Selections from the public and private law of the Romans : with a commentary to serve as an introduction to the subject

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Cornell Law School Library
Gift of

George 3. Champson
Professor, Garnell Lam School, 1926-1957
Edwin 71. Woodruit Professor of Law, 1951-1957

Corneli DOS eraty Library
KJA 195.8546 190

Selections from t|

TTE]

176 288 law

Cornell University

Library

The original of this book is in
the Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.

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AND

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PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY

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Selections from the Public and Private Law of the Romans.
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Others to be announced later.

SELECTIONS

FROM THE

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LAW
OF THE ROMANS

WITH A COMMENTARY TO SERVE AS AN
INTRODUCTION TO THE SUBJECT

BY
591
Y

JAMES J. ROBINSON, Pu.D.

—
FORMERLY INSTRUCTOR IN LATIN, YALE UNIVERSITY

NEW YORK -:- CINCINNATI -:: CHICAGO
AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY

BU

CopyRIGHT, 1905, BY
EDWARD P. MORRIS anp MORRIS H. MORGAN.

ENTERED AT STATIONERS’ HarL, LONDON,

LAW OF THE ROMANS.

W.P. I

PREFACE

THE purpose of this book is to introduce the student to
some of the more interesting and instructive principles of
Roman law by selected passages from the original Latin
sources. It is intended to offer to students of Latin a
selection of texts gathered from a field well worthy of
study by those who would broaden their view of Roman
life and institutions, as well as by those who would extend
their acquaintance with the Latin language beyond the
Latinity of the authors usually read in a college course.

It is scarcely necessary to repeat what is acknowledged
on all sides — that Rome's legal and political institutions
are the imperishable monument to the real genius and
civilization of her people, and that they constitute her most
important contribution to the modern world.

Furthermore, along with the more recent tendency to
broaden the scope of philological studies, it is beginning
to be more fully recognized that the language of ithe
Roman legal writers is worthy of greater attention than
it has hitherto received. The Roman jurists were as a
rule exponents of a concise, clear, and elegant style. At
a time when Latin literature had lost its art, and artificial-
ity of thought and diction was substituted for the better
tradition, the jurists were still writing with a simplicity
and elegance worthy of the importance and dignity of
their subject-matter and in keeping with their distinguished

5

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

position in public life. The concrete case arising in the
everyday, practical affairs of men formed the basis of their
abstractions, and their writings, being the record of experi-
ence drawn from the life of their own day, contribute to a
more complete understanding of the Roman people.

The best texts have been followed, and only an occa-
sional verbal change has been allowed when required to
render the text more intelligible. No attempt has been
made toward uniformity of spelling of words drawn from
so many sources. One linguistic difficulty in legal texts
cannot be avoided. From the manner in which they have
been preserved and transmitted, it can never be positively
determined that we have the exact words of the author
excerpted or the linguistic peculiarities of his period. The
excerpts (fragmenta or leges) presented in Justinian’s
Digest suffered revision at the hands of the jurists compil-
ing that work. The extent to which the idiom and vocabu-
lary of authors already several centuries dead were thereby
affected, cannot now be determined. :

The classical student should perhaps be reminded that
there are no sources giving anything like a general survey
of the law as it was in the best days of Rome. No attempt
has been made, therefore, in these selections to present
the law of any one period, but the historical development
of some institutions has been briefly traced in the notes.

Extracts from the legal literature have been freely
quoted in the notes, both to explain the text and to
encourage the student to acquaint himself still further
with the original sources. The technical terms of Roman
law commonly occurring in Latin literature and works on
Roman history, and many of the concise and pithy maxims
characteristic of the Roman legal system, have been put

6

PREFACE

before the learner with considerable frequency by inten-
tional repetition and by cross reference.

Chief attention has been given to the subject-matter,
but an occasional linguistic or grammatical difficulty has
been explained or reference has been given to the school
grammars in general use, indicated by the usual initials.

In addition to acknowledgments made in the notes, the
author’s indebtedness to many of the more important
works on Roman law is publicly acknowledged by append-
ing at the end of the volume a list of works cited and
most frequently consulted.

Grateful acknowledgment is due Professor Eduard
Hólder and Professor August von Bechmann, of the uni-
versities of Leipzig and Munich respectively, for material
drawn from notes taken in their most instructive and
learned lectures.

My friend and former colleague, Professor J. W. D.
Ingersoll, of Yale University, very courteously read the
manuscript and offered valued criticism. I am most
deeply indebted to my friend and former colleague, Pro-
fessor E. P. Morris, for his constant encouragement from
the very inception of the idea of publishing some legal
selections, and for his careful criticism and help at every
stage of the work.

The fact that the author knows no book of similar pur-
pose, and has had to determine and pursue his own course
without guide or forerunner, has not only increased his
difficulties, but has made it impossible for him to avoid

many imperfections.
JAMES J. ROBINSON.
Tue Horcukiss SCHOOL,
LAKEVILLE, CONNECTICUT.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION — Tur Sources OF ROMAN PRIVATE LAW

Customary Law . . .
Statute Law s . . .
Leges Regiae . . : .
The Twelve Tables . P "
Edicts of the Magistrates
Decrees of the Senate $
Constitutions of the Emperor
Scientific Jurisprudence
The Literature of the Classical Roman Law
Sources of Law after Diocletian . s :
Pre-Justinian Codes and Collections of Law
Legislation of Justinian . ' .
The Code . . . a .
* The Fifty Decisions . s s;
The Pandects or Digest . :
The Institutes ; $ z
'The New Code . $
The Novelae .. 2
The Roman Barbarian Codes

*o 9 9 * $$;

SouRCES OF INFORMATION FOR THE STUDY OF ROMAN

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.
.

e 9 9 9 e e 9 * 9 c$ c3 $9 9 £. t! 9

"oc 9 9 9 t 9 9 n 9 À |! 5|; 5

LAw

The Extant Sources of Roman Law in their Original Form

The Pre-Justinian Sources .
The Writings of Jurists ~

The Pre-Justinian Sources of the Post- classical Period
Extant Remains of Pre-Justinian Constitutions .
The Remains of the Leges Regiae and the Twelve Tables .
The Extant Remains of Popular Enactments, Edicts, and the Decrees

of the Senate . :
Legal Documents of a Private Character
The Non-juristic Literature
Books of Selections from the Sources.

€» o9 9 9 c 9 o5 n on n

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO POMPONIVS, D. 1 "i 2, DE ORIGINE

IvRIS

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW-— De origine iuris
et omnium magistratuum et successione prudentium

Preliminary Definitions

Persons s . . . . °
Freemen and Slaves " A 2 . ,
Freeborn . 4 . i; i .

Slaves D i s " E 2

8

e o we on

.

CONTENTS

Slavery arising from i ae
Manumission .
Manumission Restricted

Freedom acquired without Consent of Master
Relation of Patron and Freedman

Definition of the Term Family
The Agnatic Family

Cognatic Relationship "
Marriage . à
Impediments to Marriage 3
Betrothal .

Dissolution of Marriage

Manus » i .
Patria Potestas . ‘ E
Adoption . E
Arrogation . 3 i :

Capitis Deminutio
Guardianship.
The Law of Things

.

Acquisition of Ownership (ure Gentium)

Treasure-trove .

Acquisition of Ownership (Ture Civili)

Vsucapio

Subordinate Rights ‘of Ownership, Servitudes

Praedial Servitudes
Personal Servitudes

The Law of ee
Real Contracts

Verbal Contracts "
Literal Contracts «
Consensual Contracts . :

Sale . 1 : .
Hire . a " ;
Societas . ; . "

Mandatum .

ec t ew ot. n

Obligations quasi ex Contractu .

Obligations ex Delicto
Theft . :
Robbery . s :
Damage to Property ..
Injury to the Person T
Obligations quasi ex Delicto
'The Law of Inheritance

APPENDIX. WORKS CITED OR CONSULTED
INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

EXPLANATION OF REFERENCES TO

C. 5, 17, 8.
C. Th. 9, 5, 1.
Collat. 6, 3, 1.

D. 1,2, 2, pr.

Fr. Vat. 149.
Gai. 1, 13.

Gai. D. 9, 2, 4, I.

Inst. 2, 5, 3.
Nov. 118, 3, 1.

Paul. 2, 20, 1.

Paul. D. 1, 3, 36.

Ulp. 1, 24.
Ulp. D. 3, 3, 1.

THE SOURCES

Justinian’s Code, book 5, title 17, constitution 8.

Theodosian Code, book 9, title 5, constitution 1.

Comparison of Roman and Mosaic Law, title 6,
fragment 3, paragraph 1.

Justinian's Digest, book 1, title 2, fragment 2, 27zz-
cifium (initial paragraph).

Vatican Fragments, paragraph 149.

Institutes of Gaius, book 1, paragraph 13.

Justinian's Digest, book o, title 2, fragment: (from
Gaius) 4, paragraph r.

Justinian's Institutes, book 2, title 5, paragraph 3.

Justinian's Novellae, number 118, chapter 3, para-
graph I.

Sententiae of Paulus, book 2, title 20, paragraph 1.

Justinian's Digest, book 1, title 3, fragment (from
Paulus) 36.

Fragments of Ulpian, title 1, paragraph 24.

Justinian's Digest, book 3, title 3, fragment or ex
(from Ulpian) 1.

10

INTRODUCTION

THE SOURCES OF ROMAN PRIVATE LAW

1. Customary Law. — Of all the peoples of antiquity, the
Romans displayed the greatest political and legal genius.
Organization of government and formulation of legal rights
were problems to which they devoted their best thought
and abilities. Rome’s most enduring monument, there-
fore, and her greatest contribution to the modern world is
her jurisprudence.

Unlike most peoples of antiquity, the Romans regarded
their law as springing from a human source. Their con-
stitution was a slow and gradual growth, the work of many
men through many years, and the fundamental principle
of the constitution was that the people were the source of
law. As time went on, however, several agencies came
into being which were instrumental in creating and de-
veloping the Roman legal system, as will appear from a
historical survey of the sources of the private law.

The Romans, like other primitive peoples, lived for
centuries governed by no rules of civil conduct save those
growing out of custom (mos, mores, consuetudo). Princi-
ples of customary law, growing out of the life and experi-
ences of the community, lived on after conscious legislation
by the organs of the sovereign power began. The Romans
looked upon custom as a source of law, though inferior in
quality to statute law, which met more clearly their idea
of precision and definiteness of form. After the Roman

II

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

people began to express their will in direct legislation,
customary law continued to have validity as subsidiary law
when not expressly abrogated by statute.

2. Statute Law.—A resolution enacted by the entire
people (Populus Romanus) in assembly was called /ex. A
plebiscitum was a resolution enacted by the plebeians alone
in their assembly. Originally p/edzscita were binding on
the plebeians only, but by the Hortensian law (about
287 B.c.), after the conflicts between patricians and ples
beians had ended, they were binding on all citizens. There-
after Jex and plebiscitum were used without distinction of
meaning, a plebtscttum being often designated as a 7ex.

3. Leges Regiae.— According to the tradition handed
down in the sources, laws were enacted by the people as
early as the Regal period. These so-called /zges regiae
were collected and published by the first Pontifex Maximus,
named C. Papirius.

The first authentic mention of these laws dates from the
time of Julius Caesar (us Papzrianum). These laws were
ascribed to individual kings, mostly to the first three, and
though they are undoubtedly of great antiquity, their sub-
ject-matter shows that they are not /eges properly, but
belong rather to the sacred law, being ordinances of the
pontifical college.

The ascription of these so-called laws to individual kings
is doubtless apocryphal, as is, perhaps, the account of
the kings themselves, and in the absence of the true
explanation of their origin, later writers sought to endow
them with greater antiquity and sanctity by connecting
them with the names of the earliest kings.

4. The Twelve Tables. — According to the tradition, the
Decemviri published the private law and certain provisions

I2

INTRODUCTION

of the public law about sixty years after the beginning of
the republic, on twelve tables. These tables remained
thereafter the basis of Roman law, and were not formally
repealed until the time of the publication of Justinlan’s
law books.

The codification of the law by the Decemviri was
politically, the tradition says, the result of a compromise
between the patricians and the plebeians, whereby the
plebeians were to receive protection against patrician mis-
rule. Though the contents of the extant fragments do
not support this view, it does appear that the severity of
the previous customary law was somewhat mitigated in
favor of the non-ruling classes.

The sources abound in reference to the Greek influence
on the law of the Twelve Tables, but with such widely
differing opinions that the whole question has been looked
upon. with suspicion. Some ancient authors would refer
the entire Roman code to a Greek source, while others
claim only a partial incorporation of foreign law. There
are undoubtedly traces of Greek influence in the decemvi-
ral legislation, but the sweeping assignment of the Roman
code to a Greek origin is only one of the general inven-
tions of early Roman history. The whole idea of the
Decemvirate as an irresponsible magistracy, with extraor-
dinary powers to administer the government, codify the

_law, and supersede constituted authority, is doubtless an
invention closely modeled after a Greek original.

It is impossible to separate the real from the fictitious in
the transmitted accounts, but the prevailing modern opinion
is that the law-of the Twelve Tables was, in all of its more
important provisions, of a national character, being the
native customary law which the Decemviri codified and

13

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

published after the proper ratification by the Comitia
Centuriata.

The Twelve Tables are, therefore, a statute and are
often designated by the Romans as Lex, simply, ze. as
their most important Zex.

It is commonly supposed that the original ¢adulae per-
ished in the destruction of Rome by the Gauls, 390 B.c.
They were probably reconstructed and were well known
in the days of Cicero, who intimates that schoolboys in his
day learned them by heart. Literary traces of them appear
as late as the fifth century of our era.

The extant fragments of these laws have been trans-
mitted, partly in the original phraseology, partly in sub-
stance only, and chiefly by non-juristic writers.

After the Twelve Tables, statutes continued to be
enacted; but after the time of the Punic wars, direct leg-
islation by popular assemblies, at no time a very fruitful
source of law, grew gradually less. After codification
followed a period of interpretation. New agencies were
employed in the further development of the private law.
In the early empire, the activity of the popular assembly
ceased, and by the changes in the constitution whereby the
power was divided between the emperor and the senate,
the making of new /eges and Zebiscita eventually ceased.
The last /ez which the sources show was enacted under the
Emperor Nerva.

5. Edicts of the Magistrates. — By the Roman constitu-
tion, every magistrate was empowered to issue proclama-
tions concerning the business of his own office and, when
these were made in writing and displayed ina public place,
they were called edicta.

Edicta might be issued for a single case, with only tem-

14

INTRODUCTION

porary force (edicta repentina) or they might contain
measures which continued in force during the magistrate’s
entire term of office (edicta perpetua).

In the year 367 B.c. the administration of justice was
intrusted to a newly created magistracy called the praetor-
ship.. The praetor had the general supervision of the
Roman judicial system, and was at the same time judge
and minister of justice. About the year 242 B.c. a second
* praetor was installed, whose duty it was to sit in judgment
in cases in which one or both parties were peregrint. He
was, therefore, at a later time called Praetor Peregrinus;
the other praetor whose judicial duties were zzZer czves,
having already been designated Praetor Urbanus. It was
the duty of the praetors to make use of their zs edicendt
to set forth the main principles of law and procedure as
they were to be administered during their term of office.
The praetor's edict was exposed in a public place, on a
white board (a/bum), at the beginning of his term of ser-
vice. The only other magisterial edicts of legal impor-
tance were those of the curule aediles (edictum aedilicium)
and the provincial governors (edicta provincialia). Of
these, the former were occupied chiefly with matters per-
taining to the markets, and the latter with the business of
provincial administration.

Each magistrate had individual freedom as to the con-
tents of his own edict. It became customary, however, for
each succeeding officer to adopt, so far as practicable, the
greater part of his predecessor’s edict, introducing only
emendations and improvement in form or substance. It
resulted, therefore, that the fundamental parts of the edict
were handed down unchanged (edictwm tralaticium), while,
at the same time, the edict was the instrument wherein

15

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

could be incorporated any desirable innovations, such as,
for example, the granting of a new remedy or the admis-
sion of a new form of plea. It was for this reason that
the Roman jurists called the praetor’s edict the v/va vox
iuris civilis.

The praetorian edict rose to great importance in the
development of the law. The bulk of praetorian law (zs
honorarium) was developed during the republican period.
After the establishment of the empire, the praetor's func-
tion as minister of law was absorbed by the emperor him-
self, and the praetorian edict passed into a stereotyped
form. Hadrian commissioned the great jurist, Salvius
Julianus, to revise the edicts of the praetor urbanus, the
praetor peregrinus, and the curule aedile, consolidating
them into a system of praetorian law (edzetum Julianum).

The law as set forth in the edict was called magisterial
law (Zus honorarium, ius praetorium, ius aedilictum) and
was sharply distinguished from statute and customary law
(dus civile) The praetor developed legal principles
through his control of procedure, rather than by the direct
creation of law, since he was engaged chiefly with the
admission of pleas, with remedies, and with the granting
or refusal of actions based on equitable considerations.
Praetorian law and the zws czvile continued to exist side
by side until the time of Diocletian. Thereafter they were
blended for the most part into one system, though traces
of their different origin still appeared in the law of
Justinian.

6. Decrees of the Senate. — During the early history of
Rome the senate was not a law-making body, but its influ-
ence on legislation was felt through the auctoritas patrum,
the senate being the advisory council of the executive.

16

INTRODUCTION

Toward the end of the republic, decrees of the senate
seem to have had the force of law to a limited extent.
What had been originally received as advice came now to
be regarded as a command. In the empire, however, the
senate acquired full powers of a legislative body. During
the first century of the empire the constitutional right of
the senate to make law was still questioned, but as the
popular enactment of the comitia gradually disappeared,
the decrees of the senate attained greater prominence.

7. Constitutions of the Emperor. — All manifestations of
the emperor's will which concerned the development of
law were called imperial constitutions (Placita or consti-
tutiones principum) From the beginning of the empire,
the decrees emanating from the emperor were of great
legal significance. After the second century, all ordi-
nances of this kind were called by the general collective
name, constitutions of the emperor.

Of these there were four kinds : —

(1) dicta. The emperor, like other magistrates, had
the general power of issuing proclamations (zus edicend:).
His edicta were public ordinances of a general character,
containing provisions for future observance.

(2) Decreta. As the word indicates (cernere), the decreta
were decisions of a judicial character. The emperor, as
the chief magistrate, could review the decisions of all cases,
as well as decide them in the first instance.

(3) Epistulae. These embraced all expressions of the
imperial will in epistolary form. When the epzstulae were
replies to questions of officials or private persons regarding
points of law, they were frequently called zesczz?za. These
answers were sometimes in the form of special letters and

sometimes merely added as footnotes (subscriptiones) in the
ROMAN LAW — 2 17

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

letter of inquiry and returned to the sender. Rescripts
were most frequent in private suits, where the emperor,
upon request, decided doubtful points of law, leaving the
questions of fact to the judge, who was absolutely bound
by the interpretation of the emperor. Before the time of
Hadrian, rescripts were apparently addressed to judicial
magistrates only, thereafter to private persons as well.

(4) Mandata. Magistrates, even during the republic,
had the power to delegate (zzazdare) authority to subor-
dinates to execute certain business of their office. The
emperors availed themselves of this privilege to a high
degree and through general instructions (zzazdata) issued
to provincial governors and other officials directed them
as regards the conduct of their respective offices. These
directions were usually in writing, and in this way they
obtained significance as sources of law.

Through these various ways in which the emperor
manifested his will, it came about that by the time of
Diocletian, the jurists ascribed to the emperor's will the
force of law (quod principi placuit, legis habet. vigorem),
though without amy constitutional authority to that effect.

8. Scientific Jurisprudence. — At Rome, in the earliest
time, the pontiffs were the depositaries and custodians of
law, human (7s) and divine (fas). They alone were
acquainted with the formulae and ritual requisite for the
worship of the gods, as well as the procedure and tradi-
tions governing the legal relations of men with one another.
It was, therefore, the pontiffs who were the earliest coun-
selors in matters of law, imparting their advice (vespondere)
to consulting litigants as to the secret and intricate method
of procedure by which their rights could, be brought to the
test. In matters of state importance, the decisions of the

18

INTRODUCTION

pontifical college were communicated through the Pontifex
Maximus. Opinions on questions of private law were
delivered by a member of the college annually detailed
for that duty.

The responsa of the pontifical college were recorded
(commentarii pontificum), and the formulated rules of pro-
cedure were preserved in the archives of the priestly col-
lege (Zbri pontificum). Since pontiffs only had access to
these hidden mysteries, early procedure was veiled in
secrecy, and, being unknown to laymen and the unprivileged
classes, became a great source of power and oppression in
the hands of the ruling patrician order.

The pontiffs, as the sole interpreters of the law, were
instrumental in giving it shape and form so long as it
existed chiefly in the form of unwritten, customary law.

When the law had been given a definite form and had
been made known to all by the codification of the Twelve
Tables, Zzs and fas began to be more definitely separated,
but procedure (actiones, tus actionum) still remained in the
private control of the pontificalcollege. It was the pontiffs
who still retained the technical knowledge whereby the
machinery of the law could be set in motion for the vindi-
cation of invaded rights.

According to the traditional account, Appius Claudius
Caecus made a collection of the formulae of actions as they
had been put in shape by the pontiffs, and through the
agency of his scribe (Flavius) they were made public (us
Flavianum). By this publication the monopoly of the
patrician pontiffs was broken. Soon thereafter, the first
plebeian pontifex maximus, Tiberius Coruncanius (about
264 B.c.), announced himself as ready to give advice pub-
licly regarding the mysteries of the law (primus publice

19

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

profitert coepit), not only to those interested as party ina
particular case, but also to those seeking a theoretical
knowledge of law. This was the beginning of a system of
public legal instruction which led soon to the preparation
of text-books and eventually to a legal literature.

The opportunity was thus open for the development of
a trained legal profession. Jurists now gave advice in the
technicalities of juristic transactions and the drawing of
formulae (cavere), the method of court procedure (agerz),
and they rendered opinions on legal questions submitted
to them (vespondere). Opinions given in writing (vesfonsa),
though they were not binding, had a strong moral influence
on the court, when they were renderd by able and learned
jurists. Controversies and opposing views were the inevi-
table result of these responsa, leading to a lively discussion
of principles, which gave a strong impetus to the progress
of a legal science (d7sputatio fort ).

By this professional activity, new spirit began to be in-
fused into the letter of the law. Scientific interpretation
extended the principles of the zus civi/e, making them
comprehensive and flexible. In addition to this new
application of principles already existing in the zzs cvi,
the jurists took up new principles from the zus gentium,
giving to the strict Roman law a more equitable and uni-
versal character.

It was under the emperors that the influence of the
jurists reached its highest point. Augustus, in his political
reorganization of the state, recognized the expediency of
enlisting the services and influence of the professional
jurists to the support of his cause. He therefore conferred
upon certain eminent jurists the privilege of delivering
opinions (us respondend?) which had the force of law, by

20

INTRODUCTION

authority of the imperial grant (ex auctoritate principis).
Those jurists having the zus respondendi were called iuris
auctores. The emperor as supreme judge could delegate
his power of judicial interpretation to others, whose deci-
sions, by his commission, were authoritative.

At first only the responsum given in writing, under seal
and for the special case, was binding on the judge; though
it soon happened that the writings of these privileged
jurists came also to have the authority of their zespozsa.
Hadrian ordained that the judge should be bound by con-
current zesfonsa, but that, when they were divergent, he
should decide according to his own discretion.

9. The Literature of. the Classical Roman Law. — The
scientific cultivation of law led to an enormous literary pro-
ductiveness. As early as 100 B.c. scientific treatment of
subjects began, but the classical period of legal literature
fell in a time when other forms of Latin literature were
rapidly declining or had entirely lost their art. Roughly
the years between 150 and 250 A.D. cover the classical
period of Roman jurisprudence. Here belong the names
of Gaius, Papinian, Ulpian, Paulus, in whose work the high-
est degree of excellence known to the Roman law was
attained. The scientific legal literature of Roman jurists
embraced works of most varied kind and character, of which
some of the more important types were the following : —

(1) Commentaries (2) on statute law, decrees of the
senate, and imperial constitutions, (7) on the praetorian
edicts, (c) on the works of other jurists.

(2) Digests and compilations of a comprehensive char-
acter, covering the entire legal system.

(3) Practical discussions of vesponsa and quaestiones.
Of these, the exposition of the quaestiones was the more

21

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

detailed, inquiring more minutely into the underlying prin-
ciples of the cases handled. Disputationes and opiniones
were discussions of a similar character.

(4) Institutiones or elementary text-books for beginners.

(5) Annotated editions of earlier jurists' works, contain-
ing emendations and critical comments (zofae).

(6) Monographs on various subjects of legal signifi-
cance.

(7) Regulae, sententiae, definitiones, designed especially
for practitioners, containing brief collections of current
legal maxims and succinct statements of the more common
legal principles.

(8) Popular treatises, containing elementary principles
of law, set forth in an informal way.

This classification does not by any means include all the
forms which the intellectual output of the jurists exhibited.
It is possible to gain some idea of the literary activity of
the great jurists and the enormous proportions to which
legal literature attained, from the titles of works and the
number of volumes of each, as they have been transmitted
in the sources. .

Taking as examples a few of the greatest jurists, it
appears that Papinian’s chief works, Responsa and Quaes-
tiones were in 19 and 37 books respectively, and in ad-
dition to these he was the author of several books of
different kinds; Paulus wrote one commentary on the
praetorian edict in 78 books, Resfonsa in 23 books, Quaes-
tzones in 25 books, and, in addition to these, a long list of
works making a total of 89 known by title, falling into 319
books; Ulpian's commentary on the praetorian edict con-
tained 81 books, his work Ad Saézzgum (commentary on
the zs czvile according to the system of Sabinus) 51 books,

22

INTRODUCTION

and in addition to these enormous works, numerous others,
varying in size from one to several books each. Labeo,
the great jurist who was contemporary with Augustus, is
said to have been the author of 400 legal works.

Of the mass of legal literature which was composed before
the time of Diocletian, only a small fragment is extant.

ro. Sources of Law after Diocletian. — From the time of
Diocletian the emperor was the only organ of sovereign
power, an absolute monarch, bound by no law. This
change in the constitution naturally had its influence on
the further development of the law. Already the jurists
had proclaimed that the will of the emperor was law, but
now and henceforth there was but one source of law and
one interpreter of law. The zus vesbondendi of privileged
jurists was a thing of the past. Henceforth authoritative
responsa emanated from the emperor himself and from
him alone. The further progress of a scientific legal
literature was interrupted. Science died, to. be only
slightly revived toward the end of the fifth century,
through the influence of the law schools.

The constitutiones principum were now the only source
of new law.

II. Pre-Justinian Codes and Collections of Law.—
The literature of law and the constitutions issued by the
emperors had become so voluminous that the practitioner
was unable to find his way through the mass of interpre-
tation and decision. The inconvenience of working with
such an unwieldy bulk of juristic material induced private
persons to undertake its abridgment and codification.
Several works of this character came into existence.

(1) Codex Gregorianus, a private code of imperial con-
stitutions, which were issued from the time of Hadrian to

23

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

295 A.D., containing at least nineteen books. This code
was published about 300 A.D.

(2) Codex Hermogenianus, also a private work com-
posed of imperial ordinances. This work was published
as a supplement to the foregoing code, and appeared
about the year 365 A.D.

(3) Fragmenta Vaticana, so-called because discovered
in the Vatican library. This collection, containing juristic
writings and imperial ordinances, was the work of an
unknown author. It was a private publication, composed _
between 372 and 438 A.D.

(4) Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum or Lex
Det quam Dominus praecepit ad Moysen, a parallel of
verses from the Pentateuch and passages from several
Roman jurists, the Gregorian and Hermogenian codes, and
one or two later ordinances. The work was published
between 390 and 438 a.p. by an unknown author.

(5) Codex Theodosianus, a codification of juristic litera-
ture and imperial constitutions issued after Constantine’s
time, prepared by order of the Emperor Theodosius II.
The work was published 438 a.p., considerable portions
of it still surviving.

(6) Consultatio veteris cuiusdam iuris consulti, a collec-
tion of opinions delivered by a jurist to an advocate, with
citations from Paulus and the three codes mentioned
above.

12. Legislation of Justinian.— Justinian succeeded to the
throne April 1, 527, and continued to reign until his death,
November 13, 565. From the very beginning of his rule
he pursued a well-defined plan for the codification of the
Roman law. For the execution of his legal reforms he
enlisted the services of his minister, Tribonian, whose

24

INTRODUCTION

ability and zeal were of the greatest value toward the suc-
cessful accomplishment of the undertaking.

The history of the preparation of the compilation of
Justinian’s law books is given in detail in the decrees placed
as a preface to the different parts of the work. Many
of the facts there stated have been lately called into ques-
tion, and they should be taken with due allowance for
the bombastic and exaggerated style of an Oriental
monarch.

What is commonly called the Code of Justinian consists
of four parts, as it exists in modern times.

(1) The Pandects, or Digest, of the scientific law litera-
ture; (2) the Codex, or collection of imperial laws ; (3) the
Institutiones, or introductory text-book for instruction; (4)
the Movellae, or new imperial laws issued after the other
works were completed.

13. The Code. — By royal decree, a committee of ten
men was instructed to prepare a collection of laws, com-
piled from the three codes and the imperial constitutions
issued later than the Theodosian code, together with the
constitutions already issued by Justinian, and to publish
them in a code suitable for the use of practitioners. This
work was completed and published with the force of law,
April 16, 529. All imperial legislation not contained in
this code was to be discarded. This work was called
the Codex Justinianus.

14. The Fifty Decisions. — After the publication of the
Codex, Justinian attempted by a number of constitutions
to remove misconceptions and conflicts growing out of the
juristic literature, and to set aside or alter provisions of
the law which had become dead or worthless. These were
published as a collection in 531 A.D., and were known as

25

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

the Quinguaginta Decisiones. These have not survived to
the modern world.

15. The Pandects or Digest. — The foregoing tasks were
only preliminary to a much greater undertaking, — the
codification of the scientific law literature. For the execu-
tion of this work, a new commission of seventeen members,
under the leadership of Tribonian, was appointed Decem-
ber 15, 530. :

From the huge mass of legal literature the most essen-
tial material was to be extracted, systematized, and ar-
ranged in one harmonious whole. This undertaking was
completed and published with force of law December 30,
533, bearing the title Pandectae (wav + déyecPat), or Di-
gesta (digerere).

The work was divided into fifty books, each book falling |
into titles (¢z¢u/z), and each title having its appropriate
heading (ruórica, “written in red"). Under the titles
stand the excerpts, called fragmenta or leges (fr. or 7.),
each one béing preceded by the name of the author and the
name of the work excerpted. Each fragment or lex is
divided into a principium ( pr.) and numbered paragraphs.

The earliest of the jurists whose writings are represented
in the Digest is Q. Mucius Scaevola, consul 95 B.c.; the
most recent were Charisius and Hermogenianus (about
300 A.D.).

Although thirty-nine jurists in all are represented in the
excerpts of the Digest, the great bulk of the material was
drawn from very few authors. Ulpian and Paulus together
contribute about three fifths of the entire Digest. Of this
amount, Ulpian alone furnishes about two fifths. The rest
of the material of the Digest is drawn chiefly from about
eight writers. Arranged according to the amount of mat-

26

INTRODUCTION

ter contributed, the excerpted authors stand approximately
as follows: Ulpian, Paulus, Papinian, Gaius, Modestinus,
Cervidius Scaevola, Pomponius, Julianus, and ( proximd longo
intervallo) Marcianus, Javolenus, Africanus, Marcellus;
these twelve furnished about eleven twelfths of the whole
compilation. .

It was decreed that the Digest should henceforth be the
sole authority for jurist-made law, and that only the ex-
cerpts incorporated in this work should have validity.

The commission had full authority to curtail, alter, or
supplement the original text to bring the subject-matter
into harmony with their times. Inasmuch as this freedom
was extensively employed, it is not always certain that the
text is that of the original excerpted author (/uerpolationes,
Emblemata Triboniani).

16. The Institutes. — As a part of the general plan of
his legal reforms, Justinian recognized the importance of
an elementary work to serve as an introduction to the
study of the Digest, and intended as a book of instruction
(zustituere) for beginners in the study of law.

This work was prepared by two law professors, under
the general supervision of Tribonian, and was published
with the force of law along with the Digest, December 30,
533, bearing the title, /wstztutiones.

The subject-matter was drawn largely from the Insti-
tutes and Res Cottidianae of Gaius, from similar works of
Ulpian, and from the Institutes of Florentinus and Mar-
cianus, compiled and arranged in such a way as to present
a continuous treatment of the entire legal system.

17. The New Code. — So much new law had been cre-
ated through the ordinances of Justinian since the publi-
cation of the Codex in 529, that a revision of that work

27

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW —

was already required. This undertaking was intrusted to
a commission under the leadership of Tribonian, and the
work was ready for publication with the force of law
December 29, 534. "

The revised Codex (Codex repetitae praelectionis) con-
tained, besides the revision of the coristitutions of the pre-
vious Codex, the imperial ordinances issued since 529. All
constitutions not included in it were to be discarded as
invalid. It is this work, chiefly taken up with matters of
public law, which is known in modern times as the Code.

The Codex is divided into twelve books, each book being
subdivided into titles, and the titles into /eges and para-
graphs. .

With the revision of the Codex, the three works intended
by Justinian to constitute one single code of law were
completed. The Corpus Juris of Justinian was composed
of (1) the Digest, (2) the Institutes, and (3) the Code.

18. The Novellae. — After the Corpus luris had been
published with statutory force, Justinian continued to issue
constitutions to supplement and correct his previous works.
These were issued in large numbers between the years 535
and 565 A.D. They were mostly in Greek, some in both
Greek and Latin, and a few in Latin only. These were
collected and published after Justinian's death with the
title, Movellae (i.e. novellae constitutiones post codicem).

The collection of Institutes, Digest, Codex, and Novels
constitutes the Corpus Juris Civilis in the form in which it
is known in modern times. It is in this form that the
Roman law has been, for the most part, preserved and
received by continental Europe.

I9. The Roman Barbarian Codes.— Though not prop-
erly reckoned among the sources of Roman law, it is neces.

28

INTRODUCTION

sary to notice the three Codes which some of the barbarian
kings promulgated for the Roman inhabitants of their
respective kingdoms, and which were drawn from Roman
sources. These codes, or summaries, are sometimes called
Leges Romanae Regum Barbarorum, and, although they do
not contain Roman law in an uncontaminated form, they
are, in a varying degree, of importance for the understand-
ing of the law prior to Justinian and the history of the text
of certain sources outlined below, since they have pre-
served some material which would otherwise have been lost.

(a) Lex Romana Visigothorum, called also Breviarium
Alaricianum, a code published by King Alaric II in 506
for the Roman subjects of the Visigothic kingdom. It
contained excerpts from the Institutes of Gaius, the Sen-
tentiae of Paulus, the Codex Gregorianus, the Codex Her-
mogenianus, the Codex Theodosianus, the post-Theodosian
Novellae, and a Responsum of Papinian. The Institutes
of Gaius were incorporated in this Code in an abridgment,
which had been made for the purposes of instruction, and
the first knowledge of the work was gained from this
source. It furnished also the text of the Sententiae of
Paulus (see below, $ 22, c). Edition, Hànel, Lex Romana
Visigothorum, Leipzig, 1849.

(6) Edictum Theodorici, or the Lex Romana Ostrogotho-
rum, a code published by Theodoric the Great for his
Roman and Ostrogothic subjects, soon after 512. It con-
tained an independent presentation of law drawn from the
Codex Gregorianus, the Codex Hermogenianus, the Codex
Theodosianus, the post-Theodosian Novellae, the Senten-
tiae of Paulus, and other sources of Roman law. Edi-
tion, Bluhme, Wonumenta Germaniae Leges, V, pp. 145 ff.
Hannover, 1875.

29

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

(c) Lex Romana Burgundionum, a code published by
the king of the Burgundians for the Roman subjects of the
Burgundian kingdom sometime about 512. It contained,
in an independent form, law taken from Roman sources
worked over with Burgundian elements into the form of a
code. The Roman sources drawn upon were the Codex
Gregorianus, the Codex Hermogenianus, the Codex Theo-
dosianus, the post-Theodosian Novellae, the Institutes of
Gaius, and the Sententiae of Paulus. Edition, Bluhme,
Monumenta Germaniae Leges, I1I, pp. 579 ff. Hannover,
1863.

SOURCES OF INFORMATION FOR THE STUDY OF
ROMAN LAW

The preceding paragraphs have traced briefly the sources
from which the Roman law originated, and the agencies by
which it was expanded and reduced to a system. There
have been noticed also the attempts to bring the great mass
of law into a more available form, by collections and codes,
and finally the great achievement of the Emperor Justinian
in reducing the law to the form in which it was handed
down to the modern world.

It now remains to mention briefly the sources extant and
available at the present day for the study of Roman law,
and also to indicate some of the books in which these
sources may be most conveniently found.

20. The Extant Sources of Roman Law in their Original
Form. — The material extant in original form falls into two
groups: the Corpus Juris Civilis and the pre-Justinian
sources, which have been transmitted in various ways.

The account of the origin and general character of the

30

INTRODUCTION

several parts of the Corpus Juris has been given above
(§§ 12 ff) The most authoritative edition is that of
Mommsen, Krüger and Scholl (edztio stereotypa). It is
published in three volumes, of which Vol. I contains the
Institutes and the Digest, 7th ed., Berlin, 1895; Vol. II
contains the Codex, 6th ed., Berlin, 1895; and Vol. III con-
tains the Novellae, 1st ed. begun in 1880 and completed in
1895. Of this monumental work, the Digest was edited
by Theodor Mommsen, the Institutes and Codex by Paul
Krüger, and the Novellae by Rudolf Scholl (completed
after his death by Wilhelm Kroll). There is no ancient,
single Ms. of the entire Cospus Juris. The edition of D.
Gothofredus, 1583, was the first to print the whole body of
the law of Justinian as a single book with the title Corpus
Juris Civilis. The editions are very numerous, and it has
been said that no other book, except the Holy Bible, has
been printed so often.

Of the Institutes, the best separate text editions are those
of Krüger, Berlin, 1900 (the latest and most critical), and
Huschke, Leipzig, 1878, in the Teubner series. Some
other editions, with notes or commentary, are: J. B.
Moyle, Imperatoris lustiniani [nstitutionum Libri Quat-
tuor, Vol. I, text, introduction, notes, and various excur-
suses; Vol. II, English translation, Oxford, 3d ed., 1896;
T. C. Sandars, The Institutes of Justinian, with introduc-
tion, text, translation, and notes, containing at the end a
summary of the principal contents of the text and notes,
arranged in a methodical form, 8th ed., London and New
York, 1888; J. Ortolan, Explication Historique des Instituts
de l’Empereur Justinien, avec le texte, la traduction en
regard et les commentaires sous chaque paragraphe, 2 vols.,
12th ed., Paris, 1883; E. Schrader, Corpus Juris Civilis,

31

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Vol. I, containing the Institutes, with valuable commen-
tary, Berlin, 1832.

21. The Pre-Justinian Sources. These sources are of
several kinds, transmitted in different ways. The more
important are: the writings of jurists in their original form ;
the remains of collections and codes in their original form;
the constitutions of the emperors in their original form ; the
statutes and popular enactments in their original form;
other documents and records of legal transactions written
on various materials; and the information supplied by lay
writers in the literature of Rome. These various sources
will be noticed in the order indicated.

22. The Writings of Jurists. — The bulk of the extant
literature of the first three centuries of the Empire (the so-
called classical period) has been transmitted through the
Digest of Justinian. Excerpts from some of the greatest
jurists of this period have been preserved in the remains
of the collections noticed above ($ 11); but there are
several more or less fragmentary works, or parts of works,
of jurists which have been transmitted in some cases
directly and in their original form, in other cases indirectly
and in an altered text. The more important of these are
noticed below, and first, those emanating from the classical
period : —

(a) Gaz institutionum commentarii quattuor, discovered
by Niebuhr, in 1816, at Verona, in a palimpsest of about
the fifth century. This work is by far the most complete
and important of these sources. It was before this known
only from an abridgment of it (epztome Gazz) contained in
the Ler Romana Visigothorum. The Institutes of Gaius
were a model for the compilers of the Institutes of Jus-
tinian. Large portions of Gaius were taken over bodily

32

INTRODUCTION

into the later work, often with mere verbal alterations.
Facts regarding the origin, personal history, and even the
name of the author of this work, commonly called “ Gaius,"
are unknown. The purpose of the book is not definitely
known. It was possibly intended as an elementary text-
book for the use of students beginning their studies in the
. law school. It was composed about 161 A.D., and it gives,
in a simple and clear style, a systematic presentation of the
law of that period. The first edition was prepared by
Góschen, under commission from the Prussian Academy
of Sciences in 1820. The most critical reproduction of the
Ms. has been published by W. Studemund, with the title
Gaii institutionum commentarii quattuor. | Codicis Veronen-
sis denuo collati apographum, Leipzig, 1874. Corrections
and additions, derived from subsequent examinations of the
Ms., have been incorporated in the latest and most critical
text edition, that of Krüger and Studemund, 4th ed.,
Berlin, 1899 (Vol. I of the CoZectio, see below, $ 29). The
Teubner text of Huschke is far less authoritative. An
excellent English edition is that of E. Poste, Gadd ustitu-
tonum Iuris Civilis Commentarii Quattuor, with translation
and commentary, Oxford, 3d ed., 1890.

(6) Vipiani liber singularis regularum, usually called
the Fragments of Ulpian, discovered by Jean Dutillet in
1540, in a Ms. of the tenth century, then in his own pos-
session, now in the Vatican. About one third of the book
is missing at the end. Its style is characterized by an
admirable brevity, clearness, and precision in the treatment
of the most fundamental doctrines of the private law. The
fragment forms part of Vol. II of the Co//ectio, see below.

(c) Pauli libri quingue sententiarum ad filium, usually
called the Sententiae of Paulus. This work was contained

ROMAN LAW — 3 33

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

in the Ler Romana Visigothorum (see above, $ 19, a) and,
owing to its indirect transmission, is in a less genuine and
uncontaminated form than the Fragments of Ulpian. The
omissions have been partly supplied by passages found in
other extant sources, e". the Digest, the Co//atio, and the
Fragmenta Vaticana. The book contains a survey of the
most important principles of the private law, briefly stated
and intended for practical use. It forms part of Vol. II
of the Collectio.

(2) Several minor fragments, giving information on sin-
gle subjects or.points, rather than any connected survey of
the law, have been transmitted. The following are some of
the more noteworthy: (1) Motae iuris, of the grammarian
Valerius Probus (lived in the latter half of the first
century), containing an explanation of abbreviations em-
ployed in statutes, edicts, decrees of the senate, etc., eg.
V.D.P.R.L.P., that is, unde de ^lano recte legi possit (see
note on /atam, p. 46). Theat .oritative recension is that
of Mommsen in Keil's Grammatici Latini, IV, pp. 265 f.,
given by Krüger in Vol. II, pp. 141 f. of the Collectio.
(2) Fragmentum de iure fisci, discovered by Niebuhr in
Verona simultaneously with the Ms. of Gaius. Its author-
ship is uncertain. The fragment is found in the Co/lectzo,
Vol. II,p. 162. (3) Fragmentum Dositheanum de Manumis-
sionibus, a part of a schoolbook of the year 207 A.D. The
master, Dositheus, set before his Greek-speaking pupils,
as an exercise in translation, a passage from some Ro-
man jurist. The text is in the form of a retranslation
from Greek back into Latin, with the crudities of school-
boy exercises in translation. Found in the Collectio, Vol.
II, p. 149. (4) Fragmentum de formula Fabiana, a parch-
ment fragment discovered in Egypt and first published

34

INTRODUCTION

in 1888. In it occurs the formula Fabiana, but the work,
of which the fragment formed a part, and its authorship
are unknown. Found in the Collectio, Vol. III, p. 299.
(5) Papintant responsorum fragmenta, badly mutilated frag-
ments of the fifth and ninth books of Papinian’s Responsa,
recovered from an Egyptian parchment in 1876. Found
in the Collectio, Vol. III, p. 285.

23. Pre-Justinian Sources of the Post-classical Period.
— Of these sources, some proceeded from the Western,
and some from the Eastern, Roman Empire. Of the
former are: —

(a) Fragmenta Vaticana, discovered by Cardinal Mai in
1821, in a palimpsest of the Vatican library, containing
somewhat extensive remains of a large collection of ex-
cerpts from juristic writings and imperial constitutions
(see $ 11 above). Found in the Collectio, Vol. III, p. 1.

(6) Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum, containing
excerpts from Gaius, Pa, pian, Paulus, Ulpian, Modes-
tinus, and constitutions from the Gregorian and Hermoge-
nian codes. The purpose of the author in making this
parallel comparison of the Roman and Mosaic law is vari-
ously explained, but it was probably done merely to show
the many points of identity in the two systems. Found in
the Collectio, Vol. III, p. 107 (see § 11 above).

(c) Consultatio, etc. (see § 11 above), a fragment of a
collection of opinions on questions of law, dating from the
end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century.
The work probably originated in Gaul, where the single
Ms. was discovered. Found in the Collectio, Vol. III,
p.199. From the Eastern Empire are: —

(d) Scholia Sinaitica, papyrus fragments discovered on
Mt. Sinai, containing scholia on Ulpian’s Libri ad Sabi-

35

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

num, written between 439 and 529. Found in the Col-
lectio, Vol. III, p. 265.

(e) Leges Constantini, Theodosii, et Leonis, or a. collec-
tion of Syrio-Roman law, found in Mss. in the Syrian,
Arabic, and other Oriental languages, probably made from
one Greek original and dating from the years between
472 and 529. As an exposition of Roman law it is of lit-
tle value. The authoritative edition, with translation and
commentary, is by Bruns and Sachau, with the title, Das
Syrisch-Rümische Rechtsbuch, Leipzig, 1880.

24. Extant Remains of Pre-Justinian Constitutions. —
The imperial constitutions, known either in their original
phraseology, through independent transmission, or, in sub-
ject-matter, through their preservation in other sources,
are numbered by the thousands. These cannot be men-
tioned bere in detail. Some have been preserved by in-
scriptions, others by their interpretation and elaboration in
the writings of jurists and lay writers, still others in the
remains of codes and collections. A collection of pre-
Justinian constitutions is that of Hanel, Corpus Legum
ab Imperatoribus Romanis ante [ustinianum Latarum,
Leipzig, 1857. Information regarding the Gregorian and,
Hermogenian codes is derived from the use made of them
by later works, eg. Lex Romana Visigothorum, Collatio,
Consultatio, etc. For these codes the best edition of the
remains is that of Krüger, Collectio, Vol. III, p. 221. For
the Theodosian Code, there is no good Ms., but frequent
gaps have been filled from later works, which drew from
that source. The best edition is that of Hanel, cited above.
For the post-Theodosian Novellae the edition is, Hànel,
Novellae Constitutiones Imperatorum, etc., Bonn, 1844 (a
part of Hanel’s Corpus Legum. mentioned above). Some

36

INTRODUCTION

of the more important edicts and rescripts preserved in
inscriptions are given by Bruns, Fontes (see below, § 29).

25. The Remains of the Leges Regiae and the Twelve
Tables. — The fragments of the so-called /zges regiae, to-
gether with a citation of all the literary references to them,
are given by Bruns, Fontes, pp. 1-15. Since the beginning
of the sixteenth century, attempts have been made to ar-
range the extant fragments of the Twelve Tables in their
original order. The modern text was practically estab-
lished by Dirksen, 1824. The work of Dirksen was im-
proved by the more searching philological criticism of R.
Schóll, 1867. A text of these fragments, based on the
recensions of Dirksen and Schóll, together with the cita-
tion of all the literary references to them, is given by
Bruns, pp. 15-40.

26. The Extant Remains of Popular Enactments, Edicts,
and Decrees of the Senate. — Of the /eges enacted subsequent
to the Twelve Tables only a few have been transmitted inde-
pendently and in their original form. Information regard-
ing by far the greater part of the Zzges (including 27edzscz/a)
has been obtained entirely from the literature. Those
transmitted in their original phraseology in inscriptions
are given, in convenient form, by Bruns, pp. 45-160,
accompanied by notes on the history of their recovery,
their present place of preservation, and a citation of the
literature bearing on their interpretation. Of the lists of
leges made by modern scholars, those of Rudorff, Rémesche
Rechtsgeschichte, Y, $$ 10-44, and Lange, Rémische Alter-
tümer, IT, 3, $$ 132-133, arrange the individual statutes
according to their subject-matter; while those of Orelli-
Baiter, Onomasticon Tullianum, III, pp. 117 f. (Vol. 8
of Orelli's Cicero), and Rein, in Pauly's Aea/- Encyclopádie,

37

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

IV, pp. 956 f, arrange them in alphabetical order.
Information regarding the contents of the edicts of the
praetors is derived from the literature. Considerable
knowledge of the Edictum Perpetuum, compiled by Salvius
Julianus under Hadrian, is derived from the writings of the
jurists excerpted in the Digest. Attempts to reconstruct
this work began in the sixteenth century, The latest and
best attempt is the brilliant work by Lenel, Das Edictum
Perpetuum, Leipzig, 1883, given also by Bruns, pp. 202 ff.
Information regarding the decrees of the senate is ob-
tained chiefly from the literature. Some have also been
transmitted independently in the inscriptions. These are
given in convenient form by Bruns, pp. 160-202.

27. Legal Documents of a Private Character. — Valuable
sources, which contribute to the understanding of the law,
are the documents and private instruments preserved and
transmitted through wax tablets, papyri (in recent times,
especially, coming to light in great numbers), and inscrip-
tions. These documents give glimpses of the application
of the law to concrete cases or preserve records of legal
transactions, which illustrate the requirements of law in
much detail in the various forms of contracts, in the exe-
cution and opening of wills, in matters of procedure, and
in the commonest legal relations of the everyday life of
the people. These documents are well illustrated in the
selections made by Bruns, pp. 270 ff.

28. The Non-juristic Literature. — Among the sources of
information for the study of Roman law must be taken into
consideration almost the entire body of non-juristic litera-
ture, including those Greek authors who treat of Roman
history and institutions. In Latin, the works of Cicero
are the most fruitful. Gellius furnishes much information

38

INTRODUCTION

in matters of public and private law. In public law and
constitutional matters, Livy and the other historians con-
tribute most. The rhetoricians and grammarians furnish
useful material In certain subjects information is drawn
from the agricultural writers, — Cato, Varro, Columella.
Even the poets and the commentators on the poets, espe-
cially Donatus on Terence, Servius on Vergil, and the scholia
of Acro and Porphyrio on Horace furnish information on
matters of detail. Plautus makes numerous references to
matters of a legal character, using business and legal terms
with great frequency. Owing, however, to the uncertain
relation of his plays to their Greek originals, the plays of
Plautus cannot be considered unreservedly as contributing
to a knowledge of the early law of Rome. A valuable
little book showing the references to legal matters in the
works of the non-juristic Latin authors is Précis des Jnstz-
tutions du Droit Privé de Rome, by Gaston May and Henri
Becker, Paris, 1892. A few of the many books of this
character, devoted either to single authors or to classes of
authors, are, for Plautus, E. Costa, // Diritto Privato
Romano (in the comedies of Plautus) Turin, 1890; for
Cicero, F. Keller, Semestrium ad M. Tullium. Ciceronem
libri tres, Zürich, 1842; Gasquy, Czcévon Jurtsconsulte,
Paris, 1887; Roby, Roman Private Law, Vol. 2 (Appen-
dix), Cambridge, 1902; for the poets, Henriot, Maeurs jurt-
diques et judiciaires de l'ancienne. Rome d'apres les poétes
latins, Paris, 1865; Benech, Sur les classiques latins (Hor-
ace, Persius, Martial, Juvenal), Paris, 1853.

29. Books of Selections from the Sources. — Besides the
Corpus Turis Civilis some of the books referred to above as
giving extant sources in a convenient form are Mommsen,
Krüger and Studemund, Collectio librorum iuris antetusti-

39

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

niani, 3 vols., Berlin, 1878-1899; Huschke, lurisprudentiae
anteiustinianae quae supersunt, Leipzig, 1886. These two
works contain the extant remains of the pre-Justinian
literature. The former offers the more critical and authori-
tative text, while the latter is more convenient, being in
one volume. It has also useful indices and a valuable
collection of parallel passages. Bruns, Foutes turis Romani
antiqui, 6th ed., by Mommsen and Gradenwitz, Freiburg
and Leipzig, 1893. This book gives the most important
legal monuments which have been transmitted in inscrip-
tions, and also a collection of documents illustrating private
legal transactions. Lenel, Palingenesia iuris civilis, 2
vols., Leipzig, 1888—1889, a restoration of the excerpts of
the classical jurists to their original connection. The
style of each individual writer is best seen from the use
of this very valuable book. Corpus iuris anteiustiniani,
etc, Bonn, 1842, a collection of pre-Justinian sources
edited by a number of professors at Bonn.

40

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO POMPONIVS, D. 1.
2. 2, DE ORIGINE IVRIS

1. The following selection by Sextus Pomponius on the
origin and development of Roman law, the history of the
magistracies and the most important jurists of Rome from
the earliest time to his own day, is a fragment of a work
by that author preserved in Justinian’s Digest. Works on
the history of the development of law apparently received
but little attention from Roman juristic writers. The im-

- portance of this fragment lies in the fact that it furnishes
the only historical account of Roman law transmitted to
modern times, and that it was considered of sufficient im-
portance by the compilers of Justinian’s Digest to be
placed as an opening chapter, introducing law students to
the study of that work.

2. Nothing is known of the personal history of Pom-
ponius; but the period in which he flourished is clearly
established by the extant fragments of his works. He
wrote under the reigns of Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and
Marcus Aurelius.

3. The Manual (ber singularis enchiridit), of which this
selection formed a part, was written in the reign of Ha-
drian ; the last jurist mentioned in its enumeration of law
writers and teachers being the celebrated Salvius Julianus,
who flourished under Hadrian and prepared, by that
emperor's direction, the Edictum Perpetuum.

4. Pomponius was the most voluminous juristic writer of
the second century of the Empire. Although he was the

41

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author of numerous works covering various departments
of the law, he lacked originality and independence in
scholarship. He was not a jurist of the first rank, but he
was an industrious writer of commentaries and made much
use of the literature of his predecessors. Of the few
authors whose works were drawn upon extensively in the
compilation of the Digest, Pomponius stands in the second
group, ranked according to the amount of material
supplied.

5. Although Pomponius was not the most productive of
Roman juristic writers, an enumeration of his works will
give a fair idea of the fertility of a typical Roman lawyer :—

(1) Lzbri ex Sabino, a commentary in 36 books, on the
ius civile according to the arrangement of a similar work .
of the distinguished jurist, Massurius Sabinus.

(2) Ad edictum libri,a commentary on the praetorian
edict, containing at least 83 books (D. 38, 5, 1, 14. The
subject-matter here indicates the probability of almost as
many more).

(3) Ad Q. Mucium (Scaevolam) lectionum libri, a, com-
mentary in 39 books, according to the arrangement of
Mucius in his treatise on the zus civile.

(4) Ex Plautio libri, a commentary on the jurist Plau-
tius in 7 books.

(5) Epistularum libri legal opinions in epistolary form
in 20 books.

(6) Variae lectiones, miscellaneous discussions of legal
questions in 15 books (or possibly in 41 books).

(7) De stipulationibus, a treatise on stipulations in at
least 8 books.

(8) De sematus consultis libri, a commentary on the
decrees of the senate in 5 books.

42

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

(9) Digestorum ab Aristone libri, a commentary on the
Digest of Aristo in at least 5 books.

(10) Fideicommissorum libri, a work on testamentary
trusts in 5 books.

(11) Regularum liber singularis, a book of legal defini-
tions.

(12) Liber singularis enchiridii, a small handbook in-
tended for students, of which the following fragment is all
that has been transmitted.

6. The sources for this historical survey are unknown.
Sanio has endeavored to show that Varro was Pomponius's
chief authority. The evidence is, however, not conclusive
-—( Varroniana in den Schriften der rim. Juristen, Leipzig,
1867).

7. The results of the controversy regarding the histori-
cal value of the fragment may be stated briefly: the
contributions of Pomponius to matters contemporaneous or
approaching his own day are of great worth; those which
concern the republican period and the earliest develop-
ments of Roman legal science are, as a rule, to be held in
suspicion.

8. The selection falls into three subdivisions : —

(1) The origin and development of Roman law, §§ 1-12.

(2) The magistrates and administration of law, §§ 13-34.

(3) The most important jurists and their works, from
the beginning of Roman jurisprudence down to the author’s

own day, §§ 35-53.

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE
ROMAN LAW

DE ORIGINE IVRIS ET OMNIVM MAGISTRATVVM ET
SVCCESSIONE PRVDENTIVM

Pompon.D. §Necessarium itaque nobis videtur ipsius iuris
P5*?*?P^ Qoriginem atque processum demonstrare.

1. Et quidem initio civitatis nostrae populus sine lege
certa, sine iure certo primum agere instituit omniaque
manu a regibus gubernabantur.

2. Postea aucta ad aliquem modum civitate ipsum
Romulum traditur populum in triginta partes divisisse,
quas partes curias appellavit propterea, quod tunc rei

1. nobis: the name of the people were governed by local
author and the title of the work customs rather than by law.
from which the excerpt is made 5. manu: with discretionary
stand at the beginning of each lex authority. The tradition repre-
(or fragment) in the Digest, and sents the kings as ruling with
hence the personal style frequently absolute authority, although the
occurs. Cf. Introd. 15. institutions of the period were

3. sine lege...sine iure: wzth- those of self-government. In the
out definite statute or customary monarchy, as in the republic, the
law. For the meaning of ey and — people were the ultimate source of
Zus in this place, see Introd. r political power.
and 2, also notes on zzszz/za, p. 72 8. curias: not connected ety-
and ex non, p. 73- mologically with cura. The true

4. agere instituit: Jegan to origin of the word is uncer-
Eve, ie. at this early period the tain. Other instances of false

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publicae curam per sententias partium earum expediebat.
Et ita leges quasdam et ipse curiatas ad populum tulit,
tulerunt et sequentes reges. Quae omnes conscriptae
exstant in libro Sexti Papirii; qui fuit illis temporibus,
quibus Superbus Demarati Corinthii filius, ex principalibus
viris. Is liber, ut diximus, appellatur ius civile Papiri-
anum, non quia Papirius de suo quicquam ibi adiecit, sed

quod leges sine ordine latas in unum composuit.

3. Exactis deinde regibus lege tribunicia omnes leges
hae exoleverunt iterumque coepit populus Romanus incerto
magis iure et consuetudine aliqua uti quam per latam
legem, idque prope viginti annis passus est.

etymologies found in legal writers
are: wuduum, as if from mzeo tuum ;
testamentum, from testatio mentis ;
servis, from servare. Cf. also note
on quasi, p. 106.

2. leges . . . tulit: proposed
measures for the enactment of the
comitia curtata. It was a funda-
mental principle of the constitu-
tion that law-making required the
coóperation of the people and the
king or magistrate. The king,
therefore, is not law-giver, but,
having the sole right of initiative,
he is in a position to control legis-
lation. For the process of passing
a lex, see note on latam legem
below.

6. ius...Papirianum: the refer-
ence is to the so-called Zeges regiae,
cf. Introd. 3. The statement of
the text that the cus Papirianum
was a collection of Jeges curiatae
which Jost their validity after the

46

overthrow of the Tarquins, is not
supported by any other author.
The title of this work as “ius czvie -
Papirianum ” is also an invention
of Pomponius, cf. Serv. Aen. 12,
836, where the work is referred to
as de ritu sacrorum, a title giving
an indication of the real contents
of the book.

ir. latam legem: the various
steps in the process of enacting
a statute (/zx) were as follows : —

(1) Legis latio, the preparation
and presentation of a bill by a
magistrate (legem ferre ad popu-
lum). The proposer was called
legis lator, auctor legis, or suasor
legis. The bill must be published
at least three market days (per £7z-
num nundinunt) before it could be
submitted to an assembly for a vote.

(2) Legzs rogatio, the magis-
trate’s formal submission of the
bill for acceptance or rejection by

§ 4]

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

4. Postea ne diutius hoc fieret, placuit publica auctori-
tate decem constitui viros, per quos peterentur leges a
Graecis civitatibus et civitas fundaretur legibus, quas
in tabulas eboreas perscriptas pro rostris composuerunt,
ut possint leges apertius percipi, datumque est eis ius
eo anno in civitate summum, uti leges et corrigerent, si
opus esset, et interpretarentur neque provocatio ab eis

sicut a reliquis magistratibus fieret.

the vote of the assembly. The
formula for the introduction of a
rogatio was: Velztzs, Zubeatis hoc,
Quirites, Rogo. The people voted
at once, by curiae, centuries, or
tribes; during the early Republic,
viva voce ; after about 139 B.C., by
ballot (Zaze//a). Affirmative bal-
lots were inscribed VR (ute
vogas); negative ballots, A (az-
tiguo).

(3) Renuntiatio. The result
of the ballot was announced at
once, and if more than one half
of the ballots were affirmative, the
rogatio became a lex (lex perlata,
perrogata).

(4) Publicatio legis. After the
enactment of a dex, it was pub-
lished on whitewashed wooden
tablets or copper plates (Zegez:
figere, unde de plano recte legi
possit). The validity of the law
was not, however, dependent on
the fact of publication, since all
citizens, in theory, had taken part
in its enactment.

4. eboreas: this is evidently-a
mistake of the copyist. Roboreas

47

Qui ipsi animadverte-

and aereas have been suggested.
Ivory belongs rather to the luxury
of the Empire. Laws were usu-
ally published on stone, copper,
or wooden tablets; the Twelve
Tables, according to the tradition,
on copper. — pro rostris: used
for the Forum. The term ros-
ira was not in use until after
the capture of the Latin fleet at
Antium, 338 B.c. (Liv. 8, 14,
12). For the Decemvirate and
the Twelve Tables, see Liv.
3, 31 f., and Dion. Bk. ro, also
Introd. 4.

5. ius summum: supreme au-
thority.

7. provocatio ab eis, sc. De-
cemvirts : such magistrates, elected
for a special purpose, the Romans
called magistratus extraordinart.
By a lex Valerza (B.C. 509?) every
sentence of a magistrate against
the life of a Roman citizen might
be appealed to the people. Under
the monarchical and republican
constitution of Rome, the par-
doning power was an attribute of
the people's sovereignty.

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runt aliquid deesse istis primis legibus ideoque sequenti
anno alias duas ad easdem tabulas adiecerunt et ita ex
accedenti appellatae sunt leges duodecim tabularum.
Quarum ferendarum auctorem: fuisse decemviris Hermo-
dorum quendam Ephesium exulantem in Italia quidam
rettulerunt.

5. His legibus latis coepit (ut naturaliter evenire solet,
ut interpretatio desideraret prudentium auctoritatem) ne-
cessariam esse disputationem fori. Haec disputatio et hoc
ius, quod sine scripto venit compositum a prudentibus,
propria parte aliqua non appellatur, ut ceterae partes iuris
suis nominibus designantur, datis propriis nominibus ceteris
partibus, sed communi nomine appellatur ius civile.

2. duas ad easdem tabulas 8. desideraret : — veguzred. —
adiecerunt: Cicero calls these disputationem fori: the responsa
two tables zzzgzae leges, because delivered in writing to the court
they *forbade intermarriage be- by the advocates led to contro-
tween patrician and plebeian,’ versy and discussion of principles.
probably therein simply confirm- This was conducive to the devel-
ing the previous customary law. opment of a scientific law litera-
— ex accedenti: z.z. by addition ture. The professional duties of
of these two to the ten tables the American lawyer were regu-
published in the previous year. larly performed at Rome, partly
The first ten tables were ratified by the zwris consulti, iuris pru-
by the comitia centuriata when. dentes, who were trained jurists,
proposed by the Decemviri. The and partly by the advocati, ora-
remaining two were submitted to — Zores, who were professional plead-
the comitia by the consuls, after ers, but were not reckoned among
the overthrow of the second De- the jurists; cf. the English so-
cemvirate. licitor and barrister.

4. auctorem : Hermodorus is 9. Haec disputatio . . . ap-
called by Pliny, JV. 77. 34, 5, 21, pellatur ius civile: *interpreta-
interpres. He further says that tions of the law came-to have
a statue was erected to Hermo- authority as unwritten law, and
dorus in the Forum at public ex- so were eventually recognized as
pense. a source of law (jurist-made law),

48

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6. Deinde ex his legibus eodem tempore fere actiones
compositae sunt, quibus inter se homines disceptarent:
quas actiones né populus prout vellet institueret, certas
sollemnesque esse voluerunt et appellatur haec pars iuris
legis actiones, id est legitimae actiones. Et ita eodem
paene tempore tria haec iura nata sunt; lege duodecim
tabularum ex his fluere coepit ius civile, ex isdem legis
actiones compositae sunt. Omnium tamen harum et inter-
pretandi scientia et actiones apud collegium pontificum
erant, ex quibus constituebatur, quis quoquo anno praeesset
privatis. Et fere populus annis prope centum hac consue-
tudine usus est.

7. Postea cum Appius Claudius proposuisset et ad
formam redegisset has actiones, Gnaeus Flavius scriba eius

-

but they did not receive a distinct See Sohm, Institutes of Reman
name as did the praetorian law Law (Eng. trans.), Oxf., 1892,
(us honorarium, ius braetorium), | p. 152. à
the term zzs czvz/e being regarded 6. lege: the reading is doubt-
as including the law growing out ful. Mommsen proposes after
of scientific interpretation. Like mata sunt, latague lege, abl. abs.
the praetorian edict, this zwris The meaning is: so there arose
prudentia became a viva vox almost at the same time these
duris ctvilis. Cf. Introd. 8. three parts of the law: the Twelve

1. ex his legibus: there can Tables; from these flowed the zus
be no doubt that long before the czvz/e; and likewise from these
Twelve Tables, procedure and were developed the /egzs actiones.
legal transactions were character- 13. Appius Claudius Caecus
ized by definitely prescribed and (censor 312): he was not a pon-
formal words of style. Although. tiff himself, as his elogium shows
originally a natural growth, the — (C. Z. L., I, p. 287) ; but careful
legis actiones were developed by ^ observation of the pontiffs’ method
the pontiffs, who gave them a of procedure in various cases en-
fechnical character, requiring at abled him to prepare the work
first their own professional inter- published by Flavius, This pub-
pretation. Of these actiones, as lication of the calendar and the
genera agendi, there were five. — actiones, which had hitherto been

ROMAN LAW —4 49

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libertini filius subreptum librum populo tradidit, et adeo
gratum fuit id munus populo, ut tribunus plebis fieret et
senator et aedilis curulis. Hic liber, qui actiones continet,
appellatur ius civile Flavianum, sicut ille ius civile Papiri-
anum, nam nec Gnaeus Flavius de suo quicquam adiecit
libro. Augescente civitate quia deerant quaedam genera
agendi ,non post multum temporis spatium Sextus Aelius
alias actiones composuit et librum populo dedit, qui appel-
latur ius Aelianum.

8. Deinde cum esset in civitate lex duodecim tabularum
et ius civile, essent et legis actiones, evenit, ut plebs in dis-
cordiam cum patribus perveniret et secederet sibique iura
constitueret, quae iura plebiscita vocantur Mox cum

the secret of the patricians, oc- publish, exhibit in a public place,
curred about 304 b.C., and practi- but draw uf, collect, in the sense
cally completed the work of making of cozzfosuzsset.

the two orders equal before the 6. Augescente civitate: with
law. The Twelve Tables had the new legislation after the
published a large part of the law, Twelve Tables, new actiones were
but the legal remedies were still required. The zws Flavianum
within the control and subject to dealt only with the law of the
the manipulation of the patrician Tables. The work of Aelius in-
pontiffs. This work of Flavius is dicated what old remedies were
the first literary effort in Roman still in force, and made known
jurisprudence. Itisprobablethat, the new ones required by more
owing to the political character of — recent legislation. — Zzus Aelianum
Appius Claudius and his active was published about 204 B.c.
demagogism against the patri- 13. plebiscita: bills passed by
cians, this book was not published the assembly of the plebeians,
against his will (subreptumz); cf. organized by tribes (comcilium
Mommsen, Rémische Forschungen, — plebis), when the rogatio (cf.
I, 301, or the same article in his Introd. 8) was submitted by the
Roman History, 1, Appendix I plebeian tribune; cf. definition,
(Eng.trans.).— proposuisset: the — p. 75 of text. Concilium plebis
connection shows that this word (an assembly composed of ple-
does not have its usual meaning of — beians only) should not be con-

50

§§ 9-10] SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

revocata est plebs, quia multae discordiae nascebantur de
his plebiscitis, pro legibus placuit et ea observare lege
Hortensia, et ita factum est, ut inter plebiscita et legem
species constituendi interesset, potestas autem eadem
esset.

9. Deinde quia difficile plebs convenire coepit, populus
certe multo difficilius in tanta turba hominum, necessitas
ipsa curam rei publicae ad senatum deduxit, ita coepit
senatus se interponere et quidquid constituisset observaba-
tur, idque ius appellabatur senatus consultum.

10. Eodem tempore et magistratus iura reddebant et ut
scirent cives, quod ius de quaque re quisque dicturus esset,
seque praemunirent, edicta proponebant. Quae edicta

fused with comitia tributa (an 1o. senatus consultum: a bill
assembly of the entire 2efu/us which passed the senate without
according to tribal organization). eliciting the veto of a magistrate.
By the lex Hortensia, 287 B.C. See Introd. 6 and definition, p. 75
the laws passed by the cozczZuz; of the text. The senate was in
plebis were binding upon the theory an advisory body of the
whole fopulus. Before that law, king in the monarchy, and of the
plebiscita were binding upon ple- consuls in the republic. During
beians only, unless, when they the best days of the republic, the
affected the whole state, they were /eges passed by the comitia re-
ratified by the comitia centuriata quired the sanction of the patrician
(or possibly by the senate alone). part of the senate (azctordtas pa-
After the Hortensian law, the only — Zruz;). In the late republican
difference between f/ebzsczfa and ^ period, the senate issued decrees
leges was in form and name; in cases of emergency, which seem
their force was identical. Cicero to have had the force of law. In
was banished by a plebiscitum the early empire, the decrees of the
and recalled by a x. With true — senate supplanted the /eges of the
Roman precision in legal matters, comitia. Under the régime where-
enactments were often called /ex by the power was divided between
plebeive scitum or lex sive id plebi — princeps. and senate, SCC were
scitum est. counted among the sources of law.

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praetorum ius honorarium constituerunt; honorarium dici-
tur, quod ab honore praetoris venerat.

11. Novissime sicut ad pauciores iuris constituendi vias
transisse ipsis rebus dictantibus videbatur per partes,
evenit, ut necesse esset rei publicae per unum consuli (nam
senatus non perinde omnes provincias probe gerere pote-
rat); igitur constituto principe datum est ei ius, ut quod
constituisset, ratum esset. :

12. Ita in civitate nostra aut iure, id est lege, constitui-
tur, aut est proprium ius civile, quod sine scripto in sola
prudentium interpretatione consistit, aut sunt legis actiones,
quae formam agendi continent, aut plebiscitum, quod sine
auctoritate patrum est constitutum, aut est magistratuum
edictum, unde ius honorarium nascitur, aut senatus consul-
tum, quod solum senatu constituente inducitur sine lege,

1. ius honorarium: see Introd. 9. iure, id est lege: ‘our state
5 and definition, p. 76 of the is therefore governed by the old
text. customary law as it stands in the

3. Novissime: ‘finally, inas- Twelve Tables, or that peculiar zzs
much as it seemed that the devel- — czz/e, which is unwritten and rests
opment of the law had gradually upon the interpretation of the ju-
passed under the control of fewer _rists.’ Cf. note on Haec disputatio,
persons, circumstances themselves — p. 48, and definitions, p. 75 of the
partially calling for it, it came text.

about now that the necessity of 10. proprium ius civile: it was
caring for the welfare of the state a peculiar feature of Roman legal -
devolved upon one man.’ development, that interpretation

6. non perinde, sc. 2c olim: of the jurists and legal literature
not as formerly, cf. Tac. Germ. 5, attained a place of such great im-
4, haud perinde afficiuntur ; Suet. portance and, without any consti-
Aug. 80, non perinde valebat. tutional recognition, were counted

7. ius: ‘authority was con- by the jurists among the sources
ferred upon him (by the Zex de of law.
zmperto) so that whatever he or- 12. formam agendi: rules of
dained was valid (as law). procedure.

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aut est principalis constitutio, id est ut quod ipse princeps
constituit pro lege servetur.

I3. Post originem iuris et processum cognitum conse-
quens est, ut de magistratuum nominibus et origine cognos-
camus, quia, ut exposuimus, per eos qui iuri dicundo praesunt
effectus rei accipitur ; quantum est enim ius in civitate esse,
nisi sint, qui iura regere possint? Post hoc dein de aucto-
rum successione dicemus, quod constare non potest ius,
nisi sit aliquis iuris peritus, per quem possit cottidie in
melius produci.

14. Quod ad magistratus attinet, initio civitatis huius
constat reges omnem potestatem habuisse.

' I5. Isdem temporibus et tribunum celerum fuisse con-
stat. Is autem erat qui equitibus praeerat et veluti secun-
dum locum a regibus optinebat. In quo numero fuit
Iunius Brutus, qui auctor fuit regis eiciendi.

16. Exactis deinde regibus consules constituti sunt duo,
penes quos summum ius uti esset, lege rogatum est. Dicti

6. effectus rei: ‘the operation writers’ authority in our own sys-
of the lawis perceived. — quantum tem of law and the weight of a
est ius esse: ‘of what value is it judicial. decision.) Our nearest
that there is lawin a state, unless) parallel to the responsa pruden-

7. auctorum, sc. Zwrzs: ju- fium and the text-book law of the

vists, cf. Introd. 8. Romans is the series of Reported
9. iuris peritus, per quem pos- Cases.
sit in melius produci: the Roman ' 13. tribunum celerum: tradi-

jurists were designated by the tion assigned as deputies of the
terms zurzs ferzti, iuris prudentes, king and subject to his appoint-
duris consulti, iuris auctores, and ment three or nine ¢rzbunz multum
duris conditores without distinction (Varro, L. L. 5, 81; Serv. Aen. 5,
of meaning. It isa peculiarity of — 560) ; nine ¢ribunt ceerum; a
the Romans that they set a very — fraefectus urbi (Tac. Ann. 6,11;
high value on the authority of Liv. 1, 59; Dion. 2, 12).

jurists and their writings. (Cf. 18. lege rogatum : declared by
the comparative absence of text- | a Jaw, i.e. the lex curiata de im-

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sunt ab eo, quod plurimum rei publicae consulerent. Qui
tamen ne per omnia regiam potestatem sibi vindicarent,
lege lata factum est, ut ab eis provocatio esset neve possent
in caput civis Romani animadvertere iniussu populi. Solum
relictum est illis, ut coercere posserit et in vincula publica
duci iuberent.

17. Post deinde cum census iam maiori tempore agendus
esset et consules non sufficerent huic quoque officio, cen-
sores constituti sunt.

