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Cornell University Library 
KJA 195.S46 1905 

Selections from the public and private I 

3 1924 021 176 288 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 

fHorrtg ant) fHorgan'a 3Latfn Series 








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Selections from the Public and Private Law of the Romans. 

James J. Robinson, Yale University. $1.25. 

Others to be announced later. 












Copyright, 1905, by 

Entered at Stationers' Hall, London. 

law of the romans. 

W. P. I 


The purpose of this book is to introduce the student to 
some of the more interesting and .instructive principles of 
Roman law by selected passages from the original Latin 
sources. It is intended to offer to students of Latin a 
selection of texts gathered from a field well worthy of 
study by those who would broaden their view of Roman 
life and institutions, as well as by those who would extend 
their acquaintance with the Latin language beyond the 
Latinity of the authors usually read in a college course. 

It is scarcely necessary to repeat what is acknowledged 
on all sides — that Rome's legal and political institutions 
are the imperishable monument to the real genius and 
civilization of her people, and that they constitute her most 
important contribution to the modern world. 

Furthermore, along with the more recent tendency to 
broaden the scope of philological studies, it is beginning 
to be more fully recognized that the language of /the 
Roman legal- writers is worthy of greater attention than 
it has hitherto received. The Roman jurists were as a 
rule exponents of a concise, clear, and elegant style. At 
a time when Latin literature had lost its art, and artificial- 
ity of thought and diction was substituted for the better 
tradition, the jurists were still writing with a simplicity 
and elegance worthy of the importance and dignity of 
their subject-matter and in keeping with their distinguished 



position in public life. The concrete case arising in the 
everyday, practical affairs of men formed the basis of their 
abstractions, and their writings, being the record of experi- 
ence drawn from the life of their own day, contribute to a 
more complete understanding of the Roman people. 

The best texts have been followed, and only an occa- 
sional verbal change has been allowed when required to 
render the text more intelligible. No attempt has been 
made toward uniformity of spelling of words drawn from 
so many sources. One linguistic difficulty in legal texts 
cannot be avoided. From the manner in which they have 
been preserved and transmitted, it can never be positively 
determined that we have the exact words of the author 
excerpted or the linguistic peculiarities of his period. The 
excerpts (fragmenta or leges) presented in Justinian's 
Digest suffered revision at the hands of the jurists compil- 
ing that work. The extent to which the idiom and vocabu- 
lary of authors already several centuries dead were thereby 
affected, cannot now be determined. 

The classical student should perhaps be reminded that 
there are no sources giving anything like a general survey 
of the law as it was in the best days of Rome. No attempt 
has been made, therefore, in these selections to present 
the law of any one period, but the historical development 
of some institutions has been briefly traced in the notes. 

Extracts from the legal literature have been freely 
quoted in the notes, both to explain the text and to 
encourage the student to acquaint himself still further 
with the original sources. The technical terms of Roman 
law commonly occurring in Latin literature and works on 
Roman history, and many of the concise and pithy maxims 
characteristic of the Roman legal system, have been put 



before the learner with considerable frequency by inten- 
tional repetition and by cross reference. 

Chief attention has been given to the subject-matter, 
but an occasional linguistic or grammatical difficulty has 
been explained or reference has been given to the school 
grammars in general use, indicated by the usual initials. 

In addition to acknowledgments made in the notes, the 
author's indebtedness to many of the more important 
works on Roman law is publicly acknowledged by append- 
ing at the end of the volume a list of works cited and 
most frequently consulted. 

Grateful acknowledgment is due Professor Eduard 
Holder and Professor August von Bechmann, of the uni- 
versities of Leipzig and Muriich respectively, for material 
drawn from notes taken in their most instructive and 
learned lectures. 

My friend and former colleague, Professor J. W. D. 
Ingersoll, of Yale University, very courteously read the 
manuscript and offered valued criticism. I am most 
deeply indebted to my friend and former colleague, Pro- 
fessor E. P. Morris, for his constant encouragement from 
the very inception of the idea of publishing some legal 
selections, and for his careful criticism and help at every 
stage of the work. 

The fact that the author knows no book of similar pur- 
pose, and has had to determine and pursue his own course 
without guide or forerunner, has not only increased his 
difficulties, but has made it impossible for him to avoid 

many imperfections. 


The Hotchkiss School, 
Lakeville, Connecticut. 




INTRODUCTION— The Sources of Roman Private Law . 11-30 

Customary Law 1I 

Statute Law I2 

Leges Regiae I2 

The Twelve Tables 12 

Edicts of the Magistrates '4 

Decrees of the Senate 16 

Constitutions of the Emperor 17 

Scientific Jurisprudence 18 

The Literature of the Classical Roman Law 21 

Sources of Law after Diocletian . 23 

Pre-Justinian Codes and Collections of Law 23 

Legislation of Justinian 24 

The Code 25 

• The Fifty Decisions 25 

The Pandects or Digest 26 

The Institutes 27 

The New Code 27 

The Novellae . 28 

The Roman Barbarian Codes 28 

Sources of Information for the Study of Roman Law . 30-40 

The Extant Sources of Roman Law in their Original Form . . 30 

The Pre-Justinian Sources 32 

The Writings of Jurists ' 32 

The Pre-Justinian Sources of the Post-classical Period ■ ■ . 35 

Extant Remains of Pre-Justinian Constitutions ..... 36 

The Remains of the Leges Regiae and the Twelve Tables ... 37 
The Extant Remains of Popular Enactments, Edicts, and the Decrees 

of the Senate .37 

Legal Documents of a Private Character ...... 38 

The Non-juristic Literature 38 

Books of Selections from the Sources ...... 39 




et omnium magistratuum et successione prudentium ... 45 

Preliminary Definitions 72 

Persons 77 

Freemen and Slaves 79 

Freeborn ............ 81 

Slaves 83 



Slavery arising from Captivity 84 

Manumission .88 

Manumission Restricted nc 

Freedom acquired without Consent of Master ...'.'. 100 

Relation of Patron and Freedman 102 

Definition of the Term Family 104 

The Agnatic Family i * 

Cognatic Relationship I0 g 

Marriage .110 

Impediments to Marriage H4 

Betrothal no 

Dissolution of Marriage 122 

Manus 12c 

Patria Potestas 127 

Adoption 132 

Arrogation 135 

Capitis Deminutio 136 

Guardianship 139 

The Law of Things 157 

Acquisition of Ownership (Jure Gentium) 165 

Treasure-trove . . . . . 179 

Acquisition of Ownership (fare Civili) 181 

Vsucapio . . • . . . . . . . . . .184 

Subordinate Rights of Ownership, Servitudes . ' . . . .188 

Praedial Servitudes . . . . 190 

Personal Servitudes 195 

The Law of Obligations 201 

Real Contracts 201 

Verbal Contracts 205 

Literal Contracts 206 

Consensual Contracts 209 

Sale 209 

Hire 217 

Societas 220 

Mandatum 224 

Obligations quasi ex Contractu 228 

Obligations ex Delicto 232 

Theft 233 

Robbery 239 

Damage to Property 242 

Injury to the Person 250 

Obligations quasi ex Delicto ........ 255 

The Law of Inheritance 259 



C. J, 17, 8. Justinian's Code, book 5, title 17, constitution 8. 

C. Th. 9, 5, 1. Theodosian Code, book 9, title 5, constitution 1. 
Collat. 6, 3, 1. Comparison of Roman and Mosaic Law, title 6, 

• fragment 3, paragraph 1 . 

D. 1, 2, 2, pr. Justinian's Digest, book 1, title 2, fragment i,prin- 

cipium (initial paragraph). 

Fr. Vat. 149. Vatican Fragments, paragraph 149. 

Gai. 1, 13. Institutes of Gaius, book 1, paragraph 13. 

Gai. D. 9, 2, 4, 1. Justinian's Digest, book 9, title 2, fragment (from 
Gaius) 4, paragraph 1 . 

Inst. 2, 5, 3. Justinian's Institutes, book 2, title 5, paragraph 3. 

Nov. 118, 3, 1. Justinian's Novellae, number 118, chapter 3, para- 

graph 1. 

Paul. 2, 20, 1. Sententiae of Paulus, book 2, title 20, paragraph 1. 

Paul. D. 1, 3, 36. Justinian's Digest, book 1, title 3, fragment (from 
Paulus) 36. 

Ulp. 1, 24. Fragments of Ulpian, title 1, paragraph 24. 

Ulp. D. 3, 3, 1. Justinian's Digest, book 3, title 3, fragment or lex 
(from Ulpian) 1. 




i. Customary Law. — Of all the peoples of antiquity, the 
Romans displayed the greatest political and legal genius. 
Organization of government and formulation of legal rights 
were problems to. which they devoted their best thought 
and abilities. Rome's most enduring monument, there- 
fore, and her greatest contribution to the modern world is 
her jurisprudence. 

Unlike most peoples of antiquity, the Romans regarded 
their law as springing from a human source. Their con- 
stitution was a slow and gradual growth, the work of many 
men through many years, and the fundamental principle 
of the constitution was that the people were the source of 
law. As time went on, however, several agencies came 
into being which were instrumental in creating and de- 
veloping the Roman legal system, as will appear from a 
historical survey of the sources of the private law. 

The Romans, like other primitive peoples, lived for 
centuries governed by no rules of civil conduct save those 
growing out of custom (inos, mores, consuetudo). Princi- 
ples of customary law, growing out of the life and experi- 
ences of the community, lived on after conscious legislation 
by the organs of the sovereign power began. The Romans 
looked upon custom as a source of law, though inferior in 
quality to statute law, which met more clearly their idea 
of precision and definiteness of form. After the Roman 


people began to express their will in direct legislation, 
customary law continued to have validity as subsidiary law 
when not expressly abrogated by statute. 

2. Statute Law. — A resolution enacted by the entire 
people (Populus Romanus) in assembly was called lex. A 
plebiscitum was a resolution enacted by the plebeians alone 
in their assembly. Originally plebiscites were binding on 
the plebeians only, but by the Hortensian law (about 
287 b.c), after the conflicts between patricians and pic 
beians had ended, they were binding on all citizens. There- 
after lex and plebiscitum were used without distinction of 
meaning, a. plebiscitum. being often designated as a lex. 

3. Leges Regiae. — According to the tradition handed 
down in the sources, laws were enacted by the people as 
early as the Regal period. These so-called leges regiae 
were collected and published by the first Pontifex Maximus, 
named C. Papirius. 

The first authentic mention of these laws dates from the 
time of Julius Caesar {ius Papirianuin). These laws were 
ascribed to individual kings, mostly to the first three, and 
though they are undoubtedly of great antiquity, their sub- 
ject-matter shows that they are not leges properly, but 
belong rather to the sacred law, being ordinances of the 
pontifical college. 

The ascription of these so-called laws to individual kings 
is doubtless apocryphal, as is, perhaps, the account of 
the kings themselves, and in the absence of the true 
explanation of their origin, later writers sought to endow 
them with greater antiquity and sanctity by connecting 
them with the names of the earliest kings. 

4. The Twelve Tables. — According to the tradition, the 
Decemviri published the private law and certain provisions 


of the public law about sixty years after the beginning of 
the republic, on twelve tables. These tables remained 
thereafter the basis of Roman law, and were not formally 
repealed until the time of the publication of Justinian's 
law books. 

The codification of the law by the Decemviri was 
politically, the tradition says, the result of a compromise 
between the patricians and the plebeians, whereby the 
plebeians were to receive protection against patrician mis- 
rule. Though the contents of the extant fragments do 
not support this view, it does appear that the severity of 
the previous customary law was somewhat mitigated in 
favor of the non-ruling classes. 

The sources abound in reference to the Greek influence 
on the law of the Twelve Tables, but with such widely 
differing opinions that the whole question has been looked 
upon with suspicion. Some ancient authors would refer 
the entire Roman code to a Greek source, while others 
claim only a partial incorporation of foreign law. There 
are undoubtedly traces of Greek influence in the decemvi- 
ral legislation, but the sweeping assignment of the Roman 
code to a Greek origin is only one of the general inven- 
tions of early Roman history. The whole idea of the 
Decemvirate as an irresponsible magistracy, with extraor- 
dinary powers to administer the government, codify the 
law, and supersede constituted authority, is doubtless an 
invention closely modeled after a Greek original. 

It is impossible to separate the real from the fictitious in 
the transmitted accounts, but the prevailing modern opinion 
is that the law of the Twelve Tables was, in all of its more 
important provisions, of a national character, being the 
native customary law which the Decemviri codified and 



published after the proper ratification by the Comitia 

The Twelve Tables are, therefore, a statute and are 
often designated by the Romans as Lex, simply, i.e. as 
their most important lex. 

It is commonly supposed that the original tabulae per- 
ished in the destruction of Rome by the Gauls, 390 B.C. 
They were probably reconstructed and were well known 
in the days of Cicero, who intimates that schoolboys in his 
day learned them by heart. Literary traces of them appear 
as late as the fifth century of our era. 

The extant fragments of these laws have been trans- 
mitted, partly in the original phraseology, partly in sub- 
stance only, and chiefly by non-juristic writers. 

After the Twelve Tables, statutes continued to be 
enacted ; but after the time of the Punic wars, direct leg- 
islation by popular assemblies, at no time a very fruitful 
source of law, grew gradually less. After codification 
followed a period of interpretation. New agencies were 
employed in the further development of the private law. 
In the early empire, the activity of the popular assembly 
ceased, and by the changes in the constitution whereby the 
power was divided between the emperor and the senate, 
the making of new leges and plebiscita eventually ceased. 
The last lex which the sources show was enacted under the 
Emperor Nerva. 

5. Edicts of the Magistrates. — By the Roman constitu- 
tion, every magistrate was empowered to issue proclama- 
tions concerning the business of his own office and, when 
these were made in writing and displayed in" a public place, 
they were called edicta. 

Edicta might be issued for a single case, with only tem- 



porary force {edicta repentina), or they might contain 
measures which continued in force during the magistrate's 
entire term of office {edicta perpetua). 

In the year 367 B.C. the administration of justice was 
intrusted to a newly created magistracy called the praetor- 
ship.. The praetor had the general supervision of the 
Roman judicial system, and was at the same time judge 
and minister of justice. About the year 242 b.c. a second 
praetor was installed, whose duty it was to sit in judgment 
in cases in which one or both parties were peregrini. He 
was, therefore, at a later time called Praetor Peregrinus ; 
the other praetor whose judicial duties were inter cives, 
having already been designated Praetor Urbanus. It was 
the duty of the praetors to make use of their ius edicendi 
to set forth the main principles of law and procedure as 
they were to be administered during their term of office. 
The praetor's edict was exposed in a public place, on a 
white board {album), at the beginning of his term of ser- 
vice. The only other magisterial edicts of legal impor- 
tance were those of the curule aediles {edictum aedilicium) 
and the provincial governors {edicta provincialid). Of 
these, the former were occupied chiefly with matters per- 
taining to the markets, and the latter with the business of 
provincial administration. 

Each magistrate had individual freedom as to the con- 
tents of his own edict. It became customary, however, for 
each succeeding officer to adopt, so far as practicable, the 
greater part of his predecessor's edict, introducing only 
emendations and improvement in form or substance. It 
resulted, therefore, that the fundamental parts of the edict 
were handed down unchanged {edictum tralaticium), while, 
at the same time, the edict was the instrument wherein 


could be incorporated any desirable innovations, such as, 
for example, the granting of a new remedy or the admis- 
sion of a new form of plea. It was for this reason that 
the Roman jurists called the praetor's edict the viva vox 
iuris civilis. 

The praetorian edict rose to great importance in the 
development of the law. The bulk of praetorian law (ius 
honorarium) was developed during the republican period. 
After the establishment of the empire, the praetor's func- 
tion as minister of law was absorbed by the emperor him- 
self, and the praetorian edict passed into a stereotyped 
form. Hadrian commissioned the great jurist, Salvius 
Julianus, to revise the edicts of the praetor urbanus, the 
praetor peregrinus, and the curule aedile, consolidating . 
them into a system of praetorian law (edictum lulianum). 

The law as set forth in the edict was called magisterial 
law (ius honorarium, ius praetoritim, ius aediliciurn) and 
was sharply distinguished from statute and customary law 
(ius civile). The praetor developed legal principles 
through his control of procedure, rather than by the direct 
creation of law, since he was engaged chiefly with the 
admission of pleas, with remedies, and with the granting 
or refusal of actions based on equitable considerations. 
Praetorian law and the ius civile continued to exist side 
by side until the time of Diocletian. Thereafter they were 
blended for the most part into one system, though traces 
of their different origin still appeared in the law of 

6. Decrees of the Senate. — During the early history of 
Rome the senate was not a law-making body, but its influ- 
ence on legislation was felt through the auctoritas patrum, 
the senate being the advisory council of the executive. 



Toward the end of the republic, decrees of the senate 
seem to have had the force of law to a limited extent. 
What had been originally received as advice came now to 
be regarded as a command. In the empire, however, the 
senate acquired full powers of a legislative body. During 
the first century of the empire the constitutional right of 
the senate to make law was still questioned, but as the 
popular enactment of the comitia gradually disappeared, 
the decrees of the senate attained greater prominence. 

7. Constitutions of the Emperor. — All manifestations of 
the emperor's will which concerned the development of 
law were called imperial constitutions (placita or consti- 
tutiones principum). From the beginning of the empire, 
the decrees emanating from the emperor were of great 
legal significance. After the second century, all ordi- 
nances of this kind were called by the general collective 
name, constitutions of the emperor. 

Of these there were four kinds : — 

(1) Edicta. The emperor, like other magistrates, had 
the general power of issuing proclamations {ius edicendi). 
His edicta were public ordinances of a general character, 
containing provisions for future observance. 

(2) Decreta. As' the word indicates (cernere), the decreta 
were decisions of a judicial character. The emperor, as 
the chief magistrate, could review the decisions of all cases, 
as well as decide them in the first instance. 

(3) Epistulae. These embraced all expressions of the 
imperial will in epistolary form. When the epistulae were 
replies to questions of officials or private persons regarding 
points of law, they were frequently called rescripta. These 
answers were sometimes in the form of special letters and 
sometimes merely added as footnotes {subscriptiones) in the 

ROMAN IAW — 2 17 


letter of inquiry and returned to the sender. Rescripts 
were most frequent in private suits, where the emperor, 
upon request, decided doubtful points of law, leaving the 
questions of fact to the judge, who was absolutely bound 
by the interpretation of the emperor. Before the time of 
Hadrian, rescripts were apparently addressed to judicial 
magistrates only, thereafter to private persons as well. 

(4) Mqndata. Magistrates, even during the republic, 
had the power to delegate (mandare) authority to subor- 
dinates to execute certain business of their office. The 
emperors availed themselves of this privilege to a high 
degree and through general instructions (mandata) issued 
to provincial governors and other officials directed them 
as regards the conduct of their respective offices. These 
directions were usually in writing, and in this way they 
obtained significance as sources of law. 

Through these various ways in which the emperor 
manifested his will, it came about that by the time of 
Diocletian, the jurists ascribed to the emperor's will the 
force of law {quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem), 
though without any constitutional authority to that effect. 

8. Scientific Jurisprudence. — At Rome, in the earliest 
time, the pontiffs were the depositaries and custodians of 
law, human (jus) and divine (fas). They alone were 
acquainted with the formulae and ritual requisite for the 
worship of the gods, as well as the procedure and tradi- 
tions governing the legal relations of men with one another. 
It was, therefore, the pontiffs who were the earliest coun- 
selors in matters of law, imparting their advice (respondere) 
to consulting litigants as to the secret and intricate method 
of procedure by which their rights brought to the 
test. In matters of state importance, the decisions of the 


pontifical college were communicated through the Pontifex 
Maximus. Opinions on questions of private law were 
delivered by a member of the college annually detailed 
for that duty. 

The responsa of the pontifical college were recorded 
{commentarii pontificuni), and the formulated rules of pro- 
cedure were preserved in the archives of the priestly col- 
lege (libri pontificuni). Since pontiffs only had access to 
these hidden mysteries, early procedure was veiled in 
secrecy, and, being unknown to laymen and the unprivileged 
classes, became a great source of power and oppression in 
the hands of the ruling patrician order. 

The pontiffs, as the sole interpreters of the law, were 
instrumental in giving it shape and form so long as it 
existed chiefly in the form of unwritten, customary law. 

When the law had been given a definite form and had 
been made known to all by the codification of the Twelve 
Tables, ius and fas began to be more definitely separated, 
but procedure {actiones, ius actionum) still remained in the 
private control of the pontifical college. It was the pontiffs 
who still retained the technical knowledge whereby the 
machinery of the law could be set in motion for the vindi- 
cation of invaded rights. 

According to the traditional account, Appius Claudius 
Caecus made a collection of the formulae of actions as they 
had been put in shape by the pontiffs, and through the 
agency of his scribe (Flavius) they were made public {ius 
Flavianum). By this publication the monopoly of the 
patrician pontiffs was broken. Soon thereafter, the first 
plebeian pontifex maximus, Tiberius Coruncanius (about 
264 B.C.), announced himself as ready to give advice pub- 
licly regarding the mysteries of the law {primus publice 



profiteri coepif), not only to those interested as party in a 
particular case, but also to those seeking a theoretical 
knowledge of law. This was the beginning of a system of 
public legal instruction which led soon to the preparation 
of text-books and eventually to a legal literature. 

The opportunity was thus open for the development of 
a trained legal profession. Jurists now gave advice in the 
technicalities of juristic transactions and the drawing of 
formulae (cavere), the method of court procedure (agere), 
and they rendered opinions on legal questions submitted 
to them (respondere). Opinions given in writing (responsa), 
though they were not binding, had a strong moral influence 
on the court, when they were renderd by able and learned 
jurists. Controversies and opposing views were the inevi- 
table result of these responsa, leading to a lively discussion 
of principles, which gave a strong impetus to the progress 
of a legal science (disputatio fori). 

By this professional activity, new spirit began to be in- 
fused into the letter of the law. Scientific interpretation 
extended the principles of the ius civile, making them 
comprehensive and flexible. In addition to this new 
application of principles already existing in the ius civile, 
the jurists took up new principles from the ius gentium, 
giving to the strict Roman law a more equitable and uni- 
versal character. 

It was under the emperors that the influence of the 
jurists reached its highest point. Augustus, in his political 
reorganization of the state, recognized the expediency of 
enlisting the services and influence of the professional 
jurists to the support of his cause. He therefore conferred 
upon certain eminent jurists the privilege of delivering 
opinions (ius respondendi) which had the force of law, by 


authority of the imperial grant (ex auctoritate principis). 
Those jurists having the ius respondendi were called iuris 
auctores. The emperor as supreme judge could delegate 
his power of judicial interpretation to others, whose deci- 
sions, by his commission, were authoritative. 

At first only the responsum given in writing, under seal 
and for the special case, was binding on the judge ; though 
it soon happened that the writings of these privileged 
jurists came also to have the authority of their responsa. 
Hadrian ordained that the judge should be bound by con- 
current responsa, but that, when they were divergent, he 
should decide according to his own discretion. 

9. The Literature of the Classical Roman Law. — The 
scientific cultivation of law led to an enormous literary pro- 
ductiveness. As early as ioo b.c. scientific treatment of 
subjects began, but the classical period of legal literature 
fell in a time when other forms of Latin literature were 
rapidly declining or had entirely lost their art. Roughly 
the years between 150 and 250 a.d. cover the classical 
period of Roman jurisprudence. Here belong the names 
of Gaius, Papinian, Ulpian, Paulus, in whose work the high- 
est degree of excellence known to the Roman law was 
attained. The scientific legal literature of Roman jurists 
embraced works of most varied kind and character, of which 
some of the more important types were the following : — 

(1) Commentaries (a) on statute law, decrees of the 
senate, and imperial constitutions, (b) on the praetorian 
edicts, (c) on the works of other jurists. 

(2) Digests and compilations of a comprehensive char- 
acter, covering the entire legal system. 

(3) Practical discussions of responsa and quaestiones. 
Of these, the exposition of the quaestiones was the more 


detailed, inquiring more minutely into the underlying prin- 
ciples of the cases handled. Disputationes and opiniones 
were discussions of a similar character. 

(4) Institutiones or elementary text-books for beginners. 

(5) Annotated editions of earlier jurists' works, contain- 
ing emendations and critical comments (tiotae). 

(6) Monographs on various subjects of legal signifi- 

(7) Regulae, sententiae, definitiones, designed especially 
for practitioners, containing brief collections of current 
legal maxims and succinct statements of the more common 
legal principles. 

(8) Popular treatises, containing elementary principles 
of law, set forth in an informal way. 

This classification does not by any means include all the 
forms which the intellectual output of the jurists exhibited. 
It is possible to gain some idea of the literary activity of 
the great jurists and the enormous proportions to which 
legal literature attained, from the titles of works and the 
number of volumes of each, as they have been transmitted 
in the sources. 

Taking as examples a few of the greatest jurists, it 
appears that Papinian's chief works, Responsa and Quaes- 
tiones were in 19 and 37 books respectively, and in ad- 
dition to these he was the author of several books of 
different kinds ; Paulus wrote one commentary on the 
praetorian edict in 78 books, Responsa in 23 books, Quaes- 
tiones in 25 books, and, in addition to these, a long list of 
works making a total of 89 known by title, falling into 319 
books ; Ulpian's commentary on the praetorian edict con- 
tained 81 books, his work Ad Sabinum (commentary on 
the ius civile according to the system of Sabinus) 5 1 books, 


and in addition to these enormous works, numerous others, 
varying in size from one to several books each. Labeo, 
the great jurist who was contemporary with Augustus, is 
said to have been the author of 400 legal works. 

Of the mass of legal literature which was composed before 
the time of Diocletian, only a small fragment is extant. 

10. Sources of Law after Diocletian. — From the time of 
Diocletian the emperor was the only organ of sovereign 
power, an absolute monarch, bound by no law. This 
change in the constitution naturally had its influence on 
the further development of the law. Already the jurists 
had proclaimed that the will of the emperor was law, but 
now and henceforth there was but one source of law and 
one interpreter of law. The ius respondendi of privileged 
jurists was a thing of the past. Henceforth authoritative 
responsa emanated from the emperor himself and from 
him alone. The further progress of a scientific legal 
literature was interrupted. Science died, to. be only 
slightly revived toward the end of the fifth century, 
through the influence of the law schools. 

The constitutiones principum were now the only source 
of new law. 

11. Pre- Justinian Codes and Collections of Law. — 
The literature of law and the constitutions issued by the 
emperors had become so voluminous that the practitioner 
was unable to find his way through the mass of interpre- 
tation and decision. The inconvenience of working with 
such an unwieldy bulk of juristic material induced private 
persons to undertake its abridgment and codification. 
Several works of this character came into existence. 

(1) Codex Gregorianus, a private code of imperial con- 
stitutions, which were issued from the time of Hadrian to 



295 a.d., containing at least nineteen books. This code 
was published about 300 a.d. 

(2) Codex Hermogenianus, also a private work com- 
posed of imperial ordinances. This work was published 
as a supplement to the foregoing code, and appeared 
about the year 365 a.d. 

(3) Fragmenta Vaticana, so-called because discovered 
in the Vatican library. This collection, containing juristic 
writings and imperial ordinances, was the work of an 
unknown author. It was a private publication, composed 
between 372 and 438 a.d. 

(4) Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum or Lex 
Dei quam Dominus praecepit ad Moysen, a parallel of 
verses from the Pentateuch and passages from several 
Roman jurists, the Gregorian and Hermogenian codes, and 
one or two later ordinances. The work was published 
between 390 and 438 a.d. by an unknown author. 

(5) Codex Theodosianns, a codification of juristic litera- 
ture and imperial constitutions issued after Constantine's 
time, prepared by order of the Emperor Theodosius II. 
The work was published 438 a.d., considerable portions 
of it still surviving. 

(6) Consultatio veteris cuiusdam iuris consulti, a collec- 
tion of opinions delivered by a jurist to an advocate, with 
citations from Paulus and the three codes mentioned 

12. Legislation of Justinian. — Justinian succeeded to the 
throne April 1, 527, and continued to reign until his death, 
November 13, 565. From the very beginning of his rule 
he pursued a well-defined plan for the codification of the 
Roman law. For the execution of his legal reforms he 
enlisted the services of his minister, Tribonian, whose 



ability and zeal were of the greatest value toward the suc- 
cessful accomplishment of the undertaking. 

The history of the preparation of the compilation of 
Justinian's law books is given in detail in the decrees placed 
as a preface to the different parts of the work. Many 
of the facts there stated have been lately called into ques- 
tion, and they should be taken with due allowance for 
the bombastic and exaggerated style of an Oriental 

What is commonly called the Code of Justinian consists 
of four parts, as it exists in modern times. 

(i) The Pandects, ox Digest, of the scientific law litera- 
ture ; (2) the Codex, or collection of imperial laws ; (3) the 
Institutiones, or introductory text-book for instruction ; (4) 
the Novellae, or new imperial laws issued after the other 
works were completed. 

13. The Code. — By royal decree, a committee of ten 
men was instructed to prepare a collection of laws, com- 
piled from the three codes and the imperial constitutions 
issued later than the Theodosian code, together with the 
constitutions already issued by Justinian, and to publish 
them in a code suitable for the use of practitioners. This 
work was completed and published with the force of law, 
April" 16, 529. All imperial legislation not contained in 
this code was to be discarded. This work was called 
the Codex Iustinianus. 

14. The Fifty Decisions. — After the publication of the 
Codex, Justinian attempted by a number of constitutions 
to remove misconceptions and conflicts growing out of the 
juristic literature, and to set aside or alter provisions of 
the law which had become dead or worthless. These were 
published as a collection in 531 a.d., and were known as 

2 5 


the Qtrinquaginta Decisiones. These have not survived to 
the modern world. 

15. The Pandects or Digest. — The foregoing tasks were 
only preliminary to a much greater undertaking, — the 
codification of the scientific law literature. For the execu- 
tion of this work, a new commission of seventeen members, 
under the leadership of Tribonian, was appointed Decem- 
ber 15, 530. 

From the huge mass of legal literature the most essen- 
tial material was to be extracted, systematized, and ar- 
ranged in one harmonious whole. This undertaking was 
completed and published with force of law December 30, 
533, bearing the title Pandectae (irdv + 8exea-0ai), or Di- 
gesta (digerere). 

The work was divided into fifty books, each book falling 
into titles (tituli), and each title having its appropriate 
heading {rubrica, " written in red "). Under the titles 
stand the excerpts, called fragmenta or leges (fr. or /.), 
each one being preceded by the name of the author and the 
name of the work excerpted. Each fragment or lex is 
divided into a principium (pr.) and numbered paragraphs. 

The earliest of the jurists whose writings are represented 
in the Digest is Q. Mucius Scaevola, consul 95 B.C. ; the 
most recent were Charisius and Hermogenianus (about 
300 A.D.). 

Although thirty-nine jurists in all are represented in the 
excerpts of the Digest, the great bulk of the material was 
drawn from very few authors. Ulpian and Paulus together 
contribute about three fifths of the entire Digest. Of this 
amount, Ulpian alone furnishes about two fifths. The rest 
of the material of the Digest is drawn chiefly from about 
eight writers. Arranged according to the amount of mat- 



ter contributed, the excerpted authors stand approximately 
as follows : Ulpian, Paulus, Papinian, Gaius, Modestinus, 
Cervidius Scaevola, Pomponius, Julianus, and (proximilongo 
intervallo) Marcianus, Javolenus, Africanus, Marcellus; 
these twelve furnished about eleven twelfths of the whole 

It was decreed that the Digest should henceforth be the 
sole authority for jurist-made law, and that only the ex- 
cerpts incorporated in this work should have validity. 

The commission had full authority to curtail, alter, or 
supplement the original text to bring the subject-matter 
into harmony with their times. Inasmuch as this freedom 
was extensively employed, it is not always certain that the 
text is that of the original excerpted author {Interpolationes, 
Emblemata Triboniani). 

16. The Institutes. — As a part of the general plan of 
his legal reforms, Justinian recognized the importance of 
an elementary work to serve as an introduction to the 
study of the Digest, and intended as a book of instruction 
(instituere) for beginners in the study of law. 

This work was prepared by two law professors, under 
the general supervision of Tribonian, and was published 
with the force of law along with the Digest, December 30, 
533, bearing the title, Institntiones. 

The subject-matter was drawn largely from the ' Insti- 
tutes and Res Cottidianae of Gaius, from similar works of 
Ulpian, and from the Institutes of Florentinus and Mar- 
cianus, compiled and arranged in such a way as to present 
a continuous treatment of the entire legal system. 

17. The New Code. — So much new law had been cre- 
ated through the ordinances of Justinian since the publi- 
cation of the Codex in 529, that a revision of that work 



was already required. This undertaking was intrusted to 
a commission under the leadership of Tribonian, and the 
work was ready for publication with the force of law 
December 29, 534. • 

The revised Codex {Codex repetitae praelectionis) con- 
tained, besides the revision of the constitutions of the pre- 
vious Codex, the imperial ordinances issued since 529. All 
constitutions not included in it were to be discarded as 
invalid. It is this work, chiefly taken up with matters of 
public law, which is known in modern times as the Code. 

The Codex is divided into twelve books, each book being 
subdivided into titles, and the titles into leges and para- 

With the revision of the Codex, the three works intended 
by Justinian to constitute one single code of law were 
completed. The Corpus Iuris of Justinian was composed 
of (1) the Digest, (2) the Institutes, and (3) the Code. 

18. The Novellae. — After the Corpus Iuris had been 
published with statutory force, Justinian continued to issue 
constitutions to supplement and correct his previous works. 
These were issued in large numbers between the years 535 
and 565 a.d. They were mostly in Greek, some in both 
Greek and Latin, and a few in Latin only. These were 
collected and published after Justinian's death with the 
title, Novellae (i.e. novellae constitutiones post codiceni). 

The collection of Institutes, Digest, Codex, and Novels 
constitutes the Corpus Iuris Civilis in the form in which it 
is known in modern times. It is in this form that the 
Roman law has been, for the most part, preserved and 
received by continental Europe. 

19. The Roman Barbarian Codes. — Though not prop- 
erly reckoned among the sources of Roman law, it is neces- 



sary to notice the three Codes which some of the barbarian 
kings promulgated for the Roman inhabitants of their 
respective kingdoms, and which were drawn from Roman 
sources. These codes, or summaries, are sometimes called 
Leges Romanae Regum Barbarorum, and, although they do 
not contain Roman law in an uncontaminated form, they 
are, in a varying degree, of importance for the understand- 
ing of the law prior to Justinian and the history of the text 
of certain sources outlined below, since they have pre- 
served some material which would otherwise have been lost. 

(a) Lex Romano. Visigothorum, called also Breviarium 
Alaricianum, a code published by King Alaric II in 506 
for the Roman subjects of the Visigothic kingdom. It 
contained excerpts from the Institutes of Gaius, the Sen- 
tentiae of Paulus, the Codex Gregorianus, the Codex Her- 
mogenianus, the Codex Theodosianus, the post-Theodosian 
Novellae, and a Responsum of Papinian. The Institutes 
of Gaius were incorporated in this Code in an abridgment, 
which had been made for the purposes of instruction, and 
the first knowledge of the work was gained from this 
source. It furnished also the text of the Sententiae of 
Paulus (see below, § 22, c). Edition, Hanel, Lex Romana 
Visigothorum, Leipzig, 1849. 

{b) Edictum Theodorici, or the I^ex Romana Ostrogotho- 
rum, a code published by Theodoric the Great for his 
Roman and Ostrogothic subjects, soon after 512. It con- 
tained an independent presentation of law drawn from the 
Codex Gregorianus, the Codex Hermogenianus, the Codex 
Theodosianus, the post-Theodosian Novellae, the Senten- 
tiae of Paulus, and other sources of Roman law. Edi- 
tion, Bluhme, Monumenta Germaniae Leges, V, pp. 145 ff. 

Hannover, 1875. 



(c) Lex Romano. Burgundionum, a code published by 
the king of the Burgundians for the Roman subjects of the 
Burgundian kingdom sometime about 512. It contained, 
in an independent form, law taken from Roman sources 
worked over with Burgundian elements into the form of a 
code. The Roman sources drawn upon were the Codex 
Gregorianus, the Codex Hermogeriianus, the Codex Theo- 
dosianus, the post-Theodosian Novellae, the Institutes of 
Gaius, and the Sententiae of Paulus. Edition, Bluhme, 
Monumenta Germaniae Leges, III, pp. 579 ff. Hannover, 


The preceding paragraphs have traced briefly the sources 
from which the Roman law originated, and the agencies by 
which it was expanded and reduced to a system. There 
have been noticed also the attempts to bring the great mass 
of law into a more available form, by collections and codes, 
and finally the great achievement of the Emperor Justinian 
in reducing the law to the form in which it was handed 
down to the modern world. 

It now remains to mention briefly the sources extant and 
available at the present day for the study of Roman law, 
and also to indicate some of the books in which these 
sources may be most conveniently found. 

20. The Extant Sources of Roman Law in their Original 
Form. — The material extant in original form falls into two 
groups : the Corpus Iuris Civilis and the pre-Justinian 
sources, which have been transmitted in various ways. 

The account of the origin and general character of the 



several parts of the Corpus Iuris has been given above 
(§§ 12 ff.). The most authoritative edition is that of 
Mommsen, Kriiger and Scholl (editio stereotypa). It is 
published in three volumes, of which Vol. I contains the 
Institutes and the Digest, 7th ed., Berlin, 1895 ; Vol. II 
contains the Codex, 6th ed., Berlin, 1895 ; and Vol. Ill con- 
tains the Novellae, 1st ed. begun in 1880 and completed in 
1895. Of this monumental work, the Digest was edited 
by Theodor Mommsen, the Institutes and Codex by Paul 
Kriiger, and the Novellae by Rudolf Scholl (completed 
after his death by Wilhelm Kroll). There is no ancient, 
single Ms. of the entire Corpus Iuris. The edition of D. 
Gothofredus, 1583, was the first to print the whole body of 
the law of Justinian as a single book with the title Corpus 
Iuris Civilis. The editions are very numerous, and it has 
been said that no other book, except the Holy Bible, has 
been printed so often. 

Of the Institutes, the best separate text editions are those 
of Kriiger, Berlin, 1900 (the latest and most critical), and 
Huschke, Leipzig, 1878, in the Teubner series. Some 
other editions, with notes or commentary, are: J. B. 
Moyle, Imperatoris Iustiniani Institutionum Libri Quat- 
tuor, Vol. I, text, introduction, notes, and various excur- 
suses; Vol. II, English translation, Oxford, 3d ed., 1896; 
T. C. Sandars, The Institutes of Justinian, with introduc- 
tion, text, translation, and notes, containing at the end a 
summary of the principal contents of the text and notes, 
arranged in a methodical form, 8th' ed., London and New 
York, 1888 ; J. Ortolan, Explication Historique des Instituts 
de VEmperettr Justinien, avec le texte, la traduction en 
regard et les commentaires sous chaque paragraphe, 2 vols., 
1 2th ed., Paris, 1883; E. Schrader, Corpus Iuris Civilis, 



Vol. I, containing the Institutes, with valuable commen- 
tary, Berlin, 1832. 

21. The Pre- Justinian Sources. — These sources are of 
several kinds, transmitted in different ways. The more 
important are : the writings of jurists in their original form ; 
the remains of collections and codes in their original form; 
the constitutions of the emperors in their original form ; the 
statutes and popular enactments in their original form ; 
other documents and records of legal transactions written 
on various materials ; and the information supplied by lay 
writers in the literature of Rome. These various sources 
will be noticed in the order indicated. 

22. The Writings of Jurists. — The bulk of the extant 
literature of the first three centuries of the Empire (the so- 
called classical period) has been transmitted through the 
Digest of Justinian. Excerpts from some of the greatest 
jurists of this period have been preserved in the remains 
of the collections noticed above (§ 11); biit there are 
several more or less fragmentary works, or parts of works, 
of jurists which have been transmitted in some cases 
directly and in their original form, in other cases indirectly 
and in an altered text. The more important of these are 
noticed below, and first, those emanating from the classical 
period : — 

(a) Gaii institutionum commentarii quattuor, discovered 
by Niebuhr, in 18 16, at Verona, in a palimpsest of about 
the fifth century. This work is by far the most complete 
and important of these sources. It was before this known 
only from an abridgment of it {epitome Gaii) contained in 
the Lex Romano, Visigothornm. The Institutes of Gaius 
were a model for the compilers of the Institutes of Jus- 
tinian. Large portions of Gaius were taken over bodily 

3 2 


into the later work, often with mere verbal alterations. 
Facts regarding the origin, personal history, and even the 
name of the author of this work, commonly called " Gaius," 
are unknown. The purpose of the book is not definitely 
known. It was possibly intended as an elementary text- 
book for the use of students beginning their studies in the 
law school. It was composed about 161 a.d., and it gives, 
in a simple and clear style, a systematic presentation of the 
law of that period. The first edition was prepared by 
Goschen, under commission from the Prussian Academy 
of Sciences in 1820. The most critical reproduction of the 
Ms. has been published by W. Studemund, with the title 
Gaii instittitionum commcntarii qitattnor. Codicis Veronen- 
sis denno collati apographiim, Leipzig, 1874. Corrections 
and additions, derived from subsequent examinations of the 
Ms., have been incorporated in the latest and most critical 
text edition, that of Kriiger and Studemund, 4th ed., 
Berlin, 1899 (Vol. I of the Collectio, see below, § 29). The 
Teubner text of Huschke is far less authoritative. An 
excellent English edition is that of E. Poste, Gaii Institu- 
tionum Iuris Civilis Commentarii Quattuor, with translation 
and commentary, Oxford, 3d ed., 1890. 

(b) Vlpiani liber singu/aris regularum, usually called 
the Fragments of Ulpian, discovered by Jean Dutillet in 
1540, in a Ms. of the tenth century, then in his own pos- 
session, now in the Vatican. About one third of the book 
is missing at the end. Its style is characterized by an 
admirable brevity, clearness, and precision in the treatment 
of the most fundamental doctrines of the private law. The 
fragment forms part of Vol. II of the Collectio, see below. 

(c) Pauli libri quinque sententiarwn ad filitim, usually 
called the Sententiae of Paulus. This work was contained 

ROMAN LAW — 3 33 


in the Lex Romana Visigothorum (see above, § 19, a) and, 
owing to its indirect transmission, is in a less genuine and 
uncontamjnated form than the Fragments of Ulpian. The 
omissions have been partly supplied by passages found in 
other extant sources, e.g. the Digest, the Collatio, and the 
Fragmenta Vaticana. The book contains a survey of the 
most important principles of the private law, briefly stated 
and intended for practical use. It forms part of Vol. II 
of the Collectio. 

(a) Several minor fragments, giving information on sin- 
gle subjects or c points, rather than any connected survey of 
the law, have been transmitted. The following are some of 
the more noteworthy : ( 1 ) Notae iuris, of the grammarian 
Valerius Probus (lived in the latter half of the first 
century), containing an explanation of abbreviations em- 
ployed in statutes, edicts, decrees of the senate, etc., e.g. 
V.D.P.R.L.P., that is, unde de filano recte legi possit (see 
note on latam, p. 46). The ai .oritative recension is that 
of Mommsen in Keil's Grammatici Latini, IV, pp. 265 f., 
given by Kriiger in Vol. II, pp. 141 f. of the Collectio. 
(2) Fragmentitm de here fisci, discovered by Niebuhr in 
Verona simultaneously with the Ms. of Gaius. Its author- 
ship is uncertain. The fragment is found in the Collectio, 
Vol. II, p. 162. (3) Fragmentitm Dositheanum de Manumis- 
sionibus, a part of a schoolbook of the year 207 a.d. The 
master, Dositheus, set before his Greek-speaking pupils, 
as an exercise in translation, a passage from some Ro- 
man jurist. The text is in the form of a retranslation 
from Greek back into Latin, with the crudities of school- 
boy exercises in translation. Found in the Collectio, Vol. 
II, p. 149. (4) Fragmcntum de formula Fabiana, a parch- 
ment fragment discovered in Egypt and first published 



in 1888. In it occurs the formula Fabiana, but the work, 
of which the fragment formed a part, and its authorship 
are unknown. Found in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 299. 
(5) Papiniani responsorum fragmenta, badly mutilated frag- 
ments of the fifth and ninth books of Papinian's Responsa, 
recovered from an Egyptian parchment in 1876. Found 
in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 285. 

23. Pre-Justinian Sources of the Post-classical Period. 
— Of these sources,- scfme proceeded from the Western, 
and some from the Eastern, Roman Empire. Of the 
former are : — 

(a) Fragmenta Vaticana, discovered by Cardinal Mai in 
1 82 1, in a palimpsest of the Vatican library, containing 
somewhat extensive remains of a large collection of ex- 
cerpts from juristic writings and imperial constitutions 
(see § 11 above). Found in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 1. 

{p) Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum, containing 
excerpts from Gaius, Pa^'^ian, Paulus, Ulpian, Modes- 
tinus, and constitutions from the Gregorian and Hermoge- 
nian codes. The purpose of the author in making this 
parallel comparison of the Roman and Mosaic law is vari- 
ously explained, but it was probably done merely to show 
the many points of identity in the two systems. Found in 
the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 107 (see § 11 above). 

(c) Consultatio, etc. (see § 1 1 above), a fragment of a 
collection of opinions on questions of law, dating from the 
end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century. 
The work probably originated in Gaul, where the single 
Ms. was discovered. Found in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, 
p. 199. From the Eastern Empire are: — 

(d) Scholia Sinaitica, papyrus fragments discovered on 
Mt. Sinai, containing scholia on Ulpian's Libri ad Sabi- 



num, written between 439 and 529. Found in the Col- 
lect™, Vol. Ill, p. 265. 

(e) Leges Constantini, Theodosii, et Leonis, or a collec- 
tion of Syrio-Roman law, found in Mss. in the Syrian, 
Arabic, and other Oriental languages, probably made from 
one Greek original, and dating from the years between 
472 and 529. As an exposition of Roman law it is of lit- 
tle value. The authoritative edition, with translation and 
commentary, is by Bruns and SaChau, with the title, Das 
Syrisch-Rbmische Rechtsbuch, Leipzig, 1880. 

24. Extant Remains of Pre- Justinian Constitutions. — 
The imperial constitutions, known either in their original 
phraseology, through independent transmission, or, in sub- 
ject-matter, through their preservation in other sources, 
are numbered by the thousands. These cannot be men- 
tioned here in detail. Some have been preserved by in- 
scriptions, others by their interpretation and elaboration in 
the writings of jurists and lay writers, still others in the 
remains of codes and collections. A collection of pre- 
Justinian constitutions is that of Hanel, Corpus Legum 
ab Imperatoribus Romanis ante lustinianum Latarum, 
Leipzig, 1857. Information regarding the Gregorian and, 
Hermogenian codes is derived from the use made of them 
by later works, e.g. Lex Romana Visigothorum, Collatio, 
Consultatio, etc. For these codes the best edition of the 
remains is that of Kriiger, Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 221. For 
the Theodosian Code, there is no good Ms., but frequent 
gaps have been filled from later works, which drew from 
that source. The best edition is that of Hanel, cited above. 
For the post-Theodosian Novellae the edition is, Hanel, 
Novellae Constitutiones Imperatorum, etc., Bonn, 1844 (a 
part of Hand's Corpus Legum mentioned above) Some 



of the more important edicts and rescripts preserved in 
inscriptions are given by Bruns, Pontes (see below, § 29). 

25. The Remains of the Leges Regiae and the Twelve 
Tables. — The fragments of the so-called leges regiae, to- 
gether with a citation of all the literary references to them, 
are given by Bruns, Fontes, pp. 1-15. Since the beginning 
of the sixteenth century, attempts have been made to ar- 
range the extant fragments of the Twelve Tables in their 
original order. The modern text was practically estab- 
lished by Dirksen, 1824. The work of Dirksen was im- 
proved by the more searching philological criticism of R. 
Scholl, 1867. A text of these fragments, based on the 
recensions of Dirksen and Scholl, together with the cita- 
tion of all the literary references to them, is given by 
Bruns, pp. 15-40. 

26. The Extant Remains of Popular Enactments, Edicts, 
and Decrees of the Senate. — Of the leges enacted subsequent 
to the Twelve Tables only a few have been transmitted inde- 
pendently and in their original form. Information regard- 
ing by far the greater part of the leges (including plebiscita) 
has been obtained entirely from the literature. Those 
transmitted in their original phraseology in inscriptions 
are given, in convenient form, by Bruns, pp. 45-160, 
accompanied by notes on the history of their recovery, 
their present place of preservation, and a citation of the 
literature bearing on their interpretation. Of the lists of 
leges made by modern scholars, those of Rudorff, Rbmische 
Rechtsgeschichte, I, § § 10-44, an <i Lange, Rbmische Alter- 
tiimer, II, 3, §§ 132-133, arrange the individual statutes 
according to their subject-matter; while those of Orelli- 
Baiter, Onomasticon Tullianum, III, pp. 117 f. (Vol. 8 
of Orelli's Cicero), and Rein, in Pauly's Real-Encyclopadie, 



IV, pp. 956 {., arrange them in alphabetical order. 
Information -regarding the contents of the edicts of the 
praetors is derived from the literature. Considerable 
knowledge of the Edictum Perfretuum, compiled by Salvius 
Julianus under Hadrian, is derived from the writings of the 
jurists excerpted in the Digest. Attempts to reconstruct 
this work began in the sixteenth century. The latest and 
best attempt is the brilliant work by Lenel, Das Edictum 
Perpetuum, Leipzig, 1883, given also by Bruns, pp. 202 ff. 
Information regarding the decrees of the senate is ob- 
tained chiefly from the literature. Some have also been 
transmitted independently in the inscriptions. These are 
given in convenient form by Bruns, pp. 160-202. 

27. Legal Documents of a Private Character. — Valuable 
sources, which contribute to the understanding of the law, 
are the documents and private instruments preserved and 
transmitted through wax tablets, papyri (in recent times, 
especially, coming to light in great numbers), and inscrip- 
tions. These documents give glimpses of the application 
of the law to concrete cases or preserve records of legal 
transactions, which illustrate the requirements of law in 
much detail in the various forms of contracts, in the exe- 
cution and opening of wills, in matters of procedure, and 
in the commonest legal relations of the everyday life of 
the people. These documents are well illustrated in the 
selections made by Bruns, pp. 270 ff. 

28. The Non-juristic Literature. — Among the sources of 
information for the study of Roman law must be taken into 
consideration almost the entire body of non-juristic litera- 
ture, including those Greek authors who treat of Roman 
history and institutions. In Latin, the works of Cicero 
are the most fruitful. Gellius furnishes much information 



in matters of public arid private law. In public law and 
constitutional matters, Livy and the other historians con- 
tribute most. The rhetoricians and grammarians furnish 
useful material. In certain subjects information is drawn 
from the agricultural writers, — Cato, Varro, Columella. 
Even the poets and the commentators on the poets, espe- 
cially Donatus on Terence, Servius on Vergil, and the scholia 
of Aero and Porphyrio on Horace furnish information on 
matters of detail. Plautus makes numerous references to 
matters of a legal character, using business and legal terms 
with great frequency. Owing, however, to the uncertain 
relation of his plays to their Greek originals, the plays of 
Plautus cannot be considered unreservedly as contributing 
to a knowledge of the early law of Rome. A valuable 
little book showing the references to legal matters in the 
works of the non-juristic Latin authors is Precis des Insti- 
tutions du Droit Prive" de Rome, by Gaston May and Henri 
Becker, Paris, 1892. A few of the many books of this 
character, devoted either to single authors or to classes of 
authors, are, for Plautus, E. Costa, // Diritto Privato 
Romano (in the comedies of Plautus), Turin, 1890; for 
Cicero, F. Keller, Semestrium ad M. Tullium Ciceronem 
libri tres, Zurich, 1842; Gasquy, Cice'ron Jurisconsulte, 
Paris, 1887; Roby, Roman Private Law, Vol. 2 (Appen- 
dix), Cambridge, 1902; for the poets, Henriot, Mceurs juri- 
diques et judiciaires de Vancienne Rome d'apres les poHes 
latins, Paris, 1865 ; Benech, Sur les classiqices latins (Hor- 
ace, Persius, Martial, Juvenal), Paris, 1853. 

29. Books of Selections from the Sources. — Besides the 
Corpus Iuris Civilis some of the books referred to above as 
giving extant sources in a convenient form are Mommsen, 
Kriiger and Studemund, Collectio librorum iuris anteiusti- 



niani, 3 vols., Berlin, 1 878-1 899; Huschke, Iurisprudentiae 
anteiustinianae quae supersunt, Leipzig, 1886. These two 
works contain the extant remains of the pre-Justinian 
literature. The former offers the more critical and authori- 
tative text, while the latter is more convenient, being in 
one volume. It has also useful indices and a valuable 
collection of parallel passages. Bruns, Fontes iuris Romani 
■antiqui, 6th ed., by Mommsen and Gradenwitz, Freiburg 
and Leipzig, 1893. This book gives the most important 
legal monuments which have been transmitted in inscrip- 
tions, and also a collection of documents illustrating private 
legal transactions. Lenel, Palingenesia uiris civilis, 2 
vols., Leipzig, 1888-1889, a restoration of the excerpts of 
the classical jurists to their original connection. The 
style of each individual writer is best seen from the use 
of this very valuable book. Corpus iuris anteiustiniani, 
etc., Bonn, 1842, a collection of pre-Justinian sources 
edited by a number of professors at Bonn. 



i. The following selection by Sextus Pomponius on the 
origin and development of Roman law, the history of the 
magistracies and the most important jurists of Rome from 
the earliest time to his own day,- is a fragment of a work 
by that author preserved in Justinian's Digest. Works on 
the history of the development of law apparently received 
but little attention from Roman juristic writers. The im- 
portance of this fragment lies in the fact that it furnishes 
the only historical account of Roman law transmitted to 
modern times, and that it was considered of sufficient im- 
portance by the compilers of Justinian's Digest to be 
placed as an opening chapter, introducing law students to 
the study of that work. 

2. Nothing is known of the personal history of Pom- 
ponius ; but the period in which he nourished is clearly 
established by the extant fragments of his works. He 
wrote under the reigns of Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and 
Marcus Aurelius. 

3. The Manual {liber singularis enchiridii), of which this 
selection formed a part, was written in the reign of Ha- 
drian ; the last jurist mentioned in its enumeration of law 
writers and teachers being the celebrated Salvius Julianus, 
who flourished under Hadrian and prepared, by that 
emperor's direction, the Edictum Perpetunm. 

4. Pomponius was the most voluminous juristic writer of 
the second century of the Empire. Although he was the 

4 1 


author of numerous works covering various departments 
of the law, he lacked originality and independence in 
scholarship. He was not a jurist of the first rank, but he 
was an industrious writer of commentaries and made much 
use of the literature of his predecessors. Of the few 
authors whose works were drawn upon extensively in the 
compilation of the Digest, Pomponius stands in the second 
group, ranked according to the amount of material 

5. Although Pomponius was not the most productive of 
Roman juristic writers, an enumeration of his works will 
give a fair idea of the fertility of a typical Roman lawyer : — 

(1) Libri ex Sabino, a commentary in 36 books, on the 
ins civile according to the arrangement of a similar work 
of the distinguished jurist, Massurius Sabinus. 

(2) Ad edictum libri, a commentary on the praetorian 
edict, containing at least 83 books (D. 38, 5, 1, 14. The 
subject-matter here indicates the probability of almost as 
many more). 

(3) Ad Q. Murium (Scaevolam) lectionum libri, a com- 
mentary in 39 books, according to the arrangement of 
Mucius in his treatise on the ins civile. 

(4) Ex Plautio libri, a commentary on the jurist Plau- 
tius in 7 books. 

(5) Epistularum libri, legal opinions in epistolary form 
in 20 books. 

(6) Variae lectiones, miscellaneous discussions of legal 
questions in 15 books (or possibly in 41 books). 

(7) De stipulationibus, a treatise on stipulations in at 
least 8 books. 

(8) 'De senatus consultis libri, a. commentary on the 
decrees of the senate in 5 books. 



(9) Digestorum ab Aristone libri, a commentary on the 
Digest of Aristo in at least 5 books. 

(10) Fideicommissorum libri, a work on testamentary 
trusts in 5 books. 

(11) Regularum liber singularis, a book of legal defini- 

(12) Liber singularis enchiridii, a small handbook in- 
tended for students, of which the following fragment is all 
that has been transmitted. 

6. The sources for this historical survey are unknown. 
Sanio has endeavored to show that Varro was Pomponius's 
chief authority. The evidence is, however, not conclusive 
— ( Varroniana in den ScJiriften der rom. Juristen, Leipzig, 

7. The results of the controversy regarding the histori- 
cal value of the fragment may be stated briefly : the 
contributions of Pomponius to matters contemporaneous or 
approaching his own day are of great worth ; those which 
concern the republican period and the earliest develop- 
ments of Roman legal science are, as a rule, to be held in 

8. The selection falls into three subdivisions : — 

(1) The origin and development of Roman law, §§ 1-12. 

(2) The magistrates and administration of law, §§ 13-34. 

(3) The most important jurists and their works, from 
the beginning of Roman jurisprudence down to the author's 
own day, §§ 35-53. 




Pompon, d. Necessarium itaque nobis videtur ipsius iuris 
i. 2, 2, pr. originem atque processum demonstrare. 

i. Et quidem initio civitatis nostrae populus sine lege 
certa, sine iure certo primum agere instituit omniaque 
5 manu a regibus gubernabantur. 

2. Postea aucta ad aliquem modum civitate ipsum 
Romulum traditur populum in triginta partes divisisse, 
quas partes curias appellavit propterea, quod tunc rei 

i. nobis : the name of the people were governed by local 

author and the title of the work customs rather than by law. 
from which the excerpt is made 5. manu : with discretionary 

stand at the beginning of each lex authority. The tradition repre- 

(or fragment) in the Digest, and sents the kings as ruling with 

hence the personal style frequently absolute authority, although the 

occurs. Cf. Introd. 15. institutions of the period were 

3. sine lege ... sine iure : with- those of self-government. In the 
out definite statute or customary monarchy, as in the republic, the 
law. For the meaning of lex and people were the ultimate source of 
ius in this place, see Introd. 1 political power. 

and 2, also notes on iustitia, p. 72 8. curias : not connected ety- 

and exnon, p. 73. mologically with cura. The true 

4. agere instituit: began to origin of the word is uncer- 
live, i.e. at this early period the tain. Other instances of false 




publicae curam per sententias partium earum expediebat. 
Et ita leges 'quasdam et ipse curiatas ad populum tulit, 
tulerunt et sequentes reges. Quae omnes conscriptae 
exstant in libro Sexti Papirii* qui fuit illis temporibus, 

5 quibus Superbus Demarati Corinthii Alius, ex principalibus 
viris. Is liber, ut diximus, appellator ius civile Papiri- 
anum, non quia Papirius de suo quicquam ibi adiecit, sed 
quod leges sine ordine latas in unum composuit. 

3. Exactis deinde regibus lege tribunicia omnes leges 

10 hae exoleverunt iterumque coepit populus Romanus incerto 
magis iure et consuetudine aliqua uti quam per latam 
legem, idque prope viginti annis passus est. 

etymologies found in legal writers 
are : mutuum, as if from meo tuum ; 
testamentum, from testatio mentis ; 
servus, from servare. Cf . also note 
on quasi, p. 106. 

2. leges . . . tulit : proposed 
measures for the enactment of the 
comitia curiata. It was a funda- 
mental principle of the constitu- 
tion that law-making required the 
cooperation of the people and the 
king or magistrate. The king, 
therefore, is not law-giver, but, 
having the sole right of initiative, 
he is in a position to control legis- 
lation. For the process of passing 
a lex, see note on latam legem 

6. ius . . . Papirianum : the refer- 
ence is to the so-called leges regiae, 
cf. Introd. 3. The statement of 
the text that the ius Papirianum 
was a collection of leges curiatae 
which lost their validity after the 

overthrow of the Tarquins, is not 
supported by any other author. 
The title of this work as " ius civile 
Papirianum " is also an invention 
of Pomponius, cf. Serv. Aen. 12, 
836, where the work is referred to 
as de ritu sacrorum, a title giving 
an indication of the real contents 
of the book. 

11. latam legem: the various 
steps in the process of enacting 
a statute (lex) were as follows : — 

(1) Legis latio, the preparation 
and presentation of a bill by a 
magistrate (legem ferre ad popu- 
lum). The proposer was called 
legis lator, auctor legis, or suasor 
legis. The bill must be published 
at least three market days (per tri- 
tium nundinum) before it could be 
submitted to an assembly for a vote. 

(2) Legis rogatio, the magis- 
trate's formal submission of the 
bill for acceptance or rejection by 




4. Postea ne diutius hoc fieret, placuit publica auctori- 
tate decern constitui viros, per quos peterentur leges a 
Graecis civitatibus et civitas fundaretur legibus, quas 
in tabulas eboreas perscriptas pro rostris composuerunt, 
5 ut possint leges apertius percipi, datumque est eis ius 
eo anno in civitate summum, uti leges et corrigerent, si 
opus esset, et interpretarentur neque provocatio ab eis 
sicut a reliquis magistratibus fieret. Qui ipsi animadverte- 

the vote of the assembly. The 
formula for the introduction of a 
rogatio was : Velitis, Iubeatis hoc, 
Quirites, Rogo. The people voted 
at once, by curiae, centuries, or 
tribes ; during the early Republic, 
viva voce ; after about 139 B.C., by 
ballot (tabelld). Affirmative bal- 
lots were inscribed VR {uti 
rogas) ; negative ballots, A {an- 

(3) Renuntiatio. The result 
of the ballot was announced at 
once, and if more than one half 
of the ballots were affirmative, the 
rogatio became a lex {lex perlata, 
perrogatd) . 

(4) Publicatio legis. After the 
enactment of a lex, it was pub- 
lished on whitewashed wooden 
tablets or copper plates {legem 
figere, unde de pla?w recte legi 
possit). The validity of the law 
was not, however, dependent on 
the fact of publication, since all 
citizens, in theory, had taken part 
in its enactment. 

4. eboreas: this is evidently a 
mistake of the copyist. Roboreas 

and aereas have been suggested. 
Ivory belongs rather to the luxury 
of the Empire. Laws were usu- 
ally published on stone, copper, 
or wooden tablets ; the Twelve 
Tables, according to the tradition, 
on copper. — pro rostris : used 
for the Forum. The term ros- 
tra was not in use until after 
the capture of the Latin fleet at 
Antium, 338 B.C. (Liv. 8, 14, 
12). For the Decemvirate and 
the Twelve Tables, see Liv. 
3, 31 f., and Dion. Bk. 10, also 
Introd. 4. 

5. ius summum: supreme au- 

7. provocatio ab eis, sc. De- 
cemviris: such magistrates, elected 
for a special purpose, the Romans 
called magistratus extraordinarii. 
By a lex Valeria (B.C. 509?) every 
sentence of a magistrate against 
the life of a Roman citizen might 
be appealed to the people. Undei* 
the monarchical and republican 
constitution of Rome, the par- 
doning power was an attribute of 
the people's sovereignty. 



runt aliquid deesse istis primis legibus ideoque sequenti 
anno alias duas ad easdem tabulas adiecerunt et ita ex 
accedenti appellatae sunt leges duodecim tabularum. 
Quarum ferendarum auctorenr fuisse decemviris Hermo- 

5 dorum quendam Ephesium exulantem in Italia quidam 

5. His legibus latis coepit (ut naturaliter evenire solet, 
ut interpretatio desideraret prudentium auctoritatem) ne- 
cessariam esse disputationem fori. Haec disputatio et hoc 

10 ius, quod sine scripto venit compositum a prudentibus, 
propria parte aliqua non appellatur, ut ceterae partes iuris 
suis nominibus designantur, datis propriis nominibus ceteris 
partibus, sed communi nomine appellatur ius civile. 

2. duas ad easdem tabulas 
adiecerunt: Cicero calls these 
two tables iniquae leges, because 
they 'forbade intermarriage be- 
tween patrician and plebeian,' 
probably therein simply confirm- 
ing the previous customary law. 
— ex accedenti : i.e. by addition 
of these two to the ten tables 
published in the previous year. 
The first ten tables were ratified 
by the comitia centuriata when 
proposed by the Decemviri. The 
remaining two were submitted to 
the comitia by the consuls, after 
the overthrow of the second De- 

4. auctorem : Hermodorus is 
■called by Pliny, JV. H. 34, 5, 21, 
interpres. He further says that 
a statue was erected to Hermo- 
dorus in the Forum at public ex- 

8. desideraret : required. — 
disputationem fori: the responsa 
delivered in writing to the court 
by the advocates led to contro- 
versy and discussion of principles. 
This was conducive to the devel- 
opment of a scientific law litera- 
ture. The professional duties of 
the American lawyer were regu- 
larly performed at Rome, partly 
by the iuris consulti, iuris pru- 
dentes, who were trained jurists, 
and partly by the advocati, ora- 
tores, who were professional plead- 
ers, but were not reckoned among 
the jurists ; cf. the English so- 
licitor and barrister. 

9. Haec disputatio . . . ap- 
pellatur ius civile: 'interpreta- 
tions of the law came- to have 
authority as unwritten law, and 
so were eventually recognized as 
a source of law (jurist-made law), 



6. Deinde ex his leglbus eodem tempore fere actiones 
compositae sunt, -quibus inter se homines disceptarent : 
quas actiones ne populus prout vellet institueret, certas 
sollemnesque esse voluerunt et appellatur haec pars iuris 

S legis actiones, id est legitimae actiones. Et ita eodem 
paene tempore tria haec iura nata sunt ; lege duodecim 
tabularum ex his fiuere coepit ius civile, ex isdem legis 
actiones compositae sunt. Omnium tamen harum et inter- 
pretandi scientia et actiones apud collegium pontificum 

10 erant, ex quibus constituebatur, quis quoquo anno praeesset 
privatis. Et fere populus annis prope centum hac consue- 
tudine usus est. 

7. Postea cum Appius Claudius proposuisset et ad 
formam redegisset has actiones, Gnaeus Flavius scriba eius 

but they did not receive a distinct 
name as did the praetorian law 
(ius honorarium, ius praetor iuni), 
the term ius civile being regarded 
as including the law growing out 
of scientific interpretation.' Like 
the praetorian edict, this iuris 
prudentia became a viva vox 
iuris civilis. Cf. Introd. 8. 

1. ex his legibus : there can 
be no doubt that long before the 
Twelve Tables, procedure and 
legal transactions were character- 
ized by definitely prescribed and 
formal words of style. Although- 
originally a natural growth, the 
legis actiones were developed by 
the pontiffs, who gave them a 
technical character, requiring at 
first their own professional inter- 
pretation. Of these actiones, as 
genera agendi, there were five. 

ROMAN LAW — 4 49 

See Sohm, Institutes of Roman 
Law (Eng. trans.), Oxf., 1892, 
p. 152. 

6. lege: the reading is doubt- 
ful. Mommsen proposes after 
nata sunt, lataque lege, abl. abs. 
The meaning is : so there arose 
almost at the same time these 
three parts of the law : the Twelve 
Tables ; from these flowed the ius 
civile ; and likewise from these 
were developed the legis actiones. 

13. Appius Claudius Caecus 
(censor 312) : he was not a pon- 
tiff himself, as his elogium shows 
(C. /. L., I, p. 287) ; but careful 1 
observation of the pontiffs' method 
of procedure in various cases en- 
abled him to prepare the work 
published by Flavius, This pub- 
lication of the calendar and the 
actiones, which had hitherto been 



libertini filius subreptum librum populo tradidit, et adeo 
gratum fuit id munus populo, ut tribunus plebis fieret et 
senator et aedilis curulis. Hie liber, qui actiones continet, 
appellatur ius civile Flavianum, sicjat ille ius civile Papiri- 

5 anum, nam nee Gnaeus Flavius de suo quicquam adiecit 
libro. Augescente civitate quia deerant quaedam genera 
agendi, non post multum temporis spatium Sextus Aelius 
alias actiones composuit et librum populo dedit, qui appel- 
latur ius Aelianum. 

io 8. Deinde cum esset in civitate .lex duodecim tabularum 
et ius civile, essent et legis actiones, evenit, ut plebs in dis- 
cordiam cum patribus perveniret et secederet sibique iura 
constitueret, quae iura plebiscita vocantur. Mox cum 

the secret of the patricians, oc- 
curred about 304 B.C., and practi- 
cally completed the work of making 
the two orders equal before the 
law. The Twelve Tables had 
published a large part of the law, 
but the legal remedies were still 
within the control and subject to 
the manipulation of the patrician 
pontiffs. This work of Flavius is 
the first literary effort in Roman 
jurisprudence. It is probable that, 
owing to the political character of 
Appius Claudius and his active" 
demagogism against the patri- 
cians, this book was not published 
against his will {subreptum) ; cf. 
Mommsen, Romische Forschungen, 
I, 301, or the same article in his 
Roman History, I, Appendix I 
(Eng. trans.) . — proposuisset : the 
connection shows that this word 
does not have its usual meaning of 

publish, exhibit in a public place, 
but draw up, collect, in the sense 
of composuisset . 

6. Augescente civitate : with 
the new legislation after the 
Twelve Tables, new actiones were 
required. The ius Flavianum 
dealt only with the law of the 
Tables. The work of Aelius in- 
dicated what old remedies were 
still in force, and made known 
the new ones required by more 
recent legislation. Ius Aelianum 
was published about 204 B.C. 

13. plebiscita : bills passed by 
the assembly of the plebeians, 
organized by tribes 'concilium 
plebis), when the rogatio (cf. 
Introd. 8) was submitted by the 
plebeian tribune; cf. definition, 
p. 75 of text. Concilium plebis 
(an assembly composed of ple- 
beians only) should not be con- 



revocata est plebs, quia multae discordiae nascebantur de 
his plebiscitis, pro legibus placuit et ea observare lege 
Hortensia, et ita factum est, ut inter plebiscita et legem 
species constituendi interesset, potestas autem eadem 

5 esset. 

9. Deinde quia difficile plebs convenire coepit, populus 
certe multo diffkilius in tanta turba hominum, necessitas 
ipsa curam rei publicae ad senatum deduxit, ita coepit 
senatus se interponere et quidquid constituisset observaba- 

io tur, idque ius appellabatur senatus consultum. 

10. Eodem tempore et magistratus iura reddebant et ut 
scirent cives, quod ius de quaque re quisque dicturus esset, 
seque praemunirent, edicta proponebant. Quae edicta 

fused with comitia tributa (an 
assembly of the entire populus 
according to tribal organization). 
By the lex Hortensia, 287 B.C. 
the laws passed by the concilium 
plebis were binding upon the 
whole populus. Before that Jaw, 
plebiscita were binding upon ple- 
beians only, unless, when they 
affected the whole state, they were 
ratified by the comitia centuriata 
(or possibly by the senate alone) . 
After the Hortensian law, the only 
difference between plebiscita and 
leges was in form and name ; 
their force was identical. Cicero 
was banished by a plebiscittcm 
and recalled by a lex. With true 
Roman precision in legal matters, 
enactments were often called lex 
plebeive scitum or lex sive id plebi 
scitum est. 

10. senatus consultum: a bill 
which passed the senate without 
eliciting the veto of a magistrate. 
See Introd. 6 and definition, p. 75 
of the text. The senate was in 
theory an advisory body of the 
king in the monarchy, and of the 
consuls in the republic. During 
the best days of the republic, the 
leges passed by the comitia re- 
quired the sanction of the patrician 
part of the senate (auctoritas pa- 
truni). In the late republican 
period, the senate issued decrees 
in cases of emergency, which seem 
to have had the force of law. In 
the early empire, the decrees of the 
senate supplanted the leges of the 
comitia. Under the regime where- 
by the power was divided between 
princeps and senate, SCC were 
counted among the sources of law. 

S 1 


praetorum ius honorarium constituerunt ; honorarium dici- 
tur, quod ab honore praetoris venerat. 

11. Novissime sicut ad pauciores iuris constituendi vias 
transisse ipsis rebus dictantibus videbatur per partes, 

5 evenit, ut necesse esset rei publicae per unum consuli (nam 
senatus non perinde omnes provincias probe gerere pote- 
rat); igitur constituto principe datum est ei ius, ut quod 
constituisset, ratum esset. 

12. Ita in civitate nostra aut iure, id est lege, constitui- 
10 tur, aut est proprium ius civile, quod sine scripto in sola 

prudentium interpretatione consistit, aut sunt legis actiones, 
quae formam agendi continent, aut plebiscitum, quod sine 
auctoritate patrum est constitutum, aut est magistratuum 
edictum, unde ius honorarium nascitur, aut senatus consul- 
15 turn, quod solum senatu constituente inducitur sine lege, 

1. ius honorarium : see Introd. 
5 and definition, p. 76 of the 

3. Novissime : ' finally, inas- 
much as it seemed that the devel- 
opment of the law had gradually 
passed under the control of fewer 
persons, circumstances themselves 
partially calling for it, it came 
about now that the necessity of 
caring for the welfare of the state 
devolved upon one man.' 

6. non perinde, sc. ac olim: 
not as formerly, cf. Tac. Germ. 5, 
4, haud perinde afficiuntur ; Suet. 
Aug. 80, non perinde valebat. 

7. ius : ' authority was con- 
ferred upon him (by the lex de 
imperio) so that whatever he or- 
dained was valid (as law).' 

9. iure, id est lege : ' our state 
is therefore governed by the old 
customary law as it stands in the 
Twelve Tables, or that peculiar ius 
civile, which is unwritten and rests 
upon the interpretation of the ju- 
rists.' Cf. note on Haec disputatio, 
p. 48, and definitions, p. 75 of the 

10. proprium ius civile : it was 
a peculiar feature of Roman legal 
development, that interpretation 
of the jurists and legal literature 
attained a place of such great im- 
portance and, without any consti- 
tutional recognition, were counted 
by the jurists among the sources 
of law. 

12. formam agendi: rules of 

5 2 


aut est principalis constitutio, id est ut quod ipse princeps 
constituit pro lege servetur. 

13. Post originem iuris et processum cognitum conse- 
quens est, ut de magistratuum nominibus et origine cognos- 

S camus, quia, ut exposuimus, per eos qui iuri dicundo praesunt 
effectus rei accipitur ; quantum est enim ius in civitate esse, 
nisi sint, qui iura regere possint ? Post hoc dein de aucto- 
rum successione dicemus, quod constare non potest ius, 
nisi sit aliquis iuris peritus, per quem possit cottidie in 

10 melius produci. 

14. Quod ad magistratus attinet, initio civitatis huius 
constat reges omnem potestatem habuisse. 

• 15. Isdem temporibus et tribunum celerum fuisse con- 
stat. Is autem erat qui equitibus praeerat et veluti secun- 
15 dum locum a regibus optinebat. In quo numero fuit 
Iunius Brutus, qui auctor fuit regis eiciendi. 

16. Exactis deinde regibus consules constituti sunt duo, 
penes quos summum ius uti esset, lege rogatum est. Dicti 

6. effectus rei : ' the operation writers' authority in our own sys- 
ofthe law is perceived.' — quantum tern of law and the weight of a 
est ius esse: 'of what value is it judicial decision.) Our nearest 
that there is law in a state, unless.' parallel to the responsa pruden- 

7. auctorum, sc. iuris : ju- Hum and the text-book law of the 
rists, cf. Introd. 8. Romans is the series of Reported 

9. iuris peritus, per quem pos- Cases. 
sit in melius produci : the Roman ' 13- tribunum celerum : tradi- 

jurists were designated by the tion assigned as deputies of the 

terms iuris periti, iuris prudentes, king and subject to his appoint- 

iuris consulti, iuris auctores, and ment three or nine tribuni militum 

iuris conditores without distinction (Varro, L. L. 5, 81 ; Serv. Aen. 5, 

of meaning. It is a peculiarity of 560) ; nine tribuni celerum ; a 

the Romans that they set a very praefectus urbi (Tac. Ann. 6, 11 ; 

high value on the authority of Liv. 1, 59; Dion. 2, 12). 

jurists and their writings. (Cf. 18. lege rogatum: declared by 

the comparative absence of text- a law, i.e. the lex curiata de im- 



sunt ab eo, quod plurimum rei publicae consulerent. Qui 
tamen ne per omnia regiam potestatem sibi vindicarent, 
lege lata factum est, ut ab eis provocatio esset neve possent 
in caput civis Romani animadvertere iniussu populi. Solum 

5 relictum est illis, ut coercere possent et in vincula publica 
duci iuberent. 

17. Post deinde cum census iam maiori tempore agendus 
esset et consules non sufficerent huic quoque officio, cen- 
sores constituti sunt. 

10 18. Populo deinde aucto cum crebra orerentur bella et 
quaedam acriora a finitimis inferrentur, interdum re exi- 
gente placuit maloris potestatis magistratum constitui, 
itaque dictatores proditi sunt, a quibus nee provocandi ius 
fuit et quibus etiam capitis animadversio data est. Hunc 

15 magistratum, quoniam summam potestatem habebat, non 
erat fas ultra sextum mensem retineri. 

perio. Cf. note on latam legem, in certain criminal matters, e.g. 

p. 46 ; Cic. de Leg. Agr. 2, 10, 26 ; they condemned women, aliens, 

ad Fain. 1, 9, 25 ; de Rep. 2, 13, and slaves, and caused the sen- 

25. — ab eo = ob earn rem. The tence to be carried into execution, 

idea of colleagueship (con-salio, They retained civil jurisdiction, 

consules, partners') as a check on until the office of Praetor Urbanus 

the abuse of imperium, probably was established, 
accounts for the origin of the name. 8. censores constituti sunt : 

3. ab eis provocatio: the im- the censorship was established 

perium gave the consuls absolute about 443 B.C. It was originally 
authority in military jurisdiction. • the duty of the censor to determine 

This power was restricted by the the military strength of the state 

lex Valeria (about B.C. 509), so at certain intervals. All citizens 

that in capital cases within the city were registered in their proper 

walls an appeal lay from them to class, according to their wealth, 

the people ; hence the distinction and on the basis of this census 

between imperium domi and im- military duties and taxes were 

perium militiae, and fasces with imposed. 

and without secures. The consuls 15. non erat fas ultra sextum 

retained an exceptional authority mensem retineri : fas = ius, as 



19. Et his dictatoribus magistri equitum iniungebantur 
sic, quo modo regibus tribuni celerum. Quod officium fere 
tale erat, quale hodie praefectorum praetorio, magistratus 
tamen habebantur legitimi. 
5 20. Isdem temporibus cum plebs a patribus secessisset 
anno fere septimo decimo post reges exactos, tribunos sibi 
in monte sacro creavit, qui essent plebeii magistratus. 
Dicti tribuni, quod olim in tres partes populus divisus erat 
et ex singulis singuli creabantur, vel quia tribuum suffragio 
10 creabantur. 

