1700). We can easily imagine how great
his revenue must have been in palmy days. The
Exilarch also had the right of imposing a compulsory
tax upon the communities under his jurisdiction, and
the officials of the Caliph supported him in this be-
cause they themselves had an interest in it.

The president of the college of Sora was the
second in rank in the Judseo-Babylonian commu-
nity. He was the only one who held the title of
Gaon officially, and he had the precedence over
his colleague of Pumbeditha on all occasions, even
though the former were a young man and the latter
an aged one. Meanwhile, the school of Pumbe-
ditha enjoyed perfect equality and independence
with respect to its internal affairs, except when one
or another Exilarch, according to Oriental custom,
made illegal encroachments upon it.

Next to the president came the chief judge, who
discharged the judicial duties, and was, as a rule,
his successor in office. Below these were seven
presidents of the Assembly of Teachers, and three
others who bore the title of Associate or scholar,
and who together seem to have composed the
Senate in a restricted sense. Then came a college
of a hundred members, which was divided into two
unequal bodies, one of seventy members represent-
ing the "great Synhedrion," the other of thirty
forming the " smaller Synhedrion." The seventy
were ordained, and consequently qualified for pro-
motion ; they bore the title of Teacher. The thirty
or "smaller Synhedrion" do not seem to have been
entitled to a seat and vote, they were simply candi-
dates for the higher dignity. The members of the

CH. IV. THE COUNCIL OF THE TWO COLLEGES. 97

college generally bequeathed their offices to their
sons, but the office of president was not hereditary.

This peculiarly organized council of the two col-
leges by degrees lost its strictly collegiate character,
and acquired that of a deliberative and legislative
Parliament. Twice a year, in March and September
(Adar and Elul), in accordance with ancient usage,
the college held a general meeting, and sat for a
whole month. During this period the members
occupied themselves also with theoretical questions,
discussing and explaining some portion of the Tal-
mud, which had been given out beforehand as the
theme. But the attention of the meeting was prin-
cipally directed to practical matters. New laws
and regulations were considered and decreed, and
points which had formed the subject of inquiry by
foreign communities, during the preceding months,
were discussed and answered. Little by little the
replies to the numerous inquiries addressed to them
by foreign communities on points of religion, morals,
and civil law, came to occupy the greater part of
the session. At the end of the session all opinions
expressed by the meeting on the points submitted
for their consideration were read over, signed by
the president, in the name of the whole council, con-
firmed with the seal of the college (Chumrata), and
forwarded by messenger to each community with a
ceremonious form of greeting from the college. It
was customary for the various congregations to
accompany their inquiries with valuable presents in
money. If these presents were sent specially to
one of the two colleges, the other received no share ;
but if they were remitted without any precise direc-
tions, the Soranian school, being the more important,
received two-thirds, and the remainder went to the
sister-college. These presents were divided by the
president among the members of the college and
the students of the Talmud.

Over and above such irregular receipts, the two

gS HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

colleges derived a regular income from the districts
which were under their jurisdiction. To Sora
belonged the south of Irak, with the two important
cities Wasit and Bassora, and its jurisdiction
extended as far as Ophir (India or Yemen ?). In
later times the revenues of these countries still
amounted to 1500 gold denars (about 1^3700).
The northern communities belonged to Pumbeditha,
whose jurisdiction extended as far as Khorasan.

The appointment of the judges of a district was,
in all probability, the duty of the principal of the
college, in conjunction with the chief judge and the
seven members of the Senate-council. Each of
these three heads of the Babylonian-Jewish com-
monwealth accordingly possessed the power of
appointing the judges of his province, and the
communities were thus either under the Prince of
the Captivity or the Soranian Gaonate, or were
dependent on the college of Pumbeditha. When a
judge was appointed over a certain community he
received a commission from the authorities over him.
He bore the title of Dayan, and had to decide not
only in civil but also in religious cases, and was
therefore at the same time a rabbi. He chose
from amongst the members of the community two
associates (Zekenim), together with whom he formed
a judicial and rabbinical tribunal. All valid deeds,
marriage contracts, letters of divorce, bills of ex-
change, bills of sale, and deeds of gift, were also
confirmed by this rabbi-judge. He was, at the
same time, the notary of the community. For these
various functions he received — first, a certain contri-
bution from every independent member of the
community ; secondly, fees for drawing up deeds ;
and,, thirdly, a weekly salary from the vendors of
meat. The children's schools, which were in con-
nection with the synagogue, were probably also
under the supervision of this rabbi-judge.

The communal constitution in Jewish Babylonia

CH. IV. EXCOMMUNICATION. 99

has served as a model for the whole Jewish people,
partly until the present time. At the head of the
community stood a commission entrusted with the
public interests, and composed of seven members,
who were called Parnese-ha-Keneset (Maintainers
of the Community). A delegate of a Prince of the
Captivity, or of one of the principals of the colleges,
was charged with the supervision of public business,
and also possessed the power of punishing refractory
members. The punishments inflicted were flogging
and excommunication. The latter, the invisible
weapon of the Middle Ages, which changed its vic-
tims to living corpses, was, however, neither so often
nor so arbitrarily exercised by the Jews as by the
Christians ; but even among them it fell with terrible
force. Those who refused to comply with religious
or official regulations, were punished with the lesser
excommunication. It was mild in form, and did not
entail the total isolation of the person excommuni-
cated, and affected the members of his own family
still less. But whosoever failed to repent within the
given respite of thirty days, and to make application
to have the excommunication annulled, incurred the
punishment of the greater ban. This punishment
scared away a man's most intimate friends, isolated
him in the midst of society, and caused him to be
treated as an outcast from Judaism. No one was
allowed to hold social intercourse with him, under
penalty of incurring similar punishments. His
children were expelled from school, and his wife
from the synagogue. All were forbidden to bury
his dead, or even to receive his new-born son into
the covenant of Abraham. Every distinctive mark
of Judaism was denied him, and he was left branded
as one accursed of God. The proclamation of the
ban w^s posted up outside the court of justice, and
communicated to the congregation. Although this
punishment of excommunication and its conse-
quences were extremely horrible, it was neverthe-

1 00 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

less, at a time when the multitude was not open to
rational conviction, the only means of preserving
religious unity intact, of administering justice, and
of maintaining social order.

The Jewish commonwealth of Babylonia, not-
withstanding its dependence on the humors of a
Mahometan governor and the caprice of its own
leaders, seemed nevertheless to those at a distance
surrounded with a halo of power and greatness.
The Prince of the Captivity appeared to the Jews of
distant lands, who heard only confused rumors, to
have regained the scepter of David ; for them the
Geonim of the two colleges were the living uphold-
ers and the representatives of the ideal times of the
Talmud. The further the dominion of the Caliphate
of the house of Ommiyyah was extended, to the
north beyond the Oxus, to the east to India, in the
west and the south to Africa and the Pyrenees, the
more adherents were gained for the Babylonian
Jewish chiefs. Every conquest of the Mahometan
generals enlarged the boundaries of the dominion
under the rule of the Prince of the Captivity and
the Geonim. Even Palestine, deprived of its center,
subordinated itself to Babylonia. The hearts of all
Jews turned towards the potentates on the Euphrates,
and their presents flowed in freely, to enable the
house of David to make a worthy appearance,
and the Talmudical colleges to continue to exist in
splendor. The grief for their dispersion to all cor-
ners of the earth was mitigated by the knowledge
that by the rivers of Babylon, where the flower of the
Jewish nation in its full vigor had settled, and where
the great Amoraim had lived and worked, a Jewish
commonwealth still existed. It was universally be-
lieved by the Jews that in the original seat of Jewish
greatness the primitive spring of ancient Jewish
wisdom was still flowing. "God permitted the
colleges of Sora and Pumbeditha to come into
existence twelve years before the destruction of the

CH. IV. THE JEWS UNDER THE VISIGOTHS. lOI

Temple by Nebuchadnezzar, and vouchsafed them
His special protection. They never suffered perse-
cution at the hands of the Romans or the Byzan-
tines, and have knovi^n neither coercion nor bondage.
From thence will proceed the deliverance of Israel,
and the dwellers in this happy corner of the earth
will be spared the sufferings that are to usher in the
age of the Messiah." Such was the view held by
all who had not seen the Babylonian settlement
with their own eyes.

It was accounted an honor for a dead person to
be mentioned at a memorial service at the colleges.
For this purpose a special day was set apart in each
month of assembly, during which no business was
transacted by the colleges ; the members mourned
for the benefactors of the colleges that had died
during the past year, and prayed for the peace of
their souls (Ashkaba). Later on it became custom-
ary to forward lists of the dead, even from France
and Spain, in order that they might also be thus
honored.

The Jews of Spain, to whom so brilliant a part is
allotted in Jewish history, drained the cup of misery
to the dregs, at the very time when their brethren
in Irak obtained almost perfect freedom and in-
dependence. Some of them had been obliged to
emigrate ; others were compelled to embrace Chris-
tianity, and were required by the king Chintila,
solemnly to declare in writing their sincere adherence
to the Catholic faith and their entire repudiation of
Judaism. But although they had been forcibly con-
verted, the Jews of Visigothic Spain nevertheless
clung steadfastly to their prohibited religion. The
independent Visigothic nobles, to a certain extent,
protected them from the king's severity, and no
sooner were the eyes of the fanatical Chintila closed
in death than the Jews openly reverted to Judaism
under Chindaswinth, his successor (642-652). This
monarch was at open enmity with the clergy, who

I02 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

desired to restrain the power of the throne in favor
of the Church, but was well affected towards the Jews.
His son, Receswinth, however, who was altogether
unlike him, adopted an entirely different policy.
Either from fanaticism, or in order to ingratiate
himself with the clergy, at that time hostile to the
throne, he proposed in an ecclesiastical council
(which was at the same time a parliament) to deal
rigorously with the Jews, more especially with such
of them as had formerly feigned to be Christians.
In his speech from the throne, Receswinth made the
following appeal to the members of the council : "It
is because I hav^ learnt that my kingdom is polluted
by them as by an epidemic that I denounce the life
and the behavior of the Jews. For while the Almighty
has entirely freed the country from heresy, a dis-
graceful desecration of the churches still continues.
This shall either be reformed by our piety or rooted
out by our severity. I mean that many of the Jews
still persist in their old unbelief, while others,
although purified by baptism, have relapsed so
deeply into the errors of apostasy that their blas-
phemy seems even more abominable than the sin
of those who have not been baptized. I adjure you,
therefore, to decree against the Jews, without favor
or respect of persons, some measure which shall be
agreeable to God and to our faith." The Council
of Toledo (the eighth), however, passed no new law
against the Jews, but simply confirmed the canonical
decisions of the fourth Council of Toledo. The
Jews were, it is true, allowed to remain in the
country, but could neither possess slaves, nor hold
any office, nor appear as witnesses against Chris-
tians. But far harder was the fate of those who,
during the persecutions, had pretended to embrace
Christianity. They were compelled to remain within
the pale of the Church, and to abjure Judaism once
again. Flight was impossible, for severe punish-
ments were decreed against all who renounced

CH. IV. THE JEWS OF TOLEDO BECOME CATHOLICS. IO3

Christianity, or hid themselves anywhere, or attempt-
ed to leave the country. Even the abettors of, or
accessories to, the flight of converts incurred heavy
punishment. Those, however, who desired to con-
tinue outwardly in their pretended faith, but who
still clung to Judaism in their inmost hearts, were
required to subscribe anew to a renunciation of their
religion (placitum Judaeorum).

On February i8th, 654, the Jews of the capital
Toletum (Toledo) signed a confession of the purport
that they had already promised, it was true, under
king Chintlla, to remain steadfast to the Catholic
faith, but that their unbelief and the erroneous
opinions which they had inherited from their fathers
had prevented them from acknowledging Christ as
their Master. Now, however, they voluntarily
promised for themselves, their wives, and their
children that, in future, they would not observe
the rites and ceremonies of Judaism. They would
no longer hold culpable intercourse with unconverted
Jews, neither would they intermarry with near
relations (children of brothers and sisters), nor take
Jewish wives, nor observe Jewish marriage-customs,
nor practice circumcision, nor keep the Passover,
the Sabbath, nor any other Jewish festivals ; they
would no longer observe the dietary laws — in a
word, they would henceforward disregard the laws
of the Jews and their abominable customs. On the
other hand, they would honestly and devoutly profess
a religion in conformity with the gospel and the
apostolic traditions, and observe the precepts of the
Church without deceit or pretense.- One thing,
however, was impossible, namely, that they should
partake of pork ; they were entirely unable to over-
come their abhorrence of it. They promised, how-
ever, to partake freely of anything which might have
been cooked with pork. Whoever among them
should be guilty of a violation of this promise was
to be put to death by fire or by stoning at the hands

I04 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

of their companions or their sons. To all of this
they swore " by the Trinity." It is probable that the
forced converts in the other cities of the Visigothic-
Spanish empire were obliged to give similar written
assurances. At the same time they were still com-
pelled to pay the tax levied on the Jews, for the
Treasury could not afford to lose by their change
of faith.

As king Receswinth was well aware, however,
that the independent nobles of the country afforded
the Jews their protection, and allowed such of them
as had been converted by force to live according to
their convictions, he issued a decree forbidding all
Christians to befriend the secret Jews, under pen-
alty of excommunication and exclusion from the
pale of the Church. But these measures and pre-
cautions by no means accomplished the intended
result.

The secret Jews, or as they were officially termed,
the Judaizing Christians, could not tear Judaism out
of their hearts. The Spanish Jews, surrounded as
they were by perils of death, early learnt the art of
remaining true in their inmost soul to their religion,
and of escaping their Argus-eyed foe. They con-
tinued to celebrate the Jewish festivals in their
homes, and to disregard the holy-days instituted by
the Church. Desirous of putting an end to such a
state of things, the representatives of the Church
issued a decree, which aimed at depriving this un-
fortunate people of their home life ; they were
henceforward compelled to spend the Jewish and
Christian holy-days under the eyes of the clergy, in
order that they might thereby be obliged to dis-
regard the former and to observe the latter (655).

When, after a long reign, Receswinth died, the
tormented Jewish converts took part in a revolt
against his successor, Wamba (672-680). Count
Hilderic, Governor of Septimania, a province of
Spain, having refused to recognize the newly-elected

^H- IV- ANTI-CHRISTIAN TREATISES.

105

king, raised the standard of revolt. In order to
gain adherents and means, he promised the con-
verted Jews a safe refuge and religious liberty in
his province, and they, taking advantage of the
mvitation, emigrated in numbers. The insurrection
of Hilderic of Nismes assumed greater proportions,
and at first gave hopes of a successful issue, but the
insurgents were eventually defeated. Wamba ap-
peared with an army before Narbonne, and expelled
the Jews from this city. At the council which he
convened (the eleventh) the Jews did not form the
subject of any legislation; they seem, on the
contrary, to have enjoyed a certain amount of free-
dom during his reign, and to have made some efforts
towards their self-preservation.

In order, on the one hand, to prove that, although
they were unable to reconcile themselves to Chris-
tianity, they were not entirely bereft of reason, as'
their enemies had declared at the councils and also
in their writings ; and, on the other hand, in order
to keep their ancestral belief alive both in them-
selves and in such of their brethren as only partly
belonged to the Christian faith, certain talented
Jews set themselves to compose anti- Christian
treatises, probably in Latin. One point alone is
known of the arguments advanced in these polemical
writings. The authors referred to a tradition re-
lating that the Messiah would not appear before the
seventh cycle of a thousand years, counting from the
creation of the world ; the first six cycles correspond-
ed to the six days of the creation, and the seventh
would be the universal Sabbath, the reign of the
Messiah. But as, according to their method of
reckoning, hardly five thousand years had elapsed
from the creation to the birth of Jesus, it was im-
possible, they maintained, that the Messiah had
appeared. This objection must have been forcibly
urged by the Jewish writers, for many Christians
were thereby made to waver in their faith.

106 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV,

This partial liberty of religion, thought, and
speech, was suppressed by Wamba's successor,
who gained possession of the throne by treacherous
means. Erwig, who was of Byzantine origin, and
who possessed to the full the deceitfulness and
unscrupulousness of the degenerate Greeks, caused
Wamba to assume the cowl, and proclaimed him-
self king. In order to have his usurpation recog-
nized as lawful succession, Erwig found himself
obliged to make some concessions to the clergy,
and accordingly he handed the Jews over to them
as victims. With assumed earnestness, he ad-
dressed the council which was assembled to crown
him, and in a fanatical speech, submitted for confir-
mation a series of laws against the Jews. The
portion of the royal speech which was directed
against the Jews ran as follows : " With tears
streaming from my eyes, I implore this honorable
assembly to manifest its zeal, and free the land
from this plague of degeneracy. Arise, arise, I
cry unto you ; put to the test the laws against the
apostasy of the Jews which we have just promul-
gated."

Of the seven-and-twenty paragraphs which Erwig
submitted to the council for ratification, one alone
related to the Jews ; the rest were leveled at those
forced converts who, despite their promises to per-
sist in the Christian faith, and the severe punish-
ment that followed in case of detection, were still
unable to abandon Judaism. Erwig's edict made but
short work of the Jews. They were commanded to
offer themselves, their children, and all persons
under their control, for baptism within the space of
a year, otherwise their property would be confis-
cated, one hundred lashes would be inflicted on
them, the skin torn off their head and forehead to
their everlasting shame, and they themselves driven
out of the country. On the converted Jews, fresh
hardships were imposed. They were now not only

CH. IV. ERWIG AND EGICA. I07

obliged to spend the Christian and Jewish holy-days
under the eyes of the clergy, but were further sub-
jected to clerical control in all their movements.
Whenever they set out upon a journey, they had
to present themselves before the ecclesiastical
authorities of the place, and obtain a certificate from
them, setting forth the time they had lived there,
and attesting that their conduct had been in rigor-
ous conformity with Church law during that period.
At the same time, unless they could prove that they
had led a blameless, Christian life, they were incom-
petent to hold any office, even to act as village
bailiff (vilicus, actor) over Christian slaves. They
always had to carry about with them a copy of the
laws which had been passed against them, so that
they might never be able to plead ignorance in
excuse. The ecclesiastical and royal judges were
instructed to watch strictly over the execution of
these orders, and all Christians were forbidden to
accept any presents from converted Jews.

The council, at the head of which was Julian, the
Metropolitan of Toledo, a man of Jewish descent,
passed all Erwig's proposals, and enacted that these
laws, as ratified by the decision of the synod, were
by general acknowledgment inviolable for all time.
Two days after the prorogation of this council, the
Jews, both those that had remained true to their
religion and those that had been converted, were
called together, the laws were read to them and
their rigid observance strictly enjoined (January
25th, 681). A third time the converted Jews were
compelled to abjure Judaism and to draw up a con-
fession of faith — with the same sincerity, of course,
as under Chintila and Receswinth.

But the Visigothic-Spanish Jews fared still worse
under Erwig's successor, Egica. He did not drive
them out of the country, it is true, but he did what
was worse, he restricted their rights. He prohibited
the Jews and the Judaizing Christians from possess-

I08 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. iV.

ing landed property and houses ; moreover, they
were forbidden to repair to Africa, or to trade with
that continent, or to transact business with any
Christians whatever. They were compelled to sur-
render all their real estate to the Treasury, and
were indemnified, probably not too liberally, for the
same (693). Only those that were really converted
were left unfettered by these restrictions.

The Jews were driven to despair by this new
law, which it was impossible to evade, as their real
estate was actually confiscated ; they accordingly
united in a perilous conspiracy against their unre-
lenting foe. They entered into an alliance with
their more fortunate brethren in Africa, with the
intention of overthrowing the Visigothic empire,
and were probably aided by the boldly-advancing
Mahometans and the malcontent nobles of the
country (694). The attempt might easily have
succeeded, for, owing to dissension, unnatural vices
and weakness, the country was far advanced in a
state of ruin and dissolution. But the conspiracy
of the Jews was discovered before it had matured,
and severe punishment was inflicted not only on
the culprits, but on the whole Jewish population of
Spain, including that of the province of Septimania
(together with Narbonne). They were all sen-
tenced to slavery, presented to various masters, and
distributed throughout the country, their owners
being prohibited from setting them free again;
Children of seven years of age and upwards were
torn from their parents and given to Christians to
be educated. The only exception made was in
favor of the Jewish warriors of the narrow passes
of the Gallic province, who formed a bulwark
against invasion. They were indispensable, and
their bravery protected them from degradation and
slavery, but even they were compelled to change
their religion.

The Spanish Jews continued in this state of

CH. IV. MAHOMETAN CONQUEST OF SPAIN. IO9

degradation until Egica's death. When his son
Witiga followed him to the grave, the last hours of
this empire were evidently at hand. The Jews of
Africa, who at various times had emigrated thither
from Spain, and their unlucky co-religionists of the
Peninsula, made common cause with the Mahome-
tan conqueror, Tarik, who brought over from Africa
into Andalusia an army eager for the fray. After
the battle of Xeres (July, 711), and the death of
Roderic, the last of the Visigothic kings, the victo-
rious Arabs pushed onward, and were everywhere
supported by the Jews. In every city that they
conquered the Moslem generals were able to leave
but a small garrison of their own troops, as they
had need of every man for the subjection of the
country ; they therefore confided them to the safe-
keeping of the Jews. In this manner the Jews, who
but lately had been serfs, now became the masters of
the towns of Cordova, Granada, Malaga, and many
others. When Tarik appeared before the capital,
Toledo, he found it occupied by a small garrison
only, the nobles and clergy having found safety in
flight. While the Christians were in church, pray-
ing for the safety of their country and religion, the
Jews flung open the gates to the victorious Arabs
(Palm- Sunday, 712), receiving them with acclama-
tions, and thus avenged themselves for the many
miseries which had befallen them in the course of a
century since the time of Reccared and Sisebut.
The capital also was entrusted by Tarik to the cus-
tody of the Jews, while he pushed on in pursuit of
the cowardly Visigoths, who had sought safety in
flight, for the purpose of recovering from them the
treasure which they had carried off.

Finally, when Muza Ibn-Nosair, the Governor of
Africa, brought a second army into Spain and con-
quered other cities, he also delivered them into the
custody of the Jews. It was under these favorable
conditions that the Spanish Jews came under the

1 10 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

rule of the Mahometans, and Uke their co-religion-
ists in Babylonia and Persia, they were esteemed
the allies of their rulers. They were kindly treated,
obtained religious liberty, of which they had so long
been deprived, were permitted to exercise jurisdic-
tion over their co-religionists, and were obliged, like
the conquered Christians, to pay only a poll-tax
(Dsimma). Thus were they received into that
great alliance, which, to a certain extent, united all
the Jews of the Islamite empire into one common-
wealth.

As the Mahometan empire grew in size, the
activity of its Jewish inhabitants increased in
proportion. The first Caliphs of the house of
Ommiyyah, by reason of their continual wars with
the descendants and comrades of Mahomet, with
the fanatical upholders of the letter of the Koran,
and with the partisans of the spiritual Imamate
(high-priesthood), had become entirely free from
that narrow-mindedness and mania for persecution
which characterized the founder and the first two
Caliphs. The following rulers of the Mahometans,
Moawiyah, Yezid I., Abdul-Malik, Walid I., and
Suliman (656-717), were far more worldly than
spiritual ; their political horizon was extensive, and
they fettered themselves but little with the narrow
precepts of the Koran and the traditions (Sunna).
They loved Arabic poetry (Abdul-Malik was him-
self a poet), held knowledge in esteem, and re-
warded the author quite as liberally as the soldier
who fought for them. The Jewish inhabitants of
Mahometan countries soon adopted the Arabic lan-
guage. It is closely related, in many of its roots
and forms, to Hebrew, with which language all of
them were more or less familiar, and they needed a
knowledge thereof, as it was the indispensable
medium of communication. The enthusiasm which
the Arabs felt for their language and its poetry,
the care which they took to keep it pure, accurate

CH. IV. THE LANGUAGE OF THE JEWS. 1 1 1

and sonorous, had their effect upon the Jews, and
taught them to employ correct forms of speech.
During the six hundred years which had elapsed
since the fall of the Jewish nation, the Jews had
lost the sense of beauty and grace of expression ;
they were negligent in their speech, careless of
purity of form, and indifferent to the clothing of
their thoughts and emotions in suitable terms. A
people possessed of an imperfect delivery, using a
medley of Hebrew, Chaldee, and corrupt Greek,
was not in a position to create a literature, much
less to enchain the wayward muse of poetry. But,
as already mentioned, the Jews of Arabia formed
an exception. They acquired from their neighbors
correct taste, and the art of framing their speech
pleasantly and impressively. The Jewish tribes of
Kainukaa and Nadhir, which had emigrated to
Palestine and Syria, the "Jews of Chaibar and Wadil-
Kora, who had been transplanted to the region of
Kufa and the center of the Gaonate, brought with
them to their new home this love and taste for the
poetical Arabic tongue, and gradually instilled them
into their co-religionists. Hardly half a century
after the occupation of Palestine and Persia by the
Arabs, a Babylonian Jew was able to handle the
Arabic language for literary purposes : the Jewish
physician, Messer-Jawaih of Bassorah, translated a
medical work from the Syriac into Arabic. Hence-
forward the Jews, together with the Syrian Christians,
were the channels through which scientific literature
reached the Arabs.

The enthusiasm of the Arabs for their language
and the Koran evoked in the hearts of the Jews a
similar sentiment for the Hebrew tongue and its
holy records. Besides this, the Jews were now
obliged to make closer acquaintance with the Scrip-
tures, in order that they might not be put to the
blush in their controversies with the Mahometans.
Until now the talented men among them had turned

112 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

their attention exclusively to the Talmud and the
Agadic exposition, but necessity at last compelled
them to return to the source, the Bible.

As soon, however, as it was desired to recover
what had been lost for centuries, and to return with
ardor to the study of Biblical literature, a need
manifested itself which first had to be supplied. In
supplying the Biblical text with the vowel signs
invented in Babylonia or in Tiberias, it was neces-
sary to proceed in such passages, as had not become
familiar by frequent reading in public, according to
grammatical rules. The Punctuators were obliged
to be guided partly by tradition and partly by their
sense of language. In this manner there arose the
rudiments of two branches of knowledge : one
treating of the above-mentioned rules of the Hebrew
language, the other of the science of orthography,
together with the exceptions as handed down by
tradition (Massora). This apparently unimportant
invention of adding certain strokes and points to
the consonants thus led to the comprehension of the
Holy Scriptures by the general public and the
initiation of a more general knowledge of Judaism.
By its help the holy language could now celebrate
its revival ; it was no longer a dead language em-
ployed only by scholars, but might become a means
of educating the people. The auxiliary signs tended
to break down the barrier between the learned
(Chacham) and the unlearned (Am-ha-Arez).

An immediate consequence of contact with the
Arabs and the study of the Holy Writ was the birth
of neo-Hebraic poetry. Poetical natures naturally
felt themselves impelled to make use of the copious
Hebrew vocabulary in metrical compositions and
polished verse, in the same manner as the Arabs
had done with their language. But while the Arabic
bards sang of the sword, of chivalry, of unbridled
love, bewailed the loss of worldly possessions, ancj
attacked with their satire such of their enemies as

CH. IV. NEO-HEBRAIC POETRY. II3

they could not reach with the sword, the newly-
awakened Hebrew poetry knew of but one subject
worthy of enthusiasm and adoration, God and His
providence, of but one subject worthy of lament,
the destitution and sorrows of the Jewish nation.
The new-born Hebrew poetry, however different in
form and matter from that of the Bible, had a
religious foundation in common with it. The psalm
of praise and the soul-afflicting dirge of lamentation
were taken by the neo-Hebraic poets as their
models. But a third element also claimed atten-
tion. Since the state had lost its independence,
learning had become the soul of Judaism ; religious
deeds, if not accompanied by knowledge of the
Law, were accounted of no worth. The main
feature of the Sabbath and festival services was
the reading of portions of the Law and the Prophets,
the interpretation thereof by the Targumists and
the explanation of the text by the" Agadists
(preachers of homilies). Neo-Hebraic poetry, if it
was to reach the hearts of the people, could not be
entirely devoid of a didactic element. The poet's
only scene of action was the synagogue, his only
audience, the congregation assembled for prayer
and instruction, and his poetry, therefore, neces-
sarily assumed a synagogical or liturgical character.
The poetical impulse was strengthened by prac^
tical necessity. The original divine service with its
short and simple prayers was no longer sufficient.
It was extended, it is true, by the recitation of
psalms and appropriate liturgical compositions, but
even this did not fill up the time which the congre-
gation would gladly have spent in the house of God.
This was especially felt on the New Year's festival
and on the Day of Atonement, which were dedi-
cated to deep devotion, and during the greater part
of which the congregation remained in the house of
prayer, contrite, and imploring forgiveness and
redemption. It was evident that the divine service

114 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

must be amplified, and more matter for meditation
provided. In this manner arose the synagogical,
or, as it was also called, the poetanic composition.
At the head of the succession of neo-Hebraic poets
stands Jose bar Jose Hayathom (or Haithom),
whose works are not without true poetic ring,
although devoid of artistic form. The date and
nationality of this poet are entirely unknown, but it
appears probable that he was a native of Palestine,
and that he lived not earlier than the first Gaonic
century.

Jose b. Jose took as the subject of his poems the
emotions and memories which move a Jewish con-
gregation on New Year's Day. On this occasion,
the birthday of a new division of time, on which,
according to Jewish ideas, the fate that the year has
in store for men and communities is decided, God is
extolled in a sublime poem as the mighty Master,
the Creator of the world, the just Judge and the
Redeemer of Israel. This poem, which was at-
tached to the old prayers for the prescribed blowing
of the cornet, and was intended to interpret them,
embraces in a small compass the story of Israel's
glorious past, its oppressed present, and promised
future. Jose's poem is at once a psalm of triumph
and of lamentation, interwoven with penitential
prayers and words of hope. The resurrection is
described in a few striking, picturesque lines.

Another and longer of Jose's poems has for its
theme the ancient worship in the Temple on the
Day of Atonement, which an attentive nation had
once followed in devotional mood, and the descrip-
tion of which was well calculated to awaken the
great memories of the glorious times of national
independence (Abodah). It is a sort of liturgical
epic, which describes simply, and without any lyrical
strain, the creation of the universe and of man, the
ungodliness of the first generation, Abraham's rec-
ognition of God, the election of his posterity as

CH. IV. TkE POETAN, JOSe' BAR JOSE. II5

God's peculiar people, and the calling of Aaron's
family to the service of the Temple. Arrived at
the priesthood of Aaron, the poet, following the
account of the Mishna, goes on to describe the
duties of the high-priest in the Temple on the Day
of Atonement, and concludes with the moment when
the high-priest, accompanied by the whole nation,
joyful and assured by visible signs of forgiveness,
leaves the Temple for his home, — a beautiful frag-
ment of the past, which has always awakened a
powerful echo in the hearts of the Jewish people.

Elevation of thought and beauty of language are
the characteristics of Jose b. Jose's poetry. His
New Year's sonnets and Temple epic have become
parts of the divine service of certain congregations,
and have served as models for others. His verses
are unrhymed and without meter, a proof of their
great antiquity. The only artificial feature of his
poetical, works is the alphabetical or acrostic com-
mencement of verses, for which several of the
Psalms, Jeremiah's Lamentations, and the post-
talmudical prayers served as models. In the first
fruits of the new Hebraic poetry, form is completely
subservient to the subject-matter. There has been
preserved from ancient times another Abodah,
ascribed to a poet named Simon ben Caipha. It
appears to have been written in imitation of that
of Jose b. Jose, but is greatly inferior t.o its mt)del.
However, it was honored by being adopted by the
synagogue of the Gaonate. To the name of Simon
Caipha, which sounds like the Jewish name of the
apostle Peter, a peculiar legend is attached : The
apostle, who supports the foundation of the Catholic
Church, is represented as having written this Abodah
in order to declare in the opening part his truly
Jewish acknowledgment of God's unity, and to re-
nounce his adherence to Jesus, as though the dis-
ciple who three times denied his Master had
desired in this liturgical poem to attest his unbelief.

ii6 History of the jews. ' ch. iv.

It was impossible that Jewish liturgical _ poetry
could long remain satisfied with this simplicity of
form. Little by little the Jews became acquainted
with the poetry of the Arabs, the agreeable sound
of its rhymes captivated them, and they were led to
regard rhyme as the perfection of poetry. The
poetanists, therefore, if they would be well received,
could not afford to neglect this artistic device, and
they assiduously devoted themselves to its cultiva-
tion. As far as is known, the first poet who intro-
duced rhyme into the neo-Hebraic poetry was a
certain Jannai, probably an inhabitant of Palestine.
He composed versified prayers for those special
Sabbaths which, either by reason of historical events
connected with them, or of being a time of prepara-
tion for the approaching festivals, were possessed
of particular importance. The Agadic discourses,
which had been introduced on these Sabbaths, do
not seem to have pleased the congregations any
longer, because the preachers were unable to find
new and attractive matter ; they seem, indeed, to
have read out the same discourses in a given order
from year to year.

The poems of Jannai and his fellow-workers
aimed at giving the substance of these Agadic
expositions in the form of agreeable verse. Hence,
Jannai's productions are versified Agadas. But as he
was not enough of a poet to reproduce the elevated
and striking passages of Agadic literature, as his
rhymes were heavy and labored, and as he also
burdened himself with the task of commencing his
verses with consecutive letters of the alphabet, and
of interweaving his name into them, his poems are
dull, clumsy, and unwieldy.

Altogether neo-Hebraic poetry gained nothing
during its earlier years by the introduction of rhyme.
Eleazar ben Kalir or Kaliri (of Kiriat-Sepher), one
of the first and most prolific of th&poetanic writers,
and a disciple of Jannai, was just as clumsy and

CH. IV. ELEAZAR BEN KALIR. II7

harsh as his master, and his style was even more
obscure. He wrote over 150 liturgical pieces, in-
cluding hymns for the festivals, penitential prayers
for the holy-days, songs of lamentation for the prin-
cipal fasts, and various other compositions which
cannot be classed under distinct heads. Kaliri put
into most artificial verses a large portion of the
Agadic literature, but only a few of his compositions
have any poetical value, and none possesses beauty.
In order to overcome the difficulties which were
presented by the allusions to the Agada, by the use
of rhyme, of the alphabetically arranged initial words
and the interweaving of his name, Kaliri was obliged
to do violence to the Hebrew language, to set at
defiance the fixed rules which govern the use of
words, and to create unprecedented combinations.
In place of word-pictures, he often presents to his
reader obscure riddles, which it is impossible to
solve without a thorough acquaintance with the
Agadic writings. Nevertheless, Kaliri's poetic com-
positions made their way into the liturgies of the
Babylonian, Italian, German, and French Jews ; the
Spaniards alone, guided by delicate feeling for
language, refused to adopt them. Kaliri was hon-
ored as the greatest of the poetanic writers, and
tradition has glorified his name.

By the introduction of these compositions, the
liturgy acquired an altered character. The transla-
tion of the portions of the Law which were read out
to the congregation, and the Agadic expositions
thereof, which, as the Jews of the Islamic empire
adopted the Arabic language, had become unfa-
miliar to the multitude, gradually disappeared from
the divine service, and their places were filled by met-
rical compositions (Piyutim) which answered the same
purpose, and at the same time possessed the advan-
tage of a poetical character. By this means con-
siderable extension was given to the divine service.
The reader supplanted the preacher. Singing was

Il8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

introduced into the synagogue, as the poetical
prayers were not recited, but chanted (Chazanuth).
Special tunes were introduced for the various
prayers. But the poetanic compositions were not
adopted by all congregations as part of their divine
service. The Talmudical authorities were at first
opposed to their adoption, for the reason that they
were usually interpolated between the various divi-
sions of the principal prayer, and in this manner
destroyed the continuity and coherence of its sepa-
rate parts.

The return to the source of the Bible had the
result of kindling a poetic flame in artistic natures ;
but, at the sanie time, it fanned into existence a
wild spirit which at first brought trouble, schism,
and malediction in its train, although afterwards it
became a source of purification, vigor, and blessing
to the Jews. The origin of this movement, which
divided the Jewish commonwealth of the east and
west into two camps, dates from the first Gaonic
century.

The Babylonian Talmud held sway over the
Jewish community in Babylonia ; it was not only
a code, but also the constitution for the community
of which the Prince of the Captivity and the two
presidents of the Talmudical colleges were the
chief dignitaries. By the expansion of the Islamic
dominion from India to Spain, from the Caucasus
far down into Africa, the authority of the Talmud
was extended far beyond its original bounds ; for
the most distant congregations placed themselves
into communication with the Geonim, submitted
points of religion, morals, and civil law to them for
advice, and accepted in full faith their decisions,
which were based on the Talmud. The Babylonian-
Persian communities felt themselves in nowise
hampered by the Talmudical ordinances, which were
of their own creation, and had sprung up in their
midst, the outcome of their views, morals, and

CH. IV. ARABIAN JEWS AND THE TALMUD. II9

customs, the work of their authorities. The African
and European communities were too unlearned in
the Bible and the Talmud to be able to express an
opinion on the matter. They accepted the decisions
of the Geonini as law, without greatly troubling
themselves as to their agreement with the Bible.

Not so, however, with the Arabian Jews who had
emigrated from Arabia to Palestine, Syria and Irak,
the Benu-Kainukaa, the Benu-Nadhir, and the
Chaibarites. They were sons of the desert, men
of the sword, soldiers and warriors, accustomed
from their childhood to a free life and to the devel-
opment of their strength ; men who cultivated social
intercourse with their former Arabic allies and
fellow-soldiers, in whose midst they again settled
after the conquest of Persia and Syria. Judaism
was indeed dear to them, for they had sacrificed
liberty, country, fame and wealth in its cause, and
had resisted Mahomet's importunities, and had
not allowed themselves to be converted to Islam.
But between the Judaism which they practised in
Arabia, and the Judaism taught by the Talmud, and
set up as a standard by the colleges, there lay a
deep gulf. To conform to Talmudical precepts, it
would have been necessary for them to renounce
their genial familiarity with their former comrades,
and to give up their drinking-bouts with the Arabs
which, despite their interdiction by the Koran, the
latter greatly loved. In a word, they felt them-
selves hampered by the Talmud.

The Jews of Arabia, who came into close con-
tact with the Mahometans, and were, therefore,
frequently involved in controversy as to whether
Judaism was still possessed of authority or had been
superseded by Islam, were obliged, so as not to be
at a loss in such discussions, to familiarize them-
selves with the Bible. They in that way probably
discovered that much of what the Talmud and the
colleges declared to be religious precept, was not

I 20 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

confirmed by the Bible. But from whatever cause
this aversion to Talmudical precepts may have arisen,
it is certain that it first had its origin in the Arabian
Jewish colony in Syria or Irak. It is related, in an
authentic source, that during the first part of the
eighth century, many Jews allowed themselves to
be persuaded to abandon Talmudical Judaism and
to conform only to the precepts of the Bible.

The leader of this movement was a Syrian,
Serene (Serenus) by name, who called himself the
Messiah (about 720). He promised the Jews to
put them into possession of the Holy Land, having
first, of course, expelled the Mahometans. This
attempt to regain their long-lost independence was
perhaps occasioned by the fanatical Caliph Omar II
(717-720). That bigoted prince, who had been
raised to the throne by the intrigues of a zealous
reader of the Koran, had re-enacted the restrictive
laws of his predecessor, Omar I (the covenant of
Omar), which had fallen into oblivion under the
politic Ommiyyades. After his accession to the
throne, he wrote to his governors as follows : " Do
not pull down a church or a synagogue, but do not
allow new ones to be built within your provinces."
Omar devoted himself to making proselytes, hold-
ing out attractive promises to the new converts, or
unceremoniously compelling both Jews and Chris-
tians to embrace Islam. It was probably for this
reason that the Jews were disposed to support the
false Messiah, and to lend credence to his repre-
sentations that he would make them free again in
the land of their fathers, and exterminate their
enemies. Upon his banner Serene inscribed the
release from Talmudical ordinances ; he abolished
the second day's celebration of the festivals, the pre-
scribed forms of prayer, and the laws of the Tal-
mud relating to food : he permitted the use of wine
obtained from non-Jews, and sanctioned marriage
between persons of nearer relationship than was

CH. IV. SERENE, THE PSEUDO-MESSIAH. 121

allowed by the Talmud, as also celebration of mar-
riages without a marriage-contract. It is probable
that this hostility towards the Talmud gained him
many adherents.

Serene's fame spread as far as Spain, and the
Jews of that country resolved to abandon their
property and to place themselves under the leader-
ship of the pseudo-Messiah. Hardly ten years
after the Jews of Spain had been delivered from
the yoke of the Visigoths by the conquests of the
Mahometans, they, or at least many of them, were
desirous of again abandoning their newly-acquired
fatherland. It appears that they were dissatisfied
with the rule and administration of the Mahometan
governors. As they had rendered signal services
to the Arabs in the conquest of the Peninsula, they
probably expected particular consideration and
distinction, and instead of this they were impover-
ished equally with the Christians. Serene's fate was
miserable, as indeed he deserved. He was cap-
tured and brought before the Caliph Yezid, Omar II's
successor, who put an end to his Messianic preten-
sions by propounding insidious questions to him,
which he was unable to answer. Serene is said,
however, to have denied before the Caliph that he
had had any serious designs, but that he only
intended to make game of the Jews ; whereupon
the Caliph handed him over to the Jews for pun-
ishment. Many of his adherents, repenting of their
easy credulity, desired to rejoin the communities
from which they had severed themselves by infringe-
ment of the Talmudical ordinances. The Syrian
communities were doubtful, however, whether they
ought to re-admit their repentant brethren into
their midst, or whether they ought not to be treated
as proselytes. They referred the matter, therefore,
to Natronai ben Nehemiah, surnamed Mar-Yanka,
the principal of the college at Pumbeditha, and suc-
cessor of Mar-Raba (719-730). Natronai's de-

122 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

cision concerning the reception of Serene's adhe-
rents was conceived in a liberal spirit, and ran as
follows : According to the laws of the Talmud, there
is nothing to prevent them from being re-admit-
ted by the communities and being treated as Jews ;
but they are to declare openly in the synagogues
their sorrow and repentance, and to promise that
their future conduct shall be pious and in accord-
ance with the precepts of the Talmud, and in addi-
tion they are to suffer the punishment of flogging.
At that time there were also other apostates, who
went so far as to disregard the Biblical precepts
concerning the Sabbath, the ritual for slaughtering
cattle, the eating of blood, and the intermarrying of
near relations. It is not known, however, in what
country these people lived. Without declaring
either for Christianity or Islam, they had entirely
severed their connection with Judaism. When
some of these sought re-admission into the fold of
Judaism, Natronai was again asked for his opinion.
He said, " It is better to take them under the
wings of God than to cast them out."

At about this time the Jews of the Byzantine em-
pire were subjected to severe persecution, from the
effects of which they did not for a long time recover,
and this, too, at the hands of a monarch from whom
they had least expected hostile treatment. Leo,
the Isaurian, the son of rude peasant parents, hav-
ing had his attention drawn by the Jews and the
Arabs to the idolatrous character of the image-
worship which obtained in the churches, had
undertaken a campaign with the intention of
destroying these images. Being denounced, how-
ever, before the uncultivated mob as a heretic
and a Jew by the image-worshiping clergy, Leo
proceeded to vindicate his orthodoxy by persecuting
the heretics and the Jews. He issued a decree
commanding all the Jews of the Byzantine empire
and the remnant of the Montanists in Asia Minor

CH. IV. THE JEWS UNDER LEO THE ISAURIAN. I23

to embrace the Christianity of the Greek Church,
under pain of severe punishment (723). Many
Jews submitted to this decree, and reluctantly re-
ceived baptism ; they were thus less steadfast than
the Montanists, who, in order to remain faithful to
their convictions, assembled in their house of prayer,
set fire to it, and perished in the flames. Such of
the Jews as had allowed themselves to be baptized
were of the opinion that the storm would soon blow
over, and that they would be permitted to return to
Judaism. It was, therefore, only outwardly that
they embraced Christianity ; for they observed the
Jewish rites in secret, thereby subjecting themselves
to fresh persecutions. Thus the Jews of the Byzan-
tine empire pined away under unceasing petty per-
secution, and for a time they are hidden from the
view of history.

Many Jews of the Byzantine empire, however,
escaped compulsory baptism by emigration. They
quitted a country in which their forefathers had
settled long before the rise of that Church which
had so persistently persecuted them. The Jews of
Asia Minor chose as their home the neighboring
Cimmerian or Tauric peninsula (the Crimea), whose
uncivilized inhabitants, of Scythian, Finnish and
Sclavonian origin, practised idolatry. These Alani,
Bulgarians and Chazars were, however, not jealous
of men of other race and of a different belief who
settled in their vicinity. Thus, side by side with
the Jewish comm.unities which had existed from
early times, there arose new communities on the
shores of the Black Sea and the Straits of Theodo-
sia (Kaffa), and in the interior, in Sulchat (Solgat,
now Eski-Crimea), in Phanagoria (now Taman),
and on the Bosporus (Kertch), which lies opposite.
From the Crimea the Greek Jews spread towards
the Caucasus, and the hospitable countries of the
Chazars on the west coast of the Caspian Sea and
at the mouth of the Volga (Atel). Jewish commu-

124 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

nities settled in Berdaa (Derbend), at- the Albanian
Gates, in Semender (Tarki), and finally in Balanyiar,
the capital of the land of the Chazars. By their
energy, ability and intelligence, the Greek-Jewish
emigrants speedily acquired power in the midst of
these barbarian nations, and prepared the way for
an important historical event.

Hardly thirty years after the fall of the false
Messiah, Serene, an anti-Talmudical movement,
coupled with Messianic enthusiasm, was again set
on foot, but this time on a different scene. The
prime mover was a fantastic and warlike inhabitant
of the Persian town of Ispahan, one Obaiah Abu-
Isa ben Ishak. He was not an ignorant man ; he
understood the Bible and the Talmud, and was
capable of expressing his thoughts in writing. It is
said that he was made aware of his call to an exalted
vocation by a sudden cure from leprosy. Abu-Isa
did not proclaim himself to be the Messiah, but
asserted that he was the forerunner and awakener
(Dai) who was to prepare for the coming of the
Messiah. His views concerning the office of pre-
cursor of the Messiah were, indeed, altogether pecu-
liar. He taught that five forerunners would precede
the Messiah, and that each one would be more per-
fect than his predecessor. He considered himself
the last and most perfect of the five, and of equal
merit with the Messiah. He assumed his vocation
in good earnest, and announced that God had called
him to free the Jewish race from the yoke of the
nations and of unjust rulers.

The Messianic precursor of Ispahan found many
partisans, 10,000 Jews, it is said, gathering around
him for the purpose of aiding him in his work of
deliverance. To them Abu-Isa expounded a form
of Judaism diftering in some respects from that
accepted at the time ; the points of difference, how-
ever, are not known. He entirely abolished divorce,
even in the case of adultery. He augmented the

CH. IV. ABU-ISA. 125

three daily periods for prayer by four new periods,
citing- in support of this innovation the verse of a
psalm : " Seven times a day do I praise thee."
Abu-Isa retained the forms of prayer as prescribed
by the Talmud, and in no way disturbed the exist-
ing order of the calendar. He explained his own
peculiar system of religion in one of his works, in
which he prohibits the use of meat and wine by his
followers, but pronounces the abrogation of sacrifi-
cial worship.

Abu-Isa desired to accomplish his Messianic task
of liberation with sword in hand. He accordingly
made soldiers of his followers, and rode at their
head like a general. There could have been no
more favorable moment for an attempt to regain
liberty by open force. In all the provinces of the
Mahometan empire the spirit of rebellion against
Mervan II, the last Caliph of the Ommiyyad dynasty,
was aroused. Ambitious governors, dissatisfit^d
partisans, the Abassides, who laid claim to the
supreme power, all these antagonistic elements
conspired to overthrow the house of Ommiyyah,
and turned the wide dominions of the empire into a
battlefield of fierce passions. During this period of
rebellion, Abu-Isa and his band seem to have begun
their work of deliverance in the neighborhood of
Ispahan. They probably strengthened their posi-
tion during the disturbances consequent upon the
severe defeat sustained by Mervan's general on the
Euphrates (at Kerbella, August, 749).

Finally, Abu-Isa fell in battle ; his followers dis-
persed, and the Jews of Ispahan had to suffer for
his revolt. His adherents, however, loyally cher-
ished his memory ; under the name of Isavites or
Ispahanites they continued to exist until the tenth
century, forming the first religious sect to which
Judaism had given birth since the fall of the Jewish
state. The Isavites lived in accordance with their
master's teaching, observing some points of Tal-
mudical Judaism, while disregarding many others.

126 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IV.

During this time, however, no extraordinary
movement occurred in the center of Jewish- reli-
gious life ; everything continued on the old lines,
the principals of the colleges and the Geonim suc-
ceeded each other without leaving any perceptible
traces behind them. They had no suspicion that a
new spirit was abroad in Judaism, which would
shake it to its very foundations.

CHAPTER V.

RISE OF KARAISM AND ITS RESULTS.

Anan ben David, the founder of Karaism — His life, writings, and in-
fluence— Hostility to the Talmud — Anan's innovations — Karaite
reverence of Anan — The Exilarchate becomes elective —Adoption
of Judaism by the Chazars — King Bulan and Isaac Sinjari —
Bulan's Jewish successors— Charlemagne and the Empire of the
Franks — The Jews and Commerce— Jewish Envoy sent to the
Caliph Haroun Alrashid — Spread of the Jews in Europe— The
Caliphs and the Jews — The study of philosophy — Sahal — The
Kalam — Mutazilists and Anthropomorphists — judah Judghan —
The Shiur Komah — The Akbarites — Moses the Persian.

761—840 C. E.

It is as little possible for an historical event to be
evolved, as for a natural birth to occur without labor.
For a new historical phenomenon to struggle into
existence, the comfortable aspect of things must be
destroyed, indolent repose in cherished custom dis-
turbed, and the power of habit broken. This destruc-
tive activity, although at first painful, is eventually
favorable to the growth of healthy institutions, for
thereby all vagueness is dissipated, all pretense de-
stroyed, and dim reality brought more clearly to light.
Opposition, the salt of history, which prevents corrup-
tion, had been wanting in Jewish history for several
centuries, and religious life had been molded in set
forms, and had there become petrified. Pauline and
post-apostolic Christianity in its day supplied just
the opposition required. It abrogated the standard
of the Law, did away with knowledge, substituted
faith, and thus produced in the evolution of Judaism
a disposition to cling firmly to the Law, and to de-
velop a system of religious teachings which should
deal with the minutest details. The Talmud resulted
from this movement of opposition ; it was the sole

128 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

prevailing authority in Judaism, and succeeded in
supplanting the Bible in the estimation of the people.
Even the study of the Talmud, which had possessed
a refreshing and enlightening influence in the time
of the Amoraim, had degenerated in the following
century and in the first Gaonic period into a mere
matter of memory, entirely devoid of any power of
intellectual fructification. A free current of air
was wanting to clear the heavy atmosphere. Oppo-
sition to the Talmud, the password of the two
heralds of the Messiah, Serene and Abu-Isa, had
left no lasting impression, partly because the move-
ment, accompanied by fanatical agitation in favor of
a pretended Messiah, led to no other result than the
undeceiving of its partisans, and partly because it
had been set on foot by obscure persons, possessed
of neither importance nor authority. If this one-
sidedness was to be overcome, if the Bible was to
be re-instated in its rights, and religious life to re-
gain its spirituality, it was necessary that opposition
to it, which up till then had been manifested only
in narrow circles, should be imparted to a more
extended public by some moderate reformer in-
vested with official character. Until this movement
proceeded, not from some out-of-the-way corner,
but from the region which at that time formed the
center of Jewish life, it was impossible for it to be
taken up by the multitude, or to produce any regen-
erative effects. The required agitation was set on
foot by a son of the Prince of the Captivity, of the
house of Bostanai, and produced lasting effects.

It appears that the Exilarch Solomon died (761-
762) without issue, and that the office ought to have
been conferred on his nephew, Anan ben David.
The biography of this man, who exercised so pro-
found an influence upon Jewish history, and whose
adherents exist at the present day, is quite unknown,
and the facts have been entirely distorted in conse-
quence of the schism which occurred later on. While

CH. V. ANAN BEN DAVID.

129

his disciples honor him as a pious and holy man,
who, " if he had lived at the time when the Temple
was still standing, would have been vouchsafed the
gift of prophecy," his opponents cannot sufficiently
disparage him. But even they admit that Anan
was exceedingly well read in the Talmud, and that
he employed its style with great ability. It is also
certain that the son of the Exilarch held that cer-
tain decisions of the Talmud possessed no religious
authority, and that his anti-Talmudical tendency
was known, at all events, to the representatives of
the two academies, who directed the election of the
Exilarch. The Gaonic office was at that time held
by two brothers, sons of Nachman : that of Sora by
Judah the BHnd (759-762), and that of Pumbeditha
by Duda'i (761-764). These two brothers united
with their colleges to prevent Anan froni succeed-
ing to the dignity of Exilarch, and to choose in his
stead his younger brother Chananya (or Achunai).
But Anan did not stand entirely alone ; of elevated
rank, he naturally had friends. His expectation of
succeeding to a position of authority, whose sway
was acknowledged by all the Jewish communities of
the East at least, had doubtless attracted many
ambitious, greedy and parasitical followers. But he
also possessed adherents among those who refused
more or less openly to regard the Judaism of the
Talmud as true Judaism, and who welcomed Anan
as a powerful champion. The Ananite party were
not sparing in their efforts to obtain the nomination
of their chief by the Caliph Abu Jafar Almansur,
who, they supposed, was favorably disposed towards
them ; but their opponents gained the day. They
art said to have attempted the life of Anan, and to
have accused him of planning a rebellion against
the Caliph, who thereupon threw him into prison,
where, the legend goes on to relate, a Mahometan
was incarcerated. Both of them were to have been
hanged, but Anan's companion in misfortune advised

130 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

him to explain to the Caliph that he did not belong to
the same sect as his brother Chananya. Thereupon
Almansur is said to have liberated him, because,
according to Anan's adherents, he regarded him
with kindness, according to his adversaries, in con-
sequence of handsome presents of money, and
permitted him to emigrate with his followers to
Palestine.

One thing only among all these doubtful state-
ments is certain, namely, that Anan was obliged to
leave his country and settle in Palestine. In Jeru-
salem he built his own synagogue, which was still
standing at the time of the first crusade. It is like-
wise certain that, in consequence of the mortifying
slight cast upon him by the Gaons, Anan became
hostile to the-Gaonate, and directed all his animosity
against the Talmud, the principal source of its im-
portance. He displayed, in fact, a fierce hostility
to the Talmud and its supporters. He is reported
to have said that he wished that all the adherents
of the Talmud were in his body, so that by killing
himself he might at the same time make away with
them. He considered everything in the Talmud
reprehensible, and was desirous of returning to the
Bible in the ordering of religious life. He re-
proached the Talmudists with having corrupted
Judaism, and accused them at the same time, not
only of adding many things to the Torah, but also
of disregarding many of its commandments, which
they declared to be no longer obligatory. Many
things which, according to the text of the Bible,
ought to have been binding for all time, they set
aside. The advice which he impressed on his fol-
lowers was "to seek industriously in the Scripture."
On account of this return to the letter of the Bible
(Mikra), the system of religion which Anan founded
received the name of the Religion of the Text, or
Karaism.

Anan expounded his views concerning religious

CH. V. KARAISM. I3I

commandments and prohibitions in three works, one
of which was a commentary on the Pentateuch,
certainly the very first of all productions of this
class. Anan's works have not survived the lapse .
of time ; the original character of Karaism is
thus enveloped in complete obscurity. This only
is clear, that in his hostility to the Talmud the
founder of the Karaite sect increased rather than
lessened the religious duties of life, enforced many
observances which time and custom had long
abolished, and in his blind eagerness to change
the Talmudical exposition of the Law, often fell
into ridiculous exaggerations. He made use of the
Talmudical, or more properly the Mishnaic rules of
interpretation, and with their help considered him-
self entitled, equally with the old teachers (of the
Mishna), to deduce new laws of religion. The most
important alterations were those made in the dates
of the festivals, the Sabbath, in the laws of mar-
riage, and the dietary regulations. Anan abolished
the fixed calendar, which had been established in
the middle of the fourth century ; but finding no
grounds in the Bible for this innovation, he was
obliged to refer back to the time of the Second
Temple and the Tanaites. As in former times, the
beginning of every month was to be fixed by obser-
vation of the new moon. The leap years were not to
follow in a regular series, according to the nineteen-
years cycle, but were to be determined by repeated
examination of the condition of the crops, especially
at the time of the ripening of the barley. This was
not so much an absolute innovation as a renewal of
a method of regulating the festivals, the untenable-
ness of which in the state of dispersion of the Jewish
nation is evident. This variability of the calendar
offered but little difficulty to Anan and his followers
in Palestine, but it shows little foresight for the
future. As had been formerly done by the Sad-
ducees, Anan fixed the Feast of Pentecost fifty days
after the Sabbath following the Passover.

132 HISTORY OP THE JEWS. CH. V.

In the strict observance of the Sabbath, Anan far
outstripped the Talmud. He pronounced it unlawful
to administer any medicines on the Sabbath, even
in the case of dangerous illness, or to perform the
operation of circumcision, or to leave the house in
those cities where the Jews did not live separate
from the non-Jewish population ; he did not allow
any warm food to be eaten, nor even a light or fire
to be kindled on the eve of the Sabbath by the Jews
themselves, or by others for their use. Anan intro-
duced the custom among the Karaites of spending
the Sabbath-eve in entire darkness. All these alter-
ations and many others he pretended to deduce
from the letter of the Bible. He made the laws
relating to food severe beyond all measure, and he
extended the prohibition of marriage to relatives
who, according to the Talmud, were allowed to
intermarry, so that the marriage of uncle and niece
and of step-brothers and sisters, who were abso-
lutely unrelated to one another, was regarded by
him as incest. Compared with this exaggerated
severity, of what importance was the abolition of
the phylacteries (Tephillin), of the festal plants at
the Feast of Tabernacles, and of the festival of
Dedication, instituted in remembrance of the time
of the Hasmoneans, and of other trifles ? As his
opponents rightly affirmed, he set up a new and
much stricter Talmud. Religious life was thus in-
vested by Anan with a gloomy and unpoetical
character. The forms of prayer, which had been
employed during many centuries, some of which had
been in use in the Temple, were forbidden by the
founder of this sect to be used in the synagogue,
and they were banished, together with the prayers
of the poetanim. Instead of them, only Biblical
selections, made without taste, were to be read out
in the mannerof alitany in the Karaite synagogues.
As the Jews of the Islamic empire were possessed
of their own jurisdiction, Anan's innovations dealt

CH. V. THE STUDY OF THE BIBLE. 1 33

also with points of civil law. In opposition to the
text of the Bible, he placed the female heirs on an
equal footing with the males with reference to prop-
erty inherited from parents, while on the other hand
he denied to the husband the right of succeeding to
the property of his deceased wife.

But although Anan gave great impetus to the
study of the Bible, the system of vowel points
having been already introduced, thus enabling
all men to read the Scriptures, nevertheless the
age in which he lived was neither ripe enough
nor his mind sufficiently comprehensive to enable
him to produce a healthy, independent exposition
of the text. He himself was obliged, in order to
establish his innovations, to have recourse to forced
interpretations, such as would hardly have been
proposed by the Talmudists whom he reviled. In
rejecting the Talmud, he broke the bridge con-
necting the Biblical past with the present. The
religion of the Karaites is thus no natural growth,
but an entirely artificial and labored creation. Anan
had no regard for the customs and sentiments of
the people. As his system of religion depended on
the interpretation of the Scripture, Karaism natur-
ally was unsettled in character. A new explanation
of the text might threaten the very foundations of
religious life, for what had been lawful might become
unlawful, and vice versa. Anan was as devoid of
the power of appreciating poetry as of understand-
ing history. The sacred prophetic and poetic lit-
erature was of no further use to him than to prove
the existence of some law or some religious com-
mand. He closed the gates of the sanctuary on the
newly-awakened poetical impulse.

It is singular that Anan and his followers justified
their opposition to the Talmud by the example of
the founder of Christianity. According to their
idea, Jesus was a God-fearing, holy man, who had
not desired to be recognized as a prophet, nor to

134 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

set up a new religion in opposition to Judaism, but
simply to confirm the precepts of the Torah and to
abrogate laws imposed by human authority. Besides
acknowledging the founder of Christianity, Anan
also recognized Mahomet as the prophet of the
Arabs. But he did not admit that the Torah had
been repealed either by Jesus or by Mahomet, but
held it to be binding for all time.

It is impossible to ascertain the number of Anan's
adherents who followed him into exile. His dis-
ciples called themselves, after him, Ananites and
Karaites (Karaim, Bene Mikra), while to their ad-
versaries they gave the nickname of Rabbanites,
which is equivalent to " Partisans of Authority."
At first the irritation existing between the two
parties was extremely violent. It is hardly neces-
sary to say that the representatives of the colleges
placed the chief of the party and his adherents
under a ban of excommunication, and excluded
them from the pale of Judaism. But on their side,
the Karaites renounced all connection with the
Rabbanites, entered into no marriage with them,
refused to eat at their table, and even abstained
from visiting the house of a Rabbanite on the Sab-
bath, because they considered that the holy day
was desecrated there. The Rabbanites pronounced
the Karaites heretics, preached against them from
the pulpit, especially against their custom of spend-
ing the Sabbath-eve in darkness, and refused to
allow the followers of Anan to take part in the
prayers. The Karaites, on the other hand, could
not sufficiently abuse the two colleges and their
representatives. They applied to them the alle-
gory of the prophet Zachariah, of the two women
who carried Sin in a bushel to Babylon, and there
founded a dwelling-place for her. " The two women
are the Geonim in Sora and Anbar (Pumbeditha)."
This satire, which probably originated with Anan,
became current among the Karaites, and they

CH. V. RABBANITES AND KARAITES. I35

never called the two colleges otherwise than " the
two women."

Thus, for the third time, the Jewish race was
divided into two hostile camps. Like Israel and
Judah, during the first period, and the Pharisees
and Sadducees in the time of the Second Temple,
the Rabbanites and Karaites were now in opposi-
tion to each other. Jerusalem, the holy mother,
who had witnessed so many wars between her
sons, again became the scene of a fratricidal
struggle. The Karaite community, which had
withdrawn from the general union, acknowledged
Anan as the legitimate Prince of the Captivity, and
conferred this honorable title on him and his de-
scendants. Both parties exerted themselves as
much as possible to widen the breach.

After Anan's death, his followers, out of rever-
ence, introduced memorial prayers for him into the
Sabbath service. They prayed for him thus : " May
God be merciful to the Prince Anan, the man of
God, who opened the way to the Torah, and opened
the eyes of the Karaites ; who redeemed many from
sin, and showed us the way to righteousness. May
God grant him a good place among' the seven
classes who enter into Paradise." This service, in
memory of Anan, is still in use with the Karaites
of the present day.

It is impossible, however, for impartial judgftient
to endorse this encomium, for it is impossible to
discern in Anan any greatness of mind. He was
not a profound thinker, and was entirely devoid
of philosophical knowledge. He had so mean a
conception of the soul that, in painful adherence to
the letter of the Bible, he designated the blood as
its seat. But he was also inconsistent in his oppo-
sition to Talmudical Judaism, for he allowed not a
few religious laws to continue in force that could no
more be traced to a Biblical origin than the institu-
tions which he rejected.

136 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

After Anan's death the Karaite community con-
ferred the leadership on his son, Saul. Anan's dis-
ciples, who called themselves Ananites, differed
on various points with their master, especially with
regard to the prescribed mode of killing birds.
Thus, immediately after Anan's death, the enduring
character which he had desired to impart to reli-
gious life was destroyed, and there arose divisions
which increased with every generation. This schism
caused the Karaites to study the Bible more closely,
and to support and strengthen their position against
one another, and against the Rabbanites, frorh Holy
Writ. It was for this reason that the study of the
Bible was carried on by the Karaites with great
ardor. With this study went hand in hand the
knowledge of Hebrew grammar and of the Mas-
sora, the determination of the manner of reading
the Holy Scripture. There sprang up many com-
mentators on the Bible, and altogether a luxuriant
literature was produced, as each party, thinking it
had discovered something new in the Bible, desired
to have its authority generally acknowledged.

While the Karaites thus were extremely active,
the Rabbanites were most unfruitful in literary pro-
ductions. A single work is all that is known to
have appeared in those times. Judah, the blind
Gaon of Sora, who has already been mentioned,
and who had done much to oppose Anan's claim,
composed a Talmudical Compendium, under the
title " Short and Established Practice " (Halachoth
Ketuoth). In this work Judah collected and ar-
ranged, in an orderly manner, the subjects which
were scattered through the Talmud, and indicated
briefly, omitting all discussions, what still held good
in practice. To judge from a few fragments,
Judah's Halachoth were written in Hebrew, by which
means he rendered the Talmud popular and intel-
ligible. For this reason the work penetrated to
the most distant Jewish communities, and became

CH. V. THE EXILARCHATE BECOMES ELECTIVE. 1 37

the model for later compositions of a similar de-
scription.

The Karaite disturbances also contributed to
lessen the authority of the Exilarch. Until the
time of Anan the academies and their colleges had
been subordinate to the Prince of the Captivity, and
to the principals of the schools chosen or confirmed
by him ; at the same time, however, they had no
direct influence over the appointment to this office
when it became vacant. But having once suc-
ceeded in dispossessing Anan of the Exilarchate,
the Gaons determined that this power should not
be wrested from their hands, and accordingly from
this time exercised it on the ground that they could
not allow princes of Karaite opinions to be at the
head of the Jewish commonwealth. The Exil-
archate, which had been hereditary since the time
of Bostanai, became elective after Anan, and the
presidents of the academies directed the election.
On the death of Chananya (Achuna'i), and hardly
ten years after Anan's defection from Rabbanism,
a struggle for the Exilarchate broke out afresh
between two pretenders, Zaccai ben Achunai and
Natrona'i ben Chabibai. The latter was a member
of the college under Judah. The two heads of the
schools at this period, Malka bar Acha, of Pumbe-
ditha (771-773), and Chaninai Kahana ben Huna, of
Sora (765-775), united to bring about the overthrow
of Natronai, and succeeded in procuring, through
the Caliph's attendants, his banishment from Baby-
lonia. He emigrated to Maghreb (Kairuan), in
which city there had existed ever since its founda-
tion a numerous Jewish population. Zaccai was
confirmed in the office of Exilarch. The Exilarchate
continued to become more and more dependent on
the Gaonate, which often deposed obnoxious princes,
and not infrequently banished them. But as the
Exilarchs, when they arrived at power, attempted
to free themselves from this state of dependence,

138 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

there occurred collisions which exerted an evil influ-
ence on the Babylonian commonwealth.

At about the same time as Karaism sprang into
existence, an event occurred which only slightly
affected the development of Jewish history, but
which roused the spirits of the scattered race and
restored their courage. The heathen king of a
barbarian people, living in the north, together with
all his court, adopted the Jewish religion. The
Chazars, or Khozars, a nation of Finnish origin,
related to the Bulgars, Avars, Ugurs or Hunga-
rians, had settled, after the dissolution of the empire
of the Huns, on the frontier between Europe and
Asia. They had founded a kingdom on the Volga
(which they called the Itll or Atel) at the place near
which it runs into the Caspian Sea, in the neighbor-
hood of Astrakhan, now the home of the Kalmucks.
Their kings, who bore the title of Chakan or Cha-
gan, had led these warlike sons of the steppe from
victory to victory. The Chazars inspired the Persians
with so great a dread that Chosroes, one of their
kings, found no other way of protecting his dominions
against their violent invasions than by building a
strong wall which blocked up the passes between the
Caucasus and the sea. But this "gate of gates" (Bab
al abwab, near Derbend) did not long serve as a
barrier against the warlike courage of the Chazars.
After the fall of the Persian empire, they crossed
the Caucasus, invaded Armenia, and conquered the
Crimean peninsula, which bore the name Chazaria
foi some time. The Byzantine emperors trembled
at the name of the Chazars, flattered them, and paid
them a tribute, in order to restrain their lust after
the booty of Constantinople. The Bulgarians, and
other tribes, were the vassals of the Chazars, and
the people of Kiev (Russians) on the Dnieper were
obliged to pay them as an annual tax a sword and
a fine skin for every household. With the Arabs,
whose near neighbors they gradually became, they
carried on terrible wars.

CH. V. THE CHAZARS.

139

Like their neighbors, the Bulgarians and the
Russians, the Chazars professed a coarse religion,
which was combined with sensuality and lewdness.
The Chazars became acquainted with Islam and
Christianity through the Arabs and Greeks, who
came to the capital, Balanyiar, on matters of busi-
ness, in order to exchange the products of their
countries for fine furs. There were also Jews in the
land of the Chazars ; they were some of the fugi-
tives that had escaped (723) from the mania for
conversion which possessed the Byzantine Emperor
Leo. It was through these Greek Jews that the
Chazars became acquainted with Judaism. As in-
terpreters or merchants, physicians or counselors,
the Jews were known and beloved by the Chazar
court, and they inspired the warlike king Bulan
with a love of Judaism.

In subsequent times, however, the Chazars had
but a vague knowledge of the motive which in-
duced their forefathers to embrace Judaism. One
of their later Chagans gives the following account
of their conversion : The king Bulan conceived a
horror of the foul idolatry of his ancestors, and pro-
hibited its exercise within his dominions, without,
however, adopting any other form of religion. He
was encouraged by a dream in his endeavors to
discover the proper manner of worshiping God.
Having gained a great victory over the Arabs, and
conquered the Armenian fortress of Ardebil, Bulan
determined to adopt the Jewish religion openly.
The Caliph and the Byzantine emperor desired,
however, to induce the king of the Chazars to
embrace their respective religions, and with this
intention sent to Bulan deputations with letters
and valuable presents, and men well versed in
religious matters. The king thereupon arranged
for a religious discussion to take place before him be-
tween a Byzantine ecclesiastic, a Mahometan sage,
and a learned Jew. The champions of the three

140 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

religions disputed the whole question, however,
without being able to convince one another or the
king of the superior excellence of their respective
religions as compared with the other two. But as
Bulan had remarked that the representatives of the
religion of Christ and of Islam both referred to
Judaism as the foundation and point of departure
of their faiths, he declared to the ambassadors of
the Caliph and the Emperor that, as he had heard
from the opponents of Judaism themselves an im-
partial avowal of the excellence of that religion, he
would carry out his intention of professing Judaism
as his religion. He thereupon imme_diately offered
himself for circumcision. The Jewish sage who was
the means of obtaining Bulan's conversion is sup-
posed to have been Isaac Sanjari or Sinjari.

It is possible that the circumstances under which
the Chazars embraced Judaism have been embel-
lished by legend, but the fact itself is too definitely
proved on all sides to allow any doubt as to its
reality. Besides Bulan, the nobles of his kingdom,
numbering nearly four thousand, adopted the Jewish
religion. Little by little it made its way among the
people, so that most of the inhabitants of the towns
of the Chazar kingdom were Jews ; the army, how-
ever, was composed of Mahometan mercenaries.
At first the Judaism of the Chazars must have been
rather superficial, and could have had but little
influence on their mind and manners. A successor
of Bulan, who bore the Hebrew name of Obadiah,
was the first to make serious efforts to further the
Jewish religion. He invited Jewish sages to settle
in his dominions, rewarded them royally, founded
synagogues and schools, caused instruction to be
given to himself and his people in the Bible and
the Talmud, and Introduced a divine service mod-
eled on that of the ancient communities. So great
was the influence which Judaism exercised on the
character of this uncivilized race, that while the

CH. V. CONVERSION OF THE CHAZARS TO JUDAISM. I4I

Chazars that remained heathens, without a twinge of
conscience sold their children as slaves, those of
them that had become Jews abandoned this bar-
barous custom. After Obadiah came a long series
of Jewish Chagans, for according to a fundamental
law of the state only Jewish rulers were permitted
to ascend the throne. Neither Obadiah nor his
successors showed any intolerance towards the non-
Jewish population of the country ; on the contrary,
the non-Jews were placed on a footing of complete
equality with the other inhabitants. There was a
supreme court of justice, composed of seven
judges, of whom two were Jews for the Jewish
population, two Mahometans and two Christians for
those who were of these religions, and one heathen
for the Russians and Bulgarians. For some time
the Jews of other countries had no knowledge of the
conversion of this powerfuhkingdom to Judaism, and
when at last a vague rumor to this effect reached
them, they were of opinion that Chazaria was
peopled by the remnant of the former ten tribes.
The legend runs thus : Far, far beyond the gloomy
mountains, beyond the Cimmerian darkness of the
Caucasus, there live true worshipers of God, holy
men, descendants of Abraham, of the tribes of
Simeon and the half-tribe of Manasseh, who are so
powerful that five-and-twenty nations pay them
tribute.

At about this time — in the second half of the eighth
century — the Jews of Europe also emerged a little
from the darkness which had covered them for
centuries. Favored by the rulers, or at least
neither ill-treated nor persecuted by them, they
raised themselves to a certain degree of culture.
Charlemagne, the founder of the empire of the
Franks, to whom Europe owes its regeneration and
partial emancipation from barbarism, also con-
tributed to the spiritual and social advancement of
the Jews in France and Germany. By the creation

142 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

of the German- Prankish empire — which extended
from the ocean to the further side of the Elbe, and
from the Mediterranean to the North Sea — Charle-
magne transferred the focus of history to Western
Europe, whereas hitherto it had been at Constan-
tinople, on the borderland between Eastern Europe
and Asia. Although Charlemagne was a protector
of the Church, and helped to found the supremacy
of the papacy, and Hadrian, the contemporary
Pope, was anything but friendly to the Jews, and
repeatedly exhorted the Spanish bishops to prevent
the Christians from associating with Jews and
heathens (Arabs), Charlemagne was too far-seeing
to share the prejudices of the clergy with respect
to the Jews. In opposition to all the precepts of
the Church and decisions of the councils, the first
Prankish emperor favored the Jews of his empire,
and turned to account the knowledge of a learned
man of this race, who journeyed to Syria for him,
and brought back to Prance the products of the
East. While other monarchs punished the Jews for
purchasing Church vessels or taking them as pledges
from the clergy or the servants of the Church,
Charlemagne adopted the opposite course ; he in-
flicted heavy punishment on the sacrilegious eccles-
iastics, and absolved the Jews from all penalties.

The Jews were at this period the principal rep-
resentatives of the commerce of the world. While
the nobles devoted themselves to the business of
war, the commoners to trades, and the peasants
and serfs to .agriculture, the Jews, who were not
liable to be called upon to perform military service,
and possessed no feudal lands, turned their atten-
tion to the exportation and importation of goods
and slaves, so that the favor extended to them by
Charlemagne was, to a certain extent, a privilege
accorded to a commercial company. They experi-
enced only the restraint put upon all merchants in
the corn and wine trade ; the Emperor considered

CH. V. TOLERANCE OF CHARLEMAGNE. I43

it dishonest to make a profit on the necessaries of
Hfe. This somewhat materialistic value set upon
the Jews marks, however, great progress from the
narrow-mindedness of the Merovingian monarchs,
the Gunthrams and the Dagoberts, who saw nothing
in the Jews but murderers of God. But Charle-
magne also manifested deep interest in the spir-
itual advancement of the Jewish inhabitants of his
empire. In the same way as he had cared for the
education of the Germans and the French by in-
viting learned men from Italy, so also he earnestly
desired to place a higher culture within the reach of
the German and the French Jews. With this intention
he removed a learned family, consisting of Kalony-
mos, his son Moses, and his nephew, from Lucca to
Mayence (787), hoping besides to make the Jews
independent of the academies of the Levant.

Charlemagne's embassy to the powerful Caliph
Haroun Alrashid, to which was attached a Jew
named Isaac, is familiar to every student of history
(797). Although.at first probably Isaac accompanied
the two nobles, Landfried and Sigismund, only in
the character of interpreter, he was nevertheless
admitted into Charlemagne's diplomatic secrets.
Thus, when the two principal ambassadors died on
the journey, the Caliph's reply and the valuable
presents which he had forwarded, fell into Isaac's sole
charge, and he was received in solemn audience by
the Emperor at Aix. The Emperor is also said
to have requested the Caliph, through his embassy,
to send him from Babylonia a learned Jew for his
country, and Haroun is reported to have sent him
a man answering his requirements. This man was
a certain Machir, whom Charlemagne placed at the
head of the Jewish congregation of Narbonne.
Machir, who, like Kalonymos of Lucca, became the
ancestor of a learned posterity, founded a Tal-
mudical school at Narbonne.

Owing to their favorable position in the Prankish-

144 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

German Empire, in which they held land, the
Jews were permitted to undertake voyages and
carry on business, and were harassed neither by
the people nor by the really religious German eccle-
siastics ; they were also enabled to abandon them-
selves to their inclination for travel, and thus spread
through many of the provinces of Germany. In
the ninth century, numbers of them dwelt in the
towns of Magdeburg, Merseburg, and Ratisbon.
From these points, they penetrated further and
further into the countries inhabited by the Slavo-
nians on the further side of the Oder as far as
Bohemia and Poland. Meanwhile, in spite of the
favor which Charlemagne extended to them, he,
like the best men of the Middle Ages, found it
difficult to treat them on an entirely equal footing
with the Christians. The chasm, which the Fathers
of the Church had placed between Christianity and
Judaism, and which had been widened by individual
ecclesiastics and the synods, was far too deep to
be overleapt by an emperor who was devotedly
attached to the Church. Charlemagne himself
maintained, on one point, a difference between Jew
and Christian, and perpetuated it in the peculiar
form of the oath which was imposed on the Jews
who werfe witnesses against, or accusers of, a Chris-
tian. They were required, in taking an oath against
a Christian, to surround themselves with thorns, to
take the Torah in their right hand, and to call down
upon themselves Naaman's leprosy and the punish-
ment of Korah's faction in witness of the truth of
their statement. If there was not a Hebrew copy
of the Torah at hand, a Latin Bible was held to be
sufficient. It is impossible not to admit, however,
that to allow the Jews to testify against a Christian
was in itself a deviation from the ordinances of the
Church.

In the East, at the beginning of the ninth century,
the Jews were also reminded, in a disagreeable

CH. V. THE JEWS UNDER ABASSID CALIPHS. I45

manner, that they had to expect scorn and oppres-
sion even from the best rulers. The reigns of the
Abassid Caliphs, Haroun Alrashid and his sons, are
regarded as the most flourishing period of the
Caliphate of the East, but it is at this very time that
Jewish complaints of oppression rise loudest. It is
possible that in re-enacting Omar's law against the
Christians (807), Haroun also made it applicable to
the Jews ; for they were compelled to wear a dis-
tinctive badge of yellow on their dress, in the same
way as the Christians were obliged to wear blue,
and they had to use a rope instead of a girdle.
When, after his death (809), his two sons, Mahomet
Alemin and Abdallah Almamun, for whom their
father had divided the Caliphate into two parts,
engaged in a destructive civil war, throughout the
whole extent of the great empire, the Jews, especi-
ally those in Palestine, experienced severe persecu-
tion. The Christians, however, were their com-
panions in misfortune. During the four years
(809-8 1 3) of this fratricidal struggle, robbery and
massacre seem to have been the order of the day.
The sufferings were so terrible, it seems, that a
preacher of those times declared them to be a sign
of the speedy coming of the Messiah. " Israel can
only be redeemed by means of penitence, and true
penitence can only be evoked by suffering, afflic-
tion, wandering, and want," declared this orator by
way of consolation of his afflicted congregation. In
the civil war raging between the two Caliphs, he
fancied he saw the approaching destruction of the
Ishmaelite rule and the approach of the Messianic
empire. "Two brothers will finally rule over the
Ishmaelites (Mahometans) ; there will then arise a
descendant of David, and in the days of this king
the Lord of Heaven will found a kingdom which
shall never perish." "God will exterminate the
sons of Esau (Byzantium), Israel's enemies, and
also the sons of Ishmael, its adversaries." But;

146 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

these, like many others, were delusive hopes. The
civil war, indeed, shook the Caliphate to its founda-
tions, but did not destroy it. Alemin was killed,
and Almamun became the sole ruler of this exten-
sive empire.

It was during Almamun's reign (813-833) that
the Caliphate of the East flourished most luxu-
riantly. As he was imbued with tolerance, it
was possible for the sciences and a certain form
of philosophy to develop. Bagdad, Kairuan in
northern Africa, and Merv in Khorasan, became
the centers of science, such as Europe did not pos-
sess until many centuries later. The genius of the
Greeks celebrated its resurrection in Arabic garb.
Statesmen competed with men of leisure for the
palm of erudition. The Jews did not remain unaf-
fected by this enthusiasm for science. Investigation
and subtle inquiry are indeed part of their innermost
nature. They took earnest interest in these intel-
lectual activities, and many of their achievements
gained the approbation of the Arabs. The history
of Arab civilization has several Jewish names re-
corded in its annals. Sahal, surnamed Rabban
(the Rabbanite, the authority on the Talmud), of
Taberistan on the Caspian Sea (about the year
800), was celebrated as a physician and a mathe-
matician. He translated into Arabic the Almagest
of the Greek astronomer Ptolemy, the text-book of
astronomy during the Middle Ages, and was the
first to note the refraction of light. His son Abu-
Sahal AH (835-853) is placed among those that
advanced the study of medicine, and was the teacher
of two Arabic medical authorities, Razi and Anzarbi.

With even more ardor than that with which they
had applied themselves to medicine, mathematics
and astronomy, the Mussulmans prosecuted the
study of the science of religion, a sort of philosophy
of religion (Kalam). It was invested with as much
importance as the affairs of state, and exercised a

CH. V. PHILOSOPHY AMONG THE MAHOMETANS. I47

certain influence on politics. The expounders of
the Koran, in trying to explain away the grossly
sensual references to God, and to reconcile the con-
tradictions contained in that work, developed ideas
which projected far beyond the restricted horizon
of Islam. Many commentators, by reason of their
rationalistic explanations, came into conflict with
the champions of the text, and were branded by
them as heretics. The Mutazilists (heretics) laid
great stress upon the unity of God, and desired
that no definite attributes should be ascribed to
him ; for thereby the essence of God appeared to
them to be divided into parts, and several beings
to be included in the idea of God, whose unity was
thus negatived. They further asserted the freedorn
of the human will, because the unconditional pre-
determination by God, which the Oriental mind
believes, and the Koran confirms, was incompatible
with divine justice, which rewards the good and
punishes the bad. They believed, however, that
they still stood on the same ground as the Koran,
although, of course, going far beyond it, and in
order to bring their doctrine into harmony with the
blunt sayings of their religious book, they employed
the same method as the Alexandrian-Jewish philo-
sophers of religion had used to reconcile the Bible
with Greek philosophy ; they adopted an allegor-
ical interpretation of the text. This interpretation
was employed for the purpose of bridging over
the gulf existing between the rationalistic idea of
God and the irrational idea as taught by the Koran.
The rationalistic Mutazilist theology of the Maho-
metans, although denounced at first as heretical,
steadily gained ascendancy ; the schools of Bagdad
and Bassora rang with its doctrines. The Caliph
Almamun exalted it into the theology of the court,
and condemned the old simple views of religion.

The adherents of orthodoxy were horrified by
this license of interpretation, for the text of the

148 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

Koran, in an underhand way, was forced into con-
veying an opposite meaning, and simple faith lost
all support. They, therefore, adhered strictly to
the letter and to the natural meaning of the text.
Some of them went still further. They took, in
their literal meaning, all the expressipns concerning
God, however gross they might be, which occurred
in the Koran, or were used by tradition, and con-
structed a most vile theology. Mahomet expressed
a revelation thus : " My Lord came to meet me,
gave me his hand in greeting, looked into my face,
laid his hand between my shoulders, so that I felt
his cold finger-tips," and the orthodox school ac-
cepted all this in revolting literalness. This school
(Anthropomorphists) did not hesitate to declare
that God was a body possessed of members and a
definite form ; that he was seven spans high, meas-
ured by his own span ; that he was in a particular
spot — upon his throne ; that it was permissible to
affirm of him that he moves, mounts his throne and
descends from it, stops and rests. These and still
more blasphemous descriptions of the Supreme
Being, in the same grossly materialistic strain, were
given by the orthodox Mahometan teachers of
religion, in order to show their adherence to the
letter of the Koran in contradistinction to the
Rationalists.

The Jews of the East lived in so close a connec-
tion with the Mussulmans that they could not fail
to be affected by these tendencies. The same
phenomena were repeated, therefore, in Jewish
circles, and the variance between Karaites and
Rabbanites assisted in transferring the Islamic
controversies to Judaism. The official supporters
of Judaism, however, the colleges of Sora and Pum-
beditha, held aloof from them. Entirely absorbed
in the Talmud, and its exposition, they either took
no notice at first of the violent agitation of mind
prevailing, or else refused to yield to it. But out-

CH. V. JUDAH JUDGHAN. I49

side of the colleges men were actively interested in
these new methods, and Judaism was pushed through
another process of purification.

The faint ray of philosophy which fell into this
world of simple blind faith, ignorant of its own
beliefs, produced a dazzling illumination. The Kara-
ites for the most part were of Mutazilist (ration-
alistic) tendency, while the Rabbanites, on the con-
trary, having to defend the strange Agadic state-
ments concerning God, were antagonistic to science.
But as the religious edifice of Karaism was not
finished, there arose new sects within its pale, with
peculiar theories and varying religious practices.

The first person known to have imparted the
Mutazilist tendency of Islamic theology to Judaism
was Judah Judghan, the Persian, of the town of
Hamadan (about 800). His adversaries relate of
him that he was originally a camel-herd. He him-
self pretended to be the herald of the Messiah,
and when he had gained adherents, unfolded to
them a peculiar doctrine, which he asserted had
been made known to him in a vision.

In opposition to the ancient traditional views, in
accordance with which the Biblical account of God's
deeds and thoughts must be taken literally, Judah
Judghan asserted that we ought not to represent
God with material attributes or anthropomorphically,
for he is elevated above all created things. The
expressions which the Torah employs in this con-
nection are to be taken in a wholly metaphorical
sense. Nor may we take for granted that, by
virtue of His omnipotence and omniscience, God
predetermines the acts of man. Much rather ought
we to proceed from God's justice, and assume that
man is master of his actions, and possessed of
free will, and that reward and punishment are
meted out to us according to our merit. While
Judah of Hamadan was possessed of liberal views
concerning theoretical questions, he recommended

ISO HISTORY OF THE JEWS.. CH. V.

the severest asceticism in practice. His adherents
abstained from meat and wine, fasted and prayed
frequently, but were less strict with respect to the
festivals. His followers, who long maintained them-
selves as a peculiar sect under the name of Jud-
ghanites, believed so firmly in him that they asserted
that he was not dead, but would appear again, in
order to bring a new doctrine with him, as the
Shiites believed of Ali. One of his disciples,
named Mushka, was desirous of imposing the doc-
trine of his master on the Jews by force. He
marched out of Hamadan with a troop of comrades
of similar sentiments, but, together with nineteen
of his followers, ^vas killed, in the neighborhood of
Koom (east of Hamadan, southwest of Teheran),
most probably by the Mussulmans.

Judah Judghan attached more importance to an
ascetic mode of living than to the establishing of
the philosophical basis of Judaism, and was therefore
rather the founder of a sect than a religious philo-
sopher. A contemporary Karaite, Benjamin ben
Moses of Nahavend (about 800-820), spread the
Mutazilist philosophy among the Karaites. Ben-
jamin Nahavendi is regarded by his fellow- Karaites
as an authority, and is honored by them as greatly
as Anan, their founder, although he differed from
the latter on many points. Benjamin was entirely
permeated with the conceptions of the Mutazilists.
He was scandalized, not only by the physical and
human characteristics of God contained in the Scrip-
ture, but also by the revelation and the creation.
He could not rest satisfied with the idea that the
spiritual Being had created this earthly world, had
come into contact with it, had circumscribed himself
in space for the purpose of the revelation on Sinai,
and uttered articulate sounds. In order not to
abandon his elevated idea of God, and at the same
time to preserve the revelation of the Torah, he
adopted the following notion, as others had done

CH. V. BENJAMIN NAHAVENDI. I5I

before him : God had himself created only the spir-
itual world and the angels ; the terrestrial universe,
on the other hand, had been created by the angels,
so that God ought to be regarded only as the
mediate creator of the world. In the same way the
revelation, the giving of the Law on Sinai, and the
inspiration of the prophets were all the work of an
angel only. Certain disciples adopted Benjamin's
views, and formed a peculiar sect, called (it is not
known for what reason) the Makariyites or Mag-
hariyites.

While Benjamin Nahavendi, as is generally
acknowledged, deviated widely from the Jewish
system with respect to religious philosophy, he ap-
proached the Rabbanites on the subject of morals ;
he adopted many Talmudical ordinances, and left it
to the free choice of the Karaites to reject or adopt
them as their standard. In order to enforce obedi-
ence to the laws, Benjamin Nahavendi introduced a
species of excommunication, which differed only
slightly from the excommunication of the Rabba-
nites. When an accused person refused to obey
the summons served on him, and attempted to
evade judgment, he was to be cursed on each of
seven successive days, and then excommunication
■pronounced on him. The excommunication con-
sisted in the prohibition of intercourse with all the
members of the community, who also were forbidden
to greet him, or to accept anything from him ; he
was to be treated in all respects like one deceased,
until he submitted. If he obstinately disregarded
the decree, it was lawful to hand him over to tem-
poral justice. Although Benjamin Nahavendi in-
clined to Rabbanism on certain points, he adhered
firmly, nevertheless, to the Karaite principle of un-
restrained research in the Bible. One ought not to
tie one's self down to the authorities, but to follow
one's own conviction ; the son may differ from the
father, the disciple from the master, as soon as they

152 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V^

have reasons for their different views. " Inquiry is
a duty, and errors occasioned by inquiry do not
constitute a sin." '

In the same manner as the orthodox Mahometan
teachers of rehgion worked counter to the unre-
strained subtlety of the Mutazilists, and, falling into
the opposite extreme, conceived the divinity as pos-
sessed of a bodily form, so also did the Jewish
adherents of the orthodox doctrine go astray, and,
regarding the rationalistic innovation as a defection
from Judaism, they conceived the most absurd ideas
concerning the materiality of God. They even de-
sired to accept in their most literal sense the Biblical
expressions, " God's hand, God's foot, his sitting
down, or walking about." The Agadic exposition
of the Scripture, which occasionally made use of
material, tangible figures, adapted to the compre-
hension of the people, promoted the acceptance of
this anti-Jewish theory. This theory, the creation
of an imbecile, gained adherents by reason of its
mysterious nature. It gives a minute, corporeal
description of the Deity, measures his height from
head to foot by the parasang-scale, speaks in blas-
phemous detail of God's right and left eye, of his
upper and lower lip, of his beard and of other mem-
bers, which it would be sacrilegious even to mention.
In order, however, not to prejudice the sublimity
and majesty of God, this theory enlarges each organ
to enormous proportions, and considers that justice
has been done to the case when it adds that the
scale by which the members are measured con-
siderably exceeds the whole world (Shiur-Komah).
To this God, whom it thus dissected and measured,
the theory assigned a special house in heaven with
seven halls (Hechaloth). In the uppermost hall,
God is seated upon an elevated throne, the propor-
tions of which are measured by the same enormous
scale. The halls are populated by this materialistic
theory with myriads of angels, to some of whom are

CH. V. JEWISH MYSTICS. I S3

assigned names formed by the arbitrary combination
of Hebrew and foreign words into barbarous sounds.
The chief angel, however, is a certain Metatoron,
and the theory adds, after the example of the Chris-
tian and Mahometan authors, that he was Enoch or
Henoch, originally a man, but transported by God
into heaven, and converted into flames of fire.
With evident pleasure the theory dwells upon the
description of this abortion of a morbid fancy. It
even dared place him at the side of the Divinity, and
call him the " little God."

This theory, which was a compound of misun-
derstood Agadas, and of Jewish, Christian, and
Mahometan fantastic notions, clothed itself in mys-
terious obscurity, and pretended to be a revelation.
In order to answer the inquiry whence it had ac-
quired this wisdom which enabled it to scoff at
Judaism, in other words, at the Bible and the
Talmud, it quotes alleged divine instructions. As
there is no nonsense, however apparent, which
cannot find adherents when earnestly and impres-
sively enunciated, this doctrine of mystery, which
was based upon a grossly material conception of
God, found many followers. Its adepts called them-
selves " Men of Faith." They boasted of possessing
the means of obtaining a view of the divine house-
hold. By virtue of certain incantations, invocations
of the names of God and the angels, and the recita-
tion of certain prayer-like chants, combined with fast-
ing and an ascetic mode of living, they pretended
to be able to perform supernatural deeds. For this
purpose they made use of amulets and cameos
(Kameoth), and wrote upon them the names of
God or the angels with certain signs. Miracle-
working was a trifle to these mystics. They asserted
that every pious man had -the power of performing
miracles, if he only employed the proper means.
To this end they wrote a number of works on the
theory and practice of the esoteric doctrine ; for the

154 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

most part they contained downright nonsense, but
here and there they rose to poetry. But this
mystical literature only gave hints ; the adepts
would surrender the real key to a knowledge of the
divine secrets and to the power of performing
miracles only to certain persons, in whose hand and
forehead they pretended to discover lines that
proved them to be worthy of this favor.

This mystical doctrine flourished chiefly in Pales-
tine, where the real study of the Talmud was lan-
guishing ; little by little it made its way into
Babylonia. This became apparent on the occasion
of the election of a principal of the Pumbeditha
academy (814). The best claim to this office was
that advanced by a certain Mar- Aaron (ben Samuel),
by reason of his erudition and on account of his
having acted up till then as chief judge. Never-
theless, preference was given to the claim of a
rival, the aged Joseph bar Abba, who was far in-
ferior to him in learning ; the reason of this pref-
erence being that the latter was an adept in
mysticism, and was believed to be favored with the
intimacy of the prophet Elijah. One day when this
same Joseph bar Abba was presiding at a public
meeting, he exclaimed with rapture, " Make room
for the old man who is just coming in." The eyes
of all present were immediately turned to the en-
trance, and those to the right of the principal
respectfully stepped aside. They saw no one enter,
however, and were therefore all the more positively
convinced that the prophet Elijah had entered invi-
sible, had seated himself on the right of his friend
Joseph, and had been present during the whole of
his discourse. After that time no one dared occupy
the place at the side of the principal of the Pumbe-
ditha academy, for it had been honored and hallowed
by Elijah, and it became the custom to leave it
vacant.

Joseph's successor, Mar-Abraham ben Sherira

CH. V. CONTEST FOR THE EXILARCHATE. 1 55

(816-828), was likewise a mystic. It was said that
he could foresee the future from the rustling of
palm leaves on a calm day.

More liberal views, and even Karaism, found a
way into the halls of learning, just as mysticism
had done before. Through these opposed views
quarrels naturally arose, which came to light when
the office of Exilarch was to be filled. In the year
825 there was to be the election of a new Prince
of the Exile. For this office there were two can-
didates, David ben Judah and Daniel. The latter
was inclined to Karaism, and perhaps just on this
account found in southern Babylonia many sup-
porters who gave him their votes. The Baby-
lonians in the north, who belonged to Pumbeditha
(Anbar), decided in favor of David, as he doubtless
belonged to the orthodox party. The quarrel was
carried on with much virulence. The mystic Abra-
ham ben Sherira was deposed in consequence, and
Joseph ben Chiya appointed in his place. It is not
known by which party this was brought about.
But Abraham had followers in Pumbeditha, who
gave him their support, and refused allegiance to
the rival Gaon. The quarrel could not be decided
by their own authorities, and both parties appealed
to the Caliph Almamun to confirm the Exilarch of
their choice. Almamun, however, at that time was
engaged in a dispute about the Eastern Church.
He had been called upon to decide between two
claimants for the Chaldaeo-Christian Patriarchate,
and wanted to rid himself of such litigation. He
therefore declined to interfere in the internal affairs
of the Jews and Christians, and decreed that in
future .each party should be empowered to elect its
own religious chief. If ten Jews wished to elect an
Exilarch, ten Christians an Archbishop, or ten Fire-
worshipers a Chief Priest, they had the power to
do so. This decree was unsatisfactory to both
parties, inasmuch as it left the quarrel undecided ;

1S6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

it is not certain how it ended. So much, however,
is known : David ben Judah asserted his authority,
and filled the post for about ten years (till 840).

In the school of Sora also quarrels broke out
(827). The quarrel between the chiefs lasted for a
long time in the school of Pumbeditha. Eventu-
ally a compromise was effected. There were to be
two Gaons holding office together, who should
share equally the title and the revenue. Abraham,
however, was to have the privilege of delivering the
address at the general assemblies.

One day both heads of the school at Pumbeditha
met in Bagdad at an installation ceremony, at which
it was customary to give an address. The capital
of the Caliphate had at this time a numerous Jewish
community and several synagogues. Bagdad, which
was nearer to Pumbeditha than to Sora, belonged
to the district of the School of Pumbeditha. Its
president was there given the preference to him of
Sora.

When the lecture was to begin, and it was pro-
claimed aloud, " Hear what the heads of the schools
are about to say," those present burst into tears on
account of the disunion in their midst. The tears
of the multitude had so mighty an effect upon
Joseph ben Chiya that he arose, and publicly ten-
dered his resignation in favor of his opponent.

He received an insulting blessing as the reward
of his noble resolve. " May God give you a share
in the world to come," said his opponent, who now
assumed his position. It was only after Abraham's
death (828), that the noble Joseph was re-installed
as Gaon of Pumbeditha (828-833).

All disputes had ceased in the school of Sora,
but they soon broke out again, and created such
confusion, that Sora was without a Gaon for two
years (837-839). We are in the dark as to the
true reason of all this discord, but it is probable
that the rise of Kar^ism had something to dg

CH. V. KARAITE SECTS. I57

with it. However much the Rabbanites hated the
Karaite sect, and though they declared it heretical,
and kept away from it, yet they adopted several of
its teachings, and imitated it in others.

But if Anan's sect had sown the seeds of dissen-
sion amongst the followers of the more ancient
sect, it was itself not by any means free there-
from. The principal dogma of Karaism was un-
limited freedom in exegesis, and the regulation of
religion according to the result of honest inquiry.
The result was that every Karaite constructed his
Judaism according to his own interpretation of
the text. Religious practice was regulated according
to the clever or silly ideas of the expositor. More-
over, exegesis was yet in its infancy. The knowl-
edge of the Hebrew language, the basis of a healthy,
rational exegesis, was still scanty, and arbitrariness
had every opportunity of asserting itself. Every
one believed himself to be in possession of the
truth, and when he did not condemn them, pitied
those who did not share his views. We have a sad
picture of the condition of Karaism scarcely a cen-
tury after Anan's death. New sects, too, arose
from it, the founders of which had strange ideas
about some customs of Judaism. Musa (or Mesvi)
and Ishmael, from the town of Akbara (seven miles
east of Bagdad), are said to have held peculiar views
about the observance of the Sabbath. What these
views were we do not now know, but they ap-
proached the doctrines of the Samaritans. The
two Akbarites further declared that the Pentateuchal
prohibition against eating certain parts of the fat of
an animal only referred to the sacrifices, and that it
was permissible to use them otherwise. Musa and
Ishmael found followers who lived according to their
doctrines. These formed a sect within Karaism,
and called themselves Akbarites.

Simultaneously with these there arose another
false teacher, Abu-Amran Moses, a Persian from

158 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. V.

the little town of Safran (near Kerman-Shah in
Persia), who had emigrated to the town of Tiflis in
Armenia. Abu Amran Altiflisi propounded other
views, which he believed were based upon the text
of the Bible. He, like the other Karaites, wished
to have the marriage of an uncle with his niece
considered among the prohibited unions. He had
peculiar views about the calendar, differing both
from those of the Karaites and those of the Rab-
banites. There was to be no fixed calendar, nor
was the month to commence when the new moon
became visible, but at the moment of its eclipse.
Moses, the Persian, denied bodily resurrection, and
introduced other innovations which are not known
in detail. His followers formed themselves into a
peculiar sect, under the name of Abu-Amranites or
Tiflisites, and continued to exist for several cen-
turies.

Another Moses (or Mesvi), from Baalbek in Syria,
continued the schism, and departed still more from
Karaism. He affirmed that the Feast of Passover
must always happen on Thursday, and the Day of
Atonement on the Sabbath, because this day is
designated in the Bible as " the Sabbath of Sab-
baths." In many points, Moses of Baalbek differed
from both the Karaites and the Rabbanites. He
enacted amongst his sect that in praying they
should always turn to the west, instead of turning
in the direction of the Temple. He, too, formed
a sect called by his name, which continued to exist
for a long time.

As Karaism had no religious center, and no spir-
itual court to represent its unity, it is quite natural
that there could be no sympathy between one
Karaite community and another. And so it hap-
pened that the people of Khorasan observed the
festivals in a manner different from that of the other
Karaites.

In the principles which the Karaites by and by

CH. V. KARAITE MARRIAGE LAWS. 1 59

were forced to lay down, in order, in a measure, to
put a stop to the individualistic tendencies of their
adherents, who were always forming new sects,
they recognized the authority of tradition. They
accepted the laws for slaughtering and the manner
of fixing the beginning of each month, under their
rule that a great many customs, not prescribed in
either the Law, the Prophets or the Hagiographa,
yet universally observed among the members of the
Jewish race, were obligatory as religious practices.
This rule of agreement or analogy was later called
by them tradition (Haatakah) or hereditary teaching
(Sebel ha Yerusha). In practice, however, they were
arbitrary, inasmuch as they retained one custom as
traditional, while they rejected others possessed of
equal claims to be considered traditional. The rule
of analogy led Karaism into new difficulties, espe-
cially as regards the marriage of certain blood-rela-
tions. They fell from one difficulty into another.
They held that the affinity between a man and his
wife was, according to the Bible, continuous. Con-
sequently step-cnildren should not be allowed to
intermarry. But they went still further. The
affinity between a man and his wife continues, they
said, even if the marriage is dissolved. If in such
a case the husband or the wife marries again, the
affinity extends to the new families, although they are
unknown to each other. Hence the members of
the family of the first husband cannot intermarry
with the members of the second husband's family.
This affinity continues to the third and fourth gen-
erations. Thus the circle of affinity was consider-
ably enlarged. The authors of this system of arti-
ficial relationship called it "handing over" (Rikkub,
Tarkib). Why they should have stopped at the
fourth generation it is difficult to see, but it appears
that they feared the ultimate consequences. Such
was the confusion in which Karaism had enveloped
itself in its endeavor to break with the past.

CHAPTER VI.

FAVORABLE CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN THE FRANKISH DOMI-
NIONS, AND THE DECAY OF THE EXILARCHATE IN THE EAST.

The Jews under Louis le Dfibonnaire — The Empress Judith and her
Veneration for Judaism — Agobard, Bishop ot Lyons — Conversion
of Bishop Bodo — Amolo's efiort against the Jews — Charles the
Bald — Troubles in BSziers and Toulouse — Decree against the
Jews in Italy — Boso oi Burgundy — Basilius — Leo the Philosopher
— Decline of the Exilarchate — The Geonim acquire Additional
Influence — The Prayer Book of Amram — Mar-Zemach — Literary
and Scientific Activity of the Jews— Decay of Karaisra — Dissen-
sions at Pumbeditha.

814 — 920 c. E.

The Jews of Europe had no knowledge of the split
in Judaism in the East, of the struggle between the
Exilarchate and the Gaonate, or of the rivalry
of the heads of the schools. Babylonia, the seat of
the Gaonic schools, was looked upon by them
almost in the light of a heaven upon earth, as a
place of eternal peace, and of the knowledge of
God. A decision from Pumbeditha was considered
an important event, and was read with the greatest
respect. Such a decision was obeyed more will-
ingly than a papal bull among the Catholics, be-
cause it was given without the assumption of
authority. The western nations, as yet in their
childhood with respect to literature, were under
guardianship as regards religion — the Christians
under the papal throne, the Jews under the Gaonic
schools.

It is true, some prominent Jews in France and
Italy occupied themselves with the study of mys-
ticism and the Agada, but they regarded them-
selves as dependent upon the Eastern authorities.

CH. VI. LOUIS THE PIOUS. l6l

The favorable condition of the Jews in the
Prankish dominions, under Charles the Great, con-
tinued under his son Louis (814-840), and, under
these advantageous circumstances, an impulse to-
wards intellectual activity manifested itself. They
showed so much zeal in the cause of Judaism that
they even inspired Christians with love for it. The
successor of Charles the Great, the generous but
weak Louis, in spite of his religious inclination,
which obtained for him the name of " the Pious,"
showed extraordinary favor to the Jews. He took
them under his special protection, shielding them
from injustice, both on the part of the barons and of
the clergy. They enjoyed the right of settling in
any part of the kingdom. In spite of numerous
decrees to the contrary, they were not only allowed
to employ Christian workmen, but they might even
import slaves. The clergy were forbidden to bap-
tize the slaves of Jews to enable them to regain
their freedom. Out of regard for them the market
day was changed from the Sabbath day to Sunday.
The Jews were freed from the punishment' of
scourging, and had the jurisdiction over Jewish
offenders in their own hands. They were, more-
over, not subject to the barbarous ordeals of fire
and water. They were allowed to carry on their
trades without let or hindrance, but they had to pay
a tax to the treasury, and to render account period-
ically of their income. Jews also farmed the taxes,
and obtained through this privilege a certain power
over the Christians, although tnis was distinctly
contrary to the provisions of canonic law.

An officer (Magister Judaeorum) was appointed
whose duty it was to watch over the rights of the
Jews, and not permit them to be encroached upon.
In the time of Louis this office was filled by a man
named Eberard. One is almost tempted to believe
that the remarkable favor shown to the Jews by
the pious emperor was mainly due to commercial

l62 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

motives. The international commerce which Charle-
magne had established, and which the. counselors of
Louis wished to develop, was mostly in the hands
of Jews, because they could more easily enter into
commercial relations with their brethren in other
lands, as they were not hampered by military
service. But there was a deeper reason for the
extraordinary favor shown to the Jews, not only to
the Jewish merchants, but also to the Jews as such
— the bearers of the purified knowledge of God.

The empress Judith, Louis' second consort, was
most friendly to Judaism. This beautiful and clever
queen, the admiration of whose friends was equaled
only by the hostility of her foes, had great respect
for the Jewish heroes of antiquity. When the
learned abbot of Fulda, Rhabanus Maurus, wished
to win her favor, he could find no more effectual
means than to dedicate to her his work on the
books of Esther and Judith, and to compare her
to both these Jewish heroines. The empress
and her friends, and probably also the treasurer
Bernhard, the real ruler of the kingdom, became
patrons of the Jews, because of their descent from
the patriarchs and the prophets. " They ought to
be honored on this account," said their friends at
court, and their view was shared by the emperor.
Cultured Christians refreshed themselves with the
writings of the Jewish historian Josephus and the
Jewish philosopher Philo, and read their works in
preference to those of the apostles. Educated
ladies and courtiers openly confessed that they
esteemed the Jewish lawgiver more highly than
they did their own. They even went so far as to
ask the Jews for their blessing. The Jews had free
access to court, and held direct intercourse with
the emperor and those near him. Relatives of the
emperor presented Jewish ladies with costly gar-
ments in order to show their appreciation and
respect.

CH. VI. JUDAISM FAVORED. 163

As such favor was shown them in higher circles,
it was only natural that the Jews of the Prankish
dominions (which also included Germany and Italy)
should enjoy wide toleration, perhaps more than at
any other period of their history. The hateful
canonical laws were tacitly annulled. The Jews
were allowed to build synagogues, to speak freely
about the meaning of Judaism in the hearing
of Christians, and even to say that they were
"descendants of the patriarchs," "the race of the
just," " the children of the prophets." They could
fearlessly give their candid opinion about Chris-
tianity, the miracles of the saints, the relics, and
image worship. Christians visited the synagogues,
and were edified by the Jewish method of con-
ducting divine service, and, strangely enough, were
better pleased with the lectures of the Jewish
preachers (Darshanim) than with those of their
own clergy, although the Darshanim could hardly
have been able to reveal the deep tenor of Judaism.
So much, however, is certain : the Jewish preachers
delivered their sermons in the vernacular. Clergy-
men in high station were not ashamed to adopt
their expositions of Holy Writ from the Jews. The
abbot Rhabanus Maurus of Fulda confessed that
he had learnt several things from the Jews which
he made use of in his commentary to the Bible,
dedicated to Louis of Germany, who afterwards
became emperor.

In consequence of the favor shown to the Jews at
court, some Christians conceived a liking for Judaism,
looked upon Judaism as the true religion, found it
more convincing than Christianity, respected the
Sabbath, and wo^-ked on Sunday. In short, the
reign of Emperor Louis the Pious was a golden era
for the Jews of his kingdom, such as they had never
enjoyed, and were destined never again to enjoy
in Europe, But as the Jewish race has had enemies
at all times, these were not lacking to the Prench

164 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

Jews of this epoch, especially as they were in favor
at court, were beloved by the people, and could
openly declare their religious views. The followers
of strict Church discipHne saw in the violation of
the canonical laws, in the favoj shown to the Jews
and in the liberty which was then being vouchsafed
to them, the ruin of Christendom. Envy and
hatred were concealed under the cloak of ortho-
doxy. The patrons of the Jews at court, with the
empress at their head, were hated by the clerical
party, which strove to rule the emperor, and which
now transferred its anger against the liberal court
party to the Jews.

The exponent of clerical orthodoxy and of hatred
against the Jews at this time, was Agobard, Bishop
of Lyons, whom the Church has canonized. A
restless and passionate man, he calumniated the
empress Judith, rebelled against the emperor, and
incited the princes to revolt. He supported the
disloyal sons of the emperor, especially Lothaire,
against their father. He was called the Ahitho-
phel who incited Absalom against his father David.
This bishop wished to limit the liberty of the Jews,
and to reduce them to the low position they had
held under the Merovingian kings.

An insignificant occurrence gave him the desired
opportunity. The female slave of a respected Jew
of Lyons ran away from her master, and to regain
her freedom she allowed herself to be baptized
(about 827). The Jews, who saw in this act an
encroachment on their chartered rights and on their
property, demanded the surrender of the runaway
slave. On Agobard's refusal to grant this, the
Jews turned to Eberard, the Magister Judaeorum,
who threatened to punish the bishop, if he persisted
in his refusal to restore her to her master.

This was the beginning of a contest between
Agobard and the Jews which lasted for several
years. It gave rise to many quarrels, and ended

CH. VI. BISHOP AGOBARD OF LYONS. 165

in the deposition of Agobard. He did not care so
much about this slave, as about the maintenance
and assertion of the canonical laws against the
Jews. But he now encountered a serious difficulty.
Incited, on the one hand, by his hatred of the Jews,
restrained, on the other, by his fear of punishment,
he did not know how to act. Perplexed, he turned
to the representatives of the Church party at court,
whom he knew to be enemies of the empress and
her favorites, the Jews. He urged them to induce
the emperor to restrict the liberty of the Jews.
They appear to have proposed something of the
sort to the emperor. The friends of the Jews at
court, in the meantime, sought to frustrate the plans
of the clergy. The emperor summoned the bishops
and the representatives of Judaism to settle the
points in dispute. Agobard, however, was so full
of rage at the meeting that, as he himself says,
" he roared rather than spoke." He then had an
audience with the emperor. When the bishop
appeared before Louis, the latter looked at him so
fiercely that he could not utter a word, and heard
nothing but the order to withdraw. Ashamed and
confused, the bishop returned to his diocese. How-
ever, he soon recovered from his confusion, and
plotted anew against the Jews. Agobard delivered
anti-Jewish speeches, and urged his parishioners to
break off all intercourse with the Jews, to do no
business with them, and to decline entering their
service. Fortunately, their patrons at court were
active on their behalf, and did their best to frustrate
the designs of the fanatic priest. As soon as they
were informed of his action they obtained letters of
protection [indiculi) from the emperor, sealed with
his seal, and these they sent to the Jews of Lyons.

A letter was likewise sent to the bishop com-
manding him, under a severe penalty, to discon-
tinue his anti-Jewish sermons. Another_ letter was
sent to the governor of the Lyons district, bidding

l66 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

him render the Jews all assistance (828), Agobard
took no notice of these letters, and spitefully alleged
that the imperial decree was spurious — in fact,
could not possibly be genuine. Thereupon Eberard,
the Magister Judseorum, sent to him, telling him
of the emperor's displeasure on account of his
disobedience. But he remained so obstinate, that
the emperor had to send two commissioners, Ger-
rick and. Frederick, men in high standing at court,
armed with full power to bring this stubborn and
seditious bishop to reason. What means they were
empowered to employ against him we do not know,
but they must have been severe, because the few
priests who had taken part in Agobard's agitation
did not venture to show themselves. It is signifi-
cant that the people of Lyons did not at all side
with their bishop against the Jews.

The Jew-hater Agobard did not rest in his efforts
against the Jews. He determined to oppose the
court party which favored the Jews, and to win over
the emperor by an appeal to his conscience. Per-
haps he was acquainted with the plans of the
conspirators, Wala, Helisachar, and Hilduin, who
desired to incite the sons of the emperor's first
marriage against the empress and the chief chan-
cellor Bernhard, because these had induced the
emperor to effect a new division of the kingdom in
favor of Judith's son. Agobard henceforth divested
himself of all timidity, and became quite resolute,
as though he anticipated the speedy downfall of the
party that favored the Jews. He first appealed to
the bishops, and entreated them to reproach the
king with his sin, and persuade him to reduce the
Jews to the humble position they had occupied at
the time of the Merovingians. Only one of Ago-
bard's letters to the prelates is extant, the one
to Bishop Nibridius of Narbonne. It is full of
bitterness against the Jews, and is interesting on
account of the fanaticism of the writer, and the

CH. VI. BISHOPS ASSEMBLE AT LYONS. 167

confession he makes therein. Amongst other things
he complains that the Christians, despite their efforts,
could not succeed in winning over to Christianity
a single Jewish soul, whilst the Christians, joining
Jews at their meals, partook also of their spiritual
food. Although Agobard's bitter hatred of the
Jews is chiefly to be considered a manifestation
of his own feelings, it cannot be denied that it
was in entire harmony with the teachings of the
Church. He justly appeals to the sayings of the
apostles and to the canonic laws. The inviolable
decrees of the councils, too, were on his side.
Agobard, with his gloomy hatred, was strictly
orthodox, whilst Emperor Louis with his mildness
was inclined to heresy. But Agobard did not
venture to spread this opinion openly. He rather
suggested it in his statement that he could not
believe it to be possible that the emperor had
betrayed the Church to the Jews. His complaint
was echoed In the hearts of the princes of the
Church.

A number of bishops assembled at Lyons for the
purpose of discussing the best method of humbling
the Jews, and disturbing their hitherto peaceful
existence. They also considered how the emperor
might best be influenced to adopt their resolutions.
It was resolved at the meeting that a letter should
be handed to the emperor, setting forth the wicked-
ness and the danger of favoring the Jews, and
specifying the privileges which ought to be with-
drawn (829). The letter of the synod, as we have
it now, is signed by three bishops, and is entitled,
" Concerning the Superstitions of the Jews." Ago-
bard wrote the preface, in which he explains his
position in the quarrel. In it, after accusing the
Jews, he blamed their friends as being the cause of
all the evil. The Jews, he said, had become bold
through the support of the commissioners, who had
given out that the Jews were not so bad after all.

1 68 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

but were very dear to the emperor. From the
standpoint of faith and of the canonic laws the
argument of Agobard and the other bishops was
Irrefutable, and had Emperor Louis the Pious set
store by this logic, he would have had to extirpate
the Jews, root and branch. Fortunately, however,
he took no notice of It. This happened either
because he knew Agobard's character, or because
the letter containing the accusations against the
Jews never reached him. Agobard's fear that the
letter would be intercepted by the friends of the
Jews at court may have proved well founded. The
Jew-hating bishop of Lyons, .however, had his re-
venge. In the following year (830), he took part
in the conspiracy against the empress Judith, by
joining the sons, who nearly succeeded in dethroning
their father. Agobard was thereupon deprived of
his office, and had to seek safety In Italy, but Louis
soon restored him to his office, after which Agobard
left the Jews unmolested.

Till the end. of his life Louis remained well dis-
posed toward the Jews. This is the more surprising
as he felt very much hurt when one of his favorites
became a convert to Judaism, which might easily
have embittered him against them. The conversion
of Bishop Bodo, who had hitherto occupied a high
position, created a great sensation In Its time. The
chronicles speak of this event as they would of some
extraordinary natural phenomenon. The event, in-
deed, was accompanied by peculiar circumstances,
and was a great shock to pious Christians. Bodo,
or Puoto, descended from an old Alemannlc race, a
man as well Informed In temporal as In spiritual
affairs, had become an ecclesiastic, and occupied the
rank of a deacon. The emperor favored him, and
in order to have him constantly near him, made him
his spiritual adviser. Entertaining strict Catholic
opinions, Bodo desired to go to Rome In order to
receive the blessing of the Pope, and to make a

CH. VI. BISHOP BODO'S CONVERSION. 169

pilgrimage to the graves of the apostles and the
martyrs. He was given leave of absence, but in
Rome, the stronghold of Christianity, Bodo con-
ceived a strong liking for Judaism. Perhaps the
favor shown to the Jews and Judaism at Louis'
court had suggested to' him a comparison of the two
faiths,, and his investigation may have led him to
recognize the merits of Judaism. Besides, the im-
moral life of the clergy in the Christian capital,
which had given rise to the satire about Pope Joan,
who had defiled the chair of Peter, filled him with
disgust, and attracted him to the purer religion of
Judaism.

He himself wrote later, that he, in company with
other divines, had used the churches for grossly
immoral purposes. Christian orthodoxy, without
inquiring into the true reason for Bodo's change of
faith, had a ready answer, viz., that Satan, the enemy
of mankind and of the Church, had led him to it.
Bodo, without stopping at the court or in France,
journeyed from Rome to Spain, and there formally
became a Jew, giving up for the new faith his father-
land, his position, and his friends. He was circum-
cised in Saragossa, assumed the name of Eleazar,
and let his beard grow (August, 938). He married
a Jewess in Saragossa, and appears to have entered
the military service of an Arab prince. He now
conceived such hatred against his former co-relig-
ionists, that he persuaded the Mahometan conqueror
not to tolerate Christians in his dominions, but to
compel them to adopt either Islam or Judaism.
Thereupon the Spanish Christians are said to have
appealed to the emperor of the Prankish empire and
to the bishops to use their utmost endeavors to get this
dangerous apostate into their power. The emperor
Louis was deeply moved by Bodo's conversion.
He did not, however, allow the Jews to suffer on
account of his grief, but continued to protect them
against injustice. Of this we have a clear proof in

170 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

his action in reference to a lawsuit which came
under his notice some months after Bodo's conver-
sion. It is probable that with Louis the Pious
originated the theory, current throughout the later
period of the Middle Ages, and doubtless inspired
by benevolent desires, that the emperor is the
natural patron of the Jews, and that they, being his
wards, are inviolable.

With the death of the emperor Louis, the golden
age of the Jews in the Prankish dominions came to
an end, and their good fortunes were not renewed
for a considerable time. Southern Europe, dis-
turbed by anarchy, and ruled by a fanatic clergy,
did not offer a favorable field for the development
of Judaism. It is true that Charles the Bald, the
son of Louis by Judith, who caused so much confu-
sion in the Prankish dominions, that the subsequent
division of the kingdom into France, Germany,
Lorraine, and Italy ensued, was not hostile to the
Jews (843). He appears, indeed, to have inherited
from his mother a certain preference for Judaism.
He had a Jewish physician, *Zedekiah, to whom he
was much attached, but whose skill in medicine was
regarded, by the ignorant and superstitious people,
as magic and the work of the devil, and also a
Jewish favorite, whose political services won from
his royal master the praise, " My faithful Judah."

Under Charles the Bald, as under his predecessor,
the Jews enjoyed equal rights with the Christians.
They were allowed to carry on their business unhin-
dered, and also to possess landed property. Some
of them controlled the tolls. But they had impla-
cable enemies among the higher clergy. They had
angered the dignitaries of the Church too much by
their humiliation of Agobard, and the clergy, though
they spoke constantly of love and kindness, would
not allow the Jews to enjoy their advantages.

The bitterest enemy of the Jews was Agobard's
disciple and successor, Bishop Amolo of Lyons.

CH. VI. AMOLO'S CRUSADE AGAINST THE JEWS. I7I

He had imbibed hatred of the Jews from his master ;
and he was not alone in this, for Hinkmar, the
bishop of Rheims, a favorite of Emperor Charles,
the archbishop of Sens, the archbishop of Bourges,
and others of the clergy shared his anti-Jewish
sentiments. At a council held by these prelates at
Meaux (not far from Paris) in 849, for the purpose
of exalting the spiritual power at the expense of the
royal authority, and of repressing the riotous living
of many clergymen, it was resolved to re-enact the
old canonical laws and anti-Jewish restrictions, and
to have them confirmed by Charles. The members
of the council did not mark the limit of the revival
of old restrictions, but on the list, similar to Ago-
bard's, containing the spiteful ordinances from
which the king was to select those to be enforced
anew, were included some that dated from the time
of the first Christian emperor Constantine. It also
mentioned the decree of Emperor Theodosius II,
according to which no Jew was allowed to occupy
any office or position of honor. The decrees of the
various councils and the edict of the Merovingian
king Childebert, were also cited, by which the Jews
were not permitted to occupy the positions of judges
and farmers of taxes, nor show themselves on the
streets during Easter week, and were required to pay
the utmost respect to the clergy. They even cited
synodal decrees which had been passed outside
of France, and therefore had never been invested
with the force of law, and also the inhuman Visi-
gothic synod decrees, which had been directed
more especially against baptized Jews who still
clung to Judaism. The members of the council also
mentioned the Visigothic synodal decrees, which
prescribed that the children of converted Jews
should be torn from their parents and placed
amongst Christians. In conclusion, they laid stress
upon the point that Jewish and Christian slave
dealers should be compelled to sell heathen slaves

172 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

within Christian territory, so that they might be
converted to Christianity.

The prelates thought that they could cajole Charles
into yielding to their wishes by representing to him
that the Northmen's invasion was divine chastise-
ment for his sinfulness. But Charles was not so
humbled by state troubles as to allow laws to be
dictated to him by a fanatic and ambitious clergy.
Although his favorite, Hinkmar, took part in the
council, he had the meeting dissolved. Later on,
however, he summoned the members again for a
new session, under his own supervision, at Paris (14
Feb., 846). The improvement of Church affairs was
to be considered. They had to omit three quarters
of the eighty decrees of the council of Meaux,
amongst them the proposed anti-Jewish regulations.
Thus neither under the Carlovingians nor under
later rulers, was the degradation of the Jews in
France decreed by law. Charles imposed upon
the Jewish merchants a tax of eleven per cent, on
the value of all merchandise sold, whilst the Chris-
tians had to pay only ten per cent.

Amolo and his colleagues could not forget the
defeat they had suffered at the council of Meaux,
where their plan to humble the Jews had been frus-
trated. Agobard's successor sent a letter to the spir
itual authorities, reminding them that they ought' to
use their influence with the princes to deprive the
Jews of all their privileges. Amolo's letter, full of
virulence and calumny against the Jewish race, is a
worthy appendix to Agobard's letter to Emperor
Louis on the same subject. Much therein is bor-
rowed from the latter. Towards the end of his
letter, Amolo expresses his deep regret that the
Jews in France were enjoying the rights of free
speech, and that many Christians were well dis-
posed toward them. The Jews were even allowed
to have Christian servants to work in their houses
and fields. He complains, too, that many Chris^

CH. VI. PETTY PERSECUTIONS. 173

tians openly declare that the sermons of the Jewish
preachers please them better than those of the
Christian clergy, making it seem the fault of the
Jews that the Christian clergy could not attract
audiences. He also reproached the Jews with the
fact that a noble Church official had gone over to
Judaism, and now thoroughly hated Christianity.
Amolo invited all the bishops of the country to do
their utmost to re-introduce the old canonic restric-
tions against the Jews. He enumerated a number
of anti-Jewish princes and councils that had insisted
on the legal humiliation of the Jews, just as Agobard
and the members of the council of Meaux had done
before. Amolo, above all, reminded them of the
pious Visigothic king, Sisebut, who had forced the
Tews to adopt Christianity. "We dare not," ends
his malignant letter, " either by our suavity, flattery,
or defense, encourage the complacency of the Jews,
who are accursed, and yet blind to their own damna-
tion."

