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https://archive.org/details/cu31924022982502
ZOROASTER
THE PROPHET OF ANCIENT IRAN
“The
ZOROASTER
THE PROPHET OF ANCIENT IRAN
BY
A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON
PROFESSOR OF INDO-IRANIAN LANGUAGES
IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
Neto Work
PUBLISHED FOR THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Lrp.
1899
All rights reserved
4
CoPpyYyRiGHT, 1898,
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Norbsood Press
J.S, Cushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith
Norwood Mass. U.S.A.
To
DR. E. W. WEST
AS A MARK OF REGARD
PREFACE
Tus work deals with the life and legend of Zoroaster, the
Prophet of Ancient Iran, the representative and type of the
laws of the Medes and Persians, the Master whose teaching
the Parsis to-day still faithfully follow. It is a biographical
study based on tradition; tradition is a phase of history, and it
is the purpose of the volume to present the picture of Zoroaster
as far as possible in its historic light.
The suggestion which first inspired me to deal with this
special theme came from my friend and teacher, Professor
Geldner of Berlin, at the time when I was a student under
him, ten years ago, at the University of Halle in Germany, and
when he was lecturing for the term upon the life and teachings
of Zoroaster. It was from him that I received my earliest
vivid impression of the historic reality of the Ancient Sage.
The special material for the work, however, has grown out of
my own lectures, delivered several times in the regular uni-
versity curriculum of Columbia. Students who may have
attended the course will perhaps recognize some of the ideas
as discussed with them in the class. As I have had the prepa-
ration of this volume in view for some time, I have naturally
been constantly adding to my material or collecting new facts
to throw light on the subject. It is the aim of the book to
bring together all that is generally known at the present time,
either from history or from tradition, about this religious
teacher of the East.
Our knowledge of Zoroaster has been greatly augmented
from the traditional side, during the past few years, especially
through the translations made by Dr. West from the Pahlavi
texts. This mass of Zoroastrian patristic literature tends
vii
viii PREFACE
largely to substantiate much that was formerly regarded as
somewhat legendary or uncertain. This has resulted in plac-
ing actual tradition on a much firmer basis and in making
Zoroaster seem a more real and living personage. It is the
object of the book to bring out into bolder relief historically
the figure of this religious leader. In emphasizing more
especially the reality of the great Master’s life instead of
elaborating the more mythical views of Zarathushtra which
prevailed not so long ago, I may, in the judgment of some,
have gone too far on the side of realism. But if I have done
so, it seems to me that this is a fault at least in the right
direction if we may forecast the future from the present. I
can but feel that the old writers, like Anquetil du Perron,
were nearer the truth in certain of their views of Zoroaster,
than has sometimes been supposed. In taking a position so
much in accord with tradition with regard to Zarathushtra I
might adopt the plea which the old Armenian annalist, Moses of
Khorene, employs in another connection: ‘there may be much
that is untrue in these stories, there may be much that is
true; but to me, at least, they seem to contain truth.’ I may
only add that in general where there is so much smoke there
must also be fire, and in the book I hope that others may
discern some sparks of the true flame amid the cloud.
As to the arrangement of material and the form of the work,
I have sought to make the first half of the volume more general;
the second half I have allowed to be more technical. The story
of the life and ministry of the Prophet is told in twelve chap-
ters; the more critical discussion of mooted points is reserved
for the Appendixes. The general reader may also omit all notes
at the bottom of the pages.
In respect to the spelling of proper names the plan has gener-
ally been, in the case of Zoroaster, to employ Zarathushtra,
Zarattisht, or Zardusht, respectively, if it seemed necessary at
any point to indicate the special sources from which I was
drawing or to distinguish between Avestan, Pahlavi, and Modern
PREFACE ix
Persian. I have otherwise called the Prophet by his more
familiar name of Zoroaster. The same holds true of his patron
Vishtaspa, Vishtasp, Gushtasp, and of other ancient names.
I have furthermore aimed at giving authority for all statements
that I have made, as the abundant references to the original
sources and the citations will show.
With regard to indebtedness, I have always tried to give
credit to my predecessors and fellow-workers in the field; a
glance at the footnotes, I think, will prove this. Each of those
to whom I am under obligation will best recognize my in-
debtedness, and will best be aware of my appreciation. I
should like to have referred also to Professor Tiele’s latest
book, which deals with the religion of Iran, because some
twenty of its interesting pages are devoted to Zarathushtra ;
it arrived after my work was all printed, so I have been able
only to add the title in my bibliographical list on p. xv, and
to draw attention to the points which are of importance in
connection with the present subject. Furthermore, in various
parts of my volume I have made acknowledgment to several
friends for kind aid which they have readily given on special
points, and which I shall gratefully remember.
I now wish to express to the Trustees of the Columbia
University Press my appreciation of their encouragement
given to me to carry out the work; and I desire especially
to thank President Seth Low for the personal interest he
has taken in the book from the beginning, and to acknow-
ledge the kind helpfulness of Dean Nicholas Murray Butler
in all matters of detail. The Macmillan Company, likewise,
have been constantly ready to meet my wishes in every re-
gard; and I owe my thanks also to the printing firm of
Messrs. Cushing and Company, to their compositors and
their proof-readers, for their careful and prompt despatch of
the work.
But beside these acknowledgments there remain two friends
to mention, who come in for a large share of remembrance.
x PREFACE
These are my two pupils, Mr. Louis H. Gray, Fellow in Indo-
Iranian Languages in Columbia University, and Mr. Mont-
gomery Schuyler, Jr., a member of the class of 1899 in the
College, who has been studying Sanskrit and Avestan for
the last two years. Since the first proof-sheets arrived, these
two generous helpers have been unflagging in their zeal and
willingness to contribute, in any way that they could, to giv-
ing accuracy to the book. Mr. Gray’s indefatigable labor and
scholarly acumen are especially to be seen in Appendix V., the
completeness of which is due to his untiring readiness to pur-
sue the search farther for texts that might hitherto have
escaped notice ; and to Mr. Schuyler’s hand is owed many a
happy suggestion that otherwise would have been lacking in
the book, and more than one correction that without his aid
might have been overlooked. To both of these scholars I wish
to express my thanks; and I feel that they also will recall
with pleasure the happy hours spent together in work as
chapter after chapter came from the printer’s hand. Forsan
et haec olim meminisse juvabtt.
And now I send the book forth, hoping that in some meas-
ure it may contribute to a more general knowledge of this Sage
of the Past, the Persian Prophet of old, the forerunner of
those Wise Men of the East who came and bowed before the
majesty of the new-born Light of the World.
A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON.
CotumsB1a UNIVERSITY,
IN THE City oF NEw Yorg,
October, 1898.
LIST OF WORKS CONNECTED WITH THE SUBJECT
OR MOST OFTEN CONSULTED
[The other books which have been referred to are given with their titles as occasion
arises to quote from them or to refer to them. The present list is therefore
very abridged.]
Anquetil du Perron. Zend-Avesta, Ouvrage de Zoroastre. Tome I. 1, 2 et
Tome II. Paris, 1771.
‘Vie de Zoroastre’ (i. Part 2, pp. 1-70) ; very important. German translation
by Kleuker, Zend-Avesta, Thl. 3, pp. 1-48; excerpts in English by K. E. Kanga.
Bombay, 1876.
Avesta. The Sacred Books of the Parsis. Edited by Karl F. Geldner.
Stuttgart, 1885-1896.
All Avestan references are made to this edition except in the case of Yashts
22-24, for which Westergaard’s edition was used. The Fragments are found in
Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, iii. 1-166.
Ayuso, F.G. Los Pueblos Iranios y Zoroastro. Madrid, 1874.
This volume of studies shows sympathy for tradition. Z. born in the west
(p. 7); his date is placed in the Vedic Period, B.c..2000-1800 (p. 14, ef. pp. 147-
149), but confused used by tr tradition ¥ with ¢ another. Z. who lived abot 00 (p. 15).
Brisson, Barnabé. Barnabae Brissonii, De Regio Persarum Principatu Libri
Tres. Argentorati, 1710 (orig. ed. 1590).
Consult especially the full indexes at the end of the edition.
Dabistan. The Dabistan, or School of Manners. Translated from the Origi-
nal Persian. By Shea and Troyer. 3 vols. Paris, 1843.
Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana. Geiger’s Civilization of the Eastern Iranians
in Ancient Times. Translatedfromthe German. (Ostiranische Kultur.)
2 vols. London, 1885-1886.
Contains also a translation of Spiegel’s Essay on Gushtasp and Zoroaster
(from Eranische Alterthumskunde).
xi
xii LIST OF WORKS
— Zarathushtra in the Gathas and in the Greek and Roman classics.
Translated from the German of Drs. Geiger and Windischmann, with
Notes and an Appendix. Leipzig, 1897.
See also Windischmann and Geiger.
Darmesteter, James. The Zend Avesta. Translated. Sacred Books of the
East, vols. iv., xxiii. Oxford, 1880, 1883, and vol. iv. in second ed.,
1895.
Darmesteter, J. Le Zend Avesta, Traduction nouvelle avec Commentaire
historique et philologique. 3 vols. Paris, 1892-1893. (Annales du
Musée Guimet, xxi., xxii., xxiv.)
This valuable work has been constantly consulted on points relating to the
Avesta.
Dasatir. The Desatir, or Sacred Writings of the Ancient Persian Prophets
in the Original Tongue; together with the Ancient Persian Version
and Commentary of the Fifth Sasan. Published by Mulla Firuz Bin
Kaus. An English translation. 2 vols. Bombay, 1818.
Dosabhai Framji Karaka. History of the Parsis. 2 vols. London, 1884.
Especially vol. 2, chap. 2, pp. 146-164.
Duncker, M. History of Antiquity. English translation by E. Abbott.
Vol. 5. London, 1881.
Firdausi. See Shah Namah.
Geiger, Wilhelm. Das Yatkar-i Zariran und sein Verhiltnis zum Sah-name.
Sitzb. der philos. philol. und histor. Cl. d. k. bayer. Ak. d. Wiss., 1890.
Bd. ii. Heft 1, pp. 43-84. Miinchen, 1890.
— Ostiranische Kultur im Altertum. Erlangen, 1882.
English transl. by Darab D. P. Sanjana. See above.
Geiger. Zarathushtra in den Gathas. A Discourse. Translated by Darab
D. P. Sanjana.
See above.
Geldner, K. F. Article ‘Zoroaster.’ Encyclopedia Britannica, xxiv., 820-823
(9th ed.), 1888. Also forthcoming article, ‘Persian Religion,’ in
Encyclopedia Biblica, ed. Cheyne and Black (read in manuscript).
Gottheil, R. J. H. References to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic Literature.
In Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler, New York, 1894.
pp. 24-51 (Columbia University Press).
Very useful and constantly referred to.
Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Hrsg. von W. Geiger und E. Kuhn.
Strassburg, 1896—.
LIST OF WORKS xiii
Harlez, C. de. Avesta, Livre Sacré du Zoroastrisme. Traduit du Texte
Zend. 2meéd. Paris, 1881.
Valuable Introduction; Chap. IL., pp. xviii. —xxxii., ‘Zoroastre.’
Haug, M. Essays on the Parsis. Third ed. Edited and enlarged by
KE. W. West. London, 1884.
Especially Essay IV.
Holty, A. Zoroaster und sein Zeitalter. Liineburg, 1836.
Horn, P. Die Reiche der Meder und Perser. (Geschichte und Kultur. Die
Religion Zoroaster’s.) Hellwalds Kulturgeschichte. 4 Auflage, Bd. i.
301-332. 1897.
Hovelacque, A. L’Avesta, Zoroastre et le Mazdéisme. Paris, 1880.
Sketch of Zoroaster, pp. 134-149.
Hyde, T. Historia Religionis veterum Persarum eorumque Magorum.
Oxon. 1700.
A fund of information. Citations after this first edition.
Justi, Ferd. Die ilteste iranische Religion und ihr Stifter Zarathustra. In
Preussische Jahrbiicher. Bd. 88, pp. 55-86, 231-262. Berlin, 1897.
—— Handbuch der Zendsprache. Leipzig, 1864.
— [Iranisches Namenbuch. Marburg, 1895.
Consulted on all proper names.
Kanga, Kavasji Edalji. Extracts from Anquetil du Perron’s Life and Re-
ligion of Zoroaster. Translated from the French. Bombay, 1876.
(Commercial Press.)
Kleuker, J. F. Zend-Avesta, Zoroasters Lebendiges Wort. 1 Bd., 3 Thle.,
und 2 Bde., 5 Thle. Riga, 1776-1783.
Translated from the French of Anquetil du Perron. The ‘ Anhinge’ contain
valuable material from the classics and other sources. Often consulted.
Ménant, Joachim. Zoroastre. Essai sur la Philosophie Religieuse de la
Perse. 2™¢éd. Paris, 1857.
General in character.
Meyer, Ed. Geschichte des Alterthums. Erster Band. Stuttgart, 1884.
Mills, L. H. A Study of the Five Zarathushtrian (Zoroastrian) Gathas, with
texts and translations. Oxford and Leipzig, 1892-1894.
Always consulted on points relating to the Pahlavi version of the Gathas.
See also SBE. xxxi.
xiv LIST OF WORKS
Mirkhond. History of the Early Kings of Persia. Translated from the
original Persian, by Shea. London, 1832.
Especially pp. 263-337.
Mohl. See Shah Namah.
Miiller, F. Max. Ed. Sacred Books of the East. Oxford.
Especially the translations by E. W. West, Darmesteter, Mills.
Noldeke, Th. Persische Studien, IJ. Sitzb. d. k. Ak. d. Wiss. in Wien, phil.
hist. Cl. Bd. cxxvi. 1-46. Wien, 1892.
Oldenberg, Hermann. Zarathushtra. Deutsche Rundschau, xiv. Heft 12,
pp. 402-437, September, 1898.
Asketch interestingly written. It arrived too late to be referred to in the
body of the book. On p. 409 of his article, Professor Oldenberg_gives ¢ expres-_
sion to his view of Z.’s date, which he says, however, is ‘merely a subjective
estimate,’ ‘placing | Zoroaster about.B.c, 900-800, without discussing the question.
Pastoret, M. de. Zoroastre, Confucius, et Mahomet. Seconde éd. Paris,
1788.
Like Brisson, Hyde, and other old writers, this briefly notes some of the
material accessible at the time. Seldom consulted.
Ragozin, Zénaide A. The Story of Media, Babylon, and Persia. (Story of
the Nations Series.) New York, 1888.
Rapp. Die Religion und Sitte der Perser und iibrigen Iranier nach den
griechischen und rémischen Quellen. ZDMG. xix. 1-89; xx. 49-204.
Translated into English by K.R. Cama. Bombay, 1876-1879.
Shah Namah. Firdusii Liber Regium qui inscribitur Shah Name, ed. Vul-
lers (et Landauer). Tom. 3. Lugd. 1877-1884.
—— Le Livre des Rois par Abou’] Kasim Firdousi, traduit et commenté
par Jules Mohl. 7 vols. Paris, 1876-1878.
Quotations are based on this translation.
— The Shah Nameh of the Persian Poet Firdausi. Transl. and
abridged in prose and verse. By James Atkinson. London and New
York, 1886. (Chandos Classics.)
Especially pp. 246-313. See also Néldeke, Grundriss, ii. 207 n. 6.
Spiegel, Fr. Avesta, die heiligen Schriften der Parsen. Uebersetzt. 3 Bde.
Leipzig, 1852-1863.
—— Ueber das Leben Zarathustra’s, in Sitzb. der kgl. bayer. Akad. der
Wiss. zu Miinchen, 5, January, 1867, pp. 1-92. Mtinchen, 1867.
Most of this monograph is incorporated into Spiegel’s following book.
LIST OF WORKS xv
—— Eranische Alterthumskunde. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1871-1878.
The chapter entitled ‘Die letzten Kaianier und Zarathushtra’ (Bd. i. 659-724),
is important here, and is accessible in English by Darab D. P. Sanjana. See
above.
Tiele, C.P. De Godsdienst van Zarathustra, van haar ontstaan in Baktrié
tot den val van het Oud-Perzische Rijk. Haarlem, 1864.
— Geschiedenis van den Godsdienst. Amsterdam, 1876.
— lets over de Oudheid van het Avesta. Mededeelingen der K. Ak.
van Wetenschappen, xi., 3de R., pp. 364-383. Amsterdam, 1895.
Does not accept Darmesteter’s view as to late origin of the Avesta; finds
traces of Zoroastrianism in the first half of the seventh century B.c.
— Geschichte der Religion im Altertum bis auf Alexander den Grossen.
Deutsche autorisierte Ausgabe von G. Gehrich. 11 Band. Die Reli-
gion bei den iranischen Vélkern. Erste Hilfte, pp. 1-187. Gotha, 1898.
This excellent volume dealing with the religion of Iran arrived too late to
quote from or to mention except here in the Preface, because the rest of my book
was already in the press. I should otherwise certainly have referred to such
pages in the work as bear upon Zoroaster, for example the following: pp. 37-38,
Gaotema is not identified with Buddha, but rather with the Vedic sage (cf. pp.
177-178 of the present volume) ; p. 49, age of the Avesta, the oldest passages of
the Younger Avesta, according to Professor Tiele, are to be placed not much —
dater than B.c. 800, a although ‘they were ‘not necessarily” at that time in their
present form of redaction; p.54, allusions to Phraortes and Kyaxares; p. 54,
pcan kingdom; p. 92, Zoroaster in the Gathas; p. 98, al-
lusions to Z.’s name and its meaning; pp. 99-107, question as to his historical,
legendary, or mythical existence; p. 121, the cradle of the Zoroastrian reform
is to be sought in the north and. northwest of. of ‘Tran, _ whence it spre d_prob-
‘ably first toward the east and southeast of Bactria, ev even as far as India ; thence | 7
to the south into to Media E Proper an ‘and Persia,
Vullers, J. A. Fragmente iiber die Religion des Zoroaster, aus dem Per-
sischen iibersetzt. Bonn, 1831.
Notes useful.
West, E. W. Pahlavi Texts translated. Parts 1, 2,3, 4,5. Sacred Books
of the East, ed. F. Max Miiller, vols. v., xviii., xxiv., xxxvii., xlvii.
Constantly used. Pahlavi quotations in translation are from these volumes.
Wilson, John. The Parsi Religion: as contained in the Zand-Avasta. Bom-
bay, 1843.
The Appendix contains a translation of the Zartusht-Namah by E. B. East-
wick. Often quoted.
Windischmann, Fr. Zoroastrische Studien. Abhandlungen, hrsg. von Fr.
Spiegel. Berlin, 1863.
Valuable material; excerpts accessible now also in English translation by
Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana. Often consulted.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
PAGE
Zoroaster’s Position among Early Religious Teachers — Zoroaster and
Buddha— Plan and Scope of the Present Work — Zoroaster as a
Historical Personage — Sources of Information — Zagoaster in
the Classics — Conclusion 3 1-9
CHAPTER II
FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER
THE LINEAGE OF THE MASTER
Introduction — Zoroaster an Iranian—The Name Zoroaster (Zara-
thushtra), its Form and its Meaning — The Date of Zoroaster —
His Native Place — Zoroaster’s Ancestry and his Family; Gene-
alogies— Conclusion . . S1 4 2 SAR gl hy 10-22
CHAPTER III
EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION
THE LIFE OF THE PROPHET UNTIL THE AGE OF THIRTY
Introduction — Prophecies of the Coming of Zoroaster, and the Mira-
cles before his Birth — Birth and Childhood of Zoroaster accord-
ing to Tradition — Zoroaster’s Youth and Education — Period of
Religious Preparation—Conclusion . . . . . 23-35
xvii
Xvili CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV
THE REVELATION
‘ ZOROASTER’S SEVEN VISIONS AND THE FIRST TEN YEARS
OF THE RELIGION
PAGE
Introductory Survey — Sources of Information and what we gather
from them —‘The Revelation’— First Vision, Conference with
Ahura Mazda—Second Vision, Vohu Manah — Scenes and Cir-
cumstances of the Remaining Visions and Conferences with the
Archangels — The Temptation of Zoroaster — Maidhyoi-Maonha,
his First Disciple— Conclusion. ; ; : ; F 36-55
CHAPTER V
TRIUMPH
THE CONVERSION OF KING VISHTASPA IN THE TWELFTH
YEAR OF THE FAITH
Introduction — Zoroaster seeks Vishtaspa— Meeting between Zara-
tusht and Vishtasp— Zaratusht disputes with the Wise Men —
Conspiracy against him; his Imprisonment— The Episode of
the Black Horse — Complete Conversion of Vishtasp — Coming
of the Archangels — Vishtasp’s Vision — Conclusion . ‘ 56-68
CHAPTER VI
THE COURT OF VISHTASPA AND ITS CONVERSION
THE GATHAS OR ZOROASTRIAN PSALMS
Zoroaster’s Patron Vishtaspa— Romantic Story of his Youth — Influ-
ence of Vishtaspa’s adopting the New Faith — Members of Vish-
taspa’s Court; Immediate Conversions; Living Personalities in
the Gathis —Other Members of the Court Circle converted —
Conclusion. “ ‘ é : : < i : 4 69-79
CONTENTS xix
CHAPTER VII
PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL
EARLY RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA
PAGE
Introduction, the Cypress of Kishmar— Conversions more Numerous;
Spread of the Gospel; Early Religious Propaganda — Spread of
the Religion in Iran—Some Conversions in Turan — Averred
Conversions of Hindus — Story of the Brahman ‘Cangranghacah’
—The Hindu Sage ‘Bids’—Fabled Greek Conversions — Did
Zoroaster visit Babylon ? — Conclusion ; > oe ; 80-92
CHAPTER VIII
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION
THE NEXT FEW YEARS OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY
Introduction— Record of a Noteworthy Conversion— Tradition of
Zoroaster’s Healing a Blind Man — Question of Zoroaster’s
Scientific Knowledge — Other Items of Interest, Incidents, and
Events — The Sacred Fires—Conclusion . ‘ - . 98-101
CHAPTER IX
THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
THE LAST TWENTY YEARS OF ZOROASTER’S LIFE
Introduction — Religious Warfare in the Avesta— Arejat-aspa, or
Arjasp and the Holy Wars— Outbreak of Hostilities; Causes
and Dates — Arjasp’s Ultimatum — His First Invasion; the Holy
War begins — Arjasp’s Army and its Leaders — Vishtasp’s Army
and its Commanders— Battles of the First War— Isfendiar as
Crusader, and the Following Events — Arjasp’s Second Invasion ;
the Last Holy War—Summary . ‘ ‘ : . 102-123
xX CONTENTS
CHAPTER X&
THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER
THE END OF A GREAT PROPHETIC CAREER
PAGE
Introduction — Greek and Latin Accounts of Zoroaster’s Death by
Lightning or a Flame from Heaven — The Iranian Tradition of
his Death at the Hand of an Enemy—Conclusion . - 124-132
CHAPTER XI
THE SEQUENCE OF EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH
THE LATER FORTUNE OF THE FAITH
Introductory Statements; the Course of Events — The First Ten Years
after Zoroaster’s Death — Evidence of Further Spread of the Re-
ligion — Death of the First Apostles— Later Disciples and Suc-
cessors — Prophecies and Future Events—Summary . - 183-189
CHAPTER XII
CONCLUSION
Brief Résumé of Zoroaster’s Life — General Deductions, Summary and
Conclusion . . . . .). » 6 6 ~~) 140-148
APPENDIX I
SUGGESTED EXPLANATIONS OF ZOROASTER'S NAMB
Short Sketch of the Principal Etymologies or Explanations of Zoro-
aster’s Name that have been suggested from Ancient Times down
to the Present . é : 3 ‘ . . . . - 147-149
CONTENTS Xxi
APPENDIX II
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER
PAGE
Introduction — First, a Discussion of those References that assign to
Zoroaster the Extravagant Date of s.c. 6000—Second, Allu-
sions that connect his Name with Ninus and Semiramis — Third,
the Traditional Date which places the Era of Zoroaster’s Teach-
ing at Some Time during the Sixth Century B.c.— Conclusion 150-178
APPENDIX III
DR. WEST’S TABLES OF ZOROASTRIAN CHRONOLOGY
A Series of Tables of Zoroastrian Chronology deduced by West basing
his Calculations upon the Millennial System of the Bindahishn 179-181
APPENDIX IV ‘+’
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE AND THE SCENE OF HIS MINISTRY
Introduction — Classical References as to Zoroaster’s Native Place —
The Oriental Tradition — Discussion as to whether Eastern Iran
or Western Iran is rather to be regarded as the Scene of Zoro-
aster’s Ministry —{General Summary | a {8 2 SY . 182-225
APPENDIX V
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME
Passages in Greek and Latin Authors in which Zoroaster’s Name is
mentioned or Some Statement is made regarding him— The So-
called Zoroastrian Logia or Oracles . . . «. . 226-273
APPENDIX VI
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN VARIOUS OTHER OLDER
LITERATURES
Armenian Allusions — Chinese Allusions — Syriac, Arabic, and Other
Mohammedan or Persian References — Icelandic Allusion . 274-287
xxii CONTENTS
APPENDIX Vil
NOTES ON SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT
ZOROASTER
PAGE
A Syriac Tradition of an Image of Zaradusht — Mention of a Picture
in the Fire-Temple at Yezd — Reproduction of an Idealized Por-
trait— The Takht-i Bostan Sculpture, Discussion — Other Sup-
posed Representations . . : : : . . - 288-294
INDEX . 7 é P : é ‘ 5 é ‘ - - 295-316
Map anv Key ‘ : i z ‘ 3 s 3 E . 3817-318
ABBREVIATIONS
[Chiefly titles of Zoroastrian texts]
= American Journal of Se-
mitic Languages (for-
merly Hebraica).
AY. = Avesta, ed. Geldner.
AJSL.
BB. = Bezzenberger’s Beitriage.
Bd. = Bindahishn (SBE. v. 1-
151).
Byt. = Bahman Yasht (SBE. v.
189-235).
Dab. = Dabistan (tr. Shea and
Troyer).
Dat. = Datistan-1 Dinik (SBE.
xviii. 1-276).
Dk. = Dinkart (SBE. xxxvii.
1-397, 406-418; xlvii.
1-130).
JAOS. =Journal American Ori-
ental Society.
JRAS. = Journal Royal Asiatic So-
ciety.
KZ. = Kuhn’s Zeitschrift.
Mkh. = Mainég-i Khirat (SBE.
xxiv. 1-118).
Ms., Mss. = Manuscript, manuscripts.
OIK. = Geiger, Ostiranische Kul-
tur.
PAOS. =Proceedings American
Oriental Society.
Pers. = Persian.
Phi. = Pahlavi.
SBE. = Sacred Books of the East.
Ed. F. Max Miiller.
Sd. = Sad-dar (SBE. xxiv. 253-
361).
Shg. = Shikand-gimanik Vijar
(SBE. xxiv. 115-251).
SBN. = Shah Namah.
Sls. = Shayast li-shayast (SBL.
v. 237-406).
Skt. = Sanskrit.
Vd. = Vendidad.
Vij. = Vijirkart-i Dinik.
Vsp. = Visperad.
Ys. = Yasna.
Yt. = Yasht.
YZ. = Yatkar-1 Zaririn (iiber-
setzt von Geiger).
Z. = Zoroaster.
Zsp. = Selections of Zat-sparam
(SBE. v. 153-187 and
xlvii. 181-170).
ZtN. = Zartusht Namah (in Wil-
son’s Parsi Religion).
ant. = ancient.
cf. = confer, compare.
ed. = edited by, editor.
@g. =exempli gratia, for ex-
ample.
i.e. = id est, that is.
1.11. = line, lines.
u. = note.
op. cit. = opuscitatum, work quoted
from.
orig. = original.
P. pp. = page, pages.
prob. = probably.
qu. = query, question.
seq. =sequens, and the follow-
ing.
tom. = tomus, volume.
tr. transl. = translated, translation.
vol. = volume.
xxiii
ZORO ASTER
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
elré ydp pot, dia Th rdv Zwpodorpny éxetvov kal roy Zduonrkev obde e&
dvouaros taaccy ob moddol, maANov dé ode Tives wAHY SAlLywr Tivdy.
—TIouannes Curysostomos.
ZOROASTER’S PosiTioON AMONG EARLY RELIGIOUS TEACHERS — ZOROASTER AND
BuppHa — Pian anp SCOPE OF THE PRESENT WoRK — ZOROASTER AS A
HisroricaL Personace — Sources or InFORMATION— ZOROASTER IN THE
Cuiassics — CONCLUSION
Zoroaster’s Position among Early Religious Teachers. —
Among the early religious teachers of the East, if we leave
out the great founders of Judaism and of Christianity, the
name of Zarathushtra, or Zoroaster, the Persian sage and
prophet of ancient Iran, is entitled to hold one of the most
distinguished places. To Zoroaster is due the same rank,
the same respect, the same reverential regard that is due
to such seekers after light as Buddha, Confucius, Socrates.
Even some of the great thoughts of Christianity may be
found to have e been “voiced likewise by Zoroaster —a fact
which cannot but be of interest — although it belongs else-
where to discuss the ‘possibility or impossibility of any closer
or more distant bonds of connection between Judaism and
Christianity and the faith of ancient Iran. (Between India
and Iran, however, a natural connection and kinship is
acknowledged; and owing to the importance of Buddhism
as a contrasted faith, a brief parallel between the teachings
B 1
2 INTRODUCTION
of Zoroaster and the doctrines of Buddha may be drawn by
way of introduction.
Both these prophets were filled with a spiritual zeal for
relieving a people and ameliorating their condition; both of
them were inspired with a righteous hope of bettering their
peoples’ lives and of redeeming them from misery and sin; and
both men became founders of religious faiths. The end and
aim in both cases was in general alike; but the nature of the
two minds and of the creeds that were developed shows some
marked and characteristic, if not radical, differences. The
faith of Buddha is the more philosophical; the faith of Zoro-
aster, the more theological. Buddha’s doctrine is a creed
rather of renunciation, quietism, and repose; Zoroaster’s creed
is a law of struggle, action, and reform. India’s so-called
Prophet Prince is overwhelmed with the wretchedness of
human existence, an existence from which the sole release is
absorption into Nirvana; Persia’s Sage is equally cognizant of
the existence of woe, but it is no world-woe without hope of
triumphant domination. The misery which Zoroaster acknow-
ledges to exist is due to an Evil Principle against whom man
must struggle all his life and fight the good fight which will
bring final victory and will win joys eternal at the resurrection
Nevertheless, as a faith in reality, Buddha’s belief had in it
more of the elements of a universal religion; Zoroaster’s faith,
as Geldner has said, possessed rather the elements of a national
religion. {lillions of human souls still take refuge in Buddha;
the faithful followers that bear the name of Zoroaster to-day do
not number a hundred thousand. In making such a compari-
son, however, with regard to the relative proportion between
the two faiths in the matter of present adherents we must not
forget that national events and external changes in the world’s
history have contributed as much to this apparent dispropor-
tion as any inherent and essential difference between the
nature of the two creeds has done,)
So much may be said by way of bringing Zoroaster into con-
ZOROASTER AS A HISTORICAL PERSONAGE 3
trast with the founder of the Indian religion that came after
his own; and as recent discoveries have thrown so much light
upon Buddha’s life, and archaeological finds have contributed
so much to substantiating traditions that long have been famil-
iar but were not always estimated at their true value, it seems
worth while to take up the subject of Zoroaster’s life anew and
to ascertain all that we are in a position just now to find out
regarding it. The purpose therefore of the following pages is
to gather as much material as is accessible at present for illus-
trating the life and legend of the Prophet of Ancient Iran, and
this will be done with special reference to tradition.
(Zoroaster as _a_ Historical Personage. — Before proceeding
to details with regard to the prophetic teacher of Iran, one
point must be emphasized at the outset, and an opinion must
definitely be expressed; this is with reference to the ques-
tion raised as to whether Zoroaster be a historical person-
age, a real figure whose individuality is indelibly stamped
upon the religion of Persia of old. An affirmative answer
must be given, for Zoroaster 7s a historical character. This
point is emphasized because it is not so long ago that
advanced scholarship for a time cast a cloud of doubt
over the subject;1 but happily the veil of myth is now
dispelled. Scholars are generally agreed that although legend
or fable may have gathered about the name of the prophet
of ancient Iran, the figure of the great reformer, never-
theless, ‘stands out clearly enough to be recognized in its
general ‘outlines; and sufficient data for his life can be col-
Oxford, 1880). For the historical side
of the question see Geldner, ‘ Zoroas-
1 Among other references noted by
Spiegel, Eranische Alterthumskunde,
i. 708n., mention may be made of
Kern, Over het Woord Zarathustra en
den mythischen Persoon van dien Naam
(1867); observe also Spiegel’s remark
in Die arische Periode, § 48, p. 299
(Leipzig, 1887) ; and especially the late
lamented Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta,
Part i. Introd. pp. 76-79 (SBE. iv.
ter’ Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th ed.
xxiv. 820, and consult Spiegel, HA. i.
707-708, and recently, with emphasis,
in ZDMG. lii. 198. Darmesteter later
expressed himself more cautiously, see
Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 75 seq. (Paris,
1893), and Zend-Avesta, Introd. p. 68,
§ 10, 2d ed. (SBE. iv. Oxford, 1896).
4 INTRODUCTION
lected to enable one to give a clear and correct idea of his
personality and individuality.1/ There are parts, it is true,
in every great man’s life regarding which nothing is known
(one has only to think of the Shakspere-Bacon controversy);
and in the case of all early teachers’ lives there are many
lacune to be filled. The broken fragments of the statue
are sometimes separated so far that we cannot find many
of the missing chips, and we must be content to piece the
parts imperfectly together. Caution must necessarily be
used in such restorations. The existence of legend, fable, and
even of myth, may be admitted in dealing with Zoroaster’s life ;
some apocryphal literature is acknowledged to have grown up
about the hallowed Messiah of Christianity;? but the shadowy
substance gathered about the figure of Zoroaster must not be
allowed to shroud and obscure his true personality. Cautious
we must be, conservative we must be, yet not so far as to
exclude a willingness to recognize characteristic traits and
features, or to define more sharply objects and forms whose
outlines are now and then somewhat dimly presented. In the
present research an attempt will be made frankly to give warn-
ing where points are doubtful; and difficult as it is at this
remote day, an endeavor will be made fairly and impartially to
distinguish between fiction on the one hand and underlying
facts on the other, so far as they may be looked upon as reason-
ably certain, presumable, or plausible. The achievement un-
doubtedly falls far short of the aim in the present monograph ;
and some will feel that too much weight is given to traditional
statements ; but in the absence of other authority we have at
least these to turn to; and the purpose is to lay these down
for reference and for judgment. After this prefatory note has
been given, attention may now be directed to the sources of
our knowledge in antiquity respecting the life and legend of
Zoroaster as a historical personage.
1See especially Dr. E. W. West in 2See Apocryphal New Testament,
SBE. xlvii. Introd. pp. ‘29-30 (Ox- London, 1820.
ford, 1897). :
SOURCES OF INFORMATION ABOUT ZOROASTER’S LIFE 5
Sources of Information about Zoroaster’s Life. — The data for
reconstructing an outline of the life of the great reformer may
be conveniently classified, first (1) as Iranian, second (2) as
non-Iranian. Naturally the various sources are not all of equal
importance ; yet each has a certain intrinsic value.
Among (1) the Iranian sources of information the Avesta,
of course, stands foremost in importance as the material with
which to begin; and in the Avestan Gathas, or Psalms, Zoro-
aster is personally presented as preaching reform or teaching
a new faith. The entire Pahlavi literature serves directly to
supplement the Avesta, somewhat as the patristic literature of
the Church Fathers serves to supplement the New Testament.
Especially valuable is the material in the Pahlavi Dinkart and
the Selections of Zat-sparam, material which has been made
anes by Dr. =: Ww. West in his ‘Marvels of Zoroastri-
Without West's 3 ae many of the cine pases ould to
have been written. Of similar character, as paced chiefly 1 upon
OF 2opc4
these two sources, is the later Persian Zartusht Namah, which
Gushtasp _ a Vishtaspa)2. Some other ‘Parsi. “works and tradi-
tional literature may be included in the list, but these will be
mentioned as occasion arises in the course of the investiga-
tion. Zoroaster is not mentioned in the Ancient Persian
Inscriptions, but the silence may be accounted for.
1See Eastwick’s translation in Firdausi says he has incorporated into
Wilson, The Parsi Religion, pp. 477-
522, Bombay, 1843. Consult West in
Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 122;
SBE. xvii. Introd. pp. 20-24.
2 Firdausi expressly states that the
portion of his chronicle which relates
to Zoroaster (Zardusht) is derived from
his own poetic predecessor, Dakiki,
who was cruelly murdered when he
had sung but a thousand verses. These
the Shah Namah. Scholars are gener-
ally inclined to accept the truth of the
statement. See Néldeke in Grundriss
der tran. Philol. ii. 147-150.
3 West, The Modern Persian Zoro-
astrian Literature, Grundriss der iran.
Philol. ii. 122-129, and Spiegel, Die tra-
ditionelle Literatur der Parsen (Wien,
1860).
6 INTRODUCTION
(2) The non-Iranian sources are either (@) Classical_or _
(o) Oriental. The latter include especially the allusions to
Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic literature! as well as some
Armenian references and other incidental mentions.? In point
of antiquity the classical references, as a rule, rank next to the
Avesta; and these allusions, even though they are foreign, are
often of real importance, as they serve to check or to substan-
tiate results which are based upon various authorities. The
Appendixes to the present volume will render most of this
material easily accessible.
Zoroaster in the Classics.4— All classical antiquity is agreed
on the point that Zoroaster was a historical personage, even
though his figure was somewhat indistinct in the eyes of these
ancient authors. To the writers of Greece and Rome he was
the arch-representative of the Magi;* and he sometimes seems
to be more famous for the magic arts which are ascribed to his
power than for either the depth and breadth of his philosophy
and legislation, or for his religious and moral teaching. None
the less, he was regarded asa great sage and as a prophet whose
name was synonymous with Persian wisdom, or as the founder
of the Magian priesthood who are sometimes said to be his
pupils and followers.§
1Gottheil, References to Zoroaster
in Syriac and Arabic Literature, Clas-
this subject, see Appendix V. at the
end of this volume.
sical Studies in Honour of Henry Dris-
ler, pp. 24-51, New York, 1894 (Co-
lumbia Univ. Press). :
2 Chinese, for example; but these
have not yet been made generally ac-
cessible. Consult Appendix VI.
8 For instance, an allusion to Zoro-
aster which is found in the Preface to
the Younger Edda is probably trace-
able to some classical or Semitic orig-
inal. See Jackson in Proceedings of
the American Oriental Society, xvi. p.
cxxvi. March, 1894. Appendix VI.
4 For a collection of the material on
5 Consult also the Pahlavi Dinkart,
9. 69, 58; 4. 21. 34 (SBE. xxxvii.
pp. 897, 412, 417), and see Av. moyu,
moyutbis, Justi, Handbuch der Zend-
sprache, p. 2385.
* Platonic Alcibiades I, p. 122, A,
payelav ... Thv Zwpoderpov Tod ‘Qpoud-
fou’ éort dé rodro Ocdy Oepareia. Cf.
also Apuleius, de Magia, xxiv. (Rapp,
ZDMG. xix. p.21n.). So Hermodorus
as cited by Diogenes Laertius, Fragm.
Hist. Gree. 9, ed. Miller; Plutarch,
Isis et Osiris, 46; Clemens Alexan-
drinus, Stromata, i. p. 804; Pliny,
ZOROASTER IN THE CLASSICS 7
The Magi, as we know from Herodotus, were a tribe, not
merely a priestly family, and the right of the classics to call
Zoroaster a Magian is borne out in other ways. The Pahlavi
Dinkart regards the ‘ Avesta and Zand’ as the sacred writings
of the Magian priests.! The learned Arab chronologist Albirini
adds that ‘the ancient Magians existed already before the time
of Zoroaster, but now there is no pure unmixed portion of
them who do not practice the religion of Zoroaster.’* Several
Syriac and Arabic writers speak of him as ‘a Magian,’ ‘ head of
the Magians,’ ‘chief of the sect,’ ‘ Magian prophet,’ ‘ diviner.’®
This direct association of his name with the Magi is perhaps to
be understood with some limitations; but the Magi were the
reputed masters of learning in ancient times, and Zoroaster
stood for this learning in antiquity.‘
Of the Magian teachings and doctrines it is difficult to form
a clear picture, except so far as we may believe them to be
reflected in Zoroaster, after we have made due allowance for
changes or reforms that he may have instituted. The classical
tradition that Pythagoras studied under these masters in
Babylon may not be altogether without foundation.’ Plato
we know was anxious to visit the Orient and to study with
the Magi, but the Persian wars with Greece prevented him.®
Hist. Nat. 30. 2.1; Agathias, 2, 24;
Plutarch, Numa, 4; Suidas, s.v. Py-
thagoras; cf. Rapp, ZDMG. xix. p.
21 seq.; Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p.
44, See Appendix V. at the end of
this volume.
1 Dk, 4. 21;4. 34, West, Phi. Texts
Trans. in SBE. xxxvii. pp. 412,
417.
2 Albirini, Chronology, transl. by
Sachau, p. 314, London, 1879.
3 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster
in Syriac and Arabic Literature, pp.
24-51, in Classical Studies in Honour
of Henry Drisler, New York, 1894
(Columbia Univ. Press).
4 For example, Cicero, de Divina-
tione, 1. 23 et al.; Windischmann, Zor.
Stud. p. 277 n.
5 See Appendix V. below, and cf.
Lucian, Dialog. cited by Kleuker, Zend-
Avesta, Anh. ii. 8, p. 104; Cicero, de
Finibus, 5.29; Valerius Maximus, 8.
7; Pliny, H. N. 30. 2. 1; Apuleius,
Florid. p. 19 ; Porphyrius, Vita Pytha-
gore, 41; Lactantius, Institutiones,
4.2; Iamblichus, Vita Pythagore, 19 ;
Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, i.
p. 857. Consult Windischmann, Zor.
Stud. pp. 260-264.
& Diogenes Laertius, Philosoph. Vit.
8. 7; Apuleius, de Doctrin. Plat. Phil.
p. 569. The Anonym. Vit. Plat. p. 7,
ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862, adds
8 INTRODUCTION
The followers of the Sophist Prodicus, a contemporary of
Socrates, are reported to have boasted their possession of
secret writings of Zoroaster ;! and even a Magian teacher, one
Gobryas, is claimed as instructor of Socrates.? Aristotle,
Deinon, Eudoxus of Cnidus, and especially Theopompus, were
familiar with Zoroastrian tenets.2 A work bearing the name
of Zoroaster by Heraclides Ponticus, a pupil of Plato and of
Aristotle, is mentioned in Plutarch.* The distinguished phi-
losopher Hermippus (about B.c. 200) made careful studies of
Magism and of Zoroastrian writers, according to Pliny CA. WV.
30. 2.1). Zoroaster and Magian were names to conjure with,
and there are numerous allusions to ideas drawn from these
sources in Plutarch, Strabo, Suidas, and others.
Titles of a number of purported books of Zoroaster are also
given in the classics, such as vepl dices, wept AMO@v Tiplov,
BiBr10r ~amcxpupot Zwpodotpov, actepocxoTixa Zwpodatpov.®
Furthermore, some ‘sayings’ of Zoroaster, like those men-
tioned by Gemistus Pletho, Mayixad Adya Tov ard ToD Zwpo-
dotpov Mayer, are both reported to have existed, and passages
are occasionally claimed to be taken from them. Like other
such productions, however, these are all probably apocryphal,
although the encyclopedic character of the titles somewhat
recalls the analysis and summaries that we have of the Zoroas-
trian Nasks.* At all events, these references and allusions show
how great a reputation was enjoyed by Zoroaster in classical
antiquity, even if his name does not occur in Herodotus’ nor
that in Phoenicia Plato met with
Persians who introduced him to Zoro-
astrian lore. Cf. Appendix V. § 1.
1 Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata,
i. p. 357.
2 Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. Introd. p.
77.
8 Diogenes Laertius, Proem. 8;
Pliny, H. N. 30. 2.1; Plutarch, Js. et
Os. 47; cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud.
pp. 233 n., 279 n., and App. V. below.
¢ Plutarch, Adv. Colot. p. 1115 A;
cf, Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 284.
Thanks also to friend Lanman.
5 See allusions in Suidas and in
Pliny. Appendix V. below.
6 West, Pahlavi Texts, Translated
in SBE. xxxvii. 1-488.
7™Cf£. de Harlez, Des Origines du
Zoroastrisme, p. 276, Journal Asia-
tique, 1878-79 ; Darmesteter, Le ZA.
iii. Introd. p. 76,
CONCLUSION 9
in Xenophon, nor with certainty in the extant fragments of
Ctesias. The earliest authenticated classical allusion to Zoroas-
ter by name seems to be the reference in the Platonic Alci-
biades ;1 although, according to Diogenes Laertius (Prowm. 2),
he was mentioned by the earlier Xanthus of Lydia.?
Conclusion. — As Zoroaster is one of the great religious
teachers of the East, his life as well as his work is worthy of
study from its historical importance. Our information regard-
ing his life is to be gathered from the Zoroastrian scriptures,
the Avesta and the Pahlavi writings, and other material must
be used to supplement or to correct these sources. Due
weight must be given to tradition. It must also be remembered.
that fiction as well as fact has doubtless gathered about the
name of this religious reformer. This latter fact is all the
more a proof of his great personality.
1See Alcibiades I, 122, p. 181, ed. consult also my article ‘ Zoroaster’
Schanz. in Harper’s Dictionary of Classical
2See Appendix V. below, and Antiquities, New York, 1897.
CHAPTER II
FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER
THE LINEAGE OF THE MASTER
Sa jato yena jatena yati vams'ah samunnatim.
— Hiropapss!a,
IntTRopUCTION — ZoROASTER AN IrantaN— Tue Name ZoroasTER (ZARA-
THUSHTRA), ITS Form anp 1Ts Meaning — THe DatTE oF ZoROASTER —
His Native Pracr — ZoRoastER’s ANCESTRY AND HIS FamMILy ; GENEALO-
GIES — CONCLUSION
Introduction. — When a man rises to lasting fame, all that is
associated with his name and his times becomes of interest
and of importance. Lustre is shed upon his family, and dis-
tinction is lent to the line that produced such a son. If
great men are the children of their age, the age of a great
religious teacher can but deserve attention. His own origin,
the influences that may have been formative in his life, his
environment and surroundings, alike become worthy of con-
sideration. The nature and condition of the country which
called him forth requires some remark, and with regard to
Zoroaster it is to be regretted that we do not know more than
we do of Iran in early antiquity, and that only a limited space
can be devoted here to this special theme, although it receives
more or less treatment in different places throughout the book.
This prophet’s teaching found fruitful soil in the land of
Ancient Iran, because the seed was already in the hearts of the
people, if we may adapt the phrase of a renowned author.
Zoroaster of Iran. — Zoroaster, it is believed, sprang up in
the seventh century before the Christian era, somewhere in
10
ZOROASTER OF IRAN 11
the land between the Indus and the Tigris. Before our mind
rises first a picture of the world outside of Iran, the kingdoms
of Assyria and Babylon, with their long line of dynasties
reaching far back into history which antedates Iran ;1 to the
southeast lies India, bound by the ties of Indo-Iranian unity ;
lastly, and to offset all, Turan, the rival and foe, the synonym
of everything crude, uncouth, and barbarous, borders upon
the Iranian territory to the north. But to return to the
land of Ivan itself during this period. There exists, or is
claimed to have existed in early times, an eastern Iranian
kingdom in Bactria. An uncertainty with regard to this
point will be noted hereafter. Media, however, has already
been known to fame in history long before this period; and in
the eighth century B.c. its power was able to throw off the
yoke of Assyria, and at the close of the seventh century
(8.c. 606) to crush Nineveh and establish the Median dynasty
of Ecbatana, which may be called the first of the great Iranian
kingdoms.? But the decadence of Media swiftly follows, and
its glory is dimmed before the splendor of the rising Persian
sun. So much for the period and land in which Zoroaster
appeared.
During the very lifetime of Zoroaster—if we accept the
traditional dates—the Jews were carried into captivity in
Babylon, and their return from exile to Jerusalem takes place
less than a generation after his death. If the Persian wars
with Greece stand for anything in the world’s history, when
Orient and Occident met at Marathon, Platea, Salamis, when
the East received its first shock and set-back from the West,
certainly we must feel an interest in the life of that man who
is commonly spoken of as the lawgiver of the Persians. His
1JIn the Avesta, Babylon is the seat
of the semi-mythical tyrant and demon
Azhi Dahaka, who destroyed the
Tranian ideal king Yima (Jem-shéd)
and ruled for a thousand years. On
the religion of Babylon and Assyria,
compare Tiele, Geschichte der Reli-
gion, i. 1. pp. 127-218.
2Cf. also the article ‘Iranians’
(AVWJ.) in Johnson's Universal
Cyclopedia, iv. 670.
12 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER
name, his date, and his native place, his family, his ancestry,
and his associations, are all matters of some moment. These
will be given in this chapter before turning to the more pict-
uresque story of his life. The question of his religious beliefs,
teaching, and philosophy, can be dealt with only incidentally,
as this is reserved for treatment in another work.
The Name Zoroaster (Zarathushtra), its Form and its Mean-
ing. — The form of the Prophet’s name in the Avesta con-
sistently appears as Zara@ustra, or with the fuller patronymic
as Spitama ZaraOustra.1 The shapes or disguises which this
appellative has assumed in other languages show as much
variety as does the spelling of the name of the English reformer
Wyclif (Wycliff, Wyclyffe, etc.). The familiar form (a) Zoro-
aster is adopted from Zoroastres of the Latin, which in turn
is modelled after the Greek form. (0) In Greek the name
commonly appears as Zwpodotpns,? but sporadic variations are
found, for example Zwpcados, Zapddys beside Zwpodetpns in
Agathias 2. 24, or the anomalous "Opwacros (Georgius Hamar-
tolus), see Appendix V.; or again, the forms Zdpatos,? Zdpys,*
which are also quotable from the Greek, seem to be based upon
the later Persian form. A grecized Armenian form (Arm.
Zaravést) is cited from Cephalion ;° and Diodorus Siculus (1. 94)
has ZaOpavorns,® which recalls the Avestan form, Zarathushtra,
orpéws (gen.) cf. Lassen ZKM, vi. 541,
n. 2.
1 Consult Justi, Iranisches Namen-
buch, p. 880, Marburg, 1895; Win-
dischmann, Zor. Stud. pp. 44, 45; de
Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introd. p. xxi.
Cf. also Anquetil du Perron, Zend-
Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p.2, Paris, 1771, and
Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 307 seq.
Oxford, 1700. See also Appendix I.
2 Diogenes Laertius, de Vit. Philos.
Prowm. 2. p. 1 (recens. Cobet), Paris,
1850. Observe that Plutarch, Js. et Os.
46, once has Zwpédacrpis, once the usual
Zwpodarpys (Numa, 4), and once the
curious Zdoacrpos (Quest. Conviv. 4.
1.1). On Zoroastes (sic) in Isidorus,
see Appendix V. § 88; and on Zapa-
3 Porphyrius, Vita Pythagore, p.
18, ed. Nauck (‘O Ilvéaydpas) mpds
Zdparov adliero.
* Suidas, s.v. Pythagoras; see Ap-
pendix V., § 45.
5 From Cephalion through Eusebius
(Armen. Versio, p. 41, ed. Mai), ac-
cording to de Harlez, Av. tr. Introd.
p. xx. See Justi, Iran. Namenbuch,
380a, on Zaravastes in Miiller, Fragm.
iii, 626, 627,
® Diodorus Siculus, 1. 94. 2, Tapa
Hey yap "Apiavots Zabpaterny. See Ap-
pendix V. § 3 below.
THE NAME ZOROASTER 13
of the Prophet’s name.!_ (¢) An Armenian rendering of the
appellative is given as Zradasht.2, (d) The Syriac and Arabic
writings show the name under a variety of guises, but they
generally agree with the Pahlavi or Modern Persian form.®
(e) The Pahlavi version of the name is usually given Zaratast.*
(Cf) Some of the Modern Persian varieties are Zartust, Zardust,
Zardust, Zarduhast, Zardtust, Zarddust, Zardtuhast, Zardduhast,
Zaérahust.5 All these are variations of Avestan ZaraOuStra.
The question as to the si gnificanc eof the name of Irvan’s pro-
phetic teacher is not withoutinterest. India’s princely reformer
was the ‘Enlightened’ (Buddha) or the ‘Sakya Sage’ (Sakya-
munt); Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of God, was the Wonderful,
the Counsellor, the Anointed (Christus). In ancient Iran Zoroas-
ter, the Righteous, was called Zara@ustra, or Zarabustra Spitama,
Spitama ZaraOustra, or sometimes simply Spitama. The title
Spitima is a family designation, and the name comes from an
ancestor of the Prophet, a heros eponymus of the clan.® The
Spitaman name is elsewhere found early in Media. The deriva-
tion of this patronymic Spitama, used as an appellative, is
apparently from the Av. root spit- ‘be white’ = Skt. s'vit-, and
the significance is probably ‘descendant of White,’ like the
English Whit-ing. The origin of Zarabustra itself is less
1The Greek form Zopodorpns, or
Zwpodorpys, is apparently to be ex-
plained as derived from Av. Zara-
thushtra through a Western Iranian
presumable form *Zaraustra, cf.
Bartholomae in Grundriss d. iran.
Philologie, i. §§ 98, 264 (8).
2See also Hiibschmann, Persische
Studien, p. 204, Strassburg, 1895.
8 See Gottheil, References to Zoro-
aster in Syriac and Arabic Writers,
p. 25 seq.
4 West, Pahlavi Texts Translated,
Part 5, in SBE. xlvii. 180, In-
dex.
5 Cf. Vullers, Lexicon Persico-
Latinum, ii. p. 108, Bonn, 1865 ; West,
The Book of the Mainyo-i-Khard,
p. 223; Stuttgart, 1871.
6 See the genealogy given below,
p. 19, and consult Justi, Handbuch
der Zendsprache, sub voce ; also Ira-
nisches Namenbuch, Marburg, 1895.
Zoroaster’s daughter is Pouwrucista
Spitami, Ys. 58. 3; his cousin is
Maidysimiwha Spitama, Ys. 51. 19;
the members of the family are spoken
of as the Spitamas (Ys. 46. 15) Spita-
miéw~ho. In Pahlavi, the Prophet is
called Zaratust 7 Spitaman, ‘ Zoroaster
of the Spitamas’ ; the Mod. Pers. has
Isfiman, see Justi, Iran. Namenbuch,
p. 809; Zrerapas, Zribduns are quota-
ble as ordinary Iranian proper names,
14 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER
clear than Spitama and the derivation has been much discussed.
Scholars, however, are now generally agreed upon one point ; it
is that the second member of the compound (for the form must
be a composite) is the word w%tra- ‘camel,’ but the precise
nature of the compound and the true meaning of its first ele-
ment are uncertain. The most probable significations that have
been proposed are: ‘one whose camels are old’ (zar ‘be old’)?
or ‘old camel’ (cf. Skt. jarad-gava, jarat-karu-); or again ‘one
whose camel is fierce’ (zar ‘be angry”) or possibly ‘ tormenting
the camel’; or ‘robbing a camel’ (cf. Skt. bharadvaja). Numer-
ous other suggestions and explanations have been offered ; and
some of them show a good deal of fancy ; but doubtless the name
is an unromantic, unpoetic name, a title which the man retained
as his birthright even after he became famed as a spiritual and
religious teacher. The very fact of his retaining this somewhat
prosaic appellative testifies to a strong personality ; Zoroaster
remains a man and he is not dubbed anew with a poetic title
when later sanctification has thrown a halo of glory about his
head. For an outline of the various discussions of Zoroaster’s
name, the reader is referred to the special Appendix.®
The Date of Zoroaster. — With reference to the date at which
Zoroaster lived and taught, there has been a wide diversity of
opinion, but now a more general agreement between the views
of scholars on the subject is beginning to prevail. The con-
sensus of opinion has of late been growing stronger in favor of
accepting the traditional view, based on the chronology of the
1 The esteem in which the Bactrian
camel is held is well known (cf. Yt.
14. 11-13). Other Iranian proper
names contain usira, e.g. Frasaottra
‘whose camels are fresh,’ Aravaostra
‘whose camel does not bellow’ (cf.
ravo-fraodman), Vohustra ‘having
good camels’ (Yt. 13. 122, cf. Spiegel,
Eran. Alterthumskunde, i. p. 678).
There are many similar compound ap-
pellatives with -aspa ‘horse,’ gao-
‘cow,’ -uxtan ‘ox,’ which are probably
totemistic family survivals ; see Justi,
Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 486 seq.,
Marburg, 1895.
2Cf. Hiibschmann, WZ. xxvi. p.
203; Geldner, Zoroaster, Encyclope-
dia Britannica, 9th ed. xxiv. p. 820;
Bartholomae, in Grundriss d. iran.
Phil. i. pp. 149-150; AF. i. p. 160;
IF. vi. Anz. p. 47.
3 See Appendix I. below.
THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 15
Buindahishn, which places the era of Zoroaster’s activity
between the latter half of the seventh century B.c. and the
middle of the sixth century. A detailed discussion of the
question with a general presentation of the material on
the subject has been given by the present writer in a mono-
graph on The Date of Zoroaster, JAOS. xvii. 1-22, 1896
(reprinted in Appendix II.). The results are rendered even
more precise by a slight chronological correction by Dr. E.
W. West,! who gives the years B.C. 660-583 as probably the
exact date of Zoroaster so far as tradition is concerned. There
is space here only to summarize; for details reference must be
made to Appendix II., III.
The statements of antiquity on the subject may conveniently
be divided into three groups.
First (1)’to be considered are those references that assign
to Zoroaster the extravagant age of B.c. 6000. These are
confined simply to the classics, but they have a certain claim to
attention because they are based upon information possessed
by Aristotle, Eudoxus, and Hermippus.? These extraordinary
figures are due to the Greeks’ not having quite rightly under-
stood the statements of the Persians who place Zoroaster’s
millennium amid a great world-period of 12,000 years, which
they divided into cycles, and in accordance with this belief
Zoroaster’s fravast had actually existed in company with the
archangels for several thousands of years. Second (2) come
those statements which connect the name of Zoroaster with
that of the more or less legendary Ninus and the uncertain
Semiramis.2 Third (8) the direct Zoroastrian tradition
1 Personal letter, dated April 30, 122; Diogenes Laertius, de Vit. Philos.
1897, and in a published view with Promm. 2; Lactantius, Inst. 7. 15,
chronological table, SBE. xlvii. In- and cf. Suidas, s.v. Zoroastres.
trod. pp. 27-42. See Appendix III. 8 Cf. Diodorus Siculus, 2.6; Frag-
2 The passages are given in full in ments of Cephalion in Euseb. Chron.
Appendix II.; they are from Pliny, 1. 43 and 4. 85; Theon, Progymnas-
H.N. 30. 2.1; Plutarch, Js. et Os.46; mata, 9; Justin, from Trogus Pom-
Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades I, peius’ Hist. Philippic. 1. 1; Arnobius,
16 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER
which is found in the Pahlavi book Bindahishn 34. 1-9 and
supported by Arta Viraf 1. 2-5 and Zat-sparam 23. 12, as
well as corroborated by abundant Arabic allusions (Albiritini,
Masiidi, and others) unanimously places the opening of
Zoroaster’s ministry at 258 years before the era of Alexander,
or 272 years before the close of the world-conqueror’s life
(8.0. 823). As Zoroaster was thirty years old, according to the
tradition, when he entered upon his ministry; and as he was
seventy-seven years old at the time of his death; and, further-
more, since we may assume an omission of thirty-five years
in the Bandahishn chronological list, according to West, we
have good reason, on the authority of the tradition, for making
B.C. 660-583 as the era of Zoroaster.
Tradition also says that Zoroaster was forty-two years old
when he converted King Vishtaspa, who became the patron of
the faith. There is no good ground, however, for identifying
this ruler with Hystaspes, the father of Darius. Such identi-
fication has indeed been made by Ammianus Marcellinus
(22. 6. 32), and it has met with support from some; but the
doubt on this point which was raised as early as Agathias
(2. 24) is unquestionably well founded.!
Zoroaster’s Native Place. — The question of Zoroaster’s native
place is a subject that has been much debated. The problem
is more complicated because of the uncertainty which exists as
to whether his birthplace and early home was necessarily also
the chief scene of the teacher’s activity. The whole matter
may be brought under the heading of two inquiries: first
(1), whether the home of Zoroaster is to be placed in the west
of Iran, in Atropatene and Media; second (2), whether
Adv. Gentes, 1.5; Orosius, Hist. contra 1 Fuller discussion in West, SBE.
Paganos (Ninus) ; Suidas, s.v. Zoro- xlvii. Introd. p. 38, and Jackson, On
astres. See Appendix IL,V. Somein- the Date of Zoroaster, JAOS. xvii.
cidental allusions connect Zoroaster’s 17; Appendix II. below.
name with Abraham, Nimrod, Bel,
Balaam. These also are quoted in
Appendix II., V. below.
ZOROASTER’S ANCESTRY AND HIS FAMILY 17
ancient Media was the scene also of his ministry, or are we
to accept the claim of Bactria and eastern Iran? Possibly
he may have taught in both lands. The subject is of interest,
moreover, in the light of the recent important developments
with regard to Buddha’s birthplace, and the archeological finds
which have lately contributed so much towards establishing the
exact location where the gentle teacher of India was ushered
into the world. Accordingly, the problem of Zoroaster’s native
place and then the possible scene of his ministry is discussed
with considerable fulness in Appendix IV; it suffices merely
to summarize here.
If we omit the question of his ministry for the moment and
speak simply of his native place, we may say without much
hesitation, that the consensus of scholarly opinion at this time
is generally agreed in believing that Zoroaster arose in the
west of Iran. Oriental tradition seems to be fairly correct in
assigning, as his native land, the district of Atropatene or
Adarbaijan, to the west of Media, or even more precisely the
neighborhood about Lake Urumiah. There is ground, further-
more, for believing in the tradition which says that his
father was a native of Adarbaijan, —a region of naphtha wells
and oil fountains, — and that Zoroaster’s mother was from the
Median Ragha (Rai)— consult the map at the end of this
volume. Explicit references for these statements will be
found in Appendix IV. For the other problem, the one
relating to the possible scene or scenes of Zoroaster’s ministry,
reference must be made to the extended discussion in the
same appendix below. Here we need only bear in mind that
there is every reason to believe that Zoroaster, for a time at
least, wandered about in his missionary labors, and there is
certainly a strong tradition to the effect that during the two
opening years of his prophetic career he was for a while in the
east, in Seistan, and also in Turan—see Map. One is re-
minded of the peregrinations of the Buddha.
Zoroaster’s Ancestry and His Family. — The subject of gene-
Cc
18 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER
alogy has not much interest for most readers, and a treatment of
it is apt to recall the ‘ begat’ chapters of the Biblical patriarchs.
Nevertheless Zoroaster’s line is not without importance, and it
deserves to receive attention, as much as would the descent of
Mohammed or of Buddha. If Indian legend and tradition in
the case of the great Ganges teacher ascribes exalted origin from
the princely family of the Sakyas, Iranian story is no less suc-
cessful, for its part, in tracing Zoroaster’s descent from a sort
of royal Davidic line that ends in the house of Manishcihar,
sovereign of Iran,! or ascending still farther back through the
forty-fifth generation to Gayomart, the Iranian Adam, the father
of all mankind.? The Prophet’s more immediate ancestors are
often referred to. Pourushaspa, the father, is mentioned several
times in the Avesta and is frequently referred to in the Pahlavi
texts and in the later Zoroastrian literature. The name of
Zoroaster’s mother is preserved in an Avestan fragment as
Dughdhéva (Phl. Dighdavé, Dikdav or Diktatbd, Mod.
Pers. Dughdt).? The name of Zoroaster’s great-grandfather
Haécat-aspa is mentioned in the Avesta (Ys. 46. 15; 53. 3),
as is also the latter’s sire Cikhshnush or Chakhshni (cf. Yt. 13.
114); and Spitaéma, the heros eponymus of the family, is refer-
red to in the Gatha allusions to the Prophet’s kinsman Spita-
maonho (Ys. 46. 15), whence his own appellative Zarathushtra
Spitama, Zoroaster the Spitamid. The locus classicus for tra-
cing Zoroaster’s lineage is Bundahishn 32. 1-2; it is supple-
mented by the Pahlavi Dinkart 7. 2, 70, the Selections of Zat-
sparam, 13, 6, and by the Vijirkart-i Dinig; compare also the
Nirang-i Boidatano va Yatkartano (Grundriss ii. 115). The
10n Manishcihar, cf. Peshotan xxiv. 302; xxxvii. 444, 469, 483,
Dastur, Dinkart translated, vol. vii. xlvii. (eight times); Darmesteter, Le
p. 429; cf. Yasht 18. 181. ZA. iii. 151; Zartusht Namah, p. 480
? Dk. 7. 2. 70, Zsp. 18. 5-6 ; cf. West, (in Wilson, Parsi Relig.) and Shahras-
SBE. xlvii. pp. 34, 140, and Grundriss tani (see Appendix IV.).
d. tran. Phil. ii. 95. #Consult West, Pahlavi Texts
3 Hatokht Nask Frag. cited in Sad translated, SBE. v. 140-141 3 Grun-
Dar 40. 4 et passim ; cf. West, SBE. driss, ii. 94, 95, and SBE. xlvii. 34,
ZOROASTER’S ANCESTRY AND HIS FAMILY 19
same ancestral tree, but with the names disguised or misread,
is found in Masudi.!
The line as far back as Manush-cithra
may be worth recording from the accessible sources.
Dk, Bindahishn, and Vijirkart-i Masidi.
ef. Zsp. Dinig.
Maniishcihar ? Manishcihar, Manishihar, ( re spd )
Dirasrobd Dirasrob . Dirashrin . (sry)
Airic or Rajan... . Rajishn Iraj. .. ( c ”
Nayazem or Ayizem?. . Nayazem . Haizem . (py)
Vaédisht or Vidasht . . Vaédisht Vandast. (camo 5)
Spitam or Spitaman Spitamans Isbiman . (yen!)
Hardhar (Kharedhar) . Haridar Hardar . Gor)
Arejadharshn or Hardarshn. | Hardrshn . Arhadas (ywdy!)
Paétrasp or Paitirasp . Paétirasp . Batir. ( sl)
Cikhshnish or Cakhshniish* | Cikhshnush Hakhish (yaadte)
Haécatispo Haécatasp . Hajdasf . (awd)
Urugadhasp or Aurvadasp® . | Urvandasp Arikdastf (Wid!)
Patiragtarasp6 or Paitirasp®. | Paitirasp Fadarasf (Wim ds)
Poriishispd Porishisp6 Birshast (Wimtinye )
Zaratiisht . Zaratusht . Zaraidusht . (emstohy)
189. Seelikewise Windischmann, Zor.
Studien, p. 160; Spiegel, Hranische
Alterthumskunde, i. 687; de Harlez,
Avesta traduit, Introd. p. ccxxviii ;
Justi, TIranisches Namenbuch, p.
393.
1 Les Prairies dor, ii. 123, tr. Bar-
bier de Meynard ; cf. Gottheil, Refer-
ences to Zoroaster, p. 34. :
2 Avesta, Yt. 18. 181, Manus-ci6ra.
8 Cf. also Dinkart 9. 33. 5.
4 Cf. Avesta, Yt. 18. 114, Caysni.
5 Zsp. 13. 6 has Ahurvalaspo.
6 Dinkart, Bk. 7. 2. 3,70; Bd. 82.
1; West, Grundriss, ii. 95, SBE. xvii.
84, v. 140; or Purtaraspo, Zsp. 18. 6,
op. cit. p. 189.
20 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER
Zoroaster’s grandfather on the maternal side, according to
Dk. 7. 2. 3 and Bd. 32. 10, was Frahim-rvana-zoish or Frahim-
rava; his maternal grandmother may have been called Frénd
(Zsp. 13. 1), but the passage is not quite clear. There are several
allusions to his paternal uncle Arasti and to the latter’s son,
Maidhyoi-maonha, who was Zoroaster’s cousin and first disciple
(Yt. 13. 95; Bd. 32. 2 et passim). According to the Selec-
tions of Zat-sparam, Zoroaster was one of five brothers. The
passage states: ‘Of the four brothers of Zaratisht the names
of the two before Zaratusht were Ratishtar and Rangishtar,
and of the two after him Notariga and Nivétish.”1_ But in each
case the reading of the Pahlavi word is uncertain. <A tabular
statement of the Sage’s family and kin may now be presented.?
Patiragtaraspd
x m. Frahim-rvan3-zdish
(Frén6 ?) (Bd. 32.10; Dk.
7.2.3)
| z
Dughdhova m. Pourushaspa (Z.’s father) Arasti m. x
l | |
2 elder Zarathushtra 2 younger
Maidhydi-maonha m. x
brothers brothers
Ashastu
(Yt. 13. 106)
Tradition furthermore states that Zoroaster was thrice mar-
ried and had several sons and daughters, and that the three
wives survived him (Bd. 32. 5-7; Vjkt. pp. 21-22). The
names of the first wife and of the second are not preserved,’ but
the latter is said to have been a widow. By the first, or privi-
1Zsp. 15. 5. West’s translation,
SBE. xlvii. 144; cf. also SBE. v. 187,
note.
2 Cf. also Justi, Namenbuch, p. 398.
8 See the information and correc-
tions given by West, Pahlavi Texts
Translated, SBE. v. 142-143, notes,
and Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, s.v.
‘Urwarwija,’ p. 884; Hilty, Zoroaster
und sein Zeitalter, p. 98, Liineburg,
1836. West (SBE. V. 148, n. 1)
refers to the apparent misinterpreta-
tion which gives the names of Zoro-
aster’s first two wives as Urvij and
Arnij-bareda; consult his reference,
especially as to the second wife.
ZOROASTER’S ANCESTRY AND HIS FAMILY 21
leged wife, the Prophet had one son and three daughters.
Their names are several times mentioned in the Avesta and in
Pahlavi literature. One of the daughters, Pourucista (Ys. 53.
3), was married to the wise Jamaspa. The son Isatvastra, by
the second wife, became head of the priestly class and had a
son, Ururvija, who is also mentioned by name (Bd. 382. 7).
Isatvastra was likewise made guardian of the children of his
father’s second wife who had borne two sons, Urvatatnara and
Hvarecithra, to Zoroaster (Yt. 13. 98). These two sons
were respectively regarded as the head of the agricultural class
and of the warrior caste. The third wife, Hvévi, was the
daughter of Frashaoshtra and niece to Jamaspa, attachés to the
court of Vishtaspa (Yt. 13. 189; 16.15; Dk. 9. 44. 16; 9. 69.
58). By Hvovi no earthly children were born, but she is the
noble consort from whom ultimately are descended the future
millennial prophets, Ukhshyat-ereta, Ukhshyat-nemah, and the
Messiah, Saoshyant (Yt. 13. 128). The marvels of this preter-
natural conception are narrated in detail in Bd. 32. 8-9, cf. Yt.
13. 62, 128, 141-2, and elsewhere. The later descent from
Zoroaster’s line may thus be tabulated: —
Children by Children by Children by
first wife second wife Hyvovi
x m. Isatvastra (son) Hvarecithra (son) (Not yet born)
Fréni (daughter) Urvatatnara (son) Ukhshyat-ereta
Thriti (daughter) Ukhshyat-nemah
Pourucista (daughter) Saoshyant
Ururvija
A genealogical tree of the Hvévid family into which the
Prophet married and into which family he gave a daughter in
marriage will make clearer some of the connections and alli-
ances that appear in the Avesta; it is therefore given on the
following page : —
1Ys, 28. 2, 26.5; Yt. 18. 98, 189; Bd. 82. 5 et passim ; Zsp. 28. 11.
22 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER
Frata or Parata1
|
Parshatgao Ashak?
Cigav? Tahmasp ?
Hvogva Nariman (al. Asnas)
Pakhad (al. Pidha?)? Sama Keresaspa
Frashaoshtra Jamaspa Avaraoshtri
(Pourucista)
I det ale :
Hushyaothna Hvadaéna Hvovi Hanhaurvao Vohunemah
(Zarathushtra)
Vareshna Gaévani
Summary. — After noticing in this chapter the fact that
Zoroaster was an Iranian, we briefly followed in outline the
position of Iran in ancient history. We next saw that the
oldest form of Zoroaster’s name is given as Zarathushtra.
The statement was then made that we have reason for believ-
ing that he arose in western Iran (Atropatene and Media)
about the middle of the seventh century B.c. The scene of
his ministry is a question that was reserved for later discussion.
As was shown, a long line of ancestry can be traced out for
him, and we know something of his immediate family through
tradition. But we bid adieu to these external matters to deal
with his life itself.
1 After Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 2 Not mentioned in the Avesta.
3896.
CHAPTER III
EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION
THE LIFE OF THE PROPHET UNTIL THE AGE OF THIRTY
yehe zqbaéca vaxsaéca
uxstatatam nimravanta
vispd spanto-daté daman.
—Avesta, Yt. 18. 93.
InTRODUCTION — PROPHECIES OF THE CoMING OF ZOROASTER, AND THE Mrra-
CLES BEFORE HIS BirTH—-BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF ZOROASTER ACCORD-
ING TO TRADITION— ZoroastTEeR’s YourH AND EpucaTion— PERIOD OF
RELicious PREPARATION — CONCLUSION
Introduction, Prophecies of the Coming of Zoroaster. — The
coming of a prophet or great teacher seems at times in the
world’s history to be looked for instinctively. We may see
the truth of this statement exemplified in our own Gospels
when the disciple asks of the Saviour, ‘Art thou he that
should come, or do we look for another?’ And when a
blessed Master is at last recognized, the generations vie with
each other in repeating how,his advent was foretold. In the
Zoroastrian scriptures, passages are adduced to show that the
Sage’s coming had been predicted ages before. In the Aves-
tan Gathas and in Pahlavi literature the soul of the mythical
primeval bull, three thousand years before the revelation of the
religion, beholds a vision in heaven of the fravasi or ideal
image of the prophet Zarathushtra, Zaratisht, that is to be.?
Again, in the golden age of the world, King Yim (Jemshéd)
forewarns the demons of their destined defeat and overthrow
1 Ys, 29.8; Bd. 4. 4-5; cf. Dk. 7. 2. 67.
23
24 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION
at the birth of the glorious manchild.!_ Lastly, in the reign of
the patriarch ruler, Kai Us, three centuries before the actual
appearance of the hallowed saint, a splendid ox is gifted with
the power of speech, so as to foretell the promised revelation
which the future shall receive from the lips of Zaratiisht.?
Miracles before His Birth. — From the Avesta we also learn
that the divine sacerdotal and kingly Glory (hvaranah) is
handed onward from ruler to ruler, and from saint to saint,
ever with a view to its illumining ultimately the soul of the
inspired one.? It is ordained of heaven, moreover, that this
Glory shall be combined with the Guardian Spirit (frava3)
and the Material Body, so as to produce from this threefold
union the wonderful child.*
First, the Glory descends from the presence of Attharmazd,
where it abides in the eternal light; it passes through heaven
down to earth; and it enters the house where the future Zara-
tisht’s mother herself is about to be born. Uniting itself with
her presence it abides in her until she reaches the age of fifteen,
when she brings forth her own first-born, the prophet of Iran.
But before this event, as a girl she became so transcendent in
splendor by reason of the miraculous nimbus of the Glory that
resided in her, that, at the instigation of the demons, her
father is convinced that she is bewitched, and he sends her
away from his home to the country of the Spitamas, in the dis-
trict of Alak or Arak, to the village of Patiragtaraspd, whose
son Pértishaspo (Av. Pourushaspa) she marries. The Glory is
therefore upon earth, ready to appear in the form of man.
Such at least is the scriptural account found in the Dinkart.5
Second, the archangels Vohiman and Ashavahisht, descend-
ing from heaven, convey to earth another of the three elements,
1 Dk. 7. 2. 59-61; see West's trans- 7. 14. 1 (SBE. xxxvii. p. 31); Dk.
lation, SBE. xlvii. 31. 7. 2. 2 seq.; Zsp. 13. 4 (SBE. xlvii.
2 Dk. 7. 2. 62-69; Zsp. 12. 7-25. pp. 17, 139).
8 Yt. 19. 25-90; cf. also West, SBE. 5 Dk. 7. 2. 4-11; see West, SBE.
xlvii. Introd. § 30. xlvii. 18-20.
4 Cf. Spend Nask Summary in Dk.
MIRACLES BEFORE HIS BIRTH 25
the Guardian Spirit (Phi. fravdhar, Av. frava3t), bearing it in
a stem of the Hom-plant, the height of a man. For a time
this precious stem is placed in the nest of two birds whose
young have been devoured by serpents: it protects the brood
and kills the reptiles. Thus it continues as a talisman in the
keeping of the birds,! until required again by the archangels,
and until Porishaspd (Pourushaspa), who meanwhile had mar-
ried Diktaib (Dughdhova), meets with the two presiding ser-
aphim ‘in the cattle-pasture of the Spitamas’ and receives
from them the cherished rod, which he gives to his wife to pre-
serve. Much of all this, it is true, has a mythical ring or an
allegorical note.
Third, the Substantial Nature (Phl. gohar), or material
essence, which completes the holy triad, is miraculously com-
bined with the elements of milk, through the agency of water
and the plants, or through the archangels Khurdat and Murdat.
The demons vainly seek to destroy this ;? but the milk is mixed
with Hom and is drunk by the future prophet’s parents. In
this roundabout way the Pahlavi text accounts for the com-
bination of the three elements, the glory, the spirit, and the
body, and the child is conceived, despite the machinations of
the demons.‘ Throughout the narrative the presence of an
Oriental tendency to symbolism and ritualistic significance is
manifest. The same story is repeated by the Arab writer
Shahrastani (A.D. 1086-1153), and it is narrated again in the
Dabistan.®
The pregnancy of the mother whose womb is hallowed to
bear such fruit, is attended by occurrences equally remarkable
and by circumstances astounding in their nature. These miracu-
lous occurrences are told and interpreted in the Dinkart, Zat-
1 Have we here a reflex of the an- 4 Dk. 7. 2. 86-72; Zsp. 13. 4.
cient Sanskrit myth of Soma and the 6 Shahrastani, Uebersetzt, Haar-
Eagle ? briicker, i. 276 seq.; Gottheil, Refer-
2 Dk. 7. 2. 22-35. ences to Zoroaster, p. 48; Dabistan,
3 Dk. 7. 2. 44-45. tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 212 seq.
26 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION
sparam, and Zartusht Namah, as well as recorded by Shahrastani
and repeated in the Dabistan.! We at once recall parallels in
other nations.
Birth and Childhood of Zoroaster, according to Tradition. —
The traditional source of information on the subject of the
birth and early life of the Prophet, was originally the Spend Nask
of the Avesta, which gave an account of the first ten years of
Zoroaster’s existence. Unfortunately this Nask has been lost ;
but its substance is worked into the Pahlavi literature, as is
known from the summaries of the Nasks that we have in
Pahlavi and in Persian ;2 and doubtless much of the actual
material from it is preserved in the Dinkart, in the Selections
of Zat-sparam, and in the Modern Persian Zartusht Namah.?
These works stand to Zoroastrianism somewhat as the Lalita
Vistara to Buddhism. The general statements which are made
in the following pages are based upon them, unless otherwise
indicated, and the material they contain is supplemented by
incidental allusions in such writers as Shahrastani or in the
Dabistan which draw from like sources.
These accounts of the birth and early life are largely legendary
and they are colored by fancy. Some of them surpass in
power of vivid imagination the stories that have gathered
around Zoroaster’s miraculous conception. But that need not
awaken surprise. Legends have grown up about the birth
and youthful years of Buddha,‘ and miraculous incidents are
connected with the Mosaic Lawgiver. Persia is not behind in
this.®
1 Dk. 7. 2. 53-55 ; Zsp. 14. 1-5; ZtN.
tr. Eastwick (Wilson, Parsi Religion,
p. 480-3).
2Dk. 8. 14. 1-2; 9. 24. 1-3; Pers.
Riv. 2. 18; Din-Vijirkart, 13; see West,
Pahlavi Terts translated, in SBE.
Xxxvil. pp. 31, 226-9, 425, 444, 469;
also Shahrastani, Uebersetzt, Haar-
briicker, i. 276; Gottheil, References
to Zoroaster, p. 48; cf. next note.
8 Yor translations, see West, SBE.
vols. xxxvii. and xlvii. and Zartusht
Namah, tr. by Eastwick in Wilson,
Parsi Religion, pp. 475-522. Con-
stant use has been made of these
translations.
*See Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 82
seq. (Eng. translation) ; Warren, Bud-
dhism in Translations, p. 38 seq.
5 Some have even claimed that Mo-
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF ZOROASTER 27
In every religion the birth of its founder must be heralded
by supernatural signs and omens and accompanied by wonders
and prodigies. A star appears, a comet blazes forth, or the
earth isshaken. In the Avesta all nature rejoices at Zoroaster’s
birth ; the very trees and rivers share in the universal thrill of
gladness that shoots through the world ; while Ahriman and the
terror-stricken demons take flight into the depths of earth.}
His birth, moreover, is in answer to pious prayers addressed by
his father to Haoma.? His fitness for the prophetic mission
which he is to undertake is divinely recognized, and Ahura
Mazda himself selects this inspired being as his own messenger
to the world.2 So much for the Avesta. The Pahlavi writings
also do not tire of recounting how the fiends contended to pre-
vent his birth; how a divine light shone round the house ;
and a shout of joy arose when life triumphed ; and especially
they recount the loud laughter which burst from the child as
he came into the world. The tradition that Zoroaster laughed
instead of crying at his birth is as old at least as Pliny;
it is current in Eastern writers and elsewhere.®
Pliny at the
same time adds that the child’s brain throbbed so violently as
saic influences were at work in the
Zoroastrian legends. See Kohut, Zo-
roastrian Legends and their Biblical
Sources in the Independent (N.Y.),
March 19, 1891.
1 Yt. 18. 93-94; Ys. 9.15; Yt. 17.
19.
2 Ys. 9. 12-15; compare what was
noted of the Hiém-branch above.
3 Ys. 9. 12-14; Yt. 17. 18-20; Ys.
29.8; Yt. 5. 17-18.
4Dk. 8. 14.2; 9. 24. 1-10 (West,
SBE. xxxvii. 31, 226-9, 469); and Dk.
7.2. 56-8 ; 5.2.2; Zsp. 18. 1-3 (West,
SBE. xvii. 30, 122, 189); and Shah-
rastani (Gottheil, References, p. 49).
Other references below. The Apocry-
phal N. T. Protoevang. 14. 11-12, and
I. Infancy, 1. 10, give a legend of our
Lord’s birth in a cave which is divinely
illuminated. In the Sanskrit Hathda-
saritsagara (i, 325, transl. Tawney),
the room in which a wonderful child
is born is illuminated by a strange
light.
5 Dk. 7. 3. 2 and 25; Dk. 5. 2.5;
Zsp. 14. 12 and 16; cf. West, SBE.
xlvii. pp. 35, 41, 123, 142, 148; ZtN.
p. 483; Shahrastani (Haarbriicker, i.
277, Gottheil, References, p. 49) ; Da-
pistan, i. p. 219, Mirkhond, tr. Shea,
p. 286. Also Pliny, HN. 7. 16. 15;
Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades ;
Augustine, de Civ. Dei, 21. 14; all
cited below in Appendix V., VI. See
likewise preface to the Icelandic Snorra
Edda (Jackson, PAOS. xvi. p. cexxvi.
March, 1894. See Appendix VI.).
28 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION
to repel the hand laid upon his head—a presage of future
wisdom !
Demons and wizards—for all the opponents of Zoroaster
are conceived to be such — instinctively now foresee their des-
tined defeat and ruin and Zoroaster’s own glorious ascendency.!
They seek accordingly to compass the young child’s death.
They fail in their efforts just as the powers of evil had already
failed when they strove to prevent his coming into the world.
The heretical Kavis and Karpans (Phl. Kigs and Karaps),
who are apparently idolatrous priests,? are his especial foes.
The Turanian Karap Dirasr6b6 (Dirasariin, Diiransariin) is the
Herod of the day. His wicked partner and villanous accom-
plice is one Bratrdk-résh, whose name is ultimately connected
with Zoroaster’s death when the Prophet was of advanced age.*
Bratrék-résh is one of five Karap brothers: the names of the
quintette are given as Brat-rikhsh, Brat-royishn, Brat-résh the
Tar (or Tuir-i Bratrodk-résh), Hazan, and Vadast.6 The name
of this Bratrok-résh (or Bratar-vakhsh) occurs comparatively
often in Pahlavi literature at least and it appears under a vari-
ety of forms.6 The machinations of Dirasrob6 are particu-
larly violent. It is only the intervention of a divine provi-
dence that saves the little Zaratiisht, while still an infant in
the cradle, from having his head crushed in or twisted off by
this fiendish man, or that wards off a pogniard stroke from the
same hand which becomes withered as a punishment for its wicked
attempt.’ Some of the resemblances between this monstrous
ruler and Pharaoh or Herod would not be uninteresting to
trace if there were opportunity.
1 vd. 19. 46, and elsewhere. 128 (d). Perhaps a descendant of
2See West’s note in SBE. xlvii. 19.
8Dk. 7. 3. 4-41, etc; cf. Justi,
Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 87, ZtN. p.
484, and see West, SBE. xlvii. 175
(Index).
4 This would assign to Bratrdk-résh
an extraordinary longevity. See p.
his is referred to.
5 Zsp. 15. 3; cf. Zsp. 17. 1 (West,
SBE. xvii. 143. 147). The reading of
the names is not absolutely certain.
§ See Justi, Namenbuch, p. 71.
7Dk. 7. 3. 5-6; 5. 8, 2; Zsp. 15.
2-3; ZtN. p. 484; Dabistan, i. p. 219.
ZOROASTER’S YOUTH AND EDUCATION 29
The malicious Diirasrdébé, moreover, is even successful for a
time in making Porushaspo afraid of his own son,! so that he
does not prevent the machinations of those who are plotting
against the young child’s life. No angel is sent from heaven
to tell his parents to take the child into another land. Four
separate attempts at least are made to destroy the babe in spite
of the mother’s watchful alertness. An attempt is made, and
not without the father’s connivance, to burn the infant in a
huge fire; but its life is saved by a miracle? An endeavor
is made by the sorcerers to have the babe trampled to death by
a herd of oxen; the leading ox stands over the tiny prodigy
and prevents it from perishing beneath the feet of the herd.?
The same experiment is repeated with horses; the babe is res-
cued in the same marvellous manner. Even wolves whose
young have been killed do not harm a hair of the divine child’s
head; in their very den and lair he is suckled by a sheep.®
The lion shall lie down with the lamb! In all these accounts,
idealization is evidently at work. But after all we may per-
haps imagine that a rationalistic background of truth possibly
lies at the basis of each of these hairbreadth escapes of child-
hood’s days magnified by coming ages. The allusion to expo-
sure to a wolf throws light at least upon the conditions in the
time at which the accounts were written.
Zoroaster’s Youth and Education. — Before the boy’s seventh
year, his father Pirshasp (as the Zartusht Namah calls him),
knowing that even the demons and wizards® had predicted a
great future for the youth, places the lad under the care of a
wise and learned man, as the Zartusht Namah narrates.? The
1Dk. 7. 8. 7-8 seq.; Zsp. 16. 3-4; 5 Dk. 7. 8. 15-19; Dk. 5. 2.4; Zsp.
Dabistan, i. p. 219. 16. 8-11; ZtN. pp. 486-7; Dab. i. pp.
° Dk. 7. 3. 9-10; Zsp. 16.7; ZtN. 220-221.
p. 484. 6 We may conceive how the false
3Dk. 7. 8. 11-12; Zsp. 16. 4-5; teachers of the pre-Zoroastrian faith
ZtN. p. 485; Dabistan, i. p, 220. were looked upon as devils and necro-
4Dk. 7. 8. 18-14; Zsp. 16. 6-7; mancers.
ZtN. p. 485-6 ; Dab. i. p. 220. 7 ZtN. p. 488. See also Dab. i. p. 224.
30 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION
venerable teacher’s name is then given as Burzin-kuris.}
Pliny (CH. IV. 30. 2. 1) seems to have understood from Hermip-
pus that the name of Zoroaster’s teacher was Aganaces (Azo-
naces), but the passage is not quite clear. See below, Appen-
dix V. $5.
In connection with the subject of Zoroaster’s youthful days,
it is proper to make passing mention at least of some Syriac
and Arabic reports which connect his name with Jeremiah (or
even with Ezra) and which make Zoroaster a pupil of Jere-
miah, or even go so far as to identify him with Baruch, the lat-
ter’s scribe.2 These biassed accounts assert that the pupil
proved treacherous to his master and was cursed by God with
the affliction of leprosy. These passages are quoted elsewhere?
and the most important are given below in Appendix IV.; it is
not necessary therefore to cite them here nor to repeat how the
identification probably arose from an erroneous connection of
the name Armiah (Jeremiah) with Urmiah (Urumiah), Zoro-
aster’s presumed birthplace; nor is it necessary to add how the
name of Zaratisht might become associated with the Hebrew
sara‘ath (Zaraath) ‘leprosy,’* especially if Moslem influence
wished to detract as much as possible from Persia’s Sage.
The narratives given above are about all that we can gather
in the way of tradition regarding Zoroaster’s early youth and
training. It is to be regretted that we do not know more of
the moulding forces that were instrumental in forming so cre-
ative a mind; nor are we clear in every detail as to the condi-
tions of the society in which he was brought up or in which he
afterwards labored and taught. The picture which is some-
times vaguely outlined by the Gathas or dimly suggested in
the ‘Younger Avesta,’ or which one gains from a perusal of the
1 Does this name contain a disguised 3 See especially Gottheil, References
form of Skt. guru, ‘exalted teacher’? ? to Zoroaster in Arabic and Syriac Lit-
On the form burzin, cf. Justi, Namen- erature (Drisler Classical Studies).
buch, pp. 74, 490, and add pp. 168, 4Cf. Kohut, Zoroastrian Legends,
499 (Kuru, Kurtis). the Independent, (N.Y.), March 19,
2 See Appendix II. pp. 165-166. 1891.
ZOROASTER’S YOUTH AND EDUCATION 31
traditions in Pahlavi literature is not altogether a bright one,
if we are to interpret, as one might interpret, the allusions to
devil-worship and Daévas (which recall the present Yezidis)
and the references to the slaughter and maltreatment of the
kine, a lack of morality, falsehood, oath-breaking, and personal
impurity. These are among the many things to which Zoroas-
ter turned his attention when his reformatory work began.
Tradition goes on to say that even when the lad had attained
his seventh year,! the inimical Dirasrdb6 and Bratrok-résh still
continue to connive against him, to harass and assail him. By
magic practices they endeavor to daunt his spirit, and they even
attempt to destroy his body by poison.? It is evident that the
real opposition and struggle which was later to arise in the
Prophet’s life between his own faith and the existing religion
which it supplanted or reformed, is projected into the past and
conceived of as a case of personal enmity and hatred already
developed between the two representatives of the creed and the
youthful Zoroaster.
If we are to judge at least from the later literature of the
Pahlavi, black art and magic practices, occult science and
necromancy were the order of the time. We seem to have a
sort of background of Doctor Faustus and the Europe of the
Dark Ages. Even Porishaspd (Pourushaspa) himself is not
free from the influence of the two sorcerers Dutrasrdbd and
Bratrok-résh, with whom he not infrequently associates.? All
these misguided persons, especially Dirasrobo, are openly rebuked
by Zaratusht for their heresy, and are put to confusion by the
young reformer when they endeavor to argue with him, much
as Christ at the age of twelve disputes with the doctors in the
temple, refutes their doctrines and vanquishes his opponents.
13z.c. 653, according to West's cal- 8 Dk. 7. 3. 32-35.
culations; see his table below, Ap- 4 Dk. 7. 3. 84-48 ; Zsp. 17. 1-6; 18.
pendix III. 5-7; 19. 8; ZtN. pp. 489-90 ; Dab. i.
2 Dk. 7. 8. 82-83; ZtN. pp. 488-9; pp. 228-9.
Dab. i. pp. 226-7.
32 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION
The plotting Dirasrobé, as a punishment for his wickedness in
endeavoring to thwart the righteous, comes to a violent end, as
fearful as it is strange. The circumstances are described in
the Dinkart and the Zat-sparam Selections.! Zaratisht is next
confirmed in the true religious vows by assuming the ‘ Kusti,’
or sacred thread, at the age of fifteen ;? and when he attains
this year of his life the wiles of the fiendish magicians are
practically brought to naught.2 The age of fifteen years, even
as early as the Avesta,‘ is regarded as an ideal age or the age of
majority. A passage in the Pahlavi texts tells that when Zara-
tusht attained his fifteenth year® he and his brothers ‘demanded
a portion from their father, and their portions were allotted out
by him.’& As a part of his share Zoroaster chooses a girdle;
this signifies the sacred girdle of religion which he assumed.
Period of Religious Preparation; from his Fifteenth to his
Thirtieth Year. — From his fifteenth year to the age of thirty
the tradition is more meagre in its details. The period is a
time not so much of action as it is a time of religious prepara-
tion. And yet the lapse of these fifteen years is not devoid of
recorded incident. An occurrence to show Zaratiisht’s com-
passionate nature and sympathy for the aged is quoted in the
Selections of Zat-sparam, and another is cited to illustrate his
generous disposition by his dealing out fodder, from his father’s
supply, to the beasts of burden of others in a time of famine.’
The Zartusht Namah substantiates this reputation given to him
for tender-heartedness and for goodness.8
At the age of twenty the Zat-sparam recounts that ‘ abandon-
ing worldly desires and laying hold of righteousness’ he de-
parts from the house of his father and mother and wanders
1Dk. 7. 3. 44-45; Zsp. 19. 7-8; 5 Bc. 645, according to West; see
Dab. i. p. 229. Appendix III. below.
2The Brahmanical cord of India 6 Zsp. 20. 1-4; West’s translation,
shows that this investiture was an an- SBE. xlvii. 151.
cient institution. 7 Zsp. 20. 4-6.
8 Zsp. 20. 1-2; ZtN. p. 490. 8 ZtN. p. 490, Il. 11-25.
4 Ys. 9. 6,
4
PERIOD OF RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 33
forth, openly inquiring thus: ‘ Who is most desirous of right-
eousness and most nourishing the poor?’ And they spoke
thus : ‘He who is the youngest son of Atirvaité-dih, the Tur.’!
Zoroaster goes ‘to that place’ and lends his codperation in
serving the poor with food. A further example of his com-
passion, as the text says, ‘not only upon mankind, but also upon
other creatures,’ is given in the same passage. A starving bitch
who has five puppies is seen by him whose soul is stirred by
every misery. Zoroaster hastens to bring some bread to her,
but the creature is dead before he reaches her.”
Of a different nature, but none the less characteristic, is an
incident narrated in the same connection in the chapter. The
account declares that when he wished to marry, with the
approval of his parents, and ‘his father sought a wife for him,’
he requested that the bride should show her face before being
taken in marriage? This incident seems to point to an idea of
social progress and reform in customs that is equally character-
istic of the modern Parsis.*
Zoroaster’s readiness to learn, moreover, and to profit by
what is good even in the teachings of the bad is illustrated by
additional actions. On one occasion, upon inquiring in open
assembly, what may be accounted as the most favorable for the
soul, he is told, ‘to nourish the poor, to give fodder to cattle,
to bring firewood to the fire, to pour Hém-juice into water,
and to worship many demons.’® Zoroaster gives proof of his
eclectic tendency by performing the first four of these injunc-
tions as worthy of a righteous man to do; but demon-worship
he absolutely denounces.
There are no other specific details in Pahlavi literature to fill
up the period from this moment to the coming of the revelation
1 Quotations from Zsp. 20. 8-9 27Zsp. 20. 10-11, SBE. xlvii. 153.
(West’s translation). It is to be 8 Zsp. 20. 12-18.
noted that the father Aurvaita-dang 4Qne need only read Dosabhai
himself, as well as his son (‘progeny’), Framji Karaka’s History of the Parsis.
is alluded to in Dk. 7. 4. 7-8, after Zo- 5 Zsp. 20. 14-16.
roaster had received the revelation.
D
34 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION
when he was thirty years old. They were undoubtedly the
years of meditation, reflection, and religious preparation that
correspond to similar periods of divine communings and philo-
sophic introspection in other religious teachers. Parallels might
easily be cited. It is to this period of Zoroaster’s life that the
Scholiast of the Platonic Alcibiades apparently alludes when
he relates that Zoroaster kept silent for seven years ;! and it is
referred to by Pliny in the statement that for twenty years
Zoroaster lived in desert places upon cheese.? According to
Porphyrius and Dio Chrysostom, he passed his time upon a
mountain in a natural cave which he had symbolically adorned
in a manner to represent the world and the heavenly bodies.®
The mountain is illuminated by a supernatural fire and splen-
dor. Lightnings and thunders were about the summit of Sinai
also, and clouds and thick smoke shrouded its sides, while the
base of the mountain quaked violently, when the voice of the
Lord spoke unto Moses. The Avesta (Vd. 22. 19) mentions
the ‘Forest and the Mountain of the two Holy Communing
Ones’ — Ahura Mazda and Zarathushtra — where intercourse
was held between the godhead and his prophetic representative
upon earth. Kazwini calls this Iranian Sinai Mount Sabalin ;5
Mirkhond similarly alludes to the mountains about the city of
Ardabil, and adds a quotation that is evidently drawn from the
Avestan allusion to the adjoining river Darej.6 A further
1Schol. ad Alcib. p. 122, 5:4 rd roy ~=Nymph. 6. 7, Zwpodorpov avrodues
Zwpodarpyy ¢' yeyevoudvoy éradv cwrh-
ga; see below, Appendix V. §1.