18. Populo deinde aucto cum crebra orerentur bella et
quaedam acriora a finitimis inferrentur, interdum re exi-
gente placuit maioris potestatis magistratum constitui,
itaque dictatores proditi sunt, a quibus nec provocandi ius
fuit et quibus etiam capitis animadversio data est. Hunc
magistratum, quoniam summam potestatem habebat, non
erat fas ultra sextum mensem retineri.

perio. Cf. note on /atam legem, in certain criminal matters, e.g.
p. 46; Cic. de Leg. Agr.2,10,26; they condemned women, aliens,
ad Fam. 1, 9,25; de Ref. 2,13, and slaves, and caused the sen-
25.— ab eo = ob eam rem. The tence to be carried into execution.
idea of colleagueship (con-salio, They retained civil jurisdiction,
con-sules, partners) as a check on — until the office of Praetor Urbanus
the abuse of zzperiuz, probably — was established.
accounts for the origin of the name. 8. censores constituti sunt:
3. ab eis provocatio: the zz; the censorship was established
perium gave the consuls absolute about 443 B.C. It was originally
authority in military jurisdiction. * the duty of the censor to determine
This power was restricted by the the military strength of the state
lex Valeria (about B.C. 509), so at certain intervals. All citizens
that in capital cases within the city were registered in their proper
walls an appeal lay from them to class, according to their wealth,
the people; hence the distinction and on the basis of this census
between zziperzum) domi and zz military duties and taxes were
perium militiae, and fasces with imposed.
and without secures. The consuls 15. non erat fas ultra sextum
retained an exceptional authority mensem retineri: fas = zus, as

: 54

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19. Et his dictatoribus magistri equitum iniungebantur
sic, quo modo regibus tribuni celerum. Quod officium fere
tale erat, quale hodie praefectorum praetorio, magistratus
tamen habebantur legitimi.

20. Isdem temporibus cum plebs a patribus secessisset
anno fere septimo decimo post reges exactos, tribunos sibi
in monte sacro creavit, qui essent plebeii magistratus.
Dicti tribuni, quod olim in tres partes populus divisus erat
et ex singulis singuli creabantur, vel quia tribuum suffragio
creabantur.

21. Itemque ut essent qui aedibus praeessent, in quibus
omnia scita sua plebs deferebat, duos ex plebe constitu-
erunt, qui etiam aediles appellati sunt. 3

often. A longer term of office rium, against every expression of
suggested the possibility of a re- magisterial authority, limited only
turn to monarchy. The dictators — by the veto of their colleagues and
imperium was originally unre- the provocatio to the comitia cen-
stricted do»; as well as militiae. turiata in capital cases. After
He administered martiallaw within the lex Hortensta, the tribunes
the city and had full military, but — could initiate legislation ( plebzs-
not civil, jurisdiction. The prae- ca) and could eventually sum-
tors continued to sit in their courts, — mon the senate.
the consuls were continued in 13. aediles appellati sunt: the
command of their armies as origin of this name is uncertain.
minor colleagues of the dictator, The derivation of the word is as-
and other magistrates continued — signed by Pomponius to the aediles’
in office. duty of keeping the archives in
7. plebeii magistratus : for their custody in the temple of
the origin of the tribunate of the Ceres, by Varro to their oversight
plebs see the sources, Liv. 2, 33; of the repair of temples, ' aedilis,
Dion. 6, 89 ; Isidor. Orig. 9, 3, qui aedes sacras et privatas pro-
29; Lydus, de Magistr. 1, 38, 44. — curaret! L. L. 5, 81 (see Momm-
The £ribuni plebis were at first sen, Staatsrecht, 2, p. 479). Their
two, then four, and afterwards ten original title and function were
in number. They had the right possibly something still different
of intercession, within the pome- (Dion. 6, 90).

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW [8$ 22-24

22. Deinde cum aerarium populi auctius esse coepisset,
ut essent qui illi praeessent, constituti sunt quaestores, qui
pecuniae praeessent, dicti ab eo quod inquirendae et con-
servandae pecuniae causa creati erant.

23. Et quia, ut diximus, de capite civis Romani iniussu
populi non erat lege permissum consulibus ius dicere, prop-
terea quaestores constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus
rebus praeessent; hi appellabantur quaestores parricidii,
quorum etiam meminit lex duodecim tabularum.

24. Et cum placuisset leges quoque ferri, latum est ad
populum, uti omnes magistratu se abdicarent, quo decem-
viri constituti anno uno cum magistratum prorogarent sibi
et cum iniuriose tractarent neque vellent deinceps sufficere
magistratibus, ut ipsi et factio sua perpetuo rem publicam
occupatam retineret, nimia atque aspera dominatione eo
rem perduxerant, ut exercitus a re publica secederet. Ini-
tium fuisse secessionis dicitur Verginius quidam, qui cum
animadvertisset Appium Claudium contra ius, quod ipse ex

3. inquirendae et conservandae 12. prorogarent. . . neque vel-
pecuniae causa: cf. Varro, L. L. lentsufficere magistratibus: ‘held
5, 81, quaestores a quaerendo, qui over for one year . . . and were

conquirerent publicas pecunias et unwilling to give way to the regular
maleficia. "The functions of the magistrates.’

quaestores aeraríi and parricidii, 18. contra ius, quod ipse in duo-
usuallyidentified,are here regarded ^ decim tabulas transtulerat : cf. Liv.
as distinct. 3; 44, advocati (Verginiae) postu-

11. quo decemviri supply crea- lant, ut (App. Claudius) lege ab
ventur legum scribendarum causa. ipso lata vindicias det secundum
Jtaque decemviri constituti: as Libertatem. Vindicias ab aliquo
something has evidently dropped ^ aódzcere means to refuse one pos-
out (Mommsen). Qzo without session, windicias dicere secundum

. the comparative, A. & G. 317, &, — aliquem, to grant one possession

N. 2; B. 282, a. Anno uno,abl. of the disputed person or thing,
degree of difference. during the adjudication of the

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vetere iure in duodecim tabulas transtulerat, vindicias filiae
suae a se abdixisse et secundum eum, qui in servitutem ab
€o suppositus petierat, dixisse captumque amore virginis
omne fas ac nefas miscuisse, indignatus, quod vetus-
tissima iuris observantia in persona filiae suae defecisset
(utpote cum Brutus, qui primus Romae consul fuit, vindi-
cias secundum libertatem dixisset in persona Vindicis Vitel-
liorum servi, qui proditionis coniurationem indicio suo
detexerat) et castitatem filiae vitae quoque eius praefer-
endam putaret, arrepto cultro de taberna lanionis filiam in-
terfecit in hoc scilicet, ut morte virginis contumeliam stupri
arceret, ac protinus recens a caede madenteque adhuc filiae
cruore ad commilitones confugit. Qui universi de Algido,
ubi tunc belli gerendi causa legiones erant, relictis ducibus
pristinis signa in Aventinum transtulerunt, omnisque plebs
urbana mox eodem se contulit, populique consensu partim in
carcere necati. Ita rursus res publica suum statum recepit.

25. Deinde cum post aliquot annos duodecim tabulae
latae sunt et plebs contenderet cum patribus et vellet ex

issue. The legal wrong here arose z. qui (Z2. Icilius) in servi-

from a direct violation of a pro-
vision of the Twelve Tables,
namely, that in case of disputed
freedom (4deralzs causa) the pre-
sumption should be in favor of
liberty (secundum libertatenz).
Verginius was, therefore, deprived
unlawfully of the possession of his
daughter, over whom, as his /£Za-
familias, he had a real right, un-
til Appius proved his right of
proprietorship (domznzca potestas)
and the claim had been judicially
determined.

tutem ab eo (z.e. App. Claudius)
suppositus petierat: ad claimed
her as a slave.

4. indignatus, sc. Verginius.
— vetustissima iuris observantia,

Le. windicias dere secundum
libertatem.

1o. putaret, read futans
(Mommsen).

16. partim in carcere necati:
after Partin supply zw exilium
acti decemvirt, partim, etc.

18. Deinde cum post aliquot:
read annos, quam. duodecim tabu-

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW [$$ 26-27

suo quoque corpore consules creare et patres recusarent,
factum est, ut tribuni militum crearentur partim ex plebe,
partim ex patribus consulari potestate. Hique constituti
sunt vario numero, interdum enim viginti fuerunt, interdum
plures, nonnumquam pauciores.

26. Deinde cum placuisset creari etiam ex plebe con-
sules, coeperunt ex utroque corpore constitui. Tunc, ut
aliquo pluris patres haberent, placuit duos ex numero
patrum constitui; ita facti sunt aediles curules.

27. Cumque consules avocarentur bellis finitimis neque
esset qui in civitate ius reddere posset, factum est, ut prae-
tor quoque crearetur, qui urbanus appellatus est, quod in
urbe ius redderet.

lae latae sunt, plebs contenderet, sion of the plebeians to the con-
etc., according to the suggestion —sulship (367 B.c.).
of Mommsen. 7. ut aliquo pluris (sc. zuzs,
2. tribuni militum consulari *power") patres haberent, placuit
potestate: in 445 B.C. the plebe- duos (sc. magzstratus) ex numero
ians demanded that the consulate — patrum constitui, sc. gui /udos
be opened to their order. The curaret, or something of the kind,
patricians declined to give their which possibly has fallen out.
assent, but yielded to a com- The office of curule aedile, whose
promise, by which the people original duties are uncertain, was
should determine each ' year created in 366 8.c. as an offset to
whether they preferred consuls or the plebeian aedileship. The
military tribunes with consular duties of these officers, at first dis-
power. This was a makeshift for tinct, became practically assimi-
opening the highest magistracy to lated. There were two of each
the plebeians, without altering the — kind.
framework of the constitution or ir. praetor crearetur : the name
suffering from further revolution. ^ was originally applied to the con-
The tribunes consulari potestate suls (prae-itores, leaders, com-
were always more than two in manders). Asonlya single praetor
number, never more than six (not was appointed, the constitutional
twenty as the text says), and the principle of colleagueship in all
office passed away with the admis- magistracies was not observed.

58

§§ 28-30]

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

28. Post aliquot deinde annos non sufficiente eo praetore,
quod multa turba etiam peregrinorum in civitatem veniret,
creatus est et alius praetor, qui peregrinus appellatus est
ab eo, quod plerumque inter peregrinos ius dicebat.

29. Deinde cum esset necessarius magistratus qui
hastae praeessent, decemviri in litibus iudicandis sunt

constituti.

30. Constituti sunt eodem tempore et quattuorviri qui
curam viarum agerent, et triumviri monetales aeris argenti

Theoretically, however, the prae-
tor was regarded as a third consul,
added to that college to relieve
the consuls, who were busy in the
field, of their judicial duties. The
praetor continued to be the sole
civil magistrate in Rome until the
appointment of the praetor pere-
grinus, a century and a quarter
later. The original praetor was
called praetor urbanus, z.¢. praetor
. qui inter cives tus dicit ; in distinc-
tion from him, the new praetor
came to be known at a later time as
praetor peregrinus, an abbreviated
title for the praetor guz zxter pere-
grinos ius dicit or qui inter cives
et peregrinos tus dicit.

i. Post aliquot annos: aZ-
guot, meaning usually ‘a few;
covers here an interval of one hun-
dred and twenty-five years. The
necessity for the creation of this
new office arose from the changed
conditions resulting from the first
Punic war. The date of its es-
tablishment is uncertain, assigned
by Liv. to 242 B.c., by Lydus to

244, and placed by modern author-
ities at 242 or 247. The full title
as shown by the inscriptions is
as given above (note on praetor,
p. 58), cf. also Introd. 5.

5. qui hastae praeessent: ‘to
have jurisdiction in cases involv-
ing real rights’ (e.g. liberty, prop-
erty), cf. Gai. 4, 16, festuca autem
ulebantur quasi hastae loco, signo
quodam iusti domni quod ma-
xiune sua esse credebant quae ex
hostibus cepissent; unde zm cen-
tumviralibus tudicits hasta prae-
ponitur (cf. in English law the
delivery of a staff as symbol of
power and possession in certain
conveyances, Blackstone, Com-
mentaries, ll, Chap. 20). The
decemvirt (st)litibus tudicandis
were first mentioned in the Valerio-
Horatian laws, 449 B.c. Owing
to the restrictions placed on the
plebeians, contests over personal
liberty became prominent and re-
quired a special tribunal (cf. case
of Verginia, note on contra ius,

p. 56).

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auri flatores, et triumviri capitales qui carceris custodiam
haberent, ut cum animadverti oporteret interventu eorum
fieret.

31. Et quia magistratibus vespertinis temporibus in pub-
licum esse inconveniens erat, quinqueviri constituti sunt cis
Tiberim et ultis Tiberim, qui possint pro magistratibus
fungi.

32. Capta deinde Sardinia, mox Sicilia, item Hispania,
deinde Narbonensi provincia totidem praetores, quot pro-
vinciae in dicionem venerant, creati sunt, partim qui urbanis
rebus, partim qui provincialibus. praeessent. Deinde Cor-
nelius Sulla quaestiones publicas constituit, veluti de falso,
de parricidio, de sicariis, et praetores quattuor adiecit.
Deinde Gaius Iulius Caesar duos praetores et duos aediles
qui frumento praeessent et a Cerere cereales constituit.

1. triumviri capitales: these eves had similar duties, though
were introduced about 289 B.C., their exact functions cannot now
and they exercised criminal au- be determined (cf. Mommsen,
thority over aliens and, especially, Staatsrecht, 2, 611; Hirschfeld,
slaves, at first as assistants of the Hermes, 24, 106). — cis Tiberim
consuls. They put the death sen- et ultis Tiberim: very rare for
tence into execution, acted as de- — ezfra . . . utra; ultis is not found
tectives in criminal investigations, in Harper's La£. Dict. (cf. cis...
exercised police duties, etc., com- — zs, Varr. LZ. L. 5, 83).
bined with a supervision of the 15. et (sc. dicerentur) a Cerere
night watch. cereales: the number was still six

5. quinqueviri constituti sunt in the time of Vespasian (Suet.
cis Tiberim: originally, at Rome, Vesp. 2), Ze. two each of the ple-
the duty of providing for the public — beian, curule (patrician), and the
safety and policing the city was a — cereales (instituted by Caesar).
part of the consular imperium. In Some of the chief duties of the
their absence, the consuls were at — aediles were: the care of the build-
first represented by the praefecti ings and public sites of the city
urbi, afterward by the praetor (cura urbis); the care of the
urbanus. The guzzgueviri Cisti- markets (cura annonae) ; the es-

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Ita duodecim praetores, sex aediles sunt creati.. Divus
deinde Augustus 'sedecim praetores constituit. Post de-
inde divus Claudius duos praetores adiecit qui de fidei-
commisso ius dicerent, ex quibus unum divus Titus
detraxit et adiecit divus Nerva qui inter fiscum et pri-
vatos ius diceret. Ita decem et octo praetores in civitate
ius dicunt.

33. Et haec omnia, quotiens in re publica sunt magis-
tratus, observantur; quotiens autem proficiscuntur, unus
relinquitur, qui ius dicat; is vocatur praefectus urbi. Qui
praefectus olim constituebatur, postea fere Latinarum feri-
arum causa introductus est et quotannis observatur. Nam
praefectus annonae et vigilum non sunt magistratus, sed
extra ordinem utilitatis causa constituti sunt. Et tamen hi,
quos Cistiberes diximus, postea aediles senatus consulto
creabantur.

34. Ergo ex his omnibus decem tribuni plebis, consules

tablishment of regular games (cura — ius diceret: the imperial exchequer
ludorum). Their influence on (/éscus) and the senatorial aera-
the law was exerted through their 7727 were corporations, Z4. arti-
criminal and civil jurisdiction and ficial persons. Issues involving
the edicts which they issued in the claims between private persons
administration of their office (cf. and the public treasury were tried
Introd. 5, edictum aedilicium). by the 2raetor fiscalis.

3. qui de fideicommisso ius 8. in re publica : used here
dicerent: a fideicommissum is an by metonymy (like c¢vitas occa-
informal legacy whose terms were: sionally) for zz urbe.
to be carried out by the heir in good 1o. Qui praefectus olim consti-
faith (fidei-commizttere) according — tuebatur: instead of pracfectus,
to the request of the testator. The frofectis iis is suggested, 7.e. ‘for
praetor fideicommissarius was each occasion of the magistrates’
charged with the settlement of departure from the city.’
questions growing out of these 15. postea (sc. fer) aediles,
testamentary trusts. should probably be read (Momm-

5. quiinter fiscum et privatos sen).

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duo, decem et octo praetores, sex aediles in civitate iura
reddebant.

35. Iuris civilis scientiam plurimi et maximi viri professi
sunt; sed qui eorum maximae dignafionis apud populum
Romanum fuerunt, eorum in praesentia mentio habenda
est, ut appareat, a quibus et qualibus haec iura orta et
tradita sunt. Et quidem ex omnibus, qui scientiam nancti
sunt, ante Tiberium Coruncanium publice professum nemi-
nem traditur. Ceteri autem ad hunc vel in latenti ius civile
retinere cogitabant solumque consultatoribus vacare potius
quam discere volentibus se praestabant.

36. Fuit autem in primis peritus Publius Papirius, qui
leges regias in unum contulit. Ab hoc Appius Claudius
unus ex decemviris, cuius maximum consilium in duodecim
tabulis scribendis fuit. Post hunc Appius Claudius eiusdem
generis maximam scientiam habuit; hic Centemmanus ap-
pellatus est, Appiam viam stravit etaquam Claudiam induxit
et de Pyrrho in urbe non recipiendo sententiam tulit. Hunc

3. Iuris civilis scientiam pro- them, rather than to those wishing
fessi sunt: with this section, Pom- — to study law.’
ponius begins the enumeration of 1o. solumque consultatoribus
some of the most famous jurists, vacare. Instead of so/zzigue read :
with mention of their most impor- — ve solebant consultatorzbus, etc.
tant works. Zurzs scientiam pro- 12. Publius Papirius, qui leges
fiteri means to practice and also regias contulit: in the second sec-
to give instruction in law. For tion, Papirius is called Sextus.
Ti. Coruncanius and the begin- For J/eges regiae see Introd. 3 and
ning of alegal profession at Rome, note on zus Papirzanum, p. 46.
see Introd. 8. 7 15. Post hunc App. Claudius:

9. Ceteri autem ad hunc, etc., from App. Claudius, the Decemvir,
translate: ‘all others acquainted Pomponius springs over a period
with law up to his time either of about 150 years to the Decem-
intended to keep the zus czvile vir's great-grandson, App. Clau-
unknown or else were usually ac- dius Caecus (censor 312); cf. sec.
cessible only to those consulting 7 of the text and note on A422.

62

§§ 37-38] SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

etiam actiones scripsisse traditum est primum de usurpa-
tionibus, qui liber non exstat. Idem Appius Claudius, qui
videtur ab hoc processisse, R litteram invenit, ut pro Valesiis
Valerii essent et pro Fusiis Furii.

5 37. Fuit post eos maximae scientiae Sempronius, quem
populus Romanus co$óv appellavit, nec quisquam ante
hunc aut post hunc hoc nomine cognominatus est. Gaius
Scipio Nasica, qui optimus a senatu appellatus est, cui
etiam. publice domus in sacra via data est, quo facilius con-

ro suli posset. Deinde Quintus Mucius, qui ad Carthaginienses
missus legatus, cum essent duae tesserae positae una pacis
altera belli, arbitrio sibi dato, utram vellet referret Romam,
utramque sustulit et ait Carthaginienses petere debere,
utram mallent accipere.

15 38. Post hos fuit Tiberius Coruncanius, ut dixi, qui
primus profiteri coepit, cuius tamen scriptum nullum exstat,
sed responsa complura et memorabilia eius fuerunt. Deinde
Sextus Aelius et frater eius Publius Aelius et Publius Ati-
lius maximam scientiam in profitendo habuerunt, ut duo

zo Aelii etiam consules fuerint, Atilius autem primus a populo
Sapiens appellatus est. Sextum Aelium etiam Ennius lau-
davit et exstat illius liber qui inscribitur ‘tripertita,’ qui
liber velutffcunabula iuris continet. Tripertita autem dici-

Claudius, p. 49, supra. In this 7. Gaius Scipio Nasica: ap-
"section, patricians are mentioned parently a confusion with Publius
in violation of chronological order. ^ Nasica Optimus, consul I91 B.C.

1. actiones (scrzpszsse) is evi- 1o. Quintus Mucius: probably
dently a gloss from section 7. intended for Q. Maximus, cf. Liv.
5. Sempronius: e. Publius 21,18, wherea similar incident is
Sempronius Sophus, consul 3o4 related (Florus, 2, 6, 7; Gell. ro,
B.C. The cognomen Sophus oc- 27).
curs several times in the fasz con- 22. liber qui inscribitur triper-
sudares. tita: so called because it was com-

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tur, quoniam lege duodecim tabularum praeposita iungitur
interpretatio, deinde subtexitur legis actio. Eiusdem esse
tres alii libri referuntur, quos tamen quidam negant eiusdem
esse; hos sectatus ad aliquid est Cato. Deinde Marcus
Cato princeps Porciae familiae, cuius et libri exstant, sed
plurimi filii eius, ex quibus ceteri oriuntur.

39. Post hos fuerunt Publius Mucius et Brutus et Mani-
lius, qui fundaverunt ius civile. Ex his Publius Mucius
etiam decem libellos reliquit, Brutus septem, Manilius tres
et exstant volumina scripta Manilii monumenta. Illi duo
consulares fuerunt, Brutus praetorius, Publius autem Mucius
etiam pontifex maximus.

posed of three parts : Jex tabularum 7. Post hos fuerunt: Pompo-
duodecim; interpretatio (of the ^ nius omits the name of C. Livius
Tables) ; and Jegzs actiones. The — Drusus, belonging here (consul
ius Flavianus: probably formed — 144 B.C.), the author of several
the third part of this work, cf. works and a jurist whose advice
notes on Appius, p. 49 and Auge- was much sought, of whom Val.
scente, p. 50. É Max. 8, 7, 4, says: Zus civile pop-

4. ad aliquid Cato. Deinde lo denignissime interpretatus est
Marcus Cato: it is suggested by — w£isszmaque discere id cupientibus
Scholl, X7/. Tad. p. 24, that the monumenta composuit. Cf. also
first Cafe is a gloss. ad aliquid, Cic. Zusc. 5, 38, 112; Brut. 28,
adverbial, after some time. Iog. Of the three jurists men-

6. ex quibus ceteri oriuntur: tioned in this sectiem, the oldest
read ordiuntur (‘nam auctores was M’. Manilius (consul 149 B.C.),
posteriores citant passim Cato- one of the speakers in Cic^ de
nem neque vero auctorem ullum — &z$. and theauthor of seven books |
eo antiquiorem, nisi quod semel (not three). M. Junius Brutus
laudat Sex. Aelium Celsus) ex- whom Cic. Brut. 34, 130, calls vz-
plains Mommsen). The legal rumoftimumet iuris peritissimum,
works of Cato Censorare unknown, was the author of three books, dz
but his de Re Rustica containsim- zure civil, in the form of dialogue
portant information on the law of — with his son, in imitation of Greek
contracts. His son is the author philosophical writings. P. Mucius
of the celebrated regula Catoniana ^ (Scaevola) was consul 133 B.C.
(D. 34, 7, 1). Pomponius does not mention Mu-

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40. Ab his profecti sunt Publius Rutilius Rufus, qui
Romae consul et Asiae proconsul fuit, Paulus Verginius
et Quintus Tubero, ille stoicus Pansae auditor, qui et ipse
consul Etiam Sextus Pompeius Gnaei Pompeii patruus
fuit eodem tempore et Coelius Antipater, qui historias
conscripsit, sed plus eloquentiae quam scientiae iuris op-
eram dedit, etiam Lucius Crassus frater Publii Mucii, qui
Munianus dictus est; hunc Cicero ait iuris consultorum
disertissimum.

41. Post hos Quintus Mucius Publii filius pontifex maxi-
mus ius-civile primus constituit generatim in libros decem
et octo redigendo.

42. Mucii auditores fuerunt complures, sed praecipuae
auctoritatis Aquilius Gallus, Balbus Lucilius, Sextus Papi-

cius! cousin, Q. Mucius Scaevola, 3. ille stoicus Pansae auditor:
consul 117 B.C., commonly called — z.e.hewas pupil of the Stoic philoso-
Augur, whose consultatio Cicero at- — pher Panaetius, who came to Rome
tended as hearer in B.C. 89, shortly about 156 B.C, and was a member
before Scaevola's death, Cic. Zae/. of the Scipionic circle. From that
1,1; de Leg. 1, 4, 13. The Augur time, Stoic philosophy exercised
should not be confused with the far considerable influence on the de-
more distinguished jurist, Q. Mu- — velopment of legal doctrine.
cius Scaevola, Pontifex Maximus, 7. Lucius (Licinius) Crassus
consul 95 B.C., mentioned below. Mucianus (not Jumianus): a
1. Ab his profecti sunt: ze. confusion of the great orator
‘their disciples.’ For this mean- L. Licinius Crassus (consul B.C.
ing of proficiscd, cf. Cic. de Div. 1, 95), speaker in Cic. de Or., with
3,5; L 35, 61. Publius Rutilius P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus
Rufus, consul 105 B.C., was distin- — (consul 131 B.C.) whom Cicero
guished as general statesman, mentions as jurist also, e.g. de Or.
orator, historian, and legal adviser 1, 37; 1, 50-
(Cic. Brut. 30, 113, magnum me ro. Q. Mucius (Scaevola) pon-
nus de iure respondendi sustinuit). — tifex maximus: he was the first
He was not proconsul in Asia, but writer to give the Zus cévile scien-
served there as Jegatus to Q. tific, systematic treatment. He is
Mucius Scaevola. the earliest writer from whose

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rius, Gaius Juventius, ex quibus Gallum maximae auctori-
tatis apud populum fuisse Servius dicit. Omnes tamen
hi a Servio Sulpicio nominantur; alioquin per se eorum
scripta non talia exstant, ut ea omnes appetant. Denique
nec versantur omnino scripta eorum inter manus homi-
num, sed Servius libros suos complevit, pro cuius scriptura
ipsorum quoque memoria habetur.

43. Servius autem Sulpicius cum in causis orandis pri-
mum locum aut pro certo post Marcum Tullium obtineret,
traditur ad consulendum Quintum Mucium de re amici sui
pervenisse cumque eum sibi respondisse de iure .Servius
parum intellexisset, iterum Quintum interrogasse et a
Quinto Mucio responsum esse nec tamen percepisse, et
ita obiurgatum esse a Quinto Mucio; namque eum dixisse
turpe esse patricio et nobili et causas oranti ius in quo ver-
saretur ignorare. Ea velut contumelia Servius tactus
operam dedit iuri civili et plurimum eos, de quibus locuti
sumus, audiit, institutus a Balbo Lucilio, instructus autem
maxime a Gallo Aquilio, qui fuit Cercinae; itaque libri
complures eius exstant Cercinae confecti. Hic cum in
legatione perisset, statuam ei populus Romanus pro ros-
tris posuit, et hodieque exstat pro rostris Augusti. Huius
volumina complura exstant: reliquit autem prope centum
et octaginta libros.

works excerpts are preserved inthe — obtineret: inasmuch as Q. Mucius
Digest; see Introd. 15. was murdered in 82 B.c. and Cicero
6. sed Servius libros suos com- made his first appearance as an
plevit, pro cuius scriptura : «but orator in 8r, it is impossible that
Servius made use of them in his — Sulpicius should have held the
own books, by virtue of whose writ- first place as an orator ‘after Cic-
ings theirmemoryis still preserved.’ ^ ero,’ during the lifetime of Q. Mu-
8. cum in causis Orandis cius. The incident recounted here
primum locum post M. Tullium is looked upon with suspicion.

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44. Ab hoc plurimi profecerunt, fere tamen hi libros
conscripserunt: Alfenus Varus Gaius, Aulus Ofilius, Titus
Caesius, Aufidius Tucca, Aufidius Namusa, Flavius Pris-
cus, Gaius Ateius, Pacuvius Labeo Antistius Labeonis
Antistii pater, Cinna, Publicius Gellius. Ex his decem
libros octo conscripserunt, quorum omnes qui fuerunt libri
digesti sunt ab Aufidio Namusa in centum quadraginta
libros. Ex his auditoribus plurimum auctoritatis habuit
Alfenus Varus et Aulus Ofilius, ex quibus Varus et consul
fuit, Ofilius in equestri ordine perseveravit. Is fuit Cae-
sari familiarissimus et libros de iure civili plurimos et qui
omnem partem operis fundarent reliquit. Nam de legibus
vicensimae primus conscribit, de iurisdictione idem edictum
praetoris primus diligenter composuit, nam ante eum Ser-
vius duos libros ad Brutum perquam brevissimos ad edictum
subscriptos reliquit.

1. Ab hoc plurimi profecerunt: Liv. 7, 16, 7, by which a tax of 5
cf. note on 46 As, p. 65. Alfenus per cent (Jars vicesima) was im-
Varus (not Gaius, his praenomen — posed on the value of slaves manu-
was probably Publius), consul suf- mitted. Vceszma came to be used
fectus 39 B.C. Horace, Sa£. 1, 3, asasubstantive. Augustus enacted
130, may possibly have had this a lex de vicesima hereditatum
jurist in mind, cf. Acro ad loc. (6 A.D.) which imposed a tax of 5

5. Ex his decem libres octo: per cent on the value of inherit-
‘of these ten jurists, eight wrote ances and legacies taken by Ro-
books.’ man citizens. This law is here

ro. Caesari familiarissimus: excluded, however, by its date.
for the relation of Aulus Ofilius to Others consider De Legibus the
Julius Caesar and the latter’s plan — title of the work, whose contents
for the codification of the law, see are now unknown, and vzcenszzue
Suet. Zul. 44; Isidor. Orzg. 5, 1,5. asa corruption which possibly con-

12. delegibus vicensimae: itis tains the numberof books (vigintz).
not known what this means. Some 13. edictum praetoris primus
have thought it to be the title of — diligenter composuit: z.c. he was
a work. There was an old law the first to edit scientifically the
enacted 356 B.c. mentioned by ^ praetorian edict.

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45. Fuit eodem tempore et Trebatius, qui idem Corneli
Maximi auditor fuit, Aulus Cascellius, Quintus Mucius Vo-
lusii auditor, denique in illius honorem testamento Publium
Mucium nepotem eius reliquit heredem. Fuit autem quaes-
torius nec ultra proficere voluit, cum illi etiam Augustus
consulatum offerret. Ex his Trebatius peritior Cascellio,
Cascellius Trebatio eloquentior fuisse dicitur, Ofilius utroque
doctior. Cascellii scripta non exstant nisi unus liber bene
dictorum, Trebatii' complures, sed minus frequentantur.

46. Post hos quoque Tubero fuit, qui Ofilio operam
dedit; fuit autem patricius et transiit a causis agendis ad
ius civile, maxime postquam Quintum Ligarium accusavit
nec obtinuit apud Gaium Caesarem. Is est Quintus Liga-
rius, qui cum Africae oram teneret, infirmum Tuberonem
applicare non permisit nec aquam haurire, quo nomine
eum accusavit et Cicero defendit. ^ Exstat eius oratio
satis pulcherrima, quae inscribitur pro Quinto Ligario.
Tubero doctissimus quidem habitus est iuris publici et pri-
vati et complures utriusque operis libros reliquit; sermone
etiam antiquo usus affectavit scribere et ideo parum libri
eius grati habentur.

z. Q. Mucius Volusii: Momm- represents as a speaker in Sat. 2,
sen suggests Quinti Mucii audi- 1. Cicero addressed seventeen
torts Volcatit auditor, i.e. Aul. letters to him (ad Fam. Book 7).
Cascellius, the pupil of Volcatius, 13. nec obtinuit apud Gaium
who was in turn a pupil of Q. -Caesarem: Ze lost his case before,
Mucius. The change to Volkatz etc.

is based on Plin. V. Z. 8, 40, 144; Ig. Sermone antiquo usus affec-
Volcatium, qui Cascellium tus ci- — tavit: for etiam read amen. The
vile docuit. jurists were distinguished for their

6. peritior: sc. urs. — C. purity of language and directness

Trebatius Testa was the friend of — of speech, but Tubero was a repre-
Cicero and was the celebrated ju- sentative of the archaistic tend-
rist under Augustus, whom Horace ency in opposition to Cicero.

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47. Post hunc maximae auctoritatis fuerunt Ateius Cap-
ito, qui Ofilium secutus est, et Antistius Labeo, qui omnes
hos audivit, institutus est autem a Trebatio. Ex his Ateius
consul fuit; Labeo noluit, cum offerretur ei ab Augusto
consulatus, quo suffectus fieret, honorem suscipere, sed
plurimum studiis operam dedit et totum annum ita divi-
serat, ut Romae sex mensibus cum studiosis esset, sex
mensibus secederet et conscribendis libris operam daret.
Itaque reliquit quadringenta volumina, ex quibus plurima
inter manus versantur. Hi duo primum veluti diversas
sectas fecerunt: nam Ateius Capito in his, quae ei tradita
fuerant, perseverabat; Labeo ingenii qualitate et fiducia
doctrinae, qui et ceteris operis sapientiae operam dederat,
plurima innovare instituit.

48. Et ita Ateio Capitoni Massurius Sabinus successit,
Labeoni Nerva, qui adhuc eas dissensiones auxerunt. Hic
etiam Nerva Caesari familiarissimus fuit. Massurius Sa-
binus in equestri ordine fuit et publice primus respondit :
posteaque hoc coepit beneficium dari, a Tiberio Caesare
hoc tamen illi concessum erat.

2. Antistius Labeo: Labeo the head of the opposite school,
was the most important jurist of | was by no means Labeo's equal in
the Augustan age, a most produc- ability or renown. No general
tive writer, whose works were dividing line between the two
drawn upon by all of his succes- schools appears from the extant
sors of importance. He wasare- sources, but diverging views were

publican and a reformer, whose adhered to in matters of detail

political views were not in har- (cf. Bremer, Dze Rechtslehrer und
mony with those of the emperor. Rechtsschulen, pp. 68 ff.).

Although the scholiasts identify 17. Sabinus in equestri ordine
him with the Labeo of Hor. Saf. fuit et primus respondit: it is pos-
I, 3, 82, Labeone insanior, the sible that «fuit et? is an interpola-
view is not tenable. Ateius Ca- tion. Otherwise there is a con-
pito, classed along with Labeo as tradiction in the text, since it states

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49. Et, ut obiter sciamus, ante tempora Augusti publice
respondendi ius nona principibus dabatur, sed qui fiduciam
studiorum suorum habebant, consulentibus respondebant
neque responsa utique signata dabant, sed plerumque iudi-
cibus ipsi scribebant, aut testabantur qui illos consulebant.
Primus divus Augustus, ut maior iuris auctoritas haberetur,
constituit, ut ex auctoritate eius responderent; et ex illo
tempore peti hoc pro beneficio coépit. Et ideo optimus
princeps Hadrianus, cum ab eo viri praetorii peterent, ut
sibi liceret respondere, rescripsit eis hoc non peti, Sed
praestari solere et ideo, si quis fiduciam sui haberet, delec-
tari se populo ad respondendum se praepararet.

50. Ergo Sabino concessum est a Tiberio Caesare, ut
populo responderet; qui in equestri ordine iam grandis
natu et fere annorum quinquaginta receptus est. Huic
nec amplae facultates fuerunt, sed plurimum a suis audi-
toribus sustentatus est.

that Sabinus, who was the rs? to — were not officially binding because
receive the privilege of giving au- — of any power granted them by the
thoritative responses (zws respon- state, nor were they rendered
dendi) was given this authority by under seal; but afterward, under
Tiberius, but that the plan was Augustus, they were binding (ex
inaugurated by Augustus. With- auctoritate principis), because of
out fuzt e£, the meaning is: Sabi- the privilege delegated the jurists
nus was the first knight to receive by the emperor; and they were
the zus respondendz,the privilege also rendered to the judge under
being accorded him by Tiberius. ‘seal.

For the meaning of zus respon- ir. delectari se populo, etc.:

dendi (ex auctoritate principis) read with Mommsen, delectari se,

see Introd. 8. st populo ad respondendum se
ri. ante tempora Augusti pub- — fraestaret.

lice respondendi ius non a prin- 16. a suis auditoribus susten-

cipibus dabatur,etc.: the meaning tatus est: the Roman jurists were
is that before the time of Augus- as a rule men of wealth, who de-
tus, the decisions of the jurists voted their talents to their profes-

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51. Huic successit Gaius Cassius Longinus, natus ex
filia Tuberonis, quae fuit neptis Servii Sulpicii et ideo pro-
avum suum Servium Sulpicium appellat. Hic consul fuit
cum Quartino temporibus Tiberii, sed plurimum in civitate
auctoritatis habuit eo usque, donec eum Caesar civitate
pelleret.

52. Expulsus ab eo in Sardiniam, revocatus a Vespasi-
ano diem suum obit. Nervae successit Proculus. Fuit
eodem tempore et Nerva filius, fuit et alius Longinus ex
equestri quidem ordine, qui postea ad praeturam usque
pervenit. Sed Proculi auctoritas maior fuit, nam etiam
plurimum potuit appellatique sunt partim Cassiani, partim
Proculiani, quae origo a Capitone et Labeone coeperat.

53. Cassio Caelius Sabinus successit, qui plurimum
temporibus Vespasiani potuit, Proculo Pegasus, qui tem-
poribus Vespasiani praefectus urbi fuit, Caelio Sabino
Priscus Iavolenus, Pegaso Celsus, patri Celso Celsus filius et

sion for other emoluments than Surdinus were consuls A.D. 30.
those of a pecuniary character (cf. ^ Longinus is called by later writers
Ulpian, D. 50, 13, 1, 5, est guidem Cassius, C. Cassius, and once
ves sanctissima civilis sapientia, Gaius noster, but he should not be
sed quae pretio nummario non sit confused with the famous author of
aestimanda nec dehonestanda,dum the Znstztutes of Civil Law, known
in iudicio honor petitur). Sabi- as Gaius, whom Justinian calls
nus is the first instance ofa Roman ‘Gaius noster,’ and who flourished
of humble circumstances acquiring a century later than Cassius Lon-
great renown as a jurist and finally — ginus.
receiving the 7s -respondendi late 5. donec eum Caesar civitate
in life. His work on the zus cévile, — pelleret: z.e. Nero, who banished
in three books, formed the basis of | him to Sardinia, 65 A.D., cf. Tac.
extensive commentaries by Pom- Azz. 16,9; Suet. Mero, 37.
ponius, Ulpian, and Paulus. 17. Celsus filius: Juventius
3. Hic consul fuit cum Quar- Celsus (filius) and Salvius Iulianus
tino: read cum Surdino. C.Cas- were two of the most important
sius Longinus and L. Naevius jurists of the second century and

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Priscus Neratius, qui utrique consules fuerunt, Celsus
quidem et iterum, Iavoleno Prisco Aburnius Valens et
Tuscianus, item Salvius Iulianus.

PRELIMINARY DEFINITIONS

Iustitia est constans et perpetua voluntas ius
suum cuique tribuens. Iuris prudentia est divi-
narum atque humanarum rerum notitia, iusti atque iniusti
scientia.

His generaliter cognitis et incipientibus nobis exponere
iura populi Romani ita maxime videntur posse tradi com-

Inst. r, I

were the heads of the Procu- sharply between law and morality.
lian and Sabinian schools respec- Natural justice is confused with
tively. Iulianus was the authorof legal justice. Legal justice is that
the Edictum Perpetuum, compiled which is done in conformity with
by order of Hadrian (see Introd. the requirements of positive law,
5), and with him Pomponius,hav- whether the law is good or bad.
ing brought his history down to Juris prudentza is primarily a
his own day, brings his outline of | knowledge of law, but zzs includes
the Roman jurists to a close. a knowledge of things divine as
4. Iustitia est constans: these well as human, since the Roman
definitions of a preliminary char- public law embraced divine as well
acter are given here because they as human affairs. The most com-
stand at the opening of Justinian's mon meanings of zzs are: law, as
Institutes. No modern law book — used in English, denoting a system
would begin with a definition of ^ of rights and duties which are en-
justice, but according to Roman forced by remedies; a right, con-
usage, the word zvs in its broadest ferred by law'and implying a
sense includes all the commands — corresponding duty imposed upon
which men are expected to obey, another (e.g. zs zfzueris, ‘a right
whether they are the commands of way’); the place where law is
of morality or of positive law. /vs administered (e.g. zm zws vocare,
is the science of the good and just ‘to summon to court’).
(ars boni et aequi). These defi- 8. His generaliter cognitis :
nitions do not draw the line ‘after these general definitions, at

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modissime, si primo levi ac simplici, post deinde diligen-
tissima atque exactissima interpretatione singula tradantur.
Alioquin si statim ab initio rudem adhuc et infirmum ani-
mum studiosi multitudine ac varietate rerum oneraverimus,
duorum alterum aut desertorem studiorum efficiemus aut
cum magno labore eius, saepe etiam cum diffidentia, quae
plerumque iuvenes avertit, serius ad id perducamus, ad
quod leniore via ductus sine magno labore et sine ulla diffi-
dentia maturius perduci potuisset.

Iuris praecepta sunt haec: honeste vivere, alterum non
laedere, suum cuique tribuere.

Huius studii duae sunt positiones, publicum et privatum.
Publicum ius est, quod ad statum rei Romanae spectat,
privatum, quod ad singulorum utilitatem pertinet.

ls Constat autem ius nostrum aut ex scripto aut
si » 2 x

ex non scripto.
TM Ex non scripto ius venit, quod usus compro-
nst. I, 2, 9

bavit Nam diuturni mores consensu utentium
comprobati legem imitantur.

the very outset of our exposition of | public worship (pudlicum ius in
the laws of the Roman people, it sacris, zm sacerdotibus, in magis-
seems to us that they can be most — Zrafzbus consistit, D. 1, 1, 1, 2).
advantageously,’ etc. This pas- Private law regulated the relations
sage explains Justinian’s purpose — of individual subjects one with an-
in ordering the preparation of the other. In the early law of Rome,
Institutes as an elementary text- the line dividing public and private
book, cf. Introd. 16. law was not clearly defined, and
12. Huius studii duae sunt posi- at all times much that is now re-
tiones: the most comprehensive garded as pure criminal law was
division of the Roman system is then a part of the private law (2.
into public and private law. Pub- theft, robbery). See text and
lic Jaw regulated the relations ex- — notes on Obligations ex Delicto,
isting between the state and its p. 232 ff.
subjects (including also civil and 17. Ex non scripto ius venit:
religious administration), and the — the earliest source of law among

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Mores sunt tacitus consensus populi longa

Ulp. fr. 4 , "

consuetudine inveteratus.
Iulian. D. De quibus causis scriptis legibus non utimur,
4, 3) 32 id custodiri oportet, quod moribus et consuetudine

inductum est: et si qua in re hoc deficeret, tunc quod
proximum et consequens ei est; si nec id quidem appareat,
tunc ius, quo urbs Roma utitur, servari oportet. Invete-
rata consuetudo pro lege non immerito custoditur, et hoc
est ius quod dicitur moribus constitutum. Nam cum ipsae
leges nulla alia ex causa nos teneant, quam quod iudicio
populi receptae sunt, merito et ea, quae sine ullo scripto
populus probavit, tenebunt omnes: nam quid interest suf-
fragio populus voluntatem suam declaret an rebus ipsis et
factis? .

Ulp. D. Cum de consuetudine civitatis vel provinciae
1334 confidere quis videtur, primum quidem illud ex-
plorandum arbitror, an etiam contradicto aliquando iudicio
consuetudo firmata sit.

Hermog. D. Sed et ea, quae longa consuetudine compro-
5335 bata sunt ac per annos plurimos observata, velut
tacita civium conventio non minus quam ea quae scripta
sunt iura servantur.
Paul. D. Immo magnae auctoritatis hoc ius habetur,
13,36 quod in tantum probatum est, ut non fuerit
necesse scripto id comprehendere.

the Romans, as among other peo- rand 4). The Romans used the
ples, was custom, approved by long — terms wrztéen and unwritten law

usage (guwod usus comprobavit). in the literal meaning of the words,

Later on, unwritten custom (70s, ze. written law was all that was
mores, usus, consuetudo) was sup- reduced to writing and was au-
plemented by conscious legisla- thoritative (e.g. Zeges, edicta, re-
tion (dex, Zus scriptum, cf. lex duo- — sponsa. prudentium, etc.). See
decim tabularum, and see Introd. also Introd. 1 and 2.

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Paul. D. Si de interpretatione legis quaeratur, in primis
1, 3, 37 inspiciendum est quo iure civitas retro in eius-
modi casibus usa fuisset: optima enim est legum interpres
consuetudo.

Scriptum ius est lex, plebiscita, senatus con-
sulta, principum placita, magistratuum edicta,
responsa prudentium.

Lex est, quod populus Romanus senatore magistratu
interrogante, veluti consule, constituebat. Plebiscitum est,
quod plebs plebeio magistratu interrogante, veluti tribuno,
constituebat. Plebs autem a populo eo differt, quo species a
genere ; nam appellatione populi universi cives significantur
connumeratis etiam patriciis et senatoribus: plebis autem
appellatione sine patriciis et senatoribus ceteri cives signi-
ficantur. Sed et plebiscita lege Hortensia lata non minus
valere quam leges coeperunt. Senatus consultum est,
quod senatus iubet atque constituit. Nam cum auctus est
populus Romanus in eum modum, ut difficile sit in unum
eum convocare legis sanciendae causa, aequum visum est
senatum vice populi consuli. Sed et quod principi placuit,
legis habet vigorem, cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius
lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et
potestatem concessit. Quodcumque igitur imperator per
epistulam constituit vel cognoscens decrevit vel edicto
praecepit, legem esse constat: haec sunt, quae constitu-
tiones appellantur. Planeex his quaedam sunt personales,

Inst. 2,2,3

8. magistratu interrogante : planation see note on plebiscita,
z.4. when a senatorial magistrate ^ p. 50.
proposes the bill (Zzgzs ragatzo, cf. 16. Senatus consultum : see Int.
notes on Zeges ¢ulit, and on datam — 6 and note on sema£us cons. p. 5I.
legem, p. 46). 20. quod principi placuit: see

g. Plebiscitum: for further ex- Introd. 7 and Io.

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quae nec ad exemplum trahuntur, quoniam non hoc princeps
vult; nam quod alicui ob merita indulsit, vel si cui poenam
irrogavit, vel si cui sine exemplo subvenit, personam non
egreditur. Aliae autem, cum generales sunt, omnes procul
dubio tenent. Praetorum quoque edicta non modicam iuris
obtinent auctoritatem. Haecetiam ius honorarium solemus
appellare, quod qui honores gerunt, id est magistratus, auc-
toritatem huic iuri dederunt. Proponebant et aediles curules
edictum de quibusdam casibus, quod edictum iuris honorarii
portio est. Responsa prudentium sunt sententiae et opi-
niones eorum, quibus permissum erat iura condere. Nam
antiquitus institutum erat ut essent qui iura publice inter-
pretarentur, quibus a Caesare ius respondendi datum est,
qui iuris consulti appellabantur. Quorum omnium senten-
tiae et opiniones eam auctoritatem tenent, ut iudici recedere
a responso eorum non liceat, ut est constitutum.

Omnes populi, qui legibus et moribus regun-
tur, partim suo proprio, partim communi omnium
hominum iure utuntur; nam quod quisque populus ipse
sibi ius constituit, id ipsius proprium est vocaturque ius
civile, quasi ius proprium civitatis; quod vero naturalis

Gai. 1, 1

5. Praetorum edicta: see In- and adapted to other requirements
trod. 5. by the introduction of new princi-

19. quod quisque populus ipse ples drawn from the zus gentium,
sibi ius constituit: the text makes — Z.e. the law which was found to
the further important distinction exist among the other peoples with
between the zzs czvzle and the Zus whom the Romans came into busi-
gentium. The most ancient law ness relations. By the agency of
of Rome was called zws czvZle, or — the praetorian edict and the scien-
law peculiar to the Roman state tific interpretation of trained ju-
and governing Roman citizens rists, the formal and rigid laws of
only. As time advanced, this the zzs ciuz/e were rendered more
body of law, partly written and flexible and adaptable to new cir-
partly unwritten, was supplemented cumstances, so that eventually

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ratio inter omnes homines constituit, id apud omnes popu-
los peraeque custoditur vocaturque ius gentium, quasi quo
lure omnes gentes utuntur. Populus itaque Romanus
partim suo proprio, partim communi omnium hominum
iure utitur.

Omne ius, quo utimur, vel ad personas perti-
net, vel ad res, vel ad actiones. Et prius videa-
mus de personis.

Gai. 1,8

Persons (De Jure Personarum)

Hermog. D. Cum hominum causa omne ius constitutum sit,
L52 primo de personarum statu dicemus.

what was originally merely the persons), the Romans called cor-
law of a city became a cosmopoli- fora, collegia, societates, sodalitates,
tan law of the world. etc. Of these, some of the more
De Iure Personarum: jersoua, important were the Populus Ro-
meaning literally the mask worn manus, the imperial treasury (/is-
by an actor and then the róle czs), industrial guilds (coZ/egza
ina play, is used metaphorically in — ogzfícuxz), societies for the burial
law to denote the róle played by of the poor (collegia tenuiorum),
the individual in the different parts mining and tax-gathering compa-
of the drama of civic life. The nies (socéetates aurzfodinarum,
same individual might be endowed — argentifodinarunt, salinarum, vec-
with the personality of father, ‘tigalium publicorum), social and
husband, guardian, etc. (fersona political clubs (sodalitates), etc.
patris, marzti, tutoris). Persona, 10. de personarum statu : status
therefore, in legal language, de- is the technical term denoting the
notes whoever or whatever is the civil position of the individual as
subject of legal rights and duties a legal person. The three cle-
or is capable of assuming such ments of status, each of which was
rights and duties, ze. individuals called caput, were liberty (Zer-
(but not slaves), corporations, and as), citizenship (civitas), and
publié bodies. Abstract concep- membership ina family (familia).
tions clothed by law with legal In the person of a cZuzs Romanus
personality (artificial, juristic, legal ^ these three elements were united.

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Paul. D. Qui in utero est, perinde ac si in rebus hu-
157 manis esset custoditur, quotiens de commodis
ipsius partus quaeritur; quamquam alii antequam nascatur
nequaquam prosit.

Paul. D. Antiqui libero ventri ita prospexerunt, ut in
543 tempus nascendi omnia ei iura integra reserva-
rent; sicut apparet in iure hereditatium.

Paul. D. Non sunt liberi, quicontra formam humani gen-
L5 eris converso more procreantur : veluti si mulier
monstrosum aliquid aut prodigiosum enixa sit. Partus au-

. tem, qui membrorum humanorum officia ampliavit, aliqua-

tenus videtur effectus et ideo inter liberos connumerabitur.
Ulp. D. Quaeret aliquis, si portentosum vel monstro-
5016135 sum vel debilem mulier ediderit vel qualem visu

r. Qui in utero est: inasmuch unborn child was without legal
as legal rights are created for the significance, and during the re-
benefit of man, the limits of his public, therefore, abortion in the
personality are determined by the case of a married woman was not
points where such rights begin punishable. — in rebus humanis:
and cease to be useful by the oper- ‘as if already born alive.’

ation of nature, namely, at birth 4. prosit: sc. gud in utero est
and death. Birth is the complete as subject.
separation from its mother of a 5. libero ventri: ‘for a child

child bornalive (partus anteguam free at its birth? Venter often
edatur, multeris portio est vel visce- means, in legal Latin, the child in
rum, D. 25, 4,1, 1). By excep- embryo. As the status of the
tion, however, in the matter of child depends upon the status of
inheritance, according to a law of — the father, if born from a zustum
the Twelve Tables, a child already mmatrimonium, and of its mother,
conceived but still unborn is re- if born eafra matrimonium, the
garded as possessed of legal rights, privilege stated in the text is ex-
if it come into the world alive, tended to that embryo only which
being reckoned among the heirs will be free at the time of its
as if already born (zasczturus fro birth.

iam nato kabetur quando de eius 9. converso more: ‘in an un-
commodo agitur). Otherwise the natural manner.

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vel vagitu novum, non humanae figurae, sed alterius, magis
animalis quam hominis, partum, an, quia enixa est, pro-
desse ei debeat. Et magis est, ut haec quoque parentibus
prosint: nec enim est quod eis imputetur, quae qualiter
potuerunt, statutis obtemperaverunt, neque id quod fatal-
iter accessit, matri damnum iniungere debet.

FREEMEN AND SLAVES

Summa itaque divisio de iure personarum
haec est, quod omnes homines aut liberi sunt
aut servi. Et libertas quidem est, ex qua etiam liberi
vocantur, naturalis facultas eius quod cuique facere libet,

Inst. 1, 3

2. prodesse: it was the policy (ortenta, monstra, prodigia) and
of Roman legislation to encourage cripples (de es) were to be put
marriage. As early as the Zex to death, though they sufficed for
Cincia, 204 B.C. which placed a — the avoidance of the penalties for
limit to the giving of gifts and — childlessness imposed by the Zex
rewards, exception was made in /ula et Papia Poppaea.
favor of gifts made to family Freemen and Slaves: accord-
relations for the purpose of pro- ing to the Roman law, not all
viding a dos. Augustus sought human beings are persons. Per-
to encourage marriage and the sonality presumes a free condition.
rearing of children, and to dis- Slaves are, therefore, not persons
courage celibacy and childless- but things. They are not protected
ness, by the Zex Zulia (4 A.D.) and — by the law as its subjects, but by
the Zex Papia Poppaea (9 A.D.). their masters as property. They
Among other provisions of these are without rights and have no
laws, the freeborn mother of three legal capacity (servus nullum ca-
children and the freedwoman put habet, cf. Inst. 1, 16; 4). How-
mother of four children (cus £rzusms — ever, since the slave is possessed
vel quattuor - liberorum) were re- of reason and is physically capable
lieved of certain disabilities and of acquiring rights (therein differ-
received several advantages in the ing from otheranimals), he is some-
rights of inheritance. According times loosely spoken of as Persona.
to the Twelve Tables, creatures The slave was answerable for his
contra formam humani generis crimes and, though his contracts

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nisi si quid aut vi aut iure prohibetur. Servitus autem est
constitutio iuris gentium, qua quis dominio alieno contra
naturam subicitur. Servi autem ex eo appellati sunt, quod
imperatores captivos. vendere iubent ac per hoc servare
nec occidere solent. Qui etiam mancipia dicti suht, quod

-ab hostibus manu capiuntur. Servi autem aut nascuntur

aut fiunt. Nascuntur ex ancillis nostris: fiunt aut iure
gentium, id est ex captivitate, aut iure civili; cum homo
liber maior viginti annis ad pretium participandum: sese
venumdari passus est. In servorum condicione nulla dif-
ferentia est. In liberis multae differentiae sunt. Aut enim
ingenui sunt aut libertini.

had no legal significance under and actual practice, the policy of
the zus cive, they nevertheless the law was constantly in favor of
created natural obligations which liberty ( favore &bertatzs), tending
were binding if the slave attained to ameliorate the condition of
his freedom (servi ex delictzs obii- — slaves by protecting them against
gantur; ex contractibus autem cruelty and facilitating the acquisi-
civiliter non obligantur, sed natu- tion of freedom by various forms
raliter et obligantur et obligant, D. of manumission. Cf. note on
44, 7, 14)- Freedom, p. 100.

i. Servitus constitutio iuris —, 8. iure civili: a freeman by
gentium: according to the Roman collusion with a pretended master
view, all men are by nature free. might fraudulently allow himself
Slavery was found to exist, how- to be sold asa slave to an inno-
ever,among the various tribes and cent purchaser. Inasmuch as
nations with which the Romans liberty was an inalienable right,
came in contact and was therefore after the purchaser had paid the
looked upon as an institution of price, the one sold could set up a
the zus gentium (cf. Inst. i, 2, 1). claim for his freedom and, except
But as regards the institution of — for the provision whereby the pre-
slavery, this Zus gentium was found tended slave was to-be taken at
to be in conflict with the law of his word, could have gained his
nature, since slavery existed among — release and have succeeded in the
all peoples. Owing to this lack fraud. Slavery as a penalty was
of harmony between the theory of | one of the worst forms of civil
the natural freedom of all men death. A freeman might become

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FREEBORN (Jugenu?)

Gai. x, 1x

Ingenui sunt qui liberi nati sunt; libertini,

qui ex iusta servitute manumissi sunt.

Inst. 1, 4

Ingenuus is est, qui statim ut natus est liber

est, sive ex duobus ingenuis matrimonio editus,
sive ex libertinis, sive ex altero libertino, altero ingenuo.
Sed et si quis ex matre libera nascatur, patre servo, inge-

a slave in other ways, e.g. quz cum
liber esset, censerz noluerit could
be sold £razs Tiberim (Cic. pro
Caec. 34, 99); qui ad dilectum
olim. non respondebat (D. 49, 16,
4, I0) ; one who was a delinquent
debtor (zexus) at the hands of
his creditor (Twelve Tables, III) ;
one sentenced to death or to work
in the mines (servus poenae, Inst.
I, 12, 3) ; afreedman who displayed
ingratitude toward his former
master (revocatio zn servitutem) .

Ingenui: men as regards their
legal position are divided into
liberi and servi. Liberi are further
divided into freeborn (Zzzmgenuz)
and freedmen (dbertznz) on the
one hand; and into czves, Latzni,
and peregrinz, on the other hand.
Cives are further subdivided into
personae sui duris and personae
alieni iuris. Status or condicio
of the individual is determined
by birth. A child born from a
mariage which conforms to the
requirements of the zs czuZle (ma-
trimonium legitimum or ustum),
follows the status of the father;
born from a marriage of the zus

ROMAN LAW — 6

81

gentium (szne legitimo matrimonio)
or out of wedlock, the child fol-
lows the condition of the mother,
conubto interventente liberi semper
patrem sequuntur, non nterve-
niente conubio matris condicioni
accedunt, Ulp. 5, 8; qui zilegztizme
concipiuntur, statum sumunt ex'
co tempore quo nascuntur, Gai. 1,
89, though cf. note on ex matre,
p. 82.

1. Ingenui sunt qui liberi nati
sunt: an zzgezzus is one who
has not only been born free, but
who has always continued to be
free.

2. ex iusta servitute: Zus/a
means J/egitzma, that which is ac-
cording to law, hence zusta servitus
is the actual condition of slavery,
in law as well as in fact, a condi-
tion which must not have arisen
through error in fact in supposing
one was a servus when in reality
he was an Zmgemuus. Manumis-
sion of one merely supposed to be
a slave did not prejudice birth
(veritati et origini ingenuitatis
manumtissio quocumque modo facta
non praeiudicat, Paul. 5, 1, 2).

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nuus nihilo minus nascitur; quemadmodum qui ex matre
libera et incerto patre natus est, quoniam vulgo conceptus est.

-Cum autem ingenuus aliquis natus sit, non officit illi in
servitute fuisse et postea manumissum esse, saepissime

enim constitutum est natalibus non officere manumissionem.
Ulp. D. Libertinus si ius anulorum impetraverit, quam-
40,10, 6 vis iura ingenuitatis salvo iure patroni nactus sit,
tamen ingenuus intellegitur: et hoc divus Hadrianus re-
scripsit. ie

Ulp. D. Etiamsi ius anulorum consecutus sit libertus
38, 4 3 a principe, adversus huius tabulas venit pa-

Cf. note on zon officit, below. ‘servus esse’ means to bea slave
Those returning from captivity de cure, e.g. a freeborn child,
(servi excaptivitate) recover their stolen and sold as a slave, is zz
former status zure postliminii (see — servitute, but if it fall into the
note on fostliminium, p. 85),and ^ hands of a master who manumits
are, therefore, zjso facto neither it, the child is not //erznus, but
libertini nor servi. ingenuus de iure. The theory in
1. ex matrelibera: in general, this case is that blood is not viti-
the child follows the status of the ated by a servile condition.
mother at the moment of birth. 6. Libertinus si ius anulorum
The jurists modified this principle — impetraverit: freedmen (Zerzzuz)
favore libertatis, so that the child may attain the status of freeborn
was born freeifits motherhadbeen citizens (zzgezuz) in two ways:
free at any time during gestation, — (2) by acquiring the right to wear
eventhough shewasenslaved when the gold ring (zs aureorum
the child was born, D. 1, 5, 5, | aauulorum), in which case, the
2-3. right of patron over his freedmen
3. non officit in servitute fu- remained unimpaired (salvo zure
isse: 7.¢.‘it does not prejudice his — 2a£rozz) ; (5) by a kind of legal
status to have been in the position regeneration (zafalzum restitutio)
of a slave! and afterward to have with a suspension of the patron's
been manumitted. Suchaone is rights (resZztuztur quantum ad ius
still Zugenwus, not libertinus (cf. totum pertinet). Justinian extend-
note on ex ZusZa, p. 81). *Inser- ed these privileges to all freedmen,
vitute esse" means to be in the — whothen acquired full rights of free-
position of a slave de facto, while — born citizens without limitations.

82

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

tronus, ut multis rescriptis continetur: hic enim vivit quasi
Ingenuus, moritur quasi libertus.

Marcian. D.
40, I1,2

Interdum et servi nati ex post facto iuris in-
terventu ingenui fiunt, ut ecce si libertinus a
5 principe natalibus suis restitutus fuerit.

Ilis enim utique

natalibus restituitur, in quibus initio omnes homines fue-
runt, non in quibus ipse nascitur, cum servus natus esset.
Hic enim, quantum ad totum ius pertinet, perinde habetur
atque si ingenuus natus esset, nec patronus eius potest

Ideoque imperatores non facile

solent quemquam natalibus restituere nisi consentiente

patrono.

SLAVES

Ulp. D.
50, 17, 32

Gai. 1, 82

13. Quod attinet ad ius civile:
ancient law does not recognize all
men as subjects of legal rights.
Only members of each people's
community or state are protected
by the laws of. that community or
state (guod quisque populus ipse
sibi tus constituit, id ipstus pro-
prium civitatis est vocaturque tus
Civile, guast tus proprium ipsius
czvitatis, Inst. 1, 2, 1). Strangers
are unprotected and are looked
upon as lawful prey to be seized
and thrown into servitude as the
property of their captors (guod ex
nostro ad eos, i.e. hostes, pervenit,

83

Quod attinet ad ius civile, servi pro nullis
habentur; non tamen et iure naturali, quia,
15 quod ad ius naturale attinet, omnes homines aequales sunt. '

Ex ancilla et libero iure gentium servus nasci-
tur, et contra ex libera et servo liber nascitur.

wlorum fit, et liber homo noster
ab eis captus servus fit eorum,
D.49,15,5,2). In Roman law,
a slave is a thing, classed along
with beasts of burden, and, like
them, he is at the absolute dis-
position of his master (mancipz
ves sumi servi et quadrupedes,
Ulp. 19, 1; servile caput nullum
Zus habet, D. 4, 5, 3, 1), who has
over his slave the power of life
and death (vae neczsque potestas)
and domestic chastisement. For
the limitation of these rights under
the empire see note on Freedom,
p. 100.

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Conubio interveniente liberi semper patrem
sequuntur; non interveniente conubio matris
condicioni accedunt, excepto eo qui ex peregrino et cive
Romana peregrinus nascitur, quoniam lex Minicia ex alter-
utro peregrino natum deterioris parentis condicionem
sequi iubet. Ex cive Romano et Latina Latinus nascitur
et ex libero et ancilla servus, quoniam, cum his casibus
conubia non sint, partus sequitur matrem.

Ulp. 5,8

SLAVERY ARISING FROM CAPTIVITY

Ulp. D. Hostes sunt, quibus bellum publice populus

49, 15, 24

1. Conubio interveniente: the
ius conubii is the right to conclude
a marriage valid according to the
requirements of the zus czvile
(matrimonium iustum, legitimum,
ex ture Quiritium), conferring
patria potestas and other rights
growing out of the organization
of the family. Latinz and fere-
grini had the conubium only when
obtained by special grant (cozzu-
bium est uxoris ture ducendae
facultas. Conubium habent cives
Romani cum civibus Romanis;
cum Latinis et peregrinis ita, si
concessum sit. Cum servis nullum
est conubium, Ulp. 5, 3; Veteranis
quibusdam concedi solet brincibalz-
bus constitutionibus conubium cum
his Latimis peregrinisve, quas
primas post missionem wxores
duxerint, Gai. 1, 57). Cf. notes
on zustum and tustas, p. 111.

Slavery arising from Captiv-
ity: as has been stated in the

«

Romanus decrevit vel ipsi populo Romano ; ceteri

text, slavery arises from birth or
from other circumstances recog-
nized by the zws gentium and the
ius ciuile. By the zus gentium,
slavery arises from captivity, but
the one returning from captivity
regains his former status and his
legal rights as they existed at the
moment of his capture ( ZostZmznz-
um habet, i.e. omnia restituuntur
ez iura, ac si captus ab hostibus non
esset). One dying in captivity was
held to have died a free man, and,
by a fiction of law (jictzo legis Cor-
neliae, important in the matter of
inheritance), to have died at the
moment of capture (zm omuibus
partibus iuris is, qui reversus non
est ab hostibus, quasi tunc decessisse
videtur, cum captus est, D. 49, 15,
18). The most common ways in
which slavery may arise by the zus
civile have been mentioned above.
Cf. note on zure, p. 80.

9. Hostes sunt: although the

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latrunculi vel praedones appellantur. Et ideo qui a latro-
nibus captus est, servus latronum non est, nec postliminium
ili necessarium est; ab hostibus autem captus, ut puta a
Germanis et Parthis, et servus est hostium et postliminio
statum pristinum recuperat.

Pompon, D. Postliminii ius competit aut in bello aut in
49 15 5 pace. In bello, cum hi, qui nobis hostes sunt,
aliquem ex nostris ceperunt et intra praesidia sua perduxe-
runt: nam si eodem bello is reversus fuerit, postliminium
habet, id est perinde omnia restituuntur ei iura, ac si captus
ab hostibus non esset. Antequam in praesidia perducatur
hostium, manet civis. Tunc autem reversus intellegitur,
si aut ad amicos nostros perveniat aut intra praesidia
nostra esse coepit. In pace quoque postliminium datum

stranger was not protected by the — the recovery of rights over a per-
laws of Rome originally, unless he son or thing restored from the
enjoyed the rights of hospitality possession of an enemy (cum duae
(hospitium publicum vel priva- species postliminit sint, ut aut
tum), or was protected by treaty os revertamur aut aliquid re-
with his people, and might, there- c¢zpzamus, D. 49, 15, 14). The
fore, be seized as a slave, it was derivation of the word, discussed
necessary, in order that the zzs by Cic. 725. 8, is retained by Jus-
postliminit should operate and tinian, Inst. I, 12, 5: déctum est
that slavery should arise ex caf- autem postliminium a limine et
tivitate, that the captive should be post, ut eum, qui ab hostibus captus
taken by a formal enemy, 7.2. one — zz fines nostros postea pervenit,
against whom the Roman people fostliminio reversum recte dici-
had formally declared war or vice mus. Nam limina suut in do-
versa (hostes hi sunt, qui nobis — mibus finem quendam faciunt, sic
aut quibus nos publice bellum et imperii finem limen esse veteres
decrevimus). voluerunt. Hinc et limes dictus

9. postliminium: this term is est quasz finds quidam et terminus.
used subjectively and objectively. Ad eo postliminium dictum, quia
Itis either the recovery of rights by — eodem limine revertebatur, quo
a person who has been reduced to — azssus erat. Deserters and those
slavery by capture in war, or itis surrendering to the enemy in

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est: nam si cum gente aliqua neque amicitiam neque hos-
pitium neque foedus amicitiae causa factum habemus, hi
hostes quidem non sunt, quod autem ex nostro ad eos
pervenit, illorum fit, et liber homo noster ab eis captus
servus fit et eorum; idemque est, si ab illis ad nos aliquid
perveniat. Hoc quoque igitur casu postliminium datum
est. Captivus autem si a nobis manumissus fuerit et per-
venerit ad suos, ita demum postliminio reversus intellegitur,
si malit eos sequi quam in nostra civitate manere. Et ideo
in Atilio Regulo, quem Carthaginienses Romam miserunt,
responsum est non esse eum postliminio reversum, quia
iuraverat Carthaginem reversurum et non habuerat ani-
mum Romae remanendi. Et ideo in quodam interprete
Menandro, qui posteaquam apud nos manumissus erat,
missus est ad suos, non est visa necessaria lex, quae lata
est de illo, ut maneret civis Romanus: nam sive animus
ei fuisset remanendi apud suos, desineret esse civis, sive
animus fuisset revertendi, maneret civis, et ideo esset lex
supervacua. "

Tryphon. D, In bello postliminium est, in pace autem his,
49,1512 qui bello capti erant, de quibus nihil in pactis

battle with their weapons in their the enemy (uA znterest, quomodo
hands did not enjoy the privileges — cafzuus reversus est, utrum. di-
of the zus postlimini. missus am vi vel fallacia potesta-

ir. responsum est: Z/ was de- tem hostium evaserit, ita tamen,
cided, i.e. by the court. Responsa st ea mente venerit, ut non illo
of the jurisconsults were not au- reverteretur: nec enim satis est
thoritative at this time, cf. Intr. 8. corpore domum quem redisse, si

16. animus remanendi: the smente alienus est, D. 49, 15, 26).
manner of a captive’s return was 21. in pactis erat comprehen-
immaterial, provided he return sum: ‘regarding whom no pro-
with the intention of remaining visions had been made in the
and had not promised to go back to — treaties.’

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erat comprehensum. Quod ideo placuisse Servius scribit,
quia spem revertendi civibus in virtute bellica magis quam
in pace Romani esse voluerunt. Verum in pace qui per-
venerunt ad alteros, si bellum subito exarsisset, eorum
servi efficiuntur, apud quos iam hostes suo facto depre-
henduntur. Quibus ius postliminii est tam in bello quam
in pace, nisi foedere cautum fuerat, ne esset his i ius post-
liminii.

Pompon. D. Si quis legatum hostium pulsasset, contra ius
So gy s gentium id commissum esse existimatur, quia
sancti habentur legati. Et ideo si, cum legati apud nos
essent gentis alicuius, bellum cum eis indictum sit, respon-
sum est liberos eos manere : id enim iuri gentium convenit
esse. Itaque eum, qui legatum pulsasset, Quintus Mucius
dedi hostibus, quorum erant legati, solitus est respondere.
Quem hostes si non recepissent, quaesitum est, an civis
Romanus maneret: quibusdam existimantibus manere,
aliis contra, quia quem semel populus iussisset dedi, ex
civitate expulsisse videretur, sicut faceret, cum aqua et
igni interdiceret. In qua sententia videtur Publius Mucius
fuisse. Id autem maxime quaesitum est in Hostilio Man-
cino, quem Numantini sibi deditum non acceperunt; de

1. placuisse Servius scribit, der of the guilty one to an enemy
etc.: ‘that this was so ordained whose ambassadors have been
because the Romans wanted citi- violated.
zens to base their hope of return 21. Hostilio Mancino : Hostilius
more on bravery in war than on Mancinus, after he had been de-
an expectation of peace.’ Servius feated by the Numantines during
Sulpicius Rufus, the friend of Cic- — his consulship, 137 B.c., succeeded
ero, isfmeant. Cf. D. 1, 2,2, 43 in making a peace with them
above, text p. 66. which failed to gain the approval

9. Si quis legatum pulsasset: of the senate, and he was conse-
among the ways in which slavery quently ordered to return to the
may arise Zure cév7li, is the surren- enemy. A /ex was afterward

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quo tamen lex postea lata est ut esset civis Romanus, et
praeturam quoque gessisse dicitur.

*

MANUMISSION
Ulp. D. Manumissiones quoque iuris gentium sunt.
L4 Est autem manumissio de manu missio, id est

datio libertatis: nam quamdiu quis in servitute est, manui
et potestati suppositus est, manumissus liberatur potestate.
Quae res a iure gentium originem sumpsit, utpote cum
iure naturali omnes liberi nascerentur nec esset nota manu-
missio, cum servitus esset incognita; sed posteaquam iure
gentium servitus invasit, secutum est beneficium manumis-

passed in his favor (Vel. Paterc. — Quzritiuz; (6) that the manu-
2, 1), though the causa Mancini mission occur in one of the ways
became an important instance of | prescribed by law (smanusmiissio
deditio ad hostent, referred to sev- — zusta ac legitima), e.g. vindicta,
eral times by Cicero (de Or. 1, censu, testamento, etc.; (c) that
40; de Off. 3, 30; Top. 8). it conform to the restrictions upon
Manumission: a servus differed ^ manumissions imposed by law (e.g.
from other things (ves) in that by the dex Aelia Sentia). In cer-
he was capable of obtaining his tain cases a slave might obtain his
freedom by manumission, acquir- liberty without manumission. See
ing thereby personality and legal — D. 4o, 8, and note on Freedom,
capacity for himself. Asa master p. Ioo.
could not confer more right than 4. de manu missio: z;azus de-
he himself possessed, a manu- notes the power of a faterfamilias
mitted slave became czvis only over his slaves and children, but
when his master was a Roman the wordis usually employed more
citizen. There were degrees in specifically of the power of hus-
the status of a manumitted slave, — band over his wife (wanus mariti).
according as the legal requirements The master (dominus) has domin-
for manumission were totally or zm over his slave as a part of his
only partially fulfilled. Complete property; he also has fofestas over
manumission required (2) that the his slave (like that over his son)
master have complete ownership as a passive member of his house-
(dominium) of his slave ex zure hold; hence the power of the

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sionis.

Et cum uno naturali nomine homines appellare-
mur, iure gentium tria genera esse coeperunt :

liberi et

his contrarium servi et tertium genus liberti, id est hi

qui desierant esse servi.

Ulp. 1, 5

master over his slave is usually
called dominica potestas; that of
father over his children, patria po-
testas; that of husband over his
wife, manus.

3. liberti: Zer/z is here used
for Zbertinz. The usual distinction
between Zbertus and &bertinus is
that the former is concrete, denot-
ing a certain freedman with refer-
ence to his patron, whose name
usually follows in the gen. case;
while the latter is abstract, denot-
ing the freedman class as con-
trasted with the freeborn (e.g.
libertinum quidem se confiteri, li-
bertum autem Set se negare).

5. Libertorum genera sunt tria:
other modes of manumission than
those called /egitima, though void
zure civili, were recognized by cus-
tom, by the praetorian law, and
by imperial constitutions. Slaves
manumitted by one of these modes
were placed in a position inferior
to citizenship, as that of Latin or
dedificii. By the lex AeZa Sen-
tia (4 A.D.) it was further required,
in order to make a complete manu-
mission which conferred citizen-
ship, that the slave be thirty years
of age. By the /ex /unia Nor-

89

Libertorum genera sunt tria, cives Romani,
Latini Iuniani, dediticiorum numero.

bana (about 19 A.D.), those whose
manumission was defective, but
who enjoyed the protection of the
praetor as freedmen, were given,
instead of complete civitas, the
rights of Latind Juniani, i.e. of all
the public and private rights, they
received the zus commercii only.
The Latinus Lunianus could not
make a Roman will nor inherit
under a will; at death, his property
fell to his zzazuzssor as if he were
still a slave. Owing to the crimi-
nal character of great numbers of
manumitted slaves, the ler Aelia
Sentia provided that slaves con-
victed of crime, who had been put
in chains, tortured, or branded,
should after manumission be in
the position of those who had sur-
rendered to an enemy (dedztzzz).
Among other disabilities, Zedr£zczi
could not live within one hundred
miles of the City, could never be-
come czves, and at death forfeited
all their property to their manu-
missor. The distinction between
freedmen as cives, Latzmi, and
dediticii was not abolished until
the time of Justinian, under whose
legislation, however, a slave be-
came wholly free by any act of

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Vindictà manumittuntur apud magistratum

PERRA populi Romani, velut consulem praetoremve vel
proconsulem.