At the time, Amolo's virulent letter had as little
effect as Agobard's letter and the decree of the
council of Meaux. But gradually the poison spread
from the clergy to the people and the princes. The
division of France into small independent states,
which refused allegiance to the king, was another
unfavorable circumstance. Its effect was to leave
the }ews at the mercy of the fanatical clergy and
the tyranny of petty princes.

How malicious was the spirit animating the
French clergy, can be judged from the fact that
the successive bishops of Beziers were in the habit
of preaching vehement sermons from Palm Sunday
until Easter Monday, exhorting the Christians to
avenge themselves on the Jews of the town, because
they had crucified Jesus. The fanatical mob thus
incited armed themselves with stones to attack the
Jews. The mischief was repeated year after year
for centuries. The Jews of Beziers often defended

174 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

themselves, and on these occasions much damage
was inflicted on both sides. The Jews of Toulouse,
too, for a long time had to suffer numerous indig-
nities. The counts of this town had the privilege
of publicly giving the president of the Jewish com-
munity a box on the ears on Good Friday. This
was no doubt meant as vengeance upon the Jews
for Jesus' death ; no doubt too in fulfilment of the
precept, " Thou shalt love thine enemies." There
is a story which tells of a chaplain called Hugh, who
begged that he might be allowed to perform the
office, and he dealt the victim so violent a blow,
that he fell lifeless to the ground. Those who
wished to find a justification for this barbarity
alleged that the Jews on one occasion either had
betrayed, or had intended to betray the town of
Toulouse to the Mahometans. Later, the box on
the ears was commuted to an annual money pay-
ment by the Jews. The great grandson of Louis
the Pious, Louis II, son of Lothaire, was so in-
fluenced by the clergy, that as soon as he had the
government of Italy in his own hands (855), he
decreed that all the Italian Jews should quit the
land where their ancestors had lived long before
the arrival of the Germans and Longobards. No
Jew should dare show himself after the ist of
October of that year. Any Jew that appeared in
the street might be seized, and peremptorily handed
over for punishment. Fortunately for the Jews
this decree could not be carried out ; for Italy was
then divided into small districts, whose rulers, for
the most part, refused obedience to the emperor of
Italy. Mahometans made frequent irruptions into
the land, and were often called in to help the Chris-
tian princes against each other, or against the king.
This anarchy was the safeguard of the Jews, and
the decree remained in abeyance.

Under Charles' successors, when the power of
the king decreased greatly, and the bigotry of the

CH. VI. JEWS IN THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. 175

princes increased, things came to such a pass that
Charles the Simple granted all the lands and vine-
yards of the Jews in the Duchy of Narbopne to the
Church, in order to show his great zeal for his
religion (899-914). The French princes gradually
accustomed themselves to think that the protection
which the emperors Charles the Great and his son
Louis had afforded the Jews, involved the inference
that the wards and their property belonged abso-
lutely to the guardian. This thought, at least,
underlies the act by which the usurper Boso, king
of Burgundy and Provence, who was greatly influ-
enced by the clergy, presented the Jews as a gift
to the Church, i. e., he considered them in every
respect as his bondmen. This arbitrary treatment
of the Jews came to an end only with the rule of the
Capets.

Like their brethren in Western Europe, the Jews
in the East, in the Byzantine dominion, had to
suffer sad persecution. Despite forced baptism,
and the oppression of the Emperor Leo the Isau-
rian, the Jews again spread over the whole Byzan-
tine Empire, more especially over Asia Minor and
Greece. Many Greek Jews occupied themselves
with the cultivation of mulberry trees and with silk
spinning. The Greek Jews in other respects were
subject to all the restrictions imposed by the former
rulers, and like the heathen and heretics, were not
permitted to hold office. They were, however,
granted religious freedom. Basilius, who ascended
the throne in about 850, was comparatively a just
and mild ruler. Yet he was resolved to bring the
Jews over to Christianity. He therefore arranged
that religious discussions should take place between
Jewish and Christian clergymen, and decreed that
the Jews should either prove by irrefutable argu-
ments that their religion was the true one, or con-
fess that " Jesus was the culmination of the Law and
the Prophets."

176 History of the jews. cm. vi.

Basilius, foreseeing that these discussions would
probably lead to no results, promised appointments
of honor, to those who should prove themselves
open to conversion. It is not known what punish-
ment was inflicted on those unwilling to be con-
verted, but they doubtless had to suffer severe
persecution. Many Jews accepted or pretended to
accept Christianity. Scarcely was Basilius dead
(886), when they threw off the mask as they had
done in Spain, France, and in other countries where
they had been oppressed, and returned to the reli-
gion to which in reality they had never for a
moment been unfaithful. But they had made a
mistake. Basilius' son and successor, Leo the
Philosopher — a title cheaply purchased in those
times — excelled his father in intolerance. He de-
creed that those who "had re-adopted the Jewish
customs should be treated as apostates, that is,
punished with death (about 900). Nevertheless,
after the death of this emperor, the Jews returned
to live in the Byzantine Empire, as they had done
after the death of Leo the Isaurian.

In the lands of the Caliphate, especially in Baby-
lonia (Irak) at that time the center of Jewish life,
the Jews gradually lost the favorable position which
they had hitherto enjoyed, although the intolerance
of the Mahometan rulers was mild compared with
that of the Christian princes. In the East, too,
they were the prey of caprice, for the Caliphs
resigned their power in favor of the vizirs, and thus
deprived themselves of all power. The Caliphs
after Al-Mamun became more and more the tools
of ambitious and greedy ministers and generals,
and the Oriental Jews frequently had to buy the
favor of these ephemeral lords at a high price.
The Caliph Al-Mutavakkil, Al-Mamun's third suc-
cessor, renewed the laws of Omar against the Jews,
Christians, and Magi, and compelled them to wear
a characteristic dress, a yellow scarf over their

CH. VI. RISE OF PUMBEDITHA. I77

dress, and a thick cord instead of a girdle. He,
moreover, changed the synagogues and churches
into mosques, and forbade the Mahometans to
teach Jews and Christians, or to admit them to
offices (849-856). A tenth part of their property
had to be given to the Caliph ; they were forbidden
to ride upon horses, and were allowed to make use
only of asses and mules (853-854). The Exilarchs
had lost a part of their power, when Al-Mamun
decreed that they should no longer be officially
recognized and supported, and they lost still more
through the fanaticism of Al-Mutavakkil. By and
by they ceased to be officials of the state, invested
with certain powers, and had to content themselves
with the position which the Jewish communities
gave them out of respect for old and dear memories.
As the Exilarchate declined, the respect increased
for the school of Pumbeditha, because it was near
the capital of the Bagdad Caliphate, whose Jewish
community of influential men came under its. juris-
diction. Pumbeditha now rose from the subord-
inate position into which it had been forced. It
put itself on an equal footing with the sister
academy of Sora, and its presidents likewise as-
sumed the title of Gaon. It next made itself
independent of the Exilarchate. Formerly the
head of the school and the faculty of Pumbeditha
had to go once a year to pay homage to the
Exilarch, but now, if the Exilarch wished to hold
a public assembly, he had to repair to Pumbe-
ditha. This was probably brought about by the
chief of the school, Paltoi ben Abayi (842-858), who
heads the list of important Geonim, and who was
noted for his free use of the Cherem (Excommuni-
cation). Dissensions about the succession to the
Gaonate were not wanting during this period,
although the Exilarchs could not make their influ-
ence felt.

178 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

A Gaon of Sora, Natronai II, son of Hillai
(859-869), kept up a prolific correspondence with
foreign communities in the Arabic language. His
predecessors had employed a mixture of Hebrew
and Chaldee as the medium of their communications.
Natronai II also corresponded with the Jewish-
Spanish community at Lucena, whose members
doubtless understood Arabic better than Hebrew.
He opposed the Karaites as bitterly as the Geonim
had done at the time of the rise of this sect,
" because they despised the words of the sages of
the Talmud, and set up for themselves an arbitrary
Talmud of their own." His pupil and successor,
Mar-Amram ben Sheshna (869-881), was the com-
piler of the liturgical order of prayers in use amongst
European Jews. At the request of a Spanish com-
munity, preferred by their religious leader, Isaac
ben Simeon, he collected everything that the Tal-
mud and the custom of the schools had ratified
concerning prayer and divine service (Siddur Rab
Amram). The form which the prayers had assumed
in the course of time was by him declared to have
the force of fixed law. Every one that deviated from
it was considered a heretic, and excluded from the
community of Israel. The poetical compositions
for the festivals were not yet in general use at this
time, and Mar-Amram left the selection to the taste
of the individual.

During Mar-Amram's Gaonate, there were two
successive heads of the schools in Pumbeditha,
Rabba ben Ami (869-872), of whom nothing is
known, and Mar-Zemach I. ben Paltoi (872-890),
who heads the list of literary Geonim. Hitherto,
the leaders of the school had occupied themselves
with the exposition of the Talmud, with the regula-
tion of the internal affairs of the communities, and
with answering questions which were submitted to
them. The one or the other of them, it is true>
made a collection of Agadic sayings, but for literary

CH. VI. JEWISH AUTHORS IN THE EAST. I79

activity, they either had no leisure, or opportunity,
or inclination. But when the zeal for the study
of the Talmud increased in the different commu-
nities in Egypt, Africa, Spain and France, and
students of the Talmud spent their time in study-
ing obscure and difficult passages, they often had
to appeal to the schools for the solution of their
difficulties. Their questions soon concerned only
theoretical points, and the Geonim found it neces-
sary to write treatises on certain portions of the
Talmud, instead of simple and short answers.
■ These books were used by students as Talmudical
handbooks. The Gaon Zemach ben Paltoi, of Pum-
beditha, arranged an alphabetical index of difficult
words in the Talmud, under the title of " Aruch."
In it he shows acquaintance with the Persian lan-
guage. This dictionary forms the first contribution
to the constantly growing department of Talmu-
dical lexicography. The second literary Gaon was
Nachshon ben Zadok of Sora (881-889), Zemach's
contemporary. He, too, wrote a book giving ex-
planations of difficult words in the Talmud. Nach-
shon made himself famous through his discovery of
a key to the Jewish calendar. He found that the
order of the years and festivals repeat themselves
after a cycle of two hundred and forty-seven years,
and that the forms of the years can be arranged
in fourteen tables. This key bears his name ; it is
known as the cycle of Rabbi Nachshon.

The third author of this time was Rabbi Simon
of Cairo, or Misr, in Egypt, who, although not an
official of the Babylonian school, was in a position
to compose a code embracing all religious and
ceremonial laws (about 900). This work, directed
against the Karaites, bears the title "The Great
Halachas " (Halachoth gedoloth), and forms a sup-
plement to Jehudai's work of a similar nature. The
history of the post-exilic period till the destruction
of the Temple was also written at this time ; its

l8o HISTORY OF THE JEWS CH. VI.

author is unknown. It is written in Arabic, and
is based partly upon Josephus, partly upon the
Apocrypha, and partly upon tradition. It is called
"The History of the Maccabees" or "Joseph ben
Gorion." In later times an Italian translated it into
Hebrew, and in its expanded form it bears the title
Josippon (Pseudo-Josephus), and this work served
to awaken in the Jews, who were ignorant of the
original sources of Jewish history, interest in their
glorious past.

The literary activity of the official heads of
Judaism in the tv/o schools confined itself to Tal-
mudical subjects. They had no idea of scientific
research, would have condemned it, in fact, as
a leaning to Karaite doctrine. Outside of the
Gaonate, in Egypt and Kairuan, there was a scien-
tific movement among the Rabbanites, weak at
first, but increasing in strength every year. The
Rabbanite thinkers must have felt that so long as
Talmudic Judaism maintained a hostile position
towards science, it could not hold its own against
the Karaites. Biblical exegesis and Hebrew phil-
ology formed the special studies of the Karaites,
and in connection with these was developed a kind
of philosophy, though only as an auxiliary science.
It was in this branch that, towards the end of the
ninth century, several Rabbanites emulated them.
Famous amongst these was Isaac ben Suleiman
Israeli (845-940). He was a physician, philoso-
pher, and Hebrew philologist. He was an Egyp-
tian, and was called to Kairuan about the year 904
as physician to the last Aghlabite prince, Ziadeth-
AUah, When the founder of the Fatimide dynasty,
Ubaid- Allah, the Messianic Imam (Al-Mahdi, who
is said to have been the son of a Jewess), conquered
the Aghlabite prince, and founded a great kingdom
in Africa (909-933), Isaac Israeli entered his service,
and enjoyed his full favor. Israeli had a great
reputation as a physician, and had many pupils.

CH. VI. ISAAC ISRAELI. l8l

At the request of the Caliph Ubaid- Allah, he wrote
eight medical works, the best of which is said to be
that on fever. His medical writings were trans-
lated into Hebrew, Latin, and part of them into
Spanish, and were zealously studied by physicians.
A Christian physician, the founder of the Salerno
school of medicine, made use of his researches,
and even republished some of his works without
giving credit to Israeli for them. He was thus an
important contributor to the development of medical
science, but as a philosopher he did not do much.
His work on " Definitions and Descriptions " shows
scarcely the rudiments of philosophical knowledge.

His lectures must have made a greater impres-
sion than his writings. He instructed two dis-
ciples, a Mahometan, Abu-Jafar Ibn-Aljezzar, who
is recognized as an authority in medicine ; and a
Jew, Dunash ben Tamim, who continued the work
of his master. Isaac Israeli lived to be more than
one hundred years old, and survived his patron the
Caliph Ubaid-Allah, whose death was hastened by
his disregard of the advice of his Jewish physician.
When Isaac Israeli died, about 940, his example
had made a place in the Rabbanite studies for the
scientific method that shaped the activity of suc-
ceeding generations.

Whilst the Rabbanites were making the first
attempt to follow a scientific method, the Karaites
were disporting on the broad beaten path of Muta-
zilist philosophy. Although young in years, Kara-
ism showed signs of advanced old age. All its
strength was given to Biblical exposition, combined
with philology, but even here it made no progress.
In the central community of the Karaites, in Jeru-
salem, it assumed an ascetic character. Sixty
Karaites agreed to leave their homes, their prop-
erty and their families, live together, abstain from
wine and meat, go poorly clad, and spend their
time in fasting and prayer. They adopted this

1 82 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

mode of living, as they said, with the object of pro-
moting Israel's redemption. They called them-
selves the mourners of Zion and Jerusalem (Abele
Zion), and every one of them added to his signature
the term "The Mourner." It was through them
that the religious life of the Karaites took on an
ascetic tinge. They not only observed the Levitical
laws of purity in the strictest manner, but they
shunned intercourse with non-Jews. They would
not buy bread from them, nor eat anything they had
touched. The more rigorous the Karaites became,
the more they looked upon the Rabbanites as
reprobates and sinners, whose houses it was a sin
to visit. The Karaites gradually spread from
Babylonia and Judaea to Egypt on the one side
and to Syria on the other, and northwards as far
as the Crimea. There were large Karaite com-
munities in Alexandria and Cairo, and also in the
Crimea, on the Bosporus (Kertch), Sulch'at and
Kaffa (Theodosia). The zeal of individuals con-
tributed much to spread Karaism. By means of
disputations, sermons, and letters, they endeavored
to secure followers amongst the Rabbanites. Like
every other essentially weak sect the Karaites re-
lied upon propaganda, as though numbers could
atone for lack of real strength. There was amongst
them a certain proselytizer, a cunning man, Eldad
by name, who related wonderful adventures, and
made a great stir in his day. Eldad's romantic
travels throw a lurid light upon the Jewish history
of the time. He belongs to that class of deceivers
who have a pious end in view, know how to profit
by the credulity of the masses, and can easily catch
men in a web of falsehood. The Geonim them-
selves were almost deceived into believing his pre-
tended traditions, which he affirmed had been re-
ceived direct from Moses.

Meanwhile, the institution to which the memories
of the former political independence of Judaism

CH. VI. HAI GAON. 1 83

were attached was rapidly approaching dissolution.
The Exilarchate fell into disregard through the
rivalry of the school of Pumbeditha, and also lost
the revenue which was its mainstay. Even though
questions from abroad continued to be directed to
the Geonim of Sora, the sister academy was con-
sidered even in Babylonia to be the chief authority,
and to have most influence. This influence was
increased still more through the choice as Gaon of
Pumbeditha of Hai ben David (890-897), who had
hitherto held the post of rabbi and judge in the
capital of the Caliphate. It was just at this time,
at the end of the 9th century, that the Jews again
enjoyed a high position in the Caliphate, under the
Caliph Al-Mutadhid (892-902). His vizir and re-
gent Ubaid-Allah Ibn-Suleiman appointed Jews and
Christians alike to state offices.

The community of Bagdad gained most through
the favor shown to the Jews by the vizir. As Hai
had occupied his post in the capital for a long time,
and had made himself popular in the community,
he was elected Gaon of Pumbeditha by the influ-
ential members. Their object was to make the
school of Pumbeditha of greater importance, and
the academy at Sora declined more and more.
Hai's successors, who, like himself, had commenced
their career with the rabbinate of Bagdad, worked
in the same spirit, and were assisted by the power-
ful members of the community in the effort to make
Pumbeditha the center of the Babylonian community
and of Judaism generally, and to put an end to the
Exilarchate as well as to the school of Sora. One
of them was Mar Kohen-Zedek II. b. Joseph (held
office 917-936). He was passionate and energetic,
and was one of those who are, indeed, free from
personal selfishness, but seek an increase of power
for the community, regardless of every other con-
sideration. As soon as he entered upon his oflice,
Kohen-Zedek demanded that the school of Pumbe-

l84 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

ditha should have the greater share of the revenue
which was contributed by the various communities.
He based his demand upon the fact, that the pupils
of the college at Pumbeditha were more numerous
than those at Sora, and therefore deserved greater
consideration. So many quarrels arose between
the two schools in consequence of this demand
that several important people found it necessary to
interfere. A compromise was made, and it was
agreed that in future the money should be equally
divided, whereby the academy at Sora lost the
last trace of its superiority. Kohen-Zedek then
endeavored to deprive the Exilarchate of its little
remnant of power. The Exilarch at the time was
Ukba, a man of Arabic culture, who wrote poems
in Arabic. Kohen-Zedek demanded that the ap-
pointment of judges in the communities of Kho-
rasan should be vested in, and the revenues derived
from the same, should be devoted to, the school of
Pumbeditha. Ukba would not give up any portion
of his dignity, and appealed to the Caliph. But
Kohen-Zedek had friends at Bagdad, who had in-
fluence at court, and these succeeded in inducing
the Caliph Al-Muktadir (908-932), or rather the
vizir Ibn Furat, since the Caliph spent his time in
riotous living, to deprive Mar-Ukba of his post, and
banish him from Bagdad. The Exilarch went to
Karmisin (Kermanshah, east of Bagdad), and
Kohen-Zedek rejoiced that the Exilarchate was
now destroyed. The weak president of Sora,
Jacob ben Natronai, permitted all these usurpa-
tions without interfering.

Meanwhile matters took a favorable turn for the
banished Exilarch, by which he was able to frus-
trate the plans of Kohen-Zedek. Just at this time
there came to Kermanshah the young and pleasure-
seeking Caliph. The banished Exilarch Ukba fre-
quently met him, and greeted and praised him in
well-measured Arabic verses. His verses pleased

CH. VI. DECLINE OF THE EXILARCHATE. 1 85

Al-Muktadir's secretary so well that he had them
copied, and called to the attention of the Caliph
the many changes rung by the Jewish poet upon
the one simple theme, allegiance.

Poetry was prized so much amongst the Arabs,
that no conqueror, however uncouth, was insensible
to it. Al-Muktadir sent for the poetical Exilarch,
was pleased with him, and finally asked him what
favor he could confer upon him. Ukba wished for
nothing more eagerly than to be restored to his
office. This the Caliph granted him. He now
returned, after a year's absence, to Bagdad, to
the astonishment of his opponent, and re-assumed
his high position (918). Poetry had saved him.
Kohen-Zedek and his party, however, did not allow
him to enjoy his triumph long. Through bribery
and intrigue they again effected his deposition, and
he was banished. In order that he might not again
be restored to favor, he was exiled beyond the
limits of the Eastern Caliphate to the recently
founded kingdom of- the Fatimides — to Kairuan in
Africa. Here, where the physician and philosopher,
Isaac Israeli, was greatly respected, he was received
with open arms, and held in high esteem. The
community of Kairuan treated him as the Exilarch,
set up a raised place for him in the synagogue, and
caused him to forget the troubles he had suffered in
the land of his fathers (919).

Kohen-Zedek had opposed the Exilarchate rather
than Ukba personally ; he now took care that no
successor should be appointed to the Exilarchate,
which he desired to extinguish. His contemporary
Gaon in Sora, Jacob ben Natronai, was either too
weak or too much hampered to interfere. So the
office of Exilarch was left vacant for a year or two.
However, hated as the Exilarchate was by the rep-
resentatives of the Pumbeditha college, the people
were warmly attached to the house of David, about
which traditions and memories clustered. They

l86 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VI.

clamored for the restoration of the office. There-
upon the Gaon of Sora took courage, and refused
any longer to be a weak tool in the hands of
Kohen-Zedek. The people vehemently demanded
that David ben Zaccai, a relative of Ukba, be made
Exilarch, and the whole college of the school of
Sora paid homage to him in Kasr, where he lived
(921). Kohen-Zedek and the college of Pumbe-
ditha refused to recognize him. David ben Zaccai
was as resolute and ambitious as his opponent, and
determined to assert his authority. By virtue of
his power, he deposed Kohen-Zedek, and named
his successor. Once more complications arose,
this time dividing the school of Pumbeditha against
itself. This bickering deeply pained the better
class of the people ; however, the disputes between
the Exilarchate and the Gaonate, affecting the
whole of the Jewish-Babylonian community, lasted
nearly two years.

Nissi Naharvani, a blind man, who was respected
by everybody for his piety, and who felt regret at
this state of affairs, undertook to effect a reconcilia-
tion. Late one night he groped about till he found
his way to the room of Kohen-Zedek, who was
astonished at the sudden appearance of the ven-
erable blind man at such an hour, and was persuaded
by him to come to terms. Nissi then also induced
the Exilarch to yield. David and Kohen-Zedek
met, with their respective followers, in Sarsar (half-
a-day's journey south of Bagdad), made peace, and
Kohen-Zedek accompanied the Exilarch as far as
Bagdad (Spring, 921). David in turn recognized
Kohen-Zedek as the legitimate Gaon of Pumbe-
ditha. Kohen-Zedek, who had not succeeded in his
plan to extinguish the Exilarchate, lived to see the
school of Sora, which had been humbled by him,
rise again from its low position, and have fresh
splendor shed upon it by a stranger from a foreign
land, so that for several years it cast the school of
Pumbeditha into the shade.

CHAPTER VII.

THE GOLDEN AGE OF JEWISH SCIENCE : SAADIAH AND CHASDAI.

Judaism in the Tenth Century — Saadiah, the Founder of Religious
Philosophy — Translation of the Bible into Arabic — Saadiah
opposes Karaism — The Karaite Solomon ben Yerucham —
Saadiah and the School at Sora — Saadiah retires from Sora —
His Literary Activity — Extinction of the Exilarchate — Sahal and
other Karaite writers — Jews in Spain — The School at Cordova —
Dunash ben Tamim — Chasdal — His services to Judaism — Mena-
chem ben Saruk — Chasdal' and the King of the Chazars.

928 — 970 c. E.

With the decay of the Carlovingian rule, the last
spark of spiritual life was extinguished in Christian
Europe. The darkness of the Middle Ages became
thicker and thicker, but the spiritual light of Judaism
shone forth in all its splendor.

The Church was the seat of monastic ignorance
and barbarity, the Synagogue was the place of
science and civilization. In Christianity every scien-
tific effort was condemned by the officials of the
Church as well as by the people, as the work of
Satan ; . in Judaism the leaders and teachers of
religion themselves promoted science, and endeav-
ored to elevate the people. Far from condemning
knowledge, the Geonim considered it as an aid and
supplement to religion. For three centuries the
teachers of Judaism were for the most part devotees
of science, and this position was first assumed
during this epoch. Two men especially, one in the
east and the other in the west, made science a
principle of Judaism. They were the Gaon Saadiah
and the statesman Chasdai.

With them begins a new period of Jewish history,
which we may confidently call the scientific epoch.
The spring-time of Israel's history returned, and in
187

1 88 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

its pure atmosphere the sweet voice of poetry again
made itself heard. Contemporary writers scarcely
noticed that a remnant of Jewish antiquity, the Exil-
archate, was now at an end. It was soon forgotten
in the new life that had just made itself visible.
Just as the religious life had freed itself from the
Temple of sacrifice, so now it gradually withdrew
from the influence of the temple of learning on the
banks of the Euphrates, and established a new
center for itself. The first half of the tenth century
became, through the concurrence of favorable cir-
cumstances, a turning-point in the progress of
Jewish history.

Jewish history was gradually transferred to
European ground. Judaism assumed, so to speak,
a European character, and deviated more and more
from its Oriental form. Saadiah was the last im-
portant link in Its development in the East ; Chasdai
and the scientific men whom he influenced became
the first representatives of a Judseo-European culture.

Saadiah (Arabic, Said) ben Joseph, from the town
Fayum in Upper Egypt (892-942), was the founder
of scientific Judaism amongst the Rabbanites, and
the creator of religious philosophy in the Middle
Ages. He was a man of extensive knowledge who
had absorbed the learning of the Mahometans and
Karaites, and Impregnated it with Talmudic ele-
ments. More remarkable even than his knowledge
was his personality. His was a religious spirit and
deep moral earnestness. He had a decided charac-
ter, and belonged to those who know how to render
account of their actions, and who persevere in
carrying out what they think right. Little is known
of his youth. There were few. If any, great Tal-
mudical scholars in Egypt at that time, and the fact
that Saadiah became famous in this branch of litera-
ture speaks well for his mental power. He was
more at home In the Karaite literature than previous
Rabbanites had been. In his twenty-third year

CH. VII. SAADIAH. 1 89

(913) he made a fierce attack upon the Karaites,
which was felt by them for centuries afterwards.
He wrote a book " In Refutation of Anan." The
contents of this book are unknown, but it is probable
that Saadiah attempted to prove in it the necessity
of tradition, and also to expose Anan's inconsist-
encies. He adduced seven arguments in proof of
the necessity of tradition, which, weak as they are,
were afterwards accepted for the most part by the
Karaites. He wrote another book in which he
showed the absurdity of the boundless extension of
relationship in the Karaite law. He characterized
Anan as " an ambitious man, who possessed too
much boldness and too little fear of God," and who
rejected Talmudic Judaism only in order to avenge
a personal slight.

Before he had arrived at maturity, he undertook
a more difficult task, fraught with important conse-
quences for Judaism. Hitherto, the Karaites had
devoted special attention to the Scriptural text,
whereas the Rabbanite teachers had, to a certain
extent, neglected It, because the Talmud satisfied
all the needs of their religious life.

The Karaites had composed numerous exposi-
tions of the Bible, the Rabbanites but few. Saadiah,
who felt this want, undertook to translate the Bible
into Arabic, the language understood, at this time,
from the extreme West to India. To this transla-
tion he added notes, for three reasons. He wished
to make the Bible accessible to the people. He
thought that thereby the influence of Karaism,
which sought to refute Talmudic Judaism through
Its exegesis, would be counteracted. Finally, he
wished to remove the misconceptions of the people,
and conquer the perversity of the mystics, who
rendered the words of the Bible literally, and thus
gave an unworthy description of the Godhead.
He favored the philosophical Idea which conceives
God in His exaltedness and holiness to be a spirit.

190 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

His translation was to satisfy both reason and Tal-
mudical tradition. This was the basis of his view
of Judaism. Teachings of the Talmud are as divine
as those of the Bible, and neither the Bible nor
tradition may be contrary to reason. According
to Saadiah, the contradictions are only on the sur-
face, and he sought by his translation and exposi-
tion to remove this illusion. To carry out this aim,
he adopted interpretations of the text which are
arbitrary and forced.

Out of deference to his Mahometan readers,
Saadiah made use of Arabic characters, which were
seldom employed by the Jews who wrote Arabic.
Although Saadiah shows great mental power and
independence in his translation, his renderings can-
not be highly praised. The very fact that he does
not allow the text to speak its own language, and
that he wished to find at one time the Talmudical
tradition, at another a philosophical mearling in the
words and the context, necessarily prevented him
from giving a true exposition. He impressed the
exegesis of Scripture into the service of tradition
and of the philosophy of the time, and made the text
imply more than the meaning of the words allowed.
At the same time that he wrote his translation,
Saadiah composed a kind of Hebrew grammar in
the Arabic language. He also composed a Hebrew
lexicon (in Hebrew, Iggaron). Even here he often
missed the truth as to the grammar and etymology
of the words. His exegetical and grammatical
works are of impbrtance in so far as they broke
fresh ground in Rabbanite studies, and introduced
exegesis and philology as new departments. Even
his mistakes proved instructive in later times.

In his exposition of the first book of the Penta-
teuch, Saadiah again challenged the Karaites. The
dispute arose out of his endeavor to prove that the
Karaite calendar was not in accordance with Scrip-
ture. In attacking Karaism, he had disturbed a

CH. VII. SOLOMON BEN YERUCHAM. I9I

hornets' nest, and aroused a host of opponents.
The Karaites had hitherto waged war against Tal-
mudic Judaism without meeting with opposition.
They were, therefore, greatly disturbed when a
Rabbanite, endowed with intellect and knowledge,
entered the lists against them. A lively contest
arose, which served its purpose in awakening scien-
tific interest." Saadiah's chief opponent was the
Karaite Solomon ben Yerucham (Ruchaim). This
Karaite (born in Fostat in 885, died in 960), who
lived in Palestine, and was only a few years older
than Saadiah, did not rise above mediocrity. He
was of a violent and acrid nature, and imagined
that he could settle scientific questions by scofifing
and abuse. When he returned from Palestine to
Egypt, and perceived the impression that Saadiah's
written and oral attacks upon Karaism had made
even in Karaite circles, he was filled with rage
against the young and spirited Rabbanite author,
and determined to write a double refutation — in
Hebrew for the educated, and in Arabic for the
masses generally. In his Hebrew reply, which
consists of eighteen doggerel verses alphabetically
arranged (Milchamoth), he treats Saadiah like a
child. The whole work, breathes nothing but slander
and coarseness. In fact, the Karaite polemic writ-
ings generally deserve consideration more on ac-
count of the method by means of which they seek
to cover up their mistakes, than on account of their
contents or their form Ben-Yerucham's compo-
sition took the shape of a letter to the Karaite
communities in Egypt

Ben-Yerucham was not the only Karaite who
sought to defend the sect against Saadiah's at-
tacks. The various writers vied with one another
in the fierceness of their attacks upon the young
Rabbanite by whom their anti-Talmudic creed was
threatened with destruction. If the Karaite authors
expected to silence Saadiah by means of abuse

192 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. Vll.

they were mistaken. He refuted their arguments,
substantiated his assertions, and was always on the
alert to take up arms. He wrote two other polemic
treatises against Karaism in Arabic, the one " Dis-
tinction" (Tamgiz), and one against Ibn Sakviyah,
who had entered the lists in defense of the Karaites.
Saadiah's works carried his fame to the communities
of the African and Eastern Caliphate. The vener-
able Isaac Israeli read his writings with avidity, and
his pupil, Dunash ben Tamim, fairly devoured them.
At the seat of the Gaonate, too, he was favorably
known, and the attention of the leaders was directed
to him.

The school of Sora was in a sad state of decad-
ence, and was so deficient in learned men, that the
Exilarch David ben Zacca'i found it necessary to
invest a weaver named Yom-Tob Kahana ben Jacob,
with the honor of the Gaonate, but he died in his
second year of office (926-928). The Gaon of Pum-
beditha, Kohen-Zedek, who did his best to establish
his college as the exclusive authority, made an agree-
ment with the Exilarch, to whom he had become
reconciled, to close the school of Sora, to transplant
the members to Pumbeditha, and to appoint a titular
Gaon of Sora, who should have his seat in Pumbe-
ditha. The son of a Gaon, named Nathan ben
Yehuda'i, was invested with this titular dignity, but
he died suddenly. His sudden death seems to have
been taken as a condemnation of the intention to
abolish the old college at Sora. The Exilarch
David then determined to fill up the vacancy and
to restore the ancient school of Sora. He had
two candidates in view: Saadiah, and Zemach ben
Shahin, an obscure member of the ■ old nobility.
The Exilarch appealed to the blind Nissi Naharvani
to assist him in his choice. His advice was the
more disinterested as he himself had declined the
honor. Nissi voted for Zemach, but not because
he had any personal dislike to Saadiah ; on the

CH. VII. SAADIAH GAON. " lg3

■contrary, he manifested much love for him. " Saa-
diah surpasses all his contemporaries in wisdom,
piety, and eloquence," he said of him, " but he is
very independent, and shrinks from nothing." Nissi
justly feared that Saadiah's inflexible spirit w^ould be
the cause of disputes and dissensions between him
and the Exilarch. Nevertheless, David decided for
Saadiah. He was called from Egypt to Sora, and
formally installed as Gaon (May, 928). It was an
exceptional circumstance that a foreigner who had
not studied in the Talmudic schools, and had not
passed step by step through the various offices
should, at a bound, attain to the highest honor next
to the Exilarchate. Besides, Saadiah was more
known for his scientific work than for his Talmudic
scholarship. With his call to office. Babylonia in
a sense resigned the supremacy which for seven
centuries it had held over all other lands. This
supremacy was now enjoyed by another country,
and philosophy was placed on a level with the
Talmud. The spirit of inquiry that had been ban-
ished from the halls of the schools with Anan, the
founder of Karaism, made a solemn return into
those halls with Saadiah.

Saadiah invested the college of Sora with new
splendor by his character and fame. During
his presidency Pumbeditha was thrown into the
shade. He sought to fill up the gaps that had
arisen in the academy. He appointed worthy
young men to academic offices, and was faithful to
the duties of his position. What must have been
his feelings when he entered for the first time the
halls of learning where the great authorities, the
Amoraim, had taught before him ! Soon, however,
he no doubt became conscious of the fact that there
existed but the smallest remnant of that former
greatness, and that the high-sounding titles and
dignities were mere semblances of things long since
sunk into oblivion. The Exilarchate, the head of

194 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

the Judseo-Babylonian community, was without in-
trinsic excellence, and was constantly at variance
with the schools. Not being ofificially recognized
at court, the Exilarchate had to purchase its exist-
ence from courtiers and ephemeral rulers, and was
threatened with extinction, whenever its opponents
should offer a larger sum. The money needed to
maintain the Exilarchate was forcibly exacted from
the people. Alike in the Exilarchate and in the
academic colleges, corruption and oppression were
the order of the day, the only object in view being
to maintain the authority of the chiefs. Eloquence,
virtue, piety, were wanting in the hearts of the
leaders. The Exilarch David once sent his sons
to levy an extraordinary contribution from the
different communities ; and when the congregation
at Ears (Hamadan?) refused it, David excommu-
nicated them, denounced them to the vizir, who
accused them before the Caliph, when a heavy fine
was imposed upon them. The Geonim had not a
word to say against all this ! Saadiah himself had
to be silent ; he had not been in office long enough
to protest. His eminence had raised him many
enemies who were eager for his downfall. Not
alone Kohen-Zedek was jealous of him, because
Pumbeditha was thrown into the shade, but a young
man from Bagdad, Aaron (Caleb) Ibn-Sarjadu,
learned, rich, and influential, distrusted and opposed
him. Saadiah observed the great defects in the
Jewish communal life in Babylonia in silence. He
wished first to be on firmer footing. His sense of
justice was, however, too deeply wounded, when he
was expected to take part in the iniquities of the
representative of the Jewish community. He could
no longer restrain himself, and now revealed his
inflexible character.

An unimportant circumstance revealed the moral
corruption of the Jewish Babylonian chiefs. There
was a lawsuit about a large inheritance, which had

CH. Vn. OPPOSITION TO THE EXILARCH. I95

not been conscientiously decided by the Exilarch
David. His decision was influenced by the prospect
of great gain. To make his decree legal and un-
impeachable, David demanded the signatures of
the two Geonim to the document prepared by him.
Kohen-Zedek signed without objection ; Saadiah,
however, would not countenance the injustice. On
being pressed by the parties, he gave the reason
for his refusal. The Exilarch David, who now was
doubly interested in obtaining his signature, sent
his son Judah to ask him to sign the document
without delay. Saadiah calmly replied that the
Law forbade him to do such things, as it is said,
"Ye shall not respect persons in judgment." Once
more David sent his son to Saadiah to threaten
him with deposition in case he still refused. Judah
at first assumed a quiet ' demeanor, and begged
Saadiah not to be- the cause of quarrels in the com-
munity. When, however, he found him determined,
he raised his hand against Saadiah, and vehemently
demanded his signature. Saadiah's servants soon
removed Judah, and locked the door of the meeting
hall. David ben Zacca'i, who felt himself insulted,
deprived the Gaon of his office. He excommuni-
cated him and appointed a young man, Joseph ben
Jacob ben Satia, as his successor. Saadiah, how-
ever, was not the man to be terrified by force. He,
in turn, declared David to be no longer Exilarch,
and named Josiah Hassan as Prince of the Captivity
(930). Two factions immediately arose in Baby-
lonia, the one for Saadiah, the other for David.
On Saadiah's side were ranged the members of
the academy of Sora and many respected and
learned men of Bagdad, amongst whom were the
sons of Netira. Opposed to him were Aaron Ibn-
Sarjadu and his party, and probably also Kohen-
Zedek and the members of the college of Pumbe-
ditha. Both parties appealed to the Caliph Al-
Muktadir, and bribed his favorites and courtiers

196 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

to gain him over to their side. Ibn-Sarjadu spent
10,000 ducats to effect Saadiah's deposition. The
Caliph wished to hear both parties, and ordered a
formal trial to take place in Bagdad under the
presidency of the vizir, who was assisted by many
important men. The dispute was not settled.
This was proba;bly owing to the fact that the Caliph
Al-Muktadir was constantly changing his vizirs
during the last two years of his reign, and to the
disturbed state of the capital during this time
(930-932). Saadiah asserted his authority as
Gaon, though there was a rival Gaon in the person
of Joseph ben Satia. There were likewise rival
Exilarchs, David and his brother Josiah Hassan.

It was only when Al-Muktadir was killed in a
rebellion (October, 932), and Kahir, who was so
poor that he was obliged to borrow clothes for
the ceremony of installation, became Caliph, that
David's party, which could pour more money into the
empty treasury, gained the victory. In order to
bring about the downfall of his opponent, the Exil-
arch squandered the money that had been extorted
from the various communities. Saadiah was soon
forbidden by the Caliph to continue in office, per-
haps also to stay in Sora (commencement of 933).
The rival Exilarch Hassan was banished to Khora-
san, where he died. Saadiah now lived in retire-
ment in Bagdad for four years (933-937). His
health had suffered severely through the constant
quarrels and the annoyance he had received, and
he became melancholy. But this did not interfere
with his intellectual activity. It was during his
retirement that his best works, bearing the stamp
of freshness and originality, were written.

He wrote Talmudic treatises, composed poetical
pieces and prayers in prose, full of religious fervor.
He also arranged a prayer book (Siddur), after the
manner of Amram, collected the rules of the calen-
dar (Ibbur), wrote a polemic against the Massoret,

CH. VII. FAITH AND CREED. I97

Aaron ben Asher, of Tiberias, and was in general
particularly prolific in literary composition during
this period. The greatest of his works, however,
are his two philosophical writings, the one a com-
mentary on the '.'Book of the Creation" (Sefer
Yezirah), the other his magnuv^ opus on Faith and
Creed. Both these works are in Arabic. Saadiah
was the first to set up a tolerably complete system
of religious philosophy. The Karaite teachers, it is
true, were fond of lengthy philosophical disputa-
tions, which they frequently introduced on most
unsuitable occasions, but they were never able to
develop a complete and perfect religious system,
and the Arabs, too, had as yet no systematic philo-
sophy. Saadiah, by his own unaided intellectual
power, built up a Jewish philosophy of religion,
although he borrowed his method of treatment and
his philosophical themes from the Arabic Mutazilist
school. His composition on the Ten Command-
ments, in which he strove to bring them into rela-
tion with the Ten Categories of the Aristotelian
philosophy, belongs to his earlier and less excellent
efforts.

He wrote his work on the philosophy of religion,
Emunoth we-Deoth, in 934. Its object was to
oppose and correct the erroneous views of his con-
temporaries as to the meaning of Judaism ; on the
one hand were the opinions of the unbelievers, who
degraded it ; and on the other, those of the ignorant
people, who condemned al! speculating on religious
subjects as involving a denial of God. " My heart
is sad," he writes in the introduction, "by reason
of my people, who have an impure belief and a con-
fused idea of their religion. Some deny the truth,
clear as daylight though it be, and boast of their
unbelief dthers are sunk in the sea of doubt, and
the waves of error close over their heads, and there
is no swimmer strong enough to stem the tide and
rescue them. As God has given me the capacity

198 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

of being useful to them, I consider it my duty to
lead them to the right path. Should any one object
and ask, ' How can we attain a true belief through
philosophic thought, when many consider this as
heresy and unbeHef?' I would reply, 'Only the
stupid do so, such as believe that every one who
goes to India will become rich, or that the eclipse
of the moon is caused by a dragon's swallowing the
disc of the moon, and similar things.' Such people
need not trouble us. Suppose, however, that one
were to quote the warning of the Talmud against
philosophical speculation, ' If any one searches into
the mystery of eternity and space, such a person
does not deserve to live,' we should reply that the
Talmud could not have discouraged right thinking,
since Scripture encourages us to it. The warning
of the sages was intended to keep us only from
that one-sided speculation which does not take into
account the truth of Scripture. Limitless specula-
tion can give rise only to error, and should it even
eventually lead to truth, it has no firm foundation,
because it rejects revelation, and puts doubt into
its place. But when philosophy works hand in
hand with faith, it cannot mislead us. It confirms
revelation, and is in a position to refute the objec-
tions that are made by unbelievers. The truth of
revealed Judaism maybe premised, since it was con-
firmed through visible signs and miracles. Should,
however, some one object that if speculation arrives
at the same conviction as revelation, the latter is
superfluous, since human reason could arrive at the
truth without divine interposition, I should reply
that revelation is necessary, inasmuch. as, without
it, men would have to go a long way round to reach
clearness through their own thought. A thousand
accidents and doubts might hinder their progress.
God, therefore, sent His messengers to us in order
to save us all this trouble. We thus have a knowl-
edge of Him direct, confirmed by miracles."

CH. VII. SCEPTICISM IN THE EAST. I99

Unbelief had already made such progress in the
Eastern Caliphate, in consequence of the teachings
of the Mutazilist school of philosophy, that an Arabic
poet, Abul- Ala, a contemporary of Saadiah, who had
rebuked the weaknesses of his time, said, " Moslems,
Jews, Christians and Magi are steeped in error and
superstition. The world is divided into two classes,
those that have intelligence but no belief, and those
that believe but have no understanding." In Jewish
circles, many began to criticise the responses of the
Geonim, and no longer looked upon them as oracular
utterances. This criticism was not restricted to the
decisions of the Geonim or the Talmud, but went so
far as to doubt the trustworthiness of the Bible, and
the very fact of revelation.

The unbelief of this time was best illustrated by
the Rabbanite Chivi Albalchi, from the town of
Balch in ancient Bactria. Chivi wrote a work
against the Bible and revelation, in which he pro-
pounded two hundred objections against them.
Some of these objections are of the same kind as
those used even now by opponents of the Bible.
Chivi was the first thoroughly consistent, rational-
istic critic of the Bible. He had followers in his
time ; and teachers of the young spread his heretical
views in the schools. In combating Chivi's unor-
thodox opinions, the two opponents, Saadiah and
Solomon ben Yerucham, met on common ground.
Saadiah, whilst yet in Egypt, had written a book in
refutation of Chivi's doctrines. In his philosophy
of religion he especially kept in view this tendency,
hostile to revelation, and sought to expose its weak-
ness. He likewise did not lose sight of the objec-
tions made against Judaism by Christianity and
Islam.

Whilst Saadiah was developing thoughts for the
elevation of future generations, he was still under
the ban of excommunication. He had, therefore,
no sphere of action but that of an author. But

200 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

circumstances had changed meanwhile. The just
CaHph Abradhi was now on the throne, in the place
of the cruel and avaricious Kahir, who had decreed
Saadiah's deposition. His vizir Ali Ibn-Isa was
favorably inclined towards Saadiah. The Gaon
Kohen-Zedek, who had made common cause with
the Exilarch, had died in 936. His successor,
Zemach ben Kafnai, was a harmless man. So
David had only Aaron Ibn-Sarjadu to assist him in
his quarrel ; the people, however, in increasing
numbers, sided with Saadiah. It happened that an
important lawsuit had to be decided ; one party
proposed the banished and deposed Gaon as judge,
whilst the opposite party proposed the Exilarch.
David, in his rage, had personal violence done to
the man that had appealed to Saadiah. This act of
violence caused the more ill-feeling, as the person
so maltreated was not under the jurisdiction of the
Exilarch, and had a perfect right to choose his
judge without interference from the Exilarch.

Respected members of the community now took
counsel as to the best means of putting an end to
the contention between the Prince of the Exile and
the Gaon. The peacemakers met at the house of
an influential man in Bagdad, Kasser ben Aaron,
the father-in-law of Ibn-Sarjadu, and impressed
upon him the fact that the quarrel had already
exceeded all bounds, that the community had been
split into two camps, and that these things had
been followed by the saddest consequences. Kasser
assured them of his co-operation in restoring peace,
and succeeded in overcoming the hostility of his
son-in-law towards Saadiah. The peacemakers
thereupon went to David, and argued with him till
he yielded. When Kasser was sure that the Exil-
arch was inclined to reconciliation, he hastened to
inform Saadiah of it. The whole community of
Bagdad joined in the rejoicing. Some accompanied
David, others Saadiah, until they met. The enemies

CH. VII. SAADIAH RE-INSTATED. 20I

embraced each other, and henceforward were the
firmest of friends. The reconciHation was so com-
plete that Saadlah accepted David's hospitality for
several days. The latter restored him to his office,
with many marks of honor.

The academy of Sora regained some of its former
glory through Saadiah, and threw its sister academy
into the shade. In the latter, two men, otherwise
unknown, successively filled the post of Gaon.
The questions from home and foreign communities
were again sent to Sora, and Saadiah answered
them without delay, although his health was severely
impaired, and he was suffering from incurable mel-
ancholy. The responses which have been preserved
are numerous ; they were probably composed in the
last year of his Gaonate. Many of them are in
Hebrew, though most of them are in Arabic. His
magnanimity was displayed in his conduct toward
the family of his opponent, David. When the latter
died, in 940, his son Judah, through Saadiah's influ-
ence, was elected in his stead, though he filled the
post for only seven months, leaving a son twelve
years old, whom Saadiah appointed his successor.
He received the grandson of his former enemy
into his house, and adopted him. Meanwhile a
distant relative, a rhember of the Bene-Haiman
family, from Nisibis, was to fill the office. He
had scarcely been appointed before he had a
quarrel with a Moslem. Witnesses testified that
he had spoken disparagingly of Mahomet. For
this offense he was put to death. When the last
representative of the house of the Exilarch, who
had been brought up by Saadiah, was raised to the
princedom, Moslem fanaticism raged also against
him. It was determined to assassinate him whilst he
was riding in his state carriage, because the mere
shadow of princely power among the Jews was dis-
liked. The Caliph tried to prevent his murder, but
in vain. Thus died the last of the Exilarchs, and

202 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VH.

the representatives of Judaism, in order to allay this
fanatical hatred, determined to leave the office
vacant.

Thus, after an existence of seven centuries, ended
the Exilarchate, which had been the sign of political
independence for Judaism. Just as the dignity of
the Patriarchate had ceased in Judaea through the
intolerance of the Christian emperors, so the Exil-
archate now ceased through the fanaticism, of the
Mahometans. The two schools alone remained to
represent the unity of the Jews, but even these
were soon to vanish. With Saadiah's death (942),
darkness settled upon the academy of Sora. It is
true that he left a ison, Dossa, who was learned both
in the Talmud and in philosophy — the authoi of
several works — but he was not appointed his father's
successor. Joseph ben Satia, who had been de-
posed, was again made the chief of the school. He,
however, was not able to maintain its superiority
over the sister academy, which having at its head
Aaron Ibn Sarjadu, the former opponent of Saadiah,
again rose to importance.

Ibn Sarjadu, a rich merchant of Bagdad, had not
gone through a regular course of academic instruc-
tion. He was chosen on account of his riches, as
well as for his knowledge and energy. He occupied
his position for eighteen years (943-960). He pos-
sessed a good philosophical education, wrote a
philosophical work, and a commentary to the Penta-
teuch. Like Kohen-Zedek, Ibn Sarjadu endeavored
to exalt the school of Pumbeditha at the expense of
that of Sora. Questions were addressed to him
from foreign countries. The school of Sora conse-
quently, neglected and impoverished, received none
of the revenue, and therefore could not train new
pupils, who turned to richer Pumbeditha. This
decline and decay of the school induced its chief,
Joseph ben Satia, to abandon it, and to emigrate to
Bassora (about -948). The. school that had been

CH. VII. SCHOOL AT SORA CLOSED. 203

founded by Rab was now closed, after it had con-
tinued in existence for seven hundred years. The
people of Sora felt this so much that they made
an energetic attempt to restore it. Four young
men were sent abroad to awaken interest in the
school, and to get contributions for it. But they
did not attain their object. _ It seemed that fate was
against them. They were captured at Bari, on the
coast of Italy, by a Moorish-Spanish admiral, Ibn-
Rumahis. They were transported, one to Egypt,
another to Africa, a third to Cordova, and the fourth
to Narbonne. Instead of assisting to raise the
school of Sora, these four Talmudists unwittingly
contributed to the downfall of the Gaonate.

The copies of the Talmud in Sora, which were
now no longer used, were, later on, transferred to
Spain. Babylonia, so long the center of Judaism,
had to yield its supremacy in favor of a foreign
place. The decay of one of the Babylonian schools,
and the decline of interest that followed upon it,
were utilized by the Karaites to make converts
amongst the Rabbanites. They did this with such
zeal that they thought they were about to strike the
death-blow to Rabbanism. As long as Saadiah,
the mighty champion of Rabbanism, lived, they did
not venture to do anything to expose themselves to
his criticism. But after his death, when they per-
ceived that there was no man of any importance to
stand in the breach, they hoped to obtain an easy
victory. Saadiah's opponent, Solomon ben Yeru-
cham, immediately hastened from Palestine to
Babylonia, in order to prove to the followers of
Saadiah, that he had misrepresented facts in his
defense of the Talmudists. Thus he expected to
bring over the Rabbanites to Karaism.

But a more vehement, zealous and cunning prose-
lytizer was Abulsari Sahal ben Mazliach Kohen, an
inhabitant of Jerusalem, who belonged to the ascetic
section of the Karaite community. Abulsari Sahal

204 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

had a thorough knowledge of Arabic and Hebrew,
and wrote in a much more elegant style than any
of his contemporaries. He compiled a Hebrew
grammar, commentaries to several books of the
Bible, and also a compendium of religious duties
under the title " Mizvoth." However, he did not
write anything of great consequence. The Karaites
seem to have had no "ability to get beyond begin-
nings ; certainly not Sahal, who was possessed
by sombre, monkish piety. To his co-religionists,
nevertheless, he appeared in the light of a great
teacher. Sahal also wrote a refutation of Saadiah's
attacks upon Karaism. It was, doubtless, consid-
ered an honorable thing amongst the Karaites, to
win one's spurs in combat with this great champion.
Sahal appears to have delivered his lectures against
the Rabbanites in Bagdad. He called upon the
people to renounce tradition, and to refuse obedi-
ence to the schools, " which were the two women
of whom the prophet Zechariah speaks, and who
carried sin and left it in Babylon." Sahal implored
his hearers to renounce the indulgences that their
Rabbanite teachers allowed them, such as keeping
oil in camel-skins, purchasing bread from Christians
and Mahometans, and leaving their houses on a
Sabbath.

Sahal's attacks upon the Rabbanites were too
offensive to remain unanswered. An influential
Rabbanite seems to have forced him into silence
by aid of the government. Saadiah's pupil, Jacob
ben Samuel, stung to the quick by the abuse which
Sahal and other Karaites had heaped upon his
master, took up the cudgels in his behalf. He
delivered speeches in the streets and in the public
places against Karaism and the proselytizer Sahal.
The latter, however, did not remain silent. In a
passionate letter to Jacob, written in beautiful
Hebrew, he continued his attacks, and gave a
faithful picture of the state of Karaism and Rab-

CH. VII. ARRAIGNMENT OF RABBANISM. 20$

banism in his time, leaving out neither the light nor
the shade of both sides. After the versified attack
and the reproaches for Jacob's incorrect Hebrew
and the injury done to Judaism by the Rabbanites,
Sahal proceeds :

I am come from Jerusalem in order to warn the people, and to bring
them back to the fear of God. Would that I had the power of going
from town to town to awaken the people of the Lord. You think
that I came here for the sake of gain, as others come who grind the
faces of the poor; but I came in the name of God, in order to bring
back the thoughts of the people to true piety, and to warn them not
to rely on human institutions, nor to listen to the sayings of the two
evil women (the Gaonic schools). How shall I not do it, since my
heart is moved by the irreligion of my brethren, who are walking in
the wrong path, who impose a heavy yoke upon the ignorant people,
who oppress them and rule over them through excommunication and
persecution, who call to their aid the power of the Mahometan
officials, who compel the poor to borrow money on interest, in order
to benefit by it and to be able to bribe the officials ? They feed
themselves, but not their flocks, and they do not teach the word
of God in the proper way. If any one asks them the reason for any-
thing they do, they antagonize him. Far be it from me that I should
be silent, when I see that the leaders of the community, who say that
they constitute the Synhedrion, eat without compunction with non-
Jews. How shall I be silent, when I perceive that many of my people
make use of idolatrous practices ? They sit on the graves of the
departed and invoke the dead, and pray to Rabbi JosS the Galilean,
saying, "O heal me, and make me fruitful." They make pilgrimages
to the shrines of the pious dead, light candles there, and burn incense.
They also make vows that they may be cured of their diseases.
O that I had the power to go everywhere and to proclaim it aloud, to
admonish men in the name of the Lord, and to deter them from their
evil course. And now, O House of Israel, have mercy on your souls,
and choose the right path. Do not object and say that the Karaites,
too, differ among themselves as regards religious duties, and that you
are in doubt with whom to find truth. Know, therefore, that the
Karaites do not wish to exercise authority ; they only desire to stimu-
late research. You ask. What should the ignorant do who is unable
to search the Holy Scriptures ? I tell you that such a one has to rely
upon the results arrived at by the investigator and the expounder of
Holy Writ.

At the end, Sahal prophesied that God virould
destroy the yoke of the two women, as it is written
in the prophets : " Then and then only will the sons
of Israel be reconciled and united, and the Messiah
come."

Another prolific Karaite author from Bassorah,
Jephet Ibn-Ali Halevi (950-990), wrote polemics

206 HISTORV OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

against the same Jacob ben Samuel. Jephet was
considered a great teacher by the Karaites. He
was a grammarian, commentator and expounder of
the Law, but he was not free from the errors of the
members of his creed. His style was bombastic
and diffuse, and like them, he was superficial and
literal-minded. The want of Talmudic dialectics is
severely missed in the Karaite authors, for it rend-
ered them tedious talkers. Jephet' s absurd polemic
against Saadiah's pupil bears this stamp. of super-
ficiality and insipidity, and it never displays the
beautiful Hebrew style of his contemporary and
friend Sahal.

Solomon ben Yerucham, who continued to write
till a very old age (certainly till 957), composed
commentaries to the Pentateuch and the Hagio-
grapha, and other works no longer known. He
was a sworn enemy to philosophical research. In
his commentary on the Psalms, he bitterly com-
plains that Jews occupy themselves with heretical
writings, whose authors and teachers he curses
severely.

" Woe to him," he cries, "who leaves the Book of God and seeks
others ! Woe to him who passes his time with strange sciences, and
who turns his back upon the pure truth of God ! The wisdom of
philosophy is vain and worthless, for we do not find two who agree
upon a single point. They propound doctrines which directly con-
tradict the Law. Amongst them there are some who study Arabic
literature instead of always having the word of God in their mouths."

What a contrast there is between Saadiah and
his Karaite opponent ! The one studied philo-
sophy, and took it into the service of Judaism ; the
other (without any knowledge of it) declared it
heretical, and allowed his Judaism to become petri-
fied. The Rabbanites entered into the temple of
philosophy, and the Karaites shunned it as an in-
fected house.

The zeal with which the Karaites sought to exalt
their creed over Rabbanism had the desired effect
of spreading it widely about the middle of the tenth

CH. VII. SPREAD OF KARAISM. 207

century. They penetrated to Spain, and attained
influence in Africa and Asia. We know that the
Egyptian Rabbanites accepted much from the
Karaites. Moses and Aaron ben Asher, a father
and son of Tiberias, exercised a powerful influence
at this period (890-950). They were grammarians
and Massorets. They wrote on the Hebrew ac-
cents and Biblical orthography, but in so clumsy a
style and such miserable verse, that their observa-
tions are for the most part incomprehensible. But
these insignificant works were of no importance,
while considerable value attached to the copies of
the Bible, which were corrected by them with the
greatest care and exactness according to the Masso-
retic rules, which they had mastered completely.
The Ben-Asher copies of the Bible were looked
upon as models both by the Karaites and the
Rabbanites, and treated as sacred. New copies
were afterwards made from these in Jerusalem and
Egypt. The Massoretic texts of the Bible now in
use are largely derived from Ben-Asher's original
copies, because the Rabbanites afterwards over-
looked the fact that the scribe was a Karaite.

Saadiah, on the contrary, who had known Ben-
Asher, the son, was dissatisfied with these Masso-
retic works, and wrote a very keen polemic against
him. In addition to Saadiah, Ben-Naphtali raised
objections against the results of Ben-Asher's Mas-
soretic investigations, though mostly on insignificant
points. Nevertheless, the text of the Bible accord-
ing to the Massorets of Tiberias maintained its
superiority. The old Eastern signs for vowels and
accents to the Bible text were changed, extended
and improved, by the Massoretic school of Ben-
Asher.

With the decay of the Exilarchate and of the
school of Sora, Asia lost the leadership of Judaism.
If Pumbeditha, under Aaron Ibn-Sarjadu, flattered
itself that it possessed the supremacy, it was de-

208 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

ceived. After Ibn Sarjadu's death, internal quarrels
prepared for its destruction. Nehemiah, the son of
Kohen-Zedek, who had been the rival of Ibn-Sar-
jadu, but had not met with success, obtained the
post of head of the school through cunning (960).
The college, however, led by the chief Judge Sherira
ben Chananya, opposed him. There were a few
members and rich laymen who supported Nehemiah,
but his opponents refused to recognize him during
the whole period of his office (960-968). During
the time that the two parties were contending for
the Gaonate of Pumbeditha, and with it for the
religious authority over the Jews, the four men who
had been sent from Sora to collect contributions
from the various communities, and who had been
taken captive, had founded new schools in Egypt,
Africa (Kairuan), Spain and France, and thereby
separated these communities from the Gaonate.
These four men who caused the seeds of the Tal-
mudic spirit to blossom in various places were :
Shemaria ben Elchanan, who was sold by the
admiral Ibn-Rumahis in Alexandria, and then
being ransomed by the Jewish community, finally
reached Misr (Cairo). The second was Chushiel,
who was sold on the coast of Africa, and came
to Kairuan. The third was probably Nathan ben
Isaac Kohen, the Babylonian, who perhaps reached
Narbonne. The fourth was Moses ben Chanoch,
who underwent more dangers than the other three.
He was the only one of the four who was married.
His beautiful and pious wife and his young son had
accompanied him on his journey, and were taken
prisoners together with him. Ibn-Rumahis had set
eyes upon the beautiful woman, and designed to
violate her. The wife, however, asked her husband
in Hebrew whether those that were drowned could
hope for resurrection, and when he answered in the
affirmative, and confirmed his answer by a verse
from the Bible, she threw herself into the sea and

CH. vii. Moses ben chanoch. 209

was drowned. In deep sorrow and in the garb of
the slave, Moses ben Chanoch with his Httle son
was carried to Cordova, where he was ransomed
by the Jewish community. They did not imagine
that with him Spain obtained the supremacy over the
Jews of all other countries. Moses did not betray
his deep knowledge of the Talmud to the commu-
nity into whose midst he had been cast, so that he
might not derive any advantage from his knowledge
of the Law. He, therefore, at first behaved like
any ordinary captive. Moses soon made his way
to the school of Cordova, the president of which
was Nathan. He was a rabbi and also judge,
and possessed but slight Talmudical knowledge,
but was regarded as a shining light in Spain.
Moses sat near the door in the corner like an
ignorant listener. But when he perceived that
Nathan, in expounding a passage in the Talmud,
made a childish mistake, he modestly ventured to
make some objections, in which he betrayed his
scholarship. The audience in the school was
astounded to find so thorough a Talmudist in the
ill-clad captive who had just recovered his freedom.
Moses was called upon to explain the passage
in question, and also to solve other difficulties.
He did this in a thorough manner, to the intense
delight of all present. On that very day Nathan
declared before those who were under his jurisdic-
tion, " I can no longer be your judge and rabbi.
That stranger, who is now so miserably clothed,
must henceforth take my place." The rich com-
munity of Cordova immediately chose Moses for
their rabbinical chief, gave him rich presents and a
salary, and placed a carriage at his disposal. When
the admiral Ibn-Rumahis heard that his prisoner
was so precious to the community of Cordova, he
wished to retract the sale in order to get a higher
ransom. The Jews appealed to the just Caliph,
Abdul-Rahman III, through the Jewish statesman

2IO HtStORY OF THE JEWS. CH. Vll.

Chasdai, and represented to him that they would
be able, through Rabbi Moses, to sever themselves
from the Gaonate of the eastern Caliphate. Abdul-
Rahman, who, to his intense regret, had seen con-
siderable sums of money yearly taken out of his land
for the Gaonate, i. e., to the land which was hostile
to him, was glad that a place would now be founded
in his own kingdom for the study of the Talmud,
and signified to the admiral the wish that he desist
from his demand. Thus Cordova became the seat
of an important school that was independent of
the Gaonate. Moses' former fellow-prisoners also
were recognized by the communities of Kahira
and Kairuan as eminent scholars, and founded
important Talmudical schools in Egypt and in the
land of the Fatimide Caliphate. These men un-
designedly severed the communities of Spain and
of Mahometan Andalusia from the Gaonate. The
state of politics and culture eminently fitted Spain
or Mahometan (Moorish) Andalusia to become
the center of united Judaism, and to take the
leadership which Babylon had lost. Egypt was no
longer an independent kingdom, but only a province
of the Fatimide Caliphate, which had conquered it
through the policy of a Jewish renegade. In addi-
tion to this, Egypt did not offer a favorable field
for higher civilization, but continued to be what
nature had made it, the granary of the world. The
empire of the Fatimides in north Africa, whose,
chief town was Kairuan (afterwards Mahadia), at
least afforded the principal conditions for the de-
velopment of Judaism, and might well have become
one of its chief centers. The rich community of
Kairuan took the liveliest interest in the study of
the Talmud, as well as in scientific efforts. Even
before Chushiel's arrival they had had schools,
and a chief who bore the title of Resh-Kalla or
Rosh. Just as they had befriended and honored
the banished Exilarch Ukba, they now bestowed

CH. VII. DUNASH BEN TAMIM. 211

the title Rosh on Chushiel, and enabled him to give
a stronger impulse to the study of the Talmud.
The latter educated two pupils during his office
(950-980), and they were afterwards recognized as
authorities. These were his son Chananel and a
native, Jacob ben Nissim Ibn-Shahin. The phy-
sician and favorite of the first two Caliphs, Isaac
Israeli, had sown the seeds of Jewish science, which
was developed by a pupil of his who likewise
obtained court favor.

This pupil, Abusahal Dunash ben Tamim (900-
960), the head of Jewish science in the Fatimide
dominions, was physician to the third Fatimide
Caliph, Ishmael Almansur Ibnul' Kaim, perhaps also
to his father. Dunash was held in such favor by
this ruler that he dedicated to him one of his works
on astronomy. Dunash ben Tamim came from Irak,
perfected himself in his youth under Isaac Israeli in
Kairuan, learning from him medicine, languages,
and metaphysics. Dunash ben Tamim was accom-
plished in the whole circle of sciences then known,
and wrote books on medicine, astronomy and
mathematics. He also classified the sciences ; in
his opinion, mathematics, astronomy, and music
rank lowest ; next come physics and medicine ;
highest of all is metaphysics, the knowledge of God
and the soul. The Arabs thought so highly of
Dunash that they said that he had became a convert
to Islam, doubtless in order that they might count
him amongst their own, but he certainly remained
faithful to Judaism to the end of his life. He corre-
sponded with the Jewish statesman Chasdai, for
whom he composed an astronomical work on the
Jewish calendar.

Meanwhile, though Dunash was not a genius, he
was able to give the community of Kairuan, and
through them to a wider circle, a more scientific
understanding of Judaism. The Fatimide Caliphate,
however, was not calculated to become a seat of

212 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. Ctt. Vll.

culture for the Jews. The fanatic Fatimide dynasty
— raised to power through an enthusiastic mis-
sionary, who saw in the CaHph of the house of Ali
a kind of embodied divinity, and founded by a
deluded deceiver who considered himself the true
Imam and Mahdi (priest) — could not logically toler-
ate Judaism. The successors of the first Fatimide
Caliph used, just as the successors of the first
Christian Emperor had done, the sword as the
means of spreading religion. Soon there came to
the throne a Fatimide who repaired what his ances-
tors had in their indulgence neglected, and preached
the doctrines of the divine Imamate with bloody
fanaticism. In such surroundings Judaism could not
flourish ; it required a more favorable situation.

The European Christian countries were still less
fit to become the center of Judaism than were the
Mahometan kingdoms of Egypt and northern Africa.
At that time the greatest barbarity prevailed there,
and circumstances were not at all favorable to the
development of science and literature. The literary
status of the Jews was very low, and the historical
reports are therefore silent on the Jewish commu-
nities of Europe. Here and there in Italy appeared
Talmudical scholars, as in Oria (near Otranto),
but scarcely any of them rose above mediocrity.
Though the Italian Jews never attained superiority,
they were diligent and faithful disciples of foreign
teachers. In Babylonia they laughed at " the wise
men " of Rome or Italy. Even Sabbatai Donnolo,
the head of Jewish science in Italy at the time of
Saadiah, could scarcely be described as a moderate
scholar. This man is known rather through his
career than through his works. Sabbatai Donnolo
(913-970) of Oria was taken prisoner when the
Mahometans of the Fatimide kingdom pressed for-
ward across the straits of Sicily, invaded Apulia and
Calabria, plundered the town of Oria, and either
murdered the inhabitants or took them away as

CH. VII. SABBATAI DONNOLO.

213

captives (9th of Tammuz — 4th July, 925). Donnolo
was twelve years old at this time. Ten of the chief
citizens were put to death, and Donnolo's par-
ents and relations were transported to Palermo
and Africa. He himself was ransomed in Trani.
Orphaned and without friends, the young Donnolo
was thrown upon his own resources. He studied
medicine and astrology, in both of which he made
himself proficient. He now became physician to
the Byzantine viceroy (Basilicus) Eupraxios, who
ruled Calabria in the name of the emperor. He
became rich through his medical practice, and spent
his money in buying up works on astrology and in
traveling. In his journeys Donnolo went as far as
Bagdad. He embodied the result of his researches
in a work published in 946. But little wisdom was
contained in this book, if we are to judge by the
fragments that still remain t"o us. The author,
however, put so high a value upon it, that he
thought that through it the name Sabbata'i Donnolo
of Oria would be handed down to posterity.

Meanwhile, unimportant though Donnolo was
compared with his contemporaries Saadiah and
others, he appears to have been far superior to
the head of the Catholics at this time. This was his
countryman, Nilus the Younger, whom the Church
has canonized. The relations of the two Italians —
the Jewish physician and the abbot of Rossana and
Grotto Ferrata — serve as a standard by which we
can estimate the condition of Judaism and Chris-
tianity in Italy in the middle of the tenth century.

Donnolo had known Nilus from his youth ; per-
haps they had suffered together when southern Italy
was plundered. The Jewish physician once noticed
that the Christian ascetic was very ill, owing to
excessive mortification. He generously offered him
a remedy. The holy Nilus, however, declined his
offer, remarking that he would not take the medi-
cine of a Jew, lest it be said that a Jew had cured

214 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

him — the holy one, the worker of miracles — for that
would lead the simple-minded Christians to place
more confidence in the Jews.

Judaism ever strove towards the light, whilst
monastic Christianity remained in the darkness.
Thus in the tenth century there was only one
country that offered suitable soil for the develop-
ment of Judaism, where it could blossom and flourish
— it was Mahometan Spain, which comprised the
greater part of the peninsula of the Pyrenees.

Whilst Christian Europe sank into a state of bar-
barism, from which the Carlovingians endeavored
to free it, and the Eastern Caliphate was in the final
stage of its decay, the Spanish Caliphate, under the
sons of Ommiyya, was in so flourishing a condition,
that it almost makes us forget the Middle Ages.
Under Abdul-Rahman III (An-Nasir), who was the
first to enjoy the full title of the Caliphs, " Prince
of the Faithful " (Emir-Al-Mumenin), Spain was
the exclusive seat of science and art, which were
everywhere else proscribed or neglected. With
him began the classical period of Moslem culture, a
period of prosperity and vigor, which could be
attained only under the rule of noble princes free
from prejudice against the votaries of other religions.

Specially honored in Spain were the favorites of
the Muses — the poets. A successful poem was
celebrated more than a victorious battle, which itself
became the subject of poetry. Every nobleman,
from the Caliph down to the lowest provincial Emir,
was anxious and proud to number learned men and
poets among his friends, for whom he furnished the
means of a livelihood. Scientific men and poets
were appointed to high offices, and entrusted with
the most important state affairs.

This spiritual atmosphere could not fail to have
its effect upon the Jews, with their naturally emo-
tional and responsive natures. Enthusiasm for
science and poetry seized them, and Jewish Spain

CH. VII. BEGINNINGS OF JUD^O- SPANISH CULTURE. 21 5

became " the home of civilization and of spiritual
activity — a fragrant garden of joyous, gay poetry,
as well as the seat of earnest research and clear
thought." Like the Mozarabs, the Christians who
lived amongst the Mahometans, the Jews made
themselves acquainted with the language and litera-
ture of the people of the land, and often surpassed
them in knowledge. But whilst the Mozarabs gave
up their own individuality, forgot their own language
— Gothic Latin — could not even read the creeds,
and were ashamed of Christianity, the Jews of Spain,
through this contact with Arabs, only increased
their love and enthusiasm for their mother-tongue,
their holy law, and their religion. Through favor-
able circumstances Jewish Spain was in a position
at first to rival Babylonia, then to supersede it, and
finally to maintain its superiority for nearly five
hundred years. Three men were the founders of
the Judaeo-Spanish culture: (i) Moses benChanoch,
the Talmudical scholar, who had been carried cap-
tive to Cordova ; (2) The first Andalusian gram-
marian, Menachem ben Saruk ; (3) and the creator
of the artistic form of Jewish poetry, Dunash Ibn-
Labrat. This culture, however, unfolded through
one man, who by means of his high endowments, his
pure character and prominent position, was enabled
to give it the proper impulse. This man was Abu-
Yussuf Chasdai ben Isaac Ibn-Shaprut (915-970), a
member of the noble family of Ibn-Ezra. He was
the first of a long succession of high-minded persons
who made the protection and furthering of Judaism
the task of their lives.

Chasdai was quite modern in his character,
entirely different from the type of his predecessors.
His easy, pliant, and genial nature was free both
from the heaviness of the Orientals and the gloomy
earnestness of the Jews. His actions and ex-
pressions make us look upon him as a European,
and through him, so to speak, Jewish history

2l6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS.. CH. VII.

receives a European character. His ancestors
came from Jaen ; his father Isaac, who probably
lived at Cordova, was wealthy, liberal, and in a
measure, a Maecenas. The son inherited from him
a love of science, and the worthy application of
riches. He attained only a theoretical knowledge
of medicine, but in literature, as well as in diplo-
macy, he was a master. Not only did he know
Hebrew and Arabic well, but he also knew Latin,
then understood only by the clergy amongst the
Spanish Christians.

The Caliph Abdul-Rahman III, who stood in
diplomatic relations with the small Christian courts
of northern Spain, perceived Chasdai's value and
usefulness, and appointed him as interpreter and
diplomatist (940). At first Chasdai only had to
accompany the principal ambassadors to the Spanish
Christian courts. But the more able he proved
himself, the rriore was he honored and advanced.
On one occasion Chasdai's diplomacy proved very
useful. He once induced a king of Leon (Sancho
Ramirez) and a queen of Navarra (Toda), together
with the clergy and other great people, to visit
Cordova, in order to conclude a lasting treaty of
peace with Abdul-Rahman. The Caliph rewarded
his services by appointing him to various offices.
Chasdai was, in a certain sense, minister of foreign
affairs. He had to receive foreign ambassadors
and their presents, and to give them presents from
the Caliph in return. He was, at the same time,
the minister of trade and finance, and the revenue
that arose from the various taxes and tolls that
went to the treasury, passed through his hands.
In spite of all this Chasdai had no official title.
He was neither vizir (the Hagib of the Spanish
Arabs) nor the secretary of state (Katib). For the
Arabs at first also had a strong prejudice against
the Jews, in consequence of which they did not
allow them to be included amongst the state

CH. VII. CHASDAI IBN-SHAPRUT. 21/

officials. The dawning culture of Mahometan Spain
was not yet sufficiently advanced to overcome the
anti-Jewish sentiments of the Koran.

Even the just and noble prince who in his time
was the greatest ornament of the throne, dared not
throw off these inborn prejudices. It remained for
the Jews themselves to overcome them gradually
through their spiritual superiority. Chasdai in-
spired a favorable opinion of his co-religionists
amongst the Andalusian Moslems, and was able,
through his personal intercourse with the Caliphs,
to shield them from misrepresentation. And so a
Jewish poet was able to say of him :

" From off his people's neck he struck the heavy yoke ;
To them his soul was given, he drew them to his heart ;
The scourge that wounded them, he destroyed.
Drove from them in terror the cruel oppressor.-
The Incomparable vouchsajEed through him
Crumbs of comfort and salvation,"

This praise is by no means exaggerated. Chasdai
was indeed a comforter and deliverer to all the
communities far and near. His high position and
wealth rendered him useful to his brethren. His
deep religious feeling . caused him to see that he
must thank God for the high estimation in which he
was held, and that it was not due to his own
deserts ; he therefore felt a call to be "active in the
cause of his religion and his race. He was, to some
extent, the legal and political head of the Jewish
community of Cordova. The Babylonian school,
which received many contributions from him, gave
him the title " Head of the School " (Resh-Kallah),
although he knew less of the Talmud than the
Nathan who had resigned his position in favor
of Moses. He corresponded with Dunash ben
Tamim, whom he asked to work out some astro-
nomical calculations on the Jewish calendar. He
also corresponded with Saadiah's son Dossa, and
requested him to send him a biography of his

2l8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

father. The ambassadors of many nations, who
either sought the favor or the protection of the
CaHph, brought him presents in order to secure his
interest in their cause. From them he always
asked particulars as to the condition of the Jews,
and obtained favors for his brethren.

Chasdai played an important part in two embas-
sies from the mightiest courts of Europe. The
Byzantine empire, oppressed on all sides, had re-
mained lifeless for several centuries, and was now
in need of foreign assistance. The weak and
pedantic Emperor Constantine VIII, the son and
brother of the emperors who had caused the Jews
so much trouble, sought a diplomatic alliance with
the mighty Moslem conqueror of Spain, in order to
gain an ally against the Eastern Caliphate. He
therefore sent a magnificent embassy to Cordova
(944-949) with rich presents, amongst which was
a beautiful copy of a Greek medical work by Dios-
corides on simple remedies, which the Caliph and
his medical college greatly desired to obtain. The
ambassadors from the most anti-Jewish court were
received by the Jewish statesman and introduced
to the Caliph. But the work upon which the
Arabic physicians and naturalists had set so high a
value was a sealed book to them. Abdul-Rahman,
therefore, begged the Byzantine emperor to send
him a scholar who understood both Greek and
Latin. Constantine, who wished to show his good-
will to the Mahometan court, sent a monk named
Nicholas as interpreter. Amongst all the physicians
of Cordova, Chasdai was the only one who under-
stood Latin, and he was, therefore, requested by
the Caliph to take part in the translation. Nicholas
translated the original Greek into Latin, and Chas-
dai re-translated it into Arabic. Abdul-Rahman
was pleased with the completion of a work which,
according to his thinking, lent great splendor to
his reign. Chasdai also had a peculiar role to play

CH. VII. EMBASSIES FROM THE EAST AND GERMANY. 2I9

in the embassy which was sent by the powerful
German emperor Otto I to the court of Cordova.
Abdul-Rahman had previously sent a messenger
to Otto, and in a letter had made use of certain
unseemly expressions against Christianity. The
Andalusian ambassadors had to wait several years
before they were admitted to an audience with the
emperor. After they had been received, the Ger-
man emperor sent an embassy, at whose head was
the abbot" John of Gorze (Jean de Vendieres), and
a letter, in which there were harsh expressions
against Islam. The Caliph, who suspected some-
thing of the kind, asked Chasdai to find out for him
the contents of the diplomatic letter. Chasdai
treated with John of Gorze for several days, and
although the latter was very clever, Chasdai out-
witted him, and learnt from him the purport of the
letter. Thereupon Abdul-Rahman kept the Ger-
man envoys waiting for a whole year before ad-
mitting them to an audience. He would have kept
them waiting still longer, had not Chasdai and the
Mozarab Bishop of Cordova induced John of Gorze
to procure a new and unobjectionable document
from the emperor (956-959).

Chasdai, who, from his elevated position, was
accustomed to deal with public affairs on a large
scale, was deeply grieved when he thought of the
state of the Jews, of their dependent and suffering
position, their dispersion, and their want of unity.
How often must he have heard Mahometans and
Christians pronounce that most powerful argu-
ment against Judaism, " Inasmuch as the scepter
hath departed from Judah, God hath rejected it!"
Even Chasdai shared the restricted view of the
time, viz., that a religion and a people without a
country, a king, a court, sovereignty, and subjects,
has neither stableness nor vitality.

The rumor of the existence of an independent
Jewish community in the land of the Chazars, which

220 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

had penetrated to Spain, roused his interest. Eldad's
appearance in Spain, several decades before Chas-
dai's birth, had given probability to the vague tradi-
tion, but, on the other hand, rendered it improbable
through the exaggeration that the ten tribes were
still in existence in all their strength. Chasdai
never failed to make inquiries about a Jewish king-
dom or a Jewish ruler when embassies came to him
from far or near. The news of a Jewish community
in the land of the Chazars, which he received from
ambassadors from Khorasan, was very welcome to
him, especially when he learnt that a Jewish king
was on the throne there. He now heartily wished
to enter into communication with this king. He*
rejoiced when the news was confirmed by the By-
zantine ambassadors, who gave him the additional
information that the reigning king of the Chazars
was called Joseph, and that they were a powerful
and warlike nation. This information served only
to increase his desire to enter into close communi-
cation with the Jewish kingdom and its ruler. He
therefore sought a trustworthy messenger who
could take charge of his letter of homage, and at
the same time bring back further particulars. After
several vain attempts, he succeeded in effecting
the desired communication. In an embassy of the
Slavonic king from the Lower Danube there were
two Jews who had to act as interpreters in Cordova.
Chasdai gave the Slavonic ambassadors a letter to
the king of the Chazars. This letter, in beautiful
Hebrew prose, with introductory verses, written by
Menachem ben Saruk, is a priceless document for
the history of the time. The author, in his pious
wishes and in his humble bearing, skilfully per-
mitted his statesmanship and a sense of his own
worth to be seen. Chasdai's letter fortunately
reached the hands of King Joseph, through the in-
strumentality of a man Jacob' ben Eleazar from the
land of Names (Germany). Joseph was the eleventh

CH. VII. HISTORY OF THE CHAZARS. 221

Jewish prince since the time of Obadiah, the founder
of Judaism in that country. The country of the
Chazars even at that time (960) still possessed
great power, although it had already lost several
districts or feudatory lands. The residence of King
Joseph was situated on an island in the Volga,
and included a golden tent-like palace having a
golden gate. The kings had to oppose the Rus-
sians, who had become more powerful since the
immigration of the Waragi, and who had always
coveted the fruitful country of the Chazars. They
found it necessary to keep a standing army so as
to be able to attack the enemy at a moment's
notice. In the tenth century there were 12,000
regular soldiers, partly cavalry, provided with hel-
mets and coats of mail, and partly infantry armed
only with spears. The decaying Byzantine em-
pire was forced to respect the kingdom of the
Chazars as a great power, and to recognize the
Jewish ruler as "the noble and illustrious king."
Whilst the Byzantine emperors used to seal their-
diplomatic letters to the Pope and to the Prankish
emperors with a golden bull of light weight (two
solidi), they made it one-third heavier when they
wrote to the kings of the Chazars. Whoever
is acquainted with the pedantic etiquette of this
unstable court will at once recognize how much of
fear was expressed by this mark of honor. The
Chazar kings took great interest in their foreign
co-religionists, and made reprisals for wrong done
to the Jews. The king expressed his joy at re-
ceiving Chasdai's letter, and corrected the false
impression that the land of the Chazars had always
been inhabited by Jews. "The Chazars were
rather of heathen origin," he wrote in his answer,
and narrated how his great ancestor Bulan had
been converted to Judaism. He went on to
enumerate the successors of Bulan, all of whom
had Jewish names. He then describes the extent

222 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

of his dominions, and the various peoples that were
subject to him. As regards the hopes of a Messi-
anic redemption which he also cherished, he re-
marks that neither he nor his people knew any-
thing definite. "We set our eyes upon Jerusalem,"
he says, " and also upon the Babylonian schools.
May- God speedily bring about the redemption."
"You write," he says, "that you long to see me.
I have the same longing to make the acquaintance
of yourself and your wisdom. If this wish could be
fulfilled, and I might speak to you face to face, you
should be my father and I would be your son, and I
would entrust the government of my state to your
hands."

When Joseph wrote this letter, he could boast
of the peaceful state of his kingdom. But circum-
stances changed in the course of a few years. One
of Rurik's descendants, the Russian Prince Sviatislav
of Kief, formerly almost a subject of the Chazars,
made a formidable attack upon the country, and
captured the fortress of Sarkel (965). The con-
queror grew more powerful, and, a few years later,
in 969, the same Sviatislav took the capital, Itil
(Atel), and also captured Semender, the second
town of the Chazars. The Chazars took to flight,
some going to an island in the Caspian Sea, others
to Derbehd, and yet others to the Crimea, in which
many members of the same race lived, and which
henceforth received the name of " the Land of
the Chazars." Its capital was Bosporus (Kertch).
Thus did the kingdom of the Chazars decline, and
Joseph was its last king who possessed any power.
When Chasdai received his letter, his patron, Abdul-
Rahman, had died. His son Alhakem, a more
zealous patron of science and poetry even than his
father, now sat upon the throne. More peacefully
disposed than his father, he honored Chasdai, whom
he made an important state official, and whose
superior talents he employed as freely as his father
had done.

CH. Vlt. bUNASH BEN LABRAT. 223

Imitating the example of two Caliphs, who re-
spected genius, Chasdai protected the Jews, and to
him is credit due for having given the impulse to
the Jewish-Andalusian culture. He gathered around
him at Cordova a band of talented philosophers and
poets, who in turn immortalized him in their works
and poems. "In Spain far and wide, wisdom was
cherished in Chasdai's time. His praise was sung
by eloquent tongues." Only two of the philoso-
phers and poets of this time became famous, Mena-
chem ben Saruk and Dunash ben Labrat. Both of
these made the Hebrew language, which they con-
siderably enriched, the object of deep research.
They went far beyond all their predecessors that
had worked at philology, the Karaites and even
Saadiah.

Dunash ben Labrat in his works developed a
symmetry and harmony of expression in the holy
language such as was scarcely conceivable by his
predecessors. He was the first to employ meter in
Hebrew poesy, which he made melodious through
the introduction of the strophe. Dunash was
blamed by Saadiah for this as though he had made
an unheard-of innovation. Saadiah thought that
violence was done to the Hebrew language thereby.
However, the new Hebrew poetry was enriched
through the efforts of the Jewish-Andalusian writers.
Hitherto, poetical compositions had been of a syna-
gogal character, always gloomy, and never assuming
a joyful tone. Even hymnal poetry was not devoid
of this characteristic, and continued halting and
rugged like Kaliri's. In didactic and controversial
poems a miserable doggerel was used, as in the
verses of Solomon ben Yerucham, of Abu-Ali
Jephet, of Ben-Asher and Sabbata'i Donnolo.
Chasdai, however, gave the poets an opportunity
of changing their subjects. His imposing person,
his high position, his deeds, and his princely liber-
ality had an inspiring influence upon the poets, and

224 History of' the jews. ch. vii.

whilst they sang his praises in animated strains,
they breathed new life into the apparently dead
Hebrew language, rendering it harmonious and
capable of development. Of course, the Jewish-
Andalusian poets took the Arabs as their model.
They in truth do not deny that "Arab became the
teacher of Eber." But Dunash and others, who
imitated him, did not slavishly adhere to their Arab
pattern, nor adopt its unnatural meter, but they
selected its beauties and imitated them. The verses
at the beginning of this flourishing period of poetry
were brisk and lively in their measure, and yet the
Hebrew poetry of the epoch of Chasda'i did not
entirely cast off its fetters, nor change its high-flown
style. " The poets in Chasdai's time first began
to chirp," as the inimitable critic of a later time
remarks. The favorite themes of the new Hebrew
poesy now became panegyric and satire, but It did
not lose sight of liturgical poetry, which it also
adorned with the beauty of meter.

Little is known of the life and character of the
first two founders of the Andalusian-Jewish culture.
As far as can be gathered from existing sources,
Menachem ben Saruk, of Tortosa (born 910, died
970), was in needy circumstances from his earliest
years ; at any rate, his patrimony was too small to
maintain him. Chasdai's father Isaac was inter-
ested in him, and took care that pecuniary difficul-
ties should not destroy the germ of poetry which
was latent in him. His favorite occupation was the
study of the Hebrew language ; he made use of the
works of his predecessors, but he did not acquire
his noble Hebrew style from them — that was inborn.

When Chasdai attained his high position, he
Invited the favorite of his father, with flattering
words and glowing promises, to come to Cordova.
Menachem became Chasdai's court poet, and was
warmly attached to him, praising him in every kind
of verse, and, as he himself afifirms, " exhausted

CH. VII. MENACHEM BEN SARDK. 225

poetry in singing Chasdai's praises." Chasdai
encouraged him to write on the philology of the
Hebrew language, and to endeavor to ascertain its
various forms, and to investigate the meanings of
words. Menachem in consequence wrote a com-
plete Hebrew dictionary (Machbereth), with some
grammatical rules, in which he corrected his prede-
cessors in many respects. Brought up amidst sur-
roundings by which harmonious and impressive
speech was prized, the grammarian of Tortosa
valued language in general very highly, and the
Hebrew language in particular, and it was the aim
of his work to discover the peculiar refinements of
this language. Menachem ben Saruk was the first
to distinguish clearly the pure roots in the Hebrew
language, and to separate them from the formative
prefixes and suffixes — a theory which now appeared
for the first time, and which had been misappre-
hended by previous grammarians. This misappre-
hension, indeed, had led them into using malformed
and ill-sounding words in their verses. Menachem,
in his lexicographical work, puts the various forms
under each root, and often expounds their meanings
with surprising clearness and nicety. In cases
where he gives a peculiar explanation according to
his understanding of the Biblical verse, he often
shows healthy thought and refined taste, and there
is a marked step forward in exegesis from Saadiah
to Menachem. Now and again he gave explana-
tions which were opposed to Talmudic tradition
and the ideas of the time. His lexicographical
work was much read and used, because it was
written in Hebrew. It found its way into France
and Italy, supplanted the works of Saadiah and the
Karaites, and, for a long time, was the guide-book
for Bible expositors. But grand and flowing as
Menachem's Hebrew prose is, his verse is unattrac-
tive and awkward ; he did not understand how to
handle Hebrew meter. He was, however, supple-
mented by his rival, Dunash ben Labrat.

226 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

This poet (also called Adonim) came from Bag-
dad, and was younger than Menachem (born 920,
died 970). He afterwards lived in Fez, and was
likewise invited to Cordova by Chasdai. Dunash
appears to have been wealthy, and was thus able to
be freer and more independent than the gram-
marian of Tortosa. He was a man of spirited and
reckless disposition, who did not weigh his words,
and was well qualified for ' literary controversy.
He, too, possessed a deep knowledge of the Hebrew
language, and was a far more successful poet than
Menachem. As has been mentioned, he was the
first of the Rabbanite circle in Spain to introduce
meter into the new Hebrew poetry, to which he
thereby gave a fresh charm. He was, however,
bold and venturesome. He criticised Saadiah's
exegetical and grammatical works in a polemic
(Teshuboth), assuming rather a harsh tone, although
he was personally acquainted with the author, and
was perhaps his pupil. As soon as Menachem's
dictionary reached him, Dunash determined to write
an unsparing criticism of it, and to bring its' mis-
takes to light. His review was witty but scornful.
Dunash did not keep within the limits of scientific
discussion, but used it to promote his own interests.
He dedicated his critical works against Menachem
to the Jewish statesman, whom he flattered so
abjectly in some prefatory verses, that we can
hardly fail to see that his object was to gain over
the Jewish Maecenas to his side, and to injure Mena-
chem in the eyes of the latter.

Dunash's flattery of the Jewish statesman and
his coarse polemic against Menachem are not
wanting in power. The admiration of Chasdai
for Ben-Saruk was diminished when he perceived
that Dunash was a better poet, and at least as
good a philologist. When various calumniators
who wished to ingratiate themselves with the Jewish
prince, traduced Menachem before him, Chasdai's

CH. VII. PHILOLOGICAL CONTROVERSIES. 22/

favor was virithdrawn from the latter, and changed
into direct hostility. In what their defamations con-
sisted is not known.

Menachem appears to have died before his rival
Dunash, and his pupils undertook to justify him.
Jehuda ben Daud, Isaac Ibn G'ikatilia, and Ben-
Kafren (Ephraim) were the most important of
these. They, too, dedicated their polemical writ-
ings to the Jewish minister, and sent him a pane-
gj'^ric and a satire against Dunash. Chasdai seems
to have just returned from a diplomatic victory
which he had won for the Caliph Alhakem. The
followers of Menachem celebrated his triumph:
"The mountains greet the protector of learning,
the prince of Judah. All the world rejoices at his
return, for whenever he is absent, darkness sets in,
the haughty rule and fall upon Judah's sons. But
Chasdai brings back peace and order. God has
appointed him prince, and granted him the king's
favor, whereby He exalted him above all the
nobles."

Menachem's defenders endeavored to appeal to
Chasda'i's love of truth, and to make him the
arbiter against Dunash, "who set himself up as
the chief of commentators, who knows neither law
nor limit of change, and who desecrates and spoils
the holy language through his foreign meter." The
study of the Hebrew language was carried on in
Spain by means of severe contention and virulent
satire. The pupils of Dunash continued the quarrel.
The followers of Menachem and Dunash hurled
witty lampoons against each other, which fact con-
tributed largely towards making the Hebrew lan-
guage at once pliant and rich.

As Chasdai Ibn-Shaprut had given an impulse to
various poets and writers by means of encourage-
ments and rewards, so also he founded a home in
Spain for the study of the Talmud. Jewish science
in Europe had not yet attained a sufficiently firm

228 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

footing to enable it to dispense with the fostering
care of a protector. Moses ben Chanoch, too, who
had been chosen to collect contributions for the
school of Sora, and who had been brought as a
slave to Cordova and there redeemed, found a
patron in Chasdai, and the two Caliphs who were
friendly to science beheld with pleasure the study
of the Talmud springing up in their realms, because
it would tend to sever their Jewish subjects from
the Caliphate of Bagdad. Moses could have come
to Spain at no more favorable time for establishing
firmly the study of the Talmud, without which the
literary activity just springing up could not have
made progress. Just as the Spanish Moors had
busied themselves with the task of casting' the
Caliphate of Bagdad into the shade, in the hope of
monopolizing all political and literary distinctions,
so the Spanish Jews longed to obscure the Baby-
lonian schools, and to transfer to the school which
Moses had opened in Cordova the supremacy which
the former had hitherto enjoyed, owing to the deeper
knowledge of the Talmud there.

They consequently treated Moses with great
deference, surrounded him with splendor, and recog-
nized him as their head. Religious questions which
had hitherto been sent to th(i Babylonian schools,
henceforth were directed to Moses. From all parts
of Africa, eager students flocked to his school.
There now arose a strong desire for thorough Tal-
mudical knowledge, which would enable them to
dispense with the Babylonian teachers. Chasdai
gave orders for copies of the Talmud to be bought
at his expense in Sora, where many lay idle and
unused. These he distributed amongst the pupils,
whom he doubtless furnished with means of subsist-
ence. Thus Cordova became the Andalusian Sora,
and the founder of the school there had the same
significance for Spain as Rab had for Babylon.
Although he bore the modest title of judge

CH. VII. DEATH OF MOSES BEN CHANOCH. 229

(Dayan), he yet performed the various functions of
a Gaon. He ordained rabbis for the various com-
munities, as it appears, by the ceremony of laying
on the hands (Semicha) ; he expounded the Law,
the highest appeal was made to him in legal cases,
and he could excommunicate rebellious members
of the community. All these functions devolved
upon the rabbis in later times.

Thus Spain became in many ways the center of
Judaism. Several apparently accidental events
contributed to this result, and the aroused self-
importance of the Spanish Jews did not allow this
supremacy to depart from their midst ; in fact, they
took the greatest pains to assert and to deserve it.
The prosperity of the Cordova Jewish community
made it possible for them to make the Andalusian
capital the center of all undertakings. Cordova
numbered several thousand rich families, well able
to vie with the Arabs in display. They clothed
themselves in silk, wore costly turbans, and drove
in splendid carriages. They rode on horses, and
adopted the manners of chivalrous society, which
distinguished them from the Jews of other lands.
It cannot be denied, however, that some of them
owed their wealth to their trade in Slavonian slaves.
These they sold to the Caliphs, who gradually
formed their body-guard from them.

After Moses' death (965) the community of Cor-
dova was threatened with a division on account of
the succession. On the one side was Moses' son
Chanoch, who, when a child, had shared his parent's
captivity, and had seen his mother throw herself
into the sea. His rival was Joseph ben Isaac Ibn-
Abitur, who was the distinguished pupil of Moses.
He possessed sound knowledge of Arabic literature,
was a tolerable poet, and a native of Spain. But
Chanoch possessed no attainments except knowl-
edge of the Talmud, and the advantage of being the
son of a man who had been highly esteemed.

230 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VII.

The two rivals were equally distinguished for
their piety and their character. There were con-
sequently two parties — the one siding with the
native, who was the representative of culture, the
other with Moses' son. Meanwhile, before the
strife had taken a serious turn, Chasdai exerted his
powerful influence in favor of Chanoch. The latter
thus became rabbi of Cordova and the authority for
the Jewish-Spanish communities. As long as the
Jewish minister of Alhakem lived, Chanoch's right
to the rabbinate remained unchallenged. Chasdai
Ibn-Shaprut died during the lifetime of the noble
Caliph (970), and left behind him an illustrious name,
and both Jews and Mahometans vied with each
other in perpetuating it for posterity.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE RISE OF JEWISH-SPANISH CULTURE, AND THE DECAY OF
THE GAONATE.

The Gaon Sherira and his son Hal — Sherira's Historical Letter —
The Jewish Congregations in Spain — Jewish Culture in Anda-
lusia— The Disciples of Menachem and Dunash — Jehuda Chayuj
— Contest between Chanoch and Ibn Abitur— Jacob Ibn Jau —
The Jews of France — Nathan the Babylonian and Leontin — The
Jews of Germany — Gershom and his Ordinances — The Emperor
Henry II. — The Caliph Hakem — The Jewish Chagan David and
the Russians — Destruction of the Jewish-Chazar Kingdom — The
Karaites — Joseph Allcarlcassani and Levi Halevi — Hal Gaon — His
Character and Importance — Samuel bar Chofni — Chiskiya, the
last Gaon — Samuel Ibn-Nagrela — Jonah Ibn-Janach.

970 — 1050 c. E.

When an institution of historic origin is doomed to
sink into oblivion, the most strenuous exertions of
men cannot save it ; and though they succeed by
generous sacrifices in deferring the time of its
extinction, its continuance is at best like that of a
man in a trance.

So it happened to the Babylonian Gaonate, once
so full of life. After the most cultured communities
of Spain and Africa had withdrawn their support,
and had made themselves independent of it, its fate
was sealed. It was in vain that the two men who
successively adorned the school of Pumbeditha by
their virtue and knowledge, made a strenuous effort
to give it new life. They only succeeded in staying
the death of the Gaonate for somewhat more than
half a century, but they were unable to restore its
vitality. These two men — father and son, the last
distinguished presidents of the school of Pumbe-
ditha— were Sherira and Hai (Haaja), to whom
later generations gave the name of " the fathers and
teachers of Israel."
331

232 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

Sherira, son of the Gaon Chanina (born 920, died
1000), was of distinguished parentage both on his
father's and his mother's side, several members of
both famiUes having filled the office of Gaon. He
boasted that he could trace his descent to the line
of the Exilarchs before Bostana'i. The seal of the
Sherira family bore the impress of a lion, which is
said to have been the coat-of-arms of the Jewish
kings.

Sherira was a Gaon of the old school, who valued
the Talmud above everything, and steered clear of
philosophical ideas. He was sufficiently acquainted
with the Arabic language to use it in answering
questions which were directed to him by the Jewish
communities in. Moslem countries. He preferred,
however, to make use of the Hebrew and Chaldee
languages, and had no taste for Arabic literature.
His literary activity was entirely devoted to the
Talmud and cognate subjects. He did not trouble
himself much about Biblical exegesis, but his moral
earnestness makes us overlook his lack of higher
culture. As a judge, he always endeavored to elicit
the truth and to decide accordingly. As head of
the school, he spared no pains to spread instruc-
tion far and near, hence his decisions are voluminous.
But Sherira kept most conscientiously to Talmudic
precedents in framing his decisions ; and on one
occasion severely criticised a master who taught his
young slave the Bible, and when he had grown up,
allowed him to contract an illegal marriage with
another slave, because this was contrary to the
decision of several Talmudical teachers. Sherira
was versed in theosophy, which had but few followers
at his time.

Sherira is especially distinguished on account of
his " Letter," which is the main authority for the
history of the Talmudical, post-Talmudical, and
Gaonic periods of Jewish history. Jacob ben Nissim
(Ibn-Shahin), a pupil of the Chushiel who had been

CH. VIII. sherira's letter. 233

taken captive to Africa, and who taught the Talmud
in Kairuan, sent a letter of inquiry in the name of
the community of Kairuan to Sherira. In it the
following questions were propounded : "In what
way was the Mishna written down ? If the tradi-
tional law is of remote origin, how does it happen
that only authorities of a comparatively recent
period are known to us as bearers of the same ?
In what order were the various books of the Mishna
compiled ? " Jacob also asked about the order of
the Saboraim and the Geonim, and about their
respective terms of ofifice. Sherira wrote an an-
swer (987) half in Hebrew and half in Chaldee, in
which he threw light upon several dark portions of
Jewish history. The chronicle of the Saboraim and
Geonim as given by him is our guide for this epoch.
Sherira in this "Letter" answers the questions put
to him with the simple straightforwardness of the
chronicler. But his opinions about the Exilarchs of
the line of Bostanai, and about some of his contem-
poraries, e. g., about Aaron Ibn-Sarjadu, are not
altogether unbiased. We have to thank the Gaon
Sherira for the preservation of the facts of Jewish
history from the period of the conclusion of the
Talmud till his own time. It was not in his power
to produce an historical work of a critical character,
nor, indeed, was this possible for the genius of the
Middle Ages.

In spite of his incessant activity as head of the
school, he was unable to prevent the decay of the
school of Pumbeditha. The zeal for the study of
the Talmud and scientific activity had cooled in the
Babylonian countries. The academy had so few
scholars at this time that Sherira was compelled to
promote his young son Hai, when only sixteen
years old, to the high office of chief judge. The
respect for thie Gaon had vanished. Malicious
persons had Sherira arraigned before the Caliph
Alkadir on some unknown charge, probably growing

234 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

out of the rigor of his administration (997). In con-
sequence of this, father and son were deprived of
their Hberty, all their property was confiscated, and
there was not enough left to them for a bare liveli-
hood. They were, however, liberated at the inter-
cession of an influential man, and restored to their
dignity. Sherira soon after, on account of old age,
abdicated in favor of his son (998), and died a few
years later.

His son Hai, although he was only 30 years old,
was so popular that to the reading of the Law on
Sabbath, as a mark of honor to him, the portion
of the Pentateuch was added in which Moses prays
for a worthy successor, and instead of the usual
prophetic lesson, the story of David anointing his
successor was read, and in conclusion the words,
" And Hai sat on the throne of Sherira his father,
and his kingdom was firmly established."

We turn gladly from the decay of the internal
organization of the Jews in the East to the vitality
of the communities on the Guadalquiver and the
Guadiana. Vigorous forces and spiritual currents
of most varied character asserted themselves every-
where, and produced the brilliant efflorescence of
Jewish culture. There arose in the Jewish com-
munities of Andalusia intense zeal for the various
branches of knowledge, and an eager desire for
creative activity.

The seed which had been sown by Chasdai, the
Jewish Maecenas, by the study of the Talmud under
Moses the Babylonian, and by the poetical and
philological works of Menachem and Dunash, pro-
duced the fairest fruit. Many-sided knowledge was
considered among the Spanish Jews, as well as
among the Andalusian Moslems, a man's most
beautiful ornament, and brought its possessor honor
and riches. Following the example of Abdul-Rah-
man the Great, the Moslems admitted Jews to state
offices, owing to their superior insight and business

CH. VIII. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SPANISH JEWS. 235

capacity ; thus we find both Jewish consuls and
Jewish ministers at Mahometan and Christian
courts. These emulated the conduct of Chasdai in
encouraging learning and poetry. The knowledge
of the period was neither one-sided nor barren ; on
the contrary, it was full of healthy life, useful and
productive. The cultured Jews of Andalusia spoke
and wrote the language of the country as fluently
as their Arab fellow-citizens, who were as proud of
the Jewish poets as the Jews themselves.

The Andalusian Jews were equally active in Bible
exegesis and grammar, in the study of the Talmud,
in philosophy and in poetry. But the students in
any one of these departments were not narrow
specialists. Those who studied the Talmud were
indifferent neither to Biblical lore nor to poetry,
and if not poets themselves, they found pleasure
in the rhythmic compositions of the new Hebrew
poesy. The philosophers strove to become thor-
oughly versed in the Talmud, and in many instances
rabbis were at the same time teachers of philosophy.

Nor were science and art looked upon by the
Spanish Jews as mere ornaments, but they exalted
and ennobled their lives. Many of them were
filled with that enthusiasm and ideality which does
not allow the approach of any kind of meanness.
The prominent men, who, either through their
political position or their merits stood at the head
of Jewish affairs in Spain, were for the most part
noble characters imbued with the highest senti-
ments. They were as chivalrous as the Andalusian
Arabs, and excelled them in magnanimity, a charac-
teristic which they retained long after the Arabs
had become degenerate. Like their neighbors, they
had a keen appreciation of their own value, which
showed itself in -a long string of names, but this
self-consciousness rested on a firm moral basis.
They took great pride in their ancestry, and certain
families, as those of Ibn-Ezra, Alfachar, Alnakvah,

236 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

Ibn-Falyaj, Ibn-Giat, Benveniste, Ibn-Migash, Abu-
lafia, and others formed the nobility. They did not
use their birth as a means to obtain privileges, but
saw therein an obligation to excel in knowledge
and nobility, so as to be worthy of their ancestors.
The height of culture which the nations of modern
times are striving to attain, was reached by the
Jews of Spain in their most flourishing period.
Their religious life was elevated and idealized
through this higher culture. They loved their re-
ligion with all the fervor of conviction and enthu-
siasm. Every ordinance of Judaism, as prescribed
in the Bible and as explained in the Talmud, was
considered holy and inviolable by them ; but they
were equally opposed to stolid bigotry and to sense-
less mysticism. Although they often carried their
investigation to the borders of unbelief, yet there is
scarcely one of the Jewish-Spanish thinkers who
crossed these bounds, nor did extravagant mysti-
cism find favor with them during the flourishing
period. No wonder, then, that the Jews of Spain
were looked upon as superior beings by their un-
cultured brethren in other lands — in France, Ger-
many, and Italy — and that they gladly yielded them
the precedence which had formerly been enjoyed
by the Babylonian academies. Cordova, Lucena,
and Granada soon took the place of Sora and
Pumbeditha. The official chief of the Jews in
Andalusia was Chanoch, of whom we have already
spoken (940-1014). He succeeded his father in
the rabbinate. His rival, Joseph ben Isaac Ibn-
Abitur (Ibn-Satanas or Santas), a member of a
respected Andalusian family, was as learned in the
Talmud, and excelled him in the extent of his secular
knowledge. Ibn-Abitur wrote in verse. Among other
things he composed synagogue poetry for the Day
of Atonement, but his verse is harsh, awkward, and
altogether devoid of poetic charm. He had not
profited by the poetry of Dunash. Joseph Ibn-

CH. VIII. CHAYUj's GRAMMATICAL RESEARCH. 237

Abitur understood the Arabic language so well that
he was able to translate the Mishna into that lan-
guage. The Caliph Alhakem had expressed a wish
to possess a translation of the work containing the
sources of Jewish tradition, and Ibn- Abitur gratified
that wish to his satisfaction. The refined Caliph
probably only desired to increase his library (which
was of such proportions that the catalogue took up
twenty-four volumes) by the addition of the Mishna,
which was so highly valued by the Jews. The men
most distinguished in philology and Hebrew poetry
during the period after Chasdai were the pupils of
Menachem and Dunash. They carried on a con-
troversy in epigrams, in prose and verse. Of these,
Isaac Ibn-G'ikatilia was a poet, and Jehuda Ibn-
Daud a Hebrew grammarian. The latter, whose
Arabic name was Ibn-Zachariah Yachya Chayuj,
descended from a family which came from Fez,
was the first to place Hebrew philology on a firm
basis, and may be regarded as the first scientific
grammarian. Chayuj, too, was the first to recog-
nize that Biblical Hebrew roots consist of three
letters, and that several consonants (the liquids,
semi-vowels, and the sounds produced by the
same organ) become assimilated and change into
vowels. He thereby made it possible to know the
different forms and their changes, and to apply
this knowledge to poetry. Chayuj thus brought
about a complete reform in the Hebrew language,
and illumined the darkness wherein his predeces-
sors, amongst them Saadiah, Menachem, and
Dunash, and to a greater extent the Karaites,
had been lost. Chayuj wrote his grammatical
works in Arabic ; on this account they remained
unknown to the Jews out of Spain, who retained
the imperfect systems of Menachem and Dunash in
their philological studies.

Although the rabbinate of Cordova was merely
an honorary office, and Chanoch derived no income

238 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

from it, nevertheless it gave rise to contention after
Chasda'i's death. The followers of Joseph Ibn-
Abitur, amongst whom were the numerous Ibn-
Abitur family, and the brothers Ibn-Jau, silk manu-
facturers, who were employed at court, endeavored
to put their favorite at the head of affairs. The
greater portion of the Jews of Cordova clung to
Chanoch. The quarrel became too serious to be
peaceably settled, and each party appealed to the
Caliph on behalf of its favorite. Seven hundred
influential men, partisans of Chanoch, betook them-
selves, in festive apparel, several days in succession
to Az-Zahra, Alhakem's residence, not far from
Cordova, in order to obtain the Caliph's favor for
their rabbi.

The opposition party made up in zeal what it
lacked in number. Alhakem decided in favor of
the majority, and confirmed Chanoch in his rab-
binate. But as Ibn-Abitur would not relinquish his
claim, he was excommunicated by the victorious
party. In spite of this he did not abandon hope.
He appealed in person to the Caliph. He hoped
to gain him over through his knowledge of Arabic
literature, and through his service in translating the
Mishna, and so effect a reversal of the decree.
But his hopes were vain. The Caliph addressed
him in the words : " If my subjects scorned me, as
the community of Cordova scorns you, I would ab-
dicate my kingdom. My only advice to you is to
emigrate." The wish of the Caliph appeared to
Ibn-Abitur a command, and he left Cordova (975).
When he saw that he could not gain any followers
in Spain, he set sail for Africa, traversed Maghreb,
the Fatimide dominion, and probably also Egypt,
without finding favor anywhere. Meanwhile, how-
ever, affairs suddenly took a favorable turn for
Ibn-Abitur. One of his chief supporters was raised
to a high position, and used his influence on his
behalf. This was the silk manufacturer, Jacob Ibn-

CH. VIII. IBN-ABITUR'S FRIENDS. 239

Jau, whose checkered career bears witness to the
arbitrariness dominant in the Spanish CaHphate
after the death of the last just and cultured Caliph,
Alhakem (976).

The title of Caliph appears to have descended to
his son Hisham, a sickly youth, but the chief power
lay in the hands of Mahomet Almansur, the terror
of the Christians in the mountains of northern
Spain and of the Africans in their fortresses.
Under this Mahometan "Major Domus," Jacob
Ibn-Jau, the supporter of Ibn-Abitur, obtained great
respect and considerable power over the Jewish-
Spanish community. The circumstances of his
good fortune are rather extraordinary. Jacob Ibn-
Jau and his brother Joseph supplied the court with
costly embroidered silk. Their goods were ad-
mired and sought after. Their business brought
them into contact with Almansur, and on one occa-
sion they found a considerable sum of money in the
court of his palace, which had been lost by some
provincials who had been ill-treated. The brothers
Ibn-Jau spent the money in presents for the young
Caliph and Almansur, so as to obtain their favor,
and procure the recall of the banished Ibn-Abitur.
Their attempt succeeded. In 985, Almansur ap-
pointed the elder brother Jacob as prince and chief
judge of the various Jewish communities in the
kingdom of the Andalusian Caliphate on both sides
of the strait, from Segelmessa in Africa as far as
the Douro. He had the sole right to appoint judges
and rabbis in the communities, and to determine the
taxes for state purposes and for communal wants.
Jacob Ibn-Jau held court, as it were, had eighteen
pages in his retinue, and drove about in a state
carriage. The community of Cordova, proud of
the distinction shown to one of its own members,
recognized him as its chief, paid homage to him,
made his office hereditary, and the poets sang his
praises.

240 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

As soon as Ibn-Jau was appointed chief of the
Jews of the Andalusian Caliphate, he tried to
realize the purposes for which he had sought the
favor of the court. He gave Chanoch notice to
discontinue his rabbinical functions, threatening
that, in case he disobeyed, he would be set adrift
at sea in a ship without a rudder, thus returning
to the place whence he had come. Ibn-Jau next
made preparations to recall his favorite, Ibn-Abitur,
and to invest him with the dignity of the rabbi-
nate. But before he could do that, the ban of
excommunication had to be removed, and for this
act the consent and approval of the whole com-
munity were required. Out of regard for Ibn-Jau,
who was respected at court, all the members of the
community, amongst whom were his former oppo-
nents, sent a flattering letter to Ibn-Abitur, inviting
him to accept the rabbinate of Cordova. Chanoch
was deposed. When the community of Cordova,
and especially his friends, had made preparations to
meet Ibn-Abitur in a worthy manner, they received
a letter from him which speedily undeceived them.
He inveighed, in harsh terms, against their reckless
treatment of his opponent. He praised Chanoch
in unmeasured terms, saying that in all his wander-
ings he had never met with a man like him in virtue
and piety, and at the same time he advised the
community of Cordova to re-instate him in his office.

Meanwhile Ibn-Jau could not maintain his au-
thority. His patron, Almansur, deposed him, and
cast him into prison, the reason of his condemna-
tion being his probity and disinterestedness. The
regent (Hajib) had believed that the Jewish prince
would use his power over the communities of the
western Caliphate for the purpose of extorting
money, and would make him the recipient of rich
presents ; but Ibn-Jau did not burden the com-
munity, and, consequently, could not satisfy Alman-
sur's avarice. For this he was deprived of his

CH. VIII. IBN-JAU. 241

liberty. After he had been imprisoned for a year
he was set free by the Caliph Hisham, and restored
to his former dignity (987). Since, however,
Almansur was unfavorable to him, he was prac-
tically powerless. When Ibn-Jau died, one of
Chanoch's relatives hastened to convey the news
to him, thinking that he would receive it with joy.
But this noble rabbi wept at the death of his enemy,
and said, " Who will now care for the wants of the
poor like him who has just departed ? I cannot
take his place, for I myself am poor."

Chanoch lived to see the beginning of the deca-
dence of Cordova, and the first general persecution
of his co-religionists in Germany, Africa, and in the
East. He was killed by the fall of the reading-desk
in the synagogue on the last day of the Feast of
Tabernacles (September, 1014).

The condition of the Jews in France and Ger-
many at this time shows how dependent their
spiritual life was upon external circumstances.

During the feeble rule of the last Carlovingians,
and even under the first Capets in France, when
the temporal and spiritual vassals became more
powerful than the kings, and also under the Saxon
emperors, the Jews were oppressed, and their
literary activity almost entirely checked. The
canonical laws had long before this debarred them
from filling offices. They did not seek honor, but
only, desired to be allowed to live quietly, and to
observe their religion. But the chiefs of the Church
disturbed their peaceful condition without any profit
to themselves. In the French territory, the chief
power lay in the hands of the barons and the clergy.
The power of the kings was as yet limited on all
sides, and could not protect the Jews from tyran-
nical caprice. Only the fanatical clergy had enter-
tained prejudices of a theological nature against the
Jews, but their zeal aroused the hatred of the people
against the Jews. The people, uncouth, brutish.

242 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

•

and slaves to superstition, looked upon the sons of
Israel as a cursed race, unworthy of compassion.
They accused the Jews of employing evil spells
against Christians. When the king, Hugh Capet,
died of a dangerous illness (996), after having been
treated by a Jewish physician, the people gave
credence to the report that the Jews had murdered
him. The chroniclers, too, looked upon this as a
fact, and entered it upon their annals.

The Jews, it is true, had fields and vineyards, but
they lacked personal safety, which could be granted
only by a strong government. In the south of
France, in Provence and Languedoc, where the
king's power was insignificant, the fate of the Jews
was still more dependent upon the caprice of the
counts and viscounts. In one place they possessed
landed property and salt mines, and were even
allowed to become bailiffs (Bailli) ; in another they
had to submit to be treated as bondmen. The
chief community was that of Narbonne. There
had been a Talmudical school there since the time
of Charles the Great, but it does not seem to have
been well supported. There suddenly appeared
on the scene a Talmudist from the school of Sora,
who instilled true zeal for the study of the Talmud
into the Jews of southern France. This may have
been Nathan bar Isaac, the Babylonian, but more
probably it was his pupil Leon or Leontin (Jehuda
ben Meir), who, although he left no works behind
him, was yet the first founder of the scientific study
of the Talmud, which henceforth flourished in France
and Germany. His famous pupil, Gershom, con-
fessed that he owed all his knowledge to Leon.

The Jews in Germany at this time of the Saxon
emperors did not suffer oppression, though they
were not specially favored. The feudal system
which existed in Germany forbade them to possess
landed property, and thus compelled them to be
tradesmen. Jew and merchant were synonymous

CH. VIII. THE JEWS UNDER THE SAXON EMPERORS. 243

in Germany. The rich were bankers, those of
moderate means borrowed money in order to visit
the fair at Cologne, for which loan they had to pay
a low, reasonable interest. The German emperors
continued the custom, which had been introduced
by the first Carlovingians, of exacting a fixed tribute
from the Jews. When Otto the Great wished to
grant a subsidy to the newly-built church at Magde-
burg, he made it a present of the revenue he derived
from "the Jews and other merchants" (965). Otto
II likewise presented " the Jews of Merseburg " to
the bishop of that town in 981. In the retinue of
this emperor was an Italian Jew, Kalonymos, who
was greatly attached to him, and on one occasion
assisted him at the risk of his own life (982). But the
much praisea rule of the Ottos gave the Jews sub-
ject to them no chance of raising themselves from
their lowly position. The Christian peoples had
learnt much from the Arabs, but they had not learnt
to encourage science amongst members of religions
different from their own. The German Jews in
consequence, although they led more moral and
industrious lives than their Christian brethren, were
not more cultured. They had not even any Tal-
mudical teachers of note of their own, but got them
from abroad. Their first Talmudical authority was
Gershom. He, together with his brother Machir,
spread the seeds of Talmudic knowledge from the
south of France to the Rhine, and gave it an im-
portance that it had not obtained even in the Gaonic
schools.

Gershom ben Jehuda (born 960, died 1028) was
born in France, and emigrated for some unknown
reason to Maj^ence. As was mentioned, he was a
pupil of Leon. In Mayence, Gershom founded a
school which soon attracted numerous pupils from
Germany and Italy. The respect for Gershom was
so great that he was named "The Light of the
Exile." He expounded the Talmud to his pupils

244 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. Ctt. VIII.

with a lucidity unattained by any of his predecessors,
and his commentaries to the Talmud are also dis-
tinguished for clearness and directness.

Gershom was the first commentator of the vast
Talmud, and he who knows the difficulty of such a
work will appreciate how much energy, devotion,
and patience were required for it. He was at once
recognized as an authority by the German, French,
and Italian communities. Questions were sub-
mitted to him, and unwittingly he became the
rival of the last Gaon Hai, although he looked upon
him with the reverence of a disciple. Through a
peculiar combination of circumstances those who
respected the Gaonate most, contributed to its
decay. Gershom's commentaries on the Talmud,
written iii Hebrew, had the result that the Gaonic
school could be dispensed with, and thus severed
the German communities and those of northern
France from it. Any one who chose to do so
could obtain a deep knowledge of the Talmud with-
out first seeking aid from Babylonia. Gershom
also busied himself with the Massora, and made
a place for its study, which until then had been
pursued only in Mahometan countries, in Germany
and in France.

Gershom became even more famous through his
decrees than through his commentaries. They
produced a very wholesome effect upon German
and French Judaism. Amongst other things he
forbade polygamy, practiced even among European
Jews, allowing it in extreme cases only. He decreed
further that the consent of the wife was necessary
for a divorce, whilst, according to the Talmud, the
husband could give her a bill of divorce against her
wish. He also made an important rule about the
carrying of letters, viz., that the bearer must not
read a letter, even though it be not sealed. In
those times intercourse with one's friends was
carried on by means of travelers who happened

CH. VIII. GERSHOM, THE LIGHT OF THE EXILE. 245

to be going in the direction required. Hence this
regulation was of the utmost importance. Those
who transgressed this decree were to be laid under
the ban of excommunication. Although these and
other institutions were without synodal formality,
and the author of them was in no way invested with
official authority, yet, so great was the respect felt
for Gershom, that they were received by the Ger-
man and French communities like the decrees of a
synhedrion, and scrupulously obeyed.

Contemporary with this authority of the German-
French communities, there lived in Mayence a man
whose merits were, until recently, unappreciated.
This man was Simon ben Isaac ben Abun, of
French descent, from Le Mans. He was learned
in the Talmud, and wrote an original work (Yessod)
on it. He was, besides, a versatile and prolific
Hebrew poet (Poetan), and wrote a number of litur-
gical compositions in the style of Kaliri, as heavy
and ungraceful as his, in which he introduced the
Agadic literature, often in an enigmatical way.
Simon ben Isaac was wealthy, and was thus able
to avert the storm which had gathered, and was
threatening to break over the Jews of Germany.

In the eleventh century occurred the first perse-
cutions of the Jews in Germany. It is possible that
the conversion of a churchman to Judaism, which
the chroniclers mentioned in their annals as an un-
lucky event, roused the anger of the clergy against
the Jews. The convert, whose name was Wecelinus,
was chaplain to Duke Conrad, a relative of the
emperor. After his conversion to Judaism (1005),
Wecelinus wrote a lampoon on his former religion,
bearing witness to his own great hatred of Christi-
anity, and to the coarseness of the taste of the time.
The emperor Henry, however, was so angry at the
conversion of the chaplain, that he commissioned
one of his clergy to write a reply. This he did, and
it was couched in equally coarse and undignified

246 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

language. Some years later (1012), the emperor
decreed that the Jews should be expelled from
Mayence, as a punishment for their refusal to be
baptized. The decree was probably not confined
to Mayence, but applied to other communities.
The poet, Simon ben Isaac, composed dirges,
lamenting the expulsion, as though it were a terrible
persecution, intended to uproot Judaism from the
hearts of its followers.

Gershom, too, though by no means a poet, gave
utterance to his grief at the severe persecution of
Henry II in penitential hymns. "Thou hast made
those who despise Thy Law," he says, " to have
dominion over Thy people ; they bow down to
senseless images, and would compel us, too, to
worship them. They urge Thine inheritance to
change Thee for a God of their own making.
They are determined no longer to call Thee God,
and to overthrow Thy word. If I say, ' Far be it
from me to forsake the God of my fathers,' they
gnash their teeth, put forth their hand for plunder,
and open their mouth in scoffing. Thy people are
driven from their homes, they raise their eyes in
longing to Thee." During this persecution many
Jews became Christians, either to save their lives
or their possessions. Among them was Gershom's
son. When the latter died a Christian, his hapless
father observed the mourning ceremonials for him
as for one who had died a Jew.

Simon ben Isaac, by his zeal, and probably by brib-
ing the officials with large sums of money, suc-
ceeded in staying the persecution, and even in
obtaining permission for the Jews to settle again
in Mayence. Those Jews who had been compelled
to submit to baptism now gladly returned to their
religion, and Gershom protected them from the
scorn of their brethren on account of their tempo-
rary apostasy, by threatening to excommunicate
any one who reproached them.

CH. VIII. PERSECUTIONS IN GERMANY AND THE EAST. 247

The grateful community was anxious to perpet-
uate the memory of Simon. It was done by men-
tioning his name in the synagogue every Sabbath,
and adding, " that he had exerted himself on behalf
of his brethren, and that through him persecutions
had ceased." The name of Gershom was likewise
perpetuated, because " he had enlightened those in
exile through his decrees."

The school that had been founded by Gershom
in Mayence flourished for more than eighty years,
and became the center of Talmudic activity for
Germany, France and Italy. At the same time,
about the end of the fourth century of the Hejira,
when the Karaites expected the coming of the
Messiah, persecution broke out against the Jews
in the East and in Egypt, and lasted longer than
that in Germany. The German Jews had been
persecuted because they did not believe in Christ
and the saints ; the Eastern Jews were now op-
pressed because they would not believe in Mahomet
and the immaculate Imam, in the heavenly guide
(Mahdi).

This persecution was originated by the mad
Egyptian Caliph Hakim, a Mahometan Caius Cali-
gula, who believed that he was the incarnation of
the divine power, and the vicegerent of God on
earth. Hakim persecuted all who dared doubt his
divinity — Mahometans, Jews, and Christians, with-
out distinction. At first he decreed that if the
Jews of his dominion did not become converts to the
Shiitic Islam, they would have to wear round their
necks the picture of a calf in commemoration of the
golden calf of their ancestors in the wilderness.
In addition, they were to be distinguished from the
believers by their external appearance, as ordained
by Omar. Those who transgressed were to be
punished by exile, and by the loss of all their pos-
sessions (1008). A similar regulation was enacted
against the Christians. When Hakim heard that

248 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

the Jews evaded his decree by w^earing a golden
image of a calf, he added a further clause, viz., that
they should wear in addition a block of wood six
pounds in weight, and have little bells attached to
their garments that they might be known at a dis-
tance as unbelievers (loio). He afterwards ordered
the churches and synagogues to be destroyed, and
drove both Jews and Christians out of his kingdom
(1014). The Fatimide dominions at that time were
very extensive. They embraced Egypt, northern
Africa, Palestine and Syria, and since Hakim had
adherents also in the Caliphate of Bagdad, there
were but few places of refuge open to the Jews.
Many, therefore, outwardly conformed to Islam,
while waiting for better times to come. The perse-
cution lasted till the Mahometans themselves grew
tired of the half-witted Caliph, and assassinated him
(1020).

