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Full text of "Sanskrit syntax"

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Cornell University Library 
PK 801.S75 



Sanskrit syntax / 




3 1924 023 201 183 




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Q Library 



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SANSKRIT SYNTAX. 



SANSKRIT SYNTAX 



BY 



Dr. J. S. SPELTER 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION 



Dr. H. KERN. 



— =§>$<§>?<§-= 



LEYDEN. — E. J. BRILL. 

1886. 
© 



In order to comply with-, the. wishes of Dr. Speijer I take 
the liberty to introduce his work with-the students of Sanskrit. 

Indian grammar, which is virtually the same as saying 
Pacini's grammar, superior as it is in many respects to any- 
thing of the kind produced among other civilized nations of 
antiquity, is professedly deficient in its treatment of syntax. 
As all Sanskrit grammars published "by Western scholars are, 
so far as the linguistical facts are concerned , almost entirely 
dependent , either directly or indirectly, upon Panini , it cannot 
be matter for surprise that syntax is not adequately treated in 
them, although it must be admitted that Professor Whitney's 
grammar shows in this respect a signal progress. 

Some parts of Indian syntax have received a careful treat- 
ment at the hands of competent scholars, amongst whom Del- 
briick stands foremost. All who are grateful to those pioneers 
will , it may be supposed , gladly receive this more comprehen- 
sive work, the first complete syntax of classical Sanskrit, 
for which we are indebted to the labours of Dr. Speijer. May it 
be the forerunner of a similar work , as copious and conscien- 
tious , on Vaidik Syntax ! 

H. KERN. 
Lbyden, 13 July 1886. 



PREFACE. 



This book aims to give a succinct account of Sanskrit Syntax , 
as it is represented in classic Sanskrit literature, without ne- 
glecting however the archaisms and peculiarities of vaidik prose 
(brahmana, upanishad, sutra) and of epic poetry. The facts 
laid down here have been stated chiefly by my own observa- 
tions in perusing Sanskrit writings, and accordingly by far 
the great majority of the examples quoted have been selected 
directly from the sources, if not, those suggested by the Pe- 
tropolitan Dictionary or others have, as a rule, been received 
only after verification. Moreover , valuable information was gained 
by the statements of vernacular grammarians , especially of Pa- 
nini, to whose reverenced authority due respect is paid and 
whose rules are referred to at every opportunity. For some 
useful intelligence I am indebted to Mr. Anundoram Boeooah's 
Higher Sanskrit Grammar Calcutta 1879. A welcome and pre- 
cious assistance were to me some treatises or occasional hints 
of distinguished European scholars , who , as Delbruck , de 
Saussueb, Whitney, have explored tracks of this scarcely 
trodden region of Indian philology. But for the greater part 
of the subjects falling within the scope of this compilation, 



VIII PEEFACE. 

monographies and special investigations of a sound philological 
and scholarlike character are still wanting, and I have felt that 
want often and deeply. For this reason I am fully aware, 
that many deficiencies and inaccuracies will certainly be found 
now or appear afterwards in this first Sanskrit Syntax written 
in Europe. Notwithstanding, as I felt convinced that my 
labour, however imperfect, might prove of some profit by 
facilitating both the access to Sanskrit literature and the study of 
Sanskrit language, and that on the other hand this work might 
afford some base for further investigations on special points of 
Syntax, it is placed before the public with the confidence that 
it may be judged , what it is , as a first attempt , and an attempt 
undertaken by a foreigner. 

In arranging materials I preferred following , as best I could, 
the nature and spirit of the language I was working on, rather 
than clinging too closely to the classification familiar to us by 
the Syntax of Latin and Greek ; in stating facts I have avoided 
generalizing from such instances as did rest only on my own 
limited experience, remembering the wise words of Patanjali 
^iP< 5t*s^i OTlnQsra': (friid'H ui*<yj iiuUild&itn-HjjPftuRj h^ri- 

The whole of this Syntax is made up of six Sections. 

Page. 
Section I. General remarks on the structure of sentences . 1 — 13 

Section II. Syntaxis convenientiae and syntaxis rectionis. 

y Chapt. I. Concord ... 13 23 

,; II. How to denote case-relations 24 29 

„ III. Accusative 29 42 

„ IV. Instrumental 42 — 58 

V. Dative 58—67 

„ "VI. Ablative ' . . 67 81 

„ VII. Genitive , 81—101 

„ VIII. Locative 102—113 



PREFACE. IX 

Page. 
Chapt. IX. Periphrastic expression of case-relations. . . . 113 

I. Prepositions 113—134 

II. Periphrase by means of noun-cases . . . 134—141 
HI. „ „ „ „ participles, gerunds 

and the like 141 — 145 

„ X. Compounds 145 — 178 

Section III. On the different classes of nouns and pronouns. 

Chapt. I. Substantive. Adjective. Adverb 179 — 193 

II. Pronouns 193 

1. Personal pronouns and their possessives. . 193 — 201 

2. Demonstratives, Relatives, Interrogatives . . 201 — 215 

3. Pronominal Adverbs 215—221 

4. Pronominal Adjectives 221—222 

„ III. On nouns of number 222—227 

Section IV. Syntax of the verbs. 

Chapt. I. General remarks. Kinds of verbs. Auxiliaries. Pe- 
riphrase of verbs . . 228 — 235 

„ II. On voices 235—241 

III and IV. Tenses and moods 241—278 

„ V. Participles and participial idioms 278 — 296 

„ VI. Gerunds ■ 296—300 

„ VII. Infinitive 300—309 

Section V. Syntax of the particles. 

Chapt. I. Particles of emphasis and limitation 310 — 315 

„ II. Negation 315—320 

„ in. Interrogations 320—326 

„ IV. Exclamation 326—329 

„ V. Connective particles 329 — 336 

Section VI. On the connection of sentences. 

Chapt. I. Coordination 337 — 346 

II. Subordination. Periods and clauses 347 — 352 

III. Relative sentences introduced by pronouns . . . 352 — 357 

IV. Relative adverbs and conjunctions 358 — 372 

V. The conditional period 372—379 

VI. The direct construction; ^H 379—388 

Amsterdam, July 1886. J. S. Speijee. 



PREFACE. 

Before perusing the book, the reader is begged to change 

p. 12 § 17 Kam. - into Kad. 

„ 21 § 31 serves to determine ~„ s. t. qualify. 

„ 185 R. 1. 

„ 43 and 43,4. 
,, born. 



51 § 68 


184 R. 


55 § 7411. 


43,4. 


73 §100 


borne 


74 1. 4 


borne 


86 §116 


auoiu: 


92 1. 2 




chllolrl 


123 §169R. 


54,11.1 


141 §197 


into, to 


265 1. 2 


471, R. 4 


363 in the margi- 


nal note 


temporal 



sraor: 

54, R. 2. 
in, into, to. 
470,R. 3. 



„ serves for comparison. 
On p. 34 § 46 R. I wrote I could adduce no instance of f% with two ace. 
Afterwards I met with this: R. 3, 42, 31 ctiPuichli l-milchi^ '^rTPJJ TfJJT" 



SECTION THE FIRST. 

GENERAL REMARKS ON THE STRUCTURE OF 
SENTENCES. 



1. The subject of the sentence ') is put in the nomi- 
Sl ind Ct na tive case. The predicate of the sentence is either 
^te." noun or verb; OTt TO"fpT (the horse runs), R^UTt JSP 

(the horse is young). 

2. To the noun-predicate the so called verbum sub- 
Ver- stantivum is commonly not subjoined; from a logical 

bum 

sub- point of view it is indeed of no use, and its obliga- 

stanti- 
vum. tory employment in modern western languages rather 

to be called an abuse. Pane. 26 ^. i^irm snf <^qun ; (he is a 

lord , we are mean people) , Nala 1,30 fst =5^ jt\ -l I (luit R^w =et qafr 

51^:, Qak. I isrfg ^Pr<Hl •ssr frgmfd : (is perhaps the head of the 

family near?). It may, however, be added. Pane. 100 wrre> 

srprt BR&ftefifT, Kathas. 16, 115 a^iioimj imfoi (I al ° ne am guilty.) — 



1) Vernacular grammar has no term to name the subject of the sen- 
tence or grammatical subject. The term kartr signifies the agent or 
logical subject. In the same way karma means the logical object, whatso- 
ever may be its grammatical function ; it thus implies the object of the 
active verb as well as the subject of the passive or the objective genitive. 
In such sentences as »the knife cuts", the grammatical subject is both 
kartr (agent) and karana (instrument). 

1 



2 § 2—4. 

It must be added, if »to be" means »to exist" or uto be met 
with;" likewise if the grammatical tense or mood is to be ex- 
pressed. 

Rem. It is even wanting sometimes in such sentences, as con- 
tain a predicate in the optative or imperative mood; especially in 
some current phrases, as .^h^ (adoration to him), ^j" fj [sc. itoth] 
hail to you), crt cjizrr (why make mention of — ) sTT^fW or strt tpw 
(v. a. malum absit), etc. Prabodh. Ill p. 66 the Bauddha monk entreats 
the Qaiva fo let him enjoy the instruction of his doctrines ai-sM^d 
firrcriT'St UdittW it <TT(lScrff fsrw^(be you my teacher, I your pupil, 
initiate me into the doctrines of the Qaivas). 

3. Besides ^TTFT and >T^frT, the verbs felR\ frT^TFT, 

^rTrT and the participle JTrT may be used more or 
less as verbum substantivum. Schol. on P. 3, 4, 65 ') fa^f j? T - 
stj^ (there is something to eat), Ven. Ill p. 94 ^cr ^jfttPT a^rt ^nfHr^r- 
UiyinqfaKRH'irfrl (hero D. is sitting down under the shade — ), Hit. 
107 oiiuy^lsft srrf^" am the king of the crows is at the door). From 
the given examples it however sufficiently appears that the original 
meaning of those verbs has not wholly faded. Accordingly it is 
sometimes not indifferent which verbum subst. to choose. So fspj^ 
especially denotes the »being met with" fr. il y » t likewise =fffer, 
but not uaf^; rnr expresses the »being in or on", as f^HJ i H : (v. a. 
painted); 5[ffi7 comp. Lat. versatur. 

Eem. By consequence, nsriH is the proper verb, if there be laid 
some stress on the predicate, in other terms, if it be pointed out that 
the subject is invested with the dignity or possesses the quality predi- 
cated of it. Ch. Up. 6, 16, 1 it is said with respect to somebody, seized 
on account of a theft , apparently committed by him g- jrfir f^ ^£j 
HEjf?T [not sjfef] ; Pane. Ill , 57 sFrrfSr <^rft aj: w&T iraffr 1TOT. (when 
the fire burns the wood, wind is his mate), Mhbh. 1,89,2 ot fgpraT 

4. The same character is exhibited by the predicates 



1) f&tJrT in this sutra is one of the sg^j-qr; (wonta meaning to be). 



§ 4-7 3 

made up of a noun and a verb of becoming , growing , 
seeming , remaining , being called , -considered and the like. 
Comp. 32. 

5. The noun-predicate itself deviates by no means 
predi- f rom the common use of other tongues. It may thus 
cate - be any kind of noun either substantive or adjective, 

and is put in the nominative case, provided that it be 
pointing at the same person or thing as is pointed out 
by the subject, as 5TTfTt<Tr fTT%'< (the night is cold) , for 

in that sentence the subj. J\T%'< and the predicate STtrTFIT 
are relating to one and the same thing. This we may 
call the noun-predicate proper. Nothing, indeed, 
forbids other nouncases, adverbs and the like doing 
duty of the predicate, as 37QT rTT^FT when = „ water is in 

the pit," Pat. 84 -a^r g^raT ' cfrrer: (yonder [house], where that 
crow is), Mudr. 23 ^ttsj: U M T gM gTT (he [will] not [be] able to 
blot out [that] stain) , E. 2,42,7 qrf OTT * ft qn (I have nothing 
in common with them nor they with me) and sim. 

6. As to the verb-predicate , the same action may 
v "^. be expressed as well by the active voice as by the 
thfaJT P assive - When active, its agent or subject is put in 

tive the nominative case and its object in the accusative; 

voice 

or in 

the pas- 



voice ^ -^ f- 

ia ,r^rTf ^TST ^"TTrT (N. N. makes a mat). In the pas- 

sive. 



sive sentence , the object of the action is subject of the sen- 
tence and accordingly a nominative ; the agent is invari- 
ably put in the i n s t r u m e n t a 1. ^^fTR 1 37S"! IWOtT 
(the mat is made by N. N.) ; of ^FTPF (I sleep) the 
pass, form is ^UJ Fplrf (it is slept by me), and so on. 
7. Sanskrit has a decided predilection" for the passive 



4 § 7-9 

Passive voice. In translating from that language it is often 

voice. 

necessary to transform passive sentences into active. 

For inst. Pane. 43 R^chM* SjTTt mr HdNdi^ ; (it is a long time I 
hear blame you), Daeak. 133 chmfq f ^ichi^ i cMtJlunfllEiRi (a 
maiden of heavenly appearance respectfully approached me), Hit. 
43 fnr ar nn y<£t mrmfz^;\ ^iwi<iy n-^rii a^r yl^R: gasfi ^s: i 

rfrRrPT Ijlf »4jt f^rnr *T5FTp W^UI spT: 

8. Since this preference is of course not limited to tran- 
'ronai" sitive verbs , nothing can be more common than the use 
p ™ 1 ' of impersonal passives. Hit. 93 ^rrft hm^jhch-h fer- 

fpt (some guardian of the crops was standing aside), Dagak. 18 
iraf^HM cfrfTrfr f^rff g,:Hfa<ilffi (the lion, after having slain the 
elephant, disappeared), Ven. Ill p. 79 dnmdt n^TOTT sr: sr^WT ^ tQuUl - 
RZTT Qriii i. Even the verb subst. has occasionally a passive form , 
cp. 32 6). 
Imper- Bern, Apart from the said impersonal verbs, we have to re- 
verb« cor ^ *^ e °^ an ^ g enu i ne impersonals with active or medial en- 
dings and meaning. In classic Sanskrit they are scarcely used, 
being but remnants of a more widely employed idiom of the elder 
language. Ait. Br. 1,9,2 ftot stm& cfi<J<rr> qf^ f5&K)rH i^rfit (it 
avails such community, as where is a hotr knowing this), Acv. 
Grhy. 4,1,1 aiferilfH ^<iMH ' 4tiri°'^H ( if a worshipper in the three 
fires be affected by illness, he -should withdraw); — Pane. I an 
^ ofzi ^ RimPi (if it does not succeed notwithstanding the effort — ). 
Likewise snSHrT (it rains) = 5^7 snfe (cp. Tajn. 1,136 with Kac. 
on P. 1,4,89) and so on. 

9. Participles, especially those in FT and rT^rT 

^[e^'and the krtyas are frequently employed as 
d d uty D of if tn ey were finite verbs, without the at- 
mte * eri dance of the verb subst. In simple prose 
a great deal of the sentences are moulded in that 
shape. Hitop. 12 sren aniprr cam i fcrt : mRrifti (the tiger killed 
him and devoured him) , ibid. 7 jtct f5Mj]aiMm ; tnrr* SPTTfosrw 
(he entrusted his sons "to the foresaid Vishn.), Q&k. I [d-DddNU i 



§ 9-10. 5 

hmWuEj =ttit (surely , the hermitages should be entered in 
modest dress). 

Rem. The participles of the present and the future do not par- 
take of this construction, cp. P. 3, 2, 124 with 126 1 ). 

10. The subject of the sentence is not always 
U im.° expressed. Often it is implied by the verb. For ^TrT 

and ^TTTT are quite as intelligible as^T^T ^TR and cT ^~ 

^Tm> and likewise in the third person the sole <^llrl 
suffices , if there can be no doubt as to the giver meant. 
Nevertheless, the personal pronouns denoting the 
subject are not seldom added, even when not required 
for the understanding, certainly much oftener than in 

Latin and Greek. See f. inst. Nala 2,19; 3,9; Kathas. 6,133. 

But the omission is impossible , if stress should be laid 

on the pronoun. 
Agent In passive sentences , the personal pronouns denoting 
plied, the agent may be wanting likewise , but of course this 

is not by far done so often as in active sentences. 

Pane. 127 ^ RfartJ i iu ft^ [sc. -a^r], ibid. 327 ifr fqsr fSf^ar mn- 

aiK >s fritewii H (say, friend, why do [you] run away thus by false 

fear?). 
The omission is regular with passive imperatives , that 

are expressive of an injunction or commandment in a 

softened or polite manner, as JIWTFT (go), ^dl^ 

hear) Pane. 87 the panther thus addresses the hungry lion, his 



1) A vartt. to P. 3,2,124 states an exception for the case, that the 
negation qT is added to the participle, in order to signify an impreca- 
tion. Of this rule applied I know but one instance , Qicupal. 2,45 quoted 
by the Petr. Diet. s. v. rrr, V p. 680; but it is not improbable that the 
author of that poem has done so designedly to show his own skill by 
applying an out-of-the-way grammatical rule. 



6 § 10—13. 

master ^iffifeh^rim q' 'w httt: tnmtn^cr i ^fcraFrarrf erra: ssttt i jt*t 

11- But in sentences without a finite verb the personal 
pronoun denoting the subject cannot be missing. It may 
be said promiscuously ^rT^T'TTFF and Wir\c\ M«^*j 
+H e hrdfrfH and SfiFT^Fr^T and so on. The full 

at t c *\ 

forms ^» ^JrT^T'TTFT, pf =h rl =ft rU t^TCT are , of course , 

also available. 

Kern. Occasionally they are wanting even then , provided that 
it be beyond doubt, which subject is meant. Pane. 214 the crow 
Sthirajivin relates to the king of the owls the ill treatment he has 
endured from his own king , for ^r ^-mch l EirH^i ^srt =rlrT: [sc. 5^T , 
as is perspicuous by the context] ; ibid. 53 the lover addresses the 
princess (id<J& wri [sc. rof] f§F btt srmfsr ; ibid. 38 stm imrsfe Urinw 
dUtt l d far^#rnior: [sc FoFr]. Cp. ibid. 137, 13; 154, 10. 

12. A general subject may be expressed by using 

raisub- the passive form, as 3^?JrT (it is said) , 'Mtfrl (it is 

taught). Likewise by the plural of the 3 d pers. of the 

active as M\^' (they say, when = it is said; germ, man 

sagf), m\< (it is known), ^M^rl at is told). But 
not seldom also the singular of the 3 d pers. of the 
active is employed in this manner. Pane. II, 34 chuun - 

P^MHIMfri EFI^mi5.frl W^HIM. (** * s not without cause,, one becomes 
a friend or a foe). The pronoun omitted is ft (= one , germ, man) , 
which is also sometimes added. Pane. 1,216 <zrm =r feHf t&vrsfir 
|9r 1 yjflrch^lRlPwfriHlMUlry: (one must not lose courage oven in 
distress; by courage one may regain one's position in time). 



13. The accessory parts of the sentence, such as are to 
point out the where , the when , the why , the how of 
the fact related, the qualities and other attributes of 



§ 13—14. 7 

the persons or things involved, are embodied into speech 
by the same or nearly the same grammatical appa- 
ratus, as serves that purpose in other languages. It is 
the relative frequency or rareness and the distribution 
of these instrumentalities of speech, which gives to 
Sanskrit style its proper and peculiar character, the 
main features of which may be sketched as follows: 
14- l'y. Sanskrit, in comparison with western langua- 

Clia- 

racter ges , does not avail itself much of finite verbs. Hence 

Sa n S _ abundance of gerunds, participles, absolute locatives, 

st *ll noun-predicates and a relative scarcity of subordinate 

sentences. Accumulating short coordinate phrases is 

likewise avoided by using gerunds. Dagak. 19 sn^r srtst- 

U 5l^Prlch Tl 4lHdi-iR rr — »I took off the baby from the tree and sought 
for the fair one in the forest, but not discovering her I carried 
it to my teacher, and gave it over in his hands. By his order 
I now have brought the boy to you." 

In Sanskrit style the predicate of the sentence is 
many times expressed by means of a nomen adionis , 
to be translated by a finite verb. Pane. 21 35^^ 1 <srr- 

fer fff/ffi^ fSterrtTTcrerRiT (Dam. said: why does my master stop 
and stay here?) 

o o 

Jpy. Abstracts in FIT or pi may be made of any 
noun either simple or compound. Since they are available 
in all noun-cases , they afford an easy expedient to bring 
a whole clause into a shape as concise as possible and 
to express logical relations in the very sharpest and 
most distinct way. Hence they are often employed in 
treatises, commentaries and similar works. A more 
detailed account of them will be given hereafter. 



8 § U. 

ni'y. A great and important place in Sanskrit com- 
position is filled up by compound nouns. This syn- 
thetic expression of thought is applied to the most vari- 
ous and manifold logical relations, but it is especially 
in the more flowery style of adorned literary compo- 
sition, that they are used at a considerably large extent. 
Eelative clauses are commonly avoided by them. 

IV'y. An other characteristic of Sanskrit style is its pre- 
dilection for the oratio directa. Words and thoughts are 
related just as they have been spoken and thought or sup- 
posed to have been, but they are not moulded into the figure 
of an oratio obliqua. Generally the adverb £>\r\ (thus, 
so) is put behind the words or thoughts related. Ac- 
cordingly the English sentence he asked his friend, why 
he had not left this town is Sanskrit ^t^l^tH 1^1^15=1 
witqrfltlliri fa -A H fJ^HL So f. but utt. i m^^hum 

dfeammfM Q^MriiffitH (Mylady is tired; for this reason I beg 
Her to take Her rest). 

V'y. The system of correlation between relatives and 
demonstratives, though sufficiently developed as to the 
number and variety of combinations, has retained a 
great deal of the unwieldiness and prolixity of its ru- 
dimentary stage. It often reminds of the solemn style of 
old Latin. Mostly the relative clause precedes. Pane. 2 
*tot iw amI^kii: f%f§; ?nf^T rren-rrfejrrra^ (act so as to fulfill my 
■wishes), ibid. 70 q- : g^ft g-^t •sm&ct ct,gmMN , and the like. 

VI 1 ?. Sanskrit likes rhetorical interrogations, that is, 
such as do not put a question, but contain a state- 
ment either positive or negative. As this turn is much 
more employed than in modern languages, such inter- 



§ 14-16. 9 

rogations are often to be translated rather freely. So 

sft: is not rarely an other expression of »nobody" and g?f ^ — 
» every body;" gnr: is frequently = »because." Similarly %pj fer — 

»y es " ^T^T 1 ^ an d qTT — »certainly ," cp. the idiom ^ ^ 37 ^ and 

other turns , more fully to be dealt with in one of the subsequent 
chapters. Compare Engl, why , when = »now, well," Greek ovkovv. 

VlPy. The predilection for the passive construction has 
been already mentioned (see 7). It is of course not restric- 
ted to the finite verb, but applies also to participles. 

15. Like all languages, that possess a rich store of in- 
Or d f er flections , Sanskrit affords a comparatively great freedom 
words - as to the order of words in the sentence 1 ). Yet, it is 

frequently not altogether indifferent in what order one puts 
one's words. We ought to distinguish between the tra- 
ditional or regular arrangement and the various excep- 
tions caused by the exigencies of style , enphony , metre 
etc. Therefore though tracing a general scheme, we 
must keep in mind, that it bears but on the most 
frequent employment , as it has been observed in perus- 
ing the best writers, but it cannot claim to be a set 
of fixed rules rigorously to be followed throughout. 

16. The traditional order of words is this. 2 ) 
1. The predicate being verbal, it ordinarily closes 

the sentence, which is headed by the noun-subject, 
when expressed. The other elements of the sentence 
are taken in the midst, but placed so as to make the 



Tradi- 
tional. 



1) Compare Pat. I, p. 39,1. 18^gFJrJr ^WRI q^FUrUitl'H fTEft UejOTfUH- 

2) Qn .this subject we have an excellent treatise of Prof. Delbkuck 
Die altindische Wortfolge aus dem Qatapathdbrahmana 1878. Yet, of 
course , it does not go beyond the archaic period of Sanskrit literature. 



10 § 16. 

verb have its object immediately before it , ^^tT! 3R7T 

^tfrT (JOT. makes a mat), ^rft ^HPT: ^ TRT" 

JFTQ^T SJTFItP (N.N. has parted for Pataliputra with 
his brothers). In a similar manner the attributes and 
other accessories of nouns precede them. Moreover, as 
one is inclined in Sanskrit to avoid subordinate sen- 
tences, by availing one's self largely of participles, ge- 
runds and the like (14, I), it often occurs, that the 
chief sentence is preceded by a greater or smaller amount 
of accessory elements of the kind, put according to 
the exigencies of grammar and style either before the 

Subject Or Subsequent to it. This sentence , taken from Pa- 
tanjali (I, p. 39, 10) may illustrate tbe above statement, qq i um TT 3T- 
xrraT aMNfoMmRii! sr-ciiotdchisr nraw 3n(Bmti ^hi jiffi scz nmtifri w. 

O O ^ rS 5-v 

Here the subject preceded by its attribute stands at the head, 
then follows ^ MnQam i lui : formally a predicative attribute of the 
subject, but as to its meaning an accessory of the gerund aqQutl , 
3'y the other accessories of the said gerund, 4'y the gerund itself, 
5'>' the accessories of the chief predicate , finally that predicate itself. 

Rem. In passive sentences the agent, as far as I 
have observed, seems to have the precedence in the tra- 
ditional order of words , not the nominative of the karma. 
Pane. 126 irfsfir: ydd^f^ f&STtrr ysMtrUiPi jhiPi #mi^, Hitop. 92 

2. If the predicate be a noun, it is put be- 
fore the subject. Pane. 38 g*np ^njT'Str rrii|^^d>uq^ 

rr^fsrsf:- Similarly in the passive. Hit. 20 =Ery^rr HdH-cUUl wn 35raT 
i-ltoirlcy^ (now at all events I must be your companion). 

Eem. Pronouns, it seems, may be put indiscriminately before or 
behind their noun-predicate: snrars^iT or ^ Hn*h 

3. Attributes are put before their nouns. But when 



§ 16-17. 11 

doing, duty of a so called predicative attribute, 

they generally follow. Comp. for inst. the proverb ^TRqiTrrr 
sftejstrJTPrr amiTf (fortune which has arrived spontaneously, grows 
a curse, when neglected). 

Rem. Not seldom they are separated from the noun (or pro. 
noun) they belong to. Dae. 141 qn i fa a iHma : PTOTT Mf^rU*: ; when 
translating this sentence one should render <wrm by the adverb 
basely or in a base manner, iio Pane. 73 pnr ^t^srsTfir mi\H\ ^ f§r- 
^H-d^uTluMJ note the disjunction of §^5rs: and ^^r- 

4. The vocative generally heads the sentence. 

5. The prepositions are commonly preceded by their cases. 

6. In sentences linked to the preceding by means of 
relatives or particles, these words are put first; when 
enclitical , they are affixed to the first word of the clause 
they introduce. 

17. As it has been stated above (15), this traditional or- 
ned! der of « words is liable to be modified by various in- 
fluences of the power to cause the speaker to pre- 
fer an other arrangement. Instead of the subject, the 
word on which stress is laid will head the sentence. 
In this way the verb or an oblique noun-case or an 
adverb (especially when of time) , are not seldom 
put first, because of emphasis. Hit. 97 sRfermfrr sr^sr: (of 
the kind there exist many, indeed), Dag. 132 aqi<J l -Ei*jj an*HiH 
fc^chU ^cr 5F?T. ch(4J-Mlri4yfri^l41«HlM_ (then I said : let this mise- 
rable elephant be gone, bring an other, a number 1 of the elephants);" 
Hit. 110 qiT sf^TTfR' rrra^5i<??ich<UH ^^ictj Pane. 39 jj^r Fsrar q^ET ^ 
gjreajTjJ ibid - 53 ^°r rraT ^ ihtttft: fSiOrrp^ (meet with her still 
to-day). Absolute locatives and the like are also placed at the begin- 
ning. Bhojap. 8 jt^ft iftir mm\: cfiWl^yf ^5ff:, Hitop. L31 cjstnrr 
STEJfJTOOT q^Hfwrr; STrTT: , Pane. 54 nsf iTOT (TT ftrlf HoRT^W cfrr^TT mfo- 

Likewise in connecting sentences it is necessary to 



12 § 17—18. 

commence a new sentence or a new clause at the word , 
which relates to somebody or something mentioned in 
the foregoing. Hence demonstratives often head the sen- 
tence. Pane. 37 =g#r *(wfy feOandju iswr i fbt — iif|o)idch: 

HfdoHrlfff Wlfra- T^fTT fa'rWMI STiTTiTT I FTfT: ST =T *Wjfeii,itolRliH. 

Bern. In general, the manner in which sentences are linked 
together may be of some influence on the arrangement of words. 
So the type, represented by Hit. 110 ttsTT MdlPm^Hlga rrerfijTPT - 
nQa : i 5TTt[ =5 FIFT [instead of rtitii^ ] , "often occurs , especially in 
polished style. Cp. f. i. Dae. 139 ^=s(. .. .fm -dUMiJviuim i wmw ST 
Uift, Harsha 11 *JrtWl*^ollHJrt' ' 5TOTW. 

On the other hand similar reasons may expel the 
verb from its place at the rear , substituting for it some 
other word , required there by economy of style , because 
the end of a sentence is also fit to give some emphasis 
to the word placed there. Katn. Ill ^ ^ feiRn frnmh 
F5ff& (in you there is nothing we may not look for), Dae. 97 

:T ^sTli^rtchlR Hrtxitlly £tjW[m H l ^a i ^mHI thrill HIM*H ? ^^^ (^ 
you do not restore to the citizens what you have stolen of them, you 
will know by experience the succession of the eighteen tortures , and 
at last the mouth of death) ; Kam. I , p. 292 Trsroltr T37 ^Jlfc snnsr 
it ^TTfiTvyQ'ii'H^oiH^fH jrtnjT- 

There is much freedom, where to put ihe negations, 
as will be shown in the chapter, which treats of them. 
18. Sanskrit poets, especially in the more artificial and 
F ^' refined kinds , display a still greater variety in arrang- 
ing the parts of the sentence. We may account for 
it partly by the exigencies of versification, but for a 
good deal it is the effect of their aspiring after an ele- 
gant and exquisite diction. Yet , as deviation from the 
traditional order of words is not striven at for itself, 
the idiom of the poets is rather characterized by the 



§ 18-19. 13 

richness and size of compounds, by the elegancy of words 
and the melodiousness of sounds , by the elevation and 
perfection of style , than by an artificially disturbed ar- 
rangement of words. Such entangled and intricate struc- 
ture, as for example characterizes Latin poetry, is an 
exception in Sanskrit J ). There it is chiefly displayed in 
the extraordinary great liberty in placing relatives, in- 
terrogatives and negations. 

Rem. Rhythmical wants and euphony , of course , may also exer- 
cise a greater or smaller influence on the order of words. Espe- 
cially in the old dialect. Here are some 'instances. Ch. Up. 4,4,2 
sr^f t^-h I (instead of srf ^rJT^r), Ait. Br. 1,30,9 HVJi&uufjf T^- 
^I^Ph (instead of °=tot q ^Ml^jTujO , ibid. 2,37,4 mm ^tm ssizi mrfft. 
The rhythmical disposition of the words is here prevailing on the 
regular arrangement required by logic, compare the figur hyper- 
baton, so much, employed in Greek and Latin. — An other 
mark of antiquity is separating prepositions from their verbs , chiefly 
by particles put between them, as Ait. Br. 2, 31, 6 sq- srr a<4/-i 

5TT HTT^JfT^ 



SECTION II. 

SYNTAX IS CONVENIENTIAE AND SYNTAXIS 
RECTION1S. 



Chapt. I. Concord. 
19. A twofold agreement is here to be spoken of, one 



1) Kathas. 30,53 may give an instance of poetical arrangement. 
In prose the words ch-c%lrchl<TWHiffy^ would not have been separated. 



14 § 19—20. 

existing between idea and word (I), the other between 
words standing in the same sentence (II). 
Real I. As a rule, there is agreement between the real 
gram- and the grammatical gender and number. As to the 
gender number, an exception is to be stated for the collective 
num- nouns and some pluralia tantum , as ^yj: (water), tmrrr: and 
ter- srasr: (life) , snarf: (the rainy season), in the elder language also 
a^or: (collar-bone), ?rtsrr: (neck)..i) Barely the gender disa- 
grees, as the neuter fq=r »friend," words as htsFT, m% "vessel; 
fit person," f. i. Mhbh. 1,61,3 snn crr=r ^ i |d*rel^ (you are the proper 
man to hear — ) |htT (n.) and gcjTTT (£) "deity," etc; — ^r^T: 
masc. plur. »wife" is an instance of disagreement in both gender 
and number 2 ). 

The diminutives generally retain the gender of their 

primitives 3 ): tprcfi m- as jd but qf^FJT f- as q=jt. 

Rem. Of the collectives some are not always used so; jpr 
f. ex. may as well denote a single individual as a collection of 
individuals. Accordingly, in the latter case it may be said as 
well jpt: (sing.) as -^u; (plur.). 4 ) Similarly ^rtei: or ^skt: »people, 
le monde, les gens" q^rr or g^rr; "offspring; subjects." 
20. In a general proposition a whole class of individuals Pin 



Singu- 
laris 
gene- 
ralis. 



may be optionally denoted by the singular or by the 



1.2.5S. 



1) Still Panini seems to have, known it but as a plural , for in teaching 
taddhitas derived from it, he says iHol l«rt [not vftylUI:] -SUT =g 4,3,57. 
Compare the similar development of Latin cervix out of the pi. tant. cer- 
vices , see Quintilian VIII, 3,35. 

2) 5?^ is used as a singular in the Dharmasutra of Apastamba (see I, 
32, 6; H, 1, 17; 5, 10; 11 , 12; 22, 7, etc.). 

3) Words in ij have, however, sometimes diminutives in t. So srert 
(a small dagger — flfyujl Amar. k.), whereas si^ (n.) more especially 
» sword." 

4) So Nala 6,11 RTT: <fyiMi: ^ rrferfir: ^ UrpT I ( I dM f^TTTT- 
^T_, but in the subsequent cloka we read rTrT: WT inmui ^hutI) 



§ 20—23. 15 

plural of the common noun. sjT^Ttrr: qw: or sjt^tctt: -Hrr. 
(the brahman [that is, any brahman as far as he is a brahman] 
ought to be honored). Cp. f. inst. Bhoj. 13 m^ (aeiomchgi ^frT- 

ns?f FTrgrantoT f&TTrWcFiQFrHrrfOT^ar efiq: [a kapalika speaks] »men, 

bitten by a serpent , ' or poisoned , or sick , we release immediately 
from illness." 

Plural Rem, Proper names occasionally are employed in the plural 
p el . number, -when signifying one's family or descendants. Ragh. 1,9 

names - j'dUHM'dil 5R& (I will celebrate the family of Raghu), — Pan 2,4, 
62 — 70 gives a list of those, that admit of such a plural. 

21. The plural of abstract nouns is employed in Sans- 
of U ab- krit more largely than with us, at least sometimes in 
atract ph rages somewhat strange to our feeling. Kamand. 1,62 

nouns. r ' o o 

filer R^jyj ^^rfffRTrrw y i f^ ui : i wrt sbifSicii ^r^r: efrlsrsj =w.-|sr: 
»if a prince, who keeps his senses under control , follows the path 
of polity, his fortune (fortunce) blazes upward, and his glory (laudes) 
reaches heaven," Qak. VI ^ m M QdtH Pd) I TgmfS^ ^cT ^TT: "sleep- 
less he passes his nights, tossing himself to and fro upon his 
couch," ibid. YII fjPft tr^^rpwJraT^wrf^r 5 nominum similitudines. Of 
the kind are am r y Mhbh. 1, 123, 77 sin times of distress," i^rcr 
(= HUcPTlwr) R. 3 , 4 , 9 and the like. 

22. The plural of a people's name is commonly used to v ^si.' 
^f U ™ 1 denote the region, where that people dwell. The coun- 
ts try , inhabited by the nation called 3T#P is also named 

name. ______ 

5F§V> ; in the same way it is spoken of WlaRnT! , *TrrUT!> 

^nFftfTT! , foT^TT*' etc., if the country of Pancala, Mat- 
sya, Kosala, Vidarbha is meant. Compare Latin Voted, 
Parisii , Chatti, Germ. Polen, Hessen, Sachsen, Engl. Sweden 
and sim. 

23. The pluralis majestaticus is often used in addressing 
piura- p erS0I]S or speaking of them in a reverential ^mariner. 
jestati- This applies to all words and epithets, such venerable men are 

cns ' designated with. Cak. II the king asks the messenger f$fq~3nfiT: 



16 § 23—25. 

JrfijfT: (are you sent by my revered mother?). R. 1, 68 king Ja- 
naka tells Dacaratha the great exploit done by his sublime son 

Rama ir?f *w wn {istFoiwiP«<^*<*t3: i y^auii^ ^idf^rsfai ria- <t=Hk: 
(your illustrious child, my king, has won my daughter, as he 
was come here by chance, a companion of Vicvamitra). 

Rem. Note the much employed metaphor of speaking of »the 

feet of " instead of the revered master himself. In that case 

the name or title is commonly compounded with °itrt: — note 
the plural J- as Hitop. 96 ^r z&smt •s^rcp^r xi^fij i>dqi<iMfyfi(M(ri 
» — insults Your Majesty." 

24. Similarly it is a token of great respect, if one is 
addressed by the plural of the personal pronoun, ^^ 

or hbrt: instead of jspr or the polite UcTR. Dae. 69 a girl thus 
addresses a holy man wtoFJW q- ^mr eft 31^ Q^ l ^fd (Reve- 
rend, she, your servant, tells you of wrong done by me), Qkk. 
V the ascetic Qngarava says to king Dushyanta joh vrafe (Your 
Majesty has heard — ), Pane. 71 [Damanaka to the lion] |or H^t- 

25. The plural of the first person is allowed to be made 1 *?- 1 . 

*^jO J. 

3ro*I= use of, when meaning a singular or a dual. Here we 
"^ have not a majestic plural , but almost the same liberty 

Or 33T- 

as in Latin , to use nos = ego. Thus 5 RT*T may have the 

purport of 5T^[ and sgTQTFT, and ^FT! may be = <=h()lH 

r 
or ^vop. Instances are very common. Mudr. I Canakya 

thus addresses his pupil cir* ^rTtrrRwhT ^oiwiHt^tifri , Pane. 41 a 

monk asks for hospitality with these words ift m£ srtr Mtf i fc i wfa- 

«HHHotiPHch ' qrepr: i q- 5fJTO=r ?m sn^ffa;. 8 ) Similarly Pane. 58 the 

1) Panini doea not mention this idiom; did it not exist in his time? 
Fatanjali also is silent about it, but the Kacika-comm. contains the 
vartt. (on P. 1,2,59) zprf^ JT^riiefnsn'T; 

2) The given instance does not agree with the statement of some 
grammarian quoted by Pat. 1, 230 WTT ST^ I a*MiJ <dQlU I MUim qzftrfr ^T. Pat. 
himself allows the plural of the first person even then, unless the pro- 
per name or the yuoapralyaya be added, thus sg^r jcl^: , not oRT. 



§ 26—27. 17 

plural is used instead of the dual, f§j cpq-; HiiirH (what shall we do 
no w [you and I] ?) 

26. In all periods of the language the dual is the proper P&n i, 

Dual 4 >^ s 1' 

and sole number by which duality is to be expressed. 
If the voluminous mass of Sanskrit literature will once be tho- 
roughly examined with respect to syntactic facts , it is not impro- 
bable there will be put forward sundry instances of duality ex- 
pressed by the plural number. But the number of such excep- 
tions cannot be but exceedingly small. 1). For, though the vulgar dia- 
lects and the pali have lost the dual, polished Sanskrit always 
strictly observes its employment and does in no way offer that 
confusion of dual and plural, which is so obvious in Attic Greek 
and already in the dialect of Homer. 

27. II. — Concord in case, number, gender and 
nadM- person is in Sanskrit the same, as in all languages 
kara " with inflections , that is to say , it does exist between 

nya. 7 ^ 

all such words, as, while standing in the same sen- 
tence , are to point at the same thing. For this reason , 
the predicate does agree with its subject in case and 
person , the attribute with the noun , it qualifies , in 
case and — if possible — also in number and gender, 
and so on. It would be superfluous to exemplify this 
general rule, 2 ) which, moreover, is common to all 



1 ) I have noticed three instances , all of them in poetry , and partly 
fit methinks to be interpreted so as to confirm the general rule. Of 
them , one R. 2 , 22 , 23 Wftsft JOT^T fchlW-dPi": contains a plural , which 
may be accounted for as denoting either the various kinds of sludium 
and ira (cp. Manu 7,45—48) or as pointing at the diversity in time, 
space and persons of the manifold instances of holiness lost , so the comm. 
srScTcR ajRisl^rdldh — Kathas. 107,51 s=JJyydW( IUIIHL.the majestic plural 
seems to have been employed. - Strange is this passage: Mhbh. 1,24,6 
'cMlRr'^l ^T^Ppanrft ^ptJrf-fePT, there being no room for the scho- 
liast's interpretation i( I f^rtlW qfrfsl(|reH -On^lRrti^tri STjot^PJ; 

2) Grammatical concord bears with vernacular grammarians the well- 

2 



18 § 27. 

languages It will suffice to notice some more or less 
remarkable features: 

1). Pronouns follow the general rules of agreement. Thus 
it is Sanskrit to say H ST^FT- , as it is Latin to say 
haec est quaestio, whereas Teutonic dialects always put 
the pronoun in the neuter sing. Dutch dat is de vraag , 
Grerm. das ist die Frage. Pane. 63 qq mumNti^ (so is my li- 
velihood) , ibid. II , 201 g^fr \ x\^\ f^ ipa: (that is the most im- 
portant counsel) , Cak. VII f%s*rf>T er% ^<r<g|R qPjtiWii : HirrsFrrmiT- 
Hci(% r l 41Uol ; I m I'HL 0^ °ffi cers are successful in weighty affairs, im- 
pute it to the virtue of their masters, who honour them with 
the execution). — Yet there may occur instances , where it would 
be not possible to observe this rulei.) 

2) Occasionally the verb will agree with the noun- 
predicate when standing near , instead of agreeing with 
the subject. Pane. 263 *$ m% i snm fa ^r for 5rrfw [not jott:], 
M. 9, 294 skt HdjrltT) ^rtt: OTT^f ^ irij^-edd ' (these [foresaid] seven ele- 
ments are named together the seven-membered kingdom) , ibid. 2,81 

n^ictii^rw: fatT^T Iter yiid^l tainr sr^rofr gsra^— ana tne three- 

membered s&vitrl should be considered as the mouth of brahma). 



chosen name of saman&dhikaranya , that is »the relation existing between 
samanadhikaranas or words , whose substrate fcftychJUl) is the same 

fcRR)". 

1) See for inst. Ch. Up. 6,16,2 ^Ir^Piri* WI mmi 5T wmi frec- 
*rf% UdHchFTr. Here sr 3TrJTT is rendered by Prof. Max Mfiller sit is the 
Self," in a note he subjoins: »The change of gender in sa for tad is 
idiomatic. One could not say in Sanskrit tad atma it is the Self, but sa 
dtmd." (Pref. to the Sacr. Books of the Bast , I , p. XXXVI). Neverthe- 
less, in the words immediately following ri-HMfo , that very idiom seems 
to be neglected, for the neuter rfrj^is the predicate of the masc. pair. 
Here the neuter has been preferred, because of tad and tvam there is 
not affirmed a full identity, as it is done with respect to sa and atma, 
but it is only said, tvam is a phenomenal manifestation of tad: »tad 
(sc. atma) is also in you." 



§ 27—28. 19 

3) Sometimes, in cases of discordance between the 
grammatical and the real gender or number of a noun , 
its predicate or attribute will agree with the latter 
(constructio ad synesin)E. 2, 52, 42 „rt Pm^-h : - R^u 

^fiTT: HsTT: (thinking of thee — the subjects do not take food); here 
to crjrT: , though grammatically a fem. , is added a participle in the 
mascul. Note in the example quoted the distance by which the 
attribute is separated from the noun, it qualifies. 
28. If the same predicate belongs to more subjects 
or the same attribute refers to more nouns at 
the same time, the idiom of Sanskrit is almost like 
that of other languages. 

Either the common predicate (attribute) agrees with 
but one and must be supplied mentally with the others , 
as Prabodh. Ill gTcmrt' v$xh T^ft^jT cp. the schol. p. 57 ed. Calc. 

(Kantimati and this kingdom and my own life are at your mercy 
from this moment). — This practically has the same effect as 
applying the Eem. on b.) of the other alternative, recorded on 
page 20. 

or it has a grammatical expression adequate to its 
character of being common to more substantives at the 
same time. In that case: 

a.) the number required is of course the dual when 
relating to two individuals, otherwise the plural. -pft 
^■^im^ q^ijif i 1 ; — jt*t. ^rrr ^ mwrra sr 3%tt:- Cp. the Rem. 
on b.). 

b.) as to the gender there must be distinguished 
between persons and things. When relating to persons 
of the same sex , the common predicate or attribute is of 
the same gender : fim mm =z srraft i mnT *sm ^ \ aft- When 
applying to persons of different sex , it is always put in 



20 § 28-31. 

the masculine: fimmrng zjaft- But when belonging 
to inanimate things or things and persons mixed, it is 
neuter. Kam. 1 , 54 ipraT ■s^tiwn *tpt nffmi^r rrfhrarr; M. 4 , 39 

Bern. If neuter words are mixed with words of other gender, 2 \g' 
it is allowed to put their common predicate or attribute in the neuter 
of the singular. Mrcch. V g-dQchoH^ *mt wmxi rT£: wpa ri<r)<M i 
^giJ l ^HiifeM^' 5Tf#r rfmsr (the bird, whose wings are clipped, 
the leafless tree, the desiccated pool, the toothless snake are equal 
in the eyes of men, so the moneyless man). 

c.) as to the person. In the case of difference, the 
first person outweighs the second and third, and the 
second precedes the third (see Pat. I, p. 352, cp. 240, n° 26, 
Ka/t. 3,1,4). Patanjali gives these examples ^ =s( ^d^-am ^^ : ' "C 

29. The type Tiberius et Oaius Gracchi, linguae Latina et Graeca 
is also Sanskrit. Ch. Up. 5, 3, 2 gql^oim-Hfl fciHdlUim : ar- 

30- Occasionally words connected by »with" are construed as if 
they were copulated by sand." E, 2,34,20 rf iifTtoirfJ sfTfHjrt 
rnnvfl- prjortwift i tm^- ifWr smr £37FT: ^5nm-j^ Here the plural 
h<f{: TO5RR proves that m)hhi smfT has the same effect on the 
construction as ^fTT ^f- 

PREDICATE AND ATTRIBUTE. 

31. The distinction between predicate and attribute') 
is chiefly a logical one. Formally both follow the 
same rules of syntax, and it is but by the context, 
partly also by the place it occupies in the sentence, 



1) The term ^attribute" in this book is virtually the same as the 
term vi<,-eshana of Hindu grammarians. It includes therefore the so 
called » apposition ," for I found no reason why I should r'etain the need- 
less distinction, which is often made between attribute and apposition. 



§ 31—32. 21 

we can learn how to understand a given samanadhi- 
karana, whether c|^! NrTT = »the old father" or = „the 
father is old," etc 

As to their meaning, then, we may distinguish five 
classes , I the simple attribute , ^"U"! I^TrTT = „the old 
father," II the so-called predicative-attribute, as MrlT 
ST^: (= ^^', ^T*T) »the father, when old," III the noun- 

predicate of the sentence , as ^'^^ FTrTT = „the father is 
old," IV the noun, wanted by the verb for making up 
together the predicate of the sentence, as RrTT ^Iv 

WFZfl (the father grows old), fcTFT^ ^ ^"OH (you 
think the father old) , V such a noun , as though for- 
mally agreeing with the subject or some other substan- 
tive , really serves to determine the verb, as Dae. 141 

TOTfa sTIrFfTsT: ^TW erf^TfJi: , see above, page 

11 Rem 
Of them the formal agreement of class I and II is 

fully made clear in 27. As to class III see 5. 