2 Pliny, 11. 42.97. A ‘desert with
a temple for star-gazing’ is also men-
tioned by Yakiit (vol. iii. p. 487), and
this desert is called ‘ the desert of Zar-
dusht, the head of the Magians’ (Got-
theil, References, p. 47 n.). For the
milk diet of Zoroaster, compare also
Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv.4.1.1. See
Appendix V. §§ 5, 6, for the quotations.
3 Dio Chrysostom, Borysth. Orat.
xxxvi, and Porphyrius de Antro
orjratov év Tots wAnaloy Spect THs Tepal-
dos. App. V. gives text in full. The
passage is of special interest in regard
to the Mithra cult, in which caves and
mountains played a particular part.
See Windischmann, Mithra, Abh. f. k.
d. Morg. i. 62, Leipzig, 1857; also
Zor. Stud. p. 312.
4 Exodus xix. 8-18. Cf. also Spie-
gel, EA. i. 697; and Darab Sanjana,
Geiger’s Eastern Iranians, ii. 205.
5 Gottheil, References, p. 40.
6 Mirkhond, History of Persia, tr.
CONCLUSION 35
suggestion on the localization is offered below. Magian wor-
ship on the high mountains is familiar from the time of Herod-
otus (1. 131 seq.) onward.
This time of early retirement and seclusion must have been
the period in which Zoroaster fought out the fight that raged
in his own bosom and in which he began to solve the problem
of life, the enigma of the world, and the question of belief, as
his religion solved it. Here he doubtless began also to formu-
late the first general truths out of which his religious system
was evolved,” It is the stillness of the forest or of some lone
retreat that lifts the soul into communion with nature and
with God. The long retirement and separation from men, the
hours of meditation, introspection and abstraction, had brought
the material frame into complete subjection, no doubt, and had
lifted the spiritual body into a realm of ecstatic rapture and
transcendent exaltation which prepared it for prophetic vision.
At this moment came the Revelation and the first of the seven
hallowed manifestations which only a soul inspired by the fer-
vor of religious ecstasy was entitled to peholg”
Conclusion. — The first few years of the life of Zoroaster are
represented by a series of miraculous events which tradition
has fancifully colored. When he becomes of age he retires
from the world for a number of years which were doubtless
given to meditation and religious preparation. At thirty the
Revelation comes, and he enters upon his ministry.
Shea, p. 286, Zoroaster says ‘this vol- 22. 12); see Appendix IV. pp. 194,
ume (the Zend-Avesta) has descended 195, 201.
to me from the roof of the house 1QOne need only recall Behistan
which is on that mountain (cf. Vd. (*Baghastana) ‘place of the God-
19. 4. 11; Bd. 20. 32; 24. 15; Zsp. head.’
CHAPTER IV
THE REVELATION
ZOROASTER’S SEVEN VISIONS AND THE FIRST TEN YEARS OF
THE RELIGION
‘You long to chase, uncaptured yet,
The young wild-fire of Shelley’s mind,
And how your Zoroaster met
His shadow in the garden, find.’
— GEORGE E. WoopBERRY.
Intropuctory Survey— Sources oF INFORMATION AND WHAT WE GATHER
FROM THEM — ‘THE REVELATION’ — First Vision, CONFERENCE WITH
AnuraA Mazpa—Serconp Vision, Vonu Manan—Screnes anp Circum-
STANCES OF THE REMAINING VISIONS AND CONFERENCES WITH THE ARCH-
ANGELS — THE TEMPTATION OF ZOROASTER — MaIpDHYOI- MAONHA, HIS
First Discrete —ConcLusion
Introductory Survey. — The quickening spirit is now ready
to bring forth the first fruit of its long labor. At the age of
thirty comes the divine light of revelation, and Zoroaster enters
upon the true pathway of the faith. It is in this year! that
the archangel of Good Thought, Vohu Manah, appears unto
Zarathushtra in a vision and leads his soul in holy trance into
the presence of God, Ahura Mazda. The year of this first
inspired revelation is known in the Pahlavi texts as ‘the Year
of the Religion,’ and there are numerous allusions here and
elsewhere to the fact that Zoroaster was thirty years of age at
the time.” Parallels for the beginning of his ministry at this
1 3.c. 630, according to tradition as. 2 Dk. 7. 3. 51; 8. 14.3; Zsp. 21.1;
calculated by West, SBZ. xlvii.Introd. ZtN. p. 490; also Masidi, Prairies
§ 55, and see Appendix III. below. d'Or, ii. p. 158, tr. Barbier de Mey-
36
INTRODUCTORY SURVEY 37
age are not far to seek. During the ten years that follow this
apocalyptic vision, Zoroaster has seven different conferences
with Ahura Mazda and the six Amesha Spentas.
Many events occurred during this time, and a number of
marvellous incidents are recounted in connection with this
opening period of his prophetic career, as narrated in the Din-
kart, Zat-sparam, Zartusht Namah, and elsewhere. His teach-
ing does not seem at the outset to have met with favor.
Reforms come slowly and the ground must be prepared. Ten
years elapsed — years of wandering and struggle, of hope and
dejection, of trial and temporary despair — before he won his
first convert. This zealous adherent is his own cousin Maidh-
yoi-maonha (Phl. Métyd-mah), who is often mentioned in
the Avesta and other writings.! He is a very different char-
acter from Buddha’s traitorous and schismatic cousin Deva-
datta, and he stands as the St. John of Zoroastrianism. Finally,
in the twelfth year of the Religion,? Kavi Vishtaspa (Phl. Kai
Vishtasp, Mod. Pers. Gushtasp) is converted and becomes the
Constantine of the Faith—the Raja Bimbisara, if not the
Asoka, of Buddhism. After the king adopts the Creed, many
conversions follow, and the Prophet’s own family, relatives,
and friends are frequently referred to in the Avesta and else-
where as having become faithful adherents and believers.
All these events have so important a bearing that they must
be discussed in detail. A sort of synoptic view may be gained
by gathering together various pieces of the scattered material
and by combining stray allusions into a connected narrative.
A consecutive account of the occurrences is therefore here
attempted, but it must frankly be stated that the exact
nard; cf. JAOS. xvii. p.10; Schol.to 1, 8,11; Syriac Book of the Bee (a.v.
Platonic Alcibiades I, p. 122 (Zwpod- 1250), p. 81, ed. Budge, in Anecdota
orpnv) pera XN’ xpbvous éényjoac0a TS Oxoniensia, Semitic Series, Oxford,
Baorhe? Tis 8Ans pidogoplas; see Ap- 1886.
pendix V. § 1 (Plato) below. 2n.c. 618 of the tradition, West,
1Cf. Yt. 13. 95; Ys. 51.19; Bd. SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appen-
32. 2; Dk. 9. 44.19; Zsp. 21. 3; 28. dix III. below.
38 THE REVELATION
sequence of events is sometimes difficult to determine with pre-
cision. Caution may be used in accepting the results without
qualification, as they cannot be freed from subjective tenden-
cies. Nevertheless they represent in general outline the tra-
dition. So much by way of introduction.
Sources of Information and what we gather from them. —
The sources from which we obtain material to fill up the first
period after the Revelation, the ten or twelve years that
elapsed until the meeting between Zoroaster and King Vish-
taspa, and the latter’s conversion, are the same as have already
been described. But now that we have reached the real
period of Zarathushtra’s prophetic career this material may be
augmented in a special manner by the Gathas or Zoroastrian
Psalms. Like the Psalms of David these often indicate situa-
tions or conditions in a more or less direct manner, so that
they help very much in drawing inferences.
From our various sources of information two facts may be
gathered with certainty: one is, that after receiving the Reve-
lation Zoroaster wandered about, as the dervishes of Iran still
wander, going from place to place in search of a fruitful soil
for his teaching; the other is, that during this period, like the
prophets of old, he was inspired from time to time by supernat-
ural visions and manifestations. The truth of both assertions
is proved by the Avesta and the Pahlavi texts, and it is sub-
stantiated by Arabic and Syriac writers.?
The Arab writer Tabari, who calls Zoroaster a disciple of
Jeremiah and speaks of him as a native of Palestine, goes on to
state in the course of his history that ‘he wandered to Adar-
baijan and preached there the Magian religion; and from there
he went to Bishtasp (Vishtaspa), who was in Balkh.’* The
chronicler Ibn al-Athir (a.D. thirteenth century), who incor-
1 Among Avestan passages compare 2¥For the full quotation, see Got-
Ys. 31. 8; 43. 5 seq. ; 46. 1 seq. and theil, References, p. 37, and compare
others to be noted belowinconnection also Appendix IV.p.198 below, where
with the Pahlavi and Arabic. comments are made.
SOURCES OF INFORMATION 39
porated much of Tabari into his own work, is able to add that,
preaching from his sacred book, the Avesta, ‘(Zardusht) went
from Adarbaijan to Faris (Persia); but no one understood
what was in it. Thence he wandered to India and offered it
(the Avesta) to the princes there. Then he went to China and
to the Turks, but not one of them would receive him. They
drove him out from their country. He travelled to Ferghanah,
but its prince wished to slay him.! | From there he fled and
came to Bishtasp, son of Lohrasp (Aurvat-aspa), who com-
manded that he be imprisoned. He suffered imprisonment for
some time.’? This statement like the preceding is more fully
discussed in Appendix IV. in its relation to the scene of Zoro-
aster’s ministry. Such passages have the value at least of show-
ing the existence of a tradition to the effect that Zoroaster
wandered about as an itinerant teacher until fortune led him
to Vishtaspa. Zoroaster was performing the part of one of
those Athravan priests to whom the Avesta alludes as ‘coming
from afar.’? Nor may his wanderings have been fruitless, for
no doubt the seed that had been sown in these places did not
prove barren but sprang up later when Zoroastrianism began
to spread as the state religion over Ivan.
But to return to Pahlavi literature and to Zoroastrian writ-
ings. The Zartusht Namah says: ‘When Zoroaster attained
his thirtieth year, he was relieved from danger and his works
bare fruit. His heart was directed to Iran. He left his place in
company with some others. Of those, some who were his rela-
tions accompanied him on this journey.’* On the way the
party passes through a sea whose waters are lowered by a mir-
acle so as to allow a free crossing. They travel forward more
1 Query. Have we here a reminis- 4 ZtN. p. 490.
cence of Atirvaita-dang the Tir, Dk. 7. 5 ZtN. p. 490. This would be ap-
4. 7-14? propriate to Lake Urumiah, judging
2 Gottheil, References, p. 39. from the description given by Curzon,
8 Cf. Eugen Wilhelm, Priester und Persia, i. 5838-5 ; Spiegel (#A. i. 694)
Retzer im alten Eran, in ZDMG. xliv. suggests Lake Sevan.
143-144.
40 THE REVELATION
than a month until they reach the confines of Iran. This day,
according to the Pahlavi Zat-sparam as well as the Zartusht
Namah, was the last day ‘Anéran of the month Spendarmat
(February 14~March 20) ’ — so precise is tradition.!| Their des-
tination, as the Zat-sparam indicates, is the place ‘where
people went from many quarters out to the place of festival
(jasndear).’* The occasion is the celebration of the spring-
tide festival. It seems to be a sort of annual religious convo-
cation that they attend. We may remember in this connection
that Gabriel revealed himself to Mohammed at the celebration
of Ramadan. Thus Zoroaster, when halting in a plain of a river
called Aévatak (one of the four branches of the Daitya),
receives the first premonition and manifestation of what is to
come. It is a vision of the approach of a victorious army
headed by his cousin Métydmah coming northwards to join
him.’
_ The Revelation — First Vision — Conference with Ahura
Mazda. — The auspicious hour is at hand. The archangel
Vohu Manah (Phi. Vohiiman) is to reveal himself to Zoroaster.
At dawn on the forty-fifth day of the Prophet’s journey, or the
15th instant (Dadv6-pavan-Mitro) of the month Artavahishtd
(i.e. May 5) of the thirty-first year of the reign of Vishtasp,*
the Revelation comes. Tradition takes delight in making
exact statements. The scene where this event occurred is laid
on the banks of the Daiti (Av. Daitya) —the Jordan of Zoroas-
trianism —a river in Airan-Véj or Adarbaijan.6 The position
1Zsp. 21.1; ZtN. pp. 490-1. On 4 Artavahisht corresponds to April
the correspondence between the month
Spendarmat and our calendar, see
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 38.
2Zsp. 21. 1 (West’s translation),
SBE. xlvii. 155. So also ZtN. pp.
490-91, and Dabistan, i. p. 230.
8 Zsp. 21. 2, 3; ef. Dk. 7. 8. 51.
The Zartusht Namah (p. 491) is more
elaborate in its details. Notice also
the Dabistan, i. pp. 230-1.
20-May19. The day, therefore, would
be May 5. On the month, compare
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 33-384. The
year would be z.c. 630. See West,
SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 45, and Appen-
dix III. below.
5 Zsp. 21. 4; 22.2; ZtN. p. 491.
8 Dk. 7. 3. 51; 8. 60; 9. 23; Zsp.
21. 4, ‘the Daitih, because it is the
river of the conference, etc.’ ; Zsp. 21.
FIRST VISION 41
of this river is discussed below in Appendix IV. p. 211; it
is represented perhaps by the modern Kizel Uzen and its tribu-
taries, which merges into the Spéd River of Adarbaijan. It is
crossed by Zoroaster at four different depths, or more probably he
fords four different streams. These crossings symbolically repre-
sent four different eras in the history of the religion.! At the
dawn, therefore, of the day named, as he stands upon the bank of
the third channel, Aévatak, of the river Daiti, after bringing up
the holy Hom-water, Zaratiisht suddenly beholds a glorified
image of the archangel Vohtiman (Good Thought) coming
toward him from the south, and bearing in his hand a glossy
staff — ‘the spiritual twig of the religion (maindg tak-t dénd).’?
In a brief space of time, as he reaches the fourth affluent,
Aishan-rit, of the good Daiti, the image of Vohiiman becomes
a realization, and a transcendent figure of colossal proportions,
‘nine times as large as a man,’ rises before him, reminding us
somewhat of the great image that arose before Daniel, by the
side of the river which is Hiddekel.2 Vohtman opens his lips
and begins to question the enrapt seer, — this situation is alluded
to in the Avestan Gathas, — and after bidding him to lay aside
his ‘garment’ (or the vesture of his material body), the seraphic
messenger leads away his soul in ecstatic trance into the glorious
and dazzling presence of Attharmazd and the Amshaspands.‘
No sooner does Zaratusht enter this radiant assembly than
he ceases to behold ‘his own shadow upon the ground, on
account of the great brilliancy of the archangels’; and, as the
words of the text continue, ‘the position of the assembly was in
18, ‘the position of the assembly was 8 Dk. 7. 8. 54; Zsp. 21. 8-9. Cf.
in Iran, and in the direction of the Daniel x. 4-21. I am furthermore
districts on the bank of the water ofthe indebted to Dr. Thomas Davidson,
Daitih’ (West’s translation, SBE. through my friend Mr. William Ross
xlvii. 157). Again, ZtN. p. 491. Warren, of New York, for some inter-
1 Zsp, 21.6-7 ; ZtN. pp. 491-2; Dab. esting hints and suggestions as to
i, 231-2. Daniel parallels.
2Dk, 7. 8. 51-53; Zsp. 21. 2, 5, 6 4 Compare Ys. 48. 5 seq. with Dk. 7.
(West) ; ZtN. p. 492; Dab. i. 232-3. 8. 55; Zsp. 21. 9-10.
42 THE REVELATION
Jran, and in the direction of the districts on the bank of the
water of the Daitih.’! He offers homage to Atharmazd and
the Amshaspands, saying : ‘Homage to Atharmazd, and homage
to the archangels’; and then, as the passage adds, ‘he went
forward and sat down in the seat of the enquirers.’? The door
of heaven having thus been opened, and the favored of the
godhead having been ushered in, the first and most important
of all the conferences is begun. The Supreme Being himself
presides; the Prophet is instructed in the great cardinal
doctrines of the Faith, by the Omniscient Wisdom ; and thrice
in the same day the beatific vision is repeated. Marvellous
signs are shown unto Zoroaster, and he is initiated into sublime
secrets by ordeals which symbolize future epochs and crises in
the history of the Creed. The circumstances of the first vision
of God are at least hinted at in the Gathas,® which makes us
still more regret the loss of the original Nasks; but the details
are elaborated in Pahlavi literature and in Persian Zoroastrian
writings which are probably based upon the older material.®
The Next Two Years— Zoroaster begins Preaching. — On the
completion of the first conference and Zoroaster’s return to
earth he proceeds to obey Atiharmazd’s command by teaching
and prophesying, for the next two years, to the ruling heretical
priests, Kigs and Karaps, or the Kavis and Karpans, so often
mentioned in the Gathas. These are the ‘blind and deaf to
the Law,’ as the commentary describes them. They are the
accursed band of unbelievers, or, to use the words of one of
the Gathas, —
The Kavis and the Karpans have united themselves with power
For destroying the life of man by their evil deeds;
1Zsp. 21. 13 (West's translation) ; pare also Bahman Yasht 1. 1 seq.
ef. also Dk. 7. 3. 60-61. (West, SBE. v. 191 seq.).
2 Quotations from Zsp. 21. 14 5 Eg. Ys. 31. 8; 45. 8, and cf. 48.
(West’s translation). 5 seq.
8 Zsp. 21. 21. 6 Zsp. 21. 15-27; ZtN. pp. 492-5;
4 Zsp. 21, 15-27 ; ZtN. p.494. Com- Dab. i. pp. 233-4,
ZOROASTER BEGINS PREACHING 43
But their own soul and their religion will make them howl
When they come where the Bridge of the Accountant hereafter is,
To be inmates for ever and ever in the House of Falsehood. (i.e. Hell) !1
To these Zoroaster preaches the Mazda-worshipping religion,
and the necessity of anathematizing the Demons, of glorify-
ing the Archangels, and practising the next-of-kin marriage
(avétikdas).2 But in vain.
Zoroaster seeks the Turanian sovereign Aidrvaita-dang,
whose son has been mentioned above. This potentate, whom
the Pahlavi text calls ‘scanty-giver,’ protects the Missionary,
but refuses to be converted to the Creed and to follow its
tenets, while his nobles are ‘clamorers for Zaratiisht’s death.’
Curses are heaped upon him as a consequence.®
Zaratisht at the bidding of Atharmazd next visits a Karap,
one Vaédvéisht by name, whom God has blessed with this
world’s goods. He demands from the Karap a hundred youths,
maidens, and teams of four horses, as a gift for the Almighty.
An arrogant rebuff greets the Prophet of the Lord, and he flees
for refuge to Attharmazd and receives from him the comforting
assurance of the fearful punishment by death eternal which
shall be summarily meted out upon the proud offender for his
misdeed.4* And so also Elijah pronounced the doom of King
Ahaziah because he recognized not that there isa God in Israel !
The fate of this Karap offender recalls some of the anathema
passages in the Gathas and that visitation of wrath, both here
and hereafter, which these Psalms call down upon powerful
and stubborn unbelievers. To the same crew as Vaédvoisht
doubtless belong that creature of Satan, Hunu, if the word is
a proper name,‘ and the infidel Usij, who, like the Karap, is a
1 Ys. 46.11; cf. also Ys. 32. 12, 15; 6 Ys. 51. 10; cf. Phl. version. So
44. 20; 48.10; 51. 14. Mills, Zoroastrian Gathas, p. 354-355 ;
2Dk. 7. 4. 1-5; cf. also West, Justi, in Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, p. 247,
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 95. 234. Differently, Darmesteter, Le ZA.
8 Dk. 7. 4. 7-20. i. 334; Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p.
4 Dk. 7. 4. 24-28. 132, reads Hunustar.
6 Eg, Ys, 44. 19.
44 THE REVELATION
representative of heretical priestcraft,! or again such miscreants
as the perverse Gréhma, Béndva, and Vaépya Kevina, who are
anathematized in the Zoroastrian Psalms.? It was unhappy
incidents like these and encounters with stiff-necked unbe-
lievers who stopped their ears and refused to receive the
healing word of the great Revelation, which the Prophet knew
he was offering, that led to the embittered outpourings which
we find in lines of the Gathas. Such rebuffs could not but
produce times of despondency and distress, an echo of which
we hear lingering in these Hymns. Zarathushtra more than
once breaks forth with a cry against such rulers and powerful
lords who use not their sovereignty for the protection of the
righteous and for the advancement of virtue. If it were not
so, he would not thus have found himself a wanderer knowing
not whither to turn.? Yet hope is mingled with discouragement,
and yet again despair with expectation. We next find Zoroas-
ter a long way off to the south and southeast of Iran in the
land of Seistan. Consult the Map.
After failing with Vaédvdisht, Zaratiisht receives comfort
and direction from Atharmazd. He takes his pilgrim path
and missionary road to one ‘Parshat,’ a ruler whose title is
given as ‘Tora’ (Bull), and who dwells ‘at the end of Sagas-
tan’ (Seistan).* This territory borders upon Afghanistan and
Baluchistan, and by the expression ‘end of Sagastan’ may be
meant somewhere in the region of Ghazni. A curious story is
1Ys. 44. 20; cf. Phi. version and Akhtydof Yt. 5. 82, and consult the
Mills, Zoroastrian Gdathas, pp. 216-
217 ; also Haug, Essays on the Parsis,
p. 289 (38d ed.) ; Darmesteter, Le ZA.
i, 294.
2 Ys. 32. 12-14; 49. 1-2; 61. 12.
It is not certain, however, that Gréhma
and Béndva really are proper names.
Vaépya Kevina, of evil fame, is called
‘the Kai sodomite Akht, the heretic
of dark existence,’ in Dk.9. 44.14; ef.
Phi. Ys. 50 (51). 12, and compare also
references given by Justi, Namenbuch,
p. 13a, and TIranische Religion in
Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, pp. 245-247.
8 Compare, for example, the Kam
nemoi zam Gatha, Ys. 46. 1 seq., and
Geiger in Darab D. P. Sanjana’s Zara-
thushtra in the Gathas, pp. 171-175.
4 Dk. 7.4. 31.
5 So Dr. West (letter), and see his
note on Dk. 7. 4. 31. In this connec-
tion we may recall a statement of Am-
HE GOES TO SEISTAN 45
now told to show the virtue of Hdm-water from the Iranian
Jordan, or river Daiti (Av. Daitya). With the name Parshat-
tora we may compare the Avestan Parshat-gau.1 This
Parshat begs for some of the holy Daitya water. From
what follows it is evident that Zoroaster must have combined
with the mission of gospel teaching some claims also to medical
skill and practice in healing. He first bids Parshat to praise
righteousness, to curse the demons, and openly to profess the
Faith. Parshat carries out the former two injunctions, but he
fails to comply with the third by adopting the Creed. Zara-
tisht therefore does not fulfil his request, but passes on, and
by means of the Hém-water which had not been bestowed upon
the weakling, he cures a four-year-old bull that had lost its
virile power.? The name of Parshat disappears from sight.
The entire allusion to Seistan is of interest in connection
with the Prophet’s wanderings to remote places and to lands
far distant from his home. Two facts also are recalled by it :
first, the territory of Seistan is the place of origin of the
Kayanian dynasty to which King Vishtaspa belongs; second, the
scene cannot have been far removed from that seat of stiff-necked
unbelief, the home of Rustam. Certain it is, that one of Vish-
taspa’s earliest missionary efforts after his own conversion was
in the direction of this very scene where Zoroaster’s earlier
endeavor had been unsuccessful with Parshat, the Bull, who
dwelt ‘at the end of Sagastan.’® From what comes after, it
appears that the Prophet now journeyed back, perhaps by a
round-about way, towards his own home, for we next find him
mianus Marcellinus, 28. 6. 33, which
associates Zoroaster’s name with the
northern territory of India— superio-
vis Indiae ; see Appendix V. § 22, also
p. 72, n. 8, p. 87, n. 1, and the remarks
on ‘ White India’ in Appendix IV. p.
207, n. 2.
1 Yt. 13. 96.127, and see West’s note
in SBE. xlvii. 57; cf. also Parshat-
gavo in Dk. 9. 24.17, SBE. xxxvii. 230.
2Dk. 7. 4. 29-35 (West, SBE.
xlvii. 57-58).
8 On the propaganda in Seistan,
compare the Pahlavi treatise, ‘ Won-
ders of Sagastan,’ referred to by West
in Grundriss d. iran. Phitol. ii. 118,
and translated for me by Dr. West;
also the Shah Namah allusions; see
below, Crusades (Chap. IX.).
46 THE REVELATION
in the northwest, in the region to the south of the Caspian Sea
(cf. Map), proceeding apparently on his way to his native land
of Adarbaijan.
Second Vision — Conference with Vohu Manah. — In the seven
or eight years that follow the first vision of the empyrean
throne and the first communing with Ormazd, Zoroaster enjoys
the divine favor of six more conferences individually with the
six Archangels. We know of these from fragmentary accounts
of the lost Avestan Nasks, or sacred books, and we have descrip-
tions of them in Pahlavi literature, especially in the Selections
of Zat-sparam.t They are attested also in Yasna 43 of the
Gathas and elsewhere in the Avesta. The interviews, ques-
tionings, or revelations occur in different places and at different
times. The period of the ten years from thirty to forty in the
Prophet’s life was a time of great spiritual activity as well as of
energetic labor. His soul lives partly in the world beyond the
present; he sums up within himself the generation of those
whose young men saw visions and whose old men dreamed
dreams. As the veil is withdrawn from before his eyes the
several Archangels appear at different times before his en-
tranced sight. Each Amshaspand enjoins upon him special
moral duties and practical obligations including particularly
the guardian care of material or living things over which they
preside in the physical world — the animals, fire, metals, earth,
water, and plants.
The first of these seraphic manifestations, or the second
revelation from heaven, is a conference with the archangel
Vohtman, or Vohu Manah of the Avesta, who intrusts to the
Lord’s chosen minister the care and keeping of useful animals,
for Vohu Manah’s name, even in the Gathas, is especially
associated with the protection of the animal kingdom.? Accord-
1Zsp. 22. 1-13. Add also Dk. 8. Vohu Manah’s name with the care of
14, 2-9; ZtN. p. 495-8 ; Dab. i. 232-44. cattle in the Gathas, see Geiger, East-
2Zsp. 22. 3-6; ZtN. p. 495; Dab. — ern Iranians, transl. Darab D. P. San-
i, p. 240. And for the association of jama, i. p. xxxv.
VISIONS OF THE ARCHANGELS 47
ing to the Selections of Zat-sparam, the scene of this special
interview granted by Vohtiman to Zaratiisht, and the giving of
injunctions to the inspired Seer, is laid in the region of Iran to
the south of the Caspian Sea or in the Alborz mountains, for
the text designates it as ‘the conference on Higar and Aiusind,’
which are regarded as two peaks of that range.!
Third Vision — Conference with Asha Vahishta. — The third
interview is ‘a conference at the Tojan water’; this is held
with the archangel Artavahisht, who enjoins upon Zoroaster
the care of the Fire and the guardianship of all fires, sacred
and secular.2 The place where this apparition comes to the
Prophet is to the south of the Caspian Sea and somewhat to
the east, if I am right in identifying ‘the Tojan water’ with
the river Tajan (lat. 36-87; long. 55-56) —see the key to
the Map. This identification would agree well with the
region of the preceding vision and with the probable situation
of the following. The territory, I believe, is volcanic in its
character, which would also answer to the kingdom of fire over
which Asha Vahishta is the presiding genius.
Feurth Vision — Conference with Khshathra Vairya. — The
fourth ecstatic trance which is vouchsafed to the Seer brings
him into the presence of the archangel Shatvér (Av. Khshathra
Vairya), who assigns to him the care and keeping of metals.
The scene of this manifestation is not absolutely identified.
The Selections of Zat-sparam call the interview the ‘ conference
1 Zsp. 22. 8. From the Avesta we
know that Mount Hukairya (Av. Hu-
kairya Barazah) is a peak of Hara
Berezaiti (the Alborz chain); and
Atsind (Av. Us Hindva) stands in
the Sea Vourukasha (Caspian Sea).
Compare notes by West, SBE. v. 35,
and Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 584.
2So Zsp. 22. 7 (West's transla-
tion).
8 Zsp. 22. 7; ZtN. p. 496; Dab. i.
p. 241,
4Consult also the maps in J. de
Morgan, Mission Scientifique en Perse,
Cartes, Paris, 1897. Cf. Curzon, Per-
sia, i. 878, and his map.
5In a note on the passage, West
(SBE. xvii. 161, n. 2) doubtfully sug-
gests the Tejend River; but if so, that
would be the only instance of a vision
being manifested in territory so far to
the east. See also my next proposed
identification,
48 THE REVELATION
at Sarai(?), a settlement on the Mivan(’?).’! Dr. West draws
attention to the fact that his reading of these names is uncertain
and that he has not identified the places. I should venture to
suggest that we are still in the South Caspian region, in the
mountainous territory not far removed from the scene of the
preceding interview. On the same river Tajan, that has just
been alluded to, is the town of Sari, to the east of Barfrush
(see Map), which would correspond to the settlement Sarai of
the text, especially if there be mines in the neighborhood under
Khshathra Vairya’s dominion. The territory is Mazanderan,
but we know that Zoroaster, dervish-like, wandered also in the
country of fiends, demon-worshippers, and wicked unbelievers
before he met with the one truly righteous king and protector.?
Fifth Vision — Conference with Spenta Armaiti.— For the
fifth transcendent manifestation we must trace our way over
various districts and provinces to the region of Lake Caécista
(mod. Urumiah), or back into Adarbaijan.2 From Zat-sparam
we know that this interview took place there, because the text
states, that ‘for the occurrence of the fifth questioning, which
is Spendarmat’s, the spirits of the regions, frontiers, stations,
settlements, and districts, as many as were desirable, have come
out with Zaratisht to a conference where there is’a spring
which comes out from the Asnavad mountain, and goes into the
Daitih.’”* Mount Asnavad, which is found also in the Avesta
and is famous likewise as having been the seat of the Gush-
nasp fire, is unquestionably to be localized in Adarbaijan.5 It
is not to be confused with the ‘Mountain of the two Holy Com-
muning Ones,’ described above (p. 84). As a likely identifica-
1 Zsp. 22. 8; see West, SBE. xlvii.
161, note 4.
2JIn offering this conjecture I am
not unmindful of Sarai near Baki (see
Saint-Martin, Nouveau Dict. de Géog-
raphie, v. 668); and Sarai near Bok-
hara; Sarai in India; and Sarain in
Adarbaijan ; also Sari near Marand in
De Goeje, Bibl. Geogr. Arab, vi. 91, 218,
3 Zsp. 22. 9; ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i.
p. 242.
4 Zsp. 22. 9, West’s translation.
5 For references, see West, SBE.
xlvii. 161, n. 5; and Darmesteter, Le
ZA. i. 152-154; ii. 299, 620; cf. also
Justi, Hdb. der Zendsprache, s.v.
asnavat, where an identification with
Takht-i Suleiman is mentioned.
SCENES OF THESE HEAVENLY INTERVIEWS 49
tion I should suggest that the Mountains of Sahend (lat. 37.50;
long. 46.50—see Map, square Bb.) would answer the require-
ments of the text here and elsewhere. Waters from a ‘spring’
on the mountain side might well flow in the manner described
by the text if the Daitih be associated with the Kizel Uzen and
Spéd (Sefid), as already proposed (pp. 40-41).
Sixth Vision — Conference with Haurvatat.— The scene of
the next hallowed interview is laid at the same place, near
Lake Urumiah, and it may best be described by using again
the words of the Zat-sparam itself: ‘For the occurrence of the
sixth questioning, which is Khtrdat’s (Av. Haurvatat), the
spirits of seas and rivers have come with Zarattsht to a con-
ference at the Asnavad mountain, and he was told about the
care and propitiation of water.’! Like the preceding inter-
view the location therefore is Adarbaijan.
Seventh Vision — Conference with Ameretat.— The seventh
and last enraptured sight, which completed the Revelation,
is a vision accompanied by a conference with the guardian
divinity of the plants, Amirdat (Av. Ameretat).2 This is
not confined to a single spot, but Adarbaijan is the scene.
To quote the words of tradition, it occurred ‘on the precipi-
tous bank of the Dareja, on the bank of the water of Daitih,
and different places.’? The Dareja or Dare] is the ancestral
river of Zoroaster, and it is to be localized in Adarbaijan, as
discussed above and in Appendix IV. In the same appendix,
reasons are given for localizing the Daitih (Av. Daitya) in
Adarbaijan.t Consequently, Zoroaster must gradually have
found his way back to his home, and the scene of the final
interview must have been in this territory, although the expres-
sion ‘different places,’ applied to the interview with Amirdat
would seem to show that the questionings with this archangel
were not confined to these two sites alone.
1Zsp. 22. 11 (West’s translation), 8 Zsp. 22. 12, West, SBE. xlvii.
and cf. ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i. p. 242. 162.
2Zsp. 22. 12; ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i. 4 See also above, pp. 40-41.
p. 243.
E
50 THE REVELATION
Other Spiritual Manifestations. —In these various visions of
Paradise which are granted to Zoroaster, and which rival the
seven heavens of Mohammed, the Prophet becomes quite well
acquainted with the empyrean realms and with the celestial
hierarchy of God, the angels, and archangels.1 The tendency
to visionary trance is further manifested by the apparition of
Haoma, which rises before Zarathushtra at the altar, as
described in the Avesta (Ys. 9. 1).2. The Pahlavi commentary
on this passage adds that Zoroaster at once recognized Hém
‘because he had had conferences with most of the angels
(Izads) and he was acquainted with them.’ The same idea of
heavenly visitations is implied elsewhere in the Avesta, for
example, where Ashi Vanuhi is conceived of as conversing
with Zarathushtra.*
To Summarize the Seven Visions.— At the age of thirty
Zoroaster receives a revelation, and during the next ten years
he beholds seven visions of Ormazd and the Archangels. In
Zoroastrian literature there are several allusions to these mani-
festations. A chapter in the Selections of Zat-sparam describes
the conferences with most detail. Its account implies that the
visions occurred during the winters—a time when the Prophet
perhaps chose to rest from his itinerant labors, like Buddha
during the rainy season. The particular paragraph referring
to this point is worth quoting. It runs: ‘The seven questions
are explained within the length of these winters, which are of
five months, and within ten years.’> As to scene, the text says,
at the outset, that ‘the seven questions, with reference to reli-
gion, of the seven archangels, occurred in seven places.’® If
1Jn this connection, attention might,
perhaps, be drawn to the chapter on
the Yazatas (Izads) in the Great Ira-
nian Bindahishn, translated by Dar-
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 305-22 ; cf. West,
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 102 (par.
35).
2¥For a poet’s view of Zoroaster’s
spiritual visions, we might recall the
lines of Shelley, Prometheus Unbound,
1. 1. 198-201.
3 See Darmesteter, ZA. translated
(2 ed.) in SBE. iv. 258, and also Le
ZA, iii. 29.
“Yt. 17. 15-21.
5 Zsp. 22. 13 (West’s tr.).
6 Zsp. 22. 1 (West's tr.).
THE TEMPTATION OF ZOROASTER 51
we follow tradition, the scenes of five of the visions, namely,
the first, second, fifth, sixth, and seventh, are certainly to be
localized in the west of Iran, in Adarbaijan and the southern
Caspian territory. If the identification, suggested above, of
Tojan and of Sarai be correct, the place of the third and of the
fourth conferences likewise is directly to the south of the Cas-
pian Sea. Media Atropatene and Media Rhagiana may there-
fore be regarded, on the basis of tradition at least, as the place
of Zoroaster’s apocalyptic visions of heaven.
The Temptation of Zoroaster. — The ten years of interviews
and communings with the Divine Beings are now at an end.
The Revelation is complete. Zoroaster receives from Ormazd
some final admonitions, and he carries with him from heaven
the supreme knowledge contained in the Avesta and also the
sacred Ahuna Vairya formula—the paternoster of Zoroas-
trianism. At parting he is warned to guard against the tempta-
tions of the fiends who will beset his path as he returns among
men. It is the instant when a weaker spirit might be prone to
falter, and when a false step would mean ruin and damnation.
It is the moment when Mara whispered to the newly Enlight-
ened Buddha, tempting him to enter at once into Nirvana and
not to give forth to mankind the illumination which he himself
by so hard a struggle had won. The Powers of Evil now
gather their forces for a combined attack upon Zarathushtra.
A description of the Temptation is given both in the Avesta
and in the Pahlavi writings. The demon Buiti (Phl. Bit) is
sent by Ahriman to deceive and to overthrow the holy messen-
ger. But Zoroaster is armed with a breastplate of righteous-
ness and with the spiritual weapons of the Law, as well as
materially equipped; and he defeats his spiritual enemies and
puts them to flight. The Avesta pictures the situation as fol-
lows: —
‘From the region of the north, from the regions of the north, forth
rushed Anra Mainyu, the deadly, the Demon of Demons. And thus
howled the maleficent Anra Mainyu, the deadly: “O Fiend, rush
52 THE REVELATION
on and kill him,” Orighteous Zarathushtra! The Fiend rushed
then along, the demon Buiti, the secret-moving Pestilence, the
deceiver.
‘Zarathushtra recited the Ahuna Vairya, saying: “As the Lord,
etc.” He worshipped the good waters of the good Daitya. He
recited the creed of the Religion of Mazda-worshippers. And away
rushed the Fiend confounded, the secret-moving Pestilence, the
deceiver.
‘The Fiend then howled back to Anra Mainyu: “Thou tormentor,
Anra Mainyu! I can find no destruction for him—for Spitama
Zarathushtra. All-glorious is Zarathushtra.” Now, Zarathushtra,
perceived in his heart, “The fiendish maleficent Demons are plotting
my destruction.”
‘Upstarted Zarathushtra, forward stepped Zarathushtra, undaunted
by Evil Thought, by the hardness of his malicious questions, and
wielding stones in his hand, stones big as a house, having obtained
_ them from Ahura Mazda, he the righteous Zarathushtra.
‘«Whereat in this broad, round earth, whose boundaries are far
distant (asked the Demon), dost thou wield (these stones), thou who
standest upon the high bank of the river Drej (Dareja), at the abode
of Pourushaspa ? ”
‘And Zarathushtra responded to Anra Mainyu: “O maleficent
Anra Mainyu! I shall smite the creation of the Demons, I shall
smite the Nasu (demon of Death), who is created by the Demons.
(Yea), I shall smite the Enchantress (Pairika Khnathaiti), until the
Saviour (Saoshyant), the Victorious shall be born from the waters of
Kasava, from the region of the dawn, from the regions of the
dawn.’’}
‘Thereupon to him howled back Anra Mainyu, the Lord of Evil
Creation: “Do not destroy my creatures, O righteous Zarathushtra!
Thou art the son of Pourushaspa; I was worshipped (?) by thy
mother. Renounce the good Religion of the worshippers of Mazda,
so as to obtain a boon such as Vadhaghana obtained, the ruler of a
nation.” ?
‘But Spitama Zarathushtra answered him: “No! I shall not
1 This is the Messiah thatisto spring see Mkh. 57.25; Dat. 72.5; 78.2; Dk.
from the seed of Zarathushtra; he is 9. 10.3; 9.21.4; 7. 2. 64; Zsp. 12.
to be born in the land of Seistan, the 13 (West, SBE. xxiv. 108; xviii. 217,
home of the Kayanian royal family. 228; xxxvii. 185, 212; xlvii. 82, 186).
2On the Vatakan tyrant Dahak,
HIS FIRST CONVERT 53
renounce the good Religion of the worshippers of Mazda, not though
life, and limb, and soul should part asunder.”
‘And again to him howled out Anra Mainyu, the Lord of Evil
Creation: “By whose word wilt thou vanquish, by whose word wilt
thou withstand, and by what weapon will the good creatures (with-
stand and vanquish)? my creation, who am Anra Mainyu?”
‘Spitama Zarathushtra answered him: “With the sacred mortar,
with the sacred cup, with the Word proclaimed by Mazda, with my
own weapon, and it is the best one. With this word will I vanquish
with this word will I withstand, with this weapon will the good
creatures (withstand and vanquish thee), O malignant Anra Mainyu!
The Good Spirit created these, he created them in the Boundless
Time; the Amesha Spentas, the good and wise rulers presented
them.”
‘And Zarathushtra recited aloud the Ahuna Vairya.’?
The Dinkart has a briefer account of the episode; and the
Zartusht Namah and Dabistan also allude to the assault of the
princes of darkness upon Zoroaster as he is returning, and to
their specious, guileful, and tempting words. This tempta-
tion, therefore, offers an indirect parallel to that in Buddhism
and in Christianity. No likeness is familiar in Mohammedan-
ism nor in the Mosaic system. But besides this, another seduc-
tive deception awaits the Prophet of Mazda, like the Knight of
true Holiness encountering Foul Error and Hypocrisy in the
Faerie Queene, a passage which might be compared. For
Zoroaster, as forewarned by Atharmazd, is again tempted, this
time by a Karap who has assumed the feminine form of Spen-
darmat; but he discovers the disguise and exorcises the fiend
as described in the Dinkart.*
Maidhyoi-maonha, the First Convert to the Faith. — We may
now imagine Zoroaster in this tenth year of the Religion as
busily engaged in his mission among men. The bugle note of
1So, after Darmesteter’s construc- 8Dk. 7. 4. 36-41; ZtN. p. 498;
tion of hukaratiiaho. Dab. i. p. 244.
2 Vd. 19. 1-10; compare also Dar- 4 Dk. 7.4. 54-62; see West’s trans-
mesteter’s translation in SBE. ivy. 208 lation.
seq. (2 ed.).
54 THE REVELATION :
success is sounded even though the full triumph and victory is
still to be delayed for two years more. Yet only one convert
has been made; but the conversion is important; it is Zara-
thushtra’s own cousin Maidhydi-maonha (Phl. Métyd-mah)
already mentioned (p. 20). The Zat-sparam selection states
the fact thus: ‘On the completion of revelation, that is, at the
end of the ten years, Métydmah, son of Arastai,! became faith-
ful to Zaratisht.’2 The fact is definitely alluded to in the
Gathas and in the Younger Avesta (which contains lists also
of later converts, in the Farvadin Yasht),? and it is noticed in
other Zoroastrian writings. Quotations are unnecessary.
Maidhydi-maonha’s being drawn to the new faith and his
acceptance of the creed is a fulfilment of the promise which
Zaratisht’s first vision gave when he beheld the image of a vic-
torious army under this leader coming to join him.* The Zat-
sparam rightly interprets the allegory: ‘Métyomah was the
leader of all mankind who have gone out to the presence of
Zaratisht, and he became their guide, so that first MétyOmah
and afterwards the whole material existence are attracted (to
the faith).’6 The scene of the conversion is laid by the Zat-
sparam ‘in the forest of reedy hollows, which is the haunt of
swine of the wild-boar species.’ It would be interesting if
one could identify the situation. We may henceforth think of
Maidhyoi-maonha as a sort of St. John the disciple.
Conclusion. — The first ten years of the Religion have now
passed; seven visions have been seen; the Revelation is com-
plete; Zoroaster has withstood the temptation and assaults of
the Powers of Evil; he has also won his first disciple. And
yet at this instant, after the exhilaration of success, there
comes the moment of depression and despondency. We have
1 See genealogical table in Chap. II. 8 Ys. 61.19; Yt. 18. 95.
2 Zsp. 23. 1. According to the tra- 4 Zsp. 21. 2; ZtN. p. 491; Dab. i.
ditional dating, the year would be p. 230-1. Cf. p. 40 above.
B.c. 620. See West, SBE. xlvii. In- 5 Zsp. 21.3 (West, SBE. xlvii. 155).
trod. § 55, and Appendix III. below. 8 Zsp. 23. 8.
CONCLUSION 55
evidence of this; for, to quote the words of a Zat-sparam selec-
tion, ‘ Afterwards, on having obtained his requests, he came
back to the conference of Attharmazd, and he spoke thus: “In
ten years only one man has been attracted by me.”’1 Ormazd
answers paradoxically, but the answer seems to have given an
inspiration, for the efforts of the next two years are unceasing,
—crucial years as they were,— success attends, the climax is
reached, the achievement is won. This achievement is the con-
version of Vishtaspa, the triumph of the Faith, as described in
the next chapter.
1 Zsp. 23. 2.
CHAPTER V
TRIUMPH
THE CONVERSION OF KING VISHTASPA IN THE TWELFTH YEAR
OF THE FAITH
And het hine gan td Sam cynge and bidian him rihtne geléafan, and hé swa
dyde, and se cing gecyrde to rihtne geléafan.
— ANGLO-SAxON CHRONICLE.
IntRODUCTION — ZOROASTER SEEKS VISHTASPA — MEETING BETWEEN ZARA-
TUSHT AND VisHTAsp — ZARATUSHT DISPUTES WITH THE Wiss Mrn —
ConsPIRACY AGAINST HIM; HIS ImpRISONMENT— THE EPISODE OF THE
Buack Horse— Compete ConveRSION oF VISHTASP—COMING OF THE
ARCHANGELS — VISHTASP’S VISION— CONCLUSION
Introduction. — The eleventh and twelfth years of the Reli-
gion are stirring years in the Prophet’s life ;1 they are years of
struggle, bitter trial, temporary disappointment, but of final
triumph; they are the two years devoted to the conversion of
Vishtaspa ; and when success finally crowns the effort, they
form the great climax in Zoroaster’s career. A firm and power-
ful hand is henceforth to uphold the Faith. The events, inci-
dents, and occurrences, which are recorded by tradition in con-
nection with this important era are presented here in detail;
and the words of the texts themselves are employed, as far as
possible in narrating them. In order truly to appreciate the
spirit of the situation one should call to mind descriptions of
similar conversions in the history of the world’s great religions.
Zoroaster seeks Vishtaspa.— As already noted, an inspira-
1 g.c. 619-618, according to the tra- xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appendix III.
ditional chronology ; see West, SBE. below.
56
ZOROASTER SEEKS VISHTASPA 57
tion seems to have come to Zoroaster that he should turn to
the court of Vishtaspa. The Younger Avesta tells how he
prayed to Ardvi Stra, the goddess of waters, that he might
win Vishtaspa to the Faith.1 Vishtaspa is a king or princely
ruler, but he and his court are represented as having been
wrapt in the toils of evil religious influence and fettered by the
false belief that was rife in the land. The picture which the
Zoroastrian texts give is naturally a distorted one, colored by
religious prejudice and animosity; but doubtless its darkness is
not without reason. Everything is portrayed as bound by base
superstition, or under the thrall of dread magic. ‘There is the
stifling atmosphere of the dark ages of the Atharva Veda that
was still hanging like a pall over the cousin-land of India.
Iran or the court of Vishtasp is dominated by scheming and
unscrupulous priests, the Kigs and Karaps, or Kavis and Kar-
pans of the Avesta. Especially powerful among these is one
Zak —a name that seems to occur only in the Dinkart, and his
ill reputation has destined him otherwise for oblivion. The
Dinkart gives a number of interesting particulars on the sub-
ject, which are translated by West, and are worth quoting in
part. ‘Zaratiisht became aware from revelation about the vile-
ness and perverted religion of Zak of the deadly Karaps of
Vishtasp and many other Kais and Karaps who were at the
residence of Vishtasp.’? Accordingly, ‘after the continuance
of the last questioning of the ten years of conference [he took]
his departure alone, by the advice and command of Atharmazd,
to the residence of Vishtasp and the precinct of that terrible
conflict.’
The Shikand-giimanik-Vijar, 10. 64-66 also adds that ‘ Zara-
tiisht came alone on a true mission, to the lofty portal of Kai
Gushtasp, and the religion was taught by him, with a powerful
tongue, to Kai Gushtasp and the learned, through the speech
of wisdom, through manual gestures, through definite words,
1Yt. 5. 105. 8 Dk. 7. 4. 65.
2 Dk. 7. 4. 64.
58 TRIUMPH
through explanation of many doubts, and through the presen-
tation of the visible testimony of the archangels, together with
many miracles.’!
The Dinkart speaks several times of the ‘residence,’ ‘lofty
residence,’ ‘abode,’ ‘capital or metropolis’ of Vishtasp, but it
does not make clear where this was located.? Neither does the
Avesta nor any known Pahlavi text make a precise and definite
statement. But the later tradition, Persian and Arabic, persist-
ently maintains that the city of Balkh was the scene of the
conversion. A full discussion of this question is given below
in Appendix IV., so it is omitted here. It must be remembered
therefore when ‘Balkh’ is mentioned hereafter it is used
because the name stands in the particular connection or source
from which the material in question is being drawn; a final
judgment on the matter is avoided for the present.
It is at this juncture that a curious legend is narrated of a
strange incident which happened as Zoroaster was on his way to
Vishtasp (Gushtasp). The modern Persian Dabistan, basing
its statement upon the authority of a priest who quoted from
an old treatise, recounts how two infidel rulers were punished
for refusing to adopt the Faith at the holy bidding of the
Prophet as he was proceeding to interview the great king.
The selection reads: ‘The Mobed Suriish, the Yazdanian, has °
1 West, SBE. xxiv. 170-1. Whether the two words are used in-
2Dk. 7. 4. 64, 65, 75, 76, 77, 84;
6.2 (= SBE. xlvii. pp. 64 bis, 67, 68
bis, 70, 74) ; 8. 11.3; in the Shik. Gam.
Vij. 10. 64, transl. ‘lofty portal’ (West,
SBE. xxiv. 170). Dr. West (Aug. 2,
1897) writes me: ‘In Dk. 7. 4. 64, 65,
the word translated ‘‘capital’’ in the
Grundriss, and ‘‘residence’’ in SBE.
vol. xlvii. is baba@ (= dar Pers.). Asa
mint-mark on coins it is understood to
mean ‘‘ the capital, or metropolis.”” It
also occurs Dk. 8. 11. 3 (SBE. xxxvii.
24). The word mdn, “abode,” “house,”
is also used in 7. 4. 75, 76, 77, etc.
differently, or whether babd rather
means ‘‘ the city,’? and mdn, ‘‘ the pal-
ace,’’? is uncertain. There is no hint
in Dk. as to where this capital, or
residence, was.’ Furthermore (Jan.
7, 1898), ‘Dk. 7. 4. 76, ‘‘ lofty resi-
dence’? = buland mdnishné, where
biland may mean “high” either in po-
sition or character; ‘tall, exalted,
or eminent.’’’ If ‘lofty residence’
or ‘capital’ should perhaps signify
Balkh, we might compare Shelley’s
‘that high capital,’ meaning Rome.
ZOROASTER MEETS VISHTASPA 59
been heard to say, “It is recorded in the treatise of Mihin
Fartish that, according to the doctors of the pure faith, when
Zardusht had thus obtained the victory over the demons, and
was proceeding to an interview with the great King Gushtasp,
there happened to be two oppressive and infidel kings in his
road; these Zardusht invited to adopt the pure faith and turn
away from their evil practices ; but they heeded not his words ;
he therefore prayed to God, and there began to blow a mighty
wind, which lifted up these two kings on high and kept them
suspended in the air; the people who came around were aston-
ished on beholding this sight ; the birds also from every quarter
of the sky flocked around the two kings, and with beaks and
talons tore off their flesh until the bones fell to the ground.” ’?
The legend has a weird picturesqueness, to say the least !
Meeting between Zaratiisht and Vishtasp.—If we under-
stand the Dinkart text aright, the moment of the first meeting
between Zaratisht and Vishtasp must have been when the king
was on the race-course (Phil. aspdnvar) ;? the Dinkart paragraph
speaks of Zoroaster as ‘ uttering, on the horse-course of Vishtasp,
a reminder of the power and triumph of Atharmazd over him-
self, as he invited Vishtasp to the religion of Atharmazd ; and
with great wisdom Vishtasp heard the words of Zaratisht, on
account of his own complete mindfulness, and would have
asked for an outpouring of prophecy. But thereupon — before
the words of Zaratisht (were fully) heard by him, and he could
have understood the character of Zarattisht— owing to the
demonizing of the deadly Zak and the rest of those Kigs and
Karaps, spoken out with slanderous knowledge and perverse
1 Dabistan, tr. by Shea and Troyer,
i, 244-245. A kindred idea perhaps is
contained in Dk. 7. 4. 82 end.
2Dk. 7. 4. 66. In answer to an
inquiry if, possibly, a town might be
intended, Dr. West says (Jan. 7, 1898),
‘There is a town Asbanbur, or Asfan-
bur, but I have not been able to dis-
cover where it is. I am doubtful,
however, if a town be meant by the
words: Madam Aspanvar-i Vishtaspo.
I should be more inclined to read as-
pakhvur for aspakhvir, ‘‘a horse-
stable.’ ’ In the latter case, one
might think perhaps of the story of
healing the black horse of Vishtasp.
60 TRIUMPH
actions to Vishtasp about Zaratiisht, there then (occurred) his
consignment of Zaratisht to confinement and punishment.’?
In the Zartusht Namah? the scene of the conversion is laid in
Balkh, where Vishtasp’s father, the old king Lohrasp (Av.
Aurvat-aspa) is generally stated to have lived in retirement
after his abdication. Masiidi (d. A.p. 957) also makes it Balkh,
and his testimony is nearly three hundred years earlier than the
Zartusht Namah.2 The Shah Namah (A.p. 1000) does not
make the assertion explicitly in so many words, but it lays all
the following scenes at Balkh, as discussed below (Appendix
IV. p. 214).4 The Cangranghacah Namah likewise lays the
scene of the rival Brahman’s conversion at Balkh.®
The later tradition adds details and embellishes the account.
According to the Zartusht Namah, King Vishtasp (Gushtasp)
was seated in royal estate in his palace when Ormazd’s apostle
appeared. According to Mohammedan writers, Kazwini and
Ibn al-Athir, Zoroaster enters the assembly in no ordinary
manner, but by a miracle: the roof parts asunder to give
entrance to his hallowed person.’ Ibn al-Athir also adds, that
‘in his hand was a cube of fire with which he played without its
hurting him.’ The scene might make a subject for a painting.
We must remember, furthermore, that Zoroaster originally
sprang from the country of naphtha wells; moreover, he may
not have been wholly unacquainted with effects produced by
chemical experiments if we may judge from accounts of the
scientific knowledge attributed to him.6 The Shah Namah
1Dk. 7. 4. 66-67 (West's transla-
tion). Cf. also Dk. 7. 5. 6.
2 ZtN. pp. 498-499.
8 See Masiidi’s statement in Appen-
dix IV. p. 199.
#Compare Mohl, Livre des Rois,
trad. iv. 290, 291, 298, 300.
5 See summary by Anquetil du Per-
ron, i. part. 2, p. 50.
6 ZtN. pp. 498-499.
7 Gottheil, References, p. 40. Both
of these writers belong to the thir-
teenth century of our era. Mirkhond
(History, tr. Shea, p. 287) repeats Ibn
al-Athir’s story of the wonderful fire.
Recall also classical allusions to the
fire. The reference is evidently to the
Burhzin Mitro fire described below.
8 H.g. in the Nasks, see Chap. VIII.
below, pp. 95-96 ; cf. also Dk. 7. 5. 8-
10, and also the classical statements on
p. 8 and in Appendix V.
HE DISPUTES WITH THE WISE MEN 61
similarly alludes to the censer or basin of fire which he brought
from Paradise to present to the King.! In these fire references
there seems to linger a reminiscence of the Burzhin Mitré fire,
shortly to be referred to. Kazwini apparently draws from some
traditional source or Pahlavi text when he describes an ordeal
of molten metal to which Zoroaster has to submit his person to
prove the divine truth of his mission.2 This is at least in
harmony with ‘the achievement of ordeal’ referred to in the
Dinkart as instituted or sanctioned by Zaratiisht who is there
cited as giving authority for thirty-three kinds of this judicial
test.2 This very achievement of Zoroaster forms the prototype
of a fiery ordeal undergone by one of his future apostles in
Sassanian times, and of the usage of the ordeal in the religion.
Zaratusht disputes with the Wise Men. — There is evidence
enough to show that the Prophet had to win his way step by
step during these two years of struggle and probation; and
there is no doubt that he at once encountered the antagonism
and vigorous opposition of the wise men of the king’s court.
According to tradition at least, there were not wanting those to
plot against him.
‘The Kavigs and Karaps,’ says the Zat-sparam, ‘in the manner
of opponents propounded thirty-three inquiries to him, so that
by command of Vishtaisp he became the explainer of those
thirty-three inquiries.’ This and the later debates are alluded
to in the Dinkart and elsewhere as ‘the terrible conflict,’ ‘the
terrible combat,’ ‘the great session,’ ‘the controversy about the
religion with the famous learned of the realm’ who were Zoro-
aster’s ‘fellow-disputants.’5 The Zartusht Namah, drawing
upon some source not now accessible, or supplying material from
imagination, graphically describes the scene with Eastern pomp
1T.e. mijmar-t atax, ShN. ed. Vul-__ p. 41; Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, p.
lers-Landauer, iii. 1498; Mohl tr. iv. 287.
290. On the amulet chain given to 8 Dk. 7. 5. 4-5 (West, SBE.).
Isfendiar, see p. 67, note 6. 4 Zsp. 28. 5.
2 Kazwini, ed. Wiistenfeld, ii. 267 ; 5 Dk. 7. 4. 65, 69, 70, 73; 5. 2. 10;
cf. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, Zsp. 28. 5.
62 TRIUMPH
and Oriental detail.1 The sages of Vishtasp are seated in grave
council to dispute with the new-comer and stranger, with the
herald of Ormazd. The debate and controversy lasts no less
than three days.? The Priest of the Zend-Avesta comes off
triumphant at every point.2 He claims the office of Prophet
and begins to recite the sacred texts to the king.*
Conspiracy against Zoroaster ; his Imprisonment. — Vishtiasp’s
interest is aroused, and the divine Seer seems to have produced
a marked effect by being able through his prescience, as the
story goes, openly to disclose and tell the thoughts of the king
and of others, with astonishing results.6 A plot, however, is
concocted by those whose light the brilliancy of the new lumi-
nary has dimmed. The priests who are supplanted in influence
enter into a conspiracy, like those who sought to find occasion
against Daniel, and they intrigue for Zoroaster’s death.6 By
suborning the porter of his lodging, as the tale relates, these
wicked schemers succeed in hiding vile material within the holy
man’s apartments so that it may be used as evidence against him.
The hair, nails, heads, of cats and dogs, together with various
other paraphernalia of witchcraft and sorcery, are thus slipped
in. On this false evidence Zoroaster is accused of being a
wizard and necromancer ; he is thrown into prison and is left
to starve. Such is the account of the Zartusht Namah, and the
Pahlavi Dinkart alludes to the circumstance as well.?
The Episode of the Black Horse. — A miracle releases Zardusht.
It is the miracle which he wrought by restoring to health the
king’s Black Horse, as described with great elaboration in the
Zartusht Namah and incidentally referred to in the Dinkart.§
The king has a favorite black horse.® Upon the imprisonment
1 ZtN. pp. 499-501 ; repeated also in 4 ZtN. p. 501; Dab. i. pp. 249-250.
the Dabistan, i. pp. 245-250. 5 Dk. 7. 4. 71; 5. 2. 8.
2 ZtN. p. 501. 6 ZtN. p. 503 seq. repeated in Dab. i.
8 One is somewhat reminded of the _p. 251.
questionings of the scribes and Phar- 7 Dk. 7. 4. 64, 67; 7. 5. 6.
isees, if not of Luther’s disquisi- 8 ZtN. pp. 504-509; Dk. 7. 4. 70.
tions, ® Apparently named Bahzad (well-
EPISODE OF THE BLACK HORSE 63
of Ormazd’s minister the animal’s four legs are suddenly drawn
up into its belly and the creature is unable to move. This
occurrence is plainly a manifestation of the divine displeasure.
In his dungeon cell Zardusht hears of what has happened. He
offers, if released, to restore the horse to its former soundness ;
but he will do this only upon the fulfilment of specific conditions.
These the king must agree to beforehand. Vishtasp is over-
joyed and promises to grant the Priest a boon for each foot of
the charger that is restored to its proper state. The details
which follow seem ludicrous, but such descriptions of cunning
practices are not unique. Hocus-pocus has been employed else-
where, and the situation doubtless had its parallels in other
courts of Eastern despots in ancient days. We must not forget
that even when St. Augustine preached Christianity to A‘thel-
bert of England, it was in the open air, owing to the king’s
dread of witchcraft which might exercise a spell upon him if he
were within four walls !
The first condition which Zardusht makes, is that Vishtisp
shall accept the Faith if one foot of the horse be restored.
Upon the king’s agreeing to this stipulation, and in answer to the
Prophet’s earnest prayer, ‘the right fore-leg of the horse came
out, since the word of the Shah was true.’! Before the ‘man
of God’ will grant the second boon, however, the king must
promise that his own warlike son Isfendiar (Av. Spento-data,
Phi. Spend-dat) shall fight as a crusader in support of the true
Faith. Thereupon, ‘the right hind-leg of the steed comes out
by the commandment of God.’ The third condition results
in the granting of a wished-for favor, the privilege of convert-
ing the queen to the Faith. Upon its fulfilment the descent of
the third leg is accomplished. The last promise includes the
revealing of the names of the culprits who had bribed the
bred) in the Shah Namah (Mohl, tr. _p. 360 (Wehzat), for other horses called
iv. pp. 320, 335), unless this name bea _ by this name.
merely typical one like ‘ Black Beauty ’ 1ZtN. p. 507 (Eastwick’s transla-
in English. Such at least is the tra- tion in Wilson, Parsi Religion, from
dition. See also Justi, Namenduch, which the quotations are made).
64 TRIUMPH
doorkeeper and had plotted against the Prophet of the Lord.
When these are revealed and the offenders appropriately pun-
ished by death, the horse is fully restored to health and leaps
up upon his four legs as sound as before.
This absurd story, which the Zartusht Namah, as just described,
tells minutely with considerable imagination and poetic embel-
lishment, receives only brief notice incidentally in the Dinkart,
when it refers to ‘the wonder about the splendid horse of
Vishtasp,’! and when in another part of the work, it mentions
‘the splendid horse of Vishtasp’ as the nonpareil of horses.?
The episode is seriously recorded, earlier than the Zartusht
Namah, by Shahrastani (born a.p. 1086), who lived in Khoras-
san.2 As the author of the Zartusht Namah (4.p. 1277) was
a native of Rai in the West, it shows how current the story
was. It is later repeated by Mirkhond.* How different from
the narrative of Constantine and the Cross !
Complete Conversion of Vishtasp.—'The conversion of Vish-
tasp is nearly complete, but he still seeks from Zardusht an
additional proof, a vision, a manifestation, some sign or token,
before he will be finally convinced. Inasmuch as he himself has
freely granted four favors to Zoroaster in acknowledgment of
his services, the king now himself makes four counter-requests,
as the narrative tells before he fully adopts the Faith. The
Zartusht Namah again relates these in detail, and we can infer
from incidental allusions in Avestan and Pahlavi texts that the
tradition was a recognized one.’ The first of these four request
by Vishtasp is that he may know his final doom and see his
place in Paradise ; the second, that his body may become invul-
1 Dk. 7. 4. 70. 5 ZtN. pp. 509-11. Compare the
2 Dk. 9. 22. 2 (West, SBH. xxxvii. fragmentary Avestan texts Vishtasp
220). Yasht, and Afrin Paighambar Zartisht
8 Shahrastani ed. Haarbrticker, i. (Yt. 24 and Yt.23). Cf also Dk. 7.
283; cf. Gottheil, References, p. 50. 4. 74-82; 7. 6. 13; Zsp. 28. 7 (SBE.
For references to Vishtasp’s horse xlvii. 67-70, 81, 164); Dk. 8.11. 2-3
Bahzad, see note on p. 62, above. (SBE. xxxvii. 24).
4 Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, pp.
287-288.
COMPLETE CONVERSION OF VISHTASPA 65
nerable ; the third favor is that he may have universal knowledge,
knowing the past, present, and future ; and fourth, that his soul
may not leave his body until the resurrection. The Prophet of
Ormazd gives assurance that all these requests may be granted ;
but he shows that such phenomenal privileges when granted
could not be combined in the person of a single individual.
The king must choose one boon out of the four. His selection
is to have permission to behold the place which he shall occupy
in heaven.
Coming of the Archangels. — This moment is the occasion of
the coming of three Amshaspands, or Archangels, from heaven,
to the palace of the king, as witnesses from Atharmazd to the
divinely inspired message of Zaratisht. These three heaven-
sent envoys are Vohtman, Ashavahisht, and the Propitious
Fire (Birzhin-Mitro, or Spénisht, Av. Spénishta).1 In its
description the Dinkart quotes a passage from ‘revelation’ as
follows: ‘Then he who is the creator Atharmazd spoke to
them, to Vohtiman6é, Ashavahisht6, and also the fire of Athar-
mazd, the propitious, thus: ‘“ Proceed! you who are archangels,
unto the abode of Vishtasp, whose resources are cattle and who
is far and widely famed, with a view to his reliance upon this
religion (that is, till he shall stand up for this religion); and,
as regards the answering words of the righteous Zaratiisht of
the Spitamas, to approve the nature of those words.”’? And,
as the paragraph continues, the archangels proceeded to the
abode of Vishtasp in such glorious effulgence that ‘their radi-
ance in that lofty residence seemed to him a heaven of com-
plete light, owing to their great power and triumph; this was
so that when he thus looked upon it, the exalted Kai-Vishtasp
trembled, all his courtiers trembled, all his chieftains were con-
1Dk. 7. 4. 75, 78; 7. 6. 18; Zsp. gers to be four, as it mentions two
23. 7; Dk. 8.11. 2-8 ; Bd.17.1,8. See fires, Adar Khirdad and Adar Gish-
also Darmesteter, Le ZA.i. 155. It asp beside the two archangels.
may be noticed that the Zartusht Na- 2Dk. 7. 4. 75-76 (West’s transla-
mah makes the number of the messen- _ tion).
F
66 TRIUMPH
fused, and he of the superior class was like the driver of a
chariot-horse.’!
The Zartusht Namah colors this part of the account by
graphically describing these messengers as majestic knights on
horseback in cavalier style, bristling with armor and clad in
green.2 The Dinkart goes on to tell how the Fire speaks out
and reassures the terrified king that they are come, not for
alarming him as the two envoys of his mortal foe Arjasp the
Khyoén later would do, but that they are come with a bidding
from heaven that he should receive the religion of Zaratiisht.
In that event they promise him a long reign and a life of one
hundred and fifty years(!), accompanied by many blessings
and exalted by an immortal son Péshyotan (Av. Peshétanu).
On the contrary, if he will not accept the holy Faith, they
threaten that his end will soon ensue. And the Archangels
thereupon took up their abode with Vishtasp.®
Vishtasp’s Vision. — It was after this stirring occurrence and
after the obedient Vishtasp had received the Creed, that a
glimpse of Paradise and a spiritual revelation of his trium-
phant success in life is vouchsafed to him. In referring to this
the Dinkart says: ‘For the sake of daily 4 and visibly showing
to Vishtasp the certified victory over Arjasp and the Khydns,
and his own superior position, unceasing rule, splendor, and
glory, the creator Atharmazd sends, at the same time, the
angel Néryésang to the abode of Vishtasp, as a reminder for the
archangel Ashavahisht6 to give to Vishtasp to drink of that
fountain of life, for looking into the existence of the spirits,
the enlightening food by means of which great glory and
beauty are seen by Vishtasp.’® The king now quaffs an ano-
dyne draft of ‘the fountain of life’® from a fine saucer which
1 Dk. 7. 4. 76 (West) ; cf. also Dk. ‘Notice this word. It is also of
7. 6.13; Zsp. 28. 7. interest in connection with an allusion
2 ZtN. p. 610; repeated by Dab. i. in Yatkar-i Zariran, § 12, and with the
p. 257. Holy Wars (Chap. IX.).
3 Dk. 7. 4. 77-82 ; and Dk. 8. 11. 3 5 Dk. 7. 4. 84 (West's transl.).
(SBE. xxxvii. 24). 6 Dk. 7. 4, 84-85.
CONCLUSION 67
is proffered to him by Ashavahishtd;1 and at his instigation
the queen also accepts the Faith.2- The Zartusht Namah? com-
pletes the picture by describing how the king’s son Peshdtan
(Bashtitan) receives from the Prophet’s hand a cup of milk
which he drains and becomes undying until the resurrection.‘
The grand vizir, Jamasp, inhales some magic perfumes and
becomes endowed with universal wisdom.’ The valiant Isfen-
diar (Av. Spentd-data, Phl. Spend-dat) partakes of a pome-
granate, and his body is made invulnerable, so that he may
fight the good fight of the Faith.6 Thus are bestowed the four
great boons which were asked by Vishtasp.
Conclusion. — In reviewing the accounts of the conversion of
Kavi Vishtaspa one can but feel convinced of the reality of the
event. It is not easy, however, to decide how much may be
“actual fact and how much is fiction in the stories that are told.
Nor is it easy to determine of how early or how late origin
some of these stories are. Several of them appear to be hinted
at in younger portions of the Avesta; they hardly would occur
in the existing Gathas, for the nature of those Psalms would
rather preclude them. Some of them seem to be built up on
the basis of old allusions which have been interpreted to suit a
situation. Several of them strike us to-day as silly, but a num-
ber of them as picturesque and as tinged with Oriental fancy.
Nevertheless, amid all the dross, grains of gold are undoubt-
edly to be found ; and beneath the blaze of tinsel and the glare
1So0 Dk., but by Zardusht, accord- books, and the later writings. Com-
ing to the Zartusht Namah, p. 611.
2 Dk. 7. 4. 86.
8 ZtN. p. 611; repeated in Dab. i.
pp. 259-260.
4JIn connection with this incident,
compare also the paragraph on Péshy6-
tan in Dk. 7. 5.12 (West, SBE. xlvii.
77). Inthe Avesta, and in Pahlavi writ-
ings, Peshétanu is always spoken of as
immortal.
5 This is the character of ‘the wise
Jamasp’ in the Avesta, the Pahlavi
pare also the Pahlavi treatise, Jamasp
Namak, noted by West in Grundriss
d. tran. Philol. ii. 110.
6 In the Shah Namah this quality
is conferred by means of an amulet
chain (kusti ?) which Zardusht is sup-
posed to have brought from heaven,
cf. p. 61, note 1, above. See Mohl, tr.
iv. 407, and cf. Spiegel, in Darab D. P.
Sanjana, Geiger’s Eastern Iranians,
ii. 211.
68 TRIUMPH
of gaudy coloring, a sober shade of truth may be recognized.
Other nations and other generations have sought for a sign;
the Zoroastrian writings are not the only texts that relate mir-
acles. An Eastern ruler in ancient days may not have been
insensible to influences which were of a cajoling character.
And as for the intrigues against Zoroaster, his imprisonment
and his release, we know that court jealousies and priestly con-
spiracies against a powerful rival have not been confined to
Iran. Fanciful stories of a bewitched horse may likewise be
found elsewhere. Banks and his horse, in Shakspere’s day,
would be an illustration. The conversion also of the queen of
the realm opened many another door to influence, as did Emma
to St. Augustine. Perhaps Hutaosa was early interested in
Zoroaster’s preaching. It suffices to say that even if the
actual circumstances connected with the momentous event of
Vishtasp’s conversion were not wholly as tradition later repre-
sents them, they might at least have been such or similar.
Votlé tout! The triumph of the Prophet is supreme.
CHAPTER VI
THE COURT OF VISHTASPA AND ITS CONVERSION
THE GATHAS OR ZOROASTRIAN PSALMS
Cepere plures quotidie ad audiendum verbum confluere.
—Bepa, Hist. Eccl. 1. 26.
ZOROASTER’S Patron VisHTAspaA— Romantic Srory or HIs YouTH— INFLv-
ENCE OF VISHTASPA’S ADOPTING THE New FatrH—Mempers or VISH-
TAspa’s Court; IMMEDIATE Conversions; Livinc PERSONALITIES IN THE
GArud4s—OrnerR Members or THE Court CIRCLE CONVERTED — Con-
CLUSION
Zoroaster’s Patron Vishtaspa. — Kavi Vishtaspa, or King
Vishtasp (Gushtasp), the Constantine of Zoroastrianism and
defender of the Faith, presents a figure so important in its
bearing that some additional details may appropriately be
given concerning this pious ruler’s history. His name is ever
recurring in Avestan and Pahlavi texts, in the Shah Namah,
and in Mohammedan writers who allude to Persia. A collec-
tion of the references to his name in the Avesta, supplemented
by general allusions in other Zoroastrian writings, is given at
the bottom of the page.!_ Special points of interest about him
11, The principal Avestan refer- 5.98 (a Naotairyan) ; Yt. 5. 105 (Z.
ences to Vishtaspa are: Gatha, Ys. prays for his conversion) ; Yt. 5. 108-
28. 7 (a boon to be granted to Vish- 109 (V. prays for victory); Yt. 5.
taspa and Zarathushtra) ; Ys. 46. 14 182 (type of successful conqueror) ;
(warrior V.); Ys. 51. 16 (V. an ideal Yt. 9. 29-32 (cf. Yt. 5. 108; 17. 49) ;
ruler in wisdom); Ys. 53. 2 (a fol- Yt. 18. 99-100 (hero of the Faith) ; Yt.
lower of Zarathushtra).—Yasna, 1%. 49-52 (cf. Yt. 9. 29-32); Yt. 17.
Ys. 12. 7 (a Zoroastrian) ; Ys. 28. 2 61 (prays to Ashi Vanuhi on the
and 26. 5 (his fravast). —Yasht, Yt. Daitya); Yt. 19. 84-87 (Kingly Glory,
69
70 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION
may be found also in Justi’s Jranisches Namenbuch, pp. 372,
395, together with an elaborate genealogical table which should
be consulted. An abridged list of Vishtaspa’s next-of-kin,
based upon Justi’s table, is appended on the opposite page.
From this genealogical list we see that the patron of Zara-
thushtra was the son of Aurvat-aspa (Lohrasp) and was
sprung from the old Kayanian line of kings.1_ He belongs to
the Naotairyan family (cf. Av. Naotairya, Naotairyana),? that
is, he was descended from an ancestor Naotara (Firdausi’s Naud-
har).2 His wife Hutaosa (Phl. Hiitds), the patroness of Zoro-
aster, is likewise of the Naotairyan family;* his brother Zairi-
vairi (Zarér or Zarir), a romantic hero and zealous convert,
wins lasting fame by his valiant death in battle in the first
Holy War, as described below. King Vishtaspa is the father
of many sons and daughters. Two of these sons, Spenté-data
defender of the Faith, conqueror) ;
Yt. 23. 1 seq. (Z.’s blessing upon V.) ;
Ys. 24. 1 seq. (Vishtasp Nask).
2. Pahlavireferences. The Phl.
Comment. to Ys. 43. 12 (cf. Ys. 27.6),
44. 16, and also Dk. 9. 33. 5, take Vish-
tdsp as a type of religious obedience, as
representative of Srdsh on earth (see
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 200, n. 24, and
p. 283, n. 40; also his Index, s.v.
‘Sraosha’ in iii. 226). In general,
the more important Pahlavi references,
and there are many, will be given as
occasion arises. Consult also the In-
dexes in West, SBE. vols. v. xviii.
xxiv. xxxvii. xlvii. under ‘ Vishtasp,’
‘Kai Vishtasp.’
3. Mohammedan references,
given below as they occur. Consult
also Gottheil, References, p. (29), 33
bis, 84 (35), 37 (unimportant), 39 bis,
40 bis; also Mirkhond, History, tr.
Shea, p. 284 (Balkh) ; Albiraini Chro-
nology, tr. Sachau, pp. 100 seq., 206.
4. Classical references. The
more important are given in this chap-
ter, but consult also Appendix V.
Mention might here be made likewise
of the so-called oracular sayings of
Vishtasp ; cf. Kuhn, Festgruss an R.
von Roth, p. 217.
1Yt. 5. 105, puéram yat aurvat-
aspahe. See also Justi, Iran. Namen-
buch, p. 188. The question of a change
of dynasty in the succession is referred
to in the next note.
2¥For the connection between the
Kavi dynasty and the Naotairyan clan
by adoption, see Justi, Tran. Namen-
buch, p. 372, and West, SBH. xlvii.
80, n. 1.
8 Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, pp.
226-227. Moreover, on Phil. Ndétar
and Rak, see West, SBE. xlvii. 29, 40,
44, 80, 147, and Appendix IV., below.
4Yt. 15. 35; cf. Yt. 18. 139; 9.26;
17. 46. The Pahlavi narrative Yat-
kar-i Zariraén, § 48 (Geiger, p. 59),
makes Hiités the sister as well as queen
of Vishtasp, according to Magian prac-
tice.
5 No less than thirty are spoken of in
ral
GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF VISHTASPA
qeivd —- pezeayig reumy
(63 ‘Is
‘pa ‘uesiey «= (68 ‘TS ‘PE
“OIU Io) ‘Wesrey-o1e}V¥ 10) (YsnuIepy 10) (pezysun 10)
qaynpreqy ‘eg funkeyey ‘gf eumy ‘Tw yy es sia WL eae IVYpeysON zoOIpe-1eqpy ysuUIqIW
= | [ee |
3
a)
‘a
s a 3 i
e 3 a Ss a
H rae a
3 | x54 a a)
> Sodan atte q
Peete e ge esasagse & 8
aR Sav setae pan st sao ey Nw
asSX¥aeseae@nureaega gry ee a
PTOraAdodunsdyFosy 3s
CAAevrevevrvneaoova PBZ ,, Fig
BnnkhH HH HH HH HD Gg 8 HB iD Is
ne esePOVODOoOOHOO 4 Or SNA a4
THAP PHP HH HHH BAe et Eo Y hee!
A ididididididieq dank dan a Canyseyy ‘teayseg 10) LITeaVyseg
‘ v =
“80T-Z0T bi 4A Jo Ssuog i i
(eg ‘d : ; : |
‘GN ‘UbuT “PIUBN 10) UnsEYeY ‘Tw osye Svsoviay ‘zw VaSVIHSIA suos 1eq}0 Jo Joqunu v (AM’Z IO) LITVATIIVT
(dsergoT 10) vdse-jeainy
“eSOAV OU} Ul punoy oav Suyosds yy payatd someyy)
"G6g “d ‘yonquawnyr sayosrunay ‘TYSNE IBITW
‘VdSYLHSIA dO WIGVL TVOISOTVANGD
72 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION
(Phl. Spend-dat, Pers. Isfendiar) and Peshotanu, have been
alluded to already and they will appear again. A daughter
Huma (Phi. Pers. Hiimai), renowned for her beauty, is carried
away, along with her sister Beh-Afrid, into captivity, by
the king’s mortal foe Arjasp; but they both are gallantly
rescued by their heroic brother Isfendiar, as told in the Shah
Namah.
The principal facts which the Avesta emphasizes about Vish-
taspa are, his conversion, his zealous support of the Creed, and
his vigorous crusading in behalf of the Faith. It furthermore
portrays this nonpareil of kings as the very incarnation of reli-
gious obedience and of priestly ideals; he is the representative
of the priest-god Sraosha, whom he typifies on earth; and he
will serve as an officiating pontiff at the final judgment of the
world, among those who are to be selected for that office.?
This accentuation of the priestly side of Vishtasp’s character,
which is found in the sacerdotal writings, seems to accord with
the tradition that, following historic precedent, he withdrew
from active affairs in the latest part of his life, and gave him-
self up to pious pilgrimage or devotion.?
Romantic Story of Vishtasp’s Youth. — With respect to the
youth of this ideal king we have only a romantic story told by
Firdausi in the Shah Namah and repeated by Mirkhond on
authority of the Tarikh Ma‘jem.4 According to the great
the Yatkar-I Zariran, § 48; compare
also the partial list in Av. Yt. 18. 102-
103 (see genealogical table). Thirty
sons are spoken of in the Shah Namah
as having been slain in different battles;
it mentions two daughters by name,
and one of these occurs in the Avesta.
Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 395.
1 Yt. 18. 189 (Huma) ; Yatkar-i Za-
riran, § 67 (Himai), and compare Dar-
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 552, n. ; Dk. 9. 22.
2; SHN. trad. Mohl, iv. p. 364, and pp.
880, 341, 356, 364, 372, 390, 429, 435,
558. In YZ. § 57 (Geiger) and ShN.
iv. p. 330, 341 (Mohl), Himai becomes
the wife of Isfendiar (or of Bastvar ?
YZ), according to Ancient Persian
practice of next-of-kin marriage.
2See Pahlavi reference § 2 on
p. 70.
3 As an illustration, recall the classi-
cal accounts which record his retire-
ment for a time to India (Sagastan,
Cabul ?), and connect with it also the
religious wisdom implied in the oracu-
lar sayings attributed to his name. See
also Chap. XI. and p. 87, n. 1.
4ShN. trad. Mohl, iv. 224 seq.,
STORY OF VISHTASP’S YOUTH 73
poetic chronicler, Vishtasp (Gushtasp) has some disagreement
with his father King Lohrasp, and quits the city of Balkh
which his father has founded. He leaves Iran and wanders
westward towards Rim.! There, at the court of an emperor,
he accomplishes deeds of unparalleled prowess, wins the hand
of the princess, Katayiin (Kitabin, or Nahid), becomes recon-
ciled to his father through the good offices of his brother Zarir,?
returns to Iran and receives the crown from Lohrasp’s hands.
Such is the novelistic story of the Shah Namah.®
A similar romantic episode is preserved in Athenzus (19.
276 a), as narrated by Chares of Mitylene, but it is told of the
early years of Zariadres (presumably Zarir), brother to Hys-
taspes of ‘ Media and the territory below.’* According to the
account, Zariadres himself rules the territory from the Caspian
Gates to the Tanais, in which region the scene is laid. The
name of the princess, in this case, is Odatis. Whether this epi-
sode, like the preceding, be founded upon fiction or upon some
basis of fact, it is of interest because it connects the name of
Vishtaspa, for a time at least, with the country west of Asia.®
When the Shah Namah makes Vishtasp (Gushtasp) return,
and, like all the later tradition, it makes him succeed his father
at the city of Balkh, we have a new point of contact between
the West and the East, Media and Bactria, to add on the side
of that theory which believes that the Religion, following Zoro-
aster himself, gradually changed from West to East.®
5 Consult Rapp, ZDMG. xx. 66;
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 294 seq.; xlv.
Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, p. 263,
266; cf. also Néldeke, Grundriss d.
iran. Phitol. ii. 183, 166.
1 General designation for the By-
zantine empire, Asia Minor, Greece,
Rome.
2 Mohl, iv. 278-281.
8 ShN, trad. Moh!, iv. 288-289, and
Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 159.
4Mnblas Kal ris broxdtrw xapas ; CE.
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 295; xlv. 197;
lii. 193.
197; lii. 193 ; Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii.
p. lxxxi. and Justi, Iran. Namenbuch,
p. 882; Justi, Grundriss der iran.
Phitol. ii. 408.
6 On the question of change of dy-
nasty in the succession of Vishtasp,
consult what is said by Justi, Preus-
sische Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88, pp. 246,
252; Grdr. iran. Ph. ii. 410. See also
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 295; xlv. 197.
74 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION
Far-reaching Influence of Vishtaspa’s Conversion. — Viewed
in its historic light the conversion of Vishtaspa is the main
event of the Religion. The struggling creed now has a royal
patron and protector. Zoroaster, therefore, at once proceeds
to admonish his new convert concerning the path of holiness.
A traditional reminiscence of these admonitions is found in
the later Avestan Yasht Fragment, Vishtasp Sasté;1 and the
Zartusht Namah further exemplifies them from tradition by
summarizing, in a general sort of way, the main outlines of the
teachings of the Avestan Revelation.2 The Pahlavi Dinkart
at this point adds a picturesque statement to the effect that
‘When Zaratisht chanted the revelation in the abode of Vish-
tasp, it was manifest to the eye that it was danced to with joy-
fulness, both by the cattle and beasts of burden, and by the
spirit of the fires which are in the abode.’® A new champion
of the Faith, and protector of animal life as well, has been won,
and joy reigns supreme. But the demons of Ahriman rush
away to darkness.*
Members of Vishtaspa’s Court—Immediate Conversions —
Living Personalities in the Gathas. — Two results followed as
a natural sequel to the conversion of the king and his queen:
one was, that the religion was at once generally adopted by the
court; the other was, that it soon began to spread throughout
the land. The former of these two results must first be dis-
cussed, and with it a brief description of the court personalities
is necessary, as well as a few words upon the life and sur-
roundings.
The best picture that we have of Zarathushtra’s position at
the court of Vishtaspa, and the most real and vivid glimpses
that we can get so as to contrast the religious times before him
with his present life, are to be found in the Gathas themselves.
Here we have the very words of the great Reformer or of his
1E.g. Yt. 24. 12; cf. also Dk. 8. 11. 3 Dk. 7. 5. 2 (West’s translation).
1 seq. 4 Byt. 2.16; Dk. 7. 4. 87.
2 ZtN. p. 512 seq.
THE GATHAS OR ZOROASTRIAN PSALMS 75
disciples ; and the expressions heard in the Gathas have as true
and personal a ring as the cry of the Davidic Psalms. The
tone of the Gathas is varied. Hope, despair, exultation, dis-
couragement, succeed each other with rapid change; for the
moment, confidence and assurance, but then doubt and hesi-
tancy ; a period of zeal and activity must evidently have been
followed by a time of repose and meditation ; now admonition,
exhortation, and promise; again philosophic speculation or
veiled mystery, the spiritual sense of which could best be
appreciated by the initiated; a shade of darkness, yet illu-
minated by a burst of light, by vision, by inspiration ; then
comes the final fiery outbreak of the prophetic soul in a clarion
note of triumph and the transport of joyous victory. These
are the tones that run in minor chords through the Gatha
Psalms. Well indeed would it be for the infidel and heretic if
he would hearken unto wisdom and the Faith. The wicked
man and the unbeliever, the Dregvant and the Daéva, are
fiercely anathematized; the righteous Ashavan and the godly
ruler are highly extolled.
The little band of the faithful forms a church militant. Of
ritual there is little or none. The communicants at the new
altar are few, but they move in procession distinctly before our
eyes. The Gathis mention some of them by name; certain of
these are Zarathushtra’s kinsfolk. The Haécataspas, descend-
ants of Spitama, who must have shared in Zarathushtra’s suc-
cess at the palace, are living personages. We recognize them
when the Priest calls upon them in exhortation.!_ His favorite
daughter Pourucista, whose marriage to Jamaspa forms a
theme in one of these Psalms, may be pictured as a type of
filial piety and womanly devotion. His cousin Maidyoi-ma-
1Cf. also Mills, The Zend-Avesta, ‘Persian Religion,’ in Cheyne and
in SBE. xxxi. Introd. p. xxvi; Geiger, Black’s Encyclopedia Biblica.
in Darab D. P. Sanjana’s Zarathush- 2 Compare also what is said of P6-
tra in the Gathas, pp.7-8, 163seq.; and ricaist and Jamasp in the Pahlavi, Dk.
likewise the allusions to Vishtdspa’s 9. 45. 4 (West’s translation, SBE.
court in Geldner’s forthcoming article, xxxvii. 299-300).
76 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION
onha is already known to us as the earliest convert and asa
sort of beloved disciple. The noble Frashaoshtra, vizir and
attendant upon Vishtaspa’s throne, shows his faithful devotion
to the Messenger of Ormazd by giving his daughter Hvogvi
(Hvivi) to be a wife to him. And lastly Jamaspa, the wise
counsellor and chancellor of the king, and brother to Frasha-
oshtra, proves to be so sage an adviser, as time goes on, and so
valued a supporter of the Creed, that Zoroaster’s prophetic
mantle descends upon his shoulders after the death of the
great high priest, and King Vishtasp ordains him as the holy
successor in the pontifical office.1 It was he, according to tra-
dition, who originally wrote down the ‘Avesta and Zand’
from the teachings of Zoroaster.2. With regard to these per-
sonages of the Gathas, it is needless to add references to the
Pahlavi literature Some other details respecting them have
been given above in Chapter II. A single quotation from the
Avestan Psalms may be added here. It is from the Gatha
Ushtavaiti (Yasna 46. 14 seq.). The Prophet with his own
lips asks a question, and in rhetorical style he gives the answer
himself.
‘Who is it, O Zarathushtra, that is thy righteous friend; or who
is it that wishes to be renowned for his great virtue? It is the
warrior Vishtaspa, and, with the words of Vohu Manah (Good
Thought) I invoke those in his abode whom he has converted by his
praising (the Religion).
“Of you, ye children of Haécat-aspa, descendants of Spitama, will
I say this: that ye did distinguish the good from the evil, (and) ye
have won for yourselves Asha (Righteousness)* by such acts as are
the first laws of Ahura.
‘Do thou, O Frashaoshtra, son of Hvégva, go thither with the
elect whom we wish to be in bliss; (go thither) where Armaiti (Har-
1See my note in Mélanges Charles others, as a glance at the Indexes to
de Harlez, pp. 1388-139, Leyde, 1896. West’s ‘Pahlavi Texts’ in the Sacred
2 About B.c. 691; forthe references, Books of the East will show.
see Chap. VIII., pp. 97, 117, and Ap- 4 Lit. ‘have given Asha to your-
pendix III. selves.’
3E.g. Dk. 9. 28. 5, and scores of
CONVERSIONS IN THE COURT CIRCLE qT
mony, genius of the Earth) is united with Asha (Righteousness),
where Vohu Manah’s Kingdom (Khshathra,) is established, accord-
ing to desire, and where Ahura Mazda dwells amid abundance, and
where, O Jamaspa, son of Hvégva, I shall proclaim the ordinances
which are yours (ye Archangels) and nothing which is not in har-
mony with your ordinances.’?
Similar personal situations and allusions to the faithful are
indicated in Ys. 51. 16 seq., 53. 1 seq., and elsewhere in these
metrical hymns. Butenough! The principal points regarding
Zoroaster’s own immediate family have been presented in Chap-
ter II., which deals with that subject. The genealogical table
of the Hvogva family was presented in that chapter because it
shows the connections which arose by the intermarriage of
Pourucista and Jamiaspa, and of Hvogvi and Zarathushtra him-
self.2 It is easy to see how Zoroaster made his position at
court still stronger by allying himself closely with those next
to the throne. For almost all of the statements that have been
made thus far the Avesta itself has been the principal source.
Other Members of the Court Circle converted. — Among other
conversions of those belonging to the immediate circle of the
court of Vishtaspa, two must at once be mentioned. These are
the king’s brother Zairivairi (Phl., Mod. Pers. Zarér, Zarir)
and the king’s gallant son Spentd-data (Phl. Spend-dat, Mod.
Pers. Isfendiar). Their names do not happen to occur in the
Gathas, but they are mentioned foremost among the faithful in
the Avestan Yashts; and the Pahlavi Dinkart and Shikand
Giminik Vijar commend them to praise among the earliest
converts. These special Pahlavi passages also show that many
of the nobility were early attracted to the Creed. The Dinkart
states: ‘At first Zarir, Spend-dat, Frashdshtar, and Jamasp,
Av. trad. 2d ed. pp. 353-354; Spiegel,
Avesta, iibersetzt, ii. 155.
2 See Chap. IL, pp. 21-22, and com-
1Ys, 46.17. I omit the latter part
of this stanza, as unnecessary in this
connection. For translations of this
Gatha, see also Darmesteter, Le ZA. 1.
807-308 ; Geldner, BB. xiv. 23 seq. ;
Mills, SBE. xxx. 142 seq. ; de Harlez,
pare also Dk. 9. 44. 16-19; 9. 45. 2-6,
in SBE. xxxvii. 297-300.
«
78 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION
several of the realm who were noble, conspicuous, and well-
acting, the good and princes of mankind, beheld visibly the will
and desirableness of Atharmazd and the archangels, and the
progressive religion of the creatures, fit for those completely
victorious.’!_ The Shikand Gimanik Vijar adds its testimony,
that ‘Kai Spend-dat and Zarir and other (royal) sons, instigat-
ing the many conflicts and shedding the blood of those of the
realm, accepted the religion as a yoke, while they even wandered
to Artm and the Hindus, outside the realm, in propagating
the religion.’? With regard to Spend-dat (Spento-data, Isfen-
diar) it is interesting to observe that the late Persian author-
ity Mirkhond conveys the idea that this heroic youth was
largely instrumental in inducing the king, his father, to
adopt the Faith which he himself apparently had already
accepted.
With the conversion of Zarir to the Religion, later tradition
associates also that of the old King Lohrasp (Av. Aurvat-aspa),
who has abdicated and is supposed still to be alive, although
the. Avesta makes no special mention of his name in connection
with the Creed.2 The Shah Namah is not altogether precise,
but it includes Lohrasp as ‘the old king’ among the number
who, with Zarir and other nobles, ‘girded themselves with the
sacred cord and became converted’ to the faith which Vishtasp
had adopted. The later Persian Dabistan, on the authority of
the Behdinians (‘those of the good Faith’) gives the specific
occasion of the conversion of these two, somewhat picturesquely
as follows: ‘The doctors of the pure faith record that King
Lohrasp and Zarir, brother to Gushtasp, having fallen into so
violent a malady that the physicians in despair desisted from
all attendance upon them ; but having been restored to health
1Dk. 5. 2. 12, West, SBE. xlvii. are Yt. 24. 34, 46, as the word is there
125. apparently an attribute.
2SeV. 10. 67 (West's translation, *ShN. bibastand huiti bah din
SBE. xxiv. 171). amadand; ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii.
3 Simply Yt. 5. 105, Aurvat-aspa asp. 1498; cf. trad. Mohl, iv. 291.
father of Vishtaspa. Very doubtful
CONCLUSION 79
through the prayers of Zardusht, they adopted the pure faith.’!
Another instance of faith cure or healing by Zoroaster, aided,
however, by herbs, will be recorded below. Zoroaster himself,
however, speaks of his own office as ‘ the physician of the soul.’?
Conclusion.—The real success which Zoroaster won was first
due to the influence of the king and the court. The Giathas
give us some idea of Zoroaster’s preaching before the assembled
community. His were new words and they were listened to by
those who came from near and far (e.g. Ys. 45.1). With royal
authority to back the Religion and noble power to support it,
the advance and spread of the Faith must have been rapid, and
accounts will next be given of other conversions and of the
history of the religious propaganda.
1Dabistan, tr. Shea and Troyer, 2 Ay. ahumbi3, Ys. 31. 19; 44
i. 255. Compare similarly Atkinson, 2, 16.
Firdaust Shah Namah, p. 258, ll. 4-10.
CHAPTER VII
PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL
EARLY RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA
ya juants vispang vaurayd. — Avesta, Ys. 31. 3.
IntRopucTION, THE CyrPREss OF KisHMAR — CONVERSIONS MORE NUMEROUS;
SPREAD OF THE GOSPEL; EsRLy RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA — SPREAD OF THE
Rexicion 1n IRAN — Some Conversions 1n TURAN— AVERRED CONVERSIONS
or Hinpus—Story or THE BranmMan ‘CancrancHAcaH’—TuHE Hinpv
Sacs ‘ BIAs’ — FaABLED GREEK CONVERSIONS — Dip ZOROASTER VISIT BaBY-
LON ? — CONCLUSION
Introduction, the Cypress of Kishmar. — In telling the story of
Zoroaster and of Vishtaspa’s embracing the new Faith, the Shah
Namah narrates how Zardusht planted a cypress-tree before the
door of the fire-temple at Kishmar, in the district of Tarshiz
in Khorassin or Bactria, as a memento of Vistaspa’s conversion,
and had inscribed upon its trunk that ‘Gushtasp had accepted
the Good Religion.’! Marvellous became the growth and age
of this wonderful tree, the famous cypress of Kishmar (sarv-t
Kishmar), as recounted by the Farhang-i Jahangiri, Dabistan,
and other writings, as mentioned by Hyde and noticed more
fully below in Appendix IV.? The allegory is rather fine ; the
tree typifies by its spreading branches the rapid advance of the
Creed under the fostering care of the king and the court.
1 Kith pasiruft Gustasp din-t bahi, Vullers, Fragmente, pp. 71, 72, 114-
SN. ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. 1499; 115; Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 15;
trad. Mohl, iv. 291-298; Farhang-iJa- Wilson, Parsi Religion, 444; and An-
hangiri and the Muj. cited by Hyde, quetil du Perron, as alluded to below
Hist. Relig. (1ed.) 317, 827 ;the Dabis- in Appendix II. A, iii. f., n. 1, p. 164.
tan, tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 306-809 ; 2 See references in preceding note.
80
EARLY RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA 81
Other Conversions; Spread of the Gospel; Early Religious |
Propaganda. < Outside of the immediate circle of the king, con-
versions begin rapidly to follow. The way no doubt had already
been paved among the people, and Vishtaspa’s own example and
his enthusiastic zeal could but exercise wide-spread influence.
With all the spirit and fire of a new convert he is untiring in
his efforts for the establishment of the Faith. The unknown
author of the Farvadin Yasht, when he comes to Vishtaspa’s
name (Yt. 13. 99-100), breaks out into a eulogy :—
‘It was this righteous and bold warrior,
The hero of redoubtable weapon,
The very incarnation of the Law
And devoted to the Lord —
It was he, who, with advancing weapon,
Sought out a broad path of Righteousness,
And, with advancing weapon,
Found the broad path of Righteousness.