Northern Africa, too, which had enjoyed a brief
efflorescence under Isaac Israeli, Dunash ben Ta-
mim, and the alien R. Chushiel, produced its last
set of great men in the latter part of the eleventh
century, and then sank into oblivion. Its two great
authorities were Chananel, the son of Chushiel, the
immigrant, and Nissim bar Jacob Ibn-Shahin (1015-
1055). They lived in the same place, and are
usually named together, but they do not appear to
have been on friendly terms with each other. On
the contrary, there appears to have been the same
rivalry between them as there had been between
Chanoch and Ibn-Abitur, Nissim, like the latter,
being a native, and Chananel, like the former, the
son of an alien. We are not even certain which of
the two was the official rabbi of Kairuan ; both of
them, however, presided over the school. Chana-
nel, in addition, had a large business ; whilst Nissim
was so poor that he had to be supported by the
Jewish minister in Granada. They, however, showed
remarkable similarity in their ideas ; they pursued

CH. VIII. THE JERUSALEM TALMUD. 249

the same studies, and wrote works on the same
subjects, but Chananel made use of the Hebrew
language, and Nissim of Arabic.

A new element in the study of the Talmud, which
established it on a firmer basis than that on which
the Geonim had been able to place it, was added
by the labors of these two men. The Jerusalem
Talmud, although more ancient than the Babylo-
nian, had suffered considerably by the fate to which
books as well as men are exposed. Whilst the
Babylonian Talmud was known and studied in the
East to the boundaries of Khorasan and India, and
in the West to the end of the ancient world, its com-
panion remained for a long time unknown outside
of its birthplace. The former had commentators,
who explained and expounded it thoroughly; the
latter was for a long time neglected. In conse-
quence of the connection of northern Africa with
Palestine, brought about through its conquest by
the Fatimide Caliphs, the Jewish teachers of the
two lands came into contact with each other, and
the Talmud of the Holy Land (as it was called)
became known in Kairuan. The two great Tal-
mudists, Chananel and Nissim, were the first in
Talmudic circles to busy themselves with it. In
their Talmudical writings, which consisted partly of
commentaries, explanations of separate words and
the subject-matter, and partly of practical decisions,
they gave prominence to the Jerusalem Talmud.
Both wrote commentaries to the Pentateuch, in
which they followed the path marked out by Saadiah
for rational exposition of difficult passages in the
Pentateuch.

They were both in constant communication with
Babylonia on the one hand and with Spain on the
other, and formed, so to speak, the link between the
two lands. They lived to see the utter extinction
of the Gaonate, but after their death the school of
Kairuan sank into complete insignificance. One

250 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

of its pupils, who afterwards became famous as a
rabbinical authority, owed his fame solely to his
emigration to Spain.

The institutions, too, and the traditions of Baby-
lonian-Persian Judaism showed manifest signs of
decay at this time. • They possessed, it is true, two
men of extraordinary ability, viz. Ha'i and Samuel
ben Chofni, but these were not in a position to stay
its dissolution, and could only throw a dim light
upon the dying Gaonate.

.Ha'i (or Haya, born 969, died 1038), who had in
his eighteenth year been raised to the highest office
next to the Gaon, at the age of thirty years suc-
ceeded his father Sherira in the Gaonate of Pumbe-
ditha. At his installation the high honor was
accorded him of having his name mentioned when
a portion from the Prophets was publicly read, and
he was compared to King Solomon. Foreign com-
munities, as well as the Babylonians, showed him
the highest respect. His character was noble, and
he was a man of independent thought. He was
versed in all branches of science as they were then
taught, and displayed great literary activity. Hai
reminds one of Saadiah, whom he took as his model,
and whom he defended from attacks, but he was
essentially a Talmudist, whereas Saadiah was a reli-
gious philosopher. Like him Ha'i was a thorough
Arabic scholar, and made use of that language in
many of his letters, and-in numerous scientific treat-
ises. Like the Gaon of Fayum he was free from
that narrow-minded exclusiveness which permits
men to see the truth only in their own religion, and
causes them to look upon everything outside as
untrue. He was on friendly terms with the head of
the Eastern Christians of Bagdad, and on one occa-
sion, when in his exegetical lectures he chanced
upon a difficult passage, he did not hesitate to con-
sult the Patriarch (Mar-Elia I.).

CH. VIII. HA'i GAON. 25 1

In his explanation of rare and archaic words in
the Bible, Hai boldly sought assistance from the
Koran and the old traditions of the Mahometans
in order to confirm their meaning. He was an
unprejudiced sage, who loved the light and avoided
darkness. He often had disputations with Ma-
hometan theologians about the relation between
Judaism and Islam, and is said often to have silenced
them by his eloquence. His main study, however,
was the Talmud. In this he resembled his father
Sherira, but his study was productive of better
results. He wrote a terse commentary, in which
he explained the words in the most difficult portions
of the Mishna and the Talmud.

Hai treated of the civil law of the Talmud, of
contracts, loans, boundaries and oaths, with sys-
tematic precision. He did this as no one before
him had done, and he therefore became the model
and authority for later generations. He did not
enter upon the field of metaphysics, but although
he was not a philosopher, he had sound opinions
on mysticism. Surrounded with a halo of religion,
a mystic belief often appears reasonable to those of
weak reasoning powers, but Hai perceived its decep-
tive character.

The belief in miracles has, in every country, at
all times, and in all creeds, befogged the intellect
of unthinking men, and robbed them of the ability
to form a rational view of divine wisdom and of life.
This belief was fostered by the Jews in many ways,
and took as firm a hold on them, as it had on the
Christian and the Mahometan world. It was espe-
cially prevalent in Palestine and Italy. Its devotees
believed that any one who is truly pious can perform
at will miracles as great and surprising as those of
the prophets of old. They thought, however, that
for this purpose it is necessary to pronounce certain
magical formulae, consisting of various combinations
of the letters in the name of God. Hai's true

252 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

religious insight prompted him to write indignantly
against this belief, which, despite the fact that his
father was not free from it, he considered a dese-
cration of religion. A pupil of Jacob ben Nissim of
Kairuan once asked Hai what he thought of the
magical power of the names of God, which, many
boasted, they could use. Ha'i answered briefly and
sensibly : — " If any one by the mere use of formulae
could perform miracles, and thereby alter the
course of nature, wherein lay the distinction of the
prophets ? " God gave the prophets the power of
temporarily altering the laws of nature that they
might prove themselves His true- messengers.
Now, if pious persons could do the same, and if
there happened to be many of them, miracles would
become daily occurrences, and the motion of the
sun from west to east would appear no more extra-
ordinary than its common motion in the opposite
direction — in short, miracles would cease to be
miracles. " It is wrong," said Hai, " to make use
of the name of God for such purposes," and he
warned the people against this practice, in which
there is much doubt and little truth ; and a man
must be indeed foolish who believes everything.

Ha'i was universally acknowledged as an au-
thority, and through his influence the school of
Pumbeditha somewhat recovered its prestige. The
great scholars Nissim and Chananel of Kairuan, the
community of Fez, the vizir Samuel Nagid, Ger-
shom of Mayence, the authority of the German
Jews, and the other authorities of the communities
of three parts of the world, submitted questions to
him, and honored him as the chief representative of
Judaism. He was called " the father of Israel."
The Exilarchate had been practically extinct since
the death of the grandson of David ben Zaccai, and
Hai stood at the head of Judaism. No fitter man
could have been found to represent it. Unlike
the former Geonim of Pumbeditha, who all looked

CH VIII. THE LAST Of THE GEONlM OF SORA. 253

askance at the sister academy, unlike his father, who
felt a keen delight when Sera was without a chief,
Hai did his best to give it a leader in the person
of Samuel ben Chofni, who filled his office during
Hai's Gaonate. Samuel was his father-in-law, and
his equal in learning and character. He wrote sev-
eral systematic works on the ritual, and a com-
mentary on the Pentateuch, in which he set forth
the same philosophical views about the unity of
God as the followers of the Mutazilist school. His
commentary on the Pentateuch, indeed, is not very
much praised. It was, like the Karaite commen-
taries, diffuse, and contained discussions on irrele-
vant questions. But although his exegetical works
mark no distinct progress, yet they show the impor-
tant fact that the Geonim followed the scientific lines
laid down by Saadiah. Samuel ben Chofni's inter-
pretations of the Bible are all rationalistic. He
always endeavors to explain the miraculous events
narrated in the Bible as if they were natural. He
explained the story of the witch of Endor, and of
Balaam, as dreams. Like Saadiah, he attacked
Karaism, the occasion being a keen controversy
which broke out at that time between the Karaites
and the Rabbanites. Samuel ben Chofni died four
years before his son-in-law Hai (1034), and thus
ended the line of the Geonim of Sora.

This school does not appear to have made any
effort to continue after his death. The times were
in every way unfavorable to the Gaonate, and it
was impossible for it to regain its pristine vigor.
When Hai died, in 1038, mourned by all the Jews,
and eulogized by the greatest poet of the time, Ibn-
Gebirol, and by his admirer Chananel, in Africa, the
time for the dissolution of the school of Pumbe-
ditha had also come. It is true that the college
immediately chose a successor, who acted at once
as Gaon and as Exilarch, it seems only in order to
have the two offices buried together in the same
grave with his person.

254 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

Chiskiya, the great grandson of the quarrelsome
Exilarch David ben Zaccai, was appointed head of
the school. But the glory which it was thought he
would shed upon the school could not make itself
visible. Chiskiya had many implacable enemies
who were jealous of his elevation. They slandered
him at court, for what reason or under what pretext
is unknown. The political power of the Eastern
Caliphate was at that time in the hands of Jelal
Addaulah. He had wrested from the phantom
caliph the title of " King of kings," -and exacted
tribute from both Jews and Christians. The great
Sultan may have made use of the just or unjust
complaint against Chiskiya for his own profit. The
last Gaon was imprisoned, tortured probably, that
he might discover his treasures, robbed of all his
property, and then executed (1040). Thus the
Gaonate came to an end through the oppression of
the weak Caliphate. Babylonia had played its part
in Jewish history, and for a long time it sank into
complete oblivion. Chiskiya's two sons were also
in danger of arrest, but they escaped, and after
traveling about for a long time, settled in Spain,
where they were respected as the last members of
the House of David, and under the name Ibn-
Daudi, devoted themselves to the cultivation of the
muses.

Jewish Spain thus became the heir of Judaea,
Babylonia, and northern Africa, and greatly in-
creased its inheritance for succeeding generations.
There the exiled sons of the Jewish-Chazar princes,
and of the Exilarchs, found a refuge. At the head
of the community of Andalusia was Samuel Ibn-
Nagrela (or Nagdela), a man distinguished for
wisdom, virtue and position, the first of the succes-
sion of Jewish teachers coming after the Geonim.
He united in his person all the virtues of the three
men who had made Jewish Spain famous. He was
like Chasda'i, a generous chief and a patron of

CH. Vni. SAMUEL IBN-NAGRELA. 255

learning, like Moses ben Chanoch, a thorough Tal-
mudist, and like Dunash ben Labrat, a poet and
grammarian.

The life of Samuel (Ishmael) Halevi Ibn-Nagrela
was remarkable. He was born in Cordova (in 993),
whither his father had emigrated from Merida, and
studied the Talmud in the school of Chanoch. Je-
huda Chayuj, the father of Hebrew philology, in-
structed him in the subtleties of the Hebrew lan-
guage, and the Andalusian capital,' which was then
the center of culture, offered him sufficient oppor-
tunity to make himself master of Arabic. When
he was 20 years old, in consequence of civil war,
he and many others were obliged to quit Cordova.
The Barbary chieftain, Suleiman, having defeated
the Arabs and the Sclavonian body-guard of the
Caliphs in battle, destroyed the beautiful buildings
of the capital with African fury, permitted the
women to be- violated, and reduced the richest
families to beggary (April, 1013).

The noble J ewish families emigrated to Granada,
Toledo, and even to Saragossa, to escape this per-
secution. Samuel Ibn-Nagrela settled in the port
of Malaga.

He had a small business, and at the same time
pursued Talmudic and linguistic studies. Besides
Hebrew, Arabic and Chaldee, he understood four
languages, including Latin, Castilian and the Berber
tongue. Unlike most other Jews, who wrote Arabic
in Hebrew characters, Ibn-Nagrela was a master of
Arabic calligraphy, an art highly esteemed among
the Arabs. To his knowledge of languages and
calligraphy he owed the high position which he
held, and which had not been attained by any Jew
since the destruction of the Jewish state.

Civil wars and the ambition of the Emirs had
broken up the empire of the Ommiyyade Caliphs
into small principalities. Andalusia, after the fall
of the last Ommiyyades, was subdivided like Ger-

2S6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

many and Italy of the past. The Arab historians
call the regents of this period the " Kings of
Anarchy." One race of Berbers, the Sinhajas,
founded a kingdom of their own in the south of
Spain, under .a leader named Maksen (1020).
Granada, largely populated by Jews, became the
capital of this kingdom, and Malaga was also a
part of it. In Malaga, Abulkasim Ibn-Alarif, the
vizir of Habus, the second king of Granada, had a
palace next to Samuel's little shop. This brought
good fortune to the poor scholar, and raised him
above want, and ultimately exalted him to a height
worthy of his greatness.

A slave of the vizir who frequently furnished
information to her master, regularly had her letters
written by the poor Jew. These letters displayed so
much linguistic and calligraphic skill that the vizir
Ibn-Alarif became anxious to know the writer. He
had Ibn-Nagrela called into his presence, and took
him into his service as his private secretary (1025).
The vizir soon discovered that Samuel possessed
great political insight, and consulted him on all
important affairs of state, and as his advice was
always sound, the vizir at length undertook nothing
without Samuel's approval.

When Ibn-Alarif fell ill, King Habus was in
despair as to what to do about his complicated
relations with neighboring states. The dying vizir
referred him to his Jewish secretary, confessed that
his successful undertakings had been mainly due to
Samuel's wise suggestions, and advised Habus to
employ him as a counselor. The Berber king of
Granada,, who had fewer prejudices against the
Jews than the Arab Mussulmans, raised Samuel
Ibn-Nagrela to the dignity of minister (Katib), and
put him in charge of the diplomatic and military
affairs (1027). Thus the shopkeeper of Malaga
lived in the king's palace, and had a voice in all
matters concerning the Pyrenean peninsula. For

CH. VIII. A JEWISH VIZIR. 257

a Mahometan who chose a vizir ruled, but did not
govern. This was the affair of the chief minister,
who was answerable to the king with his life.
Habus had no reason to regret his choice. His
kingdom flourished under the rule of the wise and
active Jewish vizir. Samuel knew how to occupy
the king, and how to please him. He composed a
poem of praise to Habus in seven different lan-
guages. Diplomatic, wise, and always master of
himself Ibn-Nagrela knew how to employ circum-
stances, and had the art of disarming his opponents
He drew a masterly picture of a worthy governor,
which seems to have been his own guide : "He
whose counsel is as pure as sunlight, who is free
from base desires, whose eyes do not close in sleep,
whose thoughts are firm as towers, whom dignity
encompasses like shining armor, who knows how to
subdue the will of others, and keeps aloof from
what brings disgrace, is worthy to rule." His
wisdom and piety preserved him from the pride
peculiar to those that have risen from low estate,
making them hateful. The gentleness with which
he opposed his enemies is shown by an anecdote.
Near the palace of Habus there lived a Mussulman
seller of spices, who no sooner beheld the Jewish
minister in the company of the king, than he over-
whelmed him with curses and reproaches. Habus,
indignant at such conduct, commanded Samuel to
punish this fanatic by cutting out his tongue. The
Jewish vizir, however, knew how to silence him who
cursed. He gave him money, and converted the
curses into blessings. When Habus again noticed
the seller of spices, he was astonished at the change,
and questioned Samuel about it. He replied, "I
have torn out his angry tongue, and given him
instead a kind one." The seller of spices, how-
ever, was not his only enemy ; there were several
others, and very dangerous ones. The fanatical
Mahometans beheld in the elevation of an unbe-

258 HISTORY OJf THE JEWS. CH. VIIl.

liever to so high a rank a mockery of their rehgion.
It aroused their displeasure to see the numerous
Jews of the kingdom of Granada hold their heads
aloft as though on an equality with the Moslems.
Two officers of state, Ibn- Abbas and Ibn-Abi Musa,
plotted to depose him. But their plots failed, and
they were condemned to death. Fortune ever
smiled on this Jewish vizir, although he was at one
time in danger of losing his position and his life.
When King Habus died in 1037 there arose two
parties in Granada, who rallied round two princes.
Most of the Barbary grandees, and some of the
influential Jews, Joseph Ibn-Migash, Isaac ben
Leon, and Nehemia Ashkafa, sided with the younger
son, Balkin (or Bologgin) ; a smaller party (amongst
them Samuel) desired that the elder son, named
Badis, should be the successor. The influential
party were ready to hail Balkin as king, when he
abdicated in favor of his brother. Badis became
king (October, 1037), and Samuel not only retained
his former position, but became the actual king of
Granada, as the pleasure-loving Badis gave but
little attention to affairs of government. Later on
Balkin repented of his generosity to his brother,
and put obstacles In the way of his government.
Badis therefore hinted to the physician of Balkin to
refrain from giving him medicine during an illness,
and this led to his death. After his death the gov-
ernment of Badis and the position of Ibn-Nagrela
remained undisturbed. Balkin's partisans were
forced to leave Granada, and amongst them the
three Jews mentioned above. They emigrated to
Seville, and were there received in a friendly man-
ner by the king of that country, Mahomet Aljafer,
who was an opponent of the king of Granada. One
of the fugitives, Joseph Ibn-Migash, was raised by
the king of Seville to a high position, and became
the "ancestor of a prominent personage. It is
interesting to see in the writings of a contemporary

CH. VIII. IBN-NAGRELA, TALMUDIST AND POET. 259

historian the form used by the Jewish minister in
the royal decrees addressed to the Mahometan
people. Samuel, or as he was called, Ismael Ibn-
Nagrela, did not shrink from using the formulae
of Moslem rulers. He opened with the words,
Chamdu-1-Illahi (praised be God), and added, when
mentioning the name of Mahomet, the sentence,
"May God pray over him and bless him." He
exhorted those to whom the circulars were ad-
dressed to live according to the principles of Islam ;
and in general his ordinances were couched in the
Mahometan style.

Without doubt both Habus and Badis permitted
the Jewish vizir to exercise authority over the Jewish
congregations of Granada, similar to that which
Chasdai and Ibn-Jau had possessed in Cordova.
Samuel was named chief and prince (Nagid) of the
Jews, and this title is used by Jewish authors. The
minister of state was also the rabbi ; he presided
over the school, where he delivered lectures on the
Talmud to his disciples. He gave judicial decisions
on religious questions, and in fact completely filled
the functions of a rabbi of the time. The same pen
which wrote the decrees of the government was
used for treatises and discourses on the Talmud.
Samuel Nagid compiled a methodology of the
Talmud (Mebo ha-Talmud), in which he clearly
explained the technical expressions of the Talmud.
As an introduction, he added a list of the bearers
of tradition from the men of the Great Assembly
through the successive authorities of the Tanaite,
Amoraite, Saburaite, and Gaonic schools down to
Moses and Chanoch, his teachers. He afterwards
composed a commentary to the whole Talmud for
religious practices, which was afterwards highly
prized, and was recognized as the standard authority
(Hilchetha Gabriatha). Samuel Ibn-Nagrela was also
a neo-Hebraic poet, and employed both rhyme and
meter skilfully. He composed prayers in the form

26o HISTORY OF THE JeWS. CH. Vlll.

of psalms, full of religious depth and submission,
and called the collection the Young Psalter (Ben
Tehillim). He wrote thoughtful aphorisms and
parables, the fruit of his deep observation of men
and manners, and called this composition the
younger book of Proverbs (Ben Mishle). Last he
compiled a book of philosophy modeled on that
of the Preacher (Ben Kohelet). The latter, written
when he had attained an advanced age, was the
most successful of his works, and is full of deep
thought and eloquence. He also composed epi-
grams and songs of praise, but his poetic compo-
sitions, both secular and spiritual, are heavy and
dull, full of thought, but devoid of beauty of form.
It became proverbial to say, " Cold as the snow of
Hermon, or as the songs of the Levite Samuel."

It is not remarkable that a man of such pure
integrity and deep appreciation of wisdom and
religion should spread blessings around him, should
advance science and poetry, and should support
learning with princely generosity. Samuel was in
communication with the most prominent men of his
time, in Irak, Syria, Egypt, and Africa, especially
with the last of the great Geonim, Ha'i and with
Nissim. He gave rich gifts to the learned, he had
copies of books made to be presented to poor stu-
dents, arousing dormant talents and becoming the
protector of his countrymen, far and near. The
greatest poet of the time, Ibn-Gebirol, he comforted
in his distress. A writer of the following genera-
tion aptly describes him in the words, " In Samuel's
time the kingdom of science was raised from its
lowliness, and the star of knowledge once more
shone forth ; God gave unto him a great mind
which reached to the spheres and touched the
heavens, so that he might love knowledge and those
that pursued her, and that he might glorify religion
and her followers."

CH. VIII. IBN-JANACH. 261

The position of the Jews in a country in which
one of them held the reins of government was
naturally high. In no country of the world did they
enjoy so complete an equality as in the city of
Granada. It was as a ray of sunshine after days
of gloom. They were, in fact, more highly favored
by the ruling race, the Berbers, than the Arab
population, who bore the yoke of the Sinhajas with
silent anger, and whose glances were always directed
to the neighboring city of Seville, in which a king of
pure Arab race wore the crown.

The minister of state and rabbi, Ibn-Nagrela,
also occupied himself with researches into the struc-
ture of the holy language, but this was his weak
point. He did not get beyond the rules laid down
by Chayuj. He was so partial to this master that
he could not appreciate new efforts. Samuel com-
posed twenty- two theses on Hebrew grammar.
Only one, however, Sefer-ha Osher, the " Book of
Riches," is worthy of mention. The rest were only
polemic treatises directed against the great Hebrew
linguist, Ibn Janach, towards whom Samuel was
unfriendly. Ibn Janach, the greatest Hebraist of
his time — no less an ornament of Spanish Judaism
than the vizir Ibn-Nagrela — deserves a special page
in Jewish history, more especially because for a
long time he was unknown and then misunderstood.
Jonah Marinus (in Arabic, Abulvalid Mervan Ibn-
Janach, born about 995, died 1050), was educated
in Cordova, where after the death of Chasda'i all
hearts were filled with enthusiasm for knowledge
and a devoted love for the holy language. Isaac
Ibn-G'ikatilia, of the school of Menachem, taught
him Hebrew grammar, and Isaac Ibn-Sahal was his
teacher in prosody. He studied medicine in the
high school of Cordova, founded by the Caliph
Alhakem. In his youth Ibn-Janach, like everybody
at that period, made verses, which even later on,
when his taste was developed, did not appear to

262 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

him entirely bad. But he gave up versifying in
order-to devote himself entirely to the study of the
Hebrew language in all its ramifications. He lived
entirely for this study, and obtained such mastery
of it that up to the present day he has not been
surpassed. Posterity has learnt much from Ibn-
Janach, but students of the Hebrew language can
yet learn much more. Like his opponent Ibn-
Nagrela, he also was compelled to leave Cordova
after its destruction by Suleiman of Barbary (1013),
when he settled in Saragossa. The Jews of Sara-
gossa were for the most part still laboring under
the delusion that rabbinical Judaism would be in-
jured by research, and especially by grammatical
investigations. Ibn-Janach nevertheless devoted
himself to the study of the structure of the Hebrew
language and to the explanation of the text of the
Bible. He also pursued the study of medicine both
theoretically and practically ; but his chief attention
was directed to a thorough exegesis of the Bible,
and grammatical research with him was not an end
in itself, but simply the means for a better compre-
hension of Holy Writ. Ibn-Janach, in his researches,
reached conclusions not discovered by Chayuj. The
alterations which on this account he necessarily had
to make in the grammatical system of Chayuj, were
made modestly and with due recognition of its
merits. He had the greatest admiration for the
founder of Hebrew philology, but like Aristotle,
" his love of truth was greater than his love of
Plato." This independence of Chayuj's teaching
aroused the anger of the latter's followers, chief
amongst whom was Samuel Ibn-Nagrela, and the
disputes that arose ended in bitter personalities
The two chief exponents of the Jewish culture of
this period, the noble-minded prince and the master
of the Hebrew language, thus became bitter, irre-
concilable enemies.

CH. VIII. EXEGESIS AND HEBREW SYNTAX. 263

Feeling the approach of old age, which with
Plato he calls " the mother of forgetfulness," Ibn-
Janach devoted himself to his greatest work, wherein
he summed up his researches, and deposited the
treasures of his soul life. Ibn-Janach was not only
the creator of the science of Hebrew syntax, but he
also developed it almost to perfection. None before
him, and but few since his time, have entered into
all the niceties of the holy language with so much
discrimination as Ibn-Janach. He first drew atten-
tion to the ellipses, and to the misplacement of
letters and verses in the Holy Scriptures, and he
was sufficiently daring to explain that various dark
and apparently inexplicable expressions were due
to the change of a letter or a syllable. He ex-
plained over two hundred obscure passages by
means of the supposition that the writer had substi-
tuted an inappropriate word for a more fitting one.
By the insertion of the correct word, Ibn-Janach
often gives the intended meaning to a number of
verses which up to his time had been interpreted
in a childish way. He was the first rational Bible
critic. Although convinced of the divinity of Holy
Writ, he did not, like others, rate the language so
highly as to accept sheer nonsense ; but he assumed
that, even though inspired, words addressed to
mankind must be interpreted according to the rules
of human language. Ibn-Janach did not, indeed,
assert that the copyists and punctuators had altered
or corrupted the holy literature from want of under-
standing, but that being human they had erred. He
justly called his chief work (which with five others
he wrote in Arabic) " Critique " (Al Tanchik), and
divided it into two parts — into grammar with exe-
gesis ("Al-Luma', Rikmah"), and lexicon ("Kitab
Al-Assval ").

Although Ibn-Janach had many enemies amongst
those who belittled him, and amongst those who
condemned him as a heretic on account of his

264 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. VIII.

scientific treatment of the Bible, yet in his work he
never mentions them in anger, and, in fact, had he
been the only one concerned, the world would never
have known of the enmity of Samuel Ibn-Nagrela
towards him. Ibn-Janach was not unacquainted
with philosophy. He refers to Plato and Aristotle
in a scholarly manner. He also wrote a book on
logic in the Aristotelian spirit. But he was opposed
to metaphysical researches into the relation of God
to the world, and first principles, speculations with
which his countrymen, and especially Ibn-Gebirol,
concerned themselves, because he considered that
such matters did not lead to any definite knowledge,
and that they undermine belief. Ibn-Janach was a
clear thinker, and opposed to any extravagant or
eccentric tendency. He was the opposite of the
third of the triumvirate of this period, his townsman
Ibn-Gebirol, with whom his relations apparently
were not of the pleasantest kind.

CHAPTER IX.

IBN-GEBIROL AND HIS EPOCH.

Solomon Ibn-Gebirol— His early life— His poems— The statesman
Yekutiel Ibn-Hassan befriends him— Murder of Yekutiel—
Bachya Ibn-Pakuda and his moral philosophy — The Biblical
critic Yizchaki ben Yasus — Joseph ben Chasdai, the Poet— Death
of Samuel Ibn-Nagrela — Character of his son Joseph and his
tragic fate — Death of Ibn-Gebirol — The French and German
communities — Alfassi — Life and works of Rashi — Jewish scholars
in Spain — King Alfonso.

1027 — 1070 c. E.

An ideal personage, richly endowed, a poet, and at
the same time a great thinker, was Solomon Ibn-
Gebirol (Jebirol), in Arabic, Abu Ayub Sulaiman
Ibn-Yachya (born 102 1, died 1070). His father,
Judah, who lived in Cordova, appears to have
emigrated with Ibn-Nagrela, during the disturb-
ances that befell the city, to Malaga. In this place
was born and bred the Jewish Plato, by whom
many hearts have been warmed, and from whom
many minds have gained light. It appears that
Ibn-Gebirol lost his parents early, and that they
left him without means. His tender, poetical soul
grew sad in his loneliness ; he withdrew from the
outer world, and became absorbed in self-contem-
plation. Poetry and a faith resting upon a philo-
sophical basis seem, like two angels, to have
shadowed him with their wings, and to have saved
him from despair. But they could not bring joy
to his heart ; his thoughts remained serious, and
his songs have a mournful strain.

At an age when other men still indulge in the

frivolities of youth, Ibn-Gebirol was a finished poet,

outshining all his predecessors. His poems show

that words and rhymes, thoughts and metaphors,

26s

266

HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

readily and exuberantly came to him. He im-
proved the Hebrew meter and softened its tones. .
The poetic muse, which had been personified neither
in Biblical nor in neo- Hebraic poetry, he depicted as
a dove with golden wings and a sweet voice. In his
desolation and distress the young poet found a
comforter and protector in a man whom his poems
have immortalized. Yekutiel Ibn- Hassan or Alhas-
san appears to have had a high position in Sara-
gossa, under King Yachya Ibn-Mondhir, similar to
that held by Samuel Ibn-Nagrela in Granada. This
distinguished man kindly protected the desolate
poet, supported him and soothed him with his
friendship. Ibn-Gebirol poured forth the praises
of his patron, under whose protection his heart was
taught a more cheerful philosophy of life. At this
time his muse sang the praises of his patrons and
friends, and his pictures of nature are bright,
graphic and spirited.

But fate did not long permit him to enjoy these
privileges, and before he had begun to feel the joy
of living, his protector was snatched away from
him. Abdallah Ibn-Hakam plotted against the
king, his cousin, attacked and murdered him in his
palace, and took possession of the treasures. The
king's favorites were not spared by the conspira-
tors, and Yekutiel Ibn- Alhassan was imprisoned and
afterwards killed. Northern Spain was plunged
into grief over the tragic end of the well-beloved
Yekutiel. Ibn-Gebirol's grief was without bounds,
and his elegy- on his benefactor is touching, withal
a model of lofty poetry. The poem numbers
more than two hundred verses, and is a memorial
both of the departed and of the poet. Ibn-Gebirol
again fell a prey to melancholy after this incident,
and his poetry henceforth reflects the gloom in
which his mind was shrouded. But what would
have borne down another, stimulated him to fresh
flights, and he now approached the summit of his

CH. IX. IBN-GEBIROL. 267

poetic and literary greatness. Versifying was so
easy to him that in his nineteenth year (1040) he
wrote a Hebrew grammar with all its dry rules in
four hundred verses, hampering himself, moreover,
by acrostic tricks, and the repetition of the same
rhyme throughout (Anak). In the introduction to
this poem Ibn-Gebirol describes the holy language
as one favored by God, "in which the angel choirs
daily praise their Creator, in which God revealed
the Sinaitic Law, the prophets prophesied and the
psalmists sung." He blamed his countrymen, the
men of Saragossa, the blind community, for their
indifference to pure Hebrew. " Some speak Idu-
msean (Romance), and some the language of
Kedar" (Arabic). His versified Hebrew Gram-
mar was intended to awaken love for the language
of the Bible, and at the same time to teach the
laws of the language.

In Saragossa, Ibn-Gebirol composed a work on
moral philosophy (1045), which, without possessing
the depth of his later philosophical works, is remark-
able for the peculiar spirit which pervades it, and
for the intimate acquaintance with the masters of
philosophy evinced by this young man. By the
side of the sayings of Holy "Writ and ethical sen-
tences from the Talmud, Ibn-Gebirol put the favorite
sayings of the "divine Socrates," of his disciple Plato,
of Aristotle, of Arabic philosophers, and more espe-
cially those of a Jewish philosopher, Alkuti (perhaps
Chepez Alkuti). It is surprising how so young a
writer could have had so deep an insight into the
condition of the human soul and into worldly affairs.
Ibn-Gebirol's writings contained scornful criticism
of various personages in the community of Sara-
gossa, whom he no doubt desired to offend. They
must have felt his castigation the more keenly, as
he said, " I need not mention names, for they are
sufficiently well known." He describes the haughty,
who look down upon their fellow-citizens, and

268

HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

always consider their own counsel the best, and
those who, filled with hate, bear words of love on
their lips. The pamphlet seems, in fact, to have
been a challenge to his opponents in Saragossa.
Ibn-Gebirol, in consequence of its publication, was
turned out of Saragossa (in 1045) by the influential
men whom he had embittered.

In return, he describes the town as a second
Gomorrha in a mournful, heart-rending lamenta-
tion, the beautifully rhythmical cry of distress
uttered by despair. Whither he next went is not
known. The unfortunate young poet was so incon-
solable that he determined, in his indignation, to
leave Spain altogether, and to go to Egypt, Pales-
tine and Babylonia. In a poem he encourages his
soul in the resolve to shake off the dust of Spain.
He calls to memory the example of the patriarchs
and of the greatest prophet, who left their native
lands and went to foreign climes. He thus apos-
trophizes Spain :

" Woe to thee, land of my foes,
In thee I have no portion,
Whether joy or sorrow be thy lot."

He did not, however, carry out his determination
to emigrate, but wandered about in Spain, meeting
with real or imaginary misfortunes. He complained
of the inconstancy of the times and of his friends,
and poured forth his plaints in beautiful verses :

"Blame me not for my heavy-flowing tears,
But for them were my heart consumed,
My wanderings have bereft me of all strength,
A fly could now with ease bear me up."

The tutelary genius of the Spanish Jews, Samuel
Ibn-Nagrela, appears to have taken an interest in
Ibn-Gebirol, and to have found a refuge for him.
For this kindness Ibn-Gebirol extolled Nagrela in
melodious lines. Under the powerful protection
of the Jewish minister he occupied himself with

CH. IX. gebirol's philosophy. 269

philosophical studies, which held the place next to
poetry in his heart. If poetry was his beloved,
philosophy was a mother to him. He thus sings :

" How shall Iforsake wisdom ?
I have made a covenant with her.
She is my mother, I her dearest child ;
She hath clasped her jewel about my neck.
Shall I cast aside the glorious ornament ?
While life is mine, my spirit shall aspire
Unto her heavenly heights.
I will not rest until I find her source."

As Ibn-Gebirol, whilst yet a child, created the
most difficult artistic forms of Hebrew poetry, and
handled them with sportive ease ; so while still a
youth, he built up a system attempting to solve the
deepest problems which concern the human under-
standing. What is the highest aim of man ? What
is the nature and origin of the soul, and whither
does it go when it leaves its earthly dwelling?
How is the highest Being to be conceived, and how
did He, being One and perfect, bring forth the
manifold, corrupt and defective things of a visible
world? These and many other questions Ibn-
Gebirol attempted to answer, to satisfy not the
believing heart, but the critical human mind, to show
it its true place in the universe, to direct its at-
tention to the invisible spirit-world above, and to
the world of matter beneath, and induce it to seek
the link binding them together. In the exposition
of his system Ibn-Gebirol reveals a superabundant
wealth of ideas, and a depth of subtle thought, so
that the thinker must concentrate all his attention
in order to be able to follow out his reasoning. To
him, however, these extremely complicated thoughts,
encircling the whole world from its very origin,
and the whole range of beings down to lifeless
stone, were so comprehensible that for everything
he found the most fitting word and the most suitable
image. Indeed, one portion of these thoughts he
poured forth in a poem in the form of a prayer

270 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

(Kether Malchuth), which for sublimity, elevated
tone, and truth has no equal. It is true that the
leading ideas of Ibn-Gebirol's system had been
expressed by earlier philosophers, but he formed
into one organic whole a confused mass of scat-
tered thoughts. He developed his system in a
work entitled, "The Fountain of Life" (Mekor
Chayim, Fons Vitse), written in Arabic, which he
handled with as much ease as Hebrew. A Chris-
tian emperor destroyed the temple of philosophy in
Athens, and exiled its last priests. Since that time
philosophy had been outlawed in Europe ; at least,
it was little known there, and had been compelled
to find a home in Asia. The Jewish thinker, Ibn-
Gebirol, was the first to transplant it again to
Europe, and he built an altar to it in Spain, where
it found a permanent habitation.

Like Plato of a poetical nature, Ibn-Gebirol bor-
rowed the dialogue form of composition from the
Greek philosopher. His system is developed in the
course of a lively conversation between a master
and his disciple. He thereby avoided the usual
dryness of metaphysical studies, which makes them
linenjoyable. He paid so little attention,to Judaism
in his system, that unless the reader knows that
he was a sincere Jew, thoroughly devoted to his
faith, he cannot discover it in his writings. The
philosophy of Ibn-Gebirol, therefore, found little
favor in Jewish circles, and exercised very little
influence. Jewish thinkers found the tenor of his
philosophy foreign to their own mode of thinking,
and the form of demonstration too involved, the
explanations too fitful, the method of presentation
too lacking in system, and the whole not satisfying.
Ibn-Gebirol's system aroused all the more attention
among the Arabs and the Christian schoolmen. A
century after its appearance, his chief work was
.translated into Latin by the combined labor of a
Christian priest and a baptized Jew. Several promi-

CH. IX. BACHYA IBN-PAKUDA. 27 1

nent scholastic writers subscribed to the views of
Ibn-Gebirol, whom they called Avicebrol or Avice-
bron. Others opposed them, but all considered
them. In later times, the Kabbala borrowed some
formulae from him.

Another Jewish philosopher of this time, which
was so rich in great men, pursued a course different
from Ibn-Gebirol's. He stood entirely upon Jewish
ground, but he also introduced foreign elements
into his system. Bachya (Bechaya) ben Joseph
Ibn-Pakuda (Bakuda) was a model of earnest piety
and altruistic morality. He established an entirely
original moral theology of Judaism. Bachya was
one of those natures whose energy of spirit and
powerful moral force, if favored by the circum-
stances of the time, effect reformations. Of the
details of the life of this moral philosopher abso-
lutely nothing is known, not even the part of Spain
in which he lived. We identify him wholly with his
work, " Guide to the Duties of the Heart," which
he wrote in Arabic. The sum and substance of its
teachings is that nothing is of so much importance
as that our conduct be ruled entirely by most
serious religious convictions and godlike holiness
of purpose. Biblical exegesis, grammar, poetry,
speculative philosophy, all the pursuits with which
the scholars of the age busied themselves are,
according to Bachya, subordinate branches, hardly
worthy of serious attention. The study of the
Talmud even has no very great merit in his eyes.
Bachya Ibn-Pakuda's aim was the spiritualization
of Judaism. The duties which conscience demands
are of infinitely greater importance to him than the
ritual duties prescribed by the legal code. Like the
Christian teachers of the first century, he distin-
guished in Judaism between the purely religious
and moral injunctions and the ceremonial laws,
attaching greater importance to the first than to
the second.

272 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

The complete surrender to the demands of a
godly, self-denying, holy life, which is the summum
bonum of Bachya, remained no abstract theory with
him, but was exemplified in his whole being, chang-
ing conscientiousness in him to overscrupulousness.
Too subtle spiritualization of religion led Bachya to
practise rigid asceticism, which appeared to him to
be the highest degree of wisdom attainable by man.
Judaism, according to his view, inculcates frugality
and abstemiousness. The patriarchs, from Enoch to
Jacob, received no laws setting limits to their pleasure,
as they were unnecessary, their souls being able to
overcome the lusts of the flesh. But their de-
scendants, the Jewish nation, were commanded to
be abstemious, because they had become corrupt by
their intercourse with the Egyptians, and conceived
a desire for luxury, when they obtained an accession
of wealth at the time of the capture of the land of
Canaan. For this reason the law of the Nazarite
was instituted. The more degenerate the Jewish
nation became, the more certain individuals, espe-
cially the prophets, felt themselves impelled to
withdraw from communion with society and from
worldly aflairs, and to retire into seclusion and lead
a contemplative life. This example men ought to
follow. It is indeed impossible that all men should
relinquish the world and its activity, because utter
desolation would ensue, which was never intended
by God. There must, however, be a class of ex-
emplary persons, who shall deny themselves inter-
course with the world (Perushim), and who shall
serve as patterns to mankind to show how the
passions can be curbed and controlled. Bachya
came near extolling monasticism, toward which the
Middle Ages, both in the Mahometan and in the
Christian world, markedly inclined. Although well
versed in philosophy, he would have passed his
days, a Jewish hermit, in retirement from the world
and in a contemplative life of meditation, like his

CH. IX. THE FIRST RABBINICAL EPOCH. 2^3

younger contemporary, the Mahometan philosopher
Algazali, or he would have imitated the " Mourners
for Zion " among the Karaites, were it not that the
basis for such extravagant excesses was wanting in
rabbinical Judaism.

The first rabbinical epoch was fertile in original
minds, also producing a character whose course
tended to shake violently the firm basis of Judaism.
Abu Ibraham Isaac Ibn-Kastar (or Saktar) ben
Yasus, with the literary title Yizchaki, was a man
whose profound knowledge of philosophy and medi-
cine was also celebrated among the Arabs. Born
at Toledo (982, died 1057), he was appointed phy-
sician to Mujahid, the Prince of Denia, and his son
Ali Ikbal Addanla. Ben Yasus composed a Hebrew
grammar, under the name of "Compositions," and
another work with the title of " Sefer Yizchaki," in
which he displayed remarkable boldness in his
Biblical explanations. He asserted especially that
the portion of the Pentateuch in Genesis which
treats of the kings of Edom was not written by
Moses, but was interpolated some centuries later,
a critical statement unique in the Middle Ages,
and not advanced until very recently.

It would be wrong to pass over in silence a poet,
who, for flight of fancy, depth of thought, and beauty
of expression, may claim equality with Solomon
Ibn-Gebirol, but of whose poems only a single one
is extant, " an orphaned song," as he himself called
it. Abu Amr Joseph ben Chasdai was probably
born in Cordova. His two brothers, who were
compelled by the troubles of the wars in Spain to
leave home, dwelt under the protection of the
statesman, Samuel Ibn-Nagrela. Respect and
thankfulness towards their noble patron induced
Joseph ben Chasdai to write an elevated, artistic,
and highly imaginative poem, in which he eulogized
Samuel and his young son Joseph with enthusiastic
warmth (about 1044-1046). Samuel, who would

274 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

never accept anything, not even a gift of praise,
without making some return, wrote, in praise of
Joseph ben Chasda'i, a similar poem in the same
meter, but not possessing the same poetical beauty.
Joseph ben Chasdai left a son, who later obtained
in Saragossa a position ' similar to that of Ibn-
Nagrela in Granada.

Samuel, the pride of the Spanish Jews, who, as
his biographer says, bore four crowns, the crown
of the Law, of the priesthood, of renown, and pre-
eminently that of magnanimity, was the soul of the
Jewish congregation for over a quarter of a century,
and died deeply lamented by his contemporaries
(1055). Hfe was buried at the gate of Elvira, in
Granada, and his son erected a magnificent monu-
ment to him. A still finer monument was built for
him by Solomon Ibn-Gebirol in a few pregnant
lines :

" Thy home is now within my heart,
Whence ne'er shall thy firm tent depart.
There I seek thee, there I find thee,
Near as my soul art thou to me."

Samuel's noble son, Abu Hussain Joseph Ibn-
Nagrela (born 103 1), was a worthy successor to all
the honors and titles of his father. King Badis
appointed him bis vizir, and the Jewish community
in Granada acknowledged him, although but twenty-
four years of age, as their rabbi and chief (Nagid).
His father had placed him under learned tutors
from different countries, and in his youth he dis-
played extraordinary maturity of mind. Joseph,
who, like his father, was well acquainted with Arabic
literature, became during his father's lifetime secre-
tary to the heir-apparent Balkin. When he was
eighteen years old, his father chose a wife for him,
and he did not seek her among the wealthy and
noble families of Andalusia. She was the learned
and virtuous daughter of the poor Nissim of Kairuan.
Joseph was heir to all the greatness of his father,

CH. IX. JOSEPH IBN-NAGReLA. 275

and though rich and surpassingly handsome, he
lived, in the prime of his youth, with a moderation
that presented a marked contrast to the debauchery
of the Mahometan nobles. In his capacity as min-
ister, Joseph worked for the welfare of the state,
and ruled as independently as his father. He sup-
ported science and its votaries, and so great was
his liberality and so lofty his nobility of soul, that
even Arab poets sang his praises. " Greet his
countenance," said a Mahometan of him, " for in it
wilt thou find happiness and hope. Never has a
friend found a flaw in him." When the sons of the
last Gaon, descended from the Prince of the Cap-
tivity, fled to Spain, Joseph Ibn-Nagrela received
them hospitably, and assisted them in finding a new
home in Granada. The young Jewish vizir, like his
father, was the head of a college, and delivered lec-
tures on the Talmud.

In two things only did Joseph's conduct differ
from his father's ; he promoted his co-religionists
too conspicuously to positions of state, and behaved
haughtily to his subordinates. A near kinsman of
his was installed in the office next beneath his own.
By these acts Joseph aroused the hatred of the
Berbers, the ruling population in Granada, against
himself and the Jews. They envied his truly
princely splendor. He had a palace which was
paved with marble. Certain occurrences during
his administration transformed the hatred into
fierce anger. Between the heir-apparent Balkin
and his former secretary Joseph there was mutual
antipathy. Suddenly Balkin died, it was thought
by poisoning. King Badis thereupon had some of
the servants and wives of the prince executed as
guilty of his death. The remainder fled in fear of
a similar punishment (1064). It was popularly be-
lieved, however, that Joseph had administered the
poison to the prince. An incident, in which Joseph
revealed himself at once as a humane man, and as

276 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

a diplomatist devoted to his master, appears to have
lost him the favor of Badis. Between the Berbers
who held the sovereign power in Granada and other
places in Spain and the original Arabs, there raged
so fierce a racial hatred that every town of mixed
population was divided into two camps. On one
occasion King Badis learnt that the Berber ruler in
Ronda had been slain in consequence of a con-
spiracy of the Arabs organized by the king of
Seville, and on this account he w^as filled with mis-
trust towards the Arabs of his capital. He feared at
every moment that he, like his kinsman, would fall a
victim to a conspiracy. He thereupon concocted a
fiendish plot ; he ordered his army to massacre all
the Arabs, of his capital during divine service on a
Friday. This plan he communicated to his Jewish
minister, without whose advice he did nothing,
adding that his determination was so firmly made
that no objections would avail to cause him to desist
from his purpose, and that he expected Joseph to
maintain the deepest silence about his project.
Joseph, however, considered this murderous plan as
a baleful political mistake, and omitted nothing
whereby he might persuade the bloodthirsty mon-
arch to abandon his design. He asked the king to
consider that the plot might miscarry, and the Arabs
of the town and of the suburbs might rush to arms
in self-defense, and that, even if the whole Arab
population were destroyed without resistance, the
danger would not disappear, but rather become
magnified ; for the neighboring states, which, like
Seville, were wholly Arab, would be excited to
deadly fury, and enter upon a war of revenge
against the murderers of their kinsmen. " I see
them even now," said Joseph with energy ; " even
now do I behold them hurrying towards us, burning
with rage, each one brandishing his sword over thy
head, O king. Foes, countless as the waves of the
sea, hurl themselves against thee, and thou and

CH. IX. KING BADIS. 2//

thine army are powerless." Thus spake the Jewish
statesman.

Badis, nevertheless, persisted in his resolve, and
issued his commands to the generals of his army.
Joseph alone deemed it his duty to abstain from
taking part in the mischievous design of the king
against his Arab subjects, and determined to frus-
trate the plot even at the risk of his own life.
Through the medium of certain women, on whom
he could rely, he sent secret instructions to the
chief Arabs of the capital, warning them not to
attend the mosque on the following Friday, but to
keep themselves concealed. They understood the
hint and obeyed it. On the appointed Friday the
troops were drawn up in readiness near the palace.
The spies of Badis found in the mosque only Ber-
bers and a few Arabs of the lower classes. Badis
was thus obliged to abandon his plan ; but his
anger turned against his minister, whom he sus-
pected of betraying his trust, and he reproached
him bitterly for it. Joseph denied the charge of
having warned the Arabs, and maintained that the
plan had been revealed by the mysterious, unnec-
essary military preparations. Finally, he remarked
that the king ought to thank God that he had pro-
tected him from impending danger. " The time
will come when thou wilt approve of my view of the
matter, and wilt readily follow the advice I give
thee." A Berber sheik came to the support of
the vizir, and Badis was appeased. But dislike
lingered in his heart against his Jewish minister,
and he was full of suspicion of him. Joseph could
maintain his position only by the aid of spies, who
reported to him every utterance of the king. The
Berber population, however, noticed that the Jewish
vizir was now no longer in high favor with their
sovereign, and dared enter into plots against him,
and follow the dictates of their hatred against him
and the Jews. Damaging rumors were continually

2/8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

circulated about him. His enemies gained the
upper hand. A fanatical Mahometan poet, Abu
Ishak al-Elviri, in an inflammatory poem, stimulated
the fierce enmity of the Mahometans of Granada
against the Jews into energetic action. A passage
in it ran as follows : — " Say unto the Sinhajas, to
the mighty men of the time, and the lions of the
desert, ' Your lord has committed a disgraceful deed,
he has given honor to the infidels. He appointed
as minister (Katib) a Jew, when he was well able to
find one among the Faithful. The Jews buoy them-
selves up with fooHsh hopes, make themselves lords,
and treat the Moslems with haughtiness. When I
entered Granada, I perceived that the Jews pos-
sessed the sole authority, and divided the capital
and the provinces among themselves. Everywhere
one of this accursed tribe is in power.' " This
seditious poem was soon in the mouth of all Ma-
hometans ; it was the raven's croaking for Joseph's
death.

At length, a certain incident unchained the fury
of his opponents. The troops of a neighboring
prince, Almotassem of Almeria, had invaded the
territory of Granada, and they declared that Joseph
was in league with their king, and that the army
had appeared because he intended to surrender
the country to Almotassem. The truth of the
matter cannot be discovered now. As soon as the
statements of the Almerian soldiery had spread
abroad, the Berbers, accompanied by a crowd of
the common rabble, hastened on the same day, on
a Saturday, to the palace of Joseph. On receiving
news of the rising, he concealed himself, and black-
ened his face, so as to escape recognition. His
furious enemies nevertheless recognized him, slew
him, and crucified him at the gates of Granada.
The young minister met his sad end in the thirty-
fifth year of his life (9 Tebet, 30 December, 1066).
The rage of the infuriated assassins also spent

CH. IX. FATE OF JOSEPH IBN-NAGRELA. 279

itself on all the Jews in Granada that had not saved
themselves by flight. Over one thousand five hun-
dred Jewish families were massacred on that day,
and their houses destroyed. Only a few escaped
the slaughter, among whom were Joseph's wife,
with her young son, Azaria. They fled to Lucena,
but so little of their enormous wealth had they been
able to save that they were compelled to rely for
their support on the congregation of Lucena.
Joseph's valuable library was partly destroyed and-
partly sold. Great was the mourning for the
Jewish martyrs of Granada and for the noble
Jewish prince. Even an Arabic poet, Ibn-Alfara,
who had celebrated Joseph during his lifetime,
dedicated an elegy to him, in which these words
occur : " Faithfulness is my religion, and this bids
me shed a tear for the Jew." His sympathy caused
calumnies to be spread against the Mahometan
poet at the court of the king of Almeria, who was
admonished against extending the hand of friend-
ship to him. The prince, however, replied, " This
poet must have a noble heart, since he laments a
Jew after his death. I know Moslems who pay no
attention to their living co-religionists."

The revolt against Joseph Ibn-Nagrela in Granada
was the first persecution of the Jews in the Pyrenean
peninsula since its conquest by Islam. It appears
to have lasted some time, for the Jews throughout
the kingdom of Granada were exiled, and compelled
to sell their landed property. It had no effect, how-
ever, upon the Jewish inhabitants of other parts
of Spain. The princes or kings of each district,
who had made themselves independent on the
downfall of the caliphate of Cordova, were so
hostile towards each other, that the people who
were persecuted by one prince were protected by
his enemy. The three distinguished Jews who had
been banished from Granada were received in a
friendly spirit by Almuthadid, king of Seville, and

280 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

Joseph Ibn-Migash I was given a high office. The
king of Saragossa, Al-muktadir Billah, a patron of
science and poetry, also had a Jewish vizir, Abu
Fadhl, a son of the poet Joseph Ibn-Chasdai who
contended with Ibn-Gebirol for the laurels of poetry.
This Abu Fadhl Chasdai (born about 1040) was
likewise a poet, but, although acquainted with He-
brew, he wrote only in Arabic verse. The following
opinion of him was expressed by an Arabic critic :
■ " When Abu Fadhl wrote poetry one was ready to
believe in witchcraft ; he did not compose verses,
but miracles." Abu Fadhl was also distinguished
in other "branches of science. He understood the
theory and practice of music, but his favorite study
appears to have been speculative philosophy. The
remarkable qualities of his mind attracted the at-
tention of the king of Saragossa, who made him his
vizir (1066).

Not long after these events, Solomon Ibn-Gebirol,
the noble philosopher-poet, ended his days on earth.
His gloomy spirit appears to have become still
more somber through the tragic events in Granada.
His last poems were therefore elegiac laments over
the cruel fate of Israel : " Wherefore does the slave
rule over the sons of princes ? My exile has lasted
a thousand years, and I am like the howling bird of
the desert. Where is the high-priest who will show
me the end of all this ? " (1068). In the last year of
his life, Solomon Ibn-Gebirol complained similarly :
" Our years pass in distress and misery ; we look
for the light, but darkness and humiliation overtake
us : slaves rule over us. Till she fell, Babylon held
sway over me ; Rome, Javan, and Persia then
hemmed me in, and scattered me far and wide ;
and these 461 years (from the time of Hejira) doth
Ishmael despoil me." This probably was Ibn-
Gebirol's last poem. He spent the last years of
his life, after many wanderings, in Valencia, and
there he died, not yet fifty years old (1069 or 1070). '

CH. IX. DEATH OF IBN-GEBIROL. 28 1

A legend relates that an Arab poet slew him from
envy of his masterly powers of song, and buried his
body beneath a fig-tree. The tree produced extra-
ordinary blossoms, the attention of passers-by was
drawn to it, and thus the murder of the noble poet
was discovered.

At the time when Spain showed such an abund-
ance of distinguished men, France and Germany
were lacking in great creative minds, and the his-
tory of the Jews of these countries presents few
interesting features. They lived entirely undis-
turbed, were landowners, cultivated the vine, occu-
pied themselves with handicrafts and trade, and
only had to pay to the prince, in whose territory
they dwelt, a kind of Jew-tax.

The French and German Jews doubtless lacked
energy and chivalry, but theirs was not a lower
grade of culture than that of their Christian com-
patriots. Their chief occupation on both sides of
the Rhine was the study of the Talmud, into which
Gershom had initiated them. " They drive away
sleep to absorb themselves in the Talmud."

The first Jewish persecution on Andalusian soil
by the Mahometan fanatics of Granada alarmed all
the communities of Spain, but it did not have the
effect of discouraging them, or producing stagna-
tion. The pursuit of science and poetry had be-
come second nature to the Jews of southern Spain,
and only frequent and crushing disasters could
repress their love. The persecution was neither
repeated nor imitated. The people of Granada
had murdered the Jewish vizir and several of his
nation, which, however, did not hinder other kings
or emirs from attracting gifted Jews to their courts,
entrusting them with important affairs, and placing
the Jews on an equality with the ruling population
of the state.

An Arab historian complained that the princes
of the Faithful abandoned themselves to sensual

282 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH, IX.

enjoyments, placed their power In the hands of the
Jews, and made them Hayibs, vizirs and private
secretaries. The example of the Mahometan courts
was followed even by Christian states. They also
began to employ Jews in affairs of state, and their
ability and faithfulness added greatly to the growth
of their power. Thus the position of the Spanish
Jews remained for a time wholly unaffected by the
success of Christian arms and the gradual dissolu-
tion of the Mahometan principalities. They felt as
much at home under the dominion of the Cross in
Spain, as under that of the Crescent, and were able,
unfettered, to satisfy their love of investigation.
Their ardor in the domain of science and of poetry,
far from cooling, increased, if possible, more and
more, and the number of students grew from year
to year. Yet it appears that in the period after
Ibn-Nagrela and Ibn-Gebirol, poetry, philology,
exegesis, and philosophy, although eagerly fol-
lowed, were superseded by the study of the Talmud,
which became, as it were, the central study. The
dialectics of the Talmud were revived and cultivated
simultaneously in Spain, Africa, and France. The
study of the Talmud was so thoroughly prosecuted
that the achievements of the Geonim were thrown
into the shade. Six men, of whom five bear the
name of Isaac, and the other, that of Yizchaki, may
be regarded as the principal figures of the seconci
rabbinical age : Isaac Ibn-Albalia, distinguished also
for his political position ; Isaac Ibn-GIat and Isaac
ben Reuben, who were at once Talmudists and
writers of liturgical poems ; Isaac Ibn-Sakni ; Isaac
Alfassi and Solomon Yizchaki, the two creators of
an independent method of Talmudic study, far sur-
passing that used by the Geonim.

Isaac ben Baruch Albalia, by means of documents,
traced his origin to Baruch, a noble exile from Jeru-
salem, who is supposed to have been sent by Titus
to a proconsul at Merida, in order to carry on in

CH. IX. ISAAC IBN-ALBALIA. 283

Spain the silk culture, in which his family was
skilled. Later the Albalias removed to Cordova,
and became one of the most distinguished families
of the Andalusian capital. Isaac (born 1035, died
T094) early betrayed a gifted mind and a burning
thirst for knowledge. His inclinations led him
equally to astronomy, mathematics, philosophy, and
the Talmud. Samuel Ibn-Nagrela encouraged him
in his studies by gifts and books, and his son Joseph
endowed him with abundant means. Isaac Ibn-
Albalia lived alternately in Cordova and with his
•noble patron in Granada. He only trifled with
poetry, and turned his mind to deeper studies.
Isaac Ibn-Albalia had scarcely attained his thirtieth
year, when he began a commentary to elucidate the
most difficult portions of the Talmud. At the same
time (1065) he was writing an astronomical work
called Ibbur, on the principles of the Jewish cal-
endar, which he dedicated to his patron, Joseph
Ibn-Nagrela. Isaac Ibn-Albalia, who was at the
time visiting his friend Joseph, luckily was not
injured in the massacre at Granada (1066), and he
afterwards made Cordova his permanent abode.
Here he became acquainted with -the noble prince,
Abulkassim Mahomet, a lover of science and poetry.
When the latter ascended the throne of Seville,
under the name of Al-Mutamed (May, io6g), he
summoned Ibn-Albalia to his court at Seville, and
made him his astronomer, whose duty it was not so
much to observe the motions of the stars as to fore-
tell future events from the position of the constella-
tions. He also appointed Isaac Albalia as chief
over all the Jewish • communities of his kingdom,
which fortunate conquests had made the mightiest
in Mahometan Spain. It extended northward as
far as Cordova, and eastward to Murcia. Isaac,
therefore, like Ibn-Chasda'i, Ibn-Jau, and Ibn-Na-
grela, took the rank of prince (Nassi). He was at
the same time rabbi over the communities of the

284 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

realm of Seville, and his authority was acknowl-
edged abroad. As his master, Al-Mutamed, was
the most illustrious prince in Spain, so Isaac was
the most illustrious and learned man among the
Spanish Jews. Beautiful Seville became through
him the center of Jewish Spain, as Cordova and
Granada had been in the past. Al-Mutamed, the
last noble ruler of the Arab race in Spain, had
another Jewish functionary at his court, Ibn-Misha'l,
whom he employed on diplomatic missions.

Of Albalia's contemporary, Isaac ben Jehuda Ibn-
Giat (b. 1030, d. 1089), little is known. He be-
longed to a rich and illustrious family of Lucena
(not far from Cordova). Both the Ibn-Nagrelas
gave him in his youth many proofs of their respect,
and he was devoted to them heart and soul. After
the tragic end of Joseph Ibn-Nagrela, Ibn-Giat gave
himself much trouble to raise Joseph's son, Abu-
nassar Azaria, to the rank of rabbi of Lucena. But
death deprived this noble house of its last scion.
The community selected Isaac Ibn-Giat as its
spiritual chief, on account of his learning and virtues.
Liturgical poetry, philosophy, and the Talmud were
the three domains sedulously cultivated by him.

Isaac ben Reuben Albergeloni, in his old age,
compiled an original work treating of the civil juris-
prudence of the Talmud in a systematic way. He
also was an earnest religious poet. He composed
new "Azharoth" in pithy but awkward language,
and adorned his verses with Biblical quotations
aptly applied. Isaac Albergeloni is the first Hebrew
writer to make use of this mosaic of Biblical verses,
which are not quoted for their usual meaning, but
woven together in ingenious and unexpected com-
binations.

Albergeloni in early youth had gone from Bar-
celona to Denia ; at the same time the fourth Isaac
(ben Moses) Ibn-Sakni was departing thence, prob-
ably because a slight had been put upon him. He

CH. IX. ISAAC ALFASSI. 285

wended his way to the Orient, and in Pumbeditha
was made a teacher of the Law under the title of
Gaon. So greatly had the times changed ! Whilst
the Occident had formerly lent a willing ear to the
utterances of the Geonim in the Orient, it was now,
scarcely half a century after the death of Gaon Hai,
able to send teachers to the country in which had
stood the cradle of the Talmud, and a man who
found no recognition in Spain was considered an
authority by the once proud Pumbeditha.

In knowledge and sharp-witted understanding of
the Talmud, these four Isaacs wei-e outstripped by
the fifth, Isaac ben Jacob Alfassi, or Alkalai. Born
in Kala-Ibn-Hammad, in the neighborhood of Fez
(1013), he was instructed by the last African author-
ities, Nissim and Chananel, and after their death
in 1056 he became the representative of Talmud
studies in western Africa. Indifferent to the scien-
tific pursuits which their taste as well as considera-
tion for their material advancement prompted the
gifted Jews of Spain and Africa to cultivate, Alfassi
devoted all his acumen to a profound study of the
Talmud. His was a deeply earnest, independent
nature, not content to keep to the beaten track of
time-honored customs, but desirous of striking out
into new paths. It had hithe;-to been the custom
to follow in practice the rulings of the Geonim,
whenever, as frequently occurs, the Talmud records
conflicting opinions on a given subject, and to
accept their explanations and decisions as norms.
Alfassi, however, proceeded from the commentaries
to the text itself, and sought with his peculiar acute-
ness to distinguish all that was incontestable and
durable, and of real import, in the Talmud, from
that which was doubtful, superficial, and expedient.
The opinions of the Gaonic authorities were not
final for him. In this spirit he compiled a work,
which, in spite of the attacks leveled at it at the
time, became a standard book for the entire Jewish

286 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

community. His " Halachoth " abstract from the
Talmud only whatever affects conduct, but fix the
practical bearings of the laws thus classified with
absolute certainty. Alfassi's work consigned to
oblivion all similar works compiled in the course of
three centuries, since Jehudai Gaon's time. His
name was borne by tliis work far beyond the straits
into Spain where he counted still more admirers
than in his native land.

A complete match for Alfassi, however, in knowl-
edge of the Talmud was the Frenchman, Solomon
Yizchaki, a man as acute and independent as him-
self, only less bold and impetuous, but more versatile.

Solomon Yizchaki, known under the name of
Rashi, was born in 1040 (died in 1105), at Troyes,
in Champagne, in the year in which the last Gaon
suffered martyrdom, as if to intimate that the new
spirit infused by Rashi would fully compensate for
the downfall of the old institution. Rashi's mother
was the sister of Simon ben Isaac, highly respected
on account of his services to the community of
Mayence and his liturgic poetry, and his father was
well versed in the Talmud. Thus Rashi had, as it
were, drawn his nourishment from the Talmud, and
in it he lived and had his being. In order to perfect
himself in the study of the Talmud, he frequented
the Talmudical school of Mayence, but also attended
the lectures of the Talmud teachers in Worms, and
of Eliakim in Speyer. Like Akiba hp left his home
and his wife to devote himself to the study of the
Law in foreign parts. He tells in what needy cir-
cumstances he pursued this study, " in want of bread,
denuded of ctothing and fettered by matrimony."
Now and then, probably on the festivals, he visited
his wife, but he always returned to the German, or
as they were then called, Lotharingian centers of
learning. At the age of twenty -five (1064) he
settled permanently at Troyes.

In his modesty he did not suspect that at that
early time he was honored as a master of Talmudic

CH. IX. RASHI. 287

lore. In Rashi's earliest decisions which he. deliv-
ered when a youth, there is no trace of the groping
novice, they reveal the hand of the skilful adept,
the master of his subject. His teachers, in their
letters, lavished on him the most flattering praise.
Isaac Halevi, of Worms, wrote to Rashi, " We owe
it to you that this age is riot orphaned, and may
many like unto you arise in Israel."

Undoubtedly the community of Troyes and its
vicinity selected him as their rabbi, though we have
no proof thereof ; but he drew no emoluments from
the office. In a time, about which a dispassionate
author, in speaking of the prelates under Pope
Hildebrand, can say, " No one could become a
bishop or an abbot of the empire unless he either
was rich or addicted to vice ; amongst the priests,
he was praised most highly who had the most
splendid garments, the most sumptuous table, and
the handsomest concubines " — in that time, and also
for a long while afterwards, it was considered in
Jewish circles a sin and a disgrace for rabbis to
accept remuneration for the performance of their
duties. The rabbinate in Christian and Moslem
countries was an honorary office to be given only to
the most worthy ; and the rabbi was to be a shining
light to the community, not only intellectually, but
also in moral character. Sobriety, frugality, indif-
ference to Mammon, were as a matter of course
expected of every rabbi. Rashi was the most per-
fect embodiment of this conception of a rabbi, and
Jewish posterity has beheld in him a spotless per-
sonification of its ideal. His contemporaries also
revered him as the highest authority. From all
parts of France and Germany doubtful cases were
sent to him to be decided, and his answers testified
to his profound knowledge and to his mildness of
temper.

After the death of the Talmudical scholars in
Lorraine, about 1070,- the German and French stu-

288 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

dents flocked to Rashi's lecture-room at Troyes ;
he was looked upon as their worthy successor. He
lectured on the Bible and the Talmud. Rashi was
so imbued with the spirit of the Talmud that for
him it contained nothing obscure. In its elucida-
tion he surpassed all his predecessors, so that it was
rightly said that without him the Babylonian Talmud
would have been neglected like that of Jerusalem.
His explanations of a large number of the Talmudic
tractates, which he called " Commentary" (conteros),
are models of their kind, simple, concise and lucid.
He wrote in the clear idiom of the Talmud, and
neither used an unnecessary, nor omitted a neces-
sary word. The explanations of words and things
are intended for the beginner as well as for the
learned specialist. Rashi gave clearness to the text
by placing himself in the position of the reader ; by
a skilfully chosen expression, he prevented misunder-
standing, met objections and anticipated questions.
Rashi, as commentator, may be called an artist.
He soon supplanted the commentaries of Gershom
and his own masters. Rashi also wrote a com-
mentary of equal originality on most of the books
of Holy Writ. His tact and his love of truth led
him to seize the true meaning of words and pas-
sages. But he allowed himself frequently to be
guided by the Agadic opinions, on the supposition
that the elucidation of verses occurring in the
Talmud and in Agadic works was to be taken
seriously. Yet he was, to a certain extent, con-
scious that the simple text (peshat) was opposed to
the Agadic mode of explanation (the derasha). In
his old age this consciousness deepened, and he
told his learned grandson (Rashbam) that he meant
to revise his commentaries of the Bible in the spirit
of a sober and literal explanation of the text. Rashi
towered above the contemporaneous Christian ex-
positors of the Bible, who all believed that Holy
Writ contained a fourfold meaning. Rashi's skill

CH. IX. RASHI'S DISCIPLES. 289

in exposition appears the more surprising as he
was not acquainted with the important achieve-
ments of the Spanish school. He was acquainted
only with the first part of the Hebrew grammar by
Menachem ben Saruk and that by Dunash, and
these he took as his guides. Chayuj's and Ibn-
Janach's works, however, being written in Arabic,
remained unknown to him. Therefore, his gram-
matical nomenclature is clumsy and frequently
obscure. Nevertheless, no commentary of Holy
Writ has been so popular as Rashi's, so that at one
time many considered his commentary part and
parcel of the text, and every one of his words was
in turn commented upon and expounded. His
mantle fell upon his grandsons and sons-in-law,
who were his greatest disciples. For he had no
sons, only three daughters, of whom the one was
so deeply versed in the Talmud that during her
father's illness she read to him all the questions
concerning the Talmud that had been sent to him,
and wrote down the answers dictated to her. His
three daughters were married to men of learning,
and gave birth to sons worthy of their ancestry.
One of these sons-in-law, Meir of Rameru, not far
from Troyes, was the father of three distinguished
sons. Through Rashi and his school, the north of
France, Champagne, became the home of Talmudic
lore as Babylonia had been of old. It laid down the
law for the rest of Europe. The French Talmudical
students were in request even in Spain, and were
liberally remunerated for their instruction. The
leadership, which Jewish Spain had taken from
Babylonia, from Rashi's time had to be shared with
France. Whilst Spain remained classic ground
with respect to Hebrew poetry, linguistic attain-
ments, exegesis and philosophy, it had to yield the
palm to France in the study of the Talmud.

At this time there were two men in Spain who
occupied themselves exclusively with grammar and

29<-> HiStORY Of THE JEWS. CH. IX.

the study of the Bible, and although they did not
particularly enrich these studies, yet they undoubt-
edly imbued them with fresh vitality. They were
Moses ben Samuel Ibn-G'ikatilia, of Cordova, and
Jehuda Ibn-Balam, of Toledo (about 1070 to iigq).
The former, the disciple of Ibn-Janach, in his expo-
sition of Holy Writ occupied his master's liberal
point of view. Some of the Psalms were attributed
by Ibn-G'ikatilia to a later period, whilst the com-
mon opinion prevailed amongst Jews as well as
Christians that the whole psalter was the work of
the royal bard. He did not think well of the divi-
sion of verses by the Massora, and contrary to its
directions, joined consecutive verses.

The representatives of the Spanish Jews thus
distinguished themselves in science and poetry,
while in France great impetus was given to the
study of the Talmud. The Jews of the Italian
peninsula, however, occupy a very low position in
the history of culture at this period. Their poetic
effusions, in harsh and barbaric language, whether
liturgical or secular in character, lack the true charm
of poetry, and their Talmud lore was obtained from
foreign parts. Nathan ben Yechiel, of Rome, is the
only Italian of that time whose name figures in
Jewish literature. He compiled a Talmudic lexicon,
under the title of "Aruch," in about looi or 1002 ; it
was more complete than the earlier works of similar
purpose, but was compiled, with little originality,
from these older works, principally from the writings
of Chananel, of Kairuan. This lexicon became the
key to the Talmud. Kalonymos, of Rome, is also
mentioned as a Talmudic authority. Rashi spoke
of him with great respect ; the community of Worms
elected him as rabbi after the year 1096. However,
he has left nothing in writing, and seems to have
exerted no influence. The historical workb of this
period are silent respecting the political position of
the Italian Jews, a proof that it was not unfavorable.

CH. IX. JEWISH DIPLOMATISTS IN SPAIN. 29 1

Events of world-wide importance in western
Europe, the extensive invasion by Christians of
Mahometan Spain, and the first crusade against
the Mahometans in the East, brought about im-
portant changes for the Jews of western Europe.
The changes were chiefly of a deplorable kind, and
interrupted their peaceful occupation with the Law.
In the fortunes of Spain the Jews played no insig-
nificant part, although their active interference is
not conspicuously visible. They were helpful in
digging the pit into which their great grandsons
were to fall. The first powerful blow at the Islam
dominion in the peninsula south of the Pyrenees
was dealt by the Castilian king Alfonso VI, who
was as brave in combat as he was clever in state
affairs, and who placed more reliance on the sword
and on diplomatic art, than on the cross and prayer.
His purpose, to conquer the Mahometan kingdoms
and principalities, was only attainable by fomenting
dissensions among the rulers, stimulating rivalry
between them, and playing off one against the
other, thus weakening them all. To that end he
required clever diplomatists, and among his sub-
jects the Jews were the ones best prepared for the
work. His knights were too clumsy, and his citi-
zens too ignorant to be fitted for missions of a
delicate nature. At the Mahometan courts of
Toledo, Seville, Granada, there reigned a refined,
cultured, intellectual tone, and frequent allusions
were made in conversation to the brilliant history
and literature of the Arabs. If an ambassador at
these courts wanted to accomplish anything, he was
obliged, not only to be acquainted with all the
niceties of the Arabic language, but also to be
familiar with its literature and the manners of the
court. In these respects the Jews were particularly
useful. Therefore Alfonso employed Jews on diplo-
matic missions to the courts of the Mahometan
princes. One of them, the Jewish diplomatist at

292 HISTORY OE THE JEWS. CH. IX.

the court of King Alfonso, was Amram ben Isaac
Ibn-Shalbib, originally Alfonso's private physician.
As Ibn-Shalbib was well versed in Arabic, and
possessed insight into the political circumstances
of that period, the king of Castile appointed him
private secretary, and entrusted him with important
affairs. Alfonso had another Jewish adviser, Cidel-
lus, who was on such intimate terms with the king,
that the latter's reserve was overcome, and he per-
mitted him to speak more freely than any of the
Spanish noblemen and grandees of the empire.
Alfonso, who was far from being a religious bigot,
and who had acquired liberal views from his contact
with the Mahometan princes, not only conferred
distinctions on certain individuals among the Jews,
but cleared the way to dignities and honors for all
the sons of Jacob dwelling in his dominions. Al-
fonso had, indeed, found a certain equality in citizen-
ship existing in many parts of Christian Spain, where
custom had superseded the old Visigothic laws.
According to the Visigothic code, the Jews were to
be treated as outcasts, to be subjected to regula-
tions applying to them alone, and were not to be
allowed to act as witnesses. On the other hand,
according to the law of custom (fueros). Christians,
Jews, and Mahometans of the same town and the
same country came under the same law. The Jew
had to testify against the Christian on the " Torah."
If Jews and Christians had a lawsuit, they had
to select a Christian and a Jew as arbitrators (Al-
kalde). If a man wished to sell his house, two
Christians and the same number of Jews had to
appraise it. According to another law established
by custom (fuero de Najera), the Jews were treated
on an equality with the nobles and the clergy ; the
same sum was fixed as compensation for the murder
of a Jew, a nobleman, and a priest. Down to the
smallest details of daily life, the equality between
Jews and Christians before the law, was made

CH. IX. POPE GREGORY VII. 293

manifest. As Alfonso now confirmed these muni-
cipal laws, the civil equality of the Jews was legally
acknowledged, and the ignominy of the Visigothic
legislation against the Jews was effaced. Jews,
under certain circumstances, were permitted to
enjoy the privilege of duelling, and admitted into
military service. Light seemed to be dawning upon
the Middle Ages, and Roman-Christian narrow-
mindedness, emanating from Theodosius II, seemed
about to vanish.

However, the Church, whose foundation was in-
tolerance, was not likely to countenance the pro-
motion of Jews to honorable offices in a Chris-
tian land. The head of the Church, Pope Hilda-
brand, who, under the name of Gregory VII, through
his legates and the shafts of excommunication
plunged Europe into a condition of ferment and
disruption, protested against this state of things.
He, the mightiest of the mighty, before whom kings
and nations groveled in the dust, wished also to
humble the defenseless Jews, and to rob them of
the respect and honors which they had acquired by
their merit.

Emperor Henry IV had granted the same privi-
Jeges to the Jews of Worms as to the other
citizens of that town. When princes and priests,
towns and villages, unmindful of their oath, and
excited by the Pope, broke faith with him, and
treated him as one under the ban, the town of
Worms remained faithful to him. A year later,
when Pope Gregory had treated the emperor as a
boy, making him do penance in his shirt, he also
became eager to humble the Jews. At the Church
congress in Rome, in 1078, when the Pope issued
for the second time his interdict against the enemies
of the papacy, he promulgated a canonical law to
the effect that the Jews should hold no office in
Christendom, and exercise no supremacy whatever
over the Christians. This canonical decision was

294 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

directed principally against Spain, where, owing to
the peculiar position caused by continual strife with
the Arabs, the Roman Church had asserted a degree
of independence. As Gregory wished to force
upon King Alfonso foreign bishops, pliant tools in
the execution of his will, so he endeavored to arrest
the influence of the Jews at the court of Castile.
He therefore addressed a vigorous epistle to Alfonso
in 1080, in which the following words occur:

"As we feel impelled to congratulate you on the progress of your
fame, so at the same time must we deprecate the harm you do. We
admonish your Highness that you must cease to suSer the Jews to
rule over the Christians and exercise authority over them. For to
allow the Christians to be subordinate to the Jews, and to subject
them to their judgment, is the same as oppressing God's Church and
exalting Satan's synagogue. To wish to please Christ's enemies
means to treat Christ himself with contumely."

On the other hand, the Pope was well satisfied
with William the Conqueror, King of England and
Duke of Normandy, who ratified the decision of the
congress in Rouen, that the Jews were ■ not only
prohibited from keeping Christian bondmen, but
also from having Christian nurses.

But Alfonso had to give his attention to other
affairs besides the intolerance of the Church. He
troubled himself but little about the decision of the
great council in Rome and the autograph letter of
the Pope, and retained his Jewish advisers. He
was just then revolving in his mind a plan of invading
the kingdom of Toledo. In order to accomplish
this he had to isolate its governor from the neigh-
boring princes of his faith and race, and to be
assured of their neutrality or their co-operation with
himself. For that, however, he required. his Jewish
diplomatists, and could not entertain the idea of
satisfying the importunities of the Pope. By an
alliance with the noble and valiant king of Seville,
Al-Mutamed Ibn-Abbad, in all probabihty effected
by Jewish agents, Alfonso conquered the old and
important town of Toledo (1085), the first bulwark

CH. IX. DEATH OF IBN-SHALBIB. 295

of the Spanish Mahometans against the aggressive
power of the Christians. The victor of Toledo
assured to the Jews of this town and the territory
appertaining to it, all the liberties which they had
enjoyed under the Mahometan rulers. The last
unfortunate Mahometan king of Toledo, Yachya
Alkader, who had to take refuge in Valencia, had a
Jewish confidant in his suite, who remained faithful
to him long after his death, whilst his nearest friends
betrayed him.

Alfonso did not rest satisfied with the possession
of Toledo, which was again elevated to the rank of
capital, but wished to make use of the disagree-
ments and petty jealousies of the Mahometan
princes for the purpose of making fresh conquests.
First of all he determined to attack the territory of
the king of Seville, who also ruled over Cordova.
He therefore suddenly dropped the mask of friend-
ship, and made demands of Al-Mutamed, such as
this noble prince could not in honor concede. With
the perilous mission of revealing the true state of
affairs to the king of Seville, and of facing him in a,
firm and defiant attitude, Alfonso entrusted his
Jewish councillor of state, Isaac Ibn-Shalbib, in-
structing him not to pay any regard to the require-
ments of courtesy. Five hundred Christian knights
accompanied Alfonso's Jewish messenger to the
court of Seville, in order to lend dignity to his
embassy. This commission cost Ibn-Shalbib his
life. Acting in the spirit of his master, he spoke
in terms so positive, and insisted so unflinchingly on
the fulfilment of the demand he was charged to
make, that Al-Mutamed fell into a violent passion,
and transgressed the law protecting the person of
an ambassador, had Ibn-Shalbib killed, nailed to a
gibbet, and his followers imprisoned.

The breach which in consequence occurred be-
tween Alfonso and the king of Seville induced the
latter to join the league of the rest of the Mahometan

296 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. IX.

princes, and send for the conqueror of northern
Africa, the Almoravide Prince Yussuf Ibn-Teshufin,
to aid them against Alfonso. Al-Mutamed spoke
the deciding word in favor of this plan. The African
hero appeared in response to the invitation, and
his presence eventually caused the servitude and
downfall of the Andalusian princes.

CHAPTER X.

THE FIRST CRUSADE.

The position of the Jews in Germany previous to the Crusades — The
community of Speyer and Henry IV — The Martyrs of Treves
and Speyer — Emmerich of Leining-en and the Martyrs of May-
ence — Cruel persecutions at Cologne — Suffering of the Jews
in Bohemia — Pitiful death of the Jews of Jerusalem — Emperor
Henry's justice towards the Jews — Return of Converts to Judaism
— Death of Alfassi and Rashi.

1096 — 1 105 c. E.

Towards the end of the eleventh century tnere
arose the first contest between Christianity and
Islam on other ground than that of Spain. This
contest turned the history of the world into new
paths, and inserted in the history of the Jews pages
dripping with blood. Peter of Amiens' lament
about the ill-treatment of pilgrims in Jerusalem,
which found a thousandfold echo at the Church con-
gress in Clermont, had aroused piety, chivalry,
ambition, and a number of other noble and ignoble
passions, expressing themselves in a crusade. A
terrible time ensued ; but the greatest suffering fell
on the German Jews, who had to seal their confes-
sion of faith with blood. Before the crusades, the
Jews of Germany had dwelt in peace ; they were
not excluded from the possession of land, nor
were they despised and humiliated. When Bishop
Riidiger Huozmann, of Speyer, extended the limits
of the town by including the village Old Speyer, he
knew no better way of improving the new portion
than by allowing the Jews to have privileges and
dwellings therein. He allowed the Jews to live
under their own laws, and their secular head or
their rabbin (Archisynagogus), like the burgomas-
297

298 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. X.

ters, decided lawsuits. The Jews could buy slaves,
and hire male and female servants from Christians,
in opposition to the canonical laws and against the
will of Pope Gregory VII. In order to protect
them from the mob, Riidiger gave them a special
quarter surrounded by a wall, which they might
fortify and defend. These privileges, for which they
annually paid 2,% lbs. of gold, were guaranteed to
them for all time. Riidiger adds in the charter
that he was granting to the Jews the same favorable
conditions that they enjoyed in other German towns.
Emperor Henry IV confirmed these privileges,
and added other more favorable clauses. This
emperor, who, in spite of his thoughtlessness and
fickleness, was never unjust, issued a decree (6th
February, 1095) i" favor of the Jews. No one was
permitted to compel either the Jews or their slaves
to be baptized. In a lawsuit between Jews and
Christians, the process was to be conducted and the
oaths administered according to Jewish law, and
Jews could not be compelled to undergo ordeals by
fire and water. Yet, not long after this, they were
mocked at by the holy combatants in the sacred
war. The German Jews and those of northern
France were just then full of the hope of the coming
of the Messiah. A mystic had calculated that the
son of David would appear towards the end of the
250th cycle of the moon, between the years 1096
and 1 104, and would lead back the sons of Judah to
the Holy Land. But instead of the trumpet-blast
of the Messianic redemption they heard only the
wild cries of the crusaders : " The Jews have cruci-
fied our Saviour, therefore they must acknowledge
him or die."

The first armies of the crusaders, one led by the
pious Peter of Amiens and his eight knights, the
other by Gottschalk, did no special harm to the
Jews ; they plundered Christians and Jews alike.
But the hordes that followed, the scum of the

CH. X. THE CRUSADERS IN FRANCE. 299

French, English, and Flemish, in the absence of
Mahometans, began the holy work of plundering
and murdering with the Jews. It was a shameless
mob of men and women, who indulged in every sort
of excess. But these blasphemous crusaders were
sanctified warriors ; their sins, past and future, had
been absolved. A monk threw out the inflamma-
tory suggestion that the Jews should be brought to
Christianity by force, an inscription, found on the
grave of Jesus, having made their conversion the
duty of all believers. This plan seemed to the wild
crusaders alike profitable, easy to fulfil, and pleasing
to God. They reasoned that the Jews were infidels
like the Saracens, both deadly enemies of Chris-
tianity, and that the crusade could begin on the
spot, if the beginning were m.ade with the Jews.
When the troops assembled in France and Ger-
many, they were marked by the cross on their gar-
ments and by the blood of the Jews. The mas-
sacres in France, however, were few in number,
although the first gathering of crusaders occurred
there. In Germany security reigned at that time,
and the Jews of the Rhine district had no suspicion
of the sad fate which was about to befall them. How-
ever, at the bidding of the head of their congrega-
tion, they assembled to pray for their imperiled
brethren in France. But these fortunately escaped
with but little damage, because the princes and
priests energetically took the part of the Jews.
Only in Rouen, which belonged to England, the
crusaders drove the Jews into a church, and, placing
their swords at their breasts, gave them the choice
between death and baptism. The persecutions first
received a tragic character on German ground.

The hordes which moved through France and
Flanders into German territory were led by a
French knight, named William the Carpenter, who
had begun by plundering his peasants in order to
fit out his soldiers. The spirit animating William's

300 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. X.

troops is shown by one instance. They placed a
goose and a herd of goats in the van, firmly be-
lieving that they would show them tbe way to
Jerusalem. To such the Jewish communities of the
Moselle and the Rhine were given over. The
emperor Henry was at that time occupied in war
with Italy, and the wildest anarchy prevailed in
Germany. At the first news of the approach of
William, the congregation of Treves was seized
with such terror that some of its members killed
their own children. Women and girls loaded them-
selves with stones, and threw themselves into the
Moselle in order to escape baptism or disgrace at
the hands of the holy murderers. The rest of the
community entreated the bishop, Egilbert, for his
protection. But this hard-hearted prince of the
Church, who perhaps sought to cancel by zeal the
imputation of heresy resting upon him, replied : " If
you apostatize, I will give you peace and the enjoy-
ment of your property. If you remain hardened,
your soul and body shall be destroyed together."
The Jews thereupon assembled in council, and de-
termined, on the advice of Micah, one of the learned
members of the congregation, to conform outwardly
to Christianity. He said to the bishop : " Tell us
quickly what to believe, and deliver us from the
men that watch at the gate, ready to kill us." The
priest recited the Catholic confession of faith, which
the Jews repeated, and then baptized them. It was
a disgraceful victory which Christianity celebrated
over the congregation of Treves, but it did not last
long. Thereupon the crusaders went to Speyer,
where the congregation had lately had documentary
promises of liberty and security. Here some Jews
were dragged to the church, and commanded to
undergo baptism. They resolutely refused, and
were murdered (8th lyar — 3d May, 1096). The
remaining Jews fled to the palace of the bishop
Johannsen and to the emperor's castle. The

CH. X. CRUSADERS AT SPEYER AND WORMS. 3OI

bishop, more humane and pious than Egilbert,
would not countenance such baptism by main
force, and opposed the furious mob. The Jews
also defended themselves vigorously, and no more
of them fell victims to fanaticism. Johannsen
caused some of the crusaders to be executed, an
act strongly reproved by the monkish chroniclers.
They asserted that he was bribed by the Jews. It
is not to be wondered at that the Jews shuddered
at baptism, and held themselves disgraced if they
were borne off unconscious to the font. The
Christianity of the eleventh century they could re-
gard only as a terrible form of paganism. The
worship of relics and pictures ; the conduct of the
head of the Church, who absolved nations from a
sacred oath, and incited them to regicide ; the im-
moral, dissipated life of the priesthood ; the horrible
practices of the crusaders — all these things re-
minded them much more of the practices of idola-
ters than of the followers of a holy God. As in
the days of the Maccabees their ancestors had re-
volted against the enforced worship of Zeus and
its attendant practices, so the German Jews felt
towards the Christianity of the times.

The mob which undertook the attack on the con-
gregation of Speyer does not appear to have been
very powerful, and could therefore be repulsed. It
now awaited re-inforcements, and two weeks later a
large body of crusaders — " wolves of the forest,"
as the Jewish chronicler calls them — entered Worms.
The Bishop Allebrandus could not, or would not,
give the Jews sufficient protection. It seems, how-
ever, that he disapproved of the massacre of the
Jews, for he sheltered a part of the community,
probably its richest and most respected members,
in the palace. The others, left to themselves, at
first attempted to resist, but, overcome by numbers,
they fell under the blows of their murderers, crying,
" The Lord our God is one." Only a few submitted

302 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. X.

to baptism, but the greater number committed
suicide. Women killed their tender babes. The
fanatics destroyed the houses of the Jews, plundered
their goods, and burnt the Scriptures found in the
synagogues and houses (on Sunday, 23d lyar — i8th
May). Seven days later those that had found pro-
tection in the bishop's palace were also attacked.
The fanatics either made a raid on the palace, and
demanded the surrender of their victims, or Alle-
brandus himself had offered to the Jews an asylum
only in order to convert them through kindness.
At any rate, the bishop informed the Jews that he
would not shelter them any longer, unless they con-
sented to be baptized. The chief amongst theni
begged for a short interval for consideration. The
fanatics remained outside the palace, ready to lead
the Jews to the font or to death. After the appointed
time the bishop caused the door to be opened, and
found the Jews in their own blood ; they had pre-
ferred death at the hands of their brethren. On hear-
ing this, the furious mob fell on the survivors, and
murdered them, dragging the corpses through the
streets. Only a few saved themselves by osten-
sible conversion to Christianity (Sunday, ist Sivan
— 25th May). A youth, Simcha Cohen, whose
father and seven brothers had been murdered,
desired to avenge himself. He was taken to the
church, and when about to receive the sacrament
he drew forth a knife, and stabbed the nephew of
the bishop. As he had expected, he was murdered
in the church. It was only when the crusaders had
left the town that the Jewish martyrs, who numbered
nearly 800, were buried by Jewish hands. The con-
gregation, which was formed later on, cherished
their memory as of martyrs, or saints (Kedoshim),
to be venerated and held up as patterns of stead-
fast faith.

The day after the massacre of the remnant in
Worms, the crusaders arrived in Mayence. Here

CH. X. MASSACRE AT MAYENCE. 3O3

their leader was a Count Emmerich, or Emicho, of
Leiningen, a close relation of Archbishop Ruthard,
an unprincipled, bloodthirsty man. He desired the
riches of the Jews of Mayence as much as their
blood, and together with the archbishop, an oppo-
nent of Henry IV, devised a fiendish plan of ex-
termination. The archbishop invited all the Jews
to take shelter in his palace, until the danger had
passed. Over 1 300 Jews took refuge in the cellars
of the building, with anxious hearts and prayers on
their lips. But at break of day (Tuesday, Sivan 3d
— 27th May), Emmerich of Leiningen led the cru-
saders to the bishop's palace, and demanded the
surrender of the Jews. The archbishop had indeed
appointed a guard, but the soldiers refused to bear
arms against the fanatical pilgrims, who easily pene-
trated into the palace, and the terrible scene of
Worms was repeated. Men, young and old, women
and children, fell by the sword of their brethren
or their foes. The corpses of thirteen hundred
martyrs were eventually conveyed from the palace.
The treasures of the Jews were divided between
the archbishop and Emmerich. Ruthard had kept
sixty Jews hidden in the church, and they were con-
veyed to the Rhine district ; but on the way they
also were seized and murdered. Only a few were
baptized ; two men and two girls — Uriah and Isaac,
with his two daughters — were induced by fear to
accept baptism, but their repentance drove them to
a terrible act of heroism. Isaac killed his two
daughters on the eve of Pentecost, in his own
house, and then set fire to the dwelling ; then he
and his friend Uriah went to the synagogue, set
fire to.it, and died in the flames. A great part of
Mayence was destroyed by this fire.

Meanwhile, crusaders, under Hermann the Car-
penter, assembled at Cologne on the eve of Pente-
cost. The members of this oldest congregation
of Germany prepared for the worst ; but they en-

304 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. X.

treated the protection of the citizens and the bishop.
Touched with pity for their Jewish fellow-citizens,
humane burghers of Cologne received the Jews
into their houses. When the furious mob, at break
of day on Pentecost (Friday, May 30th), entered
the houses of the Jews, they found them empty, and
had to spend their fury on stones and wood. They
destroyed the dwellings, pillaging the contents and
crushing the scrolls of the Law on the very day
when the giving of the Law was celebrated. An
earthquake which occurred on the day incited the
madmen to fresh fury ; they considered it as a sign
of heaven's approval. One man and his wife fell
victims to their rage on this day. The pious man,
Mar-Isaac, willingly accepted a martyr's death. He
did not desire to escape, and remained in his house,
engaged in prayer. He was dragged to the church,
and spitting on the crucifix that was held up before
him, was killed. The rest of the Jews of Cologne
remained unhurt in the houses of the citizens and
in the bishop's palace. The noble bishop, Her-
mann III, whose name deserves to be immortalized,
assisted the Jews to depart secretly from the city,
and to be safely housed in seven neighboring towns
and villages belonging to his diocese. Here they
passed three weeks in anxiety, praying and fasting
day after day, and when they heard that the pil-
grims had come to Neus, one of their cities of
refuge, for the feast of St. John (ist Tamuz, 24th
June), they fasted on two days in succession. The
pilgrims had prepared themselves for renewed
massacres by a mass on the day of St. John, and
killed all the Jews who had taken refuge in Neus,
according to one authority, not indeed very reliable,
two hundred in number. One Samuel ben Asher,
who had exhorted his brethren to remain firm, and
his two sons, were brutally murdered, and their
bodies hung to the door of their house.

The pilgrims had at last discovered the refuge of

CH. X. THE JEWS IN BOHEMIA. 3O5

the Jews of Cologne, and now hunted them out of
their hiding-places. Many ended their lives in the
Icikes and bogs, following the example of Samuel
ben Yechiel, a learned and pious man. Standing
in the water, and pronouncing a blessing, he killed
his son, a handsome and strong youth, and as the
victim said "Amen," all those looking on intoned
their " Hear, O Israel," and threw themselves into
the water.

The pilgrims continued their work of destruction,
and in two months (May-July) twelve thousand
Jews are said to have been killed in the Rhenish
towns. The rest outwardly accepted Christianity,
in the expectation that the just emperor, on his
return from Italy, would listen to their complaints.
Wherever the savage pilgrims met with Jews the
tragic scenes were repeated. The large commu-
nity of the town of Ratisbon suffered greatly. In
connection with the crusades the Jews of Bohemia
enter into history ; until then they had not felt the
pressure of the yoke, Christianity not having as
yet attained to power in Slavonic countries. Many
amongst them were wealthy, and occupied them-
selves in the slave-trade, chiefly dealing in Slavs,
who were exported to the west of Europe and to
Spain. In this way the Jews came into conflict with
the priesthood, and Bishop Adalbert of Prague
strove against this practice, and collected large
sums of money in order to buy the slaves from the
Jews. Then the crusades commenced, and trans-
planted into Bohemian soil the poisonous seed of
fanaticism. When the crusaders traversed Bohemia,
its powerful duke, Wratislaw II, was occupied in a
foreign war, and could do nothing to stem the evil.
The miscreant crusaders were, therefore, at liberty
to gratify their fanaticism, and drag off the Jews
of Prague to baptism or death. Bishop Cos-
mas preached in vain against such excesses ; the
crusaders understood Christianity better than the
prince of the Church.

306 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. X.

Fortunately for the Jews of western Europe, and
especially of Germany, those filled with this blood-
thirsty fanaticism were the mere scum of the people.'
The princes and citizens were horrified at such
deeds of crime^ and the higher priesthood, with the
exception of Archbishops Ruthard of Mayence and
Egilbert of Treves, were on the side of the Jews.
The time had not yet arrived when the three
powers — the nobility, priesthood, and people —
were united in their hatred and persecution of the
Jews. When the news came that 200,000 crusaders,
under Emmerich and Hermann, had met with a dis-
graceful end — most of them having been killed in
Hungary, whilst a miserable remnant only had
returned to Germany — both Jews and Christians
felt it to be a judgment of God. Meanwhile
Emperor Henry IV had returned from Italy, and at
the news of the atrocities perpetrated against the
Jews by the crusaders, he gave public expression
to his horror, and at the request of the head of the
congregation of Speyer, Moses ben Guthiel, he
permitted those that had been forcibly baptized to
return to Judaism. This was a gleam of joy for the
Jews of Germany. The converts did not fail to
make use of their liberty to throw off the mask of
Christianity (1097). The representatives of the
Church, however, were by no means pleased at
this proceeding. Even Pope Clement III, who
was upheld by the emperor, declaimed against his
humanity, which was contrary to the teachings of
the Church. "We have heard," he wrote to Henry
IV, " that the baptized Jews have been permitted
to leave the Church. This is unexampled and sin-
ful ; and we demand of all our brethren that they
take care that the sacrament of the Church be not
desecrated by the Jews." The emperor cared but
little about the unholy zeal of the priesthood. Far
from forbidding the Jews to return to their religion,
he even permitted proceedings to be instituted

CH. X. CONVERTS RETURN TO JUDAISM. 307

against the kinsmen of Archbishop Ruthard, of
Mayence, on account of the theft of the property
of the Jewish congregation. The Jews of Mayence
in a petition had informed the emperor that Emmer-
ich of Leiningen and his kinsmen, together with
the archbishop, had appropriated the treasures
deposited by 'the Jews in the archbishop's palace.
None of the accused appeared in answer to this
citation to defend himself. Ruthard, whose con-
science was not clear, feared the disgrace of ex-
posure, and, as he was in disfavor with the emperor,
he fled to Erfurt. Thereupon the emperor con-
fiscated the revenues of the archbishopric (1098).
Ruthard revenged himself by joining the enemies
of the emperor, who plotted to humiliate him.

The Jews of Bohemia were very unfortunate in
this year. Hearing that the emperor had permitted
return to Judaism, they abandoned their pretended
faith, but feared to remain in a country where they
could not obtain justice. They gathered together
their property and possessions in order to send
them on to a place of safety, and determined to
emigrate to Poland or to Pannonia (Austria and
Hungary). Wratislaw, the ruler of Bohemia, now
returned from his campaign, and heard that the
Jews intended sending their riches out of the coun-
try. Thereupon he placed them under military
surveillance. The elders were called together, and
the duke's treasurer announced to them in his
lord's name that everything they possessed be-
longed to him, and that they were endeavoring to
rob him : " Ye brought none of Jerusalem's treas-
ures to Bohemia. Conquered by Vespasian, and
sold for a mere nothing, ye have been scattered
over the globe. Naked ye have entered the land,
and naked ye can depart. For your secession from
the Church, Bishop Cosmas may judge you." There
was nothing to be said against this logic ; it was
the argument of brutality. The Bohemian Jews

308 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. X,

were plundered, only enough being left to them to
stay for the moment the cravings of hunger. With
malicious pleasure a contemporary chronicler re-
lates that the Jews were despoiled of more gold
than the Greeks had taken from Troy. Still more
dreadful was the fate of the Jews of Jerusalem.
When the crusading army, under Godfrey of Bouil-
lon, after many attempts had taken the city by
storm, and massacred the Mahometans, they drove
the Jews, Rabbanites and Karaites, into a syna-
gogue, set fire to it, and burnt all within its walls
(Jul- 15, 1099).

Emperor Henry, however, seriously desired to
protect the Jews of his empire. Having heard of
the horrible scenes of murder in Mayence which
had occurred during his absence, he caused his
princes and citizens to swear an oath that they
would keep the peace with the Jews, and that
they would not ill-treat them (1103). The pro-
tection thus granted by the emperor to the Jews
was of temporary benefit to them, but brought evil
results after awhile. They thus became dependent
upon the ruler of the land, almost his slaves.

This circumstance was not the only evil result of
the first crusade for the German Jews. On the one
hand Pope Clement III claimed the converts who
had joined the Church to save themselves from
death, forgetting that their whole being turned
against the Church, and that they regarded their
enforced Christianity with contempt and hate. On
the other hand, those that had remained Jews kept
aloof from the renegades, and would not intermarry
nor associate with them, although they had shown
their attachment to Judaism by a prompt return to
it. These unhappy people were thus regarded as
renegades by both sides. When, however, Rashi
heard of this narrowness, his true piety protested
against it. " Far be it from us," he said, " to reject
those that have returned. They acted through fear

CH. X. DEATH OF ALFASSI AND OF RASH I. 3O9

of the sword, and lost no time in returning to
Judaism."

Other results of the first crusade were still worse.
The German Jews, already inclined to extravagant
piety, became yet more bigoted in consequence of
their unexampled sufferings. All merriment died
out amongst them, and they clothed themselves
only in sackcloth and ashes. Though they hated
the Catholic Church, they adopted its custom of
visiting the graves of martyrs, whom they also
called saints (Kedoshim), offered up prayers for the
dead, and entreated their intercession with heaven.
The Judaism of Germany from that time on as-
sumed a gloomy aspect. The so-called poets, in
their penitential prayers and lamentations, rang the
changes on only one theme, the fearful troubles and
the desolation of Israel. The study of the Talmud
formed a counterpoise to the growing tendency of
the German Jews to give a penitential character to
their religion. This study, as pursued by Rashi,
was a protection against unthinking, brooding
monasticism. He who desired to find his way
through the intricate mazes of the Talmud had to
keep his eyes open to facts, and could not permit
his mind to grow rusty. The study of the Talmud
became balm for the wounds inflicted by the cru-
sading mob on the communities of the Rhine dis-
trict. The pleasure resulting from creative thought
ruled in the schools, and subdued sorrow and
despair ; and the House of Learning became the
refuge of the unfortunate oppressed. The two
men who gave the great impulse to Talmudical
studies died at the commencement of the twelfth
century. They were Isaac Alfassi (died 1103), and
Rashi, who died two years later (i 105, 29th Tamuz —
13th July). Both left a large number of disciples,
who spread the study of the Talmud, and both were
highly honored by their contemporaries and by
posterity. The admiration of the Spaniards for

3IO HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. X.

Alfassi was expressed, as befitted their high culture,
in verses, whilst the German Jews and those of
northern France, who occupied a lower stage of
culture, commemorated Rashi by extravagant le-
gends. Two young poets, Moses Ibn-Ezra and
Jehuda Halevi, composed touching elegies on the
death of Alfassi.

CHAPTER XI.

ZENITH OF THE SPANISH-JEWISH CULTURE! JEHUDA HALEVI.

The Jews under the Almoravides — Joseph Ibn-Sahal, Baruch Ibn-
Albalia, Joseph Ibn-Zadik— Joseph lbn-Migash--The Poets Ibn-
Tabben, Ibn-Sakbel and Ibn-Ezra— Abulhassan Jehuda Halevi—
His Poems and Philosophy — The Chozari— Incidents of his Life —
Prince Samuel Almansur — Jehuda Halevi's Pilgrimage to Jeru-
salem— His Death.

1 105 — 1 148 c. E.

The Jews of Spain, even those of Andalusia, could
still consider this land of culture as their home.
Even under the barbarous Almoravides, who had
become masters of the south, they lived in security
and peace, for these people were no fanatics. Only
on one occasion did a prince of the Almoravides,
named Yussuf Ibn-Teshufin, attempt to compel the
Jews of his district to accept Islam. He was travel-
ing through Lucena, and noted the populous Jewish
community, which through Alfassi had become the
most influential in Spain. The prince called to-
gether the representatives of the Jews, and an-
nounced to them that he had read that Mahomet
had bestowed religious liberty on the Jews on con-
dition that their expected Messiah should arrive
within 500 years, and that if this space of time after
the Hejira passed without his appearance, the Jews
must, without opposition, accept Mahometanism ;
that the Jews of Mahomet's age had accepted the
condition, and the time having now elapsed, he
(Yussuf Ibn-Teshufin), the leader of the Faithful,
expected them to fulfil the condition, or his protec-
tion would be withdrawn from them, and they would
be outlawed. The Jews of Lucena, however, by
gifts of money and through the intercession of his

3"

312 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

wise vizir, Abdallah Ibn-Allah, induced Yussuf to
alter his intention.

Under the second ruler of the Almoravide
dynasty, Ali (i 106-1 143), the Jews not only lived in
peace, but some of them were entrusted with the
collection of the poll-tax from Jewish and Chris-
tian inhabitants, and distinguished men received
posts of honor at the court. Science and poetry
were the qualifications for high dignities. A Jewish
physician and poet, Abu Ayub (Solomon Ibn-
Almuallem), of Seville, was the court-physician of
the Caliph Ali, and bore the titles of prince and
vizir. Alcharizi says that his verses rendered
eloquent the lips of the dumb, and illuminated the
eyes of the blind. The physician Abulhassan Abra-
ham ben Me'ir Ibn-Kamnial, of Saragossa, likewise
occupied a high post at Ali's court, and also bore
the title of vizir. The greatest poets of the time
celebrated his nobility of soul, his generosity and
his interest in the welfare of his co-religionists :
" A prince who treads the earth, but whose aim is in
the stars. He hastens like the lightning to do
good, whilst others only creep along. The gates
of his generosity are open to his compatriots and
to strangers. Through his fortune he saved those
doomed to death, and rescued the lives of those
doomed to destruction. The prince (Ibn-Kamnial)
is a protection and a guard unto his people ; he
dwells in Spain, but his loving-kindness reaches
unto Babylon and Egypt." Abu Ishak Ibn-Mohajar
also bore the title of vizir, and was similarly immor-
talized by the poets. The prince Solomon Ibn-
Farussal, likewise praised by his contemporaries,
appears to have been in the service of a Christian
prince, and was entrusted with an embassy to the
court of Murcia. Shortly before the battle of Ucles,
at which the Mahometan forces obtained a signal
victory over those of the Christians, Ibn-Farussal
was murdered (1108, 20th lyar — 2nd May). The

CH. XI. JEWS AS DIPLOMATS AND AS WRITERS. 313

young Jehuda Halevi, who had composed a song of
praise for the reception of the vizir, had to change
it into an elegy on the mournful news of the vizir's
murder.

An astronomical writer, Abraham ben Chiya
Albargeloni (b. 1065, d. 1136), occupied a high
position under another Mahometan prince. He
was a sort of minister of police (Zachib as-Schorta),
and bore the title of prince. He was held in high
consideration by several rulers on account of his
astronomical knowledge, and he debated with
learned priests, to whom he demonstrated the accu-
racy of the Jewish calendar. But he also practised
the pseudo-science of astrology, and drew a horo-
scope of favorable and unfavorable hours of the
day. He calculated in the same way that the Mes-
siah would appear in the . year 5 1 1 8 of the world
(1358 c. E.).

Thus men of influence and knowledge were not

wanting at this period in Spain, but none of them

acted as a center, like Chasda'i Ibn-Shaprut and

Samuel Ibn-Nagrela, from which might go forth the

impetus that would rouse to activity slumbering

talents, or mark out the road for literary efforts.

The first half of the twelfth century produced a vast

number of clever men in Jewish circles, poets,

philosophers, Talmudists, and almost all their labors

bore the stamp of perfection. The Jewish culture

of this period resembled a garden, rich in odorous

blossoms and luscious fruits, whose productions,

though varied in color and taste, have their root in

the same earth. The petty jealousy that rendered

Menachem ben Saruk and Ibn-Gebirol unhappy,

the inimical feelings existing between Ibn-Janach

and Samuel Ibn-Nagrela, between Alfassi and Ibn-

Albalia, were banished from this circle. The poets

eulogized each other, and cordially praised the men

that devoted their powers to other intellectual

work. They took the greatest interest in one

314 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

another's successes, consoled one another in mis-
fortune, and regarded one another as members of
one family. The cordial feeling which Jewish poets
and men of learning entertained for one another is
the completest testimony to their nobility of mind.

It is difficult in a history of these times to
record and describe all the important personages.
There were seven distinguished rabbis in this
period, almost all disciples of Alfassi, who, besides
studying Talmud, showed taste for poetry and
science, and in part devoted themselves to these
pursuits. In Cordova, Joseph ben Jacob Ibn-Sahal
(born 1070, died 11 24), a disciple of Ibn-Giat, was
the rabbi. He appears to have met with trouble in
his youth, and in his verses he complains that his
own efforts have lacked appreciation, and that
poetry in general is not honored. To Moses Ibn-
Ezra, who was his bosom friend, he wrote a versified
letter of lamentation. Ibn-Ezra, who also craved
sympathy, consoled him in a poem written in the
same rhyme and meter as Ibn-Sahal's. The verses
are easy, flowing and smooth, though without much
depth.

His successor in the rabbinate of Cordova,
Abu-Amr Joseph ben Zadik Ibn-Zadik (born in
1080, died 1148-49), was even more celebrated.
Although Ibn-Zadik is known as an expert Tal-
mudist, his works are not Talmudic, but consist of
philosophical treatises in the Arabic language.
Ibn Zadik dedicated his religio-philosophical work
(Microcosmos) to a disciple who had asked to be in-
structed about the greatest good for which man can
strive. The thoughts developed by Ibn-Zadik are
by no means new, they were current in the Arabic
philosophy of the times, but were modified by him
so as to fit into the system of Judaism. Knowledge
of self leads to knowledge of God, to a pure con-
ception of the God-idea, and to the recognition that
the world was created out of nothing by the divine

CH. XI. IBN-ZADIK AND IBN-MIGASH. 315

will. This will is contained in Revelation, in the
Torah ; God revealed it to man, not on His own
account, for He is rich, sufficient unto Himself, and
without wants, but to promote man's happiness in
the world beyond. The first duty of man, of the
Jew, the servant of God, is to cultivate his mind and
acquire wisdom and understanding, so that he may
honor God in a worthy and spiritual manner, and
gain the bliss of future happiness. Ibn-Zadik also
remarks that the rites of Judaism, such as the
observance of the Sabbath, are consonant with
sense and divine wisdom. Man having free will,
it is natural that God should mete out to him reward
and punishment for his actions. The reward of the
soul is its return to its source, the universal soul,
and the only conceivable punishment is the sinful
soul's failure to attain this end. The soul of the
sinner, stained with earthly failings, cannot wing its
flight to heaven, but flutters without rest about the
world ; and this is its punishment. Ibn-Zadik's
philosophical work, bearing the stamp of mediocrity,
was but little noticed by his contemporaries and
successors. His fame as a poet was not great,
although his liturgical and other verses are light
and pleasing. They are not the outpourings of a
poetic soul, but are to some extent a tribute to
fashion'.

Joseph ben Meir Ibn-Migash Halevi (born 1077,
died 1 141) surpassed his contemporaries in mastery
of the Talmud. Grandson of an important man at
the court of the Abbadides in Seville, and son of a
learned father, he became in his twelfth year a dis-
ciple of the school of Alfassi, whose lectures he
attended uninterruptedly for fourteei? years. When
Ibn-Migash married (in iioo), Jehuda Halevi com- '
posed a glowing epithalamium for the young couple.
Before his death Alfassi chose him as his successor,
and by that act showed the nobility of his character ;
for although he left behind him a learned son, he

3l6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI;

preferred as his successor his gifted disciple. The
wisdom of choosing a young man of six-and-twenty
seems to have been questioned by some of the
members of the congregation (Sivan, May, 1103).
Joseph Ibn-Migash deserved the praise lavished on
him for his intellectual and moral qualities. His
descent from an ancient and noble family, his high
position as chief of the most respected community,
did not affect his modesty, nor did the dignity of his
important office strip him of his humility. Mild,
however, as was his character, he employed the
utmost severity when the welfare of Judaism was in
question.

Spain was at this time in an excited state, and
split up into parties. In Andalusia the native
Arabs were opposed to the victorious Almoravide
Berbers, and they attacked each other in secret and
in open war ; the Christians (the Mozarabs) settled
in the neighborhood of Granada conspired secretly
against their Mahometan landlords, and summoning
the conqueror of Saragossa, Alfonso of Aragon,
promised to hand Granada over to him. Christian
Spain was no less divided, though Castile and
Aragon ought to have been united through the
marriage of Alfonso of Aragon and Urraca, Queen
of Castile. This unhappy marriage was the cause
of anarchy. One party sided with the king, another
with the queen, and a third with the young prince
Alfonso VII, whose teacher had incited him against
his mother and stepfather. Christians and Ma-
hometans were frequently seen fighting under one
standard, sometimes against a Christian prince,
sometimes against a Mahometan emir. The making
and breaking of treaties followed each other in
quick succession . Deception and treachery occurred
continually, and even the clergy of high position
passed from party to party, and fought their former
allies, or assisted their former enemies.

CH. XI. JEWS AS PARTISANS. 317

The Jews of Spain did not remain neutral, and
either willingly or perforce joined the one or the
other party, as their interests or political opinions
dictated. When Mahometans or Christians con-
spired, they could, in case of discovery, take refuge
with their powerful co-religionists. The Jews, how-
ever, did not enjoy such protection, and could
only hold together for safety. Treachery in their
midst was, therefore, most disastrous for them, as
the anger of the enraged rulers not only struck
the conspirators or .their congregation, but the
entire Jewish population of the country. When,
therefore, a member of the congregation of Lucena
on one occasion threatened to betray his co-re-
ligionists, the rabbi and judge, Joseph Ibn-Migash,
determined to make an example of him. He con-
demned the traitor to be stoned to death at ' twi-
light on the Day of Atonement. Joseph Ibn-Migash
left a learned son, Meir (1144), and a large circle
of disciples, amongst whom was Maimun of Cor-
dova, whose son was destined to begin a new era
in Jewish history.

In the measure in which the study of the Talmud
in Spain grew, Bible exegesis and the study of
Hebrew grammar declined. These branches were
arrested in their development. But on the other
hand, this period was rich in poets. The Hebrew
language, during the two centuries since Ben-Labrat,
had become smooth and pliable, so that it was
no difficult matter to make verses, and employ
rhyme and meter. The involved forms developed
especially by Solomon Ibn-Gebirol found many imi-
tators. The Arabic custom of writing letters of
friendship in verses, adopted by the Spanish Jews,
made a knowledge of prosody a necessity : he who
did not desire to appear illiterate had to learn how
to versify. The number of poems which at this
period saw the light of day was legion. Amongst
poets worthy of record, who also occupied them-

3l8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

selves with matters other than poetry, were Judah
Ibn-Giat, Judah Ibn-Abbas, Solomon Ibn-Sakbel,
and the brothers Ibn-Ezra. They were all sur-
passed by the prince of poets', Jehuda Halevi,
recognized even by his contemporaries as a master
of song.

Solomon ben Sakbel, a relative of Rabbi Joseph
Ibn-Sahal, unlike Ibn-Giat and Ibn-Abbas, whose
muse was serious, used the Hebrew language for
light love-verses. The new form of poetry intro-
duced by the Arabic poet, Hariri of Basra, induced
Ibn-Sakbel to make a similar attempt in the Hebrew
language ; he wrote a kind of satirical romance,
called Tachkemoni, the hero of which, Asher ben
Jehuda, is exposed to disappointments and vicissi-
tudes. The hero tells his adventures in rhymed
prose, interspersed with verses ; he relates how,
together with his love, he had passed a long time
in the forest depths, until, tired of the monotony,
he longed to join a circle of friends who passed
their time in feasting. Attracted by the letter of
some unknown fair one, he set out to find her, and
was introduced into a harem, the master of which,
with grim "Berber mien," threatened him with
death. This, however, was only a mask assumed
by the maid of -his lady-love in order to frighten
him. At length he had hopes of attaining his end,
but when he meets the supposed mistress, he finds
the entire affair to have been the joke of a friend.
This poem has no artistic merit, and is only an
imitation of his Arab model. The ease with which
Ibn-Sakbel employs the Hebrew language, and the
skill with which he combines profoundly serious re-
flections with the lightest banter, are the only features
to be admired.

The four brothers Ibn-Ezra, of Granada, were
richly endowed ; they were noble, learned, and
wealthy. Their names were Abu-Ibrahim Isaac,
Abu-Harun Moses, Abulhassan Jehuda, and Abu-

CH. XI. MOSES IBN-EZRA. 3 ig

hajaj Joseph, the youngest. Their father Jacob had
occupied an office under King Habus, or rather
under his vizir, Ibn-Nagrela. One might know by
their noble character, said a contemporary historian,
that these four princely sons of Ibn-Ezra were of
David's blood and of ancient lineage. The most
celebrated amongst them was Abu-Harun Moses
(born 1070, died 1139), who boasted that he was
the pupil of his eldest brother. He was the most
prolific poet of his time.

A misfortune seems to have aroused his muse.
He loved his niece, by whom he was loved in
return. The brother, however, refused to give
him his daughter, and the other brothers approved
the decision. Moses fled from his father's house,
and wandered to Portugal and Castile (iioo). He
was tortured by pangs of love, and time did not
heal his wounds. False friends seem to have
widened the breach between him and his brothers.
His love found expression in verses, and the muse
became his comforter. He sought to drown his
sorrow in earnest study and to find in knowledge
a solace for the loss of his brothers and his beloved.
He indeed won friends and admirers who remained
true to him until death. A man of high position in
Christian Spain, who is represented as a benefactor
of the Jews, took an interest in the unhappy Moses,
pn whom he bestowed his friendship. Moses Ibn-
Ezra in many respects resembled Solomon Ibn-
Gebirol. He also complained of deception and
jealousy and of the hardships and faithlessness of
the times. Like the poet of Malaga, his own emo-
tions inspire him ; there is no great aim in his
poetic effusions. But Moses Ibn-Ezra was neither
so tender nor so impressionable as Ibn-Gebirol, nor
was he so sad or complaining, but at times sang
lively songs, and dallied with the muse. He was
far behind Ibn-Gebirol as a poet. His poetry was
labored and stilted, his verses often hard, with-

320 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

out sweetness and freshness, and neither rhythmical
nor harmonious. Moses Ibn-Ezra was especially
fond of using words of the same sound, with
different and often opposite meaning, a habit which
he had adopted from the Arabic poets. His com-
mand of the Hebrew language, the abundance of his
poetical works, and the variety of meters with which
he enriched Hebrew poetry are alike admirable.
He composed a song-cycle, which he called a
string of pearls, composed of 1210 verses in ten
divisions ; they were dedicated to his patron Ibn-
Kamnial. These verses are as varied in form as
in contents. The poet in this collection alternately
sings the praise of wine, love, and joy, of voluptuous
life amidst leafy bowers and the song of birds, com-
plains of the separation from friends, of faithless-
ness and the approach of old age, incidentally
recommends trust in God, and lastly, praises the art
of poetry. Moses Ibn-Ezra also composed three
hundred poems, in more than ten thousand verses,
for special occasions, and also two hundred prayers
for New Year and the Day of Atonement, portions
of which were incorporated in the ritual of many
congregations (of the communities of Spain, Mont-
pellier, Avignon, and of the Romagnoles). But few
of his religious poems have true poetic fervor ; they
are all composed according to the rules of the art, but
true beauty is wanting. Moses Ibn-Ezra wrote, in
Arabic, a dissertation on the rules of the poetic art,
called " Conversations and Recollections," which at
the same time is a sort of history of Spanish-Jewish
poetry from its first beginnings. This work, deal-
ing also with Arabic and Castilian poetry, is a
treasure for the literary history of Spain. The
poorest work of Moses ' Ibn-Ezra is his so-called
philosophical treatise, written in Hebrew, wherein
he expounds the barren philosophy of the times
according to Arabic models.

CH. XI. JEHUDA HALEVI. 321

Notwithstanding his comparative insignificance
as a philosopher and his mediocrity as a poet,
Moses Ibn-Ezra was held in high honor by his con-
temporaries on account of his facility in writing.
He stood on a friendly footing with all important
personages of the time, and they praised him in
prose and verse, and he likewise praised them.
He became reconciled to his brothers, when the
love of his youth died in giving birth to a boy
(1114). On her deathbed she spoke of him, and
her words, which became a holy remembrance to
him, inspired him to write an elegy which, imbued
with true feeling, was far more poetical than his
other works. This elegy Moses Ibn-Ezra sent to
his eldest brother, and it was the first step toward
their reconciliation. As his brothers departed this
earth one by one, the survivor was overwhelmed
with grief, and dedicated to their memory verses
full of feeling. Moses Ibn-Ezra retained his poetic
gift until a great age. Jehuda Halevi wrote a
touching tribute to his memory.

The brilliant luminary of this period and its chief
exponent was Abulhassan Jehuda ben Samuel
Halevi (Ibn-Allevi), born in Old Castile in 1086.
In the annals of mankind his name deserves a
separate page with a golden border. To describe
him worthily, history would need to borrow from
poetry her most glowing colors and her sweetest
tones. Jehuda Halevi was one of the chosen, to
whom the expression, "an image of God," may
be applied without exaggeration. He was a perfect
poet, a perfect thinker, a worthy son of Judaism,
which, through his poetry and thought, was ennobled
and idealized.

When Spain shall have discarded its prejudices,
and shall no longer estimate the greatness of its
historical personages by the standard of the Church,
then Jehuda Halevi will occupy a place of honor in
its Pantheon. The Jewish nation has long since

322 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

crowned him with the laurel-wreath of poetry, and
recognized the wealth of piety and pure morality
that he possessed.

" Pure and faithful, even spotless
Was his song, e'en as his soul was :
Soul, that when the Maker fashioned.
With his handiwork delighted.

Straight he kissed the beauteous spirit ;
And that kiss, in sweetes't music
Echoing, thrills through all the singing
Of the poet consecrated."'

His deep moral Earnestness was closely united
with a cheerful, serene philosophy of life. The
admiration which was showered upon him did not
destroy his modesty, and despite his devotion to his
friends, he still preserved his own peculiar charac-
teristics and the independence of his views. His
rich store of knowledge clustered about one center,
and however great a poet, in the best sense of the
word, he may have been, he was keenly conscious
of his own feelings, thoughts, and actions. He pre-
scribed rules for himself, and remained true to
them. Deep as were his sentiments, he was far
from excess of feeling, or sentimentality.

Jehuda Halevi's biography contains little that is
extraordinary. Born in Christian Spain, he attended
the college of Alfassi at Lucena, because Castile
and the north of Spain were still wanting in Tal-
mudical scholars. When but a youth, as in the
case of Ibn-Gebirol, the muse aroused him ; not,
however, as the latter, with mournful tones, but
with pure, joyous strains. He celebrated in song
the happy experiences of his friends and comrades,
the nuptials of Ibn-Migash, the birth of the first-
born in the house of Baruch Ibn-Alb^lia (about
I loo). Fortune smiled upon this favorite of the
muses from his youth, and no harsh discord ever
issued from his poetical heart. In the south of

' Translation by Solomon Solis Cohen, to whom thanks are due for
the translation of most of the poetic passages in this volume. — [Ed.]

CH. XI. EARLY POETRY OF JEHUDA HALEVI. 323

Spain he became acquainted with the noble and
cultured family of Ibn-Ezra. When he learnt that
Moses Ibn-Ezra had met with a disappointment in
love, and had exiled himself, the young poet sought
out his older brother-poet to comfort and soothe
him with his songs. The latter, struck with surprise
at Jehuda's beautiful verses and overflowing senti-
ments, answered him in poetic productions.

Jehuda Halevi appears to have been in Lucena
when Alfassi died, and Joseph Ibn-Migash succeeded
him in the office of rabbi (1103). On the occasion
of his death Halevi composed a beautiful elegy, and
celebrated the accession of his successor in a poem
expressing his homage and deep respect. The
young man also experienced the pleasure and the
pain of love ; he sang of the gazelle-like eyes of
his beloved, her rosy lips, her raven hair. He com-
plained of her unfaithfulness and of the wounds
which rent his heart. His amatory poems breathe
the fire of youth, and display rash impetuousness.
The southern skies were portrayed in his verses,
the green meadows and the blue streams. His
early poetry even bears the stamp of artistic polish,
of rich fancy and beautiful symmetry, of warmth and
loveliness. There is no mere jingle of words, no
thoughtless utterance — all manifests harmony and
firmness of touch. Jehuda Halevi appears to have
completely suppressed the pangs of love, for no
traces whatever are to be found thereof in his later
life and poems.

Jehuda Halevi not only completely mastered the
Hebrew language and the artistic forms of the neo-
Hebraic poetry, but he also obtained a thorough
knowledge of the Talmud, studied the natural
sciences, penetrated even to the depths of meta-
physics, and was skilled in all branches of learning.
He wrote Arabic elegantly, and was conversant
with the new-born Castilian poetry. He obtained
a livelihood as a physician, practising medicine on

324 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

his return to his native place. He appears to
have been highly esteemed for his medical skill, for
on one occasion he wrote to a friend that, living in
a large town, he was busily engaged in the practice
of his art. But, in spite of his constant care for the
bodies of the sick and the dying, he did not forget
his own soul, but ever maintained the ideals of his
life. The following letter which, when advanced
in years (about 1 1 30), he wrote to a friend, is
interesting :

" I occupy myself in the hours which belong neither to the day nor
to the night, with the vanity of medical science, although I am unable
to heal. The city in which I dwell is large, the inhabitants are
giants, but they are cruel rulers. Wherewith could I conciliate them
better than by spending my days in curing their illness ! I physic
Babel, but it continues infirm. I cry to God that He may quickly
send deliverance unto me, and give me freedom, to enjoy rest, that 1
may repair to some place of living knowledge, to the fountain of
wisdom,"

The city of which Jehuda here speaks is Toledo,
where he passed the years of his manhood. He
longed, however, to depart thence, as Toledo had
not yet become a center of Jewish learning.