Gai. D. Non est omnino necesse pro tribunali manu-
492,7 mittere: itaque plerumque in transitu servi ma-

numitti solent, cum aut lavandi aut gestandi aut ludorum
gratia prodierit praetor aut proconsul legatusve Caesaris.
Hermog. D. Manumissio per lictores hodie domino tacente
40, 2, 23 expediri solet, et verba sollemnia licet non dican-
tur, ut dicta accipiuntur.

his master intended to grant free- — times a lictor of the praetor often
dom. acting in this capacity, touched the
1. Vindicta manumittuntur: slave with the staff, at the same
manumissio was an act of both pri- time asserting his freedom. The
vate and public significance. Asa master, releasing his hold on the
private act, in freeing a slave from slave (manu mittens), indicated
the ownership of his master, it de- his acquiescence in the claim. The
prived the master of a part of his magistrate, representing the au-
property; as a public act, it was thority of the state, then declared
significant because it conferred the slave to be free. For an ac-
personality and citizenship upon count of this procedure in the
one who had formerly no part in — sources, see Gai. 4,16. This act
the state. Under the old law of of manumission might be per-
the republic, therefore, manumis- formed wherever the praetor could
sion was not a matter of private be found (Z.e. de plano, ‘on the
interest only, accomplished by the — level ground’) and did not require .
mere will of the dominus, but a his presence in formal court (fro
transaction in which the state in- — Zrzwzali, ‘on his elevated plat-
tervened, as is shown by the oldest form’).
forms of this institution. Manu- 8. Manumissio per lictores : the
mission by vindicta was afictitious definite requirements of the-ficti-
suit (causa liberalis), brought be- tious suit by vzmdicta passed away
fore a magistrate. The wmdicta in time and the appearance of an
(or festuca) was a staff represent- assertor, even though he were rep-
ing the ancient Zasta as a symbol _ resented in the person of a lictor,
of ownership. A friend of the was unnecessary. The only re-
slave (assertor libertatis),in later quirement then remaining was the

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Ulp. D. Ego cum in villa cum praetore fuissem, passus
* 2,8 sum apud eum manumitti, etsi lictoris praesen-
tia non esset.

Censu manumittebantur olim, qui lustrali
censu Romae iussu dominorum inter cives
Romanos censum profitebantur.

Fr. Dosith. Census autem Romae agi solet et peracto censu
U lustrum conditur; est autem lustrum quinquen-
nale tempus, quo Roma lustratur. Sed debet hic servus
ex iure Quiritium manumissoris esse, ut civis Romanus fiat.
Magna autem dissensio est inter peritos, utrum eo tempore
vires accipiant omnia, quo in censu aguntur, an eo tempore
quo lustrum conditur. Sunt enim qui existimant non alias
vires accipere quae in censu aguntur, nisi haec dies sequa-
tur, qua lustrum conditur; existimant enim censum descen-
dere ad diem lustri, non lustrum recurrere ad diem census.
Quod ideo quaesitum est, quoniam omnia quae in censu
aguntur lustro confirmantur.

Marcian. D. Testamento manumissus ita demum fit liber, si
401 4 23 testamentum valeat et ex eo adita sit hereditas,
vel si quis omissa causa testamenti ab intestato possideat

Ulp. 7, 8

declaration of freedom by the mag- — period. This form of manumis-
istrate in the presence of the slave — sion disappeared (old) with the
manumitted. abolition of the census, the last
4. Censu manumittebantur: Justrwm having occurred under
manumission czz52 was completed ^ Vespasian, 74 A.D. (Censorin. de
under magisterial supervision byin- — Die Wat. 18). It was a disputed
serting the name of the slave to be point with the jurists of the re-
manumitted in the list of citizens public, whether the manumission
with his master's approval. Here was valid from the beginning or
the state was represented by the only at the end of the lustral
censor and the act was legalized by — period.
the dustrum conditum, celebrated 19. Testamento manumissus:
at the conclusion of the lustral manumissions by last will were valid

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

hereditatem.

Testamento data libertas competit pure qui-

dem data statim, quam adita fuerit héreditas vel ab uno ex
heredibus; si in diem autem libertas data est vel sub con-
dicione, tunc competit libertas, cum dies venerit vel con-

5 dicio extiterit.

Gai. 2, 267

Qui directo testamento liber esse iubetur, velut
hoc modo: *Stichus servus meus liber esto,' vel

hoc: *Stichum servum meum liberum esse iubeo,’ is ipsius

testatoris fit libertus.

Nec alius ullus directo ex testamento

10 libertatem habere potest, quam qui utroque tempore testa-
toris ex iure Quiritium fuerit, et quo faceret testamentum

et quo moreretur.

Ulp. D.
40, 4, 30

Si servi, qui apud hostes sunt liberi esse iussi
sunt, ad libertatem perveniunt, quamvis neque

15 testamenti neque mortis tempore testantis, sed hostium

fuerunt.

in the same way that other testa-
mentary dispositions were valid.
Though the execution of a will
was a private act, it was theoreti-
cally an act in which the state was
interested, as the history of the
Roman testament shows (cf. £esza-
mentum calatzs comitiis, requiring
the coóperation of the popular as-
sembly with the testator). Owing
to this fact, s iaumdzsszo testamento
was classed along with the forms
already mentioned as zusta ac legt-
tima. Direct manumission, be-
queathed by the testator as a legacy
to his slave (manumissio testa-
mento directa), is to be distin-
guished from the testamentary
injunction to the heir to effect the

92

manumission of the slave (zzazu-
missio fidetcomnuussaria). In the
former case, the slave was called
orcinus, because his patron was
already deceased when liberty was
acquired ; see also note on zoz
testatoris, p. 93.

I. pure data statim, quam:
‘when granted unconditionally, is
acquired just as soon as.’

3. in diem vel sub condicione:
it was a common practice to make
the manumissio directa operate
from a stated time or depend on
the fulfillment of a condition. In
either case, the slave remains ad
interim slave of the heir and is
called statuliber. When the pro-
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Libertas et directo potest dari hoc modo: ‘liber
esto,’ ‘liber sit,’ * liberum esse iubeo,’ et per fidei-
commissum, ut puta: 'rogo, fidei committo heredis mei, ut
Stichum servum manumittat.’ Is, qui directo liber esse
iussus est, orcinus fit libertus: is autem, cui per fideicom-
missum data est libertas, non testatoris sed manumissoris
fit libertus.

Ulp. 2,7

Multis autem modis manumissio procedit: aut
enim ex sacris constitutionibus in sacrosanctis
ecclesiis aut vindicta aut inter amicos aut per epistulam aut
per testamentum aut aliam quamlibet ultimam voluntatem.
Sed et aliis multis modis libertas servo competere potest,
qui tam ex veteribus quam nostris constitutionibus intro-
ducti sunt. Servi vero a dominis semper manumitti solent ;

Inst. I, 5, 1

his liberty z$so zure (statuliber est, 9. in sacrosanctis ecclesiis: a
qui statutam et destinatam in tem- — new form of complete manumission
pus wel condicionem lbertatem wasadded by Constantine, whereby
habet, D. 40, 7, 1 ; statuliber, guam- a declaration of freedom was made
diu pendet condicio, servus heredis by the master in the sacred edifice
est, Ulp. 2, 2). before the bishop. In the time of
6. non testatoris sed manumis- Justinian every oral or written
soris fit libertus: the importance declaration of freedom acknowl-
of the distinction between zzazu- edged by five witnesses and numer-
missio directa and fideicommis- ous informal modes of manumitting
saria appears in the rights of were valid, e.g. by the master's
patrons over their freedmen and writing or subscribing a letter to
the duties of freedmen to their pa- — his slave giving him his freedom
trons (cf. note on felation,p.102). (per epistulam); by declaration
Properly zzazumzsszo per fideicom- among friends (cuter amicos) ; by
missum is no manumission at all: the slave’s attending his master's
it is only a direction to the heir to — funeral wearing the hat of freedom
manumit, hence the manumissio (pileatus) or by an invitation to
does not occur ¢estamento, but is his master's table (per zensam),
to be effected by the heirin some etc.
one of the regular ways, e.g. vzn- 1r. aliam quamlibet ultimam
dicta, censu, etc. voluntatem : e.g. per codicillos, i.e.

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adeo ut vel in transitu manumittantur, veluti cum praetor
aut proconsul aut praeses in balneum vel in theatrum eat.

Constan: Qui religiosa mente in ecclesiae gremio servu-
C.Th.47 ]is suis meritam concesserint libertatem, eandem

-eodem iure donasse videantur, quo civitas Romana solemni-

tatibus decursis dari consuevit. Sed hoc dumtaxat eis, qui
sub adspectu antistitum dederint, placuit relaxari.

Just. C. Sancimus, si quis per epistulam servum suum
7.61 in libertatem producere maluerit, licere ei hoc
facere quinque testibus adhibitis, qui post eius litteras sive

in subscriptione positas sive per totum textum effusas suas
litteras supponentes fidem perpetuam possint chartulae
praebere. Et si hoc fecerit, sive per se scribendo sive per
tabularium, libertas servo competat quasi ex imitatione
codicilli delata, ita tamen, ut et ipso patrono vivent et lib-
ertatem et civitatem habeat Romanam. Sed et si quis inter
amicos libertatem dare suo servo maluerit, licebit ei quinque
similiter testibus adhibitis suam explanare voluntatem et
quod liberum eum esse voluit dicere; et hoc sive inter acta
fuerit testificatus sive testium voces attestationem sunt am-
plexae et litteras tam publicarum personarum quam testium
habeant, simili modo servi ad civitatem producantur Ro-
manam quasi ex codicillis similiter libertatem adipiscentes.

an informal will, requiring fewerso- but the witnesses must sign in
lemnities than a festamentumand either case at the bottom (ost
not meaning,asinthe English use — ezus létteras).
of the term codicil, a supplemen- 19. inter acta testificdtus sive
tary will. testium voces : *he may either make
ir. per totum textum: the a declaration of this alone before a
writer might affix his signature magistrate or the statements of the
simply or write the entire text with attesting witnesses may prove it
his own hand. In the latter case, and these should have the signa-
his signature was unnecessary, tures of, etc.

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MANUMISSION RESTRICTED

Lege itaque Aelia Sentia cavetur, ut qui servi
a dominis poenae nomine vincti sint, quibusve
stigmata inscripta sint, deve quibus ob noxam quaestio tor-
mentis habita sit et in ea noxa fuisse convicti sint, quive ut
ferro aut cum bestiis depugnarent traditi sint, inve ludum
custodiamve coniecti fuerint, et postea vel ab eodem domino
vel ab alio manumissi, eiusdem condicionis liberi fiant, cuius
condicionis sunt peregrini dediticii.

Vocantur autem peregrini dediticii hi, qui quondam ad-
versus populum Romanum armis susceptis pugnaverunt,
deinde victi se dediderunt.

Gai. 1, 13

Manumission Restricted: toward — only partial liberty (dediticia liber-
the end of the republic the num- fas); could not live within one
ber of slaves set free increased to hundred miles of Rome; and could
such an extent that the public wel- never attain citizenship. This law
fare was menaced. Asa result of — was passed under Augustus (4 A.D.)
foreign conquest, slaves in great and received its name from the two
numbers were imported into the consuls for the year, Sextus Aelius
City from all directions, but espe- — Catus and Gaius Sentius Saturni-
cially from the conquests in the nus (Suet. Aug. 40, magni prae-
East, constituting for the most /erea existimans, sincerum atque
part a vicious and dangerous class. ab omni colluvione Beregrimi ac
It was also true that manumission servzEs sanguinis incorruptum
was not always a reward for good — servare populum, et civitatem
conduct and faithful service. It Romanam parcissime dedi et
was, on the contrary, often a means *manumuttendi modum termina-
of disposing of undesirable prop- — zz).
erty. Special laws were enacted 8. peregrini dediticii: the con-
to check the clothing of these dis- — quered peoples became slaves of
reputable and criminal classes with the Roman state, but were not al-
Roman citizenship (e.g. the Jex ways sold as slaves, inasmuch as
Aelia Sentia and the lex Fufía Ca- the imperator or senate gave them
ninta). According to the ex Aea provisional freedom until their
Sentia, criminal slaves could attain — final disposition was determined

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Huius ergo turpitudinis servos quocumque modo et cu-
iuscumque aetatis manumissos, etsi pleno iure dominorum
fuerint, numquam aut cives Romanos aut Latinos fieri dice-
mus, sed omni modo dediticiorum numero constitui intel-
legemus.

Quod autem de aetate servi requiritur, lege
Aelia Sentia introductum est. Nam ea lex
minores XXX annorum servos non aliter voluit manu-
missos cives Romanos fieri, quam si vindicta, apud con-
silium iusta causa manumissionis adprobata, liberati fuerint.
Iusta autem causa manumissionis est veluti si quis filium
filiamve aut fratrem sororemve naturalem, aut alumnum,
aut paedagogum, aut servum procuratoris habendi gratia,
aut ancillam matrimonii causa apud consilium manumittat.

Consilium autem adhibetur in urbe Roma quidem quinque
senatorum et quinque equitum Romanorum puberum; in
provinciis autem viginti recuperatorum civium Romanorum,
idque fit ultimo die conventus; sed Romae certis diebus
apud consilium manumittuntur.

Item eadem lege minori XX annorum domino non aliter
manumittere permittitur, quam si vindicta apud consilium
iusta causa manumissionis adprobata fuerit.

Gai. 1, 18

upon by a law or by an edict of
the provincial governor, cf. lex
Antonia de Termessibus, Bruns,
Fontes 9, p. 94; Liv. 1, 38; 7,31;
9,9; Cic. ix Verr. 2, 2, 16, 39;
ad Alt. 6, 1, 15.

ir. filium aut fratrem: since
slaves are without proprietary and
family rights, it may be questioned
how a father can manumit his own
sonordaughter. Sucha case could
arise where a slave father had been

made heir (heres solus et necessa-
vius), and had obtained his free-
dom thereby. The inheritance
might include among the slaves
his own near relations, whom he
could then manumit. A man
might manumit his brother where
the father had had a child born
from a slave woman and also an-
other born from a legal marriage.
The latter (jidius legttimus), upon
succession to his father's estate,

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Non tamen cuicumque volenti manumittere
licet. Nam is qui in fraudem creditorum manu-
mittit nihil agit, quia lex Aelia Sentia impedit libertatem.
Licet autem domino, qui solvendo non est, testamento
servum suum cum libertate heredem instituere, ut fiat liber
heresque ei solus et necessarius, si modo nemo alius ex eo
testamento heres extiterit, aut quia nemo heres scriptus
sit, aut quia is qui scriptus est qualibet ex causa heres non
extiterit. Idque eadem lege Aelia Sentia provisum est et
recte: valde enim prospiciendum erat, ut egentes homines,
quibus alius heres extaturus non esset, vel servum suum
necessarium heredem habeant, qui satisfacturus esset credi-

Inst. 1, 6

would become master ofthe former — the liabilities of the deceased, an in-
(fratrem naturalem). heritance might prove to be such a

2. in fraudem creditorum: the ^ burden, especially if insolvent, that
lex Aelia Sentza further provided — it would be refused. It was custom-
that the manumission of slaves ary, therefore, for an insolvent tes-
which impaired the rights of cred- — tator to institute his slave alone as
itors was void ab inztio, when the ^ obligatory heir (Ze. solus et neces-
owner was already insolvent or be- — sarzzs), who, in return for the as-
cameso byreason ofthe diminution — sumption of liabilities and the duty
of his assets caused by such a man- — of performing the proper funeral
umission (akenatio in fraudem rites, etc., obtained freedom and
creditorum). If the creditors — citizenship (praesumptio liberta-
failed to question the manumission 7s). The slave then received the
as fraudulent, the slave was con- stigma resulting from bankrupt
sidered free; or if the liabilities proceedings and relieved the mem-
of the master were satisfied before ory of the deceased from the en-
the manumission was impugned, suing ignominy (zecessarzus heres
the slave was free. est servus cum libertate heres in-

4. solvendo non est: zzsolvent. — stitutus, tdeo sic appellatus, quia
This use of the dat. of the gerund sive velit sive nolit omni modo post

is frequent in legal Latin. See mortem testatoris protinus liber et

H. 542, I1; L. 2257; A. & G. heres est, Gai. 2, 153).
505. 10. egentes homines: jaz£rufts.
6. heres solus et necessarius: Óir. vel... aut: rare as cor-

'sincetheheiroriginallyassumedall — relatives.

ROMAN LAW — 7 97

wm

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toribus, aut hoc eo non faciente creditores res hereditarias
servi nomine vendant, ne iniuria defunctus afficiatur.
Idemque iuris est et si sine libertate servus heres institutus
est. Quod nostra constitutio non solum in domino, qui
solvendo non est, sed generaliter constituit nova humani-
tatis ratione, ut ex ipsa scriptura institutionis etiam libertas
ei competere videatur, cum non est verisimile eum, quem
heredem sibi elegit, si praetermiserit libertatis dationem,
servum remanere voluisse et neminem sibi heredem fore.
In fraudem autem creditorum manumittere videtur, qui vel
iam eo tempore quo manumittit solvendo non est, vel qui
datis libertatibus desiturus est solvendo esse. Praevaluisse
tamen videtur, nisi animum quoque fraudandi manumissor
habuit, non impediri libertatem, quamvis bona eius credi-
toribus non sufficiant; saepe enim de facultatibus suis

r. hoc eo non faciente: *or if the one whom he has designated
the slave should not do this, that as his heir should remain a slave,

the creditors may sell the estate." and that he himself should have
2. neiniuriaafficiatur: theper- — no heir.
sonal disgrace (ZzzwrZa) attaching 9. neminem sibi heredem fore:

to the memory of the dead, and the slave, having no legal capacity,
caused by the sale of property for could, of course, not take the in-
the liquidation of debts, was here ^ heritance (Z.e. he lacked Zestasenti
transferred to the insolvent debt- — facze fasszva) without the Zazio
or’s slave (wt ignominia, quae ac- — libertatis (expressed or implied)
cidit ex venditione bonorum, hunc which operates immediately after
potius heredem quam ipsum testa- — the testator's death.
torem contingat, Gai. 2, 154). 13. animum fraudandi habuit:
6. ex ipsa scriptura: ‘by the in questions of fraud, it is necessary
mereappointmentofaslaveasheir, that the fact, as well as the inten-
the gift of liberty is implied.’ tion, be considered ( fraudis inter-
7. cum non est: ‘for it is un- pretatio semper in zure civili non
likely that the testator (ezzsz7),even ex eventu dumtaxat, sed ex con-
if he has neglected to mention the — szze guogue desideratur, D. 50,
direct grant of liberty, wished that — 17, 79).

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amplius quam in his est sperant homines. Itaque tunc
intellegimus impediri libertatem, cum utroque modo frau-
dantur creditores, id est et consilio manumittentis et ipsa
re, eo quod bona non suffectura sunt creditoribus.
Lex Fufia Caninia iubet testamento ex tribus
servis non plures quam duos manumitti, et usque
ad X dimidiam partem manumittere concedit; a X usque
ad XXX tertiam partem, ut tamen adhuc quinque manu-
mittere liceat aeque ut ex priori numero; a triginta usque
ad centum quartam partem, aeque ut decem ex superiori
numero liberari possint; a centum usque ad quingentos
partem quintam, similiter ut ex antecedenti numero viginti
quinque possint fieriliberi. Et denique praecipit, ne plures

Ulp. 1, 24

3. ipsare,eoquod:‘andinfact, by economic reasons — lessening
that is, because." of property; but Augustus sought

5. Lex FufiaCaninia:thedesign — to restrict the foolish gratification
of Augustus in enacting this law — of vanity, which was really at the
(8 A.D.) was to impose restrictions expense of the heir. His policy
on wholesale and reckless freeing of caution in extending the Roman
of slaves. The sources state that franchise and emancipating slaves
the Romans, in emancipating was recommended. in his will for
slaves in such great numbers, were — future observance. Justinian re-
actuated by generosity, avarice, or — pealed the /ex 7wfía as inappro-
weakness; some desired to reward ^ priate to his time.
faithful service; others, to obtain 8. ut adhuc quinque manu-
in the name of their freedmen mittere liceat: it was allowable
(Zure patronatus) the grain dis- that the lowest number of any
tributed to poor citizens from the higher class equal the "highest
public crib; still others sought to number of each preceding class,
gratify personal vanity by mak- otherwise, although the owner
ing provision for brilliant funeral of ten slaves could manumit five
pageants, attended by numerous (dimidiam partem), the owner
freedmen, witnesses ofthetestators’ of twelve could not manumit
generosity, even in death. Reck- more than four (¢ertéam jartem)
less manumission during the mas- and so on up. Cf. also Gai. 1,
ter's lifetime was regulated chiefly — 45.

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omnino quam centum ex cuiusquam testamento liberi fiant.
Eadem lex cavet, ut libertates servis testamento nominatim

dentur.

Gai. 1, 46

Si testamento scriptis in orbem servis libertas
data sit, quia nullus ordo manumissionis inveni-

tur, nulli liberi erunt, quia lex Fufia Caninia, quae in
fraudem eius facta sint, rescindit.

FREEDOM ACQUIRED WITHOUT CONSENT OF MASTER

Modest. D.
40,8,2

petit libertas.

z. libertates testamento nomina-
tim dentur: the manumission of
all above the lawful number was
void. The provisions of the Zex
Fiufia might otherwise be avoided,
either by omitting the names of
slaves (z.g. I manumit ‘all my
slaves?) or by writing their names
in a circle so that the separation
of those in excess of the limit was
impossible (dbertas non videbatur
posse incertae personae dar, Inst.
2, 20, 25).

Freedom acquired without Con-
sent of Master: under the empire
it was the policy of the law to en-
courage manumission (to a rea-
sonable degree) and to protect the
slave against cruelty. Reforms
begun by the earlier emperors
were continued by some of the
Christian emperors, though it
should be remarked that the in-
fluence of Christianity on the spirit

Servo, quem pro derelicto dominus ob gravem
infirmitatem habuit, ex edicto divi Claudii com-

of Roman legislation is probably
overrated. Social and economic
reasons were more prominent in
ameliorating the condition of
slaves. After the Servile Wars in
Sicily and elsewhere at different
times, the dangers from a con-
certed uprising of slaves, driven
by maltreatment to deeds of vio-
lence, were, as is shown by the
legislation of Augustus, felt to be
menacing. The Romans possessed
such a vast amount of property in
slaves, the public welfare was a
stronger motive in legislation than
was evangelic humanity. Abuse
of property was regarded then as
now as an infringement of the
public welfare (expedzt enim rei
publicae,.ne quis re sua utatur
male, Inst. 1, 8, 2). Milman,
Latin Christianity, 1, p. 493. In
certain exceptional cases freedom
was acquired under the empire

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Just. C.
^ * L3 tate ex edicto divi Claudii introductum, quod, si
quis servum suum aegritudine periclitantem sua domo
publice eiecerit neque ipse eum procurans neque alii eum
commendans, cum erat ei libera facultas, si non ipse ad
eius curam sufficeret, in xenonem eum mittere vel quo
poterat modo eum adiuvare, huiusmodi servus. in libertate
Latina antea morabatur et, quem ille moriendum dereliquit,
eius bona iterum, cum moreretur, accipiebat. Talis itaque
servus libertate necessaria a domino et nolente re ipsa
donatus fiat ilico civis Romanus nec aditus in iura patro-
natus quondam domino reservetur. Quem enim a sua domo
suaque familia publice reppulit neque ipse eum procurans
neque alii commendans neque in venerabilem xenonem
eum mittens neque consueta ei praebens salaria, maneat
ab eo eiusque substantia undique segregatus tam in omni

. . i *,
Sed scimus etiam hoc esse in antiqua T AXE a

without the owner's consent (szwe
:anumissione): as a reward for
the detection of certain crimes,
e.g. when a slave discovered the
murderer of his master, according
to a SC under Augustus ; in cases
of negligent and cruel treatment,
as when a master abandoned a
sick or infirm slave, according to
a SC under Claudius; in various
cases after Trajan, where libera-
tion was effected by the interven-
tion of a magistrate; after a law
of Leo, by appointment to certain
court offices ; and after Justinian's
enactment, by the assumption of
priestly orders.

1. antiqua Latinitate: antigua
is used with reference to the time of
Justinian (sczmus, 7.e. Justinian).

That Latin citizenship is meant
which was introduced by the ler
Lunia Norbana, whereby freedom
with a qualified citizenship was
granted, z.e. with commercium
only, a right to be distinguished
from the more ancient zus Laté
cum conubio et commercio. Cf.
note on “bertorum, p. 89.

ir. aditus in iura patronatus:
see note on fatrono, p. 103, for fur-
ther explanation.

12. quondam: this adjective use
of the word in the sense of former,
late, etc. (not necessarily of those
deceased), is very common in legal
Latin.

15. maneatab eo: ‘let the quon-
dam master be deprived of all inter-
estin him and his property, notonly

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tempore vitae liberti quam cum moriatur nec non post-
quam iam fuerit in fata sua concessus.

Marcian. D.
40, 8,5

Paul. D.
40, 8, 1

Qui ob necem detectam domini praemium
libertatis consequitur, fit orcinus libertus.

Si servus venditus est, ut intra certum tempus
manumitteretur, etiamsi sine herede decessissent

et venditor et emptor, servo libertas competit; et hoc divus

Marcus rescripsit.

Sed et si mutaverit venditor volunta-

tem, nihilo minus libertas competit.

RELATION OF PATRON AND FREEDMAN

Ulp. D.
37. 15,9

during the entire lifetime of the
freedman and at his death, but
also after his death forever.’

4. orcinus libertus: cf. note on
Testamento, p. QI.

6. sine herede: hence the slave
is without a master to carry
out the intention; freedom is
nevertheless acquired by operation
of law.

Relation of Patron and Freed-
man: although since the time of
Servius Tullius (Dion. 4, 22) a Z»-
ertinus became a Roman citizen
when his manumtssor was a citi-
zen, nevertheless the position of
libertinus differs from that of the
ingenuus (a) in the department
of public law, where the former
possessed limited public rights
only, and (4) in the peculiar rela-
tion which the Zberténus sustained

Liberto et filio semper honesta et sancta per-
sona patris ac patroni videri debet.

toward his manumissor or patro-
nus. Among public rights, freed-
men lacked the zus honorum ; eli-
gibility to the senate and to the
office of decurzo ; and qualifications
for serving in the Zzgze. Preten-
sion to these privileges was pun-
ished as a misdemeanor. They
possessed the private rights of
conubium and commercium. The
peculiar relation which the freed-
man bore toward his patron arose
from the idea that manumission
was of the nature of rebirth. The
freedman owed his legal personal-
ity and his name (nomen gentili-
cium) to his patron, and, in return,
was bound to filial duty and obedi-
ence, as a son, even when freed
from patria potestas, was bound
to his father (honesta et sancta
persona patris ac patroni).

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Paul. D. Ingratus libertus est, qui patrono obsequium
37,7419 — mon praestat vel res eius filiorumve tutelam ad-
ministrare detractat.

Ulp. D. Patronorum querellas adversus libertos prae-
37) 14 1 sides audire et non translaticie exsequi debent,
cum, si ingratus libertus sit, non impune ferre eum oporteat.
Sed si quidem inofficiosus patrono patronae liberisve eorum
sit, tantummodo castigari eum sub comminatione aliqua
severitatis non defuturae, si rursum causam querellae prae-
buerit, et dimitti oportet. Enimvero si contumeliam fecit
aut convicium eis dixit, ctiam in exilium temporale dari
debebit; quod si manus intulit, in metallum dandus erit ;
idem et si calumniam aliquam eis instruxit vel delatorem

subornavit vel quam causam adversus eos temptavit.

I. patrono obsequium non prae-
stat: the freedman owes respect
and obedience to his patron (veve-
ventia, obsequium). Violation of
this duty was punishable by private
chastisement (Zevzs coercitio), by
fines, and by return to slavery
(revocatio in servitutem, cf. note
on zure civili, p. 80). The freed-
man was forbidden to bring an
action against his patron, or his
patron's parents or children, with-
out the permission of a magistrate,
and he was also bound to support
any or all of these in case of need.
The freedman owes his patron cer-
tain services (operae liberti offi-
ctales), such as the management of
the latter's property and the tute-
lage of his children, along with vari-
ous other services and obligations
(Ubertatis causa imposita). The

patron and his children acquired
the rights of inheritance to in-
testate freedmen, as well as guar-
dianship over them for life.

5. translaticie exsequi: Aunzsh
lightly ; trans-laticie ( ferre), ‘that,
which has been handed over' (cf.
edictum translaticium, Introd. 5),
then, *usual'; and eventually,
‘negligently, lightly.’

11. convicium: convicium ap-
pellatur quasi convocium . . . non,
omne maledictum convicium esse,
sed id solum, quod wociferatione
dictum est, sive unus sive plures
dixerint, D. 47, 10, 15. Cf. note
on convicium, p. 251.

13. calumniam: ‘malicious
prosecution? (calumniatores ap-
pellati sunt, quia per fraudem et
frustrationem alios vexarent litt-
bus, D. 50, 16, 233)-

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DEFINITION OF THE TERM FawiLY (Familia)

Familiae appellatio qualiter accipiatur, videa-
mus. Et quidem varie *accepta est; nam et in
res et in personas deducitur. In res, ut puta in lege duo-
decim tabularum his verbis ‘adgnatus proximus familiam
habeto. Ad personas autem refertur familiae significatio.
ita, cum de patrono et liberto loquitur lex: ‘ex ea familia,’
inquit, ‘in eam familiam’: et hic de singularibus personis
legem loqui constat. Familiae appellatio refertur et ad
corporis cuiusdam significationem, quod aut iure proprio
ipsorum aut communi universae cognationis continetur.
Iure proprio familiam dicimus plures personas, quae sunt
sub unius potestate aut natura aut iure subiectae, ut
puta patrem familias, matrem familias, filium familias,
filiam familias quique deinceps vicem eorum sequuntur,

Ulp. D.
50, 16, 195, I

Definition of the Term Family:
familia has a much wider mean-
ing than our word family. Instead
of the natural ties of blood and
affection, the Roman family is
based upon a purely legal concept,
having as a bond of union a civil
and an artificial tie. Fammzlia em-
braces everything subordinated to
the private authority of a Roman
citizen. Things (ves) as well as
men, free and slaves; property as
wellas persons — all are included
within the conception of this term.
Designating individuals, it em-
braces all of common lineage and
all bound together in a family re-
lation bya legal act (e.g. adoption),
who were or are subjected to a.

common paternal authority. One
not subject to such authority and
independent of family subordi-
nation is persona sui iuris, and
such a person, as constituting the
head of an independent familia
is called Paerfazulias or mater-
familias. The paterfamilias is
possessor of all the private rights
of a Roman citizen and is capable
of exercising domestic authority.
Those free persons subjected to
the authority of another, to whom
their independent will is surren-
dered, are personae alieni ruris.
Of these persons there are three
classes: (a) fersonae in patria
potestate; (6) uxor in manu;
(¢) personae in mancipio, cf. Gai.

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ut puta nepotes et neptes et deinceps. Pater autem fami-
lias appellatur, qui in domo dominium habet, recteque hoc
nomine appellatur, quamvis filium non habeat; non enim
solam personam eius, sed et ius demonstramus ; denique
et pupillum patrem familias appellamus. Et cum pater
familias moritur quotquot capita ei subiecta fuerint, singu-
las familias incipiunt habere; singuli enim patrum familia-
rum nomen subeunt. Idemque eveniet et in eo qui
emancipatus est; nam et hic sui iuris effectus propriam
familiam habet. Communi iure familiam dicimus omnium
adgnatorum ; nam etsi patre familias mortuo singuli singu-
las familias habent, tamen omnes, qui sub unius potestate
fuerunt, recte eiusdem familiae appellabuntur, qui ex eadem

domo et gente proditi sunt.

I, 49. For servi im dominia
potestate, see note on de zu,
p. 88.

1. Pater familias appellatur, qui
in domo dominium habet : it is ap-
parent that Zazerfazülias does not
signify or imply paternity, but one
who is not zz patria potestate, i.e.
a homo sui turis, whether he be
infant or adult, married or un-
married.

4. ius demonstramus: zzs means
here ‘ legal position.’

8. qui emancipatus est : as early
as the Twelve Tables, the lifelong
authority of the pater familzas could
be interrupted by the formal alien-
ation of a son by three sales, of
other “eri by one sale: Jus
quidem tribus mancifationibus,
cetera vero liberi (i.e. grandchil-

Servitutium quoque solemus

dren, daughters, etc.), szve mascu-
lint sexus .sive femuünini una
mancipatione exeunt de parentum
potestate; lex enim XII tabu-
larum tantum in persona filii de
tribus manctpationibus loguitur
his verbis ‘si pater filium ter
venum duit, a patre filius liber
esto,’ Gai. 1, 132.

io. familiam omnium adgna-
torum : see note, p. 107, for expla-
nation of agnatic family.

14. Servitutium : the gen. plur.
of this word, otherwise rare, is fre-
quent in the Digest. .Servitus is
used here for the concrete serzz-
tium, meaning ‘slaves.’ Mommsen
proposes the reading servitium
quoque solemus appellare famil-
iam, i.é. ‘we usually designate
slaves, too, by the word familia.’

105

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appellare familias, ut in edicto praetoris ostendimus sub
titulo de furtis, ubi praetor loquitur de familia publicano-
rum. Sed ibi non omnes servi, sed corpus quoddam ser-
vorum demonstratur huius rei caüsa paratum, hoc est
vectigalis causa. Alia autem parte edicti omnes servi
continentur, ut de hominibus coactis et vi bonorum rap-
torum, item redhibitoria, si deterior res reddatur emptoris
opera aut familiae eius, et interdicto unde vi familiae
appellatio omnes servos comprehendit. Sed et filii con-
tinentur. Item appellatur familia plurium personarum,
quae ab eiusdem ultimi genitoris sanguine proficiscuntur
(sicuti dicimus familiam Iuliam), quasi a fonte quodam

2. ubi praetor loquitur de fa- session. The cases mentioned

milia publicanorum : for this usage
see D. 39, 4, 12, familiae autem ap-
pellatione hic servilem familiam
contineri sciendum. est... pub-
licani autem dicuntur, qui publica
vectigalia habent conducta.

6. ut (sc. zz edicto) de homini-
bus: for this usage see D. 47, 8,2.

7. redhibitoria : sc. actione. See
eg. D. 21, I, 1 and 25, szve z$se
deteriorem eum (servum) fecu
sive familia eius sive procurator,
tenebit actio, 1.e. an action for the
rescinding of a contract of sale
(redhibere, ‘to restore to a former
condition’), if the thing sold has
diminished in value.

8. interdicto unde vi: see e.g.
D. 43, 16, 1, 15. The interdict
unde vi (so called from its initial
words) was a magisterial order
whereby one deprived of property
by violence might recover pos-

here are all examples of technical
remedies granted by the praetor
and the aedile in their edicts, cf.
Introd. 5, on the nature of the
edict.

12. quasi a fonte quodam me-
moriae: it is somewhat doubtful
what this means. For guodam
memoriae, Mommsen reads eodem
ortae, as if the text were corrupt.
But #zemoria seems to have a some-
what similar meaning, D. 50, 16,
220, 3, etenim idcirco filios filiasve
concipimus atque edimus, ut ex
drole eorum earumve diuturni-
latis nobis memoriam in aevum
relinguamus, i.e. ‘that we may
leave a memorial of our ancient
lineage for all time to come.’ In
this sense, familia is used as if
it were a fonte quodam memoriae,
i.e. expressed the fountain head
of our ancestry. Such explana-

106

10

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

memoriae. Mulier autem familiae suae et caput et finis

est.

Gai. D.

50116,1950 — continetur.

Familiae appellatione et ipse princeps familiae
Feminarum liberos in familia earum

non esse palam est, quia qui nascuntur, patris familiam

sequuntur.

Ulp. 4,1

Sui iuris sunt familiarum suarum principes, id

est pater familiae itemque mater familiae.

Ulp. D.
1,6,4

Patres familiarum sunt, qui sunt suae potesta-
tis sive puberes sive impuberes; simili modo

matres familiarum, fili familiarum et filiae quae sunt

in aliena. potestate.

THE AcwaTIC Famity (Familia iuris civilis)

Gai. 3, 10 : Á 7
tione 1uncti sunt.

tions are common in legal Latin,
cf. Paulus, 2, 12, 2, dehositum est
quasi dzu positum; D. 39, 2, 3,
damnum et damnatio ab ademp-
tione et quasi deminutione patri-
monit dicta sunt; Ulpian, D. 5o,
16, 31, pratum . . . ex eo dictum,
quod paratum sit ad fructum
cafiendum, etc. (Kalb, Roms
Juristen, p. 44, note 1). Cf. also
note on cuzzas, p. 45.

1. Mulier familiae suae et caput
et finis est: this maxim means that
a woman sz zurzs constitutes the
only possible member of her own
family; for by her marriage with
manus she passes into the familia

Vocantur autem agnati, qui legitima cogna-
Legitima autem cognatio est
ea, quae per virilis sexus personas coniungitur.

Itaque

of her husband; and she is finds
Samuiliae suae, because her children
are in the fazuziza of their father.

IO. Sive puberes sive impuberes:
girls were zzzpuberes until the com-
pletion of the twelfth year of age;
boys, originally until the assump-
tion of the Zoga virilis, but later,
until the completion of the four-
teenth year.

Agnatic Family: agzat are all
of those who are under the same
putria potestas, or who would be
under the same patria potestas if
the common ancestor were still liv-
ing. Agnation, therefore, includes
not only those sprung from a com-

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

eodem patre nati fratres agnati sibi sunt, qui etiam consan-
guinei vocantur, nec requiritur, an etiam matrem eandem

habuerint.
natus est.

Item patruus fratris filio et invicem is illi ag-
Eodem numero sunt fratres patrueles inter se,

5 id est qui ex duobus fratribus progenerati sunt, quos pleri-

que etiam consobrinos vocant.

Qua ratione scilicet etiam

ad plures gradus agnationis pervenire poterimus.

CocNaATIC RELATIONSHIP (Familia iuris gentium)

Paul. D.
38, 10, Io, 1

1o Cognatos appellamus.

Nomen cognationis a Graeca voce dictum
videtur: ouyyeveis enim illii vocant, quos nos
Cognati sunt et quos adgnatos lex

duodecim tabularum appellat, sed hi sunt per patrem cog-
nati ex eadem familia; qui autem per feminas coniungun-
tur, cognati tantum nominantur.

monancestor, butalso those brought
artificially under the fa£rzz fo-
testas of a common fpaterfamilias
(e.g. by adoptio, in manum con-
ventio, etc.) ; for unlike the family
based upon blood relationship, the
ties of the agnatic family may be
changed at will (e.g. by marriage,
in case of a woman, or by emanci-
pation). 'The family peculiar to
the zus czvzle is the agnatic (cogna-
to legitima), whereas that of the
zus gentium is the cognatic (cogza-
tio naturalis, per feminas). Cog-
nati are those whose relationship is
based on the ties of blood instead
of subjection to the power of the
same faferfamilias. Cognation is
a natural tie; agnation, an artifi-

cial tie created by law. The old
law recognized the agnatic princi-
ple only, but through the agency
of the praetor, cognates gained
more and more recognition, until
finally, under the imperial legisla-
tion, the cognatic principle pre-
vailed.

ir. hisunt per patrem cognati :
cognatzo is used in twosenses. In
the broader meaning of the word,
it includes 2gza/ze — all cognates
are agnates, but the reverse is not
true. In the narrower sense, it
means relationship through the
mother, as agzatzo means relation-
ship through the father.

12. per feminas: z.e. de fem-
tna.

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Modest. D. Cognati ab eo dici putantur, quod quasi una
381,41 communiterve nati vel ab eodem orti progenitive
sint. Cognationis substantia bifariam apud Romanos in-
tellegitur; nam quaedam cognationes iure civili, quaedam
naturali conectuntur, nonnumquam utroque iure concur-
rente et naturali et civili copulatur cognatio. Et quidem
naturalis cognatio per se sine civili cognatione intellegitur

.quae per feminas descendit, quae volgo liberos peperit.

Civilis autem per se, quae etiam legitima dicitur, sine iure
naturali cognatio consistit per adoptionem. Vtroque iure
consistit cognatio, cum iustis nuptiis contractis copulatur.
Sed naturalis quidem cognatio hoc ipso nomine appellatur ;
civilis autem cognatio licet ipsa quoque per se plenissime
hoc nomine vocetur, proprie tamen adgnatio vocatur, vide-

licet quae per mares contingit.
Collat. Consanguinei sunt eodem patre nati, licet di-
16, 3, 15 versis matribus, qui in potestate fuerunt mortis

tempore; adoptivus quoque frater, si non sit emancipa-
tus, et hi qui post mortem patris nati sunt vel causam
probaverunt.

Ulp. D. Inter agnatos igitur et cognatos hoc interest
38,10,10,4 quod inter genus et speciem; nam qui est ag-
natus, et cognatus est, non utique autem qui cognatus est,
et agnatus est; alterum enim civile, alterum naturale
nomen est.

19. vel causam probaverunt: culi causae probatio, i.e. by rear-
patria potestas arises primarily ing a child to the age of one year
by birth from a lawful marriage, and furnishing proof of confor-
but “exceptionally by the ‘x mity to other requirements (cau-
Aelia Sentia, in the case of Latini sam probare). For details see Gai.
who acquired citizenship by av- 1, 29-31.

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

MARRIAGE

Inst. 1, 9, I

continens.

Modest. D.
23, 2,1

communicatio.

Marriage: the essence of a Ro-
man marriage, distinguishing it
from any other union of the sexes
(eg. concubinatus, contubernium),
was maritalis affectio (non enint

coitus matrimonium facit, sed mart
talis affectio). Strictly speaking, no
ceremony was required for entrance
into the marriage relation ; consent
of the parties concerned and a
manifestation of maritalis affectio
were sufficient. With reference to
the legal position of the wife, the
Romans recognized different kinds
ofmarriage. Theearliest marriage
at Rome involved the transfer of
the wife from the family of her
father into the family of her hus-
band (zm manum conventio),
thereby establishing a marital
authority, called manus arii,
which placed the wife zz Joco filiae
and under the patria fotestas of
her own husband (cf. note on
Manus, p. 125). As early as the
Twelve Tables, the zs czvzie recog-
nized a marriage without manus,
by which the wife did not pass
into the famzlia of her husband,
and consequently did not have

Nuptiae sive matrimonium est viri et mulie-
ris coniunctio, individuam consuetudinem vitae

Nuptiae sunt coniunctio maris et feminae et
consortium omnis vitae, divini et humani iuris

legal relationship with her own
children. With reference to the
legal consequences of marriage
and the wife’s position, the Roman
law distinguishes three periods:
marridge with manus; separation
of marriage and manus; and the
disappearance of wanus. Toward
the end of the republic, marriage
without zzazzs was the more us-
ual, and under the empire it became
the only marriage. :

ri. Nuptiae sive matrimonium:
there is no distinction of meaning
discernible in the legal usage of
these words.

4. Nuptiae sunt coniunctio: the
second definition of marriage (by
Modestinus) explains somewhat
more fully that of the Institutes.
Individua consuetudo vitae of the
latter denotes a continued and in-
separable (zzdividua in the later
meaning of ‘inseparable,’ ‘ perma-
nent’) union of man and woman,
involving a community of all the
relations of life, rank, position,
domicile, etc., but not of property.
The wife zz zanu relinquished all
proprietary rights (s¢ guam in ma-

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Iustum matrimonium est, si inter eos, qui
nuptias contrahunt, conubium sit, et tam mas-
culus pubes quam femina potens sit, et utrique consentiant,
si sui iuris sint, aut etiam parentes eorum, si in potestate

Ulp. 5,

sunt. Conubium est uxoris iure ducendae facultas. Conu-
bium habent cives Romani cum civibus Romanis; cum
Latinis autem et peregrinis ita, si concessum sit. Cum

servis nullum est conubium.

Iustas autem nuptias inter se cives Romani
contrahunt, qui secundum praecepta legum
coeunt, masculi quidem puberes, feminae autem viripo-
tentes, sive patres familias sint sive filii familias, dum
tamen filii familias et consensum habeant parentum, quo-

Inst. 1, 10

num ut uxorem receperimus, eius
res ad nos transeunt, Gai. 2, 98),
while in a marriage size manu
neither party had rights in the
property of the other.

1. Iustum matrimonium : atten-
tion has already been called to the
distinction between marriage zurzs
ctvilis, requiring conubzum of both
parties (Zustum, legitimum matri-
monium ; tustae, legitimae nuptiae),
and marriage zuris gemtzum, not
requiring cozubzum (non legitz-
mum). Only the former produced
patria potestas over the children
of the marriage (/zgztzzi).

z. masculus pubes: cf. note on
Sive, p. 107.

9. Iustas nuptias inter se cives
Romani: a legal marriage required
the fulfillment of the following con-
ditions: (2) the parties must have
the conubium ; (6) they must con-

sent and give due evidence of their
intention to marry, and if they are
not szZ zurzs, they must also have
the consent of their respective fa-
tresfamilias; (c) they must be
of lawful age (puberes); (4) they
must not be within the prohibited
degrees of relationship.

13. consensum habeant paren-

tum: according to the family law of

the zus cevzle a son remained in the
lifelong power of his oldest living
ascendant (whether he be father,
grandfather, or great-grandfather),
hence if one's father and a higher
ascendant (z.g. grandfather) are
both living, he must have the con-
sent of both of them (zussum pa-
ventis praecedere debeat), since at
the death of the grandfather (A)
the father (B) becomes pater fami-
Has, and the latter's son (C) might
otherwise have introduced mem-

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rum in potestate sunt. Nam hoc fieri debere et civilis et
naturalis ratio suadet in tantum, ut iussum parentis prae-
cedere debeat. Vnde quaesitum est, an furiosi filia nubere
aut furiosi filius uxorem ducere possit. Cumque super
filio variabatur, nostra processit decisio, qua permissum est
ad exemplum filiae furiosi filium quoque posse et sine patris
interventu matrimonium sibi copulare secundum datum

ex constitutione modum.
Paul. 2, 20

uxore solo dilectu separatur.

bers into his (B's) family without
his (B's) consent, a possibility
which was contrary to the spirit
of the family law. This question
could not arise in the case of a
daughter, because she introduced
no new members into her father's
family (cf. note on /ZuZer, p. 107).
Parentes in this connection does
not mean ‘parents’ but ‘male as-
cendants.’

4. aut furiosi filius uxorem ducere
possit: as consent was necessary,
the question arose whether the son
of a madman was able to marry,
since his father, being deprived of
reason, could not give consent
(furor contrahi matrimonium non
sinit, quia consensu opus est, sed
recte contractum non impedit, D.
23,2,16,2). Justinian determined
a number of ways in which the
children of madmen might make
a valid marriage (zostra processit
decisio, C. 5, 4, 25).

Eo tempore, quo quis uxorem habet, concu-
binam habere non potest.

Concubina igitur ab

9. concubinam habere non potest:
besides.legal marriage (zza£rzmo-
nium tustum, etc.), the Roman law
recognized and controlled a per-
manent union called concubinatus,
a form of marriage of inferior right
and dignity. Concubinatus dif-
fered from matrimonium in the
absence of maritals affectzo, and
it was a relation most often entered
into between a manumissor and
his Zberta. The concubina lacked
the dignitas wxoris and did not
enjoy the rank and position of her
husband. Children from such a
union were called naturales liberi
and were, of course, not subject to
patria potestas, though they were
by the later law capable of becom-
ing Jegzzzs by the marriage of
parents who were eligible to a le-
gal marriage. Among the Romans
concubinatus, like matrimoniumi,
was strictly monogamous in char-
acter.

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*

Inter servos et liberos matrimonium contrahi
non potest, contubernium potest. Neque furio-
sus neque furiosa matrimonium contrahere possunt; sed
contractum matrimonium furore non tollitur.

Si quis nefarias atque incestas nuptias con-
traxerit, neque uxorem habere videtur neque
liberos; itaque hi, qui ex eo coitu nascuntur, matrem qui-
dem habere videntur, patrem vero non utique; nec ob id
in potestate eius sunt, sed tales sunt quales sunt hi, quos
mater vulgo concepit; nam et hi patrem habere non in-
telleguntur, cum is etiam incertus sit; unde solent spurii
filii appellari, vel a Graeca voce quasi evropdógv concepti,

Paul. 2, 19,6

Gai. 1, 64

vel quasi sine patre filii.

2. contubernium potest: no
union of slaves or of slaves with free-
men was recognized as marriage.
Inasmuch as slaves were capable of
becoming persons by manumission
and as Zerfzmi had the right of
marriage, the law recognized near
relationship among slaves as a bar
to their intermarriage after manu-
mission (Z/ud certum est serviles
cognationes impedimento esse nup-
tits, si forte pater et filia aut frater
et soror manumdssi fuerint, Inst.
I, IO, IO).

4. matrimonium furore non tol-
litur: the marriage of a. lunatic
is void ab znztio, but subsequent
lunacy is not a ground for dis-
solving the marriage (furzosus

ROMAN LAW — 8

nullum negotium gerere potest,
quia non intelligit quid agat, Gai.
3, 106).

5. Siquis nefarias nuptias con-
traxerit: such a union is void ad
uitio, and the issue (éucestuosz),
therefore, follow the usual rule in
such cases ( farfus sequitur ven-
trent, cf. note on Zzgenut, p. 81).
Children Quos mater vulgo con-
cefit are to be distinguished from
those issuing from concubinatus ;
the latter are za£urales and as
such have claim upon their father
for support; the former, called
spurit (bastards), were depend-
ent upon their mother for sup-
port; and, as regards paternity,
were ffi ullius.

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IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE

A quarundam nuptiis abstinere debemus.
Inter eas enim personas, quae parentum libero-
rumve locum inter se obtinent, nuptiae contrahi non pos-
sunt, nec inter eas conubium est, velut inter patrem et filiam,
vel inter matrem et filium, vel inter avum et neptem; et si
tales personae inter se coierint, nefarias et incestas nup-
tias contraxisse dicuntur. Et haec adeo ita sunt, ut
quamvis per adoptionem parentum liberorumve loco sibi
esse coeperint, non possint inter se matrimonio coniungi,
in tantum, ut etiam dissoluta adoptione idem iuris maneat;
itaque eam, quae mihi per adoptionem filiae aut neptis loco

Gai. 1, 58

Impediments to Marriage: im-
pediments to marriage are either
absolute or relative. Absolute
impediments, rendering marriage
impossible and void in all cases
are: lunacy, infancy, castration,
and an existing marriage; rela-
tive, preventing marriage between
certain persons only, are, near
relationship, differences in rank,
the official position of the hus-
band, adultery (after 18 m.c.),
and seduction (after Constan-
tine).

2. parentum liberorumve locum
inter se obtinent: agnatic as well
as cognatic relationship in the di-
rect line (7.e. between ascendants
and descendants) to any degree, is
always an impediment to marriage.
This is true also although the re-

lationship arose through adoption.

into the agnatic family; for even

if the one adopted has been
emancipated from the family, the
fiction of relationship (as if by a
tie of blood) is still maintained
(dem iuris maneat). In the col
lateral line, however, the rule is
not so strict. In the early law,
collaterals to the fourth degree
could not marry (consobrinz) but
during the republic first cousins
were permitted to marry, and this
continued to be the rule in the
Eastern empire, although not so
in the Western empire. After
Claudius it was legal to marry a
brother's daughter (relationship of
the third degree), but this was
forbidden by Christian emperors.
Adoption in the collateral line did
not prevent marriage even between
brother and sister, after the eman-
cipation of either one of them
(adoptio dissoluta).

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esse coeperit, non potero uxorem ducere, quamvis eam
emancipaverim. Inter eas quoque personas, quae ex trans-
verso gradu cognatione iunguntur, est quaedam similis
observatio, sed non tanta. Sane inter fratrem et sororem
prohibitae sunt nuptiae, sive eodem patre eademque matre
nati fuerint, sive alterutro eorum ; sed si qua per adoptio-
nem soror mihi esse coeperit, quamdiu quidem constat
adoptio, sane inter me et eam nuptiae non possunt con-
sistere; cum vero per emancipationem adoptio dissoluta
sit, potero eam uxorem ducere ; sed et si ego emancipatus
fuero, nihil impedimento erit nuptiis. Fratris filiam uxorem
ducere licet, idque primum in usum venit, cum divus
Claudius Agrippinam, fratris sui filiam, uxorem duxisset ;
sororis vero filiam uxorem ducere non licet. Et haec ita
principalibus constitutionibus significantur. Item amitam
et materteram uxorem ducere non licet. Item eam, quae
mihi quondam socrus aut nurus aut privigna aut noverca
fuit. Ideo autem diximus 'quondam,' quia si adhuc con-
stant eae nuptiae, per quas talis adfinitas quaesita est, alia
ratione mihi nupta esse non potest, quia neque eadem duo-
bus nupta esse potest, neque idem duas uxores habere.
Fratris vel sororis filiam uxorem ducere non
? ]icet. Sed nec neptem fratris vel sororis ducere

Inst. 1, 10,

16. quaemihiquondamsocrusaut — wife and a ‘deceased wife's sister’

nurus : affinztas, or relationship by
marriage, was the tie between each
one of a married pair and the kin-
dred of the other. Intermarriage
among affines is prohibited in the
direct line (between ascendants
and descendants, and in Christian
times, in the collateral line also).
Marriage with a deceased brother's

(Ze. between brother-in-law and
sister-in-law) was permitted until
the prohibitions of Constantine
and several later emperors (C. 5,
5; 5)-

22. Fratris vel sororis filiam ux-
orem ducere non licet: the legalizing
of the marriage of a man with his
brother's daughter (case of Clau-

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quis potest, quamvis quarto gradu sint. Cuius enim filiam
uxorem ducere non licet, eius neque neptem permittitur.
Eius vero mulieris, quam pater tuus adoptavit, filiam non
videris impediri uxorem ducere, quid neque naturali neque
civili iure tibi coniungitur. Duorum autem fratrum vel
sororum liberi vel fratris et sororis iungi possunt.

Mariti tamen filius ex alia uxore et uxoris filia ex alio
marito, vel contra, matrimonium recte contrahunt, licet
habeant fratrem sororemve ex matrimonio postea contracto
natos.

Lege Iulia prohibentur uxores ducere senatores
quidem liberique eorum libertinas et quae ipsae
quarumve pater materve artem ludicram fecerit, item cor-
pore quaestum facientem. — Ceteri autem ingenui prohiben-
tur ducere lenam et a lenone lenave manumissam et in
adulterio deprehensam et iudicio publico damnatam et
quae artem ludicram fecerit. .

Ulp. 13, I

dius and Agrippina) was repealed
by Constantine, hence the appar-
ent contradiction in the text (cf.
note on Parentum, p. 114). It was
unlawful to marry the ascendant
or descendant of one already with-
in the prohibited degree (sororzs
Jiliam . . . nec neptem).

3. Eius mulieris, quam pater
tuus adoptavit, filiam : as a *weuLier
et caput et. finis suae familiae est,
her children did not follow her
into her adoptive family; hence
they were not related to its mem-
bers (megue naturali neque civili
Zure). Cf. note on Mulier, p. 107.

ir. senatores liberique eorum
libertinas : differences in rank and

political status were recognized in
thelaw of marriage during its entire
history prior to Justinian. Origi-
nally there was nó marriage be-
tween czves and peregrinz. Until
the dex Cazuleza (445 B.C.) there
was no conubium between patri-
cians and plebeians. During the
republic, zzgezzz and Zdertzztz could
intermarry, but with a loss of so-
cial standing to the former. The
lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus
(4 4.D.) forbade senators and their
descendants to the third genera-
tion to marry Zertizi and certain
other classes of persons disquali-
fied by their occupations and social
status (e.g. zmfames). Ingenui

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Paul, D.
23, 2, 38

Si quis officium in aliqua provincia adminis-
trat, inde oriundam vel ibi domicilium habentem
uxorem ducere non potest, quamvis sponsare non prohi-
beatur.

Paul. D. Senatus consulto, quo cautum est, ne tutor
23, 2, 59 pupillam vel filio suo vel sibi nuptum collocet,
etiam nepos significatur.

Non est matrimonium, si tutor vel curator

Paul. D.
43,9, 06 pupilam suam intra vicesimum et sextum
annum non desponsam a patre nec testamento destin-

atam ducat uxorem vel eam filio suo iungat: quo facto
uterque infamatur et pro dignitate pupillae extra ordi-
nem coercetur. Nec interest, filius sui iuris an in patris

potestate sit.

Tryph. D.
23, 2, 67

Non solum vivo tutori, sed et post mortem
eius filius tutoris ducere uxorem prohibetur eam,

cuius tutelae rationi obstrictus pater fuit.

were also forbidden to marry per-
sons of the last mentioned class.
By the /ex Julia such marriages
were not void, but were penalized.
The emperor M. Aurelius declared
them void, and Justinian made
them completely valid, the old
differences of status having passed
away.

1. Si quis officium in aliqua pro-
vincia administrat: this prohibi-
tion, directed particularly against
the marriage of governors of prov-
inces and of soldiers stationed in
provinces, was prompted by public
welfare.

| 9. intra vicesimum et sextum
annum: full majority was attained

with the completion of the twenty?
fifth year. Until that time the 2z-
AE required the assistance of a
curator in the management of their.
affairs (snasculi puberes et feminae
uiripotentes usque ad vicesimum
quintum annum completum ...
licet puberes sint, adhuc hutus ae-
fatis sunt, ut negotia sua tueri non
possint, Inst. 1, 23).

12. uterque infamatur: z.e. both
the tutor and the curator. The
office of tutor and curator was a pub-
lic duty (#unus pubhcum), and
such a marriage, unless - directed
by the will of the woman’s father,
was regarded as a breach of trust
and contrary to public policy.

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Nuptiae consistere non possunt nisi consenti-
ant omnes, id est qui coeunt quorumque in
potestate sunt.

Si nepos uxorem velit ducere avo furente, om-
nimodo patris auctoritas erit necessaria; sed si
pater furit, avus sapiat, sufficit avi voluntas. Is cuius
pater ab hostibus captus est, si non intra triennium reverta-
tur, uxorem ducere potest.

Pompon. D. Mulierem absenti per litteras eius vel per
23, 2, 5 nuntium posse nubere placet, si in domum eius
deduceretur; eam vero quae abesset ex litteris vel nuntio
suo duci a marito non posse; deductione enim opus esse

Paul, D.
23,2,2

Ulp. D.
23, 2,9

in mariti, non in uxoris domum, quasi in domicilium ma-

trimonii.

1. Nuptiae consistere non pos-
sunt: absence of consent, or with-
holding of consent (except under
certain limitations), was an impedi-
ment to marriage (zzffzas non con-
cubitus sed consensus facit, D. 35,
I, 15). Asmarriage in the earliest
period was always attended by z;a-
nus, the forms of acquiring manus
and the forms of entering marriage
became identified, z.e. confarreatio,
coemptio, and usus (cf. note on
Manus, p. 125, and following
notes). In the later law, marriage
without manus required nothing
more than the consent of the
parties, openly and unequivocally
manifested. A usual manifestation
of consent (though no part of the
requirement of the marriage con-

tract, except when the husband was
absent) was the deductio zn domum
Juriti; hence the marriage could

be entered into if the consent of

the man was expressed by letter
or messenger (owing to his ab-
sence), and if the consent of the
woman was manifested by her de-
ductio in domum by the relatives
of her future husband. Owing to
this requirement of delivery of
possession, the woman must be
present in the domicile of her
husband.

6. Is cuius pater . uxorem
ducere potest: this applies to both
sexes. If the father return after
the period of three years, he can-
not dissolve the marriage because
of his disapproval.

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BETROTHAL

Florent. D.

23, f 1 arum futurarum.

Ulp. D.
23, 1,2

sibi uxores futuras,
Florent. D.

23, 1,3

Ulp. D.

2335.4 salia.

Sponsalia sunt mentio et repromissio nupti-

Sponsalia autem dicta sunt a spondendo ;
nam moris fuit veteribus stipulari et spondere

unde et sponsi sponsaeque appellatio nata est.
Sufficit nudus consensus ad constituenda spon-
Denique constat et absenti absentem de-

sponderi posse, et hoc cottidie fieri.

Betrothal: in the earliest law,
engagements to marry were made
by the formal sozs2o (cf. note on
Verbis, p. 205) between the bride-
groom and the bride's father. This
form of betrothal was retained in
the Latin law (Z.z. in Latium), and
a breach of promise of marriage
was actionable and satisfaction was
rendered in pecuniary damages
(Gell. 4, 4). At Rome, however,
no action lay for a breach of prom-
ise of marriage, since, by Roman
law, marriage was based on a coz-
sensus nuptialis, but never on a
consensus sponsalicius, a promise
of future marriage. Still, in prac-
tice, marriage was often preceded
by an informal agreement to marry,
given either by the consent of the
affianced pair or by that of their
patresfamilias. In the latter case,
the son had the unquestioned right
of rejection, while the daughter
could refuse only on account of the
unworthiness or immoral charac-

ter of the intended husband. Be-
trothal required that each party be
seven years of age, Z.e. zmpuberes
might enter into an informal agree-
ment to a future marriage. Either
party might recall his promise,
without showing cause for his act,
but more than one engagement at
a time was ‘contra bonos mores,
and caused the offender to be
branded with infamy (zufama
notatur qui bina sponsalia binasve
nuptzas in eodem tempore constitu-
tas habuerzt, D. 3, 2, 1). Pledges
and gifts given in consideration
of betrothal (arra sponsalicia)
were forfeited by the one renounc-
ing the engagement, except in cer-
tain cases (osculo interveniente,
etc.). a

4. Stipulari et spondere: be-
trothal was originally accomplished
by the form of promise known as
stipulatio, in which the words
spondesne? spondeo were em-
ployed, hence the words sfonsus

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Modest. D. In sponsalibus contrahendis aetas contrahen-
23, 1, 14 tium definita non est ut in matrimoniis. Qua-
propter et a primordio aetatis sponsalia effici possunt, si
modo id fieri ab utraque persona intellegatur, id est, si non
sint minores quam septem annis.

Paul. D. In sponsalibus nihil interest, utrum testatio
2 n7 interponatur an aliquis sine scriptura spondeat.
In sponsalibus etiam consensus eorum exigendus est, quo-
rum in nuptiis desideratur. Intellegi tamen semper filiae
patrem consentire, nisi evidenter dissentiat, Iulianus scribit.

Julian. D.
23, I, II

Sponsalia sicut nuptiae consensu contrahen-
tium fiunt; et ideo sicut nuptiis, ita sponsalibus

filiam familias consentire oportet.

Ulp. D.
24. 1, 12

Sed quae patris voluntati non repugnat, con-
sentire intellegitur.

'Tunc autem solum dissenti-

endi a patre licentia filiae conceditur, si indignum moribus
vel turpem sponsum ei pater eligat.

and sfonsa (cf. Fr. époux, épouse)
for the betrothed.

4. si non sint minores quam
septem annis: in Roman law the
capacity to act with full legal ef-
fect depends upon sex and age.
The Romans recognized two ages
of capacity, while we are accus-
tomed to one only. In Roman
terms, infancy and minority are
not synonymous. Full capacity
begins with pubertas, which was
originally determined by physical
development and afterward fixed
by the jurists at fourteen for males
and twelve for females. Those
persons under the completed
twelfth and fourteenth years re-

spectively are zwpuberes. Lm-
puberes are further divided into
infantes (i.e. quz farinon possunt),
children under seven years, and
infantia maiores, children between
the completed seventh and four-
teenth years. The former are in-
capable of performing juristic acts ;
the latter act for themselves, but,
except for their own benefit (ze.
by acquiring rights), only with the
assistance of a guardian (aucto-
vitate tutoris). Maior aetas begins
with the completed twenty-fifth
year (fuberes sazores vel minores
XXV annis). This distinction
gained legal recognition as early
as the time of Plautus (cf. Pseud.

120

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Paul. D.
23, I, 13

Ulp. D.
23, 1, 18

Filio familias dissentiente sponsalia nomine
eius fieri non: possunt.

In sponsalibus constituendis parvi refert, per
se (et coram an per internuntium vel per epistu-

5 lam) an per alium hoc factum est: et fere plerumque con-
diciones interpositis personis expediuntur.

IO

Gai. D.
24,2,2,2

In sponsalibus discutiendis placuit renuntia-
tionem intervenire oportere; in qua re haec

verba probata sunt: ‘condicione tua non utor.'

Ulp. D.
23, I, IO

303) by a lex Plaetoria against
defrauding minors. Toward the
end of the republic the principle
was developed by the praetor, who
allowed a remedy to the minor
defrauded on account of his inex-
perience (vestitutio zm integrum
propter minorem aetatem), and by
imperial legislation, which allowed
the minor the protection of a
curator (cf. note on zu£ra, p. 117).

9. condicione tua non utor : ‘I do
not avail myself of your offer.’ As
the promise of marriage involves no
legal obligation and no penalties,
it may berenouncedat will. These
are the usual words employed in
the breaking off of an engagement
(renuntiatio), not in the dissolu-
tion of marriage, as given in Har-
per's Lat. Dict. s. v. Condicio,
B. I.

Dissolution of Marriage: mar-
riage may be dissolved by necessity
and voluntarily. By necessity, as
when marriage comes to an end by

In potestate manente filia pater sponso nun-
tium remittere potest et sponsalia dissolvere.

Some circumstance independent
of the will: by death; by cap-
tivity, as when either spouse be-
comes a prisoner of war; by loss
of freedom in other ways; by im-
pediments to marriage which arise
ex post facto, as when a father
adopts his daughters husband
(Zucestus supervenzeus) or when
the husband of a //bertzza becomes
a senator. Voluntary dissolution
of marriage arises by separation
(dzvortium), i.e. by a discontinu-
ance of the marriage relation with
the intention of permanently dis-
solving the marriage. This may
arise by agreement of husband
and wife or by the voluntary re-
nunciation of the marriage by
either spouse (Zzvorzusm followed
by vepudium). As marriage arises
by consent, it may be dissolved
voluntarily, since the prohibitions
against divorce are very few in
Roman law (cf. Gell. 10, 15, 23;
D.24,2, 11). In the older law,

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW "

DISSOLUTION OF MARRIAGE

Paul. D.
24,2,I

Tryph. D.
49, 15, 12, 4

Pompon. D,
49, 15, 14, I

matrimonium.

Julian. D.
24, 2,6

nere eo solo, quod alii temere nubere non possunt.

Dirimitur matrimonium divortio, morte, capti-
vitate vel alia contingente servitute utrius eorum.

Sed captivi uxor, tametsi maxime velit et in
domo eius sit, non tamen in matrimonio est.

Non ut pater filium, ita uxorem maritus iure
postliminii recipit, sed consensu redintegratur

Vxores eorum, qui in hostium potestate per-
venerunt, possunt videri nuptarum locum reti-

Et

generaliter definiendum est, donec certum est maritum
vivere in captivitate constitutum, nullam habere licentiam

ceremonies in effecting divorce
were required only in the case of
marriage by confarreatio, which
required a corresponding azfar-
reato. Marriage by coemptio and
probably by zszs were dissolved
by the usual remancipatio (*fic-
titious sale’), followed by manu-
mussio on the part of the fictitious
purchaser. Divorce during the
republic was regulated more by
custom and the corrective power
of the censor than by law (cf.
case of Sp. Carvilius Ruga, 234
B.C.). After Constantine, sepa-
ration for insufficient cause or
for guilt was punished by heavy
fines (C. 5, 17, 8). By the law
of Justinian, divorce was accom-
plished by informal methods,
without judicial or clerical inter-
vention.

1. morte captivitate vel alia con-
tingente servitute: marriage with
or without 7zanus ceases at death,
by captivity, and by any other loss
of freedom of either spouse. For
loss of freedom in other ways see
note on zure civili, p. 80. By post-
iminium a captive citizen recov-
ered all of his legal relations where
he laid them down at the time of
his capture, with the exception of
marriage. The marriage contract
must be renewed by agreement
of the parties. It was enacted
by law (perhaps the lex ZwZa et
Papia Poppaea) that captivity dis-
solved a marriage only when the
life of the captive was despaired
of and a period of five years had
elapsed since capture.

2. utrius: for alterutrius, utrt-
usque.

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15

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

uxores eorum migrare ad aliud matrimonium, nisi mallent
ipsae mulieres causam repudii praestare. Sin autem in
incerto est, an vivus apud hostes teneatur vel morte prae-
ventus, tunc, si quinquennium a tempore captivitatis ex-
cesserit, licentiam habet mulier ad alias migrare nuptias,
ita tamen, ut bona gratia dissolutum videatur pristinum
matrimonium et unusquisque suum ius habeat imminutum ;
eodem iure et in marito in civitate degente et uxore captiva

observando.

Just. C.
5:4 14

potest.

Neque ab initio matrimonium contrahere
neque dissociatum reconciliare quisquam cogi
Vnde intellegis liberam facultatem contrahendi

atque distrahendi matrimonii transferri ad necessitatem

non oportere.

Gai. D.
24,2,2

distrahunt matrimonium.

Divortium autem vel a diversitate mentium
dictum est vel quia in diversas partes eunt, qui
In repudiis autem, id est renun-

tiatione, comprobata sunt haec verba : *tuas res tibi habeto,’
item haec: ‘tuas res tibi agito.'

6. bona gratia dissolutum: a
divortium bona gratia was a sepa-
ration free from all disadvantages
and penalties (sua zus habeat),
when it occurred by agreement or
for reasons attaching no blame to
either party.

12. liberam facultatem contra-
hendi atque distrahendi: in the
earlier law the pater familias could
dissolve the marriage of his /i/a-
familias if she were not zu manu
mariti. Usually the consent of
a paterfamilias was unnecessary.
M. Aurelius forbade his interfer-
ence except for serious reasons

(magna et iusta causa), and later
emperors advanced the view of the
text. A wife zz za: could not,
of course, divorce herself (zzvztam
autem ad maritum redire nulla
iuris praeceps constitutio, C. 5,
17, 5).

15. Divortium . . . In repudiis:
there is no contrast here between
divortium and repudium (as given
s. v. divortium in Harpers Lat.
Dict. Divortium is the general
term for the separation from a
marriage. Zeefudrum is the decla-
ration or formal notice (remunti-
atío) given. by one party to the

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Paul. D. Divortium non est nisi verum, quod animo
242.3 perpetuam constituendi dissensionem fit. Itaque
quidquid in calore iracundiae vel fit vel dicitur, non prius
ratum est, quam si perseverantia apparuit iudicium animi
fuisse : ideoque per calorem misso repudio, si brevi reversa
uxor est nec divortisse videtur.

Paul. D. Nullum divortium ratum est nisi septem civi-
24, 2,9 bus Romanis puberibus adhibitis praeter liber-
tum eius qui divortium faciet.

other, of which the usual words
of style are * Zuas res habeto, etc.
The prevailing opinion is that
divortium is a separation by
agreement; repudium, a separa-
tion by compulsion or withdrawal
of consent on one side only
(repudiation). This view seems
untenable from the sources. It
appears as more likely that dz
vortium is a term denoting a
separation of any kind, whether
by agreement or by the application
of one party only, while repudium
denotes the formal declaration of
will and intention of either party
seeking a dissolution of marriage
(cf. Sohm, Znustztutzonen, 8th ed.,
1899, p. 453). The mere agree-
ment to separate did not dis-
solve the marriage, but agree-
ment followed by the declara-
tion (repudzum mittere, dare)
sent or given by one of the
parties.

1. Divortium non est nisi ve-
rum: *a divorce is ineffectual

unless there be a serious inten-
tion of making the separation
permanent.’

7. Nullum divortium nisiseptem
civibus Romanis: the Zex Zu/za de
adulteriis (18 B.C.) introduced this
formality under penalty, in order
to establish clear proof of the in-
tention of the parties. This con-
tinued to be the law under the
empire, although Diocletian re-
quired the declaration to be in
writing (repuda libellus).

8. praeter libertum : why a Zer-
tus of the one applying for a sep-
aration should be present as a
witness is not known. It has been
suggested, in the absence of a
better explanation, that it was a
prerogative of the bigher classes
in divorce proceedings, since they
alone possessed freedmen (Leon-
hard). It is furthermore possible
that the freedman is a remnant
and reminiscence of the old family
council of the republic (Zudzczus
domesticum).

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Manvs

Gai. 1, 109

Sed in potestate quidem et masculi et feminae

esse solent; in manum autem feminae tantum

conveniunt.

Olim itaque tribus modis in manum convenie-
bant, usu, farreo, coemptione.

Farreo in manum conveniunt per quoddam genus sacri-
ficii, quod Iovi Farreo fit in quo farreus panis adhibetur,
unde etiam confarreatio dicitur: complura praeterea huius

Manus: manus is the technical '

term for the power of the husband
over his wife. The wife zz manu
was called materfamilias (not to
be confused with a woman saz
uris, cf. D. 1,6, 4, and note on Def-
nition, p. 104) ; the wife szue manu
was called simply zxor (Cic. 725.
3,14). Originally every zustum
matrimonium carried with it
manus; later manus became in-
dependent of marriage and arose
only through an especial act as an
accessory of marriage. In this way
manus was fictitiously employed
in other relations than those of
marriage, so that the woman
passed temporarily into the #zanus
of even a third party. Janus
matrimonii causa came into dis-
favor toward the time of Cicero
(Cic. 2ro Mur. 12) and occurred
but seldom during the earlier
empire; anus as a fiction, how-
ever, continued longer and was
an institution of the classical law.
The legal position of the wife zz
manu was as follows: (a) she

passed entirely out of her family
into the family of her husband, to
whom she stood in the position
of a daughter (quasi filiafamilias,
Jiliae loco), and to her own chil-
dren, who were in patria potestas,
she was in the position of sister
(sororis loco) ; (0) her entire prop-
erty became her husband's and all
that she acquired after marriage
(Ber eas personas, quas zn manu
mancipiove habemus, proprietas
quidem. adquiritur nobis ex omni-
bus causis, sicut per eos qui in potes-
tate nostra sunt, Gai. 2, 90) ; for
her previously contracted debts her
husband was responsible up to the
extent of her property (zusszo zm
bona of her creditors).

3. Olim tribus modis in manum
conveniebant: #zanzs had become
practically obsolete in the time of
Gaius and had vanished entirely
from the law of Justinian. Along
with the change in manners and
social life during the last century
and a half of the republic, women
preferred the more independent

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

iuris ordinandi gratia cum certis et sollemnibus verbis,

praesentibus decem testibus, aguntur et fiunt.

Quod ius

etiam nostris temporibus in usu est; nam flamines maiores,
id est Diales, Martiales, Quirinales, item reges sacrorum
nisi ex farreatis nati sunt, non leguntur; ac ne ipsi quidem
sine confarreatione sacerdotium habere possunt.
Coemptione vero in manum conveniunt per mancipa-
tionem, id est per quandam imaginariam venditionem ;

^
position afforded by marriage with-
out manus along with the freedom
of divorce, independent property,
etc., which it granted.

1. sollemnibus verbis: the power
of the husband over his wife was
derived from a union of their re-
spective sacred rites, symbolized
by a ceremony in which the woman
was introduced into the religious
worship of her husband. The
words of the ceremony (certa
verba, sollemnia) were * Vbi tu es
Gaius, ibi ego sum Gata, spoken
by the woman.

2. Quod ius nostris temporibus
in usu est: confarreatio made
the issue of the marriage eligible
for certain high priestly offices
(famen maior, rex sacrorum,
virgo vestalis) and, as it was the
most ceremonious and aristocratic
form of marriage, it was the pre-
rogative of the patricians only.
Augustus renewed the priesthood
of Jove (1o B.C.), and by a law
of Tiberius, marriage by confarre-
atio with a ffazen Dialzs produced
manus with regard to sacred rites
only. In other respects the wife

retained the rights of an zxor sine
manu.

7. Coemptione in manum con-
veniunt: marriage by the secular co-
emptzo was accessible to all citizens,
plebeians as well as patricians.
The primitive bride purchase took
in Roman law the form of manci-
patio, originally a formal proceed-
ing per aes et libram, but eventually
a fictitious sale in which the
daughter was purchased from her
paterfamilias and later a transac-
tion in which the bride sold her-
self (auctorztate tutoris) in manum
marii. Two forms of coemptio
occur: coemptio matrinont causa
and coemptio fiduciae causa. The
latter was a fiction whereby women
might avoid certain legal restric-
tions and disabilities (e.g. coemptzo
tutelae evitandae causa, testamenti
faciendi causa, etc.). In these co-
emptiones the wife trusted (£du-
cta) that the sham husband would
not take the marriage seriously,
but would immediately set her free
from #zanus by remancipation. For
greater security old men were se-
lected for these ‘dummy’ husbands,

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

nam adhibitis non minus quam quinque testibus civibus
Romanis puberibus, item libripende, emit is mulierem, cuius
in manum convenit.
Vsu in manum conveniebat, quae anno continuo nupta
5 perseverabat; quia enim veluti annua possessione usu-
capiebatur, in familiam viri transibat filiaeque locum ob-
tinebat. Itaque lege duodecim tabularum cautum est, ut
si qua nollet eo modo in manum mariti convenire, ea quo-
tannis trinoctio abesset atque eo modo usum cuiusque anni

IO

interrumperet.