He, it was, who became the arm
And the support of the Religion
Of Zarathushtra, of Ahura;
He, who dragged from her chains the Religion
That was bound in fetters and unable to stir;
And made her take a place
In the midst (of the nations),
Exalted with power, advancing and hallowed.’
We can but regret the loss of the eleventh Avestan Nask,
\which dealt particularly with the promulgation of the Faith. |
he Pahlavi treatise Din-Vijirkart tells us of its missing con-
tents as follows: ‘In this Nask is the topic of the sovereignty
of Gushtasp, and Zaratisht the Spitaman, having brought the
religion from Atharmazd, King Gushtasp accepted it, and
made it current in the world,’ and the Persian Rivayat
of Kamah Bahrah gives the same testimony. It is true that
the Bahman Yasht reserves till a generation later the accom-
plishment of the task of making the religion current in the
‘whole’ world, which is finally brought about by the Kayanian
1 Dyj. § 11, tr. West, SBE. xxxvii. 442. 2 Riv.11.tr. West, SBE. xxxvii. 424.
G
82 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL
‘Artashir (Kai), whom they call Vohtiman son of Spend-
dat.’1 Later writers bear the same testimony to the tradition
of Vishtaspa’s religious energy. The Arab Ibn al-Athir, for
example, states that when Vishtasp accepted the Faith ‘he
compelled his people to do the same and he killed a large
number of them until they adopted it.’"2 This may be a later
Mohammedan view, but there is no doubt that fire and the
sword were not absent in the Avesta, and further evidences
will be seen in the next chapter of propaganda by religious
crusades at home and abroad. First we must notice the
spread of the Creed in Iran itself.
Spread of the Religion in Iran.—It is tolerably certain that
within Iran itself the fire of the Faith of Zoroaster rapidly
spread, fanned, as it was, by the breath of sovereign power.
Conversions were undoubtedly the order of the day ; adherents
continued to multiply and devoted volunteers began to crowd
into the ranks which had been captained at the court. From
the Avesta and from later literature we know the names of many
of these. In the Yashts? we have a prose list of nearly a
hundred sainted persons who are connected with the Vishtaspa~
circle; They are evidently the first disciples — the so-called
Paoiryo-tkaéshas — of the Zoroastrian Creed. How far and
how fast the religion actually spread in the earliest period we
do not know. We know, however, that the land of Seistan was
one of the earliest scenes of the promulgation of the Faith, as
will be seen by the sequel and proved by the Pahlavi treatise,
‘Wonders of Sagastan,’ elsewhere referred to. There were
doubtless parts of Iran which were Zoroastrian only in name.
The surmises on the question of Vishtaspa’s exact rank and
1 Byt. 2.17; the passage should be
looked at in West’s translation, SBE.
vy. 198-199.
2Cf. Gottheil, References to Zoro-
aster, p. 40.
3 Yt. 18. 95-110.
4 With such names in the Avestan
list as Parshat-gao, Saéna, Vohvasti,
Isvant (Yt. 13. 96), we may compare
the Pahlavi texts, Dk. 9. 24.17; 9. 38.
5. The French translation of the
Yashts by Darmesteter (Le ZA. ii.
530 seq.) gives numerous identifica-
tions.
SOME CONVERSIONS IN TURAN 83
sovereignty have also been more than one. The problem of the
exact lands and territories concerned, and at how early a
period Persia Proper is to be included, requires discussion else-
where. f One thing is certain, that Zoroastrianism was destined
to become the national religion of Iran.) " a
Some Conversions in Turan.—Nor is the Creed circum-
scribed by the borders of Iran alone. From the Avesta we
know that other lands and climes came in for a share of the
good tidings of the Faith. The ‘fravashis,’ or guardian spirits
of those who are righteous ‘outside of the country,’ or abroad,
are invoked as well as those within the land.! All of which
implies some lapse of time. And among a dozen such lands
and countries, Turan comes in for a share of the blessing.
Turanians are mentioned by name in the canonical list of the
faithful whose ‘fravashis,’ or idealized spirits, are glorified (Yt.
13. 111-129). In fact, among those catalogued for sainthood
in the list is one Isvant, son of Varaza, whom the Dinkart
counts as a Turanian when it includes his name as ‘Isvant, son
of Varaz, from the countries of Turan,’ among those who will
officiate on the last day at the general resurrection.2 In the
Gathas themselves Zarathushtra devotes a stanza to the
descendants of Fryana of Turan, as he was one who had been
attracted to the Prophet and is selected to receive a destined
reward. Zoroaster speaks of him with favoring words (Ys.
46. 12): —
‘When Asha (Righteousness) ® came unto those that are to
be named as the children, and children’s children, of Fryana,
the Turanian who zealously doth further the possessions of
Armaiti, and when Vohu Manah (Good Thought) took up his
1 Ys, 26.9; Vsp. 16. 2, adahyunam-
ca asaonam fravasayd yazamaide, uz-
daliyunamed, an idea of universal
brotherhood.
2Dk, 9. 83. 5, West, SBH. xxxvii.
262; compare also Darmesteter, Le
ZA, ii. 530, n. 179, and Justi, Iran. Na-
menbuch, p. 1438.
8 Te. instr. sg. as subject; so also
below and elsewhere.
#J.e. increasing Earth by agricul-
tural activity.
84 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL
abode with them, (then) the Lord Mazda is announced to
them to their comfort.!
‘This man who among men did propitiate Spitama Zara-
thushtra by his generosity, he is exalted to be praised; and the
Lord Mazda gave life unto him, and Vohu Manah furthered
for him his worldly goods, and him we regard as your goodly
ally in Righteousness (Asha).’
A descendant of this virtuous Turanian house, Yoishto yé
Fryanaim, is commemorated in a metrical passage of the
Avesta, for his wisdom and for his victory over a malicious
wizard Akhtya.? The episode is fully elaborated in the Pah-
lavi tale which bears the name Yosht-i Fryano, and it need not
be treated here.*
Averred Conversions of Hindus. —In the great Persian
Chronicle Shah Namah we have mention of the vigorous efforts
that were made in the way of religious propaganda; Firdausi
(or Dakiki) speaks of Mobeds who were sent on this holy mis-
sion all over the world, assisted and aided by Isfendiar’s con-
quering sword. The land of ‘Rim,’ or Asia Minor and the
West, as well as Hindustan are included in the successful mis-
sionary fields. The earlier Pahlavi work, Shikand Gumanik
Vijar (A.D. ninth century) narrates the same fact when it
speaks of the valiant Spend-dat and Zarir, and of those other
noble sons of Vishtasp, who accepted the religion, of the con-
1 Or ‘for their protection.’
2The house of Fryana has been
aptly identified by Eugen Wilhelm
with the family coming from Piran as
ancestor, in the Shah Namah. See
his comment in ZDMG. xliv. 151, and
compare also Justi, Preuss. Jahrbiicher,
Bd. 88, p. 251, and Iran. Namenbuch,
p. 106.
3 This wizard is killed in the eigh-
lieth year of the Religion according to
Zsp. 28. 10, West, SBE. xlvii. 166.
That date would answer to s.c. 551,
see Appendix IIT.
4Cf. Yt. 5. 81-83, and the Pahlavi
YOsht-1 Fryand, §§ 1-6, tr. by West
and Haug in Arda Vira, pp. 247-266,
London, 1872; also tr. by A. Bar-
thélemy, Une légende iranienne, Paris,
1889. See West, Grundriss d. iran.
Philol. ii. 108, § 58, and Peshotan
Darab Behramjee Sanjana, Dinkart,
vol. v. p. 805.
5 Further references will be given
in the next chapter ; meanwhile notice
Shah Namah, iii. 1498 seq., ed. Vullers-
Landauer, and the translation of Mohl,
iv. pp. 844, 499, 518, 542, 558.
ALLEGED CONVERSIONS IN INDIA 85
flicts and bloodshed, and says ‘they even wandered to Arim
and the Hindis, outside the realm, in propagating the religion.’!
The claim to Indian converts is quite persistent in the later
writings, which is not so strange when we consider the Indo-
Iranian kinship and the fact that the Parsis found in India an
asylum from Mohammedan persecution.
Story of the Brahman ‘Cangranghacah.’— The most inter-
esting episode, perhaps, of the foreign conversions is the later
Persian story which is told of Cangranghacah, a Brahman sage
who comes from India to Vishtasp’s court in order to refute
Zoroaster’s doctrines, but the Hindu teacher himself is taught
by the greater master and becomes a devoted convert of the
Priest of Iran. This picturesque narrative is recounted, with
other matters, in the Cangranghacah Namah, a modern Persian
poetical work of the thirteenth century.?- The author of this
treatise is stated to be Zartusht Bahram Pazhdi, of the ancient
city of Rai, who also composed the Zartusht Namah; and like
the latter work it is claimed to be drawn from Pahlavi sources,
if we may agree with Anquetil du Perron, who is our chief
source of information on the subject. This story of the Brah-
man’s conversion is briefly repeated in the Dabistan and it is
alluded to incidentally in the text of the Dasatir and described
in its commentary.* All this implies some currency of the tale.
A brief abstract of the narrative, so far as it relates to the
main event, is worth giving, and it is’ here presented, being
1 Sgv. 10. 67-68, West, SBH. xxiv.
171.
2 Ms. in Fonds d’Anquetil, 10. Sup-
plément d’ Anguetil, 13.
8 Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta,
i, Pt. 2, p. 6, n., pp. 47-53, and p.
xxxiii.; alsoi. Pt. 1, p. dxxxvi. § 67;
and again, ii. p. 790, Index. The
value of this treatise is not very highly
esteemed by Spiegel, Die Traditionelle
Literatur der Parsen, ii. 182, nor by
Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 445. But
its reputation may grow like the Zar-
tusht Namah. For other references,
see farther on.
4 Dabistan, tr. by Shea and Troyer,
i. 276-277 ; Desatir, (Dasatir) tr. by
Mulla Firuz Bin Kaus, Bombay, 1818,
ii. 125-126. See Appendix VI. On
the character of the Dasatir, see also
Wilson, Parsi Religion, pp. 411-412.
86 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL
based on the fuller account of the Cangranghaicah Namah
found in Anquetil.?
Sketch of the Incident. — The aged Brahman sage, Cangrang-
hacah, is a philosopher whose learning and wisdom were far-
famed throughout India and known in Iran. He is reported
even to have been the teacher of Jimasp, minister to King Vish-
tasp, whose devotion to Zoroaster is regarded as a fall from grace.
Accordingly the Brahman writes to Vishtasp a letter remon-
strating with the monarch for believing in the upstart Prophet.
At the proposal of Vishtasp he finally comes himself to ‘ Balkh’
with a great following of devoted disciples, in order to debate
with Zoroaster and to put the impostor to confusion. But he
who came to scoff remains to pray. Zoroaster is prepared by
premonition to answer all the seer’s questions before he asks
them; and amid a great assemblage of learned men who have
gathered from many parts of the country to listen for days to
the religious debate, the chosen Priest of Ormazd disarms his
antagonist before the latter has time to lift his weapons in dis-
cussion and conflict. By reading a Nask or book of the
Avesta, in which every difficult question prepared by the
Hindu controversialist is already answered, he astonishes and
utterly confounds the Brahman. So completely is the Hindu
philosopher vanquished and convinced, that with remarkable
candor he forthwith acknowledges his defeat, is converted,
adopts the Faith, receives a copy of the Avesta from Zoroas-
ter’s own hands, becomes a zealous adherent, and joins in
spreading the Prophet’s teachings in Hindustan and the adja-
cent countries, so that eighty thousand souls in this way
receive the enlightenment of the true Faith. A festival is
instituted to commemorate this important event. Such in
brief is the story, which remotely reminds us of the ecclesias-
tical convocations and the discussions and disputations of
Luther.
This legend, as stated, seems rather to be of later origin, and
1 Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, pp. 47-53.
THE BRAHMAN ‘ CANGRANGHACAH’ 87
it may have arisen after Zoroastrian believers found refuge in
India in Mohammedan days; and where, as time went on, Brah-
mans and Dasturs perhaps came into debate and conflict. Nev-
ertheless it is as old as the Zartusht Namah, which has been
proved to contain old material, and it is by the same author, as
already explained; and religious intercourse and connection
between India and Ivan at all periods in history is undoubted.?
No great religion is confined to the bounds of its own country.
And as for religious controversies and debates, nothing is more
The Avesta alludes to a victorious debate with
Naidyah Gaotema, whom some have tried, among several other
common.
suggestions, to identify with this same Brahman Cangrang-
hacah.2 The Pahlavi texts speak of Zaratisht’s discussions
with learned men whose questions he is able to answer even
before they ask them. The statements on this subject have
been given above.’ It is possible that in the Avesta we may
discover the source of the story, which seems to be somewhat
legendary, in a mistaken view that the Avestan adjective caz-
rawvhae (Vsp. 1.1, etc.) contains an allusion to a proper name.
Anquetil du Perron himself understood that epithet in the Vis-
perad as an allusion to the Hindu sage.* On the other hand
some have seen in this tradition of an Indian wise man, who
comes to Iran, a late story concocted as an allusion to the
famous Vedantist philosopher, S’afikara-Acarya.5 This view
1The references of the Pahlavi
Shikand Gimdanik Vijaér and of the
Shah Namah to Zoroastrianism in In-
dia have been given above. Further-
more, on relations and intercourse
between Persia and India in religious
matters, see Shea and Troyer’s note
in Dab. i. 276 n.; also the story of
Bids, next to be given; and p. 72, n. 3.
2Yt. 13. 16, see Windischmann,
Mithra, p. 29, who suggests the pos-
sibility ; but this is rejected by Justi,
Hdb. d. Zendsprache, s.v. gaotama.
The other identifications that have
been suggested for Gaotema are dis-
cussed in Appendix II., p. 177-178.
3 See p. 61, and cf. Dk. 7. 4. 73; 5.
2.10; Zsp. 23. 5 (West, SBH. xlvii.
67, 124, 164).
4 Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p. 92, and
p. 61.
5 See Bréal, Le Brahme Tcheng-
rénghdtchah, in Journal Asiatique,
1862, p. 497. Comparealso Shea and
Troyer, Dabistan, i. 276, n. (Paris, 1848) ;
and Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. p. 444, n.
88 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL
is especially based on an identification of the great philoso-
pher’s name with the form of the Brahman’s name which is
found in the Dasatir (vol. ii. 125) as Sankarakas (for which
the Commentary understands Cangranghacah).1 Such a view
is to be maintained only by premising that we are to regard
the story as a later invention, purposely made up to exalt the
triumph of an Iranian over a Hindu philosopher.
The Hindu Sage ‘Bias.’ — A sequel to the story of the con-
version of Cangranghacah is found in the tale of ‘ Bias’ told in
the Dasatir and repeated from this source by the author of the
Dabistin.2 The account describes how, when the news of
Cangranghacah’s confession became noised abroad, another
sage, Bias (i.e. Vyasa) by name, came from India to Ivan in
order to refute Zoroaster and to convert him. Like his prede-
cessor, however, Bias is soon impressed by Zardusht’s super-
human knowledge and divine insight, which penetrates even
into the inmost thoughts of his soul, so that he also accepts the
religion, or (to quote the actual words of the Dasatir com-
mentary) ‘he returned thanks to Yezdan and united himself
to the Behdin, after which he returned back to Hind.’? This
story is merely a counterpart of the preceding —a combina-
tion of legend and myth that seeks to bring Vyasa, the fabulous
author of the Vedas, into connection with Zarathushtra.
Fabled Greek Conversions. — The statements of the Pahlavi
Shikand Gumanik Vijar and of the Persian Shah Namah
have already been given as claiming traditionally that the West
(Phl. Ariim, Pers. Rim)* came under Zoroaster’s influence.
The tradition is late, but in one respect it might not be so far
from the truth if we should choose to look at Zoroastrianism
simply in the light of Mithra-worship which, as is well known,
1The Desatir (Dasatir), Bombay, 8 Dasatir, ii. 144; Dabistan, i. 280-
1818, vol. ii. 125. See Appendix VI., 288. See Appendix VI.
where the passage is reprinted. 4 The comprehensive term to denote
2Dasatir ii, 126-143 (§§ 65-162) Asia Minor, Greece, and the Roman
and Dabistan, i. 280-283. Empire.
FABLED GREEK CONVERSIONS 89
pushed its way even far into Europe. It is not unnatural, more-
over, for religious devotees to lay claims to extraordinary foreign
missionary conquests. This third great debate or theological
dispute into which Zoroaster is presumed to have entered and
to have come off victorious, is with a Greek philosopher and
master, as recorded in the Dasatir and noticed by the Dabis-
tan... The account is doubtless apocryphal, but it deserves
consideration with the other alleged conversions, and there is
perhaps a far-off echo of it in Hamzah of Isfahan, in a passage
which describes how the Greeks evaded attempts to convert
them, and the passage is given below in Appendix IV.?
Briefly the Dasatir story of this conversion incident is as
follows: In a prophetic passage the text of the Dasatir tells
how a wise man, named Tiantr (Pers. Tutianish) or Niyatis,
as the Dabistan calls him,® ‘will come from Nurakh (Pers.
Yunan, i.e. Greece) in order to consult thee (O Zardusht)
concerning the real nature of things. I will tell thee what he
asketh and do thou answer his questions before he putteth
them.’ The commentary upon this passage and also the
Dabistan expressly state that the sages of Greece despatched
this learned man after Isfendiar had promulgated the Faith in
many lands. We may therefore infer that the event, if it
occurred at all, took place some years after King Vishtasp had
accepted the Religion. The god Mazda, on this occasion like-
wise, instructs his prophet what he shall say and how he shall
respond to the foreigner who is described as coming to
‘Balkh.’> Ormazd assures Zardusht of success, and the com-
mentary adds that ‘when the Yunani (i.e. Greek) sage heard
all these words (of Zardusht), he entered into the Faith and
1Dasatir, ii. 120-125 (§§ 42-62); and Shea and Troyer’s note to the
Dabistan, i. 277-278. passage. On the language of the Da-
2For the original, see Hamzah al- satir, see what is said in Wilson, Parsi
Isfahani, Annales, ed. Gottwaldt, p.26; Religion, pp. 411-412.
ef. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 4 Dasiatir, ii. 120, §§ 42-43.
p. 33 and also p. 199 below. 5 See commentary upon Dasatir, ii.
8 Dasatir, ii. 120; Dabistan, i. 277, 120, § 43; reprinted in Appendix VI.
90 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL
studied knowledge under the beloved of God, Zardusht the
Prophet. (As a reward, moreover), the king of kings, Gush-
tasp, bestowed on him the office of Chief of the Hirbeds of
Yunan, and of the Mobeds of that country. The accomplished
man (accordingly), having returned back to Yunan, brought
over the inhabitants to the religion of that blessed Prophet.’ }
This story, whatever may be its worth or its worthlessness,
is not uninteresting because it shows the existence of a tradi-
tion on the Oriental side regarding early connections between
Iran and Greece in which religious matters came into play.
There may, of course, lurk in such tradition some reminiscence
of intercourse between the nations prior to the Graeco-Persian
wars. The note of Hamzah al-Isfahani on some attempt to
spread Zardusht’s Gospel among the Hellenes has been men-
tioned above, with a Pahlavi reference also and a tradition in
Firdausi.2— We must not forget that the Dinkart asserts that a
Greek translation was made of the Avesta.2 We may further-
more recall several allusions of the Greeks themselves to the
effect that Plato, Hermodorus, Theopompus, and others came
under the influence of Magian doctrines.t The name of this
Grecian converted sage (Tianir, Tutianiish, or Niyatiis) is very
obscure and the reading is uncertain. But an identification
with Pythagoras has been suggested on the basis of the point
just presented.® Whether founded on fiction, as is likely, or
based upon fagt, as is unlikely, the account merits recording
and is fully given in Appendix VI. below, while the classical
passages on Pythagoras, who is said to have studied in Babylon
under the Magi, and on Plato might be worth looking over
again in Appendix V., and in Chapter I., p. 7, n. 5.
Did Zoroaster ever visit Babylon ? — In this same connection,
when speaking of Babylon, it may be appropriate perhaps to
1 Dasatir, ii. 125, § 62, commentary 4 For references, see Chap. I., pp.
and text. 7-8.
2See pp. 78, 84, 88. 5 See Troyer’s note on Dabistan, i.
5Dk. 3 (West, SBE. xxxvii. p. 277. I should think ‘Plato’ might be
Xxxi.). as plausible a suggestion.
DID ZOROASTER EVER VISIT BABYLON 91
mention a statement made by the Pahlavi Dinkart which ascribes
to the religion of Zaratisht the overthrow of error and evil in
‘Bapel,’ and it accounts this achievement as one of the marvels
of the Faith.t The passage speaks of the existence of ‘several
matters of evil deceit which Dahak had done in Bapél through
witchcraft ; and mankind had come to idol-worship through that
seduction, and its increase was the destruction of the world ;
but through the triumphant words of the religion which Zara-
tusht proclaimed opposing it, that witchcraft is all dissipated
and disabled.’?
There is of course a distant possibility that after the Faith
became fairly established Zoroaster himself actually did go on
missionary journeys, teaching and preaching and exercising the
influence of his own strong personality, We need only think
of the three brief years of our Lord’s ministry. At all events
it is not wholly impossible to believe that several places were
visited, perhaps including Persepolis also,? even if we are not
prepared to accept so extravagant a view as that Babylon was
among the number. It is true that some of the classical writers
make Pythagoras a follower of Zoroaster or at least of the Magi,
who were established at Babylon and into whose mysteries he
was initiated.4 The theory of personal travel need not be
pressed too far; where the effect of the Religion came, there also
the Master himself had gone in influence, if not in person. In
1Dk. 7. 4. 72, West’s translation in
SBE. xlvii. 66.
2 The text does not indicate at what
time in Zoroaster’s career this event is
supposed to have been brought about,
or whether it did not come to pass
later through the developments and
spread of the Religion. The actual
fall of Babylon occurred a generation
after the Prophet. One might possibly
conjecture from the passage that ‘the
Religion’ perhaps joined hands with
the conqueror Cyrus in destroying this
city, which is spoken of with hatred
in the Avesta as ‘Bawri’; cf. Yt. 5.
29-81; cf.15. 19-21. In MEh. 27. 64-
67, the old king, Lohrasp, is regarded
as having destroyed Jerusalem and dis-
persed the Jews, a statement which is
found elsewhere; see West, SBE.
xxiv. 64. Somewhat similar is Dk. 5.
1.5, cf. SBE. xlvii. 120. Brunnhofer,
Vom Pontus bis zum Indus, p. 147,
might be noticed.
8 See references to Istakhr already
given, and also below in Appendix IV.
4See references in Chap. I., pp.
7-8, and in Appendix V.
92 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL
this we have only another phase of the footprints of Buddha.
Regarding Babylon, moreover, everything which associates
Zoroaster’s name with this city can but be of interest to the
student of the Exilic Period of the Bible.
Conclusion. — The story of the spread of the Faith, so far as i
we can gather it from tradition, implies that missionary efforts
carried the Avesta to foreign lands as well as throughout the
territory of Iran. Tales are told of Hindu conversions, and
even Greeks are fabled to have accepted the Creed. Zoroaster
himself may possibly have engaged personally in the general
movement of the propaganda, but there is no proof that he
visited Babylon. His time no doubt was constantly taken up
in working for the Faith;)some of the results which were
achieved and some of the events which happened in the follow-
ing years of the Religion are recorded in the next two
chapters.
CHAPTER VIII
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION
THE NEXT FEW YEARS OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY
Homo in sacerdotio diligentissimus.
— Cicrro, Oratio pro Rab. Perd. 10. 27.
Inrropuction — Recorp or A Norewortuy Conversion — TRADITION OF
ZOROASTER’S Heating a Brinn Man—Quesstion or ZoroasTEr’s SCIEN-
TIFIc KNOWLEDGE —OTHER Items or INTEREST, INCIDENTS, AND EVENTS
—Tue Sacrep Fires — Conciusion
Introduction. 2M arpisten life was a long one and his min-
istry covered a number of years; yet tradition does not give us
all the details which we might wish so as to be able more defi-
nitely to mark off into periods or epochs the fifteen years or
more that intervened between Vishtaspa’s conversion and the
beginning of the Holy Wars that were waged against Arejat-
aspa.) In other words, we are not altogether clear in dividing
up and distributing the events that seem to have happened,
roughly speaking, between Zoroaster’s forty-fifth year and the
sixtieth year of his life. We certainly know they must have
been active years, the years of a man of vigorous mind who
has just passed his prime, and no doubt some of the events
which have been described in the preceding chapter may
belong to this time, or even possibly later. The foregoing
‘chapter, in fact, perhaps leaves an impression of too great pre-
cision in the distribution of its incidents. "We may therefore
take it with some latitude in connection with the present. If
an attempted distinction is to be drawn, as the latter chapter dealt
mainly with promulgation and conversion, this one may deal
93
94 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION
rather with the ministration and organization, with missionary
labors and the exercise of priestly functions. It must be kept
in mind, however, that trying to locate in it the events which
may have occurred at this time is a task that is difficult to per-
form with much satisfaction, and the work may be regarded
rather as tentative, and as an endeavor to use material which
remains at hand.
Record of a Noteworthy Conversion. — One event, however,
is definitely located for us by tradition as belonging to a spe-
cific year in this period. The circumstance must have been
regarded as one of real importance, owing to its being so
emphatically chronicled; we shall therefore notice it at once.
It is the conversion of a heretic, a Kavig or ungodly priest,
who is won over to the true Faith. This is recorded in the
Selections of Zat-sparam, which say: ‘In the twentieth year
(of the Religion) the Kavig who is son of Kindah is attracted
(to the Faith).’! Although the name is not definitely known,
the incident is none the less sure; and if we accept the tradi-
tional date of ‘the twentieth year’ of the Religion, we may set
down this event for B.c. 611,? at which time Zoroaster would
have been in the fiftieth year of hisage. All this makes the
incident not without interest.
Tradition of Zoroaster’s healing a Blind Man. —JIn connec-
tion with Zoroaster’s ministry and possibly as a reminiscence
of a missionary journey, or work in that field, unless we are to
refer it to an earlier period of his career, we may make men-
tion here of a legendary story of his healing a blind man.
The story is told by Shahrastani of Khorassan (A.p. 1086-
1153) who locates the scene rather in Persia Proper.? The
1 Zsp. 23. 8, West, SBE. xlvii. 165.
The reading of the proper name from
the Pahlavi is not certain. West's
note on the passage offers ‘ Kinih’ as
a possibility.
2 According to the Bindahishn chro-
nology worked out by West, SBE.
xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appendix III.
below.
8 My attention was first drawn to
this story by a letter from Prof. G. F.
Moore, Andover, Mass., dated June
238, 1892.
SOME AOTS OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 95
account runs as follows: ‘As he (i.e. Zardusht) was passing a
blind man in Dinawar,! he told them to take a plant, which he
described, and to drop the juice of it into the man’s eyes, and he
would be able to see; they did this and the blind man was restored
to sight.’2 Even if this incident should belong to an earlier
period of Zoroaster’s life, or to the time of his wandering, it
nevertheless serves to show a tradition that miraculous healing
power was believed to be exercised both by Zoroaster and by
virtue of the Faith itself. The latter point might find
sufficient exemplification in the Avestan Vendidad. :
Question of Zoroaster’s Scientific Knowledge. — The tradi-
tion which has just been recounted of the healing of the blind
man brings up another point which requires note. This is the
question of Zoroaster’s scientific knowledge, which is a side of
his character that is distinctly recognized by tradition, and
which must have come into play in his ministry. There is evi-
dence that he showed a practical bent of mind in his work as
well as the theoretical and speculative turn in his teaching..
All accounts of the Religion indicate that the necessity of minis-
tering to the wants of the body, as well as to the needs of the
soul, was fully comprehended. Nor is medical knowledge
to-day regarded as unessential or to be dispensed with in some
branches of foreign missionary work. The records of antiquity
imply that the Zoroastrian books, by their encyclopediac
character, stood for many sides of life. Some of the original
Nasks of the Avesta are reported to have been wholly sci-
entific in their contents, and the Greeks even speak of books
purported to be by Zoroaster on physics, the stars, and precious
stones. It is true these need not have come from Zoroaster at
1 This village is located by Yakit, scientifique en Perse; Paris, 1894-97,
twenty farsangs from Hamadan ; itlies especially tome iv. p. 290.
between this and Kirmanshah. See 2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de _ p. 50.
la Perse, p. 251, p. 867 (Shiz), 515 8 See p. 8 above, and Appendix V.
(Mah-Dinar) ; and for a description below, under Suidas and Pliny.
of the place see de Morgan Mission
96 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION
all; but this represents a phase of life that Zoroaster or fie’
apostles stood for. Tradition recognizes the presence of this
practical element in the Religion which made it appeal to
many who might not otherwise have been attracted, and which
must have contributed in no small degree to its spread. The —
priests were the real conservators of knowledge and learning. ra
As an illustration of their practical knowledge, so serviceable
to mankind, we may notice a passage in the Dinkart, which
claims that the debt owed to Zoroaster in this respect is
extensive. The text reads: ‘One marvel is the disclosure by
Zaratisht, in complete beneficence, medical knowledge, ac-
quaintance with character, and other professional retentiveness,
secretly and completely, of what is necessary for legal knowl-
edge and spiritual perception ; also, the indication by revelation,
of the rites for driving out pestilence, overpowering the demon
and witch, and disabling sorcery and witchcraft. The curing
of disease, the counteraction of wolves and noxious creatures,
the liberation of rain.’! This and a number of ordinary prac-
tices, which have a bearing upon every-day life, are included in
this list of what the Pahlavi text calls ‘worldly wisdom’
(gehdnd-xiratoth), as contrasted with ‘angelic wisdom’ or ‘divine
knowledge’ (yazddnd-xiratoih).2 The brief résumé sums up
what was expected to be found in the repertory of the wandering
Athravan, or descendant of the Prophet, at least in Sassanian
times, and quite as likely it represents some of the sides of
Zoroaster’s own activity during the long period of his
ministry.
Other Items of Interest, Incidents, and Events. — Tradition
has preserved a few more items of interest, incidents, or occur-
rences and events which may belong to the period of these
years. A suggestion has been made that Zoroaster may have
visited his own home in his native land of Adarbaijin. Anque-
til even thought that Urumiah is mentioned in the Avesta in
1 Dk. 7. 5. 8-9, translated by West. 2 See West’s note in SBZ. xlvii. 76.
SBE. xlvii. 75-76.
VARIOUS INCIDENTS AND EVENTS 97
an injunction given by Ahura Mazda bidding Zarathushtra, as
he conceived it, to proceed to a certain place. But this is a
mistaken interpretation of the passage.! Anquetil also under-
stood that Zoroaster and Vishtaisp were together in Istakhr
(Persepolis).2. This view is apparently based upon the fact
that Zoroaster induces Vishtasp to transfer one of the sacred
fires from Khorasmia to Darabjard, in Persia, asstated by Masiidi,?
and based upon Tabari (and Bundari after him) who describes
how the Avesta was written down in golden letters upon the
hides of twelve thousand oxen and ‘Vishtasp placed this at
Istakhr in a place called Darbisht (or Zarbisht?).’* This may
be noticed also in connection with the tradition of Jamasp’s
writing down the Avesta from Zoroaster’s teachings (p. 76),
and is also brought up in connection with the tradition that
the archetype copy of the Avesta was deposited in the
‘treasury of Shapigan’ (or however we are to read the name
and its variants) as discussed below in Appendix IV.
<During this period we can likewise imagine Zoroaster as:
otherwise much engaged in organizing the new religion, in
founding fire-temples as described below, and in exercising in
\yarious ways his function as Chief Priest 3 Arot the least of these
perhaps was in establishing the rite of ordeal as already noticed,
or in celebrating the event of Vishtasp’s conversion by planting
the cypress of Kishmar, before described. There were also
times when prophetic visions were granted and hallowed enun-
ciations were made. The Pahlavi Bahman Yasht (and after it
the Zartusht Namah) records a favored vision which was allowed
to Zoroaster, in which he foresees, during a seven days’ trance,
the whole future of the Religion.6 Even the Apocryphal New
Testament in one passage claims that Zoroaster prophesied the
1 Anquetil du Perron, i. Pt. 2, p. 8 Masiidi, trad. Barbier de Meynard,
52, n. 1. The misinterpretation of iv. 75.
the words Airyama Ishya is repeated £ Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
by Kleuker, ZA. Theil 3, p. 35. p. 37 ; Hyde, Hist. Relig. p. 315 (1ed.).
2 Anquetil du Perron, op. cit. p. 53 5 Bahman Yt. 2. 6-9, seq., tr. by
= Kleuker, ZA. Theil 3, p. 35. West, SBH. v. pp. 191-235.
H
oe
98 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION
coming of Christ;! and a Syriac writer, Solomon of Hilat
(A.D. 1250) tells a tradition of a special fountain of water,
called Gldsha of Hérin, where the royal bath was erected and
by the side of this fountain Zoroaster predicted to his disciples
the coming of the Messiah. 2
_ The Sacred Fires. “There can be little doubt that much ofS
Zoroaster’s time was spent in the care of the sacred fire or in
the furthering of the special cult throughout the land. Tradition
counts that one of the most important features of Vishtaspa’s
conversion was his active agency in founding new places in
which the holy flame might be worshipped or in reéstablish- .
_ing old Atash-gihs.. /Tn a special (prose) chapter, the Avesta
describes the various sacred fires recognized by the Faith, and
the Bindahishn gives additional details on the subject ;3 Fir-
dausi mentions several so-called Fire-Temples,t and Masidi,
among other Mohammedan writers, devotes a number of pages
to the subject of the Magian pyraea, several of which he says
existed before Zoroaster came. Numerous Arabic writers
refer to the question, and as their references are accessible,
they need only be summarized here.§
Masudi and Shahrastani tell of some ten different Pyraea
or places of fire-worship which existed in Iran before Zoro-
aster’s time, and they give the name or location of each. Zoro-
aster himself causes a new temple to be built in Nishapir, and
another in Nisaea.’? Furthermore, at his request King Vishtasp
1 Apocr. NT. I. Infancy, ch. iii. 1. 5 Masiidi, Les Prairies d’Or. Texte
2 See Gottheil, References to Zoro-
aster, p.29; Kuhn, Hine Zoroastrische
Prophezeiung, p. 219 in Festgruss an
Roth, Stuttgart, 1898; and Wallis
Budge, Book of the Bee, p. 81 seq. in
Anec. Oxon., Oxford, 1886. Of course
compare Yt. 19. 89-95; Dk. 7. 8. 55.
3 Avesta, Ys. 17. 11; cf. also Vd. 8.
73-96 ; Pahl. Bd.17.1-9. See especially
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 149-157.
4E.g. ShN. Mohl, iv. 291, 364, etc.
et Trad. par C. Barbier de Meynard,
iv. 72, 75 seq. ; and see Shahrastani,
Uebersetzt, Haarbriicker, i. 275 seq.
6 On the fires, see especially the
material in Gottheil, References to Zo-
roaster, pp. 45-47; Hyde Relig. Pers.
p. 353-362,
7 Masidi, Prairies, iv. 75; Shahras-
tani, i. 276; cf. Gottheil, References to
Zoroaster, pp. 46, 47.
THE SACRED FIRES 99
seeks for the fire of Jemshéd, which is found in Khorasmia, and
he has it transferred to Darabjard in Persia. This latter fire
is said to be especially venerated by the Magi. Other Pyraea
are mentioned in Seistan, Rim (Constantinople), Bagdad, Greece
(without the fire), India, and in China. Not without interest
is the mention of the fire-temple in Kimis (Comisene) which
bore the name of « Jarir,’ apparently after Vishtasp’s son Zarir.}
Among all the fires there seem to be three which stand, in
later times of the Sassanians, as the threefold representative of
the sacred element, corresponding to the social division of the
community into three classes, priests, warriors, and laboring
men.? The names of the three great fires are given as fol-
lows : —
1. Atir Farnbag, the fire of the priests. This fire,
whose name appears as Farnbag, Froba, Khurrad, Khordad,
being a corruption of * Hvarend-bagha or * Hvarené-data, i.e.
‘the fire of the Glory Divine, or the fire Glory-Given,’ is one
of the most ancient and most sacred of the holy fires in Iran.®
Existing as early as Yima’s reign, and having been established
in the Khorasmian land or the eastern shore of the Caspian
Sea, it was removed by Kavi Vishtaspa to Cabul, if we are to
accept the commonly received statements on the subject.*
1So Shasrastani, i. 275, but seem-
ingly a different reading or form of
the name (i.e. Djerich) is found in
Masidi, iv. 74. See also Gottheil, Ref-
erences to Zoroaster, pp. 45, 46.
2 Bd. 17. 5-8, and Ys. 17.11. Cf.
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 149 seq., and
Masiidi, loc. cit.
8Cf. Arda Viraf, tr. Haug and
West, p. 146, note ; and Bd. 17. 5-6.
4So Bd. 17%. 5-6 if we read the
Pahlavi name as ‘ Kabul’ with West
(SBE. v. 63) ; otherwise we may un-
derstand it was removed, not eastward,
but to the west, if we follow Darmes-
teter, Le ZA. i. 154, in doubting the
reading ‘ Kavul (Kabul) ’ which West,
however, gives (SBE. v. 63). Dar-
mesteter follows Masidi, Shahrastani,
and Yakut ; similarly, Ibn al-Fakih al-
Hamadhani (a.p. 910); Albiriini (p.
215, tr. Sachau) —all cited by Gottheil,
References to Zoroaster, pp. 43-47.
The subject is also discussed below in
connection with the scene of Zoro-
aster’s ministry, Appendix IV., p. 217.
It is evident that Shahrastani’s Aza-
rua is for Adaran shah, ‘king of
fires,’ Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 157,
Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
p. 47.
100 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION
2. Attr Gishnasp (Gishasp), the fire of the warriors.
The name Gishnasp is probably a corruption from * Varshan-
aspa, ‘male-horse,’ cf. Skt. vrsan-as’vd, an epithet of Agni, as
noted by Darmesteter. This was a very ancient fire and it
early played a part when Kai Khiisrav exterminated idol-wor-
ship. It was situated in the neighborhood of Lake Urumiah,
or on Mount Asnavand upon the shores of that lake.t_ Accord-
ing to the Zaratusht Namah, this was one of the fires which
came with the Archangels to aid in Vishtaspa’s conversion as
described in Chap. V., p. 65, n. 1.
3. Atir Birzhin Mitro, the representative of the labor-
ing class. The name, also in Persian, Burzin Mihr, corre-
sponds to *Berezant Mithra.2 This third fire, or the special
fire of the laborer, played an important part in Vishtaspa’s con-
version. This is located on Mount Raévant in Khorassan in the
vicinity of Lake Sovar (mentioned in the Bundahishn), in the
region of Tus, as noticed also below in Appendix IV., p. 216.8
A similar situation is given to it by Firdausi.4 Perhaps there
is an echo of the name of this fire lingering in the name of the
small town Mihr to the west of Nishapir, although for a fuller
statement of Houtum-Schindler’s view, reference is made to
p- 216. Several of the Mohammedan writers, as noticed above,
state that the special fire of Zoroaster was in the neighborhood
of Nishaptr. We recall that Khorassan was the land of the
planting of the cypress of Kishmar, and the scene of the clos-
ing battles which ended the Holy War — all of which is of inter-
est in connection with the field of Zoroaster’s ministry.
Conclusion. — The aim of this chapter has been to present
such material as we can gather for the events of Zoroaster’s
life during the years next preceding the outbreak of the Holy
1 Bd.17.7; Zsp. 6.22; West, SBE.
v. 63, 173. See also p. 48 above.
2Cf. Av. Miéram .. . barazantam,
Yt. 10. 7.
8 Bd. 12. 18. 32-35; Zsp. 6. 22; cf.
also Bd. 12. 24; 22.3; West, SBH.
v. 88, 41, 1738. See likewise Anquetil
du Perron, ZA. i. Pt. 2, p. 46, n. 2
(on Khorassan).
*Cf. ShN. iii. 1499, Vullers-Lan-
dauer = trad. Mohl, iv. 291.
CONCLUSION 101
Wars. /In this way an impression has been gained of certain’
other sides of Zoroaster’s character and activity, especially the
~practical side which his nature probably also had. / The mate-
rial from which to judge of these points, however, is found to
be rather meagre. Finally, special attention has also been
devoted to the subject of the spread of the fire-cult by Zoro-
aster and the work which was accomplished in founding new
Atash-gahs or in reéstablishing the old Pyraea. But all these
events did not come to pass without a struggle; nor were the
actual results achieved without a hard fight. If the Faith
which Vishtaspa has adopted is to become the state creed of
the realm, this is not destined to come to pass without a
struggle, especially with powers outside. Warfare is insep-
arable from crusading; and we see gathered in the horizon the
clouds of the storm about to burst over Iran.
CHAPTER IX
THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
THE LAST TWENTY YEARS OF ZOROASTER’S LIFE
‘Fight the good fight of faith.’
— Timorny I. 6. 12.
Intropuction — Reiicgious WarFARE IN THE AvEsTA — AREJAT-ASPA, OR
ArJAsP AND THE Hoty Wars—OvTBREAK OF HosTILitTIEs ; CaUSES AND
Dares — Arnsdsp’s Uttimatum — His First Invasion; toe Hoty War
BEGINS — ARJAsp’s ARMY AND 1Ts LpapreRs— VIsHTAsY’s ARMY AND ITS
CoMMANDERS— BatTTLes oF THE First War—IsrenpDIAR AS CRUSADER,
AND THE FoLLowine Events — Argasp’s Seconp Invasion; THE Last
Hoty War — Summary
7
Introduction.— Up to this point it might appear as if the\
progress of the Religion had been one only of success and
smooth advance. Such, however, cannot have been the case in
reality. We have to do with a church militant, and there is
evidence, in its history, of more than one hard-fought battle
before victory is achieved. Not all conversions were easily
made. The sword rather than the olive-branch would be the
more suitable emblem to deck the earlier pages of the history.~
of the Faith. 7
Owing to circumstances the development of the idea of uni-
versal peace and of general good-will towards neighbors was
not allowed to play so important a part as it might have
played theoretically in the first stages of the new Religion.
When crusading for the Faith began, bitter struggles and
antipathies soon came into existence. The war-cry of creed
versus unbelief begins to fill the air. Old political and
102
RELIGIOUS WARS IN THE AVESTA 103
national feuds take on a new color—the tinge of religious
antagonism. This latter statement is especially true of the
ancient enmity between Iran and Turan. This breaks out
afresh in the form of a war of creeds between the Hyaonian
leader Arejat-aspa, as he is called in the Avesta, or Arjasp of
Turan, as he is later generally styled, and the pious hero of
Zoroastrianism, Kavi Vishtaspa (Vishtasp, Gushtasp). Vic-
tory ultimately attends upon the Creed of the Fire and the
Sacred Girdle, but the stages of progress have to be fought
step by step. Bloodshed and distress precede success and /
triumph. a
Religious Wars in the Avesta. — Before turning to the great
Holy Wars against Arejat-aspa, we must first notice that the
Avesta also records several other violent conflicts which are
looked upon in the light of hallowed warfare against unbelief.
“The Avesta mentions some eight powerful foes over whom
Vishtaspa, or his gallant brother Zairivairi (Zarir) invoke
divine aid in battle, and victory descends upon their banners in_-
\_ answer to their prayers. ; We know at least the names of these
vanquished warriors, for they are given in the Yashts. We
read of Tathryavant and Peshana,! Ashta-aurvant, son of Vispa-
thaurvo-ashti,2 Darshinika and Spinjaurusha® and of Pesho-
cingha and Humayaka.* All are spoken of as infidels, heathen,
heretics, or unbelievers. The details of the battles against
them are unfortunately lost. In point of time some of these
occurred in the period of conversions already described.
From the claims of the sacred text we know that victory
waited upon the faithful. cr
Arejat-aspa (Arjasp) and the Holy Wars. — The inveterate
i # foe and mortal enemy of Vishtaspa, however, is Arejat-aspa
(Arjasp), or the infidel Turk, as later history would have
styled him. He stands as the great opponent of the national
Faith, and we are fortunate in having considerable traditional
1
1Yt. 5.109; Yt. 19. 87; cf. Yt. 9. 31. 8 Yt. 9. 30-31.
2 So Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 439. 4Yt. 5. 113.
104 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
information preserved regarding these wars with him. They
are of paramount importance in the history of Zoroaster and
his Creed, and they require fuller discussion. Details of the
campaigns may be gathered from the Avesta, the Pahlavi writ-
ings, the Shah Namah, and from some allusions in Arab chroni-
clers. The account given in the Shah Namah dates from the
tenth century of our era, and it is partly by the hand of Fir-
dausi’s predecessor, Dakiki, as Firdausi himself expressly states
when he describes the thousand lines which he had received
from Dakiki in a dream—the thousand lines relating to Zo-
roaster and Gushtasp and the founding of the Faith! The
principal references are here collected and presented for
convenience.”
The warfare against Arejat-aspa is known in the Pahlavi
writings as ‘the war of the religion.’ In the Avestan and
Pahlavi texts Arejat-aspa (Arjasp) is the leader of the hostile
folk known as Hyaonians (Av. H'yaona, Phil. Khyén). This
nation has rightly or wrongly been identified with the Chionitae
of the classics.
Appendix IV.
1 See p. 5, n. 2; also see Mohl, trad.
iv. 286-357, and consult Néldeke in
Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 148-150.
2 References to Arejat-aspa and the
Holy Wars: Avesta, Yt. 5. 109, 113-
117; Yt. 19.87; Yt. 9. 29-31 = Yt. 17.
49-51. — Pahlavi, Dk. 7. 4. 77, 83,
84, 87-89; 7. 5. 7; 5. 2. 12 (mote by
West) ; 5. 3. 1 (West, p. 126); 8. 11.
4; 9. 61. 12; 4. 21 (West, SBH.
xxxvii. 412) ; Bd. 12. 32-34; Byt. 3.
9 (and 2. 49, note by West) ; Zsp. 23.
8 (all these references are cited ac-
cording to West’s translations in the
Sacred Books) ; furthermore, the Pah-
lavi Yatkar-i Zariran (which is con-
stantly cited from the very useful
contribution of Geiger, Das Yatkar-i
Zariran und sein Verhdltnis zum
This subject is more fully discussed below in
In any event Arejat-aspa stands for the head
Sah-Name, in Sb. a. k. bayer. Akad.
der Wiss. 1890, Bd. ii. pp. 43-84. —
Firdausi, Shab Namah, ed. Vullers-
Landauer, vol. iii. p. 1495 seq. ; ci-
tations also made after the French
translation by Mohl, Le Livre des
Rois, iv. 293 seq. (Paris, 1877) ; cf.
likewise the paraphase by J. Atkinson,
Shah Namah, translated and abridged,
London and New York, 1886 ; further-
more, Vullers, Fragmente tiber Zoroas-
ter, Bonn, 1831. Pizzi’s translation
was not accessible. — Arabic Writ-
ers, Tabari, extract quoted by Ndl-
deke, Persische Studien, ii. 6-7, and
by Gottheil, References to Zoroaster ;
finally, Mirkhond, History of Persia,
tr. by Shea, pp. 288-295, 313-326.
§ E.g. Bd. 12. 33.
AREJAT-ASPA THE FOE TO THE FAITH 105
of the chief inimical power among the heathen ; the Shah Namah
regards him as the head of Turan, Turkestan, China.
We have evidence of two distinct invasions by Arjasp’s
forces, although the Avesta does not make clear the fact that
there were two wars. “The Pahlavi texts are not so explicit on
the subject as are the Shah Namah and some works, but the
traditional dates which cover a period of seventeen years, as
given by the Pahlavi writings, allow the inference of the two
wars or two invasions. Both these religious conflicts result
in victory for Iran; yet not without severest loss for a time. )
In the first war, Vishtaspa’s brother Zairivairi (Zarér, Zarir)
and the latter’s son Bastavairi (Bastvar, so read for Nastur)?
are the heroes of the fight; in the second war, Vishtaspa’s son
Isfendiar, by his deeds of marvellous prowess, eclipses even
the glory of these two heroic combatants. It seems appro-
priate to give some description of these wars and some dis-
cussion of the subject because of its bearing upon the early
history of Zoroastrianism. The sources have already been
mentioned (pp. 5, 38); truly to appreciate the subject one
ought to read the accounts of tradition, or of fiction as some
may prefer to call it, in the Yatkar-1 Zariran and in the Shah
Namah, which have been oftenest drawn upon. Here there is
space merely to give excerpts from their descriptions or to give
an outline of their contents.
Outbreak of Hostilities; Causes and Dates. —If we accept the
date given by the Zoroastrian tradition, which belongs to the
time of the Sassanidae, it was some seventeen years after Vish-
taspa’s conversion that the war against Arejat-aspa (Arjasp)
broke out. The Pahlavi selections of Zat-sparam state that
‘in the thirtieth year (of the Religion) the Khyons arrive, who
make an incursion into the countries of Iran.’ On the basis
of traditional chronology, as worked out by Dr. E. W. West,
1 These names belong to the Avesta, 2 Zsp. 23. 8, tr. West, SBH. xlvii.
the Pahlavi, and the Shah Namah. 165.
106 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
we may place this event in the year B.c. 601.1 The Shah
Namah likewise shows that, after the conversion of the king,
some time must have elapsed before the great war began.? The
day of the final battle of this war, it may be added, is given by
the Yatkar-i Zariran as Farvadin.® _
~~ As for causes, the ostensible ground for the original difficulty ~
was found in Vishtasp’s refusal to continue the payment of
tribute and revenue to Arjasp and in the latter’s consequent
and persistent pressing of his demand. So much, at least, for
the pretence. The actual ground for difficulty, however, seems
to have been the religious difference ; for Vishtasp’s adoption
___of the new Faith really lies at the basis of the trouble, The
religious question is certainly mixed up with the tribute matter.
Perhaps one could hardly expect the two to be separated. The
affair of the tribute is recorded in the Pahlavi Dinkart as well
as in the Shah Namah. On the other hand, the Yatkar-i
Zariran makes the religious issue the main one.’ In the Shah
Namah, when the question comes up, Zoroaster appears prac-
tically in the position of a cardinal vested with regal power and
wielding a vigorous hand in matters of state. He urges Gush-
tasp (Vishtaspa) absolutely to refuse payment of the tax. The
great Priest’s personal interest in the political situation and
problem to be settled is evidently largely governed by religious
motives ; Arjasp, it is known, had declined to accept the true
Faith. In the Prophet’s eyes, therefore, Turan is destined ‘to
be damned. Accordingly it is the Powers of Hell itself that
rise up to inflame Arjasp’s fury against Iran. The Dinkart
1See West, SBE. xlvii. Introd. Zaratisht play a lesser part than
§ 55, and Appendix III. below.
2Cf. Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-
Landauer, iii. 1500, cand2 rézgdar, and
Mohl, iv. 298, ‘quelque temps.’ Note
also that Zoroaster is now spoken of
as ‘old’ (pir) ; according to tradition
he would have been sixty at the time.
The Yatkar hardly implies the lapse
of so long an interval, and it makes
Jaémasp who seems rather to be the
religious adviser of the king.
8'YZ. § 85 (Geiger).
£Dk. 7. 4. 77, West, SBH. xlvii.
68; ShN. tr. Mohl, iv. 293.
5 YZ. § 1 seq.
6 ShN. Mohl, iv. pp. 289, 294; YZ.
§ 1 seq.
ARJASP’S ULTIMATUM 107
believes that no less a personage than Aéshma, the Arch-
demon of Wrath, conveyed clandestinely to Arjasp the tidings
of Vishtasp’s fixed and unswerving refusal. The statement
tells the whole story: ‘ When Vishtasp, accepting the religion,
praises righteousness, the demons in hell are disabled ; and the
demon Aéshm (Av. Aéshma) rushes to the country of the
Khyons and to Arjasp, the deadly one of the Khyons, because
he was the mightiest of tyrants at that time; and the most
hideous of all, of so many of them in the country of the Khyons,
are poured out by him for,war.’?
Arjasp’s Ultimatum. + Arjasp forthwith makes a formal de-
mand in writing and states the conditions upon which alone
he will remain at peace; and he adds an ultimatum to the
effect that Gushtasp (Vishtaspa) must abandon the new creed
or be prepared to have the country of Iran invaded within two
months.? The authority for these statements is to be found in
the Yatkar and in the Shah Namah; the details of the mes-
sages, whether fictitious or actual, are preserved in their pur-
port and intention, at least, in these same works. The names
of the two messengers whom Arjasp despatches to convey
this decisive letter have been preserved as Vidrafsh and
Namkhvast of the Hazars.2 The problem of the location of
Arejat-aspa’s kingdom and of the Hyaonians of the Avesta has
already been alluded to and it is more fully discussed below in
Appendix IV.* Here we shall only note that the Shah Namah
locates the Turanians on the other side of the Oxus and makes
Arjasp despatch his envoys from the city of Khallakh or Khal-
lukh to Vishtasp in Balkh. Although Zoroaster was the chief
1Dk. 7. 4. 87, tr. West, SBE.
xlvii. 72, and see Dk. 8. 11. 4, ‘the
demon of wrath.’ Compare also the
mention of ‘wrath’ in Byt. 3. 9, West,
SBE. v. 218. The Shah Namah has
narrah Divi, ShN. iii. 1500, ed. Vul-
lers-Landauer; cf. Mohl, iv. 293.
20On the time ‘two months’ see
Shah Namah, Mohl, iv. 298, and Yat-
kar, § 12.
8 YZ. § 2 (Geiger, p. 47), ShN.
Mobl, iv. p. 300. See also Dk. 7. 4,
77, ‘the deputed envoys of Arjasp
. .. who demand tribute and revenue’;
sak va-baz6 (West, SBE. xvii. 68).
4 See p. 123 seq.
108 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
instigator of the trouble between the two rulers,! it is not
unnatural, perhaps, that we find Jamasp assuming the chief
role as counsellor, for he was prime minister, chancellor, and
grand vizir.2 On the receipt of the arrogant message, Vish-
tasp’s warlike brother Zarir (Av. Zairivairi, Phl., Mod. P.
Zarér, Zarir) at once steps forward and boldly hurls defiance
in the face of Arjasp’s messengers; he endites in response a
stern letter, to which the king gives approval, and he hands it
to the envoys to deliver on their return.? War is forthwith
declared.
First Invasion of Arjasp, and the Holy War.— The Dinkart
states that the missing Vishtasp-sastd Nask of the Avesta con-
tained an account of ‘the outpouring of Arjasp the Khyén, by
the demon of Wrath, for war with Vishtasp and disturbance of
Zaratisht; the arrangements and movements of King Vishtasp
for that war, and whatever is on the same subject.’ This
brief but clear outline makes us regret the more keenly the
loss of so interesting a book of the Avesta. But doubtless con-
siderable of the material has actually been preserved, as in
other cases, in the Pahlavi and later Persian literature ; and this
fact lends more weight to the statements of the Pahlavi Yat-
kar-I Zariran and of the Shah Namah as being actually based
on old foundations and therefore worthy of real consideration.
This should be kept in mind in the following pages and in the
descriptions which they present.
The Yatkar-i Zariran and the Shah Namah both give vivid
pictures, with imaginative coloring, of the marshalling of the
forces and the numbers of the opposing hosts. As is common
even in modern historical records, the estimates of the number
of men actually under arms differ considerably. For Arjasp’s
1Dk. 8. 11. 4, ‘the outpouring of 8 YZ. §§ 10-13 (Geiger, pp. 49-50) ;
Arjisp the Khyoén, by the demon of ShN. Mohl, iv. 301-303.
wrath, for war with Vishtasp and 4Dk, 8, 11.4, West, SBH. xxxvii.
disturbance of Zaratisht.’ 24.
2YZ. § 3 (Geiger, p. 48); ShN.
Mohl, iv. pp. 800-317.
ARJASP’S ARMY AND ITS LEADERS 109
army one section of the Yatkar gives the number as 131,000
men.1 The Shah Namah is not so explicit, but puts the
forces of the two wings of Arjasp’s host, and of the reserve,
at 300,000, without including the main body of the army.?
On the other side Vishtasp’s army is actually estimated by
the Yatkar at 144,000 men,’ although it once speaks as if the
number were innumerable;* whereas in the Shah Namah the
strength is merely stated in a vague way as 1000 x 1000.5
Arjasp’s Army and its Leaders. — The tradition upon which
Firdausi, or rather Dakiki, based his poetic chronicle is consis-
tent throughout with respect to making the city of Khallakh
the place from which Arjasp set out upon his campaign.
Again we miss the lost Vishtasp-sasto Nask of the Avesta
alluded to above! The poet is even able to give the order in
‘which Arjasp arranged his troops for the invading march.
This differs considerably from the actual plan of marshalling
his forces and commanders when in battle array; but even a
poet would recognize the likelihood of changes and alterations
according to the exigencies of the campaign and situation.
On the march the troops were disposed of in the order given
in the diagram on page 110.®
The advance guard is entrusted to Khashish. The two
wings are assigned respectively to Arjasp’s own brothers Kuh-
ram and Andariman (cf. Av. Vandaremaini) with three hun-
dred thousand picked men. The chief in command is given to
Gurgsar, while the flag is entrusted to Bidrafsh. Arjasp him-
self occupies the centre for safety and convenience; and Hiish-
div brings up the rear.
As already noted, the above line of march, however, differs
1 YZ. § 46, but a few lines farther 2 ShN. Mohbl, iv. pp. 806, 319.
on (§ 50) the number is mentioned as 3 YZ. § 49.
12,000,000 (probably a mistake in a 4 YZ. § 16.
figure). The prose Shah Namah Nasr 5 ShN. Mohl, iv. 308.
mentions Arjasp’s conscription as ® See ShN. Mohl, iv. 306 (line of
‘15,000 men’; cf. Hyde, Hist. Relig. march), opposed to iv. 319 (order of
p. 825 (1 ed.). battle).
110 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
ARJASP’S ORDER OF MARCH
(According to the Shah Namah) 1
Khashash
(with advance guard)
r Bidrafsh Gurgsar
(with banner) (chief in command)
E q
y fom) & 2
eis| | 4 S| §
= |g e S| 3
5 ae <q ea} Me
a
Hishdiv
(with rear guard)
1 See preceding note ; and, on the proper names, see Justi, Iran. Namenbuch,
as follows: Xasas, p. 171; Gurgsar, p. 122; Bidrays (Widraf3), p. 868; Anda-
riman (Wandaremainis), p. 347; Kuhram, p. 166; Huidiv (Hosdéw), p. 181;
Arjasp, p. 21.
ARJASP’S ARRAY ON THE BATTLEFIELD 111
from the arrangement of the forces in action on the field of
battle. According to the picturesque account which is given
in the Shah Namah, we can imagine Arjasp’s forces drawn up
in battle array in the manner indicated below. From the
descriptions of the engagement it is evident that in Oriental
fights, as often elsewhere, single deeds of great daring by brill-
iant leaders gain the day rather than combined efforts and the
manceuvring of massed troops. We may conceive of the fort-
unes of the battle as guided by Ormazd and by Ahriman.
The description in the Shah Namah may indeed be poetic or
journalistic, but it is worth reading, and the array of the
enemy appeared as follows: 1—
ARJASP’S ARRAY ON THE BATTLEFIELD
(According to the Shah Namah)?
Bidrafsh Gurgsar
100,000 Arjisp with Namkhvist 3 | 100,000 |
Chosen troops
Reserve
| 100,000
Kuhram
(with rear guard)
=
Bidrafsh and Gurgsar are given charge of the two wings
with 100,000 men each. Namkhvast with picked troops has
1 See Mohl, iv. p. 319 (and contrast 122; Bidrafs (Widrass), p. 368; Na-
with iv. p. 306). maxvast, p. 220; Kuhram, p. 166;
2 See preceding note; and, for the Arjasp, p. 21.
proper names, compare Justi, Iran. 3 Cf. SAN. Mohl, iv. 313, 319.
Namenbuch, as follows: Gurgsdar, p.
112 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
the centre where Arjasp himself is stationed.1_ The reserve of
100,000 men is disposed in such a way as to support all the
divisions. This time Kuhram ? guards the rear, whereas Hishdiv
had held that position on the invading march. Among Arjasp’s
leaders only two are really known to fame in the conflict: these
are Namkhvast and Bidrafsh.®
'Vishtasp’s Army and its Leaders. — The strength of Vish-
taspa’s forces has already been mentioned. The three prin-
cipal heroes who win renown on the Iranian side are, first,
Vishtasp’s intrepid brother, the valiant Zarir (Av. Zairivairi,
YZ. Zarér, ShN. Zarir);* second, the latter’s son Bastvar (Av.
Bastavairi, YZ. Bastvar, ShN. Nastir);® and third, Vishtaspa’s
own glorious son Isfendiar (Av. Spento-data, YZ. ShN. Isfen-
diar).6 In the Yatkar, mention is likewise made of another of
Vishtaspa’s brothers, named Pat-khusrav,’ and also of a favor-
ite son of Vishtasp whose name apparently is Frashokar¢ or
Frashavart.2 The Shah Namah furthermore mentions Arda-
shir, who is a son of Vishtaspa, Shérd or (according to Mohl)
1ShN. Mohl, iv, 313, 319. In YZ.
§ 50, Arjasp, like Vishtasp, has his
place of observation upon a hill to
direct the battle.
2The name of Arjasp’s brother,
Kuhram or Guhram, appears as G6-
hormuz in Tabari; see Noldeke, Per-
sische Studien, ii. 7, 8; Justi Iran.
Namenbuch, p. 112. If Kuhram ac-
cepted Shédasp’s challenge (ShN.
Mohl, iv. pp. 321, 322), he must have
come forward from the rear.
3 YZ. §§ 29-80, and § 54 seq. ; SHN.
Mohl, iv. 319, 828, 327.
£Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p.
382.
5 Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 65.
®Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p.
308.
7YZ. §§ 29, 37; he is apparently
not named in the Avesta; cf. Geiger,
Yatkar-. Zariran, p. 77. For his
name, Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 582,
suggested Av. Bujasravah, Yt. 13. 101,
but this is doubtful.
8 YZ. § 30 (text corrupt), 39, 44.
Asthe MS. at § 30 is corrupt (cf.
Geiger, p. 75), one might think of Av.
Frashékara (Yt. 13. 102), which is the
reading of all good Avestan MSS. (not
Frasho-karata, as Geiger, YZ. p. 75);
but West (personal communication)
thinks they are all the same name. As
Frash .. . falls in this battle, we must
not (as does Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii.
5838) confuse him with Farshidvard,
of the Shah Namah, who does not fall
now, but is slain in the second battle.
Possibly it might be Av. Frash-him-
vareta (Yt, 18. 102) if we set aside
Darmesteter’s connection with Pers.
Farshidvard. In any case Justi, ran.
Namenbuch, p. 104 should be con-
sulted.
ARRANGEMENT OF VISHTASP’S TROOPS FOR BATTLE. 113
Ormazd,! Shédasp,? Garami, the son of Jamasp,? Névzar, son of
Vishtasp,* Bashiitan (i.e. Peshdtanu), son of Vishtasp,® and a
son of Isfendiar called Niish-Adar (i.e. Andsh-Adar) who is
killed by Zavarah in the second war.® The valiant Isfendiar
appears in all accounts of both wars. He is evidently com-
ARRANGEMENTS OF VISHTASP’S TROOPS FOR BATTLE
(According to the Shah Namah)?
(Shédasp) Isfendiar
| Number not given = Zarir | 50,000 |
| 50,000 |
Main body
Bastvar, i.e. Nastiir
(in charge of rear)
paratively young in the first war, and his renown as hero
belongs rather to the second great action; but in both cam-
1Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 676 f.; cf. Ndldeke, Pers. Stud. ii. p.
297, Mohl, iv. 321. 7).
2Son of Vishtasp, Mohl, iv. 311, 6 SBN. Mohl, iv. pp. 338, 349 ; Justi,
318, 321; Justi, p. 294. Iran. Namenbuch, p. 17b, 387 (Uz-
8 ShN. Mobil, iv. pp. 311, 312, 328, warak).
and see next page. 7 See preceding note; and, on the
4 ShN. Mohl, iv. pp. 312, 324, proper names, see Justi, Zran Namen-
5 ShN. Mohl, iv. 332, Justi, Iran. buch, as follows: Zairivairi, p. 382;
Namenbuch, p. 251. Mentioned also JIsfendiar, p. 308; Shédasp, p. 294;
by Tabari in this connection (Tab.i. Bastavairi, p. 65.
I
114 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISUN
paigns he is the same ideal hero, sans peur et sans reproche.
Twenty-two other sons of the family of Vishtaspa are slain
according to the Yatkar-i Zariran (§ 29), but this treatise does
not seem to take account of the second holy war against
Arjisp. The Shah Namah makes the number of Vishtasp’s
sons that were slain to have been thirty-eight,! but this num-
ber on the other hand seems to comprise both wars. On the
field of battle Vishtasp’s troops, according to the Shah Namah,
were drawn up as presented in the preceding table.2 We must
regret once more that we have not the missing Vishtasp-sast6
Nask which the Dinkart says described ‘the arrangement and
movements of King Vishtasp for that war.’
Battles of the First War. — The location of the seat of war in
the first great conflict is not wholly clear. The Shah Namah
speaks of the Jihin or Oxus— see Map; the Yatkar-1 Zaririn
seems to allude to Merv (also in the northeast) as the seat, but
the text is not precise on the subject. The whole question is
discussed below in Appendix IV., reference to which should be
made.
It is evident, in this first war, that there were two principal
battles, separated by a slight interval; some of the apparent
differences and discrepancies between the Yatkar and the Shah
Namah are possibly to be accounted for in that way. As to the
interval, the Shah Namah recognizes a lapse of two weeks
(di haftah) between the first attack by Arjasp and the combat
which resulted in Zarir’s death.? As to the action, the Yatkar-i
Zariran naturally selects those situations and incidents which
bring its hero Zarir into the foreground. Both accounts tell
how, on the eve of battle, the sage Jamasp in prophetic vision
foresees all the gains and all the losses on each side ; and he fore-
tells to the king the joys and sorrows, the temporary defeat, but
final, conclusive, and decisive victory of the following day.*
1 Mohl, iv. 367, 376, 886, 445. £ YZ. §§ 28-30 ; SHN. iii. 1514-1521 ;
2 See p. 113, and cf. Mohl, iv. 318. ef. Mohl, iv. 309-317.
8ShN. iii, 1527, dia haftah ; cf.
Mohl, iv. 326.
BATTLES OF THE FIRST WAR 115
Vishtasp beholds the fight from a neighboring elevation.! In the
first action a number fall on the side of the Zoroastrian faith.
Several of the names may be gathered; they are mostly sons
of the king: Ardashir, Ormazd (or Shérd), Shédisp, Névzar,
Pat-khusray, and Frashavart(?).2, Most of these are slain by
the listful demon Namkhvast. Of all the descriptions, one of
the most picturesque, perhaps, is the account of the chivalrous
deed of Jamasp’s indomitable son Garami (YZ. Garamik-kart).
In amoment of critical suspense he rescues the imperial banner
by anact of heroism which is all-inspiring, and he saves the gon-
falon, holding it between his teeth, and fights till he falls.?
The second and decisive battle follows this first sharp engage-
ment after a brief interval. In this action there is no question
that the hero is Zarir (Zarér, Zairivairi). He does not fall in
open attack, but by an act of stealth at the hand of the sorcerer
Bidrafsh, whom he had challenged to mortal combat. Zarir’s
unfortunate death is gloriously avenged by his young son
Bastvar (Nastir) and by the valiant Isfendiir. In the words
of the Yatkar-i Zariran, as the battle opens, ‘the dashing leader
Zarir began the fight as fiercely as when the god of Fire bursts
into a hay-rick and is impelled onward by a blast of the storm.
Each time as he struck his sword down, he killed ten Khyons ;
and, as he drew it back, he slew eleven. When hungry and
thirsty he needed only to look upon the blood of the Khyéns and
he became refreshed.’ But treachery, as before stated, undoes
the noble knight; he falls, pierced through the heart by a
poisoned spear hurled from behind by the magician Vidrafsh
(Védrafsh, Bidrafsh) who is promised the fair hand of Arjasp’s
daughter Zarshtan as a reward.® The hero fallen, Vishtasp
now turns and offers his own lovely daughter Humak (Htmiai)
1 YZ. § 49; ShN. Mohl, iv. 320. 8 YZ. § 79; SAN. iv. 323, 311-12;
2Vist made up from ShN. iii. 1523 see also Geiger, Yathar, p. 79.
seq. ; cf. Mohl, iv. 311, 821; and YZ. 4 YZ. § 51 (Geiger, pp. 59-60).
§§ 29-80. Compare also Justi, Namen- 5 YZ. §§ 52-56 (after Geiger, pp.
buch, p. 229 (Néwzar), and the refer- 60-61); cf. ShN. Mohl, iv. 827, 328.
ences given above, p. 113. See also Néldeke, Pers. Stud. ii. 3.
116 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
to whosoever will avenge Zarir’s death. The latter’s youthful
son Bastvar (Nastir), a child in years but a giant in strength
and courage, dashes forward and, accompanied by Isfendiar,
slays the treacherous Vidrafsh, routs the Turanian hosts, hews
them down as he drives them before him, and with Isfendiar’s
aid sends Arjasp defeated, humbled, mutilated, back to his own
capital.?
The gallant Isfendiar now grants respite to the vanquished
Turanians, which is in keeping with the nobility of his charac-
ter, although his soldiers, as the poet describes, were inclined
to butcher the entire army of refugees.2 The Shah Namah is
able to give the numbers of those who fell in battle. Of Vish-
tasp’s forces the number of the slain is estimated at 30,000
including thirty-eight sons of the king. On Arjasp’s side the
list of those who were killed is reckoned to be more than
100,000. With the boldness of precision worthy of an epic
writer who is giving details, the poet is able to add that 1163
of this number were men of rank, beside 3200 wounded.®
Terms of peace with religious stipulations are entered into and
the first great victory of Zoroastrianism is achieved.
The war over, Vishtasp marches back through his own coun-
try of Iran to the city of Balkh, to celebrate the victory. In
Persian fashion he is said to have given his daughter Humai to
the intrepid IsfendiarS and he assigns to this young hero
Bastvar (Nastiir) an army of 100,000 picked soldiers, bidding
him to advance toward Arjasp’s capital, Khallakh, in order to
complete the conquest. One other son, Farshidvard,’ is made
suzerain over Khorassan, the territory which afterwards becomes
famous as a seat of the second holy war against Arjasp. Vish-
tasp himself next founds a new fire-temple and makes Jamasp
1YZ. § 67; ShN. Mohl, iv. 330, (p. 114) which explains this number
341. as referring to both the wars.
2 YZ. §§ 58-85 (Geiger, pp. 62-69) ; 5 ShN. Mohl, iv. 341.
ShN. Moh], 335-841. 6 YZ. § 57 seq. implies Bastvar ;
8 SHN. Mohl, iv. 339. see above, p. 72, n. 1.
4 But see the statement given above 7 ShN. Mohl, iv. 345.
ISFENDIAR AS CRUSADER 117
high priest over it. His final and most important act for the
Religion is to depute the dauntless Isfendiar upon a hallowed
mission, a great crusade to foreign lands, enjoining upon him
to convert all peoples and nations to the Faith of Zardusht.
When this is accomplished he promises to recompense the valiant
crusader and dutiful son by awarding him the crown and throne
of Iran.
Isfendiar as Crusader, and the Following Events. — Tradition
tells how fortune favors the gallant knight. So successful is
his pious zeal, according to the Shah Namah, that the countries
even of ‘Rim and Hindistan’ are among those who despatched
messengers to Vishtasp, requesting to have ‘the Zend-Avesta
of Zardusht’ sent to them. Vishtasp eagerly complies with the
request and sends a copy of the bible to every land. An
allusion to the Dinkart of crusading efforts in the direction of
‘Arum and the Hindis’ in connection with the name of Spend-
dat (Isfendiar) has already been noticed above.
There must have been a considerable lapse of time for all
this to transpire, and a number of the events narrated in the
chapters on conversions and the spread of the Religion perhaps
belong here.2 The interval of peace at home was doubtless
used to advantage; and possibly about this time the Avesta
was written down by Jamasp from the teachings of Zoroaster
as referred to in the Dinkart.? All goes well. Each effort of
Isfendiar is divinely crowned, and at last he feels himself
entitled by his successes to turn to his father with the expecta-
tion of receiving the crown according to the royal promise.
But he receives it not. A mischievous brother, Kurazm
(Av. Kavarazem, Yt. 18. 103)* with lying lips calumniates the
valiant hero to his father. Isfendiar is rewarded by being
1 ShN. Mohl, iv. 344-345. Cf. pp. 76, 97. West places this event
2The Shah Namah implies an in- about z.c. 591. See SBH. xlvii. In-
terval of ‘some time’; see ShN. iii. trod. §55, and Appendix III. below.
1543, Vullers-Landauer = Moh, iv. 345, 4ShN. Mohl, iv. 346; Justi, Zran.
‘quelque temps.’ Namenbuch, p. 159; Darmesteter,
8 Dk. 4.21;5.3.4357.5.11;3.7.1. Etudes Iran. ii. 280.
118 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
thrown into chains and imprisoned upon a mountain in the
fortress citadel of Gumbadan in Khorassin or Mount Spents-
data of the Avesta and Bindahishn as described below in
Appendix IV. The Shah Namah goes on to tell how King
Vishtasp (Gushtasp) leaves Balkh shortly after this incident
and goes for ‘two years’ to Seistan and Zabilistan to visit
Rustam.
It is at this point in the Shah Namah that the narrative of
Firdausi’s predecessor Dakiki is stated to end, and the story is
taken up by Firdausi himself. This fact may account for
certain differences of view and manner of treatment which are
noticeable.?
Arjasp’s Second Invasion; the Last Holy War.— The
chronicle of the Shah Namah, as poetic history, seems to allow
some years to elapse between the invasions of Arjasp as already
mentioned, and the traditional Zoroastrian chronology bears
out this fact if we combine the dates which may be gathered?
The state of affairs in Iran begins to assume a different aspect.
The Turanian Arjasp, taking advantage of Isfendiar’s im-
prisoment, reunites his forces and prepares to strike a blow of
retaliation upon his former conqueror. y Once more he invades
Iran and the second war begins. The tradition which Firdausi
follows is claimed by him to be ancient. It is curious, how-
ever, in some of its details, and it presents an odd picture of
the management of a kingdom. Vishtasp’s absence from his
capital seems to have left Balkh weakened or unprotected.
Arjasp successfully storms the city ; the aged Lohrasp falls in
the fight before the city walls;% the temple of Nish-Adar is
sacked and destroyed ; the priests are slain in the very act of
their pious worship; the sacred fire is quenched by their
1 On the Dakiki portion of the Shah to have occurred during the Turanian
Namah, cf. p.5,n.2,andsee Néldekein invasion, as discussed in the next
Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 148-150. chapter.
2 The date of Zoroaster’s death is 3 Shih Namah, Vullers-Landauer,
set at B.c. 583, and this is supposed iii. 1560; Mobl, iv. 364, 558.
ARJASP’S SECOND INVASION 119
hallowed blood; and, worst of all, the Prophet Zardusht falls
a martyr at the hands of the murderous and fanatical invaders
of Turan, as he stands in the presence of the altar’s holy
flame which the Faith so devoutly cherished. The details of
these particular circumstances are given more fully in the next
chapter, together with some additional traditions regarding
Zoroaster’s death. This sad event serves to place the date of
the second war at about B.c. 583 on the basis of the Biinda-
hishn chronology. i
Events now follow in rapid succession. Vishtasp learns in
Seistan of the death of Lohrasp and of the martyrdom of
Zoroaster. He hastens to join forces with his son, Farshid-
vard of Khorassin. The Shah Namah states that Vishtasp
took the route towards Balkh, but from its description and
from a Pahlavi allusion to the ‘White Forest,’ as discussed
hereafter, it appears that Vishtasp joined Farshidvard in Kho-
rassan, of which the latter was suzerain. We may recall here
that Firdausi himself was a native of Khorassin and he must
have been familiar with the tradition. The question of the
scene of this opening battle is entered into more fully below in
Appendix IV. So it need not be discussed here. We need
only follow Firdausi’s brief description of the drawing up of
the opposing lines, and if we glance at Khorassin on the Map
we shall have an idea, at least traditionally, of the battlefields
on which the final victory of Zoroastrianism was won.
Alas! the valiant Isfendiar is no longer in command of the
host that is fighting for the Avesta and the Faith of Iran. The
princely Farshidvard receives a wound that shortly proves
fatal. Vishtasp is routed, and he finds refuge only in the
region of Nishapir or of the Jagatai chain, as discussed in
detail below, Appendix 1V. The Iranians are beleagured on
a lonely height; the Faith of Zoroaster seems about to totter
and fall before the hated Arjasp and Turan. But Isfendiar is
1 See note above, and compare West, SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appen-
dix III. below,
120 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISU
once more the saviour of the hour. In the dire emergency
it is universally felt that the captive prince, chained within the
fortress which even in the Avesta has given his name to the
OPENING BATTLE OF THE SECOND HOLY WAR
(According to the Shah Namah)!
Tran Touran
fa oN. a
g 3 8
4. 93 eo]
ae: 8
me re
——Z
ARJASP
VISHTASP
(Gushtasp)
Farshidvard
Kuhram
mountain, can save the State from its impending overthrow.
According to the Chronicle, Jamasp secretly visits Isfendiar,
1ShN. Mohl, iv. 365, 866, 387. On the name above, p. 112, n. 8); Bastvar,
the special proper names, see Justi, Justi, p. 65.
Tran. Namenbuch under Frasham- 2 ShN. Mohl, iv. 366, 387.
varata, p. 104 (but recall discussion of
THE BATTLES OF THE SECOND HOLY WAR 121
and finally induces him to forget his cruel wrongs and to
preserve his country from the certain ruin that hangs over it.
Freed from the galling shackles, he hastens to the rescue and
leads the hosts of Zoroastrianism once more to victory. Under
the inspiration of his command a final battle is begun.
Isfendiar receives full power and sway. The only change in
the organization of Vishtisp’s forces, as noted in the Shah
Namah, is that Gurdoé (Kerdii) succeeds to the place of
Farshidvard, who had died from the fatal wound received in
the preceding fight, and Bastvar (Nastiir) consequently occu-
pies the right wing.! Arjasp’s troops are marshalled in a
manner differing but slightly from that before adopted. The
disposition of the armies, as given by Firdausi, is shown in
the diagram on page 122.
Isfendiar wins a complete and signal victory. Arjasp flees
back to Turan. But no quarter this time is granted. His
country is mercilessly invaded by the invincible Isfendiar, his
capital stormed and taken, and he himself is finally slain.
The Dinkart likewise in one passage seems to contain an echo
of the note of exultation over this event.2 Victory rests every-
where upon the banners of Iran and upon the triumphant stan-
dards of Zoroaster’s Faith.
Thus closed the second invasion of the great Holy War,
which really served to establish the future of Zoroastrianism,
for the Faith gained strength from the shock it withstood and
the power it overcame. According to tradition, victory led
to other attempts at universal conversion, but not all were
unqualifiedly successful. The gallant Isfendiar, so zealous ever
for the cause, is himself ultimately slain in single combat with
Rustam, whom he sought to convert to the creed in accordance
with King Vishtasp’s urgent desire and his own unflagging
readiness for crusading. The story which Firdausi tells of
1On Gurddé (Kerdiii), see ShN. 2See Dk. 7. 4. 88-90, in West’s
Mohl, iv. 884; Justi, Iran. Namen- translation, SBZ. xlvii. 72-78.
buch, pp. 122, 161.
122 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
the details of Isfendiar’s death may be apocryphal, but it con-
tains some reminiscence of the missionary labors that are
known to have been expended in the land of Seistan.
FINAL BATTLE OF THE SECOND HOLY WAR
(According to the Shah Namah)?
Tran TURAN
fey
3B 5
oo s
oH a
Bg =|
oS ie]
FE%:
las]
e 6 ig
ma e
m
= 3 a]
ro
ea
Zak
ok Py
ae) 5
Es 4H
2 -
ae FI
i
The Sacred Wars summarized.—Such is the story of the
period of holy warfare against Areiat-aspa (Arjasp) in behalf
1§$hN. Mohl, iv. 884. For the proper names, see references above.
THE SACRED WARS SUMMARIZED 123
of Zoroaster’s Faith, at least so far as we can gather history
from sources which are chiefly chronicles. In the Avesta and
in the Pahlavi writings Arejat-aspa is a Hyaonian (Av. H'ya-
ona, Phl. Khyon); in the Shah Namah and elsewhere he is
understood to be a Turanian. Both designations apparently
amount ultimately to the same thing. Furthermore, according
to tradition, there were two separate wars or invasions by
Arjasp, although the earliest accounts do not make this point
wholly clear. If we accept the Zoroastrian chronology based
upon the Pahlavi Bundahishn, the defeat of Arjasp in the first
war must have occurred about B.c. 601. The principal battle
of this war was the fight in which King Vishtasp’s brother
Zarir was slain. A considerable interval, nearly twenty years,
is believed to have elapsed before Arjasp began his second
invasion. The date of this event is placed by the tradition as
about B.c. 583, the year being given by the death of Zoroaster
which seems to have occurred at this time. The amphitheatre
in which the final engagements in this war took place appears
to be Khorassin. Isfendiar, the great crusader, wins the final
victory that establishes the Faith of Iran on a firm foundation,
even though Zoroaster is no longer living to enjoy the fruits
of triumph.
CHAPTER X
THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER
THE END OF A GREAT PROPHETIC CAREER
‘Shall the priest and the prophet be slain in the sanctuary of the Lord?’
— Lamentations 2. 20.
IntRopucTION—GREEK AND Latin Accounts OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH BY
LicgHtnine oR A FLAME FROM HEaveN— THE IRANIAN TRADITION OF HIS
DeatH at THE Hanp oF an ENEMY — CONCLUSION
Introduction. — Those who have read Marion Crawford’s
novel ‘Zoroaster’ may perhaps recall the graphic scene describ-
ing the death of the Prophet of ancient Iran, with which the
romance closes. Whatever may have been the novelist’s
source of information—if he had any source beyond his own
vivid imagination —his picture is so well drawn that it seems
real, and it may possibly not be so far, after all, from the truth.
There is no authority, however, for believing that Zoroaster’s
death took place at Stakhar (Persepolis); but there is ground
for believing that he may possibly have been slain while at
worship in the sanctuary. Traditions on the subject differ; but
itis the purpose of this chapter briefly to bring together the
material that is accessible on the question of Zoroaster’s death.
Greek and Latin Accounts of Zoroaster’s Death. — From
the fate of Empedocles we are not surprised to find a miracu-
lous departure attributed to a great sage; and the Greek and
Latin patristic writers give a fabulous account of the passing
of Zoroaster. His is no ordinary end; he perishes by lightning
or a flame from heaven, which recalls the descent of the fiery
chariot and the whirlwind in the apotheosis of Elijah. For
124
GREEK AND LATIN ACCOUNTS OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH 128
such a description our principal source is the Pseudo-Clemen-
tine Recognitiones and the spurious Clementine Homilies, whose
statements are followed by later writers. All these passages
are given in Appendix V., so they are simply summarized here.1
(a) A passage in the Clementinae Recognitiones (dating
about A.D. second century, and existing in the Latin trans-
lation of Rufinus),? identifies Zoroaster with Ham or Mesraim
of the family of Noah, and anathematizes him as a magician
and astrologer. To deceive the people, it is said, he was wont
to conjure the stars until finally the guardian spirit or presid-
ing genius of a certain star became angry at his control and
emitted a stream of fire in vengeance and slew the arch-
magician. But the misguided Persians deified the ashes of his
body consumed by the flame, and they gave adoration to the
star which had thus charioted him into the presence of God.
Hence after his death he received the name Zoroaster, that is,
‘living star,—an interpretation by those who understood the
Greek form of his name to have this meaning! ®
(b) The statement in the spurious Clementine Homilies * dif-
fers but slightly. Zoroaster is identified with Nimrod, who,
in the pride of his heart, seeks for universal power from the
star, whereat the lightning falls from heaven and Nimrod is
destroyed, and he accordingly receives the surname Zoroaster
for the ‘stream of the star’: Zopodaotpys petwovondabn, dia
To THY TOU aoTépos Kat’ avTov Cdaav évenOfvas ponv. But
the Persians, it is added, built a temple over the remains of
his body and cherished the sacred flame that came from the
1The best material on this subject,
from the classical side, is to be found
in Windischmann, Zoroastrische Stu-
dien, pp. 306-809 (accessible now in
translation, Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zar-
athushtra in the Gathds, pp. 181-135).
2Clem. Roman. Recogn. 4. 27-29
(tom. i. col. 1826 seq. ed. Migne). See
Appendix V., § 12.
8 For the text, cf. Appendix V.,
§ 12.
4 Clem. Homilies, 9. 4 seq. (tom. ii.
col. 244, ed, Migne) ; see Appendix V.,
§ 12, and cf. Windischmann, Zor.
Stud. pp. 8306-307 = Darab D. P. San-
jana, Zarathushtra in the Gathas, p.
133, and Rapp, ZDMG. xix. p. 34.
126 THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER
coals of the heaven-sent bolt; and so long as they did this
they had sovereignty. Then the Babylonians stole away the
embers and thereby gained empire over the world.!
(c) Gregory of Tours (A.D. 538-593)? repeats the identi-
fication of Zoroaster with Ham (Cham, or Chus) and records
the etymology of his name as ‘living star,’ stating that the
Persians worshipped him as a god because he was consumed
by fire from heaven. See Appendix V., § 37.
(d) The Chronicon Paschale or Chronicon Alexandrinum
(last date A.D. 629)3 makes Zoroaster foretell his fiery death,
and bid the Persians to preserve the ashes of his charred bones.
As he is praying to Orion, he is slain by the descent of a heay-
enly shaft, and the Persians carefully keep his ashes down to
the present time. See text in Appendix V., § 39.
The same story is found in almost the same words, or with
no material addition (see Appendix V., § 89) in the works of
(e) Johan. Malalas (A.D. sixth century) col. 84, ed. Migne;
p. 18 ed. Bonnenn.
(f) Suidas (A.D. tenth century), s.v. Zwpodatpys,’ Aotpovdpos,
briefly records the death by fire from heaven.
(g) Georgius Cedrenus (c. A.D. 1100), tells the same in his
Historiarum Compendium (col. 57, ed. Migne; p. 29 seq. ed.
Bonnenn.), and adds, Ta Aeipava adrod Sid Tyuns etyov ot TWépaar
&os Totrov Katappovycavtes Kat THs Bactreias é&érrecov.
(h) Michael Glycas (flor. c. A.D. 1150), Ann. Pars IT. (col.
253, ed. Migne; p. 244 ed. Bonnenn.), simply repeats the
Clementine statement. See Appendix V., § 47.
(i) Georgius Hamartolus (d. about A.D. 1468) merely reiter-
ates the same in his Chronology (col. 56, ed. Migne).
All these latter quotations go back to the Clementine source.
1 For the full text, see Appendix V., Migne; or i. p. 67, ed. Bonnenn. ; cf.
§ 12. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 308 note
2 Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (col. 164 seq. = Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra
ed. Migne). in the Gathdas, p. 185.
3 Chron. Pasch. col. 148 seq. ed.
THE IRANIAN TRADITION OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH 127
They all look upon Zoroaster as an astrologer who perished by
a shaft from heaven, and they usually interpret this as a mark
of divine displeasure.
It might be added, simply by way of greater completeness,
that Orosius (A.D. fifth century) Hist. i. 4 (col. 700, ed.
Migne) follows the current later classical story about Ninus
and Zoroaster, and adds that Ninus conquered and killed him
in battle, which perhaps is an echo of the war against Arjasp.!
The Iranian Tradition of Zoroaster’s Death. — Passing from
the realm of fanciful legend to the more solid ground of tradi-
tion we have a very persistent statement in the later Zoro-
astrian sacred writings regarding the death of the Prophet,
even if, for reasons to be easily understood, that event is not
mentioned in the Avesta itself.2 This tradition with absolute
uniformity makes his death to have occurred at the age of sev-
enty-seven years, and ascribes it to a Turanian, one Bratrok-
résh.2 Whether this occurred at the storming of Balkh or
under other circumstances, will be discussed below. For the
latest accessible material on the subject we may refer especially
to West, SBE. xlvii. According to the Pahlavi selections of
Zat-sparam, Zoroaster passed away at the age of seventy-seven
years and forty days in the 47th-48th year of the religion, or
B.C. 583, of the Iranian chronology.4 The month and the day
are specifically named, as will be recorded below. The state-
ment of his age being seventy-seven years is repeated else-
where,® and the name of his murderer occurs a number of
times as the following passages will show.
(a) The Selections of Zat-sparam, 23. 9 (West, SBE. xlvii.
165) contain the following entry: ‘In the forty-seventh year
1¥or the text, see Appendix V., 4See West’s calculations given in
§ 27. Appendix III., p. 181, and consult the
2 See also Geldner, ‘Zoroaster’ in next paragraph.
Encyclopedia Britannica, xxiv. 821, 5 .g. Masiidi, as given in Appendix
col. a. IL, p. 163.
3 Cf. also Justi, Iran. Namenbuch,
p. 71.
128 THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER
(of the Religion) Zaratiisht passes away, who attains seventy-
seven years and forty days, in the month Artavahishtd, on the
day Khir; and for eight rectified months, till the month
Dadvé and day Khir, he should be brought forward as to be
reverenced.’ The day of his death, according to tradition, is
the day Khir in the month Artavahishté, on the eleventh day
of the second month of the Zoroastrian year,1
(b) In Dinkart, 7. 5. 1 (West, SBH. xlvii. 73) we read,
‘ About the marvellousness which is manifested from the accept-
ance of the Religion by Vishtasp onwards till the departure
(vixéz6) of Zaratisht, whose guardian spirit is reverenced, to
the best existence, when seventy-seven years had elapsed on-
wards from his birth, forty-seven onwards from his conference,
and thirty-five years onwards from the acceptance of the
Religion by Vishtasp.’
(c) Dinkart, 7. 6. 1 (West, SBH. xlvii. TT) speaks, among
other miracles, ‘ About the marvellousness which is manifested
after the departure (vizé2d) of Zaratisht, whose guardian
spirit is reverenced, to the best existence G.e. Heaven), and
manifested also in the lifetime of Vishtasp.’
(d) Datistan-i Dinik, 72. 8 (West, SBH. xviii. 218) states
that among the most heinous sinners, ‘one was Tur-i Bratar-
vakhsh, the Karap and heterodox wizard, by whom the best
of men [i.e. Zaratiisht] was put to death.’ If this be the same
Karap that plotted against Zoroaster as a youth, it would
imply an extraordinary longevity (p. 28, n. 4).
(e) Dinkart 5. 3. 2 (West, SBH. xlvii. 126) mentions
among the events in the history of the Religion, ‘the killing of
Zaratisht himself by Bratré-résh.’ See also the note by Darab
D. P. Sanjana in Geiger’s astern Iranians, ii. p. 216. Compare
likewise Dinkart translated by Peshotan Dastur Behramjee
10Or May 1, B.c. 583, if I reckon the Parsis, i. 149, 150; ii. 154. On
correctly. Onthe Zoroastrian months, the year, see West’s calculations in
see Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 33-36, and SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, given below
Dosabhai Framji Karaka, History of in Appendix III.
THE IRANIAN TRADITION OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH 129
Sanjana, vol. vii. p. 485: ‘Among wicked priests the most
wicked was Tur-e-Baratrut (i.e. Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh) of evil
nature and desirous of destroying Zarthusht’s faith.’
(f) The Great Iranian Bindahishn in a passage cited and
translated by Darmesteter (Le ZA. ii. 19, cf. also iii. Introd.
lxxix.) describes the demon and wizard Malkés, who shall
appear at the end of a thousand years to bring distress upon
the earth, as a manifestation of ruin springing ‘from the race
of Tir-i Bratrok-résh who brought about Zaratisht’s death.’ 1!
(g) The Persian prose treatise Sad-dar, 9. 5 (West, SBE.
xxiv. 267) includes among the list of sinners who are on a par
with Ahriman, the same ‘Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh who slew Zara-
tusht.’ The metrical Sad-dar repeats it also (Hyde, Historia
Religionis, p. 441).
(h) The Pahlavi Bahman Yasht, 2. 3 (West, SBH. v. 195)
alludes to the same tradition, for when Zaratisht in a vision
asks immortality of God, Atharmazd declines it, responding
thus: ‘When Ge. if) I shall make thee immortal, O Zara-
tiisht the Spitaman! then Tur-i Bratar-vakhsh the Karap will
become immortal, and when Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh the Karap
shall become immortal, the resurrection and future existence are
not possible.’
The Pahlavi-Parsi tradition is therefore unanimous that
Zoroaster perished by the hand of Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh or
Bratrok-résh, but it gives no specific details. Firdausi must be
following an Iranian tradition in keeping with this when he
assigns this event to the time of the Turanian invasion of Iran,
and ascribes Zoroaster’s death to the storming of Balkh and the
destruction of the temple Nish-Adar. Other Persian writers
seem to accept the same tradition. The extracts are given.
(i) Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. 1559 graphically
describes the final scene. I give a version of it, following Mohl
iv. 363 and Vullers, Fragmente, 103: ‘The army (of Turan) there-
1 Malkos séj-cihart min toxmak-t Tur-t Bratrok-rés, 7 03-4 Zaratust yahvint ;
see Darmesteter.
K
130 THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER
upon entered Balkh, and the world became darkened with
rapine and murder. They advanced toward the Temple of Fire
(ataxkadah) and to the palace and glorious hall of gold. They
burned the Zend-Avesta entire and they set fire to the edifice
and palace alike. There (in the sanctuary) were eighty priests
whose tongues ceased not to repeat the name of God; all these
they slew in the very presence of the Fire and put an end to
their life of devotion. By the blood of these was extinguished
the Fire of Zardusht. Who slew this priest I do not know.’!
The story is told over again, a few lines farther on, where the
messenger bears to the absent Vishtasp the awful news of the
sacking of the city, the death of Lohrasp, ‘the king of kings,’
and the slaying of the Sage or Master (rad), by which none
other than Zardusht is meant. The lines run (cf. Vullers-
Landauer, iti. 1560, and Mohl, trad. iv. 8364): ‘They have slain
Lohrasp, the king of kings, before the city of Balkh; and our
days are darkened and full of trouble. For (the Turks) have
entered the temple Niish-Adar and they have crushed the head
of the Master (Zardusht) and of all the priests; and the brill-
iant Fire has been extinguished by their blood.’
(j) The prose chronicle Shah Namah Nasr, which Hyde
terms an abstract of Firdausi made by some Magian,? states
similarly with reference to this event: ‘They say that when
Arjasp’s army invaded Iran, Lohrasp left the place of divine
worship as soon as he learned of this, and took to the field of
battle. He killed a great many, but he himself was slain,
together with eighty priests (who were in the temple at Balkh
Bami). The fire was quenched by their blood; and among the
number of the eighty priests was Zardusht the prophet, who
also perished in this war.’$
(k) The later Persian work Dabistan (beginning of 17th
1§See variant in Vullers-Landauer, 2 Hyde, Historia Religionis Vet.
iil, 1559,and the translation by Vullers, Pers. pp. 319-825 (1 ed.).
Fragmente, p. 108, and by Mohl, iv. 3 After the Latin translation of
363. Hyde, op. cit. p. 325,
THE IRANIAN TRADITION OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH 181
century A.D.), claims that its statement is based upon ancient
Tranian authority and gives a picturesque description of the
manner in which the martyred Zoroaster avenged himself upon
his slayer Turbaraturhash G.e. Tur-i Bratar-vakhsh) by hurling
his rosary at his murderer and destroying him. Or as the
passage reads: ‘It is recorded in the books composed by Zar-
dusht’s followers, and also in the ancient histories of Iran, that
at the period of Arjasp’s second! invasion, King Gushtasp was
partaking of the hospitality of Zal, in Seistan, and Isfendiar
was a prisoner in Dazh Gumbadan; and that Lohrasp, notwith-
standing the religious austerities he performed through divine
favor, laid aside the robes of mortality in battle, after which
the Turks took the city. A Turk named Turbaratur, or
Turbaraturhash,? having entered Zardusht’s oratory, the prophet
received martyrdom by his sword. Zardusht, however, having
thrown at him the rosary (Shumar Afin or Yad Afréz) which
he held in his hand, there proceeded from it such an effulgent
splendor that its fire fell on Turbaratur and consumed him.’®
(1) Two other late Persian passages imply that Zoroaster’s
end was violent. Both of these are noticed by Hyde, from
whom they are adopted here. The first is from the Persian
historian Majdi (A.D. sixteenth century), who, after mention-
ing the dreadful invasion of Arjasp and the death of the priests
in the temple of Balkh, goes on to say: ‘He quenched the fire
of Zardusht with the blood of the Magi; and some one from
Shiraz then slew Zardusht himself.’®
(m) The second of these two passages is an allusion found
in the Farhang-i Jahangiri, which apparently refers to the day
of Zoroaster’s death as well as to the day on which he first
undertcok his mission to Vishtasp, for the dates resemble those
1 Notice the word ‘second’ in con- 4Hyde, Historia Religionis Vet.
nection with the preceding chapter. Pers. pp. 319, 825. On Majdi, cf. Ethé
21.e. Tar-i Bratar-vakhsh. in Grundriss d. iran. Phitol. ii. 332.