The whole power of his creative genius was
bestowed upon the art of poetry and a thoughtful
investigation of Judaism. He had a more correct
conception of poetry, which he valued as something
holy and God-given, than had his Arab and Jewish
contemporaries. He distinctly enunciated the view
that the faculty for composing poetry must be
innate, original, not acquired. He mocked at those
who laid down laws about meter and rhyme, and
were very precise on those points. The truly in-
spired poet carries the laws within him, and will
never be guilty of any blunders or inaccuracies.
As long as he was young, he dissipated the gold
of his rich poetry on light, flimsy themes, and fol-
lowing the example of others, wrote sparkling
lyrics, in which he glorified his numerous friends.
He sang of wine and pleasure, and composed rid-

CH. XI. LYRIC AND RELIGIOUS POEMS. 325

dies. When his friends rebuked him for this con-
duct (about 1 1 10), he retorted in youthful insolence,

" Shall he, who four-and-twenty years has not seen run,
Relinquish all his joys, and the wine-barrel shun ? "

In these poetic trifles, it delighted him to display his
skill in overcoming the difficulties of elaborate and
involved meters. Very often he concluded a poem
with an Arabic or a Castilian verse. One recognizes
in the words and the structure the great master
who had the power of presenting a complete picture
by a few bold strokes of the pen. His delineations
of nature may be placed side by side with the best
poetical productions of all languages. We see the
flowers bursting forth and blooming ; we inhale in
deep draughts the balm with which his verse is
impregnated. The boughs bend beneath the burden
of their golden fruit ; we hear the songsters of the
air pouring forth their sweet strains of love ; he
paints sunshine and the pure air with a masterly
hand. When he is describing the turbulence of a
tempest-tossed sea, he communicates to the reader
all the emotions of sublimity and anxiety which he
himself felt. But in all this the working of his great
soul is not revealed ; it was, in a measure, only the
tribute which he paid to its human part and to the
fashion of the time. Not even his religious poems,
which in number were not exceeded by those of his
older fellow-poet, Moses Ibn-Ezra, for they amount
to three hundred, but which in depth, heartfelt
fervor and polish, surpass his as well as those of
other predecessors, disclose the true greatness of
his poetical genius.

The importance of Jehuda Halevi as a poet lies
in those poems that breathe a national-religious
spirit. In these his ideas burst from the depths of
his heart, his whole being rises upwards in ecstasy,
and when he sings of Zion and its past and future
glory, when he veils his head in mourning over its

326 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

present slavery, we find the true spirit of his poetry,
nothing artificial or simulated, but all pervaded by
strong feeling. In all neo-Hebraic poetry Jehuda
Halevi's songs of Zion may best be compared with
the Psalms. When he is breathing forth his laments
for Zion's widowhood, or dreaming of her future
splendor, and depicts how she will again be united
to her God and her children, we fancy that we
are listening to one of the sons of Korah. The
muse of Jehuda Halevi, in her maturity, had a lofty
purpose ; it was to sing of Israel, his God and the
sanctuary, his past and his future, and to lament his
humiliation. He was a national poet, and hence it
is that his songs seize upon the reader with irre-
sistible force. The complaints of Ibn-Gebirol about
his own deserted condition can arouse only faint
interest ; the sufferings of Moses Ibn-Ezra on
account of his unfortunate love leave us unaffected ;
but the afiliction of Jehuda Halevi on account of
his dearly beloved Zion cannot fail to move every
susceptible heart.

The national poetry of Jehuda Halevi is of higher
value, since it has its source not in mere poetical
sentiments, but in earnest and impassioned convic-
tion. He was not only the perfect poet, he was
also the brilliant thinker ; in him feeling and thought
were completely blended. Poetry and philosophy
were intimately united within him, neither being
strange, borrowed, or artificially acquired, but each
being an innate possession. Just as he gave expres-
sion to the national feelings of Israel in his songs
of Zion, so he interpreted, if one may say so, the
national thoughts of Judaism in an ingenious and
spiritual manner. Poetry and philosophy were em-
ployed by him only to glorify and spiritualize the
inheritance of Israel. He propounded original ideas
on the relation of God and the world, of man to his
Creator, on the value of metaphysical speculation,
of its connection with Judaism, and on the import-

CH. XI. ORIGIN OF THE CHOZARI. 32/

ance of this religion as contrasted with Christianity
and Islam. All these problems he solved not in a
dry, scholastic fashion, but in a lively, interesting,
and convincing manner. If in his lyrics we may
liken him to a son of Korah, in the development of
his thoughts he resembles the author of Job, but he
is richer in matter, more profound, more compre-
hensive. From Job or from Plato, Jehuda Halevi
borrowed the form in which his religious philo-
sophical system is presented. He expounds his
thoughts in the form of a dialogue, and like the
author of Job, combines them with an historic fact,
thus giving more intense interest to the theme, and
conveying a lasting impression. When certain of
his disciples asked him how he could defend rab-
binical Judaism, and how reply to the objections
hurled against it by philosophy, Christianity, Islam
and the Karaites, he produced his answer in a com-
prehensive, erudite work in the form of a dialogue
written in elegant Arabic. As its title denotes,
the book was intended to demonstrate the truth of
Judaism and to justify the despised religion.

A heathen, who knew nothing of the wisdom of
the schoolmen, nor of the three existing religions,
but who felt the necessity of uniting himself in a
spiritual, affectionate union with his Creator, be-
comes convinced of the truth of Judaism. This
heathen is Bulan, the king of the Chazars, who
himself embraced the Jewish faith. Him the Cas-
tilian philosopher makes use of to give an historical
character to his work, and hence it bears the name
of Chozari (wrongly spelt Kusari). The clever
preface, written in an appropriate style, stirs the
interest of the reader.

An angel repeatedly appeared in a dream to the
king of the Chazars, who was a zealous adherent of
his idolatrous cult, but a man of pious mind, and
addressed him in these very significant words :
" Thy intention is good, but not the manner in which

328 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

thou servestGod." In order to ascertain with cer-
tainty in what manner the Deity should be wor-
shiped, the king applied to a philosopher. The
sage, a follower partly of the Aristotelian and partly
of the neo-Platonic system, fostered in the king
more of disbelief than belief. He told him that
God was too exalted to come into any relation
whatsoever with man, or to demand any reveren-
tial worship.

The king of the Chazars did not feel at all satis-
fied with this comfortless exposition. He felt that
acts intended to honor God must be of absolute
value in themselves, and without these, pious and
moral thoughts could be of but little merit. It was
impossible to understand why, if the form of wor-
shiping God was to be an altogether indifferent
matter, Christianity and Islam, which had divided
the world between them, should war against each
other, and even consider mutual slaughter as holy-
work whereby paradise might be attained. Both
religions, moreover, appeal to divine manifestations
and wise prophets, through whose agency the Deity
has worked miracles. God must then, in some way,
be in relation to mankind. There must exist some-
thing mysterious of which the philosophers have no
notion. Thereupon the king determined to apply
to a representative of the Christian faith and to a
Mahometan, in order to learn from them the true
religion. He did not think of asking the counsel
of the Jews at first, because from their abject con-
dition and the universal contempt in which they
were held, the degraded state of their religion was
sufficiently apparent.

A priest acted as the exponent of the tenets of
the Christian belief to the king. Christianity, he
said, believes in the eternity of God and the crea-
tion of the world out of nothing, and that all men
are descended from Adam ; it accepts as true all
that the Torah and the Scriptures of Judaism teach.

CH. XI. CHRISTIANITY AND MAHOMETANISM. 329

but holds as its fundamental dogma, the incarnation
of the Deity through a virgin of the Jewish royal
house. The Son of God, the Father and the Holy
Ghost form a unit. This trinity is venerated by
the Christians as a unity, even though the phrase
appears to indicate a threefold personality. Chris-
tians are to be considered as the real Israelites,
and the twelve apostles take the place of the
twelve tribes.

The mind of the king was as little gratified by
the answer of the Christian as by that of the
Philosopher, the reply not being in accordance with
the dictates of reason. The Christian, he thought,
should have adduced positive, incontrovertible
proofs, which would satisfy the human intellect.
He, therefore, felt it his duty to seek further for
true religion.

Thereupon he inquired of a Mahometan theo-
logian as to the basis of the faith of Islam. The
Moslem believe, as he affirmed, in the unity and
eternity of God, and in the creatio ex nihilo ; but
reject anthropomorphic conceptions. Mahomet was
the last and most important among the prophets,
who summoned all people to the faith, and promised
to the faithful a paradise with all the delights of
eating, drinking, and voluptuous love, but to the
infidels, the eternal fire of damnation. The truth of
Islam depends upon the fact that no man is capable
of producing so remarkable a book as the Koran,
or even a single one of its Suras. To him also the
king replied that the fact of the intimate intercourse
of God with mortals must rest upon undeniable
proofs, which the internal evidence for the divine
origin of the Koran does not afford, for even if its
diction is able to convince an Arab, it has no power
over those who are unacquainted with Arabic.

As both the Christian and the Moslem had re-
ferred their religions to Judaism in order to verify
the historic basis of each, the truth-seeking king at

33© HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

length determined to overcome his prejudice against
Judaism, and to make inquiries of a Jewish sage.
The latter made the following statement of the
tenets of his creed, in reply to the request of the
king: "The Jews believe in the God of their
ancestors, who delivered the Israelites from Egypt,
performed miracles for their sake, led them into the
Holy Land, and raised up prophets in their midst —
in short, in all that is taught in the Holy Scriptures."
Thereupon the king of the Chazars replied, " I was
right, then, in not asking of the Jews, because their
wretched, low condition has destroyed every reason-
able idea in them. You, O Jew, should have pre-
mised that you believe in the Creator and Ruler of
the world, instead of giving me so dry and unattrac-
tive a mass of facts, which are of significance only
to you." The Jewish sage replied : " This notion
that God is the Creator and Ruler of the universe
requires a lengthy demonstration, and the philoso-
phers have different opinions on the matter. The
belief, however, that God performed miracles for us
Israelites demands no proof, as it depends upon the
evidence of undoubted eye-witnesses." Starting
from this point, the religious philosopher, Jehuda
Halevi, has an easy task to unfold proofs of the
truth and divine character of Judaism. Philosophy
discards God and religion entirely, not knowing
what place to assign to them in the world. Chris-
tianity and Islam turn their backs on reason, for
they find reason in opposition to the cardinal doc-
trines of their religions. Judaism, on the contrary,
starts from a statement of observed facts, which
reason cannot possibly explain away. It is quite
compatible with reason, but assigns to reason its
limits, and does not accept the conclusions of reason,
often degenerating into sophistry, when certainty
can be attained in another way.

In his correct view of the value of speculative
thought, Jehuda Halevi stood alone in his own time.

CH. XI. THE LIMITS OF PHILOSOPHY. 33 1

and anticipated many centuries. The thinkers of
his time, Jewish, Mahometan and Christian, Rabbi,
Ulema and Churchman, bowed the knee to Aristotle,
whose philosophical judgments upon God and His
relation to the world they placed above Holy Writ,
or at least they strained and subtilized the Biblical
verses until they expressed a philosophical idea,
and thus they became at once believers and scep-
tics. Jehuda Kalevi alone had the courage to
point out the limits set by nature to human thought,
and to proclaim, " Thus far shalt thou go, and no
further." Philosophy has no right to attack well-
accredited facts, but must accept them as undeniable
truths ; it must start with them for bases, bringing
to bear its power of co-ordinating the facts and illu-
minating them by the aid of reason. Just as in the
realm of nature the intellect dare not deny actual
phenomena when they present themselves, however
striking and contrary to reason they may appear,
but must strive to comprehend them, so must it act
when touching on the question of the knowledge of
God. This "excellent and irrefutable idea, which of
late years, after many wanderings in the labyrinth
of philosophy, has at length discovered a way for
itself, was first enunciated by Jehuda Halevi. In a
poem, which is as beautiful as its matter is true, he
thus expresses his opinion of the Greek spirit which
studious disciples of philosophy so eagerly affected :

" Do not be enticed by the wisdom of the Greeks,
Which only bears fair blossoms, but no fruit.
What is its essence ? That God created not the world,
Which, ever from the first, was enshrouded in myths.
If to its words you lend a ready ear, you
Return with chattering mouth, heart void, unsatisfied."

Judaism cannot, according to this system, be as-
sailed by philosophy at all, because it stands on a
firm basis, which the thinker must respect, the basis
of historical facts. The Jewish religion entered the
world not gradually, little by little, but suddenly,

332 HISTORV OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

like something newly created. It was revealed to
a vast multitude — to millions of men — who had
sufficient means of inquiring and investigating
whether they were deceived by some trickery.
Moreover, all the miracles that preceded the reve-
lation on Sinai, and continued to occur during the
wandering in the desert, took place in the presence
of many people. Not only on one occasion, the
beginning of Israel's nationality, was the evident
interference of God manifested, but it revealed
itself often, in the course of five hundred years, in
the outpouring of the spirit of prophecy upon certain
individuals and classes. By virtue of this character,
of the confirmed authenticity of these facts, Judaism
is invested with a certainty greater than that estab-
lished by philosophy. The existence of God is
demonstrated more powerfully by the revelation of
Sinai than by the conclusions of the intellect. Je-
huda Halevi believed that he had not only cut
away the ground from beneath the philosophical
views of his time, but that he had also undermined
the foundations both of Christianity an'd Islam, and
laid down the criterion by which the true could be
distinguished from the false religion. Judaism does
not feed its adherents with the hope of a future
world full of bliss, but grants them here on earth
a glimpse of the heavenly kingdom, and raises,
through an enduring chain of indisputable facts, the
hope of the immortality of the soul to the plane of
absolute certainty.

Whilst thus giving the general principles of
Judaism, he had so far not justified it in all its
details. In order to do this, Jehuda Halevi pro-
pounded a view which is certainly original and in-
genious. The truth of the creation, as related in
the Torah, being pre-supposed, he starts from the
fact that x\dam was in soul and body completely
perfect when he came from the hand of the Creator,
without any disturbing ancestral influences, and the

CH. XI. god's people and god's land. 333

ideal, after which man should strive, was set forth
in all its purity. All truths which are accessible to
the human soul might have been known to Adam
without any wearisome study, by his innate con-
sciousness, and he possessed, so to speak, a pro-
phetic nature, and was therefore called the son of
God. This perfection, this spiritual and moral
endowment, he bequeathed to those of his descend-
ants who, by virtue of their spiritual fitness, were
capable of receiving it. Through a long chain of
ancestors, with some slight interruptions, this innate
virtue passed to Abraham, the founder of the family
of the Israelites, and thence to the ancestors of the
twelve tribes. The people of Israel thus forms the
heart and kernel of the human race, and through
divine grace, and especially through the gift of
prophecy, it was peculiarly fitted for this position.
This ideal nature elevates the possessor ; it may be
said to constitute the intermediate step between
man and the angels. In order to attain and pre-
serve this divine gift, it is necessary to have some
place which, by reason of the circumstances of the
climate, is of help in promoting a higher spiritual
life. For this purpose God selected the land of
Canaan. Like Israel, so the Holy Land was
specially dhosen ; it was selected because it lies at
the center of the earth. There the rule of God was
made manifest by the rise of prophets and by ex-
traordinary blessings and curses, which were super-
natural. The precepts and prohibitions which
Judaism ordains are means whereby the divinely
prophetic nature in the Israelite nation may be
nurtured and preserved. To this end the priests
of the house of Aaron were appointed, the Temple
erected, the sacrificial laws and the whole code
established. God alone, from whom all these laws
emanated, knows in how far they aid in furthering
this great aim. Human wisdom durst not find fault
with or change them, because the most unimportant

334 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

alteration might easily cause the grand end to be
lost sight of, even as nature brings forth varied pro-
ductions by slight changes of the soil and climate.
The duties of morality, or the laws of reason, do
not constitute the peculiarity of Judaism, as many
imagine. These are rather the bases on which the
commonwealth was established, as even a robber
band cannot dispense with justice and fairness if it
wishes to hold together. The religious duties are
the true essentials of Judaism, and are intended to
preserve in the people of Israel divine light and
grace and permanent prophetic inspiration.

Though the exact significance of the religious
laws is rightly withheld from human understanding,
the wisdom of their originator is yet reflected in
them. Judaism involves neither the life of a hermit
nor ascetic mortification ; and, the opponent of
brooding melancholy, it desires to see in its fol-
lowers a joyful disposition. It indicates the limits
of the soul's activity and the promptings of the
heart, and thus maintains the individual and com-
munal life of the nation in harmonious equipoise.
A man deserving to be called pious from a Jewish
point of view, does not flee from the world, nor
despise life, and desire death in order more quickly
to obtain eternal life ; he does not deny himself the
pleasures of life, but is an upright guardian of his
own territory, that is, of his body and soul. He
assigns to all the faculties of the body and the soul
what is due to each, protects them against want
and superfluity, thereby making them docile, and
employs them as willing instruments, enabling him
to rise to the higher life which emanates directly
from the Deity.

After Jehuda Halevi had discovered the great
value of religious deeds, it was an easy task for him
to prove the superiority of Talmudical Judaism over
Karaism, and also to invest it with more resplendent
virtues than those distinguishing Islam and Chris-

CH. XI. ISRAEL THE HEART OF THE NATIONS. 335

tianity. The condition of slavery into which Israel
had fallen, whilst scattered among the nations of
the earth, is, according to the view of the poet-
philosopher, no evidence of its decay, nor a reason
for abandoning hope. In the same manner, the
teiflporal power, on which Christians and Moslems
equally pride themselves, is no proof of the divinity
of their doctrines. Poverty and misery, despised
in the eyes of man, are of higher merit with God
than inflated pride and greatness. The Christians
themselves are not so proud of their mighty princes
as of humble men, such as Jesus, who commanded
that " whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek,
turn to him the other also," and of their apostles
who suffered the martyrdom of humiliation and con-
tumely. The Moslems also take pride in the fol-
lowers of their Prophet, who endured much sufifering
on his account. The greatest sufferer, however, is
Israel, since he is among men what the heart is in
the human organism. Just as the heart sympa-
thetically suffers with every part of the body, so
the Jewish nation suffers most keenly for every
wrongdoing among the nations, whether consciously
or unconsciously perpetrated. The words which
the great prophet represents the nations of the
world as saying apply to Israel : " He hath borne
our griefs, and carried our sorrows." The Jewish
people, in spite of the unspeakable agonies it has
gone through, has not perished ; it may be likened
to a person who is dangerously ill, whom the skill
of the physician has entirely given up, but who
expects to be saved by some miracle. The picture
of the scattered, lifeless bones, which at the word
of the prophet unite, are clothed with flesh and
skin, have new breath breathed into them, and
again stand erect, also applies to Israel ; it is a
complete description of Israel in its despoiled and
low condition. The dispersion of Israel is a miracu-
lous, divine plan, devised to impart to the nations of

336 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

the earth the spirit with which Israel is endowed.
The race of Israel resembles a grain of seed which,
placed in the ground, apparently rots away, and
appears to have been absorbed into the elements
of its surroundings. But when it buds and blos-
soms forth, it again assumes its original nature, and
throws off the disfiguring husk which envelops it,
and finally displays its own vital force according to
its kind, till it, step by step, attains its highest de-
velopment. As soon as mankind, prepared for it
by Christianity and Islam, recognizes the true im-
portance of the Jewish nation as the bearer of the
divine light, it will also pay due honor to the root,
hitherto looked upon with contempt. All mankind
will adhere to Israel, and having developed into
glorious fruit, will finally enter the Messianic king-
dom, which is the true fruit of the tree.

Certainly the exalted significance of Judaism and
the people that confess it was never more elo-
quently preached. Thought and feelings, philoso-
phy and poetry, all combined in this original system
of Jehuda of Castile, in order to set up a sublime
ideal, the point of union between heaven and earth.

Abulhassan Jehuda did not belong to that class
of men who form noble conceptions, and lead a con-
temptible Hfe. In him thought and deed were iden-
tical. As soon as he had come to the conclusion
that the Hebrew language and the land of Canaan
possessed a peculiarly divine character, that they
were consecrated means for a holy purpose, this
conviction governed his conduct. The treasures
of his poetical genius were left uncultivated for a
long time, because he considered it a profanation
to employ the Hebrew language in imitating the
Arabic measures. The philosopher-poet was firmly
convinced, moreover, that the Holy Land bore
traces of the divine grace. His poetic soul was
filled with the spiritual glory of Palestine. From
the decayed splendor of its desolate condition there

CH. XI. LONGING FOR ZION. 337

Still breathed a higher inspiration. The bitterest
pangs of sorrow penetrated his heart at the thought
of the sacred ruins. For him the gates of heaven
were to be found now as ever at the doors of Jeru-
salem, and thence poured forth that divine grace
which enabled the appreciative mind to attain to
happiness and a higher state of repose. Thither
would he go, there live according to the dictates of
his innermost heart, and there would he be ani-
mated by the divine breath. When he began his
work on the philosophy of religion, he spoke in
mournful tones of the fact that he, like many others,
was so insensible to the merits of the Holy Land,
that, whilst with his lips he expressed a longing for
it, he never attempted to realize this desire. The
more, however, he meditated upon the importance
of the Holy Land as a place where the divine gift '
of grace could be obtained, the stronger his deter-
mination grew to journey thither and there spend
his last days.

This irresistible impulse towards Zion, the fav-
ored city, gave birth to a series of deeply impas-
sioned songs, which are as full of true feeling as
they are beautiful in form. The songs of Zion,
composed by Jehuda Halevi, represent the most
excellent fruits of neo- Hebraic poetry, and they
may well be compared with the Psalms :

"O city of the world, with sacred splendor blest,
My spirit yearns to thee from out the far-off West ;
Had I an eagle's wings, straight would I fly to thee,
Moisten thy holy dust with wet cheeks streaming free."'

" In the East, in the East, is my heart, and I dwell at the end of

the West ;
How shall I join in your feasting, how shall I share in your jest,
How shall my offerings be paid, my vows with performance be

crowned.
While Zion- pineth in Edom's bonds, and I am put in the Arab's

bound !
All the beauties and treasures of Spain are worthless as dust, in

mine eyes ;
But the dust of the Lord's ruined house, as a treasure of beauty I

prize."

' Translation by Emma Lazarus. — [Ed.]

338 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

This is the keynote of all the songs of Zion.
But in how many and in what various ways does
the poet skilfully manipulate his subject ! What a
wealth of sentiments, images and devices does he
develop ! The ancient days of Israel are idealized
in his verses ; the people of his own age at one
time appear invested with the thorny crown of a
thousand sufferings, and at another with the glitter-
ing diadem of a glorious hope. The contents of
his lyrics unwittingly penetrate into the soul of the
reader, and hurry him to and fro, from pain and
woe to hope and rejoicing, and for a long time the
deep impression remains, intermingled with feelings
of enthusiasm and conviction.

The bard, who was thus inspired by the cause
of his nation, busied himself in communicating to
his brethren this deep longing for Jerusalem, and
in arousing them to arrange some plan of return.
One poem, in elevated and lovely strains, encour-
aged the people, "The Distant Dove," to leave the
fields of Edom and Arab (Christendom and Ma-
hometan countries), and to seek its native nest in
Zion. But no answering echo was awakened. It
was a sublime, ideal conception that enabled the
pious poet-philosopher even to dream of so daring
a flight.

The soul of Jehuda Halevi was drawn by invisible
cords to Israel's ancient home, and he could not
detach it from them. When he had concluded
his immortal work, the dialogue of the Chozari
(about 1 141), he entertained serious thoughts of
starting on his holy journey. He made no slight
sacrifices to this remarkable, if somewhat adven-
turous, resolve. He exchanged a peaceful, com-
fortable life for one of disquietude and uncertainty,
and left behind his only daughter and his'grandsoni
whom he loved most dearly. He gave up his
college which he had established in Toledo, and
parted from a circle of disciples whom he loved as

CH. XI. THE SEA-VOYAGE. 339

sons, and who in tprn revered him as a father.
He bade farew^ell to his numerous friends, who,
without envy, praised him as a distinguished scholar.
All this in his estimation was of little value in com-
parison with his love of God and the Holy Land.
He desired to bring his heart as an offering to the
sacred place, and to find his grave in sanctified
earth.

Provided with ample means, Jehuda Halevi started
on his journey, and his passage through Spain re-
sembled a triumph. His numerous admirers in the
towns through which he passed outvied each other
in attentions to him. With a few faithful com-
panions he took passage on board a vessel bound
for Egypt. Confined in the narrow wooden cabins,
where there was no room either to sit or to lie
down, a mark for the coarse jests of the rough
mariners, sea-sick and in weak health, his soul yet
lost none of its power to elevate itself into a
brighter sphere. His ideals were his most trusty
companions. The storm which tossed the ships
about on the waves like a plaything, when "be-
tween him and death there intervened only a
board," unlocked the store of song within his
breast. Of the sea he sang songs which for faith-
fulness of description and depth of feeling have few
equals :

" The billows rage — exult, oh soul of mine,
Soon shalt thou enter the Lord's sacred shrine ! "'

Delayed by adverse winds, the ship arrived at
Alexandria at the time of the Feast of Tabernacles
(September), and Jehuda betook himself to his
co-religionists, with the firm determination to spend
but a short time with them, and never to forget the
aim of his journey. But as soon as his name be-
came known, all hearts were drawn towards him.
The most distinguished man of the Alexandrian

'Translation by Emma Lazarus. — [Ed.]

340 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

Gongregation, the physician and rabbi Aaron Ben-
Zion Ibn-Alamani, who was blessed with prosperity
and children, and was himself a liturgical poet,
hastened to receive him as a noble guest, showed
him the highest honor, and placed his hospitable
mansion at the disposal of Halevi and his comrades.
Under the careful treatment of cordial friends, he
recovered from the effects of his sea-voyage, and
expressed his gratitude in beautiful Hebrew verses.
The family of Ibn-Alamani were so urgent in their
desire to keep him with them, that in spite of his
great longing for Jerusalem, he remained for nearly
three months at Alexandria, till the Feast of Dedi-
cation. He tore himself away by force from such
dear friends, and meant to go to the port of Dami-
etta, where dwelt one of his best friends, Abu Said
ben Chalfon Halevi, whose acquaintance he had
made in Spain. He was, however, compelled to
alter the course of his journey, for the Jewish prince
Abu Mansur Samuel ben Chananya, who held a
high post at the court of the Egyptian Caliph, sent
him a pressing letter of invitation.

Abu Mansur, who dwelt in the palace of the
Caliph, appears to have been the head of the Jewish
congregations in Egypt, bearing the title of Prince
(Nagid). Jehuda Halevi was the less able to de-
cline this flattering invitation, as it was important
for him to obtain from the Jewish prince, whose
fame was wide-spread, letters of recommendation,
facilitating the continuance of his pilgrimage to
Palestine. Abu Mansur's hint that he was willing
to aid him with large supplies of money, he deli-
cately put aside in a letter, saying, that " God had
blessed him so munificently with benefits that he
had brought much with him from home, and had
still left plenty behind." Soon after, he traveled to
Cairo in a Nile boat. The wonderful river awoke
in him memories of the Jewish past, and reminded
him of his vow. He immortalized his reminiscences

CH. XI. PALESTINE UNDER CHRISTIAN RULE. 34I

in two beautiful poems. He was warmly received
by the Prince Abu Mansur in Cairo, and basked in
the sunshine of his splendor, and sang of his liber-
ality, renown, and of his three noble sons. He
made but a brief stay in Cairo, and hastened to the
port of Damietta, which he reached on the Fast of
Tebeth (December, about 1141, 1142). Here he
was well received by many friends, and especially
by his old friend Abu Said Chalfon Halevi, a man
of great distinction. He dedicated some beautiful
poems of thanks to him and his other friends.
These friends also attempted to dissuade him from
proceeding to Palestine ; they pictured to him the
dangers which he would encounter, and reminded
him that memories of the Divine grace in the
early days of the history of the Jews were connected
also with Egypt. He, however, replied, " In Egypt
Providence manifested itself as if in haste, but it
took up a permanent residence for the first time
in the Holy Land." At length he parted from his
friends and admirers, determined to carry his pro-
ject into effect. It is not known at what place he
next stopped.

In Palestine, at this time. Christian kings and
princes, the kinsmen of the hero Godfrey of
Bouillon, were the rulers, and these permitted the
Jews again to dwell in the Holy Land, and in the
capital, which had now become Christian. The
country, at the time of Jehuda's pilgrimage, was
undisturbed by war ; for the Christians who had
settled in Palestine a generation ago, the effeminate
Pullani, loved peace, and purchased it at any price
from their enemies, the Mahometan emirs. The
Jews were also in favor at the petty courts of the
Christian princes of Palestine, and a Christian
bishop complained that owing to the influence of
their wives, the princes placed greater confidence in
Jewish, Samaritan, and Saracen physicians than in
Latin (that is. Christian) ones. Probably the reason
was because the latter were quacks.

342 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

Jehuda HalevI appears to have reached the goal
of his desire, and to have visited Jerusalern, but
only for a short time. The Christian inhabitants
of the Holy City seem to have been very hostile to
him, and to have inspired him with disgust for life
in the capital. It is to this, probably, that his
earnest, religious poem refers, in the middle verses
of which he laments as follows :

" To see Thy glory long mine eye had yearned ;
But when at last I sought Thy Holy Place,
As though I were a thing unclean and base,
Back from Thy threshold was I rudely spurned.

The burden of my folk I, too, must bear,

And meekly bow beneath oppression's rod,

Because I will not worship a false god.

Nor, save to Thee, stretch forth my hands in prayer.''

The closing adventures of his life, beyond the fact
that he was at Tyre and at Damascus, are not known.
The Jewish community at Tyre rendered great
honor to him, and the memory of this treatment was
impressed on his grateful heart. In a poem to his
Tyrian friend he grieves over his faded hopes, his
misspent youth, and his present wretchedness, in
verses which cannot be read without stirring up
emotions at the despondency of this valorous sol-
dier. In Damascus he sang his swan-song, the
glorious song of Zion, which, like the Psalms of
Asaph, awake a longing for Jerusalem. The year
of his death and the site of his grave are both un-
known, A legend has it that a Mahometan horse-
man rode over him as he was chanting his mournful
Lay of Zion. Thus reads a short epitaph which an
unknown admirer wrote for him :

" Honor, Faith, and Gentleness, whither have ye flown ?
Vainly do I seek' you ; Learning, too, is gone !
• Hither are we gathered,' they reply as one,
' Here we rest with Judah." "

This, however, does not convey the smallest portion
of what this ethereal and yet powerful character

CH. XI. PROSPERITY OF THE FRENCH JEWS. 343

was. Jehuda Halevi was the spiritualized image
of the race of Israel, conscious of itself, seeking to
display itself, in its past and in its future, in an in-
tellectual and artistic form.

In Spain Jewish culture had arrived at its zenith,
and had reached its highest perfection in the great-
est of the neo-Hebraic poets. In France the be-
ginnings of culture now became manifest. The reigns
of the two kings of the house of Capet, Louis VI
and VII ( 1 108-1 180), were as favorable to the Jews as
that of Louis the Pious. The congregations in the
north of France lived in the comfort and prosperity
that arouses envy, their granaries were filled with
corn, their cellars with wine, their warehouses with
merchandise, and their coffers with gold and silver.
They owned houses and fields and vineyards,
cultivated either by themselves or by Christian
servants. It is said that half of Paris, which at that
time was not yet a city of very great importance,
belonged to Jews. The Jewish congregations were
recognized as independent corporations, and had
their own mayor, with the title of Provost (praeposi-
tus), who was invested with authority to guard the
interests of his people, and to arrest Christian
debtors and compel them to pay their Jewish credi-
tors. The Jewish provost was chosen by the com-
munity, and his election was ratified by the king or
the baron to whom the town was tributary ; Jews
frequented the court, and held office. Jacob Tam,
the greatest rabbinical authority of this time, was
highly respected by the king. Jewish theologians
freely disputed with the clergy upon religious ques-
tions, and openly expressed their honest opinions
about the Trinity, the Virgin Mary, the worship of
saints, about auricular confession and the miracle-
working powers of relics.

Under these favorable circumstances of unre-
stricted tolerance, the Jewish sages of the north of
France were able to follow in the path which Rashi

344 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

had marked out for them. To understand and ex-
plain the Talmud in its entirety became a passion
with the French Jews. Death had snatched away
the commentator on the Talmud in the midst of his
labors at Troyes ; his pupils exerted themselves to
complete whatever had been left unfinished by him.
He had bequeathed to his school a spirit of inde-
fatigable research and close inquiry, of acute dialec-
tics, and the art of fine discrimination, and they
richly increased their inheritance. The correct and
precise understanding of the Talmud was so sacred
a matter to the pupils of Rashi, that they did not
hesitate to subject the interpretations of their
master to a' severe critical revision. But, on the
other hand, their veneration for him was so great
that they did not venture to offer their opinions inde-
pendently, but attached them to the commentaries
of Rashi as " Supplements" (Tossafoth). From this
circumstance they were called the Tossafists. They
supplied the omissions of Rashi, and also emended
and expanded the explanations given by him. The
chief characteristic of the method of the Tossafists
is their independence of the authorities, they sub-
jected all opinions to the scrutiny of their own
reason. Their profound scholarship and great
erudition comprehended the immense Talmudic
literature and its maze of learned discussions and
arguments with clearness and precision. Their
penetrating intellect displayed remarkable ingenuity
in resolving every argument and every idea into its
original elements, distinguishing thoughts that ap-
peared to be similar, and reconciling such as seemed
to conflict. It is almost impossible to convey to the
mind of the uninitiated any satisfactory notion of the
critical acumen of the Tossafists. They solved the
most difficult logical problems with the greatest ease,
as if they were the simple examples set to children.
The unyielding material of the Talmud became
quite malleable under their hands, and they fash-

CII. XI. THE TOSSAFISTS. 345

ioned surprising Halachic (legal) shapes and sub-
stances. For the circumstances of modern times
they found numerous analogies on record, which a
superficial examination would never have dis-
covered.

The circle of the earliest Tossafists was composed
chiefly of the relatives of Rashi, viz. : his two sons-
in-law, Meir ben Samuel of Rameru, a small town
near Troyes, and Jehuda ben Nathan (Riban) ;
later, his three grandsons, Isaac, Samuel and Jacob
Tam, the sons of Meir ; and finally a German,
Isaac ben Asher Halevi (Riba) of Speyer, also con-
nected with the family of Rashi.

The school of the Tossafists divided the study of
the Talmud into two branches : theoretical discus-
sion leading to a thorough comprehension of the
text of the Talmud (Chiddushim), and practical ap-
plication of the results of such study in the civil
laws, in the laws of marriage, and in the religious
ritual (Pesakim, Responsa). This ingenious method
revealed new legal ordinances.

The study of the Talmud fully occupied the in-
tellectual powers of the Jews of the north of France
and the Rhine, and prevented the cultivation of
other studies. Poetry did not thrive in a region
where logic wielded the scepter, and where the
imagination was brought into play only in order to
invent new complications and hypothetical cases.
The interpretation of Scripture was also treated in
a Talmudical manner. Most of the Tossafists were
Bible exegetes, but they did not pay much attention
to the exact meaning of the text, studying it by
means of Agadic interpretations. Tossafoth were
written to elucidate the Pentateuch as well as the
Talmud. Only two men can be recorded as famous
exceptions, who returned from exegesis according
to the Agadic method (Derush) to the strict and
rational elucidation of the text (Peshat) ; these are
Joseph Kara and Samuel ben Meir (about iioo-

34^ HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XI.

1 1 60). Both of these have the greater importance,
since they were in opposition to their fathers, who
adhered to the Midrashic system of interpretation.
Joseph Kara was the son of Simon Kara, a compiler
of Agadic pieces, the author of the Yalkut; and
Samuel ben Meir had been taught by his grand-
father Rashi to pay great respect to the Agada.
Both of them forsook the old way, and sought an
explanation of the text in strict accordance with
rules of grammar. Samuel, who completed Rashi's
commentary to Job and to some of the treatises of
the Talmud, had so thoroughly convinced his grand-
father of the correctness of rational exegesis, that
he had declared that if strength were granted him,
he would alter his commentary to the Pentateuch
in accordance with other exegetical' principles.
Samuel, called Rashbam, wrote, in this temperate
style, a commentary to the- Pentateuch and the
Five Megilloth ; and Joseph Kara wrote commenta-
ries on the books of the Prophets and the Hagio-
grapha. Samuel ben Meir, in his interpretation of
Holy Writ, sought for the sense and the connection
of the text, and did not shrink from explanations at
variance with the Talmud, or in harmony with the
views of the Karaites.

CHAPTER XII.

PERSECUTIONS DURING THE SECOND CRUSADE AND UNDER
THE ALMOHADES.

Condition of the Jews in France — The Second Crusade — Peter the
Venerable and the Monk Rudolph — Bernard of Clairvaux and
the Emperor Conrad — Protectors of the Jews — Persecutions
under the Almohades — Abdulmumen and his Edict — The Prince
Jehuda Ibn-Ezra — The Karaites in Spain — Jehuda Hadassi — The
historian Abraham Ibn-Daud and his Philosophy — Abraham
Ibn-Ezra — Rabbenu Tam.

1 143 — 1 1 70 c. E.

When the greatest neo-Hebraic poet complained,
" Have we a home in the West or in the East ?" his
sensitive heart was probably filled with foreboding
concerning the insecurity of his co-religionists.
Only too soon was the Jewish race to realize the
awful truth that it possessed no home on earth, and
that it was only tolerated in the lands of its exile.
As long as the intolerant religious principles of the
Church and of the Mosque remained inoperative,
either by reason of the indifference, or the inertia,
or the selfish pursuits of their adherents, the Jews
lived in comparative happiness ; but when religious
hatred was aroused, torture and martyrdom fell
upon Israel, and again he was compelled to grasp
the wanderer's staff, and with bleeding heart depart
from his dearly beloved home. Although the Jews
in general, and especially their leaders, the rabbis
and sages, were, as a rule, superior to the Christian
and Mahometan peoples in devotion to God, in
morality, in refinement and knowledge, yet those to
whom the earth belonged imagined themselves on
a higher level, and with lordly haughtiness looked
down upon the Jews as common slaves. In Chris-
347

348 HISTORY OF THE JEWS- CH. XII.

tian countries they were declared outlaws, because
they would not believe in the Son of God and many
other things ; and in a Mahometan realm they were
persecuted because they would not acknowledge
Mahomet as the prophet. In one land they were
expected to do violence to their reason and to
accept fables as sober truths, and in another_ they
were asked to renounce their faith and take in its
stead dry formulae, tinged with philosophy. Both
held out the cheerless choice between death and
the renunciation of their ancient religion. The
French and the Germans rivaled the savage Moors
in the energy with which they strove to enfeeble
still more the weakest of the peoples. On the
banks of the Seine, the Rhine and the Danube, on
the shores of Africa and in the south of Spain,
there arose simultaneously, as though preconcerted,
bloody persecutions against the Jews, in the name
of religion, despite the fact that all that was good and
divine in the oppressors' creeds owed its origin to
this people. Hitherto persecutions of the Jews had
been few and far between ; but from the year 1 146
they became more frequent, more severe, and more
persistent. It seemed as if the age in which the
light of intelligence had begun to dawn upon man-
kind desired to exceed in inhumanity the epochs of
darkest barbarism. This period of suffering im-
printed on the features of the Jewish race that air
of suffering, that martyr's look, which even the
present age of freedom has not effaced. " The
meaning of the prophet," said Ibn-Ezra, " when he
cries, ' He was oppressed, and he was afflicted, yet
he opened not his mouth,' requires no commentary,
for every Jew in exile illustrates it. When he is
afflicted he does not open his mouth to protest that
he is more righteous than his tormentor. He keeps
his look directed only towards God, and neither
prince nor noble assists him in his distress."

CH. XII. THE SECOND CRUSADE. 349

The persecutions that spread simultaneously over
Europe and Africa had their sources in catastro-
phes that occurred in Asia and Africa. Whilst the
Christian knights in the new kingdom of Jerusalem
and in the neighboring princedoms were sinking
into inactivity, the Turkish warrior, Nureddin, who
had determined to drive the Christians from Asia,
began his attacks upon them. The important city
of Edessa fell into his hands, and the crusaders,
now at their wits' end, were compelled to implore
help from Europe. The second crusade was now
preached in France and Germany, and bloodthirsty
fanaticism was again aroused against the Jews.

King Louis VII of France, conscience-stricken,
took the cross, and with him went the young and
frivolous Queen Eleonora, together with the dames
of the court, who transformed the camp of the
warriors of God into a court of gallantry. The
Abbot Bernard of Clairvaux, a truly pious man, of
apostolic simplicity of heart, and renowned for his
powerful eloquence, energetically exhorted Chris-
tians to take part in this crusade, and owing to his
influence the troops of pilgrims marching against
the infidels increased day by day. This time it was
Pope Eugenius III who turned the attention of the
crusaders towards the Jews. He issued a bull
announcing that all those who joined in the holy
war were absolved from the payment of interest
on debts owing to Jews. This was an inducement
for the numerous debtors of the Jews to participate
in the crusade, and was in reality only a veiled per-
mission to repudiate their indebtedness to the Jews.
The Abbot Bernard, who at other times disdained
to employ unholy means to compass a holy end, was
obliged, at the command of the Pope, to preach this
repudiation of debts. Another abbot, Peter the
Venerable, of Clugny, desired to push the matter
still further. He roused King Louis and the army
of the crusaders directly against the Jews. He

3SO HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

heaped charges upon them, exaggerating their
offenses so as to incite the prejudiced monarch to
persecute or at least plunder them. In a letter to
Louis VII he repeated the sophistries and false-
hoods which the marauding mobs of the first crusade
had invented in order to palliate their plundering
of the Jews in the name of religion.

" Of what use is it," wrote Peter of Clugny, " to
go forth to seek the enemies of Christendom in
distant lands, if the blasphemous Jews, who are
much worse than the Saracens, are permitted in our
very midst to scoff with impunity at Christ and the
sacrament ! The Saracen at least believes as we do
that Christ was born of a virgin, and yet he is exe-
crable, since he denies the incarnation. How much
more these Jews who disbelieve everything, and mock
at everything ! Yet I do not require you to put to
death these accursed beings, because it is written,
' Do not slay them.' God does not wish to annihi-
late them, but like Cain, the fratricide, they must
be made to suffer fearful torments, and be pre-
served for greater ignominy, for an existence more
bitter than death. They are dependent, miserable
and terror-stricken, and must remain in that state
until they are converted to the Saviour. You ought
not to kill them, but to afflict them in a manner
befitting their baseness." The holy man besought
the king to deprive the Jews either altogether or
in part of their possessions, since the crusading
army, which was marching against the Saracens, did
not spare its own property and lands, and certainly
should not spare the ill-gotten treasures of the Jews.
Only their bare life should be left to them, but their
money forfeited, for the audacity of the Saracens
would be more easily subdued if the hands of the
Christians were strengthened by the wealth of the
blasphemous Jews. This method of reasoning is
certainly consistent ; it is the logic of the Middle
Ages. King Louis, though well-disposed towards

CH. XII. THE CRUSADERS IN GERMANY. 35 1

the Jews, could not do less in obedience to the
papal bull than allow the crusaders to absolve
themselves from their Jewish debts. For the
moment the persecution limited itself to the plun-
dering of the rich Jews, who were reduced to the
state of their poorer brethren. The friendly mon-
arch and his wise ministers, together with the
Abbot Suger, and especially the pious Bernard,
who knew how to control men's minds, would not
permit a universal bloody persecution.

Affairs took a different course in Germany, and
particularly in the cities along the Rhine, whose
congregations had scarcely recovered from the
wounds of the first crusade. Emperor Conrad III
was powerless ; the citizens who had as a rule
taken the part of the Jews during the first crusade,
and had afforded them protection, were now, at the
beginning of the second crusade, prejudiced against
them. A French monk, named Rudolph, left his
monastery without the permission of his superior,
and his fiery eloquence kindled the fanaticism of
the German people against the Jews. He believed
that he was accomplishing a holy work in securing
the conversion or annihilation of the infidels. From
town to town, from village to village, Rudolph
traveled preaching the crusade, and he inserted in
his addresses an exhortation that the crusade
should begin with the Jews. Matters would have
been much worse for the German Jews on this occa-
sion, had not Emperor Conrad, who at first felt
an antipathy to the extravagant feeling engendered
by the crusade, looked after their safety. In the
lands which were his by inheritance, he set aside
the city of Nuremburg and certain other fortresses
as cities of refuge for them, where the hand of the
infuriated crusaders could not reach them. He had
no jurisdiction over the territories of the princes
and prelates, but he appears to have urged them
all to extend their powerful protection to the Jews.

352 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIl.

But the word of the emperor had but little weight.
In August, 1 1 46, were sacrificed the first victims of
the persecution stirred up by Rudolph. Simon the
Pious, of Treves, whilst on his way home from Eng-
land, tarried in Cologne. He was seized by the
crusaders as he was about to go on board a ship,
and refusing to be baptized, he was murdered and
his body mutilated. Also a woman named Minna,
of Speyer, who had suffered the terrible tortures of
the rack, remained steadfast to her faith. These
occurrences prompted the Jews dwelling by the
Rhine to look round for protection. They paid
immense sums to the princes, to be permitted to
live in the fortresses and castles for safety. The
Cardinal Bishop Arnold of Cologne gave them
the castle of Wolkenburg, near Konigswinter, and
allowed them to defend themselves with arms.
Wolkenburg became a refuge for many of the con-
gregations of the district. As long as the Jews
remained in their places of refuge they were safe ;
but as soon as they ventured forth, the Christian
pilgrims, who lay in ambush for them, dragged them
away to be baptized, killing those that resisted, after
subjecting them to inhuman treatment. The pre-
lates of the Rhine were, however, disgusted with
the preaching of the crusade as carried on by the
monk Rudolph, nor did they approve of the mas-
sacres of the Jews, particularly as these gave rise to
dissensions and feuds, and Rudolph even embol-
dened the populace to disobey the bishops. The
Archbishop of Mayence, Henry I, who was at the
same time chancellor and prime minister to the
emperor, had admitted into his house some of the
Jews who were pursued by the mob. The riotous
crowd forced its way in, and murdered them before
his very eyes. The archbishop then addressed
himself to the most distinguished representative
of Christianity of that time, Bernard of Clairvaux,
who had more power than the Pope. He depicted

CH. XII. BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX. 353

to him the outrages that Rudolph had fomented in
the Rhine country, and prayed him to exercise his
authority. Bernard, who strongly disapproved of
the doings of Rudolph, willingly gave the arch-
bishop his support. He despatched a letter to the
Archbishop of Mayence, intended to be' read in
public. In this letter he energetically condemned
the agitator ; he called Rudolph an outlawed son
of the Church, who had fled from his cloister,
had been faithless to the rules of his order, ma-
ligned the bishops, and who, in opposition to the
principles of the Church, preached to simple-minded
Christians, murder and massacre of the Jews. The
Jews ought, on the contrary, to be carefully spared.
The Church hoped that at a certain time they
would be converted eit masse, and a prayer for that
especial purpose had been instituted for Good
Friday. Could the hope of the Church be fulfilled
if the Jews were altogether annihilated ? Bernard
sent another letter written in the same spirit to the
clergy and people of France and Bavaria, wherein
he expressly admonished them to spare the Jews.

But the letters of Bernard made no impression
upon Rudolph and the misguided mob ; they were
bent upon the complete destruction of the Jews,
and on all sides lay in wait for them. The Abbot
of Clairvaux accordingly found it necessary to pro-
test in person against the slaughter of the Jews.
When at about this time he made a journey into
Germany in order to induce Emperor Conrad to
take part in the crusade, he tarried in the towns
on the Rhine in order to counteract the fiendish
plans of Rudolph. He addressed him in very
severe terms, and prevailed on him to desist from
preaching the massacre of the Jews, and to return
to his monastery. The deluded people murmured
against the actions of Bernard, and had he not been
protected by his sacred calling, they would have
attacked him. Rudolph disappeared from the

354 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

scene, but the poisonous seeds scattered abroad by
him worked the destruction of the Jews. As the
bulk of the people became inflamed by the sermons
of Bernard on behalf of the crusade, its fury against
the Jews increased. The people were more con-
sistent than the saint of Clairvaux and the bishops,
and their logic could not be shaken. They said,
" If it is a godly deed to slay unbelieving Turks, it
surely cannot be a sin to massacre unbelieving
Jews." At about this time the lacerated limbs of a
Christian were discovered at Wiirzburg, _ and the
crusaders who were assembled there believed, or
pretended to believe that the Jews had butchered
the man. They took this pretext to attack the
congregation at Wiirzburg. The Jews of this city
were under the protection of Bishop Embicho, and
dwelt in tranquillity in the city, not deeming it
necessary to seek a place of refuge. The terror
wliich seized them was therefore the greater, when
they were suddenly attacked by a crowd of cru-
saders (22 Adar, 24 Feb., 1 147). More than twenty
met martyrs' deaths, among them the distinguished
and gentle Rabbi Isaac ben Eliakim, who was slain
whilst reading a holy book. Some were cruelly
maltreated, and left as dead, but were afterwards
restored to life, and carefully tended by compas-
sionate Christians. The humane Bishop of Wiirz-
burg assigned a burial-place in his own garden for
the bodies of the martyrs, and sent the survivors
into a castle near Wiirzburg. The lot of the Ger-
man Jews became still more lamentable when the
emperor Conrad with his knights and army joined
the crusading expedition, and the mobs who were
left behind, unchecked by the presence of the em-
peror, were at liberty to commit fearful outrages
(May, II 47).

The savage spirit of murder in the name of piety
was rapidly communicated from Germany to France,
on the assembling of the crusaders in the spring.

CH. XII. THE CRUSADERS IN FRANCE. 355

In Carenton (Department de la Manche) there was
a determined battle between the Christian pilgrims
and the Jews. The latter had gathered in a house,
and defended themselves against invasion. Two
brothers, with the true courage of Frenchmen,
fought like heroes, dealing wounds right and left,
and slew many crusaders, until their foes, infuriated
by the loss of so many men, found an entrance into
the court, attacked the Jews in the rear, and massa-
cred them all. Among the martyrs of this time in
France was a young scholar named Peter, a pupil
of Samuel ben Meir and Tarn, who, in spite of his
youth, had already distinguished himself among the
Tossafists. At no great distance from the monas-
tery of Clairvaux, under the eyes of the Abbot
Bernard, the savage bands of the crusaders con-
tinued undismayed to carry on their bloody work.
They fell upon the Jewish congregation at Rameru
on the second day of Pentecost, forced their way
into the house of Jacob Tarn, who was the most dis-
tinguished man among the European Jews on ac-
count of his virtues and his learning, robbed him of
all his possessions, tore to pieces a scroll of the
Law, and dragged him into a field, intending to put
him to death by torture. As Tam was the most
famous man among the Jews, the crusaders desired
to avenge on him the wounds and death of
Jesus. They had already inflicted five wounds on
his head, and he was about to succumb, when for-
tunately a knight with whom he was acquainted
happened to pass along the road. Tam still re-
tained sufficient consciousness to implore his help,
which the knight promised to afford, on condition
that he receive a fine horse as a reward. The
knight then told the band of assassins to hand the
victim over to him, and he would either prevail on
him to be baptized, or else return him to their
hands. Thus was saved the man who was the
leader and model of the German and French Jews

3S6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

(8 May, 1147). Through the influence of Bernard
no Jew hunts took place in France, except at Caren-
ton, Rameru and Sully. In England, where since
the time of William the Conqueror many Jews had
settled, who were in communication with the French
congregations, there were no persecutions, as King
Stephen vigorously protected them. The Jews of
Bohemia, however, again suffered severely when
the crusaders marched through their country, 150
of them meeting with martyrs' deaths. . Directly
the French army of the crusaders had marched
through Germany, and had advanced beyond its
borders, the Jews were able to leave their places of
refuge in the castles, and were not molested. Even
those Jews who had weakly submitted to forced
baptism could now return to their ancient faith. A
certain priest who was as pious as he was humane,
but whose name unfortunately has been lost, gave
them very great assistance. He. led those Jews
who had been forcibly baptized into France and
other countries, where they remained till their
former adhesion to the Church was forgotten. They
then returned to their homes and their religion.

On the whole, the fanaticism of the second cru-
sade claimed fewer Jewish victims than the first.
This was partly owing to the protection afforded to
the Jews by the spiritual and temporal dignitaries,
and also because the participation of the German
Emperor and the King of France did not permit
such crowds of crusading marauders as had accom-
panied the expedition of William the Carpenter
and Emicho of Leiningen. But the Jews were
compelled to pay a high price for the shelter which
was granted them, the price being their whole fu-
ture. The German Emperor from this time forward
was regarded by the Jews as their protector, and
he considered himself as such, demanding in return
the fulfilment of certain duties. The German Jews,
who had hitherto been as free as the Germans or

CH. XII. "SERVI CAMERiE.'' 357

Romans, henceforth became the "servants of the
chamber" (servi camerse) of the Holy Roman
empire. This hateful name at first only signified
that the Jews enjoyed immunity from all attacks
like the imperial servants, and had to pay a certain
tax to the emperor for the protection thus granted
to them, and that they had to perform extraordinary
services. But in later times the word was employed
in its original, odious sense, and the Jews were
looked upon as bondmen and dependent slaves.
The -German Jews who were on the point of raising
themselves from a state of barbarism, were thus
hurled into the depths of an abyss of degradation,
from which they were enabled to raise themselves
only after a lapse of six hundred years. For this
reason, their intellectual efforts bore the stamp of
degeneracy, their poems consisted only of elegies
and lamentations, which, like their speech, were
tasteless and barbaric, and even in the study of the
Talmud very little work of note was accomplished.
The German Jews were pariahs in history till the
end of the eighteenth century. In France, on the
other hand, where other political and social con-
ditions prevailed, Jewish culture was vigorous
enough to put forth blossoms.

Whilst the Jews of France and Germany still
stood in dread of the crusaders, a persecution broke
out 'in the north of Africa, which was of longer
duration, and produced different results. It was
stirred up by a man who combined the characters
of philosopher, reformer and conqueror, and mani- .
fested a peculiar political and religious enthusiasm.
Abdallah Ibn-Tumart, who came from the north-
west of Africa, while living in Bagdad, was inspired
by the moral enthusiasm of the mystic philosopher
Alghazali. On his return home to Africa,' he
preached to the simple Moorish tribes simplicity
of living and dress, hatred of poetry, music and
painting, and war against the Almoravide kings,

358 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

who were devoted to a life of refinement. On the
other hand., Ibn-Tumart rejected the Sunmte teach-
ings of Mahometan orthodoxy, and the hteral
interpretation of the verses of th^ Koran, which
affirmed that God had the feelings of man, and was
affected by the same emotions as man He ob-
tained a large following among the Moors, and
founded a sect, whose members, from the fact that
they maintained the true unity of God without any
corporeal representations (Tauchid), were termed
Almovachides or Almohades (Unitarians). This
sect acknowledged Ibn-Tumart as the Mahdi, the
heaven-sent Imam of Islam. With the tocsin of
rebellion and the sword of war against the reigning
Almoravides, Ibn-Tumart spread his religious and
moral reformation in the northwest of Africa. After
his death, his disciple Abdulmumen succeeded to
the leadership of the Almohades, and was recog-
nized as the Prince of the Faithful (Emir al-Mume-
nin). He achieved victory after victory, and in his
onward progress he destroyed the dynasty of the
Almoravides, and became monarch of the whole
of northern Africa. Abdulmumen, however, was a
fanatic, and as he had extirpated the Almoravides
with fire and sword, not only for political reasons,
but also because they professed another belief, he
would not suffer any other religion in his kingdom.
When the capital, Morocco, after a long and
obstinate siege, fell into the hands of Abdulmumen,
the new ruler summoned the numerous Jews of the
.town, and addressed them in the following terms :
" You do not believe in the mission of the prophet
Mahomet, and you think that the Messiah, who has
been announced to you, will confirm your law, and
strengthen your religion. Your forefathers, how-
ever, asserted that the Messiah would appear at the
latest about half a century after the coming of
Mahomet. Behold ! that half a century aas long
passed, and no prophet has arisen in your midst.

CH. XII. PERSECUTION IN NORTHERN AFRICA. 359

The patience with which you have been treated has
come to an end. We can no longer permit you to
continue in your state of unbelief. We no longer
desire any tribute from you. You have only the
choice between Islam and death." The despair of
the Jews at this stern proclamation was very great.
It was the second time, since they had come under
Mahometan rule, that the mournful alternative was
offered to them, either to surrender their life or
their faith. Moved by the representations that
were made to him, Abdulmumen modified the edict
by allowing the Jews to emigrate. He also allowed
them a certain time to dispose of such property as
they could not take with them. Those who pre-
ferred to remain in the African kingdom were
obliged to accept Islam under penalty of death.
Those, however, to whom Judaism was precious
left Africa, and emigrated to Spain, Italy and other
places. The majority of them, however, ostensibly
yielded, and took the disguise of Islam whilst hoping
for more favorable times (1146).

The persecution was directed not only against
the Jews of Morocco, but against all who lived in
northern Africa, and as often as the Almohades
captured a city, the same edict was promulgated.
The Christians also suffered through this persecu-
tion, but as Christian Spain stood open to receive
them, and they might expect to be received with open
arms by their co-religionists, they were more stead-
fast, and departed from the country in large bodies.
Synagogues and churches alike were destroyed
throughout the land of the Almohades, which ex-
tended by degrees from the Atlas mountains to the
boundary of Egypt, and no traces remained of the
former Jewish and Christian residents.

Although many north-African Jews had accepted
Islam, there were but few who became real con-
verts. Nothing was demanded of them except to
profess belief in the prophetic mission of Mahomet,

360 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CU. XII.

and occasionally to attend the mosque. In private,
however, they scrupulously practised the Jewish
rites, for the Almohades employed no police spies
to observe the actions of the converts. Not only
the common people, but also pious rabbis main-
tained this outward semblance of belief, soothing
their conscience with the reflection that idolatry and
denial of Judaism were not demanded of them, as
they were simply required to utter the formula that
Mahomet was a prophet, which in no way suggested
idolatry. Some consoled themselves with the hope
that this state would not long continue, and that
the Messiah would soon appear, and deliver them
from their misery:

Under the disguise of Moslems, the Maghreb
Jewish scholars even pursued the study of the Tal-
mud with their usual zeal, and assembled at their
colleges the studious youth, who at the same time
were compelled to engage in the study of the
Koran. But truly conscientious and pious men
were unable to play this double part for any length
of time. They threw off the hateful mask, and
openly professing Judaism, suffered martyrdom, as
happened in Fez, Segelmessa, Drai and other
towns.

The victorious Abdulmumen was not content with
the possession of all Barbary; he cast longing eyes
upon the fair land of Andalusia, thinking it an easy
task to wrest it from the power of the Almoravide
and Christian rulers, and annex it to his realm. The
conquest of the Mahometan territory in southern
Spain proved easy on account of internal dissen-
sions. Cordova, the capital of Andalusia, fell into
the power of the fanatical Almohades in June, 1148,
and before the end of a year the greater part of
Andalusia was in their hands. The beautiful syna-
gogues which the piety, the love of splendor, and
the refined taste of the Andalusian Jews had built,
fell a prey to the destructive frenzy of fanaticism.

CH. XII. • JEHUDA IBN-EZRA. 361

The aged rabbi of Cordova, the philosopher Joseph
Ibn-Zadik, witnessed this sad downfall of the oldest
and most distinguished congregation, but died soon
after (at the end of 1148 or the commencement of
1149). The renowned Jewish academies at Seville
and Lucena were closed. Meir, the son and suc-
cessor of Joseph Ibn-Migash, went from Lucena to
Toledo, and with him all those able to escape. The
remainder followed the example of the African
Jews, yielding for the moment to coercion and pre-
tending to acknowledge Islam, though in private
they observed their ancient faith, till they found an
opportunity of openly professing Judaism. W^omen
and children, together with the property of the
exiles, fell into the hands of the conquerors, who
treated feeble captives as slaves.

In this dark epoch, when the center of Judaism
was destroyed, a favorable change of fortune
created a new center. Christian Spain, which had
developed great power under the emperor Alfonso
Raimundez (11 26-1 157), became a refuge for the
persecuted Andalusian Jews, and Toledo, which had
been made the capital of the realm, became a new
focus, whence the rays of Jewish science emanated.
This favorable change was due to the work of a man
who deserves to be ranked with Ibn-Shaprut and
Ibn-Nagrela. The wise and philanthropic Emperor
Alfonso Raimundez had a Jewish favorite in the
person of the still youthful Jehuda Ibn-Ezra, the
son of that Joseph Ibn-Ezra, who, together with his
three brothers, is celebrated in Judseo-Spanish liter-
ature. On taking possession of the border fortress
of Calatrava, between Toledo and Cordova (1146),
the emperor, probably as a reward for his bravery,
appointed Ibn-Ezra commander of the place, and
invested him with the dignity of a prince (Nasi).

Jehuda Ibn-Ezra was the guardian-angel of his
unfortunate co-religionists, who were fleeing before
the fury of the victorious Almohades. He assisted

362 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. • CH. XII.

them to find homes and employment in Christian
Spain, and used his riches in ransoming captives, m
clothing the naked and feeding the hungry. The
congregation of Toledo was very much increased
by the immigrant Jews. Meir Ibn-Migash opened
an academy for the study of the Talmud, and
numerous pupils attended it. Jewish learning
under the protection of the Christian king, now
flourished in Toledo after its expulsion from the
Mahometan kingdom.

Jehuda Ibn-Ezra rose still higher in the favor of
the Spanish emperor, and was appointed steward
of the imperial palace (about 1149). This Jewish
prince, in his zeal for Rabbanism, hurried into a
persecution which forms a blot on his fair fame.
The Karaites who had settled in Christian Spain,
and who towards the end of the eleventh century
had suffered persecution at the hands of a Rab-
banite, Joseph Al-Kabri, had since that time again
become a numerous body, and strove to regain
their ancient splendor. They brought the large
literature of their Eastern and Egyptian leaders
into Castile, and were thereby strengthened in their
deep antipathy to Rabbinical Judaism. At this
time a Karaite of Constantinople, Jehuda ben Elia
Hadassi, who styled himself "a mourner for Zion "
(ha-Abel), renewed the battle against the Rabban-
ites, and wrote a comprehensive book under the
name of " Eshkol ha-Kofer," in which he discussed
with great warmth the oft-disputed differences
between the two Jewish schools (1149), and re-
kindled the flame of hostility. Jehuda Hadassi
wrote with intense passion, but employed harsh
language, alphabetical acrostics, and a wretched,
monotonous rhyme. This hostile work was prob-
ably introduced into Castile, and re-opened the
conflict. Instead of having this polemical book
confuted by some able Rabbanite, Jehuda Ibn-Ezra
called in the aid of the secular arm, and besought

CH. XII. KARAITES PERSECUTED. 363

the permission of the emperor Alfonso to perse-
cute the Karaites. He did not consider that the
dormant fire of persecution, if once rekindled,
would sooner or later blaze around the head of
the persecutors. With the emperor's permission,
Jehuda Ibn-Ezra humbled the Karaites so sorely
that they were never again able to raise their heads.
Their fate is not known, but they were probably
banished from the towns wherein Rabbanites dwelt
(1150-1157). The favorable condition of the Jews
in Castile did not last long. After the death of the
emperor and of his eldest son, the King of Castile
(11 58), Jehuda Ibn-Ezra lived to see troublous
times. During the minority of the Infante Alfonso
a bitter civil war broke out between the noble
houses of De Castro and De Lara, in which the
other Christian kings took part ; the fair land was
devastated, and the capital, Toledo, became the
scene of bloody fights. The Christian monarchs
were not powerful enough to defend their borders
against the continual irruptions of the Almohades,'
and were obliged to leave this task to the fanatical
orders of knights, which were now again called into
active service. The Spanish Jews, unlike their Ger-
man and French brethren, did not remain mere in-
different spectators during these political struggles
and wars, but took the liveliest interest in all that
was going on, joining one or the other of the op-
posing sides.

Meanwhile Jewish learning was in nowise im-
paired by the unfavorable conditions which existed
in almost every land of the exile, but still took its
place in the vanguard of culture. Two men, both
from Toledo, added to its luster ; these were Abra-
ham Ibn-Daud and Abraham Ibn-Ezra, who, dis-
similar in character, aims, and in their life's history,
were yet alike in their love for Judaism and for
learning. Abraham Ibn-Daud Halevi (born about
1 1 10, died a martyr 1180), who was a descendant

364 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

on the maternal side of Prince Isaac Ibn-Albalia,
was not only well versed in the Talmud, but was
also conversant with all the branches of learning
then cultivated. He also engaged in the study of
history, both Jewish and general, as far as in its
neglected state during the Middle Ages it was
accessible to him. This branch of learning was but
lightly esteemed by the Spanish Jews. He was a
physician, and was a diligent explorer of the realm
of science. Ibn-Daud possessed an intelligent,
clear mind, which enabled him to penetrate with
precision into the knowable, and to illumine the
obscure. With brilliant perspicuity he gave ex-
pression to the most difficult ideas, and made them
comprehensible. He centered all his attention upon
the highest problems of the human intellect, and
was at a loss to conceive how any one could spend
his life in trifling pursuits or in the study of phil-
ology, mathematics, theoretical medicine, or law,
instead of directing his mind to the holiest task of
life. This task, according to the view of Ibn-Daud,
consists in philosophical study, because its object
is the knowledge of God, and herein lies man's
superiority over the world of created things. He
emphasized this point strongly in opposition to a
certain class of his co-religionists in Spain who had
a positive dislike for philosophy. Ibn-Daud was
well acquainted with the reason for their mistrust
of independent research. " There are many in our
time," he remarked, " who have dabbled a little in
science, and who are not able to hold both lights,
the light of belief in their right hand and the light
of knowledge in their left. Since in such men the
light of investigation has extinguished the light of
belief, the multitude think it dangerous, and shrink
from it. In Judaism, however, knowledge is a duty,
and it is wrong to reject it."

The aim of all philosophical theory is the prac-
tical realization of moral ideals. Such ideals Juda-

CH. XII. THE RELIGIOUS DUTIES OF JUDAISM. 365

ism presents. None of his predecessors had so
definitely and dearly expressed this important
thought. Morality produces positive virtues, a
healthy family life, and based upon this, a sound
constitution of the state. According to this view,
all the religious duties of Judaism may be divided
into five classes. The first class inculcates the
true knowledge and the love of the One God
and a purified belief in Him. The second class
treats especially of justice and conscientiousness,
the chief of all virtues, of forgiveness, kindness,
and the love of enemies, all of which have their
origin in humility. The third class of precepts
treats of the relation of the head of the family to his
wife, children, and servants, according to the prin-
ciples of right and affection. The fourth division,
which comprises a large group, prescribes the rela-
, tion of the citizen to the state and to his fellow-
citizens ; it inculcates the necessity of loving one's
neighbor, of honesty in commerce, and care for the
weak and suffering. There is, finally, a fifth class
of laws, such as the sacrificial and dietary laws (laws
of the ritual), whose purpose is not easily compre-
hended. These five groups of duties are not equal
in importance, faith taking the highest position and
the ceremonial laws the lowest, and therefore the
prophets also often gave greater prominence to the
former. Starting from different premises, Ibn-Daud
arrived at a conclusion differing from that of Jehuda
Halevi. According to the latter, the pure ritual
ordinances constitute the essence of Judaism,
whereby the prophetic nature of man is to be kept
alive, but for Ibn-Daud they are only of second-rate
importance.

Abraham Ibn-Daud was, however, not only a
religious philosopher, but also a conscientious his-
torian, and his historical labors have proved of
greater service to Jewish literature than his philo-
sophical studies. The newly-aroused conflict with

366 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

the Karaites of Spain led him to inquire into their
history. After the death of the emperor Alfonso,
and the subsequent downfall of his favorite, Jehuda
Ibn-Ezra, these people again raised their heads,
and re-commenced issuing their polemical writ-
ings. Thereupon Ibn-Daud undertook to prove
historically, that rabbinical Judaism was based on an
unbroken chain of traditions which began with
Moses, and extended to Joseph Ibn-Migash. To
this end he compiled the history of Biblical, post-
exilic, Talmudical, Saburaic, Gaonic, and rabbinical
times in a chronological order (i 161). He entitled
this work, which was written in Hebrew, " The
Order of Tradition" (Seder ha-Kabbalah). The
information which he imparts concerning the Spanish
congregations is of the greatest value ; he obtained
his knowledge from the original labors of Samuel
Ibn-Nagrela, and from independent historical re-
searches. His account is brief, but accurate and
authentic, and much may be read between the lines.
His Hebrew style is flowing, and not' altogether
wanting in poetic coloring.

A still more erudite, comprehensive, and pro-
found mind was that of Abraham ben Meir Ibn-
Ezra of Toledo (born about 1088, died 1167). He
was a man of remarkable ability, conquering with
equal skill the greatest and the smallest things in
science ; he was energetic, ingenious, full of wit, but
lacking in warmth of feeling. His extensive reading
in all branches of divine and human knowledge was
astonishing; he was also thoroughly acquainted
with the literature of the Karaites. His, however,
was not a symmetrically developed, strong person-
ality, but was full of contradictions, and given to
frivolity ; at one time he fought against the Karaites,
at another, he made great concessions to them!
His polemical method was merciless, and he aimed
less at discovering the truth than at dealing a sharp
blow to an antagonist. His was a spirit of negation

CH. XII. ABRAHAM IBN-EZRA. 367

and he forms the completest contrast to Jehuda
Halevi, to whom he is said to have been closely
related. Ibn-Ezra (as he is called) combined in his
person irreconcilable. contrasts. His clear vision, his
sharp, analytical perception, his bold research, which
was so far advanced as almost to bring him to Pan-
theism, existed side by side with a veneration for
authority, which led him, with fanatical ardor, to
accuse independent thinkers of heresy. His tem-
perate mind, which examined into the origin of
eyery phenomenon, did not prevent him from wan-
dering . in the twilight of mysticism. Though filled
with trust in God, into whose hands he quietly
resigned his lot, he believed in the influence of
the stars, from which no man could possibly with-
draw. Thus Ibn-Ezra was at once an inexorable
critic and a slave of the letter of the Law, a ration-
alist and a mystic, a deeply religious man, and an
astrologer. These contradictions did not mark
successive stages in his life, but they controlled
the whole course of his existence. In his youth he
toyed with the muses, sang the praises of distin-
guished persons, and feasted with Moses Ibn-Ezra.
He was likewise acquainted with Jehuda Halevi ;
they often conversed brilliantly upon philosophical
problems, and it is clear that they did not agree in
their methods of thought.

Although Ibn-Ezra was acquainted with the
artistic forms of Arabic and neo-Hebraic poetry,
he was, nevertheless, no poet. His verses are
artificial, pedantic, uninteresting, and devoid of
feeling. His liturgical poetry, produced at all
periods of his life, bears the same impress of sober
contemplation. It consists of wise maxims or cen-
sorious admonitions ; there is no outpouring of
religious feelings which absorb the soul, and which
characterize fervent prayer. In the religious poetry
of Ibn-Ezra there is lacking what is so manifest in
the compositions of Ibn-Gebirol and Jehuda Halevi,

368 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

the spirit of sublime joyousness which expresses
itself in inspired hymns, the exalted majesty which
aspires to the highest, and attains it. He was,
however, inimitable in wit and pointed epigrams,
in riddles and satire. His prose is, moreover,
exemplary, and it may even be said that he created
it. He abstains from over-embellishment and
empty phraseology.

Though Ibn-Ezra holds no high place in poetry,
he is entitled to the first rank as a thorough ex-
positor of the Holy Scriptures. As such, he dis-
played great tact, since he was guided by the
strictly grammatical construing of the text. He
was a born exegetist. He was able to bring to bear
his wide knowledge and brilliant ideas upon the
verses of Holy Writ without being compelled to con-
nect them logically. His restless, inconstant mind
was not capable of creating a complete and syste-
matic whole. He had not the power of methodizing
Hebrew philology, and of synoptically arranging
his material. In Biblical exegesis, however, he was
thoroughly' original. He raised it to the degree
of a science, with fixed principles, so that he was
for a long time without a rival in this department
of learning. It is worthy of remark, that he never
felt called upon to cultivate the field of Biblical in-
terpretation whilst at home, although he possessed
most remarkable talent for this work. As long as
he remained in Spain he was only known as a
clever mathematician and astronomer, not as an
exegete. In general, he produced nothing of a
literary character in his native land, except perhaps
some Hebrew poems of a religious or satirical
character.

Ibn-Ezra was induced by straitened circumstances
to leave the war-stricken and impoverished city of
Toledo. He was never possessed of much wealth.
In his epigrammatic way, he made merry over his
misfortunes, which condemned him to poverty : " I

CH. XII. IBN-EZRA IN ITALY. 369

Strive to become wealthy, but the stars are opposed
to me. If I were to engage in shroud-making, men
would cease dying ; or if I made candles, the sun
would never set unto the hour of my death."

As he was unable to earn his livelihood at home,
he started on his travels (about ii 38-1 139) accom-
panied by his adult son Isaac. He visited Africa,
Egypt, and Palestine, and communed with the
learned men of Tiberias, who prided themselves
on the possession of carefully written copies of
the Torah. As he could find no rest anywhere, he
journeyed further, towards Babylonia, visiting the
city of Bagdad, where a Prince of the Captivity,
with the consent of the Caliph, again exercised a
sort of supremacy over all Eastern congregations.
During the course of this extensive journey, Ibn-
Ezra made many careful observations, and enriched
the vast stores of his mind.

It is difficult to understand why, on his turning
homewards from the East, he did not again visit his
native land. In Rome, he at length found the long-
desired rest (i 140). His appearance in Italy marks
an epoch in the development of culture among the
Italian Jews. Although they enjoyed freedom to
such a degree that the Roman community was not
bound to pay any taxes, the Jews of Italy still re-
mained in a low condition of culture. They studied
the Talmud in a mechanical, lifeless manner. They
had no knowledge of Biblical exegesis, and neo-
Hebraic poetry for them consisted of wretched
rhymes. Their model of poetry was the clumsy
verse of Eleazar Kalir, which they considered in-
imitable. Their sluggish minds were prone to all
the superstition of the Middle Ages. What a con-
trast to them did the Spanish traveler present,
with his refined taste for art, his healthy ideas, and
his philosophical education ! The time of his arrival
in Rome was favorable to the revival of the higher
culture. Just at this time there arose a bold priest.

370 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

Arnold of Brescia, who asserted that the popes did
not rule according to the spirit of the Gospel : that
they ought not to hold temporal sovereignty, but
should live as true servants of the Church, and act
with proper humility.

An earnest spirit of inquiry and a striving after
freedom arose in the home of the papacy. The
people listened eagerly to the inspired words of
the young reformer, threw off their allegiance to
the papacy, and declared their state a republic
(1139-1143). Just at this time, Ibn-Ezra lived at
Rome. It is most probable that youths and men
gathered in large numbers in order to hear the
great traveler, the deeply learned Spanish scholar,
who knew well how to enchant them by his terse,
lively, striking, and witty conversation.

In Rome the first production of Ibn-Ezra, who
had now reached his fiftieth year, appeared, an
exposition of the Five Megilloth. His exegetical
principles were made evident in his earliest efforts.
Everything that was obscure disappeared before his
clear vision, unless he purposely shut his eyes so
that he might not see what was right, or else pre-
tended not to see at all. Was it the doubt that
was agitating his mind, or was it his weakness of
character which made him shrink from rudely dis-
pelling the dreams of the multitude ? It cannot be
gainsaid that Ibn-Ezra often denies the truth, or
conceals it in such a manner that it is recognizable
only by men of equal intellect.

Great as were Ibn-Ezra's exegetical talents, they
did not enable him to comprehend and thoroughly
to analyze doubtful Biblical passages so as to bring
them into some sort of connection as an organic
whole, or as a beautifully constructed work of art.
His mind was more directed to individual, detached
questions, his restless thought was never concen-
trated on one thing, but always had a tendency to
digress to other subjects only slightly connected

CH. Xll. GRAMMATICAL AND AStROMOMlCAL STUDIES. 3/1

with the original matter. Ibn-Ezra was the first to
convey to the Roman Jews a conception of the im-
portance of Hebrew grammar, of which they were
completely ignorant. He translated the grammat-
ical works of Chayuj, from Arabic into Hebrew,
and wrote a work under the title of "The Balance"
(Moznaim), the only interesting part of which is the
well-written historical introduction reviewing the
labors of his predecessors in the sphere of Hebrew
philology.

In the summer of 1145 he was at Mantua, and
here he composed a new grammatical work upon
the niceties of the Hebrew style (Zachot). In this
book he charged those with heresy who deviated
from the Massoretic authorities. This conduct ap-
pears the more incongruous, since he himself,
though secretly, took still greater liberties with the
text of the Bible. He remarks of the grammatical
works of Ibn-Janach, that they ought to be thrown
into the fire, because the author suggests that more
than a hundred words in the Bible ought to be read
or understood in another than the accepted manner.
His condemnatory judgment was of such effect that
the important productions of Ibn-Janach remained
unknown to the following generations, and inquirers
were compelled to quench their thirst at broken
cisterns.

He does not appear to have stayed long in Man-
tua, but to have betaken himself thence to Lucca,
where he dwelt for several years, and gathered a
circle of disciples about him. Here he occupied
himself very much with the study of astronomy,
drew up astronomical tables, and paid great atten-
tion also to the pseudo-science of astrology, which
was diligently studied by Mahometans and Chris-
tians. He wrote many books under different titles
on this subject (1148).

After recovering from a severe illness, he deter-
mined to write a commentary on the Pentateuch, a

372 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

self-appointed task from which he shranlc on account
of its great difificulty. He was now in the sixty-fourth
year of his age (1152-1153). But there are no
signs of old age to be found in the work, which
bears the stamp of freshness and youthful vigor.
The exposition of the Pentateuch by Ibn-Ezra is an
artistic piece of work, both in contents and in form.
The language is vigorous, flowing and witty, the in-
terpretation profound, temperate, and bearing the
impress of devoted work. His rich store of knowl-
edge, his extensive reading and experience enabled
him to make the Book of books more intelligible,
and to scatter the misty clouds in which ignorance
and prejudice had enshrouded it.

In his introduction he describes in a very striking
and clever manner the four customary and unsuit-
able methods of interpretation which he desires to
avoid. Confident of success, he puts himself above
his predecessors, and completes the task which he
had set himself, to fix the natural meaning of the
text. Ibn-Ezra, by means of his commentary to the
Pentateuch, became the leader of the school of
temperate, careful, and scientific expositors of the
Bible, and held the first place among the few en-
lightened minds opposed to the obscurity of Agadic
explanation, of which Rashi was the leading expo-
nent. For although he denounced as heretical
every interpretation that differed from the Massora,
yet rationalists considered him their leading au-
thority, and even unbelief looked to him for sup-
port. In fact, Ibn-Ezra gives us abundant reason
for reckoning him among such men as Chivi Al-
balchi, Yitzchaki, and others, who called the author-
ity of the Pentateuch into question. In a vague
and mysterious way, he suggested that several
verses in the Torali had been added by a later
hand, and that whole passages belonged to a later
period. It is difficult to know whether he was in
earnest in his scepticism or in his firm belief. In

CH. XII. IBN-EZRA IN LONDON. 373

Lucca, Ibn-Ezra wrote his brilliant commentary on
Isaiah (i 1 54-1 155), and other less important works.
After the completion of his commentary on the
Pentateuch (1155), Ibn-Ezra left Italy, and went to
the south of France, which, on account of its con-
nection with Catalonia, possessed more of the
Spanish-Jewish culture than the north of France,
Italy, or Germany. In Jewish history Provence
forms the dividing line between two methods, the
strictly Talmudical, and the scientific and artistic.
The Jewish Provencals worked actively according
to both methods, but did not attain any degree of
excellence in either, merely remaining admirers and
imitators. Ibn-Ezra introduced a new element into
this circle. In the town of Rhodez he lived several
years (11 55-1 1 57), and wrote his commentaries to
the book of Daniel, the Psalms, and the Twelve
Prophets. His fame became wide-spread, and at-
tracted admirers. The greatest rabbinical author-
ity of the time, Jacob Tam, sent him a poem of
homage. Ibn-Ezra was very much surprised, and
replied with an epigram, half complimentary, half
insulting. His love of travel led him, now in his
seventieth year, to foggy London, where he found a
liberal Maecenas, who treated him with affection.
Here he composed a kind of philosophy of religion,
written, however, with such extreme carelessness and
haste, that it is absolutely impossible to follow his
train of thought. On the whole, Ibn-Ezra accomp-
lished as little in this branch of learning as in gen-
eral philosophy.

After this work on the philosophy of religion,
while still in London, he wrote a defense of the
Sabbath, which is interesting on account of its in-
troduction. He begins by telling a dream which
he had had, and in which the Sabbath in person
handed him a letter. Herein the Sabbath com-
plains that a disciple of Ibn-Ezra had brought
writings into his house in which the Biblical day

374 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

was said to begin in the morning, and that con-
sequently the evening before the Sabbath pos-
sessed no sanctity. The apparition thereupon
commanded him to take up the defense of the Sab-
bath. He awoke from his dream, and by the light
of the moon read the impious writings which had
been brought to him, and, in truth, found therein
an assertion that the Biblical day began in the
morning and not in the evening. This unorthodox
doctrine, which, it may be remarked, was pro-
pounded by the grandson of Rashi, the pious
Samuel ben Meir, aroused Ibn-Ezra ; and he felt
himself in duty bound to controvert it with all his
might, "lest Israel be led into error." In pious
wrath he writes, " May the hand of him who wrote
this wither, and may his eyes be darkened." The
defense, which consists of the interpretation of
Biblical verses and of astronomical explanations,
bears the name of " The Sabbath Epistle." Al-
though he was in prosperous circumstances whilst in
London, and had many pupils, he left that city after
a short stay. In the autumn of 1160 he visited
Narbonne, and later on (1165 or 11 66) he was
again at Rhodez, where in his old age he revised
his commentary to the Pentateuch, and abridged
it, retaining the most essential portions, and finally
composed his last book, a grammatical work (Safah
Berurah). His vigor and freshness of intellect,
which he retained even to the end of his life, are
wonderful ; his last productions, like his first, bear the
imprint of vivacity, confidence, and youthful power.
Besides his exegetical, grammatical, astronomical,
and astrological writings, he was also the author of
several works on mathematics. It appears that in
his closing years Ibn-Ezra longed to return to his
native land, and began his homeward journey.
When, however, he reached Calahorra, on the
borders of Navarre and Aragon, he died, and it is
said that on his death-bed he wittily applied a Bible

CH. XII. JACOB TAM. 375

verse to himself : "Abraham was 78 years old when
he escaped from the curse of this world." He died
on Monday, ist Adar (226. January), 1167. He
left many pupils and a talented son, who, however,
did not add glory to his name.

The Jewish community in France at this time
also possessed a highly gifted man, who not only con-
centrated within himself the chief characteristics of
the French school, and thus became an authority for
several centuries, but who also partook of the spirit
of the Jewish-Spanish school. Jacob Tam of Rameru
(born about iioo, died 1171) was the most dis-
tinguished disciple of the school of Rashi. Being
the youngest of the three learned grandchildren of
the great teacher of Troyes, Tam could not have
acquired anything from his grandfather, whom he
knew only in the early years of his childhood.
However, he attained so high a degree of excel-
lence in the study of the Talmud that he outshone
his contemporaries, and even his elder brothers,
Isaac and Samuel (Rashbam). The interminable
paths and the winding roads of the Talmudical
labyrinth were familiar to him, and he had a rare
knowledge of the whole region. He united clear-
ness of intellect with acuteness in reasoning, and
was the chief founder of the school of the Tossafists.
None of his predecessors had revealed such pro-
found knowledge and so marvelous a dialectical
ingenuity in the sphere of the Talmud. Although
not in office, and engaged in business, he was
esteemed the most famous rabbi of his time, and
his renown traveled as far as Spain and Italy.
Questions upon difficult points were sent to him ex-
clusively, not only from his own land, but also from
southern France and Germany ; and all the rab-
binical authorities of the period bowed to him with
the deepest reverence. In his youth he was sur-
rounded by pupils who regarded him with venera-
tion as their ideal. He was so overwhelmed with

376 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

the task of answering quest-ions sent to him that he
sometimes succumbed. The fanatics of the second
crusade, who almost deprived him of Hfe, robbed him
of all his possessions, and left him nothing more
than his life and his library. Nevertheless, he com-
posed his commentary to the Talmud just at this
troubled period. He was a man of thoroughly firm
religious and moral character, in which there was
only one blemish : he took usury from Christians.
Indeed, he, to a certain extent, disregarded the
rigid Talmudic laws on usury, in contravention of
the practice of his grandfather.

Jacob Tam is almost the only member of the
school of northern France who overcame the par-
tiality for Talmudical study, and displayed great
taste for the diversified studies of the Spanish Jews.
He studied their art of Hebrew versification, and
wrote liturgical prayers and secular poems in a
metrical form. He corresponded with Ibn-Ezra,
the representative of Jewish-Spanish culture, and,
as related above, exchanged poems with him.
Poetry led Tam, who did nothing superficially, to a
thorough course of inquiry into the Hebrew lan-
guage, and he became so far advanced in the
knowledge of grammar that he was able to act as
arbiter in the grammatical controversy between
Menachem ben Saruk and his opponent Dunash.

The large numbers of learned rabbis in northern
France and in Germany, and the universally ac-
knowledged authority of Tam, brought about a new
departure, which for the first time made its appear-
ance in the post-Talmudical period. Under the
presidency of the Rabbi of Rameru, the first rab-
binical synod assembled for the purpose of decid-
ing important questions of the day. Probably the
councils which had been convened in France by the
fugitive popes, Pascal, Innocent II, Calixtus, and
Alexander III, gave this suggestion to the rabbis.
The rabbinical synods were not attended with that

CH. XII. RABBINICAL SYNODS. 377

pomp which transformed such councils into theaters
in which vanity and ambition are fostered. Those
who took part in the proceedings met at some
appointed place frequented by Jews, such as Troyes
and Rheims, without any splendor or ceremony,
and without ulterior motives or political intrigue.
The decisions of the rabbinical synods included
not only religious and communal matters, but also
questions of civil laws, as the Jews still possessed
their own jurisdiction.

' It is most probable that it was at one of these
synods of the rabbis, in whose minds the persecution
of the second crusade was still fresh, that it was
decreed that no Jew should purchase a crucifix,
church appurtenances, vestments of the mass,
church ornaments or missals, because such an act
might involve the whole community of Jews in great
danger. At a great synod, in which took part one
hundred and fifty rabbis from Troyes, Auxerre,
Rheims, Paris, Sens, Drome, Lyon, Carpentras,
from Normandy, Aquitania, Anjou, Poitou, and
Lorraine, headed by the brothers Samuel and Tam,
and by Menachem ben Perez of Joigny, Eleazer
ben Nathan of Mayence, and Eleazer ben Samson
of Cologne, the following resolutions were passed :
(i) That no Jew should summon one of his co-reli-
gionists before the courts of the country unless both
parties agreed to it, or unless the accused refused
to appear before a Jewish court of law. (2) Any
damages which might accrue to the defendant
through this ex parte litigation at a non-Jewish
court of law should be paid by the complainant,
according to the assessment of seven elders of the
congregation. (3) That no person should apply to
the secular authorities for the office of president
or provost, or obtain the office by stealth, but that
the president shall be elected in an open manner
by the majority of the members of the congrega-
tion. A ban of excommunication was pronounced

378 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

against all who transgressed these and other deci-
sions of the synod ; no Jew should hold intercourse
with such transgressors, nor partake of their food,
nor use their books or utensils, and not even accept
alms from them. The edict of excommunication
against informers and traitors was also revived at
this synod.

At a synod held in Troyes, over which Tam pre-
sided, all those were threatened with excommunica-
tion who dared find fault with any bill of divorce
after it had been delivered to the wife. Hyper-
critical or wicked men often criticised a bill of
divorce after it had been granted, causing the
divorced parties much annoyance. Other deci-
sions were made by the synods, and these pos-
sessed the force of law among the Fi-ench and
German Jews. Thus it was decided that the ordi-
nance of Gershom for the prevention of polygamy
could only be abrogated by a hundred rabbis from
three different provinces, such as Francia, Nor-
mandy, and Anjou, and only for the most weighty
motives. The rabbis did not, like the Catholic pre-
lates, use this power of the synod against the
people, but in accordance with the feeling of the
nation and for the welfare of the community. Hence
their decisions once made did not require frequent
renewal.

In his old age, Tam witnessed a bloody persecu-
tion of the Jews in his vicinity, in Blois, which is
memorable not only on account of the severity
with which the martyrs were treated, but especially
for the lying accusation, then for the first time
brought against them, that they used the blood of
Christians at the Passover. It was a base intrigue
which kindled the fire at the stake for the innocent.

A Jew of Blois was riding at dusk towards the
Loire in order to water his horse. He there met
a Christian groom, whose horse shied at a white
fleece which the Jew wore beneath his cloak, and

CH. XII. BLOOD-ACCUSATION AT BLOIS. 379

growing restive, refused to go to the water. The
servant, who was well aware of the Jew-hating
character of his master, the mayor of the town,
concocted a story which served as ground for an
accusation. He asserted that he had seen the
Jewish horseman throw a murdered Christian child
into the water. The mayor bore a grudge against
an influential Jewish woman named Pulcelina, who
was a favorite of his lord. Count Theobald, of Char-
tres, and took this opportunity, of revenging him-
self. He repeated the lie about the murder of a
Christian child, and the charge read: "The Jews
crucified it for the Passover, and then threw it into
the Loire." Count Theobald thereupon commanded
that all the Jews should be put into chains, and
thrown into prison. Pulcelina alone, for whom
Theobald entertained a particular affection, re-
mained unharmed. Relying upon this, she quieted
the fears of her suffering co-religionists with the
assurance that she would prevail on the Count
to release them. But soon the imprisoned Jews
learned that there was no hope of human aid.

Pulcelina, on account of the affection shown for
her, had incurred the bitter enmity of Isabelle, the
wife of the Count, and she planned the destruction
of the Jews. She had a watch set over Pulcelina,
and prevented her from meeting the Count. The
Jews had but one glimmer of hope : an appeal to
the notorious avarice of the Count. He had sent
a Jew of Chartres to ask what sum they were
willing to pay in order to be acquitted of this
charge of murder. Thereupon they consulted with
friendly Christians, and it was arranged that one
hundred pounds of ready money, and one hundred
and eighty pounds of outstanding debts — probably
the whole wealth of the small community — would
be sufficient. At this point, however, a priest took
part in the proceedings, and addressing the Count
with warmth, besought him not to treat the matter

380 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XII.

lightly, but, to punish the Jews severely in case the
accusation against them was well founded. But how
could any one ascertain the truth, seeing that the
whole charge rested merely upon the statement of
the groom, who could be said to have seen no more
than a body thrown into the river ? In the Middle
Ages such doubts were readily solved. The water
test was applied. The servant was conveyed to
the river in a boat filled with water, and as he did
not sink, the Count- and the whole of the Christian
population were firmly convinced that his state-
ments were really true. Count Theobald issued
an order condemning the entire Jewish congrega-
tion at Blois to death by fire. When they were
brought out to a wooden tower, and the fagots
around them were about to be kindled, the priest
begged them to acknowledge Christianity, and thus
preserve their lives. They nevertheless remained
steadfast to their faith, and were first tortured, and
then dragged to the stake. Thirty-four men and
seventeen women died amid the flames whilst chant-
ing the prayer which contains the confession of
faith in One God (Wednesday, 20 Sivan — 26 May,
1 171), Pulcelina dying with them. A few Jews
only, through fear of death, accepted Christianity.
The Christians, relying on the water test, were
firmly convinced that the Jews had rightly deserved
death at the stake, and the chronicle narrates in
terse fashion : " Theobald, Count of Chartres, caused
several Jews of Blois to be burnt, because they had
crucified a Christian child at the celebration of their
Passover, and had thrown its body into the Loire."
When the news of the martyrdom of the Jews
reached Tam, he decreed that the day should be
observed as a strict fast and a day of mourning.
The congregations of France, Anjou, and the Rhine
country, to whom the great teacher sent letters of
request, willingly obeyed his decrees. This fast
day, in memory of the martyrs of Blois, at the

CH. XII. DEATH OF RABBI TAM. 381

same time commemorates the beginning of the
utterly false and groundless fabrication that the
Jews use blood on their Passover, which in the
course of half a century was the cause of the death
of hecatombs of victims. This decree was the last
public act of Tam, for a few days afterwards he
died (Wednesday, 4th Tamuz — 9th June). One of
his pupils, Chayim Cohen, remarked that if he had
been at the burial, he would have assisted in the
final disposition of the body in spite of the law that
a descendant of Aaron may not touch a corpse,
because for so holy a man the sanctity of a priest
maybe laid aside. Rabbi Tam concludes the series
of creative minds of the French school, just as Ibn-
Ezra marks the end of the original element in the
Spanish school. There now arose a personage
who completely reconciled both schools, and with
whom a clearly marked transformation in Jewish
history commenced.

CHAPTER XIII.

SURVEY OF THE EPOCH OF MAIMUNI (mAIMONIDES).

The Jews of Toledo— Ibn-Shoshan, Ibn-Alfachar — The Poet Charisi
— Sheshet Benveniste — Benjamin of Tudela— The Jews of Pro-
vence— The Kimchis — The Communities of B&iers, Montpellier,
Lunel, and Marseilles — Persecutions of Jews in Northern France
—The Jews of England— Richard I — The Jews of York — The
Jews of Germany — Judah the Pious, of Ratisbon — Petachya the
Traveler— The Jews of Italy and of the Byzantine Empire-
Communities in Syria and Palestine — The Jews of Bagdad —
Mosul— The Pseudo-Messiah, David Alroy— The Jews of India
— Conversion to Judaism of Tartars— The Jews of Egypt.

1171 — 1205 c. E.

Before the thick clouds of deadly hatred had begun
to gather from all sides over the house of Jacob,
darkening the horizon without leaving even one
span of the blue heaven ; before the elements,
pregnant with destruction, had been let loose on
the head of the community of Israel, crushing it to
the earth ; before evil in the name of the Deity
roused princes and nations, freemen and slaves,
great and small, against the weak sons of Judah,
and urged men with all the weapons of murder and
the stings of scorn against them, to destroy this
small body of men ; before the haughty Popes,
seated on the throne of God as judges over the
living and the dead, fastened a badge of scorn upon
the garments of Jewish men and women, and ex-
posed them to persecution and mockery from all
who encountered them ; before fanaticism prepared
instruments of torture for the most innocent of men,
who were accused of crimes at which they shud-
dered more than their accusers, the charges being
mere pretexts for torture and ill-treatment ; before
the gross lies about murdered children, poisoned
wells, and witchcraft, became generally accepted ;
382

CH. XIII. CONDITION OF THE JEWS. 383

before all the nations of Christian Europe excelled
the savage Mongolians in barbarity towards the
Jews ; before their thousandfold sufferings drove
the blood from their hearts, the marrow from their
bones, and the spirit from their brains, enfeebling
them and dragging down their aspirations to grovel
upon the earth ; in short, before that life of hell
began for the Jews, which, in the days of Pope Inno-
cent III, reached its climax under Ferdinand the
Catholic of Spain, it is well to glance around upon
the circle of scattered Jewish congregations on the
face of the globe, and to note their condition in
different countries, in order to see what they still
possessed, and of what this devilish fanaticism
afterwards robbed them. The cruelty which, in the
names of two religions, was preached against the
Jews, had not yet succeeded in stamping them alto-
gether as outcasts. Whilst in one place they were
despised and hated and execrated, in another they
were looked upon with respect as citizens and men ;
whilst in one country they were servants of the
imperial chamber, in another they were appointed
by princes and municipalities to important offices ;
whilst in one place they were reduced to the mis-
erable position of bondmen, in another they still
wielded the sword, and fought for their independence.
The number of Jews in Asia far exceeded that in
Europe, but the general standard of the latter
made them superior, so that Europe must be re-
garded as the chief seat of Judaism. Here true self-
consciousness was aroused ; here Jewish thinkers
strove to solve the' difficult problem connected with
the position of Judaism and the Jews among the
other religions and nations, and of the task allotted
to each member of a community. The heart of
Judaism still beat in the Pyrenean peninsula.
Jewish Spain still held the highest rank, as the in-
tellect had here reached its fullest development.
Jews lived in all the five Christian kingdoms which

384 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XlII.

had been formed in this prosperous peninsula,
in Castile, Leon, Aragon, Portugal, and Navarre.
Only In southern Spain, in Mahometan Andalusia,
since its conquest by the intolerant Almohades,
there were no Jews, at least none who openly pro-
fessed their religion. The former seats of Jewish
learning, Cordova, Seville, Granada, and Lucena
had been devastated ; Toledo, the capital of Castile
and of the whole country, had taken their place.
The Toledo congregation at this time led the van ;
it numbered more than twelve thousand Jews. The
town, resplendent with magnificent buildings, pos-
sessed also many splendid synagogues, " with whose
beauty none other could compare." Among the
Jews of Toledo there were wealthy and cultured
men and brave warriors, who were skilled in the use
of weapons. Jewish youths practised the art of
war, that they might become distinguished knights.
Under Alfonso VIII called the Noble (1166-1214),
many talented Jews obtained high positions, were
appointed officers of state, and worked for the
greatness of their beloved fatherland. Joseph ben
Solomon Ibn-Shoshan, called " the Prince," was a
distinguished personage at the court of Alfonso
(born about 1 1 35, died 1 204-1 205). Learned, pious,
wealthy and charitable, Ibn-Shoshan enjoyed the
favor of the king, and was probably active in
affairs of state. " Favor was bestowed upon him,
and goodwill manifested towards him by the king
and the grandees." With great liberality he en-
couraged the study of the Talmud, and erected, in
princely magnificence, a new synagogue in Toledo.
His son Solomon equaled him in many virtues.

Another highly honored man at Alfonso's court
was Abraham Ibn-Alfachar (born about 11 60, died
after 1223), "crowned with noble qualities and
magnanimous deeds. He was exalted in word and
deed, an ornament to the king, and the pride of
princes." Thoroughly proficient in the Arabic

CH. xirr. Abraham ifeN-ALPAcSAR. 385

language, Ibn-Alfachar wrote choice prose, and
cojinposed well-sounding verses, whose high merit
induced an Arab author to make a collection of
them ; amongst them was a panegyric upon King
Alfonso. This noble king once despatched Ibn-
Alfachar on an embassy to the court of Morocco,
where ruled the Prince of the Faithful, Abu Jacob
Yussuff Almostansir. Although this prince of the
Almohades continued the intolerant policy of his
predecessors, did not permit any Jew to dwell in
his kingdom, and even desired to distinguish the
Jews who had embraced Islam from the native
Mahometans by a prescribed dress; he was obliged
to receive the Jewish ambassador of Alfonso with
friendliness. When Ibn-Alfachar presented him-
self for an audience before the vizir of Almostansir,
in order to present his credentials, he was con-
ducted through the charming gardens of the palace,
the splendor and fragrancy of which delighted the
senses. The gardener was, however, as ugly as
the gardens were beautiful. To the inquiry of the
vizir, how the garden pleased him, Ibn-Alfachar
replied, " I would positively have thought it to be
Paradise, were it not that I know that Paradise is
guarded by a beautiful angel (Redvan), whilst this
has as its guardian an ugly demon (Malek), showing
the way to the gates of hell." The vizir laughed at
this witty comparison, and thought it worthy of
being imparted to Almostansir. The latter re-
marked to the Jewish ambassador, " The ugly door-
keeper was intentionally chosen, in order to facili-
tate the entrance of a Jew into this Paradise, because
a Redvan would certainly never have admitted an
infidel."

A kinsman of this favorite of Alfonso, named
Juda ben Joseph Ibn-Alfachar, also bore the title of
" Prince."

Although the two patrons of Toledo at this
period, Ibn-Shoshan and Ibn-Alfachar, were them-

386 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. , CH. XIII.

selves proficient in the Talmud, and encouraged
Talmudical learning, yet this study did not flourish
in the Spanish capital to the same degree as with
Alfassi, his disciples, and in the school of Rashi.
Toledo produced no Talmudists of renown. The
congregation was compelled for several centuries
to obtain its rabbis elsewhere. The Toledans had
a greater inclination for science and poetry. They
preferred philosophy, meditated deeply upon reli-
gion, and defended their belief against doubt. They
were the most enlightened of the Spanish Jews.

The aged historian and religious philosopher,
Abraham Ibn-Daud, was still alive, and was an
ornament to the congregation of Toledo. At
•length in the year ii 80 he fell a martyr in a riot
against the Jews, the origin and extent of which are
not quite ascertained. It is possible that the very
warm friendship displayed by King Alfonso towards
the Jews had caused the riot. This prince, who
had married an English princess, had an open
liaison with a beautiful Jewish maiden, Rachel, who
on account of her beauty was called Formosa.
This intimacy was not a passing fancy, but lasted
for seven years. Concerning this love, a poet sang :

" For her the king forgot his queen,
His kingdom and his people."

A band of conspirators attacked the fair Jewess on
her richly decorated dais, and, in the presence of
the king, slew both her and her companions, prob-
ably at the instigation of the queen and the clergy.
On this occasion, a riot may have broken out against
the Jews, in which Abraham Ibn-Daud met his death.
This did not prevent the Jews of Toledo, how-
ever, from giving great assistance to Alfonso in
his wars against the Moors. When he assembled
his immense army in order to subdue the great
power of the Almohades, who under Jacob Alman-
sur were again trying to penetrate into the heart of

CH. XIII. CASTILIAN JEWS AND THE ALMOHADES. 387

Spain, the Jews poured forth their riches into the
coffers of the impoverished monarch so as to enable
him to equip his forces. In the battle of Alarcos
(19th July, 1 195) he was defeated, and the flower
of Christian chivalry lay upon the baftle-field. The
Almohades ravaged fair Castile, and Alfonso was
compelled to shut himself up in his capital, where
the Jews fought with the other inhabitants, in order
to repel the onslaughts of the enemy. They ren-
dered material assistance in compelling the retreat
of the foe. The Jews of Castile had a special
interest in opposing the Almohades in their attempts
to gain possession of the capital, lest they should
become subjected to the fanaticism of Islam. They
witnessed with joy the withdrawal of the Almohades
before the kings of Castile and Aragon, who had
entered into a confederacy against them. Through
this union, however, the Jews of the kingdom of
Leon suffered severely, when the allied forces,
ravaging the land, marched through their territory.
In this campaign, the oldest Hebrew copy of the
Bible in Spain, which had hitherto", under the name
Hillali, served as a model for copyists (said to
have been written in about the year 600) fell into
the hands of the enemy (9 Ab, 1197).

In Aragon, of which Catalonia was a part since
the time of Ramon Berengar IV, the Jews lived
under favorable conditions, and were able to develop
their minds. Alfonso II (1162-1196), a promoter
and patron of the Provencal poetry, favored men
gifted with word and thought, and amongst such the
Jews at this time took a foremost place. Although
Saragossa was the capital of Aragon, and since
ancient times had a Jewish congregation, yet at
this time the city of Barcelona was considered the
center of northern Spain, owing to its favorable
position by the sea, and the flourishing state of its
commerce. Barcelona was pompously termed by
the poet Charisi " the congregation of princes and

388 ■ HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. Kill.

nobles." At its head stood Sheshet Benveniste,
philosopher, physician, diplomatist, Talmudist, and
poet (b. 1 131, d. about 12 10). Well acquainted
with the Arabic language, he was employed by. the
king of Aragon in diplomatic services, obtained
honors and wealth, and like Samuel Ibn-Nagrela,
owed his prosperity to his pen. Like this Jewish
prince, Sheshet Benveniste supported men of science
and students of the Talmud. The poets laud his
noble mind and his liberality in excessive terms.
Sheshet Benveniste himself, when in his seventy-
second year, composed a song of praise of one hun-
dred and forty-two verses in honor of Joseph Ibn-
Shoshan of Toledo.

Next to him in importance in Barcelona stood
Samuel ben Abraham Ibn-Chasdai Halevi (1165-
12 16), "the fountain of wisdom and the sea of
thought," as the poet Charisi extravagantly calls
him. He had five learned sons, among whom was
Abraham Ibn-Chasdai, who as the author of a
moral romance, " The Prince and the Dervish," and
as a translator of philosophical writings, has made a
name in the history of literature.

The community of Tudela, a small town on the
Ebro, which was the bone of contention between
the kings of Aragon and Navarre, had on two occa-
sions courageously fought for equal privileges with
the Christian and Mahometan inhabitants, and won
them. They possessed a castle of their own for
their security. Tudela produced a learned traveler,
Benjamin ben Jonah, to whom, not alone Jewish
history, but also general history, is indebted for his
interesting and authentic information. He traveled
through a great portion of southern Europe, Asia
and Africa (11 65-1 173). The object of this journey
is not quite known. He was either an itinerant
merchant, or a pious man of an inquiring turn of
mind in search of traces of a Messianic redemption.
He made observations on the peculiarities of each

CH. XIII. SERACHYA HALEVI GERUNDI. 389

town he visited, and his record of observations has
been translated into many modern languages.

Serachya Halevi Gerundi was born (i 125, died
1 186) in the little town of Gerona in Catalonia.
He appears to have possessed considerable knowl-
edge of philosophy, and was probably one of the
first in his country to occupy himself with this sub-
ject. He devoted himself especially to the Talmud,
and being acquainted with the labors of the French
and Spanish schools, he united in himself the
methods of Alfassi, Rashi, Joseph Ibn-Migash, and
Tam. He was a thorough and critical scholar, his
mind being at once analytic and synthetic. In his
youth, at the age of nineteen, he composed Tal-
mudical works, and annotated the commentaries
of Alfassi. Serachya Gerundi appears to have suf-
fered persecution at the hands of the community of
Gerona, for which he avenged himself by a satire.
He left Gerona, and settled in Liinel, where he pos-
sessed many friends, and. where he was maintained
by a patron of learning. Here he composed various
writings against a Talmudical authority of the south
of France — Abraham ben David — and here also, at
an advanced age, he finished his acute annotations
of Alfassi's work on the greater part of the Talmud.
These he published under the name of Maor. In
this critical work, Serachya displayed his inde-
pendence of spirit, and everywhere he insists upon
a thorough understanding of the Talmud. But this
very independence was displeasing to his contem-
poraries, who were accustomed to hedge them-
selves in with the decisions of the old authorities.
Serachya was far in advance of his age in his view
of the Talmud, and accordingly his conclusions
were strenuously opposed. Of his life and position
nothing further is known.

In the district on the other s'ide of the Pyrenees,
in Languedoc or in Provence, the Jews towards the
end of the twelfth century lived most happily.

390 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII,

Southern France partook of the northern Spanish
character in respect of culture and morals. The
country was divided into a number of small states,
a circumstance which brought out the versatility of
its genius, and produced a period of literary excel-
lence, which it never afterwards surpassed. The
province belonged at first partly to the French
crown and partly it was a fief of the German empire ;
then it belonged to the King of Aragon as Count
of Provence, and later to the Count of Toulouse
and St. Gilles ; and, lastly, to ■ different vassals,
counts, viscounts, and barons.

These were nearly all actuated by broad views
of life ; they were patrons of the flourishing Pro-
vengal poetry, they encouraged learning, and were
not bigoted servants of the Church. Besides the
nobility, a free and wealthy middle class had arisen,
which guarded its independence as its dearest
treasure. The intimate relations between the in-
habitants and the Moslems and Jews had weakened
western prejudices against the Orientals. The
breadth of mind of the Provencals, which prompted
them to resist the Catholic Church, to disregard
papal bulls, to condemn the arrogant clergy, to
apply the scourge to the vices of the Roman court,
and which gave rise to the sect of the Albigenses,
also rendered them capable of appreciating Judaism,
and the adherents of that religion. Among the
Provencal free-thinkers whom the stern, unbending
Catholic Church branded as heretics, there were
many who secretly and openly acknowledged that
the law of the Jews was better than that of the
Christians. Many of the great and minor lords of
southern France appointed Jewish officers, and
entrusted them with the high office of Chief Bailiff
(Bailli), with which, in the absence of the regent,
were united the police and judicial powers. The
Jews of this country, which was so highly blessed
by nature, felt themselves favored, carried their

CH. XIII. PROSPERITY OF PROVEN9AL JEWS. 39I

heads high, took the most lively interest in the
welfare of the country, and exerted themselves
in spiritual concerns with untiring zeal. As the
Christians showed themselves ready to adopt in-
novations, so the Jews of southern France did not
accept all tradition with unquestioning faith, but
.sought to comprehend its import, and test it before
the judgment-seat of reason. Although the Jews
of Provence manifested great interest in science,
they cannot be considered as independent thinkers,
able to strike out into new lines of thought within
the limits of Judaism. Jewish Provence did not
produce a single original mind, not one profound
thinker, not one genuine poet, not one distin-
guished scholar in any branch of knowledge. The
Jewish Proven9als were faithful disciples of foreign
masters, whose conclusions they appropriated, and
steadfastly maintained ; they were humble workers
in science, translators and propagators of foreign
intellectual productions. Judaism they loved with
all their hearts, although ready to pursue the free
investigation of truth. Jewish virtues flourished
among them, their houses were hospitably opened
to all strangers ; they secretly assisted the needy,
and practised beneficence at all times. The rich
assisted the children of poor parents to receive
higher instruction, and gave them books, which
were at that time very costly. Especially note-
worthy is the loyalty with which the congregations
stood by one another, and interested themselves in
one another's most intimate concerns. When danger
threatened any particular congregation, the others
immediately took measures to assist, and avert the
impending danger. Their general prosperity was
attained partly by agriculture and partly by com-
merce, which at that time was carried on with Spain,
Italy, England, Egypt, and the East, and was in a
most flourishing condition.

393 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

The principal congregation of southern France
was Narbonne ; at that time it contained 300
members. Under the rule of the sensible and
masculine Princess Ermengarde, the head of the
congregation was Kalonymos ben Todros, of an
old family, whose ancestor, Machir, was said to
have immigrated in the time of Charlemagne.
Kalonymos possessed many estates, which were
secured to him by absolute grants. At the head
of the college was Abraham ben Isaac, who was
recognized as an authority, and bore the title of
Chief Justice (Ab-beth-din, died, autumn, 11 72).
He was a man of strictly Talmudical pursuits, and
was scarcely affected by general culture. His
Talmudical learning, moreover, was wide rather
than deep ; his disciples, Serachya and Abraham
ben David, excelled him even in his lifetime. In
Narbonne there lived at this time the Kimchi family,
whose achievements cannot be said to correspond
to their fame, but who, directly for Narbonne and
indirectly for posterity, effected more than the
greatest masters. The founder of the family,
Joseph ben Isaac Kimchi (flourished 11 50-1 170),
had emigrated from southern Spain to Narbonne,
probably on account of the religious persecution of
the Almohades. Having a knowledge of Arabic,
he translated Bachya's work on moral philosophy,
and many others, into pure, fluent Hebrew ; com-
posed a Hebrew grammar ; wrote a commentary
on Holy Writ, the nature of the extant frag-
ments of which precludes regret for the loss of the
rest, and composed many liturgical poems, artistic
in form, according to the models of neo-Hebraic
poetry, then brought to perfection in Spain, but of
little poetic value. Joseph Kimchi's merit consists
solely in the fact that he introduced the Jewish
culture of Spain into southern France, and perma-
nently established the results of Ibn-Ezra's fugitive
activity. A polemical work against Christianity, in

CH. XIII. THE KIMCHIS. 393

the form of a dialogue between a believer and an
apostate, is also ascribed to him. Whether this
work be genuine or not, in any case it belongs to
this time and country, and throws a favorable light
on the state of morality among the Jews as con-
trasted with that of the Christian population. The
believer maintains that the true religion of the Jews
is attested by the morality of its adherents. The
Ten Commandments, at least, are observed with
the utmost conscientiousness. They adore no
being but God, and they take no false oaths.
Among them are no murderers, adulterers, nor rob-
bers ; whilst Christian highwaymen often rob the
weak, hang, or blind them. Jewish children are
brought up in purity and fear of God, and no im-
proper word is allowed to escape them. Jewish
girls sit modestly at home, while Christians are
careless of their self-respect. A Jew practises
hospitality towards his brother Jew, ransoms prison-
ers, clothes the naked, and feeds the hungry. All
these virtues of the Jews the Christian antagonist
admits as generally known, and only blames the
Jews for taking exorbitant interest from Chris-
tians. This offense the Jewish speaker palliates by
pointing out that Christians also take usury even
from their co-religionists, whilst Jews lend to the
members of their race without interest.

Joseph's two sons, Moses and David Kimchi,
followed in the footsteps of their father. The first,
who flourished 1170-1190, was still more mediocre
than his father, and this characterof insignificance is
borne out by his grammatical and exegetieal works.
The younger brother, David Kimchi (born 11 60,
died about 1235), was, in truth, the teacher of the
Hebrew language to the Jews and Christians of
Europe ; but if any value is to be set on his gram-
matical, lexicographical and exegetieal works, we
must ignore the fact that Ibn-Janach, Moses Ibn-
G'ikatilia and Ibn-Ezra lived before him, for with

394 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

these he cannot bear comparison. David Kimchi
did not establish one original point of view. In the
introduction to his grammatical work (Michlol) he is
honest enough to confess that he only sought to
arrange the manifold and detailed results of the
labors of his predecessors. At most, it can be said
in his favor that he discovered the difference be-
tween the long and the short vowels, and thereby
threw light on the vowel changes, and, finally, that
he preserved in Jewish circles a faint recollection
of a simple, sober, literal exegesis in opposition
to the extravagant, Agadic, pseudo-philosophical
method of exposition.

The old community of Beziers, which had re-
ceived Ibn-Ezra so honorably, was at this time,
under Viscount Raymond Trencaval and his son
Roger, in a still more fortunate condition than that
of Narbonne. The Jews and Christians of this city
did homage to the spirit of free thought. Many of
the citizens were Albigenses, and renounced their
allegiance to the Pope and the Catholic Church.
Nevertheless, following the old custom, the bishop,
on Palm Sunday, incited the parishioners against
the Jews as murderers of God, and the people,
armed with stones, attacked the Jewish houses. But
as the Jews, who lived together in one quarter, sur-
rounded by a wall, always took precautions to defend
themselves, there was usually a number of broken
heads. The chiefs of the Jewish community now
moved to abolish this custom, more discreditable to
Christianity than to Judaism, and received the con-
sent of the viscount. Bishop William, who was
ashamed of so brutal a practice, also agreed that it
should be discontinued. On May 2d, 1160, an
agreement was concluded according to which every
priest who stirred up the people against the Jews
should be excommunicated. The Jews in return
pledged themselves to pay four pounds of silver
every year on Palm Sunday. The assassination of

CH. XIII. THE JEWS OF MONTPELLIER. 395

Raymond Trencaval by several conspirators in
church on Sunday (5th Oct., 1167), involved the
Jews of Beziers in trouble, probably on account of
their known attachment to the viscount. Certain
citizens preferred accusations against them, and the
directors of the congregation were arrested. Not
long after, terrible retribution overtook the mur-
derers of the viscount and the accusers of the Jews.
Roger procured auxiliary troops from Alfonso, the
king of Aragon. These troops suddenly fell upon
the citizens, put the men to death, and hanged the
ringleaders. Roger spared the Jews on account of
their faithful adherence to his father, and besides
them only the women and children (Feb. 1170).
The viscount Roger, who favored the Albigenses,
had Jewish sheriffs, Moses de Cavarite and Nathan.
Through this partiality towards the heretics and the
Jews, he provoked the anger of the clergy and the
Pope, and in consequence suffered a tragic end.

An important Provencal congregation existed in
the flourishing commercial city Montpellier, which
was the capital of southern France ; it had very rich
members whose beneficence was much extolled.
Like their co-religionists in Beziers, they had a pre-
dilection for learning, fostered by the existence of a
medical academy in the town and the prevailing
freedom of education. The lords of this city were
by no means so friendly to the Jews as their neigh-
bors of Beziers. WilKam VIII and his son expressly
enjoined in their wills that no Jew should be ad-
mitted to the office of sheriff (11 78-1 201), although
the latter owed a Jew, Bonet, a large sum of money.
It is not known who was then at the head of the
congregation of Montpellier, which produced no
men of celebrity, although it possessed learned
Talmudists in such plentiful abundance, that people
compared its rabbinical school with the Synhedrion
of the Temple-Mount (Har).

396 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIU.

What is now the little town of Liinel, not far from
Montpellier, was, under the lords De Gaucelin, an
important city, and the Jewish congregation, con-
sisting of nearly three hundred members, was con-
sidered, together with Narbonne, the most impor-
tant outpost of Jewish Provence. Its Talmudical
school, which rivaled that in Narbonne, educated
numerous foreign students, who, if needy, were pro-
vided with all necessaries by the congregation. At
the head of the congregation stood a man who was
extravagantly praised by his contemporaries, Me-
shullam ben Jacob (died 1 1 70), a scholar and wealthy
man, whose opinion was held to be decisive in all mat-
ters of learning and law. To win his approval was
an incentive to an author. " His soul adhered to
the religion of his God ; wisdom was his inheritance.
He illumined our darkness, and showed us the right
path." Thus, and still more extravagantly does an
independent contemporary describe him. Meshul-
1am encouraged learned men to turn their attention
to various branches, especially to translating Arabic
works of Jewish authors into Hebrew. He was the
first to awaken, among the Jews of Provence, a
taste for learning. He occupied the same influ-
ential position in southern France that Chasdai
Ibn-Shaprut had occupied in Spain. Meshullam
had five learned sons, who illustrated within a small
circle the two currents which were to meet in the
next generation in keen conflict. One of the sons,
Aaron, who flourished from 11 70 to 12 10, although
conversant with the Talmud, had a special predilec-
tion for viewing Judaism from its philosophical side ;
two others, Jacob and Asher, on the other hand,
paid homage to that teaching which abhorred the
light of reason. Jacob, although rich, led an ascetic
life, drank no wine, and on that account received
the name of Nazarite. He is described as the first
promoter of the new Kabbala. His brother, Asher
of Liinel, lived, if possible, a life even more austere,

CH. XIII. JUDAH IBN-TIBBON. 3g7

and although equally affluent, he fasted much, and
ate no meat.

On the whole, the scientific tendency prevailed
in the community of Liinel. It was represented
by two men, who have made themselves famous
in the history of Jewish literature, viz., the founder
of the family of Tibbon, and Jonathan of Lunel.
The latter was an important Talmudical authority,
who wrote a commentary on Alfassi's Talmudical
work. He was none the less fond of science, and
was one of the first who insisted that it should take
a high place in Jewish studies. Judah ben Saul
Ibn-Tibbon (born about 1120, died about 1190)
originally came from Granada, and had emigrated
to southern France on account of the persecution
of the Jews by the Almohades. In Liinel he pur-
sued the profession of physician, and in that capacity
made himself so popular, that his services were
sought by princes, knights, and bishops, and he was
even sent for from across the sea. He knew Arabic
thoroughly, and he studied Hebrew with enthusiasm.
His learning, however, made him a pedant, he care-
fully measured every step, and cogitated deeply
whether he should take it or abandon it. At reg-
ular intervals he examined his important collection
of books, which he kept in most perfect order, and
was unhappy if he noticed any confusion in them.
He set great value upon elegant handwriting and
other unessential matters. Ibn-Tibbon was thus,
as it were, created for translating. At the instiga-
tion of friends, particularly Meshullam of Liinel —
with whom, as with Serachya of Gerona and Abra-
ham ben David, he lived on friendly terms — he
translated in succession from Arabic into Hebrew,
Bachya's " Duties of the Heart," Ibn-Gebirol's
" Ethics " and " Necklace of Pearls," Jehuda Hal-
evi's religious philosophical work, Ibn-Janach's im-
portant grammatical and lexicographical work, and,
lastly, Saadiah's "Religious Philosophy" (1161-

39? HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

1 1 86). His translations, however, show his pedantic
character ; they are absolutely literal and clumsy ;
they slavishly follow the Arabic original, and do
violence to the Hebrew language. Jehuda Ibn-
Tibbon, who knew perfectly well that a conscien-
tious translator must thoroughly understand both
languages, as well as the subject-matter of the
work, pleaded as an excuse for the stiffness ot his
translation, the poverty of the Hebrew language.

The second Tibbonid, Samuel, son of Judah
(i 160-1239), formed a strong contrast to the char-
acter of his father ; though more gifted than the
latter, he was thoughtless, prodigal, and of phleg-
matic nonchalance. His father had spent the
utmost care on his education, had himself instructed
him, and put him under highly-salaried masters.
Thus Samuel Ibn-Tibbon studied medicine, the
Arabic language, the Talmud, and other cognate
departments of knowledge. His fond father also
provided him at an early age with a wife, and tried
to subject his son to his guardianship and to the
rule of his pedantic nature. The latter revolted
against his father's despotic rule, cast his exhorta-
tions and teachings to the winds, and having asserted
his independence, became estranged from his father.
He made foolhardy business speculations instead
of applying himself to his profession, losing all his
money, so that he was finally obliged to appeal to
his father for means to keep himself and his family
from starvation. His father thought that he was
ruined, but Samuel quietly finished his education,
and ultimately excelled his father both in skill of
translating and in philosophical grasp. He ren-
dered into Hebrew not only works of Jewish
authors, but also some of the works of Aristotle ; he
also wrote a philosophical exposition of Ecclesiastes
and a treatise on portions of Genesis. Generally
speaking, the chief claim of the Tibbonides to dis-
tinction rests on their skill as translators, as that
of the Kimchis on their grammatical acumen.

CH. XIII. ABRAHAM BEN DAVID OF POSQUIERES. 399

Not far from Liinel, in Posquieres, there existed
at that time a congregation of forty members.
Here was born one of the greatest Talmudists,
Abraham ben David (about 1125, died 1198), son-
in-law of Abraham ben Isaac of Narbonne. Having
been educated under excellent teachers,, and being
very rich, Abraham (Rabed II) supported a college
of his own, which attracted many students from far
and near. He provided for the material as well
as the intellectual needs of his disciples. Whilst
still a youth, he composed Talmudical works of
great importance, and at the instigation of Meshul-
1am ben Jacob he wrote a commentary on a part
of the Mishna. By nature inconsiderate, and having
little respect for the rules of courtesy, he treated
those whose writings he refuted in a contemptuous
manner. He was a dangerous antagonist. Of the
sciences he had no knowledge, nor did he seem
capable of grasping the higher conception of Juda-
ism ; he even boasted of his ignorance of such
things ; it was quite sufficient in his eyes for one to
be thoroughly conversant with the Talmud. Abra-
ham ben David and Serachya Halevi were the pro-
foundest Talmudists since the death of Tam.

Bourg de St. Gilles, the second capital of Duke
Raymond V of Toulouse, had a congregation of a
hundred members. This congregation, as well as
the others under Count Raymond, whom the trou-
badours called the Good Duke, lived under most
happy conditions, and were promoted to offices of
state. Abba-Mari ben Isaac, of St. Gilles, better
known through his learned son, was the sheriff of
the town. This son, Isaac ben Abba-Mari, who
was probably a pupil of Tam, had acquired, from the
celebrated master of Rameru, a thorough rather
than an ingenious method of studying the Talmud.
In his seventeenth year he composed, at the in-
stance of his father, a compendium of certain ritual
laws, and later in life summed up all the results of

400 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. Xltl.

his investigations in the Talmud in a work, entitled
" Ittur," upon the rabbinical civil laws and rites.

Raymond VI of Toulouse favored the Jews even
more than his father, and promoted them to offices
(i 192-1222). On this account, and for other like
sins, he was virulently persecuted by Pope Innocent
III, and ultimately had to take a solemn oath that
he would deprive the Jews of their offices, and that
he would never appoint any Jews, nor favor them
in any way.