21. Itemque ut essent qui aedibus praeessent, in quibus 
omnia _scita sua plebs deferebat, duos ex plebe constitu- 
erunt, qui etiam aediles appellati sunt. 

often. A longer term of office 
suggested the possibility of a re- 
turn to monarchy. The dictator's 
imfierium was originally unre- 
stricted domi as well as militiae. 
He administered martial law within 
the city and had full military, but 
not civil, jurisdiction. The prae- 
tors continued to sit in their courts, 
the consuls were continued in 
command of their armies as 
minor colleagues of the dictator, 
and other magistrates continued 
in office. 

7. plebeii magistratus : for 
the origin of the tribunate of the 
plebs see the sources, Liv. 2, 33 ; 
Dion. 6, 89 ; Isidor. Orig. 9, 3, 
29; Lydus, de Magistr. 1, 38, 44. 
The tribuni filebis were at first 
two, then four, and afterwards ten 
in number. They had the right 
of intercession, within the pome- 

rium, against every expression of 
magisterial authority, limited only 
by the veto of their colleagues and 
the provocatio to the comitia cen- 
luriata in capital cases. After 
the lex Hortensia, the tribunes 
could initiate legislation (plebis- 
cite:,) and could eventually sum- 
mon the senate. 

13. aediles appellati sunt : the 
origin of this name is uncertain. 
The derivation of the word is as- 
signed by Pomponius to the aediles' 
duty of keeping the archives in 
their custody in the temple of 
Ceres, by Varro to their oversight 
of the repair of temples, 'aedilis, 
qui aedes sacras et privatas pro- 
curaret,' L. L. 5, 81 (see Momm- 
sen, Staatsrecht, 2, p. 479). Their 
original title and function were 
possibly something still different 
(Dion. 6, 90). 



22. Deinde cum aerarium populi auctius esse coepisset, 
ut essent qui illi praeessent, constituti sunt quaestores, qui 
pecuniae praeessent, dicti ab eo quod inquirendae et con- 
servandae pecuniae causa creati erant. 
5 23. Et quia, ut diximus, de capite civis Romani iniussu 
populi non erat lege permissum consulibus ius dicere, prop- 
terea quaestores constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus 
rebus praeessent; hi appellabantur quaestores parricidii, 
quorum etiam meminit lex duodecim tabularum. 

10 24. Et cum placuisset leges quoque fer.ri, latum est ad 
populum, uti omnes magistratu se abdicarent, quo decem- 
viri constituti anno uno cum magistratum prorogarent sibi 
et cum iniuriose tractarent neque vellent deinceps sufficere 
magistratibus, ut ipsi et factio sua perpetuo rem publicam 

15 occupatam retineret, nimia atque aspera dominatione eo 
rem perduxerant, ut exercitus a re publica secederet. Ini- 
tium fuisse secessionis dicitur Verginius quidam, qui cum 
animadvertisset Appium Claudium contra ius, quod ipse ex 

3. inquirendae et conservandae 12. prorogarent. . . neque vel- 

pecuniae causa : cf. Varro, L. L. lent sufficere magistratibus : ' held 

5, 81, 'quaestores a quaerendo, qui over for one year . . . and were 

conquirerent publicas pecunias et unwilling to give way to the regular 

maleficia.' The functions of the magistrates.' 

quaestores aerarii and parricidii, 18. contra ius, quod ipse in duo- 

usually'identified,are here regarded decim tabulas transtulerat : cf. Liv. 

as distinct. 3, 44, advocati ( Verginiae) postu- 

11. quo decemviri, supply crea- lant,ut (App. Claudius) lege ab 

rentur legum scribendarmn causa, ipso lata vindicias det secundum 

Itaque decemviri constituti: as libertatem. Vindicias ab aliquo 

something has evidently dropped abdicere means to refuse one pos- 

out (Mommsen). Quo without session, vindicias dicere secundum 

the comparative, A. & G. 317, b, aliquem, to grant one possession 

n. 2 ; B. 282, a. Anno uno, abl. of the disputed person or thing, 

degree of difference. during the adjudication of the 



vetere iure in duodecim tabulas transtulerat, vindicias filiae 
suae a se abdixisse et secundum eum, qui in servitutem ab 
eo suppositus petierat, dixisse captumque amore virginis 
omne fas ac nefas miscuisse, indignatus, quod vetus- 
5 tissima iuris observantia in persona filiae suae defecisset 
(utpote cum Brutus, qui primus Romae consul fuit, vindi- 
cias secundum libertatem dixisset in persona Vindicis Vitel- 
liorum servi, qui proditionis coniurationem indicio suo 
detexerat) et castitatem filiae vitae quoque eius praefer- 

10 endam putaret, arrepto cultro de taberna lanionis filiam in- 
terfecit in hoc scilicet, ut morte virginis contumeliam stupri 
arceret, ac protinus recens a caede madenteque adhuc filiae 
cruore ad commilitones confugit. Qui universi de Algido, 
ubi tunc belli gerendi causa legiones erant, relictis ducibus 

15 pristinis signa in Aventinum transtulerunt, omnisque plebs 

urbana mox eodem se contulit, populique consensu partim in 

carcere necati. Ita rursus res publica suum statum recepit. 

25. Deinde cum post aliquot annos duodecim tabulae 

latae sunt et plebs contenderet cum patribus et vellet ex 

issue. The legal wrong here arose n. qui {i.e. Icilius) in servi- 

from a direct violation of a pro- tutem ab eo {i.e. App. Claudius) 

■vision of the Twelve Tables, suppositus petierat : had claimed 

namely, that in case of disputed her as a slave. 

freedom {liberalis causa) the pre- 4. indignatus, sc. Verginius. 

sumption should be in favor of — vetustissima iuris observantia, 

liberty {seaindum libertatem). i.e. vindicias dicere secundum 

Verginius was, therefore, deprived libertatem. 

unlawfully of the possession of his 10. putaret, read putans 

daughter, over whom, as his filia- (Mommsen). 

familias, he had a real right, un- 16. partim in carcere necati : 

til Appius proved his right of after partim supply in exilium 

proprietorship {dominica potestas) acti decemviri, partim, etc. 

and the claim had been judicially 18. Deinde cum post aliquot : 

determined. read annos, quam duodecim tabu- 




suo quoque corpore consules creare et patres recusarent, 
factum est, ut tribuni militum crearentur partim ex plebe, 
partim ex patribus consulari potestate. Hique constituti 
sunt vario numero, interdum enim viginti fuerunt, interdum 

S plures, nonnumquam pauciores. 

26. Deinde cum placuisset creari etiam ex plebe con- 
sules, coeperunt ex utroque corpore constitui. Tunc, ut 
aliquo pluris patres haberent, placuit duos ex numero 
patrum constitui ; ita f acti sunt aediles curules. 

10 27. Cumque consules avocarentur bellis finitimis neque 
esset qui in civitate ius reddere posset, factum est, ut prae- 
tor quoque crearetur, qui urbanus appellatus est, quod in 
urbe ius redderet. 

lae latae sunt, filebs contenderet, 
etc., according to the suggestion 
of Mommsen. 

2. tribuni militum consulari 
potestate : in 445 B.C. the plebe- 
ians demanded that the consulate 
be opened to their order. The 
patricians declined to give their 
assent, but yielded to a com- 
promise, by which the people 
should determine each ' year 
whether they preferred consuls or 
military tribunes with consular 
power. This was a makeshift for 
opening the highest magistracy to 
the plebeians, without altering the 
framework of the constitution or 
suffering from further revolution. 
The tribunes consulari potestate 
were always more than two in 
number, never more than six (not 
twenty as the text says), and the 
office passed away with the admis- 

sion of the plebeians to the con- 
sulship (367 B.C.). 

7. ut aliquo pluris (sc. hiris, 
'power') patres haberent, placuit 
duos (sc. magistrates) ex numero 
patrum constitui, sc. qui ludos 
curarent, or something of the kind, 
which possibly has fallen out. 
The office of curule aedile, whose 
original duties are uncertain, was 
created in 366 B.C. as an offset to 
the plebeian aedileship. The 
duties of these officers, at first dis- 
tinct, became practically assimi- 
lated. There were two of each 

1 1 . praetor crearetur : the name 
was originally applied to the con- 
suls (firae-itores, leaders, com- 
manders) . As only a single praetor 
was appointed, the constitutional 
principle of colleagueship in all 
magistracies was not observed. 



28. Post aliquot deinde annos non sufficiente eo praetore, 
quod multa turba etiam peregrinorum in civitatem veniret, 
creatus est et alius praetor, qui peregrinus appellatus est 
ab eo, quod plerumque inter peregrinos ius dicebat. 

29. Deinde cum esset necessarius magistratus qui 
hastae praeessent, decemviri in litibus .iudicandis sunt 

30. Constituti sunt eodem tempore et quattuorviri qui 
curam viarum agerent, et triumviri monetales aeris argenti 

Theoretically, however, the prae- 
tor was regarded as a third consul, 
added to that college to relieve 
the consuls, who were busy in the 
field, of their judicial duties. The 
praetor continued to be the sole 
civil magistrate in Rome until the 
appointment of the praetor pere- 
grinus, a century and a quarter 
later. The original praetor was 
called praetor urbanus, i.e. praetor 
qui inter cives ius dicit ; in distinc- 
tion from him, the new praetor 
came to be known at a later time as 
praetor peregrinus, an abbreviated 
title for the praetor qui inter pere- 
grinos ius dicit or qui inter cives 
et peregrinos ius dicit. 

1. Post aliquot annos: ali- 
quot, meaning usually 'a few,' 
covers here an interval of one hun- 
dred and twenty-five years. The 
necessity for the creation of this 
new office arose from the changed 
conditions resulting from the first 
Punic war. The date of its es- 
tablishment is uncertain, assigned 
by Liv. to 242 B.C., by Lydus to 

244, and placed by modern author- 
ities at 242 or 247. The full title 
as shown by the inscriptions is 
as given above (note on praetor, 
p. 58), cf. also Introd. 5. 

5. qui hastae praeessent: 'to 
have jurisdiction in cases involv- 
ing real rights ' {e.g. liberty, prop- 
erty), cf. Gai. 4, 16, festuca ante 1 11 
utebantur quasi hastae loco, signo 
quodam iusti dominii, quod ma- 
xime sua esse credebant quae ex 
hostibus cepissent; unde in cen- 
tumviralibus iudiciis hasta prae- 
ponitur (cf. in English law the 
delivery of a staff as symbol of 
power and possession in certain 
conveyances, Blackstone, Com- 
mentaries, II, Chap. 20). The 
decemviri (sf) litibus iudicandis 
were first mentioned in the Valerio- 
Horatian laws, 449 B.C. Owing 
to the restrictions placed on the 
plebeians, contests over personal 
liberty became prominent and re- 
quired a special tribunal (cf. case 
of Verginia, note on contra ius, 
p. 56). 


selected Texts from the Roman law 


auri flatores, et triumviri capitales qui carceris custodiam 
haberent, ut cum animadverti oporteret interventu eorum 

31. Et quia magistratibus vespertinis temporibus in pub- 
5 licum esse inconveniens erat, quinqueviri constituti sunt cis 

Tiberim et ultis Tiberim, qui possint pro magistratibus 

32. Capta deinde Sardinia, mox Sicilia, item Hispania, 
deinde Narbonensi provincia totidem praetores, quot pro- 

io vinciae in dicionem venerant, creati sunt, partim qui urbanis 
rebus, partim qui provincialibus praeessent. Deinde Cor- 
nelius Sulla quaestiones publicas constituit, veluti de falso, 
de parricidio, de sicariis, et praetores quattuor adiecit. 
Deinde Gaius Iulius Caesar duos praetores et duos aediles 

15 qui frumento praeessent et a Cerere cereales constituit. 

1. triumviri capitales: these 
were introduced about 289 B.C., 
and they exercised criminal au- 
thority over aliens and, especially, 
slaves, at first as assistants of the 
consuls. They put the death sen- 
tence into execution, acted as de- 
tectives in criminal investigations, 
exercised police duties, etc., com- 
bined with a supervision of the 
night watch. 

5. quinqueviri constituti sunt 
cis Tiberim : originally, at Rome, 
the duty of providing for the public 
safety and policing the city was a 
part of the consular imperium. In 
their absence, the consuls were at 
first represented by the praefecti 
urbi, afterward by the praetor 
urbanus. The quinqueviri Cisti- 

beres had similar duties, though 
their exact functions cannot now 
be determined (cf. Mommsen, 
Staatsrecht, 2, 611 ; Hirschfeld, 
Hermes, 24, 106). — cis Tiberim 
et ultis Tiberim : very rare for 
citra . . . ultra ; ultis is not found 
in Harper's Lat. Diet. (cf. cis . . . 
uls, Varr. L. L. 5, 83). 

15. et (sc. dicerentur) a Cerere 
cereales : the number was still six 
in the time of Vespasian (Suet. 
Vesp. 2), i.e. two each of the ple- 
beian, curule (patrician), and the 
cereales (instituted by Caesar). 
Some of the chief duties of the 
aediles were : the care of the build- 
ings and public sites of the city 
(cura urbis) ; the care of the 
markets {cura annonae) ; the es- 



Ita duodecim praetores, sex aediles sunt creati. Divus 
deinde Augustus sedecim praetores constituit. Post de- 
inde divus Claudius duos praetores adiecit qui de fidei- 
commisso ius dicerent, ex quibus unum divus Titus 
5 detraxit et adiecit divus Nerva qui inter fiscum et pri- 
vates ius diceret. Ita decern et octo praetores in civitate 
ius dicunt. 

33. Et haec omnia, quotiens in re publica sunt magis- 
tratus, observantur; quotiens autem proficiscuntur, unus 

10 relinquitur, qui ius dicat ; is vocatur praefectus urbi. Qui 
praefectus olim constituebatur, postea fere Latinarum feri- 
arum causa introductus est et quotannis observatur. Nam 
praefectus annonae et vigilum non sunt magistratus, sed 
extra ordinem utilitatis causa constituti sunt. Et tamen hi, 

15 quos Cistiberes diximus, postea aediles senatus consulto 

34. Ergo ex his omnibus decern tribuni plebis, consules 

tablishment of regular games {cur a ius diceret : the imperial exchequer 

ludoruni). Their influence on (fiscus) and_the senatorial aera- 

the law was exerted through their Hum were corporations, i.e. arti- 

criminal and civil jurisdiction and ficial persons. Issues involving 

the edicts which they issued in the claims between private persons 

administration of their office (cf. and the public treasury were tried 

Introd. 5, edictujn aediliciuni) . by the praetor fiscalis. 

3. qui de fideicommisso ius 8. in re publica : used here 

dicerent : a fideicommissum is an by metonymy (like civitas occa- 

informal legacy whose terms were sionally) for in urbe. 
to be carried out by the heir in good 10. Qui praefectus olim consti- 

faith (fidei-committere) according tuebatur : instead of praefectus, 

to the request of the testator. The profectis iis is suggested, i.e. ' for 

praetor fideicommissarius was each occasion of the magistrates' 

charged with the settlement of departure from the city.' 
questions growing out of these 15- postea (sc. per) aediles, 

testamentary trusts. should probably be read (Momm- 

5. qui inter fiscum et privatos sen). 



duo, decern et octo praetores, sex aediles in civitate iura 

35. Iuris civilis scientiam plurimi et maximi viri professi 
sunt ; sed qui eorum maximae dignaffonis apud populum 

5 Romanum fuerunt, eorum in praesentia mentio habenda 
est, ut appareat, a quibus et qualibus haec iura orta et 
tradita sunt. Et quidem ex omnibus, qui scientiam nancti 
sunt, ante Tiberium Coruncanium publice professum nemi- 
nem traditur. Ceteri autem ad hunc vel in latenti ius civile 

10 retinere cogitabant solumque consultatoribus vacare potius 
quam discere volentibus se praestabant. 

36. Fuit autem in primis peritus Publius Papirius, qui 
leges regias in unum contulit. Ab hoc Appius Claudius 
unus ex decemviris, cuius maximum consilium in duodecim 

15 tabulis scribendis f uit. Post hunc Appius Claudius eiusdem 
generis maximam scientiam habuit; hie Centemmanus ap- 
pellatus est, Appiam viam stravit et aquam Claudiam induxit 
et de Pyrrho in urbe non recipiendo sententiam tulit. Hunc 

3. Iuris civilis scientiam pro- them, rather than to those wishing 
fessi sunt : with this section, Pom- to study law.' 
ponius begins the enumeration of 10. solumque consultatoribus 
some of the most famous jurists, vacare. Instead of solumque read : 
with mention of their most impor- vel solebant consultatoribus, etc. 
tant works. Iuris scientiam pro- 12. Publius Papirius, qui leges 
fiteri means to practice and also regias contulit : in the second see- 
to give instruction in law. For tion, Papirius is called Sextus. 
Ti. Coruncanius and the begin- For leges regiae see Introd. 3 and 
ning of a legal profession at Rome, note on ius Papirianum, p. 46. 
see Introd. 8. 15. Post hunc App. Claudius: 

9. Ceteri autem ad hunc, etc., from App. Claudius, the Decemvir, 

translate : ' all others acquainted Pomponius springs over a period 

with law up to his time either of about 150 years to the Decem- 

intended to keep the ius civile vir's great-grandson, App. Clau- 

unknown or else were usually ac- dius Caecus (censor 3 12); cf. sec. 

cessible only to those consulting 7 of the text and note on App. 



etiam actiones scripsisse traditum est primum de usurpa- 
tionibus, qui liber non exstat. Idem Appius Claudius, qui 
videtur ab hoc processisse, R litteram invenit, ut pro Valesiis 
Valerii essent et pro Fusiis Furii. 

5 37- Fuit post eos maximae scientiae Sempronius, quem 
populus Romanus ao<j>bv appellavit, nee quisquam ante 
hunc aut post hunc hoc nomine cognominatus est. Gaius 
Scipio Nasica, qui optimus a senatu appellatus est, cui 
etiam publice domus in sacra via data est, quo f acilius con- 

io suli posset. Deinde Quintus Mucius, qui ad Carthaginienses 
missus legatus, cum essent duae tesserae positae una pacis 
altera belli, arbitrio sibi dato, utram vellet referret Romam, 
utratnque sustulit et ait Carthaginienses petere debere, 
utram mallent accipere. 

15 38. Post hos fuit Tiberius Coruncanius, ut dixi, qui 
primus profited coepit, cuius tamen scriptum nullum exstat, 
sed responsa complura et memorabilia eius fuerunt. Deinde 
Sextus Aelius et frater eius Publius Aelius et Publius Ati- 
lius maximam scientiam in profitendo habuerunt, ut duo 

20 Aelii etiam consules fuerint, Atilius autem primus a populo 
Sapiens appellatus est. Sextum Aelium etiam Ennius lau- 
davit et exstat illius liber qui inscribitur ' tripertita,' qui 
liber velutfcunabula iuris continet. Tripertita autem dici- 

Claudius, p. 49, supra. In this 7- Gaius Scipio Nasica: ap- 

* section, patricians are mentioned parently a confusion with Publius 

in violation of chronological order. Nasica Optimus, consul 191 B.C. 

1. actiones {scripsisse) is evi- 10. Quintus Mucius: probably 

dently a gloss from section 7. intended for Q. Maximus, cf. Liv. 

5. Sempronius: i.e. Publius 21, 18, where a similar incident is 

Sempronius Sophus, consul 304 related (Florus, 2, 6, 7; Gell. 10, 

B.C. The cognomen Sophus oc- 27). 

curs several times in the fasti con- 22. liber qui inscribitur triper- 

sulares. tita : so called because it was com- 




tur, quoniam lege duodecim tabularum praeposita iungitur 
interpretatio, deinde subtexitur legis actio. Eiusdem esse 
tres alii libri referuntur, quos tamen quidam negant eiusdem 
esse; hos sectatus ad aliquid est Cato. Deinde Marcus 

5 Cato princeps Porciae familiae, cuius et libri exstant, sed 
plurimi filii eius, ex quibus ceteri oriuntur. 

39. Post hos fuerunt Publius Mucius et Brutus et Mani- 
lius, qui fundaverunt ius civile. Ex his Publius Mucius 
etiam decern libellos reliquit, Brutus septem, Manilius tres 

10 et exstant volumina scripta Manilii monumenta. Illi duo 
consulares fuerunt, Brutus praetorius, Publius autem Mucius 
etiam pontifex maximus. 

posed of three parts : lex tabularum 
duodecim ; interpretatio (of the 
Tables) ; and legis actiones. The 
ius Flavianujn probably formed 
the third part of this work, cf. 
notes on Appius, p. 49 and Auge- 
scente, p. 50. 

4. ad aliquid Cato. Deinde 
Marcus Cato: it is suggested by 
Schbll, XII. Tab. p. 24, that the 
first Cato is a gloss, ad aliquid, 
adverbial, after some time. 

6. ex quibus ceteri oriuntur : 
read ordiuntur (' nam auctores 
posteriores citant passim Cato- 
nem neque vero auctorem ullum 
eo antiquiorem, nisi quod semel 
laudat Sex. Aelium Celsus,' ex- 
plains, Mommsen). The legal 
works of Cato Censor are unknown, 
but his de Re Ruslica contains im- 
portant information on the law of 
contracts. His son is the author 
of the celebrated regula Catoniana 
(D-34,7, 0- 

7. Post hos fuerunt: Pompo- 
nius omits the name of C. Livius 
Drusus, belonging here (consul 
144 B.C.), the author of several 
works and a jurist whose advice 
was much sought, of whom Val. 
Max. 8, 7, 4, says : ius civile pop- 
ulo benignissime interpretatus est 
utilissimaque discere id cupientibus 
monumenta composuit. Cf. also 
Cic. Tusc. 5, 38, 112; Brut. 28, 
109. Of the three jurists men- 
tioned in this sectiafc, the oldest 
was M'. Manilius (consul 149 B.C.), 
one of the speakers in Cic* de 
Rep. and the author of seven books 
(not three). M. Junius Brutus 
whom Cic. Brut. 34, 130, calls vi- 
rum optimum et iuris peritissimum, 
was the author of three books, de 
iure civili, in the form of dialogue 
with his son, in imitation of Greek 
philosophical writings. P. Mucius 
(Scaevola) was consul 133 B.C. 
Pomponius does not mention Mu- 



40. Ab his profecti sunt Publius Rutilius Rufus, qui 
Romae consul et Asiae proconsul fuit, Paulus Verginius 
et Quintus Tubero, ille stoicus Pansae auditor, qui et ipse 
consul. Etiam Sextus Pompeius Gnaei Pompeii patruus 

5 fuit eodem tempore et Coelius Antipater, qui historias 
conscripsit, sed plus eloquentiae quam scientiae iuris op- 
eram dedit, etiam Lucius Crassus frater Publii Mucii, qui 
Munianus dictus est; hunc Cicero ait iuris consultorum 

10 41. Post hos Quintus Mucius Publii filius pontif ex maxi- 
mus ius- civile primus constituit generatim in libros decern 
et octo redigendo. 

42. Mucii auditores fuerunt complures, sed praecipuae 
auctoritatis Aquilius Gallus, Balbus Lucilius, Sextus Papi- 

cius' cousin, Q. Mucius Scaevola, 
consul 117 B.C., commonly called 
Augur, whose consultatio Cicero at- 
tended as hearer in B.C. 89, shortly 
before Scaevola's death, Cic. Lael. 
1, 1 ; de Leg. 1, 4, 13. The Augur 
should not be confused with the far 
more distinguished jurist, Q. Mu- 
cius Scaevola, Pontifex Maximus, 
consul 95 B.C., mentioned below. 

1. Ab his profecti sunt: i.e. 
'their disciples.' For this mean- 
ing of proficisci, cf. Cic. de Div. 1, 
3> 5 ; r > 3S> 61 • Publius Rutilius 
Rufus, consul 105 B.C., was distin- 
guished as general, statesman, 
orator, historian, and legal adviser 
(Cic. Brut. 30, 113, magnum m*- 
nus de iure respondendi sustinuif) . 
He was not proconsul in Asia, but 
served there as legatus to Q. 
Mucius Scaevola. 

ROMAN LAW — 5 65 

3. ille stoicus Pansae auditor: 
z'.e.hewas pupil of the Stoic philoso- 
pher Panaetius, who came to Rome 
about i56'B.c.,and was a member 
of the Scipionic circle. From that 
time, Stoic philosophy exercised 
considerable influence on the de- 
velopment of legal doctrine. 

7. Lucius (Licinius) Crassus 
Mucianus (not Munianus) : a 
confusion of the great orator 
L. Licinius Crassus (consul B.C. 
95), speaker in Cic. de Or., with 
P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus 
(consul 131 B.C.), whom Cicero 
mentions as jurist also, e.g. de Or. 

i,37; 1, 5°- 

10. Q. Mucius (Scaevola) pon- 
tifex maximus: he was the first 
writer to give the ius civile scien- 
tific, systematic treatment. He is 
the earliest writer from whose 


rius, Gaius Iuventius, ex quibus Galium maximae auctori- 
tatis apud populum fuisse Servius dicit. Omnes tamen 
hi a Servio Sulpicio nominantur; alioquin per se eorum 
scripta non talia exstant, ut ea omnes appetant. Denique 
5 nee versantur omnino scripta eorum inter manus homi- 
num, sed Servius libros suos complevit, pro cuius scriptura 
ipsorum quoque memoria habetur. 

43. Servius autem Sulpicius cum in causis orandis pri- 
mum locum aut pro certo post Marcum Tullium obtineret, 

10 traditur ad consulendum Quintum Mucium de re amici sui 
pervenisse cumque eum sibi respondisse de iure .Servius 
parum intellexisset, iterum Quintum interrogasse et a 
Quinto Mucio responsum esse nee tamen percepisse, et 
ita obiurgatum esse a Quinto Mucio ; namque eum dixisse 

15 turpe esse patricio et nobili et causas oranti ius in quo ver- 
saretur ignorare. Ea velut contumelia Servius tactus 
operam dedit iuri civili et plurimum eos, de quibus locuti 
sumus, audiit, institutus a Balbo Lucilio, instructus autem 
maxime a Gallo Aquilio, qui fuit Cercinae; itaque libri 

20 complures eius exstant Cercinae confecti. . Hie cum in 
legatione perisset, statuam ei populus Romanus pro ros- 
tris posuit, et hodieque exstat pro rostris Augusti. Huius 
volumina complura exstant: reliquit autem prope centum 
et octaginta libros. 

works excerpts are preserved in the obtineret : inasmuch as Q. Mucius 

Digest; see Introd. 15. was murdered in 82 B.C. and Cicero 

6. sed Servius libros suos com- made his first appearance as an 

plevit, pro cuius scriptura : 'but orator in 81, it is impossible that 

Servius made use of them in his S>ilpicius should have held the 

own books, by virtue of whose writ- first place as an orator 'after Cic- 

ingstheirmemoryis still preserved.' ero,' during the lifetime of Q. Mu- 

8. cum in causis orandis cius. The incident recounted here 

primum locum post M. Tullium is looked upon with suspicion. 



44. Ab hoc plurimi profecerunt, fere tamen hi libros 
conscripserunt : Alfenus Varus Gaius, Aulus Ofilius, Titus 
Caesius, Aufidius Tucca, Aufidius Namusa, Flavius Pris- 
cus, Gaius Ateius, Pacuvius Labeo Antistius Labeonis 

5 Antistii pater, Cinna, Publicius Gellius. Ex his decern 
libros octo conscripserunt, quorum omnes qui fuerunt libri 
digesti sunt ab Aufidio Namusa in centum quadraginta 
libros. Ex his auditoribus plurimum auctoritatis habuit 
Alfenus Varus et Aulus Ofilius, ex quibus Varus et consul 

10 fuit, Ofilius in equestri ordine perseveravit. Is fuit Cae- 
sari familiarissimus et libros de iure civili plurimos et qui 
omnem partem operis fundarent reliquit. Nam de legibus 
vicensimae primus conscribit, de iurisdictione idem edictum 
praetoris primus diligenter composuit, nam ante eum Ser- 

15 vius duos libros ad Brutum perquam brevissimos ad edictum 
subscriptos reliquit. 

1 . Ab hoc plurimi profecerunt : 
cf. note on Ab his, p. 65 . Alfenus 
Varus (not Gaius, his praenomen 
was probably Publius), consul suf- 
fectus 39 B.C. Horace, Sat. 1, 3, 
130, may possibly have had this 
jurist in mind, cf. Aero ad loc. 

5. Ex his decern libres octo : 
' of these ten jurists, eight wrote 

10. Caesari familiarissimus : 
for the relation of Aulus Ofilius to 
Julius Caesar and the latter's plan 
for the codification of the law, see 
Suet. Jul. 44; Isidor. Orig. 5, 1, 5. 

12. de legibus vicensimae : it is 
not known what this means. Some 
have thought it to be the title of 
a work. There was an old law 
enacted 356 B.C., mentioned by 

Liv. 7, 16, 7,'by which a tax of 5 
per cent {pars vicesima") was im- 
posed on the value of slaves manu- 
mitted. Vicesima came to be used 
as a substantive. Augustus enacted 
a lex de vicesima hereditatum 
(6 a.d.) which imposed a tax of 5 
per cent on the value of inherit- 
ances and legacies taken by Ro- 
man citizens. This law is here 
excluded, however, by its date. 
Others consider De Legibus the 
title of the work, whose contents 
are now unknown, and vicensimae 
as a corruption which possibly con- 
tains the number of books (vigintf) . 
13. edictum praetoris primus 
diligenter composuit : i.e. he was 
the first to edit scientifically the 
praetorian edict. 



45. Fuit eodem tempore et Trebatius, qui idem Corneli 
Maximi auditor fuit, Aulus Cascellius, Quintus Mucius Vo- 
lusii auditor, denique in illius honorem testamento Publium 
Mucium nepotem eius reliquit heredem. Fuit autem quaes- 

S torius nee ultra proficere voluit, cum illi etiam Augustus 
consulatum offerret. Ex his Trebatius peritior Cascellio, 
Cascellius Trebatio eloquentior f uisse dicitur, Ofilius utroque 
doctior. Cascellii scripta non exstant nisi unus liber bene 
dictorum, Trebatii ' complures, sed minus frequentantur. 

10 46. Post hos quoque Tubero fuit, qui Ofilio operam 
dedit ; fuit autem patricius et transiit a causis agendis ad 
ius civile, maxime postquam Quintum Ligarium accusavit 
nee obtinuit apud Gaium Caesarem. Is est Quintus Liga- 
rius, qui cum Africae oram teneret, infirmum Tuberonem 

15 applicare non permisit nee aquam haurire, quo nomine 
eum accusavit et Cicero defendit. Exstat eius oratio 
satis pulcherrima, quae inscribitur pro Quinto Ligario. 
Tubero doctissimus quidem habitus est iuris publici et pri- 
vati et complures utriusque operis libros reliquit ; sermone 

20 etiam antiquo usus affectavit scribere et ideo parum libri 
eius grati habentur. 

■*. Q. Mucius Volusii : Momm- represents as a speaker in Sat. 2, 

sen suggests Quinti Mucii audi- 1. Cicero addressed seventeen 

tori's Volcatii auditor, i.e. Aul. letters to him (ad Fam. Book 7). 

Cascellius, the pupil of Volcatius, 13. nee obtinuit apud Gaium 

who was in turn a pupil of Q. -Caesarem : he lost his case before, 

Mucius. The change to Volcatii etc. 

is based on Plin. N. H. 8, 40, 144 ; ig. sermone antiquo usus affec- 

Volcatium, qui Cascellium ius ci- tavit: for etiam read tamen. The 

vile docuit. jurists were distinguished for their 

6. peritior : sc, iuris. — C. purity of language and directness 

Trebatius Testa was the friend of of speech, but Tubero was a repre- 

Cicero and was the celebrated ju- sentative of the archaistic tend- 

rist under Augustus, whom Horace ency in opposition to Cicero. 



47- Post hunc maximae auctoritatis fuerunt Ateius Cap- 
ita, qui Ofilium secutus est, et Antistius Labeo, qui omnes 
hos audivit, institutus est autem a Trebatio. Ex his Ateius 
consul fuit; Labeo noluit, cum offerretur ei ab Augusto 
5 consulatus, quo suffectus fieret, honorem suscipere, sed 
plurimum studiis operam dedit et totum annum ita divi- 
serat, ut Romae sex mensibus cum studiosis esset, sex 
mensibus secederet et conscribendis libris operam daret. 
Itaque reliquit quadringenta volumina, ex quibus plurima 

io inter manus versantur. Hi duo primum veluti diversas 
sectas f ecerunt : nam Ateius Capito in his, quae ei tradita 
fuerant, perseverabat ; Labeo ingenii qualitate et fiducia 
doctrinae, qui et ceteris operis sapientiae operam dederat, 
plurima innovare instituit. 

15 48. Et ita Ateio Capitoni Massurius Sabinus successit, 
Labeoni Nerva, qui adhuc eas dissensiones auxerunt. Hie 
etiam Nerva Caesari familiarissimus fuit. Massurius Sa- 
binus in equestri ordine fuit et publice primus respondit : 
posteaque hoc coepit beneficium dari, a Tiberio Caesare 

20 hoc tamen illi concessum erat. 

2. Antistius Labeo : Labeo the head of the opposite school, 

was the most important jurist of was by no means Labeo's equal in 

the Augustan age, a most produc- ability or renown. No general 

tive writer, whose works were dividing line between the two 

drawn upon by all of his succes- schools appears from the extant 

sors of importance. He was a re- sources, but diverging views were 

publican and a reformer, whose adhered to in matters of detail 

political views were not in har- (cf. Bremer, Die Rechtslehrer und 

mony with those of the emperor. Rechtsschulen, pp. 68 if.). 

Although the scholiasts identify 17- Sabinus in equestri ordine 

him with the Labeo of Hor. Sat. fuit et primus respondit : it is pos- 

1, 3, 82, Labeone insanior, the sible that ' fuit et ' is an interpola- 

viewis not tenable. Ateius Ca- tion. Otherwise there is a con- 

pito, classed along with Labeo as tradiction in the text, since it states 



49. Et, ut obiter sciamus, ante tempora Augusti publice 
respondendi ius non a principibus dabatur, sed qui fidiiciam 
studiorum suorum habebant, consulentibus respondebant 
neque responsa utique signata dabant, sed plerumque iudi- 

5 cibus ipsi scribebant, aut testabantur qui illos consulebant 
Primus divus Augustus, ut maior iuris auctoritas haberetur, 
constituit, ut ex auctoritate eius responderent ; et ex illo 
tempore peti hoc pro beneficio coepit. Et ideo optimus 
princeps Hadrianus, cum ab eo viri praetorii peterent, ut 

10 sibi liceret respondere, rescripsit eis hoc non peti, sed 
praestari solere et ideo, si quis fiduciam sui haberet, delec- 
tari se populo ad respondendum se praepararet. 

50. Ergo Sabino concessum est a Tiberio Caesare, ut 
populo responderet; qui in equestri ordine iam grandis 

15 natu et fere annorum quinquaginta receptus est. Huic 
nee amplae facultates fuerunt, sed plurimum a suis audi- 
toribus sustentatus est. 

that Sabinus, who was the first to 
receive the privilege of giving au- 
thoritative responses (ius respon- 
dendi) was given this authority by 
Tiberius, but that the plan was 
inaugurated by Augustus. With- 
out fuit et, the meaning is : Sabi- 
nus was the first knight to receive 
the ius respondendi, the privilege 
being accorded him by Tiberius. 
For the meaning of ius respon- 
dendi (ex auctoritate principis) 
see Introd. 8. 

1. ante tempora Augusti pub- 
lice respondendi ius non a prin- 
cipibus dabatur, etc. : the meaning 
is that before the time of Augus- 
tus, the decisions of the jurists 

were not officially binding because 
of any power granted them by the 
state, nor were they rendered 
under seal; but afterward, under 
Augustus, they were binding (ex 
auctoritate principis), because of 
the privilege delegated the jurists 
by the emperor ; and they were 
also rendered to the judge under 

11. delectari se populo, etc. -. 
read with Mommsen, delectari se, 
si populo ad respondendum se 

16. a suis auditoribus susten- 
tatus est : the Roman jurists were 
as a rule men of wealth, who de- 
voted their talents to their profes- 



51. Huic successit Gaius Cassius Longinus, natus ex 
filia Tuberonis, quae fuit neptis Servii Sulpicii et ideo pro- 
avum suum Servium Sulpicium appellat. Hie consul fuit 
cum Quartino temporibus Tiberii, sed plurimum in civitate 

5 auctoritatis habuit eo usque, donee eum Caesar civitate 

52. Expulsus ab eo in Sardinian!, revocatus a Vespasi- 
ano diem suum obit. Nervae successit Proculus. Fuit 
eodem tempore et Nerva Alius, fuit et alius Longinus ex 

10 equestri quidem ordine, qui postea ad praeturam usque 
pervenit. Sed Proculi auctoritas maior fuit, nam etiam 
plurimum potuit appellatique sunt partim Cassiani, partim 
Proculiani, quae origo a Capitone et Labeone coeperat. 

53. Cassio Caelius Sabinus successit, qui plurimum 
15 temporibus Vespasiani potuit, Proculo Pegasus, qui tem- 
poribus Vespasiani praefectus urbi fuit, Caelio Sabino 
Priscus Iavolenus, Pegaso Celsus, patri Celso Celsus filius et 

sion for other emoluments than Surdinus were consuls a.d. 30. 

those of a pecuniary character (cf. Longinus is called by later writers 

Ulpian, D. 50, 13, 1, 5, est quidem Cassius, C. Cassius, and once 

res sanctissima civilis sapientia, Gaius noster, but he should not be 

sed quae pretio nummario non sit confused with the famous author of 

aestimanda nee dehonestanda, dum the Institutes of Civil Law, known 

in iudicio Tionor petitur). Sabi- as Gaius, whom Justinian calls 

nus is the first instance of a Roman ' Gaius noster,' and who nourished 

of humble circumstances acquiring a century later than Cassius Lon- 

great renown as a jurist and finally ginus. 

receiving the ius 'respondendi late 5- donee eum Caesar civitate 

in life. His work on the ius civile, pelleret : i.e. Nero, who banished 

in three books, formed the basis of him to Sardinia, 65 a.d., cf. Tac. 

extensive commentaries by Pom- Ann. 16,9; Suet. Nero, 37. 
ponius, Ulpian, and Paulus. 17- Celsus Alius: Juventius 

3. Hie consul fuit cum Quar- Celsus (filius) and Salvius Iulianus 

tino : read cum Surdino. C. Cas- were two of the most important 

sius Longinus and L. Naevius jurists of the second century and 

7 1 


Priscus Neratius, qui utrique consules fuerunt, Celsus 
quidem et iterum, Iavoleno Prisco Aburnius Valens et 
Tuscianus, item Salvius Iulianus. 



Iustitia est constans et perpetua voluntas ius 
5 suum cuique tribuens. Iuris prudentia est divi- 

narum atque humanarum rerum notitia, iusti atque iniusti 

His generaliter cognitis et incipientibus nobis exponere 
iura populi Romani ita maxime videntur posse tradi corn- 

were the heads of the Procu- 
lian and Sabinian schools respec- 
tively. Iulianus was the author of 
the Edictum Perpetumn, compiled 
by order of Hadrian (see Introd. 
5), and with him Pomponius, hav- 
ing brought his history down to 
his own day, brings his outline of 
the Roman jurists to a close. 

4. Iustitia est constans : these 
definitions of a preliminary char- 
acter are given here because they 
stand at the opening of Justinian's 
Institutes. No modern law book 
would begin with a definition of 
justice, but according to Roman 
usage, the word ius in its broadest 
sense includes all the commands 
which men are expected to obey, 
whether they are the commands 
of morality or of positive law. Ius 
is the science of the good and just 
(ars boni et aegui). These defi- 
nitions do not draw the line 

sharply between law and morality. 
Natural justice is confused with 
legal justice. Legal justice is that 
which is done in conformity with 
the requirements of positive law, 
whether the law is good or bad. 
Juris prudentia is primarily a 
knowledge of law, but ius includes 
a knowledge of things divine as 
well as human, since the Roman 
public law embraced divine as well 
as human affairs. The most com- 
mon meanings of ius are : law, as 
used in English, denoting a system 
of rights and duties which are en- 
forced by remedies ; a right, con- 
ferred by law * and implying a 
corresponding duty imposed upon 
another (e.g. ius itineris, ' a right 
of way ') ; the place where law is 
administered (e.g. in ius vocare, 
' to summon to court '). 

8. His generaliter cognitis : 
' after these general definitions, at 



modissime, si primo levi ac simplici, post deinde diligen- 
tissima atque exactissima interpretatione singula tradantur. 
Alioquin si statim ab initio rudem adhuc et infirmum ani- 
mura studiosi multitudine ac varietate rerum oneraverimus, 

S duorum alterum aut desertorem studiorum efficiemus aut 
cum magno labore eius, saepe etiam cum diffidentia, quae 
plerumque iuvenes avertit, serius ad id perducamus, ad 
quod leniore via ductus sine magno labore et sine ulla diffi- 
dentia maturius perduci potuisset. 

io Iuris praecepta sunt haec : honeste vivere, alterum non. 
laedere, suum cuique tribuere. 

Huius studii duae sunt positiones, publicum et privatum. 
Publicum ius est, quod ad statum rei Romanae spectat, 
privatum, quod ad singulorum utilitatem pertinet. 

ie Constat autem ius nostrum aut ex scripto aut 

5 Inst. I, *, 3 

ex non scripto. 

Ex non scripto ius venit, quod usus compro- 
bavit. Nam diuturni mores consensu utentium 
comprobati legem imitantur. 

the very outset of our exposition of public worship {publicum ius in 

the laws of the Roman people, it sacris, in sacerdotibus, in magis- 

seems to us that they can be most tratibus consistit, D. i, i, I, 2). 

advantageously,' etc. This pas- Private law regulated the relations 

sage explains Justinian's purpose of individual subjects one with an- 

in ordering the preparation of the other. In the early law of Rome, 

Institutes as an elementary text- the line dividing public and private 

book cf. Introd. 16. law was not clearly denned, and 

12. Huius studii duae sunt posi- at all times much that is now re- 

tiones : the most comprehensive garded as pure criminal law was 

division of the Roman system is then a part of the private law (e.g. 

into public and private law. Pub- theft, robbery). See text and 

lie law regulated the relations ex- notes on Obligations ex Delicto, 

isting between the state and its p. 232 ff. 

subjects (including also civil and 17- Ex non scripto ius venit: 

religious administration), and the the earliest source of law among 


, , Mores sunt tacitus consensus populi longa 4 x ° 

consuetudine mveteratus. 
iuiian. d. De quibus causis scriptis legibus non utimur, 

*• 3i 32 id custodiri oportet, quod moribus et consuetudine 

5 inductum est : et si qua in re hoc deficeret, tunc quod 
proximum et consequens ei est ; si nee id quidem appareat, 
tunc ius, quo urbs Roma utitur, servari oportet. Invete- 
rata consuetudo pro lege non immerito custoditur, et hoc 
est ius quod dicitur moribus constitutu'm. Nam cum ipsae 

io leges nulla alia ex causa nos teneant, quam quod iudicio 
populi receptae sunt, merito et ea, quae sine ullo scripto 
populus probavit, tenebunt omnes : nam quid interest suf- 
fragio populus voluntatem suam declaret an rebus ipsis et 
f actis ? 

"5 uip. d. Cum de consuetudine civitatis vel provinciae 

i. 3. 34 confidere quis videtur, primum quidem illud ex- 

plorandum arbitror, an etiam contradicto aliquando iudicio 
consuetudo firmata sit. 
Hermog. d. Sed et ea, quae longa consuetudine compro- 

20 *• 3. 35 bata sunt ac per annos plurimos observata, velut 

tacita civium conventio non minus quam ea quae scripta 
sunt iura servantur. 

Paul. d. Immo magnae auctoritatis hoc ius habetur, 

1 «3. 3 6 quod in tantum probatum est, ut non fuerit 

25 necesse scripto id comprehendere. 

the Romans, as among other peo- 1 and 4). The Romans used the 

pies, was custom, approved by long terms written and unwritten law 

usage (quod usus comprobavif). in the literal meaning of the words, 

Later on, unwritten custom (mos, i.e. written law was all that was 

mores, usus, consuetudo') was sup- reduced to writing and was au- 

plemented by conscious legisla- thoritative (e.g. leges, edicta, re- 

tion (lex, ius scriptum, cf. lex duo- sponsa prudentium, etc.). See 

decim tabularum, and see Introd. also Introd. I and 3. 



Paul. d. Si de interpretatione legis quaeratur, in primis 

i. 3. 37 inspiciendum est quo hire civitas retro in eius- 

modi casibus usa f uisset : optima enim est legum interpres 

5 Scriptum ius est lex, plebiscita, senatus con- 

,2,3 sulta, principum placita, magistratuum edicta, 
responsa prudentium. 

Lex est, quod populus Romanus senatore magistratu 
interrogante, veluti consule, constituebat. Plebiscitum est, 

io quod plebs plebeio magistratu interrogante, veluti tribuno, 
constituebat. Plebs autem a populo eo differt, quo species a 
genere ; nam appellatione populi universi cives significantur 
connumeratis etiam patriciis et senatoribus : plebis autem 
appellatione sine patriciis et senatoribus ceteri cives signi- 

15 ficantur. Sed et plebiscita lege Hortensia lata non minus 
valere quam leges coeperunt. Senatus consultum est, 
quod senatus iubet atque constituit. Nam cum auctus est 
populus Romanus in eum modum, ut difficile sit in unum 
eum convocare legis sanciendae causa, aequum visum est 

20 senatum vice populi consuli. Sed et quod principi placuit, 
legis habet vigorem, cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius 
lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et 
potestatem concessit. Quodcumque igitur imperator per 
epistulam constituit vel cognoscens decrevit vel edicto 

25 praecepit, legem esse constat : haec sunt, quae constitu- 
tions appellantur. Plane ex his quaedam sunt personales, 

8. magistratu interrogante : planation see note on plebiscita, 
i.e. when a senatorial magistrate p. 50. 

proposes the bill (legis rogatio, cf. 16. Senatus consultum : see Int. 

notes on leges tulit, and on latam 6 and note on senatus cons. p. 51. 

legem, p. 46). 20- quod principi placuit: see 

9. Plebiscitum : for further ex- Introd. 7 and 10. 



quae nee ad exemplum trahuntur, quoniam non hoc princeps 
vultj nam quod alicui ob merita indulsit, vel si cui poenam 
irrogavit, vel si cui sine exemplo subvenit, personam non 
egreditur. Aliae autem, cum generates sunt, omnes procul 
5 dubio tenent. Praetorum quoque edicta non modicam iuris 
obtinent auctoritatem. Haec etiam ius honorarium solemus 
appellare, quod qui honores gerunt, id est magistrates, auc- 
toritatem huic iuri dederunt. Proponebant et aediles curules 
edictum de quibusdam casibus, quod edictum iuris honorarii 

10 portio est. Responsa prudentium sunt sententiae et opi- 
niones eorum, quibus permissum erat iura condere. Nam 
antiquitus institutum erat ut essent qui iura publice inter- 
pretarentur, quibus a Caesare ius respondendi datum est, 
qui iuris consulti appellabantur. Quorum omnium senten- 

15 tiae et opiniones earn auctoritatem tenent, ut iudici recedere 
a responso eorum non liceat, ut est constitutum. 

Omnes populi, qui legibus et moribus regun- 

tur, partim suo proprio, partim com muni omnium 

hominum iure utuntur ; nam quod quisque populus ipse 

20 sibi ius constituit, id ipsius proprium est vocaturque ius 
civile, quasi ius proprium civitatis; quod vero naturalis 

5. Praetorum edicta: see In- and adapted to other requirements 

trod. 5. by the introduction of new princi- 

ig. quod quisque populus ipse pies drawn from the ius gentium, 

sibi ius constituit : the text makes i.e. the law which was found to 

the further important distinction exist among the other peoples with 

between the ius civile and the ius whom the Romans came into busi- 

gentium. The most ancient law ness relations. By the agency of 

of Rome was called ius civile, or the praetorian edict and the scien- 

law peculiar to the Roman state tine interpretation of trained ju- 

and governing Roman citizens rists, the formal and rigid laws of 

only. As time advanced, this the ius civile were rendered more 

body of law, partly written and flexible and adaptable to new cir- 

partly unwritten, was supplemented cumstances, so that eventua.Hi 



ratio inter omnes homines constituit, id apud omnes popu- 
los peraeque custoditur vocaturque ius gentium, quasi quo 
iure omnes gentes utuntur. Populus itaque Romanus. 
partim suo proprio, partim communi omnium hominum 
5 iure utitur. 
Gai. i 8 Omne ius, quo utimur, vel ad personas perti- 

net, vel ad res, vel ad actiones. Et prius videa- 
mus de personis. 

Hermog. D. 
io J . S. 2 

Persons (De litre Personarum) 

Cum hominum causa omne ius constitutum sit, 
primo de personarum statu dicemus. 

what was originally merely the 
law of a city became a cosmopoli- 
tan law of the world. 

De lure Personarum: persona, 
meaning literally the mask worn 
by an actor and then the rdle 
in a play, is used metaphorically in 
law to denote the r&le played by 
the individual in the different parts 
of the drama of civic life. The 
same individual might be endowed 
with the personality of father, 
husband, guardian, etc. (persona 
patris, mariti, tutoris). Persona, 
therefore, in legal language, de- 
notes whoever or whatever is the 
subject of legal rights and duties 
or is capable of assuming such 
rights and duties, i.e. individuals 
(but not slaves), corporations, and 
public bodies. Abstract concep- 
tions clothed by law with legal 
personality (artificial, juristic, legal 

persons), the Romans called cor- 
pora,collegia, societates, sodalitates, 
etc. Of these, some of the more 
important were the Populus Ro- 
manus, the imperial treasury (fis- 
cus), industrial guilds (collegia 
opiftcum), societies for the burial 
of the poor (collegia tenuiorum), 
mining and tax-gathering compa- 
nies (societates aurifodinarum, 
argentifodinarum, salinarum, vec- 
tigalium publicorum), social and 
political clubs (sodalitates), etc. 

io. de personarum statu : status 
is the technical term denoting the 
civil position of the individual as 
a legal person. The three ele- 
ments of status, each of which was 
called caput, were liberty (liber- 
tas), citizenship (civiias), and 
membership in a family (familia). 
In the person of a civis Romantis 
these three elements were united. 



Paul. D. 
i. 5.7 

Qui in utero est, perinde ac si in rebus hu- 
manis esset custoditur, quotiens de commodis 

ipsius partus quaeritur; quamquam alii antequam nascatur 

nequaquam prosit. 
5 Paul. d. Antiqui libero ventri ita prospexerunt, ut in 

5-4.3 tempus nascendi omnia ei iura integra reserva- 

rent; sicut apparet in iure hereditatium. 

Paul. d. Non sunt liberi, qui contra f ormam humani gen- 

i, s, 14 er i s converso more procreantur : veluti si mulier 

10 monstrosum aliquid aut prodigiosum enixa sit. Partus au- 

tem, qui membrorum humanorum officia ampliavit, aliqua- 

tenus videtur effectus et ideo inter liberos connumerabitur. 

uip. d. Quaeret aliquis, si portentosum vel monstro- 

50, 16, 135 sum ve j debilem mulier ediderit vel qualem visu 

1. Qui in utero est: inasmuch 
as legal rights are created for the 
benefit of man, the limits of his 
personality are determined by the 
points where such rights begin 
and cease to be useful by the oper- 
ation of nature, namely, at birth 
and death. Birth is the complete 
separation from its mother of a 
child born -alive (partus antequam 
edatur, mulier is portio est vel visce- 
rum, D. 25, 4, 1, 1). By excep- 
tion, however, in the matter of 
inheritance, according to a law of 
the Twelve Tables, a child already 
conceived but still unborn is re- 
garded as possessed of legal rights, 
if it come into the world alive, 
being reckoned among the heirs 
as if already born (nasciturus pro 
iam nato habetur guando de eius 
commotio agitur). Otherwise the 

unborn child was without legal 
significance, and during the re- 
public, therefore, abortion in the 
case of a married woman was not 
punishable. — in rebus humanis : 
' as if already born alive.' 

4. prosit: sc. qui in utero est 
as subject. 

5. libero ventri: 'for a child 
free at its birth.' Venter often 
means, in legal Latin, the child in 
embryo. As the status of the 
child depends upon the status of 
the father, if born from a iustum 
matrimonium, and of its mother, 
if born extra matrimonium, the 
privilege stated in the text is ex- 
tended to that embryo only which 
will be free at the time of its 

9. converso more : ' in an un- 
natural manner..' 



vel vagitu novum, non humanae figurae, sed alterius, magis 
animalis quam hominis, partum, an, quia enixa est, pro- 
desse ei debeat. Et magis est, ut haec quoque parentibus 
prosint : nee enim est quod eis imputetur, quae qualiter 
5 potuerurit, statutis obtemperaverunt, neque id quod fatal- 
iter accessit, matri damnum iniungere debet. 

Freemen and Slaves 

Summa itaque divisio de iure personarum 

haec est, quod omnes homines aut liberi sunt 

aut servi. Et libertas quidem est, ex qua etiam liberi 

10 vocantur, naturalis facultas eius quod cuique facere libet, 

2. prodesse : it was the policy 
of Roman legislation to encourage 
marriage. As early as the lex 
Cineia, 204 B.C., which placed a 
limit to the giving of gifts and 
rewards, exception was made in 
favor of gifts made to family 
relations for the purpose of pro- 
viding a das. Augustus sought 
to encourage marriage and the 
rearing of children, and to dis- 
courage celibacy and childless- 
ness, by the lex Iidia (4 a.d.) and 
the lex Papia Poppaea (9 a.d.) . 
Among other provisions of these 
laws, the freeborn mother of three 
children and the freedwoman 
mother of four children (ius trium 
vel guattuor ■ liberorum) were re- 
lieved of certain disabilities and 
received several advantages in the 
rights of inheritance. According 
to the Twelve Tables, creatures 
contra formam humani generis 

(portenta, monstra, prodigid) and 
cripples (debihs) were to be put 
to death, though they sufficed for 
the avoidance of the penalties for 
childlessness imposed by the lex 
Iulia et Papia Poppaea. 

Freemen and Slaves : accord- 
ing to the Roman law, not all 
human beings are persons. Per- 
sonality presumes a free condition. 
Slaves are, therefore, not persons 
but things. They are not protected 
by the law as its subjects, but by 
their masters as property. They 
are without rights and have no 
legal capacity (servus nullum ca- 
put habet, cf. Inst. 1, 16,- 4). How- 
ever, since the slave is possessed 
of reason and is physically capable 
of acquiring rights (therein differ- 
ing from other animals), he is some- 
times loosely spoken of as persona. 
The slave was answerable for his 
crimes and, though his contracts 



nisi si quid aut vi aut iure prohibetur. Servitus autem est 
constitutio iuris gentium, qua quis dominio alieno contra 
naturam subicitur. Servi autem ex eo appellati sunt, quod 
imperatores captivos • vendere iubent ac per hoc servare 

5 nee occidere solent. Qui etiam mancipia dicti sunt, quod 
ab hostibus manu capiuntur. Servi autem aut nascuntur 
aut fiunt. Nascuntur ex ancillis nostris : fiunt aut iure 
gentium, id est ex captivitate, aut iure civili, cum homo 
liber maior viginti annis ad pretium participandum- sese 

io venumdari passus est. In servorum condicione nulla dif- 
ferentia est. In liberis multae differentiae sunt. Aut enim 
ingenui sunt aut libertini. 

had no legal significance under 
the ius civile, they nevertheless 
created natural obligations which 
were binding if the slave attained 
his freedom {servi ex delictis obli- 
gantur ; ex contractibus autem 
civililer non obligantur, sed natu- 
raliter -et obligantur et obligant, D. 

44, 7, 14)- 

i. Servitus constitutio iuris 
gentium : according to the Roman 
view, all men are by nature free. 
Slavery was found to exist, how- 
ever, among the various tribes and 
nations with which the Romans 
came in contact and was therefore 
looked upon as an institution of 
the ius gentium (cf. Inst. I, 2, i). 
But as regards the institution of 
slavery, this ius gentium was found 
to be in conflict with the law of 
nature, since slavery existed among 
all peoples. Owing to this lack 
of harmony between the theory of 
the natural freedom of all men 

and actual practice, the policy of 
the law was constantly in favor of 
liberty (favore liberlatis'), tending 
to ameliorate the condition of 
slaves by protecting them against 
cruelty and facilitating the acquisi- 
tion of freedom by various forms 
of manumission. Cf. note on 
Freedom, p. ioo. 
. 8. iure civili: a freeman by 
collusion with a pretended master 
might fraudulently allow himself 
to be sold as a slave to an inno- 
cent purchaser. Inasmuch as 
liberty was an inalienable right, 
after the purchaser had paid the 
price, the one sold could set up a 
claim for his freedom and, except 
for the provision whereby the pre- 
tended slave was to-be taken at 
his word, could have gained his 
release and have succeeded in the 
fraud. Slavery as a penalty was 
one of the worst forms of civil 
death. A freeman might' become 




i, ii 

Freeborn {Ingenui) 

Ingenui sunt qui liberi nati sunt; libertini, 
qui ex iusta servitute manumissi sunt. 

Ingenuus is est, qui statim ut natus est liber 
est, sive ex duobus ingenuis matrimonio editus, 
5 sive ex libertinis, sive ex altero libertino, altero ingenuo. 
Sed et si quis ex matre libera nascatur, patre servo, inge- 

tnst. x, 4 

a slave in other ways, e.g. qui cum 
liber esset, censeri noluerit could 
be sold trans Tiberim (Cic. pro 
Caec. 34, 99) ; qui ad dilectum 
olim non respondebat (D. 49, 16, 
4, 10) ; one who was a delinquent 
debtor {nexus) at the hands of 
his creditor (Twelve Tables, III) ; 
one sentenced to death or to work 
in the mines {servus poenae, Inst. 
1, 12, 3) ; afreedman who displayed 
ingratitude toward his former 
master {revocatio in servitutem) . 
Ingenui: men as regards their 
legal position are divided into 
liberi and servi. Liberi are further 
divided into freeborn {ingenui) 
and freedmen {libertini) on the 
one hand ; and into cives, Lalini, 
and peregrini, on the other hand. 
Cives are further subdivided into 
personae sui iuris and personae 
alieni iuris. Status or conditio 
of the individual is determined 
by birth. A child born from a 
marriage which conforms to the 
requirements of the ius civile {ma- 
trinionium legitimum or iusttim), 
follows the status of the father ; 
born from a marriage of the ius 

ROMAN LAW — 6 £ 

gentium {sine legitimo matrimonio) 
or out of wedlock, the child fol- 
lows the condition of the mother, 
conubio interveniente liberi semper 
patrem sequuntur, non interve- 
niente conubio matris condicioni 
accedunt, Ulp. 5, 8 ; qui illegitime 
concipiuntur, statum sumunt ex 
eo tempore quo nascuntur, Gai. 1, 
89, though cf. note on ex matre, 
p. 82. 

1. Ingenui sunt qui liberi nati 
sunt : an ingenuus is one who 
has not only been born free, but 
who has always continued to be 

2. ex iusta servitute: iusta 
means legitima, that which is ac- 
cording to law, hence iusta servitus 
is the actual condition of slavery, 
in law as well as in fact, a condi- 
tion which must not have arisen 
through error in fact in supposing 
one was a servus when in reality 
he was an ingenuus. Manumis- 
sion of one merely supposed to be 
a slave did not prejudice birth 
{veritati et origini ingenuitatis 
manumissio quocumque modo facta 
non praeiudicat, Paul. 5, 1, 2). 


nuus nihilo minus nascitur ; quemadmodum qui ex matre 

libera et incerto patre natus est, quoniam vulgo conceptus est. 

-Cum autem ingenuus aliquis natus sit, non officit illi in 

servitute fuisse et po'stea manumjssum esse, saepissime 

S enim constitutum est natalibus non officere manumissionem. 
uip. d. Libertinus si ius anulorum impetraverit, quam- 

40, 10, 6 v js i ura ingenuitatis salvo iure patroni nactus sit, 
tamen ingenuus intellegitur : et hoc divus Hadrianus re- 

10 uip. d. Etiamsi ius anulorum consecutus sit libertus 

z^,A3 a principe, adversus huius tabulas venit pa- 

Cf. note on non officit, below. 
Those returning from captivity 
(servi ex captivitate) recover their 
former status iure postliminii (see 
note on postliminium, p. 85), and 
are, therefore, ipso facto neither 
libertini nor servi. 

1. ex matre libera : in general, 
the child follows the status of the 
mother at the moment of birth. 
The jurists modified this principle 
favore libertatis, so that the child 
was born free if its mother had been 
free at any time during gestation, 
even though she was enslaved when 
the child was born, D. 1, 5, 5, 


3. non officit in servitute fu- 
isse : i.e. ' it does not prejudice his 
status to have been in the position 
of a slave ' and afterward to have 
been manumitted. Such a one is 
still ingenuus, not libertinus (cf. 
note on ex iusta, p. 81). 'In ser- 
vitute esse ' means to be in the 
position of a slave de facto, while 

' servus esse ' means to be a slave 
de iure, e.g. a freeborn child, 
stolen and sold as a slave, is in 
servitute, but if it fall into the 
hands of a master who manumits 
it, the child is not libertinus, but 
ingenuus de iure. The theory in 
this case is that blood is not viti- 
ated by a servile condition. 

6. Libertinus si ius anulorum 
impetraverit : freedmen {libertini) 
may attain the status of freeborn 
citizens (ingenui) in two ways : 
(a) by acquiring the right to wear 
the gold ring (ius aureorum 
anulorum"), in which case, the 
right of patron over his freedmen 
remained unimpaired (salvo iure 
patroni) ; (b) by a kind of legal 
regeneration (natalium restitutio) 
with a suspension of the patron's 
rights (restituitur quantum ad ius 
totum pertinet) . Justinian extend- 
ed these privileges to all freedmen, 
who then acquired full rights of free- 
born citizens without limitations. 



tronus, ut multis rescriptis continetur : hie enim vivit quasi 
ingenuus, moritur quasi libertus. 

Marcian. d. Interdum et servi nati ex post facto iuris in- 
4 o, ii, 2 terventu ingenui fiunt, ut ecce si libertinus a 
5 principe natalibus suis restitutus fuerit. Illis enim utique 
natalibus restituitur, in quibus initio omnes homines fue- 
runt, non in quibus ipse nascitur, cum servus natus esset. 
Hie enim, quantum ad totum ius pertinet, perinde habetur 
atque si ingenuus natus esset, nee patronus eius potest 
10 ad successionem venire. Ideoque imperatores non facile 
solent quemquam natalibus restituere nisi consentiente 


ui p . d. Quod attinet ad ius civile, servi pro nullis 

5 o, i 7 , 32 habentur ; non tamen et iure naturali, quia, 
J5 quod ad ius naturale attinet, omnes homines aequales sunt. 
G . Ex ancilla et libero iure gentium servus nasci- 

tur, et contra ex libera et servo liber nascitur. 

13. Quod attinet ad ius civile : illorum fit, et liber homo noster 

ancient law does not recognize all ab eis captus servus fit eorum, 

men as subjects of legal rights. D. 49, 15, 5, 2). In Roman law, 

Only members of each people's a slave is a thing, classed along 

community or state are protected with beasts of burden, and, like 

by the laws of that community or them, he is at the absolute dis- 

state {quod quisque populus ipse position of his master {mancipi 

sibi ius constituit, id ipsius pro- res sunt servi et quadrupedes, 

prium civitatis est vocaturque ius Ulp. 19, 1 ; servile caput nullum 

civile, quasi ius proprium ipsius ius habet, D. 4, 5, 3, 1), who has 

civitatis, Inst. 1, 2, 1). Strangers over his slave the power of life 

are unprotected and are looked and death (vitae necisque potestas) 

upon as lawful prey to be seized and domestic chastisement. For 

and thrown into servitude as the the limitation of these rights under 

property of their captors {quod ex the empire see note on Freedom, 

nostro ad eos, i.e. hostes, pervenit, p. 100. 



Ulp. s, 8 

Conubio interveniente liberi semper patrem 
sequuntur; non interveniente .conubio matris 
condicioni accedunt, excepto eo qui ex peregrino et cive 
Romana peregrinus nascitur, quoniam lex Minicia ex alter- 
S utro peregrino natum deterioris parentis condicionem. 
sequi iubet. Ex cive Romano et Latina Latinus nascitur 
et ex libera et ancilla servus, quoniam, cum his casibus 
conubia non sint, partus sequitur matrem. 

U!p. D. 
49. IS. 24 

Slavery arising from Captivity 

Hostes sunt, quibus bellum publice populus 
Romanus decrevit vel ipsi populo Romano ; ceteri 

1 . Conubio interveniente : the 
ius conubii is the right to conclude 
a marriage valid according to the 
requirements of the ius civile 
(malrimonium iustum, legitimum, 
ex iure Quiritium), conferring 
patria potestas and other rights 
growing out of the organization 
of the family. Latini and pere- 
grini had the conubium only when 
obtained by special grant (conu- 
bium est uxoris iure ducendae 
facultas. Conubium habent cives 
Romani cum civibus Romanis ; 
cum Lalinis et peregrinis ita, si 
concessum sit. Cum servis nullum 
est conubium, Ulp. 5, 3 ; Veteranis 
quibusdam concedi solet principali- 
bus constitutionibus conubium cum 
his Latinis peregrinisve, quas 
primas post missionem uxores 
duxerint, Gai. 1, 57). Cf. notes 
on iustum and iustas, p. 1 1 1 . 

Slavery arising from Captiv- 
ity : as has been stated in the 

text, slavery arises from birth or 
from other circumstances recog- 
nized by the ius gentium and the 
ius civile. By the ius gentium, 
slavery arises from captivity, but 
the one returning from captivity 
regains his former status and his 
legal rights as they existed at the 
moment of his capture (postlimini- 
um habel, i.e. omnia restiluuntur 
ei iura, ox si captus ab hostibus non 
essef). One dying in captivity was 
held to have died a free man, and, 
by a fiction of law (fictio legis Cor- 
neliae, important in the matter of 
inheritance), to have died at the 
moment of capture (in omnibus 
partibus iuris is, qui reversus non 
est ab hostibus, quasi tunc decessisse 
videtur, cum captus est, D. 49, 15, 
18). The most common ways in 
which slavery may arise by the ius 
civile have been mentioned above. 
Cf. note on iure, p. 80. 

9. Hostes sunt: although the 



latrunculi vel praedones appellantur. Et ideo qui a latro- 
nibus captus est, servus latronum non est, nee postliminium 
illi necessarium est ; ab hostibus autem captus, ut puta a 
Germanis et Parthis, et servus est hostium et postliminio 

5 statum pristinum recuperat. 
Pompon, d. Postliminii ius competit aut in bello aut in 
49> is. s pace. In bello, cum hi, qui nobis hostes sunt, 
aliquem ex nostris ceperunt et intra praesidia sua perduxe- 
runt : nam si eodem bello is reversus fuerit, postliminium 

io habet, id est perinde omnia restituuntur ei iura, ac si captus 
ab hostibus non esset. Antequam in praesidia perducatur 
hostium, manet civis. Tunc autem reversus intellegitur, 
si aut ad amicos nostrps perveniat aut intra praesidia 
nostra esse coepit. In pace quoque postliminium datum 

stranger was not protected by the 
laws of Rome originally, unless he 
enjoyed the rights of hospitality 
(hospitium publicum vel priva- 
tum}, or was protected by treaty 
with his people, and might, there- 
fore, be seized as a slave, it was 
necessary, in order that the ius 
postliminii should operate and 
that slavery should arise ex cap- 
tivitate, that the captive should be 
taken by a formal enemy, i.e. one 
against whom the Roman people 
had formally declared war or vice 
versa {hostes hi sunt, qui nobis 
aut quibus nos publice bellum 
decrevimus) . 

9. postliminium: this term is 
used subjectively and objectively. 
It is either the recovery of rights by 
a person who has been reduced to 
slavery by capture in war, or it is 

the recovery of rights over a per- 
son or thing restored from the 
possession of an enemy (cum duae 
species postliminii sint, ut aut 
nos revertamur aut aliquid re- 
cipiamus, D. 49, 15, 14). The 
derivation of the word, discussed 
by Cic. Top. 8, is retained by Jus- 
tinian, Inst. I, 12, 5 : dictum est 
autem postliminium a limine et 
post, ut eum, quiab hostibus captus 
in fines nostras postea pervenit, 
postliminio reversum recte dici- 
mus. Nam limina sicut in do- 
mibus finem quendam faciunt, sic 
et imperii finem limen esse veteres 
voluerunt. Hinc et limes dictus 
est quasi finis quidam et terminus. 
Ab eo postliminium dictum, quia 
eodem limine revertebatur, quo 
amissus erat. Deserters and those 
surrendering to the enemy in 



est : nam si cum gente aliqua neque amicitiam neque hos- 
pitium neque foedus amicitiae causa factum habemus, hi 
hostes quidem non sunt, quod autem ex nostro ad eos 
pervenit, illorum fit, et liber homo noster ab eis captus 
5 servus fit et eorum ; idemque est, si ab illis ad nas aliquid 
perveniat. Hoc quoque igitur casu postliminium datum 
est. Captivus autem si a nobis manumissus fuerit et per- 
venerit ad suos, ita demum postliminio reversus intellegitur, 
si malit eos sequi quam in nostra civitate manere. Et ideo 

io in Atilio Regulo, quem Carthaginienses Romam miserunt, 
responsum est non esse eum postliminio reversum, quia 
iuraverat Carthaginem reversurum et non habuerat ani- 
mum Romae remanendi. Et ideo in quodam interprete 
Menandro, qui posteaquam apud nos manumissus erat, 

15 missus est ad suos, non est visa necessaria lex, quae lata 
est de illo, ut maneret civis Romanus : nam sive animus 
ei fuisset remanendi apud suos, desineret esse civis, sive 
animus fuisset revertendi, maneret civis, et ideo esset lex 

20 Tryphon. d. In bello postliminium est, in pace aiitem his, 
49, 15, 12 q U j hello C apti erant, de quibus nihil in pactis 

battle with their weapons in their the enemy (nihil interest, quomodo 

hands did not enjoy the privileges captivus reversus est, utrum di- 

of the ius postliminii. missus an vi vel fallacia potesta- 

1 1 . responsum est : it was de- tern hostium evaserit, ita tamen, 

cided, i.e. by the court. Responsa si ea mente venerit, ut non illo 

of the jurisconsults were not au- reverteretur : nee enim satis est 

thoritative at this time, cf. Intr. 8. corpore domum quem redisse, si 

16. animus remanendi: the mente alienus est, D. 49, 15,26). 
manner of a captive's return was 21. in pactis erat comprehen- 

immaterial, provided he return sum: 'regarding whom no pro- 

with the intention of remaining visions had been made in the 

and had not promised to go back to treaties.' 



erat comprehensum. Quod ideo placuisse Servius scribit, 
quia spem revertendi civibus in virtute bellica magis quam 
in pace Romani esse voluerunt. Verum in pace qui per- 
venerunt ad alteros, si bellum subito exarsisset, eorum 
S servi efficiuntur, apud quos iam hostes suo facto depre- 
henduntur. Quibus ius postliminii est tam in bello quam 
in pace, nisi foedere cautum fuerat, ne esset his ius post- 

Pompon, b. Si quis legatum hostium pulsasset, contra ius 

10 s°, 7. 18 gentium id commissum esse existimatur, quia 

sancti habentur legati. Et ideo si, cum legati apud nos 

essent gentis alicuius, bellum cum eis indictum sit, respon- 

sum est liberos eos manere : id enim iuri gentium convenit 

esse. Itaque eum, qui legatum pulsasset, Quintus Mucius 

15 dedi hostibus, quorum erant legati, solitus est respondere. 

Quern hostes si non recepissent, quaesitum est, an civis 

Romanus maneret : quibusdam existimantibus manere, 

aliis contra, quia quem semel populus iussisset dedi, ex 

civitate expulsisse videretur, sicut faceret, cum aqua et 

20 igni interdiceret. In qua sententia videtur Publius Mucius 

fuisse. Id autem maxime quaesitum est in Hostilio Man- 

cino, quem Numantini sibi deditum non acceperunt; de 

i. placuisse Servius scribit, der of the guilty one to an enemy 

etc. ; ' that this was so ordained whose ambassadors have been 

because the Romans wanted citi- violated. 

zens to base their hope of return 21. Hostilio Mancino : Hostilius 
more on bravery in war than on Mancinus, after he had been de- 
an expectation of peace.' Servius feated by the Numantines during 
Sulpicius Rufus, the friend of Cic- his consulship, 137 B.C., succeeded 
ero, is^meant. Cf. D. 1, 2, 1, 43 in making a peace with them 
above, text p. 66. which failed to gain the approval 

9. Si quis legatum pulsasset : of the senate, and he was conse- 

among the ways in which slavery quently ordered to return to the 

may arise iure civili, is the surren- enemy. A lex was afterward 



quo tamen lex postea lata est ut esset civis Romanus, et 
praeturam quoque gessisse dicitur. 

UIp. D. 
L, I, 4 


Manumissiones quoque iuris gentium sunt. 
Est autem manumissio de manu missio, id est 
5 datio libertatis : nam quamdiu quis in servitute est, manui 
et potestati suppositus est, manumissus liberatur pptestate. 
Quae res a iure gentium originem sumpsit, utpote cum 
iure naturali omnes liberi nascerentur nee esset nota manu- 
missio, cum servitus esset incognita ; sed posteaquam iure 
10 gentium servitus invasit, secutum est beneficium manumis- 

passed in his favor (Vel. Paterc. 
2, i), though the causa Mancini 
became an important instance of 
deditio ad hostem, referred to sev- 
eral times by Cicero (de Or. i, 
40; de Off. 3,30; Top.?,). 

Manumission : a servus differed 
from other things (res) in that 
he was capable of obtaining his 
freedom by manumission, acquir- 
ing thereby personality and legal 
capacity for himself. As a master 
could not confer more right than 
he himself possessed, a manu- 
mitted slave became civis only 
when his master was a Roman 
citizen. There were degrees in 
the status of a manumitted slave, 
according as the legal requirements 
for manumission were totally or 
only partially fulfilled. Complete 
manumission required (a) that the 
master have complete ownership 
(dominium) of his slave ex iure 

Quiritium; (6) that the manu- 
mission occur in one of the ways 
prescribed by law (manumissio 
iusta ac legitima), e.g. vindicla, 
censu, testamento, etc. ; (c) that 
it conform to the restrictions upon 
manumissions imposed by law (e.g. 
by the lex Aelia Sentia). In cer- 
tain cases a slave might obtain his 
liberty without manumission. See 
D. 40, 8, and note on Freedom, 
p. 100. 

4. de manu missio : manus de- 
notes the power of a paterfamilias 
over his slaves and children, but 
the word is usually employed more 
specifically of the power of hus- 
band over his wife (manus mariti). 
The master (dominus) has domin- 
ium over his slave as a part of his 
property ; he also has potestas over 
his slave (like that over his son) 
as a passive member of his house- 
hold; hence the power of the 


sionis. Et cum uno naturali nomine homines appellare- 
mur, iure gentium tria genera esse coeperunt : liberi et 
his contrarium servi et tertium genus liberti, id est hi 
qui desierant esse servi. 
5 Libertorum genera sunt tria, cives Romani, 

Latini Iuniani, dediticiorum numero. 

ui P . i, s 

master over his slave is usually 
called do?ninica potestas ; that of 
father over his children, patria po- 
testas ; that of husband over his 
wife, manus. 

3. liberti: liberti is here used 
for libertini. The usual distinction 
between libertus and libertinus is 
that the former is concrete, denot- 
ing a certain freedman with refer- 
ence to his patron, whose name 
usually follows in the gen. case; 
while the latter is abstract, denot- 
ing the freedman class as con- 
trasted with the freeborn (e.g. 
libertin-um quidem se confiteri, li- 
ber tutu autem Seii se negare). 

5. Libertorum genera sunt tria : 
other modes of manumission than 
those called legitima, though void 
iure civili,were recognized by cus- 
tom, * by the praetorian law, and 
by imperial constitutions. Slaves 
manumitted by one of these modes 
were placed in a position inferior 
to citizenship, as that of Latini or 
dediticii. By the lex Aelia Sen- 
tia (4 a.d.) it was further required, 
in order to make a complete manu- 
mission which conferred citizen- 
ship, that the slave be thirty years 
of age. By the lex lunia Nor- 

bana (about 19 a.d.), those whose 
manumission was defective, but 
who enjoyed the protection of the 
praetor as freedmen, were given, 
instead of complete civitas, the 
rights of Latini Iuniani, i.e. of all 
the public and private rights, they 
received the ius commercii only. 
The Latinus lunianus could not 
make a Roman will nor inherit 
under a will ; at death, his property 
fell to his manumissor as if he were 
still a slave. Owing to the crimi- 
nal character of great numbers of 
manumitted slaves, the lex Aelia 
Senlia provided that slaves con- 
victed of crime, who had been put 
in chains, tortured, or branded, 
should after manumission be in 
the position of those who had sur- 
rendered to an enemy {dediticii). 
Among other disabilities, dediticii 
could not live within one hundred 
miles of the City, could never be- 
come cives, and at death forfeited 
all their property to their manu- 
missor. The distinction between 
freedmen as cives, Latini, and 
dediticii was not abolished until 
the time of Justinian, under whose 
legislation, however, a slave be- 
came wholly free by any act of 



Ulp. i, 7 

Vin dicta manumittuntur apud magistratum 
populi Romani, velut consulem praetoremve vel 
Gai. d. Non est omnino necesse pro tribunali manu- 

5 4°. 2, 7 mittere : itaque plerumque in transitu servi ma- 

numitti solent, cum aut lavandi aut gestandi aut ludorum 
gratia prodierit praetor aut proconsul legatusve Caesaris. 
Hermog. d. Manumissio per lictores hodie domino tacente 
4°. 2 . 2 3 expediri solet, et verba sollemnia licet non dican- 

io tur, ut dicta accipiuntur. 

his master intended to grant free- 

i. Vindicta manumittuntur: 
manumissio was an act of both pri- 
vate and public significance. As a 
private act, in freeing a slave from 
the ownership of his master, it de- 
prived the master of a part of his 
property ; as a public act, it was 
significant because it conferred 
personality and citizenship upon 
one who had formerly no part in 
the state. Under the old law of 
the republic, therefore, manumis- 
sion was not a. matter of private 
interest only, accomplished by the 
mere will of the dominus, but a 
transaction in which the state in- 
tervened, as is shown by the oldest 
forms of this institution. Manu- 
mission by vindicta was a fictitious 
suit {causa liberalis), brought be- 
fore a magistrate. The vindicta 
(or festucd) was a staff represent- 
ing the ancient hasta as a symbol 
of ownership. A friend of the 
slave {assertor libertaiis), in later 

times a lictor of the praetor often 
acting in this capacity, touched the 
slave with the staff, at the same 
time asserting his freedom. The 
master, releasing his hold on the 
slave (jnanu mittens'), indicated 
his acquiescence in the claim. The 
magistrate, representing the au- 
thority of the state, then declared 
the slave to be free. For an ac- 
count of this procedure in the 
sources, see Gai. 4, 16. This act 
of manumission might be per- 
formed wherever the praetor could 
be found {i.e. de piano, ' on the 
level ground') and did not require 
his presence in formal court {pro 
tribunali, 'on his elevated plat- 

8. Manumissio per lictores : the 
definite requirements of the - ficti- 
tious suit by vindicta passed away 
in time and the appearance of an 
assertor, even though he were rep- 
resented in the person of a lictor, 
was unnecessary. The only re- 
quirement then remaining was the 



uip. D. Ego cum in villa cum praetore fuissem, passus 

4°' 2 > 8 sum apud eum manumitti, etsi lictoris praesen- 

tia non esset. 