3 Dabistan tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 5 Hyde, op. cit. p. 8319; de Harlez,
371-372. Avesta tr. p. xxv. note 7.
132 THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER
in Pahlavi sources as already described. The sentence reads:
‘On the thirtieth day, Aniran, he entered Iran (or Persia), and
on the fifteenth day, Deybamihr, he departed in sorrow from
Iran.’ Hyde, p. 325, seems rightly to have interpreted the
allusion thus, and he should be consulted in connection with
pp. 40, 128, above.
Conclusion. — The accounts of Zoroaster’s death by light-
ning or a flame from heaven, as found in Greek and Latin
patristic literature, seem to be legendary. According to Iran-
ian tradition his death was violent, and it occurred at the hand
of a Turanian whose name is preserved to ill-renown.
Whether his martyrdom took place in the temple when Balkh
was stormed, as later Iranian writers all state, cannot posi-
tively be asserted, although such may have been the case.
CHAPTER XI
THE SEQUENCE OF EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH
THE LATER FORTUNE OF THE FAITH
‘Still did the mighty flame burn on,
Through chance and change, through good and ill,
Like its own God’s eternal will
Deep, constant, bright, unquenchable!’
— Moore's Lalla Rookh.
Inrropuctrory Statements; Tue Course or Events—Tue First Tren
YEARS AFTER Zoroaster’s Deara — EvipENCE oF FurtHER SPREAD OF
THE ReLIGION— Deatu oF THE First Apostites — Later D1IscIPLES AND
Successors — Propuecies anp Future Events —SuMMARY
Introductory Statements; the Course of Events. — With the
great Prophet dead, with the holy flame of the sacred shrine
quenched in the blood of the martyred priests, we might have
supposed for a moment that the Religion must perish too.
Happily, as we have seen, this was destined not to be the case.
Fate, circumstances, and merit issued other decrees. We have
watched the spark of the altar flame kindling anew; the story
of the glorious victories won in hallowed battles for Ormazd
has been told; the banner of the Creed waves once more aloft.
Little more remains to be chronicled beyond briefly tracing
the course which events took in the years that followed Zoro-
aster’s death. In other words, we are presently to enter the
realm where actual history goes hand in hand with tradition.
Tradition according to the Bahman Yasht asserts that
‘Artashir the Kayan, whom they call Vohiman son of Spend-
dat,’ and whom we know as Ardashir Dirazdast, or the ‘long-
handed,’ is the one who ‘made the Religion current in the
133
134 EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH
whole world.’! Actual history agrees with this in so far as it
shows that Artaxerxes Longimanus, or the ‘long-handed,’ was
an ardent Zoroastrian ruler.2. From the pages of history, fur-
thermore, we learn that by the time of the last Achaemenians,
at least, Zoroastrianism is practically acknowledged to have
become the national religion of Iran. History, alas, has also
to chronicle in its memorial chapters the cruel blow which
Alexander dealt to the whole Persian empire upon his trium-
phal march of world-conquest. Tradition again is in harmony
in recording how the ‘evil-destined’ or ‘accursed Iskander’
brought ruin everywhere by his sword, and how he burned the
sacred books of the Avesta, the archetype of the bible of Zoro-
aster, with the treasury of the ancient Persian kings. This
last tragic event stands out as the darkest day in the history of
Zoroastrianism until its final overthrow by Islam, when the
Koran superseded the Avesta and Ormazd gave place to
Allah.
But the two centuries or more between the death of Zoro-
aster and the coming of Alexander are filled by various reli-
gious events which the patristic literature of Sassanian times
carefully records and which it is proper here to notice in con-
nection with the history of Zoroaster’s life. It certainly
seems curious that we have no mention of Cyrus nor of the
pious Mazda-worshipper Darius, unless we are to understand
that the events of their reigns are merged in a general way
into the achievements of Isfendiar. This is one of the prob-
lems which belong rather to the history of the Religion to dis-
cuss. For the years themselves that follow Zoroaster’s death,
the Pahlavi texts give enough general events or incidents to
mark off the periods or epochs in a loose sort of way. The
first few years at least are certainly worth recording on the
lines of the tradition, and a glance should be taken at the
1 Byt. 2.17, West, SBE. v. 198-199.
2 Yet see Justi’s remark in Iran. Namenbuch p. 84, Artaxsaora 8.
FURTHER SPREAD OF THE RELIGION 135
chronological table in Appendix III., which gives some idea of
the current of events.
The First Ten Years after Zoroaster’s Death. — From tradi-
tion we know that King Vishtaspa outlived Zoroaster, and it
is interesting to see from the assertions of tradition how the
miraculous events which attended the Prophet’s life do not
cease with his death, but wonders and prodigies still continue
to be witnessed during the reign of the patron king. The
influence of the veil and glamour of the heavenly personage is
not yet removed. The first decade after Zoroaster’s death was
certainly eventful for Vishtasp, and we have a fanciful story
told in Pahlavi of a wonder that came to pass and a sign that
was manifested, which illustrates that the divine favor has
descended upon the king and which symbolizes the progress of
the Religion under the guise of a chariot in its onward course.
The Dinkart narrates how the soul of the old warrior Srito,
who had been dead several hundred years, appears again, visits
the zealous monarch, and presents to him a wonderful chariot.
The chariot instantly becomes twofold in form, the one being
spiritual, the other material! And, as the Dinkart passage
continues, ‘in the worldly chariot the exalted Kai Vishtasp
travelled forth unto the village of the Notars, in the joyfulness
of good thoughts; and in the spiritual chariot the soul of Srito
of the Visraps travelled forth unto the best existence (.e.
returned again to heaven).’? This allegory of the chariot
appears to smack somewhat of Buddhism and the Wheel of the
Law; and we may also recall a classical tradition which
implies Vishtasp’s acquaintance with the secret lore of the
Brahmans, ‘and the legendary wisdom and prophetic vision
which was ascribed to Vishtaspa down to medieval times.?
Evidence of Further Spread of the Religion. — The Dinkart
text declares that ‘ Vishtasp the king, when he became relieved
1Dk. %. 6. 1-11. 8See Kuhn, Fine zoroastrische
2Dk. 7. 6.11, West, SBE. xlvii. 80. Prophezeiung, in Festgruss an R. von
Shall we compare épyain Appendix V., oth, Stuttgart, 1898, p. 217 seq.
§ 7?
136 EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH
from the war with Arjasp, sent to the chief rulers about the
acceptance of the religion, and the writings of the Mazda-wor-
shipping religion, which are studded with all knowledge.’
The text then goes on to affirm the rapid spread which the
Faith saw by the end of the few years. The seed of the Reli-
gion was the blood of its martyrs slain. And so rapid does
the progress seem to have been that the text claims as one of
the marvels of history, the fact that at the end of fifty-seven
years from the first revelation of the Religion, its advent is
‘ published in the seven regions’ of the world, as was described
in the lost Spend Nask of the Avesta.1 All this is supposed
to have occurred while Vishtasp still lives. As a proof, more-
over, of the general acceptance of the Creed, the same passage
adduces the fact of ‘the coming of some from other regions to
Frashéshtar of the Hvobas for enquiry about the religion.’ ?
Two of the high priests who came on this holy quest from
abroad are from the southeastern and the southwestern regions.
Their names are given as Spiti and Erezraspa— names which
are found in the Avesta And, similarly, the Apostles went
into many lands to preach the Gospel after the death of Christ.
Death of the First Apostles. — Frashaoshtra, Zoroaster’s
devoted friend, follower, and relative by marriage, lives for
a number of years to exemplify the tenets and expound the
doctrines of the Master who has ‘ passed away.’ He himself is
summoned, as the Zat-sparam selections tell us,* some fifteen
years after Zaratusht, ‘in the month Artavahishto, in the
sixty-third year of the Religion.’® His distinguished brother
Jamasp, the wise Jamaspa, grand vizir of the king, and succes-
sor of Zoroaster in the pontifical office of the realm, outlives
Frashaoshtra but a year; or, as the selections of Zat-sparam
1Dk. 7. 6. 12; cf. Dk. 8. 14. 10, West’s note on Dk. 9. 21. 24, and Dk.
West, SBE. xlvii. 80; xxxvii. 33. 4, 22, in SBE. xxxvii. 218, 418.
2Dk. 7. 6. 12. Recall also what 4 Zsp. 28. 10.
has already been said in Chap. VII. 5 p.c. 568, according to traditional
about the promulgation of the Religion. chronology; see West, SBE. xlvii.
* Yt. 18. 121; Dk. 7. 6. 12. See Introd. § 55, and below, Appendix III.
. LATER DISCIPLES AND SUCCESSORS 137
proceed to chronicle, ‘in the sixty-fourth year of the Religion
passed away Jamasp, the same as became the priest of priests
after Zarattsht.’! This sage was indeed a Mobed of Mobeds.
Then in the seventy-third year he is followed by his son Han-
gaurush, whose name appears also in the Avesta (Yt. 13. 104).?
Still another event is recorded in the eightieth year of the
Faith; this is the death of the pious Asmok-Khanvatd (Av.
Asmo-hvanvat), as well as that of the wizard Akht, who is
killed, and his name also appears in the Avesta as elsewhere.?
Later Disciples and Successors. — The same Pahlavi text
from which the quotations have been made, furnishes also the
names of ‘six great upholders of the religion.’* These are
Zoroaster’s two daughters, ‘Fréné and Srit6, with Ahariibs-
stdtd, son of Métyomah’— three names which appear in the
Avesta and which have been given in Chapter II. Next is
mentioned Vohiném (Av. Vohu-nemah, Yt. 13. 104), whose
birth occurred in the fortieth year of the Religion, or seven
years before Zoroaster’s death. But most important is Sén6 of
Bist, in the land of Sagastan,® who is said to have flourished
for a hundred years and to have left behind him, as the sixth
prop and support of the Religion, a hundred pupils whose
teaching fills the century until the coming of Alexander
brought ruin and desolation upon the Faith.®
The Greeks likewise recognize a long line of apostles and dis-
13.c. 567. See Appendix III. be-
low.
2 Compare Phi. Zsp. 23. 10 with Yt.
18. 104.
3 Phi. Zsp. 23. 10; Av. Yt. 13. 96; 1.
80 = 22. 37; 5. 82; cf. Yosht-i Fryan6
1.2, and West’s note in SBE. xlvii, 166.
4 Zsp. 28. 11.
5 Bist is described by the pseudo-
Ibn-Haukal as being on the river Hér-
mend (Hilmend) between Ghor and
the lake (see Ouseley’s Oriental Geog-
raphy, p. 206). This information is
from West in his letter translating for
me the ‘ Wonders of Sagastan.’
6 p.c. 831; see Appendix III. On
the teacher Sénd (Av. Saéna), cf. Yt.
18. 97; Zsp. 23. 11; Dk. 7. 7.6; and
consult West, Grundriss d. tran. Philol.
ii. 118, § 99, Peshotan Dastur Behram-
jee Sanjana, Dinkart, vol. v. p. 308
(reading Sén6 for Dayun ; cf. Darmes-
teter, Le ZA. ii. 580) ; especially also
Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, The Antiquity
of the Avesta, p. 12 in Bombay Branch,
JRAS. art. xvii. June, 1896.
138 EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH :
ciples, or Magian priests, descending from Zoroaster. Dioge-
nes Laertius (A.D. second and third century) de Vit. Philos.
Procem 2, seems to base his statement on the older authority of
Hermodorus (B.c. 250) when he states that ‘after Zoroaster
there were many different Magians in unbroken succession,
such as Ostanes, Astrampsychus, Gobryas, Pazates, until the
overthrow of the Persians by Alexander.’! The Latin writer
Pliny employs the name of a Magian, Apuscorus, and he desig-
nates as Osthanes the Magian priest who accompanied Xerxes
on his great Hellenic expedition and introduced the Magic Art
into Greece.2, And so the chain runs on, link after link in
unending sequence; and in spite of the changes and chances of
transitory fortune, the line of apostolic succession remains
unbroken to the present, down to its representatives to-day in
the priesthood that cherishes the sacred flame in the fire-temple
of Bombay!
Prophecies and Future Events. — As several times alluded to
already, the Pahlavi Bahman Yasht describes an apocalyptic
vision in which Zoroaster is supposed to have beheld, unfolded
before him, the whole future history of the Religion. The
four or seven branches of the tree which rises before his eyes,
symbolize emblematically the gold, silver, steel, and iron, or
other eras, of the Faith down to the final Millennium, all of
which is foretokened. These prophecies are not ancient, how-
ever, but they date rather from the times that came after the
Mohammedan Conquest, when Zoroastrianism sank before the
rising power of Islam. Nevertheless, they sweep in rapid
glance the whole history of the Religion and they summarize
1 This subject has already been al-
luded to in Chap. I, and the text of
the passage is given in Appendix V.
and in Appendix II. The plurals in-
dicate type or class. In connection
with Astrampsychus, moreover, we
may recall the later dream-book which
bears his name, Astrampsychi Onetro-
criticon, sive Somniorum Interpretatio,
recogn. Scaliger, Paris, 1599.
2 Cf. Appendix V., and also Kleuker,
Zend-Av. Anhang, ii. Thl. 8, p. 91;
Windischmann, Zor. Stud., pp. 285,
n. 2, 286. Furthermore, on a mention
of Osthanes, Hostanes, in Minucius Fe-
lix, compare Kleuker, tom. cit. p, 119.
SUMMARY 139
the great eras which the Founder himself in his wise judgment
and prophetic insight might in a general way have forecast as
the history of nations and of faiths, even though he did not
express it.
Summary. — Zoroastrianism does not die with its founder.
National events have changed the course of its history, but it
lives on. The occurrences of the years that intervened between
the death of the Prophet and the coming of Alexander, so far
as they are chronicled by tradition, are worth recording as the
result, in a way, of Zoroaster’s life, and they are interesting
from the standpoint of comparison between tradition and actual
history.
CHAPTER XII
CONCLUSION
‘Read the conclusion, then.’
— SHAKSPERE, Pericles, 1. 1. 56.
AND now the story of the life and legend of the Prophet of
ancient Iran — the sage who was born to leave his mark upon
the world, who entered upon his ministry at the age of thirty,
and who died by violence at the age of seventy-seven — is at
an end. Hurriedly we may scan once more the pages of his
career. Born in the fulness of time, he appears as a prophet
in the latter half of the seventh century before the Christian
era, and the period of his activity falls between the closing
years of Median rule and the rising wave of Persian power.
He himself stands as the oldest type and representative of what
we may call, in the language of the Bible, the laws of the
Medes and Persians. His teaching had already taken deep
root in the soil of Iran when the Jews were carried up into
captivity in Babylon and had learned of that law which altereth
not, or before a Daniel came to interpret the ominous hand-
writing on the wall which the soothsayers failed to read. Zoro-
aster is the contemporary of Thales, of Solon, or of the Seven
Sages of classical antiquity. He is the forerunner of Confu-
cius, the philosopher who was to arise to expound to China the
tenets of her people’s faith. By him is sounded in Iran the
trumpet-call that afterwards echoes with a varied note in
India when the gentle Buddha comes forth to preach to thirst-
ing souls the doctrine of redemption through renunciation.
Zoroaster, finally, is the father, the holy prototype, of those
140
=
CONCLUSION 141
Wise Men from the East who came and bowed before the
new-born Light of the World in the manger-cradle at
Bethlehem.
Zoroaster was a Magian; the Magi, as Herodotus tells us,
were a Median tribe. Although he was born in Atropatene in
the west, it is not impossible that much of his prophetic career
was spent in the east, in Bactria or in that region of country.
We certainly have evidence that the seeds of his teaching
found fruitful soil in eastern Iran. Crusading achieved the
rest. The story of the Holy Wars between Iran and Turan,
the storming of Balkh, the final victories in the great battles
of Khorassan or Bactria, have all been told. The spread of
the Creed continues. Media itself doubtless generally accepted
the reform of the Prophet. The Median name Fravartish has
been interpreted by Justi to mean ‘ Confessor’ (i.e. of the Zoro-
astrian Faith), and has been instanced as a proof of its accept-
ance, although this appellation seems rather to be an old Magian
name, agreeing with the concept fravast, which apparently
existed before the Zoroastrian reform. The Magians them-
selves were known long prior to the time of Zoroaster, as Albi-
runi (p. 314) expressly states; but, as he adds, in the course
of time there remains ‘no pure, unmixed portion of them who
do not practise the religion of Zoroaster.’ This tends to prove
how universally the doctrines had found acceptance. The
question as to the time when and the manner in which the
Faith entered Persia Proper is reserved for discussion else-
where.
As to the general deductions which have been drawn, we
may say that time will doubtless prove or disprove the accuracy
or inaccuracy of many of the statements upon which they are
based. Some of these may be shown to rest upon a foundation
of fact rather than fiction, especially if we may judge from the
tendency of recent years in finding confirmation for tradition.
Some, however, may be proved to be purely fanciful. We can
but gain by the truth in either case. The historic import of
142 CONCLUSION
some, moreover, may be shown to be not without interest. In
the light of such, perhaps, the current views with regard to the
relationship between Zoroastrianism and Judaism may take on
a new aspect, particularly if we emphasize the fact that Zoro-
aster arose in the west, in Atropatene and Media, about the
time of the early Prophetic Period of Israel. From the Bible
we know that captive Jews were early carried up from Samaria
into certain cities of the Medes. From the Avesta, on the
other hand, we know that Zoroaster had rung out a trumpet
note and clarion cry of reform, of prophecy, and of Messianic
promise, before the days of Babylonian Exile.
From our knowledge, too, of contemporaneous history we
recall in the current of events that the reputed empire of Bac-
tria, if it existed, had yielded the prestige to Media; and that
the sovereignty of Media was swept away before the glorious
power of Persia. In Persia, Greece recognized a culmination
of the glory of Iran. Though the Greek vanquishes the Per-
sian in battle, he still has stories to tell of Magian wisdom and
of Eastern philosophy. Plato, Pythagoras, and other great
thinkers are claimed to have emulated the teachings of the
Magi; and later Moslem or Zoroastrian tradition asserts that
the ancient sacred writings of Iran, the quintessence of all
knowledge, were translated into Greek.
And as for imperial times, the Persian wars brought Rome
into contact with Zoroastrians, as they had brought the Greeks.
A phase of Zoroastrianism known as Mithraism penetrated into
Rome and into Western Europe. The rise of the Neo-Platonic
school was certainly not without influence from Zoroastrianism,
nor without influence upon later Zoroastrianism. The tenets
of Zoroastrian Manicheism even disturbed Christian thought
fora time. In all such cases the relations doubtless are more
or less reciprocal. Even the pages of the Koran and the doc-
trines of Mohammed are not free from the influence of the
Faith which they vanquished by the sword. The spark of the
sacred fire has never been quenched; the holy flame continues to
CONCLUSION 143
blaze; and the Religion of Zoroaster still lives on. Yes, and
whatever may be the changing fates, it will live on, so long as
there are successors worthy to bear the name of the Master, as
are the Parsis to-day, those faithful followers of the Creed of
the Prophet of Ancient Iran.
Khujastah pat va nam-i i Zaradu%t.
—Firpausi, Shah Namah.
APPENDIXES
VII.
LIST OF APPENDIXES
SUGGESTED EXPLANATIONS OF ZOROASTER’S NAME.
. ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER.
. DR. WEST’S TABLES OF ZOROASTRIAN CHRONOLOGY.
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE AND THE SCENE OF HIS
MINISTRY.
CLASSICA® PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME.
. ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN VARIOUS OTHER OLDER
LITERATURES.
NOTES ON SCULPTURES PURPORTED TO REPRESENT ZORO-
ASTER.
APPENDIX I
SUGGESTED EXPLANATIONS OF ZOROASTER’S NAME
Tue number of etymologies or explanations for Zoroaster’s name
(cf. p. 14) is almost legion. In Greek classical antiquity, Deinon
offered an interpretation or paraphrase, as he defined the Prophet’s
name as ‘Star-worshipper’ (dorpofurns); see citation in Diogenes
Laertius, Proewm, 1. 6: Acivwy ... ds Kal peOcpunverduevov not
tov ZLwpodotpynv &otpobdrynyv eva. The Scholiast of the Pla-
tonic Alcibiades I. p. 122, evidently accepts this derivation when he
says: Zwpodotpys .-. ov d& eis “EXAnuxyy gov perappaldouevoy
Tovvowa Tov doTpoOtryy oyror. See Appendix V. below. In this
explanation the first part of the name (Zwp-) seems to be associated
in some way with the later Persian 26r = Av. zao0ra-, ‘libation’;
the latter portion of the name is Grecized as doryp; cf. Windisch-
mann, Zoroastrische Studien, p. 275, and see also Pott, ZDMG. xiii.
425428.
Somewhat similar appears to be the attempt of the Clementine
Homilies and Recognitions to interpret as féca foy dorépos, Or as
vivum sidus, as given below in Appendix V., Clem. Homil. 9. 3-6:
da 76 THY TOU daoTépos Kar airod Cdcav evexOnvar ponv = Recogni-
tiones, 4. 27-29: quasi vivum astrum. ... Hine enim et nomen post
mortem eius Zoroaster, hoc est vivum sidus. See Appendix V.,
§ 12, and cf. Rapp, ZDMG. xix. 34.
The next explanations, if we follow chronological sequence, are to
be found in the Syro-Arabic Lexica of Bar ‘Ali (c. a.p. 832) and of
Bar Bahlal (c. a.p. 936) as ‘golden kingdom’ or ‘royal gold,’ zar,
‘cold’ + wast, ‘kingship’; cf. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
pp. 27-28.
Lapse of time has not caused conjectures to cease, and etymologies
have still continued to be offered. Hovelacque (L’ Avesta, Zoroastre
et le Mazdéisme, p. 185 seq., Paris, 1880) enumerates various sug-
gestions that have been made, including the Clementine vivwm sidus
given above and recorded by Barnabé Brisson, De Regio Persarum
147
148 APPENDIX I
Principatu, p. 887, Argentorati, 1710 (orig. ed. Paris, 1590); or
another interpretation as ‘friend of fire’ proposed by Henry Lord,
Religion of the Parsees, p. 152, London, 1630 = p. 382 a, Churchill
ed. London, 1732; cf. likewise d’Herbelot, Bibliotheque orientale, art.
‘Zoroastre’; or, again (as stated on Parsi authority), a proposed
significance, ‘bathed in gold,’ ‘melted silver,’ Zaer-sios, Zaersioest,
found in C. Le Bruyn, Voyages en Perse et aux Indes orientales,
ii. p. 388. Most of these attempts are futile, as they were made
without an acquaintance with the actual Avestan form Zaradustra.
The discussion by Anquetil du Perron (Zend-Avesta, i. Part 2,
p. 2 seq., Paris, 1771) is of interest because he knew Avestan, but
his conjecture ‘Taschter (astre) dor’ —counecting the name with
Tishtrya— had little to recommend it. Eugéne Burnouf was the
first who rightly saw uStra, ‘camel,’ in the name and he explained
Zarad-ustra as ‘fulvos camelos habens’ (Comm. sur le Yacna, pp. 12-
14, Paris, 1833); but he afterwards gave ‘astre d’or’ (Notes, p. 166),
see Brockhaus, Vendidad Sade, p. 361, Leipzig, 1850, and Windisch-
mann, Zor. Stud. pp. 46-47, or earlier in Jen. Litt. Zt., 1834, ur.
138, pp. 138-139. In the year 1855, Sir Henry Rawlinson made a
guess that the name might be Semitic, i.e. Zara-thusira = Ziru-istar
‘seed of Ishtar, descendant of Venus,’ JRAS., Gt. Brit. and Ireland,
xv. 227, 246 (cf. George Rawlinson, Herodotus, vol. iii. p. 455).
On the contrary Haug, Die fiinf Gathas, ii. p. 246, Abh. f. Kunde d.
Morgenlandes, Leipzig, 1860, suggested ‘trefflicher Lobsinger’ (cf.
Skt. jarat ‘praising’ + uttara ‘superior’) but he afterwards aban-
doned such a view. It was criticised also by Weber, Zit. OC. Bi., nr.
28, p. 457 (1861), nr. 27, p. 647 (1863) = Ind. Streif. pp. 449, 466
(1869). Also discussed by Mills, Zoroastrian Gathais, p. 426 seq.
(1892-4). Another scholar (Lassen, I believe, if we may judge from
Windischmann, Zor. Stud. pp. 46-47; Pott, ZDMG. xiii. 426 seq.)
offered ‘gold-smith’ (cf. Skt. hari + tvastar). Jules Oppert made
Zoroaster ‘splendeur d’or’ in his L’Honover, le Verbe Créateur de
Zoroastre, p. 4, Extrait des Ann. de Philos. Chrétienne, Jan., 1862.
In the same year as Oppert (1862), Fr. Muller summarized a number
of views that were current at the time and he explained zara6-u3tra
as ‘muthige Kamele besitzend’ (Zendstudien, i. 635-639, Sitzungsbe-
richte der Akademie, Dez., 1862, Wien, 1862 = transl. by Darab
Peshotan Sanjana Geiger’s Eastern Iranians, ii. 172 seq.). [But cf.
Lit. Centralblatt, 1863, p. 614; and later Miller offers the bizarre
interpretation as z&6ra-uSta ‘von der Geburt an Glick habend’
EXPLANATIONS OF ZOROASTER’S NAME 149
(WZEM. vi. 264, Wien, 1892).] Spiegel proposed ‘Kamele
peinigend’ (Siizb. kgl. bayer. Akad. phil. cl. p. 10, Jan. 5, 1867). In
1871, the Spanish scholar Ayuso accepted the more or less familiar
identification of part of the name with ‘star,’ as shown by his
‘estrella de oro’ (Hl Estudio de la Filologia, p. 180, Madrid, 1871) ;
and he repeats the same view in his Los Pueblos tranios y Zoroastro,
p. 7, Madrid, 1874.
Returning to France, it may next be noted that J. Darmesteter
(Ormazd et Ahriman, p. 194, n., Paris, 1877) first proposed * zarat-
vat-tra, comparative degree of an adj. signifying ‘rouge, couleur
dor’; but he later suggests ‘aux chameaux jaunes’ zaradu-ustra,
Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 76, n., Paris, 1893; but on this see Barthol-
omae, LF. vi. Anz. p. 47. Ascoli once offered * zarat-vastra ‘der
bebauung des feldes zugewogen, zugethan’ Beitrdige z. vgl. Spr. v.
211, 1868. More recently Casartelli hinted at ‘ploughing with
camels’ (cf. Skt. hala- ‘plough’), Academy, vol. 31, p. 257, April 9,
1887. Other suggestions have been made such as Paulus Cassel,
explaining as Hebraic ‘Sternensohn’ (Zoroaster, sein Name und seine
Zeit, Berlin, 1886, cited from Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 40, n.).
Brunnhofer, Vom Pontus bis zum Indus, p. 147, Leipzig, 1890.
Kern’s ‘Goldglanz’ (Zara-thu3tra) and Brodbeck’s ‘Gold-stern’ (evi-
dently after Anquetil’s etymology, cf. Brodbeck, Zoroaster, p. 30,
Leipzig, 1893) are noted by Rindtorff, Die Religion des ZarathuStra,
p. 13 (Weimar, 1897). E. Wilhelm has also incidentally dealt with
the subject of Zoroaster’s name in connection with the form
Zabpavorns, which is found in Ctesias, in Le Muséon, x. 569-571,
Louvain, 1891.
APPENDIX II
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER?
Presented to the American Oriental Society April 18th, 1895.
[Reprinted from the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. xvu.,
pp. 1-22, 1896. A few slight additions which have been made are indicated by
enclosing them in square brackets. Some trivial changes made for the sake of
uniformity, and several unimportant corrections require no notice. ]
GREAT men are the children of their age. Heirs to the heritage
of the past, they are charged with the stewardship of the posses-
sions to be handed down to the future. Summing up within
themselves the influences of the times that call them forth, stamped
with the impress of their day, their spirit in turn shows its reflex
upon the age that gives them birth. We read them in their age; we
read their age in them. So it is of the prophets and sages, religious
teachers and interpreters, which have been since the world began.
The teaching of a prophet is the voice of the age in which he lives;
his preaching is the echo of the heart of the people of hisday. The
era of a prophet is therefore not without its historic significance ; it
is an event that marks an epoch in the life of mankind. The age of
most of the great religious teachers of antiquity is comparatively
well known; but wide diversity prevails with regard to the date at
which Iran’s ancient prophet Zoroaster lived and taught; yet his
appearance must have had its national significance in the land
between the Indus and the Tigris; and the great religious movement
which he set on foot must have wrought changes and helped to shape
the course of events in the early history of Iran. The treatment of
this question forms the subject of the present paper.’
1 This paper forms a companion-piece to the present writer’s discussion
of ‘Zoroaster’s Native Place’ in JAOS. xv. 221-232.
2 [Since the appearance of the monograph on the ‘Date of Zoroaster,’
which is here reprinted, the general subject of Zoroastrian chronology has
been ably treated by E. W. West (SBE. xlvii. Introd. p. xxvii. seq.).
Dr. West’s researches confirm the results here obtained ; and he is in a
position to define the date of Zoroaster still more precisely, at least on the
basis of tradition, as B.c. 660-583. His entire discussion should be read.
An extract from his chronological table is given in Appendix III. ]
150
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 151
The Avesta itself gives us no direct information in answer to the
inquiry as to the date of Zoroaster. It presents, indeed, a picture
of the life and times; we read accounts of King Vishtaspa, the
Constantine of the Faith; but the fragments that remain of the
sacred texts present no absolutely clear allusions to contemporary
events that might decisively fix the era. The existing diversity of
opinion with reference to Zoroaster’s date is largely due to this fact
and to certain incongruities in other ancient statements on the
subject. The allusions of antiquity to this subject may conveni-
eutly be divided into three groups: ?—
8 [The results of earlier investigators of the subject, Brisson, Stanley,
Hyde, Buddeus, Prideaux, and others, as mentioned by Anquetil du Perron,
are practically included in his examination of the problem of Zoroaster’s
date. Anquetil’s treatise, together with Foucher’s previous inquiries into
the subject, are accessible in Kleuker, Anhang zum ZA. i. Thl. 1, pp. 825-
374, and Thl. 2, pp. 55-81. They are of interest to the specialist. Cf. also
Spiegel, Avesta Uebersetzt, i. 43,n. The later bibliography of the subject
is given below in the course of the investigation. ]
I. First, those references that assign to Zoroaster [= orig. p. 2]
the extravagant date B.c. 6000.
II. Second, such allusions as connect his name with the more or
less legendary Ninus and the uncertain Semiramis.
III. Third, the traditional date, placing the era of Zoroaster’s
teaching at some time during the sixth century B.c.
All the material will first be presented under the headings A. I.,
A.IL, and A.III.; then a detailed discussion of the data, pages
16-19 = pp. 170-174, under the heading B; and, finally, a sum-
mary of results, under the heading C, pages 19-22 = pp. 174-177.
SYNOPSIS OF DIVISION A.
A.I. Classical passages placing Zoroaster at 6000 3.c.
Pliny the Elder.
Plutarch.
Scholion to Plato.
Diogenes Laertius.
Lactantius.
Suidas.
Georgius Syncellus.
Rre aor Pp
152 APPENDIX II
A. II. Passages associating Zoroaster’s name with Semiramis and Ninus.
Ctesias.
Cephalion (Moses of Khorene, Georgius Syncellus).
Theon.
Justin.
Arnobius,
Eusebius.
Orosius.
Suidas.
Snorra Edda.
Bar ‘Ali.
Som poe ph O&O op
A. III. The native tradition as to Zoroaster’s date.
Arta Viraf.
Bindahishn.
Albiriini.
Masiidi.
Tabari.
The Dabistan.
Firdausti.
The Mujmal al-Tawarikh and the Ulam4-i Islam.
The Chinese-Parsi era.
Reports connecting Zoroaster and Jeremiah.
Pahlavi Perso-Arabic allusions to Nebuchadnezzar,
Ammianus Marcellinus and Eutychius.
. Nicolaus Damascenus, Porphyry, etc.
Bow SO Bo bho ao op
A. Data For THE AGE OF ZOROASTER.
A.I. Allusions placing Zoroaster at 6000 B.C.
The allusions of the first group comprehend those classical
references that assign to Zoroaster the fabulous age of B.c. 6000 or
thereabouts.!. These references are confined chiefly to the classics,
and their chief claim to any consideration is that they
[=orig. p.3] purport to be based upon information handed down from
Eudoxus, Aristotle, and Hermippus. Such extraordi-
nary figures, however, are presumably due to the Greeks’ having
misunderstood the statements of the Persians, who place Zoroaster’s
millennium amid a great world-period of 12,000 years, which they
divided into cycles of 3000 years,’ and in accordance with which
belief Zoroaster’s fravashi had in fact existed several thousands of
years. The classical material on the subject is here presented.
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 153
1So the general classical statements of ‘5000 years before the Trojan
war,’ or the like, although some variant readings 500 (for 5000) are found.
The number 5000 (6000) is, however, the correct one.
2 According to the chronology of the Bindahishn 34. 7, Zoroaster appeared
at the end of the ninth millennium: compare, West, Bundahish transl.
SBE. vy. 149-151 notes ; Spiegel, Hranische Alterthumskunde, i. 500-508 ;
Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien, 147-165 ; also Plutarch Is. et Os. 47,
Gedmoumos 5€ gyot Kata Tos mdryous avd mepos TpicxlrAia ery Toy pey Kpareiy,
toy 5& kpareioOa: TaY Oedv, LAAG OE TpicxlAia mdxeoOat Ka) ToAEmeElY Kal dvadtelw
Td TOD Etépov Td Erepov' TéAos O’ GmorclmedOat Toy “ALdny.
(a) Pliny the Elder (a.p, 23-79), WN. H. 30. 2.1 [Wn. 279, 288),
cites the authority of Eudoxus of Cnidus (s.c. 368), of Aristotle
(z.c. 350), and of Hermippus (c. B.c. 250), for placing Zoroaster
6000 years before the death of Plato or 5000 years before the Trojan
war: Hudoxus, qui inter sapientiae sectas clarissimam utilissimamque
eam (artem magicam) intellegi voluit, Zoroastrem hune sea milibus
annorum ante Platonis mortem fuisse prodidit ; sic et Aristoteles. Her-
mippus qui de tota ea arte diligentissime scripsit et viciens centum milia
versuum a Zoroastre condita indicibus quoque voluminum eius positis
explanavit, praeceptorem, a quo institutum diceret, credidit Agonacen,
ipsum vero quinque milibus annorum ante Troianum bellum fuisse.
For that reason apparently (NV. H. 80. 2. 11) he speaks of Moses as
living multis milibus annorum post Zoroastrem. But Pliny also ex-
presses uncertainty as to whether there was one or two Zoroasters,
and he mentions a later Proconnesian Zoroaster: WN. H. 30. 2. 1 sine
dubio illic (ars Magica) orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter auctores
convenit. Sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius, non satis constat ;
and after speaking of Osthanes, the Magian who accompanied Xerxes
to Greece, he adds: (N. H. 30. 2. 8.) diligentiores paulo ante hunc
(Osthanem) ponunt Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium. Pliny’s Pro-
connesian Zoroaster must have flourished about the seventh or sixth
century. [See Appendix V. § 5, below. ]
(b) Plutarch (4.p. 1st century), adopts likewise the same general
statement that places the prophet Zoroaster about 5000 years before
the Trojan war: Is. et Os. 46 (ed. Parthey, p. 81), Zwpdacrprs (sic) 6
pdyos, dv wevrakiryiAfos erect TOY TpwLKOy yeyovévat Tpec BurEepoy ixropodow.
[See Appendix V. § 6, below. ]
(c) The Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades I. 122 (ed. Baiter,
Orelli et Winckelmann, p. 918), makes a statement, in substance
tantamount to the last one, as follows: Zwpodorpys dpyatorepos
eLaxicyidios erecw «ivar héyerot IAdrwvos. [See Appendix V. § 1.]
154 APPENDIX II
[= orig. p. 4] (d) Diogenes Laertius (a.p. 2d, 3d century), de Vit.
Philos. Proem. 2 (recens. Cobet, Paris, 1850, p. 1),
similarly quotes Hermodorus (8.c. 250?), the follower of Plato,
as authority for placing Zoroaster’s date at 5000 years before the
fall of Troy, or, as he adds on the authority of Xanthus of Lydia
(z.c. 500-450), Zoroaster lived 6000 years (some MSS. 600) before
Xerxes. The text runs: dad 8 trav Mayor, dv dpa Zwpoacrpyy tov
Tléponv, ‘“Eppddwpos pev 6 WAarwrixds ev rd wept pabyydrov pyaoty eis Thy
Tpoias dAwow ern yeyovevae wevraxicyiua’ EdvOos 5& 6 Avdds eis rhv
Bépfou dutBacw dd tot Zwpodorpov éfaxiryiiua yor, wal per adrov
yeyovévat toddovs Twas Méyous kata Siadoynv, Ooravas Kal ’Aorpapiyiyous
kai TwBpvas cai Ilalaras, péype ris tév IlepoGy im *Adcgavdpov xara-
icews. [See Appendix V. § 15.]
(e) Lactantius, Inst. 7. 15, must have entertained some similar
opinion regarding Zoroaster; for he speaks of Hystaspes (famous as
Zoroaster’s patron) as being an ancient king of Media long before
the founding of Rome: Hystaspes quoque, qui fuit Medorum rex
antiquissimus . . . sublatum iri ex orbe imperium nomenque Roma-
num multo ante praefatus est, quam ila Trotana gens conderetur
(cf. Migne, Patrolog. tom. 6 and Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 259,
293).
(f) Suidas (10th century a.p.), s. v. Zwpoacrpys, speaks of two
Zoroasters, of whom one lived 500 (read 5000) years before the
Trojan war, while the other was an astronomer of the.time of Ninus
— éyévero 88 mpd rév Tpwikdy éreow ¢’.
(g) Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia, i. p. 147, ed. Dindorf,
alludes to a Zoroaster as one of the Median rulers over Babylon.
Cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 302, and Haug, A Lecture on Zoro-
aster, p. 23, Bombay, 1865. On Syncellus’ citation of Cephalion,
see next page.
A. II. Allusions associating Zoroaster’s Name with Semiramis
and Ninus.
Second to be considered is a series of statements which connect
the name of Zoroaster with that of the more or less uncertain Ninus
and Semiramis.! These references also are confined almost exclu-
sively to the classics, and the difficulty with them is that, in addi-
tion to their general character, which bears a legendary coloring,
they are based apparently upon a misinterpretation of the name
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 155
*Oévdprys or its variants in a fragment of Ctesias (discussed below),
which has been understood as an allusion to Zoroaster.
1 The date of Semiramis, however, is regarded by Lehmann (Berliner
Philolog. Wochenbdlatt, Nr. 8, col. 239-240, 17 Febr. 1894, comparing Hadt.
1. 184) to be about B.c. 800.
(a) The authority of Ctesias (e.c. 400) is quoted by Diodorus
Siculus (a.v. Ist century) 2. 6, for the statement that Ninus with
a large army invaded Bactria and by the aid of Semiramis gained
a victory over King Oxyartes. See Fragments of the Persika of
Ktesias, ed. Gilmore, p. 29. Instead of the name ’Ogvdprys, the
manuscript variants show “Eyadprys, Xadprys, Zadprys. The last
somewhat recalls the later Persian form of the name Zoroaster; and
Cephalion, Justin, Eusebius, and Arnobius, drawing
on Ctesias, make Zoroaster a Bactrian or the opponent [=orig. p. 5]
of Ninus (see below); but "Ogvaptys may very well be
an independent name, identical as far as form goes with Av.
uxsyat-orata, Yt. 13. 128, and it is doubtless the better Greek reading.
The other statements are here given as they similarly come into
consideration with respect to Zoroaster’s native place. They are: —
(b) Fragments of Cephalion (a.p. 120), preserved in the Arme-
nian version of Eusebius, Chron. 1. 48, ed. Aucher: a passage
describes the defeat of Zoroaster the Magian, king of the Bactrians,
by Semiramis: “Incipio scribere de quibus et alii commemorarunt
atque imprimis Hellanicus Lesbius Ctesiasque Cnidius, deinde Herodo-
tus Halicarnassus Primum Asiae imperarunt Assyrit, ex quibus
erat Ninus Beli (filius), cuius regni aetate res quam plurimae celeber-
rimaeque virtutes gestae fuerunt.” Postea his adiciens profert etiam
generationes Semiramidis atque (narrat) de Zoroastri Magi Bactriano-
rum regis certamine ac debellatione a Semiramide: nec non tempus
Nini LIT annos fuisse, atque de obitu eius. Post quem quum regnas-
set Semiramis, muro Babylonem circumdedit ad eandem formam, qua
a plerisque dictum est: Ctesia nimirum et Zenone Herodotoque nec
non aliis ipsorum posteris. Deinde etiam apparatum belli Semiramt-
dis adversus Indos eiusdemque cladem et fugam narrat, etc. This
statement is recorded by Georgius Syncellus (c. a.p. 800), Chron., ed.
Dind. i. p. 315: “"Apyxouat ypaew, ad’ Gy GAAoe Te euynpdvevoay, Kal Td
mparo, EAXdvixds re & AéoBios kal Krynoins 6 Kvidtos, erevra “Hpddoros 6
‘Adixapvacets. 7d madadv ris “Aoias ¢Bacidevoav “Acavpin, tov dé 6
Bijdov Nivos.” ir érdiye yeveow Sepupapews xal Zwpodorpov payou (MSS.
156 APPENDIX II
Barov) ere vf’ ris Nivov Baoireias. pre” dv BaBvadva, dyciv, } Seuipapss
ére(yuoe, Tpdrov ds woddois AéAeKrat, Kryoia, Zyvor. (Miller, Acivwn),
“Hpoddr kal trois per’ abrovs* orparetny re adris kara tov “Ivdv Kat Hrrav
x. 7. A. Cf. also Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 303, Spiegel, Hran.
Alter. 1. 676-677 ; Miller, Frag. Hist. Gr. iii. 627. Furthermore, on
the reputed work of the Armenian Moses of Khorene, i. 16, see Gil-
more, Ktesias Persika, p.80,n.; Spiegel, Hran. Alter. i. 682 ; Windisch-
mann, Zor. Stud. pp. 804-3805; Muller, Frag. Hist. Gr. iti. 627, v.
328; Langlois, Historiens de ? Arménie, ii. 45-175, Paris, 1867-1869.
[The Armenian Thomas Arzrouni associates Zoroaster’s name with
Semiramis. See Appendix VI.]
1 This mention of Herodotus might possibly be adduced as an argument
that Herodotus was at least acquainted with the name of Zoroaster.
(c) Again, Theon (4.p. 130 ?), Progymnasmata 9, rept cvyxpicews,
ed. Spengel, Rhet. Gree. ii. p. 115, speaks of “Zoroaster the
Bactrian” in connection with Semiramis: Ov yap ef Téuupis xpeirrov
éori Kipou 7} cat vat pa Ava Seuipapus Zwpodorpov rod Baxrpiov, ndy ovyxu-
pyréov Kat 7d OAV Tod dppevos dvSpedrepov civax. Cf. Windischmann,
Zor. Stud. p. 290, Spiegel Eran. Alterthumsk. i. 677. [See Appen-
dix V. § 8.]
(= orig. p. 6] (d) Justin (4.p. 120), in his epitome of Trogus Pom-
peius’ Hist. Philippic. 1.1, distinctly makes Zoroaster
the opponent of Ninus, and says that he was king of Bactria and
a Magician: postremum bellum ili fuit cum Zoroastre, rege Bactrian-
orum, qui primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse et mundi principia
siderumque motus diligentissime spectasse. [See Appendix V. § 10.]
(e) Arnobius (4.p. 297), Adversus Gentes, 1. 5, in like manner
mentions a battle between the Assyrians and the Bactrians under
the leadership respectively of Ninus and Zoroaster: inter Assyrios
et Bactrianos, Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus. See Gilmore,
Ktesias, p. 36. [See Appendix V. § 16.]
(f) Eusebius (4.p. 300), Chron. 4. 35, ed. Aucher, has a like allu-
sion: Zoroustres Magus rex Bactrianorum clarus habetur adversum
quem Ninus dimicavit; and again (Windischmann, p. 290), Praepara-
tio Evang. 10. 9,10, ed. Dind. I. p. 560, Nivos, xaG’ dv Zwpoacrpys 6
Mdyos Baxrpiwy éBacitevce. [See Appendix V. § 18.]
(g) Paulus Orosius (5th century a.p.), the Spanish presbyter, of
whose chronicle we have also King Alfred’s Anglo-Saxon version,
states that Ninus conquered and slew Zoroaster of Bactria, the
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 157
Magician. See Orosius, Old-English Teat and Latin Original, ed. by
Henry Sweet (Early Eng. Text Soc. vol. 79), p. 30-31: Novissime
Zoroastrem Bactrianorum regem, eundemque magicae artis repertorem,
pugna oppressum interfecit. Or, in Anglo-Saxon, and hé Ninus Soro-
astrem Bactriana cyning, se cuthe cerest manna drycreeftas, hé hine
oferwann and ofsloh.
(h) Suidas in his Lexicon (s. v. Zoroaster) assumes the existence
of two Zoroasters (cf. p. 4 = p. 154), the second an astrologer: ’Aorpo-
vonos ext Nivov Baotrdéws ’Acovpiwv. [Appendix V. § 45.]
(i) In the Snorra Edda Preface, Zoroaster is identified with Baal
or Bel, cf. Jackson in PAOS., March, 1894, vol. xvi. p. exxvi. [See
Appendix VI.]
(j) In some Syriac writers and elsewhere an identification of
Zoroaster with Balaam is recorded, for example in the Lexicon of
Bar ‘Ali (c. a.p. 832), s. v. Balaam, ‘Balaam is Zardosht, the di-
viner of the Magians.’ See Gottheil, References to Zoroaster in
Syriac and Arabic Lit. pp. 27, 80 n., 32 (Drisler Classical Studies,
N. Y., 1894). Sometimes he is only compared with Balaam. [An
association of his name with Ham, Seth, and Abraham, is also found. ]
A. III. The Native Tradition as to Zoroaster’s Date.
Third, the direct Persian tradition comes finally into considera-
tion. This tradition is found in the chronological chapter of the
Bindahishn, 34. 1-9, is supported by the Arta Viraf, 1. 2-5 [and
Zat-sparam, 23. 12], and is corroborated by abundant Arabic allu-
sions (Albirini, Masidi, et ai.). It unanimously places the opening
of Zoroaster’s ministry at 258 years before the era of Alexander, or
272 years before the close of the world-conqueror’s dominion.
According to these figures, the date of Zoroaster would fall between
the latter half of the seventh century B.c. and the middle of the
sixth century; his appearance in fact would be placed
in the period just preceding the rise of the Achae- [=orig. p.7]
menian dynasty. This merits attention also in detail.
(a) The Arta Viraf 1. 1-5 in round numbers places Zoroaster
three hundred years before Alexander’s invasion. Compare Haug
and West, Arda Viraf, p. 141. ‘The pious Zaratusht made the reli-
gion which he had received, current in the world, and till the end of
300 years the religion was in purity and men were without doubts.
But afterwards the accursed Evil Spirit, the wicked one, in order to
make men doubtful of this religion, instigated the accursed Alexan-
158 APPENDIX II
der, the Riman, who was dwelling in Egypt, so that he came to the
country of Iran with severe cruelty and war and devastation; he
also slew the ruler of Iran, and destroyed the metropolis and empire.’
[The Zat-sparam 23. 12 likewise alludes to the fact that the religion
remained undisturbed ‘ until the 300th year’ ].
(b) The Bindahishn chapter (ch. 34) ‘on the reckoning of the
years’ (to which one MS. adds —‘of the Arabs’) more exactly com-
putes the various millenniums that made up the 12,000 years of the
great world-cycle recognized by the worshippers of Mazda. In this
period the era of Zoroaster falls at the close of the first 9000 years.
He is placed in reality at the beginning of the historic period, if the
long reigns attributed to Kai-Vishtasp and to Vohtiman son of
Spend-dat (Av. Spentd-data, N. P. Isfendiar), may with reasonably
fair justice be explained as that of a ruling house. There seems at
least no distinct ground against such assumption. [West also
explains the fabulous length of 120 years for Vishtasp’s reign, or B.c.
660-540, as representing a short dynasty —SB#H. xlvii. Introd.
§ 70]. The Bindahishn passage, 34. 7-8, in West’s translation (SBE.
v. 150-151) reads, (7) ‘ Kai-Vishtasp, till the coming of the religion,
thirty years, altogether a hundred and twenty years. (8) Vohi-
man, son of Spend-dat, a hundred and twelve years; Himai, who
was daughter of Vohiman, thirty years; Darai, son of Cihar-azad,
that is, of the daughter of Vohiman, twelve years; Darai, son of
Darai, fourteen years; Alexander the Riman, fourteen years.’
Vishtasp, after coming of religion. . . . ..... 90
Vohiman Spend-dat ......4.2.4.+.... 112
FRGMGR gs ge BB eh ew a we | we 280
Darai-i Cihar-izat . . 1. 1... 1 eee eee © 12
Daraiet Daray a: iw oe A le eS ee SG ee Te
Alexander Riman ........,+.2.2... «14
272
The result therefore gives 272 years from ‘the coming of the
religion’ until the close of the dominion of Alexander the Great, or
258 years before the beginning of his power. A repeated tradition
exists that Zoroaster was forty-two years old when he first converted
King Vishtaspa, who became his patron. If we interpret ‘the
coming of the religion’ to mean its acceptance by Vishtaspa, we
must add 42 years to the number 258 before Alexander in order to
obtain the traditional date of Zoroaster’s birth. This would answer
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 159
to the ‘three hundred years before Alexander’ of the Arta Viraf.
If, however, we take the phrase ‘ coming of the religion’
to mean the date of Zoroaster’s entry upon his ministry [=orig. p. 8]
(as does West, SBE. v. 219), we must then add 30
years, which was Zoroaster’s age when he beheld his first vision of
Ormazd. [The latter view is the correct one as shown by West. It
is worth remarking that as Zoroaster’s revelation and the ‘coming
of the religion’ are placed in the thirtieth year of Vishtdsp’s reign
as well as of the Prophet’s life, both men accordingly would be
represented as born in the same year if we adopt an Oriental custom
in dating a king’s accession to the throne from the day of his birth.]
A calculation based upon the figures of this tradition would place
Zoroaster’s birth 42 years + 258 years (= 300 years) before B.c. 330,
the date of the fall of the Iranian kingdom through Alexander’s
conquest; in other words it would assign Zoroaster’s birth to about
B.c. 630. [But as West has shown (SBH. xlvii. §§ 53-54), there is
an evident omission of 35 years in the reckoning; he accounts for
this error and combines the items, 272 years of Bd. 34. 7-8 with this
date of Alexander’s death, B.c. 323, and with the 30th year of
Zoroaster’s life in which the Revelation came, and he finds B.c. 660
as the traditional date of the birth of Zoroaster and of Vishtasp’s
accession. See below, Appendix III.] According to the same tradi-
tion the duration of the various reigns of the Kayanian dynasty
would be about as follows [West’s corrected chronology now
included]: —
Reigned Fictitious [West’s correction,
King. years. date B.o. including 85 years.]
Vishtésp . . . » ee 120 618-498 660-540
Vohiman (Andashi Dirdedast 112 498-386 540-428
Himai... os 30 386-356 428-363
Data oii: ee Be es 12 356-344 363-351
Darai-iDarai . . . Shc a 14 344-330 351-337
[Accession of Alexander tohisinvasion ..... 337-331]
The results would be somewhat altered if the computation be made
according to lunar years or if a different point of departure be taken.
The excessive lengths of the reigns of Vishtasp and Vohiman seem
suspicious and suggest round numbers unless we are to interpret
them as comprising successive rulers; for example, in historic times,
beside Hystaspes, the father of Darius, we have the names of two
other Hystaspes, later connected with the ruling house of Bactria.'
160 APPENDIX II
The historic reigns of the Achaemenians may be compared (cf.
Stokvis, Manuel d’ Histoire, p. 107).
Cyfsie 48 eS woe ee ee ew ee BIC. 558-529
Cambyses’ ~) w Ahtecms Sogn US oe we) me & 529-521
Darlus- dy ea 8S Sw SE 521-485
GEKES! Go Gow Kee) a Oe we we 485-465
Artaxerxes Longimanus . . ....-... 465-425
Darius Nothos.. . «2 sw % & « * *@ % 4% 425-405
Artaxerxes Mnemon .......+64-. 405-362
Artaxerxes Ochus . . 1... 1s ee ee 362-340
PATSEST iy fa Gas. ose ed A ese ae Geils 340-337
Darius Codomann bey tori Cites tas AS SS Man G 337-830
Comparison may be made, as with West,’ identifying the long reign
of Vohiman who is called Ardashir (Artaxerxes or Ardashir
Dirazdast ‘the long-handed’) with Artaxerxes Longimanus and his
successors. Historical grounds throughout seem to favor this. For
Himai, West suggests Parysatis as a possibility. The last two
Dardis answer to Ochus and Codomannus, and the reign of Kai-
Vishtasp ‘seems intended to cover the period from Cyrus to Xerxes’
(West).2 There seems every reason to identify Vohiman Ardashir
Dirazdast with Artaxerxes Longimanus, according to the Bahman
Yasht (Byt. 2. 17), as this Kayanian king ‘makes the religion
current in the whole world.’* One might be possibly tempted to
regard the Vishtasp reign as representing the Bactrian rule until
Artaxerxes, and assume that Zoroastrianism then became the faith
of Persis.2 This might account for the silence as to
[= orig. p.9] the early Achaemenians and shed some light on the
problem concerning the Achaemenians as Zoroastrians ;
but there seems to be no historic foundation for such assumption.
Suffice here to have presented the tradition in regard to the reigns
of the Kayanian kings as bearing on Zoroaster’s date and the tradi-
tional 258 years before Alexander as the era of ‘the coming of the
religion.’
1 See genealogical tables of the Achaemenidae in Stokvis, Manuel d’ His-
totre, de Généalogie, et de Chronologie, p. 108 (Leide, 1888) ; Pauly, Real-
Encyclopedie, article ‘ Achaemenidae’ ; Justi, Geschichte des alten Persiens,
p. 15 ; Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 398-399 ; and Smith, Classical Dictionary,
article ‘ Hystaspes.’
2 West, Bundahish translated, SBE. v. 150 n., 198 n.
3 De Harlez, Avesta tradwit, Introduction p. ccxxviii, thinks that the early
Achaemenians were intentionally sacrificed. Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 203,
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 161
identifies the first Darai with Darius I., and believes that he was misplaced
in the kingly list. This I doubt.
4 West, Byt. transl., SBE. v. 199. [See also above, pp. 81-82. Consult
J. H. Moulton in The Thinker, ii. 498-501.]
5 Dubeux, La Perse, p. 57, sharply separates the Oriental account of the
Persian kings from the historical account.
(c) The sum of 258 years is given also by so careful an inves-
tigator as Albiriini (4.p. 973-1048). His statements are based on
the authority of ‘the scholars of the Persians, the Hérbadhs and
Maubadhs of the Zoroastrians.’! In his Chronology of Ancient Nations,
p. 17, 1. 17 (transl. Sachau), is found a statement of the Persian view
in regard to Zoroaster’s date: ‘from his (#.e. Zoroaster’s) appearance
till the beginning of the Aira Alexandri,? they count 258 years.’
Several times he gives the received tradition that Zoroaster appeared
in the 30th year of the reign of Vishtasp. In another place, Chron.
p. 196 (transl. Sachau), he gives further information in regard to
Zoroaster’s time: ‘On the Ist Ramadan a.u. 319 came forward Ibn
’Abi-Zakarriya. ... If, now, this be the time (¢e. a.m. 319 = aD.
931) which Jamasp and Zaradusht meant, they are right as far as
chronology is concerned. For this happened at the end of the Aira
Alexandri 1242, i.e. 1500 years after Zaradusht.’ From this state-
ment we may compute back to the year B.c. 569 as a date when a
prophecy is supposed to have been made by Zoroaster and Jamasp.
Albirini is not exhausted yet. In Chron. 121 (transl. Sachau), he
says, ‘we find the interval between Zoroaster and Yazdajird ben
Shaptr to be nearly 970 years.’ This gives the date about B.c. 571
if we count Yazdajird’s reign as a.p. 399-420. Furthermore the
carefully constructed tables which Albirini gives from various sources
are interesting and instructive, owing to their exact agreement with
the reigns of the Kayanian kings as recorded in the Btndahishn.
Thus, Chron. p. 112, 107-114 (transl. Sachau) : —
Kai Vishtasp till the appearance of Zoroaster. . . . . 30
The same after thatevent. . . ......... 90
Kai Ardashir Bahman (Vohiman) ....... . 12
Khumini (Himai) . .. 1... ee eee ee se 80
Dardis an) ees Shs we ee GO EL re a aie NZ
Dara ben Diva. . . ww ee ee ee we ee ee Cd
On p. 115 he contrasts these dates with those given by [= orig. p. 10]
early occidental authorities. Finally, Chron. p. 32
(transl. Sachau), the name of Thales is brought into connection with
Mu
162 APPENDIX II
Zoroaster, cf. p. 169, n. 3 below. So much for the information fur-
nished by Albirini.
1 Albiriini, Chronology of Ancient Nations, transl.and ed. by Sachau, p. 109.
2 According to Albirini, p. 32 (transl. Sachau) the Ara Alexandri would
date from the time when Alexander left Greece at the age of twenty-six
years, preparing to fight with Darius.
(4) Of somewhat earlier date but identical in purport is the state-
ment found in Masidi’s Meadows of Gold, written in a.p. 943-944 (Ma-
sidi died a.p. 957). Like the Bindahishn and like Albirini, Mastidi
reports that ‘the Magians count a period of two hundred and fifty-
eight (258) years between their prophet Zoroaster and Alexander.’?
He reiterates this assertion in IJndicatio et Admonitio? by saying
‘between Zoroaster and Alexander there are about three hundred
years.’ Nearly the same, but not exactly identical figures, are found
as in the Bindahishn, regarding the length of the reigns of the various
Kayanian kings; Zoroaster is stated, as elsewhere, to have appeared
in the thirtieth (30) year of Vishtasp’s reign and he dies at the age
of seventy-seven (77) after having taught for thirty-five (35) years.
The statement that Zoroaster lived to the age of 77 years is also
found elsewhere.* What Masidi has to say on the subject of Nebu-
chadnezzar’s being alieutenant of Lohrasp (Aurvat-aspa) and regard-
ing Cyrus as contemporary with Bahman will be mentioned below,
as a similar statement occurs in the Dinkart (Bk. 5). [West, SBE.
xlvii. 120.]
1 Masiidi (Macoudi), Les Prairies d’Or, Texte et traduction par Barbier
de Meynard, iv. 107 ‘Les Mages comptent entre leur prophéte Zoroastre,
fils d’Espiman, et Alexandre, une période de deux cent cinquante-huit ans.
Entre Alexandre, qu’ils font régner six ans, et ’avénement d’Ardéchir, cing
cent dix-sept ans ; enfin entre Ardéchir et l’hégire cing cent soixante-quatre
ans... durdgne d’ Alexandre & la naissance du Messie, trois cent soixante-
neuf ans; de la naissance du Messie & celle du Prophéte cing cent vingt
et un ans.’ Observe especially that Masiidi in Indicatio et Admonitio,
(p. 827-328) accounts for the intentional shortening of the period between
Alexander and Ardashir. What he has to say on this subject is worth
looking up in connection with SBE. v. 151 n.
2 Masiidi, Le Livre de I’ Indication et de lV Admonition (in Prairies d’ Or,
ix. p. 327), ‘ Zoroastre fils de Poroschasp fils d’Asinman, dans |’ Avesta, qui
est le livre qui lui a été révélé, annonce que, dans trois cents ans, l’empire
des Perses éprouvera une grande révolution, sans que la religion soit détruite ;
mais qu’au bout de mille ans, l’empire et la religion périront en méme
temps. Or entre Zoroastre et Alexandre il y a environ trois cents ans; car
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 163
Zoroastre a paru du temps de Caibistasp, fils de Cailohrasp, comme nous
l’avons dit ci-devant.’ See Masitdi, Kitab al-Tanbih, p. 90 seq., ed. de
Goeje, Leyden, 1894. Compare also Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p. 35
(in Drisler Classical Studies, New York, 1894); [and Le Livre de Uv’ Avertisse-
ment, traduction par B. C. de Vaux (Société Asiatique), p. 140, Paris, 1896].
8 Masiidi, Prairies d’ Or, ii. p. 128, ed. Barbier de Meynard. ‘ Youstasf
(Gustasp) régna aprés son pére (Lohrasp) et résida & Balkh. II était sur le
tréne depuis trente ans, lorsque Zeradecht, fils d’Espiman
se présenta devant lui... (p. 127). Youstasfrégnacent [= orig. p. 11]
vingt ans avant d’adopter la religion des Mages, puis il
mourut. La prédication de Zeradecht dura trente-cing ans, et il mourut
agé de soixante et dix-sept ans.’ The detailed reigns (Masiidi, op. cit. ii.
126-129) are Vishtasp 120 years, Bahman 112, Htimai 30 (or more), Dara
12, Dara son of Dara 30, Alexander 6 (cf. vol. iv. p. 107 ‘ Alexandre, qu’ils
font régner six ans’). The latter would answer pretty nearly to the com-
monly received years of Alexander in Persia, b.c. 380-323, Observe that
the years of the last three reigns vary somewhat from the Bindahishn.
Deducting from Vishtasp’s reign the 30 years till Zoroaster appeared and
counting simply to the coming of Alexander, the resulting 274 years would
place Zoroaster’s appearance at z.c. 604 or, if 42 years old at the time, his
birth at B.c. 646. [See now West’s correction which gives B.c. 660.] But
notice that instead of 274 years as here, Masiidi elsewhere says (Prairies
a’ Or, iv. 106, quoted above) there were 258 years between Zoroaster and
Alexander.
+E.g. Dinkart Bk. 7. 5.1 (communication from West) and in the Rivayats.
(e) The period at which the Arabic chronicler Tabari (died a.p.
923)! places Zoroaster in his record of Persian reigns, is practically
identical with the preceding in its results, although he occasionally
differs in the length of the individual reigns, e.g. Bahman 80 years
(although he mentions that others say 112 years), Htiimai about 20
years, Dara 23 years. He tells also of a tradition that makes of
Zoroaster one of the disciples of Jeremiah. The latter, according
to the generally accepted view, began to prophesy about B.c. 626.
These points will be spoken of again below.
1See Zotenberg, Chronique de Tabari, traduite sur la version persane
a@ Abou-Ali Mo'‘hammed Bel'ami, tome i. 491-508, Paris, 1867.
(f) The Dabistan (translated by Shea and Troyer, i. 306-309) nar-
rates that the holy cypress which Zoroaster had planted at Kishmar
in Khorassan [I formerly wrongly read Kashmir] and which was
cut down by the order of Mutawakkal, tenth khalif of the Abbas-
sides (reigned a.p. 846-860), had stood ‘fourteen hundred and fifty
years (1450) from the time of its being planted, to the year 232 of
164 APPENDIX II
the Hejirah (a.p. 846).’? If these years be reckoned as solar years,
according to the custom of the ancient Persians, and counted from
the beginning of Mutawakkal’s reign, the date of the planting of
the cypress would be s.c. 604; but if reckoned according to the
lunar calendar of the Mohammedans (i.e. equivalent to 1408 solar
years), the epoch would be z.c. 562.1. The former date (n.c. 604)
recalls the reckoning of Mastidi alluded to above, on p. 10 [= p. 162}.
The event of the planting must have been an occasion of special
moment; from a reference to the same in Firdausi (translation by
Mohl, iv. 291-293, Paris, 1877), the conversion of Vishtaspa is per-
haps alluded to. If the conversion of Vishtaéspa really be alluded
to, 42 years must be added to give the approximate date of Zoro-
aster’s birth. Perhaps, however, some other event in the prophet’s
life is commemorated.? In any case the results lead us to the latter
part of the seventh century B.c. and the first part of the sixth century.
[See now above, p. 80.]
1See the calculation [of Anquetil du Perron, in Kleuker, Anh. zum ZA.
i. Thl. 1. pp. 346-347, and] of Shea and Troyer, Dabistan,
(=orig. p.12] translated, i. 808, n., Paris, 1843 and Mirkhond’s History of
the Early Kings of Persia, transl. Shea, p. 281-282, London,
1882. According to E. Réth, ‘Zoroastrische Glaubenslehre’ in Geschichte
unserer abendliindischen Philosophie, i. 850, the era of the cypress is B.c.
560. This is adopted by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 15, 18 (Leipzig,
1881). [On Kishmar consult also Vullers, Fragmente, p. 113].
2 In case the 1450 years be reckoned back from the date of Mutawakkal’s
death (a.p. 860) instead of from the beginning of his power, the numbers
would be respectively n.c. 590 (if solar), or B.c. 548 (if lunar).
(g) The figures of the chapter-headings in the Shah Namah of Fir-
dausi (A.D. 940-1020) likewise place the opening of Vishtaspa’s
reign at about three hundred years before Alexander’s death.
1 Firdusii Schahname, ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. p. 1495 seq. See also
Shea and Troyer’s Dabistén, Introd. i. p. lxxxvi and p. 380. Consult the
chapter-headings of the reigns in Mohl’s translation of Firdausi, vols. iv.-v.
Observe that Bahman is assigned only 99 years instead of the usual 112;
the duration of Vishtaspa’s reign is given in Mohl, vol. iv. 587, ‘cent vingt
ans’ in harmony with the usual tradition,
(h) The Persian historical work, Mujmal al-Tawarikh (a.. 520
= A.D. 1126),* following the authority of the Chronicle of the Kings
of Persia, brought from Farsistan by Bahram, son of Merdanshah,
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 165
Mobed of Shapur, enumerates 258 years before Alexander? The
Ulama-i Islam counts three hundred.’
1 See Extraits du Modjmel al-Tewarikh, relatifs & Vhistoire de la Perse,
traduits du persan, par Jules Mohil (Journal Asiatique, tome xi. pp. 136,
258, 320, Paris, 1841).
2Cf. op. cit. p. 230. The author acknowledges indebtedness also to
Hamzah of Isfahan, Tabari, and Firdausi. His chronology may be deduced
from pp. 330-339 of the work cited; it runs, Lohrasp 120 years, Gushtasp
120 years, Bahman 112, Hiimai 30, Darab 12 [or 14], Dara son of Darab 14
[or 16], Alexander 14 [or 28]. Observe the alternative figures in the case
of the last three numbers.
According to Réth, Geschichte unserer abendlindischen Philosophie, i.
351, the author of the Mujmal al-Tawarikh places Zoroaster 1700 years
before his own time ; on this ground Roth places the death of Zoroaster at
B.c. 522, and is followed by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p.18. Ci. Kleuker’s
Zend-Avesta, Anh. Ba. i. Theil 1, p. 347.
8 See Vullers, Fragmente tiber Zoroaster, p. 58.
(i) Interesting is the fact noticed by Anquetil du Perron,} that a
certain religious sect that immigrated into China a.p. 600 is evi-
dently of Zoroastrian origin and that these believers have an era
which dates approximately from s.c. 559; this date Anquetil
regards as referring to the time when Zoroaster left his home and
entered upon his mission—a sort of Iranian Hejirah.
1 See Anquetil du Perron quoted by Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend-Avesta,
Bd. i. Thi. 1, pp. 349-351 ; cited also by Shea, Wirkhond’s History, p. 282,
and by Roth in Geschichte abendlind. Philosophie, i. 353 and note 566, and
followed by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 18.
(j) Similar in effect as far as concerns the period at which they
place the prophet, although of doubtful value or other-
wise to be explained, are those Syriac and Arabic [= orig. p. 13]
reports which connect the name of Zoroaster with Jer-
emiah and which make him the latter’s pupil or even identify him
with Baruch the scribe of Jeremiah.! Presumably this association
is due to confusing the Arabic form of the name Jeremiah Armiah
with Zoroaster’s supposed native place Urmiah (Urumiyah).?
1(a) The Syro-Arabic Lexicon of Bar Bahlil (about a.p. 963) s.v.
Kasoma (divinator) : ‘ Divinator, like Zardosht, who people say is Baruch
the Scribe; and because the gift of prophecy was not accorded to him he
went astray, journeyed to [other] nations and learned twelve tongues.’ Cf.
Payne-Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 3704.
166 APPENDIX II
(8) Also Bishop ‘Ishodad of Hadatha (about a.p. 852), commentary on
Matth. ii. 1, ‘Some say that he (Zoroaster) is the same as Baruch the pupil
of Eramya (Jeremiah), and that because the gift of prophecy was denied
him as [had been] his wish, and because of that bitter exile and the sack
of Jerusalem and the Temple, he became offended (or angry) and went
away among other nations, learned twelve languages, and in them wrote
that vomit of Satan, i.e. the book which is called Abhasta.’ Cf. Gottheil,
References to Zoroaster, p. 29.
(y) Identically, Solomon of Hilat (born about a.p. 1222), Book of the
Bee, ‘ this Zaradosht is Baruch the scribe,’ p. 81 seq., ed. Budge (Anecdota
Oxoniensia), also E. Kuhn, Hine zoroastrische Prophezeiung in christlichem
Gewande (Festgruss an R. von Roth, Stuttgart, 1893, p. 219). Consult
especially Gottheil, References to Zoroaster (Drisler Classical Studies, New
York, 1894).
(8) Tabari (died a.p. 923) likewise notices the association of Zoroaster
with Jeremiah. According to him ‘ Zoroaster was of Palestinian origin, a
servant to one of the disciples of Jeremiah the prophet, with whom he was
a favorite. But he proved treacherous and false to him. Wherefore God
cursed him, and he became leprous. He wandered to Adarbaijin, and
preached there the Magian religion. From there he went to Bishtasp
(Vishtaspa), who was in Balkh. Now when he (Zoroaster) had come
before him, and preached his doctrine to him, it caused him to marvel, and
he compelled his people to accept it, and put many people to death on its
account. Then they followed it (the religion). Bishtasp reigned one hun-
dred and twelve (112) years.’ Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p. 37.
See also Chronique de Tabari traduite par H. Zotenberg, i. p.499. [In
the story of the leprosy can there be some reminiscence of Elisha’s servant
Gehazi, who was cursed with leprosy for falsehood after the cleansing of
Naaman? See II. Kings, v. 1-27 and compare sara‘ath, p. 80 above, and
Hyde, p. 314.]
(e) The same general statements of Tabari are repeated by Ibn al-Athir
(18th century) in his Kitab al-Kamil fi al-td@arikh. See Gottheil, Refer-
ences to Zoroaster, p. 39.
(¢) Once the Syrian Gregorius Bar ‘Ebhraya Abulfaraj (c. a.p. 1250)
calls Zoroaster a disciple of Elijah (mistake for Jeremiah ?), see Gottheil,
References to Zoroaster, p. 82.
(m) Similarly the Arab historian Abu Mohammed Mustapha calls Zoroaster
a disciple of Ezir (Ezra), see Hyde, Hist. Relig. veterum Persarum, p. 818.
2 So suggested by de Sacy, Notices et Evtraits des Manuscrits de la Bibl.
du Roi, ii. 319, see Gottheil, References to Zoroaster (Drisler Classical
Studies, p. 80 n.). [Anquetil du Perron’s view was, that this is owing to
an unwillingness to attribute to the Persians a prophet of their own, with-
out Semitic influence ; see his paragraph in Kleuker, Anh. zum ZA. i. Thl.
1, p. 841. This is no doubt also true. See likewise p. 30 above. ]
(k) Pointing to a similar era are the Pahlavi (Dinkart Bk. 5. and
Mkh.) and Perso-Arabic allusions to Nebuchadnezzar as lieutenant
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 167
of Vishtaésp’s predecessor, Lohrasp, and of Vishtasp himself as well
as of his successor Bahman (Vohiman). [See also above, p. 91, n. 2.]
In the same connection Cyrus’s name is joined with Vishtasp and
Bahman."
1 (a) According to Tabari (10th century a.p.) and Masiidi, [= orig. p. 14]
Nebuchadnezzar was lieutenant successively under Lohrasp,
Vishtasp, and Bahman ; the tradition regarding Lohrasp’s taking of Jerusa-
lem is found in the Pahlavi Dinkart Bk. 5 and Maindg-i Khirat 27. 66-67,
transl. West, SBE. xxiv. 65. Tabari (or rather the Persian version of the
latter by Bel’ami) gives two different versions of the story (see Chronique
de Tabari, traduite sur la version persane de Belami par H. Zotenberg,
vol. i. pp. 491-507, Paris, 1867), and (Tabari op. cit. p. 503) the return of
the Jews to Jerusalem is placed in the 70th year of Bahman. Signs of con-
fusion are evident. So also in Mirkhond (15th century a.p.) who in his
history repeats Tabari’s statement with reference to Nebuchadnezzar and
Lohrasp, and makes Cyrus a son of Lohrasp although he is placed in the
reign of Bahman. He regards Bahman (Vohiman) as a contemporary of
Hippocrates (B.c. 460-357) and Zenocrates (z.c. 896-314) which would har-
monize properly with the traditional dates above given (pp. 8-9 = pp. 159-
160) for Bahman’s reign. See Shea, Mirkhond’s History, pp, 264, 291, 343).
(8) Masitdi is worth consulting on the same point, especially in respect
to certain presumed relations between the Persians and the Jews. See
Barbier de Meynard, Macoudi Les Prairies @ Or, ii. 119-128.
(1) At this point may be mentioned two other allusions that place
Zoroaster’s activity in the sixth century before the Christian era,
although the former of these rests upon the identification of the
prophet’s patron Vishtaspa with Hystaspes the father of Darius.
The first of these allusions, that given by Ammianus Marcellinus
(5th century a.p.),! directly calls Vishtéspa (Hystaspes) the father
of Darius, although Agathias (6th century A.p.)’ expresses uncertainty
on this point. The second allusion is found in Eutychius, the
Alexandrine Patriarch, who makes Zoroaster a contemporary of
Cambyses and the Magian Smerdis,’ a view which is shared by the
Syrian Gregorius Bar ‘Ebhraya Abulfaraj (c. 4.p. 1250)* [and by the
Arab chronologist al-Makin *].
1 Ammian. Marcell. 23. 6. 32, Magiam opinionum insignium auctor amplis-
simus Plato, Machagistiam esse verbo mystico docet, divinorum incorruptissi-
mum cultum, cuius scientiae saeculis priscts multa ex Chaldaeorum arcanis
Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, deinde Hystaspes rex prudentissimus, Darti
pater. The general opinion is that ‘saeculis priscis’ is allowable in consid-
eration of the thousand years that separated Zoroaster and Ammianus,
168 APPENDIX II
and assuming that Ammianus understood Zoroaster and Hystaspes to be
contemporaries, cf. Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, Bd. i. Thi. 1, p. 334.
2 Agathias 2. 24, Zwpodorpov Tod "Opudadews . . . ovtos 5& 6 Zwpoddos, Hror
Zapdins — dirth yap én’ abt@ i emwvupla— danvixa wey Hemace thy apxhv, xa) rods
véuous ero, obk eveori capes Siayvavar. TWepoa 6 abrdy of viv ém ‘Yordomew,
obtw 4 Th awAGS pact yeyovevat, ds Alay aupryvoeiobat, Kal odk elvat pabeiv,
wérepov Aapelov marhp etre kal BAAos obTos irfpxev “Lordorns. [See Appendix
V. § 35.)
8 Eutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini Annales. Tlustr. Selden, interpr. E.
Pocock. Oxon. 1658, pp. 262-263, Mortuo Cyro Dario Babelis rege, post
ipsum imperavit filius ipsius Kambysus annos novem: post quem Samardius
Magus annum unum. Hic, Magus cognominatus est quod ipsius tempore
Jloruerit Persa quidam Zaradasht (crwol ap quit Magorum religionem
condidit aedibus igni dedicatus. Post ipsum regnavit Dara primus, annos
vigintt. Post illum Artachshast Longimanus cognominatus annos viginti
quattuor. On this authority Floigl, following Roth, wishes to assign the
year of Zoroaster’s death to B.c. 522, cf. Cyrus und Herodot, p. 18, and
Roth, Geschichte uns. abendlind. Philosophie i. 353.
4 Bar ‘Ebhraya, Arabic Chronicon, p. 83, ed. Salhani, Beirut, 1890 (cited
by Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p. 32). ‘In those days (of Cambyses)
came Zaradosht chief of the Magian sect, by birth of Adarbaijan, or, as
some say, of Athor (Assyria). It is reported that he was one of Elijah’s (!)
disciples, and he informed the Persians of the sign of the birth of Christ.’
[5 See Hyde Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. pp. 528-529. ]
(m) Finally two other allusions are here added for the sake of
completeness, as they have been interpreted as pointing to the fact
that Zoroaster lived about the sixth century s.c. There seems to be
nothing in them, however, to compel us to believe that Zoroaster is
regarded as living only a short time before the events to which they
allude. ‘The first is a passage in Nicolaus Damascenus (1st century
B.c.), who represents that when Cyrus was about to burn the unfort-
unate Croesus, his attention was called to Zwpodorpov Adyia, which
forbade that fire should be defiled! The second item of information
is found in such references as represent Pythagoras as following
Zoroaster’s doctrines.? Lastly, the association of Zoroaster’s name
with that of Thales, by Albiriini, has been noted above.’
1 Nicolaus Damascenus Fragm. 65, Miiller Fragm. Hist. Gr. iii. 409 defuara
Saimdvia evémmre, wad of Te THS SiBUAANS Xpnopol Td Te Zwpodorpov Adyia clover.
Kpotooy peév ody eBdwy ert waAdoy 2 Tada ow ew. . . . Tdv ye why Zwpodorpny
Thépoat am’ éxelvov dietrav, wre vexpos xalew, wht’ BAAws puialve ip, Kal
mddat ToUTO KaberTas Td vdurpov TéTe BeBatwoduevor. (Latin version) Persas
. religio ac metus diviim incessit: Sibyllae quoque vaticinia ac Zoroa-
stris oracula in mentem ventebant. Itaque clamitabant, multo, quam antea,
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 169
contentius, ut Croesus servaretur. ... At Persae exinde sanxerunt juxta
praecepta Zoroastris, ne cadavera cremare neque ignem contaminare post-
hac liceret, quod quum apud eos ex veteri instituto obtinuisset, tum magis
confirmaverunt. Cf. de Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introd. pp. xliv, Ixvii.
? The principal references are to be found in Windischmann, Zoroastrische
Studien, pp. 260-264, 274, from whose work they are taken. Several of these
allusions mention Zoroaster’s name directly ; in others we may infer it, since
Pythagoras is made a student of the Magi, whom classical antiquity regards
as the exponents of Zoroaster’s teaching. Such allusions are: (a) Cicero,
de Fin. 5. 29, ipse Pythagoras et Aegyptum lustravit et Persarum Magos
adiit ; (8) Valerius Maximus 8. 7 extern. 2, inde ad Persas profectus Mago-
rum exactissimae prudentiae se formandum tradidit ; (y) Pliny, N. H. 30. 2. 1,
Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democritus, Plato ad hance (magicen) discendam
navigavere ; (6) Porphyrius, Vita Pythag. 41, ére) nal rod Oe0d, &s mapa ray
Mdywv énuvOdvero, dv ‘Qpoud (ny wadrotow exetvor; and Vita Pythag. 12, év re
BafBvaAGui Tots 7’ BAAoIS XarSalos cuveyéveTo kal mpds ZdBpatov [Zdparov,
Nauck] (Zoroaster?) apixero; (€) Plutarch, de animae procr. in Timaeo
2. 2, Zapdras 6 MvOaydpov diddonados; (¢) Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata,
1, p. 357 (ed. Potter) Zwpoderpny 5¢ tov Mayor roy Téparny 6 Mudaydpas éChawoev
(MS. edjawoer), cf. Cyrillus, adv. Jul. 3, p. 87, where Pythagoras is called
mavdpiotos (naAwrys of Zoroaster; () Suidas s.v. Pythagoras, Mvéaydpas°
otros Hxovce—Zdpyntos Tod pdyou (is it Zoroaster ?); (6) Apuleius Florid.
p. 19 (ed. Altib.) sunt qui Pythagoram aiunt eo temporis inter captivos
Cambysae regis Aegyptum cum adveheretur, doctores habuisse Persarum
magos ac praecipue Zoroastrem omnis divini arcani antistitem; («) in
Lucian’s Dialogue Menippus, § 6, p. 463, the Babylonian Magi are the pupils
and successors of Zoroaster wot . . . €d0fe és BaBvAdva eAOdvra SenOival Tivos
Tay Maywv rev Zwpodortpov pabnTav Kal diaddxwv. Also some others.
[2 See p. 161 above. The particular passage is one in which Albirini dis-
cusses the various possibilities as to the date of Thales. He adds that ‘if
he (i.e. Thales) lived at the time of Kai Kubadh, he stands near to Zoro-
aster, who belonged to the sect of the Harranians’ (Chron. p. 32, 1. 15,
transl, Sachau).]
B. Discussion oF THE Data.
The material above collected presents most of the [=orig. p. 16]
external evidence that we have in regard to the age at
which Zoroaster lived. We are now prepared for a more compre-
hensive view of the subject, for a discussion of the data in hand,
for a presentation of certain internal evidences that need to be
brought out, and for arguments and possible deductions. Several
points immediately suggest themselves for comment.
First, in discussing the classical allusions above presented, one is
justified from the connection in assuming that such allusions as are
170 APPENDIX II
made to the name of Zoroaster as a religious teacher or sage, all
refer to the one great prophet of ancient Iran. No account, I think,
need therefore be taken of such views as assume the existence of two
or of several Zoroasters, belonging to different periods in the world’s
history. Such a view was held by Suidas (s.v. Zoroastres) and was
evidently earlier shared by Pliny;' it met with acceptance also
among some of the old-fashioned writers in more recent times ;* but
there is no real evidence in its favor, and it is due to an attempt to
adjust the discrepancy existing in classical statements with regard
to Zoroaster’s date. History knows of but one Zoroaster.
1Pliny N. H. 80.2. 1. sine dubio illic orta (ars Magica) in Perside a
Zoroastre, ut inter auctores convenit. Sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius,
non satis constat. He adds a little later (30. 2. 8) diligentiores paulo ante
hune (i.e. Osthanem) Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium.
2B.g. Kleuker (quoting the Abbé Foucher), Anhang zum Zend-Avesta,
Bd. i. Thi. 2, p. 68-81.
Second, among the three dates which may be deduced from the
material above collected and which are summarized on p. 2 [= p. 152],
we are justified upon reasonable grounds, I think, in rejecting the
excessively early date of s.c. 6000 or thereabouts. The explanation
above offered to account for the extravagant figures seems satis-
factory enough.
Third, such dates as might be arrived at from the sporadic allusions
that associate the name of Zoroaster with Semiramis and Ninus,
with Nimrod and Abraham, or with Baal, Bel, Balaam, as above dis-
cussed, have little if any real foundation. In each instance there
seem to me to be reasonable grounds for discarding them.
There remains finally a comparatively large body of material that
would point to the fact that Zoroaster flourished between the latter
part of the seventh century and the middle of the sixth century
before the Christian era. The material when sifted reduces itself:
first, to the direct tradition found in two Pahlavi books, Bandahishn
and Arta Viraf, which places Zoroaster’s era three hundred years,
or more exactly 258 years, before Alexander’s day; second, to the
Arabic allusions which give the same date in their
([=orig. p.17] chronological computations and which in part lay
claim to being founded upon the chronology of the
Persians themselves; third, to similar allusions elsewhere which
place Zoroaster at about this period.
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 171
1Compare Albiriini, Chronology of Ancient Nations, p. 109, 112 (transl.
Sachau) ; and the Modjmel al-Tewarikh, p. 142, 320, 330 (traduit Mohl,
Journal Asiatique, xi. 1841), stating that the account is based on the
Chronicle of Mobed Bahram.
Certain objections may be raised to a view based upon this mate-
rial last given.
First among these objections is a claim often urged, that the tra-
ditional date rests upon an erroneous identification of Vishtaspa
with Hystaspes the father of Darius. JI cannot see, from the allu-
sions or elsewhere, that the Persians made any such identification;
the impression gained from the material presented is rather in fact
to the contrary; one may recall, for example, how widely different
the ancestry of Vishtaspa is from the generally received descent of
Hystaspes the father of Darius (a point which Floigl and Roth
seem to have overlooked). It was only the classical writer Ammi-
anus Marcellinus who, in antiquity, made any such identification.
The point has already been sufficiently dealt with above, p. 14
[= p. 167, and West now also treats it in like manner — SBE. xlvii.
Introd. § 70].
A second objection may be brought on the plea that the tradi-
tional date (7th to middle of 6th century B.c.) would not allow of
the lapse of sufficient time to account for the difference in language
between the Gathas and the Old Persian inscriptions and for certain
apparent developments in the faith. Furthermore, that a longer
period of time must be allowed to account for the difference
between the fixed title Auramazda, ‘Qpoudodys, current in western
Persia in Achaemenian times, and the divided form of the divine
name Ahura Mazda (or Ahura alone and Mazda alone) as found in
the Avesta, especially in the Zoroastrian Gathas. This point has
been noticed in the interesting and instructive paper of Professor
Tiele, Over de Oudheid van het Avesta, p. 16,1 who comes to the
result that Zoroastrianism must have existed as early as the first
half of the 7th century B.c.2 If we accept, as I believe we should,
the theses that Vishtaspa ruled in eastern Iran, and that, although
Zoroaster was a native of Adarbaijan, the chief scene of his religious
activity was eastern Iran,* and that the faith spread from Bactria
westwards,’ I cannot see that these arguments militate against the
traditional date under discussion. Dialectic differences between the
Bactrian region and Persia Proper would sufficiently account for
arguments based on language alone. This, added to national and
172 APPENDIX II
individual differences, might well account for the fixed form of the
name Auramazda among the Achaemenians as contrasted with the
Avestan form. Who can say how rapidly the creed spread from
the east to the west and what changes consequently in a short time
may have resulted? New converts in their zeal are often more rad-
ical in progressive changes than first reformers. Per-
[=orig. p.18] sis, with its original difference in dialect, may in
short time have developed the single title Auramazda
from Ahura Mazda as watchword of church and state. See also
note, p. 20, top [= p. 174].
1 Reprinted from the Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Weten-
schappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 3de Reeks, Deel xi. 364-385.
2 Tiele’s little work argues admirably for the antiquity of the Avesta as
opposed to Darmesteter’s views for the lateness of the Gathads. I wish I
could be convinced by Professor Tiele (p. 19) that the names of the Median
kings, Phraortes (fravasi), Kyaxares (uvaxsatara), Deiokes (*dahyuka) as
well as Eparna, Sitiparna of the early Esarhaddon inscription (explained as
containing hvaranah, ‘ glory’), are due to concepts originated by Zoroaster
and are not merely marks of beliefs which Zoroastrianism inherited directly
from existing Magism. The name of Darius’s contemporary Khsathrita
(Bh. 2. 15; 4. 19, Bh. e. 6) is not so important for the argument. I con-
fess I should like to place Zoroaster as early as the beginning of the 7th
century. The earlier, the better. [On Phraortes viewed as a Zoroastrian,
compare more recently, Justi, in Preuss. Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88, p. 258;
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. p. 411.]
3 On eastern Iran, cf. Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur (Erlangen, 1882) and
English translation of same, Darab D. P. Sanjana, Eastern Iranians
(London, 1885-1886).
4 See Jackson, Zoroaster’s Native Place, JAOS. xv. 230 seq. So in spite
of Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 198 seq.
A final objection may be raised as to the real historic worth and
chronological value of the Persian tradition which places Zoroaster
three centuries before Alexander. This it must frankly be said is
the real point of the question. Is there a possibility of Arabic
influence at work upon the statements of the Bandahishn and Arta
Viraf [and Zat-sparam]? Is the whole chronology of the Bunda-
hishn and that of the Persians artificial?! And did the Zoroas-
trians intentionally tamper with history and bring Zoroaster down
as late as possible in order that the millennial period might not be
regarded as having elapsed without the appearance of a Saoshyant,
or Messiah ?
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 173
1 Spiegel, Hranische Alterthumskunde, i. 506, with Windischmann, regards
the data of the Bindahishn as ‘unzuverlassig,’ but it must be remembered
that his figures, ‘178’ years for the period between Zoroaster and Alexan-
der, now require correction to 258, which alters the condition of affairs.
See West, SBE. v. 150-151, and Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 203. Compare
especially de Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introd. p. ccxxviii.
These questions require serious consideration in detail. The
introduction to the chronological chapter of the Bandahishn (Bd. 34)
does indeed read, according to one MS., ‘on the reckoning of the
years of the Arabs’ (see Bandahishn translated by West, SBE. v.
149), but the word Tazhikan ‘of the Arabs’ is not found in the other
manuscripts. Moreover, the scientific investigator Albirani, and
also the Mujmal al-Tawarikh, whose data agree exactly with the
Bundahishn, affirm that the dates given for the Kayanian kings are
obtained from the records of the Persians themselves.!
There seems no reason, therefore, to doubt that the [=orig. p. 19]
Bindahishn really represents the Persian chronology.
But what the value of that chronology may be, is another matter.
Personally I think it has real value so far as giving the approxi-
mate period of three centuries before Alexander as Zoroaster’s era.
Every student of the classics knows the part that chronology plays
with reference to the Magi; every reader of the Avesta is familiar
with ‘the time of long duration;’ every one who has looked into
the scholarly work of Albirini will have more respect for Persian
chronology. Errors indeed there may be; attention has been called
above to the lack of agreement between the years assigned by tradi-
tion to the reigns of the Zoroastrian Kayanian monarchs and the
generally accepted dates of the reigns of Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes};
to the dynasty of these three kings there corresponds only the long
rule of Vishtaspa (120 years) and a part of that of Bahman Ardashir
Dirazdast, some of whose reign answers to that of Artaxerxes Longi-
manus. As above said, it is difficult to identify the Kayanians
of the tradition with the early Achaemenians of Greek history, but
this need not nullify the real value of the traditional ‘three centu-
ries before Alexander.’ What Masiidi (c. a.p. 943) in his Indicatio
et Admonitio can add on this subject is full of interest. Little atten-
tion seems thus far to have been drawn to this important passage
and to the explanation which it contains.? Masiidi is fully aware of
the difference that exists between the Persian and the generally
accepted chronology and he shows how it was brought about by
174 APPENDIX II
Ardashir’s purposely shortening the period between Alexander and
himself by causing about half the number of years to be dropped
from the chronological lists, but the 300 years of Zoroaster before
Alexander were allowed to remain untouched, for the old prophecy
regarding the time of Alexander’s appearance had been fulfilled.
The passage in Barbier de Meynard is well worth consulting.’
1 See note above, p. 8 [= p. 160].
2 Cf. Barbier de Meynard in Le Livre de UV Indication et de lV Admonition,
(Macoudi, Prairies d'Or, ix. 8327-328). [See also the translation by Vaux,
Macoudt, Le Livre de V Avertissement, p. 186 ; Paris, 1896. ]
3 See preceding note. I have since found the passage given by Spiegel in
Eran. Alterthumskunde, iii. 198 ; compare also Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 202.
C. REsuuts.
To draw conclusions, — although open to certain objections, still,
in the absence of any more reliable data or until the discovery of
some new source of information to overthrow or to substantiate the
view, there seems but one decision to make in the case before us.
From the actual evidence presented and from the material accessi-
ble, one is fairly entitled, at least, upon the present merits of the
case, to accept the period between the latter half of the seventh cen-
tury and the middle of the sixth century B.c. [perhaps still better,
between the middle of the seventh century and the first half of the
sixth century B.c.], or just before the rise of the Achaemenian
power, as the approximate date of Zoroaster’s life.’
[= orig. p. 20] 1 Since the above was written Dr. E. W. West writes me
(under date December 19, 1895) the interesting piece of
information that his investigations into the history of the Iranian calendar
have led him to the date p.c. 505 as the year in which a reform in the Per-
sian calendar must have been instituted. He suggests that Darius, upon
the conclusion of his wars and during the organizing of his kingdom and
putting in force new acts of legislation, may with the aid and counsel of his
priestly advisers have introduced the Zoroastrian names of the months
which have supplanted the old Persian names which were given in the
inscriptions. If this be so, the point may have a special bearing towards
showing that the Achaemenians were Zoroastrians. From Albirtini, Chro-
nology, pp. 17, 12; 55, 29; 205, 2; and 220, 19 (transl. Sachau), we know
that Zoroaster himself must have occupied himself with the calendar. Ben-
fey u. Stern, Ueber die Monatsnamen einiger alter Vilker, p. 116, regarded
the Medo-Persian year as having been introduced into Cappadocia probably
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 175
as early as B.c. 750. ([Dr. West’s paper on the Parsi calendar has just
appeared in The Academy for April 23, 1896.] [Later postscript (1898),
West gives his results in SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 79 seq. ]
Similar results have been reached by others, or opinions to the
same effect have been expressed; for example, Haug,! Justi (private
letter),’ Geldner (personal communication), Casartelli,t and several
names familiar to those acquainted with the field. Some effort
might be made perhaps if the premises will allow it, and some
attempts have been made, to define the period more exactly by a
precise interpretation of the various time-allusions with reference to
cardinal events in Zoroaster’s life— the beginning of his ministry at
the age of 30, the conversion of Vishtaspa in the prophet’s 42d year,
the death of Zoroaster at the age of 77 years.? [See Appendix III.]
1Cf. Haug, Essays on the Parsis (West's Introduction, p. xlv.) ; although
Haug had previously adopted various earlier eras for Zoroaster, e.g. B.c. 2300
(Lecture on Zoroaster, Bombay, 1865), not later than B.c. 1000 (Essays,
p. 299, where the subject is discussed ; cf. also Essays, pp. 15, 186, 264).
2 Personal letter from Professor Justi, dated June 14, 1892.
3 Geldner formerly placed the date of Zoroaster as prior to B.c. 1000 (see
article ‘ Zoroaster,’ Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition).
* Philosophy of the Mazdayasnian Religion under the Sassanids, trans].
Firoz Jamaspji, p. ii, ‘about 600.’
5 The best collections of material on the subject are to be found in de
Harlez, Avesta traduit, 2d ed. Introduction, pp. xx-xxv, ccxiv. [See also de
Harlez, The Age of the Avesta, in JAOS., New Series, xvii. 349, London,
1885, who finds no reason to place the Avesta earlier than 600 or 700 B.c.,
or in broader terms fixes ‘the epoch of Zoroastrianism and the Avesta
between 700 and 100 B.c.’], Spiegel, #.A. i. 673-676, and Windischmann,
Zoroastrische Studien, pp. 147, 162, 305; the latter suggested (Zor. Stud.
p. 164) about z.c. 1000 as Zoroaster’s date. The present writer (Avesta
Grammar, p. xi) once held the opinion that Zoroaster lived ‘more than a
thousand years before the Christian era.’ The date assigned by the Parsi
Orientalist K. R. Kama is about B.c. 1800.
6 E.g. Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p. 6, 60-62, assigns B.c.
589-512 as the age of Zoroaster ; compare also Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend-
Avesta, Bd. i. Thl. 1, pp. 827-374 ; Thl. 2, pp. 51-81 (Foucher). [Anquetil’s
monograph should be consulted.] Floigl (Cyrus und Herodot, p. 18), fol-
lowing Roth, gives B.c. 599-522 as Zoroaster’s era and identifies Vishtaspa
with Hystaspes the father of Darius. Neither Floigl nor Réth seem to take
any account of the difference between the genealogy of Vishtdspa’s ances-
tors as given in the Old Persian inscriptions and the lineage given in the
Avesta, Pahlavi, and later Persian works. Floigl does not, moreover, suffi-
ciently take into consideration (p. 17) that 42 years (or at least 30) must be
176 APPENDIX II
added in every instance to the 258 years before Alexander, as that was
Zoroaster’s age when Vishtaspa accepted the Faith. This would in any
event place the date of Zoroaster’s birth before B.c. 600.
[= orig. p. 21] The above results, if they be accepted in the light
at least of our present information on the subject,
seem to be not without importance for the history of early religious
thought and of the development of ethical and moral teaching. If |
one carefully works through the material, it must be acknowledged
that the most consistent and the most authoritative of all the actual
statements upon the subject place the appearance of the prophet at
a period between the closing century of Median rule and the rising
wave of Persian power, that is, between the latter half of the
seventh century and the middle of the sixth century B.c.; [better
between the middle of the seventh century and the former half of
the sixth century B.c.]. It is the sowing of the fallow land that is
to bring forth the rich fruits of the harvest. The teaching of
Zoroaster must have taken deep root in the soil of Iran at the time
when the Jews were carried up into captivity at Babylon (586-536),
where they became acquainted with ‘the law of the Medes and
Persians which altereth not’;/the time was not far remote when
the sage Confucius should expound to China the national tenets
of its people, and the gentle Buddha on Ganges’ bank should preach
to longing souls the doctrine of redemption through renunciation.
How interesting the picture, how full of instruction the contrast!
And in this connection, the old question of a possible pre-historic
Indo-Iranian religious schism! comes perhaps once again into con-
sideration.? Certain theological and religious phenomena noticeable
in Brahmanism are possibly not so early, after all, as has generally
been believed. It may perchance be that Zoroastrianism in Iran
was but the religious, social, and ethical culmination of the wave
that had been gathering in strength as it moved along, and that was
destined in India to spend its breaking force in a different way
from its overwhelming course in the plateau land northwest of
the mountains of Hindu Kush.