32. IV. — The noun wanted for completing the predicate 

° e ° t ^" is used in many idioms , the most important of which are: 

£{*£" a.) it is a nominative , when accompanying verbs of 

a.) a being, seeming , becoming ^growing , remaining , such passives 

naf^e. as to be called, held for , considered, appointed, made, sim. 

Qak. I ttit msr [5»<jiE : m^r. (this deer has become distant) , Hitop. 

92 crf%tn-: W&m snrg: (the birds grew angry) , Pane. 51 ftraar foPT- 

ch^lfe& FT. HsTTFT: (why you have swooned so at a sudden ?); Priy. 

p. 14 chwirt ff g Tsr iyrgro (why do you look so glad?) Pane. 56 g- 

TT?TT tiWJUl sr. ffT: (the king was reduced to the possession of 

nothing but his" fortress) , Pane. Ill, 152 rrf^xift n^pJTT (i* is the 

wife that is called one's ."home"). 



22 § 32. 

t>) an b.) it is an instrumental, if wanted by a verb of being , 

instru- . 

mental, becoming, seeming etc. when impersonal passive In this case 
both subject and noun-predicate are put in the instru- 
mental. Mudr. I rrcrr ^ m^M-T vftorT = a^ ^rui*Jl-lRri»lR; Dacak. 18 
sImAh Jdch^^Hd^UMlQ (the baby was strong enough to endure 
all this toil). 

This idiom is, of course, obligatory with the krtya's of ij. 
'Dacak. 164 na^JUbH r ^ I stg^m nfdHot^ (the prince deserves to 
be your attendant), Pane. 21 ot ^ «|s<IH*4Ui il^lMUl maw 
(and his strength may be adequate to his voice). 

c ) an c.) an accusative, when qualifying the object of 

ftCCUSft" ■ 

*i™. the verbs of calling and naming , of esteeming , holding 
for , considering, knowing as, of making, appointing , elect- 
ing and the like. M. 2, 140 nursrra w^tM (him they call a 
teacher) , Nala 3 , 22 ^ qi f%fg (know me being Nala) , Mudr. Ill 
^ilficrJl MMfd^^iri^lJoiMylH (Canakya has made king a gudra, the 
son of Mura), Pat. I, p. 332 hu^qH I ^T i ^A MxtlH (he boils rice to a 
jelly), Pane. 3 {MH«imiW Jrtft ^TJWR^raprrf^snfsT FPTT j^T. 

Con- NB. It is superfluous to give some more instances of 

current 

diom that well-known type, but it must be observed, that 
Sanskrit has also other concurrent idioms , it often pre- 
fers. Note in the first place, the nominative with ilrl, 
2 ly the instrumental of abstract nouns. Both are equi- 
valent to the nomin. or accus. of the completing pre- 
dicate. Instead of sTT^THf >|oFT HHNMl[H (1 hold 
you for a brahman), it is also said Sli^lU ilrl H°T 

or sii^IUIpM ^m ; the same of course applies to the 
passive construction. R. 3 , 9 , 11 sr <uj<*i ^frr tetctft hRkh^cim , 
(you have set out for the forest, called Dandaka), Kag. on P. 1, 1,1 
^fens^i -m -r l I roi — I tavhr^ (vrddhi is established [here] a grammatical 

term). A more detailed account of those idioms will be 
given in the course of this book. 



§ 33—35. 23 

33; In the archaic dialect we frequently meet with two nominatives 
Middle construed with some verbs in the middle voice , viz. such as signify 

voice ' ° J 

atten- to call one's self, to consider one's self. ') Egv. 10, 85, 3 sftif rprjff 
two no 7 - ^RoM-i (h e thinks himself having drunk soma), Ch. Up. 5,3,4 

minati- f^ftuy) SB^m Wt <Uj | Pl =T fd-U l rch^ STf ^gfwf sf^H (why did you 

say you had been instructed? how could anybody, who did not 
know these things, claim himself instructed?), Tbr. 2, 3, 8, 2 et 
■s^rrrerET R4rl=lW«UH (he , after having created the asuras considered 
himself as if he were a father). 2 ) Similarly it is said in litur- 
gical style ftj w; with nom. »to assume the shape of — ", Ait. Br. 
6, 35, 4 =^tcT: sifiTt ?pT apcTT (having assumed a white horse's shape), 
Tbr. 1,1,3,3 =sn^ i*r mt-sfX- 3 ) 

Rem, In classic Sanskrit this idiom seems to have antiquated. 
»To call — , to consider one's self" is expressed by means of the 
reflexive pronoun, as a i cm-l' rp% i jj i hh* srarHn- Instead of the old 
typo srssrt ^tf cFroiT we meet with such compounds as Pane. 326 

34. In the case of a substantive being the attribute or 
predicate of an other substantive, disagreement of gen- 
der or number or of both is possible. R. 2, 115, 15 vqrr: 
fS l iH I ^rofT wra m<i.<=h (Bh. put on his head the pledge, [namely] 
the slippers). 



1) This nominative has its counterpart in Greek and in modern lan- 
guages. So says an illustrious German poet (Fej,ix Dahn , Skaldenkunst 
p. 79) »weise wahnt' ich mich, und ach! ein Thor , ein pflichtvergessner 
Knabe erwies ich mich." 

2) In a few passages of the upanishads and epic poetry we meet with such 
expressions a qf?T3H ^-iWI-r. 'holding one's self a learned man ," for ex. 
Mhbh. 13 , 22 , 13. They are hardly to be accepted as compounds ,.like crfaT- 
riHrii , q m'inwj and the like (P. 3, 2, 83). 

3) See the amount of examples in Weber, Ind. Stud. XIII, 111. — Ait. 
Br. 5 , 7 , 2 we have a confusion of the two constructions , the ace. of the 
pronoun a irH h^ being used together with the nom. of the noun ^^j srr 



21 § 35—36. 

Chapter II. How to denote case-relations. 

35. The manifold relations between nouns and verbs or 
nouns and nouns are signified by cases, by the pe- 
riphrase of cases, by compounding. As to the 
proportional frequency of the said modes of expression , 
nude cases are more freely employed in poetry than in 
prose, oftener in the earlier periods of Sanskrit than in 
the latter; whereas periphrastic expression strives at ex- 
tending by the time, the implements of circumlocution 
increasing in number and variety, the nearer we ap- 
proach to our own times. But the faculty of signifying 
case-relations by confining the correlating nouns into 
the somewhat rudimentary shape of compounds has not 
been overturned nor diminished by time. On the con- 
trary, whether we look at their frequency or at their 
manifoldness or at their expansibility, the old dialect 
is by far surpassed by the alexandrinian period of Sanskrit 
literature. 

36. The same richness and abundance is generally displayed 
in the several constructions, taken separately. Two or 
more conceptions of the same case-relation being equally 
possible in thought, they mostly are also available in 
speech ; there is perhaps no language , where one may be 
less limited in this respect. Thus we meet side by side with 
a partitive genitive, a partitive ablative, a partitive loca- 
tive. Causality may be denoted by means of the instru- 
mental as well as by the ablative or by various periphrase , 

as «£rll:, =hl^U|JT, ^ilJt!TTrT etc. The person spoken 
to may be put in the accusative or dative or expressed 

by means of CTTrT , J7 : < ^T- The verbs of giving are 



§ 36—37. 25 

not only construed with the dative of the person be- 
stowed upon, but also with genitive or locative. The 
dative of the purpose is interchangeable with many a 

periphrase (5TSPT, HMrH etc.) and with infinitives. 
And so on. — Add to this the many implements for 
periphrase, either prepositions, partly ancient and common 
to the Indo-european mother-tongue, partly new-formed 
in Sanskrit, or nouncases and verbal forms that have 
almost the force of prepositions, as Ff^WH" FFTfcFJ 
etc. when = „to," ^JrT „on account of," ^"sTPTpIT or ^^FJT 

= „ without," ^TNIUI — „by means of ', sim. Moreover, 
in most cases one is free to compound the substantive 
with those words, for ex. to say sjll^rl^rl i' instead 
of sftfarlW %rft: (for the sake of life) , ^INIUlTqf^ = 

^I^IUItMiql^ (over a stone), etc. — Finally it must 
be kept in mind that in a large amount of cases one 
has even the choice of either expressing the case-rela- 
tion , o r letting it be implied by a compound , made up 
of the two correlating substantives ^><Mlt1«^ = Q^TT 

TH^! (a lion among men) , {TsTT^ : = ^TfT! J^p (the 

king's attendant) , *l l^^ri ! = ^T^TT <^r{< (slain by 
a serpent), sim. 
37. In consequence, the three general classes, we have 
set up, — cases, periphrase, compounds — do but re- 
present one and the same logical category and are 
in practice coordinate. For clearness' sake however, 
as they cannot be dealt with promiscuously, they re- 
quire to be treated successively. Accordingly chaptt. 



26 § 37—38. 

Ill — VII will contain the syntax of the cases , ehapt. 
VIII the periphrastic expression of case-relations; in 
chapt. IX the different kinds of compounds — including 
also dvandva and karmadharaya , though logically be- 
longing to other categories — will be gone through. 

General scheme of the cases. 
38. The nominative or first case (^Mll sc. T3PT- 

Scheme ^ 

of the ffix',) is expressive of the sentence's subject and predi- 
cate, see 1 and 5. Moreover the nominative is em- 
ployed to denote the noun taken by itself, apart from 
the sentence, as will be shown hereafter. 

The person addressed is put in the vocative. '). 

1 ) Though the vernacular grammarians have a proper term for the vo- 
cative — amantrita P. 2 , 3 , 48 — and even two for the vocative of the sing, 
(the voc. Bing. especially is named sambuddhi, ibid. 49) it is however not 
considered a distinct eighth case, but an appendix to the nominative. 
PaniNi, after having stated (2,3, 46) Hlfayf5*l<&Ri#<4f^imcW~WM JTOTT 
i- the first case serves only to signify the gender and number of the thing 
designated by the word's rude form or prdtipadika", thus proceeds : gsiHnT 
^ (47)^n , 'S'SijP'lrW (^8), that is »it serves also to address, then it bears 
the name of amantrita." — By the way I remark, that in translating 
P.'s rule on the proper sphere of the first case , I have dissented from the 
traditional interpretation. According to the commentaries i|f7i|im means 
»size" or wneasure" — such words as &\H\ , <p| I il , STTG3FT are given for 
examples — and y-d-i is »the grammatical number" so as to make the 
whole signify: »the first case denotes the mere meaning of the prd- 
tipadika, the mere gender, the mere size (or weight) , the mere number. " 
See f. ex. the Kacika on our sutra. That interpretation cannot be right. 
In the first place, in the Paninean terminology, it must be observed, 
prathama does not mean the word put in the nominative case, but 
only the suffix of that case, just as dvitiya names the suffix of the 
accus. , trtiya that of the instrumental and so on. Now , to say in ear- 
nest, the prathama has the duty of denoting three things apart from the 
purport of the pratipadika, viz. linga or gender, parimana or measure 
and vacana or number is unacceptable and almost ridiculous , for the suffix 
of the nominative cannot give us certain knowledge but as to two of 



§ 38. 27 

Of the six others the general purport ') may be 
sketched thus: 

1. The accusative or second case (flirn^T) de- 
notes a.) the whither, b.) the object of transitives, c.) 
an extension in time or space , d.) it is used adverbially. 

2. The instrumental or third case (FTrffaT 



them, nl. gender and number; the size or measure of the thing denoted 
by the pratipadika is made as little known by declension, as its color 
or its age. Moreover gender and number are grammatical conceptions , 
measure , size , weight geometrical ones. It is time to discharge PaniNi 
of the absurdity imputed to him by his interpreters , and to show he is 
here as plain and judicious as that great grammarian is wont to be. 
The commentators were misled by b|-eM , which they did accept as ex- 
pressing »the grammatical number", as , indeed, it very often does. Vet 
here it must be the bhdva of sp? in its original meaning the naming or 
the being named, cp. P. 1,4,89 a \£ifu f<>Jol-=M (=dn, when naming a 
boundary) , 2 , 1 , 33 ohrt^RlchltiloMH (= with krtyas , when denoting exag- 
geration) , 5 , 3 , 23 ychi^d-cM SJT3T, etc. Therefore itis not 5PER , which here 
is carrying the meaning of grammatical number, but qrfprrtjr; for this 
word may as well be employed in the narrower sense of » size; periphery, " 
as in the larger of »any measure whatever," and accordingly itis aiso 
occasionally a synonym of w<°ii\ , (cp. P. 5 , 2 , 41 and the passages adduced 
in the Petrop. Diet. IV, p. 540). For these reasons the sutra, which 
occupies us, is to be analysed in this way JJTfHTf^ciTPTOr JT f5i^-n(^^iui 
(— rr fg^-Wl or sr fSl^-oMH , for snmT and sra^T are both expressive of 
the grammatical number) rrcftopcRFTRT U^WI- 

1) PaniNi has short and well-chosen terms to point out their different 
provinces. The category of the accusative he names karma, that of the 
instrumental kartr sagent" and karana » instrument," that of the dative 
sampraddna , that of the ablative apddana , that of the locative adhika- 
rana. The duties of the genitive have not found an adequate expression. 

With respect to the nominative it must be observed, that Panini's 
definition (see the preceding note) does ascribe a larger sphere of em- 
ployment to that case than we do in styling it the case of » the subject 
and predicate.'' In this the Indian grammarian is right. Nouns quoted 
or proffered outside the context of sentences are always put in the nomi- 
native. 



28 § 38. 

may be called the with-c&se , for it signifies wit A what , by 
what, how. According to the various applications of 
this fundamental notion, there may be set up divers 
kinds of instrumental. So we have an instrumental of 
accompaniment — the so-called sociative — one of the 
instrument, one of the agent, of the way, the means, 
the manner , the quality , of time , of value, and so on. 

3. The dative or fourth (^rpT) points out the 
direction of a movement. Mostly it is employed in a 
metaphorical sense. For the rest, its employment ad- 
mits of a division into two kinds: a.) the so-called 
dative of interest, b.) the dative of the purpose. 

L The ablative or fifth (miRl) denotes whence 
there is a starting, withdrawal, separation, distance, 
consequence and the like, it being applied to various 
categories of thought. 

5. The genitive or sixth (TOT) upon the whole 
may be described as the case, which signifies cohesion. 
It chiefly serves to express relations existing between 
substantives ') and according to the logical varieties of 
these relations we may distinguish between the posses- 
sive genitive, the partitive, the subjective, the objective 
etc. Besides, the sixth case is wanted with some ad- 
jectives (as those of likeness , knowing and the contrary) 
and some verbs (as those of remembering). Sanskrit 
also has three more kinds of genitive, each of them 
displaying a particular character, nl. 1. the genitive of 



1 ) In this book the term substantive has not the limited acceptation it has 
with the etymologist and the lexicographer , but includes any noun that syn- 
tactically has the worth of a substantive, as w$, when = » truth." 



§ 38—39. 29 

the time, after which, 2 the absolute genitive, 3. the ge- 
nitive, which is concurrent with the dative of interest. 

6. The locative or seventh (FTfT'ft) signifies the 
where and therefore it generally is to be rendered by 
such prepositions as in, at, to, on. As its employ- 
ment is not restricted to real space , but of course also 
extends to other spheres of thought, there are various 
classes of locatives , for ex. those of time , of circum- 
stance , of motive (the so-called FTnfTflTT^U) , the abso- 
lute locative. On the other hand the locative is not li- 
mited to the spot , where something is or happens , but 
it also signifies the aim reached. 

Rem. 1. All nouns are declinable and put in the said cases, 
if wanted. This applies also to such conventional terms and signs , 
as the grammatical roots, affixes, anubandhas, pratipadikas , etc. 

Rem. 2. Indeclinable are l l y the adverbs, 2ty some nominal 
derivations of the verb , namely the gerunds and the infinitives 
Why they are devoid of declension is quite plain; for they do 
duty of noun-cases and generally their etymology does agree with 
their employment. 

Chapt. III. Accusative. 

39. I. The accusative expresses whither something is 

a e „o'. moving. Pane. teH i ^ crfwr: (he set out for his home) , Nala 1, 22 
tins fof5>r fHililVl(! T (then they went to the country of Vidarbha) , M. 

the . ^ 

whi- 2, 114 fgrerr 5lTjpn Hcm^ (Knowledge came to the Brahman and said 

— ), In the instances adduced the movement is real. 

But in a metaphorical sense the accusative is likewise 

available. E. 2 , 82 , 9 jrmq- jwht (tw, Dae. 40 dfa^m I^ott^ 
(by this solicitude I grew sad). 

This obvious construction is not the only one. 



30 § 39—41. 

The aim striven at may also be put in the dative (79), 
the aim reached is mostly denoted by the locative (134). 
Moreover various periphrase > by means of STTcT , %)I«V|- 

^FT, FRTT^PT, AFftpT, ^K$$ etc. are concurrent 
idioms, see chapt. VIII. 
40. From this ace of the aim the aqc. of the ob- 
ject is not sharply to be severed. On the boundary are 
standing such turns as 3T 'MMIrl (he bends to you , rests 
on you), T^rf <A<A*iir\ (he attains knowledge), STFFT- 

PT^cTrT (he moves towards the village). 
Verbs Betn. Verbs of bringing , carrying , leading , conveying may be 
brim- cons t ;rue d with two accusatives , one of the aim and one of the ob- 
wg and j e ct pwrai =roin rri^ cmsrf?r eibIh at (see Siddh. Kaum. on P. 1, 4, 

the ^ » 

like. 51); — Dag. 83 Fori" ^Rnf rollrtjtHHM G e * me conduct you to your 

lover), Qak. V ma^^i trf^isf fa^T (having dhmissed Qak. to 

the home of her husband). 

41. When construed with a passive verb, the accus. of 
ortiie t ne a i m sometimes remains accusative , as in Latin and 
^ Greek, sometimes it turns nominative. So it is good 
£t e Sanskrit to say W W*Tt 7T*T?t, W ^Ftf JMaW 

Kathas. 25, 210 srcrfFf rFrTarr jfi' bil^ l U l *?) inn (now I want to go 
to the city of Benares), Pat. I, 464 i i uih gt ,sen (the meaning will 
be understood), cp. ibid. 44 chqiH.-c^H Twm, ibid. 102 zrr^t warn 
IFfTHT: ')• 



1) Vernacular grammar makes no distinction at all between aim and 
object. Both kinds of accusative share the common appellation karma. 
Yet I greatly doubt, whether the ace. of the aim may turn nomin. when 
attending on the passive of all verbs of moving. I, for my part, am not 
aware of instances of any of them, but for JIT- The transitive compounds 
(43) of course are left aside, likewise such verbs, as the vaidik jnjH* 
when=»to be asked for — ". 



§ 41—42. 31 

Eem. The ace. of the aim is not changed into the genitive , when 
attending a noun. It is said Stttt ■sssrer 5rf^(the transporter of a 
horse to Srughna) , with the ace. of the aim and the gen. of the 
object. Op. Pat. I, p. 336. 

42. II. The ace. of the object. — Upon the whole , the 
the ob- same category of verbs are transitive in Sanskrit as are 
Jec ' elsewhere. Yet , some cases of discrepancy and some 
idiomatic turns proper to Sanskrit are to be noticed: 
1. Verbs of speaking may admit of the accus. of the per- 
son addressed, cp. 46; 2. Many a Sanskrit intransitive , 
whose English equivalent is likewise intr., may occa- 
sionally admit of an object put in the accus.; then 
the translation will generally differ. Of the kind are: 

1. jlf^fn intr. to weep, tr. to weep for; 

2. ^h[h » to laugh , » to laugh at ; 

3. -i^fa » to rejoice, » to rejoice at; 

4. ijJ|-c)Ih » to be sorry, » to pity; 

5- spsfe » to rain , » to rain upon ; 

6. awlH » to fight, » to fight; 

7. Rj-rm fW» to think, » to think of; to reflect; 

8. Verbs of rambling, erring, like j*ir, txz are trans, when = 
»to walk over, to go through", note also such turns as qrnrt yTorfS' 
(he is a hunting) , 2hf ^-fir (he lives by begging). — 9 H^teh^tri , =T*rf?t 
and its compounds, may be construed with the ace. of him to 
whom respect is shown. A complete list of such verbs is difficult to 
give. Most of them are to be known by the dictionary. 

Ecm. 1. As a rule, the said accusatives are not obligatory. So 
the verbs of speaking admit also of a dat. or locat. or crf^; — 
qir and SHIFT are oftener construed with dat. or gen.; — it is 
said as well gwrf^ SjgTjrr or yam I STf fer^ etc.) as jrwrffT sggqj 
and so on. 

Eem. 2. Note also the turn u<\-M\ tfsrfn ( tfl i s fa^ 8 to m J share) 
and the trans, construction of qyjR or ij^mifd sJTm>T^ (^^4)^ etc.), 
see f. inst. Kumaras. 1, 25; 3, 63; Eagh. 3, 22; 4, 11. 



32 § '42—44. 

Rem. 3. frarfH (to play) with the ace. of the wager is an P -2J 
idiom of the brahmana. 

43. Intransitive verbs may become transitive, when being 
versb, compounded with some preposition 1 ); TTFT^JT^TFT 

beco- ~v _ ■r — . 

ming (he goes after the cow) , pass. *M»S J||^ •iJl v Mr|. This 

transi- v ° ' x - O 

when chiefly applies to verbs, compounded with *|'|rl ^W 

com- f 

poun- 5|7f 3q" ^TTrT, but also to others Examples: yftohWid (to 

ded. O 

transgress); nfii<m mzrwj vSrfmfff, cp. P. 1, 4, 46; ^HchujfH (to 
pity); snwsrffT (to partake of-, to enjoy); .aq a ioiiH (to live by-), 
iHomfd (to dwell near-) ; crffriTTfTT (to appear to-) ; aoM^fd and 5TT- 
^Mid' (to rest on , to grasp), jj l bRlid (to inhabit), j^wR (to 
neglect), qpu^T^fd (to go to meet) etc. 

Rem. This influence of the preposition is even seen in the 
ace. attending on some compound adjectives, as fl^ioirT , "S^Fet (Nala 
2, 27 rinurfHliWcjr-i:, R- 2, 50, 1 ^fterPT^Per:)- 

44. Instances of the so-called etymological or co- 

natefac- gnate accusative are not wanting Dag. 133 crrazf qw- 

™ sa - dUHolNHj R. 2 , 54 , 37 sfifaT: ^rft ^ d^fd*^ (v. a. we have passed the 
night), ibid. 58, 21 ejtiiWJIU ^f=f ^^3 iffiTg (behave yourself pro- 
perly with respect to your mothers) , Mhbh, 1 , 102 , 3 iJhsT: 3vOT: 
srarar d^loil-li: ^rasmj; — An example of its passive construction 
is this : R. 2, 58, 20 gpr^ H^H d.S ' <5 Prided I ^ ^sfaH ■ 

Rem. 1. Some of these etymological accusatives touch upon 
the sphere of the adverb and the gerund in °=gq-. Sometimes it 
is rather difficult in what category to class them. Of the kind 
are Oh. Up. 3, 15, 2 rr q^rftt ftf^fft, Mhbh. 1, 154, 30 quim^l - 
^OT(he killed [him] as one kills a beast), P. 3, 4, 43 itOTdTT^ a^fWj sim. 

Rem. 2. The krts in °t^ are only available when etymol. accus. p - 3 » • 
The Kagika gives these examples : Qu. git BRTfpTSFmSf: Answ.^oTT cfrrf}-- 
T=FmsriTj so cfrf JTfwT#tmn: etc. 

45. Some verbs admit of a double construction, which 



l)Pat.I,p. 107 *)chMthl 3Srft |- tflMMi r H ; ^chMch l H5r£rT. 



§ 45-46. 33 

? 4ith is the counter P art of tlie well-known Latin idiom mums 
adou- mihi donat = munere me donat. Compare for inst. 
struc- i&HsT. — Mhbh. (ed. Calc. 3, 17242) 



(Dharma bestows riches on both 
good and wicked). 



Yajii. 2, 114 [fan] ^gT fswir- 

fgrTF5!T& cTT STWTTFT (a father 

may either bequeath his sons 
as he likes best , or he should 
bestow the best lot upon the 
eldest). 
M- 8 j 270 ^Fiirrfftf^jrmTCT ottstt 

ST^um f%^ (a not-dvija, 
when hurting a dvija with 
harsh words). 
riujlfi ^1 1 ffi ' -m (he robs the owner).. 



t%T. - R. (Gorr.) 5, 11, 11 yjfsr. 

trimiPriMpH ' (they utter out be. 

guiling talk). 

5fTT. — gWt^tifrl (he robs the mo- 
ss ~~ s» *^ 

ney). 

Both constructions are used side by side in this mantra of 
Paraskara (G-rhy. 2, 2, 7) q^ig-y^qRcUM: qti<jyi<i,4ri FTCFoTTyr^yift. 

Bern. The verb qsr seems to offer some irregularity of construc- 
tion, but in fact it is not this verb, which is dealt with in a 
strange way, but it is the common translation of it, which con- 
ceals its proper meaning. One is wont to translate it »to sacri- 
fice," but its real purport must have been some of » worship- 
ping, honouring, feeding" or the like. Accordingly the offering 
is put in the instrumental, the divinity fed or worshipped in 
the accusative. One needs must say ^ fa fi r ^piMd l *-!^ robs fcovt; 
d&litOa iu/Mta-i. — The real equivalent of our »sacrificing" is 
^ = iietv, here the divinity is a dative, and the object is either 
the fire or wheresoever the offering is poured into, or the of- 
fering itself; therefore ^g^r ijfn sis{)ftj or §^wr ^rfr <&s|<|(m- — 
Moreover the etymol. accus. is of course also available as well with 
rj^ as with j;; it may be said jrff tidm^ 1 , atTi^ sj^)fa. But the 
instrum. of the offering with ^ is vaidik according to P. 2, 3, 3 
(see Pat. on that sutra, I, p. 444). 

46. Now, some verbs have the faculty of admitting two 
objects at the same time. 

It is said as well cF>*rr oris? (he tells a story) as Fori ori% (he speaks 
to you) ; as well snj j^jh (he vanquishes the enemy) as ^rsf strfff (he 

3 



Double 
object. 



^> 



34 § 46-47. 

conquers a kingdom); as well fspsriFTsnfirT (he teaches his pupil) as 
t wiHUl l RH (he teaches the law). By combining both constructions 
we obtain l. <%m crfs? Farr; 2. srg jmt stzttft; 3. fsnssr wn^u i fcf. 

This double object may attend a.) verbs of spea- 
king, as ^", 5f^[, %||t^ etc., asking , as ZTR, T^T 
yifciuiri , 4-e^iri and sim., teaching, especially *M 
^llltd and 3jyT'|C|t||r( , b.) some others , especially 

sHTfrT (to win) , ^tf^r (to mt/%) , ^TH*TfrT (to punish , to 
4ne). See P. 1,4,51 with the commentaries. 

Examples: speaking: Nala 1,20 rmt -s^rfTrnft srrk sanst^TJ ^T 
rRT, E. 2, 52, 31 srrfrrir ^f| ^fra^rw; — asking, begging: Ch. 
Up. 5, 3, 5 rem iTT ^ idd-fe Ti muHUhitW (that fellow of a rajanya 
asked me five questions), M. 8, 87 Mlt^l er^gjr tSsTPT, Kathas. 1, 
31 st ar mmi\-4r\ (he requested a boon of me), Mhbh. 1, 56, 24 
Horn? jm nra =T Fat ( id-duPlm^ (I do not beg gold of you, my 

king, nor silver, nor cows); teaching E. 2, 39, 27 ^itrer srsrir- 

eM^iaT a<Hm i firi TPT^ (I 'will do all that, which Mylady enjoins 
me to do) ; — f% : Mhbh. 3, 59, 5 Pmm^EwHd tsiraT jm ^T5T ^tr, — 
5^: Kumar. 1, 2 imat^T ^Mlfi TfmslhST — J^ff^Ti^ (they mil- 
ked from the earth resplendent gems and herbs of great medi- 
cinal power); — ^u ju : M. 9, 234 H i ^M^a 5TT3^ (he should punish 
them with a fine of a thousand pa n a). 

Eem. Indian grammar adds to them some others , instances of 
which construed with a double object are scarcely met with in 
literature , if at all. Of the kind are f% (to gather) , pr (to check), 
jtst^ (to rob) , rp^ (to churn) , thus exemplified • d-d+Jd fa-Tl fr! thcHlPl i 
hHc^u i Pa asw i srtrf T^RRr m«ji(h etc. '). 
47. Yet , with none of the said verbs the double accusative 
is of necessity. Other constructions are quite as usual, 
sometimes even preferable, especially in simple prose. 



1) Here also vernacular grammarians put the two accus., depending 
on such verbs, as irt, 5T^, see 40 R. 



§ 47-49. 35 

The verbs of asking are often construed with the ablat. or genit. 
of the person addressed. Those of teaching admit of aec. of the 
person _|_ loo. of the thing taught (Priy. p. 11 iTVHrtioi N I R^ • • • . 
rSltdf3rict||) , 4ll(5.uifd, M (£ui'R and other verbs of enjoining are con- 
strued with ace. of the enjoinment _|_ dat. (or its substitutes) of 
the person. Those of speaking are often construed with the dative 
of the person addressed, or the genitive, or gf^. 

NB. Some verbs as 3FfaMpi (to tell) , c^fFr (to make 

known) , 3Tll<^llrl (to enjoin) never comply with the 
double object. 

48. In the passive construction the person asked, addres- 
sed, defeated etc. turns nominative, the thing asked 
for, spoken etc. remains accusative. Therefore, though it 

may be said separately -jarr sn: as well as ss^spj, <TVf oN i -d 's as 
well as tjCT: <T5Tr; , when combined, we get the type g rimtWrh^cW i 
TO: cpRT d-aww Examples : Pane. 29 nrfqnr mn nsr^ ^srTOn-mq-- 
£PTO^ (v. a. I have asked my master to grant you his protection), 
Kathas. 27 , 142 siium CT ^JUw f^ f^r tiiRid : (Bana has prayed 
Qiva for a foe, fit to fight with); — E. 2, 97, 15 ^ f| n ftvj 
sfTsft n^irr ^rrfro oTet: ; — Dae. 80 j^t Q hjuhhI (flJWH^ifu i 5^tt- 
(imi*^; — M. 8, 36 a-^H ft oi^^Ufcd ; taild-dttmimw*^ (but when 
bearing false witness , he must be punished with a fine of one 
eighth of his goods). 

This passive construction is often avoided ') by em- 
ploying one of the concurrent idioms, taught in 47. 
Therefore smfat fsrt srf?r or ftj-^jt, ndiwWdri : <rs: or rSTPRcffTgnrr, etc - 

49. " Accusative with causative verbs. — If the primitive 



1) With some verbs it is, if at all, but rarely met with. Upon the 
the whole , the construction with a double object appears to be the rem- 
nant of an old vegetation , which has almost passed away to be suc- 
ceeded by new stalks and young stems. We may see the same process 
at work in Latin. Greek and the teutonic languages. In all of them 
the idiom of the double object loses territory time going. 



36 § 49. 

Doutie be an intransitive verb, its causative is construed with 

object ttt-t 

with the accusative of its (the primitive's) subject. Prim. JjIrT 

"^cf^fT: Cans. HS\$n\ \<^\ri Himufa. The same ap- 
plies to verbs of going ; then we will have occasionally 
two accusatives, one of the aim and the other, point- 
ing out the primitive's subject. Prim. !^g(^t1 I ^TElFT- 

£T^ il-^JH Caus. {IsTT^Q^TT (||&iH(j?l ^MUM. 

But if the primitive be a transitive, there is diver- p -M> 
sity of idiom. Often the primitive's subject is in the 
same manner put in the accusative, when con- 
strued with the causative, but often also in the in- 
strumental. In the former case we have of course 
two accusatives, as KatMs. 9, 10 JF=ppr ^ ^wf imm-^Ew?w 
(the best of ascetics made the queen eat a consecrated porridge), 
wherewith cp. this instance of the instrumental: Mhbh. 2, 1, 7 rr 'i i -gj i fli 
[chRdrchN Qh rsraT (I shall not be able to get anything done by yon). 
The difference of both constructions is determined by 
the diverse nature of the notions , carried by them. If 
one wants to say he causes me to do something, it 
is by his impulse I act, there is room for the type RT 

r^rarchUMIM , but if it be meant he gets something done 
by me, I am only the agent or instrument through which he 

acts, the instrumental is on its place T37l^lr^l|Mlr1 1MI. 
Examples : a.) of two accusatives ; Mudr. I, p. 43 =af?t ch^lfeN-Tji i'- 
ti^sit afHshi-HMiP'Jaj]UiHfe prT u(i(utd Jt^»rh (do not the vices of 
Candrag. still remind the people of the former kings ?) , Dag. 144 
ftrffl- <TOTT <iffo l dl itt mfHwm^HI*^ (my parents allowed me to 
wed that girl), Mhbh. 1, 75, 28 sr ^ ' til^MH^nmH^ (he made the holy 
men pay taxes), R. 2, 55, 17 i \mxi[nm [ i)Wi*i<Ati (he ordered her to 
embark), ibid, 2, 94, 2 ^ ^mufqnitH faiichd.Uc'auJH i *rnifiT, Da?. 215 



§ 49—50. 37 

tTTOT qt fcloihW — So always gyrrcnrfTT *f%f^rf^, for this verb 
at the same time formally is a causative and as to its meaning 
(to teach) it belongs to the category, mentioned in 40. 

b.) of the instrumental of the primitive's subject: Dag. 170 ^T 
fTCO" mytfeiorar^ ^TfTT y4l4.Hliji ^mrj (she obtained . an order of 
the king who was unaware [of what had happened before] to put 
to death this honest man) ; Mudr. I, p. 37 ^r mch^ i & T £hprf3rSTT (after 
having got written the letter by Qakatadasa) ; Pane. 51 jmnr srnr- 
q^sR<T teii^Hia«n(the cartwright let him bring home by friends), Ku- 
maras. 6, 52 ^ ^p^nrraTqw SjSFrW (he [Himavan] suffered his zenana 
to be entered by them, that is »he opened his zenana to them"), 
M. 8, 371 frt SotPt: ^yi^ldl (her the king should order to be 
devoured by dogs) '). 

50 - In the passive construction these two types are likewise 
possible: 1. the primitive's subject turns nominative, the 
primitive's object remains accusative , as Mudr. V, p. 172 qflq iliJHi 
sraTW^Tir **4 l m , the active form of which would be chim 5WT- 
^rmpiT qf^ji fqHoi i ^ , 2. the primitive's subject is instrumental 
but the primitive' 1 s object turns nominative , as Mudr. I, p. 22 

1) Panini gives a different rule about the construction of the causa- 
tives. In his sutra 1,4,52 he teaches that the primitive's subject is the 
karma of the causatives of a.) all intransitives , b.) the verbs of going (moving) , 
c.) those of perceiving and knowing (srfs), d.) those of feeding, e.) those 
of' uttering voice, and the following rule declares » optionally also with 
chliilftH and ^| J it Id 1 ' [and their compounds, see Pat. I, p. 109, 1. 10]. 
With the other causatives , therefore , the primitive's subject is not 
considered an object (karma), accordingly not put in the accus., but in 
the instrumental, according to P. 1, 4, 55 compared with 2 , 3 , 18. 
Now, to these rules of Panini, which do not take account of the in- 
ternal difference existing by necessity between the two conceptions , 
but simply set up some outer marks, I have substituted the description 
expounded in the context. Mr. Anandobam Bobooah has preceded me in 
this way. Moreover I have tested Panini's rule in numerous instances, 
but found it deficient now and then even when paying due respect to 
the modifications made in it by the different varttikas on our sutras 
(1, 4, 52 sq.), whereas the same enquiry confirmed the exactness of the 
rule as it has been laid down in the context. 



38 § 50—52. 

fs rach^m ^)^m-4 yi(Hri«HM*Jl HcJrlyoi^: active fawcR^nit [raA anm- 
ridMMftoH MaHtfoi i M (K. has killed the unhappy Parv. by means 

of a vishakanyd). The latter type appears to be rare ') , 
the former is the general one and is applied even in 
such cases , as would not admit of two accusatives in 
the active form. 

Examples of type 1. — Mudr. VII, p. 222 m^^HHtHHteTi H ehq^ta 
qaor ^fw?T: , Kull. on M. 8 , 287 ma i natTl naiH' FPrefr 5Tq4W: (he 
must be caused to pay as much as has been expended), Dag. 164 
^m artaSTO^r ^j MMid^H f^eh^^n I Qh I .sf^T (Kocadasa made me enjoy 
a bath, food etc.), Hitop. 96 hhw [sc. sHtr] >et nmfn: innw *if|H : 
(then he [the hare] commanded the chief elephant to make his pro. 
stration), R. 2, 62, 1 j^n (wimi srrioTH: T^isr mmq^ 

Example of type 2. Malav. I, p. 15 aqidiKWoi irraayn) mrr <jm^T 
M l -^QrioU : (v. a. His Majesty, indeed, has it in his own power to 
make me release Madhavasena). 
51« When having got a more or less figurative sense, the causatives 
may change their construction. So with ^faQ (to show) and ^ i d^frt 
(to tell) the person who is caused to see and to hear is sometimes 
put in the ace. as attending on a causative, but it is more com- 
mon to use the gen. or dat., because they in fact range with the 
verbs of showing and telling. So d^lr i and its compounds are 
never construed with the ace. of the person to whom something is 
made known. 

52. The accusative of the object is not restricted to the 
f a ° t ;"e finite verbs, but affects also some active verbal forms, 
pen'a- which are grammatically classed among the nouns. In the 
' o n n g first place all participles , gerunds and infinitives with ac- 
tive signification must have their object put in the accusa- 



011 

nouns 



1) Apart from the two examples adduced in the context I do not 
remember having met with any. In both of them the object and the 
agent are persons. 



§ 52. 39 

tive. Hitherto there is no difference between the syntax of 
Sanskrit and of its sister-languages. But the accusative is 
also wanted with some classes of verbal nouns, com- 
monly not reckoned among the participles etc., ' ) nl. p. z, s, 

69 sq. 

a.) with those in 3 , made of desiderative verbs; this 
class of adjectives has indeed almost the nature of par- 
ticiples, b.) with some in T^ of kindred signification, 
c ) with those in =hcR , when having the worth of a partic. of the 
future, d.) with some krts in °^r 2 ) , e.) with the krto in °f|, 
when barytona. 

Examples : a.) M. 1 , 8 f^nsrforforyT: Osrr: (wishing to create the 
manifold creatures), Mhbh. 1 , 167 , 48 ^Jlf^l &mn fSpfk: -tfuu\ - 
pgrejrrj — b.) Dag. 25 ^rt ^imjuiifrmqiHfiiUM^tjJ as I could not bear 
the harshness of their words) ; — c.) Kag. on P. 2 , 3 , 70 ^r£ cMJch) 
bjsifd (he goes to make a mat) 3 ) ; e.) see 53. 

Eem. 1. Those in 3^ are also mentioned by Panini as agreeing 
with ace, but this construction has antiquated. Instances of it are 
met with in the archaic dialect. Taitt. S. 6 , 1,6,6 chmch l U^ felJl 
Uorf^r v ^sr ars;, Ch. Up. 5,2,2 sFraprt ^ smt wain (surely, he 
obtains a dress). 

Eem. 2. Note also the ace. with the adj. 53-^ (worth, deserving). 
As far as I know, this idiom is restricted to the epics. Mhbh. 1, 
63, 4 - Wren^ T rtsmr FTTOT (this king is by his penance worth of 



1) See Siecke, de genetivi in lingua sanscrita imprimis vedica usu, 
p. 17 sqq. 

2) Especially, if a debt be the object, P. 2,3,70. KS19. SM 5TzFt 

3) Examples in literature are scarce. Whitney (Grammar § 271 c.) quotes 
Mhbh. 3,73,25 Hd-rW(iT6ll<*: 1 but the example is doubtful, for the whole 
sentence runs thus : flillHl ■sfw HolTwRolld*: > where it is also possible 
to accept the ace. as the aim of the verb sgTTTrl:. — R. 3,10,15 RiJjSPTRT- 
;rgffi >[u,4ihU Utlol l R l f iT: 1 7?TTOrof would afford an instance of Tgg> , con- 
strued with the accusative, if it were not probably a bad reading; Ttrlctt^rdHL. 
is to be changed in jm -l%dM; 



40 § 52—54. 

Indra's rank), R. 1 , 53, 12 ^ nflrtimMgTti* qrtHchim i H^ (she is n ot worth 
being given up by me) '). 

Eem. 3. In the ancient dialect of the vaidik mantras many more 
kinds of verbal nouns may agree with ace. So for inst. Rgv. 6, 23, 4 
srfSor?r qfq-; ^rrt 1 ^J^im :. Mhbh. 1 , 113, 21 we have even an ace. de- 
pending on a nomen actionis QiTitim T^T (by his desire to conquer 
the earth) imjifHJrtiHruJ I rjj likewise ibid. 1, 167, 3 ^j-ftn ufHRlchl&u 
(by his wish to retaliate Drona). 

53. The ace. with the barytona in jt though not rare in the earlier 
period, seems to protract but an artificial life in classic Sanskrit, 
as it is met with only in refined style and even there side by side 
with the genitive 2 ). Dag. 199 it is said of a good king, that he 
was sfaioifarii sryuLwidfuHi ssraTPTSTBrfiirTT spy^jnnorfnfTT sept (ho- 
nouring the wise, making his attendants mighty, raising his kinsmen , 
lowering his foes); comp. Pane. Ill, 71 himI^HHI etsTT: (a king, 
who rules his subjects). — On the other hand, the examples given 
by Kac. on P. 3, 2, 135 prove that at the time, they were ap- 
plied at first, the construction with the ace. was obvious and na- 
tural. So ^ujiIh t^: mifaWH i nsrPrT cra jjfcl^ (the Qravishthayanas 
have the custom to shave the hair of the young-married woman.) 
Cp. Apast. 1, 3, 15. 

54. m. The accusative of space or time serves to de- *"■ 2, 
space note a continuity of either; it expresses therefore 

time, what space is occupied or during what time the action is 



1) In the classical language g^ complies with genitive. So Priyad. 
39 iqQuirolliiWyitcWUJ (let her sit down , she is worth half of my seat). 
Likewise 4M^. 

2) Panrai explicitly states (P. 3,2, 134 sq.), that the barytona in °f| 
are restricted to the denoting of lasting and inherent qualities. But he 
nowhere affirms that the oxytona are not to be employed in that sense. 
Indeed, a genitive with nouns in °FT, even when expressing lasting qua- 
lities, is very common in classic Sanskrit. In the same passage Dae. 
199, the example in the context has been borrowed from , we read q fl fdrl I 

qcrfaraTOnH, aQ d w: uIh*hi ioWMwImmiy^i^. • • • *^huiui nwrr ^iHoi- 

\iiikii' Comp. the list of epithets in Kad. I, p. 2 girff *4^|iyi|Fmi4^etc. 



§ 54-55. 41 

going on. Compare the ace. spatii and temporis in Latin , 
Greek, German etc. 

Examples: a.) space R. 2, 91, 29 s^cT f| *m agfa: m-NdWfemV 
s^qiT_ (for the soil became flat over an extent of five yojana's in 
every direction), Mhbh. 1, 153, 40 f^r FT- . . =*m f riw i ^wi^'uilg) 
(he seized him and dragged him along over a space of eight 
bow-lengths). 

Rem. "When naming the dimensions of a thing , one does not 
use this accus., but avails one's self of bahuvrihi-compounds. 

6.) time Pane. 165 ^m I o | Ph fj^TTf^ rot^Wrrafa^ (for so many days 
it was yours), Dag. 96 h^t: HHi-gildi ehi^irchM*i .(g en ^ e s i rs ) please, 
wait a moment). 

Rem. 1. Now and then the ace. of time denotes the time at 
which. R. 2, 69, 1 jnqsr ^Tf¥' fr |?tt: uQvmPh st ftt ^fta. i n^rHifij rft 

Jlf* ?aqt %€t -syj-iftiy : , Dag. 153 sft •sfg Iht;: f^^jcT S5TJt|; 

m=nrVsM i f£ *i^f3roTl-ri|g: rrragircr lon^a yrtiyisiH; Cp. 

Ait. Br. 1, 22, 12; Mhbh. 1, 63, 40; ibid. 1, 121, 34; Apast. 1, 5, 12. 

Rem. 2. Sometimes znstrT is put behind the ace, when deno- 
ting the time, during which. Hitop. p. 51 rrar q i HMcft moi<jjfiqjH 
asffam (I am bound to perform during a month a vow for Durga). 

Rem. 3. The ace. of time remains unchanged in the passive; 
see Dag. 96 quoted above. But occasionally it is dealt with, as 
if it were the object. R. 2, 88, 2 ^ ftst h$ \ w , siBrf)- ^^ j^ft 
(= here the noble hero has passed the night on the naked earth) 
instead of vj&ff srfim^ ')• 
55. IV. As a rule, the accusative neuter of any 

Adver- rrfref 

Maiac- adjective noun may do duty for an adverb,5TTsl 

ousa- _^ 

tiTe - JTS^TfT (he goes swiftly) , *J ^ HTTrT (he speaks gently) , 



1) Comp. such Latin expressions , as Caes. B. G-. 5 , 39 , 4 aegre is dies 
sustentatur, and the interesting discussion on the matter Pat. I, p. 445 sq. 
From Patanjali's words it is sufficiently plain , that to say STTWT TTO': I 
SiajH 3?tw: is as go°d as «I«IH' qTCPTj SISJH 4hliUM. From another pas- 
sage of the same book (l,p. 338, vartt. 9) it results, that some made 
the kalakarma-verbs range with the akarmaka or intransitives. 



42 § 55—58. 

^ fa^lrl (he amuses himself secretly), tf'sl'cMM 

— - ^ v -* 

^TF^TTrT (he entertains respectfully). 

The ace. of the subst. trij (name) is used as a particle = unamely," 
sometimes also it answers to Greek ovofua »of name." Nala 1 , 1 

56. a great number of prepositions and the like agree 
also with the accusative , see chapter IS. Of the interjec- 
tions, r&T^FT is often attended by accusative. 

Chapter IV. Instrumental. 

5 7- The third case has been styled instrumental after 
its most usual employment of expressing the instrument 
or means or agent [P. 2, 3, 18 cp. l, 4, 42]. Yet its start- 
ing-point is rather the conception of accompaniment, 
and it is for this reason some claim for it the name 
of sociative. ] ) Nor can there be any doubt, the suf- 
fixes, by which the third case is made, viz. bhi and a, 
convey the meaning of accompaniment, simultaneous- 
ness and nearness 

58. I. Sociative. — The instrumental is the equivalent 
mental, of our with = together with , accompanied by. In this manner the 

Tocia 1 - third Case is USed £ L PanC - I ' 305 W I F : ^jdslEW JTT5P5I iftfiilffrj-- 

tive - iiHx^-: i trmrzi to: efazr; TOftfiT: (deer seek after the comradeship with 
deer, so kine with kine and horse with horse, the fool with the 
fool and the wise with the wise). 
a .)witii TJpon the whole however, the instrumental, when 

prepo- ' 

sitionB. sociative, is accompanied by some word expressive of 



1) ThiB tenet has been laid down by B. Delbbuck in his pathmaking 
treatise Ablativ, Localis, Instrumenlalis , 1867. 



§58. 43 

the notion of being together viz. 1° the adverbs FT^ 

f- 

^FPT, FTFJT, til=ti*i which may then be considered 

prepositions, as ^FT! STTtPTT FP<j>; 2° such participles as 

frf^rT, Wffi, ^m, ^rf^FT and the like, as JJF\' 

tllrlMI fn^rT! or compounded tl Irl iFTT^rT'. Or the notion 
of the sociative is expressed by a compound , the for- 
mer part of which is H° (or *T^°) as (FT Hfftrp. Occa- 
sionally the gerund 5TT3J*T (having taken) is also used 
in the meaning of with. 

The prepositional adverbs H«c e tc are likewise added 
to the instrumental for the sake of denoting relations 
between different parties as to converse with, to meddle 
with , to light with , to contend with , sim. 