Beaucaire (Belcaire), which belonged to the county
of Toulouse, also had a large congregation, at the
head of which stood Kalonymos, " the Prince." In
the flourishing commercial town of Marseilles, which
at that time formed an independent state, there
lived three hundred Jewish families belonging to
two congregations. The minor congregation, che
members of which dwelt near the harbor, and
probably carried on navigation, or at least engaged
in foreign business, had at their head a noble man,
Jacob Perpignano (died 11 70). The larger con-
gregation had a Talmudical college, over which
Simon ben Anatolio presided. In Marseilles also,
the Jews were admitted to offices.

The beginning of the last two decades of the
twelfth century constituted the boundary line be-
tween fortune and misfortune for the Jews of
northern France, who were partly subject to the
king and partly to the more or less dependent
barons. As long as the friendly king, Louis VII,
lived, they continued in their happy condition, and
were protected from the malevolent attacks of the
clergy. Louis would not enforce the resolution of
the Lateran Council, that no Jew should keep any
Christian nurses or domestics. He asked the Pope,
at the request of the Jews, whether, this resolution
must be strictly construed, and whether the Jews
might be allowed to build synagogues. In spite of
the papal decision, he exercised so little energy in

CH. XIII. PHILIP AUGUSTUS AND THE JEWS. 4OI

enforcing this canonical law, that even his son Philip
Augustus, in whose favor he abdicated (1169) on
account of feebleness, did not feel bound by it.
When the Archbishop of Sens insisted on its en-
forcement, and endeavored to bring into effect
several other decisions of the Church, which en-
croached on the prerogatives of the crown, the
young king sent him into banishment. By and by,
however, other considerations, not different influ-
ences, gained the ascendancy over the not very
noble nature of Philip Augustus, at that time only
twenty-five years old, prompting him to change his
mind about the Jews, and transforming him into one
of the greatest Jew-hating kings in history.

Although lord of the whole of France, and feudal
suzerain of the mighty king of England, the French
king at that time had little land of his own. The
small tract of land, Isle de France, with a few
scattered provinces, constituted his only inherit-
ance, and the rest of the land was under the
dominion of powerful barons. The policy of Philip
Augustus aimed at enriching the French crown by
the acquisition of landed estates, and by trans-
forming the ostensible vassalage of the barons into
a reality. To accomplish this he needed money,
above all things, in order to raise troops and to
support them. The wealth of the French Jews
appeared to him a ready resource, and prompted
him to devise a scheme to appropriate it. He had
no need for lengthy consideration, for he had only
to give ear to the prejudice that prevailed
against them, in order to obtain the right to plun-
der and oppress them. Although the Jews of
France were not the only persons who practised
usury — for Christians also, in spite of canonical
prohibitions, took exorbitant interest — and although
it was perhaps only the rich Jews of that country
that were usurers, Philip Augustus nevertheless
made the Jews one and all responsible for the

402 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. Xlll.

impoverishment of reckless debtors ; and although
personally he did not believe that monstrous lie
which somehow arose in the twelfth century —
whence and on what ground we know not — that
the Jews slaughtered Christian children on the
Passover festival, and drank their blood, he never-
theless acted as if they were incarnate murderers,
so as to have a convenient pretext for exacting and
extorting money from them. Even before the
death of the old king, Philip Augustus caused all
the Jews living on his estates to be seized whilst
they were praying in their synagogues, and cast
into prison (19th January, 1180). He calculated
that the Jews would offer a large ransom for their
liberation. When they had collected fifteen hun-
dred marks of silver they were set at liberty. This
extortion was only a prelude to further demands.
Before the end of the year 1 180, the king declared
all claims of Jews against Christians to be null and
void ; but, nevertheless, took care to appropriate a
fifth part of the debts of the Christians to the
exchequer. A hermit of Vincennes encouraged
him, by explaining to him that it was godly work to
rob the Jews of their wealth. Philip Augustus was
not yet satisfied that he had made the rich Jews
beggars, and shortly afterwards published an edict
commanding all the Jews in his province to leave it
between April and St. John's Day (1181). They
were allowed to sell their movable property. Their
fields, vineyards, barns and wine-presses, which
must have yielded a fine revenue, escheated to
the king, and the deserted synagogues were used
as churches. That it is untrue that the Jews of
France were hated by the people on account of
their usury, alleged child-slaying, and other crimes,
is proved most decisively by the circumstance that
counts, barons, and even bishops strenuously en-
deavored to turn the king from his purpose, and to
induce him to repeal the edict of banishment against

CH. Xm. ISAAC SEN SAMUEL. 4O3

the Jews. All their efforts, however, were in vain ;
young Philip Augustus, who had much of Louis XIV
in hini, was, in spite of his youth, so obstinate that
(as his biographer says) a rock could be shaken
more easily than his resolution. And so the Jews
of Paris and its environs once more had to take the
wanderer's staff, and leave the places where they
had lived for many centuries. The offer that they
might retain possession of their property if they
would submit to baptism, they held as opposed to
their profession of faith in the unity of God. Only
a few went over to Christianity.

Fortunately for the Jews, the hereditary estate
of the king, as mentioned above, was at that time
not very large, and the vassals were still inde-
pendent enough to refuse obedience to the order
to expel all Jews from their provinces. They
dwelt in the greatest part of France, and even
those who had been driven out of the territory of
Philip Augustus were allowed to settle among
them. The Talmudical College of Paris was
closed, but those in the Champagne, where the Tos-
safists pursued their work, still flourished. The small
town of Rameru continued to be the center of
study. Here Isaac ben Samuel, of Dampierre
(Ri), a great-grandson of Rashi, held his school.
He was the chief authority after the death of his
uncle Tam. Learned and acute, like his ancestors,
Isaac occupied himself with completing Rashi's
commentary, with collecting and arranging his
notes on the whole Talmud, and supplementing
the questions on knotty Talmudic points pre-
sented to the Tossafists, and their decisions. It
required a profound knowledge of the enormous
material of the Talmud to undertake this work, to
adjust the most irreconcilable opinions, to discover
an inconsistency here, and explain one away there.
The story is told that in the college of Isaac the
Elder there were sixty learned members, all of

404 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

whom not only were proficient in the whole of the
Talmud, but each one of whom knew by heart and
could explain in a masterly manner one of its sixty
treatises. Isaac's first collection of the glosses was
called "the old Tossafoth." In consequence of the
hostile spirit which began to prevail in northern
France, through the persecution of Philip Augustus,
Isaac's son, named Elchanan, who, although young,
had gained renown among the Tossafists, fell a
martyr to his religion, in the lifetime of his father
(1 184).

Some years later (1191) Philip Augustus sent
fresh victims to the martyr's grave. In the little
town of Bray (on the Seine, north of Sens), which
belonged to the county of Champagne, a Christian
subject of the king murdered a Jew. The relatives
of the murdered man appealed to the countess, and
obtained her permission, through rich presents of
money, to hang the murderer. By design or acci-
dent, the execution took place on the Purim festival,
and this circumstance reminded the people of Ra-
man's gallows, and perhaps of something else. As
soon as the king had received news of the execution
of his subject, in a distorted report, moreover, say-
ing that the Jews had bound the hands of the
murderer, crowned him with a crown of thorns,
and dragged him through the streets, he hastened
to Bray with a force of men, and surrounding the
houses of the Jews with guards, offered them the
alternative between death and conversion. The
congregation did not hesitate a moment, its mem-
bers bravely determined to kill one another rather
than die by the hand of the executioner. Philip
caused nearly one hundred to be burnt, and spared
only the children under thirteen years. A few days
later the king, with blood-imbrued hands, was con-
secrated as champion of the Cross, and sailed to
Syria, to the crusade. The so-called Holy War
improved him but little.

CH. XIII. FULKO DE NEUILLY. 405

All efforts to dislodge that really great hero,
Saladin, from Jerusalem and the district belonging
to it, had hitherto proved fruitless. Richard the
Lion-hearted was compelled to patch up a truce
discreditable to the Christians, and the only favor
that he obtained was that Christian pilgrims were
to be allowed to visit at any time the Church of the
Sepulchre in Jerusalem.

A new crusade had to be preached ; the dying
embers of fanaticism once more had to be rekindled,
and naturally the Jews again were the first to suffer.
Pope Innocent III, the most thoughtless and arbi-
trary of all princes of the Church, took the cause in
hand with frantic energy. He commissioned a
preacher, Fulko de Neuilly, who had till then lived
a reckless, sinful life, to. preach the crusade in
towns and villages ; and this agent, a second Ru-
dolph, used the unpopularity of the Jews and the
prospect of plundering them as convenient means
for enlisting soldiers for the armies of the Cross.
He preached that Christian debtors, having taken
the Cross, were absolved from their debts to their
Jewish creditors. Many barons of northern France
inspired, or pretending to be inspired by Fulko's
fanatical harangues, enrolled themselves as cru-
saders. Now that their hatred of the Jews was
once more inflamed, they drove them out of their
provinces ; for, having been impoverished by the
canceling of their debts, the Jews had nothing left
which the barons could extort from them.

Contrary to all expectations, Philip Augustus,
the arch-enemy of the Jews, received the exiles in
his own territory, and allowed those who had
formerly been expelled by him to return again to
their hearths (July, 1198). This inconsistent and
tolerant action of the king, who had been hitherto
invariably severe, occasioned much surprise. It
seems that Philip Augustus had taken this step for
the purpose of mortifying the clergy and Pope

406 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

Innocent III, because they had declared against his
second marriage, he having divorced his first wife
without the sanction of the Pope.

At first glance it appears as if the French king
and the barons were filled with solicitude for the
Jews, as if the latter were so dear to them that they
could not exist without them. They looked jealously
at one another if Jews emigrated from one province
to another ; they reclaimed them, and entered into
compacts whereby any Jews who had changed their
places of abode were to be delivered over to their
original lord ; and they went so far as to place the
Jews under oath not to pass beyond their borders.
But behind this apparent solicitude there lurked
the most contemptible greed for money* The
Jews of northern France were considered by the
kings and barons as convenient sources whence to
obtain gold. As early as the year 1198, Philip
Augustus entered into an agreement with Thibaut
of Champagne, that neither should detain any Jews
who had emigrated from the territory of the one,
and settled in that of the other, but that the Jews
should be sent back to the province whence they
had come. Philip Augustus, however, like most of
the kings of France, was not a man of his word ; he
refused to give up the Jews who had, on account of
excessive oppression, moved to Francia from Cham-
pagne, which was thickly populated with Jews.

Thus, from the time of Philip Augustus, the Jews
of northern France lost one of the most precious
privileges of mankind, freedom of motion. Whilst
formerly they were able to move about at will from
place to place, they were now compelled to remain
in their native place like serfs. If they ventured to
move from it, the lord of the land seized their real
property, and confiscated it. At first the Jews did
not know what to make of this state of affairs, and
the rabbinical authority of the time, Isaac of Dam-
pierre, decided that no Jew should buy property

CH. XIII. RESTRICTIONS IN FRANCE. 407

that had been confiscated ; and If he did buy such
property, he was to return it to its original owner.
Gradually this robbery became law. Not only
freedom of motion, but even the right to possess
property was denied them. " The property of the
Jews belongs to the baron " was the leading prin-
ciple of the legislation of northern France concern-
ing the Jews. The king and the barons, indeed,
allowed the Jews to take a high rate of interest (two
deniers a week on a livre), because it served their
purposes. The bonds had to be drawn up by a
notary, sealed with the public seal, and witnessed
by two notables. In this manner the lord of the
province could obtain information of all money
transactions. On every settled account the lord
levied a large tax (cens). The Jews of northern
France were valued, only for their possessions ;
they were treated as revenue-producing bondmen.
A nobleman sold to the Duchess of Champagne all
his " chattels and Jews." The Jews were thus secure
from expulsion and persecution, because they were
needed, but they suffered from innumerable annoy-
ances, and their moral sense was thereby blunted.
They were restricted to the business of money
getting, and they acquired as much as possible in
order to be able to satisfy their tormentors. The
clergy did not fail to add fuel to the fire of hatred
against the Jews, and shut them out of the Chris-
tian world like lepers. Bishop Odo, of Paris, who
issued canonical constitutions (1197), forbade Chris-
tians to buy meat of Jews, to hold discussions with
them, and generally to have any intercourse with
them. Those who disobeyed were subject to the
sentence of excommunication. If the Jews of
northern France had not then been possessed of a
burning passion for the study of the Talmud, they
would certainly have become as degenerate as their
enemies pictured, and wished them to be. The
Talmud alone saved them from brutalized selfish-
ness and moral decay.

408 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

After the death of Isaac, the compiler of the
Tossafoth (about 1200), the study of the Talmud in
northern France was furthered by three men of his
school : Judah Sir Leon ben Isaac, the Pious (ha-
Chasid), in Paris (born 1166, died 1224), Samson
ben Abraham in Sens (died before 1226), and his
own brother, Isaac the Younger (Rizba), in Dam-
pierre. All three expounded the Talmud in their
schools in the usual manner, decided religious ques-
tions that were submitted to them,' and wrote Tos-
safoth, those of Samson existing in a separate form
under the name of Sens Tossafoth.

These three rabbis of northern France did not
lead the way to new developments in any branch
of learning. They had no taste for science or
poetry, and they studied Holy Writ, only in the
light of the Agadic method of exposition. They
were not destitute of acuteness, but they wanted
breadth of view. Samson was so incapable of doing
justice to the sincerity of religious feeling in the
Karaites, who, if possible, were over-scrupulous in
the discharge of their religious duties, that he not
only held it illegal to intermarry with them, but
wished them to be regarded as idolaters, whose
wine a Rabbanite might not drink. Judah Sir Leon
wrote a book in which he endeavors to hold up the
higher ideals towards which the truly pious should
strive. This work is, indeed, instinct with religious
feeling, and of singularly pure morality; but it is
also full of perverted ideas of the world, and of
crass superstition. It .mirrors faithfully the spirit
of that time : that religious scrupulousness which
fearfully considers at every step whether it does not
commit or occasion a sin ; that gloomy disposition
which detects in every natural impulse the incite-
ment of Satan ; that paltry spirit which treats every
trifling occurrence as full of significance. Side by
side with sentences of which philosophers need not
be ashamed, in this " Book of the Pious," there occur

CH. XIII. THE JEWS IN ENGLAND. 4O9

absurdities which could have been produced only by
the decline in all conditions of life, which the Jews
had experienced since the reign of Philip Augustus.

Judah Sir Leon, the Pious, became the master of
many pupils, who afterwards acquired renown :
Solomon of Montpellier, Moses of Coucy, Isaac of
Vienna, and others became rabbis, and promoters
of the study of the Talmud in Spain, France, and
Germany. All were guided by his spirit, beheld
Judaism only as through a thick layer of fog, and
were opponents of free investigation. The dis-
ciples of his school later on arrayed themselves
against the Spanish exponents of a higher concep-
tion of Judaism.

In England, and in those French provinces which
at that time belonged to England (Normandy, Bre-
tagne, Anjou, Touraine, Maine, Guienne, Poitou
and Gascony), the Jews lived under Henry II, for a
long time, in undisturbed and happy quiet. They
inhabited the large towns, and in London many of
them attained to such wealth that their houses had
the appearance of royal palaces. The summons to
the first and second crusades found no response
among the stolid islanders, and in consequence no
martyrs were found among the Jews of England at
that time. Many Englishmen had conceived such
a predilection for Judaism that they entered into
the covenant. There existed a congregation which
consisted entirely of proselytes. Their communal
and intellectual life was like that of France, which
at that time stood in close connection with Eng-
land. In London, Jacob of Orleans, a pupil of
Tarn, a famous Tossafist, founded his school. Ben-
jamin of Canterbury was likewise a disciple of the
teacher of Rameru. The knightly son of Henry,
Richard the Lion-hearted, was equally averse to
persecution, and the Jewish community of England
might have developed peacefully under him, had
not the fanaticism kindled by Thomas a Becket in-

4IO HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

eluded them among its victims. At Richard's
coronation (3d September, 1189), the first persecu-
tion broke out against the Jews, culminating a cen-
tury later in their general expulsion. Richard's
coronation ceremony was the first scene of a bloody
drama for the Jews.

When Richard had returned to. his palace from
his coronation in the church, there entered, among
others who came to do homage to the king, a depu-
tation of the richest and most prominent members
of the congregations of England to hand in their
presents. On their appearance, Baldwin, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, a fanatical church dignitary,
remarked fiercely, that no presents ought to be
accepted from Jews, and that they ought to be dis-
missed from the palace, for on account of their
religion they had forfeited the privilege to rank
among other nations. Richard, who did not think
of the evil consequences that might follow, inno-
cently obeyed the instruction of the archbishop.
The palace menials, who showed the Jews out of
the palace, thought themselves privileged to abuse
them. The gaping crowd likewise fell to, and pur-
sued the Jewish deputies with blows of the fist,
with stones and clubs. Soon there spread about
in all parts of London the false report that the
king desired the humiliation and destruction of the
Jews, and immediately the mob and the crusading
rabble banded together to enrich themselves with
the possessions of the Jews. The pillagers made
an attack upon the houses in which the Jews had
sought refuge, and set fire to them. Meanwhile
night had come, and covered with her shadows the
ghastly butchery of the Jews. It was in vain that
the newly-crowned king sent one of his courtiers,
Ranulph de Granville, to make inquiries about the
uproar, and put a stop to it. At first he could not
make himself heard, and was moreover assailed
with jeers by the raging mob. Many Jews were

CH. XIII. MALTREATMENT OF JEWS IN LONDON. 4II

murdered ; others killed themselves, because they
were called upon to submit to baptism, among them
Jacob of Orleans. Most of the Jewish houses were
burnt, and the synagogues destroyed. The fire,
which had been applied in order to destroy the
records of the debts of Christians to Jews, spread,
and consumed a part of the city. Only one Jew
apostatized to Christianity, the wealthy Benedict of
York, who with his fellow-deputy had been ejected
from the palace, and dragged into a church, where
he had pretended to submit to baptism. When
Richard, however, learnt the real circumstances of
the affair, he ordered those implicated to be exe-
cuted. Richard was so careful of the welfare of the
Jews of his realm that, fearing that the persecution
in London might spread through England and his
French dominions, he promulgated edicts that the
Jews were to be inviolate, and even sent deputies
to Normandy and Poitou to suppress any out-
breaks against the Jews that might occur. He,
moreover, allowed Benedict of York to return to
Judaism, when he learnt that he had been baptized
under compulsion, and heard from him the confes-
sion that he had remained a Jew at heart, and
wanted to die as such. The fanatical Archbishop
of Canterbury, who was present at the interview,
being asked his opinion, answered, " If he will
not remain a son of God, let him be a son of the
devil." As long as Richard remained in London,
the Jews were at peace ;. but as soon as he crossed
the Channel, in order to inaugurate a new crusade
together with Philip Augustus, the scenes of London
were repeated all over England. It was not only
religious zeal which incited the Christians against
the Jews of England, but rather envy of their pros-
perity, and, above all, desire for their property.
The first to suffer was the wealthy and notable
congregation in the flourishing commercial city of
Lynn. If we may believe Christian writers, it

412 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

would appear that the Jews first provoked the fury
of the Christians against themselves. They are
said to have attacked a baptized Jew, and when he
fled for refuge into a church, they captured it by
storm. Thereupon the Christians are said to have
been called to arms. At the time there happened
to be crusaders in the city. The Jews, being de-
feated by the latter, took refuge in their houses,
and there were assaulted with fire and sword, but
few escaping with their lives. It is impossible,
however, that the Jews should have been the first
to attack, for the citizens themselves, when called
upon by royal commissioners to explain these dis-
turbances, fixed the blame on the crusaders, who,
in the meantime, had decamped with the booty of
the Jews. A Jewish physician, who, by his modesty
and skill, had won popularity even among the
Christians, was murdered by these ruffians for
mourning too much for his people, and invoking
the justice of heaven upon their murderers.

Soon after the Lynn massacre, the Jews of Nor-
wich were surprised in their houses, and butchered
(6th February, 1190). A month later (7th March),
the Jews of Stamford were severely maltreated,
because on the market day many crusaders and
strangers happened to be in the city, who were
sure to be in stronger force than their opponents,
in case the Jews, assisted by the citizens, should
offer them resistance. They believed that they were
performing a godly act if they treated as enemies
those whose property they were lusting after, and
they hoped to extort from the Jews their traveling
expenses for the crusade. Without the least pro-
vocation, they fell upon the Jews, murdered some,
forcing others to flee to the royal castle, broke into
the houses, and carried away everything valuable.
The robber crusaders absconded from the town
with their booty, so that none of it might fall into
the hands of the royal judges. One of these

CH. XIII. THE JEWS OF YORK. 4I3

brigands was all but declared a saint ; he deposited
his plunder at the house of a friend, who murdered
him to get possession of his ill-gotten gains. The
Jews of Lincoln nearly shared the fate of their
brethren of Lynn, Norwich, and Stamford ; but on
getting wind of the danger threatening them, they
betook themselves with their property to the royal
castle for protection.

But most tragic of all was the lot of the Jews of
York, because among them were two men, who
enjoyed princely fortunes, had built magnificent
palaces, and had accordingly aroused the envy
of the Christian inhabitants. One of these was
Joceus, the other was Benedict, who had been so
brutally ill-treated at Richard's coronation. The
latter, who had reverted to. Judaism after his com-
pulsory baptism, died from the wounds which had
been inflicted on him in London. Crusaders who
wanted to obtain wealth, citizens who were cha-
grined at the prosperity of the Jews, noblemen
who owed money to them, and priests who were
animated by a bloodthirsty fanaticism, all entered
into a conspiracy to destroy the Jews of York. In
the dead of night, during a conflagration which had
either broken out by accident or been kindled by
design, the conspirators broke into the house of
Benedict, which was inhabited only by his wife and
daughters, carried away all the valuables, and set
the house on fire. Joceus, who had foreseen the
danger threatening him, repaired with his family
and most of the members of the congregation to
the citadel, and demanded protection. But few.
Jews remained in the town, and these were attacked
by the conspirators, who appeared openly on the
day following their successful experiment, and
offered the Jews the choice between baptism and
death. The Jews in the tower, however, were
besieged by an immense multitude of people of
all classes, and were called upon to embrace Chris-

414 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIll.

tianity. One day the governor of the citadel
sauntered out of the fortress, and as the Jews
feared that he would betray them, and hand them
over to their enemies, they refused him re-admittance
into the fortress. The latter made complaint before
a high royal official, the lord-lieutenant of the pro-
vince, who happened to be present at the time, that
the Jews had had the audacity to shut him out of
the fortress which had been entrusted to him. In-
furiated in the highest degree, the lord-lieutenant
gave orders to the besieging multitude to demolish
the fortress, and take vengeance on the Jews. He
even brought up re-inforcements in order to ensure
victory. The siege lasted six days ; the Jews re-
pulsed all attacks bravely. The governor was be-
ginning to repent of having given orders to storm
the place, and many noblemen and prudent citizens
were withdrawing from an enterprise which prom-
ised so many evil consequences to them, if it be-
came known to the king, when up rose a monk in a
white robe, who exhorted the besiegers by voice and
example to continue their work. He held a special,
solemn service, read mass, and took the Host to
assure himself that divine assistance would be
rendered them in conquering the weak little troop
of Jews in the castle. He was nevertheless struck
to the ground by a stone hurled by a Jewish hand,
and yielded up his fanatical spirit.

The Jews had, in the meantime, exhausted their
provisions, and death stared them in the face.
When the men were deliberating what to do, one
learned in the Law, who had come over from
France, Yom Tob, of Joigny, counseled them to
slay one another, saying, " God, whose decisions are
inscrutable, desires that we should die for our holy
religion. Death is at hand, unless you prefer, for
a short span of life, to be unfaithful to your religion.
As we must prefer a glorious death to a shameful
life, it is advisable that we take our choice of the

CH. XIll. THEIR END. 415

most honorable and the noblest mode of death. The
life which our Creator has given us we will render
back to Him with our own hands. This example
many- pious men and congregations have given us
in ancient and modern times." Many were of the
same way of thinking ; the timid, however, would
not abandon the hope of being able to save their
lives. In the meantime, the heroic rabbi made
preparations for the sacrifice. All valuables were
burnt, fire was applied to the doors, and the men
with the courage of zealots passed the knife across
the throats of those dearest to them. Joceus, the
leader of the congregation, first slew his beloved
wife Anna, and to him was allotted the honor of
being sacrificed by the rabbi. Thus most of them
perished at one another's hands, on the day before
that great Sabbath which forms the introductory
festival in celebration of the redemption from Egyp-
tian bondage, at about the same time when the
last Zealots had put themselves to death in a similar
manner after the destruction of the Temple, to
avoid falling into the hands of the Romans. The
few survivors had to contend during the night with
the spreading fire, and secure for themselves some
sheltered places. On the Sabbath (17 March,
1 190), when the enemy advanced to the attack,
the survivors declared their willingness to open the
gate, and receive baptism ; and to convince their
foes of the shocking sacrifice that had been made,
they threw the corpses of the suicides from the
wall. Scarcely were the gates opened, when the
leader of the Christian conspirators, together with
his guardsmen, cut down the Jews, who were begging
with tears in their eyes to be baptized ; thus not a
single member of the Jewish congregation of York
survived ; altogether about 500 Jews perished. On
the following day, Palm Sunday (i8th March), 750
Jews were butchered by crusaders in Bury St.
Edmunds. Throughout England, wherever Jews

4t6 history of the jews. ch. xiii.

were to be found, unless protected by the citizens,
they met with the death of martyrs. A congrega-
tion of twenty families, consisting only of Jewish
proselytes, likewise suffered martyrdom. King
Richard was greatly enraged at these cruelties, and
commissioned his chancellor to institute inquiries,
and punish the guilty. But the crusaders had
decamped, the guilty citizens and noblemen fled
to Scotland, and the rest escaped punishment.
Only the governor of York was deposed from his
office.

But on the accession of Richard's brother, King
John, who by his unprincipled conduct degraded
England into a vassalage of the papal chair, the
Jews were robbed even of the help of generous
citizens. If John behaved ruthlessly towards all
the world, the Jews certainly could not expect to be
well treated by him.

Somewhat more fortunately placed than their
co-religionists in France and England were the
Jews of the German empire, which at that time was
very extensive. The German nations, by nature
more religious, and therefore more fanatical than
the French and the other Romance nations, often
indeed made existence for the Jews a veritable hell
upon earth ; but as emperors and princes protected
them, the hatred against them could not produce
any material effect. As Henry IV, during the
first, and Conrad III, during the second crusade,
protected the Jews, the notion arose that the
German emperors had constituted themselves
the guardians of the Jews, that any one who
harmed them committed high treason, and that in
return for his protection they became his " servi
camerae," the serfs of the imperial chamber. Fred-
erick Barbarossa, the most powerful German em-
peror, who took Charlemagne for a model, was the
first to begin the conversion of free Jews into
" servi camerae." The legend is interesting which

CH. XIII. THE JEWS AND THE EMPERORS. 417

characterizes the connection of the German em-
peror with the Jews in history. After the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem by Titus, a third of the Jews is
said to have been sold as slaves at the rate of thirty
for a bad penny. These, scattered throughout the
Roman empire, were the property of the Roman
emperor, and became his " servi camerae." The
emperor, however, had taken upon himself the duty
of protecting them, as a reward for Josephus' ser-
vice to Titus, whom he had cured of gout. The rights
and obligations of the Roman emperors towards
the Jews passed over, through Charlemagne, to the
German emperors, and hence the latter were sim-
ilarly constituted the protectors of the Jews, and
the Jews became their " servi camerae." The Jews
had, in all essentials, been " servi camerae " before,
in France and England ; that is, they were half-
and-half the property of the king or the barons,
and under one or another title they constantly had
to hold their purses in readiness to replenish the
empty coffers of their lords. In Germany, how-
ever, they had in return the protection of the
emperor. It was certainly not to be expected that
the successors of Vespasian, of the house of Teut,
should fulfil this office of champion of the Jews quite
disinterestedly. On the contrary, they needed more
revenue than other princes, as they had no land,
and received but little money from their vassals.
It seemed, therefore, only right that the Jews should,
in return for his imperial support, supply the em-
peror with pocket-money.

Although the Jews of Germany were " servi
camerae," they were not robbed wholly of their
personal rights in the twelfth century. They were
allowed to carry weapons, and even to fight single
combats. During the siege of Worms, Jews fought
side by side with Christians, and the rabbi even
permitted them to use weapons on the Sabbath for
the purpose of defense. They had their own juris-

41 8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

diction, and were not compelled to appear before
an alien judge. Now and again some of them
attained a higher position. The brave Duke Leo-
pold of Austria, renowned in history for his capture
of King Richard of England, had a Jewish treas-
urer, who, in spite of the canonical resolution of
the Lateran council, was allowed to keep Christian
servants. In Silesia, in the neighborhood of Breslau,
Jews owned several villages with the bondmen
appertaining to them. But as the prohibition to
keep Christian domestics gained ground, the Jews
were obliged to sell their landed estates, to remove
to the towns, and there to engage in business and
money-lending. In spite of the imperial protection,
they were often exposed to ill-treatment. The in-
famous invention that the Jews used Christian blood
found credence also in Germany, and here more
than in any other place, and wherever the dead
body of a Christian was found, princes and people
immediately laid the murder at the door of the
Jews. A ship containing Jews was proceeding
from Cologne to Boppard, and after it there sailed
another with Christian passengers. The latter
found the dead body of a Christian woman in Bop-
pard, and forthwith they jumped to the conclusion
that the Jews of the first ship had slain her ; the
Christians immediately pursued and overtook them,
and called upon them to submit to baptism, and on
their refusal hurled them into the Rhine. In the
general peace which the emperor decreed before
his expedition to the Orient, the Jews were also
included. He warned priest and monk not to stir
up the people against them ; but they had to supply
funds for the crusade.

Under Frederick's successor, Henry VI, a hor-
rible massacre of the Jews took place, the fanatics
breaking loose upon them at different places from
the district of the Rhine to Vienna. Under such
afflicting circumstances, when they were not sure

CH. XIII. EPHRAIM BEN JACOB. 4I9

of their lives for one moment, it was impossible for
them to advance to a high degree of culture. They
were deeply religious and beneficent, and they
assisted one another, and foreign immigrants, with
everything that they possessed. Religion and the
cohesion of the members of the community were the
pillars on which they had to lean for support ; but
they were without enthusiasm or taste for any
branch of knowledge. The study of the Talmud
continued to be the only occupation of the more
intellectual among them ; but even in this they only
followed the road marked out by Rashi and the
Tossafists, without ever diverging from it. 'Those
who desired to give spiritual nourishment to their
mind, as well as acquire intellectual acuteness,
absorbed themselves in a kind of mystic lore, the
import and significance of which is lost to us.

Ephraim ben Jacob, of Bonn (i 132-1200), made a
name for himself at about this time. He was not,
indeed, a rabbi by profession, but was none the less
adept in Talmudical lore, and in addition was an
extraordinary linguist. At the age of thirteen he
was shut up with his relatives in the tower of Wol-
kenburg during the persecution that attended the
second crusade ; there he saw the suiTerings of his
brethren in faith, and described them later on in an
impartial, enthusiastic and vividly written martyr-
ology, which he brought down to the year 1 196-97.
Ephraim was also a skilful versifier, and he com-
posed many liturgical poems, particularly lamenta-
tions on the sufferings of his time. His verses
possess no poetical beauty, but they are charac-
terized by a certain wit, which is displayed in in-
genious allusions to Biblical verses and Talmudical
passages.

It seems scarcely credible that Germany, hostile
as it was towards the Jews at that time, should have
given birth to a Jewish poet who was able to sing in
beautiful strains, knew how to handle rhyme, meter,

^20 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CF. XIH.

Strophes in the vernacular, and was so warmly ap-
preciated that he was received into the circle of
poets. Slisskind (Suzkint) of Trimberg, a small
town on the Saale in Franconia, adopted the poetic
style of Walter von der Vogelweide and Wolfram
of Eschenbach. He was probably a physician by
profession, but nothing is known of the events of
his life. In the castle of the . lords of Trimberg,
which stood on the ridge of a vine-covered hill, and
was reflected in the winding Saale, or in the neigh-
boring castle, Bodenlaube, in the company of noble
knights and beautiful dames, he poured forth, lute
in hand, his melodious strains, and the largesses
which were sliowered on him formed his sole means
of support. Slisskind sang of the high worth of
the pure woman, and pictured to the knights his
ideal of a nobleman : " Who acts nobly, him will I
account noble." He speaks of the freedom of
thought, not yielding to force :

" No man can bid a fool or sage from thought refrain,
A thought can glide through stone, and steel, and iron chain."

Slisskind also composed a German psalm. He
describes the awesome thought of death and disso-
lution, mocks at his own poverty, and prescribes a
virtue-electuary. Once the noblemen, whose bread
he ate, appear to have given him a bitter reminder
that he, as a Jew, did not belong to their select
circle. His despondency arising from this reminder
he embodied in beautiful verses, wherein he bids fare-
well to poetry. With the best of intentions, the
Jews could not cultivate • German poetry, since the
Jewish poets received kicks instead of the laurel
crown, as their reward. Being shut up in their own
circle, their sense for the euphony of language be-
came blunted, and it is probable that German poetry
has lost considerably by it.

Bohemia also must be enumerated in the list of
Talmudical centers, for it produced some men

CH. XIII. THE JEWS OF ITALY. 421

famous for Jewish knowledge. Isaac ben Jacob Hala-
ban of Prague takes an important place among the
Tossafists ; he wrote a profound commentary on
several Talmudical treatises. His brother Petachya
made distant journeys (about ii 75-11 90) through
Poland, Russia, the land of the Chazars, Armenia,
Media, Persia, Babylonia, and Palestine. His
abridged description of his journeys gives interest-
ing notices on the Jews in the East. Even the
Jews living in Poland and Russia began to take part
in Talmudical learning, which in later times they
were to possess as a monopoly.

It is remarkable that the Italian Jews of this
period seem more destitute of intellectual produc-
tions than the Bohemian or Polish Jews. They did
not produce a single authority on the Talmud.
When it was said in Tam's time, "The law goes
forth from Bari, and the word of God from Otranto,"
it was meant ironically, for they did not advance the
study of the Talmud in any way. The times were
most favorable to them ; certainly as favorable as to
the Jews of southern France. With the exception
of a single case, the expulsion of the Jews from
Bologna (11 71), the Jews in Italy were about this
time remarkably free from persecution. The clever
Pope Alexander III was well-disposed to them, and
entrusted the management of his finances to a Jew,
named Yechiel ben Abraham, a member of the
family dei Mansi, and nephew of Nathan, the famous
author of the Aruch. On the entrance of this pope
into Rome, whence he had been banished for many
years by a rival pope, the Jews among others came
to meet him with a scroll of the Law and with ban-
ners, an honor to the pope shown by Jews which the
chronicles do not fail to record. They were treated
with respect, and were not obliged to pay any im-
posts or Jew-taxes. The favorable feeling of Alex-
ander is proved in the resolutions of the great
council in the Lateran Church (1179), at which

422 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

more than three hundred princes of the Church
were present. Several anti-Jewish prelates en-
deavored to pass certain mischievous laws against
the house of Jacob. The Jews, who received infor-
mation of their hostile intentions, lived in torment-
ing anxiety, and in many congregations a fast of
three days and special prayers were ordained, that
Heaven might frustrate the wickedness of men.
History has not recorded the discussions of the
great Church assembly, but the final decrees bear
witness that the gentle spirit of tolerance prevailed
over the mania for persecution. The council only
forbade the Jews to keep Christian servants, or in
other words, an old Church prohibition was re-
newed. On the other hand, it was particularly
insisted upon that they were not to be forcibly bap-
tized, nor to be apprehended without a judicial war-
rant, nor robbed, nor disturbed on their religious
festivals. The limitation of a privilege of the Jews,
that henceforth Christians were also to be compe-
tent witnesses against Jews, was justly decreed. It
was said in explanation that the evidence of a Jew
was valid against Christians, and it was surely not
equitable that the Jews, who in reality were subject
to the Christians, and were tolerated only out of
pure humanity, should in this respect enjoy an ad-
vantage over the Christians. What a contrast to
that old Byzantine law and the resolution of the
Visigothic council, that Jews could not act as wit-
nesses against Christians ! Not that the spirit of
the Church had grown milder during these five cen-
turies ; but the Jews had earned respect for them-
selves, and accordingly the representatives of Chris-
tianity durst not repeat that old charge, " He cannot
be true to men who denies God," i. e., the Christian
God.

In southern Italy, in Naples, and the island of
Sicily, under the Norman dominion, Jews were still
less fettered. Roger II and William II expressly

CH. XIII. THEIR PROSPERITY AND IGNORANCE. 423

confirmed the privilege of trial according to their
own laws, equally with the Greeks and Saracens.
In Messina they enjoyed equal rights with the
Christians, and were eligible to office. A favorite
minister and admiral of King Roger of Sicily had a
leaning towards Judaism, frequently visited the
synagogues, donated oil for their illumination, and
in general subscribed money to meet the require-
ments of the community. Seeds of a higher culture
were scattered in profusion at that time in Italy, in
-consequence of its close intercourse with the East
during the crusades, and of the immigration of the
Greeks and Arabs into the kingdom of Naples.
The Jews, who have special facility in mastering
foreign languages, spoke Arabic and Greek, in
addition to the vernacular and Hebrew. The
versatile Ibn-Ezra, during his residence in Rome,
Lucca, Mantua, and elsewhere, was the means of
spreading among them a loftier conception of the
holy Scriptures and of Judaism. His disciple, Solo-
mon ben Abraham Parchon, of Calatayud, stayed in
the university town of Salerno for a long time, and
endeavored to make the Italians acquainted with
the science of the Hebrew language and Bible
exegesis, they being very ignorant in these depart-
ments, and for this purpose he composed a Hebrew
lexicon (1160). But all these incitements had no
effect on the Italian Jews. They remained ignorant,
and the history of Jewish literature is unable to
mention even an insignificant literary production
by an Italian till the second half of the thirteenth
century. The land which in later times gave rise
to a new style of Hebrew poetry, cannot at this
period show one Hebrew poet.

In the circumstance that the northern and central
Italian cities were mostly engaged in trade, is to be
found the true reason why they were not so numer-
ously populated with Jews as the southern Italian
cities. The great commercial houses, which had a

424 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XTII.

determining voice in the municipal council, would
not suffer the competition of the Jews. In Genoa
there lived only two Jewish families, who had emi-
grated to that place from Ceuta, on account of the
oppression of the; Almohades. Pisa, Lucca, and
Mantua had only small congregations. The two
largest, which consisted of 1300 and 200 families,
dwelt in Venice and Rome respectively. On the
other hand there were 500 families in Naples, and
300 in Capua, who were well treated and respected.
The chief of the Neapolitan congregation was
David, who bore the title of prince (principino).
In Benevento there was a congregation of 200
Jews, in Salerno 600, in Trani 200, in Tarentum
300, and in Otranto 500. The Jewish congrega-
tions in the island of Sicily were still more numer-
ous. In Messina there lived 200 families, and in
the capital, Palermo, 1500. This congregation had
been strengthened by the arrival of Greek Jews,
whom King Roger, after his conquests, had trans-
planted to that place, in order to establish the
breeding of silk-worms.

If one sailed from Brundisium across the Adriatic
Sea, he landed in the Byzantine empire. Here
were numerous and populous Jewish communities,
especially in Greece proper, Thessaly, Macedonia,
and Thrace. In Arta (or Larta) there dwelt 100
families, whose president, curiously enough, was
named Hercules ; in Lepanto the same number ;
in Crissa, at the foot of Mount Parnassus, 200, who
pursued agriculture. In Corinth there were 300
families, in Negropont 200, in Jabustrissa 100, in
Saloniki 500, who had a Jewish mayor of their
own (Ephoros), appointed by the Greek emperor.
In Rodosto there lived 400 Jewish families, in Gal-
lipoli 200, in the island of Mytilene there were 10
congregations, in Chios 400 families, in Samos 300,
in Rhodes the same number, and in Cyprus several
congregations, among which was one that had the

CH. XIII. JEWS IN THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. 425

custom of commencing the Sabbath in the morning,
not in the evening, and continuing it till Sunday
morning. The most important congregations in
the Graeco-Byzantine empire were those of Thebes
and Constantinople, in both of which were nearly
2000 families, the latter containing 500 Karaites
besides. The Theban Jews were the most skilful
manufacturers of silk and purple in the whole of
Greece. They had among them also rich mer-
chants, silk manufacturers, and learned Talmudists.
A wall separated the rabbinical from the Karaite
community in Constantinople.

If the Byzantine empire in the time of its glory
under Justinian and Alexius oppressed the Jews,
we may be sure that it was not better disposed
towards them in the time of its decline, when it lay
in the throes of death. The principle that Jews and
heretics were not to be admitted to any military
post, or office, but were to be thoroughly despised,
was, of all the enactments of this most erratic
of states, the one most strictly and consistently
adhered to.

The rich and the poor, the good and the bad
Jews were, without distinction, hated most bitterly
by the Greeks. No Jew was allowed to ride on a
horse, the privilege of freemen ; it was only by
way of exception that the emperor Emanuel vouch-
safed this privilege to Solomon, the Egyptian, his
physician in ordinary. Any Greek might molest
the Jews publicly, and in general treat them as
slaves ; the law did not protect them. Byzantium,
from time immemorial celebrated for its avarice,
imposed burdensome taxes on them. They endured
this insolent brutality with the resignation of mar-
tyrs ; nar did it make them forget to practise virtue,
and extend charity to the poor. But the Greek
Jews were unable to pay any attention to the cul-
tivation of their minds. Not one of their Tal-
mudists has immortalized his name by a work.

426 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

There were indeed many skilful Hebrew versifiers
among them, but their poems are ungainly, "hard
as granite, without taste and fragrance." Charisi
concedes merit to the verse of only one Jewish
poet, Michael ben Kaleb, of Thebes, and he ex-
plains this circumstance by the fact that the poet
had learned his art in Spain. In Asia Minor, Syria
and Palestine, the size of the Jewish congregation
at a given place might have been taken as the
criterion by which to compare Christian with Ma-
hometan tolerance. Where the cross was supreme,
there were but few and poorly populated Jewish
communities to be found, but where Islam had the
ascendancy, there were many and populous Jewish
communities. In Antioch, which belonged to a
Christian prince, there lived only lo families, nearly
all glass-workers. In Leda (Laodicea), 200 ; in
Jebile, which belonged to the Genoese, 1 50 ; in
Bairut (Berytus), 50 ; in Saida (Sidon), 10 ; only in
Tyre was there a congregation containing 400
members, and there the Jews possessed farms, and
were even allowed to pursue navigation. At their
head stood Ephraim of Cairo. On the other hand,
in Haleb (Aleppo), which had been raised, through
the great Mahometan prince, Nureddin, to the posi-
tion of second capital after Bagdad, there lived
1500 Jewish families, among whom were many
opulent men, respected at court. Here dwelt the
Hebrew poet, Jehuda ben Abbas, the friend of the
prince of poets, Jehuda Halevi. He had emigrated
to this place from Fez on account of the religious
persecution. In the neighborhood of ancient Pal-
myra there lived nearly 2000 Jewish families, whose
men were warlike, and often carried on feuds with
the Christians and Mahometans. The congregation
of Damascus counted 3000 members, among whom
were many learned Talmudists, one of them being
the famous Joseph ben Pilat, who originally came
from France. In Damascus there was also a

CH. XIII. JEWS IN PALESTINE. 427

Karaite congregation of some 200 families, and
a Samaritan congregation of 400 families, who,
although they did not intermarry, nevertheless
carried on a peaceful intercourse with the Rab-
banites. In the whole of that part of Palestine in
the hands of the Christians, there lived scarcely
more than 1000 families. The largest congrega-
tions, each of 300 members, existed at that time in
Toron de los Caballeros, in Jerusalem and Askalon ;
in each of the most important towns of Judsea, on
the other hand, there lived only about 200 Jews.
The Jewish inhabitants of Jerusalem were mostly
dyers, having bought the exclusive right to exercise
this trade from the Christian king ; they lived at
the end of the town to the west of Mount Zion.
Between the years 11 69 and 11 75 they were all,
except one, expelled from that city (probably under
the youthful and leprous phantom king, Baldwin
IV), and he had to pay a high price for the privilege
of carrying on the dyer's trade. The Christians,
deeply sunk in vice, believed the holy city to be
polluted by the continent Jews. In Askalon there
lived, at about this time, 300 Samaritan and 40
Karaite families. In Caesarea, which had before
harbored many thousands of Jews, there lived then
only 10 families and 200 Samaritans. Of this sect
there were many also in their aboriginal seat,
Samaria and Neapolis (Shechem), with not one
Rabbanite Jew among them. Minor congregations
of 50 there were in Tiberias and Ulamma, 20 in
Gischala, 22 in Bethlehem, and in each of the other
towns from one to three families. Thus was' the
heritage of Israel given away to strangers. The
Jewish inhabitants of Judaea vegetated rather than
lived ; not even the study of the Talmud was culti-
vated by them. Accho alone possessed Talmudists,
one Zadok, and another Japhet ben Elia, and these
were foreigners. About this time many emigrants
from Europe, and particularly from southern France,

428 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. ' CH. XIII.

settled in Palestine ; and these enjoyed such recog-
nition among the Jewish natives, by reason of their
intellectual superiority, that they were able to move
them to celebrate the New Year's festival for two
days, which, till then, and fr.om time immemorial,
the Palestinians had been accustomed to solemnize,
like the other festivals, for only one day.

From the point of view of number and material
importance, we must consider the district between
the twin rivers, Euphrates and Tigris, as the chief
seat of Judaisrn. Here there were congregations
which numbered thousands. The former academ-
ical cities, Nahardea, Sora, and Pumbeditha, had
certainly disappeared ; but in their stead the con-
gregations of Bagdad and Mosul (called New
Nineveh) had gained an ascendancy over all Asia.
The Bagdad congregation contained looo Jewish
families with four synagogues, and lived in undis-
turbed quiet as in the best days of the Caliphate.
So free did the Jews of this part feel that they even
dared try to hinder the Mahometan crier in his
business in a mosque in Madain (near Bagdad),
because he disturbed their service in the syna-
gogue. The caliph, Mahomet Almuktafi, had con-
ceived an affection for an estimable and wealthy
Jew, Solomon (Chasdai ?), and bestowed on him
the office of Exilarch, and created him prince over
all the Jews in the caliphate. The Prince of the
Captivity was once more allowed to be surrounded
by a retinue, to ride on a horse, to wear silk clothes
and a turban ; to be accompanied by a guard of
honor, and to use an official seal. If he ap-
peared in public, or repaired to court for an audi-
ence, both Jews and Mahometans were bound to
rise before him, on penalty of being bastinadoed ;
a herald went before him, crying, " Make way for
our lord, the son of David." The Exilarch appointed
and confirmed rabbis, judges, and readers, in all
parts of the caliphate, from Persia to Khorasan

CII. XIII. THE JEWS OF BAGDAD AND MOSUL. 429

and the Caucasus, and as far as Yemen, India and
Thibet. He appointed these officials by commis-
sion, for which he expected gifts. Thus the exil-
archate was once more raised to the splendor of
the time of Bostanai. There also arose in Bagdad
an important Talmudical college, whose principal
assumed the title of Gaon. Isaac Ibn-Sakni, who
had emigrated from Spain to the East towards the
end of the eleventh century, appears to have once
more awakened, in these circles, an interest for
Talmudical learning. The Exilarch was himself a
learned Talmudist. Ali Halevi was at that time
the principal of the college, which was once more
numerously attended by students. The city of
Akbara, in the neighborhood of Bagdad, contained
10,000 Jews, but it had no special importance.

The congregation of Mosul was still more con-
siderable than that of Bagdad. It numbered nearly
7000 families. This city was elevated to the position
of capital through the hero Zenki, father of the great
Nureddin, and like him the terror of the Christians,
and as Zenki was not ill-disposed to the Jews, they
enjoyed extensive liberties under him. The Arabic
historians relate the following story. Once he came
with his army to the city Jesirat-ul-Amar (on the
upper Tigris), where there dwelt 4000 Jewish
families. They had a synagogue which they be-
lieved had been built in the time of Ezra, and
Zenki took up his quarters in the house of a Jew.
His host complained to him of the impoverishment
of the city through these constant military expedi-
tions, and Zenki thereupon left the city, and ordered
his army to encamp in tents before the gates.
His successor, Saif-Eddin Ghasi (1146-1 149), ob-
served the same friendly attitude towards the Jews.
At the head of the Mosul congregation was a man
named Zaccai, who also proclaimed himself to be a
scion of the house of David, in consequence of
which he bore the title of " Prince." He divided his

430 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

authority with another, who was considered a dis-
tinguished astronomer, and bore the honorable title
" Profound Connoisseur of the Sphere of Heaven,"
and was in the service of the Prince of Mosul.

The Jewish inhabitants of New Nineveh were
regarded as the most ignorant among the Jews, and
were not even conversant with the Talmud. North
of Mosul, among the Carduchian mountains, or
among the mountains of Chaftan, there were many
large congregations, some of which were oppressed
under the Sultans and the Persians, but others were
free and wild as the mountains on which they dwelt.
These free Jews in the land of Adher-Baijan (Aser-
beidsan) used weapons, lived in friendly intercourse
with the fanatical assassins who dwelt in that part,
were the enemies of every one who was not one
of their co-religionists or allies, and often made
descents into the valley for booty. They were them-
selves inaccessible, and lived in primitive ignorance,
without knowledge of the sources of their religion.
They accepted the rabbi whom the Exilarch sent to
them, and acted according to his directions. There
suddenly appeared amongst them (about 1160) an
ambitious and versatile man, who thought to profit
by the military ability, the bravery and ignorance
of these Jews for a purpose which is now unknown.
This man, named David Alrui (Alroy) or Ibn-
Alruchi (Arruchi), achieved considerable notoriety
in his time, and in bur own days became the hero
of a brilliant novel. This young man, an inhabitant
of Amadia, of handsome appearance, clear mind
and high courage, had attained to deep knowledge
of the Bible and the Talmud, as well as of Arabic
literature. On his return to Amadia, which appears
to have been his birthplace, the Jews were not the
only persons who were amazed at his vast acquire-
ments, but others also, among whom was the com-
mander of the town, named Zain-Eddin. At this
time violent tumults arose in consequence of the

CH. XIII. DAVID ALRUI. 43 1

crusades, and of the weakness of the Caliphate, and
made the whole of the country as far as Asia Minor
a veritable pandemonium. The government was
divided among the weak Caliph, his vizirs and
generals, the Seljuk Sultan, and the Emirs, every
one of whom played a distinct part, and sought only
conquest and increase of power; and subordinate
persons like Nureddin and Saladin obtained mighty
conquests. All these circumstances combined in
encouraging David Alrui to play a political part. He
wanted, however, to gain as confederates his coun-
trymen and co-religionists, many of whom were
efficient warriors. This he could only accomplish
if he were able to awaken their national sentiment.
David Alrui, or as he was sometimes called, Mena-
hem ben Solomon, accordingly issued a spirited
appeal to the Jews of Asia, saying that he was
appointed by God to deliver them from the yoke of
the Mahometans, and to bring them back to Jeru-
salem. For this purpose they were to assist him
in waging war against the nations. The first place
to which David Alrui turned his eyes was the strong
castle of Amadia, which he thought would serve as
an excellent base of operations for his enterprises.
To get possession of it, he wrote to the Jews of
Adher-Baijan, Mosul, and Bagdad, to come in great
numbers to Amadia, and bring swords and other
weapons under their cloaks. In response to this
summons, many Jews who believed Alrui to be the
promised Messiah, met in the town at an appointed
time, with sharpened weapons concealed about their
person, and the commandant at first entertained no
suspicion, as he thought that this great crowd was
attracted to the town by Alrui's fame as a scholar.
At this point history abandons us, and we can
only have recourse to legend, which continues the
thread of the story as follows : At the invitation of
the Persian Sultan, David Alrui is said to have
appeared before him, unattended by his retinue ; he

432 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

then boldly declared himself to be the Messiah, and
was thrown into prison in Taberistan. Whilst the
Sultan was deliberating what punishment he should
mete out to him and his adherents, Alrui suddenly
entered the council chamber, and informed him and
his astonished counselors that he had set him-
self free from prison by the aid of occult arts,
adding that he feared neither the Sultan nor his
ministers. The Sultan ordered Alrui to be seized,
but the latter, it is said, made himself invisible, and
in this manner crossed a river, defying capture, and
traveled in one day to Amadia, a journey which
ordinarily took ten days. When he suddenly made
his appearance among his credulous followers, and
related to them his adventures, the authorities were
seized with a panic. The Sultan gave orders to
the Caliph that he should inform the Jewish repre-
sentatives in Bagdad, that, if they did not turn
David Alrui from his purpose, he would put all the
Jews of his empire to the sword.

The enthusiasm for David Alrui had spread,
especially among the Jews of Bagdad, and afforded
two knaves an opportunity for defrauding the igno-
rant populace of their property. They produced
letters, which they gave out were written by the
hero of Amadia, in which the redemption was fixed
for a certain night. The two impostors now prac-
tised on the credulity of the enthusiasts ; they were
all to fly from Bagdad to Jerusalem on the appointed
night, and for this purpose they were to mount their
roofs, put on green robes, and await the hour. In
their confidence that the hour of redemption was
about to arrive, they committed their property into
the hands of the two impostors for proper distribu-
tion. The night came, the crowd was assembled
on the roofs of their houses in eager expectation ;
women wept, children shouted, every one was on
tiptoe of anxiety to try to fly, until daybreak opened
their eyes to the imposition practised on them. The

Cii. Xltl. DAVID ALRUl's DEATH. 43^

rogues had decamped with the property entrusted
to them. The people of Bagdad called this time
" the year of flying," and thereafter reckoned time
from this event.

The Exilarch and the principal of the college in
Bagdad conceived it their duty, partly on account
of the enthusiasm, which was passing all bounds,
and partly on account of the punishment with which
they had been threatened, to address themselves to
David Alrui, and try to turn him from his purpose
by threats of excommunication. The representa-
tives of the congregation of Mosul, Zaccai and
Joseph Barihan Alfalach, wrote to him in the same
strain ; until at last the Mahometan commandant of
Amadia, who was most of all eager to be rid of him,
persuaded the father-in-law of Alrui to put him out
of the way. He killed his son-in-law whilst asleep,
and thus put an end to the disturbance. The Sul-
tan nevertheless decreed a persecution of the Jews
of those provinces which had adhered to Alrui, and
the Prince of the Captivity with difficulty appeased
his wrath with a present of a hundred talents of
gold. It is only after his death that a Messiah is
actually believed in and revered ; many Jews of the
congregations in Adher-Baijan continued to ven-
erate the murdered Alrui for a considerable time ;
they called themselves Menachemists, and swore by
his name.

There dwelt an independent, warlike Jewish
tribe, at that time, east of Taberistan, in .the pro-
vince of Khorasan, on the highlands by Nishabur.
This tribe numbered 4000 families, and was gov-
erned by a Jewish prince named Joseph Amarkala
Halevi. These Jews around Nishabur believed
that they were descendants of the tribes of Dan,
Zebulon, Asher, and Naphtali. They bred cattle
in the valleys and on the mountain slopes, were
good archers, had in their midst learned Talmudists,
and stood in friendly relation with the Turkish

434 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

hordes called Ghuzz. The latter, who lived on the
banks of the river Oxus, between .Balch and Bok-
hara, were accustomed to make incursions in the
surrounding countries, and were the terror of the
civilized nations. Once, when the Ghuzz had been
on a ravaging tour, the Seljuk-Sultan Sinjar Shahin-
Shah undertook an expedition against them (1153).
His army, however, lost its way in the desert, and
many of the men perished through hunger and
exhaustion. At length he came to the country of
the free Jews, and demanded of them provisions
and a free passage to the province of the Ghuzz.
The Jews objected that they owed no one any
allegiance beyond their own prince and his allies,
adding that they would treat their friends' enemies
as their own. Immediately they prepared for battle,
but Sinjar sent them a message that, if they refused
to satisfy his demands, he would on his return
order the execution of all the Jews in his dominions.
This threat had effect ; the leaders of the Jews met
in council, and decided that they would consider the
safety of their distant brethren, and give the Seljuk
army provisions ; but at the same time they warned
the Ghuzz of the danger menacing them, and bade
them be prepared. In consequence, Sinjar's army,
which pressed forward, was routed by the Turkish
hordes, and their leaders were taken prisoners.

The congregation of Ispahan in Persia numbered
at that time 15,000 Jews, and at their head stood
Sar Shalom, who had been appointed by the Exil-
arch rabbi over all the congregations of Persia. In
the second Persian town, Hamadan, there are said
to have been 50,000 Jews, and in Shiraz 10,000. In
the city of Tuster, formerly called Susa, there were
still 7000 Jews, who lived on the banks of the river.
The community had fourteen synagogues, and near
one of them was supposed to be the grave of
Daniel. As the markets of the town lay on one
side of the river, and the Jews of the other side

CH. XIH. JEWS AT SUSA. 435

were thus shut out from all commerce, those on the
one side were more affluent than the others. The
latter ascribed their poverty to the circumstance
that they had not Daniel's grave in their midst ;
and they requested that the coffin should be allowed
to be in their possession. The others, however,
were not prepared to give it up, and the conse-
quence was that feuds and bloody fights arose be-
tween the two congregations, until they came to an
agreement that each side of the town, in turn,
should enjoy possession of the coffin each time for
the space of one year. The removal of the coffin
was effected every time with great pomp, and it
was accompanied by crowds of Jews and Mahome-
tans. When the Sultan Sinjar once came to Susa,
and saw this procession in honor of the removal, he
thought it shameful that the bones of the pious
Daniel should be disturbed in this manner, and
commanded that the coffin should be deposited at a
spot midway between the two parts of the town.
As the river was at an equal distance from both,
the coffin was hung on chains over the river, and
under it no one dared fish. The bier of Daniel
nevertheless proved unable to protect the congre-
gation. At the time when Petachya of Ratisbon
was there (about 1180), only two Jews, who were
dyers, lived in Susa. The cause of this decrease is
not known.

North of the Black Sea and in the Crimea there
were only Karaite Jews ; these lived in the most
primitive ignorance, and had no knowledge of their
rival doctrine, the Rabbanite law ; they even cut
their bread before the Sabbath, and on the evening
of the Sabbath remained in total darkness. The
Rabbanite Jews, however, had spread to Khiva,
where there was a congregation of 8000 families,
and to Samarkand, which had as many as 50,000
Jews, at whose head was Obadiah. About the
community in India, Petachya mentions that there

436 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII,

existed Jews with dark skins, that they lived ac-
cording to the precepts of their religion, but had
very little knowledge of the Talmud. Many Jews
knew nothing more of Judaism than the celebration
of the Sabbath and the circumcision. In the island
of Kandy (Ceylon) there are said to have been at
this time 23,000 Jews, who stood on an equality
with the rest of the inhabitants. The king of this
island had sixteen vizirs, four of his own nation,
and the same number of Jews, Mahometans, and
Christians.

In Aden, the key to the Arabian and Indian seas,
there was a large Jewish congregation, which was
independent, and had several castles ; it carried
on war with the Christians of Nubia, and was in
communication with Egypt and Persia.

In Arabia there were likewise Jewish congrega-
tions, although the first Caliph banished them from
the country. It is true they were not allowed to
dwell in Mecca and Medinah, cities sacred to the
Mahometans, and it may be that there was nothing
specially attractive for them in those cities, for they
had become quite insignificant during the five hun-
dred years since Mahomet. But in the fruitful and
commercial city of Yemen, and in the desert tracts
of northern Arabia, on the other hand, there were
Jewish congregations. In Yemen there dwelt, it is
true, only about 3000 Jews, who, on account of their
busy commercial relations with the neighboring
countries, were by no means uncultured, and num-
bered learned Talmudists in their midst. The
most learned among them was Jacob ben Nathaniel
Ibn-Alfayumi. The Yemen Jews were known for
their benevolence : " Their hand is stretched out
towards every traveler, they keep open house for
strangers,, and every weary person finds rest among
them." The Jews of northern Arabia, on the other
hand, were more numerous, and, as in the time be-
fore Mahomet, they formed independent, warlike

CH. XIII. MOURNERS OF ZION. 437

tribes, possessed castles, pursued agriculture, and
to some extent also cattle-breeding, and journeyed
in caravans to transport goods, or, after the fashion
of Bedouins, to attack travelers and plunder them.
Their number is said to have amounted to 300,000
souls, but this is certainly exaggerated. A large
portion dwelt in Taima, and had a Jewish prince
named Chanan, who boasted of Davidic descent.
They had among them ascetics, who had borrowed
from the Karaites gloomy principles ; they refrained
from wine and flesh, and generally fasted the whole
week, with the exception of Sabbaths and festivals ;
lived in caves or rickety houses, clothed themselves
in black, and called themselves " the Mourners of
Zion." The farmers and cattle-owners allotted to
these pious men, and also to those who occupied
themselves with the Talmud, a tenth part of their
yearly produce. A second group of Arabian Jews
lived in the neighborhood of Talmas, and likewise
had a prince named Solomon, brother of Chanan,
of Taima. This prince lived in the old capital
Sanaa (Tana), in a strongly fortified castle. Among
these, too, there were ascetics who fasted forty
days every year, in order to bring about redemp-
tion from the dispersion. A third group, some
50,000, inhabited the province of Chaibar ; they
were most warlike, but also possessed some Tal-
mudical scholars. Even at that time the legend
was spread about that the Chaibar Jews were
remnants of ancient Iraelitish tribes, Gad, Reuben,
and half Manasseh. The semi- Arabian cities Wasit,
Bassra and Kufa, also had numerous Jewish in-
habitants, the first 10,000, the second 2000, and the
third 7000.

As a large part of Asia, from the Mediterranean
Sea to the Indus, acknowledged the supremacy of
the Abbassid Caliphs of Bagdad, the Jews of this
dominion were subject to the Exilarch of Bagdad.
The second Prince of the Captivity, who was sur-

438 HISTORY OF THE JEWS CH. XHI,

rounded with pomp, was Daniel, the son of Solomon
(Chasdai), who held office about ii 65-1 175. He
was as much respected by the Caliphs Almustanjid
and Almustadhi as his father had been by Almuk-
tafi. Under Daniel, the Talmudical college of Bag-
dad was raised to such a height that it recalled the
old times of the Amoraim and Geonim. It owed
its rise to a man who, at the end of the twelfth
century, was called upon to play an important
part. Samuel, son of Ali Halevi, the rabbi of
Bagdad, who traced back his genealogy to the
prophet Samuel, possessed profound knowledge
of the Talmud, such as but few in Asia equaled.
But as he was unacquainted with the advance of
the study of the Talmud in Spain and France, he
continued to maintain the letter of the Talmud, and
had not the ability to form an independent opinion.
Samuel ben Ali had also a thin varnish of philo-
sophical culture, but in that branch he was three
centuries behind his time, being a disciple of the
school of the Mutazilites. He knew nothing of the
new discoveries of Ibn-Sina and Alghazali, nor of the
later development of the philosophy of his Spanish
co-religionists, of Ibn-Gebirol, Jehuda Halevi, and
Abraham Ibn-Daud. Despite his limited range of
vision, he deemed his own attainments very con-
siderable, and was .extremely proud of them. He
was an arrogant and ambitious man. It appears
that Samuel ben Ali assumed the pompous title of
Gaon, that his college might obtain supremacy over
the whole of Judaism. Two thousand students
attended his Talmudical discourses ; but before
they were admitted to his lectures, they had to
complete a preparatory course under another Tal-
mudist. Samuel ben Ali delivered his lectures
from a kind of throne, and clothed in gold and
embroidery ; he re-introduced the old custom of not
personally addressing the audience, but of expound-
ing the Law to an interpreter (Meturgeman), who

CH. XIII. SAMUEL BEN ALL 43g

repeated in a loud voice what he heard from the
master. Besides him, there were nine men, who
likewise delivered lectures, and decided questions
of law. But Samuel ben Ali was regarded as
judge of appeal, and every Monday he sat in court
surrounded by the nine men who occupied sub-
ordinate positions.

When the Exilarch Daniel died (1175), Samuel
thought the time propitious for obtaining the
highest dignity and authority over the Asiatic con-
gregations. Daniel left no male heir, and two of
his nephews, David and Samuel, both of Mosul,
were now contending for the Exilarchate. But
whilst each of them was endeavoring to win over
the political leaders and the congregations to his
cause, Samuel ben Ali assumed all religious and
judicial power. He appointed rabbis, judges, and
other functionaries on his own authority, appro-
priated the revenues of the congregation, and
delivered the specified portion to the state. His
seal was more respected than that of the pretenders
for the Exilarchate ; his name was a protection to
travelers, and through it they obtained access to all
curiosities. The political and religious officials
acknowledged only Samuel ben Ali, the principal
of the college, and the Gaon of Bagdad. He, more-
over, maintained his dignity by rigorous measures.
Sixty slaves were continually' at his call to bastinado
any one pointed out by their lord. He had a
palatial mansion in Bagdad, and magnificent pleas-
ure gardens in the neighborhood of the capital.
Thus Samuel ben Ali ruled at that time over all the
Asiatic congregations from Damascus to India, and
from the Caspian Sea to Arabia. His daughter was
looked upon as a marvel, being so learned in the
Bible and Talmud that she used to deliver lectures
to young men, but in such a manner that she could
not be seen by her audience. Ambassadors from a
heathen nation, from the Moshic hills in Armenia

440 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

(Tartars ?), came to him to obtain Jewish religious
teachers for their country, to instruct the people in
the tenets of Judaism, seven of their chiefs having
resolved to embrace that faith (about 1180-1185).
The traveler Petachya, who has recorded these
facts, and is a trustworthy witness, saw the ambas-
sadors from the Caucasian hills with his own eyes.
Many poor students from Babylonia and Egypt
determined to repair to this remote nation of prose-
lytes, and instruct them in the Bible and Talmud.

The condition of Judaism in Asia was at that time
very low indeed. Without higher knowledge, with-
out spirit or enthusiasm, the Jews of Asia, learned
as well as unlearned, discharged their religious
duties in a perfunctory, mechanical way. Even Tal-
mudical scholars thought of the divine essence as a
bodily form, with limbs, eyes, and motion. The
Agada had so far perverted their understanding
.that they could not comprehend what was purely
spiritual ; and so saturated were these literalists
with these perverted notions, that they looked upon
those who upheld the belief in a spiritual God as
heretics and atheists.

The Asiatic Jews had borrowed from the Maho-
metans and Christians the custom of making pil-
grimages to the graves of pious men. A chief
resort of pilgrims was the grave of the prophet
Ezekiel in the neighborhood of Kufa. Seventy
thousand to eighty thousand Jews came annually
from New Year till the Day of Atonement, or Feast
of Tabernacles, to pray at the supposed grave of
the prophet of the exiles, among them also the
Exilarch and the principal of the college at Bagdad.
The tomb was protected by a vault of cedar wood,
overlaid with gold and adorned with beautiful
tapestry. Thirty lamps burned there day and
night. Beside the tomb there was a handsome
synagogue, which was regarded as a temple in
miniature, and alleged to have been built by King

CH. XIII. PLACES OF PILGRIMAGE. 44I

Joachin and the prophet. In this synagogue a
scroll of the Law of considerable size was shown,
which was believed to have been written by the
hand of the prophet himself. A separate room
(Ginze)- was set aside for books. Sepulcher and
synagogue were enclosed by a turreted wall, the
entrance to which was through a low narrow gate,
which, however, according to popular belief, became
higher and wider at the time of the pilgrimage. In
the space inside the wall the pilgrims used to erect
their booths for the Feast of Tabernacles. At this
sepulcher they were not only devout, but also merry.
The period after the Day of Atonement was dedi-
cated to gaiety and feasting. As the Mahometans
also reverenced the tomb, and even the wild Kar-
mates, who lived near by, swore by the God of Ezekiel,
the region became a peaceful asylum, and later on
an annual market (Pera) was held there, and a city
(Kabur Kesil) sprang up. The offerings for the
maintenance of this mausoleum proved so rich 'that
the surplus was used for the support of Talmudical
students and marriageable orphans.

Another resort of pilgrims was the supposed
mausoleum of Ezra the scribe. Although this great
regenerator of Judaism exercised his activity only in
Judsea, legend nevertheless fixes his grave at Nahar-
Samara, in the neighborhood of the Tigris. The
Mahometans, as well as the Jews, reverenced this
tomb, offered presents for its maintenance, and made
pilgrimages to it. Like the Catholic Church, the
Jews of Asia also showed sacred relics : the tree,
separating into three parts, against which the angels
who visited Abraham leaned, and the stone with
which Abraham circumcised himself. AH- these
mythical stories arose during the period of de-
generation which followed the dissolution of the
Gaonate.

It is possible that it was owing in part to this
decay that many educated Jews apostatized to

442 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII,

Islam. One apostate was a celebrated physician
of Bagdad — Nathaniel, with the Arabic name of
Abul-Barkat Hibat-Allah ben Malka, one of the
three leading medical men of like name, but different
creeds. The Jewish Hibat-Allah was surnamed
" The only one of his time " (Wachid-al-Zeman), on
account of his extraordinary accomplishments. In
addition to a knowledge of medicine, he was versed
in philosophy and Hebrew philology, and, whilst
still a Jew, wrote a commentary on Ecclesiastes. A
son of the itinerant Ibn-Ezra, named Isaac, who had
accompanied his father in his travels, and remained
in Bagdad, was assisted by the rich Hibat-Allah, and
wrote spirited verses in praise of his benefactor and
his commentary. At the end of his poem, Isaac
Ibn-Ezra expressed a wish that his life might extend
to the time of the Messianic redemption, and that
he might yet behold the majesty of new Jerusalem.
Neither, however, waited for this time, but renounced
Judaism, and embraced Islam (i 1 60-1 170).

A third apostate of this time was Samuel Ibn-
Abbas, son of the poet Jehuda, of Fez. A poet
using beautiful Hebrew, a profound mathematician
and philosopher, Samuel had emigrated to the East
on account of the religious coercion exercised by
the Almohades. His father settled at Haleb, and
Samuel took up his residence in Adher-Baijan,
entered into the service of the ruler of that place,
and ultimately became a convert to Mahometanism.
The old Jehuda Ibn- Abbas, on hearing of his son's
change of religion, hastened to him full of grief, in
the hope of bringing him back to his hereditary
faith, but was suddenly seized with illness in Mosul,
and died there. Samuel became a rancorous enemy
of Judaism and his former co-religionists. He wrote
a polemical work, " To the confusion of the Jews "
(about 1165-1175), in which -he lays bare and
exaggerates their faults, and affirms that the Jews
had eliminated all passages alluding to Mahomet in
their holy writings.

CH. XIII. IBN-ALJAMI, NAGID. 443

If the Rabbanites in Asia were degenerate, the
Karaites of this time were still more so. The
Karaites, after an existence of 400 years, had failed
to establish Judaism on a purely Biblical basis, but
had of necessity been compelled to adopt many
precepts of the Talmud, in spite of all their en-
deavors to steer clear of Talmudical tradition.

As the Mahometans of Egypt, under the dynasty
of the Fatimides, were separated from those of the
Abbasid Caliphate in Asia, the Egyptian Jewish
community likewise had no connection with the
Asiatic community. They had a chief of their own,
recognized by the Caliph, who exercised spiritual
and judicial functions, bore the title Nagid (Arabic,
Reis), and was, in a sense, the Egyptian Exilarch.
The Nagid had authority to appoint or confirm
rabbis and precentors, and to impose fines, scourg-
ings, and imprisonment, for transgressions and
crimes. He received a regular salary from the
congregations and fees for the drawing up of legal
documents. There is a legend that the institution
of the Nagid was introduced into Egypt at the
instance _of a Bagdad Caliph's daughter, who was
married to a Fatimide Caliph. About this time
Nathaniel, succeeding Samuel Abu-Mansur, was
invested with this dignity. His Arabic name was
Hibat- Allah Ibn-Aljami, and he served as physician
in ordinary to Aladhid, the last Fatimide Caliph of
Egypt, and later on to Saladin. Ibn-Aljami was a
man of considerable culture and learning. He
spoke Arabic with great fluency, wrote several
medical treatises, among others a guide for the soul
and the body, and a treatise on the climatic char-
acter of Alexandria. He was much praised for
having cleverly discovered life in a man who was
about to be interred. This accomplished man was
also chief of the college in the Egyptian capital, but
he had no reputation as a Talmudist.

444 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIII.

The chief congregation was in Cairo (New Misr),
and it consisted of 2000 Jewish families, including
many men of great wealth. The city had two syna-
gogues, one following the Palestinian ritual and the
other the Babylonian. According to the first the
reading of the Pentateuch on Sabbaths extended
over a cycle of three years. The adherents of the
Babylonian system, on the other hand, completed it
in a cycle of one year. Only on the Feast of Weeks
and on the Festival of the Rejoicing of the Law the
two congregations had a common service. In Cairo
there existed also a Karaite congregation which is
said to have been still more numerous than that of
the Rabbanites. It also had a Chief Rabbi who
possessed plenary power in religious and judicial
matters, and bore- the title Prince (Nasi, Reis).
About this time, Chiskiya and Solomon I, who be-
lieved themselves to be descendants of Anan, suc-
cessively held this ofifice (about 1 160-1200). Many
Karaites in Egypt enjoyed favor at court, and were
in general superior to the Rabbanites.

The congregation next in importance was that of
Alexandria, numbering 3000 families ; they had a
rabbi from Provence, Phineas ben Meshullam. So
poor were the Jews of Egypt in Talmudical authori-
ties at this time that they were obliged to import a
Talmud instructor from France. A Karaite con-
gregation existed also in Alexandria. In Bilbeis
(east of the Nile) there was a large congregation,
consisting of 3000 members, which suffered much
during the campaign of Amalrich, the Christian
king of Jerusalem. In Fayum, the native city of
Saadiah, there lived at that period only twenty
Jewish families.

The state of culture of the Egyptian Jews about
this time was not more brilliant than that of their
Asiatic brethren. They added nothing to the
wealth of Jewish literature. The lower classes
were so ignorant of the principles of their own

CH. XIII. THE EGYPTIAN JEWS. 445

religion that they borrowed customs from the
neighboring Karaites, even such as stood in glaring
contradiction to Talmudical Judaism. The Egyp-
tian congregations also had a pilgrims' shrine of
their own. In Dimuh, not far from Fostat, in the
neighborhood of the Pyramids, they showed the
synagogue of Moses, which they believed the
greatest of the prophets had built ; they admitted
that it had been rebuilt after the destruction of the
Temple by Titus. Near this synagogue there was
a tree of stupendous height, with evergreen leaves
and slender stem. This tree, according to the
belief of the Egyptian Jews, had shot up from the
rod of Moses. On the Feast of Weeks the Jews of
Egypt used to make a pilgrimage to Dimuh, and
pray in the hallowed synagogue. And it was out
of this land of ignorance that there went forth a
second Moses for the deliverance of the Jewish race,
whose mission it was to promulgate a more refined
Judaism, to declare relentless war against super-
stition, and put an end to ignorance. Egypt be-
came, through Moses Maimuni, the center of
Judaism.

CHAPTER XIV.

MAIMUNI (mAIMONIDES).

Early years of Maimuni (Maimonides) — His journey to Fez — Letter
of Consolation of Maimun (father of Maimonides) — Maimuni and
the Jewish Coil*erts to Islam — The Maimun Family in Palestine
and Egypt — Maimuni's Commentary on the Mishna — Saladin
and the Jews — Letter of Maimonides to Yemen — The Mishne-
Torah of Maimuni — Controversies with reference to this Work —
Joseph Ibn-Aknin — Maimuni as a Physician — Jerusalem again
populated by Jews — Maimuni and the Jews of Provence — The
More Nebuchim and its importance — Death of Maimonides.

1171 — 1205 c. E.

In the last part of the twelfth century, Judaism
appeared to have lost its center of gravity, to be
about to fall into utter dissolution. On the decay
of the Gaonate, the south of Spain, with the con-
gregations of Cordova, Granada, Seville and Lu-
cena, assumed the leadership ; but, through the
intolerance of the Almohades, these places were
now without any Jewish congregations, and at the
utmost saw Jews under the mask of Mahometanism.
The community of Toledo, the new capital of Chris-
tian Spain, as well as those of the northern Spanish
towns, had not yet succeeded in gaining any ex-
tensive influence. The communities of southern
France were still in the first stage of their infancy ;
the northern French Jews were too exclusively
absorbed in the Talmud, and oppressed by anxiety
for what the morrow would bring. The German
Jews were " servi camerae " of the Germano-Roman
empire ; the Jews of the other countries of Europe
had scarcely extricated themselves from barbarism.
The restored Exilarchate, the offspring of the
caprice of a Caliph, was not rooted firmly enough,
even in Asia, to be able to exercise any ascendancy
over the more highly endowed European Jews.
446

CH. XIV. MOSES MAIMONIDES. 447

Thus there was nowhere a center to which the
widely dispersed nation might converge. More-
over, since the death of Joseph Ibn-Migash and
Jacob Tarn there had arisen no men of command-
ing authority able to mark out a path, or even
to stimulate inquiry.

About this time, when dissolution seemed immi-
nent, Maimuni appeared, and became the prop of
the unity of Judaism, the focus for all the commu-
nities in the East and the West, a man whose
decisions as a rabbinical authority were final,
although he was not invested with any official dig-
nity. He was spiritual king of the Jews, to whom
the most important leaders cheerfully submitted.
So memorable did everything connected with this
great personage appear in the eyes of his con-
temporaries, that even the day and the hour of
his birth have been recorded.

Moses Ibn-Maimun (with the long Arabic name
Abu-Amran Musa ben Maimun Obaid Allah) was
born on the Eve of Passover (30th March, 1 135, at
one o'clock p. m.), in Cordova. The early training
of Maimonides (as he is often called), the man who
was destined to bear the future of Judaism on his
strong shoulders, was calculated to strengthen his
character in a most emphatic manner. His father,
Maimun ben Joseph, a pupil of Ibn-Migash, was,
like his ancestors for eight generations back, as far
as his progenitor Obadiah, a learned Talmudist
and a member of the rabbinical college of Cordova.
Maimun also took an interest in the sciences, knew
mathematics and astronomy, and wrote books on
those subjects, as well as on Talmudical topics. It
was he who imbued his son with an enthusiastic love
for learning, and awakened his feeling for an ideal
life. Maimuni had scarcely passed his thirteenth
year when great misfortune broke over the com-
munity of Cordova. The city was captured by the
Almohades (May or June, 1148), who forthwith pro-

448 HISTORY Ot THE jfEWS. CH. XIV.

mulgated fanatical edicts against Jews and Chris-
tians, giving them the alternatives of conversion to
Islam, expulsion, or death. Maimun and his family
went into exile with the great majority of the Cor-
dovan congregation. They are said to have estab-
lished themselves at Port Almeria, which a year
before had been conquered by the Christians. In
the year 1151, Almeria also fell into the power of
the Almohades, whose fanatical king, of course, did
not fail to impose on the Jewish and Christian in-
habitants of the city a change of religion, as he had
done in the other conquered cities of southern
Spain. From that time the family of Maimun was
obliged to lead a wandering life for many years,
without being able to find a permanent residence
anywhere.

From his father, Maimuni learnt the Bible, the
Talmud, the Jewish branches of learning, mathe-
matics and astronomy ; he attended lectures on
science and medicine by Mahometan professors,
and was introduced into the temple of philosophy.
Through reading and intercourse, he obtained a
fund of solid information, and his clear intellect,
which ever sought to penetrate the phenomena of
the visible and the invisible world, and to make
them transparent, regulated his knowledge, how-
ever various and diverse it was. Maimuni developed
into one of those rare personalities, who cannot
tolerate hidden, secret, and mystical things, who
struggle everywhere for light and clearness, and
will not yield to deception. His was a thoroughly
logical and systematic mind, which had the power
of grouping and arranging the greatest and smallest
things, and he was a sworn enemy of disorder and
chaotic confusion. In this respect he may justly
be called the Jewish Aristotle, and his intellectual
character made him capable of cherishing the
greatest admiration for the* philosopher of Stagira.
Aristotle had many disciples among Jews and .

CM. XtV. CHARACTER O? MAlMOMlDES. 449

Mahometans. Christian thinkers of that time were
still unable to scale the height of his mind ; but no
one before Maimuni had so thoroughly absorbed
and assimilated Aristotle's philosophical system.
He made it a part of his own intellectual posses-
sion, and thus also perceived its occasional defects.
It was, however, not only his wide and deep
knowledge, but his character, which constituted
Maimuni's distinction. He was a perfect sage, in
the most beautiful and venerable sense of the word.
Well-digested knowledge, calm deliberation, ma-
ture conviction, and mighty performance, were
harmoniously combined in him. He was possessed
of the deepest and most refined sense of religion,
of the most conscientious morality, and of philo-
sophical wisdom ; or rather these three elements,
which are generally hostile to. one another, had in
him come to a complete reconciliation. That which
he recognized as truth was to him inviolable law ;
from it he never lapsed for a moment, but sought
to realize it by his actions throughout his whole
life, unconcerned about the disadvantages that
might accrue. From the point of view of learning,
he occupied the first place of his time, in religion
and morality he was rivaled by but few of his com-
peers, but in his strongly-marked individuality he
surpassed all his contemporaries. His actions cor-
responded to his mind. Maimuni was imbued with
a most profound earnestness, which considered life
not as an opportunity for pleasure, but as a serious
mission to labor nobly and to confirm by deeds the
great truth, that man is an image of God. The
mean, the false, and the impure were abhorred by
him, and were not permitted to approach him.
Hence he had no taste for poetry, for according to
the view of the time, " the best of it is false," and
rests on invention and untruth. He considered it
a slothful killing of time to occupy one's self with it ;
he would not tolerate at weddings any verse-making

450 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

except of a religious character, and it made' no dif-
ference to him whether it was composed in Hebrew
or in a profane language. Every moment of his
life was spent profitably, he never frittered away
his time, even in his youth, like Jehuda Halevi, cer-
tainly not all his life long, like Ibn-Ezra. With all
his severity towards himself, he was of a most gentle
amiability in dealing with and criticising others.
Never did he allow a bitter word to escape him
against his living opponents, and he certainly never
imitated the practice of Ibn-Ezra, who mocked at
guileless men, nor shrank from satirizing the dead ;
only against false notions and theories did he pour
out the vials of his scorn, but towards persons
themselves, even when they had irritated him, he
was indulgent and forbearing. Modesty and hu-
mility were his chara,cteristics in a high degree, the
characteristics of every divinely endowed nature.

All these rare qualities of mind and heart were
governed by an extraordinary determination to
develop and promulgate the principles and convic-
tions that lived within him, to counteract apathy
and feeble reasoning, to cut the ground from under
irreligion, and to force light through the opacity of
ignorance. Adversity, physical sufferings, misrep-
resentation, could not turn him from the purpose
upon which he had set his mind. This purpose
was nothing less than to exhibit Judaism, the whole
of Judaism, both Biblical and Talmudical, the cere-
monies as well as the dogmas, in such a light that
professors of other creeds, and even philosophers',
might be convinced of its truth. This design had
hovered before his mind in his youth, and ripened
in him with age. To this end he mastered
thoroughly all those departments of learning which
might serve him as a guide. He declared once
that he had read all the writings on the religion and
worship of idolatrous nations, which were accessible
to him through Arabic translations, and we may

CH. XlV. MAIMONIDES' EARLY STUDIES. 45 1

well believe this statement, made unostentatiously,
for a thorough knowledge of heathenism appeared
to him indispensable to the proper understanding
of Judaism.

Although he was attracted by many branches of
learning, which cohered in his mind as a united
whole, still there were four special subjects on
which he centered most of his attention : the whole
range of Biblical and Talmudical writings, philo-
sophy, medicine, and mathematics, together with
astronomy. In his twenty-third year, he prepared
in Hebrew for a friend a thesis on the Jewish
calendar based on astronomical principles (1158).
Although this little book has no special importance
in itself, it is yet interesting, as it reveals to us that
his love of methodical regularity, and his power of
clear, systematic survey, dominated him even in his
earliest youth. In the same year he commenced a
work, the undertaking of which in itself gives evi-
dence of greatness and boldness of intellect. He
began to explain the Mishna independently and in
a new light, at an age when most men have scarcely
finished their college career — a gigantic task in
which he had no model to guide him. He worked
at it amidst continual wanderings and while battling
with hardships ; but so thoroughly was the whole
compass of the Talniud before him, that he could
manage to dispense with books. A year or two
later (i 159-1 160) his father emigrated with him, his
younger brother, David, and his sister, from Spain
to Fez. What led Maimun's family to remove to
the land of the greatest intolerance is a matter that
has not yet been cleared up. In Fez, as in the
whole of northern Africa, wherever the bigoted
Abdulmumen ruled, no Jews were allowed to pro-
fess their faith, but had to declare their belief in the
first article of the Mahometan faith, that Mahomet,
its founder, was a prophet ; and even the family of
Maimun had to assume the mask of Islam. As

452 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

the religious persecution had now lasted for a
decade, the African communities had begun to
waver in their religious convictions. Only the
strongest minds could continue to practise a reli-
gion which was forced upon them, and still inwardly
remain faithful to their hereditary religion. The
thoughtless multitude gradually became accustomed
to the enforced religion, saw in the merciless oppres-
sion of Judaism its dissolution, and changing pre-
tence into reality, came near to lending themselves
to the notion that God had, through Mahomet, super-
seded His revelation on Mount Sinai by another in
Mecca, and almost believed that He had chosen
the Arabs instead of the Jews. This self-abandon-
ment and overwhelming despair filled Maimun the
elder with pain, and he sought to counteract their
apathy as much as lay in his power, and to confirm
the belief in Judaism in the hearts of the pseudo-
Mahometan Jews. With this object he wrote in
Arabic an exhortation to the community (1160),
which is full of mournfulness, and instinct with a
deep sense of religion. It warns the community to
reflect that their sufferings did not- arise from a
feeling of revenge on the part of God, but from a
desire to chasten the sinners. Moses in his Law
had promised Israel a dazzling future which would
assuredly not fail. It was accordingly the duty of
the sons of his race to adhere firmly to their God
and His Torah. The occupation with religion and
the practice of what it enjoined were the ropes to
which those who were sinking in the sea of trouble
should cling. Every one should, as far as he was
able, observe the religious precepts of Judaism, and
turn himself in prayer to his God, and whoever was
prevented from praying in the prescribed form
should, at least, say a short prayer in Hebrew three
times a day. Like the Jews who had been forced
to baptism under the Spanish Visigothic kings,
those who had been Converted under compulsion

CH. XIV. maimun's "letter of consolation." 453

to Islam now exhorted one another to remain faith-
ful to their ancient religion. Soon Maimun's son
found an opportunity to enter the arena, to give
expression to his original views on Judaism, to
offer encouragement to his comrades in affliction,
and to point out to them the course which they
should pursue.

A Jewish writer of excessive piety had declared
that all Jews who pretended to have adopted
Mahometanism were to be treated as apostates
and idolaters. He who publicly acknowledged
Mahomet's mission as a prophet was to be regarded
as a non-Jew, even though he privately fulfilled all
the duties of Judaism, and he belonged to that class
whose testimony had no validity in a Jewish court,
particularly in affairs of marriage. He who visited a
mosque, pretending to be a Mahometan, made him-
self guilty of blasphemy, even though he did not take
part in prayer ; and he only accentuated his offense,
when, in the privacy of his own chamber, he recited
the Jewish prayers. This zealot, in fine, asserted
that every true Jew was bound to sacrifice his own
life and that of his children rather than embrace the
faith of Islam, even ostensibly. His theory rested
on the assumption that Mahometanism is nothing
more nor less than idolatry, for in Mecca, the holy
city of the Mahometans, an idol was worshiped in
the temple of the Kaaba. If Islam is so repre-
hensible— so continued the zealot, whose name has
not come down to us — then the Talmudical precept,
that every Jew should suffer martyrdom rather than
be forced to idolatry, would apply to that creed, and
he who in such circumstances shrank from death
was to be considered an apostate.

This document appears to have produced con-
siderable excitement among the secret Jews in
Africa. The conscientious felt themselves crushed
down by a burden of sin, the multitude became still
more uncertain whether they should not secede to

454 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

Islam altogether, since, however strictly they ob-
served the ordinances of their religion, they were
still considered idolaters and sinners, and could
expect no pardon.

Moses Maimuni, who felt the whole weight of the
accusation against himself and his brethren in suffer-
ing, and was apprehensive of evil consequences,
thought that it behooved him to write a letter in
refutation of the arguments of their assailant, and
to justify the conduct of the pseudo-Mahometans.
It was his first step into publicity, but this maiden
effort bore the impress of his clear, comprehensive
mind, which mastered a subject in all its aspects.
He argued from new points of view, which had
escaped the zealot, and the whole letter was so
striking that it brought conviction to all minds.
Maimuni, in this vindication, which he wrote in
Arabic, that all men might be able to read it, took
up a Talmudical standpoint, equally with the zea-
lot, but he proved contrary results from the very
passages adduced by his adversary.

He first of all showed that partial transgression
of the duties of Judaism did not constitute absolute
departure from it. The idolatrous Israelites in the
times of the prophets were always considered as
members of the people of the Lord. Meir, a
highly esteemed doctor of the Mishna, had feigned
heathenism during a time of persecution, and when
put to the test, had even partaken of forbidden food.
" We, however," continues Maimuni, " in no wise
pay homage to heathenism by our actions, but only
repeat an empty formula, which the Mahometans
themselves know is not uttered by us in sincerity,
but only from a wish to circumvent the bigoted
ruler." Then he enters deeper into the matter.
The Talmud ordains that all Jews should suffer
martyrdom rather than let themselves be compelled
to commit three capital sins — idolatry, unchastity,
and murder. It was indeed highly meritorious to

CH. XIV. MAIMONIDES AND ISLAM. 455

suffer death rather than violate any commandment
of the Lavir, so as to keep the name of God holy.
But he who does not possess the resolution of a
martyr, even in regard to committing the three
capital sins, does not render himself liable to the
punishment attached to idolatry, and moreover is in
no wise regarded as a transgressor of the Law.
For in the case of compulsion, the Torah has
revoked all obligations. He, then, who lacks the
courage to sacrifice himself for Judaism has tran-
gressed only one precept, that of sanctifying the
name of the Lord, but he still does not belong to
those whose testimony has no validity in a law
court. Even if any one should, by compulsion,
actually worship an idol, he would by no means be
exposed to punishment for idolatry, for how could
the involuntary transgressor be compared with the
wilful violator of his religion ? " Then there is some-
thing else to consider," said Maimuni. " We must
make a distinction between a transgression by mere
word, and one by deed. The Mahometan authori-
ties by no means demand of Jews a denial of
Judaism, but a mere lip utterance of a profession
of faith that Mahomet was a prophet, and this
having been done, they do not offer much objection
if the Jews conform to their own laws. Such com-
pulsion, where nothing more than a word is de-
manded, is, in reality, without parallel. He who
sacrifices himself as a martyr, rather than acknowl-
edge Mahomet as the messenger of God, certainly
performs a most meritorious action. But if a per-
son puts the question whether he is bound to give
up his life in a case of that kind, then we must
answer conscientiously according to the precepts of
Judaism, ' No.' But we ought to and must advise
him to leave a country where such religious coercion
prevails. This advice I give also to myself and my
friends, to remove to some place where there exists
religious freedom. Those, however, who have been

4S6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

cpmpelled to stay, should consider themselves as
exiles from whom God has turned His face, and
should strive to discharge their religious duties ; but
we should not despise those who, out of necessity,
have been obliged to violate the Sabbath, but must
gently admonish them not to forsake the Law.
Those are in error who believe that they need not
make any preparations for a departure on the ground
that the Messiah will soon appear, and redeem them,
and lead them back to Jerusalem. The coming of
the Messiah has nothing to do with religious obli-
gations ; his advent has no absolving power."

This reply of Maimuni, which was in reality an
apology for his conduct and that of his friends
(written about 1160-1164), displays the germs of
his original conception of Judaism. Moses Maimuni
appears to have zealously endeavored to induce the
Jewish pseudo-Mahometans to retain their ancient
religion, to combat their lukewarmness, and to urge
them to abandon their equivocal life. On this
account he exposed himself to extreme danger, and
might have been put to death, if a Mahometan
theologian and poet, named Abul-Arab Ibn-Moisha,
had not interceded for him, and saved him. The
feeling of insecurity, together with the pricks of
conscience, when compelled publicly to deny Ju-
daism, which they held as their most precious
treasure, induced the family of Maimun to leave
Fez, and travel to Palestine. In the depth of night
they embarked (4th lyar — i8th April, 1165). After
they had sailed for six days on the Mediterranean,
there arose a terrible storm, gigantic waves tossed
the vessel about like a shuttlecock, and rescue
seemed impossible. But the storm abated, and,
after a journey of one month, the ship sailed into
the harbor of Accho (3rd Sivan — i6th May). This
day Maimun dedicated as a family festival, for
having escaped religious intolerance and the dan-
gers of the sea. • The emigrants from Spain were

CH. XIV. DEATH OF MAIMUN IN EGYPT. 457

received in a friendly manner by the congregation
of Accho. After a residence of nearly half a year
in this town, the family traveled amid dangers to
Jerusalem to pray at the ancient site of the Temple
(4th Marcheshvan— 14th October). They remained
in Jerusalem for three days, then journeyed to
Hebron, and from that place to Egypt, which at
that time bade fair, through the Ajubides, to become
the center of Islam. Some months after their arrival
in Egypt the head of the family died (beginning of
1 166). So highly esteemed were both father and
son by all who knew them, that letters of consola-
tion were sent to the latter by his friends in Africa
and Christian Spain.

On the other hand, in Egypt, in old Cairo
(Fostat), where the family of Maimun had settled,
Maimuni's name had not as yet become famous.
The two brothers lived quietly, and carried on the
jewelry trade, the younger brother taking a far
more active share, and traveling on business as far
as India. Moses Maimuni, on the other hand,
devoted himself to study. Severe misfortunes,
which would have brought a mind less strong than
his to despair, tore him from this quiet life. Physical
sufferings threw him on a bed of sickness ; heavy
losses diminished his fortune, and informers ap-
peared against him, and brought him to the brink
of death. Lastly, his brother David perished in the
Indian Ocean, and with him not only their fortunes,
but also the money which had been entrusted to
them by others for business purposes. These accu-
mulated misfortunes aggravated his sufferings, and
filled him with melancholy. The death of his brother
afflicted him most. His unbounded trust in God,
his enthusiastic love for learning, and his anxiety
for his family, and for the widow and daughters of
his brother, roused his courage once more, and
moved him to enter on an active life. Maimuni
appears from this time to have gained a livelihood

4S8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS, CH. XIV.

by the practice of medicine. Nevertheless, as he
was still unknown, his practice at first did not prove
very lucrative. About this time he also gave public
lectures on philosophical subjects. His whole mind,
however, was bent on the completion of the gigantic
work with which he had been occupied since his
twenty-third year, during all his travels, in Maho-
metan disguises, on sea voyages, and in the midst
of numerous adversities. He finished this his first
great work in the year 1168, in Arabic, under the
title of " Siraj " ("Illumination "). The object of
this work was to facilitate the study of the Talmud,
which had become difficult through its diffuse dis-
cussions, through the interpolated explanations of
the Geonim, and through the commentaries of his
predecessors, which were not always pertinent to
the subject ; to determine the right practice (Ha-
lacha) from the confusion of diverse arguments, and
to define his position by short but comprehensive
explanations of words and things.

Maimuni's commentary on the Mishna arose out
of the author's mental organization, which ever
strove for clearness, method and symmetry. It
was the first scientific treatment of the Talmud, and
only so clear and systematic a thinker as Maimuni
could have originated it, for the construction of the
Talmud seems to be directly opposed to an orderly
arrangement. The luminous introductions to the
several parts of the commentary especially give
evidence of its scientific character. In them he
reveals complete command over the material, as
well as a logical conception of the method to be
pursued.

Maimuni treated, with special predilection, those
points of the Mishna which have a scientific color-
ing, and into the treatment of which the principles
of mathematics, astronomy, physics, anatomy, ethics
and philosophy could be introduced. Here he was
in his element. In such parts he could show that

CH. XIV. THE COMMENTARY ON THE MISHNA. 459

the doctors of the Mishna, the upholders of tradi-
tion, knew science also, and based their works upon
it. ^ Especially did he aim at establishing that the
Mishna contains a sound ethical and a deep philoso-
phical conception of God. To this end he turned
his attention with particular interest and thorough-
ness to the Agadic elements in the Mishna, which
till then had been little or only occasionally noticed.
He further explained the nature of tradition, main-
taining that not all that is contained in the Mishna
is tradition. For a traditional doctrine must be
positive, and ought not to be open to doubt or un-
certainty. Unconsciously Maimuni by this theory
put himself in opposition to the Talmud, and under-
mined its firm position.

The tractate of the Mishna, which combines, like
a string of pearls, the sayings of the fathers
(Aboth), appeared in the eyes of Maimuni a verit-
able treasure-trove. In explaining these he could
display the whole wealth of his world of thought,
and he thus saturated Talmudical Judaism with
philosophical ideas. But he thereby became the
victim of self-delusion. It was important for the
future that Maimuni, in his unconscious self-decep-
tion, undertook for the first time to develop a Jewish
system of belief Since Judaism, according to his
views, was nothing more than revealed philosophy,
it ought to dominate the beliefs and opinions of men
as well as their religious and moral conduct ; ay,
the one more than the other, as morality has no
value in itself, and is only the fruit of right know-
ledge. He, accordingly, assumed as certain and
positive that Judaism defines for us not only what
we must do, but what we must believe ; that it
asserts certain ideas as irrefragable truth. Mai-
monides drew up thirteen of such doctrines or
articles of belief: — The belief in the existence of
God ; in His indivisible unity ; in His incorporeality
and insusceptibility of change ; in His eternity and

460 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

existence before the world ; in His absolute claim
to our adoration (Monotheism) ; in the prophetic
inspiration of chosen men ; in Moses as the greatest
prophet, with whom no other prophet can be com-
pared ; in the divinity of the Torah ; in its unalter-
ability ; in God's providence ; in His just reward
and punishment ; in the future appearance of the
Messiah; and, finally, in the resurrection of the
dead. Although these articles of faith rest on
investigation, and therefore cannot claim unques-
tioning acceptance, yet, according to Maimuni, no
one can be considered a true Israelite or Jew who
does not acknowledge them all as true ; he who
denies a single one of them is a heretic (Min, Epi-
coros), he does not belong to the community of
Judaism, and cuts himself off from the hope of future
bliss.

Maimuni thus, on the one hand, raised the Jewish
creed to the height of rational knowledge, and, on
the other, set bounds to the free development of
thought. Hitherto religious action only was valued
as the characteristic of Jewish life. Maimuni now
called a halt to free thought, marked the boundary
line between belief and heresy, not in the firm pro-
vince of religious practice, but in the shifting ground
of religious belief, and brought the ethereal element
of thought under rigid formulae.

Great as the work of Maimuni in his commentary
on the Mishna undoubtedly is, although he applied
to it infinite learning, wealth of intellect, and system-
atic arrangement, yet he. did not obtain a reputa-
tion corresponding to its merit. The reason of
this was that among the Jews of Egypt and the
East, to whom the work, being, in Arabic, was most
of all accessible, there was but the faintest appre-
ciation of scientific treatment. The great work was
at first scarcely noticed in the East. His pupils, to
whom he gave lectures on the same plan, and who
revered him as the incarnation of wisdom, spread

CH. XIV. SALADIN AND THE JEWS. 46 1

his reputation abroad. One of his earliest disciples,
Solomon Kohen, who traveled to southern Arabia
(Yemen), was full of his praise, and impressed on
the congregation there that, in time of need, they
should apply to Maimuni for consolation and sup-
port.

In Egypt far-reaching changes had crept in,
which produced a favorable turn in the fortunes of
the Jews of that empire and the neighboring coun-
tries. The Fatimide Caliph died, or was deposed,
and the great Saladin, the model of royal mag-
nanimity and chivalry in that barbarous age, suc-
ceeded to the government (September, 1171). At
first the celebrated Ajublde only held the office
of Vice-Field-Marshal of Nureddin ; gradually he
acquired absolute supremacy over Egypt and a part
.of Palestine, Syria, and even the districts about the
Euphrates, and the Caliphate of Bagdad obeyed his
rule. His empire became a safe asylum to the
oppressed Jews. Saladin was just to the Jews, as
indeed towards every one, even his bitterest ene-
mies. Under him the Jews rose to great prosperity
and distinction.

At first the fall of the Fatimide Caliphate, and
the subjection of the surrounding countries belong-
ing to it, under the Abbasid and Fatimide Caliphs
of Bagdad, set loose fanaticism which was felt by
the Jewish congregations of Yemen. In that place
two Shiites had seized upon the government, and
they compelled the Jews to embrace Islam under
threat of great suffering. Here also, as in Africa
and southern Spain, the Jews outwardly pretended
to adopt the Mahometan religion (about 11 72).
But as the grossest ignorance prevailed among
them, there was danger that the unthinking multi-
tude would proceed from pretence to reality, and
fall away from Judaism altogether. This fjear be-
came real when a Jewish apostate preached to the
congregation that Mahomet is mentioned in the

462 MlSTORV OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

Torah, and that Islam was a new, divinely an-
nounced revelation, which was intended to super-
sede Judaism. In addition, at just about this time,
there appeared a Jewish enthusiast in Yemen, who
proclaimed himself to be the forerunner of the
Messiah, endeavored to instil in the Jews the belief
that their affliction was the harbinger of the speedy
approach of the Messianic empire, and bade them
hold themselves in readiness for that event, and
divide their property with the poor. This enthu-
siastic hope, to which many clung as drowning men
to a straw, threatened to bring the direst misfortune
on the heads of the Yemen Jews. The pious aban-
doned themselves to despair in the contemplation of
these proceedings, altogether lost their heads, and
knew not what plan they should adopt. At this
point, Jacob Alfayumi, the most learned and most
respected man among them, turned to Maimuni, of
whom he had heard through his disciples, for coun-
sel and consolation, described to him their suffer-
ings and apprehensions, and begged him to send a
reply.

Maimuni accordingly sent a letter of consolation,
in Arabic, to the congregation of Yemen, directed
personally to his correspondent, but having refer-
ence to all the members (Iggeret Teman). In spite
of its small compass, it contains valuable matter,
and bears witness to the writer's lofty soul and
spiritual refinement. He sought in it to elevate the
sufferers to the height of spiritual consciousness,
on which suffering for religion's sake loses its sting,
and darkness appears as the inevitable antecedent
of the break of day. He expressed himself on the
relation of Judaism to Christianity and Islam with
an acuteness and precision which reflect his pro-
found conviction. It was certainly sad to reflect,
remarks the sage of Cairo, that there should have
occurred cruel persecutions of the Jews in two
opposite directions ; in the West by the Almohades,

CH. XIV. MAIMONtDES' LETTER TO YEMEN. 463

and in the East by the Mahometans of Yemen.
Nevertheless they were not unexpected, for the
prophets had announced them quite distinctly.
" Because God has specially distinguished us, sons
of Israel, through His grace, and has appointed us
the upholders of the true religion and the true
creed, the nations hate us, not only on our own
account, but on account of the divinity which lives
in our midst, in order to thwart in some measure the
divine will." Since the revelation on Sinai there
had never been a time when Judaism and its pro-
fessors had not been exposed to sufferings and per-
secutions. The nations had manifested their hate
in three different forms ; either with the sword, like
Amalek, Sennacherib, Nebuchadnezzar, Titus, and
Hadrian, in order utterly to root out from the earth
the nation that possessed the truth ; or with the
false tricks of sophistical persuasion, like the Per-
sians, Greeks, and Romans, with a view to refute
and falsify the doctrines of Judaism ; or finally
undqr the mask of revelation, as it were, in the
garb of Judaism, in order to juggle it out of exist-
ence. The principle inimical to Judaism had at
length discovered that it was unable to annihilate
the upholders of God's religion, or to tear it out of
their hearts ; and now it hoped to destroy them by
a crafty device. It pretended also to have received
a revelation acknowledging that on Sinai to have
been authorized for a time, but declared that it
now had no further validity. This hostile principle,
which sought the banishment of the divine from
earth, attempted to substitute a stuffed figure for a
godly child, and falsify Judaism. The new revela-
tions of Nazareth and Mecca, compared with Ju-
daism, were like well-executed statues of a man,
compared with a real man full of life and energy.
All this bitter enmity of the nations of the earth
against Israel and its divine religion 'had been fore-
seen by the prophets, especially by Daniel, who at

464 HISTORV O^ THE JEWS. CU. XlV.

the same time foretold the victory of Judaism over
superstition. "And now, brethren," so Maimuni
addressed the congregation of Yemen in his letter,
" consider well these truths, and do not let your-
selves be discouraged by the superabundance of
your woe. Its purpose is to test you, and to show
that the posterity of Jacob, the descendants of those
who received the Law on Sinai, are in possession
of the true Law." Furthermore, he pointed out
that it was wrong to calculate the Messianic period,
as the Yemen enthusiast thought he had succeeded
in doing ; for it can never be exactly determined, it
having been purposely concealed as a deep secret
by the prophets.

Lastly, Maimuni exhorted Jacob Alfayumi to
circulate his letter among the congregations of
Yemen, that it might strengthen them in their
faith, but to take great precautions when reading
it that no traitor might be given the opportunity of
making it the pretext for an accusation. He him-
self, said Maimuni, wrote in anxiety as to the. evil
consequences which might ensue for him ; but he
considered that he who wished to work for the
general good must not be deterred by apprehen-
sions of danger. This interesting letter of conso-
lation, which was written with much warmth, made
so favorable an impression on the Jews of southern
Arabia, that they, far from growing indifferent to
their religion, were strengthened in it, and were
moved to take an energetic share in all the events
affecting the welfare of the whole body of Jews.
In later times, when Maimuni attained greater im-
portance, he found the means of putting a stop to
the political oppression and bigoted persecution
suffered by the Jews. For this the congregation
of Yemen clove to him with enthusiastic love and
veneration. They included his name in their daily
prayer, a demonstration of honor which had been
accorded only to the Exilarchs at their zenith.

CH. XlV. FAME OF MAIMONIDfiS. 465

Maimuiii's greatness only gradually obtained ac-
knowledgment. As early as the year 1 1 75, he was
looked upon as an authority in the determination
of rabbinical laws ; and religious-legal questions
were addressed to him from all parts, a circum-
stance from which we may infer the universal
recognition of his authority. Maimuni appears to
have been officially recognized in 11 77 as rabbi of
Cairo, on account of his profound knowledge of the
Talmud, his character, and his fame. He, with nine
colleagues, formed an ecclesiastical board. His
office he regarded as a holy priesthood, and exer-
cised it with characteristic conscientiousness and
circumspection. Where he perceived any abuses,
he placed himself boldly in the breach. Although
Maimuni worked hard in eliminating from the rab-
binical world all Karaite customs which had crept
in, he, nevertheless, always showed great tolerance
toward the followers of Anan. Being asked how
Rabbanites should behave towards Karaites, he
replied that as long as they kept within the bounds
of decency, and did not scoff at the Talmud, they
were to be treated respectfully, and to be ap-
proached with friendliness, humility, and in a pacific
spirit. Rabbanites might visit them in their houses,
bury their dead, comfort their mourners, and initiate
their children into the covenant of Abraham. The
Talmud enjoins that we must observe a friendly
demeanor towards heathens and idolaters, how
much more so towards those who spring from the
seed of Jacob, and acknowledge only one God. By
virtue of his office, Maimuni tried hard to secure
decorum in the synagogue, and also to remove
many long-continued abuses. He noticed, for in-
stance, that when the congregation had finished
saying the silent prayer, thinking that they had
performed their duty, they did not listen to its
audible repetition by the reader, but chatted with.
one another, and generally behaved in an un-

466 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

becoming manner. The Mahometans mocked at
them, and with justice too, for they were accustomed
to conduct their own divine service with concen-
trated devotion. Maimuni, who always felt deeply
mortified when Judaism was exposed to ridicule,
was anxious to put a stop to such offensive be-
havior in the synagogues, and with this motive
abrogated the silent prayer altogether, without con-
sidering that it is expressly prescribed by the
Talmud. Sincere prayer was to him of higher im-
portance than mere mechanical fulfilment of pre-
cept. This practice, instituted by Maimuni, ac-
cording to which the reader alone said the chief
prayer, was followed, not only in the whole of
Egypt, but even in several congregations of Pales-
tine, in Damascus, and Haleb, and was continued
among the native congregations for three centuries.
In the midst of his energetic activity in communal
affairs, practising as a physician, and devoting him-
self to the constant study of philosophy and science,
Maimuni completed his second great work (8 Kislev
— 7 November, ii8o), his epoch-making "Mishne-
Torah," or Religious Code. If, as he states, he
labored at it continuously for ten successive years,
the time stands in no relation to the magnitude of
the performance. It is impossible to give the un-
initiated an idea of this gigantic work, in which he
collected the most remote things from the vast
mine of the Talmud, extracting the fine metal from
the dross, classifying all details under their appro-
priate heads, showing how the Talmud was based
on the Bible, bringing its details under general
rules, combining apparently unconnected parts into
one organized whole, and cementing it into a work
of art. He justly laid special emphasis, in the
Mishne-Torah, on the necessity of skilful grouping,
the difficulties of which can be estimated only by a
specialist deeply versed in the subject. The Tal-
mud resembles a Daedalian maze, in which one can

CH. XIV. THE " MISHNE-TORAH " OF MAIMONIDES. 467

scarcely find his way even with Ariadne's thread,
but Maimuni designed a well-contrived ground-
plan, with wings, halls, apartments, chambers, and
closets, through which a stranger might easily pass
without a guide, and thereby obtain a survey of all
that is contained in the Talmud. Only a mind
accustomed to think clearly and systematically, and
filled with the genius of order, could have planned
and built a structure like this.

Apart from the technical excellences, and the
incomparably well proportioned architecture, the
work had, as far as the contents are concerned, a
most important influence on the development of
Jewish history. All the various lines which his
predecessors had partially traced out on the ground
of Judaism, Maimuni united in the greatest harmony.
Nothing therein is given undue prominence, and
nothing is neglected. The philosophical, the ethical
and the ceremonial sides, and, so to speak, the emo-
tional side of Judaism which the aspiration for a
Messianic period of redemption expresses, are
treated in this work as of equal worth and promi-
nence. Maimuni united the divergent roads on
which Judaism had been led, and made them meet
together in one point. He worked out to final
perfection all the efforts which, since Saadiah had
tried to give a philosophical basis to Judaism, and
to make clear its import, had been embodied in
writing. His work was the necessary center of
gravity of the tremendous intellectual structure of
three centuries.

It may almost be said that Maimuni created a
new Talmud. The old elements are certainly
there ; we know their source, their occurrence, and
their original application, but under his treatment,
grouping, and elaboration they assume a new shape.
The rust is removed, the confusing non-essential
matter is takein out, and everything appears newly
cast, polished, fresh, and original. The Mishna,

468 HISTORY 0^ THE JEWS. CH. XlV.

the groundwork of the Talmud, begins with the
question, "At what time is tlie Shema to be
said in the evening?" and concludes with a dis-
cussion as to what things are unclean according to
Levitical law. Maimuni, on the other hand, thus
commences his Talmudical Code, " The foundation
and pillar of all wisdom is to recognize that there is
an original Being, who called all creatures into
existence," and ends with the words, " The earth
shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord as the
waters cover the sea." This work breathes the
spirit of true wisdom, calm reflection, and deep
morality. Maimuni, so to speak, talmudized Phil-
osophy, and philosophized the Talmud. He ad-
mitted philosophy into his religious Code, and
conceded it a place of equal importance with the
Halacha. From the time of Philo" till Abraham
Ibn-Daud, philosophy had always been treated as
something secondary, which had nothing to do with
practical Judaism, as it is daily and hourly practised.
Maimuni, on the other hand, introduced it into the
holiest place in Judaism, and as it were gave Aris-
totle a place next to the doctors of the Law. A
great portion of the first book of his work (Sepher
Madda) is of a philosophical character. The object
of his work was to simplify the knowledge of the
whole of Judaism, both Biblical and Talmudical,
which in his judgment were of equal value. He
wanted to clear up the diffuseness and obscurity,
which arise from .Talmudical idiom, the discussions,
the incomplete explanations of the Geonini, and
render the study of the Talmud so difficult; to
illumine chaos, and put confusion into order.
The rabbi who had to determine questions of a
religious or legal character, the pious man who
desired to discharge his religious duty of knowing
the Law, the student who desired to obtain know-
ledge of the Talmud, had no more need to struggle
through the thorny underbrush of Halachic discus-

CH. XIV. PURPOSE OF THE " MISHNE-TORAH." 469

sions, but in addition to Holy Writ had simply to
refer to the Code of the Mishne-Torah, in order to
acquire complete information. He hinted rather
broadly that his work was intended to render
the Talmud less necessary, if not to supersede it.
For this reason he wrote it in the neo-Hebrew
language (Mishna idiom), which was easily under-
stood, so as to make it accessible to all people, and
thus spread the knowledge of the Law, and the
principles of Judaism generally. It is true that he
came into collision with the views of his rabbinical
contemporaries, who expected the Talmud to be
treated with the same respect as the Holy Scrip-
tures, wherein no word is superfluous, and which,
therefore, must be studied in the original text.

In consistently carrying out his principle that all
details should be brought under comprehensive
heads, and that nothing should be admitted without
conclusive grounds, Maimuni could not help devia-
ting occasionally in his decisions from the Talmud-
ical method of determining the case, and striking
out into a path peculiar to himself. In one par-
ticular point he stepped beyond the bounds of the
Talmud. The Talmud treats as Biblical many de-
cisions which were inferred from verses of Scripture
by an application of the accepted rules of interpre-
tation. Maimuni, however, advanced the principle
that only those laws were Biblical which the Tal-
mud distinctly claimed to be so without recording
any difference of opinion on the subject.

In this bold view Maimuni was manifestly influ-
enced by the objection of the Karaites against the
Oral Law. Without being himself clearly aware of
it, he conceded that a genuine tradition could not be
amenable to differences of opinion, and must never,
during its transmission from generation to genera-
tion, be exposed to doubt.

Although Maimuni's theory, consistently followed
out, is calculated to undermine Talmudical Judaism,

470 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

that Judaism, nevertheless, was in practice held by
him in such estimation that he regarded nothing to
be of higher importance. The Talmudical sages
were, in his eyes, authorities who occupied a posi-
tion only a step lower than the prophets. He
regarded them as ideals, to emulate whom would
lead to a virtuous, religious, and perfect life. The
legal decisions proceeding from them, whether
mandatory or prohibitory, could be abrogated only
under circumstances specified in the Talmud itself.
In practice, accordingly, it made no difference
whether a law was Biblical or rabbinical ; both were
to be observed with equal conscientiousness.

Maimuni, through his religious Code, gave rab-
binical Judaism a strong hold, and on the other
hand he helped to ossify it. Much in the Talmud
that was still unsettled and open to explanation he
crystallized into unchangeable law. As he intro-
duced into Judaism articles of belief, which were to
limit thought by thought, so by his codified deter-
minations of the laws, he robbed it of its mobility.
Without considering the condition of the times in
which the Talmudical decisions had arisen, he laid
them down as binding for all times and circum-
stances. In this respect he was much stricter than
the Tossafist school, who took the sting out of a
too burdensome law by proving after elaborate
examination that it was not applicable to changed
circumstances and times. If Maimuni's Code had
acquired absolute supremacy, as it at first seemed
likely to do, and had dislodged the Talmud from
the schools, from the hands of the religious author-
ities, and from the Jewish courts of law, Talmudical
Judaism would have succumbed to petrifaction, not-
withstanding the rich thought and the scientific
treatment which Maimuni bestowed on it.

However, as soon as the Jews obtained possession
of Maimuni's Code, which was accessible to them by
reason of its simple language and arrangement.

CH.XIV. EFFECTS OF THE " MISHNE-TORAH." 47I

they began to see clearly its high importance. .In
Spain, it was said, every one copied it for himself ;
the Jewish mind was absorbed in it, young and old
gathered together in order to master its contents.
There were now many doctors of the Law who could
pass an original opinion on any controversial point
of law, and check the decision of the judge. And
as in Spain, so it was in all countries, even in the
East, where the study of the Talmud was more
energetically pursued. The reverence for the great
master increased every day, especially when it be-
came known that his private life corresponded to
the ideal which he had delineated of a Jewish sage.
His people lavished on him the most enthusiastic
of praises. "The only one of his time," "The ban-
nei* of the rabbis," " The enlightener of the eyes of
Israel," were modest titles. It required all Mai-
muni's moral force not to be overpowered by the
incense burned before him. Maimuni's name rang
from Spain to India, and from the sources of the
Euphrates and the Tigris to southern Arabia, and
eclipsed all contemporary celebrities. The most
learned men subordinated themselves to his judg-
ment, and solicited, his instruction in the most
humble manner ; he was regarded as chief authority
for the whole Jewish world, which revered him as
its noblest representative.

He did not escape the attack of petty opponents,
who were jealous of his towering greatness, insig-
nificant rabbis, who, being superficially familiar with
the text of the Talmud, thought themselves in
possession of all wisdom, and were unpleasantly
awakened from their dream by Maimuni's work. In
Cairo itself some Talmudists would not deign to
bestow a glance on the Code, lest it might be said
that they had learnt something out of it. Others
argued that the College of Bagdad was the only
seat of Talmudical knowledge, and that he who had
not studied in this school could not be recognized

472 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

as thoroughly initiated, and, consequently, Maimuni's
decisions did not deserve unconditional acceptance.
Such little minds persuaded themselves that it lay
in their power to compose a like or even a better
work on all the laws of Judaism. The head of this
petty opposition was Samuel ben Ali, of Bagdad,
who, on his richly embellished Gaonate throne, sur-
rounded by his slaves armed with scourges, would
not acknowledge any one his equal, much less his
superior. Maimonides opposed a contemptuous
silence to detractors of this class. However, he
also had honorable adversaries, who feeling that
Maimuni's conception of Talmudical Judaism was
not flesh of their flesh, scented heresy in the Code,
and perceived danger therein to the practice of the
religion. But wherein the strange and inconsistent
elements lay only the more learned understood ;
the simple, on the other hand, lit upon secondary
and quite unessential points, and excited themselves
about them, as if the fundamental principles of the
religion were in danger.

Thus, in Alexandria, after the publication of Mai-
muni's work, there broke out against it a popular
insurrection, because it was taught therein that
bathing before prayer, which the Eastern Jews had
adopted from their Mahometan neighbors, was not
essential. Members of the congregation combined,
and threatened to lay information against it before
the Mahometan authorities, on the ground that
those who had adopted Maimuni's Code as law
wished to introduce innovations into the religion.

It was only after a residence in Egypt of more
than twenty years that Maimuni obtained an ap-
pointment as physician at the court of Saladin ; up
to that time he had acquired only a slight practice.
He was not Saladin's physician in ordinary, for the
Sultan, on account of the constant wars with the
adherents of Nureddin and with the Christians,
could not visit his capital for a long time. But the
favor of the noble vizir, the wise and mighty Alfad-

CH. XIV. MAIMONIDES AS A PHYSICIAN. 473

hel, who was also a great promoter of learning, and
of whom a contemporary said, " he was entirely
head and heart," was of as much value as the dis-
tinguished recognition of the sovereign. Alfadhel
caused Maimuni to be placed on the list of physi-
cians, settled upon him a yearly salary, and loaded
him with favors. Inspired by his example, the great
men of the country who Hved in Gairo likewise
bestowed upon him their patronage, so that Mai-
muni's time was so fully occupied that he was
obliged to neglect his studies. Maimuni was
indebted for his elevation more to his medical
learning than to his skill as a physician ; for he
pursued this profession as a learned science, and
prescribed no recipe for whose efficacy he could
not cite the judgment of medical authorities. He
treated the facts of scientific medicine in the same
spirit as he had treated the Talmud. In this manner
he elaborated the writings of Galen, the medical
oracle in the Middle Ages ; he abridged and arranged
them, without permitting himself to deviate from the
original in the slightest particular. The same char-
acter is borne also by his medical aphorisms, which
are nothing further than extracts from and classifica-
tions of older theories. In spite of his almost abso-
lute lack of originality in the province of medicine,
Maimuni nevertheless enjoyed a wide reputation as
a medical author. The celebrated Mahometan phy-
sician and theologian, Abdel-latif, of Bagdad, who
enjoyed the favor of Saladin in a high degree, con-
fessed that his wish to visit Gairo was prompted by
the desire to make the acquaintance of three men,
among whom was Musa ben Maimun. The poet
and kadhi, Alsaid Ibn-Sina Almulk, sang of Mai-
muni's greatness as a physician in ecstatic verse :

" Galen's art heals only the body,
But Abu-Amran's (Maimuni's) the body and soul.
With his wisdom he could heal the sickness of ignorance.
If the moon would submit to his art,

He would deliver her of her spots at the time of full moon,
Cure her of her periodic defects,
And at the time of her conjunction sav? her from waning.

474 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

Maimuni's reputation was so great that the
English king, Richard Coeur-de-Lion, the soul of
the third crusade, wanted to appoint him his physi-
cian in ordinary, but Maimuni refused the offer.

His patron, the chief judge and vizir Alfadhel,
acquitted him at about this time of a grave charge, for
which, under a less mild Mahometan, or even a
Christian judge, he would have incurred the penalty
of death. The same Abulalarab Ibn-Moisha who
had befriended Maimuni in Fez, had come from
Maghreb to Egypt, and when he saw Maimuni,
whom he had kno^yn as a Mahometan, at the
head of the Jewish community as spiritual chief, he
appeared against him as an accuser, and averred
that Maimuni had for a long time professed the
religion of Islam, and consequently ought to be
punished as a renegade. Alfadhel, before whose
tribunal the accusation was preferred, decided
rightly that the compulsory adoption of a creed
could have no value, and, therefore, could involve
no penalties (about ii'Sy). In consequence of his
favor with the vizir, Maimuni was appointed
supreme head of all the Egyptian congregations,
and this dignity descended in his family from father
to son and grandson. It is certain that Maimuni
drew no salary for this office, for nothing appeared
to him more discreditable and sinful than to receive
payment for the discharge of spiritual duties, or to
degrade knowledge into a money-making business.
He sought this prominent position not for himself,
but for the sake of his co-religionists, in order to
save them from injustice. It was through him that
the heavy yoke of persecution was removed from
the congregation of Yemen. When Saladin had
once more wrested Jerusalem from the hands of the
Christians, who had held it for nearly a century, he
allowed the Jews to settle in the city of their fathers
(October, 1187). And from all sides there came
devoted sons to visit their mourning and forsaken

CH. XIV. MAIMONIDES' OPPONENTS. 47S

mother. Possibly Maimuni was not unconnected
with this act of noble-minded tolerance. Lastly, he
endeavored to obtain for his brethren in faith prece-
dence in the state over the Karaites, and gradually
to oust the latter from their favorable position at
court, so that many of them reverted to Rabbanism.
This was accounted to Maimuni as a most meritori-
ous deed in his time.

The higher Maimuni advanced in the esteem of
his contemporaries, the more his extraordinary
ability was acknowledged, and the louder his fame
resounded, the more did the arrogant Samuel ben
Ali, of Bagdad, feel himself belittled, and the more
did he become filled with envy. Samuel accord-
ingly took every opportunity to depreciate Maimu-
ni's merit, and. rob him of his fame. Samuel and
his friends whispered to one another that Maimuni
was by no means a strictly religious Jew, nor a true
follower of the Talmud, and they spread many
calumnies about him. Some mistakes which he had
made in his youthful work, the Mishna Commen-
tary, were used by these malevolent people with a
view to brand him as ignorant of the Talmud, and
without claim to authority in this province. Their
idea of religion, as Maimuni said of them, consisted
in -guarding against the violation of precepts ; but
according to their view, good morals, humility,
merely human virtues, in short, do not belong to
religion. As the seed which Maimuni had scattered
began to bear fruit, Samuel ben Ali and his allies
took advantage thereof to lower the author in the
eyes of his contemporaries.