Censu manumittebantur olim, qui lustrali 
Ulp. i, 8 . • -i 

5 censu Romae iussu dominorum inter cives 

Romanos censum profitebantur. 

Fr. Dosith. Census autem Romae agi solet et peracto censu 

J 7 lustrum conditur; est autem lustrum quinquen- 

nale tempus, quo Roma lustratur. Sed debet hie servus 

10 ex iure Quiritium manumissoris esse, ut civis Romanus fiat. 
Magna autem dissensio est inter peritos, utrum eo tempore 
vires accipiant omnia, quo in censu aguntur, an eo tempore 
quo lustrum conditur. Sunt enim qui existimant non alias 
vires accipere quae in censu aguntur, nisi haec dies sequa- 

15 tur, qua lustrum conditur ; existimant enim censum descen- 
dere ad diem lustri, non lustrum recurrere ad diem census. 
Quod ideo quaesitum est, quoniam omnia quae in censu 
aguntur lustro confirmantur. 
Marcian. d. Testamento manumissus ita demum fit liber, si 

20 40. 4. 23 testamentum valeat et ex eo adita sit hereditas, 

vel si quis omissa causa testamenti ab intestato possideat 

declaration of freedom by the mag- period. This form of manumis- 
istrate in the presence of the slave sion disappeared (olim) with the 
manumitted. abolition of the census, the last 
4. Censu manumittebantur : lustrum having occurred under 
manumission censu was completed Vespasian, 74 a.d. (Censorin. de 
under magisterial supervision by in- Die Nat. 18). It was a disputed 
serting the name of the slave to be point with the jurists of the re- 
manumitted in the list of citizens public, whether the manumission 
with his master's approval. Here was valid from the beginning or 
the state was represented by the only at the end of the lustral 
censor and the act was legalized by period. 

the lustrum conditum, celebrated 19. Testamento manumissus : 

at the conclusion of the lustral manumissions by last will were valid 



Gai. 2, 267 

hereditatem. Testamento data libertas competit pure qui- 
dem data statim, quam adita fuerit hereditas vel ab uno ex 
heredibus ; si in diem autem libertas data est vel sub con- 
dicione, tunc competit libertas, cum dies venerit vel con- 

5 dicio extiterit. 

Qui directo testamento liber esse iubetur, velut 
hoc modo : ' Stichus servus meus liber esto,' vel 
hoc : ' Stichum servum meum liberum esse iubeo,' is ipsius 
testatoris fit libertus. Nee alius ullus directo ex testamento 

10 libertatem habere potest, quam qui utroque tempore testa- 
toris ex iure Quiritium fuerit, et quo faceret testamentum 
et quo moreretur. 

uip. d. Si servi, qui apud hostes sunt liberi esse iussi 

40.4.30 sunt, ad libertatem perveniunt, quamvis neque 

15 testamenti neque mortis tempore testantis, sed hostium 

in the same way that other testa- 
mentary dispositions were valid. 
Though the execution of a will 
was a private act, it was theoreti- 
cally an act in which the state was 
interested, as the history of the 
Roman testament shows (cf. testa- 
mentum calatis comitiis, requiring 
the cooperation of the popular as- 
sembly with the testator). Owing 
to this fact, manumissio testamento 
was classed along with the forms 
already mentioned as iusta ac legi- 
tima. Direct manumission, be- 
queathed by the testator as a legacy 
to his slave {manumissio testa- 
mento directo), is to be distin- 
guished from the testamentary 
injunction to the- heir to effect the 

manumission of the slave {manu- 
missio fideicommissarid). In the 
former case, the slave was called 
orcinus, because his patron was 
already deceased when liberty was 
acquired ; see also note on non 
testatoris, p. 93. 

1. pure data statim, quam: 
' when granted unconditionally, is 
acquired just as soon as.' 

3. in diem vel sub condicione: 
it was a common practice to make 
the manumissio directa operate 
from a stated time or depend on 
the fulfillment of a condition. In 
either case, the slave remains ad 
interim slave of the heir and is 
called statuliber. When the pro- 
vision has been satisfied, he gains 



Ulp. n, 7 

Libertas et directo potest dari hoc modo : ' liber 
esto,' ' liber sit,' ' liberum esse iubeo,' et per fidei- 
commissum, ut puta : ' rogo, fidei committo heredis mei, ut 
Stichum servum manumittat.' Is, qui directo liber esse 
5 iussus est, orcinus fit libertus : is autem, cui per fideicom- 
missum data est libertas, non testatoris sed manumissoris 
fit libertus. 

Multis autem modis manumissio procedit : aut 

Inst, i, 5, i L 

enim ex sacns constitutionibus m sacrosanctis 
io ecclesiis aut vindicta aut inter amicos aut per epistulam aut 
per testamentum aut aliam quamlibet ultimam voluntatem. 
Sed et aliis multis modis libertas servo competere potest, 
qui tam ex veteribus quam nostris constitutionibus intro- 
ducti sunt. Servi vero a dominis semper manumitti solent ; 

his liberty ipso iure {statuliber est, 
qui statutam et destinatam in tem- 
pus vel condicionem libertatem 
habet, D. 40, 7, 1 ; statuliber, quam- 
diu pendet conditio, servus heredis 
est, Ulp. 2, 2) . 

6. non testatoris sed manumis- 
soris fit libertus : the importance 
of the distinction between ?nanu- 
missio directa and fideicommis- 
saria appears in the rights of 
patrons over their freedmen and 
the duties of freedmen to their pa- 
trons (cf. note on Relation, p. 102). 
Properly manumissio per fideicom- 
missum is no manumission at all : 
it is only a direction to the heir to 
manumit, hence the manumissio 
does not occur testamento, but is 
to be effected by the heir in some 
one of the regular ways, e.g. vin- 
dicta, censu, etc. 

9. in sacrosanctis ecclesiis : a 
new form of complete manumission 
was added by Constantine, whereby 
a declaration of freedom was made 
by the master in the sacred edifice 
before the bishop. In the time of 
Justinian every oral or written 
declaration of freedom acknowl- 
edged by five witnesses and numer- 
ous informal modes of manumitting 
were valid, e.g. by the master's 
writing or subscribing a letter to 
his slave giving him his freedom 
{per epistulam); by declaration 
among friends {inter amicos) ; by 
the slave's attending his master's 
funeral wearing the hat of freedom 
{pileatus) or by an invitation to 
his master's table {per mensam), 

11. aliam quamlibet ultimam 
voluntatem : e.g. per codicillos, i.e. 



adeo ut vel in transitu manumittantur, veluti cum praetor 
aut proconsul aut praeses in balneum vel in theatrum eat. 
Constan. Qui religiosa mente in ecclesiae gremio servu- 

c.Th. 4, 7 ij s su j s meritam concesserint libertatem, eandem 
S eodem iure donasse videantur, quo civitas Romana solemni- 
tatibus decursis dari consuevit. Sed hoc dumtaxat eis, qui 
sub adspectu antistitum dederint, placuit relaxari. 
just. c. Sancimus, si quis per epistulam servum suum 

7. 6 . * in libertatem producere maluerit, licere ei hoc 

. io facere quinque testibus adhibitis, qui post eius litteras sive 
in subscriptione positas sive per totum textum effusas suas 
litteras supponentes fidem perpetuam possint chartulae 
praebere. Et si hoc fecerit, sive per se scribendo sive per 
tabularium, libertas servo competat quasi ex imitatione 

15 codicilli delata, ita tamen, ut et ipso patrono vivent et lib- 
ertatem et civitatem habeat Romanam. Sed et si quis inter 
amicos libertatem dare suo servo maluerit, licebit ei quinque 
similiter testibus adhibitis suam explanare voluntatem et 
quod liberum eum esse voluit dicere ; et hoc sive inter acta 

20 fuerit testificatus sive testium voces attestationem sunt am- 
plexae et litteras tam publicarum personarum quam testium 
habeant, simili modo servi ad civitatem producantur Ro- 
manam quasi ex codicillis similiter libertatem adipiscentes. 

an informal will, requiring fewer so- but the witnesses must sign in 

lemnities than a testamentum and either case at the bottom {post 

not meaning, as in the English use eius litteras). 
of the term codicil, a supplemen- ig. inter acta testiflcitus sive 

tary will. testium voces : ' he may either make 

11. per totum textum: the a declaration of this alone before a 

writer might affix his signature magistrate or the statements of the 

Simply or write the entire text with attesting witnesses may prove it 

his own hand. In the latter case, and these should have the signa- 

his signature was unnecessary, tures of,' etc. 



Manumission Restricted 

Gai. i, i 3 Le § e ita q u e Aelia Sentia cavetur, ut qui servi 

a dominis poenae nomine vincti sint, quibusve 
stigmata inscripta sint, deve quibus ob noxam quaestio tor- 
mentis habita sit et in ea noxa fuisse convicti sint, quive ut 
5 ferro aut cum bestiis depugnarent traditi sint, inve ludum 
custodiamve coniecti fuerint, et postea vel ab eodem domino 
vel ab alio manumissi, eiusdem condicionis liberi fiant, cuius 
condicionis sunt peregrini dediticii. 

Vocantur autem peregrini dediticii hi, qui quondam ad- 
10 versus populum Romanum armis susceptis pugnaverunt, 
deinde victi se dediderunt. 

Manumission Restricted : toward 
the end of the republic the num- 
ber of slaves set free increased to 
such an extent that the public wel- 
fare was menaced. As a result of 
foreign conquest, slaves in great 
numbers were imported into the 
Gity from all directions, but espe- 
cially from the conquests in the 
East, constituting for the most 
part a vicious and dangerous class. 
It was also true that manumission 
was not always a reward for good 
conduct and faithful service. It 
was, on the contrary, often a means 
of disposing of undesirable prop- 
erty. Special laws were enacted 
to check the clothing of these dis- 
reputable and criminal classes with 
Roman citizenship {e.g. the lex 
Aelia Sentia and the lexFufia Ca- 
ninid). According to the lex Aelia 
Sentia, criminal slaves could attain 

only partial liberty (dediticia liber- 
tas) ; could not live within one 
hundred miles of Rome ; and could 
never attain citizenship. This law 
was passed under Augustus (4 a.d.) 
and received its name from the two 
consuls for the year, Sextus Aelius 
Catus and Gaius Sentius Saturni- 
nus (Suet. Aug. 40, magni prae- 
terea existimans, si7icerum atque 
ab omni colluvione peregrini ac 
servilis sanguinis incorruptum 
servare populum, et civitatem 
Romanam parcissime dedit et 
manumittendi modum termina- 

8. peregrini dediticii : the con- 
quered peoples became slaves of 
the Roman state, but were not al- 
ways sold as slaves, inasmuch as 
the imperator or senate gave them 
provisional freedom until their 
final disposition was determined 



Huius ergo turpitudinis servos quocumque modo et cu- 

iuscumque aetatis manumissos, etsi pleno iure dominorum 

fuerint, numquam aut cives Romanos aut Latinos fieri dice- 

mus, sed omni modo dediticiorum numero constitui intel- 

S legemus. 

Quod autem de aetate servi requiritur, lege 

Gai. i, 18 . * i T , 

Aeha Sentia introductum est. Nam ea lex 
minores XXX annorum servos non aliter voluit manu- 
missos cives Romanos fieri, quam si vindicta, apud con- 

10 silium iusta causa manumissionis adprobata, liberati fuerint. 
Iusta autem causa manumissionis est veluti si quis filium 
filiamve aut fratrem sororemve naturalem, aut alumnum, 
aut paedagogum, aut servum procuratoris habendi gratia, 
aut ancillam matrimonii causa apud consilium manumittat. 

15 Consilium autem adhibetur in urbe Roma quidem quinque 
senatorum et quinque equitum Romanorum puberum ; in 
provinciis autem viginti recuperatorum civium Romanorum, 
idque fit ultimo die conventus ; sed Romae certis diebus 
apud consilium manumittuntur. 

20 Item eadem lege minori XX annorum domino non aliter 
manumittere permittitur, quam si vindicta apud consilium 
iusta causa manumissionis adprobata fuerit. 

upon by a law or by an edict of made heir (heres solus et necessa- 

the provincial governor, cf. lex rins), and had obtained his free- 

Antonia de Termessibus, Bruns, dom thereby. The inheritance 

Fontes 6 , p. 94 ; Liv. 1,38; 7,31; might include among the slaves 

9,9; Cic. in Verr. 2, 2, 16, 39; his own near relations, whom he 

ad Alt. 6, 1, 15. could then manumit. A man 

11. filium aut fratrem: since might manumit his brother where 

slaves are without proprietary and the father had had a child born 

family rights, it may be questioned from a slave woman and also an- 

how a father can manumit his own other born from a legal marriage, 

son or daughter. Such a case could The latter {filius legitimus), upon 

arise where a slave father had been succession to his father's estate, 



Inst, i, 6 

Non tamen cuicumque volenti manumittere 
licet. Nam is qui in f raudem creditorum manu- 
mittit nihil agit, quia lex Aelia Sentia impedit libertatem. 
Licet autem domino, qui solvendo non est, testamento 

5 servum suum cum libertate heredem instituere, ut fiat liber 
heresque ei solus et necessarius, si modo nemo alius ex eo 
testamento heres extiterit, aut quia nemo heres scriptus 
sit, aut quia is qui scriptus est qualibet ex causa heres non 
extiterit. Idque eadem lege Aelia Sentia provisum est et 

10 recte : valde enim prospiciendura erat, ut egentes homines, 
quibus alius heres extaturus non esset, vel servum suum 
necessarium heredem habeant, qui satisfacturus esset credi- 

would become master of the former 
(fratrem naturaletn). 

2. in f raudem creditorum : the 
lex Aelia Sentia further provided 
that the manumission of slaves 
which impaired the rights of cred- 
itors was void ab initio, when the 
owner was already insolvent or be- 
cameso byreason of the diminution 
of his assets caused by such a man- 
umission (alienatio in fraudem 
creditorum). If the creditors 
failed to question the manumission 
as fraudulent, the slave was con- 
sidered free ; or if the liabilities 
of the master were satisfied before 
the manumission was impugned, 
the slave was free. 

4. solvendo non est : insolvent. 
This use of the dat. of the gerund 
is frequent in legal Latin. See 
H. 542, II; L. 2257; A. & G. 

6. heres solus et necessarius : 
since the heir originally assumed all 

ROMAN law — 7 97 

the liabilities of the deceased, an in- 
heritance might prove to be such a 
burden, especially if insolvent, that 
it would be refused. It was custom- 
ary, therefore, for an insolvent tes- 
tator to institute his slave alone as 
obligatory heir (i.e. solus et neces- 
sarius'), who, in return for the as- 
sumption of liabilities and the duty 
of performing the proper funeral 
rites, etc., obtained freedom and 
citizenship (praesumptio liberta- 
tis). The slave then received the 
stigma resulting from bankrupt 
proceedings and relieved the mem- 
ory of the deceased from the en- 
suing ignominy (necessarius heres 
est servits cum libertate heres in- 
stitutus, idea sic appellatus, quia 
sive velit sive nolit omni modo post 
mortem testatoris prolinus liber et 
heres est, Gai. 2, 153). 

10. egentes homines : bankrupts. 

11. vel . . . aut: rare as cor- 


toribus, aut hoc eo non f aciente creditores res hereditarias 
servi nomine vendant, ne iniuria defunctus afficiatur. 
Idemque iuris est et si sine libertate servus heres institutus 
est. Quod nostra constitutio non 'solum in domino, qui 

5 solvendo non est, sed generaliter constituit nova humani- 
tatis ratione, ut ex ipsa scriptura institutionis etiam libertas 
ei competere videatur, cum non est verisimile eum, quem 
heredem sibi elegit, si praetermiserit libertatis dationem, 
servum remanere voluisse et neminem sibi heredem fore. 

10 In fraudem autem creditorum manumittere videtur, qui vel 
iam eo tempore quo manumittit solvendo non est, vel qui 
datis libertatibus desiturus est solvendo esse. Praevaluisse 
tamen videtur, nisi animum quoque fraudandi manumissor 
habuit, non impediri libertatem, quamvis bona eius credi- 

15 toribus non sufficiant ; saepe enim de facultatibus suis 

1. hoc eo non f aciente: 'or if 
the slave should not do this, that 
the creditors may sell the estate.' 

2. ne iniuria afficiatur : the per- 
sonal disgrace (iniuria) attaching 
to the memory of the dead, and 
caused by the sale of property for 
the liquidation of debts, was here 
transferred to the insolvent debt- 
or's slave (ut ignominia, quae ac- 
cidit ex venditione bonorum, hunc 
potius heredem quam ipsum testa- 
toretn contingat, Gai. 2, 154). 

6. ex ipsa scriptura: 'by the 
mere appointment of a slave as heir, 
the gift of liberty is implied.' 

7. cum non est : ' for it is un- 
likely that the testator (eum), even 
if he has neglected to mention the 
direct grant of liberty, wished that 

the one whom he has designated 
as his heir should remain a slave, 
and that he himself should have 
no heir.' 

9. neminem sibi heredem fore : 
the slave, having no legal capacity, 
could, of course, not take the in- 
heritance (i.e. he lacked testamenti 
factio passiva) without the datio 
libertatis (expressed or implied) 
which operates immediately after 
the testator's death. 

13. animum fraudandi habuit: 
in questions of fraud, it is necessary 
that the fact, as well as the inten- 
tion, be considered (fraudis inter- 
pretatio semper in iure civili non 
ex eventu dumtaxat, sed ex con- 
silio quoque desideratur, D. 50, 
17, 79)- 



UIp. i, 24 

amplius quam in his est sperant homines. Itaque tunc 
intellegimus impediri libertatehi, cum utroque modo frau- 
dantur creditores, id est et consilio manumittentis et ipsa 
re, eo quod bona non suffectura sunt creditoribus. 

Lex Fufia Caninia iubet testamento ex tribus 
servis non plures quam duos manumitti, et usque 
ad X dimidiam partem manumittere concedit ; a X usque 
ad XXX tertiam partem, ut tamen adhuc quinque manu- 
mittere liceat aeque ut ex priori numero ; a triginta usque 
10 ad centum quartam partem, aeque ut decern ex superiori 
numero liberari possint ; a centum usque ad quingentos 
partem quintam, similiter ut ex antecedenti numero viginti 
quinque possint fieri liberi. Et denique praecipit, ne plures 

3. ipsa re, eo quod : ' and in fact, 
that is, because.' 

5. Lex Fufia Caninia: the design 
of Augustus in enacting this law 
(8 a.d.) was to impose restrictions 
on wholesale and reckless freeing 
of slaves. The sources state that 
the Romans, in emancipating 
slaves in such great numbers, were 
actuated by generosity, avarice, or 
weakness ; some desired to reward 
faithful service ; others, to obtain 
in the name of their freedmen 
(jure patronatus) the grain dis- 
tributed to poor citizens from the 
public crib ; still others sought to 
gratify personal vanity by mak- 
ing provision for brilliant funeral 
pageants, attended by. numerous 
freedmen, witnesses of the testators' 
generosity, even in death. Reck- 
less manumission during the mas- 
ter's lifetime was regulated chiefly 

by economic reasons — lessening 
of property ; but Augustus sought 
to restrict the foolish gratification 
of vanity, which was really at the 
expense of the heir. His policy 
of caution in extending the Roman 
franchise and emancipating slaves 
was recommended ■ in his will for 
future observance. Justinian re- 
pealed the lex Fufia as inappro- 
priate to his time. 

8. ut adhuc quinque manu- 
mittere liceat: it was allowable 
that the lowest number of any 
higher class equal the 'highest 
number of each preceding class, 
otherwise, although the owner 
of ten slaves could manumit five 
{dimidiam partem), the owner 
of twelve could not manumit 
more than four (tertiam partem) 
and so on up. Cf. also Gai. 1, 



omnino quam centum ex cuiusquam testamento liberi fiant. 
Eadem lex cavet, ut libertates servis testamento nominatim 

Si testamento scriptis in orbem servis libertas 
data sit, quia nullus ordo manumissionis inveni- 
tur, nulli liberi erunt, quia lex Fufia Caninia, quae in 
fraudem eius facta sint, rescindit. 

Gai. i, 46 

Freedom acquired without Consent of Master 

Servo, quern pro derelicto dominus ob gravem 
infirmitatem habuit, ex edicto divi Claudii com- 
10 petit libertas. 

40, 8, 2 

*. libertates testamento nomina- 
tim dentur : the manumission of 
all above the lawful number was 
void. The provisions of the lex 
Fufia might otherwise be avoided, 
either by omitting the names of 
slaves {e.g. I manumit ' all my 
slaves ') or by writing their names 
in a circle so that the separation 
of those in excess of the limit was 
impossible (libertas non videbatur 
posse incertae personae dari, Inst. 
2, 20, 25). 

Freedom acquired without Con- 
sent of Master : under the empire 
it was the policy of the law to en- 
courage manumission (to a rea- 
sonable degree) and to protect the 
slave against cruelty. Reforms 
begun by the earlier emperors 
were continued by some of the 
Christian emperors, though it 
should be remarked that the in- 
fluence of Christianity on the spirit 

of Roman legislation is probably 
overrated. Social and economic 
reasons were more prominent in 
ameliorating the condition of 
slaves. After the Servile Wars in 
Sicily and elsewhere at different 
times, the dangers from a con- 
certed uprising of slaves, driven 
by maltreatment to deeds of vio- 
lence, were, as is shown by the 
legislation of Augustus, felt to be 
menacing. The Romans possessed 
such a vast amount of property in 
slaves, the public welfare was a 
stronger motive in legislation than 
was evangelic humanity. Abuse 
of property was regarded then as 
now as an infringement of the 
public welfare (expedit enim rei 
publicae, . ne quis re sua utatur 
male, Inst. I, 8, 2). Milman, 
Latin Christianity, I, p. 493. In 
certain exceptional cases freedom 
was acquired under the empire 



Just. C. 
7, 6, I, 3 


Sed scimus etiam hoc esse in antiqua LaftiRH^ 
tate ex edicto divi Claudii introductum, quod, si 
quis servum suum aegritudine periclitantem sua domo 
publice eiecerit neque ipse eum procurans neque alii eum 
5 commendans, cum erat ei libera facultas, si non ipse ad 
eius curam sufficeret, in xenonem eum mittere vel quo 
poterat modo eum adiuvare, huiusmodi servus. in libertate 
Latina antea morabatur et, quern ille moriendum dereliquit, 
eius bona iterum, cum moreretur, accipiebat. Talis itaque 

io servus libertate necessaria a domino et uolente re ipsa 
donatus fiat ilico civis Romanus nee aditus in iura patro- 
natus quondam domino reservetur. Quem enim a sua domo 
suaque familia publice reppulit neque ipse eum procurans 
neque alii commendans neque in venerabilem xenonem 

15 eum mittens neque consueta ei praebens salaria, maneat 
ab eo eiusque substantia undique segregatus tam in omni 

without the owner's consent (sine 
manumissione) : as a reward for 
the detection of certain crimes, 
e.g. when a slave discovered the 
murderer of his master, according 
to a SC under Augustus ; in cases 
of negligent and cruel treatment, 
as when a master abandoned a 
sick or infirm slave, according to 
a SC under Claudius ; in various 
cases after Trajan, where libera- 
tion was effected by the interven- 
tion of a magistrate ; after a law 
of Leo, by appointment to certain 
court offices ; and after Justinian's 
enactment, by the assumption of 
priestly orders. 

1 . antiqua Latinitate : antiqua 
is used with reference to the time of 
Justinian (scimus, i.e. Justinian). 

That Latin citizenship is meant 
which was introduced by the lex 
lunia Nbrbana, whereby freedom 
with a qualified citizenship was 
granted, i.e. with commercium 
only, a right to be distinguished 
from the more ancient ius Latii 
cum conubio et commercio. Cf. 
note on libertorum, p. 89. 

11. aditus in iura patronatus: 
see note on palrono, p. 103, for fur- 
ther explanation. 

12. quondam : this adjective use 
of the word in the sense of former, 
late, etc. (not necessarily of those 
deceased), is very common in legal 

15. maneat abeo: 'let the quon- 
dam master be deprived of all inter- 
est in him and his property, not only 


tempore vitae liberti quam cum moriatur nee non post- 
quam iam fuerit in fata sua concessus. 
Martian, d. Qui °b necem detectam domini praemium 
4°. s, s libertatis consequitur, fit orcinus libertus. 

Paul. D. Si servus venditus est, ut intra certum tempus 

4°' 8 . 1 manumitteretur, etiamsi sine herede decessissent 

et venditor et emptor, servo libertas competit; et hoc divus 
Marcus rescripsit. Sed et si mutaverit venditor volunta- 
tem, nihilo minus libertas competit. 

Relation of Patron and Freedman 

*° Ulp. D. 
37. is. 9 

Liberto et filio semper honesta et sancta per- 
sona patris ac patroni videri debet. 

during the entire lifetime of the 
freedman and at his death, but 
also after his death forever.' 

4. orcinus libertus : cf. note on 
testamento, p. 91. 

6. sine herede : hence the slave 
is without a master to carry 
out the intention ; freedom is 
nevertheless acquired by operation 
of law. 

Relation of Patron and Freed- 
man : although since the time of 
Servius Tullius (Dion. 4, 22) a lib- 
ertinus became a Roman citizen 
when his manumissor was a citi- 
zen, nevertheless the position of 
libertinus differs from that of the 
ingenuus (a) in the department 
of public law, where the former 
possessed limited public rights 
only, and (S) in the peculiar rela- 
tion which the libertinus sustained 

toward his manumissor or patro- 
nus. Among public rights, freed- 
men lacked the ius honorum ; eli- 
gibility to the senate and to the 
office oidecurio ; and qualifications 
for serving in the legio. Preten- 
sion to these privileges was pun- 
ished as a misdemeanor. They 
possessed the private rights of 
conubium and commercium. The 
peculiar relation which the freed- 
man bore toward his patron arose 
from the idea that manumission 
was of the nature of rebirth. The 
freedman owed his legal personal- 
ity and his name (nomen gentili- 
ciutn) to his patron, and, in return, 
was bound to filial duty and obedi- 
ence, as a son, even when freed 
from patria potestas, was bound 
to his father {honesta et sancta 
persona patris ac patroni) . 


Paul. D. 
37, 14, 19 

UIp. D. 
37, 14. * 

Ingratus libertus est, qui patrono obsequium 
non praestat vel res eius filiorumve tutelam ad- 
ministrare detractat. 

Patronorum querellas adversus libertos prae- 
sides audire et non translaticie exsequi debent, 
cum, si ingratus libertus sit, non impune f erre eum oporteat. 
Sed si quidem inofficiosus patrono patronae liberisve eorum 
sit, tantummodo castigari eum sub comminatione aliqua 
severitatis non defuturae, si rursum causam querellae prae- 
10 buerit, et dimitti oportet. Enimvero si contumeliam fecit 
aut convicium eis dixit, etiam in exilium temporale dari 
debebit; quod si manus intulit, in metallum dandus erit; 
idem et si calumniam aliquam eis instruxit vel delatorem 
subornavit vel quam causam adversus eos temptavit. 

1. patrono obsequium non prae- 
stat : the freedman owes respect 
and obedience to his patron (reve- 
rentia, obsequium). Violation of 
this duty was punishable by private 
xhastisement (Jevis coercitid), by 
fines, and by return to slavery 
(revocatio in servitutem, cf. note 
on iure civili, p. 80). The freed- 
man was forbidden to bring an 
action against his patron, or his 
patron's parents or children, with- 
out the permission of a magistrate, 
and he was also bound to support 
any or all of these in case of need. 
The freedman owes his patron cer- 
tain services (operae liberti offi- 
ciates), such as the management of 
the latter's property and the tute- 
lage of his children, along with vari- 
ous other services and obligations 
(liberlatis causa imposita). The 

patron and his children acquired 
the rights of inheritance to in- 
testate freedmen, as well as guar- 
dianship over them for life. 

5. translaticie exsequi : punish 
lightly ; trans-laticie(ferre), ' that 
which has been handed over ' (cf. 
edictum translaticium, Introd. 5), 
then, ' usual ' ; and eventually, 
' negligently, lightly.' 

11. convicium: convicium ap- 
pellator quasi convocium . . . non, 
omne maledictum convicium. esse, 
sed id solum, quod vociferatione 
dictum est, sive unus sive plures 
dixerint, D. 47, 10, 15. Cf. note 
on convicium, p. 251. 

13. calumniam : ' malicious 
prosecution' (calumniatores ap- 
pellate sunt, quia per fraudem et 
fricstrationem alios vexarent liti- 
bus, D. 50, 16, 233). 



Definition of the Term Family {Familia) 

uip. d. Familiae appellatio qualiter accipiatur, videa- 

50, 16, 19s, 1 mus. Et quidem varie "accepta est ; nam et in 
res et in personas deducitur. In res, ut puta in lege duo- 
decim tabularum his verbis ' adgnatus proximus familiam 

S habeto.' Ad personas autem refertur familiae significatio . 
ita, cum de patrono et liberto loquitur lex : ' ex ea familia,' 
inquit, ' in earn familiam ' : et hie de singularibus personis 
legem loqui constat. Familiae appellatio refertur et ad 
corporis cuiusdam significationem, quod aut iure proprio 

10 ipsorum aut communi universae cognationis continetur. 
lure proprio familiam dicimus plures personas, quae sunt 
sub unius potestate aut natura aut iure subiectae, ut 
puta patrem familias, matrem familias, filium familias, 
filiam familias quique deinceps vicem eorum sequuntur, 

Definition of the Term Family : common paternal authority. One 

familia has a much wider mean- not subject to such authority and 

ing than our v/ordfamily. Instead independent of family subordi- 

of the natural ties of blood and nation is persona sui iuris,.vaA. 

affection, the Roman family is such a person, as constituting the 

based upon a purely legal concept, head of an independent familia 

having as a bond of union a civil is called paterfamilias or mater- 

and an artificial tie. Familia em- familias. The paterfamilias is 

braces everything subordinated to possessor of all the private rights 

the private authority of a Roman of a Roman citizen and is capable 

citizen. Things (res) as well as of exercising domestic authority, 

men, free and slaves ; property as Those free persons subjected to 

well as persons — all are included the authority of another, to whom 

within the conception of this term. their independent will is surren- 

Designating individuals, it em- dered, are personae alieni iuris. 

braces all of common lineage and Of these persons there are three 

all bound together in a family re- classes : (a) personae in patria 

lation by a legal act (e.g. adoption), potestate; (b) uxor in }nanu ; 

who were or are subjected to a (c) personae in mancipio, cf. Gai. 



ut puta nepotes et neptes et deinceps. Pater autem f ami- 
lias appellate, qui in domo dominium habet, recteque hoc 
nomine appellate, quamvis filium non habeat ; non enim 
solam personam eius, sed et ius demonstramus ; denique 

S et pupillum patrem familias appellamus. Et cum pater 
familias moritur quotquot capita ei subiecta fuerint, singu- 
las familias incipiunt habere ; singuli enim patrum f amilia- 
rum nomen subeunt. Idemque eveniet et in eo qui 
emancipate est; nam et hie sui iuris effectus propriam 

10 familiam habet. Communi iure familiam dicimus omnium 
adgnatorum ; nam etsi patre familias mortuo singuli singu- 
las familias habent, tamen omnes, qui sub unius potestate 
fuerunt, recte eiusdem familiae appellabuntur, qui ex eadem 
domo et gente proditi sunt. Servitutium quoque solemus 

i, 49. For servi in dominica 
potestate, see note on de maim, 
p. 88. 

1 . Pater familias appellator, qui 
in domo dominium habet : it is ap- 
parent that paterfamilias does not 
signify or imply paternity, but one 
who is not in patria potestate, i.e. 
a homo sui iuris, whether he be 
infant or adult, married or un- 

4. ius demonstramus: ius means 
here ' legal position.' 

8. qui emancipatus est : as early 
as the Twelve Tables, the lifelong 
authority of the paterfamilias could 
be interrupted by the formal alien- 
ation of a son by three sales, of 
other liberi by one sale : filius 
quidem tribus mancipationibus, 
ceteri vero liberi (i.e. grandchil- 

dren, daughters, etc.), sive mascu- 
lini sexus sive feminini una 
mancipatione exeunt de parentum 
potestate; lex enim XII tabu- 
larum tantum in persona filii de 
tribus mancipationibus loquitur 
his verbis 'si pater filium ter 
venum duit, a patre filius liber 
esto? Gai. 1, 132. 

10. familiam omnium adgna- 
torum : see note, p. 107, for expla- 
nation of agnatic family. 

14. Servitutium : the gen. plur. 
of this word, otherwise rare, is fre- 
quent in the Digest. Servitus is 
used here for the concrete servi- 
tium, meaning ' slaves.' Mommsen 
proposes the reading servitium 
quoque solemus appettare famil- 
iam, i.e. ' we usually designate 
slaves, too, by the word familia.' 1 

io 5 


appellare familias, ut in edicto praetoris ostendimus sub 
titulo de furiis, ubi praetor loquitur de f amilia publicano- 
rum. Sed ibi non omnes servi, sed corpus quoddam ser- 
vorum demonstratur huius rei causa paratum, hoc est 
5 vectigalis causa. Alia autem parte edicti omnes servi 
continentur, ut de hominibus coactis et vi bonorum rap- 
torum, item redhibitoria, si deterior res reddatur emptsris 
opera aut familiae eius, et interdicto unde vi familiae 
appellatio omnes servos comprehendit. Sed et filii con- 
io tinentur. Item appellatur familia plurium personarum, 
quae ab eiusdem ultimi genitoris sanguine proficiscuntur 
(sicuti dicimus familiam Iuliam), quasi a fonte quodam 

2. ubi praetor loquitur de fa- 
milia publicanorum : for this usage 
seeD. 39,4, 12, familiae autem ap- 
pellatione hie servilem familiam 
contineri sciendum est . . . pub- 
licani autem dicuntur, gui publica 
vectigalia habent conducta. 

6. ut (sc. in edicto) de homini- 
bus : for this usage see D. 47, 8, 2. 

7. redhibitoria : sc. actione. See 
e.g. D. 21, i, 1 and 25, sive ipse 
deteriorem eu?n (servum) fecit 
sive familia eius sive procurator, 
tenebit actio, i.e. an action for the 
rescinding of a contract of sale 
(redhibere, ' to restore to a former 
condition'), if the thing sold has 
diminished in value. 

8. interdicto unde vi : see e.g. 
D. 43, 16, 1, 15. The interdict 
unde vi (so called from its initial 
words) was a magisterial order 
whereby one deprived of property 
by violence might recover pos- 

session. The cases mentioned 
here are all examples of technical 
remedies granted by the praetor 
and the aedile in their edicts, cf. 
Introd. 5, on the nature of the 

12. quasi a fonte quodam me- 
moriae : it is somewhat doubtful 
what this means. For quodam 
memoriae, Mommsen reads eodem 
ortae, as if the text were corrupt. 
But memoria seems to have a some- 
what similar meaning, D. 50, 16, 
220, 3, etenim idcirco filios Jiliasve 
concipimus atque edimus, ut ex 
prole eorum earumve diuturni- 
tatis nobis memoriam in aevum 
relinquamus, i.e. ' that we may 
leave a memorial of our ancient 
lineage for all time to come.' In 
this sense, familia is used as if 
it were a fonte quodam memoriae, 
i.e. expressed the fountain head 
of our ancestry. Such explana- 



memoriae. Mulier autem familiae suae et caput et finis 

Gai. d. Familiae appellatione et ipse princeps familiae 

so, 16, 196 continetur. Feminarum liberos in familia earum 
S non esse palam est, quia qui nascuntur, patris familiam 

ui P . 4, 1 Sui iuris sunt famiI iarum suarum principes, id 

est pater familiae itemque mater familiae. 
uip. D. Patres familiarum sunt, qui sunt suae potesta- 

10 J . 6 - 4 tis sive puberes sive impuberes ; simili modo 

matres familiarum, filii familiarum et filiae quae sunt 
in aliena potestate. 

The Agnatic Family {Familia iuris civilis) 

Gai. 3, 10 Vocantur autem agnati, qui legitima cogna- 

tione iuncti sunt. Legitima autem cognatio est 

15 ea, quae per virilis sexus personas coniungitur. Itaque 

tions are common in legal Latin, of her husband ; and she is finis 

cf. Paulus, 2, 12, 2, depositum est familiae suae, because her children 

quasi diu positum ; D. 39, 2, 3, are in the familia of their father. 
damnum et damnatio ab ademp- 10. sive puberes sive impuberes: 

tione et quasi deminutione patri- girls were impuberes until the com- 

monii dicta sunt; Ulpian, D. 50, pletion of the twelfth year of age; 

16, 31, pratum . . . ex eo dictum, boys, originally until the assump- 

quod paratum sit ad fructum tion" of the toga virilis, but later, 

capiendum, etc. (Kalb, Roths until the completion of the four- 

Juristen, p. 44, note 1). Cf. also teenth year, 
note on curias, p. 45. Agnatic Family: agnati are all 

1. Mulier familiae suae et caput of those who are under the same 

et finis est : this maxim means that patria potestas, or who would be 

a woman sui iuris constitutes the under the same patria potestas if 

only possible member of her own the common ancestor were still liv- 

family ; for by her marriage with ing. Agnation, therefore, includes 

manus she passes into the familia not only those sprung from a com- 



eodem patre nati fratres agnati sibi sunt, qui etiam consan- 
guinei vocantur, nee requiritur, an etiam matrem eandem 
habuerint. Item patruus fratris filio et invicem is illi ag- 
natus est. Eodem numero sunt fratres patrueles inter se, 
5 id est qui ex duobus fratribus progenerati sunt, quos pleri- 
que etiam consobrinos vocant. Qua ratione scilicet etiam 
ad plures gradus agnationis pervenire poterimus. 

Cognatic Relationship {Familia iuris gentium) 

Paul. d. Nomen cognationis a Graeca voce dictum 

38, 10, 10, r videtur : avyyevev; enim illi vocant, quos nos 
10 cognatos appellamus. Cognati sunt et quos adgnatos lex 
duodecim tabularum appellat, sed hi sunt per patrem cog- 
nati ex eadem familia ; qui autem per feminas coniungun- 
tur, cognati tantum nominantur. 

mon ancestor, but also those brought rial tie created by law. The old 

artificially under the patria po- law recognized the agnatic princi- 

testas of a common paterfamilias pie only, but through the agency 

{e.g. by adoptio, in manurn con- of the praetor, cognates gained 

ventio, etc.) ; for unlike the family more and more recognition, until 

based upon blood relationship, the finally, under the imperial legisla- 

ties of the agnatic family may be tion, the cognatic principle pre- 

changed at will (e.g. by marriage, vailed. 

in case of a woman, or by emanci- 11. hi sunt per patrem cognati : 

pation). The family peculiar to cognatio is used in two senses. In 

the ius civile is the agnatic {cogna- the broader meaning of the word, 

tio legitima), whereas that of the it includes agnalio — all cognates 

ius gentium is the cognatic {cogna- are agnates, but the reverse is not 

tio naturalis, per feminas) . Cog- true. In the narrower sense, it 

nati are those whose relationship is means relationship through the 

based on the ties of blood instead mother, as agnatio means relation- 

of subjection to the power of the ship through the father, 

same paterfamilias. Cognation is 12. per feminas : i.e. de fem- 

a natural tie; agnation, an artifi- ina. 



Modest. D. Cognati ab eo dici putantur, quod quasi una 

38, 10, 4, 1 communiterve nati vel ab eodem orti progenitive 
sint. Cognationis substantia bifariam apud Romanos in- 
tellegitur ; nam quaedam cognationes iure civili, quaedam 

5 naturali conectuntur, nonnumquam utroque iure concur- 
rente et naturali et civili copulatur cognatio. Et quidem 
naturalis cognatio per se sine civili cognatione intellegitur 
quae per feminas descendit, quae volgo liberos peperit. 
Civilis autem per se, quae etiam legitima dicitur, sine iure 

10 naturali cognatio consistit per adoptionem. Vtroque iure 
consistit cognatio, cum iustis nuptiis contractis copulatur. 
Sed naturalis quidem cognatio hoc ipso nomine appellatur ; 
civilis autem cognatio licet ipsa quoque per se plenissime 
hoc nomine vocetur, proprie tamen adgnatio vocatur, vide- 

15 licet quae per mares contingit. 

Coiiat. Consanguinei sunt eodem patre nati, licet di- 

16. 3. is versis matribus, qui in potestate fuerunt mortis 

tempore; adoptivus quoque f rater, si non sit emancipa- 
tus, et hi qui post mortem patris nati sunt vel causam 

20 probaverunt. 

ui p . D . Inter agnatos igitur et cognatos hoc interest 

38, 10, 10, 4 q UO d inter genus et speciem ; nam qui est ag- 
natus, et cognatus est, non utique autem qui cognatus est, 
et agnatus est; alterum enim civile, alterum naturale 

25 nomen est. 

19. vel causam probaverunt : niculi causae probatio, i.e. by rear- 

' patria potestas arises primarily ing a child to the age of one year 

by birth from a lawful marriage, and furnishing proof of confor- 

but 'exceptionally by the lex mity to other requirements (cau- 

Aelia Sentia, in the case of Latini sam probare) . For details see Gai. 

who acquired citizenship by an- 1,29-31. 



Inst. I, g, i 


Modest. D. 
S 23. *. I 


Nuptiae sive matrimonium est viri et mulie- 
ris coniunctio, individuam consuetudinem vitae 

Nuptiae sunt coniunctio maris et feminae et 
consortium omnis vitae, divini et humani iuris 


Marriage : the essence of a Ro- 
man marriage, distinguishing it 
from any other union of the sexes 
(e.g. concubinatus, contuberniuni), 
was maritalis affedio (non enim 
coitus matrimonium facit, sedmari- 
talis affedio') . Strictly speaking, no 
ceremony was required for entrance 
into the marriage relation ; consent 
of the parties concerned and a 
manifestation of maritalis affedio 
were sufficient. With reference to 
the legal position of the wife, the 
Romans recognized different kinds 
of marriage. The earliest marriage 
at Rome involved the transfer of 
the wife from the family of her 
father into the family of her hus- 
band (in manum conventio), 
thereby establishing a marital 
authority, called manus mariti, 
which placed the wife in loco filiae 
and under the f atria potestas of 
her own husband (cf. note on 
Manus, p. 125). As early as the 
Twelve Tables, the ius civile recog- 
nized a marriage without mantis, 
by which the wife did not pass 
into the familia of her husband, 
and consequently did not have 

legal relationship with her own 
children. With reference to the 
legal consequences of marriage 
and the wife's position, the Roman 
law distinguishes three periods : 
marriage with manus; separation 
of marriage and manus ; and the 
disappearance of manus. Toward 
the end of the republic, marriage 
without manus was the more us- 
ual, and under the empire it became 
the only marriage. • 

1. Nuptiae sive matrimonium: 
there is no distinction of meaning 
discernible in the legal usage of 
these words. 

4. Nuptiae sunt coniunctio : the 
second definition of marriage (by 
Modestinus) explains somewhat 
more fully that of the Institutes. 
Individua consuetude vitae of the 
latter denotes a continued and in- 
separable (individua in the later 
meaning of ' inseparable,' ' perma- 
nent ') union of man and woman, 
involving a community of all the 
relations of life, rank, position, 
domicile, etc., but not of property. 
The wife in manu relinquished all 
proprietary rights (si quam in ma- 



uip.5,* Iustum matrimonium est, si inter eos, qui 

nuptias contrahunt, conubium sit, et tarn mas- 

culus pubes quam femina potens sit, et utrique consentiant, 

si sui iuris sint, aut etiam parentes eorum, si in potestate 

S sunt. Conubium est uxoris iure ducendae facultas. Conu- 
bium habent cives Romani cum civibus Romanis; cum 
Latinis autem et peregrinis ita, si concessum sit. Cum 
servis nullum est conubium. 
inst. * 10 lustas autem nuptias inter se cives Romani 

i° contrahunt, qui secundum praecepta legum 

coeunt, masculi quidem puberes, feminae autem viripo- 
tentes, sive patres familias sint sive filii familias, dum 
tamen filii familias et consensum habeant parentum, quo- 

num ut uxorem receperimus, eius 
res ad nos iranseunt, Gai. 2, 98), 
while in a marriage sine manu 
neither party had rights in the 
property of the other. 

1. Iustum matrimonium : atten- 
tion has already been called to the 
distinction between marriage iuris 
civilis, requiring conubium of both 
parties (iustu?n, legitimum matri- 
monium ; iustae, legitimae nuptiae), 
and marriage iuris gentium, not 
requiring conubium (non legiti- 
mum) . Only the former produced 
patria potestas over the children 
of the marriage (legitimi). 

■a. masculus pubes : cf. note on 
sive, p. 107. 

9. lustas nuptias inter se cives 
Romani : a legal marriage required 
the fulfillment of the following con- 
ditions : (a) the parties must have 
the conubium ; (b) they must con- 

sent and give due evidence of their 
intention to marry, and if they are 
not sui iuris, they must also have 
the consent of their respective pa- 
tresfamilias ; (V) they must be 
of lawful age (puberes) ; (d) they 
must not be within the prohibited 
degrees of relationship. 

13. consensum habeant paren- 
tum : according to the family law of 
the ius civile a son remained in the 
lifelong power of his oldest living 
ascendant (whether he be father, 
grandfather, or great-grandfather), 
hence if one's father and a higher 
ascendant (e.g. grandfather) are 
both living, he must have the con- 
sent of both of them (iussum pa- 
rentis praecedere debeaf), since at 
the death of the grandfather (A) 
the father (B) becomes paterfami- 
lias, and the latter's son (C) might 
otherwise have introduced mem- 


rum in potestate sunt. Nam hoc fieri debere et civilis et 
naturalis ratio suadet in tantum, ut iussum parentis prae- 
cedere debeat. Vnde quaesitum est, an furiosi filianubere 
aut furiosi filius uxorem ducere possit. Cumque super 
S filio variabatur, nostra processit decisio, qua permissum est 
ad exemplum filiae furiosi filium quoque posse et sine patris 
interventu matrimonium sibi copulare secundum datum 
ex constitutione modum. 

Eo tempore, quo quis uxorem habet, concu- 

Paul. 2, 20 .... , 

10 bmam habere non potest. Concubina lgitur ab 

uxore solo dilectu separatur. 

bers into his (B's) family without 
his (B's) consent, a possibility 
which was contrary to the spirit 
of the family law. This question 
could not arise in the case of a 
daughter, because she introduced 
no new members into her father's 
family (cf. note on Mulier, p. 107). 
Parentes in this connection does 
not mean ' parents ' but ' male as- 

4. aut furiosi filius uxorem ducere 
possit : as consent was necessary, 
the question arose whether the son 
of a madman was able to marry, 
since his father, being deprived of 
reason, could not give consent 
(furor' contrahi matrimonium non 
sinit, quia consensu opus est, sed 
recte contractu?/! non impedit, D. 
23, 2, 16, 2) . Justinian determined 
a number of ways in which the 
children of madmen might make 
a valid marriage (nostra processit 
decisio, C. 5, 4, 25). 

9. concubinam habere non potest: 
besides .legal marriage (matrimo- 
nium iustum, etc.), the Roman law 
recognized and controlled a per- 
manent union called concubinatus, 
a form of marriage of inferior right 
and dignity. Concubinatus dif- 
fered from matrimonium in the 
absence of maritalis affectio, and 
it was a relation most often entered 
into between a manumissor and 
his liberta. The concubina lacked 
the dignitas uxoris and did not 
enjoy the rank and position of her 
husband. Children from such a 
union were called naturales liberi 
and were, of course, not subject to 
patria potestas, though they were 
by the later law capable of becom- 
ing legitimi by the marriage of 
parents who were eligible to a le- 
gal marriage. Among the Romans 
concubinatus, like matrimonium, 
was strictly monogamous in char- 


Gai. i, 64 

_ , , Inter servos et liberos matrimonium contrahi 

Paul. 2, 19, 6 . 

non potest, contubernium potest. Neque furio- 
sus neque furiosa matrimonium contrahere possunt; sed 
contractum matrimonium furore non tollitur. 

Si quis nefarias atque incestas nuptias con- 
traxerit, neque uxorem habere videtur neque 
liberos; itaque hi, qui ex eo coitu nascuntur, matrem qui- 
dem habere videntur, patrem vero non utique ; nee ob id 
in potestate eius sunt, sed tales sunt quales sunt hi, quos 
10 mater vulgo concepit ; nam et hi patrem habere non in- 
telleguntur, cum is etiam incertus sit; unde solent spurii 
filii appellari, vel a Graeca voce quasi <jiropdZt]v concepti, 
vel quasi sine patre filii. 

2. contubernium potest : no 
union of slaves or of slaves with free- 
men was recognized as marriage. 
Inasmuch as slaves were capable of 
becoming persons by manumission 
and as libertini had the right of 
marriage, the law recognized near 
relationship among slaves as a bar 
to their intermarriage after manu- 
mission (illud certum est serviles 
cognationes impedimento esse nup- 
tiis, si forte pater etfilia autf rater 
et soror manumissi fuerint, Inst. 
1, 10, 10). 

4. matrimonium furore non tol- 
litur: the marriage of a. lunatic 
is void ab initio, but subsequent 
lunacy is not a ground for dis- 
solving the marriage (furiosus 

nullum negotium gerere potest, 
quia non intelligit quid agat, Gai. 
3. 106). 

5. Si quis nefarias nuptias con- 
traxerit : such a union is void ab 
initio, and the issue (incestuosi), 
therefore, follow the usual rule in 
such cases (partus sequitur ven- 
trem, cf. note on Ingenui, p. 81). 
Children quos mater vulgo con- 
cepit are to be distinguished from 
those issuing from concubinatus ; 
the latter are naturales and as 
such have claim upon their father 
for support; the former, called 
spurii (bastards'), were depend- 
ent upon their mother for sup- 
port; and, as regards paternity, 
were filii nullius. 

ROMAN law — 8 



Impediments to Marriage 

Gai. I, 58 

A quarundam nuptiis abstinere debemus. 
Inter eas enim personas, quae parentum libero- 
rumve locum inter se obtinent, nuptiae contrahi non pos- 
sunt, nee inter eas conubium est, velut inter patrem et filiam, 
5 vel inter matrem et filium, vel inter avum et neptem; et si 
tales personae inter se coierint, nefarias et incestas nup- 
tias contraxisse dicuntur. Et haec adeo ita sunt, ut 
quamvis per adoptionem parentum liberorumve loco sibi 
esse coeperint, non possint inter se matrimonio coniungi, 
10 in tantum, ut etiam dissoluta adoptione idem iuris maneat ; 
itaque earn, quae mihi per adoptionem filiae aut neptis loco 

Impediments to Marriage : im- 
pediments to marriage are either 
absolute or relative. Absolute 
impediments, rendering marriage 
impossible and void in all cases 
are : lunacy, infancy, castration, 
and an existing marriage ; rela- 
tive, preventing marriage between 
certain persons only, are, near 
relationship, differences in rank, 
the official position of the hus- 
band, adultery (after 18 B.C.), 
and seduction (after Constan- 

2. parentum liberorumve locum 
inter se obtinent : agnatic as well 
as cognatic relationship in the di- 
rect line {i.e. between ascendants 
and descendants) to any degree, is 
always an impediment to marriage. 
This is true also although the re- 
lationship arose through adoption, 
into the agnatic family ; for even 

if the one adopted has been 
emancipated from the family, the 
fiction of relationship (as if by a 
tie of blood) is still maintained 
(idem iuris maneat) . In the col- 
lateral line, however, the rule is 
not so strict. In the early law, 
collaterals to the fourth degree 
could not marry (consobrini) but 
during the republic first cousins 
were permitted to marry, and this 
continued to be the rule in the 
Eastern empire, although not so 
in the Western empire. After 
Claudius it was legal to marry a 
brother's daughter (relationship of 
the third degree), but this was 
forbidden by Christian emperors. 
Adoption in the collateral line did 
not prevent marriage even between 
brother and sister, after the eman- 
cipation of either one of them 
(adoptio dissoluta) . 



esse coeperit, non potero uxorem ducere, quamvis earn 
emancipaverim. Inter eas quoque personas, quae ex trans- 
verso gradu cognatione iungimtur, est quaedam similis 
observatio, sed non tanta. Sane inter fratrem et sororem 

5 prohibitae sunt nuptiae, sive eodem patre eademque matre 
nati fuerint, sive alterutro eorum ; sed si qua per adoptio- 
nem soror mihi esse coeperit, quamdiu quidem constat 
adoptio, sane inter me et earn nuptiae non possunt con- 
sistere; cum vero per emancipationem adoptio dissoluta 

io sit, potero earn uxorem ducere ; sed et si ego emancipatus 
f uero, nihil impedimento erit nuptiis. Fratris filiam uxorem 
ducere licet, idque primum in usum venit, cum divus 
Claudius Agrippinam, fratris sui filiam, uxorem duxisset ; 
sororis vero filiam uxorem ducere non licet. Et haec ita 

15 principalibus constitutionibus significantur. Item amitam 
et materteram uxorem ducere non licet. Item earn, quae 
mihi quondam socrus aut nurus aut privigna aut noverca 
fuit. Ideo autem diximus ' quondam,' quia si adhuc con- 
stant eae nuptiae, per quas talis adfinitas quaesita est, alia 

20 ratione mihi nupta esse non potest, quia neque eadem duo- 
bus nupta esse potest, neque idem duas uxores habere. 

Fratris vel sororis filiam uxorem ducere non 
ns . 1, 10, 3 jj cet ^ g e( j nec neptem fratris vel sororis ducere 

16. quae mihi quondam socrus aut wife and a 'deceased wife's sister' 

nurus : affinitas, or relationship by (i-e. between brother-in-law and 

marriage, was the tie between each sister-in-law) was permitted until 

one of a married pair and the kin- the prohibitions of Constantine 

dred of the other. Intermarriage and several later emperors (C. 5, 

among affines is prohibited in the 5, 5). 

direct line (between ascendants 22. Fratris vel sororis filiam ux- 

and descendants, and in Christian orem ducere non licet: the legalizing 

times, in the collateral line also) . of the marriage of a man with his 

Marriage with a deceased brother's brother's daughter (case of Clau- 



quis potest, quamvis quarto gradu sint. Cuius enim filiam 
uxorem ducere non licet, eius neque neptem permittitur. 
Eius vero mulieris, quam pater tuus adoptavit, filiam non 
videris impediri uxorem ducere, quia" neque naturali neque 

5 civili iure tibi coniungitur. Duorum autem fratrum vel 
sororum liberi vel fratris et sororis iungi possunt. 

Mariti tamen Alius ex alia uxore et uxoris filia ex alio 
marito, vel contra, matrimonium recte contrahunt, licet 
habeant fratrem sororemve ex matrimonio postea contracto 

io natos. 

Lege Iulia prohibentur uxores ducere senatores 

quidem liberique eorum libertinas et quae ipsae 

quarumve pater materve artem ludicram fecerit, item cor- 

pore quaestum facientem. Ceteri autem ingenui prohiben- 

15 tur ducere lenam et a lenone lenave manumissam et in 
adulterio deprehensam et iudicio publico damnatam et 
quae artem ludicram fecerit. - 

dius and Agrippina) was repealed political status were recognized in 

by .Constantine, hence the appar- the law of marriage during its entire 

ent contradiction in the text (cf. history prior to Justinian. Origi- 

note onparentum, p. 114). It was nally there was no marriage be- 

unlawful to marry the ascendant tween cives and peregrini. Until 

or descendant of one already with- the lex Canuleia (445 B.C.) there 

in the prohibited degree {sororis was no conubium between patri- 

filiam . . . nee neptem). cians and plebeians. During the 

3. Eius mulieris, quam pater republic, ingenui and libertini could 

tuus adoptavit, filiam : as^'mulier intermarry, but with a loss of so- 

et caput et finis suae familiae est,'' cial standing to the former. The 

her children did not follow her lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus 

into her adoptive family; hence (4 A. d.) forbade senators and their 

they were not related to its mem- descendants to the third genera- 

bers (neque naturali neque civili tion to marry libertini and certain 

iure). Cf. note on Mulier, p. 107. other classes of persons disquali- 

11. senatores liberique eorum fied by their occupations and social 

libertinas : differences in rank and status (e.g. inf antes) . Ingenui 



Paul. D. Si quis officium in aliqua provincia adminis- 

23, 2, 38 tratj j nc j e oriundam vel ibi domicilium habentem 

uxorem ducere non potest, quamvis sponsare non prohi- 

5 Paul. D. Senatus consulto, quo cautum est, ne tutor 

23.^.59 pupillam vel filio suo vel sibi nuptum collocet, 
etiam nepos significatur. 
Paul. D. Non est matrimonium, si tutor vel curator 

23.2.66 pupillam suam intra vicesimum et sextum 
10 annum non desponsam a patre nee testamento destin- 

atam ducat uxorem vel earn filio suo iungat : quo facto 
uterque infamatur et pro dignitate pupillae extra ordi- 
nem coercetur. Nee interest, filius sui iuris an in patris 
potestate sit. 
15 Tryph. d. Non solum vivo tutori, sed et post mortem 

23. 2. 67 e j us £ij us tutoris ducere uxorem prohibetur earn, 
cuius tutelae rationi obstrictus pater fuit. 

were also forbidden to marry per- with the completion of the twenty* 

sons of the last mentioned class. fifth year. Until that time the pu- 

By the lex lulia such marriages pilli required the assistance of a 

were not void, but were penalized. curator in the management of their 

The emperor M. Aurelius declared affairs {masculi puberes et feminae 

them void, and Justinian made viripotentes usque ad vicesimum 

them completely valid, the old quintum annum completum . . . 

differences of status having passed licet puberes sint, adhuc huius ae- 

away. tatis sunt, ut negotia sua tueri non 

1. Si quis officium in aliqua pro- possint, Inst. 1, 23). 
vincia administrat : this prohibi- 12. uterque infamatur : i.e. both 

tion, directed particularly against the tutor and the curator. The 

the marriage of governors of pro v- office of tutor and curator was a pub- 

inces and of soldiers stationed in lie duty (jnunus publicum), and 

provinces, was prompted by public such a marriage, unless • directed 

welfare. by the will of the woman's father, 

9. intra vicesimum et sextum was regarded as a breach of trust 

annum : full majority was attained and contrary to public policy. 



Paul. D. 

23, 2, 2 

Nuptiae consistere non possunt nisi consenti- 
ant omnes, id est qui coeunt quorumque in 
potestate sunt. 

uip. d. Si nepos uxorem velit ducere avo furente, om- 

5 23.2.9 nimodo patris auctoritas erit necessaria; sed si 

pater furit, avus sapiat, sufficit avi voluntas. Is cuius 
pater ab hostibus captus est, si non intra triennium reverta- 
tur, uxorem ducere potest. 

Pompon, d. Mulierem absenti per litteras eius vel per 
10 2 3. 2 . s nuntium posse nubere placet, si in domum eius 

deduceretur ; earn vero quae abesset ex litteris vel nuntio 
suo duci a marito non posse ; deductione enim opus esse 
in mariti, non in uxoris domum, quasi in domicilium ma- 

1. Nuptiae consistere non pos- 
sunt : absence of consent, or with- 
holding of consent (except under 
certain limitations) , was an impedi- 
ment to marriage (nuptias non con- 
cubitus sed consensus facit, D. 35, 
1,15). As marriage in the earliest 
period was always attended by ma- 
tins, the forms of acquiring maims 
and the forms of entering marriage 
became identified, i.e. confarreatio, 
coemptio, and usus (cf. note on 
Manns, p. 125, and following 
notes). In the later law, marriage 
without manus required nothing 
more than the consent of the 
parties, openly and unequivocally 
manifested. A usual manifestation 
of consent (though no part of the 
requirement of the marriage con- 

tract, except when the husband was 
absent) was the deduciio in domum 
mariti; hence the marriage could 
be entered into if the consent of 
the man was expressed by letter 
or messenger (owing to his ab- 
sence), and if the consent of the 
woman was manifested by her de- 
ductio in domum by the relatives 
of her future husband. Owing to 
this requirement of delivery of 
possession, the woman must be 
present in the domicile of her 

6. Is cuius pater . . . uxorem 
ducere potest : this applies to both 
sexes. If the father return after 
the period of three years, he can- 
not dissolve the marriage because 
of his disapproval. 



Florent. D. 
23. i. 1 

Ulp. D. 

23. I. z 


Sponsalia sunt mentio et repromissio nupti- 
arum futurarum. 

Sponsalia autem dicta sunt a spondendo ; 
nam moris fuit veteribus stipulari et spondere 
5 sibi uxores futuras, 

S"??' D ' unde et s P onsi sponsaeque appellatio nata est. 

uip. d. Sufficit nudus consensus ad constituenda spon- 

2 3. 1. 4 sa lia. Denique constat et absenti absentem de- 

sponderi posse, et hoc cottidie fieri. 

Betrothal : in the earliest law, 
engagements to marry were made 
by the formal sponsio (cf. note on 
Verbis, p. 205) between the bride- 
groom and the bride's father. This 
form of betrothal was retained in 
the Latin law (i.e. in Latium), and 
a breach of promise of marriage 
was actionable and satisfaction was 
rendered in pecuniary damages 
(Gell. 4, 4). At Rome, however, 
no action lay for a breach of prom- 
ise of marriage, since, by Roman 
law, marriage was based on a con- 
sensus nuptialis, but never on a 
consenszts sponsalicius, a promise 
of future marriage. Still, in prac- 
tice, marriage was often preceded 
by an informal agreement to marry, 
given either by the consent of the 
affianced pair or by that of their 
patresfamilias. In the latter case, 
the son had the unquestioned right 
of rejection, while the daughter 
could refuse only on account of the 
unworthiness or immoral charac- 

ter of the intended husband. Be- 
trothal required that each party be 
seven years of age, i.e. impuberes 
might enter into an informal agree- 
ment to a future marriage. Either 
party might recall his promise, 
without showing cause for his act, 
but more than one engagement at 
a time was 'contra bonos mores] 
and caused the offender to be 
branded with infamy (infamia 
notatur qui bina sponsalia binasve 
nuplias in eodem tempore constitu- 
tas habuerit, D. 3, 2, 1). Pledges 
and gifts given in consideration 
of betrothal (arra sponsalicia) 
were forfeited by the one renounc- 
ing the engagement, except in cer- 
tain cases (psculo interv entente, 

4. stipulari et spondere: be- 
trothal was originally accomplished 
by the form of promise known as 
stipulatio, in which the words 
spondesne? spondeo were em- 
ployed, hence the words sponsus 



Modest, d. In sponsalibus contrahendis aetas contrahen- 

di '. x 4 tium definita non est ut in matrimoniis. Qua- 
propter et a primordio aetatis sponsalia effici possunt, si 
modo id fieri ab utraque persona intellegatur, id est, si non 

5 sint minores quam septem annis. 
Paul. d. In sponsalibus nihil interest, utrum testatio 

2 ?' r > 7 interponatur an aliquis sine scriptura spondeat. 

In sponsalibus etiam consensus eorum exigendus est, quo- 
rum in nuptiis desideratur. Intellegi tamen semper filiae 

io patrem consentire, nisi evidenter dissentiat, Iulianus scribit. 
Julian, d. Sponsalia sicut nuptiae consensu contrahen- 

23, 1. 11 tium fiunt ; et ideo sicut nuptiis, ita sponsalibus 
filiam familias consentire oportet. 
Ulp . D . Sed quae patris voluntati non repugnat, con- 

j S 23, 1, iz sen tire intellegitur. Tunc au tern solum dissenti- 
endi a patre licentia filiae conceditur, si indignum moribus 
vel turpem sponsum ei pater eligat. 

and sponsa (cf. Fr. ipoux, Spouse) spectively are impuberes. Im- 

for the betrothed. puberes are further divided into 

4. si non sint minores quam infantes (i.e. qui fari non possunt), 

septem annis : in Roman law the children under seven years, and 

capacity to act with full legal ef- infantia maiores, children between 

feet depends upon sex and age. the completed seventh and four- 

The Romans recognized two ages teenth years. The former are in- 

of capacity, while we are accus- capable of performing juristic acts ; 

tomed to one only. In Roman the latter act for themselves, but, 

terms, infancy and minority are except for their own benefit (i.e. 

not synonymous. Full capacity by acquiring rights), only with the 

begins with pubertas, which was assistance of a guardian (aucto- 

originally determined by physical ritate tutoris). Maior aetas begins 

development and afterward fixed with the completed twenty-fifth 

by the jurists at fourteen for males year (puberes maiores -vel minores 

and twelve for females. Those XXV annis). This distinction 

persons under the completed gained legal recognition as early 

twelfth and fourteenth years re- as the time of Plautus (cf. Pseud. 



Paul. D. 
23. 1. 13 

Ulp. D. 
23. 1. l8 

Filio familias dissentiente sponsalia nomine 
eius fieri non possunt. 

In sponsalibus constituendis parvi refert, per 
se (et coram an per internuntium vel per epistu- 
S lam) an per alium hoc factum est: et fere plerumque con- 
diciones interpositis personis expediuntur. 
Gai. D. In sponsalibus discutiendis placuit renuntia- 

24,2,2,2 tionem intervenire oportere ; in qua re haec 
verba probata sunt : ' condicione tua non utor.' 
10 uip. D. In potestate manente filia pater sponso nun- 

23, i, 10 t i um remittere potest et sponsalia dissolvere. 

303) by a lex Plaetoria against 
defrauding minors. Toward the 
end of the republic the principle 
was developed by the praetor, who 
allowed a remedy to the minor 
defrauded on account of his inex- 
perience {restitutio in integrum 
propter minor em aetatem) , and by 
imperial legislation, which allowed 
the minor the protection of a 
curator (cf. note on intra, p. 117). 

9. condicione tua non utor : ' I do 
not avail myself of your offer.' As 
the promise of marriage involves no 
legal obligation and no penalties, 
it may be renounced at will. These 
are the usual words employed in 
the breaking oif of an engagement 
(renuntiatio), not in the dissolu- 
tion of marriage, as given in Har- 
per's Lat. Diet. s. v. Condicio, 
B. 1. 

Dissolution of Marriage : mar- 
riage may be dissolved by necessity 
and voluntarily. By necessity, as 
when marriage comes to an end by 

some circumstance independent 
of the will : by death ; by cap- 
tivity, as when either spouse be- 
comes a prisoner of war ; by loss 
of freedom in other ways ; by im- 
pediments to marriage which arise 
ex post facto, as when a father 
adopts his daughter's husband 
(incestus superveniens) or when 
the husband of a libertina becomes 
a senator. Voluntary dissolution 
of marriage arises by separation 
(divortium), i.e. by a discontinu- 
ance of the marriage relation with 
the intention of permanently dis- 
solving the marriage. This may 
arise by agreement of husband 
and wife or by the voluntary re- 
nunciation of the marriage by 
either spouse {divortium followed 
by repudiuni) . As marriage arises 
by consent, it may be dissolved 
voluntarily, since the prohibitions 
against divorce are very few in 
Roman law (cf. Gell. 10, 15, 23; 
D. 24, 2, 11). In the older law, 



Dissolution of Marriage 

Paul. D. 

24, 2, 1 

Tryph. D. 
49. 15. 12. 4 

S Pompon. D. 
49. IS. 14. 1 

Dirimitur matrimonium divortio, morte, capti- 
vitate vel alia contingente servitute utrius eorum. 
Sed captivi uxor, tametsi maxime velit et in 
domo eius sit, non tamen in matrimonio est. 

Non ut pater filium, ita uxorem maritus iure 
postliminii recipit, sed consensu redintegratur 

Julian, d. Vxores eorum, qui in hostium potestate per- 

24,2,6 venerunt, possunt videri nuptarum locum reti- 

10 nere eo solo, quod alii temere nubere non possunt. Et 
generaliter definiendum est, donee certum est maritum 
vivere in captivitate constitutum, nullam habere licentiam 

ceremonies in effecting divorce 
were required only in the case of 
marriage by confarreatio, which 
required a corresponding diffar- 
reatio. Marriage by coemptio and 
probably by usus were dissolved 
by the usual remancipatio (' fic- 
titious sale '), followed by manu- 
fnissio on the part of the fictitious 
purchaser. Divorce during the 
republic was regulated more by 
custom and the corrective power 
of the censor than by law (cf. 
case of Sp. Carvilius Ruga, 234 
B.C.). After Constantine, sepa- 
ration for insufficient cause or 
for guilt was punished by heavy 
fines (C. 5, 17, 8). By the law 
of Justinian, divorce was accom- 
plished by informal methods, 
without judicial or clerical inter- 

1. morte captivitate vel alia con- 
tingente servitute: marriage with 
or without manus ceases at death, 
by captivity, and by any other loss 
of freedom of either spouse. For 
loss of freedom in other ways see 
note on iure civili, p. 80. By post- 
liminium a captive citizen recov- 
ered all of his legal relations where 
he laid them down at the time of 
his capture, with the exception of 
marriage. The marriage contract 
must be renewed by agreement 
of the parties. It was enacted 
by law (perhaps the lex Iulia et 
Papia Poppaea) that captivity dis- 
solved a marriage only when the 
life of the captive was despaired 
of and a period of five years had 
elapsed since capture. 

2. utrius : for alterutrius, utri- 


uxores eorum migrare ad aliud matrimonium, nisi mallent 
ipsae mulieres causam repudii praestare. Sin autem in 
incerto est, an vivus apud hostes teneatur vel morte prae- 
ventus, tunc, si quinquennium a tempore captivitatis ex- 

5 cesserit, licentiam habet mulier ad alias migrare nuptias, 
ita tamen, ut bona gratia dissolutum videatur pristinum 
matrimonium et unusquisque suum ius habeat imminutum ; 
eodem hire et in marito in civitate degente et uxore captiva 

i° just. c. Neque ab initio matrimonium contrahere 

5. 4. n neque dissociatum reconciliare quisquam cogi 

potest. Vnde intellegis liberam facultatem contrahendi 
atque distrahendi matrimonii transferri ad necessitatem 
non oportere. 

*5 Gai. D. Divortium autem vel a diversitate mentium 

24, 2, 2 dictum est vel quia in diversas partes eunt, qui 

distrahunt matrimonium. In repudiis autem, id est renun- 
tiatione, comprobata sunt haec verba : ' tuas res tibi habeto,' 
item haec : ' tuas res tibi agito.' 

6. bona gratia dissolutum : a (magna et insta causa) , and later 

divortium bona gratia was a sepa- emperors advanced the view of the 

ration free from all disadvantages text. A wife in manu could not, 

and penalties (suum ius habeaf), of course, divorce herself (invitam 

when it occurred by agreement or autem ad maritum redire nulla 

for reasons attaching no blame to iuris praecepit constitutio, C. 5, 

either party. 17, 5). 

12. liberam facultatem contra- 15. Divortium ... In repudiis : 

hendi atque distrahendi : in the there is no contrast here between 

earlier law the paterfamilias could divortium and repudium (as given 

dissolve the marriage of his filia- s. v. divortium in Harper's Lat. 

familias if she were not in manu Did.). Divortium is the general 

mariti. Usually the consent of term for the separation from a 

a paterfamilias was unnecessary. marriage. Repudium is the decla- 

M. Aurelius forbade his interfer- ration or formal notice (renunti- 

ence except for serious reasons alio) given by one party to the 



Paul. D. 

Divortium non est nisi verum, quod animo 

perpetuam constituendi dissensionem fit. Itaque 

quidquid in calore iracundiae vel fit vel dicitur, non prius 

ratum est, quam si perseverantia apparuit iudicium animi 

5 fuisse : ideoque per calorem misso repudio, si brevi reversa 

uxor est nee divortisse videtur. 

Paul. d. Nullum divortium ratum est nisi septem civi- 

24. *. 9 bus Romanis puberibus adhibitis praeter liber- 

tum eius qui divortium faciet. 

other, of which the usual words 
of style are ' iuas res habeto? etc. 
The prevailing opinion is that 
divortium ' is a separation by 
agreement ; repudiuvi, a separa- 
tion by compulsion or withdrawal 
of consent on one side only 
(repudiation). This view seems 
untenable from the sources. It 
appears as more likely that di- 
vortium is a term denoting a 
separation of any kind, whether 
by agreement or by the application 
of one party only, while repudiu?ti 
denotes the formal declaration of 
will and intention of either party 
seeking a dissolution of marriage 
(cf. Sohm, Institutionen, 8th ed., 
1899, P- 453)- The mere agree- 
ment to separate did not dis- 
solve the marriage, but agree- 
ment followed by the declara- 
tion (repudium mittere, dare) 
sent or given by one of the 

1. Divortium non est nisi ve- 
rum : ' a divorce is ineffectual 

unless there be a serious inten- 
tion of making the separation 

7. Nullum divortium nisi septem 
civibus Romanis : the lex lulia de 
adulteriis (18 B.C.) introduced this 
formality under penalty, in order 
to establish clear proof of the in- 
tention of the parties. This con- 
tinued to be the law under the 
empire, although Diocletian re- 
quired the declaration to be in 
writing (repudii libellus) . 

8. praeter libertum : why a liber- 
tus of the one applying for a sep- 
aration should be present as a 
witness is not known. It has been 
suggested, in the absence of a 
better explanation, that it was a 
prerogative of the higher classes 
in divorce proceedings, since they 
alone possessed freedmen (Leon- 
hard). It is furthermore possible 
that the freedman is a remnant 
and reminiscence of the old family 
council of the republic {iudicium 
domesticum) . 



Gai. i, 109 


Sed in potestate quidem et masculi et feminae 
esse solent ; in manum autem feminae tantum 
conveniunt. Olim itaque tribus modis in manum convenie- 
bant, usu, farreo, coemptione. 

Farreo in manum conveniunt per quoddam genus sacri- 
ficii, quod Iovi Farreo fit in quo farreus panis adhibetur, 
unde etiam confarreatio dicitur : complura praeterea huius 

Manus : manus is the technical 
term for the power of the husband 
over his wife. The wife in manu 
was called materfamilias (not to 
be confused with a woman sui 
iuris, cf. D. 1 , 6, 4, and note on Defi- 
nition, p. 104) ; the wife sine manu 
was called simply uxor (Cic. Top. 
3, 14). Originally every iustum 
matritnonium carried with it 
manus ■ later manus became in- 
dependent of marriage and arose 
only through an especial act as an 
accessory of marriage. In this way 
manus was fictitiously employed 
in other relations than those of 
marriage, so that the woman 
passed temporarily into the manus 
of even a third party. Manus 
matrimonii causa came into dis- 
favor toward the time of Cicero 
(Cic. pro Mur. 12) and occurred 
but seldom during the earlier 
empire ; manus as a fiction, how- 
ever, continued longer and was 
an institution of the classical law. 
The legal position of the wife in 
manu was as follows : (a) she 

passed entirely out of her family 
into the family of her husband, to 
whom she stood in the position 
of a daughter (quasi filiafamilias, 
filiae loco), and to her own chil- 
dren, who were in patria potesias, 
she was in the position of sister 
(sororis loco) ; (b) her entire prop- 
erty became her husband's and all 
that she acquired after marriage 
(per eas personas, quas in manu 
mancipiove habemus, proprietas 
quidem adquirilur nobis ex omni- 
bus causis, sicutper eos qui in potes- 
tate nostra sunt, Gai. 2, 90) ; for 
her previously contracted debts her 
husband was responsible up to the 
extent of her property (missio in 
bona of her creditors) . 

3. Olim tribus modis in manum 
conveniebant : manus had become 
practically obsolete in the time of 
Gaius and had vanished entirely 
from the law of Justinian. Along 
with the change in manners and 
social life during the last century 
and a half of the republic, women 
preferred the more independent 



iuris ordinandi gratia cum certis et sollemnibus verbis, 
praesentibus decern testibus, aguntur et fiunt. Quod ius 
etiam nostris temporibus in usu est ; nam flamines maiores, 
id est Diales, Martiales, Quirinales, item reges sacrorum 
5 nisi ex farreatis nati sunt, non leguntur ; ac ne ipsi quidem 
sine confarreatione sacerdotium habere possunt. 

Coemptione vero in manum conveniunt per mancipa- 
tionem, id est per quandam imaginariam venditionem ; 

position afforded by marriage with- 
out manus along with the freedom 
of divorce, independent property, 
etc., which it granted. 

i. sollemnibus verbis: the power 
of the husband over his wife was 
derived from a union of their re- 
spective sacred rites, symbolized 
by a ceremony in which the woman 
was introduced into the religious 
worship of her husband. The 
words of the ceremony {cert a 
verba, sollemnia) were ' Vbi tu es 
Gaius, ibi ego sum Gaia,' 1 spoken 
by the woman. 

2. Quod ius nostris temporibus 
in usu est: confarreatio made 
the issue of the marriage eligible 
for certain high priestly offices 
(flamen maior, rex sacrorum, 
virgo vestalis) and, as it was the 
most ceremonious and aristocratic 
form of marriage, it was the pre- 
rogative of the patricians only. 
Augustus renewed the priesthood 
of Jove (10 B.C.), and by a law 
of Tiberius, marriage by confarre- 
atio with z.flamen Dialis produced 
manus with regard to sacred rites 
only. In other respects the wife 

retained the rights of an uxor sine 

7. Coemptione in manum con- 
veniunt : marriage by the secular co- 
emptio was accessible to all citizens, 
plebeians as well as patricians. 
The primitive bride purchase took 
in Roman law the form of manci- 
patio, originally a formal proceed- 
ing per aes et libram,but eventually 
a fictitious sale in which the 
daughter was purchased from her 
paterfamilias and later a transac- 
tion in which the bride sold her- 
self (auctoritate tutoris) in manum 
mariti. Two forms of coemptio 
occur : coemptio matrimonii causa 
and coemptio fiduciae causa. The 
latter was a fiction whereby women 
might avoid certain legal restric- 
tions and disabilities (e.g. coemptio 
tutelae evitandae causa, testamenti 
faciendi causa, etc.) . In these co- 
emptiones the wife trusted (fidu- 
cia) that the sham husband would 
not take the marriage seriously, 
but would immediately set her free 
from manus by remancipation. For 
greater security old men were se- 
lected for these ' dummy' husbands, 



nam adhibitis non minus quam quinque testibus civibus 
Romanis puberibus, item libripende, emit is mulierem, cuius 
in manum convenit. 