Examples: a.) ^ etc. expressive 

1. of concomitancy. Mrceh. X, p.372 %fq f&UH gT^rr: ^ oiM- ri UHdi 
(are Carudatta and Vasantasena still alive?), Mhbh. 1, 113, 20 ^t 
rTTWTf od-d'^rMiy- UUrfi-HTt p'rl^raiT: I EpCTT ITOTT ^ ^T^^i) Pane. 127 

cpt eiTOH sa^sr n^H ufajdi:, Kathas. 4, 136 ^ ri-Mi ipjfira sngnT- 

2. of mutual relations. Pane. 78 rT: JH^itrilO =7 ch(l(n; ibid. 257 
3R^T 5Tf fief STf : (v. a. how are you his friend?), ibid. 281 fag-nT 
snr Rfaffcmorlm i (disagreement with a friend) , Kathas. 47 , 88 ?r c& 
fBT^V *& S^L ^ e fou g nt witt nim )> Pane. V, 66 ^TrrsR^fiT^I- 
^ ffgHeJ l cdj; ^ i =T iF5f hIh^ I ^Jmh i & T; Note the phrase fr g^ S^IFW 
(Pane. 137, 13; 178, 1) and the type, represented Pane. 43 ;rf 
tflUlifr ^ ifc^MHH ' sr^T (after having fastened her to the pile with 
a strong fetter). 

b.) >FT%r and the like: Kathas. 13, 110 ^nji; UFJraftrFT: q^rrclor 
rnrV jrirr (he fled from this spot to his home with his attendance), 
E. 2,52,91 Sita prays q^jsr q^HiijiTErT m=rT ^ ^fnfT: [that is: 
»»</* his brother and me] ^fHat ^TomTTBrfaw- 



U § 58—60. 

Bern. An elegant paraphrase of the s ociative is occasionally "ft^fcr 
used as the latter part of a bahuvrihi. So in the verse quoted Fat. I, p. 
426 afafediJ^UHM l t M l UJdM^ — » alone but for his good sword, he 
went after the Pandava," Dag. 159 ^ch l ^ H dMr*K!6d rsr qf^oii - 
fcHlfiiHkniH'js'fri (you stand aside as if longing for some you love, 
alone with your lute), Pane. 159 i i sich^Ul w°Ti[i,rT l m . 
59. Yet the sole instrumental will not rarely suffice. In 

i)with- 

out the old vedic dialect, the brahman as included, it is 
8iti<m& very common , denoting as well concomitancy as mutu- 
ality of relations. But in classic Sanskrit it is restricted 
to the language of poetry and poetical prose and to 
some typical expressions. 

Examples : a.) from the archaic dialect. Rgv. 1,1,5 ^aft g-srftr- 
jTJTUr^ (may the god come with the gods), ibid. 8, 85, 7 ^frferStj 
aw rT w&; — Ait. Br. 1, 6, 3 s^jh HrWT miw (he enjoys food 
with his family), Ch. Up. 5, 10, 9 amf^ 1 : (conversing with them). 

6.) from classic poetry, etc.: 1, concomitancy R. 2, 27, 15 srr^ roTCT 
JiPwmifi eftt (I shall go to the forest with thee), ibid. 2, 68, 2 

JElHT Mlrj<ri<*><?t. it^ttV orerfff JfBTT SEgpr ; — 2. mutuality of rela. 

tions Dag. 175 rim fa zjsrsnn 4,w<3r\i srspsr (he took a great aver- 
sion to his young wife), ibid. 91 rWT sUfe i bhi l nuisUfeWch^oi*^ ( with 
this courtesan I made a bargain), E. 3, 18, 19 *i\iri \S : mUmsI 
m|7^ i m : eh^^i-4 ^T ^rnf: (Laxmana, one should make no joke at all 
with cruel and vile people), Pane. V, 62 ^ HlPw^kirMfe rh (a wise 
man does not keep counsel with women). It is often said fsrKwiH 
UI^U ll without g^, etc. 

Rem. 1. Note the turn, instances of which are afforded by 
Mudr. Ill, p. 116 inrr teidloi-w i ^uioi wiRirft (I have left them 
nothing but life) and Prabodh. V, p. 103 aRm^Jn ^ i p^uioi ^r 
ulamfd (in short he will part with his body). 

Rem. 2. Note chgS^ (quarrel) with the sole instrum. Pane. V, 74 
q^nr Htjchl^ i u if thgt^ : (the cooks' quarrel with the ram). 

60. Compound nouns or verbs , whose former part is FT, 
FT or FRc , 2'y many words expressive of the notions of 



§ 60—61. 45 

uniting, combining , mingling are often construed with the 
sole instrumental, even in prose. This construction is 
the regular one with *TsT and its derivates. 

Examples: a.) compounds, commencing by g- etc. Dae. 79 =g-^iro 
wifii Hitop. p. 16 srw f^m H gUMMrT l H l *;rfi< ^oi i ^ (there 1 is 
not in this world a man more happy, than he, who has a friend 
to converse with), Qak. IV, vs. 12 =g?R t feHoidi -1 ' dmfcw (a jas- 
mine , clinging to a mango-tree). Mrcch. I , p. 34 jyj ttSr ^nTSfrT- 

b.) other verbs of uniting, mingling, combining. — M. 1, 26 
S^pffsTOwrrr: g^iWTf^fn: PITT; , Pane. 274 i^sft fold l rtJ l fqf§TrT: (mixed 
with his kinsmen), Qak. I, vs. 30 srra =T W^mfd q^rfu: (she does 
not join her voice to mine). 

Eem. 1. Jl^fa ' is often = Lat. afficere alqum alg/uare. SoMhbh. 
I (Paushyap.) ftnsn^FiSFr Jlstfiri* :wsr (it was not his intention to 
harass his pupils), op. E. 2, 75, 57. Many times it is = »to bestow 
something upon somebody", f.i. Pane. 3 ^ rm mitrHairH JldOm i Pj 
(I will bestow a hundred of grants upon you). 

Eem. 2. P. 2, 3, 22 mentions the verb ^rr, complying with 
ace. or instrum. , but instances of that idiom seem to be wanting 
in literature; Patanjali gives the example fqrTT or fg=iT MstUhIH ) 
but it is not plain what is here the meaning of g^rr- — A- similar 
instrum. depending on a compound verb, commencing by ^-, is 
taught by Pan. 1, 3, 55 and his commentators, see Pat. I, p, 284. 
According to them it is said 5T3TT ^wgpT i ^eiwt HM^-e^H "he makes 
presents to a servant-maid , to a female of low-caste , etc." the instr. 
gj # being used only in the case of illicit intercourse. 

in- The instrumental attends on the adjectives of equality p. 2, 3, 



stram. " * " ' 

°[ ti f; likeness, identity and the like, as W\ , FFTH, H^T, 

adjj. of nr^M. Here however the genitive is a concurrent 
, construction , just as in Latin. It is said promiscuously 
ty , etc. ftftj: or jtj^t stt: tp 1 ; 

Examples: E. 2, 118, 35 sor^rn SPT; (equal to Indra), Hit. I, 22 
Ercrfa; i=PTPTT: (like beasts), Hit. p. 118 -efc[ j^R^rt OTT5f =T iTrTt ^T uf&. 



72. 



46 § 61— 62. 

tarfff-, Malav. I, p. 21-^ar tj if crrjTsraTftr ctwui (he is not even equal to the 
dust of my feet); Pat. I, p. 327 %• groj ) l ridi^ HorirT (he has become 
their equal). — If »to compare with" is to be expressed by some 
metaphor, the instrumental will often be of use, so for ex., when it 
is denoted by the image of putting on a balance, cp. Eumaras. 
5, 34. — . Compare also such expressions as Dag. 130 gT-s ^Mp ra' 
g rife7chch4 : (and I having the same business as these friends of 
mine here). 

of a genitive: Mhbh. 1 , 139 , 16 a^ror i&rt ^rferr ^rrfer chfei^H& p 
R. 2, 23, 3 swt th-d^i ftp mm STssr spst ([his] face shone like 
the face of an angry lion). 

02 As the instrumental is the exponent of the notion 

instru- of accompaniment and simultaneousness , so it is also avai- 

mental 

with lable with words expressive of the very contrary, namely 
of sepa- separation and disjunction. In the same way as it is said 

ration. r~~ ■_■__ 

<pT?TT ?Trcn • > PlMI 7TWi'> „with you," one is allowed 

to say pTtTT Tf^rT: , el?TT $A'lrh> „ without you." ') 
The proper case for expressing separation, the ablative 
is however also available. In some phrases the instru- 
mental is more frequently employed, in other again 
the ablative. The instrum. prevails with T^pT and most 
of the compounds , beginning with T^° , also with ^l^rl 
and «M^T, but the ablative with such as r T^', 2T3T. 

Examples: Pane. 84 qlTTnT'feui!): (he was not deprived of life), 



1) Delbr. 1.1. p. 71 »Der begriff trennung ist zwar logisch der gegen- 
satz von zuaammensein, liegt ihm aber desshalb psychologisch sehr nahe." 
Or , to speak more exactly , it is not the conception of separation , that 
is expressed or signified by the instrumental , but the notion of mutu- 
ality underlying both union and separation, finds in it its adequate ex- 
pression. We have here therefore the same kind of instrum., which is 
spoken of in 59, b 2. Accordingly words of separation may also be con- 
strued with ^r etc. Pane. !\7 rpTFTOT ST^ (dUllD Mfd&dfd- Compare 
English to part with. 



§ 62—63. 47 

Dae. 172 hn^ fl Ui *H U ^ I ^ zrgrgremT (she peeled the grains of rice of 
their husks, so [cleverly] as to keep them entire), Kathas. 15, 82 
yirl l^oti I ^Tjft {ot|; f&r^oJraTJT^ (R- forbore the grief caused by his 
separation from Sita), R. 2, 96, 27 cfrgwr jt^ftt Rf^ft trffjjsmt (let 
the earth be freed from a great stain), i) 

Rem. The adjectives jf^ft, ^fcr, fd<i~i , fm^> sim. often are = 
» without." 

63. II. By extending the notions of concomitancy , ac- 
mentTi, companiment , simultaneousness from space and time 
*£ to all sorts of logical categories, we may understand 
case. how i ar g e a sphere of employment the third case occu- 
pies in Sanskrit syntax. Generally spoken , it is always 
used, when it is wanted to express the circumstances, 
instruments , means , ways , properties accompanying 
the action and qualifying it. In other terms , the instru- 
mental has the duty of telling the how of the action 
or state, expressed by the verb or verbal noun, it de- 
pends on. 

For clearness' sake the most striking types of this 
instrumental will be severally enumerated: V* and 2'y 
it is expressive of the instrument (karana) and the 
agent (kartr). These two kinds of instrumental are 
practically the most important, for they are the most 
wanted for. Examples of the former jt^-dt qfrtIh (he cuts with 
a knife), qTHjt n^H (he goes on foot); of the latter t$x\ dcchd^ 
(it is done by me) (57). 



1) M. 2,79 affords an instance of instruin. and abl. depending On 
the same verb, The latter half-cloka runs thus ircrTlUMH) 4iyi-r4Mdl- 

r -\ ■ • ■ a 

fdPolM-ttjf f (after a month he is released even from a great sin likewise as a 

snake from its skin). Here the abl. ctto': and the instr. fsraT are coordinate. 
Compare the like coincidence of abl. and instr. causae. 



48 § 63—64. 

Thirdly, the instrum. denotes accompanying circumstances 
and qualities , like Latin abl. modi and qualitatis. M. i, 3 
aJiitH mffym etiJFd S HM-dd^ (he must make money, but without 
giving toil to his body), Pane. 129 ^iHchmfao^H ft^chl ^isiW*'- 
^h (Ping, exercised his royalty with Dam. as his minister). 

Fourthly, it declares the test, to measure by; vmm- 

rdimfa (you will know it by its fruit). 

Fifthly, it expresses the price or value, something 
is rated at , bought , sold , hired for , the thing , some other 
is taken for in exchange , sim. Pane 158 yqchuirH fSrarfcreniT: 
m^cfr : (a book sold for a hundred rupees). 

Sixthly , it denotes the way , by which one goes ; Qak. 
HI jjrnrr si low Indian MrH(fa( nHT (the tender girl has passed 
a little before along this row of young trees). 

Seventhly, the instrumental denotes the cause, motive* 
or reason , by which something is done or happens to be ; 

y^T ^SRfT: (prosperous by wealth), f^rar HOT (fame by learning), 
H^NUMHU ^ (that person has arrived by my order), srterr 5PPT 
(v. a. a present). 

64. It should be kept in mind, however, that these and 
sJum. similar distinctions are but made for argument's sake 
reHo an< * ^° n0 * answer to sharply separated real divisions. 
^ Properly speaking , there is but one instrumental in all of 
with, them , just as in English it is the same word with, which 
is used in phrases as distant from one another as / go 
with you , I cut with a knife , he with his black hat , he is 
content with me. For this reason on the one hand no- 
thing impedes increasing the number of divisions and 
subdivisions according to the manifold logical variety 
of its employment, but on the other hand no system 
of division will exhaust it, and more than once we 



§ 64—66. 49 

may be at a loss under which head to enregister a given 
instrumental. 

Eem. The being implied of so various logical con- 
ceptions by an implement for expression as small, as 
a case-ending is, has by the time become inconvenient. 
Instead of the simple instrumental, therefore, a more 
explicit mode of expression , signifying more precisely 
which kind of logical relation is meant in every instance , 
is often made use of, namely the periphrase by .such 
words as W, ^HT, SPl^T, TO^, ^T^etc. 
Its relative frequency is one of the most striking fea- 
tures of modern , compared to ancient , Sanskrit. 

65. Some fuller account on the different kinds of instrumental will 
Fuller i, 

account be S 1Y6n n0W - 

° 1. instrument or karana. — Examples: Pat. I, p. 119 wraidH i srr 

them. r ' r ^«v*i-ivi. mi, 

srs ch i w (a piece of wood , tied with a rope or with iron) , Mrcch. 
I (p. 54) g^f g i dlj jiUl ifrl^iHH (cover him with this cloth), Pane. 
148 ^r arsR f^rsmn? rTUtirft, Mhbh. 1, 144, 18 crraT^ron'g^T hi<hh 
(he started on a chariot, drawn by asses), ibid. 1, 120, 19 ;j%^t 
<cd^I)m|frt SoTTWJIUrWMI JfTN^ I jjsh 3 OT^; RrjiyiiM OT^SR^ iTFToTPT 

(by sacrifices he propitiates the gods, by study and penance the 
munis, by [procreating] sons and [performing] the funeral rites 
the fathers, by [practising] mildness he propitiates men). 

Persons, when being instruments, are likewise put in the third 
case; consequently the Sanskrit instrumental of a person answers as 
well to Lat. per as to Lat. a. Prabodh. VI, p. 132 ifjrr ^ qfimn^T 
(SiQhm = Lat. compertum est a me per speculatorem. 

66. 2. agent or kartr. — In this meaning the instrumental attends 
a.) on passive verbs , to denote the subject of the action , as has 
been pointed out 6 , —&) on verbal nouns , as Malav. I, p. 28 [HfdTdmm i 
qTUT P l -jJM (forbearing the blame of others), for q^rrr f^RTO = 
qftiT oRfrf f^tETT- In the latter case the so-called subjective genitive 



50 § 66—67. 

is a concurrent construction , which is even generally preferred unless 
ambiguity would result from its employment, cp. 114. 
Agent Bern. Likewise both instrumental and genitive are available to^.Z, 
krtya. denote the agent with a krtya. As a rule the instrumental is required , 
if the verbal sense prevail, but the genitive, if the krtya have 
the value of a noun adjective or substantive. Examples: instr. 
Pane. 167 i^idW ^ai l -Hi M^HoM*^ (I am obliged to emigrate), Malat. 
II fifirr? wn ST53T (what can I help here?), Vikram. I jjclfgiW - 
QdoJ JTsrft: (v. a. the audience are requested to listen with atten- 
tion); — gen. Pane. I, 450 qwnnf yfuiHi inarr f^&rrat t^tott. i st- 
tfl^r: M i qaT lOT lHWHHl^i chcHR^ : (the learned are an object of dislike 
to the ignorant , the wealthy to the poor , the virtuous to the wicked 
and honest women to such as are of a loose conduct), ibid. p. 268 
srcf iiiuii: qmdl -si Ui|rj||7mi ofMIT: (we , domestic animals , are a prey 
for wild beasts). Hence, when compounded with g-, 3;: or ^, they 
are construed with gen., Pane. 176 ^sht [^f^^iiui wpt aTsy^TPTPTj 
Mrcch. IV (p. 144) rrqW m^: dwn ^mx =r (*ftdm<4rW nmnw- 
67. 3. quality , attribute , circumstance 1 ). — ■ When denoting a qua- , ' ' 
litveT" '^y or tribute i* " = * ne abl- qualitatis of Latin grammar, but 
the restrictions as to its employment in Latin do not exist in 
Sanskrit. So it is said (Kacika) irfq Hdl*»i l Ui;rHl ^HMrf ^^ (have 
you seen a disciple with a pitcher?), ibid, on P. 2, 3, 37 jfr sTetPt: 
ft i|^; so Hitop. 125 srW: telyq&RH (a treasury with little expen. 
ses) comm. ssRrqHjifar fdiiMur fjrtjrr; E- 3, 7, 3 taiirtrgTT: ct.M-1^ (a 
forest with manifold trees). 

Examples of its attending a verb. — Then it has the nature of 
Lat. abl. modi or circumstantiae. E. 2, 64, 47 g- ft f^SEPT 1PTIT ssr- 
JWWJI^irdtPT, Pane. 161 sr^f iTlrTT dN^I^HIil-^iri (a bridegroom 
approaches with a great noise of music), ibid. 28 twj k\dh\i \ nroTr 
yim^cM n-JduwHO^^uiRjtiiR^ch^iHijyiim ^n^rr ^r: [sc. F5pn] (go 
to him and while living brotherly with him on the same spot, 



1) Pan.'s sutra is ir^UrM -uVUl [sc. f|fft5rr] , which is expounded by K&9, = 
SrJfUtTOT ^ratfT »to name the laxana or mark, which makes known some- 
body or something as possessing such quality, property, nature etc." It 
includes therefore the notions quality, attribute, circumstance. 



§ 67—70. 51 

spend the time with eating, drinking, walking together), ibid. 162 
5^T dlrlfotllrlch^m ^ft srgr (while discoursing thus , the night passed 
away). 

E em. 1. Note gjTH with instrum. »to behave in such a manner," 
Pane. 56 ft ira%HrfH^qTrr ddmu i uM")^ . 

Eem. 2. Such instrumental have often the character of ad- 
verbs and may be considered so (77). Among others we mention 
compounds in ^gtir an d "sfjqrrT, when — »as, by the way of." Mrcch. 
V, p. 187 thHtft spr icrfft dcH-s!, MUl JTTFliT (methinks, the firmament dis- 
solves and falls down as rain). 

Eem. 3. In some turns the instrumental of circumstance may show 
something of the fundamental character of the sociative. So E. 2, 37, 
18 cfrwita' H^ i tH 5R ii-c^tjd crtst (with L. as your companion go to 
the forest, my son), ibid. 2, 30, 27 ^ ^ rTBT p&T teli l HUjfa ffcra 
(I should forsake even heaven, my queen, if its attainment would 
be joint with grief of you). Similarly Pane. 309 fiM^txtwioli i; sw- 
riMrt3ctifqil<?wVi<* fHyd^«riH-4dcjimi Hf^4=Hcdiuiy JHHiiiidi: (the fisher- 
men arrived with a great number of fishes they had killed 

and bore on their head). Here we are , indeed , on the very boun- 
dary of the sociative and the instr. of quality. 
68. This instrumental is by far not so frequent as its equivalents 
in Latin and Greek, the attributes or accompanying circumstances 
generally finding their adequate expression in the bahuvrihi-com- 
pound , see chapt. X. Qualities and dispositions of temper and mind 
are also signified by compounds , beginning with the particle g° , as 
^rfnsrr, Stsr^TRJT, cp. 184, E.; occasionally by periphrase, as Kam. 3, 3 
MMfcoM 1 . chfrumi <mrr £frTOgTn^ (with the utmost compassion he must 
succour the distressed). 

69. 4. test or criterion. — Examples: Eagh. 15, 77 a.-diTl'JH grsfft m i ^cH 
4 ' EPTOoT ?TT (her chastity was inferred from her pure body), E. 3, 

12, 23 aViifu i iaiix^ i Ef £wpt Hmd l ft^ (by the dignity of his 
person I conceive him a vessel of penance and self-control). Cp. 
Lat. magnos homines virtute metimur. 

70. 5- price or value. — Examples : Pane. 318 rTrfts?nfiT! cWrTT JTT 
5Price - jfnanft ritfr*f^f¥^3srT: > **»• on p - 2 > 3 > 18 ^^ 



JP 



52 § 70-72. 

Pane. 3 qrf foWiQshzf HiiMHUlriHiR' ch^lPi, R. 2, 34, 40 ^g^h^uwEr gsr- 
chljihri 5njf (I choose exile , were it at the price of all my wishes). 

Likewise the instrum. is used to denote that, which is given in 
exchange for something: Pane. 152 JT^Trj chRj^ftiH^f^rliRd^r^ 
(who takes [from mo] peeled sesam in exchange for unpeeled?) 

Rem. 1. The last but one example admits however also of an other 
interpretation, as ggeRW: m ay signify » above all my wishes." There 
are a good deal of instances proving, that Sanskrit had, especially 
in the ancient dialect, an instrum. of the thing surpassed of the 
same power as the so called ablativus comparationis. More on 
this subject see 107. 

Rem. 2. The verb qfjwt (to hire) may be construed either P-!> 4 . 
with the instrum. or with the dative of the wages; sih 1 ^ or ^ i nid 
q 17 shirt : Both conceptions are logically right. 

71. 6. way, by which. — Pane. -212 chrWH qirnn iiiilK l: *(<*il: (in 
Y ajr ' what direction the crows have disappeared?). By a common- 

which. place metaphor jttttoT) <TOT sim. are also used to signify the manner, 
in which one acts. Pane. I, 414 i^rfyTT g j|g(^§? q*rr ^T ETTf^T ST. 

72. - 7. cause, motive, reason. — Examples: Dag. 198 gfj-^f^ spim": P a 2 ' 3, 

'■ t ; au " gyT fTOT ^ feKPT (some boy, vexed by hunger and thirst), Oh. 
sauty *j i <t -» 

(instru- Up. 4, 10, 3 g- ^ a I [ t H I ■s^fgirj 5TT (from sorrow he was not able to 

sTeaM- eat), Qak. IV nj Qfacfrrt I Hj ^UUH?JT *TT FT STffrq rm: (even when 

sae.) injured by your husband you should not oppose him from wrath). 

Causality is also expressed by the ablative, and in some cases 
the latter is to be employed exclusively. But commonly both con- 
structions are promiscuous and occasionally found together in the 
same sentence. Pane. IV, 34 jt^ ^ fM f%t%^t Jjarr PrtRsiHi' i 
JT5TT: sripr aTOTT finfr ^ f3 * fl >i rt : (nothing is ambrosia and poison 
at the same time , woman alone excepted , by whose union one lives , 
and the separation of whom causes death), Kathas. 29, 25 gffiui 
JTETOTT! ?pT (lilri : (i* ' s from joy she has no appetite, not from 
illness). 

Rem. The ablative is forbidden and accordingly the instrumen- P. 2, 8, 
tal is of necessity; ^ l ly the cause or motive be at the same 
time the agent, see 102, 2'y if it be an abstract noun of the 



§ 72—73. 53 

feminine gender, expressing a quality. ') It may thus be said srfifrjr 
or srterforjfi; (released by heroism), but only fftjrr ggtiQH : (he fled 
from fear). Hence often the abl. of a masc. and neuter and the 
instr. of the feminine range together, as E. 2, 70, 25 sriToT ^rar 
f3iT f%^TT MM^di mj i rorprr =srrfa jh^tt wjmtRi ^r ^sftptj or Prabodh. 
II, p. 31 srpyf: waft wn srroirpH <gg: i %crfrf *MQu*uifeiyci-,iH;ddiii 
^r ^r ^ma-Urufildl-uffi (as you were a boy , forsooth , I have seen you 
at the end of the Dvapara-age , now by length of time and by my 
being vexed by old age I did not recognise you exactly). In 
scientific and philosophical works, commentaries and the like, abla- 
tives in °F5nrr alternate with instrumental in °rrar in order to de- 
note the cause or the moving principle. 

73. Next to the instrumental of causality comes that , which 
menu- signifies by what side, Like the Latin abl. partis it com- 
iwpar- mon iy depends on adjectives , but may also be the com- 
plement of the whole predicate. It is especially used 
to point out the points of comparison with verbs or nouns , 
which denote superiority or inferiority, likeness or dif- 
ference. 

Examples: E. 1, 1, 55 frnn foigirT: (disfigured), Ch. Up. 2, 11,2 
H^i^m trsrfworifT t^t^Mt, Dag. 77 *ortimu: w%£t 5repT Rifduy") 
-suBirT (he was rich in various kinds of knowledge and in good 
qualities, but not very bulky in earthly goods), Pane. 274 fsfcir- 
^JTrTTwrt sffifnr 5TOT (Sq i mi^ chimin stt ffcr. (am I inferior to 
both of them either in valour or in outer appearance or in study 
or in cleverness?), Dag. 177 ^t?f^t f&tfiFT ^lsll-ri^-^ldH ^ SoTOpf- 



1) P. 2, 3, 25 perhaps admits of two interpretations. The words fsnTTTT TIUT 
-sf^PTFT may signify » optional, when expressing a quality, provided 
this quality is no feminine" or » optional, when expressing a quality; 
not at all, if [the motive be] a feminine." Moreover the term stri may 
denote as well all feniinines, as only such, as have special feminine 
endings. — At all events, in practice, when signifying causality, the 
ablative with the special femin. ending °OT: is always avoided. 



54 § 73-74. 

i HriVa srrTff (he is surpassing all his citizens by his birth, his 
wealth and his being the king's confident) , Qak. V JtH^dld f% tryf 
m<.M<jTiq|y tfr wrffT qf^rTTOT ^\um qfejriH l *j^ (the tree does tolerate the 
ardent glow of the sun on its summit to assuage by its shade the heat 
of those who come to it for shelter). In the last example, the instr. 
A\iHl[ may also be accepted as the instrument. In practice, indeed, 
the different shades of the how-case do not show themselves so 
sharply, as they are exhibited by the standard-types, cp. 64. 

Bern. 1. Concurrent idioms denoting the side by which, are 
the ablative and the locative, especially if it be wanted to express 
the points of comparison. It is even allowed to use them side by 
side. So R. 1, 17, 13 two instrumentals are used together with an 
abl. (TrasrT trwr diJi^^-aU fr), Mhbh. 1, 16, 9 they range with a 
locative (gfr trarT [Smhi an *a"u=iify^T sr^r i HsreTT eptot ^ter)- 

Eem. 2. The instrumental is of necessity, when naming the p ■ *• 
part of the body, by which one suffers, as a^U l l giror; (blind of«y 
one eye) , mfijMi cFifirr: , Tlt^T wx\- Ch. Up, 2, 19, 2 jt ^3 a^; tujtj 
fdriafrl (he who knows so, is not crippled in any limb). 

Eem. 3. With comparatives and the like the instrumental is 
equivalent to the Latin ablativus mensurae. Dag. 73 cMiaH l Jch i m - 
fca ii JI yif: (by how much is duty superior to interest and pleasure ?), 
Utp. on Varah. Brhats (translation of Kern p. 7) aW l z^ C7TT- 
af^f l dH U in^ l iiMfT JwfH (such a planet moves so many yojanas 
74. above the terrestrial globe). 

con- a The instrumental is used in many idiomatic turns, 
8 tion! most of which belong to the general heads described 
in the preceding paragraphs. Of them the most impor- 
tant are: 

1. to honour-, to favour-, to attend on with. Q&k. I grf^r- 
^l^jfarfol^l ^T ^itArfliwilrlotwwifiT: (we want to wait upon you 
with a new drama etc.), Pane. Ill, 139 ^i hT^ PT'M Pj) H : [sc. chMlrH 5t?:]. 

2. to swear-, to conjure by. R. 2 , 48, 23 q^[g am i H< (we swear ; 
even by our children); Mrcch. Ill (p. 126) ii^T^fli wfi&ohm H l lf^dl si%; 



§ 74 55 

Mhbh. 1, 131, 46 g^R rT 5PT- — Likewise ^T ?RRj an elliptical 
phrase = znn mJW W3 rR STRR (as I have said the truth , by that 
truth), cp. Ch, Up. 3, 11, 2; Nala 5, 17—20. 

3. to boast on. Mhbh. 2, 64, 1 q^crwor mjm ^my fbpt; 

4. to live by. M. 3, 162 rralrsr d lbi fn ( v - a - an astrologer), Cak. 

5. to rejoice, to laugh, to wonder etc. at. Mhbh. 1, 138, 71 
sfft roidl^ (you make me glad), Mudr. VII p. 221 nrrPT t| f | H i« iml 
srar (with whose virtues I am not content), Kathas. 20, 43 a^rsr PR 
sr ^g; (the king laughed at it). Op. my (bravo, well done) with 
instr. Malat. I (p. 8) m 5W sma^Fr *rfcm i fa zftrR. 

Bern. In the case of 4. and 5. the ablative may occasionally 
be made use of. That mftH, tjqflH, ftf, ?RC, ST3 ma y be trans- 
itives , has been stated 42, 4 ; the last ( vjl-dfd ) is commonly construed 
so , and does but rarely comply with the instr. 

Rem. 2. With ttj , sirte and the like the instrum. may be either 
the sociative proper (then ^-, gxpr etc. may be added) or the 
karana. Ch. Up. 8, 12,3 gives a fair instance of its standing on 
the bordering line of both acceptations slTrt-^hii-i^MlHl '. drtferf tTRsrf 
Tl l 'lHp terf (laughing [or eating], playing and rejoicing with women, 
carriages or relatives). 

6. to fill with. Pane. 317 n^ f frguTs^ ; e^ftiprara-: EjPSTsr: 
^ifTrT'. (what was left of his store of barley, he had earned by 
begging, therewith he filled his bowl), Mudr. V p. 184 ^ ctrtRt: <nf- 
rfTPT- — The genitive with words of filling is also met with, yet 
the general use prefers the instrumental, at least with "TprfH- 

7. to vanquish in (a battle, etc.). Pane. 291 Frf^gsRTf^ra'- 

8. to carry -, to keep -, to bear on {in, with.) Pane. 
Ill, 202 ^ch l ^ i ssrart UTJfr STsTT^t fS l ^ld^ ( the ca rtwright carried 
his wife with her paramour on his head), Dag. 140 rriBCTTrfRT^in^pr 

E e m. In the cases of 7 and 8 the locative is the concurrent 
idiom. It is said promiscuously hj^ and zrs^r f^rPT , ^£f or ^FtR- arPT- 
Cp. Kumaras. 3,22 ir?fp?rRT5T?T iryT q^Ri mm with Kad. I , p. 29 
■RjrrRr chi-di^m - But always awrr v »to hold on the balance", v. a. 
»to weigh, to compare." 



56 § 74-77. 

9. It is said a^^Tbufd an< * fl-dH ( ne P^ys at dice). Cp. also E. (Gorr.) 
3, 30, 4 3f&pii iiEia5.Ht tot: with Mhbh. 13, 148, 2 qsrcjr aaw f^rsr 
qzr:, Lat. 2>£m# lapides or lapidibus. — Similarly sjqjr amid and mqi?H 
(to swear an oath). 

Bern. In the old dialect of the Yedic mantras the instrum. attends 
on qrOH and tfsr just as the abl. on Latin potiri and fungi, see 
Delbr. Abl. Loc. Instr. p. 65. To the instances adduced there I add 
the mantra in Acv. Grhy. 1, 23, 19 H-H I dH d^lltdUH ^T nf%mk- 

75. 10.) the set phrases TTi U'ilsWH (or^FT) ,^ft^T: 

sim., or in a negative form ^T SnitsFT^T etc. are con- 
strued with the instr. of that, which „does not matter." 
Or even it is said simply I ^tt FFT (what matters this?). 
He, whom it does not matter, is put into the genitive. 

Examples : Pane. 285 fej; h^ih JuichUreH nJ)d- l ^ (what profit have 
I being cartwright ?), Malav. Ill (p. 81) tt k HMik*u\ shfcl<J : (I 
have nothing J o meddle with M.), R. 2, 73, 2 f% tt srw iTT i istH 
(what matters me the kingdom?), Dag. 140 ? fr- Mm Rh fa^Hm tncfnT, 
Mudr. I (p. 21) wra^T =g *ih(UI ^ mrr: mirtHi-^ i Tim 3r: (what profit 
may be derived from an unwise and coward [officer], though he be* 
faithful?), Pat. I, p. 7 fgr rr ra^T (what • matters us this?), Qak. 
Y fgr fqjTOJtfraT FcraT. 

In the same way it is said fg; ch^ffi ir^T 2 M *^ faciam eo ? Pane. 
276 f^r anfyjjtrH *tot *f|mfy. 

Rem. 1. Like gsj-, its derivative ?rp^T complies with instrum., 
when = » wanting-, being eager for -, coveting." R. 3, 18, 4 mjjti l- 
qf (he wants to be married), Mudr. V (p. 166) ^jf q^ar Afa^ : gfrsr- 
iprimmP^-i: *fy(i,6ium (some of them long after the foe's trea- 
sures and elephants, some others are coveting his domains). 

Rem. 2. Note TTcFrT with instrum. » dependent on, in the power 
of," R. 3, 18, 9 g^ l ^MHl , Malat. VI (p. 97) q^Hfo-j *mra=r. Yet 
gen. and loc. are also available, cp. tim-a 124- 

76. II.) with ^TFFT, *ltr[, ^TrFF the instrum. expresses 
a prohibition or an invitation to cease or to stop. 



§ 77-78. 57 

Vikram. I wnrrarf^r (stop your cries), Qak. I ^oTT =pr H^r 
(well, no hesitation more) , Mahav. II (p. 25) mn zjtix& rPTOT (cease . 
your unparalleled penance). 

77. Many instrumentals have more or less the character 
of adverbs, as STFTTJT (mostly), H^T (easily), J:^T 

and fi^HT (hardly), ^TrSRT (with all my heart), 
etc. So E. 1, 13, 34' narmx =t ^insii g reuFdcH)yidi(g srr (one should 
not bestow a gift in a disdainful manner nor in jest) , Pane. II , 204 
pHlfui *(Vu=) =T *if£<rtM EirTH (he makes friends and does not con- 
verse with them falsely), Mrcch. VII (p. 237) ^trr air srnsisrw 
(auspicious be your way to your kinsmen), Malat. X (p. 165) cjfFT-~ 
■^.cWltti ^TTrT: Qf oiryt(5*flJM sft&rTSW (nor can K. live longer either 
without her daughter). 

78. III. The instrumental of time serves to denote in ^ \' 
strum. W ^ iat time something is accomplished. Not rarely this con- 
oftime. ce p^j on coincides with that of the time, after which some- 
thing is happening. ;Tr CHMcilch) .siffa; (the chapter was learned in 
(after) a month). 

The same applies to space. efTtipTFrawtesJiTT: '). 

Examples : Pane. 2 ai^u i ffiJtMfchi tfr ^j-jr^ (v. a; grammar requires 
twelve years to be mastered), ibid. 237 chfdqtUoi l ^lfa trgT ^sr H 5fsT- 
oII^oItI: (in a few days he [the crow] grew strong like a peacock), 
Da§. 159 HrTf-scrifliuHl cft^r- jm- faa^&Uch q NHMK (after some time 
the king's chief queen was delivered of a son) , E. 1, 13, 35rrfr; j,fej^ - 
^M^UIrtl: TfrftfiT:, Pane. 282 riJ^WiTuiiWAiWMUiUJri: chlRMHcO 
yuqR^HI (as they went on, after no more than two yojanas the 
couple came in sight of some river). So -fjr-jq-: , Q^m : etc. — »in pro- 
cess of time." 



1) The difference between this instrum. of time and the above mentioned 
ace. of time (54) is illustrated by these examples of the Kaifika: It is 

said ^lyHKsR^nrrtgorrart'SsJfrT: , but ijuH^tnrtl-s^ai*! :r ^t5r JTfftr:, 
for »if the subject ceases the action before having reached its aim , the in- 
strumental may not be employed." 



58 § 78—79. 

Bern. 1. The fundamental conception seems here to be that of 
concomitancy. Hence it may be explained , how the third case occasi- 
onally denotes even at what time, as R. 1, 72, 12 frchl^r (at one 
and the same day) ^ratr=rftnt -eirHHUli muTU^ri -droll ("i ^isW=ir., and 
such standing phrases as ^t chM- l , cFT W<H , which are especially 
frequent in Buddhistic and Jain books. 

Bern. 2. The naxatra or constellation , under which something p - 2 > 3 > 45 

' cp.4, 2,4. 

occurs, may be put indifferently in the third or the seventh case: 

qTsznir or cnsr tlMMMiHimH - Examples of the instrum. Acv. Grrhy. 

3, 5, 1 iHMidl •sfatii*?l<ji*(mM)yytqt qT^rfir JtioiiTw- — ^R sit, Pa*- 

I, 231 *h^ui fmrm nrT: 

Chapter V. Dative. *) 

79. The dative or fourth case serves to point out the 
empkiy- destination , and therefore it generally does answer to En- 
the D da- glish to and for , Latin ad or in with ace. Yet , if it be 
tlve- wanted to express the destination of a real going or mov- 
ing, the accusative (39) or locative (134) are commonly- 
preferred, although the dative may be used even then, 
SIFTFT JT^frT being as correct as m^t TT^frT- So Bagh. p. 2, 3,] 2. 
with 12, 7 opttct irEf , Dae. 76 Hii|ia\-d<yi4^ Mudr. II ;M)M^m grprer umaifa 
w ° r f s (I will send Karabhaka to Pataliputra), Kathas. 47, 92 t j rif a' ?rg- jjhjh: 
moving. jgr pdUllJl ir ST^r (after ceasing the battle both armies retired to their 
encampments). — With causative verbs of moving; as those of 
bringing , throwing , casting , this kind of dative is frequent. B. 3, 
25, 27 yiMk^MiJ4|yoitrnr i f%f%j: <4|Msh^l (W\U |sPT^T:, Malav. in 
(p- 76) tmflchm (T5; nf^uflfrl (she lifts up her foot to the acoka-tree), 
Mhbh. 1, 114, 2 (d^iu Iter <mr?: uuuwiy iTS^T- 

Rem. The aim, reached, attained is never put in 
the dative (39) 2 ). 



1) Compare Delbeuck's monography on the employment of the dative in 
the Rgvedasanhita in Kuhn'a Zeitschr. XVIII, p. 81— 106. Monographies on 
the syntax of the dative in classic Sanskrit are not known to me, 

2) Cp. Pat. I, 448, vartt. 4 on P. 2, 3,12. 



§ 80—81. 59 

80. In the great majority of cases the destination purported 
thfdes- by the dative , has an acceptation more or less figura- 
tion, tive. The different kinds of datives, which display this 
character, may be arranged in two distinct groups, viz # 
I , the so-called dative of concern or interest , II , the 
dative of the purpose. The former has almost the same 
functions as the dative of modern european languages , 
the sphere of the latter is that of the dativus finalis 

in Latin. 

Both are but varieties of the fundamental notion , as will be made 

plain by these examples, which contain some datives of the kind 
I and II, construed with the verb to go, I, Hitop. p. 42 q 'Z^m 
^ farmtr =T srarwrr =r -diriH i *MUI«4 m ETTfn 5r^ri^h{Mir5a , i (the riches 
of the miser go neither to a god nor to a brahman, nor to his 
family nor to himself, because of fire, thieves, the king). II. E. 
1 46, 7 TfjiaiT rTC^r Jnrr (after these words he set out to penance, 
viz. m order to do penance), Ven. II (p. 39) jixf roWlrMcdim^w (go to 
your business). 

81. I. The dative of concern denotes the person or 
D ** n _ cf thing concerned by the action , in whose behalf or against 
cern - whom it is done , or who is anyhow interested by it J ). 
It is put 1.) to transitive verbs, as a.) those of giving and 
offering, b.) of showing , c.) of telling , speaking, announc- 
ing, promising, etc., d.) of doing or wishing good or evil, 

and the like , for expressing the so-called „remote object." 
„ Examples: a.) R. 2, 40, 14 snyiuiw^miR ^r gfara' Sorer^t zij; 

object. Pane. 173 jTsWftVt f§rag<W3*RW SPWrnrmr (the king's officer gave 

the money to Upabhuktadhana), Qak. Ill ^rfrffsrmr 3*T^;rfa, Mrcch. 

I (p. 21) <£rfr mj JTi^srfrmrt sif^n; — &■) KatMs. 29, 32 ^uuifcbi 

^it (she ' presented her friend to her father); — c.) Ch. Up. 3, 



1) Cp. P. 1, 4, 32 ctTntnT q-JTfiwfFT H WRTTO and Patanjali on that 
sutra I, 330. 



60 § 81—83. 

11, 4 rT5rr<![5r^rT UdlMHil 3STT^ UsimldHHd qjr: nuTHT;; Kathas. 53, 139 
STTSTTii. • • • rTgai (the matter was told to the boy) , C, ak. VII ftsw 
chf-Ulfa (he tells her so) ; lev. Grhy. 1, 22, 10 H^MiJ i ti d^Jlri (he 
should deliver to his teacher [the alms he has received]) ; Nala 3, 1 
iron nfri-a ia' Rc?t: chfTm sffi' (he promised them, he would do so); 
_ d.) Mudr. I (p. 44) rrrmwr: rrejfrTWT: EiaPb5?Ert ^Tsn^r:; Mhbh. 
1, 3, 178 ■?{& nfHchfrti (requite him this). 

2.) to intransitives as those of pleasing , bowing and 
submitting , appearing etc. So Pane. 282 A-^h jr^pr^it pleases 
me), Qak. V jtstt ij^vEft- ffarr; Nala 5, 16 %aw. mafe4oi i; R. 2, 
25, 4 gig-: mjwy tp h g- roiwR^-ri (and may those , to whom 
you bow, my son, preserve you); Nir. 2, 8 aw SofrTT.--- m^ysr 
(a deity appeared to him). 

82. In these and similar instances it is not the use of the 
cur^ dative , which should be noticed , but the faculty of em- 

idioms. ploying in a large amount of cases instead of it some other 
case , mostly a genitive or a locative (cp. 129 and 145). Some 
words even seem wholly to avoid the dative of concern ; 
so|c(9hi (to sell) is generally construed with the loca- 
tive of the purchaser, ^FT (to pardon) with a geni- 
tive, adjectives as TCTCT, *M3L4 , iNFT, ^Trfi are as 
a rule construed with a genitive, etc. 

83. In some special cases the use of the dative is enjoined 
caTes of D y vernacular grammarians; of the kind are: 

l.Thedat,withf^rT (good for). Cp. Pat. I, 450; Pan. 5, 1, 5 
FTC$ %TJT. Even here the gen. may be used , see f. i. R. 3, 36, 24. 

2. The dative of the creditor with 3J(Mfrl (to owe). *■*;*• 

3. Some utterances of ritual , almost = „hail" to — 
as to, ssrr^r, isrvT, sra^— likewise most phrases of blessing 
and salutation. They are construed with a dative, but 



the Jat. 
of con- 
cern. 



§ 83. 61 

some of them 1 ) either Wjth dat. or with genitive, p- 2 '^ 

•^ $3T*T> STTIT JcaTHT: , 5F5TVT ftm?T: , SoTfer CTjTTWT: , «i^q" g 1 -^ or Ti. ' 
<T=T JJOTJT^, cfisr^r 5oT5j3W and ^oi^-Hiy. Vikram. p. 62 i^rmH 5^- In 
the ninth act of the Mrcch. Carudatta greets the judges with an 
5&firei^J': ^oiRr l 1 , wherea- the chief judge answers him teiMHM l &a ^ 
But R. 3, 24, 21 ssrfer is construed with a gen. jsrfer iflsTT^nrrrat 

i. Verbs of anger , jealousy, injuring, discontent agree '37.' 
with the dative of the object of the animosity. Mhbh. 

1, 3, 186 -^nWhHch lEr ^ch")g ^ (the king felt angry towards Taxaka), 
Kathas. 17, 44 rrrer ^siW, Apast. 1, 1, 14 jh?T =T ffiJrch tfj-eH (him 
he should never offend), A.it. Br. 8, 23, 11 f^rn^a- fazh ^T^rnrroa- *rm 
=T?T%ft 5^?T, KM. I, 217 tiMulvri ^faalq^aua (they find fault with 

•■J 

the advice of their ministers), Mahav. 1 (p. 18) ^q^zrrfa TtrT S^nrrra' 
(I am jealous of king Dagaratha). 

Rem. Yet with strain (to find fault with) and 3"^rfn (to hurt) 
the ace, with those of anger and jealousy the gen. and loc. or 
gin are also available. "When compounded, jrg- and gpj must agree ' 3 g 
with ace. ^oi^ \u ^Hrf?r but ^d^qf^ariH. 

5. Some other verbs , enumerated by Panini , viz. g^rra (to praise), P. 1, 4, 
f (to conceal), grq- (to swear, to conjure) and &n- Here the da- 
tive is required of him, whom it is wanted to inform of some- 
thing, f. i. ^oi^-ai'J S^rracT »he praises, to N.N." [here N.N. is the 
person addressed], Prabodh. Ill, p. 66 stst-ht. siftst. ST<T (I swear 
a hundred times to the Buddhas), Naish. 1, 49 grorscTRW sPTRT f%- 
frrei Tbri i ^ (concealing from the people his unsteadiness). — As to 
Sqr, it is not plain, what meaning it has here. By comparing 
P. 1, 3, 23 with the examples adduced there by Kacika, fosrt with 
a dat. may be = she presents or he discovers himself to 2 )," but 



1) Viz. mjrar, q<£, H<£, ^SRiT, mt, W, %r and their synonyms 
(vartt. on P. 2, 3, 73). 

2) The examples of Kac. on 1, 3, 23 are [rt'Xd 3v3rr ^TsW: i (HBrf ^ETctTt 

jntj^HT:; here frpyrf is said to be = M<*IUWriJlrH , M4; 



62 § 83—85. 

??rr with a dat. may also have had the meaning Ao have faith in — , 
affection to," Qvetacv. Up. 3, 2 ^ft ff ft^T ? f% Rri l a m frer:, Naish.7, 57- 

6. P. 1, 4, 41 enjoins a dat. with the compound verbs a-nmiifd 
and nfHUU I .lir) ; being technical terms of the ritual »to utter [a 
certain formula] after — , in reply to another." '). 

7. P. 1, 4, 33 mentions a dat. with verbs of casting one's na 
tivity etc., like xry, Tff, to denote him, on whose behalf this is 
done. "We have here an instance of the dative of profit , treated 
in the following paragraph. 

84. Sometimes the dative involves the notion of some 
comma- profit or damage caused by the action (dativus commodi 
inam- e ^ incommodi). Ch. Up. 6, 16, 1 ^m^ro WH^ch i tjfc<j ^ wj<^ ftot (he 
nod*- has taken something, he has committed a theft, heat the hatchet 
for him), Kam. 3, 9 aifaoUlfuMflHiii ^r saY 5TT (3-iifiiM i 3?) ff ^rm 
mfh \a yirfTjH <HMM|d^ (for who, indeed, would do wrong for the 
sake of his body, a thing beset by sorrow and disease and de- 
stined to die some day or other?), Dag. Uttar. page 19 of the ed. of 
Damaruvallabhacarman ^ht jTWTCIWiWTOT TOT (from this day I 
have come in bondage of her), Cak. Ill aa^iq rl l dld l Plch str ,'r- 

3iJm JTTFWt^" Outfit} WJTR. 

Here , as in 82 , it is not the dative , that is remar- 
kable, but the faculty of substituting for it the geni- 
tive , as Qak. Ill ch^^^iM ^UiMdPd =er ^rfirPTterrfirr ^\u£ (whom 
this ointment and these lotus-leaves are sent for?). The dat. 

commodi is often periphrased by ^T^FT , M y A , ^JrT sim. 