1 The view strongly upheld by Haug.
2Deductions that might perhaps be made in the light of Hopkins,
Religions of India, pp. 177, 186, 212, n. 8. Consult especially the suggestive
hints of Geldner, article ‘ Zoroaster,’ Encyclopedia Britannica, where the
much-mooted question of asura-ahura, daéva-deva, ‘ god-demon,’ is discussed.
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 177
The kingdom of Bactria was the scene of Zoroaster’s zealous
ministry, as I presume. [The question raised on this point is
noticed in the present volume.] Born, as I believe, in Atropatene,
to the west of Media, this prophet without honor in his own coun-
try met with a congenial soil for the seeds of his teaching in eastern
Iran. His ringing voice of reform and of a nobler faith found an
answering echo in the heart of the Bactrian king, Vishtaspa, whose
strong arm gave necessary support to the crusade that spread the
new faith west and east throughout the land of Iran. Allusions
to this crusade are not uncommon in Zoroastrian literature. Its
advance must have been rapid. A fierce religious war which in a
way was fatal to Bactria seems to have ensued with Turan. This
was that same savage race in history at whose door the death of
victorious Cyrus is laid. Although tradition tells the
sad story that the fire of the sacred altar was quenched [= orig. p. 22]
in the blood of the priests when Turan stormed Balkh,
this momentary defeat was but the gatHering force of victory;
triumph was at hand. The spiritual spark of regeneration lingered
among the embers and was destined soon to burst into the flame
of Persian power that swept over decaying Media and formed the
beacon-torch that lighted up the land of Iran in early history. But
the history of the newly established creed and certain problems in
regard to the early Achaemenians as Zoroastrians belong elsewhere
for discussion.
[Addendum 1. Inan article on ‘The Date of the Avesta,’ The Times of
India, March 11, 1898, now draws attention to the fact that Darab Dastur
Peshotan Sanjana has again called up the proposed identification of Avestan
Naidhyah Gaotema (in Yt. 13. 16) with the rishi Giutama whose son is Nodhas
in the Veda. See this pamphlet Odservations on Darmesteter’s Theory, pp.
25-31, Leipzig, 1898. On his point and on the other suggested identifications
of the Avestan Gaotema with Gotama the Buddha, or with the Brahman
Cangranghacah (see pp. 85-88 above), we may refer to what has been said by
Windischmann, Mithra, p. 29, and to the references and discussion given by
Justi, Handbuch der Zendsprache, p. 99 (Leipzig, 1864), where good material
will be found. Justi’s statement in his Iran. Namenbuch, p. 110 (Marburg,
1895) reads: ‘Gaotema, vielleicht Name eines Gegners der Zarathustrischen
Religion Yt. 18.16; das Wort konnte auch appellativ sein ; sanskrit gétama.’
In the passage I do not think that the words na@ vydxanéd necessarily refer to
Zoroaster at all, but that they allude to some later follower of the Faith who
may have vanquished in debate some opponent of the Zoroastrian creed. Notice
also Justi’s ‘eines Gegners der Zarathustrischen Religion.’ I cannot therefore
see that we shall lose anything if we accept the view which was first suggested
N
178 APPENDIX II
by Haug, and interpret this allusion to Gaotama as a thrust at Buddhism, and
regard ndiédyah as a derogatory attribute, or connected with the Vedic root
nadh.
Color is given to such an interpretation because, farther on in the same Yasht
(Yt. 13. 97), mention is made of the pious Saéna, a great religious teacher and
successor of Zoroaster, who flourished between one hundred and two hundred
years after the prophet himself, or b.c. 531-431, if we accept the traditional
Zoroastrian chronology, and who might therefore have been a contemporary
with Buddha. Upon the date of Saéna, see also Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, The
Antiquity of the Avesta, Bombay, June, 1896. Saéna belonged to the ancient
territory of Saka-stana (Seistén) and thus to the region of White India; cf.
p. 45, n. 4, 72, n. 3, 87, n. 1, and Appendix IV.
Nowif in the particular case of Saéna (and the lines are metrical and therefore
probably original) the Yasht actually makes mention of a Zoroastrian apostle
who lives a century or more after the great teacher, I do not think we are neces-
sarily forced to place Gaotama back into the Vedic period. In other words, in
the case of Gaotema as of Saéna, the Yasht may be alluding to one who is born
after Zarathushtra, and may be hurling anathemas against an opposing and
heretical religion (and that religion Buddhism) which began to flourish about
the same time as the Yasht may have been written. Of the various identifica-
tions I should prefer that of Gotama the Buddha, rather than to call in the
Vedas and Gautama whose son is Nédhas. ]
[Addendum 2. My pupil, Mr. Schuyler, draws my attention to a refer-
ence in a work that was published in the middle of the last century, which is of
interest because it deals with the Huns and places the date of Zoroaster about
the year ‘683 avant Jesus-Christ.? The reference is Deguignes, Histoire gén-
érale des Huns, i. Pt. 2, p. 376, Paris, 1756.]
APPENDIX III
DR. WEST’S TABLES OF ZOROASTRIAN CHRONOLOGY
AS BASED UPON THE MILLENNIAL SYSTEM OF THE
BUNDAHISHN
(From Sacred Books of the East, xlvii. Introd. § 55.) 1
AFTER investigating the traditional Zoroastrian chronology of the
Bindahishn, and the statements of the other Pahlavi texts, which
have been recorded in the preceding Appendix, Dr. E. W. West has
compiled a series of chronological tables, synchronizing the Zoro-
astrian and European systems. The statement of Bd. 34. 7, 8,
places the death of Alexander 272 years after the coming of the reli-
gion, ie. after the thirtieth year of Zoroaster’s life and of Vish-
taspa’s reign. Combining these dates, and allowing for an apparent
omission of thirty-five years (which is explained), the items 323 +
272 + 35 give as a result B.c. 660-583 as the date of Zoroaster, and
s.c. 660-540 for Vishtadspa’s reign,? which in Oriental manner is
apparently conceived of as dating from the king’s birth. West’s
tables are now presented (SBE. xlvii. Introd. pp. xxviii-xxx) : —
‘If we adopt the abbreviations A.R. for “ anno religionis” and B.R.
for “before the religion,’ we are prepared to compile the following
synopsis of Zoroastrian Chronology according to the millennial sys-
tem of the Bandahishn, extended to the end of time, but dealing
only with traditional matters, combined with the European dates of
the same events, deduced from the synchronism of A.R. 300 with
B.c. 831, as stated above in § 54:’—
B.R. 9000, B.c. 9680. Beginning of the first millennium of Time; and for-
mation of the Fravashis, or primary ideas of the good creations, which
remain insensible and motionless for 3000 years (Bd. I, 8; XXXIV, 1).
1 Through the courtesy of Dr.E.W. for which kindness I wish to express
West and of Professor F. Max Miiller, my appreciative thanks. —A. V. W.d.
editor of the Sacred Books, I have 2See SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 70.
been allowed to reproduce these pages ;
179
180 APPENDIX III
B.R. 6000, B.c. 6630. Beginning of the fourth millennium, when the spiritual
body of Zaratisht is framed together, and remains 3000 years with the
archangels (Dk. VII, ii, 15, 16), while the primeval man and ox exist undis-
turbed in the world, because the evil spirit is confounded and powerless
(Bd. I, 20, 22; III, 1, 83,5; XXXIV, 1).
. 8000, s.c. 8680. Beginning of the seventh millennium, when the evil
spirit rushes into the creation on new-year’s day, destroys the primeval ox,
and distresses GayOmart, the primeval man (Bd. I, 20; III, 10-20, 24-97;
XXXIV, 2). Z. appears to remain with the archangels for 2969 years
longer.
B.R. 2970, B.c. 8600. Gaydmart passes away (Bd. III, 21-23 ; XXXIV, 2).
B.R. 2930, B.c. 8560. Masyé and Masyaéi had grown up (Bd. XV, 2; XXXIV,
3).
B.R. 2787, B.c. 3417. Accession of Héshang (Bd. XXXIV, 3).
B.R. 2747, B.c. 3377. Accession of Takhmérup (ibid. 4).
B.R. 2717, B.c. 3347. Accession of Yim (ibid.).
B.R. 2000, B.c. 2630. Beginning of the eighth millennium. Accession of Dahak
(ibid. 4, 5).
B.R. 1000, s.c. 1630. Beginning of the ninth millennium. Accession of Frétin
(ibid. 5, 6).
B.R. 500, B.c. 1180. Accession of Maniishcihar (ibid. 6).
B.R. 428, B.c. 1058. Spendarmat comes to Manishcihar at the time of Frasiyav’s
irrigation works (Zs. XII, 3-6). [West's brief remarks on correction of the
MSS. here omitted. ]
B.R. 380, B.c. 1010. Accession of Atizsbs (Bd. XXXIV, 6).
B.R. 375, B.c. 1005. Accession of Kai-Kobat (ibid. 6, 7).
B.R. 360, B.c. 990. Accession of Kai-Us (ibid. 7).
B.R. 300, B.c. 930. Zaratisht first mentioned by the ox that Sritd killed (Zs.
XII, 7-20).
B.R. 210, B.c. 840. Accession of Kai-Khisréi (Bd. XXXIV, 7).
B.R. 150, B.c. 780. Accession of Kai-Lohrasp (ibid.).
B.R. 45, B.c. 675. The Glory descends from heaven at the birth of Diktak (Zs.
XIII, 1).
B.R. 30, B.c. 660. Accession of Kai-Vishtasp (Bd. XXXIV, 7). Vohi-
mano and Ashavahisht6 descend into the world with a stem of Hom (Dk.
VI, ii, 24). Zaratisht is born (ibid. v, 1).
B.R. 23, B.c. 653. Z. is seven years old when two Karaps visit his father, and
Dirasrdbs dies (Dk. VII, iii, 32, 34, 45).
B.R. 15, p.c. 645. Z. is fifteen years old when he and his four brothers ask for
their shares of the family property (Zs. XX, 1).
B.R. 10, B.c. 640. Z. leaves home at the age of twenty (ibid. 7).
A.R, 1, B.c. 630. Beginning of the tenth millennium. Z. goes forth to his con-
ference with the sacred beings on the 45th day of the 31st year of Vishtasp’s
reign (Dk. VII, iii, 51-62; VIII, 51; Zs. XXI, 1-4).
A.R. 3, B.c. 628. Z. returns from his first conference in two years, and preaches
to Atrvaita-dang and the Karaps without success (Dk. VII, iv, 2-20).
as. 11, B.c, 620. After his seventh conference, in the tenth year he goes to
A.R.
A.R.
A.R.
A.R
A.R.
A.R.
A.R.
A.R.
A.R.
DR. WEST’S TABLES OF ZOROASTRIAN CHRONOLOGY 181
Vishtasp ; Métydmah is also converted (ibid. 1, 65; Zs. XXI, 8; XXIII,
1, 2, 8).
. 18, B.c. 618. Twelve years after Z. went to conference, Vishtasp accepts
the religion, though hindered for two years by the Karaps (Dk. VII, v,
1; Zs. XXIII, 5, 7).
. 20, B.c. 611. A Kavig, son of Kindah, is converted (Zs. XXIII, 8).
. 80, B.c. 601. Defeat of Arjasp and his Khyons (ibid).
. 40, B.c. 591. Vohiiném is born (ibid.). About this time the Avesta is
written by Jamasp from the teaching of Z. (Dk. IV, 21; V, iii, 4; VII, v. 11).
[Compare also Dk. III. vii, 1, SBE. xxxvii. 406.]
. 48, B.c. 583. Z. passes away, or is killed, aged seventy-seven years
and forty days, on the 41st day of the year (Dk. V. iii, 2; VII. v,1; Zs.
XXIII, 9).
58, B.c. 573. Arrival of the religion is known in all regions (Dk. VII, vi,
12). [Compare also Dk. IV, 21-22, SBE. xxxvii. 412-413.]
63, B.c. 568. Frashdshtar passes away (Zs. XXIII, 10).
64, B.c. 567. Jamasp passes away (ibid.)
. 63, B.c. 558. Hangairiish, son of Jamasp, passes away (ibid.).
80, B.c. 551. Asm6k-khanvatd passes away, and Akht the wizard is killed
(ibid.).
91, p.c. 540. Accession of Vohiiman, son of Spend-dat (Bd. XXXIV, 7, 8).
100, B.c. 5381. Sénd is born (Dk. VII, vii, 6).
200, z.c. 431. Sénd passes away (ibid.; Zs. XXIII, 11).
2038. B.c. 428. Accession of Himai (Bd. XXXIV, 8).
[Some additional dates are given by Dr. West, which include the
invasion of Alexander (a.r. 300 = B.c. 331) and his death (4.n. 308
= B.C. 323), and carry the chronology down to the final millennium
of the world (a.n. 3028, a.p. 2398). ]
APPENDIX IV
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE AND THE SCENE OF
HIS MINISTRY
OUTLINE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION .
I. ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE.
A. CLAssicaL REFERENCES.
1. Bactria and the Hast
momaon oo
. Cephalion.
. Theon.
. dustin.
. Arnobius.
. Eusebius.
. Epiphanius.
2. Media (Persia) and the West
Estimate of the Classical Allusions
B. OrrentaL REFERENCES — ALL IMPLY WESTERN IRAN.
momontp
. Pliny the Elder.
. Clemens Alexandrinus.
Origen.
. Diogenes Laertius,
. Porphyrius.
Lactantius.
1. Adarbaijin (Atropatene).
a Zoroastrian Literature.
Estimate of Mohammedan Allusions. .
a. Bindahishn (20. 32).
b. Bindahishn (24. 15).
. Ibn Khurdadhbah.
. Ahmad Yahya al-Baladhuri.
. Ibn Fakih al-Hamadhani.
. Tabari.
Masiidi.
Hamzah al-Isfahani.
mHo Bog f
182
RS poe
Ro re Bod
c.
d.
8 Mohammedan Literature.
moe pe Bog
PAGES
182-185
186-205
186-191
see ew ew ee 186-188
. Ammianus Marcellinus.
. Orosius.
Augustine.
. Isidorus.
. Hugo de S. Victore.
Egret. Ye 189-190
. Gregory of Tours.
. Chronicon Paschale.
(Georgius Syncellus).
Suidas.
. Michael Glycas.
191
191-205
193-197
Zat-sparam.,
Avesta.
. 197-201
. Shahrastani.
Ibn al-Athir.
Yakit.
Kazwini.
. Bar ‘Ebhraya.
Abulfeda.
201
2. Ragha, Rai (Media Rhagiana)
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE
a. Avesta (Vd. 1. 15).
b. Avesta (Ys. 19. 18).
c. Zat-sparam.
Conclusion as to Zoroaster’s Native Place.
II, SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY .
GENERAL REMARKS .
1.
2.
Bactria and the East
Geographical allusions in the Avesta ae in Pahlavi *
Kavi dynasty in the east pele SO
Allusionsto Balkh . 2... 1. ew ew ee
Where was Vishtaspa’s capital .
Sacrifices by Vishtaspa — discussion
Where was Arejat-aspa’s capital — the Hyacnians
Scene of the Holy Wars
Location of the sacred fires .
Minor points .
Résumé of he. astern view
Media and the West ..
C. de Harlez
Spiegel .
Other scholars
Justi’s views ag
Additional arguments . :
Résumé of the Western View
General Summary
INTRODUCTION!
183
PAGES
202-205
205
205-224
205-207
208-219
208
209
209-210
210
211-213
213-214
214-216
216-217
217-218
218-219
219-224
219-220
220
221
221-222
222-224
224
224-225
Wirs regard to the native place of the founders of three of the
great Oriental religions — Buddhism, Confucianism, Mohammedan-
ism —the authorities are in agreement for the most part, and the
recent discoveries with reference to Buddha’s birthplace have ren-
dered assurance doubly sure at least in his case.
With respect to
Zoroaster’s native land, however, and with regard to the exact early
home of Zoroastrianism, the case is different.
1 [The question with regard to Zoro-
aster’s native place has been exam-
ined by the present writer in JAOS.
In classic times
time is reproduced here, but it has
been largely augmented and rewritten,
and the subject is now treated entirely
xv. 221-232. Some of the material anew, especially with regard to the
which was briefly presented at that
scene of Zoroaster’s ministry. ]
184 APPENDIX IV
seven cities claimed a share in the honor of being the birthplace of
the poet Homer; hardly less can be said of the prophet Zoroaster,
if we take into account the various opinions which have been held
on the subject of his origin. The question is one of interest, for
with this problem there is also closely connected the question as to
where we shall place the cradle of the religion of Mazda.
The natural uncertainty as to whether a religious teacher’s birth-
place or early home is necessarily identical with the scene of his
religious activity complicates the problem considerably. Mani-
festly it is fallacious to assume that the scene of Zoroaster’s min-
istry must likewise of necessity have been his place of origin. This
fact must be kept in mind when we examine the arguments that
have been brought forward by some to prove that the east of Iran,
or Bactria, must assuredly have been the original home of Zoroaster
as well as the scene of the reform work of the so-called ‘ Bactrian
Sage.’ The same fact, on the other hand, must be kept equally in
view when the claim is made that Zoroaster came from western
Iran, whether from Atropatene or from Media Proper, or from Persia.
In the present memoir an endeavor will be made to keep the two
sides of the question apart, and to discuss, (1) first, the question of
Zoroaster’s native place; (2) second, the scene of his ministry.
With regard to the disposition of the subject, authorities are
agreed that we must look either to the east of Iran or to the west of
Ivan for a solution of the problem. The question of north or of
south is excluded by the nature of the subject. Since this is the
case, we may examine the general points of view, and resolve these
into three classes : —
1. First, the view that the home of Zoroaster is to be placed in
the east of Iran, in the Bactrian region, and that the scene of his
religious reform belongs especially to that territory.
2. Second, the view that the home of Zoroaster is to be placed
in western Iran, either in Media Proper (Media Rhagiana) or in
Adarbaijaén (Atropatene), and that the scene of his ministry was
confined to that region.
3. Third, a compromise view, which maintains that Zoroaster
arose in western Iran, in Adarbaijan (Atropatene), or in Media
Proper (Media Rhagiana), but that he taught and preached in Bac-
tria as well.
In this threefold summary it will be noticed in the first place
that Persis, or Persia in the restricted sense, is left out of considera-
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 185
tion —a justifiable omission because there is no especial ground for
believing that Zoroaster originated in Persia itself. In the second
place, it may be stated that there seem to be just reasons for coming
to a definite conclusion that Zoroaster actually arose in the west of
Iran. In the third place, it may be added that a definite conclusion
as to the scene of Zoroaster’s ministry need not for the moment
be drawn, but that this problem must be discussed as a sequel to
the question of his place of origin.
With these points to be kept in mind by way of introduction, and
with this word of caution, we may proceed to examine the testi-
mony of antiquity on the subject, which is the source from which
we draw our information; after that we may go on to present argu-
ments, or to draw deductions, which are based upon the material
that is gathered. A division of the sources may be made into two
classes: (a) Classical sources, Greek or Latin; (0) Oriental author-
ities, either Iranian or non-Iranian. The testimony of these wit-
nesses will be taken first with reference to the light they may
throw upon the native country of the Prophet.’
1Partial Bibliography. For
general references, see Jackson, Where
was Zoroaster’s Native Place? JAOS.
XV. pp. 221-232. Consult also Appen-
dix V. below. The principal classical
passages have likewise already been
given by Windischmann, Zoroastrische
Studien, p. 260 seg. (tr. by Darab
D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra in the
Gathas and in the Greek and Roman
Classics, p. 65b, Leipzig, 1897). This
material is now to be supplemented
considerably by references which have
since become accessible in Pahlavi lit-
erature, and by abundant allusions
found in Arabic and Syriac writers.
For the latter, see Gottheil, Refer-
ences to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic
Literature, Drisler Classical Studies
(Columbia University Press), New
York, 1894; for example, pp. 32, 33
(bis), 84, 37, 39, 40 (bis), 42 n., 44, 48
(bis). These latter ‘References to
Zoroaster ’ will be constantly referred
to in the present article. Further-
more, the general question of Zoroas-
ter’s native place has often been
discussed ; it is sufficient to mention
Hyde, Historia Religionis veterum
Persarum, p. 310 seq., Oxon. 1700;
Barnabé Brisson, De regio Persarum
Principatu, p. 385 seq., editio Argent.
1710 (orig. ed. Paris, 1590) ; Anquetil
du Perron, Zend-Avesta, tome i. Pt. 2,
p. 5 seq., Paris, 1771; Spiegel, Hran-
ische Alterthumskunde, i. 676-684 (tr.
by Darab D. P. Sanjana, Geiger’s
Eastern Iranians, ii. 179-189, London,
1886) ; C. de Harlez, Avesta traduit,
Introd. pp. 23-25, 2d ed. Paris, 1881;
Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, tr. Introd.
pp. 47-49, SBE. iv. Ist ed. Oxford,
1880.
Special notice is not taken here of
works relating to the home of the
Avesta itself as a sacred book, although
this question is more or less directly
connected with the present subject.
If references be desired, one may
find the more important bibliographi-
186 APPENDIX IV
I. ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE
A. Classical References to Zoroaster’s Nationality
The classical references which allude to the country of Zoroaster
seem very contradictory if they be viewed alone, and they are doubt-
less responsible for much of the uncertainty which has prevailed on
the subject. It must also be remembered that a man is sometimes
known to fame through his adopted country rather than through
the land of his nativity. Although often conflicting, these classical
references are of service in argument; it is well, therefore, briefly
to present them, first giving those statements which connect Zoro-
aster’s name with the west of Iran, with Media or Persia; second,
giving those citations which imply that Zoroaster belonged to Bac-
tria or eastern Iran. Most of the allusions date from the earlier
centuries of the Christian era, or somewhat later, although claims
may be made in one or two instances that the statements rest
directly upon older authority.
1. Bactria — Classical References placing Zoroaster in Hastern Iran
Several allusions in the classical writers of Greece and Rome
point to the fact that Zoroaster was thought of as a Bactrian, or, at
least, as exercising his activity in the east of Iran. The writers
seem to have somewhat of a hazy notion that Zoroaster was not a
Magian only, but that he was a king and military leader, the oppo-
nent of Ninus and Semiramis. There appears to be a reminiscence
of an early struggle between a presumable eastern Iranian mon-
archy and the Assyrian power of the west. Most of the classical
allusions to Bactria seem to indicate a common source; this
source may reasonably be traced back to a misunderstood allusion
cal material on the subject of the
Avestan cradle noted by Geiger, Vater-
land und Zeitalter des Awesta und
seiner Kultur, Abhandlungen der kgl.
bayr. Akad. d. Wiss. philos.-philol.
Cl. 1884, pp. 315-885. Geiger’s list
may be supplemented by de Harlez,
Der Avestische Kalender und die Hei-
math der Avesta-Religion, Berliner
Orientalische Congress, Abhdgn. ii.
237 seq., Berlin, 1882; Geiger’s views
are criticized also by de Harlez, Das
Alter und Heimath des Avesta, Bez-
zenberger’s Beitrage, xii. 109 seq.,
1887; and by Spiegel, Ueber das
Vaterland und Zeitalter des Awestd,
Zweiter Artikel, in ZDMG. xli. 280
seq., 1887. Consult Darmesteter, Le
Zend-Avesta, iii. Introd. pp. 89-90,
Paris, 1898.
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 187
in Ctesias.1 In his legendary accounts, Ctesias refers to wars car-
ried on between Ninus and Semiramis and ’Ogvaprys (variants, ’Eya-
dptys, Xadprys, Zadprys); the allusion in Oxyartes (Av. UxSyatarata)
is not to Zoroaster, although Cephalion, Justin, and Arnobius, who
draw on Ctesias, make Zoroaster a Bactrian and the opponent of
Ninus. The matter has been commented upon above (Appendix II.
154 seq.). The statements of these particular writers, however, are
added for the sake of completeness, and they are supplemented by
other classical citations. See also Appendix II.
(a) Fragments of Cephalion (4.p. 120) which are preserved in
the Armenian version of Eusebius, Chron. 1. 43, ed. Aucher,
describe the rebellion of the Magian Zoroaster, King of the Bac-
trians, against Semiramis: de Zoroastri Magi Bactrianorum regis
certamine ac debellatione a Semiramide. Compare also, in this con-
nection, Georgius Syncellus, Appendix V. § 41 below (cf. ed. Dind. 1.
p. 315), and the reputed work of Moses of Khorene, 1.6, ‘le mage
Zoroastre, roi des Bactriens, c’est a-dire des Médes’; or, on the other
hand, Moses of Khorene, 1.17, ‘ Zoroastre (ZerataSd), mage et chef
religieux des Médes (Mar) ’—see Langlois, Collections des Historiens
de l Arménie, ii. 59 and 69, also Appendix VI. § 1 below; here Zoro-
aster is a contemporary of Semiramis, and he seizes the government
of Assyria and Nineveh; Semiramis flees before him, and she is
killed in Armenia (Langlois, ii. 69). See also Gilmore, Ktesias’ Per-
sika, p. 30 n.; Spiegel, Zran. Alterthumskunde, i. 682; Windischmann,
Zor. Stud. pp. 302, 303; Miller, Fragm. Hist. Gir. iii. 627, v. 328. For
the statement of Thomas Arzrouni, see p. 217 belowand Appendix VI.
(b) Theon (4.p. 130) Progymnasmata, 9, wept cvyxpicews, ed.
Spengel, Rhet. Greece. ii. 115, speaks of ‘Zoroaster the Bactrian’ —
Zuwpodorpov rod Baxrpfov—in connection with Semiramis. See Ap-
pendix V. § 8 below, and cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 290; Spie-
gel, Hran. Alterthumskunde, i. 677.
(c) Justin (c. A.D. 120), in his epitome of Pompeius Trogus’
Hist. Philippic. 1. 1. 9-10, makes Zoroaster a king of Bactria, a
Magian, and the opponent of Ninus — bellum cum Zoroastre rege Bac-
trianorum. See Appendix V. § 10 below.
(d) Arnobius (4.p. 297), Adversus Gentes, 1. 5, also mentions a
battle between the Assyrians and the Bactrians, under the leader-
ship respectively of Ninus and Zoroaster: inter Assyrios et Bactrianos,
Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus. See Appendix V. § 16.
1See also Justi in Grundr. d. iran. Philol. ii, 402.
188 APPENDIX IV
(e) Eusebius (4.p. 300), Chron. 4. 35, ed. Aucher, has a like allu.
sion to Zoroaster, Bactria, and Ninus: Zoroastres Magus rea Bactri-
anorum clarus habetur adversum quem Ninus dimicavit ; and again
(Windischmann, p. 290), Preparatio Evang. 10. 9.10, ed. Dind. p.
560, Nivos, caf’ dv Zwpodorpys 6 Mayos Baxrpiwy éBacirevce. See
Appendix V. § 18 below.
(f) Epiphanius of Constantia (A.p. 298-403) Adv. Hereses, Lib.
I. tom. i. 6 (tom. i. col. 185 seq., ed. Migne) associates Zoroaster’s
name with Nimrod, and states that Zoroaster came to the east and
founded Bactria: Zwpodorpys, ds mpdow xwpjoas emt Ta dvaTodixa pépy
oixicrns ylyverat Bdéxrpwv. See Appendix V. § 21 below. The same
statement is later repeated by Procopius of Gaza, see Appendix V.
§ 33 below.
(g) Ammianus Marcellinus, 23. 6. 32, in discussing magic rites,
connects Zoroaster’s name with Bactria, but identifies Hystaspes
(Vishtadspa) with the father of Darius: cuius scientiae saeculis priscis
multa ex Chaldaeorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres,
deinde Hystaspes rex prudentissimus, Daret pater. See Appendix V.
§ 22 below.
(h) Paulus Orosius (5th century a.p.) states that Ninus con-
quered and slew Zoroaster of Bactria, the Magician. For the cita-
tion and for the Anglo-Saxon version see p. 157 and Appendix V.
§ 27 below.
(i) Augustine (A.D. 354-430), de Civ. Dei, 21. 14 (tom. vii. col. 728,
ed. Migne) follows the same idea in making Zoroaster a Bactrian
whose name is associated with Ninus: a Nino quippe rege Assyri-
orum, cum esset ipse (Zoroastres) Bactrianorum, bello superatus est.
See Appendix V. § 28 below.
(j) Isidorus (a.p. 570-636), Etymol. 8. 9 (tom. iii. col. 310, ed.
Migne): Magorum primus Zoroastes rex Bactrianorum, quem Ninus
rex Assyriorum proelio interfecit; and he alludes to a statement of
Aristotle regarding Zoroaster’s writings. See Appendix V. § 38
below. Again Isidorus, Chron. (tom. v. col. 1024, ed. Migne): hac
aetate magica ars in Perside a Zoroaste Bactrianorum rege
reperta. A Nino rege occiditur.
(k) Hugo de Sancto Victore (died a.p. 1140), Adnot. Elucid. in
Pentateuchon —in Gen. (tom. i. col. 49, ed. Migne): rea Bactriae
Nino vicinus et vocatus Zoroastes, inventor et auctor maleficiae math-
ematicae artis.
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 189
2. Media or Persia— Classical References placing Zoroaster in
Western Iran
There are nine or ten classical allusions, on the other hand, which
connect Zoroaster’s name with Media, or rather with Persia, the
latter term often being used doubtless in a broader sense.
(a) Pliny the Elder (4.p. 23-79), N. H. 30. 2. 1, for example,
gives his opinion that the art of the Magi arose in Persia with Zoro-
aster, but he is in doubt as to whether there were two Zoroasters or
only one, and he alludes to a Proconnesian Zoroaster. Thus, in his
first statement, he writes, NV. H. 30. 2. 1, sine dubio illic (ars Magica)
orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter auctores convenit. Sed unus hic
Suerit, an postea alius, non satis constat. Again, in his second state-
ment, when speaking of the Magian Osthanes, who accompanied
Xerxes to Greece, he says, WN. H. 30. 2. 8, diligentiores paulo ante
hune (Osthanem) ponunt Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium.
See Appendix V. § 5.
Perhaps in this same connection may be mentioned the curious
remark of the Scholiast to the Platonic Alcibiades (see Appendix
V. § 1 below), to the effect that, according to some, Zoroaster was a
‘Hellenian,’ or that he had come from the mainland beyond the sea:
Zuwpodorpys . . . dv ot pay “EAAnva, of 0& Trav éx THS brép Ty peyadyy
Ocraccav Are(pov Sppnnevov [raidd] pact, x7. dX. See Appendix V.
§ 1, and cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 275 n.
(b) Clemens Alexandrinus (a.p. 200) speaks of Zoroaster either
as a Mede or as a Persian, with an allusion incidentally to
Pamphylia: Strom. i. (tom. i. col. 773, ed. Migne), Zwpoderpyy rév
padyov tov Iépoyv; and Strom. i. (tom. i. col. 868, ed. Migne), Zwpo-
dotpys 6 Mijdos. Cf. again Strom. v. on Ildpudvdos. See Appendix
V. § 13 below.
(c) Origenes (A.D. 185-254), Contra Celsum i. (tom. i. col. 689, ed.
Migne), speaks of Zoroaster as a Persian—rov Wépoqv Zwpodorpyy.
See Appendix V. § 14.
(ad) Diogenes Laertius (flor. c. A.p. 210), de Vit. Philos. Procem.
2, writes of ‘Zoroaster the Persian,’ — Zwpodcrpyy tov Wépoyqv, —
and apparently bases various statements which he makes about
him on the authority of Hermodorus (s.c. 250?) and Xanthus of
Lydia (s.c. 500-450). The text should be consulted; see Appen-
dix V. § 15 below.
(e) Porphyrius (a.p. 233-304), de Antro Nymph. 6. 7, refers, at
190 APPENDIX IV
least, to Zoroaster’s retirement into a cave ‘in the mountains of Per-
sia’: Zwpodorpov abropues ompdaov év toils wAnoiov dpect THs Ilepoidos.
The context shows that the region of Persia ina general sense is
intended. See Appendix V. § 17, and cf. Windischmann, Mithra,
Abh. f. Kunde d. Morgenl. i. 62, Leipzig, 1857.
(f) Lactantius (about a.p. 300), Inst. 7.15, refers to Hystaspes
(Zoroaster’s patron) as an ancient king of Media, long antedating
the founding of Rome: Hystaspes quoque, qui fuit Medorum rex
antiquissimus (cf. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 6, and Windischmann,
Zor. Stud. p. 259, 293).
(g) Gregory of Tours (4.v. 5388-598), Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (col. 164
seq., ed. Migne), identifying Zoroaster with Chus (Cham or Ham),
places him among the Persians, to whom he is said to have immi-
grated: hic ad Persas transtit; hune Persae vocitavere Zoroastrem.
See Appendix V. § 37.
(h) Chronicon Paschale or Chron. Alexandrinum (a.p. 7th cen-
tury, but with spurious additions a.p. 1042), col. 148 seq., ed Migne,
has 6 Zwpdacrpos 6 dorpovduos Idprwy 6 repiBoynros. Again the allu-
sion is very general in sense. See Appendix V. § 39.
(i) It may be noted merely in passing that Georgius Syncellus
(about a.p. 800), Chron. i. p. 147, alludes to a Zoroaster who was
one of the Median rulers over Babylon more than a thousand years
before the Christian era. No emphasis need be laid upon the pas-
sage, nor any stress upon identifying the name necessarily with the
Prophet; the chief interest of the allusion consists in its showing
that the name Zoroaster was found in Media. See Justi, Grundriss
der iran. Phil. ii. 402; Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 302; Haug, A
Lecture on Zoroaster, p. 23, Bombay, 1865. Consult Appendix V.
§ 41 below.
(j) Suidas (about A.D. 970), s.v. Zwpoderpys, assumes a second
famous representative of the name, a Perso-Median sage (Iepoo-
uydSys, copés). This is evidently the Prophet. See Appendix V. § 45.
(k) Michael Glycas (flourished about a.p. 1150), Ann. Pars ii. col.
253, ed. Migne, repeats the statements current about Ninus, Semi-
ramis, and Zoroaster, whom he speaks of under the general term of
Persian, — Zwpéacrpos 6 repyBdytos Tepodv aorpovonos, — and he adds
several allusions to the magic art in Media and Persia: riv dorpovopiay
Aéyovrat mparov ebpyxévar BaBvdrdvior dia Zwpodorpov, Sevrepov dé edeEavro
of Aiydrrin; tiv S€ payeav edpoyv Mido, etra UWépoa. See Appendix
V. § 47.
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 191
Estimate of the Classical Allusions. — The classical allusions on
the subject of Zoroaster’s nationality are rather contradictory and
conflicting. They refer to Bactria on the one hand and to Media
and Persia on the other. The allusions to Persia are doubtless to
be taken in a broad and general sense. It will be noticed, moreover,
that the direct place of birth is not necessarily implied in these
national appellatives. In point of time, few of the classical passages
are much older than the more direct Oriental allusions; some of
them are even later. They are of value chiefly for bringing out
both sides of the question of eastern Iran and western Iran, and they
are of importance when checked by tradition or when used for
throwing additional light on tradition.
B. Oriental References to Zoroaster’s Place of Origin
—The Tradition
Laying the classical authorities aside, we may now have recourse
to the more direct Oriental tradition. For the most part the
Oriental material is either directly Iranian or it is Arabic matter
drawn from Iranian sources. This gives it a special value. The
statements on the subject may therefore be taken up in detail; the
allusions found in the Pahlavi or patristic writings of Zoroastrianism
will first be presented; these will then be elucidated further by
references in Arabic and Syriac authors; and, finally, they will be
judged in the light of the Avesta itself. If the Oriental citations be
examined critically, they will be found generally to be quite con-
sistent in their agreement on the place of Zoroaster’s origin.
Western Iran— Atropatene, Media— the Scene of Zoroaster’s Appear-
ance according to Oriental Sources
There is a general uniformity among Oriental writings which
touch on the subject in locating the scene of Zoroaster’s appearance
in western Iran, either in Adarbaijan (Atropatene) or in Media
Proper (Media Rhagiana). The city of Urmi (mod. Urumiah,
Oroomiah), Shiz, or the district round about Lake Oroomiah (Av.
Caécasta or Caécista), and Rai (Av. Ragha) are the rivals for the
honor of being his home. The sea of Caécista is the Galilee of
Zoroastrianism ; Shiz and Ragha, the Nazareth and the Bethlehem
of Iran. Urmi and Shiz represent Atropatene; Rai (Ragha) stands
for Media Proper.
192 APPENDIX IV
The rivalry between the two regions mentioned, and the associa-
tion of Zoroaster’s name, first with Media Atropatene (Adarbaijan),
and then with the Median Rai (Media Rhagiana), happily finds an
explanation in a remark made by Shahrastani (a.p. 1086-1153).
This Arab writer gives us the key to the problem when he says of
Zoroaster that ‘his father was of the region of Adarbaijin; his
mother, whose name was Dughdi, came from the city of Rai’?
This statement of Shahrastani is apparently vouched for by the
Dinkart (7. 2. 7-13), from which source we learn that Zoroaster’s
mother before her marriage with Pourushaspa (Périishasp6) resided
in a different district from the latter. As a girl she becomes filled
with a divine splendor and glory; the phenomenon causes her to be
suspected of witchcraft, and her father is induced by idolatrous
priests to send her from his home. She goes to Patiragtaraspé,
‘father of a family in the country of the Spitamas, in the district of
Alak (or Arak),’* where she marries Pourushaspa the son. This
district is probably connected with the ‘ Arag province’ (Zsp. 20. 4),
which latter is undoubtedly a part of Adarbaijan.* Furthermore,
by way of localization, we note that the village of Patiradgtardspo is
stated to have been situated in a valley (Dk. 7. 2. 11-13); and the
house of the son Pourushaspa, Zoroaster’s father, is elsewhere spoken
of as occupying the bank of the river Darej, which may have been
the home of the Prophet’s parents after they married.’
Lastly, by way of introduction, it must be noticed that there is an
old proverb in Pahlavi literature which characterizes anything that
is preposterous as something that could hardly happen ‘even if Rak
(or Ragh) and Notar should come together’ (Dk. 7. 2. 51; 7. 3.19;
Zsp. 16. 11-18, and cf. Dk. 7.3. 39). In Zsp. 16. 12-13, these proper
names, Ragh and Notar, are explained as ‘two provinces which are
in Atir-patakan (Adarbaijin), such as are at sixty leagues (para-
1See my article in JAOS. xv. 228.
2 See JAOS. xv. 228, and cf. Hyde,
Hist. Religionis vet. Pers. p.298 ; Gott-
heil, References to Zoroaster, p. 48
(bis) ; Darmesteter, SBE. iv. (2ded.),
p. 261, Le ZA. iii. 385, n. and Introd. p.
89, u. 2. See also p.17 above and p. 199.
5 Quotation from Dk. 7. 2.9 (West's
translation, SBE. xlvii. 20).
*On ‘Arag,’ consult West, SBE.
xlvii. 151, n.; and, slightly differently,
Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. Introd. p.
89, n. 2. West writes me, Nov. 1, 1897,
Ragh = Rak = Arak = Alak = Ay.
Ragha.
5 Bd. 20. 32; 24. 15; Zsp. 22. 12;
Vd.19.4; 19.11. Shahrastani speaks
of a mountain (Ism)uwiz-xar (read-
ing ?), in Adarbaijan, associated with
Zoroaster’s birth.
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 193
sang, i.e. 210 to 240 miles) from Cist;! Zaratisht arose from Ragh,
and Vishtaésp from Notar. And of these two provinces, Ragh was
according to the name of Ericé, son of Dirésrébo, son of Mantish-
cihar, from whom arose the race of Zaratisht; and Ndotar was
according to the name of Notar, son of Manishcthar, from whom
arose the race of Vishtasp.’?
So much by way of introduction. We may now proceed to dis-
cuss Adarbaijan (Atropatene) and Media (Media Rhagiana) respec-
tively.
1. Adarbaijan (Atropatene)
The connection of Zoroaster with Lake Caécista, Urumiah, Shiz,
and the territory round about, may be further illustrated by quota-
tions in Zoroastrian literature.
a. ALLUSIONS IN ZOROASTRIAN LITERATURE
The allusions to Adarbaijan will first be presented, and then an
attempt will be made to localize, if possible, the region known in
the Avesta as Airyana Vaéjah (Phl. Airdén-Véj), and the river called
Darej or Daraja.
(a) The Bandahishn places the home of Zoroaster in Airdn Véj,
by the river Daraja. Bd. 20. 32, Daraja rit pavan Atran Vej, minas
mint Péorisasp6 abitar-i Zaratust pavan bar yeheviint, ‘the Daraja
river is in Airan Véj, on whose bank (ba) was the abode of
Périishasp, the father of Zaratisht.’®
(b) The Bindahishn, in another passage, also states that Zoro-
aster was born near the Daraja River. Bd. 24. 15, Daraja rit rit-
baran rat, mamanas man-t abitari Zaratist pavan bala;* Zaratust
tamman zat, ‘the Daraja River is the chief of exalted rivers, for the
abode of Zaratisht’s father was upon its banks; and Zaratisht was
born there.’
1If we assume that Cist (Av. Caé-
cista) is Lake Urumiah, then ‘60 para-
sangs’ (210-240 miles) would place
Ragh and Notar considerably outside
of the boundaries of the present Adar-
baijan. So noticed by West (personal
letter, dated Nov. 1, 1897). This would
favor the common identification of
Ragh, the home of Zoroaster’s mother,
with the ruins of Rai.
2 Zsp. 16. 11-12 (West’s translation,
°
SBE. xvii. 146-147). In the Avesta,
Vishtaspa is of the family of Naotair-
yans, and so also is Hutaosa his wife.
Cf. Yt. 5.98; 15. 835 and SBE. xlvii. 80,
n. 1 and p. 70 above.
8 See also West, SBZ. v. 82, and p.
204 below.
4To be emended ; see the remarks
on the reading of the word by West,
SBE. v. 89, u. 6.
194. APPENDIX IV
(c) Zat-sparam, 22. 12, makes one of Zoroaster’s conferences with
the archangels to have taken place ‘on the precipitous bank of the
Dareja’ (pavan Darejin zbar). See West, SBE. xlvii. 162 n. There
can be little doubt that this assertion, like the unequivocal state-
ments of the Bindahishn, rests upon good old tradition; the three
allusions accord perfectly with hints which are found in the Avesta
itself.
(4) In the Avesta, Vd. 19. 4; 19. 11, we likewise learn that Zoro-
aster’s temptations by Ahriman, as well as his visions of Ormazd
and the archangels, took place, in part at least, upon the banks of
the river Darej, where stood the house of his father Pourushaspa:
Vd. 19. 4, Drajya patti zbarahi nmanahe Pourushaspahe, ‘by the
Darej, upon its high bank, at the home (loc. gen.) of Pourushaspa.’
Compare Phl. pavan Darejin zbar in the preceding paragraph. A
little farther on in the same chapter we read: Vd. 19. 11, parasat
Zarabustrs Ahuram Mazdam ... Drajya paiti zbarahe, Ahurai Maz-
dai vawhave, Vohu-Maite awhand, Asai Vahistai, XSabrai Vairyai,
Spantayat Armatae, ‘Zoroaster communed with Ahura Mazda on the
high bank of the Darej, sitting (?) before the good Ahura Mazda,
and before Good Thought, before Asha Vahishta, Khshathra Vairya,
and Spenta Armaiti.’?
With regard to localizations, there is good ground for believing
that Airan Véj (Av. Airyana Vaéjah) is to be identified in part at
least with Adarbaijan, and that the ancient Darej of the Avesta
(Phl. Daraja) is identical with the modern Daryai. The Daryai
Rud flows from Mt. Savalan (Sebilan), in Adarbaijan, northward
into the Aras (Araxes).? If the identification be correct and the
1 The reference to the elevation or
the precipitous bank of the river, Av.
zbarah, Phi. zbar, bar (cf. Skt. hvdras),
seems to be in accordance with the
tradition that Zoroaster retired to a
mountain for meditation ; see Vd. 22.
19, gairim avi spanté-frasnd, varaxam
avi spento-frasni, ‘to the mountain of
the two who held holy converse; to
the wood where the two (Ormazd and
Zoroaster) had holy communings.’
See similar ideas above, p. 34. If it
were not for the Pahlavi passages, one
might be inclined to render Av. zba-
rahi, ‘ata bend’ (of the river), or as
adj. ‘meandering’; cf. Skt. \/ hvar,
‘to be crooked, to wind’; or even the
idea ‘in a cave’ might be gotten ety-
mologically from the word; and the
cave played a part in Zoroastrian and
Mithraic mysteries. On the latter point
compare Windischmann, Mithra, pp.
62-64, in Abh. K. Morg. i. No. 1, 1857.
2 See also Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta
tr. SBE. iv. Introd. p. 49 (ist ed.).
For the river Aras (Araxes), see
de Harlez, Avesta traduit, p. viii. map ;
also the map of Persia by Philip
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 195
ancient Darej, Daraja, was in Atropatene, it is wholly in keeping
with what follows; for in this connection may be noticed a later
non-Iranian tradition which associates Zoroaster’s name with Shiz
(cf. Av. Caécista) and with Mt. Savalin. Consult the Map.
This tradition which supports the assumed identification Darej,
Daraja, Daryai, is found in the Arabic writer Kazwini (about a.p.
1263). The passage in which Kazwini speaks of Shiz in Adar-
baijan is as follows: ‘Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians, takes
his origin from here (i.e. Adarbaijan). It is said that he came from
Shiz. He went to the mountain Sabalan, separated from men. He
brought a book the name of which was Basta. It was written in
Persian, which could not be understood except with the assistance of
acommentator. He appeared, claiming the gift of prophecy, at the
time of Gushtasp, the son of Lohrasp, the son of Kai-Khusrau, king
of Persia.’? Mount Sabalin (Savalan) may be the Avestan ‘Mount
of the Holy Communicants,’ with a sacred tree perhaps (Vd. 22. 19,
gairim spanto-frasna, varasam spanté-frasnd), for Kazwini elsewhere
says of Sabalan: ‘It is related that the Prophet (4.e. Mohammed)
said: Sabalan is a mountain between Armenia and Adarbaijan.
On it is one of the graves of the prophets. He said further: On
the top of the mountain is a large spring, the water of which is
frozen on account of the severe cold; and around the mountain are
hot springs to which sick people come. At the foot of the mountain
is a large tree, and under this there is a plant to which no animal
will draw near. If it comes near it, the animal flees away; if it eat of
it, it dies.’ The religious character of the place, the mountain, the
tree, the springs, would answer well for the identification suggested
for the modern Daryai Rid in Adarbaijan.
This much having been prefaced with reference to Adarbaijan
and with regard to the river near which the Prophet probably
passed some of his early years, or in the neighborhood of which he
& Son (London), Rand & McNally
(New York), and especially by Keith
Johnson (Edinburgh and London) at
the end of this volume.
1 Kazwini, ii. p. 267, ed. Wiisten-
feld, Gottingen, 1848 (Gottheil, Refer-
ences to Zoroaster, p. 40); consult
also Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, tr.
SBE. iv. Introd. p. 49 (ist ed.),
where Rawlinson’s identification of
Shiz with Takht-i Suleiman is
noticed.
2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
p. 40.
8 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
pp. 41-42. According to Gottheil, the
tree appears also in connection with
Zoroaster in Syriac legends.
196 APPENDIX IV
may have been born (Bd. 24. 15), if not at Urumiah, we are next
prepared to take up the question of Airdén Véj.
Direct Iranian tradition explicitly connects the opening of Zoro-
aster’s prophetic career with Airyana Vaéjah of the Avesta, or Airan
Véj in Pahlavi. This land is sometimes regarded as mythical; but,
like a number of other scholars, I do not agree with that view. I
am inclined strongly to favor the opinion of those who think we
have good reason for believing that Airyana Vaéjah is to be localized
in the west of Iran, as the Pahlavi locates it, and that this also
points to the notion that Zoroaster originally came from that
direction eastward. The Bindahishn expressly connects Airan Véj
with Atropatene: Bd. 29.12, Airan Véj pavan kista Aturpatakan.
The present opinion of scholars tends to uphold this localization.
The river Darej, near which stood the house of Zoroaster’s father,
was in Airan Véj, as already stated, and an identification was accord-
ingly suggested. In the Avesta, moreover, Zoroaster is familiarly
spoken of as ‘renowned in Airyana Vaéjah’ (Ys. 9. 14, sriité airyene
vaéjahe). The Prophet is also there represented as offering sacrifice
in Airyana Vaéjah by the river Daitya (see below): Yt. 5. 104; 9.
25; 17. 45, airyene vaéjahi vawhuya daityaya. The Bindahishn
likewise alludes to the fact that Zoroaster first offered worship in
Airan Véj and received Métyomah (Av. Maiésydi-miha) as his first
disciple. The passage reads, Bd. 32. 3, ‘ Zaratiisht, when he brought
the religion, first celebrated worship in Airén Véj and Métyomah
received the religion from him.’? In the Dinkart also, as well as in
the Avesta, the river Daiti and its affluents in the land of Airan Véj
form the scene of Zoroaster’s first revelation and of certainly one of
his interviews with the archangels, the majority of which took place
in Atropatene ( Dk. 7. 3. 51-54; 4. 29; 8. 60; 9. 23; Zsp. 21.5; 21.
13; 22.2; 22.9).% Inthe later Persian Zartusht Namah, Zoroaster
passes the Daiti before he proceeds on his mission: to King Vishtasp.‘
1 Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 5-6; Geld- Phil. ii. 8389. Spiegel notices the ques-
ner, Grundr. d. iran. Phil. ii. 38; simi-
larly Justi, Spiegel, and de Harlez
make Media the home of the Avesta.
The strongest opponent of this view,
and warmest supporter of Bactria, is
Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur, Erlangen,
1882; Sitz. d. Kgl. bayr. Akad., Mai,
1884, and recently Grundr. d. iran.
tion of Airyanem Vaéjo in ZDMG.
xli. 289.
2 Cf. West, SBE. v. 141, and Justi,
Der Bundahesh, p. 79.
3 Cf. p. 40 seq., above.
4 See Eastwick’s translation in Wil-
son, Parsi Religion, p. 491.
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 197
The hallowed Daitya!—a sort of Iranian Jordan—was perhaps
a border stream between two territorial divisions; we recall that
Vishtaspa sacrifices ‘on the other side of it’ (cf. pasne, Yt. 17. 49)
as discussed elsewhere, p. 211. The proposed identification of the
Daitya and its affluents, with the modern Kizel Uzen, Spéd or Saféd
Rud and its tributaries in Adarbaijan has already been mentioned
as satisfying most of the conditions of the problem.?
8. Axtusions In MoHAMMEDAN WRITERS
Having examined the direct Iranian sources in the light of pos-
sible allusions to Atropatene, we may now turn to other material on
the subject. Mohammedan writers are almost unanimous in placing
the first part of Zoroaster’s prophetic career in Adarbaijan (Azar-
baijan) or in stating that he came originally from that region? The
traditions cluster about Urumiah (Urmi) and Shiz. The Arabic
name Shiz is the counterpart of an Iranian Ciz (from Caécista), or
Lake Urumiah.* The Arab geographer Yakit (a.p. 1250) describes
‘Shiz,a district of Azarbaijin ... which is believed to be the
country of Zaradusht, the prophet of the fire-worshippers. The
chief place of this district is Urmiah’;° and under Urmiah he
writes: ‘It is believed that this is the city of Zaradusht and that
it was founded by the fire-worshippers.’ §
There are a dozen other such statements which will be given
below, but before presenting them it will be well merely to note that
two or three Arabic authors allude to Zoroaster as being of Pales-
tinian origin, and they state that he came from that land to Adar-
baijan; and they proceed to identify him with Baruch, the scribe of
Jeremiah. This confusion is presumably due to their having con-
founded the Arabic form of the name Jeremiah, Armiah (as!)
1 Lit. the ‘river of the Law,’ on
which it was first promulgated.
2 See pp. 41, 211. The same sugges-
tion has been made tentatively by
West, SBE. v. 79 n.; but Justi, Gdr.
d. iran. Phil. ii. 402, proposes either
the Kur or the Aras. Similarly Dar-
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 6, n.
® The quotations in the following
paragraphs are made from the mono-
graph of my friend and colleague,
Gottheil, References to Zoroaster in
Syriac and Arabic Literature, Drisler
Classical Studies, New York, 1894
(Columbia University Press).
*See Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. p.
xxi, n. 2, and cf. Justi, Handbuch, s.v.
Caécasta.
5 See Barbier de Meynard, Dict. de
la Perse, extrait de Yaqout, Paris,
1861, p. 367.
* Thid. p. 26, 85.
198 APPENDIX 1V
with Zoroaster’s supposed native place Urumiah, Urmiah (xo fa
Having noticed this point we may present the Arabic and Syriac
allusions to Zoroaster’s native place, which are almost unanimous in
mentioning Adarbaijan (Azarbaijan).
(a) Ibn Khurdadhbah (about a.p. 816),’ Kitab al-Masalik wa’l
Mamdalik, p. 119 (ed. De Goeje, Leyden, 1889) writes of ‘Urmiah,
the city of Zarddusht, and Salamas and Shiz, in which last city
there is the temple of Adharjushnas, which is held in high esteem
by the Magians.’®
(b) Ahmad ibn Yahya al-Baladhuri (about a.p. 851) in his Hitab
Futih al-buldin (De Goeje, Liber Hxpugnationis Regnorum, p. 331.
1, Leyden, 1866), in mentioning the conquest of Adarbaijan, adds the
following note: ‘Urmiah is an ancient city (of Adarbaijan); the
Magians think that Zaradusht, their master, came from there.’ *
(c) Ibn al-Fakih al-Hamadhani (about a.p. 910), in his geo-
graphical account (ed. De Goeje, Leyden, 1885, p. 286) mentions as
cities of Adarbaijan: ‘Janzah, Jabrawdn, and Urmiah, the city of
Zaradusht, and Shiz, in which there is the fire-temple, Adhar-
jushnas, which is held in high esteem by the Magians.’*®
(d) Tabari (d. a.p. 923), in his history, gives considerable atten-
tion to Zoroaster; out of a number of allusions one passage may be
selected. It will be noticed, as explained above, pp. 38, 166, that
TabarI mentions a belief that Zoroaster was a native of Palestine
who came to Adarbaijan. In his Annales, Part I. p. 648 (Brill,
Leyden, 1881), the passage runs: ‘During the reign of Bishtasp
(Vishtasp) Zaradusht appeared, whom the Magians believe to be
their prophet. According to some learned men among the people of
the book (i.e. the Jews), he was of Palestinian origin, a servant
to one of the disciples of Jeremiah the prophet, with whom he was
a favorite; but he proved treacherous and false to him. Wherefore
1Cf. pp. 30, 166 above and Gottheil,
References to Zoroaster, p. 30, n. 2.
2 His father is stated to have been
a Magian, Gottheil, References to Zoro-
aster, p. 44.
§ Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
p. 44.
4 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
p. 33. It is not necessary at this point
to repeat also the allusion to ‘ Persia’
in the Christian patriarch Eutychius
of Alexandria (a.p. 876-939) when he
mentions Zoroaster. This author wrote
in Arabic; the passage is given above
in a Latin version in Appendix II. p.
168, and it may be found rendered into
Latin in Migne, Patrolog. Gr., tom. 111.
5 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
p. 44,
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 199
God cursed him, and he became leprous.1. He wandered to Adar-
baijan, and preached there the Magian religion. From there he went
to Bishtasp, who was in Balkh. Now when he (Zoroaster) had
come before him and preached his doctrine to him, it caused him to
marvel, and he compelled his people to accept it, and put many of
his people to death on its account. They then followed it (the
religion). Bishtasp reigned one hundred and twelve years.’ ?
(e) Masiidi (writing a.p. 943-944, died 951) states in his Meadows
of Gold: ‘Gushtasp reigned after his father (Lohrasp) and resided
at Balkh. He had been on the throne thirty years when Zardusht,
son of Espiman, presented himself before him... he (Zardusht)
was originally from Adarbaijan and he is ordinarily called Zardusht,
son of Espiman.’?
(f) Hamzah al-Isfahani (a.p. eleventh century) in his Annals, p. 22,
26 (Gottwaldt, Hamzae Ispahanensis Annalium, Libri x, Lipsiae,
1848) states: ‘While King Lohrasp was still living, the sovereignty
was handed over to his son Gushtasp; and in the thirtieth year of
Gushtasp’s reign, when he himself was fifty years old, Zardusht
of Adarbaijan came to him and expounded the religion to him.
He not only embraced the religion himself, but he also sent messen-
gers to the Greeks in behalf of this faith and invited them to
adopt it. They, on the contrary, produced a book which had been
given them by Feridin, in which it was agreed that they should be
allowed to keep whatsoever religion they had themselves chosen.’ *
(g) Shahrastani (born a.p. 1086) has the famous statement already
noticed, pp. 17,192: ‘They (the Zarddushtiya) are the followers of
Zaradusht ibn Birshasb (Purshasp), who appeared in the time of
King Kushtasf (Gushtasp) ibn Lohrasp; his father was from Adar-
baijan, and his mother, whose name was Dughdi, was from Rai.’$
According to Shahrastani the Prophet’s birth takes place in
Adarbaijan.
(h) Ibn al-Athir (a.p. 13th century) incorporates the greater part
of Tabari’s history into his Kitab al-Kamil fi al-ta‘arikh, with slight
4 After Gottwaldt’s Latin transla-
tion. See also Gottheil, References to
1Cf. p. 30 and Appendix II. p. 166.
2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
pp. 36-37.
3 From Masidi (Magoudi), Prairies
ad’ Or, Texte et traduction par Barbier
de Meynard, ii. p. 128. See Gottheil,
References to Zoroaster, p. 34.
Zoroaster, p. 33.
6 From the German translation by
Haarbriicker, i. p. 275 seq. ; see Got-
theil, References to Zoroaster, p. 48.
200 APPENDIX IV
additions from other sources, and with a more concise arrangement.
His account of Zoroaster closely follows Tabari’s lines, including
the statement regarding Zoroaster’s relation to Jeremiah,’ and his
wandering to Adarbaijan: ‘It is said, he adds, that he was a for-
eigner,? and that he had composed a book with which he went
around in the land. No one knew its meaning. He pretended that
it was a heavenly tongue in which he was addressed. He called it
Ashta.s He went from Adarbaijén to Faris (Persia). But no one
understood what was in it, nor did they receive him. Then he went
to India and offered it to the princes there. Then he went to China
and tothe Turks, but not one of them would receive him. They
drove him out from their country. He travelled to Ferghanah, but
its prince wished to kill him. From there he fled and came to
Bishtasp (Vishtasp), son of Lohrasp, who commanded that he be
imprisoned. He suffered imprisonment for some time.’?* And Ibn
al-Athir farther on relates: ‘Then Bishtasp caused Zaradusht, who
was in Balkh, to be brought to him. When he stood before the
king he explained his religion to him. The king wondered at it,
followed it, and compelled his people to do the same. He killed
a large number of them until they accepted (the new religion). The
Magians believe that he took his rise in Adarbaijan and that
he came down to the king through the roof of the chamber. In his
hand was a cube of fire with which he played without its hurting
him; nor did it burn any one who took it from his hands. He
caused the king to follow him and to hold to his religion, and to
build temples in his land for the fires. From this they lighted the
fire in the fire-temples.’ 5
(i) Yakit (about a.p. 1250) has already been cited, but the allu-
sions from Gottheil’s collection (p. 42) are added here for complete-
ness. The Kitab Mu‘jam al-buldan (vol. iii. p. 354, ed. Wistenfeld)
remarks of Shiz: ‘It is said that Zarddusht, the prophet of the
Magians, comes from this place. Its chief city is Urmiah.... In
it is a fire-temple which is held in great esteem. From it are lighted
the fires of the Magians from the east unto the west.’ Also, vol. i.
1 See comment on pp. 197-198. is implied in the Dinkart ; the impris-
2 Min al-‘ajam; probably a Persian onment is also familiar from the sto-
(Gottheil). ries in the Dinkart and Zartusht
8 Mistake for Abasta, Avesta. Namah, p. 62 above.
4The notion of Zoroaster’s wan- 5 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
derings is not inconsistent with what pp. 39-40.
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 201
p. 219, Yakut has: ‘Urmiah . . . people believe it to be the city of
Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians.’!
(j) Kazwini (about a.p. 1263), Cosmography, ii. p. 267 (ed. Wiis-
tenfeld, Géttingen, 1848), speaking of Shiz in Adarbaijan, recounts:
‘Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians, takes his origin from here.
It is said that he came from Shiz. He went to the mountain Saba-
lan, separated from men. He brought a book the name of which
was Basta. It was written in Persian which could not be under-
stood except with the assistance of a commentator. He appeared,
claiming the gift of prophecy, at the time of Kushtasp, the son of
Lohrasp, the son of Kai Khusrau, king of the Persians. He wished
to get to Bishtasp, but he did not succeed. Bishtadsp was sitting in
the hall of state, when the roof of the hall parted in two, and Zara-
dusht came down from it.’ And, after describing some of the details
of Vishtasp’s conversion, Kazwini concludes: ‘Zaradusht commanded
that fire-temples should be built in all the kingdom of Bishtasp. He
made the fire a Kibla, not a god. This sect continued to exist until
the prophet of God (Mohammed) was sent. They say that even
to-day a remnant of it is to be found in the land of Sajistan.’?
(k) The Syriac writer, Gregorius Bar “Ebhraya (about a.p. 1250)
in his Arabic Chronicon, p. 83 (ed. Salhani, Beirut, 1890), following
his Arab masters, says: ‘In those days (of Cyrus and Cambyses)
Zaradosht, chief of the Magian sect, by birth of Adarbaijan, or,
as some say, of Athdr (Assyria). It is reported that he was one of
Elijah’s disciples, and he informed the Persians of the sign of the
birth of Christ, and that they should bring him gifts.’§
(1) Abulfeda (a.p. 1273-1331), Annals, vol. iii. p. 58, as cited by
Hyde, states that Zoroaster arose in ( s”!) Urmi or (xa) Urmiah.
See Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 311 (1st ed.). Hyde discusses
other Arabic references, pp. 312-317. See below, Appendix VI. § 2.
Estimate of the Mohammedan Allusions. — According to the Arabic
statements one would be justified in assuming that Zoroaster arose
in Adarbaijan; there seems also to be a preponderance of state-
ments to the effect that Balkh was the scene of the Prophet’s con-
version of Vishtasp.
1 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 8 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
p. 42. p. 32.
2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,
pp. 40-41.
202 APPENDIX IV
2. Ragha, Rai (Media Rhagiana)
All the above traditional Oriental allusions have been unanimous
in placing Zoroaster’s origin in Adarbaijan, or Media Atropatene,
whether in Urumiah, Shiz, or on the river Darej. There are yet
two other passages, drawn from the Avesta, which connect Zoroas-
ter’s name with Ragha.
Ragha is generally identified with the city of Rai (Gk. ‘Pdya) of
Media, whose ancient ruins are still pointed out near modern Tehe-
ran. This was a famous city in antiquity, the ‘Rages of Media’ in
the O. T. Apocrypha.’ The Pahlavi texts seem to regard it as part
of Atir-pitakan.2 Perhaps the boundaries of Adarbaijan were
wider extended then than now, although Darmesteter suggests that
possibly there may have been a Ragha in Adarbaijan independent
of Rai This seems hardly necessary from what follows. We
must also remember that Raga in the Ancient Persian inscriptions
is a district or province, dahyu. The subject of Ragha requires
further discussion, but it may be stated at the outset that these
allusions, in any event, lend additional weight to the view of Zo-
roaster’s belonging originally to western Iran.
But before taking up the detailed question of Av. Ragha, Phi.
Ragh, Mod. Pers. Rai, it will be well to cite an extract from the
Dabistan, a work that is late in its present form (about a.p. 1650),
but a book which contains old traditions. The passage runs: ‘It is
generally reported that Zardusht was of Adarbaijan or Tabriz; but
those who are not Beh-dinians, or “true believers,” assert, and the
writer of this work has also heard from the Mobed Torru of Busa-
wari, in Gujarat, that the birthplace and distinguished ancestors of
the prophet belong to the city of Rai’* With this information we
may turn to the Avesta itself.
(a) The first of the two Avesta texts which evidently associate
Zoroaster’s name in some way with Ragha is Vd. 1. 15, and the Pah-
lavi version of the passage is interesting. The Avesta passage
reads: Vd. 1. 15, dvadasom asawhamca S6ibranamca vahistam frad-
10n ‘Rhage,’ see my article in + Dabistan, tr. Shea and Troyer, i.
Harper’s Dict. of Classical Antiqui- p. 263, Paris, 1848. The translator
ties, pp. 1369-1370, New York, 1897. adds a note that Rai is the most north-
2g. Zsp. 16. 12, West, SBE. ern town of the province Jebal, or
xlvii. 147, et al. Irak Ajem, the country of the ancient
8 Le ZA. ii. 18, n., 33. Parthians,
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 203
warasam azam yo ahurd mazdé rayem brizantim, ‘as the twelfth most
excellent of localities and places, I who am Ahura Mazda created
Ragha of the three races.’ The Pahlavi commentary renders, raki3
toxmak atir-patakdno, ‘Rak of three races, of Atir-pitakan,’! and
he adds the gloss, aétun min ré yemalelinéto, ‘some say it is Rai.’
Notice the footnote.?
(b) The second of the Avestan passages which connects the name
of Zoroaster with Ragha is in Ys. 19.18. Mention is there made of
five regular rulers, ‘the lord of the house, the village, the province,
and the country, and Zarathushtra as the fifth.’ This order, as the
text continues, holds good for all countries ‘except the Zarathush-
trian Raji (or Raghi; is it Rai?) ‘The Zarathushtrian Ragha
(Raya Zaradustris) has four lords, the lord of the house, the village,
the province, and Zarathushtra as the fourth.’ The text is
appended.
Ys. 19. 18, Kaya ratavd ? nmanyd visyd zantumd daihyums zara-
Oustrd puxdsd. aaham dahyunam ya any rajoit zaradustroit.
cabru-ratus raya zaradustris. kaya aivhaé ratavd ? nmanyasca
visyasca zantumasca zaradustré tuiiryd. This construction evi-
dently signifies that the Dahyuma, or governor, is everywhere the
supreme head, but there is acknowledged one who stands above him
as representative of the church, as well as state, the chief pontiff
Zoroaster (Zarathushtra), or ‘the supreme Zoroaster’ (Zarathushtro-
tema), as he is elsewhere termed (e.g. Ys. 26.1; Yt. 10. 115, etc.).
In the papal see of Ragha, however, the temporal power (Dahyuma)
and the spiritual lordship (Zarathushtra) are united in the one
person. For some reason Ragha is plainly the seat of the religious
government. The Pahlavi version (ad loc.) speaks of it in connec-
tion with Zoroaster as being ‘his own district’ (mata-i nafSman) ;*
the Sanskrit of Nérydsang glosses the allusion by asserting that
1Cf. Darab D. P. Sanjana, Pahlavi
Version of the Avesta Vendidad, p. 8,
Bombay, 1895.
2 Allusion has been made above
(p. 202) to the question of a Ragha in
Adarbaijan as possibly contrasted with
the ‘Paya of the Greek, or possibly to
a Raya Zarasustris different from Rai ;
cf. also the Anc. Pers. Raga as a dis-
trict or province, dahyu; but that is
uncertain.
8 See also Darmesteter, Le ZA. i.
p. 170.
4 Notice the use of ‘district,’ and
elsewhere Ragha is a region as well as
a town of Media. On Greek allusions
to ‘Pdya:, see also Haug, Ahuna-Vai-
rya-Formel, pp. 138-1384 (=45-46),
Miinchen, 1872, and the article which
is referred to on the preceding page
(p. 202, n. 1).
204 APPENDIX IV
Zoroaster was the fourth lord in this village, because it is his own
—tasmin grame yat sviyam Gsit asdu gurus’ caturtho bhit. Ragha
is plainly a centre of ecclesiastical power, as remarked above. This
fact is further attested by Yakit (i. p. 244), who says there was a
celebrated fortress ‘in the district of Dunbawand, in the province of
Rai’ (notice the latter expression), which was the stronghold of the
chief priest of the Magians.? If Ragha enjoyed such religious prom-
inence there must have been ground for it, and we recall what was
said above, in the Dabistan and Shahrastani’s statement, which con-
nects Zoroaster’s mother’s family with Rai.
(c) As a sequel to this, comes an interesting comment in the
Selections of Zat-sparam; this has already been noticed (p. 192), but
it is worthy of being taken up again at this point, for it is a sort of
Iranian adage like Macbeth’s Birnam wood and Dunsinane. In Zsp.
16. 11-12, an old proverbial affirmation is used to assert that some-
thing is impossible, and that it would not happen—‘not though
both the provinces of Ragh and Notar should arrive here together’;
and the explanatory comment on these proper names is added, ‘two
provinces which are in Atir-patakan, such as are sixty leagues
(parasang, ie. 210 to 240 miles) from Cist.? Zarattisht arose
from Ragh, and Vishtésp from Notar.’ The rest of the passage
and the Dinkart occurrences of the proverb have been given above
(pp. 192-193), and should be consulted.
Ragh (Av. Ragha) like Arabic Shiz is evidently a territorial
designation as well as a town title, and certainly the Prophet’s
family on the maternal side came from there, if we are to place any
reliance on tradition. Now, if the Prophet was born in a city of
Adarbaijan, whether in Urumiah, in the region of Shiz (Av. Caécista,
prob. Urumiah), or on the Darej River —and even Ragh itself appears
frequently in Pahlavi to have been regarded as a part of this land —
it is by no means unlikely that a man with a mission like Zoroaster
would have been drawn to so important a place as Ragha was in
antiquity, especially if it was the home of his mother. All which
would account for the association of the names together. An attempt
has been made by the present writer, in JAOS. xv. p. 228-232, more
fully to amplify this connection of Raghé with Zoroaster’s teaching
1Cf. Spiegel, Neriosengh’s Skt. Ue- Dict. de la Perse, p. 33; Darmesteter,
bersetz. des Yacna, Leipzig, 1861, p.99. SBE. iv. p. xlviii, (1st ed.).
2 See Gottheil, References to Zoro- 3 It is important to consult the foot-
aster, p. 46, n.; Barbier de Meynard, note on p. 193.
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 205
and preaching, especially by an attempted explanation of the word
rajis in Ys. 53.9.1 But the passage and the commentary alike are
difficult, and enough has been said already to show Zoroaster’s con-
nection with this region.
Conclusion as to Zoroaster’s Native Place. — Zoroaster arose in
western Iran. Apparently he was born somewhere in Adarbaijan.
The places specially mentioned are Urumiah, Shiz (Av. Caécista,
prob. anc. Urumiah) and the river Darej. His mother’s family was
connected with Ragha, which accounts for associating his name with
that place; but it is not clear that this was the Median Rai (Paya:
of the Greeks) although it was in the west. The latter seems to
have been a district as well as town, and is sometimes regarded as
a part of ancient Atir-patakan. Zoroaster’s youth was also cer-
tainly passed in western Iran.
II. SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY
General Remarks
The question regarding Zoroaster’s native place may be looked
upon as having been answered by placing it in western Iran, at
least on the basis of present evidence and opinion. The question
as to the scene or scenes of his religious activity, however, is
a more unsettled problem. The uncertainty is doubtless due to the
conditions of the case; missionary work by a reformer is not con-
fined to a single field. Taking a general view, however, as stated
on p. 186, scholars are divided between Media, in the broader sense,
and Bactria, with a preponderance perhaps in favor of the former.
The present writer has elsewhere maintained the ground that both
sides of this question are possibly correct, in part, and that the con-
flicting views may be combined and reconciled on the theory that
the reformer’s native place was not necessarily the scene of his
really successful prophetic mission.? In other words, the opinion
was held that Zoroaster may have been a prophet without honor in
his own country; that he arose, indeed, in western Iran, probably
somewhere in Atropatene; that he presumably went at one time to
1 First suggested by Geldner, KZ. 2 Jackson, Where was Zoroaster’s
xxviii. 202-203, and further discussed Native Place? JAOS. vol. xv. pp.
by the present writer in the article 221-232, New Haven, 1891.
alluded to in the next note.
206 APPENDIX IV
Ragha (perhaps Media Rhagiana), but on finding this an unfruitful
field he turned at last to Bactria. Under the patronage of Vishtaspa,
his faith became an organized state religion; and then it spread,
possibly through religious crusades, westward to Media and Persia.
Progress was rapid; the fire of religious zeal was contagious; the dis-
trict of Ragha, which was once a hot-bed of heresy (upard-vimandhim),
became the head of the established faith of Media. Persia follows
suit when she rises into power. That at least was suggested at the
time —in other words that we have an earlier instance of the same
story as Mohammed, or Mecca and Medina.
Such a view, however, is mere theory or speculation, at least so far
as Bactria and the exact spreading of the Creed is concerned. Never-
theless it is not speculation built entirely upon baseless fabric. It
has this in its favor, that it is based upon a combination of various
statements in Zoroastrian literature which may be united with Arabic
and Syriac material, and with Latin and Greek references, so as to
make, in part at least, a fairly solid structure. The assumption of a
double scene for Zoroaster’s life, first for his birth and earlier years,
and second for his later years and death, has also been inferred by
others, naturally from the tradition. It has an advantage in saving
several points of tradition which would otherwise fall; but it is open
to several serious objections which will be pointed out as the investi-
gation proceeds. For the present, it will be a better plan simply to
bring forward both sides of the question, the eastern and the western
view, and to reserve final decision for later. The Bactrian side will
first be presented; the arguments in favor of Media will then be
arrayed to offset this.
Before proceeding to the discussion, it is proper to recall that we
have no direct evidence to prove that Zoroaster spent the first thirty
years of his life anywhere but in his native land, if we assume that
to be Adarbaijan. At the age of thirty came the Revelation, the
opening of his ministry, and the first of the seven visions that filled
the ten or twelve years which elapsed until Maidhydi-maonha adopted
the creed, and King Vishtaspa was converted. The whole of this
question has been examined in Chapter IV. As it was there stated
1So Anquetil du Perron, Zend- view (but with modification), Spiegel,
Avesta, T. i. pt. 2, pp. 5, 29. (An- Eran. Altertumsk. i. 708, ii. 171. On
quetil’s Mem. de V Acad. des Bel. Lett. the other hand, notice what is said by
T. xxxi. p. 870 seq., as noted also by Geiger, OI. pp. 488-492.
Kanga, Extracts, p. 55.) <A similar
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 207
we have information from the Dinkart (see pp. 43-46 above), that
Zoroaster went and preached before the Turanian Adrvaita-dang
after the first conference with Ormazd; furthermore, that he ex-
pounded the tenets of his faith to Parshat-giu in Sagastan. From
this it is manifest that during the first two years he must, at all
events, have been in the east, apparently both northeast and south-
east, even if one maintains the view that Vishtaspa lived nearer to
the region of his own native land.
This tradition of wanderings to remote lands is in keeping with
the Gatha psalm of dejection, Kam naméi zam, kubra& namdi ayeni,
‘to what land am I to turn, whither am I to turn,’ Ys. 46. 1 seq.
An echo of it, moreover, as already stated (p. 200), is perhaps to
be recognized in Ibn al-Athir, who recounts how Zoroaster goes
from Adarbaijan to Persia, then to India,! China, Turkestan,
Ferghanah, and that he finally converts Vishtaspa, who seems in
this account to be in the east. Perhaps these statements regarding
India are due to Zoroaster’s having been in Sagastan or Seistan (see
also footnote below) which forms part of the territory of White
India.2, It may be noticed that Ammianus Marcellinus also makes
Hystaspes (or is it Zoroaster) pass some time studying in India
(see Appendix II., p. 167). So much for the two years that fol-
lowed the first ecstatic vision, and which correspond to different
scenes in Zoroaster’s missionary labors!
By the close of this period, Zoroaster appears to have wended his
way gradually back again toward his native country, as may be
inferred from the different localities in which the visions of the next
eight years took place. Consult the Map. The second, third, and
fourth visions took place on the homeward route to the south of the
Caspian Sea, if the identifications in Chapter IV. be correct. The
fifth and sixth visions were beheld in the region of the river Daitya
and Mount Asnavant (Mount Sahend and the Kizel Uzen; ef. pp. 41,
48). Finally, the last interview with the archangels was manifested
to him at his own home on the river Darej (pp. 34, 49, 194), which
would agree with the Avesta (Vd. 19. 4,11), as this vision is also
associated with the temptation by Ahriman. But now for the Bac-
trian question !
1Js it Sagastan (Parshat-giu) and 2On ‘ White India,’ the provinces
Turan (Airvaita-dang)? Cf. p. 39,n. of Iran which border upon India, see
labove. See also next note and Darmesteter, Ze ZA. ii. 4,18, n., and
references. cf. above, pp. 44, n. 4, 72, n. 3, 87, n.
1, 178, and p. 210.
208 APPENDIX IV
1. Bactria and the Hast, or the View that Zoroaster’s Ministry was in
Eastern Iran
Irrespective of the question of the scene of Zoroaster’s activity,
the whole problem of the home of the Avesta itself, as a literary
composition and religious work, has long been a common subject of
discussion.! The assumption of a Bactrian kingdom which ante-
dated the Median empire, or at least preceded the rise of the Achae-
menian power, has generally been maintained by scholars, especially
by the historian Duncker.? Criticisms of this view will be men-
tioned later; but it is important to notice that one of the strongest
supporters of an eastern Iranian civilization, judging from geo-
graphical and ethnographical allusions in the Avesta, is the Iranist,
Wilhelm Geiger.®
The Avesta itself does not give any definite statement with
respect to the situation of Vishtaspa’s capital, nor do the Pahlavi
texts, to be discussed below, seem more explicit. Nevertheless, the
Avestan geographical allusions tend to gravitate toward the east,
rather than toward the west.* The heroic sagas of the royal line of
kings in the Avestan Yashts are located for the most part in the
east. According to the Zamyad Yasht (esp. Yt. 19. 66-69), the
home of the Kavi dynasty is in Seistan, and this is important to con-
sider because of its bearing on the claim for the east and for Bactria.
Firdausi, a native of Tis, moreover, places the scene of the Vish-
taspa-Gushtasp cycle in eastern and northeastern Iran, as will be
more fully explained below.’ According to Firdausi (Dakiki),
Yakut, Mirkhond, and others, Balkh was founded by Vishtasp’s
father, Lohrasp.6 On the Greco-Bactrian coins is found an
1¥For some bibliographical refer-
ences, see p. 186.
2 Geschichte des Alterthums. iv. 15
seq. ; Ndldeke, Persia, in Encyclope-
dia Britannica, xviii. 561 (9th ed.) ;
Tomaschek, Baktria, Baktriane, Bak-
trianot, in Pauly’s Real-Encycl. ii.
col. 2806 seq. (neue Bearb.).
3 Ostiranische Kultur, Erlangen,
1882; Vaterland wu. Zeitalter des Avesta
in Sitzb. d. K. B. Acad., May, 1894;
Grundriss d. iran. Phil. ii. 389. This
view is criticised by Spiegel, ZDMG.
xxxy. 636, and rejected, ZDMG. xli.
292-296; cf. also in Sybel’s Histor.
Zeitschr. N. F. 8.1 seq. Again, it is
opposed by de Harlez, Das alter und
Heimath des Avesta, in BB. xii. 109
seq.; cf. also Abh. d. Berliner Or. Con-
gress, ii. 270-277. The arguments in
favor of Bactria from the classics are
most strongly presented by Rapp,
ZDMG. xix. 27-33 (1865).
4 Geldner, Gdr. d. iran. Phil. i. 38.
5 See also Noldeke in Gdr. d. iran.
Phil. ii. 131.
6 Firdausi, Livre des Rois, tr.
Mohl, iv. 224; Yakit in Barbier de
¥
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 209
APOOACNO (i.e. Aurvat-aspa, Lohrasp), evidently as heros epony-
mos of the place.’ Albiriini states that ‘ Balkh was the original resi-
dence of the Kayanians,’ and Mirkhond speaks of Lohrasp as ‘the
Bactrian.’* Tabari similarly states that Lohrasp ‘established his
residence at Balkh,’ where he places the seat likewise of Lohrasp’s
son and successor, Vishtasp;* yet it must not be forgotten in this
connection that Tabari also considers Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus to
have been generals under Lohrasp and Vishtasp.* Mastidi joins in
regarding Balkh as the royal capital until the seat of government
was transferred westward to Irak in the time of Himai® Other
Persian and Arabic chroniclers and geographers place the seat of
the Kayanian empire, at the time of Lohrasp and Vishtasp, in Bac-
tria, i.e. to the north of Seistan, and there is a tradition about a
portrait of Zoroaster at Balkh, as will be noticed in Appendix VII.
The author of the Zartusht Namah and the Cangranghacah Namah,
who was himself a native of Rai, localizes the scene of the meeting
between Zoroaster and Vishtasp in Balkh, where he also represents
the famous debate between Zoroaster and the Brahman Cangrang-
hacah to have taken place (cf. p. 85 seq. above). This is interesting
when we consider that the writer came from the west and from a
city which was so closely associated with Zoroaster’s name; he must
have had some strong tradition to that effect; his work, moreover,
is known to be based upon Pahlavi authorities.6 In the Dinkart,
the meeting took place first on a ‘race-course’ (aspanvar), but the
locality is not indicated, cf. p. 59, n. 2 above. From the Pahlavi
treatise ‘Wonders of Sagastan’ it appears that at one time (perhaps
after his conversion) Vishtaspa had conferences with Zoroaster and
his apostles in Seistén—see passage translated below, p. 212.
Meynard’s Dict. de la Perse, p. 112;
Mirkhond, Hist. of Pers. Kings, tr.
Shea, London, 1832.
1 See Tomaschek’s article, Baktria,
in Pauly’s Real-Encyclopaedie, ii. col.
2812-2813. Consult Stein, Zoroastrian
Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins in
Babyl. and Or. Record, i. 157 seq.;
notice a dissenting view by Darme-
steter, Le ZA. ii. 482.
2 Albiriini, Chronology, tr. Sachau,
p. 100, London, 1879, and Mirkhond,
tr. Shea, pp. 59, 264, 272.
8 Tabari, Chronique de Tabart, tra-
P
duite sur la version persane d’ Abou-Ali
Mo'hammed Bel‘ami, par Zotenberg, i.
p. 491 seq.; cf. similar allusions in Gott-
heil, References to Zoroaster, pp.386-40.
4 Furthermore, for the destruction
of Jerusalem by Lohrasp (!), see
Maiég-i khirat, 27. 64-67, tr. West,
SBE. xxiv. 64-65, and Yakit in Bar-
bier de Meynard’s Dict. de la Perse,
p. 369. See also p. 91, n. 2 above.
5 Macoudi, Les Prairies d@’Or, tr.
Barbier de Meynard, ii. p. 120.
6 Zartusht Namah, tr. Eastwick, in
Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 498.
210 APPENDIX IV
To return to Firdausi. As mentioned above, the Shah Namah
connects Lohrasp with Balkh, and describes how the youthful Vish-
tasp quits the realm and passes the first years of his life in the
west, in Rim (the Byzantine Empire). He returns from thence to
assume the sceptre of authority. It is not specifically stated that
the years which directly followed were actually passed in Balkh,
but it is certain that the last part of his reign is regarded as being
passed there. Lohrasp himself lives there in retirement after
Vishtasp had mounted the throne, and the lapse of time is shown
also by the fact that Zoroaster is now spoken of as an old man
(Pers. pir)? Perhaps Vishtaisp formed a link between the east and
the west, if the texts seem to imply a break in the regular succes-
sion as he came to the throne; see p. 223, n. 1 below.
At this point we may turn again to our earlier Iranian sources.
As previously observed, neither the Avesta nor the Pahlavi writings
are explicit in their statements as to the situation of Vishtaspa’s
capital. The Dinkart, it is true, speaks several times of the ‘abode’
(man), ‘residence’ (baba), or ‘lofty residence’ (buland mani§no) of
Vishtasp, but there is nothing precise as to the location.? The gen-
eral allusions to Notar, moreover, have already been noticed above,
p. 192, and they will be referred to again, p. 222. The nearest
approach in the Avesta to a definite statement regarding Vishtaspa’s
whereabouts is found in two references to places where he offers
sacrifice for victory in battle over Arejat-aspa in the holy war of the
Religion, or when on a religious crusade. One of these sacrifices is
offered ‘on the farther side of the water of Frazdanava’ (Yt. 5. 108,
pasne apam frazdanaom) for victory over three unbelievers one of
whom is the inveterate foe, Arejat-aspa (Yt. 5. 109, Taéryavantam
duadaénam | Pasanamea daévayasnam | drvantamca Arajat-aspam).'
But in Yt. 9. 29 = Yt. 17. 49, the same sacrifice is offered again by
Vishtaspa for victory over exactly the same three foes, but includ-
ing also the names of a number of other enemies; and (important
to keep in mind) the sacrifice of this latter passage is not celebrated
1 See pp. 72-73. cludes India among the lands to which
2 See also Mohl, tr. iv. 2938. Vishtasp spread the gospel of Iran (cf.
8 Compare note on p. 58. Mohl, iv. pp. 843-344; and above, p.
4It might possibly be suggested that 84 seq.; observe likewise Darmesteter,
we have in the name Tathryavant a Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 90). But such a
distant allusion to the Tantra philoso- conjecture could add little in favor of
phy of India; the Shah Namah in- the eastern view.
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 211
near the Frazdanava, but is offered up on the farther side of the
river Daitya. Still further, Vishtaspa’s brother Zairivairi (Zarir),
who is mentioned directly after Vishtaspa’s sacrifice by the Frazda-
nava in the earlier passage, likewise offers similar worship on the
same spot (Daitya), with an identical wish (Yt. 5. 112-113, pasne
apo Déityaya); and directly afterwards in the same Yasht (Yt. 5.
116) Arejat-aspa invokes the same divinity near Vourukasha (Caspian
Sea) for victory over Vishtaspa. This latter point will be taken
up hereafter, pp. 212-218.
It is necessary to comment anew on the suggested identification of
these places. From the discussion above, pp. 41,197, it is to be inferred
that the Daitya was a sort of border stream in the west, to be identified
with the Kizel Uzen or Saféd Rid. The river Kizel Uzen is the
classic "Apapdos of Ptolemaeus, in Atropatene, and Andreas describes
it as a natural ‘markscheide.’1 The Avestan word pasne is appar-
ently used with a river name like the Latin usage of trans in Trans-
Rhenanus (opp. Cis-Alpinus), compare the modern Iranian designation
of Bid-Pis, ‘before the rivers,’ as opposed to Bia-Pas, ‘back of the
rivers,’ used in the adjoining territory of Gilin.? The various streams
which flow into the river to-day would answer to the tributaries of
the Daitya that are mentioned in the Dinkart and Zat-sparam?
This is the river of the ‘ Law,’ and the river which Zoroaster appar-
ently crosses on his way to convert Vishtasp.*
The Frazdanava, on the other hand, is to be sought in Seistan,
in the east, if we accept the statement of the Bindahishn (Bd. 22. 5),
and is probably to be identified with the Ab-istadah lake, south of
Ghazni” Being a member of the Kayanian line, Kavi Vishtaspa
1 Andreas, Amardos, in Pauly’s _ trasted with Pourushaspa’s dwelling on
Real-Encyl., neue Bearb., Stuttgart,
1894, vol. i. col. 1735, 1. 44.
2 Refer to Andreas, loc. cit. Il. 60-61,
whose transcription ‘ Bid-Pi8’ is here
followed. Cf. also de Morgan, Mission
Scientifique en Perse, i. 209.
8 Dk. 7. 3. 51-56; Zsp. 21. 5, 22.9.
I believe that in Dk. 7. 20. 30, we are
to read mayd-i ¥ét (not Ddit), as noted
by West, SBE. xlvii. 25, n. 2, and
compare the Shét river of Bd. 20. 7,
SBE. v.77; although there would be
no real inconsistency in Dait, as con-
the Darej, as that may have been the
home to which he removed after his
marriage ; see suggestion on p. 192.
4 Zartusht Namah, p. 491.
5 This view is opposed to Lagarde’s
Hrazdan in Armenia (Beitrige zur
baktr. Lex. p. 28), but I agree with
Geiger’s estimate of Hrazdin in OIK.
p. 108. The identification of Frazda-
nava with Ab-istédah is mentioned by
West (SBE. v. 86, n.3) as being from
Justi (see his Handb. der Zendsprache,
p. 197 b), although Justi now seems
212 APPENDIX IV
is naturally associated with Seistan and Lake Frazdin. The Pahlavi
treatise, ‘Wonders of the Land of Sagastan,’ makes Seistan the
place of Vishtasp’s first religious propaganda, and apparently also a
place where Vishtasp conferred with Zoroaster and other apostles of
the Faith, on matters of religious importance! I am indebted to Dr.
West’s kindness for a translation of the ‘Wonders’; the passage
(Wond. of Sag. § 6) reads: ‘King Vishtasp produced the progress
of religion on Lake Frazdan, first in Sagastan, and afterwards in the
other provinces; also King Vishtasp, in conference with Zaratisht,
and Séné6, son of Ahimstit of Bist,’ because his disciples of Zara-
tisht have been the first in his long discipleship, (made) the various
Nasks proceed in a family of the good, for the purpose of keeping
the religion of Sagastan progressive for being taught.’ We remem-
ber also that Zoroaster went in his earlier years to Seistan to preach
to Parshat-gau (pp. 44-45). According to Firdausi, King Vishtasp
(Gushtasp) was engaged upon a religious crusade in Seistan and
Zabilistan,? and was at the abode of the old hero Rustam, who still
held out against conversion to Zoroastrianism, when the Turanians
under Arjasp stormed Balkh, slew Lohrasp in battle before the
walls, and killed Zoroaster.* Vishtasp returns from Seistan for
the finally routing of Arjasp.*
It must be acknowledged that the twofold sacrifice by Vishtasp,
once on the Frazdinava and once on the Daitya, causes some diffi-
culty in connection with the identification of scenes in the Holy
Wars. As already observed, the Frazdanava sacrifice, when placed
in Seistan, certainly refers to the second and final invasion. The
rather to incline toward the view of 8 Ci. Mohl, tr. iv. pp. 355, 456 ; and
Hrazdan in Armenia, judging from
Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, pp. 256-257.
Geiger, OIK. p. 108, notices the iden-
tification of Frazdanava with the Ab-
istadah, but he prefers to explain the
matter differently.
1See West in Gdr. d. iran. Phil. ii.
118.
2 Dr. West notes that this place is
described by the pseudo Ibn-Haukal
as on the river Hérmand, between
Ghor and the lake (see Ouseley’s Ori-
ental Geography, p. 206) ; it was there-
fore in Seistan.
also Vullers, Fragmente iiber Zoroas-
ter, Bonn, 1831, p. 97 and p. 125,
n. 62.
4 Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-Lan-
dauer, iii. pp. 1559-1560 ; but there is
some uncertainty owing to a variation
in the reading. Thus, Kih in hérbadra
kih kust; and again, cira hérbadra bi-
kuxt ; but a few lines further on (p.
1560) the death is proved by hérbadra
hamah sar zadand.
5 Mohl, iv. 854, 355, 365.
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 213
Daitya sacrifice, we may presume, refers to the first invasion, if we
make the twofold division mentioned on p. 105; but it is not easy
to reconcile this with the assumption that the scenes of the first war
belong rather to the territory of Merv (p.114). Perhaps the Daitya
sacrifice is not to be pressed as referring to a special incident, and
perhaps the prayer was general; or Vishtasp was crusading in the
west at the time; history offers examples of a Christian king of
Europe offering up his prayers in the land of the Saracens. Dar-
mesteter* does not seem to think it imperative to take the Daitya
sacrifice too seriously in the face of the Frazdanava passage which
gives a scene located in Seistdn; or, he thinks, the Daitya allusion
may be a reminiscence of the Median origin of Vishtaspa himself.
Nevertheless, there is a certain discrepancy which must fairly be
noticed, and having stated the difficulty we may turn to such argu-
ments as can be brought up to show that Vishtaspa’s foe, Arejat-
aspa, belongs rather to the east than to the west. This introduces
the problem of the situation of Arejat-aspa’s kingdom, and the
scene of the Holy Wars already alluded to.
In the Avesta, Arejat-aspa is a Hyaonian (Av. H'yaona, Phl. Xydn).?
The name h-yaona, according to the ordinarily accepted view, is iden-
tical with the nation of the classic Chionite.? The identification,
however, has been doubted by some. The subject is commented on
by Darmesteter,* and especially by Geiger, and both of these schol-
ars think (as well as Justi, see footnote) that there is authority
also for the tradition which places the Hyaonians toward the east,
even if they were located in the Gilan territory in the time of
Ammianus Marcellinus (19.1.2). The Shah Namah tradition cer-
tainly looks upon Arjasp as a Turanian, and places his kingdom
on the other side of the Jihtin (Oxus), and it makes him despatch
envoys from the city of Khallakh to Vishtasp (Gushtasp) in Balkh.®
In the native lexicons, according to Vullers, Khallakh or Khallukh
1 Le ZA. iii. p. lxxxiii.
2 See Yt. 9. 30-31, 17. 50-51, 19. 87,
and the references on p. 104, n. 2.
8 Spiegel in Sybel’s Histor. Zeit-
schrift, N. F. 8, p. 18; also other
writers as noted below.
4 Darmesteter does not seem certain
of it in Le ZA. iii. p. lxxxiii seq. ; cf.
also Geiger in Sitzb. d. K. B. Acad.,
1884, p. 328 seq., and in his Ya@tk@r in
Sitzb., Mai, 1890, p. 75. Justi allows
also the possibility of placing the
Hyaonians in the east on the author-
ity of Joshua the Stylite ; see Preuss.
Jahrb. Bd. 88, p. 256 ; but Justi favors
the west.
5 Firdausi, Livre des Rois, tr. Mohl,
iv. pp. 302, 303, 319, 326 bis, 342, 360,
441, 459, 548, 558.
214 APPENDIX IV
(, Js) is described as ‘a great city in Turkestan in the district of
Khatai’! In any case, it is evident that the kingdoms of Arjasp
and Vishtasp cannot have been far separated from each other.
The question of the invasion or invasions may now be taken up.
According to the sources which the Shih Namah must have made
use of (and we may infer the same from the Dinkart and Zat-spa-
ram)? there were, apparently, two separate invasions by Arjasp,
although the Avesta seems to speak of the war singly as ‘the War
of Religion.’ The special chapter above on this subject (Chap. IX.)
should be consulted. The Yatkar-i Zariran alludes only to what we
may regard as the first of Arjasp’s wars, and lays the scene in the
neighborhood of the plain of Merv.’ Similarly, in this connection,
the Shah Namah speaks of the Jihtin or Oxus, and the territory
adjacent‘ (consult the Map). The scene of the battles of the
second war was Khorassan, if we follow the Shah Namah and
notice an incidental allusion in the Biandahishn.? The circum-
stances of Arjasp’s second invasion need not be repeated; see
Chapter IX. If we follow the Shah Namah we may presume that
Vishtaspa, after receiving news of the storming of Balkh, started
from Seistan to join the forces of his son, Farshidvard, whom he had
appointed ruler of Khorassin. The first meeting between Vishtasp
and the invader Arjasp may therefore have resulted in an engage-
ment in Khorassan. From Firdausi, we may judge that this open-
ing engagement of the second war, which is evidently counted as a
part of the Balkh misfortune, was not successful for the Iranians.‘
An attempt may be made to locate the scene.
Now, the Bahman Yasht (3. 9), when speaking of three distinct
times of crisis and trial in the history of the Religion, says: ‘the
second was when thou, O Zaratisht the Spitaman! receivedst the
Religion, and hadst thy conference, and King Vishtasp and Arjasp,
miscreated by Wrath, were, through the War of the Religion, in the
combat of Spét-razhtr (“the hoary forest”) ;’ and the text adds a
1Vullers, Fragmente tiber Zoroas-
ter, p. 121, where the Persian is quoted,
and Lexicon Persicum, i. 706, 714.
See also Steingass, Persian-English
Dictionary, pp. 467, 471.
2 See chronological scheme by West,
SBE. xlvii. p. xxx.; cf. Appendix III.
8 YZ. § 12.
# Mohl, tr. iv. 309.
5 Bd. 12. 32-34, given in full on
p. 216.
§ Notice that the Bindahishn (Bd.
12. 33) acknowledges an occasion
where there was ‘confusion among
the Iranians,’ but they were ‘saved’;
cf. p. 216 below.
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 215
comment: ‘some have said it was in Pars.’! The Avesta mentions
the ‘ White Forest,’ but not in connection with Arejat-aspa’s name.
The Spaéitita Razura in the Avesta, is the amphitheatre of the great
conflict between the earlier Iranian king, Haosrava, and his enemy,
Aurvasara.? According to Justi, the White Forest is in Kohistan,
a part of Khorassan (lat. 33, long. 59; consult Map), between Kain
and Birjand. As a mere conjecture, in order to endeavor to recon-
cile difficulties, it might be suggested that we have here an allusion,
perhaps, to the engagement that preceded the last in the war. In
other words, as the White Forest seems to have been a designation
covering a good deal of territory, it might be argued that Vishtasp
pushed onward, then northward to the mountains of Nishaptir and
Mesh-hed, not far from the high citadel where his son Isfendiar was
confined.