Vsu in manum conveniebat, quae anno continuo nupta 

5 perseverabat ; quia enim veluti annua possessione usu- 
capiebatur, in familiam viri transibat filiaeque locum ob- 
tinebat. Itaque lege duodecim tabularum cautum est, ut 
si qua nollet eo modo in manum mariti convenire, ea quo- 
tannis trinoctio abesset atque eo modo usum cuiusque anni 

10 interrumperet. Sed boc totum ius partim legibus sublatum 
est, partim ipsa desuetudine oblitteratum est. 

Patria Potestas 

Quaedam personae sui iuris sunt, quaedam 

"' *' 4 alieno iuri sunt subiectae. Rursus earum per- 

sonarum, quae alieno iuri subiectae sunt, aliae in potestate, 

at the most, merely short-lived pur- other rights of a iustum matrimo- 
chasers of the marital power (senes nium. According to the Twelve 
coemptionales, cf. Cic. pro Mur. Tables, manus acquired by dwell- 
12 27). ing together matrimonii causa for 
4. Vsu in manum conveniebat : one year might be avoided by the 
just as manus could be acquired absence (usurpatio) of the wife 
by bride purchase, so could it be from the marital roof for three 
acquired, like power over other consecutive nights (quotannis tri- 
pieces of property, by prescriptive noctio). By this symbolical inter- 
title. By usucapio under the old ruption of the continuity of the 
ius civile, immovable property was marital power it is evident that as 
acquired in two years ; everything early as the Twelve Tables there 
else in one year. The daughter could be a marriage without ma- 
of a stranger (peregrinus), there- nus (jure civili), and eventually 
fore, over whom manus could not usus no longer produced manus, 
be acquired by confarreatio or co- and the institution became obsolete 
emptio might pass into the power of (jus desuetudine oblitteratum est) . 
her husband by usus. From ma- Patria Potestas : patna potestas 
nus derived in this way arose all the is the relation of the paterfamilias 



aliae in manu, aliae in mancipio sunt. Videamus nunc 
de his, quae alieno iuri subiectae sint; nam si cognoveri- 
mus, quae istae personae sint, simul intellegemus, quae 
sui iuris sint. Ac prius dispiciamus de iis qui in aliena 
5 potestate sunt. 

with his filiifamilias (and filiae- 
familias), whether they are sub- 
jected to his power by birth from 
a lawful marriage (liberi, filii legi- 
timi), or by the fiction of legitima- 
tion and adoption. The paternal 
authority of a Roman citizen over 
his children is a peculiar character- 
istic of the law of status. Patria 
potestas is analogous to dominica 
potestas in its severity and scope, 
but the filiifamilias differ from 
those subjected to dominica potes- 
tas in that they are free and citi- 
zens, possessing the private rights 
of commercium and conubium. 
They are furthermore capable of 
, becoming independent persons 
with full legal capacity and having 
the ius potestatis themselves as 
soon as the patria potestas over 
them ceases (sui iuris) . All rights 
accrue to the paterfamilias, so that 
the filiusfamilias has no potestas 
over his own children while he is 
under the power of his own father. 
In other words, the rights growing 
out of the ius conubii and com- 
mercii are centered in the pater- 
familias. As regards the public 
rights of a filiusfamilias, see note 
on Filius, p. 132. With regard to 
the person of the filiusfamilias, 
the paterfamilias possesses the 

following rights : originally the 
unlimited power of life and death 
(yitae necisque potestas, especially 
with the approval of a domestic tri- 
bunal) ; the right of sale (ius ven- 
dendi), either into slavery (trans 
Tiberim) or to a Roman citizen 
(mancipatio), afterward limited to 
fictitious sale, and sale by reason of 
father's poverty (propter nimiam 
paupertate?n) ; the right of sur- 
render to the injured party for de- 
licts, in lieu of pecuniary damages 
(ex maleficiis, exnoxali causa man- 
cipio datur). Cf. note on iudi- 
cium, p. 240. 

1. aliae in mancipio : the old law 
recognized the rights of parents to 
sell their children into bondage. 
The relationship created by such 
a sale was one of master and bond- 
man. The bondman was in an in- 
termediate status between freedom 
and slavery, occupying the position 
of a slave as regards his master, 
but in other relations he was re- 
garded as liber and civis. The 
phrase in mancipio esse means 
to be in a position analogous to 
that of slave. The right of par- 
ents to sell their children was later 
restricted, and eventually such sales 
were punishable as disgraceful and 
unlawful acts. Fictitious sales 



In potestate nostra sunt liberi nostri, quos iustis nuptiis 
procreavimus. Quod ius proprium civium Romanorum 
est ; fere enim nulli alii sunt homines, qui talem in filios 
suos habent potestatem, qualem nos habemus. Idque 
S divus Hadrianus edicto, quod proposuit de his, qui sibi 
liberisque suis ab eo civitatem Romanam petebant, signi- 
ficavit. Nee me praeterit Galatarum gentem credere in 
potestate parentum liberos esse. 
ui P . d. Nam civium Romanorum quidam sunt patres 

10 J - 6 > 4 f amiliarum, alii filii familiarum, quaedam matres 

familiarum, quaedam filiae familiarum. Patres familiarum 
sunt, qui sunt suae potestatis sive puberes sive impuberes ; 
simili modo matres familiarum; filii familiarum et filiae 
quae sunt in aliena potestate. Nam qui ex me et uxore 

15 mea nascitur, in mea potestate est; item qui ex filio meo 
et uxore eius nascitur, id est nepos meus et neptis, aeque 
in mea sunt potestate, et pronepos et proneptis et deinceps 

Morte patris Alius et filia sui iuris fiunt ; morte 

Ulp. IO, ;s . 

20 autem avi nepotes ita demum sui iuris fiunt, si 

post mortem avi in potestate patris futuri non sunt, velut 

continued to be used in adoptions sequens matrimonium, per rescrip- 

and emancipations. turn principis). 

1. In potestate nostra sunt 7. Galatarum gentem: the Ga- 

liberi: the natural basis of patria latians were of Gallic origin, and 

potestas is birth (Jiberi ex iusto Caesar (B. G. 6, 19) testifies to 

matrimonii)). Potestas could be an institution like the Roman 

acquired over liberi naturales {non patria potestas among the Gauls. 

legitimi) by legitimation, which St. Paul refers also to this pecu- 

might be effected, under the Chris- liarity of the Galatians (Gal. 4, 1). 

tian emperors, by the subsequent ig. Morte patris Alius et filia sui 

marriage of parents eligible to iuris fiunt : patria potestas might 

marriage, or by a rescript of the cease for various reasons, but 

emperor, etc. (legitimatio per sub- neither marriage nor the attain- 

ROMAN LAW — 9 I 29 


si moriente avo pater eorum aut iam decessit aut de potes- 
tate dimissus est ; nam si mortis avi tempore pater eorum 
in potestate eius sit, mortuo avo in patris sui potestate fiunt. 
Si patri vel filio aqua et igni interdictum sit, patria 
5 potestas tollitur, quia peregrinus fit is, cui aqua et igni 
interdictum est ; neque autem peregrinus civem Romanum 
neque civis Romanus peregrinum in potestate habere 

Si pater ab hostibus captus sit, quamvis servus hostium 
10 fiat, tamen cum reversus fuerit, omnia pristina iura recipit 
iure postliminii. Sed quamdiu apud hostes est, patria 
potestas in filio eius interim pendebit, et cum reversus 
fuerit ab hostibus, in potestate filium habebit; si vero ibi 
decesserit, sui iuris filius erit. Filius quoque si captus 
15 fuerit ab hostibus, similiter propter ius postliminii patria 
potestas interim pendebit. 

In potestate parentum esse desinunt et hi qui flamines 
Diales inaugurantur et quae virgines Vestae capiuntur. 

Poenae servus effectus filios in potestate 

Inst. I, 12, 3 ... „ . ~. 7 

20 habere desmit. Servi autem poenae emciuntur, 

qui in metellum damnantur et qui bestiis subiciuntur. 

raent of majority relieved a son or virgo vestalis in the older law } 

from, paternal authority at Rome. or the office of bishop or rank of 

Patria potestas terminated of ne- patricius in the law of Justinian, 

cessity : by death of paterfamilias, Patria potestas terminated of free 

though grandchildren then pass will : by emancipation (also by 

into the power of their father if he datio in adoptionem and by in 

is alive (otherwise they become manum convention occurring, ac- 

sui iuris) ; by loss of freedom or cording to the Twelve Tables and 

citizenship of either paterfamilias the classical law, by mancipatio fol- 

or filiusfamilias (subject to ius lowed by manumissio ; by rescript 

postliminii); by assumption of cer- in the imperial law ; and by decla- 

tain offices on the part of those sub- ration before a court in the law of 

jected to power, as flamen Dialis Justinian. 



Filius familias si militaverit, vel si senator vel consul 
fuerit factus, manet in patris potestate. Militia enim vel 
consularia dignitas patris potestate filium non liberat. Sed 
ex constitution^ nostra summa patriciatus dignitas ilico ab 
5 imperialibus codicillis praestitis a patria potestate liberat. 
Gai i i 2 Praeterea emancipatione desinunt liberi in 

potestate parentum esse. Sed filius quidem 
tribus mancipationibus, ceteri vero liberi sive masculini 
sexus sive feminini una mancipatione exeunt de parentum 

10 potestate; lex enim XII tabularum tantum in persona filii 
de tribus mancipationibus loquitur his verbis ' si pater 
filium ter venum duit, a patre filius liber esto.' Eaque res 
ita agitur: mancipat pater filium alicui; is eura vindicta 
manumittit; eo facto revertitur in potestatem patris; is 

15 eum iterum mancipat vel eidem vel alii (sed in usu est 
eidem mancipari) isque eum postea similiter vindicta manu- 
mittit ; eo facto rursus in potestatem patris revertitur ; 
tertio pater eum mancipat vel eidem vel alii (sed hoc in 
usu est, ut eidem mancipetur), eaque mancipatione desinit 

20 in potestate patris esse, etiamsi nondum manumissus sit 
sed adhuc in causa mancipii. 

Sed ea emancipatio antea quidem vel per 

antiquam legis observationem procedebat, quae 

per imaginarias venditiones et intercedentes manumissiones 

25 celebrabatur, vel ex imperiali rescripto. Nostra autem 
providentia et hoc in melius per constitutionem refor- 
mavit, ut fictione pristina explosa recta via apud compe- 
tentes iudices vel magistratus parentes intrent et filios 

4. summa patriciatus dignitas : ity in imitation of the old patriciate 
the term patricms was changed arising from birth. It was hence- 
by Constantine to a title of nobil- forth a title conferred at the pleas- 



suos vel filias vel nepotes vel neptes ac deinceps sua manu 


Gai. d. Liberum arbitrium est ei, qui filium et ex eo 

i, 7, 28 nepotem in potestate habebit, filium quidem 

5 potestate demittere, nepotem vero in potestate retinere; 
vel ex diverso filium quidem in potestate retinere, nepotem 
vero manumittere ; vel omnes sui iuris efficere. 
Mardan. d. Non potest filius, qui est in potestate patris, 
1,7.31 ullo modo compellere eum, ne sit in potestate, 

10 sive naturalis sive adoptivus. 

Pompon, d. Filius familias in publicis causis loco patris 
J ' 6 '9 familias habetur, veluti ut magistratum gerat, 

ut tutor detur. 


Non tantum naturales liberi in potestate pa- 
Ulp. 8, 1 , . , . . r r 

15 rentum sunt, sea etiam adoptivi. 

Modest, d. Filios familias non solum natura, verum et 

*■ 7: x adoptiones faciunt. Quod adoptionis nomen 

est quidem generale, in duas autem species dividitur, 

ure of the emperor on the highest judge in a suit to which his father 

and most esteemed personages of was a party or even preside over 

the imperial court. his own adoption or emancipation. 

11. Filius familias in publicis He might, though still under 

causis : patria potestas did not power himself, be appointed to fill 

apply in the sphere of public law. the public office of guardian over 

The filiusfamilias, regardless of another (quod ad ius publicum 

paternal authority, had the two attinet, non sequitur ius potestatis, 

public rights, ius honorum and ius D. 36, I, 14). 
suffragii. He could exercise all Adoption : adopted persons may 

political functions and hold the be subjected to patria potestas as 

highest political offices without well as those belonging to the 

release from patria potestas and family by birth. The transaction 

with no prejudice to his public by which one person is rendered 

authority. He might officiate as subordinate to another, taking the 



Inst, i, ii, 8 

quarum altera adoptio similiter dicitur, altera adrogatio. 
Adoptantur filii familias, adrogantur qui sui iuris sunt. 

In plurimis autem causis adsimilatur is, qui 
adoptatus vel adrogatus est, ei qui ex legitimo 

5 matrimonio natus est. Et ideo si quis per imperatorem 
sive apud praetorem vel apud praesidem provinciae non 
extraneum adoptaverit, potest eundem alii in adoptionem 
dare. Sed et illud utriusque adoptionis commune est, quod 
et hi, qui generare non possunt, quales sunt spadones, 

10 adoptare possunt, castrati autem non possunt. Feminae 

position of son, grandson, etc., 
is called adoption. Of adoption 
there are two kinds : adoptio and 
arrogatio. Adoptio, in the specific 
sense, is the name given to the 
transaction by which a persona 
alieni iuris (fliusfamilias) is 
transferred from the power of one 
'paterfamilias to another ; arroga- 
tio is the name of the transaction by 
which a persona sui iuris (pater- 
familias) is subjected to the power 
of another. In the old law, 
adoption of a son required that 
he be emancipated three times by 
his father and that he be trans- 
ferred to the power of the adoptive 
father (vindicatio in patriam 
potestatem). See also note on 
qui, p. 105. In the later law, 
adoption was effected before the 
proper court in the presence of the 
parties, and in the law of Justinian 
it was complete only when the one 
adopting was an ascendant of 
the one adopted (called adoptio 
' plena) . 

6. non extraneum : znextraneus 
is one not related by a family tie ; , 
here non extraneum means a de- 
scendant. Under the law of Jus- 
tinian the adoption of a stranger 
(extraneus) did not confer patria 
potestas or any other rights over 
the one adopted (called adoptio 
minus plena), hence he could not 
be given in adoption to still an- 
other person. The one adopted, 
however, obtained rights of in- 
heritance ab intestato in the estate 
of his adoptive parent. 

9. qui generare non possunt : 
there were certain requirements 
which must be observed in cases 
of adoption : the adoptive parent 
must be capable of exercising 
patria potestas and he must be 
eligible to marriage ; he must also 
be one generation (eighteen years) 
older than the one adopted; the 
parties concerned must consent. 
As adoption imitates nature, only 
those capable of marriage (though 
not necessarily married) could 



quoque adoptare non possunt, quia nee naturales liberos in 
• potestate sua habent; sed exjndulgentia principis ad sola- 
tium liberorum amissorum adoptare possunt. 
Paul. d. Et qui uxores non habent filios adoptare pos- 

5 1.7.30 sun t. 

Minorem natu non posse maiorem adoptare 

Inst. 1, 11, 4 . . . 

placet: adoptio enim naturam lmitatur et pro 
monstro est, ut maior sit filius quam pater. Debet itaque 
is, qui sibi per adrogationem vel adoptionem filium facit, 

10 plena pubertate, id est decern et octo annis praecedere. 
Licet autem et in locum nepotis vel neptis vel in locum 
pronepotis vel proneptis vel deinceps adoptare, quamvis 
filium quis non habeat. Et tarn filium alienum quis in lo- 
cum nepotis potest adoptare, quam nepotem in locum filii. 

'5 Paul. d. Cum nepos adoptatur quasi ex filio natus, con- 

*■ 7. 6 sensus filii exigitur, idque etiam Iulianus scribit. 

adopt. Spadones could marry; 10. plena pubertate praecedere : 

castrati could not marry. The although the age of puberty was 

possibility of spadones having fixed in the classical law at fourteen, 

children was not entirely disre- it was agreed by jurists that in 

garded {nee ei corporale vilium some cases the age should be placed 

impedimento est, D. 1, 7, 40). later to include those of retarded 

2. ad solatium liberorum amis- physical development. The age 

sorum adoptare possunt : women accepted as sufficient for adoption 

could not adopt because they did and certain other acts was eighteen 

not have the patria potestas, but (plena pubertas') . An interval of 

the emperor Diocletian enacted eighteen years was therefore re- 

that a mother might adopt for the quired between the ages of the 

reason stated in the text (C. 8, adoptive father and son. 
47,5). This was not a complete 15. consensus filii exigitur : the 

adoption, but the adopted child consent of a son was required for 

was placed in a position similar the same reason in adoption as that 

to that of the mother's own child, of a father in marriage (cf. note on 

with reciprocal rights of inherit- consensu//!, p. m). A grandson 

ance ab intestato. (C) might be adopted in a general' 



Inst, i, ii, 7 

In eo casu et Alius consentire debet, ne ei 
invito suus heres adgnascatur. Sed ex contra- 
rio si avus ex filio nepotem dat in adoptionem, non est 
necesse filium consentire. 

Gai. i, 99 


Populi auctoritate adoptamus eos, qui sui iuris 
sunt ; quae species adoptionis dicitur adrogatio, 
quia et is qui adoptat rogatur, id est interrogatur, an velit 
eum, quem adoptaturus sit, iustum sibi filium esse ; et is, qui 
adoptatur, rogatur, an id fieri patiatur; et populus rogatur, 

way, or as the son of a particular 
son (B), who might be still living, 
or deceased. If a grandson (C) 
were adopted as the son of a partic- 
ular son (B) of the adopting grand- 
father (paterfamilias'), it would 
happen, at the death of the grand- 
father (A), that the adopted one 
(C) would pass into the power of 
this particular son (B) and become 
one of his agnatic heirs. Hence 
without this provision the son's 
(B's) heirs would be increased 
without his consent. A grandson 
adopted in a general way would 
become sui iuris at the death of 
his adoptive grandfather. 

Arrogation: in the early law 
arrogation was accomplished by a 
rogatio populi in comitiis calatis 
(lex curiata") with the cooperation 
of the pontiffs, who watched over 
the religious interests involved. 
The transaction by which a homo 
sui iuris became alieni iuris might 

involve not only the extinction of 
a family, but also that of a gens. 
Arrogation was, therefore, a matter 
of concern to the state, and it al- 
ways remained an institution gov- 
erned by public law. Procedure 
in the matter of arrogation before 
the comitia curiata was similar to 
that of other formal transactions 
before this body (for the formula 
see Gell. 5, 19, 9. Cf. also note on 
latam, p. 46). Only those could 
be arrogated who were qualified to 
appear in the comitia curiata ; 
women and impuberes were, there- 
fore, excluded. In the empire, 
arrogation was performed by re- 
scriptum principis (auctoritate 
principis), the will of the emperor 
supplanting the former auctoritas 
populi. Antoninus Pius allowed 
impiiberes to be arrogated in cer- 
tain cases, but only when provision 
had been previously made for the 
protection of their interests. 



an id fieri iubeat. Imperio magistrates adoptamus eos, 
qui in potestate parentum sunt, sive primum gradum libe- 
rorum obtineant, qualis est Alius et filia, sive inferiorem, 
qualis est nepos neptis, pronepos proneptis. Et quidem 
5 ilia adoptio, quae per populum fit, nusquam nisi Romae fit ; 
at haec etiam in provineiis apud praesides earum fieri 

uip. D. Si pater familias adoptatus sit, omnia quae 

i. 7, 15 eius f uerunt et adquiri possunt tacito iure ad 

10 eum transeunt qui adoptavit. 

Capitis Deminvtio 

Paul. d. Capitis deminutionis tria genera sunt, maxima, 

4> s. " media, minima : tria enim sunt quae habemus, 

libertatem, civitatem, familiam. Igitur cum omnia haec 

5. ilia adoptio : i.e. arrogatio 
{adoptio hominis sui iuris) . — at 
haec : i.e. adoptio {adoptio homi- 
nis alieni iuris) . 

Capitis Deminutio : the legal ca- 
pacity of persons depended upon 
their civil position. Certain mem- 
bers of Roman society were legally 
disqualified, while others enjoyed 
varying degrees of legal capacity, 
according to their position with 
reference to liberty, citizenship, and 
domestic relations. Only those 
persons who were free Roman citi- 
zens and independent members of 
•a. familia were capable of enjoying 
all the rights conferred by the law. 
The legal capacity of the individual 
is designated as caput. Caput de- 
pends upon the civil position of the 

individual with reference to liber- 
tas, civitas, and familia. Any 
alteration in the position of a civis 
Romanus with reference to any of 
these three relations will cause a 
loss of his previous personality 
{capitis deminutio), i.e. civil death 
of previous personality {quia civili 
ratione capitis deminutio morti 
coaequatur, Gai. 3, 153). As li- 
bertas is requisite for civitas and 
familia, its loss is called capitis 
deminutio maxima {servus nullum 
caput habet) ; civitas being re- 
quired tor familia, its loss is called 
media or minor; any change in 
domestic position {familia) is 
called minima. The loss of the 
higher degree involves the loss of 
the lower. 



amittimus, hoc est libertatem et civitatem et familiam, 
maximam esse capitis deminutionem : cum vero amittimus 
civitatem, libertatem retinemus, mediam esse capitis de- 
minutionem: cum et libertas et civitas retinetur, familia 

S tantum mutatur, minimam esse capitis deminutionem 

Est autem capitis deminutio prioris status per- 

mutatio. Eaque tribus modis accidit : nam aut 

maxima est capitis deminutio, aut minor, quam quidam 

10 mediam vocant, aut minima. Maxima est capitis deminu- 
tio, cum aliquis simul et civitatem et libertatem amittit; 
minor sive media est capitis deminutio, cum civitas amit- 
titur, libertas retinetur; quod accidit ei cui aqua et igni 
interdictum fuerit; minima est capitis deminutio, cum et 

15 civitas et libertas retinetur, sed status hominis commuta- 
tur ; quod accidit in -his, qui adoptantur, item in his, quae 

10. Maxima est capitis deminu- enemy ; by surrender of a guilty 

tio : capitis deminutio maxima oc- person to the enemy for injury to 

curs when a civisRomanus loses his their ambassadors, or for making 

libertas, e.g. by captivity (subject to a treaty not sanctioned by the 

postliminium, see note on the word, Roman people, etc. 

p. 85) ; by sale trans Tiberim as 14- minima est qapitis deminutio: 

slave ; by sale pretii participant minima capitis deminutio occurs 

causa ; by condemnation to death, when a citizen exchanges one caput 

to the mines, etc. ; by revocatio in for another by any loss or change 

servitutemoflibertusingratus,etc. of position in familia, whether he 

Cf. also note on iure, p. 80. increases or diminishes his per- 

12. minor capitis deminutio: sonal independence, e.g. when a 

capitis deminutio minor occurs homo sui iuris becomes alieni iuris 

when a citizen loses his citizenship, {e.g. by arrogatio or in manum 

e.g. by banishment because of the conventio of a woman sui iuris') ; 

inter dictio aquae et ignis ; by depor- when a homo alieni iuris becomes 

iatio in the empire ; by emigration sui iuris (by emancipation from 

to a Latin colony or a foreign state ; patria potestas or from a marriage 

by desertion of a soldier to the cum manu mariti) ; when a homo 



coemptionem faciunt, et in his, qui mancipio dantur quique 
ex mancipatione manumittuntur ; adeo quidem, ut quotiens 
quisque mancipetur aut manumittatur, totiens capite demi- 
5 uip. d. Intereunt autem homines quidem maxima aut 

17, 2, 63, 10 me dia capitis deminutione aut morte. 
ui p . d. Capitis enim minutio privata hominis et fami- 

4' s. 6 Hae eius iura, non civitatis amittit. 

Maxima est capitis deminutio, cum aliquis 

Inst. 1, 16, 1 . . . . . 

10 simul et civitatem et libertatem amittit. Quod 

accidit in his, qui servi poenae efficiuntur atrocitate senten- 
tiae, vel liberti ut ingrati circa patronos condemnati, vel 
qui ad pretium participandum se venumdari passi sunt. 
Minor sive media est capitis deminutio, cum civitas quidem 

15 amittitur, libertas vero retinetur. Quod accidit ei, cui aqua 
et igni interdictum fuerit, vel ei, qui in insulam deportatus 
est. Minima est capitis deminutio, cum et civitas et liber- 
tas retinetur, sed status hominis commutatur. Quod acci- 
dit in his, qui, cum sui iuris fuerunt, coeperunt alieno 

20 iuri subiecti esse, vel contra. Servus autem manumissus 
capite non minuitur, quia nullum caput habuit. 

alieni iuris changes paterfamilias person for a new person and, there- 
(by adoptio, by in manum conven- fore, lays down the rights and du- 
tio of a filiafamilias, by arrogatio ties of his former personality. In 
of a homo sui iuris who has chil- the eye of the private law, he suf- 
dren in his potestas, by manumis- fers civil death followed by an ini- 
tio e mancipio, etc.). mediate resurrection ; but in the 
5. Intereunt homines : by the two eye of the public law, his person- 
greater changes in status- {libertas ality remains unaltered and he suf- 
and civitas, called also together, fers no loss of public rights (iura 
capitis deminutio magna) the in- civitatis non amittit). See also 
dividual suffers civil death, but by note on Filius, p. 132. 
the least of the changes in status 7. Capitis enim minutio privata : 
(familia) he exchanges his former with minutio sc. minima. The 



Inst, i, 13 


Transeamus nunc ad aliam divisionem. Nam 
ex his personis, quae in potestate non sunt, 
quaedam vel in tutela sunt vel in curatione, quaedam 
neutro iure tenentur. Videamus igitur de his, quae in 
5 tutela vel in curatione sunt ; ita enim intellegemus ceteras 
personas, quae neutro iure tenentur. Ac prius dispiciamus 
de his quae in tutela sunt. Est autera tutela, ut Servius 
definivit, ius ac potestas in capite libero ad tuendum eum, 
qui propter aetatem se defendere nequit, iure civili data ac 

forms deminutio, diminution and 
minutio were all in common use. 

Guardianship : guardianship {tu- 
tela, cura, curatio) is an insti- 
tution whereby the legal capacity 
of those persons sui iuris who are 
wholly or partially incapable of 
performing legal acts on account 
of immature years, mental inca- 
pacity, or business inexperience, is 
completed . and protection is af- 
forded such incompetent persons 
in the exercise of their legal rights. 
Guardianship applies only to per- 
sonae sui iuris. Not all personae 
sui iuris are capable of independent 
action. Persons may become sui 
iuris irrespective of age or sex and 
still be absolutely incapable of per- 
forming legal acts {e.g. infantes'), 
or they may be only partially capa- 
ble of such action {e.g. infantia 
maiores), or they may be capable 
but lack sufficient judgment and 
experience {e.g. minor es XXV 
annis) . The Roman law therefore 

developed three kinds of guardian- 
ship, according to the degree of in- 
capacity of the ward and the degree 
of authority conferred upon the 
guardian, viz.: tutela impuberum, 
tutela mulierum, cura {curatio) 
puberum. Personae alieni iuris 
required no guardian because they 
were already subordinated to the 
power and protection of another 
{in potestate, in manu, in tnanci- 

8. ius ac potestas in capite lib- 
ero : in capite libero is equivalent to 
persona sui iuris. The principle 
at the basis of guardianship was 
twofold. In the earlier law, guar- 
dianship {tutela) was a private 
right {ius ac potestas), analogous 
to patria potestas and a substitute 
for it, exercised by those persons 
most interested in the protection 
of the ward's person and property 
(Gell. 5, 13). Later, guardianship 
was transformed into a public office, 
whose acceptance was obligatory 



permissa. Tutores autem sunt, quae earn vim ac potes- 

tatem habent, ex qua re ipsa nomen ceperunt. Itaque 

appellantur tutores quasi tuitores atque defensores, sicut 

aeditui dicuntur qui aedes tuentur. * 

S Sed impuberes quidem in tutela esse omnium 

Gai. I, 189 . . . -. . . . . , ,. . . 

civitatium mre contmgit, quis id naturah rationi 

conveniens est, ut is qui perfectae aetatis non sit, alterius 

tutela regatur. Nee fere ulla civitas est, in qua non licet 

parentibus liberis suis impuberibus testamento tutorem 

10 dare; quamvis, ut supra diximus, soli cives Romani vide- 
antur liberos suos in potestate habere. 

Tutores constituuntur tam masculis quam 

feminis. Sed masculis quidem impuberibus 

dumtaxat propter aetatis infirmitatem, feminis autem tam 

15 impuberibus quam puberibus, et propter sexus infirmitatem 

et propter forensium rerum ignorantiam. 

Masculi puberes et feminae viripotentes usque 
Inst. 1, 23 , . . . , 

ad vicesimum quintum annum completum cura- 

tores accipiunt ; qui, licet puberes sint, adhuc tamen huius 

20 aetatis sunt, ut negotia sua tueri non possint. 

(nam et tutelam et cur am placuit furiosi, prodigi), is the lex Plae- 

publicum munus esse) and whose toria (about 204 B.C.). By this 

conduct was a public duty (onus). law full majority (perfecta aetas, 

10. ut supra diximus : cf. text legitima aetas) was fixed at twenty- 

and note on Galatarum, p. 129. five (hence the distinction ma- 

15. propter sexus infirmitatem : iores, minores XXV annis), and 

for the lifelong tutelage of women any fraud practiced upon those 

see text and note on Veteres, under this age in the conclusion of 

p. 152. contracts (circumscripta aduies- 

17. Masculi puberes ad vicesi- centium) subjected the guilty per- 

mum quintum annum curatoresacci- son to criminal prosecution and 

piunt: the earliest known provision the injured minor was granted a 

for the guardianship of puberes, remedy (exceptio legis Plaetoriae). 

not otherwise disqualified (e.g. Cf. also note on si non, p. 120. 



Certae autem rei vel causae tutor dari non 
potest, quia personae, non causae vel rei datur. 
, Item inviti adulescentes curatores non acci- 
piunt praeterquam in litem ; curator enim et ad 
5 certain causam dari potest. 

Dari autem potest tutor non solum p'ater fa- 

milias, sed etiam Alius familias. Sed et servus 

proprius testamento cum libertate recte tutor dari potest. 

Sed sciendum est eum et sine libertate tutorem datum 

io tacite et libertatem directam accepisse videri et per hoc 

recte tutorem esse. 

Inst. I, 14, 4 

Inst, x, 23, 2 

Inst, i, 14 

2. quia personae, non causae da- 
tur : the chief distinction between 
tutela and cur a appears in the rela- 
tion of tutor es and curatores to the 
property of their respective wards : 
tutores represent constantly the 
personality of their wards in all 
proprietary relations {tutor ad uni- 
versum patrimonium datus esse 
creditur, Inst. 1, 25, 17). Addi- 
tional tutores or curatores may be 
appointed for a single transaction 
or for a special purpose only (e.g. 
ad litem) . The essence of tutela 
is the duty of supplying the defi- 
ciency in the ward's capacity to 
perform legal acts; this is called 
the auctoritatis interpositio (auc- 
toritas, augere in legal Latin 
means ' the supplying of some de- 
ficiency'), the tutor cured (auge- 
bat) the inability of his pupillus to 
understand the meaning of legal 
transactions. The essence of cura 
was the administration of property 
(gestio, administratio) and, though 

in some cases the curator was 
concerned with the personal wel- 
fare of his ward, he was in the 
main charged with the duty of pre- 
venting pecuniary damage or lpss 
to him. In this sense the maxim, 
tutor personae datur, curator rei, 
is true, but not as commonly stated, 
that the tutor is given to the per- 
son of the pupil and the curator to 
the management of his property 
(e.g. Harper's Lat. Diet. s. v. tu- 
tor). The ttitor may have the 
gestio of his pupil's property, as in 
tutela impuberum ; or he may lack 
it, as in tutela mulierum ; to the 
office of curator, however, gestio is 

6, Dari potest tutor non solum 
pater familias, sed Alius familias : 
under the older law the only qual- 
ifications for the office of tutor 
were citizenship and male sex. 
Those incapable of conducting the 
office because of immaturity or 
physical and mental infirmities 



Gai. d. Tutela plerumque virile officium est. Et sci- 

26, 1, 16 endum est nullam tutelam hereditario iure ad 
alium transire ; sed ad liberos virilis sexus perfectae aetatis 
descendunt legitimae, ceterae non descendunt. 
5 Nerat. d. Feminae tutores dari non possunt, quia id 

26, 1, 18 munus masculorum est, nisi a principe filiorum 
tutelam specialiter postulent. 

Minores autem viginti et quinque annis olim 

Inst. 1, 25, 13 , 

quidem excusabantur ; a nostra autem consti-. 
10 tutione prohibentur ad tutelam vel curam aspirare, adeo 
ut nee excusatione opus fiat. Qua constitutione cavetur, 
ut nee pupillus ad legitimam tutelam vocetur nee adultus ; 
cum erat incivile eos, qui alieno auxilio in rebus suis admi- 
nistrandis egere noscuntur et sub aliis reguntur, aliorum 
15 tutelam vel curam subire. 

Idem et in milite observandum est, ut nee volens ad 
tutelae munus admittatur. 

Complura senatus consulta facta sunt, ut in 
f u ' , ' locum furiosi et muti et surdi tutoris alii tutores 

20, I, 17 

20 dentur. 

could be represented by a substi- ship hold the office (a principe 
tute. Even a slave could be ap- filiorum tutelam specialiter pos- 

pointed by testament, but in the 

absence of express gift of liberty, 3. perfectae aetatis : for expla- 

he was held to receive his freedom nation see note on Masculi, p. 140. 

by implication (tacite et libertatem 12. pupillus nee adultus : the de- 

directani) and hence could act as finitions of pupillus, adultus, and 

tutor (cf. note on Testamento, p. 91 tutor in Harper's Lat. Diet, are 

also). For the filiusfamilias as inexact for legal usage. Pupillus 

tutor, cf. note on Filius, p. 132. is an imputes, or, specifically, an 

In the later law and in the law impubes not in patria polestas, but 

of Justinian, impuberes, minores, in tutela. Adultus (adulescens) 

soldiers, and bishops were dis- is used specifically in legal Latin 

qualified, but women might in to denote one between the ages of 

some cases of near relation- fourteen and twenty-five. 



Inst, i, 25 

Excusantur autem tutores vel curatores variis 
ex causis : plerumque autem propter liberos, sive 
in potestate sint sive emancipati. Si enim tres liberos 
quis superstites Romae habeat vel in Italia quattuor vel in 

5 provinciis quinque, a tutela vel cura possunt excusari ex- 
emplo ceterorum munerum : nam et tutelam et curam 
placuit publicum munus esse. Sed adoptivi liberi non 
prosunt, in adoptionem autem dati naturali patri prosunt. 
Item nepotes ex filio prosunt, ut in locum patris succedant, 

10 ex filia non prosunt. Filii autem superstites tantum ad 
tutelae vel curae muneris excusationem prosunt, defuncti 
non prosunt. Sed si in bello amissi sunt, quaesitum est, 
an prosint. Et constat eos solos prodesse qui in acie amit- 
tuntur; hi enim, quia pro re publica ceciderunt, in per- 

15 petuum per gloriam vivere intelleguntur. 

Italia, five in provinciis) ; (b) 
magistrates and those holding cer- 
tain offices were excused {e.g. qui 
res fisci administrat ; qui curam 
viae habet, etc., cf. also Fr. Vat. 
134-147) ; (c) those in certain 
callings and professions were ex- 
cused (e.g. grammatici, medici, 
etc., cf. also Fr. Vat. 149) ; (d) 
those already conducting three 
guardianships were excused (tria 
tutelae onera) ; (e) those already 
burdened by poverty, illness, ad- 
vanced age, etc. ; (/) those who 
proposed another (nominate) as 
better qualified for the office (po- 
tioris nominatid) were excused if 
their nominee were accepted by 
the magistrate. 

10. ex filia non prosunt : the rea- 
son that the children of a daughter 

1. Excusantur tutores vel cura- 
tores variis ex causis : properly 
qualified persons called to the office 
of guardian became thereby ipso 
iure guardians and, except, in the 
case of those appointed by testa- 
ment, had no right of refusal. After 
the office came to be classed among 
the munera civilia (publica), a 
large number of reasons deter- 
mined by law (excusationes) gave 
relief from the necessity of assum- 
ing the office and also released one 
from continuance in it, if already 
undertaken. These excusationes 
were developed chiefly during the 
empire, the most important of 
them being : (a) the ius liberorum 
(according to the lex Iulia et Pa- 
pia Poppaea, excusing one hav- 
ing three children Romae, four in 



Item divus Marcus rescripsit eum, qui res fisci admini- 
strat, a tutela vel cura quamdiu administrat excusari posse. 

Item qui rei publicae causa absunt, a tutela et cura excu- 
santur. Sed et si fuerunt tutores vel curatores, deinde rei 
5 publicae causa abesse coeperunt, a tutela et cura excu- 
santur, quatenus rei publicae causa absunt, et interea cura- 
tor loco eorum datur. Qui si reversi fuerint, recipiunt 
onus tutelae nee anni habent vacationem, ut Papinianus 
responsorum libro quinto scripsit ; nam hoc spatium habent 
10 ad novas tutelas vocati. Et qui potestatem aliquam habent, 
excusare se possunt, ut divus Marcus rescripsit, sed coep- 
tam tutelam deserere non possunt. 

Item Romae grammatici, rhetores et medici et qui in 
patria sua id exercent et intra numerum sunt, a tutela vel 
15 cura habent vacationem. 

Item tria onera tutelae non aff ectatae vel curae praestant 
vacationem, quamdiu administrantur. 

Sed et propter paupertatem excusationem tribui tarn 
divi fratres quam per se divus Marcus rescripsit, si quis 
20 imparem se oneri iniuncto possit docere. Item propter 
adversam valetudinem, propter quam nee suis quidem 
negotiis interesse potest, excusatio locum habet. Simili- 
ter eum qui litteras nesciret excusandum esse divus Pius 

were not reckoned was because empt from public duties in cities 

they belonged to the family of of different sizes was determined, 

their own father or paternal grand- The largest provincial cities were 

father, and not to that of their each allowed ten medici, Avegram- 

maternal grandfather (cf. note on matici, and five rhetores. Philoso- 

Mulier, p. 107). Otherwise they phers, crowned athletes, and jurists 

would be counted twice. who were members of the imperial 

13. grammatici et medici : by a council were also excused (vaca- 

rescript of Antoninus Pius (D. 27, tionem habent). 
1, 6, 2) the number of those ex- , 19. divi fratres: i.e. M. Aurelius 



Fr. Vat. 157 

rescripsit; quamvis et imperiti litterarum possunt ad 
administrationem negotiorum sufficere. Item maior sep- 
tuaginta annis a tutela vel cura se potest excusare. 

Tunc demum excusandus est, qui prius datus 
fuerat, si is quem nominaverit et potior necessi- 
tudine et idoneus re fideque vel absens deprehendatur. 

Testamento nominatim tutores dati confirman- 

Ulp. ii, 14 

tur eadem lege duodecim tabularum, his verbis : 
' uti legassit super pecunia tutelave suae rei, ita ius esto ' ; 
10 qui tutores dativi appellantur. 

Permissum est itaque parentibus, liberis quos 

in potestate sua habent testamento tutores dare : 

masculini quidem sexus impuberibus, feminini autem 

Gai. I, 144 

and L. Verus, joint emperors 161- 
169 a.d. M. Aurelius reigned 
alone 169-177. 

5. si is quem nominaverit : the 
privilege of exemption from the 
munus tutelae by potioris nomina- 
tio, on account of its abuse, was 
restricted by Septimius Severus 
and was altogether removed by 

7. Testamento nominatim tu- 
tores dati : there are three general 
modes by which tutela may arise : by 
testament {tutela testamentarid) ; 
by law {tutela legitimd) ; by 
magisterial appointment {tutela a 
magistratu data, Uttela dativd). 
Tutores are therefore called, respec- 
tively, — testamentarii, legitimi, 
dativi. By testament a paterfa- 
milias can appoint a tutor for his 
impuberes children in sua potestate 
(including postumi) and for his 

ROMAN iaw — 10 145 

grandchildren who will become 
suiiuris at his death. The tutela 
testamentaria takes precedence 
over every other kind, and the 
office of tutor is acquired ipso iure 
the moment the inheritance is en- 
tered upon. 

9. uti legassit super pecunia: 
legassit, archaic perf. subj. (from 
legare, ' bequeath ') . This phrase 
from the Twelve Tables is ex- 
plained thus, — latissima potestas 
tributa videlur et heredis institu- 
endi et legata et libertates dandi, 
tutelas quoque constituendi. — 
pecunia: used in the old sense 
of property; and suae rei means 
'the rights belonging to family 
law, as regards property and power 
of the paterfamilias' (cf. Grad- 
enwitz, Hermes, XXVIII, p. 329). 

10. tutores dativi appellantur : 
though the sources call tutores 


sexus cuius cumque aetatis sint, et turn quoque, cum 
nuptae sint. 

Nepotibus autem neptibusque ita demum possumus tes- 
tamento tutores dare, si post mortem nostram in patris sui 
5 potestatem recasuri non sint. Itaque si Alius meus mortis 
meae tempore in potestate mea sit, nepotes ex eo non 
poterunt ex testamento meo habere tutorem, quamvis in 
potestate mea fuerint; scilicet quia mortuo me in patris 
sui potestate futuri sunt. 

10 Cum tamen in compluribus aliis causis postumi pro iam 
natis habeantur, et in hac causa placuit non minus postu- 
mis quam iam natis testamento tutores dari posse, si modo 
in ea causa sint, ut si vivis nobis nascantur, in potestate 
nostra fiant. 

15 Rectissime autem tutor sic dari potest ' L. Titium liberis 

meis tutorem do.' Sed et si ita scriptum sit 'liberis meis 

vel uxori meae Titius tutor esto,' recte datus intellegitur. 

Lesritimi tutores sunt, qui ex lege aliqua 

Ulp. 11,3 , . . , . . . 

descendunt ; per emmentiam autem legitimi 

20 dicuntur, qui ex lege duodecim tabularum introducuntur, 

testamento dati, ' dativi,' 1 the term titr), and also those born after the 

is usually applied to tutores ' a execution of a testament (qui post 

magistrate dati.' 1 testamentum factum nascuntur, 

i . turn quoque, cum nuptae sint : vivo patre, i.e. testator e, nati) . A 
this means of course : ciwz nuptiae grandson was postumus suus, if 
sint sine manu, which was the pre- born after the death of his father, 
: vailing marriage in the time of otherwise, postumus alienus. In 
Gaius. For the tutelage of women, the latter case he could not re- 
see note on Veteres, p. 152. ceive a tutor by the testament of 

10. postumi pro iam natis habe- his grandfather. 
antur: cf. note on Qui, p. 78. Pos- 15. L. Titium liberis meis tuto- 

tumi are those born after the death rem do : appointment of a tutor in a 

of their father or other ascendant will, according to the old ius civile, 

(qui post mortem parentis nascun- must be in the Latin language and 



seu palam, quales sunt agnati, seu per consequentiam, 
quales sunt patroni. 

uip. d. Legitimae tutelae lege duodecim tabularum 

26. 4. * adgnatis delatae sunt et consanguineis, item 

5 patronis, id est his qui ad legitimam hereditatem admitti 
possint; hoc summa providentia, ut qui sperarent hanc 
successionem, idem tuerentur bona, ne dilapidarentur. 
Gai. D. Si plures sunt adgnati, proximus tutelam nan- 

26,4,9 ciscitur et, si eodem gradu plures sint, omnes 

10 tutelam nanciscuntur. 

Ex eadem lege duodecim tabularum liberto- 

rum et libertarum tutela ad patronos liberosque 

eorum pertinet, quae et ipsa legitima tutela vocatur; non 

Inst. 1, 17 

in formal words, like other testa- 
mentary dispositions. In the post- 
classical period the phraseology 
was a matter of indifference. 

3. Legitimae tutelae lege duode- 
cim tabularum adgnatis delatae : in 
the absence of testamentary appoint- 
ment, tutor eszxe. called to the office 
by operation of law, i.e. not by the 
will of the testator, but by the com- 
mand of the lawgiver. According 
to the law of the Twelve Tables, 
following the rule of intestate suc- 
cession, those first called to the 
guardianship were the nearest male 
agnates of the pupillus (tutela 
agnatorum'). Cognates, as nearest 
intestate successors, were first ad- 
mitted to the tutela legitima by 
Justinian (Nov. 118 and 127). 
After the analogy of the Twelve 
Tables, the guardianship of pa- 
trons and their children over their 

freedmen (tutela patronorum) 
was developed per interpreta- 
tionem, in agreement with the 
rules governing intestate succes- 
sion and the rights of patrons (cf. 
note on patrono, p. 103) on the 
principle that he who is to derive 
the benefit of the inheritance 
ought also to have the burden of 
the guardianship (ubi successionis 
est emolumentum, ibi et tutelae 
onus esse debet). The father had 
the same right over his emanci- 
pated child (parens manumissor) ; 
the extraneus manumissor over 
the one e mancipio emancipatus ; 
and the sons of the parens manu- 
missor over their previously eman- 
cipated brothers and sisters (tutor es 
ftduciarii). The tutela legitima 
provided for the welfare of the 
guardian as well as for that of 
the pupils, inasmuch as it gave 



quia nominatim ea lege de hac tutela cavetur, sed quia 
perinde accepta est per interpretationem, atque si verbis 
legis introducta esset. Eo enim ipso, quod hereditates 
libertorum libertarumque, si intestarti decessissent, iusserat 

5 lex ad patronos liberosve eorum pertinere, crediderunt 
veteres voluisse legem etiam tutelas ad eos pertinere, cum 
et adgnatos, quos ad hereditatem vocat, eosdem et tutores 
esse iussit et quia plerumque, ubi successionis est emolu- 
mentum, ibi et tutelae onus esse debet. 

i° uip. d. Tutoris datio neque imperii est neque iuris- 

26, 1, 6, * dictionis, sed ei soli competit,. cui nominatim hoc 
dedit vel lex vel senatus consultum vel princeps. 

Si cui nullus omnino tutor sit, ei datur in 
urbe Roma ex lege Atilia a praetore urbano et 

15 maiore parte tribunorum plebis, qui Atilianus tutor voca- 
tur ; in provinciis vero a praesidibus provinciarum ex lege 
Iulia et Titia. 

uip. d. Si quis sub condicione vel ex die tutorem 

26, 2, ii dederit, medio tempore alius tutor dandus est, 

the guardian the protection of the for a temporary period, if the reg- 

property to which he had the right ular tutor has been appointed sub 

of succession [idem tuerentur bona condicione vel ex die, or if he is 

ne dilapidarentur) . absent in captivity, etc. The duty 

10. Tutoris datio : sc. a magis- of making application {postulatio 

tratu. The appointment of guar- tutoris) for a tutor dativus fell 

dian was not a function of the mag- upon the nearest heirs ab intestato 

istrate arising from his imperium. of the pupillus. 
It was a power conferred by custom 14. ex lege Atilia a praetore: the 

or by express statute. The magis- date of the lex Atilia is uncertain, 

trate exercised this power of ap- It is commonly placed at about 

pointment when tutores testamen- 311 B.C. The emperor Claudius 

tarii and legitimi failed, or in case intrusted this duty to the consuls 

of their incapacity, release or re- in Rome, later it was the duty of a 

moval. A tutor may be thus given special praetor [praetor tutelaris), 



quamvis legitimum tutorem pupillus habeat ; sciendum est 
enim, quamdiu testamentaria tutela speratur, legitimam 
cessare. Et si semel ad testamentarium devoluta fuerit 
tutela, deinde excusatus sit tutor testamentarius, adhuc 
5 dicimus in locum excusati dandum, non ad legitimum 
tutorem redire tutelam. Idem dicimus et si fuerit remo- 
tus ; nam et hie idcirco abit, ut alius detur. 

Ab hostibus quoque tutore capto ex his legi- 

Gai. i, 187 - -ii ■ t • . 

bus tutor peta debet ; qui desimt tutor, esse, si is 

10 qui captus est in civitatem reversus fuerit; nam reversus 

recipit tutelam hire postliminii. 

Ne tamen et pupillorum et eorum qui in cura- 
Gai. 1, 199 . ., ., 

tione sunt negotia a tutonbus curatonbusque 

consumantur aut deminuantur, curat praetor, ut et tutores 
15 et curatores eo nomine satisdent. Sed hoc non est per- 
petuum ; nam et tutores testamento dati satisdare non 
coguntur, quia fides eorum et diligentia ab ipso testatore 
probata est ; et curatores, ad quos non e lege curatio per- 
tinet, sed qui vel a consule vel a praetore vel a praeside 
20 provinciae dantur, plerumque non coguntur satisdare, scili- 
cet quia satis honesti electi sunt. 

Masculi autem cum puberes esse coeperint, 

Gai. 1, 196 , , ., 

tutela hberantur. 

14. et tutores et curatores satis- tary guardians were not compelled 

dent: for the security of the pupil- to assume the munus tutelae, 

lus, the guardian, before entering since they alone in the classical 

upon his duty, took an inventory law had the right of rejection 

of his ward's property and (with (abdicatid) without the requisite 

the exception of the tutor testamen- grounds for excuse (excusaiio ex 

tarius) gave security {satisdatio) iusta causa), hence the fiduciary 

for the proper conduct of his office character of their office. 
(rem pupiUisalvam fore). "• Masculi puberes tutela hber- 

1 7. quia fides eorum ab testatore antur : guardianship terminates on 

probata: furthermore, testamen- the side of the pupillus : by death ; 



Item finitur tutela, si adrogati sint adhuc 

Inst. I, 22, i . . . 

impuberes vel deportati; item si in servitutem 
pupillus redigatur vel ab hostibus fuerit captus. Sed et 
si usque ad certam condicionem dalus sit testamentb, aeque 
5 evenit, ut desinat esse tutor existente condicione. Simili 
modo finitur tutela morte vel tutorum vel pupillorum. Sed 
et capitis deminutione tutoris, per quam libertas vel civitas 
eius amittitur, omnis tutela perit. Minima autem capitis 
deminutione tutoris, veluti si se in adoptionem dederit, 

io legitima tantum tutela perit, ceterae non pereunt; sed 
pupilli et pupillae capitis deminutio licet minima sit, 
omnes tutelas tollit. Praeterea qui ad certum tempus 
testamento dantur tutores, finito eo deponunt tutelam. 
Desinunt autem esse tutores, qui vel removentur a 

15 tutela ob id quod suspecti visi sunt, vel ex iusta causa 

sese excusant. 

Sciendum est suspecti crimen e lege duodecim 
Inst. 1, 26 , r „ & 

tabularum descendere. Datum est autem ms 

by every capitis deminutio ; by the sibility was established in the 
attainment of pubertas. On the Roman law. Each case was de- 
side of the tutor: by completion termined by the question whether 
of the appointed term ; by magna the person was near the age of pu- 
deminutio capitis (also minima, in berty and understood that he was 
case of tutela legitima) ; by excusa- doing wrong (si proximus puber- 
tio (also abdicatio, see above) ; by tati sit et ob id intellegat se delin- 
removal (accusatio suspecti). quere, Gai. 3, 208). A pupillus 
2. in servitutem pupillus redi- might be reduced to slavery (if he 
gatur : it may be asked how far a were proximus pubertati and un- 
child under the age of fourteen derstood the nature of his act) for 
was capable of committing delicts, the reasons given above, cf. note 
and whether he was amenable to on hire, p. 80. 
criminal punishment. Only in- 17. suspecti crimen : according 
fantia maiores were capable of to the Twelve Tables, any one (in- 
committing a wrong, but no defi- eluding women related to the ward) 
nite age limit for criminal respon- may bring an action (suspectum 



removendi suspectos tutores Romae praetori et in pro- 
vinces praesidibus earum et legato proconsulis. Conse- 
quens est, ut videamus, qui possint suspectos postulare. 
Et sciendum est quasi publicam esse hanc actionem, hoc 

5 est omnibus patere. Quin immo et mulieres admittuntur 
ex rescripto divorum Severi et Antonini, sed hae solae, 
quae pietatis necessitudine ductae ad hoc procedunt, ut 
puta mater ; nutrix quoque et avia possunt, potest et soror. 
Suspectus autem remotus, si quidem ob dolum, famosus 

io est ; si ob culpam, non aeque. Suspectum enim eum puta- 
mus, qui moribus talis est, ut suspectus sit ; enimvero tutor 
vel curator quamvis pauper est, fidelis tamen et diligens, 
removendus non est quasi suspectus. 

postulare) against a tutor guilty of 
dishonesty or a breach of good 
faith in the conduct of his office 
(qui non ex fide tutelam gerii) . 
A tutor suspectus is removed and, 
if guilty of dolus, he is branded 
with infamy (infamia, see Class. 
Diet.). Removal for other grounds, 
such as business inability, indo- 
lence, etc., is not attended with 

4. quasi publicam actionem : an 
actio publica was one which made 
a demand chiefly in the interest of 
the state or community, and might 
be instituted by any citizen re- 
gardless of his private interest in 
the result. The accusatio tutoris 
suspecti is called quasi publica, 
because it is raised in the interest 
of the private rights of the indi- 
vidual ward and also because it is 
at the same time followed, if suc- 

cessful, by criminal punishment. 
Women were permitted to bring 
this action, though usually the 
privilege of instituting a public 
action was denied them. 

9. ob dolum . . . ob culpam: 
dolus implies malicious intent (sic 
definit Labco : dolum malum esse 
omnem calliditatem, fallaciam, 
machinationem ad circumveni- 
endum, fallendum, decipiendum 
alterum adhibit am, D. 4, 3, 
1, 2). Culpa implies negligence 
or fault, which may be gross 
(lata) or slight (levis) : magna 
negligentia cidpa est, magna culpa 
dolus est, D. 50, 16, 226. The 
tutor was removed with infamia 
for culpa lata (lata culpa est 
nimia negligentia, i.e. non intel- 
legere, quod 07nnes intelligunt, D. 
50, 16, 213, 2). Cf. also note 
on dolo, p. 252. 



Veteres voluerunt feminas, etiamsi perfectae 

Gai. 1, 144 . . ...... , 

aetatis sint, propter animi levitatem in tutela 
esse. Itaque si quis filio filiaeque testamento tutorem 
dederit et ambo ad pubertatem pefvenerint, filius quidem 

5 desinit habere tutorem, filia vero nihilo minus in tutela 
permanet; tantum enim ex lege Iulia et Papia Poppaea 
iure liberorum tutela liberantur feminae. Loquimur autem 
exceptis virginibus Vestalibus, quas etiam veteres in hono- 
rem sacerdotii liberas esse voluerunt, itaque etiam lege XII 

10 tabularum cautum est. 

Feminas vero perfectae aetatis in tutela esse 

Gai. 1, 190 . 

fere nulla pretiosa ratio suasisse videtur; nam 

quae vulgo creditur, quia levitate animi plerumque decipi- 

untur et aequum erat eas tutorum auctoritate regi, magis 

15 speciosa videtur quam vera ; mulieres enim, quae perfectae 

aetatis sunt, ipsae sibi negotia tractant et in quibusdam 

1. Veteres voluerunt feminas in tor, tutor) like other incompetent 

tutela esse : from the earliest times persons {e.g. children, lunatics, 

all Roman women sui iuris were and prodigals). The reason is 

under a lifelong guardianship. more ' specious than true, 1 since in 

This institution was based not so the classical law women beyond 

much on the helplessness of women the age of puberty were capable 

as on the material interest which of managing their own property, 

their agnates, as heirs at law, had The lifelong guardianship of 

in the protection and preservation women was evidently not designed 

of their property. The jurists, later to guard their own interests alone, 

on, sought to justify the perpetual It gradually passed away, disap- 

tutelage of women on grounds of pearing entirely about the begin- 

feminine frailty (fragilitas sexus), ning of the fourth century, 
lack of business experience (for en- 6. ex lege Iulia et Papia Poppaea 

slum rerum ignorantia), unsound tutela liberantur: i.e. ingenuae 

judgment (infirmitas consilii), and trium liberorum iure; libertinae, 

intellectual weakness {animi levi- quattuor liberorum iure. Vestal 

tas) ; and that women for these virgins were exempt from tutelage, 

reasons required a protector (tut- according to a very ancient law 

IS 2 


causis dicis gratia tutor interponit auctoritatem suam, saepe 

etiam invitus auctor fieri a praetore cogitur. 

__ Pupillorum pupillarumque tutores et negotia 

gerunt et auctoritatem interponunt, mulierum 

S autem tutores auctoritatem dumtaxat interponunt. Tutoris 

auctoritas necessaria est mulieribus quidem in his rebus : 

si lege aut legitimo iudicio agant, si se obligent, si civile 

negotium gerant, si libertae suae permittant in contubernio 

alieni servi morari, si rem mancipii alienent. 

10 Vxori quae in manu est proinde ac filiae. item 

Gai. I, 148 . ^ . ^ ' 

nurui quae in nlii manu est proinde ac nepti 

tutor dari potest. 

In persona tamen uxoris quae in manu est recepta est 

etiam tutoris optio, id est ut liceat ei permittere quern velit 

15 ipsa tutorem sibi optare, hoc modo titiae vxori meae 

tvtoris optionem do. Quo casu licet uxori tutorem optare 

vel in omnes res vel in unam forte aut duas. Ceterum aut 

plena optio datur aut angusta. Plena ita dari solet, ut 

proxime supra diximus. Angusta ita dari solet titiae 

ascribed to Numa (cf. Plut. gfuma, ways as tutela impuberum : by tes- 

10, and Introd. 3), confirmed by tament, by law, and by magisterial 

the Twelve Tables (Gai. 1, 145). appointment. The paterfamilias 

4. mulierum tutores auctorita- could name in his testament a 

tern interponunt : guardianship of guardian for his filiaefamilias and 

feminae puberes differs from that uxor in manu. The latter, how- 

of all impuberes in that the woman ever, had a right of choice (tutoris 

administers her own property, her optio) by which she could name a 

tutor having no gestio (adminis- guardian agreeable to her will. 

tratio rerum) over her property, The husband, instead of desig- 

although his auctoritas was re- nating her guardian, gave his wife 

quired in the transactions named authority to make her own selec- 

and in several others. tion (tutor optivus). This right 

10. Vxori quae in manu est : might be limited (angusta) or un- 

tutela mulierum arises in the same limited (plena') . 



dvmtaxat bis do. Quae optiones plurimum inter se dif- 
ferunt. Nam quae plenam optionem habet, potest semel 
et bis et ter et saepius tutorem optare ; quae vero angustam 
5 habet optionem, si dumtaxat semel data est optio, amplius 
quam semel optare non potest; si dumtaxat bis, amplius 
quam bis optandi facultatem non habet. Vocantur autem 
hi, qui nominatim testamento tutores dantur, dativi, qui ex 
optione sumuntur, optivi. 
10 Et olim quidem, quantum ad legem XII tabu- 

Gai. j., 157 , . . r iii 

larum attmet, etiam teminae agnatos nabebant 

tutores. Sed postea lex Claudia lata est, quae quod ad 

f eminas attinet, agnatorum tutelas sustulit ; itaque mascu- 

lus quidem impubes fratrem puberem aut patruum habet- 

15 tutorem, femina vero talem habere tutorem non potest. 

Praeterea senatusconsulto mulieribus permis- 

Gai. i, 173 ... . . ,. 

sum est in absentis tutons locum ahum petere ; 

quo petito prior desinit; nee interest, quam longe absit 

•is tutor. 

20 Ex lege Iulia de maritandis ordinibus tutor 

Ulp. 11, 20 & 

datur a praetore urbis ei muhen virginive, .quam 

ex hac ipsa lege nubere oportet, ad dotem dandam di- 

11. feminae agnatos habebant their fathers, and of freedwomen 

tutores : by the tutela mulierum in that of their patrons. 

legitima the same persons are called 16. senatusconsulto mulieribus 

to the office as in the case of the permissum est : guardians are ap- 

tutela unpztbernm. The tutelage pointed for women, either perma- 

of agnates, which came to be nently or temporarily, as when the 

avoided in several ways, was en- regular tutor is prevented from 

tirely removed by the emperor granting his auctoritas by absence, 

Claudius. Tutela mulierum there- youth {e.g.'xi the tutor legitimus is 

after was of little significance, ex- a pupillus~)\ or physical and mental 

cept in the case of emancipated incapacity (jnutus, furiosus, etc.). 

daughters in the guardianship of 20. Ex lege Iulia de maritandis 



cendam promittendamve, si legitimum tutorem pupillum 
habeat. Sed postea senatus censuit, ut etiam in provinciis 
quoque similiter a praesidibus earum ex eadera causa 
tutores dentur. 

Item si qua in tutela legitima furiosi aut muti 
sit, permittitur ei senatusconsulto dotis constitu- 
endae gratia tutorem petere. 

Curatores aut legitimi sunt, id est qui ex lege 

duodecim tabularum dantur, aut honorarii, id est 

10 qui a praetore constitiuintur. Lex duodecim tabularum 

furiosum itemque prodigum, cui bonis interdictum est, in 

curatione iubet esse agnatorum. 

Gai. I, 180 

Ulp. 12, I 

tutor datur : according to this law, 
4 a.d., freeborn mothers of three 
children and freedwomen bearing 
four children were exempt from the 
tutela legitima (agnates, patrons, 
etc.) as an encouragement to 
marriage and a reward for the rear- 
ing of children. Women could 
also free themselves from the limi- 
tations placed upon them by the 
tutela legitima (such as the veto of 
important acts) by a fictitious mar- 
riage with manus {coemptio fiduciae 
causa") followed by remancipatio 
(cf. note on Coemptione, p. 126). 
The manumissor became tutor, but 
as he was not tutor legitimus, the 
power of veto was lost. All of 
these subterfuges show the diffi- 
culty with which women escaped 
from legal disabilities in the ear- 
lier law and mark steps toward 
complete 'emancipation.' 

8. Curatores aut legitimi aut 
honorarii : curators were appointed 

partly by operation of law, partly 
by the magistrate. The most im- 
portant kinds of cura were: cura 
furiosi, cura prodigi, cura mino- 
rum, and cura debilium. Accord- 
ing to the Twelve Tables, the cura 
furiosi and prodigi fell to the 
agnates as those most interested 
in the preservation of their ward's 
property {cura legitima). Failing 
agnates, appointment of curators 
was made by the magistrate. La- 
ter, the cura legitima passed away 
and the praetor gave the necessary 
curators {cura dativa, curatores 
honorarii). The furiosus had in 
lucid intervals {dilucida inter- 
valla) full capacity of action, at 
other times he could not even ac- 
quire rights unaided. The Twelve 
Tables placed the prodigus {cui 
bonis interdictum est) in an analo- 
gous position, requiring oversight 
because he acted without reason. 
He could, however, acquire rights, 



UIp. D. 

27, IO, I 

Lege duodecim tabularum prodigo interdicitur 
bonorum suorum administrate, quod moribus 
quidem ab initio introductum est. Sed solent hodie prae- 
tores vel praesides, si talem hominem invenerint, qui neque 
5 tempus neque finem expensarum habet, sed bona sua dila- 
cerando et dissipando profudit, curatorem ei dare exemplo 

Furiosi quoque et prodigi, licet maiores viginti 
quinque annis sint, tamen in cufatione sunt 
io adgnatorum ex lege duodecim tabularum. Sed solent 
Romae praefectus urbis vel praetor et in provinciis prae- 
sides ex inquisitione eis dare curatores. 

Sed et mente captis et surdis et mutis et qui morbo per- 
petuo laborant, quia rebus suis superesse non possunt, 
15 curatores dandi sunt. 

Inst. I, 23, 3 

but could not alienate property or 
bind himself without the authority 
of his curator. Curators appointed 
by testament were admitted only 
after the confirmation of a .magis- 

13. mente captis et surdis et mu- 
tis : the cura debilium personarum 
included the oversight of those per- 
sons incapable of managing their 
own affairs because of stupidity 
(mente capti) or bodily infirmities 
(surdi, muti, morbo laborantes, 
etc.). Curatores were appointed 
at the request of such persons and 
had the administration of their 
affairs. Debiles were capable of 
acquiring, alienating, binding them- 
selves and making a testament. 
A curator might also be given to 
a nasciturus in anticipation of an 

inheritance (cura ventris) ; for 
the property of one in captivity or 
of a bankrupt (cura bonorum) ; 
for an inheritance not yet entered 
upon (hereditas iacens) ; for the 
conduct of a lawsuit, etc. For 
cura minorum, see note on si 
non, p. 120. 

Law of Things : res, in its 
broadest sense, designates every- 
thing capable of private ownership 
i.e. property. Every object of 
a proprietary right which lacks 
personality (including slaves, ho- 
mines') is called res. Res em- 
braces everything which adminis- 
ters to the wants and requirements 
of man. In this sense, res are 
divided into corporeal (corporales) 
property, having a tangible exist- 
ence, and incorporeal (incorpo- 



The Law of Things {Res) 

Gai. D. Quaedam res corporales sunt, quaedam incorpo- 

*■ 8 ' '■ L rales. Corporales hae sunt, quae tangi possunt, 
veluti fundus, homo, vestis, aurum, argentum et denique 
aliae res innumerabiles. Incorporates sunt, quae tangi 

5 non possunt, qualia sunt ea, quae in iure consistunt, sicut 
hereditas, ususfructus, obligationes quoquo modo contrac- 
tae. Nee ad rem pertinet, quod in hereditate res corporales 
continentur; nam et fructus, qui ex fundo percipiuntur, 
corporales sunt, et id quod ex aliqua obligatione nobis 

10 debetur plerumque corporale est, veluti fundus, homo, pecu- 
nia ; nam ipsum ius successionis et ipsum ius utendi fruendi 
et ipsum ius obligationis incorporale est. Eodem numero 

rales) property, having no tangible 
existence, but existing only in con- 
templation of law (in iure con- 
sistunt), e.g. rights in another's 
property, as a usufruct or right of 
way; rights growing out of con- 
tracts ; rights of inheritance, etc. 
The right itself is a res incorporate, 
though the object of that right, as 
a field, building, or slave, is a res 
corporalis. The Roman distinc- 
tion is derived from popular usage 
rather than from scientific analysis, 
since, properly speaking, a right 
of ownership of a material object 
is just as intangible as a right 
to a right (e.g. a right to the 
' right of way ' across another's 

3. fundus, homo : for an explana- 
tion of fundus see text and note 
on this word, p. 161. Homo, mean- 

ing servus, is very common in legal 
Latin (cf. the formula in man- 
cipation, ' hunc ego hominem ex 
iure Quiritium meum esse aio ' ) . 
This meaning of the word is not 
given adequate recognition in Har- 
per's Lat. Diet. 

5. qualia sunt ea, quae in iure 
consistunt : ' such as, rights ' (quae 
in iure consistunt, cf. above on 
Law) . Hereditas means both the 
substance of an inheritance and 
also the right of inheritance, here 
in the latter meaning. Vsusfructus 
is the right to enjoy the use and 
fruits (ius utendi et fruendi) of 
another's property (see below, 
Servitudes) . Obligationes (see 
below), i.e. the rights growing 
out of a bond of law (vinculum 
iuris) arising from contract or 



Inst, j., x, pr. 

sunt et iura praediorum urbanorum et . rusticorum, quae 
etiam servitutes vocantur. 

Modo videamus de rebus. Quae vel in nostro 
patrimonio vel extra nostrum patrimonium ha- 

5 bentur. Quaedam enim naturali iure communia sunt 
omnium, quaedam publica, quaedam universitatis, quae- 
dam nullius, pleraque singulorum, quae variis ex causis 
cuique adquiruntur, sicut ex subiectis apparebit. 
Gai. d. Summa rerum divisio in duos articulos dedu- 

io *• 8 ' * citur, nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani. 

Divini iuris sunt veluti res sacrae et religiosae. Sanctae 

i . iura praediorum urbanorum et 
rusticorum: praedia urbana, i.e. 
real estate in buildings or rights 
pertaining to buildings. Praedia 
rustica, i.e. land and rights per- 
taining to land. Although origi- 
nally the former were urban and 
the latter rural, the terms came to 
be applied irrespective of the sit- 
uation of the property (see below, 
Servitudes, p. 188). 

3. in nostro patrimonio : patri- 
monium meant originally paternal 
property, since only patresfamilias 
had rights of ownership, but here 
it means that which may form the 
property of a legal person and is 
capable of private ownership. Res 
extra patri7nonium are, therefore, 
those things which are withdrawn 
from private ownership by law or 
by circumstances. Certain things 
are by necessity incapable of pri- 
vate ownership, e.g. res divini 
iuris, while certain other things, 
though the property of the state 

set apart for the common use of 
all citizens, are •withdrawn from 
private ownership (quae publicae 
sunt, nullius in bonis esse cre- 
duntur, ipsius eniin universitatis 
esse creduntur, D. 1,8, 1). Res in 
co?nmercio and res extra commer- 
cium are terms in common use, 
equivalent to res in patrimonio 
and res extra patrimonium. Of 
res, some are by nature common 
to all men (res communes') ; some 
are set apart for public use (res 
publicae, res universitatis) ; some 
things are the property of no one 
(res nullius) ; but most things are 
the property of individuals {res 
singulorum) . 

8. ex subiectis apparebit : see 
p. 165 of text. 

9. Summa rerum divisio : the di- 
vision of res into those belonging 
to divine law and those belonging 
to human law, is analogous to the 
division above of res in patrimo- 
nio and res extra patrimonium, 



quoque res, veluti muri et portae, quodammodo divini iuris 
sunt. Quod autem divini iuris est, id nullius in bonis est ; 
id vero, quod humani iuris est, plerumque alicuius in bonis 
est, potest autem et nullius in bonis esse : nam res heredi- 
5 tariae, antequam aliquis heres existat, nullius in bonis sunt. 
Hae autem res, quae humani iuris sunt, aut publicae sunt 
aut privatae. Quae publicae sunt, nullius in bonis esse 
creduntur, ipsius enim universitatis esse creduntur; pri- 
vatae autem sunt, quae singulorum sunt. 

Sacrae sunt, quae diis superis consecratae 

sunt ; religiosae, quae diis Manibus relictae sunt. 

Sed sacrum quidem hoc solum existimatur, quod ex aucto- 

ritate populi Romani consecratum est, veluti lege de ea re 

lata aut senatusconsulto facto. Religiosum vero nostra 

Gai. 2, 4 

for res divini iuris are not capable 
of private ownership and therefore 
are not part of the private law 
(i.e. res sacrae, sanctae, religi- 
,osae). Res divini iuris are the 
property of nobody (res Humus') 
because they are the property of 
the gods and are hence withdrawn 
from individual, private ownership. 
lies humani iuris may be the prop- 
erty of nobody, not because they 
are incapable of private ownership, 
but because nobody has acquired 
ownership of them (e.g. wild game, 
gems along the seashore, etc., nul- 
lius in bonis esse). 

io. Sacrae sunt, quae diis superis 
consecratae : i.e. aedis, ara, sig- 
num, locus, pecunia, cf. Festus s. v.. 
sacer mons. A thing may become 
res sacra through the dedicatio of 
the people by a definite lex and the 

consecratio of the Pontifex Maxi- 
mus. These proceedings should 
occur in due form. Cicero argued, 
on his return from exile, that his 
house had not been made a res 
sacra with due regard to divine 
law. In the appeal which he 
carried to the pontiffs, he main- 
tained that the dedicatio was not 
valid. The pontiffs decided, fa- 
vorably to Cicero's contention, that 
a dedicatio must occur at the hand 
of a magistrate designated by 
name, formally intrusted with this 
duty by the popular, assembly. 
For an account of this decision 
see adAtt. 4, 2 ; also de Dom. 20, 

45 ' "• u- K 

14. Religiosum : a thing may be 

made religiosa by a private act, 

as by the burial of a' dead body. 

The place of interment, along with 


Selected texts from the roMan law 

voluntate facimus mortuum inferentes in locum nostrum, 
si modo eius mortui funus ad nos pertineat. Sanctae 
quoque, res, velut muri et portae, quodammodo divini 
iuris sunt. 
5 Marcian. d. Sanctum est, quod ab iniuria hominum de- 
i, 8, 8 fensum atque munitum est. Sanctum autem 

dictum est a sagminibus : sunt autem sagmina quaedam 
herbae, quas legati populi Romani ferre solent, ne quis 
eos violaret, sicut legati Graecorum f erunt ea quae vocantur 

io cerycia. In municipiis quoque muros esse sanctos Sabi- 
num recte respondisse Cassius refert, prohiberique oportere 
ne quid in his immitteretur. 

uip. D. Purus autem locus dicitur, qui neque sacer 

ii, 7, 2, 4 neque sanctus est neque religiosus, sed ab om- 

15 nibus huiusmodi nominibus vacare videtur. 

Et quidem naturali iure communia sunt om- 

Inst. 2, 1, 1 . 

mum haec: aer et aqua profluens et mare et 
per hoc litora maris. Nemo igitur ad litus maris accedere 
prohibetur, dum tamen villis et monumentis et aedificiis' 

whatever may be erected upon it, they may be entirely independent 

becomes a locus religiosus, if it is of ownership, e.g. things existing 

intended that the interment be still in a state of nature, as wild 

permanent and that the place shall animals, gems along the seashore, 

become a sepulcher. In the law etc. There may be also res which 

of Justinian, res religiosae were are incapable of absolute private 

confined to places of entombment, ownership because they are the 

but in the earlier law, sacred spots common property of mankind, e.g. 

in Rome were regarded as loca re- air, running water, the high sea, 

ligiosa, e.g. Casa Romuli, Ficus the seashore, etc. 
Ruminalis. ig. villis et monumentis et aedi- 

16. iure communia sunt omnium ficiis abstineat : although the sea- 

haec : most res humani iuris are shore is a res communis omnium, 

in commercio. They may be in nevertheless whatever part of it is 

the control of private persons or occupied by villas, etc., acquires the 



abstineat, quia non sunt iuris gentium, sicut et mare. Flu- 
mina autem omnia et portus publica sunt, ideoque ius 
piscandi omnibus commune est in portubus fluminibusque. 
Est autem litus maris, quatenus hibernus fluctus maximus 

5 excurrit. Riparum quoque usus publicus est iuris gentium, 
sicut ipsius fluminis, itaque navem ad eas appellere, funes 
ex arboribus ibi natis religare, onus aliquid in his reponere 
cuilibet Hberum est, sicuti per ipsum flumen navigare. Sed 
proprietas earum illorum est, quorum praediis haerent. Qua 

10 de causa arbores quoque in isdem natae eorundem sunt. 
Litorum quoque usus publicus iuris gentium est, sicut 
ipsius maris et ob id quibuslibet liberum est casam ibi 
imponere, in qua se recipiant, sicut retia siccare et ex mare 
deducere. Proprietas autem eorum potest intellegi nullius 

15 esse, sed eiusdem iuris esse, cuius et mare et quae subia- 
cent mari, terra vel harena. 

uip. d. 43, Loca enim publica utique privatorum usibus 

8 ' 2 - 2 deserviunt, iure scilicet civitatis, non quasi pro- 

pria cuiusque. • 

20 lav D _ SO| Fundus est omne, quidquid solo tenetur. 

16, us Ager est, si species fundi ad usum hominis 


character of a res in commercio imperiwn habet, populi Romani 

and loses its character as litus esse arbitror,~D. 43> 8 > 3)- 
maris so long as the structure re- 20. Fundus . . . Ager: still an- 

mains and does not interfere with other division of things was that into 

the public use of the sea and sea- res mobiles and res immobiles. The 

shore (in litore iure gentium aedi- latter consist of the soil and what is 

ficare licere, D . 43. », 4) • Justinian attached to it {solum et res salt 

classes the seashore among res i.e. solo cohaerentes). A definitely 

communes, but Celsus regarded it defined portion of the solum was 

as the property of the state pos- called fundus or ager. The dis- 

sessino-theterritory along the coast tinction between solum Itahcum 

(Jitora, in quae populus Romanus and solum provinciate was lmpor- 

ROMAN LAW — 1 1 



Ulp. D. so, 
16, 60 

Locus est non fundus, sed portio aliqua fundi, 
fundus autem integrum aliquid est. Et ple- 
rumque sine villa locum accipimus, ceterum adeo opinio 
nostra et constitutio locum a fundo separat, ut et modicus 
5 locus possit fundus dici, si fundi animo eum habuimus. 
Non etiam magnitudo locum a fundo separat, sed nostra 
affectio et quaelibet portio fundi poterit fundus dici, si iam 

tant up to the time of its removal 
by Justinian. The ius civile was 
applicable only to the former ; the 
latter, as property of the state, was 
not capable of private ownership. 
The title to the solum provinciate 
was in the sovereign power (in 
provinciali solo dominium populi 
Romani est vet Caesaris, nos au- 
tem possessionem tantum velusum- 
fructum habere videmur, Gai. 2, 
7). There is the further division 
of solum provinciate into praedia 
stipencliaria and praedia tributa- 
ria, according as land is situated 
in the territory belonging respec- 
tively to the Roman people or to 
the private fiscus of the emperor. 
Res im?nobiles consist of prae- 
dia rustica and praedia urbana, 
according to their economic char- 
acter as land or appurtenances to 
land. Land obtained by conquest 
was reserved partly for secular and 
partly for religious purposes. Be- 
yond such reserved portions its 
uses were determined according to 
its character as arable or not ara- 
ble land. If arable, it was sur- 
veyed (agri limitati) and devoted 
to the establishment of coloniae 

(ager assignalus) or to individuals 
(ager viritanus), or sold (ager 
quaestorius) or leased for a defi- 
nite rent (ager vectigalis). Un- 
cultivated land, on the, other hand, 
was not surveyed, but it was as- 
signed to individuals for their 
possession and use for the annual 
payment of a crop rent, one tenth 
of grain and one fifth of small 
fruits (agri occupatorii, arcifinii), 
or set apart for public forests and 
pastures (silvae et pascua publico) 
in return for a fixed rent (called 
'scriptural quia publicanus scri- 
bendo conficit rationem cum pas- 
tore, Festus). 