85. Verbs and nouns of befitting , suiting , counterpoising are 
Dat. construed with the dative. So the verbs ch^ri , mw [vartt. 
™ rd9 2 on P. 2, 3, 13], ^TurfrT, HUsrlrf, the nouns jpj, ^^^and the' like 

of 

coun- 

terpens- ^ ipjjg j,j language seems to have allowed more of such datives with 
compound verbs, so as to be the counterpart of Latin instat hosti , occurril 
mihi and the like. So Apast. I, 14, 15 foUWllHIUIll^ol WlPJdKJWUibid. 
II, 11, 3 TTsTT ZTX3VI wlfiM^rl [instead of STfTff ]. A curious dative of the 
same kind, it seems , is Dae. 149(U|ol<l^=(rUlil <olril3 ErfmrfilOTTfo 



§85—86. 63 

[P. 2, 3, 16 and Pat. on this sutra I, p. 450, vartt. 2]. So Dag. 73 ^q^ 
■s-l<yHIU ch<y<4H (he is fit for a considerable share of heavenly bless- 
ing); Qak. VI grf^q-sijinTiTT it^h qr^TW a^qr; R- (Giorr.) 5, 25, 7 
rTCT *r=Kd|Myj irraf^ f% =r chgMH (why should you not suit to be the 
wife of the king of the infernal regions ?) ; Apast. 1, 12, 13 rrraTO TTwrfK 
(he becomes fit for hell) ; Kumaras. 6, 59 irar^rinoRtrSTra' qlTdlMm - • • . 
^rrjrfr Wd Prf »T (my body is not strong enough to bear the joy, 
you have caused me by your homage); Vas. Dh. adhy. 8 wiTrran'- 
WTOT -ii-nf^Hltii : 5Tra^(if ne na ^ e the wealth to perform the agnyd- 
dheya sacrifice, he must keep the fires); Pat. =g^ff or qijifcTr Hrf \ i\ 
(one athlete is a match for another). 

E em. With some adjectives of competency the genitive may also be 
used, especially with qtrfq- and s^-, as Yar. Brh. 32, 4 STan^ qror 
^5^T, R- 3, 38, 9 •^mTTRT^ 5Tc?T tfTtsR qnfcf iTCT J^\ 

86 It is likely , that the genitive had not encroached 
tives* so much on the dative's sphere . of employment in the 
dialect of the brahmanas and of ancient epic poetry, 
as afterwards. In some instances the dative is no more 
used in the classical language, after having been em- 
ployed so in the archaic dialect. 

Of the kind are a.) the dative of the agent of krtyas. It seems 
to be restricted to the oldest dialect, that of the vedic mantras. 
Bgv.L 31, 5 i^H^l % HorfiFT J Moi T &i; (you are worshipful to him who 
holds the spoon uplifted). Cp. Delbr.'s monography, p. 90. 

b.) the dative with the adjectives of friendship and the contrary. 
Bgv. 7, 36, 5 t^t qjjf -x AVi stst- The classic construction is here gen. 
or locative. See Delbr. 1.1. p. 90. 

c.) the dative with <&gx (to have faith , to trust) , ssf (to listen) , 
see Delbr. 1. 1. p. 84. 

In classic Sanskrit the person trusted is put in the gen. or loc, 
the thing believed in the ace, and when = »to approve" or »to 
welcome," sngr is of course a transitive, as KatMs. 5, 114; 46, 136. 

O 

On the classic construction of 3j see 95, 4 , 126 b). Its deside- 
rative aWM?V (to listen) is construed with a dat. in the Chando- 



■o c- 



64 § 86—87. 

gya Upanishad (7, 5, 2) fr^ a i ^N^H ', but in classic Sanskrit it is 
mostly a transitive, even when meaning to obey, Qak. IV tumtivdl 

d.) a dative -with substantives , to denote the possessor, cp. En- 
glish »a son to me." Egv. 1, 31, 2 fcft rroifoi^ Hsptrt (ruler of the 
whole universe); Ch. Up. 4, 3, 6 g^r oTT l^\^A frcqT Tjjtt 7^0^ (you 
have not given the food to him , to whom it belongs). — This con- 
struction has long subsisted in the case of the possessor being a 
personal pronoun, especially in epic poetry. Mhbh. 1, 51, 5 ftjrTT 
H^jH , R. 1, 54, 11 5TciT T^J^ instead of rpj; Mhbh. 1, 151, 39 iTPTsrf 
JT gfvf^T: Utl-c^fn civ fiWT (Yudh. refuses me the permission of 
killing you), ibid. 1, 111, 14 ^gfa rppT, R. 1, 13, 4; 2, 32, 8, etc. 

NB. In the brahmana-works it is sometimes impossible to de- 
cide whether a dative or a genitive has been employed. Both 
cases may formally coincide in the singular of the feminines in °^j, 
"■§, °3J (°t, °s). In the dialect of these books the gen. and abl. of 
the singular may end in °n, just as the dative does; -f^g- in the 
brahmana-works = classic ferq- or fem i;. See Kuhn, Zeitschr. XV, 
p. 420 Eqq., Auprecht p. 428 of his edition of the Aitareyabrah- 
mana. 

87. II. The dative of the purpose or aim is of very fre- 

Dat 

of the quent occurrence. It may be made use of always , if 

pore, one wants to denote either the thing wished for or the 

action intended. Of the former kind are such datives as 

<fi^ft ^TH (he goes out for fruits) , "^TPT ^7 

(wood for a sacrificial stake), ^TUFTT'^" I^^UM^T (gold 

for a ring), Hitop. 95 3^pft sfloMIM. 

In the latter case the nomen actionis itself is put in 
the dative and has the power of an infinitive. Qak. I 
SflrMIUIIU op W% *T M^rJHHIilRf (your weapon 
serves to protect the afflicted, not to hurt the innocent). 
Here of two actions equally aimed at , one is expressed 



§ 87-88. 65 

by the dative of a nomen actionis , the other by an 
infinitive. The third concurrent idiom is using peri- 
phrase by means of such words as ^Fl , MFTtT 1 ? = 
„for the sake of." Prabodh. V,p. lOO g^^ img .-i l RrichqTdMfH^ - 
.tjTzf =g- ^iihium <Hi^rWRd (the systems [of philosophy] keep together 
for the sake of guarding the Veda and combating the party of 
the atheists). 

Other examples of the injinitive-like dative. — Pane. 58 ti&w gferrT;, 

Prabodh. V,p. 113 ^rff xi i dlH l ^chfchm'tl m ^^pH^N : (now, let us 
plunge into the Ganges for the bathing-ceremony for our kinsmen), 
Hitop. 7 ^nwiPprraTf HlRmiMlq^smr itsrt: otttitj^ (you have full 
power to instruct these my sons in the doctrine of politics so as 
you like best), Ven. I, p. 24 TSjrt n T^Ti Mi i imdril^U iTCr, Kathas. 26, 33 

f^OTT Ml^tld ^Itfl' rTftTTCT ^TOTsr & i&^jfr oIlt^DchrH : (thank God, 

that is the town, for attaining which I have placed myself on 

the back of this bird), Malat. VI, p. 87 sTrnfrr £smr ^TrT^, 

Kam. I, 66 jt^jt (Swifyiwiu %5JrT, Mrcch. VII (p. 238) ^sr ih^hmiu 
( — till .we meet again). 
88. Some idioms , though implied by the general descrip- 
tion , given in the preceding paragraph , are worth special 
notice. 

1. The datives of abstract nouns , when expressing „to 
serve to, to conduce to." They often make up the whole 

predicate.- — Examples: Pat. I, 11 ^sr ^ ^mm HorfK ifTWlji \u 
. "(v. a. it is neither good nor evil), Pane. Ill , 103 qi")qch i i i uiiiiiu 
PTTHI M(qiiH^ ibid, p, 192 tfa^wfij smnt ^%rJT Hcrifr (even if weak 
people keep together, it may afford protection). Op. the marriage- 
mantra in Agv. Grhy. 1, 7, 3 ip-cmf^ & grr m i reim ^WT^I take your 
hand for happiness'sake). . — Compare Latin haec res tibi est laudi. 
Similarly hm-hh with dat. — »to turn, to change into", chgMd 
(to suit) see 85* 

Eem. 1. A vartt. on Pan. 2, 3, 13 gives a special rule on the 

B 



66 § 88—90. 

dative , when serving to explain a prognostic as oiiHW *fij<yil fa^r- 

swrrcrriniSTlftTTt i "5trTT opsrfer ferar d/V-niiti fwrr noTTr- 

Bern. 2. The person, to whom something will conduce to good, 
evil etc., is put in the genitive: ddrW I M (t^ 8 w ^ be to 7 0VLT 
glory), cp. 130. — In the archaic dialect, however, we have 
two datives, one of the concern and one of the aim, just as in- 
"Latin. A. V. 1, 29, 4 jvgju ij^r sramt sm?^ur: T^Tirar G et I P ut ** 
on [viz. the mani], for acquiring my kingdom for myself and 
defeat for my rivals) ; Egv. 2, 5, 1 ; Ait. Br. 2, 3, 3 ^gvHrf sr qgtoft 
■s ~U'i|i<LiMu rro' >4i[ri«T< (the sacrificial victims did not stand still 
to the gods for the sake of being used as food and immolated). 
Eem. 3. With iRjir (to hold for) the predicative dative may 
be used instead of the ace. (32, c), if contempt is to be expressed; 
names of animated beings are excepted and should therefore be 
put exclusively in the ace. So Panini (2, 3, 17). Kag. ^ fETT FJtrr 
or Hmm rRTi°sra^ or sima; yet it allows the dat. of sept;. =T 
fcTT M6 II H* or sfq- ip-q-. Instances of" this dative in literature I 
have but found for Hmm , see Petr. Diet. s. v. and Dag. 88 g^, 
KTHHmm ^foii^gfri^ »Kub. does not care a straw for Arth." 

89. 2'y. The dative of the aim aspired after with verbs PL*. 

36. 

of wishing , striving , endeavouring , sim. 

Examples: R. 2, 95, 17 ^iJ i muj q- ttww ST^jt (I do not long 
for Ay. nor for the kingdom), Spr. 128 h^ i R TTTt spfiT JJITRT 
(nevertheless E. aspired after the deer), Qak. V n-mm er -uaivl 
(I do not hope for [the fulfilling of] my wish), E. 1, 18, 57 s^T- 
Rfgijffcft-sf fas^f Mf(o[-Ati (it is in your behalf I wish to grow 
mighty), Malav. I, p. 15 ri^nmm ^ fd^a (I will try to find her out). 

Rem. All these, verbs of course admit also of accu- 
sative , if some thing , and of infinitive it some action be 
aimed at; ^j?T fejSR I^IrT H% r T # 

90. 3!y. The infinitive-like dative with verbs of beginning , 
resolving, being able (f. i. 5T37) and with those of ordering 
to and appointing to. 

Examples: Dag. 157 nd^P^ii i ] RH l faA^ui l JliKftfa^*?! (you shall 



§ 90- 93. 67 



begin to ascend the funeral pile at the gate of the king's palace), 
ibid. 126 yicWH uiuqm (he commenced to take an oath), Prab. V 
p. 102 ^ ^atemfe stori^r^ (he has resolved to die), Dag. 192 
SIT ^ ER?rr g ' Q^Ul I c^NU I I tl IUI<*<rl (and this tale was fit to win the 
warrior), Kumar. 4, 39 ^Rffitit i iwrr ^f?T: (Rati, being ready to 
give up life) ; — Qak. I ^h^[hR<H r*l(m i R.W (having charged 
his daughter with the reception of guests), Kathas, 15, 82 i l oiuh - 
P^-Hti $oi P4a) IdH : (he was appointed by the gods to destroy Ra- 
vana). 

Even with verbs of promising. Prabodh. II, p, 24 »[h^ i h M i M i ttM 
(Sld^iH Ejsfhra^tSTTra' (Viveka and his minister have engaged them- 
selves to rouse the moon of enlightening). 
91. In short, in Sanskrit datives of noriiina actionis 
{bhdvavacandni) do often duty of infinitives. As they , 
however, are always felt as noun-cases , they agree with 
the genitive of their object. But in the ancient dialect 
many of them had verbal construction. More ample 
information about them will be given in the chapter 
on the infinitive. 



92. Time-denoting 'datives may serve for expressing a 
^"^ time to come, when a limit of something to be done. 
A ^s Malav. V, p. 139 jtot.... . . si^qvx PtoH-T l J l fi^W^-41 f&^f&r: 

(I have set at entire liberty the horse, that it might be brought 
back after a year). 

Of a similar nature is' this dative in R. 2, 62, 17 (KausalyS, 
speaks) oMoiwiu (wui n^iyl ■ssr nwm n: nilch^ri^&ifiU! qwiomT'Tt 
qiT j> we count now on R.'s exile but five nights, which seem to 
me as many years." 

Chapter VI. Ablative *). 

93. The fifth case or ablative serves to denote the whence , 



1) Comp. Dblbkuck Ablativ, Localis, Inslrumentalis , p. 1 — 27. 



68 § 93—94. 

Gene- an( j i s therefore the very opposite of the dative, 
view of Nevertheless both cases are formally identical in the . 

the J 

atia- dual and the plural. 7 ) In the singular the form of the 

tive, 

ablative often coincides with that of the genitive. 
It is but the ablatives in "^TTrT, that are exclusively 
expressive of the fifth case. Moreover those made by 
mean's of the adverbial suffix °r\> are not seldom preferred 
to the regular ablatives of the singular, ambiguousness 
being wholly excluded from them. 

For easiness' sake we will treat of this case under 
four general heads, I abl. of separation, II abl. of di- ! 
stance , III abl. of origin and cause , IV abl. expressing 
„on what side." In all of them, however, the unity 
of the fundamental conception is evident, and some- 
times one may account for the same ablative in more 
than one way. 
94. I. The ablative , then , is wanted to express , from or P -J. 4 > 

A Kl a *A. 

tive ei- oui °f what place there is a starting and moving 2 ;: 
siTOot a -) in its P r oper sense, as Pane. 21 t^wii^i^fa^ifi (I 

the wish to get out of this forest), Kadamb. I, 21 Ritngfrijl^l - 
whenoe, . ' 

from, "WU-iMkrlJ^Ji (the king got up from his 'hall of audience), Pane. 

' ' p. 42 ^sptraT J-lN l t^JMHH ( — returning from the village), Kathas. 

29, 179 or^prhr: M^IIIHI, Qak. I ^ i -Htt^eM-^ (without moving from 



1) In the dual the same form discharges even the functions of three: 
abl., instr. and dative. As we cannot doubt, that - bhyam and - bhyas 
contain the same element - bhi, which is in the suffix - bhis and Greek -<J», 
it is upon the neuter territory of the instrumental, that the two con- 
trarious conceptions of abl. and dat. must have met together. 

2) Panini, in his lively way, gives this definition of the -sphere of the 
ablative: IjoWHU) WRJ^PT »if there be a withdrawal, that which stays is 
apadana" 



§ 94—95. 69 

the place), ibid. Ill q ^ ftrrrf^af q#rer fqst^H q- FTrft'fS7P^(and my 
heart does not Come back from thence as little as water from 
' below), Kathas. 72, 175 fi^i i ~uiqf ;, Dae. 29 a i' ^RlchHH g5TcTl£ 
(descending from the swing). 
95. b.) in its manifold applications to kindred conceptions.. 
Of the kind are: 

1. to see , hear, speak etc. from a spot. R. 2, 7, 2 snrterr 
ipeqT rlw' l cHlH l i^dd-dH (Manthara let go her looks over Ay. from 
the platform) '). 

2. to fall from , to waver from , to swerve from etc. 
zmrsyrg: » a beast that has swerved from its flock". Var. Brh. 9, 44 
crfffH =T srf?T5f 'pfTFT (no water falls down from heaven). So often with 
metaphor. Ch. Up. 4, 4, 5 q • MrtJl^i ii: (7 0u have not swerved from 
the truth), Kathas. 25, 179 faw i ^ ^raRfT sr: (j- »• he did not give 
up his purpose), Mudr. Ill, p. 126 ^srrtrrsRfiT: H°lRirini^4 spFT tf&UlR • 
jfraTT (I will easily vanquish the Maurya, for he has withdrawn 
his affection from C). Compare the Latin causa cadere. 

3. to take, to receive from. M. 4, 252 jjijftawryrT: srt, (he 
never must accept but from an honest man), Pane. 48 'grprrcm'- 
rrfi^ch gifTcFTKr (he took a razor from his box), ibid. 286 cfirfrsfq' 
* lfich i fchfe % $oUHi<{j*i (— raised some money from a money-lender), 
Kathas. 29, 47 rm ^rTrer a i q i fi rTTrffiT; Likewise to marry from: 
Kathas. 24, 152 q- ^ qf^nrorrfit *^i'Ji^UH.l^uiirr. 

4. to get information -, to hear -, to learn from. v. 1,4, 
Pane. 216 ssrafrj-iT: 5r did-m' i 5rf5iT! Dag. 68 chrif^irycrHJdl jR^mrrr- 
q^r«T (— learnt from a group of conversing people), Ch. Up. 1, 8, 7 
^ I ^WuoH ft ^rfc (well, let me know this from the Reve- 
rend) 2 ). 

5. to ask, to wish from. Kathas. 25, 137 EfRrnrT uifen wt^ 
(who has asked the king for some water ?), Kam. 1 , 41 efisychl^lrf- 
sftifcr titT tjnqn avr (by its eagerness for music the deer seeks 



1) See vartt. 1 and 2 on P. 2, 3, 28 in Pat. I, p. 455. 

2) The commentaries explain the rule of Pan. 1, 4, 29, so as to make 
an artificial distinction between the constructions with gen. and with 
abl., not thought of by Panini himself. 



70 § 95—96. 

death from the hunter), Mhbh. 1, 159, 17 m-cHHi ; <jy i ^A TfryTazrf^ 

6. the so called partitive ablative, see 116 E. 1. 

NB. In the cases 3 — 6 the genitive is the concurrent 
idiom, with those of asking also the accus. (46). 
96- The ablative also attends words of separation and disjoin- 
ts of ing to . denote from whence there is a withdrawal , 
S tio™" as Kathas. 72, 13 H^T^rf [omifslrl! (separated from you). 
As we have shown above (62), the instrumental is here 
the concurrent idiom. 

The following examples may illustrate the various 
applications of this employment. 

a.) to draw of, to sever ; to disagree with. Pane. 50 n'djoieh 
swlfaa^uiilfa, Mudr. IV p. 136 ^Wj l ^diU S^T: (being disinclined 
to C.) — b.) to release of. Pane. 45 m. si-^Hlli. ' H-'fl ) Mahav. I, p. 9 
k\tm>A HWl^yl Pitj-rijH (she has now been released from that sin), — 
c.) to deprive of. E. 2, 8, 25 «aidrti~dCwi*Hd g=ft nfcmld snawrsr 
^ I slamic (he will be wholly spoliated [lit. disinherited], your son, 
of enjoyments, yea, of all connection with" the royal family), M. 
5, 161 ^t.... g[rigTlchl^ fhm, Pane. II, 117 teiilfc^H 16 forfeits 
heaven), cp. 95, 2-> — - d.) those of desisting from , stopping, cea- 
sing. Kumar. 3, 58 tftiu^iu i IM (he desisted from his exertions), 
Dag. 132 fir^r chHui) -syj Wc-Tlny IK,' Kumar. 5, 73 (HdHai^ l <M<Ofi*l- 
HI~h-i : (turn away your mind from this bad design). 

Eem, 1. Note ai-antd (to cheat of) ') with abl. KatMs. 42, 75 
9^ grTOTO MMr-^l afiiHHUi (she, my fellow-consort, has by trickery 
taken away my ohtaining a son), Pane. Ill ,117 oi^Qrf a i ^ crr ^m- 
vnH (to cheat a brahman of his he-goat). 

Eem. 2. With ui-iNfa and the like, the thing neglected is put in 
the ablat. (vartt. on P. 1,4,24). Taitt. Up. 1,. II, 2 feiM i m^l 
JP73;:, Pat. I, p. 326 yrrWrrafFT; H H f^ ffi ! [h (he neglects his duty). 



1) Literally »to cauBe to tumble out of," for sr^r 3[rr (cp. 5T5JT) is akin 
to lat. vacillate, germ, wanken, dutch waggelen. 



§ 97—98. 71 

97. Likewise the ablative joins verbs or verbal nouns 
v"!L °f keeping of, and kindred notions. Of the kind are: ' 

ping If !• those of restraining, preventing, excluding from, slb V '^ % ' 
Wftxft fTT ^T^TfrT (he keeps the cows from the beans) ; 
2. those of protecting , guarding , securing from , as p " 2 g' 4> 
^Ijwff ^ftrT (he protects from thieves); 3. those of */•*■. 

being being afraid of and suspecting , especially Hi and 3TSsT , f. i. 

"/raid ^-^ -. ^n q, ^ 

of TTTp^ WltT Examples: 1. - Kam. 16, 15 swt =^<5TT10STT- 
•aiwii^ gmFTFrra- oiii^d:, MaMv. I, p. 10 hihih^h srf^ffenrw: ssra-- 
jj^TfT (as his mother's father prevented him from taking her [viz- 
Sita] by violence). 2. — Pane. 298 fspTT <prt «£ iqcpn^wk;, 
Mhbh. 1, 82, 21 ^.wTrgTff m Jls^, Malav. V, p. 13'5 ^rt qfkjjdfd : 
(eager for defending her from the wicked [aggressor]). 3. — Pane. 
179 crtsygrnr israfsr (you are afraid of the huntsman), Mudr. Ill, p. 
102 ijffcJr ^MH^d: MRi'oirTl | ftttrtdl ciwjUI^HTH' ([a king's servant] 
must not stand in awe of his master only , but of the king's minister» 
of the king's favourite and of others), M. 2, 162 <h*iihu g> l l *gb-mu 
Pntinfearl [S i Mif^d (a brahman should always shun marks of honour, 
as if they were poison), Mhbh. 1, 140, 61 jnnfijFcfwr: ST^TT 'srf|Hwrar 
^ra^Ti (he should mistrust those, who are worth mistrusting and 
those, who are not so), -Kac. on 1, 4, 28 strr mm i ^dj ^- (he con. 
ceals himself from his teacher). 

NB. 'The verbs, mentioned sub 3., admit also of the genitive, see 
126 c). 
Kem. Note anu dri' (to shrink from, to shun, to despise) with abl. 
according to a vartt. on P. 1, 4, 24. Instances are met with in the ar- 
chaic literature. In modern Sanskrit it seems to be exclusively con- 
strued with accus. — The verb PifsKlH ' (to be disgusted with) is 
construed wit! abl. or instr., sometimes even with ace. and gen. 

98. IT. The point from whence a distance is counted (termi- 
nus a quo), is expressed by the ablative. Pat. I, p. 455 



72 § 98. 



tfi n^WT Hf+UW ^pTlf7 ?ftsHTf^r (from Gavldhuma 

j. - c^~ ^ 



termi 



mis a to Sankacya four yojanas) . Hence the ablative joins a.) such 
prepp. as ^TT, SPTTrT, etc., b.) the names of the cardinal 



points and those in 5RT, as CJ1U c.) , all words mea- 

ning far, as ^" and the like. 

Examples: — of a.) see in chapter IX. 

b.) Dae. 156 Hli&WH l rilhai frfe (east from the tirth), Pat. I, P. 2, 3, 

29 
p. 475 see Eem. 1. on this paragraph. 

c.) Mrcch. VII, p. 234 ^ -m^rM^H^M"! " S ^ T ' Mhbh - *> 152 > 

1 ii(5^ oHl-awn , ibid- 1, 151, 44 qrfFtgjur oRT^tft, Apast. 1, 

31, 2 i) \ i \ ^ p ih\y\ \ 'M^Pi^ aBHI%^ (he shall void excrements far - from 
his house). 

Eem- 1. With derived adverbs of the species ^Rhuih :, d-a^H : 1 ) 
the 'genitive should- be employed, not the ablative [P. 2, 3, 30], 
■with those in °nrr the accusative [ibid. 31]. Hence it is said for 
ex. R 3, 4, 27 fci»im°Hri| l teHfrHm (he $ug a hole by his side), Pat. 

I, p. 475 apf: mJTtloIrl: I HIJIl4,Hlfr'JrilctehMctioMid, <iJ-triUM f^lali-CJ-H J Ul *If~ 

n^H^m (what is Aryavarta? The country east of Adarga, west of 
Kalakavana, south of the Himavat and north of Pariyatra), Cak. I 
<fai?H ^-ddlfl^MMN ^5T ?gm- — But the genitive with those in 
err is also allowed [see Kag. on P. 2, 3, 31], as R. 3, 13, 21 swrrnror 
(north of this place). 

Rem. 2. Panini [2, 3, 34] allows optional construing with abl. or 
gen. all words , meaning far and near, tt u m i K or jjttot i tiPdch 
a jm i H or u \ mu . As far as I have observed, an ablative with those of 



1) P. UWtlrWJMrtW'-l- — Kac. gives as instances also CT^fTTfT, 3*rfj, 
-infT^IH- That on the other hand the abl. is available, even if the ad- 
verb itself have the ending of that case, is exemplified by this cloka 
quoted by Pat. I, 457. 



§ 99-100. 73 

nearness — except compounds of jr — will be scarcely met with 
in literature. 

"• When denotingtime,the ablative carries the mean- 
ing of from, since, after. Commonly it is attended by pre- 
positions, as ^T, WffT, ^% SFRTPT, but there 
are instances enough of the single ablative. So ggrrfa, 

iinmH ( aft er . a while") = jtj^t, ^tift. Likewise f%pr, ^tth, 
<Clychl5FTTrjj etc. and cp. 128- — Kag. on P. 2, 3, 54 quotes the verse 
i^fff rTid-rWM-tO ^ y«ttirlli,fi4. (even after hundred years a man may 
enjoy happiness); Mhbh. 1, 170, 3 h rom^H^Mial efe, M. 8, 108 
srer |wr 0y is^jtioi Idiisr yiRhm: i ^Tn: (if a witness , who has borne 
evidence, fall ill after a week). . < 

Kem. 1. This kind of abl. is meant by P. 2, 3, 7, when he 
enjoins the use of a fifth or seventh case to denote an interval 
of time or space, f. ex. jrq- JJ3TT %m^\ w| m^ i & i H>3?T (D. has 
eaten now and will not eat but after two days), a$i£\ ■s ^Pi&im ; 
Wt$t (or shlsulw) 5W firarfTT- Op. 144. 

Bern. 2. Apast. 1, 9, 6 and 1, 15, 19 are instances of the single 
ablative =57-)- abl., when signifying still." 

100. HI. The ablative serves to express from what origin 
tiveof there *is a rising or issuing. In the first place it joins 
gin a"d words of being borne , proceeding etc. ; 

2 1 ? it denotes the former state or shape , out of which 



mer 

state. 



some other state or shape proceeds or is produced ; 

3'y it signifies the model or pattern , something is imi- 
tated, borrowed, measured from. 

p 1 4 

Examples : of 1.. — Ch. Up. 1, 9, 1 gafftir ^ srr ^fc UHMichiuHdoi 36; si! 
MH^^ ( a ^ these things proceed from ether alone), M. 1, 8 srfftT- 
rtol l fr^<H^i"d(o l W Ti nsTT: (desiring to create the manifold beings out 
of his body) , Kathas. 25, 43 d i dl^H l ^ s^TfcT ^friw^^lHd ; (big waves 
rose from the ocean, as it was. swept by the wind); Mhbh. 1, 115, 5 
iim£l: 51TOT y^r^iHI tpTHWT: ^^Ti'qw — here the name Pdn^u is 



74 § 100—102 

put in the genit., for the five sons did belong to him, but 
the deities, who had procreated them, are put in the abla- 
tive. 

So often with verbs of being borne the name of the father is 
put in the abl., that of the mother in the locative, E. 2, 107, 2 

rTtrT'. jpft ^l^lr^A^I^ M - 10 > 64 ^J^ dl^UllssUri:- Yet i the fatner 
may also be a gen. commodi (132) or an instrumental. 

Note such phrases as (Pat. I, 455) ^ft usrpn MlrlfcHMslIri^ and 
(Kathas. 25, 55) ai^m : uif?h<ci l <°Jt En fr-lH^ I ti,^ (I am the brah- 
man Qaktideva from the town of Vardhamana). 

2. — Mhbh. I, (Paushyap.) g- H^ld?Hf|^l l ^=hcHoiHH l ^ | ii>iA gHPTOT, 
Dag. 141 ^l^dliM ^ H^*lRoi 55tff FTTpn^ yJMHWyi^^fy<um^.fo: (and 
toy father, who had come from such a distress to as great a hap. 
piness, as if he had risen from hell to heaven), Batn. I, p. 16 -jf^r- 
a i <r*Hoi i >djHm[drW ( v - a - we have festival after festival). — So to 
heal or recover from illness: Pane. V, 91 azfte m-^mri : 'feST: (all three 
of them were healed from their infirmity). 

3. — Mrcch. IV, p. 135 m risr aifl^m nmunRd f^PffT *m^: 
(this ornament has been made , as if it were , according to the mea- 
sure of your body), Malav. IV, p. 91 fHHoTrT'. qfidU ; (attendance 
according to her rank). Cp. 69. 

101 In short, the ablative is available in any case, it is 
wanted to express the side, something has come from, 
whether contained in the foresaid categories or not. 
So R. 2, 26, 31 gj] FoTfT: MMl-H^rl (she deserves respect from your 
sid#), Mhbh. 1, 145, 9 fn^Tstr ftrjrr: m^F^H^IWl =T iJEJrT (Dhr. cannot 
bear them having obtained the royalty because of their father), 
Pane. 262 ^q- ^t^ i *«M TfpToTi i H m^ \ u.iuid«r: (from the side of 
my kinsmen), 

Bern. The last example is at the same time an instance of 
• the abl. which denotes him, by whom one is defeated or over- 
thrown [P. 1, 4, 26] ; cp. Kathas. 28, 49. 

102- Hence, the cause, reason, motive by which, is likewise 
expressed by the ablative namely as far as it is con- 



§ 102. 75 

tive^f ce ^ ve< ^ as ^ e origin or starting-point , from whence 

causa- some consequence has resulted 1 ). 

The instrumental , as we have seen formerly (72 ), may 
likewise serve that purpose, and in the case of feminine 
nouns of quality it is even obligatory. For the rest, 
ablative and in.tr. of causality are generally inter- 
changeable, and not seldom they are used side by side. 
So Kathas. 29,25 ^fw H2IHH! ^ fp\?{>, (it is from 
joy she does not eat , not from illness) , Mrcch. I, p. 44 
3RTsRSTf?IT ^f^Fjfsfr ^ ^JTFT (surely, it has 
been done by taking her for somebody else, not by in- 
solence). But, if the efficient cause be some obligation 
or other binding motive by virtue of which some effect 
is produced, the ablative alone is to be used 2 ). Nothing 
impedes concrete nouns to be put in the all. of cause 8 ) 



1) How easily this transition is made, will be plain by this example: 
Malav. V, p. 140 dftj^f^fn' STS^t 'S^rRJTraTTTfeTfT!- Literally these words 
signify »the name of mother of a hero" touches you from the "part of 
your son ," but as to their meaning they should' be rather translated 
thus »now you deserve the name »m. of a h." because of your son.'' In 
other terms the abl. of origin is at the same time an abl. of cause. 

2) Panini's rule , which^ contains this statement , is too narrowly inter- 
preted by the commentaries. His words tfcbrldUl q^nTi [P- 2, 3, 24] are 
explained thus: the abl. [alone] is to be used, if the cause be a debt, 
provided it be not at the same time the agent ; examples of which are 
adduced as UlrlUol-d: (he is confined for a debt of 100), whereas oneunust say 
WPT sri^ftT: - But why should we restrict rn,a to its special sense of a 
» debt. of money" and not take the more general meaning of » obligation" 
and »duty"? If it could be proved that jimr implies also the notion of ne- 
cessity, avdyxtt, the rule would be quite correct, for in the case of direct 
and unavoidable consequence of an efficient cause the ablative alone is to 
be used, even of feminine words. 

3) Speaking plain, neither the ablat. of bhavavacanani npr that of 
concrete nouns is allowed by Panini's rales. The sutras'2, 3, 23 -25 name 



76 § 102—103. 

but often they are expressed by periphrase, especially 
by means of %rft: (l92). 

Examples. — Kathas. 27, 76 f^oJTT: w^dgi a i lMMHtiJlPiti (byconse- 
quence of a curse celestial beings are borne among men)-, Pane. 202 
*R<=Htri: wircrlMirimi^d)c) <Jloi(d^:> Pane. 49 dftwrarraw: (be is to be put 
to death for having insulted a woman), Hit. 96 mjif^i-j l ^ (from 

fear he spoke thus), Ven. II, p. 39 air sftiTt •sfwFjftcHnrT (be is glad 

on account' of Abh.'s death), Mrcch. I, p. 45 ^f^^ijli wmn: Q- will 
stand up, on condition — ), Kathas. 30, 112 HH l dH zrzj =^rrw!ij ?fT- 
Pl«fyQ,ri: i *MWiiwl*T ^ff dfwTTOFmn" rW (as the thief was not 
found, the king sent forthwith for H. on account of the repu. 
tation of his knowledge), Pane. I, 180 tj^ i ^iqfd/iudfr) zrfH: ^T- 
mwr crlMdln i f&ri^wj(Wireh<ji *rH4IH (by bad counsel" a prince 
comes to ruin, a holy man by wordliness, a son by spoiling, a 
brahman by not-studying, a family by a bad son), Qak.*I, vs. 22 
ofjr dTil'dm-MfcW i^-ii : (to seek after the truth [liter, by seeking — ■"], 
it is I , who have been annoyed by the bee). The examples have 
been selected so as to show, that the different shades of the no- 
tion of causality — cause, motive, reason — are promiscuously signi- 
fied by the ablative. 

Many ablatives of causality have assumed the character 

of adverbs, see 104. 

103. IV- Sanskrit, just as Latin , uses the ablative not only 

tWx- f° r the sake of signifying from what side , but also on 

F vTof w h a t s ide. Here the ending °r{< is employed, it seems, 

the 

side, on 

which, the instrumental as the regular case to denote cause or motive , but with 
these exceptions, 1° that if the cause be a quality (mjT) the ablative 
may be used too, but for feminines [or rather — as the term ^=rt is an 
ambiguous one — only such as have been made by the fern, endings °f, 
°5rr], 2° that the cause being an rna, the abl. must be used, and not the 
instrum. Now , these rules do not leave any room for neither bh&vavacanani 
nor concrete nouns , something verj' strange , because really both classes of 
words areput in 'the ablative of cause as often and as well as the guna- 
vacanani. See the examples adduced in the context. 



§ 1-03—105. 77 

by preference, at least in the case of indicating space 

and direction. So it is said ^PauM : (at the right), oiwn (at 
the left), qiudH : (at the side), gij-fr: (at the back) etc. — In figu- 
rative sense this abl. is likewise used, as Ch, Up. 4, 17, 4 mjartonP. 5, 
f^Urf-". Jlf^; JJW: — ^ STRrT. (if [the yajna] would be vicious 
on account of an re, a yajus, a sama), Apast. 1, 1, 15 q- f^ fgr_ 
yirt'xf d-mfr) (v. a. for he is his spiritual father), . Malav. I , p. 25 
mx*m unsrift ^T wuitOtld : m17-4^<[h (Your Reverence is even- 
handed; be you, then, the umpire to judge us with respect to 
our qualities and our shortcomings). 

In its metaphorical application this ablativas partis 
not rarely touches upon the abl. causae, treated in 102. 
So f. i. with the points of comparison , as R. 2, 34, 9 mnMwT- 
imq'm (in depth like the ocean =r »by its depth" or »as to its depth 1 '). 

104. Ablatives of the cause and of the side often have the 
the characterof ad verbs (77); especially when ending in °pr;- 
So ?sriTT5rTrT; or °snT. 0>y' disposition), ^^TOT: (in due order), q#f_ 
gflHH : (i n inverse order), ^Jltl fT: (through one's own exertion), 
70m: (with all one's power), srrsjTr^ (out of respect), mtmm^ (with- 
out motive ; on a sudden), and so on. P. 2, 3, 33 gives a special 
rule for the ablatives *«j|H , SfftcFiTrT, chiHUUIrl, jJcHJiH being in- 
terchangeable with the instr. ch^W etc. ;. both sets have the cha- 
racter of adverbs, as aq<H or 5ET5TPgar: (he was released easily). 

Rem. Note, jttt^ in comparisons = »by far." Pane. II, 170 
g^ l i^ ? (by far better). 

105. Ablative of comparison. — The ablative expressive 
tit!? of °f the n otion on what side, with respect to — is frequently 
"risra applied i n comparisons to signify the thing compared 

with, provided there be superiority or inferiority or 
discrepancy '). 

It joins 1 st comparatives; then the abl.- = our „than." 



1) For in the case of identity , likeness , equivalence the instrum. or 
gen. is required (62) and the dat. also in the case of counterpoise (85). 



78 § 105. 

Pane. 56 JTTCFERTt EpTfT^fr FT1% RTTfprrRr (there is no 
happier man in the world than you and I), cp. Lat. nemo te 
felicior ; 

2 l 7 positives of any adjective. Dae. 141 *NI°lr1 I 

qwft^T ^rr^^TTTFJTHJT^rtJTtnH (he considered 
himself fortunate , even in comparison with Lord Indra) ; 
3 1 ? words , expressing superiority or inferiority , such as 
gT^T (lit. „the better thing," = better than), TOT 
(exceeding), ^T (superior), ^TTrfl^^TrT (to excel), r Al^~ 
*^fclH (to be inferior), sim. Mudr. I, p. 53 tMI^RWft 

^T^TT ^T^FT (my mind is outweighing hundreds of 
armies) ; 

4'y all words, meaning other or different, as %|"-U » 
^rT^, WTJ^, ftR Pane. 208 ^I^UMI^O 4OTTt 

^Itrl (there is some other contrivance , besides the well- 
known six expedients). 

Here are some more examples. Of 1. — Rgv. 8, 24, 20 bt^ 
s^HlcHl^lifl JTV^pjr (utterance by voice being sweeter, than ghee and 
honey) ; Ch. Up. 3, 14, 3 ^ zj ti i rm-Hg^ itnWl^%rf mKJ m- 

-<H f^ tr( I s^J I U I P^oTl jtfiyMHTf 5rtefi«r: (he is the Self within my heart, 
smaller than a corn of rice , smaller than a corn of barley , smaller 
than a mustard seed, smaller than a canary seed or the kernel 
of a canary seed. He is the self etc., greater than the earth , greater 
than the sky, greater than heaven, greater than these worlds); 
Apast. 1, 13, 19 t^ ^ *ftiW wri ^d¥Jlr*M{T# T M ' ch^d^ 0>y this 
way I have got more learning; than formerly)." 5 

of 2. — Pane. 285 vrrcrf inj^)chi^[q a^WT HorfFT (▼. »• one's wife .is 
beloved more than anybody else); Hit. 16 arrt -)H*ft< g w i^ (com- 



§ 105—106. 79 

pared with him nohody is happy here); Utt. II, p. 29 dd l < ' Ei cr#|- 

of 3. — K. 2, sarga 95*, 53, ym^-^ft ^J^Ttr $tim tT (i!l l ;k^ (to 
live, deprived of one member by your weapon, is better than death), 
Pane. 142 ronft-sfyaF?. tqrf g|H, Mhbh. 1, 89, 2 trar bttot nsrsT: (your 
superior by age), R. 2, 8, 18- qvUH-yt Hr fr -sf^* ^ TT 5T?TO?r sr| (he 
listens much to me, and more than to the Kausalya), Kathas. 
53, 10 triidi^H =T 5TH ?T frmiiH OT fexjllRS^ (indeed , he did not know 
how to give less than a laxa to an indigent) , M. 2, 95 ummirH - 
cichWMi gl^rtji rrt id (aim H (giving up all desires exceeds obtaining 
them). Compare this instance from the archaic literature: Ait. Br. 
7, 17, 4 rTort €Httt yirllfa FoPT^ITtm' >7rT (you have chosen three hun- 
dred of cows instead of me). 

of 4. — Rgv. 10, 18, 1 tprr] ^frff % o|tiH l rj ^ (the other path, 
which is hot the path "of the gods), Ch. Up. 1, 10, 2 l^ffr [— :j -|- Tjft] 
■s^ET O^^H (nor are there others but these), Pane; II, 12 gi^W 
forTSTJTr =T m$t, Prabodh. Ill, p. 61 suiP-)*?! ft MMfi~-l4)feH l Hj the crea- 
tures so different among- themselves , yet not different from God). 
106. Observations on the abl. of comparison. 

Rem. 1. Our »than" with the comparative is to be rendered 
in . Sanskrit by the ablative. Such restrictions , as for instance limit 
the faculty of using the abl. of. comparison in Latin, do not 
exist in Sanskrit. It is impossible to say in Latin dat tibi plus 
me = »he gives to you more than to me," but it must be said 
plus quam mihi. In Sanskrit nothing impedes such sentences as 
jtkt <ij(ri • qw *ify*4^ So Malat. X, p. 164 ^ft TTrjJrfir *HNfy*^d-i 
d^lT^Hoi i iq (hence , you must bear more affection towards me , than 
towards your own mother). 

Kem. 2. Note the abl. with such words as : double , treble etc. _ 
sim. M. 8, 289 M<y^HrM.eiiiuri STTT: (a fin© of five times the value). 

Rem. 3. If it is to be said no other than, nobody but, any 
phrase with the meaning »but for" may be used instead of the 
abl. Pane. 176 fsrt JgfFift =T ^wlr l (no other but you will know 
it), ibid. 160 ta&sfrWl HHT +HU)fo k ^ ufamfa - — Then, the ablative 
may also be used even without %fq, as Kumaras. 6, 44 jrfFFTRT^?; 



80 § 106—108. 

chMmus jTrT » where there is found no [other] death but the god with 
the flowery arrows [no other Mara but Mara = Kama]." 

In Patanjali I have met with some instances of a rather pleonastic 
idiom, the neuter 5g7jra with abl. =: sbut for" put before the ablat., 
though the adj. -grg- precedes, f. i. Pat. 1, 279 qfr sTzft fen^i ; M^lJl 
ir&rTTlfra^l5TT iM^Hilfd (what else ought to accompany it, if not 
this preposition), cp. p. 445, line 2; p. 447, line 4; p. 323, line 6. 
This adverbial use of -H^Ua (cp. Greek #AA«, and such phrases 
as oiiSev «AAo. . . . «AA' vj) is confirmed by its being named among 
the nipatas in the gana ^ if^ (Kag. I, p. 17, line 10). 

Rem. 4. Qak. VII qsjoiTT: t ^dlfdaitJ l ^qaqafodlrMH W$m (I 
do not hold myself for deserving the extraordinary honour be- 
stowed upon me by Indra) is an instance of this abl. with the 
negative nA<A>\in (not fit); the abl. would be impossible here, but 
for the negation. 
107. In the archaic and epic dialect an instrumental of comparison 
mental" * s some ti mes use d instead of the ablative. — So R. 2, 26, 33"nrnTr: 
of«om- fgjjr^t qq- instead of cmTMr:, ibid. 2, 48, 36 gTTftf HUHNfacttl -sfq- #. 
son. ■stJ^rT (h© was to these women even more than their own sons), comm. 

§h: i fTfffcmrf , it>. 1, 54, 15 tj fbtjit oi<rtoM{: i fdfciiPH: 
Geni- Rem. Such passages as R. 6, 24, 28 ttstw sqrRraft 7T*T: TfrHdU 

tive of *• °* ^ 

compa- JIW ^H-gMU l: (and in archery L. even exceeds king K.), Pane. 28 [and 
R. 1, 47, 22] qrfer y-iiH^i qr, Pane. IV, 7 *iRm$o|IM|| (any woman 
else but I) show that even a genitive of comparison has been used. 



rison. 



108. In the foregoing the ending FT has been considered 

The 

abiati- as if it .possessed the full worth of the regular case- 
™ sm endings of the ablative. Tet a full and complete iden- 
tity between them may alone be stated for the pro- 
nouns. Panini gives some rules about °FP affixed to J'"*' 
nouns, which show that its sphere of employment, though 
mostly coinciding with that of the ablative, is someti- 
mes a different one. 

lly With ^fej^ and re it is forbidden to express the swhence" 



§ 108—109. 81 

by the forms in ° m . Therefore gs wflUiH i qjrl l dd^ fir, not ssrcfat p - 5 ' 
ffarT, UddrTl -Sol^fn. 

2ty Excelling or being weak in, blaming on account of, wicked- 

P. 5, !■, 
ness with respect to is to be denoted by the instrumental, or by 46; 47. 

°rTi, not by the ablative proper. — For this reason , in the verse 
quoted by Pat. I, p. 2 5^: 5^! ^siTrfY crafff)- srr (a word , wrong 
on account of its accent or of its sound), ScTTrT; and oTtrrfT: are in- 
terchangeable with S517TJT and oTOT^T, not with SoTTTrT a nd oHJMH . 
Likewise, in Oh. Up. v 4, 17, 4 — quoted page 77 of this book — =u?jj',i 
;rere: nHli | H i are synonymous with the instrum., and the abl. ^etm 
irwsi ^TPTi would not be allowed. 

Eem. It should however be remembered, that this rule does 
not apply neither to the points of comparison — f. i. rrpa I)il l r*HUl()qi| : — 
nor to the ablative of comparison. 

$y If the ablative is to express the whence" — except in the r 5 > 4 > 
case recorded sub 1 — fT; is equivalent with the regular case- 

P 5 4 

endings. The same applies to the abl., depending on the prepos. jrffr. 44. 

Eem. Panini does not give any rule about using the abl. in 
FT; with such adverbs and pronouns as ^, fsFTT, w®. Now, abla- 
tives of that kind are certainly not expressing the apdddna, as 
they are taught in the third chapter of the 2 cl adhyaya, not in 
the fourth of the 1 st . Accordingly it would not be allowed using 
°fT: with them. Yet practice is not wholly consistent therewith, 
f. i. =ett rp?HT: = m J-MIH- 

4ty In two cases °rf: is interchangeable with a genitive, but not p s ; 4, 
with an abl. a.) when expressing the standing on one's side 50IT 
ad-lri) (or aiPTCr)'SiT5R', 6.) if denoting the disease , against which P. 5, 4, 

*-* ° *^ 49 

one applies some remedy or cure: qd l f^ l H : [o r °3Trar.] 3W (give 

something against diarrhoea). 

Chapter VII. Genitive. ') 
109. The fundamental notion of the genitive or sixth 



I) On the genitive in Sanskrit , especially in the dialect of the Rg- 
vedamantras , there exists a monography of Dr. Siecke de genitivo in lin- 
gua iSanscritica imprimis Vedica usu , Berlin , 1869. 

6 



82 § 109—110. 

Gene- case is to mark the belonging to, partaking of. In San- 
view skrit , it is employed in so manifold and so different ways 
geni- as to make it very difficult to give a satisfactory ac- 
count of all of them 1 ). — The absolute genitive 
will be treated in the chapter on participles. 
110. I. With substantives, the genitive serves to qua- 
'pC'lify them, as ^ J^p (the king's man), ^MrqH 

merit » • "■ f 

with ^GpJ^T: (the self-choice of Dam.), SH^r^FR (the ene- 

sub- ^ ^ 

te""" my's strength), H^HINHH'T (the friend's arrival), 

WTWi. SffaHFT (the drying up the ocean), tiywiq^I 

(a part of the sacrifice), M^>t^iq=til^|! (the opportunity 
of fighting). These examples show 1 st that the genitive, 
at least in prose, commonly precedes the substantive, 
it is depending upon , 2 lv that , like in Latin and Greek , 



1) Kac. on P. 1, 1, 49 sr^at f|; mmf: tel^ l ^H^H ^4)mH^gjda» l ( I- 
5RT5TPSrr:- — Panini seems to have not sharply defined the genitive's sphere 
of employment, at least if we explain his sutra (2, 3, 50) q£t SM with 
the Kac. as meaning »tn all other instances [namely if none of the other 
oases, taught 2,3,1—49, be available], one should use the sixth case." 
But then it is strange, P. has not said inversely sm cpyt (cp. his con- 
stant use 1, 4, 7; 1, 4, 108; 2, 2, 23; 3, 3, 151; 7, 2, 90). Now, Patanjali 
gives a somewhat different explication (I, p. 463) cfiirf^Tnij&BraT ST5T: 
»the sixth case is required, if the categories object and the rest are not 
to be distinctly expressed" but tacitly implied. I am rather inclined to 
suppose , that either in framing that sutra Panini had in view his de- 
finition of the employment of the nominative , which immediately pre- 
cedes ; then jpsf would be said in opposition to the mfrinii* ...... TjTSf 

of s. 46 (note on 38) and mean » something else, apart from the gender 
and number of the conception, signified by the pratipadika", or srsr 
may mean »accessory'' (see Petr. Diet. s. v. 1, 6); then the sutra enjoins 
the use of the genitive if the conception , signified by the pratipadika , 
is accessory of some other conception. But, which of these acceptations 
should prove the correct one, the intrusion of the term snsr in the follow- 
ing sutras (51 , etc), as is done by Kac. and others, is to be blamed. 