This citadel, as related by the Shah Namah, was the mountain
fortress of Gumbadan or Gunbedan (yO ).* Its location is
in Khorassan,> for this fastness of Isfendiar is evidently Mount
Spento-data of the Avesta (Yt. 19. 6), and Spend-yat of the Pahlavi
(Bd. 12. 2, 23), situated on the ‘Var of Révand,’ which latter has
been identified with the Bar mountains, northwest of Nishadptr, in
an interesting article by Houtum-Schindler.6 The Bandahishn
adds details of the battle that enable us still further to locate the
scene where Vishtasp himself had to take refuge in a mountain in
Khorassan, where he was beleaguered,’ until the heroic Isfendiar is
released from his chains and gains the victory. All this has been
described above (p. 119 seq.), but the Bindahishn passage is impor-
tant enough to repeat it again in full:—
1 West, SBE. v. 218. As for the 4 Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-I an-
usage of ‘ Pars,’ it must be remembered
that Sagastan itself is spoken of asa
part of Pars in Pahlavi literature (Bd.
12. 9, 20. 29; see SBE. v. pp. 37,
81).
2Yt. 15. 31-82; cf. Yt. 5. 49-50;
Yt. 19. 77.
8 Justi, Namenbuch, p. 42, ‘ Aurwa-
sara, Konig am Weissen Wald, d. i.
Dascht-i Beyat im Kohistan von Qain
und Birjand, Gegner des Kawa Hus-
rawa (Kai Xusrau), Yt. 15. 31. Sya
waSnameh, 252.’
dauer, iii. p. 1550, 1. 156; cf. traduc-
tion de Mohl, iv. pp. 354, 370, 456.
5 But Mirkhond (tr. Shea, p. 290)
says he was ‘imprisoned in the For-
tress of Girdkih, in the district of
Ridbar.’ To which Shea adds, stating
that Ridbar is a district of the Jebal
or Irak Ajemi.
6 The Identification of Some Persian
Places, in The Academy, No. 780, p.
312 seq., May 1, 1886; cf. also Justi,
Hdbch. d. Zendsprache, p. 305.
7 For allusions to the ‘mountain,’
216 APPENDIX IV
Bd. 12. 17-18: ‘The Padashkhvargar mountain is that which is
in Taparistan and the side of Gilin. The Révand mountain is in
Khiardsén, on which the Birzhin fire was established. (82-34):
From the same Padashkhvargar mountain unto Mount Kamish,
which they call Mount Madofryat (‘ Come-to-help ”) — that in which
Vishtasp routed Arjasp—is Mount Miyan-i-dasht (“mid-plain”),
and was broken off from that mountain there. They say, in the
War of the Religion, when there was confusion among the Iranians
it broke off from that mountain, and slid down into the middle of
the plain; the Iranians were saved by it, and it was called “Come-
to-help” by them. The Ganavat mountain is likewise there, on the
Ridge of Vishtasp (pu3t-i Vistaspan) at the abode of the Burzhin-
Mitro fire, nine leagues to the west.’! Mount Madéfryat (Come-to-
help) has been identified by Houtum-Schindler with the mountain
near the present town of Fariiimad, northward of the high road
between Abbasaibad and Mazinan, and it is thus evidently a part of
the Jagatai range.? The Ridge of Vishtasp may be identical with
the mountains, Binaltid Kuh, running northwest from Nishapir, a
little to the west of the modern Gunabad (lat. 36. 40; long. 59. 5—
see Map). The region where the final battle took place, with the
utter rout of Arjasp and the triumph of Iran over Turan, may be
regarded as occupying a territory to the east of Mian-i-dasht in
Khorassain (lat. 36. 30; long. 56.10—see Map, square Gb). The
caravan road between Mian-i-dasht and Zaidar is still famous to-day
for marauding attacks of the Turkomans upon pilgrims and travel-
lers.?
The location of the sacred fires may be taken up in this con-
nection. Vishtasp’s special fire, Barzhin Mitré, is in Khorassan as
already discussed in the pages devoted to the subject of the Sacred
Fires (Chap. VIII.). From the passage just quoted (Bd. 12. 17-
18, 32-34) and from Bd. 17. 8 there seems to remain little doubt on
that point. The Shih Namah implies a similar location, and three
Mohammedan writers state that the special fire of Zoroaster, which
is the Birhzin Mitra, was in the neighborhood of Nishapiz. For the
references, see p. 100. But more important still in connection with
ef. Mohl, Livre des Rois, iv. 367, 370, 36-87; long. 56-57) on the map in
378, 384. Curzon’s Persia and the Persian Ques-
1 West, SBE. v. 40-41. tion, i. p. 245.
2See The Academy, p. 313, May 1, 8 Curzon, Persia and the Persian
1886. The town is easily located (lat. Question, i. 276-277, 280-281.
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 217
the ancient pyraea of Zoroastrianism, is the tradition of the
Bundahishn (Bd. 17. 6) regarding the second famous fire, the fire
Frobak (Farnbag). This fire originally was located in Khorasmia
or Chorasmia (Phl. AKhvarizem) on the eastern side of the Caspian
Sea—the region of igneous oil fountains, and it was removed by
Vishtasp to the east, to Cabul, or as the text reads: ‘In the reign of
King Vishtasp, upon revelation from the religion, it was established
out of Khvarizem, at the Roshan (“shining”) mountain in Kavu-
listan, the country of Kavul (Kabul), just as it remains there even
now.’ This latter would make another distinct association of
Vishtasp with the east.?
In addition to the central or eastern location of two of the sacred
fires which are directly connected with Vishtasp’s name, we may
also recall the story of the cypress which Zoroaster planted to com-
memorate the event of Vishtdsp’s conversion. This hallowed tree
was planted at Kishmar in Khorassan, and it is spoken of in the
Shah Namah as ‘the cypress of Kishmar.’*’ It must also be
remembered that, according to the Shah Namah, Khorassén was
under the suzerainty of one of Vishtdsp’s sons, as well as it was
the amphitheatre of the final Holy War.
These latter points are of interest also in connection with Floigl’s
claim that Vishtaspa, of the Avesta, is identical with the historical
Hystaspes, father of Darius; and that he belonged in the region
of Hyreania and ancient Parthia. Floigl’s monograph should be
consulted.*
It may incidentally be added that the Armenian historian,
Thomas Arzrouni (4.p. tenth century) follows the tradition that
Zoroaster was the opponent of Ninus and Semiramis and was de-
feated by them, but Semiramis made him commander of Babylon,
Khoujistaén, and of all eastern Persia, and he adds, ‘ Zradasht,
although possessing the countries to the east of Persia, did not cease
to harass Assyria.’® This would associate him also with the east.
1 Bd. 17. 6, tr. West, SBE. v. 63.
2It must be stated, however, that
the reading Kadvul (Kabul) is ques-
tioned by Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 154;
and see the discussion above in Chap.
VIII. p. 99, n. 4.
3 Sarv-i Kismar; see Vullers-Lan-
dauer, Shah Name, iii. 1498-1499, and
Mohl, iv. 292-298; cf. also Appendix
II., pp. 163-164.
4 Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, Leip-
zig, 1881, e.g. pp. 14, 15, 17, ete.
5See Brosset, Collection d’Histo-
viens arméniens, i. 30, St. Péters-
bourg, 1874. See Appendix VI. § 1
below.
218 APPENDIX IV
Furthermore, it should be noticed that Mills upholds the eastern
region, at least as the place of origin of the Gathas.1 He reviews
some of the indications which point to the west, as presented
by Darmesteter; but after examining into the character of the
civilization, and noticing points of Indo-Iranian unity and like
ness to the Veda, and judging also from the spirit of the Gathas,
whose antiquity he emphasizes, Mills is led to believe that ‘the
scene of the Gathic and original Zoroastrianism was in the north-
east of Iran, and that the later Avesta was composed during the
hundreds of years during which the Zarathushtrian tribes were
migrating westward into Media.’? A discussion of the Avestan cal-
endar led the Sanskrit scholar Roth strongly to support Bactria.’
The younger Iranist Horn favors eastern Iran as the first scene, at
least, of Zoroastrianism.* On the views of Tiele, see note below.’
Résumé of the Eastern View. —.Among various points that may
be brought up in favor of placing Vishtaspa in eastern Iran, and of
believing that Zoroaster’s prophetic career, at least, was associated
chiefly with that territory, is the predominance of geographical allu-
sions in the Avesta rather to eastern Iran. The Avesta does not
state where Kavi Vishtaspa’s kingdom was located; but it recog-
nizes that the Kavi dynasty came from Seistan (Yt. 19. 66 seq.).
The Iranian tradition which is found in Mohammedan writers is
almost unanimous in placing Vishtasp’s kingdom in the east, in Bac-
tria. Among arguments which may be drawn from Pahlavi litera
ture is the fact that the Bandahishn clearly locates the scene of the
routing of Arjasp in the territory of Khorassan. One of the sacred
1 SBE. xxxi. Introd. pp. xxvii-xxx,.
2 Op. cit. p. xxvii.
8 Roth, Der Kalender des Avesta,
also in the genealogical table in his
article ‘Religions,’ in Encyclopedia
Britannica, vol. xx. p. 860 (9th ed.),
us. w., in ZDMG. xxiv. 1-24; ef.
especially pp. 16-19 (criticised by
de Harlez; see p. 219 below).
4Horn, Die Reiche der Meder
und Perser, in Hellwaldt’s Kulturge-
schichte, 4 Aufl. i. 322.
5 Tiele, in his early work entitled
De Godsdienst van Zarathustra, van
haar ontstaan in Baktrié tot den val
van het Oud-Perzische Rijk (Haarlem,
1864), maintained the Bactrian view
that was common at the time. So
and in his Geschiedenis van den Gods-
dienst, p. 174 (Amsterdam, 1876). But
now, if I understand his latest view
aright, he believes in northwestern
Iran as the cradle at least of the Zoro-
astrian Reform: ‘Ook ik neig zeer
tot de meening dat de zarathustrische
hervorming van noordwestelijk Iran is
uitgegan’ (Jets over de oudheid van
het Avesta, Aanteckening, in Mede-
deeling d. K. Ak. 3 de Reeks, Deel
XI. Amsterdam, 1895, pp. 384 and 375).
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 219
‘res is connected with Khorassin; another was removed from Kho-
rasinia to the east. And now that so much has been said in favor
of eastern Iran, including Bactria, we may pass without comment to
the west and consider the claims of Media.
2. Media and the West, or the View that Zoroaster’s Ministry was
in his Native Country, Western Iran
It has been indicated sufficiently that a number of specialists, de
Harlez, Spiegel, Justi, and others, associate the earliest history of
Zoroastrianism not with Bactria and the east, but alone with Media,
in its broad sense, and the west.
C. de Harlez, for example, in treating of the origin and home
of the Avesta, as noted above, leaves eastern Iran out of considera-
tion... His discussion of the subject should be read; there is space
here only to outline the reasons which lead him to confine the
Avesta and Zoroastrianism to Media. I summarize them from the
last article mentioned in the footnote: (1) Zoroastrianism and
the Avesta is the work of the Magi, a tribe of Media, and the Magi
are the Atharvans (rvpador) of the Avesta. (2) The chief seat of
the religion was the southern and southeastern coast of the Caspian
Sea, as shown by the peculiar manner in which the peoples of the
Caspian region and Hyrcania dispose of their dead. (3) Ragha in
Media was the chief seat of the priesthood, and Media, therefore,
was the centre of the Avestan religion. (4) The legend which
makes Bactria the cradle of Zoroaster’s faith, and claims that Vish-
taspa was king and ruler of Bactria, is late; it comes, in fact, from
medieval times. Eastern Iran, in general, remains in the back-
ground until the time of the Achaemenidae.? Finally (5), the Parsi
books themselves regard Zoroaster as arising from Media; and,
even though many medizval sources connect Vishtaésp with Bactria,
as mentioned, there is not entire consistency in this, for some of
them place him in Persis. The epitomist Khvandamir, for example,
in his life of Gushtasp,’ says that this king had the city of Istakhr
1 See de Harlez’s definite statements 2 For the latter statement, cf. BB.
on Das alter und heimath des Avestain xii. 110.
BB. xii. 109-111, and Der Avestische 8 See de Harlez, Av. Kalender und
Kalender und die Heimath der Avesta- Heimath, p. 277; Spiegel, HA. i. 698;
Religion, in Abh. d. Berl. Or. Congr. and Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p.
ii. 270-277, Berlin, 1882 (criticising 318 (1st ed.); Ethé in Grundriss d.
Roth). tran. Philol. ii. 356.
220 APPENDIX IV
(Persepolis) as a royal seat—TIstakhr-i Fars ra dar al-mulk kardé-
did. Again, Beidawi (Life of Gushtasp) says that Zardisht occupied
a mountain, Naphaht, near Istakhr.1 And Majdi (Zinat al-Majalis),
after assuming that Zoroaster came from Palestine, adds that he
gave himself out as a prophet in Adarbaijan.? For these various
reasons de Harlez concludes: ‘Alles erklart sich, wenn man unter-
stellt, dass der Zoroastrismus aus Medien stammt; Alles wird
dunkel, wenn man dessen Wiege in Baktrien sucht.’
Spiegel has two or three times specially treated the question of
the home of the Avesta and its bearing upon the Zoroastrian
problem.’ In his historical article on Vishtaspa and the Bactrian
kingdom, in Sybel’s Zeitschrift, he brings up most of the points that
may be argued in favor of the east,—and these are such as have
been stated above; he then weighs the west over against them.
He particularly emphasizes the identification of Arejat-aspa’s nation,
the Hyaona, with the Chionite, who are to be placed, it is claimed,
to the west of.the Caspian Sea. Again, he approves rather of de
Lagarde’s identification of the name and locality, Frazdanava, with.
the Armenian river Hrazdan; and he points out some other names
that refer especially to the west. As a result of this, although
‘Baktra’ is mentioned in the title of his monograph, he inclines to
favor Media or Arran, rather than Bactria, as the realm of Vish-
taspa and also as the home of Zoroaster. In his latest article on
the subject (ZDMG. xlv. 280 seq., 1887), Spiegel points out one or
two more points to strengthen the western view. An allusion to
Armenia, for example, is claimed to be found in the Avesta (Yt.
5. 72). He draws attention also to the association of Hystaspes’
name with Media and the west, by Chares of Mitylene (cf. p. 73
above),* and by Lactantius, who makes Hystaspes a king of Media
(p. 154 above); and he throws renewed doubts upon the existence
of the Bactrian kingdom maintained by Duncker.?
Several other scholars are of like opinion regarding Media and
1 See also Hyde, p. 313. Reference
to Istakhr (Persepolis) has been made
above, pp. 91, 97.
2 See also Hyde, p. 315.
8 Spiegel, Vistacgpa oder Hystaspes
und das Reich von Baktra, in Sybel’s
Histor. Zeitschrift, N. F. 8, Bd. 44,
pp. 1-21 (1880). Also Ueber das
Vaterland und Zeitalter des Awesta,
in Sitzb. der K. B. Acad. 1884, p. 815
seq. (1884). Again, ibid. (Zweiter
Artikel) in ZDMG. xlv. 187 seq.
(1891).
4Cf. also his later remarks in
ZDMG. sli. 295 (1887), xlv. 197 (1891),
lii, 193 (1898).
5 ZDMG. xli. 288, 289, 292 seq.
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 221
western Iran. Eugen Wilhelm upholds Spiegel’s identification
of the Hyaonians with the Chionite and locates them on the west
side of the Caspian Sea. The associated Avestan word varadaka
(Yt. 9. 31 = Yt. 17. 51) is likewise a proper name, i.e. Varedhaka, cf.
Vertae, of Ammianus Marcellinus; and Av. hunu (Yt. 5. 54) desig-
nates the Huns. Lehmann expresses his opinion very strongly
that the ancient Vishtdspa was not a Bactrian prince, but that he
ruled in western Iran, in Media; that Zoroaster had nothing what-
soever to do with Bactria, where the crude civilization of his time
would have been unsuited for his teaching, but that Media fur-
nished exactly the soil that was needed for it to bear fruit. Darme-
steter several times expressed himself in favor of the west for the
entire scene of early Zoroastrianism, because he considered the
Bactrian tradition rather to be late.’
Justi. The most recent authority to touch upon the question
and to uphold the western view is Justi (Die dilteste iranische
Religion und thr Stifter Zarathushtra).4 A brief summary of the
deductions on this point in his important treatise is given. The
numbered divisions are my own: —
1. The Avesta itself does not place either the home of Zoroaster
or the kingdom of Vishtaéspa in Bactria, nor mention either name
in alluding incidentally to the city of Bactria. The rise of the
Bactrian kingdom was post-Achaemenian. The transferrence of
Vishtéspa’s capital to Bactria, as is done in later times, is purely
artificial. Spiegel’s arguments are sufficient to overthrow the whole
theory of a Bactrian origin of the Iranian religion.
2. The allusions to the sacrifices by Vishtaspa and Zairivairi on
the Frazdanava and Daitya, and to Arejat-aspa as a Hyaona, are
examined in their eastern aspect and in the western light. In
Justi’s opinion the Daitya may be the Araxes on the northern
boundary of Adarbaijan, and the Frazdanava is more likely,
perhaps, to be the Armenian Hrazdan. Acts of worship performed
in the Adarbaijan territory would be appropriate to Iranians.
1 Wilhelm, ZDMG. xlii. 96-101. i. 10-138; Zend-Avesta, tr. SBE. iv.
2Edv. Lehmann, Die Perser in Introd. xlvii-liii (1st ed.); and his later
Chantepie de la Saussaye, Lehrbuch statement, p. lxvii (2d ed.), together
der Religions-Geschichte (neue Aufl.) with Ze ZA. iii. p. lxxxiii, where nu-
ii. 159-160. See also his comment on meroussuggestions and hints are given.
Phraortes, p. 156. 4 In Preussische Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88,
3 Darmesteter, Etudes Iraniennes, pp. 255 seq., 1897.
222 APPENDIX IV
More weight also is laid on the likelihood of the Chionite being
placed in the Caucasus region and Gildén. Like the later Huns,
the invasion of Arejat-aspa may have been made through the moun-
tainous country to the west of the Caspian Sea.
3. It is notable that of the three most sacred fires one (Adhar
Gushnasp) belongs originally to Adarbaijan, one (Adhar Xurrah, or
Farnbag) to Persis (Istakhr), and one (Adhar Barzhin Mithr) to
Khorassan, but none to Bactria. Yet see note at foot of this page.
4. Media was the native place of Zoroaster, and it was also the
home and realm of Vishtaspa. But Kavi Vishtadspa was not a great
king, not a ‘king of kings’ (Ane. Pers. asayabiya asayadiyanam) ;
he was rather a minor prince (dai#hupaiti) of Median Ragha. The
suggestion is conjecturally put forward that we might, perhaps,
assume that some great king of Media later accepted the religion
and made it current in the world. Such a monarch would have been
the Median Fraoreta (Phraortes) ‘Confessor,’ who may have adopted
the faith and have thus received a Zoroastrian name. ‘The father of
Phraortes also had a Zoroastrian name as he was called Kyaxares
(i.e. HuvaxSatara), beside his ordinary title Dahyauka.
5. Finally, by way of illustration, Atropates and his successors
in Atropatene were zealous adherents of Zoroastrianism from
Achaemenian times, and the Gathas themselves show a religious
intolerance that still remains typical of the Magi in Sassanian
times, and is characteristic of the fanaticism that marks the later
Assassins who likewise had their origin in Atropatene.* I may also
add that Justi wrote me that it was only after long and careful con-
sideration that he came to these conclusions and abandoned the
view that Bactria was the home of Zoroastrianism or that Zoro-
aster perished there.®
Additional Arguments. — Some other arguments might be added to
these already given in support of the west. For example :—
1. Vishtaspa and Hutaosa in the Avesta both were Naotairyans.
The comment in Zat-sparam places Notar in the west, sixty leagues
from Cist, as explained above (p. 193, n.1). If Vishtasp be asso-
1 Justi, op. cit. p. 257; but with count for their not generally being con-
regard to the Farnbag fire he seems to nected with that particular region.
have overlooked the statement in Bd. 2 Cf. op. cit. pp. 259, 256.
17. 6; see p. 99, n. 4 and p. 217 above. 3 Letters dated Jan. 8, 1897, and
The question whether Bactria has any June 12, 1897.
volcanic or petroleum fires might ac-
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 223
ciated with Balkh, one would then have to assume that only his
family came from the west. It is true that this might be quite pos-
sible in royal lines, and there actually seems to have been some
change of dynasty or break in ‘the succession when Vishtasp came to
the throne, as noted by Justi,! so this argument would not necessarily
militate finally against the east; it is only a matter of proportionate
probability. On account of the Ragh and Notar allusion it would
be convenient to accept Vishtasp as also belonging to the west.
2. The two Avestan Yasht fragments (Yt. 23. 4, 24. 2) give
among the blessings which Zoroaster wished might accrue to Vish-
taspa the boon: ‘Mayest thou be able to reach the Rasha, whose
shores lie afar, as Vafra Navaza was able.’ According to Darme-
steter the circumambient stream Raha in the Avesta is to be
identified with the Tigris.” This might, therefore, be used as a
ground for placing Vishtispa’s kingdom in the west, but not neces-
sarily so; the wish of a wide-extended kingdom might hold equally
good if the star of Vishtaésp’s empire were moving from the east
westward.
8. As the Avesta constantly speaks of idolaters, unbelievers,
devil-worshippers (daéva-yasna) it might be suggested that Zoroas-
ter’s reform was especially directed, against the Yezidis, or devil
worshippers, of the region about the Caspian Sea.*
4, Arejat-aspa as noted above, p. 211, is represented in the Avesta
(Yt. 5. 116) as offering sacrifice near the sea Vourukasha (the
Caspian Sea) — upa zrayé vouru-kasam — asking for victory over
Vishtaspa and (later addition) Zairivairi. It might be claimed that
we have Vishtaspa’s enemy not only on the Caspian Sea, but pos-
sibly on the west side of it, although the expression with upa might
equally refer to the eastern side of the Caspian which is still occu-
pied by Turkomans.
5. A somewhat fanciful conjecture might be made that we may
1 Justi, op. cit., pp. 246, 252, on a pos-
sible change of dynasty, and Spiegel,
ZDMG. xlv. 196-198. Cf. p. 70, n. 2
above.
2 Te ZA. ii. 382, u. 78, 78; but
Geiger, OK. map, makes Raha the
Yaxartes.
8 On the Yezidis, see Browne, A
Year Amongst the Persians, p. 522,
London, 1893; Bassett, Persia, the
Land of the Imams, pp. 31-33, New
York, 1886.
4 The mention of Zairivairi would
imply that the first invasion is in-
tended if we follow the division into
two wars, p. 105. Notice may here
be taken of what is said of Zariadres
and his realm on p. 73 above.
224 APPENDIX IV
perhaps have an allusion to the west (possibly Persepolis ?) in the
Dinkart reference to the ‘treasury of Shapigan’ (or Shaspigan,
Shapan, or Shizigan—for such are the readings allowed by the
MSS.), in which Vishtasp deposited the original codex of the
Avesta. As further related in the Dinkart this fell into the hands
of the Greeks and was translated into their tongue. The treasury
of the archives is usually associated with Persepolis.’
6. Hamzah of Isfahan connects Vishtasp with Persia, for he
makes him build a city in the district of Darabjard in the province
of Persia.®
Résumé of the Western View. — The more general claim in favor
of western Iran is, that the religion was probably developed in the
country where Zoroaster himself arose; that in his day Bactria was
still in the earliest stages of civilization and its name is not con-
nected either with his or with Vishtasp’s in the older texts; that
Media, on the other hand, would have been a suitable field for his
teaching and that the allusions to the west give a more consistent
theory for ancient times. It is claimed, moreover, that Vishtadspa’s
foe, Arejat-aspa, belonged to western Iran, on the ground of identi-
fying the Hyaona with the classic Chionitz and of placing these in
the Caspian region. Finally, Vishtaéspa was a minor king, and it is
possible that the Median ruler Fraortes (‘Confessor’) may have
made Zoroastrianism the national religion of Media. The devil-
worshippers of the Avesta would answer to the later Yezidis of the
western territory.
General Summary
Although we may agree that Zoroaster by birth arose in western
Iran, we cannot be equally sure that the chief seat of his activity
was also there. Both sides of the latter question have been pre-
sented, as were the former. ‘The classical references (as early as the
second century A.D.) would imply the possibility of Bactria or the
1Dk. 3. § 3, 7. 7. 3, n., 5. 3. 4;
SBE. xxxvii. p. xxxi; SBE. xlvii. pp.
82, 127.
2See also Tabari (p. 675, Leyden
ed.) : ‘ Bishasp sent this (archetype) to
a place in Istakhr called Darbisht’
(vocalization uncertain), Gottheil, Ref-
erences to Zoroaster, p.37. The same
is repeated from Tabari by Bundari
(with reading Zarbisht?) in Hyde,
Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. pp. 314-316.
See also above, Chap. VIII., p. 97.
3 See Hamzah, ed. Gottwaldt, ii. 26,
and cf. Darab D. P. Sanjana, Geiger’s
Eastern Iranians, ii. 212, note by
Spiegel.
SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 225
east, as a scene, as well as of Media (Persia) and the west. This
fact might be interpreted that he taught in the east, though he arose
in the west. The Avesta does not decide the case. An allusion to
the scene of Vishtaspa’s two sacrifices may equally refer to Seistan,
and to Media and Atropatene. From evidence in Pahlavi literature,
we know that Zoroaster himself was in Seistan for a while, during
the early part of his prophetic career. From the same source we
also know he was in Turan, and the Gathas allude to a Turanian
adherent. This would seem to speak, in part at least, for eastern
Iran, even if his patron Vishtaspa ruled in western Iran. From the
Pahlavi and later Zoroastrian literature, the scenes of the Holy Wars
would appear to have been located rather toward the east, in Merv
and Khorassin. On the other hand, the silence of the Avesta on
some vital points in connection with the east, together with an infer-
ence that Vishtaspa belonged to the same country as Zoroaster, and
spoke the same dialect, would argue rather in behalf of western
Iran. This latter view would be strengthened if the existence of a
Bactrian kingdom at an early period be doubted. The majority of
Iranian specialists, perhaps, seem to have felt that a stronger case
can be made for Media and the west as the scene alike of Zoroaster’s
activity and his birth. On the other hand, later tradition, which
includes Mohammedan-Iranian sources, is almost unanimous in pla-
cing Vishtasp’s kingdom in Bactria, which is claimed to have been
founded by Lohrasp. Having now presented both sides of the
question, we may refrain from drawing a conclusion between the two
views, for the present, and content ourselves with recalling what
was said at the outset, that Zoroaster was a reformer, and he had a
mission; in modern times the field of a great missionary’s work is
not usually confined to a single part of a country, whatever it may
have been in ancient times.
Q
APPENDIX V
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S
NAME
CoLtEctTED with the help of my student and friend Louis H. Gray,
Fellow in Indo-Iranian Languages in Columbia University, to whom
I wish to express my thanks with sincerity for his constant readi-
ness to give assistance, especially in collecting the so-called Zoro-
astrian Logia. His kind aid is much appreciated. — A. V. W. J.
The list is confined simply to such passages as mention Zoroaster by name.
Its compass might have been greatly extended if allusions to Magi, Persians,
Hystaspes, or the like, had been included.
Much material from the Classics had already been gathered by Barnabé
Brisson, De Regio Persarum Principatu, Paris, 1590; Hyde, Religio veterum
Persarum, Oxon. 1700. The first systematic and excellent collection, however,
of classical references on Persian subjects in general was made by J. F. Kleuker,
Zend-Avesta, Anhang z. 2ten Bd. 3ter Theil, Leipzig und Riga, 1788. This is
still one of the standards. A different arrangement of the material is found
in Rapp, Die Religion der Perser und der iibrigen Iranier nach d. Griechischen
und Romischen Quellen, in ZDMG. xix. p. 4 seq., xx. p. 49 seq. (translated into
English by K. R. Cama, Religion and Customs of the Persians, Bombay,
1876-1879) ; it should be consulted, as it includes also Persian and Magian
subjects. Consult also Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien, pp. 260-313,
Berlin, 1863 (translated into English by Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra in
the Gathas, pp. 65-141, Leipzig, 1897). On special classical references, see,
likewise, Jackson in JAOS. xv. 221-232; xvii. 1-22.
ALPHABETIC LIST OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS
1. Look for the author under his approximate date given in this list, or consult
reference by section (§).
2. Those marked with an asterisk (*) are cited as authorities by other writers or
are mentioned by them.
Abdias, in Fabricius, Codex apocryph. Novi Test. i. 402-742, Hamb. 1719.
See § 50.
Afer, C. Marius Victorinus (a.p. first half fourth century), ed. Migne, Patrolog.
Lat. tom. 8. See § 23.
226
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 227
Agathias Scholiastikos (c. a.p. 5386-582), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 88.
See § 35.
Ailios Theon, see Theon.
Ainaias of Gaza (fl. a.p. 487), ed. Barthius, Leipzig, 1655. See § 34.
Alcuinus (a.p. 735-804), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 100-101. See § 40.
Alexander Poluhistor (s.c. first century), see § 4, also cited under Georgios
Sunkellos, § 41.
Ammianus Marcellinus (c. a.p. 330-400), ed. Gardthausen, Leipzig, 1874. See
§ 22.
Anathemas against Manicheans, see § 42.
Anonymi Vita Platonis, ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862 (same vol. as Diog. Laert.).
See under Plato. § 1.
Apuleius Madaurensis (temp. Antonini Pii), ed. Hildebrand, Leipzig, 1842.
See § 11.
* Aristotle (B.c. 384-322), cited under Pliny; Diog. Laert.
* Aristoxenos (fl. B.c. 318), cited under Origen, Contr. Heer. i.
Arnobius (c. a.p. 295), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 5. See § 16.
* Athenokles (date unknown), cited under Agathias.
Augustinus (a.p. 354-480), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 82-47. See § 28.
Aurelius Prudentius (a.p. 348-c. 410), ed. in usum Delphini, London, 1824.
See § 26.
Basilios (4.p. 329-879), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 29-32. See § 20.
* Berosos (c. B.c. 250), cited by Agathias.
Cedrenus, see Georgios Kedrenos.
Chaldzan Oracles or Zoroastrian Logia, see § 51.
Chronicon Paschale (4.p. 627, last date), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 92. See
§ 39.
Claudianus Mamertus (a.p. fifth century, second half), ed. Engelbrecht, Vienna,
1885. See § 31.
Clemens Alexandrinus (a.p. first century, end), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom.
8-9. See § 13.
Clemens Romanus (Bishop of Rome, c. a.p. 91, but probably the works ascribed
to him to be assigned later), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 1-2. See § 12.
Cornelius Alexander Poluhistor, see Poluhistor.
Cotelerius, ed. SS. Patrum, qui temp. apost. floruerunt Opera, Paris, 1672. See
§ 42.
Cyrillus Alexandrinus (d. a.p. 444), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 68-77. See
§ 29.
* Deinon (date unknown), cited under Diogenes Laertius.
Diodoros Sikelos (temp. Augusti), ed. Miiller, Paris, 1857. See § 8.
* Diodoros of Eretria (temp. Augusti), cited by Origen, Contr. Her. i.
Diogenes Laertios (fir. c. a.p. 210), ed. Cobet, Paris, 1862. See § 15.
Dion Chrusostomos (born c. a.p. 50), ed. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1857. See § 7.
Epiphanios (4.p. 320-402), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 41-43. See § 21.
* Euboulos (date unknown), cited by Porphurios, de Antr. nymph.
228 APPENDIX V
Euchologion, siue Rituale Grecorum, ed. Goarius, Paris, 1647. See under
Anathemas, § 42.
* Eudemos of Rhodes (z.c. fourth century), cited by Diog. Laert.
* Eudoxos (c. 3.c. 366) cited by Pliny; Diog. Laert.
Eusebios (c. a.p. 264-340), Chronicon, ed. Aucher, Venice, 1818. See § 18.
Fragmenta Historicorum Grecorum, rec. Miiller, 5 vols. Paris, 1841-1874,
Geoponica siue Cassiani Bassi Scholastica de re rustica Ecloge (a.p. sixth
century), ed. Beckh, Leipzig, 1895. See § 36.
Georgios Hamartolos (c. a.p. 850), Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 110. See § 43.
See also under Chron. Pasch.
* Georgios Kedrenos (c. a.p. 1100), see under Chron. Pasch., and also Migne,
Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121.
Georgios Sunkellos (a.p. eighth century, last half), ed. Dindorf, Bonn, 1829,
See § 41.
* Gregorios (c. A.D. 829-389), cited by Mich. Glukas.
Goarius, ed. Evxoddyov, Paris, 1647. See § 42.
Gregorius Turensis (a.p. 588-593), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 71. See § 37.
Hamartolos, see Georgios Hamartolos.
* Hekataios (d. c. B.c. 476), cited by Diog. Laert.
* Hellanikos of Lesbos (c. B.c. 496-411), cited by Georg. Sunkell.
* Herakleides of Pontos (c. B.c. 860), cited by Plutarch, Adv. Colot., cf. also
Anathemas and Petros Sikelos.
Herennios or Philo of Byblos, see under Eusebios.
* Hermippos (c. B.c. 200), cited by Pliny ; Diog. Laert. '
* Hermodoros Platonikos (z.c. fourth century), cited by Pliny ; Diog. Laert.
* Herodotos (c. B.c. 484-420), cited by Georg. Sunkell.
Hieronymus (4.p. 331-420), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 22-30. See § 24.
Hugo.de St. Victore (d. a.p. 1141), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 175-177.
See § 46.
Isidorus (c. a.p. 570-636), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 81-84. See § 38.
S. Iohannes Chrusostomos (a.p. 354-407), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 47-64.
See § 25.
Iohannes Ludos (born c. a.p. 490), ed. Bekker, Bonn, 1827. See § 82.
* Johannes Malalas (a.p. sixth century, first part), see wnder Chron. Pasch. and
also Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 97.
Iustinus (temp. Anton. ?), ed. in usum Delphini, London, 1822. See § 10.
Iulius Solinus, see Solinus.
Kassianos Bassos, see Geoponica.
Kedrenos, see Georgios Kedrenos.
* Kelsos (a.p. second century), cited by Origen, Contr. Cels. i.
* Kephalion (a.p. second century), cited by Georg. Sunkell.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 229
* Klearchos of Soli (n.c. fourth century), cited by Diog. Laert.
* Ktesias (fr. B.c. 398), cited by Diodoros Sikelos ; Georg. Sunkell.
Kurillos Alexandrinos (d. a.p. 444), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 68-77. See
§ 29.
Logia of Zoroaster, so-called, § 51.
Lukianos (temp. Antoninorum), ed. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1858. See § 9.
Magika Logia of Zoroaster, so-called, see § 51.
Michael Glukas (a.p. twelfth century, first half), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom.
158. See § 47.
Migne edition, Patrologizs Cursus Completus, Series Greca, Paris, 1857-1866.
tomm. 1-2 Clemens Romanus (Bishop of Rome c. a.p. 91).
He 8-9 Clemens Alexandrinos (end of first century a.p.).
ae 11-17 Origenes (a.p. 185-254).
fs 29-32 Basilios (a.p. 329-379).
ee 41-43 Epiphanios (a.p. 320-402).
us 47-64 S. Iohannes Chrusostomos (a.p. 354-407).
ee 68-77 Kurillos Alexandrinos (d. a.p. 444).
ee 80-84 Theodoretos Kuraios (d. a.p. 457).
ie 87 Prokopios Gazaios (end of fifth century A.D).
ee 88 Agathias Scholastikos (c. a.p. 586-582).
Be 92 Chronicon Paschale (last date a.p. 627).
ce 97 Iohannes Malalas (early part of sixth century a.p.).
‘¢ 101-104 Photios (c. 820-c. 891 a.p.).
ek 104 Petros Sikelos (forgery of twelfth century a.p.? vide Krum-
bacher, Gesch. der byzant. Lit.?, Miinchen, 1897, p. 78).
BS 110 Georgios Hamartolos Monachos (wrote c. a.p. 850).
ee 121 Georgios Kedrenos (end of eleventh century a.p.).
Fs 158 Michael Glukas (a.p. twelfth century, first half).
Migne edition, Patrologiz Cursus Completus, Series Latina, Paris, 1878-1879.
tom. 5 Arnobius (c. a.p. 295).
te 8 C. Marius Victorinus Afer (a.p, fourth century, first half),
“ 22-30 Hieronymus (a.p. 331-420).
ee 31 Orosius (a.p. fifth century, first half).
we 82-47 Augustinus (a4.p. 354-480).
ee 71 Gregorius Turensis (a.p. 538-593).
$6 81-84 Isidorus (c. a.p. 570-636).
‘100-101 Alcuinus (a.p. 735-804).
«175-177 Hugo de St. Victore (ob. a.p. 1141).
is 198 Petrus Comestor (d. a.p. 1178).
Nikolaos of Damascus (8.c. first century), cites Xanthus of Lydia. See § 2.
Oracles of Zoroaster, see § 51.
Origenes (a.p. 185-254), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 11-17. See § 14
230 APPENDIX V
Orosius (a.p. fifth century, first half), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 31.
See § 27.
* Ostanes, cited under Pliny ; Eusebios.
* Panodoros (fl. a.p. 400) ctted under Georg. Sunkell.
Petros Sikelos (forgery of twelfth century a.p.? vide Krumbacher, Gesch. der
byzant. Lit.2, Miinchen, 1897, p. 78), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 104.
Petrus Comestor (d. a.p. 1178), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 198. See § 49.
* Philon of Byblos (a.p. second century, first half), cited by Eusebios.
Photios (c. a.p. 820-891), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 101-104. See § 44.
Platon (s.c. 427-348) and Scholia, ed. Baiter, Orelli, Winckelmann, Ziirich, 1839.
See § 1.
Plinius Secundus (a.p. first century), ed. de Grandsagne, Paris, 1827-1832.
See § 5.
Ploutarchos (c. a.p. 46-120), Vitee ed. Déhner, Paris 1857-1862. See § 6.
Ploutarchos (c. a.p. 46-120), Scripta Moralia ed. Diibner, Paris, 1841-1865.
See § 6.
Poluhistor, see Alexander Poluhistor and Solinus Polyhistor.
Porphurios (a.D. 283-806), de Antro Nymph. ed. Herscher, Paris, 1858. See § 17.
Porphurios (a.p. 283-306), Vita Protag. et Plotini, ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862.
See § 17.
Prokopios Gazaios (a.p. fifth century, end), ed. Migne Patrolog. Gr. tom. 87.
See § 33.
Prudentius, see Aurelius Prudentius.
Scholiasticus Bassus, see Geoponica.
Scholion to Plato, see § 1.
* Simakos = Symmachos (a.p. fourth century ?), see under Agathias, ii. 24.
Solinus Polyhistor, C. Iulius (a.p. third century), ed. Salmasius, Utrecht, 1689.
See § 19.
Suidas (believed to be a.p. tenth century, but date not known), ed. Kuster,
Cambridge, 1705. See § 45.
Sunkellos, see Georgios Sunkellos.
Theon Smernaios (temp. Hadriani), in Walz’s Rhetores Greci, Stuttg. u.
Tiibingen, 1832-1836. See § 8.
Theodoretos Kuraios (d. a.p. 457), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 80-84.
See § 30.
* Theodoros of Mopsuestia (a.p. sixth century), cited by Photios.
Theologoumena Arithmetika, ed. Ast, Leipzig, 1817. See § 48.
* Theopompos (fl. B.c. 338), cited by Diog. Laert.; Ainaios of Gaza.
Victorinus, see Afer.
Xanthos of Lydia (s.c. fifth century), cited by Nikolaos of Damascus ; Diog.
Laer.
* Zoroaster, cited under Pliny ; Clemen. Strom. ; Origenes ; Eusebios, Prep. Ev. ;
Ainaias of Gaza ; Geoponica.
Zoroastrian Logia, so-called, see § 51.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 231
§ 1. Platon
(B.C. 427-847)
Alkibiades Protos, 121 E-122 A (a spurious work, perhaps
by Alexamenos of Teos, an elder contemporary of Plato and the first
to compose Socratic dialogues. See Bergk, Griechische Literatur-
geschichte, Berlin, 1887, iv. 469): émeday dé Errérets yevwvrae of raises,
2 \ Vo “A. 2s \ , , n ar en s
émi tous irmous Kal ei Tovs TovTwy dSidacKdAous oirdou, Kal emi Tas Onpas
dpxovrat tévat. Sis éwrd dé yevopevov érdv rév watda rapadapBdvovow ods
exeivor BacrAcious radaywyovs dvoudfovow* «ict b¢ éfercypévor Tlepodv of
dpiorot Sdgavres év pAtkia rérrapes, 6 Te Goputatos Kal 6 dixatdraros Kai 6
§ ££ 2 , & < x ig - *
cwhpovecraros kal 6 dvdpedraros. dv 6 pev payday te diWdoKe Thy Zwpo-
datpov Tov ‘Opoudfov,! — gore 8& rodTo Oey Oepareia, — Siddoxe Se kal Ta
Baciwind: 6 dt Sixatdraros aAnGevey Sia ravrds Tot Biov, K.7.A.
Scholion on the First Alkibiades: émréras] 7 da 76 Tov
Adyov rére dpxecOar TeAcodoOar, 7 Sia 7d Tov Zwpodatpyy C' yevopevov érdv
owwmpoat, ira peta dN’ xpdvous eEyyjoacba TG Bacirel THs dAns Pirocodias,
} Os 78 MiOpa oiketov tov L' dpiOdv, dv Siaepdvrus of époa oéBovow.
Zwpoderpys apyadrepos éLaxirxiAiors ereow elvae éyerar TlAdtwvos: dy
e ‘oe ¢ My nw 2 nn c XX X / , > Fd ¢
ot wey “EXdXnva, of 88 rOv ex THS twep Tiy peydrAyv OddrAaccay Hre(pov wpyuy-
t Ags a , ee 7 a > a t 2 id
pévev [aida] pact, wacdy te copia mapa Tod dyafod Saimovos expabelv,
a > fal # bod ie ° © ‘ ‘ /
touvréot émituxots voxpatos: ov dy eis EAAQUKYVY Hwy perappalducvov
Tovvopa Tov dotpoburnv Sydot. TysHoul Te airov THY avakexwpyKviay d.a-
bs! an lal * ‘\ A a 2 ee 3 ad , , /
yoynv trav ToANGY, kal 8) THY TOV eudxwY aroxny, TVYypappard Te Suddopa
Katadurely, €& dv Kal Setxvvoar tplia pepn pirocodias elvar Kat adrdv,
voikdy, oikovopcKev, woXtTiKdy.
Scholion to the Republic, X. p. 600 B: Tvéaycpas Mvy-
odpxov daxrvdtoyAvgov, Tuppyvds. veds d¢ dy HAOev ex Tuppyvav eis Séuov,
kal Sujxovce Pepexvdous Tod Supiov, elra “Eppodduavros, ev Sauw daudory,
elra, “ABdpi8os tod “YrepBopéov kal Zaparos tod Mayov. ch? ots id
Aiyurriwv kai Xaddaiwv éraidevOy.
Anonymi Vita Platonis, ed. Westermann, p. 7 (Paris, 1862):
pepabynkas d¢ [sc. 6 TAdroy] dre tiv dpxynv elxov ras hiAocodias of Tvba-
yopeor dard Aiydarov, HAGE eis Alyumroy, kal xaropOwoas exeive THY yewper-
play kat Thy icparixny dvexspnoev. tr’ eXOdv cis Powikyv weprérvyey éxetoe
Tlepoats kai guabe rap’ avrots ryv Zwpodarpov mawelav.
1 Two Parisian MSS. (1811, 1812 — Becker's E, F) read dpotduov.
232 APPENDIX V
§ 2. Xanthos (s.c. Fifth Century), quoted by Nikolaos of
Damascus (s.c. First Century)
This entire passage is in Nikolaos of Damascus (s.c. first century) (Miiller,
FGH. iii. 409). Xanthos wrote B.c. 465-425 (cf. Christ, Griech. Litera-
turgesch.2 278; Bergk, op. cit. 240) (in Miiller’s Fragm. Hist. Gree. i.
pp. 36-44).
Fragm. 19 (Miller, p. 42): Kpotow pév oty taxd oréyacpa roppupoiy
¢ £ a NX 3 , x + € . / \ Fé A
tarepéretvov: tots 6é dvOpdmos TH pey td Eddov Kat AalAamos raparropé-
vos, Ta O¢ Ud THY doTpaTGv, KaTaraToupEevols bd TaY immTwV TpaxvVoLevev
\ ‘ és lal a , Lg 9 ‘ y a
mpos Tov Wodoy tav Bpovray, Sefuara Satpdvia évérerrev, Kal ot Te Tis
DuBvrAdAns xpnopol kat Ta Zwpodorpov Adyta cioyjer. Kpotcoy pev ovv éBdwv
wa a Xx / a > bY ¥ F + a uf
értu padrov % wdAa odley: adrol d¢ xatamrimrovres eis yiv mpocexvvour,
> - te a a 2 , ‘ 4 a # y
etpeveray Tapa Tov Oeod airovpevor. acl dé Twes DadrHv mpoeddpevov éx
Twev onpewy ouBpov yevnodmevov Kal dvapevev THv @pav exeivnv. Tov
ye pv Zwpodorpyv Tepoa da’ exeivov Sieirav, pare vexpovs xaiew, pyr’
dAAws piaivey mip, kal mada TotTo Kabeoras TO voutpov Tore BeBaw-
H Ps pep
oaprevor.
See also Xanthos cited below under Diogenes Laertios, § 15.
§ 3. Diodoros Sikelos
(Wrote in the Reign of Augustus)
Lib. I. 94. 2: kat wap’ érépois 8 wAcloow eOveot wapadédoras rodro 76
ta a 3 td € P QA cal 3 lal my f tal a
yevos Tis érwoias trdpos kal roddAGv ayabayv airvov yevérOan Tois TerHeior
nN N Ds i ts Za : « a ar) 03 bY ¢
mapa pev yap tots Aptavots Zabpavaryy icropovor tov dyabdv Saiuova mpoc-
, ‘ ve > a * xX XX lal s f ra ~
moncacba Tovs vouovs aitG diddvat, rapa dé rots dvopacouevors Térais roils
arabavarilover Zddpokw aoatrus tHyv Kownv ‘Eoriav, rapa Se rois ‘Tovdators
a =
Movojy tov “lad émixadovpevoy Oedv, K.7.X.
> »
II. 6.1-2: 6 8 otv Nivos pera tooadrys Suvdpews orparedoas eis THY
B ‘ > , 3 t loa ’ ‘ a» N
axtpiaviy qvaykdlero, Succ BdrAwv' ray rérwy Kal orevav dvTwy, Kata
Zt * x our (3 xX AY x a ‘ ,
Pépos ayew tyv Ovvayv. 4 yop Baxrpiavy xdpa wodAats Kal peydraus
> A / rl 53 s 2 , 2 * if, > &
oikoupévy médeot, piav pev elyev eripavertaryy, ev y ouveBawvey elvar Kat
> a
7a Bacihea- airy 8 éxadeiro pev Baxrpa, peydber Se Kal TH Kara TH
ra a a
dxpdrodkw dxupétyte TOAD macy duépepe. Bacrredwv 8 adris ’Ofvaprns*
,
karéypaibey dravtas Tovs év HAtkia orpateias dvras, of Tov apiOpov AOpoicOy-
> , 15, 2 \ s \ , \ to} 4
cay cis TerTapdKovra pupiddas. dvahaGov ovv rHv Suvamuy Kal Tots Todeulots
1 Gilmore, dvondrAwv.
2 Codd. A, B, D, ’Egadprys; F, 6 Zadprys ; G, M, 6 Zadprns (Gilmore).
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 233
> ¥ ® XN > , my , ~ ~ # a > ~
dmavtnoas tept Tas elo Bords, elace pépos THS TOD Nivov orparias cicBadeiv.
érel § okey ixavoy droBeBykévat tv woAcuiav TAHOos cis TO Tediov, eLerake
XX 3N7 ta - X\ , > lal € ‘\ a >
tiv idiav Svvapw. yevouévyns 88 pdxys icxupas of Baxrpiavol rods "Acov-
pious Tpedevor Kat Tov Siwypoy pexpe TOV trepKemevwy SpOv roryodpevot,
, aA Fs > Fé , % Me, a , a Fs
duefOeipay r&v modepiwv cis Seka pupiddas. pera S¢ radra mdoys THs Suvd-
> , , a ia kA ta > , C4
pews cioBadovoys kparovpevor Tos TAYOeot, Kara wéAES arreXHpNTaY, EKacToL
aA 297 3 la a XN = 4 4 2 3 , - eA
tats idtas rarpiot BonOyoovres. Tas pev ovy dAAas 6 Nivos éxetpwoaro fadius,
‘ X -: ‘ X\ > a & X > > Lal x 3 4 x
Ta d¢ Baxtpa did re THY GxuporyTa Kal Tas év aitH mapacKevas HOvvaTE KarTd.
td € a ¥ 1 be fe! a Pa € an , ny
Kparos éXelv. moAuxpdvou! b& ris moAtopKias yevonevyns 6 THs Deptpapdos
Gyyp épwrixds exwv pds THY yuvaika Kat cvoTparevdpevos TG Bacirel, pere-
io ‘ » ¢ * f & , 7 tat + tal ]
méuibaro ty avOpwrov. 4 S€ ouveret Kal TOAMN Kal Tols GAAOLs Tots Tpos
2 A id 4 ‘A & > ty rd 6 XN dé
emipdveay ouvreivover Kexopyynpevy, Katpov edaBev erideiEacOar tiv idiav
s La n . > a € cal eQn it Pa xX
dperyv. mpaTov pev ovv TOAAGY HucpOv Sddv pédAAovoT|a Staropever Oar gTroAnV
2 e 7 * > 5c id a “ 3 ig > 4,
éraypatevcaro, 8 ys otk Av SiayvOvae Tov mepiBeBAynmévov mérepov avyp
+ Dy z + a> »* 2 «4 , x 2 a , €
cor 7} yuvy. avtry & iv evdypyoros airy mpds Te Tas ev Tols Kavpaow ddo-
moptas, eis TO Siarnpyoat Tov TOU odparos xpaTa, kal mpods Tas ev TO TpaTTEW
ad ra 4 s #£ => | , * ‘A Ud 4
3 BovdAotro xpeias, edxivytos ovoa Kal veaviKy. Kal Td GUVOAOY ToTa’TH TIS
> a > Lal ie oo a ¢ ay ‘© , aA , ~ XX
érqv aith xapis doO tvorepov Mydovs Fynoapévous rHs Acias, popely THv
4 lA N >. Ay ¢« , ra s . >
Depipdpudos oroAyv, kal pera tad” duotws Udpaas. saparyevopévy 8 eis
tiv Baxrpiavyv, Kat KatacKkeapevy Ta mepl THY ToALopKiay, wpa KaTa pey
‘ J ¥. AY 3 ¥ ~ 4 Xx , ‘ XX %
7a media Kal Tos evepddos TOY Térwv TpooBoAds ywomevas, mpos Se TH
> /, > ¥ , QA ‘\ 3 4 xX ‘\ oy 3 4
axpomoAw ovdéva mpoctdvra, Suk THY 6xupdTHTa* Kal TOUS évoov dmroAeAoLTOTAS
.. 2 n2 , \ a no Na ’ a
Tas evravfor*® pudakds, Kal mapemBonOotvras Tots éml TOV KaTw TELY@Y KLVdU-
vevovot. didmep wapadaBotoa tav oTpatiwr&y Tovs merpoBaretv ciwGdras,
‘ = i ad ~ ¢ wn td ta
kal pera TovTw did Tivos xaAerhs Pdpayyos tpocavaBaca, KareAdBero pépos
THs axpordAews, Kal Tots woALopkovct TO KaTa Td Tediov Telxos éonunver. ot
> * & na v3 a La Ea 2s . QA ¥ \
& &dov emi ry katradype THs akpas KaramAayévres, eSéAurov ra. Teixy, Kat
Tis Twrnpias améyvwcar.
§ 4. Kornelios Alexander Poluhistor, quoted by Other Writers
(@.c. First Century)
Fragmm. 138-139, apud Clem. Alex. Strom. I. 15 (tom. i. col. 776,
ed. Migne) et Cyrill. adv. Iul. IV. p. 1383 (tom. ix. col. 705, ed.
Migne): ’Ar£avdpos 8 ev 1B wept Wvayopixdv cvpBddrtwv Nalaparo
7G "Acovpiw pabyretoat toropet tov TvOaydpov (ClelexupA todrov wyotvrat
tives, ovK eorre 8 ws Greta, SyAwOyoerat), axnKodva Te wpds TovTors Tadarav
kat Bpaxpdvwv tov IvOaydpav BovdAcrat. ioropet yotv "Adé~avdpos 6
1 Miiller, roAvxpovfou. 2 Miiller, évraiéa.
234 APPENDIX V
Lad a , 2
érikAnv Tlodvicrwp & rd rep TvOayopixdv ovpBdrwv *Acovpiv rd yévos
my cal , an ‘ ,
dvr. TO Lapa Horyoa tov Ivbaydpav.
See also under Georgios Sunkellos, § 41.
§ 5. C. Plinius Secundus
(a.v. 28-79).
Nat. Hist. VIL 15: Risisse eodem die quo genitus esset unum
hominem accepimus Zoroastrem. eidem cerebrum ita palpitasse, ut
impositam repelleret manum futurae praesagio scientiae.
XI. 97: Tradunt Zoroastrem in desertis caseo uixisse, ita tempe-
rato ut uetustatem non sentiret.
XVIII. 55: Adiecit iis Accius in Praxidico ut sereretur, cum luna
esset in Ariete, Geminis, Leone, Libra, Aquario. Zoroastres sole
duodecim partes Scorpionis transgresso, cum luna esset in Tauro.
XXX. 2.1: Sine dubio illic orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter
auctores conuenit. sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius non satis
constat. Eudoxus, qui inter sapientiae sectas clarissimam utililissi-
mamque eam intelligi uoluit, Zoroastrem hune sex millibus annorum
ante Platonis mortem fuisse prodidit. sic et Aristoteles. Hermippus
qui de tota ea arte diligentissime scripsit, et uicies centum millia
uersuum a Zoroastre condita, indicibus quoque uoluminum eius posi-
tis explanauit, praeceptorem, a quo institutum diceret, tradidit Azo-
nacem ipsum uero quinque millibus annorum ante Troianum bellum
fuisse. mirum hoc in primis durasse memoriam artemque tam longo
aeuo, commentariis non intercedentibus, praeterea nec claris nec con-
tinuis successionibus custoditam. quotus enim quisque auditu saltem
cognitos habet, qui soli cognominantur, Apuscorum et Zaratum Medos,
Babyloniosque Marmarum et Arabantiphocum, aut Assyrium Tarmo-
endam, quorum nulla extant monumenta?... primus quod extet,
ut equidem inuenio, commentatus de ea Osthanes, Xerxem regem
Persarum bello, quod is Graeciae intulit, comitatus; ac uelut semina
artis portentosae sparsisse, obiter infecto, quaacumque commeauerat,
mundo. diligentiores paulo ante hune ponunt Zoroastrem alium Pro-
connesium.... est et alia Magices factio, a Mose et Iamne et
Iotape Iudeis pendens, sed multis millibus annorum post Zoroastrem.
XXXVII. 49: Celebrant et astroitem, mirasque laudes eius in
magicis artibus Zoroastrem cecinisse, qui circa eas diligentes sunt,
produnt.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 2385
Tbid. 55: Zoroastres crinibus mulierum similiorem bostrychiten
uocat.
Ibid. 57: Daphniam Zoroastres morbis comitialibus demonstrat.
Ibid. 58: Exebenum Zoroastres speciosam et candidam tradit,
qua aurifices aurum poliunt.
§ 6. Ploutarchos
(About a.p. 46 to about a.p. 120)
Vit. Numae, IV.: dpa oty déidv eon, radra ovyywpotvras emt rovrwy
dmoretv, ei Zarctxw cal Mivw xal Zwpodorpy cat Nowa wal Avxodpye,
- lal 7 3 a ? ‘ 24 2 ra -
Bactrcias xvBepvOor kal wodteas Siaxocpotow, eis 7d aitd époira 16
Sarpdviov ;
De Isid. et Osir. XLVI.: kal Soxe? rodr0 roils wAciorois Kal copw-
¥ # ‘X € XN xX > - , 3 #. x x
Taos. vopilovor yap ot pev Oeovs elvar Sv0, kabdrep dvtiréxvous: Tov pev
dyabay, tov d& pavrwy Syytovpydv. of S& Tov pev duetvova, Oedv, tov Se
¢ , nan oo ta € , a -
érepov, Saipova kadovow: domep Zwpdacrpis 6 pcyos, Ov mevraKioxiAcors
ot ~ cal ta , e cal hal » 2 ts
great TOV Tpwixdv yeyovéva rpecBirepov icropodow. otros ody éxdhet
‘Q X af ¢ XN 3 9 4 \ 1d ‘ X > 4
tov pev ‘Opopalyy, tov 8 "Apeudviov: Kal mpocamepaivero, Tov prev éouxé-
\ in a ® o a x 8 a x / K t 2 vl id
var huti pdidiora tov aicOyrdv, Tov 8 euradw oxdtw Kal dyvoig, pécov
& duotv tov MiOpnv evar. 8:5 cal MiOpyv Tépoa tov Meoirny évoud-
M4 2 25/3, é a N 2 a 08 \ , a Ss 2 t y
over edidase TH prey edxrata Pvew Kal yapiorypia, TO 8 darorpdérata Kat
x , Cs ig y” ra * a x go
oxvopwrd. méav yap twa KérrovtTes "Opwpe kadoumevyy év dApw, Tov aOonV
2 aA ‘ \ , = # 7 e. 4 >
dvakadobvrat Kai Tov oKdrov: elra pigavres aipware AvKov chayévros, eis
£ 2 i 2 £ “ £¢ ed DY lal lal / < “
romov avnALtoy exépovart Kal pimTovat. Kal yap TOY PuT@v vouilovar Ta pev
~ % cal a ®. XX a a , > XN an # g ¥.
Tod dyaGod Geod, Ta. 8& Tod Kaxod Saipovos elvat: Kat Tov Cdwv, domep Kivas
, # \ # a. ot a 3 sen a be ts ‘ 2S
kal dpviOas Kal yepoaious éxivous, Tov dyafot* Tod S€ havdAov, Tods évidpous
as a \ \ A f ty 4
elvat* Oud kat Tov Kretvayra wAeorous edvdatpovilovow.
De defectu Oraculorum, X.: éuoi dé doxotor rAciovas Aioar
x. A > t € X na 5 Pa fe 2 4 na + 3s vA
kat peilovas dmopias of 7d Tav Saydvuv yévos ev pécw Oedy Kal avOpd-
mwv, Kal Tpdrov Twa THY KoWwwviay yuadv ocuvdyov eis TadTd Kal ouvdmToV
> , mW ¢ cal 4. - « rd o£ > W
éEevpovres elre podywv tov rept Zwpodorpyvy & Aédyos ovTds ear, «ire
0) , > ? "0 tg > Ai: ba nx ® “4 = £ 6 tal
paxtos am’ “Opdéws, ett Aiytmrrios, Ppvyws, Os Texpoipouefa rats
€ s ~ * - ‘ x a ie cat ry
éxatépwht Tederais dvapeurypéva, TOAAG OvyTa kal révOiua trav dpyiafo-
pévav kat Spwuevwv lepdv dpavres.
. ¥
Quaest. Conviv. IV. 1.1: od yap euepripyy, ctrev 6 Pirwv sre
e cn 3 ¥ € a ba Ld a“ / »
Swodorpoy Huiv brorpépe 6 Birtvos, dv hace pyre word xpyodpevoy GAAw
¥ ‘
par Oéopate wAHY yaAaKros Sia Biaoa. wavra tov Biov.
236 APPENDIX V
Ibid. IV. 5. 2: kat cd dv ris Alyumrious airudro ris roravrys ddoyias ;
¢ \ . ye a So3 Q N t \
drov kal rods TIv@ayopixods ioropovor Kal dAexrpvova Aevxdv oéBecOar, Kat
4 5
tov Oadrarrivy padiora tpfyAns Kal axadypys aréxerOar* rods 8 dd Zwpo-
doTpov pdyous Tidy pev ev Trois pdduora. Tov XEpoatov exivov, éxPaipey Se
Tous évvdpous pis, Kal tov dmoxreivovta mAéeiorous PeopiAy Kal paxdproy
vomicerv ;
De Animae Procreat in Timaeo, II. 2: kal Zapdras 6 Iv6a-
yopov Siddckados tavrnv [sc. dudda] perv exddret Tod dpiOuod pyrépa, 7d dé ev
marépa* Sid kai Bedriovas eivar TGv apiOuay, door TH povadds mpoceoikact.
Ibid. XXVII. 2: .. . dvdyxnv iv cipappévyv of rodAol Kadodow-
"EpredoxAjs 8é pidiay dod Kat vetkos* “HpdxAetros 8%, radivtporoy dppoviny
pareBoxNj ye p , poroy dpyovln
Koop.ov, Oxwomep Avpys Kat TOSov* Tlapwevidys 8& his kal oxdros+ *Avaga-
a <! a ‘ 2 rs rg XN > XN 7 ‘ ‘ >,
yopas S& vodv kai darepiav: Zwpodorpys S& Gedy Kal Saipova, tov prev ‘Qpo-
paodnv kadav, tov & "Apepaviov.
Advers. Coloten, XIV. 2: ot yap dv ris douyjrov 7d BiBXov
éypages; iva Tatra cuvrieis Ta eykAnpara py Tols éxeivov cuvTéypacw
2. # 2 > tf 2 a > V4 ‘\ ‘ > a ‘ ‘ ~
evrvxns, pyd avarddBns cis xeipas “Aptororé\ovs Ta mepl ovpavod Kal Ta Tept
Woyijs, Oeoppdorov dé 7a wpds Tors puorxods, ‘HpaxAcidov! dé rov Zwpo-
dorpyy, To wept Trav év adov, TO wept Tay Pvotkds dropoupévov, Atxarapyou
8 ra wept Wuxijs, év ois mpds TA Kupudtara Kal pepota TOV guoiKGy tre
voytiovpevot TO TlAdrav Kai paxduevor SiareAodor.
§ 7. Dion Chrusostomos
(Born about a.p. 50)
Borysthenica Orat. XXXVI. (vol. ii. p. 60 f., ed. Dindorf) :
76 8¢ ioxupdy Kai TéAEtov appa Tod Ards ovdels dpa vpvycey dkiws Tav THOdE
ovre "Opnpos ove “Hoiodos, d\AG Zwpodotpys Kat pd-ywv matdes dSovot map’
éxeivou pabovres* dv lépoat A€yovow épwrt codias Kat Sixatocdvys droye-
pyoayvta tov dAAwy Kal? atrov éy dpe tut Liv- ererta adOyvat To pos
mupos Gvwbev moAAOD KatacKyWavtTos cuvexGs Te kdecOat. Tov odv Bactréa
atv Tols éAAoyyuwrdrors Tlepodv adixvetoOat wAnoiov, BovrAdopevov edvfacbat
7 Oed* kat tov dv8pa éLedOeiv €x Tod wupds draby, pavévra Se adrois Thewy
Oappety kedetoat Kal Oioar Ovoias Tiwds, ws yKovTos eis Tov TOTOV TOD Geol.
ovyyiyverOai re pera Tatra otx dmacw GAAG Tots dpiota mpos dAjOeay
mepvuxoot Kat Tod Oeod cuvievae Suvapevors, ovs Tlépoar ptyous éxddecev,
1On Herakleides of Pontos, cf. Bahr, in Pauly’s Real-Encyclopadie,
Miller, Fragm. Hist. Gree. ii. 197 ff.; iii, 1142-1144.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 237
lal bad
emiotapévous Oepamevey To Satpovioy, odx ws “EAAnves ayvoig Tov évopaTos
t
ovtws dvondlovaw dvOpdmous yoytas.
§ 8. Ailios Theon
(Flourished about a.p. 125 ?)
Progymnasmata, 9: od yap & Tourpis 7 Macoayéris, } Srapédpa
<> ? a , 4 ‘x iy 2 ‘ , x ‘ ‘ ‘ 7
Apayou Tod Sdkwy Baotréws yuvy kpeitrwv eort Kupov, 7 Kat val pa Aia
Seuipapis Zopodorpov rot Baxrpiov, yoy svyxwpytéov kal To OAV Tod
Gppevos etvat dydpecrepov, meas pev 7 Ovo yuvatkGy dvdpeordrwy otcdy,
dppévov 8 maproAdGv.
§9. Lukianos
(Flourished about a.p. 160)
Nekuomanteia, 6: xal pot wore Siayputvoivte tovrwy evexey edosev
és BaBvaAdva édXOovra SenOjvai twos Tav pdywy Tov Zwpoderpov pabytay
x , + > > ‘ > aA \ a Ps ‘4 aA
Kal diadoxwv, yKovov & avrovs érwdais Te Kal TedeTals Tiow dvolyey TE TOU
“AiSov tas mtAas kal Katdyew ov dv Botduvra dodadads Kal dricw adbts
Gvaréwrety.
§ 10. M. Iunian(i)us Iustinus
(Period of the Antonines ?)
Hist. Philippicae, I. 1. 9-10: Postremum illi bellum cum
Zoroastre, rege Bactrianorum, fuit, qui primus dicitur artes magi-
cas inuenisse, et mundi principia siderumque motus diligentissime
spectasse. hoc occiso et ipse decessit, relicto impubere adhuc filio
Ninya et uxore Semiramide.
§ 11. Apuleius Madaurensis
(Born about a.p. 125)
Florida, II. 15 (vol. ii. p. 59, ed. Hildebrand): Sunt qui Pytha-
goram aiant eo temporis inter captiuos Cambysae regis, Aegyptum
cum adueheretur, doctores habuisse Persarum magos ac praecipue
Zoroastren, omnis diuini arcanum antistitem, posteaque eum a quo-
dam Gillo Crotoniensium principe reciperatum.
De Magia, XXVI. (vol. ii. p. 502 f, ed. Hild.): Auditisne
magiam, qui eam temere accusatis, artem esse diis immortalibus
acceptam, colendi eos ac uenerandi pergnaram, piam scilicet et
238 APPENDIX V
diuini scientem, iam inde a Zoroastre et Oromazo auctoribus suis
nobilem, coelitum antistitem? quippe quia inter prima regalia
docetur, nec ulli temere inter Persas concessum est magum esse,
haud magis quam regnare. idem Plato in alia sermocinatione de
Zalmoxi quodam Thraci generis sed eiusdem artis uiro ita scriptum
reliquit: OepareverOon 8& tiv Woynv, efy, d paxdpre, erwdais tit. ras de
érwdas Tods Acyous eivat ToYs KaAovs. quodsi ita est, cur mihi nosse
non liceat uel Zalmoxis bona uerba uel Zoroastris sacerdotia ?
Ibid. XXXI. (p. 514): Pythagoram plerique Zoroastris sectatorem
similiter magiae peritum arbitrati.
Ibid. cap. XC. (p. 615 f.): Si quamlibet modicum emolumentum
probaueritis, ego ille sim Carinondas uel Damigeron, uel is Moses
uel Iannes uel Apollonius uel ipse Dardanus uel quicumque alius
post Zoroastren et Hostanen inter magos celebratus est.
§ 12. Clemens Romanus
(About a.p. 30-100, but probably written later)
Recognitiones, IV. 27-29 (tom. i. col. 1826 f., ed. Migne)
(only in Latin transl. of Rufinus; dates about end of a.p. second
century. Cf. Schoell, Histoire Abrégée de la litt. grecque sacrée
et ecclésiastique, Paris, 1832, p. 220 f.; Christ, Griechische Litera-
turgeschichte, 2d ed. p. 732). 27: Ex quibus unus Cham nomine,
cuidam ex filiis suis qui Mesraim appellabatur, a quo Aegyptiorum
et Babyloniorum et Persarum ducitur genus, male compertam magi-
cae artis tradidit disciplinam; hune gentes quae tunc erant Zoro-
astrem appelauerunt, admirantes primum magicae artis auctorem,
cuius nomine etiam libri super hoc plurimi habentur. hic ergo astris
multum ac frequenter intentus et uolens apud homines uideri deus,
uelut scintillas quasdam ex stellis producere et hominibus ostentare
coepit, quo rudes atque ignari in stuporem miraculi traherentur, cupi-
ensque augere de se huiusmodi opinionem, saepius ista moliebatur
usquequo ab ipso daemone, quem importunius frequentabat igni suc-
census concremaretur.
28: Sed stulti homines qui tune erant, cum debuissent utique
opinionem, quam de eo conceperant, abicere, quippe quam poenali
morte eius uiderant confutatam, in maius eum extollunt. extructo
enim sepulcro ad honorem eius, tanquam amicum dei ac fulminis
ad caelum uehiculo subleuatum, adorare ausi sunt, et quasi uiuens
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 239
astrum colere. hinc enim et nomen post mortem eius Zoroaster, hoe
est uiuum sidus, appellatum est ab his, qui post unam generationem
graecae linguae loquela fuerant repleti. hoc denique exemplo etiam
nunc multi eos qui fulmine obierint, sepulcris honoratos tamquam
amicos Dei colunt. hic ergo cum quartadecima generatione coepisset,
quintadecima defunctus est, in qua turris aedificata est, et linguae
hominum multipliciter diuisae sunt.
29: Inter quos primus, magica nihilominus arte, quasi corusco ad
eum delato, rex appellatur quidam Nemrod, quem et ipsum Graeci
Ninum uocauerunt; ex cuius nomine Niniuve ciuitas uocabulum sum-
sit. sic ergo diuersae et erraticae superstitiones ab arte magica
initium sumpsere.
Et eius, quem supra diximus indignatione daemonis, cui nimis
molestus fuerat, conflagrasse, busti cineres tanquam fulminei ignis
reliquias colligentes hi, qui erant primitus decepti, deferunt ad
Persas, ut ab eis tanquam diuinus e caelo lapsus ignis perpetuis
conseruaretur excubiis, atque ut caelestis deus coleretur.
Homilies (also spurious), IX. 4 f. (tom. ii. col. 244, ed. Migne):
2 a v pi # , & ny ny ‘ ‘ , [aes
éx Tov ‘yévous Tovrou yiverat tis Kara Siadoyyy paytKda rapedyndds, dvoparte
fal ~ J
NeBpod, domep yiyas évaytia tG Ged ppovety EAdmevos, ov of "EAXnves Zwpod-
oTpyy mpoonyopevcay. ovtos pera Tov KaTaxAvopoy Bactrclas dpexGels Kal
péyas dv pdyos Tod viv Bacthetovros KaKod Tov GpocKorotvTa Kécpov doTépa
Nt XN 2 > a ae ny Lal cal > La Lg € be oy oy
mpos THY é€ adrod Bacircias Sdow payiKais qvdyxate réxvats. 6 dé dre dy
» nN \ a ‘ N 2 s ” >> A ee ,
dpxwv dv kal rod Bialopévov tiv eLovoiay exwv, pet dpyijs rd THs BactAcias
mpooéxee Top, iva mpds Te Tov SpKiopov ebyvwpovicy, Kal Tov TpdTus dvay-
,
KdCaVTA TLuWPNTHTAL.
- 4 > fan 2 > we + - > a c Ls > ~
éx tadrns obv THs ef odpavod xXapal mecovons dorpamhs 6 pdyos dvatpeHels
NeSpod, ék Tod cru Bdvros mpdypatos Zwpodotpys petwvoudcOy, did 7d THv
700 dorépos Kar’ abrod Lacayv évexOijvat porjv. of d& dvénrot Tv TéTe dvOpwrrov,
ds 81d Thy eds Oedv piAtav Kepavd perarenpbeioay THy Wuxi vouicarTes, Tod
i XN iA #, ed XN x =“ > -F 2 ¥
cdparos T6 Aciavoy KaTopvgavres, Téy pev Tadov vaw éripyoay év Ilépoats,
” € a Q % s [aaa be € 6. XQ é0 a ,
200. 4 Tod mupds KaTaopa yéyover, airdv dé ws Gedy COpyjcxevoay. TovTw
eit ‘
TQ trodelypare Kal of Aourol exeloe Tods KEepavvg OryoKovtas ws Jeodrrels
Bi nA las ‘. a o dt cal e cal > 4
Odarrovres vaois TLLGow, Kal TOV TEOVEdT UW iwy popPav icraow dyduata. . .
Tlépoat rpdro ths && odpavod recovons dortpamis haBovres dvOpaxas rH
: 4 , cal ‘ e 6. ‘ * 4 # % a e
oixeia SuepvAakay tpodpy Kal ws Gedv odpdvioy mpotiwyoavtes TO Tip, ws
a A ,
mp&ro. mpookwvyicavtes, Ur adrod Tod rupds mpGry Bacrdcia reriunvrar’ pel”
;
ots BaBvAdvor dad tot éxel rupds dvOpaxas KAEWavres Kal Siacdcavres eis
Ta, éauTov Kat mpooxuvyjcavtes Kal adtol dxohovOus éBacidevoay.
240 APPENDIX V
§ 13. Titus Flavius Clemens Alexandrinus
(Died between a.p. 211-218)
Stromata I. (tom. i. col. 773, ed. Migne): éw@dOe yap [sc. 6 Anudkpt-
tos'] BaBvddva re xai Mepoida cat Alyumroy rots Te paryiKots Kal roils tepedor
pabyretwv. Zupwdortpyy d& Tov payov Tov Tlépony 6 vOaydpas édndwoev?
BiBrous droxpidous Tavdpds Tove of THy TIpodicov peridvres alpeoty adxodor
KexTyjo Oat.
Ibid. (tom. i. col. 868, ed. Migne): wpoyvice 6€ kat IvOayopas 6
? poy Yop
a ‘ .
péyas mpocavetxey dei, "ABapis te 6 “YrepBdpeos, kal “Apioreias 6 Tpoxov-
vyowos, Eximevidns te 6 Kpiys doris cis Sadptyv adixero, kai Zwpoaorpys 6
Mijdos, "“EumedoxAqs te 6 “Akpayartivos, kal Boppiwv 6 AdKwy.
Ibid. Strom. V. (tom. ii. col. 156 f., ed. Migne): 6 8 airés &v ra
Sexdrw tis Todtefas “Hpds tod “Appeviou,® ro yévos Tappvaou, péuvyrat,
9 > - 4 & a c , , + LO ’
Gs €att Zopodorpys. autos yovv 6 Zopoaotpys ypade’ Tade ovveypawey
Zopoaorpys 6 “Appeviov, 7d yévos Ildudvdos. ev rodduw tedeuTHoas ev
"Atdy yevouevos eSdny rapa Oey. tov 89 Zopodatpyy Todrov 6 Tdrwv 8wde-
katatoy él TH Tupa Keipevoy dvaBiavat A€ye. Taxa pev ody THY dvdoTacW,
tdxa dé éxeiva aiviocoerat, ws a Tov Sddexa Cuwdiwv 6dds Tals puyris
- > ~ Ee 3 a, ay X > ‘ Pe ae ‘ eS
yiverae cis rHv dvddyev. airds 8& kal eis thy yeveriv pyow THY adryy
yiyver Bas KdBodov.
§ 14. Origenes
(a.p. 185-254)
Contra Celsum I. (tom. i. col. 689, ed. Migne): dpa ody ei pi
dytixpus Kaxoupyav e€éBare [sc. 6 KéAcos] tov xaraddyou tay copay kal
Muvoéa, Aivoy 88 kat Movoaiov kat "Opdéa kat rv Pepexvoyv kat tov Mépony
Zwpodorpyv Kai TvOayépay pyoas wept rOvde dretdynpevat, cal és BiBdrovs
katateBetcOat Ta éavrdy Séypata, kal mepvdrdxOat aitd péypr Setipo.
Contra Haereses I. col. 3025: Addwpos 8% 5 Eperpteds xat Apiord-
£evos 6 provatxds yo mpos Zaparay tov Xaddatov éAnrAvOevar TvOaydpay*
tov 8¢ éxOéoOat atrd S8vo elvan dx’ dpyas Tots odow airia, warépa Kal pntépa’
Kal matépa pev ids, pytépa Se oxédros, Tod S€ Pwrds pépy Oepucv, Enpsv,
1 Cf. Eusebius. 8 Vid. Plato, Repub. p. 614 B.
2 Quoted by Cyrill. adv. Jul. iii. 4 Zwpéaorpis in Euseb. Prep. Evang.
(tom. i, col. 633, ed. Migne) where, XIII. 13,30. ,
however, é(fawoev is read (cf. Win-
dischmann, Zor. Stud. 263).
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 241
cal Coed a be # , € - 4 bv. 2 8e a
Kovgov, Taxv* Tov dt axdrous Wuxpdv, typdv, Bapv, Bpad’. éx dé TovTwy
. >
wdvta Tov KOgpov Guvertdvat, éx Ondeias Kal dppevos* eivat St Tov Kdopov
4 x ‘ © 4 8 \ \ x nr a“ 6 ‘ iQ 5
piow Kara povoixnvy dppoviay, 86 Kal rov yAtov movetobar THY Tepiodov
LS - \ oe n 2 a \ / t aN N. re Q
€vappoviov. mept d¢ Tav éx yas Kal Kédcpov yivopevwy Tdde pact A€ye Tév
f
Zapdtav* 8vo Saiuovas eivat, Tov pev oipdvtov, Tov 8& xOdvov* Kal roy pev
, ’ ‘ , 2 a a > $2 25 5 Ay: 8S ofnd a
xOovov dvievar tiv yeveow ek THs yis, elvat dé Vdwp* Tov SF odpdviov wip
4 ae oy cel a 5 Xx * , Doe 2 a doe
peréxov Tod depos, Oepudy Tod Wuxpod. 66 Kal Tovrwy ovdey dvatpely odde
s Yous aa} N a 2 a , , \
puaivery pyot thy Woxnv' eoTe yap Tatra otola Tay mdvTwv. Kvdwous SF
Aeyerar mapayyedAav py Cobley, airia rod Tov Zaparny cipnkévat Kara THY
an ¥. a mW ‘N
apxiv kal ovyKpioty TOV TaVTwY CLVLOTOPLEVYS THS yHs Ere Kal cvvoconppEryS
ta y.
yevéoOar Tov Kvapov. TovTov S& Texuypidy pyowy, eb Tis KaTapaonodmevos
° s
Aelov Tov Kvapov KaTaetn Tpos WALov Xpovoy Tiva — TOTO yap EvOEws ayTIAH-
, x , , 35 , : 8 > .e
Yerar — rpoopéepev dvOpwrivor ydvou ddunv. cadéorepoy 8 elvat Kal erepov
aN & 7 > 6 a a ie Xr be X\ iS \ = 6
mrapddeypa A€yet, ef dvOodvros TOU Kudpyov AaBdvres Tov KVapovy Kal 7d dyOos
avrod Kal xatabévres eis yUTpav TavTyV TE KaTAaXpicayTes eis yHv KaTOpvEatpev
‘\ J * f € - 3 Fs 16. ay s* hy W, ‘ X
kal per’ GALyas Audpas dvaxadvwatpev, ioney (av) adtd eldos éxov Td prev
mpatov ws aicxivyy yuvatkds, pera S& Tatra Katavoovpevoy Tadiou Kepadiy
=
oupTepuKviay.
Ibid. V. (auct. inc.) Migne, vi. col. 3170: dvvams defta etovordZe
Kaprv* tovtov 4 dyvwoia éxdAnoe Mijva, ov Kar’ eixdva éyévovto Boupeyas,
’Oordvys, “Epps tpurpeyvoros, Kovpiryns, MWerdotpis, Zwddpiov, Bypwods,
*Aotpdapipovyos, Zwpdacrpis.
Ibid. VI. (col. 3228, Migne): kai Zaparas 6 TvOayépov di8aoKados
a
éxdAet TO pev Ev marépa, TO Se Svo pnTépa.
§15. Diogenes Laertios
(Flourished about a.p. 210)
Proewm. 2 (ed. Cobet, Paris, 1862): dard 8 trav Médywv, dv dpéat
Zwpodorpyy tov épony, “Epyddwpos pev 6 WAarwvixds év to rept paPnpdrwy
dyoi eis tiv Tpoias ddwow éry yeyovévat revraxtoxidta.*) HavOos St 6 Avdds
eis rHv Bépfov didBacw dad tod Zwpodorpov efaxioxirda yot, cal per’ adrév
yeyovevat moAXovs Twas Mayous xara Sia8oxiy, ‘Oordvas cal "Aotpayydsyous
cot TwBpvas xai Taldras, wept tis Tov Tlepodv im’ ’AdeEdv8pov xatadiceus.
Ibid. 6: riyv 8& yoytixny payeiav odk eyvwoay [sc. of Mayor], pyoiv
*Apicroréedys ev TO Mayixd kal Acivon év rH méumry Tv ioropiiv’ os Kal
peOcppnvevopevdv pyot tov Zwpodorpyy dorpoPiryy civar: gpyot 8 rotro
kal 6 “Eppddwpos. "Apiororédys & év tO mpdtw wept Pirdocodias kal mpeo-
1 Two MSS., éfarioxlaia.
R
242 APPENDIX V
Burépous eva tay Aiyurriwv: Kal So Kar’ adrods evar dpxds, dyabov
Safuova Kal xaxdv Sapova, kat TH pev dvoua elvot Zeds xat ‘Qooudodys, ro
8 "Awys Kal Aperudvios. gyot 8 roto Kal "Eppumrmos ev TO mpdrw rept
Mdywv xai Evdofos év 7H Hepiddy cat @edmopmos ev TH dyddn Tv Bidrur-
mxay, 6s Kat dvaBuscecOat Kara Tos Mdyous pyot rods avOpmmovs xat
Zoeoba dOavdrovs, kat Ta Ovta Tals aitOv émxdjoeot Siapévery. Taira Se
kat EvSnuos & “Pddios iorope’. “Exaratos 8& Kai yevnrods robs Oeods evar
kat’ avrovs. Kdéapxos S& 6 Soreds ev rh wept ratdelas Kai rods Tupvoco-
duoras droydvous evar tov Mdywv pyciv’ enor d& Kat rods “Iovdaious éx
TovTwy élvat.
§ 16. Arnobius
(Wrote about a.p. 295)
Adv. Gentes I. 5 (col. 727 f£., ed. Migne): ut inter Assyrios
et Bactrianos, Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus, non tantum
ferro dimicaretur et uiribus, uerum etiam Magicis et Chaldaeorum
ex reconditis disciplinis, inuidia nostra haec fuit ?
Ibid. I. 52 (col. 788 ff.): Age nune, ueniat quis super igneam
zonam, magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres, Hermippo ut assentiamur
auctori. Bactrianus et ille conueniat, cuius Ctesias res gestas histo-
riarum exponit in primo, Armenius Hosthanis/ nepos, ete.
§ 17. Porphurios
(4.D. 238 to about a.p. 3804)
Vit. Pythagorae 12: é re "ApaPia rd Bact cuviv [6 Wvbay6-
pas] vy re BaBvaAdyt rots 7° ddAots Xaddaiors cuveyévero Kal mpos Za Bparov
ddixero, wap 00 Kat dxaBap6n Ta Tod mporépov Biov Avpara Kal ediddx6n
a4? 2 ra Fs ~ Hy re x * Cd x 4 \
ad’ ov dyvedvew mpoojKet Tois Grovdaiots, Tov Te Tept HIcEws Adyov YKoVEE Kal
1a £ n La > i > XX n ‘ a NW, t e 4
tives at tov ddwy Gpxai. ex yap THs wept Tatra Ta €Ovy wAGVys 5 TvOaydpas
TO wA€laTOV THS Topias éverropetcato.
De antro nympharum 6: ovrw kai Ilépoa: ry eis kdtw KdOodov
tal lal ‘\ aN wy ny a a XX ta > ¥
TOV Woxav Kal rddw e€odov proTaywyodyTes TeAODEL Tov pioTHV, erovopd-
cayres omyAatov Troy" mpOrTa. wey ds pyow EvBovdos, Zwpodorpov avropves
omydatov év rots wAyoiov Gpect THs Tlepoidos dvOnpdv Kal myyas exov dyte-
pwoavtos eis Tima TOU TavTWY ToLNTOU Kal matpds MiGpov, eixdva épovros
Fa a 3 a an
ait® Tod oryAaiov Tod Kéopov, ov 6 MiOpas ednuwodpynoe, TOv Se évros
Kara oupperpovs drooctdces ciuBora epdvTwy TOV KoTpLKOV oToLXELwy
Kat kAtudrav' pera St rodrov Zwpoderpyy Kpatyoavros Kal mapa Tois GAXots
1MSS. Zostriani, cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. 289.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 243
8 dvtpwv Kat orndalov er’ ov aitopuay Eire xelporonjrwy Tas TeA€Tds
drodtddvat.?
De Vita Plotini § 16: yeydvace 8 xar’ abrdv trav XpioriavOv roA-
Nol pay Kal dAdo, aiperixol & ex Tis madaas Pirdocodias dvyypévot of
mept “AdeAduov Kai "Axvdivoy, of Ta “AAc~dvSpov rod A/Bvos Kal BrrAoKdpov
cat Anpoorpérov kat Avdod ovyypdppata mdelora KexTnpevot, droxadvpets
re mpopepovres Zwpodorpov Kat Zworptayod cat NexoBéov xai "AAAoyevoiis
‘7 r% ™ yw CA \ 2 7 XN > \ > , e
kat Mégov xat ddAAwv rotovrwv woddovs eEyTarwv Kal adrol yraTnpEvot, ws
8) rod TAdrwvos eis 76 Bdbos ris voytis obcias ob weAdoavros. dOev
s&s X 5.3 2 [A 3 > a ft Pp XN \
airds piv moddods éXéyyous movovpevos ev rais cuvovoiats, ypdyas dé Kal
- Lg x s. AY > , ea DY ‘ -
BiBrlov, dep mpds Tos yvworiKods éreypdwamev, Yuly Ta Aoura Kpivew
KarahéAourev. "ApeAtos O€ dxpt TecoapdKovta BiBdiwv mpoKxexdpyKe mpds
76 Zworptavod BuBdiov avtvypaduv. TLoppuptos 5 éyw rpds 76 Zwpodorpov
x a > a oe 4 \ Fg + - ,
ovxvors reroinwat éX€yxous, Gus vébov Te Kat véov 76 BiBriov mapadexvis,
mwendaopevoy Te bTd TOV THY alpecty GvoTYyTOpEvuY els Sdav Tov evar TOD
maAatod Zwpodarpov Ta Séypara, d adrol eiAovro mper Bevery.
§ 18. Eusebios
(About a.p. 264-340)
This passage is usually assigned to Philo Byblius (flor. cire. ap.
125), Fragm. 9, apud Euseb. Praep. Evang. I. 10 (tom. iii.
col. 88, ed. Migne): kai Zwpodorpys 8 6 péyos év TH iepa cwaywyy Tov
Tlepotxav pyow xara Aééw* ‘O Se Geds éore Kehadiv exwy lépaxos. odTds
éorw 5 mp&tos apOaptos, didios, ayévyytos, duepys, dvopotdtaros, yvioxos
mavTds KaAov, gdwpoddKynTos, dya0Gv dyabdratos, ppovimwy Ppovipwraros *
Rs * y 5. ‘ > is ‘ Ea F) s' Ea * t
éott d& kal waryp eivopias Kai Sixatooivys, abrodidaxros, pvatkds, kal TéAELos,
QA 4 a ¢ aA nan 4 e , ‘ ‘ aN 2 / ‘
kat codes, Kai tepod pvotxod pdvos etperys. Ta Sé aita Kal "Oordyys pyot
wept adrod ev TH emtypadhopevyn "Oxtaredyo.
Ibid. X. 9, 10 (col. 805 seq., ed. Migne): ob Nivos émdvupos
mods, 4 Nevevt wap’ “EBpaios avépacrat, Ka’ ov Zwpodotpys 6 pacyos
Baxrpiov éBaciievoe. Nivov 8 yuvy kal diddoxos rijs Baotrelas Senipapis *
dor eva tov “ABpadp Kata Tovrous.
Eusebius Chron. II. 35, ed. Aucher (to year 9 of Abraham):
Zoroastres magus rex Bactrianorum clarus habetur: aduersum quem
Ninus dimicauit.
1 Thus Nietzsche in his ‘ Also sprach Zarathustra’ makes the Sage dwell in a
cave, with a serpent and an eagle as his faithful companions.
244. APPENDIX V
§19. C. Iul. Solinus Polyhistor
(a.pv. Third or Fourth Century)
J. Nascentium uox prima uagitus est: laetitiae enim sensus
differtur in quadrigesimum diem. itaque unum nouimus eadem
hora risisse, qua erat natus, scilicet Zoroastrem, mox optimarum
artium peritissimum.
§ 20. Basilios Megas
(A.D. 329-879)
Epist. CCLVIII. (tom. iv. col. 953, ed. Migne): ras 8 ex rod
"ABpadp. yevadoylas oddels uiv méxpt TOD rapdvTos TGV péywv éuvodhdyyoev*
ddAG Zapotdy tiva éavrois dpynyov Tod yévous emi@ypiCovar.
§ 21. Epiphanios of Constantia
(A.v. 298-408)
Adv. Haereses, Lib. I. Tom. I. 6 (tom. i. col. 185 seq., ed.
Migne): NeBpw8 yap Bacthever vids rot Xots tod AiOloros, e€ ob “Aocoip
yeyevyntat. tovrov # BactAeia év “Opty yeyévvyntat, Kai év “Appar, Kal
Xaddvyyn. xrite dé ai rHv Oepas kai tiv OoBer kat AdBov év rH ’Acovpiav
, as a e ri me % / a ,
xope. Todtév dace aides “EAAjvwy civot tov Zwpodorpyy, os mpoow
xwopyoas emt Ta dvaroAuKa pépy olkiaris yiverat Baxtpwv.' évredbey ta
Kata THY yhv mapdvona Siaveveuntat. epevperyns yap ovTos yeyevyTat KaKis
diSaxis dorporoylas kal payeias, ws Tvés hace rept TovTov Tod Zwpodcrpov.
AY e a ef , a a XA aA bi 2 os € c
TAY ws 4 axpiBea weprexe. TOD NeBpwO rod yiyavtos otTos jy 6 xpovos.
od mod’ b€ GAAAWY TO xpove SeoryKaow aupw, o te NeGBpw Kal 6
Zwpodorpys.
§ 22. Ammianus Marcellinus
(About 330-400)
XXIII. 6, 32-34: magiam opinionum insignium auctor amplis-
simus Plato machagistiam esse uerbo mystico docet, diuinorum
incoruptissimum cultum, cuius scientiae saeculis priscis multa ex
Chaldaeorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, deinde Hystaspes
rex prudentissimus Darei pater. qui cum superioris Indiae secreta
fidentius penetraret, ad nemorosam quandam uenerat solitudinem,
1 The same statement is later repeated by Prokopios of Gaza, see below, § 33.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 245
cuius tranquillis silentiis praecelsa Bracmanorum ingenia potiuntur,
eorumque monitu rationes mundani motus et siderum purosque
sacrorum ritus quantum colligere potuit eruditus, ex his quae didicit,
aliqua sensibus magorum infudit, quae illi cum disciplinis praesen-
tiendi futura per suam quisque progeniem posteris aetatibus tradunt.
ex eo per saecula multa ad praesens una eademque prosapia multi-
tudo creata deorum cultibus dedicatur. feruntque, si iustum est
credi, etiam ignem caelitus lapsum apud se sempiternis foculis custo-
diri, cuius portionem exiguam ut faustam praeisse quondam Asiaticis
regibus dicunt.
§ 23. Marius Victorinus Afer
(About a.p. 350)
Ad Iustinum Manichaeum (col. 1003, ed. Migne): Jam uidisti-
ne ergo quot Manis, Zoradis, aut Buddas haec docendo deceperint?
§ 24. Hieronymus
(a.p. 331-420)
Epist. 132 (tom. i. col. 1153, ed. Migne): In Hispania Agape
Elpidium, mulier uirum, caecum caeca duxit in foueam, successo-
remque qui Priscillianum habuit, Zoroastris magi studiosissimum,
et ex mago episcopum, cui iuncta Galla non gente sed nomine,
germanam huc illucque currentem alterius et uicinae haereseos
reliquit haeredem.
§ 25. Iohannes Chrustostomos
(a.v. 347-407)
Lib. de 8. Babyla contra Iulianum et Gentiles (tom.
ii. col. 536, ed. Migne): etre yap pot, da ti tov Zwpodorpyy éxetvov kal
tov Ldporkiv ove e€ dvouatos tcacw of ToAAoL, wadAov dé odd tives TAY
2\/ n o> 3 , 9 x \ 20-7 , ¢
OXyav TWOV; ap’ ovx GTt wAdopaTA YY Ta TeEpt ExEivwv AEyomeva aTavTaA;
Kaitou ye Kaxelvot Kal of Ta exeivwv ovvOevres Servol yevérOar éyovrat, of pev
A € fal XY 2 , ec be / a a a ¥
yonreiay ebpety kal épydcacbat, of dé cvoxidoa Wetdos TH TOV Adywv mBavo-
> ‘\ tf / iA \ : rend Lg € a Pd € ‘
TyTt. GAA TdvTa paTyv yiverat Kal eikH, OTav y TV AEyouevwn UroHects
cabpa Kai Pevdys ooa TN, WoTEp ody, Stray icyvpa Kal AdyOs, EravrTa mady
parnv yiverat Kai elk Ta mpos avatpornv émivootmeva mapa TaY éxOpav-
ovdepias yap Setrat BonOeias 7) THs dAnOeias loxus.
246 APPENDIX V
§ 26. Aurelius Prudentius Clemens
(4.p. 348 to about a.p. 410!)
Apotheosis, 492 ff.:
ecquis alumnus
Chrismatis inscripto signaret tempora ligno;
Qui Zoroastraeos turbasset fronte susurros.
§ 27. Paulus Orosius
(Wrote about a.p. 417)
Hist. I. 4 (col. 700, ed. Migne): Nouissime Zoroastrem Bactria-
norum regem, eundemque magicae (ut ferunt) artis repertorem, pugna
oppressum [sc. Ninus] interfecit.’
The passage contains some account also of Semiramis as well as
of Ninus.
§ 28. Aurelius Augustinus
(4.D. 354-430)
De Civ. Dei, XXI. 14 (tom. vii. col. 728, ed. Migne): Solum
quando natus est ferunt risisse Zoroastrem, nec ei boni aliquid
monstrosus risus ille portendit. nam magicarum artium fuisse
perhibetur inuentor; quae quidem illi nec ad praesentis uitae
uanam felicitatem contra suos inimicos prodesse potuerunt. a
Nino quippe rege Assyriorum, cum esset ipse Bactrianorum, bello
superatus est.
§ 29. Kurillos Alexandrinos
(About a.p. 376-444)
Contra Julian. III. (tom. ix. col. 633, ed. Migne): dr: pev ody of
Mayo Tepouxdy ioe yévos, épotot ov rdvtws. Zwpodorpyy ye pay ovdels
drahdd£ete AGyos TOD Tails paytKals evicyjobat réxvats, ob OF Kal mavdpioroy
AY Ld - ¢ XN iF; | 14 > > lal
Lnruriv Tvbaydpay paciv, ds kat BiBrovs dmoppyrovs rap’ adtod ouTe-
Oapévas adxnoal Twas.
1 Quoted also by Gregory of Tours, 2 Praised by Ekkehard Urangiensis,
Miraculor. lib. i. cap. 41 (col. 748, col. 505, ed. Migne (vol. 154),
ed. Migne).
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 247
§ 30. Theodoretos of Cyrus
(About a.p. 387-457)
Graecarum Affectionum Curatio, IX. de legibus (tom.
iv. col. 1045, ed. Migne): éAX& Kara Trois ZapdSou radar Mépoae wodcrevo-
pevot vopous, Kal pntpdor Kal adeAdats dbeds Kal pévror kal Ovyarpdot
puyvipevor, kat evvopov tiv mapavouiay vouilovres, ered THs TOV adtéwy
vopobecias émjxovoav, Tos pev Zapddov vomous ws mapavopiay érdrycey,
THv ebayyeduKyy 8& cudpootvyv Pydrncav. Kal Kvol Kal oiwvols rods
vexpovs mporiévar map exeivou peuabyxores, viv totTo Spav of morev-
cavres odk dvéxovtat, GANG TH yy KaTaxpUTrovar, Kal Tov TodTO Spay daaye-
pevovrwv ob gdpovriLover vowwy, ovde medpixact tiv tov Kodalovrwy
GOuornta.
§ 31. Claudianus Mamertus
(Wrote about a.p. 470)
De statu animae, II. 8 (col. 750, ed. Migne): Quid ego nune
Zoroastri, quid Brachmanum ex India, quid Anacharsis e Scythia,
quid uero Catonum, quid M. Ciceronis, quid Crysippi, qui ab ipso
paene principio sui operis animo dominandi ius tribuit, corpori
legem seruitutis imponit, in defensionem ueri sententias adferam ?
§ 32. Iohannes Laurentios Ludos
(Born about a.p. 490)
De Mensibus, II. 3 (p. 14, ed. Bonnenn.): [6rz of wept Zwpo-
dotpyv kal ‘Yordornvy Xaddaior kat Aiyvrrio. dd Tod dpiOuod trav 7mAa-
Ps 2 e 4 * € , , i \ < LA c ¥ ft
vytov évy EBdouads Tas Hucpas dvéAaBov, kal THv pev mpOTHVY BpEpav play,
ws Kal of IvOaydpetot, kadotow éx Tis povddos, GTe povy Kal dKolvevyTos
tais dAXats.]