Sed hoc totum ius partim legibus sublatum

est, partim ipsa desuetudine oblitteratum est.

PATRIA POTESTAS

Gai. 1, 48

Quaedam personae sui iuris sunt, quaedam
alieno iuri sunt subiectae.

Rursus earum per-

sonarum, quae alieno iuri subiectae sunt, aliae in potestate,

at the most, merely short-lived pur-
chasers of the marital power (sezes
coemptionales, cf. Cic. pro Mur.
I2, 27).

4. Vsu in manum conveniebat :
just as manus could be acquired
by bride purchase, so could it be
acquired, like power over other
pieces of property, by prescriptive
title. By wsucafio under the old
us ciuile, immovable property was
acquired in two years; everything
else in one year. The daughter
of a stranger ( Peregrinus), there-
fore, over whom manus could not
be acquired by confarreatzo or co-
emptio might pass into the power of
her husband by «sus. From ma-
nus derived in this way arose all the

other rights of a zustum matrimo-
nium. According to the Twelve
Tables, #anus acquired by dwell-
ing together zza£rzmonz causa for
one year might be avoided by the
absence (wsurpatio) of the wife
from the marital roof for three
consecutive nights (guotannis tri-
noctio). By this symbolical inter-
ruption of the continuity of the
marital power it is evident that as
early as the Twelve Tables there
could be a marriage without ma-
nus (ture civili), and eventually
usus no longer produced manus,
and the institution became obsolete
(ius desuetudine oblitteratum est).

Patria Potestas : patria potestas
is the relation of the pater familias

127

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

aliae in manu, aliae in mancipio sunt.

Videamus nunc

de his, quae alieno iuri subiectae sint; nam si cognoveri-
mus, quae istae personae sint, simul intellegemus, quae

sui iuris sint.
5 potestate sunt.

with his ffamlas (and filiae-
familias), whether they are sub-
jected to his power by birth from
a lawful marriage (Ziberz, filii legz-
mi), or by the fiction of legitima-
tion and adoption. The paternal
authority of a Roman citizen over
his children is a peculiar character-
istic of the law of status. atria
potestas is analogous to dominica
potestas in its severity and scope,
but the /f£Zzfazias differ from
those subjected to dominica fotes-
tas in that they are free and citi-
zens, possessing the private rights
of commercium and conubium.
'They are furthermore capable of
.becoming independent persons
with full legal capacity and having
the zws fotesiafis themselves as
soon as the patria potestas over
them ceases (suz zurzs). All rights
accrue to the Zazerfaznilas, so that
the f£usfamzlias has no potestas
over his own children while he is
under the power of his own father.
In other words, the rights growing
out of the zws conubi and com-
merci? are centered in the jafer-
familias. As regards the public
rights of a ffiusfamilias, see note
on ZZZus, p. 132. With regard to
the person of the Jfzwsfamilias,
the faferfamulias possesses the

Ac prius dispiciamus de iis qui in aliena

following rights: originally the
unlimited power of life and death
(vitae necisque potestas, especially
with the approval of a domestic tri-
bunal); the right of sale (Zus ven-
dendi), either into slavery (trans
Tiberim) or to.a Roman citizen
(manctpatio), afterward limited to
fictitious sale, and sale by reason of
father's poverty (frofter nimiam
paupertatem); the right of sur-
render to the injured party for de-
licts, in lieu of pecuniary damages
(ex maleficiis, ex noxali causa man-
cipio datur). Cf. note on zudi-
cun, p. 240.

1. aliae in mancipio : the old law
recognized the rights of parents to
sell their children into bondage.
The relationship created by such
a sale was one of master and bond-
man. The bondman was in an in-
termediate status between freedom
and slavery, occupying the position
of a slave as regards his master,
but in other relations he was re-
garded as Aer and cévis. The
phrase zz zamcipio esse means
to be in a position analogous to
that of slave. The right of par-

.ents to sell their children was later

restricted, and eventually such sales
were punishable as disgraceful and
unlawful acts. Fictitious sales

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20

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

In potestate nostra sunt liberi nostri, quos iustis nuptiis
procreavimus. Quod ius proprium civium Romanorum
est; fere enim nulli alii sunt homines, qui talem in filios
suos habent potestatem, qualem nos habemus. Idque
divus Hadrianus edicto, quod proposuit de his, qui sibi
liberisque suis ab eo civitatem Romanam petebant, signi-
ficavit. Nec me praeterit Galatarum gentem credere in
potestate parentum liberos esse.

Nam civium Romanorum quidam sunt patres
familiarum, alii filii familiarum, quaedam matres
familiarum, quaedam filiae familiarum. Patres familiarum
sunt, qui sunt suae potestatis sive puberes sive impuberes ;
simili modo matres familiarum ; filii familiarum et filiae
quae sunt in aliena potestate. Nam qui ex me et uxore
mea nascitur, in mea potestate est; item qui ex filio meo
et uxore eius nascitur, id est nepos meus et neptis, aeque
in mea sunt potestate, et pronepos et proneptis et deinceps
ceteri.

Ulp. D.
1,6,4

Morte patris filius et filia sui iuris fiunt ; morte
autem avi nepotes ita demum sui iuris fiunt, si
post mortem avi in potestate patris futuri non sunt, velut

Ulp. 10, z

continued to be used in adoptions
and emancipations.

r. In potestate nostra sunt
liberi: the natural basis of patrza
potestas is birth (Zberi ex iusto
matrimonio). FPotestas could be
acquired over Zerz naturales (non
Jegitizi) by legitimation, which
might be effected, under the Chris-
tian emperors, by the subsequent
marriage of parents eligible to
marriage, or by a rescript of the
emperor, etc. (legitimatio per sub-

ROMAN LAW — 9

sequens matrimonium, per rescrip-
tum principis).

7. Galatarum gentem: the Ga-
latians were of Gallic origin, and
Caesar (B. G. 6, 19) testifies to
an institution like the Roman
patria potestas among the Gauls.
St. Paul refers also to this pecu-
liarity of the Galatians (Gal. 4, 1).

19. Morte patris filius et filia sui
iuris fiunt: patria potestas might
cease for various reasons, but
neither marriage nor the attain-

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20

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

si moriente avo pater eorum aut iam decessit aut de potes-
tate dimissus est; nam si mortis avi tempore pater eorum
in potestate eius sit, mortuo avo in patris sui potestate fiunt.

Si patri vel filio aqua et igni interdictum sit, patria
potestas tollitur, quia peregrinus fit is, cui aqua et igni
interdictum est; neque autem peregrinus civem Romanum
neque civis Romanus peregrinum in potestate habere
potest. i

Si pater ab hostibus captus sit, quamvis servus hostium
fiat, tamen cum reversus fuerit, omnia pristina iura recipit
iure postliminii Sed quamdiu apud hostes est, patria
potestas in filio eius interim pendebit, et cum reversus
fuerit ab hostibus, in potestate filium habebit; si vero ibi
decesserit, sui iuris filius erit. Filius quoque si captus
fuerit ab hostibus, similiter propter ius postliminii patria
potestas interim pendebit.

In potestate parentum esse desinunt et hi qui flamines

Diales inaugurantur et quae virgines Vestae capiuntur.
Poenae servus effectus filios in potestate

Inst. I, 12, 3 Mu
habere desinit.

Servi autem poenae efficiuntur,

qui in metellum damnantur et qui bestiis subiciuntur.

ment of majority relieved a son
from, paternal authority at Rome.
Patria potestas terminated of ne-
cessity : by death of paterfamilias,
though grandchildren then pass
into the power of their father if he
is alive (otherwise they become
sui Zuris); by loss of freedom or
citizenship of either paterfamulias
or filiusfamilias (subject to zus
postliminiz); by assumption of cer-
tain offices on the part of those sub-
jected to power, as famen. Dialis

or virgo vestalis in the older law;
or the office of bishop or rank of
patrictus in the law of Justinian.
Patria potestas terminated of free
will: by emancipation (also by
datio in adoptionem and by zm
manum conventio) occurring, ac-
cording to the Twelve Tables and
the classical law, by szanczpatzo fol-
lowed by zanumzsszo ; by rescript
in the imperial law ; and by decla-
ration before a court in the law of
Justinian.

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Filius familias si militaverit, vel si senator vel consul
fuerit factus, manet in patris potestate. Militia enim vel
consularia dignitas patris potestate filium non liberat. Sed
ex constitutione nostra summa patriciatus dignitas ilico ab
imperialibus codicillis praestitis a patria potestate liberat.

Praeterea emancipatione desinunt liberi in
potestate parentum esse. Sed filius quidem
tribus mancipationibus, ceteri vero liberi sive masculini
sexus sive feminini una mancipatione exeunt de parentum
potestate; lex enim XII tabularum tantum in persona filii
de tribus mancipationibus loquitur his verbis 'si pater
filium ter venum duit, a patre filius liber esto. — Eaque res
ita agitur: mancipat pater filium alicui; is eum vindicta
manumittit; eo facto revertitur in potestatem patris; is
eum iterum mancipat vel eidem vel alii (sed in usu est
eidem mancipari) isque eum postea similiter vindicta manu-
mittit; eo facto rursus in potestatem patris revertitur;
tertio pater eum mancipat vel eidem vel alii (sed hoc in
usu est, ut eidem mancipetur), eaque mancipatione desinit
in potestate patris esse, etiamsi nondum manumissus sit
sed adhuc in causa mancipii.

Sed ea emancipatio antea quidem vel per
antiquam legis observationem procedebat, quae
per imaginarias venditiones et intercedentes manumissiones
celebrabatur, vel ex imperiali rescripto. Nostra autem
providentia et hoc in melius per constitutionem refor-
mavit, ut fictione pristina explosa recta via apud compe-
tentes iudices vel magistratus parentes intrent et filios

Gai. 1, 132

Inst. r, 12, 6

4. summa patriciatus dignitas: ity in imitation of the old patriciate
the term fafricius was changed arising from birth. It was hence-
by Constantine to a title of nobil- forth a title conferred at the pleas-

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suos vel filias vel nepotes vel neptes ac deinceps sua manu

dimitterent.

Gai. D.
1, 7, 28

Liberum arbitrium est ei, qui filium et ex eo
nepotem in potestate habebit, fium quidem

potestate demittere, nepotem vero in potestate retinere;
vel ex diverso filium quidem in potestate retinere, nepotem
vero manumittere ; vel omnes sui iuris efficere.

Marcian. D.
1,7, 31

Non potest filius, qui est in potestate patris,
ullo modo compellere eum, ne sit in potestate,
sive naturalis sive adoptivus.

Filius familias in publicis causis loco patris
familias habetur, veluti ut magistratum gerat,

ADOPTION

Pompon. D.

1,6,9

ut tutor detur.

Ulp. 8, 1

Modest. D.

L7,1 adoptiones faciunt.

Non tantum naturales liberi in potestate pa-
rentum sunt, sed etiam adoptivi.
Filios familias non solum natura, verum et

Quod adoptionis nomen

est quidem , generale, in duas autem species dividitur,

ure of the emperor on the highest
and most esteemed personages of
the imperial court.

11. Filius familias in publicis
causis: fatrja potestas did not
apply in the sphere of public law.
The fusfamülias, regardless of
paternal authority, had the two
public rights, zs Aonoruim and zus
suffragii. He could exercise all
political functions and hold the
highest political offices without
release from fatrza potestas and
with no prejudice to his public
authority. He might officiate as

judge in a suit to which his father
was a party or even preside over
his own adoption or emancipation.
He might, though still under
power himself, be appointed to fill
the public office of guardian over
another (guod ad tus publicum
attinet, non sequitur tus potestatis,
D. 36, 1, 14).

Adoption: adopted persons may
be subjected to patria fotestas as
well as those belonging to the
family by birth. The transaction
by which one person is rendered
subordinate to another, taking the

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quarum altera adoptio similiter dicitur, altera adrogatio.
Adoptantur filii familias, adrogantur qui sui iuris sunt.

Inst. 1, 11, 8

In plurimis autem causis adsimilatur is, qui

adoptatus vel adrogatus est, ei qui ex legitimo

matrimonio natus est.

Et ideo si quis per imperatorem

sive apud praetorem vel apud praesidem provinciae non
extraneum adoptaverit, potest eundem alii in adoptionem
dare. Sedet illud utriusque adoptionis commune est, quod
et hi, qui generare non possunt, quales sunt spadones,

adoptare possunt, castrati autem non possunt.

position of son, grandson, etc.,
is called adoption. Of adoption
there are two kinds: adopizo and
arrogatio. Adoftzo, in the specific
sense, is the name given to the
transaction by which a ersona
alieni iuris (filiusfamilias) is
transferred from the power of one
‘paterfamilias to another ; arroga-
zzo is the name of the transaction by
which a persona sui zuris ( pater-
familias) is subjected to the power
of another. In the old law,
adoption of a son required that
he be emancipated three times by
his father and that he be trans-
ferred to the power of the adoptive

father (vindicatio im patriam
potestatem). See also note on
gui, p. 105. In the later law,

adoption was effected before the

proper court in the presence of the

parties, and in the law of Justinian

it was complete only when the one

adopting was an ascendant of

the one adopted (called adopizo
* plena).

Feminae

6. nonextraneum: an exfraneus
is one not related by a family tie; ,
here 2on extraneum means a de-
scendant. Under the law of Jus-
tinian the adoption of a stranger
(extraneus) did not confer patria
potestas or any other rights over
the one adopted (called adoptio
minus plena), hence he could not
be given in adoption to still an-
other person. The one adopted,
however, obtained rights of in-
heritance a6 zntestato in the estate
of his adoptive parent.

9. qui generare non possunt:
there were certain requirements
which must be observed in cases
of adoption: the adoptive parent
must be capable of exercising
patria potestas and he must be
eligible to marriage ; he must also
be one generation (eighteen years)
older than the one adopted; the
parties concerned must consent.
As adoption imitates nature, only
those capable of marriage (though
not necessarily married) could

133

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

quoque adoptare non possunt, quia nec naturales liberos in

* potestate sua habent; sed ex indulgentia principis ad sola-

IO

I5

tium liberorum amissorum adoptare possunt.
Et qui uxores non habent filios adoptare pos-

Paul. D.

1,7, 30 sunt.

3 Minorem natu non posse maiorem adoptare
nst. I, II, 4

placet: adoptio enim naturam imitatur et pro
monstro est, ut maior sit filius quam pater. Debet itaque
is, qui sibi per adrogationem vel adoptionem filium facit,
plena pubertate, id est decem et octo annis praecedere.
Licet autem et in locum nepotis vel neptis vel in locum
pronepotis vel proneptis vel deinceps adoptare, quamvis
filium quis non habeat. Et tam filium alienum quis in lo-
cum nepotis potest adoptare, quam nepotem in locum filii.

Paul. D.
17,6

Spadones could marry;
castrati could not marry. The
possibility of spadones having
children was not entirely disre-
garded (mec e¢ corporale vitium
impedimento est, D. 1, 7, 40).

2. ad solatium liberorum amis-
sorum adoptare possunt: women
could not adept because they did
not have the atria fotestas, but
the emperor Diocletian enacted
that a mother might adopt for the
reason stated in the text (C. 8,
47, 5). This was not a complete
adoption, but the adopted child
was placed in a position similar
to that of the mother's own child,
with reciprocal rights of inherit-
ance ab zntestato. E

adopt.

Cum nepos adoptatur quasi ex filio natus, con-
sensus filii exigitur, idque etiam Iulianus scribit.

1o. plena pubertate praecedere :
although .the age of puberty was
fixedin the classicallaw at fourteen,
it was agreed by jurists that in
some cases the age should be placed
later to include those of retarded
physical development. The age
accepted as sufficient for adoption
and certain other acts was eighteen
(plena pubertas). An interval of
eighteen years was therefore re-
quired between the ages of the
adoptive father and son.

15. consensus filii exigitur: the
consent of a son was required for
the same reason in adoption as that
of a father in marriage (cf. note on
consensum, p. 111). A grandson
(C) might be adopted in a general”

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

In eo casu et filius consentire debet, ne ei
invito suus heres adgnascatur. Sed ex contra-
rio si avus ex filio nepotem dat in adoptionem, non est
necesse filium consentire. ;

Inst, £, 11, 7

ARROGATION

Populi auctoritate adoptamus eos, qui sui iuris
sunt; quae species adoptionis dicitur adrogatio,
quia et is qui adoptat rogatur, id est interrogatur, an velit
eum, quem adoptaturus sit, iustum sibi filium esse ; et is, qui
adoptatur, rogatur, an id fieri patiatur; et populus rogatur,

Gai. 1, 99

way, or as the son of a particular
son (B), who might be still living,
or deceased. If a grandson (C)
were adopted as the son of a partic-
ular son (B) of the adopting grand-
father (paterfamilias), it would
happen, at the death of the grand-
father (A), that the adopted one
(C) would pass into the power of
this particular son (B) and become
one of his agnatic heirs. Hence
without this provision the son’s
(B's) heirs would be increased
without his consent. A grandson
adopted in a general way would
become szz zuris at the death of
his adoptive grandfather.
Arrogation: in the early law
arrogation was accomplished by a
rogatio populi in comitüs calatis
(ex curzata) with the codperation
of the pontiffs, who watched over
the religious interests involved.
The transaction by which a homo
Suz iuris became aZeni zurzs might

involve not only the extinction of
a family, but also that of a gens.
Arrogation was, therefore, a matter
of concern to the state, and it al-
ways remained an institution gov-
erned by public law. Procedure
in the matter of arrogation before
the comitia curtata was similar to
that of other formal transactions
before this body (for the formula
see Gell. 5, 19,9. Cf. also note on
latam, p. 46). Only those could
be arrogated who were qualified to
appear in the comitia curiata;
women and zwpuberes were, there-
fore, excluded. In the empire,
arrogation was performed by re-
scriptum principis (auctoritate
principis), the will of the emperor
supplanting the former aucforztas
populi. Antoninus Pius allowed
impuberes to be arrogated in cer-
tain cases, but only when provision
had been previously made for the
protection of their interests.

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an id fieri iubeat. Imperio magistratus adoptamus eos,
qui in potestate parentum sunt, sive primum gradum libe-
rorum obtineant, qualis est filius et filia, sive inferiorem,
qualis est nepos neptis, pronepos proneptis. Et quidem
illa adoptio, quae per populum fit, nusquam nisi Romae fit ;
at haec etiam in provinciis apud praesides earum fieri
solet.

Ulp. D.
1,7, 15

Si pater familias adoptatus sit, omnia quae
eius fuerunt et adquiri possunt tacito iure ad
eum transeunt qui adoptavit.

CaPrris DEMINVTIO

Paul. D. Capitis deminutionis tria genera sunt, maxima,
4 5,1 media, minima: tria enim sunt quae habemus,
libertatem, civitatem, familiam. Igitur cum omnia haec

5. illa adoptio: z.e. arrogatio
(adoptio hominis sui iuris).— at
haec: z.e. adoptio (adoptio homi-
nis alieni zuris).

Capitis Deminutio: the legal ca-
pacity of persons depended upon
their civil position. Certain mem-
bers of Roman society were legally
disqualified, while others enjoyed
varying degrees of legal capacity,
according to their position with
reference to liberty, citizenship, and
domestic relations. Only those
persons who were free Roman citi-
zens and independent members of
a familia were capable of enjoying
all the rights conferred by the law.
Thelegal capacity of the individual
is designated as caput. Caput de-
pends upon the civil position of the

individual with reference to Zzez-
tas, civitas, and familia. Any
alteration in the position of a czvzs
Romanus with reference to any of
these three relations will cause a
loss of his previous personality
(capitis deminutio), z.e. civil death
of previous personality (guza czuz
ratione capitis deminutio morti
coaequatur, Gai. 3, 153). As Z-
bertas is requisite for civztas and
familia, its loss is called capitis
deminutio maxima (servus nullum
caput habet); civitas being re-
quired for familia, its loss is called
media or minor; any change in
domestic position (familia) is
called zzz. The loss of the
higher degree involves the loss of
the lower.

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amittimus, hoc est libertatem et civitatem et familiam,
maximam esse capitis deminutionem : cum vero amittimus
civitatem, libertatem retinemus, mediam esse capitis de-
minutionem: cum et libertas et civitas retinetur, familia
tantum mutatur, minimam esse capitis deminutionem
constat.

Est autem capitis deminutio prioris status per-
mutatio. Eaque tribus modis accidit: nam aut
maxima est capitis deminutio, aut minor, quam quidam
mediam vocant, aut minima. Maxima est capitis deminu-
tio, cum aliquis simul et civitatem et libertatem amittit ;
minor sive media est capitis deminutio, cum civitas amit-
titur, libertas retinetur; quod accidit ei cui aqua et igni
interdictum fuerit; minima est capitis deminutio, cum et
civitas et libertas retinetur, sed status hominis commuta-
tur; quod accidit in his, qui adoptantur, item in his, quae

Gai. 1, 159

1o. Maxima est capitis deminu-
tio: capazs deminutio maxima oc-
curs when a czvzs Romanus loses his
hibertas, e.g. by captivity (subject to
postliminium, see note on the word,
p. 85); by sale £razs Tiberim as
slave; by sale fret participandt
causa; by condemnation to death,
to the mines, etc.; by revocatio in
servitutem of libertus ingratus, etc.
Cf. also note on zure, p. 80.

12. minor capitis deminutio:
capitis deminutio minor occurs
when a citizen loses his citizenship,
e.g. by banishment because of the
interdictio aquae et ignis ; by defor-
tatio in the empire; by emigration
toa Latin colony ora foreign state ;
by desertion of a soldier to the

enemy; by surrender of a guilty
person to the enemy for injury to
their ambassadors, or for making
a treaty not sanctioned by the
Roman people, etc.

14. minima est capitis deminutio:
minima capitis deminutio occurs
when a citizen exchanges one caput
for another by any loss or change
of position in famzlia, whether he
increases or diminishes his per-
sonal independence, e.g. when a
homo sui iuris becomes aliend iuris
(e.g. by arrogatio or im manum
conventio of a woman sui £urzs);
when a homo alieni iuris becomes
sui iuris (by emancipation, from
patria potestas or from a marriage
cum manu mariti) ; when a homo

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

coemptionem faciunt, et in his, qui mancipio dantur quique
ex mancipatione manumittuntur; adeo quidem, ut quotiens
quisque mancipetur aut manumittatur, totiens capite demi-
nuatur. s

Intereunt autem homines quidem maxima aut
media capitis deminutione aut morte.

Capitis enim minutio privata hominis et fami-
liae eius iura, non civitatis amittit.

Maxima est capitis deminutio, cum aliquis
simul et civitatem et libertatem amittit. Quod
accidit in his, qui servi poenae efficiuntur atrocitate senten-
tiae, vel liberti ut ingrati circa patronos condemnati, vel
qui ad pretium participandum se venumdari passi sunt.
Minor sive media est capitis deminutio, cum civitas quidem
amittitur, libertas vero retinetur. Quod accidit ei, cui aqua
et igni interdictum fuerit, vel ei, qui in insulam deportatus
est. Minima est capitis deminutio, cum et civitas et liber-
tas retinetur, sed status hominis commutatur. Quod acci-
dit in his, qui, cum sui iuris fuerunt, coeperunt alieno
iuri subiecti esse, vel contra. Servus autem manumissus

Ulp. D.
17, 2, 63, 10

Ulp. D.
456

Inst. 1, 16, 1

capite non minuitur, quia nullum caput habuit.

alieni iuris changes paterfamilias
(by adoptio, by Zn manum conven-
zo of a filiafamilras, by arrogatio
of a homo suz zZuris who has chil-
dren in his fotestas, by manumiis-
5o e mancipto, etc.).

5. Intereunt homines: by thetwo
greater changes in status (Zbertas
and czvitas, called also together,
capitis deminutio magna) the in-
dividual suffers civil death, but by
the least of the changes in status
(familia) he exchanges his former

person for a new person and, there-
fore, lays down the rights and du-
ties of his former personality. In
the eye of the private law, he suf-
fers civil death followed by az zzz-
mediate resurrection; but in the
eye of the public law, his person-
ality remains unaltered and he suf-
fers no loss of public rights (zwra
civitatts non amuttit) See also
note on Z7/us, p. 132.

7. Capitis enim minutio privata :
with mznutio sc. minima. The

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GUARDIANSHIP

Transeamus nunc ad aliam divisionem. Nam
ex his personis, quae in potestate non sunt,
quaedam vel in tutela sunt vel in curatione, quaedam
neutro iure tenentur. Videamus igitur de his, quae in
5 tutela vel in curatione sunt; ita enim intellegemus ceteras
personas, quae neutro iure tenentur. Ac prius dispiciamus
de his quae in tutela sunt. Est autem tutela, ut Servius
definivit, ius ac potestas in capite libero ad tuendum eum,
qui propter aetatem se defendere nequit, iure civili data ac

Inst. I, 13

forms deminutio, diminutio, and
minutio were all in common use.
Guardianship: guardianship (Zz-
tela, cura, curatio) is an insti-
tution whereby the legal capacity
of those persons sz zurzs who are
wholly or partially incapable of
performing legal acts on account
of immature years, mental inca-
pacity, or business inexperience, is
completed. and protection is af-
forded such incompetent persons
in the exercise of their legal rights.
Guardianship applies only to fer-
sonae sui Zuris. Not all personae
sui iurzs are capable of independent
action. Persons may become szz
iuris irrespective of age or sex and
still be absolutely incapable of per-
forming legal acts (e.g. zzfantes),
or they may be only partially capa-
ble of such action (e.g. zmfantza
maiores), or they may be capable
but lack sufficient judgment and
experience (e.g. nores XXV
annis). The Roman law therefore

developed three kinds of guardian-
ship, according to the degree of in-
capacity of the ward and the degree
of authority conferred upon the
guardian, viz.: Zufela intpuberum,
tutela mulierum, cura (curatio)
puberum. Personae alieni iuris
required no guardian because they
were already subordinated to the
power and protection of another
(in potestate, in manu, zn. manci-
pio).

8. ius ac potestas in capite lib-
ero : zz capite libero is equivalent to
persona sui iuris. The principle
at the basis of guardianship was
twofold. In the earlier law, guar-
dianship (¢utela) was a private
right (zs ac fotestas), analogous,
to patria potestas and a substitute
for it, exercised by those persons
most interested in the protection
of the ward’s person and property
(Gell. 5,13). Later, guardianship
was transformed into a public office,
whose acceptance was obligatory

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permissa. Tutores autem sunt, quae eam vim ac potes-
tatem habent, ex qua re ipsa nomen ceperunt. Itaque
appellantur tutores quasi tuitores atque defensores, sicut
aeditui dicuntur qui aedes tuentur.

Sed impuberes quidem in tutela esse omnium
civitatium iure contingit, quis id naturali rationi '
conveniens est, ut is qui perfectae aetatis non sit, alterius
tutela regatur. Nec fere ulla civitas est, in qua non licet
parentibus liberis suis impuberibus testamento tutorem
dare; quamvis, ut supra diximus, soli cives Romani vide-

Gai. 1, 189

antur liberos suos in potestate habere.

Ulp. 11, 1 As
feminis.

Tutores constituuntur tam masculis quam
Sed masculis quidem impuberibus

dumtaxat propter aetatis infirmitatem, feminis autem tam
impuberibus quam puberibus, et propter sexus infirmitatem
et propter forensium rerum ignorantiam.

Inst. I, 23

Masculi puberes et feminae viripotentes usque
ad vicesimum quintum annum completum cura-

tores accipiunt; qui, licet puberes sint, adhuc tamen huius
aetatis sunt, ut negotia sua tueri non possint.

(nam et tutelam et curam. placuit
publicum munus esse) and whose
conduct was a public duty (ozs).

1o. ut supra diximus: cf. text
and note on Galatarum, p. 129.

15. propter sexus infirmitatem :
for the lifelong tutelage of women
see text and note on Veteres,
p. 152.

17. Masculi puberes ad vicesi-
mum quintum annum curatores acci-
piunt: the earliest known provision
for the guardianship of fwberes,
not otherwise disqualified (e.g.

furiosi, prodigi), is the lex Plae-
torta (about 204 B.C.). By this
law full majority ( gerfecta aetas,
legitima aetas) was fixed at twenty-
five (hence the distinction ma-
ores, minores XXV annis), and
any fraud practiced upon those
under this age in the conclusion of
contracts (czrewmscriptio adules-
centium) subjected the guilty per-
son to criminal prosecution and
the injured minor was granted a
remedy (exceptzo legis Plaetoriae).
Cf. also note on sz zon, p. 120.

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Certae autem rei vel causae tutor dari non
potest, quia personae, non causae vel rei datur.
.Item inviti adulescentes curatores non acci-
piunt praeterquam in litem; curator enim et ad

Inst 1, 14, 4

Inst. 1, 23, 2

'certam causam dari potest.

Dari autem potest tutor non solum pater fa-
milias, sed etiam filius familias. Sed et servus
proprius testamento cum libertate recte tutor dari potest.
Sed sciendum est eum et sine libertate tutorem datum
tacite et libertatem directam accepisse videri et per hoc

Inst. 1, 14

recte tutorem esse.

2. quia personae, non causae da-
tur: the chief distinction between
tutela and cura appears in the rela-
tion of Zu£ores and curatores to the
property of their respective wards :
tutores represent constantly the
personality of their wards in all
proprietary relations (tutor ad unz-
versum patrimonium datus esse
creditur, Inst. 1, 25, 17). Addi-
tional ZuZores or curatores may be
appointed for a single transaction
or for a special purpose only (e.g.
ad litem). The essence of tutela
is the duty of supplying the defi-
ciency in the ward's capacity to
perform legal acts; this is called
the auctorztatzs interpositio (auc-
toritas, augere in legal Latin
means ‘the supplying of some de-
ficiency’), the tutor cured (auge-
bat) the inability of his Pugz/fus to
understand the meaning of legal
transactions. The essence of cura
was the administration of property
(gesto, administratio) and, though

in some cases the curator was
concerned with the personal wel-
fare of his ward, he was in the
main charged with the duty of pre-
venting pecuniary damage or loss
tohim. In this sense the maxim,
tutor personae datur, curator ret,
is true, but not as commonly stated,
that the Zz£or is given to the per-
son of the pupil and the curator to
the management of his property
(e.g. Harper's Lat. Dict. s. v. tu-
tor). The tutor may have the
gestio of his pupil's property, as in
tutela impuberum ; or he may lack
it, as in ¢utela mulierum ; to the
office of curator, however, gestio is
essential.

6. Dari potest tutor non solum
pater familias, sed filius familias:
under the older law the only qual-
ifications for the office of £ufor
were citizenship and male sex.
Those incapable of conducting the
office because of immaturity or
physical and mental infirmities

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Tutela plerumque virile officium est. Et sci-
endum est nullam tutelam hereditario iure ad
alium transire; sed ad liberos virilis sexus perfectae aetatis
descendunt legitimae, ceterae non descendunt.

Feminae tutores dari non possunt, quia id
munus masculorum est, nisi a principe filiorum
tutelam specialiter postulent.

Minores autem viginti et quinque annis olim
quidem excusabantur; a nostra autem consti-
tutione prohibentur ad tutelam vel curam aspirare, adeo
ut nec excusatione opus fiat. Qua constitutione cavetur,
ut nec pupillus ad legitimam tutelam vocetur nec adultus;
cum erat incivile eos, qui alieno auxilio in rebus suis admi-
nistrandis egere noscuntur et sub aliis reguntur, aliorum

Gai. D.
26, I, 16

Nerat. D.
26, 1, 18

Inst. 1, 25, 13

tutelam vel curam subire.

Idem et in milite observandum est, ut nec volens ad

tutelae munus admittatur.

Complura senatus consulta facta sunt, ut in

Paul. D.
26, 1, 17
dentur.

could be represented by a substi-
tute. Even a slave could be ap-
pointed by testament, but in the
absence of express gift of liberty,
he was held to receive his freedom
by implication (Zaczte et libertatem
directam) and hence could act as
tutor (cf. note on Testamento, p. 91
also). For the filiusfamilias as
tutor, cf. note on Filius, p. 132.
In the later law and in the law
of Justinian, zwpuberes, minores,
soldiers, and bishops were dis-
qualified, but women might in
some cases of near relation-

locum furiosi et muti et surdi tutoris alii tutores

ship hold the office (a principe
Jiltorum tutelam specialiter pos-
tulent).

3. perfectae aetatis: for expla-
nation see note on Masculz, p. 140.

12. pupillus nec adultus : the de-
finitions of pupillus, adultus, and
tutor in Harper's Lat. Dt. are
inexact for legal usage. Pufzllus
is an zzfubes, or, specifically, an
tmpubes not in patria potestas, but
in ¢utela. Adultus (adulescens)
is used specifically in legal Latin
to denote one between tlie ages of
fourteen and twenty-five.

142

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Inst. 1, 25

Excusantur autem tutores vel curatores variis

ex causis: plerumque autem propter liberos, sive

in potestate sint sive emancipati.

Si enim tres liberos

quis superstites Romae habeat vel in Italia quattuor vel in
5 provinciis quinque, a tutela vel cura possunt excusari ex-
emplo ceterorum munerum: nam et tutelam et curam

placuit publicum munus esse.

Sed adoptivi liberi non

prosunt, in adoptionem autem dati naturali patri prosunt.
Item nepotes ex filio prosunt, ut in locum patris succedant,

10 ex filia non prosunt.

Fili autem superstites tantum ad

tutelae vel curae muneris excusationem prosunt, defuncti

non prosunt.
an prosint.

Sed si in bello amissi sunt, quaesitum est,
Et constat eos solos prodesse qui in acie amit-

tuntur; hi enim, quia pro re publica ceciderunt, in per-
15 petuum per gloriam vivere intelleguntur.

1. Excusantur tutores vel cura-
tores variis ex causis: properly
qualified persons called to the office
of guardian became thereby Zfso
iure guardians and, except in the
case of those appointed by testa-
ment, had no right of refusal. After
the office came to be classed among
the munera civilia (publica), a
large number of reasons deter-
mined by law (excusationes) gave
relief from the necessity of assum-
ing the office and also released one
from continuance in it, if already
undertaken. These excusafzones
were developed chiefly during the
empire, the most important of
them being: (a) the zus léberorum
(according to the ler Julia et Pa-
pia Poppaca, excusing one hav-
ing three children Romae, four zz

Italia, five in provincits); (6)
magistrates and those holding cer-
tain offices were excused (e.g. qui
ves fisci administrat ; qui. curam
viae habet, etc., cf. also Fr. Vat.
134-147); (c) those in certain
callings and professions were ex-
cused (eg. grammatici, medii,
etc. cf. also Fr. Vat. 149); (7)
those already conducting three
guardianships were excused (tria
tutelae onera); (2) those already
burdened by poverty, illness, ad-
vanced age, etc. ; (/) those who
proposed another (nominare) as
better qualified for the office ( o-
Horis nominatio) were excused if
their nominee were accepted by
the magistrate.

ro. ex filia non prosunt : therea-

.son that the children of a daughter

143 :

ut

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Item divus Marcus rescripsit eum, qui res fisci admini-
strat, a tutela vel cura quamdiu administrat excusari posse.

Item qui rei publicae causa absunt, a tutela et cura excu-
santur. Sed et si fuerunt tutores vel curatores, deinde rei
publicae causa abesse coeperunt, a tutela et cura excu-
santur, quatenus rei publicae causa absunt, et interea cura-
tor loco eorum datur. Qui si reversi fuerint, recipiunt
onus tutelae nec anni habent vacationem, ut Papinianus
responsorum libro quinto scripsit; nam hoc spatium habent
ad novas tutelas vocati, Et qui potestatem aliquam habent,
excusare se possunt, ut divus Marcus rescripsit, sed coep-
tam tutelam deserere non possunt.

Item Romae grammatici, rhetores et medici et qui in
patria sua id exercent et intra numerum sunt, a tutela vel
cura habent vacationem.

Item tria onera tutelae non affectatae vel curae praestant
vacationem, quamdiu administrantur.

Sed et propter paupertatem excusationem tribui tam
divi'fratres quam per se divus Marcus rescripsit, si quis
imparem se oneri iniuncto possit docere. Item propter
adversam valetudinem, propter quam nec suis quidem
negotiis interesse potest, excusatio locum habet. Simili-
ter eum qui litteras nesciret excusandum esse divus Pius

were not reckoned was because
they belonged to the family of
their own father or paternal grand-
father, and not to that of their
maternal grandfather (cf. note on
Mulier, p. 107). Otherwise they
would be counted twice.

13. grammatici et medici: by a
rescript of Antoninus Pius (D. 27,

1, 6, 2) the number of those ex- ,

empt from public duties in cities
of different sizes was determined.
The largest provincial cities were
each allowed ten medici, five gram-
7zatici, and five rhetores. Philoso-
phers, crowned athletes, and jurists
who were members of the imperial
council were also excused (vaca-
"onem habent).

1g. divifratres : z.e. M. Aurelius

144

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

rescripsit; quamvis et imperiti litterarum possunt ad

administrationem negotiorum sufficere.

Item maior sep-

tuaginta annis a tutela vel cura se potest excusare.

Fr. Vat. 157

Tunc demum excusandus est, qui prius datus
fuerat, si is quem nominaverit et potior necessi-

tudine et idoneus re fideque vel absens deprehendatur.

Ulp. zz, 14

Testamento nominatim tutores dati confirman-

tur eadem lege duodecim tabularum, his verbis :
‘uti legassit super pecunia tutelave suae rei, ita ius esto’;

qui tutores dativi appellantur.
Permissum est itaque parentibus, liberis quos
in potestate sua habent testamento tutores dare:

Gai. 1, 144

masculini quidem sexus impuberibus, feminini autem

and L. Verus, joint emperors 161-
169 A.D. M. Aurelius reigned
alone 169-177.

5. siis quem nominaverit: the
privilege of exemption from the
munus tutelae by potioris nomina-
tio, on account of its abuse, was
restricted by Septimius Severus
and was altogether removed by
Justinian.

7. Testamento nominatim tu-
tores dati: there are three general
modes by which Zz/e/a may arise: by
testament (¢utela testamentaria) ;
by law (tutela legitima); by
magisterial appointment (/u/ea 2
magistratu. data, tutela. dativa).
Tutores are therefore called, respec-
tively, — Zestazuentarit, legitimi,
dativi. By testament a paterfa-
milias can appoint a tutor for his
impuberes children in sua potestate
(including fostumi) and for his

ROMAN LAW — IO

grandchildren who will become
sui turts at his death. The ¢utela
testamentaria takes precedence
over every other kind, and the
office of tutor is acquired zpso cure
the moment the inheritance is en-
tered upon.

9. uti legassit super pecunia:
legassit, archaic perf. subj. (from
legare, ‘bequeath’). This phrase
from the Twelve Tables is ex-
plained thus,— /a£zsszm potestas
tributa videtur et heredis institu-
endi et legata et libertates dandi,
tutelas quoque constituendi. —
pecunia: used in the old sense
of property; and suae reí means
*the rights belonging to family
law, as regards property and power
of the paterfamilias" (cf. Grad-
enwitz, Hermes, XXVIII, p. 329).

1o. tutores dativi appellantur:
though the sources call fores

145

5 potestatem recasuri non sint.

10

15

20

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

sexus cuius cumque aetatis sint, et tum quoque, cum

nuptae sint.

Nepotibus autem neptibusque ita demum possumus tes-
tamento tutores dare, si post mortem nostram in patris sui

Itaque si filius meus mortis

meae tempore in potestate mea sit, nepotes ex eo non
poterunt ex testamento meo habere tutorem, quamvis in
potestate mea fuerint; scilicet quia mortuo me in patris

sui potestate futuri sunt.

Cum tamen in compluribus aliis causis postumi pro iam
natis habeantur, et in hac causa placuit non minus postu-
mis quam iam natis testamento tutores dari posse, si modo
in ea causa sint, ut si vivis nobis nascantur, in potestate

nostra fiant.

Rectissime autem tutor sic dari potest * L. Titium liberis

meis tutorem do.’

Sed et si ita scriptum sit ‘liberis meis

vel uxori meae Titius tutor esto,’ recte datus intellegitur.

Ulp. 11, 3
descendunt ;

Testamento date, * datzvi, the term
is usually applied to ¢utores ‘a
magistratu dati

1. tum quoque, cum nuptae sint :
this means of course: cux nuptiae
stint sine manu, which was the pre-
vailing marriage in the time of
Gaius. For the tutelage of women,
see note on Veteres, p. 152.

10. postumi pro iam natis habe-
antur: cf. note on Quz, p. 78. Pos-
tumé are those born after the death
of their father or other ascendant
(qui post mortem parentis nascun-

Legitimi tutores sunt, qui ex lege aliqua
per eminentiam autem legitimi
dicuntur, qui ex lege duodecim tabularum introducuntur,

zur), and also those born after the
execution of a testament (gud post
Testamentum factum | nascuntur,
vivo patre, i.e. testatore, nati). A
grandson was Postumus suus, if
born after the death of his father,
otherwise, Jostumus alienus. In
the latter case he could not re-
ceive a tutor by the testament of
his grandfather.

15. L. Titium liberis meis tuto-
rem do: appointment ofa tutor ina
will, according to the old zus czvzie,
must be in the Latin language and

146

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

seu palam, quales sunt agnati, seu per consequentiam,

quales sunt patroni.

Ulp. D. Legitimae tutelae lege duodecim tabularum

26, 4, 4 adgnatis delatae sunt et consanguineis, item
5 patronis, id est his qui ad legitimam hereditatem admitti

possint; hoc summa providentia, ut qui sperarent hanc

IO

successionem, idem tuerentur bona, ne dilapidarentur.

Gai. D.
26,4,9

tutelam nanciscuntur.

Ex eadem lege
Inst. r, 17

eorum pertinet, quae et ipsa

in formal words, like other testa-
mentary dispositions. In the post-
classical period the phraseology
was a matter of indifference.

3. Legitimae tutelae lege duode-
cim tabularum adgnatis delatae: in
theabsence oftestamentary appoint-
ment, £z£ores are called to the office
by operation of law, z.e. not by the
will of the testator, but by the com-
mand of the lawgiver. According
to the law of the Twelve Tables,
following the rule of intestate suc-
cession, those first called to the
guardianship were the nearest male
agnates of the pupillus (tutela
agnatorum). Cognates, as nearest
intestate successors, were first ad-
mitted to the futela legitima by
Justinian (Nov. 118 and 127).
After the analogy of the Twelve
Tables, the guardianship of pa-
trons and their children over their

Si plures sunt adgnati, proximus tutelam nan-
ciscitur et, si eodem gradu plures sint, omnes

duodecim tabularum liberto-

rum et libertarum tutela ad patronos liberosque

legitima tutela vocatur; non

freedmen (¢utela | patronorum)
was developed fer interpreta-
donem, in agreement with the
rules governing intestate succes-
sion and the rights of patrons (cf.
note on fa£rono, p. 103) on the
principle that he who is to derive
the benefit of the inheritance
ought also to have the burden of
the guardianship (add successzonzs
est emolumentum, ibi et tutelae
onus esse debet). The father had
the same right over his emanci-
pated child ( farezs manumissor) ;
the extraneus manuimissor over
the one e mancipio emancipatus ;
and the sons of the farens manu-
ussor over their previously eman-
cipated brothers and sisters (¢utores
fiductarit). The tutela legitima
provided for the welfare of the
guardian as well as for that of
the pupils, inasmuch as it gave

147

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

quia nominatim ea lege de hac tutela cavetur, sed quia
perinde accepta est per interpretationem, atque si verbis
_legis introducta esset. Eo enim ipso, quod hereditates
libertorum libertarumque, si intestati decessissent, iusserat
5 lex ad patronos liberosve eorum pertinere, crediderunt
veteres voluisse legem etiam tutelas ad eos pertinere, cum
et adgnatos, quos ad hereditatem vocat, eosdem et tutores
esse iussit et quia plerumque, ubi successionis est emolu-

mentum, ibi et tutelae onus esse debet.

IO Ulp. D.
26, I, 6, z

Tutoris datio neque imperii est neque iuris-
dictionis, sed ei soli competit, cui nominatim hoc

dedit vel lex vel senatus consultum vel princeps.
Si cui nullus omnino tutor sit, ei datur in

Gai. 1, 185

I5

urbe Roma ex lege Atilia a praetore urbano et
maiore parte tribunorum plebis, qui Atilianus tutor voca-

tur; in provinciis vero a praesidibus provinciarum ex lege

Iulia et Titia.

Ulp. D.
26, 2, II

the guardian the protection of the
property to which he had the right
of succession (zdem tuerentur bona
ne dilapidarentur).

1o. Tutoris datio: sc. a magzs-
tratu. The appointment of guar-
dian was not a function of the mag-
istrate arising from his Zwferzum.
It was a power conferred by custom
or by express statute. The magis-
trate exercised this power of ap-
pointment when Zw£ores testamen-
tari and legitind failed, or in case
of their incapacity, release or re-
moval. A tutor may be thus given

Si quis sub condicione vel ex die tutorem
dederit, medio tempore alius tutor dandus est,

for a temporary period, if the reg-
ular tutor has been appointed sz
condicione vel ex die, or if he is
absent in captivity, etc. The duty
of making application ( postulatio
tutoris) for a tutor dativus fell
upon the nearest heirs a6 zuestato
of the pupzllus.

14. exlege Atilia a praetore: the
date of the lex AZzlia is uncertain.
It is commonly placed at about
311 B.C. The emperor Claudius
intrusted this duty to the consuls
in Rome, later it was the duty of a
special praetor ( Praetor tutelaris).

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

quamvis legitimum tutorem pupillus habeat; sciendum est

enim, quamdiu testaméntaria tutela speratur, legitimam

cessare. Et si semel ad testamentarium devoluta fuerit
tutela, deinde excusatus sit tutor testamentarius, adhuc

5 dicimus in locum excusati dandum, non ad legitimum
tutorem redire tutelam. Idem dicimus et si fuerit remo-
tus; nam et hic idcirco abit, ut alius detur.

Ab hostibus quoque tutore capto ex his legi-
bus tutor peti debet; qui desinit tutor.esse, si is
10 qui captus est in civitatem reversus fuerit; nam reversus

recipit tutelam iure postliminii.

Ne tamen et pupillorum et eorum qui in cura-
tione sunt negotia a tutoribus curatoribusque

consumantur aut deminuantur, curat praetor, ut et tutores
IS et curatores eo nomine satisdent. Sed hoc non est per-
petuum; nam et tutores testamento dati satisdare non
coguntur, quia fides eorum et diligentia ab ipso testatore
probata est; et curatores, ad quos non e lege curatio per-
tinet, sed qui vel a consule vel a praetore vel a praeside
provinciae dantur, plerumque non coguntur satisdare, scili-
cet quia satis honesti electi sunt.

Masculi autem cum puberes esse coeperint,
tutela liberantur.

Gai. 1, 187

Gai. 1, 199

20

Gai. 1, 196

14. et tutores et curatores satis-
dent : for the security of the pupz/-
Ius, the guardian, before entering
upon his duty, took an inventory
of his ward's property and (with
the exception of the Zufor testamen-
tarius) gave security (satzsdatio)
for the proper conduct of his office
(vem pupilli salvam fore).

17. quia fides eorum ab testatore
probata: furthermore, testamen-

tary guardians were not compelled
to assume the mus tutelae,
since they alone in the classical
law had the right of rejection
(abdicatio) without the requisite
grounds for excuse (excusatio ex
iusta causa), hence the fiduciary
character of their office.

22. Masculi puberes tutela liber-
antur: guardianship terminates on
the side of the 2ugé//us : by death ;

149

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Item finitur tutela, si adrogati sint adhuc
impuberes vel deportati; item si in servitutem
pupillus redigatur vel ab hostibus fuerit captus. Sed et
si usque ad certam condicionem datus sit testamento, aeque
evenit, ut desinat esse tutor existente condicione. Simili
modo finitur tutela morte vel tutorum vel pupillorum. Sed
et capitis deminutione tutoris, per quam libertas vel civitas
eius amittitur, omnis tutela perit. Minima autem capitis
deminutione tutoris, veluti si se in adoptionem dederit,
legitima tantum tutela perit, ceterae non pereunt; sed
pupili et pupillae capitis deminutio licet minima sit,
omnes tutelas tollit. Praeterea qui ad certum tempus
testamento dantur tutores, finito eo deponunt tutelam.
Desinunt autem esse tutores, qui vel removentur a
tutela ob id quod suspecti visi sunt, vel ex iusta causa

Inst. x, 22, I

sese excusant.

Inst. 1, 26

by every capztis deminutzo ; by the
attainment of ubertas. On the
side of the ‘ator: by completion
of the appointed term; by magna
deminutio capitis (also minima, in
case of Zutela legitima) ; by excusa-
tio (also abdicatio, see above) ; by
removal (accusatio suspect2).

2. in servitutem pupillus redi-
gatur: it may be asked how far a
child under the age of fourteen
was capable of committing delicts,
and whether he was amenable to
criminal punishment. Only zz-
fantia maiores were capable of
committing a wrong, but no defi-
nite age limit for criminal respon-

Sciendum est suspecti crimen e lege duodecim
tabularum descendere.

Datum est autem ius

sibility was established in the
Roman law. Each case was de-
termined by the question whether
the person was near the age of pu-
berty and understood that he was
doing wrong (sz prostmus puber-
tati sit et ob 1d intellegat se delin-
quere, Gai. 3, 208). A pupillus

‘might be reduced to slavery (if he

were proximus pubertatt and un-
derstood the nature of his act) for
the reasons given above, cf. note
on zz7e, p. 8o.

17. suspecti crimen: according
to the Twelve Tables, any one (in-
cluding women related to the ward)
may bring an action (suspectum

150

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

removendi suspectos tutores Romae praetori et in pro-
vinciis praesidibus earum et legato proconsulis. Conse-
quens est, ut videamus, qui possint suspectos postulare.
Et sciendum est quasi publicam esse hanc actionem, hoc
est omnibus patere. Quin immo et mulieres admittuntur
ex rescripto divorum Severi et Antonini, sed hae solae,
quae pietatis necessitudine ductae ad hoc procedunt, ut
puta mater; nutrix quoque et avia possunt, potest et soror.
Suspectus autem remotus, si quidem ob dolum, famosus
est; si ob culpam, non aeque. Suspectum enim eum puta-
mus, qui moribus talis est, ut suspectus sit; enimvero tutor
vel curator quamvis pauper est, fidelis tamen et diligens,

removendus non est quasi suspectus.

postulare) against a tutor guilty of
dishonesty or a breach of good
faith in the conduct of his office
(gui non ex fide tutelam gerit).
A tutor suspectus is removed and,
if guilty of dodus, he is branded
with infamy (zzfasa, see Class.
Dict.). Removal for other grounds,
such as business inability, indo-
lence, etc., is not attended with
infamy.

4. quasi publicam actionem : an
actio publica was one which made
a demand chiefly in the interest of
the state or community, and might
be instituted by any citizen re-
gardless of his private interest in
the result. The accusatio tutoris
suspecti is called quasi publica,
because it is raised in the interest
of the private rights of the indi-
vidual ward and also because it is
at the same time followed, if suc-

cessful, by criminal punishment.
Women were permitted to bring
this action, though usually the
privilege of instituting a public
action was denied them.

9. ob dolum . . . ob culpam:
dolus implies malicious intent (sze
definzt Labeo: dolum malum esse
omnem calliditatem, | fallaciam,
machinationem ad — circumuveni-
endum, fallendum, decipiendum
alterum adhibitam, D. 4, 3,
1, 2). Culpa implies negligence
or fault, which may be gross
(ata) or slight (levis): magna
negligentia culpa est, magna culpa
dolus est, D. 50, 16, 226. The
tutor was removed with zufazza
for culpa lata (lata culpa est
nimia negligentia, Le. non fntel-
legere, quod omnes intelligunt, D.
50, 16, 213, 2). Cf. also note
on dolo, p. 252.

; ISI

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Veteres voluerunt feminas, etiamsi perfectae
aetatis sint, propter animi levitatem in tutela
esse. Itaque si quis filio filiaeque testamento tutorem
dederit et ambo ad pubertatem petvenerint, filius quidem
desinit habere tutorem, filia vero nihilo minus in tutela
permanet; tantum enim ex lege Iulia et Papia Poppaea
iure liberorum tutela liberantur feminae. Loquimur autem
exceptis virginibus Vestalibus, quas etiam veteres in hono-
rem sacerdotii liberas esse voluerunt, itaque etiam lege XII -
tabularum cautum est.

Feminas vero perfectae aetatis in tutela esse
fere nulla pretiosa ratio suasisse videtur; nam
quae vulgo creditur, quia levitate animi plerumque decipi-
untur et aequum erat eas tutorum auctoritate regi, magis
speciosa videtur quam vera; mulieres enim, quae perfectae
aetatis sunt, ipsae sibi negotia tractant et in quibusdam

Gai. 1, 144

Gai. 1, 190

1. Veteres voluerunt feminas in
tutela esse: from the earliest times
all Roman women szz zurzs were
under a lifelong guardianship.
This institution was based not so
much on the helplessness of women
as on the material interest which
their agnates, as heirs at law, had
in the protection and preservation
oftheir property. The jurists, later
on, sought to justify the perpetual
tutelage of women on grounds of
feminine frailty (fragilitas sexus),
lack of business experience ( foren-
sium rerum ignorantia), unsound
judgment (zu£rzatas consilii), and
intellectual weakness (azzzz Jevi-
fas); and that women for these
reasons required a protector (¢zz-

tor, tutor) like other incompetent
persons (¢.g. children, lunatics,
and prodigals). The reason is
more ‘ specious than true,’ since in
the classical law women beyond
the age of puberty were capable
of managing their own property.
The lifelong guardianship of
women was evidently not designed
to guard their own interests alone.
It gradually passed away, disap-
pearing entirely about the begin-
ning of the fourth century.

6. ex lege Iulia et Papia Poppaea
tutela liberantur: Zz.e. zmgenuae
trium liberorum iure; libertinae,
quattuor. liberorum iure. Vestal
virgins were exempt from tutelage,
according to a very ancient law

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causis dicis gratia tutor interponit auctoritatem suam, saepe
etiam invitus auctor fieri a praetore cogitur.

Pupillorum pupillarumque tutores et negotia
gerunt et auctoritatem interponunt, mulierum
autem tutores auctoritatem dumtaxatinterponunt. Tutoris
auctoritas necessaria est mulieribus quidem in his rebus:
si lege aut legitimo iudicio agant, si se obligent, si civile
negotium gerant, si libertae suae permittant in contubernio
alieni servi morari, si rem mancipii alienent.

Vxori quae in manu est proinde ac filiae, item
nurui quae in filii manu est proinde ac nepti
tutor dari potest.

In persona tamen uxoris quae in manu est recepta est
etiam tutoris optio, id est ut liceat ei permittere quem velit
ipsa tutorem sibi optare, hoc modo TITIAE VXORI MEAE
TVTORIS OPTIONEM DO. Quo casu licet uxori tutorem optare
vel in omnes res vel in unam forte aut duas. Ceterum aut
plena optio datur aut angusta. Plena ita dari solet, ut
proxime supra diximus. Angusta ita dari solet TITIAE

Ulp. 11, 25

Gai. 1, 148

ascribed to Numa (cf. Plut. Vuma,
10, and Introd. 3), confirmed by
the Twelve Tables (Gai. 1, 145).

4. mulierum tutores auctorita-
tem interponunt: guardianship of
Jeminae puberes differs from that
of all zzz$auberes in that the woman
administers her own property, her
tutor having no gestze (admznis-
tratio rerum) over her property,
although his auctoritas was re-
quired in the transactions named
and in several others.

io. Vxori quae in manu est:
tutela mulierum arises in the same

ways as £utela impuberum : by tes-
tament, by law, and by magisterial
appointment. The paterfamilias
could name in his testament a
guardian for his /£aefamilias and
uxor in manu. The latter, how-
ever, had a right of choice (Zutorzs
optio) by which she could name a
guardian agreeable to her will.
The husband, instead of desig-
nating her guardian, gave his wife
authority to make her own selec-
tion (tutor optivus). This right
might be limited (augusta) or un-
limited (plena).

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VXORI MEAE TVTORIS OPTIONEM DVMTAXAT SEMEL DO, aut
DVMTAXAT BIS DO. Quae optiones plurimum inter se dif-
ferunt. Nam quae plenam optionem habet, potest semel
et bis et ter et saepius tutorem.optare; quae vero angustam
habet optionem, si dumtaxat semel data est optio, amplius
quam semel optare non potest; si dumtaxat bis, amplius
quam bis optandi facultatem non babet. Vocantur autem
hi, qui nominatim testamento tutores dantur, dativi, qui ex

optione sumuntur, optivi.
Gai. 1, 157

tutores.

Et olim quidem, quantum ad legem XII tabu-
larum attinet, etiam feminae agnatos habebant
Sed postea lex Claudia lata est, quae quod ad

feminas attinet, agnatorum tutelas sustulit; itaque mascu-
lus quidem impubes fratrem puberem aut patruum habet
tutorem, femina vero talem habere tutorem non potest.

Gai. 1, 173

Praeterea senatusconsulto mulieribus permis-
sum est in absentis tutoris locum alium petere ;

quo petito prior desinit; nec interest, quam longe absit

js tutor.

Ulp. 11, 20

Ex lege Iulia de maritandis ordinibus tutor
datur a praetore urbis-ei mulieri virginive, quam

ex hac ipsa lege nubere oportet, ad dotem dandam di-

11. feminae agnatos habebant
tutores: by the ¢utela mulierum
Jegit?ma the same persons are called
to the office as in the case of the
tutela impuberum. The tutelage
of agnates, which came to be

' avoided in several ways, was en-

tirely removed by the emperor
Claudius. Zwfela mulrerum there-
after was of little significance, ex-
cept in the case of emancipated
daughters in the guardianship of

their fathers, and of freedwomen
in that of their patrons.

16. senatusconsulto mulieribus
permissum est: guardians are ap-
pointed for women, either perma-
nently or temporarily, as when the
regular tutor is prevented from
granting his auctorztas by absence,
youth (e.g. if the ¢utor legitimus is
a pupillus), or physical and mental
incapacity (zzutus, furiosus, etc.).

20. Ex lege Iulia de maritandis

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cendam promittendamve, si legitimum tutorem pupillum
habeat. Sed postea senatus censuit, ut etiam in provinciis
quoque similiter a praesidibus earum ex eadem causa

tutores dentur.

Gai. 1, 180

Item si qua in tutela legitima furiosi aut muti

sit, permittitur ei senatusconsulto dotis constitu-

endae gratia tutorem petere.

Ulp. 12,2

Curatores aut legitimi sunt, id est qui ex lege

duodecim tabularum dantur, aut honorarii, id est

qui a praetore constituuntur.

Lex duodecim tabularum

furiosum itemque prodigum, cui bonis interdictum est, in
curatione iubet esse agnatorum.

tutor datur: according to this law,
4 A.D., freeborn mothers of three
children and freedwomen bearing
four children were exempt from the
tutela legitzma (agnates, patrons,
etc.) as an encouragement to
marriage and a reward for the rear-
ing of children. Women could
also free themselves from the limi-
tations placed upon them by the
tutela legitima (such as the veto of
important acts) by a fictitious mar-
riage with manus (coemptio fiduciae
causa) followed by remancipatio
(cf. note on Coemptione, p. 126).
The manumissor became tutor, but
as he was not ¢utor legitimus, the
power of veto was lost. All of
these subterfuges show the diffi-
culty with which women escaped
from legal disabilities in the ear-
lier law and mark steps toward
complete ‘ emancipation.’

8. Curatores aut legitimi aut
honorarii: curators were appointed

partly by operation of law, partly
by the magistrate. The most im-
portant kinds of cura were: cura
Suriost, cura prodigi, cura mino-
vum,and cura debilium. Accord-
ing to the Twelve Tables, the cura
J'riosi and prodigi fell to the
agnates as those most interested
in the preservation of their ward’s
property (cura legitima). Failing
agnates, appointment of curators
was made by the magistrate. La-
ter, the cura legitima passed away
and the praetor gave the necessary
curators (cura dativa, curatores
honorarii). The furiosus had in
lucid intervals (ZZwezda inter-
valla) full capacity of action, at
other times he could not even ac-
quire rights unaided. The Twelve
Tables placed the prodigus (cui
bonis interdictum est) in an analo-
gous position, requiring oversight
because he acted without reason.
He could, however, acquire rights,

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Ulp. D.
27, IO, I

Lege duodecim tabularum prodigo interdicitur
bonorum suorum administratio, quod moribus
quidem ab initio introductum est.

Sed solent hodie prae-

tores vel praesides, si talem hominem invenerint, qui neque
tempus neque finem expensarum habet, sed bona sua dila-
cerando et dissipando profudit, curatorem ei dare exemplo

furiosi.

Inst. 1, 23, 3

Furiosi quoque et prodigi, licet maiores viginti
quinque annis sint, tamen in curatione sunt
adgnatorum ex lege duodecim tabularum.

Sed solent

Romae praefectus urbis vel praetor et in provinciis prae-
sides ex inquisitione eis dare curatores.

Sed et mente captis et surdis et mutis et qui morbo per-
petuo laborant, quia rebus suis superesse non possunt,

curatores dandi sunt.

but could not alienate property or
bind himself without the authority
of his curator. Curators appointed
by testament were admitted only
after the confirmation of a magis-
trate.

13. mente captis et surdis et mu-
tis: the cura debilium personarum
included the oversight of those per-
sons incapable of managing their
own affairs because of stupidity
(mente capti) or bodily infirmities
(surdi muti morbo laborantes,
etc.). Curatores were appointed
at the request of such persons and
had the administration of their
affairs. Dediles were capable of
acquiring, alienating, binding them-
selves and making a testament.
A curator might also be given to
a nasciturus in anticipation of an

inheritance (cura ventris); for
the property of one in captivity or
of a bankrupt (cura bonorum) ;
for an inheritance not yet entered
upon (hereditas iacens); for the
conduct of a lawsuit, etc. For
cura minorum, see note on s
HON, p. 120.

Law of Things: ves, in its
broadest sense, designates every-
thing capable of private ownership
z.e. property. Every object of
a proprietary right which lacks
personality (including slaves, Zo-
mines) is called res. Res em-
braces everything which adminis-
ters to the wants and requirements
of man. In this sense, res are
divided into corporeal (cor forales)
property, having a tangible exist-
ence, and incorporeal (Zzzcorfo-

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Tse Law or Tunes (Res)

Gai. D.

i1,8,1,1

Quaedam res corporales sunt, quaedam incorpo-
rales. Corporales hae sunt, quae tangi possunt,
veluti fundus, homo, vestis, aurum, argentum et denique
aliae res innumerabiles. Incorporales sunt, quae tangi
non possunt, qualia sunt ea, quae in iure consistunt, sicut
hereditas, ususfructus, obligationes quoquo modo contrac-
tae. Nec ad rem pertinet, quod in hereditate res corporales
continentur; nam et fructus, qui ex fundo percipiuntur,
corporales sunt, et id quod ex aliqua obligatione nobis
debetur plerumque corporale est, veluti fundus, homo, pecu-
nia; nam ipsum ius successionis et ipsum ius utendi fruendi

et ipsum ius obligationis incorporale est.

rales) property, having no tangible
existence, but existing only in con-
templation of law (zz zwre con-
SZsfunf), e.g. rights in another's
property, as a usufruct or right of
way; rights growing out of con-
tracts; rights of inheritance, etc.
The right itself isa res zxcorporaks,
though the object of that right, as
a field, building, or slave, is a ves
corporalis. The Roman distinc-
tion is derived from popular usage
rather than from scientific analysis,
since, properly speaking, a right
of ownership of a material object
is just as intangible as a right
to a right (e.g. a right to the
‘right of way’ across another's
field). .

3. fundus, homo : for an explana-
tion of fundus see text and. note
on this word, p. 161. oo, mean-

Eodem numero

ing servus, is very common in legal
Latin (cf. the formula in man-
cipation, «hunc ego hominem ex
jure Quiritium meum esse aio’).
This meaning of the word is not
given adequate recognition in Har-
per’s Lat. Dict.

5. qualia sunt ea, quae in iure
consistunt : ‘such as, rights’ (guae
in ture consistunt, cf. above on
Law). Hereditas means both the
substance of an inheritance and
also the right of inheritance, here
in the latter meaning. Vsusfructus
is the right to enjoy the use and
fruits (Zus utendi et fruendi) of
another’s property (see below,
Servitudes). Odligationes (see
below), Ze. the rights growing
out of a bond of law (winculum
iuris) arising from contract or
delict.

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sunt et iura praediorum urbanorum et .rusticorum, quae

etiam servitutes vocantur.

Modo videamus de rebus.
patrimonio vel extra nostrum patrimonium ha-
Quaedam enim naturali iure communia sunt

Inst. z, 1, pr.

bentur.

Quae vel in nostro

omnium, quaedam publica, quaedam universitatis, quae-
dam nullius, pleraque singulorum, quae variis ex causis
cuique adquiruntur, sicut ex subiectis apparebit.

Gai. D.

1,8, 4

1. iura praediorum urbanorum et
rusticorum: $raedia urbana, i.e.
real estate in buildings or rights
pertaining to buildings. Praedia
rustica, i.e. land and rights per-
taining to land. Although origi-
nally the former were urban and
the latter rural, the terms came to
be applied irrespective of the sit-
uation of the property (see below,
Servitudes, p. 188).

3. in nostro patrimonio: fafrz-
monium meant originally paternal
property, since only patresfameltas
had rights of ownership, but here
it means that which may form the
property of a legal person and is
capable of private ownership. Aes
extra patrimonium are, therefore,
those things which are withdrawn
from private ownership by law or
by circumstances. Certain things
are by necessity incapable of pri-
vate ownership, e.g. res divin
iuris, while certain other things,
though the property of the state

Summa rerum divisio in duos articulos dedu-
citur, nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani.
Divini iuris sunt veluti res sacrae et religiosae.

Sanctae

set apart for the common use of
all citizens, are withdrawn from
private ownership (guae publicae
sunt, nullius in bonis esse cre-
duntur, ipsius enim universitatis
esse creduntur, D. 1,8,1). Resin
commercio and res extra commer-
cium are terms in common use,
equivalent to ves zm Patrimonio
and res extra patrimonium. Of
res, some are by nature common
to all men (ves communes) ; some
are set apart for public use (ves
publicae, res universitatis); some
things are the property of no one
(res nudiius) ; but most things are
the property of individuals (res
singulorum).

8. ex subiectis apparebit: see
p. 165 of text.

9. Summa rerum divisio: the di-
vision of res into those belonging
to divine law and those belonging
to human law, is analogous to the
division above of res zn patrimo-
"io and res extra patrimonium,

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SELECIED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

quoque res, veluti muri et portae, quodammodo divini iuris
sunt. Quod autem divini iuris est, id nullius in bonis est ;
id vero, quod humani iuris est, plerumque alicuius in bonis
est, potest autem et nullius in bonis esse: nam res heredi-
tariae, antequam aliquis heres existat, nullius in bonis sunt.
Hae autem res, quae humani iuris sunt, aut publicae sunt
aut privatae. Quae publicae sunt, nullius in bonis esse
creduntur, ipsius enim universitatis esse creduntur; pri-

vatae autem sunt, quae singulorum sunt.

Gai. 2, 4

Sacrae sunt, quae diis superis consecratae
sunt ; religiosae, quae diis Manibus relictae sunt.

Sed sacrum quidem hoc solum existimatur, quod ex aucto-
ritate populi Romani consecratum est, veluti lege de ea re

lata aut senatusconsulto facto.

for res divin iuris are not capable
of private ownership and therefore
are not part of the private law
(£e. res sacrae, sanctae, religi-
sae). Res divini iuris are the
property of nobody (ves nullius)
because they are the property of
the gods and are hence withdrawn
from individual, private ownership.
Res humani turds may be the prop-
erty of nobody, not because they
are incapable of private ownership,
but because nobody has acquired
ownership of them (e.g. wild game,
gems along the seashore, etc., nul-
dius in bonis esse).

10. Sacrae sunt, quae diis superis
consecratae: Z.e. aedes, ara, sig-
num, locus, pecunia, cf. Festus s. v..
sacer mons. A thing may become
res sacra through the dedicatio of
the people by a definite /ex and the

Religiosum vero nostra

consecratio of the Pontifex Maxi-
mus. These proceedings should
occur in due form. Cicero argued,
on his return from exile, that his
house had not been made a ves
sacra with due regard to divine
law. In the appeal which he
carried to the pontiffs, he main-
tained that the dedicatio was not
valid. The pontiffs decided, fa-
vorably to Cicero's contention, that
a dedicatio must occur at the hand
of a magistrate designated by
name, formally intrusted with this
duty by the popular. assembly.
For an account of this decision
see ad Alt. 4, 2; also de Dom. 20,
45; 53-

14. Religiosum : a thing may be
made veligiosa by a private act,
as by the burial of a' dead body.
The place of interment, along with

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voluntate facimus mortuum inferentes in locum nostrum,
si modo eius mortui funus ad nos pertineat. Sanctae
quoque, res, velut muri et portae, quodammodo divini
iuris sunt. a

Sanctum est, quod ab iniuria hominum de-
fensum atque munitum est. Sanctum autem
dictum est a sagminibus: sunt autem sagmina quaedam
herbae, quas legati populi Romani ferre solent, ne quis
eos violaret, sicut legati Graecorum ferunt ea quae vocantur
cerycia. In municipiis quoque muros esse sanctos Sabi-
num recte respondisse Cassius refert, prohiberique oportere

Marcian. D.
1,8,8

ne quid in his immitteretur.

Purus autem locus dicitur, qui neque sacer

Ulp. D.
15724 neque sanctus est neque religiosus, sed ab om-
nibus huiusmodi nominibus vacare videtur.

Inst. 2, 1, I

per hoc litora maris.

Et quidem naturali iure communia sunt om-
nium haec: aer et aqua profluens et mare et
Nemo igitur ad litus maris accedere

prohibetur, dum tamen villis et monumentis et aedificiis

whatever may be erected upon it,
becomes a Jocus religiosus, if it is
intended that the interment be
permanent and that the place shall
become a sepulcher. In the law
of Justinian, ves veligiosae were
confined to places of entombment,
but in the earlier law, sacred spots
in Rome were regarded as loca re-
ligiosa, e.g. Casa Romuli, Ficus
Ruminalis.

16. iure communia sunt omnium
haec: most ves humand iuris are
in commercio. They may be in
the control of private persons or

.

they may be entirely independent
of ownership, ¢.g. things existing
still in a state of nature, as wild
animals, gems along the seashore,
etc. There may be also ves which
are incapable of absolute private
ownership because they are the
common property of mankind, e.g.
air, running water, the high sea,
the seashore, etc.

19. villis et monumentis et aedi-
ficiis abstineat: although the sea-
Shore is a res communis omnium,
nevertheless whatever part of it is
occupied by villas, etc., acquires the

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abstineat, quia non sunt iuris gentium, sicut et mare. Flu-
mina autem omnia et portus publica sunt, ideoque ius
piscandi omnibus commune est in portubus fluminibusque.
Est autem litus maris, quatenus hibernus fluctus maximus
excurrit. Riparum quoque usus publicus est iuris gentium,
sicut ipsius fluminis, itaque navem ad eas appellere, funes
ex arboribus ibi natis religare, onus aliquid in his reponere
cuilibet liberum est, sicuti per ipsum flumen navigare. Sed
proprietas earum illorum est, quorum praediis haerent. Qua
de causa arbores quoque in isdem natae eorundem sunt.
Litorum quoque usus publicus iuris gentium est, sicut
ipsius maris et ob id quibuslibet liberum est casam ibi
imponere, in qua se recipiant, sicut retia siccare et ex mare

deducere.

Proprietas autem eorum potest intellegi nullius

esse, sed eiusdem iuris esse, cuius et mare et quae subia-

cent mari, terra vel harena.

Ulp. D. 43,
8,2,2

pria cuiusque.

lav. D. 5o,
16, 115

comparatur.

character of a ves zm commercio
and loses its character as us
zuaris so long as the structure re-
mains and does not interfere with
the public use of the sea and sea-
shore (zz litore ture gentium aedt-
ficare licere, D. 43,8, 4). Justinian
classes the seashore among 7es
communes, but Celsus regarded it
as the property of the state pos-
sessing the.territory along the coast
(tora, in quae populus Romanus

ROMAN LAW — II

Fundus est omne, quidquid
Ager est, si species fundi ad usum hominis

Loca enim publica utique privatorum usibus
deserviunt, iure scilicet civitatis, non quasi pro-

*

solo tenetur.

D

imperium habet, populi Romani
esse arbitror, D. 43, 8, 3)-

20. Fundus... Ager: still an-
other division ofthings was thatinto
res mobiles and res immobiles. The
latter consist of the soil and what is
attached to it (solum et res soli,
i.e. solo cohaerentes). A definitely
defined portion of the solwm was
called fundus or ager. The dis-
tinction between solum Jfalzcum
and solum provinciale was impor-

161

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Ulp. D. 5o,
16, 60

Locus est non fundus, sed portio aliqua fundi,
fundus autem integrum aliquid est.

Et ple-

rumque sine villa locum accipimus, ceterum adeo opinio
nostra et constitutio locum a fundo separat, ut et modicus
locus possit fundus dici, si fundi animo eum habuimus.
Non etiam magnitudo locum a fundo separat, sed nostra
affectio et quaelibet portio fundi poterit fundus dici, si iam

tant up to the time of its removal
by Justinian. The zws cévile was
applicable only to the former; the
latter, as property of the state, was
not capable of private ownership.
The title to the solum provinciale
was in the sovereign power (Zz
provincial solo dominium bopulz
Romani est vel Caesaris, nos au-
tem possesstonem tantum vel usum-
Sructum habere videmur, Gai. 2,
7). Thereis the further division
of solum provinciale into praedia
stipendiaria and praedia tributa-
ria, according as land is situated
in the territory belonging respec-
tively to the Roman people or to
the private /iscus of the emperor.

Res immobiles consist of prae-
dia rustica and praedia urbana,
according to their economic char-
acter as land or appurtenances to
land. Land obtained by conquest
was reserved partly for secular and
partly for religious purposes. Be-
yond such reserved portions its
uses were determined according to
its character as arable or not ara-
ble land. If arable, it was sur-
veyed (agri [imtztatz) and devoted
to the establishment of coloniae

(ager assignatus) or to individuals
(ager viritanus), or sold (ager
quaestorius) or leased for a defi-
nite rent (ager vectigalis). Un-
cultivated land, on the.other hand,
was not surveyed, but it was as-
signed to individuals for their
possession and use for the annual
payment of a crop rent, one tenth
of grain and one fifth of small
fruits (agrZ occupatorit, arcifiniz),
or set apart for public forests and
pastures (sZ/ivae et pascua publica)
in return for a fixed rent (called
* scriptura, guia publicanus scri-
bendo conficit. rationem cum pas-
fore, Festus).

Of res mobiles, some are capable
of motion through their own power
(res se moventes, animalia), i 6.
slaves and beasts. Ofbeasts, there
are two kinds, those enjoying their
natural freedom (ferae bestiae)
and those which have been tamed
or are by nature tame (zzazsuefac-
lae, mansuetae). The most im-
portant of the latter class are beasts
of burden (amzmuala quae collo
dorsove domantur). Cf. ves man-
cibi below and Ulp. 19, I, text,
p. 163.

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hoc constituerimus. Nec non et fundus locus constitui
potest, nam si eum alii adiunxerimus fundo, locus fundi
efficietur. Loci appellationem non solum ad rustica, verum
ad urbana quoque praedia pertinere Labeo Scribit. Sed
fundus quidem suos habet fines, locus vero latere potest,
quatenus determinetur et definiatur..