In Damascus and Yemen there appeared re-
ligious teachers, who drew from Maimuni's writings
logical conclusions which he himself did not care to
deduce. As he strongly affirmed, and repeatedly
insisted, that by the immortality of the soul a purely
spiritual existence in another world was to be
understood, whereas he passed over the resurrec

476 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

tion of the dead as of only secondary importance,
his disciples concluded that he was not thoroughly
convinced of the resurrection, and forthwith began
to teach that after death the body sinks into disso-
lution and decay, and that only the soul becomes
elevated to a purely spiritual life. This liberal view
clashed with explicit declarations in the Talmud,
and consequently aroused general opposition.
Samuel ben Ali was requested by some one in
Yemen to give his opinion on this question of the
belief in the resurrection. Samuel wrote a whole
treatise upon it, with philosophical flourishes, in order
to appear a worthy rival of Maimuni, and seized
the opportunity of criticising the latter's writings,
hoping to heighten the effect of the criticism by ac-
cording partial praise to Maimuni. On another
occasion, Samuel ben Ali directed a letter to Mai-
muni, in which, amid much flattery and fawning, he
reproached him with having committed an error in
interpreting the Talmud, which could scarcely have
been made by a beginner, kindly adding that Mai-
muni must not fret himself about it. At the same
time, he did not forget to promise graciously to
take him under his protection against the congre-
gation in Yemen. Maimuni replied with a heated
letter, in which he showed his malicious oppo-
nent that it was he who had erred in the deeper
conception of the Talmud. He also touched upon
the secret attacks made against his great work
from this quarter, some asserting that the book
contained mistakes, others that it was superfluous,
others, again, that it was dangerous. " You seem,"
Maimuni observed to him, " to reckon me among
those who are sensitive to every word of blame.
You make a mistake. God has protected me
against this weakness, and I protest to you, in His
name, that if the most insignificant scholar, whether
friend or foe, would point out to me an error, I
would be grateful for the correction and instruc--

CH. XIV. SAMUEL BEN AU. 477

tion." Although Samuel ben Ali was readily re-
futed by Maimuni, he still continued to spread the
report that the latter was no Talmudist, and that
his codex did not deserve the respect which it
enjoyed. From another side, from Haleb, Mar
Sacharya, a man of limited range of vision, and with
a superficial knowledge of the Talmud, thinking
himself eclipsed by Maimuni's pupil, Joseph Ibn-
Aknin, worked with equal hostility against master
and disciple. But, as the sage of Fostat had warm
and disinterested adherents everywhere, Samuel
ben Ali and his ally of Haleb were constrained to
act cautiously. They organized an intrigue against
him, into which they drew one of the two Exilarchs.
Towards this cabal, Maimuni assumed an attitude
of contemptuous indifference and unconcern, which
altogether disarmed his opponents.

In spite of his collisions with the party of Samuel
ben Ali, and his prodigious activity as a physician,
which scarcely gave him time for study, he com-
pleted his religious philosophical work, " Guide of
the Perplexed " (Moreh Nebuchim, Dalalat al Hai-
rin) in about 1190. This treatise became of extra-
ordinary importance, not only for Judaism, but for
the history of philosophy in the Middle Ages gen-
erally. Maimuni appears at the summit of his
intellectual power in this work, and it contains the
vindication of his profoundest convictions. The
questions which the human mind starts ever anew,
about the existence of a higher world, the destiny
of our being, and the imperfection and evil of the
earthly world, Maimuni sought to answer in a
manner which was at that time considered con-
vincing. The doubts which the thinking Jew may
conceive of the truth of his hereditary religion, he
endeavored to remove in a persuasive manner.
He, whose thoughts were ever directed to the
loftiest subjects, could with justice assume the
character of guide to the perplexed and wavering.

478 HISTORY Of THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

The external form of this epoch-making work
would make it appear that the author had elabo-
rated, for his favorite disciple, Joseph Ibn-Aknin, of
Fez, separate treatises on important points which
had disquieted and tortured the latter. But it was
actually dictated by the desire to express clearly
his philosophical conception of the world, and his
views of the place which Judaism finds in it, and
thoroughly to analyze their mutual relation.

Maimuni was, on the one hand, firmly convinced
of the truth of the Aristotelian philosophy, as the
Mahometan philosopher Ibn-Sina and others had
formulated it. On the other hand, Judaism was to
him a body of truths not less irrefragable. Both
seemed to him to have the same conclusion and a
common aim. Philosophy recognizes as the prin-
cipal of all essences one indivisible God, the gov-
ernor of the world. Judaism likewise teaches with
emphatic asseveration the unity of God, and abhors
nothing more thoroughly than polytheism. Meta-
physics knows no higher aim for man than that he
should perfect himself intellectually, and work his
way up to the highest knowledge. Judaism also,
even Talmudical Judaism, places understanding and
knowledge, the understanding of God, at the head
of its precepts. If the truth which the human mind
in the fulness of its power evolves from itself,
and the revelation which the Deity vouchsafed
to the Israelitish nation on Sinai, resemble each
other in beginning and end, then their separate
parts must correspond with each other, and be
as one and the same truth, arrived at in different
ways. Judaism cannot be in contradiction with
philosophy, as both are emanations from the divine
spirit. The truth which God has revealed must
also agree with that which lies in the human reason,
since the latter is a power originating from God,
and similarly all truths which metaphysical thinking
can bring to light must exist in the revelation —

CH. XIV. MAIMONIDES' " GUIDE OF THE PERPLEXED." 479

that is, in Judaism. Hence, Maimuni believed that
originally, besides the written revelation in the
Pentateuch, there were also communicated to the
greatest of prophets oral doctrines of a philosophical
character, which were transmitted by tradition to
posterity, and which were lost only in consequence
of the troubles and afflictions which the Israelites
experienced in the course of ages. Traces of this
old Israelitish wisdom are found, according to Mai-
muni, in the scattered utterances of the prophets,
and in the reflections of the Agada. When, there-
fore, the thinking Jew borrows the truths of Greek
philosophy, and adopts the theories of Plato and
Aristotle, they are not altogether strange elements
to him, but only a reminder of his own forgotten
treasure.

The whole universe, which must be considered
as a single organic whole, consisting of spheres
suspended over one another working in harmony, is
nothing more than the realized thoughts of God, or
rather than the ideas of God ever tending to reali-
zation. He continually imparts to it new forms
and shapes, and implants order and regularity in
the world. Everything is arranged therein in ac-
cordance with a final purpose. The Greek phil-
osophy, it is true, assumes that the universe shares
in the eternity of God ; but it can neither irrefutably
prove the eternity of the world, nor remove any of
the difficulties which oppose the acceptation of the
original existence of the universe. The doctrine
of Judaism is much more reasonable, that the world
had a positive beginning, and that time itself, which,
indeed, is a form of the world and its motion, is not
without beginning, but was called into being by the
determining will of God.

The organically formed universe, created and
made to cohere by God, consists of a series of
entities of different degrees. Next to the Deity
are the pure spirits, which are simple, and not com-

480 KlSTORV Of THE JEWS. CH. XlV.

posed of matter and form, and consequently par-
take most of the divine nature. Their necessary-
existence is proved philosophically, because many
phenomena in the universe best admit of explana-
tion through them. These pure spirits, these
" forms free of matter," Judaism and Holy Writ
call " angels." Among them must be assumed a
spirit or angel who is the originator of thoughts or
ideas, the active world-spirit or creative reason
(Sechel ha-Poel).

In the degree next to the pure spirits are entities
which must certainly be considered as composed of
matter and form, whose matter, however, is not
heavy and coarse, but of an ethereal nature. These
ethereal entities are the heavens and the brilliant
world of stars, which possess an ever uniform mo-
tion, and are therefore not subject to the change of
genesis and dissolution, but revolve in the firma-
ment in constant brightness and with unbroken
regularity. These form and influence the lower
circle of entities. The stars are divided into four
spheres — into the sphere of the fixed stars, of the
moving stars (planets), of the sun and the moon.
These spheres must be considered as endowed with
life and intellectual power. Below the sphere of
the moon there exists a grade of entities which are
generated from coarser matter, but are susceptible
of form, shape, and motion. This is the world of
the four elements, which are in their turn fashioned
into four spheres, one above the other. Within
these spheres are formed, through manifold evolu-
tions, influenced by the world of stars, lifeless
minerals, plants, self-moving animals, and men
capable of intelligence.

But how is the influence of God upon this multi-
form universe to be understood ? The changes
cannot proceed immediately through Hirh. The
animated orbs of stars, which are the cause of all
transformations on earth, are not set in motion by

Ctt. XW. THE PHILOSOPHY OF MAIMONIDES. 48 1

God, but are impelled towards Him in longing and
love, in order to partake of His perfection, His
light, and His goodness. Through this ardent
striving of the heavenly bodies to God comes their
regular revolution, and in this manner they cause
all changes in the world below the moon, in the
circle of genesis and dissolution, through the recep-
tion and loss of peculiar forms and shapes. This
theory of God, of the universe, and the various
motions of the different beings, Maimuni found
indicated in Holy Writ and in many utterances of
the Agada, but only in obscure allusions, as these
writings, being designed for every one, not solely
for the philosopher, could not and durst not, at the
risk of occasioning gross misunderstanding, unveil
the complete image of truth.

More important than the analysis of this concep-
tion of the world is Maimuni's presentation of his
ideas on matters more nearly concerning mankind.
Since God, the creator of the world, is perfect and
all-good, the world cannot have been made other-
wise than good, and in accordance with a purpose.
" God saw that all was good," " From on high there
comes no evil." The evils which exist in the world
are not to be looked upon as the work of God, but
merely as the absence of the good and the perfect,
since gross matter is incapable of partaking of the
good and the divine. God did not create sin, but sin
arises from the nature of the coarse matter, which
is defective in its constitution, and which can only
receive and retain defectively that which is good.
But this evil must be overcome. God has implanted
in the soul of man, who is superior to all entities
composed of gross matter, the capacity and instinct
for knowledge. If the soul follows this instinct, it
is assisted by the active reason which has been
specially created for the purpose of opening up to
the soul the source of the divine spirit, in order that
it may understand the structure of the world and

482 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

God's influence upon it, and that it may be enabled
to lead a worthy life. Man can thereby raise him-
self to the higher degree of the angels, and can
conquer the frailties which arise out of his material
body. Through this elevation to the higher abode
of thought and to moral purity, and through mastery
of his animal nature, man by his own will acquires a
soul ; he makes himself a super>-earthly being, he
wins for himself the immortality of the soul, and
becomes united with the all-governing world-soul.
The possibility of gaining this highest degree is
vouchsafed to man with his freedom of will.

And man can acquire and in a manner win God's
special providence in the same way as he can
acquire and win immortality through the action of
his soul. For God's care extends only to what
remains and endures. Even in the lower world of
the four elements, this is felt in the preservation of
the species, which by reason of their form and pur-
pose are of a spiritual nature. If man raises him-
self to the degree of a spirit, if he becomes master
over matter, the providential eye of God will not
pass him over. And as man can gain for himself,
through moral and intellectual discipline, an immor-
tal soul, so he incurs the highest penalty if his
spiritual light is quenched through a sinful life, and
is crushed by his material nature.

Man has the power of acquiring still more ; he
can, through an ideal life, come to possess the pro-
phetic faculty, if he opens his mind by constant
communion with God to the influences of the active
reason. But it requires on the part of man cultiva-
tion and concentration of the imagination, and on
the part of God the emanation of His spirit. Since
a lively, continually active imagination is the chief
qualification for prophecy, it can develop only in a
state similar to a dream, when the disturbing activity
of the senses is relaxed, and the mind may freely
resign itself to the influences from above. The pro-

CH. XIV. THE PROPHETIC FACULTY. 483

phesying of the prophets always occurred in a kind
of dream. The Scriptural accounts of the actions and
experiences of the prophets during their ecstatic con-
dition, are not to be understood as being accounts
of actual occurrences, but only of processes of the
soul, as visions of the imagination. There are also
different degrees of prophecy, according to the
greater or less capacity requisite for them. Thus
many miraculous tales in the Bible cease to appear
supernatural and surprising, just as the hyperbolical
style of the prophets is explicable on this theory.
All this arises from the rule of the imagination and
dream visions. Miracles are certainly not impossible.
The same Creator who has established the laws of
nature can also suspend them, but He does so only
temporarily, that the old order may soon return, as
when the waters of the Nile were changed into
blood only for a short time, and the sea divided
itself for the Israelites but for a few hours. The
number of miracles in the Bible is, however, limited.
Wonders are not, generally speaking, the means of
verifying and confirming the declarations of the
prophets ; they must be proved by the prophecies
themselves, and the fulfilment of what they predict.
Miracles do not prove them true.

The most perfect of all prophets was that man
of God with shining countenance, who brought to
the world a religion which has exercised the pro-
foundest sway over men's minds. The prophecy
of Moses differed from that of later prophets in four
essential points. He received the revelation with-
out the mediation of another .spiritual being, that is,
without the influence of the active reason or of an
angel, but communed with the Deity " face to face
and mouth to mouth." Secondly, Moses communed
with God, not in a dream, when all activity of the
senses ceases, but the higher teaching was granted
to him whilst he was in an ordinary frame of mind.
Moreover, his being was not disturbed or dissolved.

484 HISTORV OF" tHfi JEWS. CH. XIV.

by it, as in the case of other prophets when the
spirit of God came upon them, but he could main-
tain himself under it. Finally, Moses was continually
in the prophetic mood, whereas this power came
upon other men of God only after longer or shorter
intervals, and then only after careful preparation.
Moses possessed this prophetic perfection only
because, through the elevation of his mind, he had
liberated himself from the tyranny of his senses,
from desire, and even from his imagination, and had
won for himself the degree of an angel, or of a pure
spirit. All coverings which blindfold the eye of the
human mind, and disturb its view, he tore off, and
penetrated to the fountain-head of truth. He
attained to a degree such as no other mortal has
reached, and therefore he was able also to recognize
the Deity and His will with the undisturbed gaze
of a pure spirit. The truth of the highest Being
irradiated him without intermediation, and in trans-
parent clearness, without word or speech. That
which he perceived at such a height he brought to
his people as a religion, as a revelation, and this
truth, radiating immediately from the divinity, is the
Torah.

This revealed religion, originating from God, is
unique, just as the mediator, through whom the
truth was conveyed to man, is the only one of his
kind. Being a divine doctrine it is perfect, and
consequently there can be none which can abrogate
its authority, and supersede it, just as there was
none previous to it.

The divinity of the Torah is proved by its- con-
tents as by its origin. It contains not only laws
and precepts, but also dogmas upon questions
most important for man, and' this two-fold character
is likewise a mark to distinguish it at once from
other codes and from other religions. Besides, the
laws of the Torah all aim at a higher purpose, so
that there is nothing in it superfluous, nothing un-

CH. XIV. INFLUENCE OF THE " GUIDE." 485

necessary, nothing gratuitous. The design of the
revelation brought dovirn by Moses can be thus
summarized : it was to promote the spiritual and
physical welfare of those who received it, the one
by inculcating correct ideas of God and His gov-
ernment of the world, the other by enjoining prin-
ciples of virtue and morality. Maimuni made an
attempt to show that the six hundred and thirteen
laws of the Torah, or of Judaism, tend to establish
a true theory as to the Deity and His relation to
the world, to oppose false and pernicious opinions,
to uproot false ideas, to remove wrong and violence,
to accustom- men to virtue, and finally to eliminate
immorality and vice. Maimuni arranged all the
obligations of Judaism under fourteen groups ac-
cording to his scheme.

Maimuni's ideal labor, to raise Judaism to the
height of a philosophical system, was of the most
wide-spread effect. For the thinkers of his time,
Maimuni's religious philosophy was, indeed, a
" Guide of the Perplexed." For to these men, who
were dominated by the same principles, whose
thinking, on the one hand, was Aristotelian, and
whose feeling, on the other hand, was Jewish, but
who, nevertheless, were conscious of a deep gulf
between their thinking and their feeling, nothing
could have been more welcome than the discovery
of a bridge which led from the one to the other.
Many things which had appeared to them offensive,
or at least trivial, in the Bible, received through
Maimuni's ingenious manner of interpretation a
higher importance, a deeper sense, and became
clear to their understanding. To posterity his
philosophical work was both stimulating and sug-
gestive. Judaism, viewed in the light of Maimuni's
philosophy, no longer appeared to Jewish students
as something strange, belonging to the past, an
extinct and mere mechanical system, but as some-
thing which belonged to themselves, a part of their

486 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

consciousness, existing in the present, living in
their thoughts and animating them. Jewish thinkers
of all times after Maimuni have consequently had
recourse to Maimuni's " Guide," have derived fruit-
ful ideas from this source, and have even learnt
from him to advance beyond his standpoint, and to
combat him. And since in the end thinkers will
always remain the guides and leaders of men, and
the designers of their future, it can be said with
justice, that Judaism is indebted to Maimuni for its
rejuvenescence. So exclusively did he hold' sway
over men of intellect, that for a long time his work
completely supplanted the systems of his predeces-
sors from Saadiah to Ibn-Daud.

Maimuni's philosophical work, being written in
Arabic, also exercised considerable influence be-
yond the Jewish world. He had, it is true, com-
posed it entirely for Jews, and it is said, moreover,
that he strictly enjoined that it be copied entirely
in Hebrew characters, so that it might not fall into
the hands of the Mahometans, and provoke ani-
mosity against his own people. ' He even cautioned
his favorite disciple to use the utmost care in hand-
ling the chapters sent to him, so that they might not
be misused by Mahometans and wicked Jews ; but
nevertheless this work became known to the Arabs,
even in Maimuni's lifetime. A Mahometan wrote
a profound exposition of the premises established
by Maimuni to prove the existence of God. The
chief founders of the Christian scholastic philosophy
not only used Maimuni's work, which was translated
into Latin at an early period, but for the first time
learnt from it how to reconcile the diverging tend-
encies of belief and philosophy.

It ought scarcely to be urged against Maimuni,
as a reproach, that, led by the philosophy of his
time, he introduced strange and even incompatible
elements into his system ; that he raised, instead
of the God of Revelation, who is in complete sym-

CH. XIV. REVELATION AND PHILOSOPHY. 487

pathy with the human race, with the IsraeUtes, and
with every individual, a metaphysical entity, who
exists in cold seclusion and elevation, and who dare
not concern Himself about His creatures, if His
existence is not to evaporate as that of a mere
phantasm. To this metaphysical God, he could
attribute free-will only in a limited sense, whilst he
practically denied Him altogether the possession
of a complete personality. Judaism, however much
Maimuni had its interests at heart, must be a loser
by his system. As he could not accept the revela-
tion of the Torah in the fullest sense as a commu-
nication of the Deity to His people, he had to con-
sider the greatest prophet in the light of a demi-
god above mankind. The ideal of a perfectly pious
man, according to Maimuni's conception, is attain-
able by very few, and only by disciplined thinkers,
who have the power of raising themselves to that
rank through the long succession of degrees of
knowledge, which are not within the grasp of every
one. A merely moral and religious course of life
is not sufficient, since God can be adored only by
a soul endowed with philosophical intuition, and
consequently only the few can arrive at immor-
tality and future bliss, and have divine care vouch-
safed them. Thus, according to Maimuni's theory,
there 'are but very few elect. Lastly, Maimuni had
to put a forced interpretation on verses of Scrip-
ture, in order to make them harmonize with the
results of philosophical thought.

Maimuni's intelligent contemporaries, and even
his favorite pupil, Joseph Ibn-Aknin, felt that his
theory was not quite consistent with Judaism. This
feeling made itself especially noticeable in regard
to the belief in the resurrection. Maimuni had
certainly reckoned it among the articles of belief,
but he had laid no stress upon it ; there was no
place for it in his philosophical system. From
many sides, it was charged against him that, while

488 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

he had made an exhaustive examination of the
question of immortality, he had dismissed the doc-
trine of resurrection with a few words. Maimuni
now felt that he owed it to himself to compose a
vindication in the form of a treatise on the resur-
rection of the dead, which he wrote in Arabic in
119 1. Therein he affirms that he firmly believes
in the resurrection, and that it is a miracle whose
possibility is assumed with the belief- in a creation
in time. He complains in the book of being mis- ,
understood. This composition is written in an
irritable mood, which contrasts greatly with the
calmness of his former works. He was annoyed
that he had to justify himself to " fools and women."

Among the learned Mahometans, Maimuni's
" Guide " made much stir, but was severely con-
demned by them, partly on account of his covert
attacks upon Islam and the barren but orthodox
philosophy which reigned at that time, and partly
on account of his broad views. Abdel-latif, the
representative of orthodoxy in the Islam world of
the East, who had been patronized by Saladin, and
had come to Egypt in order to make the acquaint-
ance of Maimuni (probably early in 1192), speaks
of him, it is true, with respect, but animadverts
strongly upon his work. He expressed himself
about him in the following manner : " Moses, the
son of Maimun, visited me, and I found him to be
a man of very high merit, but governed by an
ambition to take the first place, and to make him-
self acceptable to men in power. Besides medical
works, he has written a philosophical book for the
Jews, which I have read ; I consider it a bad book,
which is calculated to undermine the principles of
religion through the very means which are appar-
ently designed to strengthen them."

Nowhere did Maimuni's ideas find more fruitful
ground, and nowhere were they adopted with more
readiness than in the Jewish congregations of

CH. XIV. MAIMUNI AND THE FRENCH JEWS. 489

southern France, where prosperity, the free form
of government, and the agitation of the Albigenses
against austere clericaHsm, had awakened a taste
for scientific investigation, and where Ibn-Ezra, the
Tibbon and the Kimchi families, had scattered seeds
of Jewish cuhure. The less the men of southern
France were able of themselves to reconcile Judaism
with the results of science, the more did they occupy
themselves with the writings of the sage who in so
convincing a manner showed that pure and earnest
devotion to religion was compatible with a taste for
free research, and whose works revealed circum-
spection, clearness, deliberation and depth. Not
only laymen, but even profound Talmudists, like
Jonathan Cohen, of Liinel, idolized him, eagerly
absorbed his every word, and paid him profound
homage. " Since the death of the last rabbis of the
Talmud, there has not been such a man in Israel."

Among the rules of health which Maimuni drew
up for Alafdhal, who had become ruler of Egypt,
he threw in the observation that the strengthening
of the soul through moral living and philosophical
reflection was requisite for the preservation of a
strong body ; that immoderate enjoyment of wine
and love destroyed vitality. He had the boldness
to say to a wayward prince something that no
courtier of the age had the courage to tell him.
He was determined not to be unfaithful to his call-
ing as a physician of the soul. Maimuni himself
fell sick, and was much worn out by his medical
practice, and much affected by political changes.
As soon as he had recovered, and calm was restored,
he answered certain questions which had some
time before been directed to him from Liinel. In
his missive he excuses himself on the ground that
his senses were disturbed, his mental power weak-
ened, and his capacities blunted, yet his arguments
testify against him, for they display perfect clearness
and freshness of mind.

49° HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

The great veneration which the congregations
of southern France felt for Maimuni's writings, and
especially for his code, aroused against him a violent
antagonist in the person of Abraham ben David,
of Posquieres, whose inconsiderate manner of deal-
ing with those who represented an opposite line of
thought to himself had been experienced by Serachya
Halevi Gerundi. This profound Talmudist sub-
jected Maimuni's Mishne-Torah to scathing criti-
cism, and treated him in a contemptuous manner.
He maintained that the author had not thoroughly
grasped many Talmudical passages, had miscon-
strued their sense, and had thus drawn many false
conclusions. He reproached him for desiring to
bring Talmudical authorities into oblivion by reduc-
ing the Talmud to a code, and lastly for smuggling
philosophical notions into Judaism. But he by no
means treated Maimuni as an innovator and a
heretic ; on the contrary, he did justice to his
opinions and his noble aim. Abraham ben David's
strictures (Hassagoth) upon Maimuni's work gave
occasion to the Talmudists of a later time to indulge
their casuistical tendencies, and gave a great im-
pulse to the taste for disputation. The rich, learned,
and impulsive rabbi of Posquieres also had his
admirers. When he died (Friday, 26th Kislev —
,27th Nov., 1 198), descendants of Aaron, who are
not allowed to enter a cemetery, made his grave,
since before such greatness as his the priesthood
may sink its sacred character.

The polemic of Abraham ben David against
Maimuni in no way prejudiced the latter's consid-
eration among the congregations of Provence ; he
remained for them an infallible authority. The
chief representative of Jewish-Provengal culture,
Samuel Ibn-Tibbon, wrote to Maimuni that he was
busying himself with the rendering of the " Guide "
from Arabic .into Hebrew, and that he longed to
see the greatest man in the Jewish world face to

CH. XIV. MAIMUNI TO IBN-TIBBON. 49I

face. Ibn-Tibbon thereby anticipated a wish of
Maimuni's, for the latter contemplated translat-
ing his work into Hebrew. Full of joy he replied
to Ibn-Tibbon, and gave him some advice how to
handle so difficult a thence (8th Tishri — loth Sep-
tember, 1 199). He dissuaded him, however, from
making the perilous voyage from France to Egypt
on his account, as he would scarcely be able to
devote to him an hour of his time. He took the
occasion to inform him of his manifold occupations,
which allowed him scarcely a moment's rest : " The
Sultan (Alafdhal) lives in Cairo, and I in Fostat ; the
two towns lie at a distance of two Sabbath journeys
(about a mile and a third) from each other. With
the Sultan I have a hard time ; I must visit him
daily in the morning, and when he, or any of his
children, or one of the women of his harem is
suffering, I may not leave Cairo. Even when
nothing particular happens, I cannot come home
till after mid-day. When I enter my house, dying
of hunger, I find the hall thronged with people —
Jews, Mahometans, illustrious and otherwise, friends
and foes, a motley crowd — who await my advice as
a physician. There scarcely remains time for me
to alight from my horse, wash myself, and take
some refreshment. Thus it continues till night,
and then, worn out with weakness, I must retire to
bed. Only on Sabbath have I time to occupy
myself with the congregation and with the Law.
I am accustomed on this day to dispose of the
affairs of the community for the following week, and
to hold a discourse. Thus my days glide away."

It may be that the congregation of Liinel was not
aware that Samuel Ibn-Tibbon was engaged with
the translation of the " Guide," or did not give him
credit for ability in that direction ; however it was,
some of its members applied to Maimuni to trans-
late this work for them into Hebrew. Maimuni
pleaded want of time in excuse, and referred them

492 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XIV.

to Ibn-Tibbon (about 1200). He seized the oppor-
tunity also to exhort the Provencal Jews to grapple
with the scientific treatment of the Talmud. " You,
members of the congregation of Liinel and of the
neighboring towns, are the only ones who raise
aloft the banner of Moses. You apply yourselves
to the study of the Talmud, and also cherish wis-
dom. But in the East the Jews are dead to spiritual
labors. In the whole of Syria only a few in Haleb
occupy themselves with the study of the Torah, but
even they have it not much at heart. In Irak there
are only two or three grapes (men of insight) ; ift
Yemen and the rest of Arabia they know little of
the Talmud, and are acquainted only with the
Agadic exposition. Only just lately have they
purchased copies of my Code, and distributed them
in a few circles. The Jews of India know little
of the Bible, much less of the Talmud. Those who
live among the Turks and Tartars have the Bible
only, and live according to it alone. In Maghreb
you know what is the position of the Jews (that
they must affect the profession of Islam). Thus it
remains with you alone to be a strong support to our
religion. Therefore, be firm, and of good courage,
and be united in your work." Maimuni felt that
enlightened Judaism would have its chief advocacy
in Provence. The congregation of Marseilles re-
quested the poet Charisi to translate Maimuni's
Commentary to the Mishna into Hebrew. The Pro-
vencals took this great man and his writings as a
guide in all their actions.

When Maimuni despatched his last missive to
the congregation of Liinel, he felt the decadence of
his powers : " I feel old, not in years, but on account
of feebleness." He died from weakness at the age
of seventy years (20th Tebet — 13th Dec, 1204),
mourned by many congregations in all lands. In
Fostat, both Jews and Mahometans publicly
mourned for him for three days. In Jerusalem

CH. XIV. UEATH OF maimonides. 493

the congregation held a special funeral service for
him. A general fast was appointed, and the chap-
ter containing the penalties for breaking God's
commandments was read from the Torah, and from
the Prophets the story of the capture of the Ark of
the Covenant by the Philistines. His earthly re-
mains were conveyed to Tiberias. Maimuni left
only one son, Abulmeni Abraham, who inherited
his father's character, his mildness, his sincere piety,
his medical knowledge, his place as physician in
ordinary, his dignity as chief (Nagid) of the Egyp-
tian community, but not his intellect. His descend-
ants, who can be traced till the fifteenth century, were
distinguished for their piety and their knowledge
of the Talmud. On the lips of all his reverers there
hovered the brief but suggestive praise : " From
Moses, the prophet, till Moses (Maimuni) there has
not appeared his equal." An unknown person
placed on his grave a short, almost idolatrous in-
scription :

" Here lies a man, and still no man ;
If thou wert a man, angels of heaven
Must have overshadowed thy mother."

These lines were afterwards effaced, and the follow-
ing substituted :

" Here lies Moses Maimuni, the excommunicated heretic."

These two inscriptions shadow forth the bitter dif-
ferences which broke out after Maimuni's death, and
divided Judaism Into two camps.

CHAPTER XV.

NEW POSITION OF THE JEWS IN CHRISTIAN LANDS AT THE
BEGINNING OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.

Effects of the Death of Maimuni — Abraham Maimuni and Joseph
Ibn-Aknin — Hostility of the Papacy against the Jews — Pope
Innocent III — The Albigenses— Emigration of Rabbis to Pales-
tine— The Lateran Council and the Jewish Badges— Synod of
Rabbis at Mayence— The Dominicans and the Rise of the Inqui-
sition— King Jayme of Aragon and his Physician Bachiel —
Stephen Langton and the Jews of England — Gregory IX and
Louis IX of France — The Jews of Hungary.

1205—1232 c. E.

Maimuni, the most intellectual rabbi and the deep
religious philosopher, constitutes the zenith in
mediaeval Jewish history, and soon after his death
the shadows begin to incline. Gradually the sun-
shine lessens, and gives way to disrnal gloom. His
intellectual bequest produced a far-reaching cleavage,
which divided Judaism, or its leaders, into two hos-
tile camps, and aroused a weakening, factional spirit
which presented points of attack to deadly foes..
The Church, whose arrogance was constantly gain-
ing ground, interfered in the disputes of Judaism,
and brought into play against the refractory Syna-
gogue seductive allurements, terrifying punishments,
secret poison, or blazing fire. Maimuni's death and
the ascendancy of the papacy were two misfortunes
for Judaism which removed it from its lofty position
to the deepest degradation.

Maimuni's death not only produced a gap and a
standstill in the spiritual aspirations of the Jews,
but deprived them of a dignified and mighty leader,
who had been able to bring together under one
standard a people scattered all over the world. To
him the congregations in the East and West had

494

CH. XV. ABRAHAM MAIMUNI. 495

freely submitted, he had had prudent counsel for
every contingency ; but after his departure the Jews
stood without a leader, and Judaism without a guide.
His son, Abulmeni Abraham Maimuni (born 1185,
died 1254), certainly inherited his deep sense of
religion, his amiable, peace-loving character, his
high dignity as supreme head (Nagid) of the Egyp-
tian Jews, and his position as court physician to
Saladin's successors ; but his intellect and energy
were not transmitted to him. Abraham Maimuni
was skilled in medicine, was physician in ordinary
of the Sultan Alkamel — a brother of Saladin — and
presided over the hospital at Cairo, together with
the physician and Arabic historian Ibn-Abi Obsai-
biya. He was likewise a Talmudical scholar, de-
fended the learning of his father with Talmudical
weapons, and delivered rabbinical judgments. He
was also well versed in philosophy, and composed
a work to reconcile the Agada with the philoso-
phical ideas of the time. But Abraham Maimuni
was a man of learning, not of original, intellectual
power. He followed with slavish fidelity in the foot-
steps of his great father, and appropriated his
method of thought, surrendering his own intellect-
ual independence. Abraham made the Maimunist
system of teaching his own. Hence it happens,
that what is striking originality in the father, ap-
pears in the son as a copy and an insignificant com-
monplace. Abraham Maimuni, it is true, enjoyed
wide-spread esteem, but he was by no means
an authority compelling attention and claiming sub-
mission.

In Europe, too, there were no men of command-
'ng influence after the death of Maimuni. There
appeared local, but not generally recognized authori-
ties. There existed no man who could step into
the breach to pronounce the right v/ord at the
proper moment, and point out the right way to
wavering minds. If Maimuni had had a successor

49^ HISTORY O^ fHfi JEWS. CH. XV.

of his own spirit and character, the dissensions be-
tween the faithful and those who interpreted the
Bible literally would not have effected such great
disasters, nor would mysticism have been able to
lure men's minds into its web.

Whilst Judaism was thus left without a leader,
there sprang up against it, in the early part of the
thirteenth century, a power, exercising ruthless, in-
exorable oppression, such as had not been practised
against it since the time of Hadrian. The pope
Innocent III, who was the father of all the evils
experienced by the European nations up to the
time of the Lutheran reformation : the tyrannical
domination of the Roman Church over princes and
peoples, the enslaving and abasing of the human
mind, the persecution of free thought, the institution
of the Inquisition, the auto-da-fe against heretics,
i. e., against those who dared doubt the infallibility of
the Roman Bishop ; — he was also the pope Innocent
III who was an embittered enemy of Jews and
Judaism, and dealt severer blows against them than
any of his predecessors.

The little band of Jews was like a thorn in the
side of the mighty potentate of the Church, who
enthroned and dethroned kings, distributed crowns
and countries, and who, through his army of papal
legates, spies, Dominican and Franciscan monks,
with their bloodthirsty piety, had subjugated the
whole of Europe, from the Atlantic ocean to Con-
stantinople, and from the Mediterranean to the
Arctic regions. This handful of human beings, with
their clear intellect, their purified faith, their moral
force and their superior culture, was a silent protest
against Roman arrogance. At the beginning of
his reign. Innocent, although not exactly well-dis-
posed to the Jews, was at least ready, like his pre-
decessors, to protect them from unjust treatment.
New crusades were now being preached against
the Sultanate of Egypt, which had declined in power

CH. XV. POPE INNOCENT HI. 497

since the death of Saladin, in order to wrest from
its control the Holy City. The crusaders, now that
they had obtained a remission of sins, might say,
"We -may commit offenses, since the taking up of
the Cross has absolved us from all sins, ay, and
even enables us to redeem the souls of sinners
from purgatory." Jew-baiting, compulsory baptism,
plundering and assassination, were once more the
order of the day. The Jews, seeing that tbey
needed special protection, appealed to Innocent to
curb the violence of the crusaders. Most graciously
did he vouchsafe them that which the leader of any
respectably organized band of brigands would not
have refused. The Jews were not to be dragged
by force to be converted, neither were they to be
robbed, injured, or killed without judicial sanction.
They were not to be molested during their festivals
by being whipped, and having stones thrown at
them ; and, lastly, their cemeteries were to be
respected, and their dead were neither to be dis-
interred nor dishonored. So much had Christianity
degenerated, that decrees like these, and a consti-
tution (Constitutio Judaeorum) like this, had to be
promulgated for the sake of the Jews. So deluded
were its leaders, that the head of the Church passed
these resolutions, not from the simple motive of
humanity, but from a perverse notion that the Jews
must be preserved, so that the miracle of their
general conversion to Jesus might have an oppor-
tunity of being accomplished.

The Jews, who by the experience of a thousand
years had learnt the art of recognizing foes and
friends behind their masks, were by no means
mistaken as to the real sentiments of Innocent
towards them. When Don Pedro II, King of
Aragon, returned home from his journey to Rome
(Dec, 1204), where he had caused himself to be
anointed and crowned by the Pope, receiving at
the same time his territory as tributary to Peter's

498 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

chair, the Aragonian congregations were in great
anxiety as to what might befall them. Don Pedro
had taken an oath, that he would persecute all
heretics then in his country, defend the liberties
and rights of the Church, and faithfully obey the
Pope. What if the liberty of the Church should be
interpreted thus : That the Jews were either to be
driven out of the land, or degraded to the position
of bondmen ! The Aragonian Jews, apprehending
something of ihe sort, appealed to their God in
fervent prayer, appointed a general fast, and, with
a scroll of the Torah, assembled to meet the king
on his return. Their fear on this occasion, how-
ever, was groundless. Don Pedro, who .was not
very warm in his allegiance to the Pope, and was
intent only on strengthening his own power, had
no thought of persecuting the Jews. Besides,
owing to his periodic money difificulties, he could
not do without them ; he had become their debtor.
Innocent, however, watched the princes with a jealous
eye, lest they should concede to the Jews anything
beyond the bare right to live. The French king,
Philip Augustus — the arch-enemy of the Jews, who,
having tortured and plundered them, had driven
them out of his country, and recalled them only
because of his pecuniary embarrassments — was
reprimanded by the Pope for favoring the Jews.
The Pope wrote that it offended his sight that some
princes should prefer the descendants of the cruci-
fiers to the heirs of the crucified Christ, as if the
son of the bond-woman could ever be the heir of
the son of the free-woman ; that it had reached his
ears that in France the Jews had obtained posses-
sion, through usury, of the property of the Church
and of the Christians, and that, in spite of the reso-
lution of the Lateran Council, under Alexander III,
they kept Christian servants and nurses in their
houses ; and further, that Christians were not ad-
mitted as witnesses against the Jews, which was

CH. XV. POPE INNOCENT AND THE JEWS. 499

also contrary to the resolution of that assembly ;
and again, that the community of Sens had built a
new synagogue which was situated higher than the
church of that neighborhood, and in which prayers
were read, not quietly, as before the expulsion, but
so loudly as to interrupt the divine service in the
church. Lastly, Innocent censured the king of
France for allowing the Jews too much liberty.
They had the audacity during the Easter week to
appear in the streets and villages, scoffing at the
faithful for worshiping a crucified God, and thus
turning them away from their faith. He vehemently
repeated the diabolical calumny that the Jews
secretly assassinated Christians. As to the public
and daily murders of Jews, the chief of the Church
had little to say. He exhorted Philip Augustus to
maintain true Christian zeal in oppressing the Jews,
and did not fail to mention at the same time that
the heretics in his country ought to be exterminated.
The spiritual ruler of Europe could find no rest
while Jews and heretics remained. In the same
year (May, 1205), Innocent wrote a sharp pastoral
letter to the king of Castile, Alfonso the Noble, a
protector of the Jews, because he would not suffer
the priests to deprive the Jews of their Mahometan
slaves by causing them to be baptized, or to collect
tithes from the farms of Jews and Mahometans. The
Pope threatened the proud Spanish king with the
displeasure of the Church, if he should continue to
allow the Synagogue to thrive, and the Church to
be reduced. Innocent insisted upon the Jews' pay-
ing tithes to the clergy on all lands which they had
acquired from the Christians, so that the Church,
whose power depended so much on money, should
suffer no loss. His plan of coercion, to give force
to his directions, was indirect excommunication.
As he could not punish Jews with excommunica-
tion, he threatened to inflict that penalty on Chris-
tians who carried on any intercourse with such
Jews as would not humor his apostolic caprice.

500 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

The deep prejudice of Innocent against the
Jewish race was made still more evident by a de-
nunciatory letter which he wrote to Count Nevers,
who was favorably disposed to the Jews. Because
this count did not embitter the lives of the latter,
and abstained from molesting them, the Pope wrote
to him thus (1208) : " The Jews, like the fratricide
Cain, are doomed to wander about the earth as
fugitives and vagabonds, and their faces must be
covered with shame. They are under no circum-
stances to be protected by Christian princes, but,
on the contrary, to be condemned to serfdom. It
is, therefore, discreditable for Christian princes to
receive Jews into their towns and villages, and to
employ them as usurers in order to extort money
from Christians. They (the princes) arrest Chris-
tians who are indebted to Jews, and allow the Jews
to take Christian castles and villages in pledge ;
and the worst of the matter is that the Church in
this manner loses its tithes. It is scandalous that
Christians should have their cattle slaughtered, and
their grapes pressed by Jews, who are thus enabled
to take their portion, prepared according to their
religious precepts, and hand over the leavings to
the Christians. A still greater sin is it that this
wine prepared by Jews should be used in the
church for the sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
Whilst the Christians are excommunicated for
favoring the Jews, and their land is laid under the
ban, the Jews are all the time laughing in their
sleeves at the fact that, on their account, the harps
of the Church are hung on willows, and that the
priests are deprived of their revenues." Innocent
in his pastoral letter threatened Count de Nevers,
as well as his supporters, with the severest
punishment which the Church was capable of in-
flicting in the event of their continuing to favor the
Jews. He was the first pope who directed against
the Jews the burning fury and inhuman severity of

CH. XV. THE ALBIGENSES. JOI

the Church. Everything provoked his wrath against
them ; he begrudged them the very air and Hght,
and only a delusive hope restrained him from openly
preaching a crusade and a war of annihilation against
them. Innocent was well aware why he so thor-
oughly abhorred Jews and Judaism. He hated
those among them who indirectly agitated against
the rotten form of Christianity, upon which the
papacy had built its power. The aversion of the
truly God-fearing and moral Christians to the arro-
gance, unchastity, and insatiable covetousness of
the hierarchy had in some measure been prompted
by the Jews. The Albigenses in southern France,
who were branded as heretics, and who were the
most resolute opponents of the papacy, had im-
bibed their hostility from intercourse with educated
Jews. Amongst the Albigenses there was a sect
which unhesitatingly declared the Jewish Law pref-
erable to that of the Christians. The eye of Inno-
cent was, therefore, directed to the Jews of the
south of France, as well as to the Albigenses, in
order to check their influence on the minds of the
Christians. Count Raymund VI of Toulouse and
St. Gilles, styled by the troubadours and singers of
that time " Raymund the Good," who was looked
upon as a friend of the Albigenses, and conse-
quently cruelly harassed, was also credited by the
Pope with favoring the Jews. In the list of trans-
gressions which he drew up against the count,
Innocent charged him with the crime of employing
Jewish officials in his state, and of generally favor-
ing the Jews. In the bloody crusade which the
Pope opened against him and the Albigenses, the
Jewish communities of southern France necessarily
came in for their share of suffering. Raymund was
humbled, and had to submit to being dragged into
the church naked, and scourged by the papal legate,
Milo. He was also forced to confess that, amongst
other sins, he had committed the gross crime of

S02 HISTORY OF TMfi JEWS. CH. XV.

entrusting public offices to Jews., Thereupon the
legate ordered him, under penalty of losing his
dignity, to humbly take an oath that he would dis-
charge all Jewish officials in his country, that he
would never again appoint them, and never admit
any Jews to either public or private offices. The
unfortunate prince was compelled, the sword being
pointed at his breast, to make and to repeat this
declaration (June, 1209). Thirteen barons who
were connected with Raymund, and were regarded
as protectors of the Albigenses, were similarly
forced by Milo to give an assurance on oath that
they would depose their Jewish officers, and that
they would never again place any public trust in
their hands. In the meantime, a fanatical crusading
army was organized against the Albigenses at the
instigation of the Pope and the bloodthirsty monk,
Arnold of Citeaux. It was led by the ambitious
and rapacious Count Simon de Montfort, and it
marched against the Viscount Raymund Roger and
his capital Beziers. Roger was doubly hated by
the Pope and his legate as the secret friend of the
Albigensian heretics, and as the protector of the
Jews. On the aad July (1209) the beautiful city of
Beziers was stormed, and its inhabitants were mas-
sacred in the name of God. " We spared neither
dignity, nor sex, nor age," wrote Arnold, the man
of blood, to the Pope, " nearly 20,000 human beings
have perished by the sword. After the massacre
the town was plundered and burnt, and the revenge
of God seemed to rage upon it in a wonderful
manner." Even orthodox Catholics were not
spared, and to the question of the crusaders as
to how the orthodox were to be distinguished from
the heretics, Arnold answered, " Strike down ; Gcd
will recognize His own." Under these circumstances,
the flourishing and cultured Jewish communities of
Beziers had still less reason to hope for any indul-
gence. The result was that two hundred Jews were

CH. XV. THE CHURCH TRIUMPHANT. 5O3

cut down, and a large number thrown into captivity.
The Jews, on their side, marlced this year of the
Albigensian crusade as a " year of mourning."

In consequence of the diplomatic victory over
Raymund of Toulouse, and the military victory over
Raymund Roger of Beziers, the intolerant Church
had acquired supremacy not only in the south of
France, but everywhere else. The audacity of free-
thinkers, who claimed the right to form their own
opinion upon religion, the Holy Scripture, or upon
the position of the clergy, was punished by blood-
shed. In the Church language of that epoch, the
Pope had to wield the spiritual and the secular
sword. Those who thought rationally were killed,
and independent thinking was branded as a crime.
The disciples of the philosopher, Amalarlch of Bena,
who maintained that Rome was licentious Babylon,
and the Pope, the Antichrist ; that he dwelt on the
Mount of Olives, i. e., in the luxury of power, and that
intelligent men, who considered that to build altars
for saints, and to worship the bones of martyrs
was idolatry, were burnt as blasphemers in Paris.
Philosophical writings which were brought over to
France from Spain, and which might have enriched
or fertilized Christian theology, amongst others the
works of the great Jewish philosopher, Solomon
Gebirol, which had been translated by order of an
archbishop, were interdicted, and forbidden to be
read by the Parisian synod. The light which was
just dawning on the nations of Europe was extin-
guished by the representatives of the Church.

The Jews of southern France and of Spain were
the only apostles of higher learning. But the
Church begrudged them even this glory, and
worked with all its might to degrade them. The
Council of Avignon (Sept. 1209), presided over by
the papal legate, Milo, at which Count Raymund
was again laid under the ban, and at which the
severest measures were passed against heretics.

504 HISTORV OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

resolved that all barons of free cities should take an
oath that they would entrust no office whatever to
Jews, nor allow Christian servants to be employed
in Jewish houses. One of the ordinances of this
council prohibited the Jews from working on Sunday
and all Christian holidays, and also forbade them to
eat meat on Christian fast-days. Everywhere the
Jews felt the heavy hand of the Romish Church,
which stretched forth unhindered to degrade them
to the dust.

In England, the Jews had at that time three
enemies : the licentious, unprincipled John Lack-
land, who shrank from no expedient to extort money
from them ; the hostile barons, who saw in them the
source of the king's wealth, by depriving them of
which they thought to gain the means of damaging
the power of the king ; and, lastly, Stephen Lang-
ton, whom the Pope had appointed Archbishop of
Canterbury, and who had introduced the tyrannical
spirit of the Church into England, At the begin-
ning of his reign. King John assumed the appear-
ance of friendship towards them, for as he had
usurped the crown of his nephew, and in conse-
quence had France and a part of the English
nobility against him, he naturally sought to win
over to his side the moneyed classes of the people.
He appointed a Talmudical scholar, Jacob of Lon-
don, as chief rabbi over all the English com-
munities (presbyteratus omnium Judseorum totius
Anglise), and all his subjects were warned against
attacking either his property or his dignity. The
king called this chief rabbi his " dear friend."
Every outrage that was offered to the latter was
looked upon by the king as a personal insult to
himself. He further renewed and confirmed the
privileges and liberties of the Jews which they had
received from Henry I, including the remarkable
provision that a Christian was bound to prefer his
complaint against a Jew before a Jewish tribunal.

CH. XV. JOHN LACKLAND. SOJ

The Jews, it is true, had to pay much money — 4000
silver marks — for these generous concessions. But
it was a great boon that they received protection
and freedom of movement in return for their money.
When the Jews were in peril from a London mob,
John wrote a threatening letter to the authorities of
the capital, reproaching them with the fact that, whilst
the Jews in other parts of England were unmolested,
those of London were exposed to injury, and stating
that he would hold them responsible for all bodily
and material damage suffered by the Jews. As,
however, John proceeded to quarrel more and more
with his barons, and became involved in oppressive
money difficulties, he gradually abandoned his mild
demeanor, which had never been genuine, and
adopted a totally different attitude towards the
Jews. On one occasion he imprisoned all the
English Jews in order to extort money from them
(12 10), and he demanded from one Jew of Bristol
alone the sum of 10,000 marks of silver. As the
latter could not, or would not pay, John had his
teeth extracted one by one.

The crushing antipathy against them from all
sides, and their yearning for the Holy Land, which
the poet Jehuda Halevi had aroused, induced more
than 300 rabbis of France and England to emigrate
to Jerusalam (121 1). The most renowned of them
were Jonathan Cohen of Llinel, who had been in
correspondence with Maimuni, and was one of his
admirers, and Samson ben Abraham, an opponent
of the school of Maimonides. Many of the emi-
grants stopped on their way at Cairo in order to
make the acquaintance of Maimuni's son, who re-
ceived them with great respect and joy. Only
Samson ben Abraham, the exponent of a one-sided
Judaism, avoided meeting the son of the man whom
he considered almost a heretic.

The French and English emigrants, who were
honorably received, and provided with privileges by

5o6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

the Sultan Aladil, Saladin's able brother, lost no
time in building houses of prayer and learning in
Jerusalem, and transplanted the Tossafists' method
of exposition to the East. Intellectual activity, even
in the field of the Talmud, did not, however, thrive
in the Holy City. It seemed as if the curse of
heaven had fallen upon this once glorious, and now
distressed city, for since the Roman legions, under
Titus -and Hadrian, had struck down her noblest
sons, she had become altogether barren. Not a
single man of importance had sprung up in the city
since the destruction of the Synhedrion. Jerusalem,
like the whole of Palestine, was notable only on
account of its illustrious dead. Pious men, who
yearned for the home of their ancestors, searched
only for their graves, for living fountains were no
longer there, Jonathan Cohen and his associates
conscientiously visited the spot upon which the
Temple had once stood, the graves of the patri-
archs, kings, prophets and doctors of the Mishna,
and wept, and prayed upon the ruins of departed
glory. They met the Exilarch David, of Mosul,
who bore a letter of recommendation from the
Caliph Alnasir Ledin Allah, which secured him free
access to every place of interest. In the East the
Jews were still allowed to maintain a certain show
of dignity ; caliphs and sultans, the wielders of the
spiritual and the worldly might, granted them so
much — for money. In Europe, however, the very
lives of the Jews were continually in peril from
a fanaticism which was ever being goaded into
activity.

The Almohade Prince of the Faithful, Mahomet
Alnasir, of northern Africa, had called to arms the
entire male population at his disposal for a holy war
against the increasing power of the Christians in
Mahometan Spain, and led at least half a million
warriors across the sea into Andalusia. The strong
city of Salvatierra, In spite of the gallant defense of

CH. XV. FIRST PERSECUTION IN CASTltE. 5O7

the knightly order of Calatrava, fell into the hands
of the Mahometans (September, 121 1). In this
long siege, the Jewish community of Salvatierra
was destroyed, and a remnant fled to Toledo.
The Christian kings of Spain, terrified by this
danger, laid aside their mutual hostilities in order
to oppose the powerful enemy with united forces.
But as the Christian population of Spain did not
feel itself strong enough to undertake a war
against the Mahometans, Alfonso the Noble, King
of Castile, appealed to Innocent to decree a general
crusade against the Crescent, and the Pope very
readily consented. Thus it was that many European
warriors crossed the Pyrenees, amongst them the
bloodthirsty Cistercian monk, Arnold, with his
troops, who had assured themselves of future bliss
by all sorts of barbarities practised on the Albi-
genses and the Jews of the south of France. The
wrath of the Ultramontanes, as they were called, in
contradistinction to the Spanish warriors, against
everything that was not Roman Catholic had risen
to the point of frenzy ; they took umbrage at the
comparatively happy state of the Jews in the
Spanish capital, at their wealth, their freedom, and
their importance at court. These foreign crusaders,
animated by Arnold's violent fanaticism, suddenly
attacked the Jews of Toledo, and killed many of
them (June, 12 12), and all the Jews would have
fared very badly, had not the noble Alfonso inter-
fered in their behalf, and had not the Christian
knights and citizens of Toledo, animated by a sense
of honor, repelled the attacks of the fanatics. This
was the first persecution of the Jews in Castile, the
attack, however, being made by foreigners, and dis-
approved by the natives.

The Church, however, soon educated the Spanish
kings and the people to become the enemies of the
Jews. The extraordinary change of sentiment to-
wards the Jews which had set in since Innocent's

508 HISTORV OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

pontificate was shown by a resolution of the Synod
of Paris of the same year. King Louis VII, and
even his son Philip, had stoutly resisted the canon-
ical institute which provided that the Jews were
not to employ Christian servants. But now the
French councils, under the presidency of the papal
legates, and with the consent of the king, sought to
extend this narrow-minded provision, so that not only
was a Christian woman prohibited from nursing a
Jewish child, but a Christian midwife was not even
allowed to attend upon a Jewish woman in confine-
ment, because Christians, who stayed with Jews, took
a liking to Judaism. It was with reason, therefore,
that the Jews, on hearing of the formation of a new
council, were greatly alarmed lest they should be
subjected to a new species of tyranny. When,
therefore, the papal legate, Peter, of Benevento,
convened a synod in Montpellier (beginning of
1 2 14), to which he invited priests and laymen, in.
order completely to divest the Count* of Toulouse
of his dominions, and hand them over to Simon de
Montfort, and to adopt the severest measures
against the remnant of the Albigenses, the Jews of
the south of France felt that a great danger was
menacing them, and at once took steps to avert it.
At the instance of the illustrious Don Isaac (Zag)
Benvenlste, physician in ordinary to the king of
Aragon, many Jewish congregations sent each two
deputies to use their influence with clergymen and
laymen, that no new restrictions might be imposed
upon the Jews. And it seems that they succeeded
in warding off the danger ; for the council of Mont-
pellier omitted all mention of the Jews in its delib-
erations.

Hardly had this local danger been averted, when
another and more general one appeared to be ad-
vancing. This threw all those Jews who received
tidings of it into the greatest consternation. Inno-
cent III had, through an encyclical, pastoral letter,

CH. XV. FOURTH LATERAN COUNCIL. 5O9

convoked to Rome the representatives of entire
Christendom for a general CEcumenical Council, at
which the energetic prosecution of the crusades
against the Mahometans in the Holy Land, in the
Pyrenean peninsula, and against the heretics of the
south of France, was to be decided upon; the
deposition of the Count of Toulouse, and the trans-
ference of his estates to Simon de Montfort were
to be ratified, and the reformation of the Church,
i. e., the extension of her power in the states, was
to be promoted. The congregations of the south
of France, who had been informed that a severe
blow was about to be dealt the Jews at the meeting
of this council, were completely staggered. Isaac
Benveniste accordingly invited Jewish deputies to the
town Bourg de St. Gilles, in order to select certain
influential and able men as deputies to !Rome, who
should endeavor to prevent the enactment of reso-
lutions against the Jews. The names of the dele-
gates chosen for this purpose are unknown, because
their labors proved fruitless. The great Fourth
Lateran Council was presided over by Pope Inno-
cent III, and comprised over 1200 deputies from
many Christian states, both churchmen and laymen.
At this council, the papacy was permitted to make
the greatest demands ever preferred by it. To its
action is due the founding of the two orders of the
Dominicans and Franciscans, distinguished by their
hatred of freedom and their bloodthirstiness. This
council, which wrapped round Christian Europe
the ignominious coil of spiritual servitude, and
threw it back into the ignorance of barbarism, in-
flicted deep wounds on Judaism. On the feast of
the Maccabees, during which the children of Jacob
celebrated their deliverance from Syrian tyranny,
this council, which placed the yoke of the deepest
degradation on the posterity of the Maccabean
heroes, brought its deliberations to a conclusion
(30th November, 12 15). Though in the midst of

5IO HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

gigantic undertakings, the Pope and the Elders of
the Council nevertheless did not forget the Jews.
Four of the seventy canonical decrees then passed
dealt with the Jews. One canon set forth that
Christian princes should keep strict watch over the
Jews, lest they exact too high an interest from their
Christian debtors. This restriction is not altogether
unjustifiable — although, indeed, the Christian clergy
and laity promoted Jewish usury, and profited by it ;
and Christian companies, like the Lombards and
the Caorsini (called also Ultramontanes), practised
usury on an enormous scale. The Church did not
take any notice of the financial needs of the time,
and kept to the strict letter of the Bible. The
council, from its point of view, was also in a measure
justified in forbidding baptized Jews to retain Jewish
customs, because it would have been suicidal to the
Church to allow freedom of conscience. If the ac-
cusation was true that some Jews at that time
mocked at the Christian processions at Easter, then
the authorities of the Church were partly right in
forbidding them to show themselves openly on that
day ; although equitable legislation would not place
restrictions on a whole community on account of
the transgressions of a few indecorous members.
Still more unjust was the canon which not only de-
creed that the Jews should give tithes of their houses
and property, but also that the head of every Jewish
family should pay a yearly tax at the Easter festival.
The Catholic clergy considered themselves lords, to
whom the Jews, their subjects, were to bring tribute.
But it was characteristic of the spirit of Innocent,
the persecutor of the Albigenses, that the law was
renewed, that " no Christian prince shall bestow
any office on a Jew." The transgressor of this rule
was to be punished with excommunication, and
every Jewish official was to be excluded from the
society of Christians until he resigned his office in
disgrace. The council, however, was unable to

CH. XV. THE JEW-BADGE. 5 1 1

bring forward even a show of reason for this canon-
ical decree ; neither the New Testament, nor the
Fathers of the Church, however much they hated
the Jews, had offered a precedent for it. The
Lateran Synod was compelled to go back to the
Provincial Council of Toledo, under Recared, king
of the Catholic Visigoths, in order to find a prece-
dent for this scandalous law. The depth of the
degradation of the Jews, however, was reached by
the decision of the council that Jews in all Chris-
tian countries and at all times should wear a dress
differing from that of the Christians. The reason
urged was that in many countries where Jews (and
Mahometans) wore the ordinary costume, intermar-
riages took place between the Jews and the Chris-
tians. By a sophistical argument it was shown that
this law was contained in the Bible, and that Moses
had commanded the Jews to wear a peculiar dress.
Therefore it was decreed that, from the twelfth year
of their age, Jews were to wear a peculiar color as
a badge of their race, the men, on their hats, and
the women, on their veils. This stigma on the
Jews was an invention of Pope Innocent and of the
Fourth Council assembled at Rome. It cannot,
however, be strictly called an invention, because
the pope borrowed the idea of forcing the Jews
to wear a peculiar badge from the fanatical Ma-
hometans. The Almohade Prince of the Faithful
of Africa and southern Spain, Abu-Yussufif Alman-
sur, had forced those Jews who had adopted the
Mahometan faith through compulsion to wear a
hideous dress, heavy clothes with long sleeves,
which almost reached the feet, and instead of tur-
bans, large bonnets of the ugliest shape. Said this
fanatic : " If I knew that the converted Jews had
adopted the Mahometan belief with an upright
heart, then I would allow them to intermarry with
the Mussulmans. If, on the other hand, I were
convinced that they are still sceptics, I would put

512 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

the men to the sword, enslave their children, and
confiscate their goods. But I am doubtful about
this point; therefore they shall appear distin-
guished by a hateful uniform." His successor,
Abu-Abdullah Mahomet Alnasir, allowed them to
change this mean apparel for yellow garments and
turbans. By this color the class of people who
■were outwardly Moslems, yet in their heart of
hearts still Jews, was characterized in the first
decade of the thirteenth century in the kingdom of
Morocco. This barbarous treatment of the Jews,
Pope Innocent III now imitated, and their greatest
humiliation during six centuries of European life
dates from November 30th, 1215.

Provincial councils, assemblies of estates and
royal cabinets thenceforward, in addition to their
deliberations on the exclusion of the Jews from all
honors and offices, determined on the color, form,
length and breadth of the Jew-badge, with pedantic
thoroughness. The Jew-badge, square or round in
form, of saffron yellow or some other color, on the
hat or on the mantle, was an invitation to the gamin
to insult the wearers, and to bespatter them with
mud ; it was a suggestion to stupid mobs to fall
on them, to maltreat, and even kill them ; and it
afforded the higher class an opportunity to ostra-
cize the Jews, to plunder them, or to exile them.

Worse than this outward dishonor was the influ-
ence of the badge on the Jews themselves. They
became more and more accustomed to their igno-
minious position, and lost all feeling of self-respect.
They neglected their outward appearance, because
they were nothing but a despised, dishonored race,
which could not have even the least claim to honor.
They became more and more careless of their
speech, because they were not admitted to cultured
circles, and in their own midst they could make them-
selves understood by means of a jargon. They lost
all taste and sense of beauty, and to some extent

CH. XV. DEGRADATION OF THE JEWS. 5 1 3

became as despicable as their enemies desired them
to be. They lost their manliness and courage, and
a child could place them in terror. The punishment
which Isaiah had prophesied for the house of Jacob
was fulfilled to the letter : " Thou shalt speak out
of the ground, and thy speech shall be low out of
the dust." The great misery of the Jews during
the Middle Ages began with Pope Innocent III.
In comparison with their subsequent sufferings, all
foregoing persecutions from the beginning of the
Christian domination seemed like innocent banter-
ing. But the Jews did not readily comply with the
decree which forced them to wear the mark of
shame. This was especially the case with the com-
munities in Spain and southern France, which, liaving
held an honorable position, would not suffer them-
selves to be humiliated without a struggle. Besides,
there were influential Jews at the courts of Toledo
and Saragossa, either, as ambassadors to foreign
courts or as treasurers of the royal coffers, who
exerted their utmost efforts to prevent the enforce-
ment of the decree. When Pope Innocent III died
(12 16), and Pope Honorius III, who was of a mild
temperament compared with Innocent, ascended the
papal throne, the Jews hoped for a repeal of this
canonical law. Isaac Benveniste seems to have
been particularly active in this direction, as he had
been in trying to ward off the disgrace when first
contemplated. They were successful in delaying
the enforcement of the canonical decree. At least.
King Alfonso IX of Leon did not compel the Jews
of his land to wear the badge, and Pope Honorius
was compelled to exhort the bishop of Valencia
and two brother bishops to see that the decree was
duly enforced, and that all Jews were excluded from
offices of honor. The communities of southern
France viewed with joy the victorious progress of
the army of the repeatedly excommunicated Ray-
mund VII of Toulouse against the crusading army

514 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

and Simon de Montfort, because their security
depended on the victory of the Albigenses. The
Duke of Toulouse and his barons, in spite of their
oaths, continued to promote Jews to offices, for
they saw that their administrative poHcy would
lead to their advantage. It may be that it was
on account of the secret and open devotion of
the Jews for Raymund that Simon de Montfort's
wife; Alice of Montmorency, ordered all the Jews
of Toulouse — of which town she had charge — to be
arrested,, offering them the choice between death
and conversion, although her husband, as well as
his brother, had sworn to the Jews that their lives
would be safe, and that freedom should be allowed
them for the due exercise of their religion. At the
same time, Alice ordered that Jewish children under
the age of six should be torn from their parents,
and given over to the priests in order to be bap-
tized and brought up as Christians. The heartless
woman had no feeling for the pangs that the Jewish
mothers suffered. In spite of this, the majority of
the members of the Toulouse community refused to
become Christians.

When, however, Simon de Montfort heard of this
cruel persecution of the Jews by his wife, he ordered
the prisoners to be released, and to be allowed to
practise their religion in freedom. The joy of the
unhappy people when they were told of this deliver-
ance (i Ab — yth July, 12 17) was great, but it was
mixed with sadness, for the Cardinal-Legate Ber-
trand had decided that the children that had been
baptized should not be allowed to return to their
parents. The legate also insisted upon the Jews'
wearing the distinctive badge. In the meantime,
there came a counter-command from the Pope, that
the decree should not be too strictly enforced, but
the cause of this change in the papal policy is un-
known. In Aragon the Jews obtained the same
immunity from the indignity of the Jew-badge

CH. XV. HONORIUS. 5 1 5

through the untiring efforts of Isaac Benveniste,
physician in ordinary to the king, Jayme I (Jacob).
This illustrious man had rendered the king such
important services that the latter, with the consent
of the bishops of the country, recommended him to
the Pope, and strove to obtain for him recognition
from the papal chair. Wonderful to relate, Honorius
took up the matter, and, in recognition, of his merits
in eschewing usury, and zealously assisting Catho-
lics, sent Isaac Benveniste a diploma that he should
in nowise be molested. For his sake also the Jews
were exempted from wearing the badge (1220).

However friendly Honorius affected to be in this
matter, he was nevertheless far from being dis-
posed to countenance the appointment of Jews to
posts of dignity. In an autograph letter of the
same year, he exhorted King Jayme of Aragon not
to entrust any Jew with the office of ambassador to
a Mahometan court, for it was not probable " that
those who abhorred Christianity would prove them-
selves faithful to its professors." In this spirit the
pope wrote to the archbishop of Tarragona, to the
bishops of Barcelona and Ilerda, to prevail on the
king of Aragon to employ no Jews in diplomatic
legations, and to abolish a practice so perilous to
Christendom. The pope also exhorted the Church
dignitaries of Toledo, Valencia, Burgos, Leon, and
Zamora, to use their influence with the kings of
Castile, Leon, and Navarre for the same purpose.
How little did the pope know the incorruptible
fidelity of the Jews towards their sovereigns, and
their love for the land of their birth ! So far from
abusing the trust reposed in them, the Jewish am-
bassadors applied the utmost zeal in executing their
commission successfully. But since Innocent III, it
had become a fixed principle of the Church to de-
grade and humiliate the Jews. Although Honorius
had exempted the Jews of Aragon from wearing che
badge of disgrace, he insisted that those of England
should not be released from it.

5 l6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

In that country, Stephen Langton, who had been
appointed archbishop by the Pope, held the reins
of government, after the death of the mad tyrant
John Lackland, and during the minority of his son
Henry III. This prelate exercised his power as if
he were the wearer of the crown. At the council
of Oxford, which he summoned in 1222, several
decrees with reference to the oppression of the
Jews were promulgated. They were not to keep
any Christian servants, and were not to build any
new synagogues. They were to be held to the pay-
ment of the tithe of their produce and the Church
taxes, according to the decision of the Lateran
council. Above all things they were to be com-
pelled to wear on the breast the disgraceful badge,
a woolen stripe four fingers long and two broad, of
a color different from the dress. They might not
enter the churches, and still less, as had hitherto
been their custom, might they place their treasures
there for security from the attacks of the brigand
nobles. These restrictions were imposed on the
English Jews because they had been guilty of
monstrous crimes, and had proved themselves un-
grateful ; but the nature of their crime is not men-
tioned. Was perhaps the fact that a deacon had in
the same year gone over to Judaism, laid to their
charge ? In after years such an occurrence caused
the expulsion of the Jews from England. This time
the deacon was summarily burnt at the stake for
his apostasy. The Church knew no more effective
means of refuting a heresy than the blazing fire.

It is remarkable that the hostile measures of the
Pope against the Jews at that time had least effect
in Germany, and that under Emperor Frederick II
they enjoyed a comparatively favorable position.
It is true that they were " servi camerae" of
the empire and the emperor, and were even so
called ; but nevertheless princes, especially the
archdukes of Austria, now and again entrusted into

CH. XV. SYNOD OF MAYENCE. 517

their hands important offices. Those Jews who had
access to the courts of the princes always labored
to free themselves from the Jew-tax, and to obtain
privileges from their patrons. As, however, it was
the custom in the German congregations to dis-
tribute the tax among all the members of the con-
gregation in proportion to their means, it happened
that if the richer and more influential men obtained
exemption from it, the poorer members found them-
selves greatly encumbered, and accordingly com-
plaints were made about it to the rabbinical authorities
of that time. A synod of rabbis, which met at May-
ence (Tammuz — July, 1223), discussed this question,
for the purpose of adjusting it. There were at this
synod, which numbered more than twenty members,
the most influential rabbis in Germany : David ben
Kalonymos, of Miinzenburg (in Hesse-Darmstadt),
a famous Tossafist ; Baruch ben Samuel, of May-
ence, composer of a Talmudical work ; Chiskiya
ben Reuben, of Boppard, the courageous champion
of his persecuted co-religionists ; Simcha ben
Samuel, of Speyer, likewise a Talmudical author ;
Eleazar ben Joel Halevi, called Abi-Ezri, from his
Talmudical works ; lastly, the German Kabbalist,
Eleazar ben Jehuda of Worms, called Rokeach, a
prolific author, who, through his mysticism, helped
to obscure the light of thought in Judaism.

This rabbinical synod of Mayence renewed many
ordinances of the times of Rabbenu Tam, and estab-
lished others besides. Its decisions mark the con-
dition of the German Jews in the beginning of the
thirteenth century. The synod enacted that Jews
should on no account incur blame by dishonorable
dealings with Christians, or by the counterfeiting of
coin. An informer was to be compelled to make
good the loss which he had caused by his informa-
tion. Those who had freedom of access to the
king (emperor), were none the less under the obli-
gation to bear the communal burden in raising the

5l8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

tax. He who received a religious office through
Christian authorities incurred the penalty of ex-
communication. In the synagogues, devotion and
decorum were to prevail. The brother-in-law was
to complete the release of his widowed sister-in-law
from her levirate marriage without extortion of
money and without trickery, and he was not to keep
her in suspense. He who would not submit to the
regulations of the synod, or did not respect a sen-
tence of excommunication, was to be delivered over
to the secular power. The determination of disputed
cases was left to the rabbinate and the congrega-
tions of Mayence, Worms, and Speyer, as the oldest
German Jewish communities.

In spite of the many exertions of the cultured
Jews to avert the disgrace of wearing the badge,
papal intolerance gradually gained the ascendancy,
and the edict of the Lateran Council of 1 2 1 5 hence-
forth had sway. Even Emperor Frederick II,
the most intelligent and enlightened prince that
Germany ever had, whose orthodoxy was more than
doubtful, had at length to bow to the will of the
papacy, and introduce the Jew-badge by law in his
hereditary provinces of Naples and Sicily.

In southern France, where, in consequence of the
war against the Albigenses, the spirit of persecu-
tion had been intensified among the clergy more
perhaps than in other Christian countries, the edicts
of Innocent III for the degradation and humiliation
of the Jews found only too zealous supporters. At
a council at Narbonne (1227), not only were' the
canonical ordinances against them confirmed, the
prohibition of taking interest, the wearing of the
Jew-badge, the payment of a tax to the Church, but
even the long-forgotten decrees of the ancient time
of the Merovingian kings were renewed against
them. The Jews were not allowed to be seen in
the streets at Easter, and they were prohibited from
leaving their houses during the festival.

CH. XV. DOMINICANS AND FRANCISCANS. 519

In the next year the Albigensian war came to an
end, and the horrors of a blind, revengeful, blood-
thirsty reaction began. The preacher-monks, the
disciples of Domingo, glorified Christianity through
the agonies of the rack and the stake. Whoever
was in possession of a Bible in the Romance (Pro-
vengal) language incurred the charge of heresy at
the court of the Dominicans, who had the exclusive
right to bloodthirsty persecutions. Their allies, the
Franciscans or Minorites, energetically seconded
them. It was not long before these destroying
angels in monks' cowls placed their clutches upon
the sons of Jacob.

Four men appeared simultaneously on the stage
of history, who were thoroughly pervaded with the
spirit of Christianity, and especially with its oppres-
sive, unlovely, inhuman form, and they rendered the
life of the Jews in many countries an inconceivable
torture. The first was Pope Gregory IX, a pas-
sionate old man, the deadly enemy of Emperor
Frederick II, whose sole ambition was the extension
of the power of the Church and the destruction of
his opponents, who cast the torch of discord into
the German Empire, and annihilated its unity and
greatness. The second was King Louis IX of
France, who had acquired the name of " the Saint,"
from the simplicity of his heart and the narrowness
of his head ; he was a most pliant tool for crafty
monks, a worshiper of relics, who was strongly
inclined to adopt a monk's cowl, and most readily
assisted in the persecution of heretics, and who
hated the Jews so thoroughly that he would not look
at them. Similar to him was his contemporary
Ferdinand III of Castile, who inherited also the
crown of Leon, and was likewise recognized by the
Church as a saint, because he burnt heretics with
his own hand. Lastly, the Dominican-General Ray-
mund de Penyaforte (Penaforte), the most frantic
oppressor of the heretics, who applied all his efforts

520 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XV.

to convert Jews and Mahometans to Christianity.
In this spirit he exercised his influence upon the
kings of Aragon and Castile, and caused seminaries
to be established, where instruction in Hebrew and
Arabic was given, in order that these languages
might be employed for the conversion of jews and
Saracens. These tyrannical, pitiless enemies, fur-
nished with every resource, were let loose upon the
Jews. Gregory IX exhorted the bishop of Valencia
(1229) to crush the arrogance of the Jews towards
the Christians, as if the Church were hovering in
the greatest peril. Consequently, under Jayme I,
of Aragon, the position of the Jews of Aragon and
of the provinces belonging to it took an evil turn.
Spurred on by clerical fanaticism and by greed for
gold, this king declared the Jews to be his clients,
i. e. in a manner, his " servi camerae."
. Everywhere the hostile spirit which first pro-
ceeded from Innocent, and was spread by the
Dominicans, assumed the form of severe laws
against the Jews. At two Church assemblies, in
Rouen and Tours (1231), the hostile decrees of the
Lateran Council against the Jews were re-enacted,
and at the latter meeting another restriction was
added, the Jews were not to be admitted as wit-
nesses against Christians, because much evil might
arise from the testimony of Jews.

The narrow-minded disposition of the Church
towards the Jews was felt, through the increased
power of the papacy after Innocent, even by the
Jews dwelling on the banks of the Lower Danube
and the Theiss. In Hungary they had settled at a
very early date, having immigrated thither from
the Byzantine and Chazar empires. Since there
were many heathen and Mahometans among the
dominant Magyars, the kings had to be very
tolerant towards them; besides this, the Christi-
anity of the Magyars was only superficial, and had
not yet affected their feeling and mode of thought.

CH. XV. HUNGARY AND THE PAPACY. 521

Consequently, the Jews of Hungary from time Im-
memorial had had the right of coinage, and were
in friendly relations with their German brethren.
Till the thirteenth century, Jews as well as Ma-
hometans were farmers of salt mines, and of the
taxes, and filled various royal offices. Mixed
marriages between Jews and Christians also oc-
curred frequently, as the Church had not yet estab-
lished itself in the country. This enjoyment of
dignities by the Jews in a country only half Chris-
tian, could not be tolerated by the Church : it was
a thorn in its side. Accordingly when King An-
dreas, who had quarreled with the magnates of the
country, and had been compelled to issue a charter
of liberty, applied to Pope Gregory IX for help, the
latter, in a letter to Robert, Archbishop of Gran,
ordered him to compel the king to deprive both
Jews and Mahometans of their public offices. An-
dreas at first submitted to the papal will, but did
not carry out the orders of the Pope zealously,
because he could not well dispense with his Jewish
officials and farmers. On this account and for
other grounds of complaint, the archbishop of
Gran passed sentence of excommunication on the
king and his followers by order of the Pope (be-
ginning of 1232). By various strong measures,
Andreas was at last compelled to obey, and, like
Raymund, of Toulouse, solemnly to promise (1232)
that he would not admit Jews or Saracens to offices,
nor suffer any Christian slaves to continue in their
possession, nor allow mixed marriages, and lastly
that he would compel them to wear a badge. The
same oath had to be taken, by order of the papal
legate, by the crown prince, the king of Slavonia,
and all the magnates and dignitaries of the kingdom.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE MAIMUNIST CONTROVERSY AND THE RISE OF THE
KABBALA.

The Opposition against Maimuni — Maimunists and anti-Maimunists
— Meir Abulafia — Samson of Sens — Solomon of Montpellier —
Excommunication of the Maimunists — David Kimchi's energetic
Advocacy of Maimuni^Nachmani — His Character and Work —
His Relations to Maimuni, Ibn-Ezra, and the Kabbala^Solomon
of Montpellier calls in the aid of the Dominicans — Moses of
Coucy — Modern date of the Kabbala — Azriel and Ezra — Doc-
trines of the Kabbala — Jacob ben Sheshet Gerundi^The German
Kabbalists — Eleazar of Worms — Last flicker of the Neo-Hebraic
Poetry — The Satirical Romance ; Al-Charisi and Joseph ben
Sahara.

1232 — 1236 c. E.

As misfortunes never come singly, but draw others
after them, so besides the insults and humiliations
which the Jews suffered from without, there now
arose alarming disunion within their ranks. Re-
markably enough, this intestine war was associated
with Maimuni, whose aim, during his whole life, had
been to effect union and complete finality in Judaism.
But in undertaking to explain philosophically the
intellectual side of Judaism, he established principles
which did not by any means bear a Jewish stamp
on them, nor were they in consonance with the
Bible, and still less with the Talmud. Those
scholars whose learning was entirely confined to
the Talmud ignored the philosophical discussion
of Judaism, considered it sinful to be occupied with
other branches of knowledge, even when applied to
the service of Judaism, and took their stand, right
or wrong, on the Talmudical saying, "Withhold
your children from excessive reflection." Even
intelligent men, and such as were philosophically

52Z

CH. XVI. MAIMUNISTS AND ANTI-MAIMUNISTS. 523

trained, recognized that- Maimuni, in his endeavor
to reconcile religion with the philosophy of the age,
had made the former subservient to the latter, and
had made the mistress over the mind a slave.
Articles of belief and Scriptural verses, which do
not admit of philosophical justification, have no
value according to Maimuni's system. Miracles
were not inevitable in Maimuni's philosophy ; but
attempts were made to reduce them as far as pos-
sible to natural causes, and to interpret in a ration-
alistic manner the Biblical verses which contain
them. Prophecy and direct communication with the
Deity, as it is taught in the Bible, Maimuni refused
to accept, but explained them as subjective occur-
rences, as effects of an over-heated imagination, or
as dream-phenomena. His doctrine of immortality
was not less in contradiction with the belief of
Talmudical Judaism. It denies the existence of a
paradise and a hell, and represents the purified soul
as becoming fused with the original spirit. His
method of explaining many ceremonial laws espe-
cially provoked contradiction, because, if accepted,
these laws would lose their permanent value, and
have only temporary importance. And the man-
ner in which Maimuni expressed himself on the
Agada, a constituent part of the Talmud — which he
either explained away or rejected — was in the eyes,
not only of the strict Talmudists, but also of more
educated men, an heretical attack upon Judaism,
which they believed it was their duty to energet-
ically repel. Thus, besides enthusiastic worshipers
of Maimuni, who religiously adopted his doctrine as
a new revelation, there was formed a party, which
assailed his writings, and combated particularly the
"Guide of the Perplexed" (More), and the first
part of his Code (Madda). The rabbis and the
representatives of the Jewish congregations in
Europe and Asia, consequently became divided
into Maimunists and opponents to Mairtiuni (Anti-

524 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

Maimunists). Such of the latter as were his con-
temporaries, still full of the powerful impression
which Maimuni's individuality and activity had pro-
duced, fully acknowledged his genius and piety,
and blamed or criticised his views only, and the
writings which contained them.

The opposition to his philosophical doctrines had
begun during Maimuni's life, but it remained quiet
and timid, unable to assert itself against the enthu-
siasm of his admirers. A young, intellectual, and
learned man, Meir ben Todros Halevi Abulafia, of
Toledo (born about 1180, died 1244), had, at an
early period, expressed his religious objections to
Maimuni's theory in a letter to the "wise men of
Liinel," which was intended for publication. Mai-
muni's doctrine of immortality forms the central
point of Abulafia's attack. He made, however, but
little impression by this letter, for although Meir
Abulafia was descended from a highly respect-
able family, and enjoyed considerable authority,
still his hostile attitude towards science, and his
tendency towards an ossified Judaism, isolated him
even in his own circle. Apart from this, he was
possessed of overweening arrogance, a quality not
calculated to win adherents and organize a party.
Instead of finding supporters, Meir met with a
sharp rebuff from the learned Aaron ben Meshul-
1am, of Liinel, who was master of the sciences and
the Talmud, and a warm adherent of Maimuni. He
charged him with presumption in venturing, though
unripe in years and wisdom, to pass an opinion on
the greatest man of his time. The Talmudists of
northern France, led by Samson of Sens, to whom
every letter of the Talmud was an embodiment of
the highest truths, and who would not countenance
any new interpretations, thoroughly concurred with
the inquisitor Meir Abulafia. Meir was looked
upon in his time as chief of the Obscurantists.
The aged Sheshet Benveniste, of Barcelona, ever

CH. XVI. DANIEL BEN SAADIAH. 52$

a warm friend of free research, composed a sar-
castic epigram upon him :

" You ask me, friends, why this man's name.
Seeing he walks in darkness, should be Meir.'
I answer, the sages have called the night • light,'
This, too, is an example of the rule of contraries."

Another poet directed the arrows of his wit against
Abulafia, but its points are untranslatable. The
Maimunists were generally vastly superior to their
adversaries in knowledge and speech, and they
could expose the enemies of light to ridicule.

The hostility against Maimuni appeared also
in the East, but not so strongly. A learned
Talmudist, Daniel ben Saadiah, a disciple of the
Samuel ben Ali who had conducted himself so
maliciously against the sage of Fostat, had set-
tled in Damascus, and animated by the spirit
of his master against the Maimunist tendency,
he conceived it his duty to continue to make
it the target of his hostility. Daniel, in the first
place, impugned Maimuni's Talmudical decisions in
order to weaken the position on which his com-
manding influence rested, for it was through Mai-
muni's acknowledged rabbinical authority that his
philosophical, or according to his opponents, his
heretical, doctrines found such dangerous and gen-
eral acceptance. Daniel, however, thought it ad-
visable to maintain a respectful tone towards him ;
he even sent his polemic to Abraham Maimuni for
examination. Afterwards Daniel, in an exegetical
work, allowed himself to make veiled attacks upon
Maimuni's orthodoxy, and curiously enough re-
proached him with not believing in the existence of
evil spirits. His main argument, however, was not
strictly concerned with the existence or non-existence
of demons, but sought to demonstrate that Maimuni
was a heretic, because he had refused to acknowl-
edge unconditionally, as correct and true, utterances

' MeIr means light-bearer or luminary. — [Ed.]

526 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

which occur in the Talmud. Maimuni's admirers,
however, were greatly exasperated at these attacks
of Daniel, and Joseph Ibn-Aknin, Maimuni's favorite
pupil, urged Abraham Maimuni to pass sentence
of excommunication on Daniel ben Saadiah. Abra-
ham, however, who had inherited his father's disin-
terestedness and love of justice, would not hear of
it. He expressed himself on the subject with meri-
torious impartiality, saying that he did not think it
right to excommunicate Daniel, whom he considered
a religious man of pure belief, who had only made
a mistake in one point ; moreover, that as he was
a party in this controversy, he did not feel himself
empowered to excommunicate an antagonist in a
matter that was to some extent personal. Mai-
muni's admirers, and especially Joseph Ibn-Aknin,
were not, however, disposed to take the same view.
They labored to induce the Exilarch David of
Mosul to exclude from the community the blameless
and esteemed scholar of Damascus, until he should
humbly recant his strictures upon Maimuni. Daniel
was excommunicated, and died of grief, and all
opposition to Maimuni in the East was silenced for
a long time. The Asiatic Jews were still so over-
powered by the glamour of his name, that they
could not think of him as a heretic. Nor were they
learned enough to grasp the range of Maimuni's
ideas, and to perceive their incompatibility with the
spirit of the Talmud. It may also be that his
admirer, Jonathan Cohen, who had emigrated to
Palestine, had won the pious to his side, and had
defeated the party of Samson of Sens, which was
inimical to him.

Very different was the state of affairs in Europe,
especially in the south of France and in Spain.
Here Maimuni's . theories had taken root, and
dominated the minds of the learned and of most of
the influential leaders of congregations ; henceforth
they regarded the Bible and the Talmud only in

CH. XVI. SOLOMON OF MONTPELLIER. 52/

the Maimunist light. The pious Jews of Spain and
Provence endeavored to reconcile the contradic-
tions between Talmudical Judaism and Maimuni's
system, by a method of interpretation. The less
religious used his system as a support for their luke-
warmness in the performance of their religious
duties ; they expressed themselves more freely
about the Bible and the Talmud, practically neglected
many precepts, and were bent on re-organizing
Judaism on a rationalistic basis. Among the Jews
of southern Spain, this lukewarmness towards the
Law went so far that not a few contracted marriages
with Christian and Mahometan women. The ex-
cessively pious, whose whole life was absorbed by
the Talmud, mistaking cause for effect, considered
these distressing occurrences as a poisonous fruit of
the philosophical seed, and prophesied the decay
of Judaism, if Maimuni's theories should gain the
ascendancy. Nevertheless considerable time elapsed
before any one ventured to make a decisive stand
against them. The rabbis of northern France, who
were of the same way of thinking as Samson of
Sens, knew little of Maimuni's philosophical writings
and their effects, while the rabbis of southern France
and of Spain, who were guided absolutely by the
Talmud, may have thought it dangerous and use-
less to try to stem the overwhelming flood of free
thought.

It was, therefore, looked upon as a most audacious
Step, when a rabbi of the school which followed the
Talmud with unquestioning faith, openly and reck-
lessly declared war against the Maimunists. This
was Solomon ben Abraham, of Montpellier, a pious,
honorable man, learned in the Talmud, but of per-
verted notions, whose whole world was the Talmud,
beyond which nothing was worthy of credence.
Not only the legal decisions of the Talmud were
accepted by him as irrefutable truths, but also the
Agadic portions in their naked literalness. He

528 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

and his friends conceived the Deity as furnished
with eyes, ears, and other human organs, sitting in
heaven upon a throne, surrounded by darkness and
clouds. Paradise and Hell they painted in Agadic
colors ; the righteous were to enjoy, in the heavenly
garden of Eden, the flesh of the Leviathan and old
wine, stored up from the beginning of the world in
celestial flasks, and the godless, the heretics, and
the transgressors of the Law were to be scourged,
tortured, and burnt in the hell-fire of Gehenna.
The rabbis of this school believed in the existence
of evil spirits ; it was in a manner an article of faith
with them, for the Talmudical Agada recognizes
them as existing.

Adopting a theory so gross and anthropomorphic,
Solomon of Montpellier could not help finding
nearly every word in Maimuni's compositions un-
Jewish and heretical. He felt it incumbent on him
to make reply ; he saw in the toleration of the Mai-
munist views the dissolution of Judaism, and he
entered the lists against thfeir exponents and cham-
pions. But with what weapons ? The Middle Ages
knew of no more effective instrument than excom-
munication to destroy ideas apparently pernicious.
He attempted to compel men, who towered head
and shoulders above their contemporaries, and held
different opinions on religion from the thoughtless
crowd, to seal up their ideas in themselves, or to
recant them as vicious errors, by shutting them off
from all intercourse with their co-religionists. At
about the same time Pope Gregory directed the
University of Paris, the upholder of the free philoso-
phical spirit till the rise of the Dominicans and Fran-
ciscans, to adhere strictly in its curriculum to the
canon of the Lateran Council, and on peril of ex-
communication, to avoid using those philosophical
writings which had been interdicted by it. This
precedent, together with his bigoted, passionate
nature, may have induced Solomon of Montpellier

CH. XVI. EXCOMMUNICATION OF" THfi MAIMUNISTS. 5^9

to introduce a censorship of thought into the Jewish
world, and to crush the Maimunist heresy by excom-
munication. But to appear single-handed against
the Maimunists, whose number was large, and who
ruled public opinion, could but ruin his cause.
Solomon sought for allies, but could not find a
single rabbi in southern France who was ready to
take part in the denunciation of the Maimunist
school. Only two of his pupils came to his aid —
Jonah ben Abraham Gerundi (the elder) of Gerona,
a blind zealot like his master, and David ben Saul.
These three pronounced the ban (beginning of
1232) against all those who read Maimuni's compo-
sitions, especially the philosophical parts (More and
Madda), against those who studied anything except
the Bible and the Talmud, against those who dis-
torted the plain literal sense of Holy Writ, or, in
general, expounded the Agada differently from
Rashi. Solomon and his allies explained the rea-
sons for their sentence of excommunication in a
letter to the public, and laid special stress on the
point that Maimuni's line of argument undermined
Talmudical Judaism. They did not hesitate even to
vilify the venerated sage : it might be true, they said,
that he had once lived strictly in accordance with
the Talmud, yet instances were known in which
still greater men had become renegades from the
Law in their old age. Solomon at first thought of
invoking the secular power of the Christian authori-
ties to aid him in oppressing free thought. For the
present, however, he looked for supporters among
the rabbis of northern France. These, belonging
to the acute but one-sided Tossafisf school, and
having grown hoary in the Talmud, did not for a
moment appreciate the necessity of establishing
Judaism on a rational and scientific basis, and nearly
all of them adopted Solomon's opinion, and took
sides against the Maimunists.

530 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

The sentence of excommunication, the proscrip-
tion of science, and the defamation of Maimuni,
excited the violent indignation of his admirers. It
seemed to them unheard-of audacity, unparalleled
impudence. The three chief congregations of Pro-
vence, Liinel, Beziers, and Narbonne, in which the
Maimunists were in power, rose against this pre-
sumption of the Obscurantists, and on their side
excommunicated Solomon and his two disciples,
and hastened to urge the other congregations of
Provence to unite in rescuing the honor of the
great Moses. In Montpellier the congregation
was divided into two parties ; whilst the ignorant
multitude remained by their rabbi, the learned re-
nounced their allegiance, and violent frays between
them were not infrequent. The flame of discord
blazed up, and spread over the congregations of
Provence, Catalonia, Aragon, and Castile. The
contest was carried on by both sides with intense
passion, and not entirely with honorable weapons.
Simple faith and a philosophical apprehension of
religion, which had till then maintained friendly
relations, now met in a conflict, which threatened
to lead to a complete rupture and to schism. The
worst of it was, that the parties were both justified,
each from its own point of view ; both could appeal
to old and respected authorities, some of whom
maintained that the Bible and the Talmud must be
believed in without investigation and strained inter-
pretation, while others held that reason also had a
voice in religious matters.

Two men, whose names are celebrated in Jewish
literature, took part in this passionate quarrel :
David Kimchi and Nachmani. The former, already
an old man and at the zenith of his fame as a gram-
marian and expositor of the Bible, was an enthu-
siastic admirer of Maimuni, and a friend of free
investigation. He was consequently an object of
suspicion to the Obscurantists, and the rabbis of

CH. XVI. NACHMANl. 53 1

northern France appear to have excommunicated
him, because he had explained the vision of Ezekiel
concerning the throne-chariot of God in a Mai-
munist sense, i. e., philosophically, and because
he had maintained that Talmudical controversies
would have no significance in the Messianic period,
or in other words, that the Talmud has no right to
advance pretensions to perpetual authority. Kim-
chi accordingly took up the cudgels for Maimuni
all the more promptly, as he had at the same time
to defend his own cause. Old and weak as he was,
he nevertheless did not hesitate to undertake a
journey to Spain, in order personally to bring the
congregations of that country over to the side of
the Provencals against Solomon of Montpellier.

Another man of commanding influence in this
struggle was Moses ben Nachman, or Nachmani
(Ramban) Gerundi, a fellow-citizen and relative of
Jonah Gerundi (born about 1195, died about 1270).
Nachmani, or as he was called in the language of
the country, Bonastruc de Porta, was a man of
sharply-defined and strongly-marked individuality,
with all the strength and weakness of such a
character. Whilst of pure moral temperament
and conscientious piety, mild disposition and acute
understanding, he was completely governed by the
belief in authority. The "wisdom of the sages"
appeared to him unsurpassed and unsurpassable,
and their clear utterances were neither to be
doubted nor criticised. " He who occupies himself
with the teachings of the sages, drinks old wine,"
was Nachmani's firm conviction. The whole wis-
dom of the later generations, according to his view,
consisted entirely in fathoming the meaning of their
great ancestors, to acquire a knowledge of it, and
derive precedents from it. Not only the Holy
Writ in its entire scope, and the Talmud in its
entire range, but even the Geonim and their im-
mediate disciples till Alfassi, were for him infallible

532 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

authorities, and their conduct worthy of emulation.
Within this compass he had intelligent notions,
correct judgments and a clear mind, but beyond it
he could not proceed, nor could he start from an
original position. Nachmani was a physician, and
had, therefore, studied science a little; he was
learned in other branches, and familiar with philo-
sophical literature. But metaphysical speculation,
to which he would not or could not apply himself,
remained strange to him. The Talmud was for
him all in all ; in its light he regarded the world,
the events of the past and the shaping of the
future. In his youth, the study of the Talmud and
the vindication of assailed authorities were Nach-
mani's favorite occupations. In about his fifteenth
year (1210), he elaborated several Talmudical trea-
tises, following the style and method of Alfassi.

In these works he shows so astounding an inti-
macy with the Talmud that no one would recognize
them as the productions of a youth. They bear
the stamp of complete maturity, show command
over the subject, and reveal profound acumen. Not
less splendid in its way was the second work of his
youth, in which he sought to justify Alfassi's Tal-
mudical decisions on questions of civil and marriage
laws against the attack of Serachya Halevi Ge-
rundi.

Nachmani had already commented upon several
Talmudical treatises, and he continued this labor
indefatigably, till he had furnished the greatest
portion of the Talmud with explanations (Chi-
dushim). Important as Nachmani's contributions
may be in this province, they are in nowise
original. The Talmud had been investigated too
thoroughly during the centuries since Rashi and
Alfassi, for Nachmani, or indeed any one else, to
be able to establish anything absolutely new. Mai-
muni had seen clearly, with the insight of a com-
prehensive mind, that it was at length time to close

CH. XVI. MAIMONIDES AND NACHMANI. 533

accounts with commentaries on the Talmud, to
declare for or against, and bring the whole to a
conclusion. Nachmani did not pay attention to
this result ; Maimuni's gigantic religious code did
not exist for him.

If he did not sympathize with Maimuni in his
treatment of the Talmud, still less did he agree
with him in his philosophical views on religion.
Maimuni proceeded from a philosophical basis, and
everywhere applied reason as the test of Judaism.
Nachmani, on the other hand, like Jehuda Halevi,
took as his starting-point the facts of Judaism,
including even the narratives of the Talmud. For
Maimuni the miracles of the Bible were incon-
venient facts, and he endeavored as much as pos-
sible to reduce them to natural causes ; the Tal-
mudical miracle-tales he refused to consider. For
Nachmani, on the other hand, the belief in miracles
was the foundation of Judaism, on which its three
pillars rested : the creation from nothing, the
omniscience of God, and divine providence. But,
although Nachmani shunned philosophy, he never-
theless advanced new ideas which, though not
demonstrated by logical formulae, deserve recog-
nition. The ethical philosophy of Maimuni sought
to elevate man above the accidents of life, by re-
minding him of his higher origin and his future bliss,
and arming him with equanimity in order to render
him insensible to pleasure and to pain. Nachmani,
from his Talmudical point of view, strongly com-
bated this philosophical or stoical indifference and
apathy, and opposed to it the doctrine of Judaism,
that "man should rejoice on the day of joy, and
weep on the day of sorrow." Maimuni assumed,
with the philosophers, that the sensual instincts are
a disgrace to man, who is destined for a spiritual
life. Nachmani was a strenuous opponent of this
view. Since God, who is perfect, has created the
world, it must all be good as it is, and nothing in it

534 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

should be regarded as intrinsically objectionable
and hateful.

Nachmani, who started from quite different prin-
ciples, had consequently but very fe.w points of
agreement with Maimuni. Had they been contem-
poraries, they might have been attracted to each
other by this very dissimilarity. If Judaism was for
Maimuni a cult of the intellect, for Nachmani it was
a religion of the feelings. According to the former,
there was no secret in Judaism which could not be
disclosed to thought ; according to the latter, the
mystical and the unknown were the holiest elements
of Judaism, and were not to be profaned by reflec-
tion. The difference in their method is well illus-
trated by their views on the belief in demons.
According to Maimuni, it is not only superstition-
but even heathenism to ascribe power to evil spirits.
Nachmani, on the other hand, was firmly attached
to this theory, and allowed the demons considerable
place in his system of the world. Whilst he occa-
sionally expressed his disapproval of Maimuni's
views, paying him at the same time the greatest
respect, he had a decided antipathy towards Ibn-
Ezra. This exegetist, with his sceptical smile, his
biting wit, and his scorn for mystery, was calculated
to repel Nachmani. In his attacks upon Ibn-Ezra,
Nachmani could not preserve the serenity of his
temper, but used violent expressions against him,
regarding him as the supporter of unbelief. But
though Nachmani waged war against the philosophy
of his age, as destructive of revealed Judaism, and
denounced Aristotle as the teacher of error, he
nevertheless looked with disfavor on blind belief
and the exclusion of every rationalistic concep-
tion in religious matters. On this point he diverged
from the teaching of the rabbis of northern France,
whose strictly Talmudical tendency he otherwise
followed. He was too much a son of Spain, in a
manner enveloped by an atmosphere of philosophy,

CH. XVI. NACHMANI AND THE KABBALA. 535

to be able to dismiss metaphysical research with
contempt. His clear mind and his Spanish educa-
tion would not permit Nachmani to follow the rabbis
of northern France through thick and thin, nor to
accept the Agadas in their literal sense, with all
their anthropomorphic and offensive utterances.
But on this point he became involved in self-con-
tradiction. He could not reject the Agadic state-
ments in toto, for he was too strongly dominated by
belief in authority, and respect for the Talmud. If,
when constrained by necessity, he here and there
conceded that many Agadic sayings were to be con-
sidered only as rhetorical metaphors, as homiletic
material, and that it was not a religious obligation
to believe in them, he must not be supposed to be
in full earnest. But, if the Agada is not to be
believed in literally, it must be interpreted. This,
however, was to make concessions to the Maimunist
school. Accordingly, there .was no escape from this
dilemma except to admit that the Agada must be
explained, but deny that Maimuni's mode of ex-
planation was correct. There came to his aid the
Kabbala, a new secret lore which claimed to be a
primitive divine tradition, and it relieved his em-
barrassment in respect of the obnoxious Agadas.
By means of this mystical theory, that which, from
the point of view of the literalists, appears blasphe-
mous, or meaningless and childish, was invested
with deep, mysterious, and transcendental sense.
Nachmani did not even shrink from justifying the
perverse notion that the whole text of the Torah
was simply the material made up of letters, out of
which mystical names of God might be composed.
At the time when the sentence of excommunica-
tion was uttered against Maimuni's philosophical
writings, Nachmani was not yet forty years old, but
he even then was of such importance that even the
haughty Meir Abulafia paid him the tribute of his
respect. He could,- therefore, a§ rabbi of the con-

536 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

gregation of Gerona, support either the one party
or the other. He decided in favor of his friend
Solomon and his nephew Jonah. As soon as he
learnt that the former was excommunicated by the
congregations of Provence, he hastened, without
waiting to be properly informed of the whole affair,
to send a missive to the communities of Aragon,
Navarre, and Castile, saying, in substance, that they
should not be carried away by the "hypocritical,
false" Maimunists ; but that they should wait till
the opposite party had spoken its mind. Nach-
mani indeed regretted, in this letter, that the unity
of Judaism, which from time immemorial had been
maintained in all countries of the dispersion, should,
through this controversy, threaten to be destroyed,
and he recommended, on that account, prudence
and calm deliberation. He himself, however, did
not maintain this impartial' attitude, but inclined
more to the side of the party hostile to science. "If
the French masters, at whose feet we sit, obscure
the sunlight at mid-day, and cover the moon, they
may not be contradicted " ; thus he expresses him-
self at the very commencement.

But the majority of the congregations of Spain
refused to be led into darkness. The chief congre-
gation of Aragon, with its leader, the physician in
ordinary and favorite of King Jayme, Bachiel Ibn-
Alkonstantini, declared itself decisively in favor of
Maimuni, and laid Solomon and his two allies under
the ban, as long as they continued in their perverse-
ness. Bachiel, his brother Solomon, and ten other
influential men and leaders, sent a letter (Ab —
August, 1232) to the congregations of Aragon,
urging them to join their party, and repudiate those
men "who have dared appear against that great
power which has rescued us from the floods of
ignorance, error and folly." The Maimunists in
Saragossa pointed out that the opponents of science
had put themselves in opposition to the Talmud.
" Our sages teach us that we should philosophically

CH. XVI. SOLOMON EXCOMMUNICATED. 537

explain to ourselves the unity of God. We ought
to be acquainted with profane sciences, in order to
know how to reply to the enemies of religion.
Astronomy, geometry, and other branches which
are so important to religion, cannot be learned out
of the Talmud. The great doctor of the Talmud,
Samuel, said of himself, ' that he knew the courses
of the stars as well as the stjeets of his native place.'
From these remarks it is evident that it was deemed
a religious duty to acquire general knowledge.
And now there appear three corrupters and mis-
leaders of the people, who stain the reputation of
the great Malmuni, wish to lead the communities
into darkness, and forbid the reading of his philo-
sophical writings, and the study of science gen-
erally." Bachiel Ibn-Alkonstantini, as the most
influential man in Aragon, in a letter, summoned
the congregations to strenuously oppose those
who do not believe in God and his servant Moses
(Maimuni). In consequence of this action, the
four great congregations of Aragon — Huesca,
Monzon, Calatayud, and Lerida — agreed with the
Saragossa congregation to pass the sentence of
excommunication upon Solomon and his two sup-
porters. The eyes of the Maimunists and their
adversaries were, however, turned to the congrega-
tion of Toledo, which was the largest, richest, most
important and most educated in Spain. Its decision
was able to incline the balance in favor of either the
one side or the other. Here Jehuda bar Joseph, of
the highly influential family of Ibn-Alfachar, who
was probably physician in ordinary of King Ferdi-
nand III, possessed the greatest authority. Hitherto
he had not expressed his opinion either for or
against Maimuni, but had observed a discreet
silence. But the zealous rabbi of Toledo, Meir
Abulafia Halevi, the old antagonist of the Mai-
munist tendency, loudly raised his voice. He re-
plied to the letters of Nachmani and of the Gerona
congregation that they might make their minds

538 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

easy, that neither he nor his friends would follow
the " law-defiers of Provence," that there were cer-
tainly many in the congregation of Toledo who
were infatuated by Maimuni and his philosophical
writings, that he could not alter their mind, but if
they should declare themselves against Solomon of
Montpellier, he would repudiate them altogether,
and acknowledge no community with them. For
he considered Solomon's action a meritorious one.
He himself had long recognized the dangerous
character of the doctrines laid down in Maimuni's
" Guide of the Perplexed "; they certainly strengthen
the ground of religion, but destroy its branches ;
they repair the breaches of the building, but tear
down the enclosures. " The exalting of God's name
was repeatedly on their lips, but there were also
poison and death lurking on their tongues." He
had always kept himself remote from this bottom-
less heresy, and had sent a letter to the Liinel
community more than thirty years since, to coun-
teract the enthusiasm for Maimuni, but his effort
had been fruitless.

Besides this heavy-armed conflict of the two
parties, with mutual denunciations of heresy and
thunders of excommunication, there was carried on
a light skirrriish with sarcastic verses. An oppo-
nent of Maimuni's "Guide" and his adherents
threw off the following satire :

" Thou Guide to doubt, be silent evermore ;
Thy sinful folly shall remain unheard,
That makes of Bible-fact but metaphor,

And to a dream degrades the prophet's word."

Whereupon a Maimunist retorted :

" Thou fool profane, be silent ! Nevermore
Dare, sandaled, upon holy ground to stand ;
What dost thou know of fact or metaphor ?
Nor dream, nor prophet canst thou understand."

" Forgive us, son of Amram, be not wroth

That we should call this fool by thy great name ;
Prophet the Bible calls God's messengers,
The servants of false Baal it calls the same."

CH. XVI. SAMUEL SAPORTA. 539

The Maimunists, however, were much more ener-
getic than their opponents ; they used all their
efforts to alienate the French rabbis from Solomon,
and to bring the chief congregation of Spain over
to their side. A young scholar, Samuel ben Abra-
ham Saporta, addressed a letter to the French
rabbis, and tried to convince them that in their
eagerness to support Solomon, they had taken a
precipitate step in denouncing Maimuni and the
followers of his views as heretics. " Before you
passed a judgment upon them, you ought to have
examined the contents of his writings properly ; but
it appears that you know nothing about the writings
which you have condemned. Your business is the
Halacha, to determine what actions are forbidden or
permitted by religion. Why do you venture beyond
your province to express an opinion on questions
about which you know nothing at all ? In your wor-
ship of the letter, like the heathen, you imagine the
Deity in human form. What right have you to call
us heretics who cling as firmly as you to the Torah
and tradition ? " Saporta's letter, in addition to
other influences, made so deep an impression upon
some of the French rabbis that they renounced
Solomon. They soon notified the Provencal con-
gregations of their change of opinion. This change
was undoubtedly due in great measure to Moses,
of Coucy (born about 1200, died about 1260), one
of the youngest Tossafists, who, although a brother-
in-law of Samson of Sens, and a pupil of the over-
pious Sir Leon, of Paris, nevertheless cherished
great reverence for Maimuni, and made his Hala-
chic works the subject of study. Nachmani was
extremely vexed at this change of opinion, and,
sorely distressed at the widening of the breach, he
elaborated a scheme of reconciliation, which seemed
to him calculated to restore peace. He wrote a well-
meant, but bombastic letter to the French rabbis,
wherein he first of all expressed his dissatisfaction

540 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

with them for having put the readers of Maimuni's
compositions under the ban: "If you were of the
opinion that it was incumbent on you to denounce
as heresy the works of Maimuni, why does a por-
tion of your flock now recede from this decision as
if they regretted the step ? Is it right in such im-
portant matters to act capriciously, to applaud the
one to-day, and the other to-morrow ? "

Finally, Nachmani explained his plan of compro-
mise. The ban against the philosophical portion
of Maimuni's Code was to be revoked ; but, on the
other hand, the condemnation of the study of the
"Guide," and the excommunication of the rejectors
of the Talmudical exposition of the Bible was
to be strengthened. This sentence of excommuni-
cation was not to be passed by the one party
only, but the Provengal rabbis, and even Maimuni's
son, the pious Abraham, were to be invited to
support it with their authority. In this manner the
gate would be closed to disaffection and unbelief.
Nachmani, however, ignored the fact that the as-
sailed compositions were all of one cast, so that it
was not possible to anathematize the one and
canonize the other. Nachmani fell Into the mistake
of thinking that it was possible to check free philo-
sophical Inquiry. The two tendencies, each legiti-
mate in its way, could not but conflict with each
other, and the struggle had to be protracted, and
could not be ended by a compromise. Conse-
quently, the fight continued on both sides, and
Nachmani's proposal was utterly disregarded.
The longer it lasted, the more the controversy
inflamed men's feelings, the more participants were
drawn into the arena.

The aged David Kimchi wished to undertake a
journey to Toledo, in order to induce that great
congregation to join his party against Solomon
and his adherents, and through their weight com-
pletely to crush their opponents. When he arrived

CH. XVI. ALFACHAR AND THE MAIMUNISTS. S4I

at Avila, he became so ill that he had to abandon
the journey, but on his bed of sickness he wrote
with trembhng hand to the chief representative of
the Toledo congregation, Jehuda Ibn-Alfachar. He
blamed him for his obstinate silence in an affair
which concerned the French and Spanish com-
munities so deeply, and importuned him to per-
suade his congregation to make common cause with
the Maimunists. Unfortunately, however, he had
approached the wrong man ; for Jehuda Alfachar
had made up his mind decisively against the Mai-
munists. He had thoroughly mastered Maimuni's
system, and had concluded that, if carried to its
logical conclusion, it was calculated to subvert
Judaism. Ibn-Alfachar was a thoughtful man, and
of more penetration than Nachmani. The defects
of Maimuni's theory were quite palpable to him, but
even he was misled by the thought that it was
possible to exorcise the spirit of free-thought by
anathemas. Alfachar paid such deference to the
sentence of excommunication uttered by the French
rabbis, that at first he would not reply to Kimchi
at all, but when ultimately he decided to do so,
he treated him in his answer in so contemptuous
a manner, that the Maimunists who expected the
support of Toledo were quite disconcerted at the
result.

In the meantime, the sympathy of such influen-
tial personages as Alfachar, Nachmani, and Meir
Abulafia, proved to be of little value to Solomon's
cause. The feeling of the people in his native
place and in Spain was against him. The French
rabbis, on whose support he had reckoned, gradu-
ally withdrew from a controversy, the range of
which they began to perceive, and which threatened
to expose the participators to peril. Solomon of
Montpellier complained that no one besides his two
disciples sided with him^ but the maladroitness with
which he conducted his cause was chiefly respon-

542 HISTORY OF THE Jews. CH. XVI.

sible for the want of sympathy that he encountered.
Thus forsaken of all, and hated most bitterly in his
own congregation, he resolved on a step which led
to the most deplorable results, not only for his own
party, but for the whole Jewish people.

Pope Gregory IX, who was eager to extirpate the
remnant of the Albigensian heretics in Provence,
root and branch, about this time established the
permanent Inquisition (April, 1233), and appointed
the violent Dominican friars as inquisitors, as the
bishops, who had till then been entrusted with the
persecution of the Albigenses, did not seem to him
to treat the heretics with sufficient severity. In all
the large towns of southern France where there
were Dominican cloisters, in Montpellier among
others, there were erected bloody tribunals, which
condemned heretics or those suspected of heresy,
and often quite innocent people, to life-long im-
prisonment or to the stake.

With these murderers. Rabbi Solomon, the up-
holder of the Talmud and of the literal interpreta-
tion of the Holy Writ, associated himself. He and
his disciple Jonah said to the Dominicans : " You
burn your heretics, persecute ours also. The ma-
jority of the Jews of Provence are perverted by the
heretical writings of Maimuni. If you cause these
writings to be publicly and solemnly burnt, your
action will have the effect of frightening the Jews
away from them." They also read dangerous pas-
sages from Maimuni's compositions to the inquisi-
tors, at which the infatuated monks must have felt
a shudder of holy horror. The Dominicans and
Franciscans did not wait for a second invitation to
interfere. The papal Cardinal-Legate, who was of
the same fanatical zeal as Gregory IX, promptly
took up the matter. The Dominicans may have
feared that the fire of the Maimunist heresy might
set their own houses ablaze. For the "Guide"
had been translated by an unknown scholar into

CH. XVI. MAlMUNl's WORKS BURNT. 543

Latin during the first half of the thirteenth century.
This translation was probably done in southern
France, where Maimuni's philosophical composition
had its second home, and where educated Jews
were conversant with the Latin language. Mai-
muni might with justice appear to the guardians of
Catholic orthodoxy to have deserved damnation
for his religious philosophy. Thinking about reli-
gion in those days was looked upon in official
Christendom as a capital sin. If the inquisitors
had at that time possessed power over the persons
of Jews, the Maimunists would have fared ill indeed ;
as it was, the persecution extended only to parch-
ment. Maimuni's works, at least in Montpellier,
were sought out in the Jewish houses, and publicly
burnt. In Paris also, Maimuni's antagonists caused
a fire to be kindled for the same purpose, and it is
said to have been lit by a taper from the altar of
one of the principal churches. The enemies of
Judaism congratulated themselves that confusion
now prevailed among the Jews, who till then had
been united and compact, and thought that they
were approaching their decay. The anti-Maimu-
nists, however, were not yet satisfied. Confident
in the support of those in power, they calumniated
their opponents before the authorities, so that many
members of the congregation of Montpellier were
placed in great danger.

These proceedings naturally excited the horror
of all the Jews on both sides of the Pyrenees. Solo-
mon and his partisans were generally condemned.
To invoke the aid of the temporal power, and more-
over of a clergy which was swollen with hatred of
the Jews, was, in the Jewish world, justly considered
the most outrageous treachery ; and to make the
Dominicans judges of what was or was not con-
sistent with Judaism, was to introduce the heathen
enemy into the Holy of Holies. Samuel Saporta
denounced this conduct in a letter to the French

544 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVl.

rabbis. Abraham ben Chasdai of Barcelona, an
enthusiastic admirer of Maimuni, who had censured
Jehuda Alfachar for his insulting treatment of
Kimchi, and for his espousal of the cause of Solo-
mon, dispatched a letter denouncing Solomon's
action in unmeasured terms, to the communities of
Castile, Aragon, Navarre, and Leon. When Kimchi,
who was in Burgos on his homeward journey, heard
of this affair, he inquired of Alfachar, whether he
still thought of keeping the informer and traitor,
Solomon, under his protection. The intelligent fol-
lowers of the latter, Nachmani and Me'ir Abulafia,
were deeply abashed, and remained silent. Public
opinion condemned Solomon and the cause he repre-
sented. A poet of the Maimunist party composed
on this occasion a very fine epigram :

" What thought ye to burn, when ye kindled the pyre
For writings more precious than gold ?
Lo, truth is a flame — will ye quench it with fire ?
In a chariot ablaze like the Tishbite of old,
It rises to Heaven. O, bigots, behold —
God's angel appears in the fire ! "

By some secret power the system of informing in
Montpellier through false witnesses, to which the
adherents of Maimuni were exposed, was put an
end to. More than ten of Solomon's partisans, who
had been convicted of slander, were punished in the
most cruel manner. Their tongues were cut out.
But rarely does the gloom clear up in which these
incidents are veiled. The fate of Solomon, the
cause of all these events, is uncertain. The Mai-
munists observed with a certain malicious joy the
severe punishment of their adversaries in Montpel-
lier. A poet, probably Abraham ben Chasdai, wrote
an epigram upon it, which was soon in everyone's
mouth :

" Against the guide of Truth,
A false pack raised their voices.
Punishment overtook them ;
Their tongue was directed to heaven,
Now it lies in the dust."

CH. XVI. MOSES OF COUCY. 54S

With this tragic issue the struggle was still far
from being at an end. The parties were more than
ever embittered against each other.

When Abraham Maimuni learnt, with indigna-
tion, of the hostility towards his father, and the sad
termination of the conflict which had broken out
(January, 1235), he wrote a little book on the sub-
ject, entitled "War for God" (Milchamoth), in order
to repel the attack upon the orthodoxy of his
father, and to denounce the conduct of his oppo-
nents. This composition, directed, in the form of a
letter, to Solomon ben Asher (in Lunel ?), justified
Maimuni's system on Maimuni's lines, and is valu-
able only on account of its historical data.

Solomon's effort to silence the free spirit of re-
search in the province of religion was thus over-
thrown, and had met a lamentable end. Another
French rabbi, of mild character and gentle piety,
attempted another method of procedure, with
greater success. Moses of Coucy, who, although
of the Tossafist tendency, had held Maimuni in
high esteem, undertook the task of fortifying the
drooping spirit of religion among the Provencals and
the Spaniards by delivering sermons and spirited
exhortations. Moses was undoubtedly inspired in
his attempt by the example of the preacher-monks,
who aimed at overcoming the disbelief in the
Roman Church by preaching in village after village,
and who, to some extent, were successful. In the
same manner the rabbi of Coucy traveled from
one congregation to another in southern France
and in Spain (1235), and was accordingly called
the "preacher." But there was an important
difference between the Jewish expounder of the
law and the Catholic order of preachers. The one
acted in genuine simplicity of heart, without any
ambitious motives, with mildness on his lips and
mildness in his heart. The Dominicans, on the
other hand, put on their humility and poverty only

546 HISTORY Of THE JfiWS. CH. XVI.

for show, and behind them there lurked the devil,
of arrogance. They flattered their patrons in ser-
mons, and humiliated their opponents unsparingly ;
they gained inheritances surreptitiously, and filled
their cloisters with treasures ; they nourished a
bloody fanaticism, and strove after power and
authority.

Moses of Coucy succeeded in bringing many
thousands who had neglected several rites (Tephil-
lin), or had never observed them, to repentance and
atonement, and in persuading them to remain con-
stant in their practice. In Spain he even succeeded
in influencing those who had contracted mixed
marriages with Christian or Mahpmetan women, to
divorce themselves from their strange wives (1236).
It was, of course, not only his sermons which
brought about this sudden conversion, but the
superstitious fear of evil dreams and extraordinary
celestial phenomena, by which at that time Jews and
Christians were seized. Moses of Coucy, in the
meantime, preached to his brethren not only to
observe the ceremonies, but also to be truthful and
upright in their dealings with non-Jews. In his
pulpit he laid stress upon the virtue of humility,
which was all the more becoming to the children
of Israel, seeing that they had God ever present
before them, who hates the proud, and loves the
meek. Far from kindling fanatical zeal, Moses
ever took peace and friendliness as his text. He
helped to conciliate many by acknowledging Mai-
muni's greatness, and putting him on a level with
the Geonim.

Evil consequences now began to develop within
Judaism from this controversy in regard to the
value or worthlessness of free inquiry, the effects
of which lasted for centuries, and have not yet died
away. Maimuni aimed at unifying Judaism, and
produced division ; he had sought to give it trans-
parent clearness and general simplicity, and only

en. XVI. RISE OI* THEi KABBALA. ^4^

caused misunderstanding and complication. It was
his ambition to establish peace, but he kindled war
— so little can even the greatest of mortals calculate
the consequences of his actions. His system of
philosophy had divided Judaism, separated the
simple believers from thinking men, and aroused
a commotion, which in its violence far overstepped
the borders of moderation. Through the rupture
that arose from the conflict for and against Maimuni,
there insinuated itself into the general life of the
Jews a false doctrine which, although new, styled
itself a primitive inspiration ; although un-Jewish,
called itself a genuine teaching of Israel ; and
although springing from error, entitled itself the
only truth. The rise of this secret lore, which was
called Kabbala (tradition), coincides with the time
of the Maimunistic controversy, through which it
was launched into existence. Discord was the
mother of this monstrosity, which has ever been
the cause of schism. The Kabbala, in its earliest
systematic development, is a child of the first
quarter of the thirteenth century. The early ad-
herents of this occult lore, when asked to confess
honestly from whom they had first received it,
answered in plain terms : " From Rabbi Isaac the
Blind, or perhaps from his father, Abraham ben
David, of Posquieres, the antagonist of Maimuni."
They frankly confessed that the Kabbalistic doc-
trine does not appear either in the Pentateuch
or in the Prophets, in the Hagiographa, or in
the Talmud, but rests on scarcely perceptible
indications. Of the Kabbalistic utterances of the
founder of the Kabbala, Isaac the Blind (flourished
about 1190-1210), there are only fragments extant,
from which but little can be inferred. The dark-
ness of his physical vision was said to have been
illuminated by an inner light. He adopted as an
article of faith the doctrine of Metempsychosis,
which had been condemned and ridiculed by Jewish

548 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

thinkers. His disciples said that he had the power
of discerning whether men possessed a new and
fresh soul, coming directly from the world of
heavenly spirits, or an old soul which was migrating
from body to body, trying to recover its purity.
Two of his disciples, Azriel and Ezra, were the first
who reduced the Kabbala to a coherent system.
They were so like-minded, that they have often
been confounded, and certain writings and doc-
trines have at times been ascribed to the one, and
again, to the other. These twins in thought, per-
haps brothers in blood, are consequently reckoned
in the history of the Kabbala as only one person ;
they complement one another.

But little is known of the life of this pair, and it
is reported of one of them (it is uncertain whether
Ezra or Azriel) that he died at the age at least of
seventy, a few years after the commencement of
the Maimunist schism. Of Azriel, rather more is
known. He relates how, from his earliest youth,
he traveled about "from place to place, in search of
a secret art, which could give satisfactory conclu-
sions about God and creation. Certain men, who
were in possession of this lore, had taught it to hirn,
and he was firmly convinced of its truth. He had,
therefore, himself spread this Kabbalistic doctrine
among the congregations which he visited during
his wanderings ; but was laughed to scorn by the
philosophical scholars in Spain (Sevilla?). Thus,
one of the earliest mystics confessed that the Kab-
bala had met with opposition at the very outset
of its career, and that the antiquity of its subject-
matter was emphatically denied. Azriel and Ezra,
however, were not disturbed by this opposition, but
labored to make good their position and spread
their doctrines. They developed their peculiar
theory in their explanations of passages in the
Agada, the prayers, and the Song ' of Solomon,
which is a mine for every kind of mysticism. Azriel

CH. XVr. FAITH, PHILOSOPHY AND KABBALA. 549

endeavored to convince also philosophical scholars
of the. truth of the Kabbala, and clothed its doctrines
in the language of logic. But as soon as this
secret lore steps out of its obscurity into the light
of the sun, it shows its nakedness and deformity.
It is certain that the Kabbala was intended as a
counterpoise to the growing shallowness of the
Maimunists' philosophy. That Judaism should
teach nothing more than Aristotelian philosophy
was an abomination to those whose deep piety re-
garded every word of the Bible and the Talmud as
a divine truth. There is a way of escape from the
philosophical consideration of God and Judaism,
i. e. to receive everything in naive faith. This was
the method of the Jews of Germany and northern
France ; it was the rigid Tossafist tendency. But
the pious Jews of southern France and of Spain,
who, as it were, breathed everywhere an atmos-
phere of philosophy, could not be satisfied with dull
literalness, Judaism appeared to them without
meaning, if not permeated with deep thought. The
religious injunctions of the Law, the ceremonies,
must have a higher, ideal meaning. The anti-Mai-
munists themselves had admitted, that the precepts
of Judaism could on no account be accepted as
arbitrary decrees of a despot, but, being divine
ordinances, must have an intelligent basis ; and as
the apparently meaningless laws of the Bible, and
the obscure verses of Scripture, so also the Agadic
utterances of the Talmud must contain a higher
sense, otherwise they would be without rhyme or
reason. The Kabbala is a daughter of embarrass-
ment ; its system was the way of escape from the
dilemma between the simple, anthropomorphic in-
terpretation of the Bible and the shallowness of the
Maimunist philosophy.

The secret doctrine, first completely developed
by Ezra and Azriel, established not a new, but at
any rate a peculiar philosophy of religion, or, more

550 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

correctly, theosophy, which, advancing from one
inconceivable statement to another, finally soared
into the misty region where all thinking ceases, and
even imagination droops its wings. It started from
a basis which at that time was considered unim-
peachable, but made bold deductions from it, which
clashed with its underlying principle. Unity was
transformed, by sleight-of-hand, into a plurality,
spirituality into a coarse materialism, and refined
belief into extravagant superstition. The original
Kabbala established the following principles : the
Deity is elevated above everything, even above
existence and thought. Consequently, we have no
right to say of Him that He speaks or acts, and
still less that He thinks, wills and designs. All
these qualities, which are human, imply some limita-
tion, and God is unlimited, because perfect. Only
one attribute can be assigned to Him — He is un-
conditioned or infinite. The Kabbala accordingly
confers on "God the title of Eternal (Hebrew, En-
Sof). This was its first innovation. In His un-
thinkable universality, God, or the En-Sof, is hidden
and inconceivable, and consequently, in a manner,
non-existent ; for that which cannot be recognized
and conceived by the thinking mind does not exist
for it. The universal existence, the En-Sof, con-
sequently is identical with the non-existent (Ayin).
Hence in order to make His existence known.
Deity was obliged or wished to make Himself visible
and recognizable ; He had to become active and
creative, so that His existence might be perceived.
But the lower world in its depravity and de-
crepitude could not have been produced or created
by the En-Sof, for the Infinite and Perfect cannot
directly bring into existence the finite and imperfect.
The Deity, therefore, is not to be regarded as the
immediate Creator of the world ; the process of
creation must be conceived in quite a different man-
ner. The En-Sof, by means of His infinite wealth

CH. XVl. THE SEFIROTH.

5SI

of light, radiated from Himself a spiritual substance,
a force, or whatever it is to be called, which, flowing
directly from Himself, partakes of His perfection
.and infinity. On the other hand, this radiation or
emanation cannot be like the En-Sof, its creator, in
all points, for it is not absolutely original, but
derivative. This power, springing from the En-
Sof, is, therefore, not identical with Him, but only
similar to Him, i. e., it has besides an infinite, also
a finite side. The Kabbala calls this first spiritual
child of the En-Sof the first Sefira, a name possibly
adopted as suggestive at once of number and of
sphere. This first spiritual power radiates from
itself a second force, and this latter a third, and so
on, so that altogether ten spiritual substances, or
forces, or intermediate entities, or organs (as they
are in turn called), were successively revealed, and
became active. These ten powers the Kabbala calls
the Ten Sefiroth.

The ten substances are parts of pne another and
of the En-sof, and only represent different sides (or
phases) of the same being, as fire produces both
flame and sparks, which, although appearing dif-
ferent to the eye^ nevertheless indicate the same
thing. The Ten Sefiroth, which are distinguished
from one another like different colors of the same
light, being emanations of the Deity, are dependent
on one another, and consequently are conditioned.
Only in the degree in which the En-Sof endows them
with force, can they continue to act. Their action
is shown in the creation of the material and spiritual
world in their own image, in their eternal sup-
port of the world with which they are in union, and
in their ever communicating to it the gracious gift
of divine life.