Of res mobiles, some are capable 
of motion through their own power 
(res se movent es, animalid), i e. 
slaves and beasts. Of beasts, there 
are two kinds, those enjoying their 
natural freedom (ferae bestiae) 
and those which have been tamed 
or are by nature tame (mansuefac- 
tae, ?nansuetae). The most im- 
portant of the latter class are beasts 
of burden (animalia quae collo 
dorsove domantur). Cf. res man- 
cipi below and Ulp. 19, 1, text, 
P- 163. 


hoc constituerimus. Nee non et fundus locus constitui 
potest, nam si eum alii adiunxerimus fundo, locus fundi 
efficietur. Loci appellationem non solum ad rustica, verum 
ad urbana quoque praedia pertinere Labeo scribit. Sed 
5 fundus quidem suos habet fines, locus vero latere potest, 
quatenus determinetur et definiatur. . 
Fiorem. d. Fundi appellatione omne aedificium et omnis 

so, 16,211 ager continetun Sed in usu urbana ae( jifi c i a 

aedes, rustica villae dicuntur. Locus vero sine aedificio in 
io urbe area, rure autem ager appellatur. Idemque ager cum 
aedificio fundus dicitur. 

uip. D. Vrbana praedia omnia aedificia accipimus, 

50,16,198 non so i um ea quae sunt in ppidis, sed et si 

forte stabula sunt vel alia meritoria in villis et in vicis, vel 

15 si praetoria voluptati tantum deservientia, quia urbanum 

praedium non locus facit, sed materia. Proinde hortos 

quoque, si qui sunt in aedificiis constituti, dicendum est 

urbanorum appellatione contineri. Plane si plurimum 

horti in reditu sunt, vinearii forte vel etiam holitorii, magis 

20 haec non sunt urbana. 

Sunt provincialia praedia, quorum alia sti- 

pendiaria, alia tributaria vocamus. Stipendiaria 

sunt ea, quae in his provinciis sunt, quae propriae populi 

Romani esse intelleguntur ; tributaria sunt ea, quae in his 

25 provinciis sunt, quae propriae Caesaris esse creduntur. 

Omnes res aut mancipi sunt aut nee mancipi. 
Ulp. 19, 1 . 

Mancipi res sunt praedia in Itahco solo, tarn 

ig. holitorii : vegetable gardens, yards'; horti holitorii, ' vegetable 

found in Harper's Lat. Diet. s. v. gardens.' 

olitorius, formed from kolus, ' vege- 26. res mancipi aut nee mancipi : 

table.' Horti, ' ornamental gar- mancipi is the contracted gen. 

dens ' ; horti vinearii, ' vine- sing, (mancipii) stereotyped form 


Gai. 2, 21 


riistica, qualis est fundus, quam urbana, qualis domus ; item 

iura praediorum rusticorum, velut via, iter, actus, aquae- 

ductus ; item servi et quadrupedes, quae dorso collove 

domantur, velut boves, muli, equi, asini. Ceterae res nee 

mancipi sunt. Elefanti et cameli quamvis collo dorsove do- 

mentur; nee mancipi sunt, quoniam bestiarum numero sunt. 

Magna differentia est inter mancipi res et nee 
Gai. j, 18 °. ... 

mancipi. Nam res nee mancipi ipsa traditione 

pleno iure alterius fiunt, si modo corporales sunt et ob id 

which was still retained in legal 
Latin after the long forms in -ii 
prevailed (end of Augustan age). 
For the negative, see Harper's 
Lat. Diet. s. v. neque. 

The terms res mancipi and nee 
mancipi were of much significance 
in the early law. and down to the 
classical period, but they disap- 
peared from the post-classical law. 
Manus meant in early law the 
power of fixe. paterfamilias over the 
persons and things in his familia 
(cf. note on de manu, p. 88) . Man- 
cipare (nianu-capere) meant the 
acquiring of manus, i.e. ownership 
(dominium). Mancipium (older 
form mancupium, showing the 
vowel progression from man-ca- 
pium) had three distinct mean- 
ings : power of the housefather 
(synonymous with manus) ; the 
thing over which this power was 
exercised (especially slaves) ; the 
legal process by which certain 
things were acquired and alienated 
(real' estate in Italy and certain 
appurtenances to real estate) . The 
term res mancipi was derived from 

the last meaning. It designated 
those things acquired or alienated 
by the process called mancipium 
(later mancipatio). Transfer by 
mancipium alone gave full owner- 
ship {dominium ex hire Quiri- 
tittm). Those things mentioned 
in the text as res mancipi origi- 
nally constituted the property of 
the familia. All other things ires 
nee mancipi) were classed as pecu- 
nia, hence in the old formula of 
wills, 'familia pecuniaque mea] 
etc. There is no difference be- 
tween mancipium and mancipatio 
as terms of procedure. 

■j.. iura praediorum rusticorum : 
for the explanation of these rights 
appertaining to real property, called 
by the Romans Servitudes (cf. the 
English Easements), see below, 
text and notes, p. 1 88. Elephants 
and camels, not being native to 
Italy, were not regarded as among 
domesticated beasts of burden and 
were hence res nee mancipi. 

8. traditione pleno iure alterius 
fiunt : in practice the importance 
of the distinction between res 



recipiunt traditionem. Itaque si tibi vestem vel aurum vel 
argentum tradidero sive ex venditionis causa sive ex dona- 
tionis sive quavis alia ex causa, statim tua fit ea res, si 
modo ego eius dominus"sim. Mancipi vero res sunt, quae 
S per mancipationem ad alium transferuntur ; unde etiam 
mancipi res sunt dictae. 

Acquisition of Ownership (Jure Gentiuni) 

Quarundam rerum dominium nanciscimur iure 
gentium, quod ratione naturali inter omnes ho- 
mines peraeque servatur, quarundam iure civili, id est iure 

Gai. D. 

41, i, i. 

mancipi and res nee mancipi lay in 
the fact that complete ownership 
according to the terms of the ius 
civile (ex iure Quiritium) could 
be acquired only by a formal trans- 
action to which cives Romani alone 
were eligible, i.e. the solemn man- 
cipatio or in iure cessio (see be- 
low, text p. 183) ; whereas res nee 
mancipi could pass by an informal 
act of delivery of possession (tra- 
ditio) attended by an intention to 
confer ownership and having as a 
basis for the transaction an under- 
lying fact {causa) as a reason for 
the operation. 

Acquisition of Ownership : the 
Romans called ownership of corpo- 
real things dominium. The owner 
of the thing forming part of a per- 
son's property was called corporis 
'dominws, in distinction from one 
who has merely a right in the 
property of another, i.e. a ius in re 
(aliena) . Rights of property may 

be absolute or'Iimited. They are 
absolute when the owner possesses 
full legal disposition of the thing 
to the exclusion of every other 
person. This in Roman phrase- 
ology was a full and free property 
(proprietas plena). Proprietary 
right is limited when the right to 
use or enjoy the thing is separated 
from the ownership and belongs to 
another, or where any other real 
right in the thing restricted the 
rights of ownership. The owner 
was then said to possess the naked 
property (nuda proprietas), i.e. 
dominium stripped of part of its 
rights. The law prescribes cer- 
tain modes by which property may 
be acquired. Acquisition (acqui- 
sitio) may be per universitatem, 
e.g. when property is acquired in 
an entire inheritance, with all the 
rights and duties involved ; or it 
may be rerum singularum, as 
when property in single things is 



proprio civitatis nostrae. Et quia antiquius ius gentium 
cum ipso genere humano proditum est, opus est, ut de 
hoc prius referendum sit. 

Omnia igitur animalia, quae terra, mari, caelo capiuntur, 

S id est ferae bestiae et volucres et pisces, capientium fiunt. 

Quod enirh nullius est, id ration enaturali occupanti con- 

ceditur. Nee interest quod ad feras bestias et volucres, 

utrum in suo fundo quisque capiat an in alieno. Plane qui 

in alienum fundum ingreditur venandi aucupandive gratia, 

10 potest a domino, si is provident, iure prohiberi ne ingre- 
deretur. Quidquid autem eorum ceperimus, eo usque nos- 
trum esse intellegitur, donee nostra custodia coercetur; 
cum vero evas.erit custodiam nostram et in naturalem 
libertatem se receperit, nostrum esse desinit et rursus 

15 occupantis fit. 

Naturalem autem libertatem recipere intellegitur, cum 
vel oculos nostros effugerit vel ita sit in conspectu nostro, 
ut difficilis sit eius persecutio. Illud quaesitum est, an 

acquired. Acguisitio rerum singu- conceditur), J- res nullius cedit 

larum may be civilis or naturalis, occupanti' (as stated in modern 

i.e. in accordance with the require- times). In this connection the 

ments of the ius civile or with Romans meant by res nullius : a 

those, oi the ius gentium (naturalis thing which has never had an 

ratio) . The acquisition of res owner (as wild game, undiscovered 

singulae is first considered (cf. islands, gems picked up on the 

note on per universitatem, p. 259). seashore); or a thing which has 

4. Omnia animalia, quae terra, been abandoned by its former 

mari : the first mode of acquisition owner, voluntarily, with the inten- 

iure gentium is occupatio (Occu- tion of relinquishing his proprie- 

pancy of English law). It is the tary right in it (as derelicts, or 

acquisition of title to a res nullius largesses thrown to a crowd), 
by first seizure and possession, with 8. utrum in suo fundo quisque 

the intention {animus') to make it capiat an : hunting, fishing, and 

one's property {quod enim nullius fowling were entirely free in Roman 

est id ratione naturali occupanti times, so that game captured on 



fera bestia, quae ita vulnerata sit, ut capi possit, statim 
nostra esse intellegaturv Trebatio placuit statim nostram 
esse et eo. usque nostram videri, donee earn persequamur, 
quod si desierimus earn persequi, desinere nostram esse 

S et rursus fieri occupantis ; itaque si per hoc tefnpus, 
quo earn persequimur, alius earn ceperit eo animo, ut 
ipse lucrifaceret, furtum videri nobis eum commississe. 
Plerique non aliter putaverunt earn nostram esse, quam 
si earn ceperimus, quia multa accidere possunt, ut earn 

io non capiamus, quod verius est. Apium quoque natura 
fera est ; itaque quae in arbore nostra consederint, 
antequam a nobis alveo concludantur, non magis nostrae 
esse intelleguntur quam volucres, quae in nostra arbore 
nidum fecerint. Ideo si alius eas incluserit, earum 

15 dominus erit. Favos quoque si quos hae fecerint, sine 
furto quilibet possidere potest ; sed ut supra quoque 
diximus, qui in alienum fundum ingreditur, potest a 
domino, si is providerit, iure prohiberi ne ingrederetur. 
Examen, quod ex alveo nostro evolaverit, eo usque 

20 nostrum esse intellegitur, donee in conspectu nostro 
est nee difficilis eius persecutio est; alioquin occupantis 
fit. Pavonum et columbarum fera natura est nee ad rem 

the property of another became case of the latter, detention alone 

the undisputed property of the is required. As a swarm of bees 

huntsman. The term game, be- has no intention of returning, it 

ing more comprehensive than in continues to be the property of 

modern times, embraced also bees, the owner of the hive as long 

peacocks, and doves. Of wild ani- only as he keeps the swarm in 

mals {ferae naturae) there is a sight and has the possibility of 

distinction between those partly recapturing it. In the case of 

tamed, as deer, peacocks, bees, tame animals, straying does not 

etc., and game in a state of nature. extinguish the rights of owners, 

Property in the former ceases when even though animus revertendi is. 

the animus reverte7idi ceases ; in absent. 



pertinet, quod ex consuetudine avolare et revolare solent ; 
nam et apes idem faciunt, quarum constat feram esse 
naturam ; cervos quoque ita quidam mansuetos habent, ut 
in silvas eant et redeant, quorum* et ipsorum feram esse 
5 naturam nemo negat. In his autem animalibus, quae con- 
suetudine abire et redire solent, talis regula com probata 
est, ut eo usque nostra esse intellegantur, donee revertendi 
animum habeant, quod si desierint revertendi animum 
habere, desinant nostra esse et nant occupantium. Intelle- 

io guntur autem desisse revertendi animum habere tunc, cum 
revertendi consuetudinem deseruerint. Gallinarum et anse- 
rum non-est fera natura; palam est enim alias esse feras 
gallinas et alios feros anseres. Itaque si quolibet modo 
anseres mei et gallinae meae turbati turbataeve adeo 

15 longius evolaverint, ut ignoremus ubi sint, tamen nihilo 
minus in nostra dominio tenentur. Qua de causa furti 
nobis tenebitur, qui quid eorum lucrandi animo adprehend- 
erit. Item quae ex hostibus capiuntur, iure gentium statim 
capientium fiunt ; adeo quidem, ut et liberi homines in ser- 

20 vitutem deducantur ; qui tamen, si evaserint hostium potes- 

18. quae ex hostibus capiuntur : the soldiers capturing it. The 

the principle of Occupancy (pecupa- principle of postliminium operated 

tio) was extended in ancient times in cases of prizes of war, when 

to the property and persons of ene- they fell into the hands of their 

mies captured in war. Whatever original owners {postliminium est 

property of the enemy (res hostiles) ius amissae rei recipiendae ab ex- 

was taken within Roman posses- traneo et in statum pristinum resti- 

sions became the property of those tuendae, D. 49, 15, 19). See also 

seizing it. Booty of war, how- text and note on postliminium, 

ever, as a rule fell to the victorious p. 85. According to Cicero (Top. 

state, the army being the mere 8, 36), those things which reverted 

representative of the state. Occa- to their original owner by postli- 

sionally movable property was al- minium were : ships of war, slaves, 

lowed to become the property of horses, mules. Cf. also D. 49, 15, 2. 



tatem, recipiunt pristinam libertatem. Praeterea quod per 
alluvionem agro nostro flumen adicit, hire gentium nobis 
adquiritur. Per alluvionem autem id videtur adici quod 
ita paulatim adicitur, ut intellegere non possimus, quantum. 

5 quoquo momento temporis adiciatur. Quod si vis fluminis 
partem aliquam ex tuo praedio detraxerit et meo praedio 
attulerit, palam est earn tuam permanere. Plane si longi- 
ore tempore fundo meo haeserit arboresque, quas secum 
traxerit, in meum fundum radices egerint, ex eo tempore 

10 videtur meo fundo adquisita esse. Insula quae in mari 
nascitur (quod raro accidit) occupantis fit, nullius enim 

i. quod per alluvionem : passing 
from occupatio as a mode of acqui- 
sition, the text next mentions va- 
rious ways in which property may 
be acquired without any act of 
possession on the part of the one 
acquiring, but rather by some in- 
crease in the thing already owned, 
due to the action of the forces of 
nature. This increase is called 
accessio. The word is also ex- 
tended by commentators to indi- 
cate the mode by which title to the 
actual increase is acquired. Own- 
ers of land acquire by Accession 
all increase by alluvial soil ; or by 
avulsio (' sudden increase '), if suffi- 
cient time has elapsed (si longiore 
tempore fundo meo haeserit arbo- 
resque radices egerint) ; by forma- 
tion of an insula in flumine ; by 
change of river bed (alveus relic- 
tus) ; by building on another's 
soil (inaedificatio) \ by planting 
and sowing (plantatio, satio). 
1 Superficies solo cedit.'' 

5. vis fluminis partem aliquam 
detraxerit: such sudden removal 
of a considerable portion of soil the 
commentators call avulsio. The 
former owner retained ownership 
in this mass because the increase 
in the soil of another was percepti- 
ble and might be .recoverable by 
detachment (hence not alluvia). 
The exception to this was noticed 

10. Insula quae in mari nascitur : 
since the sea, seashore, and bed 
of the sea were res communes and 
could not become the property of 
any individual person, an island 
formed in the sea was looked upon 
as part of the bed of the sea risen 
to the-surface, and it was, therefore, 
treated as a res nullius, subject to 
occupatio by discovery and first 
seizure. An island formed in a river 
(in flumine nata) was treated dif- 
ferently for the reason that>riparian 
owners had a qualified ownership 
in the bed of the river, though its 



esse creditur. In flumine nata (quod frequenter accidit), 
si quidem mediam partem fluminis tenet, communis est 
eorum, qui ab utraque parte fluminis prope ripam praedia 
possident, pro modo latitudinis cuuftque praedii, quae lati- 

5 tudo prope ripam sit. Quod si alteri parti proximior sit, 
eorum est tantum, qui ab ea parte prope ripam praedia 
possident. Quod si uno latere perruperit flumen et alia 
parte novo rivo fluere coeperit, deinde infra novus iste 
rivus in veterem se converterit, ager, qui a duobus rivis 

10 comprehensus in formam insulae redactus est, eius est 
scilicet, cuius et fuit. Quod si toto naturali alveo relicto 

waters were subject to the uses of 
the public. Whatever part ceased 
to serve the public as a stream be- 
came subject to the rights of the 
riparian owners. 

4. pro modo latitudinis cuiusque 
praedii: if the boundary lines of 
land lying on either side of the 
stream intersected the banks at 
varying angles, each riparian owner 
would acquire as much of the island 
as was included between his boun- 
dary lines {pro modo latitudinis) 
projected perpendicularly to the 
stream until they intersected the 
line dividing the island longitudi- 
nally, i.e. if the island stood in the 
middle of the stream, otherwise to 
the line marking the center of the 
stream . 

5. proximior : this form occurs 
occasionally in late Latin and shows 
the* linguistic tendency to double 
comparison. It contains the super- 
lative suffix, -mo-, and the compara- 
tive suffix, -ios- (tor). .Proximus 

first appears in legal Latin in the 
Twelve Tables, adgnatus proximus 
(Tab. 5) meaning the agnate stand- 
ing nearest in collateral relation- 
ship to any given person (cf. 
below, note on ad consanguineos, 
p. 285). Proximus alone then be- 
came frequent in the sense of the 
nearest collateral kindred (in the 
agnatic family). It was thus re- 
garded as a. positive. Proximior 
came therefore to mean the ' nearer 
proximus.' Proximus was also 
used in the sense of 'neighbor, 1 
and proximior may have meant 
the 'nearer' neighbor. Kalb,/«- 
ristlatein, p. 56 (cf. double compar- 
ison in English, nearer, nearest). 

g. ager, qui a duobus rivis com- 
prehensus : when a piece of land 
is converted into an island by a 
new branch of a stream merely, the 
ownership of the property is not 
affected, just as inundated land 
suffers no change of ownership 
(inundatio) . 



flumen alias fluere coeperit, prior quidem alveus eorum est, 
qui prope ripam praedia possident, pro modo scilicet lati- 
tudinis cuiusque praedii, quae latitudo prope ripam sit; 
novus autem alveus eius iuris esse incipit, cuius et ipsum 

5 flumen, id est publicus iuris gentium. Quod si post aliquod 
temporis ad priorem alveum reversum fuerit et flumen, 
rursus novus alveus eorum esse incipit, qui prope ripam 
eius praedia possident. Cuius tamen totum agrum novus 
alveus occupaverit, licet ad priorem alveum reversum fuerit 

10 flumen, non tamen is, cuius is ager fuerat, stricta ratione 
quicquam in eo alveo habere potest, quia et ille ager qui 
fuerat desiit esse amissa propria forma et, quia vicinum 
praedium nullum habet, non potest ra'tione vicinitatis ullam 
partem In eo alveo habere, sed vix est, ut id obtineat. 

15 Aliud sane est, si cuius ager totus inundatus fuerit ; namque 
inundatio speciem fundi non mutat et ob id, cum recesserit 
aqua, palam est eiusdem esse, cuius et fuit. Cum quis ex 
aliena materia speciem aliquam suo' nomine fecerit, Nerva 

17. Cum quis ex aliena materia sition is now called Specification 

speciem fecerit : in the cases of (from the Roman speciem facer e) . 

acquisition just considered, owner- The rules governing ownership in 

ship was acquired because some- cases otSpecification were : a thing 

thing became connected with one's made partly of one's own and 

property in such a way that the partly of another's materials is' the 

accessory thing acceded to the prin- property of the workman (producer 

cipal thing (' res accessoria cedit of the new thing) ; when the new 

rei principaW). The text now species has been made wholly of 

considers cases in which things another's materials there is this 

are transformed into a new product distinction (according to the media 

or a new species is manufactured sententia of the text) : (a) if the 

{species facta) . He who performs new product can be restored to its 

the work which transforms the former condition, the owner of the 

property of another into a new materials becomes the owner of 

product becomes in general the the product; (6) if it cannot be 

owner of it. This mode of acqui- so restored, the product becomes 


Selected texts from the roman LAW 

et Proculus putant hunc dominum esse qui fecerit, quia 
quod factum est, an tea nullius fuerat. Sabinus et Cassius 
magis naturalem rationem efficere putant, ut qui materiae 
dominus fuerit, idem eius quoque, quod ex eadem materia 
5 factum sit, dominus esset, quia sine materia nulla species 
effici possit: veluti si ex auro vel argento vel aere vas 
aliquod fecero, vel ex tabulis tuis navem aut armarium aut 
subsellia fecero, vel ex lana tua vestimentum, vel ex vino 
et melle tuo mulsum, vel ex medicamentis tuis emplastrum 

io aut collyrium, vel ex uvis aut olivis aut spicis tuis vinum 
vel oleum vel frumentum. Est tamen etiam media sen- 
tentia recte existimantium, si species ad materiam reverti 
possit, verius esse, quod et Sabinus et Cassius senserunt, 
si non possit reverti, verius esse, quod Nervae et Proculo 

15 placuit, ut ecce vas conflatum ad rudem massam auri vel 
argenti vel aeris reverti potest, vinum vero vel oleum vel 
frumentum ad uvas et olivas et spicas reverti non potest ; 
ac ne mulsum quidem ad mel et vinum vel emplastrum aut 
collyria ad medicamenta reverti possunt. Videntur tamen 

20 mihi recte quidam dixisse non debere dubitari, quin alienis 
spicis excussum frumentum eius sit, cuius et spicae fuerunt ; 
cum enim grana, quae spicis continentur, perfectam habeant 
suam speciem, qui excussit spicas, non novam speciem 

the property of the maker. In vailed between the Proculian and 

each case proper compensation Sabinian schools regarding Specifi- 

must be made for the workman- cation was determined by Justinian 

ship or the value of the mate- as stated above, following the ' me- 

rials respectively. The workman dia sententia ' referred to by Gaius 

acting bona fide must be paid for in the text. 

his labor ; acting mala fide, he 23. non novam speciem facit : in 

must make full compensation for other words, the change wrought 

damages to the owner of the ma- must be one of genuine manufac- 

terials. The dispute which pre- ture of a new product. Hence the 



facit, sed earn quae est detegit. Voluntas duorum domi- 
norum miscentium materias commune totum corpus efficit, 
sive eiusdem generis sint materiae, veluti vina miscuerunt 
vel argentum conflaverunt, sive diversae, veluti si alius 

5 vinum contulerit, alius mel, vel alius aurum, alius argentum ; 
quamvis et mulsi et electri. novi corporis sit species. Sed 
et si sine voluntate dominorum casu confusae sint duorum 
materiae vel eiusdem generis vel diversae, idem iuris est. 
Cum in suo loco aliquis aliena materia aedificaverit, ipse 

io dominus intellegitur aedificii, quia omne quod inaedificatur 
solo cedit. Nee tamen ideo is qui materiae dominus fuit 
desiit eius dominus esse, sed tantisper neque vindicare 
earn potest neque ad exhibendum de ea agere propter legem 

mere threshing of another's grain 
or dyeing of wool was insufficient 
to give right of property to the 
one performing the labor. 

2. miscentium materias commune 
totum corpus: things so joined 
together that they may be sepa- 
rated, as the mingling of flocks 
or the union of silver, belonging 
to different persons (commixtio), 
produce no change of ownership 
so long as the resulting union may 
be taken apart, or may be chemic- 
ally separated. Sometimes, how- 
ever, the result of mingling things 
belonging to different owners pro- 
duces an inseparable union, as the 
mingling of wine and wine (confu- 
sio). Here a co-ownership {con- 
dominium, communio) is produced, 
each original owner losing owner- 
ship of his part and becoming 
joint owner of the whole. 

12. neque vindicare earn potest : 

the owner of the materials used in 
erecting a building or in cultivating 
a vineyard on the land of another 
continued to be their owner, con- 
forming to the rule governing other 
separable unions, but for public 
policy (ne guis tignum alienum 
aedibus suis iunctum eximere coga- 
tur) the Twelve Tables denied 
him the right to bring a real action 
for his materials (rei vindicated), 
or an action for their production in 
court (ad exhibendtmi), where the 
conversion had been made bona 
fide (quod providenter lex efficit, 
ne vel aedificia sub hoc praetextu 
diruantur vel vinearum cultura 
lurbetur, D. 47, 3, 1). The owner 
could not recover his property, but 
he could bring an action for double 
the value of the materials used 
(actio de tigno iuncto aedibus vine- 



duodecim tabularum, qua cavetur, ne quis tignum alienum 
aedibus suis iunctum eximere cogatur, sed duplum pro eo 
praestet. Appellatione autem tigni omnes materiae signifi- 
cantur, ex quibus aedificia fiunt. Ergo si aliqua ex causa 
5 dirutum sit aedificium, poterit materiae dominus nunc earn 
vindicare et ad exhibendum agere. Illud recte quaeritur, 
an, si id aedificium vendiderit is qui aedificaverit et ab 
emptore longo tempore captum postea. dirutum sit, adhuc 
dominus materiae vindicationem eius habeat. Causa dubi- 

10 tationis est, an eo ipso, quo universitas aedificii longo tem- 
pore capta est, singulae quoque res, ex quibus constabat, cap- 
tae essent, quod non placuit. Ex diverso si quis in alieno 
solo sua materia aedificaverit, illius fit aedificium, cuius et 
solum est et, si scit alienum solum esse, sua voluntate 

15 amississe proprietatem materiae intellegitur ; itaque neque 
diruto quidem aedificio vindicatio eius materiae competit. 
Certe si dominus soli petat aedificium nee solvat pretium 
materiae et mercedes fabrorum, poterit per exceptionem 
doli mali repelli, utique si nescit qui aedificavit alienum 

20 esse solum et tamquam in suo bona fide aedificavit; nam 
si scit, culpa ei obici potest, quod temere aedificavit in eo 

eave). If the building should be scriptive periods, see Vsucapio, 

demolished, the owner of the mate- p. 184 below and notes, 

rhls had an action, either rei vin- 10. eo ipso, quo universitas : for 

dicatio or rem ad exhibendum, for quo read quod (Mommsen), the 

their recovery, granting that he clause being explanatory of eo ipso. 

had not already availed himself of It was held that acquisition per 

the actio de tigno iuncto. universitatem by prescriptive title 

8. longo tempore captum : i.e. did not carry with it the ownership 

rem or dominium usu captum. of individual things of which the 

From these phrases, especially usu- entirety was composed. Univer- 

capere, capere alone came to have sitas (modern universitas rerutn) 

the meaning, ' acquire by prescrip- means several individual things 

tion,' often as here. For the pre- (res singulae) which, when taken 



solo, quod intellegeret alienum. Si alienam plantam in 
meo solo posuero, mea erit : ex diverso si meam plantam in 
alieno solo posuero, illius erit, si modo utroque casu radices 
egerit. Antequam enim radices ageret, illius permanet, 

S cuius et fuit. His conveniens est, quod, si vicini arborem 
ita terra presserim, ut in meum fundum radices egerit, 
meam effici arborem ; rationem enim non permittere ut 
alterius arbor intellegatur, quam cuius fundo radices 
egisset. Et ideo prope confinium arbor posita, si etiam 

io in vicinum fundum radices egerit, communis est. Qua 
ratione autem plantae quae terra coalescunt solo cedunt, 
eadem ratione frumenta quoque quae sata sunt solo cedere 
intelleguntur. Ceterum sicut is, qui in alieno solo aedifi- 
cavit, si ab eo dominus soli petat aedificium, defendi potest 

15 per exceptionem doli mali, ita eiusdem exceptionis auxilio 
tutus esse poterit, qui in alienum fundum sua impensa 
consevit. Litterae quoque licet aureae sint, perinde chartis 
membranisque cedunt, ac solo cedere solent ea quae aedifi- 
cantur aut seruntur. Ideoque si in chartis membranisve 

20 tuis carmen vel historiam vel orationem scripsero, huius 

together, in the eye of the law omnia sollemniter acta (cf. also 

form a whole {e.g. universitas Kalb," Roms Juristen, -p. 31). 
aediuni). 14 • defendi potest per exceptio- 

5. His conveniens est, quod nem doli mali: an exceptio doli mali 

meam effici arborem : there seems to was a plea or defense set up by the 

be authority in legal Latin for this defendant alleging fraud on the 

construction of quod with the infin. part of the plaintiff, and intended 

and subject accus., a construction as an offset to the latter's claim, 

cited by Schmalz, Muller's Hand- An actio in rem (for the ownership 

buck, II 2 , p. 499, from Cyprian of the building) was therefore met 

(died 258 a.d.). It is also em- by a claim for compensation in 

ployed by Ulpian (died 228 a.d.), the nature of an exceptio to the 

D. 45, 1, 30, sciendum est, quod si demand of the plaintiff. 
quis se scripserit fideiussisse, videri 20. huius corporis non ego sed tu 



corporis non ego, sed tu dominus esse intellegeris. Sed si 
a me petas tuos libros tuasve membranas nee impensas 
scripturae solvere velis, potero me defendere per excep- 
tionem doli mali, utique si bona fide eorum possessionem 
5 nanctus sim. Sed non uti litterae chartis membranisve 
cedunt, ita solent picturae tabulis cedere, sed ex diverso 
placuit tabulas picturae cedere. Vtique tamen conveniens 
est domino tabularum adversus eum qui pinxerit, si is 
tabulas possidebat, utilem actionem dari, qua ita efneaciter 
io experiri poterit, si picturae impensam exsolvat ; alioquin 

dominus : according to the text, 
writing accedes to the paper on 
the principle that the writing can- 
not exist without the paper (ne- 
cessarie ei rei cedit, quod sine ilia 
esse non potest' see below), and 
that the result is still fundamen- 
tally paper. In case of painting, 
however, the substance forming 
the basis of the paint accedes to 
the painting (sfiecificatio) . On 
this point the sources differ. The 
proper distinction is well stated 
by Sohm. When the result of 
the painting is simply a painted 
surface, as a canvas, the canvas 
still existing as the principal thing, 
the result is a case of Acces- 
sion {e.g. a drop curtain or mere 
daub) ; the owner of the canvas 
remains owner of the painted thing 
(cf. text below, p. 177, Paul. D. 
6, 1, 23, 2). When the result 
of the painting is a work of art, 
a new thing has been created 
which is neither mere paint nor 
canvas, — the materials losing their 

identity in a new creation, — the 
case is then one of Specification. 
The new product is the property 
of the artist. The same difference 
exists in the case of writing — 
mere paper containing writing is 
a case of Accession ; if the writ- 
ing is a literary performance, it is 
Specification. Ownership in each 
case follows the regular rule, ac- 
cording to the economic changes 
in the condition of the thing 
under consideration. Cf. Sohm, 
Institzitionen, 8th ed., p. 319, or 
Eng. trans. (1892) p. 248. 

9. utilem actionem dari: the 
owner of the tablet on which the 
painting was executed was treated 
as if he were the owner of the 
finished work, because he was 
allowed to assert that he was the 
owner when the painting was in 
the painter's possession, and the 
Praetor granted him an equitable 
action (actio utilis) by which he 
could sue fictitiously as if he were 
owner. The painter had an actio 

1 76 


nocebit ei doli mali exceptio, utique si bona fide possessor 
fuerit qui solvent. Adversus dominum vero tabularum ei 
qui pinxerit rectam vindicationem competere dicimus, ut 
tamen pretium tabularum inferat, alioquin nocebit ei doli 
5 mali exceptio. 

Paul. D. Si quis rei suae alienam rem ita adiecerit, ut 

6, i, 23, 2 pars eius fieretj veluti gi quig statuae suae brac _ 

chium aut pedem alienum adiecerit, aut scypho ansam vel 
fundum, vel candelabro sigillum, aut mensae pedem, domi- 

io num eius totius rei effici vereque statuam suam dicturum 
et scyphum plerique recte dicunt. Sed et id, quod in 
charta mea scribitur aut in tabula pingitur, statim meum 
fit, licet de pictura quidam contra senserint propter pretium 
picturae; sed necesse est ei rei cedi, quod sine ilia esse 

is non potest. In omnibus igitur istis, in quibus mea res per 
praevalentiam alienam rem trabit meamque efficit, si earn 
rem vindicem, per exceptionem doli mali cogar pretium 
eius quod accesserit dare. Item quaecumque aliis iuncta 
sive adiecta accessionis loco cedunt, ea quamdiu cohaerent 

20 dominus vindicare non potest, sed ad exhibendum agere 

directa, since he had become by pal verb, is omitted in legal Latin 
his work legally owner. Except as in the comic writers (cf. Plau- 
for the actio utilis, the owner of tus, Cafit. 256 ; Trin. 956 ; Men. 
the tablet could merely bring a 539)- Eum and eos axe. frequently 
personal action against the painter omitted, se less often, 
for the value of the materials 14. sed necesse est ei rei cedi : 
used. The painter had a real Mommsen proposes the reading: 
right to the property {vindicatio necessarie ei rei cedit, quod, etc. 
recta), having acquired title to it ig. accessionis loco cedunt : ac- 
hy specificatio. cessio means here that the union 
10. dicturum (esse): the subject is a separable one. The actio ad 
is eum, referring to quis. The exhibendum is for the separation, 
subject of the infin., even when the rei vindicatio, for the transfer, 
different from that of the princi- of the property. 

ROMAN LAW— 12 177 


potest, ut separentur et tunc vindicentur ; scilicet excepto 
eo, quod Cassius de ferruminatione scribit. Dicit enim, si 
statuae suae ferruminatione iunctum bracchium sit, unitate 
maioris partis consumi et quod semel alienum factum sit, 

5 etiamsi inde abruptum sit, redire ad priorem dominum non 
posse. Non idem in eo quod adplumbatum sit, quia fer- 
ruminatio per eandem materiam facit confusionem, plum- 
batura non idem efficit. Ideoque in omnibus his casibus, 
in quibus neque ad exhibendum neque in rem locum habet, 

10 in factum actio necessaria est. At in his corporibus, quae 
ex distantibus corporibus essent, constat singulas partes 
retinere suam propriam speciem, ut singuli homines, 
singulae oves ; ideoque posse me gregem vindicare, quam- 

6. quia f erruminatio per eandem 
materiam facit: the distinction 
between plumbatura and ferru- 
minatio is : the former is the mere 
soldering together of two metals 
with a third, in such a way that 
they do not lose their identity and 
may be afterward separated. No 
new product results from this 
union. Neither of the two metals 
consumes the other. Hence there 
is no change of property, and after 
an actio ad exhibendum, either of 
the -component parts may be the 
object of a rei vindicatio. Ferru- 
minatio, on the contrary, is the 
union of one thing with another 
in such a way that the accessory 
becomes consumed by the princi- 
pal thing — the accessory loses its 
identity, and the result of the union 
is a finished product, as an arm 
affixed to a statue ; the result is a 

statue — the arm was not a statue. 
Hence the thing so consumed may 
not be claimed by vindicatio, nor 
is it subject to an exhibendum, 
since ownership in it has changed. 
io. At in his corporibus, quae ex 
distantibus : D. 41, 3, 30, tria au- 
tem genera sunt corporum, unum, 
quod continetur uno spiritu et 
Graece t\vus\i.Lvov {i.e. continuutn) 
vocatur, ut homo, tignum, lapis et 
similia ; alteram, quod ex contin- 
gentibus, hoc est pluribus inter se 
cohaerentibus constat, quod (rvvrj- 
fxfx.ivov (i.e. coniunctum) vocatur, 
ut aedificium, navis, armarium; 
tertium, quod ex distantibus con- 
stat, ut corpora plura non soluta, 
sed uni nomini subiecla, veluti 
populus, legio, grex. The distinc- 
tion is between corpora distantia, 
those things which unite to form 
an entirety (universitas), of which 


vis aries tuus sit immixtus, sed et te arietem vindicare 
posse. Quod non idem in cohaerentibus corporibus 
eveniret : nam si statuae meae bracchium alienae statuae 
addideris, non posse dici bracchium tuum esse, quia tota 
5 statua uno spiritu continetur. Tignum alienum aedibus 
mnctum nee vindicari potest propter legem duodecim tabu- 
larum, nee eo nomine ad exhibendum agi nisi adversus 
eum, qui sciens alienum iunxit aedibus; sed est actio 
antiqua de tigno iuncto, quae in duplum ex lege duodecim 

io tabularum descendit. Item si quis ex alienis cementis"in 
solo suo aedificaverit, domum quidem vindicare poterit, 
cementa autem resoluta prior dominus vindicabit, etiamsi 
post tempus usucapionis dissolutum sit aedificium, post- 
quam a bonae fidei emptore possessum sit ; nee enim sin- 

15 gula cementa usucapiuntur, si domus per temporis spatium 
nostra fiat. 


Paul. d. Thensaurus est vetus quaedam depositio pecu- 

41, 1, 31, 1 n j aej cu i us non exstat memoria, ut iam dominum 

the individual things (res singu- was ten years where both parties 
lae) remain intact, and corpora interested lived in the same prov- 
cohaerentia, where the component ince (inter praesentes), and twenty 
parts are lost in the resulting years where they lived in different 
corpus. provinces (inter absentes). Al- 
io, ex alienis cement is: the spell- though a house had been acquired 
\ngcementumiorcaementum(caed- by this title, the owner of the 
mentum, ' quarried stone ') of the materials (cementa) was not pre- 
Florentine Ms. is not given in Har- vented from suing for them if the 
per's Lat. Diet. See caementum. house were demolished, even after 
13. post tempus usucapionis: the prescriptive period had elapsed 
according to the classical law, the (post tempus usucapionis"). 
prescriptive period necessary for 17. Thensaurus: thensaurus, 
acquisition of immovable property the Latinized form of the Greek, 



Inst. 2, I, 39 

non habeat ; sic enim fit eius qui invenerit, quod non alte- 
rius sit. Alioquin si quis aliquid vel lucri causa vel metus 
vel custodiae condiderit sub terra, non est thensaurus; 
cuius etiam furtum fit. 

Thesauros, quos quis in suo loco invenerit, 
divus Hadrianus naturalem aequitatem secutus 
ei concessit qui invenerit. Idemque statuit, si quis in sacro 
aut in religioso loco fortuito casu invenerit. At si quis in 
alieno loco non data ad hoc opera, sed fortuitu invenerit, 
io dimidium domino soli concessit. Et convenienter, si quis 
in Caesaris loco invenerit, dimidium inventoris, dimidium 
Caesaris esse statuit. Cui conveniens est, ut, si quis in 
publico loco vel fiscali invenerit, dimidium ipsius esse, 
dimidium fisci vel civitatis. 

OrjO-avpos (cf. Plautus, Trin. Prol. 
18), occurs in the Corpus Iuris 
both in the nasalized form, and in 
the later, thesaurus. There .is a 
difference of opinion as to the title 
by which property in a» treasure- 
trove {thesaurus) is acquired 
(occupatio or accessio). The re- 
quirements stated in the definition 
necessary to constitute a thing 
a thesaurus should be carefully 
heeded. It must be a vetus de- 
posits pecuniae (i.e. condita ab 
ignotis dominis tempore vetustiore 
mobilia, C. io, 15), so long hidden 
that at the time of its discovery 
the owner can no longer be ascer- 
tained. It is for this reason that 
the treasure is regarded by many 
as a res nullius, and that the finder 
acquires it by right of discovery 

(occupatio). Hence thesaurus 
differs from other finding where 
the owner may be ascertainable. 
On the other hand, it seems that 
the owner of land had a qualified 
interest in treasure found on his 
premises, hence the rule ascribed 
to Hadrian, that the finder and 
the owner of the soil share the 
treasure equally. If the owner 
were the finder, the treasure was 
his. Hadrian extended the rule 
so that the entire treasure, if found 
in a place having no owner (i.e. in 
a res nullius, e.g. a locus religiosus 
or sacer) and without search (for- 
tuito casu), fell to the finder. M. 
Aurelius and Verus modified this 
rule so that one half of such finds 
fell to the fiscus, as in the case of 
treasure found on public property. 



UIp. 19, 3 

Acquisition of Ownership (Jure Civili) 

Mancipatio propria species alienationis est 
rerum mancipi, eaque fit certis verbis, libri- 
pende et quinque testibus praesentibus. Mancipatio locum 
habet inter cives Romanos et Latinos colonarios Latin- 
S osque Iunianos eosque peregrinos, quibus commercium 
datum est. Commercium est emendi vendendique in- 
vicem ius. 

Est autem mancipatio imaginaria quaedam 
venditio; quod et ipsum ius proprium civium 
10 Romanorum est, eaque res ita agitur : adhibitis non minus 
quam quinque testibus civibus Romanis puberibus et prae- 


1, 119 

1. Mancipatio propria species 
alienationis : property in cases of res 
mancipi 'was not transferred unless 
all the formalities required by law 
were observed. If any of the par- 
ticulars failed, the object of the 
transfer was held to be merely 
in possession (in bonis) of the 
grantee, until he obtained a title 
to the thing by prescription (usu- 
capio). Res nee mancipi did not 
require these formalities and were 
acquired by simple tradition or 
delivery {traditio). Plautus il- 
lustrates this principle in scenes 
where purchasers of slaves are 
cheated out of their property (and 
the price paid) by an accomplice 
of the seller setting up a claim for 
the slaves as his own before the 
purchasers 1 possession has ripened 
into ownership. The requirements 
of the text represent the transac- 

tion as it was in the classical law. 
Originally mancipium was a real 
sale, in which the price was actually 
weighed out by the scale bearer. 
Coined money was in use as early 
as the Twelve Tables. The cere- 
mony then became symbolical, in 
which the fiction of weighing out 
the purchase money was preserved. - 
The transaction thereupon came 
to be open to those Latini and 
peregrini who had the ius com- 

4. Latinos Iunianos : see note 
on Libertorum, p. 89. 

1 1 . quinque testibus civibus Ro- 
manis : it was necessary that there 
should be present the one acquir- 
ing (qui mancipio accipit) ; the 
one alienating (a quo mancipio 
accipit) ; the scale bearer {libri- 
p'ens) ; and five witnesses, repre- 
senting the community. The 


terea alio eiusdem condicionis, qui libram aeneam teneat, 
qui appellator libripens, is, qui mancipio accipit, aes tenens 
ita dicit : ' Hunc ego hominem ex iure Quiritium meum esse 
aio isque mihi emptus esto hoc aere aeneaque libra,' deinde 
5 aere percutit libram idque aes dat ei, a quo mancipio ac- 
cipit, quasi pretii loco. Eo modo et serviles et liberae per- 
sonae mancipantur ; animalia quoque, quae mancipi sunt, 
quo in numero habentur boves, equi, muli, asini, item 
praedia tam urbana quam rustica, quae et ipsa mancipi 

10 sunt, qualia sunt Italica, eodem modo solent manciparL 
In eo solo praediorum mancipatio a ceterorum mancipa- 
tione differt, quod personae serviles et liberae, item ani- 
malia, quae mancipi sunt, nisi in praesentia sint, mancipari 
non possunt ; adeo quidem, ut eum, qui mancipio accipit, 

15 adprehendere id ipsum, quod ei mancipio datur, necesse 
sit ; unde etiam mancipatio dicitur, quia manu res capitur ; 
praedia vero absentia solent mancipari. Ideo autem aes 
et libra adhibetur, quia olim aereis tantum nummis ute- 

number five is not accounted for primitive times, undoubtedly, it 

in the sources, but the presump- was necessary that the entire cere- 

tion is that there was one witness mony should take place on the 

each for the five classes of the spot where the thing sold was 

Servian Constitution. situated, but in later times a field 

2. qui mancipio accipit: for a was represented by a clod (glaeba), 

discussion of the syntax of man- a house by a brick, etc. (res mo- 

cipio and the meaning of the word biles non 7iisi praesentes mancipari 

in these phrases, see Roby, Lat. possunt, et non plures quam 

Gram. II, Pref. p. 50, footnote. quot manu capi possunt. Immo- 

6. liberae personae mancipan- biles autem etiam plures simul 

tur : for free persons in mancipio, et quae diversis locis sunt man- 

see note on aliae, p. 128. cipari possunt, Ulp. 19, 6). — 

17. praedia absentia solent man- aes et libra adhibetur: bronze 

cipari : immovable things were not (aes) was the only metal used in 

seized with the hand in mancipa- ancient Roman currency. It was 

tion, but were described only. In a mixture of copper, tin, and lead. 


bantur, et erant asses, dupundii, semisses, quadrantes, nee 
ullus aureus vel argenteus nummus in usu erat, sicut ex 
lege duodecim tabularum intellegere possumus ; eorumque 
nummorum vis et potestas non in numero erat, -sed jn 
5 pondere ; asses librales erant, et dupundii ; unde etiara 
dupundius dictus est, quasi duo pondo, quod nomen adKuc 
in usu retinetur. Semisses quoque et quadrantes pro rata 
scilicet portione ad pondus examinati erant. Qui dabat 
olim pecuniam, non numerabat earn, sed appendebat ; unde 
io servi, quibus permittitur administrate pecuniae, dispensa- 
tores appellati sunt. 

In iure cessio quoque communis alienatio est 

et mancipi rerum et nee mancipi : quae fit per 

tres personas, in iure cedentis, vindicantis, addicentis. In 

UIp. 19, g 

It is not known when bronze 
was first coined. At the time of 
the Twelve Tables it was used, 
and some maintain that it was 
introduced then; by others it is 
held to have been first coined by 
Servius Tullius. Silver currency 
was introduced 269 B.C., and gold 
not until the later years of the re- 
public. As stated in the text, the 
primitive Roman currency was one 
of weight (in pondere). As the 
unit of value was the as, the sys- 
tem of coinage was identical with 
the system of weights. The as 
originally weighed one pound 
{libra) and was divided into 
twelve ounces (tmciae). Each 
fraction of the as following this 
duodecimal system had its dis- 
tinct name: uncia (ti)> sextans 
Q), quadrans (\), semissis (£), 

septunx ( T y , deunx (|£) , etc. Be- 
fore Justinian's reorganization of 
the prescribed courses of study in 
the law schools, dupondii ('two- 
pennymen') was the name given in 
derision to the students of the first 
year (novi Zustinianei). 

12. In iure cessio : iniure cessio 
was an ancient form of alienating 
both res mancipi and res nee man- 
cipi. It was a fictitious process 
followed by a formal surrender in 
court (in iure). The defendant 
(dominus) gave up (cessit) the 
thing in dispute to the plaintiff 
(vindicator) in the presence of the 
magistrate. The grantor yields 
either expressly or tacitly, and as 
there is no contest over the object 
claimed (vindicare, ' to claim ' ; 
vindicator, 'the claimant or 
grantee') the magistrate, reprer 



iure cedit dominus ; vindicat is, cui ceditur ; addicit prae- 
tor. In iure cedi res etiam incorporales possunt, velut 
ususfructus et hereditas et tutela legitima libertae. 

In iure cessio autem hod modo fit : apud masris- 

Gai. 2, 24 ... . . 

5 tratum populi Romani, veluti praetorem, is, cui 

res in iure ceditur, rem tenens ita dicit : ' Hunc ego hominem 

ex iure Quiritium meum esse aio,' deinde postquam hie 

vindicaverit, praetor interrogat eum, qui cedit, an contra 

vindicet ; quo negante aut tacente tunc ei, qui vindicaverit, 

10 earn rem addicit; idque legis actio vocatur. Hoc fieri 
potest etiam in provinciis apud praesides earum. Plerum- 
que tamen et fere semper mancipationibus utimur. Quod 
enim ipsi per nos praesentibus amicis agere possumus, hoc 
non est necesse cum maiore difficultate apud praetorem aut 

15 apud praesidem provinciae agere. 


Modest, d. Vsucapio est adiectio dominii per continua- 
41. 3. 3 tionem possessions temporis lege defmiti. 

senting the community or sover- words : do, dico, addico. Do was 

eign power, adjudges the property employed in granting actions, in- 

in the thing to the plaintiff. In terdicts, indices, etc. ; dico, in 

iure cessio was used extensively to pronouncing sentence ; addico, in 

effect manumission (the vindex or awarding the object in dispute to 

assertor libertatis acting as claim- one or the other of the parties 

ant) and in the removal and es- (vocantur dies nefasli, per quos 

tablishment of paternal rights, e.g. dies nefas fari praetorem: do, 

manumissio vindicta, followed by dico, addico, Varro, L. L. 6, 30). 

in iure cessio in emancipation and For legis actio see note on ex his, 

adoption. Cf. also note on Vin- p. 49. 

dicta, p. 90. 16. Vsucapio : usucapio was also 

10. earn rem addicit : the prae- recognized by the ius civile as a 

tor in the full exercise of his office mode of acquisition by original 

made use of the three formal title. Vsucapio (usu + capere, 



Gai. d. Bono publico usucapio introducta est. ne scili- 

4 1 - 3' x cet quarundam rerum diu et fere semper incerta 

dominia essent, cum sufnceret dominis ad inquirendas res 
suas statuti temporis spatium. 

5 Gai. 2, 4 i Nam si tibi rem manci Pi neque mancipavero 

neque in iure cessero, sed tantum tradidero, in 
bonis quidem tuis ea res efficitur, ex iure Quiritium vero 
mea permanebit, donee tu earn possidendo usucapias; 
semel enim inpleta usucapione proinde pleno iure incipit, 
io id est et in bonis et ex iure Quiritium tua res esse, ac si ea 
mancipata vel in iure cessa esset. Vsucapio autem mobilium 
quidem rerum anno completur, fundi vero et aedium bien- 
nio; et ita lege XII tabularum cautum est.. 

' taking by use ') was a possession 
without interruption for one year 
in case of a movable thing and 
for two years in case of land or 
buildings, where the property was 
situated in Italy, if the possession 
had begun honestly {bona fide) 
and if the thing was not excluded 
from usucapio by special provision 
of law, e.g. res furtivae, res sacrae, 
etc. See below. The institution 
of usucapion was demanded by 
public policy, in order that there 
should be no vacuum of ownership 
{ne incerta dominia essent) and 
to prevent the title to property 
from remaining forever insecure 
and uncertain. This might occur 
when the form of conveyance had 
been imperfect or when the thing 
was acquired from a non-owner 
who had no right to convey (nemo 
plus iuris ad alium transferre 

potest quam ipse haberet, D. 50, 

17, 54)- 

6. in bonis tuis ea res efficitur : 
the ius civile required that a res 
iHancipi be conveyed by mancipa- 
tio or in iure cessio. If any of the 
requirements of this formal trans- 
action failed, the thing could not 
become the property of the alienee 
by simple delivery (traditio), but 
was said to be merely '■in bonis 
eius,' 1 while the alienor continued 
to be the real owner. This defect 
in the form of conveyance could 
be cured by usucapio, and full 
ownership (pleno iure) could be 
acquired by the possessor if he 
continued to possess for the re- 
quired period of time. Vsucapio 
is an institution mentioned by the 
Twelve Tables. Mancipatio and 
in iure cessio are both older. (Cf. 
Cic. Top. 4, 23, usfts auctoritas 



Inst. 2, 6 

lure civili constitute m fuerat, ut, qui bona 
fide ab eo, qui dominus non erat, cum crediderit 
eum dominum esse, rem emerit vel ex donatione aliave qua 
iusta causa acceperit, is earn rem, si mobilis erat, anno ubi- 

5 que, si immobilis, biennio tantum in Italico solo usucapiat, 
ne rerum dominia in incerto essent Et cum hoc placitum 
erat, putantibus antiquioribus dominis sufncere ad inquiren- 
das res suas praefata tempora, nobis melior sententia re- 
sedit, ne domini maturius suis rebus defraudentur neque 

io certo loco beneficium hoc concludatur. Et ideo constitu- 
tionem super hoc promulgavimus, qua cautum est, ut res 
quidem mobiles per triennium usucapian'tur, immobiles vero 

fundi biennium est — ceterarum 
rerum omnium annuus est usus). 
4. iusta causa acceperit : in con- 
sidering the subject of usucapion, 
it is necessary to understand that 
possession (possessio) means both 
the physical detention of a thing 
{detentio) ^- the popular meaning 
of the word — and the intention 
(animus) to hold it as one's own. 
In the sense of the his civile, then, 
legal possession requires both de- 
tentio and animus. In order that 
such a possession should ripen 
into ownership by lapse of time, 
the possession must have begun 
bona fide and ex iusta causa (or 
iusto titulo),i.e. the one beginning 
the possession must have begun in 
good faith and as* a result of one 
of the legally recognized modes 
of acquiring title to property, as 
sale, gift, legacy, etc. The pos- 
session must be peaceable and 
uninterrupteti, but the term of a 

predecessor's possession could be 
added to that of a successor to 
complete the required period of 
possession (accessio possessionis) . 
10. certo loco beneficium hoc con- 
cludatur : in the time of Justinian 
there was no distinction between 
Italian and provincial soil, and 
hence the principle of usucapion 
was not confined to Italy (/tali- 
cum solum) . Owing to the greatly 
increased extent of Roman terri- 
tory and the greater distances at 
which property might be situated 
from its owner, the prescriptive 
periods were also lengthened. 
Inter praesentes meant when the 
owner and the possessor resided 
in the same province ; inter ab- 
sentes, in different provinces. 
Where the parties were only a 
part of the time in the same 
province, two years of absence 
were counted equal to one of 



per longi temporis possessionem, id est inter praesentes 
decennio, inter absentes viginti annis usucapiantur et his 
modis non solum in Italia, sed in omni terra, quae nostro 
imperio gubernatur, dominium rerum iusta causa posses- 
sionis praecedente adquiratur. 

Sed aliquando etiamsi maxime quis bona fide 
alienam rem possideat, non tamen illi usucapio 
procedit, velut si quis rem furtivam aut vi possessam pos- 
sideat; nam furtivam lex XII tabularum usucapi prohibet, 
io vi possessam lex Iulia et Plautia. Item provincialia praedia 
usucapionem non recipiunt. Item olim mulieris, quae in 
agnatorum tutela erat, res mancipi usucapi non poterant, 

Gai. 2, 45 

i . per longi temporis possessio- 
nem : usucapio and longi temporis 
possessio, or praescriptio, were by 
origin entirely distinct and differ- 
ent terms. The former was an in- 
stitution of the ins civile, the latter 
of the ius honorarium or praetorian 
law. Praescriptio was a term of 
procedure introduced by provincial 
governors, since usucapio did not 
apply to provincial soil, where there 
could be no ownership ex iure 
Quiritium. The praescriptio was 
literally a plea written at the be- 
ginning {prae-scribere) of the for- 
mula, setting forth the fact of long 
and continuous possession on the 
part of the defendant. The prae- 
tor then came to give the possessor 
an action against third parties, who 
claimed the thing possessed {actio 
in rent), protecting the possessor 
as owner. Justinian united the 
two principles of usucapio and 

longi temporis possessio, the long 
period of ten and twenty years 
being retained for real estate, and 
the short period of usucapio for 
movable property was extended to 
three years. 

7. non illi usucapio procedit: 
usucapio can ripen into ownership 
only when the mode of acquisition 
is legal. It may proceed where an 
error of fact occurred in the con- 
veyance, if such error of fact is 
reasonable and bona fide. An 
error of law, however, renders the 
effect of the possession void. Cer- 
tain things were not susceptible to 
usucapion, eg. things stolen {res 
furtivae) ; things taken by violence 
{res vi possessae) ; land in provin- 
cial soil {provinciate solum) ; res 
mancipi belonging to a woman in 
the guardianship of her agnates (cf. 
note on Veteres, p. 152) ; all things 
incapable of private ownership 



praeterquam si ab ipsa tutore auctore traditae essent ; idque 
ita lege XII tabularum cautum erat. Item liberos homines 
et res sacras et religiosas usucapi non posse manifestum 
est. Quod ergo vulgo dicitur furtivarum rerum et vi pos- 
sessarum usucapionem per legem XII tabularum prohibitam 
esse, non eo pertinet, ut ne ipse fur quive per vim possidet 
usucapere possit (nam huic alia ratione usucapio non con- 
petit, quia scilicet mala fide possidet) ; sed nee ullus alius, 
quamquam ab eo bona fide emerit, usucapiendi ius habeat. 

Subordinate Rights of Ownership (Jura in re aliena) 

Servitutes aut personarum sunt, ut usus et 
ususfructus, aut rerum, ut servitutes rusticorum 
praediorum et urbanorum. 

10 Marcian. D 
8.1. 1 

(extra commercium), such as free 
persons, res sacrae, res religiosae, 
res fisci, etc. 

8. nee ullus alius : a thing stolen 
or taken by violence was regarded 
as tainted (in i/itium cecidisse) un- 
til it fell again into the hands of 
the real owner. In order that the 
taint should be removed (vitio 
purgato) so that usucapio might 
proceed, the thing must come into 
the owner's hands lawfully and 
with his knowledge that it had 
been stolen and was his property. 

Subordinate Rights of Owner- 
ship : dominium was the word em- 
ployed by the Romans to express 
complete ownership. It embraced, 
therefore, the ius utendi, ius fru- 

endi, ius abutendi, or rights of com- 
plete disposition of the property. 
Dominium means that all these 
rights are united in the dominus. 
But certain rights may be detached 
from dojninium and vested in an- 
other than the dominus, e.g. a right 
to use a thing in a particular way, 
as a right of way through another's 
field. This is dominium, or abso- 
lute ownership minus a detached 
portion of ownership, i.e. a limited 
right or servitude in the property 
of another. These limited rights 
which one properly entitled may 
exercise over another's property 
are called iura in re or iura in re 
aliena (cf. also note on Acquisi- 
tion of Ownership,^. 165). They 



Pompon, d. Servitutium non ea natura est, ut aliquid faciat 
8, i, is, i qu i S) veluti viridia. to n at aut amoeniorem pro- 
spectum praestet, aut in hoc ut in suo pingat, sed ut aliquid 
patiatur aut non faciat. 
5 ui P . D. Etiam de servitute, quae oneris ferendi causa 

s, s. 6, * imposita erit, actio nobis competit, ut et onera 
ferat et aedificia reficiat ad eum modum, qui servitute im- 
posita comprehensus est. Et Gallus putat non posse ita 

are real rights, i.e. availing against 
all the world, like the rights of 
complete ownership. They are 
detached portions of proprietary 
right taken from the dominus and 
conferred upon another. What 
remains after the ius in re has 
been subtracted, the Romans call 
nuda proprietas. How do iura 
in re aliena differ from absolute 
ownership ? They are mere ' frag- 
ments ' of dominium, limited in 
their content, and when they per- 
ish as distinct rights, are absorbed 
by dominium. The most impor- 
tant iura in re aliena are servi- 
tutes, emphyteusis, superficies, and 
pignus (hypotheca). 

Servitudes: a servitude is a 
real right (ius in re aliena) in the 
property of another, inseparably 
connected with an immovable 
thing (praedium) or with a cer- 
tain person for whose benefit it 
exists (servitutes personarum aut 
rerum, personal and real). In 
origin the term servitus is meta- 
phorical. The thing whose owner- 
ship is restricted is said to serve 
(servit, res servient), the restricting 

right or burden is called servitus. 
The thing benefited by such ser- 
vice is called dominant (res domi- 
nans) . Where property was freed 
from servitudes, there was said to 
be a libertas rei. 

3. aut in hoc ut in suo pingat : 
' the essence of servitudes does not 
consist in this, that any one should 
do something, as e.g. remove 
bushes or furnish a more pleasing 
view, or that he display pictures on 
his own property for this purpose ' 
(i.e. amoeniorem prospectum prae- 
stet). In suo pingat refers to the 
practice of decorating walls and 
other surfaces with paintings and 
frescoes for the purpose of beauti- 
fying the landscape. This prac- 
tice is referred to by Juv. Sat. 
8, 157. Cf. also Dig. 43, 17, 
3, 9. Such 'coverings' of paint 
and fresco were called tectoria. — 
sed ut aliquid patiatur: servi- 
tudes are classified as positive or 
negative. In the latter case the 
owner of the res serviens is bound 
to refrain from doing what he would 
otherwise be entitled to do (servi- 
tutes quae in non faciendo consis- 



servitutem imponi, ut quis facere aliquid cogeretur, sed ne 
me facere prohiberet; nam in omnibus servitutibus refectio 
ad eum pertinet, qui sibi servitutem adserit, non ad eurn, 
cuius res servit. Sed evaluit Servi sententia, in proposita 
S specie ut possit quis defendere. ius sibi esse cogere adver- 
sarium reficere parietem ad onera sua sustinenda. Labeo 
autem hanc servitutem non hominem debere, sed rem, 
denique licere domino rem derelinquere scribit. 

Praedial Servitudes 

Paul. d. Servitutes praediorum aliae in solo, aliae in 

io 8 ' *• r > 3 superficie consistunt 

Praediorum urbanorum sunt servitutes, quae 

aedificiis inhaerent, ideo urbanorum praediorum 

dictae, quoniam aedificia omnia urbana praedia appellan- 

tur, etsi in villa aedificata sunt. Item praediorum urba- 

15 norum servitutes sunt hae : ut vicinus onera vicini sustineat ; 

ut in parietem eius liceat vicino tignum immittere ; ut stil- 

tunt). In the former case, the ing the servient thing (derelin- 

owner of the res dominans is al- quere). 

lowed to do something (by the 9. Servitutes praediorum aliae : 

positive servitude) he would other- praedial (real) servitudes are either 

wise not be entitled to do (servi- rural or urban, i.e. they pertain 

tutes quae in patiendo consistunt) . to the soil (aliae in solo consistunt) 

Servitudes do not consist in doing or to superstructures (aliae in su- 

something (servitus in faciendo perficie consistunt). All praedial 

consistere non potest). For this servitudes are burdens imposed 

reason the cost of repairs and main- upon a thing in favor of another 

tenance fall upon the owner of the thing, as a right of way through 

dominant tenement, except in the one piece of land in favor of another 

servitude oneris ferendi mentioned piece of land adjoining it — or a 

in the text. Even here the owner right to discharge rain-water from 

of the servient tenement may avoid one's roof upon the property of a 

the burden of repairs by abandon- neighbor, etc. 



licidium vel flumen recipiat quis in aedes suas vel in aream, 
vel non recipiat; et ne altius tollat quis aedes suas, ne 
luminibus vicini officiatur. 

Gm. d. Vrbanorum praediorum iura talia sunt : altius 

S 8 ' 2 ' 2 tollendi et officiendi luminibus vicini aut non ex- 

tollendi ; item stillicidium avertendi in tectum vel aream 
vicini aut non avertendi ; item immittendi tigna in parietem 
vicini et denique proiciendi protegendive ceteraque istis 

Est et haec servitus, ne prospectui officia- 

Luminum in servitute constituta id adquisi- 
tum videtur, ut vicinus lumina nostra excipiat; 
cum autem servitus imponitur, ne luminibus officiatur, hoc 

«° Ulp. D. 

Paul. D. 
8, A 4 

4. Vrbanorum praediorum : ser- 
vitudes are called urban when they 
pertain directly to buildings, 
whether situated in town or coun- 
try. The most usual urban servi- 
tudes are mentioned in the text. 
By the servitude altius tollendi the 
owner of the dominant tenement 
was entitled to erect buildings be- 
yond a certain height ; by the neg- 
ative servitude non extollendi, the 
owner of the servient tenement 
was bound not to raise his build- 
ings beyond a certain height. 
The servitude officiendi luminibus 
vel ■prospectui restrained the pro- 
prietor of the servient tenement 
from obstructing the light and pros- 
pect of his neighbor by the erec- 
tion of buildings or the planting 
of trees, etc. Otherwise an owner 
might erect structures on his own 


property to whatever height he 
pleased {cuius est solum, eius est 
usque ad caelum). The servi- 
tude stillicidium avertendi aut 
non avertendi has reference to 
drip from the eaves (stilla-cadere, 
'falling in drops') falling upon 
a neighbor's property. When the 
water was collected and carried 
from the roof by a gutter, it was 
called flumen. In neither case 
could the water be turned upon a 
neighbor's land, in the absence of 
a servitude. The ius tigni immit- 
tendi is the right to fasten a joist 
or timber in a neighbor's wall. 
The ius proiciendi protegendive is 
the right to build beyond one's 
boundary line in the air above 
another's property, e.g. a balcony 
or the projection of beams, or a 
roof, over another's soil or building. 



maxime adepti videmur, ne ius sit vicino invitis nobis altius 
aedificare atque ita minuere lumina nostrorum aedificiorum, 
uip. d. Inter servitutes ne luminibus officiatur et ne 

8, z, is prospectui offendatur aliud et aliud observatur : 

5 quod in prospectu plus quis habet, ne quid ei officiatur ad 
gratiorem prospectum et liberum, in luminibus autem, non 
officere ne lumina cuiusquam obscuriora fiant. 
Paul. d. Lumen id est, ut caelum videretur, et interest 

8, 2, 16 inter lumen et prospectum : nam prospectus 

io etiam ex inferioribus locis est, lumen ex inferiore loco esse 
non potest. 

uip. d. Servitutes rusticorum praediorum sunt hae : 

8 > 3. * iter, actus, via, aquaeductus. Iter est ius eundi 

ambulandi homini, non etiam iumentum agendi. Actus 

The servilus luminum, or the ius 
luminis immittendi, is the right to 
have a window in a neighbors 
wall (ut vicinus lumina nostra ex- 
cipiat) . 

3. Inter servitutes ne luminibus 
et ne prospectui: the difference 
(aliud et aliud) between these two 
servitudes is that the servitus ne 
prospectui offendatur is more 
extensive than the servitude ne 
luminibus officiatur, since prospect 
may be obstructed or rendered less 
pleasing in various ways, without 
diminishing light. The servitude 
of light is more extensive than the 
servitude altius non tollendi, since 
other things than buildings may 
obstruct the light, e.g. the planting 
of trees, etc. 

8. interest inter lumen et pro- 
spectum : lumina were windows or 

openings in a building for purposes 
of lighting it. Prospectus is the 
view below, upon a garden or sur- 
rounding park, as well as in other 

iz. Servitutes rusticorum prae- 
diorum: the most common servi- 
tudes pertaining to land are : way 
(iter, actus, via) ; conduct of water 
to one's own land over, beneath, 
or on the surface of another's land 
(aquaeductus) ■ drawing water 
from another's well (aquaehaus- 
tus), carrying with it an implied 
right of way (iter) ; the right to 
water stock (pecoris adaquam ad- 
pulsus) with implied way (actus) ; 
right of pasturage (ius pascendi) ; 
right of burning lime (calcis co- 
quendae) ; the right to conduct or 
drain water from one's own land 
to another's (aquae conducendae 



est ius agendi vel iumentum vel vehiculum; itaque qui 
iter habet, actum non habet, qui actum habet, et iter habet 
etiam sine iumento. Via est ius eundi et agendi et am- 
bulandi ; nam et iter et actum in se via continet. Aquae- 
S ductus est ius aquam ducendi per fundum alienum. In 
rusticis computanda sunt aquaehaustus, pecoris ad aquam 
adpulsus, ius pascendi, calcis coquendae, harenae fodiendae. 
Paul. D. Qui sella aut lectica vehitur, ire, non agere 

8 '3-7 dicitur; iumentum vero ducere non potest, qui 

10 iter tantum habet. Qui actum habet, et plostr,um ducere 
et iumenta agere potest. Sed trahendi lapidem aut tignum 
neutri eorum ius est ; quidam nee hastam rectam ei ferre 
licere, quia neque eundi neque agendi gratia id faceret et 
possent fructus eo modo laedi. Qui viam habent, eundi 

15 agendique ius habent ; plerique et trahendi quoque et rec- 
tam hastam referendi, si modo fructus non laedat. 
Gai. d. Viae latitudo ex lege duodecim tabularum in 

8 - 3. 8 porrectum octo pedes habet, in anfractum, id est 

ubi flexum est, sedecim. 

vel immittendae). There were 12. quidam (sc. credunt) nee 

many rural servitudes not men- hastam rectam : some believe that 

tioned in the text. he is not allowed to carry a spear 

4. iter et actum in se via conti- upright, because this would be no 

net : the servitus viae not only in- part of a servitude eundi or agendi. 

eludes iter and actus, but differs 14. Qui viam habent : those who 

from them in that it was a right have the servitus viae have also 

of paved way for heavily loaded the ius eundi agendique, and very 

wagons. For this reason, the many add also, the ius trahendi et 

dragging of stone, heavy timber, rectam hastam referendi. 

etc., was permitted only by the 17. Viae latitudo ex lege duo- 

serviius viae, since by such use- decim: this was the statutory pro vi- 

the servient property was not in- sion for the width of the way, in the 

jured and the dominant owner absence of special agreement to the 

injured only his own road which contrary. If nothing was agreed 

he was bound to maintain. upon regarding the width of iter 

ROMAN LAW — 13 I93 


Ideo autem hae servitutes praediorum appel- 
lantur, quoniam sine praediis constitui non pos- 
sunt; nemo enim potest servitutem adquirere vel urbani 
vel rustici praedii, nisi qui habet praedium. 
5 Paul. d. Omnes autem servitutes praediorum perpetuas 

8 ' 2 ' 28 causas habere debent, et ideo neque ex lacu neque 

ex stagno concedi aquaeductus potest. Stillicidii quoque 
immittendi naturalis Ct perpetua causa esse debet. 

Ulp. D. 
8, 4, I, I 

or actus, the matter was deter- 
mined by the judge (si nihil dic- 
tum est, hoc ab arbitro statuendum 
est. In via aliud iuris est : nam 
si dicta latitudo non est, legitima 
debetur, D. 8, 3, 13, 2). 

1. servitutes praediorum appel- 
lantur : the owner of a piece of 
land is placed in partial subjection 
to his neighbor. The ' sources 
state that the land serves neigh- 
boring land (fundus servit fundo, 
praedium servit praedio) . There 
must always be two pieces of land, 
having different owners. The 
land benefiting by the servitude 
(cui debetur serviius, or quod habet 
servitutem) is called by moderns 
praedium dominans. The land 
burdened by the servitude (quod 
debet servitutem), the Romans 
called praedium serviens. Since 
these servitudes were attached to 
land, the Romans regarded them 
as serving the land directly. As 
to the question whether land can 
have rights, see the interesting 
chapter in Holmes, " The Com- 
mon Law," p. 383 f. 

5. perpetuas causas habere : a 
servient tenement must from its 
natural character be capable of 
being of constant advantage (per- 
petua causa) to the dominant 
tenement, regardless of change of 
ownership of the land. ' Serviius 
fundo utilis esse debet ' (utpomum 
decerpere liceat, et ut spatiari, et 
ut cenare in alieno possimus, ser- 
viius imponi non potest, D. 8, 1,8). 

Personal Servitudes : personal 
servitudes are those conferring 
upon individual persons rights 
which may be exercised over the 
property of another (praedium 
servit personae), just as real 
(praedial) servitudes are imposed 
upon a thing in favor of another 
thing (praedium servit praedio). 
Personal servitudes are strictly 
personal rights, extinguished at 
death and, unlike real servitudes, 
they may be imposed upon mov- 
able, as well as immovable, prop- 
erty. Less narrowly defined in 
scope than real servitudes, they 
are much more limited in duration. 
Personal servitudes, at the most, 



Personal Servitudes 

Paul. D. Vsus fructus est ius alienis rebus utendi 

7 ' *• * fruendi salva rerum substantia. 

Gai. d. Constitit autem usus fructus non tantum in 

7, i. 3. i fundo et aedibus, verum etiam in servis et 
5 iumentis ceterisque rebus, 
uip. D. Vetus fuit quaestio, an partus ad fructuarium 

7,i,68 pertineret; sed Bruti sententia optinuit fructu- 

arium in eo locum non habere ; neque enim in fructu ho- 
minis homo esse potest. Hac ratione nee usum fructum in 
io eo fructuarius habebit. 

were for the lifetime of the person 
served. Real servitudes, in the ab- 
sence of other reasons, might be 
perpetual or they might continue 
at least as long as the servient 
tenement existed. The most com- 
mon personal servitudes are : 
ususfructus, usus, habitatio, and 
operae servorum et animalium. 

i. Vsus fructus est ius alienis 
rebus : ususfructus is the most 
comprehensive of the personal 
servitudes. The one entitled 
(usufructuarius) has the exclu- 
sive right to use and enjoy (Jus 
utendi et fruendi) the property 
of another, including its increase, 
products, and income (fructus 
naturales- et civiles), provided the 
value of the servient thing is not 
impaired {salva rerum substan- 
tia") . But see note on Fructuarius 
causam proprietatis below, p. 196. 

6. partus ad fructuarium per- 
tineret : partus, offspring (sc. an- 

cillae), is commonly used of the 
child of a female slave. Inasmuch 
as there was a usufruct of slaves 
as well as of other movable prop- 
erty, such as flocks, it was a ques- 
tion whether the usufructuarius 
(fructuarius) was entitled to the 
usufruct of the offspring of slaves 
as well as of flocks. It might be 
expected that the young of slaves 
should be treated like the young of 
flocks and beasts of burden. Ulpian 
explains that slaves are not owned 
primarily for breeding purposes 
{11071 temere ancillae eius rei causa 
comparantur ut parianf). But 
this is true also of cows and mares, 
whose young were in fructu. Jus- 
tinian, following Gaius, adopts the 
decision of the text, basing it upon 
the superior position and dignity 
of human beings (partus vero an- 
cillae in fructu non est, Hague ad 
dominum proprietatis pertinet: 
absurdum enim videbatur homi- 



uip. d. Fructuarius causam proprietatis deteriorem 

7. 1. 13, 4 facere non debet, meliorem facere potest. Et 
aut fundi est usus fructus legatus, et non debet neque 
arbores frugiferas excidere neque villam diruere nee 
5 quicquam facere in perniciem proprietatis. Et si forte 
voluptarium fuit praedium, virdiaria vel gestationes vel 
deambulationes arboribus infructuosis opacas atque amoe- 
nas habens, non debebit deicere, ut forte hortos olitorios 
faciat vel aliud quid, quod ad reditum spectat. Inde est 

10 quaesitum, an lapidicinas vel cretifodinas vel harenifodinas 
ipse instituere possit ; et ego puto etiam ipsum instituere 
posse, si non agri partem necessariam huic rei occupaturus 
est. Proinde venas quoque lapidicinarum et huiusmodi 
metallorum inquirere poterit; ergo et auri et argenti et 

15 sulpuris et aeris et ferri et ceterorum fodinas vel quas 
paterfamilias instituit exercere poterit vel ipse instituere, 
si nihil agriculturae nocebit. Et si forte in hoc quod insti- 

nem in fructu esse, cum omnes of the early empire allowed a quasi 
fructus rerum natura hominum ususfructus of things consumable, 
gratia comparavit, Inst. 2, 1, 37). preceded by security for indemnity 
1. Fructuarius causam proprieta- or restoration of the same quantity 
tis : the usufructuarius was bound and quality, or for the payment of 
to make proper use of the servient the money value of the thing con- 
property (arbitratu boni viri) and sumed (e.g. vini, olei, frumenti 
to restore it to its former condition ususfructus). Although the usus- 
upon the termination of the servi- fructus is a personal servitude, the 
tude. The proprietor (proprieta- one entitled to it may, by agree- 
to dominus) took security (cautio) ment, allow another to exercise the 
from the usufructuarius by which usufruct either gratuitously or for 
the latter was personally obliged a compensation. The right, how- 
to make good all losses and dete- ever, itself is not transferable, and 
rioration. From the nature of the usufructuarius is responsible 
usufruct there can be no such ser- to the owner of the servient prop- 
vitude in consumable things (res erty (i.e. owner of the nuda pro- 
quae usu consumuntur) . A SC prietas) for proper care and use. 



tuit plus reditus sit quam in vineis vel arbustis vel olivetis 
quae fuerunt, forsitan etiam haec deicere poterit, si quidem 
ei permittitur meliorare proprietatem. 
Inst. A s , P r. Isdem istis modis, quibus usus fructus consti- 
S tuitur, etiam nudus usus constitui solet isdemque 

illis modis finitur, quibus et usus fructus desinit. Minus 
autem scilicet iuris in usu est quam in usu fructu. Nam- 
que is, qui fundi nudum usum habet, nihil ulterius habere 
intellegitur, quam ut oleribus, pomis, floribus, feno, stramen- 

io tis, lignis ad usum cottidianum utatur ; in eoque fundo hac- 
tenus ei morari licet, ut neque domino fundi molestus sit 
neque his, per quos opera rustica fiunt, impedimento sit ; 
nee ulli alii ius quod habet aut vendere aut locare aut gra- 
tis concedere potest, cum is qui usum fructum habet potest 

15 haec omnia facere. Item is, qui aedium usum habet, hac- 
tenus iuris habere intellegitur, ut ipse tantum habitet, nee 
hoc ius ad alium transferre potest ; et vix receptum vide- 
tur, ut hospitem ei recipere liceat. Et cum uxore sua 
liberisque suis, item libertis nee non aliis liberis personis, 

20 quibus non minus quam servis utitur, habitandi ius habeat ; 
et convenienter si ad mulierem usus aedium pertineat, cum 
marito habitare liceat. 

uip. d. Praeter habitationem quam habet, cui usus 

7, 8, 12, 1 datus est deambulandi quoque et gestandi ius 

5. nudus usus constitui solet: ususfructus. The user originally 

the servitude usus is limited to the could not take any fruits, natural 

mere use of the thing, not to its or civil, but this was modified by 

fruits (cui usus relictus est, uti interpretation in his favor, so that 

potest, frui non potest, T). 7,8,2) he was allowed sufficient for his 

beyond what was required for the daily requirements. He was 

daily needs of the user and his obliged to furnish the cautio usu- 

family. It was, therefore, a much aria to indemnify the proprietor 

more restricted servitude than against loss or damage. 



habebit. Sabinus et Cassius et lignis ad usum cottidianum 
et horto et pomis et holeribus et floribus et aqua usurum, 
non usque ad compendium, sed ad usum, scilicet non usque 
ad abusum ; idem Nerva, et adicit'stramentis et sarmen- 
S tis etiam usurum, sed neque foliis neque oleo neque fru- 
mento neque frugibus usurum. Sed Sabinus et Cassius et 
Labeo et Proculus hoc amplius etiam ex his quae in fundo 
nascuntur, quod ad victum sibi suisque sufficiat sumpturum 
et ex his quae Nerva negavit ; Iuventius etiam cum con- 

10 vivis et hospitibus posse uti ; quae sententia mihi vera 

Item is, ad quern servi usus pertinet, ipse tan- 

tum operis atque ministerio eius uti potest : ad 

alium vero nullo modo ius suum transferre ei concessum 

15 est. Idem scilicet iuris est et in iumento. Sed si pecoris 
vel ovium usus legatus fuerit, neque lacte neque agnis 
neque lana utetur usuarius, quia ea in fructu sunt. Plane 
ad stercorandum agrum suum pecoribus uti potest. Sed 
si cui habitatio legata sive aliquo modo constituta sit, neque 

20 usus videtur neque usus fructus, sed quasi proprium ali- 
quod ius. Quam habitationem habentibus propter rerum 
utilitatem secundum Marcelli sententiam nostra decisione 
promulgata permisimus non solum in ea degere, sed etiam 
aliis locare. 