§110—111. 83 

the most different logical relations will find their ex- 
pression by it. When dividing the whole of its dominion 
by setting up such categories as the possessive gen., the 
subjective , objective , partitive , that of origin , matter, quan- 
tity etc., it must not be overlooked, that these divisions 
have been made for clearness' sake and do not affect 
the unity of the grammatical duty discharged in all these 
cases by the genitive. For the rest, not rarely the or- 
dinary logical distinctions may fall short of classifying 
some given genitive, as in the case of zrssnErerTsr:, or Utt. 

II, p. 28 jjinri i i^JMl qarr; (the way to the hermitage of A.) etc. 

Concurrent constructions are 1 . compounding the gen. 

with the subst., it qualifies ^TsTQ^T: = JT$\' J^T*, see 
214 , 2. using instead of the gen. the derived adjective , as 

STT^ STFFT ^SRtSFPT or STWf SFFT etc. Of these 
substitutions the latter is comparatively rare, when 
contrasted with the utmost frequency of the former. 

Eem. The so called appositional or epexegetic genitive is not 
used in Sanskrit. It is said cpmf ^TTJT, not as in English »the 
city of Pushp." E. 2, 115, 15 f^fsr froTT ^^rrcr OTpF? ( Lat - pignus 
soccorum, the pledge [represented by] the slippers). 

111. When pointing out the genitive as the case to put in 
such substantives as are wanted to qualify other sub- 
stantives, it is by no means said that no other con- 
struction may be used for the same purpose. Verbal 
nouns often retain the verbal construction. So, if a moving 
to or from some place is to be expressed , nouns must be 
construed just as verbs; it is said qjTfcraro^T, <£ nn^^ not 
(j™. Cp. Eem. on 41. 



84 § 111—113. 

Thus we meet with instrumentals as [aJuD irar<£sb T '^ e sepa- 
ration from men as you are," ch.-ti.u i sftcH: ssorrow on account of 

a girl;" ablatives as qrHl^tH sfear of falling;" — datives as 

qu\U 5T37 »wood for a stake, 1 ' t^ntj] JldJ Mid »the fit time for 
being heir-apparent;" — locatives as Qmw 55; » attachment to the 
world, worldliness ;" — prepositions as qf qirT g?FT: sanger towards 
me," rl*a)qf^ WIIiTi spartiality for his sake," ^q- ^irSrMHI ZfOT »a 
contention with a mighty one." 

Eem. Pacini has a special rule about the nouns jSoTT G or d), P .fq 3, 
teilR-^ (owner), vfwfo (chief), 57^3; (heir), ^t% (witness), qfiri^ 
(bail) and jj^rT (born) as agreeing with a locative as well as with 
a gen. So nsrf ^sfwf or iiW; cp. Kathas. 18, 144 reuw i A mr^i 
with ibid. 6, 166 j^T^ fam. So Mrcch. X, p. 384 trfezrr <Hdid^l^ 
ch^HM | h j d fsMHW (let he be appointed prior of all the monasteries 
of the land). 

112. The possessive genitive has nothing remarkable. As 
live gt m °ther languages , it may be the predicate of the 
mtive. g en t ence . M. 7, 96 sfj- ursiuiH fTST fiTT^ (what one conquers, is 

one's own), ibid. 7, 91 the vanquished warrior surrenders himself 
with these words Hd l fcH (I am yours) ; Mhbh. I, 154, 3 swr fSPT 
(»whose are you?" that is »of what family?"); Mudr. Ill, p. 103 
WPT tpMUi ^si# <oim^N i (duly, forsooth, the Qudra-king Can- 
dragupta is his = is but an instrument in his [C&nakya's] hand), 
E. 2, 42, 7 (Dacar. to Kaik.) £ g- rei l M^d i dPH m^ mx * FT JFT (and 
those, who are your attendance, do not belong to me, nor I to 
them). That it may also denote the party, of which one is an 
adherent, is stated above (108, 4). 

113. The gen. of the material, something is made of, and 

vwml- ^ a ^ °f ^ ne or W n are n °t very frequent. Examples: Pat. 
teriae I, 112 srei gSTST snTcR SHI (weave a cloth of this thread), Ch. Up. 
ginis. ®i 1 ^, 2 ^ ^)o||-ci JT 5T yi^rWfiJWW =T f^lTlcriiHH ^TOT 3 ^Fn^l^t-S f^Tg" 

^sf ^ i -t|)Jlfc i RH'<yfH (he said to him: my dear, that subtile es- 
sence, which you do not perceive there, of that subtile essence 
this so great nyagrodha-troe exists) ; — Mhbh. 1, 100, 47 cTRTT ^ i mi-im 
(a fisherman's daughter). 



§ 113—115. 85 

Rem. In sutra- works there is also a gen. of the authority, 
according to whom something is stated. So often o<»tn*j » accor- 
ding to some," P. 3, 4, 111 m i ch*.mH«Sot »according to Q. alone." 
This gen. depends on the word q^ not expressed saccording to the 
opinion of." 

114. The subjective genitive is interchangeable with the p „ 3 - 3 
tweee- instrumental of the agent (66). According to Panini , the 
nitive latter is necessary, if the verbal noun be attended by 

its subject and its object at the same time. In this 
manner two genitives are avoided , as *\c\\ ^T^t 7T"N»T 

[not JTTCjW] (the milking of the cows by the cow-herd). 
We may fairly extend this observation, it seems, to all 
such instances , as where the subjective genitive would be 
used together with some other sixth case. R. 3, 6, 23 

fdHchl(i | Ul5h6 1 l-dH^ oMlfrl^ (in order to put and end to the harm 
caused to you by the raxasas), Mai. VIII, p. 133 ^ch i fch~Pt sr^ftTTffitffrT:'); 
Mhbh. 1, 145, 17 zr^r-.-. bh ' l&Jm i <*i ' naR^r^d (if there will occur 
something to do by you for us) [not chld^^l A HoMlH i an accumu- 
lation of gen. subj. and commodi] ; 

Rem. Some varttikas on this sutra of Panini contest the exact- 
ness of it. With some krts the subjective genitive is said to be 
obligatory, even when being used together with an objective ge- 
nitive , as fachhrf [oIMj i Phui cfiT^T ( v .'s desire of making a mat). 
According to some, the gen. of the agent is nowhere forbidden. 

115. The objective genitive is occasionally interchan- 

t?^ m- geable with a locative or with prepp. as HItTj 3TT^", etc. 
nitive. Sometimes it may be used in turns too concise to be rendered 

without periphrase. Mrcch. I, p. 44 snjpn frerr: (by supposing, it 

was she). 



1) But Mudr. I, p. 49 ^ qyiywjfH ^l-dMchoriblM-^liH naTT:, for here 
nothing impedes using the genitive of the agent , the other being avoided 
by compounding. 



86 § 116. 

116. The partitive genitive denotes either the whole, 

tTvege- a part of which is spoken of, as WI RTT^FT (half of 

1V6 ' the town), uyHl|o|Ma|U: ( a part of the sacrifice), Kad. 

I, p. 21 iJ^cMHI *WT (the middle of the sky) or 
it carries the notion of selecting out of a multitude 
as Nir. 1, 12 ^UI=h^UII^f^[% „some of—, among the 
grammarians". In the latter case , the genitive is inter- 
changeable with the locative: HH^IIUII (or *H^T) 

Examples : of genitive Ait. Br. 1, 5, 25 sr?; tolMIM^ (the fore- 
most of his kin), Kathas. 29, 69 vim WdH 1 ^ (the foremost among 
the wealthy), Pane. Ill , 222 q- ragft -s? <dd&ii :fftHsn^TefrT|rfaH; — 
of locative Kathas. 24, 47 rgT crft aw<H cmRih; M. 5, 18 ndiQir 

From the examples given it will be plain, that in 
Sanskrit, as elsewhere, the partitive cases may not 
only attend substantives, but all kind of nouns and 
pronouns. 

Rem. 1. If there be meant a „taking out of," the 

ablative is to be used , cp. 95 , 2°. — E. 1, 2, 15 sh i^P^m ! <■*< - 
rrsnJt: (you have killed one out of the couple of plovers) , cp. Kathas. 
13, 144; 24, 176; Prabodh. V, p. 102 ssrn: ai^mi^ snrt: 5W =T 
§psnirT (one should not leave a remnant of fire , of a debt , of a foe), i) 

Rem. 2. It is very common , especially in simple prose , 

-N 

to periphrase the partitive cases by or T^T (= gen. or 

loc.) and °^mH (= abl.). See 191. 

Eem. 3. The partitive construction is unfit to be employed, if 



1) This is the very ablative, enjoined by P. 2, 3, 42. Kac. is wrong in- 
terpreting the sutra otherwise; Patanjali's view (I, p. 459) is correct. 



§ 116—118. 87 

the conception of a part selected out of a whole be wanting. 
»A11 of them" = £r ^ both of us" -^ramifr ')• 

117. Some turns, relating to the partitive construction, are to be 
noticed : 

1. option between two things is variously expressed: 

a.) both are put in the gen. M. 7, 53 a*H-na ^ ffd^ET cror 
cFTSg^JH (liter. » of both vice and death, vice is called the worse"). 

b.) both are put in the abl. Mfcch. I, p. 18 ajf^i^u mia, i rrprf 
TT ri-cid T 4jfTyq- (v. a. I prefer death to poverty). 

c.) both are nominatives. Mhbh. 1, 161, 6 sr^iBTWTTiTawT 5TT 5raT- 
^rrfJTsrvV *m (v. a. I hold suicide to be preferable to the killing 
a brahman). 

Note the standing prolixity of such phrases, 

2. Of a partitive gen., depending on some word not expressed, 
there are some instances. Acv. Grhy. 4, 4, 11 aif^pj^ sn dWIH 
ufdam t (or they must enter [the village] while there is still visible 
ever so a little part of the sun), Kac, on P. 2, 1, 8 u loi^m' 
sUfoii l H I '-I I H-^tei (invite of the brahmans according to the number 
of vessels). The partitive gen., that attends verbs (119), may be 
explained in this way. 

3. One , two , three times a day , a week , etc. is expressed p - 2 > S ' 
by the partitive gen., as M, 3, 281 igxs Q{s*^m f^EPTFT, Par. Grhy. 

1, 3, 31 tiyc£rydry(yj. Likewise M. 5, 21 ydry^uicM-lRi ^r^rapjfisiYrW: 
(a pious twice-born man should perform at least one » strong penance" 
a year). 

4. A partitive gen., depending on the neuter of an adjective, 
is rare, even in the old language. Ait. Br. 2, 15, 8 rr^fff Ttan:- 
In the Rgvedasanhita there are even such gen. as 337 =gj-:, yirU <ij 
which remind of Lat. id temporis and the like; cp. Siecke p. 65. 

118. II. Several verbs are construed with a 

G ,'r ni ' genitive. 

with 1. A possessive genitive is put to some verbs ot owmng and 



1) Tet Mhbh. 1, 37,8 I have found gsf =T: = »all of us," just as in 
English. 



88 § 118—120. 

ruling , viz. tw , ^st_ [P- 2, 3, 52] , the vedic jtz. Comp Greek 
«/j^f iv tiv6c. — So Egv. 1, 25, 20 ?ar I5feim nfy^ fSoREi m$r (Nfy ; 
Qat. Br. 5, 1, 5, 4 ^j: y^^HI^S- — M. 5, 2 ^- Jj??r. tmsrirT 
d^U^fd^lM (how is it, that Death has power over such as have 
mastered the veda and the sciences?), Malat. II, p. 38 jwa^ TOT: 
gJTTftalt JTCftHT |sr ^, cp. ibid. IV, p. 70, 1. 2, Malav. V, p. 143. - 
This construction is rare in classic Sanskrit; ^ with a gen. seems 
to be wholly obsolete. 

119. 2. A partitive genitive is frequently employed in the elder 
literature, and had not yet entirely disappeared in the days of Panini. 
But in classic Sanskrit such phrases as a^Hm g^rin (he gives of 
the ambrosia), HpWt rrran (he desires of the butter) are out of use. 

In mantra, brahmana and upanishad it is often attending verbs of 
giving, begging, eating , drinking and the like '). JRgv. 10, 85, 3 ^ffrf 
it gifrHiU) fHJpr nm i mifi cfPoq- (of the soma, the brahmans know, 
nobody eats), ibid. 9, 70, 2 g- ffi -dmuft ■ «MdW tji^u i: (he, begging 
[a share] of the delightful ambrosia), Ch. Up. 1, 10, 3 ^tt *T ?i% 
(give me of these), TBr. 2, 2, 9, 3 jot^st =r fgsiEd (they do not 
drink of the ocean), Ait. Br. 1, 22, 6 =nmnt ^ §r <Qwi RdsWi =T SW- 
oRTpFr (of three oblations they do not cut off for the Svishtakrt). 

Eem. To this belong the rules of P. 2, 3, 61 and 63, which 
enjoin the genitive of the oblation a.) in certain formulae, uttered 
at the moment of offering it to the deity, b.) with eht- So f. i. 
Qat. Br. 3, 8, 2, 26 afTHNUm m $uua orrer [gen. = smmr: 86 NB.] 
J^Tt ■s^Tsri^; (announce to Agni and Soma [their shares] of the 
epiploon and the fat of the he-goat), Kgv. 3, 53, 2 <J | i|m reiT ET% 
(I have worshipped thee [with your share] of soma), Ait. Br. 2, 9, 5. 

120. 3. The genitive serves to denote the objects of some p M. 
verbs: a ) FT (to remember), b.) ^ (to have mercy), c.) 

?TR3R" (to imitate), d.) some verbs of longing for. With 
all of them , however , the accusative is also available. 

Examples: a.) Mudr. II, p. 71 ^t 5gT =7^ ^fH FT fraH: TOT37- 
rrpr ( a h, king Nanda, Raxasa is well aware of your marks of kindness), 



I) See Sieckk p. 33—37. 



§ 120-121. 89 

Dag. 60 ^ire- PTRTT ^raiTRrr:- Compare with those genitives these 
accus. Malav. Ill, p. 63 =jfq- Wl^^ frgFTT'T (should she perhaps 
remember our suit?), Qak. V ^li^fi fsrt =T sr sfffifrT^fq' ^ft- The 
verb firer (to forget) is construed with ace. J ) 

6.) Dag. 97 im HHrnpTTCToT 3JRTTT (may these dear men show 
mercy towards you). It is often construed with ace. 

c.) The person whose deeds etc. are imitated is generally put 
in the genitive. Mrcch. VI, p. 222 ift qm i wchl^w i ffi srr^;: sn=r ufawjfd, 
Malav. V, p. 141 ^pr cFf^nfcr Hrarq^r^r^irW (v. a. the apple falls not 
far from the tree). 

Kem. 1. Comp. tHoi^d (to speak after), which is construed si- 
milarly by Ka§. on P. 1, 3, 49, and a^i ( f t (to take after). Pat. I, 393 
EiHM^J fd (he takes after his father). 

Eem. 2. According to P. 2, 3, 53 compared to 6, 1, 139 sm^i^h 
(to take care of) may admit of a genitive. 

d.) Here the ace. is the regular construction , and the gen. but 

scarcely met with, as M. 2, 162 tn^ttloi -dl*l^oi^HW SToRT (he 

must always long for being insulted as if it were ambrosia), Mhbh. 

3, 12630 ^Tut^T: Md*WMI^, Malat. V, p. 72 srfa Hsn-JFcFWr rRTrf^T- 

grnrr: (do you long for Madayantika, ?) ; E. 3, 47, 30 gen. with gr ^ i w . 

121. 4. In the archaic dialect many more verbs may be construed 

with the gen. of their object. Panini prescribes its being used 

with a) all verbs of remembering 8 ); b) ^-p? when = »to desire, ' 5 g ' 

to hope," cp. 120,<2; c) five verbs of injuring viz. d i HUfri , ^nt, 

~~ P 2 3 

Pitlri^i , 5fW) fiw> d) the verbs of illness — fever excepted — as 5 g ' 
■J) i m bs\{?\ - As he does not add that the gen. with them is restricted 
to the holy texts , it is likely , that it was used so in his days , but that 
it has antiquated afterwards. Siecke p. 50_52 of his treatise on the 
vedic genitive has given some examples of its being used in the 



1) Yet Bhatt. 17, 10 it complies witha gen., see Petr. Diet. a. v. p. 1386. 
So in a prakrt passage of the Uttararamacaritra p. 19 fcraifr^T a^ST 
HH \ i {-bUkti $*M TVWKW »Rama has made us forget king Dacaratha." 

2) Panini (2, 3, 52) speaks of iBTiJhTO', that is »all, which mean to think 
of." In classic Sanskrit I greatly doubt instances will be found of any 
other verb but set- 



90 § 121 — 122. 

Rigvedasanhita with such verbs as wr, ^hIvttt, f%rT, T^etc. With 
■fsrj- (to know; to be aware of, to experience) it often occurs in 
the brahmana-works. Ait. Br. 2, 39, 11 gruft 3 d l dd^l ; 5T ffdlrlMi a^- 
As to the foresaid verbs of injuring, in the Ramayana also ^crgr 
(to touch) is construed with a gen.. 2, 75, 31 rrsTr whih PtI/T) likewise 
3, 66, 6')- 

Rem. According to P. 2, 3, 51 the verb frr is construed with 
the gen. of the instrument (karana), then frr must not be equi- 
valent with fgrj-. Kag. gives this example hP<W| aprftr = ^rfwr ^ttttpt 
HolHH . It is not sufficiently plain , what is here the meaning of fu 2 ). 
122. 5. The wager with verbs of playing or betting, the purchase- 
money with those of buying and selling is to be put in the gen., 
according to P. 2, 3, 57 — 60, thus exemplified by K&g. mntd gjoiigi (d 
or qurir or ^c^fd - Instances of this rule applied in literature if 
they occur at all, must be scanty. 3 ) With the compounds of fg-sr 
the gen. is told to be optional — sjiTOT or 5^7 n^otifn — , in the 
brahmana the simple f^sr is construed with the ace. of the wager, see 
P. 2, 3, 60 with comm, 



1) Cp. the Greek Tvyx&ve'v, HryyAveiv and sim. For the rest, objective 
genitives with verbs of touching , desiring , remembering are common to the 
whole Indo-germanic family and the most probable explication, which 
may be given of them is to consider them as having had at the outset 
the character of partitive genitives. Their fate has been the same in 
Sanskrit as in its sister-tongues. In the ancient literature they are re- 
latively common; but gradually they decrease by time both in frequency 
and in extent , and modern Sanskrit has but retained a few remnants of 
that old and once widely-spread idiom. 

2) So the Kacika. It proffers also a different explication, according to 
which ?rr with gen. = *to ween, to fancy," for iM^UIW^^MMd- Fatan- 
jali has not expounded the sutra. For the rest, as it runs thus ffi" 
•staffer *^ui, nothing impedes reading it rather # Q^vjyj ch^ui . 
Then it is said just the contrary : ^TT when = farr complies with a gen. 
and in fact, in the ancient dialect ?TT was not rarely construed so. 

3) A prakrt passage in Mrcch. II, p. 68 ^m i oHlU ll ^ grg a^*^[= Skr. 
<i>llHolUiyj E"3Tf 'Jrl*^ ;] (this player is detained for 10 suvarnas) may 
afford an instance of it. 



§ 123—124. 91 

123. 6. Verbs of fulness, repletion, satisfaction, as Q^ MlrT> 

rT^T, FJ*T are often construed with a genitive , but more 
commonly with the instrumental. Cp. Latin vas plenum 
vini vel vino^). Examples of the genii Sucr. 1, 116, 14 orFfiTTqim' 
•s=£niTT*T (the face is bathed with tears), Pane. I, 148 mfTuximfH 
*I«MI =TNHMi q^f&: I ^T^m: ^a^rTFIW (Are gets not satiated of 
wood, nor the ocean of rivers , nor death of mortal beings). 

NB. But the gen. of the person , towards whom kindness is shown 
with fTKrf^, HW, mTie^frl an d other similar words is of a different 
kind (131). Mhbh. 1, 229, 32 rjrTftsr tF® *&'• ( ne became well-dis- 
posed to this brahman), Pane. 314 fT^ Mdl ' ^M (I am satisfied with 
you), R. 1, 33, 13 ftwtct^T -stropg^: 2 ). 

Rem. 1. Vedic mantras contain many instances of other similar 
verbs — as jft, j^r, g^r etc- — being construed so. Sieckb, p. 44 sq. 

Rem. 2. With K m Ih 1 the loc. is also available. Dag. 174 gttfq- 
^orFWTfyaH (he ate it all). 

7. With several verbs the genitive does the duty of 
an ablative. See 126. 

8. With several verbs the genitive does the duty 
of a dative. See 131 , 132. 

124. m. A genitive with adjectives is frequently 
®f™' used. When attending adjectives akin to transitive verbs , 
a^iec- it ^ S an objective gen., as Kathas. 29, 55 s{^T I^HM^I^MHI 

^Hl (old age, which will destroy this beauty). Among 
them are to be especially noticed: 



tives. 



1) Both gen. and instrum. seem to be old idioms. Yet it will seem ) 
that the gen. with words of fulness has got out of use nowadays. E. 2, 89, 17 
^fuqtrf being construed with a gen. — ^IjlniwfiTOTrrfeT ohli^irl [so. ^TTof:] 
ch l rSj-H B I ltsHH — the commentary deems it necessary to explain the idiom : 
^rrftpT'. <Tnrf i^iiM^ '- Cp. the similar process in Latin (Quintil. 9, 3, 1). 

2) So Kathas. 27, 206 K^tef^T 5TTT ; the interpunction in Brockhaus, 
edition is here wrong. 



92 § 124. 

1. Those of knowledge, skill, experience and the con- 
trary (as 5rf*T$r, SFrfe", ^rrf^TrT) and 3FTfT {wont to). 

Mudr. I, p. 34 ?nv SFSTiaiW'. <.°m(m sffaiHJor^qTint (bravo , my child , 
you are well acquainted with the practice of the world), R. 1, 20, 24 
mimiUlHchlfdiij (not skilled in battles); — R. 2, 51, 3 jfarTl 5PT: 
^IHUI (people who are accustomed to trouble). 

Examples with others: Mudr. IV, p. 146 ?rh] *m%\ UT5T (impa- 
tient of the burden), Kam. 3, 22 f?ij IdMdHJ fri^^T esraroTPTRjhe 
must speak so as to rejoice all beings). 

NB. With the adjectives of knowledge and skill and 
with some others the locative is also used (142). ') P 2 n 3 ' 

2. *HM7l (depending on) and ^iffi (clinging to). Pane. 

231 Hdltlrl : ?r MdlchU : (that remedy depends on you), ibid. 277 
JJ^raror H#r feiPd^jWlRH HrH+wa (give up that, which you have 
taken belonging to him), 
r 

3. ^TTJT (full) and its compounds. See 123. 

4. Those of likeness and equality. See 61. 



1) The Kacika errs interpreting this sutra so as to take iJlil* and 
*HM , as if they meant hit these two words , though it is evident , that two 
categories of words are meant by Panini , that of » occupation' ' (iJliirb) and 
that of »skill" (chUMj. The rule given 1, 1, 68 — SET ^tf 5ISS^rraiS«[WT 
— is commonly interpreted in too narrow a sense. It does not purport that 
any word occurring in PaNiui's text, but for a sanfnd, does signify but the word 
itself, not its synonyms — if this were so , we should have to enregister its 
violation every moment — but simply this: with the exception of such 
algebraical signs , as sr = ^f! , J> = U% , ET = the suffixes of the grades of 
comparison, sim., the sounds and words of which the vyakarana-sutra is 
made up, are to be understood such as they are uttered. But it is left 
to the common sense of the reader to infer in each separate case , whether 
the word contained in the grammatical rule is meant as to its outer 
shape or as to its meaning, whether it is to denote but one or a whole 
class of words of the same purport, as «IU* andch^M evidently do here. 

For the rest, the vernacular grammarians themselves are obliged to 
admit of exceptions on their own interpretation of P. 1, 1, 68. See but 
the vartt. on that sutra. 



§ 124—126. 93 

Kem. Note fgvjfa with gen., when subst. — »the match, the 
counterpart" Pat. 1 , 445 =ff^T inf^rr^m; (an other ox is wanted like 
this), Kathas. 25, 178 a^oi l -unmm f^rftor jrg^T rr (I will fetch you 
myself the match of this foot-ornament). 

5. A great number of adjectives admit of the dative- 
like genitive, see 129. 

ABLATIVE-LIKE GENITIVE. 

125. IV. Sometimes the genitive is available in such cases 
tive-" as ^° P r0 P er ly belong to the category of the ablative, if 

lik f. s e " there be at the same time room for the conception of 

uitive. x 

^belonging to" and that of „proceeding from." Of the 
kind we have already mentioned two instances, viz. 1. 
the genitive of origin (113), 2. that of the starting- 
point (98, R. 1 and 2). The latter is not limited to the 
con- cases, mentioned above, but is sometimes used side 
with P by side with the ablative even with such nouns as 

the r-- 

abla- 3fT^\ ^rTfT!T etc., Vishnup. 2, 3, 1 3=^ srg^ST (north of the 
ocean). 

126. On this account we may understand how the genitive 
is sometimes used instead of the ablative with a) verbs 
of asking, wishing, taking, receiving etc., b) of hearing , 

learning , c) of being afraid of. 

a). The abl. is here the regular idiom; the gen. not frequent, 

as Eajat. 1, 131 ^^m 5[?r?TV fems5i|"i5^n% chify^sMT iTffRJj, 

E. 1, 28, 10 cnfN^ *PT (accept of me), M, 4, 87 ^r, crfrTJT^TfH ^proff- 
■e^i^oif &T: ( — accepts of a king, who is avaricious and a trans- 
gressor of his royal duty), Pane. 225 a^nni sTTfpnTOr rfUuw-i^- 
frwrfq'- So already in the archaic dialect. Gaut. 17, 1 y^HM! 
teicM% Rdldi H i sTT^irjft J^ffa nfHi l ^H* (a brahman is allowed to 
eat and to accept presents from twice-born men of good behaviour) ; 

6) E. 6, 31, 2 -di^m it pgrrr: JjTrclT gro (M (Eavana after having 



94 § 126—127. 

heard from his spies the arrival of Rama), ibid. 3, 3, 4 femr 'W 
(be informed from me). So sometimes with m^tin 1 (cp. 86 c), as 
R. 2, 100, 7 chRl-c^Wi^ fqg: 

c) R. 2, 29, 4 ffof ?ra f^ fSrwjfn' (all are afraid of you), Pane. 
Ill, 195 jjt MMlfedH Pinm (she, who has always an aversion to me). 
R, 3, 46, 29 — 31 affords an instance of both constructions together : 
^ sm°MMiii; fg-^r: — tot m*rl" ^ Riujyi — *=si^iuii H(i?cHi 5^f — 

Rem. Compare P i fdum (disgusted with) with a gen. Pane. 

Spread- 171 ^j™™—,. ptfuu ii gu (I am disgusted with the flesh of mice), 
lng of «- ^ -- 

its em- cp. 97 , R. 

meut Now and then this abl.-like genitive seems to have 
modem been extended beyond its limits by abuse , especially of 
ten. modern writers 1 ). 

127. Note the genitive being used in some turns of phrase, 
which might be put as well in the category of the abla- 
tive as in that of the genitive. 



1) But not exclusively. The older literature does not lack of instan- 
ces, as R. 3, 51,27 STS^fSr ^nWTTSta 5? ITrt^yj [instead of rRqT^]JTT5?ra'; 
cp. 3, 66, 11. — A very striking example is Bhag. Pur. 8, 6, 21 anH)f<j|<H Hr^T- 
i*adWfd<tfl£sH4JJreT <fhTOI 5T sRTiymreTt ■sq - ^' l raffj here the gen. is 
abusively employed instead of the abl. iiyjirilidlH. M. De Saussttre , from 
whose valuable treatise de Vemploi du genitif absolu en Sanscrit I borrow 
this example (see his note on p. 10), proves the impossibility of account- 
ing for that gen. in a satisfactory way , when starting from the absolute 
construction. Hereby it is however not said that the presence of the 
participle trfrr has not moved the author of the Bhagavata to employ the 
genitive instead of the ablative. Likewise I scarcely believe Kalhana would 
have used a gen. with ?TR^(Rajat. 1, 131, see 126 a), if the noun were 
not attended by a participle. Similarly with w the gen. is preferred, if it be 
wanted to express the hearing somebody say or utter something , as Mhbh. 
1,141,18 stot olttdl ^ In short, it is likely , that the relative frequency 
of genitives of participles in Sanskrit style , especially if compared to the 
rareness of similar ablatives, has favorized the spreading of the ablative- 
like genitive. 

It may also be noticed , that in most of such cases pronouns are concerned. 



§ 127—128. 95 

1 a gen. with verbs of speaking etc. to denote him , about whom 
something is said, as Pane. 82 ^i^l&i^iujd srsIrT (so he speaks 
of me , who am however guiltless '). 

2° with ^fa iem Q and the like — »to expect of, to suppose of." 
Mrcch. IX, p. 297 HJiim rpffer ^NTTSJFT (that blockhead is capable 
to everything), Pane. 34 ^ H lg frU frNi mw d fcv %ferT mirsfc (of such 
men one must not suppose such conduct). But the locative is here 
also available. 

3° with 3ir (to forbear of) etc. B. 1, 15, 7 g^ prer -sH I M^ , Pat. 
I, p. 40 OH^chAJMiJyj. ... JTOrBTST- — When without object, the 
gen. with =^ may be considered a dative-like one , as Mhbh. 1, 79, 9 
fsrrarerrfwionrerT ^r -d-rlcil smstftt (a man who wishes his wellbeing 
should not forbear a scholar, who does not behave as such). 

128. The time-denoting genitive is likewise standing on 

denot- ^e ground of the ablative, for it does always express 

™gg e - after what time something is happening. It is usually 

restricted to some fixed terms , as T^"^W or T^TFT ^5T- 

5TST = f^TFT , M^mO" = 5^FTH etc. Qak. vn ^twt- 

=5TTcF^T siY UMJdUl lyf£Ml<UI«J eh«jfer*M«l [» after a while"] sr^T- 
\\4\r\X wlritti facrtl iRJrill RuMM ( liUfer, Mhbh. 1, 47, 14 cjrfFFraT^T (after 
some days), E. 2, 118, 44 g^tror FT cjn^TOT ^TEr5TT-s?f W3 £g wnm: 

Eem. 1. It is very rare, that a not-time- denoting word is put 
in this gen., as Ven. I , p. 14 qrr fsrsft^oT = w f$iw;*Ml<&ll(«T (since 
my very infancy). 

Eem. 2. A time-denoting word may be attended by the genitive of a 
noun -j- participle. By this is denoted the time » since" some action 
has come to pass. Mrcch. V, p. 172 fej; jjsraT eh f ed ) ilirJTCHT oiH'dH:TT- 
ETT: ^raiTJr 3TFTCHT (it is indeed a long time, Maitreya is gone to V.), 
Mudr. IV, p. 134 ssrq- zyjrfr mmri i HttPl^rim (it is to day just the 
tenth month since father died), Ven. I, p. 25 %r£ arr ^m iraT FTSfiT- 
oTrJrr: grow; fem- •• srrarrr * ^rf%FTT (Sir, it is some time Mylady stays 



1) See De Saussure 1.1. p. 54 N. 



96 § 128—129. 



■* . 



here , but you have not noticed her), Pane. 303 feim-chiykdois r fer 
7m, Utt. IV, p. 72; E. 3, 50, 20 ■). 



DATIVE-LIKE GENITIVE. 



129. V. The genitive serves also to denote him, who is 
Hke'ge- concerned by the action or fact , the so-called remote object. 



nitive 



This kind of genitive, as it stands on the same 
tivus ground as the dative, I name dative-like genitive. 
dietin- Partlv it mav be substituted to the dative, but in a 

com- J J 

modi, great number of cases the dative would even be unavai- 
lable, at least in classic Sanskrit, especially, if the 
person concerned is to be expressed in such sentences, 
as where the predicate is nominal {substantive or adjective). 
In such turns as Kathas. 29, 98 ^IH^ ^ HTCjW TTrT- 

"Jp^JT 3TTrT! (for virtuous wives the only path to follow 
here and hereafter is their husband) , Pane IT , 58 

*TM 41 Ml* ^ ^} fUCroHf^HH (what is too heavy for 
the vigorous ? what danger does exist for the audacious ? 
what is a foreign country for the learned ? who is unat- 
tainable for the flatterer?) the genitive is the regular 
idiom , and the dative out of use. Likewise the genitive 
— not the dative — is to be employed, with adjec- 
tives of friendship and enmity . fitness and unfitness , good 
and evil etc, as Pane. 331 5TFT HtHUf^T fftf f^PT 
(a fish-dinner is always welcome to him), ibid. 213 
•T Mrh H<3r1.' (it does not suit you). 

1) This idiom extends also to adjectives, used as participles. Utt. Ill, 
p. 57 3cOT SJ^rer sUTrft ilOU; Mi^olrM^: (it is now the twelfth year, 
that the world is destitute of its queen). 



§ 129. 97 

Examples : Kumar. 3, 10 $? jjit yf^Rt -s^T (who are other archers 

to me?), Mrech. VIII p. 246 j^] STrg^TOT Ucrfir wipfe bit 

HcriH (the God of Love is either mild for an honest man or he 

does not exist for him), Mhbh. 1, 141, 36 afd^ i ril ulam m't ciUm 

(we shall be unknown to the people), Pane. 200 q-g nqo i I f^-Ti tFRJT =t 

S^gt: cti)uT)ti : (one must not take it ill of a messenger, if he speaks 

plain), Qak. IV iTFrfsro^rrrfo ^TTOiHqT TTW ntrtf mr: (do not oppose 

your husband by anger, even when offended). 

With Among the adjectives , which comply with a gen., note such as 

tives, tM-^y, sPToRsrr and qfRoRrr, kto- and j^-for, HrtTtr, urn — and even the 

asfer verb ?jtjrH (to suit) — and their synonyms. So Nala 1, 19 cfjfr- 

eto ' GTTfJT rloT fsTOTT, Pane. Ill, 104 mTR^; ufH^TcdlPi q^Tsrf =T SUTErff^ (one 

should not do to others, what is grievous to one's self), Mrcch. 

I, p- 58 aJlmd i j -timm rr^ (this house is not fit for a deposit), 

ibid. X, p. 355 q- u^m fisr Uiuwi^rillii:, Malav. IV, p. 96 a fid Gnit I ^TOJT 

EsT: CTSPtrTT (and cold is excellent against this ailment), Mhbh. 1, 15, 4 

WJ: ^Tofer gilchUJ (the same to all beings), Malav. IV, p. 88 gr ^sf faroV 

-S 'bMlchM (who is so disinclined to mef), ibid. Ill, p, 75 qgftTqrnoirn' 

ch l P l H I H (so much suffices for persons in love). 

So ^sf and 3t%ft, when — sbecoming to , suiting." R. 2, 30, 41 

I 3p^d^ 5fHrM^dUm^roiH|^!JcOM^- As to ^ and =grr|; cp. the foot-note 
on p. 40 of this book. Note also =^tet, ^HT etc. with a gen. =r 
Dguiltless towards", as R. 2, 49, 7 gjn^TFT^ra':, M. 9, 106 frrrTrirTrRtn: 
(having paid his debts to the pitaras). 

Rem. 1. Panini teaches, that with participles in °fr the genitive I 3 . 2,3, 

A7 

must be used, and not the instrum. of the agent , if the participle 
is employed as a present one. Such genitives as -rjfij qfn (approved 
by the kings), jjfn qf?irT'. (honored by the kings) fall within tho 
limits of this rule. See Mhbh. 1, 141, 36 and Qak. IV quoted 
above , and cp. Qak. II OQYpI HoiHmWHdjflHw (y° ur staying here 
is known to the hermits). 

Rem. 2. On the genit. with krtyas see 66 R. According 
to P. 2, 3, 69 the genitive is forbidden with the krts &<m , that 
is such as g^ir, ^sng^" (cp. P- 3, 3, 126 sq.). Kac. gives as examples 

7 



98 § 129—131. 

I&I4*0 l T°nTr ZKZ! (the mat is scarcely to be made by you), lewM : 
gfrft' HoTHT. So E. 3, 5, 23 cot ^j^r ^nfer h^u ; ^tsoIT^T; In fact > 
however, story, STsqrr, stcftit, Sow are often construed with the ge- 
nitive. Dae. 72 fedUnaH 3SFOT3T g<5W, E. 2 , 97, 7 q£ qir JT^ SoTOT, 
KatMs. 24, 65 f^ qpr R<doim it SW^ij; 

130. When used with the verb substantive expressed 
ute or implied, the dative-like genitive is not seldom 

TJhaTe. equivalent to our verb to have. Pat. 1 , 427 one asks 
the other SftfcT WT CplT: I ^TFT >T3rft HM: (how 
many children have you? how many wives ?). Cp. the Latin 
phrase est mihi filius. Ait. Br. 7, 13, 1 f^ar ^ snr siwr smg:, Qak. 
I ai^T =Tf ■s ^ < ^[q »fe5tin (I have something else to ask you about), 
Pane. 166 txt&z ildlH l srnr HsrfH (men make money, if they go 
abroad). Likewise in such terms as f§r ridM-l (what have I [to 
meddle, to do] with him?), cp. 88 E. 2. 

131. The dative-like genitive attends even on verbs. Mrcch. 
ukeg'e- X, p. 375 f%*TFT ^WHUHWImHIH (what is to be done 
v ££ to this wicked man?) and ibid. X, p. 384 RRFT PWi: 

|Sft Mrl 1*1 (what is to be done for this monk ?) are striking 
examples of the sixth case used so. It is especially verbs 
of doing good or evil (as 3"^, Bfl^, W^ , W^W> 

M^f*^ (to trust), t^T (to forbear) and some others which 
partake of this idiom , its concurrent construction being 
the locative , rarely , if at all , the dative l ). 

Examples: E. Gorr. 4, 38, 47 fQ^i i m iMMaKBrfarr jmt (far^|fo (you 



1) As to atrriVj 3^, *l<4*, folyolMj I do not remember having met 
with any instance of their agreeing with a dative; WT governs a dative 
Bhatt. 4,39. Upon the whole, the dative of profit and damage within 
its narrower limits is very scarce in Sanskrit, cp. 84- 



§ 131-132. 99 

must guard your kingdom by doing well to your friends), ibid. 3, 1, 16 
^PTOT Wcgm (offered hospitality to R.), Pane. 289 flp r^rr r i ^KiHd lf? 
■cl|i4*d^ (in what hare I injured her or you ?), Qak. VII ^ttttsV 
■sf^T rRTirarP. ERTrsrejr (I have sinned against the reverend Kanva), 
Pane. 38 ^ ^ ch^jfafeuafa fTT (he trusts nobody), Mhbh. 1, 23, 26 
ti*d1<i^ rr; inrra'rrw (be merciful to us , who beseech thee), Malat, YII , 
p. 126 dUJ*HwE raoicra Mpifc l H' HRfa? (the wind declares to the young 
men the nearness of young women). 

Rem. In Latin, with such turns as adimo vestem servo or 
servi, civium or civibus dolor auctus est, the dative and the ge- 
nitive are both available. Sanskrit invariably uses the 
genitive. Pane. II, 141 swte f| fsHrftr mrffa =r ^rrfeb i =t f| 
fa'^m jjjW uldmPd gw iprr: (it is by exertion, that enterprises 
are successful, not by wishing, deer do not enter the mouth of 
a sleeping lion), ibid. p. 145 f^nzrarrsft t^pp^ msm frsrr (H. 
made his reverence to M.), ibid. 137 qif q^rt' !?Hh: ^fTTfTT (I have 
got great pleasure). 

132. Finally, the genitive is allowed to attend all verbs, 
MvTof as are commonly construed with the dative of concern, 
^ote Such a genitive may be not without affectation '), it is 

object. 



1) So at least is the opinion of Anandobam Borooah (§ 212 of his » Higher 
Sanskrit Grammar'') — and his opinion may be considered to hold good nowa- 
days in India with Sanskrit-writing people — » the gen. is also occasionally 
used for the Dat. or Indirect Object , especially by pedantic writers" and sit 
will be seen from the above examples that such use besides being pedantic , 
is very ambiguous." The ambiguity, however, cannot be very great, for 
as a rule the context will show us how to accept such genitives, and 
in such cases , as where the context would not enable us to understand him 
plainly, a good writer will avoid all ambiguous constructions. That 
the dative-like genitive has been known and employed in India of old 

though not to the extent, it has got in the classic dialect — may 

be seen from some of the examples quoted above. As with other concur- 
rent idioms, there is many an instance of both cases used together, as 
R. 2, 34, 6 Sjft frfaJH & grT! I dl^UI«?r VR q=TT S5T IrcTlUriliSMirf, schol. 
i ' MrDQ-IT g- friTTST tC^T* ^ n t ne comment of Kac. on P. 3, 3, \\\ the printed 



100 § 132. 

of frequent occurrence in literature '). So it is found 
with 1. verbs of giving, offering, 2. of telling, speaking, 
3. of carrying, sending, 4. of showing, 5. of enjoining , 6. of 
promising, 7. of pleasing , 8. of being angry, 9. of bowing, 

prostrating one's self , etc. 

Examples: 1. Ch. Up. 2, 22, 5 ndlMd(lrilM qi^^lPl (let me sur- 
render myself to Pr.), Pane. 85 qjrr fTSJnra' h^tH (I have granted 
him safety), Qak. I Md^ i MjUl l Pi U^STtarhirarlw, Mrcch. II, p. 80 
tMM I d^ 3^T MoHhT-rIm qiTEf (give but to this very fellow ten 
other pieces of gold). 

2. Mhbh. 1, 12, 6 ^m firT: (be told his father _), Pane. 292 
3israTW5> iUlMM-a i >H fT, (relate us of your adventures in foreign 
countries), Mrcch. I, p. 45 sj^q- aijimJ-di^-am ^msiTOJW, Pane. 
246 rmm: ^ra^cT JTrorT iX{ { l ^m Q^UHj then they went all and addressed 
the king of frogs), ibid. 62 ^ H<i,lcftiuiMqmfii dtf-^IUli Ff3W cTcPT 

3. Qak. Ill chyi^HuTl { M<?(<w MUlMdfci =s[ HicH-TlMij l lu i 4to-d (to 
whom are carried — ?), ibid. IV frnrq' stow u|7) i ^)rl : (having sent 
her now to her husband). 

4. Kathas. 29, 18 gj^firawr: n(3* l: (she showed her the puppets). 

5. Pane. 289 fft ^ wj <HHlf^te4^ (and he prescribed me), Qak. IV 
ufrrciw 4UWI4J4W (show the way to your sister). 



text has Wlf ilrMJUl irnjrT. the other reading nm is mentioned in a 
foot-note. 

1) In the vulgar dialects the dative has got obsolete, and the genitive 
has been substituted to it, the few traces of a dative in Prakrit litera- 
ture being owed to the artificial language of dramatic poetry. See 
Lassen Inst, linguae pracriticae , p. 299 , Vararuct Prdkrtaprakdfa 6 , 64. 
Kuhn Beitrage zur Pali Grammatik, p. 70 sq. gives an account of the remnants 
of the dative in Pali, which are more considerable, than in the other 
prakrts , and contain both infinitives in "tcwe and datives in "dya , 
especially atthdya = skrt arthdya; as a rule, the pali dative serves to 
denote the purpose. The same process has been at work in Modern Greek. 
Schinas, Grammaire elementaire du grec moderne, Paris, 1829 p. 90: »le g6- 
nitif sert de regime indirect aux verbes et remplace le datif: Sure /xou 
^upi donne-moi du pain , *4yu toB xpiToS t$v &Atj0siavje dis au juge la venteV' 



§ 132, 132*. 101 

6. M. 9, 99 -a^yi ufa^m ii-u^jm £fem (she has been promised 
to one and given to another). 

7. Pane. 235 f^j ^H A-dri otst (does he please you?). 

8. E. 2, 100, 33 iTfrr nff: chmPrl (servants are moved with anger 
against their master), Qak. VII ^h fish at gf^; 

9. Var. Yog. 2, 32 imm mjmPd iwf: (people bow to one), K. 
II, sarga 96*, 47 ^int-li-chlchi J lijoim H^ l rH ?: (the crow prostrated himself 
to the magnanimous Bama). 

Eem. Even i^^j (to believe) is met with gen. Ait, Br. 1, 6, 
11 r- 5)s|qt ■cl-iuu sri' 5TT5>rrfn'he does not believe others, however many). 

132*. The dative of the purpose is not interchangeable with 
the genitive x ) 



1) In the prakrts even then. It is singular, that an observer as accu- 
rate, as Panini is, should have overlooked the important function of the 
dative-like genitive. A rule of his, indeed, mentions the sixth case 
■ciHwJ^T sr^TT (2, 3, 62), but the word jpgj% added and the examples 
proffered by tradition show that according to the vulgar interpretation 
we have here a very special enjoinment, closely connected to the pre- 
ceding sutra (61), not one of general bearing. Yet I greatly doubt 
the exactness of that explication, by which the word =cTrJS5nf is quite 
superfluous , as (^olH I MH(jHH needs must be repeated from s. 61, and this 
suffices for the vulgar interpretation. Perhaps we may remove the 
technical difficulty by an other distribution of the words, that make up 
sutra 61 — 63. When read uno tenore, we get jrii<ysJc?l^l2|s?T ^olHiyHc^M 
TjHmR f ST^ff s^Hd q^sr QFrrTR- It would be convenient both to the in- 
ternal probability and to the simplicity of the interpretation , if they are 
divided in this but slightly different manner: 61 . BfKTsrg^f&Grr t£6ldiyy<iJH, 
62. ^roRf o(^, 63. %^(m JTrRST ^rpjT- According to this partition,Panini, 
after having given in 61 a special rule about the gen. being employed 
in some formulae of sacrificing, adds in 62 the general enjoinment that 
in many cases , where the dative is required — mark mhwj «( , which encompass- 
es by far more than FHfJTT — the genitive is likewise available , either by 
preference , or optionally , but not in all. For thus is the meaning of sr^fflj- 

ajferHorfa: eFf^srafir. aiferfl^TOT grfer^ifor 
fsfyfcffcrnr awar ^nri^cr =a^fm su^sr si^ft 

(see Boethliugk Panini II , p. 82). — As to sutra 63 ^^fa jrjPCT gr^m") 
it offers no difficulty in itself, but disturbs the methodical arrangement 



102 § 133. 

Chapter VIII. Locative ')• 

133. The seventh case or locative serves to signify the 
twTof scene of the action. Its power is expressed by English 
where, prepositions , as in , on , at , among , with , by , near. It 
has not only the duty of pointing out the spot where, 
but also the spot whither. In other terms, someti- 
mes it answers Lat. in with abl., sometimes in with 
accus. 

A. Locative of the spot where. — Here we must 
make the following distinctions. 

a.) the locative conveys the notion of being within, in. 