Florent. D. Fundi appellatione omne aedificium et omnis
5?:5?!! ager continetur. Sed in usu urbana aedificia
aedes, rustica villae dicuntur. Locus vero sine aedificio in

‘urbe area, rure autem ager appellatur. Idemque ager cum

aedificio fundus dicitur.

Ulp. D. Vrbana praedia omnia aedificia accipimus,
551695 non solum ea quae sunt in oppidis, sed et si
forte stabula sunt vel alia meritoria in villis et in vicis, vel
si praetoria voluptati tantum deservientia, quia urbanum
praedium non locus facit, sed materia. ^ Proinde hortos
quoque, si qui sunt in aedificiis constituti, dicendum est
urbanorum appellatione contineri. Plane si plurimum
horti in reditu sunt, vinearii forte veletiam holitorii, magis
haec non sunt urbana.

Sunt provincialia praedia, quorum alia sti-
pendiaria, alia tributaria vocamus. Stipendiaria
sunt ea, quae in his provinciis sunt, quae propriae populi
Romani esse intelleguntur; tributaria sunt ea, quae in his
provinciis sunt, quae propriae Caesaris esse creduntur.

Omnes res aut mancipi sunt aut nec mancipi.
Mancipi res sunt praedia in Italico solo, tam

Gai. 2, 21

Ulp. 19, 1

19. holitorii: vegetable gardens, yards’; Aort holitori, ‘vegetable
found in Harper's Lat. Dict.s.v. gardens.’

olttorins, formed from Aolus, * vege- 26. resmancipiaut nec mancipi:
table? Hortz, ‘ornamental gar- wancifzZ is the contracted gen.
dens’; fortd wineari, ‘vine- sing. (mancifit) stereotyped form

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rustica, qualis est fundus, quam urbana, qualis domus; item
iura praediorum rusticorum, velut via, iter, actus, aquae-
ductus; item servi et quadrupedes, quae dorso collove
domantur, velut boves, muli, equi,'asini Ceterae res nec
mancipi sunt. Elefanti et cameli quamvis collo dorsove do-
mentur; nec mancipi sunt, quoniam bestiarum numero sunt.

Magna differentia est inter mancipi res et nec
mancipi Nam res nec mancipi ipsa traditione
pleno iure alterius fiunt, si modo corporales sunt et ob id

Gai. z, 18

which was still retained in legal
Latin after the long forms in -zz
prevailed (end of Augustan age).
For the negative, see Harper's
Lat. Dict. s. v. neque.

The terms res mancipi and nec
mancip~i were of much significance
in the early law.and down to the
classical period, but they disap-
peared from the post-classical law.
Manus meant in early law the
power of the aterfamilias over the
persons and things in his fazz/a
(cf. note on de manu, p. 88). Man-
cipare (manu-capere) meant the
acquiring of manus, 2.e. ownership
(dominium). Mancipium (older
form mancupium, showing the
vowel progression from man-ca-
fium) had three distinct mean-
ings: power of the housefather
(synonymous with manus); the
thing over which this power was
exercised (especially slaves) ; the
legal process by which certain
things were acquired and alienated
(real estate in Italy and certain
appurtenances to realestate). The
term ves ztazczfpi was derived from

the last meaning. It designated
those things acquired or alienated
by the process called mancipium
(later zzazeipatio). Transfer by
mancipium alone gave full owner-
ship (dominium ex iure Quiri-
Zum). Those things mentioned
in the text as res mancifi origi-
nally constituted the property of
the fazzzla. All other things (ves
nec mancipi) were classed as fecu-
nia, hence in the old formula of
wills, ‘famdlia fecuniague mea,
etc. There is no difference be-
tween mancipium and mancipatio
as terms of procedure.

z. iura praediorum rusticorum :
for the explanation of these rights
appertaining to real property, called
by the Romans Servitudes (cf. the
English Easements), see below,
text and notes, p. 188. Elephants
and camels, not being native to
Italy, were not regarded as among
domesticated beasts of burden and
were hence ves sec manctpi.

8. traditione pleno iure alterius
fiunt: in practice the importance
of the distinction between res

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

recipiunt traditionem.

Itaque si tibi vestem vel aurum vel

argentum tradidero sive ex venditionis causa sive ex dona-
tionis sive quavis alia ex causa, statim tua fit ea res, Si

modo ego eius dominus sim.

Mancipi vero res sunt, quae

5 per mancipationem ad alium transferuntur; unde etiam

mancipi res sunt dictae.

ACQUISITION OF OWNERSHIP (Zure Gentium)

Gai. D.
41,1,21

Quarundam rerum dominium nanciscimur iure
gentium, quod ratione naturali inter omnes ho-

mines peraeque servatur, quárundam iure civili, id est iure

mancipi and res nec manctpi lay in
the fact that complete ownership
according to the terms of the zs
ctvile (ex iure Quiritium) could
be acquired only by a formal trans-
action to which czves Romani alone
were eligible, z.e. the solemn zzaz-
cipatzo or zm iure cessio (see be-
low, text p. 183) ; whereas res zec
manctpt could pass by an informal
act of delivery of possession (Zra-
ditio) attended by an intention to
confer ownership and having as a
basis for the transaction an under-
lying fact (causa) as a reason for
the operation.

Acquisition of Ownership: the
Romans called ownership of corpo-
real things domnium. The owner
of the thing forming part of a per-
son’s property was called corporis

‘dominus, in distinction from one
who has merely a right in the
property of another, Z.e. a zus zn re
(alena). Rights of property may

be absolute or‘limited. They are
absolute when the owner possesses
full legal disposition of the thing
to the exclusion of every other
person. This in Roman phrase-
ology was a full and free property
(proprietas plena). Proprietary
right is Zdéted when the right to
use or enjoy the thing is separated
from the ownership and belongs to
another, or where any other real
right in the thing restricted the
rights of ownership. The owner
was then said to possess the naked
property (zuda proprietas), i.e.
dominium stripped of part of its
rights. The law prescribes cer-
tain modes by which property may
be acquired. Acquisition (acgzz-
sitio) may be per universitatem,
e.g. when property is acquired in
an entire inheritance, with all the
rights and duties involved; or it
may be rerum singularum, as
when property in single things is

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proprio civitatis nostrae.

Et quia antiquius ius gentium

cum ipso genere humano proditum est, opus est, ut de

hoc prius referendum sit.

Omnia igitur animalia, quae terrà, mari, caelo capiuntur,
id est ferae bestiae et volucres et pisces, capientium fiunt.
Quod enim nullius est, id ratione naturali occupanti con-

ceditur.

Nec interest quod ad feras bestias et volucres,
utrum in suo fundo quisque capiat an in alieno.

Plane qui

in alienum fundum ingreditur venandi aucupandive gratia,
potest a domino, si is providerit, iure prohiberi ne ingre-

deretur.

Quidquid autem eorum ceperimus, eo usque nos-

trum esse intellegitur, donec nostra custodia coercetur;

cum vero

occupantis fit.

evaserit custodiam nostram et in naturalem
se receperit, nostrum esse desinit et rursus

Naturalem autem libertatem recipere intellegitur, cum
vel oculos nostros effugerit vel ita sit in conspectu nostro,

ut difficilis sit eius persecutio.

acquired. Acgursitio rerum singu-
larum may be czvilis or naturalis,
z.e. in accordance with the require-
ments of the zus czvzle or with
those of the zs gentium (naturalis
rati). The acquisition of res
singulae is first considered (cf.
note on fer unzuersitaten, p. 259).

4. Omnia animalia, quae terra,
mari: the first mode of acquisition
iure gentium is occupatio (Occu-
pancy of English law). It is the
acquisition of title to a res zizu/frus
by first seizure and possession, with
the intention (azzzzes) to make it
one's property (quod enzm nullzus
est id ratione naturali. occupant?

Ilud quaesitum est, an

conceditur). ‘res nullius. cedit
occupant?! (as stated in modern
times). In this connection the
Romans meant by res nullius: a
thing which has never had an
owner (as wild game, undiscovered
islands, gems picked up on the
seashore); or a thing which has
been abandoned by its former
owner, voluntarily, with the inten-
tion of relinquishing his proprie-
tary right in it (as derelicts, or
largesses thrown to a crowd).

8. utrum in suo fundo quisque
capiat an: hunting, fishing, and
fowling were entirely free in Roman
times, so that gime captured on

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fera bestia, quae ita vulnerata sit, ut capi possit, statim
nostra esse intellegatur. Trebatio placuit statim nostram
esse et eo. usque nostram videri, donec eam persequamur,
quod si desierimus eam persequi, desinere nostram esse
et rursus fieri occupantis; itaque si per hoc tempus,
quo eam persequimur, alius eam ceperit eo animo, ut
ipse lucrifaceret, furtum videri nobis eum commississe.
Plerique non aliter putaverunt eam nostram esse, quam
si eam ceperimus, quia multa accidere possunt, ut eam
non capiamus, quod verius est. Apium quoque natura
fera est; itaque quae in arbore nostra consederint,
antequam a nobis alveo concludantur, non magis nostrae
esse intelleguntur quam volucres, quae in nostra arbore
nidum fecerint. Ideo. si alius eas incluserit, earum
dominus erit. Favos quoque si quos hae fecerint, sine
furto quilibet possidere potest; sed ut supra quoque
diximus, qui in alienum fundum ingreditur, potest a
domino, si is providerit, iure prohiberi ne ingrederetur.
Examen, quod ex alveo nostro evolaverit, eo usque
nostrum esse intellegitur, donec in conspectu nostro
est nec difficilis eius persecutio est; alioquin occupantis
fit Pavonum et columbarum fera natura est nec ad rem

the property of another became
the undisputed property of the
huntsman. The term game, be-
ing more comprehensive than in
modern times, embraced also bees,
peacocks, and doves. Of wild ani-
mals (ferae naturae) there is a
distinction between those partly
tamed, as deer, peacocks, bees,
etc., and game in a state of nature.
Property in the former ceases when
the auus revertendi ceases; in

case of the latter, detention alone
is required. As a swarm of bees
has no intention of returning, it
continues to be the property of
the owner of the hive as long
only as he keeps the swarm in
sight and has the possibility of
recapturing it. In the case of
tame animals, straying does not
extinguish the rights of owners,
even though anzmus revertendz is.
absent.

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pertinet, quod ex consuetudine avolare et revolare solent;
nam et apes idem faciunt, quarum constat feram esse
naturam; cervos quoque ita quidam mansuetos habent, ut
in silvas eant et redeant, quorum: et ipsorum feram esse
naturam nemo negat. In his autem animalibus, quae con-
suetudine abire et redire solent, talis regula comprobata
est, ut eo usque nostra esse intellegantur, donec revertendi
animum habeant, quod si desierint revertendi animum
habere, desinant nostra esse et fiant occupantium. Intelle-
guntur autem desisse revertendi animum habere tunc, cum
revertendi consuetudinem deseruerint. Gallinarum et anse-.
rum non.est fera natura; palam est enim alias esse feras
gallinas et alios feros anseres. Itaque si quolibet modo
anseres mei et gallinae meae turbati turbataeve adeo
longius evolaverint, ut ignoremus ubi sint, tamen nihilo
minus in nostro dominio tenentur. Qua de causa furti
nobis tenebitur, qui quid eorum lucrandi animo adprehend-
erit. Item quae ex hostibus capiuntur, iure gentium statim
capientium fiunt; adeo quidem, ut et liberi homines in ser-
vitutem deducantur; qui tamen, si evaserint hostium potes-

The

18. quae ex hostibus capiuntur:
the principle of Occupancy (occupa-
£o) was extended in ancient times
to the property and persons of ene-
mies captured in war. "Whatever
property of the enemy (ves Aostz/es)
was taken within Roman posses-
sions became the property of those
seizing it. Booty of war, how-
ever, as a rule fell to the victorious
state, the army being the mere
representative of the state. Occa-
sionally movable property was al-
lowed to become the property of

the soldiers capturing it.
principle of ZoszZziznzuz: operated
in cases of prizes of war, when
they fell into the hands of their
original owners (fostliminium est
ius amissae rei recipiendae ab ex-
traneo et in statum pristinum resti-
tuendae, D. 49, 15,19). See also
text and note on postliminium,
p.85. According to Cicero (725.
8, 36), those things which reverted
to their original owner by ZoszL-
qünium were: ships of war, slaves,
horses, mules. Cf. also D. 49, 15,2.

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tatem, recipiunt pristinam libertatem. Praeterea quod per
alluvionem agro nostro flumen adicit, iure gentium nobis
adquiritur. Per alluvionem autem id videtur adici quod
ita paulatim adicitur, ut intellegere non possimus, quantum.
quoquo momento temporis adiciatur. Quod si vis fluminis
partem aliquam ex tuo praedio detraxerit et meo praedio
attulerit, palam est eam tuam permanere. Plane si longi-
ore tempore fundo meo haeserit arboresque, quas secum
traxerit, in meum fundum radices egerint, ex eo tempore
videtur meo fundo adquisita esse. Insula quae in mari
nascitur (quod raro accidit) occupantis fit, nullius enim

1. quod per alluvionem : passing
from occupatzo as a mode of acqui-
sition, the text next mentions va-
rious ways in which property may
be acquired without any act of
possession on the part of the one
acquiring, but rather by some in-
crease in the thing already owned,
due to the action of the forces of
nature. This increase is called
accessto. The word is also ex-
tended by commentators to indi-
cate the mode by which title to the
actual increase is acquired. Own-
ers of land acquire by Accession
all increase by alluvial soil; or by
avulsio (‘sudden increase’), if suffi-
cient time has elapsed (sz longzore
tempore fundo meo haeserit arbo-
resque radices egerint) ; by forma-
tion of an insula in flumine; by
change of river bed (alveus relic-
tus); by building on another's
soil (Zzaedzfcatz)); by planting
and sowing (plantatio, satio).
* Superfictes solo cedit.

5. vis fluminis partem aliquam
detraxerit: such sudden removal
of a considerable portion of soil the
commentators call evz/se. The
former owner retained ownership
in this mass because the increase
in the soil of another was percepti-
ble and might be recoverable by
detachment (hence not aZmuvze).
The exception to this was noticed
above.

1o. Insula quae in mari nascitur:
since the sea, seashore, and bed
of the sea were res communes and
could not become the property of
any individual person, an island
formed in the sea was looked upon
as part of the bed of the sea risen
to the surface, and it was, therefore,
treated as a res nullius, subject to
occupatio by discovery and first
seizure. Anislandformed inariver
(in flumine nata) was treated dif-
ferently for the reason that-riparian
owners had a qualified ownership
in the bed of the river, though its

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esse creditur. In flumine nata (quod frequenter accidit),
si quidem mediam partem fluminis tenet, communis est
eorum, qui ab utraque parte fluminis prope ripam praedia

possident, pro modo latitudinis cuiusque praedii, quae lati-

tudo prope ripam sit. Quod si alteri parti proximior sit,
eorum est tantum, qui ab ea parte prope ripam praedia
possident. Quod si uno latere perruperit flumen et alia
parte novo rivo fluere coeperit, deinde infra novus iste
rivus in veterem se converterit, ager, qui a duobus rivis
comprehensus in formam insulae redactus est, eius est
scilicet, cuius et fuit. Quod si toto naturali alveo relicto

waters were subject to the uses of
the public. Whatever part ceased
to serve the public as a stream be-
came subject to the rights of the
riparian owners. :

4. pro modo latitudinis cuiusque
praedii: if the boundary lines of
land lying on either side of the
stream intersected the banks at
varying angles, each riparian owner
would acquire as much of the island
as was included between his boun-
dary lines (pro modo latztudznis)
projected perpendicularly to the
stream until they intersected the
line dividing the island longitudi-
nally, z.e. if the island stood in the
middle of the stream, otherwise to
the line marking the center of the
stream.

5. proximior: this form occurs
occasionally in late Latinand shows
the’ linguistic tendency to double
comparison. It contains the super-
lative suffix, -/:0-, and the compara-
tive suffix, -70s- (dor). .Proximus

first appears in legal Latin in the
Twelve Tables, adgzatus proximus
(Tab. 5) meaning the agnate stand-
ing nearest in collateral relation-
ship to any given person (cf.
below, note on ad consanguineos,
p.285). Proximus alone then be-
came frequent in the sense of the
nearest collateral kindred (in the
agnatic family). It was thus re-
garded as a. positive. Proximior
came therefore to mean the ‘ nearer
proximus. Proximus was also
used in the sense of ‘neighbor,’
and froxizsor may have meant
the ‘nearer’ neighbor. Kalb, /z-
ristlatein, p. 56 (cf. double compar-
ison in English, nearer, nearest).

9. ager, qui a duobus rivis com-
prehensus: when a piece of land
is converted into an island by a
new branch of a stream merely, the
ownership of the property is not
affected, just as inundated land
suffers no change of ownership
(inundatio).

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flumen alias fluere coeperit, prior quidem alveus eorum est,
qui prope ripam praedia possident, pro modo scilicet lati-
tudinis cuiusque praedii, quae latitudo prope ripam sit; _
novus autem alveus eius iuris esse incipit, cuius et ipsum
flumen, id est publicus iuris gentium. Quod si post aliquod
temporis ad priorem alveum reversum fuerit et flumen,
rursus novus alveus eorum esse incipit, qui prope ripam
eius praedia possident. Cuius tamen totum agrum novus
alveus occupaverit, licet ad priorem alveum reversum fuerit
flumen, non tamen is, cuius is ager fuerat, stricta ratione
quicquam in eo alveo habere potest, quia et ille ager qui
fuerat desiit esse amissa propria forma et, quia vicinum
praedium nullum habet, non potest ratione vicinitatis ullam
partem in eo alveo habere, sed vix est, ut id obtineat.
Aliud sane est, si cuius ager totus inundatus fuerit; namque
inundatio speciem fundi non mutat et ob id, cum recesserit
aqua, palam est eiusdem esse, cuius et fuit. Cum quis ex
aliena materia speciem aliquam suo nomine fecerit, Nerva

17. Cum quis ex aliena materia
speciem fecerit: in the cases of

sition is now called Specification
(from the Roman sZeczem facere).

acquisition just considered, owner-
ship was acquired because some-

. thing became connected with one's

property in such a way that the
accessory thing acceded to the prin-
cipal thing (‘ves accessoria cedit
vei principali’). The text now
considers cases in which things
are transformed into a new product
or a new species is manufactured
(species facta). He who performs
the work which transforms the
property of another into a new
product becomes in general the
owner of it. This mode of acqui-

The rules governing ownership in
cases of Specification were : a thing
made partly of one's own and
partly of another's materials is the
property of the workman (producer
of the new thing) ; when the new
species has been made wholly of
another’s materials there is this
distinction (according to the media
sententia of the text): (a) if the
new product can be restoréd to its
former condition, the owner of the
materials becomes the owner of
the product; (2) if it cannot be
so restored, the product becomes

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et Proculus putant hunc dominum esse qui fecerit, quia:
quod factum est, antea nullius fuerat. Sabinus et Cassius
magis naturalem rationem efficere putant, ut qui materiae
dominus fuerit, idem eius quoque, quod ex eadem materia
factum sit, dominus esset, quia sine materia nulla species
effici possit: veluti si ex auro vel argento vel aere vas
aliquod fecero, vel ex tabulis tuis navem aut armarium aut
subsellia fecero, vel ex lana tua vestimentum, vel ex vino
et melle tuo mulsum, vel ex medicamentis tuis emplastrum
aut collyrium, vel ex uvis aut olivis aut spicis tuis vinum
vel oleum vel frumentum. Est tamen etiam media sen-
tentia recte existimantium, si species ad materiam reverti
possit, verius esse, quod et Sabinus et Cassius senserunt,
si non possit reverti, verius esse, quod Nervae et Proculo
placuit, ut ecce vas conflatum ad rudem massam auri vel
argenti vel aeris reverti potest, vinum vero vel oleum vel
frumentum ad uvas et olivas et spicas reverti non potest;
ac ne mulsum quidem ad mel et vinum vel emplastrum aut
collyria ad medicamenta reverti possunt. Videntur tamen
mihi recte quidam dixisse non debere dubitari, quin alienis
spicis excussum frumentum eius sit, cuius et spicae fuerunt;
cum enim grana, quae spicis continentur, perfectam habeant ©
suam speciem, qui excussit spicas, non novam speciem

the property of the maker. In vailed between the Proculian and

each case proper compensation
must be made for the workman-
ship or the value of the mate-
rials respectively. The workman
acting dona fide must be paid for
his labor; acting mala fide, he
must make full compensation for
damages to the owner of the ma-
terials. The dispute which pre-

Sabinian schools regarding Specifi--
cation was determined by Justinian
as stated above, following the * ze-
dia sententia" referred to by Gaius
in the text.

23. non novam speciem facit : in
other words, the change wrought

must be one of genuine manufac-

ture of a new product. Hence the

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facit, sed eam quae est detegit. Voluntas duorum domi-
norum miscentium materias commune totum corpus efficit,
sive eiusdem generis sint materiae, veluti vina miscuerunt
vel argentum conflaverunt, sive diversae, veluti si alius
vinum contulerit, alius mel, vel alius aurum, alius argentum ;
quamvis et mulsi et electri. novi corporis sit species. Sed
et si sine voluntate dominorum casu confusae sint duorum
materiae vel eiusdem generis vel diversae, idem iuris est.
Cum in suo loco aliquis aliena materia aedificaverit, ipse
dominus intellegitur aedificii, quia omne quod inaedificatur
solo cedit. Nec tamen ideo is qui materiae dominus fuit
desiit eius dominus esse, sed tantisper neque vindicare
eam potest neque ad exhibendum de ea agere propter legem

mere threshing of another's grain
or dyeing of wool was insufficient
to give right of property to the
one performing the labor.

2. miscentium materias commune
totum corpus: things so joined
together that they may be sepa-
rated, as the mingling of flocks
or the union of silver, belonging
to different persons (commixtio),
produce no change of ownership
so long as the resulting union may
be taken apart, or may be chemic-
ally separated. Sometimes, how-
ever, the result of mingling things
belonging to different owners pro-
duces an inseparable union, as the
mingling of wine and wine (confu-
sio). Here a co-ownership (con-
dominium, communio) is produced,
each original owner losing owner-
ship of his part and becoming
joint owner of the whole.

12, neque vindicare eam potest :
the owner of the materials used in
erecting a building or in cultivating
a vineyard on the land of another
continued to be their owner, con-
forming to the rule governing other
separable unions, but for public
policy (ze quis tignum alienum
aedibus suis iunctum eximere coga-
tur) the Twelve Tables denied
him the right to bring a real action
for his materials (ve vindicatio),
or an action for their production in
court (ad exhibendum), where the
conversion had been made Jona
fide (quod providenter lex efficit,
ne vel aedificia sub hoc practertu
diruantur vel vinearum cultura
turbetur, D. 47,3, 1). The owner
could not recover his property, but
he could bring an action for double
the value of the materials used
(actio de tigno iuncto aedibus vine-

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duodecim tabularum, qua cavetur, ne quis tignum alienum
aedibus suis iunctum eximere cogatur, sed duplum pro eo
praestet. Appellatione autem tigni omnes materiae signifi-
cantur, ex quibus aedificia fiunt. Ergo si aliqua ex causa
dirutum sit aedificium, poterit materiae dominus nunc eam
vindicare et ad exhibendum agere. Illud recte quaeritur,
an, si id aedificium vendiderit is qui aedificaverit et ab
emptore longo tempore captum postea dirutum sit, adhuc
dominus materiae vindicationem eius habeat. Causa dubi-
tationis est, an eo ipso, quo universitas aedificii longo tem-
pore capta est, singulae quoque res, ex quibus constabat, cap-
tae essent, quod non placuit. Ex diverso si quis in alieno
solo sua materia aedificaverit, illius fit aedificium, cuius et
solum est et, si scit alienum solum esse, sua voluntate
amississe proprietatem materiae intellegitur; itaque neque
diruto quidem aedificio vindicatio eius materiae competit.
Certe si dominus soli petat aedificium nec solvat pretium
materiae et mercedes fabrorum, poterit per exceptionem
doli mali repelli, utique si nescit qui aedificavit alienum
esse solum et tamquam in suo bona fide aedificavit; nam
si scit, culpa ei obici potest, quod temere aedificavit in eo

eave). If the building should be scriptive periods, see Vsucapio,

demolished, the owner of the mate-
rials had an action, either rez vzz-
dicatzo or rem ad exhibendum, for
their recovery, granting that he
had not already availed himself of
the acfzo de figno functo.

8. longo tempore captum: Zz.z.
rem or dominium usu captum.
From these phrases, especially zsz-
capere, capere alone came to have
the meaning, ‘acquire by prescrip-
tion, often as here. For the pre-

p. 184 below and notes.

IO. eo ipso, quo universitas : for
quo read quod (Mommsen), the
clause being explanatory of eo zpso.
It was held that acquisition fer
universitatem by prescriptive title
did not carry with it the ownership
of individual things of which the
entirety was composed. Univer-
sitas (modern unzversttas rerum)
means several individual things
(res singulae) which, when taken

174

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solo, quod intellegeret alienum. Si alienam plantam in
meo solo posuero, mea erit: ex diverso si meam plantam in
alieno solo posuero, illius erit, si modo utroque casu radices:
egerit. Antequam enim radices ageret, illius permanet,
cuius et fuit. His conveniens est, quod, si vicini arborem
ita terra presserim, ut in meum fundum radices egerit,
meam effici arborem; rationem enim non permittere ut
alterius arbor intellegatur, quam cuius fundo radices
egisset. Et ideo prope confinium arbor posita, si etiam
in vicinum fundum radices egerit, communis est. Qua
ratione autem plantae quae terra coalescunt solo cedunt,
eadem ratione frumenta quoque quae sata sunt solo cedere
intelleguntur. Ceterum sicut is, qui in alieno solo aedifi
cavit, si ab eo dominus soli petat aedificium, defendi potest
per exceptionem doli mali, ita eiusdem exceptionis auxilio
tutus esse poterit, qui in alienum fundum sua impensa
consevit. Litterae quoque licet aureae sint, perinde chartis
membranisque cedunt, ac solo cedere solent ea quae aedifi-
cantur aut seruntur. Ideoque si in chartis membranisve
tuis carmen vel historiam vel orationem scripsero, huius

together, in the eye of the law
form a whole (e.g. wmiversitas
aedium). :

5. His conveniens est, quod
meam effici arborem : thereseems to
be authority in legal Latin for this
construction of gzod with the infin.
and subject accus., a construction
cited by Schmalz, Müller's Zaz4-
buch, II2, p. 499, from Cyprian
(died 258 A.D.). It is also em-
ployed by Ulpian (died 228 A.D.),
D. 45, 1, 30, sczendum est, quod si
quis se scripserit fideiussisse, videri

omnia sollemniter acta (cf. also
Kalb, Roms Juristen, p. 31)-

14. defendi potest per exceptio-
nem doli mali: an exceptzo doli mali
was a plea or defense set up by the
defendant alleging fraud on the
part of the plaintiff, and intended
as an offset to the latter's claim.
An actio in rem (for the ownership
of the building) was therefore met
by a claim for compensation in
the nature of an exceptio to the
demand of the plaintiff.

20. huius corporis non ego sed tu

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corporis non ego, sed tu dominus esse intellegeris. Sed si
a me petas tuos libros tuasve membranas nec impensas
scripturae solvere velis, potero me defendere per excep-
tionem doli mali, utique si bona fide eorum possessionem
nanctus sim. Sed non uti litterae chartis membranisve
cedunt, ita solent picturae tabulis cedere, sed ex diverso
placuit tabulas picturae cedere. Vtique tamen conveniens
est domino tabularum adversus eum qui pinxerit, si is
tabulas possidebat, utilem actionem dari, qua ita efficaciter
experiri poterit, si picturae impensam exsolvat; alioquin

dominus: according to the text,
writing accedes to the paper on
the principle that the writing can-
not exist without the paper (ze-
cessarie ei vei cedit, quod sine illa
esse non potest,” see below), and
that the result is still fundamen-
tally paper. In case of painting,
however, the substance forming
the basis of the paint accedes to
the painting (specificatéo). On
this point the sources differ. The
proper distinction is well stated
by Sohm. When the result of
the painting is simply a painted
surface, as a canvas, the canvas
still existing as the principal thing,
the result is a case of Acces-
sion (¢.g. a drop curtain or mere
daub) ; the owner of the canvas
remains owner of the painted thing
(cf. text below, p. 177, Paul. D.
6, 1, 23, 2). When the result
of the painting is a work of art,
a new thing has been created
which is neither mere paint nor
canvas, — the materials losing their

identity in a new creation, — the
case is then one of Specification.
The new product is the property
of the artist. The same difference
exists in the case of writing —
mere paper containing writing is
a case of Accession; if the writ-
ing is a literary performance, it is
Specification. Ownership in each
case follows the regular rule, ac-
cording to the economic changes
in the condition of the thing
under consideration. Cf. Sohm,
Institutionen, 8th ed., p. 319, or
Eng. trans. (1892) p. 248.

9. utilem actionem dari:' the
owner of the tablet on which the
painting was executed was treated
as if he were the owner of the
finished work, because he was
allowed to assert that he was the
owner when the painting was in
the painter's possession, and the
Praetor granted him an equitable
action (actio wis) by which he
could sue fictitiously as if he were
owner. The painter had an actio

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nocebit ei doli mali exceptio, utique si bona fide possessor
fuerit qui solverit. Adversus dominum vero tabularum ei
qui pinxerit rectam vindicationem competere dicimus, ut
tamen pretium tabularum inferat, alioquin nocebit ei doli
mali exceptio.

Paul. D. Si quis rei suae alienam rem ita adiecerit, ut
6,1,23,2 pars eius fieret, veluti si quis statuae suae brac-
chium aut pedem alienum adiecerit, aut scypho ansam vel
fundum, vel candelabro sigillum, aut mensae pedem, domi-
num eius totius rei effici vereque statuam suam dicturum
et scyphum plerique recte dicunt. Sed et id, quod in
charta mea scribitur aut in tabula pingitur, statim meum
fit, licet de pictura quidam contra senserint propter pretium
picturae; sed necesse est ei rei cedi, quod sine illa esse
non potest. In omnibus igitur istis, in quibus mea res per
praevalentiam alienam rem trahit meamque efficit, si eam
rem vindicem, per exceptionem doli mali cogar pretium
eius quod accesserit dare. Item quaecumque aliis iuncta
sive adiecta accessionis loco cedunt, ea quamdiu cohaerent
dominus vindicare non potest, sed ad exhibendum agere

directa, since he had become by
his work legally owner. Except
for the actio utilis, the owner of
the tablet could merely bring a
personal action against the painter
for the value of the materials
used. The painter had a real
right to the property (vixdicatio
recta), having acquired title to it
by specificatio.

10. dicturum (esse): the subject
is eum, referring to guzs. The
subject of the infin., even when
different from that of the princi-

ROMAN LAW — I2

pal verb, is omitted in legal Latin
as in the comic writers (cf. Plau-
tus, Capt. 256; 7vn. 956; Men.
539). Eum and eos are frequently
omitted, se less often.

14. Sed necesse est ei rei cedi:
Mommsen proposes the reading:
necessarte ei ret cedit, quod, etc.

1g. accessionis loco cedunt: ac-
cessto means here that the union
is a separable one. The actzo ad
exhibendum is for the separation,
the rez vindicatio, for the transfer,
of the property.

177

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

' potest, ut separentur et tunc vindicentur ; scilicet excepto

IO

eo, quod Cassius de ferruminatione scribit. Dicit enim, si
statuae suae ferruminatione iunctum bracchium sit, unitate
maioris partis consumi et quod semel alienum factum sit,
etiamsi inde abruptum sit, redire ad priorem dominum non
posse. Non idem in eo quod adplumbatum sit, quia fer-
ruminatio per eandem materiam facit confusionem, plum-
batura non idem efficit. Ideoque in omnibus his casibus,
in quibus neque ad exhibendum neque in rem locum habet,
in factum actio necessaria est. At in his corporibus, quae
ex distantibus corporibus essent, constat singulas partes
retinere suam propriam speciem, ut singuli homines,
singulae oves; ideoque posse me gregem vindicare, quam-

6. quia ferruminatio per eandem
materiam facit: the distinction
between plumbatura and ferru-
minatio is: the former is the mere
soldering together of two metals
with a third, in such a way that
they do not lose their identity and
may be afterward separated. No
new product results from this
union. Neither of the two metals
consumes the other. Hence there
is no change of property, and after
an actto ad exhibendum, either of
the:component parts may be the
object of a rez vindicatio. Ferru-
minatzo, on the contrary, is the
union of one thing with another
in such a way that the accessory
becomes consumed by the princi-
pal thing — the accessory loses its
identity, and theresult of the union
is a finished product, as an arm
affixed to a statue; the result is a

statue — the arm was not a statue.
Hence the thing so consumed may
not be claimed by vzzdzcatze, nor
is it subject to an exhibendum,
since ownership in it has changed.

1o. At in his corporibus, quae ex
distantibus: D. 41, 3, 30, Z»za au-
tem genera sunt corforum, unum,
quod continetur uno spiritu et
Graece qjvopévov (2.6. continuum)
Vocatur, ut homo, tignum, lapis et
similia ; alterum, quod. ex contin-
gentibus, hoc est pluribus inter se
cohaerentibus constat, quod ovvr-
ppévov (£e. coniunctum) vocatur,
ut aedificium, navis, armarium;
tertzum, quod ex distantibus con-
stat, ut corpora plura non soluta,
sed unt nomini subiecta, veluti
populus, legio, grex. The distinc-
tion is between corpora distantia,
those things which unite to form
an entirety (zzuzversztas), of which

178

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vis aries tuus sit immixtus, sed et te arietem vindicare
posse. Quod non idem in cohaerentibus corporibus
eveniret: nam si statuae meae bracchium alienae statuae
addideris, non posse dici bracchium tuum esse, quia tota
statua uno spiritu continetur. Tignum alienum aedibus
iunctum nec vindicari potest propter legem duodecim tabu-
larum, nec eo nomine ad exhibendum agi nisi adversus
eum, qui sciens alienum iunxit aedibus; sed est actio
antiqua de tigno iuncto, quae in duplum ex lege duodecim
tabularum descendit. Item si quis ex alienis cementis in
solo sug aedificaverit, domum quidem vindicare poterit,
cementa autem resoluta prior dominus vindicabit, etiamsi
post tempus usucapionis dissolutum sit aedificium, post-
quam a bonae fidei emptore possessum sit; nec enim sin-
gula cementa usucapiuntur, si domus per temporis spatium
nostra fiat.

'TREASURE-TROVE

Thensaurus est vetus quaedam depositio pecu-
niae, cuius non exstat memoria, ut iam dominum

Paul. D.
41, I, 31, I

the individual things (ves séngu-

. lae) remain intact, and corpora

cohaerentza, where the component
parts are lost in the resulting
corpus.

10. ex alienis cementis: the spell-
ing cementum for caementum (caed-
mentum, ‘quarried stone’) of the
Florentine Ms. is not given in Har-
pers Lat. Dict. See caementumnt.

13. post tempus usucapionis:
according to the classical law, the
prescriptive period necessary for
acquisition of immovable property

was ten years where both parties
interested lived in the same prov-
ince (cater praesentes), and twenty
years where they lived in different
provinces (zxter absentes). Al-
though a house had been acquired
by this title, the owner of the
materials (cementa) was not pre-
vented from suing for them if the
house were demolished, even after
the prescriptive period had elapsed
(fost tempus usucapionis).

17. Thensaurus: ¢hensaurus,
the Latinized form of the Greek,

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non habeat; sic enim fit eius qui invenerit, quod non alte-
rius sit. Alioquin si quis aliquid vel lucri causa vel metus
vel custodiae condiderit sub terra, non est thensaurus;
cuius etiam furtum fit. *

Thesauros, quos quis in suo loco invenerit,
divus Hadrianus naturalem aequitatem secutus
ei concessit qui invenerit. Idemque statuit, si quis in sacro
aut in religioso loco fortuito casu invenerit. At si quis in
alieno loco non data ad hoc opera, sed fortuitu invenerit,
dimidium domino soli concessit. Et convenienter, si quis
in Caesaris loco invenerit, dimidium inventoris, dimidium
Caesaris esse statuit. Cui conveniens est, ut, si quis in
publico loco vel fiscali invenerit, dimidium ipsius esse,

Inst. 2, 1, 39

dimidium fisci vel civitatis.

Onoavpds (cf. Plautus, 7*2. Prol.
18), occurs in the Corpus Juris
both in the nasalized form, and in
the later, chesaurus. There is a
difference of opinion as to the title
by which property in as&treasure-
trove (thesaurus) is acquired
(occupatio or accessto). The re-
quirements stated in the definition
necessary to constitute a thing
a thesaurus should be carefully
heeded. It must be a wetus de-
positio pecuniae (ie. condita ab
ignotis dominis tempore vetustiore
mobilta, C. 10, 15), so long hidden
that at the time of its discovery
the owner can no longer be ascer-
tained. It is for this reason that
the treasure is regarded by many
as a res nullius, and that the finder
acquires it by right of discovery

(occupatio). Hence thesaurus
differs from other finding where
the owner may be ascertainable.
On the other hand, it seems that
the owner of land had a qualified
interest in treasure found on his
premises, hence the rule ascribed
to Hadrian, that the finder and
the owner of the soil share the
treasure equally. If the owner
were the finder, the treasure was
his. Hadrian extended the rule
so that the entire treasure, if found
in a place having no owner (Z.e. in
a res nullius, e.g. a locus religiosus
or sacer) and without search ( for-
tutto casu), fell to the finder. M.
Aurelius and Verus modified this
tule so that one half of such finds
fell to the /£sczs, as in the case of.
treasure found on public property.

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ACQUISITION OF OwneERsuIP (Zure Civili)

Mancipatio propria species alienationis est
rerum mancipi, eaque fit certis verbis, libri-
pende et quinque testibus praesentibus. Mancipatio locum
habet inter cives Romanos et Latinos colonarios Latin-
osque Ilunianos eosque peregrinos, quibus commercium

Ulp. 19, 3

datum est.
vicem ius.

Gai. 1, 119

Commercium est emendi vendendique in-

Est autem mancipatio imaginaria quaedam
venditio; quod et ipsum ius proprium civium

Romanorum est, eaque res ita agitur: adhibitis non minus
quam quinque testibus civibus Romanis puberibus et prae-

1. Mancipatio propria species
alienationis: property in cases of res
7/Hancifi was not transferred unless
all the formalities required by law
were observed. If any of the par-
ticulars failed, the object of the

transfer was held to be merely

in possession (zz bonzs) of the
grantee, until he obtained a title
to the thing by prescription (zsz-
capio). Res nec manczbi did not
require these formalities and were
acquired by simple tradition or
delivery (Zradzize). Plautus il-
lustrates this principle in scenes
where purchasers of slaves are
cheated out of their property (and
the price paid) by an accomplice
of the seller setting up a claim for
the slaves as his own before the
purchasers’ possession has ripened
into ownership. Therequirements
of the text represent the transac-

tion as it was in the classical law.
Originally mancipium was a real
sale, in which the price was actually
weighed out by the scale bearer.
Coined money was in use as early
as the Twelve Tables. The cere-
mony then became symbolical, in
which the fiction of weighing out
the purchase money was preserved.
The transaction thereupon came
to be open to those Zafzmi and
peregrint who had the zus com-
merci.

4. Latinos Iunianos: see note
on Libertorum, p. 89.

ir. quinque testibus civibus Ro-
manis: it was necessary that there
should be present the one acquir-
ing (gui mancipio accipit); the
one alienating (2 quo mancipio
accidit); the scale bearer (Zrz-
pens); and five witnesses, repre-
senting the community. The

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

terea alio eiusdem condicionis, qui libram aeneam teneat,
qui appellatur libripens, is, qui mancipio accipit, aes tenens
ita dicit: ‘Hunc ego hominem ex iure Quiritium meum esse
aio isque mihi emptus esto hoc aere aeneaque libra,' deinde
aere percutit libram idque aes dat ei a quo mancipio ac-
cipit, quasi pretii loco. Eo modo et serviles et liberae per- !
sonae mancipantur; animalia quoque, quae mancipi sunt,
quo in numero habentur boves, equi, muli, asini, item
praedia tam urbana quam rustica, quae et ipsa mancipi
sunt, qualia sunt Italica, eodem modo solent mancipari.
In eo solo praediorum mancipatio a ceterorum mancipa-
tione differt, quod personae serviles et liberae, item ani-
malia, quae mancipi sunt, nisi in praesentia sint, mancipari
non possunt; adeo quidem, ut eum, qui mancipio accipit,
adprehendere id ipsum, quod ei mancipio datur, necesse
sit; unde etiam mancipatio dicitur, quia manu res capitur ;
praedia vero absentia solent mancipari Ideo autem aes
et libra adhibetur, quia olim aereis tantum nummis ute-

number five is not accounted for primitive times, undoubtedly, it

in the sources, but the presump-
tion is that there was one witness
each for the five classes of the
Servian Constitution.

2. qui mancipio accipit: for a
discussion of the syntax of man-
czpio and the meaning of the word
in these phrases, see Roby, Lat.
Gram. II, Pref. p. 50, footnote.

6. liberae personae mancipan-
tur: for free persons zz mancipio,
see note on aZae, p. 128.

17. praedia absentia solent man-
cipari: immovable things were not
seized with the hand in mancipa-
tion, but were described only. In

was necessary that the entire cere-
mony should take place on the
spot where the thing sold was
situated, but in later times a field
was represented by a clod (g/aeéa),
a house by a brick, etc. (res s-
biles non nist praesentes mancipart
possunt, et non plures quam
quot manu capi possunt. Imno-
biles autem etiam plures. simul
et quae diversis. locis sunt man-
cari possunt, Ulp. 19, 6). —
aes et libra adhibetur: bronze
(aes) was the only metal used in
ancient Roman currency. It was
a mixture of copper, tin, and lead.

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bantur, et erant asses, dupundii, semisses, quadrantes, nec
ullus aureus vel argenteus nummus in usu erat, sicut ex
lege duodecim tabularum intellegere possumus ; eorumque
nummorum vis et potestas non in numero erat,-sed in
pondere; asses librales erant, et dupundii; unde etiam
dupundius dictus est, quasi duo pondo, quod nomen adliuc
in usu retinetur. Semisses quoque et quadrantes pro rata
scilicet portione ad pondus examinati erant Qui dabat
olim pecuniam, non numerabat eam, sed appendebat ; unde
servi, quibus permittitur administratio pecuniae, dispensa-

tores appellati sunt.

In iure cessio quoque communis alienatio est

Ulp. 19, 9

It is not known when bronze
was first coined. At the time of
the Twelve Tables it was used,
and some maintain that it was
introduced then; by others it is
held to have been first coined by
Servius Tullius. Silver currency
was introduced 269 B.c., and gold
not until the later years of the re-
public. As stated in the text, the
primitive Roman currency was one
of weight (zz pondere). As the
unit of value was the as, the sys-
tem of coinage was identical with
the system of weights. The as
originally weighed one pound
(bra) and was divided into
twelve ounces (wmciae). Each
fraction of the as following this
duodecimal system had its dis-
tinct name: uwzcia (ds), sextans
(4), quadrans (1), semissis. (4),

et mancipi rerum et nec mancipi: quae fit per
tres personas, in iure cedentis, vindicantis, addicentis.

In

septunzx (35), deunx (14),etc. Be-
fore Justinian's reorganization of
the prescribed courses of study in
the law schools, ZufondZ (*two-
pennymen?) was the name given in
derision to the students of the first
year (zovi Lustinianez ).

12. Iniurecessio: zz zure cessio
was an ancient form of alienating
both res manc7zpi and res nec man-
cipi. It was a fictitious process
followed by a formal surrender in
court (zz zure). The defendant
(dominus) gave up (cessit) the
thing in dispute to the plaintiff
(vindicator) in the presence of the
magistrate. The grantor yields
either expressly or tacitly, and as
there is no contest over the object
claimed (wzndicare, ‘to claim’;
vindicator, ‘the claimant or
grantee’) the magistrate, repre-

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jure cedit dominus; vindicat is, cui ceditur; addicit prae-
tor. In iure cedi res etiam incorporales possunt, velut
ususfructus et hereditas et tutela legitima libertae.
ER In iure cessio autem hoc modo fit: apud magis-
tratum populi Romani, veluti praetorem, is, cui
res in iure ceditur, rem tenens ita dicit: ‘ Hunc ego hominem
ex iure Quiritium meum esse aio, deinde postquam hic
vindicaverit, praetor interrogat eum, qui cedit, an contra
vindicet; quo negante aut tacente tunc ei, qui vindicaverit,
eam rem addicit; idque legis actio vocatur. Hoc fieri
potest etiam in provinciis apud praesides earum. Plerum-
que tamen et fere semper mancipationibus utimur. Quod
enim ipsi per nos praesentibus amicis agere possumus, hoc
non est necesse cum maiore difficultate apud praetorem aut

apud praesidem provinciae agere.

VSVCAPIO -
Modest. D. Vsucapio est adiectio dominii per continua-
41, 3,3

tionem possessionis temporis lege definiti.

senting the community or sover- words: do, dico, addico. Do was

eign power, adjudges the property
in the thing to the plaintiff. 7z
iure cessto was used extensively to
effect manumission (the vzzdex or
assertor libertatzs acting as claim-
ant) and in the removal and es-
tablishment of paternal rights, e.g.
manuniussio vindicta, followed by
n ture cessio in emancipation and
adoption. Cf. also note on Vin-
dicta, p. 9o.

10. eam rem addicit: the prae-
tor in the full exercise of his office
made use of the three formal

employed in granting actions, in-
terdicts, zadices, etc.; dico, in
pronouncing sentence; addico, in
awarding the object in dispute to
one or the other of the parties
(vocantur dies nefasti, per quos
dies nefas fari praetorem: do,
dico, addico, Varro, L. L. 6, 30).
For /egzs actio see note on ex his,
p.49. ,

16. Vsucapio : zsucapio was also
recognized by the zus czvdle as a
mode of acquisition by original
title. Vsucapzo (usu + capere,

184

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Gai. D. Bono publico usucapio introducta est, ne scili-
453 1 cet quarundam rerum diu et fere semper incerta
dominia essent, cum sufficeret dominis ad inquirendas res
suas statuti temporis spatium.

Nam si tibi rem mancipi neque mancipavero
neque in iure cessero, sed tantum tradidero, in
bonis quidem tuis ea res efficitur, ex iure Quiritium vero
mea permanebit, donec tu eam possidendo usucapias ;
semel enim inpleta usucapione proinde pleno iure incipit,
id est et in bonis et ex iure Quiritium tua res esse, ac si ea
mancipata velin iure cessa esset. Vsucapio autem mobilium
quidem rerum anno completur, fundi vero et aedium bien-

Gai. 2, 41

nio; et ita lege XII tabularum cautum est..

‘taking by use") was a possession
without interruption for one year
in case of a movable thing and
for two years in case of land or
buildings, where the property was
situated in Italy, if the possession
had begun honestly (dona fide)
and if the thing was not excluded
from usucapio by special provision
of law, e.g. res furtivae, res sacrae,
etc. See below. The institution
of usucapion was demanded by
public policy, in order that there
should be no vacuum of ownership
(ne incerta dominia essent) and
to prevent the title to property
from remaining forever insecure
and uncertain. This might occur
when the form of conveyance had
been imperfect or when the thing
was acquired from a non-owner
who had no right to convey (emo
plus duris ad alium transferre

potest quam ipse haberet, D. 50,
17, 54)-

6. in bonis tuis ea res efficitur:
the zus civile required that a res
mancipt be conveyed by mancipa-
tio or im zure cessio. If any of the
requirements of this formal trans-
action failed, the thing could not
become the property of the alienee
by simple delivery (/radzze), but
was said to be merely *zz bonis
ez4$, while the alienor continued
to be the real owner. This defect
in the form of conveyance could
be cured by zsucafio, and full
ownership (euo iure) could be
acquired by the possessor if he
continued to possess for the re-
quired period of time. Vsucapio
is an institution mentioned by the
Twelve Tables. Mancipatio and
in ture cessio are both older. (Cf.
Cic. Top. 4, 23, usMs auctoritas

185

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Iure civili constitutum fuerat, ut, qui bona
fide ab eo, qui dominus non erat, cum crediderit
eum dominum esse, rem emerit vel ex donatione aliave qua
iusta causa acceperit, is eam rem, si mobilis erat, anno ubi-
que, si immobilis, biennio tantum in Italico solo usucapiat,
ne rerum dominia in incerto essent. Et cum hoc placitum
erat, putantibus antiquioribus dominis sufficere ad inquiren-
das res suas praefata tempora, nobis melior sententia re-
sedit, ne domini maturius suis rebus defraudentur neque
certo loco beneficium hoc concludatur. Et ideo constitu-
tionem super hoc promulgavimus, qua cautum est, ut res
quidem mobiles per triennium usucapiantur, immobiles vero

Inst. 2, 6

fundi biennium est— ceterarum
rerum omnium annuus est usus).

4. iusta causa acceperit : in con-
sidering the subject of usucapion,
it is necessary to understand that
possession (fossesszo) means both
the physical detention of a thing
(detentzo) — the popular meaning
of the word — and the intention
(animus) to hold it as one's own.
In the sense of the zzs cizz/e, then,
legal possession requires both de-
tentio and animus. In order that
such a possession should ripen
into ownership by lapse of time,
the possession must have begun
bona fide and ex zusta causa (or
zusto titulo), i.e. the one beginning
the possession must have begun in
good faith and as a result of one
of the legally recognized modes
of acquiring title to property, as
sale, gift, legacy, etc. The pos-
session must be peaceable and
uninterrupted, but the term of a

predecessor's possession could be
added to that of a successor to
complete the required period of
possession (accessio possessionis).

1o. certo loco beneficium hoc con-
cludatur: in the time of Justinian
there was no distinction between
Italian and provincial soil, and
hence the principle of usucapion
was not confined to Italy (Z/aZ-
cunt solum). Owing to the greatly
increased extent of Roman terri-
tory and the greater distances at
which property might be situated
from its owner, the prescriptive
periods were also lengthened.
Inter praesentes meant when the
owner and the possessor resided
in the same province; zzter ab-
sentes, in different provinces.
Where the parties were only a
part of the time in the same
province, two years of absence
were counted equal to one of
presence.

186

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

per longi temporis possessionem, id est inter praesentes
decennio, inter absentes viginti annis usucapiantur et his
modis non solum in Italia, sed in omni terra, quae nostro
imperio gubernatur, dominium rerum iusta causa posses-
sionis praecedente adquiratur.

Gai. 2, 45

Sed aliquando etiamsi maxime quis bona fide
alienam rem possideat, non tamen illi usucapio

procedit, velut si quis rem furtivam aut vi possessam pos-
sideat; nam furtivam lex XII tabularum usucapi prohibet,

vi possessam lex Iulia et Plautia.

usucapionem non recipiunt.

Item provincialia praedia
Item olim mulieris, quae in

agnatorum tutela erat, res mancipi usucapi non poterant,

1. per longi temporis possessio-
nem: wsucapio and longi temporis
possessto, or praescriptio, were by
origin entirely distinct and differ-
ent terms. The former was an in-
stitution of the zzs czvZe, the latter
of the zs honorarium or praetorian
law. Praescriptzo was a term of
procedure introduced by provincial
governors, since wsucapio did not
apply to provincial soil, where there
could be no ownership ex zure
Quiritium. The praescriptio was
literally a plea written at the be-
ginning ( 2rae-scrzbere) of the for-
mula, setting forth the fact of long
and continuous possession on the
part of the defendant. The prae-
tor then came to give the possessor
an action against third parties, who
claimed the thing possessed (actzo
Zn rent), protecting the possessor
as owner. Justinian united the
two principles of wsucapio and

longi temporis possessio, the long
period of ten and twenty years
being retained for real estate, and
the short period of zsucaféo for
movable property was extended to
three years.

7. non illi usucapio procedit:
usucapio can ripen into ownership
only when the mode of acquisition
is legal. It may proceed wherean
error of fact occurred in the con-,
veyance, if such error of fact is
reasonable and dona fide. An
error of law, however, renders the
effect of the possession void. Cer-
tain things were not susceptible to
usucapion, e.g. things stolen (ves
JSurtivae) ; things taken by violence
(res vi possessae) ; land in provin-
cial soil (provinciale solum) ; res
mancipi belonging to a woman in
the guardianship of her agnates (cf.
note on feres, p. 152) ; all things
incapable of private ownership

187

wm

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

praeterquam si ab ipsa tutore auctore traditae essent ; idque
italege XII tabularum cautum erat. Item liberos homines
et res sacras et religiosas usucapi non posse manifestum
est. Quod ergo vulgo dicitur furtivarum rerum et vi pos-
sessarum usucapionem per legem XII tabularum prohibitam
essé, non eo pertinet, ut ne ipse fur quive per vim possidet
usucapere possit (nam huic alia ratione usucapio non con-
petit, quia scilicet mala fide possidet); sed nec ullus alius,
quamquam ab eo bona fide emerit, usucapiendi ius habeat.

SUBORDINATE RIGHTS OF OWNERSHIP (Jura im re aliena)

SERVITUDES
Marcian. D. Servitutes aut personarum sunt, ut usus et
8i ususfructus, aut rerum, ut servitutes rusticorum

praediorum et urbanorum.

(extra commercium), such as free
persons, ves sacrae, res religiosae,
res fiscz, etc.

8. necullus alius : a thing stolen
or taken by violence was regarded
as tainted (zz v7t7um cecidisse) un-
til it fell again into the hands of
the real owner. In order that the
taint should be removed (vzfze
purgato) so that usucapio might
proceed, the thing must come into
the owner’s hands lawfully and
with his knowledge that it had
been stolen and was his property.

Subordinate Rights of Owner-
ship: dominium was the word em-
ployed by the Romans to express
complete ownership. It embraced,
therefore, the zus utendz, cus fru-

endi, ius abutendi, or rights of com-
plete disposition of the property.
Dominium means that all these
rights are united in the domnus.
But certain rights may be detached
from dominium and vested in an-
other than the domnus, e.g. a right
to use a thing in a particular way,
as a right of way through another's
field. This is dozeinzus, or abso-
lute ownership minus a detached
portion of ownership, z.e. a limited
right or servitude in the property
of another. These limited rights
which one properly entitled may
exercise over another's property
are called zura tn re or zura in ve
aliena (cf. also note on Acgzisz-
tion of Ownership, p. 165). They

188

' SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Pompon. D.
8, 1, 15, 1

Servitutium non ea natura est, ut aliquid faciat
quis, veluti viridia tollat aut amoeniorem pro-

spectum praestet, aut in hoc ut in suo pingat, sed ut aliquid

patiatur aut non faciat.

Ulp. D.
8, 5, 6,z

Etiam de servitute, quae oneris ferendi causa
imposita erit, actio nobis competit, ut et onera

ferat et aedificia reficiat ad eum modum, qui servitute im-

posita comprehensus est.

are real rights, z.e. availing against
all the world, like the rights of
complete ownership. They are
detached portions of proprietary
right taken from the dozzzus and
conferred upon another. What
remains after the zws zz re has
been subtracted, the Romans call
nuda proprietas. How do zura
in re aliena differ from absolute
ownership? They are mere‘ frag-
ments’ of dominium, limited in
their content, and when they per-
ish as distinct rights, are absorbed
by dominzum. The most impor-
tant Zura zm re aliena are servi-
tutes, emphyteusis, superficies, and
dignus (hypotheca).

Servitudes: a servitude is a
real right (zus zz re aliena) in the
property of another, inseparably
connected with an immovable
thing (pfraedzum) or with a cer-
tain person for whose benefit it
exists (servitutes personarum aut
rerum, personal and real). In
origin the term servitus is meta-
phorical. The thing whose owner-
ship is restricted is said to serve
(servit, res serviens), the restricting

Et Gallus putat non posse ita

right or burden is called seraitus.
The thing benefited by such ser-
vice is called dominant (res dom?-
mans). Where property was freed
from servitudes, there was said to
be a Zertas rei.

3. aut in hoc ut in suo pingat:
*the essence of servitudes does not
consist in this, that any one should
do something, as eg. remove
bushes or furnish a more pleasing
view, or that he display pictures on
his own property for this purpose’
(i.e. amoeniorem prospectum prae-
stet). In suo pingat refers to the
practice of decorating walls and
other surfaces with paintings and
frescoes for the purpose of beauti-
fying the landscape. This prac-
tice is referred to by Juv. Sat.
8, 157. Cf. also Dig. 43, 17,
3, 9. Such ‘coverings’ of paint
and fresco were called Zecorza. —
sed ut aliquid patiatur: servi-
tudes are classified as positive or
negative. In the latter case the
owner of the ves servzens is bound
to refrain from doing what he would
otherwise be entitled to do (servz-
tutes quae in non faciendo consis-

189

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I5

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW*

servitutem imponi, ut quis facere aliquid cogeretur, sed ne
me facere prohiberet; nam in omnibus servitutibus refectio
ad eum pertinet, qui sibi servitutem adserit, non ad eum,
cuius res servit. Sed evaluit Servi sententia, in proposita
specie ut possit quis defendere ius sibi esse cogere adver-
sarium reficere parietem ad onera sua sustinenda. Labeo
autem hanc servitutem non hominem debere, sed rem,
denique licere domino rem derelinquere scribit.

PRAEDIAL SERVITUDES

Servitutes praediorum aliae in solo, aliae in

Paul. D.

8 553 superficie consistunt.

un . Praediorum urbanorum sunt servitutes, quae
nst. 2, 3,

aedificiis inhaerent, ideo urbanorum praediorum
dictae, quoniam aedificia omnia urbana praedia appellan-
tur, etsi in villa aedificata sunt. Item praediorum urba-
norum servitutes sunt hae : ut vicinus onera vicini sustineat ;
ut in parietem eius liceat vicino tignum immittere; ut stil-

funt). In the former case, the
owner of the res dominans is al-
lowed to do something (by the
positive servitude) he would other-
wise not be entitled to do (servz-
tutes quae in patiendo consistunt).
Servitudes do not consist in doing
something (servus in faciendo
consistere non potest). For this
reason the cost of repairs and main-
tenance fall upon the owner of the
dominant tenement, except in the
servitude ozerzs ferendi mentioned
in the text. Even here the owner
of the servient tenement may avoid
the burden of repairs by abandon-

ing the servient thing (derelin-
quere).

9. Servitutes praediorum aliae :
praedial (real) servitudes are either
rural or urban, z.e. they pertain.
to the soil (2Zae zz solo conszstunt)
or to superstructures (aliae zz su-
perficie consistunt). All praedial
servitudes are burdens imposed
upon a ¢hzmg in favor of another
thing, as a right of way through
one piece of land in favor of another
piece of land adjoining it — or a
right to discharge rain,water from
one's roof upon the property of a
neighbor, etc.

190

10

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

licidium vel flumen recipiat quis in aedes suas vel in aream,
vel non recipiat; et ne altius tollat quis aedes suas, ne
luminibus vicini officiatur.

Gai. D. Vrbanorum praediorum iura talia sunt: altius
8, 2,2 tollendi et officiendi luminibus vicini aut non ex-
tollendi; item stillicidium avertendi in tectum vel aream
vicini aut non avertendi; item immittendi tigna in parietem
vicini et denique proiciendi protegendive ceteraque istis

similia.
Ulp. D.

8, 2,3 tur.

Paul. D.
8,24

Est et haec servitus, ne prospectui officia-

Luminum in servitute constituta id adquisi-
tum videtur, ut vicinus lumina nostra excipiat;

cum autem servitus imponitur, ne luminibus officiatur, hoc

4. Vrbanorum praediorum : ser-
vitudes are called urban when they
pertain directly to buildings,
whether situated in town or coun-
try. The most usual urban servi-
tudes are mentioned in the text.
By the servitude altius tollendi the
owner of the dominant tenement
was entitled to erect buildings be-
yond a certain height ; by the neg-
ative servitude zon extollendi, the
owner of the servient tenement
was bound not to raise his build-
ings beyond a certain height.
The servitude officzendi luminibus
vel prospectui restrained the pro-
prietor of the servient tenement
from obstructing the light and pros-
pect of his neighbor by the erec-
tion of buildings or the planting
of trees, etc. Otherwise an owner
might erect structures on his own

property to whatever height he
pleased (caucus est solum, eius est
usque ad caelum). The servi-
tude sedium avertendi aut
non avertendi has reference to
drip from the eaves (sZZ/a-cadere,
*falling in drops') falling upon
a neighbor's property. When the
water was collected and carried
from the roof by a gutter, it was
called jlumen. In neither case
could the water be turned upon a
neighbor’s land, in the absence of
aservitude. The zs tégnd zmuat-
tendi is the right to fasten a joist
or timber in a neighbors wall.
The ius proiciendi protegendive is
the right to build beyond one’s
boundary line in the air above
another's property, e.g. a balcony
or the projection of beams, or a
roof, over another's soil or building.

191

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

maxime adepti videmur, ne ius sit vicino invitis nobis altius
aedificare atque ita minuere lumina nostrorum aedificiorum.

Ulp. D.
8, 2, 15

Inter servitutes ne luminibus officiatur et ne
prospectui offendatur aliud et aliud observatur:

quod in prospectu plus quis habet, ne quid ei officiatur ad
gratiorem prospectum et liberum, in luminibus autem, non
officere ne lumina cuiusquam obscuriora fiant.

Paul. D.
8, 2, 16

Lumen id est, ut caelum videretur, et interest
inter lumen et prospectum: nam prospectus

etiam ex inferioribus locis est, lumen ex inferiore loco esse

non potest.

Ulp. D.
8,31

The servatus luminum, or the zus
luminis immittendi, is the right to
have a window in a neighbor's
wall (zz vicznus luinina nostra ex-
cipiat).

3. Inter servitutes ne luminibus
et ne prospectui: the difference
(aliud et aliud) between these two
servitudes is that the servzzus ne
prospectui offendatur is more
extensive than the servitude ze
luminibus officiatur, since prospect
may be obstructed or rendered less
pleasing in various ways, without
diminishing light. The servitude
of light is more extensive than the
servitude a//zus non tollend?, since
other things than buildings may
obstruct the light, ¢.g. the planting
of trees, etc.

8. interest inter lumen et pro-
spectum : Zuzzzza were windows or

Servitutes rusticorum praediorum sunt hae:
iter, actus, via, aquaeductus.
ambulandi homini, non etiam iumentum agendi.

Iter est ius eundi
Actus

openings in a building for purposes
of lighting it. Prospectus is the
view below, upon a garden or sur-
rounding park, as well as in other
directions.

12. Servitutes rusticorum prae-
diorum: the most common servi-
tudes pertaining to land are: way
(iter, actus, via) ; conduct of water
to one’s own land over, beneath,
or on the surface of another’s land
(aguaeductus) ; drawing water
from another’s well (aguachaus-
tus), carrying with it an implied

right of way (zer); the right to

water stock ( pecoris ad aguam ad-
pulsus) with implied way (actus) ;
right of pasturage (7s fascendz) ;
right of burning lime (calcis co-
quendae) ; the right to conduct or
drain water from one’s own land
to another's (aguae conducendae

192

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

est ius agendi vel iumentum vel vehiculum ; itaque qui
iter habet, actum non habet, qui actum habet, et iter habet
etiam sine iumento. Via est ius eundi et agendi et am-
bulandi; nam et iter et actum in se via continet. Aquae-
5 ductus est ius aquam ducendi per fundum alienum. In
rusticis computanda sunt aquaehaustus, pecoris ad, aquam
adpulsus, ius pascendi, calcis coquendae, harenae fodiendae.
Paul. D. Qui sella aut lectica véhitur, ire, non agere
8,37 dicitur; iumentum vero ducere non potest, qui
iter tantum habet. Qui actum habet, et plostrum ducere
et iumenta agere potest. Sed trahendi lapidem aut tignum
neutri eorum ius est; quidam nec hastam rectam ei ferre
licere, quia neque eundi neque agendi gratia id faceret et
possent fructus eo modo laedi. Qui viam habent, eundi
agendique ius habent; plerique et trahendi quoque et rec-
tam hastam referendi, si modo fructus non laedat.
Gai. D. Viae latitudo ex lege duodecim tabularum in
8,3,8 porrectum octo pedes habet, in anfractum, id est
ubi flexum est, sedecim.

IO

I5

12. quidam (sc. credunt) nec
hastam rectam: some believe that
he is not allowed to carry a spear
upright, because this would be no

vel immittendae). There were
many rural servitudes not men-
tioned in the text.

4. iter et actum in se via conti-

net: the servztus viae not only in-
cludes zzex and actus, but differs
from them in that it was a right
of paved way for heavily loaded
wagons. For this reason, the
dragging of stone, heavy timber,
etc., was permitted only by the
servitus viae, since by such use-
the servient property was not in-
jured and the dominant owner
injured only his own road which
he was bound to maintain.

ROMAN LAW — I3

part of a servitude euzdi or agendi.

14. Qui viam habent : those who
have the servitus viae have also
the zus eundi agendique, and very
many add also, the zus traAendi e
veciam hastam referendi.

17. Viae latitudo ex lege duo-
decim: this was the statutory provi-
sion for the width of the way, in the
absence of special agreement to the
contrary. If nothing was agreed
upon regarding the width of der

193

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Ulp. D.
8,4,1,1

Ideo autem hae servitutes praediorum appel-
lantur, quoniam sine praediis constitui non pos-

sunt; nemo enim potest servitutem adquirere vel urbani
vel rustici praedii, nisi qui habet praedium.

Paul. D.
8, 2, 28

Omnes autem servitutes praediorum perpetuas
causas habere debent, et ideo neque exlacu neque
ex stagno concedi aquaeductus potest.

Stillicidii quoque

immittendi naturalis ét perpetua causa esse debet.

or actus, the matter was deter-
mined by the judge (s zzz dic-
tun. est, hoc ab arbitro statuendum
est. Zn via aliud iurzs est: nam
si dicta latitudo non est, legitima
debetur, D. 8, 3, 13, 2).

1. Servitutes praediorum appel-
lantur: the owner of a piece of
land is placed in partial subjection
to his neighbor. The' sources
state that the land serves neigh-
boring land (fundus servit fundo,
pracdium servit praedio). There
must always be two pieces of land,
having different owners. The
land benefiting by the servitude
(cuz debetur servitus, or quod habet
servitutes) is called by moderns
pracdium dominans. The land
burdened by the servitude (quod
debet servitutem), the Romans
called praedium serviens. Since
these servitudes were attached to
land, the Romans regarded them
as serving the land directly. As
to the question whether /azd can
have rights, see the interesting
chapter in Holmes, “The Com-
mon Law,” p. 385 f.

5. perpetuas causas habere: a
servient tenement must from its
natural character be capable of
being of constant advantage ( fer-
petua causa) to the dominant
tenement, regardless of change of
ownership of the land. ‘ Seruitus
Sundo utilis esse debet? (ut pomum
decerpere liceat, et ut spatiari, et
ut cenare tn alieno fossimus, ser-
vitus imponz non potest, D. 8, 1,8).

Personal Servitudes: personal
servitudes are those conferring
upon individual Persons rights
which may be exercised over the
property of another (praedium
servit personae), just as real
(praedial) servitudes are imposed
upon a thing in favor of another
thing ( Praedzum servit praedio).
Personal servitudes are strictly
personal rights, extinguished at
death and, unlike real servitudes,
they may be imposed upon mov-
able, as well as immovable, prop-
erty. Less narrowly defined in
scope than real servitudes, they
are much more limited in duration.
Personal servitudes, at the most,

194

un

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

PERSONAL SERVITUDES

Paul. D.
211

Gai. D.
7,1, 3,2

iumentis ceterisque rebus.

Ulp. D.
7,1, 68

Vsus fructus est ius
fruendi salva rerum substantia.

Constitit autem usus fructus non tantum in
fundo et aedibus, verum etiam in servis et

alienis rebus utendi

Vetus fuit quaestio, an partus ad fructuarium
pertineret; sed Bruti sententia optinuit fructu-

arium in eo locum non habere; neque enim in fructu ho-

minis homo esse potest.
eo fructuarius habebit.

were for the lifetime of the person
served. Real servitudes, in the ab-
sence of other reasons, might be
perpetual or they might continue
at least as long as the servient
tenement existed. The most com-
mon personal servitudes are:
ususfructus, usus, habitatio, and
operae servorum et animalium.
1. Vsus fructus est ius alienis
rebus: ususfructus is the most
comprehensive of the personal
servitudes. The one entitled
(usufructuarius) has the exclu-
sive right to use and enjoy (zus
utendi et fruendi) the property
of another, including its increase,
products, and income (/zuctus
naturales et civiles), provided the
value of the servient thing is not
impaired (salva rerum substan-
Za). But see note on Fructuarius
causam proprietatis below, p. 196.
6. partus ad fructuarium per-
tineret: artus, offspring (sc. az-

Hac ratione nec usum fructum in

céllae), is commonly used of the
child of a female slave. Inasmuch
as there was a usufruct of slaves
as well as of other movable prop-
erty, such as flocks, it was a ques-
tion whether the usufructuarzus
(fructuarius) was entitled to the
usufruct of the offspring of slaves
as well as of flocks. It might be
expected that the young of slaves
should be treated like the young of
flocks and beasts of burden. Ulpian
explains that slaves are not owned
primarily for breeding purposes
(non temere ancillae eius ret causa
comparantur ut pariant) But
this is true also of cows and mares,
whose young were zz fructu. Jus-
tinian, following Gaius, adopts the
decision of the text, basing it upon
the superior position and dignity
of human beings ( Partus vero an-
cillae in fructu non est, ttague ad
dominum proprietatis pertinet:
absurdum enim videbatur homi-

195

Io

I

5 quicquam facere in perniciem proprietatis.

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Ulp. D. Fructuarius causam proprietatis deteriorem
771134 facere non debet, meliorem facere potest.
aut fundi est usus fructus legatus, et non debet neque
arbores frugiferas excidere neque villam diruere nec
Et si forte
voluptarium fuit praedium, virdiaria vel gestationes vel
deambulationes arboribus infructuosis opacas atque amoe-
nas habens, non debebit deicere, ut forte hortos olitorios
faciat vel aliud quid, quod ad reditum spectat. Inde est
quaesitum, an lapidicinas vel cretifodinas vel harenifodinas
ipse instituere possit; et ego puto etiam ipsum instituere
posse, si non agri partem necessariam huic rei occupaturus
est. Proinde venas quoque lapidicinarum et huiusmodi
metallorum inquirere poterit; ergo et auri et argenti et
sulpuris et aeris et ferri et ceterorum fodinas vel quas
paterfamilias instituit exercere poterit vel ipse instituere,

Et *

si nihil agriculturae nocebit.

nem in fructu esse, cum omnes
Jructus rerum natura hominum
gratia comparavit, Ynst. 2, 1, 37).

1. Fructuarius causam proprieta-
tis: the usufructuarzus was bound
to make proper use of the servient
property (arbitratu bonz virz) and
to restore it to its former condition
upon the termination of the servi-
tude. The proprietor ( proprieta-
zis dominus) took security (cautio)
from the wsufructuartus by which
the latter was personally obliged
to make good all losses and dete-
rioration. From the nature of
usufruct there can be no such ser-
vitude in consumable things (res
quae usu consumuntur). A SC

Et si forte in hoc quod insti-

of the early empire allowed a guasz
ususfructus of things consumable,
preceded by security for indemnity
or restoration of the same quantity
and quality, or for the payment of
the money value of the thing con-
sumed (e.g. vind, olet, frumenti
ususfructus). Although the wsus-
fructus is a personal servitude, the
one entitled to it may, by agree-
ment, allow another to exercise the
usufruct either gratuitously or for
a compensation. The right, how-
ever, itself is not transferable, and
the usufructuarius is responsible
to the owner of the servient prop-
erty (Ze. owner of the nuda pro-
prietas) for proper care and use.

196

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20

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

tuit plus reditus sit quam in vineis vel arbustis vel olivetis
quae fuerunt, forsitan etiam haec deicere poterit, si quidem
ei permittitur meliorare proprietatem.

Isdem istis modis, quibus usus fructus consti-

Inst. z, 5, pr.

tuitur, etiam nudus usus constitui solet isdemque
ilis modis finitur, quibus et usus fructus desinit Minus
autem scilicet iuris in usu est quam in usu fructu. Nam-

que is, qui fundi nudum usum habet, nihil ulterius habere
intellegitur, quam ut oleribus, pomis, floribus, feno, stramen-
tis, lignis ad usum cottidianum utatur; in eoque fundo hac-
tenus ei morarilicet, ut neque domino fundi molestus sit
neque his, per quos opera rustica fiunt, impedimento sit;
nec ulli alii ius quod habet aut vendere aut locare aut gra-
tis concedere potest, cum is qui usum fructum habet potest
haec omnia facere. Item is, qui aedium usum habet, hac-
tenus iuris habere intellegitur, ut ipse tantum habitet, nec
hoc ius ad alium transferre potest; et vix receptum vide-
tur, ut hospitem ei recipere liceat. Et cum uxore sua
liberisque suis, item libertis nec non aliis liberis personis,
quibus non minus quam servis utitur, habitandi ius habeat ;
et convenienter si ad mulierem usus aedium pertineat, cum
marito habitare liceat.

Ulp. D. Praeter habitationem quam habet, cui usus
7,8, 12, 1 datus est deambulandi quoque et gestandi ius

5. nudus usus constitui solet: zsusfrucfus. The user originally

the servitude wsus is limited to the
mere use of the thing, not to its

fruits (cui wsus relictus est, ut

potest, frui non potest, D. 7, 8,2)
beyond what was required for the
daily needs of the user and his
family. It was, therefore, a much
more restricted servitude than

could not take any fruits, natural
or civil, but this was modified by
interpretation in his favor, so that
he was allowed sufficient for his
daily requirements. He was
obliged to furnish the cazzo usu-
aria to indemnify the proprietor
against loss or damage.

197

20

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

habebit. Sabinus et Cassius et lignis ad usum cottidianum
et horto et pomis et holeribus et floribus et aqua usurum,
non usque ad compendium, sed ad usum, scilicet non usque
ad abusum; idem Nerva, et adicit'stramentis et sarmen-
tis etiam usurum, sed neque foliis neque oleo neque fru-
mento neque frugibus usurum. Sed Sabinus et Cassius et
Labeo et Proculus hoc amplius etiam ex his quae in fundo
nascuntur, quod ad victum sibi suisque sufficiat sumpturum
et ex his quae Nerva negavit; Iuventius etiam cum con-
vivis et hospitibus posse uti; quae sententia mihi vera
videtur.

Item is, ad quem servi usus pertinet, ipse tan-
tum operis atque ministerio eius uti potest: ad
alium vero nullo modo ius suum transferre ei concessum
est. Idem scilicet iuris est et in iumento. Sed si pecoris
vel ovium usus legatus fuerit, neque lacte neque agnis
neque lana utetur usuarius, quia ea in fructu sunt. Plane
ad stercorandum agrum suum pecoribus uti potest. Sed
si cui habitatio legata sive aliquo modo constituta sit, neque
usus videtur neque usus fructus, sed quasi proprium ali-
quod ius. Quam habitationem habentibus propter rerum
utilitatem secundum Marcelli sententiam nostra decisione
promulgata permisimus non solum in ea degere, sed etiam
aliis locare.

Inst. 2, 5,3

20. quasi proprium aliquod ius :
Aabitatio was peculiar in that the
one enjoying this servitude could
permit another to exercise the
right (in the law of Justinian) for
compensation, and it was, further-
more, less restricted than zszs-

J*uctus and usus in that it was
not lost by change of status (cafz-
fis deminutio) or by non-user.
For other servitudes of a peculiar
character in the law of Justinian,
see Class. Dict., articles Emphy-
teusis and Superficies.

198

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

THE Law or OBLIGATIONS (Obligationes)

Paul. D.
447.3

Obligationum substantia non in eo consistit,
ut aliquod corpus nostrum aut servitutem no-

stram faciat, sed ut alium nobis obstringat ad dandum
aliquid vel faciendum vel praestandum.