20. quasi proprium aliquod ius : fructus and usus in that it was 

habitatio was peculiar in that the not lost by change of status (capi- 

one enjoying this servitude could tis deminutio) or by non-user, 

permit another to exercise the For other servitudes of a peculiar 

right (in the law of Justinian) for character in the law of Justinian, 

compensation, and it was, further- see Class. Diet., articles Emfihy- 

more, less restricted than usus- teusis and Superficies. 



Paul. D. 

The Law of Obligations (Obligationes) 

Obligationum substantia non in eo consistit, 
ut aliquod corpus nostrum aut servitutem no- 
stram faciat, sed ut alium nobis obstringat ad dandum 
aliquid vel faciendum vel praestandum. 
S Gai. d. Creditorum appellatione non hi tantum acci- 

so, 16, n piuntur, qui pecuniam crediderunt, sed omnes, 
quibus ex qualibet causa debetur ; 

ui P . d. ut si cui ex empto vel ex locato vel ex alio ullo 

so, 16,12 debetur. Sed et si ex delicto debeatur, mihi 
10 videtur, posse creditorjs loco accipi. 

Mod. D. Debitor intellegitur is a quo invito exigi 

so, 16, 108 pecunia potest. 

i. Obligationum substantia : 
the essence of obligation is not to 
make a thing (corpus) or a servi- 
tude our own, but it is a legal 
relation existing between two per- 
sons whereby one of them (credi- 
tor) is entitled to compel the other 
(debitor) to some performance (ad 
dandum, etc.) having a money 
value (debere means ' to have less,' 
de + habere) . Obligatio (obligare) 
indicates therefore a legal bond, 
the two parties being tied together 
by law. • This bond may be estab- 
lished by the parties voluntarily 
(as by contract), or without their 
consent (as by delict). There is 
no important distinction between 
the words dare, facere, and prae- 
stare. Facere, 'to do something, 1 
and praestare, ' to make good, 1 ' to 
compensate,' were often used for 

dare. In all cases the payment 
of a sum of money was the ulti- 
mate means of loosening the tie 
(solutio) established by an obli- 

5. Creditorum appellatione : 
creditor and debitor are general 
terms signifying, respectively, the 
party entitled to a right arising 
from an obligation, and the party 
upon whom the duty of performance 
is imposed. Debitor is not merely 
one from whom payment is due in 
the English sense of debtor, but 
he is any one from whom money 
may be demanded against his will 
(eo invito), whether the obligation 
arises from a promise (ex con- 
tractu) or from a wrong (ex 
delicto), ea enim in obligatione 
consistere, quae pecunia lui prae- 
starique possunt, D. 40, 7, 9, 2. 



Inst. 3, 13, pr. 

Obligatio est iuris vinculum, quo necessitate 
adstringimur alicuius solvendae rei secundum 
nostrae civitatis iura. 

Gai. d. Obligationes aut ex contractu nascuntur aut 

5 44. 7, 1 ex maleficio aut proprio quodam iure ex variis 

causarum figuris. 

Sequens divisio in quattuor species diducitur : 
aut enim ex contractu sunt aut quasi ex con- 
tractu aut ex maleficio aut quasi ex maleficio. Prius est, 

Inst. 3, 13, 2 

x. Obligatio est iuris vinculum : 

careful attention to the metaphor 
contained in this definition will 
assist toward a proper understand- 
ing of it. Obligatio (ob + ligare) 
is a binding, i.e. a legal bond (iuris 
vinculum) by which two parties 
are fastened together (adstringere) 
in such a way that one may be re- 
quired to dissolve the bond by 
money payment (necessitate alicu- 
ius solvendae rei) under compul- 
sion of law (secundum nostrae 
civitatis iura). It is the law that 
ties and unties the knot (obligarg, 

4. Obligationes aut ex contractu : 
all obligations arise from contract, 
from wrongs (ex maleficio), or from 
other relations of a legal character 
(ex variis causarum figuris) which 
the jurists assign by analogy to 
one or the other of the two main 
divisions of obligations (hence 
called obligationes quasi ex con- 
tractu, quasi ex maleficio). See 
text and notes below. Not every 
agreement in Roman law gives 

rise to a legally binding obliga- 
tion. In the old ius civile only 
those promises were binding which 
were made in full conformity with 
the requirements of the law as 
regards their form and content. 
All other agreements were with- 
out legal effect (nuda pacta), ex 
nudo pacto inter cives Romanos 
actio 11011 nascitur, Paul. 2, 14, 1. 
Later, pacta gave rise to an obli- 
gation by help of the praetor and 
special legislation (pacta prae- 
tor ia and legitima). A promise 
made to the state or a solemn 
promise or vow (votum) made to a 
divinity (i.e. a mere promise with- 
out formal acceptance) gave rise 
to an obligation (si quis rem ali- 
quant voverit, voto obligatur). 

8. quasi ex contractu: obligations 
may also arise without agreement 
from a state of facts which render 
one person bound to another as if 
they had agreed, e.g. one person 
conducts another's business during 
the latter's absence to preserve his 
property from perishing or suffer- 



ut de his quae ex contractu sunt dispiciamus. Harum 
aeque quattuor species sunt: aut enim re contrahuntur 
aut verbis aut litteris aut consensu. De quibus singulis 

Obligations ex ContRactv 


Re contrahituf obligatio veluti mutui datione. 

Inst. 3, 14, pr. . . 

Mutui autem obhgatio m his rebus consistit, quae 
pondere, numero, mensurave constant, veluti vino, oleo, fru- 
mento, pecunia numerata, aere, argento, auro, quas res aut 

ing injury, called negotiorum gestio. 
The legal relations here between 
the parties resembled the obliga- 
tions arising ex contractu, and the 
fictitious character of these bonds 
the jurists represented by the term 
quasi-contr actus. Obligationes 
quasi ex maleficio (or delicto) were 
likewise similar to those arising 
ex maleficio, as when a passer-by 
was injured by something thrown 
from a window above. Regardless 
of the person perpetrating the 
wrongful act, the injured party was 
entitled to an action against the 
occupier of the house or room from 
which the act originated. See also 
text below (Obligations quasi ex 
Delicto, p. 255). 

2. aut enim re contrahuntur : in 
the early law all contractual rela- 
tions required a certain external 
formality to insure their validity. 
The oldest form of contract was 
nexum (nectere, bind), a bond en- 

tered into by mancipatio and stipu- 
late, consisting of the utterance of 
certain formal words (verbis). In 
the later law contracts could be 
concluded re (real contracts), i.e. 
by the very nature of their content, 
as by the intervention of a thing 
(res) delivered by one party to 
another; litteris, where the con- 
tract is based on a written ac- 
knowledgment of debt ; consensu, 
where the contract arises from the 
mere consent of the parties, with- 
out formalities. Contracts arising 
verbis and litteris may be called 
formal, those arising re and con- 
sensu, informal. 

5. mutui datione : mutuum is a 
gratuitous loan for consumption, 
the thing loaned to be returned in 
kind and quality only. For the 
false etymology see note on curias, 
p. 45 . Mutuum is a negotiicm stricti 
iuris, and the action by which an 
equivalent in kind is enforced is 



numerando aut metiendo aut pendendo in hoc damus, ut 
accipientium fiant et quandoque nobis non eaedem res, sed 
aliae eiusdem naturae et qualitatis reddantur. Vnde etiam 
mutuum appellatum sit, quia ita a me tibi datur, ut ex meo 

5 tuum fiat. Ex eo contractu nascitur actio quae vocatur 

Item is cui res aliqua utenda datur, id est 
commodatur, re obligatur et tenetur commodati 
actione. Sed is ab eo qui mutuum accepit longe distat : 

io namque non ita res datur, ut eius fiat, et ob id de ea re ipsa 
restituenda tenetur. Et is quidem qui mutuum accepit, si 
quolibet fortuito casu quod accepit amiserit, veluti incendio, 
ruina, naufragio aut latronum hostiumve incursu, nihilo 

Inst. 3, 14, a 

called, therefore, condictio or con- 
dictio certi, i.e. an actio for the re- 
covery of a fixed and definite thing 
— no more and no less. The thing 
loaned becomes the property of 
the borrower. He is not bound 
to pay interest (e.g. for money 
loan) unless an express contract 
to that effect has been entered into 
by stipulatio. 

7. res aliqua utenda : commoda- 
tum is a loan for use only, the 
borrower being bound to return 
the identical thing borrowed, dif- 
fering therein from mutuum. 
Commodatum is a bonae fidei ne- 
gotium, i.e. the liability of the 
parties is not exactly determined 
and defined. The borrower is 
bound to bestow unusual care 
upon the thing, since he alone is 
benefited by the contract, but he 
is not liable for the usual wear and 

tear, nor for theft or accident 
{casus, vis maior) unless the 
thing has been put to other use 
than that contracted for. The 
lender, having no interest in the 
contract, is liable only for dolus 
(' intentional wrong, fraud ') and 
culpa lata ('gross negligence'). 
Like mu.tuum, commodatum is 
strictly gratuitous, otherwise it 
becomes locatio conductio (i.e. a 
contractus ex consensu). The 
lender has the actio commodati 
(directa) for the recovery of the 
tiling loaned. The borrower has 
the actio commodati (contraria) 
by which he may recover from the 
lender the amount of damage or 
expense which the thing may have 
caused (e.g. illness of a loaned 
slave, or damage caused by a vi-' 
cious horse, supposed to be 



minus obligatus permanet. At is qui utendum accepit sane 
quidem exactam diligentiam custodiendae rei praestare iube- 
tur nee sufficit ei tantam diligentiam adhibuisse, quantam 
suis rebus adhibere solitus est, si modo alius diligentior 

5 poterit earn rem custodire ; sed propter maiorem vim maio- 
resve casus non tenetur, si modo non huius culpa is casus 
intervenerit; alioquin si id quod tibi commodatum est peregre 
ferre tecum malueris et vel incursu hostium praedonumve 
vel naufragio amiseris, dubium non est, quin de restituenda 

io ea re tenearis. Commodata autem res tunc proprie intel- 
legitur, si nulla mercede accepta vel constituta res tibi 
utenda data est. Alioquin mercede interveniente' locatus 

2. exactam diligentiam : diligcn- 
tia is the care or skill which per- 
sons are required by law to exhibit 
in their conduct. It has different 
degrees : the usual diligence of 
ordinarily careful people ; and a 
high degree of diligence expected 
from those .especially qualified for 
the performance of their duties 
(exacta diligentia, omnis diligen- 
tia, diligentia diligentis, or diligen- 
tissimi, patrisfamilias) . A person 
from whom this latter degree of 
diligence is exacted is liable even 
for a slight degree of negligence, 
measured by an absolute standard 
(levis culpa in abstracto, as called 
by moderns), i.e. if a more care- 
ful man could have prevented the 
injury (si modo alius diligentior 
poterit earn rem custodire). The 
degree of diligence otherwise re- 
quired is that which a person or- 
dinarily bestows upon his own 
affairs (quantum suis rebus ad- 

hibere solitus est). The standard 
is in this case relative, since one 
man exercises more care than an- 
other over his own affairs. A less 
degree of care than usual renders 
one liable for negligence (culpa 
levis in concreto, as named by 

9. quin de restituenda ea re ten- 
earis : by the contract called com- 
modatum, the borrower is bound to 
exercise the highest degree of care, 
because the contract is entirely 
in his interest (nulla inercede ac- 
cepta). Although the borrower 
is not liable for accidental loss or 
damage, if he use the thing for 
any other purpose or in any other 
way than that agreed upon, he 
becomes liable even for unavoid- 
able accident (casus, vis maior). 
If compensation were paid (mer- 
cede accepta), this contract would 
be one of hiring or letting (locatio- 
conductio, see below, text, p. 217). 



tibi usus rei videtur, gratuitum enim debet esse commoda- 
tum. Praeterea et is, apud quem res aliqua deponitur, re 
obligatur et actione depositi, qui et ipse de ea re quam 
accepit restituenda tenetur. Sed is ex eo solo tenetur, si 

S quid dolo commiserit, culpae autem nomine, id est desidiae 
atque neglegentiae, non tenetur ; itaque securus est qui 
parum diligenter custoditam rem furto amisit, quia, qui 

, neglegenti amico rem custodiendam tradit, suae facilitati 
id imputare debet. Creditor quoque qui pignus accepit re 

10 obligatur, qui et ipse de ea ipsa re quam accepit restituenda 
tenetur actione pigneraticia. Sed quia pignus utriusque 
gratia datur, et debitoris, quo magis ei pecunia crederetur, 
et creditoris,.quo magis ei in tuto sit creditum, placuit suffi- 
cere, quod ad earn rem custodiendam exactam diligentiam 

15 adhiberet ; quam si praestiterit et aliquo f ortuitu casu rem 
amiserit, securum esse nee impediri creditum petere. 

■*. apud quem res aliqua deponi- has a real right (ius in rent) in the 
tur: depositum is a contract by thing pledged (as mortgagee), but 
which one party delivers to another he is also (quogue) b»und by the 
a thing for safe-keeping without delivery of the thing (re) to re- 
compensation. As this contract store it to the pledgor (debitor) 
is for the benefit of the depositor, on certain conditions arising from 
the depositee, deriving no benefit the contract of pignus. The 
from it, is liable only for fraud pledgee is bound to bestow the 
(dolus) and wilful negligence highest degree of care upon the 
(culpa lata). The depositor has thing, because he is directly inter- 
file actio depositi (directa) for the ested in the contract. He is not 
recovery of the thing deposited ; responsible for casus, and may even 
the depositee, the actio depositi recover the value of the pledge, if 
(contraria) for the recovery of any it perish by accident. The pledgor 
expense which the custody of the has the actio pigneraticia (directa) 
thing entailed. for the recovery of the pledge, after 

9. Creditor qui pignus accepit the payment of the debt secured 

re: pignus is a contract arising from by it. The pledgee has the actio 

the delivery of a thing as a pledge. pigtieraticia (contraria) for the 

The creditor (pledgee) not only recovery of any expenses caused 



Verbal Contracts {Verbis) 

Inst 3 , i S , P r. Verbis obligatio contrahitur ex interrogati- 
one et responsu, cum quid dari fierive nobis 

Pompon, d. Stipulatio est verborum conceptio, quibus is 
5 45. *. 5. * q U i interrogatur daturum facturumve se quod 
interrogates est respondent. 

Gai Verbis obligatio fit ex interrogatione et respon- 

sione, veluti dari spondes ? spondeo; dabis ? dabo; 

promittis ? promitto; fide promittis ? fide promitto; fide iubes? 

by the preservation of the pledge. 
Both parties being interested in 
this contract, they are equally an- 
swerable for exacta diligentia. 

i. Verbis obligatio contrahitur : 
the contract arising verbis re- 
quired the utterance of formal 
words, one party stating a ques- 
tion, the other giving a reply cor- 
responding to the question. The 
obligation arising from this mode 
of contracting was binding in the' 
absence of all consideration. Here 
the solemn form of words make 
the agreement valid, giving rise to 
a formal contract called stipulatio. 
A promise without the question to 
which it corresponded gave rise to 
a mere nudum pactum, which was 
not a valid agreement (ex nudo 
pacto non oritur actio). The 
Roman contract arising verbis 
should not be confused with the 
English parol contract. Unlike 
the latter, the Roman verbal con- 
tract is the most formal known to 

the Roman law. In its most an- 
cient form, this contract required 
the use of the words spondesne f 
spondeo, which could be employed 
by Roman citizens only. The 
ancient sponsio was probably sol- 
emnized by a libation (cf. oTrcVSav) 
and was of the nature of a solemn 
oath, or religious act which devel- 
oped into a formal contract. In 
some instances, in the later law 
even, the sponsio retained the 
force of a moral obligation only, 
as, e.g. in betrothal (sponsalia), a 
promise which was not actionable. 
Cf. note on Betrothal, p. 119. 

9. promittis ? promitto : from 
very early times other words were 
employed in the stipulatio where 
peregrini were concerned. After 
a time the stipulatio lost its formal 
character and any words could be 
employed in question and answer 
which left no doubt as to the agree- 
ment of the parties, i.e. the ques- 
tion or the answer might be in 


fide iubeo ; fades ? faciam. Sed haec quidem verborum 
obligatio, dari spondes ? spondeo, propria civium Romano- 
rum est; ceterae vero iuris gentium sunt, itaque inter 
omnes homines, sive cives Romanos sive peregrinos valenf 
S et quamvis ad Graecam vocem expressae f uerint, etiam hae 
tamen inter cives Romanos valent, si modo Graeci sermonis 
intellectum habeant. 

Verborum obligatio inter praesentes, non etiam 
inter absentes contrahitur. Quod si scriptum fue- 
10 rit instrumento promisisse aliquem, perinde habetur, atque 
si interrogatione praecedente responsum sit. 

Literal Contracts {Litteris) 
Litteris obligatio fit veluti nominibus tran- 

Gai. 3, iz8 . . .. . . . . 

scnpticns. Fit autem nomen transcnpticium 

duplici modo, vel a re in personam vel a persona in per- 

15 sonam. A re in personam transcriptio fit, veluti si id, quod 

Greek or Latin, or the question in that the contract had been con- 
Greek and the answer in Latin, eluded inter praesentes. The 
or the reverse. The sponsio and stipulatio was a favorite mode of 
stipulatio are favorite ways of rendering informal agreements 
making engagements in Plautus, formal and actionable, and in 
often for a humorous effect, e.g. transferring an obligation from 
Cure. 675 ; Epid. 8. one party to another. 

9. Quod si scriptum fuerit in- 12. Litteris obligatio fit : the ob- 

strumento: it became customary ligation arising litteris, the so-called 

for the purpose of proving an agree- literal contract, grew out of the 

ment which had been made orally very ancient custom of bookkeep- 

to have a written instrument (cau- ing at Rome. Every Roman citi- 

tio) drawn up in which the words zen was expected to keep a careful 

of the spoken formula were in- and accurate record of his receipts 

scribed. This instrument came and expenditures {codex accepti et 

to be evidence of the contract and expensi). This ancient ledger of 

was regarded as a presumption the Romans was called codex. It 



tii ex emptionis causa aut conductionis aut sociefatismihi 
debeas, id expensum tibi tulero. A persona in personam 
transcriptio fit, veluti si id, quod mihi Titius debet, tibi id 
expensum tulero, id est si Titius te delegaverit mihi. Alia 
5 causa est eorum nominum, quae arcaria vocantur. In his 
enim rei, non litterarum obligatio consistit, quippe non 

was originally a series of wax 
tablets joined together like a book 
slate. The codex was posted 
monthly, the items being tran- 
scribed from the day book (ad- 
versaria) and entered accurately 
under the proper heading as ac- 
cepta or expensa. The adversaria 
might then be destroyed. Items 
so recorded were of great value as 
evidence of money transactions 
(debits and credits). According 
to Dionysius citizens swore to 
the accuracy of their ledgers be- 
fore the censor. Out of this cus- 
tom grew the literal contract. 
Instead of the mere record of the 
fact of receipts and disbursements, 
a legal relation arose by the no- 
tnina transcripticia. The record 
of an item in the codex of the cred- 
itor with the consetit of the debtor, 
created a legal bond between 
debtor and creditor. It is imma- 
terial whether a corresponding 
entry of the debt is made in the 
books of the debtor. The mere 
entry of the debt in the books of 
the creditor, under the proper con- 
ditions, produces the contract. 

13 (p. 206). Fit nomen transcrip- 
ticium duplici modo : the entry of 

the item (nomen, i.e. name of the 
debtor, then the debt itself) is made 
in the- creditor's book with the con- 
sent of the debtor. The obliga- 
tion may, however, be transformed 
(nomen transcripticium) in one 
of two ways {duplici modo) : the 
basis of the obligation may be 
changed, e.g. when something is 
due on a contract of sale, the 
debtor may assent to his creditor's 
entering the debt on his books. 
The creditor can then enforce his 
claim on a contract litteris instead 
of a contract of sale (emptionis 
causa). This is called transcrip- 
tio a re in personam. There may 
also be effected in this way a 
change of party to the debt, as 
when one person assumed the debt 
of another. This was called tran- 
scriptio a persona in personam. 
It is said of the creditor ' expensum 
ferre ' ;' of the debtor ' acceptum 
ferre] when each party respec- 
tively made entry of the loan and 
its payment. 

5. quae arcaria vocantur : arca- 
rium nomen was the entry of the 
amount of money counted out 
(pecunia numeraia) from the 
cash box (area). It was, there- 



aliter valent, quam si numerata sit pecunia. Numeratio 
autem pecuniae re facit obligationem ; qua de causa recte 
dicemus, arcaria nomina nullam facere obligationem, sed 
obligationis factae testimonium praebere. Vnde non pro- 
S prie dicitur, arcariis nominibus etiam peregrinos obligari, 
quia non ipso nomine, sed numeratione pecuniae obligan- 
tur; quod genus obligationis iuris gentium est. Tran- 
scripticiis vero nominibus an obligentur peregrini, merito 
quaeritur, quia quodammodo iuris civilis est talis obligatio ; 

10 quod Nervae placuit. Sabino autem *et Cassio visum est, 
si a re in personam fiat nomen transcripticium, etiam pere- 
grinos obligari ; si vero a persona in personam, non obligari. 
Praeterea litterarum obligatio fieri videtur chirographis 
et syngraphis, id est, si quis debere se aut daturum se 

15 scribat ; ita scilicet si eo nomine stipulatio non fiat : quod 
genus obligationis proprium peregrinorum est. 

fore, the record of a genuine loan while the literal contract was an 

(i.e. the actual payment of money institution of the ius civile and 

giving rise to a rei obligatio), not applicable only to cives Romani. 

merely of an obligation arising from It is for this reason that the nomen 

the fact of record in the ledger transcripticium a re in personam 

of the creditor (litterarum obli- was binding upon peregrini, not 

gatio), i.e. numeratio autem pecu- so, however, one a persona in 

niae rei facit obligationem, but personam. 

arcaria nomina are only evidence 13. obligatio fieri videtur chiro- 

of an obligation arising from a graphis : the literal contract disap- 

real (re) contract. Nomina area- peared before the time of Justin- 

ria were converted into contracts ian, owing to the general decline 

litteris only by the intention of in bookkeeping after citizenship 

the parties that such a transfer- was extended to the entire free 

mation shall be made. population of the Roman world. 

5. arcariis nominibus peregrinos Written contracts of Greek origin 

obligari : arcaria nomina bind were the chirographum and syn- 

peregrini because the contracts re grapha or promissory note, by 

were derived from the ius gentium, which the debtor agrees to pay a 



Consensual Contracts {Consensu) 

Gai. 3 , I3S Consensu fiunt obligationes in emptionibus 

venditionibus, locationibus conductionibus, so- 
cietatibus, mandatis. Ideo autem istis modis consensu 
dicimus obligationes contrahi, quia neque verborum neque 
5 scripturae ulla proprietas desideratur, sed sufficit eos, qui 
negotium gerunt, consensisse ; unde inter absentes quoque 
talia negotia contrahuntur, veluti per epistulam aut per 
internuntium, cum alioquin verborum obligatio inter ab- 
sentes fieri non possit. 

Sale {Emptio Venditid) 

10 Paul. D. Origo emendi vendendique a permutationibus 

18, i, P r. coepit. Olim enim non ita erat nummus neque 
aliud merx, aliud pretium vocabatur, sed unusquisque secun- 
dum necessitatem temporum ac rerum utilibus inutilia per- 

certain sum of money, the instru- ing formalities {e.g. contracts 

ment being the evidence of the litteris, verbis), and, as they are 

contract. The chirographum ema- informal and arose from the com- 

nates from the debtor alone (' writ- mon business requirements of all 

ten with his own hand '), the peoples, they are called contracts 

syngrapha is a document bearing iuris gentium. 
the seals of both creditor' and n. Olim enim non ita erat num- 

debtor and is intrusted to a third mus : ' for in ancient- times there 

person for safe-keeping. was no coined money, nor was 

Emptio Venditio : the contracts one thing called a commodity and 

arising consensu, unlike those al- the other a price.' Permutatio 

ready considered, are rendered is the exchange of one commodity 

complete by the fact of consent for another. Emptio-venditio is 

alone. No specific form in which the exchange of a commodity for a 

this consent is to be expressed money price. The jurists decided 

is required. For this reason the after a long controversy that per- 

consensual contracts are distin- mutatio and emptio-venditio are 

guished from all contracts requir- two distinct kinds of contract : 

ROMAN LAW — 14 200, 


mutabat, quando plerumque evenit, ut quod alteri superest 
alteri desit. Sed quia non semper nee facile concurrebat, 
ut, cum tu haberes quod ego desiderarem, invicem haberem 
quod tu accipere velles, electa materia est, cuius publica ac 

S perpetua aestimatio diffkultatibus permutationum aequali- 
tate quantitatis subveniret. Eaque materia forma publica 
percussa usum dominiumque non tam ex substantia praebet 
quam ex quantitate, nee ultra merx utrumque, sed alterum 
pretium vocatur. Sed an sine nummis venditio dici hodie- 

10 que possit, dubitatur, veluti si ego togam dedi, ut tunicam 
acciperem. Sabinus et Cassius esse emptionem et vendi- 
tionem putant; Nerva et Proculus permutationem, non 
emptionem hoc esse. Sed verior est Nervae et Proculi 
sententia: nam ut aliud est vendere, aliud emere, alius 

15 emptor, alius venditor, sic aliud est pretium, aliud merx ; 
quod in permutatione discerni non potest, uter emptor, 
uter venditor sit. 

Emptio et venditio contrahitur, cum de pretio 

Gai. 3, 139 . 

convenent, quamvis nondum pretium numera- 

the former is a contract re, aris- effect the alienation of the thing 
ing from an exchange of things sold. 

(permutatio ex re tradita ini- . 5. aequalitate quantitatis : ' re- 

tium obligationi praebet, D. 19, moved the difficulty arising from 

4, 1,2); the latter is a contract barter because of the uniformity 

consensu, arising from an ex- of values of coined money. The 

change of promises instead of material, given its public character 

things, whereby one party agrees by coinage, confers the right of 

to the future transfer of a thing use and ownership not so much 

(merx) after the payment by from its intrinsic value as from its 

another of a money price (pre- value as a medium of exchange ; 

Hum). Permutatio or barter ef- and no longer are both things 

fects an alienation of property; called commodities (merx), but 

emptio-venditio does not, unless one of them is now called price in 

followed by another act, tra- money' (pretium). 

ditto, required by Roman law to 18. Emptio et venditio contra 


turn sit, ac ne arra quidem data fuerit; nam quod arrae 

nomine datur, argumentum est emptionis et venditionis 


Paul. d. Omnium rerum, quas quis habere vel possi- 

s 18, i, 34, i (j ere ve \ persequi potest, venditio recte fit ; quas 
vero natura vel gentium ius vel mores civitatis commercio 
exuerunt, earum nulla venditio est. Liberum hominem 
scientes emere non possumus. Sed nee talis emptio aut 
stipulatio admittenda est ; ' cum servus erit,' quamvis dixeri- 

10 mus futuras res emi posse ; nee enim fas est eiusmodi 

hitur : the contract of purchase and 
sale is completed when the price has 
been agreed upon. An exchange 
of promises thereby arises between 
emptor and venditor, creating iura 
in personam; but to effect a 
change of ownership, a second act 
is necessary, namely, traditio {de- 
livery)., creating a ius in rem, after 
the price has been paid and the 
possession delivered. Security for 
the price, or credit without secu- 
rity, is sufficient to make the con- 
tract valid (guodvendidinon aliter 
fit accipientis, quam si aut pretium 
nobis solutum sit aut satis eo 
nomine factum vel etiam fidem 
habuerimus emptori sine ulla 
satisfactione, D. 18, I, 19). 

1. ne arra quidem data fuerit : 
arra (arrha, arrabo) was origi- 
nally a ring given as a pledge or 
earnest for the payment of the 
price, to be returned when the 
price had been paid and the con- 
tract executed. The ring was not 
an essential part of the completion 

of the contract, but was merely 
proof of it (argumentum), and was 
especially retained in betrothal 
and marriage ceremonies (cf. note 
on Betrothal, p. 1 19). The party 
breaking off the match in sponsalia 
could be made to pay twice the 
amount of the arra given. The 
explanation in Harper's Lat. Diet. 
s. v. arra, from Isidor. Orig. 5, 25, 
that the arra was given as part of 
the purchase money is probably 

10. futuras res emi posse : any- 
thing which could be the subject 
of private ownership (res in co?n- 
mercio) could be sold. The sale 
of a freeman, wrongly supposed 
to be a slave, was invalid. The 
parties must be agreed on the 
corpus of the thing sold (in cor- 
pore consensus), e.g. the material 
of a commodity, the sex of a slave, 
though the actual contents of a 
thing otherwise definitely defined 
is immaterial. Hence there may 
be an emptio rei futurae vel spe- 


casus exspectare. Item si et emptor et venditor scit fur- 
tivum esse quod venit, a neutra parte obligatio contrahitur ; 
si emptor solus scit, non obligabitur venditor nee tamen ex 
vendito quicquam consequitur, nisi>ultro quod convenerit 
5 praestet ; quod si venditor scit, emptor ignoravit, utrimque 
obligatio contrahitur, et ita Pomponius quoque scribit. 

Pretium autem certum esse debet : nam alio- 

Gai. 3, 140 .... . . ~.. . 

quin si ita inter nos convenerit, ut quanti Titius 
rem aestimaverit, tanti sit empta, Labeo negavit, ullam 
10 vim hoc negotium habere ; cuius opinionem Cassius pro- 
bat : Ofilius et earn emptionem et venditionem esse putat ; 
cuius opinionem Proculus secutus est. 

ratae, i.e. of the hope of uncertain 
profit, as so much each for as many 
fish as may be caught, the price 
being governed according to the 
amount of gain acquired ; or there 
may be an emptio spei, i.e. the 
purchase of a thing hoped for, as 
so much for the chance of all the 
fish caught — though there may be 
no ' catch ' at all, the price, how- 
ever, to be absolutely paid (ali- 
quando tatnen et sine re venditio 
intellegitur veluti cum quasi alea 
emitur. Quod fit, cum captum 
piscium vel avium vel missilium 
emitur: emptio enim contrahitur 
etiam si nihil inciderit, quia spei 
emptio est, D. 18, 1, 8, 1). 

7. Pretium autem certum esse 
debet: the price must be money 
(pecunia numerata), or, at least, 
partly in money, and definite (cer- 
tum) . If the determination of the 
price were left to a third party, 
Justinian decided that there was a 

sale if the party designated named 
the price, otherwise the sale was 
invalid (sed nostra decisio ita hoc 
constituit, ut quotiens sic composita 
sit venditio ' quanti Me aestimave- 
rit,' 1 sub hac condicione staret con- 
tractus, ut, si quidem ipse qui 
nominatus est pretium definierit, 
omnimodo secundum eius aestima- 
tionem et pretium persolvatur et 
res tradatur, ut venditio ad ef- 
fectum perducalur . Sin autem 
Me qui nominatus est vel noluerit 
vel non potuerit pretium definire, 
tunc pro nihilo esse venditionem 
quasi nullo pretio statuto, Inst. 3, 
23, 1). A sale must be genuine 
(verum). If there were no inten- 
tion to demand the price, the trans- 
action is not sale but gift. The 
Romans, however, recognized sale 
for a merely nominal sum (venditio 
nummo uno) as valid in certain 
cases, e.g. sale trans Tiberim of 
deserters from the army. After 


Inst. 3, 23, 3 

Cum autem emptio et venditio contracta sit 
(quod effici diximus, simulatque de pretio con- 
venerit, cum sine scriptura res agitur), periculum rei ven- 
ditae statim ad emptorem pertinet, tametsi adhuc ea res 

5 emptori tradita non sit. Itaque si homo mortuus sit vel 
aliqua parte corporis laesus fuerit, aut aedes totae aut 
aliqua ex parte incendio consumptae fuerint, aut fundus 
vi fluminis totus vel aliqua ex parte ablatus sit, sive etiam 
inundatione aquae aut arboribus turbine deiectis longe 

10 minor aut deterior esse coeperit, emptoris damnum est, cui 
necesse est, licet rem non fuerit nactus, pretium solvere. 
Quidquid enim sine dolo et culpa venditoris accidit, in eo 
venditor securus est. Sed et si post emptionem fundo ali- 

Diocletian, sale for a price less 
than half the true value of the 
thing could be rescinded {minus 
autem pretiuin esse videtur, si nee 
dimidia pars veri pretii soluta sit, 
C. 4, 44, 2). 

3. periculum rei venditae statim 
ad emptorem pertinet : as soon as 
the parties have reached an agree- 
ment regarding the subject of sale 
and the price, all risk pertaining to 
the thing sold {periculum rei) and 
right to its profits {commodum rei) 
pass to the buyer {commodum eius 
esse debet, cuius periculum est), 
even though the thing purchased 
has, not yet been delivered to him. 
This is true only if the thing sold 
is specific and the price definitely 
determined, but in the case of 
commodities sold by weight, meas- 
ure, etc., since the sale is not com- 
plete until, the weighing, measuring, 

etc., is performed, the risk is not 
assumed by the buyer. If, how- 
ever, such things have been sold 
in mass {per aversionem, 'en 
bloc ') they are at the buyer's risk. 
1 2. Quidquid sine dolo et culpa : 
the buyer was bound to pay the 
price agreed upon, no matter what 
happened to the thing purchased. 
Until the payment of the price and 
the delivery of the thing, although 
the risk was the buyer's, the seller 
was bound to bestow the highest 
degree of diligence in preserving 
the thing in his custody. He was 
responsible not only for dolus and 
culpa, but he was also responsible 
for culpa levis, and was bound to 
bestow the care of a good and care- 
ful business man {custodiam autem 
venditor talem praestare debet, 
guam praestant hi quibus res 
commodata est, ut diligentiam 



quid per alluvionem accessit, ad emptoris commodum perti- 
net ; nam et commodum eius esse debet, cuius periculum est. 
Quod si fugerit homo qui veniit aut subreptus fuerit, ita ut 
neque dolus neque culpa venditoris interveniat, animadver- 
5 tendum erit, an custodiam eius usque ad traditionem ven- 
ditor susceperit. Sane enim, si susceperit, ad ipsius 
-periculum is casus pertinet ; si non susceperit, securus erit. 
uip. d. Et in primis ipsam rem praestare venditorem 

19, i, 11, * oportet, id est tradere ; quae res, si quidem 
10 dominus fuit venditor, facit ct emptorem dominum, si 
non fuit, tantum evictionis nomine venditorem obligat, si 
modo pretium est numeratum aut eo nomine satisfactum. 
ui p . d. Sive tota res evincatur sive pars, habet re- 

21, 2, 1 gressum emptor in venditorem. 

15 Res empta, mancipatione et traditione per- 

Paul. j, 17, 3 . . . , 

fecta, si evincatur, auctontatis venditor duplo 

tenus obligatur. 

praestet exactiorem, quam in suis tori habere ttceaf) against evictio, 

rebus adhiberet, D. 18, 6, 3) ; cf. i.e. removal by a third party who 

note on exactam and on quin, claimed a right of ownership in the 

p. 203. A slave, being possessed whole thing, or a servitude or right 

of reason, might succeed in mak- of pledge in it; or removal by any 

ing his escape notwithstanding one who had a better title to the 

the exercise of the degree of thing than the seller, 
care expected of a bonus pater/a- 16. auctoritatis (sc. actione) ven- 

milias, but, in this case, the seller ditor: the seller as guarantor of title 

is not liable for the loss unless he was called auctor. In case of the 

has especially undertaken the cus- sale of a thing by mancipatio, the 

tody of the slave in spite of any usual action {auctoritatis actio), in 

casus arising. case of eviction, was for double 

11.' tantum evictionis nomine: the price agreed upon. Otherwise 

the seller did not transfer ownership the buyer exacted from the seller 

to the buyer, but possession or the a promise {duplae stipulatio) to pay 

right to enjoyment. He was bound double the price in case of eviction, 

to secure the buyer {ut rem emp- in the absence of other agreement. 



Ulp. D. 
21, 2, 37 

Ulp. D. 

21, I, I 

Emptori duplam promitti a venditore oportet, 
nisi aliud convenit. 

Labeo scribit edictum aedilium curulium de 
venditionibus rerum esse tam earum quae soli 
5 sint quam earum quae mobiles aut se moventes. Aiunt 
aediles : qui mancipia vendunt, certiores faciant emptores, 
quid morbi vitiive cuique sit, quis fugitivus errove sit 
noxave solutus npn sit; eademque omnia, cum ea mancipia 
venibunt, palam recte pronuntianto. Quodsi mancipium 
io adversus ea venisset, sive adversus quod dictum promis- 

3. edictum aedilium curulium: in 

the absence of wilful fraud {dolus) 
the ius civile had held to the prin- 
ciple of caveat emptor. In the 
case of slaves, however, owing to 
fraudulent sales arising from latent 
defects, the aediles required that 
the vendor be held liable for defect 
in the thing sold ; and warranty of 
quality (though not of title) was 
also demanded by the aedilician 
edict. The buyer had the option 
of rescinding the sale, completely 
dissolving the contract {actio red- 
hibitoria, a right of action endur- 
ing for six months) ; or, if the 
thing sold had secret faults, of 
compelling the seller to give com- 
pensation, or to reduce the price 
(actioquanti minoris, enduring for 
one year), whether the faults were 
not discoverable by the buyer or 
were unknown to him, regardless 
of the presence or absence of dolus 
on the part of the seller. The ju- 
rists extended the principle intro- 
duced by the aediles in the sale of 

slaves to the sale of all kinds of 
property. For the edict of the 
aedile, see Introd. 5. 

6. mancipia : ' slaves ' ; erro, 
'truant' or 'loiterer'; fugitivus, 
' runaway,' having no intention of 

7. quid morbi vitiive cuique sit : 
what the defects were embraced 
by the terms morbus vitiumve, are 
set forth at length in the Digest 
(21, 1). The defects and infirmi- 
ties admitting of rescission of the 
sale (redhibitio) under the edict 
were as a general rule~ physical 
ones. Faults of character did not 
vitiate the sale unless the vendor 
had distinctly denied them. Cf. 
above, fugitivus errove. 

8. noxave solutus non sit : if the 
slave had not been cleared from 
the legal consequences of any theft 
or injuries which he had com- 
mitted, he was liable to a noxal 
surrender (noxae deditio) i.e. the 
delivery of the slave to the injured 
party to atone for the wrong done. 


sumve fuisset cum veniret, quod eius praestari oportere 
dicetur, emptori omnibusque ad quos ea res pertinet 
iudicium dabimus, ut id mancipium redhibeatur. Si quid 
autem post venditionem traditionemque deterius emptoris 

5 opera familiae procuratorisve eius factum erit, sive quid ex 
eo post venditionem natum adquisitum fuerit, et si quid 
aliud in venditione ei accesserit, sive quid ex ea re fructus 
pervenerit ad emptorem, ut ea omnia restituat. Item si 
quas accessiones ipse praestiterit, ut recipiat. Item si 

io quod mancipium capitalem fraudem admiserit, mortis con- 
sciscendae sibi causa quid fecerit, inve harenam depug- 
nandi causa ad bestias intromissus fuerit, ea omnia in 
venditione pronuntianto ; ex his enim causis iudicium dabi- 
mus. Hoc amplius si quis adversus ea sciens dolo malo 

15 vendidisse dicetur, iudicium dabimus. 

uip. d. Aediles aiunt : qui iumenta vendunt, palam 

si, i, 38 recte dicunto, quid in quoque eorum morbi vitii- 
que sit, utique optime ornata vendendi causa fuerint, ita 
emptoribus tradentur. Si quid ita factum non erit, de 

1. quod eius praestari oportere : and, if it has become enhanced in 

after eius supply causa. value, without the buyer's agency, 

3. ut id mancipium redhibeatur : the thing shall be restored with its 

the aedile gave the buyer an action increase. 

against the seller, requiring him 16. qui iumenta vendunt : by in- 
to take back the thing sold and menta the Romans mean generally 
refund the purchase money (red- horses, asses, and mules, but not 
hibere est facere, ut rursus habeat oxen and other cattle (boves magis 
venditor quod habuerit, et quia ' armentorum ' quam ' iumento- 
reddendo id fiebat, idcirco redhibi- rum ' generis appellantur, D. 50, 
tio est appellata quasi reditio, D. 16, 89; unde dubitari desiit, an 
21, 1, 21.). hoc edict o boves quoque continean- 

8. ut ea omnia restituat : i.e. the tur ; etenim iumentorum appella- 

buyer shall restore the thing in its tione non contineri eos verius est, 

original condition, if it has dete- sed pecoris appellatione contine- 

riorated while in his possession; buntur, D. 21, 1, 38, 6). 



ornamentis restituendis iumentisve ornamentorum nomine 
redhibendis in diebus sexaginta, morbi autem vitiive causa 
inemptis faciendis in sex mensibus, vel quo minoris cum 
venirent fuerint, in anno iudicium dabimus. 

5 uip. d. Causa huius edicti proponendi est, ut occurra- 

2I > *■ 2 tur f allaciis vendentium et emptoribus sucurratur, 

quicumque decepti a venditoribus fuerint ; dummodo scia- 
mus venditorem, etiamsi ignoravit ea quae aediles praestari 
iubent, tamen teneri debere. Nee est hoc iniquum, potuit 

10 enim ea nota habere venditor ; neque enim interest emptoris, 
cur fallatur, ignorantia venditoris an calliditate. 

Hire {Locatio Conductio) 

Locatio et conductio proxima est emptioni et 
inst. 3l 2 4 ,pr. - v . eT1 ditioni isdemque iuris regulis consistuht. 
Nam ut emptio et venditio ita contrahitur, si de pretio 
is convenerit, sic etiam locatio et conductio ita contrahi intel- 
legitur, si merces constituta sit. Et competit locatori 
quidem locati actio, conductor! vero conducti. 


... Locatio et conductio : the of one's services in consideration 

contract of letting and hiring is like of a money payment, e .g. service of 

that of buving and selling in that employees, domestic servants, day 

it is perfect as soon as the parties laborers, etc. {operae meaning here 

have agreed upon the object and 'unskilled labor,' operae illibc- 

the rent or wages {merces) to be rales') ; locatio conductio opens 

paid. The merces is as essential (gen. of opus), or a contract 

to this contract as the pretium to whereby one party agrees to sup- 

the contract of sale. Of locatio ply another, in consideration ot a 

conductio there are three varieties : money payment, with the product 

locatio conductio rei, or a contract or result of labor or service {opens 

for the use of a thing in considera- faciendi), e.g. manufacture, re- 

tion of a money payment ; locatio pairs, transportation of goods or 

conductio operant?/!, or a letting passengers, etc. 



Adeo autem emptio et venditio et locatio et 
conductio familiaritatem aliquam inter se habere 
videntur, ut in quibusdam causis quaeri soleat, utrum emp- 
tio et venditio contrahatur an locatio et conductio ; veluti 
5 si qua res in perpetuum locata sit, quod evenit in praediis 
municipum, quae ea lege locantur, ut quamdiu id vectigal 
praestetur, neque ipsi conductori neque heredi eius prae- 
dium auferatur; sed magis placuit locationem conduc- 
tionemque esse. Item quaeritur, si cum aurifice mihi 
10 convenerit, ut is ex auro suo certi ponderis certaeque 
formae anulos mihi faceret, et acciperet verbi gratia dena- 
rios CC, utrum emptio et venditio an locatio et conductio 
contrahatur. Cassius ait, materiae quidem emptionem ven- 
ditionemque contrahi, operarum autem locationem et con- 
15 ductionem ; sed plerisque placuit, emptionem et venditi- 
onem contrahi; atqui si meum aurum ei dedero, mercede 
pro opera constituta, convenit, locationem conductionem 

Conductor omnia secundum legem conduc- 

Inst. 3, 24, s . . r 1 , ..... 

20 tionis facere debet et, si quid in lege praetermis- 

5. res in perpetuum locata sit : by the populus Romanus were 

' as ifproperty were leased in perpet- called stipendiaria ; those owned 

uity, as happens in case of the lands by the emperor, tributaria. For 

of municipalities, which are leased the character of these long leases 

on the condition that, as long as (res in perpetuum locata) in the 

the rent shall be paid,' etc. — the time of Justinian, see Class. Diet. 

reference is to ager vectigalis, or article Emphyteusis. 
land leased by the populus Ro- 20. siquidinlegepraetermissum 

manus or the municipia, for a fixed fuerit : in the absence of special 

rental either in cash or produce. agreement to the contrary, the 

See note on Fundus, Ager, p. 161. hirer is bound to do all that is 

The tribute paid by provincial land fairly and reasonably expected of 

was called vectigal, stipendiuni, him. Cf. note on exactam diligen- 

and tributum. Praedia owned tiam, p. 203. 



sum fuerit, id ex bono et aequo debet praestare. Qui pro 
usu aut vestimentorum aut argenti aut iumenti mercedem 
aut dedit aut promisit, ab eo custodia talis desideratur, 
qualem diligentissimus pater familias suis rebus adhibet. 

5 Quam si praestiterit et aliquo casu rem amiserit, de resti- 
tuenda ea non tenebitur. Mortuo conductore intra tem- 
pora conductionis heres eius eodem iure in conductionem 
uip. D. Qui impleto tempore conductionis remansit in 

io J 9. 2 . J 3. " conductione, non solum reconduxisse videbitur, 
sed etiam pignora videntur durare obligata. 

Quod autem diximus, taciturnitate utriusque partis 
colonum reconduxisse videri, ita accipiendum est, ut in 
ipso anno, quo tacuerunt, videantur eandem locationem 

15 renovasse, non etiam in sequentibus annis, etsi lustrum 
forte ab initio fuerat conductioni praestitutum. Sed et si 
secundo quoque anno post finitum lustrum nihil fuerit con- 
trarium actum, eandem videri locationem in illo anno per- 
mansisse; hoc enim ipso, quo tacuerunt, consensisse 

20 videntur. Et hoc deinceps in unoquoque anno observan- 

5. aliquo casu rem amiserit : the i.e. by the silence of either party to 

liability of the parties as regards the contract {locator or conductor). 

risk arising From fortuitous loss Colonus here means the lessee or 

(casus) is different in sale and tenant of rural land. The tenant 

hire. In the former contract, the of urban houses and land is called 

risk (periculum rei) falls upon inquilinus. The usual Roman 

the buyer, in the latter upon the lease of land was for a term of five 

letter (locator), who, being the years (lustrum). Colonus in the 

real owner of the thing, suffers meaning of the text should be dis- 

the loss according to the usual tinguished from the coloni who 

rule 'res per it domino: But see, composed a large part of the agri- 

for sale, note on periculum rei cultural population of the later 

venditae, p. 213. Roman empire. See Class. Diet. 

12. utriusque partis colonum: articles Colonus and Colonatus. 

2 ro 


dum est. In urbanis autem praediis alio iure utimur, ut, 
prout quisque habitaverit, ita et obligetur, nisi in scriptis 
certum tempus conductioni comprebensum est. 

Societas (Partnership) 

Societatem coire solemus aut totorum bono- 
rum, quam Graeci specialiter KQivoirpa^iav appel- 
lant, aut unius alicuius negotiationis, veluti mancipiorum 
emendorum vendendorumque, aut olei, vini, frumenti 

Inst. 3, 25 

Societas : societas is a contract 
whereby two or more persons agree 
to combine their property or labor 
for a common profit ; or to acquire 
and hold property in common, 
sharing the profits and losses in like 
or unlike proportions. The essence 
of this contract is combination for 
the purpose of gain, and the con- 
tract is perfected by consent. The 
combination may be one of capital 
or of labor, or of both capital and 
labor. There can be no societas 
in which one party is entirely 
excluded from some share of the 
gain. Such an arrangement would 
partake more of the nature of a 
gift {donationis causa societas recte 
non contrahitur), and the jurists 
called it a societas leonina, since 
the favored partner received the 
lion's share (the name being de- 
rived from the lion of the fable, 
which deprived its weaker com- 
panions in the hunt of their share 
of the game). There are several 
varieties of partnership, according 
to the purpose and intent of the 

parties entering into this relation. 
They may combine all their pos- 
sessions, present and subsequently 
acquired, including gifts, inherit- 
ances, legacies, etc., into a common 
stock {societas universorum bono- 
rum) ; or a partnership may be 
formed to carry on a particular 
and continuous business, or it may 
embrace everything acquired by 
business transactions, though con- 
fined strictly to business matters 
{universorum quae ex' quaestu 
veniunt), and hence not including 
gifts, inheritances, legacies, and 
the like {societas negotiationis ali- 
cuius). Societas vectigalis, men- 
tioned in the text, is an example 
of this class, but it was unlike 
other business partnerships of this 
variety, in that it was governed by 
special rules, cf. D. 17, 2, 59. Or 
there may be a partnership for a 
particular, single transaction {so- 
cietas rei unius), as for the man- 
agement or sale of a piece of land, 
slave, etc. In the absence of well- 
expressed intentions to the con- 



emendi vendendique. Et quidem si nihil de partibus lucri 
et damni nominatim convenerit, aequales scilicet partes et in 
lucro et in damno spectantur. Quod si expressae fuerint 
partes, hae servari debent ; nee enim umquam dubium 
S fuit, quin valeat conventio, si duo inter -se pacti sunt, ut ad 
unum quidem duae partes et damni et lucri pertineant, ad 
alium tertia. De ilia sane conventione quaesitum est, 
si Titius et Seius inter se pacti sunt, ut ad Titium lucri 
duae partes pertineant, damni tertia, ad Seium duae partes 

10 damni, lucri tertia, an rata debet haberi conventio ? Quin- 
tus Mucius contra naturam societatis talem pactionem esse 
existimavit et ob id non esse ratam habendam. Servius 
Sulpicius, cuius sententia praevaluit, contra sentit, quia 
saepe quorundam ita pretiosa est opera in societate, ut 

15 eos iustum sit meliore condicione in societatem admitti ; 
nam et ita coiri posse societatem non dubitatur, ut alter 
pecuniam conferat, alter non conferat et tamen lucrum 
inter eos commune sit, quia saepe opera alicuius pro 
pecunia valet. Et adeo contra Quinti Mucii sententiam 

20 obtinuit, ut illud quoque constiterit posse convenire, ut 
quis lucri partem ferat, damno non teneatur, quod et ipsum 

trary, societas is presumed by law the shares of gain and loss may be 

to relate to business matters and unequal {societas autem coiri potest 

to the gains and losses ordinarily et valet etiam inter eos, qui non 

arising therefrom. Gain accruing, sunt acquis facultatibus, cum ple- 

therefore, from private or family rumque pauperior opera suppleat, 

relations of a partner, such as gifts, quantum ei per comparalionem 

inheritances, legacies, is ordinarily patrimonii deest, D. 17, 2,5, 1). 

excluded from the terms of the In the absence of special agree- 

contract of societas. ment, the partners share both 

1. Et quidem si nihil: just as gain and loss alike. If the pro- 

the contributions to the partnership portion of gain is determined in 

may be of unequal shares, and of the case of either partner, he suf- 

different kind and character, so fers losses in the same proportion. 


Servius convenienter sibi existimavit; quod tamen ita 

"intellegi oportet, ut, si in aliqua re lucrum, in aliqua dam- 

•num allatum sit, compensatione facta solum quod superest 

intellegatur lucri esse. Illud espeditum est, si in una. 

5 causa pars fuerit expressa, veluti in solo lucro vel in solo 

damno, in altera vero omissa, in eo quoque quod praeter- 

missum est eandem partem servari. Manet autem societas 

eo usque, donee in eodem consensu perseveraverint ; at 

cum aliquis renuntiaverit societati, solvitur societas. Sed 

10 plane si quis callide in hoc renuntiaverit societati, ut ob- 
veniens aliquod lucrum solus habeat, veluti si totorum 
bonorum socius, cum ab aliquo heres esset relictus, in hoc 
renuntiaverit societati, ut hereditatem solus lucrifaceret, 
cogitur hoc lucrum communicare ; si quid vero aliud 

15 lucrifaceret, quod non captaverit, ad ipsum solum per- 
tinet : ei vero, cui renuntiatum est, quidquid omnino post 
renuntiatam societatem adquiritur, soli conceditur. Solvi- 
tur adhuc societas etiam morte socii, quia qui societatem 
contrahit certam personam sibi eligit. Sed et si consensu 

20 plurium societas coita sit, morte unius socii solvitur, etsi 

3. compensatione facta : al- upon ; by agreement (dissensus) ; 

though there might be a societas in by withdrawal of either party (re- 

whichonepartnersharedinthegain mtntiatid), unless to defraud; by 

but not in the loss, nevertheless this death (except in case of societas 

was understood to mean the net vectigalis) ; by capitis deminutio ; 

gain, after the balance had been by bankruptcy (mole debiti prae- 

struck between profit and loss in gravatus, cessio bonorutri) ; by 

the various transactions (compen- confiscation (publicatio) ; by the 

satione facta solum quod superest actio pro socio, 
lucri). 15. quod non captaverit: 'which 

g. solvitur societas: societas he has not sought to take with 

may be dissolved : by completion secret motive. 1 
of the business {finis negolid) ; by 20. morte unius socii solvitur : 

expiration of the term agreed since the relation entered into by 


plures supersint, nisi si in coeunda societate aliter con- 
venerit. Item si alicuius rei contracta societas sit et finis 
negotio impositus est, finitur societas. Publicatione quo- 
que distrahi societatem manifestum est, scilicet si universa 

5 bona socii publicentur ; nam cum in eius locum alius suc- 
cedit, pro mortuo habetur. Item si quis ex sociis mole 
debiti praegravatus bonis suis cesserit et ideo propter pub- 
lica aut propter privata debita substantia eius veneat, sol- 
vitur societas. Sed hoc casu si adhuc consentiant in 

io societatem, nova videtur incipere societas. Socius socio 
utrum eo nomine tantum teneatur pro socio actione, si 
quid dolo commiserit, sicut is qui deponi apud se passus 

societas is purely personal, th e death 
of any one of the several partners 
dissolves the partnership, unless 
otherwise agreed at the time of its 

5. in eius locum alius succedit : 
publicatib {confiscatio) is a confis- 
cation (publicare, to make any- 
thing a res publico) or seizure of 
one's property by the aerarium or 
fiscus, which carried with it a 
deminutio capitis or civil death 
{pro mortuo habetur). In this 
case, the treasury of the state or 
fiscus became the partner's suc- 
cessor (damnatione bona publi- 
cantur, cum aut vita adimitur aut 
civitas, out servilis condicio irroga- 
tur, D. 48, 20, 1). 

7. bonis suis cesserit: cessiobono- 
rum, a debtor's voluntary surren- 
der of his estate to his creditors, 
was an institution introduced by a 
lex Tulia (under Caesar or Augus- 

tus) rendering the ordinary debtor 
exempt from personal execution, 
infamy, and any degradation of 
status. The insolvent debtor, 
however, suffered from his insol- 
vency in both political and private 
rights (iurapublica, iura privata), 
the former being entirely lost, the 
latter being seriously affected 
(especially ius commercii). In- 
famia, or the loss of privi- 
leges and reputation (existimatio) 
usually caused by insolvency, 
might be averted by cessio bor 

11. pro socio actione : the rights 
and duties of partners, one with 
another, are enforced by the actio 
pro socio, which carries with it the 
infamia of the defaulting party. 
A socius is liable for dolus and for 
any loss arising from negligence 
due to a degree of diligence less 
than he is in the habit of bestow- 



est, an etiam culpae, id est desidiae atque negligentiae 
nomine, quaesitum est ; praevaluit tamen etiam culpae 
nomine teneri eum. Culpa autem non ad exactissimam 
diligentiam dirigenda est; sufficit enim talem diligentiam 
5 in communibus rebus adhibere socium, qualem suis rebus 
adhibere solet. Nam qui parum diligentem socium sibi 
adsumit, de se queri debet. 

uip. d. Aristo refert Cassium respondisse societatem 

17, 2, 29, 2 talem coiri non posse, ut alter lucrum tantum, 

10 alter damnum sentiret, et hanc societatem leoninam solitum 

appellare ; et nos consentimus talem societatem nullam 

esse, ut alter lucrum sentiret, alter vero nullum lucrum, 

sed damnum sentiret ; iniquissimum enim genus societatis 

" est, ex qua quis damnum, non etiam lucrum spectet. 

X S uip. d. Societates contrahuntur sive universorum 

x 7. a . s bonorum sive negotiationis alicuius sive vecti- 

galis sive etiam rei unius. 


Paui.D. Obligatio mandati consensu contrahentium 

J 7' '■ * consistit. Ideo per nuntium quoque vel per 

20 epistulam mandatum suscipi potest Item sive ' rogo ' sive 

' volo ' sive ' mando ' sive alio quocumque verbo scripserit, 

ing on his own business affairs taking w.ithout remuneration. The 

(so-called culpa levis in concrete), absence of pay or reward is essen- 

see note on exactam, p. 203). tial to this contract, otherwise it 

Mandatum : mandatum is a con- became a locatio conductio opera- 

tract by which one person intrusts rum. The person giving- the 

the performance of some commis- commission is called the mandator 

sion or the management of some (mandans, sometimes dominus), 

business to another, the latter, by the one by whom it is undertaken, 

his acceptance, binding himself to the mandatee (mandatarius, some- 

the proper execution of the under- times procurator) . The contract 



mandati actio est. Item mandatum et in diem, differri et 
sub condicione contrahi potest. Mandatum nisi gratuitum 
nullum est ; nam originem ex officio atque amicitia trahit, 
contrarium ergo est officio merces ; interveniente enim pe- 

S cunia res ad locationem et conductionem potius respicit. 
uip. D. Si remunerandi gratia honor intervenit, erit 

17. 1, 6, pr. mandati actio. 

Gai. d. Mandatum inter nos contrahitur, sive mea tan- 

x 7. 1. 2 turn gratia tibi mandem sive aliena tantum sive 

10 mea et aliena sive mea et tua sive tua et aliena. Quod si tua 
tantum gratia tibi mandem, supervacuum est mandatum et 

of mandatum may be entered into 
by expressing the consent orally, 
by letter, or by message ; or it may 
be inferred from circumstances and 
the acts of the parties {rebus ipsis 
et factis). It may be made to 
take effect at a certain day (in 
diem differri) or it may be condi- 
tional (sub condicione) . 

3. originem ex officio : the repre- 
sentation of one person by another, 
agency or the legal relation of 
principal and agent, was only 
slightly recognized by Roman law. 
In all contracts, the person actu- 
ally participating in making the 
agreement, whether by words or by 
any other formalities required by 
law, was the one bound. He con- 
tracted for himself and to him 
accrued the rights and duties 
growing out of the contractual 
relation. In the early law, the 
responsibility of entering into and 
executing a contract might be be- 
stowed upon a trusted friend. The 

proper execution of this trust was 
then compelled not by law but by 
a sense of duty (officium) and 
friendship. The act or manner 
of making the promise was accom- 
panied by due formalities and the 
commission was solemnly in- 
trusted to the hand of another 
(manu-datum) . For a good ex- 
ample of this formality see Plau- 
tus, Capt. 442-445 : Tyn. Haec 
per dexteram ttiam, etc. . . . Ph. 
Mandasti satis. Since mandatum 
grew out of a relation of mere 
friendship, it was necessarily gra- 
tuitous, and, although a present or 
honorariwn (also solarium) might 
be given by way of friendship, or 
otherwise, e.g. to advocates, physi- 
cians, dentists, copyists, teachers, 
etc., it could not be made the sub- 
ject of an action, except by an 
extra ordinem process (extraordi- 
naria cognitio). Professors of law 
and philosophy could not maintain 
an action for recovery of fees, even 




ob id nulla ex eo obligatio nascitur. Mea tantum gratia iri- 
tervenit mandatum, veluti si tibi mandem, ut negotia mea 
geras vel ut fundum mihi emeres vel ut pro me fideiubeas. 
Aliena tantum, veluti si tibi mandem, ut Titii negotia ge- 
5 reres vel ut fundum ei emeres vel ut pro eo fideiubeas. 
Mea et aliena, veluti si tibi mandem, ut mea et Titii negotia 
gereres vel ut mihi et Titio fundum emeres vel ut pro me 
et Titio fideiubeas. Tua et mea, veluti si mandem tibi, ut 
sub usuris crederes ei, qui in rem meam mutuaretur. Tua 

io et aliena, veluti si tibi mandem, ut Titio sub usuris cre- 
deres ; quod si, ut sine usuris crederes aliena tantum gratia 
interyenit mandatum. Tua autem gratia intervenit manda- 
tum, veluti si mandem tibi, ut pecunias tuas potius in emp- 
tiones praediorum colloces quam faeneres, vel ex diverso 

15 ut faeneres potius quam in emptiones praediorum colloces ; 
cuius generis mandatum magis consilium est quam man- 
datum et ob id non est obligatorium, quia nemo ex 
consilio obligatur, etiamsi non expediat ei cui dabatur, 
quia liberum est cuique apud se explorare, an expediat 

20 sibi consilium. 

extra ordinem. Mandatum never ger of a business or shop (institor, 

developed completely into the mod- actio institorid) who could bind 

ern idea of principal and agent, his employer, 
whereby the acts of an agent bring 3. fideiubeas : ' if you should bid 

his principal directly into binding it be done on your guaranty.' Fide- 

legal relation with third parties. iubere (fideiussio) was to enter 

Representation was recognized in into a contract by which a person 

Roman law in the case of servi in bound himself as surety for another 

dominica potestate, filiifamilias in in any kind of an obligation (real, 

patria potestate, and the praetbr verbal, literal, consensual, civil, or 

gave actions in the case of a ship- natural). His liability was for the 

master (magister navis) who could full amount, whether there were 

bind his employer (exercitor, actio other fideiussores or not, and was 

exercitorial, and in case of a mana- inherited by his heir. Gai. 3, 119. 



Gai. d. Qui mandatum suscepit, si potest id explere, 

17, x, 27, 2 deserere promissum officium non debet, alioquin 
quanti mandatoris intersit damnabitur ; si vero intellegit 
explere se id officium non posse, id ipsum cum primum 
5 poterit debet mandatori nuntiare, ut is si velit alterius 
opera utatur; quod si, cum possit nuntiare, cessaverit, 
quanti mandatoris intersit tenebitur; si aliqua ex causa 
non poterit nuntiare, securus erit. Morte quoque eius cui 
mandatum est, si is integro adhuc mandate decesserit, sol- 

10 vitur mandatum et ob id heres eius, licet exsecutus fuerit 
mandatum, non habet mandati actionem. Impendia man- 
dati exsequendi gratia facta si bona fide facta sunt, restitui 
omnimodo debent, nee ad rem pertinet, quod is qui man- 
dasset potuisset, si ipse negotium gereret, minus impendere. 

l S Paul. D. Voluntatis est enim suscipere mandatum, ne- 

13. 6 . x 7.3 cessitatis consummare. 

3. quanti mandatoris intersit: rei acttones integra adhuc causa 

the mandatee is bound by his con- mandati negotio renuntiari 'potest. 

tract to compensate the mandator 10. heres non habet mandati 

for ' quanti ea res est,' 1 or all damage actionem : since the obligation aris- 

which the latter has sustained as ingfrom the contract of mandatum 

a consequence of the former's non- is purely personal to the parties, it 

performance. This is called the cannot be inherited. Furthermore, 

creditor's ' interesse.' 1 since in this case, majidato integro, 

9. solvitur mandatum : a man- the mandatee being dead, the obli- 

datum may be dissolved by death gation could not begin with an 

of either party ; by recall on the heir. Mandatum gives rise to two 

part of the mandator, while the actions, directa and contraria. 

matter is untouched (integra re) ; The mandator has an action 

by timely renunciation on the part against the mandatee {actio man- 

of the mandatee, grounds being dati directa) by which the latter's 

sufficient, which are said by Paulus, duty to due performance is se- 

2, 15, to be: ob subitam vatetudi- cured. The mandatee has a 

nem, ob necessariam peregrina- counter action (actio mandati con- 

tionem, ob inimicitiam et inanes traria) by which he sues for the 


selected texts from the roman law 

Obligations qvasi ex Contractv 

Post genera contractuum enumerata dispicia- 
mus etiam de his obligation ibus, quae non pro- 
prie quidem ex contractu nasci intelleguntur, sed tamen, 
quia non ex maleficio substantiam capiunt, quasi ex con- 
5 tractu nasci videntur. Igitur cum quis absentis negotia 
gesserit, ultro citroque inter eos nascuntur actiones, quae 
appellantur negotiorum gestorum ; sed domino quidem rei 
gestae adversus eum qui gessit directa competit actio, ne- 

recovery of expenses incurred (im- 
pendia mandati exsequendi) and 
any loss to himself arising from 
the neglect of the mandator. Each 
of these actions branded the con- 
demned party with infatnia. Both 
parties must do all required by 
bona fides and must display omnis 
diligentia, being liable for culpa 
levis (in abstracto). 

Obligations quasi ex Contractu : 
cf. note on quasi, p. 200. These are 
special obligations not classified 
under any of the four divisions of 
contracts already given. They are 
similar to contractual obligations, 
in that they may be enforced by 
legal actions. They do not, how- 
ever, arise by agreement, but from 
facts or circumstances which bind 
two persons together by duties re- 
sembling those growing out of 
contract. They were, therefore, 
called by the jurists, quasi ex con- 
tractu. They have been well 
described as creating rights in 
personam without the consent of 

the persons bound. While rights 
in personam arising from consent 
are contracts, rights in personam 
arising from operation of law are 
quasi contracts (Hunter). They 
should not be confused with im- 
plied contracts (actio in factum, 
praescriptis verbis, ' action on the 
case ') . 

5. negotia gesserit : negotiorum 
gestio is the voluntary and gratui- 
tous undertaking of another's 
business, for the preservation of 
property and protection of an- 
other's interests during his absence. 
The obligation is similar to that 
arising from inandatum. It differs 
from mandatum, however, in that 
it is not a consensual contract, but 
arises from the fact of undertaking 
to serve the interests of another. 
The duties of the persons bound 
may be enforced by two actions 
(ultra citroque), the actio negotio- 
rum gestorum directa and con- 
traria. The former may be 
maintained by the dominus negotii 



gotiorum autem gestori contraria. Quas ex nullo contractu 
proprie nasci manifestum est ; quippe ita nascuntur istae 
actiones, si sine mandato quisque alienis negotiis gerendis 
se optulerit ; ex qua causa ii quorum negotia gesta fuerint 

5 etiam ignorantes obligantur. Idque utilitatis causa recep- 
tum est, ne absentium, qui subita festinatione coacti nulli 

• demandata negotiorum suorum administratione peregre pro- 
fecti essent, desererentur negotia : quae sane nemo curatu- 
rus esset, si de eo quod quis impendisset nullam habiturus 

10 esset actionem. Sicut autem is qui utiliter gesserit negotia 
habet obligatum dominum negotiorum, ita et contra iste 
quoque tenetur, ut administrationis rationem reddat. Quo 
casu ad exactissimam quisque diligentiam compellitur red- 
dere rationem; nee sufficit talem diligentiam adhibere, 

15 qualem suis rebus adhibere soleret, si modo alius diligentior 
commodius administraturus esset negotia. 

(the absent proprietor) against the take the business with the distinct 

negotiorum gestor, or ' unauthor- intention of binding the dominus 

ized agent ' (ut administrationis and not animo donandi. 

rationem reddat), and the latter 13- ad exactissimam quisque dili- 

is a set-off or counter action by gentiam compellitur: the negotio- 

which the negotiorum gestor may rum gestor, although he is a 

enforce the obligation of the do- volunteer, is liable not only for 

minus to reimburse him for any fraud {dolus) but generally also 

necessary and useful outlay, on for any degree of fault (culpa), 

the condition, however, that the since, save for his interference, 

business has been properly con- a more competent person might 

ducted (utiliter gestum). have undertaken the work. He 

5. ignorantes : if the dominus must complete what he has under- 

negotii were aware that the busi- taken (unless relieved), and must 

ness was being undertaken and did even bear the loss if he engage in 

not interfere, the relation estab- any business not reasonably ex- 

lished would be a mandatum taci- pected of him by his principal 

turn, rather than negotiorum gestio. (dominus) . He can sue his pnn- 

The gestor must, however, under- cipal for all outlay caused by his 



Tutores quoque, qui tutelae iudicio tenentur, non proprie 
ex contractu obligati intelleguntur (nullum enim negotium 
inter tutorem et pupillum contrahitur), sed quia sane non 
ex maleficio tenentur, quasi ex contractu teneri videntur. 

5 Et hoc autem casu mutuae sunt actiones : jion tantum 
enim pupillus cum tutore habet tutelae actionem, sed et ex 
contrario tutor cum pupillo habet contrariam tutelae, si vel 
impendent aliquid in rem pupilli vel pro eo f uerit obliga- 
tes aut rem suam creditori eius obligaverit. Item si inter 

10 aliquos communis sit res sine societate, veluti quod pariter 

management, but only when the 
expenses were absolutely necessary 
and for the interest of the principal. 

i. qui tutelae iudicio tenentur : 
the relation of guardian (tutor and 
pupillus) gave rise to duties on 
both sides, but as the relation did 
not arise by agreement (the office 
being required of the tutor as a 
public duty), but by law (onus 
publicum, cf. notes on ius, p. 139, 
and Excusantur, p. 143), the tute- 
lae administratio was classified as 
a quasi contract. 

5. mutuae sunt actiones : the 
actions are reciprocal, the ward 
having the actio tutelae against his 
guardian, the guardian, an actio 
tutelae contraria against his ward. 
By the former, the guardian's lia- 
bility for fraud, fault, and negligent 
management (diligentia quam suis 
rebus) could be enforced. All the 
acts and omissions of the guard- 
ian's management were covered 
by this action. By the counter 
action (actio tutelae contraria), 

the guardian could compel the 
ward to reimburse him for any 
outlay honestly and judiciously 

10. communis res sine societate : 
an obligation arises from the ad- 
ministration of joint property (com- 
munio, 'community of property') 
where there is no partnership, 
which, according to the nature of 
the case; may be enforced by dif- 
ferent actions. Two or more per- 
sons sharing the same property 
(res communis) are liable to each 
other for its proper division by 
the actio communi dividundo (quae 
inter eos redditur, inter quos ali- 
quid commune est, ut id dividatur, 
Inst. 4, 6, 20) ; those sharing the 
same inheritance, by the actio 
familiae erciscundae, i.e. divi- 
dundae (haec actio prqficiscitur e 
lege duodecim tabularum : namque 
coheredibus •volentibus a com- 
munione discedere necessarium 
videbatur aliquant actionem con- 
stitui, qua inter eos res hereditq- 



eis legata donatave esset, et alter eorum alteri ideo tenea- 
tur communi dividundo iudicio, quod solus fructus ex ea re 
perceperit, aut quod socius eius in earn rem necessarias 
impensas fecerit, non intellegitur proprie ex contractu 

S obligatus esse, quippe nihil inter se contraxerunt, sed quia 

non ex maleficio tenetur, quasi ex contractu teneri videtur. 

Idem iuris est de eo, qui coheredi suo familiae ercis- 

cundae iudicio ex his causis obligatus est. Heres quoque 

legatorum nomine non proprie ex contractu obligatus in- 

10 tellegitur (neque enim cum herede neque cum defuncto 
ullum negotium legatarius gessisse proprie dici potest) ; et 
tamen, quia ex maleficio non est obligatus heres, quasi ex 
contractu debere intellegitur. 

Item is, cui quis per errorem non debitum solvit, quasi 

15 ex contractu debere videtur. Adeo enim non intellegitur 
proprie ex contractu obligatus, ut, si certiorem rationem 
sequamur, magis ut supra diximus ex distractu, quam ex 
contractu possit dici obligatus esse; nam qui solvendi 
animo pecuniam dat, in hoc dare videtur, ut distrahat 

riae distribuerentur, D. 10, 2, i). action lies only in case the pay- 

An heir (heres) on acceptance of ment made was due to an error in 

an inheritance (aditio hereditatis) fact, and could not be maintained 

is bound by a quasi contractual if the payment were due in equity 

obligation to pay all valid.legacies or by a natural (naturaliter) ob- 

of the testator and to administer ligation, i.e. an obligation having 

the estate in a proper manner. a moral or natural justification, 

14. non debitum solvit : the pay- though not legally enforceable, 

ment of something not due (in- Since the obligation was founded 

debiti solutio), e.g. a sum of money, on the fact that one party had 

or a legacy paid under a forged been enriched at the expense of 

will, mistakenly supposed to be another, rather than on contract 

valid, could be recovered by an (ex distractu quam ex contractu), 

action called condictio indebiti (cf. it was said to arise quasi ex 

also note on mutui, p. 201). This contractu. 



potius negotium quam contrahat. Sed tamen proinde is 
qui accepit obligatur, ac si mutuum illi daretur, et ideo 
condictione tenetur. 

Gai. 3, 182 

Obligations ex Delicto 

Transeamus nunc ad obligationes, quae ex 
delicto nascuntur, veluti si quis furtum fecerit, 
bona rapuerit, damnum dederit, iniuriam commiserit ; qua- 
rum omnium rerum uno genere consistit obligatio, cum ex 
contractu obligationes in quattuor genera diducantur, sicut 
supra exposuimus. 

Obligations ex Delicto : the 
Romans theoretically regarded all 
obligations as arising from conven- 
tion (contractus) or from wrongful 
acts (delicto) other than a breach 
of contract. It has been seen that 
contracts are of various kinds, ac- 
cording to the way in which they 
arise. Delicts are of one kind, ex 
re, i.e. all arise from the wrongful 
act itself (ex delicto). A delict is 
a violation of a person's right of 
property and of his rights of 
status, including liberty, reputa- 
tion, health, honor, etc., i.e. lights 
which may be maintained against 
all mankind (in rem) and not 
merely against the person bound 
to the injured party by contractual 
obligation (in personam). Delict a 
are divided into two classes, public 
and private, or public and private 
wrongs. Delicto publico are crimes 
(crimina) ; delicto privata are 
torts or civil injuries. Not all 

wrongful acts are by the Roman law 
called delicts, but only those which 
are particularly characterized as 
such and for which the law pro- 
vided special remedies by which 
a penalty or compensation could 
be enforced. Those mentioned in 
the text are : furtum (theft) ; 
rapina (robbery) ; damnum iniu- 
ria (damage to property) ; iniuria 
(injury to the person). It is im- 
portant to notice that these wrongs 
(even theft and robbery) are here 
considered as private injuries (the 
wrongdoer being liable to the in- 
jured party, delicto privata, rather 
than to the state, delicto publico, 
crimina) and are enforceable by a 
private penalty. The actions aris- 
ing from an obligation ex delicto 
are of a threefold character: they 
may be maintained (a) to compel 
the payment of a fine (poena, actio 
poenalis) ; (b) to make compen- 
sation for damages (actio rei per- 



Inst. 4, i, i 

Theft {Furtum) 

Furtum est contrectatio rei fraudulosa vel 

ipsius rei vel etiam usus eius possessionisve, quod 

lege naturali prohibitum est admittere. Furtum autem vel 

a furvo id est nigro dictum est, quod clam et obscure fit et 

5 plerumque nocte ; vel a f raude ; vel a ferendo, id est aufe- 

secutorid) ; (c) to compel the 
payment of both fine and damages 
at the same time (actio mixta). 

Theft (Furtum) : furtum is 
not identical with our word theft. 
The Romans included in the mean- 
ing of this delict what we call theft, 
embezzlement, and conversion. 
The term furtutn is, therefore, 
more comprehensive, embracing 
acts which do not constitute a 
theft, as, for example, the furtum 
of one's own thing or a furtum 
with the intention of returning the 
object taken. See below, furtum 
possessionis, furtum usus. Con- 
trectatio rei is an actual dealing 
with a thing by physical touch, 
accompanied by an evil intent 
(fraudulosa). An intent is not 
sufficient to constitute a furtum, 
since the delict must be one which 
can be estimated and the injury 
repaired (furtum sine dolo malo 
non committitur). The praetor 
(later republican period) came to 
distinguish secret and forcible 
taking (rapina, vi bona rapta, cf. 
below, rapina) from the old ius 
civile conception oiflirtum as any 
wilfully wrong appropriation of 

property. The contrectatio may 
be (a) ipsius rei, i.e. the taking of 
another's movable property, either 
by removing it from his detention 
or by a wrongful appropriation of 
a commodatum, depositum, etc. ; 
(b) usus, i.e. the temporary use of 
a depositum or pledge, or the use 
of a commodatum otherwise than 
was intended by the owner (com- 
modator) ; (c) possessionis, i.e. 
when the owner removes his own 
thing from the bona fide posses- 
sion of another (as a pledge, from 
the hands of a creditor), the owner 
himself thereby becoming guilty 
of furtum. In all these cases, 
the same actions may be brought. 
Not only movable things may be 
the subject of theft, but also free 
persons might be stolen, as a wife 
in manu, a child in potestate, and 
a judgment debtor (addictus, iudi- 
catus). Aid and advice given 
to a thief render the giver liable 
for theft (furtum nee manifestum 
only), if the wrongful act be actu- 
ally perpetrated (ope consilio alicu- 
ius furtum factum). 