M. 1, 9 hRh^t I BTCT sr^JT (in this [egg] Brahman himself was born), 
Dag, 156 rn-fwfe iS i ^iii (sporting in the water of the Ganges), 
ibid. 179 *«jf^Ri=i*^«j ^ f%=rot 5£ST- 

b.) it denotes a surface , trodden or touched : on , upon , 
over, at. Pane. 307 tj^ij: chi"iu-?i3 WiU l H z?S\ (an ass was seen on 
that cemetery), E. 3, 5, 10 sra^r] nffr orTprrftarr umik =et iwft 
(courtesans, holding fans, waved them over his head), Pane. 331 
& 'sr MrWl snfT <4I-cmi?t frof^rT (and those fishes are being boiled over 



of the rules which treat of the employment of the genitive (2, 3, 50 — 73). 
For this reason I consider it an additional rule , interpolated at an un- 
proper place — we had rather expected it between s. 51 and 52 — 
so as to obscurate by its close following the sutra 62 , the right 
understanding of the latter. That there are several rules in our Panini, 
which did not belong to the original work, but were at the outset 
varttikas, which afterwards have been taken up in the text, is a 
fact now universally acknowledged. As concerns the s. 63, I remark, 
that many other vaidik gen. partitives with verbs (119) are not mentioned by 
Panini, and that the seeming anomaly of HTiT (cp. 45 R.) must have 
drawn special attention for all that regarded that verb ; in a time as early 
as Patanjali, it was already considered to have something peculiar, see 
his comment on P. 1, 4, 32= Pat. I, p. 331 (in the Kajika his words are 
wrongly indicated as if they were a varttika). 

1) See Delbbuck. Ablatio, Localis, Instrumentalis p. 27 — 49. 



§ 133—134. 103 

the fire), Dae. 140 f^ fc QRrhmi uafr fefTT^fT (my father laid 
down on the naked earth), ibid. 141 f^-Rf fjisprt- 

c.) it signifies the dominion or territory: in, at, on, 
Latin apud, in. Pane. 1 ^ STftranw ^r^^ R^'O^ ^ ^Fk 
ibid. 319 ^"rani' Jr*WTiTf>^T (in the royal palace there was a flock 
of rams) , Kumaras. 5, 60 tp^f %$ ^-qisr (fruits are seen on the trees). 
So i-i^lMisr (in the country of the Pancalas), ch i wm (at Benares), 
Mhbh. 1, 31, 18 tmfri^rt fei^ cR 3irr: (he has been made Lord over 
the three worlds); cp. Ill E. 

d.) it indicates something very near, though not di- 
rectly touched': near, on , about '). Mhbh. 1, 170, 3 a i M^- i in 
muiH-<H i; (P&ndu's sons pitched tents near the Ganges), Hitop. 
29 7jt ^H l ^u i lcMH HBr STTfr smtnaiwrft (otherwise I will kill my- 
self by starvation at your door). So Kad. I, p. 39 sj^ is used, 
while meaning »about which spot." 

e.) it is expressive of among , amid. Nala 1, 13 rr ^&w ^ 
jHmsr HXQM<*rt\ 5>f%fT i JTT^Wsrft' -cikdiM .rgqarfa srr snrr (neither among 
devas nor yakshas nor men nor among other beings such a beauty 
has been seen nor heard of anywhere), Dag. 124 igiqrjg- cf h d i-i^fSd 
gT=rf (this report spread among the townsmen and the countrymen). 

Cp. lie. 

All these variegations are mixed^ up in the general 
notion , carried by the seventh case. Greater precision , 

if wanted , may be obtained by using periphrasing turns , 

— ~^ 

as the prepos. ?FcP (within), or such words as 7 \'&X , 

FT^", CpT, 7^^\, m^ft, etc. See 165, 190, 192. 
134. B. Locative of the spot whither. It attends of course 

tiveof on verbs and verbal nouns of moving, such as to go, 
thespot to start , to lead, to send. Ch. Up. 2, 24, 5 ^r §r jraqrror 

ther. wTter tfmiw (I shall go to the world of him, in whose behalf the 
sacrifice is performed), Pane. 321 g- srsarf JTrT; (he set out to the 
forest), ibid. 41 ^goiPrfci ^mj tffwr:, ibid. 269 srtvR^pr fsraTf ^trT: 

1) This is the so called ^rprftzr swift 



104 § 134, 134*. 

(you have conducted me to a fine spot), E. 1, 11, 24 cfmsr uwtiujiy 

27TFT (he Bent messengers to the citizens), K. 2, 7, 26 aqol l fo 

mrf rlcT signs' after having removed Bharata to your kinsmen — ). 

to enter. Pane. 283 rn=wt ^n ulbidm , ibid. 52 fcTOT ^ a^r 
ufdHllfi (with you I will go into the fire). 

to fall on or in. P- 3, 18, 25 <rom igrr, Qak. I ^tn; cirri^- — 
aiaj^g Srsr (the dust falls on the trees of the hermitage). 

to submerge in. Kumaras. 1, 3 ^t f|; g|Wr luiiy'PmiH PwkIhItO: 
(ohiUifSdlj- : (for [that] one defect disappears in the contact with 
his virtues, like the moon's- spot submerges in its beams). 

to throw in. Dag. 61 ^smsr <&£psm sp*r fsHrdl , Pane. 124 sr 

to place — , to put in , upon. Mudr. Ill, p. 91 ^ref qfij 
<TJ rrasr sTTJjT (old age has set its foot on your head), Pane. 146 
Frasr f£ hdtlM ftvTO' ( — put it in that very beggar's bowl), Mhbh. 
1, 40, 21 ftst ^Sr ijrf sw 3>sY ^TsTT srtmrafj) Apast. 1, 15, 21 w,wi 
=5 ^fl^WtrT (nor shall he put [fire] under his bedstead). Metaphor: 
Prabodh. V, p. 112 u^i^i(h wra^ »r&f?r fiaRlH i: ^Torf ^srRrr: 

to ascend. Kathas. 29, 129 frfi" aufc l ftst jvm^f (the raxasl 

climbed in J o the tree). Metaphor: Pane. I, 266 jrfepr. ^rnrnrafa 

qifJoi i (he, on whom the king fixes his looks). 

to strike , to kit. .Qak. I tjM^imiy &: <sm =T H^+HU i fa , Kathas. 
28, 31 r l fa-M°lj$H 1 ^^41 (he stroke the holy man with his sword), 
M,.cch. II, p. 83 EftTrrrat ^fer^ zjxfn, Pane. 295 pf (u i ^hi^H; 
And so on. 

Kem. Note sr with loc., a very common turn z= »to put in 
or on," as ^^r, ^rf, qrnTT 1 )) yf^ ^r (to pat at the head), sim. 
134*. The spot reached may also be denoted by the accusative. 

Compare with the above examples these: Ch. Up. 5, 3, 1 <HfafrH*i l U 
(he came at the meeting), Pane. 143 toiq ' amr i m rrpr (after having 
put me on your back), Qak. I FTtflcFr rUdrUfdm i El etc. etc. 



1) Cf. P. 1, 4, 77, where it is taught, that ^chrtj q milch rt) are to be 
uBed when=r ohaving married", but^r 3kEIT »having put in the hand, — 
taken bv the hand." 



§ 134*— 136. 105 

So with verbs of going, bringing, carrying, sending, 
ascending , entering. Those , however, of falling , throwing , 
placing, putting - — as qn, f%tj, *re, ftararaffT, a ptmmft — seem 
to be construed with the locative exclusively. On the 
other hand the accusative is obligatory , if „to come to" 
is the metaphorical expression of „to become" (236), 
and in some other standing turns, as H^im^fH - 

135. According to what has been said HI, it is plain, 
quTu- that nothing impedes locatives qualifying a noun. Such 
\IZ- phrases as ^T FTTFTcrFT I "TW RT^TT are as good Sans- 
krit as „water in the pit," „a boat on the river" are 
good English. — Here the genitive is concurrent. 

In some turns the locative is standing, as in divisions of lite- 
rary works as t-jh ^rta^WIUUl crTfi?*Tci?ta' W^Rmi;? etw: Wl:, we say, 
the first sarga of the JLranyakhanda of the Eamayana of Valmtki. 

136. II. Both kinds of locative are applied in so many 
and in so manifold ways , as to make it hardly practicable 
to enumerate them all distinctly and completely. It 

V s™~ may suffice to mention the most important and the most 

striking idioms: 
i. to i. "VVe will notice in the first place some peculiar 

drink 

from phrases. Of the kind are: 

etc. r N 

to drink from. Pane. I, 327 dW: fefrt g^t =TpPTltfr>sft (men 
drink strong liquor even from a man's skull) i). 

to feed on. Dag. 174 ^m ^di^mMioidmd (he feasted on the 
rice, without leaving anything). In metaphorical sense Heart and 
the like may also bo construed with a locative. Mhbh. 1, 84, 2 
;T ^fiT jftoT^". Cp- 123- 



Loca- 
tive 
in idio- 
matic 



1) See Delbruck 1.1. p. 33. 



106 § 136—139. 

to be born from; to beget with. The mother is put in 
the locative. Cp. 100, 1. Kumaras. l, 22 ^rr rimm^mEL. 

to reckon among. Dag. 199 aiiikid l ^N (he was reckoned among 
the gods). 

137. 2. The locative in which is put the person, with whom one 
2 si *° dwells, stags. Prabodh. VI, p. 123 tn i m^, rcrfr dtriE^ i ffi (I 
with, am without protector and wish to stay in your house), Mhbh. 1, 

74, 12 a \ \ \\ x \ \ fa^aiMi f| srraag =t ^ejft, Mudr. VII, p. 229 sra 
qgHdchrT l R)f^trct»M l ^H^f& l H l: (I have stayed for some time with Mai.). 
So especially ittt owfri (^ e dwells with his spiritual father), Ch. 
Up. 4, 4, 3 srpErJf Hi I d fa arWJlfi (v. a. I will be the pupil of the 
Keverend), 

138. 3. ^TT or ~^r\ with loc. = ^keeping close to", that is 

' q?T observing, obeging one's precept, principle , judgment etc. 
ir1 '*' r1 Cak. VI q q- ^ihhh (dsyfa (yon do not obey my order), Dag. 72 

etc. r . r 

H l rWH oTrRcr (comply with the wish of your mother), Cp. Lat. stat 

promissis , stat sententid and Kag„ on P. 1, 3, 23 qi^ fprsr( (it rests 

on me = I am to decide.) 

139. 4. The locative, which serves to denote the thing 
cative touched. It is used with a) verbs of fastening at — espe- 
thing cially sI'-feT — as well in their proper as in a figurative 

sense; likewise with the others, b) those of clinging, 
adhering to, as ^T3T, Tc£PT, F|sT etc., c) of leaning on, 
relying on, trusting, d) of seizing by , e) of falling at one's 
feet — and in other similar locutions, asf. i. Ragh. 1, 19 
'floff ^FTfa ^TcTrTT (and the string , bent on the bow), 

gak. VI VT$ W^rmr ^FR?I^ <=MJ4MHMf TJf^T 

(an antelope's female, rubbing her left eye against the 

horn of her male companion). 
vertsrf Exam P les: «) Pane. 238 jrt ^ TO srerer, ibid. 286 srop;- 
fasten- ^^ q^ mn nfi^ l, Fac. I, p. 40 :?Rff& srsT, Bhag. Pur. 4, 27, 10 



§ 139-HO. 107 

(oliytlwsrwifT (he was attached to wordliness), Ragh. 3, 4 jjfi^TPsr fmTi§?f 

i^Tf sisr^y (she bent her mind to such a desire). 

of 6) Pane. V, 8 =sttot j&fcj sHPioi^n (crowds of people cling 

'Tng ^ a rich man), ibid. 307 cFffercr ffteTraf 5Tnfir (one [of them] falls 

adher- on his neck )> Da5, 75 H mnw i urasTff (he fell in love with her), Ch. 

ing. Up. 4, 14, 3 ^i fa [^ qiq- cfw =r ferra-ffr (no evil deed clings to him, 

who knows so), Pane. II, 131 an^prwr srj^ — (a hero, not addicted 

to vices). 

c) 1. to lean on. R. 2, 46, 27 q- fcmdcj^MyW a'feiriTi (lest they 

should sleep, lying down on roots of trees). — With f§j and its 
compounds, likewise with jjd^^i , the accus. is the regular con- 
struction, not the loc, especially in the metaph. sense »to apply 
one's self to somebody , to implore one's aid." — 2. to rely on. Pane. 
of rely- II, 194 rr MiriiT =t srhr =t wc£§ =7 =sn?m i femrenrm: TOt mrftr? 
and fa(-H( , Qak. I ^^sr^ft %J%fTr^rrmriRTgHrir irFT: (even these who pos- 
tritst- gegg s trong learning, mistrust themselves). So with giror (to hope 

on), fHTSsra (to trust), sim. yak. II -srTSTH^r g^r: gwftjar u~rft[ 

■fHJtir qpt^SnT "ET air (the gods have confidence in his bent bow and 
in Indra's thunderbolt), Pane. II, 48 fdUdfafd sigw. Cp. 131. 
of seiz- d) Pane. 161 tntrn sm^T (seized by the hand — ), Mrcch. I, p. 

"? £• 39 1 j Rehi gfispsr JlJlrcll, Kathas. 29, 3 ^m sTClTf (she laid her hand 
olfall- ^ vs c^- ^ 

ing at on her neck). 

firt. e ) znzjft- "TFTfrT is a standing phrase. See f. i. Qak. IV fqn; trrsTTT: qrtffT. 

140. 5. The locative, when used in the same way as English 

5 vf ' _«» him I see much skill." So Mhbh. I ^f qiT ioimmfoMq i H rtrfq 1 

cative 

in ab- ^TTfcrarT (I may expect all of him , he can do impossibilities) , yak. 

sense. n J^tal *J*raT JsrrfqPr (hunting is reckoned to be vicious in a 
prince), Prab, V, p. 109 srTrf'R'm'^sr =T ^W: (there is no sin in giving 
a good counsel to the afHicted), R. 2, 7, 10 grErairser ^saro T^rTT 
\ I fel^ j fsrarr (and she told Kubja, of the great happiness of Rama). 
Rem. 1. When used as the predicate of the sentence, this 
locative is occasionally carrying the notion of »suiting , befitting." 
Pane. I, 305 ^MHOT loriEmHHsr iTOTiT (friendship suits similar charac- 
ters and inclinations), ibid. p. 251 qyrtJUlsnwm' 3^ ^M*i. (*^ e 



108 § 140—142. 

royal dignity befits a man accomplished in political science, libe- 
rality and gallantry). 
Looat. Eem. 2. Synonyms explaining the meaning of some word, are 

= yin the 

meaning put in the locative, which accordingly — »in this meaning." Amarak. 
cF^mt mraT srir mrr^ M^d i oif^ (the word kaldpa may have the 
meaning of bhti&hana ornament, bar ha a peacock's tail, ttinira 
quiver and samhati mass or heap), Earn. 2, 17 [Sif^f ? Mfr-gJH (i>id 
is explained as meaning : to know), Apast. 1, 5, 1 ptiHti rPT: g^: 

141. 6. The qualities , arts , science etc. in which one excels 
with L «™rds or i s weak, equal or unequal, when put in the locative. 

ness etc. qRldUw: I yq^r H^rtJUl wu m i^l\U(:, Mhbh. 1, 88, 13 £TK^"fiT: tJrWH 

irfq j loiqn !W:i n*r; h?T; Hchifa i rol - Here the ablative and instru- 
ct X Ni vi fi>- 

mental are concurrent idioms. 

142. 7. The seventh case attending nouns of ability , skill, 
nouns'of knowledge and the like. Here the genitive is the con- 



/mlL current construction (124, i°). 

Examples of the locative: Ch. Up. 1, 8, 1 spft ^ » ^i5 | chUM i sw^: 
(three men were well- versed in the Word), Kathas. 24, 187 iH l l^. - 
cprfvrfiw (of one , not being a judge of jewelry), Malav. V, p. 131 grajf 
ch^H I ^ I HfMfci-Tirl narHTT (what art the ladies are acquainted with ?), 
Nagan. I, p. 2 hii^ i 5tTT 5WT (we are skilled in dramatic representa- 
tions). — It attends also verbs of that meaning. Pat. I , p. 280 Q^ihh 
fSraniygfcr fitrarr- 

Eem. 1. V&rtt. 1 on P. 2, 3, 36 gives a special rule for ad- 
jectives in "remade of participles in °fr, complying with locative. 
The examples given by Pat. I, p. 458 Writ oU i ch(U i (well read "in 
grammar), a i n i rH $^fa (knowing the theory of metrics) prove that 
kind of locative to belong to the general class of words of ability 
and skill. Cp. Dae. 157 %& ^ ^sr q- din i rii mftnt grwmrag nffcrt 

Kern. 2. P. 2, 3, 44 teaches the promiscuous use of locative and 
instrumental with the adjectives ufan and jHHch (caring for, solici- 
tous). 



circum 
stan 
ees. 



§ 143. 109 

143. 8. The locative , which denotes the circumstances , under 
cative which the action comes to pass. So ?TFTK „in time of 

oftime _^ ' ^ 

ircfm- ^stress", TOT „in due time," qTTCPJ ,,in fortune" 
and the like. This kind of locative has a very great 
extension and encompasses also the locative of time 
as well as the absolute locative. The former denotes the 
time at which , the when , as T3^fT^*T (every day), 5p?TfT 
(in the rainy season), fcRTT0"FJ (at night), CTc^T (at 

daybreak), <£<J ^T^T^'J (in these days), STT^t (at the 
beginning) etc. Ch. Up. 3, 16, 2 ^ d fc j-oi dfa (in this age). 

The latter occurs, if the circumstance under which is 
signified by two nouns, one of which is the predicate 
of the other. As the said noun-predicate generally is 
expressed by a participle, it is to the chapter on par- 
ticiples we refer for a full account of the absolute lo- 
cative. Here it may suffice to point out by an evident example 
its close connexion with the locatives of circumstance and time. ■ 
Mudr. IV, p. 147 ^a^^ssm sftuld,^ qti ~R.IH^*h 5^ 

xTTTTTgir TlforlTfVchl'^fol*^ 'TW ^ ^IdR 

thus freely translated by Wilson: »But let Tour Highness weigh i 

these circumstances also your forces are collected, i yourself, 

the heir legitimate of kings, i your adversary but a base usurper; i 
his very capital is hostile him, i in me you have a faithful guide 
at least ; i and all appliances and means to boot i provided ; nought 
remains but your command" 1 ). 



1) Compare such locatives, which denote a circumstance by a single 
word , as in the proverb fg^nsPTOT snr^Tfaori^T (v. a. misfortune never 
comes singly), Pane. V, 103 =W: g^W sUJUJlrf. They cannot be styled 
absolute locatives, but serve just the same purpose as those. 



110 § 144—146. 

144. 9. The locative denoting, at which distance one thing 

cat. of or fact is from another. Ait. Br. 2, 17, 8 sr^msFfr err ^ft: isott 

dlstan " 3TtcFr: (heaven, indeed, is from here at a distance of a thousand 
ce. ' 

journeys on horseback), E. 3, 4, 20 ^ sreriH- .... WrcftsR T^fTsr:, 
KatMs. 28, 188 tft)- q- crftEftsRff x ) jt^it (my house is at sixty yojanas 
from here). Cp. 99 K. 1. 

Kem. Pat. I, p. 455 mentions the promiscuousness of the turns 
nsrhmrT: yi*l!M 'strsaff JTtsPrrfSr or ^Trcr jffsRW. But if an interval 
of time is to be signified , the locative alone is available : chlPdcrai 
s r m^mufl TTCT (the full moon of Agrahayani is a month after that 
of Karttiki). 

145. III. Dative-like locative. In 134 it has been shown, 
ll" e e " that the locative is used with verbs of putting in or on , 
tive" Pacing etc. Sanskrit extends that idiom to many kindred 

conceptions, and often uses the locative with verbs of 
giving, promising, buying, selling, telling etc., so as to 
make it concur with the dative or the genitive of the 
remote object. Cp. English to bestow upon. 

Examples of the dative-like locative: B. 1, 68, 16 hct^ft MH l dl^-{ 
^rarir *hR-ce$Ih > ibid. 1, 51, 5 -^ jm^^i q*r inrrT, ibid. 1, 75, 7 
y^HM ufrWiu (promised it to Indra), Mudr. V, p. 159 sr^- fsrarhr 
t Hdfd l (having sold himself to a rich man), Mhbh. 1, 30, 6 jtjtt 
•cidiH^K"!^ (they gave a name to the great bird), Kathas. 28, 34 
^Hr<*»H ' rarfir (this is done to you). Cp. E. 2, 96, 28 t^ifii ai^M^ 

146. I n several phrases the locative may even be a concur- 
rent idiom of the dativus finalis , especially of the infi- 
nitive-like dative. It is namely put to a) words of 
striving after, wishing, resolving; b) to verbs of appointing 
to , ordaining , enjoining , permitting , as t*<NU|{1, M ll^3T> 



1) So ia tho good reading. Bkockhaus' edition has shashtiyojanyam grham. 



§ 146-147. Ill 

nT^TsT, c) to words meaning able, Jit and the like. 

Examples: a) Mhbh. 1, 138, 69 qtrffirf jm *m nsi (I have co- 
veted your kingdom), Pane. IV, 26 drea^crf g?Jr srg BTOT^r- 

wM'<4.mst (an enemy, who ha sprepared himself to take off the whole, 
may be appeased by a small gift), Malat. Ill , p. 50 q^rflwr 3rT. 
(endeavours to attain at greatness), Mhbh. 1, 141, 2 g^9r afanchutlri^ 
(he made up his mind to burn [the Pandavas]), R. 3, 4, 4 gfr trsr- 
^irTsry' iTOl (both made speed to kill him). 

V) M. 1, 28 ch/ilu i ;ira'3aT (he has appointed to a task), Qak. I 
ITT oiych^fe mTTT tsRrsSr (v. a. he obliges her to wear a dress of bark), 

Kathas. 25, 123 13 jt^j jtcTOT CT3 FTOT Hmf^Hiri. FT^ (the king 

designated him to fight the athlete), ibid. 29, 29 a^j-frr reTfqTSoTTR^T 
(permission to go to you). — In the same way one says -rjfh WTTQrT: 
(he is appointed to the kingdom), qffTrir siimum <=tjt (she chose 
that man to be her husband), Pane. 162 ff tf i dj M ■sfrf Srhoi M (he 
anointed that [young man] heir- apparent) and the like. 

c) R. 3, 13, 20 iToTT^sraT; qfyr^nrr (you are able to guard), Pane. 
156 g^p^rs a MtN tmrf -s^ich^ (he is not able to supply us with food), 
Mhbh. 1, 148, 3 ^rr^i T^T Mgtm^i (it is time, methinks, to run away). 

147. IV. Nimittasaptami. As the locative often denotes 
VaZp- the spot, towards which there is some movement, so 
taml it may be used at a very large extent to signify the 
person or thing, towards which some action is directed, 
in other terms, that on account of which something is 
done. Speaking exactly , the dative-like locative, we have 
dealt with in the last two paragraphs, is but a conse- 
quence of this general faculty to denote that , about which 

one is engaged. Here are some examples of this idiom: 
Kac. on P. 2, 3, 36 ^firr sfffq^ ffrT d^tH^rr gnaji mm wrfi ff^r 
snfJT qfoftq-ich) grT: (the panter is killed on account of its skin, the 
elephant for its tusks , yaks for their tails and the musk-deer on 
account of its musk-gland), Kac. on P. 1, 3, 47 £% fdd<H (they 
are at law on account of a field), Pane. 288 ^?hiii<( tejlfMH) Pd^rti^ 



112 § 147-149. 

(this is convenient for a lord with respect to his attendants), M. 

3, 107 S^JtOtPT ehdf^H gfa ?PT WUT- 

148. This kind of locative is sometimes bordering on that , 
taught in 140. 

The nimittasaptami (locative of the motive; locative 
of reference) often serves to qualify such substantives as 

^r^TT, ^TT, fa ^ I ST and the like. The genitive is here , 

of course, the concurrent construction. 

Examples : Dag. 89 HuTlaUch ar^WTcifcrarr (he fomented his enmity 
towards Ud.), Mhbh. 1, 155, 9 sg-^ftr OTT efiiT irfir (you must have 
pity on me), Qak. I «^|i|fa gTrfsr it iPT: ( m y heart longs for her), 
E. 2, 103, 22 pq- |CTfftjTPT, Hitop. 9 wfai fsrssm:, R- 1, 50, 24 
JT^wrfS" ftr?rmT, Pane. 251 q- g- t^ytifg *dcuu yfaftprra.^: OTtf: 
(a wise man must not be careless about business , however small). 

It also attends on several adjectives, part of which 
likewise comply with a genitive, as TETET, Mfh, *T^T 
and the inverse of them, ^FT (fond of), \*\{r\ (delighting 

in) etc. Malat. X, p. 172 sjfrft ^fer dH l df( , Q&k- II tJjch l i^riJ I 
traTsrf trni-anft<i, rorfir, Pane. V, 65 rrra: Hhsm m>gk jht. 

149. In general , the locative may denote a disposition p - 1 3 - 
Bvoei- towards somebody. Then it is synonymous with the prepos. 

K. srfr, as ~^rn sTiyTirrfj; or TTFrt" cdrr (n. n. is 

tionto- good for his mother). 

wards - Examples: Dae. 144 nfnP^J) gistn^ zrsrrf trf^qm (when I shall 
be returned, I shall deal wilh you as you deserve), Cak. I gjq- g-err 
g tjM^ l ffiilHm^i^iri i!W STTfT (how , can it be , that she feels towards 
me, as I towards her?), Pane. IV", 72 iqchil^ti n: snv: mw& 7WX 
sfit 5JUT'. i *m*ir{« W. smr H ^m{: Mfefr-^rf (if one is good for those , 
who have done well to him, what is his merit? only he is named 



§ 149—152. 113 

good by the virtuous, who does well to his enemies), Qak. IV 
HBT ^Pdun qfriR (be kind to your household). 

150. Many locatives have the character of adverbs, as srrsj 

^Tas ( in the be g innin g)> fl^r (secretly), ^j^, (apart), sfjj (at the head), 
adverbs etc., especially such as denote time or space '). 

Chapter IX. Periphrastic expression of case- 
relations. 

151. The apparatus for periphrasing case-relations may 
be classed into three main categories, viz. 1. prepo- 
sitions, 2. noun-cases, 3. verbal forms. The 
boundary between the first class and the second is in 
some degree unsettled and floating; of the noun-cases 
concerned here a great deal, indeed — viz. such words 
as grprpir, ^ipr, ;kh, cnrfn, those in °rn etc. — are construed 
in the same way as the old and genuine prepositions, 
whereas others are always felt as nouns and construed 
accordingly — of the kind are pfq^ i, sTofnrT, srsffiT, %rft:, £,\\u\, 
qwj-, etc. 

The third class is made up of gerunds — as ^grpir, 

o 

mzw, 3^f^r, iivmT, jjgTT, srfycfTrip-, etc. — or participles in FT 
— viz. gar, ?i%t, ^FTi ffrr, JTrT and the like. 

152. I. PREPOSITIONS S ). 

Sanskrit prepositions should rather be styled „post- 

1) Mhbh. 1, 140, 49 the loc. OchfiS-M , it seems, does duty of an ad- 
verb :=r» singly, alone." The chacal has artfully removed his competitors, 
and now he eats up all the flesh, alone. 

Cp. Dutch: in zijn eentje. 

2) Indian grammar, which does not possess, as we do, that hetero- 



114 § 152—153. 

Prepo- positions ," as they are generally put behind the nouns , 

si ti ons. 

they are construed with, ^T being the one, that 
is always put before. As a rule , they are also allowed 
to be compounded with their nouns; in that case, the 
preposition is generally the former member'). 
153. The archaic dialect used more prepositions and used 
them oftener, than the classic language does. The more 
we go back in time, the greater the number and the 

variety of idioms. So for instance, in the days of Panini 
some prepositions — g^y, srfiT, OTj <rff — seem to have been in 
common use, but in classic literature they are, if at all, rarely 
met with. 

Eem. The vaidik mantras contain accordingly a still greater 
number of prepp. and are displaying a still greater variety and 
manifoldness in employing them. So the old words ^p)n : (without) 
preceded by an ace, its synonym g^rT: preceded by an abl., gsr. 
(with) construed with instrum., do not occur but in the mantras, 
likewise fny; and trr;, see 160. — The upasargas ^et, fq-; , f§r 
do not do duty of karmapravacantya , but for a few passages; 
Panini does not mention them in his list of karmaprav., nor are 
they used so in the liturgical books of the Veda. The once pre- 



geneous set of terms styled parts of speech , has no term exactly ans- 
wering to our » prepositions," but it calls them by different names 
according to their phonetical, etymological or syntactical properties. 
When compounded with roots , so as to make up compound verbs and 
the like, they are styled upasarga. Bat the same particles will be styled 
karmapravacantya, when separate words. For this reason, the karmapra- 
vacaniya-class does not comprise such prepp., as 3trfr, en-;, Hs?, but on 
the other hand it contains some particles, which cannot at any rate be 
called * prepositions ," as srfir, ST. Cp. P. 1, 4, 58; 59; 83— 98. 

1) It is wrong to say that the noun-case, attending on the prepos., 
is governed by it , for it is not the preposition , that causes the case , 
but it is the general bearing of the case , which is qualified and limited 
by the preposition. 



§ 153—156. 115 

positional employment of f^r; is proved by compounds of the type 
ft'm oil flu (fresh from the loom), tWlmifca (from Kaucambi), if 
compared with ^rgrr^TT, 9srf?rar (P. 2, 2, 18 with vartt.) etc. 

154. The old prepositions are, in alphabetical order: 

i. srfcr* 1 ) 6. m* n. frT{' ie. crfrr* 

2. ^T! 7. STfr* 12.j ^ n. sri%5 

3. 3Tfr* 8. 5TT* 13. qf^* 18. f5RT 

4. SFT* 9. 3q"* 14. q^: 19. ^ 

5. 5RT: io. Sqi^ 15. q{T 

Of them, nine (the n°* 1, 3, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15) are 
obsolete or at least used extremely seldom in the classic 
dialect. 

a.) OBSOLETE PREPOSITIONS. 

155. 1. srfn is rarely used as a prepos., however frequent, when P. 1,4, 
5TH- mere adverb r= » exceedingly, very." When prepos. it agrees with ' 

accus. Ait. Br. 4, 6, 13 srirr sr «dlcMH*<fi qsisr: (offspring, indeed, 
and cattle have the precedence above the husbandman himself); 
Mhbh. 1, 110, 1 Bhishma says t^ q-; gfef cn^rrr I ^rtl^KMRjltll^ T- 
-<^RieUN[9j irfjt Tt^ (our renowned family deserves the sovereignty 
over the earth above other princes). 

Bern. When being compounded with its noun, the compound p 2, l, 
is adverb: afriPirt^ (beyond one's sleep). 6 * 

156. 3. =g-f& is of frequent occurrence in the archaic and old epic 
! %w- writings. In the classic dialect it is still used to express the re- 
lation between the ruler and the ruled, as well the ruling over P 1,4 

97. 

1) Those marked by an asterisk are karmapravaconiya , see foot-note 
on p. 114. Hence the other (n°. 2, 5, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17—19) do not share 
the appellation upasarga, even when put close to a verb. 

2) The Kacika gives no example of 5"iH being employed as a preposition; 
it does illustrate but its being = » too much" or = very well." Papini, 
however, must have thought also of the preposition g^. — Patanjali 
does not comment on this sutra. 



116 § 156—158. 

as the standing under; then it is construed with a locative. It 
is said either =gf& cr^r^sr dft^-a : (Brahmadatta [ruling] over the 
Pancalas) or ^fy- dffdjH q^M T; (the P. under Br.). So Dag. 112 
srcra- jf^rppfnaiir iy<^i sttttt; ] ). 

When put twice, it agrees with the accusative (171 R.) 
When compounded with its noun, the compound is an adverb and p - a > 1> 
is equivalent to the simple locative of the noun, especially to the 
nimittasaptaml (147): ^fitf^ (with respect to women), afygpirPT (with 
respect to the deity), etc. 

Bern. In the older dialect g-fif is joined by loc, abl. and ace. 
With loc. it indicates the surface son," as in the old verse quoted 
by Pat. I, p. 4 u^j ^mtf&^cnftl snfEr (holy bliss is seated on 
their tongues). — With abl. it signifies the coming sfrom". — With 
ace. it is — sover, on [a surface];" so it is often met with in 
mantras, sometimes in the brahmanas. Qat. Br. 1, 1, 4, 3 ch&uiihrlH^f& 

157. 6. aq- with ablat. is mentioned by Panini (1, 4, 88; 2, 1, 12; 
wt ' 2, 3, 10). The standing example of his commentators is wj H)irfe ft 

Erst jjH: (it has rained outside Trig.). No other instances are known. 

158. 7. gfiT and 13. qfr, both with ace., are almost synonymous , cp. 
^fir Greek xpCpi and nepi. 

They had of old the meaning » round, about," when in meta- 
phorical sense, also »concerning, on." In literature examples of 
qfr- are extremely rare, if they occur at all; it seems to have 
soon antiquated. Instances of ^fir are met with, especially in the 
archaic dialect. Kag. on P. 2, 1, 14 atiinfl r — or w^nfh [compound 
adverb] — srernT: hhPh (the fire-flies hover round the fire); Ch. 
Up. 4, 6, 1 ^fir ^HPT (about the evening); Kath. 1 10 JlriM^id^l 
trfirfiT (Q-. feels no anger against me). 



and 



1) According to P. 1, 4, 98 in the case of gfysfr (to appoint over) it 
may be said optionally either 5W UTOfv ^l^mfd or S=r HHrMthfimfrl 
(he will put me over it). The Petrop. Diet. — I , p. 142 s. v. srfv 
2) a) f3) — wrongly takes xrCT^for the word construed with gfy. It is 
not the ace. irrq^ but the locat. 3SiT, which stands in construction with 
the preposition, as is plainly shown by the meaning of the sentence. 



§ 158—159. 117 

Eem. 1. Panini (1, 4, 90) ') teaches a fourfold employment of 
qf^-: a.) it denotes a mark, 6.) it expresses a quality, c.) it sig- 
nifies that which falls to one's Bhare, d.) it is used in a distri. 
butive sense. The same is stated for ^ and qffr; also for gi^, 
save that it cannot be karmapravacantya in the case c). The 'gi 
Kacika illustrates this rule by these examples: a.) a% trfr - or qf^ 
or ig^r or =gfij - fg pJl H H fcRjH »the lightning flashes round the tree;" 
&■) HW ^d^rPl TTrrprfiT - or jrg or uft or crf^ - >M. is good for 
his mother;" d.) sw^trlM i u - or =g7j or q#r or qf^- - fc*d(d "he waters 
one tree after another," 2 ) whereas c.) g^=f rrf iff - or jrfn or -g^r . sirsT 
tQtiri l M ' »give me whatever be my share of it," but jt^t rrpTf Mmi H') 
here =gf£t is upasarga not karmapravacantya. 

In the dialect of the vaidik mantras, indeed, both afq- and qfr 
display this large sphere of employment , almost the same as that 
of qffr in classic Sanskrit, see 170. "With =g-f£r cp. the like use of Greek 
xfiCpl, Germ, urn, Dutch om. 

Eem. 2. To the obsolete g-pr and qfr classic Sanskrit has sub- 
stituted their derivatives =gf«TT: and qfrn:, which however are only 
used of space. See 186. 

Rem. 3. An ablative is taught with qff, when — sgr (157)- Then P. 2, 3, 
the prepos. should be put twice ; qfr qff Qih vjV 5TBt ijoT: In literature, p, g' ^ 
however, qfr with abl. is as little met with as =gtr , except the vaidik 5 - 
mantras, but there it has a larger employment, being = Lat. ex or at. 
159. 9. 3tr is frequent in the vaidik mantras, afterwards rare. P. 1, 4, 87 
"^' classes it among the karmapravacaniya , 1. to denote a » going 

beyond ," then it is construed with a locat. jg f5fdF cfmsrfqrrrJT^ (hy P- a . 3. 
a karshap. more than a nishka), 2. to denote inferiority, then it 
complies with the ace. sq STTcRTTCR" iWch 'rrjTT: 

1) P. 1, 4, 90 cr(TdUlr^Hrll*pi| M^llial «HIH ufrHMtHoi: 

» » 91 igfirprrn. 

2) When used in a distributive sense, a^T, sffir, qfr are rather to be 
considered adverbs; spa' d-trW-l (y^lfr) is literally rr:» he waters tree tree 
successively," similarly °qfr or °gfiT ftrain »he waters tree tree rounda- 
bout." Cp. such passages as R. 3,47, 10 iWMHiy \j^\: » he entreated [her] 
by [offering her] grants after grants" lit. grants grants successively. 



118 § 159—162. 

Eem. 1. According to the commentaries on P. 2, 1, 6 sq, like 
=pjfij, expresses nearness, when compounded with its noun: .iucfcuiar 
(near the pot). So Daj. 99 3 i|ch^ichiin^ (near the zenana). 

Bern. 2. In the vaidik mantras -^q is construed with ace, loc, 
instr. and is expressive of nearness, Bgv. 1, 23, 17 grraf st srcf mfiraf 
srch H^- — With accus., I have met with this instance in epic 
poetry. E. 3, 37, 21 Marica dissuades the rapture of Sitk on ac_ 
count of the irresistible power of great Rama dfe ' -tUH^ fsr TTIT PR 
riit/HW diOrlM (if he will meet you [Ravana] in battle , then your 
life is on its end). 

160. 11. f^rr; — in form and meaning = Lat. trans — does duty of 
'^V a prepos. in the archaic dialect of the brahmanas etc. It is found 

partly with ace. = ■» athwart, through, beyond," partly with abl. 
»beyond, out of reach of:" Qat. Br. 3, 3, 4, 6 f^r tbt g- gcTT JR- 
khtht: Cp. the ablat. with (HJ^AtH and other words of conceal- 
ing (97). 

12. crn (beyond) with instrum., abl. or ace. is restricted to the 
vaidik mantras. 

13. crfy see 158. 

161. 14. crrr with ablative is a time-denoting prepos. of the archaic 
ST 1 ' and epic dialect. It means »before." Acv. Grhy. 1, 15, 1 qi Ml 1 - 

^irinrT (before his being touched by others), Oh. Up. 2, 24, 3 trrr 
U l riK i dlchH?lM i ch) miri (before the beginning of the prataranuvaka). 
Cp. 175. 

Bern. Sometimes tjjj may have expressed separation. Egv. 8, 
44, 30 tr^r .six jiy^wr: <r^r jjvwt: &ik tr tft a i^ofcft fn^ (extend our 
life, Agni, keeping it, wise being, far off from misfortune etc.), 
Ait. Br. 2, 6, 14 jp- rrTWTT srRsuMl oi<4w(A°l<irtlH^ (he must cut out 
the omentum without hurting the navel). 

b). PREPOSITIONS STILL EXISTING. 

162. The other ten are still in common use, though not 
all of them are equally frequent. We will treat of them 
in alphabetical order, adding moreover to each such 



§ 162—164. 119 

younger prepositions as are more or less its synonyms. 

163. [2.] 5T&J": (below, under). Its synonym is ^frTIrT' 
a J a derivative of it. Both are construed with preceding ge- 
sry. nitive. 9^- I •mIoii^i;... >reF?rsTiTTqv : , Pane. 211 grafer =mfW<sror- 

Eem. 1. Sometimes it complies with abl. Pane. 145 a^rrsv; 
Compare 171 E. 

Rem. 2. To denote a lower place or state the old dialect pos- 
sessed also the adverbs gsj: and acWlrl ')• Q a *- Br. 9, 3, 1, 6 ^oitd l Q. 
f^oT STTfdVT. 

164. [4.] 3J*T with accusative „after." Like its Latin coun- 
^3" terpart „secundum" it is used in various senses: a.) of space 

and rank , b.) of time , c.) = „accordingto ," d.) — ^adhering 

to one's side," sim. Mostly, at least in prose, it is put 

behind the noun-case as H^H (thereafter), rPT^J (after 

him). 

Its manifold employment may be illustrated by these examples : 

1. after _ in space, time, rank . E. 2, 90, 3 jnTT*TFT g^lf^d^ 
Pane. 203 =g- ^[g riToFT trf^TFT: , Kag. on P. 1, 4, 86 ti^A sfrst^: 
(warriors inferior to A.) ; — 2. along R. 2, 83, 26 (hoIUU jt^-wh =3Jjg^ 
(he encamped his army on the banks of the Ganges); — 3. »fol- 
lowing" — »adhering to" Mhbh. 3, 12, 45 zRfsrt si% S" sTf^fe q^biCMg 
?r qT^r; — 4 »after" = »aecording to" E. 2, 58, 19 ^ fTsiMMldf 
=et mmi crt^t; — 5. about Mr. 12, 1 uchdiTl^ ioi«4 1^4 (oiesnng (about 
the gradual advancing of dawn); — 6. concerning Ch. Up. 4, 17, 9 
^arfiat ^ srr ^isrr a^lUi Ere nwr (concerning the brahman who knows 
so , it is said in a verse — ). 

Eem. 1. =grr may be compounded with its noun. Mhbh. 1, 170, 14 
a-u i i. tjttt (rambling along the Ganga), Kathas. 28, 26 iHdirfQ. 



1) Comp. the upasarga 93cT and lacus Avernus, the Latin designation 
of the regions below. 



120 § 164—166. 

If -et;t hare a distributive meaning, compounding is obligatory: 
a^il (day after day), tHrt J 'a^ ([all ranged] according to the 
eldest). 

Bern. 2. In epic poetry ^pj is sometimes found with the abla- 
tive. The instances, I know, are Mhbh. 1, 99, 38 sptt HnPT- • • • HH 1 ) 
JHoir^H) Uki ft UimMl-dMoimam (you are cursed, but after a year you 
will be released of the curse) ; ibid. 14, 71, 6 — the Pandavas enter 
Hastinapura and make their compliments to Dhrtarashtra — spTTT- 
ST5~r ^ rT Hl-fe l l(1" . • • giW =ET- • • f&|^ "Jjlfdroii etc.; E. Grorr. 6, 10, 23 
crTlch l tfasr chiJU I I^ (v. a. men's destiny is in proportion to the 
cause , whence it has sprung) 2 ). 

Bern. 3. Panini treats of s-rr in four sutras: I, 4. 84 — 86 and 
90. The last, which sums up the meanings of ^tt when — qfr 
and crfff, is quoted 158 K. 1. 

!"■ [5.J 5FcP, a very old particle. It is added to a locative 
for the sake of specifying its meaning „ within" (133, a). 
But often also noun -4-*M<' are compounded into an 

avyaylbhava. — Examples: a) of 5rt: with locat. M. 7, 223 
M i UW l ^TleiwlH ( ne must give audience within doors), Pane. I, 32 
PioHH-j-<H(ifafIil orf%: (the fire, dwelling within the wood), Eathas. 
4, 57 Hfafil -T i cHa-mm-d : Hr i f^r l! (and the purohita was likewise led 
into the darkness) ; 6) of ^p^\ compounded. Pane. 144 =g^ ^fchtHM : 
criirs-: (I entered the water), ibid. 277 a i ^u i Md l <**IM : tnfrirr:, 
Kad. 1 , 47 thUi^HfHQdrHm : ([birds] which have put their young 
ones between their wings). 

Rem. ^tft: occasionally complies with a genitive. Tajfi. 2, 104 
gshjHMW-rliu^iy , Kumaras. 2, 5 tmw^vi srtsRT. 

166. Kindred forms of Mt\'< are the particles ^RTTTand 

and ^"M^UI, petrified instrumentals. Both agree with the 
***- accusative. They are 1 st = „ between," 2 lv = „ without," 



pr. 



1) The Petr. Diet, reads tMMdryj Iri^aa a compound. 

2) The Petr. Diet, gives also some instances ot 5rg with a genitive 
See I, p. 197 s. v. 



§ 166. 121 

3»y = „save, but for;" &y ^FT^Uf may signify „with 

respect to, concerning." — Like W^', they are allowed 
to make up a compound with their noun, then the 
noun is the former member. 

Examples: of 1. — Qak. Ill ti i dR ' ^MiU il oiorTlch^llH (meanwhile 
I will look between [— through] the foliage). When construed with 
two nouns, the prepos. precedes, and g is put twioe. Pat. I, 45 
a^T^T fBTT ^ qt =5 chHU-iol : (*h e pitcher is between you and me), 
Qat. Br. 1,1,1,1 ^FT^tnT^crritr ^ m^qfzr =ar l ) ; — 2. Pat. 1 , 8 
*M|UI I (m q^rrfij: fctiMM l Pi yrim'ufrf (even without the uttering of 
mantras fire heats the plates), R. 2, 11, 18 fr? fsrt -cmdd-cfoMd 
dlQrH^m (there the enemy threw thee down lifeless); — 3. 
Pane. 60 q^f g- criwt -P | iimn-rl{ rjT 5TWT: JSTTTT (I am sure that voracious 
beast cannot be killed but by a stratagem), R. 3, 19, 7 srf|; qtm i mj 
^tHr zr: *i)MJM fg-fe^i sgTFrpjr. . . tI^T^ (none but Mahendra) ; — 
4. Qak. V. HrtHll t^rf yy^Frto-rt (IT Tf^qToFrrurr nrfr-sfeT (therefore 
I have incurred a heavy reproof from her with respect to queen 
Vasumatl) 2 ). 

Rem. 1. Occasionally a genitive is found instead of the ace. 
with a-^m , as Mhbh. 5, 16, 29. — Cp. Pat. I, 59 ^c ftich ' qiHHJl(-ri^l 
(between these two [families of brahmans] there dwells a family 
of eddras), here g-nTTT complies also with the gen., it seems. 

Rem. 2. Difference between is expressed not by a preposition , 
but by means of two genitives. R. 3, 47, 45 uisri{ fq ^ l MuY sFT t)<-rU* 
^<Pi*iMM^iTl: i y ( iiu*fWi'{ ohylysTrr^ fr^rq" STyqi^Soi =sr (what dif- 
ferente there is between lion and chacal in the forest, between 
a rivulet and the ocean, between ambrosia and the beverage of 
the Sauviras, that is the difference between the son of Dagaratha 



1) Comp. a somewhat similar idiom in Latin, f. i. Horat. Epist. I, 2,11 
Nestor componere lites l inter Pelidea festinat et inter Atriden. 

2) So in this prakrt passage of the Malavikagnimitra IV, p. 89 rT^t 



122 § 166—168. 

and you), Mhbh. 12, 8, 15 fg^rsr ^Tfarr^TfSr qfddm i MHm =%■ As to 
the dvandva-compounds in the first example see 207. 

167. A synonymous prepos. with ace. = » bet ween, through" is tjQjtj. 
R. 2, 98, 15 rfMdMiin qwfar di l H - It may be compounded with its 
noun. Pane. 151 Miuchlfc4«HchHOT T fHHsh MT- 

168. [8] ?TT always agrees with the ablative , and is put be- 
m ~ fore its noun. It serves to denote the boundary or limit , 

either the terminus a quo or the terminus ad quern, mostly 
the latter. It is available both in space and in time , and 
may be rendered accordingly now by „ since" and „till", 
now by w from" and „to." M. 2, 22 is an example illustra- 
tive of its signifying the two termini 5TT FFT^TTfr 5T M°l (<<T 

(the wise know Aryavarta to be the country between 
the said mountains from the eastern ocean to the western). 

Other examples: 1. term, a quo. Qak. I =gx ^tH l T^infM^lM (I 
wish to hear it from the root); KatMs. 24, 186 =gr srr^rnTTWr -silcPT 
(since my childhood I was an ascetic) ; 

2. term, ad quern. Mhbh. 1, 163, 8 =^t ctiU l ffs-iddi : (having his 
mouth split up to the ears) , Qak. IV a\chkHlfoutf t a^ M)l~doU sfFT 
sran; — Q&k. V sn UHciiijsH^ f?TWT (let her stay with us till her 
delivery), Acv. Grhy. 1, 19, 5 w[ nUui i ^ [viz. sraf^] dlfoU i mHrt l ri : 
5TT5FT ot snfsrcnrerf^nrerr ^fofsnfwrar (until the sixteenth year the 
time is not passed for the brahman, etc.). — In a figurative sense 
f. i. Qak. I ?TT yf(HiuifS,3;<srt ^T my T^T nJ)>lld*)M^ (I do not approve 
the skill of performing a representation, unless the connoisseurs be 
contented). 