Gai. D.
50, 16, II

Creditorum appellatione non hi tantum acci-
piuntur, qui pecuniam crediderunt, sed omnes,

quibus ex qualibet causa debetur ;

Ulp. D.
50, 16, 12

debetur.

ut si cui ex empto vel ex locato vel ex alio ullo
Sed et si ex delicto debeatur, mihi

videtur, posse creditoris loco accipi.

Mod. D.

5016,18 ^ pecunia potest.

i. Obligationum substantia :
the essence of obligation is not to
make a thing (corpus) or a servi-
tude our own, but it is a legal
relation existing between two per-
sons whereby one of them (credi-
Zor) is entitled to compel the other
(debitor) to some performance (ad
dandunt, etc.) having a money
value (debere means ‘to have less,’
de + habere). Obligatio (obligare)
indicates therefore a legal bond,
the two parties being tied together
by law. - This bond may be estab-
lished by the parties voluntarily
(as by contract), or without their
consent (as by delict). There is
no important distinction between
the words dare, facere, and prae-
stare. Facere, ‘to do something,’
and fraestare, ‘to make good,’ ‘ to
compensate, were often used for

Debitor intellegitur is a quo invito exigi

dare. ln all cases the payment
of a sum of money was the ulti-
mate means of loosening the tie
(solutzo) established by an oddz-
gatio.

5. Creditorum appellatione :
creditor and debitor are general
terms signifying, respectively, the
party entitled to a right arising
from an obligation, and the party
upon whom the duty of performance
is imposed. Deor is not merely
one from whom payment is due in
the English sense of debtor, but
he is any one from whom money -
may be demanded against his will
(eo znvito), whether the obligation
arises from a promise (ex con-
tractu) or from a wrong (ex
delicto), ea enim in obligatione
consistere, quae pecunia lui prae-
starigue possunt, D. 40, 7, 9, 2.

199

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Inst. 3, 13, pr.

nostrae civitatis iura.

Gai. D.
447, tT

causarum figuris.

Inst. 3, 13, 2

^

1. Obligatio est iuris vinculum:
careful attention to the metaphor
contained in this definition will
assist toward a proper understand-
ing of it. Obigatro (ob + ligare)
is a binding, Z.e. alegal bond (zurzs
vinculum) by which two parties
are fastened together (adstringere)
in such a way that one may be re-
quired to dissolve the bond by
money payment (necessitate alicu-
ius solvendae rez) under compul-
sion of law (secundum nostrae
civitatis iura). It is the law that
ties and unties the knot (oddigare,
solvere).

4. Obligationes aut ex contractu:
all obligations arise from contract,
from wrongs (ex maleficzo), or from
other relations of a legal character
(ex vartis causarum figuris) which
the jurists assign by analogy to
one or the other of the two main
divisions of obligations (hence
called obligationes quasi ex con-
tractu, guast ex maleficio). See
text and notes below. Not every
agreement in Roman law gives

Obligatio est iuris vinculum, quo necessitate
adstringimur alicuius solvendae rei secundum

Obligationes aut ex contractu nascuntur aut
ex maleficio aut proprio quodam iure ex variis

Sequens divisio in quattuor species diducitur :
aut enim ex contractu sunt aut quasi ex con-
tractu aut ex maleficio aut quasi ex maleficio.

Prius est,

rise to a legally binding obliga-
tion. In the old zws czvdle only
those promises were binding which
were made in full conformity with
the requirements of the law as
regards their form and content.
All other agreements were with-
out legal effect (nuda facta), ex
mudo facto inter cives Romanos
actio non nascitur, Paul. 2, 14, 1.
Later, Pacta gave rise to an obli-
gation by help of the praetor and
special legislation (aca prae-
loria and Jlegitima). A promise
made to the state or a solemn
promise or vow (vo£z7:) made to a
divinity (Ze. a mere promise with-
out formal acceptance) gave rise
to an obligation (sz guzs rem ai-
quam voverzt, voto obligatur).

8. quasiexcontractu: obligations
may also arise without agreement
from a state of facts which render
one person bound to another as if
they had agreed, eg. one person
conducts another's business during
the latter's absence to preserve his
property from perishing or suffer.

209

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

_ut de his quae ex contractu sunt dispiciamus.

Harum

aeque quattuor species sunt: aut enim re contrahuntur

aut verbis aut litteris aut consensu.

dispiciamus.

De quibus singulis

OBLIGATIONS EX CONTRACTV

REAL CONTRACTS (fe)

Inst. 3, 14, pr.

Re contrahitur obligatio veluti mutui datione.
Mutui autem obligatio in his rebus consistit, quae

pondere, numero, mensurave constant, veluti vino, oleo, fru-
mento, pecunia numerata, aere, argento, auro, quas res aut

ing injury, called xegotiorum gestzo.
The legal relations here between
the parties resembled the obliga-
tions arising ex contractu, and the
fictitious character of these bonds
the jurists represented by the term
quasi-contractus. Obligationes
quasi ex maleficio (or delicto) were
likewise similar to those arising
ex maleficio, as when a passer-by
was injured by something thrown
from a window above. Regardless
of the person perpetrating the
wrongful act, the injured party was
entitled to an action against the
occupier of the house or room from
which the act originated. See also
text below (Obligations guasz ex
Delito,p.255). .

2. autenimre contrahuntur: in
the early law all contractual rela-
tions required a certain external
formality to insure their validity.
The oldest form of contract was
nexum (nectere, bind), a bond en-

tered into by mancipatio and stipu-
latio, consisting of the utterance of
certain formal words (verézs). In
the later law contracts could be
concluded re (real contracts), ze.
by the very nature of their content,
as by the intervention of a thing
(res) delivered by one party to
another; Zz/erz$, where the con-
tract is based on a written ac-
knowledgment of debt; consensu,
where the contract arises from the
mere consent of the parties, with-
out formalities. Contracts arising
verbis and Zterzs may be called
formal, those arising re and con-
sensu, informal.

5. mutuidatione: tuum isa
gratuitous loan for consumption,
the thing loaned to be returned in
kind and quality only. For the
false etymology see note on curas,
p.45. Mutuum isa negotium stricti
zuris, and the action by which an
equivalent in kind is enforced is

201

10

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

numerando aut metiendo aut pendendo in hoc damus, ut
accipientium fiant et quandoque nobis non eaedem res, sed
aliae eiusdem naturae et qualitatis reddantur. Vnde etiam
mutuum appellatum sit, quia ita a. me tibi datur, ut ex meo

tuum fiat.
condictio.

Inst. 3, 14, 2

actione.

Ex eo contractu nascitur actio quae vocatur

Item is cui res aliqua utenda datur, id est
commodatur, re obligatur et tenetur commodati
Sed is ab eo qui mutuum accepit longe distat :

namque non ita res datur, ut eius fiat, et ob id de ea re ipsa

restituenda tenetur.

Et is quidem qui mutuum accepit, si

quolibet fortuito casu quod accepit amiserit, veluti incendio,
ruina, naufragio aut latronum hostiumve incursu, nihilo

called, therefore, condzctzo or con-
diclo certz, i.e. an actzo for the re-
covery of a fixed and definite thing
— no moreandnoless. The thing
loaned becomes the property of
the borrower. He is not bound
to pay interest (eg. for money
loan) unless an express contract
to that effect has been entered into
by stzpulatzo.

7. resaliqua utenda : commoda-
tum is a loan for use only, the
borrower being bound to return
the ideritical thing borrowed, dif-
fering therein from mutuum.
Commodatum is a bonae fidei ne-
golium, ie. the liability of the
parties is not exactly determined
and defined. The borrower is
bound to bestow unusual care
upon the thing, since he alone is
benefited by the contract, but he
is not liable for the usual wear and

tear, nor for theft or accident
(casus, vis maior) unless the
thing has been put to other use
than that contracted for. The
lender, having no interest in the
contract, is liable only for dolus
(intentional wrong, fraud") and
culpa lata (‘gross negligence").
Like mutuum, commodatum is
strictly gratuitous, otherwise it
becomes Jocatio conductio (te. a
contractus ex consensu). The
lender has the actzo commodati
(directa) for the recovery of the
thing loaned. The borrower has
the actio commodatz (contraria)
by which he may recover from the
lender the amount of damage or
expense which the thing may have
caused (¢.g. illness of a loaned
slave, or damage caused bya vi-
cious horse, supposed to be
gentle).

202

wm

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN -LAW

minus obligatus permanet. At is qui utendum accepit sane
quidem exactam diligentiam custodiendae rei praestare iube-
tur nec sufficit ei tantam diligentiam adhibuisse, quantam
suis rebus adhibere solitus est, si modo alius diligentior
poterit eam rem custodire; sed propter maiorem vim maio-
resve casus non tenetur, si modo non huius culpa is casus
intervenerit ; alioquin si id quod tibi commodatum est peregre
ferre tecum malueris et vel incursu hostium praedonumve
vel naufragio amiseris, dubium non est, quin de restituenda
ea re tenearis. Commodata autem res tunc proprie intel-
legitur, si nulla mercede accepta vel constituta res tibi

utenda data est.

2. exactam diligentiam : Z//gezi-
Zaisthe care or skill which per-
sons are required by law to exhibit
in their conduct. It has different
degrees: the usual diligence of
ordinarily careful people; and a
high degree of diligence expected
from those.especially qualified for
the performance of their duties
(exacta. diligentia, omnis diligen-
tia, diligentia diligentis, or diligen-
lissimé, patrisfamilias). A person
from whom this latter degree of
diligence is exacted is liable even
for a slight degree of negligence,
measured by an absolute standard
(levis culpa zn abstracto, as called
by moderns), z.. if a more care-
ful man could have prevented the
injury (s¢ modo alius adiligentior
poterit eam rem custodire). The
degree of diligence otherwise re-
quired is that which a person or-
dinarily bestows upon his own
affairs (quantum suis rebus ad-

Alioquin mercede intervenienté locatus

hibere solitus est). The standard
is in this case relative, since one
man exercises more care than an-
other over his own affairs. A less
degree of care than usual renders
one liable for negligence (culpa
devis im concreto, as named by
moderns).

9. quin de restituenda ea re ten-
earis: by the contract called com-
modatum, the borrower is bound to
exercise the highest degree of care,
because the contract is entirely
in his interest (zu/la mercede ac-
cepta). Although the borrower
is not liable for accidental loss or
damage, if he use the thing for
any other purpose or in any other
way than that agreed upon, he
becomes liable even for unavoid-
able accident (casus, vzs mazor).
If compensation were paid (ser-
cede accepta), this contract would
be one of hiring or letting (ocatio-
conductio, see below, text, p. 217).

203

5

SELECTED TEXTS’ FROM THE ROMAN LAW

tibi usus rei videtur, gratuitum enim debet esse commoda-
tum. Praeterea et is, apud quem res aliqua deponitur, re
obligatur et actione depositi, qui et ipse de ea re quam
accepit restituenda tenetur. Sed is ex eo solo tenetur, si
quid dolo commiserit, culpae autem nomine, id est desidiae
atque neglegentiae, non tenetur; itaque securus est qui
parum diligenter custoditam rem furto amisit, quia, qui

. neglegenti amico rem custodiendam tradit, suae facilitati

IO

15

id imputare debet. Creditor quoque qui pignus accepit re
obligatur, qui et ipse de ea ipsa re quam accepit restituenda
tenetur actione pigneraticia. Sed quia pignus utriusque
gratia datur, et debitoris, quo magis ei pecunia crederetur,
et creditoris, quo magis ei in tuto sit creditum, placuit suffi-
cere, quod ad eam rem custodiendam exactam diligentiam
adhiberet; quam si praestiterit et aliquo fortuitu casu rem

amiserit, securum esse nec impediri creditum petere.

z. apud quem res aliqua deponi-
tur: defositum is a contract by
which one party delivers to another
a thing for safe-keeping without
compensation. As this contract
is for the benefit of the depositor,
the depositee, deriving no benefit
from it, is liable only for fraud
(dolus) and wilful negligence
(culpa lata). The depositor has
the acze depositd (directa) for the
recovery of the thing deposited;
the depositee, the actzo depositi
(contrarza) for the recovery of any
expense which the custody of the
thing entailed.

g. Creditor qui pignus accepit
re: Pignus isa contract arising from
the delivery of a thing as a pledge.
The creditor (pledgee) not only

has a real right (Zzs zz rem) in the
thing pledged (as mortgagee), but
he is also (gzegue) beund by the
delivery of the thing (ve) to re-
store it to the pledgor (debtor)
on certain conditions arising from
the contract of piguus. The
pledgee is bound to bestow the
highest degree of care upon the
thing, because he is directly inter-
ested in the contract. He is not
responsible for caszs, and may even
recover the value of the pledge, if
it perish by accident. The pledgor
has the actzo pigneraticia (directa)
for the recovery of the pledge, after
the payment of the debt secured
by it. The pledgee has the actio
pleneraticia (contraria) for the
recovery of any expenses caused

204

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

VERBAL Contracts (Verbis)

Inst. 3, 15, pr.

Verbis obligatio contrahitur ex interrogati-

one et responsu, cum quid dari fierive nobis

stipulamur.

Pompon. D.
45, 1, 5, 1

Gai. 3, 92

Stipulatio est verborum conceptio, quibus is
qui interrogatur daturum facturumve se quod
interrogatus est responderit.

Verbis obligatio fit ex interrogatione et respon-
sione, veluti dari spondes ? spondeo; dabis? dabo;

promittis? promitto; fide promittis? fide promitto; fide iubes?

by the preservation of the pledge.
Both parties being interested in
this contract, they are equally an-
swerable for exacta diligentza.

1. Verbis obligatio contrahitur :
the contract arising verbis re-
quired the utterance of formal
words, one party stating a ques-
tion, the other giving a reply cor-
responding to the question. The
obligation arising from this mode
of contracting was binding in the
absence of all consideration. Here
the solemn form of words make
the agreement valid, giving rise to
a formal contract called stipulatzo.
A promise without the question to
which it corresponded gave rise to
a mere nudum factum, which was
not a valid agreement (ex zudo
facto non oritur ac). The
Roman contract arising verbds
should not be confused with the
English parol contract. Unlike
the latter, the Roman verbal con-
tract is the most formal known to

the Roman law. In its most an-
cient form, this contract required
the use of the words sfondesne ?
spondeo, which could be employed
by Roman citizens only. The
ancient sfozszo was probably sol-
emnized by a libation (cf. owévdev)
and was of the nature of a solemn
oath, or religious act which devel-
oped into a formal contract. In
some instances, in the later law
even, the sfozszo retained the
force of a moral obligation only,
as, eg. in betrothal (sponsalia), a
promise which was not actionable.
Cf. note on Betrothal, p. 119.

9. promittis? promitto: from
very early times other words were
employed in the sZzu/azze where
feregrini were concerned. After
a time the sZzóu/atzo lost its formal
character and any words could be
employed in question and answer
which left no doubt as to the agree-
ment of the parties, z.¢. the ques-
tion or the answer might be in

205

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fide iubeo; facies? faciam. Sed haec quidem verborum
obligatio, dari spondes? spondeo, propria civium Romano-
rum est; ceterae vero iuris gentium sunt, itaque inter
omnes homines, sive cives Romanos sive peregrinos valent:
et quamvis ad Graecam vocem expressae fuerint, etiam hae
tamen inter cives Romanos valent, si modo Graeci sermonis

intellectum habeant.

Paul 5.9)

Verborum obligatio inter praesentes, non etiam
inter absentes contrahitur. Quod siscriptum fue-

rit instrumento promisisse aliquem, perinde habetur, atque
si interrogatione praecedente responsum sit.

LrrERAL Contracts (Litteris)

Gai. 3, 128 RN
Scripticus.

Litteris obligatio fit veluti nominibus tran-
Fit autem nomen transcripticium

duplici modo, vel a re in personam vel a persona in per-
sonam. A rein personam transcriptio fit, veluti si id, quod

Greek or Latin, or the question in
Greek and the answer in Latin,
or the reverse. The s$ozsio and
stifulatzo are favorite ways of
making engagements in Plautus,
often for a humorous effect, e.g.
Curc. 675; Epid. 8.

9. Quod si scriptum fuerit in-
strumento: it became customary
for the purpose of proving an agree-
ment which had been made orally
to have a written instrument (caz-
Zio) drawn up in which the words
of the spoken formula were in-
scribed. This instrument came
to be evidence of the contract and
was regarded as a presumption

that the contract had been con-
cluded inter jraesentes. The
stipulatio was a favorite mode of
rendering informal agreements
formal and actionable, and in
transferring an obligation from
one party to another.

12. Litteris obligatio fit : the ob-
ligationarising Z/Zerzs, the so-called
literal contract, grew out of the
very ancient custom of bookkeep-
ing at Rome. Every Roman citi-
zen was expected to keep a careful
and accurate record of his receipts
and expenditures (codex accepti et
expensi). This ancient ledger of
the Romans was called codex. It

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tü ex emptionis causa aut conductionis aut societatis-mihi

debeas, id expensum tibi tulero.

A persona in personam

transcriptio fit, veluti si id, quod mihi Titius debet, tibi id

expensum tulero, id est si Titius te delegaverit mihi.
causa est eorum nominum, quae arcaria vocantur.

Alia
In his

enim rei, non litterarum obligatio consistit, quippe non

was originally a series of wax
tablets joined together like a book
slate. The codex was posted
monthly, the items being tran-
scribed from the day book (ad-
versaria) and entered accurately
under the proper heading as ac-
cepta or expensa. The adversaria
might then be destroyed. Items
so recorded were of great value as
evidence of money transactions
(debits and credits). According
to Dionysius citizens swore to
the accuracy of their ledgers be-
fore the censor. Out of this cus-
tom grew the literal contract.
Instead of the mere record of the
fact of receipts and disbursements,
a legal relation arose by the ze-
mina transcripticia. The record
of an item in the codex of the cred-
itor with the consent of the debtor,
created a legal bond between
debtor and creditor. It is imma-
terial whether a corresponding
entry of the debt is made in the
books of the debtor. The mere
entry of the debt in the books of
the creditor, under the proper con-
ditions, produces the contract.

13 (p.206). Fit nomen transcrip-
ticium duplici modo: the entry of

the item (zomen, 7.e. name of the
debtor, then the Ze itself) is made
in the creditor's book with the con-
sent of the debtor. The obliga- |
tion may, however, be transformed
(nomen transcripticium) in one
of two ways (dufizei modo): the
basis of the obligation may be
changed, e.g. when something is
due on a contract of sale, the
debtor may assent to his creditor’s
entering the debt on his books.
The creditor can then enforce his
claim on a contract Z/ferzs instead
of a contract of sale (emptionis
causa). This is called transcrip-
tio a rein personam. There may
also be effected in this way a
change of party to the debt, as
when one person assumed the debt
of another. This was called ¢ran-
scriplio a persona in personam.
It is said of the creditor ‘expensum
ferre’; of the debtor ‘acceptum
ferre) when each party respec-
tively made entry of the loan and
its payment.

5. quaearcaria vocantur: arca-
rium nomen was the entry of the
amount of money counted out
(pecunia numerata) from the
cash box (arca). It was, there-

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aliter valent, quam si numerata sit pecunia.

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Numeratio
autem pecuniae re facit obligationem ; qua de causa recte
dicemus, arcaria nomina nullam facere obligationem, sed
obligationis factae testimonium praebere. Vnde non pro-
prie dicitur, arcariis nominibus etiam peregrinos obligari,
quia non ipso nomine, sed numeratione pecuniae obligan-
tur; quod genus obligationis iuris gentium est. Tran-
scripticiis vero nominibus an obligentur peregrini, merito
quaeritur, quia quodammodo iuris civilis est talis obligatio;
quod Nervae placuit. Sabino autem:et Cassio visum est,
sia re in personam fiat nomen transcripticium, etiam pere-
grinos obligari; si vero a persona in personam, non obligari.

Praeterea litterarum obligatio fieri videtur chirographis
et syngraphis, id est, si quis debere se aut daturum se
scribat; ita scilicet si eo nomine stipulatio non fiat: quod

genus obligationis proprium peregrinorum est.

fore, the record of a genuine loan
(z.e. the actual payment of money
giving rise to a zez obligatzo), not
merely ofan obligation arising from
the fact of record in the ledger
of the creditor (dtterarum obli-
gatio), i.e. numeratio autem pecu-
niae vei facit obligationem, but
arcaria nomina are only evidence
of an obligation arising from a
real (re) contract. Momina arca-
via were converted into contracts
litteris only by the intention of
the parties that such a transfor-
mation shall be made.

5. arcariis nominibus peregrinos
obligari: arcarza nomina bind
geregrini because the contracts re
were derived from the zus gentzun,

while the literal contract was an
institution of the zws czwie and
applicable only to céves Romani.
It is for this reason that the zomen
transcripticium a ve in personam
was binding upon Peregrznz, not
so, however, one a fersona in
personam.

13. obligatio fieri videtur chiro-
graphis: the literal contract disap-
peared before the time of Justin-
ian, owing to the general decline
in bookkeeping after citizenship
was extended to the entire free
population of the Roman world.
Written contracts of Greek origin
were the chirographum and sya-
grapha or promissory note, by
which the debtor agrees to pay a

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CONSENSUAL CONTRACTS (Consensa)

Consensu fiunt obligationes in. emptionibus
venditionibus, locationibus conductionibus, so-
cietatibus, mandatis. Ideo autem istis modis consensu
dicimus obligationes contrahi, quia neque verborum neque
scripturae ulla proprietas desideratur, sed. sufficit eos, qui
negotium gerunt, consensisse; unde inter absentes quoque
talia negotia contrahuntur, veluti per epistulam aut per
internuntium, cum alioquin verborum obligatio inter ab-
sentes fieri non possit.

Gai. 3, 135

SALE (Emptio Venditio)

Origo emendi vendendique a permutationibus
coepit. Olim enim non ita erat nummus neque
aliud merx, aliud pretium vocabatur, sed unusquisque secun-
dum necessitatem temporum ac rerum utilibus inutilia per-

Paul. D.
I8, 1, pr.

certain sum of money, the instru- ing formalities (e.g. contracts

ment being the evidence of the
contract. The chivographum ema-
nates from the debtor alone (* writ-
ten with his own hand’), the

_ syngrapha is a document bearing

the seals of both creditor' and
debtor and is intrusted to a third
person for safe-keeping.

Emptio Venditio: the contracts
arising consensu, unlike those al-
ready considered, are rendered
complete by the fact of consent
alone. No specific form in which
this consent is to be expressed
is required. For this reason the
consensual contracts are distin-
guished from all contracts requir-

ROMAN LAW — I4

litteris, verbis), and, as they are
informal and arose from the com-
mon business requirements of all
peoples, they are called contracts
Zuris gentium.

1r. Olim enim non ita erat num-
mus: ‘for in ancient times there
was no coined money, nor was
one thing called a commodity and
the other a price.’ Perzmutatio
is the exchange of one commodity
for another. Ewtio-vendiio is
the exchange of a commodity fora
money price. The jurists decided
after a long controversy that fer-
mutatzo and emptio-venditio are
two distinct kinds of contract:

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mutabat, quando plerumque evenit, ut quod alteri superest
alteri desit. Sed quia non semper nec facile concurrebat,
ut, cum tu haberes quod ego desiderarem, invicem haberem
quod tu accipere velles, electa materia est, cuius publica ac
perpetua aestimatio difficultatibus permutationum aequali-
tate quantitatis subveniret. Eaque materia forma publica
percussa usum dominiumque non tam ex substantia praebet
quam ex quantitate, nec ultra merx utrumque, sed alterum
pretium vocatur. Sed an sine nummis venditio dici hodie-
que possit, dubitatur, veluti si ego togam dedi, ut tunicam
acciperem. Sabinus et Cassius esse emptionem et vendi-
tionem putant; Nerva et Proculus permutationem, non
emptionem hoc esse. Sed verior est Nervae et Proculi
sententia: nam ut aliud est vendere, aliud emere, alius
emptor, alius venditor, sic aliud est pretium, aliud merx ;
quod in permutatione discerni non potest, uter emptor,

uter venditor sit.

Gai. 3, 139

the former is a contract ve, aris-
ing from an exchange of things
(permutatio ex re tradita zni-
tium obligation? praebet, D. 19,
4, 1, 2); the latter is a contract
consensu, arising from an ex-
change of fromzses instead of
things, whereby one party agrees
to the future transfer of a thing
(merx) after the payment by
another of a money price (pre-
tium). Permutatio or barter ef-
fects an alienation of property ;
emptio-venditzo does not, unless
followed by another act, /Zra-
ditio, required by Roman law to

Emptio et venditio contrahitur, cum de pretio
convenerit, quamvis nondum pretium numera-

effect the alienation of the thing
sold.

5. aequalitate quantitatis: ‘re-
moved the difficulty arising from
barter because of the uniformity
of values of coined money. The
material, given its public character
by coinage, confers the right of
use and ownership not so much
from its intrinsic value as from its
value as a medium of exchange;
and no longer are both things
called commodities (sera), but
one of them is now called price in
money’ ( pretzum).

18. Emptio et venditio contra

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

tum sit, ac ne arra quidem data fuerit; nam quod arrae
nomine datur, argumentum est emptionis et venditionis
contractae.

Omnium rerum, quas quis habere vel possi-.
dere vel persequi potest, venditio recte fit; quas
vero natura vel gentium ius vel mores civitatis commercio
Liberum hominem
scientes emere non possumus. Sed nec talis emptio aut
stipulatio admittenda est; ‘cum servus erit,’ quamvis dixeri-
mus futuras res emi posse; nec enim fas est eiusmodi

Paul. D.
18, 1, 34, 1

hitur : the contract of purchase and
saleis completed when the price has
been agreed upon. An exchange
of promises thereby arises between
emptor and venditor, creating Zura
in personam; but to effect a
change of ownership, a second act
is necessary, namely, ¢radttio (de-
livery), creating a zus 7 rem, after
the price has been paid and the
possession delivered. Security for
the price, or credit without secu-
rity, is sufficient to make the con-
tract valid (guod vendidi non aliter
fit accipientis, quam si aut pretium
nobis solutum sit aut satis eo
nomine factum vel etiam fidem
habuerimus emptori sine ulla
satisfactione, D. 18, 1, 19).

1. ne arra quidem data fuerit :
arra (arrha, arrabo) was origi-
nally a ring given as a pledge or
earnest for the payment of the
price, to be returned when the
price had been paid and the con-
tract executed. The ring was not
an essential part of the completion

of the contract, but was merely
proof of it (argumentum), and was
especially retained in betrothal
and marriage ceremonies (cf. note
on Betrothal, p. x19). The party
breaking off the match in sponsalia
could be made to pay twice the
amount of the azra given. The
explanation in Harper's Lat. Dict.
s. v. arra, from Isidor. Orig. 5, 25,
that the arra was given as part of
the purchase money is probably
incorrect.

ro. futuras res emi posse: any-
thing which could be the subject
of private ownership (res zm com-
mercio) could be sold. The sale
of a freeman, wrongly supposed
to be a slave, was invalid. The
parties must be agreed on the
corpus of the thing sold (Zw cor-
pore consensus), e4. the material
of a commodity, the sex of a slave,
though the actual contents of a
thing otherwise definitely defined
is immaterial. Hence there may
be an emptio rei futurae vel spe-

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casus exspectare. Item si et emptor et venditor scit fur-
tivum esse quod venit, a neutra parte obligatio contrahitur ;
si emptor solus scit, non obligabitur venditor nec tamen ex
vendito quicquam consequitur, nisi: ultro quod convenerit
praestet; quod si venditor scit, emptor ignoravit, utrimque
obligatio contrahitur, et ita Pomponius quoque scribit.
Pretium autem certum esse debet: nam alio-
quin si ita inter nos convenerit, ut quanti Titius
rem aestimaverit, tanti sit empta, Labeo negavit, ullam
vim hoc negotium habere; cuius opinionem Cassius pro-
bat: Ofilius et eam emptionem et venditionem esse putat ;

Gai. 3, 140

cuius opinionem Proculus secutus est.

vatae, i.e. of the hope of uncertain
profit, as so much each for as many
fish as may be caught, the price
being governed according to the
amount of gain acquired; or there
may be an emfptio spei i.e. the
purchase of a thing hoped for, as
so much for the chance of all the
fish caught — though there may be
no ‘catch’ at all, the price, how-
ever, to be absolutely paid (aZ-
quando iamen et sine ve venditio
intellegitur veluti cum quasi alea
emitur. Quod fit, cum captum
piscium vel avium vel missilium
emitur : emptio enim contrahitur
etzam st nihil inciderit, guia spei
emptio est, D. 18, 1, 8, 1).

7. Pretium autem certum esse
debet: the price must be money
(pecunia numerata), or, at least,
partly in money, and definite (cez-
tum). If the determination of the
price were left to a third party,
Justinian decided that there was a

sale if the party designated ~amed
the price, otherwise the sale was
invalid (sed nostra decisio ita hoc
constituit, ut guotzens sic composita
sit venditio ‘quanti ille aestimave-
rit, sub hac condicione staret con-
tractus, ut, si quidem ipse qui
nontinatus est pretium definzerit,
omnimodo secundum eius aestima-
tionem et pretium persolvatur et
ves tradatur, ut venditio ad ef-
fectum perducatur. Sin autem
alle qui nominatus est vel noluerit
vel non potuerit pretium definire,
tunc pro nthilo esse venditionem
quasi nullo pretio statuto, Inst. 3,
23, 1). A sale must be genuine
(verum). If there were no inten-
tion to demand the price, the trans-
action is not sale but gift. The
Romans, however, recognized sale
for a merely nominal sum (venditio
nummo uno) as valid in certain
cases, e.g. sale trans Tiberim of
deserters from the army. After

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; Cum autem emptio et venditio contracta sit

(quod effici diximus, simulatque de pretio con-
venerit, cum sine scriptura res agitur), periculum rei ven-
ditae statim ad emptorem pertinet, tametsi adhuc ea res
emptori tradita non sit. Itaque si homo mortuus sit vel
aliqua parte corporis laesus fuerit, aut aedes totae aut
aliqua ex parte incendio consumptae fuerint, aut fundus
vi fluminis totus vel aliqua ex parte ablatus sit, sive etiam
inundatione aquae aut arboribus turbine deiectis longe
minor aut deterior esse coeperit, emptoris damnum est, cui
necesse est, licet rem non fuerit nactus, pretium solvere.
Quidquid enim sine dolo et culpa venditoris accidit, in eo

Inst. 3, 23,

venditor securus est.

Diocletian, sale for a price less
than half the true value of the
thing could be rescinded (nus,
autem pretium esse videtur, si nec
dimidia pars veri fretz soluta sit,
C. 4, 44, 2). :

3. periculum rei venditae statim
ad emptorem pertinet: as soon as
the parties have reached an agree-
ment regarding the subject of sale
and the price, all risk pertaining to
the thing sold ( ferzculusm rei) and
right to its profits (commodum ret)
pass to the buyer (commodum eius
esse debet, cuius periculum est),
even though the thing purchased
has not yet been delivered to him.
This is true only if the thing sold
is specific and the price definitely
determined, but in the case of
commodities sold by weight, meas-
ure, etc., since the sale is not com-
plete until the weighing, measuring,

Sed et si post emptionem fundo ali-

etc., is performed, the risk is not
assumed by the buyer. If, how-
ever, such things have been sold
in mass (per aversionem, ‘en
bloc?) they are at the buyer's risk.

12. Quidquid sine dolo et culpa:
the buyer was bound to pay the
price agreed upon, no matter what
happened to the thing purchased.
Until the payment of the price and
the delivery of the thing, although
the risk was the buyer’s, the seller
was bound to bestow the highest
degree of diligence in preserving
the thing in his custody. He was
responsible not only for do/us and
culpa, but he was also responsible
for culpa levis, and was bound to
bestow the care of a good and care-
ful business man (custodiam autem
venditor talem praestare debet,
guam praestant hi quibus res
commodata est, ut diligentiam

213

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

quid per alluvionem accessit, ad emptoris commodum perti-
net; nam et commodum eius esse debet, cuius periculum est.
Quod si fugerit homo qui veniit aut subreptus fuerit, ita ut
neque dolus neque culpa venditoris interveniat, animadver-

5 tendum erit, an custodiam eius usque ad traditionem ven-

ditor susceperit.

Sane enim, si susceperit, ad ipsius

-periculum is casus pertinet; si non susceperit, securus erit.

Ulp. D.
I9, 1, II, z

Et in primis ipsam rem praestare venditorem
oportet, id est tradere; quae res, si quidem

10 dominus fuit venditor, facit ct emptorem dominum, si
non fuit, tantum evictionis nomine venditorem obligat, si
modo pretium est numeratum aut eo nomine satisfactum.

Ulp. D.
21,2,I

3 Paul. 2, 17,3

tenus obligatur.

praestet exactiorem, quam in suis
rebus adhiberet, D. 18, 6, 3)3 cf.
note on exactam and on qum,
p. 203. A slave, being possessed
of reason, might succeed in mak-
ing his escape notwithstanding
the exercise of the degree of
care expected of a donus paterfa-
milzas, but, in this case, the seller
is not liable for the loss unless he
has especially undertaken the cus-
tody of the slave in spite of any
casts arising.

11. tantum evictionis nomine:
theseller did not transfer ownership
to the buyer, but possession or the
right to enjoyment. He was bound
to secure the buyer (zz rem emp-

Sive tota res evincatur sive pars, habet re-
gressum emptor in venditorem.

Res empta, mancipatione et traditione per-
fecta, si evincatur, auctoritatis venditor duplo

tort habere liceat) against evictio,
z.e. removal by a third party who
claimed a right of ownership in the
whole thing, or a servitude or right
of pledge in it; or removal by any
one who had a better title to the
thing than the seller.

16. auctoritatis (sc. ac£zoze) ven-
ditor : theseller as guarantor of title
was called auctor. In case of the
sale of a thing by mancépatio, the
usual action (auctoritatis actio), in
case of eviction, was for double
the price agreed upon. Otherwise
the buyer exacted from the seller
a promise (duplae stzbulatio) to pay
double the price in case of eviction,
in the absence of other agreement.

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Ulp. D. Emptori duplam promitti a venditore oportet,
21,2,37 nisi aliud convenit.

Ulp. D. Labeo scribit edictum aedilium curulium de
2I, I,I

venditionibus rerum esse tam earum quae soli
sint quam earum quae mobiles aut se moventes. Aiunt
aediles: qui mancipia vendunt, certiores faciant emptores,
quid morbi vitiive cuique sit, quis fugitivus errove sit
noxave solutus non sit; eademque omnia, cum ea mancipia

venibunt, palam recte pronuntianto.

Quodsi mancipium

adversus ea venisset, sive adversus quod dictum promis-

3. edictum aedilium curulium : in
the absence of wilful fraud (doZus)
the zus czvile had held to the prin-
ciple of caveat emptor. In the
case of slaves, however, owing to
fraudulent sales arising from latent
defects, the aediles required that
the vendor be held liable for defect
in the thing sold; and warranty of
quality (though not of title) was
also demanded by the aedilician
edict. The buyer had the option
of rescinding the sale, completely
dissolving the contract (actio red-
Aibitoria, a right of action endur-
ing for six months); or, if the
thing sold had secret faults, of
compelling the seller to give com-
pensation, or to reduce the price
(actio.quanti minoris, enduring for
one year), whether the faults were
not discoverable by the buyer or
were unknown to him, regardless
of the presence or absence of do/us
on the part of the seller. The ju-
rists extended the principle intro-
duced by the aediles in the sale of

slaves to the sale of all kinds of
property. For the edict of the
aedile, see Introd. 5.

6. mancipia: ‘slaves’; erro,
‘truant’ or ‘loiterer’; fugitivus,
‘runaway,’ having no intention of
returning.

7. quid morbi vitiive cuique sit :
what the defects were embraced
by the terms zzoróus vitiumve, are
set forth at length in the Digest
(21, 1). The defects and infirmi-
ties admitting of rescission of the
sale (redhibitzo) under the edict
were as a general rule: physical
ones. Faults of character did not
vitiate the sale unless the vendor
had distinctly denied them. Cf.
above, fugitzuus errove.

8. noxave solutus non sit : if the
slave had not been cleared from
the legal consequences of any theft
or injuries which he had com-
mitted, he was liable to a noxal
surrender (zoxae deditzo) i.e. the
delivery of the slave to the injured
party to atone for the wrong done.

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sumve fuisset cum veniret, quod eius praestari oportere
dicetur, emptori omnibusque ad quos ea res pertinet
iudicium dabimus, ut id mancipium redhibeatur. Si quid
autem post venditionem traditionemque deterius emptoris
opera familiae procuratorisve eius factum erit, sive quid ex
eo post venditionem natum adquisitum fuerit, et si quid
aliüd in venditione ei accesserit, sive quid ex ea re fructus
pervenerit ad emptorem, ut ea omnia restituat. Item si
quas accessiones ipse praestiterit, ut recipiat. Item si
quod mancipium capitalem fraudem admiserit, mortis con-
sciscendae sibi causa quid fecerit, inve harenam depug-
nandi causa ad bestias intromissus fuerit, ea omnia in
venditione pronuntianto; ex his enim causis iudicium dabi-
mus. Hoc amplius si quis adversus ea sciens dolo malo
vendidisse dicetur, iudicium dabimus.

Ulp. D. Aediles aiunt: qui iumenta vendunt, palam
21, 1, 38 recte dicunto, quid in quoque eorum morbi vitii-
que sit, utique optime ornata vendendi causa fuerint, ita
emptoribus tradentur. Si quid ita factum non erit, de

1. quod eius praestari oportere: and, if it has become enhanced in

after ezus supply causa.

3. utid mancipium redhibeatur :
the aedile gave the buyer an action
against the seller, requiring him
to take back the thing sold and
refund the purchase money (red-
hibere est facere, ut rursus habeat
venditor quod habuerit, et quia
reddendo id fiebat, idcirco redhibi-
Zo est appellata quasi reditio, D.
21, I, 21).

8. uteaomniarestituat : Zz.the
buyer shall restore the thing in its
original condition, if it has dete-
riorated while in his possession ;

value, without the buyer's agency,
the thing shall be restored with its
increase.

16. quiiumenta vendunt: by zz-
menta the Romans mean generally
horses, asses, and mules, but not
oxen and other cattle (doves magis
"armentorum? guam tzumento-
rum’ generis appellantur, D. 50,
16, 89; unde dubitari dest, an
hoc edicto boves quoque continean-
tur ; etenim iumentorum appella-
lione non contineri eos verius est,
sed pecoris appellatione contine-
buntur, D. 21, 1, 38, 6).

216

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ornamentis restituendis iumentisve ornamentorum nomine
redhibendis in diebus sexaginta, morbi autem vitiive causa
inemptis faciendis in sex mensibus, vel quo minoris cum
venirent fuerint, in anno iudicium dabimus.

Ulp. D. Causa huius edicti proponendi est, ut occurra-
211,2 tur fallaciis vendentium et emptoribus sucurratur,
quicumque decepti a venditoribus fuerint; dummodo scia-
mus venditorem, etiamsi ignoravit ea quae aediles praestari
iubent, tamen teneri debere. Nec est hoc iniquum, potuit
enim ea nota habere venditor; neque enim interest emptoris,
cur fallatur, ignorantia venditoris an calliditate.

Hire (Locatio Conductio)

Locatio et conductio proxima est emptioni et
venditioni isdemque iuris regulis consistunt.
Nam ut emptio et venditio ita contrahitur, si de pretio
convenerit, sic etiam locatio et conductio ita contrahi intel-
legitur, si merces constituta sit. Et competit locatori

Inst. 3, 24, pr.

quidem locati actio, conductori vero conducti.

12. Locatio et conductio: the
contract of letting and hiring is like
that of buying and selling in that
it is perfect as soon as the parties
have agreed upon the object and
the rent or wages (werces) to be
paid. The merces is as essential
to this contract as the pretzumz to
the contract of sale. Of /ocatzo
conductio there are three varieties :
locatio conductio ret, or a contract
for the use of a thing in considera-
tion of a money payment ; locatzo
conductio oferarum, or a letting

of one's services in consideration
of a money payment, e.g. service of
employees, domestic servants, day
laborers, etc. (operae meaning here
‘unskilled labor, operae illibe-
rales); locatio conductio operis
(gen. of opus), or a contract
whereby one party agrees to sup-
ply another, in consideration of à
money payment, with the product
or result of labor or service (oferzs
faciendi), eg. manufacture, re-
pairs, transportation of goods or
passengers, etc.

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Adeo autem emptio et venditio et locatio et
conductio familiaritatem aliquam inter se habere
videntur, ut in quibusdam causis quaeri soleat, utrum emp-
tio et venditio contrahatur an locatio et conductio; veluti
si qua res in perpetuum locata sit, quod evenit in praediis
municipum, quae ea lege locantur, ut quamdiu id vectigal
praestetur, neque ipsi conductori neque heredi eius prae-
dium auferatur; sed magis placuit locationem conduc-
tionemque esse. Item quaeritur, si cum aurifice mihi
convenerit, ut is ex auro suo certi ponderis certaeque
formae anulos mihi faceret, et acciperet verbi gratia dena-
rios CC, utrum emptio et venditio an locatio et conductio
contrahatur. Cassius ait, materiae quidem emptionem ven-
ditionemque contrahi, operarum autem locationem et con-
ductionem; sed plerisque placuit, emptionem et venditi-
onem contrahi; atqui si meum aurum ei dedero, mercede
pro opera constituta, convenit, locationem conductionem
contrahi.

Gai. 3, 145

Conductor omnia secundum legem conduc-

Inst. 3, 24, ERA s -— A
??*5 monis facere debet et, si quid in lege praetermis-

5. res in perpetuum locata sit:
‘as if property were leased in perpet-
uity, as happens in case of the lands
of municipalities, which are leased
on the condition that, as long as
the rent shall be paid,’ etc. — the
reference is to ager vectzgalis, or
land leased by the populus Ro-
manus or the municipza, for a fixed
rental either in cash or produce.
See note on Zzzdus, Ager, p. 161.
The tribute paid by provincial land
was called vectigal stipendium,
and ¢ributum. Praedia owned

by the populus Romanus were
called stipendiaria ; those owned
by the emperor, ¢rzbutaria. For
the character of these long leases
(ves in perpetuum locata) in the
time of Justinian, see Class. Dict.
article Emphyteusis.

20. siquid in lege praetermissum
fuerit: in the absence of special
agreement to the contrary, the
hirer is bound to do all that is
fairly and reasonably expected of
him. Cf. note on exactam diligen-
fan, p. 203.

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sum fuerit, id ex bono et aequo debet praestare. Qui pro
usu aut vestimentorum aut argenti aut iumenti mercedem
aut dedit aut promisit, ab eo custodia talis desideratur,
qualem diligentissimus pater familias suis rebus adhibet.
Quam si praestiterit et aliquo casu rem amiserit, de resti-
tuenda ea non tenebitur. Mortuo conductore intra tem-
pora conductionis heres eius eodem iure in conductionem
succedit.

Ulp. D.
I9, 2, I3, IT

Qui impleto tempore conductionis remansit in
conductione, non solum reconduxisse videbitur,
sed etiam pignora videntur durare obligata.

Quod autem diximus, taciturnitate utriusque partis
colonum reconduxisse videri, ita accipiendum est, ut in
ipso anno, quo tacuerunt, videantur eandem locationem
renovasse, non etiam in sequentibus annis, etsi lustrum
forte ab initio fuerat conductioni praestitutum. Sed et si
secundo quoque anno post finitum lustrum nihil fuerit con-
trarium actum, eandem videri locationem in illo anno per-

mansisse; hoc enim ipso,
videntur. Et hoc deinceps

5. aliquocasu rem amiserit : the
liability of the parties as regards
risk arising from fortuitous loss
(casus) is different in sale and
hire. In the former contract, the
risk (periculum rei) falls upon
the buyer, in the latter upon the
letter (Jocator), who, being the
real owner of the thing, suffers
the loss according to the usual
rule ‘ves perit domino.’ But see,
for sale, note on periculum ret
venditae, p. 213.

12. utriusque partis colonum:

quo tacuerunt, consensisse
in unoquoque anno observan-

7.e. by the silence of either party to
the contract (Jocator or conductor).
Colonus here means the lessee or
tenant of rural land. The tenant
of urban houses and land is called
inguilinus. The usual Roman
lease of land was for a term of five
years (/ustrum). Colonus in the
meaning of the text should be dis-
tinguished from the colond who
composed a large part of the agri-
cultural population of the later
Roman empire. See Class. Dict.
articles Colonus and Colonatus.

219

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

dum est.

In urbanis autem praediis alio iure utimur, ut,

prout quisque habitaverit, ita et obligetur, nisi in scriptis
certum tempus conductioni comprehensum est.

*

Societas (Partnership)

. Societatem coire solemus aut totorum bono-

Inst. 3, 25

rum, quam Graeci specialiter coiworpa£íav appel-

lant, aut unius alicuius negotiationis, veluti mancipiorum
emendorum vendendorumque, aut olei, vini, frumenti

Societas: socie/as is a contract
whereby two or more persons agree
to combine their property or labor
for a common profit; or to acquire
and hold property in common,
sharing the profits and losses inlike
or unlike proportions. The essence
of this contract is combination for
the purpose of gain, and the con-
tract is perfected by consent. The
combination may be one of capital
or of labor, or of both capital and
labor. There can be no socéetas
in which one party is entirely
excluded from some share of the
gain. Suchanarrangement would
partake more of the nature of a
gift (donazionis causa soczetas recte
non contrahitur), and the jurists
called it a seczefas leonina, since
the favored partner received the
lion’s share (the name being de-
rived from the lion of the fable,
"which deprived its weaker com-
panions in the hunt of their share
of the game). There are several
varieties of partnership, according
to the purpose and intent of the

parties entering into this relation.
They may combine all their pos-
sessions, present and subsequently
acquired, including gifts, inherit-
ances, legacies, etc., into a common
stock (soczetas universorum bono-
rum); or a partnership may be
formed to carry on a particular
and continuous business, or it may
embrace everything acquired by
business transactions, though con-

fined strictly to business matters

(universorum quae ex: quaestu
venzunt), and hence not including
gifts, inheritances, legacies, and
the like (soczetas negotzationzs ali-
cutus). Societas vectigalis, men-
tioned in the text, is an example
of this class, but. it was unlike
other business partnerships of this
variety, in that it was governed by
special rules, cf. D. 17, 2, 59. Or
there may be a partnership for a
particular, single transaction (so-
czetas ret unius), as for the man-
agement or sale of a piece of land,
slave, etc. In the absence of well-
expressed intentions to the con-

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

emendi vendendique. Et quidem si nihil de partibus lucri
et damni nominatim convenerit, aequales scilicet partes et in
lucro et in damno spectantur. Quod si expressae fuerint
partes, hae servari debent; nec enim umquam dubium
5 fuit, quin valeat conventio, si duo inter se pacti sunt, ut ad
unum quidem duae partes et damni et lucri pertineant, ad
alium tertia. De illa sane conventione quaesitum est,
si Titius et Seius inter se pacti sunt, ut ad Titium lucri
duae partes pertineant, damni tertia, ad Seium duae partes
ro damni, lucri tertia, an rata debet haberi conventio? Quin-
tus Mucius contra naturam societatis talem pactionem esse
existimavit et ob id non esse ratam habendam. Servius
Sulpicius, cuius sententia praevaluit, contra sentit, quia
saepe quorundam ita pretiosa est opera in societate, ut
15 eos iustum sit meliore condicione in societatem admitti ;
nam et ita coiri posse societatem non dubitatur, ut alter
pecuniam conferat, alter non conferat et. tamen lucrum
inter eos commune sit, quia saepe opera alicuius pro
pecunia valet. Et adeo contra Quinti Mucii sententiam
20 Obtinuit, ut illud quoque constiterit posse convenire, ut
quis lucri partem ferat, damno non teneatur, quod et ipsum

trary, societas is presumed by law
to relate to business matters and
to the gains and losses ordinarily
arising therefrom. Gain accruing,
therefore, from private or family
relations of a partner, such as gifts,
inheritances, legacies, is ordinarily
excluded from the terms of the
contract of soczetas.

1. Et quidem si nihil: just as
the contributions to the partnership
may be of unequal shares, and of
different kind and character, so

the shares of gain and loss may be
unequal (soczetas autem coiri potest
et valet etiam inter eos, gui non
sunt aequis facultatibus, cum ple-
rumgue paupertor opera suppleat,
guantum et per comparationem
patrimonii deest, D. 17, 2, 5, 1).
In the absence of special agree-
ment, the partners share both
gain and loss alike. Ifthe pro-
portion of gain is determined in
the case of either partner, he suf-
fers losses in the same proportion.

221

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Servius convenienter sibi existimavit; quod tamen ita
‘intellegi oportet, ut, si in aliqua re lucrum, in aliqua dam-
"num allatum sit, compensatione facta solum quod superest
intellegatur lucri esse. Illud expeditum est, si in una.

5 causa pars fuerit expressa, veluti in solo lucro velin solo
damno, in altera vero omissa, in eo quoque quod praeter-
missum est eandem partem servari. Manet autem societas
eo usque, donec in eodem consensu perseveraverint; at
cum aliquis renuntiaverit societati, solvitur societas. Sed
plane si quis callide in hoc renuntiaverit societati, ut ob-
veniens aliquod lucrum solus habeat, veluti si totorum
bonorum socius, cum ab aliquo heres esset relictus, in hoc
renuntiaverit societati, ut hereditatem solus lucrifaceret,
cogitur hoc lucrum communicare; si quid vero aliud
lucrifaceret, quod non captaverit, ad ipsum solum per-
tinet: ei vero, cui renuntiatum est, quidquid omnino post
renuntiatam societatem adquiritur, soli conceditur. Solvi-
tur adhuc societas etiam morte socii, quia qui societatem
contrahit certam personam sibi eligit. Sed et si consensu
plurium societas coita sit, morte unius socii solvitur, etsi

10

15

20

3. compensatione facta: al-
though there might be a socde¢as in
which one partnersharedinthe gain
but not in the loss, nevertheless this
was understood to mean the net
gain, after the balance had been
struck between profit and loss in
the various transactions (compen-
satione facta solum quod superest
lucrt).

9. solvitur societas: soczetas
may be dissolved: by completion
of the business (zs negotio) ; by
expiration of the term agreed

upon; by agreement (dZssenusus) ;
by withdrawal of either party (re-
nuntiatio), unless to defraud; by
death (except in case of soczefas
vectigalis) ; by capitis deminutio ;
by bankruptcy (ole debit prae-
gravatus, cessio bonorum); by
confiscation (pudblicatio) ; by the
actio pro socio.

15. quod noncaptaverit: ‘which
he has not sought to take with
secret motive.’

20. morte unius socii solvitur:
since the relation entered into by

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plures supersint, nisi si in coeunda societate aliter con-
venerit. Item si alicuius rei contracta societas sit et finis
negotio impositus est, finitur societas. Publicatione quo-
que distrahi societatem manifestum est, scilicet si universa
bona socii publicentur; nam cum in eius locum alius suc-
cedit, pro mortuo habetur. Item si quis ex sociis mole
debiti praegravatus bonis suis cesserit et ideo propter pub-
lica aut propter privata debita substantia eius veneat, sol-
vitur societas. Sed hoc casu si adhuc consentiant in
societatem, nova videtur incipere societas. Socius socio
utrum eo nomine tantum teneatur pro socio actione, si
quid dolo commiserit, sicut is qui deponi apud se passus

societasis purely personal, the death
of any one of the several partners
dissolves the partnership, unless
otherwise agreed at the time of its
formation.

5. in eius locum alius succedit :
publicatio (confiscatio) is a confis-
cation (pudblicare, to make any-
thing a ves publica) or seizure of
one's property by the aerarium or
Jfiscus, which carried with it a
deminutio cafitis or civil death
(pro mortuo habetur). In this
case, the treasury of the state or
fiscus became the partner’s suc-
cessor (dammnatione bona publi
cantur, cum aut vita adimitur aut
civitas, aut servilis condicio irroga-
Zur, D. 48, 20, 1).

7. bonis suis cesserit: cesszo bono-
rum, a debtor's voluntary surren-
der of his estate to his creditors,
was an institution introduced by a
lex Julia (under Caesar or Augus-

tus) rendering the ordinary debtor
exempt from personal execution,
infamy, and any degradation of
status. The insolvent debtor,
however, suffered from his insol-
vency in both political and private
rights (zara publica, iura privata),
the former being entirely lost, the
latter being seriously affected
(especially zs commercid). In-
famia, or the loss of privi-
leges and reputation (exést2matio)
usually caused by insolvency,
might be averted by cesszo bo-
norunt.

1r. pro socio actione: the rights
and duties of partners, one with
another, are enforced by the actzo
pro socio, which carries with it the
infamia of the defaulting party.
A ‘soctus is liable for dolus and for
any loss arising from negligence
due to a degree of diligence less
than he is in the habit of bestow-

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est, an etiam culpae, id est desidiae atque negligentiae
nomine, quaesitum est; praevaluit tamen etiam culpae
nomine teneri eum. Culpa autem non ad exactissimam
diligentiam dirigenda est; sufficit enim talem diligentiam
in communibus rebus adhibere socium, qualem suis rebus
adhibere solet. Nam qui parum diligentem socium sibi
adsumit, de se queri debet.

Ulp. D. Aristo refert Cassium respondisse societatem
15,25?9? talem coiri non posse, ut alter lucrum tantum,
alter damnum sentiret, et hanc societatem leoninam solitum
appellare; et nos consentimus talem societatem nullam
esse, ut alter lucrum sentiret, alter vero nullum lucrum,
sed damnum sentiret; iniquissimum enim genus societatis

7 est, ex qua quis damnum, non etiam lucrum spectet.

I5

20

Societates contrahuntur sive universorum
bonorum sive negotiationis alicuius sive vecti-
galis sive etiam rei unius.

Ulp. D.
17, 2, 5

MANDATVM
Paul. D. Obligatio mandati consensu contrahentium
ILLI consistit. Ideo per nuntium quoque vel per

epistulam mandátum suscipi potest. Item sive 'rogo' sive
‘volo’ sive ‘mando’ sive alio quocumque verbo scripserit,

ing on his own business affairs
(so-called culpa levis in concreto,
see note on exactam, p. 203).
Mandatum : mandatum is acon-
tract by which one person intrusts
the performance of some commis-
sion or the management of some
business to another, the latter, by
his acceptance, binding himself to
the proper execution of the under-

taking without remuneration. The
absence of pay or reward is essen-
tial to this contract, otherwise it
became a locatio conductio opera-
rum. The person giving. the
commission is called the mandator
(mandans, sometimes domnus),
the one by whom it is undertaken,
the mandatee (zzazudatarzus, some-
times Procurator). The contract

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mandati actio est. Item mandatum et in diem, differri et
sub condicione contrahi potest. Mandatum nisi gratuitum
nullum est; nam originem ex officio atque amicitia trahit,
contrarium ergo est officio merces; interveniente enim pe-

cunia res ad locationem et conductionem potius respicit.

Ulp. D.

I^L95,P. mandati actio.

Gai. D.
17,1,2

Si remunerandi gratia honor intervenit, erit

Mandatum inter nos contrahitur, sive mea tan-
tum gratia tibi mandem sive aliena tantum sive

mea et aliena sive mea et tua sive tua et aliena. Quod si tua
tantum gratia tibi mandem, supervacuum est mandatum et

of mandatum may be entered into
by expressing the consent orally,
by letter, or by message ; or it may
be inferred from circumstances and
the acts of the parties (rebus ipsis
et factis). It may be made to
take effect at a certain day (zz
diem differri) or it may be condi-
tional (su? condzcione).

3. originem ex officio : the repre-
sentation of one person by another,
agency or the legal relation of
principal and agent, was only
slightly recognized by Roman law.
In all contracts, the person actu-
ally participating in making the
agreement, whether by words or by
any other formalities required by
law, was the one bound. He con-
tracted for himself and to him
accrued the rights and duties
growing out of the contractual
relation. In the early law, the
responsibility of entering into and
executing a contract might be be-
stowed upon a trusted friend. The

ROMAN LAW — I5

proper execution of this trust was
then compelled not by law but by
a sense of duty (officium) and
friendship. The act or manner
of making the promise was accom-
panied by due formalities and the
commission was solemnly in-
trusted to the hand of another
(manu-datum). For a good ex-
ample of this formality see Plau-
tus, Capt. 442-445: Tyn. Haec
per dexteram tuam, etc. . . . Ph.
Mandasti satis. Since mandatum
grew out of a relation of mere
friendship, it was necessarily gra-
tuitous, and, although a present or
honorarium (also salarium) might
be given by way of friendship, or
otherwise, 2.2. to advocates, physi-
cians, dentists, copyists, teachers,
etc., it could not be made the sub-
ject of an action, except by an
extra ordinem process (extraordi-
naria cognitio). Professors of law
and philosophy could not maintain
an action for recovery of fees, even

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ob id nulla ex eo obligatio nascitur. Mea tantum gratia in-
tervenit mandatum, veluti si tibi mandem, ut negotia mea
geras vel ut fundum mihi emeres vel ut pro me fideiubeas.
Aliena tantum, veluti si tibi mandem, ut Titii negotia ge-
reres vel ut fundum ei emeres vel ut pro eo fideiubeas.
Mea et aliena, veluti si tibi mandem, ut mea et Titii negotia
gereres vel ut mihi et Titio fundum emeres vel ut pro me
et Titio fideiubeas. Tua et mea, veluti si mandem tibi, ut
sub usuris crederes ei, qui in rem meam mutuaretur. Tua
et aliena, veluti si tibi mandem, ut Titio sub usuris cre-
deres; quod si, ut sine usuris crederes aliena tantum gratia
intervenit mandatum. Tua autem gratia intervenit manda-
tum, veluti si mandem tibi, ut pecunias tuas potius in emp-
tiones praediorum colloces quam faeneres, vel ex diverso
ut faeneres potius quam in emptiones praediorum colloces ;
cuius generis mandatum magis consilium est quam man-
datum et ob id non est obligatorium, quia nemo ex
consilio obligatur, etiamsi non expediat ei cui dabatur,
quia liberum est cuique apud se explorare, an expediat
sibi consilium.

extra ordinem. Mandatum never — ger of a business or shop (ZzsZztor,

developed completely into the mod-
ern idea of principal and agent,
whereby the acts of an agent bring
his principal directly into binding
legal relation with third parties.
Representation was recognized in
Roman law in the case of servi zz
dominica potestate, filtifamilias in
patria potestate, and the praetor
gave actions in the case of a ship-
master (zzagzster navis) who could
bind his employer (exercztor, actio
&xercttoría), and in case of a mana-

actio insizoria) who could bind
his employer.

3. fideiubeas : ‘if you should bid
it be done on your guaranty.’ Zzde-
iubere (fidetussio) was to enter
into a contract by which a person
bound himself as surety for another
in any kind of an obligation (real,
verbal, literal, consensual, civil, or
natural). His liability was for the
full amount, whether there were
other fidedussores or not, and was
inherited by his heir. Gai. 3, 119.

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Qui mandatum suscepit, si potest id explere,
deserere promissum officium non debet, alioquin
quanti mandatoris intersit damnabitur; si vero intellegit
explere se id officium non posse, id ipsum cum primum
poterit debet mandatori nuntiare, ut is si velit alterius
opera utatur; quod si, cum possit nuntiare, cessaverit,
quanti mandatoris intersit tenebitur; si aliqua ex causa
non poterit nuntiare, securus erit. Morte quoque eius cui
mandatum est, si is integro adhuc mandato decesserit, sol-
vitur mandatum et ob id heres eius, licet exsecutus fuerit
mandatum, non habet mandati actionem. Impendia man-
dati exsequendi gratia facta si bona fide facta sunt, restitui
omnimodo debent, nec ad rem pertinet, quod is qui man-
dasset potuisset, si ipse negotium gereret, minus impendere.

Gai. D.
17,1,27,2

Paul. D.
13, 6, 17,3

3. quanti mandatoris intersit :
the mandatee is bound by his con-
tract to compensate the mandator
for *guanti ea res est, or all damage
which the latter has sustained as
a consequence of the former's non-
performance. This is called the
creditor's * znteresse.’

9. solvitur mandatum: a man-
datum may be dissolved by death
of either party; by recall on the
part of the mandator, while the
matter is untouched (zuzegra re) ;
by timely renunciation on the part
of the mandatee, grounds being
sufficient, which are said by Paulus,
2, I5, to be: oó subitam valetudi-
nem, ob mecessariam peregrina-
WHonem, ob inimicitiam et inanes

Voluntatis est enim suscipere mandatum, ne-
cessitatis consummare.

rei actiones integra adhuc causa
mandati negotio renuntiari potest.

ro. heres non habet mandati
actionem : since the obligation aris-
ing from the contract of mandatum
is purely personal to the parties, it
cannot be inherited. Furthermore,
since in this case, zzazdato integro,
the mandatee being dead, the obli-
gation could not begin with an
heir. Mandatum gives rise to two
actions, drea and contraria.
The mandator has an action
against the mandatee (actio man-
dati directa) by which the latter’s
duty to due performance is se-
cured. The mandatee has a
counter action (acto mandati con-
traria) by which he sues for the

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OBLIGATIONS QVASI EX CONTRACTV

Post genera contractuum enumerata dispicia-

Inst. 3, 27

mus etiam de his obligationibus, quae non pro-

prie quidem ex contractu nasci intelleguntur, sed tamen,
quia non ex maleficio substantiam capiunt, quasi ex con-

tractu nasci videntur.

Igitur cum quis absentis negotia

gesserit, ultro citroque inter eos nascuntur actiones, quae
appellantur negotiorum gestorum; sed domino quidem rei
gestae adversus eum qui gessit directa competit actio, ne-

recovery of expenses incurred (zzz-
pendia mandati exsequendi) and
any loss to himself arising from
the neglect of the mandator. Each
of these actions branded the con-
demned party with zzfamia. Both
parties must do all required by

‘bona fides and must display oznzs

diligentia, being liable for culpa
levis (zn abstracto).

Obligations quasi ex Contractu:
cf. note on gzasz, p. 200. These are
special obligations not classified
under any of the four divisions of
contracts already given. They are
similar to contractual obligations,
in that they may be enforced by
legal actions. They do not, how-
ever, arise by agreement, but from
facts or circumstances which bind
two persons together by duties re-
sembling those growing out of
contract. They were, therefore,
called by the jurists, qz252 ex con-
tractu. They have been well
described as creating rights zz
personam without the consent of

the persons bound. While rights
in personam arising from consent
are contracts, rights zz personam
arising from operation of law are
quasi contracts (Hunter). They
should not be confused with im-
plied contracts (actio zm factum,
praescriptis verbis, ‘action on the
case’).

5. negotia gesserit : xegotéorim
gestio is the voluntary and gratui-
tous undertaking of another's
business, for the preservation of
property and protection of an-
other's interests during hisabsence.
The obligation is similar to that
arising from mandatum. It differs
from #andatum, however, in that
it is not a consensual contract, but
arises from the fact of undertaking
to serve the interests of another.
The duties of the persons bound
may be enforced by two actions
(ultro citrogue), the actio negotio-
rum gestorum directa and con-
traria. The former may be
maintained by the dominus negotzi

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gotiorum autem gestori contraria. Quas ex nullo contractu
proprie nasci manifestum est; quippe ita nascuntur istae
actiones, si sine mandato quisque alienis negotiis gerendis
se optulerit; ex qua causa ii quorum negotia gesta fuerint
etiam ignorantes obligantur. Idque utilitatis causa recep-
tum est, ne absentium, qui subita festinatione coacti nulli
demandata negotiorum suorum administratione peregre pro-
fecti essent, desererentur negotia: quae sane nemo curatu-
rus esset, si de eo quod quis impendisset nullam habiturus
esset actionem. Sicut autem is qui utiliter gesserit negotia
habet obligatum dominum negotiorum, ita et contra iste
quoque tenetur, ut administrationis rationem reddat. Quo
casu ad exactissimam quisque diligentiam compellitur red-
dere rationem ; nec sufficit talem diligentiam adhibere,
qualem suis rebus adhibere soleret, si modo alius diligentior

commodius administraturus esset negotia.

(the absent proprietor) against the
negotiorum gestor, or *unauthor-
ized agent’ (wt administrationis
rationem reddat), and the latter
is a set-off or counter action by
which the zegotzoruzm gestor may
enforce the obligation of the do-
minus to reimburse him for any
necessary and useful outlay, on
the condition, however, that the
business has been properly con-
ducted (utiléter gestum).

5. ignorantes: if the domnus
negotii were aware that the busi-
ness was being undertaken and did
not interfere, the relation estab-
lished would be a »azdatum taci-
tum, rather than megotiorum gestio.
The gestor must, however, under-

take the business with the distinct
intention of binding the dominus
and not azzmo donandi.

13. adexactissimam quisque dili-
gentiam compellitur: the segotzo-
rum gestor, although he is a
volunteer, is liable not only for
fraud (dolus) but generally also
for any degree of fault (culpa),
since, save for his interference,
a more competent person might
have undertaken the work. He
must complete what he has under-
taken (unless relieved), and must
even bear the loss if he engage in
any business not reasonably ex-
pected of him by his principal
(dominus). He can sue his prin-
cipal for all outlay caused by his

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Tutores quoque, qui tutelae iudicio tenentur, non proprie
ex contractu obligati intelleguntur (nullum enim negotium
inter tutorem et pupillum contrahitur), sed quia sane non
ex maleficio tenentur, quasi ex contractu teneri videntur.
s; Et hoc autem casu mutuae sunt actiones: non tantum
enim pupillus cum tutore habet tutelae actionem, sed et ex
contrario tutor cum pupillo habet contrariam tutelae, si vel
impenderit aliquid in rem pupilli vel pro eo fuerit obliga-

tus aut rem suam creditori eius obligaverit.

Item si inter

aliquos communis sit res sine societate, veluti quod pariter

management, but only when the
expenses were absolutely necessary
and for the interest of the principal.

1. qui tutelae iudicio tenentur:
the relation of guardian (ZuZor and
pupillus) gave rise to duties on
both sides, but as the relation did
not arise by agreement (the office
being required of the tutor as a
public duty), but by law (onus
publicum, cf. notes on zus, p. 139,
and Excusantur, p. 143), the £ute-
lae administratio was classified as
a quasi contract.

5. mutuae sunt actiones: the
actions are reciprocal, the ward
having the actzo tutelae against his
guardian, the guardian, an actzo
tutelae contraria against his ward.
By the former, the guardian's lia-
bility for fraud, fault, and negligent
management (deZgentza quam suis
rebus) could beenforced. All the
acts and omissions of the guard-
ian’s management were covered
by this action. By the counter
action (actzo tutelae contraria),

the guardian could compel the
ward to reimburse him for any
outlay honestly and judiciously
made.

10. communis res sine societate :
an obligation arises from the ad-
ministration of joint property (cozz-
214n20, ‘community of property’)
where there is no partnership,
which, according to the nature of
the case; may be enforced by dif-
ferent actions. Two or more per-
sons sharing the same property
(res communis) are liable to each
other for its proper division by
the actio communi dividundo (quae
inter eos redditur, inter quos ali-
quid commune est, ut id dividatur,
Inst. 4, 6,20) ; those sharing the
same inheritance, by the actio
familiae erciscundae, ie. divi
dundae (haec actio proficiscitur ¢
lege duodecim tabularum : namque
coheredibus | volentibus a com-
munione discedere — necessarium
videbatur aliquam actionem con-
Stitut, gua inter eos res heredita-

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eis legata donatave esset, et alter eorum alteri ideo tenea-
tur communi dividundo iudicio, quod solus fructus ex ea re
perceperit, aut quod socius eius in eam rem necessarias
impensas fecerit, non intellegitur proprie ex contractu
obligatus esse, quippe nihil inter se contraxerunt, sed quia
non ex maleficio tenetur, quasi ex contractu teneri videtur.

Idem iuris est de eo, qui coheredi suo familiae ercis-
cundae iudicio ex his causis obligatus est. Heres quoque
legatorum nomine non proprie ex contractu obligatus in-
tellegitur (neque enim cum herede neque cum defuncto
ullum negotium legatarius gessisse proprie dici potest); et
tamen, quia ex maleficio non est obligatus heres, quasi ex
contractu debere intellegitur.

Item is, cui quis per errorem non debitum solvit, quasi
ex contractu debere videtur. Adeo enim non intellegitur
proprie ex contractu obligatus, ut, si certiorem rationem
sequamur, magis ut supra diximus ex distractu, quam ex
contractu possit dici obligatus esse; nam qui solvendi
animo pecuniam dat, in hoc dare videtur, ut distrahat

riae distribuerentur, D. 10, 2, 1).
An heir (eres) on acceptance of
an inheritance (adzze hereditatis)
is bound by a quasi contractual
obligation to pay all valid.legacies
of the testator and to administer
the estate in a proper manner.

14. non debitum solvit: the pay-
ment of something not due (zz-
debiti solutio), e.g. a sum of money,
or a legacy paid under a forged
wil, mistakenly supposed to be
valid, could be recovered by an
action called condzctzo indebiti (cf.
also note on wutuz,p. 201). This

action lies only in case the pay-
ment made was due to an error in
fact, and could not be maintained
if the payment were due in equity
or by a natural (xaturaliter) ob-
ligation, Ze. an obligation having
a moral or natural justification,
though not legally enforceable.
Since the ebligation was founded
on the fact that one party had
been enriched at the expense of |
another, rather than on contract
(ex distractu quam ex contractu),
it was said to arise quasi ex
contractu.

231

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

potius negotium quam contrahat. Sed tamen proinde is
qui accepit obligatur, ac si mutuum illi daretur, et ideo
condictione tenetur.

OBLIGATIONS EX DELICTO

Transeamus nunc ad obligationes, quae ex
delicto nascuntur, veluti si quis furtum fecerit,
bona rapuerit, damnum dederit, iniuriam commiserit; qua-
rum omnium rerum uno genere consistit obligatio, cum ex
contractu obligationes in quattuor genera diducantur, sicut

Gai. 3, 182
5

supra exposuimus.

Obligations ex Delicto: the
Romans theoretically regarded all
obligations as arising from conven-
tion (contractus) or from wrongful
acts (delzcta) other than a breach
of contract. It has been seen that
contracts are of various kinds, ac-
cording to the way in which they
arise. Delicts are of one kind, ex
7€, i.&. all arise from the wrongful
act itself (ex delicto). A delict is
a violation of a person's right of
property. and of his rights of
status, including liberty, reputa-
tion, health, honor, etc., ze. rights
which may be maintained against
all mankind (7z rem) and not
merely against the person bound
to the injured party by eontractual
obligation (zz Personam). Delicta
are divided into two classes, public
and private, or public and private
wrongs. Delicta publica are crimes
‘(crimina); delicta privata are
torts or civil injuries. Not all

wrongfulacts are by the Roman law
called delicts, but only those which
are particularly characterized as
such and for which the law pro-
vided special remedies by which
a penalty or compensation could
be enforced. Those mentioned in
the text are: furtum (theft) ;
rapina (robbery) ; damnum inzu-
ria (damage to property) ; zuzuria
(injury to the person). It is im-
portant to notice that these wrongs
(even theft and robbery) are here
considered as private injuries (the
wrongdoer being liable to the in-
jured party, delicta privata, rather
than to the state, delicta publica,
crimina) and are enforceable by a
private penalty. The actions aris-
ing from an obligation ex delicto
are of a threefold character: they
may be maintained (4) to compel
the payment of a fine ( poena, actio
poenalis); (6) to make compen-
sation for damages (acze re per-

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

THEFT (Furtum)

Inst. 4, I, 1

Furtum est contrectatio rei fraudulosa vel

ipsius rei vel etiam usus eius possessionisve, quod

lege naturali prohibitum est admittere.

Furtum autem vel

a furvo id est nigro dictum est, quod clam et obscure fit et
5 plerumque nocte; vela fraude; vela ferendo, id est aufe-

secutoria); (c) to compel the
payment of both fine and damages
at the same time (ac£zo mixta).
Theft (Furtum): /furtum is
not identical with our word theft.
The Romans included in the mean-
ing of this delict what we call theft,
embezzlement, and conversion.
The term furtum is, therefore,
more comprehensive, embracing
acts which do not constitute a
theft, as, for example, the furtum
of one's own thing or a furtum
with the intention of returning the
object taken. See below, furtum
possessionis, furtum usus. Con-
trectatio rei is an actual dealing
with a thing by physical touch,
accompanied by an evil intent
(fraudulosa). An intent is not
sufficient to constitute a furtunt,
since the delict must be one which
can be estimated and the injury
repaired (furtum sine dolo malo
non committitur). The praetor
(later republican period) came to
distinguish secret and forcible
taking (rapina, vi bona rapta, ct.
below, vagina) from the old zus
civile conception of furtum as any
wilfully wrong appropriation of

property. The contrectatio may
be (a) zpszus rez, z.e. the taking of
another’s movable property, either
by removing it from his detention
or by a wrongful appropriation of
a commodatum, deposituim, etc.;
(4) usus, Ze. the temporary use of
a depositum or pledge, or the use
of a commodatum otherwise than
was intended by the owner (com-
modator); (c) possessionis, i.e.
when the owner removes his own
thing from the £oza fide posses-
sion of another (as a pledge from
the hands of a creditor), the owner
himself thereby becoming guilty
of furtum. In all these cases,
the same actions may be brought.
Not only movable things may be
the subject of theft, but also free
persons might be stolen, as a wife
in manu, a. child in fotestate, and
a judgment debtor (addictus, iudi-
cafus). Aid and advice given
to a thief render the giver liable
for theft ( furtum nec manifestum
only), if the wrongful act be actu-
ally perpetratéd (ope consilio alicu-
ius furtum factum). ,

3. Furtum a furvo : furtunt, de-
rived from fr, from the root fer

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

rendo; vel a Graeco sermone, qui $ópas appellant fures.

Immo etiam Graeci àzó tov $épewv $ópas dixerunt.

Furto-

rum autem genera duo sunt, manifestum et nec manifestum.
Nam conceptum et oblatum species potius actionis sunt
furto cohaerentes quam. genera furtorum, sicut inferius

apparebit.

Manifestus fur est, quem Graeci éz^ ajbro$ópo

appellant; nec solum is qui in ipso furto deprehenditur,
sed etiam is qui eo loco deprehenditur, quo fit, veluti qui
in domo furtum fecit et nondum egressus ianuam depre-

(ferre), means both the ‘act of
carrying off’ and the ‘ thing carried
off’ in an unlawful manner. In
strict technical language it means
the wrongful appropriation of $7z-
vate property as distinguished from
sacrilegzum, appropriation of the
property of the gods, and peculatus
(sometimes called furtum publi-
cum or furtum pecuniae publicae),
the appropriation of public prop-
erty.

3. nec manifestum : for zec=non
in formulae and legal phraseology,
see Harper's Lat. Dzct. s.v. neque, I,
and cf. note on ves, p. 163. Cf. Fes-
tus,s.v. zec. Asearlyas the Twelve
Tables there was a distinction be-
tween furtum manzfestum and
uec manifestum (manu-fendere,
‘to strike or grasp with the hand’).
Fur manifestus is a thief caught
with the stolen object in his pos-
session (quz deprehenditur cum
furto). Furtum manifestum was
variously defined by the Roman
jurists as (2) when the thief is not
merely seen but caught in the act

of thieving; (4) when the thief is
caught on the spot where the act
was perpetrated; (c) when the
thief is seen or caught before he
brought the stolen object to the
destination intended; (4) when
the thief was merely seen any-
where with the stolen object in
his possession. The opinion of
the text is that under (c). The
Twelve Tables allowed the killing
of a thief surprised in the nightand
of thieves defending themselves
with weapons, cf. text, p. 245.
Otherwise, the penalty for furfum
manifestum, ‘where the thief was
a slave, was death; where he was
a freeman, surrender into slavery
(or bond service) to the injured
person. For furtum mec mant-
Jestum the penalty was twice the
value of the thing stolen, regard-
less of the status of thethief. The
praetor altered the penalty for
furtum manifestum to four times
the value of the thing stolen and
retained the penalty for furtum nec
manifestum (see text below).