Ibid. II. 5 (p. 16, ed. Bonnenn.): tocaitra peév wept ris pads, qv os
epyv mpatyv ro TAHOOS Kade, Hv Kat’ alcOyow Friw dvBevro, Tapia yey
Tov mavTos aicOyTod puwros, Ot ov Oeppaive Te dua Kal npeua Enpaiver Ta
Fd en a , > % A > F . aS ‘
copata, évi tov tAavyTav Kal’ "EAAyvas, kav ei Zwpodorpys atrov mpd
Tov arAavav TaTTy.
Ibid. De Ostentis, 2 (p. 274, ed. Bonnenn.): dppodioy 8 evar
vonilw Ta rept THv ToovTwv ypadev COédrovtt, robev Te Y THV ToLOvTwY
KardAyyis p&t «yew, kal d0%y Exye Tas apopyds, Kal dws él Toootroy
248 APPENDIX V
a i
mporr us kal adrois, eb Oéuts eimetv, Alyurrious trepBadeiv. rovruv
yap 8%, mera Zwnodotpny Tov modww, Terootpts tots eiduxols Ta & yéver dtamdetge
TOAAG pev Kar’ aitov mapadodvat PBiderar, od a7 % 74028/8wor rata,
a “4 UTa) *
povots S& rots Kad” attov, waddov 6& doo Kat 74” apos Groxacpods ém-
THdELOTEpOL.
§ 33. Prokopios of Gaza
(Flourished about a.p. 500)
Comment. in Genesin [c. XI.] (tom. i. col. 312, ed. Migne):
tov “Accotp acw of "EAXnves civat Tov Zwpodotpyv, os Tpocw xXwpyoas
émt ra dvatodixa pépy oixtorys yiverat Baxtpwv.' otros gacw efedpev
dotporoylav* mAjv as 4 axpiBea rod NeBpwd rod yiyavros meptéxet,
ovros Hv 6 Kpovos' od rodd 8 ddAjAwY TH xpovy SieoryKxace NeBpwd
te kat Zwpodorpys* dAdo. S& tov “Apdagdd gacw eipyxévat tiv dotpo-
doyiav.
§ 34. Ainaias of Gaza
(About a.p. 500)
Theophrastus, 77: kairo. xat Tddrov rh ocopate tov “Appentov
e& “Aidov mpos Tos CGvras dvdye. 6 8 Zwpodorpys mpodrcya ws eéorat
xX , > i r¢ nr st 4 ec ig a
more xpovos év @ TdavTwv vexpov dvdotacts erat. oldey 6 Oeomopumos 6
A€yw Kal robs GAAous abros éxdidacxet.
§ 35. Agathias Scholastikos
(About a.p. 536-582)
Hist. IT. 24 (col. 1881 f., ed. Migne): I¢pous 8& rots viv 7a pev
mporepa en oxeddv TL Gravta wapeirae dueder kat dvarérparrat, ddXoiows Se
Tot Kal olov vevolevpévors XpGvrat vopimors, éx tay Zwpodorpov rod ’Oppda-
Sews Sidaypdtrwov KataxdyOévres. ovros $8 6 Zwpdacrpos* yrou Zapddys —
dirty yap er’ aire % érwvupia — Sryvixa piv yxpacey tiv apxiv Kal rods
vopnous ero, odk éveott capds Siayvavor. dpoar 8& adrév of viv emt
‘Yordorew, ovrw 84 te dhGs pact yeyovevat, ds Alay dudtyvoeioGat Kai ovK
clvac pabeiv, wérepov Aapetov marnp eire kal GAXos ovTos barApxev ‘Yordowys.
ep’ ory & av Kat yvOnoe xpdve, dpyyerys adtois éxeivos kal Kabyyeudov THs
payikns yéyovey dyioreias, Kal ards 5) Tas mporépas tepovyias dpeiipas,
Topplyets Tevas Kal rouidas évéOnxe Sdéas. TO pev yap wodatov Ala Te Kak
1 For this statement, see Epiphanios 2Vulg. Zwpdados; R. Zopdacrpos.
of Constantia, above, § 21.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 249
td
Kpévov koi tovrovs oi) adravras tous tap "EAAnot OpvdAAovpevous éripwy
Geods wAHV ye dre 8H adtois 4 mpooyyopia odx Spotws eowlero. ddA Bijdov
- ?
uv tov Aia rvxdv, SdvSqv te tov “Hpaxdéa, cat Avairida tiv “Adpodiryy,
kal dAdws Tovs dddovs éxddovv, ws tov Bypwood te TO BaBvdAwviw kat
4
AOnvoxAd kat Suudxw, Trois Ta dpxadrata tov “Acovpiwy te kal Mydwv
dvaypaipapevots, iordpytat. viv d& ds Ta TOAAG Tols KaAovpEvots Maviyaious
Li > , Ff x , 2 a 6 > ‘ ‘ XN xX > On
Evpdépovrat, éodcoy dvo Tas mpuwtas HyeloOa dpxas Kal rHy pey ayaOyv Te
o \ . , a wy > , 2 = be > » w
dpa Kal ra KdAdora Toy dvrwv droKvycacay, évavtins S& Kat dudw exovoay
bt = # ; a4 ta 3 a = / *. ‘ lal f ,
Thy érépav. dvouard Te adtais érdyovot BapBapiKa kal ry operépa yAwTTy
a ‘ % XQ 3 66 4 6 ‘ my 8 - 70 4 i
meromnpeva. Tov pev yap ayaddv, ere Gedy cite Syptovpydy, “Oppiodarnv
drrokaAovow, Aptudvys dé 6 D i i dAcOpiv. = Eopryy Te rach
droxadotow, “Apiudvys d¢ dvoua TO Kakiorw kai 6AcOpiv. éoptyv Te TacGy
wn @e Tal
peiLova THY TOY KaKOY AEyouévyv avaipeow exTeovow, év y ToY TE EpTETaY
A \ a ” if < , y + 2 4 s
mXeiora kat tov dAwv Cowy érdca dypta Kal epypovdpya Katakreivovtes,
a 4 ra 4 > 2 4 > rs “4 bt We
Tols payols mpocdyouow, womep és emidakw eboeBeias. tTavTy yap olovrat
To pev ayaba topeva. &t Corba, éviay dé kal AvpaiverOat Tov A pynd
D ev ayabe Kexapiopeva Sarroveto Oat, dviav Sé kal AvpaiverOa Tov Aptimdvyv.
, be 2 XX , ‘ vO! € be ‘\ fe > a 3 st
yepaipovor dé és Td pddtoTa TO VOwp, ws pyde TA mpdowra aird évasrovi-
Leobar, uyre dAAws emOuyydvew Ste pay ToTOD Te ExaTe Kai THS TGV puTay
émipeXeias.
§ 36. Scholastikos Kassianos Bassos
(4.p. Sixth Century)
Praef. in lib. L.: 7a duaddpos trav waAadv repi re yewpyias Kal émripe-
A lal ‘\ de S22 an & ? f #
Aeias Purdy Kal oropipmwy Kal Erépwyv ToAAGY ypnoimwv eipnucva ovAAEas
eis &, TouTl 76 BiBdAtov cuvréfeka. cuvetdextat Sé ex Tov PArwpertivov
kai Oiuwdavwviov kat “AvatoAiov kat Bypouriov kal Atopdvous Kat Acovrivov
>
kai Tapaytivov kai Anuoxpirov kai “Adptxavod tapaddééwv kal Tlauidov kai
*ArovAyiov Kai Bdpwvos kal Zwpodatpov kal Ppdvrwvos kai Tagdpou xat
Aapnyépovtos cai Avdvpou Kat Swriovos cat tov Kuyridiov.
Geoponica, 11. 18. 11: Zwpoderpys d8 réye, ext evavrdv Ga py
GAyeiv tovs dpOaruors, tov év rpadrots iddvra ext Tov uTod pepvevias
kddvKas, Kal tTpioiv é& adtdv dropagdpevoy TA Supara, Kal éml rod puTod
Ta pdda Karadurovra.
Ibid. 13. 9. 10: Zupodorpys poi, tis Opidaxos 7d oréppa. perd oivov
mobev iarat Tovs oKopTLodHKToOVS.
Geoponica (continued): The following rubrics of “Zoroaster”
will sufficiently indicate the character of the lore ascribed to him,
without the necessity of presentation of the texts of the chapters
under them,
1Vulg. Opuicddorny.
250 APPENDIX V
g ar 2 207 / i3 if so e *& a ,
I. 7: ore dvaykatov €or eidévat, wore h ceAHvy yiverat brép yhv, wore
8 tm viv. Zwpodorpov. (31 sections, pp. 11-15, ed. Beckh.)
I. 8: rept rijs rod xuvos émeroAjs Kal rhs mpoyvdcews roy ef abrijs
ovpBawovrwv. rod avrod. (13 sections, pp. 15-17.)
I. 10: onpetwors rdv droredoupevwn éx THs TpadTys Bpovtis Kal Exacrov
eros, meta THy Tod Kuvds ExtroAnv. Zwpodorpov. (13 sections, pp. 19 seq.)
I. 12: dwoexaerypis rod Atds, cal doa daroreAet mepiroAciwy Tos Swdexo,
olkous Tod Cwdiaxod KUKAov. Zwpoderpov. (40 sections, pp. 21-28.)
II. 15: mpoyvwortkdv, wore cidévat, Toia tav omrepomevwv yevyoovrat
evbary. Zwpoderpov. (38 sections, p. 55.)
V. 46: ev rotw oikw ovons Tijs cednvns xp) Tpvyav, Kal dt. Anyotons
airs kat broyeiou ovons Tov tpvyntov Set Toely. Zwpoderpov. (1 section,
p. 164.)
VII. 5: sept dvoigews riOwy, xal ri xpy mapapvddrrecbat TH Kap Tis
tovrwv dvoifews. Zwpodorpov. (8 sections, pp. 190 seq.)
VIL. 6: mepi perayyropod olvov, kal mére yp jeravrAcly Tovs oivous,
kal drt diapopay exer 6 ev TO aiTd wiOw éuBeBAnpevos olvos. Tod adrod.
(11 sections, pp. 191 seq.)
VIL. 11: dere ind Bpovrdy kat dorpardv py tpéreoOou rods oivous.
Zwpoderpov. (1 section, p. 195.)
X. 83: dadpov dkaprov kaprogopeiy. Zwpoderpov. (3 sections, p. 319.)
XIII. 16: wept xavOapiSuv. Zwpodorpov. (4 sections, p. 403.)
XV. 1: rept dvody cvpradady kat dvrvabedy. Zwpodorpov. (35
sections, pp. 432-436.)
§ 37. Gregorius Turonensis
(A.D. 538-598)
Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (ol. 164 seq., ed. Migne): Primogenitus
uero Cham, Chus. hic fuit totius artis magicae imbuente diabolo et
primus idololatriae adinuentor. hic primus statuunculam adoran-
dam diaboli instigatione constituit: qui et stellas et ignem de coelo
cadere falsa uirtute hominibus ostentebat. hic ad Persas transiit.
hune Persae uocitauere Zoroastrem, id est uiuentem stellam. ab hoc
etiam ignem adorare consueti, ipsum diuinitus igne consumptum ut
deum colunt.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 251
§ 38. Isidorus
(About 4.p. 570-636)
Etymol. 5. 39 (tom. iii. col. 224, ed. Migne): Thara, an. Lxx,
genuit Abraham. Zoroastes magicam reperit.
Ibid. 8. 9 (col. 310), III. M. CLXXXIV.: Magorum primus
Zoroastes rex Bactrianorum, quem Ninus rex Assyriorum praelio
interfecit, de quo Aristoteles scribit quod uicies centum millia
uersuum ab ipso condita indiciis uoluminum eius declarentur.
Chron. (tom. v. col. 1024, ed. Migne): Hac aetate magica ars
in Perside a Zoroaste Bactrianorum rege reperta. a Nino rege
oceiditur.
§ 39. Chronicon Paschale or Chron. Alexandrinum
(Last Date a.p. 6291)
Chron. Paschale (col. 148 seq., ed. Migne; I. p. 67, ed.
a , \ id f
Bonnenn.): xai redkeura 5 Kpédvos. 6 8 Nivos émixparis yevduevos Tis
*Acovpias krile rHv Neveu roAw ’Acorpiots, kat Baothever rp&tos ev atta
te , A \ ¢ af XN € oi: , ‘N a > o€ a“
éxwv THY Seuipapev THv Kal “Péay tHv éavTod pytépa Kal yuvaixa ped” éavrod.
2 > A ne? 2 , ve s Qe 9 , a
€& adrod obv Tod yevous eyevv9On Kai 6 Zwpdactpos* 5 dorpovduos Tepoay
& mepiBdyros, doris peAdwv TeAEvTay yUXETO bd Tupds avahwOijvat otpaviov,
elroy rots Ilépoats dre édv Kavon pe Td Tip, éx TOV Kalonévuy pov doTéwy
émdpare kal puddtare, kai ov éxAcipet TS Baciretov €x THs buoy ywpas doov
xpovoy puddrrete Ta Ena doréa. Kal edfduevos tov ‘Opiwva dd mupos
2? : s a ee, € s N > 2 An . oo».
depiov dvnAdOn. Kat éroinoay ot Ilépcot caus elev adrots Kat exovor
gudarrovres 7d Acipavoy airod reppwlev ews viv.
The same story is found in almost the same words, or with no
material addition, in the works of Iohan. Malalas (a.p. sixth century)
(col. 84, ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121; p. 18, ed. Bonnenn.) ; Geor-
gios Hamartolos (d. circ. a.p. 1468), Chron. (col. 56, ed. Migne, Patro-
log. Gr. tom. 110). See, also, Georgios Kedrenos (end of eleventh
century A.D.), who also adds (Historiarum Compendium,
col. 57, ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121; p. 29 f., ed. Bonnenn.):
Ta Acipava abrod dd. tyuys elxov of Wépcat ews révrov Katappovycartes Kat
tis Bactrelas éférecor.
1 But with a spurious addition to a.p. 1042; cf. Krumbacher, Geschichte
der byzant. Literatur?, pp. 337-389). 2 P, Zopodorpys.
252 APPENDIX V
§ 40. Flaccus Albinus Alcuinus
(A.v. 735-804)
De diuin. offic. VI. (spurious) (tom. ii. col. 1178, ed. Migne):
Istorum enim Magorum primus Zoroastres rex exstitit, a quo originem
feruntur traxisse.
§ 41. Georgios Sunkellos
(Flourished about a.p. 775-800)
Vol. i. p. 147 £., ed. Bonnenn.: "AAavdpos 6 Tlodviorwp éx rotde Tod
rBvé [2405] xoopuxod érovs Bovrerar wéAw Ti pera Tov KaTaKAvopoy Tay
Xaddaiwy Baorrciav xatapSacOat pvPoroyGv 81. cdpwv Kai vipwv Kal cdoowy
BeBacrrhevxevat XarSaiwv cat Mydwv Bacrrels 16’ [86] ev tpropupiors erect
cat 35’ [49], rotr’ Zorw év odpos 6 [9] Kai vypos 8 [2] Kat cdccois
n [8], dwep twes Tay exxAnoiuotiKdy jpav ioroptxiy ob Kad@s é&ehdBovro
mddw eis ern HArtaxa 58 [94] Kai pivas y [8], dep as dacw eis 7d
Bv50° [2499] eros Koopixov ovvtpéxet. ard b& TovTov Tod xpdvov Tov
mS’ [86] dv0 pev XadCainv Baotréwy, Etnyiov cal XwparByrov, 7d [84]
8 trav Myduv, Zwpodotpyy kal rods per’ airov £ [7] Kad8aiwy Bacrdcis
elodyet, rn Kpatjoavtas HAtaxd po’ [190], 6 airds TloAviorup, odxeére dia
odpwv Kai vypwv Kal cdoowr Kal THs owns dAdyou pvOuKys ioropias, GAAG
8 WAtakav érav. Tods yap mpoyevertépous ws Oeods 7 HusHéovs vopilovtes
kal ToUs per aitods THY TAdYHY clonyoUpevoL TH dvTL xpdvous azrefpovs BeBa-
otdevkévat ovveypaway, aiSiov eva tov Kdopoy Sokalovres évavtins Tais Geo-
mvevotos ypapais. Tors d& perayevertépous Kal mao havepors 8° yAtaKav
érav ws Ovytods, Kal ody ws TH Ilavoddpw Sone kai Erépors riot, bia 7d
éoxdrus ixd Zwpodotpov Tov jALaKGy éviavTOv ex TOY TOU "Evwx éyvoopevav
éxrore HAtaxols érecuv érterpeiaOat Ta Tay Bactrewy ery.
Ibid. p. 315, ed. Bonnenn.: dre 8 dovuddves of rdv “EANjvev
ioroptxo yeypddact wept trav xpdvwy Kat T&v Bactéwy TovTwv wapéoTH
Kedod‘wy émionuos els, odx 6 Tuxdv, oUTW ddoKwv: "Apyopat ypddew
ap’ dv dddou te euvyudsvevoay Kal Ta mpdra “Eddavikds te & Aéo Bios xal
Kryoins 6 Kyidios, érevra “Hpddoros 6 “AXdtkapvaceds. 1d madatov Tis
*Agias €Bacidevooy “Acotptor, trav 8& 6 ByAov Nivos. lr’ émdye yeveow
Zepipdews Kal Zwpoderpov pdyov ere vB’ [52] tis Nivov BaowAcias.
(Also cited in the Chronicon, pars i., of Eusebius, tom. i. 48 f,
ed. Aucher. Cf. Jerome’s translation of the Chronicon, tom. viii.
col. 46, ed. Migne.)
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 253
§ 42. Anathemas against Manicheism
(About 835)
Cited by Cotelerius, SS. Patrum qui temporibus apostolicis floru-
erunt opera. Paris, 1672; notes coll. 8368-376.1 These ‘ Anathemas’
were to be recited by converts from Manicheism to Christianity.
In this long and valuable document, Zarades (probably Zoroaster)
and his prayers (the Avesta?) are declared accursed as being con-
nected with the Manichzan faith. Anathemas: dvafeyarilw Zapd-
Snv ov 6 Mavys cov eXeye mpd adrot pavévra wap “Ivdois kai Ilépoas, xal
qAavoy dmexdder* ody air@ 8& Kal ras Zapadefovs dvoyalouevas edyds. . . -
dvabepati€w rods tov Zapadyv kat Bovday kat tov Xpeorov cal tov Mavyatoy
kal TOV HALoy eva. Kal Tov avToY elval AéyovTas. .. . dvabepaTilw Tov Tarépa
Mavévros Iaréxtov ota Wevorny kal Tod pevdous marépa, kal THY adTod pnTépa
Kédpoccay, kai ‘Idpaxa xat “Hpaxrcidyv Kat "ApOdvoy tors tropvyparicras
kal é€nyntas TOV TovTwY CvyypappaTwy, Kal Tovs AoLTOYs aiTod pabyTas
Gmavtas, Zucivvioy tov Siddoxov THs TovToU pyvias, Qopav Tov cvvtasapevov
76 Kat avrov deyouevoy edayyéAtoy, Bovdav, “Eppyay, "Aday, *Adeiuavrov,
Zapovay,” TaBpidBrov, Aydrtov, ‘IAdpiov, OAvpacov, “Aptordxptrov, Sadpatov,
"Iwatov, Udarv, Bapaiav, «.7.d.
Similarly Goarius, EiyoAdyov siue Rituale Graecorum, Paris,
1647, p. 885: dvabeuarilo Kai xarabeuarifw Sapddnv Kat Boddav kai
SkvOavev tots tpd Mavxyaiwy yeyovéras. ... mpds S& rovrots dvabeua-
tilw Kal karaBeparilw ov tols mpoyeypappevors mac “Iépaxa Kat “Hpa-
KAconv Kat APOdnov rods eEnyntas Kal trouyypatiotas Tod aiTov dydpou
kat BeBydAov Mavévtos kai Owpay cai Zapovav xat TaBpidProv.2
1 See Kessler, Mani. i. 358-365, Ber-
lin, 1889.
2 Zaxovas siue Zaxovas, Kessler.
8 An important passage which serves
to throw light on these Anathemas is
found in Petros Sikelos (about a.p.
1100, see Krumbacher, Geschichte der
byzant. Literatur?, p. 78), Historia
Manicheorum, xvi. (col. 1265 seq.,
ed. Migne): —
jv 3& mpd rotrov [sc. Mdvevros] kat
érepos ths Kalas diddoxados Tavrns,
Zapdvns dvéuart, dudppwy aitod smdp-
xwv* paberal 8& TovTov Tod aytixpiorou
Mayeyros yeydvact ddédexa’ Sislynos 6
tovTou Biddoxos' Kal Owuas 5 Td kar
abthy Mavxaiudy edayyéAioy ouvrdias*
Bovddas re Kal ‘Epuas, “Adavtos kal AS/-
MavTos, dv GaréoreAey eis Sid@opa KAlnara
Khpua Tis wAdyys’ eEnyntal 5 abr@ Kar
Sropvnuatioral yeysvacw ‘lépak Kal ‘Hpa-
KAetbns Kal “AdOdri0s* dafipxov St arg
kal €repor pabnral Tpeis, “Aydmrios 6 Thy
‘EnrdAoyov cuvrdtas xa) Zapovas kat TaB-
pidBus.... wacay yap aitav BlBrov
as d0€BR SiSdypata Katéxovoay Kal BAac-
gonulas mdons mewAnpwmerny Kal macay
ebxhy Aeyoueynv map adrdy, maAdov ds
yonrelav, 4 Kal? Auads ayla Kadoruch tad
arooroAuch ExkAnola dveOeudrioes
254 APPENDIX V
§ 43. Georgios Hamartolos Monachos
(Wrote about a.p. 850)
Chronicon, I. (col. 117, ed. Migne): kai rpG@rov Ovew Oeots XadSator
8& éeBpov yrot Kurprot, Siahopotvra: yap vos Ieporxéy tadpxovres* tiv
8 dorpovopiay epevpyKéevat mpOrot BaBvrdvior 8a ‘Qpwdorpor,' e dv
Sevrepor rapeAjpacw Aiyvariot. THv yewmerpiay éx Tod amhérov THs yijs
kat Tis Staipécews TOV xepwv mpodidaybervres: Kal «8 ovTw ypdipayres,
érepo pereAaBov. tiv dé payeiay Kat yonteiav Kal dappaxeioy Midor piv
épedpov xai Iépoa, Siadepovar 8& mpds GAAHAous* H pev yap payeia eri-
KAnois éort Sapdvwr, dyaPorady 870ev mpds dyaGod aiarya twos, dorep
ra tov AmoAXwviov tod Tvavéws Oecomiopara 8 ayabdv yeyovaow H Oe
yontela émikdyois éore Satudvwy KaKkorroray epi Tous Tapous TeAoupévn emt
Kakov Twos ovoTacw: dOev kal yonreta KékAntat dad Tay yobv Kal Toy
Opnvev Tay mept Tois Tapous ytvopévor.
See also under Chronicon Paschale, § 39.
§ 44. Photios
(Patriarch of Constantinople a.p. 875-879)
Bibliotheca, Codd. LXXXI. (tom. iii.; col. 281, ed. Migne):
dveyvdcOn BiBdddprov @eoddpov Iept ris év Wepoide payexjs Kat
tis 4 THs edoeBeias Stagopa, ev AOyos Tpiot. mporpwvel SE adrovs
‘ , 2 » ig 2 Fo Ef be /
mpos MacrovBiov é& "Apyevias Sppcpevov, xwpericxomov S& Tuyxdvovra.
i % fal , / if X A lol # a /
kal év pev TO TPWTH Adyw TpooTiMeraL Td piapoy Tlepodv Sdypya, o Zapd-
8ns* eionyjoato, yrot rept Tov Zovpovdp,® ov dpxnyov wavtwv cicdyet, Gv
+ Ty Nene \¢ ae y , sv ‘Opuicd ) 2A
kat Tuxnv cade? Kat dre orévdwv tva réxn Tov ‘Oppioday, érexev éxelvov
kal Tov aravav' Kal wept tis ai’r&v aipomgias. Kal arAds 7d Succe-
‘ \ ec Ed ra X ¥, > 6 > 4 > a c
Bes Kat tréparcxpov Sdéypa Kara dew exbels dvacxerdler ev TO mpdTw
Adyw. év SF Tols Aourois Svat Adyors TA wept THs edoeBots diépxerat
miotews, dd THS KoTpoyovias apéduevos, Kal mEpt aitis THs xdplTos Spoiws
3 he ¥
kai éretpoyddny diedOav.
otros 6 Med8wpos 6 Mooveorias elvat Soxel. ryv te yap Neoropiov afpe-
ow, kal pddtora ev TO TpiTw Adyw, Kpativwy mpocavadwvel, GAAG Kal THY
TOV auapTwrv dTroKaTdoTacW TepaTeverat.
1 Notice this contaminated form, a 2 Zaopddns ¢.
mixture of Zoroaster and Ormazd (?). 8 Zapoudp s.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 255
§ 45. Suidas
(Middle of Tenth Century a.p.)
Suidas (ed. Kuster, Cambr. 1705) sub voc.: “AvrecOévys *AOy-
tay t la * cal a > a % 4
yaios.... auvéypae ropous Seka, mpdrov payixdy. ddyyetrar 58 repi
Z Ed XQ 4 LA ra AY t cal 8€ > A én
wpodaTpov Tivos payou eupevTos THY Godiay. TodTo Sé Tives “ApiororéAct,
‘3 \ © # > ,
ot 8¢ ‘Pédwve dvariOéacwv.
*Acrpovopia. 4 Tv dotpav Siavopy. mparor BaBvdAdyiot tavryv eped-
N s pod V¢ s e of we a> y ,
pov 8a Zwpodorpov’ pc? ov xal ‘Qordyys* ot éxéorycay Ty otpavia. Kyo
Ta TEpL TOUS TLKTOMEVOUS TUEBaiveLY.
Zwpodotpys. Tepoouydys. copds mapa tovs év Ty dotpovopia. os
kot mpatos yptaro rod wap airois modtrevomevov évépatos tav Mayuwyv.
éyévero 8& mpd t&v Tpwixdv érecw ¢' [500]. péperar 8& adrod epi
dicews BiBrAia F. wept AOwv Tysiwv &. dorEepooKoTikd. dmore\copa-
rixa BiBria €.
Zwpodotpys. “Aorpovdpos. emt Nivov Baoiréws “Acovpiwv. doris
ia 4 b> x. > - a 4 aA ? ra ‘
nugaro br6 updos ovpaviov TedevTHCAl, Tapeyyvyoas Tois ‘“Acovpios tiv
Téppav abrod pvAdtrev. ovTwW yap arois 7 BactArcia ovK exrciper dua
wayTos, Omep péexpt viv wepiAaKTat Tap’ avrois.
Zwpopacdpys. Xaddaios codds. eypaye paPnuarixa kai puorxa.
Mdyoe rapa Iépoats of pirdcodor kat pirdbeor, dv Hpxe Zwpodorpys,
Kol pera TovTov Kata Stadoxyy ‘Qoravas kai “Aotpdpipvxor.
WvOaydpas. era [sc. yxovoe IvOaydpas] ABdpidos tod “YrepBopéov
kal Zapytos To} Mdyov.
§ 46. Hugo de Sancto Victore
(Died a.p. 1141)
Adnot. Elucidat. in Pentateuchon—in Gen. (tom. i. col.
49, ed. Migne): Assur autem, recedens in terram quae postea ab
ipso dicta est Assyria, multiplicatus est usque ad regem Ninum, qui
ab eius progenie ortus est. hic condidit ciuitatem et uicit Cham in
bello, qui usque ad illud tempus uixerat: factus rex Bactriae Nino
uicinus, et uocatus Zoroastes inuentor et auctor maleficae mathe-
maticae artis; qui etiam septem liberales artes quattuordecim colum-
nis, septem aeneis et septem lateritiis, contra utrumque diluuium in
utilitatem posterorum praeuidens scripsit. huius libros mathema-
256 APPENDIX V
ticae Ninus adeptus uictoriam combussit. post haec audacior factus
inuasit Nemroth, id est Chaldaeos, et acquisiuit Babyloniam, trans-
ferens illue caput imperii sui.
§ 47. Michael Glukas
(Flourished about a.p. 1150)
Ann. Pars II. (col. 253, ed. Migne; p. 244, ed. Bonnenn.): pera
% Kpovoy éBacidevoe Nivos éry vf’, 6 qv oiKet po. (papuy
8 Kp r N . vB’, 6s ye Ty oikeiay pytépa Seuipap
AaBwy cis yuvaika, vopos éyévero THépoots AapBdvew ras éavtdv pyrépas
, , e
kat ddeAgas. e& ob yévous éyévero Kat Zwpoactpos 6 reptBontos Tepoty
dotpovépos, os ele Tots Hépaats, gay xavoy we 7d otpdvioy wip — rodro yap
mu 4 2 lal 3 f ‘ ¢ - z a
mvyero — Ad Bere éx T&y doTéwy pov Kat didagcere cis oVoTaCLW THs Bact-
delas tpdv. 6 Oy Kal yéyovev, év 8€ tals ioropiats ais éxpyoato Kard
TovrAtavod 6 Oeordyos peyas Tpyydpios wal trade pyoi tiv dotpovopiay
Aéyovrat rpOrov ebpyKévat BaBvdrdvior b1 Zwpodorpov, Sevrepov dé éde£avro
y p a , Sedrep
ot Alytmriot’ thy 8 payeiay ebpov MAdou, eira Tlépoar. Siadeper 8 payela
a % -£ XX # oF Xr ¥ 4 g ry / > 6 fol
yonteias, kal f pay payeia éxixAnois éorv, os act, Sarpdvuv é&yaforody
mpos G&yabod Twos cvoTactv. ‘yonteia S€ éore Satudvwv Kaxoroidy Tept Tors
, 2 3 * -% a 4 ig ~ ss *§ a
tdous cidoupevwy ext KaKoU Tivos CoTacls. yonTeia S¢ yKovTey dd TOV
} box: an a , t 5 fa S& dro M ,
yoav Kat Opjvev T&v ev Tols Tdots yivouévwv* poeta, 8€ dd Mayovoatwy,
C4 cot Lf a & ‘ 3 re X 2 ie. e , 14
qrot Tlepodv, dev éxxe kat THY dpxyv. Mayus éyxwpiws of Tépaat déyovrat.
§ 48. Anon.
Theologoumena Arithmetika, p. 42 f., ed. Ast (Lips. 1817):
nN
H paAddov, o kat [IvOayopixwrepov, éretdy Kal BaSvrwviwy ot Soxtuadraror Kat
’Oordyys Kat Zwpodorpys ayédas Kupiws KaAotot Tas doTpiKds odaipas,
2
nto. wap dooy Tedelws ayovTat wept Td KévTpov povat Tapa TA TwMATLKE
* n
peyéOn* dad Tod otvdecpol wus Kal cvvaywyal yonuarilew Soypariler ba
a cal an 4 a a
rap adtay t&v dvoid Adywy, as dyéAous Kara Ta aiTa KadrovoW ey ToIS
¢ a Aa N t AS ae 2 ) , 2 s e 3 N nN
iepots Adyous, Kata wapéurTwot dé Tod yaupa EPOappevws ayyéAous* Od Kal
. n
tos Kal’ éxdoryy toitwy tav dyyéAwv é€dpyovras dorépas Kal Sa/povas
€ - s * > t 4 g 1: e ‘ \
dpoiws dyyéhous Kat dpxyayyéAous rpocayopever Oat, ofrep cicty era Tov
2 ‘ ue 2 ig x a > 4 e ¢€ ,
dpOucv, dore dyyehia Kara rovTo érupdrata 4 éBSouds.
§ 49. Petrus Comestor
(Died 1178)
Hist. Schol. Lib. Genesis XXXIX. (col. 1090, ed. Migne):
Ninus uicit Cham, qui adhuc uiuebat, et regnabat in Bractia (ste, al.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 257
Thracia), et dicebatur Zoroastres inuentor magicae artis, qui et sep-
tem liberales artes in quattuordecim columnis scripsit, septem aeneis,
et septem lateritiis, contra utrumque iudicium [al. diluuium].
Ninus uero libros eius combussit. ab eisdem orta sunt idola sic.
§ 50. Abdiae Apostolica Historia
(Quotation of a Name Zaroés 1)
Abdiae Apostolica Historia, Lib. VI.7. Passio SS. Simonis et
Iudae: Atque haec de Iacobo. cuius fratres maiores natu, Simon
cognominatus Chananaeus et Iudas, qui et Thaddaeus et Zelotes, et
ipsi apostoli Domini nostri Iesu Christi, cum per reuelationem Spiri-
tus Sancti per fidem fuissent religionem ingressi, inuenerunt statim
inter initia suae praedicationis duos ibi magos, Zaroen et Arfaxat,
qui a facie Sancti Matthaei Apostoli de Aethiopia fugerunt. erat
autem doctrina eorum praua, ita ut Deum Abraham et Deum Isaac
et Deum Iacob blasphemantes, Deum dicerent tenebrarum, et Moysen
dicerent maleficum fuisse, denique omnes prophetas Dei a deo
tenebrarum missos adsererent. praeterea animam hominis partem
Dei habere dicerent, corporis vero figmentum a Deo malo factum
esse, et ideo ex contrarlis substantiis constare, in quibus laetatur
caro, anima contristatur, et in quibus exultat anima, corpus affligitur.
solem et lunam deorum numero applicantes, aquam simul deitatem
habere docebant. Dei autem Filium, Dominum nostrum Jesum
Christum, phantasiam fuisse, nec uerum hominem, nec ex uera
uirgine natum, nec uere tentatum, nec uere passum, nec uere sepul-
tum, nec uere tertia die resurrexisse a mortuis adfirmabant. hac
praedicatione polluta Persida post Zaroen et Arfaxat, magnum meruit
inuenire doctorem, per beatos apostolos Simonem et Iudam, id est
Dominum Iesum Christum.
Ibid. 13: Haec et alia cum dux apud regem Xerxen disseruisset,
excitati in zelum, qui cum rege fuerant Zaroes et Arfaxat magi,
simul indignabundi rumores sparserunt: malignos eos homines esse,
qui contra deos gentis contraque regnum tam astute molirentur.
nam si uis scire rex —inquiunt— quod ea uera sunt quae dicimus,
non prius permittemus hos loqui quam deos tuos adorauerint. tum
1 This is cited because Zaroes (Za- Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegen-
péns) has been identified with Zoroas- den, Braunschweig, 1883-1890. But
ter by Néldeke in p. 76 of Ergdén- Gutschmid, Rhein. Mus. xix. 380 seq.
zungsheft zu Lipsius Die apokryphen identifies Zaroes with Zarvan.
8
258 APPENDIX V
dux: audetisne cum illis habere conflictum, ut si uiceritis eos, tum
demum abiciantur? dixerunt magi: aequum est ut sicut nos adora-
mus deos nostros, ita adorent et illi. respondit dux: hoe scilicet
conflictus uester ostendet. ad haec iterum magi: wis uidere—
inquiunt— potentiam nostram ut probes quia non poterunt loqui
nobis praesentibus: iube adstare hic qui sint eloquentes in linguis,
acutissimi in argumentis, et clamosi in uocibus. et si tunc ausi
fuerint nobis praesentibus loqui, probabis nos esse imperitissimos.
tune iussu regis et ducis omnes aduocati praesto facti, ita sunt a
duce admoniti ut quanta possent constantia haberent cum his magis
contentiones et eos a defensionum proposito, argumentorum suorum
proposito excluderent. et cum in praesentia regis et ducis cuncto-
rumque sublimium magi locuti essent, omnis illa aduocatio ita muta
facta est, ut nec nutibus quod loqui non poterat indicaret. et cum
unius fere horae transisset spatium, dixere magi ad regem: ut scias
nos ex deorum esse numero, permittimus eos quidem loqui, sed
ambulare non posse. quod cum fecissent, adiecerunt dicentes: ecce
reddimus eis gressum, sed faciemus eos apertis oculis nihil uidere.
cumque et hoc fecissent, expauit cor regis et ducis, dicentibus amicis
eorum, non debere contemni hos magos, ne et regi et duci inferant
debilitatem in membris. igitur hoc spectaculum a primo mane
usque ad horam sextam dum spectatur, aduocati maerore confecti,
ad suas reuersi sunt quique domos, nimio animi impulsu fatigati.
Ibid. 17: Haec cum dixissent apostoli, deportati sunt ad hospitalia
magi, qui per triduum nec cibum capere nec bibere ullo modo pote-
rant, sed in his sola uociferatio doloribus extorta incessabilis extitit.
postea cum iam res in eo esset ut pariter expirarent magi Zaroes et
Arfaxat, accesserunt eos apostoli dicentes: non dignatur Deus habere
coacta seruitia. igitur surgite sani habentes liberam facultatem
conuertandi a malo ad bonum et exeundi a tenebris ad lumen. at
illi permanentes in perfidia sua, sicut a facie Matthaei apostoli
fugerunt, sic et ab his duobus apostolis fugientes, ad simulacrorum
cultores, per totam Persidis regionem, ut apostolis inimicitias exci-
tarent, ubique dicebant: ecce ueniunt ad uos inimici deorum nostro-
rum, etc.
Ibid. 20: Quippe Zaroes et Arfaxat magi facientes scelera multa
per ciuitates Persidis, et dicentes se esse ex genere deorum, semper
a facie apostolorum fugientes, tamdiu erant in quacunque ciuitate,
qnamdiu cognoscerent apostolos aduenire,
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 259
Ibid. 23: Quo tempore et duo, de quibus diximus, magi Zaroes
et Arfaxat ictu coruscationis adusti ad carbonem conuersi sunt.
Lib. VII. 1 de §. Matthaeo: In quam [sc. Aethiopiam] pro-
fectus ipse, cum in ciuitate magna quae dicitur Naddauer moraretur,
in qua rex Aeglippus sedebat, contigit ut duo magi Zaroes et
Arfaxat simul essent, qui regem miris modis ludificabant, ut se deos
esse remota ambiguitate crederet. et credebat eis rex omnia et
omnis populus non solum memoratae urbis sed ex longinquis etiam
regionibus Aethiopiae ueniebant quotidie ut adorarent eos. faci-
ebant enim subito hominum gressus figi, et tamdiu immobiles stare
quamdiu ipsi uoluissent. similiter et uisus hominum et auditus a
suo officio refrenabant. imperitabant serpentibus ut percuterent,
quod et Marsi facere solent et ipsi incantando multos curabant. et
ut dici uulgo solet, malignis maior reuerentia exhibetur ex timore
quam benignis ex amore, sic et illi uenerabiles apud Aethiopes, in
magno diu pretio fuerunt.
Ibid. 4: Conabantur autem interea arte sua magica excitare eos
[se. suos duos dracones ante pedes Matthaei apostoli dormientes]
Zaroes et Arphaxat, et non poterant neque oculos aperire neque
penitus commouere quidquam.
§ 51. The So-called Zoroastrian Logia or Chaldwan Oracles
MATIKA AOTIA
TON AITIO TOY ZOPOAZTPOY MATON
Introductory Note by Louis H. Gray.— Amid the luxuriant growth
of apocryphal and prophetic literature, which sprang up in the first centuries
of our era, no small part is ascribed to the faith of Iran. The wonderful
eschatology of the Persian religion made a deep impression on the Hellenic
mind at an early date, and this was to bring forth fruit in the development of
Gnosticism and Neo-Platonism. Apparently in this way arose the so-called
Chaldean Oracles, which bear the mark of Gnostic and Neo-Platonic mysticism
and somewhat recall the Christian forgery of the Sibylline Oracles.
The pseudo-Zoroastrian compositions had but a short shrift. The great
Porphyry ruthlessly attacked them and suppressed them, and they are lost to
us forever. Doubtless they were no better and no worse than the great majority
of similar writings which have survived; perhaps we may even say that the
1Js this a reminiscence of the legend of Zoroaster’s death by lightning,
p. 124 seq.? \
260 APPENDIX V
Oneirokritikon of Astrampsuchos, a Christian forgery of about the fifth century,
affords a type of some of these lost books.
But in the writings of the Neo-Platonic philosophers there lay hid a mass
of citations, termed ‘Chaldean Logia,’ or more usually, simply ‘ Logia,’ or
again, introduced by the formula: ‘As saith one of the Gods,’ or even appear-
ing without any introductory phrase whatsoever.! These Logia date in general
about the end of the second century a.p., and they present to us a heterogeneous
mass, now obscure and again bombastic, of commingled Platonic, Pythagorean,
Stoic, Gnostic, and Persian tenets.2 I am inclined to doubt that the entire mass
comes from a single source, although some have suggested that a certain Julian
the Chaldean or his son, who lived in the period of the Antonines, may per-
haps have been the author. However trivial the Logia justly appear to us,
they received the serious attention of Iamblichos, Proklos, Simplikios, Damaskios,
and Iohannes Ludos, while Hierokles and later Plethon wrote ‘compends of the
Zoroastrian and Platonic Systems.’ #
In the fifteenth century Georgios Gemistos Plethon, led on, as I venture to
suggest, by some such allusion to Zwpodorpov Adyia as the reference contained
in the citation from Xanthos, preserved by Nikolaos of Damascus, boldly foisted
upon Zoroaster the Logia which had been hitherto only ‘Chaldean.’ This
we may term the first recension. It consists of sixty lines and was first pub-
lished by Ludovicus Tiletanus, together with Plethon’s commentary, at Paris in
1568.5 This text was also commented upon by Psellos as early as the eleventh
century. Possibly we may even regard Psellos as the compiler who gathered
the scattered fragments which go to make up this collection.
The second recension, if we may employ so dignified a term, was made by
Franciscus Patricius in 1591. A second edition of this appeared at Venice in
1593. This second edition forms the basis of Stanley in his History of Phi-
losophy, 4 ed., London, 1748, Latin translation, Leipzig, 1711, and it was the
only one accessible to me except Stanley. On this new collection of Patricius
the present edition is based. The object of my work here has been to secure
as good a text as possible. My chief aid, or rather my only aid, has been the
masterly discussion by Kroll, ‘‘ De Oraculis Chaldaicis,’? in the seventh volume
1 See Kroll, de Oraculis Chaldaicis,
pp. 6-9, Breslau, 1894.
2 Kroll, pp. 66-72.
8 Tbid. 71.
‘Ibid. passin; Kleuker Anhang
zum Zend-Avesta, ii. Theil 1, pp. 8-9,
16-18. Plethon’s Compend. is edited
by Migne in his Patrol. Grec. tom.
160. 973-974.
5 This has unfortunately been in-
accessible to me. I have used instead
the edition by Servatius Galleus in
his ZiBvarcakol Xpyouol, Amstelod.
1689, and by Migne in his Patrol.
D
Gree. tom. 122. 1115-1154, including
also Psellos’s comment. In addition
to the books already cited, I should
mention the valuable compendium of
the tenets of the Oracles contained in
the seventeenth letter of Michael
Italikos (for this identification see
Treu, Byzant. Zeitschrift, iv. 1-22)
edited by Cramer in Anecdota Oxo-
niensia, iii. 180-183 (Oxford, 1836),
and for the entire subject the valuable
discussion in Harles’s edition of Fabri-
cius’s Bibliotheca Greca, I. 307-315
(Hamb. 1790).
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 261
of the Breslauer Philologische Abhandlungen (Breslau, 1894). That his readings
are given in the notes does not signify a rejection of them, They would gener-
ally appear in the text if I did not desire to preserve Patricius’s text except where
the latter is absolutely unintelligible. The motive for preserving this has been
purely historical. The Breslau professor has practically collected the Logia
anew, and he has learnedly discussed their sources and philosophical import.
To him, moreover, the references to the Neo-Platonic authors cited in my foot-
notes are mainly due. Mine has been the humbler task to reprint an obsoles-
cent collection, with only those emendations which are absolutely necessary. I
have made a translation of the Oracles or Logia, which I hope later to publish
with a version of the other Greek and Latin citations found in this Appendix.
The Oracles have never had many friends, and as a comment on them I may
note that good old Thomas Hyde prayed that these ‘pseudoracula pessime
conficta carmine Graeco’ might perish like others of their stamp (cf. Hist.
Relig. vet. Pers., Pref. p. vi.). His prayer has been in great part fulfilled. In
estimating, moreover, the general value of the Logia, we may say, in the words
of Shakspere, that the good points in them, like Gratiano’s reasons, ‘ are as two
grains of wheat hid in two bushels of chaff.’
MONAS, ATAZ, KAI TPIAE
War. Srov marpiky povas éott.!
Aap. ravay éort povas Kat dvo yevva.*
TIpéx. Aap. Suds yap rapa rade KdOynrat, Kat voepais dorpamre. Touats,®
\& a N s \ 9 ¢ > D
Kat TO KuBepvav TOA TAVTA, KAL TATTELY EKATTOV OV TaxOev.
5 Aap. mavtt yap évy Koop dpe TpLaS WS povas dpxeu."
9238 s , y eos 5
apxy maons Tuyoews de H TAELs.
Ld > ¥ ‘ a > ‘ - bf
TIpéx. eis Tpia yap vods ele warpds TéuverOat arava,
*
ov TO Oedew Karévevoe, Kal 4On TavT’ erérpyro.®
> iy N, x a x > Ou ve
eis Tpia. yap ele vols tatpds atdiov
10 vo mavTa KUBEpvar.
Aa, Kai ébavynoav ev abty 4 T dpeTy Kal 9 copia
Pe ui] nT apeTy q ?
kal 4 moAvdpuv arpéxera.®
TH TOVdE peer Tpiddos S€uas mpd THs ovans,
ov mpartys, GAA’ ov Ta perpetrat.®
1 Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 2 (p. 98, 6 Proc. in Parm. 1091. 6; Dam. i.
ed. Friedlein); in Alcib. 356. 20. 258. 25; ii. 60. 28; 62. 28.
2Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 2 (p. 98, 7 Proc. in Time. 313 F. vois cine,
ed. Friedlein); Dam. ii. 29. 16, ubi # Kroll.
legitur et apud Patric. 8 Dam. ii. 45.10. +e pro 7’, Kroll.
3 Om. yap, Kroll. Proc. in Crat. 56. 9 ef dupoiy 5) ravde péer rpiddos déua
6; in Remp. 376. 384; Dam. ii. 177. mpdrns | ovens ob mpdrns, adr’ ob ra
20, ete. vonta ertpetra, Dam. ii, 63. 21;
4 Dam. i. 87. 3; ii. 87. 14. Kroll.
5 Dam. ii. 58. 20,
262
1 Dam. ii. 217.5. AdBpors pro AdBas,
15
40
Kroll.
2 Dam. ii, 217. 5.
TI pox.
TI pox.
ponit Kroll.
8 Dam. i, 242. 18; 274. 7; ii. 67. 1,
rnyh Tay HYG, wATpa ovvexovea
etc.
ra mdvra, Kroll.
4 duvdpot pro duvdpoto, Kroll.
APPENDIX V
dpxais yap tpict ratcde AdBous Sovdeve dravra.
icpds pros Spdpos, év 8 dpa pérow
Hépuos, Tiros GAAos, Os év wupt THv xAdva OdAreL,”
kal yy} THYaV, Kal THyav aragGv.
pjrpa cvvéxovoa Ta TavTa.?
A Oev &pSyv Opwoxer yeveots wodvorKiAov VAys.
2vOev cupdpevos mpnoTyp dpvdpoio* rupds dvOos,
Kocpoy évOpwcKwy KotAdpact. mavta yap évOev
dpxerat cis TS Kdtw Teivet axtivas dyynrds.”
MIATHP KAI NOTZ
e X\ 14 AY ¢ 29? > en
éaurov 6 matip ypmacev ovd év éy
Suvdper voepa KAeicas iSiov wip.®
od yap dd marpikys dpyis dredés Te tpoxaler.!
advta yap e€eréheoce TaTip
‘ a 4 4
kal ve tapéduxe Sevtépa,
bv mpdtov Kdyilerar wav yevos® avdpav.
5. rf * XA A
matpoyeves pdos 7oAD yap udvos
ex marpés GdKijs Spepdpevos voov dvOos.”
épya vonoas yap marpiKds vdos adtoyéveOXos,
maow éveoretpev Seopudv ruptBpiOy epwros,
Oppo Ta mavTa wevy, Xpovov eis drépayTov époyTa
, : N N ne t , ~ll
pare Téoy TA TaTpds voepH ipacueva Peyye.
ds év Epwrt pévy Koopov crorxeta pevoyTa.”
yet TO voely marpiKoy vouv évdiddvat
macals wyyals Te Kal dpyxais.
*” X a A cay a 4 lal nw aA
gore yap mépas ToD matpixod Buvb0d Kal ayy TGV voEpay.
2 al an
pyde wponrOev, GAN’ Enevey ev TO watpiKd Bvda,*
® Psell. 58-59.
oey, comment.
7 Psell. 9. aal, Kroll.
8 Alii 2vea pro may yévos, Psell.
538-54. KAni¢ere, Kroll.
9 Psell. 538-54.
10 Proc. in Time, 242 D.
NM yndé pro unre, Kroll. raot, voepas,
6 marhp éavrdv pra,
éy rovro.s, prae-
5 Proc. in Time. 118 C (vy. 1); theol.
Plat. 172. 6 (v. 2,3); 171. 9 (v. 3 b,
4). aroOpgoxe: pro &pdnv Opener, Kroll
cum coniectura any.
Patric.
2S aw epwtt péver xdopov croxeia
Ogovra, Kroll, Proc. in Time. 165 E-F.
18 Proc. in Time. 167 C.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME
263
, ,
kal éy to ddvTy Kara. THY OeoOpeupova cryny.
> x > 9 cel 2 § . a
ov yap eis VAny mip erexeva TO TPaTOY
jv Svvapuw KatakArcle epyots, dAAG vow.
1
otp Bora yap marpiKds voos éoretpev Kara KOopOY
ao, Lt N foo» 6 8 2s ,
VW MEV KATEXEL TA VONTA, ALOUYTLY OE eTayel KOO POLS.
3
a XN ¢ x ¥ ‘\ ye 2 , ,
V@ HEV KATEXEL TA VONTA, WuxXHV O EmayEel KOT{OLS.
45 Gs Ta voyTa voel Kai dppacra KAAAH voetrat.”
Aau. ddroduis peptopds Kal dyéptoros.
NOTS, NOHTA, KAI NOEPA
Aap. at rod évds vod Tod voyTov.
50 II pox.
Td péev €or voepa Kal vonTd, doa voouvTa. voetrat.
> SS » 4 2 \ a. > \ fs 4
ou Yap avev voos €OTL VONTOU ou Xwpis UTAPXEL. 5
5
tpody 8& TH voodvre To vonTdv.®
s N a ae, ] eo, 7
pdvOave 76 vonrov, émel voov ew trapxet.
kal ToD vod, os Tov epmvplov Kdopov dyet.
a ‘ cal 2 c ¢ - Ed 8
55 vou Yap vous EOTLY O KOT MOV TEXVLTYS TupLoV.
a ‘\ c 4 Q * m” a 9
Ot Tov brépKoopov TatpiKov BvOdv iote vootrTes.
H vont Taons TunoEws aye.
» ar a7 r,s s a t » 10
ore dt 54 Te vontdv, 6 xpy oe voety voov dvOe.
Aap.
a a
Hv yop ereykAivys, as dv vody, Kakelvo voyoys,”
4 lat > a -
60 Ws TL VOW, OU KELVO VOT ELS.
gore yap dAKis dudipaods duvaps,
voepais oTpamtovca Touatowy, ov 8) xpy
Vd aA Xx A 2 a
opodpdryte voety Td vontoy éxetvo,
GAAG vdov Tavao0d Tavay pAoyt @
4 A ‘ \ ‘ > A
63 TayTa LETPOVTH, TANV TO VoNTOV ExElvo.
\ 3) fay lol . oo \. 2 yy
xpew 89 ToUTO voHoaL’ Ay yap éreyKAivys
adv vody, KaKElVO VoHTELS ODK ATEVaS,
1 Proc. in Time. 157 A; theol. Plat.
333. 29; Dam. ii. 186.10. és pro eis,
Kroll.
2 Proc. in Crat, 23.23. Sic Kroll.
Stanl. Lond.,4 xaddAnira, sec. Patric.
pro KadAnetrar; Lips., cadrwmi (er
3 Proc. in Time. 68 F, 164 C; in
Crat. 56. 5; Dam. ii. 177. 20, etc.
xaréxew et érdyew, Kroll. & pro dé,
Patric. 4 Proc. in Time. 267 D.
5 Proc. in theol. Plat. 179. 7. vonra
kat voepd, Kroll.
6 Cf. Proc. in Time. 6 D.
7 Psell. 50. pdbe... %w vdov, com-
ment.
8 Proc. in Time. 157 A; theol. Plat.
333. 29; Dam. ii. 186. 10.
9 Dam. ii. 16.6; Proc. in Crat. 62. 9.
Stan. gore.
10 Psell. 51. 8 54, omis. comment.
ydp pro 8¢ 84, Kroll, &pxee pro &yei,
Patric.
11 gdy pro ds dy, Kroll; éweynatyn et
vonon, Stan. 12 935é pro dada, Kroll.
264
APPENDIX V
> 2% x > 7 »” 1
GAN ayvov ériotpodoy oupa,
a fol 4
hépovta, ans Woyns Telvas Kevedy voov
10 eis TO vontov, Opa pabys TO voyTér,
rel ew vou trdapxet.®
2
Tov S& voel Tas vols Oedv, od yap dvev
t 2 ON a Vos N > a a 4
vOos €OTL VONTOV, KAL TO VOYTOV OV VOU KWPLS UTApP KEL.
tois 5€ rupds voepod voepois mpyoTHpot aravTa
75 eixafe SovAcvovra rarpos weLOwvidt Bovdy.
Yi gos a af 2 2¢ ,
KQL TO VOELY, GEL TE [LEVELY QOKYH orpoparryyt.
,
anyds TE Kal dpxas, Sweiv, del Te wevery d0Kvp OTpOpaAtyyt.
5
2 - a cA X 2 3 /
GAAG Sv’ obvoua cEemvey aKomunToO oTpOpdArLyyt
Kéopots évOpdoxov, kparmviy ba warpos evry?
80 db 8¥0 véwy H Cwoydvos mnyi TeptexeTar Wuxdv.
Ay an €. -
kal 6 rotytis, Os adtoupyav TexTyVvero Tov Kdopov,"
a9 4 ” n 8
os €K yvooU éxOope TpwTOs,
< 2 VoaA Gj ” , 9
égoapevos tupt Tip, cvvdecpuv fpa Kepaooy
mnyaiouvs Kpatipas, €ov rupos avOos émurxav.
is dotpdm ats, é s 8 ever WayTo.
85 yoepats aoTpamrret TO, » €pwros 0 everAnoe TavTa.
7a arirwta turovcba.?
10
h
z > a £ € Pd
opyverow Eoikviat PepovTat, pyyviuevat
4 \ 2 13
KOO POV TEDL TWMacL.
a vods déyet, TO voeiy Spov Acye."4
90 Ff wey yap Svvapts ory exeivors, vols 8 dx’ éxetvou.®
IYNTEZ, IAEAI, APXAI
ToAAai wey aide éreuBaivovor hacwots Koo pots,
, %
€vOpeoxovoat, kat év ais dxpdryres eacw tpets.”
1 ardatpopoy pro érletpopor, Kroll.
2 és pro eis, Kroll.
8 ydov tw, Kroll. Dam. i. 154. 16.
# Proc. in Time. 267 D; Dam. ii.
16. 20; 57. 26.
5 Proc. in Time. 242 D. éyet rd voetv
marpixdy vodv {kal véov) evdiddvac méoaus
mnyais te Kal dpxats Kal duety aicl re
«.7.A,, Sic recte Kroll.
Saar’ dvoua ceuvdy kal akoiuhre,
Kroll. év@pdexwy, Patric. Proc. in
Crat. 23. 20. TLeg. as pro ds.
8 Seoug “Epwros aynrod ds ek K.T.A.,
Kroll.
¥ wépt rip cuvdéomov, Kroll.
10 Proc. in Parm. 769. 7.
1 Proc. in Time. 219 B.
Patric.
12 Simplic. in Arist. Phys. 148 (p. 613,
ed. Diels).
18 Proc. in Timex. 267 F.
14 Psell. 1145 B.
16 écelvp pro éxelvois, Kroll. Proc. in
theol. Platon. 365. 1; in Alcib. prim.
392. 7.
16 wey 5h alse, Kroll.
1 «at om. Kroll. Dam. ii. 88. 3.
Ta wdvTQ,
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME
265
e 7 > ay ay 7 1
UTOKELTQL AUTALS APKXLOS avAwv.
2 x e No” , 72
apxXas, al TaTpOs Epya voyoacat voyTa,
95 aicOyrois épyots, kal capac drexddupay,®
& ¢€ an ca a ® %. a”
StardpOustor Eorares havat TH Tarpt kal TH VAN,
VA 2? a , i ip an ,
kal Ta €udhavy pruynpata Tov ddaviv épyaldpuevat.
kal tT apavy eis THY Euavy Kooporotiay éyypadovTes.
vods marpos éppoigyoe, vonoas dxuad. BovdAy
100 zappdpoovs ideas.
eEDopov.
anyas 8 dad pias dromracat
matpobev yap env Bovdry Te Tédos Te.
a >
80 dv ovvarrerat TO watpi, dAAnv Kar GAAnv
Sg t t 2 nA 5
Lonv, dd pepiLopevav dxerav.
GAN’ éuepicOnoav, voepo tupi porpyBeicat,
105 eis dAAas voepds* Kdopw yap avat roAvudphw
HH) N 4 » r) > Re se 6
TpPOVUHKEV VOEPOV TUTOV ad LTOV, OV KATA KOO MOV
ixvos émeryduevos poppijs Kal” & Kdopos épdvOy.”
7 is D , a , la:)
TAVTOLALS LOEALS KEXAPLOMEVOS, WY Mia THY,
e€ ns porlotvrat pepepiopevat GAAat,
110 darAarot, pyyvipevat Kdopov Tepl copacw,
ec ‘. i ia Cd 2 a
ai wept KéArrous cpepdaréous, opyveroty eotkviat,
opéovrat Tparrotcat* mepi 8 dui ddAvdts dAAn,?
évvotat voepal rnyns warpiKns dro
TOAD Spartdopevat updos dvOos °
115 dkoiwyrov xpdvov.
axun apxeydvov idéas
mparn Tatpds €BrAvoe réa8 abrobahys myyy.
voovpevat ivyyes matpdbev voeovor Kal adrai,
a 3 6 = < 4 fol
Bovdals apbéyxrow Kivodmevat wore vonoat.
1 Dam. ii. 88.7. smoréxArrat, Kroll.
Alii adAwv (ef. Simplic. in Arist. Phys.
145, p. 628, ed. Diels).
274 vonrd, Kroll. [Kroll.
3 Dam. ii. 200. 23. dupexdrvipar,
4 5& was, Kroll; was tro raca, con-
iecit Schneck apud Kroll. Proc. in
Parm. 800. 11.
5 Om. has lineas duas Kroll.
8 of kar’ &kocuov Pro od Kata Kéopov,
Kroll. 7 uéra pro xaé’ &, Kroll.
8 eyap.juévos Pro Kexapioueévos, Kroll.
% orpdmrroveat PIO tparodca, Kroll
sec. Thilo. wept +’ dud) mrapaoxeddy
&AAvéis, Kroll.
12
10 rovad | dperréuert, Kroll sec.
Thilo.
11 axuy | apxeydvous, Kroll,
12 Psell. 55-56, in comment. ai tuyyes
apOeyros, Kroll.
BovaAdy apOeyrwy, comment. per has
wyyas (cf. Kroll, p. 41) a Laevio frag.
10 ed. Miiller, Lips. 1892 inter ‘omnia
philtra’ laudatas, conatur Pater ani-
mam humanam reducere. haud aliter
apud Theocritum Idyl. ii. incantat
pharmaceutria :
vootmevar marpdbev.
tuys, Ake th tivov éudy mort dana Tov
&vdpor.
266
APPENDIX V
EKATH, ZSYNOXEIZ, KAI TEAETAPXAI
e€ adrod yap mavres ExOpdoxovet.
1
120 duedAccrol re Kepavvol Kal mpnornpoddyot KéAoL
rapdeyyéos GXxijs tatpoyevois ‘Exdrys,”
*
kat trelwxds updos avOos 75 Kparatdv
a : , eee 3
TVEVLA TOAWY, Tupiwy ETTEKELVO..
a =
poupety ad rpnoripaw €ois dxpérytas eduxey,
125 éyxepdoas dAkijs idiov pevos év ovvoxedouv.*
Son» 4 \ 3 . > 8
@ TWS EXEL KOTMLOS VOEPOUS avoxyas AKQ|LTTELS.
,
Ort epyaris, drt €xddris earl rupds Lwnpopov,
drt Kal 76 Cwoydvoy Anpol THs “Exdrys Kddrov,
kal émippet roils ovvoxedow dAxiy CeiSwpov rupds
130 péya dvvapevouo.®
a 4
GNA Kal ppovpol Tov épywv eiol rod rarpds.?
a a * x ¢ f 2 fal 2 Cg
Apomotot yap Kal EavTov, EKEivos EmELYOMLEVOS
tov Turov mepiBddrAcoba Tov cidéAwv.S
c & , , a ~
Ou pev TeAETApXaL TuVvEiANTTAL TOlS TVVOXEVCL.
9
135 rots S€ wupds voEpod voepols mpnaTHpaty
dmravta eixaGe dovrAevovrTa.
10
GAXG Kat dAaiots Goa Sovrctet cvvoxedo."
écoapevov mévrevyov GAdkyv pwrds Kedddovros #
GAH TpryAix@ voov Wuyyv F érAicavta
13
140 rayroiados otvOnpa BadrAaw dpevi,*
> > cat > rg Pag > ew)
pnd emiporrav éumvpiors oropadyy dxerois,
GANG ort Bapyddv.
€ be NX >» X is n. ii?
ot 6€ Ta droua Kat aicOynra Snp.rovpyovcr,
‘ a \ , = a
Kal owpaToedy Kal KaTaTeTaypeva Eis UAV.
1 roid St exOpgonovow duelAtcrol Te
«7A, Kroll.
2 airyfs pro dAknjs, Kroll. Hecaten,
quae a Proclo Hymn. vi. 1 dedy uijrep
appellatur, una cum Rhea a Platonicis
confusam esse demonstrat Kroll, pp.
27-31 (cf. p. 69).
3 Proc. in Crat. 63.4; 85.22; Dam.
ii, 89. 31; 133. 3.
4 Dam. ii. 125. 22.
5 Psell. 57, was (yap) pro & mas,
Kroll. 4, omis. comment.
® Proc. in Time. 128 B.
7 Proc. in Theol. Plat. 205.
8 Proc. in Time. 103 E-F.
9 Dam. de princip. 234.
10 Dam. ii. 87. 21.
11 Dam. ii. 87. 21.
12 Dam. i. 155.11. écodwevor, axuhv,
Kroll.
18 Dam. i.254.1; ii. 62. 29; 95. 23.
TpiyAdxuvt pro TpryAlx@, Kroll.
4 ray tpiddos pro mavrolados, Kroll.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME
145
150
155
160
VYXH, $TZIz
/
Srre Woy} ip Suvduer watpds odoa patydr,'
> , if f *. a - 2 ‘%
dOdvards re pever kat Cwns Seordris éoriy
kat icxe Kdopov TOAAG tAnpwpara Kory.”
ao. , t N 8 2 ” , 3
vod yap pipypua rede, TO OF TexFev Exet TE THpaTOS.
’ S32 a bs db6. ” dod 4
pryvupevov & éxerGv, rupds aPOirov epya Tedovoa.
x Or \ , foe yo.
pera. 8y Tarpixads Stavoias Wuxy, éyw, vaiw
, a < , 5 4p) %
Gepun, Yuxodoa Ta mévra.’ Karéfero yap
a XN 2%: a 5 + 28. , 3 a
voov pev evi Wuyy, Yuyny & évi cdpate dpyd
es 2 t \ 3 a a 6
Hecov eycateOyke raryp dvdpOv te Gedy re.
dpdyv éupvyotoa pdos, rip, aidépa, kdcpovs.”
st DS x XN» " rd L.
owvictatat yap TA Pvotka Epya TH voepwo Heyyer
Tov matpos.® Yuxy yap 9 Koopyoace, Tov wéyav
ovpavov Kal Koopodoa pera TOD TaTpos.
, YS a a ee , 4 9
képara 8& Kai atris éoTHypiKTas ave.
votos 8 ddl Oeds picts darderos ywpytat.”
+ 8 > - E) 3 ¢ + 2
dpxe & ad dvots dxapaty kéopwv TE Kat épywv,
> . oY» D , a7 , .
oipaves Oppa Gey Spdpov didioy KaTagvpwy
\ ‘ a \ , oi 29s. 7 11
kal Taxds péAtos wept KevTpov, dws Bas On.
pH picews euBrQhys eiuappevoy ovvoya Thode.”
KOZMOZz
e soa > a 2 x Q 13
6 ToLnTHS Os alToupyav TekraiverOa T6v KOT MOV.
\ oy . oY» ” ¢ +. eu BS , 4
kal yap Tus Tupds Gykos env Erepos* Ta Se wdvTa
avroupyav, iva capa TO KoopiKoy éxToAvTevOy,
>
Koopos tv éxdyAos, Kat py paivn? ipevaddys.
.o¢ , 2 N 2 Yoo 1
Tov GAov Kéopov ek mupds Kal VdaTos Kal ys
Y , a 16
kal mavTotpodov alOpys.
1 Pell. 22-24. 811 puxh wip odca 9 Alii legunt «pdrn.
gaewdy Suvduer ratpds, comment.
2 yer pro Yoxer, comment. 5; in Remp. 22. 17.
Time. 87 E. vod uév yap, 11 Proc. in Time. 4 D, cf. 323 B;
Dam. ii. 157. 15. yap pro 8 ad, Kroll.
3 Proc, in
Kroll.
# Proc. in Remp. 399. 33.
5 Proc. in Time. 124 D. depuy, Kroll. 155. 26; 164. 7; in Time. 322 D.
267
10 Proc. in Time. 4 D; in Parm. 821.
12 Proc. theol. Plat. 317. 29; de prov.
8 S4oas pro juéwy, Kroll. Proc. in 13 leg. ds pro bs TexTi{vaTo, Stan.
Time. 124 D. 14 rade pro ra, de, Kroll. om.yap, Patric.
7 Simplic. 143 (p. 613, ed. Diels). 16 éf §5aros, Kroll.
8 Proc. in Time. 106 A, C. 16 Proc. in Time. 154 E.
268 APPENDIX V
aA ca
170 7 dppyta Kal TA pyTa cwOnuaTa TOD KOopMoV.
, 5
dAAnv Kar’ GAAnv Cuny dard peptLopevwv oxerGv.
dvwbev Supkovros ext 76 Kat’ dyTiKpy
x fal a a a ‘ , ¥ +
bia. TOD KévTpou THS yHs Kal wéeurroy pécov, GAAOV
mupyoxov, évOa Kareiot expt tAaiwy 6xeTGy,
175 Lwnpdptov wip.)
ia 2 hg ‘ % dy LO 2
KevtTpw émiorépywy cavtov hutds KeAdOovTos.
anyatov adXov, os Tov épardpiov Kdopov dye?
, 27> Bon t ” > * 4
KevTpov dd’ ov macae mexpis avTvyos toa éacw.
otpBora yap watpiKds vdos éoretpe KaTd, KOoHOV.
, a t eur , A 5
180 pécov Tay TaTépwy ExdoTys KevTpov Popetrat.
a YN , L . od ae? ,
vod yap mipnua weer’ TO SE rexOev exer Te TwpmaTos.
OTPANOZ
eo. yu ge N , , 6
érra. yap edyxwoe TaTyp TTEpedpaTa Koo Muy.
Tov Ovpavev KUPTO TXNMaTe TEptKrEioas,
ange St roAdy GptAov dorépwy dmAavay,!
185 Lowy 8& wAavopevwy bpéoryKev Exrdda.°
hes > 2 ’ ‘\ VA > > 4 ¥
ynv 8 év péow TiOeis, Vdwp 8 ev yaias KéXArots,
Bie: Go _
Hepa 8 dvwHev TovTwv.
ange dé kal roAtw dptrov dorépwv drdavav,?
pay Tao erirdvy Tovnpa-
190 anger d& rAdvyV Odk exovon Peper Oat,
émnfe 88 Kai roddty outdrov aorépwy azAavav
TO Tp Tpds TO Tip évayKdoas,
, £ > 2 t t
ange trAdVNV odK exoton PépecOat.
a
€€ abrods tréarynoey, EBdopov pedlov
195 pecepBodrrnoas Tip,
70 draxtov abréy eitdkrots dvaxpeudoas Covats.
#. < € \ 3F f t bd * -
Tikrer yap Ged Hedidy Te péyay Kal Aaumpav ceARVAV.
id , 7 a tf a4 > 7
aiPyp, Ate, mvetpa oedyvys, Epos ayo,
GAtaKkGv Te KiKAwy, Kal pyvaiwy Kavaxio pov
1 Proc. in Timez. 172 C. (wigopoy, 6 Simplic. in Arist. Phys. 144 (p. 616,
Patric. ed. Diels).
2 Proc. in Time. 236 D. éavrdy, Stan. T anyviva, Kroll.
3 Proc. in Time. 8 (évwv ... bpiordvew, Kroll. Proc.
4 Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 15-16 (p. in Tima. 97 A.
155, ed. Friedlein). (Patric. & ruxdv.) ® Proc. in Time. 280 B, ubi tamen
5 Dam. ii, 164. 18. péooov, ‘Exdrys, xpwudvev pro déper Oa legitur.
wepophoda, Kroll. 10 Proc. in Time. 280 B.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME
200 KdAmwy Te HEpiwv.
4 t > \7 ‘ , 2 a ¥ af 1
alOpys pédos, HeAiov Te Kal uyvns dxeTav, 4 TE Epos
kal TAaTis ayp, pyvaids Te Spdmos, Kal det 7OA0S HeACLOLO.”
ovdAd€ye atté AapBavovos aiPpys pédos,?
> Ce 4 Ng a7 Ea
qHeAiov Te ceARVYS TE Kal Goa, HEpt OvVEXOVTAL.
205 mip mupds eLoyerevua kal Tupds Tapias.*
xairat yap és &d mepuxdre purl Brérovrat?
év0a Kpovos,
as , > L , € ,
HeXdwos mapedpos €TLOKOTEWY arOAov ayvov.
aideépids Te Spomos Kai pajvyns drderos 6pyy
210 pepiot re foal.’
HeAvv Te péyav Kal Napmpay cedjvyv.
XPONOZ
Geov eykdopiov, aidviov, dépavrov,
véov Kal mpecBirny, éAtKkoed7.
% cal ” a \ 2 7 4 +
Kal 3yyatoy aAXov, os Tov EprvpLov KOO MOY ayet.
WYXH, ZOMA, ANOPOTIOZ
215 xpi ve orevdey mpds Td Pdos Kai mpds Tatpos abyas
evOev eréupOyn oor Woy Tord Exoapevy vodv.
a A > f X > @ > *
Taira matyp évonoe, Bpords & of epixwro.
Ld \ ¥ ig ot a -_ 10
cip Boro. yap Twarpikds voos évéoretpe Tals Wuxats,
épwrt Babel dvarAnoas THY Woy.
220 KaréBero yap vodv év Yoyy, év copare Se
er 1 Sa wn a
tpéas eyxaTeOnke taTip avdpav Te Oedy Te.
> , Fd > » - ¥
dowpara pév éore Ta Ocia TavTa,
, Ng > a mn eR 2 5é5 ll
TWLATA €V QUTOLS UMWY EVEKEVY EVOEOETOL
‘ 8 tL ar) 4 a G a0)
BY OVVAPMEVOV KATATKEL ATWMATOUS TWY TWLATWV,
1 uépos hedtov Te (an pevos?), Kroll.
48 pro 4 re, Kroll.
2 &elaodos pro ae) wédos, Kroll. Proc.
in Time. 257 E.
* Proc. in Time. 311 A.
AauBdvovoay, pépos, Kroll.
4 Proc. in Time. 141 F.
5 Proc. in Remp. 387. 43. géy post
xatrot, inserit Kroll et legit reppsndrs.
6 Proc. in Time. 279 F. iealoso,
Kroll.
ovAreyety,
269
6
8
9
7 Proc, ap. Simpl. 614. 2.
8 Psell. 13-14.
Proc. in Time. 3386 A. 6€ oi,
Kroll.
10 Psell. 49 comment. omis. yap et
tais, et legit Zomeipe.
11 §¢ pro & éy, Kroll.
2 peracxeiv, dowudrws Tov dowudror,
Kroll.
270
225
230
235
240
245
250
1 Proc. in Remp. 359. 23 B.
% xatidvras, Kroll.
3 Proc, in Time. 321 A.
4 racav, Kroll.
5 bABioral, vqyar’, Kroll.
APPENDIX V
kd. Thy copay eis qv evexevtpicOyte iow."
éy 8& Ged Keivra mupoovs EAKovoat axpaious
ex marpdbev xartdvres, ap av Wuxy KatidvTwr?
éurupiov Spérerat kaprOv, Wuxorpddoy avOos.
36 Kal voyoacat Ta épya TOD waTpos
potpys cipapyérys 7d wrepov pevyovow avaudés.°
kav yap THvde Yuxny ibys aroKatacracay,
GAN GrAAnv evinor watyp évapiOpwoy etvat.
para, 8} xetval ye paxdptarat éoxa. raréwv*
Yuxdwy, worl yaiav dx’ odpavdbev tpoxedvrau.
Kelvat GABuai Te Kal od gard vypara exovoa.?
boca dx’ aiyAjevtos, dvak, oer, 7 O€ Kai adrod
éx Atds é&eyévovro pirou Kpatepis tm dvaykys.°
HyeioOw Woyxijs Bdbos duBporov, dupata S a&pdyv
mavra éxrétatoy ave.”
pire kdrw vevoys eis Tov pedavavyéa Koopov,®
@ BvOes atv daioros iaéotpwrai te Kal “Acdys °
dpdixvedys, putowr, ciSwAoxapys, dvonros,
Kpnuvedys, TKOALES, Twpov BdOos aitv EXicowy,”
det vuppevuv davis deuas, dpyov, darvevpoy."
kat 6 picopaviys KOopos Kal TA TKOALA PElOpa
=
tp dv Todo KatacvpovTat.””
, 4 13
Cyrnoov mapddecov.
a x
diLeo ob Wuyis dxerov, SOev } rie ther #
a , 38. , ay? ® 92 Z 15
owpate Onreioas, emi rag ad’ ys eppins
> 2 , em ys er 16
atfis dvacricets, icp Aoyw epyov évwaas.
a lé
pare Kdrw vetons, Kpyuvos Kara yhs imoxerta,”
id J
éxtatopov sipwv Kata Babuidos * qv vo'®
of moAAol, Kroll.
18 Psell. 25.
Wuxqs, Kroll.
2 Proc. in Time. 339 B. picopats,
14 [ral] pro ot, comment.
6 Synes. de insomn. 151 C.
7 Psell. 37-38. ofyvicOw, Kroll.
Mara 5€ mavra | apSnvy, comment.
5 unde pro whre, Kroll.
® Sic Dam. Synes., auoppos iréorpw-
rat kal dedjs.
10 rnpdv, Kroll.
11 Dam. ii. 317 (Synes. de insomn.
138 C). ‘
wy
ou-
16 ag’ is epptns, om. comment. et
Kroll, qui legit @nrevcac’ et coni. bméBy
kal 7s.
16 (@bs pro ab@is, comment.
1-6.
V7 uh [5] pro ware, comment. pi
(5), Kroll.
18 Sg’ hy 6 THs | avdyxns, comment. et
Kroll. Psell. 4-6.
Psell.
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME
271
devs dvayKys Opovos eoriv,
by ov ¥ adsave Thy ciuappevyv."
255 ux fy meporwv Oedv dye was eis Eavryv?
ovdey Ovyrov exovoa, dAn Gedbev pepeOvarar?
dppoviay adyel yap if’ Hf wéAe cpa Bporeiov.
4
2 7 , ny 2 > > ,
EKTELVAS TUPLOV VOUV EpyOV €7T eioeBins,
a a
pevorov Kai cGpa cadces.?
” V 997 \ > c > , 6
260 ore Kal cidwrAw pepis eis Toroy dudipdorta.
mavrobey arAdotw Wuyy mupos yvia Télvov.
T
5 wupibadmys evvoia mpwtiorny exe Tab.
TO Twupl yap Bpords éurrehacas Oecbev dos ee.®
SyOvvovte yap Bpots Kpatrvol paxapes TeACovory.?
265 al vrotvat peporwy dyxrepat ©
kal Ta Kakys VAns BAaoTHpaTA xpnoTa Kal éoOAd.
Amis tpepérw oe mupyoxos dyyeAtkG evi yopo.”
GAN’ od eicdéxerat Keivns 76 OédeLv marptKds vods,
pexpts dv EeAOn ANOys Kal Pyya Aadjon.
270 pynpnv evOemevyn marpiKod ovvOypaTtos &yvov.”
Tots O¢ Oidaxroy paovs Cdwxe yvwpiopa rAaBErOae.
Tous & Umvdovtas és evexdpmicey Gdxhs.?
py rvedua pordivys, pynde Babivys 76 émimedov.4
pdt To THs VAs cxvBarov Kpynyve katadreiys.
275 pm eSdéns, tva py ekrodoa éxy TH."
Bin ort cpa Avrovrav Woxai Kaapwrarat.
poxis eEworhpes, dvamvoot, evAvtoi eiocy.
VW
18
Aaja’ ev Aayoow ‘Exdrys dperis weA€ wyyy ?
1Psell. 8. cuvavtfons, comment,
2 Comment. omis. 7 et mas. adrhy,
Kroll.
8 @cd@ev, om. comment.
4 Psell. 19-21.
5 Psell. 30-31. etdoeBias, Kroll ;
mupivov, Stanl.
6 Psell, 27.
7 Psell. 45.
8 Proc. in Time. 65 B (ubi legitur
Thy wupOadrrh evvorav mpwrlarny exew
rdw).
9 Proc. in Time. 65 D. Omis. yap,
Kroll.
10 Pell. 36.
11 Olymp. in Pheed. 31. 21; 34.3.
12 Psell. 10-12. Omis. comment. rd
Oérew.
18 Synes. de insomn.135 A. didaxrby
Zaxe pdovs, Kroll. xal post dé, inser,
Kroll.
14 Pgell. 26. rovmiredov, Kroll.
16 Psell, 28. od3€ karadelWes, Kroll.
16 Psell. 29; cf. Plotinus Enneades,
i.9. In comment. ein éxoved 71.
VW Psell. 1141 B. xardparos, coniec.
Kroll.
18 Psell, 16,
Kroll.
19 Aarfis év Aaydow Kolrns, Psell.
dvdrvoes, comment. et
272
280"
285
295
300
1 ry
Bévovea
APPENDIX V
évSov 6An pipvovoa, TO TapHevov ov mpotetoa.!
. , , ¥ : 2
@ ToApypotatys Picews dvOpwre Téxvacpa,
Hy TA TEAWpLA perpa yains bro ony pPpeva BddAov,
od yap dAnGeins purov évt xOovi®
Payre pérpet érpa HEeALov Kavovas ovvabpoicas,*
adi Bovdy péperat odx Gvexa ceio?
Lqvatov re Spounua Kal doréptov mporopOevpa.®
pajvys poiLov éacov, det Tpéxer Epyw avayKys
> , Q 4 , 33 0. 7
dorépioy mpotopHevpa, wey xaptv odk édAoyevOn.
aidéptos épviOwv rapoos rAatis ovror GAyOijs.
> a G Loe tM 997 a
od Ovovav orAdyxvev Te Topal’ Tad GOvpyata tavTa,
€prropiKys amaryns oTypiypata’ pedye od Tada
ff > 7 e ‘ LA > a
pddAwy eioeBins iepov mapddecoy dvolyey,
20 2 N y 9 , , 9
évO dpery codia Te kal ebvopia cvvayovTat.
N .. 2 a a Sy 27 10
oov yap ayyeiov Ojpes xOoves oikyKovowy.
a2 oN Se \ 5 , 2 L L ll
avrovs dé xOwv katodvperat és Téxva. Eexpts.
AAIMONEZS, TEAETAI
H dvors reiGer etvar rods Saipovas dyvous,
kal Ta KaKHs UAns BAaoTHpaTa xpyoTa Kat eoOAd.Y
GXAG Tatra ev &Bdrous onKots Stavotas dvedirTo.
i teeN Shptee AE 275 n 13
mip tkeAov oKiptndov ex H€pos oidua TiTalvov,
Xn ‘ im ‘ed ig x 4
q Kat wip atimwrov Obey dwvny tpodéovcay,
x an na
H Pas wAovatov dudtyennv, porlatov, éhuyGev *#
GAAG Kal troy ideiv Pwros tAdov daTpdmTovTa,
a \ 28 a , 2 , ¢ 18
H Kal maida TEols vwTots eroxovpevov Urrov,
” x in Xx
€umvpov 7} Xpvoeo wervKacpevov 7 TaAtyvpvov *
9 Psell. 1128 B. C.
et mapOévov, comment.
8
Psell. 17-18.
2 Psell. 39. rodunpas éx, comment.
3 éy pro éyl, Kroll.
unde pro phre, Psell. et Kroll;
Bétpov, Kroll.
5 ratpds post déperat, Psell. et Kroll.
cov, Kroll. Psell. 1128 B, C.
6 Proc. in Timx.277 D. mpordpeuya,
Kroll et Psell.
7 Proc. in Time. 277 D, et Psell.
1128 B, C. wapondpevpa, Kroll et Psell.
8 grouat, Patric. ; d0oua:, Stanleius,
10 Psell. 7. Comment. omis. yap.
11 Psell. 15. de) rodode...4& & Tovade,
Kroll. karwpverar, comment. kardpicrar,
Patric.
12 Psell. 34-35. In comment. inserit
miotevew post melBer.
18 Proc. in Remp. 380. 5.
14 dugipats, Stan. Lips.
Kroll.
16 Melius Kroll, 007s pro reois.
16 rdéAr yuuvdv, Kroll.
auol yun,
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME
273
x \ , Ye un 2 Noe 1
ym Kae TofevovTa KOL EOTWTA ETL VWTOLS.
305 moAAdkts Hv AdEys pot, dOpnces wdvr dxdVvovra
+2
¥ N > 7 \ , Ya BS 3
OUTE yap oupavios KvOpos TOTE daiverat oyKos.
dorépes od Adurovet, TO pnvys POs KexdAvTTEL,
xOev ody eornkev, BA€meral Te TavTA Kepavvois.!
By Pioews Kadéons avromtov dyaApa,?
310 od yap xpy Keivous oe BACraw mpiv copa TerAEoOy.
drt Tas Wuyas Oédryovres del THY TeAeTOY arayovow.
6
2 yy : , , , ,
éx 8 dpa KoArwy yains OpwoKover xOoviot Kives,
ovmor dAnbeis cGua Bpord avdpt deuxvivres.”
évépyet wept Tov “Exatixov orpddadov.®
315 dvéuara BdépBapa pyror ahAaéys,9
ON X\ -: ¥ i oo ,
eici yap évouara map éxdoros Oedadora
Svvapwy ev TeAeTals dppytov éxovra.
Ht ppntov &x
qvixa BArYns popdis drep ediepov wip 1
Aapmropevov oxiprndov OAov Kata BevOea Kdcpov,
320 KADOL arupds pwvyv.
qvixa Saipova 8 épyduevov rpdayeov dOpyoys,
Ove AGov pviloup éravdav.4
> Yo fu 2 a 12
€LOL TAVTG TUPOS EVOS EKYEYAWTA.
rarip od PdBov evOpsaxe, reOw 8 emryevder.18
1 égrnadr’, Kroll.
2rdvta Agovta pro mdvryn Aextdy,
comment. adytn Aexrdéy, Psell. Nos
sec. Kroll.
3 kuprds pro xvdpds, comment. et
Kroll.
* Psell.40-44. padéyerat, melius Kroll.
5 Psell. 1186 C.
6 Proc. in Alc, 340. 6.
Kroll.
7 Psell. 82-33. o#7’, comment. Om.
avdp\ in comment. Alii, é« % dpa «da-
may yalns Opwoxovo’, otmor’ adnOes | oRua
TeAco OTs,
Bpore avdp) xObvio1 edves Serxvivtes.
8 Psell. 1133 A.
9 Psell. 1182 C.
10 (dé), Kroll. Psell. 46-48.
11 Psell. 1148 B. pvotfip éerdiwy,
T
Kroll. sub voce prlfovpey suspicor
forsan corruptionem part. pass. arab.
ygleic (manziir) de verbo ye
(nazar) ‘videre’ sublatere. si hoc
recte se habet, de sententia confer
Geoponica xv. 1. 8: 6 AvKos mpoopdy
Tov dvOpwrov dobevéctepov adrdy Kal
. dpGels 5é mpdrepos 6
AvKos avrds dobevérrepos ylverat. verba
ex linguis orientalibus in incantamen-
tis huiusmodi frequentissime usurpari
docet Heim in Annal. Philol. Suppl.
xix. (1892) p. 528, qui etiam exem-
pla multa ’Eg¢eolwy ypayydrwy profert
pp. 529-542.
12 Psell. 52.
18 Psell. 60.
&dwvov moe? . .
APPENDIX VI
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN VARIOUS OTHER
OLDER LITERATURES
. ARMENIAN ALLUSIONS.
Cur1nEsE ALLUSIONS.
Syri1ac, ARABIC, AND OTHER MOHAMMEDAN OR PERSIAN REFERENCES.
IcELanpic ALLUSION.
Har GOEROS
I
Allusions to Zoroaster in Armenian Literature
Tur references to Zoroaster in Armenian literature, so far as I
know, are few, but other scholars may be able to add to the list.
Those allusions easiest to be found are in Langlois, Collection des
Historiens anciens et modernes de l’Arménie, 2 vols., Paris, 1867-—
1869; see tome i. pp. 28, 29; ii. pp. 59, 69, 189, 191, n., 230 (877),
381. These references are used here in part.
(a) The So-called Armenian History of Khorene.
—The chapters of the so-called Armenian history of Moses of
Khorene which refer to Zoroaster give the same or a similar record
as Cephalion and others‘ in associating his name with Semiramis.
Zoroaster is a Magian and religious chief of the Medes. Semiramis
gives into his charge the government of Assyria and Nineveh, and
entrusts to him the greatest power, while she withdraws to her favor-
ite city in Armenia. Zoroaster raises a rebellion against Semiramis,
and the issue of the war is told.
Several translations of Moses or of this passage are accessible:
Whiston, Moses Chorenens., London, 1736, 1. ch. 16 (quoted in Miller’s
Frag. hist. Gr. iii. p. 627, and in Gilmore, Persika of Ktesias, Lon-
don, 1888, p. 30, n.); Langlois, Collection des Historiens anciens et
modernes de l Arménie, Paris, 1867-1869, tome ii. 59, 69; cf. ibid. i.
1E.g. Agathias ; cf. Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 412.
274
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 275
p. 28 (Mar Apas Catina, ch. 10); Lauer, Moses von Chorene, Geschichte
Gross-Armeniens tibersetzt, Regensburg 1869, p. 13 seq. The sources
are discussed by Carriére, Nowvelles sources de Moise de Khoren,
Vienna, 1893; cf. also Vetter in Festgruss an Roth, p. 81 seq.
For a rendering of the passages, in which Zoroaster is alluded to
in Moses of Khorene, I am indebted to the kind help of my col-
league, Mr. Abraham Yohannan, of Columbia University, whose
version is here given for convenience.
Mos. Khor. 1. 6 [in speaking of Zrvan and basing the narrative on the legen-
dary Berosian Sibyl, Moses of Khorene alludes to three princes of the earth,
‘Zrvan, Titan, and Japhet’ (Zrvan, Didan, Habedost). In his opinion these
are identical with ‘Shem, Ham, and Japhet’ (Sem, Kam, Habet). He then goes
on to state, upon the authority of the Berosian Sibyl], ‘These divided the
whole world between them. Over the other two, Zrvan gained the mastery, —
he, of whom Zoroaster (Zradasht) king of the Bactrians, that is the Medes,
states that he is the source and father of the gods.’
Mos. Khor. 1. 17 (16) ‘About Semiramis— The reason why she slew her
sons— How she fled from Zoroaster (Zradasht) the Magian into Armenia —
And how she was put to death by her son Ninyas (Ninouas):— This queen was
always accustomed, for her recreation, to pass the summer in the northern
region, in the fortified city which she had built in Armenia. She left Assyria
and Nineveh in charge of the governor Zoroaster, a Magian and patriarch of the
Medes. And having repeatedly done this, she (finally) entrusted the sovereignty
eutirely to him.’
‘Being herself often rebuked by her sons because of her wanton and meretri-
cious character, she put them all to death; only Ninyas (Ninouas) escaped. She
chose to bestow upon her paramours all the power and treasures, without any
regard to her sons. Her husband Ninus was not dead, nor buried by her in the
palace of Nineveh, as is reported ; but he abandoned the realm and fled to Crete,
because he was aware of her vice and shameless behavior.’
‘It was then that her grown-up sons reminded her of all this in hopes of
restraining her from her devilish and warlike desires and of having the power
and treasures entrusted to them. Becoming excessively enraged thereat, she
killed them all, and only Ninyas remained as we have described above.’
‘But when some misunderstanding occurred on the part of Zoroaster with
reference to the queen, and enmity arose between the two, Semiramis made war
against him because he was designing to rule by force over all. In the midst of
the war Semiramis fled before Zoroaster into Armenia.’
‘ At this juncture, Ninyas (her son), taking advantage of the opportunity for
revenge, killed his mother and reigned over Assyria and Nineveh.’
(b) Eliszus, who is presumably a contemporary of Vartan (a.p.
fifth century), in his history of the latter, and of the wars which the
Armenians waged against the Persians, alludes incidentally to the
276 APPENDIX VI
‘Magians,’ and the ‘religion of Zoroaster’; see Langlois, op. cit. ii.
189, 230.
(c) The Armenian Eznik (a.p. fifth century,) in his refutation
of the sects and of heretical opinions, devotes an entire division
(ii.) of his work to the false tenets of the Persians who maintain
the doctrine of Ormazd, Ahriman, and Zrvan, and, in this connec-
tion, he incidentally mentions ‘ Zradasht ’ (Zoroaster) as responsible
for the heretical views as to the origin of the sun and moon, cf.
Langlois, op. cit. ii. 381. Most of this passage is translated in Wil-
son, Parsi Religion, pp. 542-551, but not the paragraph relating to
Zoroaster; cf. also Haug, Essays on the Parsis, p. 13.
(4) Thomas Arzrouni, the learned Armenian annalist (4..
ninth-tenth century),’ gives a series of statements regarding Zoro-
aster and the Persian belief in Ormazd. Some of his allusions are
identical with the common accounts which associate Zoroaster’s name
with Ninus and Semiramis. One passage is also of importance in con-
nection with the prescriptions of the Vendidad. It gives a legendary
explanation of the origin of the injunction which Zoroaster gave for
killing noxious animals. The passage is to be found translated in
the valuable publication of Brosset, Collection Whistoriens arméniens ;
Th. Ardzrount, ete., tome i, 8. Pétersbourg, 1874. As this work is not
easily accessible and as the passage does not seem to be generally
familiar to Zoroastrian students, it is worth while to reproduce Bros-
set’s translation (op. cit., livre 1, § 3, pp. 19-22, 25; § 4, p. 27).
1. 3, ‘De l’empire des Assyriens ; que Zradacht et Manithop furent chefs des
contrées orientales ; leurs dogmes absurdes.
‘Des temps écoulés entre Bel et Ninos, il ne reste dans les livres anciens,
ainsi que nous l’avons dit précédemment, aucune trace considérable et éclatante,
et cela, sans doute, par plusieurs raisons. D’abord, par suite de la confusion
des langues, il régnait une facheuse mésintelligence, puis les annalistes chal-
déens ne retragaient pas les faiblesses des hommes de haut rang. Et encore,
si méme les exploits et actes de bravoure de Ninos ont été racontés, comme Bel
et pis encore, il en vint & un tel degré d’orgueil, qu’il se regardait comme le
premier des héros, comme le premier des rois, et ayant fait rassembler en un tas,
en grande hate, tous les écrits anciens, il les livra aux flammes, afin que par la
suite il ne restat plus de souvenir d’autre personne illustre que la sienne.? Il
passe done pour avoir régné sur toute 1]’Asie, l’Inde exceptée et sur la Libye. Il
fit aussi réparer, pour l’honneur de son nom, la ville de Ninive, autrefois con-
struite par Assour, pour étre la résidence royale, et qu’avait ravagée Nébroth.
Il détréna ensuite le mage Zradacht, roi des Bactriens et des Medes, et le chassa
1Cf. Neumann, Geschichte der armen. 2Mr. Gray notes a similar act by
Lit., pp. 123-125, Leipzig, 1836. Tsin-Chi-hoang-ti.
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 277
jusqu’aux frontiéres des Héphtalites, devint le maitre puissant de tout le
Khoujastan, des contrées de l’orient et de la Perse, jusque par-dela Balkh et
Dépouhan ; de Comaid, de Gauzpan, de Chéribamamacan, de Khodjihrastan, et
pour vrai dire, il soumit durant 52 ans, avec une incroyable valeur, tout le pays
jusqu’a la mer des Indes. Lorsqu’il mourut, ne laissant que de trés jeunes
enfants, il remit l’autorité & sa femme Chamiram, qui l’exerga elle-méme avec
plus de vigueur que Ninos ; car elle enceignit Babylone de murailles, dompta la
rébellion de Zradacht et le reduisit en servitude. Mais l’ivresse des voluptés lui
faisant oublier ses fils, elle prodigua ses trésors 4 ses amants favoris et établit
Zradacht commandant de Babylone, du Khoujastan et de toute la Perse
orientale. Pour elle, elle passa en Arménie, ou l’attirait la renommée d’un
descendant d’ Haic. Quant 4 son arrivée en ce pays, aux détails de la bataille,
4 la construction de superbes édifices, veritablement admirables, & la revolte de
Zradacht, 4 la mort de Chamiram, aux récits des magiciens, 4 ce sujet, tout cela
a été raconté par d’autres. Elle avait régné 42 ans. L’autorité passa & son fils
Zarmia, qui fut appelé Ninovas, du nom de son pére. Celui-ci fut maitre de
)Assyrie et, durant un temps, de l’Arménie. Peu soucieux d’agrandissements,
doué d’un caractére paisible et non belliqueux, il passa tranquillement ses jours.’
‘Cependant Zradacht, possédant les contrées & l’orient de la Perse, cessa
depuis lors d’inquiéter l’Assyrie. Dédaignant comme vieilleries et choses par
trop obscures, les récits sur Bel et sur les autres descendants des génies, il
débita sur son propre compte de nouvelles fables, afin de séparer du méme coup
les Perses et les Mars des Babyloniens, et, par ses doctrines et par des noms, de
se mettre en communication avec les Assyriens. I] se mit donc 4 appeler [de ?]!
nouveau Zrovan et souche des dieux Sem, fils de Noé. ‘‘Celui-ci, dit-il, voulant
devenir pére d’Ormizd, dit: ‘‘ Qu’ainsi soit, j’aurai pour fils Ormizd, qui fera le
ciel et la terre.” Zrovan concgut donc deux jumeaux, dont l’un fut assez rusé
pour se hater de paraitre le premier, ‘‘Qui es-tu? lui dit Zrovan.—Ton fils
Ormizd. — Mon fils Ormizd est lumineux et de bonne odeur, et toi tu es obscur
et mauvaise langue.’? Celui-ci ayant beaucoup insisté, il lui donna le pouvoir
pour mille ans. Ormizd, étant né au bout de ce terme, dit & son frére: ‘Je
t’ai cédé pendant mille ans; céde-moi présentement.’? Connaissant son inféri-
orité, Ahrman résista et se révolta, et devint un dieu opposé 4 Ormizd. Quand
Ormizd créa la lumiére, Ahrman fit les ténébres ; quand Ormizd créa la vie, Ahr-
man fit la mort; quand Ormizd créa le feu, le bien, Ahrman fit l’eau et le mal.
Pour ne point dire tout, l'un aprés Vautre, tout ce qui est bon et les gens ver-
tueux proviennent d’Ormizd; d’Ahrman, tout ce qui est mauvais et les démons.
Maintenant 4 celui qui pensera que ces doctrines ne méritent qu’une explosion
de rire, et qui traite de fou le roi Zradacht, réponds que ce dieu impuissant,
Ormizd, ne travaille pas en vain, et que les deux fréres, bien qu’ennemies
mutuels, se courrouceront 4 la fois pour l’exterminer.’
‘Le méme insensé Zradacht raconte encore qu’une guerre s’étant élevée
entre Ormizd et Ahrman, le premier éprouva une faim enragée et courut les
champs, pour trouver de la nourriture. Il rencontra un boeuf, qu’il déroba.
1 Added by Mr. Schuyler, who also notes from Brosset that Arzrouni always
writes Ormzd, Ahrmn.
278 APPENDIX VI
Layant tué et caché sous un tas de pierres, il attendit le crépuscule, pour
enlever chez lui le produit de son larcin et rassasier sa faim. Le soir venu, il
était tout joyeux et allait se gorger de nourriture, mais il trouva le boeuf gité,
devoré par les lézards, par les araignées, les stellions et les mouches, qui avaient
fait leur proie de son gibier. Maintenant donc la légion des cloportes et des
jjacs vinrent, et comme ils firent beaucoup de mal au dieu, Zradacht prescrivit
une quantité de réglements puerils. Ce n’est point & la légére que nous
sommes décidé & écrire ces choses, mais parce que cette doctrine satanique a
causé bien des catastrophes sanglantes & notre Arménie, qu’elle a ruinée entiére-
ment, ainsi que le fait voir Vhistoire des saints Vardanians, écrite par le véné-
rable prétre Eghiché. Les fils des pyrolatres sont 1a, pour l’affirmer encore.’