5T is often compounded with its noun into an avjayibhava. Dae. 
175 ai<*>U<j, gqn (he drunk his fill, liter. »till his throat"), Kathas. 5, 
103 tiiy'Ml^ jiilrilR4Hchr ftrirr -^jRriJHI (for, since the world exists, 
there is but one thing steady in the Creation , namely unsteadiness); 
Pane. I, 39 gjiT^tiT Prar (a lifelong beggary). 



§ 168-170. 123 

Rem. In the vaidik mantras =^t is of the utmost frequency , 
and is put to different cases, sometimes before, sometimes behind. 
In most instances it is rather a mere adverb. '). 

169. Other prepositional words = „ till , until; since" are 

^rtsFT, mpq and wirr. 

^nsttT. *TT^rT is mostly' attended by the accus., sometimes 

by the abl. Utt. I, p. 6 fo^HoiE r zrraw (till how long?); KatMs. 
54, 47 =^ff rofffT uiujdi SPTf snolr^ (— as far as his house) ; Mhbh. 

1, 95, 12 CTFETT f^ST itmTJT illdrtHUIclUlrJ; 

Rem. As d l dH is properly no prepos., but the ace. of the neuter 
of a pronoun, used as an adverb »as long as, as far as," it is plain 
that it may also signify -nduring some time." Pane. 198 chd.lP°M< - 
rtMldife; *HsUHI tWdolNffriT msnT. Cp. 54 R. 1. 

170. M\{ ^T and ^^TTrT with preceding ablative are very 
a „ d common. The former is properly a gerund = „ beginning-, 

v^' starting from," SPTTrT is construed with abl. by so- 
called syntactic analogy , see Kem. 2. 

Examples of srr^T = since. Pane. 238 zpj fu i a i ch iWgTp-trmHHcT- 
crfftr y^Moi-jj Malat. VI, p. 88 in^rr: nvwioKjileMltHld.!^ (since 
the day I have seen M. for the first time). 

Examples of airfrr = since. Pane. 51 sTTwrrffufH <d^ll7ufi ; Malat. 
Ill, p. 50 ^ .■WNHUHiP<sWlr iwf^ (since the day of the procession 
in the garden of Kama) ; Mudr. II , p. 70 srTWW 5kT: J^^H 5i mmfri - 

Rem. 1. They may also be used of space. Hit. 132 ^chcriQoi - 
^I4J(«t y5(3oi( mmr, Kumaras. 3, 26 ^?r ^t; chMHMniW ^*nrff- 

ITrHJoT. 



1) In a period as early as Yaska , wt with loc. had antiquated , for 
this exegete deems it necessary to interpvete the man trie expression aw 
WT ^T: (water in the cloud) by ^qY stf -sfy (Nir. 5, 5). In a subsequent 
time the very gloss of Yaska would have required another, for =&f£f with loc. 
in this meaning being obsolete (156)) classic Sanskrit would have employed 
gTrf: or "qwj or have said ayTTrTT 5T) 



124 § 170-171. 

Eem. 2. crvrfH is originally a feminine, meaning » origin, com- 
mencement" and like its synonym ntf^, it is often used at the 
ends of bahuvrihis (229, 1°). At the outset, therefore, such a term 
as rfrSRTQffP'iTfH' was said in the very same acceptation as HrchMl(%. ) 
viz. meaning g- chM : jtr frl5ui rtrf. By the time, however, the noun qiffH 
ceased to be employed as a separate word, and one commenced to 
look upon the adverbial compounds, ending in "trufS', as if they 
were ending in some preposition, meaning >. since." By this mistake 
it happened that qrrJH assumed even the character of a self-existent 
particle construed with ablative , by analogy of ;gTT«T and the like. 
Hence f. i. the compound d-^H* rfw » since his birth" (M. 8, 90) re- 
presents an older idiom than jr^T: mf?l- In such turns as H$JU* rfff 
(since then), ti^jui rfH (since when), ^rgirfff , the true nominal nature 
of nvrf^ is plain , and it is again a misunderstanding to write them 
as two words fj^j jjuIh etc. 

171. [10] 3^T|T (above, over, on, upon) is the very op- 

posite of WV, see 163. As a rule, it is construed with 
preceding genitive ] ), unless it makes up the latter part 

of a compound: rT^TrTlT Or rl^4l^- Its employment is 
various , as it is used a.) of space , b.) of time »upon = immediately 
after," c.) of rank, d.) = »on, upon, about, concerning, with respect 
to ," then 3trfr is concurrent with gfn and with the nimittasaptami, e.) = 
jibefore, under the eyes of." 

Examples: a.) Kag. on P. 8, 1, 7 jgfr f^rrat ETC STmrfH (he carries 
a jar upon his head), Pane. 125 pjft 5r5T:>3T?ftafY irfwaRTtriHST, Kathas. 
25, 228 g- ^n- rTsqT5?r ^mumiM- . • ■ grsrsftaij, Pane. 112 ^nrrawrf^ 
MH I H (moved by anger he made a bolt at him). — Metaphorically 
f, i. Pane. I, 166 jpgrHiyuf^" ^rn ^^lrf( l U ir Rlf*rycFT: etc. »the king 
lives on his dominions, physicians on the sick," R. 3, 54, 23 sfitut 



1) So it is taught by Pacini, as must be inferred by comparing P. 2, 3, 30 
with 5, 3, 27—34. 



§ 171-172. 125 

tfmiloii yyyTlqfr gyrf (the fresh anger grows over my forbearance, that 
is: goes beyond my forb.); 

6,) Kag. on P. 3, 3, 9 sqf^ qgrferter mi RT^grn^tT ^ (if the teacher 
arrives after a moment) *); 

c.) Kathas. 6, 167 ftt ^ eT i Hl^Mf r chdotH (he honoured her above 
his queens); 

d.) Pane. 142 fa^fS?; ?r?rrm ^ storr ^srerreftaf^ (I have now taken 
a dislike to this country), Mudr. Ill, p. 105 -g^r i i dqfiiHm ■ef l UlchJ - 
srttrfr Q&w-idmrH (well, the king's attendance are not friendly 
disposed towards Canakya), Pane. 116 fiH ftst j- i j - Ti '- i fT fa-rim (what 
have you to care for me?), ibid. 26 q ^-flurr HsfRT: cFrari^r; 

e.) Pane. 266 mil i um ;rafrrf7 g r fi m i fa (I will kill myself before 
your eyes). Comp. 177. 

Bern. Occasionally ;jcrfT is construed with a locative. Kathas. 
3, 58 3tnJrrf:tn- gr =sr 7Trftf?T&raitT. — "With ablative it is also some, 
times met with , as in the passage of TItpala , quoted by Keen in 
bis translation of Yaraham. Brh. I, p. 7, which has been adduced 73 
E. 3 2 ). Even the aceus. with 3trfr is not forbidden. Pan. 8, 1, 7 
teaches jqfr, nfy and g-y; being put twice , when denoting a close 
nearness , as jwrfr jjiqi-i i sjwrfy m * W ; here the accus. is standing 
(see the karika quoted by Kag. on P. 2, 3, 2). Qigup. 1, 4 ^cTPTylr 
~svt fi?r: qiforpr, Mhbh. 1, 120, 9 swrij irs^tf: SM{Vd*^ 3 )- 
172. a q fT fe iH) a derivate of sqfr, is construed, when prepos., with 



1) In full, the example given by the Kaijika, is 3& AJ^rf fd^M (^ JJgHW 
etc. In the bad excerpt of the Calcutta edition of Panini these words 
have been mutilated into M^HI<t|l7i which has deceived Boethljngk in his 
edition of Paoini and in his Petr. Diet. (I, p. 968). 

2) The example of the Petrop. Diet. (s. v. V, p. 1191), Kathas. 53, 125 
mb|cte)llfti,tWlld is not convincing. It is rather probable , that the abl. 
should be construed with ti ' iolH [169], 3qf5- being a mere adverb = imp- 
ward." — For the rest , it is not strange that the wavering between abl. 
and gen. in construing adjectives and adverbs of space and time (125} 
appears also in the syntax of prepositions. Cp. 173 R. 1. 

3) It is no exception, that Nala 1,2 the gen. is used 314 uq(| sraTsrriT, 
since the repetition does not imply here the notion of proximity , the 
meaning being » [standing] high above all men." 



126 § 172-173. 

preceding genitive, and generally signifies sabove, upon" in space. 
The archaic dialect did use it also as a time-denoting word = 
»after" [cp. sqfr, 171 &)]. — In the Qat. Br. it sometimes com- 
plies with the accusative. 

Eem. 3$j^= sabove" is not frequent. M. 1, 92 3$ jrofifefrn": 
TJTisr! q l7chiPHri :« But it is frequent, when of time — nafter," see 174. 

173. [12]. Akin to the old and obsolete ^ [160] classic 

-J-7 Sanskrit possesses q^"~, ^^Wrl, q^cP and q^TIT, all 
ihth, °f them expressive of the notion beyond. When denoting 
^'f space, they serve also to signify the passing by — especi- 
q ^ tIT ' ally fT^lTT with accus. — and the surpassing — espec. 

4|trUr1 with genit. When denoting time , they are = 

-after" and comply with ablative. 

Examples : a.) of space and rank. Ait. Br. 8, 14, 3 g- jfr ^ qTTTT 
[^i|oi»r i sHM<^l i (all countries beyond the Himalaya); Mhbh. 1, 232, 11 
HjU l HrHkuf^ (»p«ss by us", v. a. »do not harm us"); Kim. 5, 61 ^-g^ - 
7 ei l *ci Jl ' qjtt^ =T crt-g^i l 1 , qTrrVs^sra': ( — nor does noble extraction go 
beyond wealth); Malav. I , p. 1 tx: in^Nrfl-mtT (who surpasses all 
ascetics). 

b.) of time: jafter." M. 2, 122 ^fiten<[TrqTiT (after the salutation), 
Pane. V, 58 ijriHfrg^ri : (after a moment), Utt. Ill, p. 38 JxMrtJUll - 
F^TTir (after leaving the breast). So the frequent phrases g?r; enrrj 
rTrT: tnrr and the like. 

Bern. 1. Occasionally they occur, when being attended by a 
genit., even while time-denoting. M. 8, 223 cn-trr ^UsUl [Kull. __: 
5^rr^T^a r 'j], Ait. Br. 2, 33, 5 yoirM^ qTSfTTtT; 

Bern. 2. As crro etc. answer to Latin ultra , so jjdbi is the 
equivalent of Lat. citra, denoting the side next to us. When 
time-denoting, ^oifav contrasted with trsrr and the like is accor- 
dingly = sbefore;" then it may be construed with the ablative. 

M. 8, 30 JFTfeJrol I Rcfi TJWV TraT STSJ; fninq&n^l ^£7% aMs^l-eS^rtellfl 
qTW ^ Mlri^H (property the owner of which has disappeared , must 



§ 173-177. 127 

be guarded by the king for three years. Before that term, the 
owner may reclaim it, afterwards it falls to the king). 

r _____ 

174. „After" in time is often expressed by S&FT or ^FFfTPT 

and"" with, ablative. Of them , ^FTrlT*! commonly makes up the 
^ 7J ^" latter part of a compound adverb. Kumaras. 6,93 aj^Tjyir (after 

\ ~ three days), Ragh. 3, 7 g| i um TT TO Hl (iH-rU 5TfTT (a creeper at the 
time it has lost its old foliage), Pane. 52 f^rT ^UHH^iH (after 
having seen her). So rrg vi-H^ (after this) and the like. 

That the single ablative may occasionally express rafter what 
time" has been stated above (99). 

175. Another word for „after" is T^TTFT. When prepos., 
cr^nrT; y. complies with a genitive generally preceding , and is 

mostly used of space and rank. Kathas. 6, 134 ^ trrfsrer 

iW tram 5r3cPrf; Fane. 181 t&3 ^^m^V®'- ^f^T ( n ° friend I put 
after him). 

Rem. »After" in space may also be denoted by words meaning 
»west of" a* Hrtich '; by q-§- (at the rear) and jrajriFr (back). The 
last seems to be restricted to the old liturgical dialect. 

176. [14\]' The very opposite of f-J^IrT is the old adverb 
3v' Cf^"! = before and its synonyms: a) the kindred ^f /r|! ' 

3X" Qr^TrTTrT, b) *|i| and WArt' (literally „at the top , at the 

• ?FfTF l head"). When prepositions, they comply with genitive 
=_£• or are compounded. They are employed both of space and 
mm-, of time. 

etc. Examples of err; etc. applied to space. §ak. V ffiT: yfdU i Prl 

jprcT: 3X^t *^*t 3ft%ra; Acv. Grhy. 1, 11, 6 sror [tstT:] y{^IJ>iJ* 
KjfSfT (before the victim they bear a blazing stick) ; Pane. 286 
frorr 5JT PRm ^ [sc ggHcilPi ] (he cast the young shoots down be- 
fore her). — As to their application to time see 178. 

177. They are also often used to denote „in the presence 
of, under the eyes of = Lat. coram. In the same way 



128 § 177. 

FFHsFT and 3Hlr<1*1. Moreover words , meaning „in the 

vicinity of as F1M4T etc. 

Note the frequent employment of this turn with verbs 
of saying , telling , promising , even with those of going , 
bringing , appearing und the like. It is virtually the same 
tosayrlWra"— rTFT^TT:, ST^fft etc. <Wfrl (fffrT- 
^]Ull[H etc.) or rTR — , tT3T —, tT PftT ^TOTtF (&fcT- 
SJHTtftT etc.) 

Examples : 1. — err: etc. =z Lat. coram. Dag. 96 srr ril^um^.W-id HT 
M^Hi^Mri ; Ratn. Ill, p. 67 fpzrr y<5^W RiriH 1 ) oi<^4_ (for shame 
she lowers her face before everybody); Kathas. 4, 79 g?Jr HiRFT- 
WlchiHHlJlchH tRT (forsooth, in our presence he has avowed [as 
to] the money); Dag. 176 from ift TiTls; (— wept before her eyeB). 

2. — q-r: etc. with verbs of saying , telling , bringing etc. Kathas. 
27, 27 h p*r. trpr: tfcfosreftr^ (he told the king all) ; Pane. 274 
fff Rial {ii Hi fa^Hi 5^MTf|%feTRjtg; ; ibid. 25 the chacal says to 
the lion f^ <£uftqi«>iwJj ■s^Trrf Q^IUJH; Nala 1, 15 ;rerr: SP?fo ?T 

^5f JTWi: iWrer "Epftir g ^-dTgrntp: ", Kathas. 25, 211 ^riiR-diii 

Sotzi h i Mrl ': TT".- • • • *&n (I myself have promised so to the king). 
Pane. 277 q^r 7T5TT3T ^trTT (the basket was brought to the king), 
Mahav. I, p. 18 ^tjtu^t <Tf7{: ui^iWj <T5g: — THW^TO [or °^r] 

Eem. The inverse of Lat. coram, viz. clam »at the back of, 
without the knowledge of" is expressed by mAthm or *%, tr#, wsn: 

sim. Kathas. 29, 73 ot srot error T A-gWch^j&JH (she illtreated 

her daughter-in-law without the knowledge of her son). 8). 



1) So I have mended the bad reading of mss. and edd. -){j(rif. 

2) In the brahmanas gf|tH4, °?T[rT when = clam , is also construed with 
instrum. Qat. Br. 1,5,2,7 iJsmT^T qrt^FT, Ait. Br. 3, 36,5 sfipTT ^W^FT 



§ 178—179. 129 

178. When of time , 0^ etc. agree likewise with a genitive ' ) . 

Yet „before" in time is commonly not expressed by 

r 
them, but rather by STRT or QgFT , both complying with 

the ablative. 

Examples a.) of time-denoting cm etc. Qak. VII happiness is 
said to be the consequence of the favour of mighty persons ftst 
uma^u *TTW1 ?r<Jc^'. (hit your favour is anticipated by happiness), 
Mhbh. 1, 232, 1 tr^rr: *^*Mtei yUii^mlrf trgw. ; — &>) of cncF and 

tJEPJ. Qak. V y|J|^rlf|TdiNHIrtemiJnUdlHM-'tlQvil'. TpTfTT >3tfT MlNU Prf *) Ragh. 

12, 35 gfi ti i ^HlfMoH (before approaching). 

179. [16] £7lcT with accusative is, relatively speaking, the 
most common among the so called prepositions. It 
generally denotes the direction towards, and for 
this reason it often is a concurrent idiom of the sole 
accusative , dative and locative. It is used d) with words 
of movement to signify the „ whither,' 1 b) in such turns , 
as speaking to , bowing to , striving to , love — , hatred — , anger 
to and the like, c) like the nimittasaptaml (147) to 
express „with respect to, on account of, concerning, 
about, on", «?)=„about," to denote nearness in space 
or time, e) it has a distributive sense, in what case 
one is wont to compound MIrl with its noun , as STtET^T 
(every day). 

As a rule, CTTrT is put behind its noun, at least in 
prose. 

Examples: a) Pane. 42 jt^ rfn uftw (he set out homeward), 
Dag. 30 jpE^fcra^sr crf^; — methaphor. R. 2, 107, 11 iniFr htsHTT^r 



1) Note the ablative with ^?h M. 3, 114 =ffiHf&WTt W {toMMlsiUrT^he 
must entertain them even before his guests" [Kulluka g , fHf£jwfl'>s£r qsPT- 

9 



130 § 179—180. 

[gri,g(H (by Gaya, as he directed his worship to the pitaras). 

b). Pane. 159 irfqm jett tjfn mr; — B- 2, 52, 79 =^f rrf ?Tf jftrRrr 
sjumrfjld WcTS:', — Mudr. I, p. 22 rnptrf gin an: ; — £ak. HI ^oi^gi- 
wistrar ft =r jtt uriiHs*Tlur. ; — Q&k- "VII g^wgTffxrf ofh =r rorcrr *rt: 
^ttzt: ; — B- 3) 54, 23 sr^^r Erfrr; — yakl^^jryctiPf^fer^Di^iij^qi^. 

c.) M. 8, 245 ^faf trfrr Wt<H Qd l' ^ (if a contest have arisen about 
some boundary); Nala 2, 6 £muwi« rirthltf^Uj^rteii wn mn (— cow- 
cerning his daughter); Malat. IX, p. 154 fort ft HMriT triflr Ru mi) 
•sfer; Pane. 3 Vishnucarman engages himself to make the king's 
sons ^yuiiM MrilH^ypil-IJ Qak. I f% :j W3T Tim EnjqwmcrfWTCIWFEriH 
srrrr (should she perhaps be disposed towards me, as I am to 
her?). 

Eem. Note the phrase qt ufrT »in my opinion, for my part," 
fr. selon moi. In full qf srf?T H fail l id (it looks-, seems to me). Hitop. 
100 FfH" T5FTT ychdsH^UII'SiqW JTpfr TT Hr<^ UddrUMUlfri - 

d.) Mhbh. 1, 8, 7 gi^qr ^rsfiT — ft mrsr. • • • jot timi*M* ^jt- 
eRSTPaq'irfH (— about the hermitage of Sth.); M. 7, 182 ^uinTttf srir inf% 

tlltlNMi *T^inR: I tRT^Tuf oTFT ^T STT RTOT iHrT. 

e). Pane. 286 rrw atf qf?r ch^n^A Hii-^R (he gives him one 
camel a year); Tajn. 1, 110 q% jrfrT (at every sacrifice). — Com- 
pounded f. i. Qak. I nfdMNMiJ^di JTFT: (let each actor do his duty), 
Bhojapr. 14 f^r JWI 53J Rsiu^Hr: qr^fq^i^i ott StTT- A concurrent 
idiom is mentioned 158 K. 1. 
180 Panini enjoins also the ablative with q-f^r, in two cases viz. P-1,4, 

92; C]l. 

when pointing out a) ones match or substitute, 6) something 2,3,11. 
given in exchange. The Eacika. illustrates our rule by these exam- 
ples: a), etoit: chMWrf or chim i n : JrfrT (Pr. the match or substitute 
of K.), 6). f^wr: afrT y-^fn rrrsrpj; (in exchange of sesam he gives 
beans). I have nowhere met with instances of that construction 
in literature , but for one , I borrow textually from the Petr. Diet., 
viz. Mhbh. 3, 13287 s^rraf <im srf sfrcTRR tWMiMlri i rtifri ft ^Trar. 
Yet there are several instances in the ancient Vedic dialect as 
well as in classic Sanskrit of an accus. with trfrT, when signifying 
the »match." Kgv. 2, 1, 8 far m^iIui STFTT a.sr trfH (you are equal to 



§ 180—182. 131 

thousands etc.), Kathas. 45, 400 rr =et md^rdpH trin (nor are you a 
match for him). 

181. [17] s||f^: (outside, out) is the very opposite of^RT! 

5ft ^ : (165). It is more used as a mere adverb than as a preposi- 
tion. In the latter case it complies with preceding ablative. 
Pane. 176 psf sRnT^ sri^Tsr (get out of the water), ibid. 291 rK<U 
srf^f^SfTRT:- Or it may be the latter part of a compound: Utt. 
IV, p. 73 aiJiWsif^:. 

Eem. Dag. 77 sr% is construed with a genitive: a^f =et stptt- 

182. [18] I^TT {without) is construed with instrumental, p. 2,3, 

-. go 

'^ Hl * accusative or ablative. In prose it is commonly put behind 
its case 1 ), in poetry it often precedes 

Examples: with ins t rum. Pane. 266 g^ fsraT foRT msr creff 
U l chlfii (I cannot live here without you); — with accus. Pane. 
269 gj JTR' srarr Fat iH^TT ^nHT (but she cannot stay without you), 
E. 3, 9, 20 q- farqr mfff H 'erjiT (he does not go abroad without 
that sword); — with ablat. Dag. 141 rTT^STTeT H UUi l a i PdHI (without 
such a store of happiness), Var. Brh. 44, 17 g- j^rf^ rRT ^TpS": 

Rem. 1. Occasionally fsFTT may have the meaning of ssave , 
if not". Pane. I, 42 fgr^rr ^.mh^h ^^T ^ «(l^fd , ihid. p. 244 q- ^ 
i?hiy fg^rr slbTPT (there is nobody wise but Eaktaxa). 

Rem. 2. Just as fen i are construed ger^; and :trt "apart from." p - 2. 3, 
Of ^fprr, when a prepos., I can quote no instance from literature , 
of qT?T3T only with an ablat. Bhojapr. 27 pavrr: qqfTd&-<^rH ^ (the 
king's duty lies outside the duty of the scholar), Prabodh. II, 
p. 34, Mudr. I, p. 48. 



1) But not always. Mudr. VII, p. 223 f. i. ibHd iMIsJiluT Hi I farm 
it precedes, stress being laid upon it »even without striking a blow "Your 
Excellence has vanquished." 



132 § 183—184. 

183. Separation is expressed by some more prepositions , as 

™ 3EFrT^IJT, SFFT(T, 5R5T, Wt, moreover by verbal 

!"*■ periphrase (202 , 2°). About Wr\JJ and SEFTpiT see 166. 

5F^T5T with ablative is „except, save," in interroga- 

tive and negative sentences — „ but;' 1 Hr[ is likewise p - 2. 3, 
construed with ablative and generally it is also = „ except, 
save," sometimes = „by default of," rarely = „ without." 

Examples: of =ET3T=r. Mhbh. 1, 147, 20 tj ^^ i H^ddfaj^rl ^|T -ti i ^ai - 
f^FT: i srenr [3<N mMI-r^lr<fHfr<HrHIH (and nobody among the citizens 
did know them, but — ); Oh. Up. 6, 8, 4 ftst m qo% ^I^^hh in land 
where could be its root except in food?). The proper meaning of 
a-tH being of course selsewhere," the ablat., which attends on it, 
is that of comparison (105). 

of =eh. 1. = save, except. Bhojapr. 27 chifa<mi^H stq cFffg- ^ 
j&l, Qak. Ill f^f j ^ >T fmn^SRT^H sr^TTPRJH^ (what other relief 
is there for me, except beholding my sweetheart?); — 2. — by 
default of. E. 2, 66, 27 jrh ft qsrr^ 5^f ^^<JHHl()^^^ (they did 
not approve burning the king's body , no son of his being present) ; 
Tajn. 2, 117 it is said that after the death of the mother her 
daughters must have the succession skh ?TTwft -s^cra 1 : (hy default 
of them , the descendants) ; — 3. Ch. Up. 5, 1, 8 chqiimchHH ' ^ysTiOtH^ 
(how did it forbear to live without me?). 

Rem, Sometimes ^ is construed with the accusative, especially 
in epic poetry. Nala 4, 26 yQui-H' =ET JTT m =T chl^l^ ^fcolH^ ; 1 =Kr> 
rrr qiRioiynm- 

r 

184. [19J Of ^ »with" and its synonyms fT^R, W$% 

its^syno- ^T^T a full account bas been given in the chapter on 
nyms. ^e instrumental (58). Mostly they precede the instru- 
mental , they are complying with , but they may also 
be put behind or be separated from it by one or more 



§ 184—185. 133 

interjacent words ')• As they are , when without noun- 
case, adverbs meaning „ together ," it is , exactly speaking, 
a pleonasm to put them to the instrumental, as the notion 
of concomitancy is already carried by that case. 

Eem. Occasionally ^- with instr. may even be expressive of 
the instrument. Kathas. 37, 62 EHoTRFqrfrf i^ct (after having in- 
flamed the fire by combustibles). This idiom , though not of frequent 
occurrence in literature, must be very old, as it is met already 
in the Ath. Veda, see f. i. 8, 1, 11 f^^di m yrfrsrarTT ^ (lest 
the Celestial burn thee with his lightning). 

185. Compounding ti«£ with its noun is allowed. Yet in p - 6.3, 

STf Q and ^__^ 82 ' 

g.o in com . most cases to W<q° one substitutes W, either of them 

pounds, being the former member of the compound. It is exactly 

the same to say {FP FFftrP or {"FT ^ FffcnTT. An 

instance of interchanging ^° and ?r° may be Ven II, p. 43 ^Tf. 

yvinm'i ^roTT^jBr sr^f^r ^mj *h^i^ i te is ^? P^Ph miu^mh: yJ|y-w_. 

Eem. 1. Some cases are taught by P&nini, where q^ is re- 
quired to be the compound's former member, not e, some others 
in which on the contrary q- must be used. Thus ^° is wanted 

a) in time-denoting adverbs as g^trsrfgjJT (the forenoon included), 

b) in blessings as ^q- estrirra' Sorftr wnH (hail to him with his ' 8l ' ' 
son). Yet the phrases ?mswx -, ^ng- -, ^tboTtet srfer nw are ad- p - «• s > 
mitted as equally good as q^ok'Hm and the rest. 

But ?r° — not ^° — is required a) in all compound adverbs, 
not expressive of time , therefore exclusively in such terms as mltm 
(with anger) , srsr^TFPT (respectfully), Dae. 84 qgks^ gsfe swtw 

— P 6 3 

sTPTWTrT ( ne addressed me in a manner adapted to his shame, to his 7*8.81' 

joy and to his excitement) and so often; — b) in some special phrases, 
as sre^ff ?d)fH&|JT5?iH — not H<*sH — , ars;: UddJ^-:> an d the like. 
Eem. 2. etyiT and grpcr are seldom compounded with their noun. 



1) So f. i. Dae. 156 ^ (iigrtJ ^IsidWJUl, Ait. Br. 1, 13, 18 "h"^3h 

m^ih-m^Fh , B. 2, 95*, 29 fiTfr-trarr Rwi*ter ^, etc. 



on P. 



134 § 185—188. 

If this be the case, they make up the latter member. Pane. 276 
sncRmsr =et sfTfltnV itf&m m (with these very words the wife of 
the brahman was restored to life). 

186. Finally we must mention some prepositions , not spoken 
i-sptot, of in the foregoing, viz. 1 st flW and FRPTT, both = 

a^^. „near, about," 2fr STRrTs ^FT:, ^oFr:, flFFrHT: 

(round, about, on all sides), 3H^rT! (on both sides). All y '" 
of them agree with the accusative. 

Examples: 1. Dae. 146 ^ttot snvftf^r- • • . EratpTpnsRWreraJTj 

2. KatMs. 33, 113 ^fiirr: $rz mmRrji ; R. 2, 103, 21 g^rr g^i - 
rafT roW^wRrTl asr; Kathas. 18, 5 ft <HW~HI: crfpft &gj?5r U^ilUll ^=r 
(on his sides his vassals marched, like the hosts of stars round 
the polar- star). 

Eem. 1. A genitive with ^ftffj, ^FflFT: is rare, but it seems 
it is regular with m^HIH ; Pane. 185 prer ^rotver W-d l t<4[7jHMfri . 

Eem. 2. In modern writings faucF? with gen. = son all Bides." 

II. PERIPHRASE BT MEANS OP NOUN-CASES. 

187. In the preceding paragraphs we have already dealt with 
b^mean? suca noun-cases as have got more or less the character 
of noun- f prepositions. Those, we will look upon now, have 

still retained as much of their original and proper sig- 
nificance as to consider them as nouns even from a 
syntactical point of view. Of course all of them comply 
with the genitive or may be the latter part of com- 
pounds. 

188. In the first place: the loc, ace. and abl. of nouns, 
^i^ 1 *' meaning proximity , vicinity , neighbourhood (as ^MtI^, 

SPrta and r\ . r^ r - f 

other WUQ, STTOT, FTFn^T) or the side (^} and similar, 

words r 

oipmxi- are a means tor expressing „near; to, towards; from." 



and the 
like 



§ 188. 135 

T$£i " This Penphrase is especially employed to signify a moving 
ward*!" towar ds or from a person. „He has come to me" H^Prl^ 
[or <%] STTJTFT: or HrH+ISFT, RrfPfrpT, ^^\W\ 
etc., „he is gone from me" HrMUM 1^ lr|! etc. 

Examples: 1. moving to a person. Accus. and locat. of the 

periphrasing noun. — antika: Dag. 19 sn^r ^ d^PdcM-ll-'nddHfo) , 

Pane. 269 HdlPH* rWHMJlfq 1 ; — sakdga: Mrcch. Ill, p. 125 q^j- jt^ 

SRTrmqTOT; STcfTTSW (M., go to V.), Pane. 262 =Erf ro l rMch l U T » ^U>ftnMH i 
(I have come to you for friendship) ; — samipa : Hit. 22 g^- gqfa- 
gtm^rft', Pane. 178 ijErCsfq- grsr^ Ri^ I ^m41m rr?r:; — p&rgva: Pane. 
257 oiw^uiaswiWHj ibid. 55 iTnoii^i^iyui: ^RrsrrPTT»si*HH; — samnidhi: 
Dag. 133 mzvi vfi i^T fori": tfq-WWr; — nikata: Kathas. 24, 66 
STT^Tttf rf foi^Ksii^ • • . g ^rir4ch£ rT3T (then he allowed that brahman 
to go to his daughter), Bhojapr. 60 ^ Mpch^ :ffrri; — abhyarna: 
Dag. 36 oiRdi...- J-lfo-lrUumfHfiU l il&i (conducted the woman to my 
father and — ); — upakantha: Dag. 39 Hd.MchU 6TTOT- This list may 
easily be enlarged. Prom the archaic dialect I add an instance 
of >m being equivalent with tnw- Ch. Up. 5, 3, 4 ^ fTWT: -fiH^- 
Wdjlii (he went sorrowful to his father). 

2. moving from a person. Ablat. of the periphrasing noun. — 
Kathas. 10, 26 tsfcyc. ^ ^fjrt^ryHiMl^qiy^ (Qrid. with his friends 
withdrew from him), Eagh. 5, 24 pft : Hch i m i ^am cjrm i tttTi (gone 
from Eaghu , without having obtained his desire), Mrcch. X, p. 375 

^prtarrnw -di^-riMiyoifri. 

3. Staying near. Locat. of the periphrasing noun. — Agv. G-rhy. 

1, 18, 7 feirdi^.srwMitiMcfcnsr ett^ OM.yH , Pane. 277 <*M)<jchU6 fa^rprft 
sTT^nn'.; ibid. 160 yBr^riT^rr^ = »near the white house." "When at- 
tending on persons, the periphrasing nouns may of course be = 
sin the presence of," thus being synonymous with q-r;, %% and 
the like (177). Hence they may occasionally denote the person, 
addressed to. K. 3, 10, 9 rfo rjzn snwff fewf^fr (so I have spoken 
to the brahmans). 

Bern. 1. By so called syntactic analogy q ch i m i n is occasionally 
construed with the abl. instead of the gen. of the noun, it qualifies. 



136 § 188—190. 

Varah. Brh. 104, 12 rfucwii Ai ^ft qVr: Mch i ailrth^Ml^fe l llH (Mars takes 
away the fruit of thieves and princes). 

Bern. 2. Kathas. 25, 129 we have flPdcM := »near," yum hui I PrlcM 
H--.- asrnftfe^J. 

Rem. 3. qiudd :, srqWr:, Mch l 'J i H : sometimes have the worth of abla- 
tives, but sometimes also that of locatives, f. i. Kathas. 32, 99 tn^Ti^ - 
q?ft =tr 3ft riHilisr qnjdd : i =r£t (— and at its side a river), cp. Nala 6, 4. 

189. Moreover M^l^lld — and also, but not so often, aPdchiH^ 
and qmoifr^ — serves also to periphrase many other kinds 
of ablative, especially if=„from the side of a person". 
So Pane. 28 tej i ft-i : ^chiail^d^Fdun ^.ImRjHoU T [sc. fsraT] (you must 
procure me safety from the side of your master), ibid. 137 irtfe- 
jn?tere?T qzrr ftst ^m i iH-i i uiift-riu i ^ i hr qr q^ift iftfrr: mrm i FTr5i5Tf%- 
,HHl[q srryq 5TIH FT3 q i teH-^laiJoiifi (well, I have seen how you have 
loosened Citragriva of his fetters , and I was much pleased at this , 
for I too , if perchance I should get into captivity , may be released 
from your side); — to receive from:.Mrcch. X, p. 341 A-^im^ uaH: 
HchlU i lrtifia^ ^tHit; — to ask from: Pane. 75 qjrr roirMchlUl(^s)-wJ- 
:?feiqj — to learn from : M. 2, 20 ^rT^SBraFiW Mehiyil^Jd-MH: i ssrear 
=3fpf (vihrt^ji i jcal gswwdl': 5 — to buy from : M. 9, 174 shiuTid i<y*^oH4ril l«f 
Mlri l iqJ l wPrichirij H £bm: grrercr (he whom somebody has bought 
from his parents that he might be instead of a son, is called his bought 
son); — to be borne from: Pane. 318 qq g^?rf <jmfd rlrHchHtiirqjY q 
ijfspErfflr (he will give me his daughter, of her I shall have a son). — 
Abl. of comparison: Pane. 271 ^frer m'^hiREt: Hdmi ^ istM=«lu i i 
M<*iim i li.Ultm*dl<-l crsHrf?T (from this time he looked on him with favour 
above all rajputs , showing his grace by marks of honour and the 

like), Vairacched. p. 16 g^r x$m <J iWfch'Wyj I Ph* k mi mi<W . mimsh^J : 

* > *■ ova ^ ^ 

5T Hr i 41^fM 3irrt qTslfo (forsooth , if compared to the foresaid bulk of 
good works, this second bulk of good works is not equal to the 
hundredth part of it). 

190. In the same way the loc, ace. and abl. of %lt1^> 

\ RW, sim. may periphrase the being or the getting „ within," 
the moving »from within." 



§ 190—193. 137 

a.) being within. Pane. 259 srfifr M^J-H( s^^ ibid - 67 fTO*r 
air+H '. trffir&rsf 5JST ; — b.) getting within. Pane. 246 a i tfJU i Hl^H - 
aMMrtil-d : (he disappeared in a crowd of brahmans) ; ibid. 39 r^ff 
q&iw ^ u^VaUiv , — c.) coming from within. Pane. 38 Hfhfd^ l 3r5iT- 
,H(irii Traf =7 Kr^rfpr (never at day nor at night he draws the money 
out of his belt), ibid. 70 ftft: h Raiser ^rqyrr^ ftrnuTFrfV ^t^: *h^[?<!IH '. 
(then , the echo caused a noise twice as heavy to go up from the 
interior of the pit). 

Eem. 5RTT may occasionally be = swith respect to, concerning." 
So K. 2, 90, 16; cp. the same meaning of g ^m 166, 4°. As to 
qyjTT see 167. 

191. ^TW and "R^M H are often used in a partitive sense; 
then they are concurrent idioms of the partitive cases, 
see 116, Rem. 2. Pane. 120 aTSRiT&ji ar^BfT^^jir; ibid. 86 hot 
iq m i rchich : J i olM ' (among them, the crow spoke). 



JTKT and 

morn- 



192. The locative denoting „on or in what spot", is often 
°^f. specified by means of such words as ° ^5T, °3s^3T, 

etc. serving _^ _^ _^ 

f hra P se r of °<^> °^> "^ sim - Wnen translating such tatpurushas, 
the loca- these latter members must generally be rendered by 

tive. u " 

prepositions: in, upon, over etc. Pat. 1, 123 w: ?r *iichini4Jti 
ftsrtrT ^5f friWh^tri ^Tonnorf^iH (that smoke being in the atmo- 
sphere , it does not go athwart , if the air be calm , nor falls down), 
Dae. 169 (waafi w (shSHWM tr^n^Tifffa (he saw somebody moving 
on the earth). 

Eem. Likewise fom may periphrase the metaphorical sense of 
the locative, as Bhag. Pur. 1, 4, 13 irt pat fmh orrai 5jTrTC (I 
think you are accomplished in grammar), Pane. 173 inidNir ^rm<rr 
:t cRTO: (one must not be grieved for the sake of earthly goods). 
So often wx fmh »in this respect." 

193. Several periphrasing words may signify for the sake 
of, because of, for, viz. 1. fTrT, used almost as a real 



138 § 193. 

f^'^ 1 ' preposition, 2. ^jrTt' the ablative 1 ) of ^H „motive," 3. 
3, OT^tfT ^T% Wfa and ?RT, the ace., dat. and loc. of ^ 
press'iveof (matter, sake), ±. the instrum., accus. and abl. of IHIHfT 

cause, mo- 
tive, aim. and =h|^UI „ cause, motive." They are construed with 

preceding genitive, if they do not make up the latter 

part of a compound. 

Examples: 1. <j£f. — Pane. IV, 29 tj sa^mi TOT Jjf^ ^TSraH (one 
must not spend much for the sake of little); Mrcch. IV, p. 131 
IWT IpTtfT M<R*Wl: TOT <d l ^^jlwHM j Fane. IV, 51 5H**H ^RWT ^fT: 
(the ass was killed for his voice). 

2. |nt:- — Bhagavadgita 1, 35 ^TFT f^rfa^rfir---- frffr a^TlsM^ Isdm 
^rTf: ftj ^r ^^IctiH (them I would not kill.... not even for the sake 
of the realm of the three worlds, how much less for the posses- 
sion of land); Qak. V ^awf^fi^m: #TTO cHU^dl : (while not 
caring for your own pleasure, you tire yourself for the sake of 
your people); Ragh. 2, 47 inpm |^j ^iHfc^EoHmjfc" , srfrWTfe 
>T roTT (you seem to me a thoughtless fool, that you desire to 
give up much for a trifle) ; Malat. IV, p. 65 diQrH I UM l: = ^fir- 
rT3TTiUT*T- — Note graT ^rff: (why?), chmipj %rfl": (for some motive) 
and the like. 



1) It is not quite plain, how Panini did account for ^fTh. Yet, his 
commentators and followers consider it a genitive , and it is very likely , 
he has thought so himself. At least, we may draw the inference. After 
having taught in his sutra 2, 3, 26 etOT ^HHuW, that is »the genitive is 
required [instead of the instrum. of causality] when employing ^fT", he 
adds this clause (s. 27) gsprfa'xfiTtaT ^ »but in the case of a pronoun 
of the class sarva etc., either the gen. or the instrum." With the said 
pronouns it is therefore allowed to use two idioms promiscuously — f. i. 
57HT ^TTt: and $FT ^FRT — . but for the rest the only idiom available 
is that, which is exemplified by q^yyj %rft:. Now, as efpt and ^H^T 
are both instrumentals , it is but consistent that of cfrar ^FTfi, the parallel 
i:liom , both elements are meant as genitives. Then , of course qrisrer 
§rrff: must also be considered as genitives both. The very words of Panini 
do not admit of another interpretation. 



§ 193. 139 

3. a.) =g^ir. — Pane. 169 jre?TTef ritoi g[y)H^ddl nf; (he is gone 
to the same bank for water) , ibid. 212 s^ch i fa tft oreraavnf crafwr: 
( — set out in order to kill the crows), Mrcch. Ill, p. 116 q^fSrerrcrr 
ftwriumief oiy-dMHTJT^; JT^rft, E. 3, 35, 34 ^Tr m-m-miT ^ctii^ ifS^ 
(he made up his mind to fetch the amrta). It is plain, that g^ir 
is in all such phrases the equivalent of a final dative. Cp. 87. 

&•) mm. — Mhbh. 1, 144, 17 q- i i ^^i-d <TTO3oiTTftr chr<ftH; 
(they will not reprove us for the sake of the Pandavas) ; Pane. 
Ill, 178 ^ ^5T HJriieilU nradR' tnf^sff U5T: (no ruler but a monarch 
promotes the welfare of his country), here fjrfJTTftr is = f%rRT , cp. 
Nala 13, 19. 

c.) mf. — Mrcch. Ill, p. 116 jiRji*^ sTTfrnTaF^T Prefer mfdHM 1 , 
Pane. 325 ^rg^ yrrfq^qj^; fern (it is for evil days, that wealth 
and friends are sought after), R. 2, 118, 53 A ' P&rt I irraf^ <rl-gMU l VJlf q 
3jTT (tT. has been given to L. to be his wife) [ittotst accordingly — 
Wtt or irrqf, cp. ibid. 3, 34, 21 ; Mhbh. 1, 14, 7]. 

4. fqfq=ra^ etc. — Dae. 25 rrftsjji5rfw J i HsT t f^ it-i i siggr^ (he has died 
for a brahman) , Pane. 228 ^rld^tfoiuiHUicHlf<S->iifaft7l yM^ai^l rTHT , 
Mhbh. 12, 342, 23 sr^rrirsrerrf^fw f| nwTT^SJTOiTTfo^: m<7T: (it is 
because of his adultery with Ahalya, that Indra got a reddish 



But however great the authority of Panini may be, as it is, when 
he states facts and describes phenomena , there is no plausible reason 
to follow it, where his explication of them is wrong. To him, 
who did not know but one language, ^fTT: could appear as a genitive, 
but for us, who have the opportunity of comparing similar idioms in 
different languages , f. ex. Latin causa and gratia , English because of, 
it is impossible not to take ^fff: for an ablative of causality. By doing 
so we account for the idiom in question in a quite satisfactory manner. 
Therefore 3TSJT E[rff : is to be compared with Latin cujus rei causa , not with 
qua de causa, the Sanskrit equivalent of which is ^WTSrTT:. 

chM-HArft : reminds me of the vartt. on P. 2, 3, 27 f^fM-a*il UlSrltsr 
^d faf u i ^l^UH^ - This precept is strictly true by itself — the word irrjr 
shows sufficiently that it must not be urged too much — but it cannot 
be Baid with some reason , Panini has left out this rule , as he did not 
want to enjoin it at all. 



140 § 193—195. 

beard from the side of Gautama) ; — E. 2, 90, 12 f^rpr: ulRiHTM 
fq^THT (he , being enjoined by his father because of a woman — ); — 
Nala 4, 4 [Sim-iPTi jt^ ^nuiitfi rer FTcT ch l ^UHH^ (for you I will take 
poison etc.) 

194. The foresaid apparatus for expressing the purpose, the 
aim, the motive, the sake, though the most common, 
is not the sole, *&, J^FTfT, <+il(UI, ^FT, %T etc. 
serving also for this purpose, when being part of a 

bahuvrihi. Dag. 75 f. i. ' IdWJ^tfrjgi : chW i sfofl ^TTg>W(5#ftrT (from 
astonishment and joy people burst out into clamour). A fair sample 
of manifoldness of expression we have in these lines from the 
Ramayana 

■A\[ii{ IsUfewmfll ^ ST^T: SWislriol: (2, 23, 31), 
in each pdda a different way has been followed to signify the 
aim. In the first =gq- is the latter member of a bahuvrihi, in the 
fourth ^rT, in the second the dative of the aim has been used, 
and the third has periphrase by means of wfer- Cp. R. 3, 43, 17; 
Nala 14, 19. 

Rem. It is plain that datives as Tsvrfa, fifi-am , ^rfir "will signify 
but the purpose or aim, whereas ablatives as chu UI I H , instrumental 
as fSrftw^, compounds in VsT are only expressive of the cause. 
But in some of the foresaid implements for periphrase, as ^£t, 
WTT, PiPmh i %rft": > the contrast, which does logically exist between 
the conceptions »aim" and » cause" is not to be found. Strictly speak- 
ing, they are standing on the neuter territory of the »motive" 
which partakes of both. See the examples given. 

195. The cause — either material or efficient — is moreover 
^J^ often periphrased by G^ITrT (or cRfa) liter. „by the 

^^ rule of" and sMIrj^ (or <s|<rM) liter. „by the power of." 
Pane. 43 sjw ^qHdm i A.mHri a^, ibid. 327 ^cHmir^H ^urt OTiTrar- 
iw; Var. Brh. 2, 4 aiMi^jj^pM a i l oiaH Tr^ (he may perhaps reach 
the other side by the strength of the wind) ; Kathas. 12, 59 Jj|rM-i :i 



§ 195—197. 141 

ST4SH ^fiisrwTTf sq v T ^ ' i r >V 7TiPlT; (Yaug. made himself invisible by 
sorcery). 

196. The agent, instrument, means may be periphrased by 

Peri- —n -Nf * 

phrase such words as <a\i IIT (by means of), TT^TtTT (by way of), 

of -^ -^ 

St ^{"^ I ^ ' ^ a Continual line of )> ^^"^ and ^^"^ 

ZZL or WH, ST^FTTfT (by mouth of), ^ff^T or ?ftJn?T 

(by exercising, practising), ^FTfTT^IJT (agreeably to), sim. 
Prabodh. II, p. 35 pr [sc. ^iaf*mj =cr fwnffqRi&y^ i} m I fi%j)<* sr^ri'- 
3ia h-jIM ( an( l ^ e nas spread his doctrine by his disciples and the 
disciples of them); Pane. 239 tuchinmiif in UM I H (he went off through 
the sky); Mrcch. VIII, p. 255 trfir q^HM{"4(H T m i fUj^ra-Ti" qiorsrT- 
sr: (but if we entered the city of U. by following the line of 
groves); Pane. 56 g- ^TsTT ^spta^rc at pta^jsTTET ; Qak. II ^grra^TTs;- 
zmft ar: trrai; Mfad l fd (he too [the king] earns tapas day after day 
by his giving protection); Pane. 126 oRtfq 1 f&irt q ^ifa^ T^ri" qoRRr- 
J | Tm =anTT ofaa ( — but because of deeds , done in a former existence 
he was a thief) ; Bhojapr. 3 oi^jfl) to|iiril-Hru) m (I speak according to 
my opinion). 

III. PERIPHRASE BY MEANS OF PARTICIPLES , GERUNDS 
AND THE LIKE. 

o 

197. Some participles in n may serve the want of peri- 
phrase , as : 

iTrr 1. TTfT, often used as an equivalent of the locative, 
as it may be rendered by into , to , towards. Pane. 155 -Errajfrf- 
sana snar (it has come into our hand), Malav. I, p. 12 nsrrarTaT fa^fa 
(she stands at the window), M. 2, 218 n^nat firat sran^~fijn-=$(d , 
here rmTaT faraT = rr^T ferT »the wisdom which dwells in his 
teacher." Pane. 272 a lion takes up the helpless young of a chacal 
holding it between his teeth ^majxta ^jretT = 5T?FT«I ^foTT- Like- 
wise E. 3, 46, 6 sP wiHilHI 5^TT: = sMtm M ?Fa> S^m » tlle trees in J* 11 -" 



142 § 197—199. 