234

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

hensus fuerit, et qui in olivéto olivarum aut in vineto uva-
rum furtum fecit, quamdiu in eo oliveto aut in vineto fur
deprehensus sit; immo ulterius furtum manifestum exten-
dendum est, quamdiu eam rem fur tenens visus vel depre-
5 hensus fuerit sive in publico sive in privato vel a domino
vel ab alio, antequam eo pervenerit, quo perferre ac

deponere rem destinasset.

Sed si pertulit quo destinavit,

tametsi deprehendatur cum re furtiva, non est manifestus

fur.

Nec manifestum furtum quid sit, ex his quae diximus

ro intellegitur; nam quod manifestum non est, id scilicet nec

manifestum est.

Conceptum furtum dicitur, cum apud

aliquem testibus praesentibus furtiva res quaesita et in-
venta sit; nam in eum propria actio constituta est, quamvis

fur non sit, quae appellatur concepti.

Oblatum furtum

15 dicitur, cum res furtiva ab aliquo tibi oblata sit eaque apud
te concepta sit, utique si ea mente tibi data fuerit, ut apud

ii. Conceptum furtum dicitur:
the text mentions several actions
connected with theft, belonging to
the earlier law and arising from the
right of private search, which had
become obsolete in the time of
Justinian (see below). Of these
four, concepti, oblati, prohibiti, and
non exhibiti, the first three are
mentioned ‘by Gaius and Paulus as
still in use. Furtum conceptum
was receiving a stolen thing so
that it was found, in the presence
of witnesses and after a formal
search (described below), in the
possession of a person. Furtum
oblatum was when a stolen thing
was transferred (o0d/atum) to an-
other than the thief, in order that

it might be found with him and
was so found. In each of these
cases the action against the guilty
party was for three times the value
of the thing stolen. Furtum pro-
hibitum was when the search for
a stolen object was hindered. The
one causing the hindrance was
liable for four times the value of
the stolen thing. Furtum non
exhibitum was when a stolen thing
was not handed over by one who
actually had it in his possession.
* The expressions furtum concep-
tunt, oblatum, etc., are examples
of the participle used to denote not
the thing or person acted on, but
the action itself." Roby, Laz. Gr.

§ 1410.

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te potius quam apud eum qui dederit conciperetur; nam
tibi, apud quem concepta sit, propria adversus eum qui op-
tulit, quamvis fur non sit, constituta est actio, quae appel-
latur oblati. Est etiam prohibiti furti actio adversus eum,
qui furtum quaerere testibus praesentibus volentem prohi-
buerit. Praeterea poena constituitur edicto praetoris per
actionem furti non exhibiti adversus eum, qui furtivam rem
apud se quaesitam et inventam non exhibuit. Sed hae
actiones id est concepti et oblati et furti prohibiti nec non
furti non exhibiti, in desuetudine:n abierunt. Cum enim re-
quisitio rei furtivae hodie secundum veterem observationem
non fit; merito ex consequentia etiam praefatae actiones ab
usu communi recesserunt, cum manifestissimum est, quod
omnes, qui scientes rem furtivam susceperint et celaverint,
furti nec manifesti obnoxii sunt. Poena manifesti furti
quadrupli est tam ex servi persona quam ex liberi, nec
manifesti dupli.

Poena manifesti furti exlege XII tabularum ca-
pitalis etat. Nam liber verberatus addicebatur
ei cui furtum fecerat; utrum autem servus efficeretur ex

Gai. 3, 189

15. Poena manifesti furti quadru-
pli: it would seem to us that the
penalties should be reversed in the
two kinds of theft. Butthe Roman
principle appears in other primitive
systems and has been variously
explained. Perhaps the best view
is that the heavier penalty of fz-
tum manifestum was a concession
to the sudden wrath and desire for
vengeance on the part of the in-
jured person, and was designed to
induce him to refrain from self-
redress, such as he was allowed

to exercise toward a nocturnal
thief. To prevent the infliction
of summary vengeance and to
induce the injured party to have
recourse to. public process rather
than to seek a private remedy, the
primitive law of the Twelve Tables
allowed him more satisfying penal
damages than in the case of fur-
tum nec manifestum. The poena
guadrupli was a bonus in favor of
peace as against private violence.
Both the foena guadrupli and
dupli were pure penalty. The

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

addictione, an adiudicati loco constitueretur, veteres quae-

rebant.

In servum aeque verberatum animadvertebatur.

Sed postea inprobata est asperitas poenae et tam ex servi
persona quam ex liberi quadrupli actio praetoris edicto

constituta est.

owner could sue for the thing or
its value by real or personal ac-
tion (vindicatzo or condictio; see
note on guadruplatur, p. 242). —
capitalis erat: it should not be
forgotten that cafztalis means
‘pertaining to caput’ as a condi-
tion of status or the civil position
of an individual with reference to
liberty, citizenship, and family re-
lations (cf. note on Cagzzzs, p. 136)
and that a feema capitalis does
not necessarily involve ‘capital’
punishment (rei capitalis damna-
tum sic accipere debemus, ex qua
causa damnato vel mors vel etiam
ciuitatis amissio vel servitus con-
tingit). The Twelve Tables pre-
scribed a twofold punishment for
the fur manifestus, of which the
more severe only was caggfalis.
If he were a slave, he received the
death penalty, being thrown from
the Tarpeian rock after flagellation
(servos furti mamifesti prensos
verberibus affici et e saxo praeci-
pitari, Gell. 11, 18, 8). If the
thief were a freeman, the penalty
was addiction (addictio), the
guilty person being beaten and
delivered as a bondman to the one
injured by the theft. The ancient
jurists were in doubt whether a
freeman was reduced thereby to

Nec manifesti furti poena per legem XII

actual slavery (servus ex addic-
tone), or merely to the condition
of a judgment debtor (adzudicaté
loco, in causa mancipi cf. also
note on a/zae, p. 128) delivered up
to his creditor. This latter con-
dition, however, did not take away
citizenship and merely suspended
personal freedom temporarily.
The opinion prevailed that the
penalty was actual slavery and it
was accordingly foena capitalis
(civitatis amissio, servitus con-
fingit). The penalty in both,
cases was, therefore, capitals.
But the penalty for furfum as a
delict differed from that for fur-
Zum as a crime in that the former
admitted of settlement ( fecunzarza
aestimatio) by agreement between
the thief and the injured person
(de furto pacisci lex, i.e. X41 tabu-
larum, fermittit, D. 2, 14, 7; 14).
In this case the penalty was not
capitalis, but the right of action
was extinguished by composition
(quaedam actiones per pactum
ipso iure tolluntur, ut furti, D. 2,
14, 17, 1). The praetor mollified
the law by requiring pecuniary
damages in all cases (fro capital
poena pecuniaria constituta). It
may be asked how a penalty for
fourfold or twofold damages could

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tabularum dupli inrogatur, eamque etiam praetor conservat.
Concepti et oblati poena ex lege XII tabularum tripli est,
eaque similiter a praetore servatur. Prohibiti actio qua-
drupli est ex edicto praetoris introducta; lex autem eo
nomine nullam poenam constituit. Hoc solum praecipit,
ut qui quaerere velit, nudus quaerat, licio cinctus, lancem
habens; qui si quid invenerit, iubet id lex furtum manifes-
tum esse. Quid sit autem licium, quaesitum est. Sed
verius est consuti genus esse, quo necessariae partes tege-

rentur.

Quae res ridicula est.

Nam qui vestitum quae-

rere prohibet, is et nudum quaerere prohibiturus est, eo

be enforced against a thief, if
judgment were given against him.
Execution was taken against the
thief just as against any other
debtor. Inability to pay, there-
fore, resulted in his imprisonment
as a judgment debtor (fur addic-
tus) and reduction to slavery
(fures privatorum. furtorum in
nervo atque compedibus aetatem
agunt, Gell. 11, 18, 18).

6. nudus quaerat, licio cinctus:
peculiar to the delict of theft is the
right of private search for the dis-
covery of stolen property, by the
ancient form here described. The
Twelve Tables contained pro-
visions for the method of proced-
ure. The person instituting the
search must, in advance, name and
describe the object of his search
(qui furtum quaesiturus est, ante-
quam quaerat, debet. dicere quid
quaerat et rem suo nomine et sua
specie designare). Ancients and
moderns have expressed various

opinions regarding the meaning
and significance of the terms em-
ployed in this description of the
quaestzo concepta furtz per licium
et lancem. For a full discussion,
see Karlowa, Rémische Rechtsge-
schichte, Band Il, p. 777. Lecium
means girdle and was probably
prescribed to prevent the possi-
bility of smuggling stolen goods
into the house searched, or of
carrying away objects secretly
taken during the search. The
lanx possibly typified the open
and lawful removal of the stolen
object, if found. This formal
search, taking the form Ze et
lance at Rome, is a primitive in-
stitution found also among several
other peoples, eg. Greeks, Ger-
mans, Slavs, Kelts. In the time
of Justinian, the search for stolen
property was not carried on by
private persons, but by public offi-
cers as in modern times.
10. Quae res: ie. ¢ota lex.

238

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

magis quod ita quaesita re et inventa maiori poenae subi-
ciatur. Deinde quod lancem sive ideo haberi iubeat, ut
manibus occupatis nihil subiciat, sive ideo, ut quod invene-
rit ibi inponat, neutrum eorum procedit, si id quod quaera-

5tur, eius magnitudinis aut naturae sit, ut neque subici
neque ibi inponi possit. Certe non dubitatur, cuiuscumque
materiae sit ea lanx, satis legi fieri.

“ROBBERY (Rapina)

Ulp. D. Praetor ait: ‘Si cui dolo malo hominibus coac-

IO

47,8,2

tis damni quid factum esse dicetur sive cuius

bona rapta esse dicentur, in eum, qui id fecisse dicetur,

iudicium dabo.

Rapina : raza, as a delict, was
first formulated and defined by
the praetorian edict. The praetor,
M. Licinius Lucullus, granted an
action designed to suppress the
forcible seizure of property and
general lawlessness which became
prevalent during the civil war in
the time of Sulla. This action
furnishes a good example of the
way in which the praetorian edict
affected the development of the
law (cf. Introd. 5). Originally
Jurtum included every wrongful
appropriation of another’s prop-
erty, whether done openly or by
stealth. The special action of the
praetor applied only to seizure
with open force (vd bona rafta),
while furtum came to be restricted
to the secret taking of property.
By the zus civile, the violent taking
of property would be merely fur-

Item si servus fecisse dicetur, in dominum

tum nec manifestum, with a two-
fold penalty, while by the edict it
received the severer penalty equiv-
alent to fourfold the value of the
property plundered (but see below,
note on guadruplatur, p. 242).

8. dolo malo: razza does not
differ from futu; in regard to
dolus or the evil intent, for both
required its presence; but in the
edict, dolo malo implied the use of
force (see below, * dolus habet in se
et vim). Just as in furtum, no
offense was committed without the
intent to steal (animus furandt),
so in ragiza, where there was a
forcible taking under color of right,
no offense was committed, e.g. a
taxgatherer who drove off the cat-
tle of one erroneously presumed
to have broken the revenue laws
(lex vectigalis) was not liable
under the edict. — hominibus

239

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

^.

iudicium noxale dabo.' Hoc edicto contra ea, quae vi com-

mittuntur, consuluit praetor.

Nam si quis se vim passum

docere possit, publico iudicio de vi potest experiri, neque
debet publico iudicio privata actione praeiudicari quidam
putant; sed utilius visum est, quamvis praeiudicium legi
Iuliae de vi privata fiat, nihilo minus tamen non esse dene-
gandam actionem eligentibus privatam persecutionem.
‘Dolo’ autem ‘ malo facere' potest (quod edictum ait) non

coactis: it was sufficient under
the edict that men be collected
or instigated to collect in a
riotous manner, whether armed
or not. They might be numer-
ous; even a single person suf-
ficed, whether free or slave. The
original edict ran ‘si cui zz dolo
malo hominibus coactis arma-
tisve, etc., the principal idea con-
tained in it being vz, force, and the
instigation of others to the use of
force. Bona rapta was held to
mean even the least thing carried
off by force.

1. iudicium noxale dabo: zud7-
cium here (as often) is equivalent to
actio. When a slave committed a
delict, his master became liable
for the wrong done and had the
option of paying the penalties and
damages, or else he might surren-
der the slave to the injured party
(noxae dedere, ‘to give up to the
harm,’ z.e. to surrender to the one
harmed), aut noxam sarcire aut
noxae dedere. Suchactions might
arise by law or by praetorian edict.
The Twelve Tables gave a noxal
action for furtum; the praetor,

for rapina. Gaius explains that
it was unjust that a master should
suffer loss for the delicts of his
slaves greater than the value of
each slave's person (erat enim
iniquum nequitiam eorum, ultra
ipsorum corpora, parentibus domi-
nisve damnosam esse, Gai. 4, 75.
The noxal surrender applied to
Jiltifamilias also, in the older law
(abolished by Justinian).

5. legi Iuliae de vi: the party,
whose goods were plundered, might
proceed by civil action, or by a
criminal prosecution under the Jex
Julia de vi publica et privata.
This law, enacted by Julius Caesar
or Augustus, punished violence
with armed force (vis publica) by
deportation, violence without arms
(vis privata) by confiscation of
one third of the criminal's goods.

6. non esse denegandam actio-
nem: Ze. the aggrieved party must
choose which course he will pursue;
therightto proceed criminally ought
not to be prejudiced by the bring-
ing of a civil action, as some think ;
but even though the right to pros-
ecute under the Zex /ulia de vi

240

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

tantum is qui rapit, sed et qui praecedente consilio ad hoc
ipsum homines colligit armatos, ut damnum det bonave
rapiat. Sive igitur ipse quis cogat homines sive ab alio
coactis utitur ad rapiendum, dolo malo facere videtur.
5 Homines coactos accipere debemus ad hoc coactos, ut
damnum daretur. Neque additur, quales homines : quales-
cumque sive liberos sive servos.
Doli mali mentio hic et vim in se habet. Nam qui vim
facit, dolo malo fecit, non tamen qui dolo malo facit, utique
1r et vi facit. Ita dolus habet in se et vim, et sine vi si quid
callide admissum est, aeque continebitur. ‘Damni’ praetor
inquit; omnia ergo damna continet et clandestina. Sed
non puto clandestina, sed ea, quae violentia permixta sunt.
Etiam quis recte definiet, si quid solus admiserit quis non
15 vi, non contineri hoc edicto, et si quid hominibus coactis,
etiamsi sine vi, dummodo dolo sit admissum, ad hoc
edictum spectare.
‘Vel cuius bona rapta esse dicuntur. Quod ait praetor
*bona rapta, sic accipiemus: etiam si una res ex bonis

20

rapta sit.

In hac actione intra annum utilem verum pretium rei

‘privata was prejudiced, neverthe-
less it seemed more expedient that
an action should not be denied
those preferring a private remedy.

12. clandestina: the word is
probably a gloss, as the idea of
open force is the principal ground
for the praetor's action, while con-
cealed or clandestine removal of
goods was furtum.

21. intra annum utilem : an az-
nus utilis, as a period of time fixed
by the praetor, was a judicial year,

ROMAN LAW — 16

z.e.a period of three hundred and
sixty-five days actually available
(ws, ‘usable’) for beginning
legal proceedings. In reckoning
the days of such a period of time
(tempus utile), only those days
were counted on which the plaintiff
was not hindered from beginning
proceedings. Those days were,
therefore, excluded on which the
courts did not sit, or during which
the plaintiff was ignorant of his
right, or the intended defendant

241

Ui

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

quadruplatur, non etiam quod interest. Haec actio etiam
familiae nomine competit, non imposita necessitate osten-
dendi, qui sunt ex familia homines qui rapuerunt vel etiam
damnum dederunt. Familiae autem appellatio servos con-
tinet, hoc est eos, qui in ministerio sunt, etiamsi liberi esse
proponantur vel alieni bona fide nobis servientes.

Ex hac actione noxae deditio non totius familiae, sed
eorum tantum vel eius, qui dolo fecisse comperietur, fieri
debet. Haec actio volgo vi bonorum raptorum dicitur.

DamacGE ro PgoprEeRTY (Damnum Iniuria Datum)

Lex Aquilia omnibus legibus, quae ante se de
damno iniuria locutae sunt, derogavit, sive duo-
decim tabulis, sive alia quae fuit; quas leges nunc referre

Ulp. D.
9, 2,4

was unknown. The aunus utilis Damage to Property: the an-

was, therefore, more than twelve
months. When every day was
counted, the time was called Zezz-
pus continuum.

1. quadruplatur: the guadru-
plum claimed by the plaintiff by
the actio vi bonorum raptorum in-
cluded the restoration of the prop-
erty, or its value, as damages zz
simplum, and three times the value
of the property plundered as a
penalty, z.¢.a¢v7plumas penal dam-
ages. The action was, therefore,
an actio mixta (see note on Obliga-
tions, p. 232, end). Cf. the actio
furti manifesti where the gua-
druplum is a penalty, the thing
when not destroyed, otherwise its
value, being recoverable in addi-
tion by a vzudzcatzo rei or a con-
dicto furtiva, respectively.

cient law of the Twelve Tables
and later statutes providing for the
punishment of injury to private
property was largely supplanted
by the ler Aguila, a plebiscitum
proposed by a certain Aquilius,
tribune of the plebs. The date
of this statute is uncertain. It is
said to have been enacted after a
secession of the plebs, as a fur-
ther safeguard against the op-
pression of the patricians. How-
ever that may be, it undoubtedly
dates from a time when slaves and
herds were the chief wealth of the
Romans, and when agriculture and
stock-raising formed their chief oc-
cupations. Uncoined money (aes
grave) was stil employed as a
standard of value in imposing fines
(aes dare damnas esto). The lex

242

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

non est necesse.

Quae lex Aquilia plebiscitum est, cum

eam Aquilius tribunus plebis a plebe rogaverit.

Gai. D.
9, 2,2

Lege Aquilia capite primo cavetur: ‘ut qui
servum servamve alienum alienamve quadrupe-

5 dem vel pecudem iniuria occiderit, quanti id in eo anno

Aquilia was probably one of the
earliest Zledzscita enacted under
the dex Hortensia, 287 B.C. (Ze.
soon after the third secession of
the plebs), by the terms of which
plebiscita were put on an equal
footing with Zzges and were binding
on the whole people (cf. Introd.
2 and note on Plediscita, p. 50).
The Aquilian law provided for the
punishment of damage to property,
resulting either in the total loss of
a definite corporeal thing, or in an
injury to it which could be esti-
mated in money. It was com-
posed of three chapters. The
first granted an action for the
-wrongful killing of another's slave
or fourfooted domestic animal (ex-
cept dogs), z.e. horse, ass, mule,
goat, sheep, pig. The jurists in-
cluded within the meaning of the
statute elephants and camels as
beasts of burden. This chapter
of the law embraced a wider range
of animals, therefore, than the
older distinction of res mancipi
and res nec mancrpi, cf. note on
ves, p. 163. The second chapter
(obsolete in the time of Justinian)
was concerned with a very differ-
ent kind of injury, and its connec-
tion with the rest of the statute is
not clear. It granted an action

(for the amount of the loss sus-
tained) against an adstépulator
(an accessory creditor) who re-
leased the debtor from payment in
such a way as to defraud a stipu-
lator (an original and principal
creditor), Gai. 3, 215. The third
chapter made provision for the
wrongful (2) wounding of slaves
and animals named in Chap. i;
(2) killing or wounding any other
kinds of animals, or damaging any
other kinds of corporeal property
belonging to another.

3. ut qui: szguzs should proba-
bly be read. What purports here
to be the text of the law was, of
course, originally in much more
archaic Latin.

5. iniuria: for zwzurza in the
specific sense, as a distinct delict,
meaning zwsult, insulting con-
duct, see text below, p. 250. In
this statute, zzurza means ‘ with-
out right, wrongfully’ (zm-ws;
quod non iure factum est). The
lex Aquilia applied only to culpa-
ble damage (Z2. where there was
even the slightest degree of cu/fa)
and was not restricted to wilful or
malicious injury (damnum culpa
datum etiam ab eo qui nocere no-
Zuit). It did not apply to hurt
done in self-defense (vim vi de

243

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

plurimi fuit, tantum aes dare domino damnas esto’; et
infra deinde cavetur, ut adversus infitiantem in duplum
actio esset. Vt igitur apparet, servis nostris exaequat
quadrupedes, quae pecudum numero sunt et gregatim
habentur, veluti oves caprae boves equi muli asini. Sed
an sues pecudum appellatione continentur, quaeritur; et
recte Labeoni placet contineri. Sed canis inter pecudes non
est. Longe magis bestiae in eo numero non sunt, veluti
ursi leones, pantherae. Elefanti autem et cameli quasi
mixti sunt (nam et iumentorum operam praestant et natura
eorum fera est) et ideo primo capite contineri eas oportet.

Jendere omnes leges omniaque iura
peruuttunt). No reparation is
required where damage is caused
by one who exercises his own
right (on videtur vim facere qui
zure suo utitur) or by unavoidable
accident in the absence of all
blame. — id: ie. ea res, as in
the third chapter below.— in eo
anno plurimi: the action was for
the highest value which the
damaged property had attained at
any time during the year previ-
ous to the injury (Ze. death or
time when fatal wound was re-
ceived), not the mere value of the
thing at time of loss (verum rei
pretium). As the plaintiff's full
interest (ZuZeresse) was covered, it
was an actzo mixta, combining both
indemnity and penalty (cf. note on
Obligations, p. 232). No account
was taken, however, of purely per-
sonal feelings and sentiments,
having no economic value (zz
affectiones aestimandas esse puto),

e.g. family affection. But in esti-
mating the value of a slave, his
talents and accomplishments were
taken into account.

i. damnas: condemned. This
indeclinable adjective or participial
form is common in legal formulae.
Damnas esto means that the
defendant stands already con-
demned; if he attempt to evade
the judgment against him by deny-
ing his guilt (zzffZzzz£ez?) and
standing trial, an action for twice
the estimated damage will lie
against him (if shown to be guilty)
because of his non-admission;
whereas the offender admitting
his guilt (confessus) has the simple
value to pay, as estimated by the
judge. (otandum, quod in hac ac-
fone, quae adversus confitentem
datur, tudex non rei iudicandae
sed aestzmandae datur, nam nullae
partes sunt iudicandé in conf
tentes, D. 9, 2, 25).

1I. eas: ie. destias.

244

n

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I5

20

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Itaque si servum tuum latronem insidiantem mihi occi-
dero, securus ero; nam adversus periculum naturalis ratio
permittit se defendere. Lex XII tabularum furem noctu
deprehensum occidere permittit, ut tamen id ipsum cum
clamore testificetur; interdiu autem deprehensum ita per-
mittit occidere, si is se telo defendat, ut tamen aeque cum
clamore testificetur. :

Ulp. D. Sed et si quemcumque alium ferro se peten-
925 tem quis occiderit, non videbitur iniuria occi-
disse: et si metu quis mortis furem occiderit, non dubitabi-
tur, quin lege Aquilia non teneatur. Sin autem cum posset
adprehendere, maluit occidere, magis est ut iniuria fecisse
videatur: ergo et Cornelia tenebitur. Iniuriam autem hic
accipere nos oportet non quemadmodum circa iniuriarum
actionem contumeliam quandam, sed quod non iure fac-
tum est, hoc est contra ius, id est si culpa quis occiderit ;
et ideo interdum utraque actio concurrit et legis Aquiliae
et iniuriarum, sed duae erunt aestimationes, alia damni
alia contumeliae. Igitur iniuriam hic damnum accipie-
mus culpa datum etiam ab eo, qui nocere noluit Et ideo
quaerimus, si furiosus damnum dederit, an legis Aquiliae
actio sit; et Pegasus negavit: quae enim in eo culpa sit,

13. Cornelia (sc. /ege) tenebitur:
before the Jex Cornelia, enacted
by Sulla, the killing of another's
slave was punished simply as dam-
age to property, but by that law
it was also made a crime, punish-
able by death or exile (cwzus
servus occisus est, ts liberum ar-
bitrium habet vel cafitali crimine
reum facere eum qui occiderit, vel
hac lege (Aquilia) damnum perse-
qui, Gai. 3, 213). If the killing

were done maliciously, and the
plaintiff proceed by civil action,
criminal prosecution under the Zex
Cornelia de sicariis should not be
thereby prejudiced (sz dolo servus
occisus sit, et lege Cornelia agere
dominum posse constat : et st lege
Aquilia egerit, praezudicium fieri
Corneliae non debet, D. 9, 2,
23,9).
14. iniuriarum :

notes below, p. 250.

see text and

245

Uu

10

15

20

25

SELECTED ‘TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

cum suae mentis non sit; et hoc est verissimum. Ces-
sabit igitur Aquiliae actio, quemadmodum, si quadrupes
damnum dederit, Aquilia cessat, aut si tegula ceciderit.
Sed et si infans damnum dederit, idem erit dicendum.
Quodsi inpubes id fecerit, Labeo ait, quia furti tenetur,
teneri et Aquilia eum; et hoc puto verum, si sit iam iniu-
riae capax. Si magister in disciplina vulneraverit servum
vel occiderit, an Aquilia teneatur, quasi damnum iniuria
dederit? et Iulianus scribit Aquilia teneri eum, qui elusca-
verat discipulum in disciplina ; multo magis igitur in occiso
idem erit dicendum. Proponitur autem apud eum species
talis: sutor, inquit, puero discenti ingenuo filio familias,
parum bene facienti quod demonstraverit, forma calcei cer-
vicem percussit, ut oculus puero perfunderetur. Dicit
igitur Iulianus iniuriarum quidem actionem non competere,
quia non faciendae iniuriae causa percusserit, sed monendi
et docendi causa; an ex locato, dubitat, quia levis dumtaxat
castigatio concessa est docenti; sed lege Aquilia posse agi

Paul. D. non dubito, praeceptoris enim nimja saevitia
9; 2,6 culpae adsignatur. :

Ulp. D. Qua actione patrem consecuturum ait, quod
27 minus ex operis filii sui propter vitiatum oculum

sit habiturus, et impendia, quae pro eius curatione fecerit.
Occisum autem accipere debemus, sive gladio sive etiam
fuste vel alio telo vel manibus (si forte strangulavit eum)
vel calce petiit vel capite vel qualiter qualiter. Sed si quis

12. ingenuo filio familias: the
lex Aquilia did not provide for in-
jury to the body. of a freeman, but
ananalogous action (ac£zo utilis, see
below) was allowed by which the
father could recover for the cost
of medical treatment and the loss

of services caused by the injury of
a son in his power. It isa maxim
of Roman law that no valuation
can be placed on the person of a
freeman (Zerum corpus aestima-
Zonem non recipit) and no dam-
ages could be recovered, therefore,

246

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I5

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

plus iusto oneratus deiecerit onus et servum occiderit,
Aquilia locum habet ; fuit enim in ipsius arbitrio ita se non
onerare. Nam et si lapsus aliquis servum alienum onere
presserit, Pegasus ait lege Aquilia eum teneri ita demum,
si vel plus iusto se oneraverit vel neglegentius per lubricum
transierit. .

Idem iuris est, si medicamento perperam usus
fuerit, sed et qui bene secuerit et dereliquit cura-
tionem, securus non erit, sed culpae reus intellegitur.
Mulionem quoque, si per imperitiam impetum mularum
retinere non potuerit, si eae alienum hominem obtriverint,
vulgo dicitur culpae nomine teneri Idem dicitur et si
propter infirmitatem sustinere mularum impetum non po-
tuerit; nec videtur iniquum, si infirmitas culpae adnume-
retur, cum affectare quisque non debeat, in quo vel intellegit
vel intellegere debet infirmitatem suam alii periculosam

Gai. D.
9,2,8

futuram. Idem iuris est in

under the Jex 4gz2/a for disfigure-
ment of the person in the case
stated in the text.

7. Idem iuris est si medicamento:
the lex Aquilia provided originally
only for damage done by direct
physical contact of the offender
with the property of the plaintiff
(damnum corpore corpori datum).
Subsequently, by tbe interpreta-
tion of the jurists, the meaning of
the statute was extended so that
killing (in Chap. 1) included many
circumstances and acts only indi-
rectly causing death. Actions
were then granted by the praetor
in these analogous cases, after the
precedent of the lex Aguzlia (non

persona eius, qui impetum

ex verbis legis, sed ex interpreta-
Zone). Such actions are called
utilis and zu factum. Where the
damage to the definite thing was
an indirect result of the offend-
er's act, as causing a slave's death
by setting a dog upon him, an
actio utilis was granted (damnum
non corpore sed corpori datum).
Where there was no damage to the
thing itself, but the deprivation of
it caused the owner an injury,
through an act of the defendant,
an actio im factum was granted
(damnum nec corpore nec corpor
datum), as when one removed a
slave's chains, permitting him to
run away. All of the cases in the

247

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20

25

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

equi, quo vehebatur, propter imperitiam vel infirmitatem
retinere non poterit.

Gai. D. Imperitia culpae adnumeratur.

50, 17, 132 Si ex plagis servus mortuus esset neque id
Alfen.D. medici inscientia aut domini neglegentia acci-
9, 2, 52 disset, recte de iniuria occiso eo agitur. Taber-

narius in semita noctu supra lapidem lucernam posuerat;
quidam praeteriens eam sustulerat: tabernarius eum con-
secutus lucernam reposcebat et fugientem retinebat ;
ille flagello, quod in manu habebat, in quo dolor inerat,
verberare tabernarium coeperat, ut se mitteret; ex eo
maiore rixa facta tabernarius ei, qui lucernam sustulerat,
oculum effoderat; consulebat, num damnum iniuria non
videtur dedisse, quoniam prior flagello percussus esset.
Respondi, nisi data opera effodisset oculum, non videri
damnum iniuria fecisse, culpam enim penes eum qui prior
flagello percussit, residere; sed si ab eo non prior vapu
lasset, sed cum ei lucernam eripere vellet, rixatus esset,
tabernarii culpa factum videri In clivo Capitolino duo
plostra onusta mulae ducebant; prioris plostri muliones
conversum plostrum sublevabant, quo facile mulae duce-
rent: inter superius plostrum cessim ire coepit et cum
muliones, qui inter duo plostra fuerunt, e medio exissent,
posterius plostrum a priore percussum retro redierat et
puerum cuiusdam obtriverat; dominus pueri consulebat,
cum quo se agere oporteret. Respondi in causa ius esse
positum; nam si muliones, qui superius plostrum susti-
nuissent, sua sponte se subduxissent et ideo factum esset,
ut mulae plostrum retinere non possint atque onere ipso

text well illustrate the extension 22. inter superius plostrum ces-
of the statute and the subtleties sim: the text is corrupt. Instead
of the jurists’ discussions. of wulae ducerent: inter Superius

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retraherentur, cum domino mularum nullam esse actionem,
cum hominibus, qui conversum plostrum sustinuissent, lege
Aquilia agi posse: nam nihilo minus eum damnum dare,
qui quod sustineret mitteret sua voluntate, ut id aliquem
feriret; veluti si quis asellum cum agitasset non retinuisset,
aeque si quis ex manu telum aut aliud quid immisisset,
damnum iniuria daret. Sed si mulae, quia aliquid reformi-
dassent et muliones timore permoti, ne opprimerentur,
plostrum reliquissent, cum hominibus actionem nullam
esse, cum domino mularum esse. Quod si neque mulae
neque homines in causa essent, sed mulae retinere onus
nequissent aut cum coniterentur lapsae concidissent et ideo
plostrum cessim redisset atque hi quo conversum fuisset

-onus sustinere nequissent, neque cum domino mularum

15

20

neque cum hominibus esse actionem. Illud quidem cer-
tum esse, quoquo modo res se haberet, cum domino pos-
teriorum mularum agi non posse, quoniam non sua sponte, '
sed percussae retro redissent.

Ulp. D. Huius legis secundum quidem capitulum in
92,254 . desuetudinem abiit. Tertio autem capite ait
eadem lex Aquilia: ‘Ceterarum rerum praeter hominem
et pecudem occisos si quis alteri damnum faxit, quod
usserit, fregerit, ruperit iniuria, quanti ea res erit in diebus

plostrum, Mommsen proposes the
reading zzulae facerent iter : supe-
rius plostrum.

2. conversum plostrum, etc.,‘the
mule-drivers of the wagon higher
up the hill attempted to push
the wagon which was beginning
to roll backward, to lighten the
burden for the mules,’ etc.

23. ruperit : this word furnishes

an example of the extension of
meaning given by the ancient
interpretation so that it was equiva-
lent to corrumpere in this law. —
quanti ea res erit: sc. plurimt.
The omission of plurimd is acci-
dental as in practice it was the
highest value of the previous thirty
days, not the value named at the
discretion of the judge.

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triginta proximis, tantum aes domino dare damnas esto.’
Si quis igitur non occiderit hominem vel pecudem, sed
usserit, fregerit, ruperit, sine dubio ex his verbis legis
agendum erit. Proinde si facem servo meo obieceris et
eum adusseris, teneberis mihi. Item si arbustum meum
vel villam meam incenderis, Aquiliae actionem habebo.

Iujunvy TO THE PERSON (Zmiuria)

Ulp. D.
47, 10, 1

Hoc generaliter.
tumelia.

7. Iniuria: zzzurza is an inten-
tional insult to the person, honor,
or reputation of another, or any
malicious and insulting conduct
which amounts to a wrongful dis-
regard for another's personality.
Such an insult may arise either by
word (verózs) or deed (re), z.e.
it may constitute an injury to the
feeling by public reviling or by
slander or libel; or to the person
by violent acts such as assault, or
by any other malicious conduct
directed against another’s - honor
orliberty. The meaning of zuzurza
was also extended to include any
defamation which affected harm-
fully the social or business stand-
ing of another or reflected upon
his financial position, business in-
tegrity, honor, chastity, and the
like. It included, in fact, every
attack upon the dignity of a free

Iniuria ex eo dicta est, quod non iure fiat;
omne enim, quod non iure fit, iniuria fieri dicitur.
Specialiter autem iniuria dicitur con-
Interdum iniuriae appellatione damnum culpa

person. The attention which this
delict received in the Twelve Ta-
bles (see note on Poena, p. 252)
and the early law of the republic
shows the high regard which the
Romans attached to personal dig-
nity and how carefully their de-
sire for an unsullied reputation
was safeguarded. Any diminu-
tion of the reputation was a most
severe penalty (e.g. by a nota
censorta), since it disqualified
those so affected from exercising
their full rights of citizenship. So
carefully was the good name of
Roman citizens guarded that in-
sult offered even to the dead might
give a right of action to the heir
(cadaveri defuncti fit iniuria, see
text below). The extreme sensi-
tiveness of the Romans to ridicule
and their hatred of gross person-
alities exercised considerable in-

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datum significatur, ut in lege Aquilia dicere solemus; in-
terdum iniquitatem iniuriam dicimus, nam cum quis inique
vel iniuste sententiam dixit, iniuriam ex eo dictam, quod
iure et iustitia caret, quasi non iuriam, contumeliam autem
a contemnendo. Iniuriam autem fieri Labeo ait aut re aut
verbis: re, quotiens manus inferuntur; verbis autem, quo-
tiens non manus inferuntur, convicium fit; omnemque
iniuriam aut in corpus inferri aut ad dignitatem aut ad in-
famiam pertinere : in corpus fit, cum quis pulsatur ; ad digni-
tatem, cum comes matronae abducitur; ad infamiam, cum
pudicitia adtemptatur. Item aut per semet ipsum alicui fit
iniuria aut per alias personas. Per semet, cum directo ipsi
cui patri familias vel matri familias fit iniuria; per alias,
cum per consequentias fit, cum fit liberis meis vel servis
meis vel uxori nuruive; spectat enim ad nos iniuria, quae
in his fit, qui vel potestati nostrae vel affectui subiecti
sint. Etsi forte cadaveri defuncti fit iniuria, cui heredes
bonorumve possessores exstitimus, iniuriarum nostro no-
mine habemus actionem ; spectat enim ad existimationem
nostram, si qua ei fiat iniuria. Idemque et si fama eius,
cui heredes exstitimus, lacessatur.

fluence on the historyand character
of Latin comedy, as has often been
pointed out.

3. iniuste sententiam dixit : the
wrong which a judge commits in
delivering an illegal sentence is
noticed below among the quasi
delicts.

7. convicium : ZZ. a public revil-
ing or uproar, collecting a crowd
about a person or his house or shop
(even though the owner is absent)
by boisterous conduct. For deri-

vation of the word see note, p.
103.

12. aut per alias personas: an
action for insult may be brought by
any person affected by the insult,
whether the injury was done di-
rectly to him (per semet ipsum) or
to some one so related to him that
he has an interest in its reparation”
per consequentias (qui vel potes-
fati vel affectui subiecti). The
same insult might give an action
to each person injured, no one

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Iniuria autem committitur non solum, cum

Inst. 4, 4,1

quis pugno puta aut fustibus caesus vel etiam

verberatus erit, sed etiam si cui convicium factum fuerit,
sive cuius bona quasi debitoris possessa fuerint ab eo, qui

5 intellegebat nihil eum sibi debere, vel si quis ad infamiam
alicuius libellum aut carmen scripserit, composuerit, edi-
derit, dolove malo fecerit, quo quid eorum fieret, sive quis
matrem familias aut praetextatum praetextatamve adsec-
tatus fuerit, sive cuius pudicitia attemptata esse dicetur ; et
1o denique aliis pluribus modis admitti iniuriam manifestum est.
Poena autem iniuriarum ex lege duodecim tabularum
propter membrum quidem ruptum talio erat: propter os

action barring the others (cf. Gai.
3, 221).

| 7. dolo malo: to constitute an
offense giving rise to the actdo inzu-
riarum,it was necessary that the
wrong be done intentionally (azz-
mo iniuriandi), hence a blow
received in jest or in an athletic
contest, or a blow given to a free-
man mistaken for a slave, was not
iniuria. One who aids oradvises
in the publication of libelous writ-
ings or in causing any other form
of insult becomes a participator
in the wrong and is as liable as
the doer himself.

10. aliis pluribus modis: some
of the numerous ways in which an
insult could be given, not men-

.tioned in the text, were by sum-
moning another into court to annoy
him (vexazdi causa) ; by wearing
hair and beard uncut to incite
hatred against another; by follow-
ing another about in mourning

clothes; by beating or torturing
another's slave, so as to be offen-
sive to the slave's master; by
preventing another from enjoying
his public or private privileges,
such as fishing in the sea, making
use of the public baths, sitting in
the amphitheater, etc.

11. Poena iniuriarum : according
to the Twelve Tables, the author
of abusive writings and lampoons
(occentatio et malum car men) was
guilty of a crime and punished
either by death or, as some writers
say, by beating with clubs. Se-
rious bodily harm (ziemórum rup-
zum, ‘mutilation of a limb’) was
punishable by retaliation in kind
(Zalzo, from talis, ‘ the like,’ ‘an eye
for an eye’); the wrong could be
satisfied, however, by pecuniary
compensation at ascale fixed by the
judge. Slight bodily harm (vs frac-
lum aut collisum) was punishable
by a fine of three hundred asses

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vero fractum nummariae poenae erant constitutae quasi in
magna veterum paupertate. Sed postea praetores per-
mittebant ipsis qui iniuriam passi sunt eam aestimare, ut
iudex vel tanti condemnet, quanti iniuriam passus aesti-
maverit, vel minoris, prout ei visum fuerit. Sed poena
quidem iniuriae, quae ex lege duodecim tabularum intro-
ducta est, in desuetudinem abiit; quam autem praetores
introduxerunt, quae etiam honoraria appellatur, in iudiciis
frequentatur. Nam secundum gradum dignitatis vitaeque
honestatem crescit aut minuitur aestimatio iniuriae; qui
gradus condemnationis et in servili persona non immerito
servatur, ut aliud in servo actore, aliud in medii actus
homine, aliud in vilissimo vel compedito constituatur.
Sed et lex Cornelia de iniuriis loquitur et iniuriarum ac-
tionem introduxit. Quae competit ob eam rem, quod se
pulsatum quis verberatumve domumve suam vi introitam
esse dicat. Domum autem accipimus, sive in propria
domo quis habitat sive in conducta vel gratis sive hospitio

(about $15) for an injured freeman
and of one hundred and fifty asses
foraslave. Otherinjuries were pun-
ishable bya fine of twenty-five asses
(about $1.25). Subsequently, the
praetor recognized the substitu-
tion of damages for the more
savage law of retaliation, and in-
stead of fixed penalties, he allowed
an actto iniuriarum aestimatoria,
by which the penalty varied accord-
ing to the circumstances of the
case (secundum gradum dignitatis
vitaeque honestatem) as estimated
by the judge (ex aeguo et bono).
Under this action the defendant,

if condemned, was made infamous
(tnfamia). According to the lex
Cornelia (81 A.D.) a special action
was given in cases of serious
assault or forcible entry ( $z/sa-
tum, verberatum, domum vi in-
troitam). Verberare is to beat or
wound; $zísare is to push or
strike with painless blow (verde-
rare est cum dolore caedere, pul-
sare sine dolore), The injured
party had the option of proceeding
by a civil action or by a criminal
prosecution.

8. in iudiciis frequentatur: zs
now observed in the courts,

253

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

receptus sit. Atrox iniuria aestimatur vel ex facto, veluti
si quis ab aliquo vulneratus fuerit vel fustibus caesus; vel
ex loco, veluti si cui in theatro vel in foro vel in conspectu
praetoris iniuria facta sit; vel ex persona, veluti si magis-
5 tratus iniuriam passus fuerit, vel si senatori ab -humili
iniuria'facta sit, aut parenti patronoque fiat a liberis vel
libertis; aliter enim senatoris et parentis patronique, aliter
extranei et humilis personae iniuria aestimatur. Nonnum-
quam et locus vulneris atrocem iniuriam facit, veluti si in
10 oculo quis percussus sit. Parvi autem refert, utrum patri
familias an filio familias talis iniuria facta sit; nam et haec
atrox aestimabitur. In summa sciendum est de omni iniu-
ria eum qui passus est posse vel criminaliter agere vel
civiliter. Et si quidem civiliter agatur, aestimatione facta
15 secundum quod dictum est poena imponitur. Sin autem
criminaliter, officio iudicis extraordinaria poena reo irro-
gatur. Non solum autem is iniuriarum tenetur qui fecit
iniuriam, hoc est qui percussit; verum ille quoque contine-
bitur, qui dolo fecit vel qui curavit, ut cui mala pugno

1. Atrox iniuria: an injury
might be aggravated by the means
employed in accomplishing the act
(ex facto) ; or by the nature of the
place where the act was perpe-
trated (ex /oco) ; or by the quality
of the persons receiving and in-
flicting the injury (ex persona) ;
or by the part of the body injured
(Joco vulneris). Incase ofznzurza
atrox the praetor fixed the maxi-
mum of damages (usually at the
amount of bail), which the judge
regularly allowed in case of con-
viction. A slave guilty of an ag-

gravated injury was condemned to
the mines; if guilty of an ordinary
injury, he might be surrendered
noxally or delivered over to the
offended party to be whipped.

16. extraordinaria poena: of-
fenses of a public character were
usually tried criminally before the
praetor himself (extra ordinem)
without reference of the case to a
judge. Some of the penalties
mentioned are death, banishment,
and relegation. The proceeding
extra ordinem was the more usual
in the later law.

254

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

percuteretur. Haec actio dissimulatione aboletur ; et ideo,
si quis iniuriam dereliquerit, hoc est statim passus ad ani-
mum suum non revocaverit, postea ex paenitentia remissam
iniuriam non poterit recolere.

OBLIGATIONS QVASI EX DELICTO

Si iudex litem suam fecerit, non proprie ex
maleficio obligatus videtur. Sed quia neque
ex contractu obligatus est et utique peccasse aliquid intel-
legitur, licet per imprudentiam; ideo videtur quasi ex

Inst. 4, 5

x. dissimulatione: a right of
action for insult was extinguished
if the affront was not resented at
once or was passed over in silence.
The right to sue thus lost did not
revive, and, in all cases by the
praetorian law, proceedings must
be begun within the judicial year
following the offense (annus
utilis).

Obligations quasi ex Delicto:
the delicts already noticed do not
exhaust the list of wrongful acts
creating legal obligations. Quasi
delicts are cases of wrongdoing
merely resembling delicts in sub-
stance, but exactly like them in
rendering the offender liable to a
penalty or damages in a civil suit.
The characteristic requirements of
delicts, technically so called, were
damage to the property of another
(damnum) or injury to the person
of another (Zzzuwria), done with
evil intent (do/us) or through cul-
pable negligence (culpa). Most
of the quasi delicts, as given in the

Institutes of Justinian, however,
include actions granted by the
praetor against persons who
neither directly caused damage nor
had any evil intent in the wrong
done, though the law presumed
them to have been in a position to
prevent the wrong. This applies
to all quasi delicts in the text, ex-
cept the first mentioned (zudex gu
litem suam fecerit).

5. Siiudex litem suam fecerit :
a judge was said to * make a cause
his own’ when he was guilty of
corrupt motives or negligence (in-
cluding a violation of the rules of
law through ignorance, fer zzifru-
dentiam : imperitia culpae adnu-
meratur) in the performance of
his official duties. A judge treated
the case as his own, ¢.g. when he
imposed a heavier penalty than
was named in the praetor’s formula
or in the statute. He was liable
for damages in a civil suit brought
by the injured party. It should
be noticed that ‘judge’ is here

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maleficio teneri, et in quantum de ea’ re aequum religioni

iudicantis videbitur, poenam sustinebit.

Item is, ex cuius

cenaculo vel proprio ipsius vel conducto vel in quo gratis
habitabat deiectum effusumve aliquid est, ita ut alicui
5 noceretur, quasi ex maleficio obligatus intellegitur; ideo
autem non proprie ex maleficio obligatus intellegitur, quia
plerumque ob alterius culpam tenetur aut servi aut liberi.
Cui similis est is, qui ea parte, qua vulgo iter fieri solet, id
positum aut suspensum ,habet, quod potest, si ceciderit,

used in the Roman sense (Zudex,
7.4. a private person exercising
functions similar in some respects
to both judge and juror in our
judicial system). The Roman
judge, though a layman, was ren-
dered liable for ignorance of law
because he had free access to the
praetor for construction of edicts
and law involved in the case, and
it was the duty of the zudex,
furthermore, to take advice of the
Zurzs prudentes on knotty points.

7. ob alterius culpam tenetur:
persons hurling or pouring things
from the windows or roof of the
large and numerously tenanted
apartment houses of Rome (cena-
cula) could generally be detected
only indirectly from the place out
of which the damage came. The
praetor, therefore, gave the actio
de detecto effusove against the oc-
cupier of the premises, though he
personaly did no wrong. The
latter had redress against the ac-
tual wrongdoer, e.g. a lodger or
guest. The liability for this quasi

delict was for double the damage
done (actéo mixta). If the testi-
mony of Juvenal, Sat. 3, 268-274,
is to be relied on, there must have
been much need of this remedy in
his day. Cf. D. 9, 3, 1; 44, 7;
5; 5.

9. positum aut suspensum:
though no damage hadactuallybeen
done toanother,the praetor granted
the actio de fosito (exposito) et sus-
penso against any one who placed
or hung anything from the eaves
or any projection overhead, which
might do damage to any person
passing or standing below in a
public thoroughfare or place.
This action for the recovery of a
private penalty was open to any
one interested, 7.2. it was an actzo
popularis, or an action open to
any informer who could bring
suit, not merely to enforce his
own private right, but rather a
right of the public. Although
the law was of the nature of
a police regulation, the plaintiff
could retain the penalty.

256

15

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

alicui nocere; quo casu poena decem aureorum constituta
est. De eo vero quod deiectum effusumve est dupli quanti
damnum datum sit constituta est actio. Ob hominem vero
liberum occisum quinquaginta aureorum poena constituitur;
si vero vivet nocitumque ei esse dicetur, quantum ob eam
rem aequum iudici videtur, actio datur; iudex enim com-
putare debet mercedes medicis praestitas ceteraque im-
pendia, quae in curatione facta sunt, praeterea operarum,
quibus caruit aut cariturus est ob id quod inutilis factus
est. Si filius familias seorsum a patre habitaverit et quid
ex cenaculo eius deiectum effusumve sit, sive quid positum
suspensumve habuerit, cuius casus periculosus est; Iuliano
placuit in patrem nullam esse actionem, sed cum ipso filio
agendum. Quod et in filio familias iudice observandum
est, qui litem suam fecerit. Item exercitor navis aut cau-
ponae aut stabuli de dolo aut furto, quod in nave aut in

'caupona aut in stabulo factum erit, quasi ex maleficio

20

25

teneri videtur, si modo ipsius nullum est maleficium,
sed alicuius eorum, quorum opera navem aut cauponam
aut stabulum exerceret; cum enim neque ex contractu sit
adversus eum constituta haec actio et aliquatenus culpae
reus est, quod opera malorum hominum uteretur, ideo
quasi ex maleficio teneri videtur. In his autem casibus in
factum actio competit, quae heredi quidem datur, adversus
heredem autem non competit.

Animalium nomine, quae ratione carent, si

Inst. 4, 9. i $$ :
ss quidem lascivia aut fervore aut feritate pau-

15. exercitornavis: bythe prae- wrongs committed by their ser-
torian actio doli et furti adversus — vants for double the value of the
nautas, caupones, stabularios, ship- thing injured or lost. Here the
owners, innkeepers, and livery- principal (exerezfor) was liable not
stable keepers were liable for the for any direct fault of his own

ROMAN LAW — 17 257

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periem fecerint, noxalis actio lege duodecim tabularum
prodita est (quae animalia si noxae dedantur, proficiunt
reo ad liberationem, quia ita lex duodecim tabularum
scripta est); puta si equus calcitrosus calce percusserit
aut bos cornu petere solitus petierit. Ilaec autem actio
in his, quae contra naturam moventur, locum habet; cete-
rum si genitalis sit feritas, cessat. Denique si ursus fugit
a domino et sic nocuit, non potest quondam dominus con-
veniri, quia desinit dominus esse, ubi fera evasit. Pau-
peries autem est damnum sine iniuria facientis datum;
nec enim potest animal iniuriam fecisse dici, quod sensu
caret. Haec quod ad noxalem actionem pertinet. Cete-
rum sciendum est aedilicio edicto prohiberi nos canem,
verrem, aprum, ursum, leonem ibi habere, qua vulgo iter
fit; et si adversus ea factum erit et nocitum homini libero
esse dicetur, quod bonum et aequum iudici videtur, tanti
dominus condemnetur, ceterarum rerum, quanti damnum
datum sit, dupli Praeter has autem aedilicias actiones

other than his selection of dis-
honest servants. The person in-
jured might also bring an actio
Jurti or legis Aquiliae against the
actual offender.

1. noxalis actio: it has already
been noticed that for- any delict
committed by a slave the master
is rendered liable to a noxal action
(cf. note on zuadicium, p. 240). In
this case, the master may assume
directly the responsibility for the
delict, or surrender the slave to
the injured party (zoxae deditio).
By a curious provision of the
Twelve Tables, an action was

granted which compelled the
owner of an animal (not restricted
to quadrupeds) to repair the harm
(pauperies) done by it or else
surrender it to the injured party
(actio de pauperte). The owner
at the time of suit is liable, not the
owner at the time of the injury
(zoxa caput sequitur). Theharm
must also be caused by the animal
acting contrary to its natural dis-
position (contra naturam).

13. aedilicio edicto: the general
police supervision of the aedile
appears from this text. Cf. also
note on e£, p. 60.

258

Gai. 2, 97
5

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW
et de pauperie locum habebit ; numquam enim actiones

praesertim poenales de eadem re concurrentes alia aliam
consumit.

Tur Law or INHERITANCE (Hereditas)

Hactenus tantisper admonuisse sufficit quem-
admodum singulae res nobis adquirantur.

Nam

legatorum ius, quo et ipso singulas res adquirimus, oppor-

tunius alio loco referemus.

Iulian. D.
5o, 17, 62

8. per universitatem res adquir-
antur: having treated of the way in
which rights over particular things
(res singulae) are acquired (cf. text
and note on Acguzsitzon, p. 165), the
Institutes of Gaius and Justinian
proceed to the modes of acquiring
rights per uncversitatem, i.e. the
acquisition of all the rights and
duties of another in one mass or
entirety (uzzversztas rerum, asa
unit, ‘in one bundle’). This com-
plete succession to the entire legal
personality of another may be ac-
complished in several ways, of
which the most important are
arrogation and inheritance. For
arrogation see note p. 135 and text.
By the Roman law of succession
the entire property of a deceased
person (defunctus), with the ex-
ception of those rights and duties

Videamus itaque nunc, quibus
modis per universitatem res nobis adquirantur.
de hereditatibus dispiciamus.

Hereditas nihil aliud est, quam successio in
universum ius quod defunctus habuerit.

Ac prius

which are distinctly personal and,
therefore, perished with him, con-
stituted his inheritance. This
estate remains a unit (zzzversztas
iuris). In theory it is not divided
piecemeal and scattered among the
heirs. Each heir succeeds to the
entire estate as a unit, not to any
individual thing belonging to the
estate, z.¢. the heirs (whether one
or more) succeed per unzversita-
tem to the exact legal position of
the deceased at the time of his
death, inheriting his rights and
obligations so far as they have not
perished with him (Zeredztas nzkzl
aliud est, quam successio in unt-
versum tus quod defunctus habu-
erit, D. 50, 17, 62; Aereditas
personae defuncti, qui eam reli-
quit, vice fungitur, D. 30, 116,
3)

259

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Pompon. D.
29, 2, 37

Heres in omne ius mortui, non tantum singu-
larum rerum dominium succedit, cum et ea, quae

in nominibus sint, ad heredem transeant.

Iulian. D.
38, 16, 6

Lex duodecim tabularum eum vocat ad he-
reditatem, qui moriente eo, de cuius bonis quae-

ritur, in rerum natura fuerit, vel si vivo eo conceptus est,

Celsus, D.

38, 16,7 esse existimatur.

Floren. D.
29, 2, 54

3. in nominibus: Zabz/ztzes. /Vo-
men was originally the name of the
debtor and item of debt entered in
the domestic ledger of the creditor.
From that it came to.mean the obli-
gation arising from any debitum
(see notes on ZzZeris and Fit, p.
206-7). By the very nature of uni-
versal succession, the heir, as fam-
ily representative of the deceased,
succeeded not only to the property
but also to the liabilities, z.e. to the
entire legal personality of the de-
ceased (modified by the praetor
by the zus aóstinend?, see below,
note on Heredes, p. 282).

6. si vivo eo conceptus est: see
note on Quz, p. 78.

9. adeundo hereditatem * de-
ferre and adzre are technical terms
marking twoimportant stages in the
devolution of an estate. Delatzo
(or hereditas delata) is the offer
of the inheritance to the one enti-
tled to become heir, so that he
has merely to decide whether he
will accept or refuse ; adzfzo (here-

quia conceptus quodammodo in rerum natura

Heres quandoque adeundo hereditatem iam
tunc a morte successisse defuncto intellegitur.

ditas adita) is the acceptance of
the heirship. This may not occur
until the assets and liabilities have
been duly inquired into. Dedatzo,
or the offer, is made in one of two
ways, by testament or by operation
of law (hereditas testamentaria,
hereditas ab tntestato).

ro. a morte successisse: in the
interval between death and the ac-
quisition of the inheritance by the
heir (quamvis postea adeatur), the
estate has an independent legal
existence as an artificial person.
Although the owner of the prop-
erty is dead, the estate is not a
derelict to be seized by the first
occupier, but is in the eye of
the law an independent person,
called hereditas zacems, which
has the powers of a natural per-
son to acquire rights and to
incur obligations, eg. slaves be-
longing to the inheritance may
enter into lawful agreements to
acquire for its benefit and they
may become heirs to other estates

260

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Paul. D.
50, 17, 138

Ulp. D.
29, 2, 39

Pompon. D.
50, 17,7

Omnis hereditas, quamvis postea adeatur, ta-
men cum tempore mortis continuatur.

Quam diu potest ex testamento adiri heredi-
tas, ab intestato non defertur.

Ius nostrum non patitur eundem in paganis
et testato et intestato decessisse; earumque re-

rum naturaliter inter se pugna est 'testatus' et 'intesta-

,

tus.

Mod. D.
28,1,1

fieri velit.

in the interest of the inheritance
of which they form a part. When
the hereditas is once vested in the
heir (z.z. after adtzo), his succes-
sion dates from the moment of the
deceased's death.

3. Quam diu potest ex testamen-
to adiri hereditas : inheritance may
devolve upon the heir by testament
and by operation of law, whence
arises the distinction - between
testamentary succession (Zes/a-
mentaria hereditas) and intestate
or legal succession (egitima here-
ditas, ab intestato). The latter
occurs only in the absence of a
valid testament. Since the inher-
itance is viewed as an entirety

* (universitas rerum) and a testa-

ment takes precedence over intes-
tate succession, the one excluding
the other (inter se pugna est), ifa
testator should nominate an heir
for part of his property only, the
legal heirs (Aeredes legitimus) do
not succeed to the remaining part,

Testamentum est voluntatis nostrae
sententia de eo, quod quis post mortem suam

iusta

but the will disposes of the entire
estate («ez pro parte testatus,
pro parte intestatus decedere po-
test). For exception in case of
soldiers see below, note on /4zZ-
libus, p. 269.

9. Testamentum est voluntatis :
the primary purpose and essential
requirement of a Roman will was
the appointment of an heir, not
the disposition of an estate. The
Romans did not originate the
testament, but they very early felt
the importance of will-making to
prevent the possibility of dying
without a representative to perform
the sacred rites of the dead, to
protect the memory of the testator,
and to obviate the injustice to cog-
nates which arose under the early
law of intestate succession. They
became a nation of will-makers
and developed a detailed system
of testamentary law (Zwre cfvzli),
with features peculiarly Roman.
Although intestate succession is

261

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Labeo, D.
28,1,2

sanitas exigenda est.

Gai. D.
28, 14

In eo qui testatur eius temporis, quo testa-
mentum facit, integritas mentis, non corporis

Si quaeramus, an valeat testamentum, in pri-
mis animadvertere debemus, an is qui-fecerit

testamentum habuerit testamenti factionem, deinde, si
habuerit, requiremus, an secundum regulas. iuris civilis

testatus sit.

Ulp. 20, 10

historically the older, Gaius and
Justinian treat of the testament
first, as if it were the more im-
portant. Our word wl is a
translation of voluntas, a choice,
or expression of intention, but it
does not, like our English word,
indicate the written instrument
itself. The false etymology of
testamentum by Servius Sulpicius,
discussed by Gellius 7, 12, 2, is
repeated by Ulpian and Justin-
jan, Inst. 2, 10: Zestazentum ex
eo appellatur, quod testatio mentis

est (as if the suffix -mentum were.

from mens, cf. vestimentum, ali-
mentum, ‘et alia mille’). See
also notes on curias, p. 45, and
quasi, p. 106.—iusta sententia:
iusta, ‘according to legal formali-
ties,’ see note on ex zusta, p. 81.
6. testamenti factionem: this
term signifies the capacity to take
any part in the making of a will or
to receive any benefit under a will,
z.é. testator, witnesses, and heir
must have Zes/azenti factio with

Filius familiae testamentum facere non potest,
quoniam nihil suum hábet, ut testari de eo pos-

one another, or the capatity re-
quired by law to perform their
several parts. Capacity to make
a will (testament: -factio activa)
requires capacity to be owner and
to alienate as owner. It is, there-
fore, denied those who lack inde-
pendent judgment or powers of
volition and perfect capacity of
disposition (duzpuberes, | furiosi,
prodigi). The cévis Romanus
paterfamilias alone has complete
testamentary capacity. The /zs-
familias can, however, make testa-
mentary disposition of his peculium
castrense and quasi castrense.
Certain persons, unable to make a
testament in the usual way, must
conform to certain special provi-
sions of law (deaf, mute, blind, and
those unable to write). Incapac-
ity to make a will does not neces-
sarily exclude one from being heir
or witness, Z.e. having ¢estamenti
factio passiva (Inst. 2, 19, 4).

9. Filius familiae testamentum
facere non potest : in the law of the

262

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

sit. Sed divus Augustus constituit, ut filius familiae miles

' de eo peculio quod in castris adquisivit testamentum facere

IO

possit. Qui de statu suo incertus est factus, quod patre
peregre mortuo ignorat se sui iuris esse, facere testamen-
tum non potest. Impubes, licet sui iuris sit, facere testa-
mentum non potest, quoniam nondum plenum iudicium animi
habet. Mutus, surdus, furiosus itemque prodigus cui lege
bonis interdictum est, testamentum facere non possunt:
mutus, quoniam verba nuncupationis loqui non potest;
surdus, quoniam verba familiae emptoris exaudire non po-
test; furiosus, quoniam mentem non habet, ut testari de
sua re possit; prodigus, quoniam commercio illi interdic-

republic fZzfazias had no active

proprietary capacity, ze. they were

not free to alienate and could ac-
quire only. Under Augustus, sol-
diers were freed from this disability
by special privilege. This became
a permanent rule under Trajan
(see below, note on ZzZtzbus, p.
269). In the management and dis-
position of all property acquired by
reason of military service ( fecz-
lium castrense), a filiusfamilias
mules was considered free from the
power of his father. The peculium
castrense included all property ac-
quired by a soldier as pay, what-
ever was given or bequeathed to
him for campaign purposes, all ac-
quisitions from fellow-soldiers, and
land purchased by savings from
his pay. In the later empire
(after Constantine), government
and court officials, advocates, the
clergy, and those especially favored
by the emperor, though J/f//fa-

nulias, were allowed free disposi-
tion of their earnings, as if engaged
in the public service like soldiers
(quasi castrense).

3. incertus est factus: in addi-
tion to the uncertainty whether
the paterfamilias away from home
was alive or dead, persons in any
other way uncertain of their status,
as whether they had been properly
emancipated and were free persons
in law and fact, were unable to
make a will (gud incertus de statu
suo est, certam legem testamento
dicere non potest, D. 28, 1, 14).

ir. furiosus quoniam mentem
non habet: the furzosus could,
however, make a will during a lucid
interval, and a will made before he
was mentally incapacitated was
valid. In case of the prodigus
also, a will made before the formal
bonis interdictio of the praetor was
valid. Cf. note on Curatores,

p. 155.

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tum est et ob id familiam mancipare non potest. Latinus
Iunianus, item is qui dediticiorum numero est, testamen-
tum facere non potest: Latinus quidem, quoniam nomina-
tim lege Iunia prohibitus est, is autem qui dediticiorum
numero est, quoniam nec quasi civis Romanus testari po-
test, cum sit peregrinus, nec quasi peregrinus, quoniam
nullius certae civitatis civis est, ut secundum leges civitatis
suae testetur. Feminae post duodecimum annum aetatis
testamenta facere possunt tutore auctore, donec in tutela
sunt. Servus publicus populi Romani partis dimidiae
testamenti faciendi habet ius.

4. lege Iunia: see text and note
on Libertorum, p. 89.

8. Feminae post duodecimum an-
num: in the most ancient times,
women could not make wills because
they were excluded from the public
assembly and the army (calatzs
comttiis, in procinctu). After the
testament er aes et Libram was
introduced, women (sz Zuris)
were capable, but inasmuch as they
were under guardianship (unless
relieved by the lex Pafza Popfaea,
see text and note on ex /zge, p. 152),
they required the authority of their
guardians. To obviate this diffi-
culty, the jurists devised a fictitious
marriage with manus (coemptio
Jiduczaria). The ward conveyed
herself by-wzancipatio to her hus-
band (see note on Coemptione,
p. 126), who reconveyed her by
remancipation, in accordance with
a trust obligation (fiduciae causa),
to a third person, by whom she
was finally manumitted. In this

way the woman obtained a status
which gave her testamentary ca-
pacity. Vestal virgins, being free.
from patria fotestas and from
guardianship, had from very early
times capacity to make a will. As
they had no legal heirs (and could
be heir to no one), if they died
intestate, their property escheated
to the state (Gell. 1, 12, 18).

10. Servus publicus : ¢estamentz
factio activa required of the testa-
tor the possession of the zus com-
merci. This excluded slaves and
those in a similar status, but slaves
of the Populus Romanus were by
special privilege capable of dispos-
ing by testament of half of their
peculium. Slaves captured in war
became the property of the state.
Some were sold in open market
under supervision of the aediles,
while others were retained as prop-
erty of the Roman people and
were assigned to various public
dutiés. The exact legal position

264

we

10

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Olim etiam testamenti faciendi gratia fiduci-
aria fiebat coemptio; tunc enim non aliter femi-
nae testamenti faciendi ius habebant, exceptis quibusdam
personis, quam si coemptioneg fecissent remancipataeque
et manumissae fuissent; sed hanc necessitatem coemp-
tionis faciendae ex auctoritate divi Hadriani senatus
remisit.

Gai, 1, 115

Testamentorum autem genera initio duo fue-
runt: nam aut calatis comitiis testamentum
faciebant, quae comitia bis in anno testamentis faciendis

Gai. 2, ror

of servi publi is not entirely public character. In the earliest

understood. That they had privi-
leges not granted private slaves is
certain. They were almost en-
tirely of the male sex, often occu-
pied public quarters, received a
certain sum for their sustenance
(cebarta), and were capable of en-
tering into a quasi marriage with a
free woman. In this fact Momm-
sen sees a possible explanation of
their testamentary capacity over
half of their holdings (Staatsrecht,
I, 320 f.). In addition to those
mentioned in the text, the follow-
ing were incapable of making a
will: those condemned for libel
(06 carmen famosum); those out-
lawed by the zuterdictio aguae et
Zgnis; those deported to an island ;
criminals condemned to fight as
gladiators (ad ferrum), to fight
with beasts, or to work in the mines
(servi poenae); captives ; hostages.

g. calatis comitiis testamentum :
the oldest form of will was of a

times the property of a deceased
paterfamilias descended to his
natural heirs by the operation of
law. When it became possible to
substitute another than the natural
heir, or to nominate a stranger to
prevent the possibility of dying
without an heir, it became a mat-
ter of importance to the religious
interests of the state and to
the testator’s genus. The comutia
curzata was summoned (calare,
calata comitia) twice each year
(probably the 24th of March and
the 24th of May) to sanction and
to witness the wills of citizens.
The pontiffs supervised the pro-
cedure. The authority to direct
the devolution of an estate out of
the regular channel required a
special enactment, a testament
(legem testamento. dicere) which
took the form and character of a
lex enacted by the people (ze.
patricians).

265

‘

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

destinata erant, aut in procinctu, id est cum belli causa
arma sumebant; procinctus est enim expeditus et armatus
exercitus. Alterum itaque in pace et in otio faciebant,
alterum in proelium exitug. ^ Accessit deinde tertium
5 genus testamenti, quod per aes et libram agitur. Qui
neque calatis comitiis neque in procinctu testamentum
fecerat, is si subita morte urguebatur, amico familiam
suam, id est patrimonium suum, mancipio dabat, eumque
rogabat quid cuique post mortem suam dari vellet. Quod

i. in procinctu: the inconven- declaration (zzzcupatzo) that the

ience of making a will in the formal
assembly would be especially felt
by soldiers in active service. As
the army in the field in the earliest
times was merely a body of citi-
zens, the counterpart of the cozzz-
Za at home, every soldier was
allowed to declare his will orally,
in the presence of his comrades,
when about to enter battle. Serv.
Aen. 10, 241.

4. Accessit tertium genus testa-
menti: the will made fer aes et
libram (mancipatio) was a strictly
private will of very ancient origin,
which could be made at any time
and was especially employed in
emergencies. In its historical de-
velopment it shows two phases, in
the earlier of which the transaction
is entirely oral ; in the later, it is the
oral confirmation of a written doc-
ument. In the former the testator
conveys, with all the formalities
of manicipation, his entire property
toa friend, called famzliae emptor,
at the same time making a formal

conveyance is for the purpose of
inheritance. The fazz/ae emptor
is made heir (or as Sohm says,
* executor of the will’), upon whom
is charged the duty of carrying out
the provisions of the will according
to the terms of the nuncupatory
part of the transaction declared
in the presence of the witnesses.
Later on, when writing became
more common, the heir is named
in the written document (fes/a-
menti tabulae), which contained
all the dispositions of the testator.
The mancipatory form is still em-
ployed, but the famzlzae emptor,
no longer heir, is retained merely
for the sake of form (4zezs gratia).
The zzazcupatzo is a formal con-
firmation of this document as a last
will, fully attested by the five wit-
nesses, the Zirzfens, and the fam-
Hae emptor. The testamentum
per aes et libram in these two
phases was the usual will of the
republican and classical periods of
the civil law.

266

wm

10

15

20

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

testamentum dicitur per aes et libram, scilicet quia per man-
cipationem peragitur. Sed illa quidem duo genera testa-
mentorum in desuetudinem abierunt; hoc vero solum, quod
per aes et libram fit, in usu retentum est. Sane nunc
aliter ordinatur, quam olim solebat. Namque olim famil-
iae emptor, id est qui a testatore familiam accipiebat man-
ciplo, heredis locum obtinebat, et ob id ei mandabat
testator, quid cuique post mortem suam dari vellet; nunc
vero alius heres testamento instituitur, a quo etiam legata
relinquuntur, alius dicis gratia propter veteris iuris imita-
tionem familiae emptor adhibetur. Eaque res ita agitur:
qui facit testamentum, adhibitis, sicut in ceteris mancipa-
tionibus, quinque testibus civibus Romanis puberibus et
libripende, postquam tabulas testamenti scripserit, mancipat
alicui dicis gratia familiam suam; in qua re his verbis
familiae emptor utitur ‘familia pecuniaque tua endo man-
datelam custodelamque meam, quo tu iure testamentum
facere possis secundum legem publicam, hoc aere' et ut
quidam adiciunt ‘aeneaque libra, esto mihi empta" ; deinde
aere percutit libram, idque aes dat testatori velut pretii
loco; deinde testator tabulas testamenti tenens ita dicit
*haec ita ut in his tabulis cerisque scripta sunt, ita do, ita

14. postquam tabulas testamen-
ti scripserit: with the introduction
of writing, it became usual for the
testator to prepare, or have pre-
pared for him, a document con-
taining his will. This was pro-
duced before the witnesses and
sealed by them, their names being
attached to their respective seals.
This form had the advantage of
secrecy, and the will could be more
easily proved. In theory the whole

proceeding fer aes et libram em-
ployed for will-making was oral,
the xuncupatzo in the later phase
of this form of will being the
more important part. The written
document, witnessed by seven per-
sons, became the model for the,
later praetorian will.

22. in his tabulis cerisque : wills
might be written on wood, parch-
ment, paper, or any other suitable
material, but the will described

267

wm

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

lego, ita testor itaque vos Quirites testimonium mihi per-
hibetote,’ et hoc dicitur nuncupatio: nuncupare est enim
palam nominare, et sane quae testator specialiter in tabulis
testamenti scripserit, ea videtur generali sermone nominare

atque confirmare.

Ulp. 20, 3

Qui in potestate testatoris est aut familiae
emptoris, testis aut libripens adhiberi non po-

test, quoniam familiae mancipatio inter testatorem et fami-
liae emptorem fit et ob id domestici testes adhibendi non

sunt.

here was written with a stilus on
wax-covered pieces of wood (¢adu-
lae ceraeque). The term tabulae
was, however, used for a will writ-
ten on any other material, and
cera was used for the pages of the
tablets (see Hor. Sat. 2, 5, 24).
Tablets used for wills were gen-
erally of three or more leaves
(triptycha, polyptycha) fastened to-
gether by a wire passing through
the wooden rim on the long side
of the tablet. The inner leaves
were coated with wax on both sides,
the two outer, only on the inside.
The will was written on the inner
pages, the writing running the
long way of the tablet. To avoid
tampering with the will and to
secure secrecy, nothing but the
name of the testator was to be
written on the first two inner pages,
which alone were to be shown
to the witnesses (according to a
SC under Nero). The whole
tablet was fastened together into
a codex by strings piercing the

Filio familiam emente pater eius testis esse non

rim, and the document was then
closed and secured against falsifi-
cation by the attachment of the
seals of the five witnesses, the
libripens, and the familiae emptor,
each one adding hisname. There
was no signing of the will at the
end, but it was customary to place
the date there. Many provisions
were made to prevent fraud, by the
lex Cornelia testamentaria (time
of Sulla’s dictatorship) and subse-
quent laws.

7. testis adhiberi non potest:
those disqualified from acting as
witnesses were: slaves, zwzpuberes,
madmen, prodigals, women, the
deaf, the dumb, and those pro-
nounced Zzz£estabiles, i.e. those
whom the law considers as dis-
honest and unworthy to take part
in formal legal proceedings. They
were those convicted of bribing
magistrates (repetundarum dam-
natus) ; of libel (0b carmen fanto-
sunt) ; of adultery; and in christian
times, heretics and apostates. Wo-

268

wm

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

potest. Ex duobus fratribus, qui in eiusdem patris potes-
tate sunt, alter familiae emptor, alter testis esse non potest,
quoniam quod unus ex his mancipio accipit adquirit patri,

cui filius suus testis esse non debet.

Mutus, surdus, furio-

sus, pupillus, femina neque familiae emptor esse neque testis

libripensve fieri potest.

Latinus Iunianus et familiae

emptor et testis et libripens. fieri potest, quoniam cum eo

testamenti factio est.

Ulp. D.
28, 1, 20

Ulp. D.
29, I,I

Qui testamento heres instituitur, in eodem tes-
tamento testis esse non potest.

Militibus liberam testamenti factionem primus
quidem divus Iulius Caesar concessit, sed ea con-

cessio temporalis erat. Postea vero primus divus Titus dedit,
post hoc Domitianus, postea divus Nerva plenissimam

men could not be witnesses to the
ancient will, because they could
not appear in the cozzzta, but long
after the reason for this disability
had passed away, with character-
istic adherence to old forms, the
Romans continued this restriction.
A close relationship of the parties
caused incapacity to witness a will,
except between paterfamilias and
Jiliusfamilias where the latter's
will disposed of his peculdun
castrense.

6. Latinus Iunianus: although
by the ius civile La£zzz could not be
testators, heirs, or legatees (except
in case of the wills of soldiers in
service), they could be witnesses
because they had commercium and
testamenti factio to this degree
with the testator. Cf. note on
Libertorum, p. 89.

11. Militibus liberam testamenti
factionem concessit: Trajan made
the privileges which had been ex-
tended to soldiers settled rules of
law by issuing instructions to the
provincial governors (by #andata)
to observe them as such. A sol-
dier's will to be valid must be de-
clared to witnesses understanding
the nature of the transaction, and
an heir must be named for, at
least, part of the estate. If an
heir were named for only a part
(unum ex fundo heredem), the
rest of the estate devolved accord-
ing to the law of intestate succes-
sion. The soldier might even
appoint different heirs for different
specific things. Such a will was
valid for one year after honorable
dismissal. All of these privileges
were denied fagazz, i.e. civilians.

269

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10

15

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

indulgentiam in milites contulit, eamque et Traianus
secutus est et exinde mandatis inseri coepit caput tale.
Cáput ex mandatis: ‘Cum in notitiam meam prolatum sit
subinde testamenta a commilitonibus relicta proferri, quae
possint in controversiam deduci, si ad diligentiam legum
revocentur et observantiam, secutus animi mei integritudi-
nem erga optimos fidelissimosque commilitones simplicitati
eorum consulendum existimavi, ut quoquomodo testati fuis-
sent, rata esset eorum voluntas. Faciant igitur testamenta
quo modo volent, faciant quo modo poterint sufficiatque
ad bonorum suorum divisionem faciendam nuda voluntas
testatoris."

Si miles unum ex fundo heredem scripserit,
creditum quantum ad residuum patrimonium
intestatus decessisset; miles enim pro parte testatus potest
decedere, pro parte intestatus.