‘Cependant Manithop, roi des Hephtals, ajoute et affirme encore ceci: le feu,
suivant lui, n’est pas la créature d’Ormizd, mais sa substance. Héphestos et
Promithos, i.e. le soleil et la lune, ayant dérobé le feu d’Ormizd, en donnérent
une partie aux hommes. La terre est l’asyle du dieu Spandaramet — Bacchus;
—elle n’a été créée par personne, mais elle existait, telle qu’elle existe; elle
continue d’étre, et ’homme est né de lui-méme.’
Three pages farther on (p. 25) is found another allusion to Zoroaster: ‘Quant
aux autres assertions des mythologues, et & leurs dires sans fondements, j’en
prendrai, pour le réfuter, ce qu’il y & de plus raisonnable dans les traditions
confuses, transmises 4 leurs sectateurs par les orientaux Zradacht et Manithop.’
{In the next chapter Thomas Arzrouni summarizes the reigns of the succes-
sive Assyrian rulers down to the rise of the kingdom of Persia under Cyrus,
and Zoroaster’s death is incidentally mentioned. From the allusions to Ninus
and Semiramis and Abraham, it is evident that he places Zoroaster at an early
period. The text runs]: ‘Nous avons suivi méthodiquement la série des géné-
rations et rangé avec soin les ancétres de l’empire d’Assyrie, dont le premier
héritier fut Zamésos [i.e. Zarmia, plus haut], le méme que Ninovas, fils de
Ninus et de Chamiram, en la 53¢ année de la vie du patriarche Abraham, qui
régna sur toute l’Asie et !Arménie. Zradacht étant mort, il fut de nouveau, 38
ans durant, monarque pacifique de tout ce qui est & 1’O. de la Perse, qui lui
obéit et lui paya tribut. Aprés lui, son fils Arias, le 4e depuis Ninus, durant 30
ans. Aprés lui les rois d’Assyrie, se succédant au pouvoir, de pére en fils, ne
firent rien de remarquable, et pas un seul d’entre eux ne régna moins de 20
ans.’
II
Allusions to Zoroaster in Chinese Literature
For my first direct information on this subject, a year ago, Iam
personally indebted to the Sinologist, Dr. F. Hirth, of Munich,
whose kindness I cordially appreciate, and whose suggestions I grate-
fully acknowledge. Dr. Hirth recently wrote me that some of the
material of which he spoke to me is easily accessible in the mono-
graphs of Messieurs Chavannes and Devéria, from which I give
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 279
selections, as they can but be of special interest to students of Zoro-
astrianism. Dr. Frederick W. Williams, of Yale University, New
Haven, furthermore draws my attention to the existence of a number
of references in Chinese literature to the religion of Zoroaster as
Po-sz king kian, ‘religion of Persia,’ or Po-sz. Iam sincerely indebted
to these gentlemen, and I hope that, joined perhaps by Mer. C.
de Harlez and others, they may pursue their researches farther in
this particular line, and add to our knowledge of the Prophet of
Ancient Iran, and his influence in the Far East.
In a letter which Dr. Hirth wrote to me, he says: ‘What I con-
sider to be the Chinese transcription of the name Zoroaster occurs in
a work called Si-ki-tsung-yii (chap. 1, p. 20). Speaking of the
deity, Mahésvara (in Chinese Ma-yi-schou-lo), the author, who wrote
about the middle of the twelfth century (cf. Wylie, Notes on Chinese
Literature, p. 128) says: “It [the deity] originally came from the
great country of Persia, and is [there] called Su-lu-tsché. The god
had a disciple by the name of Yiian-tchén, who studied the doctrine
of his master, etc., in Persia, and afterwards travelled to China to
spread it there.” ’?
M. Ed. Chavannes, Le Nestorianisme et PInscription de Kara-
Balgassoun in Journ. Asiatique, Janv. Fév. 1897, p. 61 seq., gives
some very interesting allusions to the Persian religion and its spread
in China, onward from the seventh century of our era. I select
two extracts which mention Zoroaster. The monograph itself should
be consulted.
Chavannes, op. cit. p. 61, notes, by way of introduction: ‘A la
date de la 5° année tcheng-koan (631),? le Fo-tsou t’ong ki dit (Chapter
xxxix. p. 71 V°, 9° cahier de la lettre®* dans l’édition japonaise du
Tripitaka de la Société Asiatique) : —
“ Autrefois Sou-li-tche (Zarathushtra, Zoroastre), du royaume de Perse,
avait institué la religion mo-ni-enne du dieu céleste du feu; un édit impérial
ordonna d’établir & la capitale un temple de Ta-ts’in,’’ 4
‘Dans le méme ouvrage (chap. liv. p. 151 r°), on lit: —
10On seeing Devéria’s citation of 2T.e. a.v. 631.
the same passage (given above), Dr. 3 Here follows a Chinese char-
Hirth supplements his note by adding acter.
that it is perhaps the intention of the * T.e. Chaldea ; see Devéria, op. cit.
passage to indicate that the doctrine p.456. Similarly De Rosny, Le Culte de
rather than Ytian-tchén travelled to Zoroastre chez les Chinois in Congrés
China. See Devéria’s quotation. int. des Orient., 1™e Sess. ii, 323-826.
280 APPENDIX VI
“Pour ce qui est de la religion mo-ni-enne du dieu céleste du feu,! autrefois,
dans le royaume de Perse il y eut Zoroastre ; il mit en vigueur la religion du dieu
céleste du feu; ses disciples vinrent faire des conversions en Chine; sous les
T'ang, la 5¢ année tcheng-koan (631), un de ses sectateurs, le mage Ho-low
vint au palais apporter la religion du dieu céleste; un décret impérial ordonna
d’établir & la capitale un temple de Ta-ts’in.’’’
M. G. Devéria, Musulmans et Manichéens Chinois in Journ. Asia-
tique, Nov. Déc. 1897, p. 445 seq., especially discusses certain Chinese
material on the subject of Manicheism; he cites and translates
(on p. 456) the last passage given by Chavannes, and notes also the
one to which Hirth had already called attention.
Devéria, op. cit. p. 462 : ‘Yao-Koan des Song dit: les caractéres [. . .]2
désignent l’Esprit étranger du ciel; [. . .] se prononce hier; son culte est
celui que les livres sacrés bouddhiques appellent le culte de Mahesvara; c’est
dans la grande Perse qu’il prit naissance ; on l’y nomme (culte de) Zoroastre ;
celui-ci eut un disciple appelé Hiuan-tchen (Céleste vérité ou Véridique céleste),
qui étudia la religion du maitre ; il descendait de Jouhouo-chan (Joukhshan ou
Soukhshan ou Djoukhshan ?), grand gouverneur général de la Perse; sa propa-
gande s’exerga en Chine,’ 3
III
References to some Syriac, Arabic, and other Mohammedan or
Persian Allusions to Zoroaster
The most convenient collection of material on Syriac and Arabic
allusions to Zoroaster is by Gottheil in the book so often quoted
above and easily accessible. I merely repeat the title below. To
supplement this, see brief remark in AJSL. xiii. 225 and I note also
(by pages) such references as I have observed in Hyde, Barbier de
Meynard, Vullers, or elsewhere, as the works can be consulted.
1. Gottheil, R., References to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic Liter-
ature, collected in Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler, New
York, 1894 (Columbia University Press), pp. 24-51. This monograph
gives abundant bibliographical material.
1 Devéria, op. cit. p. 456, renders‘de searches, Part I., pp. 15 seq., Shang-
la religion de Mo-ni de ’Esprit céleste hai, 1880, on the Chinese knowledge
du feu,’ and notes that Mo-ni refers to of Bactria and Persia. Specialists can
the Manicheans (p. 464). doubtless add much on this subject.
2 Here are Chinese characters. Professor Bang reminds me of ZDM@.
3 Cf. also Fergusson, Chinese Re- xliv. 151; xlv. 627; WZKM. xii. 51.
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 281
2. Hyde, T., Historia Religionis veterum Persarum, Oxon. 1700,
the following pages : —
Shahrastani, p. 158 (fires), 294-296 (Magian doctrines and Z.), 298-300 (cf.
Gottheil, p. 46 seq.), 382 (Messianic prophecy by Z.).
Ibn Shahna, p. 162 seq. (Z. and dualism).
Shah Kholgi, p. 164 (Z. and the Gahanbar).
Bar Bahlial (Syriac), p. 310 (etymology of Z.’s name; Messianic prophecies ;
cf. Gottheil, p. 28).
Abilfeda, p. 311 (Z. born at Urumiah).
Beidawi, p. 313 (Z. and religion; Z.’s mountain at Istakhr).
Abi Mohammed Mustafa, p. 313 (Z. and Ezra ; doctrines).
Bundari, p. 314 seq. (after Tabari).
Majdi, pp. 315-817, 319, 885 (Z. Palestine and Adarbaijan ; conversion of V.
molten brass ordeal; cypress of Kishmar; Jamasp).
Khvandamiri, p. 317 seq. (Z. and fire-worship ; V. at Istakhr).
Shah Namah Nasr, pp. 319-325 (abridged prose account from ShN. of Z.’s
conversion of V., and his history).
Abil-Faraj, p. 384 (Messianic).
Khalil Safi, pp. 385, 421 (Jamasp = Daniel; the Persian language).
Sad-dar, p. 433 seq. (gives a Latin translation).
Al-Makin, p. 529 (Z. contemporary with Smerdis ; Z. institutes a communion).
Eutychius, see Appendix IL, p. 168 above.
3. The Mujmal al-Tawérikh (a.p. 1126, author unknown). Ez-
tratts du Modjmal al-Tewarikh, relatifs & Vhistoire dela Perse, traduits
par Jules Mohl (Journal Asiatique, tome xi. pp. 136, 258, 320, Paris,
1841). This work is later than Tabari, Hamzah, and Firdausi. The
author makes use of Hamzah. The special pages which are of
interest in connection with Zoroaster are the following: p. 147
(chronology), 160 (Lohrasp), 161 (Gushtasp), 162-163 (Bahman,
Humai, Darab, Dara, Sikander), 333 (the reign of Gushtasp, war
with Arjasp).
4. Barbier de Meynard Dictionnaire géographique, historique et
littéraire de la Perse et des Contrées adjacentes, extrait du Médjem
el-Bouldan de Yagout, Paris, 1861. Zoroaster is especially men-
tioned in the following articles, which should be consulted, and
quotations have already been made from them: pp. 26, 85 Ourmiah,
p. 33 Oustounawend, p. 367 Schiz, p. 514-515 Mah-Dinar (orig. Din-
Zeraduscht).
Important information further illustrating the subject may be
found under the following heads in the same translation from
Yakut (the list, however, not complete): p. 27 Hrwend, Elvend, 63
Tran, 75 Badeghis, 80 Bamian, Bamin, 86 Bakhdjermiin, 100, Bost
282 APPENDIX VI
(in Seistan), 106 Bosht (mentions Vishtasp), 107 Boschtenfwrousch (for
Vishtasp), 112 Balkh (for Lohrasp), 124 Behistoun, 167 Djounbond,
Gounbed (for Isfendiar), 183 Djeihoun (Jihtn, Oxus), 197 Khoragan
(anc. Pers. kings), 224, 236 Debawend, Demawend, 251 Dinewer, 268
Routan, 272 Riwend, 273 Rey, Rai (but Z. is not mentioned), 280
Zaboulistin (Ristam), 284 Zerd (mt.), 300 Sedelan (mt., but Z. is not
mentioned), 300-305 Sedjestin, Seistan, 367 Schiz, 413 Farmed, 464
Qoume (Kimish), 467 Qohendez (qu. Av. Kanha Daéza ?), 469 Kaboul,
471 Karian (Magian pyraea), 477 Kourr (no mention of Vishtasp),
489 Kouschtasfi (mentions Vishtasp), 489 Keschmer (no mention of Z.
or V.), 569 Noubehar (temple at Balkh).
5. Iskandar Namah. Sketch of the Codex of Iskandar Namah,
Nizdmi, in Catalogo della Biblioteca Naniana, Assemani, vol. i. pp.
112-122, esp. 119 seq. Division xv. (Lohrasp, contemporary of
Jeremiah and Daniel; at his time lived Zardusht, but Abilfaraj
makes him flourish under Cambyses; Lohrasp reigned 120 years).
Division xvi. Vishtasp and Zoroaster (doctrines of Zoroaster; Vish-
tasp reigned about 120 years; in his time lived Socrates of Greece,
and Jamasp the Persian Philosopher). Divisions xvii—xx. (sketch
of following reigns down to Iskandar).
6. ‘Ulama-i Islam, a Persian work in prose. This treatise of the
twelfth century a.p. deals rather with a vision of Zardusht and with
eschatology. It is accessible in English and in German: Wilson,
Parsi Religion, pp. 560-563, ’1lma-i-Islam translated; Vullers, Frag-
mente tiber Zoroaster, pp. 43-67, Ulemai Islam iibersetzt. See also
comment by Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 135,and Anquetil du Perron,
Zend-Avesta, li. p. 339, West, in Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 123.
7. Dasatir. This curious collection, with its commentary, pro-
fesses to be old; but it is criticised adversely by Wilson, Parsi
Religion, pp. 411-412. It is quoted by the Dabistan. Some selec-
tions, with commentary, from the chapter on Zardusht’s philoso-
phy are added here from the only edition with translation that is
accessible. The spelling of the edition is preserved practically
unchanged, but with a few corrections of accents. The title of the
edition reads: The Desatir or Sacred Writings of the Ancient Persian
Prophets ; in the Original Tongue; together with the Ancient Persian
Version of the Fifth Sasan; carefully published by Mulla Bin Firuz
Kaus. With English translation. 2 vols. Bombay, 1818.
Dasatir, p. 120, § 42. ‘Now a Wise Man, named Tianfir,’ will
1 Titianish, Pers.
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 283
come from Nfrakh! in order to consult thee concerning the real
nature of things.’
§ 43. ‘I will tell thee what he asketh, and do thou answer (his
questions) before he putteth them.’
Commentary. —‘It is said that when the fame of the excellence of the nature
of Zertusht had spread all over the world, and when Isfendiar went round the
world, erected fire-temples, and raised domes over the fires ; the wise men of
Yunan selected a sage named Tfitianifish, who at that time had the superiority
in acquirements over them all, to go to Iran and to enquire of Zertusht concern-
ing the real nature of things. If he was puzzled and unable to answer, he could
be no real prophet; but if he returned an answer, he was a speaker of truth.
When the Yun4ni Sage arrived at Balkh, Gusht&sp appointed a proper day, on
which the Mobeds of every country should assemble ; and a golden chair was
placed for the Yunani Sage. Then the beloved of Yezd4n, the prophet Zertusht
advanced into the midst of the assembly. The Yun4ni Sage on seeing that
chief said, ‘‘ This form and this gait cannot lie, and nought but truth can proceed
from them.’’ He then asked the day of the prophet’s nativity. The prophet of
God told it. He said, ‘On such a day and under such a fortunate star a deceiver
cannot be born.’? He next enquired into his diet and mode of life. The prophet
of God explained the whole. The Sage said, ‘‘ This mode of life cannot suit an
impostor.’? The prophet of Yezdan then said to him: ‘‘I have answered you the
questions which you have put to me; now, retain in your mind what the famed
Yun4ni Sages directed you to enquire of Zertusht and disclose it not; but listen
and hear what they ask ; for God hath informed me of it, and hath sent his word
unto me to unfold it.’”, The Sage said, “Speak.” Thereupon the prophet Zertusht
ordered the scholar to repeat the following texts:’
Dasat. p. 121, § 44. ‘The friend of acuteness will say unto thee,
The Nfirakh? Sages ask, What use is there for a prophet in this
world ?’
[Here follow a number of the supposed questions that will be
asked, and then a prophecy is made of Vishtaésp and an account
given of how the Avesta came into the hands of Alexander the
Great. ]
Dasat. p. 123, §§ 58-59. [The sacred book of the Iranians is
referred to in the text and the commentary says, among other
things]:
Commentary. —‘ That book is the inspired volume which the prophet of God,
Zertusht, asked of God that he should send down as his book for the purpose
of advice; that when the time of Sekander should arrive, the Destfrs might
exhibit it, and he being gratified with it, become more attached to the faith of
the Pure. Yezdan, approving of the request of his prophet, sent down a part of
1Yunan, Pers. ; that is, Greece. 2Yunan, Pers.
284 APPENDIX VI
his word in the form of an Advice to Sekander ; and the King (i.e. GushtAsp)
placed it, sealed with the seals of the Desttirs, in the Treasury. When
Sekander gained the ascendency in Iran, Peridukht Roushenek and the Desttirs
delivered that volume into his hands. He read it, applauded the religion of
Abad (on which be blessings), praised the greatness of Zertusht and the truth
of that Religion, and commanded the Mobeds that they should make that book
a portion of the Desatir. That sacred volume is known under the name of
Sekander, as it is for his instruction that it was revealed to Zertusht ; and the
beginning of it is, ‘‘In the name of the Giver of Knowledge Mezdam.”’’
Dasat. p. 125, § 64. ‘O prophet and friend! MHerttish son of
Heresfetmad! When Senkerakas? arrived, he was turned into the
right road by one fershem of the Navissha,’ and returned back into
Azend.’$
Commentary. —‘Chengerengacheh was a sage renowned for his acuteness
and wisdom, and the Mobeds (wise-men) of the earth gloried in being his scholars.
When he heard of the greatness of the prophet of Yezdan, Zertusht the son of
Isfentem4n, he came to Iran with the intention of overturning the Good Religion.
When he reached Balkh, before he had dropped a single word from his tongue,
and before he had asked a single question, the prophet of Yezdan, Zertusht, said
into him, ‘‘Commit not to your tongue what you have in your heart, but keep it
secret.’’ He then addressed a Sage who was his disciple, saying, ‘‘ Read to him
one section (Nisk) of the Awesta.’’ In this blessed section of the Awesta were
found the questions of Chengerengacheh with the answers, which He (God)
himself had communicated to the prophet ; forewarning him, that such a person,
of such a name would come; that his first question would be this, and that the
answer was to be so. When Chengerengacheh saw this miracle, he was con-
verted to the Good Faith, and returning to the land of Hind remained steady
in this blessed religion. May Yezdén the Bountiful grant to us and our friends
this best of Faiths!”
Dasat. p. 126, § 65. ‘Now a Brahman named Biras‘ will come
from Azend very wise, insomuch that there are few such persons on
earth !’
§ 66. ‘He, in his heart, intendeth to ask of thee, first, Why is not
Mezdam the immediate maker of all things having being?’
§ 67. ‘Say thou unto him; Mezdam is the Maker of all things;
and used the medium of no instrument in bestowing existence on
the Chief of Angels; but in regard to all other existence he made
use of an instrument.’
1 Chengerengacheh, Pers. 8 Hind, Pers.
2 By one Nisk (i.e. Nask or section) 4 Bids, Pers. Undoubtedly the cele-
of the Awesta, Pers. brated Vids or Vy4sa.
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 285
Commentary. — ‘The First Intelligence received being from the Bestower of
Being without the intervention of any instrument ; while all other beings received
existence by the intervention of instruments and media.’
[Here a long series of questions and answers are given to Zoroaster
so as to prepare him. The text then continues as follows. ]
Page 148, § 162. ‘When you have expounded this matter to him,
he will become of the true faith, and be converted to your religion.’
Commentary. —‘It is said that when Bias, the Hindi, came to Balkh, Gush-
tasp sent for Zertusht, and informed the prophet of Yezd4n of that wise man's
coming. The prophet said, ‘‘May Yezdan turn it to good!’’ The Emperor then
commanded that the Sages and Mobeds should be summoned from all countries.
When they were all assembled, Zertusht came from his place of Worship; and
Bias, also having joined the assembly, said to the prophet of Yezd4n; ‘‘O Zer-
tusht, the inhabitants of the world, moved by the answers and expounding of
Secrets given to Chengerengacheh, are desirous to adopt thy religion. I have
heard, moreover, of many of thy miracles.. I am a Hindi man, and, in my own
country, of unequalled knowledge. Ihave in my mind several secrets, which I
have never entrusted to my tongue, because some say that the Ahermans (devils)
might give information of them to the idolaters of the Aherman faith; so no
ear hath heard them, except that of my heart. If, in the presence of this assem-
bly, you tell me, one after another, what those secrets are that remain on my
mind, I will be converted to your faith. Shet Zertusht said, O Bids, Yezdan
communicated to me your secrets, before your arrival. He then mentioned the
whole in detail from beginning to end. When Bias heard, and asked the mean-
ing of the words, and had them explained! to him, he returned thanks to Yezdin
and united himself to the Behdin, after which he returned back to Hind.’
§ 163. ‘In the name of Mezdim! O Zertusht! my prophet!
After thee shall Simkendesh? appear, and afterwards the First Sasan,
the prophet, shall come and make thy Book known by a translation.’
§ 164. ‘And no one but he shall know the meaning of my words.’
Commentary. — ‘ Hence it was that Shet Sasin made an interpretation of the
Book of Shet Zertusht agreeably to its sense.’
8. Dabistan (Persian) gives an account of the Persian religion,
and of Zoroaster, and it has often been quoted above. This is
accessible in Shea and Troyer’s translation: The Dabistin or School
of Manners, translated from the original Persian, by D. Shea and
A. Troyer, Paris, 1843, vol. i. pp. 211-253.
9. Sources like the Shah Namah, Zartusht Namah, Cangranghacah
1 Since they were spoken in a Persian language which he did not understand,
2 Sekander.
286 APPENDIX VI
Namah and Mirkhond, have been sufficiently discussed above. For
titles and editions of other Persian works on Zoroastrianism, refer-
ence may be made to West’s Appendix, The Modern-Persian Zoroas-
trian Literature of the Parsis in the Grundriss der tran. Philol. ii.
122-129.
IV
Allusion to Zoroaster in the Snorra Edda Preface
[Reprinted, with unimportant omissions, from my Notes on Zoroaster and
the Avesta, in Proceedings AOS., March, 1894, vol. xvi. pp. exxvi.-vili.]
In the preface to the Younger Edda there is a passage relating to
Zoroaster which is perhaps worth recording among the allusions to
his name found in non-Oriental literature. The preface to the Snorra
Edda, after giving a brief sketch of the history of the world down
to the time of Noah and the Flood, proceeds to an account of the
Tower of Babel and the dispersion of the races through the confu-
sion of tongues. Foremost among the builders of the tower was
Zoroaster; the text adds that he became king of the Assyrians, and
that he was the first idolater. In consequence of the confusion of
tongues he was known by many names, but chief among these was
Baal or Bel.
The text Edda Snorra Sturlusonar, formali 2, ed. Jénsson, p. 5, is here given
for convenience of future reference: Ok sa, er fremstr var, hét Zoroastres ; hann
hlo, fyrr enn hann grét, er hann kom % veréldina; enn forsmithir voru II ok
LXX, ok sva margar tungur hafa sithan dreifst wm verdldina, eptir thvi sem
visarnir skiptust sithan til landa, ok thjothirnar fiélguthust. I thesum sama
stath var gjor ein hin agetasta borg ok dregit af nafni stépulsins, ok kéllut
Babilon. Ok sem tungnaskiptit var orthit, tha fjélguthust sva nofnin man-
nanna ok annara hluta, ok sja sami Zoroastres hafthi mérg néfn; ok tho at
hann undirstethi, at hans ofsi veri legthr of sagthri smith, tha ferthi hann sik
tho fram til veraldligs metnathar, ok lét taka sik til konungs yfir mérgum
thjothum Assiriorum. Af honum hofst skurthgotha villa; ok sem hann var
blotathr, var hann kallathr Baal; thann kéllum ver Bel; hann hafthi ok mérg
Gnnur nofn. Enn sem nofnin fjolguthust, tha tindist meth thi sannletkrinn.
5 (p. 7). Ok af thessu hofst Gnnur villa millum Kritarmanna ok Mace-
doniorum, sva sem hin fyrri methal Assiriérum ok Kaldeis af Zorodastre.
This may be rendered: ‘He who was the foremost (builder of the tower)
was called Zoroaster ; he laughed before he cried when he came into the world.
But there were (in all) seventy-two master-builders ; and so many tongues have
since spread throughout the world, according as the giants afterwards were
scattered over the land and the nations multiplied. In this same place was
ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 287
built a most renowned town, and it derived its name from the tower, and was
called Babylon. And when the confusion of tongues had come to pass, then
multiplied also the names of men and of other things; and this same Zoroaster
had many names. And although he well understood that his pride was humbled
by the said work, nevertheless he pushed his way on to worldly distinction, and
got himself chosen king over many peoples of the Assyrians. From him arose
the error of graven images (i.e. idolatry) ; and when he was sacrificed unto, he
was called Baal; we call him Bel; he had also many other names. But, as the
names multiplied, so was the truth lost withal.’
5. ‘(From Saturn) there arose another heresy among the Cretans and Mace-
donians, just as the above mentioned error among the Assyrians and Chaldeans
arose from Zoroaster.’
This passage is interesting for several reasons.
First, it preserves the tradition elsewhere recorded regarding Zoro-
aster’s having laughed instead of having cried when he was born
into the world. [This has already been discussed above, p. 27.]
Second, the two allusions here connecting Zoroaster with Assyria,
Chaldea, and Babylon are to be added to those references which
associate his name also with these places (e.g. consult Windischmann,
Zor. Studien, p. 803 seq.) ; or again they are to be placed beside the
statement of the Armenian Moses of Khorene, Thomas Arzrouni
and others who make Zoroaster a contemporary of Semiramis, and
appointed by her to be ruler of Nineveh and Assyria. (See Spiegel,
Eranische Alterthumskunde, 1. 682 [and the quotation of the passage
in this Appendix].)
Third, in connection with the reputed multiplicity of names of
Zoroaster, and the association of his name with Baal, Bel, attention
might be called to the citation in the Syro-Arabic Lexicon of Bar
‘Ali (c. a.v. 832) s.v. Balaam, ‘Balaam is Zardosht, the diviner of
the Magians’ (cf. Gottheil, References, in the Drisler Classical
Studies).
APPENDIX VII
NOTES ON SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT
ZOROASTER
THERE is a supposition that we are not wholly without some
representation of the personal appearance of Zoroaster, at least
according to the conception which prevailed in Sassanian times.
One sculptured image, in particular, has been supposed to represent
in effigy an ideal of the great Master. It is also stated that there is
a picture of Zoroaster in a fire-temple at Yezd, which is said to be
taken from an old sculpture that exists at Balkh. This tradition,
together with other facts and material on the subject of por-
traiture of Zoroaster, is given in the following pages. The modern
Zoroastrians themselves can doubtless add much more valuable infor-
mation on this interesting subject. It is hoped that they will do so.
(a) In the first place we may refer to a very old tradition on the
subject of an effigy of Zoroaster; this is found in the Syriac work
called the ‘Oration of Meliton the Philosopher; who was in the
presence of Antoninus Cesar, and bade the same Cesar know God,’
etc. This interesting allusion is quoted by Gottheil, References to
Zoroaster (p. 27), from the translation of Cureton, Spicilegium Syria-
cum, London, 1855, p. 44, cf. p. 91, n. 36; it mentions an ‘image of
Orpheus, a Thracian Magus; and Hadran is the image of Zaradusht,
a Persian Magus.’ The special point of importance is that it shows
the existence of a tradition as to a representation of Zoroaster.
(b) E. G. Browne, in his valuable work, A Year amongst the Per-
sians, London, 1893, p. 874, describes a visit which he paid to three
Zoroastrian fire-temples at Yezd. The third temple which he men-
tions, serves as a theological college for training youths for the priest-
hood, and it contains a relic of interest. On the walls of one of the
rooms of this building, Dr. Browne saw a picture which attracted his
notice, or to use the words of his own description (p. 374): ‘A pict-
ure of Zoroaster (taken, as Ardashir [the host and guide] told me,
from an old sculpture at Balkh), and several inscriptions on the walls
288
SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT ZOROASTER 289
of the large central room, were the only other points of interest
presented by the building.’ It would be highly interesting if we
could secure a copy of this portrait or of its reputed original at
Balkh, because this would best represent the modern Zoroastrian tra-
ditional idea of the appearance of the great High Priest. Possibly
we may obtain it. The mention of Balkh, moreover, is interesting if
this be a different representation from the supposed effigy at Takht-i
Bostan. Should this be the case, and the location of the sculptured
figure be found to be at the old temple Niibahar, we should have a
new proof of the traditional association of Zoroaster’s name with
Balkh.
(c) The modern Parsi historian Dosabhai Framji Karaka, whose
work, History of the Parsis, London, 1884, is indispensable to stu-
dents of Zoroastrianism in our day, presents in his second volume
(ii. 146) an idealized colored portrait of the founder of the Faith,
which is here reproduced (see Figure I.), without the coloring, how-
ever. The portrait is evidently based upon the sculptures next to
be described, and it has the value of giving the Parsi conception
directly.
(d) The Takht-i Bostin Sculpture. Not far distant from Behis-
tan, and near the city of Kermanshah (see Map,—square Bc), in the
valley of Takht-i Bostan or Tek-i Bostén, on a hillside, is to be
found a series of six historic bas-reliefs. The sixth or last of these
bas-reliefs comprises a group of four sculptured figures, reproduc-
tions of which are presented below, being based upon the copies
found in Sir Robert Ker Porter, Travels in Georgia, Persia, Armenia,
etc., London, 1822, vol. 11.191; Flandin et Coste, Voyage en Perse, 1.
Planche 14, texte p. 6; George Rawlinson, The Seventh Oriental
Monarchy, London, 1876, p. 64; K. D. Kiash, Ancient Persian
Sculptures, Bombay, 1889, p. 211; and especially the photographic
copy of de Morgan, Mission Scientifique en Perse, Paris, 1894, vol. ii.
plate xxxiv. p. 104-5; vol. iv. plate xxxv. p. 310-11. The photo-
graph of the sculpture taken by M. de Morgan is so interesting that
it seems appropriate to make it accessible to those who cannot con-
sult the valuable original work. A brief description of the possible
subject of this four-fold group, which, unfortunately, bears no
inscription, is not out of place here.
Sir R. K. Porter (p. 191) records that this rock-sculptured group
is called by the natives ‘The Four Calendars,’ but he does not
explain why the name is given (see Figures II. and III.). He regards
U
290 APPENDIX VII
the figure on the extreme left (or to the right as we face the picture)
as the god Ormazd presenting the ring or emblem of sovereignty to
Ardashir Babagan, who stands in the centre of the group, ‘and both
are trampling upon a similar royally-habited figure symbolical of
the fallen Arsacide.’ Of the fourth or remaining figure, the one in
which we are particularly interested, Sir Ker Porter says (p. 192):
‘The personage to the right of the centre figure [or to the left as
we face the group] is of rather a singular appearance. His head
is protected by a similar kind of cap, but without the ball, and with
the extraordinary addition of a circle of rays blazing round his head
and down to below his shoulders. He holds in both hands a fluted
staff, or sceptre, of great length. The rest of his vesture nearly
resembles that of the murally crowned figure. He stands upon a
plant, not unlike a sunflower, the stalk of which is short and thick,
and curved down into a lower part of the rock. The prostrate
person is greatly mutilated; but his pearl-wreath, collar, and sword
show that his consequence was not inferior to the two who trample
on him.... The radiated personage [the one under discussion]
may either be a personification of the Mithratic religion restored
by him [ie. by Ardashir, the central figure]; which the sunbeams
round the head and the full-blown flower rising under their in-
fluence at his feet, seem to typify; or the figure may be meant for
the glorified Zoroaster himself; some Persian writers ascribing to
him the reflected honor of that god-like attribute. The altar-plat-
form near this bas-relief, and also the source of the river (two
sacred Mithratic appendages), support the idea that this sculpture
contains more than human images.’
Sir John Malcolm, History of Persia, new edition, London, 1829,
vol. i. p. 545 (cf. earlier edition i. 258), speaks of the two figures
with the circle or ring as ‘two sovereigns upon a prostrate Roman
soldier;’ and he adds: ‘A figure supposed to be the prophet Zoro-
aster stands by their side; his feet rest upon a star, and his head is
covered with a glory or crown of rays.’ And he adds in a foot-note:
‘Tam informed by the Parsees, or Guebres, that in almost all the
paintings or sculptures that represent Zoroaster he is always distin-
guished by a crown of rays, or glory, as I have described.’ This
shows, at least, the prevalence of a tradition that representations of
Zoroaster were thought to be not uncommon, whatever we may
think on the subject. Flandin also believed the radiated figure to
be Zoroaster (Voyage en Perse de MM. Flandin et Coste, i. 442,
Rélation de Voyage, Paris, 1851).
GURE II
Fr
ScuULPTURE AT TAKHT-I BosTaNn
A
SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT ZOROASTER 291
Edward Thomas, Sassanian Inscriptions, in the Journ. of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Gt. Brit. and Ireland, new series, vol. iii. p. 267,
n. 8, London, 1868 (= Early Sassanian Inscriptions, Seals and Coins,
p. 27, London, Tritbner, 1868), argues that the figure with the rays
and staff represents the god Ormazd, and he bases his identification
upon an acknowledged representation of Ormazd in a Naksh-i
Rustam bas-relief (op. cit. p. 269).1. As for the rays, he adds ina
note that a similar form is given to Ormazd’s headgear in a coin of
Hormisdas II. The other two figures in our group he regards, as
do others, to be the representation of Ardashir presenting the crown
of Iran to his son Shapir.’?
Canon George Rawlinson (op. cit. p. 64) agrees with Thomas that
the radiated figure is Ormazd, not Zoroaster; that the other two are
Ardashir and Shapir, and that the prostrate figure represents ‘either
Artabanus or the extinct Parthian monarchy, probably the former;
while the sunflower upon which Ormazd stands, together with the
rays that stream from his head, denote an intention to present him
under a Mithraic aspect, suggestive to the beholder of a real latent
identity between the two great objects of Persian worship.’ Pro-
fessor Rawlinson, therefore, like Thomas, is not of the same opinion
as those who presume that the figure represents Zoroaster. Simi-
larly also, M. Dieulafoy, Suse, iv. 409, and Curzon, Persia, i. 563.
The Parsi scholar, Kawasjee Dinshah Kiash, who visited Takht-i
Bostan in 1878 and sketched the group, gives, in his serviceable
book (The Ancient Persian Sculptures, p. 212), an interesting tradition
regarding this bas-relief which seems not to be recorded by other
writers on the subject. But first we may notice the details that he
gives concerning the special figure, which, like the other effigies,
stands about seven feet in height. ‘The head of the first figure
[the one we are discussing] is covered up with a piece of cloth, and
a serpach flows down the back. He is clad in a short, plain coat,
and wears a belt. He holds in both hands a club three feet long
and three inches thick. The rays of the sun shine direct upon his
head, and a star glitters beneath him.’ Kiash next notes that some
scholars call this a ‘sunflower’ rather than a star, and he further
describes the other three figures of the group. Then follows the
interesting tradition: —
1 Some notes on sculptured images 2On the subject of Ardashir and
of Ormazd will appear in my article his history, see Darab D. P. Sanjana,
on Ormazd in The Monist, Chicago, Karnaméi Artakhshir i Papakan, new
Dec., 1898. ed., Bombay, 1896.
292 APPENDIX VII
“Owing to the deficiency in the inscription, tradition says: ‘‘ The first figure
with the club is that of Prophet Zoroaster, the second is that of Gustasp, the
fifth king of the Kayanian dynasty, the third is that of his son, the mighty
Asphandiar [Isfendiar], who had established the Zoroastrian religion through
the whole of Persia, and the last is that of Arjasp, the grandson of Afrasiab
of Tooran, or Tartary. The circlet shows that the whole world is in their
possession.’??
He then adds: ‘The above tradition, I believe, is taken from the
Shah Nameh. The Persians take great pride in speaking of their
by-gone kings. Ancient and modern writers contradict these state-
ments, and doubtless the figures were not sculptured by the Kayanian
kings, but by Ardeshir Babighan, the first ruler of the last dynasty
of the Zoroastrians.’ Mr. Kiash goes on to say he agrees with the
view that the sculpture is of Sassanian origin, that the second and
third figures apparently represent Ardashir and Shapir I, and the
dead figure is emblematical of the downfall of the Parthian dynasty.
As to the first only is he in doubt, ‘as it is of peculiar construction
and differs from others I have seen in different parts of Persia.
On comparing it with the two figures holding clubs at Nacksh-i-
Rajab (op. cit. p. 112) and Nacksh-i-Roostum (p. 121), both the
dress and crown differ. I am unable to give the name of any reli-
gious personage or celestial being, but simply state that it must be
a sign of the Mithraic religion. According to the opinion of my
co-travellers, it is believed to be a form of the Prophet Zoroaster.’
Whatever may be the origin and worth of the ‘tradition’ which
Mr. Kiash quotes as connecting the figures with Vishtaspa and his
contemporaries, it certainly is very interesting in connection with
Chapter X. and the characters who act in the drama of the Holy
War, especially Arjasp, the foeman of the Faith, with whom we
have become sufficiently acquainted. The statement which the
Parsi writer records of the opinion of his co-travellers to the effect
that the figure is that of the Prophet Zoroaster, shows, like kindred
statements, a preponderance of traditional authority on the side of
the Zoroastrians, at least, in identifying this figure with their
Prophet. Everything of that kind has its weight and importance
when we enter upon the question of such identifications or endeavor
to interpret sculptured remains.
The evidence on the subject of this particular sculpture, as we
look it over, seems to be about evenly balanced. Tradition appar-
ently favors the identification of the effigy with Zoroaster; the
|
Ficure III
A DRAWING OF THE TAKkHT-I BosTAN SCULPTURE
SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT ZOROASTER 293
more technical scholarly opinion of recent times, on the other hand,
seems rather to regard the figure as a representation of Ormazd.
The claim to Mithraic characteristics is not so easy to recognize.
This much may be said in favor of tradition, that the figure would
answer well to the glorified image, with ‘dazzling wand’ and ‘lus-
trous glory’ around the head, which is the guise under which the
Zoroastrian writer of the Zartusht Namah, in the thirteenth cen-
tury, describes the vision of the Prophet’s appearance (see Wilson,
Parsi Religion, p. 481). It is to be regretted that M. de Morgan (iv.
310; observe his note) does not especially discuss the figure. For
the sake of sentiment we should, perhaps, best like to imagine that
the whole group really represents a Sassanian conception of a scene
from the Holy War of Zoroastrianism, in which the great High
Priest figured so prominently, and to which Kiash alludes in his
‘tradition’; but, after all, we should have to acknowledge that this
is due, perhaps, to our sentiment and fancy.’
The whole subject of the portraiture of Zoroaster requires further
investigation.? Much will doubtless be added on this question from
time to time. Let us hope especially that additional information
1 Murray’s Handbook of Asia Minor,
Transcaucasia, Persia, etc., London,
1895, p. 827, merely gives the common
statement that this is a ‘ Sassanian
panel, which is supposed to represent
the investiture of Shaptr I. with part of
the kingdom, by his father, Ardeshir.’
2 A figure has been published as a
portrait of Zoroaster in Dr. Wallace
Wood’s Hundred Greatest Men, p. 125,
London, 1885, but I have not been
able to find authority for attributing
the likeness to Zoroaster. It repre-
sents the head of a grave-faced priest
and counsellor, with the familiar mitre-
shaped pontifical head-covering of Sas-
sanian times. On p.496 of the volume,
a note is added that the figure is copied
from a bas-relief at Persepolis. Men-
tion is made of Thomas, Farly Sas-
sanian Inscriptions. The portrait is
reproduced as a frontispiece to an ar-
ticle on Mazdaism in the Open Court,
xi. 129, Chicago, 1897. In a follow-
ing number of The Open Court, xi.
378, a Parsi, N. F. Bilimoria, writes
that the portrait was new to him and
to his co-religionists. As an ideal it
is good ; but it seems to lack traditional
authority. I may learn more about it.
3 At the moment when I am send-
ing the final proof-sheets to the press,
there arrives from my friend Professor
Charles R. Lanman, of Harvard Uni-
versity, a prospectus of an important
work just issued by Mr. Quaritch of
London, and the Harvard Library
kindly forwards to me the magnificent
facsimile. It is entitled A Florentine
Picture- Chronicle by Maso Finiguerra,
and it is a reproduction of a fifteenth
century folio of Italian drawings now
in the British Museum. Among these
drawings are ‘14. Zoroaster,’ ‘49. Oro-
masdes raising the Dead,’ and ‘ 50. Hos-
tanes.’ The ‘Zoroaster’ is a typical
magician with books of black art and
imps rather than an antique sage.
294 APPENDIX VII
or suggestion on this special theme may be obtained particularly
from the Zoroastrians themselves. Any material that can be found
to throw more light on the problem will be welcomed. The subject
is one that is worthy of earnest consideration because it stands, in a
certain manner, for an ideal. I shall be glad if these notes have
contributed anything by drawing attention to this interesting theme
for research. And with these words I close the book, adding only
a line which the Pahlavi scribes of old liked to add in the colophon:
Frajaft pavan drit va satth va ramisn.
INDEX
INDEX
LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS
[The numbers refer to the pages]
A
Abbasabad, 216.
Abdias, text quoted, 257-259.
Abode of Vishtaspa, 58.
Abulfaraj, 167.
Abulfeda, 201.
Achaemenians, 134, 160, 172, 219.
Adarbaijan, 17, 38, 39, 40, 48, 49, 96,
168, 171, 192, 193-201 (especially as
Z.’s birthplace), 220-221. See also
Atropatene, Atir-patakan, and Air-
yana Vaéjah.
Adharjushnas, 198.
4Eneas of Gaza, text quoted, 248.
Aévatak river, 40, 41.
Afer, text quoted, 245.
Aganaces or Azonaces, teacher of Z.,
30.
Agathias, 6n.6; 12; text quoted, 248.
Age of Zoroaster, 15 and Appendix II.
Ahariib6-stdtd, 137.
Ahmad al-Baladhuri, quoted, 198.
Abriman, flees at Z.’s birth, 27.
also Anra Mainyu.
ahumbigs, 79 n. 2.
Ahuna Vairya, 51.
Ahura Mazda selects Z. as prophet, 27.
See also 97, 171.
See
Airyana Vaéjah, 193, 196. See also
Adarbaijan.
Airin Véj. See Airyana Vaéjah and
Adarbaijan.
Airyama Ishya, 97 n. 1.
Akhtya, Akht, 44 n. 2; 84, 187, 181.
Alak, home of the Spitamas, 24, 192.
Albiriini, 7, 141, 161, 174.
Alborz Mts., scene of a conference, 47.
Alcuin, text quoted, 252.
Alexander the Great, 134, 138, 139,
158, 161, 162, 163, 181. —
Alexander Polyhistor, text quoted,
233.
Allusions to Z. in Arabic, etc., 280-
286; in Snorra Edda, 286-287.
“Auapdos, 211.
Ameretat confers with Z., 49.
Ammianus Marcellinus, 167, 188, 207,
213 ; text quoted, 244.
Amshaspands, 41, 42 ; conferences with
Z., 207.
Amirdat. See Ameretat.
Anathemas, quoted, 253.
Ancestry of Z., 17 seq.
Ancestral tree of Z., 19, 20.
Ancient Persian Inscriptions, Z. not
mentioned in, 5.
Andariman, 109, 110.
Andsh-adhar, 113.
Anquetil du Perron, quoted, 85 and
n. 3; 148; on Z.’s date, 175.
Anra Mainyu, 51.
Apocryphal literature, 4.
Apocryphal New Testament, 97.
Apostles of Z., 186 seq.
Apuleius, 6 n. 6; 7 n.5,n.6; quoted,
169 ; text quoted, 237.
Apuscorus, 138.
Arabic allusions to Z.’s date, 16, 161
seq.; to Z. in general, 281.
297
298
Arabic form Armiah, 197.
Arabic sources of information as to
Z., 6 et passim, 281.
Arag, 192.
Arak, home of the Spitamas, 24, 192.
Aras, Araxes, 194 n. 2.
Arastai, 54.
Arasti, 20.
Araxes, 221.
Archangels come to Z., 41, 42, 65 seq.,
207.
Archetype copy of Avesta, 76, 97,
117, 224.
Ardashir, son of Vishtasp, 112, 115.
Ardashir Dirazdast, 1388, 178, 159,
160.
Arejat-aspa and Holy Wars, 103-105 ;
leader of Hyaonians, 104; ultimatum
to Vishtaspa, 107 ; invades Iran, 108 ;
situation of his kingdom, 213; his
two invasions of Iran, 214, 221-222.
See also Arjasp.
Aristotle, 8, 152; cited under Pliny
and Diog. Laertius, 234, 241.
Aristoxenus, cited under Origen, 240.
Arjasp, 66 ; his warlike message, 108 ;
second invasion of Iran, 118 seq.;
date of defeat, 181; scene of bat-
tles against Vishtasp, 218; possible
sculptured representation of Arjasp,
292. See also Arejat-aspa.
Armaiti, 83.
Armenian references to Z., 6.
Armenian form of Z.’s name, 138.
Armenian allusions to Z., translations,
274-278.
Armiah (Urmiah), 30, 197.
Armiah. See also Jeremiah.
Army of Arjasp, 109 seq. ; of Vishtasp,
109 seq.
Arnij-bareda, 20 n. 3.
Arnobius, 156, 187; text quoted, 242.
Artashir, religious monarch, 82, 133.
Artavahishtd, 128, 136.
Arta Viraf, quoted, 157.
Artaxerxes Longimanus, 134, 160.
Arim. See Rim, 117.
INDEX
Arzrouni, Thomas, allusions to Z.
quoted, 217, 276-278.
Asbanbur, town, 59 n. 2.
Ascoli, quoted, 149.
Ashak, 22.
Ashavahisht, 24. See also Asha Va-
hishta.
Asha Vahishta confers with Z., 47.
Ashavahisht6, 67. See also Asha
Vahishta, Artavahishté.
Ashta-aurvant, 103.
Asia Minor, 84, 88.
Asm6-hvanvat, 137.
Asm6k-khanvaté, 137, 181.
Asnavad Mt., 48, 100, 207.
Asoka, 37.
aspa, in names, 14 n. 1.
aspanvar, 59 n. 2; 209.
Assassins, 222.
Astrampsychus, 138.
Atash-gahs, 98, 101.
Athenocles, text quoted.
thias, 249.
Atropatene, 16, 22, 141, 177, 196, 211.
See also Adarbaijan.
Atir Birzhin Mitré, 100.
Atir Farnbag, 99.
Atir Gishnasp, 100.
Atir-patakan, 192, 204. See also
Adarbaijan, Airyana Vaéjah.
Augustine, 188; text quoted, 246.
Attharmazd. See Ahura Mazda.
Auramazda, 171, 172.
Airvaita-dang, 39 n. 1; 43, 207.
Airvaité-dih, the Tir, 33.
Aurvasara, 215 and n. 3.
Aurvat-aspa, or Lohrasp, 78, 180;
destroys Jerusalem, 91 n. 2; asso-
ciated with Nebuchadnezzar, 162,
209.
Avaraoshtri, 22.
Avesta and Zand, 7.
Avesta, source of information, 5; arche-
type copy written down by Jamasp,
76, 97, 117, 224; as a sacred book,
283-284.
Ayuso, referred to, 149.
See Aga-
LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS
Azhi Dahaka, 11 n. 1; 52 n. 2.
Azonaces or Aganaces, 30.
Baal, 157.
Babylon and Jewish exile, 11; seat of
tyranny, 11 n.1. See also 90-92.
Babylonian exile or captivity, 142, 176.
Bactria, 73, 141, 155, 160, 171, 177,
184, 196 n. 1; as scene of Z.’s min-
istry, 186-188, 208-218. See also
220 seq. Compare likewise Balkh.
Bactrian camel, 14 n. 1.
Bactrian kingdom, 11.
Bahman. See Vohiman, son of Spend-
dat.
Bahman Yasht, quoted, 214.
Balaam, name associated with Z.,
15 n. 3; 157, 287.
Balkh, 38, 86, 89, 130, 141, 199-201,
283 ; Vishtaspa’s conversion at, 60 ;
Vishtaspa at, 107 ; portrait of Z. re-
puted to be at, 209, 289 seq. Com-
pare likewise 116, 118, 119. See
furthermore, 213, 214.
Bapél, 91. See also Babylon.
Baruch, 197 ; identified with Z., 30.
Bar, 215.
Bar ‘Ebhraya, quoted, 201.
Bartholomae, cited, 14 n. 2.
Bashiitan. See Peshdtanu.
Basil, text quoted, 244.
Bastavairi, a hero in first Holy War,
105, 112, 118, 116, 121, 122.
Bastvar. See Bastavairi.
Battles, of first Holy War, 114 seq. ;
of second Holy War, 120 seq. ; be-
tween Vishtaspa and Arejat-aspa,
214, 218.
Beh-Afrid, 72.
Beidawi, cited, 220.
Béndva, anathematized, 44.
Berosos, cited by Agathias, 249.
bharadvaja, 14.
Bid-Pis, 211.
Bids, Hindu sage (Vyasa), 88, 284-285.
Bidrafsh, 109, 110, 111, 116.
299
Binaliid Kuh, 216.
Birds, Bias, 284-285,
Birjand, 215.
Birth of Z., 26.
Birthplace of Z., 16 seq. and App. II.
Bishtaésp. See Vishtaspa.
Black horse, healed, 62.
Blind man, healed, 94.
Brahman Cangranghacah, 85.
Brahmanical cord, 32 n. 2.
Bratar-vakhsh. See Bratrok-résh.
Bratrok-résh, Bratar-vakhsh, 28, 127-
129; plots against Z., 31.
Brisson, cited, 147.
Brodbeck, referred to, 149.
Browne, E. G., 288-289.
Buddha, 1-2, 17, 18, 51, 140, 176, 177.
Buddhism, 135.
Biiti, 51.
Bindahishn, quoted, 18-21, 123, 158,
193, 216.
Burnouf, cited, 148.
Burzin-kuris, Z.’s teacher, 30.
Birzhin Mitré fire, 100, 216.
Bist, 1387.
C
Cabul, 99, 217. See also Kabul.
Caécista, 195, 197,204. See Urumiah.
Cakhshni or Cikhshnush, 18, 19.
Cambyses, 167.
Camel, in proper names, 14,
Cangranghacah, 85-88, 209, 284.
Cangranghacah Namah, 85-88, 209.
cavrawhac, 87.
Casartelli, quoted, 149; on Z.’s date,
175.
Caspian Sea, 207, 219, 220, 223; Z. in
that region, 46; scene of Arejat-
aspa’s sacrifice, 211. See also Vou-
rukasha.
Cassel, P., quoted, 149.
Cassianus Bassus, text quoted, 249.
Cave, in Z.’s religion, 34, 190, 194 n. 1.
Cedrenus, 126. See Georgius Cedre-
nus, 251,
300
Cephalion, cited, 12, 187; referred to
by Georg. Syncell., 252.
Chaldzan oracles, 259-273.
Chares of Mitylene, 78, 220.
Chariot, symbol of the religion, 185,
Chavannes, M. Ea., on a Chinese allu-
sion to Z., 279-280.
Children of Z., 21.
China, Z. in, 39.
Chinese form of Z.’s name, 280.
Chinese references to Z. in general, 6
n. 2; given in translation, 278-280.
Chinese reference for dating Z., 165.
Chionite, 213, 220-221. See also
H'yaona.
Christianity and Zoroastrianism, 1.
Christ’s coming foretold, 98, 201.
Chronicon Alexandrinum, 126, 190.
Chronicon Paschale, 126, 190 ; quoted,
251.
Chronology of Persians, 172 seq.
Chrysostomus, text quoted, 245.
Church Fathers, comparison of Phl. —
literature to patristic writings, 5.
Cicero, 7 n. 4, 5; quoted, 169.
Cigav, 22.
Cikhshnush or Cakhshni, 18, 19.
Cist, 1938 and n. 1; 204.
Ciz, 197. See also Shiz.
Classical references to Z. in general,
6 and App. V.; to Z.’s asceticism,
34; to Z.’s date, 15, 152-157; to
Z.’s native place, 186-191; to Z.’s
death, 125 seq.
Claudian, text quoted, 247.
Clemens Alexandrinus, 6 n.6; 7n. 5;
189; quoted, 169 ; text quoted, 240.
Clemens Romanus, text quoted, 238.
Clementine Homilies, 125, 147.
Clementine Recognitions, 125, 147.
Comisene, 99.
Comparison between Buddha and Zo-
roaster, 1-2.
Conferences with Archangels or Am-
shaspands, 46-50, 207.
Confucius, 1, 176.
Conspiracy against Z., 62.
INDEX
Conversion of Vishtaspa, 56 seq. ; of
the Brahman Cangranghacah, 85-88 ;
of Lohrasp, 78; of Zarir, 78.
Conversions in Greece, 88-89 ; in India,
84; in Turan, 83.
Convert, Z.’s first, 37. See also Maidh-
yoi-maonha.
Cotelerius, text quoted, 253.
Country of Z. discussed, 182-205.
Court of Vishtaspa, 74.
Crusade, 210.
Ctesias, 155, 187 ; material in Diodorus
Siculus, Georg. Syncell., 232, 252.
Curzon, Hon. G. N., 39 n. 5; 216
Ve 2a Oe
Cypress of Kishmar, 80, 217.
Cyril, referred to, 169; text quoted,
246.
Cyrus, 91 n. 2; his name associated
with Lohrasp, 209 ; his death, 177.
D
Dabistén, quoted, 58-59, 89-90 n. 5;
163, 202, 285.
Dadv6, 128.
Dahak, 91.
Daiti. See Daitya.
Daitya, Daiti, Daitib, river, 40, 42, 45,
49, 196-197, 221; suggested identifi-
cation, 211.
Dakiki, a thousand lines by, incorpo-
rated in the Shih Namah, 5 u. 2;
mentioned, 109 ; drawn upon by Fir-
dausi, 104, 208 ; end of quotation in
Sh. N., 118.
Dara, Darai, 158, 159, 161, 163.
Darab D. P. Sanjana, on Z.’s date, 177.
Daraja, 193, 195. See Dareja.
Darbisht (?), 97, 224 n. 2.
Darej. See Dareja.
Dareja, Darej, river, 34, 49, 52, 193,
196, 204.
Darius, 167, 171; as Mazda-worship-
per, 134.
Darmesteter’s view of Z., 3 n. 1; D.
quoted, 149.
LIST OF NAMES
Darshinika, 103.
Daryai Rid, 195.
Dasatir, text allusions quoted, 282-286.
Date of Z., 14 seq. and App. II.; dis-
cussed, App. IT., 150-178.
Davidson, Dr. T., 41 n. 3.
Dayiin (Sén6), 137 n. 6.
Death of Z., 119, 124 seq.; at Balkh,
130.
Deinon, 8, 147 ; cited under Diogenes
Laertius, 241.
Departure (death) of Z., 128.
Derivation of name Z., 147-149.
Devadatta, 37.
Development of Z.’s religion, 93 seq.
Devéria, M. G., on a Chinese allusion
to Z., 279-280.
Devil-worshippers, 228. See also Yezi-
dis.
Dinawar, 95.
Dinkart, as source for Z.’s life, 5; its
account of miracles, 24; quoted, 24,
41, 96, 107, 211 n. 3.
Dio Chrysostom, 34; text quoted, 236.
Diodorus of Eretria, cited by Origen,
240.
Diodorus Siculus, 12; text quoted, 2382.
Diogenes Laertius, 6 n. 6; 9, 154, 189;
text quoted, 241.
Disciples of Z., 98, 187.
Doctor Faustus, parallel, 31.
Dosabhai Framji Karaka, 33 n. 4.
Dighdav6, Dikdav, Diktaibs, Dugh-
di, Dughdéva, 18, 25, 192, 199.
Dughdi, see preceding.
Diktaub, 25; see also preceding.
Duncker, referred to, 220.
Dirasr6bo, a Karap, 28; plots against
Z., 81; his death, 32.
E
Early religious propaganda, 80 seq.
Ecbatana, 11.
Edda, Snorra, quoted, 6n. 3; 157; text
alluding to Z., 286-287.
Eliseeus, Armenian allusions to Z., 275. |
AND SUBJECTS 301
Epiphanius of Constantia, 188; text
quoted, 244.
Era of Z. discussed, 150-178.
Erezraspa, 136.
Etymology of Z.’s name, 125-126 ; dis-
cussed, 147-149.
Eubulus, cited by Porphyrius, 242.
Euchologion. See under Anathemas,
253.
Eudemus of Rhodes, cited by Diogenes
Laertius, 242.
Eudoxus of Cnidus, 8, 152, 153; cited
by Pliny and Diogenes Laertius, 234,
242,
Eusebius, 187-188 ; quoted, 156; text
given, 243.
Eutychius, quoted, 167-168.
Events after Z.’s death, 133 seq.
Exile of Jews, 11.
Eznik, Armenian allusions to Z., 276.
F
Family of Z., 10-22.
Faris (Persia), 200.
Fariimad, 216.
Farnbag fire, 99, 217, 222.
Farshidvard, 112 n. 8; 116, 119, 120,
214.
Farvadin Yasht, gives list of converts,
54.
Ferghanah, 39, 200, 206.
Feridin, 199.
Firdausi, 208, 210; author of Shah
Namah, 5; draws on Dakiki, 104;
especially referred to, 109, 118, 208,
210.
Fire of the priests, 99; of Z., 216.
Fires, fire-temples, 98-100, 283; of Z.,
location, 222.
Fire-worshippers in Shiz, 197.
Floigl, on Z.’s date, 175.
Florentine Picture-Chronicle, 293 n. 3.
Form of Z.’s name, 12-18.
Founder of the Magi, Z., 6.
Fraoreta, 222. Cf. also Fravartish,
Phraortes.
802
Frashaoshtra, name, 14 n. 1; 21, 22;
as vizir, 76, 181; his death, 136.
Frash-him-vareta, 112 n. 8; 120 n. 1.
Frashokara, Frashd-kareta, 112 n. 8.
Frashoshtar, 77. See Frashaoshtra.
Frata, 22.
Fravartish, 141, 172, 222.
Fraoreta, Phraortes.
Jravast, 23, 24, 88, 141, 152.
Frazdanava, 210, 211, 220, 221.
Fréni, daughter of Z., 21.
Frén6, 137.
Froba, fire, 99. See Farnbag.
Froébak, fire, 217. See Farnbag.
Fryana, 83-84.
See also
G
Gaévani, 22.
Ganavat, 216.
Gaotema, 177-178.
Garami, 113, 115.
Gathas, or Z. Psalms, 5, 23, 30, 38, 41,
42, 44, 46, 54, 67, 69 n. 1 (references
to Vishtaspa); 75, 83.
Geiger, 104 n.2; 186 n. 2; 218.
Geldner, quoted, 2; view as to Z.’s
date, 175.
Genealogy of Z., 18.
Geoponica, text quoted, 249.
Georgius Cedrenus, 126. See also
Chron. Pasch., 251.
Georgius Hamartolus, 126. See also
Chron. Pasch., 251, 254.
Georgius Syncellus, 153, 154, 155, 190;
text quoted, 252.
Ghazni, 211.
Gilan, rivers in, 211.
Gildan territory, 213, 222.
Glycas, 126; text quoted, 256.
Goarius, text quoted, 253.
Gobryas, purported Magian, 8.
Gobryas, 138.
Gospels, quoted, 23.
Gospel, spread of, 80 seq.
Gottheil, cited, 6 n. 1 et passim ; espe-
cially 280.
Greco-Bactrian coins, 208.
INDEX
Gray, L. H., notes, 226, 259-261.
Greece, 6,7; G. and Iran, 11; relations
with Iran, 90.
Greek accounts of Z.’s death, 124 seq.
Greek conversions, fabled, 88-90.
Greek forms of Z.’s name, 12.
Gregorius, cited by Michael Glycas,
256.
Gregory of Tours, 126, 190; text quoted,
250.
Gréhma, 44.
Guardian Spirit. See fravasi.
Gumbadan, 118, 131.
Gunabad, 216.
Gurdoé, 121, 122.
Gurgsar, 109, 110, 111.
Gushasp. See Gishnasp.
Giishnasp fire, 100.
Gushtasp. See Vishtaspa.
H
Haécat-aspa, 18, 19, 75, 76.
Ham, 125, 126, 157.
Hamartolus, 126. See Georgius Hamar-
tolus, 251, 254.
Hamzah of Isfahan, quoted, 199, 224.
Hanhaurvao, 22.
Haoma appears to Z., 50.
Haosrava, 215.
Hara Berezaiti. See Alborz.
Harlez, C. de, on Z.’s date, 175; view
ou original home of Zoroastrianism,
219-220.
Haug, quoted, 148; on Z.’s date, 175.
Haurvatat confers with Z., 49.
Healing of a blind man by Z., 94.
Hecatzus, cited by Diog. Laert., 242.
Hellanicus of Lesbos, cited by Georg.
Syncell., 252.
Heraclides Ponticus, 8; also cited by
Plutarch, Anathemas, and Petrus
Siculus, 236, 253.
Herennius, or Philo of Byblus. See
under Eusebius, 243.
Hermippus, 152, 153; cited by Pliny,
234; Diog. Laert., 242.
LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS
Hermodorus, 6 n. 6; his reputed Ma-
gian studies, 90; cited by Diog.
Laert., 241.
Herodotus, on Magi, 7; does not men-
tion Z., 8 (see also 35, 155) ; is cited
by Georg. Syncell., 252.
Hieronymus, text quoted, 245.
Hilmend, 137 n. 5.
Hilmend, Hérmand, 212 n. 2.
Hindiis, 117.
Hindus, converted, 84, 87.
Hindustan, 117.
Hirth, Dr. F., on Z. in Chinese litera-
ture, 278-279.
Historical personage, Z.
3-4,
Holy Communing Ones, 34, 194 n. 1;
195.
Holy War, first, 108 seq. ; second, 120
seq.
Holy Wars, 103 seq. ; summarized, 122.
See also 210, 213, 217.
Hom. See Haoma.
Home of Z., 16 seq., 193 seq.
Hom-plant, fravasi in it, 25.
Hom-water from Daitya, 41, 45.
Horn, view cited, 218.
Hosthanes (Ostanes), 138, 238, 243.
Houtum-Schindler, quoted, 100, 215,
216.
Hrazdan, 211, 220 n. 5; 221.
Hugo de St. Victore, text quoted, 188,
255.
Huma, 72.
Himai. See Huma.
Himai, 158, 159, 163, 209.
Humak, 115.
Humayaka, 103.
Huns, 221, 222.
Hunu, a Karap, 43.
Hishdiv, 109, 110, 112.
Hushyaothna, 22.
Hutaosa, 68, 70, 193 n. 2.
Hitds. See Hutaosa.
HuvaxSatara, 222.
Hvadaéna, 22.
Hvarecithra, son of Z., 21.
as such,
303
hoaranah, 24.
Hvobas, 186.
Hvogva, 22, 76, 77.
Hvovi, wife of Z., 21, 22, 76.
Hvovid family tree, 22.
Hyaona, 108, 115, 123, 213, 220-222,
224,
Hyaonians led by Arejat-aspa, 104.
Hyrcania, 219.
Hystaspes, same name as Vishtaspa,
16, 167, 171; his relations to India,
207. See also 220.
I
Iamblichus, 7 n. 5.
Tbn al-Athir, 38, 39, 166 ; quoted, 199-
200.
Ibn al-Hamadhani, quoted, 198.
Ibn Khurdadhbah, quoted, 198.
Image of Z., purported, 288-293.
India, 11, 207; Z. in, 89; conversions
‘in, 84; relations to Persia, 87 n. 1;
210 n. 4.
Interviews with Archangels or Amsha-
spands, 46-50, 207.
Invasion by Arjasp, 108-109.
Iran at Z.’s time, 10-11; spread of re-
ligion in, 82; enmity with Turan,
108; eastern, 218-219; western,
202-205.
Iranian sources of information, 5.
Iranian tradition of Z.’s death, 127.
Isat-vastra, son of Z., 21.
Isfendiar, Spentd-data, 67, 72, 77-78,
82, 84, 105, 112, 118, 283; as cru-
sader, 117; is calumniated, 117; im-
prisoned, 125; his death, 121. See
also 134, 158.
Isidorus, 188 ; text quoted, 251.
Istakhr, 91 n.3; 97, 219-220, 222, 224
n. 2.
Isvant, 83.
J
Jagatai, 119, 216.
Jamasp. See Jamaspa.
304
Jamaspa, 67, 75 n.2; 76, 77, 86, 108,
120, 181; son-in-law of Z., 21, 22;
writes down the Avesta, 117; his
death, 136, 187.
jaradgava, 14.
jaratkaru, 14.
Jemshéd, 11 n. 1; 28, 99.
Jeremiah, 163, 165, 166, 197-198; re-
puted as teacher of Z., 30, 38.
Jerome, text quoted, 245.
Jerusalem destroyed by Lohrasp, 91
n. 2.
Jews, captivity of, 11.
Jihiin, Oxus, 114, 213, 214.
Johannes Lydus, 247.
Johannes Malalas, 126.
Pasch., 251.
Judaism, alluded to, 1, 142.
Justi, view cited, 141; on Z.’s date,
175; view on Z.’s native place, 221-
222.
Justin, quoted, 156, 187; text given,
237,
See Chron.
K
K in Greek names. See C.
Kabil, Kavul, 99, 217.
Kai. See Kavi.
Kain, 215.
Kai Us, 24.
Kama, K. R., on Z.’s date, 175.
Kandar, 120.
Karaka, Dosabhai Framji, cited, 289.
Karaps, 28, 42.
Katayitin, 71, 73.
Kathi-sarit-sagara, cited, 27 n. 4.
Kavarazem, 117.
Kavig, son of Kindah, 94, 181.
Kavis and Karpans, 28.
Kavul, Kabil, 99, 217.
Kayanian, home of the dynasty, 211.
Kazwini, 34; quoted, 195, 201.
Kerdiai, 121, 122.
Kern on Z. as a mythical personage,
3n.1.
Khallakh, Khallukh, 107, 109, 116, 213.
Khashash, 109, 110.
INDEX
Khatai, 214.
Khorasmia, 99.
Khorassan 94, 100, 116, 118, 119, 123,
141, 214-218.
Khordad, 99.
Khshathra Vairya, confers with Z., 47.
Khir, 128.
Khirdat. See Haurvatat.
Khurrad, 99.
Khvandamir, 219.
Khvarizem, 217.
Khyon. See H'yaona.
Kiash, Kawasjee, Dinshah, quoted, 291.
Kig. See Kavi.
Kigs and Karaps, 28, 42.
Kishmar, cypress of, 80, 97, 100, 217.
Kitabtin, 71,738. See Katayiin.
Kizel Uzen river, ancient Daitya(?),
41, 49, 207, 211.
Knowledge, Z.’s scientific, 96.
Koran, 142.
Kroll, authority cited, 260-261.
Kuhram, 109, 110, 111, 120, 122.
Kimis, 99.
Kimish, 216.
Kitndah, 94.
Kurazm, 117.
Kusti, assumed by Z., 32.
Kyaxares, 222.
L
Lactantius, 7 n. 5;
154.
Lagarde, referred to, 220.
Lalita Vistara, 26.
Lanman, referred to, 8n.4; 293 n. 3.
Lassen, 12 n. 2; 148.
Latin accounts of Z.’s death, 124 seq.
Lehmann, view cited, 221.
Logia of Z., 8, 168, 259-273.
Lohrasp, 78; crowns Vishtdspa, 78 ;
destroys Jerusalem, 91 n. 2; death,
118, 180-131, 212; name associated
with Nebuchadnezzar, 162, 209. See
199-201. See also Aurvat-aspa.
Lord, Henry, cited, 148.
Losses in the Holy Wars, 116.
190; quoted,
LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS
Lucian, 7 n. 5; 169; text quoted, 237.
Lydus, Johann., text quoted, 247.
M
Madéfryat, 216.
Magi, Z. an arch-representative, 6 ;
Median tribe, Z. as founder, 7;
reputed teachers of Pythagoras and
Plato, 7, 8.
Magian worship, 7; doctrines, 90; fire-
worship, 98; priests, 188; priest-
hood, 141, 142.
Magians, 195.
Magika Logia of Z., 259-278.
Maidydimanha, Maidhydi-maonha, Z.’s
cousin and first convert, 13 n.6; 20,
37, 54, 75, 137, 180, 196, 206.
Majdi, cited, 220.
Malalas, Johann., 126.
Pasch., 251.
Malcolm, Sir John, quoted, 290.
Manicheism, 142.
See Chron.
Manicheans, anathemas against,
quoted, 253.
Manitshcihar. See Manush-cithra.
Manush-cithra, 18, 119, 193.
Marcellinus, text quoted, 244.
Marriage, next-of-kin, 48.
Masiidi, quoted, 162-163 ; on date of Z.,
178; text quoted, 199.
Mazda-worship, 134.
Meaning of name Spitdma, 18; of Z.’s
name, 12-14, 147-149.
Medes, 176.
Media, 17, 22, 73, 141, 142, 184, 189-
190, 196 n. 1; 206, 218, 224; view as
to Z.’s ministry, 219-222 ; view as to
cradle of Z.’s faith, 219; Media
Atropatene, 51, 192; see also Adar-
baijan; Media Rhagiana, 51, 197,
206 ; see also Rai.
Median kingdom, 11; origin of Visht-
aspa, 213.
Merv, 114, 214, 225.
Mesh-hed, 215.
Messiah, idea of, 21.
x
305
Métyémah, cousin of Z., 40. See also
Maidhydi-maonha.
Michael Glycas, 126, 190, 256.
Mihr, town, 100.
Mills, view on Gathas, 217-218.
Ministry, Z. enters upon his, 35, 36.
Miracles before Z.’s birth, 24.
Mirkhond, 34, 215 n. 5.
Mithra, 100; cult, 34 n. 3; possible
representation of, 292.
Mithraic mysteries, 194 n. 1.
Miyan-i dasht, 216.
Modi, J. J., cited, 178.
Mohammed, 206 ; beholds Gabriel, 40.
Mohammedan conquest, 138.
Mohammedan calendar, 164.
Mohammedan allusions to Z., 280-282.
Mohammedan writers on Z.’s native
place, 197-201.
Moses of Khorene, 187 ; his allusions to
Z. given, 274-275.
Moslem power, 142.
Mother of Z., 18, 20.
Mountain of Holy Communing, 34,
194 n. 1.
Mujmal al-Tawarikh, 164, 281.
Miller, Fr., quoted, 148 ; F. Max, 179.
Mirdat. See Ameretat.
Mythological view of Z., criticised, 3.
N
Nahid. See Katayin.
Naidhyah Gaotema, 177-178.
Naksh-i Rustam, 292.
Name Zarathushtra, 12.
Name of Zoroaster, 12 seq. ; discussed,
147-149.
Namkhvast, 107, 111, 112.
Naotairya, 70.
Naotairyans, 193 n. 2; 222.
Nariman, 22.
Nask, 136.
Nasks, books of Avesta, 8, 95.
Nastir. See Bastavairi.
Native place of Z., 16 seq. ; discussed,
182-205.
306
Nebuchadnezzar, 162; associated with
Lohrasp, 209.
Neo-Platonic school, 142.
Nérydsang, an angel, 66.
Névzar, 118, 115.
Next-of-kin marriages, 43.
Nicolaus of Damascus, 2382; quoted,
168.
Nimrod, 125.
Nineveh, fall of, 11.
Ninus and Z., 15, 151, 154-157, 186-
188, 217, 274-278.
Nisa, 98.
Nishapir, 98, 100, 119, 215-216.
Nivétish, brother of Z., 20.
Niyatiis, 89, 90.
Nizami, his Iskander Namah, 282.
Nédhas, 178.
Non-Iranian sources of information as
to Z., 6.
Notar, Notars, 135, 192, 204, 210, 222.
Notariga, brother of Z., 20.
Narakh, 89.
Nish-Adar, 113, 118, 129.
O
Odatis, 73.
Oppert, quoted, 148.
Oracles of Zoroaster, text given, 259-
273.
Ordeal established, 97.
Origen, quoted, 189;
240.
Ormazd (Ormizd), 277; picture, 291.
See Ahura Mazda.
Ormazd, son of Vishtasp, 113.
’Opdacros, Gk. form of Z.’s name,
12.
‘Qpoudcdns, 171.
Oroomiah. See Caécista.
Orosius, 127, 188; quoted, 156; text
quoted, 246.
Orpheus, 235.
Ostanes, 188; cited under Pliny and
under Eusebius, 284, 248.
Oxus, 114, 218, 214.
Oxyartes, 155.
text quoted,
INDEX
P
Padashkhvargar, 216.
Pahlavi form of Z.’s name, 13.
Pahlavi literature as a source of infor-
mation, 5, 28; references to Visht-
aspa, 62 n. 2.
Pakhad, 22.
Palestine, 197; according to some, Z.
a native of, 38, 197.
Panodorus, cited by Georg. Syncellus,
252.
Pars, 215.
Parshatgio, Parshat-gau, 22, 207 n. 1;
212.
Parsis, 33, 188, 142.
Patiragtarasps, 20.
Pat-khusrav, 112, 115.
Pazates, 188.
Persepolis, 97, 220, 224.
Persia, 95, 141-142, 171, 184-185, 189-
190; in Chinese literature, 279-
280.
Persian lawgiver, 11.
Persian spellings of Z.’s name, 138.
Persian wars, 7.
Peshana, 103.
Peshécingha, 103.
Peshétan. See Peshdtanu.
Peshotanu, 66, 113.
Péshydtan. See Peshdtanu.
Petrus Comestor, text quoted, 256.
Philo of Byblos. See under Eusebius,
243.
Photius, text quoted, 254.
Phraortes, 172, 222. See also Fra-
oreta, Fravartish.
Pictures of Z., reputed, 288-293.
Plato, purported Zoroastrian studies,
7n.6; reputed Magian studies, 90;
referred to, 142; text quoted, 231.
Platonic Alcibiades, 6n. 6; 9, 153, 189.
Platonis Vita, quoted, 231.
Pletho, Gemistus, 8.
Pliny, 6n. 6; 138, 153, 169, 170, 189;
mentions Z.’s birth, 27 ; text quoted,
234.
LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS
Plutarch, 6 n. 6; 8n. 4; quoted, 153,
169 ; text given, 235.
Polyhistor. See Alexander Polyhistor
and Solinus Polyhistor, 238, 244, 252.
Porphyrius, 7n. 5; 34, 189; quoted,
169 ; text given, 242.
Porter, Sir R. Ker, quoted, 289-290.
Portraits of Z., purported, 289-293.
Poricast. See Pourucista.
Poriishispd. See Pourushaspa.
Pourucisté, 138 n. 6; 75, 77; daughter
of Z., 21, 22.
Pourushaspa, 19, 20, 131, 192; father
of Z., 24, 25, 29.
Preaching of Z. begun, 42.
Priests, their fire, 99.
Procopius of Gaza, text quoted, 248.
Prodicus, 8.
Promulgation of the Gospel, 80 seq.
Prophecies, of Z.’s coming, 28; of
future events, 138.
Prophecy of Christ by Z., 98.
Prudentius, text quoted, 246.
Aurelius Prudentius.
Psalms of David, comparison, 75.
Pirshasp. See Pourushaspa.
Pythagoras, reputed study of Magian
doctrines, 7. See also 90, 91, 142.
Pyrea of Magi, 217. See also Fires,
fire-temples.
See
Q
Q, on Arabic forms in, see K.
R
Raga, 202 seq.
"Pdyat, 202.
Ragh. See Rak, 204.
Ragha, 17, 85, 192.
Rai. See Ragha.
Raja Bimbisara, 37.
Rak, Ragh, 192-193.
Rangishtar, brother of Z., 20.
Ranha, 223.
Ratishtar, brother of Z., 20.
Rawlinson, G. and H., quoted, 148, 291.
307
Révand, 215. ~
Ridge of Vishtasp, 216.
Roth, on Z.’s date, 175.
Roth, view cited, 218.
Riidbar, 215 n. 5.
Rim or Asia Minor, 84, 88.
Rim, 99, 117, 210.
Rustam, 121.
s
Sabalan Mt., 34, 195.
Sacred fires, 98-100, 222.
Sacrifices of Vishtaspa, 212-213.
Saéna, 187 n. 6; 178.
Saféd river, 41, 49.
Saféd Rid, 211.
Sagastin. See Seistan.
Sahend Mts., 49.
Saka-stana. See Seistan.
Sama Keresaspa, 22.
Samaria, 142.
Slaiikara-Acarya, 87.
Sankarakas, 284. See also Cangrang-
hacah.
Saoshyant, 21.
Savalan Mt., 195.
Scene of battles between Vishtaspa and
Arejat-aspa, 216.
Scene of Z.’s ministry, 15; discussed,
205-225,
Scholasticus Bassus, text quoted, 249.
See also Geoponica.
Scholiast of the Platonic Alcibiades,
34, 86 n. 2.
Scholion to Plato, text quoted, 231.
Schuyler, M., Jr., 178, 277.
Scientific books of Z., 8.
Scientific knowledge of Z., 95.
Sculptured portraits of Z. reproduced,
288 seq.
Seistin, 17; Z.’s journey thither, 44,
45 ; early propaganda there, 45 n. 3;
212; other allusions, 82, 99, 118,
131, 1387, 207, 208, 214.
Semiramis and Z., 15, 151, 154-157,
186-187 ; war with Z., 217; her
name associated with Z., 274-278.
308
Séné, 137 and n. 6; 181, 212.
Seven Conferences, 36 seq., 40.
Shah Namah, a source of information
regarding Z., 5 and n. 2; cited, 78
n. 4; 80 et passim ; dates of dynas-
ties, 164.
Shahrastani, quoted, 94-95, 199.
Shakspere-Bacon controversy as an
illustration, 4.
Shapin, 224.
Shapigan, 97.
Shaspigan, 224.
Shatvér. See Khshathra Vairya.
Shédasp, 118, 116.
Shelley, view of Z., 50 n. 2.
Shéré, 112, 115.
Shét river, 211 n. 3.
Shikand-gimanik-Vijar, 57.
Shiz. Cf. Caécista, Ciz, 195, 197, 201-
202, 204.
Shizigain, 224.
Significance of Z.’s name, 13 seq.
Simachus, cited under Agathias, 249.
Simakos. See Symmachos.
Smerdis, relation to Z.’s date, 167.
Snorra Edda Preface, alludes to Z.,
text quoted, 151, 286-287.
Socrates, 1.
Solinus, text quoted, 244.
Solinus Polyhistor, text quoted, 244.
Soma and eagle myth, 25 n. 1.
Lwoacrpos, variant of Z.’s name, 12 n.2.
Sources of information about Z.’s life,
5; of material for Z.’s seven con-
ferences, 38-40.
Sdvar, lake, 100.
Spaeitita Razura, 215.
Spéd river, 41, 49.
Spelling of Zoroaster’s name, 12.
Spend-dat. See Isfendiar.
Spend Nask, referred to, 26.
Spend-yat, for Spentd-data, 215.
Spenta Armaiti confers with Z., 48.
Spentd-daita, mount, 118,215. Seealso
Isfendiar.
Spontd-frasnd, 34, 194 n. 1; 195.
Spét-razhiir, 214.
INDEX
Spiegel, on Z. as a historical personage,
8 n. 1; view on original home of
Zoroastrianism, 220.
Spinjaurusha, 103.
Spitama, 18.
Spitima, name, 12, 13.
Zrirapas, TriOduns, 13 n. 6.
Spitamas, home of the, 24.
Spiti, 136.
Spread of the religion, 135-136.
Sritd, 185, 180.
Sritd, 137.
Statue, purported to represent Z., 289-
293.
Successors of Z., 187.
Suidas, 6 n. 6; 126; quoted, 154, 157,
169, 190, 255.
Su-lu-tsché, Chinese name of Z., 279.
Sunkellos. See Georgius Syncellus.
Symmachos (Simakos), cited by Aga-
thias, 249.
Syriac authors, quoted, 98, 165-166,
288 ; sources of information as to Z.,
6, 280-282 et passim.
T
Tabari, 88; quoted, 166, 198, 209, 224
n. 2.
Tahmasp, 22.
Tajan. See Tojan.
Takht-i Bostan, reputed sculpture of
Z. there, 289-292.
Takht-i Suleiman, 195 n. 1.
Tanais, 73.
Tantra philosophy, 210 n. 4.
Tathryavant, 103, 210 n. 4.
Tejend river, 47 n. 5.
Temples of fire. See Fire.
Temptation of Z., paralleled in Bud-
dhism and Christianity, 53; alluded
to, 207.
Thales, 161; contemporary of Z., 168.
Theodoretus of Cyrus, text quoted, 247.
Theodorus of Mopsuestia, cited under
Photius, 254.
Theologumena Arithmetica, text given,
256.
LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS
Theon, quoted, 156, 187; text given,
237.
Theopompus, 8; reputed Magian stud-
ies, 90; cited under Diogenes Laer-
tius and Aineas of Gaza, 242, 248.
Thomas Arzrouni, Armenian annalist,
217; his allusions to Z., 276-278.
Thomas, Edw., cited, 291.
Thriti, daughter of Z., 21.
Tiantr, 89, 90.
Tiele, quoted, 171-172 ; view cited, 218
n. 5.
Tdjan water, conference at, 47.
Tradition, importance of, 39.
Turan, 11; conversions in, 83.
Turan and Iran, enmity, 103.
Turanians, storm Balkh, 212.
Turbaraturhash, 131.
Tur-i Bratarvakhs, 127-129.
Tur-i Bratrdk-résh, 127-129.
Turkestan, 214.
Turks, Z. among the, 39.
Titianish, 89, 90, 283.
U
Ukhshyat-ereta, 21, 155.
Ukhshyat-nemah, 21.
‘Ulama-i Islam, 282.
Urumiah, Z.’s reputed birthplace, 17,
30, 48, 49, 96, 165, 197-198; Uru-
miah Lake, 39 n.'5.
Ururvija, grandson of Z., 20 n. 3; 21.
Urvatatnara, son of Z., 21.
Us, Kai, 24.
uxtra in names, 14, 148, 149.
UxSyat-ereta, 21, 155.
Vv
Vaédvoisht, not converted by Z., 43.
Valerius Maximus, 7 n. 5; 169.
Vandaremaini, 109.
‘Var of Révand,’ 215,
Varaza, 83.
Varedhaka, 221.
Vareshna, 22.
309
Vedantist philosopher, 87.
Vedas, 178.
Vendidad, 1. 15, quoted, 202-2038 ; 19.
1-10, translated, 51-53; 19. 11, 194;
22.19, 194 n. 1.
Victorinus, text quoted, 245. See Afer.
Victory, final, of Zoroastrianism, 121.
Vidrafsh, envoy of Arejat-aspa, 107,
115, 116.
Vishtaspa, 151; (Vishtasp) patron of
Z., 21; sought by Z., 88-389; abode
of, 58, 223; meets Z., 59; has a vis-
ion, 66 ; references to, in Gathas, 69
n. 1; Pahlavi references to, 69 n. 2;
his court, 57, 74; children and fam-
ily, 71; his date, 158, 180-181, 199,
201; springs from Notar, 193 n. 2;
204; he is a dainhupatti, 222; story
of his youth, 72, 210 ; he goes toward
Rim and later returns to Iran, 73,
110 ; his residence and kingdom, 210,
223 ; his meeting with Z. and his con-
version, 37, 59 seq., 64 seq., 209;
date of this event, 164; influence of
his conversion, and rejoicing that he
has received the religion, 74; his
brother and father converted, 78; his
religious zeal, 81; makes the religion
current in the land, 81; founds fire
temples, 98; removes the Farnbag
fire to the east, 99; wars against
Arejat-aspa, 102 seq. ; receives from
Arejat-aspa an ultimatum, 107; in-
vokes divine aid, 103; army, 112;
first victory over Arjasp, 116; out-
lives Z., 185 ; he is said to have been
at Istakhr, 219-220 ; situation of the
Ridge of Vishtaspa, 216.
Vision, seen by Z. of the future, 97;
by Vishtaspa, 66.
Visions of Archangels (Amshaspands),
46-50.
Visraps, 135.
Vita Platonis, text quoted, 231.
Vohiman. See Vohu Manah.
Vohtman, King. See Artashir, 82.
Vohtman, son of Spend-dat, 133, 158.
310
Vohu Manah, 83; brings Z.’s frava 1,
24; reveals himself to Z., 40, 41;
his conference with Z., 46; leads Z.
to Ahura Mazda, 36; protector of
cattle, 46.
Vohimansd. See Vohu Manah.
Vohtiném, 137.
Vohunemah, 22, 137.
VohuStra, name, 14 n. 1.
Vourukasha, 211.
vrsan-as'vd, 100.
Vyasa, 88, 284 n. 4.
Ww
War of Religion. See Holy Wars.
Warren, W. R., 41 n. 3.
Wars, Holy, 102 seq.; waged against
Arejat-aspa, 103 seq.; number of,
105 ; causes of the first, 106; events
of the first, 105-118 ; Zairivairi, hero
in the first, 105.
West, E. W., cited, 5, 15,45 n.3; 47
n.4; 68 n. 2; 59 n. 2; 112 n. 8;
137 n. 5; on date of Z., 15, 174; on
Zoroastrian chronology, 179-181.
White Forest, 119; its location, 214—
215.
White India, 207 and n. 2. See also
India.
Wilhelm, E., cited, 84n. 2; view cited,
221.
Williams, Dr. F. W., 279.
Windischmann, 147, 148.
Wisdom of the Magi, 6.
Witchcraft, 96.
Wonders of Sagastin, 137 n. 5; 209;
quoted, 212.
Writing down of the Avesta, 97, 117.
x
Xanthus of Lydia, 9; cited under
Nicolaus of Damascus and Diogenes
Laertius, 232, 241.
Xenophon does not mention Z., 9.
Xerxes, 128.
INDEX
Y
Yakut, 34n.2; 204; allusions to Z.,
281-282 ; quoted, 197, 200.
Yasht, 5. 108, 210; 18. 99-100, trans-
lated, 81; 23. 4, 223.
Yasna, 19. 18, quoted, 203; 46. 1, 207;
46. 12, translated, 83; 46. 14 seq.,
translated, 76-77.
Yatkar-I Zariran, § 52-56, quotation,
115.
Yazatas in Bindahishn, 50 n. 1.
Yezd, portrait of Z. there, 288-289,
Yezidis, 31, 223, 224.
Yima, Yim, 11 n. 1; 23, 99.
Yoishts y6 Fryanaim, 84.
YOsht-i Fryan6, 84.
Yunan (i.e. Greece), 89.
Yunani (i.e. Greek), 283.
Zz
Zabiilistan, 118, 212.
Zairivairi, brother of Vishtaspa, 70,
77; hero in first Holy War, 105.
See also 85, 99, 108, 112, 114, 115,
223 n. 4.
Zak, a Karap, 57, 59.
Zapééys, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12.
*Zaraustra, supposed western form
of Z.’s name, 13 n. 1.
ZaraduStra, meaning of name, 12 seq.
Zarathushtra. See Zoroaster.
Zdparos, Gr. variant of Z.’s name, 12.
Zaratusht, Phl. form of Z.’s name, 138.
Zaratusht. See Zoroaster.
Zaravastes, 12 n. 5.
Zaravést, an Armenian form of Z.’s
name, 12.
Zarbisht (?), 97, 224 n. 2.
Zardusht, Mod. Pers. form of Z.’s
name, 138. See also Zoroaster.
Zarér. See Zairivairi.
Zapys, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12.
Zariadres, 73, 223 n. 4.
Zarir, 77-78. See also Zairivairi.
Zarshtan, 115.
LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 311
Zartusht Namah, date and translation,
5andn. 1; passage quoted, 39. See
also 293,
Zadpaverns, Gk. variant of Z.’s name,
12.
Zat-sparam, as source for Z.’s life, 5;
quoted, 32-33, 40, 204.
Zwpbados, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12.
Zoroaster (Zarathushtra, Zaratisht,
Zardusht), as a religious teacher, 1;
compared with Buddha, 1-3; as a
historical personage, 3-4; a Magian
and founder of the Magi, 6, 141, 275,
277 ; called an astrologer, 125; is an
Iranian, 10; is called Pers. law-
giver, 11; sources of our knowledge
regarding him: Avesta, Pahlavi,
Arabic writings, 5-6; not men-
tioned in Ancient Pers. Inscriptions,
5.—Nameof Z. and its Mean-
ing, 12, 18, 125, 147-149 (discus-
sion) ; form in Armenian, 274-278 ;
in Chinese, 280; in Greek, Latin,
Pahlavi, Persian, 12, etc.—Date
of Z., 14 seq. ; his date referred to,
22; question of two Zoroasters, 153 ;
date discussed, 150-178 ; date of his
death, 180-182; is confused with
other persons by some writers of
antiquity, e.g. he is by some identi-
fied with Ham, 125; also identified
with Nimrod, 125; is said to be a
contemporary of Smerdis, 167; or a
contemporary of Cambyses, 167; his
purported war with Ninus, 217;
according to some he was made gov-
ernor of Assyria, 275, 277; Z.’s
name is associated by some Moham-
medan authors with Jeremiah, who
is even called his teacher, 30, 38, 163,
165, 166; name associated with Bel,
Baal, Balaam, 15n.3; 286; name is
associated with Ninus and Semiramis,
274-278. Native Place of Z.
and Scene of his Ministry:
his birthplace referred to and his
native home in Iran discussed, 22,
182-205 ; according to some Moham-
medan assertions he was a native of
Palestine, 38; tradition as to his
native city, 197 ; statements connect-
ing Z. with Ragh, 204; conclusion
as to his native place, 205; scene of
his ministry discussed, 205-224. —
Main Events of his Life:
Z.’sfamily, 10-22 ; ancestry, 17 seq. ;
father and mother, 18, see also Pou-
rushaspa, Dughdhova ; brothers, 20 ;
his ancestral tree, 19, 20; his coming
foretold, 23; triumph over demons
foreseen, 27; is foreordained to be
the prophet of Ahura Mazda, 27 ; his
birth is attended by prodigies, 26; he
laughs instead of cries, 27 ; Ahriman
flees, 27; Z.’s youth and education,
29; he is taught by Burzin-Kuris,
30; or by Aganaces, 30; we find Z.’s
name associated with Jeremiah, 30 ;
according to some legends a pupil or
disciple of Jeremiah, 38, 163, 166;
by some he is identified with Baruch,
30; assumes the Kusti, 32; his mar-
riage and his wives, 20, 33; his
children, 21; his religious prepara-
tion, 32-35; eclecticism in religious
matters, 33 ; asceticism according to
the classics, 34; he crosses the Dai-
tya, 40, 211 ; Vohu Manah meets him
and leads him into the presence of
Ahura Mazda, 36; his first vision,
40; he holds converse with Ahura
Mazda, 41; he beholds visions of the
Archangels (Amshaspands), 46-50 ;
his second vision and conference with
Vobu Manah, 46; third vision and
conference with Asha Vahishta, 47 ;
fourth vision and conference with
Khshathra Vairya, 47; fifth vision
and conference with Spenta Armaiti,
48; sixth vision and conference with
Haurvatat, 49; seventh vision and
conference with Ameretat, 49; be-
holds an apparition of Haoma, 50;
sees other visions, 50; his tempta-
312
tion, 51-53, 207; receives instruc-
tion and enters upon his ministry,
34-35 ; begins preaching, 42, 196;
preaches next-of-kin marriage, 48 ;
tries to convert Vaédvoisht, 43; his
wanderings, 200, 207; statements
that he was in India, China, and
among the Turanians, 39; in Seis-
tan, 44; he tries to convert Parshat,
44,45; is for a time in the region of
the Caspian Sea, 46, 47; prays to
Ardvi Siira, 57 ; seeks Vishtaspa and
meets him, 38-39, 59, 209; disputes
with the wise men at V.’s court, 61,
283 ; conspiracy against him, 62 ; he
is imprisoned, 62; heals the king’s
horse, 62; he then converts Visht-
aspa, 64; meets the Archangels,
65; he instructs Vishtaspa, 74; af-
terwards he converts the Brahman
Cangranghacah, 85-88 ; did he visit
Babylon ? 90; his scientific know-
ledge and purported scientific books,
8, 95; converts a Kavig, 94; heals
a blind man, 94 ; sees a revelation of
the future, 97 ; is said to have proph-
esied of Christ, 97-98 ; his successor
is Jamaspa, 76; other apostles and
disciples, 98, 136-188; purported
sculptured portraits, 289-293 ; death
at age of seventy-seven years, 119,
INDEX
124, 127, 181, 212.—Allusions
to Z., in the classics and in other
literatures, 6 and App. V., VI. ; cited
under Pliny, Clemens Alex., Euse-
bius, Aineas of Gaza, Origenes, Geo-
ponica, 234, 240, 243, 248 ; allusions
to him in Armenian literature, 274-
278 ; alluded to by Moses of Khorene,
translation of passage given, 274-
275; alluded to by Eliszeus, 276 ; by
Eznik, 276; by Thomas Arzrouni,
276-278 ; allusions to him in Chi-
nese, 279-280; allusions to him in
Syriac and Arabic literature, 281 ;
in Mohammedan writings, 280-282.
Zwpoderpys and other Gk. forms of Z.’s
name, 12.
Zoroastrian calendar, 174.
Zoroastrian chronological tables, 179-
181.
Zoroastrian Logia, 168, 259 seq.
Zoroastrian victories, 116 seq.
Zoroastrianism, Holy Wars of, 102seq.;
later development of, 133 seq. ; mod-
ern, 142-143; spread of, 185-136 ;
view as to eastern origin of, 186-
188, 208-219; view as to western
origin of, 189 seq., 219 seq.
Zradasht, Armenian form of Z.’s name,
18, 274-278.
Zrvan, 274-278.
KEY TO THE MAP
KEY TO THE MAP
1. On Iranian geography, see especially Geiger in Grundriss der Iran. Philol.
371-394, where a Bibliography is given.
2. Avestan, Pahlavi, or Ancient Persian names in the list are designat
italics.
8. Conjectural identifications are indicated by (?) or by ‘ prob.’ (probably,
Abbasabad Gb
Adarbaijan (Azerbijan) ABCabe
Airyana Vaejah = Adashaliany ABCabe
Alburz Mts. CDEFb
Alvand Mt. Ce
Amu Daria (see Oxus)
Aras (Araxes) Ba
Ardabil Ca
Asnavant Mt. = Sahend?
Atropatene = see Adarbaijan
Bactria LMbe
Badghis IKe
Balkh Mb
Barfrush Eb
Behistan (Besitun) Be
Binalud Kuh Hb
Birjand Hd
Bokhara La
Caecista (Caecasta) Ab
Cha-kansur
Chorasmia (see Kh.)
Chorassan (see Kh.)
Caspian Sea = prob. Vourukasha ae
I
Daitya river = Kizel Uzen ? BCb
Darej river = Daryai Ba
Demavand Mt. DEc
Dinaver (Dinewer) (not on Map) Be
Dranjiana IKe
Ecbatana (Hamadan) Ce
Elburz (see Alburz)
Elvend = Alvand Ce
Farah Rud IKde
Fars (Persis) DEFefg
Ferghanah (in Turkestan, NE)
Ganzaca
Ghazni Nd
Ghilan Cb
Ghor Ld
Ghuznbe (see Ghazni)
Gunabad Hb
Hamadan (Ecbatana) Cec
Hamun swamp Te
Hara Berezaiti (see Alburz)
Hassar (see Hissar)
Herat Ke
Hilmend River KLMe
Hissar MNa
Hyrcania EFGb
Ispahan (Isfahan) Da
Istakhr = Persepolis (NE of Shiraz) Ef
Jagatai Mts. Gb
Jihun (Oxus) River TKab
Kabul Ne
Kaian (Kain) Hd
Kansava = prob. Cha-kansur IKe
Karman (see Kerman)
Kashaf River Hb
Kerman
Kermanshah
Khorasmia EI
Khorassan FGH
Kirmanshah
Kizel Uzen (Sefid, Safed) River B
Kuh-i Mish Gl
Kumish GE
Kunduz N
Kurdistan ABE
Lake Urumiah A
Madan Ha
Maragha Bt
Mash-had Ht
Mazanderan DEb
Media CDEbc
Merv IKb
Meshed (see Mash-had)
Miandasht Gb
Mihbr Gb
Murghab River Kbe
Nihavand Cc
Nishabur (Nishapur) Hb
Oxus (Jihun River) IKab
Parthia FGbe
Pasargade Ee
Persepolis (NE of Shiraz)
Persis (Fars) DEFefg
Radkan H
Ragha (Rai) De
Rai De
Safed, Sefid River (Kizel Uzen) BCb
Sagastan (Seistan) IKLde
Sahend, Mt. Bb
Samarkand Ma
Sari Eb
Savalan Mt. Ba
Sehna Be
Seistan IKLde
Shiraz Ef
Shiz (cf. Takht-i Suleiman) Bb
Sogdiana LMNa
Spet Razhur Hd
Susa Cd
Taberistan Ec
Tajan River (Thejend) Eb
Takht-i Bostan Be
Takht-i Suleiman Bb
Teheran De
Tojan =? see Tajan
Turan = Turkestan
Turkestan FMab
Tus Hb
Urumiah (Urmia) Ab
Vourukasha = prob. Caspian Sea
Yazd (Yezd) Fe
Zenjan Cb
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