3 . Furtum a furvo : furtum, de- 
rived from fur, from the root fer 



rendo ; vel a Graeco sermone, qui <£&>/3a? appellant fures. 
Immo etiam Graeci avb tov cfrepeiv ^copa 1 ; dixerunt. Furto- 
rum autem genera duo sunt, manifestum et nee manifestum. 
Nam conceptum et oblatum species potius actionis sunt 
5 furto cohaerentes quam. genera furtorum, sicut inferius 
apparebit. Manifestus fur est, quern Graeci eir avrofabpep 
appellant; nee solum is qui in ipso furto deprehenditur, 
sed etiam is qui eo loco deprehenditur, quo fit, veluti qui 
in domo furtum fecit et nondum egressus ianuam depre- 

(ferre), means both the 'act of 
carrying off' and the ' thing carried 
off' in an unlawful manner. In 
strict technical language it means 
the wrongful appropriation of pri- 
vate property as distinguished from 
sacrilegium, appropriation of the 
property of the gods, and peculatus 
(sometimes called furtum publi- 
cum or furtum pecuniae publicae), 
the appropriation of public prop- 

3. nee manifestum : for nec=non 
in formulae and legal phraseology, 
see Harper's Lat. Diet. s.v. neque, I, 
and cf. note on res, p. 163. Cf. Fes- 
tus, s.v. nee. As early as the Twelve 
Tables there was a distinction be- 
tween furtum manifestum and 
nee manifestum (jnanu-fehdere, 
' to strike or grasp with the hand ') . 
Fur manifestus is a thief caught 
with the stolen object in his pos- 
session {qui deprehenditur cum 
furto). Furtum manifestum was 
variously defined by the Roman 
jurists as (a) when the thief is not 
merely seen but caught in the act 

of thieving ; (b) when the thief is 
caught on the spot where the act 
was perpetrated ; (c) when the 
thief is seen or caught before he 
brought the stolen object to the 
destination intended ; (d) when 
the thief was merely seen any- 
where with the stolen object in 
his possession. The opinion of 
the text is that under (c). The 
Twelve Tables allowed the killing 
of a thief surprised in the night and 
of thieves defending themselves 
with weapons, cf. text, p. 245. 
Otherwise, the penalty for furtum 
manifestum, \vhere the thief was 
a slave, was death ; where he was 
a freeman, surrender into slavery 
(or bond service) to the injured 
person. For furtum nee mani- 
festu?n the penalty was twice the 
value of the thing stolen, regard- 
less of the status of the thief. The 
praetor altered the penalty for 
furtum manifestum to four times 
the value of the thing stolen and 
retained the penalty for furtum nee 
manifestum (see text below). 



hensus fuerit, et qui in oliveto olivarum aut in vineto uva- 
rum furtum fecit, quamdiu in eo oliveto aut in vineto fur 
deprehensus sit ; immo ulterius furtum manifestum exten- 
denduih est, quamdiu earn rem fur tenens visus vel depre- 

5 hensus fuerit sive in publico sive in privato vel a domino 
vel ab alio, antequam eo pervenerit, quo perferre ac 
deponere rem destinasset. Sed si pertulit quo destinavit, 
tametsi deprehendatur cum re furtiva, non est manifestus 
fur. Nee manifestum furtum quid sit, ex his quae diximus 

io intellegitur ; nam quod manifestum non est, id scilicet nee 
manifestum est. Conceptum furtum dicitur, cum apud 
aliquem testibus praesentibus furtiva res quaesita et in- 
venta sit ; nam in eum propria actio constituta est, quamvis 
fur non sit, quae appellatur concepti. Oblatum furtum 

15 dicitur, cum res furtiva ab aliquo tibi oblata sit eaque apud 
te concepta sit, utique si ea mente tibi data fuerit, ut apud 

11. Conceptum furtum dicitur: it might be found with him and 

the text mentions several actions was so found. In each of these 

connected with theft, belonging to cases the action against the guilty 

the earlier law and arising from the party was for three times the value 

right of private search, which had of the thing stolen. Furtum pro- 

become obsolete in the time of hibitum was when the search for 

Justinian (see below). Of these a stolen object was hindered. The 

four, concepti, oblati, prohibiti, and one causing the hindrance was 

non exhibiti, the first three are liable for four times the value of 

mentioned -by Gaius and Paulus as the stolen thing. Furtum non 

still in use. Furtttm conceptum exhibitum was when a stolen thing 

was receiving a stolen thing so was not handed over by one who 

that it was found, in the presence actually had it in his possession. 

of witnesses and after a formal " The expressions furtum concep- 

search (described below), in the turn, oblatum, etc., are examples 

possession of a person. Furtum of the participle used to denote not 

oblatum was when a stolen thing the thing or person acted on, but 

was transferred {oblatum) to an- the action itself." Roby, Lat. Gr. 

other than the thief, in order that § 1410. 

2 35 


te potius quam apud eum qui ' dederit conciperetur ; nam 
tibi, apud quern concepta sit, propria adversus eum qui op- 
tulit, quamvis fur non sit, constituta est actio, quae appel- 
latur oblati. Est etiam prohibiti fiurti actio adversus eum, 
5 qui furtum quaerere testibus praesentibus volentem prohi- 
buerit. Praeterea poena constituitur edicto praetoris per 
actionem furti non exhibiti adversus eum, qui f urtivam rem 
apud se quaesitam et inventam non exhibuit. Sed hae 
actiones id est concepti et oblati et furti prohibiti nee non 

io furti non exhibiti, in desuetudine;n abierunt. Cum enim re- 
quisitio rei furtivae hodie secundum yeterem observationem 
non fit ; merito ex consequentia etiam praef atae actiones ab 
usu communi recesserunt, cum manifestissimum est, quod 
omnes, qui scientes rem furtivam susceperint et celaverint, 

15 furti nee manifesti obnoxii sunt. Poena manifesti furti 
quadrupli est tarn ex servi persona quam ex liberi, nee 
manifesti dupli. 

Poena manifesti furti ex lege X 1 1 tabularum ca- 
pitalis erat. Nam liber verberatus addicebatur 

20 ei cui furtum fecerat ; utrum autem servus efficeretur ex 

15. Poena manifesti furti quadru- to exercise toward a nocturnal 
pli : it would seem to us that the thief. To prevent the infliction 
penalties should be reversed in the of summary vengeance and to 
two kinds of theft. But the Roman induce the injured party to have 
principle appears in other primitive recourse to- public process rather 
systems and has been variously than to seek a private remedy, the 
explained. Perhaps the best view primitive law of the Twelve Tables 
is that the heavier penalty oifur- allowed him more satisfying penal 
turn manifestum was a concession damages than in the case of fur- 
to the sudden wrath and desire for turn nee manifestum. The poena 
vengeance on the part of the in- quadrupli was a bonus in favor of 
jured person, and was designed to peace as against private violence, 
induce him to refrain from self- Both the poena quadrupli and 
redress, such as he was allowed dupli were pure penalty. The 



addictione, an adiudicati loco constitueretur, veteres quae- 
rebant. In servum aeque verberatum animadvertebatur. 
Sed postea inprobata est asperitas poenae et tam ex servi 
persona quam ex liberi quadrupli actio praetoris edicto 
S constituta est. Nee manifesti furti poena per legem XII 

owner could sue for the thing or 
its value by real or personal ac- 
tion {vindicatio or condictio; see 
note on quadruplatur, p. 242) . — 
capitalis erat: it should not be 
forgotten that capitalis means 
'pertaining to caput " as a condi- 
tion of status or the civil position 
of an individual with reference to 
liberty, citizenship, and family re- 
lations (cf. note on Capitis, p. 136) 
and that a poena capitalis does 
not necessarily involve ' capital ' 
punishment {rei capitalis damna- 
tum sic accipere debemus, ex qua 
causa damnato vel mors vel etiam 
civitatis amissio vel servitus con- 
tingif). The Twelve Tables pre- 
scribed a twofold punishment for 
the fur manifestus, of which the 
more severe only was capitalis. 
If he were a slave, he received the 
death penalty, being thrown from 
the Tarpeian rock after flagellation 
{servos furti manifesti prensos 
verberibus affici et e saxo praeci- 
pitari, Gell. 11, 18, 8). If the 
thief were a freeman, the penalty 
was addiction (addictio), the 
guilty person being beaten and 
delivered as a bondman to the one 
injured by the theft. The ancient 
jurists were in doubt whether a 
freeman was reduced thereby to 

actual slavery {servus ex addic- 
tione'), or merely to the condition 
of a judgment debtor {adiudicati 
loco, in causa mancipii, cf. also 
note on aliae, p. 128) delivered up 
to his creditor. This latter con- 
dition, however, did not take away 
citizenship and merely suspended 
personal freedom temporarily. 
The opinion prevailed that the 
penalty was actual slavery and it 
was accordingly poena capitalis 
{civitatis amissio, servitus con- 
tingit). The penalty in both, 
cases was, therefore, capitalis. 
But the penalty for furtum as a 
delict differed from that for fur- 
tum as a crime in that the former 
admitted of settlement {pecuniaria 
aestimatio) by agreement between 
the thief and the injured person 
{defurto pacisci lex, i.e. XII tabu- 
larum, permittit, D. 2, 14, 7, 14). 
In this case the penalty was not 
capitalis, but the right of action 
was extinguished by composition 
{quaedam actiones per pactum 
ipso iure tolluntur, ut furti, D. 2, 
14, 17, 1). The praetor mollified 
the law by requiring pecuniary 
damages in all cases {pro capitali 
poena pecuniaria constituta'). It 
may be asked how a penalty for 
fourfold or twofold damages could 



tabularum dupli inrogatur, eamque etiam praetor conservat. 
Concepti et oblati poena ex lege XII tabularum tripli est, 
eaque similiter a praetore servatur. Prohibiti actio qua- 
drupli est ex edicto praetoris inti-oducta; lex autem eo 
5 nomine nullam poenam constituit. Hoc solum praecipit, 
ut qui quaerere velit, nudus quaerat, licio cinctus, lancem 
habens ; qui si quid invenerit, iubet id lex furtum manifes- 
tum esse. Quid sit autem licium, quaesitum est. Sed 
verius est consuti genus esse, quo necessariae partes tege- 
10 rentur. Quae res ridicula est. Nam qui vestitum quae- 
rere prohibet, is et nudum quaerere prohibiturus est, eo 

be enforced against a thief, if 
judgment were given against him. 
Execution was taken against the 
thief just as against any other 
debtor. Inability to pay, there- 
fore, resulted in his imprisonment 
as a judgment debtor (fur addic- 
tus) and reduction to slavery 
(fures privatorum furtorum in 
nervo atque compedibus aetatem 
agunt, Gell. n, 18, 18). 

6. nudus quaerat, licio cinctus : 
peculiar to the delict of theft is the 
right of private search for the dis- 
covery of stolen property, by the 
ancient form here described. The 
Twelve Tables contained pro- 
visions for the method of proced- 
ure. The person instituting the 
search must, in advance, name and 
describe the object of his search 
{qui furtum quaesiturus est, ante- 
quam quaerat, debet dicere quid 
quaerat et rem sua nomine et sua 
specie designare"). Ancients and 
moderns have expressed various 

opinions regarding the meaning 
and significance of the terms em- 
ployed in this description of the 
quaestio concepti furti per licium 
et lancem. For a full discussion, 
see Karlowa, Romische Rechtsge- 
schichle, Band II, p. 777. Licium 
means girdle and was probably 
prescribed to prevent the possi- 
bility of smuggling stolen goods 
into the house searched, or of 
carrying away objects secretly 
taken during the search. The 
lanx possibly typified the open 
and lawful removal of the stolen 
object, if found. This formal 
search, taking the form licio et 
lance at Rome, is a primitive in- 
stitution found also among several 
other peoples, eg. Greeks, Ger- 
mans, Slavs, Kelts. In the time 
of Justinian, the search for stolen 
property was not carried on by 
private persons, but by public offi- 
cers as in modern times. 
10. Quae res : i.e. lota lex. 



magis quod ita quaesita re et inventa maiori poenae subi- 
ciatur. Deinde quod lancem sive ideo haberi iubeat, ut 
manibus occupatis nihil subiciat, sive ideo, ut quod invene- 
rit ibi inponat, neutrum eorum procedit, si id quod quaera- 
5 tur, eius magnitudinis aut naturae sit, ut neque subici 
neque ibi inponi possit. Certe non dubitatur, cuiuscumque 
materiae sit ea lanx, satis legi fieri. 

Robbery {Rapina) 

Praetor ait : ' Si cui dolo malo hominibus coac- 
tis damni quid factum esse dicetur sive cuius 
10 bona rapta esse dicentur, in eum, qui id fecisse dicetur, 
iudicium dabo. Item si servus fecisse dicetur, in dominum 

Ulp. D. 
47, 8, 2 

Rapina : rapina, as a delict, was 
first formulated and defined by 
the praetorian edict. The praetor, 
M. Licinius Lucullus, granted an 
action designed to suppress the 
forcible seizure of property and 
general lawlessness which became 
prevalent during the civil war in 
the time of Sulla. This action 
furnishes a good example of the 
way in which the praetorian edict 
affected the development of the 
law (cf. Introd. 5). Originally 
furtum included every wrongful 
appropriation of another's prop- 
erty, whether done openly or by 
stealth. The special action of the 
praetor applied only to seizure 
with open force (vi bona rapta), 
while furtum came to be restricted 
to the secret taking of property. 
By the ius civile, the violent taking 
of property would be merely fur- 

tum nee manifestum, with a two- 
fold penalty, while by the edict it 
received the severer penalty equiv- 
alent to fourfold the value of the 
property plundered (but see below, 
note on quadruplatur, p. 242). 

8. dolo malo : rapina does not 
differ from furtum in regard to 
dolus or the evil intent, for both 
required its presence; but in the 
edict, dolo malo implied the use of 
force (see below, ' dolus habet in se 
et vim''). Just as in furtum, no 
offense was committed without the 
intent to steal {animus furandi), 
so in rapina, where there was a 
forcible taking under color of right, 
no offense was committed, e.g. a 
taxgatherer who drove off the cat- 
tle of one erroneously presumed 
to have broken the revenue laws 
{lex vectigalis) was not liable 
under the edict. — hominibus 


selected texts prom the roman law 

iudicium noxale dabo.' Hoc edicto contra ea, quae vi com- 
mittuntur, consuluit praetor. Nam si quis se vim passum 
docere possit, publico iudicio de vi potest experiri, neque 
debet publico iudicio privata actjpne praeiudicari quidam 
putant; sed utilius visum est, quamvis praeiudicium legi 
Iuliae de vi privata fiat, nihilo minus tamen non esse dene- 
gandam actionem eligentibus privatam persecutionem. 
' Dolo ' autem ' malo facere ' potest (quod edictum ait) non 

coactis : it was sufficient under 
the edict that men be collected 
or instigated to collect in a 
riotous manner, whether armed 
or not. They might be numer- 
ous ; even a single person suf- 
ficed, whether free or slave. The 
original edict ran 'si cui vi dolo 
malo hominibus cpactis arma- 
tisvej etc., the principal idea con- 
tained in it being vi, force, and the 
instigation of others to the use of 
force. Bona rapta was held to 
mean even the least thing carried 
off by force. 

i. iudicium noxale dabo: indi- 
cium here (as often) is equivalent to 
actio. When a slave committed a 
delict, his master became liable 
for the wrong done and had the 
option of paying the penalties and 
damages, or else he might surren- 
der the slave to the injured party 
(noxae dedere, ' to give up to the 
harm,' i.e. to surrender to the one 
harmed), aut noxam sarcire ant 
noxae dedere. Such actions might 
arise by law or by praetorian edict. 
The Twelve Tables gave a noxal 
action for furtum; the praetor, 

for rapina. Gaius explains that 
it was unjust that a master should 
suffer loss for the delicts of his 
slaves greater than the value of 
each slave's person (erat enim 
iniquum nequiliam eorum, ultra 
ipsorum corpora, parentibus domi- 
nisve damnosam esse, Gai. 4, 75. 
The noxal surrender applied to 
filiifamilias also, in the older law 
(abolished by Justinian). 

5. legi Iuliae de vi: the party, 
whose goods were plundered, might 
proceed by civil action, or by a 
criminal prosecution under the lex 
lulia de vi publica et privata. 
This law, enacted by Julius Caesar 
or Augustus, punished violence 
with armed force (vis ptiblica) by 
deportation, violence without arms 
(vis privata) by confiscation of 
one third of the criminal's goods. 

6. non esse denegandam actio- 
nem : i.e. the aggrieved party must 
choose which course he will pursue; 
the right to proceed criminally ought 
not to be prejudiced by the bring- 
ing of a civil action, as some think ; 
but even though the right to pros- 
ecute under the lex lulia de vi 



tantum is qui rapit, sed et qui praecedente consilio ad hoc 
ipsum homines colligit armatos, ut damnum det bonave 
rapiat. Sive igitur ipse quis cogat homines sive ab alio 
coactis utitur ad rapiendum, dolo malo facere videtur. 

S Homines coactos accipere debemus ad hoc'coactos, ut 
damnum daretur. Neque additur, quales homines : quales- 
ciimque sive liberos sive servos. 

Doli mali mentio hie et vim in se habet. Nam qui vim 
facit, dolo malo fecit, non tamen qui dolo malo facit, utique 

io et vi facit. Ita dolus habet in se et vim, et sine vi si quid 
callide admissum est, aeque continebitur. ' Damni ' praetor 
inquit; omnia ergo damna continet et clandestina. Sed 
non puto clandestina, sed ea, quae violentia permixta sunt. 
Etiam quis recte definiet, si quid solus admiserit quis non 

15 vi, non contineri hoc edicto, et si quid hominibus coactis, 
etiamsi sine vi, dummodo dolo sit admissum, ad hoc 
edictum spectare. 

' Vel cuius bona rapta esse dicuntur.' Quod ait praetor 
' bona rapta,' sic accipiemus : etiam si una res ex bonis 

20 rapta sit. 

In hac actione intra annum utilem verum pretium rei 

privata was prejudiced, neverthe- i.e. a period of three hundred and 

less it seemed more expedient that sixty-five days actually available 

an action should not be denied (utilis, 'usable') for beginning 

those preferring a private remedy. legal proceedings. In reckoning 

12. clandestina : the word is the days of such a period of time 

probably a gloss, as the idea of (temfius utile), only those days 

open force is the principal ground were counted on which the plaintiff 

for the praetor's action, while con- was not hindered from beginning 

cealed or clandestine removal of proceedings. Those days were, 

goods was furlum. therefore, excluded on which the 

2i. intra annum utilem : an an- courts did not sit, or during which 

nus utilis, as a period of time fixed the plaintiff was ignorant of his 

by the praetor, was a judicial year, right, or the intended defendant 

ROMAN LAW — l6 24 I 


quadruplatur, non etiam quod interest. Haec actio etiam 
familiae nomine competit, non imposita necessitate osten- 
dendi, qui sunt ex f amilia homines qui rapuerunt vel etiam 
damnum dederunt. Familiae aut@m appellatio servos con- 
5 tinet, hoc est eos, qui in ministerio sunt, etiamsi liberi esse 
proponantur vel alieni bona fide nobis servientes. 

Ex hac actione noxae deditio non totius familiae, sed 
eorum tantum vel eius, qui dolo fecisse comperietur, fieri 
debet. Haec, actio volgo vi bonorum raptorum dicitur. 

Damage to Property (Damntim Iniuria Datum) 

Lex Aquilia omnibus legibus, quae ante se de 
damno iniuria locutae sunt, derogavit, sive duo- 
decim tabulis, sive alia quae fuit ; quas leges nunc referre 

10 Ulp. D 

Q, 2, j. 

was unknown. The annus utilis 
was, therefore, more than twelve 
months. When every day was 
counted, the time was called tem- 
pus continuum. 

i. quadruplatur: the quadru- 
plum claimed by the plaintiff by 
the actio vi bonorum raptorum in- 
cluded the restoration of the prop- 
erty, or its value, as damages in 
sitnplum, and three times the value 
of the property plundered as a 
penal ty, i.e. atriplum as penal dam- 
ages. The action was, therefore, 
an actio mixta (see note on Obliga- 
tions, p. 232, end). Cf. the actio 
furti manifesti where the qua- 
druplum is a penalty, the thing 
when not destroyed, otherwise its 
value, being recoverable in addi- 
tion by a vindicatio rei or a con- 
ditio furtiva, respectively. 

Damage to Property: the an- 
cient law of the Twelve "Tables 
and later statutes providing for the 
punishment of injury to private 
property was largely supplanted 
by the lex Aquilia, a plebiscilum 
proposed by a certain Aquilius, 
tribune of the plebs. The date 
of this statute is uncertain. It is 
said to have been enacted after a 
secession of the plebs, as a fur- 
ther safeguard against the op- 
pression of the patricians. How- 
ever that may be, it undoubtedly 
dates from a time when slaves and 
herds were the chief wealth of the 
Romans, and when agriculture and 
stock-raising formed their chief oc- 
cupations. Uncoined money (aes 
grave) was still employed as a 
standard of value in imposing fines 
(aes dare damnas esto). The lex 



non est necesse. Quae lex Aquilia plebiscitum est, cum 
earn Aquilius tribunus plebis a plebe rogaverit. 
Gai. d. Lege Aquilia capite primo cavetur : ' ut qui 

9' 2 - 2 servum servamve alienum alieliamve quadrupe- 

5 dem vel pecudem iniuria occiderit, quanti id in eo anno 

Aquilia was probably one of the 
earliest plebiscita enacted under 
the lex Hortensia, 287 B.C. (i.e. 
soon after the third secession of 
the plebs), by the terms of which 
plebiscites were put on an equal 
footing with leges and were binding 
on the whole people (cf. Introd. 
2 and note on plebiscita, p. 50). 
The Aquilian law provided for the 
punishment of damage to property, 
resulting either in the total loss of 
a definite corporeal thing, or in an 
injury to it which could be esti- 
mated in money. It was com- 
posed of three chapters. The 
first granted an action for the 
wrongful killing of another's slave 
or fourfooted domestic animal (ex- 
cept dogs), i.e. horse, ass, mule, 
goat, sheep, pig. The jurists in- 
cluded within the meaning of the 
statute elephants and camels as 
beasts of burden. This chapter 
of the law embraced a wider range 
of animals, therefore, than the 
older distinction of res mancipi 
and res nee mancipi, cf. note on 
res, p. 163. The second chapter 
(obsolete in the time of Justinian) 
was concerned with a very differ- 
ent kind of injury, and its connec- 
tion with the rest of the statute is 
not clear. It granted an action 

(for the amount of the loss sus- 
tained) against an adstipulator 
(an accessory creditor) who re- 
leased the debtor from payment in 
such a way as to defraud a stipu- 
lator (an original and principal 
creditor), Gai. 3, 215. The third 
chapter made provision for the 
wrongful (a) wounding of slaves 
and animals named in Chap, i ; 
(b) killing or wounding any other 
kinds of animals, or damaging any 
other kinds of corporeal property 
belonging to another. 

3. ut qui : si quis should proba- 
bly be read. What purports here 
to be the text of the law was, of 
course, originally in much more 
archaic Latin. 

5. iniuria : for iniuria in the 
specific sense, as a distinct delict, 
meaning insult, insulting con- 
duct, see text below, p. 250. In 
this statute, iniuria means ' with- 
out right, wrongfully ' (in-ius ; 
quod non iure factum est). The 
lex Aquilia applied only to culpa- 
ble damage (i.e. where there was 
even the slightest degree of culpa) 
and was not restricted to wilful or 
malicious injury {damnum culpa 
datum etiam ab eo qui nocere no- 
luit). It did not apply to hurt 
done in self-defense {vim vi de- 



plurimi f uit, tantum aes dare domino damnas esto ' ; et 
infra deinde cavetur, ut adversus infitiantem in duplum 
actio esset. Vt igitur apparet, servis nostris exaequat 
quadrupedes, qulae pecudum numero sunt et gregatim 
S habentur, veluti oves caprae boves equi muli asini. Sed 
an sues pecudum appellatione continentur, quaeritur; et 
recte Labeoni placet contineri. Sed canis inter pecudes non 
est. Longe magis bestiae in eo numero non sunt, veluti 
ursi, leones, pantherae. Elefanti autem et cameli quasi 
10 mixti sunt (nam et iumentorum operam praestant et natura 
eorum fera est) et ideo primo capite contineri eas oportet. 

fendere omnes leges omniaque iura 
permittunt). No reparation is 
required where damage is caused 
by one who exercises his own 
right (non videtur vim facer e qui 
hire suo utitur) or by unavoidable 
accident in the absence of all 
blame. — id: i.e. ea res, as in 
the third chapter below. — in eo 
anno plurimi: the action was for 
the highest value which the 
damaged property had attained at 
any time during the year previ- 
ous to the injury (i.e. death or 
time when fatal wound was re- 
ceived), not the mere value of the 
thing at time of loss (verum ret 
pretium). As the plaintiff's full 
interest (interesse) was covered, it 
was an actio mixta, combining both 
indemnity and penalty (cf. note on 
Obligations, p. 232). No account 
was taken, however, of purely per- 
sonal feelings and sentiments, 
having no economic value (non 
affectiones aestimandas esse puto), 

e.g. family affeclion. But in esti- 
mating the value of a slave, his 
talents and accomplishments were 
taken into account. 

1. damnas : condemned. This 
indeclinable adjective or participial 
form is common in legal formulae. 
Damnas esto means that the 
defendant stands already con- 
demned ; if he attempt to evade 
the judgment against him by deny- 
ing his guilt (infitiantem) and 
standing trial, an action for twice 
the estimated damage will lie 
against him (if shown to be guilty) 
because of his non-admission ; 
whereas the offender admitting 
his guilt (confessus) has the simple 
value to pay, as estimated by the 
judge . (notandum, quod in hac ac- 
tione, quae adversus confitentem 
datur, iudex non rei iudicandae 
sed aesti7iiandae datur, nam nullae 
partes sunt iudicandi in confi- 
tentes, D. 9, 2, 25). 

n. eas : i.e. bestias. 



Itaque si servum tuum latronem insidiantem mihi occi- 
dero, securus ero ; nam adversus periculum naturalis ratio 
permittit se defendere. Lex XII tabularum furem noctu 
deprehensum occidere permittit, ut tamen id ipsum cum 

5 clamore testificetur ; interdiu autem deprehensum ita per- 
mittit occidere, si is se telo defendat, ut tamen aeque cum 
clamore testificetur. 

uip. d. Sed et si quemcumque alium ferro se peten- 

9- 2 ' 5 tern quis occiderit, non videbitur iniuria occi- 

io disse : et si metu quis mortis furem occiderit, non dubitabi- 
tur, quin lege Aquilia non teneatur. Sin autem cum posset 
adprehendere, maluit occidere, magis est ut iniuria fecisse 
videatur: ergo et Cornelia tenebitur. Iniuriam autem hie 
accipere nos oportet non quemadmodum circa iniuriarum 

15 actionem contumeliam quandam, sed quod non iure fac- 
tum est, hoc est contra ius, id est si culpa quis occiderit ; 
et ideo interdum utraque actio concurrit et legis Aquiliae 
et iniuriarum, sed duae erunt aestimationes, alia damni 
alia contumeliae. Igitur iniuriam hie damnum accipie- 

20 mus culpa datum etiam ab eo, qui nocere noluit. Et ideo 
quaerimus, si furiosus damnum dederit, an legis Aquiliae 
actio sit ; et Pegasus negavit : quae enim in eo culpa sit, 

13. Cornelia (sc. lege) tenebitur : were done maliciously, and the 

before the lex Cornelia, enacted plaintiff proceed by civil action, 

by Sulla, the killing of another's criminal prosecution under the lex 

slave was punished simply as dam- Cornelia de sicariis should not be 

age to property, but by that law thereby prejudiced (si Mo servus 

it was also made a crime, punish- occisus sit, et lege Cornelia agere 

able by death or exile (cuius dominum posse constat : et si lege 

servus occisus est, is liberum ar- Aquilia egerit, praeiudicium fieri 

bitrium habet v.el capitali crimine Corneliae non debet, D. 9, 2, 

reum facer e eicm qui occiderit, vel 23, 9). 

hoc lege (Aquilia) damnum perse- 14. iniuriarum : see text and 

qui, Gai. 3, 213). If the killing notes below, p. 250. 



cum suae mentis non sit; et hoc est verissimum. Ces- 
savit igitur Aquiliae actio, quemadmodum, si quadrupes 
damnum dederit, Aquilia cessat, aut si tegula ceciderit. 
Sed et si infans damnum dederit, idem erit dicendum. 
5 Quodsi inpubes id fecerit, Labeo ait, quia furti tenetur, 
teneri et Aquilia eum ; et hoc puto verum, si sit iam iniu- 
riae capax. Si magister in disciplina vulneraverit servum 
vel occiderit, an Aquilia teneatur, quasi damnum iniuria 
dederit ? et Iulianus scribit Aquilia teneri eum, qui elusca- 

10 verat discipulum in disciplina ; multo magis igitur in occiso 
idem erit dicendum. Proponitur autem apud eum species 
talis : sutor, inquit, puero discenti ingenuo filio familias, 
parum bene facienti quod demonstraverit, forma calcei cer- 
vicem percussit, ut oculus puero perfunderetur. Dicit 

15 igitur Iulianus iniuriarum quidem actionem non competere, 
quia non faciendae iniuriae causa percusserit, sed monendi 
et docendi causa ; an ex locato, dubitat, quia levis dumtaxat 
castigatio concessa est docenti ; sed lege Aquilia posse agi 
Paul. d. non dubito, praeceptoris enim nimia saevitia 

20 9. 2. 6 culpae adsignatur. 

uip. D. Q ua actione patrem consecuturum ait, quod 

9' 2 '7 minus ex operis filii sui propter vitiatum oculum 

sit habiturus, et impendia, quae pro eius curatione fecerit. 
Occisum autem accipere debemus, sive gladio sive etiam 

25 fuste vel alio telo vel manibus (si forte strangulavit eum) 
vel calce petiit vel capite vel qualiter qualiter. Sed si quis 

12. ingenuo filio familias: the of services caused by the injury of 

lex Agtulia did not provide for in- a son in his power. It is a maxim 

jury to the body of a freeman, but of Roman law that no valuation 

an analogous action (actioutilis, see can be placed on the person of a 

below) was allowed by which the freeman (liberum corpus aestima- 

father could recover for the cost tionem non recipif) and no dam- 

of medical treatment and the loss ages could be recovered, therefore, 



plus iusto oneratus deiecerit onus et servum occiderit, 
Aquilia locum habet ; f uit enim in ipsius arbitrio ita se non 
onerare. Nam et si lapsus aliquis servum alienum onere 
presserit, Pegasus ait lege Aquilia eum teneri ita demum, 

5 si vel plus iusto se oneraverit vel neglegentius per lubricum 

Gai. d. Idem iuris est, si medicamento perperam usus 

9, 2, 8 f uerit, sed et qui bene secuerit et dereliquit cura- 

tionem, securus non erit, sed culpae reus intellegitur. 

io Mulionem quoque, si per imperitiam impetum mularum 
retinere non potuerit, si eae alienum hominem obtriverint, 
vulgo dicitur culpae nomine teneri. Idem dicitur et si 
propter infirmitatem sustinere mularum impetum non po- 
tuerit; nee videtur iniquum, si infirmitas culpae adnume- 

iS retur, cum affectare quisque non debeat, in quo vel intellegit 
vel intellegere debet infirmitatem suam alii periculosam 
futuram. Idem iuris est in persona eius, qui impetum 

under the lex Aquilia for disfigure- ex verbis legis, sed ex inter fir eta- 
ment of the person in the case Hone). Such actions are called 
stated in the text. utilis and in factum. Where the 
7. Idem iuris est si medicamento : damage to the definite thing was 
the lex Aquilia provided originally an indirect result of the offend- 
only for damage done by direct er's act, as causing a slave's death 
physical contact of the offender by setting a dog upon him, an 
with the property of the plaintiff actio utilis was granted (damnum 
(damnum corpore cor fiori datum) . non corfiore sed corfiori datum). 
Subsequently, by the interpreta- Where there was no damage to the 
tion of the jurists, the meaning of thing itself, but the deprivation of 
the statute was extended so that it caused the owner an injury, 
killing (in Chap. 1) included many through an act of the defendant, 
circumstances and acts only indi- an actio in factum was granted 
rectly causing death. Actions (damnum nee corpore nee corfiori 
were then granted by the praetor datum), as when one removed a 
in these analogous cases, after the slave's chains, permitting him to 
precedent of the lex Aquilia (non run away. All of the cases in the 



equi, quo vehebatur, propter imperitiam vel infirmitatem 
retinere non poterit. 

Gai. d. Imperitia culpae adnumeratur. 

so, 17, 132 si ex plagis servus mortuus esset neque id 

5 Aifen. d. medici inscientia aut domini neglegentia acci- 
9. 2 . S 2 disset, recte de iniuria occiso eo agitur. Taber- 

narius in semita noctu supra lapidem lucernam posuerat; 
quidam praeteriens earn sustulerat : tabernarius eum con- 
secutus lucernam reposcebat et fugientem retinebat; 

10 ille flagello, quod in manu habebat, in quo dolor inerat, 
verberare tabernarium coeperat, ut se mitteret; ex eo 
maiore rixa facta tabernarius ei, qui lucernam sustulerat, 
oculum effoderat; consulebat, num damnum iniuria non 
videtur dedisse, quoniam prior flagello percussus esset. 

15 Respondi, nisi data opera effodisset oculum, non videri 
damnum iniuria fecisse, culpam enim penes eum qui prior 
flagello percussit, residere ; sed si ab eo non prior vapu- 
lasset, sed cum ei lucernam eripere vellet, rixatus esset, 
tabernarii culpa factum videri. In clivo Capitolino duo 

20 plostra onusta mulae ducebant; prioris plostri muliones 
conversum plostrum sublevabant, quo facile mulae duce- 
rent: inter superius plostrum cessim ire coepit et cum 
muliones, qui inter duo plostra fuerunt, e medio exissent, 
posterius plostrum a priore percussum retro redierat et 

25 puerum cuiusdam obtriverat; dominus pueri consulebat, 
cum quo se agere oporteret. Respondi in causa ius esse 
positum ; nam si muliones, qui superius plostrum susti- 
nuissent, sua sponte se subduxissent et ideo factum esset, 
ut mulae plostrum retinere non possint atque onere ipso 

text well illustrate the extension 22. inter superius plostrum ces- 

of the statute and the subtleties sim : the text is corrupt. Instead 
of the jurists' discussions. of mulae ducerent : inter superius 



retraherentur, cum domino mularum nullam esse actionem, 
cum hominibus, qui conversum plostrum sustinuissent, lege 
Aquilia agi posse : nam nihilo minus eum damnum date, 
qui quod sustineret mitteret sua voluntate, ut id aliquem 

S feriret ; veluti si quis asellum cum agitasset non retinuisset, 
aeque si quis ex manu telum aut aliud quid immisisset, 
damnum iniuria daret. Sed si mulae, quia aliquid reformi- 
dassent et muliones timore permoti, ne opprimerentur, 
plostrum reliquissent, cum hominibus actionem nullam 

io esse, cum domino mularum esse. Quod si neque mulae 
neque homines in causa essent, sed mulae retinere onus 
nequissent aut cum coniterentur lapsae concidissent et ideo 
plostrum cessim redisset atque hi quo conversum fuisset 
onus sustinere nequissent, neque cum domino mularum 

15 neque cum hominibus esse actionem. Illud quidem cer- 
tum esse, quoquo modo res se haberet, cum domino pos- 
teriorum mularum agi non posse, quoniam non sua sponte, 
sed percussae retro redissent. 
uip. D. Huius legis secundum quidem capitulum in 

20 9. 2 . 27. 4 desuetudinem abiit. Tertio autem capite ait 
eadem lex Aquilia: ' Ceterarum rerum praeter hominem 
et pecudem occisos si quis alteri damnum faxit, quod 
usserit, fregerit, ruperit iniuria, quanti ea res erit in diebus 

plostrum, Mommsen proposes the an example of the extension of 

reading mulae facer ent iter : supe- meaning given by the ancient 

rius plostrum. interpretation so that it was equiva- 

2. conversum plostrum, etc., 'the lent to corrumpere in this law.— 

mule-drivers of the wagon higher quanti ea res erit: sc. piurimi. 

up the hill attempted to push The omission of piurimi is acci- 

the wagon which was beginning dental, as in practice it was the 

to roll backward, to lighten the highest value of the previous thirty 

burden for the mules,' etc. days, not the value named at the 

23. ruperit : this word furnishes discretion of the judge. 



triginta proximis, tantum aes domino dare damnas esto.' 
Si quis igitur non Occident hominem vel pecudem, sed 
usserit, fregerit, ruperit, sine dubio ex his verbis legis 
agendum erit. Proinde si facem servo meo obieceris et 
5 eum adusseris, teneberis mihi. Item si arbustum meum 
vel villam meam incenderis, Aquiliae actionem habebo. 

Injury to the Person {Iniuria) 

uip. d. Iniuria ex eo dicta est, quod non iure fiat ; 

47. io. i omne enim, quod non iure fit, iniuria fieri dicitur. 

Hoc generaliter. Specialiter autem iniuria dicitur con- 

io tumelia. Interdum iniuriae appellatione damnum culpa 

7. Iniuria : iniuria is an inten- 
tional insult to the person, honor, 
or reputation of another, or any 
malicious and insulting conduct 
which amounts to a wrongful dis- 
regard for another's personality. 
Such an insult may arise either by 
word (verbis) or deed (re), i.e. 
it may constitute an injury to the 
feeling by public reviling or by 
slander or libel ; or to the person 
by violent acts such as assault, or 
by any other malicious conduct 
directed against another's • honor 
or liberty. The meaning of iniuria 
was also extended to include any 
defamation which affected harm- 
fully the social or business stand- 
ing of another or reflected upon 
his financial position, business in- 
tegrity, honor, chastity, and the 
like. It included, in fact, every 
attack upon the dignity of a free 

person. The attention which this 
delict received in the Twelve Ta- 
bles (see note on Poena, p. 252) 
and the early law of the republic 
shows the high regard which the 
Romans attached to personal dig- 
nity and how carefully their de- 
sire for an unsullied reputation 
was safeguarded. Any diminu- 
tion of the reputation was a most 
severe penalty (e.g. by a nota 
censoria), since it disqualified 
those so affected from exercising 
their full rights of citizenship. So 
carefully was the good name of 
Roman citizens guarded that in- 
sult offered even to the dead might 
give a right of action to the heir 
(cadaver i defuncti fit iniuria, see 
text below). The extreme sensi- 
tiveness of the Romans to ridicule 
and their hatred of gross person- 
alities exercised considerable in- 



datum significatur, ut in lege Aquilia dicere solemus; in- 
terdum iniquitatem iniuriam dicimus, nam cum quis inique 
vel iniuste sententiam dixit, iniuriam ex eo dictam, quod 
iure et iustitia caret, quasi non iuriam, contumeliam'autem 

5 a contemnendo. Iniuriam autem fieri Labeo ait aut re aut 
verbis : re, quotiens manus inferuntur ; verbis autem, quo- 
tiens non manus inferuntur, convicium fit; omnemque 
iniuriam aut in corpus inferri aut ad dignitatem aut ad in- 
famiam pertinere : in corpus fit, cum quis pulsatur ; ad digni- 

io tatem, cum comes matronae abducitur; ad infamiam, cum 
pudicitia adtemptatur. Item aut per semet ipsum alicui fit 
iniuria aut per alias personas. Per semet, cum directo ipsi 
cui patri familias vel matri familias fit iniuria; per alias, 
cum per consequentias fit, cum fit liberis meis vel servis 

15 meis vel uxori nuruive; spectat enim ad nos iniuria, quae 
in his fit, qui vel potestati nostrae vel affectui subiecti 
sint. Et si forte cadaveri defuncti fit iniuria, cui heredes 
bonorumve possessores exstitimus, iniuriarum nostro no- 
mine habemus actionem ; spectat enim ad existimationem 

20 nostram, si qua ei fiat iniuria. Idemque et si fama eius, 
cui heredes exstitimus, lacessatur. 

fluenceon the historyand character vation of the word see note, p. 

of Latin comedy, as has often been 103. 

pointed out. 12. aut per alias personas : an 

3. iniuste sententiam dixit : the action for insult may be brought by 

wrong which a judge commits in any person affected by the insult, 

delivering an illegal sentence is whether the injury was done di- 

noticed below among the quasi rectly to him (per semet ipsum) or 

delicts. to some one so related to him that 

7. convicium : i.e. a public revil- he has an interest in its reparation 

ing or uproar, collecting a crowd per consequentias (qui vel potes- 

about a person or his house or shop tati vel affectui subiecti). The 

(even though the owner is absent) same insult might give an action 

by boisterous conduct. For deri- to each person injured, no one 

25 1 


Inst. 4, 4, I 

Iniuria autem committitur non solum, cum 

quis pugno puta aut fustibus caesus vel etiam 

verberatus erit, sed etiam si cui convicium factum fuerit, 

sive cuius bona quasi debitoris possessa fuerint ab eo, qui 

S intellegebat nihil eum sibi debere, vel si quis ad infamiam 

alicuius libellum aut carmen scripserit, composuerit, edi- 

derit, dolove malo fecerit, quo quid eorum fieret, sive quis 

matrem familias aut praetextatum praetextatamve adsec- 

tatus fuerit, sive cuius pudicitia attemptata esse dicetur ; et 

io denique aliis pluribus modis admitti iniuriam manif estum est. 

Poena autem iniuriarum ex lege duodecim tabularum 

propter membrum quidem ruptum talio erat: propter os 

action barring the others (cf. Gai. 

7. dolo malo : to constitute an 
offense giving rise to the actio iniu- 
riarum, it was necessary that the 
wrong be done intentionally (ani- 
?no iniuriandi), hence a blow 
received in jest or in an athletic 
contest, or a blow given to a free- 
man mistaken for a slave, was not 
iniuria. One who aids or advises 
in the publication of libelous writ- 
ings or in causing any other form 
of insult becomes a participator 
in the wrong and is as liable as 
the doer himself. 

10. aliis pluribus modis : some 
of the numerous ways in which an 
insult could be given, not men- 
tioned in the text, were by sum- 
moning another into court to annoy 
him (vexandi causa) ; by wearing 
hair and beard uncut to incite 
hatred against another ; by follow- 
ing another about in mourning 

clothes ; by beating or torturing 
another's slave, so as to be offen- 
sive to the slave's master; by 
preventing another from enjoying 
his public .or private privileges, 
such as fishing in the sea, making 
use of the public baths, sitting in 
the amphitheater, etc. 

11. Poena iniuriarum : according 
to the Twelve Tables, the author 
of abusive writings and lampoons 
(occentatio et malum carmen) was 
guilty of a crime and punished 
either by death or, as some writers 
say, by beating with clubs. Se- 
rious bodily harm (jnembrum rup- 
tum, ' mutilation of a limb ') was 
punishable by retaliation in kind 
(talio, from talis, ' the like,' ' an eye 
for an eye ') ; the wrong could be 
satisfied, however, by pecuniary 
compensation at a scale fixed by the 
judge. Slight bodily harm (osfrac- 
lum aut collisum) was punishable 
by a fine of three hundred asses 


vero fractum nummariae poenae erant constitutae quasi in 
magna veterura paupertate. Sed postea praetores per- 
mittebant ipsis qui iniuriatn passi sunt earn aestimare, ut 
iudex vel tanti condemnet, quanti iniuriatn passus aesti- 

5 maverit, vel minoris, prout ei visum fuerit. Sed poena 
quidem iniuriae, quae ex lege duodecim tabularum intro- 
ducta est, in desuetudinem abiit; quam autem praetores 
introduxerunt, quae etiam honoraria appellator, in iudiciis 
frequentatur. Nam secundum gradum dignitatis vitaeque 

io honestatem crescit aut minuitur aestimatio iniuriae ; qui 
gradus condemnationis et in servili persona non immerito 
servatur, ut aliud in servo actore, aliud in medif actus 
homine, aliud in vilissimo vel compedito constituatur. 
Sed et lex Cornelia de iniuriis loquitur et iniuriarum ac- 

15 tionem introduxit. Quae competit ob earn rem, quod se 
pulsatum quis verberatumve domumve suam vi introitam 
esse dicat. Domum autem accipimus, sive in propria 
domo quis habitat sive in conducta vel gratis sive hospitio 

(about $15) for an injured freeman if condemned, was made infamous 

and of one hundred and fifty asses (in/amid). According to the lex 

for a slave. Other injuries were pun- Cornelia (81 a.d.) a special action 

ishablebya fine of twenty-five asses was given in cases of serious 

(about $1.25). Subsequently, the assault or forcible entry (p?elsa- 

praetor recognized the substitu- turn, verberatum, domum vi in- 

tion of damages for the more troitam) . Verberare is to beat or 

savage law of retaliation, and in- wound ; pulsar e is to push or 

stead of fixed penalties, he allowed strike with painless blow (verbe- 

an actio iniuriarum aestimatoria, rare est cum dolore caedere, pul- 

by which the penalty varied accord- sare sine dolore). The injured 

ing to the circumstances of the party had the option of proceeding 

case {secundum gradum dignitatis by a civil action or by a criminal 

vitaeque honestatem) as estimated prosecution. 

by the judge (ex aequo et bono). 8. in iudiciis frequentatur: is 

Under this action the defendant, now observed in the courts, 



receptus sit. Atrox iniuria aestimatur vel ex facto, veluti 
si quis ab aliquo vulneratus fuerit vel fustibus caesus ; vel 
ex loco, veluti si cui in theatro vel in foro vel in conspectu 
praetoris iniuria facta sit ; vel ex persona, veluti si magis- 
5 tratus iniuriam passus fuerit, vel si senatori ab -humili 
iniuria" facta sit, aut parenti patronoque fiat a liberis vel 
libertis ; aliter enim senatoris et parentis patronique, aliter 
extranei et humilis personae iniuria aestimatur. Nonnum- 
quam et locus vulneris atrocem iniuriam facit, veluti si in 

10 oculo quis percussus sit. Parvi autem refert, utrum patri 
familias an filio f amilias talis iniuria facta sit ; nam et haec 
atrox aestimabitur. In summa sciendum est de omni iniu- 
ria eum qui passus est posse vel criminaliter agere vel 
civiliter. Et si quidem civiliter agatur, aestimatione facta 

15 secundum quod dictum est poena imponitur. Sin autem 
criminaliter, officio iudicis extraordinaria poena reo irro- 
gatur. Non solum autem is iniuriarum tenetur qui fecit 
iniuriam, hoc est qui percussit ; verum ille quoque contine- 
bitur, qui dolo fecit vel qui curavit, ut cui mala pugno 

i. Atrox iniuria: an injury gravated injury was condemned to 

might be aggravated by the means the mines ; if guilty of an ordinary 

employed in accomplishing the act injury, he might be surrendered 

(ex facto) ; or by the nature of the noxally or delivered over to the 

place where the act was perpe- offended party to be whipped, 
trated (ex loco) ; or by the quality 16. extraordinaria poena : of- 

of the persons receiving and in- fenses of a public character were 

flirting the injury (ex persona) ; usually tried criminally before the 

or by the part of the body injured praetor himself (extra ordinem) 

(loco vulneris) . In case aiiniuria without reference of the case to a 

atrox the praetor fixed the maxi- judge. Some of the penalties 

mum of damages (usually at the mentioned are death, banishment, 

amount of bail), which the judge and relegation. The proceeding 

regularly allowed in case of con- extra ordine7n was the more usual 

viction. A slave guilty of an ag- in the later law. 



percuteretur. Haec *actio dissimulatione aboletur ; et ideo, 
si quis iniuriam dereliquerit, hoc est statim passus ad ani- 
mum suum non revocaverit, postea ex paenitentia remissam 
iniuriam non poterit recolere. 

Obligations qvasi ex Delicto 

Inst. 4, s 

Si iudex litem suam fecerit, non proprie ex 
maleficio obligatus videtur. Sed quia neque 
ex contractu obligatus est et utique peccasse aliquid intel- 
legitur, licet per imprudentiam ; ideo videtur quasi ex 

i. dissimulatione : a right of 
action for insult was extinguished 
if the affront was not resented at 
once or was passed over in silence. 
The right to sue thus lost did not 
revive, and, in all cases by the 
praetorian law, proceedings must 
be begun within the judicial year 
following the offense {annus 

Obligations quasi ex Delicto: 
the delicts already noticed do not 
exhaust the list of wrongful acts 
creating legal obligations. Quasi 
delicts are cases of wrongdoing 
merely resembling delicts in sub- 
stance, but exactly like them in 
rendering the offender liable to a 
penalty or damages in a civil suit. 
The characteristic requirements of 
delicts, technically so called, were 
damage to the property of another 
(damnum) or injury to the person 
of another (iniuria), done with 
evil intent (dolus) or through cul- 
pable negligence (culpa). Most 
of the quasi delicts, as given in the 

Institutes of Justinian, however, 
include actions granted by the 
praetor against persons who 
neither directly caused damage nor 
had any evil intent in the wrong 
done, though the law presumed 
them to have been in a position to 
prevent the wrong. This applies 
to all quasi delicts in the text, ex- 
cept the first mentioned (iudex qui 
litem suam fecerit) . 

5. Si iudex litem suam fecerit :• 
a judge was said to ' make a cause 
his own' when he was guilty of 
corrupt motives or negligence (in- 
cluding a violation of the rules of 
law through ignorance, per impru- 
dentiam : itnperitia culpae adnu- 
meratur) in the performance of 
his official duties. A judge treated 
the case as his own, e.g. when he 
imposed a heavier penalty than 
was named in the praetor's formula 
or in the statute. He was liable 
for damages in a civil suit brought 
by the injured party. It should 
be noticed that 'judge' is here 



maleficio teneri, et in quantum de ea' re aequum religioni 
iudicantis videbitur, poenam sustinebit. Item is, ex cuius 
cenaculo vel proprio ipsius vel conducto vel in quo gratis 
habitabat deiectum effusumve aliquid est, ita ut alicui 
noceretur, quasi ex maleficio obligatus intellegitur ; ideo 
autem non proprie ex maleficio obligatus intellegitur, quia 
plerumque ob alterius culpam tenetur aut servi aut liberi. 
Cui similis est is, qui ea parte, qua vulgo iter fieri solet, id 
positum aut suspensum ,habet, quod potest, si ceciderit, 

used in the Roman sense (judex, 
i.e. a private person exercising 
functions similar in some respects 
to both judge and juror in our 
judicial system). The Roman 
judge, though a layman, was ren- 
dered liable for ignorance of law 
because he had free access to the 
praetor for construction of edicts 
and law involved in the case, and 
it was the duty of the iudex, 
furthermore, to take advice of the 
iuris prttdentes on knotty points. 
/ 7. ob alterius culpam tenetur : 
persons hurling or pouring things 
from the windows or roof of the 
large and numerously tenanted 
apartment houses of Rome (cena- 
culo) could generally be detected 
only indirectly from the place out 
of which the damage came. The 
praetor, therefore, gave the actio 
de deiecto effusove against the oc- 
cupier of the premises, though he 
personally did no wrong. The 
latter had redress against the ac- 
tual wrongdoer, e.g. a lodger or 
guest. The liability for this quasi 

delict was for double the damage 
done (actio mixta) . If the testi- 
mony of Juvenal, Sat. 3, 268-274, 
is to be relied on, there must have 
been much need of this remedy in 
his day. Cf. D. 9, 3, 1 ; 44, 7, 

9. positum aut suspensum: 
though no damage had actually been 
done to another, the praetor granted 
the actio de posito (expositd) et sus- 
penso against any one who placed 
or hung anything from the eaves 
or any projection overhead, which 
might do damage to any person 
passing or standing below in a 
public thoroughfare or place. 
This action for the recovery of a 
private penalty was open to any 
one interested, i.e. it was an actio 
popularis, or an action open to 
any informer who could bring 
suit, not merely to enforce his 
own private right, but rather a 
right of the public. Although 
the law was of the nature of 
a police regulation, the plaintiff 
could retain the penalty. 



alicui nocere ; quo casu poena decern aureorum constituta 
est. De eo vero quod deiectum effusumve est dupli quanti 
damnum datum sit constituta est actio. Ob hominem vero 
liberum occisum quinquaginta aureorum poena constituitur; 

5 si vero vivet nocitumque ei esse dicetur, quantum ob earn 
rem aequum iudici videtur, actio datur ; iudex enim com- 
putare debet mercedes medicis praestitas ceteraque im- 
pendia, quae in curatione facta sunt, praeterea operarum, 
quibus caruit aut cariturus est ob id quod inutilis factus 

io est. Si filius familias seorsum a patre habitaverit et quid 
ex cenaculo eius deiectum effusumve sit, sive quid positum 
suspensumve habuerit, cuius casus periculosus est; Iuliano 
placuit in patrem nullam esse actionem, sed cum ipso filio 
agendum. Quod et in filio familias iudice observandum 

15 est, qui litem suam fecerit. Item exercitor navis aut cau- 
ponae aut stabuli de dolo aut furto, quod in nave aut in 
caupona aut in stabulo factum erit, quasi ex maleficio 
teneri videtur, si modo ipsius nullum est maleficium, 
sed alicuius eorum, quorum opera navem aut cauponam 

20 aut stabulum exerceret ; cum enim neque ex contractu sit 
adversus eum constituta haec actio et aliquatenus culpae 
reus est, quod opera malorum hominum uteretur, ideo 
quasi ex maleficio teneri videtur. In his autem casibus in 
factum actio competit, quae heredi quidem datur, adversus 

25 heredem autem non competit. 

Animalium nomine, quae ratione carent, si 
inst. 4 , 9. quidem lascivia aut fervore aut feritate pau- 

15. exercitor navis : by the prae- wrongs committed by their ser- 

torian actio dolt et furti adversus vants for double the value of the 

nautas,caupones,stadu/arios, ship- thing injured or lost. Here the 

owners, innkeepers, and livery- principal {exercitor) was liable not 

stable keepers were liable for the for any direct fault of his own 

ROMAN LAW — 17 257 


periem fecerint, noxalis actio lege duodecim tabularum 
prodita est (quae animalia si noxae dedantur, proficiunt 
reo ad liberationem, quia ita lex duodecim tabularum 
scripta est) ; puta si equus calcitrosus calce percusserit 
S aut bos cornu petere solitus petierit. Haec autem actio 
in his, quae contra naturam moventur, locum habet ; cete- 
rum si genitalis sit feritas, cessat. Denique si ursus fugit 
a domino et sic nocuit, non potest quondam dominus con- 
veniri, quia desinit dominus esse, ubi fera evasit. Pau- 

10 peries autem est damnum sine iniuria facientis datum ; 
nee enim potest animal iniuriam fecisse dici, quod sensu 
caret. Haec quod ad noxalem actionem pertinet. Cete- 
rum sciendum est aedilicio edicto prohiberi nos canem, 
verrem, aprum, ursum, leonem ibi habere, qua vulgo iter 

15 fit; et si adversus ea factum erit et nocitum homini libero 
esse dicetur, quod bonum et aequum iudici videtur, tanti 
dominus condemnetur, ceterarum rerum, quanti damnum 
datum sit, dupli. Praeter has autem aedilicias actiones 

other than his selection of dis- granted which compelled the 
honest servants. The person in- owner of an animal (not restricted 
jured might also bring an actio to quadrupeds) to repair the harm 
furti or legis Aquiliae against the (pauperies) done by it or else 
actual offender. surrender it to the injured party 
1. noxalis actio : it has already (actio de pauperie). The owner 
been noticed that for- any delict at the time of suit is liable, not the 
committed by a slave the master owner at the time of the injury- 
is rendered liable to a noxal action (noxa caput sequitur) . The harm 
(cf. note on iudicium, p. 240). In must also be caused by the animal 
this case, the master may assume acting contrary to its natural dis- 
directly the responsibility for the position (contra naturam) . 
delict, or surrender the slave to 13. aedilicio edicto : the general 
the injured party (noxae deditio). police supervision of the aedile 
By a curious provision of the appears from this text. Cf. also 
Twelve Tables, an action was note on et, p. 60. 



et de pauperie locum habebit; numquam enim actiones 
praesertim poenales de eadem re concurrentes alia aliam 

Gai. *s, 97 

The Law of Inheritance {Hereditas) 

Hactenus tantisper admonuisse sufficit quem- 
j admodum singulae res nobis adquirantur. Nam 

legatorum ius, quo et ipso singulas res adquirimus, oppor- 
tunius alio loco referemus. Videamus itaque nunc, quibus 
modis per universitatem res nobis adquirantur. Ac prius 
de hereditatibus dispiciamus. 
10 iuiian. d. Hereditas nihil aliud est, quam successio in 

so, 17, 62 universum ius quod def unctus habuerit. 

8. per universitatem res adquir- 
antur : having treated of the way in 
which rights over particular things 
(res singulae) are acquired (cf. text 
and note on Acquisition, p. 165), the 
Institutes of Gaius and Justinian 
proceed to the modes of acquiring 
rights per universitatem, i.e. the 
acquisition of all the rights and 
duties of another in one mass or 
entirety (universitas rerum, as a 
unit, 'in one bundle'). This com- 
plete succession to the entire legal 
personality of another may be ac- 
complished in several ways, of 
which the most important are 
arrogation and inheritance. For 
arrogation see note p. 135 and text. 
By the Roman law of succession 
the entire property of a deceased 
person (defunctus), with the ex- 
ception of those rights and duties 

which are distinctly personal and, 
therefore, perished with him, con- 
stituted his inheritance. This 
estate remains a unit (universitas 
iuris). In theory it is not divided 
piecemeal and scattered among the 
heirs. Each heir succeeds to the 
entire estate as a unit, not to any 
individual thing belonging to the 
estate, i.e. the heirs (whether one 
or more) succeed per universita- 
tem to the exact legal position of 
the deceased at the time of his 
death, inheriting his rights and 
obligations so far as they have not 
perished with him (hereditas nihil 
aliud est, quam successio in uni- 
versum ius quod defunctus habu- 
erit, D. 50, 17, 62; hereditas 
personae defuncti, qui earn reli- 
quit, vice fungitur, D. 30, 116, 

2 59 


Pompon, d. Heres in omne ius mortui, non tantum singu- 
29. 2. 37 larum rerum dominium succedit, cum et ea, quae 
in nominibus sint, ad heredem transeant. 
iuiian. d. Lex duodecim tabularum eum vocat ad he- 

5 38, 16, 6 reditatem, qui moriente eo, de cuius bonis quae- 
ritur, in rerum natura f uerit, vel si vivo eo conceptus est, 
Ceisus, d. q ma conceptus quodammodo in rerum natura 
38, 16, 7 esse existimatur. 

Fioren. D. Heres quandoque adeundo hereditatem iam 

10 29. 2, 54 tunc a morte successisse def uncto intellegitur. 

3. in nominibus : liabilities. No- 
men was originally the name of the 
debtor and item of debt entered in 
the domestic ledger of the creditor. 
From that it came to.mean the obli- 
gation arising from any debitum 
(see notes on Litteris and Fit, p. 
206-7) • By the very nature of uni- 
versal succession, the heir, as fam- 
ily representative of the deceased, 
succeeded not only to the property 
but also to the liabilities, i.e. to the 
entire legal personality of the de- 
ceased (modified by the praetor 
by the ius abstinendi, see below, 
note on Heredes, p. 282). 

6. si vivo eo conceptus est : see 
note on Qui, p. 78. 

9. adeundo hereditatem - de- 
ferre and adire are technical terms 
marking two important stages in the 
devolution of an estate. Delatio 
(or kereditas delata) is the offer 
of the inheritance to the one enti- 
tled to become heir, so that he 
has merely to decide whether he 
will accept or refuse ; aditio (here- 

ditas adita) is the acceptance of 
the heirship. This may not occur 
until the assets and liabilities have 
been duly inquired into. Delatio, 
or •the offer, is made in one of two 
ways, by testament or by operation 
of law (kereditas iesiamentaria, 
kereditas ab intestato). 

10. a morte successisse : in the 
interval between death and the ac- 
quisition of the inheritance by the 
heir (guamvis fiostea adeatur), the 
estate has an independent legal 
existence as an artificial person. 
Although the owner of the prop- 
erty is dead, the estate is not a 
derelict to be seized by the first 
occupier, but is in the eye of 
the law an independent person, 
called kereditas iacens, which 
has the powers of a natural per- 
son to acquire rights and to 
incur obligations, e.g. slaves be- 
longing to the inheritance may 
enter into lawful agreements to 
acquire for its benefit and they 
mav become heirs to other estates 



Omnis hereditas, quamvis postea adeatur, ta- 
men cum tempore mortis continuatur. 

Quam diu' potest ex testamento adiri heredi- 
tas, ab intestato non defertur. 

I us nostrum non patitur eundem in paganis 
et testato et intestato decessisse ; earumque re- 
rum naturaliter inter se pugna est ' testatus ' et ' intesta- 

Mod. d. Testamentum est voluntatis nostrae iusta 

IO 28, 1, 1 sententia de eb, quod quis post mortem suam 

fieri velit. 

Paul. D. 
So, 17, 138 

UIp. D. 
29, 2, 39 

5 Pompon. D. 
5°. 17. 7 

in the interest of the inheritance 
of which they form a part. When 
the hereditas is once vested in the 
heir (i.e. after aditio), his succes- 
sion dates from the moment of the 
deceased's death. 

3 . Quam diu potest ex testamen- 
to adiri hereditas : inheritance may 
devolve upon the heir by testament 
and by operation of law, whence 
arises the distinction between 
testamentary succession (testa- 
nientaria hereditas) and intestate 
or legal succession (legitima here- 
ditas, ab intestato). The latter 
occurs only in the absence of a 
valid testament. Since the inher- 
itance is viewed as an entirety 
(universitas rerum) and a testa- 
ment takes precedence over intes- 
tate succession, the one excluding 
the other (inter se pugna est), if a 
testator should nominate an heir 
for part of his property only, the 
legal heirs (heredes legitimi) do 
not succeed to the remaining part, 

but the will disposes of the entire 
estate (nemo pro parte testatus, 
pro parte intestatus decedere po- 
test). For exception in case of 
soldiers see below, note on Mili- 
tibus, p. 269. 

9. Testamentum est voluntatis : 
the primary purpose and essential 
requirement of a Roman will' was 
the appointment of an heir, not 
the disposition of an estate. The 
Romans did not originate the 
testament, but they very early felt 
the importance of will-making to 
prevent the possibility of dying 
without a representative to perform 
the sacred rites of the dead, to 
protect the memory of the testator, 
and to obviate the injustice to cog- 
nates which arose under the early 
law of intestate succession. They 
became a nation of will-makers 
and developed a detailed system 
of testamentary law (iure civili), 
with features peculiarly Roman. 
Although intestate succession is 



Labeo, D, 
28, 1, 2 

In eo qui testatur eius temporis, quo testa- 
mentum facit, integritas mentis, non corporis 
sanitas exigenda est. 

Gai. d. Si quaeramus, an vateat testamentum, in pri- 

a8 . *. 4 mis animadvertere debemus, an is qui fecerit 

testamentum habuerit testamenti factionem, deinde, si 
habuerit, requiremus, an secundum regulas. iuris civilis 
testatus sit. 

Filius familiae testamentum facere non potest, 
quoniam nihil suum habet, ut testari de eo pos- 

Ulp. 20, 10 

historically the older, Gaius and 
Justinian treat of the testament 
first, as if it were the more im- 
portant. Our word will is a 
translation of voluntas, a choice, 
or expression of intention, but it 
does not, like our English word, 
indicate the written instrument 
itself. The false etymology of 
testamentum by Servius Sulpicius, 
discussed by Gellius 7, 12, 2, is 
repeated by Ulpian and Justin- 
ian, Inst. 2, 10 : testamentum ex 
eo appellatur, quod testatio mentis 
est (as if the suffix -mention were . 
from mens, cf. vestimentum, ali- 
mentum, i et alia mille 1 '). See 
also notes on curias, p. 45, and 
quasi, p. 106. — iusta sententia: 
iusta, ' according to legal formali- 
ties,' see note on ex iusta, p. 81. 

6. testamenti factionem: this 
term signifies the capacity to take 
any part in the making of a will or 
to receive any benefit under a will, 
i.e. testator, witnesses, and heir 
must have testamenti f actio with 

one another, or the capacity re- 
quired by law to perform their 
several parts. Capacity to make 
a will (testamenti -f actio activa) 
requires capacity to be owner and 
to alienate as owner. It is, there- 
fore, denied those who lack inde- 
pendent judgment or powers of 
volition and perfect capacity of 
disposition (impuberes, furiosi, 
prodigi). The civis Romanus 
paterfamilias alone has complete 
testamentary capacity. The filius- 
familias can, however, make testa- 
mentary disposition of his peculium 
castrense and quasi castrense. 
Certain persons, unable to make a 
testament in the usual way, must 
conform to certain special provi- 
sions of law (deaf, mute, blind, and 
those unable to write). Incapac- 
ity to make a will does not neces- 
sarily exclude one from being heir 
or witness, i.e. having testamenti 
f actio passiva (Inst. 2, 19, 4). 

9. Filius familiae testamentum 
facere non potest : in the law of the 



sit. Sed divus Augustus constituit, ut filius familiae miles 
de eo peculio quod in castris adquisivit testamentum facere 
possit. Qui de statu suo incertus est factus, quod patre 
peregre mortuo ignorat se sui iuris esse, facere testamen- 

5 turn non potest. Impubes, licet sui iuris sit, facere testa- 
mentum non potest, quoniam nondum plenum iudicium animi 
habet. Mutus, surdus, furiosus itemque prodigus cui lege 
bonis interdictum est, testamentum facere non possunt : 
mutus, quoniam verba nuncupations loqui non potest; 

io surdus, quoniam verba familiae emptoris exaudire non po- 
test; furiosus, quoniam mentem non habet, ut testari de 
sua re possit; prodigus, quoniam commercio illi interdic- 

republic filiifamilias had no active 
.proprietary capacity, i.e. they were 
not free to alienate and could ac- 
quire only. Under Augustus, sol- 
diers were freed from this disability 
by special privilege. This became 
a permanent rule under Trajan 
(see below, note on Militibus, p. 
269). In the management and dis- 
position of all property acquired by 
reason of military service (pecu- 
lium castrense), a filiusfamilias 
■miles was considered free from the 
power of his father. The peculium 
castrense included all property ac- 
quired by a soldier as pay, what- 
ever was given or bequeathed to 
him for campaign purposes 1 , all ac- 
quisitions from fellow-soldiers, and 
land purchased by savings from 
his pay. In the later empire 
(after Constantine), government 
and court officials, advocates, the 
clergy, and those especially favored 
by the emperor, though filiifa- 

milias, were allowed free disposi- 
tion of their earnings, as if engaged 
in the public service like soldiers 
(quasi castrense) . 

3. incertus est factus : in addi- 
tion to the uncertainty whether 
the paterfamilias away from home 
was alive or dead, persons in any 
other way uncertain of their status, 
as whether they had been properly 
emancipated and were free persons 
in law and fact, were unable to 
make a will (qui incertus de statu 
suo est, certam legem testamento 
dicer e non potest, D. 28, 1, 14). 

11. furiosus quoniam mentem 
non habet : the furiosus could, 
however, make a will during a lucid 
interval, and a will made before he 
was mentally incapacitated was 
valid. In case of the prodigus 
also, a will made before the formal 
bonis interdictio of the praetor was 
valid. Cf. note on Curatores, 
p. 155. 



turn est et ob id familiam mancipare non potest. Latinus 
Iunianus, item is qui dediticiorum numero est, testamen- 
tum facere non potest : Latinus quidem, quoniam nomina- 
tim lege Iunia prohibitus est, is autem qui dediticiorum 

S numero est, quoniam nee quasi civis Romanus testari po- 
test, cum sit peregrinus, nee quasi peregrinus, ■ quoniam 
nullius certae civitatis civis est, ut secundum leges civitatis 
suae testetur. Feminae post duodecimum annum aetatis 
testamenta facere possunt tutore auctore, donee in tutela 

10 sunt. Servus publicus populi Romani partis dimidiae 
testamenti faciendi habet ius. 

4. lege Iunia : see text and note 
on Libertorum, p. 89. 

8. Feminae post duodecimum an- 
num: in the most ancient times, 
women could not make wills because 
they were excluded from the public 
assembly and the army (calatis 
comitiis, in procinctu). After the 
testament per aes et libram was 
introduced, women (sui iuris) 
were capable, but inasmuch as they 
were under guardianship (unless 
relieved by the lex Papia Poppaea, 
see text and note on ex lege. p. 152), 
they required the authority of their 
guardians. To obviate this diffi- 
culty, the jurists devised a fictitious 
marriage with /nanus (coemptio 
fiduciaries). The ward conveyed 
herself by -mancipatio to her hus- 
band (see note on Coemptione, 
p. 126), who reconveyed her by 
remancipation, in accordance with 
a trust obligation (fiduciae causa), 
to a third person, by whom she 
was finally manumitted. In this 

way the woman obtained a status 
which gave her testamentary ca- 
pacity. Vestal virgins, being free- 
from patria potestas and from 
guardianship, had from very early 
times capacity to make a will. As 
they had no legal heirs (and could 
be heir to no one), if they died 
intestate, their property escheated 
to the state (Gell. 1, 12, 18). 

10. Servus publicus : testamenti 
/actio activa required of the testa- 
tor the possession of the ius com- 
niercii. This excluded slaves and 
those in a similar status, but slaves 
of the Populus Romanus were by 
special privilege capable of dispos- 
ing by testament of half of their 
peculium. Slaves captured in war 
became the property of the state. 
Some were sold in open market 
under supervision of the aediles, 
while others were retained as prop- 
erty of the Roman people and 
were assigned to various public 
duties. The exact legal position 



Gai. i, n S ° lim etiam testamenti faciendi gratia fiduci- 

aria fiebat coemptio ; tunc enim non aliter femi- 
nae ,testamenti faciendi ius habebant, exceptis quibusdam 
personis, quam si coemptionem fecissent remancipataeque 
5 et manumissae f uissent ; sed hanc necessitatem coemp- 
tionis faciendae ex auctoritate divi Hadriani senatus 

Gai. 2 ioi Testamentorum autem genera initio duo fue- 

runt : nam aut calatis comitiis testamentum 

10 faciebant, quae comitia bis in anno testamentis faciendis 

of servi publici is not entirely 
understood. That they had privi- 
leges not granted private slaves is 
certain. They were almost en- 
tirely of the male sex, often occu- 
pied public quarters, received a 
certain sum for their sustenance 
(cibarid), and were capable of en- 
tering into a quasi marriage with a 
free woman. In this fact Momm- 
sen sees a possible explanation of 
their testamentary capacity over 
half of their holdings (Staatsrecht, 
i,32of.). In addition to those 
mentioned in the text, the follow- 
ing were incapable of making a 
will : those condemned for libel 
(ob carmen famosuni) ; those out- 
lawed by the interdictio aquae et 
ignis ; those deported to an island ; 
criminals condemned to fight as 
gladiators (ad ferruni), to fight 
with beasts, or to work in the mines 
(servi poenae); captives ; hostages. 
g. calatis comitiis testamentum : 
the oldest form of will was of a 

public character. In the earliest 
times the property of a deceased 
paterfamilias descended to his 
natural heirs by the operation of 
law. When it became possible to 
substitute another than the natural 
heir, or to nominate a stranger to 
prevent the possibility of dying 
without an heir, it became a mat- 
ter of importance to the religious 
interests of the state and to 
the testator's gens. The comitia 
curiata was summoned (calare, 
calata comitia) twice each year 
(probably the 24th of March and 
the 24th of May) to sanction and 
to witness the wills of citizens. 
The pontiffs supervised the pro- 
cedure. The authority to direct 
the devolution of an estate out of 
the regular channel required a 
special enactment, a testament 
(legem testamento dicere) which 
took the form and character of a 
lex enacted by the people (i.e. 



destinata erant, aut in procinctu, id est cum belli causa 
arma sumebant ; procinctus est enim expeditus et armatus 
exercitus. Alterum itaque in pace et in otio faciebant, 
alterum in proelium exiturj. Accessit deinde tertium 
S genus testamenti, quod per aes et libram agitur. Qui 
neque calatis comitiis neque in procinctu testamentum 
fecerat, is si subita morte urguebatur, amico familiam 
suam, id est patrimonium suum, mancipio dabat, eumque 
rogabat quid cuique post mortem suam dari vellet. Quod 

i. in procinctu: the inconven- 
ience of making a will in the formal 
assembly would be especially felt 
by soldiers in active service. As 
the army in the field in the earliest 
times was merely a body of citi- 
zens, the counterpart of the comi- 
tia at home, every soldier was 
allowed to declare his will orally, 
in the presence of his comrades, 
when about to enter battle. Serv. 
Aen. 10, 241. 

4. Accessit tertium genus testa- 
menti: the will made per aes et 
libram (mancipatio) was a strictly 
private will of very ancient origin, 
which could be made at any time 
and was especially employed in 
emergencies. In its historical de- 
velopment it shows two phases, in 
the earlier of which the transaction 
is entirely oral ; in the later, it is the 
oral confirmation of a written doc- 
ument. In the former the testator 
conveys, with all the formalities 
of manicipation, his entire property 
to a Friend, called familiae emptor, 
at the same time making a formal 

declaration (nuncupatio) that the 
conveyance is for the purpose of 
inheritance. The familiae emptor 
is made heir (or as Sohm says, 
' executor of the will '), upon whom 
is charged the duty of carrying out 
the provisions of the will according 
to the terms of the nuncupatory 
part of the transaction declared 
in the presence of the witnesses. 
Later on, when writing became 
more common, the heir is named 
in the written document (testa- 
menti tabulae), which contained 
all the dispositions of the testator. 
The mancipatory form is still em- 
ployed, but the familiae emptor, 
no longer heir, is retained merely 
for the sake of form (diets gratia). 
The fiuncupatio is a formal con- 
firmation of this document as a last 
will, fully attested by the five wit- 
nesses, the libripens, and the fami- 
liae emptor. The testamentum 
per aes et libram in these two 
phases was the usual will of the 
republican and classical periods of 
the civil law. 



testamentum dicitur per aes et libram, scilicet quia per man- 
cipationem peragitur. Sed ilia quidem duo genera testa- 
men tor um in desuetudinem abierunt ; hoc vero solum, quod 
per aes et libram fit, in usu retenturn est. Sane nunc 
S aliter ordinatur, quam olim solebat. Namque olim famil- 
iae emptor, id est qui a testatore familiam accipiebat man- 
cipio, heredis locum obtinebat, et ob id ei mandabat 
testator, quid cuique post mortem suam dari vellet ; nunc 
vero alius heres testamento instituitur, a quo etiam legata 

10 relinquuntur, alius dicis gratia propter veteris iuris imita- 
tionem f amiliae emptor adhibetur. Eaque res ita agitur : 
qui facit testamentum, adhibitis, sicut in ceteris mancipa- 
tionibus, quinque testibus civibus Romanis puberibus et 
libripende, postquam tabulas testamenti scripserit, mancipat 

15 alicui dicis gratia familiam suam ; in qua re his verbis 
familiae emptor utitur ' familia pecuniaque tua endo man- 
datelam custodelamque meam, quo tu hire testamentum 
facere possis secundum legem publicam, hoc aere ' et ut 
quidam adiciunt ' aeneaque libra, esto mihi empta ' ; deinde 

20 aere percutit libram, idque aes dat testatori velut pretii 
loco ; deinde testator tabulas testamenti tenens ita dicit 
' haec ita ut in his tabulis cerisque scripta sunt, ita do, ita 

14. postquam tabulas testamen- proceeding per aes et libram em- 

ti scripserit : with the introduction ployed for will-making was oral, 

of writing, it became usual for the the nunciipatio in the later phase 

testator to prepare, or have pre- of this form of will being the 

pared for him, a document con- more important part. The written 

taining his will. This was pro- document, witnessed by seven per- 

duced before the witnesses and sons, became the model for the , 

sealed by them, their names being later praetorian will, 
attached to their respective seals. 22. in his tabulis cerisque : wills 

This form had the advantage of might be written on wood, parch- 

secrecy, and the will could be more ment, paper, or any other suitable 

easily proved. In theory the whole material, but the will described 



lego, ita testor itaque vos Quirites testimonium mihi per- 
hibetote,' et hoc dicitur nuncupatio : nuncupare est enim 
palam nominare, et sane quae testator specialiter in tabulis 
testamenti scripserit, ea videtur generali sermone nominare 

5 atque confirmare. 

Qui in potestate testatoris est aut familiae 
emptoris, testis aut libripens adhiberi non po- 
test, quoniam familiae mancipatio inter testatorem et fami- 
liae emptorem fit et ob id domestici testes adhibendi non 

10 sunt. Filio familiam emente pater eius testis esse non 

Ulp. 20, 3 

here was written with a stilus on 
wax-covered pieces of wood {tabu- 
lae ceraegue). The term tabulae 
was, however, used for a will writ- 
ten on any other material, and 
cera was used for the pages of the 
tablets (see Hor. Sat. 2, 5, 24). 
Tablets used for wills were gen- 
erally of three or more leaves 
(triptycha, polyptycha) fastened to- 
gether by a wire passing through 
the wooden rim on the long side 
of the tablet. The inner leaves 
were coated with wax on both sides, 
the two outer, only on the inside. 
The will was written on the inner 
pages, the writing running the 
long way of the tablet. To avoid 
tampering with the will and to 
secure secrecy, nothing but the 
name of the testator was to be 
written on the first two inner pages, 
which alone were to be shown 
to the witnesses (according to a 
SC under Nero). The whole 
tablet was fastened together into 
a codex by strings piercing the 

rim, and the document was then 
closed and secured against falsifi- 
cation by the attachment of the 
seals of the five witnesses, the 
libripens, and the familiae emptor ; 
each one adding his name. There 
was no signing of the will at the 
end, but it was customary to plaee 
the date there. Many provisions 
were made to prevent fraud, by the 
lex Cornelia testamentaria (time 
of Sulla's dictatorship) and subse- 
quent laws. 

7. testis adhiberi non potest: 
those disqualified from acting as 
witnesses were : slaves, impuberes, 
madmen, prodigals, women, the 
deaf, the dumb, and those pro- 
nounced intestabiles, i.e. those 
whom the law considers as dis- 
honest and unworthy to take part 
in formal legal proceedings. They 
were those convicted of bribing 
magistrates (repetundarutn dam- 
natus) • of libel (ob carmen famo- 
suni) ; of adultery ; and in christian 
times, heretics and apostates . Wo- 



potest. Ex duobus fratribus, qui in eiusdem patris potes- 
tate sunt, alter familiae emptor, alter testis esse non potest, 
quoniam quod unus ex his mancipio accipit adquirit pafri, 
cui Alius suus testis esse non debet. Mutus, surdus, furio- 

5 sus, pupillus, f emina neque familiae emptor esse neque testis 
libripensve fieri potest. Latinus Iunianus et familiae 
emptor et testis et libripens. fieri potest, quoniam cum eo 
testamenti factio est. 
trip. d. Qui testamento heres instituitur, in eodem tes- 

io 28, '• 2 ° tamento testis esse non potest. 

Militibus liberam testamenti factionem primus 

quidem divus Iulius Caesar concessit, sed ea con- 

cessio temporalis erat. Postea vero primus divus Titus dedit, 

post hoc Domitianus, postea divus Nerva plenissimam 

Ulp. D 

29, 1, 1 

men could not be witnesses to the 
ancient will, because they could 
not appear in the comitia, but long 
after the reason for this disability 
had passed away, with character- 
istic adherence to old forms, the 
Romans continued this restriction. 
A close relationship of the parties 
caused incapacity to witness a will, 
except between paterfamilias and 
filiusfamilias where the latter's 
will disposed of his peculium 

6. Latinus Iunianus : although 
by the ius civile Latini could not be 
testators, heirs, or legatees (except 
in case of the wills of soldiers in 
service), they could be witnesses 
because they had commercium and 
testamenti factio to this degree 
with the testator. Cf. note on 
Libertorum, p. 89. 