Testamentum iure factum infirmatur duobus
modis, si ruptum aut inritum factum sit. Rum-
pitur testamentum mutatione, id est si postea aliud testa-

Ulp. D.
29, 1,6

Ulp. 23, 1

17. Testamentum infirmatur :n£um ruptum occurred: by the

duobus modis : a testament may be
totally null from the very beginning
(testamentum non iure factum) be-
cause it failed to meet the complete
requirement of a valid instrument,
eg. by non-observance of the re-
quired form; by failure to appoint
acompetent heir; by the testa-
tor’s lack of testamentary capacity ;
by passing over a suus heres. A
testament properly made, however,
lost its legal significance (7zrzia-
fur) in two general ways, as Zes£a-

mentum ruptum and testamentum :

irritum (non ratum). A testa-

subsequent agnation of a suus
heres ; by making a new will (Zes-
tamentum posterius ture factum).
For explanation of saus heres see
below, note on ZZeredes, p. 273.
Revocation of a will without the
necessity of making a new one was
introduced by the praetor. For
agnatio fostumi, see notes on Ag-
natic, p. 107, and os£umz, p. 146.
The testament was null ad znzzo if
the swzs heres had been simply
passed over (suz heredes vel znsti-
tuendi sunt vel exheredandi). A
testament was zrzztum : by the tes-

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mentum iure factum sit. Item agnatione, id est si suus
heres agnascatur, qui neque heres institutus neque ut
oportet exheredatus sit. Agnascitur suus heres aut agnas-
cendo aut adoptando aut in manum conveniendo aut in
locum sui heredis succedendo, velut nepos mortuo filio vel
emancipato, aut manumissione, id est si filius ex prima
secundave mancipatione manumissus reversus sit in patris
potestatem. Inritum fit testamentum, si testator capite
deminutus fuerit, aut si iure facto testamento nemo extite-
rit heres. Siis qui testamentum fecit ab hostibus captus
sit, testamentum eius valet, si quidem reversus fuerit, iure
postliminii, si vero ibi decesserit, ex lege Cornelia, quae
perinde successionem eius confirmat, atque si in civitate
decessisset. Si septem signis testium signatum sit testa-
mentum, licet iure civili ruptum vel inritum factum sit,
praetor scriptis heredibus iuxta tabulas bonorum posses-

tator's loss of testamentary capacity
after execution of his will, e.g. by
becoming alent iuris; by failure
of the heir to take the inheritance
(Zestamentum destitutum). By tus
ctvile the testator must retain Zesza-
uenti factio from the time of execu-
tion of his will up until death, but
the praetor required it only at the
time of execution and at death. A
will, therefore, which had become
ineffectual by the civil law, might
become effectual again by the prae-
torian law.

6. prima secundave mancipa-
tione: see note on qz, p. 105.

i2. ex lege Cornelia: cf. note
on Slavery, p. 84.

16. iuxta tabulas bonorum pos-
sessionem dat : a will which lacked

some of the formalities required by
the civil law will made per aes e£
libram came to be upheld by the
praetor if it were a written docu-
ment produced with the unbroken
seals of seven witnesses. The
praetorian law developed a new
form of will, of which the essential
requirements were the Zaóu/ae
closed by the seals of seven wit-
nesses. Instead of a defective
mancipatory will becoming null a2
initio because of non-observance
of form, the praetor used his
power of granting the written heir
possession, Z.z. possession accord-
ing to the provisions of the will
(iuxta. vel secundum tabulas), un-
less a civil law heir ad zmfestato
claimed the inheritance. The:

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sionem dat, si testator et civis Romanus et suae potestatis
cum moreretur fuit; quam bonorum possessionem cum re,
id est cum effectu habent, si nemo alius iure heres sit.

Posteriore quoque testamento quod iure fac-

Gai. z, 144 s. :
tum est superius rumpitur.

Gai. 2, 229

Ante heredis institutionem inutiliter legatur,
scilicet quia testamenta vim ex institutione here-

dis accipiunt, et ob id velut caput et fundamentum intelle-
gitur totius testamenti heredis institutio.

Gai. 2, 116

Ante omnia requirendum est, an institutio
heredis sollemni more facta sit; nam aliter facta

institutione nihil proficit familiam testatoris ita venire tes-
tesque ita adhibere et ita nuncupare testamentum. Sol-

praetor could not make one an
heir, but he could put one in pos-
session of the property (donorum
possessor). For bonorum posses-
sto see below, note on donorum,
p.287. The procedure of making
a will per aes et Libram became a
mere form. "The praetor made use
of all that was really essential,
namely, the written tablets at-
tested by the seals of seven wit-
nesses. For the union of the civil
and praetorian forms in imperial
law see below, note on donorum,
p. 287.

2. bonorum possessionem cum
re: for the meaning of cuz: re and
sine re see below, text, p. 291, Ulp.
28, 13. The persons whom the
praetor protected were not heirs,
because the testament was invali-
dated, but they were in the position
of heirs (Gonorum possessores here-

dis loco), so long as legal heirs
(Reredes legitimi) did not come
forward, as effectually (cuz effectu)
as if they were heirs under the
will (heredes zestamentarz).

6. inutiliter legatur: the prim-
ary object of a Roman will was the
appointment of an heir. This
was the essential thing, and a will
could not exist without such an
institutio, although it might be
valid without other dispositions.
A will, therefore, might consist of
three words only, when there was
no disinherison and no legacy,
‘Titius heres esto.) So essential
was the appointment of the heir
that all legacies written before it
were void. In the earlier law the
appointment must be in the form
of a command (verba imperativa),
but later, other forms of expression
were accepted.

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lemnis autem institutio haec est ' Titius heres esto '5 sed et
illa iam conprobata videtur ‘ Titium heredem esse iubeo' ;
at illa non est conprobata ‘ Titium heredem esse volo’; sed
et illae a plerisque inprobatae sunt ' Titium heredem
instituo,’ item ‘ heredem facio.’

Heredes institui possunt, qui testamenti fac-
tionem cum testatore habent. Dediticiorum
numero heres institui non potest, quia peregrinus est, cum
quo testamenti factio non est. Latinus Iunianus si quidem
mortis testatoris tempore vel intra diem cretionis civis Ro-
manus sit, heres esse potest; quod si Latinus manserit,

Ulp. 22, 1

lege Iunia capere hereditatem prohibetur.

6. Heredes institui possunt: it
was required that the heirappointed
in a will should have ¢estament¢
factio cum testatore when the will
was executed, when he was called to
the inheritance (Ze/a£ze), and from
this time until he was vested with
it (aditio). No account was made
of the intervening time (media
tempora non nocent). Capacity
to be instituted heir (¢estamentz
factio passiva) was less restricted
than capacity to execute a will,
just as more requirements must be
satisfied for disposing of property
than for receiving it. Some per-
sons, however, who were qualified
to be written as heirs or legatees
could not take their inheritances
or legacies, being incapable (zzca-
paces, ‘non-takers *) of acquisition
by special laws, ¢.g. caelibes, orbi,
Latini funiani. For lex funia see
note on Libertorum, p. 89.

ROMAN LAW— 18

Idem iuris est

ro. intra diem cretionis ; as will
be seen below, in case of certain
kinds of heirs, called *heirs by
necessity’ (heredes necessariz) no
acceptance of the inheritance (adz-
fio) was required. At the moment
of the testator's death, the zeces- -
sari became heirs so zure, the
choice of accepting or declining
the inheritance being denied them.
In the case of other heirs, how-
ever (extranei, voluntarii heredes),
the will usually stated the time to
be allowed for deliberation (cretzo,
cernere, to decide), the ordinary
period being one hundred days
(spatium deliberandi). For failure
to accept within the prescribed
time, the heirs were set aside.
When the will contained no cre/zo,
the heir used as much time to de-
cide as he desired, unless limited
by the praetor. See also note on
cum cretione, p. 283.

273

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

in persona caelibis propter legem Iuliam.

Incerta persona

heres institui non potest, velut hoc modo: ‘ Quisquis primus
ad funus meum venerit, heres esto, quoniam certum con-

silium debet esse testantis.

Nec municipia nec municipes

5 heredes institui possunt, quoniam incertum corpus est, et

1. in persona caelibis: by the
lex Julia et Papia Poppaea (under
Augustus) —two statutes, owing
to the similarity of their purpose
in regulating marriage, commonly
treated as one — caelibes were ren-
dered totally incapable of taking
an inheritance or a legacy, unless
married within one hundred days
from the testator's death, and ord
(childless married people) could
take only the half. This disability
did not apply to blood relations

of the testator within the sixth'

degree. A caelebs was a man
between twenty-five and sixty, or
a woman between twenty and
fifty, who had never been mar-
ried, and a widower or a widow.
Women were allowed two years
from the death of their husbands
and eighteen months from the
time of their divorce in which to
remarry. All these rules penaliz-
ing celibacy and childlessness were
abolished by the sons of Constan-
tine, and the lex Julia et Papia
Poppaea was entirely abrogated by
Justinian. — Incerta persona heres
institui non potest : an Zucerta per-
sonais defined by Gai. 2, 238,zucerta
videtur persona, quam per incer-
tam opinionem animo suo testator
subicit. Persons of whom the tes-

tator has no clear conception as
individuals, because they are not
yet born or because they are as-
certainable only after the execu-
tion of his will, cannot be appointed
heirs. Exception was made in the
early law in favor of the testator's
own posthumous children (os-
tum sui). Later the jurispru-
dence, under the leadership of the
jurist Aquilius Gallus, contempo-
rary of Cicero, extended this privi-
lege to posthumous grandchildren,
if they became szz heredes of their
grandfather by the latter’s surviv-
ing their own father. Further, a
lex Vellaea, of the early empire,
provided that sud heredes born in
the lifetime of the testator but
after the execution of his will were
to be considered Zoszuzzi sui and
as having /estamenti factio cum
testatore. A postumus | alienus
was still an zucerta persona (e.g. a
grandson conceived after a son's
emancipation) by the ius civile,
but Justinian allowed all posthu-
mous children:to be made heir,
and removed most of the restric-
tions placed on zucertae personae,
natural and artificial.

4. Nec municipia nec municipes:
the capacity of corporations to be
heir was, however, partially recog-

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neque cernere universi neque pro herede gerere possunt,
ut heredes fiant. Senatus consulto tamen concessum est,
ut a libertis suis heredes institui possint. Sed fidei com-
missa hereditas municipibus restitui potest, denique hoc
senatus consulto prospectum est. Deos heredes instituere
non possumus praeter eos, quos senatus consulto constitu-
tionibusve principum instituere concessum est. Servos
heredes instituere possumus, nostros cum libertate, alienos
sine libertate, communes cum libertate vel sine libertate.
Eum servum, qui tantum in bonis noster est, nec cum lib-
ertate heredem instituere possumus, quia Latinitatem con-
sequitur, quod non proficit ad hereditatem capiendam.
Alienos servos heredes instituere possumus eos tantum,
quorum cum dominis testamenti factionem habemus. Com-
munis servus cum libertate recte quidem heres instituitur
quasi proprius pro parte nostra; sine libertate autem quasi
alienus propter socii partem. Proprius servus cum liber-
tate heres institutus si quidem in eadem causa permanserit,
ex testamento liber et heres fit, id est necessarius.

nized earlier than Justinian, in the
fact that municipalities could be
made heirs of their freedmen.
The Roman People, as a State,
could at all times be heir. Leo
(469 A.D.) permitted the appoint-
ment of cities.

3. fidei commissa hereditas : cf.
note on gud de, p. 61.

7. Servos heredes instituere pos-
sumus: the chief requirement of
testamenti factio passiva was com-
mercium. This, of course, slaves
did not possess, but those of the
testator could be made heirs, in
which case they received their

liberty as a matter of course ( 2rae-
sumptio libertatis, cf. notes on
heres, p. 97, and neminem, p. 98) ;
slaves of other persons could ac-
cept an heirship with their masters'
permission and their masters ac-
cordingly acquired the inheritance
as if ¢hey had been appointed heirs.

ro. tantum in bonis est: ze. is
not our property by the zus czvile,
but is only in our possession. Cf.
notes on zz bonis, p. 185, and
bonorum possessionem, p. 287, and
text.

18. in eadem causa: 7.¢. if not
set free in the master's lifetime.

275

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Et unum hominem et plures in infinitum, quot
quis velit, heredes facere licet. Hereditas ple-
rumque dividitur in duodecim uncias, quae assis appella-
tione continentur. Habent autemset hae partes propria
5 nomina ab uncia usque ad assem, ut puta haec: sextans,
quadrans, triens, quincunx, semis, septunx, bes, dodrans dex-
tans, deunx, as. Non autem utique duodecim uncias esse
oportet. Nam tot unciae assem efficiunt, quot testator
voluerit, et si unum tantum quis ex semisse verbi gratia
io^ heredem scripserit, totus as in semisse erit; neque enim
idem ex parte testatus et ex parte intestatus decedere

Inst. 2, 14, 4

potest, nisi sit miles.

Otherwise the slave might accept
the inheritance or refuse it. For
heres necessarius see note on heres,
p. 97, and on Heredes, p 282.

2. Hereditas dividitur in duode-
cim uncias: an inheritance might
be dividedamong several joint heirs
(coheredes) equally (per capita)
or in fractional shares. The latter
was the usual way, the division
being made according to the Ro-
man duodecimal system, of which
the unit was the 5, normally com-
posed of 12 wmcéae (as in their
weights and currency). The in-
heritance, as a unit, zzze7/ be con-
sidered as composed of more or
less than 12 fractions of the as.
If the number of shares be-
queathed should amount to more
than 12, the zzczae represent the
proper fraction of the unit, e.g.
one-fifteenth, the inheritance rep-
resenting an as composed of 15
unciae ; if less than 12, the excess

Heres et pure et sub condicione

is distributed among the heirs gro
vata. The names of the fractions
are: uncia (ds), sextans (1), qua-
drans (3), trans. (3), quincunx
(2), semis (4), septunx (15), bes
(3), dodrans (4), dextans (18),
deunx (My). A heres ex asse is,
therefore, heir to the whole estate.
Cf. Juv. 1, 40, zziczolazm Proculeius
habet, sed Gillo deuncem.

ro. totus as in semisse : .e.
the whole as (the inheritance
as a unit) will be considered as
composed of six parts, but if
there were joint heirs, the heir ex
semzssé would be entitled to take
half.

12. nisi sit miles: see note on
Militibus, p. 269.— sub condi-
cione institui potest: but the
condition must be a possible one,
otherwise the heir takes the in-
heritance at once, as if the con-
dition were not there (fro non
scripto).

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institui potest. Ex certo tempore aut ad certum tempus
non potest, veluti *post quinquennium quam moriar' vel
‘ex kalendis illis’ aut ‘ usque ad kalendas illas heres esto’;
diemque adiectum pro supervacuo haberi placet et perinde
esse, ac si pure heres institutus esset.

Ulp. D. Miles et ad tempus heredem facere potest et
?91154 alium post tempus vel ex condicione vel in con-
dicionem. Item tam sibi quam filio iure militari testamen-

tum facere potest, et soli filio, tametsi sibi non fecerit ;
quod testamentum valebit, si forte pater vel in militia vel
intra annum militiae decessit.

Potest autem quis in testamento suo plures
gradus heredum facere, ut puta ‘si ille heres non
erit, ille heres esto’; et deinceps, in quantum velit, testator
substituere potest et novissimo loco in subsidium vel servum
necessarium heredem instituere. Et plures in unius locum
possunt substitui, vel unus in plurium, vel singuli singulis,
vel invicem ipsi, qui heredes instituti sunt.

Liberis nostris impuberibus, quos in potestate
habemus, non solum ita ut supra diximus sub-

Inst. 2, 15

Gai. 2, 179

tum). The degree to which sub-

12. plures gradus heredum : asa
stitutes could be appointed was

provision against the possibility of

dying intestate through the failure
of an heir, the Roman law allowed
the conditional appointment of
persons to become heirs in case
the appointed heir should fail to
take the inheritance, e.g. because
of death in the testator's lifetime,
or of refusal, or of loss of capacity
to be heir. Except for the provi-
sional appointment of substitutes,
the will would become ineffectual
(testamentum | irritum, | destitu-

unlimited. The possibility of the
will failing because none of the
voluntary heirs (vel zmsttufi vel
substzuti) chose to accept was
often met (especially by insolvent
testators) by appointing slaves at
the end of the series of substitutes
(heres necessarius, cf. note on heres,
p. 97 and below, note on /eredes, p.
282). This is the ordinary kind of
substitution (sudstétutio vulgaris).

19. Liberis nostris impuberibus :

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

stituere possumus, id est ut si heredes non extiterint, alius
nobis heres sit; sed eo amplius ut, etiamsi heredes nobis
extiterint et adhuc inpuberes mortui fuerint, sit iis aliquis
heres; velut hoc modo ‘ Titius filius meus mihi heres esto.
Si filius meus mihi heres non erit sive heres erit et prius
moriatur quam in suam tutelam venerit, tunc Seius heres
esto. Quo casu siquidem non extiterit heres filius, sub-
stitutus patri fit heres; si vero heres extiterit filius et ante
pubertatem decesserit, ipsi filio fit heres substitutus. Quam
ob rem duo. quodammodo sunt testamenta, aliud patris,
aliud filii, tamquam si ipse filius sibi heredem instituisset ;

aut certe unum est testamentum duarum hereditatum.

Inst. 2, 13, pr.

Qui filium in potestate habet, curare. debet,
ut eum heredem instituat vel exheredem nomi-

natim faciat; alioquin si eum silentio praeterierit, inutiliter

since a Roman citizen had no
active testamentary capacity until
the age of puberty, it might hap-
pen that children surviving their
father should themselves die while
in pupilage, Z.e. before they had
capacity to make a will and so die
intestate. To meet this difficulty,
the law allowed a father in making
his will to appoint provisional
heirs for his surviving children,
should they die zztra pubertatem.
This is the so-called pupillary sub-
stitution (suószztutio pupillaris).
These substitutions were ineffec-
tual as soon as the pupzlld became
puberes.

1. Si heredes non extiterint : Z.e.
substitutions could be made for
children in the testator's power in
the event of their not becoming

heirs for any reason such as non-
acceptance or predecease, but the
substitutes would be the heir of the
testator, not of the children. A
wil making a pupillary substitu-
tion was peculiar in that it dealt
with two inheritances, that of the
testator and that of his son (duo
quodammodo testamenta) .

14. ut eum heredem instituat :
a father must notice szz heredes in
his will either by their appoint-
ment as heirs or by their disin-
herison. Passing over them in
silence was not only insufficient
for their disinherison, but in the
case of sons was fatal to the will.
In other words, certain heirs had
such strong natural claims upon
the inheritance because of their
close relationship to the testator,

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testabitur, adeo quidem ut, etsi vivo patre filius mortuus sit,
nemo ex eo testamento heres existere possit, quia scilicet
ab initio non constiterit testamentum. Sed non ita de fili-
abus vel aliis per virilem sexum descendentibus liberis
utriusque sexus fuerat antiquitati observatum; sed si non
fuerant heredes scripti scriptaeve vel exhereditati exheredi-
tataeve, testamentum quidem non infirmabatur, ius autem

adcrescendi eis ad certam portionem praestabatur.

that the latter's intention to defeat
these claims must be formally ex-
pressed. The origin and early
history of this principle (exZereda-
tio) are in considerable doubt, and
various explanations have been
given. In primitive law there was
no will. The szz,as co-owners of
the family property, at the death of
their paterfaniilias, came into full
control zfso iure. They were in
the household ; they could not be
set aside. Later on, even in the
presence of a will, they were enti-
tled to the inheritance, and the will
was probably invalid. In the
Twelve Tables, the testator had
unrestricted testamentary power
(uti legassit super pecunia tute-
lave suae rei, ita ius esto) and
contrary to the former customary
law, this was interpreted to mean
that even suz heredes might be
disinherited in favor of a stranger

- (extraneus) ; and so the principle

gained recognition before the time
of Cicero that saz heredes ( pos-
tumé as well as zatz) must be ap-
pointed or disinherited in express
terms (Heredes sui vel tnstitu-

Sed

endi sunt vel exheredandz). —
nominatim: not necessarily by
name (for this would be impos-
sible in case of postu), but by
express statement, while others
than /£Zz could be disinherited in
a general statement, which was
often added after the appointment
of heir (*eeter omnes exheredes
sunto"). Justinian required the
same formal disinherison of all
Sul.

7. ius adcrescendi: passing over
a filius rendered the will void,
whereas passing over other sa
(ceteri) did not invalidate the will,
but those passed over ( fraeteriti)
were entitled to certain portions.
If the appointee were an outsider
(extraneus), the praeteriti took
one half of the inheritance ; if szz,
the sz $raeteriti took equal shares
( portio virilis) with the appointed
heirs, Ze. per capita (reliquae vero
personae liberorum, velut filia
nepos neptis, si praeteritae sint,
valet testamentum, sed scriftis
heredibus adcrescunt, suis quidem
heredibus in partem virilem, extra-
neis autem in partem dimidiam).

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x

nec nominatim eas personas exheredare parentibus necesse
erat, sed licebat et inter ceteros hoc facere. Nominatim
autem exheredari quis videtur, sive ita exheredetur ‘ Titius
filius meus exheres esto,’ sive ita *filius meus exheres esto’
non adiecto proprio nomine, scilicet si alius filius non extet.
Postumi quoque liberi vel heredes institui debent vel ex-
heredari. Et in eo par omnium condicio est, quod et in
filio postumo et in quolibet ex ceteris liberis sive feminini
sexus sive masculini praeterito valet quidem testamentum,
sed postea adgnatione postumi sive postumae rumpitur et
ea ratione totum infirmatur.

Emancipatos liberos iure civili neque heredes instituere
neque exheredare necesse est, quia non sunt sui heredes.
Sed praetor omnes tam feminini quam masculini sexus, si
heredes non instituantur, exheredari iubet, virilis sexus
nominatim, feminini vero et inter ceteros. Quodsi neque
heredes instituti fuerint neque ita ut diximus exheredati,
promittit praetor eis contra tabulas testamenti bonorum
possessionem.

Quia plerumque parentes sine causa liberos
suos vel exheredant vel omittunt, inductum est,
ut de inofficioso testamento agere possint liberi, qui que-

Inst. 2, 18

This distinction was set aside by
Justinian.

io. adgnatione postumi: see
note on £ostuzi, p. 146.
12. Emancipatos liberos: the

praetor, recognizing the tie of blood,
extended the principle of disinher-
ison to emancipated children.

22. de inofficioso testamento : as
was seen above, it was not only
the duty of the testator to notice
certain natural heirs, by appoint-

ing them or by disinheriting them,
but it was further required that
they should be disinherited for
cause, and passing over them in
silence or disinheriting them in
express terms, leaving the inherit-
ance to strangers, opened the will
to attack on the ground that it
was ‘undutiful’ (¢-offictosum) or
contrary to the offictum pietatis,
z.é. the natural affection of a parent
toward his children. Toward the

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SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

runtur, aut inique se exheredatos aut inique praeteritos,
hoc colore, quasi non sanae mentis fuerunt, cum testa-
mentum ordinarent. Sed hoc dicitur, non quasi vere
furiosus sit, sed recte quidem fecit testamentum, non
autem ex officio pietatis; nam si vere furiosus est, nullum
est testamentum.

Inofficiosum testamentum dicere hoc est:
allegare, quare exheredari vel praeteriri non
debuerit; quod plerumque accidit, cum falso parentes
instimulati liberos suos vel exheredant vel praetereunt.
Huius autem verbi ‘de officioso' vis illa ut dixi est docere
immerentem se et ideo indigne praeteritum vel etiam ex-
heredatione summotum, resque illo colore defenditur apud
iudicem, ut videatur ille quasi non sanae mentis fuisse, cum
testamentum inique ordinaret.

Non tantum autem liberis permissum est

Marc. D.
5 2, 3

Inst. 2, 18, 1

end of the republic, the Centum-
viral court, which presided over
all controversies regarding inher-
itance, admitted a formal com-
plaint by which the validity of
such a will was tested (guerela n-
officiosi testazmenti). Since, how-
ever, such a will was not void but
only voidable, if it appeared that
natural heirs had been disinherited
without sufficient cause, the prac-
tice of the court allowed a fictitious
allegation that an undutiful will,
being contrary to natural feeling,
was the work of a testator unsound
in mind (hoc colore, quasi non
sanae mentis) and as such should
be set aside. The estate was then

parentum testamentum inofficiosum accusare,

opened to the legal heirs (ad
intestato).

g. falso parentes instimulati:
originally the question of deciding
what grounds were sufficient to
justify the disinheritance of natural
heirs was left entirely to the dis-
cretion of the court. There was
no statute providing for relief in
case of an undutiful will. The
institution grew out of the practice
of the Centumviral court, which
was based on moral grounds rather
than on law. Justinian deter-
mined the question with more cer-
tainty by naming fourteen grounds
for disinheriting a child, and he
required that the testator state in

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verum etiam parentibus liberorum. Soror autem et frater
turpibus personis scriptis heredibus ex sacris constitu-
tionibus praelati sunt; non ergo contra omnes heredes

agere possunt.

modo aut agere possunt aut agentes vincere.

Vitra fratres et sorores cognati nullo

Igitur quar-

tam quis debet habere, ut de inofficioso testamento agere

non possit.

Heredes autem aut necessarii dicuntur aut sui

Gai. 2, 152

et necessarii aut extranei.

Necessarius heres est

servus cum libertate heres institutus, ideo sic appellatus,

his will the reason in each case for
the disinherison.

1. parentibus liberorum : the law
of Justinian allowed a parent to
attack the will of a child as *un-
dutiful’ if the latter had no chil-
dren, and required that the child
should state the reason for his
conduct. Of collaterals, brothers
and sisters only could enter the
plea (querela), if there were no
children or parents, and if infa-
mous persons (fersoma turpis)
were appointed over them. This
remedy was not open to those to
whom the law offered any other
relief in the case, and it was denied
those who had acknowledged the
validity of the will by accepting
anything under it.

5. Igitur quartam (sc. ortzon-
em): the amount that one should
receive who had been disinherited
by an undutiful will was originally
left to the discretion of the judge.
Later on, after the analogy of the
lex Falcidia (a plebiscttum, 40 B.C ,

providing that every testamentary
heir should be left one fourth of
the inheritance, free from legacies),
it became.an established rule that
every child was entitled to at least
one fourth of his share by intestacy
(guarta legitima, portio legitima).

8. Heredes necessarii: by the
civil law, there were, in the broadest
sense, two kinds of heirs, those
that inherit zzvz£z (heredes domes-
ticz, i.e. members of the deceased’s
household), and voluntarii (here-
des extranei, i.e. outsiders). The
former became heirs at once, by
operation of law, after the death
of their predecessor. They were
heirs by necessity. The latter be-
came heirs only by an act of entry
(aditio hereditatis) showing their
intention to accept the office.
They were, therefore, heirs by
choice or voluntary heirs. In the
ancient zus czvzle, there was no dif-
ference in the matter of neces-
sary heirship between mecessará
(slaves) and su e£ necessarz (per-

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quia sive velit sive nolit, omni modo post mortem testa-
toris protinus liber et heres est. Vnde qui facultates suas
suspectas habet, solet servum suum primo aut secundo vel
etiam ulteriore gradu liberum et heredem instituere, ut si
creditoribus satis non fiat, potius huius heredis quam ipsius
testatoris bona veneant, id est ut ignominia, quae accidit
ex venditione bonorum, hunc potius heredem quam ipsum
testatorem contingat.

Inter necessarios heredes, id est servos cum
libertate heredes scriptos, et suos et necessarios,
id est liberos qui in potestate sunt,iure civili nihil interest ;
nam utrique etiam inviti heredes sunt. Sed iure praetorio
suis et necessariis heredibus abstinere se a parentis here-
ditate permittitur, necessariis autem tantum heredibus ab-
stinendi potestas non datur. Extraneus heres, si quidem
cum cretione sit heres institutus, cernendo fit heres; si

Ulp. 22, 24

vero sine cretione, pro herede gerendo.

sons under the fotestas, manus, or
mancipium of deceased). Both
alike were bound to take the in-
heritance with its debts, as well as
its benefits. But the equity of the
praetor relieved the sw from the
burden of an insolvent inheritance
(hereditas damnosa) by extending
to them the privilege of ‘holding
off’ from it (Leneficium abstinendi),
so that if they elected to refuse,
they were relieved of any financial
tisks connected with the inherit-
ance. The slave (mecessarius) re-
ceived his compensation for the
forced acceptance of an insolvent
estate in the grant of freedom
(manumissio testamento, see notes

Pro herede gerit

on heres solus, p. 97, and xe,
p. 98).

3. primo aut secundo vel ulteri-
ore gradu: see note on f/ures
gradus, p. 277.

16. cum cretione : the voluntary
heir to be properly vested with the
inheritance must have made either
a formal declaration of his inten-
tion to accept or else he must have
given some zzformal expression of
his intention. The former was
called cretéo, the latter, gro /terede
gestio. The suz et necessarit here-
des lost the praetorian benefit of
abstention by any informal act of
interference with the inheritance
(immixtio).

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qui rebus hereditariis tamquam dominus utitur, velut qui
auctionem rerum hereditariarum facit aut servis heredita-
riis cibaria dat. Cretio est certorum dierum spatium, quod
datur instituto heredi ad deliberandum, utrum expediat ei
adire hereditatem nec ne, velut ' Titius heres esto cerni-
toque in diebus centum proximis, quibus scieris poterisque;
nisi ita creveris, exheres esto.' Cernere est verba cretionis
dicere ad hunc modum: ‘quod me Maevius heredem insti-

tuit, eam hereditatem adeo cernoque.'
Intestatus decedit, qui aut omnino testamen-

Inst. 3, 2

tum non fecit aut non iure fecit aut id quod

fecerat ruptum irritumve factum est aut nemo ex eo heres

extitit.

3. certorum dierum spatium : the
testator usually fixed in his will
the period allowed for the heir to
deliberate on the acceptance of the
inheritance. The usual time was
one hundred days. In the absence
of a predetermined period, the
praetor was often requested by the
creditors of the estate to fix a
period within which the heirs must
accept or refuse, according to the
demands of their interests (denef-
cium deliberand). Justinian re-
quired that it should not exceed
one year.

10. Intestatus : ifa Romancitizen
died without making a will, or his
will was void or became ineffectual
for any of the reasons stated above
(see note on 7estamentuzt, p. 270),
the succession to his inheritance
was regulated by the operation of
law. 'The heirs were, therefore,

. mento).

called heredes legitizmi and the in-
heritance, hereditas legitima (or ab
zntestato) in distinction from here-
des testamentari (or ex testa-
In the absence of a valid
will, the members of an intestate's
family were called to the heirship.
Who the heirs were would depend
upon the conception of the Roman
family (cf. note on Agnatic, p.
107).. This conception changed
very much in the time from the
Twelve Tables to Justinian's death.
From the agnatic principle of the
zus civile, which depends entirely
upon fofestas, to the recognition
of the cognates (relationship by
blood) by the praetor and imperial
legislation, the rules of intestate
succession became materially al-
tered. Three periods must be
borne in mind in the law of intes-
tacy: that of the Twelve Tables

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Ulp. 26, 1

Intestatorum ingenuorum hereditates pertinent

primum ad suos heredes, id est liberos qui in po-
testate sunt ceterosque qui liberorum loco sunt; si sui here-
des non sunt, ad consanguineos, id est fratres et sorores ex
eodem patre; si nec hi sunt, ad reliquos agnatos proximos,

(zus cévile), the system of the prae-
tor (bonorum possessio), and the
system of Justinian (a union of the
ius cevile and bonorum fossessio).

1. Intestatorum ingenuorum he-
reditates: the law distinguishes
between the devolution of the
estates of freedmen and freemen.
The former, though possessing the
private rights of freemen, never-
theless remained under certain
obligations to their patrons, and
this appeared in the course which
the property of intestate freedmen
took (noticed below, note on Zzó-
ertorum, p. 287).

2. primum ad suos heredes : the
law of intestate succession is based
on the principle of collective, fam-
ily ownership of their common
property. The ownership of this
family property was not materially
affected when it passed from the
control of the father to his copro-
prietors, his children, who were
members of his own household.
The Twelve Tables indicated
three groups of persons to be called
successively to the estate of an in-
testate, z.e. sud heredes, agnatz,
and gentiles. The sud were those
in the otestas of the deceased,
who became szz zurzs by his death
(see below). This includes more

than his own children; it includes
his family on the agnatic basis of
composition, z.e. his children, his
wife zm manu, his grandchildren
begotten by a son predeceased or
emancipated (but born before
the emancipation occurred) and
adopted children. The szz con-
tinue the family ownership. The
inheritance is vested in them di-
rectly, even without their knowl-
edge or consent. Those of the
same degree took equal shares,
being counted by heads (fer
cafita); those of the second de-
gree, in conjunction with heirs of
the first degree (ze. grandchildren
and children respectively), took
the share of their immediate as-
cendant, if dead, and this share
was divided among them counted
by stocks ( fer sfzrfes). Cf. note
on zz sfzrfes, p. 287.

4. ad consanguineos: consan-
guinet sunt eodem patre nate, licet
diversts matribus, qui in potestate
fuerunt sortis tempore: adop-
tivus quoque frater, Paul. 4, 8, 15.
In default of suz heredes, the
Twelve Tables called in the second
place the collateral agnates of the
degree nearest to the deceased
(agnati proximi). Several ag-
nates of the same degree took

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id est cognatos virilis sexus per mares descendentes eiusdem
familiae. Id enim cautum est lege duodecim tabularum
hac: ‘si intestato moritur, cui suus heres nec escit, agna-
tus proximus familiam habeto.’ «Si agnatus defuncti non
sit, eadem lex duodecim tabularum gentiles ad hereditatem

vocat.

Gai. 5, 1f

Non tamen omnibus simul agnatis dat lex duo-
decim tabularum hereditatem, sed his qui tum,

cum certum est aliquem intestatum decessisse, proximo

gradu sunt.

Nec in eo iure successio est.

Ideoque si ag-

natus proximus hereditatem omiserit vel antequam adierit
decesserit, sequentibus nihil iuris ex lege conpetit.

equal portions (fer capita).
Those of the nearest degree
(brothers and sisters) took alike
without distinction of sex, while
remoter degrees were represented
only by males. Agnates were vol-
untary heirs. They might, there-
fore, refuse the inheritance, but in
this case there was no succession
open to the next degree, or to re-
moter degrees (mec tu eo ture suc-
cessio est). The law called none
but the nearest agnate living at
the death of the intestate. If he
did not become heir, the offer of
the inheritance passed at once to
the gentzles. Just how the gens
succeeded, whether as individual
families, as a corporation, or other-
wise, is not known. The gentile
succession was obsolete in the
time of Gaius.

1. cognatos virilis sexus: by
interpretation of the /ex Voconia
(169 B.c.), which imposed restric-

tions on women in the law of suc-
cession (as heirs and legatees),
the jurists introduced the princip
that beyond brothers and sisters
agnates of the male sex alone
could be heirs, z.e. that women
should be restricted to the consan-
guineae. The lex Voconia having
disqualified women in testamentary
succession, the lawyers held by
analogy that they should be under
a similar disability in intestate
succession (feminae ad hereditates
legitimas ultra consanguineas suc-
cesstones non admittuntur : idque
ture civili Voconiana ratione vide-
tur effectum. | Ceterum lex duode-
cim tabularum nulla discretione
sexus cognatos admittit, Paul. 4,
8, 20).

12. sequentibus : e.g. to the son
of the proximus agnatus, as a
*nearer (sometimes technically
called $roxzwior) proximus. Cf.
note on Droximior, p. 170.

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Si defuncti sit filius, et ex altero filio mortuo
iam nepos unus vel etiam plures, ad omnes here-
ditas pertinet, non ut in capita dividatur, sed in stirpes, id
est ut filius solus mediam partem habeat et nepotes quot-
quot sunt alteram dimidiam; aequum est enim nepotes in
patris sui locum succedere et eam partem habere, quam
pater eorum, si viveret, habiturus esset.

Libertorum intestatorum hereditas primum ad
suos heredes pertinet, deinde ad eos, quorum
liberti sunt, velut patronum patronam liberosve patroni.

Ad liberos matris intestatae hereditas ex lege
duodecim tabularum non pertinebat, quia femi-
nae suos heredes non habent; sed postea imperatorum
Antonini et Commodi oratione in senatu recitata id actum
est, ut sine in manum conventione matrum legitimae here-
ditates ad filios pertineant, exclusis consanguineis et reli-
quis agnatis. Intestati filii hereditas ad matrem ex lege
duodecim tabularum non pertinet; sed si ius liberorum
habeat, ingenua trium, libertina quattuor, legitima heres
fit ex senatus consulto Tertulliano, si tamen ei filio neque
suus heres sit quive inter suos heredes ad bonorum posses-
sionem a praetore vocatur, neque pater, ad quem lege here-

Ulp. 26, 2

Ulp. 27, 1

Ulp. 26, 7

scendants, and finally, to their
gens. But the estate of a Latinus
Jumianus passed at once to his

3. in stirpes: Z.e. they became
heirs *by representation,' all the
grandchildren together represent-

ing their own father took his share,
in this case, the half.

8. Libertorum intestatorum he-
reditas : the inheritance of a freed-
man was by the Twelve Tables
offered to his saz heredes ; in de-
fault of these, to his patron, and
then to the latter's agnatic de-

patron and the latter’s heirs in the
nature of a peculium (see note on
Libertorum, p. 89).

21. bonorum possessionem: along
with the civil inheritance of the
zus civile, the praetor developed,
during the republic, an entirely
new system of succession. Certain

287

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

ditas bonorumve possessio cum re pertinet, neque frater
consanguineus; quod si soror consanguinea sit, ad utrasque

pertinere iubetur hereditas.

Ulp. D.
37, 1, 3,2

Bonorum igitur possessionem ita recte defini-
emus ius persequendi retinendique patrimonii

sive rei, quae cuiusque cum moritur fuit.
Ius bonorum possessionis introductum est a

Inst. 3,9

praetore emendandi veteris iuris gratia.

Nec

solum in intestatorum hereditatibus vetus ius eo modo

persons, according to rules pub-
lished in the edict, were given an
interest in the estate of a deceased
person. These persons were pro-
tected in their enjoyment of the
estate by praetorian interference,
on the ground that they were the
best entitled to the possession of
the estate. By the civil law, only
those who were strictly Zeredes (as
defined by law) were called to an
inheritance. By the praetorian
law, those persons were put in
possession whom the praetor by a
natural sense of equity (ex aeguo
et bono) considered as best enti-
tled to the succession. The prae-
torian successor was called doxorum
possessor, the system, Óonorum
fossessio, just as the civil successor
was called heres, the inheritance,
hereditas. These two systems
existed for a long time side by
side, the Hereditas devolving by
an act of law (zure civili), the
bonorum. possessio being obtained
only by application to a magistrate
(ture honorario), but the praeto-

rian system was modified by de-
crees of the senate and imperial
enactments until the two were
finally merged into one system by
Justinian.

5. ius persequendi: ‘the right
to pursue and to keep the entire
property or any single thing which
belonged to a person.at the time
of death. Bona in this connec-
tion means more than corporeal
property, goods having a physical
existence; here it is synonymous
with hereditas, including the en-
tire estate, with its rights and lia-
bilities, even though lacking corpo-
real property (szve damnum habent
sive lucrum, sive in corporzbus
sunt sive zn actionibus, in hoc loco
Dproprie bona appellabuntur. De-
nique etst nihi corporale est in
hereditate, attamen recte eius bono-
rum possessionem adgnitam Labeo
ait, D. 37, 1, 3).

7. introductum est a praetore:
the origin of the praetor's interfer-
ence in inheritance is still much
in dispute. Itis probable that the

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praetor emandavit, sicut supra dictum est, sed in eorum
quoque, qui testamento facto decesserint. Nam si alienus
postumus heres fuerit institutus, quamvis hereditatem iure
civili adire non poterat, cum institutio non valebat, hono-
rario tamen iure bonorum possessor efficiebatur, videlicet
cum a praetore adiuvabatur; sed et hic e nostra constitu-
tione hodie recte heres instituitur, quasi et iure civili non
incognitus. Aliquando tamen neque emendandi neque im-
pugnandi veteris iuris, sed magis confirmandigratia pollicetur
bonorum possessionem. Adhuc autem et alios complures
gradus praetor fecit in bonorum possessionibus dandis, dum id
agebat, ne quis sine successore moriatur; nam angustissimis
finibus constitutum per legem duodecim tabularum ius per-
cipiendarum hereditatum praetor ex bono et aequo dilatavit.

Ulp. D.
38,9, 1

Successorium edictum idcirco propositum est,
ne bona hereditaria vacua sine domino diutius

iacerent et creditoribus longior mora fieret.

praetor afforded temporary relief at
first in each individual case after
judicial inquiry (causa cognita) by
issuing a special decree determin-
ing the succession (Zonorum pos-
sesszo decretalis). Afterward the
order of succession was regularly
published in the standing edict
(donorum possessio edictalzs). The
purpose of the praetor in granting
a bonorum possessio was three-
fold: adinvandi, supplendi, corri-
gendi iuris civilis gratia, i.e. by
applying the ancient zus czvZle ina
more equitable manner by recog-
nizng more full the claims of
blood relationship (confirmandt
gratia) ; by supplementing the old
law of the Twelve Tables, to pre-

ROMAN LAW — IQ-

vent intestacy (emendandi gratia);
by setting aside some old rules as
inequitable (Zzfugnandi gratia).
In no case, however, did the prae-
tor do more than to allow the
possessor to have the succession
im bonis (see note on zm bonts,.
p. 185) until his title was ripened
by wsucapio. In the early law,
continuous possession of an in-
heritance for one year by any
outside party (before the heir has
entered upon it) gave a title by
usucapion. Some have held this
to be the origin of donorum posses-
sto (ne bona hereditaria vacua sine
domino diutius tacerent).

15. edictum propositum : the
praetor stated in his edict that he

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Ulp. 28, 10

intra centum dies.

Bonorum possessio datur parentibus et liberis
intra annum, ex quo petere potuerunt, ceteris
Qui omnes intra id tempus si non

petierint bonorum possessionem, sequens gradus admitti-
tur, perinde atque si superiores non essent; idque per

septem gradus fit.

Paul. D.
37, 4,6, 2

Bonorum possessionis beneficium multiplex
est: nam quaedam bonorum possessiones com-

petunt contra voluntatem, quaedam secundum voluntatem
defunctorum, nec non ab intestato habentibus ius legiti-
mum vel non habentibus propter capitis deminutionem.

would grant an interdict in favor of
thedonorum possessor to enable him
to recover the estate of the de-
ceased. This interdict or magis-
terial order, called from its initial
words ‘quorum bonorum,’ ran as
follows: Att praetor,‘ quorum bo-
norum ex edicto meo illi possessto
data est, quod de his bonis pro
herede aut pro possessore possides
possideresve, si nihil usucaptum
esset, quod quidem dolo malo fe-
céstz, uti desineres possidere, id illi
restituas. This enabled the dono-
rum possessor to recover corporeal
things ; for debts he could sue and
be sued by fictitious actions in
which he was assumed to be the
heir (actzones ficticiae). Zn omnt-
bus vice heredum bonorum posses-
sores habentur, D. 37, 1, 2.

2. intra annum: as the acquisi-
tion of succession by donorum pos-
sessio was voluntary, the proper per-
sons must make demand for their
succession before the praetor within

the prescribed time. For parents
and children (z.e. ascendants and
descendants), this was one year,
corresponding to the period re-
quired for usucapion of an inherit-
ance; and for others, a period of
one hundred days, corresponding
to the time of cree. In both
cases, time was reckoned wer,
cf. note on zzra, p. 241.

7. beneficium multiplex est : the
delatio or offer of bonorum. fosses-
520 (like hereditas) is based upon
a will or it may arise a? zutestato.
In the former case it may be given
contra tabulas (contra volunta-
tem), 7.e. the praetor set the will
aside as inequitable and admitted
children who had been passed
over in their father's will, eg.
emancipated descendants; or it
may be secundum tabulas (secun-
dum voluntates), the praetor up-
holding a will which lacked some
requirements of the civil law and
was legally invalid. In donorum

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Quos autem praetor solus vocat ad heredita-
tem, heredes quidem ipso iure non fiunt (nam
praetor heredem facere non potest; per legem enim tan-
tum vel similem iuris constitutionem heredes fiunt, veluti
per senatus consultum et constitutiones principales); sed
cum eis praetor dat bonorum possessionem, loco heredum
constituuntur et vocantur bonorum possessores.

Bonorum possessio aut cum re datur aut sine
re: cum re, cum is qui accepit cum effectu bona
retineat; sine re, cum alius iure civili evincere heredita-
tem possit; veluti si suus heres in testamento praeteri-
tus sit, licet scriptis heredibus secundum tabulas bonorum
possessio deferatur, erit tamen ea bonorum possessio sine
re, quoniam suus heres evincere hereditatem iure legitimo
potest.

Inst. 3, 9, 2

Ulp. 28, 13

possessio ab intestato, the praetor
extended the list of those whom
the Twelve Tables called to an

assert his title, any one of remoter
claim might make application for
the inheritance. If, however, the

intestate inheritance (see note on
primunt, p. 285) to children (Z-
beri), statutory heirs (/egitémz),
cognates (cognati), husband and
wife (vir et uxor), each order suc-
ceeding upon failure of the pre-
ceding.

8. cum re aut sine re: if the civil
heir should not apply to the prae-
tor for the possession or should not

praetor had made a provisional
award to a bonorum possessor, he
could be evicted by the civil heir,
and the possession being only pro-
visional was said to be szze re, z.e.
in name, but not in fact. Those
from whom the inheritance could
not be called away were said to
have donorum possessio cum re
(in name and fact).

291

APPENDIX
WORKS CITED OR CONSULTED

Baron, Geschichte des rómischen Rechts. Erster Teil: Institu-
tionen u. Civilprozess, Berlin, 1884.

Benech, Sur les classiques latins, Paris, 1853.

Birkmeyer, Encyclopàdie der Rechtswissenschaft, Berlin, 1901.

Bluhme, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Leges III, V, Hanno-
ver, 1863, 1875.

Bócking, Bethmann-Hollweg, and others, Corpus iuris Romani
anteiustiniani, Bonn, 1831 ff.

Bremer, Die Rechtslehrer und Rechtsschulen im rómischen
Kaiserreich, Berlin, 1868.

Brissonius, De verborum quae ad ius civile pertinent significatione,
Halle, 1743.

Bruns, Fontes iuris Romani antiqui, 6th ed., Freiburg and Leipzig,

1893.

and Sachau, Das Syrisch-Rómische Rechtsbuch, Leipzig,

1880.

Bryce, Studies in History and Jurisprudence, Oxford, 1901.

Costa, Il Diritto Privato Romano nelle Comedie di Plauto, Turin,
1890.

Exner, Grundriss zu Vorlesungen über Geschichte und Institu-
tionen des rómischen Rechts, Wien, 1891.

Gasquay, Cicéron Jurisconsulte, Paris, 1887.

Greenidge, Roman Public Life, London and New York, root.

The Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time, Oxford, 1901.

Hadley, Introduction to Roman Law, New York, 1902.

293

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Hanel, Corpus legum ab imperatoribus Romanis ante Iustinianum
latarum, Leipzig, 1857.

Henriot, Mceurs juridiques et judiciaires de l'ancienne Rome
d'apres les poétes latins, Paris, 1865.

Herzog, Geschichte u. System der rómischen Staatsverfassung,
Leipzig, 1884-91.

Heumann, Handlexikon zu den Quellen des rómischen Rechts,
8th ed., Jena, 1895.

Hofmann, Die Compilation der Digesten Justinians, Wien, 1900.

Holder, Institutionen des rómischen Rechtes, 3d ed., Freiburg
and Leipzig, 1893. _

Holmes, The Common Law, Boston, 1881.

Hunter, A Historical and Systematic Exposition of the Roman
Law, London, 1876.

Huschke, Iurisprudentiae anteiustinianae quae supersunt, Leipzig,
1886.

Ihering, Geist des rómischen Rechts auf den verschiedenen Stufen
seiner Entwicklung, Leipzig, 1888—98.

Jórs, Rómische Rechtswissenschaft zur Zeit der Republik, Berlin,
1888.

Kalb, Das Juristlatein, 2d ed., Nürnberg, 1888.

Roms Juristen, nach ihrer Sprache dargestellt, Leipzig,

1890.

Karlowa, Rómische Rechtsgeschichte, Leipzig, 1885-1901.

Keller, Semestrium ad M. Tullium Ciceronem libri tres, Zürich,
1842.

Kipp, Quellenkunde des rómischen Rechts, Leipzig, 1896.

Krüger, Geschichte der Quellen und Litteratur des rémischen

Rechts, Leipzig, 1888.

Institutiones Iustiniani, Berlin, 1900.

and Studemund, Gai institutiones, Berlin, 1899.

Lange, Rómische Altertümer, Berlin, 1856-71.

Lenel, Das Edictum Perpetuum, Leipzig, 1883.

Palingenesia iuris civilis, Leipzig, 1888—9.

294

APPENDIX

Leonhard, Institutionen des rómischen Rechts, Leipzig, 1894.

Mackenzie, Studies in Roman Law, Edinburgh and London, 1886.

Madvig, Die Verfassung u. Verwaltung des rómischen Staates,
Leipzig, 1881-2.

May and Becker, Précis des institutions du droit privé de Rome,
Paris, 1892.

Milman, The History of Latin Christianity, New York, 1881.

Mommsen, Rómische Forschungen, I, Berlin, 1879.

—— Romisches Staatsrecht, Leipzig, 1887.

—— Abriss des rómischen Staatsrechts, Leipzig, 1893.

—— Romisches Strafrecht, Leipzig, 1899.

—— — Krüger and Studemund, Collectio librorum iuris anteiustini-
ani, Berlin, 1878-99.

—— Krüger and Schóll, Corpus Iuris Civilis, Berlin, 1895.

Morey, Outlines of Roman Law, New York, 7th ed., 1894.

Moyle, Imperatoris Iustiniani institutionum libri quattuor, Oxford,
1896.

Muirhead, Historical Introduction to the Private Law of Rome,
Edinburgh, 1886.

Orelli-Baiter, Onomasticon Tullianum, Zürich, 1836-8.

Ortolan, Explication historique des instituts de l'empereur Justinien,
Paris, 1883.

Pauly, Real-Encyclopádie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft,
Stuttgart, 1839.

Poste, Gaii institutionum iuris civilis commentarii quattuor, Oxford,
189o.

Puchte, Geschichte des Rechts bei dem rómischen Volk, roth ed.,
Leipzig, 1893.

Rivier, Introduction historique au droit Romain, Bruxelles, 1881.

Roby, Roman Private Law in the Times of Cicero and of the
Antonines, Cambridge, 1902.

Rudorff, Rómische Rechtsgeschichte, Leipzig, 1857-9.

Salkowski, Lehrbuch der Institutionen u. Geschichte des rómischen
Privatrechts, 6th ed., 1892.

295

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Sandars, The Institutes of Justinian, 8th ed., London and New
York, 1888.

Sanio, Varroniana in den Schriften der rómischen Juristen, Leipzig,
1867. 7

Schmalz, Müller's Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft,
II, 2d ed., Nordlingen, 1889.

Scholl, Legis duodecim tabularum reliquiae, Leipzig, 1866.

Schrader, Corpus Iuris Civilis, I, Berlin, 1832.

Schulin, Lehrbuch der Geschichte des rómischen Rechtes, Stutt-
gart, 1889.

Sohm, Institutionen des rómischen Rechtes, 8th and oth ed.,
Leipzig, 1899.

——— The Institutes of Roman Law, translated by J. C. Ledlie,
Oxford, 1892.

Studemund, Gaii institutionum commentarii quattuor. Codicis
Veronensis denuo collati apographum, Leipzig, 1874.

Williams, The Institutes of Justinian illustrated by English Law,
London, 1893.

296

INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

(The figures refer to the pages.)

abdicatio tutelae, 149, 150.

absentes, defined, 186.

acceptum ferre, 207.

accessio, 169; possessionis, 186; how
differs from specification, 176,

acquisition of ownership, 165; by ac-
cession, 169; by acting as heir,
283; by cretion, 283; by civil
and natural modes, 166; by zz
ture cessio, 183; by mancipa-
tion, I81; by occupation, 166;
by prescription, 187; rerum
singularum, 165; by specifica-
tion, 171; of treasure-trove,
179; per universitatem, 165,
174, 256; by wsucapio, 184.

actio aestimatoria, 212; auctoritatis,
214; bonae fidei, 202; commo-
dati, 202; communi dividundo,
230; depositi, 204; doliet furti
adversus nautas, etc., 257; de
deiecto effusove, 256; exercito-
ria, 226; ad exhibendum, 173,
177, 178; familiae erciscundae,
230; 2n factum, 247; instito-
ria, 226; iniuriarum, 252;
iniuriarum aestimatoria, 293;
legis, 49; legis Aquiliae, 243;
mandati, 227; mixta, 233, 244;
noxalis, 258; megotiorum ges-
torum, 228; de pauperie, 258;
pigneraticia, 204; poenalts,
232; popularis, 256; de posito
et suspenso, 256; publica, 151;
quanti minoris, 215; redhibi-
toria, 215; vet persecutoria,
232; im rem, 1753 pro socio,
223; . de figno tunctlo, 173;
tutelae, 230; utilis, 176, 247;
vi bonorum raptorum, 242.

actus, 192, 193.

addictus, 233, 237.

aditio hereditatis, 231, 260, 282.

adoptio, 132, 133.

adpulsus pecoris ad aquam, 192.

adstipulator, 243.

adultus, 142.

adversaria, 207.

advocatus, 48.

aediles, 55, 60.

aediles’ edict, 215.

aes et libram, 182; wills made, 266,
272.

aetas maior, 120; perfecta, 140. .

affinitas, 115.

age of puberty, 120.

agere, 20.

ager limitatus, 162; stipendiarius,
162, 218; vectigalis, 162, 218.

agnati, 107; of Twelve Tables, 285.

album praetoris. 15.

alluvial soil, 169.

altius tollendi servitus, 191.

alveus relictus, 169.

ancillae partus, 195.

animus fraudandi, 98; furandi, 239;
iniuriandi, 292; in possession,
166, 186; remanendi, 86: re-
vertendi, 167.

annus utilis, 241.

Appius Claudius Caecus, 49; the De-
cemvir, 56.

aquaeductus, 192.

aquae et ignis interdictio, 137.

aquachaustus, 192.

arcarium nomen, 207.

arra, arrabo, 211; sponsalicia, 119.

arrogatio, 133, 135.

artificial persons, 77.

a5, parts of, 183, 276.

297

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

assertor libertatis, 90.

auctores iuris, 21.

auctoritas, of guardian, 141, 153;
guaranty of title, 214; patrum,
16, 51.

aversio, 213.

avulsio, 169.

Barbarian Codes, 28.

beneficium | abstinendi, 283;
randi, 284.

betrothal, 119.

bonae fidei negotium, 202.

bonis, in, 185.

bonorum cessio, 223.

bonorum possessio, 288; contra tabu-
las, 290; cum re, 29015; secun-
dum tabulas, 290.

bookkeeping, 226.

Bruns, Fontes iuris antiqui, 40.

delibe-

caelibes, disability of, 274.

calata comitia, 265.

capitalis poena, 237.

capitis deminutio, 136.

captives, status of, 84.

caput, 77, 136.

castrense peculium, 263.

casus, 203, 204, 219.

causa liberalis, 57, 90.

causa Mancini, 87.

causam probare, 109.

cautio usufructuaria, 1963; usuaria,
197.

caveat mo 215.

cavere, 20.

cenacula, 256.

censor, 54.

censu manumissio, 91.

cessio, in ure, 183; bonorum, 223.

child, status at birth, 78.

chirographum, 208.

circumscriptio adulescentium, 140.

civitas, » element of status, 77, 136,
138.

classical Roman law, 21.

codex accepti et expensi, 206.

Codex Gregorianus, 23 36; Hermo-
genianus, 24, 36; Justinianus,
25; Theodosianus, 24, 36.

coemptio, 118, 122, 126; fiduciaria,
126, 2645 matrimonii causa,
126.

coemptionales senes, 127.

cognati, 108.

cognitio legitima, 108 ; naturales, 108.

Collatio legum Mosaicarum, 24, 35.

Collectio librorum iuris anteiustini-
ani, 39.

collegia, 77.

colonus, 219.

commentarii pontificum, 19.

commercium, 158.

commixtio, 173.

commodatum, 202.

concubinatus, 112, 113.

condicione tua non utor, 121.

condictio certi, 202; furtiva, 242;
indebiti, 231.

condominium, 173.

conductio, 217.

confarreatio, 118, 122, 126.

confusio, 173.

consensus, in adoption, 134 ; in con-
tracts, 201, 209; of marriage,
IIO, III, IIS, L193 sponsa-
Jicius, not actionable, 119.

consobrini, 114.

constitutions of the emperors, 17.

consuetudo, 11, 74.

consul, criminal jurisdiction of, 54.

Consultatio iuris consulti, 24, 35.

contracts, comsensu, 2015; Zferis,
206; re, 201; verbis, 205.

contubernium, 113. ]

conubium, 111, 116.

conventio in manum, 110, 125, 137.

convicium, 103, 251.

corpora cohaerentia, distantia, 178.

corporations, 77.

Corpus Iuris Civilis, 28, 30.

Coruncanius, I9.

creditor, meaning of, 199.

cretio, 273, 283.

culpa, 151, 202, 203, 213, 229, 250.

cura, curatio, 139, 155; donorum,
156; debilium — personarum,
156; minorum, 120; how dif-
fers from ¢utela, 141; ventris,
156.

298

INDEX

curator, when excused, 143.
curule aedile, 58.
customary law, I1, 74.

damnas esto, 244.

damnum iniuria, 232.

debitor, meaning of, 199.

Decemviri, Y25 litibus tudicandis, 59.

decrees of the senate, 16, 37.

decreta, 17. *

dedere noxae, 215, 240, 258.

dedicatio, 159.

dediticii, 89.

deditio ad hostem, 88, 137.

deductio in domum, x18.

delatio hereditatis, 260.

delicta, 232.

deminutio capitis, 136.

de plano, 47, 90.

deportatio, 137.

depositum, 204.

detention, 186.

diffarreatio, 122.

Digest of Justinian, 26, 31; how
divided, 26; method of cita-
tion, 45.

diligentia, 203, 228; exacta, 205.

disinherison, 280.

disputatio fori, 20, 48.

divortium, 121, 123 ; bona gratia, 123.

documents, private, 38.

do, dico, addico, 184.

dolus, 151, 202, 204, 229, 250.

dominica potestas, 89.

dominium, 88, 165, 188.

edicts of magistrates, I4 ; remains of,

37.

edictum Coun 15, 215; Julia-
num, 16, 38; magistratuum,
14; perpetuum, 15, 38, 72;
principum, 175 provinciale,
15; repentinum, 15; Theodo-
rict, 29; fralaticium, 15.

emancipation, 105.

emphyteusis, 189.

emptio, 209, 211; ret futurae, 211;

. spei, 212. :

epistulae principum, 17.

epitome Gaii, 32.

etymology in law Latin, 45, 106.

evictio, 214.

exceptio doli mali, 175; legis Plaeto-
7iae, 140.

excusationes tutorum, 143.

exercitor, 226, 257.

exhibendum, actio ad, 173, 177, 178.

ex tusta causa, 186

expensum ferre, 207.

extraneus, 133.

extra ordinem procedure, 225, 254.

familia, definition of, 104; effect of
change in, 138; zuris civilis,
107; iuris gentium, 108; as

f rere of c WE 77, 136.

amiliae emptor, 266.

Jas, 18, 19.

Javor libertatis, 82.

ferae naturae, 167.

Jferruminatio, 178.

festuca, 59, 9o.

fictis legis Corneliae, 84.

fidei bonae negotium, 202.

fideicommissum, 61.

fideiussio, 226.

fiducia, 126.

filii nullius, 113 ; legitimi, 128.

filiusfamilias, 128; position of, in
public law, 132, 138.

SCUS, 77.

ial Dialis, 126, 130.

Fragmenta Vaticana, 24, 35.

Fragmentum de iure fisci, 34; Dosi-
theanum, 345 de formula Fa-
biana, 34.

freedmen, 82, 89, 102, 103.

freemen, 79.

fructus = ususfructus, 195.

fundus, 161.

furiosus, 112, 113, 155, 263.

furtum, 232, 233 ; conceptum, 235 ;
ipsius ret, 2335 manifestum,
234, 236; ope consilio factum,
233; possessionis, 233; wsus,
233.

furtum sine dolo malo non commitit-
tur, 233.

299

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

Gaius, 32.

gestio, of guardian, 141; megotiorum,
228 ; pro herede, 283.

grammatict, exempt from public du-
ties, I44.

Greek influence on Twelve Tables, 13.

guardian, when excused, 143, 144,
149; in Twelve Tables, 147;
when guardianship terminates,
149; of women, 152.

habitatio, 198. .

heirs, necessary, 282; substitution of,
2795...

heredes, ihe 273, 279; invite,
282; legitimi, 261; necessarii,
273, 282 ; soli et necessari, 97 ;
5ui, 278 ; voluntarii, 273, 279.

heredis institutio, 272.

hereditas, 259.5 adita, 260; damnosa,
283; delata, 260 ; iacens, 196,
260; Jdegitima, 2615 festamen-
laria, 261.

Hermodorus, 48.

hire, 217.

homo = servus, 157.

honorarium, not actionable, 225.

honorarium tus, 16.

hypotheca, 189.

impediments to marriage, 114.

imperium, of consuls, 54;
. tator, 55.

impuberes, 107, 120; arrogatio of,

of dic-

135.

inaedificatio, 169.

in bonis, 185.

incerta persona, 274.

tncestuost, 113.

indebiti solutio, 231.

in factum actio, 247.

infamia, 119, 151, 223, 228, 253.

infantes, 120, 139.

infantia maiores, 120, 139, 150.

infinitive, subject omitted, 177.

infitiatio, 244.

ingenuus, 81.

inheritance, how divided, 276; divided,
per capita, 285; per stirpes,
285; ab intestato, 284.

in integrum vestitutio, 121.

in ture cessio, 165, 183.

iniuria, 98, 232, 250; atrox, 254.

iniuriarum actio, 252.

injury under Zex Agutlia, 243.

in máncifio esse, meaning of, 128.

in manum conventio, 110, 125, 137.

inofficiosum testamentum, 280, 282.

in seruitute esse, meaning of, 82.

institor, 226.

institoria actio, 226.

Institutes of Gaius, 32; of Justinian,
27, 31.

institutio heredis, 272.

insula in flumine, Y69 ; in mari, 169.

inter. absentes, 179, 186.

interdictio aquae et ignis, 137.

interdictum unde vi, 106.

interpositio auctoritatis, Y41.

inter praesentes, 179, 186.

interpretation, of jurists, 20; as source
of law, 20, 52.

intestabiles, 268.

intestate succession, 284.

der, 192, 193.

iudex, defined, 255.

iudex qui litem suam facit, 255.

judicium, 240; domesticum, 124,

iumenta, meaning of, 216.

Juniani, 89, 269.

jura in re aliena, 188.

iurisconsulti, 48, 53.

Turisprudentia, 49, 72.

tus, Aelianum, 50; altius tollendi,
191; altius non extollendi, 191 ;
aureorum anulorum, 82; cal-
cis coguendae, 192; civile, 16,
76, 208, 239, 284 ; edicendi, 15;
Flavianum, 19, 50, 64; gen-
tium, 20, 76, 80, 208 ; &onora-
vium, 16; im personam, 211,
228, 232; inm rem, 204, 211,
232; Latii, 101; luminis im-
mittendi, 192; Papirianum,
12, 46; pascendi, 1923 proici-
endi, 191; potestatis, 128;
jraetorium, 16; respondendi,
20; rium liberorum, 79;
ulendi, fruendi, 157, 188, 195.

zustae nuptiae, 111.

300

INDEX

jurisprudence, 18,
Justinian legislation, 24.

Labeo, 23, 69.

Latini Iuniant, 89, 269.

latio legis, 46.

law, enactment of, 46 ; publication of,
47; Written, unwritten, 74.

leges regiae, 12, 37.

Jeges, remains of, 37.

legis, actio, 49; latio, 46; rogatio, 46.

legitimatio per subsequens matrimo-
nium, 129.

lex, 12,46; Aelia Sentia, 89, 97, 109;
Aquilia, 242, 243, 246, 247;
Canuleia, 116; Cornelia, 245;
Falcidia, 282; Fufia Caninia,
99; Hortensia, 315 de impero,
52; Julia, 79, 152, 2745; Julia
de adulteriis, 124; Julia de
maritandis, 316, 154; Zulia de
vi, 240; Junia Norbana, 89;
Papia Poppaea, 79, 152, 274;
perlata, 47; perrogata, 47;
Plaetoria, 121, 140; Valeria,
47,54; Vellaea, 2745 de vice-
stma hereditatum, 67; Voconia,
286; Romana Burgundionum,
30; Romana Visigothorum, 29.

liberalis causa, 57, 90.

liberi legitimi, 128; naturalis, 112,

. 129; vulgo concepti, 113.

libertas, as element of status, 77, 136,
138.

libertatis favore, 80.

libertinus, 82, 89, 102, 103.

libertus, 89; orcinus, 92, 102.

liberum corpus aestimationem non re-
cipit, 246.

libripens, 181.

libri pontificum, 19.

licium, 238.

litem suam facere, 255.

literature, of the classical law, 21;
non-juristic, 38; importance
of text writers, 52, 53.

litterarum obligatio, 206.

ditus maris, 161.

locatio, 217.

locus religiosus, 160,

longi lemporis possessio, 187.
luminum servitus, 192.
Justrum conditum, 91.

magistratus extraordinarit, 47.

mator aetas, 120.

Mancini causa, 87.

mancipatio, 165, 181.

mancipia — slaves, 215.

mancipio, syntax of, 182.

mancipi res, 163, 164, 181, 185.

mancipium, 1815 in mancipio, 128.

mandata, imperial, 18, 269.

mandatum, 224.

manumissio, 885 censu, 915; im eccle-
Sis, 93; fideicommissaria, 92,
933 testamento, 91; vindicta,
90.

manumission restricted, 95.

manus, 88, 110, 118, 125; wife zx
manu, 125.

maritalis affectio, 110, 112.

marriage, IIO; conditions of, 111; of
cousins, II4; dissolution of,
121; with freedwoman, 116;
impediments to, II4; Zuris
civilis, 111 ; with izfames, 116 ;
with wife's sister, I15.

master and slave, 83, 88, 9o.

materfamilias, 104.

matrimonium, 110;
mum, YII.

media tempora non nocent, 273.

medici, exempt from public duties,
145.

mente capti, 156.

merces, 217.

missio in bona, 125.

monstra, disposition of, in Twelve
Tables, 79.

mos, mores, Y1.

mulier familiae suae et caput et finis
est, 107, 116.

mutuunt, 201.

justum, legiti-

nasciturus pro iam nato habetur, 78.
naturales liberi, 112.

negotiorum gestio, 228.

negotium bonae fidei, 202.

301

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

nexum, 201.

Niebuhr's discovery of Gaius, 32.

nomen, a debt, 207; arcarium, 207 ;
gentilicium, 102; ¢ranscripti-
cium, 207.

nominatio potioris, 143, 145.

Novellae, 28.

noxa caput sequitur, 258.

noxae deditio, 215, 240, 258.

nuda proprietas, 165, 189, 196.

nudum pactum, 200, 205.

nuncupatio, 266.

nuptiae, 110.

nuptias non concubitus sed consensus
facit, 118.

obligations, 199, 200; consensu, 209;
ex contractu, 200; quasi ex
contractu, 200, 228; literis,
206; ex maleficio (delicto), 200,
232; quasi ex maleficio, 201,
2553 re, 201; verbis, 205.

obsequium, 103.

occupatio, 166.

optio tutoris, 153.

orbi, 274.

orcinus libertus, 92, 102.

factum nudum, 200, 205.

painting, as title, 176.

Pandects, 25.

Papinian, 22;
menta, "35.

parens manumissor, 147.

parentes = male ascendants, 112,

partnership, 220.

partus sequitur ventrem, 113.

paterfamilias, 104, 128.

patria potestas, 89, 107, 127, 120; i
public law, 132.

patrimonium, 158.

patron and freedman, 102.

Paulus, 22; Sententiae of, 33.

pauperies, 258.

peculatus, 234.

peculium castrense, 263.

pecunia, in early law, 145, 164; sa-
merata, 212.

peregrini, 15, 81, 84; in marriage,

Responsorum Frag-

perfecta aetas, 140.

periculum rei venditae, 213.

permutatio, 209.

persona, 77; alieni iuris, 104, 133,
137; Zncería, 274; sui iuris,

* 104, 133, 137, 139.

Pignus, 189, 204.

pigneraticia actio, 204.

plantatio, 169.

plebiscitum, 12, 50, 75.

plena adoptio, 133; proprietas, 165;
ubertas, 134.

plumbatura, 178.

poena capitalis, 237; iniuriarum,
252; quadrupli, 236.

Pomponius, 41.

pontiffs, custodians of law, 18.

possessio, meaning of, 186.

postliminium, 85, 122, 168.

postumus, defined, 146 ; a/ienus, suus,
146.

potestas vitae necisque, 83, 128.

potioris nominatio, 143, 145.

praedia rustica, 158, 162; stipendia-
via, 162, 218 ; tributaria, 162,
218; urbana, 158, 162.

praedial servitudes, 190.

praedium dominans serviens, 194.

praedium servit praedio, 194.

praescriptio, 187.

praescriptis verbis, 228.

praesentes, defined, 186.

praetor fideicommissarius, 61 ; fisca-
dis, O1; peregrinus, 15, 59;
tutelaris, 148; urbanus, 15,

59.

praetorian edict, 16, 76.

.|psduenen Codes, 23;
tions, 36.

| Holt, 210, 212.

private documents extant, 38.

private law, defined, 73; sources of,
1I.

probare causam, 109.

Proculiani, 172.

prodigus, 155.

profiteri iuris scientiam, 62.

promise of marriage, not actionable,
II9.

proprietas, 165.

constitu-

302

INDEX

prospectus, 192,

pro tribunali, 9o.
provincial soil, 161.
proximtor, 170.

puberes, 107; feminae, 153.
pubertas, 120, 134.
publicatio, 223; legis, 47.
public law, defined, 73.
pupillus, defined, 142.

quadruplum, 236, 242.

quaestio concepti furti per licium, 238.

querela inofficiosi testamenti, 280, 282.

quinquaginta decisiones, 25.

quinqueviri Cistiberes, 60.

quod principi placuit leges habet vigo-
rem, 18.

quod, with infinitive clause, 175.

rapina, 232, 239.

religiosus locus, 160.

renuntiatio, 47.

repudium, 121, 123; repudii libellus,
124.

ves, meaning of, 156; zz commercio,
158; communis omnium, 160;
dominans, 189; divini iuris,
159; furtivae, 187; hostiles,
168; humani iuris, 159; man-
cipi, 163, 164, 181, 185; mo-
biles, immobiles, 161, 162;
"ullius, 159, 166, 180; re-
ligiosa, 159; Sacra, 1593 ser-
viens, 189; vi possessae, 187.

ves accessoria cedit ret principali, 171.

ves nullius cedit occupanti, 166.

ves publica — urbs, 61.

rescripta principum, 17.

responsa pontificum, 95 prudentium,
21, 48.

restitutio in integrum, 121 ; natalium,
82.

revocatio in servitutem, 81, 103, 137.

rhetores, exempt from public duties,
144.

rights 7 personam, in rem, 228.

risk, of thing hired, 219; in sale, 213.

rogatio legis, 46; populi, 135.

rural servitudes, 190.

Sabiniani, 172.

Sabinus, 69.

sacrilegium, 234.

sale, 209, 211; Pretii participandi
causa, 80, 137.

satio, 169.

satisdatio, of guardian, 149.

Scaevola, Q. Mucius, Pontifex Maxi-
mus, 65

Scholia Sinaitica, 35.

seashore, 160.

senator forbidden to marry freed-
woman, II6.

senatus consultum, SY, 75.

Sententiae of Paulus, 33.

servi publici, 265.

servitudes, 164, 188, 189; praedial,
190, I94 ; personal, 194.

servitus = servitium, 105.

servitus, actus, itineris, viae, 193;
altius tollendi, 391; luminum,
192; officiendi prospectui, 191 ;
proiciendi protegendive, 191;
sttllicidit, 191; gni immit-
tend?, 191; wsus, 197.

servitus in faciendo consistere non
potest, 190.

servus. nullum caput habet, 79, 83,
136.

servus poenae, 81; publicus, 264.

slavery, 84; an institution of zus
gentium, 80. |

slaves, 79, 83.

societas, 220.

soldiers’ wills, 266, 269.

solum Italicum, YOY ; provinciale, 161.

solutio, 199.

sources of Roman law, extant, 30;
postclassical, 23, 35 ; selections
from, 39 ; for study of, 30.

spadones, 134. |

specification, 171; how differs, from
accession, 176.

spondeo, 119.

sponsalia, 119, 205, 211.

Sponsalicius consensus, not actionable,
119.

Sponsio, 119, 205.

Sponsus, 119.

spurii, 113.

393

SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW

statu liber, 92.

statute law, 12.

status, 7h ge 82; of child at birth,
78, 81, 82

stillicidium, 191.

stipendiarius ager, 162, 218,

stipulatio, 119, 205.

subscriptiones, 17.

substitutio heredum, vulgaris, 277;
pupillaris, 278.

sui heredes, 279; of Twelve Tables,
285.

superficies, 189.

superficies solo cedit, 167.

syngrapha, 208.

Syrio-Roman law, 36.

Zabulae, of wills, 268; contra tabulas,
290; secundum tabulas,271,290.

Zectoria, 189.

tempus continuum, 242; utile, 241.

Testamenti factio, 262, 264, 273.

Testamentum, 261; calatis comitiis, 92,
265; destitutum, 271, 277 ; 2n-
offciosum, 280; in procinctu,
266; irritum, 270, 277 ; mili-
tis, 269; per aes et libram, 266,
276; ruptum, 270.

theft, 233. '

thensaurus, 179.

traditio, Y65, 185.

transcriptio, 207.

treasure-trove, 179.

Tribonian, 24.

tribuni, plebis, 55; consulari potestate,

m praedia, 162, 218,

trinoctium, 127.

triumviri capitales, 60.

tutela, 139; dativa, 145, 148; impu-
berum, 139, 141,153; Zegitima,
147; "mulierum, 139, 141, 153,
154; patronorum, 147; desta-
mentaria, 147.

zutor, qualifications of, 141; when ex-

cused, 143; suspectus, 151;
tutoris optio, 153.
Twelve Tables, 12, 13, 37; malum

carmen and membrum ruptum
in, 252.

ubi tu es Gaius, etc., 126.

Ulpian, 22; Fragments of, 33.

uncia = 7, of inheritance, 276.

universitas, 174.

urban servitudes, 190, I9I.

usu, as mode of marriage (manus),
127.

usucapio, 179, 184, 187, 188; in Zono-
rum possessio, 289.

usurpatio, 127.

uss, 118, 122, 127.

ususfructus, 157,195; quasi, 196.

uti legassit super pecunia, 145.

utilis actio, 176, 247.

UNO, in anu, 110,125; sine manu,
125.

Valerius Probus, zofae duris, 34-
vectigalis ager, 162.
Velitis, Iubeatis hoc, Quirites, Rogo,

venditio nummo uno, 212.

venter — unborn child, 78.

Verginia, case of, 56.

vestal virgins; exempt from Zuzeia,
152; had testamentary capac-
ity, 264.

via, 192, 193.

vicesima hereditatum, 67.

vindicatio recta, 177; ret, 173; 177,
178, 183.

vindiciae, 56.

vindicta, manumission by, 9o.

vis maior, 203.

votum, 200.

wife, 27 Joco filiae, 110,125; in manu,
125; has choice of ZuZor, 153.

wild game, 167.

wills, 261; materials written on, 267;
when null 270; praetorian,
271; undutiful, 280, 282; wit-
nesses to, 268.

women, cannot adopt, 134; no a770-
gatio of, 135; guardianship of,
152; testamentary capacity of,
264; as tutors, 142.

written and unwritten law, 74.

writing as accession (title), 176.

writings of jurists, 21, 32, 53.

304

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