The Kabbala divides the ten Sefiroth into three
groups of three each, and these nine Sefiroth would
have been sufficient to exhaust all the powers
needed by the system, but the Kabbala could not

552 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

forego the number ten, it was too important. The
Ten Commandments, the Ten Declarations, by
means of which the Agada explains the creation of
the universe, the Ten Spheres, what a world of.
meaning is therein hidden ! The Kabbala was bent
on keeping the tenth power, but could not con-
sistently introduce it into its scheme, however it
might eschew strict logic ; hence it floundered about
amidst a variety of conceptions. Close thinking is
no concern of the Kabbala ; it is satisfied with fan-
tastic pictures and symbols, however unsubstantial.
With tbis number ten the Kabbala sported in a
most capricious manner. By means of the Sefiroth,
God can make Himself visible, and even invest
Himself with a body. When it is said in Holy Writ :
God spoke, descended to the earth, or ascended, it
is not to be understood, as the strict literalists or
the Agadists take it, as referring to the Deity Him-
self, or to the sublime En-Sof, but to the Sefiroth.
The incense which mounted from the altar, and be-
came sweet savor, was not inhaled or absorbed by
the Deity Himself, but by the intermediate beings.
In this manner the Kabbala thought that it had
overcome the difficulties which the notion of the
absolute spirituality of God and the Biblical method
of representation of God offer. The Deity is incor-
poreal and infinite, has no corporeal functions, and
is not affected by anything corporeal. But the
Sefiroth, which in addition to their infinite side, have
also a finite, and as it were, a corporeal- side, can
also perform corporeal functions, and enter into
relation with corporeal things.

The Kabbalistic theory of the creation is equally
fantastic. God, or the En-Spf, did not create the
visible world immediately, but entirely by means of
the Sefiroth. All things in the lower world, both
classes and individuals, have their original form
(types) in the higher worlds, so that there is noth-
ing without a purpose, but everything has a higher

CH. XVI. MYSTICAL EXPLANATION OF CEREMONIES. 553

significance. The universe resembles a giant tree
Mrith a wealth of branches and leaves, whose roots
are the Sefiroth ; or, it is a closely wrought chain,
the last link of which hangs on to the higher world ;
or, a great sea, which is constantly filled from an
eternally flowing source. The human soul in par-
ticular is a privileged citizen of the higher world,
is in immediate connection with all the Sefiroth,
and consequently it can exert some influence on
them, and even on the Deity. By virtue of its
moral and religious conduct the soul can increase
or diminish the flow of grace from the Deity,
through the channel of the intermediary beings, its
good actions causing an uninterrupted flow, and its
evil conduct occasioning its discontinuance.

The people of Israel were specially chosen to
promote the fulness of grace, and therefore the pre-
servation of the world. For that purpose, they
received the Revelation and the Law, with its 613
religious ordinances, in order to act on the Sefiroth
through every religious act, and, so to speak, compel
the dispensing of their bounty. The ceremonies
consequently have a deeply mystical meaning and
imperishable importance : they constitute the magic
means whereby the whole universe is supported,
and blessed. " The righteous man is the foundation
of the world." The Temple, and the sacrificial ser-
vice especially, had a particularly deep significance
in keeping alive the connection of the lower world
with the higher. The earthly Temple corresponded
with the heavenly Temple (the Sefiroth). The
priestly blessing, which was pronounced with the
ten fingers raised, prompted the Ten Sefiroth to
pour out their gracious gifts upon the lower world.
After the destruction of the Temple, prayer took
the place of sacrifice, and accordingly prayer has
a peculiar, mystical importance. The prescribed
ritual has an unfailing effect, if the worshiper knows
how to, address himself, on any particular occasion.

S54 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

to the proper Sefira, for prayer must be addressed
only Id it, and not directly to the Deity. The mys-
tery of prayer assumes an important place in the
Kabbala. Every word, even every syllable in the
prayers, every movement made during worship,
every ceremonial symbol is interpreted by the
Kabbala with reference to the higher world. The
Kabbalists took a special interest in the mystical
explanation of the religious laws of Judaism. This
was the center of gravity of their system ; by its
means they could oppose the Maimunists. Whilst
the latter, from their philosophical point of view,
declared certain precepts to be meaningless and
obsolete, the mystics treated these ordinances as
of the highest moment. They were therefore con-
sidered the preservers of Judaism.

The vital importance to Judaism of. the doctrine
of retribution and the inquiry into the condition of
the soul after death had been too strenuously as-
serted by Maimuni for the Kabbala to omit to drag
them also into the province of its theory. The
Kabbala claimed great antiquity for its views on
these questions ; but their youth and derivation
from another system of thought are obvious. Start-
ing from the doctrine that all souls had been created
in the beginning, the Kabbala taught that these
souls were destined to enter upon an earthly
career, to pass into bodies, and to remain con-
nected with them for a certain period of time. The
soul during its earthly life was subjected to the test
whether, in spite of its connection with the body, it
can keep itself pure from earthly grossness. If it
can do this, it ascends purified after death to the
domain of spirits, and becomes a part of the world
of the Sefiroth. If, on the other hand, it becomes
tainted with earthliness, it is compelled to return
to the bodily life (but not more than three times)
till, after repeated tests, it can soar aloft in a
pure state. On the doctrine of the transmigration

CH. XVI. TRANSMIGRATION OF SOULS. 555

of the soul, an important point of the Kabbala, was
based its doctrine of reward and punishmient. The
sufferings to which the pious, apparently without
cause, are subjected on earth, serve the purpose of
purifying their souls. God's justice, therefore, ought
not to be questioned, if the righteous are unfortu-
nate, and the godless are prosperous. As most
souls during their earthly existence become lost in
sensuality, forgetting their heavenly origin, and
therefore are obliged to wander through new bodies,
it happens that the larger number of souls are such
as are born again, while new souls rarely come on
earth. Through the sinfulness of man, whereby the
same souls repeatedly enter bodies, the great re-
demption is postponed, for the new souls cannot
come into existence, the world being almost entirely
filled by old ones. The great time of grace, the
spiritual completion of the world, cannot come until
all created souls have been born on earth. Even
the soul of the Messiah, which like others abides in
the spiritual world of the Sefiroth in its pre-mundane
existence, cannot appear until every soul has dwelt
in a body. The soul of the Messiah will be the last
of the souls, and the Messiah therefore will come
only at the end of days. Then at length the great
jubilee will arrive, when all souls, purified and re-
fined, will have returned from earth to heaven. The
furthering and hastening of this time of grace de-
pends, therefore, on the wisdom and religious con-
duct of the righteous. The adepts in Kabbala
thus acquired extraordinary importance ; they were
sureties, not only for Israel, but for the whole order
of the world, for through their conduct they might
hasten the birth of the soul of the Messiah, the last
in the storehouse of souls.

The Kabbala boasted that it had disclosed the
secret of Judaism much better than Maimuni,
and had shown its relation to the higher world,
and to the shaping of the future. The Kabbala.

556 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

had unlimited play for its fantastic interpretations.
In distortion of the Scriptures, the Kabbalists out-
ran the Alexandrine allegorists, the Agadists, the
Church Fathers, and the Jewish and Christian re-
ligious philosophers. Azriel, indeed, coquetted with
philosophy, and endeavored to make the Kabbala
acceptable to thinkers. But another Kabbalist of
this time, Jacob ben Sheshet Gerundi, of Gerona
(who wrote in about 1 243 or 1 246), deliberately op-
posed his secret lore to the explanations of the
philosophers. He repudiated any truce with them,,
and could not find scorn enough for philosophical
"heretics and despisers of the Law." Gerona, the
native place of Ezra and Azriel, of Jacob ben She-
shet, and Nachmani, was the first warm nest for the
fledgeling Kabbala. This occult science, which made
its appearance with a flourish, rests on decep-
tion, at best, on the self-deception of its founders.
Its theory is not old, as it pretended, but very
modern ; at any rate it is not found in Jewish an-
tiquity, but dates from the twilight of Greek philo-
sophy. The Kabbala is a grotesque distortion
of Jewish and philosophical ideas. In order to
make it appear ancient and authentic, the com-
pilers had recourse to fraud. They circulated a
Kabbalistic manuscript which purported to have
been composed by an honored Talmudical doctor,
Nechunya ben ha-Kana, and others. In vain the
highly respected Meir ben Simon and Rabbi Me-
shullam of Beziers called attention to this forgery,
which bore the title Bahir (Luminous), and con-
demmed it to be burnt, as it contained blasphemies
against the greatness of God ; the book Bahir
maintained its ground, and was in later times used
as evidence of the great age of the Kabbala.

The labors of Azriel and Ezra in behalf of the
secret science might have had but poor results, if
Nachmani had not ranged himself under their banner.
At first blush, it is indeed hard to conceive how this

CH. XVI. NACHMANI AND KABBALISM. 557

clear, keen-witted, subtle thinker, who, in the pro-
vince of the Talmud, had the ability to shed light
upon every obscurity, could be induced to join the
votaries of the Kabbala, and permit himself to be
blinded by the false light of the Bahir. But on
deeper examination of his way of thinking, this
phenomenon ceases to be a paradox. Nachmani
belonged to that numerous class of men who can
form a correct judgment on single objects, but are
unable to comprehend a great whole. Maimuni's
philosophical line of argument repelled him on
account of its prosaic nature ; the Kabbala, on the
other hand, attracted him because his belief in
miracles and respect for authority found nourish-
ment therein. When he, a pious rabbi and deep
Talmudist, had acknowledged the truth of the Kab-
bala, its authority became established ; where Nach-
mani believed unconditionally, those less gifted
dared not doubt. A poet, Meshullam En-Vidas
Dafiera, an opponent of the Maimunists, accordingly
ranges him with Ezra and Azriel, as a defender of
the truth of the secret lore.

" The son of Nachtnan is our stronghold sure,
Ezra and Azriel know the hidden things.
They are my priests ; my altar they illume ;
They are my stars that never cease to shine ;
They can compute the meanings of God's words,
Only from fear of scofiers are they silent."

Thus Nachmani became a chief pillar of the Kab-
bala, the more so because he spoke of it only
casually, and concealed more of it than he revealed.
Thus, within barely four decades after the death
of Maimuni, Judaism was divided into three parties ;
and this was the beginning of a retrograde move-
ment which led to degradation. A marked divi-
sion was established between the philosophical
school, the strict Talmudists and the Kabbalists.
The first named, who regarded Maimuni as their
chief, strove to interpret the doctrines of Judaism in

558 MlStORV OF THE Jews. cm. XVI.

a rational manner ;< they either adhered to the argu-
ments of their leader, or deduced, from his premises,
bold conclusions which had escaped his notice, or
which he had not desired to infer, and they almost
entirely broke away from the Talmud. The strict
Talmudists occupied themselves exclusively with
Halachic controversies, and had no desire to be-
come acquainted with philosophical notions ; they
were averse to science and to inquiry in the domain
of religion, and they interpreted the Agadas in a
purely literal sense, but they also turned aside from
the Kabbala. Lastly, the Kabbalists were preju-
diced against both the literal Talmudists and the
rationalistic Maimunists. At first, they maintained
friendly terms with the Talmudists because their
numbers were few, and the conclusions, at variance
with Judaism, which could be drawn from their
system, were not yet recognized, for both had to
combat a common enemy. Hence the Kabbalists
at first directed their attacks solely against the Mai-
munists, but before the end of the century the Kab-
balists and the Talmudists had become enemies,
attacking each other as vigorously as they had for-
merly assailed their common opponents, the phil-
osophers.

The consequences, on the one hand, of the degra-
dation of the Jews, through the papacy, and on the
other, of the internal discord, soon made themselves
felt, and produced an unhappy condition of affairs.
The happy contentment, the joyousness, the delight
in original, intellectual work, which, combined with
spiritual activity, had borne such beautiful fruit, had
all long since passed away. Sad earnestness filled
the hearts of the Spanish and Provengal Jews, and
weighed down, as with lead, every lofty aspiration
of their souls. The joyous singers became silent,
as if the icy breath of the gloomy present had sud-
denly caused their warm blood to freeze. How
could a Jew pour forth merry strains of song with

CH. XVI. JEMUDA ALCHARlSl. 5^9

the badge of dishonor on his breast ? The neo-
Hebraic poetry, which, for three centuries, had pro-
duced such noble works of genius, perished alto-
gether, or bore only faded leaves. The satires and
epigrams which the Maimunists and anti-Maimunists
hurled against each other were the last products of
the neo-Hebraic muse of Spain. But these verses
no longer bubbled over with laughter and merri-
ment ; they were full of earnest logic and argu-
ment. They were no longer like the epigrams of
the flourishing era of poetry, which resembled prat-
tling maidens, but were like quarrelsome scolds who
had lost the charm of youth. Poets themselves felt
that the source of the neo-Hebraic poetry had been
exhausted, and they fed on the memories of its
Golden Age.

The last representatives of the neo-Hebraic
poetry were Jehuda Alcharisi, the untiring trans-
lator and warm partisan of Maimuni, then Joseph
ben Sabara, and lastly Jehuda ben Sabbatai. These
three men, as if acting in collusion with one another,
created the satirical romance. This consisted in
the introduction of fictitious characters, and the use
of exuberant rhetoric ; but there is more of strained
attempt at wit than of graceful skill in their poems.
Alcharisi, in his romance, "Tachkemoni," under the
disguise of Heber the Kenite, and in dialogues with
the poet, introduces a variety of subjects, both
humorous and serious, intermingling rhymed prose
with verse, and interweaving little episodes. This
method was pursued also by the poet, Joseph ben
Sabara, probably a physician in Barcelona, in his
romance, "Diversions" (Shaashuim). The third
poet of this class, Jehuda ben Isaac ben Sabbatai,
also, of Barcelona, was considered by Alcharisi to be
one of the best masters of the art ; his performances,
however, do not in any way justify this opinion. His
dialogue, " Between Wisdom and Wealth," is very
poor in poetical ideas. His satirical romance, " The

560 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

Woman-hater," Is not much better ; he lacked en-
tirely the broad conceptions of his contemporaries.

The decay of the neo-Hebraic poetry was very
rapid. After the death of Sabbatai it fell into a yet
more forlorn condition, and a century passed before
a worthy successor made his appearance. Original
power of poetic production had died out, and those
who were acquainted with the manipulation of
language, and could construct tolerably good
rhymes, merely imitated the work of their prede-
cessors. Abraham ben Chasdai, a Maimunist, of
Barcelona, re-wrote, from an Arabic translation, a
moral dialogue between a worldly-minded and a
penitent man. This he put into a Hebrew form
under the title of " The Prince and the Nazarite."

A poor copyist, Berachya ben Natronai Nakdan,
called in the dialect of the country Crispia (flour-
ished about 1230-1270), turned his attention to
fables, which had been popular among the ancient
Hebrews. He was, however, unable to invent, but
chiefly elaborated in the neo-Hebraic form the pro-
ductions of earlier fabulists. Among his one hun-
dred and seven Fox Fables (Mishle Shualim) there
are very few original ones. Berachya desired to
hold a mirror up to his contemporaries, "who
spurned the truth, and held out the golden scepter
to falsehood"; plants and animals were employed
to describe the perversity and depravity of man-
kind.

The only merit possessed by the fables both of
Berachya and of Ibn-Sahula, a minor poet of north-
ern Spain (1245), who also moralized in perfervid
words in the "Fables of Ancient Times" (Mashal
ha-Kadmoni), as also by the moral tale, "The
Prince and the Dervish " of Abraham ben Chasdai,
consists in the happy imitation of the Biblical style,
and in the ingenious application of the verses of
Scripture to an entirely different line of thought.
This it is which, in the eyes of scholars, imparts to

CH. XVI. JOSEPH EZOBI. 361

their language an air of uncommon wit, attrac-
tiveness and piquancy. It is doubtful vvrhether
Joseph Ezobi should be included among- the poets
of the time. It is shoviring too much honor to his
writings to term them poetry ; and they would be
silently ignored when neo-Hebraic poetry is re-
ferred to, were it not that, through frequent tran-
scripts and the multiplication of copies in Latin and
French translations, the attention of the historian
of literature has been drawn to them, and they have
acquired a certain fame. Joseph Ezobi (or Esobi)
ben Chanan, of Orange (near Avignon, about 1 230--
1250), dedicated to his son Samuel an epithala-
mium, called "The Silver Dish" (Kaarat Kesef),
in which he laid down admonitions and rules of life.
Among other things, he commanded him " to hold
aloof from the wisdom of the Greeks, which re-
sembled the vine of Sodom, and implanted the
seeds of disease in the mind of man." He sug-
gested to him to study Hebrew grammar and the
Bible ; but to devote his attention chiefly to the
Talmud. This is sufficient to characterize the man
and the bent of his mind. Joseph Ezobi's verses
show a fair command of language, but they are
deficient both in power of expression and in grace-
fulness ; he is one of those versatile poetasters who
arose at this time in large numbers, especially in
Provence.

The various branches of learning degenerated in
the post-Maimunic time even more than the art of
poetry. How could a sound exegesis flourish when
both philosophers and Kabbalists vied with each
other in subtilizing and misinterpreting the mean-
ing of Holy Writ, so as to obtain Biblical support
for their theories ? Hebrew grammar at the same
time also fell into decay, under the subtle quib-
blings of the philosophers and the Kabbalists ; the
excellent productions of earlier days sank into
oblivion. David Kimchi was the last exegete

S62 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVI.

and grammarian for a long space of time. Nach-
mani, it is true, occupied himself with the exposition
of the Scriptures, and very often called in the aid
of grammar, and displayed traces of correct philo-
logical theory ; he did not, howrever, cultivate these
branches for their own sake, but in the service of a
prejudiced opinion, and especially in controverting
the views of an opponent. Thus, the magnificent
garlands of Jewish learning that had been woven
by the Jewish Spanish thinkers and inquirers after
truth gradually faded.

CHAPTER XVII.

PUBLIC DISCUSSIONS, AND THE BURNING OF THE TALMUD.

Pope Gregory IX — Emperor Frederick II and the Jewish Scholars,
Jehuda Ibn-Matka and Jacob Anatoli — The Jewish Legislation
of Frederick of Austria — The Martyrs of Fulda and of Aquitalne
— Louis XI of France and his Enmity to the Jews — Attacks on
the Talmud — The Apostate Nicholas-Donin — Disputation at the
French Court between Yechiel of Paris and Nicholas-Donin —
The Martyrs at Frankfort — The Rabbinical Synod — The Church
and Jewish Physicians — Moses Ibn-Tibbon and Shem-Tob Tor-
tosi — Papal Bull acquitting Jews of the Blood-accusation — The
Last French Tossafists — The Jews of England — The Jewish
Parliament — Alfonso the Wise and the Jews of Spain — MeYr de
Malea and his Sons — The Jewish Astronomers Don Judah Cohen
and Don Zag Ibn-Said — The Jews of Aragon — De Penyaforte
and the Apostate Pablo Christiani — The First Censorship of the
Talmud — Nachmani's Disputation with Pablo— Influence of
Nachmani — The Karaites.

1236 — 1270 c. E.

Whilst these internal divisions continued, the
poisonous seed that had been scattered abroad by
the papacy was producing abundance of evil fruit.
Persecutions of the Jews, which had hitherto been
merely local, began to spread like a contagion, and
became every year more violent and general. In-
nocent III, it is true, did not aim at the complete
annihilation of the Jews, but only at their degrada-
tion. He desired to crush them down to a state
lower than that of the rustic serfs, for which pur-
pose the whole weight of the society of the Middle
Ages, consisting of princes, nobles of high or low
rank, the clergy of every degree, burghers and
peasants, was to bear heavily upon them, to afflict
them grievously, and to reduce them to a most
pitiable condition. The humiliation of the Jews
afforded great pleasure to the lower grades of the
people, who were rejoiced to behold a class of
563

564 - WISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVll.

human beings, sunk yet lower than themselves,
against whom they could use their clumsy wit and
rough fists. This people, which was branded with
a distinguishing badge by the Church and society,
was regarded by the ignorant mob as a race of out-
casts, who might be put to death like filthy dogs,
without any feeling of remorse. All sorts of crimes
were attributed to the Jews, and credited. Fierce
attacks on the Jews were repeated from time to
time, and in various places, on the plea of child
murder, and with such an air of truth in the charge
that even well-disposed Christians were filled with
doubts, and were inclined to believe the tissue of
lies. It happened once that the body of a Chris-
tian was found between Lauda and Bischofsheim
(in Baden). Who were the murderers ? Jews, of
course. On this altogether groundless accusation,
the Jewish men, women and children of both towns
were attacked by the mob and the clergy, and,
without being brought to trial, were put to death.
Then eight learned and pious men were brought
up to answer for the supposed assassination of a
Christian (on the 2d and 3d January, 1235); they
were put to the rack, and, probably in consequence
of the confessions wrung from them by the torture,
they were executed. The plundering of Jewish
houses was the invariable accompaniment of such
massacres. The Jews in the neighboring districts
thereupon implored Pope Gregory IX to grant them
a charter, which might protect them against the ar-
bitrary action of the murderous mob and the bigoted
judges. In reply, he issued a bull to all Christen-
dom (on the 3d of May, 1235), which repeated and
confirmed the constitution of Pope Innocent III.
So Httle sense of justice existed that it was the
opinion of many that the Vicar of Christ had allowed
himself to be induced to publish this bull by a
bribe of a large sum of money from the Jews.
However, whether this papal decree had emanated

CH. XVH. FREDERICK II. 565

from love of justice, or had been the outcome of
bribery, Hke many previous ones in favor of the
Jews, it remained a dead letter. The spirit of
intolerance and of Jew-hatred which was taught in
the schools, and was preached in the pulpit by the
Dominicans, became infused into the very blood of
men, and the noblest natures were not able to escape
contamination. Of what advantage was it to the
Jews that they produced comparatively the largest
number of scholars, who first rendered science
accessible to Christians, either by means of transla-
tions and expositions of didactic writings in foreign
languages, or through their own activity and dis-
coveries, especially in medicine? They received
no benefit from providing the marts of trade with
wares, and the book market with works of genius,
for the Christians would acknowledge no thanks
to them for their labor, or repaid them by splitting
their skulls.

As an eloquent illustration of the attitude of the
Middle Ages with regard to the Jews, the conduct
of the greatest and most cultured German emperor
towards them may be instanced. Frederick II, the
last of the Hohenstaufen line of emperors, was the
most genial and unprejudiced monarch of the first
half of the thirteenth century. A Sicilian rather
than a German, he had a liking for the sciences,
and supported men of genius with princely liberality.
He took an interest in having writings on philo-
sophy and astronomy translated from the Arabic,
and for this purpose he employed many learned
Jews. The emperor carried on a correspondence
with a young Jewish scholar, Jehuda ben Solomon
Cohen Ibn-Matka, of Toledo (born in about 1 2 1 5, and
wrote in 1247). His learning produced so deep an
impression on Emperor Frederick that he sub-
mitted a number of scientific questions to him, and
expressed pleasure at the answers returned to
them. The emperor then probably induced him to

566 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

come to Italy (Tuscany). Jehuda Ibn-Matka pos-
' sessed the right of free entry to the imperial court.
The emperor invited another Jewish sage,
Jacob Anatoli (Anatolio), to leave Provence and
take up his residence in Naples. He granted the
scholar an annual stipend, so that he might be at
leisure to apply himself to the translation of Arabic
w^orks of a scientific character. This man, w^hose
full name was Jacob ben Abba-Mari ben Simon, or
Samson (flourished about 1 200-1 250), was the son-
in-law of the prolific translator but sterile author,
Samuel Ibn-Tibbon, who was praised by the Mai-
munists, and hated by the strict Talmudists. Ana-
toli resembled him as a son resembles his father,
and in a manner continued his work of translation.
Like Ibn-Tibbon he did not possess any creative
genius, but was, so to speak, a handicraftsman in
philosophy, who translated Arabic writings on this
subject into Hebrew. He had undergone special
training for this work with his father-in-law and his
Christian friend, Michael Scotus. He had so exalted
a reverence for Maimuni that he placed him in the
rank of the prophets, and was naturally full of
wrath against those who termed him a heretic.
" These malicious bigots," he rem.arked, " would
have condemned even David and Asaph, had they
lived in these times." By the aid of philosophical
catchwords, he interpreted Holy Writ in the spirit
of Maimuni. He also tried to refer miracles, as far
as possible, to natural causes, and was, in short, one
of those men who divested Judaism of much of its
mystical character. Following this method, he de-
livered public discourses on Sabbaths and festivals,
which he collected into one volume (Maimed), which,
in spite of its mediocrity, became the cherished
book of the orthodox Proven9al congregations.
Frederick II entrusted him with the task of trans-
lating the writings of Aristotle, with the commen-
taries of the Arabic philosopher Averroes (Ibn-

CH. XVII. JACOB ANATOLI. 567

Roshd), hitherto unknown to Christians. A Chris-
tian doctor, probably Michael Scotus, the court
astrologer of the emperor, translated these works
into Latin, probably under the supervision of Ana-
toli.

From all this it might be expected that the em-
peror Frederick entertained a favorable feeling
towards the Jews, especially as, if only a portion of
the accusations which his contemporaries leveled
against his orthodoxy be true, he was by no means
convinced of the truths of Christianity. Pope
Gregory IX, his mortal foe, frankly reproached
him with having said in public that the world had
been deluded by three impostors, Moses, Jesus, and
Mahomet, of whom two had died an honorable
death, but the third had ended his days on the
cross. The emperor can, therefore, hardly be sup-
posed to have taken deep offense at the unbelief of
the Jews ; yet in spite of all this, the emperor
Frederick was no whit less an enemy of the Jews
than his antipode, the bigoted Saint Louis of France.
A bitter enemy to the papacy, which hindered his
undertakings in every possible way, he neverthe-
less executed in his realm the canonical decree
which excluded all Jews from public offices, making
an exception only in the case of a certain Jewish
clerk of the mint at Messina. In his capital, Palermo,
he shut the Jews up in a Ghetto, an act of intoler-
ance which far outstripped that of the popes of the
time. In Austria, the Jews were permitted to fill
public offices, under the rule of the Princes of Baben-
berg. The Archduke Frederick I, the Valiant,
recognized the worth of the Jews as promoters of
wealth, entrusted the care of his finances to
Jewish officials, and granted to them titles of
honor. Two brothers, Leblin and Nekelo, were
officially styled chamberlains of the Duke of
Austria. Frederick I of Austria (in 1 244) granted
a royal decree to the Jews of his domain, which

568 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

appears to have been inspired by a love of
justice and humanity, and which became an
example for other similarly disposed potentates
who desired to protect their Jewish subjects from
injury and violence. This statute, which consisted
of thirty clauses, aimed especially at affording pro-
tection to the Jewish inhabitants of Austria against
murder and assault. If a Christian killed a Jew, he
was to suffer the extreme penalty of the law ; if he
wounded him, he was to be compelled to pay a
heavy fine, or lose his hand. If the murderer of a
Jew could not be convicted by means of direct proof
of the commission of the crime, but strong circum-
stantial evidence fixed the deed on him, then the
relatives or friends of the Jew could appoint a
champion to meet the accused in a duel. A Chris-
tian who made a murderous attack upon a Jewess
was sentenced to the loss of his hand. Grave
charges involving the persons or property of Jews
were not to be determined by the evidence of a
Christian, unless a Jewish witness confirmed the
misdemeanor. A Christian who kidnapped a Jewish
child for the purpose of compulsory baptism, was to
be punished as a thief. The statute of Frederick
the Valiant also allowed the Jews to exercise their
own jurisdiction, so that the judges of the land could
have no power over them. The synagogues and
cemeteries of the Jews were also to be respected by
Christians, and the latter were liable to heavy pun-
ishment for any outrage upon them. The statute
further guaranteed to all Jews the privilege of free
passage and free trading throughout the country,
and the right to loan money on pledges. The rates
of interest were limited, but were permitted to be
sufficiently high. The right of accepting pledges,
which had been granted to members of the Jewish *
religion, was strictly regulated as an object of vital
importance for both the Jews and the Duke. This
decree, moreover, shielded them against paying

CH. XVII. STATUTE OF FREDERICK THE VALIANT. 569

extortionate sums to the Christians for the convey-
ance of Jewish corpses from place to place. The
Archduke Frederick remarked, that he conceded
these privileges to the Jews, in order that "they
also might participate in his grace and good wishes."
This statute also proved beneficial to the Jews of
other lands, for within twenty years it was intro-
duced into Hungary, Bohemia, Greater Poland,
Meissen, and Thuringia, and later on into Silesia.

A duke of inferior rank thus set the example of
protecting the Jews against caprice by means of
fixed laws. The powerful emperor Frederick II
thereupon censured Frederick the Valiant for his
friendly attitude towards the Jews, and he, who him-
self had been expelled from the Church, published
an edict that the Jews of Austria should be rigor-
ously excluded from all public offices lest the race,
condemned to perpetual slavery, oppress the Chris-
tians through its office-holding members. With par-
ticular satisfaction he pronounced the sentence that
the Jews, wherever they were located, were the " servi
cameras" of the emperor. He adhered so strictly to
the canonical decrees of the Lateran Council against
them, that he was even more rigorous than the
kings of Spain in executing the law which compelled
the Jews in his hereditary provinces to wear a dis-
tinguishing badge, and he crushed them under a
load of taxes. . It is true that he permitted those
who had come to Sicily from Africa (whence they
had fled before the fanatical fury of the Almohades),
to take up their residence under his sway. But
whilst he remitted taxes from other colonies for ten
years, he at once burdened the Jewish immigrants
with heavy imposts, and restricted them to agricul-
tural pursuits. He, indeed, promised his " servi
camera " especial protection, but nevertheless he
treated them as a despised race of human beings.
Henceforward the three powers of Christianity, the
princes, the Church, and the people, combined to
utterly destroy the feeblest of nations.

570 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

When Pope Gregory IX gave orders for another
crusade to be preached, the warriors of the cross
assembled in Aquitania, made an attack upon the
Jewish communities of Anjou, Poitou, in the cities
of Bordeaux, Angouleme, and elsewhere, in order
to compel them to accept baptism. But as the Jews
remained steadfast to their faith, the crusaders acted
with unprecedented cruelty towards them, trampling
down many of them beneath the hoofs of their
horses. They spared neither children nor pregnant
women, and left the corpses lying unburied, a prey
to wild beasts and birds. They destroyed the
sacred books, burnt the houses of the Jews, and
possessed themselves of their property. On this
occasion, more than three thousand persons per-
ished (in the summer of 1236), whilst more than
five hundred accepted Christianity. Once again did
the surviving Jews complain to the pope of this un-
endurable cruelty. The pope felt himself obliged
to send a letter about the matter to the prelates of
the Church in Bordeaux, Angouleme, and other
bishoprics, and also to King Louis IX of France
(September, 1236), in which he deplored the events
that had taken place, and signified that the Church
desired neither the utter annihilation of the Jews,
nor their compulsory baptism. What, however,
could occasional letters of admonition avail against
the bitter feeling of abhorrence towards the Jews
that had been stirred up by the Church ? The other-
wise noble and well-disposed monarch, Louis IX,
was so ruled by his prejudice that he could not bear
to look at a Jew. He encouraged the conversion
of the Jews in every way, and permitted the children
of converted fathers to be torn away from their
mothers, who still adhered to Judaism. The Jews
had only one means wherewith to appease the rage
that was kindled against them, and that was —
money. In England, by its influence, they induced
King Henry III to proclaim throughout his terri-

CH. XVII. USURY IN FRANCE. 5/1

tories that no one should offer any injury to a Jew.
But this means proved to be a double-edged sword
that turned against the very people it was intended
to benefit. In order to raise large sums of money,
the Jews were compelled to charge extortionate in-
terest, and even to have recourse to fraud. In this
way, they incurred the hatred of the populace, and
subjected themselves to further outrages. The
repeated complaints about their usury prompted
Louis IX to fix the rate of interest, and in many
cases to remit a portion of the debts owing to Jews.
But when this same king determined to repress
usury, and called together a number of barons to
decide upon the matter, the latter asserted that the
peasants and merchants were unable to dispense
with loans from the Jews, and that the Jews were
preferable to the Christian money-lenders, because
the latter oppressed their Christian debtors with
still higher rates of usurious interest.

In the midst of all these troubles, petty inflictions
and persecutions, there was only one spot in which
the Jew might feel himself quite happy, and was
able to forget his sufferings. The house of learning,
where young and old gathered together in order to
study the Talmud, was their only haven of peace.
Absorbed in their study, the Talmud enthusiasts be-
came entirely oblivious of the outer world, with its
bitter hate, its malicious laws and its cruel tortures.
Here they were princes, the majesty of thought cast
a halo about their brows, and their delight in spiritual
activity transfigured their features. Their whole
happiness consisted in solving some difficult pro-
blem in the Talrnud, or in throwing light upon some
obscure point, or in discovering something new
which had escaped the notice of their predecessors.
They looked neither for office nor honor in reward
for their profound studies, and received no tangible
recompense for their nocturnal vigils. They desired
only to gratify their intense longing for knowledge,

5/2 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

to satisfy their sense of religious duty, at best, assure
themselves of reward in the hereafter. The all-
important occupation for all was study, and the
flower of all scholarship was the Talmud. As soon
as a child was able to lisp, he was led on the morn-
ing of Pentecost from his house to the synagogue
or "school," with his eyes veiled, in order that they
might not encounter anything profane. There the
Hebrew alphabet, in its usual and also in a reversed
order, and some appropriate verses were read to
him. He was rewarded with a honey cake and an
egg, with Scriptural verses inscribed on them. The
day on which the child was first introduced to the
Law was celebrated by his parents and the whole
congregation as a festive occasion. If he proved
at all intelligent, he was allowed to begin the Tal-
mud, after having spent some time over the Bible.
To be a student of the Talmud was esteemed the
highest honor. Disgrace was the portion of the
ignoramus (Am ha-Arez). A studious youth passed
many years in the house of learning even till the
time of his marriage ; and to the end of his life the
earning of his livelihood was held to be of secondary
importance, and the study of the Talmud the aim
of his existence. This absorbing study of the Tal-
mud was certainly one-sided, but there was some-
thing ideal about it. The hand of the enemy had
up to this time not violated this inner sanctuary.
The temporal authorities did not concern them-
selves about the matter, the clergy had no power
over the domestic affairs of the Jews ; here excom-
munication itself proved ineffectual.

This domestic peace of the Jews was, however,
soon to be destroyed ; even from their intellectual
asylum they were to be driven forth. The leader
in the movement was a baptized Jew, who incited
the temporal and the spiritual powers against his
former co-religionists. A man, named Donin (or
Dunin), a Talmudist from La Rochelle, in the north

CH. XVII. INNER LIFE Ot THE JEWS. §73

of France, conceived doubts of the validity of the
Talmud and the oral law. For this he was excommu-
nicated by the French rabbis. Having no position
either among Jews or among Christians, Donin
determined to accept baptism, and assumed the
name of Nicholas. Filled with hatred against the
rabbis and the Talmud, the apostate determined
to revenge himself on both. Probably urged on by
the clergy, he became the instigator of the great
autos-da-fe of the Jews and their writings, and it
was he that occasioned the bloody persecution in
Poitou. His appetite for revenge was, however,
not yet satiated. Donin or Nicholas betook him-
self to Pope Gregory IX, and brought charges
against the Talmud, saying that it distorted the
words of Holy Writ, and that in the Agadic por-
tions there were to be found disgraceful repre-
sentations of God ; that in spite of this, it was held
in higher estimation by the rabbis than the Bible,
and finally that it was filled with abuse against the
founder of the Christian religion and the Virgin.
Donin demonstrated to the pope that it was the
Talmud which prevented the Jews from accepting
Christianity, and that without it they would certainly
give up their unbelief. The excess of veneration
paid by the compilers of the Talmud to earlier law-
givers caused cruel suffering. Without considering
the sage remark of Abtalion, " Ye wise men, be
cautious with your words," they, in their desire to
immortalize every utterance, every familiar conver-
sation, every trivial controversy, and even every
joke made by one of the Tanaim or Amoraim, had
incorporated these in the Talmud, thinking that the
outer world would be none the wiser. But the sins
of the fathers were visited upon the children. On
account of various unguarded statements, the Tal-
mud was dragged before the judgment-bench to
answer these charges, and the whole of the Jewish
world, which had accepted the Talmud as its guide

574 HISTORY OF Tttfi JfiWS. Ctt. xvil.

in life, was made responsible for its contents. This
was the first time that it was thus accused, but
in the course of the century the charge was re-
peated frequently and in a more bitter spirit. The
apostate had made extracts from the Talmud, and
formulated thirty-five articles, upon which he based
his charges. Some of these alleged that the Tal-
mud contained many gross errors and absurdities,
and also rank blasphemies against God ; in others,
it was stated that it upheld dishonesty and duplicity
in intercourse with Christians ; others again asserted
that the Talmud insulted and blasphemed Jesus,
the Virgin, and the Church. Compared with the
spiteful attacks which the Evangelists, the Church
Fathers down to Hieronymus and Augustine, and
various ecclesiastical scholars have made, with the
intention of humiliating and injuring the Jews, the
few passages in the Talmud concerning Jesus seem
harmless jests ; but the Church was waging success-
ful war against the Synagogue, and was very sensi-
tive to any disrespectful utterance. In his charges
against the Talmud, Nicholas-Donin had, however,
distorted the truth. He had stated that the Tal-
mudical writings taught that it was a meritorious
action to kill even the best among the Christians ;
that a Christian who rested on the Sabbath day or
studied the Law was to be punished with death ;
that it was lawful to deceive a Christian ; that Jews
were permitted to break a promise made on oath ;
and he had made many other lying assertions.

The guilt of the Talmud, which implied that of
the Jews, seemed unmistakable to Pope Gregory,
for whom the apostate had drawn up these grounds
of accusation, and to whom he had communicated
them both by word of mouth and in writing. He
immediately dispatched to the heads of the Church
in France, England, Castile, Aragon, and Portugal,
transcripts of the list of charges tabulated by
Nicholas, and commanded them to confiscate all

CH. XVII. NICHOLAS-DONIN AND THE TALMUD. 57$

copies of the Talmud — on the morning of the first
Saturday in Lent, when the Jews assembled in their
synagogues — and to hand them over to the Domi-
nicans and Franciscans. He also wrote to the
monarchs of those countries, and called upon them
to support the Church with their temporal power.
The pope further admonished the provincials of the
two orders of monks, who had inquis'itorial power
over books and doctrines, to submit the contents
of the Talmudical writings to an examination ; and
if their judgment corroborated the charges of
Nicholas-Donin, they were to burn the volumes of
the Talmud (9 June, 1239).

Thus a new weapon for the destruction of Judaism
was brought into play, and had this papal decree
been rigidly executed, the spiritual life of the Jews,
which was intimately bound up with the Talmud,
would have been endangered in its most vital part.
The pope gave Nicholas a special letter to be
delivered to William, Bishop of Paris, which charged
him with the vigorous persecution of the Talmud in
France, the chief seat of Talmudical erudition, and
the original home of the Tossafists.

However, when the pope's edict was to be exe-
cuted, it appeared that the pretended Vicar of God
upon earth did not really possess, even in the
zenith of his power, the great influence he was sup-
posed to have. Only in such places where personal
interests and passions were concerned did the
princes thoroughly carry into effect the violent
policy of the pope ; otherwise, unless the rulers
were particularly bigoted, but little heed was paid
to papal decrees even in the Middle Ages. The
command of Gregory to confiscate the Talmud was
entirely disregarded in Spain and in England, at least
there is no record of any hostile measures in these
countries. Only in France, where the priest-ridden
and weak-minded Louis IX, having attained his
majority, had nominally assumed the reins of gov-

576 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

ernment, was the Talmud really confiscated. The
Jews were compelled under penalty of death to
surrender their copies (March, 1240). The Talmud
was then put on trial. Four distinguished rabbis
of northern France were commanded by the king
to hold a public disputation with Nicholas, either to
refute the imputations leveled against the Talmud,
or to make- confession that it contained abuse
against Christianity and blasphemies against God.
Each of these rabbis was to be examined separately,
and to give replies to the accuser.

The four rabbis who were summoned to act as
advocates on behalf of the Talmud were Yechiel
(Vivo) of Paris, Moses of Coucy, who had re-
turned from his embassy to Spain, Jehuda ben
David of Melun, and Samuel ben Solomon of
Chateau-Thierry. Yechiel, who was more elo-
quent than his associates, and, besides, had more
frequently entered into theological discussions with
antagonists who belonged to the Church, was first
called, unaccompanied by his friends. He was not
asked to controvert the accusations made against
them, but to confess that these were founded on
truth. The disputation was held in Latin at the
royal court (on the 5th of Tamuz — 25th June,
1 240), in the presence of the bishops of Paris and
Senlis, of many Dominicans, and of the wise queen-
mother Blanche, who for all practical purposes was
at the head of affairs. At first Yechiel refused to
answer. He based his objection upon the consti-
tution of the popes, which had assured independence
to the Jews in their domestic concerns. He re-
marked that the Talmud was the very essence of
their life, in behalf of which numbers of Jews were
prepared to die. The queen, however, allayed his
fears by assuring him that their lives were in no
danger ; she would protect them, and he was only
required to answer the questions asked of him.
When Nicholas demanded that Rabbi Yechiel

CH. XVll. YECHIEL OF PARIS. 577

should take an oath to answer to the best of his
knowledge and ability, as otherwise he might
attempt to pervert the truth by subtleties and
evasions, the rabbi refused to do so. He said that
never, in the course of his life, had he taken an oath,
and that he would not invoke the name of God in
vain. Thereupon the queen released him from the
necessity of taking an oath. The discussion which
now took place turned upon the two points, whether
there were in the Talmud immoral sentiments and
offensive passages against the Deity, and whether
it contained- insulting remarks concerning Jesus.
Yechiel disproved the charge of blasphemy and
immorality. With regard to thd second of the
accusations, he asserted that there could be no
doubt that many odious facts were related in the
Talmud concerning a Jesus, the son of Pantheras ;
these, however, had no reference to Jesus of Naza-
reth, but to one of a similar name who had lived
long before him. He himself believed that this
declai"ation was true, and affirmed it with the
solemnity of an oath. Tradition and Talmudical
chronology had misled him into believing that the
Jesus whose name occurred in the Talmud was not
identical with the founder of Christianity. Yechiel
also contended, among other things, that the Father
of the Church, Hieronymus, and other Church
Fathers, who were acquainted with the Talmud,
had never asserted that it contained sentiments hos-
tile to the Christian faith, and that Nicholas was the
first one to raise these false imputations, inspired as
he was with feelings of malice and revenge against
his former co-religionists, who had expelled him from
their community on account of his heresy.

The examination of Yechiel of Paris lasted two
days, during which the Jewish congregations fasted,
and offered up prayers to God to avert misfortune
from their heads. On the third day, the second
rabbi, Judah of Melun, was examined, without hav-

578 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

ing been previously allowed to confer with Yechiel,
who was kept in custody. In the main, he agreed
with the statements of Yechiel, that the defamatory
passages in the Talmud concerning Jesus did not
refer to the man who was held in such great honor
by the Christians, and that the Talmud was indis-
pensable to the religious life of the Jews. The two
renjaining rabbis were not required to undergo an
examination. As the result of this three days' dis-
cussion (2 5th-2 7th June, 1240), the commission,
which had been appointed to make an inquiry into
the Talmud, condemned it to be burnt, on the
ground that Yechiel and Judah of Melun had been
compelled to admit the truth of several of the
charges. The sentence of condemnation, however,
remained unexecuted. It appears that Archbishop
Walter. (Guatier) Cornutus, of Sens, a prelate in-
fluential with the king, had interceded on behalf of
the Jews, and had succeeded in having many of the
confiscated volumes restored to their owners. From
a Christian source of information, which was in-
tended to calumniate the Jews, but which only
points conclusively to the corruptibility of the
Church dignitaries of the time, it is gleaned that
this prelate was won over to the side of the Jews
by a bribe. The French Jews were filled with
great joy at the unexpected issue of this event
which was of such vital importance to them, and
celebrated the day on which the copies of the Tal-
mud were restored to them as a day of rejoicing.
But they had begun to exult too early.

The prelate who had raised his voice in favor of
the Jews died suddenly ; the fanatical monks saw
in this a heaven-sent punishment for his befriending
the Jews, or persuaded the weak-minded and docile
monarch that it was so. Thereupon he commanded
that the volumes of the Talmud and similar writings
should be sought for, and taken away from their
possessors by force. Four-and-twenty cartloads

CH. XVn. CONFISCATION OF THE TALMUD. 5/9

of them were brought together in one spot in Paris,
and committed to the flames (Friday, Tamuz — June,
1242). Two young men, pne a Provencal and the
other a German, named respectively Abraham Be-
daresi arid Meir, of Rothenburg, wrote each an elegy
upon this event. The French Jews or the French
students of the Talmud, who imagined that they
could as little exist without the Talmud as without
their souls, did not remain passive in quiet endurance
of their grief. They turned to Pope Innocent IV,
the successor of Gregory IX, and begged that they
might be permitted to retain their Talmudical writ-
ings, without which they could not fulfil their re-
ligious obligations. Their petition was acceded to.
The new pope promulgated a decree that they
were not to be deprived of those writings which
contained nothing antagonistic to Christianity
(1243), and under this description the Talmud
could be included, as the Christian clergy were un-
able to discriminate between one work and another.
The fanatics, however, among whom was the papal
legate, Odo, of Chateauroux, continued to agitate
against this edict, till they induced the pope to give
his sanction to the sentence of condemnation that
had been passed upon the Talmud.

The grief of the French Jews on account of these
events was heartrending. They felt as if their very
hearts had been torn from them. The pious men
among them kept the anniversary of the burning
of the Talmud as a fast. One good effect, however,
sprang from these wholesale methods of destruc-
tion. The opponents of the Maimunists were, to a
certain extent, disarmed, and the fierce passions of
the parties engaged in internal conflict were stilled
for the moment. Jonah Gerundi was the sole sur-
vivor of the chief antagonists of the Maimunist
teaching. But a short time before he had given
the writings of Maimuni to the Dominicans and the
Franciscans in Paris to be thrown into the flames.

580 HISTORY OF THE JEWS.

CH. XVII.

As soon as Jonah became aware of the bitter hos-
tility of the monkish orders of the Inquisition to the
Talmud, which was so highly revered by him, he
very deeply regretted that he had employed them
as the instruments of his hate against Maimuni, and
beheld in the burning of the Talmud a divine punish-
ment for his having allowed the writings of Maimuni
to be consumed by fire. He was so overwhelmed
by the sense of his injustice that he publicly, in the
synagogue, confessed his sincere repentance, and
announced his intention of making a pilgrimage to
the grave of Maimuni, there, veiled in mourning, to
prostrate himself and, in the presence of ten per-
sons, to implore the pardon of this great and pious
man. For this purpose he set out on a journey,
left Paris, and stopped at Montpellier, where he
also made public confession of his remorse for his
procedure against Maimuni. This act reconciled
the two . parties. The opponents cast aside all
feelings of rancor, and treated each other as
brethren. In his discourses, he repeatedly men-
tioned the name of Maimuni with the respect due
to that of a holy man. This conversion possessed
so much the greater importance, as Jonah was a
rabbinical authority, and the author of several Tal-
mudical works, which were held in high estimation.
From this time forward the whole history of the
Jews alternated between restrictive laws and bloody
persecutions, which were repeated from year to
year, now at one place, now at another, but prin-
cipally in Germany, where the intolerant Church
had transformed the naturally mild-tempered people
into tigers. When the Mongols and Tartars, the
savage warriors of Jenghis-Khan, made their inroads
into Europe, ravaged Russia and Poland, and pene-
trated to the borders of Germany, the Jews were
accused of having secretly aided this enemy of
Christianity. Instead of directing their charges
against Emperor Frederick II and the pope, who,

CH. XVII. REPENTANCE OF JONAH GERUNDI. 58I

engaged in an obstinate feud, looked on quietly
whilst the savage conquerors were advancing, the
rage of the deluded populace, based upon ground-
less imputations of guilt, was directed against the
Jews of Germany. There were, indeed, Jewish
soldiers among the Mongols, from the independent
tribes of Khorasan, or, as the legends call them,
the remnant of the Ten Tribes who were shut in by
the Caspian mountains. Had the German Jews
any knowledge of their kinsmen among the Mongol
hordes ? Had they any secret understanding with
them ? The story was circulated in Germany that
the Jews had offered to supply the Mongols with
poisoned provisions. Under this pretext they had
attempted to provide them with weapons of all kinds
enclosed in casks. A vigilant guard at the borders,
having his suspicions aroused, insisted on having
the casks opened, whereupon the plot was revealed.
This tale was received with general credulity, and
was the cause of much suffering to the German
Jews.

As if the representatives of the Church had not
yet done sufficient harm to the Jews, they deter-
mined to deprive them of their only remaining posi-
tion of influence in Christian society. The practice
of medicine was in the hands of Jews principally ;
indeed, nearly every prince and noble had his pri-
vate Jewish physician, who possessed more or less
influence over the mind of the one whose body was
entrusted to his skill. The clergy, who were seldom
gentle as doves, but often full of cunning, could
not suffer this influence of the Jews over the
powerful rulers of the land. The Church council at
Beziers was the first to pay special attention to the
question of Jews' practising the medicinal art.
Under the presidency of the Archbishop of Nar-
bonne, this council, which also inflicted all kinds of
hardships upon the Albigensian heretics, renewed
many ancient restrictions. They enacted that Jews

582 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

should not be allowed to possess Christian servants
or nurses, and that they should not be eligible to
offices of trust. They were not to leave their homes
during Passion Week ; they were to pay to the
Church an annual sum of six dinars for each family.
Upon their breasts they were bidden to wear a dis-
tinctive badge, that of a wheel, and they were for-
bidden to sell meat in public. To these laws there
was added a canonical decree that Christians should
not seek the services of Jewish physicians, under
penalty of excommunication (May, 1246). These
restrictive enactments were repeated by a council
held in the south of France, in .which district the
Jews had conferred distinction upon the healing art.
Three generations of the Tibbon family had acted
as instructors to Christian physicians, and now the
third member of the family, Moses (who flourished
1 250-1 285 in Montpellier), the translator of philoso-
phical and medical writings, was commanded to dis-
continue practising among Christian patients. An-
other writer on medicine, and a practical physician,
Shem-Tob ben Isaac of Tortosa (born 1 206, com-
posed his works about 1 261-1264), delivered public
discourses on the healing art to Christian audiences
in Marseilles, and made them acquainted with the
results of the Arabic schools. This physician pre-
sents an instructive instance of the Jewish zeal for
knowledge. In his youth he was taught exclusively
in the Talmud ; later he forsook this study, and be-
came a merchant, making journeys across the sea,
and going as far as the last remaining seat of the
former Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, Jeaii d'Acre
(Accho). Here one of his co-religionists, who was
engaged in the study of mathematics, upbraided
him for having considered science subordinate to
the earning of a livelihood. Owing to this rebuke,
although over thirty years of age, Shem-Tob Tortosi
changed his plan of life, hastened from Accho to
Barcelona, and made study his primary pursuit,, and

CH. XVII. JEWISH PHYSICIANS. 583

the earning of his livelihood a subsidiary one. He
studied medicine, and became so proficient that he
was able to translate the writings of the best Arabic
physicians; and to deliver lectures upon the healing
art. These and many other Jewish physicians were
now, in pursuance of the edict of the council at
Beziers, to be driven forth from the temple to which
they alone, it may almost be said, in all Christen-
dom possessed the key.

However, although the Church held the souls of
the faithful captive and in a state of mystification,
yet their bodies remained rebelliously opposed to
her and her decisions. This canonical law could
not, therefore, long retain its force. In sickness
even the most bigoted Christian called in the aid of
the clever Jewish physician. When Alfonso, Duke
of Poitou and Toulouse, the brother of the fanatical
king, Louis IX, under whose patronage the anti-
Jewish councils at Beziers and Alby had taken place,
was afflicted with some disease of the eye, he was
perforce obliged to invoke the assistance of Abra-
ham of Aragon, a skilful Jewish oculist. The lord
of Liinel was driven to use great efforts, and to
seek the good offices of his Jewish agent, in order
to induce the wealthy and independent Jewish
physician to attend to the French prince. In Mont-
pellier, the seat of a famous college of medicine,
Jewish physicians continued for a long time to be
permitted to take the examinations, to practise, and
even to give instruction.

The frequent massacres of the Jews, which for
ten years had been taking place in Germany and
France, especially on the charge of the murder of
Christian children, induced the German and French
congregations to apply for protection to Pope Inno-
cent IV, and to explain to him that the charge that
they employed the blood and hearts of human
beings was a lying invention, concocted solely for
the purpose of seeking an occasion for murder and

584 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

robbery. At this time, Innocent lived in partial
exile at Lyons, whither he had been forced to retire
owing to his dispute with Emperor Frederick II.
He yielded to the entreaty of the Jews, either
because he deemed it necessary, in view of his
strained relations with nearly all the temporal
powers, to appear just, or because the Jews had
liberally supplied him with the means of which he
was so covetous, to enable him to overcome his
bitter opponents. His greed for money was the
subject of a biting satire, describing how the god-
dess Pecunia rules the world, the Church never
closing its doors against her, and the pope willingly
receiving her in his arms. Innocent I.V dispatched
a bull from Lyons (July 5, 1247) to the Church dig-
nitaries of France and Germany, in which, for the
first time, the repeated baseless and fiendish imputa-
tions against the Jews were officially contradicted.
" Certain of the' clergy, and princes, nobles and
great lords of your dioceses have falsely devised
certain godless plans against the Jews, unjustly de-
priving them by force of their property, and appro-
priating it themselves ; they falsely charge them
with dividing up among themselves on the Passover
the heart of a murdered boy. Christians believe
that the Law of the Jews prescribes this to them,
whilst in their Law the very reverse is ordained.
In fact, in their malice, they ascribe every murder,
wherever it chance to occur, to Jews. And on the
ground of these and other fabrications, they are
filled with rage against them, rob them of their pos-
sessions without any formal accusation, without
confession, and without legal trial and conviction.
Contrary to the privileges graciously granted to
them from the Apostolic chair, and opposed to God
and His justice, they oppress the Jews by starva-
tion, imprisonment, and by other tortures and suffer-
ings ; they afflict them with all kinds of punishments,
and sometimes even condemn them to death, so

CH. XVII. INNOCENT IV'S BULL. 585

that the Jews, although living under Christian
princes, are in a worse plight than were their an-
cestors in Egypt under the Pharaohs. They are
driven to leave in despair the land in which their
fathers have dwelt since the memory of man. Since
it is our pleasure that they shall not be distressed,
we ordain that ye behave towards them in a friendly
and kind manner. Whenever any unjust attacks
upon them come under your notice, redress their
injuries, and do not suffer them to be visited in the
future by similar tribulations." One would imagine
that so decisive a condemnation of the blood-accu-
sation would once for all have disposed of these
false charges. But the papacy had so impregnated
men's hearts with the feeling of hatred against the
Jews, that a mild expression of opinion from one or
the other of the popes passed idly away as a breath
of wind.

The so-called St. Louis was literally more papal
than the pope himself. His weak mind lent its
ready aid to all the fanatical measures taken against
the Jews. When the wild idea occurred to him of
entering upon a new crusade, he confiscated the
property of certain Jews in order to obtain money
for the campaign. Whilst waging war in Egypt in
furtherance of the crusade, he was taken prisoner
(April-May, 1250). He was jeered at by the Ma-
hometans, because he, the most Christian king,
suffered the enemies of Christianity to remain in his
kingdom. He thereupon, on his release, promul-
gated an edict for the banishment of all Jews, with
the exception of handicraftsmen, from his hereditary
lands. However, his prudent mother, the queen
Blanche, probably paid little heed to this reckless
command. On her death, however, and the subse-
quent .return of Louis to France (December, 1254),
the king seriously set about expelling the Jews. Their
landed property, synagogues and cemeteries, were
forfeited to the crown. What Philip Augustus had

586 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

done from apparently political motives, Louis, the
saint of the Church, did from fanaticism. But on
this, as on the former occasion, the period of exile
viras not long. As before, the edict affected only
those Jews w^ho dwelt in the king's own territories ;
and even then those who lived by the labor of their
hands were excepted. A few years later, permis-
sion was granted to the exiles to return, and their
synagogues and cemeteries were restored to them.
It is a noteworthy fact that the spiritual activity
of the French Jews, the ingenious exposition of the
Talmud by the Tossafists, in no degree ceased on
account of these miseries, but continued undisturbed
for some time longer. The Talmud was burnt ;
the teaching of it was again prohibited by Louis,
and still, in this very time, the pious itinerant
preacher, Moses of Coucy, composed his great
work on the Law. In this he combined, in a clear,
synoptical manner, the elements of the Talmud
with the religious ordinances of the Bible, pro-
ceeding on the basis of the Code of Maimuni.
Another famous Talmudist, Samuel ben Solomon
Sir Morel, of Falaise, prepared a new collection of
Tossafoth, just at the time when the Talmud was
proscribed (i 252-1 259) ; he possessed no copy of
the Talmud to work from, because the Dominican
spies had deprived him of it, and he was compelled
to rely upon his memory. Moreover, Yechiel of
Paris had three hundred students of the Talmud in
his academy, to whom he delivered discourses,
probably from memory. But this activity could not
long continue ; there were too many obstacles to be
encountered. The French congregations had be-
come impoverished by the frequent demands for
money and the confiscation of their property.
Whilst formerly France had sent money for the
support of the Jews in Asia, Yechiel was now com-
pelled to send a messenger to Palestine and the
neighboring lands to procure supplies for the main-

CH. XVII. THE LAST OF THE TOSSAFISTS. 58/

tenance of his academy. Yechiel felt himself
obliged to leave his native land and to emigrate
to Palestine (to Jean d'Acre). He was one of the
last representatives of the French Tossafist school,
which had developed so much ingenuity and critical
acumen, but was now gradually declining and
approaching its fall. The Church was succeeding
in altogether destroying the Talmudical spirit which
had its chief home in France. The last followers
of the school of Tossafists in France were only
compilers, who endeavored to bring the results
of the labors of past scholars iuto proper form
and order. Prompted by the conviction that the
study of the Talmud was declining, and that even
the rabbis were at a loss for correct decisions,
Isaac ben Joseph, of Corbeil, the disciple and
son-in-law of Yechiel of. Paris, wrote a concise
manual of such religious duties as were of prac-
tical importance to the Jews in their dispersion
(Semak). He strove to render his book as popular
and pleasing as possible, for he could not at that
time depend upon its being easily understood by
the bulk of the people in any other form, and he
sent a letter to the congregations of France and
Germany asking them to make copies of his work,
and to spread the knowledge of it. The Tossafist
method of study perished before the fanaticism
of the mendicant friars and the bigotry of King
Louis IX.

In England, throughout the long reign of King
Henry III (1216-1272), the condition of the Jews
grew worse and worse. Henry, indeed, was not a
tyrant like his father, John Lackland, and was at
first kindly disposed towards the Jews. During
his minority, whilst the regent held the reins of
office, the Jews were treated with great indulgence.
Commands were given to the sheriffs to protect
them against the violence of the mob ; and distinct
and impressive orders were given to the clergy not

588 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

to assume any power over the Jews. Henry, or
the regent, permitted foreign Jews to land and
settle in any part of England without paying any
special tax for the privilege ; and he forbade the
native Jews, not, indeed, from any particularly tender
feeling towards them, to quit the country. Henry,
as his father had done, appointed a chief rabbi over
all the Jewish congregations (presbyter Judseorum).
The first man to hold this office was Joceus (Jose?);
Aaron of York succeeded him, and the last to hold
the post was Elias, of London. This appointment
was for life. The English chief rabbi possessed
very great authority over the members of his
community. He was at the same time royal
overseer (justitiarus) of the revenues of the crown
which were obtained from the Jews. He, together
with certain Jewish and Christian colleagues, had
to keep a register of the property of the Eng-
lish Jews in the Rolls (rotuli) ; to see also to the
payment of the Jew-tax into the treasury, called
the Exchequer of the Jews ; and also to deliver up
to the royal exchequer the property of men who
had died without heirs, this property escheating to
the crown. If the chief rabbi did not wish to
occupy himself with financial matters, he could ap-
point a substitute with full powers. Finally, he
was invested with the authority to excommunicate
members of his community who refused to obey
his decrees, or who would not contribute towards
the burdens of the congregation. Henry III at first
energetically restrained the intolerance of the
Church. On one occasion, when the Archbishop
of Canterbury, in order to prevent intercourse
between Christians and Jews, issued a decree pro-
hibiting all Christians, on pain of ecclesiastical cen-
sure, from selling any kinds of food to Jews, the
king countermanded the interdict. Whilst the
French Jews were being robbed and massacred
by the crowds of crusaders, Henry exerted him-

CH. XVn. THE JEWISH PARLIAMENT. 589

self to prevent the spreading of this spirit of
fanaticism over his domains.

But this considerate treatment of the Jews did
not last long. Henry III was of a reckless, thought-
less nature, and very extravagant. He lent a ready
ear to all that his friends advised. He was espe-
cially guided by the legates and financial agents
of the pope, who had been sent to loot this rich
land, and who, like a long-enduring epidemic, caused
much injury to England, and stirred up revolts and
civil war. On the one hand, he was in great need
of a very large sum of money, and on the other, the
influence of the Church was continually growing
stronger. In order to replenish his almost empty
coffers, Henry levied a poll-tax upon the Jews, even
upon newly-born infants. A portion of every debt
contracted between Jews and Christians was to be
paid into the royal treasury. The bonds for debts
owing to Jews were therefore registered and ex-
amined with suspicious care, lest an attempt be
made to defraud his majesty. The bonds had to
be attested by several witnesses, and a copy of
them deposited in the city archives. The ordinary
Jew-taxes, however, did not long satisfy the king,
who was involved in debt, and very lavish in his
expenditure. Enormous sums were extracted from
the congregations, now under one pretext, now
under another. The clergy furnished the oppor-
tunities. Sometimes the Jews were accused of
making away with their baptized brethren, and of
circumcising Christian boys. Upon such charges,
individuals or even whole congregations were cast
into prison, and released only on payment of a
heavy ransom. All this, however, presents no
novel features. Something entirely new and origi-
nal was done when the king summoned a Jewish
Parliament. He issued writs to all the English
communities, commanding the larger ones to re-
turn six representatives from among their distin-

590 HISTORY OJf THE JEWS. CH. XVIl.

guislied men, and the smaller ones two, who were
to assemble before the king, in Worcester, on the
Sunday before Lent. The Jewish Parliament in
Worcester numbered over one hundred members.
The king in his message stated that they were to
take counsel together for their own and his majesty's
welfare. But it is scarcely possible that the Jews
allowed themselves to be lulled by the deceptive
promise that liberties would be conceded to them.
Henry assembled his ordinary Parliament only
when he was in urgent need of supplies. Accord-
ingly, he informed his Jewish Parliament that it
was to collect large sums of money for him, and
the Jews dared not make any objections. Finally,
the Parliament elected trustworthy men to assess
the money for each congregation, and to see to its
payment. If the apportioned sums of money were
not forthcoming, the collectors were made answer-
able, on penalty of imprisonment of themselves,
their wives, and their families. When at length,
Henry had extorted enough from the Jews, and a
feeling of shame prevented him from demanding
any more money from them, he pledged them, on
certain conditions, to his brother Richard, who had
even less consideration for them.

The Church now began her canonical extortions
and cruelties. The clergy prevailed on the king,
who was their puppet, to prohibit the Jews from
erecting any new house of prayer ; they were not
to utter their prayers aloud in their synagogues,
and especially they were to wear the conspicuous
Jew-badge on their garments. Many other enact-
ments to a similar effect were passed. The life of
the Jews became so intolerable by reason of this
double tyranny of Church and State, that their
chief rabbi Elias, together with a few colleagues,
twice declared to the king, in the name of the con-
gregations, that they could not pay the taxes that
were continually being demanded from them, and

en. XVII. UNJUST EXACTIONS. 5$!

they must ask leave to quit the country. Hovirever
sorry they might be to depart from their native
land and to forsake their homes, they preferred
it to the miserable condition in which they now
were. But it was of no avail. The Jews were
obliged to remain in England against their will ;
they were forced to surrender their last farthing,
and to resort to usury in order to replenish their
coffers. An account, which is still extant, gives
some idea of the exactions made by Henry III. The
Jews were required to collect within seven years
the sum of ^422,000 sterling. One Jew, Aaron
of York, was compelled to pay to the king, in seven
years, the sum of 30,000 marks of silver, besides 200
marks of gold to the queen. As the chief rabbi
Elias was not sufficiently severe in raising money
for the king, Henry deposed him, and granted the
Jews the privilege, on payment of a certain sum, of
electing their own spiritual leaders.

Meanwhile, in England also, the usual charge of
child-murder was made against the Jews. The Do-
minicans, with their poisonous eloquence, zealously
called for their punishment. Several of them were
thrown into prison ; but they were freed by the
Franciscans. Matthew Paris, the malicious chroni-
cler of the period, remarks, concerning the affair,
" Dame Rumor has it that the Minorites' friend-
ship for the Jews was bought by a bribe." This
statement does not, indeed, go to prove the guilt
of the Jews in the charge of child-murder, but that
the Franciscans had for once permitted themselves
to be bought for a just cause. The constant agita-
tion of the fanatical Dominicans against the Jews
had filled the people with deep hatred against this
race. At the time when the Commons were ad-
mitted by law as the Third Estate, and rose against
the despotic rule of the monarch, they made an
attack upon the Jews in London, pillaged their
treasures, and murdered 1500 of them (Easter

592 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

week, 1264), The surviving Jews fled for safety
to the Tower, where the king granted them his
protection ; their houses, however, fell into the
hands of the plundering barons. The Jews be-
came so impoverished by these assaults that they
were not able to pay the ordinary taxes, and Henry
was obliged to remit payment for the space of
three years, in order to avoid reducing them to a
state of total destitution (1268). Besides, the king
and the Parliament forbade their buying fee estates,
or, in general, real property from Christian owners
(1270).

Superficially compared with their brethren in
England, France and Germany, the Jews in Spain
at this time appeared to be living in paradise.
In Castile, Alfonso X (i 252-1 284), who was called
the Wise, even by his contemporaries, was king.
He had a veritable and strong affection for science,
and encouraged its pursuit. He emulated the
fame of his Mahometan predecessors, Abderrah-
man III and Alhakem. His father, Ferdinand
the Holy — a title always synonymous with the
Intolerant — was not particularly gracious towards
the Jews, but the son, who in no respect was in
accord with him, appeared desirous of pursuing an-
other course of action. In the war against Seville,
which he conducted whilst still heir-apparent, there
were many Jewish soldiers in his army. When this
city was captured, and the district was being par-
titioned among the warriors, the Infante Alfonso
looked well to the interests of his Jewish allies. He
allotted to them certain lands, where they might
form a village exclusively Jewish (Aldea de los
Judios). He transferred three mosques, which they
turned into synagogues, to the Jews of Seville. The
latter had probably helped him in the capture of the
city, as they had been very wretched under the rule
of the Almohades, having been compelled to live as
Mahometans. A large portion of the town, which

CH. XVII. ALFONSO X. 593

was separated from the rest of the city by a wall,
belonged to them (under the name of Parternilla de
los Judios). Out of gratitude towards the victor,
the congregation of Seville presented him with a
valuable, artistically wrought key, with a Hebrew
and Spanish inscription, which ran as follows : —
" The King of kings opens, the king of the land will
enter." When Alfonso ascended the throne, he
entrusted many important official positions to the
Jews. Don Meir de Malea, who was a cultured
man, and a student of the Talmud, was treasurer to
this monarch, and bore the title of Almoxarif. He
appears to have performed his functions in this
office in so excellent a manner that his son, Don
Zag (Isaac), succeeded him in the position. It be-
came the custom in Castile for a long space of time
to select Jews as Chancellors of the Exchequer, not
only because they were better informed on financial
matters than the Spanish hidalgos, but because they
managed in a more trustworthy and skilful manner;
Many other Jews were admitted to the court of
Alfonso. He employed a Jewish physician, Don
Judah ben Moses Cohen, who at the same time was
his astronomer ' and astrologer. The king, who
was himself engaged in the study of astrology and
alchemy" to a great extent, had astronomical works,
and a book upon the qualities of certain stones,
translated by learned Jews, from Arabic into Cas-
tilian. At this period, as in earlier times, there
were very few Christian scholars acquainted with
Arabic, although they were surrounded by Arabs,
and the Jews here, as in most places, had to furnish
the means of communication. Churchmen who had
not forgotten their Latin then translated the Cas-
tilian version made by the Jews into the language
of the Church. The king was accustomed to call
the reader of prayers in the synagogue of Toledo
"his sage." This man was Don Zag (Isaac) Ibn-
Said (Sid), one of the most distinguished astrono-

594 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

mers of his age. Alfonso commissioned this pre-
centor, Don Zag, to draw up astronomical tables,
which work renders the name of this sovereign more
famous than his warlike deeds and his political
wisdom. Up to the time of the recent discoveries in
astronomy, those engaged in this study made use of
the "Tables of Alfonso," which more appropriately
should be termed the tables of Zag or of Said.
There was a third Jewish scientist at the court
of Alfonso, Samuel Halevi, whose name is asso-
ciated with an ingenious water-clock, which he in-
vented, and fashioned at the order of the king. The
representatives of the Church were naturally very
much incensed that the Jews held these important
positions at court, and the Pope Nicholas III there-
upon, with characteristic selfishness and presump-
tion, reproached the king with a long list of sins,
and pointed out that many evils arose because Jews
were preferred to Christians.

However, although Alfonso admitted many cul-
tured and able Jews to court, and employed their
talents, yet the condition of the Jews of Castile
under his rule was by no means so favorable as
one might at first sight expect. 'Alfonso was not
altogether free from the prejudices of his time.
The spirit of hatred of the Jews, which had been
stirred up by Innocent III, had taken its hold
upon him, as upon Emperor Frederick II, whose
place he had been elected to fill by a certain fac-
tion. Alfonso deserved the honorable title of " the
Wise " only in a limited sense, seeing that he acted
very unwisely in political matters, and in his rela-
tions with the Church was by no means so enlight-
ened as Frederick II. As a favor to the clergy, or
because he was a bigot, he placed many restrictions
upon the Jews, and reduced them to a degraded
condition. It is not quite certain whether the Visi-
gothic collection of laws (called Forum Judicum,
fuero juzgo) was translated into Castilian by Al-

cH. Xvit. Alfonso's coOe. 59S

fonso. or by his father. From this collection the
Spaniards acquired their ineradicable hatred against
the Jews. Whether Alfonso is responsible for this
or not, it is nevertheless well known that he aimed
at reducing the Jews to a miserable state by a
series of enactments of his own.

He compiled for all the peoples of his kingdom a
bulky code of laws, divided into seven groups, and
written in Castilian (1257-1266). In this work there
are many references to the Jews, in fact a whole
section of the code treats solely of them. It is
there stated : "Although the Jews deny Christ, they
are suffered in all Christian countries, so that they
may remind everybody that they belong to that
race which crucified Jesus. Since they are merely
tolerated, they must keep themselves quiet and un-
obtrusive, must not openly preach the doctrines of
Judaism, nor attempt to make any converts to their
religion." The law of Alfonso attached the pen-
alty of death to the conversion of a Christian to
Judaism. It asserts that in ancient times the Jews
were held in respect, and called the people of God,
but by their wickedness against Jesus, they had
forfeited this distinction, and no Jew was ever to
obtain any dignity or fill any public office in Spain.
Alfonso included in his code of laws every possible
restriction which fanaticism and hatred had ever
devised against the Jews. They were prohibited
from building new synagogues, from having Chris-
tian servants, and from intermarriage with Chris-
tians. Jews and Jewesses were to wear a peculiar
mark upon their head-dress, and any person who
was seen without this mark was condemned to pay
a fine of ten pieces of gold, or if he was poor, to
receive ten stripes with the scourge. Jews and
Christians were not to take their meals together,
nor bathe in company. Alfonso also incorporated
the ordinance that Jews should not appear in the
public streets on Good Friday. The wise Alfonso

596 rtisToRY OF the; Jews. ch. XVil.

gave credence to the lying story that the Jews
every year, on Good Friday, crucified a Christian
child, and therefore framed a law that whoever was
found guilty of this crime, or whoever crucified a
wax figure on this day, should be put to death. In
vain had Pope Innocent IV declared the falsehood
of this accusation, and proved the innocence of the
Jews. When a pope was heard to speak in a
favorable manner of the Jews, his infallibility was
discredited, even by a cultured monarch who held
intercourse with Jews. It is hard to believe that
the king who kept a private Jewish physician pro-
mulgated a law to the effect that no Christian
should take any medicine prepared by a Jew. It
must be considered a great concession to the Jews,
that Alfonso decreed that their synagogues were
not to be profaned or dishonored, that they were
not to be coerced to undergo baptism, were not to
be summoned before a court of justice on their
festivals, and were simply to take the oath upon
the Torah, without any further degrading cere-
mony, such as was sometimes added in Germany.

The laws of Alfonso with regard to the Jews had
no practical importance for the time being ; his
code obtained the force of law only at a much later
date. Alfonso himself transgressed the very laws
concerning the Jews which he had laid down, when
he permitted Jews to hold offices of trust. Never-
theless, his collection of laws exercised a most
prejudicial effect upon the Jews of Spain. It set
up the canonical standard as that of the state, and
contributed towards transforming their paradise
into a veritable hell. The laws of Alfonso are in
force at the present day in Spanish America, whilst
his astronomical tables have been forgotten.

The Jews in the kingdom of Aragon suffered
even worse treatment than those of Castile. Here,
two influences were at work, making their condition
a most humiliating one. The king Jayme (Jacob I),

CH. XVII. RAYMOND DE PENYAFORTE. 597

who reigned for a long time, had possessions in the
south of France, and often came into contact with
the bigoted St. Louis and his councilors. From
them he acquired the theory of the proper treat-
ment of Jews. He also looked upon them, with all
their possessions, as the chattels of the sovereign,
his "servi camerae," serfs. No Jew was allowed
to place himself under the protection of a noble-
man. There was an advantage in this: it with-
drew the Jews from the jurisdiction of the clergy.
A law was made by Jayme which expressly stated
that the Jews were not to be treated either as
prisoners or as slaves. They were nevertheless
exposed to the arbitrary action of the reigning
sovereign, which was not limited by any law or
custom. The second pernicious influence emanated
from the Church and its blind zealots. The general
of the Dominicans was Raymond de Penyaforte,
the collector of the papal decretals, the precursor
of Torquemada, whose whole soul was absorbed by
the task of elevating the power of the papacy and of
the infallible Church above that of the state. This
gloomy and evil-minded monk was the confessor of
King Jayme. The king of Aragon had loved much,
and sinned greatly, and was thus in constant need
of his father-confessor, and dependent on him ; and
though he did not always obey his will, in his treat-
ment of Jews and Mahometans, he did his bidding
gladly. The main purpose of Penyaforte's exer-
tions was to convert Jews and Mahometans. In
the higher schools, conducted by the Dominicans,
Penyaforte had also Hebrew and Arabic taught, so
that the preaching friars might use their knowledge
of those languages in effecting conversions.

A young man of this order, named Pablo Chris-
tiani, a baptized Jew, who was like Nicholas-Donin
in disposition, was the first missionary preacher for
the conversion of the Jews. He journeyed about in
the south of France and in other places, invited the

598 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. ' CH. XVII.

Jews to enter into discussion with him, and sought
to demonstrate to them that the Messianic character
and the divinity of Jesus were confirmed in the
Bible and the Talmud. As his mission was crowned
with little or no success, De Penyaforte resolved on
arranging a public disputation on the relative merits
of Judaism and Christianity at the royal court, be-
tween Pablo Christiani and Moses Nachmani, the
most famous rabbi in Spain. If the rabbi was con-
verted, Penyaforte hoped to effect without any diffi-
culty the wholesale acknowledgment by the Jewish
communities of the truths of the Christian faith.
Nachmani received a letter of invitation from King
Jayme to come to Barcelona and enter upon a
solemn discussion (1263).

Nachmani made his appearance, and, contrary to
his desire, was obliged to declare himself willing to
take part in the disputation. However, he did it
with dignity, and represented the religion of his
fathers before a Christian king in as honorable a
manner as Philo of Alexandria had done twelve
hundred years before, in the presence of a heathen
emperor. At the outset Nachmani told Jayme and
his confessor Penyaforte that he was ready to take
part in this contest only on the condition that com-
plete freedom of speech be granted him, so that he
might meet his opponent on a footing of equality.
The king consented to this stipulation. When
Penyaforte thereupon remarked that he must not
avail himself of this liberty of speech to revile and
blaspheme Christianity, he replied, with dignity, that
he knew the rules of common courtesy. The dis-
cussion between Nachmani and Pablo Christiani, if
compared with that between Yechiel and Nicholas-
Donin, clearly reveals the superiority of the Spanish
Jews over their brethren of northern France. The
rabbi of Paris and the Dominican Donin fought like
two fierce pugilists, assailing each other with heavy
blows of the fist, accompanied by words of abuse ;

CH. XVII. DISPUTATION AT BARCELONA. 599

the rabbi of Gerona and the Dominican Pablo, on
the other hand, met Hke two cultured noblemen,
who dealt blows with an air of politeness, and with
due observance of the etiquette of refined society.
This disputation at Barcelona lasted for four
days (beginning on the 20th July). It took place
in the palace of the king, and in the presence of the
whole court and of many distinguished ecclesiastics,
knights and citizens. Many Jews were probably
among the audience. Nachmani at the very begin-
ning clearly defined the points to be discussed.
The points of difference between Judaism and
Christianity were so numerous, he remarked, that
it was advisable to pay attention only to the most
essential among them. The topics of discussion
which he suggested were, first, whether the Messiah
had appeared or not ; next, whether the Messiah,
according to the prophecies of the Bible, was to be
considered as God, or as a man born of human
parents ; and finally, whether the Jews or the Chris-
tians were in possession of the true faith. The
king and all those interested in the matter expressed
their approval of this proposed plan. It is peculiar
that whilst Nicholas-Donin accused the Talmud on
the ground that it contained scurrilous attacks upon
Jesus and the Christians, Pablo Christiani based his
argument on the opposite contention, that the Tal-
mud recognized Jesus as the Messiah. This state-
ment it was, of course, easy for Nachmani to refute.
Pablo's chief proof rested upon Agadic passages,
but Nachmani had at the beginning of the discus-
sion carefully guarded against this method of attack,
by emphatically asserting that he did not believe in
these and other Agadic stories. The Dominican
now declared that an interpretation such as he sug-
gested was heresy, as though he knew better than
the rabbi what was orthodox in Judaism and what
infidelity. His Jewish antagonist, however, would
not allow himself to be disconcerted by such re-

600 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

marks, and said in justification of his position that
it behoved a Jew to believe in the truth of the Bible
and in the exposition of the Talmud in all points of
religious practice ; but, on the other hand, he was
perfectly at liberty to reject or accept the Agadic
interpretations, which were to be regarded only as
sermons (sermones), as they were conformable or
opposed to his views. Nachmani made another
bold remark. He said " that he had more re-
gard for the Christian monarch than for the Mes-
siah." This statement he justified by saying that it
was more meritorious for himself and for all Jews to
keep the precepts of their religion whilst under a
Christian ruler, in exile, and suffering humiliation
and abuse, than to observe them when dwelling
in prosperity and freedom under a powerful
Jewish king. The Messiah was to be regarded as
nothing more than a king of flesh and blood.
Nachmani did not neglect to bring forward an im-
portant objection to the Messianic character of
Jesus, which had been employed by ancient polem-
ical writers. All the prophets had foretold, that at
the time of the Messiah a more elevated standard
of morality would prevail among mankind, and
especially that all war and bloodshed would cease.
But since the appearance of Jesus, the world had
really become filled with violence and injustice.
The Christians were considered to be the most
warlike among the nations, that is to say, the people
that shed most blood. Then turning to the king,
Nachmani said, " It behoves thee, and thy knights,
O king, to put an end to all thy war-making, as the
beginning of the Messianic era demands."

When Nachmani had been debating for three
days, with candor combined with dignity, about the
doctrines of Christianity, the Jews of Barcelona
entreated him to break off the disputation, as they
feared the persecution of the Dominicans. Many
knights and clergymen also warned him against

CH. XVII. PABLO CHRISTIANI DEFEATED. 6oI

being carried toa far by his frankness. The Chris-
tian inhabitants of Barcelona interested themselves
in behalf of the Jews, and desired to avoid all
provocation. Nachmani told the king of the feel-
ing that prevailed, but he wished the disputa-
tion to continue. The intellectual tournament was
therefore resumed. Nachmani finally proved vic-
torious, as Pablo could not cope with his well-
directed arguments. At the end of the discussion,
the king said to Nachmani in a private audience,
that he had never heard so unjust a matter defended
so skilfully. The Dominicans, however, sought to
spread the report that Pablo Christiani had con-
trived to outwit his opponent so cleverly that the
latter, overwhelmed with shame, had secretly fled.
So far from running away, Nachmani remained in
Barcelona for another week, as a rumor had got
abroad that his majesty and the Dominicans in-
tended to visit the synagogue on the following
Saturday. They did really appear in the syna-
gogue, and Pen.yaforte resumed the disputation
there. He illustrated the doctrine of the Trinity
by wine, which possesses the qualities of color,
taste and smell, and is yet a unity. It was an easy
task for Nachmani to offer a complete reply to
these and similar analogies, and he at last drove
the confessor of the king to make the dangerous
acknowledgment that the idea of the Trinity was so
profound a mystery that even the angels were
unable to comprehend it. Thereupon Nachmani
remarked, "If this is really the case, then no re-
proach ought to be made to men, if they cannot
surpass the angels in wisdom." Before his de-
parture, Nachmani was again admitted to an audi-
ence with the king, and dismissed with a friendly
farewell. The king gave him three hundred mara-
vedis as a mark of respect.

The consequences of this disputation at Barce-
lona were by no means harmless. De Penyaforte

602 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

was resolved upon compassing the conversion of
the Jews, and permitted nothing to turn him from
his fixed determination. He obtained from King
Jayme a letter of protection which would enable
his protege Pablo Christiani to go on long mis-
sionary journeys, and thus the Jews were exposed
to the caprice of the Jewish Dominican friar. What
had failed of success in Barcelona, with an antago-
nist like Nachmani, might perhaps be successful in
other places with less skilful opponents. Strict
commands were issued to the congregations in
Aragon, and in the adjoining districts of southern
France, to enter into discussion with Pablo Chris-
tiani at his invitation. The Jews were to listen to
him quietly, either in their synagogues or wherever
they chanced to be, to answer his questions meekly,
and to hand over to him all such books as he re-
quired for his demonstrations. They were also to
defray the expenses of his mission. The despair
of the Jews at such demands may well be imagined.
Whether victorious or defeated,, they were sub-
jected to torments and extortion.

As in spite of the protection granted to him by
the king, Pablo Christiani did not meet with a
hearty welcome among his former co-religionists,
he followed in the footsteps of Nicholas-Donin, and
denounced the Talmud, asserting that it contained
passages of hostile import directed against Jesus
and Mary. He went to Pope Clement IV, and
repeated to him the charges against the Talmud.
The pope, at his request, issued a bull (1264) to
the Bishop of Tarragona, commanding him to con-
fiscate copies of the Talmud, and to submit them to
the examination of the Dominicans and Franciscans ;
if found to be blasphemous, they were to be burnt.
Pablo Christiani, the apostate, in person brought
this bull to Spain. Thereupon King Jayme ordered
(1264) that the Talmud be examined, and the pass-
ages containing abuse and slander be struck out.

CH. XVII. DOMINICAN CENSORS OF THE TALMUD. 603

The duty of acting as censors was entrusted to the
Bishop of Barcelona, De Penyaforte, and to three
other Dominicans, together with Pablo Christiani.
This commission marked the passages in the Tal-
mud which were to be obliterated, and thus for the
first time censorship was exercised by the Domini-
cans against the Talmud in Spain. The censorship
was on the whole less destructive in Aragon than
in France, where the whole Talmud was condemned
to the flames. The reason of this comparative
mildness was explained by the fact that Raymond
Martin, a member of the Dominican order and of
the board of censors, and the writer of two anti-
Jewish works, was convinced that several passages
in the Talmud bore witness to the truth of Christi-
anity, and were certainly traditions derived from
Moses, and that therefore the Talmud should not
be utterly destroyed.

The hurtful effects of the disputation of Nach-
mani have not yet been enumerated. They even
affected the man himself, who was the accredited rep-
resentative of Spanish Judaism in the post-Maimunic
age. Nachmani found himself obliged to publish,
for his co-religionists, a true and accurate report of
the proceedings at Barcelona, in order to oppose
the missionary machinations of Pablo Christiani, and
to rebuke the unjustifiable vainglory of the Domi-
nicans over the victory, which they declared that
they had gained at the disputation held at the court.

He made no secret of the matter, but gave a
copy of his pamphlet to the Bishop of Gerona, and
as the latter raised no objection, copies of the
account of this disputation were dispatched to
various countries where Jews dwelt (about 1264).
As might have been expected, Nachmani by this
proceeding drew down upon himself the still fiercer
hatred of the Dominicans. Pablo Christiani, who
obtained a report of the disputation, and who under-
stood Hebrew, selected from it passages that con-

604 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

tained gross blasphemies against the Christian
religion, and notified De Penyaforte, his superior,
the fanatical general of the Dominicans, of them.
The latter then, in conjunction with a brother friar,
instituted a capital charge, and lodged a formal
complaint with the king against the author and his
work. Don Jayme was obliged to assent to the
charge ; but he did not entrust the trial to a court
composed of Dominicans, but called together an
extraordinary commission, and invited Nachmani
(or as he was called by the Christians, Bonastruc
de Porta) to defend himself, and ordered that the
proceedings be conducted in his presence. Nach-
mani was in a very unpleasant position, but his
staunch truthfulness did not fail him. He admitted
that he had stated many things against Christianity
in his pamphlet, but he had written nothing which
he had not used in his disputation in the presence
of the king ; and he had asked from the king and
the general of the Dominicans for liberty of speech
to utter these things, and had obtained permission.
He ought not to be made answerable and condemned
for expressions in his written account which had
remained unrebuked in his oral defense.

The king and the commission acknowledged the
justice of his vindication ; nevertheless, in order to
avoid provoking the order of the Dominicans or De
Penyaforte, Nachmani was sentenced to exile from
his native land for two years, and his pamphlet was
condemned to be burnt. The Inquisition had not yet
attained an all-powerful position. The Dominicans
were, however, by no means satisfied with this com-
paratively mild sentence, as they had expected a
much more severe punishment. It appears that
they intended to summon Nachmani before their
own tribunal, where they would undoubtedly have
condemned him to death. King Jayme offered
energetic opposition to this project. He gave to
Nachmani a sort of charter, which stated that he

CH. XVli. MAChMANl EXILED. 6oS

could be accused in this matter only in the presence
of the king (April, 1265). The Dominicans were
naturally very much enraged at the mildness of the
king, and at the apparent encroachment on their
judicial prerogative to decide upon questions of life
and death. They appealed to Pope Clement IV,
complaining that the king had permitted the author
of a pamphlet which grossly insulted Christianity to
go unpunished. The pope, who at that time was
harboring other grudges against the king of Aragon,
addressed a very severe epistle to him. He up-
braided him for a number of sins, ordering him to
deprive Jews of public offices, and to inflict heavy
punishment on that arch-villain who, after taking
part in a religious discussion, had published a
pamphlet as a trophy of his heresy (1266). It
cannot be fully ascertained whether the king obeyed
the pope regarding Nachmani or not, or what his
sentence was. At any rate, it appears that one
punishment was meted out to him, namely, that he
was to be banished from the country. At the age
of seventy, Nachmani left his fatherland, his two
sons, his school and his friends, and went into
exile. He made his way to the Holy Land, being
filled with the same intense longing as his spiritual
kinsman, Jehuda Halevi. He went a step further
than the latter, maintaining that it is the religious
duty of every Jew to dwell in Judaea. Thus fate
had done him a kindness, assisting him in the per-
formance of a command, and helping him to fulfil
his ardent desire. He set out on his journey by
ship, and landed at Jean d'Acre (1267), which at
that time was still in the hands of the Christians.
Thence he made haste to start for Jerusalem (9th
Ellul — 1 2th August).

Nachmani's feelings were deeply stirred on be-
holding the condition of the Holy Land and the
Sacred City. He suffered even keener disappoint-
ment than Jehuda Halevi. The Mongols or Tar-

6o6 HISTORY OF THfi JEWS. CH. XVIt.

tars, under the Sultan Hulagu, had committed
fearful ravages in the land a few years previously
(1260). This savage monarch, after conquering
the eastern Caliphate, had turned his attention to
the Sultanate of Egypt, captured the fortresses
on the Euphrates, Damascus, Aleppo, and Baal-
bek, and forced his way into Palestine. Jerusalem
was transformed into a heap of ruins ; all its
inhabitants had forsaken it (1260). The Jews had
connected these extraordinary events with their
hopes for the Messiah. The "hateful, deformed
men of the East," who had subdued both the
oppressors of Israel, the followers of Jesus and of
Mahomet, might perhaps bring near unto Israel the
hour of redemption. An enthusiast circulated a
new revelation said to have been given through
Simon bar Yochai, the medium so frequently ap-
pealed to by mysticism, and it declared that the
devastations of the Mongols were the sufferings
which must precede the coming of the Messiah.

Nachmani entered Palestine a few years after the
Mongols had been expelled from the country by the
Sultan of Egypt. He beheld many ruins, and apos-
trophized them in eloquent words, saying, " The
more holy the place, the greater its desolation ;
Jerusalem is more desolate than the rest of Judaea,
and Judaea in turn more desolate than Galilee."
The Jews of the Holy City had either been slain or
scattered ; the scrolls of the Law had been rescued
by some who fled to Shechem. Two thousand Ma-
hometans and three hundred Christians had again
settled in Jerusalem, but only one or two Jewish
families were discovered there by Nachmani, and,
as before, they enjoyed the privilege of farming the
dye-works. The Jewish pilgrims, who had come to
Jerusalem from Syria, erected a synagogue at Nach-
mani's suggestion. Upon Mount Olivet, opposite
the ruins of the Temple, Nachmani breathed forth
his deep distress over the desolation of the Holy

CH. XVn. NACHMANI IN THE HOLY LAND. 607

City ; but it was not the song of Zion that arose
from his excited mind. Nachmani did not possess
that divine gift of grace, the poetical genius of
Jehuda Halevi^ the fancy that is able to re-people
deserts,, re-establish destroyed kingdoms, chasten
sorrow, and ease the heart from pain. He uttered
his lament in the verses of other poets.

This exile from Spain did not rest content with
erecting synagogues and organizing congregations
in the land which for a long time had been his
spiritual home, but he also founded in it a home for
the study of Jewish science, which had died out there
since the conquest of Jerusalem by the crusaders.
He gathered a circle of pupils around him, and
people came in crowds even from the district of the
Euphrates to hear him. Even Karaites are said to
have sat at his feet, as for instance Aaron ben
Joseph the Elder, who became famous in later
times. Although he was no friend of free scientific
thought, and thoroughly adhered to Talmudic Ju-
daism, yet Nachmani, as a son of Spain, had ob-
tained sufficient general culture to fertilize the
desert of the Oriental Jews. Even his theory of
the Kabbala, which he first transplanted into Pales-
tine, where it afterwards spread far and wide, had
at least the merit of presenting new points of view,
of which his co-religionists, either on account of their
ignorance or their partiality for the Talmud, had
no idea. He strove at least to explain the
irrational in a rational manner, and thus com-
bated stupidity and indifference. He was par-
ticularly successful in arousing an interest in the
exposition of Holy Writ, of which the Oriental
Jews were entirely ignorant. With this end in
view. Nachmani composed his Commentary to
the Bible, and especially his chief work, the Expo-
sition of the Pentateuch, In this work he brought
into play his peculiar genius, his warm and tender
disposition, his power of clear thinking, and his

6oS HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVII.

mystical dreams. Like numberless men before and
after him, he discovered his own philosophy in this
Book of books, and interpreted it from his point of
view. He did not make much of the Kabbala in his
Commentaries ; merely touched upon it lightly.
But precisely by his careless allusions, he magnified
its importance. Narrow, enthusiastic minds searched
eagerly for the hidden meaning of these suggestions,
and took more notice of Nachmani's Kabbalistic
hints, than of the clear ideas to be found in his
work.

Nachmani's method of exegesis did not altogether
escape the reproach of his contemporaries, chiefly
because in his Commentary he made attacks upon
Maimuni, and spoke still more violently against
Ibn-Ezra. A devotee of philosophy and two en-
thusiastic students of it wrote a refutation of his
works, prefacing it by a satire, in which the mysti-
cism of Nachmani was especially made ridiculous.
Pious men, on the other hand, held him in high
honor as a particularly orthodox rabbi, and just as
his Talmudical works were diligently read and used,
so his Commentary became a favorite study of the
mystics.

During his three years' stay in Palestine, Nach-
mani kept up a correspondence with his native
land, whereby Judsea and Spain were brought into
closer connection. He sent copies of his works to
his sons and friends, and gave them descriptions
of the condition of their ever unhappy ancestral
country. He thus once again awoke an ardent
longing for the Holy Land, and induced several
persons of an enthusiastic turn of mind to emigrate
thither. Nachmani died after having passed the
age of seventy (about 1270), and his remains were
interred in Chaifa, next to the grave of Yechiel of
Paris, his companion in misfortune, who had gone
into exile before him.

CH. XVII. nachmani's works. 609

Nachmani exercised more effect upon his con-
temporaries and the succeeding age by his person-
ality than by his writings. His numerous pupils,
among whom the most renowned was Solomon ben
Adret, made the teaching of Nachmani predominant
among the Spanish Jews. Inspirited and unwaver-
ing attachment to Judaism, a deep regard for the
Talmud and complete resignation to its decrees, a
dilettante knowledge of the science of the time and
of philosophy, the recognition of the Kabbala as
extremely ancient tradition, to which was given
respect, but not research, these are the distinctly
characteristic traits of the Spanish rabbis, and of
the representatives of Judaism in the succeeding
age. Henceforth Spanish rabbis seldom occupied
themselves with philosophy or with any other branch
of learning, or even with the exposition of the
Bible. Their minds were devoted only to the
Talmud, whilst the sciences were cultivated only
by non-rabbinical scholars. The simple method
of Biblical interpretation taught by Ibn-Ezra and
Kimchi was completely neglected.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE AGE OF SOLOMON BEN ADRET AND ASHERI.

Martyrs in Germany— The Jews of Hungary and Poland — The Coun-
cil at Buda — The Jews of Spain and Portugal — Solomon ben
Adret, his character and writings— Raymund Martin's anti-
Jewish Works — New antagonism to the Maimunist Philosophy —
David Maimuni — Moses Taku — Meir of Rothenburg — The Jews
of Italy — Solomon Petit — Rudolph of Habsburg — Emigration of
Jews from the Rhine Provinces — Sufferings of the English Jews
— Expulsion of the Jews from England and Gascony— Saad-
Addaula— Isaac of Accho.

1270 — 1306 c. E.

If Jewish history were to follow chronicles, me-
morial books and martyrologies, its pages would
be filled with descriptions of bloodshed, it would
consist of horrible exhibitions of corpses, and it
would stand forth to make accusation against a
doctrine which taught princes and nations to be-
come common executioners and hangmen. For,
from the thirteenth till the sixteenth century, the
persecutions and massacres of the Jews increased
with frightful rapidity and in intensity, and only
alternated with inhuman decrees issued both by
the Church and the state, the aim and purport of
all of which were to humiliate the Jews, to brand
them with calumny and to drive them to suicide.
The prophet's description of the martyrdom of the
servant of God, of the Messianic people, was ful-
filled, or repeated with terrible literalness : " He
was oppressed and he was aflflicted, yet he opened
not his mouth : he is brought as a lamb to the
slaughter, and as a sheep before her shearers is
dumb, so he openeth not his mouth. He was taken
from prison and from judgment .... for the trans-
gression of my people was he stricken." The
nations of Europe emulated one another in exer-

610

CH. XVril. RUDOLPF? OF HABSBURfi. 6ll

cising their cruelty upon the Jews ; and it was
always the clergy who, in the name of a religion of
love, stirred up this undying hatred. It mattered
little to the Jews whether they lived under a strict
government or under anarchy, for they suffered
under the one no less than under the other.

In Germany they were slain by thousands during
the troubles which, after the death of the emperor
Frederick II, and till the crowning of Rudolph of
Habsburg as emperor, arose from the strife be-
tween the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. Every
year martyrs fell, now in Weissenburg, Magde-
burg, Arnstadt, now in Coblenz, Sinzig, Erfurt, and
other places. In Sinzig all the members of the
congregation were burnt alive on a Sabbath in
their synagogue. There were German Christian
families who boasted that they had burnt Jews, and
in their pride assumed the name of " Jew-roaster "
(Judenbreter). The Church took good care that
her flock should not, by intimate intercourse with
Jews, discover that they were like other human
beings, and so be made to feel sympathy for them.
In Vienna, during the contest for the imperial
throne of Germany, a large assembly of churchmen
met (i2th May, 1267) under the leadership of the
papal legate Gudeo. Most of the German prelates
took part in it, and gave much attention to the
question of the Jews. They solemnly confirmed
every canonical law that Innocent III and his suc-
cessors had passed for the branding of the Jews.
Jews were not allowed to have any Christian ser-
vants, were not admissible to any office of trust,
were not to associate with Christians in ale-houses
and baths, and Christians were not permitted to
accept any invitation of the Jews, nor to enter into
discussion with them. As if the German people
desired to show that it could surpass all nations in
scorn of the Jews, the members of the council at
Vienna did not rest content with the command that

6l2 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

the German Jews should wear a mark on their
dress, but they compelled them to assume a dis-
figuring head-dress, a pointed, horned hat or cap
(pileum cornutum), which provoked the mockery
of the gamins. Bloody persecutions were the
natural outcome of such distinguishing marks.

In France the clergy did not find it necessary to
urge upon their princes, by threats, the degradation
of the Jews. The saintly Louis, on his own account,
busied himself with this matter. A year before his
adventurous journey to Tunis, where he met his
death, he emphasized, at the instigation of his
much-beloved Pablo Christiani, the Jewish Domin-
ican, the canonical edict which ordained the wearing
of the badges. He ordered that this badge should
be made of red felt or saffron-yellow cloth in the
form of a wheel, and should be worn on the upper
garment both on the breast and the back, " so that
those who were thus marked might be recognized
from all sides." Every Jew found without this
badge was to be punished, for the first offense, with
the loss of his garment, and for the second, with a
fine of ten livres of silver to be paid into the treasury
(March, 1269). The Jews of northern France, ac-
customed to ill-usage, and, as it were, dulled by it,
easily yielded ; but not so the Jews of Provence,
who, being educated and in friendly intercourse
with cultured Christians, would not submit to this
ignominy. Hitherto they had contrived to escape
from wearing the badge, and thought that they would
be able to do so on this occasion also. The con-
gregations of the south of France thereupon sent
deputies to take counsel for the general welfare ;
and they in turn selected two distinguished men,
Mordecai ben Joseph, of Avignon, and Solomon,
of Tarascon, who were to go to court, and try to
effect the abrogation of this law. The Jewish dele-
gates met with success, and they returned home with
the joyful news that the edict which commandfed

CH. XVIII. THE "badge" IN PROVENCE. 613

the wearing of the badge had been rescinded. But
Philip III, the successor of Louis, and equally
bigoted and narrow-minded, re-introduced the law
a year after his accession to the throne (1271).
The Dominicans took great care to see that it was
not transgressed. Several distinguished Jews, such
as Mordecai, of Avignon, and others, who would
not submit to this disgrace, were imprisoned. This
wearing of a badge by the Jews remained in force
in France till the time of their expulsion from the
country.

The Church pursued the sons of Jacob with its
implacable hate to the very border-line between
Europe and Asia. The people of Hungary and
Poland, who had not yet laid aside their primitive
state of barbarity and their warlike ferocity, were
in greater need of the services of the Jews than the
nations and states of Central and Western Europe.
The Jews, with their commercial habits and their
practical skill, had perceived the abundance of pro-
duce in the districts lying on the Lower Danube,
the Vistula, and on both sides of the Carpathian
mountains, had utilized, and thus first conferred
value on, this source of wealth. Despite the zeal
with which the papacy strove to deprive Jews of
public offices, despite its efforts to restrain them
from obtaining leases for working the salt mines
and from farming the coinage and the taxes in
Hungary, it could not expel them from p6sitions
in which they were indispensable in preventing the
wealth of the country from running to waste. The
Hungarian king, Bela IV, the successor of Andrew
II, driven by stern necessity, the ravages of the
Mongols having impoverished the country, invited
Jewish agents. For the benefit of the Jews under
his dominion, Bela introduced the law of Frederick
the Valiant, of Austria, which protected them from
the violence of the mob and the clergy, conceded
to them their own jurisdiction, and allowed them

6l4 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

the control over their domestic affairs. The papacy,
however," turned its attention to the Carpathian
districts, partly for the purpose of kindling a new
crusade against the Mongols, and partly in order
to bring back to the Roman see, by means of
trickery and force, the schismatic adherents of the
Greek Church. Its spiritual armies, the Dominicans
and Franciscans, were despatched thither, and they
instilled into the hitherto tolerant Magyars their own
spirit of fanatical intolerance. A large church as-
sembly, consisting of prelates from Hungary and
the south of Poland, met at Buda (September,
1279). This convocation was under the presidency
of Philip, who was the papal legate for Hungary,
Poland, Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Lodomeria,
and Galicia, and decreed a proscription of the
Jews of these countries, which the Church executed
with logical severity. Jews and other inhabitants
of the country not belonging to the Roman Catholic
Church were to be debarred from the right of
farming the taxes, or from holding any public post.
Bishops and other ecclesiastics of higher or lower
degree who had entrusted the farming of the
revenues of their sees to the hands of Jews were
to be suspended from their holy offices. Laymen,
of whatsoever rank, were to be placed under a
ban of excommunication till they dismissed the
Jewish contractors and employes, and had given
security that henceforward they would not accept
or retain such men, " because it is very dangerous
to permit Jews to dwell together with Christian
families, and to have intimacy with them at courts
and in private houses." The synod at Buda also
enacted that the Jews of both sexes dwelling in
Hungarian territory (which included Hungary and
the provinces of southern Poland) should wear the
figure of a wheel made of red cloth on the upper
garment on the left side of the breast, and that
they should never be seen without this badge. For

CH. XVIII. THE COUNCIL AT BUDA. 6lS

the time, the exclusion of the Jews of Hungary and
Poland from Christian society had little practical
effect, for the Mahometans and the schismatic
Greek Catholics shared their proscription. These
latter were also withheld from public ofhces. The
Mahometans, too, were ordered to wear a badge of a
yellow color. The Magyars and Poles had not yet
been made so intolerant by church influence as to
adopt the refined, cruel practices of both the secular
and the regular clergy, who would have denied fire
and water to men not wearing a red or yellow sign.
The first crop of this poisonous fruit was gathered
about half a century later. The last king of the
family of Arpad, Ladislaus IV, ratified and con-
firmed the statutes of the synod in Hungary.

A similar state of affairs was to be met with in
the extreme west of Europe, in the Pyrenean
peninsula. As Mahometans here also dwelt in
proximity to Christians and Jews, the Church was
not able easily to carry out -its purpose, prompted
by intolerance, of crushing the Jews. To this it
must be added, that the higher culture of
the Jews and their participation in all internal
and foreign affairs, were circumstances in their
favor here, and they forced respect from their
enemies. Although Alfonso the Wise, king of
Castile, had promulgated a law precluding Jews
from filling state offices, yet he himself continued to
appoint Jews to important posts. Amongst others,
he promoted Don Zag (Isaac) de Malea, the son
of Don Meir, to be the royal treasurer. He was
severely rebuked for doing so by Pope Nicholas III
(1279), but still he did not remove the Jews from
their offices On one occasion, indeed, he became
very angry with Don Zag, and caused his displeasure
to be felt by the Jews generally in an ebullition of
rage ; this, however, was not out of respect for the
Church, but emanated from discordant family rela-
tions. Don Zag had large sums of money belonging

6l6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIIf.

to the state under his custody, which the king had
destined for the carrying on of a campaign. The
Infante Don Sancho, who cherished hostile inten-
tions against his father, compelled the Jewish
treasurer to surrender the public money to him.
King Alfonso was extremely enraged at this action,
and, in order to teach his son a lesson, he had Don
Zag arrested, put in chains, and thus fettered
conducted through the city where the Infante was
staying at the time. Don Sancho in vain exerted
himself to procure the freedom of the Jewish Al-
moxarif, who was suffering for no guilt of his own ;
but Alfonso at once ordered his execution (1280).
His displeasure was also visited upon all the Jews
of Castile, who were forced to expiate their kms-
man's act, which assuredly cannot be termed an
oversight. The "wise" King Alfonso issued an
injunction that all the Jews be imprisoned on a cer-
tain Sabbath, and exacted heavy fines from them,
12,000 maravedis every day for a stated period.
The congregations were thus made to replenish the
empty treasury. However, in a short time the king
had to suffer severely for the violent injustice he
had done to Don Zag. His son, who was embit-
tered against him on this account, and took the
ill-treatment and execution of Don Zag as a per-
sonal affront, openly rebelled against Alfonso, and
drew to his side the greater portion of the nobility,
the people, and the clergy. The unhappy king,
who had indulged in extravagant ideals at his
accession, and had hoped, as the emperor of Ger-
many, to found a world monarchy, felt himself so
deserted in his old age that in despair he appealed
to a Mahometan prince to come to his help, seeing
that he was "urjable to find any protection or
defender in his own land."

The condition of the Jews under Don Sancho,
who ascended the throne when his father died
grief-stricken, was tolerable, but was dependent

CH. XVIII. JEWS UNDER D0N SANCHO. 617

upon caprice. This king was the first to regulate
the payment of the Jew-tax (Juderia) by the congre-
gations of New Castile, Leon, Murcia, and the
newly-acquired provinces in Andalusia (la Frontera).
Hitherto, every Jew had paid a capitation-tax of
three maravedis (thirty dineros, about thirty-seven
cents), in memory of the thirty pieces of silver
guiltily paid for the death of Jesus. Don Sancho
assembled deputies of the congregations at Huete,
and named the total amount which every district
was required to pay into the royal coffers, leaving
it to the deputies to apportion this sum among
the congregations and families (Sept., 1290) The
commission for the newly-acquired territory in An-
dalusia was composed of four men. If these men
found themselves unable to come to an agreement,
they were to call to their aid the committee of the
congregation (Aljama) of Toledo, and especially
the aged David Abudarham, probably a highly
respected personage. The Jews of the kingdom of
Castile, whose population numbered nearly 850,000
souls, contributed 2,780,000 maravedis, part of
which was the poll-tax and part the service-tax.
In these provinces there were over eighty Jewish
congregations, the most famous being in the capital
Toledo, which, together with the adjacent smaller
cities, numbered 72,000 Jews. There were also
very large communities in Burgos (nearly 29,000),
Carrion (24,000), Cuenca, Valladolid, and Avila.
Over 3000 Jews dwelt in Madrid, which at this time
had not yet attained any degree of importance.
The king granted certain Jews who were his especial
favorites immunity from taxation. This was the
cause of much dissension, seeing that the freedom
enjoyed by these usually wealthy persons fell as a
heavy burden upon the body of the community, and
on those less endowed with worldly goods.

At this period the Jews in the new kingdom of
Portugal were very favorably placed, both under

6l8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

King Alfonso III (i 248-1 279) and King Diniz
(1279-1325). Not only were they exempt from the
canonical decrees which compelled the wearing of
a distinctive sign and the payment of tithes to the
Church, but prominent persons among them were
appointed to fill very important positions. King
Diniz had a Jewish minister of finance, named Judah,
the chief rabbi of Portugal (Arraby Moor), who was
so wealthy that he was able to advance large sums
of money for the purchase of a city. Jews and Ma-
hometans were commissioned to mete out punish-
ment to the rebellious clergy, who, at the constant
instigation of the papacy, strove to alter the national
laws in accordance with canonical decisions, thus
kindling fierce strife between the monarchy and the
Church. In order to be at peace with the quarrel-
some Church, King Diniz at length yielded, and in-
troduced the canonical laws into his country, but
made no serious attempt to carry them into effect.
Thus the Jews in the Pyrenean peninsula, in spite
of the growing encroachments of the Church, in
spite of its wicked desire to humiliate them, and
the fanatical preaching and disputations of the men-
dicant friars, maintained a position superior to that
held by Jews in the remaining countries of Europe.
Here the pulse of spiritual life was strongest, here
the character of Judaism was moulded, here ques-
tions of vital importance sprang up, were discussed,
debated with passionate energy, and finally decided.
Here the doctrines of Judaism were made the sub-
ject of warm debate, and the results of the scholar-
ship and erudition of the Spanish Jews only gradu-
ally passed into the possession of the inhabitants
of other countries and continents. Spain was once
again, as in the ante-Maimunic epoch, elevated to
the dignity of representing Judaism for the space
of two centuries, and this was effected by a rabbi
of remarkable genius. This rabbi was Solomon
ben Abraham Ben Adret, of Barcelona (abbreviated

CH. XVIII.

SOLOMON BEN ADRET. 619

into Rashba, born about 1245, died 1310). He was
a man of penetrating and clear understanding, full
of moral earnestness, of pure and unwavering belief,
of mild temperament, combined with an energetic
character, which prompted him to pursue with per-
severance anything that he had discovered to be
right. The Talmud, with its labyrinthine tracks and
its hidden corners, with all the explanations and
supplements of the Spanish and the French Tossa-
fist schools, presented no more difficulty to Ben
Adret than a child's primer, and he handled this
enormous mass of material with such ease that he
aroused the astonishment of his contemporaries.
His probity at the same time guarded him from that
subtle sophistry which had even then begun to be
adopted in the treatment of the Talmud. Ben
Adret, in Talmudical discussions, went straight to
the core of a question, and did not stoop to employ
stratagems or subterfuge. A Spaniard by birth, he
did not altogether lack a knowledge of general
science, nor disdain to pay some regard to phil-
osophy, as long as it kept within its own province^
acknowledged the doctrines of religion, and did not
intrude with the desire of becoming a ruling power.
He felt the necessity of interpreting those Agadic
stories which gave offense by their simple literal-
ness, and to explain them in a rational manner.
While on the one side, then, he did no more than
display a spirit of tolerance towards philosophy,
he, on the other, had profound respect for the Kab-
bala, perhaps because his master Nachmani had
paid such great homage to it. He confessed that
he had not dived very deep into the subject, and
maintained that his contemporaries who occupied
themselves with the study were likewise not very
profoundly initiated, and that their pretended secret
traditions were idle boasts. He desired that the
Kabbala be taught only in secret (esoterically), and
be not expounded in public. Ben Adret's greatest

62(3 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

power, however, lay in his acquaintance with the
Talmud, because this represented to him, as it had
to. his teachers, the alpha and omega of all wisdom.
In this he lived with his whole soul. Every Tal-
mudical expression appeared to him to be an
unfathomable well of the profoundest knowledge,
and he believed that a mind completely absorbed in
the study was necessary in order to reach its depths.
Such was the nature of the man to whom was
allotted the task of bearing aloft the standard of
Judaism in these greatly disturbed times, and of
combating the extravagant stories that arose on
two sides — from the philosophers and from the
Kabbalists. For forty years the authority of the
Rabbi of Barcelona was paramount in the religious
affairs of the Jews, not alone in Spain,. but also in
other parts of Europe, as well as in Asia and
Africa. Questions for his decision were sent to
him from France, Germany, Bohemia, Italy, and
even from St. Jean -d' Acre (Accho) in Palestine and
from northern Africa. Students from Germany sat
at his feet to hear him expound the Talmud. This
is the more noteworthy, as the German rabbis were
proud of the learning of their own country, and
would not admit the superiority of the academies
of any country over their own. When David,
the grandson of Maimuni, was in great need, he
turned to Ben Adret to obtain assistance. David
Maimuni (born 1233, died 1300), who, like his father
and his grandfather, was the prince (Nagid) over all
the congregations in Egypt, had been calumniated
by some evil-minded enemies before the Sultan
Kilavun, and accused of some crime. He put his
detractors under a ban of excommunication, but it
appears without effect. At all events, David hoped
to be placed on a safer footing, if he succeeded in
appeasing the Sultan by gifts of money. He
applied to Ben Adret, and laid the story of his
sufferings before him ; his request met with a ready

CH. XVni. BEN ADREt's INFLUENCE. 62 1

response. Ben Adret sent an envoy with a letter
to the Spanish congregations to collect funds, and
all the communities joyfully contributed large sums
of money to aid the grandson of the highly revered
Maimuni. Whenever any event of importance took
place within Jewish circles, Ben Adret was appealed
to for advice or assistance.

The unique distinction enjoyed by the Rabbi of
Barcelona can certainly not be attributed entirely
to his comprehensive knowledge, for at that time
there lived many learned rabbis, and even in Spain
there was one equal to him. His fellow-student
and countryman, Aaron Halevi (born about 1235,
died after 1300), was equally well grounded in the
Talmud, also composed works on the subject, and
was not his inferior even in secular knowledge.

Ben Adret, nevertheless, exercised supreme au-
thority over all the congregations, both far and
near. This superiority was conceded to him on
account of his energetic, ever ready defense of
Judaism against attacks from within and without.

The clouds, pregnant with destruction, which burst
upon the Jews of the Pyrenean peninsula two centu-
ries later, began to collect in the time of Ben Adret.
The means which the fanatical General of the
Dominicans, Raymond de Penyaforte, had devised
for the conversion of the Jews, were beginning to
be used. The attempts made in Spain during the
period of the Visigoths, on the one hand, to work
upon the feelings of the princes and legislators by
means of anti-Jewish writings, and, on the other, to
prevail upon the Jews to desert their faith, were
renewed on a larger scale. There now came forth
from the institution which had been established by
Raymond de Penyaforte for the purpose of in-
structing the Dominican monks in the literature
of the Jews and Arabs to be used as a means of
conversion, a monk, who was the first man in
Europe to sharpen weapons of learning for the con-

622 HISTORV OP THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

test against the Jews. Raymund Martin wrote two
books full of malevolent hostility against Judaism,
whose very titles announce that the prison cell and
the sword were to be employed against its ad-
herents. They are called "Bridle for the Jews,"
and " Dagger of Faith " (Capistrum Judaeorum, and
Pugio Fidei). Martin possessed a thorough know-
ledge of Biblical and rabbinical literature, and was
the first Christian who was better acquainted with
Hebrew than the Church Father Jerome. He read
with ease the Agadic works, the writings of Rashi,
Ibn-Ezra, Maimuni and Kimchi, and used them to
show that, not alone in the Bible, but also in the
rabbinical writings, Jesus was recognized as the
Messiah and the Son of God. As might be ex-
pected, Raymund Martin laid especial stress upon
the argument that the Jewish laws, although a
revelation from God, were not intended to have
force for ever, and they would lose their validity,
particularly at the time of the Messiah. To demon-
strate this point, he adduced apparent proofs from
the Agadic literature of the Talmud. He also urged
that the Talmudists had tampered with the text of
the Bible.

Although Raymund Martin's " Dagger of Faith"
was neither sharp nor pointed, and although the
book is so devoid of spirit that no person could be
seduced by it, yet it made a great impression be-
cause of the amount of learning displayed therein.
By means of the subjoined Latin translation of the
Hebrew texts. Christians for the first time were
able to peer into the recesses of the Jewish world
of thought, which had hitherto been an impenetrable
secret to them. Dominicans, eager for the fray,
were provided with weapons from this well-stocked
arsenal, and aimed blows with them which, to the
superficial observer, appeared to strike the air only,
but which were regarded by Solomon ben Adret as
fraught with danger. He very frequently had inter-

CH. Xvni. RAYMOND MARTIN. 623

views with Christian theologians, and, it appears,
with Raymund Martin himself. He heard from
them various statements, and all .sorts of argu-
ments to prove the divine character of Christianity,
and was afraid that the weak-minded and the im-
mature might be induced thereby to abandon the
Jewish belief. In order to counteract this, he wrote
a small pamphlet, in which he briefly refuted all
those arguments which were employed at the time
by Christians against Judaism. In this refutation
and justification, Ben Adret manifested a remark-
able spirit of moderation and calmness : no bitter
or passionate utterance escaped him.

His polemical writings against a Mahometan
writer are much more severe. This author, with
scathing criticism, attacked the three revealed re-
ligions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, and' di-
rected his arrows very cleverly against their weak
points. But Ben Adret's defense is feeble : it
proves the correctness of the Bible from the Bible
itself, and combats his critical opponent with Tal-
mudical weapons. He thus continually reasons in
a circle, and by no means did he achieve a glorious
victory. Ben Adret's activity was productive of
better results within the ranks of Judaism than be-
yond them. His time was one of great agitation,
in which science and religion were diverging more
steadily and noticeably than before : piety daily
widened the gulf between it and thought ; and
thought continually separated itself more and more
from the sphere of religion. The Kabbala, grow-
ing ever bolder, interfered in the fierce battle of
.opinions and religious beliefs, and cast its dark
shadows over the dimly illuminated basis of Juda-
ism. The old questions, whether Maimuni was to
be termed a heretic or not, whether his philosoph-
ical writings were to be shunned or indeed con-
signed to the flames, or whether they were to be
considered a satisfactory exposition of Jewish prin-

624 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIIl.

ciples, — these questions now burst into new life,
and again caused divisions. In Spain and in
southern France, the strife had been extinguished
by the solemn repentance of the former anti-Mai-
munist, Jonah I. Since his time, the rabbis of these
congregations held Maimuni in great reverence,
and considering his ideas as indisputably conducive
to the strengthening of religion, they made use of
them with more or less skill and lucidity of thought.
Even the most orthodox Talmudists in Spain and
Provence quoted sayings of Maimuni in their ex-
positions of religious questions. But the battle for
and against Maimuni was waged on another scene
of action. In the German and Italian communities,
it inflamed the minds of men anew, penetrated as
far as Palestine, and, as it were, enfolded all Juda-
ism in its embrace. The German Jews, who hitherto
had not shown any liking for science, and who had
limited their thoughts to the narrow circle of
the Talmud, were unacquainted with the work of
the active spirits of Montpellier, Saragossa, and
Toledo. They did not suspect that Maimuni, in
addition to his code of religious laws, which they
accepted, had left writings of a more questionable
nature. They were now rudely awakened from
their happy religious slumber, and their minds
agitated with speculations upon the consequences
involved in the Maimunist philosophy of religion.

The man who rekindled this bitter strife was a
learned Talmudist, named Moses ben Chasdai Taku
(Tachau?), who flourished from about 1250 to 1290.
An eccentric, orthodox literalist, he considered all
philosophical and rational views concerning Judaism
equal to a disavowal of the truths of the Torah and
the Talmud. Taku was quite logical in his opposi-
tion. He denounced as heretics not only Maimuni
and Ibn-Ezra, but also the Gaon Saadiah, because
the latter, in his writings on philosophy, had been
the pioneer in this path. The new study had thus

CH. XVIII. MEIR OF ROTHENBURG. 625

originated with him ; before his time it had been
unheard of in Jewish circles. Led by an unerring
instinct, Taku justly affirmed that these men had
paved the way for the Karaites. He maintained
that it was the bounden duty of every pious Jew,
who believed in the written and oral Law, to keep
himself aloof from their folly. Moses Taku, with his
curious notions, certainly did not occupy an isolated
position among the German rabbis. Other men,
who had been nurtured in the same school, un-
doubtedly were in entire agreement with him : but
they did not all possess the courage or versatility
to take part in a contest against the well-armed
representatives of the philosophical school. The
most distinguished among them was Meir ben
Baruch of Rothenburg on the Tauber (born 1220,
died 1293), on whom the last rays of the dying
school of the Tossafists continued to linger. He
probably was the first official chief rabbi in the
German kingdom, having perhaps received this
title from Emperor Rudolph, the first of the house
of Habsburg. Although he is sometimes reckoned
among the Tossafists, yet his Talmudical writings
reveal comprehensive erudition rather than origi-
nality or acuteness. He can in no way be com-
pared with Ben Adret ; however, he was an authority
in Germany and northern France. His piety was
of an exaggerated kind. It had been agreed by
the French rabbis that in winter rooms might be
warmed on the Sabbath by Christians. Meir of
Rothenburg would not allow the Sabbath to be
desecrated in this indirect way. He therefore
tightly fastened up the doors of the stoves in his
house, because the servant-maid had several times
made a fire unbidden. In general, the German
Jews were more scrupulous than those of other
countries ; they, for instance, still observed the fast
of the Day of Atonement for two consecutive days.

626 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVlII.

What position the German rabbis took in refer-
ence to the denunciation of philosophy and of Mai-
muni, revived by Moses Taku, is not authentically
known, but may be inferred from an event which
was the cause of much scandal elsewhere.

A French or Rhenish Kabbalist, who had emi-
grated to Jean d'Acre (Accho), was stirred up by
even more intense zeal than Moses Taku. This
man, whose name was Solomon Petit, made it the
aim of his life to kindle again the pyre for the
wholesale burning of the writings of Maimuni, and
to plant the standard of the Kabbala upon the
grave of philosophy. At Accho he gathered a circle
of pupils around him, whom he initiated into the
knowledge of the secret art, and to whom he related
marvelous stories in order to cast disrepute upon
philosophy. Accho was at this time a very nest of
Kabbalists and mystics, of whom the greater num-
ber were pupils of Nachmani. Although the days
of this town, the last stronghold of the much re-
duced Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, were num-
bered, these dabblers in the mystic art conducted
themselves as if they were destined to remain there
for ever. Solomon Petit thought that he could
command sufficient support to venture upon carry-
ing into execution his plan of publishing once
more a sentence of condemnation upon Maimunist
writings, of forbidding under penalties all scientific
study, and excommunicating men engaged in inde-
pendent research. His fanaticism was especially
directed against Maimuni's " Guide " (More) ; in his
opinion it deserved to be proscribed, like other
heretical works. He enlisted many followers in
Palestine to aid him in this attack on heresy. Who
would not obey, when the voice of the Holy Land
had caused itself to be heard ? Who would attempt
to justify what it had condemned ? But the zealot
Solomon Petit met with unexpected opposition.

CH. XVIU. SOLOMON PETIT. 627

At the head of the Eastern congregations at this
time, there stood an energetic man, Yishai ben
Chiskiya, who had obtained the title of Prince and
Exilarch (Resh-Galuta) from the temporal authori-
ties. Those communities of Palestine which were
under the rule of the Mahometans and of the Egyp-
tian Sultan Kilavun, naturally belonged to his dio-
cese, and he also claimed obedience from the com-
munity at Accho, although it was in the hands of
the crusaders. The Exilarch Yishai held Maimuni
in the highest respect, and was on friendly terms
with his grandson, David, the Nagid of Egypt. As
soon as he received information concerning the
doings of Solomon Petit, the mystic of Accho, he
dispatched a sharp letter to him, and threatened to
excommunicate him if he persisted in his attacks on
Maimuni and his writings. Several rabbis, whom
Yishai had called in, to add the weight of their
authority to his, expressed themselves to the same
effect. But Solomon Petit was not a man to permit
himself to be overpowered by obstacles. He under-
took a journey to Europe, visited the large congre-
gations, and described the danger of the Maimu-
nistic writings to the rabbis and other distinguished
persons. He overawed them by his knowledge of
the Kabbala, succeeded in persuading many to join
him, and announce, in documents bearing their
signatures, that the philosophical writings of Mai-
muni contained heresies, that they deserved to be
put aside or even burnt, and that no Jew ought to
read them. Nowhere did Solomon Petit meet with
such hearty support as with the German rabbis.
They showed their approval of his action in letters,
even some of those who had recently been in agree-
ment with the Exilarch Yishai.