11. Militibus liberam testamenti 
factionem concessit : Trajan made 
the privileges which had been ex- 
tended to soldiers settled rules of 
law by issuing instructions to the 
provincial governors (by mandata) 
to observe them as such. A sol- 
dier's will to be valid must be de- 
clared to witnesses understanding 
the nature of the transaction, and 
an heir must be named for, at 
least, part of the estate. If an 
heir were named for only a part 
{unum ex fundo heredeni), the 
rest of the estate devolved accord- 
ing to the law of intestate succes- 
sion. The soldier might even 
appoint different heirs for different 
specific things. Such a will was 
valid for one year after honorable 
dismissal. All of these privileges 
were denied pagani, i.e. civilians. 



indulgentiam in milites contulit, eamque et Traianus 
secutus est et exinde mandatis inseri coepit caput tale. 
Caput ex mandatis : ' Cum in notitiam meam prolatum sit 
subinde testamenta a commilitonibus relicta proferri, quae 
5 possint in controversiam deduci, si ad diligentiam legum 
revocentur et observantiam, secutus animi mei integritudi- 
nem erga optimos fidelissimosque commilitones simplicitati 
eorum consulendum existimavi, ut quoquomodo testati fuis- 
sent, rata esset eorum voluntas. Faciant igitur testamenta 

10 quo modo volent, faciant quo modo poterint sufficiatque 
ad bonorum suorum divisionem faciendam nuda voluntas 

ui p . d. Si miles unum ex fundo heredem scripserit, 

29,1,6 creditum quantum ad residuum patrimonium 

15 intestatus decessisset ; miles enim pro parte testatus potest 

decedere, pro parte intestatus. 

Testamentum iure factum infirmatur duobus 
Ulp. 23, 1 . 

modis, si ruptum aut mritum factum sit. Rum- 

pitur testamentum mutatione, id est si postea aliud testa- 

17. Testamentum infirmatur mentum ruptum occurred : by the 

duobus modis : a testament may be subsequent agnation of a suus 

totally null from the very beginning heres ; by making a new wjll (tes- 

(testamentum non iure factum) be- tamentum posterius iure factum). 

cause it failed to meet the complete For explanation of suus heres see 

requirement of a valid instrument, below, note on Heredes, p. 273. 

e.g. by non-observance of the re- Revocation of a will without the 

quired form ; by failure to appoint necessity of making a new one was 

a competent heir ; by the testa- introduced by the praetor. For 

tor's lack of testamentary capacity ; agnatio postumi, see notes on Ag- 

by passing over a suus heres. A natic, p. 107, and postumi, p. 146. 

testament properly made, however, The testament was null ab initio if 

lost its legal significance (infirtna- the suus heres had been simply 

tur) in two general ways, as testa- passed over [sui heredes vel insti- 

mentum ruptum and testamentum ■ tuendi sunt vel exheredandi). A 

irritum {non ratu?n) . A testa- testament was irritum : by the tes- 



mentum iure factum sit. Item agnatione, id est si suus 
heres agnascatur, qui neque heres institutus neque ut 
oportet exheredatus sit. Agnascitur suus heres aut agnas- 
cendo aut adoptando aut in manum conveniendo aut in 

5 locum sui heredis succedendo, velut nepos mortuo filio vel 
emancipate-, aut manumissione, id est si filius ex prima 
secundave mancipatione manumissus reversus sit in patris 
potestatem. Inritum fit testamentum, si testator capite 
deminutus fuerit, aut si iure facto testamento nemo extite- 

io rit heres. Si is qui testamentum fecit ab hostibus captus 
sit, testamentum eius valet, si quidem reversus fuerit, iure 
postliminii, si vero ibi decesserit, ex lege Cornelia, quae 
perinde successionem eius confirmat, atque si in civitate 
decessisset. Si septem signis testium signatum sit testa- 

15 mentum, licet iure civili ruptum vel inritum factum sit, 
praetor scriptis heredibus iuxta tabulas bonorum posses- 

tator's loss of testamentary capacity 
after execution of his will, e.g. by 
becoming alieni iuris; by failure 
of the heir to take the inheritance 
{testamentum destilutum) . By ius 
civile the testator must retain testa- 
menti J "actio from the time of execu- 
tion of his will up until death, but 
the praetor required it only at the 
time of execution and at death. A 
will, therefore, which had become 
ineffectual by the civil law, might 
become effectual again by the prae- 
torian law. 

6. prima secundave mancipa- 
tione: see note on qui, p. 105. 

12. ex lege Cornelia: cf. note 
on Slavery, p. 84. 

16. iuxta tabulas bonorum pos- 
sessionem flat : a will which lacked 

some of the formalities required by 
the civil law will made per aes et 
libram came to be upheld by the 
praetor if it were a written docu- 
ment produced with the unbroken 
seals of seven witnesses. The 
praetorian law developed a new 
form of will, of which the essential 
requirements were the tabulae 
closed by the seals of seven wit- 
nesses. Instead of a defective 
mancipatory will becoming null ab 
initio because of non-observance 
of form, the praetor used his 
power of granting the written heir 
possession, i.e. possession accord- 
ing to the provisions of the will 
{iuxta vel secundum tabulas"), un- 
less a civil law heir ab intestato 
claimed the inheritance. The 



Gai. 2, 229 

sionem dat, si testator et civis Romanus et suae potestatis 
cum moreretur fuit ; quam bonorum possessionem cum re, 
id est cum effectu habent, si nemo alius iure heres sit. 

Posteriore quoque te^tamento quod iure fac- 
5 ' turn est superius rumpitur. 

Ante heredis institutionem inutiliter legatur, 
scilicet quia testamenta vim ex institutione here- 
dis accipiunt, et ob id velut caput et fundamentum intelle- 
gitur totius testamenti heredis institutio. 
10 . Ante omnia requirendum est, an institutio 

Gai. *, 116 ,,.„., . ,. 

heredis sollemm more facta sit ; nam ahter facta 
institutione nihil proficit familiam testatoris ita venire tes- 
tesque ita adhibere et ita nuncupare testamentum. Sol- 

praetor could not make one an 
heir, but he could put one in pos- 
session of the property {bonorum 
possessor) . For bonorum posses- 
sio see below, note on bonorum, 
p. 287. The procedure of making 
a will per aes et libram became a 
mere form. The praetor made use 
of all that was really essential, 
namely, the written tablets at- 
tested by the seals of seven wit- 
nesses. For the union of the civil 
and praetorian forms in imperial 
law see below, note on bonorum, 
p. 287. 

2. bonorum possessionem cum 
re : for the meaning of cum re and 
sine re see below, text, p. 291, Ulp. 
28, 13. The persons whom the 
praetor protected were not heirs, 
because the testament was invali- 
dated, but they were in the position 
of heirs {bonorum possessore! here- 

dis loco), so long as legal heirs 
{heredes legitimi) did not come 
forward, as effectually {cum effectu) 
as if they were heirs under the 
will {heredes testamentarit). 

6. inutiliter legatur : the prim- 
ary object of a Roman will was the 
appointment of an heir. This 
was the essential thing, and a will 
could not exist without such an 
institutio, although it might be 
valid without other dispositions. 
A will, therefore, might consist of 
three words only, when there was 
no disinherison and no legacy, 
' Titius heres esto.'' So essential 
was the appointment of the heir 
that all legacies written before it 
were void. In the earlier law the 
appointment must be in the form 
of a command {verba imperativa), 
but later, other forms of expression 
were accepted. 



lemnis autem institutio haec est 'Titius heres esto'; sed et 
ilia iam conprobata videtur ' Titium heredem esse iubeo ' ; 
at ilia non est conprobata ' Titium heredem esse volo ' ; sed 
et illae a plerisque inprobatae sunt ' Titium heredem 
instituo,' item ' heredem facio.' 

Heredes institui possunt, qui testamenti fac- 

Ulp. 22, I ^ 

tionem cum testatore habent. Dediticiorum 
numero heres institui non potest, quia peregrinus est, cum 
quo testamenti factio non est. Latinus Iunianus si quidem 
i mortis testatoris tempore vel intra diem cretionis civis Ro- 
manus sit, heres esse potest; quod si Latinus manserit, 
lege Iunia capere hereditatem prohibetur. Idem iuris est 

6. Heredes institui possunt: it 
was required that the heir appointed 
in a will should have testamenti 
factio cum testatore when the will 
was executed, when he was called to 
the inheritance {delatio) ,and from 
this time until he was vested with 
it {aditio) . No account was made 
of the intervening time {media 
tempora non nocent). Capacity 
to be instituted heir {testamenti 
factio passivd) was less restricted 
than capacity to execute a will, 
just as more requirements must be 
satisfied for disposing of property 
than for receiving it. Some per- 
sons, however, who were qualified 
to be written as heirs or legatees 
could not take their inheritances 
or legacies, being incapable (inca- 
paces, ' non-takers ') of acquisition 
by special laws, e.g. caelibes, orbi, 
Latini luniani. For lex Iunia see 
note on Libertorum, p. 89. 

10. intra diem cretionis •, as will 
be seen below, in case of certain 
kinds of heirs, called 'heirs by 
necessity ' {heredes necessarii) no 
acceptance of the inheritance {adi- 
tio) was required. At the moment 
of the testator's death, the neces- - 
sarii became heirs ipso iure, the 
choice of accepting or declining 
the inheritance being denied them. 
In the case of other heirs, how- 
ever {extranei, vohinlarii heredes), 
the will usually stated the time to 
be allowed for deliberation {cretio, 
cernere, to decide), the ordinary 
period being one hundred days 
{spatium deliberandi) . For failure 
to accept within the prescribed 
time, the heirs were set aside. 
When the will contained no cretio, 
the heir used as much time to de- 
cide as he desired, unless limited 
by the praetor. See also note on 
cum cretione, p. 283. 





in persona caelibis propter legem Iuliam. Incerta persona 
heres institui non potest, velut hoc modo : ' Quisquis primus 
ad funus meum venerit, heres esto,' quoniam certum con- 
silium debet esse testantis. Nee municipia nee municipes 
5 heredes institui possunt, quoniam incertum corpus est, et 

i . in persona caelibis : by the 
lex lulia et Papia Poppaea (under 
Augustus) — two statutes, owing 
to the similarity of their purpose 
in regulating marriage, commonly 
treated as one — caelibes were ren- 
dered totally incapable of taking 
an inheritance or a legacy, unless 
married within one hundred days 
from the testator's death, and orbi 
(childless married people) could 
take only the half. This disability 
did not apply to blood relations 
of the testator within the sixth" 
degree. A caelebs was a man 
between twenty-five and sixty, or 
a woman between twenty and 
fifty, who had never been mar- 
ried, and a widower or a widow. 
Women were allowed two years 
from the death of their husbands 
and eighteen months from the 
time of their divorce in which to 
remarry. All these rules penaliz- 
ing celibacy and childlessness were 
abolished by the sons of Constan- 
tine, and the lex lulia et Papia 
Poppaea was entirely abrogated by 
Justinian. — Incerta persona heres 
institui non potest : an incerta per- 
,ra#a: is defined by Gai. 2, 238,z'#«rta 
videtur persona, quam per incer- 
tam opinionem animo suo testator 
subicit. Persons of whom the tes- 

tator has no clear conception as 
individuals, because they are not 
yet born or because they are as- 
certainable only after the execu- 
tion of his will, cannot be appointed 
heirs. Exception was made in the 
early law in favor of the testator's 
own posthumous children (pos- 
tumi sui). Later the jurispru- 
dence, under the leadership of the 
jurist Aquilius Gallus, contempo- 
rary of Cicero, extended this privi- 
lege to posthumous grandchildren, 
if they became sui heredes of their 
grandfather by the latter's surviv- 
ing their own father. Further, a 
lex Vellaea, of the early empire, 
provided that sui heredes born in 
the lifetime of the testator but 
after the execution of his will were 
to be considered postumi sui and 
as having testamenti f actio cum 
test at ore. A postumus alienus 
was still an incerta persona {e.g. a 
grandson conceived after a son's 
emancipation) by the ius civile, 
but Justinian allowed all posthu- 
mous children 'to be made heir, 
and removed most of the restric- 
tions placed on incertae personae, 
natural and artificial. 

4. Nee municipia nee municipes : 
the capacity of corporations to be 
heir was, however, partially recog- 


Selected 'texts from the Roman law 

neque cernere universi neque pro herede gerere possunt, 
ut heredes fiant. Senatus consulto tamen concessum est, 
ut a libertis suis heredes institui possint. Sed fidei com- 
missa hereditas municipibus restitui potest, denique hoc 

5 senatus consulto prospectum est. Deos heredes instituere 
non possumus praeter eos, quos senatus consulto constitu- 
tionibusve principum instituere concessum est. Servos 
heredes instituere possumus, nostros cum libertate, alienos 
sine libertate, communes cum libertate vel sine libertate. 

io Eum servum, qui tantum in bonis noster est, nee cum lib- 
ertate heredem instituere possumus, quia Latinitatem con- 
sequitur, quod non proficit ad hereditatem capiendam. 
Alienos servos heredes instituere possumus eos tantum, 
quorum cum dominis testamenti factionem habemus. Com- 

15 munis servus cum libertate recte quidem heres instituitur 
quasi proprius pro parte nostra; sine libertate autem quasi 
alienus propter socii partem. Proprius servus cum liber- 
tate heres institutus si quidem in eadem causa permanserit, 
ex testamento liber et heres fit, id est necessarius. 

nized earlier than Justinian, in the liberty as a matter of course {prae- 

fact. that municipalities could be sumptio libertatis, cf. notes on 

made heirs of their freedmen. heres, p. 97, and neminem, p. 98) ; 

The Roman People, as a State, slaves of other persons could ac- 

could at all times be heir. Leo cept an heirship with their masters' 

(469 a.d.) permitted the appoint- permission and their masters ac- 

ment of cities. cordingly acquired the inheritance 

3. fidei commissa hereditas : cf. as if they had been appointed heirs. 

note on qui de, p. 61. 10. tantum in bonis est : i.e. is 

7. Servos heredes instituere pos- not our property by the ius civile, 

sumus : the chief requirement of but is only in our possession. Cf. 

testamenti f 'actio passiva was com- notes on in bonis, p. 185, and 

mercium. This, of course, slaves bonorum possessionem, p. 287, and 

did not possess, but those of the text. 

testator could be made heirs, in 18. in eadem causa : i.e. if not 

which case they received their set free in the master's lifetime. 



Inst. 2, 14, 4 

Et unum hominem et plures in infinitum, quot 
quis velit, heredes facere licet. Hereditas ple- 
rumque dividitur in duodecim uncias, quae assis appella- 
tione continentur. Habent autem«et hae partes propria 

S nomina ab uncia usque ad assem, ut puta haec : sextans, 
quadrans, triens, quincunx, semis, scptunx, bes, dodrans dex- 
tans, deunx, as. Non autem utique duodecim uncias esse 
oportet. Nam tot unciae assem efficiunt, quot testator 
voluerit, et si unum tantum quis ex semisse verbi gratia 

io'heredem scripserit, totus as in semisse erit; neque enim 
idem ex parte testatus et ex parte intestatus decedere 
potest, nisi sit miles. Heres et pure et sub condicione 

Otherwise the slave might accept 
the inheritance or refuse it. For 
heres necessarius see note on heres, 
p. 97, and on Heredes, p 282. 

2. Hereditas dividitur in duode- 
cim uncias : an inheritance might 
be divided among several joint heirs 
(coheredes) equally {per capita) 
or in fractional shares. The latter 
was the usual way, the division 
being made according to the Ro- 
man duodecimal system, of which 
the unit was the as, normally com- 
posed of 12 unciae (as in their 
weights and currency). The in- 
heritance, as a unit, might be con- 
sidered as composed of more or 
less than 12 fractions of the as. 
If the number of shares be- 
queathed should amount to more 
than 12, the unciae represent the 
proper fraction of the unit, e.g. 
one-fifteenth, the inheritance rep- 
resenting an as composed of 15 
unciae; if less than 12, the excess 

is distributed among the heirs pro 
rata. The names of the fractions 
are: uncia (^), sextans (J), qua- 
drans (J), triens Q), quincunx 
( r s j), semis (|), septunx ( T y, bes 
(|), dodrans (|), dextans ({%), 
deunx (}J). A heres ex asse is, 
therefore, heir to the whole estate. 
Cf. Juv. 1,40, unciolam Proculeius 
habet, sed Gillo deuncem. 

10. totus as in semisse : i.e. 
the whole as (the inheritance 
as a unit) will be considered as 
composed of six parts, but if 
there were joint heirs, the heir ex 
semisse would be entitled to take 

12. nisi sit miles : see note on 
Militibus, p. 269. — sub condi- 
cione institui potest : but the 
condition must be a possible one, 
otherwise the heir takes the in- 
heritance at once, as if the con- 
dition were not there {pro non 



institui potest. Ex certo tempore aut ad certum tempus 
non potest, veluti 'post quinquennium quam moriar' vel 
' ex kalendis illis ' aut ' usque ad kalendas illas heres esto ' ; 
diemque adiectum pro supervacuo haberi placet et perinde 

5 esse, ac si pure heres institutus esset. 
uip. D. Miles et ad tempus heredem facere potest et 

29. 1. is. 4 alium post tempus vel ex condicione vel in con- 
dicionem. Item tam sibi quam filio iure militari testamen- 
tum facere potest, et soli filio, tametsi sibi non fecerit ; 

10 quod testamentum valebit, si forte pater vel in militia vel 
intra annum militiae decessit. 

Potest autem quis in testamento suo plures 

gradus heredum facere, ut puta ' si ille heres non 

erit, ille heres esto ' ; et deinceps, in quantum velit, testator 

15 substituere potest et novissimo loco in subsidium vel servum 
necessarium heredem instituere. Et plures in unius locum 
possunt substitui, vel unus in plurium, vel singuli singulis, 
vel invicem ipsi, qui heredes instituti sunt. 

Liberis nostris impuberibus, quos in potestate 

20 a1 ' 2 ' I79 habemus, non solum ita ut supra diximus sub- 

12. plures gradus heredum : as a turn) . The degree to which sub- 
provision against the possibility of stitutes could be appointed was 
dying intestate through the failure unlimited. The possibility of the 
of an heir, the Roman law allowed will failing because none of the 
the conditional appointment of voluntary heirs (vel instituti vel 
persons to become heirs in case substituti) chose to accept was 
the appointed heir should fail to often met (especially by insolvent 
take the inheritance, e.g. because testators) by appointing slaves at 
of death in the testator's lifetime, the end of the series of substitutes 
or of refusal, or of loss of capacity (heres necessarius, cf. note on heres, 
to be heir. Except for the provi- p. 97 and below, note on Heredes, p. 
sional appointment of substitutes, 282) . This is the ordinary kind of 
the will would become ineffectual substitution (substitutio vulgaris), 
(testamentum irritum, destitu- 19. Liberis nostris impuberibus: 

-2 77 


stituere possumus, id est ut si heredes non extiterint, alius 
nobis heres sit ; sed eo amplius ut, etiamsi heredes nobis 
extiterint et adhuc inpuberes mortui fuerint, sit iis aliquis 
heres ; velut hoc modo ' Titius filius meus mihi heres esto. 

5 Si filius meus mihi heres non erit sive heres erit et prius 
moriatur quam in suam tutelam venerit, tunc Seius heres 
esto.' Quo casu siquidem non extiterit heres filius, sub- 
stitute patri fit heres ; si vero heres extiterit filius et ante 
pubertatem decesserit, ipsi filio fit heres substitutus. Quam 

io ob rem duo quodammodo sunt testamenta, aliud patris, 
aliud filii, tamquam si ipse filius sibi heredem instituisset ; 
aut certe unum est testamentum duarum hereditatum. 

Qui filium in potestate habet, curare debet, 

Inst. 2, 13, pr. 

ut eum heredem instituat vel exheredem nomi- 
15 natim f aciat ; alioquin si eum silentio praeterierit, inutiliter 

since a Roman citizen had no 
active testamentary capacity until 
the age of puberty, it might hap- 
pen that children surviving their 
father should themselves die while 
in pupilage, i.e. before they had 
capacity to make a will and so die 
intestate. To meet this difficulty, 
the law allowed a father in making 
his will to appoint provisional 
heirs for his surviving children, 
should they die intra pubertatem. 
This is the so-called pupillary sub- 
stitution (stibstitutio papillaris). 
These substitutions were ineffec- 
tual as soon as the pupilli became 

1. si heredes non extiterint : i.e. 
substitutions could be made for 
children in the testator's power in 
the event of their not becoming 

heirs for any reason such as non- 
acceptance or predecease, but the 
substitutes would be the heir of the 
testator, not of the children. A 
will making a pupillary substitu- 
tion was peculiar in that it dealt 
with two inheritances, that of the 
testator and that of his son (duo 
quodammodo testamenta) . 

14. ut eum heredem instituat: 
a father must notice sui heredes in 
his will either by their appoint- 
ment as heirs or by their disin- 
herison. Passing over them in 
silence was not only insufficient 
for their disinherison, but in the 
case of sons was fatal to the will. 
In other words, certain heirs had 
such strong natural claims upon 
the inheritance because of their 
close relationship to the testator, 



testabitur, adeo quidem ut, etsi vivo patre filius mortuus sit, 
nemo ex eo testamento heres existere possit, quia scilicet 
ab initio non constiterit testamentum. Sed non ita de fili- 
abus vel aliis per virilem sexum descendentibus liberis 
5 utriusque sexus fuerat antiquitati observatum ; sed si non 
fuerant heredes scripti scriptaeve vel exhereditati exheredi- 
tataeve, testamentum quidem non infirmabatur, ius autem 
adcrescendi eis ad certain portionem praestabatur. Sed 

that the latter's intention to defeat 
these claims must be formally ex- 
pressed. The origin and early 
history of this principle (exhereda- 
tio) are in considerable doubt, and 
various explanations have been 
given. In primitive law there was 
no will. The sui, as co-owners of 
the family property, at the death of 
their paterfamilias, came into full 
control ipso iure. They were in 
the household ; they could not be 
set aside. Later on, even in the 
presence of a will, they were enti- 
tled to the inheritance, and the will 
was probably invalid. In the 
Twelve Tables, the testator had 
unrestricted testamentary power 
(uti legassit super pecunia tute- 
lave suae rei, ita ius esto) and 
contrary to the former customary 
law, this was interpreted to mean 
that even sui heredes might be 
disinherited in favor of a stranger 
(extraneus) ; and so the principle 
gained recognition before the time 
of Cicero that sui heredes (pos- 
tumi as well as nati) must be ap- 
pointed or disinherited in express 
terms {heredes sui vel institu- 

endi sunt vel exheredandi). — 
nominatim: not necessarily by 
name (for this would be impos- 
sible in case of postumi) , but by 
express statement, while others 
than filii could be disinherited in 
a general statement, which was 
often added after the appointment 
of heir (' celeri omnes exheredes 
sunto''). Justinian required the 
same formal disinherison .of all 

7. ius adcrescendi : passing over 
a filius rendered the will void, 
whereas passing over other sui 
{ceteri) did not invalidate the will, 
but those passed over (praeterili) 
were entitled to certain portions. 
If the appointee were an outsider 
(extraneus), the praeterili took 
one half of the inheritance ; if sui, 
the sui praeterili took equal shares 
(parlio virilis) with the appointed 
heirs, i.e. per capita (reliquae vero 
personae liberorum, velut filia 
nepos neptis, si praeteritae sint, 
valet testamentum, sed scriptis 
heredibus adcrescunt, suis quidem 
heredibus in partem virilem, extra- 
neis autem in partem dimidiani). 



nec nominatim eas personas exheredare parentibus necesse 
erat, sed licebat et inter ceteros hoc facere. Nominatim 
autem exheredari quis videtur, sive ita exheredetur ' Titius 
Alius meus exheres esto,' sive ita 'Alius meus exheres esto ' 
S non adiecto proprio nomine, scilicet si alius filius non extet. 
Postumi quoque liberi vel heredes institui debent vel ex- 
heredari. Et in eo par omnium condicio est, quod et in 
filio postumo et in quolibet ex ceteris liberis sive feminini 
sexus sive masculini praeterito valet quidem testamentum, 

10 sed postea adgnatione postumi sive postumae rumpitur et 
ea ratione totum infirmatur. 

Emancipatos liber os iure civili neque heredes instituere 
neque exheredare necesse est, quia non sunt sui heredes. 
Sed praetor omnes tarn feminini quam masculini sexus, si 

15 heredes non instituantur, exheredari iubet, virilis sexus 

nominatim, feminini vero et inter ceteros. Quodsi neque 

heredes instituti fuerint neque ita ut diximus exheredati, 

promittit praetor eis contra tabulas testamenti bonorum 


20 Quia plerumque parentes sine causa liberos 

Inst. 2, 18 , , , , 

suos vel exheredant vel omittunt, mductum est, 

ut de inofficioso testamento agere possint liberi, qui que- 

This distinction was set aside by ing them or by disinheriting them, 

Justinian. but it was further required that 

10. adgnatione postumi: see they should be disinherited for 

note on. postumi, p. 146. cause, and passing over them in 

12. Emancipatos liberos : the silence or disinheriting them in 

praetor, recognizing the tie of blood, express terms, leaving the inherit- 

extended the principle of disinher- ance to strangers, opened the will 

ison to emancipated children. to attack on the ground that it 

22. de inofficioso testamento : as was 'undutiful' (in-offictosum) or 

was seen above, it was not only contrary to the officium pietatis, 

the duty of the testator to notice i.e. the natural affection of a parent 

certain natural heirs, by appoint- toward his children. Toward the 



runtur, aut inique se exheredatos aut inique praeteritos, 
hoc colore, quasi non sanae mentis fuerunt, cum testa- 
mentum ordinarent. Sed hoc dicitur, non quasi vere 
furiosus sit, sed recte quidem fecit testamentum, non 

5 autem ex officio pietatis ; nam si vere furiosus est, nullum 
est testamentum. 

Marc. d. Inofficiosum testamentum dicere hoc est : 

5. 2 . 3 allegare, quare exheredari vel praeteriri non 

debuerit ; quod plerumque accidit, cum falso parentes 

io instimulati liberos suos vel exheredant vel praetereunt. 
Huius autem verbi ' de officioso ' vis ilia ut dixi est docere 
immerentem se et ideo indigne praeteritum vel etiam ex- 
heredatione summotum, resque illo colore defenditur apud 
iudicem, ut videatur ille quasi non sanae mentis fuisse, cum 

is testamentum inique ordinaret. 

Non tantum autem liberis permissum est 
ns " A x ' L parentum testamentum inofficiosum accusare, 

end of the republic, the Centum- opened to the legal heirs {ab 

viral court, which presided over intestato). 

all controversies regarding inher- 9- fa ls0 parentes instimulati: 

itance, admitted a formal com- originally the question of deciding 

plaint by which the validity of what grounds were sufficient to 

such a will was tested {querela in- justify the disinheritance of natural 

officiosi testamenti). Since, how- heirs was left entirely to the dis- 

ever, such a will was not void but cretion of the court. There was 

only voidable, if it appeared that no statute providing for relief in 

natural heirs had been disinherited case of an undutiful will. The 

without sufficient cause, the prac- institution grew out of the practice 

tice of the court allowed a fictitious of the Centumviral court, which 

allegation that an undutiful will, was based on moral grounds rather 

being contrary to natural feeling, than on law. Justinian deter- 

was the work of a testator unsound mined the question with more cer- 

in mind {hoc colore, quasi non tainty by naming fourteen grounds 

sanae mentis) and as such should for disinheriting a child, and he 

be set aside. The estate was then required that the testator state in 



verum etiam parentibus liberorum. Soror autem et frater 
turpibus personis scriptis heredibus ex sacris constitu- 
tionibus praelati sunt; non ergo contra omnes heredes 
agere possunt. Vltra fratres et sorores cognati nullo 
5 modo aut agere possunt aut agentes vincere. Igitur quar- 
tam quis debet habere, ut de inofficioso testamento agere 
non possit. 

Heredes autem aut necessarii dicuntur aut sui 

Gai. 2, 152 ,. , 

et necessarii aut extranei. Necessarms heres est 
10 servus cum libertate heres institutus, ideo sic appellatus, 

his will the reason in each case for 
the disinherison. 

1. parentibus liberorum : the law 
of Justinian allowed a parent to 
attack the will of a child as ' un- 
dutiful' if the latter had no chil- 
dren, and required that the child 
should state the reason for his 
conduct. Of collaterals, brothers 
and sisters only could enter the 
plea (querela), if there were no 
children or parents, and if infa- 
mous persons (persona turpis) 
were appointed over them. This 
remedy was not open to those to 
whom the law offered any other 
relief in the case, and it was denied 
those who had acknowledged the 
validity of the will by accepting 
anything under it. 

5. Igitur quartam (sc. porlion- 
em) : the amount that one should 
receive who had been disinherited 
by an undutiful will was originally 
left to the discretion of the judge. 
Later on, after the analogy of the 
lex Falcidia (a plebiscitum, 40 B.C , 

providing that every testamentary 
heir should be left one fourth of 
the inheritance, free from legacies), 
it became -an established rule that 
every child was entitled to at least 
one fourth of his share by intestacy 
(quarta legitima, portio legitima) . 
8. Heredes necessarii: by the 
civil law, there were, in the broadest 
sense, two kinds of heirs, those 
that inherit inviti (heredes domes- 
tici, i.e. members of the deceased's 
household), and volunt'arii (here- 
des extranei, i.e. outsiders) . The 
former became heirs at once, by 
operation of law, after the death 
of their predecessor. They were 
heirs by necessity. The latter be- 
came heirs only by an act of entry 
(aditio hereditatis) showing their 
intention to accept the office. 
They were, therefore, heirs by 
choice or voluntary heirs. In the 
ancient his civile, there was no dif- 
ference in the matter of neces- 
sary heirship between necessarii 
(slaves) and sui et necessarii (per- 


quia sive velit sive nolit, omni tnodo post mortem testa- 
toris protinus liber et heres est. Vnde qui facilitates suas 
suspectas habet, solet servum suum primo aut secundo vel 
etiam ulteriore gradu liberum et heredem instituere, ut si 

5 creditoribus satis non fiat, potius huius heredis quam ipsius 
testatoris bona veneant, id est ut ignominia, quae accidit 
ex venditione bonorum, hunc potius heredem quam ipsum 
testatorem contingat. 

Inter necessarios heredes, id est servos cum 

io p * 2 ' ^ Hbertate heredes scriptos, et suos et necessarios, 
id est liberos qui in potestate sunt.'iure civili nihil interest ; 
nam utrique etiam inviti heredes sunt. Sed hire praetorio 
suis et necessariis heredibus abstinere se a parentis here- 
ditate permittitur, necessariis autem tantum heredibus ab- 

15 stinendi potestas non datur. Extraneus heres, si quidem 
cum cretione sit heres institutus, cernendo fit heres; si 
vero sine cretione, pro herede gerendo. Pro herede gerit 

sons under the potestas, manus, or on heres solus, p. 97, and ne, 

mancipium of deceased). Both p. 98). 

alike were bound to take the in- 3- primo aut secundo vel ulten- 

heritance with its debts, as well as ore gradu: see note on phtres 

its benefits. But the equity of the gradus, p. 277. 

praetor relieved the sri from the 16. cum cretione : the voluntary 

burden of an insolvent inheritance heir to be properly vested with the 

(hereditas damnosd) by extending inheritance must have made either 

to them the privilege of 'holding * formal declaration of his mten- 

off ' from it (beneficium abstinendi), tion to accept or else he must have 

so that if they elected to refuse, given some informal expression ot 

they were relieved of any financial his intention. The former was 

risks connected with the inherit- called cretio, the latter, pro herede 

ance. The slave (necessarius) re- gestio. The sul et necessam here- 

ceived his compensation for the des lost the praetorian benefit of 

forced acceptance of an insolvent abstention by any ^ten&K*. of 

estate in the grant of freedom interference with the inheritance 

(manwmssio testamento, see notes (immixtto) . 



qui rebus hereditariis tamquam dominus utitur, velut qui 
auctionem rerum hereditariarum facit aut servis heredita- 
riis cibaria dat. Cretio est certorum dierum spatium, quod 
datur instituto heredi ad deliberandum, utrum expediat ei 

S adire hereditatem nee ne, velut 'Titius heres esto cerni- 
toque in diebus centum proximis, quibus scieris poterisque; 
nisi ita creveris, exheres esto.' Cernere est verba cretionis 
dicere ad hunc modum : ' quod me Maevius heredem insti- 
tuit, earn hereditatem adeo cernoque.' 

10 Intestatus decedit, qui aut omnino testamen- 

Inst. 3, i . 

turn non feat aut non lure fecit aut id quod 
fecerat ruptum irritumve factum est aut nemo ex eo heres 

3. certorum dierum spatium : the 

testator usually fixed in his will 
the period allowed for the heir to 
deliberate on the acceptance of the 
inheritance. The usual time was 
one hundred days. In the absence 
of a predetermined period, the 
praetor was often requested by the 
creditors of the estate to fix a 
period within which the heirs must 
accept or refuse, according to the 
demands of their interests {benefi- 
cium deliberandi). Justinian re- 
quired that it should not exceed 
one year. 

10. Intestatus: if a Roman citizen 
died without making a will, or his 
will was void or became ineffectual 
for any of the reasons stated above 
(see note on Testamentum, p. 270), 
the succession to his inheritance 
was regulated by the operation of 
law. The heirs were, therefore, 

called heredes legitimi and the in- 
heritance, hereditas legitima (or ab 
infest at 0) in distinction from here- 
des testamentarii (or ex testa- 
ment 0). In the absence of a valid 
will, the members of an intestate's 
family were called to the heirship. 
Who the heirs were would depend 
upon the conception of the Roman 
family (cf. note on Agnatic, p. 
107). This conception changed 
very much in the time from the 
Twelve Tables to Justinian's death. 
From the agnatic principle of the 
ius civile, which depends entirely 
upon potestas, to the recognition 
of the cognates (relationship by 
blood) by the praetor and imperial 
legislation, the rules of intestate 
succession became materially al- 
tered. Three periods must be 
borne in mind in the law of intes- 
tacy : that of the Twelve Tables 



uip. 26, 1 Intestatorum ingenuorum hereditates pertinent 

primum ad suos heredes, id est liberos qui in po- 
testate sunt ceterosque qui liberorum loco sunt ; si sui here- 
des non sunt, ad consanguineos, id est fratres et sorores ex 
S eodem patre ; si nee hi sunt, ad reliquos agnatos proximos, 

(ius civile), the system of the prae- 
tor (potior um possessio), and the 
system of Justinian (a union of the 
ius civile and bonorum possessio) . 

1 . Intestatorum ingenuorum he- 
reditates : the law distinguishes 
between the devolution of the 
estates of freedmen and freemen. 
The former, though possessing the 
private rights of freemen, never- 
theless remained under certain 
obligations to their patrons, and 
this appeared in the course which 
the property of intestate freedmen 
took (noticed below, note on Lib- 
ertorum, p. 287). 

2. primum ad suos heredes : the 
law of intestate succession is based 
on the principle of collective, fam- 
ily ownership of their common 
property. The ownership of this 
family property was not materially 
affected when it passed from the 
control of the father to his copro- 
prietors, his children, who were 
members of his own household. 
The Twelve Tables indicated 
three groups of persons to be called 
successively to the estate of an in- 
testate, i.e. sui heredes, agnati, 
and gentiles. The sui were those 
in the potestas of the deceased, 
who became sui iuris by his death 
(see below). This includes more 

than his own children ; it includes 
his family on the agnatic basis of 
composition, i.e. his children, his 
wife in manu, his grandchildren 
begotten by a son predeceased or 
emancipated (but born before 
the emancipation occurred) and 
adopted children. The sui con- 
tinue the family ownership. The 
inheritance is vested in them di- 
rectly, even without their knowl- 
edge or consent. Those of the 
same degree took equal shares, 
being counted by heads (per 
capita) ; those of the second de- 
gree, in conjunction with heirs of 
the first degree (i.e. grandchildren 
and children respectively), took 
the share of their immediate as- 
cendant, if dead, and this share 
was divided among them counted 
by stocks ( per stirpes) . Cf. note 
on in stirpes, p. 287. 

4. ad consanguineos : consan- 
guinei stmt eodem patre nati, licet 
diver sis matribus, qui in potestate 
fuerunt mortis tempore : adop- 
tivus quoque frater, Paul. 4, 8, 15. 
In default of sui heredes, the 
Twelve Tables called in the second 
place the collateral agnates of the 
degree nearest to the deceased 
(agnati proximi). Several ag- 
nates of the same degree took 



id est cognatos virilis sexus per mares descendentes eiusdem 
familiae. Id enim cautum est lege duodecim tabularum 
hac : ' si intestato moritur, cui suus heres nee escit, agna- 
tus proximus familiam habeto.' »Si agnatus defuncti non 
5 sit, eadem lex duodecim tabularum gentiles ad hereditatem 

Non tamen omnibus simul agnatis dat lex duo- 
decim tabularum hereditatem, sed his qui turn, 
cum certum est aliquem intestatum decessisse, proximo 
10 gradu sunt. Nee in eo iure successio est. Ideoque si ag- 
natus proximus hereditatem omiserit vel antequam adierit 
decesserit, sequentibus nihil iuris ex lege conpetit. 

Gai. 3, n 

equal portions {per capita). 
Those of the nearest degree 
(brothers and sisters) took alike 
without distinction of sex, while 
remoter degrees were represented 
only by males. Agnates were vol- 
untary heirs. They might, there- 
fore, refuse the inheritance, but in 
this case there was no succession 
open to the next degree, or to re- 
moter degrees (nee in eo iure suc- 
cessio est). The law called none 
but the nearest agnate living at 
the death of the intestate. If he 
did not become heir, the offer of 
the inheritance passed at once to 
the gentiles. Just how the gens 
succeeded, whether as individual 
families, as a corporation, or other- 
wise, is not known. The gentile 
succession was obsolete in the 
time of Gaius. 

i. cognatos virilis sexus : by 
interpretation of the lex Voconia 
(169 B.C.), which imposed restric- 

tions on women in the law of suc- 
cession (as heirs and legatees), 
the jurists introduced the principh 
that beyond brothers and sisters 
agnates of the male sex alone 
could be heirs, i.e. that women 
should be restricted to the consan- 
guineae. The lex Voconia having 
disqualified women in testamentary 
succession, the lawyers held by 
analogy that they should be under 
a similar disability in intestate 
succession (feminae adhereditates 
legitimas ultra consanguineas suc- 
cessiones non admittuntur : idque 
iure civili Voconiana ratione vide- 
tur effectum. Ceterum lex duode- 
cim tabularum nulla discretione 
sexus cognatos admittit, Paul. 4, 

12. sequentibus : e.g. to the son 
of the proximus agnatus, as a 
'nearer (sometimes technically 
called proximior) proximus.' 1 Cf. 
note on proximior, p. 170. 



uip. 26, 2 ^ defuncti sit filius, et ex altero filio mortuo 

iam nepos unus vel etiam plures, ad omnes here- 

ditas pertinet, non ut in capita dividatur, sed in stirpes, id 

est ut filius solus mediam partem habeat et nepotes quot- 
5 quot sunt alteram dimidiam ; aequum est enim nepotes in 

patris sui locum succedere et earn partem habere, qtiam 

pater eorum, si viveret, habiturus esset. 

yi j Libertorum intestatorum hereditas primum ad 

suos heredes pertinet, deinde ad eos, quorum 
10 liberti sunt, velut patronum patronam liberosve patroni. 

„, , Ad liberos matris intestatae hereditas ex lege 

Ulp. 26, 7 ° 

duodecim tabularum non pertinebat, quia femi- 
nae suos heredes non habent; sed postea imperatorum 
Antonini et Commodi oratione in senatu recitata id actum 

15 est, ut sine in manum conventione matrum legitimae here- 
ditates ad filios pertineant, exclusis consanguineis et reli- 
quis agnatis. Intestati filii hereditas ad matrem ex lege 
duodecim tabularum non pertinet; sed si ius liberorum 
habeat, ingenua trium, libertina quattuor, legitima heres 

20 fit ex senatus consulto Tertulliano, si tamen ei filio neque 
suus heres sit quive inter suos heredes ad bonorum posses- 
sionem a praetore vocatur, neque pater, ad quem lege here- 

3. in stirpes : i.e. they became scendants, and finally, to their 

heirs ' by representation, 1 all the gens. But the estate of a Latinus 

grandchildren together represent- Iunianus passed at once to his 

ing their own father took his share, patron and the latter's heirs in the 

in this case, the half. nature of a peculium (see note on 

8. Libertorum intestatorum he- Libertorum, p. 89). 
reditas : the inheritance of a freed- 21. bonorum possessionem: along 

man was by the Twelve Tables with the civil inheritance of the 

offered to his sui heredes ; in de- ius civile, the praetor developed, 

fault of these, to his patron, and during the republic, an entirely 

then to the latter's agnatic de- new system of succession. Certain 



ditas bonorumve possessio cum re pertinet, neque frater 
consanguineus ; quod si soror consanguinea sit, ad utrasque 
pertinere iubetur hereditas. 

uip. d. Bonorum igitur possessionem ita recte defini- 

37. «• 3. 2 emus ius persequendi retinendique patrimonii 
sive rei, quae cuiusque cum moritur fuit. 

Ius bonorum possessionis introductum est a 
praetore emendandi veteris iuris gratia. Nee 
solum in intestatorum hereditatibus vetus ius eo modo 

Inst. 3, 9 

persons, according to rules pub- 
lished in the edict, were given an 
interest in the estate of a deceased 
person. These persons were pro- 
tected in their enjoyment of the 
estate by praetorian interference, 
on the ground that they were the 
best entitled to the possession of 
the estate. By the civil law, only 
those who were strictly heredes (as 
defined by law) were called to an 
inheritance. By the praetorian 
law, those persons were put in 
possession whom the praetor by a 
natural sense of equity (ex aequo 
et bono) considered as best enti- 
tled to the succession. The prae- 
torian successor was called bonorum 
possessor, the system, bonorum 
possessio, just as the civil successor 
was called heres, the inheritance, 
hereditas. These two systems 
existed for a long time side by 
side, the hereditas devolving by 
an act of law (jure civili), the 
bonorum possessio being obtained 
only by application to a magistrate 
(iure honor arid), but the praeto- 

rian system was modified by de- 
crees of the senate and imperial 
enactments until the two were 
finally merged into one system by 

5. ius persequendi: 'the right 
to pursue and to keep the entire 
property or any single thing which 
belonged to a person, at the time 
of death.' Bona in this connec- 
tion means more than corporeal 
property, goods having a physical 
existence ; here it is synonymous 
with hereditas, including the en- 
tire estate, with its rights and lia- 
bilities, even though lacking corpo- 
real property (sive damnum habent 
sive lucrum, sive in corporibus 
sunt sive in actionibus, in hoc loco 
proprie bona appellabuntur. De- 
nique etsi nihil corporate est in 
hereditale, attamen recte eius bono- 
rum possessionem adgnitam Labeo 

"it, D. 37, 1.3)- 

7. introductum est a praetore: 
the origin of the praetor's interfer- 
ence in inheritance is still much 
in dispute. It is probable that the 


praetor emandavit, sicut supra dictum est, sed in eorum 
quoque, qui testamento facto decesserint. Nam si alienus 
postumus heres fuerit institutus, quamvis hereditatem iure 
civili adire non poterat, cum institutio non valebat, hono- 

5 rario tamen iure bonorum possessor emciebatur, videlicet 
cum a praetore adiuvabatur ; sed et hie e nostra constitu- 

, tione hodie recte heres instituitur, quasi et iure civili non 
incognitus. Aliquando tamen neque emendandi neque im- 
pugnandi veteris iuris, sed magis confirmandigratia pollicetur 

10 bonorum possessionem. Adhuc autem et alios complures 
gradus praetor fecit in bonorum possessionibus dandis, dum id 
agebat, ne quis sine successore moriatur ; nam angustissimis 
finibus constitutum per legem duodecim tabularum ius per- 
cipiendarum hereditatum praetor ex bono et aequo dilatavit. 

•5 uip. D. Successorium edictum idcirco propositum est, 

3 8 . 9. i ne bona hereditaria vacua sine domino diutius 

iacerent et creditoribus longior mora fieret. 

praetor afforded temporary relief at vent intestacy {emendandi gratia) ; 
first in each individual case after by setting aside some old rules as 
judicial inquiry (causa cognita) by inequitable {impugnandi gratia). 
issuing a special decree determin- In no case, however, did the prae- 
ing the succession {bonorum pos- tor do more than to allow the 
sessio decretalis). Afterward the possessor to have the succession 
order of succession was regularly in bonis (see note on in bonis,. 
published in the standing edict p. 185) until his title was ripened 
{bonorum possessio edictalis). The by usucapio. In the early law, 
purpose of the praetor in granting continuous possession of an in- 
a bonorum possessio was three- heritance for one year by any 
fold : adiuvandi, supplendi, corri- outside party (before the heir has 
gendi iuris civilis gratia, i.e. by entered upon it) gave a title by 
applying the ancient ius civile in a usucapion. Some have held this 
more equitable manner by recog- to be the origin of bonorum posses- 
sing more fully the claims of sio {ne bona hereditaria vacua sine 
blood relationship {confirmandi domino diutius iacerent). 
gratia); by supplementing the old i 5 - edictum propositum: the 
law of the Twelve Tables, to pre- praetor stated in his edict that he 

ROMAN LAW — 19- 289 


Ulp. 28, 10 

Bonorum possessio datur parentibus et liberis 

intra annum, ex quo petere potuerunt, ceteris 

intra centum dies. Qui omnes intra id tempus si non 

petierint bonorum possessionem, sequens gradus admitti- 

S tur, perinde atque si superiores non essent; idque per 

septem gradus fit. 

Paul. d. Bonorum possessionis beneficium multiplex 

37. *• 6. >■ est : nam quaedam bonorum possessiones com- 
petunt contra voluntatem, quaedam secundum voluntatem 
10 defunctorum, nee non ab intestate habentibus ius legiti- 
mum vel non habentibus propter capitis deminutionem. 

would grant an interdict in favor of 
thebonorum possessor to enable him 
to recover the estate of the de- 
ceased. This interdict or magis- 
terial order, called from its initial 
words 'quorum bonorum,' ran as 
follows : Ait praetor, ' quorum bo- 
norum ex edicto meo Mi possessio 
data est, qzwd de his bonis pro 
herede aut pro possessore possides 
possideresve, si nihil usucaptum 
esset, quod quidem dolo malo fe- 
cisti, uti desineres possidere, id Mi 
restituas.'' This enabled the bono- 
rum possessor to recover corporeal 
things ; for debts he could sue and 
be sued by fictitious actions in 
which he was assumed to be the 
heir {actiones ficticiae). In omni- 
bus vice heredum bonorum posses- 
sores habentur, D. 37, 1, 2. 

2. intra annum : as the acquisi- 
tion of succession by bonorum pos- 
sessio was voluntary, the proper per- 
sons must make demand for their 
succession before the praetor withi n 

the prescribed time. For parents 
and children (i.e. ascendants and 
descendants), this was one year, 
corresponding to the period re- 
quired for usucapion of an inherit- 
ance ; and for others, a period of 
one hundred days, corresponding 
to the time of cretio. In both 
cases, time was reckoned utiliter, 
cf. note on intra, p. 241. 

7. beneficium multiplex est : the 
delatio or offer of bonorum posses- 
sio (like hereditas) is based upon 
a will or it may arise ab intestato. 
In the former case it may be given 
contra tabulas {contra volunta- 
tem), i.e. the praetor set the will 
aside as inequitable and admitted 
children who had been passed 
over in their father's will, e.g. 
emancipated descendants; or it 
may be secundum tabulas {secun- 
dum voluntatem), the praetor up- 
holding a will which lacked some 
requirements of the civil law and 
was legally invalid. In bonorum 



Inst. 3, 9, 2 

Quos autem praetor solus vocat ad heredita- 
tem, heredes quidem ipso iure non fiunt (nam 
praetor heredem facere non potest; per legem enim tan- 
tum vel similem iuris constitutionem heredes fiunt, veluti 
5 per senatus consultum et constitutiones principales) ; sed 
cum eis praetor dat bonorum possessionem, loco heredum 
constituuntur et vocantur bonorum possessores. 

Bonorum possessio aut cum re datur aut sine 
re : cum re, cum is qui accepit cum eff ectu bona 
io retineat ; sine re, cum alius iure civili evincere heredita- 
tem possit; veluti si suus heres in testamento praeteri- 
tus sit, licet scriptis heredibus secundum tabulas bonorum 
possessio deferatur, erit tamen ea bonorum possessio sine 
re, quoniam suus heres evincere hereditatem iure legitimo 
15 potest. 

Ulp. 28, 13 

possessio ab intestato, the praetor 
extended the list of those whom 
the Twelve Tables called to an 
intestate inheritance (see note on 
primum, p. 285) to children (Ji- 
beri), statutory heirs (legitimi), 
cognates (cognati), husband and 
wife (vir et uxor), each order suc- 
ceeding upon failure of the pre- 

8. cum re aut sine re : if the civil 
heir should not apply to the prae- 
tor for the possession or should not 

assert his title, any one of remoter 
claim might make application for 
the inheritance. If, however, the 
praetor had made a provisional 
award to a bonorum possessor, he 
could be evicted by the civil heir, 
and the possession being only pro- 
visional was said to be sine re, i.e. 
in name, but not in fact. Those 
from whom the inheritance could 
not be called away were said to 
have bonorzmi possessio cum re 
(in name and fact). 




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Romisches Staatsrecht, Leipzig, 1887. 

Abriss des romischen Staatsrechts, Leipzig, 1893. 

Romisches Strafrecht, Leipzig, 1899. 

Kriiger and Studemund, Collectio librorum iuris anteiustini- 

ani, Berlin, 1878-99. 

Kriiger and Scholl, Corpus Iuris Civilis, Berlin, 1895. 

Morey, Outlines of Roman Law, New York, 7th ed., 1894. 
Moyle, Imperatoris Iustiniani institutionum libri quattuor, Oxford, 

Muirhead, Historical Introduction to the Private Law of Rome, 

Edinburgh, 1886. 
Orelli- Baiter, Onomasticon Tullianum, Zurich, 1836-8. 
Ortolan, Explication historique des instituts de l'empereur Justinien, 

Paris, 1883. 
Pauly, Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, 

Stuttgart, 1839. 
Poste, Gaii institutionum iuris civilis commentarii quattuor, Oxford, 

Puchte, Geschichte des Rechts bei dem romischen Volk, 10th ed., 

Leipzig, 1893. 
Rivier, Introduction historique au droit Romain, Bruxelles, 1881. 
Roby, Roman Private Law in the Times of Cicero and of the 

Antonines, Cambridge, 1902. 
Rudorff, Romische Rechtsgeschichte, Leipzig, 1857-9. 
Salkowski, Lehrbuch der Institutionen u. Geschichte des romischen 

Privatrechts, 6th ed., 1892. 

2 95 


Sandars, The Institutes of Justinian, 8th ed., London and New 

York, 1888. 
Sanio, Varroniana in den Schriften der romischen Juristen, Leipzig, 

Schmalz, Miiller's Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, 

II, 2d ed., Nordlingen, 1889. 
Scholl, Legis duodecim tabularum reliquiae, Leipzig, 1866. 
Schrader, Corpus Iuris Civilis, I, Berlin, 1832. 
Schulin, Lehrbuch der Geschichte des romischen Rechtes, Stutt- 
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Sohm, Institutionen des romischen Rechtes, 8th and 9th ed., 

Leipzig, 1899. 
The Institutes of Roman Law, translated by J. C. Ledlie, 

Oxford, 1892. 
Studemund, Gaii institutionum commentarii quattuor. Codicis 

Veronensis denuo collati apographum, Leipzig, 1874. 
Williams, The Institutes of Justinian illustrated by English Law, 

London, 1893. 



(The figures refer to the pages.) 

abdicatio tutelae, 149, 150. 

absentes, defined, 186. 

acceptum ferre, 207. 

accessio, 169; possessionis, 186; how 
differs from specification, 176. 

acquisition of ownership, 165; by ac- 
cession, 169; by acting as heir, 
283; by cretion, 283; by civil 
and natural modes, 166; by in 
iure cessio, 183; by mancipa- 
tion, 181 ; by occupation, 166; 
by prescription, 187; rerum 
singular um, 165; by specifica- 
tion, 171; of treasure-trove, 
179; per universitatem, 165, 
174, 256; by usucapio, 184. 

actio aestimatoria, 212; aucloritatis, 
214; bonae fidei, 202; commo- 
dati, 202; communi dividundo, 
230; depositi, 204; dolietfurti 
adversus nautas, etc., 257; de 
deiecto effusove, 256; exercito- 
ria, 226; ad exhibendum, 173, 
177, 178; familiae erciscundae, 
230; in factum, 247; inslito- 
ria, 226; iniuriarum, 252; 
iniuriarum aestimatoria, 253; 
legis, 49; legis Aquiliae, 243; 
mandati, 227; mixta, 233, 244; 
noxalis, 258; negotiorum ges- 
torum, 228; de pauperie, 258; 
pigneraticia, '2a^; poenalis, 
232; popularis, 256; de posito 
et suspense, 256; publica, 151; 
quanti minoris, 215; redhibi- 
toria, 215; r« perseculoria, 
232; z'tz ?-«ot, 175; /ro j««o, 
223; afe #£720 iunclo, 173; 
tutelae, 230; wA'/z'j, 176, 247; 
j/« bonorum raptorum, 242. 

actus, 192, 193. 

addictus, 233, 237. 

<&£&> hereditatis, 23 1, 260, 282. 

adoptio, 132, 133. 

adpulsus pecoris ad aquam, 192. 

adstipulator, 243. 

adultus, 142. 

adversaria, 207. 

advocatus, 48. 

aediles, 55, 60. 

aediles' edict, 215. 

<zas ez" libram, 182; wills made, 266, 

ov/or niaior, 120; perfecta, 140. 

affinitas, 115. 

age of puberty, 120. 

agere, 20. 

«,gw limitatus, 162; stipendiarius, 
162, 218; vectigalis, 162, 218. 

agnati, 107 ; of Twelve Tables, 285. 

album praetoris. 15. 

alluvial soil, 169. 

altius tollendi servitus, 191. 

alveus relic tus, 169. 

ancillae partus, 195. 

animus fraudandi, 98; furandi, 239; 
iniuriandi, 252; in possession, 
166, 186; remanendi, 86: ?"*- 
vertendi, 167. 

annus utilis, 241. 

Appius Claudius Caecus, 49; the De- 
cemvir, 56. 

aquaeduclus, 192. 

aquae et ignis interdictio, 1 37. 

aquaehaustus, 192. 

arcarium nomen, 207. 

erra, arrabo, 21 1; sponsalicia, 119. 

arrogatio, 133,, 135. 

artificial persons, 77. 

«i, parts of, 183, 276. 



assertor libertatis, 90. 

auctores iuris, 21. 

auctoritas, of guardian, 141, 153; 

guaranty of title, 214; patrum, 

16, 51. 
aversio, 213. 
avulsio, 169. 

Barbarian Codes, 28. 

beneficium abstinendi, 283; delibe- 
randi, 284. 

betrothal, 119. 

bonaefidei negotium, 202. 

bonis, in, 185. 

bonorum cessio, 223. 

bonorum possessio, 288; contra tabu- 
las, 290; cum re, 291; secun- 
dum tabulas, 290. 

bookkeeping, 226. 

Bruns, Pontes iuris antiqui, 40. 

caelibes, disability of, 274. 

calata comitia, 265. 

capitalis poena, 237. 

capitis deminutio, 136. 

captives, status of, 84. 

caput, 77, 136. 

castrense peculium, 263. 

casus, 203, 204, 219. 

causa liberalis, 57, 90. 

frrt!(«z Mancini, 87. 

causam probare, 109. 

cautio usufructuaria, 196 ; usuaria, 

caveat emptor, 215. 
cavere, 20. 
cenacula, 256. 
censor, 54. 

«»j» manumissio, 91. 
cessio, in iure, 183 ; bonorum, 223. 
child, status at birth, 78. 
chirographum, 208. 
circumscripta adulescentium, 1 40. 
civitas, as element of status, 77, 136, 

classical Roman law, 21. 
«<fcr accepti et expensi, 206. 
Cidfe* Gregorianus, 23, 36 ; Hermo- 

ge'nianus, 24, 36 ; Iustinianus, 

25 ; Theodosianus, 24, 36. 

coemptio, 118, 122, 126; fiduciaria, 
126, 264 ; matrimonii causa, 

coemptionales senes, 1 27. 

cognati, 108. 

cogntiio legitima, 108 ; naturales, 108. 

Collatio legum Mosaicarum, 24, 35. 

Collectio librorum iuris anteiustini- 
ani, 39. 

collegia, 77. 

colonus, 219. 

commentarii pontificum, 19. 

commercium, 158. 

commixtio, 173. 

commodatum, 202. 

concubinatus, 112, 113. 

condicione tua non utor, 121. 

condictio certi, 202 ; furtiva, 242 ; 
indebiti, 231. 

condominium, 173. 

conductio, 217. 

confarreatio, 118, 122, 126. 

confusio, 173. 

consensus, in adoption, 1 34 ; in con- 
tracts, 201, 209 ; of marriage, 
no, in, 118, 119 ; sponsa- 
licius, not actionable, 119. 

consobrini, 114. 

constitutions of the emperors, 17. 

consuetude, II, 74. 

consul, criminal jurisdiction of, 54. 

Consultatio iuris consulti, 24, 35. 

contracts, consensu, 201 ; litteris, 
206 ; rc, 201 ; verbis, 205. 

contubernium, 113. 

conubium, III, 116. 

conventio in manum, no, 125, 137. 

convicium, 103, 251. 

corpora cohaerentia, distantia, 178. 

corporations, 77. 

Corpus Iuris Civilis, 28, 30, 

Coruncanius, 19. 

creditor, meaning of, 199. 

cretio, 273, 283. 

ca^a, 151, 202, 203, 213, 229, 250. 

«»-«, curatio, 139, 155 ; bonorum, 
156; debilium personarum, 
156; minorum, 120; how dif- 
fers from tutela, 141 ; ventris, 



curator, when excused, 143. 
curule aedile, 58. 
customary law, 11, 74. 

damnas esto, 244. 

damnum iniuria, 232. 

debitor, meaning of, 199. 

Decemviri, 1 2 ; litibus iudicandis, 59. 

decrees of the senate, 16, 37. 

decreta, 17. 

dedere noxae, 215, 240, 258. 

dedicatio, 159. 

dediticii, 89. 

deditio ad hostem, 88, 137. 

deductio in domum, 1 1 8. 

delatio hereditatis, 260. 

delicto, 232. 

deminutio capitis, 136. 

de piano, 47, 90. 

deportatio, 137. 

depositum, 204. 

detention, 186. 

diffarreatio, 122. 

Digest of Justinian, 26, 31 ; how 
divided, 26 ; method of cita- 
tion, 45. 

diligentia, 203, 228 ; exacta, 205. 

disinherison, 280. 

disputatio fori, 20, 48. 

divortium, 121, 123 ; bona gratia, 123. 

documents, private, 38. 

*&, <&V0, addico, 184. 

</o/«J, 151, 202, 204, 229, 250. 

dominica potestas, 89. 

dominium, 88, 165, 188. 

edicts of magistrates, 14 ; remains of, 


edictum aedilicium, 15, 215 ; lulia- 
num, 16, 38; magistratuum, 
14; perpetuum, 15, 38, 72; 
principum, 17 ; provinciate, 
1 5 ; repentinum, 1 5 ; Theodo- 
rici, 29 ; tralaticium, 1 5. 

emancipation, I05. 

emphyteusis, 189. 

emptio, 209, 211 ; rei futurae, 211 ; 
j/«, 212. 

epistulae principum, 1 7. 

epitome Gaii, 32. 

etymology in law Latin, 45, 106. 

evictio, 214. 

exceptio doli mali, 175 ; //g7j Plaeto- 

riae, 140. 
excusationes tutorum, 143. 
exercitor, 226, 257. 
exhibendum, actio ad, 173, 177, 178. 
at z'««ta causa, 186. 
expensum ferre, 207. 
exlraneus, 133. 
ert!ra ordinem procedure, 225, 254. 

familia, definition of, 104; effect of 
change in, 138 ; j»r& civilis, 
107 ; t»r& gentium, 108 ; as 
element of status, 77, 136. 

familiae emptor, 266. 

_/«j, 18, 19. 

favor libertatis, 82. 

ferae naturae, 167. 

ferruminatio, 178. 

festuca, 59, 90. 

jffc<& /££« Corneliae, 84. 

_/foW bonae negotium, 202. 

fideicommissum, 61. 

fideiussio, 226. 

fiducia, 126. 

y?/« nullius, 113 ; legitimi, 128. 

filiusfamilias, 128 ; position of, in 
public law, 132, 138. 

fiscus, 77. 

flamen Dialis, 126, 130. 

Fragmenta Vaticana, 24, 35. 

Fragmentum de iure fisci, 34 ; ZW- 
theanum, 34 ; A formula Fa- 
biana, 34. 

freedmen, 82, 89, 102, 103. 

freemen, 79. 

fructus = ususfructus, 195. 

fundus, 161. 

furiosus, 112, 113, 155, 263. 

furtum, 232, 233 ; conceptum, 235 ; 
ipsius rei, 233 ; manifestum, 
234, 236 ; 0/te consilio factum, 
233 ; possessionis, 233 ; «s«j, 

furtum sine dolo malo non committi- 
tur, 233. 



Gaius, 32. 

gestio, of guardian, 141 ; negotiorum, 
228 ; pro herede, 283. 

grammatici, exempt from public du- 
ties, 144. 

Greek influence on Twelve Tables, 13. 

guardian, when excused, 143, 144, 
149; in Twelve Tables, 147; 
when guardianship terminates, 
149; of women, 152. 

habitatio, 198. 

heirs, necessary, 282 ; substitution of, 

2 77- . 
heredes, extranei, 273, 279 ; inviti, 

282 ; legitimi, 261 ; necessarii, 
273, 282 ; soli et necessarii, 9 7 ; 
sui t 278 ; vohtntarii, 273, 279. 

heredis institutio, 272. 

hereditas, 259; adita, 260 ; damnosa, 

283 ; delata, 260 ; iacens, 156, 
260 ; legitima, 261 ; testamen- 
taria, 2(ii\. 

Hermodorus, 48. 

hire, 217. 

homo = servus, 157. 

honorarium, not actionable, 225. 

honorarium ius, 16. 

hypotheca, 189. 

impediments to marriage, 114. 
imperium, of consuls, 54 ; of dic- 

tator, 55. 
impuberes, 107, 120; arrogatio of, 


inaedificatio, 169. 

zre bonis, 185. 

incerta persona, 274. 

incestuosi, 113. 

indebiti solutio, 231. 

in factum actio, 247. 

infamia, 119, 151, 223, 228, 253. 

infantes, 120, 139. 

infantia maiores, 120, 139, 150. 

infinitive, subject omitted, 177. 

infitiatio, 244. 

ingenuus, 81. 

inheritance, how divided, 276; divided, 
/«?■ capita, 285 ; ^«- stirpes, 
285 ; «£ intestate, 284. 

z'h integrum restitutio, 121. 

zra iare cessio, 165, 183. 

iniuria, 98, 232, 250 ; atrox, 254. 

iniuriarum actio, 252. 

injury under /«.* Aquilia, 243. 

z'rc mancipio esse, meaning of, 128. 

z're manwn conventio, no, 125, 137. 

inofficiosum testamentum, 280, 282. 

j'» servitute esse, meaning of, 82. 

institor, 226. 

institoria actio, 226. 

Institutes of Gaius, 32 ; of Justinian, 


institutio heredis, 272. 

insula influmine, 169; s« mart, 169. 

inter absenles, 179, 186. 

interdictio aquae et ignis, 137. 

interdictum unde vi, 1 06. 

interpositio auctoritatis, 141. 

inter praesentes, 179, 186. 

interpretation, of jurists, 20 ; as source 
of law, 20, 52. 

intestabiles, 268. 

intestate succession, 284. 

itor, 192, 193. 

iudex, defined, 255. 

iudex qui litem suam facit, 255. 

iudicium, 240; domesticum, 124, 

iumenta, meaning of, 216. 

Iuniani, 89, 269. 

?«nz ;'« r« aliena, 188. 

iurisconsulti, 48, 53. 

iurisprudentia, 49, 72. 

«'«*, Aelianum, 50 ; a/A'as tollendi, 
191 ; altius non extollendi, 191 ; 
aureorum anulorum, 82 ; r«/- 
«> coquendae, 192; civile, 16, 
76, 208, 239, 284; edicendi, 15; 
Flavianum, 19, 50, 64 ; £?«- 
ft«»z, 20, 76, 80, 208 ; honora- 
rium, 16; tn personam, 211, 
228, 232; ?'« ?-<;/«, 204, 211, 
232; Latii, 101 ; luminis im- 
mittendi, 192 ; Papirianum, 
12,46; pascendi, 192; proici- 
endi, 191 ; potestatis, 128 ; 
praetorium, 16 ; respondendi, 
20; trium liberorum, 79; 
utendi, fruendi, 157, 188, 195, 

iustae nuptiae, in. 



jurisprudence, i8. 
Justinian legislation, 24. 

Labeo, 23, 69. 

Latini luniani, 89, 269. 

latio legis, 46. 

law, enactment of, 46 ; publication of, 
47 ; written, unwritten, 74. 

leges regiae, 12, 37. 

/«£•«, remains of, 37. 

legis, actio, 49 ; latio, 46 ; rogatio, 46. 

legitimatio per subsequent matrimo- 
nium, 1 29. 

/««, 1 2, 46 ; Aelia Sentia, 89, 97, 109 ; 
Aquilia, 242, 243, 246, 247; 
Canuleia, 116; Cornelia, 245 ; 
Falcidia, 282 ; Fufia Caninia, 
99 ; Hortensia, $1 ; de imperio, 
52; Julia, 79, 152, 274; /u/ta 
i/e adulter Us, 124; Ta/jVz ate 
maritandis, 116, 154; /m&j ate 
ot, 240; lunia Norbana, 89; 
Papia Poppaea, 79, 152, 274; 
ferlata, 47; perrogata, 47; 
Plaetoria, 121, 140; Valeria, 
47, 54 ; Vellaea, 274 ; <& otV«- 
«"»z« hereditatum, 67 ; Voconia, 
286; Romana Burgundionum, 
30; Romana Visigothorum, 29. 

liber alis causa, 57, 90. 

/«fe-e legitimi, 128; naturalis, 112, 
129; vulgo concepli, 113. 

libertas, as element of .steito, 77, 136, 

libertatis favore, 80. 

liberlinus, 82, 89, 102, 103. 

liber/us, 89 ; orcinus, 92, 102. 

liberum corpus aestimationem non re- 
cipit, 246. 

libripens, 181. 

libri pontificum, 19. 

liciuni, 238. 

/tVf»i suam facere, 255. 

literature, of the classical law, 21 ; 
non-juristic, 38 ; importance 
of text writers, 52, 53. 

litterarum obligatio, 206. 

A'Am maris, 161. 

locatio, 217. 

/o«w religiosus, 1 60. 

/o«£7 temporis possessio, 187. 
luminum servitus, 192. 
lustrum conditum, 91. 

magistratus exlraordinarii, 47. 

maior aetas, 1 20. 

Mancini causa, 87. 

mancipatio, 165, 181. 

mancipia = slaves, 215. 

mancipio, syntax of, 182. 

mancipi res, 163, 164, 181, 185. 

mancipium, 181 ; j» mancipio, 128. 

mandata, imperial, 18, 269. 

mandatum, 224. 

manumissio, 88 ; censu, 91 ; z'« fovte- 

iw'j, 93 ; Jideicommissaria, 92, 

93 ; testamenlo, 91 ; vindicta, 

manumission restricted, 95. 
manus, 88, 1 10, 118, 125; wife z're 

manu, 125. 
maritalis affectio, 1 10, 112. 
marriage, no; conditions of, in ; of 

cousins, 114; dissolution of, 

121; with freedwoman, n6; 

impediments to, 114; «'«/■« 

civilis, III; with infames, 116; 

with wife's sister, 115. 
master and slave, 83, 88, 90. 
materfamilias, 104. 
matrimonium, no; iustum, legiti- 

mum, in. 
media tempora non nocent, 273. 
medici, exempt from public duties, 

mente capti, 156. 
merces, 217. 
missio in bona, 125. 
monstra, disposition of, in Twelve 

Tables, 79. 
war, mores, n. 
mulier familiae suae et caput et finis 

est, 107, 116. 
mutuum, 201. 

nasciturus pro iam nato habetur, 78. 
naturales liber i, 112. 
negotiorum gestio, 228. 
negotium bonaefidei, 202. 



nexum, 201. 

Niebuhr's discovery of Gains, 32. 

nomen, a debt, 207 ; arcarium, 207 ; 

gentilicium, 102 ; transcripti- 

cium, 207. 
nominalio potioris, 143, 145. 
Novellae, 28. 
noxa caput sequitur, 258. 
noxae deditio, 215, 240, 258. 
nuda proprietas, 165, 189, 196. 
nudum pactum, 200, 205. 
nuncupatio, 266. 
nuptiae, no. 
nuptias non concubitus sed consensus 

facit, 118. 

obligations, 199, 200; consensu, 209; 
«jr contractu, 200; yaajz' «.* 
contractu, 200, 228 ; litteris, 
206; «jt maleficio {delicto), 200, 
232; quasi ex maleficio, 201, 
255; re, 201; verbis, 205. 

obsequium, 103. 

occupatio, 166. 

o^/z'r? tutoris, 153. 

wM, 274. 

orcinus libertus, 92, 102. 

pactum nudum, 200, 205. 

painting, as title, 176. 

Pandects, 25. 

Papinian, 22 ; Responsorum Frag- 

menta, 35. 
parens manumissor, 147. 
parentes = male ascendants, 1 12. 
partnership, 220. 
partus sequitur ventrem, 113. 
paterfamilias, 104, 128. 
patria potestas, 89, 107, 127, 129; in 

public law, 132. 
patrimonium, 158. 
patron and freedman, 102. 
Paulus, 22; Sententiae of, 33. 
pauperies, 258. 
peculatus, 234. 
peculium castrense, 263. 
pecunia, in early law, 145, 164; ««- 

merata, 212. 
peregrini, 15, 81, 84; in marriage, 


perfecta aetas, 140. 

periculum rei venditae, 213. 

permulatio, 209. 

persona, 77; alieni iuris, 104, 133, 

137; incerta, 274; j»t iuris, 
• 104, 133, 137, 139. 
pignus, 189, 204. 
pigneraticia actio, 204. 
plantatio, 169. 
plebiscitum, 12, 50, 75. 
plena adoptio, 133; proprietas, 165; 

pubertas, 134. 
plumbatura, 178. 
poena capitalis, 237; iniuriarum, 

252; quadrupli, 236. 
Pomponius, 41. 
pontiffs, custodians of law, 18. 
possessio, meaning of, 186. 
postliminium, 8g, 122, 168. 
postumus, defined, 146 ; alienus, suus, 

potestas vitae necisque, 83, 1 28. 
potion's nominatio, 143, 145. 
praedia rustica, 158, 162 ; stipendia- 

ria, 162, 218 ; tribuiaria, 162, 

218 ; urbana, 158, 162. 
praedial servitudes, 190. 
praedium dominans serviens, 194. 
praedium servit praedio, 194. 
praescriptio, 187. 
praescriptis verbis, 228. 
praesentes, defined, 186. 
praetor fideicommissarius, 61 ; fisca- 

lis, 61 ; peregrinus, 15, 59 ; 
• tutelaris, 148 ; urbanus, 15, 


praetorian edict, 16, 76. 

pre-Justinian Codes, 23 ; constitu- 
tions, 36. 

pretium, 210, 212. 

private documents extant, 38. 

private law, defined, 73 ; sources of, 

probare causam, 109. 

Proculiani, 172. 

prodigus, 155. 

profiteri iuris scientiam, 62. 

promise of marriage, not actionable, 

proprietas, 165. 



prospectus, 192. 
pro tribunali, 90. 
provincial soil, 161. 
proximior, 170. 
puberes, 107; feminae, 153. 
pubertas, 120, 134. 
publicatio, 223; legis, 47. 
public law, defined, 73. 
pupillus, defined, 142. 

qimdruplum, 236, 242. 

quaestio concepti furti per licium, 238. 

querela inqfficiosi testamenti, 280, 282. 

quinquaginta decisiones, 25. 

quinqueviri Cistiberes, 60. 

quod principi placuit leges habet vigo- 

rem, 18. 
y«o</, with infinitive clause, 175. 

rapina, 232, 239. 

religiosus locus, 160. 

renuntiatio, 47. 

repudium, 121, 123; repudii libellus, 

r«, meaning of, 156; ?'» commercio, 
158; communis omnium, 160; 
dominans, 189; divini iuris, 
J 59> furtivae, 187; hostiles, 
168; humani iuris, 159; »zsk- 
ri^?', 163, 164, 181, 185; »?o- 
£z'&r, immobiles, 161, 162; 
nullius, 159, 166, 180; «- 
ligiosa, 159; sacra, 159; w- 
viens, 189; vi possessae, 187. 

?-« accessoria cedit rei principali, 171. 

r«J nullius cedit occupanti, 166. 

res publico = «?-&?, 61. 

rescripta principum, 1 7. 

responsa pontificum, 19; prudentium, 
21, 48. 

restitutio in integrum, 121 ; natalium, 

revocatio in servitutem, 81, 103, 137. 

rhetores, exempt from public duties, 

x 44- . 

rights ?'« personam, in rem, 228. 
risk, of thing hired, 219; in sale, 213. 
rogatio legis, 46 ; populi, 1 35. 
rural servitudes, 190. 

Sabiniani, 172. 

Sabinus, 69. 

sacrilegium, 234. 

sale, 209, 211 ; /?vA'i participandi 

causa, 80, 137. 
ttzft'o, 169. 

satisdatio, of guardian, 149. 
Scaevola, Q. Mucius, Pontifex Maxi- 

mus, 65. 
Scholia Sinaitica, 35. 
seashore, 160. 
senator forbidden to marry freed- 

woman, 116. 
senatus consultum, 51, 75. 
Sententiae of Paulus, 33. 
.wot publici, 265. 
servitudes, 164, 188, 189; praedial, 

190, 194 ; personal, 194. 
servitus = servitium, 105. 
servitus, actus, itineris, viae, 193 ; 

a//«aj tollendi, 191 ; luminum, 

192; officiendi prospeclui, 191 ; 

proiciendi protegendive, 191 ; 

stillicidii, 191 ; Agwi immit- 

tendi, 191 ; «««, 197. 
servitus in faciendo consistere non 

potest, 190. 
servus nullum caput habet; 79, 83, 

servus poenae, 81 ; publicus, 264. 
slavery, 84 ; an institution of ««j 

gentium, 80. 
slaves, 79, 83. 
societas, 220. 
soldiers' wills, 266, 269. 
solum Italicum, 161 ; provinciate, 161. 
solutio, 199. 
sources of Roman law, extant, 30 ; 

postclassical, 23, 35 ; selections 

from, 39 ; for study of, 30. 
spadones, 134. 
specification, 171; how differe from 

accession, 176. 
spondeo, 119. 
sponsalia, 119, 205, 211. 
sponsalicius consensus, not actionable, 

sponsio, 119, 205. 
sponsus, 119. 
spurii, 113. 


Selected texts from the roman Law 

statu liber, 92. 

statute law, 12. 

status, 77, 78, 82 ; of child at birth, 

78, 81, 82. 
stillicidium, 191. 
stipendiarius ager, 162, 218. 
stipulatio, 119, 205. 
subscriptiones, 17. 
subsiitutio heredum, vulgaris, 277 ; 

pupillaris, 278. 
sui heredes, 279 ; of Twelve Tables, 

superficies, 189. 
superficies solo cedit, 167. 
syngrapha, 208. 
Syrio-Roman law, 36. 

tabulae, of wills, 268 ; contra tabulas, 
290; secundum tabulas, 27 1,290. 
tectoria, 189. 

tempus continuum, 242; wrf/tf, 241. 
testamenti factio, 262, 264, 273. 
testamentum, 261 ; calatis comitiis,g2, 

265 ; destitutum, 271, 277 ; »«- 
officiosum, 280 ; «'» procinctu, 

266 ; irritum, 270, 277 ; »«'#- 
rtV, 269 ; ^>- «« «/ libram, 266, 
276 ; ruptum, 270. 

theft, 233. 

thensaurus, 179. 

traditio, 1 65, 1 85. 

transcriptio, 207. 

treasure-trove, 179. 

Tribonian, 24. 

tribuni, plebis, 55 ; consulari potestate, 

tributaria praedia, 162, 218. 

trinoclium, 127. 

triumviri cap/tales, 60. 

tutela, 139; dativa, 145, 148; impu- 
berum, 139, 141, 153; legitima, 
147; mulierum, 139, 141, 153, 
154; patronorum, 147; tetfa- 
mentaria, 147. 

to/or, qualifications of, 141 ; when ex- 
cused, 143; suspectus, 151 ; 
tutoris optio, 153. 

Twelve Tables, 12, 13, 37; malum 
carmen and membrum ruptum 
in, 252. 

Kfo' /« « Gaius, etc., 126. 

Ulpian, 22; Fragments of, 33. 

uncia — T x j of inheritance, 276. 

universitas, 174. 

urban servitudes, 190, 191. 

kj«, as mode of marriage (manus), 

usucapio, 179, 184, 187, 188; in &7«o- 

rum possessio, 289. 
usurpatio, 127. 
«jzw, 118, 122, 127. 
ususfructus, 157, 195; quasi, 196, 
uti legassit super pecunia, 145. 
t<ft7t; arfz'o, 1 76, 247. 
uxor, in manu, no, 125; jmz£ manu, 


Valerius Probus, Mote* f ortf, 34. 
vectigalis ager, 162. 
Velitis, Iubeatis hoc, Quirites, Rogo, 


venditio nummo uno, 212. 

venter = unborn child, 78. 

Verginia, case of, 56. 

vestal virgins,- exempt from tutela, 
152; had testamentary capac- 
ity, 264. 

was, 192, 193. 

vicesima hereditatum, 67. 

vindicalio recta, 177; r«, I73> 177, 

178. 183- 
vindiciae, 56. 

vindicta, manumission by, 90. 
z>w maior, 203. 
votujn, 200. 

wife, z« locofiliae, 1 10, 125 ; »» manu, 
125; has choice oi tutor, 153. 

wild game, 167. 

wills, 261; materials written on, 267; 
when null, 270; praetorian, 
271 ; undutiful, 280, 282; wit- 
nesses to, 268. 

women, cannot adopt, 134; no arro- 
gatio of, 135; guardianship of, 
152; testamentary capacity of, 
264; as tutors, 142. 

written and unwritten law, 74. 

writing as accession (title), 176. 

writings of jurists, 21, 32, 53.