Being assured of the assistance of the German
and of some of the French rabbis, Solomon Petit
started on his return journey through Italy, and
sought to obtain partisans in that country also ; but

628 HISTORY OF THE Jews. ch. xviii.

there he met with the least response, for just as
Maimuni was finding fresh antagonists in Germany,
so his admirers were increasing in Italy. The
Italian communities, which hitherto had rivaled the
Germans in ignorance of every kind, were just
awakening from their torpidity, "and their recently
opened eyes turned to the light which emanated
from Maimuni. Their political condition was not
unfavorable ; in fact, within the precincts of St.
Peter, they were at that time in more propitious
circumstances than any of the Jews of central
Europe. The canonical laws against the Jews were
nowhere more disregarded than in Italy. The small
states and municipalities, into which the country
was split up at this time, were too jealous of their
liberty to permit the clergy to exert any influence
over their domestic concerns. The city of Ferrara
passed a statute in favor of the Jews, granting many
liberties to them, and containing a clause stating,
that a magistrate (podesta) could be empowered
neither by the pope nor by any one else to deprive
them of these privileges. Not only had the king of
Sicily, Charles of Anjou, a Jewish physician, Farraj
Ibn -Solomon, who, under the name of Farragut, was
held in high repute as a scholar in Christian circles,
but even the pope himself transgressed the canon-
ical decree which forbade any one's taking medical
assistance from a Jew. One of the four popes who
reigned during the short period of thirteen years
(1279 to 1 291) entrusted his holy person to the
care of a Jewish physician, Isaac ben Mordecai, who
bore the title of Maestro Gajo.

The prosperity enjoyed by Italy in consequence
of the wide extension of its flourishing commerce,
and the .fondness for art and poetry which sprang
up at this time, during the youth of the poet Dante,
affected also the Italian Jews, and aroused them
from their hitherto dormant condition.

CH. XVIII.

HILLEL OF VERONA. 629

The philosophical writings of Maimuni made their
influence in favor of the higher culture felt upon the
minds of the Italian Jews. About this time, they
began to occupy themselves earnestly with the
" Guide," and intellectual men delivered discourses
upon this profound work. The origin of this revival
may be traced back to Anatoli, but Hillel of Verona
must be considered the founder and promulgator
of the scientific method among the Italian Jews.
Maimuni had no warmer admirer than this true-
hearted and energetic man, who, though somewhat
limited in range of ideas, was exceedingly lovable.
Hillel ben Samuel of Verona (born about 1220, died
about 1295), a zealous Talmud disciple of Jonah
Gerundi, in no way partook of the intolerant and
heresy-hunting spirit which characterized his teacher.
He had been a witness of the latter's genuine atone-
ment for calling in the aid of the Dominicans in his
fanatical onslaught on the writings of Maimuni, and
since that time Hillel almost worshiped Maimuni.
He avoided Talmudic one-sidedness, and turned
his mind also to general studies. He made himself
so thoroughly acquainted with the Latin language
— a rare accomplishment among the Jews of his day
— that he was able to compose in Latin with great
ease ; he translated a work upon surgery from this
language into Hebrew. Indeed, Hillel's Hebrew
style was influenced by the peculiarities of Latin
syntax. He wrote beautiful, clear, terse Hebrew
prose, entirely free from the verbose phraseology
and ornate flourishes of the style then in vogue.
At first he practised the profession of medicine in
Rome, afterwards in Capua and Ferrara, and in his
old age in Forli.

With all his intellectual powers Hillel became ab-
sorbed in Maimuni's writings on the philosophy of
religion, notwithstanding which he remained true to
his religious belief, clinging to it with great tenacity.
The miracles in the Bible and the Talmud were not

630 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

regarded by him as fanciful allegories, but on the
contrary retained their character as real events.
About this time there lived in Italy two logical
thinkers, one a native born Italian, Sabbatai ben
Solomon, of Rome — in his time a very distin-
guished personage — and the other, a Spaniard, who
had emigrated to Rome, Serachya ben Isaac, a
member of the renowned family of Ben Shaltiel-
Chen (Gracian?), whose home was in Barcelona.
The latter, famous as a physician and an adept in
the Aristotelian philosophy, was a passionate oppo-
nent of the belief in miracles. The desire of the
Italian Jews for knowledge is well illustrated by an
anecdote wittily told by an Italian Jewish poet. A
Jewish scholar from Toledo arrived at Perugia
with eighty books upon science — a considerable
library in those days — and, in order to continue
his journey more comfortably, he tied them up,
sealed them, and left them in Perugia. He had
scarcely left the place, when those eager seekers
after knowledge, unable to repress their curiosity,
broke open the parcel, and possessed themselves
of the mental treasures that it contained. The
young poet, Immanuel Romi, who perhaps was
concerned in this affair, drank in with all the vigor
of his ardent mind, the spirit which Hill el of Verona
and Serachya-Chen had distilled for the Italian Jews
from the writings of Maimuni.

It is quite obvious that in the presence of this
revival of culture among the congregations of Italy,
the Kabbalist Solomon Petit could not possibly
meet with support in his effort to enlist adherents
for his denunciation of Maimuni. The fanatic was
clever enough not to drop a word of his intentions
there. When he arrived at Jean d'Acre (Accho)
with the letters against Maimuni written by the
German rabbis, he set to work to encourage his
confederates, who had been intimidated by the
threats of the prince-rabbi of Damascus, to arouse

CH. XVIII. PROPOSED SYNOD. 63 1

fresh strife, and to induce them to pronounce sen-
tence of excommunication against Maimuni's philo-
sophical writings. The Kabbalists of this commu-
nity readily assented to his plan, condemned the
" Guide " of Maimuni to be burnt, and threatened
with excommunication all who might henceforth
study it. The Kabbala despite its youth felt itself
so powerful, that it imagined itself able to extirpate
the firmly-rooted spirit of inquiry from the midst of
Judaism. It appears that the tomb of Maimuni at
Tiberias was desecrated by these Kabbalists. In-
stead of the laudatory inscription written on the
stone, they substituted, "Moses Maimuni, the ex-
communicated heretic." However, the community
at Accho did not, as a whole, agree with this dis-
graceful charge of heresy : there were in it warm
admirers of Maimuni, and strenuous opponents of
his condemnation by self-constituted authorities.
Thus there broke out fierce strife in the very heart
of the community, which actually led to blows. The
news of this contention rapidly spread through the
countries in communication with Palestine, and
called forth universal indignation. Hillel of Verona,
who had been a witness of the destructive conse-
quences of the contest about Maimuni in France,
displayed great energy to prevent a repetition.
He sent letters to David Maimuni and the congre-
gations in Egypt and Babylonia (Irak), and pro-
posed the following plan for extinguishing once for
all the destructive flame of dissension kindled by
the writings of Maimuni, which so often blazed up
afresh. He suggested that the most distinguished
rabbis of the Jews in the East should assemble at
a synod at Alexandria, and summon the German
rabbis who had supported Solomon Petit to justify
their conduct. If they could prove that the philo-
sophical writings of Maimuni contained actual her-
esies and notions opposed to the Bible and the
Talmud, which Hillel himself believed impossible,

632 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

then it was only just that Maimuni's writings should
be condemned, and removed from the hands of the
public. If, however, the German rabbis were unable
to defend and justify their accusations of heresy,
then they should be compelled, under penalty of
excommunication, to submit to the universal verdict
of the excellence of the "Guide" of Maimuni, and
to abstain in future from stirring up discord and
division by their opposition to Maimuni's philosophy.
The rabbis of Babylonia, who had possessed autho-
rity from time immemorial, were to pronounce
judgment.

This energetic action in Europe, and the stren-
uous exertions of Hillel, were not really necessary
in order to disturb the work of the mystics in
Accho. Solomon Petit and his Kabbalistic faction
were isolated in the East. As soon as David
Maimuni received information of" the condemnation
passed upon his grandfather, he journeyed to Accho,
where he met with support from the section of the
community opposed to fanaticism. He addressed
letters to all congregations, caUing upon them to
take up the defense of the honor of his grandfather
against the- Jewish Dominicans, the heresy-hunting
and narrow-minded Kabbalists. Everywhere he
met with approval. The Prince of the Captivity
at Mosul, named David ben Daniel, who traced his
origin back to King David, and who was the head
of the communities on this side of the Tigris, de-
clared that he would place Petit under the severest
ban of excommunication till he ceased his attempts
to create a disturbance (lyar, 1289). Eleven rabbis
of his college signed this threat against the heresy-
hunter of Accho. The Exilarch of Damascus,Yishaii
ben Chiskiya, who had already issued a warning
against these attacks on Maimuni, again took
energetic action in the. matter. Together with his
college of twelve associates, he pronounced a ban
of excommunication (Tammuz — June, 1289), not

CH. XVIII.. MAIMUNl's OPPONENTS DEFEATED. 633

merely against Solomon Petit and his partisans, but
also against any person who dared speak in terms
of, contempt and disrespect of Maimuni, or who
accused his writings of heresy. All persons who
possessed any books hostile to Maimuni were com-
manded to yield them up to David Maimuni or his
sons, as quickly as possible, so that no improper
use might be made of them. If any persons who
at the time dwelt in Accho, or who would immigrate
thither at some later time, refused to obey the
decisions of the Prince of the Captivity and his
colleagues, it was incumbent upon every Jew to
employ all possible means to render these men
incapable of doing any harm, and even to call in
the aid of the secular authorities.

The important congregation of Safet also gave
assent to the edict in favor of Maimuni. The rabbi
of the town, Moses ben Jehuda Cohen, together
with his colleagues, and a portion of the community
of Accho, repeated at the grave of Maimuni in
Tiberias the formula of excommunication against
all who continued their obstinate enmity against
him, against those who refused to surrender writings
accusing him of heterodoxy, and especially against
all who disobeyed the decisions of the Prince of the
Captivity, "seeing that they who incite discord in
the communities deny the Torah, which preaches
peace, and they mock at God, who is peace itself."
All the congregations and rabbis in Palestine took
up the cause of Maimuni. The members of the
community of Bagdad, who at this time basked in
the sunshine of the favor of a prominent Jewish
statesman, and at whose head as the chief of the
academy was Samuel Cohen ben Daniel, also
expressed themselves to the same effect (Tishri —
September, 1289). The Kabbalists of Accho were
condemned by public opinion, and the Exilarch of
Damascus took care to acquaint the European com-
munities with what had occurred. The testimonials

634 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

in favor of Maimuni were forwarded to Barcelona,
probably to Solomon ben Adret. The philosopher
and poet, Shem-Tob Falaquera, a prolific writer,
took advantage of the favorable opportunity to
publish a vindication of the " Guide " of Maimuni,
saying that in his opinion only very few, perhaps
only one person — who was able to read this work
on the philosophy of religion in the original — could
render it sufficient justice. But in Spain, Maimuni
required no advocates ; for it was seldom that any
one ventured to speak in derogatory terms of his
opinions. Though pious Spaniards might here and
there have found something to cavil at, they, never-
theless, paid great honor to Maimuni's name.

The German rabbis, by whom Solomon Petit had
been supported, had no leisure to note the issue of
the strife concerning Maimuni. They were too much
occupied with their own affairs. During the reign
of Emperor Rudolph of Habsburg, such severe
troubles befell the German communities that they
determined on emigrating en masse. Rudolph, who
from a poor knight had become the ruler over the
German empire, did not, indeed, threaten their
lives, but had designs upon their money. His cof-
fers were empty, and he was in need of means to
enable him to subdue the proud nobles, and to lay
the foundation of the power of the house of Habs-
burg. Jews indeed advanced large sums of money
to the poor duke, to whom the crown of an empire
had unexpectedly fallen, one of his creditors being
Amshel Oppenheimer. But these voluntary ad-
vances did not satisfy him, and did not prevent him
from extorting larger sums from them. Every
favor which he conceded them, and every protection
which he extended to them, was preceded by the
payment of a considerable present in money. As
Rudolph always kept his own advantage in view, a
mark of favor displayed towards the Jews was
regularly followed by some restriction, so that he
might always have them under his control.

CH, XVIII. THE JEWS UNDER EMPEROR RUDOLPH. 63S

He confirmed the privileges of the old congre-
gation at Ratisbon, which it had possessed from
ancient days, acknowledging among other things,
that it might exercise its own jurisdiction in civil
affairs, and that none of its members could be
convicted of any crime without the corroborative
evidence of a Jewish witness. At the instigation of
the bishop, however, he promulgated a decree that
the Jews of Ratisbon should remain at home during
Eastertide, not show themselves on roads and streets
to the " ignominy of the Christian faith," and were to
fasten their doors and windows. For the congre-
gations in Austria, Emperor Rudolph confirmed the
statute in favor of the Jews passed by Archduke
Frederick the Valiant, which afforded protection
against persecution and murder. On the other
hand, a year later, he issued a special decree to the
citizens of Vienna, which solemnly declared the in-
eligibility of the Jews for public offices. Pope Inno-
cent IV had exonerated them from the charge of
child-murder at Passover. Pope Gregory X ( 1 2 7 1 -
1278), at the request of the Jews, had issued a bull,
which ordained that they were not to be made by
brute force to undergo baptism, and that no injury
was to be inflicted upon their persons or their prop-
erty. Emperor Rudolph ratified these bulls, adding
that " it is not true that the Jews feed upon the heart
of a slain child on the days of the Passover festival."
In order that they might be able to live under his
protection, assured of the imperial grace, he con-
firmed and repeated all the edicts which had been
issued by the popes in their favor, especially the one
which declared that Jews could be condemned only
on the valid evidence of Jews and Christians. He
also afforded them many other means of protection,
and inflicted punishment upon some murderers of
innocent Jews in Lorch. But as the Germans had
of old been accustomed to anarchy, there arose,
during his reign, a large number of blood-accusa-

636 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

tlons, and massacres of Jews, which the emperor
partly left unpunished, partly encouraged.

About Easter time a dead Christian child was
discovered at Mayence, and now again arose the
lying rumor that the Jews of Mayence had mur-
dered it. In vain did Archbishop Werner, of May-
ence, the Lord Chancellor of the kingdom, exert
himself with great energy to appease the excited
mob, to institute a regular trial against the accused,
and to discover the guilty persons. The Christians,
whom the sight of the corpse filled with intense
fury, attacked their Jewish neighbors on the second
day of Easter (or the last day but one of Passover,
19th April, 1283), slew ten persons, and pillaged
the Jewish houses. The persecution would have
been much more bloody, had not Archbishop Wer-
ner energetically intervened for the defense of
"his " Jews. Emperor Rudolph is reported to have
commanded an inquiry to be made into the matter
later on, and to have confirmed the judgment passed
upon the Jews, and acquitted the citizens of Mayence
from all blame. The possessions of which they had
been plundered he is said to have confiscated, not,
however, for the benefit of his own treasury, but to
be distributed among the poor ; for he would not
make use of any property acquired by usury, nor
would he permit the Church to use it. In other
respects. Emperor Rudolph was by no means con-
scientious. On the day of the attack in Mayence,
twenty-six Jews were put to death in Bacharach.
Two years later (nth October, 1285) heartrending
sufferings befell the congregation of Munich. At
this place also the false charge was circulated that
the Jews had purchased a Christian child from an
old woman, and had killed it. Without waiting for
any judicial investigation of these charges, the in-
furiated populace fell upon the Jews, and put to
death all who fell into their hands. The remaining
Jews had fled for refuge to the synagogue. There-

CH. XVin. GERMAN JEWS EMIGRATE. 637

upon the adherents of the religion of love procured
some inflammable material, placed it around the
building, and set fire to the house of prayer. One
hundred and eighty persons, old and young, were
thus burnt to death. Not long after this, more than
forty Jews of Oberwesel, near Bacharaeh, and others
in Boppard, were innocently murdered (1286). The
charge against them was that they had secretly
drawn out the blood of a pious man, called by the
people "the good Werner." The credulous asserted
that light had issued from his corpse, on which ac-
count this so-called saint became the object of pil-
grimages. Emperor Rudolph, however, some time
later stripped the man of sanctity, and absolved the
Jews from the guilt of his death.

There can be no doubt that it was owing to the
annually repeated persecutions, the insecurity of
their existence and their wretched state, that the
Jews of several congregations resolved to shake
the dust of Germany from their feet, and, together
with their wives and children, to wander forth and
seek a new home. Many families from the cities of
Mayence, Worms, Speyer, Oppenheim, and others,
in the Wetterau, left 'their rich possessions in order
to go across the sea. At the head of these emi-
grants was the most famous rabbi of Germany, Meir
of Rothenburg, who was revered as a saint. He
also wandered forth, together with his whole family,
to make his way to Syria (spring, 1286). A rumor
was current that in this land, the Messiah had made
his appearance, and would redeem unhappy Israel
from its troubles.

At this time all eyes in the East beheld with
astonishment a Jewish statesman as the most dis-
tinguished personage at the court of a Mongol
Grand Khan, whose dominion extended from the
lower Euphrates and the borders of Syria to the
Caspian Sea. The Mongols, or Tartars, had
founded a large kingdom in Persia, which was

638 HISTORY OP THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

only nominally subject to the khanate of Mongolia
and China. After Hulagu, the founder of this
kingdom, and his son Abaka (Abagha), his second
son had succeeded to the throne, and he embraced
Islam, and assumed the name of Ahmed. The
Mongols of Persia were, however, dissatisfied with
this proceeding : Ahmed was dethroned, and put to
death. His successor, in the Perso-Mongolian king-
dom, was Argun, the son of Abaka (1284-91).
Argun displayed marked aversion to Islam, and a
special liking for Jews and Christians. This Grand
Khan had a Jewish physician, named Saad-Addaula
(perhaps the same as Mordecai Ibn-Alcharbiya), a
man possessed of wide learning, acute intellect,
political insight, and disinterested character. As
he had frequent dealings with Mongols, he was
acquainted with their language as well as with
Arabic. He had a handsome appearance, charm-
ing manners, and. the suppleness of a diplomat.
He also had a taste for poetry and science, and in
later years became their patron. Saad-Addaula
practised in Bagdad, where Argun very often held
his court. The Grand Khan once fell ill, and was
restored to health by Saad. He conversed with
the physician to whom he owed his recovery, upon
state matters, and learnt from him particulars of
the condition of the revenue, which the officials
and courtiers, out of avarice, had diligently con-
cealed from the Grand Khan. From that time
Saad-Addaula became his favorite and counselor,
and rose step by step to the position of the highest
state official.

Many wealthy Jews of the districts of the Rhine
and the Maine started on their journey ; and Me'ir
of Rothenburg reached Lombardy, together with
his whole family. He was only waiting for the
members of his congregation in order to take ship
in Italy, and, together with other exiles, steer
their course towards the East into the haven of

CH. XVIII. MEIR OF ROTHENBURG A PRISONER. 639

safety. Unfortunately, Meir was recognized by a
baptized Jew, who was passing through the same
town in the train of the bishop of Basle. At the
instigation of the bishop, the captain, Meinhard of
Gorz, took him prisoner, and delivered him to the
authorities. Emperor Rudolph ordered him to be
placed under arrest in the tower of Ensisheim, in
Alsace (4th Tammuz — 19th June, 1286). The
emperor did not intend to punish the runaway
rabbi, but to keep him safe and prevent him from
emigrating. He was afraid that, by the departure
of the Jews en masse, the imperial income obtained
from these serfs of the chamber ("servi camerae")
would suffer heavy loss. Meir's imprisonment was,
therefore, not a severe one. He was permitted to
receive visits, to instruct his pupils, and to perform
all the functions of a rabbi, but he was not per-
mitted to leave the place.

The German Jews, however, could not feel easy
while their highly respected chief remained in
custody : they, therefore, sent deputies to Emperor
Rudolph, when he paid a visit to the Rhine country
(in the year 1288). Being then, as usual, in need
of money, he entered into negotiations with them.
The Jews offered him 20,000 marks of silver if he
would inflict punishment upon the murderers of the
Jews of Oberwesel and Boppard, release Meir from
custody, and guarantee to them security against
murderous outrages at the hands of the populace.
The emperor acceded to their terms, and laid a
heavy fine upon the citizens of Oberwesel and
Boppard. Meir was not, however, released from
prison, either because the emperor hoped to make
capital of the respect of the Jews for their rabbi,
and to extract large sums of money from them,
or, as is related, because Meir himself refused
to be liberated on these terms. He feared that
the precedent of imprisoning the rabbis to ex-
tort ransoms from the Jews, would be frequently

640 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

resorted to in after times, and therefore continued
for five years longer under arrest. From prison
he sent replies to inquiries addressed to him, and
composed several works there. He died in prison,
and the successors of Rudolph kept his corpse
unburied for fourteen years, in order to extort
money from the congregations. At length a child-
less man from Frankfort, named Siisskind Alex-
ander Wimpfen, ransomed the body for a large
sum, and interred it in Worms. The only reward
which the noble Wimpfen demanded was that his
bones might be laid by the side of the pious rabbi.

At about this time the Jews of England suffered
the extremity of misfortune. They were more un-
happy, if that was possible, than the German Jews.
Before being expelled, they had to pass through
every degree of misery. At the accession of the
new king, Edward I, they had prospects of a secure
existence, seeing that this monarch, the very oppo-
site of his father, was severe but just ; he showed
them no favors, but, on the other hand, he extorted
nothing from them, and at all events was able to
protect them from the attacks of the deluded mob.
Edward took very great care that the Jews of his
land be not made to suffer nor be subjected to
caprice, and that no injury be done either to their
persons or their property. They might have lived
on in this lowly state, bowed down beneath the
burden of the imposts, and wearying themselves to
satisfy, through usury, the insatiable demands of
the royal treasury, had not a slight occurrence
made them the object of the bitter hatred of the
monks.

In London there lived a Dominican, named
Robert de Redingge, who inflamed the minds of
the people by his eloquence in the pulpit. He had
studied the Hebrew language, on the cultivation of
which so much stress had been laid by the third
general of the order, Raymond de Penyaforte, to

CH. XVIII. CONVERSION OF ROBERT DE REDDINGE. 64I

enable the monks to convert the Jews by means of
their own writings. But instead of converting-
them, the preaching friar, Robert de Reddinge,
became himself converted. He was inspired by so
deep a love for Judaism that he underwent circum-
cision, assumed the name of Haggai, and married a
beautiful Jewess (summer of 1275). When he was
summoned to answer for his apostasy, he defended
his new faith with great warmth. King Edward
handed him over for punishment to the archbishop
of Canterbury. What was done to him is not
known ; but it appears that he, together with his
wife, escaped unhurt. The Dominicans were, how-
ever, enraged at his conversion, for they considered
the apostasy of one of their members as a disgrace-
ful blot upon their order. Touched to the quick by
the mockery of the people and their rivals the
Franciscans, who deeply hated them, the preaching
friars sought to wreak their vengeance upon the
Jews. As the king could not be approached except
by some intermediate agent, they brought their in-
fluence to bear upon the bigoted, avaricious queen-
mother Eleanor, and they succeeded. She identified
herself with the cause of the Dominicans against
the Jews, and did not desist till the EngHsh Jews
had drained the cup of tribulation to the dregs.
She first expelled the Jews from the town of Cam-
bridge which belonged to her, and personally
fostered the hostile feeling against them through-
out the whole country, especially among Christian
merchants.

There now commenced, almost against the will
of the king, a series of burdensome oppressions,
which would appear incredible, were they not authen-
ticated by the testimony of trustworthy sources.
Hitherto Parliament had had nothing to do with the
Jews ; they were considered the king's people, over
whom neither the commons nor the nobility had any
authority. Just at this time, however, incited by the

642 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVni.

Dominicans and the queen-mother, the House of
Commons passed a statute (called the Statute of
Judaism), which breathes the inimical spirit of the
Church. It positively prohibited the Jews from
taking usury. They were allowed to reside only
in royal cities and boroughs. If they had to enforce
payment of debts by law, they could not distress
beyond the moiety of the debtor's property. Every
Jew above the age of twelve was to pay the sum of
three pence to the king at Easter. The House of
Commons strictly enforced the wearing of the Jew-
badge, determined its size and color (substituting
yellow for white), and forbade all intercourse with
Christiians. As an English writer, Tovey, remarks,
the Jews in England were treated like their ances-
tors in Egypt, except that instead of bricks they
had to furnish gold. This comparison is good at
every point, nothing was granted to them, and yet
they were obliged to render a complete tale of
services. Even for the privilege of trading they
had to rely upon the favor of the king, and to pay
a price for it.

A favorable opportunity soon presented itself to
the enemies of the Jews to prefer grave charges
against them. Counterfeit coins, imported from
abroad, were in circulation in England ; the coin
of the country also was often clipped. The charge
was directed against the Jews, that they were the
sole originators and circulators of the counterfeit
coins. In consequence of this, on Friday, 17th
November, 1278, all the Jews of England, together
with their wives and children, were thrown into
prison, and their houses searched. It was after-
wards proved that many Christians, and even some
noblemen of London, had been guilty of counter-
feiting the coin of the realm, and that through-
out the whole kingdom only 293 Jews had been
convicted of the crime of which they were accused.
Nevertheless, over 10,000 Jews were made to suffer

CH. XVIII.. ENGLISH LAWS AND ACCUSATIONS. 643

for this act, and whilst the Christians who were im-
phcated, with the exception of three, were hberated
on payment of a fine, the 293 Jews were hanged,
others sentenced to imprisonment for life, and
still others expelled from the country and their pos-
sessions confiscated. But the hatred against them
was not spent. The Jews continued to be accused
of passing counterfeit coins, and their enemies tried
to smuggle them into their possession, and then by
threatening to denounce them, extorted money from
them. Edward, who became acquainted with these
intrigues, issued a law (May, 1279), which enacted
that charges of tampering with the coin of the realm
could only be brought forward till the May of the
following year, and thus put a stop to all these de-
nunciations.

The enemies of the Jews, however, did not tire
of forging new charges against them. It was soon
reported that the Jews of Northampton had cruci-
fied a Christian child. For this alleged crime many
Jews in London were torn asunder by horses, and
their corpses hung on the gallows (2nd April, 1279).
Next, the Jews were charged with acts of disrespect
to Christian emblems. The king thereupon issued
a decree that the blasphemers were to be punished
with death. As, however, Edward knew his people,
he added that the accused were to receive punish-
ment only if convicted by the evidence of honest,
impartial witnesses of the transgression. In order
to lead the Jews on to blasphemous acts, the Domini-
cans devised an infamous trick. They besought the
king to permit them to preach to the Jews for the
purpose of converting them. They knew that one
or other of them would be transported by zeal for
his religion, and would make use of an offensive
expression. Edward granted them this permission
at the request of the prior (1280), and warned the
Jews to listen to the sermons of the , Dominicans
patiently, without turbulence, contradiction, or bias-

644 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

phemy. To promote their conversion, the king
even sacrificed money. The extraordinary law,
that the Jews who went over to Christianity were
to forfeit their property to the treasury, Edward
partly abrogated, and decreed that they might retain
a half. He moreover ordered the erection of a
house for converts of the Jewish race, and endowed
it with a revenue, which, however, flowed mainly into
the pockets of the overseer. A scholastic philoso-
pher of that time suggested another means for the
conversion of the Jews. The celebrated Francis-
can monk. Duns Scotus (professor at Oxford, after-
wards in Paris and Cologne), who had nurtured his
mind with the thoughts of the Jewish philosopher
Gebirol, held that it was the duty of the king, if he
wished to show Christian zeal, to tear Jewish child-
ren away from their parents, and cause them to be
educated in the Christian faith. Still more, it was
perfectly justifiable to force the parents themselves,
by all sorts of threats, to submit to baptism. How
much respect the Jews entertained for the Chris-
tianity of the worldly-minded and rapacious popes,
ferocious princes, and sensual monks, is shown by a
peculiar incident. A Jewess complained to the king
that her own and her husband's enemies had de-
famed her by calling her a convert, and she en-
treated him to secure her redress for this insult.
Whilst the queen-mother, Eleanor, was exerting
herself at the instance of the Dominicans to inflame
the king and the people against the Jews, the queen,
also named Eleanor, bestowed her favor on them.
She prayed the king to confer the vacant chief
rabbinate of the English congregation on her
favorite Hagin (Chayim) Denlacres. The king
granted her prayer, and installed Hagin as chief
rabbi, with all the powers and privileges which his
predecessors had enjoyed (15th May, 1281).

When the king settled the chief rabbinate of
England on Hagin and his heirs, he had no thought

CH. XVIII. BANISHMENT FROM ENGLAND 645

of expelling the Jews from his kingdom. Gradually,
however, the fanatical party and his mother gained
more influence over him, and disturbed his clear
perceptions. This party in England, probably the
Dominicans, appeared before the newly-elected
pope, Honorius IV, lodging the serious accusations
against the Jews, that they not only held friendly
intercourse with Christians, but that they encour-
aged the return of baptized Jews to Judaism, invited
Christians on Sabbaths and festivals to the syna-
gogue, made them bend the knee before the Torah,
and enticed them to adopt Jewish customs. The
pope accordingly sent a missive to the archbishop
of York and his legate, bidding them employ every
means to put a stop to this improper conduct. On
the i6th of April, 1287, a Church assembly was held
in Exeter, which renewed all the hateful canonical
resolutions against the Jews. A fortnight later
(and May) the king for the second time ordered the
arrest of all English Jews with their wives and
children, an act for which no cause can be assigned.
Nor did he release them until he received a large
ransom. Three years later, in 1290, Edward,
instigated by his mother, issued an edict on his own
authority, without the consent of Parliament, that
all the Jews of England were to be banished from
the country. They were given till the first of
November to change their goods into money. Any
Jew found on English soil after that date was to be
hanged. But, they had to restore all pledges of
Christian debtors to their owners before that time.
Edward was mild enough strongly to impress upon
his officials not to molest the Jews on their depar-
ture, and he warned the sailing-masters at the five
ports not to insult them. Although their respite
lasted till the ist of November, the 16,511 Jews of
England left the country by the 9th of October.
The real estate which they had not succeeded in
selling, escheated to the king. In spite of the king's

646 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

orders, the expelled Jews were exposed to all sorts
of ill-treatment. One captain, who was employed
to convey several families down the Thames to the
sea, ran the ship against a sandbank, and made
them disembark until the rising of the tide. When
the tide began to return, he re-embarked, and his
sailors went aboard, sailed away, and called out
scornfully to the despairing Jews, " Cry unto Moses,
who led your ancestors safely through the Red Sea,
to bring you to dry land." The unhappy people
perished in the waves. This affair came to the ears
of the judges, and the ringleaders were hanged as
murderers. How many similar incidents may have
occurred and remained unpunished ! The Jews of
Gascony, which at that time belonged to England,
were also expelled. The banished Jews directed
their steps to France, the nearest refuge. There
they were at first received by Philip IV, le Bel.
But soon after the king and the Parliament together
decreed that the Jews who had been driven out of
England and Gascony were to leave French terri-
tory by the middle of Lent. Once more were they
compelled to set out on their pilgrimage ; some of
them went to Germany, the others probably to
northern Spain.

As if an evil destiny were pursuing the sons of
Jacob, like a shadow, never leaving them for a
moment, the short spell of fortune enjoyed through
Saad-Addaula by the Jews of Asia soon turned to
destruction. The physician of the Grand Khan of
Persia had drawn attention to the fraudulent con-
duct of the finance officials ; for which service he
had been appointed commissary, and sent to Bag-
dad to investigate the condition of the revenue, and
to bring the fraudulent administrators to account
(end of 1288). Saad-Addaula succeeded in restor-
ing the revenues to such order, that he was able to
remit to the Grand Khan Argun considerable sums,
which he had not expected. Argun, who loved

CH. XVIII. REFORMS OF SAAD-ADDAULA. 647

gold, was delighted with his Jewish commissary, and
distinguished him by all possible marks of honor.
As Saad-Addaula acted disinterestedly, and was
concerned only for the good of his master, he was
able continually to put larger sums of money into
the treasury, and thus won for himself ever more
favor from this great khan. Ultimately Argun ap-
pointed him minister of finance for the whole Iranian
(Persian) empire, and conferred on him the honor-
able title of Saad-Addaula, " Support of the Em-
pire" (summer, 1288). He was ordered to employ
only Jews and Christians in offices, as the khan dis-
liked Mahometans on account of their rebellious
attitude. It was natural that Saad-Addaula should
employ his relatives, for he could best depend upon
their zeal to assist him in his difficult office. Through
the fidelity with which Saad-Addaula served his
master, he won so much confidence, that nearly all
state affairs went through his hands, and he had the
authority to make decisions without referring the
points to the great khan. Probably through his
instrumentality and advice Argun established diplo-
matic connections with Europe, and even with the
pope. Through the help of the Europeans, the
Mahometans were to be driven out of Asia Minor,
particularly out of Palestine. The pope, however,
flattered himself that Argun would become a mem-
ber of the Catholic Church.

The Jewish minister, indeed, deserved the high
favor with which Argun honored him. Where
hitherto there had prevailed license and abuse of
power in the empire, he introduced law and order.
The military captains were forbidden to interfere
with the administration of justice, the legal tribunals
were admonished to protect the weak and the inno-
cent. As the Mongols .had no judicial code, Saad-
Addaula put the Mahometan laws into force, as far
as they bore upon the civil and penal administra-
tion of justice. The peaceful population blessed

648 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

him for the security of life and property for which
they were indebted to him. Saad-Addaula also
patronized learning, settled handsome annuities
upon learned men and poets, and encouraged them
in their literary undertakings. In consequence he
was extolled and praised by men of letters in prose
and verse.

The Eastern Jews felt themselves happy and ex-
alted through the elevation of their co-religionist
to the highest post of the empire. From the most
remote countries there flowed a stream of Jews to
the Persian Khanate, to bask in the favor of the
Jewish minister. They unanimously said, "God
has elevated this man in the latter days as a Lord
of Redemption and to sustain our hope. Neo-
Hebraic poetry, which had arisen in the East, but
had sunk into jarring discord, or become altogether
silent, appears to have recovered in order to pro-
claim his glory.

Saad-Addaula, however, had aroused many power-
ful enemies through his resolute administration and
his love of justice and order. The Mahometans,
who were shut out of every office, beheld, with deep
vexation, that Jews and Christians, whom they
were accustomed to despise as infidel dogs, were
in possession of the government. They were,
moreover, urged on by their priests and learned
men to a most violent hatred of the Jewish states-
man, to whom they imputed their humiliation. They
accordingly spread the report that Saad-Addaula
was contemplating the establishment of a new re-
ligion, and the proclamation of the great kahn as
the religious lawgiver and prophet. To excite their
bigotry still more, they reported that Saad-Addaula
had completed preparations for an expedition to
Mecca, to transform the hallowed abode of the
Kaaba into an idolatrous temple and to compel
the Mahometans once more to become heathens.
The order of the Ishmaelite murderers, the Assas-

CH. XVIII. END OF SAAD-ADDAULA. 649

sins, which was organized for the purpose of putting
to death actual or supposed enemies of Islam, imme-
diately made arrangements clandestinely to remove
Saad-Addaula and his relatives. But their plot was
betrayed, and it was frustrated by him.

The Jewish minister had many opponents even
among the Mongols. The military captains were
incensed against him, because he had laid a re-
straint upon their license. A conspiracy was
hatched also in Mongol circles. It was given out
that he had commissioned a Jew, Neglib-Eddin, to
proceed to Khorasan and put to death two hundred
of the most distinguished Mongols ; and that his
relative, Shem-Addaula, had received instructions
to remove many priests and chiefs of the city. Un-
fortunately, Argun fell seriously ill (November,
1290), and his sickness was a signal for the dis-
contented to make a conspiracy against Saad-Ad-
daula and his adherents. The minister, in vain,
exerted himself to secure the recovery of the
Khan, for he saw that the latter's death meant his
own. He even sent a messenger secretly to Ar-
gun's son to ensure his speedy return to the court,
in order that he might seize the crown immediately
after his father's death. When they received inti-
mation of these precautionary measures, the Mon-
gol magnates, who observed that Argun's end was
near, pushed the accomplishment of their conspiracy.
They executed Saad-Addaula (March, 1291), and
slew all Argun's favorites. Argun died seven days
later. The conspirators thereupon despatched mes-
sengers to all provinces, ordered Saad-Addaula's
relatives to be thrown into chains, their property
to be confiscated, and their wives and children to
be sold as slaves. The Mahometan population also
fell upon the Jews in every city of the empire, to
wreak their vengeance upon them for the degrada-
tion which they had suffered from the Mongols. In
Bagdad there were numerous encounters between

6$0 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CH. XVIII.

armed bodies of Mahometans and Jews, and on
both sides many were killed and wounded.

Two months later the great Jewish community of
St. Jean d'Acre (Accho), which shortly before had
been put into a state of tumult by Solomon Petit,
was completely blotted out. The Egyptian sultan,
Almalek Alashraf, undertook a campaign to drive
the last of the crusaders out of Palestine and Syria.
He besieged the fortified city of Accho for more
than a month, and then took it by storm (i8th May,
1 291). Not only all the Christians, but many Jews
who happened to be in the city were executed.
Others were cast into prison, and among them
Isaac of Accho, a zealous but unintellectual Kabba-
list, whose candor forced him, much against his will,
to expose the halo of divinity, with which the Kab-
bala had surrounded itself, as mere mummery.

END OF VOL. HI.

INDEX

Aaron o£ York, chief rabbi of Eng-
land, 588.
Aaron ben Joseph the Elder, Ka-
raite, 607.
Aaron ben MeshuUam, adherent of

Maimoflides, 524.
Aaron Halevi, 6zi.
Abassid caliphs, civil war of, 145 f.

persecute the Jews, 145.
Abdallah Ibn-Saba, Jewish partisan

of Ali, go.
Abdallah Ibn-SalSm, relation of, to

Mahomet, 73.
Abdallah Ibn-Ubey, ally of the Jews

in Arabia, 77.
Abdul-Malik, no.
Abdulmumen, bigotry of, 451.

persecutes the Jews in Africa, 358.
Abdul-Kahman III, inaugurates the
classical period of JVIoslem cul-
ture in Spain, 214.
and Chasdai, 216 ff.
Abele Zion. See Mourners of Zion.
Abodah (liturgy of the Uay of
Atonement), of Jose bar Jose,
114 f.
of Simon ben Caipha, 115.
connected with the Apostle Peter,
115.
Abrabanels, descent of, 43.
Abraham of Aragon, oculist, 583.
Abraham ben Chasdai of Barcelona,
channpion of Maimonides, 544.
poet, 560.
Abraham ben David of Posquieres
(Rabed 11), 399.
death of, 490.

opposition of, to Maimonides, 490.
Abraham, son of Maimonides, 493,

495-

attitude of, in the Maimunist con-
troversy, 525 f.

"War for God" (Milchamoth),

54S-
Abraham Ibn-Ezra. See Ibn-Ezra.
Abu-Amran Moses, founder of a

Karaite sect, 157 f.
Abu-Ayub, poet and court physician,

312.

Abu-Bekr, repelled by the Jews, 82.

Abu-Fadhl Chasdai', Jewish vizir
and poet in tiaragossa, z8o.

Abu-Isa, opposition of, to the Tal-
mud, 128.

Abu-Jafar Almansur, 1 29 f .

Abu-Jafar Ibn-Aljezzar, Mahometan
physician, 181.

Abu-Kariba, Arabian king converted
to Judaism, 62 f.

Abulafia, Meir, opponent of Mai-
monides, 524 f., 537 f.

Abulmeni. See Abraham, son of
Maimonides.

Abu-Mansur, head of the Jewish
community in Egvpt, 340 f.

Abu-Sahal Ali, Jewish scholar, 146.

Abu-Yussuf Almansur, imposes the
Jew-badge, 511.

Abuzurj-Mihir, counselor of Ilor-
misdas IV, 7.

Accho, Jewish community of, blotted
out, 650.
nest of the Kabbalists, 626.

Achunai. See Chananya.

Acrostichs, 115.

Adel-latif, opinion of, on Maimon-
ides, 488.

Aden, warlike Jews of, 436.

Adher-Baijan, low condition of the
Jews of, 430.

Adonim. See Dunash ben Labrat.

Africa, northern, Jews of :
great men of, 248.
oppressed and persecuted, 357 ff.,
451 f.

Agada, interpretation of, 495, 523,

527. 533. 535. 549. 55^. 599.619.

622.
used by Christians against the

Jews, 598, 622.
Agadic discourses in the service,

116.
Agadic method of interpretation of

the Bible, 152, 408, 529, 561,

608 f.
Agobard, bishop of Lyons, contest

of, with the Jews, 164-8.
Ahunai, 4,

652

INDEX.

Akbara, Jewish congregation of,

429.
Akbarites, Karaite sect, 157 f.
Albalia, Isaac ben Baruch, 282 &.
descent of, 282.

head of the Jews in Seville, 283 f.
Albergeloni, Isaac ben Reuben, Tal-

mudist and poet, 284.
Albigenses, 390, 394.
crusade against, 501 f.
relation of, to the Jews, 501.
Aleppo, captured by the Mongols,

606.
Alexander III, pope, friendly to the

Jews, 421.
Alexandria, Jewish congregation of,

444.
Alfadhel, vizir of Saladin, relation

of, to Maimonides, 472 ff.
Alfassi, Isaac ben Jacob, 285 f.,

character of, 315.
death of, 309.
disciples, 314.
education of, 285.
" Halachoth," 286.
Alfonso II of Aragon, 3S7.
Alfonso II (the Noble) of Castile,
censured by Innocent III for
protecting the Jews, 499.
persecutes the Jews, 507.
Alfonso III of Portugal, favors the

Jews, 618.
Alfonso VI, conquers Toledo, 294 f.
diplomacy of, 291.
employs Jews on diplomatic mis-
sions, 291.
tolerance of, 292.
Alfonso VIII, admits Jews to high

positions, 384.
Alfonso X (the Wise), admits Jews
to official positions, 592 f.
code of, 595.
imposes degrading restrictions

upon the Jews, 594-6.
imprisonsthe Jews of Castile, 616.
rebellion of his son against, 616.
Alfonso Raimundez, emperor of Cas-
tile, favorable to the Jews, 361.
Alghazali, mystic philosopher, 357.
Alhakem, caliph of Spain, death of,

239-
library of, 237.
AH, cousin of Mahomet, 82,

supported by the Jews, 90.
Ali Halevi, principal of the Tal-

mudic school of Bagdad, 429.
Alice of Montmorency, persecutes
the Jews of Toulouse, 514.

Alides, contest of, with Ommiy-

yades, 92.
Alkuti, Jewish philosopher, 267.
Allegorical interpretation, adopted

by Mahometans, 147.
Almalek Alashraf, captures Accho,

650.
Almamun, caliph, 147.

appealed to in internal disputes

by Jews and Christians, 155.
flourishing condition of his cali-
phate, 146.
Almansur, regent of' Andalusia,

239 ff.
Almohades, 358.

conquer Andalusia, 360.
fanaticism of, 359.
ravage Castile, 381.
Almoravides, exterminated, 357.

invade Spain, 296, 311 ff.
Almovachides. See Almohades.
Al-Mutadhil, caliph, favorable to

the Jews, 183.
Al-Mutavakkil, renews Omar's laws,

176 f.
Amadia, scene of a false Messiah,

431- .
Amolo, bishop of Lyons, hostility

of, to the Jews, 170 f.
Amshel Oppenheimer, creditor of

Rudolph of Habsburg, 634.,
Amulets, 153.

Anan ben David, founder of Kara-
ism, 128-35. ^^^ *'so Karaism.
contest of, for the exilarchate, 1 29 f .
death of, 135.

emigrates to Palestine, 130.
excommunicated, 134.
hostility of, to the Talmud, 129 f.
imprisoned, 129.
interpretation, his, of the Bible,

131. 133-
memorial prayers for, 135.

mental capacity of, 135.
recognizes Mahomet as prophet,

1.34-
view of,-on Jesus, 133.
want of poetical and historical

sense in, 133.
works of, 131.
Anahites. See Karaites.
Anatoli, Jacob, Maimunist, 629.

in favor with Frederick II, 566.
Andalusia, culture of, 234 ff.
fall of the princes of, 296.
flourishing condition of the Jews

of, 234 ff.
persecution of the Jews of, by the
Almohades, 361,

INDEX.

653

Andreas, king of Hungary, excom-
municated for his indulgence to
non-Christians, 521.
Anthropomorphism and anthropo-
morphists, among Jews, 152,
528, SS2.
among Mahometans, 148 f.
Antioch, Jews of, murdered, 10 f.
uprise of the Jews against the
Christians, 18.
Apostates, 122,441 f., 572.
Aquitania, sufferings of the Jews of,

from the crusaders, 570.
Arab conquest of Persia, 10.
Arabia, Jews of, 53-85.

attitude of, to the Talmud, 58, 1 19 f.
become thoroughly Arabic, 56 f.
condition of, 53, 56.
congregations of, 436.
conquered by the Arabians, 67 f.
customs of, 57.

difference between those of the
north and those of the south,
56 f.
divisions among, 57, 77, 80.
empire of, 51.

intercourse of, with Palestine, 59.
inspire Mahomet, 71.
king of, 12.
language of, 1 1 1 .
leaders of Arabian tribes, 53.
recover their importance, 71.
relations to the Arabians, 57,

67 f.
teachers of the Arabic nation, 54,

58 f.
traditions as to their original set-
tlements, 54.
tribes of, 55.
Arabian king converted to Judaism,

62 f.
Arabic calligraphy, 255.
Arabic language, iii.

adopted by the Jews of Spain,
no f.
Arabic tribe converted to Christi-
anity, 56.
Arabs, acquire the art of writing
from the Jews, 58.
converted to Judaism, 56, 61 f.
descent of, 60.
teachers of the Jews, 224.
Aragon, Jews of, 497 f.

compelled to support a Christian

missionary, 602.
exempted from wearing the badge,

515-
favorable condition of, 387.
miserable condition of, 596-605.

Areobindus, minister of Justinian,

IS-
Argun, Grand Khan of the Mongols,
646 f.
death of, 649.
favorable to the Jews, 638.
Arianists, toleration of, 26, 44 f.
Aristotle, influence of, 448.

works of, translated, 566 f.
Arnold, bishop of Cologne, protects

the Jews, 352.
Arnold of Brescia, 370.
Arnold of Citeaux, fanatical monk,

502, 507.
"Aruch," 290, 421.
Ashkaba (prayer for the dead), loi.
Asia, degeneration of the Jews of,
440 ff.
under the Abbassides, 437.
Asia Minor, Jewish communities of,

I23f.

Asma, Arabian poetess, 76.

Assassins, 648.

Atel. See Itil.

Atonement Day, liturgy of, 113 ff.

Atzbaha, See Elesbaa.

Aus, Arabic tribe partly converted
to Judaism, 61.

Austrasia, Jews of, 40.

Austria, favorable condition of the
Jews of, 516 f., 567 f.

Averroes, 566.

Avignon, council of, prohibits the
Jews from working on Sunday,
504.

Avitus, bishop of Arverna, inaugu-
rates a persecution of the Jews
in the Frankish empire, 38 f.

Azriel, Kabbalist, 548.

Baalbek, captured by the Mongols,

606.
Babylonia, supplanted by Spain as

center of Judaism, 210, 228.
Babylonia, Jews of :

independent tribe of, 433 f.
organization and officials of, 96-.

100.
prosperous condition of, 428.
side with Ali, 90.
support the Arab conquerors, 89.
Bacharach (Germany), massacre of

the Jews of, 636.
Bachiel Ibn-Alkonstantini, physi-
cian to King Jayme of Portugal
and Maimunist, 536 f.
Bachya Ibn-Pakuda, moral philoso-
pher, 271-3.
Baden (Germany), Jews of, blood-

6S4

INDEX.

accusation against, and mas-
sacre of, 564.
Badis, king of the Berbers, bloody

design of, 276 f.
Bagdad, Jews of, 156, 428.
center of science, 146.
congregation of, on the side of

Maimonides, 633.
Talmudic school of, 429, 438 f.
Bahrain Tshubin, Persian general,
8f.
dethrones Hormisdas IV, 8.
Balanyiar, capital of the Chazars,

139-
Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury,

fanaticism of, against the Jews,

410.
Barcelona, center of northern Spain,

387.
prominent Jews of, 387 f.
Basilius, emperor, arranges disputa-
tions between Jews and Chris-
tians, 175 f.
Beaucaire (Belcaire), Jewish con-
gregation of, 400.
Bedaresi, Abraham, 579.
Bedr, battle of, 76.
Bela IV of Hungary, favorable to

the Jews, 613.
Belisarius, 4.

conquers the Vandals, 26.
subjects Italy, 31 f.
Ben-Asher, Massoret, 207.

poet, 223.
Benedict of York, maltreated, 411,

413-
Bene Mikra. See Karaism.
Benjamin of Canterbury, 409.
Benjamin of Tiberias, leader of a

Jewish uprise in Palestine, 19,

22.
Benjamin of Tudela, traveler and

historian, 388 f.
Benjamin Nahavendi, Karaite and

founder of the Makariyites,

149 f.
BenNaphtali, 207.
Benveniste, Don Isaac, physician to

the king of Aragon, 508.
work of, in behalf of the Jews, 513.
Benveniste; Sheshet, diplomatist

and poet, 388, 524 f.
- Benu-Bachdal, 55.
Benu-Kainukaa, 55,
Benu-Kinanah, Arabic tribe con-
verted to Judaism, 61.
BenuKuraiza, 55.
massacred by Mahomet, 80 f.

Benu-Nadhir, 55,

driven out by Mahomet, 78 f.
Berachya ben Natronai Nakdan

(Crispia), writer of fables, 560.
Berbers, kingdom of, 256 ff.
Bernard of Clairvaux and the second
crusade, 349.
intercedes in behalf of the Jews,

353-
Beziers, council of, prohibits the
Jews from practising medicine
among Christians, 582.
inhabitants of, massacred by the

crusaders, 502.
Jews of, hold offices, 394 f.
Palm Sunday riots in, against the
Jews, 394 £.
Bible, attacks against, 199.
Christian exposition of, 288.
Massoretic text of, 207.
oldest copy of, in Spain, 381.
study of, among Jews, in f,, 118.
Black Jews in India, 436.
Blois, persecution of the Jews of,

378-81.
Blood-accusation, 402, 418, 499, 564,

595-
causes frequent massacres of the
Jews in France and Germany,

583.
Prst appearance of, 378-81.
in England, 591, 643.
officially contradicted by Innocent
IV, 584,635.
Bodo (Huoto), bishop, converted to

Judaism, 168 f.
Bohemia, Jews of, 305.
during the crusades, 305, 356.
plundered, 307.
Talmudic center, 420 f.
Bologna, Jews of, expelled, 421.
Bonastruc de Porta. See Nachmani.
" Book of the Pious," 408.
Boppard (Germany), massacre of

the Jews of, 637, 639.
Boso, king of Burgundy, presents
the Jews as a gift to the church,

175-
Bostanai, exilarch, 10,
descendants of, 91.
marries a daughter of Chosru, 89.
recognized by the Mahometans,
89.
liray, massacre of the Jews of, 404.
Bribery in the Church, 578, 584, 591.
Buda, synod of, excludes the Jews

from Christian society, 614.
Bulan, king of the Chazars, 139.

INDEX.

6SS

Burgundy, Jews of, oppressed, 37.
Byzantine empire, Jews of, 10-23.

communities of, 424-7.

culture of, 425 f.

occupations of, 175.

oppression of, 122, 425.

Cabades. See Kobad.

Caesarea, betrayed to the Arabs, 87.

riot of Jews and Samaritans
against the Christians, 17.
Cairo, Jewish congregation of, 444.
Caliphate, condition of Jews under,

176 f., 183.
Cambridge, Jews expelled from, 641.
Cameos among Jews, 153.
Carentum, massacre of Jews of, 355.
Carlovingians, feeble rule of, 241.
Cassiodorus, minister of Theodoric,
30. ,

invectives of, against the Jews, 31.
Castile, civil war of, 363.
Castile, Jews of, 361 ff., 592-6,
615-17.

admitted to honors, 293, 384, 593.

congregations of, 617.

oppressed by Alfonso X, 616.

favorable condition of, 361 ff.

fight of, against the Almohades,
386 f.

first persecution of, 507.
Catalonia, Jews of, 389.
Censorship of the Talmud, 602 f.
Ceremonial laws explained, 484 f.,

523. 553-
Ceylon, Jews of, enjoy liberty, 436.
Chagan, title of the king of the

Chazars, 138.
Chaibar (Arabia), 55.

Jews of, defeated by Mahomet,

81-3.
Jews of, driven out by Omar, 85.
Jews of, warlike, 437.
Chaldean Christians support the

Arabs, 89.
Chanan of Iskia, principal of Pum-

beditha, 9.
Chananel of Kairuau, 248 ff.
Chananya (Achunai), exilarch, 129,

137.

Chananya, principal of Sora, 10.

Chaninal, exilarch, 10.

Chaninai, principal of Pumbeditha,
10.

Chaninal Kahana ben Huna, Gaon
of Sora, 137.

Chanoch, head of the Jews of Anda-
lusia, 229 f., 236.

contest of, with Ibu-Abitur, 229,

238-
death of, 241.
Chariot-races occasions of blood-
shed, II, 17.
Charlemagne, elevates the position
of the Jews in Europe, 141 f.
embassy of, to Haroun Alrashid,

143-
imposes an oath on the Jews, 144.
regenerator of Europe, 141 f.
Charles of Anjou, king of Sicily, 628.
Charles the Bald protects the Jews

against the clergy, 172.
Charles the Simple grants Jewish

property to the church, 175.
Chasdai, exilarch, 92.
Chasdai, Ibn-Shaprut, 215-30.
ambassador, 218 f.
character of, 215.
correspondence of, with the Jew-
ish king of the Chazars, 219 ff.
death of, 230.

deliverer of his people, 217.
descent of, 215.
gives Jewish history a European

character, 216.
in the service of Abdul-Rahman

III, 216.
patron of learning, 223, 234.
promotes the study of the Tal-
mud, 227.
representative of a Judaeo-Euro-

pean culture, 188.
statesman, 187.
Chayuj, father of Hebrew philology,

237. 255-
Chazanuth, 118.
Chazaria, 138.
Chazars, 123 ff., 327 f.

army of, 221.

embrace Judaism, 138-41.

hospitality of, to Jews, 123 f.

Jewish kingdom of, 219 ff.

motive of conversion of, 139 f.

origin of, 138.

original religion of, 139.

tolerance of, 141.

wars of, 138.
Chazraj, Arabic tribe partly con-
verted to Judaism, 61.
Cherem. See Excommunication.
Chess, invention of, 7.
Childebert I of Paris, intolerance of,

37-
Children, introduction of, to the

Law, 572.

Chilperic, forces Jews to baptism, 39.

656

INDEX.

Chindaswinth.king of the Visigoths,
tolerance of, loi f.

Chintila, king of the Visigoths,
forces the Jews to emigrate,
51 f.

Chiskiya, last Gaon of Pumbeditha,
executed, 254.

Chivi Albalchi, first rationalist and
critic, 199.

" Chobath Halebaboth," 27I.

Chosroes Nushirvan imposes a poll-
tax upon Jews and Christians, 5.

Chosru II, attacks the Roman pos-
sessions, 19.
favorable to the Jews, 9.

" Chozari," origin of, 327 f.

Christian emperors curtail the poli-
tical rights of the Jews, 27.

Christian slaves, possession of, for-
bidden to Jews, 28, 33, 46, 48.

Christians and Mahometans, treat-
ment of Jews compared, 347,
426, 506.

Christianity, hostility of, to Judaism,

. 34.

in western Europe at first tolerant

against the Jews, 24, 34.
of the I ith century, 301.
Christianity, Islam and Judaism

compared, 328, 332 ff,
Chumrata, 97.

" Church of the Mother of God " in
Constantinople originally a syna-
gogue, 26.
Church, rigor of, against Jews and

heretics, 496 ff., 503 f.
Church and synagogue, attitude of,

to science compared, 187 f.
Chushiel, Kosh of Kairuan, 208 ff.
Cidellus, Jewish diplomatist in the

service of Alfonso VI, 292.
Clergy, hatred of, against the Jews,
24-6, 172, 241 f., 349 £,, 611.
ignorance of, 26.
Clement III, 306.

Clement IV, hostile to the Jews, 605.
orders confiscation of the Talmud,
602.
Clotaire II, bigotry of, 40.
Clovis, 36 f.
Cologne, Jews of :

during the crusades, 303 f,
privileges of, 41.
when settled in, 41.
Commons massacre the Jews of

London, 591.
Communism in Persia, 2 f.
Confe.ssion of faith, Jewish (Shema),
forbidden, 15.

Conrad III, German emperor, pro-
tects the Jews, 351 f., 416.
Constantine VIII sends an embassy

to Spain, 218.
Constantinople, Jews of, 26.
" Constitutio Judaeorum," 497.
Controversies, between Jews and
Christians, 105, 576, 598, 622.
between Jews and Mahometans,
III, 119.
Conversions, forced, of Jews to
Christianity, 38 f., 48 f., 123,
176, 246, 300, 570.
prohibited by Gregory X, 635.
Conversions, forced, to Islam, 359 f.,

451,461.
Conversions to Judaism, 21, 61, 409,

440, 445, 516, 640 f.
Converts, Jewish, to Christianity,

treatment of, 49 ff., 308 f.
Cordova, center of Judaism, 228 f.
contention in, for the rabbinate,

229 f. , 238 ff.
seat of a Talmudic school, 210.
"Covenant of Omar," 87, 120, 145,

176 f.
Council (of the Church. See also
under the individual cities) :
Lateran, 400, 421, 498.
Lateran, the Fourth, 509-12.
of Avignon, 504.
of Keziers, 582.
of Buda, 614.
of Exeter, 645.
of lUiberis, 43.
of Macon, 39.
of Meaux, 171.
of Nice, 25.
of Orleans, 37.
of Oxford, 516.
of Paris, 40.
of Toledo, 49, 102.
of Vannes, 36.
of Vienna, 611 f.
Crimea, emigration of Chazars to,
222.
emigration of Karaites to, 435.
Crispia, 560.
Crusade,' the first, 297.

effect of, on the intellectual con-
dition of the Jews in Germany,

3°9-
in Jerusalem, 308.
Crusade, the second, 349-57.
in France, 349-51, 355.
in Germany, 351 f.
Crusade, the third, 405 f£.
Crusade against the Albigenses,
501 f.

INDEX.

6s7

Crusaders, brutalities of, 412-15,

497. S07, 570.
Crusades in France, 299.
in Germany, 300 f£.
voluntary death of Jews during,
300, 302 f.. 305.
Cyril expels the Jews from Alexan-
dria, 23.

"Dagger of Faith," 622.
Dagobert, decree of, against the

Jews. 40.
Damascus, captured by the Mongols,

606.
Daniel, the prophet, superstition

about the grave of, 435.
Daniel, the exilarch, 438.
Daniel ben Saadiah, opponent of

Maimonides, 525 f.
Dante, 628.

David, grandson of Maimonides, 627.
and Solomon ben Adret, 620 f.
defends his grandfather, 632.
David ben Daniel, exilarch and

defender of Maimonides, 632.
David ben Judah, exilarch, 155 f.
David ben Saul, opponent of Mai-
monides, 529.
David ben Zaccai, exilarch, 186.
conflict of, with Saadiah Gaon,

195 f.
David Abudarham, 617.
David Alrui, false Messiah, 430-33.
Dayan (judge), functioxis of, 98.
Dei Mansi family of, 421.
Demons, belief in, 525, 528, 534.
Dhu-Nowas. See Zorah Yussuf.
Diniz, king of Portugal, favorable

to the Jews, 618.
Disputations between Jews and

Christians, 576, 601 ff. See also

under Controversies.
Divorce, law of, changed, 92.
reform of, by Gershom, 244.
synodical decisions concerning,

378.
Dominicans, fanaticism of, 519, 591,

613, 641.
entrusted with the Inquisition, 542.
part taken by, in the disputation of

Barcelona, 600 ff.
preachers, 545.
rivalry of, with the Franciscans,

641.
Don Judah ben Moses Cohen, phy-
sician to Alfonso X, 593.
Don Meir de Malea, treasurer of

Alfonso X, 593.
Don Pedro II, king of Aragon,497 f.

Don Sancho, son of Alfonso X, king
of Castile, 5i6.
and Don Zag, 616.
rebellion of, against his father,

616.
regulates the Jew-tax, 617.
Doir Zag, Isaac, treasurer of Alfonso

X, 593-
and the "Tables of Alfonso," 593.
executed, 615.
Donnolo, Sabbatai, head of Jewish
science in Italy, 212-14.
relation of, to Nilus the jounger,
213 £.
Dossa, son. of Saadiah Gaon, 202.

and Chasdal, 217.
Dudai, Gaon of Pumbeditha. 129.
Dunash ben Labrat, creator of the
artistic form of Jewish poetry,
and one of the founders of
Judseo-Spanish culture, 215.
career and character, 226.
first employs meter in Hebrew

poetry, 223.
polemic of, against Menachem and
Saadiah, 226.
Dunash ben Tamim, physician, 181,

211.

•correspondence of, with Chasdai,
211, 217.
Duns Scotus, recommends forced
conversion of the Jews, 644.

East, the, loses the leadership of
Judaism, 207 f.
scepticism in, 199.

Easter, Jewish, celebration of, for-
bidden before the Christian, 13.

Eastertide, during, Jews forbidden
to appear in the streets, 37, 39,
171, 510, 518, 582, 595,635.

Eberard, Magister Judseorum, 161,
164.

Edward I, Jews treated by, 640-6.
Jews expelled by, 645.
justice of, to Jews, 640, 643.
proselytizing zeal of, 644.

Egica, king of the Visigoths, im-
poses restrictions on the Jews,
107 f.

Egilbert, bishop of Treves, inhu-
manity of, against the Jews, 300.

Egypt, becomes a center of Judaism,

445-
Talmudic schools of, 210.

Egypt, Jews of, 23, 443-5-
low state of culture of, 444 £.
prosperous condition of, under
Saladin, 461.

658

INDEX.

Elchanan, Tossafist and martyr, 404.
Eldad, traveler, 182-
Eleanor, mother o£ Edward I, en-
mity of, against the Jews, 641,
645.
Eleazar ben Kalir, poetan, 116.

characteristics of his style, 117, 245.
Elesbaa, king of Ethiopia, destroys
the Jewish kingdom of Arabia,
66 f.
Elias of London, chief rabbi of Eng-
land, 588.
deposed, 591.
" Emunoth we-Deoth," 197 f.
England, Jews of, 409-16, 587-92,
640-6.
accusations against, 642 f.
act of parliament concerning, 642.
authority and functions of- the

chief rabbi of, 588.
blood-accusation against, 591.
converts to Judaism in, 409.
degradation of, 516.
enemies of, 504 f.
expelled, 643, 645.
impoverished, 592.
imprisoned, 645.
parliament of, 589.
occasion of the first persecution

of, 410.
oppressions of, 641.
statute of Judaism for, 642.
"En-Sof," 550.
Ephraim ben Jacob of Bonn, Tal-

mudist and poet, 419.
Erwig, king of the Visigoths, edict
of. against the Jews and Jewish
converts, ic6 f.
Eugenius III, repudiates the debts
to the Jews in the second cru-
sade, 349.
Europe, becomes the chief seat of

Judaism, 383.
Judaism of, compared with that of

the East, 160.
Excommunication, as inflicted by
Church and Synagogue, 99, 151,
177, 528.
degrees of, 99.

employment of, in the Middle
Ages, 52S.
Exeter, council of, 645.
Exilarch (Prince of the Captivity),
authority of, lessened by the
Karaite disturbances, 137.
ceremonies of installation of, 94 f.
functions of, 89 f.,42S f.
last, 201.
under Mahometan rule, 89 f.

Exilarchate, contest for, 155, 439.

corruption of, 194.
decline of, 177, 183 ff.

dependent on the Gaonate, 137.
disputes of, with the Gaonate,

184-6.
divested of its official character,

177.
elective, 137.
extinction of, 202.
in the 12th century, 439.
revival of, 428.
Ezekiel,the prophet, grave of, resort

of pilgrims, 440 f.
Ezra, the scribe, grave of, resort of

pilgrims, 441.
Ezra, Kabbalist, 548.

Fables in Neo- Hebraic, 560 f.

Farrj Ibn-Solomon, physician to
Charles of Anjou, 628.

Fathers of the Church put a chasm
between Christianity and Juda-
ism, 144.

Fatimide caliphate, 210.
fall of, 461.
fanaticism of, 212.

Fatimides persecute the Jews, 247 ff.

Ferdinand III of Castile, fanaticism
of, 519.

Ferdinand the Catholic, 383.

Ferdinand the Holy, 592.

Ferrara, favorable condition of the
Jews in, 628.

Firuz, persecutes the Jews, 1.

Firuz-Shabur (place), 8, 90.
academy of, 9.

Fosse, war of the, 80.

Fostat, residence of Maimonides,

457-
France, home of Talmudiclore, 289,

344 ff-
France, Jews of, 34 ff.

expelled, 402, 585.

impoverished, 586 f.

massacre of, 583.

intellectual condition of, 281, 345.

prosperity of, 443.

settlement of, 34 ff.

under the last Carlovingians and
the first Capets, 241 f.
France, northern, Jews of, 400-9.

beginning of misfortunes of, 400.

driven out, 405.

money extorted from, 407.

lose freedom of motion, 406.

treated as chattels, 407.
France, southern, Jews of, 390 S,

prosperity of, 489.

INDEX.

659

sufferings of, during the Albigen-
sian crusade, 501 f.
Franciscans, fanaticism of, 519.
Frankish empire, Jews of, clerical
hatred against, 164 ff., 171 ff.
favorable condition of, 141 ff.,

161-70.
privileges of, 161.
Frederick I (the Valiant) of Austria,
favorable to the Jews, 567 f .
statute of, for the protection of
the Jews, 568.
Frederick II, German emperor,
565-9.
confines the Jews to a ghetto, 567.
draws Jewish scholars to his court,

565-
edict of, against the Jews of Aus-
tria, 569.
enmity of, against the Jews, 567 ff .
in feud with Gregory IX, 576, 580.
scepticism of, 567.
Frederick Barbarossa, makes free
Jews " servi camerae," 416 f.
protects the Jews, 418.
Fulks de Neuilly, preaches against
the Jews, 405.

Galen, 473.

Gaon and Exilarch, positions of,

compared, 93,
Gaonate (see also under Geonim) :
decay of, 231-4.
extinction of, 253 f.
origin of, 90.

relations of, to the Exilarchate,
90, 137 f.
Gaonic period, study of the Talmud

in the, 128.
Gascony, Jews of, expelled, 646.
Gebirol, Solomon Ibn-, 265-80.
childhood of, 265.
death of, 280 f .

driven out from Saragossa, 268.
facility of muse of, 265, 267.
friend of Yekutiel Ibn-Hassan,

266.
Jewish Plato, 265.
legend about death of, 281.
melancholy of, 265 f.
philosophy of, 267, 269-71.
philosophy of, among Christians,

644.
poetical forms of, 301.
protected by Samuel Nagrela, 268.
versatility of, 267.
works of, translated, 503.
Gelasius, pope, attitude of, to the
Jews, 29.

(Jelimer, king of the Vandals, 26 f.
Geonim, 126.

authority and influence of, 118 f.
epoch of, 90 f.
literary activity of, 178 ff.
German emperor, protector of the

Jews, 356 f.
German nations, character of, 416.
German princes, protect the jews,

416.
Germany, Jews of, 40 f., 144, 416-
20, 634-40. ■>

blood- accusation against, 635 f.
compelled to be tradesmen, 242 f.
culture of, 243, 281, 357, 419.
emigration of, 637.
favorable condition of, before the

crusades, 297.
first persecution of, 245.
hostility against, 419.
massacre of, 418, 583, 611, 636.
opposition of, to Maimonides,

624 f.
oppressions of, 580.
rights of, 417 f.
Talmudic study of, 419.
under Frederick II, 516 f.
under Rudolph of Habsburg, 634-

40.
under the Saxon emperors, 242 f.
Gerona, home of the Kabbala, 556.
Gershom ben Jehuda, 243-5.
decrees of, 244 f.
first commentator of the Talmud,

244.
in Mayence, 243.

son of, embraces Christianity, 246.
Ghetto, 567.

Ghuzz, Turkish hordes, 434.
G'ikatilia, poet, 237, 290.
Giza, principal of Sora, 4 ff.
Granada, entirely inhabited by Jews,
256, 261.
envy against Jews of, 275 ff.
massacre of Jews of, 279.
" Great Assembly," 95.
Greece, Jews of, 27.
Greek translation of the Bible, read-
ing of, in the synagogue, 13-15.
Gregory I (the Great), 46 f.
proselytizing of, 33 f.
protects Jewish rights, 33.
toleration of, towards Jews, 25.
Gregory VII, intolerance of, 293.
Gregory IX, condemns the Talmud,

574 t-

confirms the constitution of Inno-
cent III, 564.

enmity of, against the Jews, 519 fE.

66o

INDEX.

establishes the Inquisition, 542.
Gregory X, prohibits the compul-
sory conversion of Jews, 635.
Gregory of Tours, 39.
Gudeo, papal legate, 611.
Guelphs and Ghibellines, 611.
" Guide of the Perplexed," 477 f£.

influence of, in Italy, 629.

translated into Latin, 542 f.

Hadrian, pope, unfriendly to the

Jews, 142.
Haggai. See Robert de Redingge.
Hagin Denlacres, chief rabbi of

England, 644.
Hai ben Daniel, Gaon of Pumbe-

ditha, 183.
Hai, son of Sherira, 234.
Hai Gaon, 250-3.

character of, 250.

compared with Saadiah, 250.

death of, 253.

friendly relations of, to the Chris-
tian patriarch, 250.

influence of, 252.

learning of, 250.

opinion of, on mysticism, 251 f.

systematic methods of, 251.
Hakim, caliph of Egypt, 247 f .
Hamadan, Jewish congregation of,

434.
Hariri of Basra, Arabian poet, 318.
Harith Ibn-Abu Shammir, treachery

of, 68.
Haroun Alrashid, embassy of Char-
lemagne to, 143.
re-enacts Omar's laws, 145.
Headdress imposed on Jews, 612,
Hebrew language, cultivation of,
among Jews, iii f.
among Christians, 579, 622.
Hebrew philology, 225, 561.
Hejira, 73.

Henry II of England, 409.
Henry III of England, treatment of

Jews by, 570 f., 587 ff., 591.
Henry II, emperor of Germany, per-
secutes the Jews, 245 f.
Henry IV, emperor of Germany, 418.
favorable to the Jews, 293, 298,

306, 308, 416.
permits converts to return to their
faith, 306.
Henry I, archbishop of Mayence,

protects the Jews, 352.
Heraclius, emperor, 19 ff.
forbids the Jews to enter Jerusa-
lem, 23.
protects the Jews, 23, 47.

Hibat-AUah, apostate to Islam, 442.
Hilderic, rebels against Wamba,

104 f.
Hillel of Verona, founder of the
scientific method among the
Italian Jews, 629.
admirer of Maimonides, 629.
proposes a rabbinical synod to
compose the Maimunist contro-
versy, 631.
Hinkmar of Rheims, hostile to the

Jews, 171 f.
Honorius III, pope, attitude of, to-
wards the Jews, 513, 515.
Hormisdas IV, 7 ff.
compared to Nero, 8.
dethroned and assassinated, 8.
persecutes Christians and Jews, 8
Hugh Capet, 242.

Hujej Ibn-Achtab, leader of the
Benu-Nadhir against Mahomet
78.
Hulagu, founder of the Mongol king

dom in Persia, 638.
Hungary invaded by the Mongols,

613.
Hungary, Jews of, 613-15, 520 f.
613.
commercial activity of, 613.
condition of, 520 f.
decrees of the synod of Buda

against, 614.
fanaticism kindled against, by the
Dominicans and Franciscans,
614.
Jew-badge of, 614.
Huns, 9, 13S.

re-instate Kobad, 2.
Huna, exilarch and father of Mar-

Zutra II, 3.
Hunai, Gaon of Sora, 92.

Ibn-Abbas, Judah, poet, 31S.

Ibn-Abbas, Samuel, apostate to Is-
lam, 442,

Ibn-Abitur, 229.
contest of, with Chanoch, 229 f.,

238.
poetry of, 236 f .

Ibn-Alfachar, Abraham, distin-
guished at the court of Alfonso
VIII, 384 f..
opponent of Maimonides, 541.

Ibn-Alfayumi, Jacob, Talmudist of
Yemen, 436, 462.

Ibn-Aljami, Nagid of Egypt, 443.

Ibn-Alruchi. See David Alrui.

Ibn-Balam, Jehuda, grammarian,
290.

INDEX.

66 1

Ibii-Chasdai, Samuel ben Abraham,

388.
Ibii-Daud, 43.

Ibn-Daud, Abraham, religious philo-
sopher, 363-5.

as historian, 365 f.

dies a martyr, 386.

" Seder ha-Kabbalah," 366.
Ibn-Ezra, Abraham, 366-75.

as astronomer and astrologer, 368,

371-
character of, 366 f.
commentary of, on the Pentateuch,

371.373-

death of, 374 f.

exegete, 368, 370.

in France, 373.

in Italy, 369, 423.

in Loudon, 373.

marks the end of the original ele-
ment in the Spanish school, 381 .

philOfopher, 373.

poetry of, 367.

rationalism of, 372.

restlessness of, 368, 370.

" Sabbath Epistle " of, 373 f.

travels of, 369.

versatility of, 366.

wit of, 368.
Ibn Ezi-a, brothers of, 318-21.
Ibn-Ezra, Jehuda, 361-3.

head of the Jews of Castile, 362.

in favor with Alfonso Kaimundez,
361.

persecutes the Karaites, 362 f.

protector of the Jews, 361 f.
Ibn-Ezra, Moses, 310, 314.

career of, 319 f.

compared with Gebirol, 319.

philosophical writings of, 320.

poems of, 320 f.
Ibn-Giat, Isaac ben Jehuda, poet,

284, 318.
Ibn-Jaiiach, creator of Hebrew syn-
tax, 261, 263.

first rational Bible critic, 263.

opposed by Abraham Ibn-Ezra,

philosophical writings of, 264.
Ibn-Jau, Jacob, head of the Jews of

Andalusia. 238 ff.
Ibn-Malka, Jehuda, at the court of

Frederick II, 565 f.
Ibn-Migash, Meir, diociple and suc-
cessor of Alfassi, 315 f.
disciples and descendants of, 317.
in Toledo, 362.
IbnMoisha and Maimonides, 456,

474-

Ibn-Sahal, Joseph ben Jacob, rabbi

of Cordova and poet, 314.
Ibn-Sahula, writer of fables, 560.
Ibn-Sakbel, Solomon, poet, 318.
Ibn-Sakni, Jacob, 284 f.

awakens interest in Talmudic
studies in Babylonia, 429.
Ibn-Sarjadu, Aaron, principal of

Pumbeditha, 202.
Ibn-Shalbib,Amram ben Isaac, coun-
cillor to Alfonso VI, 292, 295.
killed, 295.
Ibn-Tibbon, family of, 397 f.

as physicians, 582.
Ibn-Tibbon, Judah ben Saul, trans-
lator, 397 f.
characteristics of his translations,

398-
pedantry of, 397.
Ibn-Tibbon, translator and physi-
cian, 582.
Ibn-Tibbon, Samuel ben Judah,
translator.and writer, 398.
correspondence of, with Maimon-
ides, 490.
unproductiveness of, 566.
Ibn-Tumart, Abdallah, founder of
the sect of the Almovachides,

357 f-
Ibn-Zadik, rabbi of Cordova and
relioio-philosophical writer, 314.
Illiberis, council of, prohibits the
friendly intercourse between
Jews and Christians, 44.
Illyria, settlement of Jews in, 27.
Image worship in the Church, con-
flict caused by, 122.
Immanuel Romi, poet, 630.
Immortality, teachings of the Kab-

bala on, 554.
Imrulkais Ibn Hojr, Arabian poet, 68.
India, Jews of, 435 f.
Innocent III, 383, 496-504.

as president of the Fourth Lateran

Council, 509-12.
brings about a change of sentiment

towards the Jews, 507 f.
causes the deepest misery to the

Jews, 513.
censures princes for their protec-
tion of the Jews, 498 ff.
charatetistic of, 405, 496.
death of, 513.
degrades the Jews, 563.
ruthless hostility of, to the Jews,

496-501.
tyranny of, 496.
Innocent IV, allows the keeping of
the Talmud, 579.

662

INDEX.

contradicts the blood-accusation,
584, 596.
Inquisition established, 542.
Intermarriage between jews and

Christians, 44.
Irak, Jews of, 89.

Isaac, accompanies the embassy of
Charlemagne to Harou*r Alra-
shid, 143.
Isaac of Accho, Kabbalist, executed,

650.
Isaac the Blind, supposed originator

of the Kabbala, 547.
Isaac ben Eliakim, rabbi of Wurz-

burg and martyr, 354.
Isaac ben Jacob Halabanof Prague,

Tossafist, 421.
Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil, 587.
Isaac ben Mordecai, physician to the

pope, 628.
Isaac ben Samuel of Dampierre (Ri),
head of the school of Rameru
and Tossafist, 403 f., 406.
Isaac, son of AbraKam Ibn-Ezra,

embraces Islam, 442.
Isaac the Younger (Rizba), 408.
Isaac Sanjari and Bulan, 140.
Isaacs, the five, 282 ff.
Isavites, 125.
Ishmael, founder of the Akbarite

sect, 157.
Isidore of Seville, 49.

jjolemics of, against Judaism, 50 f .
Islam (see also Mahomet) :

benefits of the dominion of, to

Judaism, 85, 89.
conquests of, 86 ff., 109 ff.
divisions of, 90.
hostility of, to Judaism, 84.
influence of, on Jewish history

and Judaism, 71.
intolerance of, 87.
referred to in an apocalypse, 88 f.
restrictions imposed by, on Jews

and Christians, 87 f.
truths of, a victory of Judaism, 72.
Islam and Christianity in their treat-
ment of the Jews compared, 88.
Islamic theology, 146 ft.
Ispahan, Jewish congregation of,

434-
Ispahanites. See Isavites.
Israeli, Isaac ben i^uleiman, writer
and physician to Ubaid-Allah,
180 f., 192, 211.
Italy becomes a province of the By-
zantine empire, 32.
under the Lombards, 33.
under Ostrogothic rule, 28-32.

Italy, Jews of, 27 f.

communities of, 27, 424,

favorable condition of, 42I-3.

ignorance of, 290, 369, 421-3.

Maimunist controversy among, 628.

mental awakening of, 628 f.

resistance of, to Selisarius, 31 f.

settlement of, 27.

Talmudic schools of, 212.

under the Lombards, 33.

under the Ostrogoths, 28-32. ,

under the Papacy, 628.
Itil (Atel), kingdom of the Chazars,
138.

Jacob of Orleans,4iead of the school
in London, 409.
kills himself, 411.
Jacob ben Natronai, Gaon of Sora,

184 ff.
Jacob ben Nissim, 211, 232 ff.
Jacob ben Samuel, pupil of Saadiah,

. 204.
Jacob ben Sheshet Gerundi, Kabba-
list, 556
Jacob Tarn, 375-81.
character of, 376.
commentary of, to the Talmud,

376.
death of, 381.
descendant of Rashi, 375.
maltreated by the crusaders, 355.
poetry of, 376.
Tossafist, 343, 345, 375.
Jannai, poetan, introduces rhymes

into Neo-Hebraic poetry, 116.
Jayme, king of Aragon, treatment of

the Jews by, 596.
Jean d'Acre. See Accho.
Jehuda ben Abbas of Haleb, poet,

426.
Jehuda ben Sabbatai, poet, 559.
Jehuda Alcharisi, poet and trans-
lator, ssg.
Jehuda Hadassi, Karaite controver-

sionist, 362.
Jehuda ben Samuel Halevi, 310, 313,
315, 318, 321-43.
career of, 322 f.
character of, 321 f.
" Chozari" of, 327 f.
compared with the author of Job,

327-
disciple of Alfassi, 322.
end of life of, 342 f.
erudition of, 321 f.
evidences of Judaism by, 332 ff.
limits of philosophy set by, 331.
love poems of, 323.

INDEX

663

national religious spirit of poetry

o£, 325 f.
philosopher, 326.
physician, 323 f.

pilgrimage of, to Palestine, 338-42.
power of description of, 325.
prince of poets, 321 f.
Songs of Zion of, 337 f.
subject matter of poetry of, 324 f.
view of, on poets and poetry, 324 f.
view of, on the suffering and posi-
tion of Israel, 335 f.
Jerusalem, Jews of, 506.
during the crusades, 308.
expelled, 427.
Talmudic studies of, 249.
Jesus the son of Pantheras, 577.
Jew-badge, 511-13, 564, 595.
in England, 642.
in France, 612.
in Hungary, 614.
"Jew-roaster," 611.
Jew-tax, 281, 510, 517, 588 f., 617,

642.
Jewish children taken away from

their parents, 514, 570.
Jewish communities between Worms

and Mayence, 41.
Jewish diplomatists, 291 f ., 294.
Jewish-Himyarite empire, 51.
Jewish history, general survey of,
382 f£., 446 £., 494 f., 563 ff.,
610 ff.
scientific epoch of, 187 ff.
Jewish king of Arabia, 12.
Jewish kingdom in Arabia, 62-7.
Jewish question, at Councils, 25.
Jewish soldiers, 4.
Jews (see also under the different
countries) :
buy protection by money, 570 f.
compelled to trade, 418.
decay of learning and poetry of,
in the post-Maimunic time, 558-
62.
degradation of, 563 f .
excluded from offices of honor,
502, 510, 513, 515, 521, 567, 569,

635-
forbidden to enter Jerusalem, 23.

in service of Christian princes,

282, 291 f., 294, 312, 361 f., 384.
kill themselves to escape baptism,

404, 411, 415.
money extorted from them, 584 f.,

589 ff., 634.
persecuted everywhere, 347 tt.
representatives of the commerce

of the world, 142, 162.

render scientific literature acces-
sible to Arabs and Christians,
III, 565.
scepticism among, 199.
" servi camerse," 356 f.
slaveholders, 29.
suffering of, in the calamities of

the Roman empire, 27 f.
theological controversies among,

148 ff.
treated as property, 417.
under Christian and Mahometan

rule compared, 347 f ., 426.
warlike, 4, 19, 384, 433, 436.
Joan, pope, 169.
Joceus, first chief rabbi of England,

588.
Joceus of York, 413.
John Lackland, 416.

barbarities of, towards the Jews,

504 f.
death of, 516.
Jonah ben Abraham Gerundi, oppo-
nent of Maimonides, 529.
repentance of his fanaticism

towards Maimonides, 580.
works of, 580.-
Jonathan Cohen of Liinel, 397.
emigrates to Palestine, 505.
Jose bar Jose Hayathom, Neo-He-

braic poet, 114 f.
Joseph Amarkala Halevi, prince of
an independent Jewish tribe in
Arabia, 433.
Joseph bar Abba, mystic and princi-
pal of Pumbeditha, 154.
Joseph ben Chasdai, poet, 273.
Joseph ben Chiya, principal of Pum-
beditha, 155.
"Joseph ben Gorion," 180.
Joseph ben Sahara, poet, 559.
Joseph ben Satia, principal of Sora,

202.
Joseph Ezobi, poet, 561.
Joseph Ibn-Aknin, favorite disciple

of Maimonides, 477 f., 526.
Joseph Ibn-Ali Halevi, Karaite

champion, 205 f.
Joseph Ibn-Shoshan, distinguished
at the court of Alfonso VIII, 384.
Joseph Kara, Tossafist and exegete,

345 f-

Josephus' writings in favor with
Christians, 162.

" Josippon," 180.

Judaeo-Spanish culture, founders of,
215.

Judah, minister of finance in Portu-
gal, 618.

664

INDEX.

Judah of Melun, disputation of, with

Nicholas Doniii, 577 f.
Jtidah the Blind, Gaon of Sora, 129.

Talmudic compendium of, 136.
Judah Judghan, founder of a sect,

149 f.
Judah Sir Leon ben Isaac of Paris,
408.
disciples of, 409.
Judaism :

and philosophy, 327 ff., 455, 467,

478, 487. 522 f.
assumes a European character,

188.
compared with Christianity and

Islam, 328 £., 332 f., 393, 463.
conversions to, 21, 640 f.
divisions of, 494 ff., 522 f£., 557 f.
religious duties of, 365.
venerated by Christians, 162.
Judghanites, 150.
Judith, empress, friendly to Judaism,

162,
Julian, king of the Samaritans, 16.
Julian, metropolitan of Toledo, 107.
Justin I, severe towards the Jews, 10.
Justin II, 26.

oppresses the Samaritans, 17 f.
Justinian, 12-17.

anti-Jewish laws of, 1 2 f .

closes the schools of philosophy

in Greece, 7.
forbids the Confession of Faith

(bhema), 15.
interferes in matters of con-
science, 12 ff.
ordinances of, for the service of

the synagogue, 14 f.
severity of, towards the Samari-
tans, 13, 16.

Kaab, leader of the Benu-Kuraiza

against Mahomet, 80 f.
Kaaba, 60, 72, 453.
Kabbala, 547-57.
origin of, 535, 547.
part played by, in the religious

controversies, 623, 626, 631.
principles of, 550-55.
teachings of, on the coming of the

Messiah, 555.
teachings of, on the importance of

prayer, 553.
teachings of, on the life after

death, 554.
teachings of, on the signification

of the ceremonial laws, 553.
transplanted to Palestine, 607.
what favored rise of, 549.

Kabbalists, desecrate Maimonides'

grave, 631.
Kachtanites and Ishmaelites, 61.
"Kadish," 95.
Kafnai, exilarch, 10.
Kainukaa, driven out from Arabia

by Mahomet, 76 f.
Kairuan, center of Judaism and
science, T46, 210.
school of, 248 ff.
Kaliri. See Eleazarben Kalir.
Kalonymos, learned Jew, 143.
Kalonymos, Italian Jew in the re-
tinue of Otto II, 243.
Kalonymos ben Todios, head of the
congregation of Narbonne, 392.
Kameoth. See Cameos.
Kamus, fortress in Chaibar, 82.
Karaism, 127-37.

alterations made by, 131.

causes discord in the Talmudic

schools, 155 ff.
character of, 133.
divisions of, 136, 157.
effect of, on the authority of the

exilarch, 137.
emphasizes freedom of inquiry,

'57-
explanation of name of, 130.
gives impetus to the study of the

Bible, 133, 136.
inconsistencies of, 131, 133, 159,

443-
increases the religious duties, 131.
instability of, 133.
marriage laws of, 132, 158 f.
principal dogma of, 157.
regulations of, about festivals, 131,

158 f.
spread of, 182, 207.
Karaites :

asceticism of, 181 f , 204, 437.
controversies of, with the Kabba-

nites, 134, 182, 203, 362 £.
cultivate Biblical philology and

exegesis, 180 f., 204, 206.
in Cairo, 444.
in Crimea, 435.
in Palestine, 607.
narrow-mindedness of, 206.
polemical writings of, igi.
productive in Biblical literature,

136.

proselytism of, 203.

rigorous observance of the Sab-
bath, 132.

severity and gloominess of relig-
ious life of, 132 f.

superficiality of, 20-I, 206.

INDEX.

665

Khiva, Jews of, 435.
Khozars. See Chazars.
Kimchi, family of, 392.
Kimchi, David (Kadak), grammarian
and exegete, 394.
excommunicated, 531.
teacher of Hebrew to the Jews and

Christians of Europe, 393.
view of, on the Talmud, 531.
zealous Maimunist, 530 f., 540 f.
Kimchi, Joseph ben Isaac, intro-
duces Jewish-Spanish culture
into southern France, 392.
writings of, 392 f.
Kimchi, Moses, 393.
Kinanah Ibn-Rabia, leader of the
Chaibarites against Mahomet,
82.
Kobad, 1-5.
death of, 5.
dethroned, 2.
institutes a religious jDersecu-

tion, I.
re-instated, 2.
supports Mazdak, 2.
Kohen-Zedek, Gaon of Pumbeditha,
183-200.
ambitiousness of, 192, 194.
conflict of, with the exilarch, 184 f.
Koran, introduction of, 147.
on the position of women, 92.
relation of, to Bible and Talmud,
72.
Kovad. See Kobad.

Ladislaus IV of Hungary, bigotry
of, 615.

Landfried, ambassador of Charle-
magne to Harouii Alrashid, 143.

Lateran Council, anti- Jewish de-
crees of, 400, 421 f., 498.

Lateran Council, the Fourth, 509-12.

Law, knowledge of, valued, 113.

Leo the Isaurian, why he protected
the Jews, 122 f.

Leo the Philosopher, intolerant to-
wards the Jews, 176.

Leon, teacher of Gershom, 243.

Leon (Leontini), founder of the sci-
entific study of the Talmud in
France, 242.

Letter of Sherira, 232 f.

Letter-carrying, regulations about,
by Gershom, 244 f.

Liturgy and liturgical poetry, 1 13 ff .,
132, 178, 236, 245, 260, 282, 320,
367, 376, 419.

London, Jews of :

cruelties against, 643.

massacre of, 591.

persecution of, 410 f.
Louis II orders the Jews out of Italy,

174.
Louis VI, favorable to the Jews, 343.
Louis VII, as crusader, 349.

favorable to the Jews, 343, 400.
Louis IX (the Saint):

Jews expelled by, 585.

Jews hated by, 519, 570.

orders of, concerning the Jew-
badge, 612.

persecutes the Talmud, 578, 586.

proselytizing of, 570.
Louis the Pious, 161.

favorable to the Jews, 161 ff.
Lunel, Jewish congregation of, 396.

letter of Maimonides to, 492.
Lynn, Jews of, massacred, 411 f.

Macedonia, settlement of Jews in,

27.
Machir, learned Jew, sent by Ha-

roun Alrashid to Charlemagne,

143-
Machuza, capital of the Jewish state
in Babylonia, 4.
taken by Mebodes, 9.
Macon, council of, degrades the

Jews, 39.
"Madda," 468, 523.

proscribed, 529.
Magharyites. See Makariyites.
" Magister Judaeorum," 161.
Mahdi, 358.
Mahomet, 71-84.

breaks with the Jews, 75 f.
character of revelations of, 71.
chief opponents of, on the Jewish

side, 74.
concessions of, to Judaism, 73.
confession of faith of, 71.
corruption of teachings of, 72.
death of, 84.
enters in alliance with Jewish

tribes, 73.
first doctrines of, 71.
relation of, to Judaism, 71.
revelation of, against the Jews, 78.
supported by the Jews in the pro-
pagation of the Koran, 73.
teachings of, 72.
wars of, against the Jews, 76-84.
why the Jews objected to, 74.
Mahomet Alemin, 145.
Mahomet Almuktafi, caliph, re-in-
states the exilarch, 428.
Mahomet Alnasir, attacks Spain,
506 f.

666

INDEX.

Mahometans, divisions among, 147 f.

philosophy and theology of, 146 f.

revival of science among, 145 ff.

scepticism among, 199.

treatment of the Jews by, 88, 176.
Maimonides, Moses ben Maimun
(see also Maimunist contro-
versy), 446-93, 522-45.

aim of, 450, 522.

articles of faith of, 459 f.

attitude of, to the Aristotelian
philosophy, 478.

attitude of, to the Karaites, 465,

475-
averse to poetry, 449.
birth of, 447.
brothers of, 457.
character of, 449 f.
commentary of, on the Mishna,

458-61.
conception of Judaism of, 456,

459, 522.
condemned in Accho, 631.
controversy about the system of,

522 ff.
correspondence of, with Samuel

Ibn-Tibbon, 490 f.
court physician of Saladin, 472 f. ,

489.
death of, 492 f.
descendants of, 493.
descent of, 447.
doctrine of, on immortality and

resurrection, 476, 478 f., 523 f.
education of, 447 f.
effects of death of, on Judaism,

494 f-
effects of teachings of, on Judaism

in southern France, 526.
epitaphs on the grave of, 493,

631.
ethical philosophy of, 533.
explanation of the ceremonial

laws by, 484 f., 523.
fame of, 471, 489 ff.
feigns Islam, 451 f.
first to develop a Jewish system

of belief, 459.
funeral of, 493.

" Guide of the Perplexed of," 477.
" Iggeret Teman " of, 462-4.
in Palestine, 45.7.
Mahometan opinion of, 488.
medical learning of, 473, 489.
mental organization of, 448, 458,

467.
" Mishne-Torah " of, 466-70.
non- Jewish elements in the system

of, 487, 522 f., 526.

opponents of, 471 f., 475, 490,
522 fi.

physician, 458, 491.

religio-philosophical system of,
478 ff., 522.

settles in Cairo, 457.

supreme head of the Jews of
Egypt, 474. ^

view of, on feigned apostasy and
martvrdom, 453-6.

view of, on miracles, 483, 523.

view of, on persecution and suffer-
ing of Israel, 463.

view of, on prophecy, 482, 523.

view of, on tradition, 459, 469 f.

wanderings of, 447 f., 451, 456 f.

works of, burnt, 543.

writings of, 451 f., 458, 462, 466,
477. 488.
Maimun, father of Maimonides, 317.
Maimun Asha, Arabian poet, 70.
Maimuni. See Maimonides.
Maimunist controversy, 522-45, 623-

34-
abated, 580.

Dominicans appealed to in, 542 f.
evil consequences of, 546 f
excommunication employed in,

529, 632.
in the East, 525 f.
in Germany, 623-7.
in Italy, 628.

in southern Europe, 526 ff.
part taken in, by the Kabbala, 631 f.
Makariyites, Karaite sect, 151.
Malka bar Acha, Gaon of Pumbe-

ditha, 137.
Maor, 389.
Mar- Aaron, 157.

Mar- Abraham ben Sherira, princi-
pal of Pumbeditha, 154 f.
Mar-Amram ben Sheshna, Gaon of
Sora and compiler of a liturgical
order of prayers, 178.
Mar bar Huna, principal of Sora, 10.
Mar-Chanina, grandfather of Mar-
Zutra II, 3.
executed, 4.
Mar-Isaac, murdered, 3.
Mar-Isaac, first Gaon of Sora, 90,92,
Mar-Kaba, 92.
Mar-Ukba, exilarch, 184 f.
Mar-Yanka. See Natrona!'.
Mar-Zemach I, first of the literary
Geonim of Pumbeditha, 178.
author of an Aruch, 179.
Mar-Zutra, posthumous son of Mar-
Zutra II, 4.
teacher at Tiberias, 12.

INDEX.

667

Mar-Zutra II, exilaich, 3.
executed, 4.

king of a Jewish state, 4.
leader of a Jewish insurrection,
- 3f.

Marhab, Jewish hero in Chaibar, 82.
Mari bar Mar, principal of Pumbe-

ditha, 9.
Massora, development and import-
ance of, 112.
in Germany, 244.
Massorets, 207.

Matthew Paris, chronicler, 591.
Mauritius, Byzantine emperor, 18.

resists Chosru,9.
Mayence, blood accusation and mas-
sacre of Jews of, 636.
during the crusades, 302 f.
rabbinical synod in, 517.
school of, 247.
Mazdak, reformer of Magianism and

communist, i f.
Meaux, Council of, passes anti-Jew-
ish decrees, 171 f.
Mebodes, Persian general, massa-
cres the Jews, of Machuza, g.
Mecca, 60.

Jews not allowed to dwell in, 436.
Medicine, practice of, by Jews
among Christians, forbidden,
581 f.
Medina, becomes the lawgiver for
millions, 86.
Jews not allowed to dwell in, 436.
Meir of Kameru, Tossafist, 345.
Me'ir of Rothenburg, 579.
corpse of, ransomed, 640.
dies in prison, 640.
eccentric piety of, 625.
leader of Jewish emigrants from
Germany, 637-40.
" Men of Faith," 153.
Menachem ben Saruk, first gramma-
rian and one of the founders of
Judaso-Spanish culture, 215.
controversy of, with Uunash, 226 f.
death of, 227.
disciples of, 227.
relation of, to Chasdai, 224, 226.
works of, 224 f.
Menahem ben Solomon. See David

Alrui.
Merovingian kings, bigotry of, 39 f.

narrow-mindedness of, 143.
Merv, center of science, 146.
Meshullam ben Jacob, head of Lunel,

396.
Messer-Jawaih of Bassorah, Jewish
physician, 1 1 1 .

Messiahs, false, 120, 124, 149, 331-

3, 462.
Messianic hopes, 298, 313, 360, 606,

637.
Metatoron, 88, 153.
Metempsychosis, 547, 554.
Meters, first employed in Neo-He-

braic poetry, 223.
Meturgeman in the schools, 438.
Michael ben Kaleb of Thebes, Jew-
ish poet, 426.
Michael Scotus, astrologer of Fred-
erick II, 566 f.
Mishna, commentary on, by Maimo-
nides, 458 ff.
origin of, discussed, 233.
translated into Arabic, 237.
" Mishne-Torah " of Maimonides,

466 ff.
Moawiyah, contest of, with Ali, 90.
Modestus, Patriarch of Jerusalem,

fanaticism of, 22.
Mongols, 646 ff.

establish a kingdom in Persia, 637.
invade Europe, 580 f.
invade Hungary, 613.
Jewish soldiers among, 581.
ravages of, in Palestine, 606.
Montanists persecuted by Leo the

Isaurian, 122 f.
Montpellier, flourishing condition of
the Jewish congregation of, 395.
seat of a medical college, 583.
Mordecai ben Joseph of Avignon,

612.
" Moreh Nebuchim." See "Guide

of the Perplexed."
Moses the Lawgiver, distinguished
character of his prophetic facul-
• ty, 483 f.

supposed synagogue of, 445.
Moses of Baalbek, founder of a Ka-
raite sect, 158.
Moses of Coucy, 576.

itinerant preacher, 545 f.
Tossafist and Maimunist, 539.
work of, on the Law, 586.
Moses ben Chanoch, one of the
founders of Judaeo-Spanish cul-
ture, 208, 215.
death of, 229.
functions of, 228 f.
relation of, to Chasdai, 228.
spreads Talmudic studies in
Spain, 208 f.
Moses ben Chasdai, fanatic oppo-
nent of Maimonides, 624 f.
Moses ben jehuda Cohen, rabbi of
Safet, 633.

668

INDEX.

Moses ben Maimun. See Maimo-

nides.
Moses ben Nachman. See Nach-

mani.
Moses, son of Kalonymos, 143.
Mosul, Jewish congregation 01,429 f.
" Mourners of Zion," 182, 437.
Mozarabs, 215.

Munich, Jews of, massacred, 636 f.
Musa, founder of the Akbarite sect,

157.

Mushka, fanatical Judghanite, 150.

Mutazilists (Mahometan rational-
ists), 147, 150.

Muza Ibn-Nosair, governor of Africa,
109.

Mysticism (see also Kabbala), 153 f.,
251, 535-
in France, 160.
in Italy, 160.

Nachmani, 530-57, 598-609.
character of, 531.
commentary of, to the Bible, 607.
death of, 608.
disputation of, with Pablo Chris-

tiani, 598-601.
erudition of, 532.
exiled, 604 f.

hostile to Ibn-Ezra, 534, 608,
influence of, 609.
in Palestine, 605-7.
method of exegesis of, 562, ,608.
opponent of Maimonides, 608.
part taken by, in the Maimunist

controversy, 530-6.
physician, 532.
religious system of, 533-5.
reverence of, for rabbinical tra-
dition, 531, 557.
Talmudic works of, 532.
view of, on Agada, 599.
votary of the Kabbala, 535, 556.
Nachshon ben Zadok, Gaon of Sora,

179.
Nagid, Egyptian exilarch, 443.
Nagrela, Joseph, son of Samuel,

vizir and Nagid in Granada,

274.
indiscretion of, 275.
killed, 278.
Nagrela, Samuel, head of the Jews

of Andalusia, 254-65.
career of, 255.
characteristics of, 254 f.
compiles a methodology of the

Talmud, 259.
death of, 274.
diplomatist, 257.

friend of Gebirol, 268, 274.
philosopher, 261.
poet, 259 f.

supports learning, 260.
vizir, 256.
writings of, 259 f.
Nakdan, 560.
Naples, favorable condition of the

Jews of, 422.
Narbonne, 45.

principal Jewish congregation of

southern France, 392-4.
Talmudic school of, 143, 242.
Nathan ben Isaac Kohen, 208, 242.
Nathan ben Yechiel of Rome, author

of the Aruch, 290, 421.
Natronai II, Gaon of Sora, 178.
Natronai ben Chasdai, 137.
Natronai ben Nehemiah, principal

of Pumbeditha, t2I f,
Nazareth, inhabited by Jews, 12.
Neapolis (Shechem), capital of the

Samaritans, 12.
Nechunya ben ha-Kana, Kabbalistic
manuscript attributed to him,
556.
Neo-Hebraic poetry, 112, 317 f.
artistic form of, 223.
compared with that of the Bible,

113.
decline of, 558 f.
didactic element of, 113.
effect of, on the divine service,

117 f.
introduction of rhyme into, ii6.
last poets of, 559 f.
liturgical character of, 113.
meters employed in, 223.
subject matter of, 113.
Nestorian Christians, persecuted by

the Sassanian princes, 89.
Nevers, Count, favorable to the

Jews, 500.
New Misr. See Cairo,
New Nineveh, Jews of, ignorant, 430.
New Year celebratecl for two days,
428.
liturgy of, 113 ff.
Nice, Council of, 25.
Nicholas III, 594.
Nicholas Donin, apostate, 572-8.
accuses the Talmud, 573.
disputation of, 576-8.
instigates a persecution of the
Jews, 573.
Nilus the Younger, Abbot of Hossa-
na, relations of, to Donnolo, 213.
Nissi Naharvani, reconciles the Ex-
ilarchate and Gaonate, 186.

INDEX.

669

Nissim of Kairuan, 248 ff.
Northampton, blood-accusation of,

643-
Norwich, Jews of, massacred, 412.
Nureddin, attacks the Christians in

Asia, 349.

Oath imposed on the Jews by Charle-
magne, 144.

Obadiah, Jewish king of the Cha-
zars, 140 f.

Obaiah Abu-Isa ben Ishah, pseudo-
precursor of the iVlessiah and
leader of a rebellion, 124 f.

Oberwesel (Germany), Jews of, mas-
sacred, 637, 639.

Odo, bishop of Paris, forbids inter-
course between Jews and Chris-
tians, 407.

Offices of honor, Jews excluded from,
502, 510, 513, 515, 521, 567, 569,

635-
Omar, bestows rewards on Jews and
Christians, 89.
captures Jerusalem, 87.
" covenant" of, 87, 145.
death of, go.
fanaticism of, 84 f.
repelled by the Jews, 82.
restrictions imposed by, on Jews
and Christians, 87 f.
Omar II, bigotry of, 120.
Ommiyyades and Alides, 92, lOO.
caliphs of, no.

empii'e of, broken up into small
f^ principalities, 255 f.

last, 125.
Opposition in history, its mission,
^^^127.
Orleans, Council of, enacts severe

measures against the Jews, 37.
Osius, bishop of Cordova, 44.
Othman, killed, 90.
Oxford, Council of, passes hostile
resolutions against the Jews, 516.

Pablo Christian!, apostate, 597 ff.
denounces the Talmud, 602.
disputation of, with Nachmani,

.597 f£- . ^ ^

inspires action against the Jews,
612.
Pachda, exilarch, 3.
Palestine :

captured by the Mongols, 606.
condition of Jews of, lo, 427.
conquest of, by the Arabs, pro-
moted by Jews and Samaritans,
87.

emigration of jews to, 505 f.
Jewish communities of, 427.
Jewish congregations of, take up

the cause of Maimonides, 633.
Jews forbidden to build syna-
gogues in, 10.
Jews of, take up arms against

Heraclius, 83.
possessed by Christians, 11 f.
subordinates itself to Babylonia,

100.
under Christian rule, 341, 427.
Paltoi ben Abayi, Gaon of Pumbe-

ditha, 177.
Parchon, Solomon ben Abraham,

423-
Paris, Council of, passes anti-Jewish
measures, 40.
Talmudic academy of, 5S6.
Talmudic academy of, closed, 403.
Parliament, Jewish, in Worcester,

589.
Parnese-ha-Keneset, 99.
Paul of Tarsus, 72.
Pauline Christianity, what it effected

in Judaism, 127.
Pentateuch, system of reading of, in

the synagogue, 444.
Persecutions of the Jews, influence
of, on their mental condition,
5.2 f.
spread of, 563.
Persia, captured by the Arabs, 86.
communism of, i ff.
Mongol kingdom, 637.
Persia, Jews of, i-io.

establish a small state, 4.
persecuted, 2-4, 8, 89.
rebel against Zendiks, 2 f.
Petachya, traveler, 421, 440.
Peter of Amiens, 297.
Peter of Clugny, rouses the crusaders

against the Jews, 349 f.
Peter the Apostle and the Abodah,

115.
Philip III of France, bigotry of, 613.
Philip Augustus, extorts money from
Jews and expels them, 402.
massacres Jews, 404.
receives Jews, 405 f., 498.
Physicians, Jewish, 583.
Philo's writings in favor with Chris-
tians, 162.
Phocas, treatment of the Jews by, 18.
" Pileum cornutum," 612.
Pilgrimages to graves, adopted, by

Jews, 440, 445.
Pinehas Ibn-Azura, Jewish opponent
of Mahomet, 74, 76.

670

INDEX.

*' Pirke Aboth," explained by Mai-

monides, 459.
" Piyutim," 117.
"Placitum Judseorum,"- 103.
Poetanic compositions, 114.
Poetanists, 114 ff.
Poetry, among the Arabs, 214.

among the Spanish Jews, 58,68 ff.,

317-
Neo-Hebraic. See Neo-Hebraic

poetry,
liturgic. See Liturgy.
Poitou, Jews of, persecuted, 573.
Poland, Jews of, take part in Tal-
mudic learning, 421,
commercial activity of, 613.
Polygamy among jews, 244, 378.
Popes, toleration of, towards the
Jews, 25, 29, 33.
protect the Jews, 421.
Portugal, favorable condition of the

Jews of, 617 f.
Posquieres, Jewish congregation of,

399-
Prelates, moral condition of, 281.
Prince of the Captivity. See Exil-

arch.
Prophecy and prophets, 482 ff.
Proselytizing zeal of the Church, 25 f.
Provence, Jews of :
culture of, 391.

favorable condition of, 389 ff.
Jew-badge of, 612 f.
political relations of, 390.
Pumbeditha, s'chool of, 92 f.

center of Judaism in Babylonia,

183.
closed, 8.

contest about the office, of the prin-
cipal of, 154.
extinction of, 254.
independent of the exilarchate,

177.
influence of, 160.

position of the principal of, 94 ff.
revenues of, 97 f.
rises to impottance, Z02.
under Hai Gaon, 225.
Purple manufactured by Jews, 425.
Pyrenean peninsula, condition of
the Jews of, compared with that
of those in other European coun-
tries, 5i8 f.

Rabai of Rob, 5.

Kaiiha. ben Ami, Gaon of Pumbe-
ditha, 178.
Rabbanites, 134.
Rabbinical epochs in Spain, 273, 282.

Rabbinical synods, 376, 378, 517.
Rabbis and Christian prelates com-
pared, 287.
Rabed II, 399.
Rambam. See Maimonides.
Ramban. See Nachmani.
Rameru, center of Talmudic studies,

403-
Jewish congregation of, during
the second crusade, 355.
Ramon Berengar IV, 387.
Rashba. See Solomon ben Adret.
Rashbam. See Samuel ben Meir.
Rashi, 286-9.
career of, 286.
character of, 287.
commentary of, on Talmud and

Bible, characterized, 288.
death of, 309 f.
descendants of, 289, 345.
descent of, 286.
elucidates the Talmud, 288.
grammatical erudition of, 289.
liberal attitude of, toward compul-
sory converts, 308 f.
Rabbi of Trojes, 287.
works of disciples of, 444.
Rationalism in the East, 199.
Ratisbon, Jews of, during the cru-
sades, 305.'
privileges of, 635,
Raymond de Penyaforte, Dominican
General, fanaticism of, 519 f.,
597, 601 f.
arranges a religious disputation,

598.
persecutes Nachmani, 604.
proselytizing of, 627.
Raymund Martin, anti- Jewish writ-
ings of, 622.
Raymund Roger of Bfeziers, defeated

by the crusaders, 502 f.
Raymund V of Toulouse, favors the

Jews, 399.
Raymund VI of Toulouse, compelled
by Innocent III to depose Jew-
ish officers, 501 f.
favors the Jews, 400.
Raymund VII of Toulouse, favors

the Jews, 513 f.
Reccared oppresses the Jews, 46 f.

edict of intolerance of, 34.
Receswinth, king of the Visigoths,
persecutes the secret Jews, 102,
104.
Rechabites, 55.

Refraction of light, first noted,[l46.
Resh Kalla or Rosh, 210 f.
Resh Galutha. See Exilarch.

INDEX.

671

Revival of science among the Arabs,
146.
part taken in, by Jews, 146

Rhabanus Maurus taught by Jews,
162 f.

Rhine district, origin of Jews of, 40 f.

Ri, 403.

Riba, Tossafist, 345.

Riban, Tossafist, 345.

Richard the Lion-hearted, first per-
secution of the Jews in England
occurs at coronation of, 410 f.
protects the Jews, 411.
truce of, with Saladin, 405.

Rizba, 408.

Robert de Redingge, Dominican,
converted to Judaism, 640 f.

Roderic, last of the Visigothic kings,
109.

Roger II, favorable to the Jews,422 f.

"Rokeach," 517.

Roman empire, suffering of the
Jews during calamities of, 27 f.

Rudolph, monk, instigates the peo-
ple against the Jews during the
second crusade, 351.

Rudolph of Habsburg, treatment of
the Jews by, 634-40.
extorts money from the Jews, 634.
injustice of, to the Jews of May-

ence, 636.
prohibits Jewish emigration from

Germany, 639.
protects Jews, 635.

Rudiger, bishop of Speyer, favor-
able to the Jews, 297 f.

Rurik, 222.

Russia, Jews of, take part in Tal-
mudic studies, 421.

Russians, war of, with the Chazars,
221.

Kuta al Jahud, 42.

Ruthard, archbishop of Mayence,
treachery of, against the Jews,
303-

Saad Addaula, Jewish physician to
Argun, Grand Khan of the Mon-
gols, 638.

minister of finance, 646 f.

encourages learning, 648.

executed, 649.
Saadiah Gaon, 187-202.

career of, 188.

combats rationalism, 199.

conflict of, with the exilarch, 195 f.

death of, 202.

defends Judaism against Christi-
anity and Islam, 199.

deposed from the Gaonate, 1 96.
"Emunoth we-Ueoth," 197 f.
endeavors to reconcile reason with

Talmud and Bible, 190.
excommunicated, 195.
founder of scientific Judaism, 188,

197.
Gaon of Sora, 193.
idea of, of God, 189 f.
" inaugurates a new epoch of Jew-
ish history, 187.
magnanimity of, 201.
personality of, 188.
polemics of, against the Karaites,

189 ff.
polemics of, against the Massora,

207.
re-instated into the Gaonate, 200 f.
retires to Bagdad, 196.
translates the Bible into Arabic,

189 f.
works of, i8g f., 192, ig6 f.
Sabbatai ben Solomon of Rome,

630.
Sabureans (Saburai), 6 f.
Safet- Jewish congregation of, takes

the side of Maimonides, 633.
Safia, Jewess, captured by Mahomet,

Sahal of Taberistan, Jewish physi-
cian and mathematician, 146.
Sahal, Abulsari, Karaite zealot,

203 f.
Saladin, conquers Egypt, 461.
favorable to the Jews, 461.
resists the Christians, 405.
tolerance of, 474.
Salvatierra, Jewish community of,

destroyed, 507.
Samaritans, 12 f.

communities of, 427.
help the Arabs to conquer Pales-
tine, 87.
insurrections of, 13, 16.
massacre Christians, i6 f.
Samarkand, Jews of, 435.
Samson ben Abraham of Sens, 408.
emigrates to Palestine, 505.
narrowness of, 524.
opponent of Maimonides, 505.
Samuel of Chateau-Thierry, 576.
Samuel ben Abraham Saporta, de-
fender of Maimonides, 539, 543.
Samuel ben Ali Halevi, rabbi of
Bagdad, 438 f.
head of the opposition to Mai-
monides, 472, 475 ff., 525.
Samuel ben Chofni, last Gaon of
Sora, 2^3.

6/2

INDEX.

Samuel ben Meir, Tossafist and

exegete, 345 f.
Samuel ben Solomon Sir Morel,

Tossafist, 586.
Samuel Cohen ben David, head of

the Talmudic school of Bagdad,

633-
Samuel Halevi, scientist at the
court of Alfonso X and inventor
of a water-clock, 594.
Samuel Ibn-Adiya, Jewish Arabian
poet and chief, 68 ff.
fidelity of, 69.
poems of, 70.
Samuel Tam, Tossafist, 345.
Sar Shalom, head of the Jewish con-
gregation of Ispahan, 434.
Saragossa, capital of Aragon, 387.
Saul, son of Anan, leader of the

Karaites, 136.
Scepticism in the East, 199.
Schism in the Church, 614.
Scientific epoch in Jewish history,

beginning of, 187 ff.
Seal of the exilarch, 89 f.
" Sechel ha-Poel," 480.
Secret Jews, control exercised over,
104, 107.
treatment of, 101 ff.
" Seder ha-Kabbalah," 366.
" Sefiroth " (in the Kabbala), 551.
Semuna, principal of Pumbeditha, 56.
Serachya ben Isaac, 630.
Serachya Halevi Gerundi, 389.
Serene, false Messiah and leader of
a movement against the Talmud,
120 f.
" Servi camerse," 516, 520.
original signification of, 356 f.
legend about the origin of, 417.
when the Jews were turned into,
416.
Sens, Jewish community of, 499.
Seville becomes the center of Jew-
ish Spain, 284.
Shechem. See Neapolis.
" Shema," forbidden, 15.
Shemaria ben Elchanan, 208.
Shem-Tob of Tortosa, physician

and writer on medicine, 582 f.
Shem-Tob Falaquera publishes a
vindication of the " Guide of
the Perplexed," 634.
Sherira, Gaon of Pumbeditha, 231-4.
character of, 232.
death of, 234.
descent of, 232.
imprisoned, 234.
letter of, 232 f.

Shiites, 150.
Sicily, Jews of, 569.

favorable condition of, 422.
" Siddur Rab Amram," 178.
Sigismund, ambassador of Charle-
magne to Haroun Alrashid,

143-
Sigismund, king of Burgundy, op-
presses the Jews, 37.
Silk manufacture by Jews, 425.
Simcha Cohen, martyr of Worms,

302.
Simon of Cairo, author of the " Hala-

choth Gedoloth," 179.
Simon ben Caipha, Neo-Hebraic

poet, 115.
Simon ben Isaac ben Abun, poet,

245 f.
Simon bar Yochai, connected with

mysticism, 606.
foretells the rise of Islam, 88 f.
Simon de Montfort, 508 f,
leader of the crusade against the

Albigenses, 502.
persecutes the Jews of Toulouse,

513. 515-
Sinjar, Seljuk Sultan, encounter of,

with the Jews, 434 f.
Sinzig, Jews of, burnt alive, 611.
Sisebut, 173.
fanaticism of, 40.
persecutes the Jews, 47 ff.
Sisenard, king of the Visigoths, per-
secutes the secret Jews, 49 f£.
Slave trade of the Jews, 28 f., 40,

142, 229, 305.
Solomon, exilarch, 128, 428.
Solomon of Tarascon, 612.
Solomon ben Abraham of Montpel-
lier, opponent of Maimonides,
527 f., 536 f.
invokes the Dominicans against
the Maimunists, 542 f.
Solomon ben Abraham ben Adret,
6og, 618-23.
and David Maimuni, 620 f.
attitude of, to Kabbala and phil-

osophy, 619.
character of, 619.
converses with Christian theolo-
gians, 623.
fame of, 620 f.
polemical writings of, against

Christianity and Islam, 623.

standard-bearer of Judaism, 621.

Solomon ben Yerucham, Kai-aite

champion, 206.

opponent of Saadiah Gaon, 191.

Solomon Ibn-Gebirol. See Gebirol.

INDEX.

673

Solomon Petit, Kabbalist and fana-
tical anti-Maimunist, 626.
in Accho, 627, 630 f.
Sophronius, bishop of Jerusalem,

surrenders to Omar, 87.
Sora, academy of, 4 f., 92 f.
closed, 8, 202.

contest for the Gaonate, 156 f.
decline of, 183, 202.
extinction of, 253.
position of principal of, 93 ff.
regains its reputation, 186.
regeneration of, under Saadiah

Gaon, 193.
revenues of, 97 f.
strife with Pumbeditha, 183 ff.
Spain, Christian, 34, 43 f., 291, 361,
507, 592, 615, 618.
Mahometan, 109 ff., 214 ff., 313 ff
Spain, Jews of :

admitted to high offices, 234 f.,

256 ff., 312 f., 3831
attain the highest development,

383 f.

characteristics of, 235 f,

center of Judaism, 42, 210, 228 f. ,
254, 618.

confer names upon localities, 42.

culture of, 234 f.

enjoy toleration, 44 f.

faithful to their religion, 236.

first persecution of, 278, 281.

first rabbinical epoch of, 273.

founders of culture of, 215.

friendly intercourse of, with Chris-
tians, 43 f.

importance of history of, 41.

impoverished, I2r.

intermarriage of, with Christians,
44.

nobility of, 43, 235 f.

partisans, 317.

persecuted, 360.

prosperity of, 214, 229.

rabbis of, characterized, 609.

second rabbinical epoch of, 288.

settlement of, 34 f., 42 f.

support the Mahometan conquest,
109.
Speyer, Jews of, during the cru-
sades, 301.

privileges of, 297 f.
Stamford, Jews of, maltreated, 412.
Stephanas, governor of Palestine,

killed by the Samaritans, 16 f.
Stephen, king of England, protects
the Jews during the second cru-
sade, 356.

Stephen Langton, enemy of the Jews,

516.
St. Gilles, Jewish congregation of,

399-

Sunna (Mahometan tradition), no.

Superstition among Jews and Chris-
tians, 546.

Susa (Tuster), Jewish congregation
of, 434 f.

Susskind (Suzkint) of Trimberg,
Jewish German poet, 420.

Suwailin, plots against Mahomet, 84.

Sviatislaw, conquers the kingdom of
the Chazars, 222.

Swintila, king of the Visigoths, de-
throned, 49.
tolerant to the Jews, 49.

" Synhedrion, the gi-eat and the
smaller," 96.

Synods of the Church. See Coun-
cils of the Church.

Synods, rabbinical, 376, 377 f., 517.

Syrian Christians render scientific
literature accessible to the
Arabs, in.

" Tables of Alfonso," 594.
"Tachkemoni," 318.

of Alcharisi, 559.
Talmud :

attitude of the Arabic Jews to-
ward, 119 f.

causes suffering to the Jews, 573 f.

committed to writing, 6.

confiscated and burnt, 579.

degeneracy of study of, 128.

effect of condemnation of, by the
Church, 579.

movement against, 124, 127 ff.

persecuted, 573-9.

put on trial in Aragon, 602.

stagnation of the development of, 5.

study of, becomes the center of
Jewish life, 571 f.

subjected to censorship, 602 f.

supplants the Bible, 128, 317.
Talmud, Babylonian, authority of,
nSf.

Jerusalem, studied, 249.
Talmud, copies of, transferred from

Sora to Spain, 203
Talmudic Judaism abandoned by a

part of the Jews, 120-2.
Talmudic lexicography, 179.
Talmudic schools :

aim of, 6.

closed, 8.

lack of creative power of, 5 f.

674

INDEX.

literary activity of, i8o.

of Cordova, 210.

of Egypt, 210.

of Kairuaii, 248 f.

of Narbonne, 143, 242.

of Paris, 586.

of Tiberias, 12.
Talmudic studies :

in Bohemia 420 f.

in France, 344 ff., 408.

in Germany, 419.

in Italy, 421.

in Spain, 227 flf., 282.
Talmudic teachers have to flee, 4, 8.
Tarik, the Mahometan conqueror of

Spain, 109.
Tax, Jewish. See Jew-tax and Tithe.
Ten, importance of the number in

the Kabbala, 552.
"The History of the Maccabees,"

180.
Theobald, Count of Chartres, part
taken by, in the first blood-ac-
cusation, 379 f.
Theodatus, supported by the Jews,

31-
Theodoric, attitude of, towards the

Jews, 29 f.
Theodosius II, 26.
laws of, against the Jews, 10, 28 f.,
171.
Thomas i Becket, kindles fanaticism

against the Jews, 409.
Tiberias, Jews of, driven out by
Omar, 87.
school of, 12.
Tiberius, empei'or, 18.
Tiflisites, Karaite sect, 158.
Tithe, paid by Jews, 499, 516, 518,

582.
Toledo, 384.

center of Jewish learning, 361.
confession signed by the Jews of,

103 f.
conquered by Alfonso VI, 294 f.
Council of, passes decrees against

secret Jews, 49 ff. , IC2.
culture of the Jews of, 386.
delivered by the Jews to the Ma-
hometans, 109.
Jewish congregation of, at the

head of Spain, 537.
number of Jews in, 384.
riot against the Jews of, 386.
Talmudic school of, 362.
Torah, distinguishing character of,

484 f.
Tossafists, 344-6, 403 f., 408, 470.
last, 587.

method of, 344.

one-sidedness of, 529.
"Tossafoth," old, 404.
Toulouse, Jews of, 399 f.

indignities suffered by, 174.
Tovey on the Jews, 642.
Treves during the crusades, 300.
Troyes, rabbinical synod of, 378.
Tudela, Jews of, obtain equal rights

with the Christians, 388.
Tuster. See Susa.

Ubaid-Allah Ibn-Suleiman, vizir,

favors the Jews, 183.
founder of the Fatimide dynasty,

180 f.
Unitarians among Mahometans, 358.
Usury of Jews and Christians, 399,

401, 510, 571, 642.

Vandals conquered by Belisarius, 26.

Vannes, Council of, forbids the
clergy to attend Jewish ban-
quets, 36.

Venantius Fortunatus, 39.

Vessels of the Temple transported
fi'om Carthage to Constantino-
ple and Jerusalem, 26 f.

Vienna, Council of, degrades the
Jews, 611 f.
Jews of, excluded from offices, 635.

Visigoths :
constitution of, 47.
treatment of Jews by, 44 f., loi.

Vizirs, Jewish, 256 ff., 274, 280,312.

Vowel-points, introduction of, 7, 112,
207.

Wadil-Kora (Arabia), Jews of, 55 f.
driven out by Omar, 85.

Walid I, no.

Walter, archbishop of Sens, inter-
cedes in behalf of the Jews and
the Talmud, 578.

Walter von der Vogelweide, 420.

Wamba, king of the Visigoths, de-
posed, 104-6.

Waraka Ibn-Naufal and Mahomet,

71.

Wecelinus, convert to Judaism, 245 f.

Werner, archbishop of Mayence,
protects the Jews, 636.

William II, of Sicily, favorable to
the Jews, 422 f.

William the Conqueror, imposes re-
strictions on the Jews, 294.

Wimpfen, ransoms the body of Meir
of Rothenburg, 640.

Witiga, king of the Visigoths, 109.

INDEX.

675

Wolfram of Escheiibach, 420.
Worms, during the crusades, 301.

Jews of, favored by Henry IV, 293.
Wratislaw, ruler of Bohemia, extorts

money from the Jews, 307 f.
Wurzburg, Jewish majtyrs of, 354.

Xeres, battle of, 109.

Yathrib (Medina), seat of Jewish

learning, 59.
Yechiel of Paris, disputation of, with
Nicholas Donin, 576 f., 598 f.
emigrates to Palestine, 587.
head of the Talmudic- school of
Paris, 586.
Yechiel ben Abraham, financier of

pope Alexander III, 421.
" Yekum Purkan," 95.
Yekutiel Ibn- Hassan, head of the
Jews in Saragossa, 266.
friend of Gebirol, 266.
killed, 266.
Yemen, benevolence of the Jews of,

436-
Maimonides' letter to, 462-4.

Yezid I, no.

Yishai ben Chiskiyah, exilarch of
Damascus, defends Maimon-
ides, 627, 632.

Yizchaki ben Yasus, Biblical critic,

273-
Yizchaki Solomon. See Kashi.
Yom Tob of Joigny, 414.
York, Jews of, exterminated, 413-16.

Zacca'i ben Achunai, exilarch, 137.

Zainab, Jewess, captured by Maho-
met, 83 f.

Zedekiah, Jewish physician to
Charles the Bald, •170.

Zendik, 2.

Zenki, father of Nureddin, 429.

Zeno, emperor, hatred of, against
the Jews, 10 f.

Ziadeth-AUah, Aghlabite prince,
180.

Zorah Yussuf, Jewish king in Ara-
bia, 64.
intolerance of, 65.

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