Examples of jttT, periphrasing the nimittasaptamf (147). E. 3, 43, 48 
^m vfwm Ht^lT irn?5rf% nnt ?i|R (Laxmana , look how fond Sita 
is of the skin of the antelope), Qak. I g \jli i H [5>nfq q^i q-; (I will 
ask something concerning your friend). 

Eem. Occasionally ^ffsffr, ^ifjjrt and the like are used in this 
manner. See f. i. E. 3, 11, 65 and 3, 54, 26. 

198. 2. Such as are expressive of concomitance or the con- 
ticipie 8 = trary of it, as STt^rT, Mrti, when = „with," ( I«£f1> 

-with" and ° ^ 

.without." tf*\r\ } when = „ without." It is a matter of course, that 
we have the right of speaking of them as periphrasing 
case-relations only in such cases, as where the original and 
proper meaning of these participles has faded away in so 
far as not to admit of their being translated by English 

participles. With them may be remembered the adjective wuv, 
which is often almost equivalent to our »with," as Pane. 62 =gfer. ... 
m fd ^ji E WrfdtrRHm H^: (a lake with much water). 

Eem. To them we may add scfa, tim i d , fan<T and the like, 
when being the first members of bahuvrihis as -tmiMm i = » fear- 
less," Dag. 25 s piri^ : apityless." 

3. Some participles in the neuter gender may be met with 
occasionally, used as adverbs with a prepositional function. Mhbh. 
1, 115, 11 -g^rtH WTrnpr (without the knowledge of Dhr.); Pane. 
272 }pr iw?rr ST girn^rtT: U*rlldM)IH ts: (in the course of the conver- 
sation the king asked the potter). Cp. Kathas. 39, 167. 

199. To them we may subjoin, as they do duty of parti- 
"» ' ciples , the adjectives 5TPF1W, S^RW, FH^, when point- 

• ing out the direction of a movement. Then their proper 
meaning „ [having] the face [turned] to" has dwindled 
down to a mere to or towards = HIH. They are often 
used so , either as adjectives , or adverbially. — Examples 
of adjective: Pane. 208 ssrtnTfwneT! Vrim which is identical with 
*5ftrj" ( or sag^ - irf^) nrror; ibid. 299 rnrj; y^*Nl n?r. = tnrj: y*iar 
vm: ; — of adverb : Pane. 64 ht <ml>^ l fi^ip| sm^. 



§ 200-202. 143 

200 . A similar periphrase is exhibited by the gerund S^f^T* 
"^ as it is expressive of the aim the action is pointing at. 

Therefore 3|t^«T may serve almost the same purpose as 

£TrrT, and is available as well in figurative as in literal 
sense. So Pane. 210 ^rn^^m W<n i flid ; (he fled to his home), 
Mudr. I, p. 8 ©Tl^mM^UOW tTT^r: (the cooking for the brahmans). In 
the former instance the mere accus. soTCTsjt would suffice, in the 
latter the gen. or dat. srHjraTFTTT or °rjTHT!. 

Other examples: R. 3, 11, 44 pq-;] JTFT^-siTw^ftsJr (- to Agastya), 
Kad. I, p. 19 ^ i si Mij^Rwraff^Tf q^TS" ([the bird] pronounced this 
arya with regard to the king), R. 3, 38, 13 Urm^SJT £H%cT:, Pane. 
82 R ft-a^f^u JTgforiH, (he is angry for some cause), Qak. V fer. 
^Ruu Uiioirti chiwta Hr^*mi4isRr: srfjcTT: m: (for what purpose — ?), etc. 

Rem. Like z^wr it is also said ^rqj-f^CT or one makes use of 
kindred nouns, as s^ttr-, ^PJ^SFT, SSTjsrm all = swith regard to." 

201. Some other gerunds, as q^T^r^T, 'T^T^FT, ^TJ^ - - 

Gerunds, _ j[T\ ~^ 

expressive ^TF?T, ^TT^TRT, ^5^r^, FT^M I M may be used in a si- 

of „about c 

in regard milar way, viz. to signify in regard of, with respect to, 

of"sim.,as ... 

g-fjj^j-j concerning , about sim. 

q j^ y ff T Examples: Pane. IV, 70 fq=[rrf =3 M^H I f%fcr5Trfa rT=s^rjT (I 
etc. w ju ga y something about the friendship , hear it) ; Qak. II g^- fj 
HlMd Hlt+iiHcrimfyTOT eld) Pi (but I say so only in regard of the fore- 
said Q.) , ibid. I JWwwj fijgiriiT ilkd l *! (sing of the hot season) ; 
R. 2, 9, 60 35rrg g^T u^rm mnf %f srsfr ^ immm^i -si i fid^ (Kubja. 
spoke well as far as her words regarded the mother of Bharata, 
but not well with respect to Rama) ; ibid. 2, 40, 14 cHdHH f% 'HWRr 

aiwkuw^miPl =et i HHr(^)l^ r y yiriui ssraff 53J (in regard of the 
life in the forest, her father-in-law gave to Sita — ). 

202. Among the other gerunds , which may in some degree 
or other do duty of prepositions , we notice : 



144 § 202. 

"randf ** those > expressing concomitancy, as ^TT^FT 
and TT^IPtr, when = „with;" 

2. such as are expressive of separation, as HcW, 

qTsTTMpII, ^Tl^tM?^ sim., as they are = „ save, except, 
but for;" 

3. such as serve to denote the instrument, means, 

manner, in short, to periphrase the third case, as 

*JIHJN, sifter, STAFFS*?, SrfeFT; 

4. |g|«^IM and ^TrTTRr when — Lat. prae „in prefe- 
rence to;" 

5. STTpO" „since." 

mZTV, Examples : of 1. — Qak. Ill rtrT; yfemiR *!MMl<tJU UsmM'ISl&ai 
> l j)fd l- (enters a sacrificer's disciple with kugagrass) ; Pane. 173 Q-ai-i i ^m 

MUm i H : (he came with money); E. 3, 24, 12 nftrofT 5t3# JT^T- 

m suu (retire with Sita into a cavern). — They are especially of 
use to point out the attributes or tools one takes along. Pane. Ill, 
143 q- [tj-picJT:] tr%J{*MI<W TOT ^ cFTJJ? rFTTI Prt^d 5FT SnfrT; Kathas. 

21, 134.^ 
IT3TT, sisT- of 2 - — Pane. 203 yrf jjgrT =Trerr >i I h(Rh (there is no other path , 

f^roTT, IT- VtWfi dut y)i R - *> 67 > 19 R<JH*U ^: ^ ^T 5f^7T qlf^ri lll dsfarel l 
fi-Rjsjj-. jjRol/ TTsTPT fft ^ Tracfr ( an d all the people fell down, confounded 
by that sound , save Yicvamitra , Janaka and the two Baghuides) ; 
Pane. 273 rjzn^br ^iim(5i^ <4f(rU*U =7 rchfelHHgWqi(<HHl (I have caught 
to day not a single animal except this brat of a chacal). 
g^q-. NB. Another implement of the same purport as n^rr etc. is "sett, 

always making up the latter part of a compound adverb. Var. 
Brh. 47, 28 q-ft^or cfffqH gf^fttxT^fwiJ ST5T I TOT f^ITf^H ^^oldHL 
(all that has been told at large by the old seers, I have ex- 
plained, save the repetitions). 

f%^Vlfm;QZZ?\^ (what way, ye gods, may lead to the death of 
that prince of Baxasas, by which means I may kill the disturber 



§ 202-204. 145 

of holy men?); Mudr. IV, p. 136 tt stfm^JqT^raST^JT [cp- 186] 
eMl^iyj'UWsJ f^f fj *^l(«J HHlMlT l' 4, 1 (\fyii (we do not approach the 
Prince by the interference of Minister Eaxasa but by that of 
the Commander of the Prince's Army) ; Malav. II, p. 45 ttjtt i 5T- 
RdiwwysH^U =: q^ i Rum*^ » courteously". 

Likewise the participle aiRfjH - Pane. I, 243 

tTTfWT: = JTrPT ^ehWM^H'. 
rar^W, of 4. — Qak. II. lj£ gamST HTmRrarT r WKmH l PtcfclCd qT Jff{ VSJft - 

^mrST- r^fg [b i ^ i tufii^^H (fool, these holy men strew about a quite dif- 
ferent tribute, which has a greater value than even heaps of 
precious stones); E. 2, 94, 26 ti^oThi^ l^«l? i ^ad ferfft s>3T srg. 
UrtthiyTi^ch ; (Mount Citrakuta has even more roots , fruits and water 
than the land of the Hyperboreans), 
of 5: have been given already 170. 

Bern. This list is not complete. It may happen that some more 

gerunds are occasionally to be rendered by English prepositions 

M-ll<irt) - or prepositional phrases. So tHI<r*j may admit of the translation 

gsr?wT> "in spite of," ixsrgwr may be — Lat. ob, as E. 3, 18, 15 where 

etc. Qurpanakha, speaks so to Eama rrri forget araf m^rfesrswr =T 

T? Fof 5T¥ H*UH (it is for that old and ugly wife you do not esteem 
me), etc. 

203. In determining the site of some locality gerunds are often 
used, which admit of being rendered by prepositions. E. 2, 80, 
21 jTTsjht FT suttctto [ ^sWli i;] (the highway is along the Ganges). 
Kagika on P. 3, 4, 20 l ) gives these instances : ^htgt R^J qsffT. fw- 
FT: i afdshitl ft <TcirT ^ 'ferFTT (the mount is before the river, but the 
river is beyond the mount). 

Chapter X. Compounds. 

204. In western languages compounds are not considered 
a topic of Syntax. The fact of their being made up 



1) The rule of Panini treats only of this idiom when expressive of 
the notions »beyond" and »before." 

10 



146 § 204. 

Com- f two or more self-existent words — however impor- 

pounds a -i.-ij.i-i 

topic of tant for the etymologist — has little or nothing to 

Syntax. . . . T 

do with their employment m speaking or writing, in 
Sanskrit it must be otherwise. Keeping apart such 
compounds as have got any special meaning, which 
stamps them to unities *) , there exists in that language 
an almost illimited freedom of expressing any kind of 
relations , grammatical or logical , by the way of com- 
pounding. Every moment the speaker and especially 
the writer of Sanskrit may have the opportunity of 
substituting compounds to the analytical mode of ex- 
pression. For this reason, Sanskrit Syntax has to deal 
with compounds, as far as regards giving an account 
of the part they are acting in the phraseology and of 
the modes and ways how to employ them, whereas 
it is a topic of Sanskrit Etymology to expound their 
structure and their outer shape. 

The three great classes of compounds , set up by ver- 
nacular grammar, are dvandva, tatpurusha, ba- 
huvrihi. They include nearly all varieties as well of 
the simple compounds , which are made up of but two non- 
compound words, as of those, which are most intricate 
and of an immoderate length. Outside of them , there re- 
mains only the class of such compounds as are produced by 
putting together the preposition -\- the noun-case depend- 
ing on it, as %d=hl!6*i etc. (152) 2 ); in most cases 



1) Such as f^iioriil when the name of the mountain, i^|r±w »noble," 
iT"qy »brahman," yi|6|il! the well-known constellation, jy«>M| » woman," 
and the like. 

2) Whitney Sanskrit Grammar § 1310 calls them » prepositional com- 
pounds.'' 



§ 204-206. 147 

this fourth class coincides with the avyaylbhava of 
vernacular grammar x ). 

1. DVANDVA. 

205. The dvandva serves to express concatenation and 
Dvandva. action. Two or more nouns linked to another by 

„and 11 may be united into a dvandva. So instead of 
saying ^FTt ^cT^UT^ we may use the dvandva ^T*Tc<T- 

^Ttft, instead of %?ft sn^TW ^U3T it may be said 

Eem. In the archaic dialect the freedom of making dvandvas 
was Tery little. At least in the vaidik writings dvandvas aro 
almost hound to set formulae and do never consist of more than two 
members. Most of them are dvandvas of divinities, especially in 
the mantras, such as (I^ i oifruii , A-i lift See "Whitney, Sanskrit 
Grammar § 1255 and 1256. 

206. The dvandva has the gender of its last member. Its 
and S num- r number is determined by the real number of the per- 

ber - sons or things , comprised by it. Pane. I, 4 srsnrpjfmifart 
irTraTfTT ^TfTT ajT (from the three classes of sons: 1 not born at 
all, 2 sons died, 3. blockheads, the first and second classes are 
to be preferred), ibid. p. 195 mulled eft qfor otl<UM)gH<*iHi Ir^ (there 
always is a deadly hatred between crows and owls), Harshac. p. 28 
^)T)rldl^Ns) T^iT: (no strangers to dancing, singing and playing 



P-2, 

29. 



1) All compound advervs, the former member of which is an indecli- 
nable word , are comprehended by the general appellation avyayifohava 
(P. 2, 1, 5 — 16). Moreover this category contains some few kinds of com- 
pound adverbs, whose former member is a noun-case or an adj.; they 
are summed up by Panini (2,1,17—21). — But compound adjectives are 
never styled avyaylbhava, even if their former member be an indecli- 
nable word. So for example when saying ttjt: srafa:, we havea»prepo- 
sitional compound" indeed, srafrr: being = ^ yldHI , but not an avyayi- 
bhava. 



148 § 206. 

on instruments). As the number of the members is illimited, we 
may have such long dvandvas as f. i. Nala 1, 28 ert f% ^oii i rtiofai^ql - 
^l{hrWl^.fcoM: etc. 

But if the dvandva is to represent a real unity or 
if not individuals but categories are linked together, 
it generally is a neuter and a singular. So it is said 
q^ft^T (children and grandchildren), JT=THF^ (kine 
and horses), %(l^|!(||^| (awl and knife). 

Kem. 1. A full and exhaustive account on this subject is given 
by Panini (2, 4, 2—17) and his commentators. They distinguish 
between those cases where the dvandva must be a singular and 
a neuter, those where it must not be so, and those in which 
it is allowed to use either idiom optionally. So, among others, 
the singular of the neater is of necessity with dvandvas signi- 
fying parts either of the body or of musical instruments or of p 2 4 2 
the army, as miu i g i ^q 1 , T-fenTrsjrPTj likewise if names of rivers 
and countries , when of different gender, are linked together, as p. 2, 4 7. 
i l ^HtfluW ; chftchfrTd;m . On the other hand, dvandvas made up of 
nouns denoting animate beings are not allowed to be put in the 
singular number, save a.) very small animals, as ^waichH , &•) such p 2 4 s 
as by their nature are living in eternal mutual enmity , as irrafr- p. 2 i 9 
rpsrgiJT) jiWrepT; c.) classes of gudras, not considered abject 1 ), asp. 24,10. 
rrsrm^"^, d>) some others as noTTCEmj 3^=P3J UoMiUM^, <^W< I- p. 2,4,11. 
•nj. — Dvandvas of contrasting qualities or things are optionally 
put in the singular or in the dual, as snsr:<SiT or °&, uHdlmN or „ „ . „ 

^ «J ^ -~ if. 15, 4, liS. 

ostit. And so on. 

Eem. 2. It is forbidden to compound a genus with its species. 
See Pat. I, p. 252. 

Rem. 3. Instead of the dvandva mnifidA the simple fqrrfl' may 
be used (so f. i. Eagh. 1, 1 jutft: farfft 375; mJrito^Mplft . Likewise P. 1, 2, 70 
gsrer^i is synonymous with Somssrsr^, see f. i. Kathas. 58, 89. — and 1l ' 



1) P. 2,4, 10 ^IUIwR^olfyrlMI»I- Kac. tr^jfr qtif <d'^l"| U l lfq :?3|«rfFr 



§ 206—207. H9 

Dvandvas — » brother and sister," »son and daughter" are not used, P 2, 1,68. 
nere iTTfT^r, <nft are of necessity. — Cp. Latin soceri — socer et 
socrus, fratres = f rater et soror. 

Bern. 4. As to the order, to be followed in putting together 
the links of a dvandva, fixed rules cannot be given. Yet it is ^Af' 
common to put at the head either the themes ending in t or j, 
or those commencing by a vowel while ending in =^, or the shortest. 
207. Besides its most common duty of expressing coordi- 
icanoe. nation, the dvandva is also available, if „ and" connects 
persons or things standing in mutual relation with one 
another. Another species is the distributive dvandva. 

Examples of the dvandva of relationship. — E. 3, 27, 10 rr 
^ra<l(*xjWl (wRi^HKaHciJ i^5Woii(HoifMHl: fwf^ ^Jll^d (then a 
wild battle began between Rama and Trigiras, both of extraor- 
dinary strength , as if between a lion and an elephant), Malav. I, p. 21 
53fira?f: f&i^T JW ^ MM^Myjcrl Jl f^'oi l-H ( H^ (forsooth, there is as great 
a difference between you and me, as there is between a pond 
and the ocean), Harshac. 5 pqiiQ^ffe frT)' ^ 'W m i olchJir^dch^ W- 
9HH 1J1JR : (and like water and fire, so righteousness and anger, 
[when meeting] at the same place , by their proper nature combat 
each other). 

Examples of distributive dvandva. — Malav. V, p. 137 jff q-er- 
joii^i*ch fuiyw-Fi^Rdiji 1 ^ fzjt fa-ireiWT uTiHlcmi*|miOoi (let them 

rule severally the banks of the Varadii, one the northern bank, 
but the other the southern, as moon and sun share their sway 
over night and day) ; Mudr. I, p. 19 fgm] Pr^ cRWRrfrtfrdH =st 
faM3i snfft; =g (I have bestowed the double fruit of my wrath and 
my affection on foe and friend); Kathas. 25, 229: Agokadatta by 
his utmost bravery has conquered a golden lotus and presents it 
to the king his master, who puts the precious flower in a silver 
vase; on that account the poet makes this comparison 3vff chgim - 
trsff =? stsmth' (yni^uu 1 HrsTWrumOoi iff Jjqmratei^wt': ( ana both 
the vase and the flower shone, one white, the other red, as if 
they were that splendour and that glory combined , which adorned 
one the king, the other Agokadatta). 



150 § 208-210. 

208. Dvandvas of adjectives are relatively seldom , if com- 
o^ad^cTi- pared with the frequency of those made up of sub- 
ves ' stantives. 

So KatMs. 25, 6 gtmr ^rf-ser fa^reircaT faarsr ^ ?rf n^mr- 

Frm (thick and long), Kumaras. 1, 35 qwi^^ =sr ^rfk^S 3f (legs 
round , well-proportioned and not too long), Kathas. 25, 229 fari l frufl 
see 207, Malav. V, p. 137 ia^fgiui see 207. — Pane. I, 204 sn^- 
' tfichM)°hi I cWH M^ l -d, 1 : (lions with dishevelled mane and frightful 
mouth) may be an instance of a dvandva of two adjectives, either 
of which is a compound itself. 



209. Two kinds of compounds are reckoned by vernacular grammar 
among the tatpurushas , which by their meaning should rather be 
considered dvandvas : 

1. Such as %- fc i HHtuiH (eatable and not eatable), chH I chH (done and 60 ' ' 
Uon^/par- Undone; wrou g ht and ™ wrought), ^FTT^fT, HHUrdUlrl - Cp. Kathas. with 

ticiples: 27, 1 HpjrTl'liMHH fi&T^n" (by turns lowering and raising his head), 
i-^niwiri 2. Those made up of two participles in °fr, the compounding ^-n" 1 ' 

like- °f w hich declares the two actions being done immediately one 
2-|^re after another. The former in time is also the former member. Of the 
and the fci n( i are ^^g (as soon lost as it is seen), ^iriH^HH (after bathing 
and anointing one's self). Qak. IV m\ t i f 5uifH mTlfrfelH ; fSnsr: (enters 
a disciple, just arising from his couch), Kagh. 4, 37 gr^wr IcT ^. ... 
jdd l dufH^lfiHi : (l^ 6 stalks of rice dug out and forthwith replant, 
ed), Pane. I, 5 sHmuh : (died soon after birth), ibid. V, 7 O^ia^l :] 
HFlrf sTT<T&TCT: MdlHlRol ^d$j : qirf%. Kathas. 29, 141 an illness (^tt;) 
is said to have been ^irini41(T i »as soon driven out as its nature 
had been recognised." 

2. Tatpurusha. 
210. The tatpurusha serves to express in a condensed shape a 

Tatpu- 

rusha. noun — substantive or adjective — together with some other 
noun qualifying it, as Hr^T! = rJFT <^T!(his nian), 
5Tf%^rT: = $rf^TT ^' (bitten by a serpent), R^ft- 



§ 210—211. 151 

^FT = ^ Sffa"^ (the first youth). The noun qua- 
lifying is the former member of the tatpurusha; the 
noun qualified, which is at the same time the main 
element , its latter member '). 

Rem. The efficient elements of a tatpurusha are not 
of necessity self-existent words. The former part may 
be such a particle as W, Zt°, W, see 218. The latter 
may be a krt, not otherwise used but in compounds, 
as °st, °jt, °w, %, "ipr, "mir, Vr, "sgn, "mf^r, "iftffFT, "frfFt 
etc. Many of these compounds have got a special meaning so as 
to make them indissoluble unities, as sEnjsjr »bird ; " cRtrr^nr »potter," 
f=j3iT- ^servant." Yet free compounding is also allowed. So Pane. 
I, 103 cjrrerJT iffqsW may be analyzed into =rt° ^sHfPT) ibid. p. 28 
tots^t^ ^r: sstftt d^Woisrim [= ora^rsfsr jtfti], Bhojapr. 2 ^fta^ ■sir 
qt ^rsfer afar, Pane, 41 ^qsrfirRr ^n^- [=: gqft snWr q°]. 
211. The former member may be either = a noun-case 
(as in rTF^T!, ^Tl^^rl!), or = an adjective (as in 

R^Tt^T 3 ^). In the latter case, there exists gramma- 
tical concord between the two members; such tatpu- 
rushas bear the special appellation of karmadharaya. 
karma- The faculty of combining adjectives with their sub- 

dharaya. 

stantives into karmadharayas is theoretically almost 
unrestricted, but in practice not all possible combina- 
tions are used 2 ). Most karmadharayas are terms often 
recurring which either have got some special meaning, 



1) Pat. I, p. 392 3^7xr5T^raV'PTC7fq'OT:. In the same way the dvandva 
is styled SLiUmjMQvrFT: , the bahuvrlhi t^q^mufefFTi, and the avyayibhaYa 

2) Panini's rule 2, 1, 57 ld£ i nu*r OuiMJUl <Bl^trl»l_ plainly shows not all 
combinations of the kind to be allowed. 



152 § 211—213. 

or are wont to be much employed though nothing impedes 
expressing them by the two elements severed. Of the former 

kind are such as inf i rm (the highest soul), ohtTsT: (heir apparent), 
of the latter such as eh&ulHM i (a black serpent), gchH^l (cooked 
rice), and the great class of compounds, a full account of which 
is given by Panini in the first adhyaya of his second ashtakam 
(see espec. the sutras 49, 58, 61, 67 and 70), containing those , the 
former member of which is a pronoun as ^sf, ngj , tjsf, wrr, S5T, and such 
adjectives as qsr, 3JTOT, qfr°j qw, Tap?, grr^ (good) etc. To them 
we may add such words as fS(?t, rpsr, OUPT, and even such as 
begin by ct°, £°: and the negation g-°, as sn^T: (an honest man), 
5^tt; (a bad man), achlldd (not skilled). 

212. Yet there are instances enough of a freer employment. 

Pane. 327 f^mrsf Mgi i atH •s^WnR' (why do you run away thus by 
a false fear?), Pat. I, p. 2 gns^u; — grisly:, Pane. 30 tMRiH^lH 
aMfdfe i) Malav. I, p. 3 dHHHchd : *lfcu,mm (of the living poet K.), 
Harshac. 6 grejsr ^g ^jrr st^Rt gi Qm I mhw^ (like an actor y ou are 
displaying in vain a fictitious tranquillity of mind), Bhoj. 28 ut- 
rhHct»*?rTl <t,lfTq+Hilo|[ri (in consequence of his deeds in a former 
existence he is now poor), Pane. 37 roitOt)d-°HH (your orders), Malav. 
I, p. 28 jj^jii i M : chcMd)Idchiu (to whom his learning serves only 
for a livelihood), Kathas. 39, 131 ^j stttscPT ( — gave a best horse). 

Upon the whole , such freer karmadharayas are used in a greater 
extent in poetry, also when being themselves but a member of 
some large compound, as f. i. Pane. 37 a^g ^^l^HrrMd^fS^d - 
cmilri^ 0°y selling fine clothes given to him by many pious people), 
in analyzing which we get g^cf^rrif?R[karm.] ^ hi w^-^m i i 
[other karm.] fairer orsrrcj. 

Bern. In the case of such words as qnHiltjri :, there seems to 
exist a slight difference between the karmadh. and the analytical 
construction of the same purport; tim^lRjH : is » a bad barber" who 
knows his art badly, but tnq> HlRlH : »a barber of a bad temper." 
See P. 2, 1, 54. 

213. ^ e w iN insist on some species: 

a.) such as are made up of a title -|_ the noun of its bearer, 



§ 213. 153 

as tJUHimsRT: (Sir Canakya), 5mTf^T?W: (Minister Raxasa). So 
Utt. II, p. 30 ^ i ^-^u r; (Prince L.) , Malav. I, p. 24 q lTUHchiRlchi 
^ HBTift (yon are the learned Kaugiki, are not youP), Mrcch. Ill, 
p. 115 ^ f^ iirii i chm^pchi^chi^Hlriail^ , but some lines after 
(p. 116) we read in inverse order ii^pchuifu i chi q 1 , cp. Pane. 59 sara^T 
fHEnprTTIrTCWTonir ^rsr Wl&t R^HI:, here the proper noun [g&m is 
followed, not preceded by its epithet. In some cases the latter 
idiom seems to be the regular one , as Q^i-cM i (Mount Vindhya). 

6.) those ending in °j^, the former part being a subst., as 
^rtsPT:, ^l^rjsM:, iUsM:- Here jitt has sometimes the power of a 
collective , sometimes it denotes the individual (19 E), Wrt?R: may 
be — » womankind," » women" or even one » woman," and so on; 

c.) the type ^ffwrcTi' (half a pepper). It is not allowed to say 

p 2 2 

("}<-q<yijyir, hut fgt,gcry i mmj when compounded it must be m ffqmgT i. *) i a nd2! 
So f. i. Ragh. 7, 42 m^m (halfway), Pane. 203 ^rsjcrrj^mrfo (touching 
the earth with the half of his foot). The same applies to qsr, 
am-, : mtji 3^Y> etc - when denoting: the fore-part, the part behind, 
the lower- and upper part. Therefore it is said lochia ; ( tne f° re- 
part of the body), crafe: (fore-noon), aqii i bf : (the latter part of 
the night), j-am^- q^ (head), qvg^; t a l (the fore-night), and the like. 
So jts*t in rp^-r^: = TOTm^ We have here the same adjectival conception 
as in Latin summus mons , media urbs , Greek fiery vj wohit; etc. 

Rem. 1. -g-y-, like our »half," is also compounded with a par- 
ticiple or some other adjective, as gyffTTr; srcf: (the sun, half-risen), 
Pane. 9 ^WhllirTl dJ^U: 5W.. 

Rem. 2. As to compounds, commencing by ft^rter, fTtThr, ! sirra : p - 2 > 2 > 3 - 
or ftji, when — »half, the third — , fourth part," one may say as 
well fi^Tfaft'Srr as prgTfefferiT (half an alms) and the like. The 
same may be stated of =srjr (top, edge, extremity), as it is said 
as well mx^m (the edge of a nail) as 7mm (see Petr. Diet. s. v. 
and the passages adduced there s. v. =m). 



1) But it is allowed to say fqur«SJV: (a portion of a pepper). Pat. I, 
407 states gv to be a neuter, when meaning »half," but a masculine, 
when = s> portion, part:" 5WtriaWTn' HCuHchf^T^t •SBTtHdol l^i" vfmj: 



154 § 214—215. 

214. A proper species of tatpurushas is made up by those, 
poundT in whose latter member is a verbal noun , the noun predicate 

"Wand of which is signified by the former member. The com- 

the like, the . .__ 

former monest instances of the kind are adjectives in *in (being, 

member of ^^ 

wHch is a making up, behaving as). Pat. I, 39 jpmmjrr a mi J : (the teacher, 

pre ica e. ^^ j g rflje p u pjl' s ] authority), Dae. 176 rim i ^WJ^l^JUHjrl l (I am 

an example thereof), M. 1, 5 a i Mlf^ rPftWTT- Moreover there is a 

class of much used compound verbs , whose former part is a noun , 

whereas the latter is the verb ^r or it: they carry the conception 

of something transformed from one state into another. They will be 

dealt with when treating of the Syntax of the Verb; see 308. 

Among other similar tatpurushas we notice a.) those ending in P- 2, 1, 59 

^ with Race's 

3ST, H4iyirl', *trj, WHptlTrT, ^T 6*C. DaQ. 61 g- =g. fli-sJIMcMsHiT- comm. 

sJtrH^HyHlWlHKJmfHmiiifM^icr: (he , being passionately in love with 
Ambalika surnamed: the jewel of womankind); 6.) those in "era- 
having but the name of) and "rrrf^T and °tr^r (thinking one's p - 3 > 2 - 83 - 
self — ), as gi i ^migioi : »one who claims himself a brahman" [on ac- 
count of his birth, but who does not behave as such], qiTijHHl41 
(wise in one's own opinion), Atharvav. 15, 13, 6 tld l rJl -s dlrtlsl cP) 
K. 3, 21, 17 sj^ih) q- srp?TJT, Dae. 99 srht^j: 1 ). 

Kem. Somewhat different is the nature of those, the former 
part of which is not the predicate, but the predicate's attribute, 
as s xi-ium and gorrrijrjrjr given as examples by the comm. of vartt. 
3 on P. 3, 2, 15 and qg^rr (going at the head) see P. 3, 2, 19. 

215. Among such tatpurushas as are made up of a noun- 

rasha^on- case + the noun qualified by it , by far the most common 

noun-case are those , whose former part is to be periphrased by 

+ no,in - a genitive, as (TsFJ^T: = {RT? V$W<, STf^ = 



1) With them may in some degree be compared such tatpurushas as 
Kathas. 9, 48 jr ilHtmu- qT (holding [her] for a piece of raw flesh), Hit. 93 
ajlU'sltiWrr (taking [him] for a tiger). Here the former member is the 
predicative object of the verbal noun , which is the latter member". 



§ 215-216. 155 

STTO^: or Sift: or ST^pTT 1 ?. As this type is met with 
on every page , it is useless to quote instances from litera- 
ture. Another frequent type is that,represented by STf^rT: 

- ^I^TT ^fl'. Pane. 118 tt^hiwtUH: = ^JFRTjfTTiT:, ibid. V, 
93 F^KU^ ( seized by the prince of giants), Bhojapr. 7 ^.sft 

For the rest , any noun-case may become the former 
part of a tatpurusha, as RTflRi^mir! = TO ^TO"! 
(happy for a month), TTFHFTOT = *rRT or TO: HT5T.' 
(resembling his mother), ^T^T = ^qW ^ (wood for 
a sacrificial stake),- gT^ER" = ^"^TTrT or 5T%2ifft H^R 
(fear of a wolf or of wolves), TOVfit||<=h} = ^TT^lf 
QT37! (cooking in a pot). 

216. Yet, there are some restrictions. For this reason, Panini when 

treating of compounds made up of a noun-case -|_ noun, gives a 

detailed account of them. The summary of which runs in this 

way: 

The former j. As a rule , any genitive may be compounded (shashtMsam- p - 3 > 2 > 8 - 

a genitive. Asa). Some cases are excepted. Among others it is not allowed 

to use compounds, made up of a genitive -|- a participle or a ge. p - z > 2 > 11 - 
rund or a krtya or an infinitive, nor those consisting of a geni- 
tive -|- comparative or superlative or ordinal noun of number, nor 
such as where a genitive is compounded with some noun in °jt 
or Vgi. Therefore, such phrases as ^nmimi STTrFr: O^ 6 mos t heroic F- 2, 2, 15. 
of men), ^rarrnt T^T: (the fifth of the disciples), =g-qf 5TCT (the 
creator of the waters), sii^uiyj cRobr_ or ^ar or ch(uT)w _ or cRm 
(doing etc. for the benefit of a brahman) are unfit for compound, 
ing. Partitive genitives are likewise excluded, nor is the dative- 
like genitive (129),it seems, as a rule, fit for being compounded. — 



156 § 216. 

As little, so we learn from Panini's commentators i) an objective 
genitive in such cases, as f^-fi^rr ST3W srfff: mRnR'Hi , here it is 
not allowed to say ^chfd : M l fu i fi-ll ) since both the subject and 
the object of the action conveyed by the noun &$&; are expressed , 
for nothing impedes using the compound tMch ' Iri i = Maui' g?fff: , if 
the agent is not expressed. 2 ). 



1) See Kac. on P. 2, 2, 14; Pat. I, p. 415, vartt. 6. Pat. himself rejects 
the interpretation given there. 

2) The shashthisamasa is treated by Panini in the second adhyaya of 
his 2d book (2,2,8 — 17), some statements are also scattered in the third 
book, see f. i. 3,3,116. Additions ad corrections on them are of course 
made in the commentaries. But now and then the cavillations of the 
commentators have rather obscured the good understanding of some roles. 
So the Kacika. is wrong loosening sutra 2, 2, 14 from its adhikara SR 
and interpreting this rule — chHlui ^ — as if it taught something con- 
cerning the objective genitive. Now, as the sutra could in no way be 
explained so as to contain a prohibition of compounding any objective 
genitive whatever, as such compounds are very common indeed , the Kacika, 
was obliged to add a clause of its own JOTTOTCTr *i|liTlfd 6) Will jfn 1 
il^l!IJ-r> which statement certainly will be correct by itself, but not the 
smallest trace of which is to be found in Panini. In fact , Panini has here 
not thought of an objective genitive. When reading the sutras 12, 13, 14 
at a stretch and without prejudice , one sees plainly that giTrf&T of 14 qua- 
lifies 3kT of 12. Sutra 14 prohibits compounding a genitive-\- a participle 
in °fT with passive meaning. It is not allowed to say FreafuidM 
instead of (TOT ^RntH (shown to him), whereas Panini allows it, when 
representing Jr^T S^SHW (shown by him), cp. 2, 1, 32. 

The following sutras 15 and 16 — fjsrarrurt *rli^ ichrlfi ^ — afford 
a fair sample of absurd hairsplitting. In s. 15 Panini had given a rule 
about the words in °rT and °jgeFT when denoting the agent; with them 
a genitive cannot be compounded , save the few instances mentioned 2, 2, 9. 
Accordingly it is prohibited by Panini to say asTHrrf instead of dsUjU Mrrf 
(bearer of the thunderbolt) or Wt^RTra'^f: instead of tTl^yi <IM3f: (one 
who cooks rice). But some schoolmaster, who commented on our great 
grammarian , discovered Panini to have omitted some kind of words in 
°^5i, which though not-denoting the agent are likewise forbidden to 
be compounded with a preceding genitive, as ira<T! snfir^iT (your lying 
down) cp. P. 3, 3, 111. In order to make our sutra comprise even them, 



§ 216. 157 

an accusa- u. compounding the accusative is allowed- P.2,1,29.') 

live; 

a) when being one of time as inqchymm ;. So E. 2, 71, 18 mn. 

^frfcr: qft, Malat. I, p. 14 sr|ftoraWlfaiTFrfe q^WrfmT Qch i ^tp gr- 

6) with some paiticiples in °ft , with active or intransitive mean- P. 2, 1, 24. 
ing, as iiwiir); (gone to the village), .^chgfrfH i (fallen to hell), P. 2, 1, 26. 
3ref5lrT: (come to hardship) , h fluid s 2 ) sim. In practice , there are 
more. So f. i. the restriction of toje (P. 2, 1, 26) to a reproachful 
term does not imply the prohibition of compounding ^rrsjo other- 
wise. See but Pane. 51 ch|U i chU<b T, ibid. 30 it ^him : 
mental"" ^^' compounding the instrumental is allowed: 

a) if denoting the agent or instrument _|_ some verbal noun , P. 2, 1, 32. 
as af^H'.' The participles in "ftcR^ are excepted, compounding 
*lf^Hl -j- ^rld (^therefore not allowed. — Some proverbial locutions P. 2, l, 33. 
are explicitly named by Panini, as ch i ch^ i ^£i, gsn^r: mj:, but 



the well-known yogavibhdga-exyedient was taken recourse to , and our 
sutra was split up in two. One made the discovery that "the word chrifi' 
admitted of two acceptations , according to its being construed either with 
rfrtcFTTWTTT or with the general adhikara E[^t; in other terms, P. could 
mean either any genitive -j- agent in FT or =g^r or the subjective genitive J- 
any noun in FT or =ggf. By combining both and assigning to either an 
own sutra the Sexofiu. felt by the commentator found its *£««. See but 
the artificial interpretation of both in the KaciM. How Patanjali inter- 
preted the rule we do not know, a comment of his on s. 15 and 16 
being wanting; from vartt. 2 on I, p. 415 it appears he was acquainted 
at least with s. 15. 

In 2,2,11 it seems strange, that a special prohibition — that con- 
cerning the ordinal nouns of number — is enjoined immediately after 
the general one (2, 2, 10) which includes also that special case. 

1) The preceding sutra 28 is too artfully interpreted by Pat. and 
K&9. to have been interpreted well. It is likely, we have here again an 
instance of distortion by yogavibhaga. I am sure, Panini himself has 
given but one rule ch' M r yrtWduVi =cf. Patanjali's defence (I, p. 384) is 
not persuasive. 

2) I agree with Boethlingk and Whitney in explaining (iiUdHdch and 
the like as bahuvrihis. Panini brings them under the tatpurushas, see 
2,2,4. Inversely such compounds as JjrjpfTrT, HNdlH which P. 6, 2, 170 
understands as bahuvrihis, are to be recognised as tatpurushas. 



158 § 216. 

from this it should not be inferred that it is wholly forbidden to make 
up any other compound of instrumental -)- krtya. Pane. 327 corw&ft 
-sir JTPW. = roRTT it°- Yet such compounds are not frequent. 

V) if the latter member is a word expressive of likeness, equa- P. 2, 1,31. 
lity, superiority, want 1 ), see 61 and 73. Of the kind are such 
compounds as fgnMH : (equal to his father), imTOiSr: (resembling 
his mother), *myk\ and qroTsq-: (earlier _, later by a month), M. 
8, 217 n*s(\ \ A cjw = fls^-f l n efi*T (v. a. work, almost finished), Pane. 23 
teiiRy^n ^or wsrfcr wfztt:; 

c) the instrum. -|- the words ^r^ (quarrel), ftw (clever), fer P. 2, 1, 31 
(mixed), S5T50T G ax )- Kac. gives these examples: srlychtf^;, d l i^UU i:, 
tupjjjj i, aHBtterlTtUl t- "When extending the rule to all words of the 

same purport , as we may do (see above p. 92 N.), the frequent com- 
pounds in "fSrftfTrr, °5rfenr, °nn, "gar, °3^FT etc. are included, also 
many of those, the former part of which is an instrumentalis 
partis (73). 

d) in the case of compound adjectives, the former part of which p. 2, 1,30. 
is an instrumental of causality, illustrative of the adjective it is 

joined to 2 ). So E. 3, 16, 13 fe fciUHi^ f a i ^ui : ( a mirror tarnished 
by exhalation), ibid. 3, 55, 20 Jtfw ; (equal by strength), ibid. 2, 118, 4 
HUKMlfea ; (praiseworthy by his qualities), Pane. I, 39 dlrtilfg>k(lrMlg( l 
^rp^T: = dlrtllRni H^Vyi^i H^l:. Kumaras. 3, 12 HMlcJlyM^f^ (men, 
great by their heroic penance). — Of the same kind are the com- 
pounds, made up of inslram. _[_ a{H^ (75 B. 1), as Pane. 10 fg? 

1) In Panini's text UdMriHI'HHl'-ll^ ^T * a °f course to be construed 
with each of the members: qsrfer> HJpWj Wl<y , 3?TFr, cp. p. 92 N. 

2) Sutra 2, 1, 30 is ill-handled by the commentaries. They expound 
rlrfliU HrtJidim-4 ITUIoH-M, as if rtr^rTFFr were a dvandva = HrchrM -|- 
i|t!H. How they have come to this contorted interpretation I did not 
understand before perusing Patanjali; from him I have seen, that his 
very cavillations (1, 384 sq.) must have provoked it. Yet the aim of the 
author of our sutra is unmistakable. He allows the instrumental to 
be compounded with any adjective (llliidMH-4). which has its justifi- 
cation by that instrumental : Ftr^rTraW = TOITOm r^iiyi ifCT: ^ill^ . 
So in f^iSoTRTFy 44I4JM: the instance, I have quoted from the Ram., it 
is the exhalation that causes the mirror to be qualified a tarnished one. 



§ 216-217. 159 

rsff *oMM5T (are you desirous of nothing but food ?), Kathas. 
24, 176 etc. 

e) in the case of food dressed with some ingredient or by mixing 
two materials, as ^af^:, rprFTP,. Likewise Dag. 139 f§rOT^(em- P an | ^ g 34 
poisoned food), 
a datire; IV. the dative may be compounded: 

a) the dative of the aim in such cases as w^ l fr = WW 3T£, cfrcSsT- P. 2, 1, 36. 

6) the dative of the remote object with the words srf^T (offer- P. 2, 1, 36. 
* n g to )i %T (good for), jjpr (pleasant for), ^-f%rT (kept, guarded 
for) and the like, as Quausifci:, ifrf|rW, Pane. I, 47 j^t iterr HIT JTJT%TT, 
etc. — With them is named gq- »purpose, aim, scope." On the 
compounds in °j&f we have treated 194. 
an ablative; V. the ablative: 

a) with words expressive of fear , as a c hHW (fear of wolves), P. 2, 1, 37. 
E. 3, 27, 20 snWxTT I Fm (deer, afraid of the hunter) ; 

b) with some participles , which signify a withdrawal i). Dag. 89 
-iriDfrfHI ?TT Mlfd'^H (she rose from the dance and went away), M. 2, 89 
MlQj l ufdH i (one who has forfeited the sdvitri), E. 3, 25, 24 f%fi^- 
sforfirsTkicr fnTsmrrr mrranrr:. 

a locative. VI. the locative: 

a) with such nouns as are construed with a locative of refe- P. 2, 1, 40. 
rence, as those of attachment, skill and the like (148). E. 3, 19, 22 

strtstt y^MM-ft (two men, accomplished at arms), Pane. I, 18 imrj- 
sftilid^U li: (skilled in the commerce of merchandises); 

b) in some cases, when denoting a time or a place. Of the 

kind Panini names compounds in °f?rs (prepared, dressed), "gpsgf P. 2, 1, 41. 
(dried), ere; (cooked), "spy, also parts of the day or night _|_ g>FT, p. 2, 1, 45. 
as Hich i aufcl-& (prepared in Sankacya), a i HUmfch (dried in the sun), 
ilctfgrchH ' (done in the forenoon); 

c) in some standing phrases and proverbial locutions, see P. 
2, 1,42— 44;46_48. 

217. This list of possible kinds of tatpurushas, made up of noun- 



1) These compounds are not frequent -y^rny: (P. 2, 1, 38). 



160 §. 217. 

additions case -|- noun, is however not complete, as will soon appear, if 
of P&nini 01le undertakes to systematize the tatpurushas occurring in fact 
there- j n gome literary work. 1 ) So, among others, Panini does not men- 
tion the abl. of comparison, compounded with sr^r and SfTT? the 
instrumental _j_ words expressive of plenty ; the accus. with the par- 
ticipial adjectives in °3. Then , many more participles , whose former 
part is some noun-case, are in common use, though not neces- 
sarily , if at all , implied by the foresaid rules. 

1. abl. of comparison _J_ j^th, especially, if the former part be 
a pronoun , as Hit. 30 n sr ^JV WIT ar: STbtsttoht: , Pane. I, 12 trade 
is said to be the best means for making money, FT57JT: [se. scrrg".] 
sfsraTjqoR': (any other but this is dangerous). 

2. abl. of compar. _J_ rprr. Such compounds are an elegant 

paraphrase , while calling something : the contrary of its opposite. 
So ^Rhui rT^ = flog »left," ^g<^ri( OTTO: (a difficult expedient), Dag. 
175 ftot ^loioiM T ^.tWc^ i rU yy'fcf (he bore his newly married wife a 
heavy grudge). 

3. instrum. _|_ word expressive of plenty. Of the kind are those 
in "wkzi, "JTrTf, "OTTSFtfT etc, Pane. 319 srorfcra^sir Jro, ibid. 7 
■Rnp£rr^PTToR5T5 , feiTci^r- 

4. accus. _j- adjective in "3 derived of a desiderative. Pane. 3 
nr^wfe^:, M. 7, 197 zpjrT smHiy^nirh. 

5. Instances of noun-cases _|_ participles are manifold and often 
met with. First, such as where the former part represents a socia- 
tive instrumental, as Pane. I, 164 q'm-ujudii ; HcUM :, ibid. I, 229 
nwf q^wirl T (a wife, who hold 3 illicit intercourse with another). — 
Then, such as are expressive of separation (62). Pane. 1, 35 
yonQoiPsfdi (abstaining from attendance), ibid. p. 1 q=rr fadchif^Hl : 
(sons, deprived of discernment), ibid. I, 189 «J*<HQ^M i C P- 198, — 
Further locatives _|_ ferrr, jtft (cp. 197), sm=r, 3T^r etc., as R. 3, 31, 2 
?R^Tl HRm rTT ^IttIMI : (the raxasas , staying at Janasthana), Pane. I, 128 
H4.o(l<KrT)" jm irfrcft Ucrin >Mp=mM4|^ (when being in distress, a king 



1) It would be indeed an interesting subject-matter for investigation 
to compare on a large scale these statements of Panini with the facts 
offered us by the extant Sanskrit literature. 



§ 217. 161 

is always the prey of his ministers), ibid. I, 104 qfiggn' r r foUdlfi 
firrsTT, Kathas. 42, 149 srg&rfrftT: (fallen at their feet). — Or the 
former member is a dative or loc. of purpose: Pane. I, 125 Tm- 
SrrwtarTT ^r: (Vrtra, striving for obtaining the royalty); an accu- 
sative: ibid. p. 37 ^dioichi-ijrh : (attached to S.); an abl. of origin: 
ibid. p. 2 cftgrmMHHI (of one born from a respectable family) ; a loc. of 
reference: ibid. I, 15 iftf§g^teraw;. And so on. 

6. As to the compound adjectives , they may generally be said 
to be comprised by the rules of Panini , as their former part is a 
genitive or may be accepted as such. Among them are to be noticed 
jrtrcr, UPVSS, sfitrT, SCW, those of skill and ability as ferariT, srfi^r, 
chlfelH j then such as ^pr, rjif (cp. 216, III V). Pane. 17 pirr ifjrpriWT- 

sifternT ffcrT&mWr Ruljwtri, ibid. 21 f^t =et sisst^^ut h^isw iit 
MIBJM^ (his strength will be in proportion to his voice), ibid. 27 
i-ldl-cM-m^saa') ibid. 13 ^tjt| ^oTFrPra':. Even indubitable dative- 
like genitives are compounded with the adjectives, which they 
qualify. Pane. p. 1 jy^ m^grr^ lbt^HlorTlbfri (as the king understood 
they were averse to the gastras — ). Pane. p. 1 affords even this 
instance of a tatpur., made up of a dat. of interest -)- subst., when 
calling some king «H*cdir5*Qrqd^: (v. a. a blessing for all the in- 
digent). 

7. Compounds made up of a genitive -|- agent in °n, though 
explicitly interdicted by Panini, are in fact met with. Fane. I, 2 
^•sih HU!tiiifeich(W:i ibid. p. 7 jtw raijra-w) i idifcul fwrl" (two splen- 
did bulls drew his chariot). 

8. Finally we may set up a category apart for such tatpu- 
rushas , the former part of which is a noun-case , doing more or 
less duty of an adverb. Pane. 21 tj sr#r teiifiH i q a i mPa rt arc 
RfiJi'T, here ugmi PdH = qgyfTfrTiT »acquired before," Kathas. 29, 82 
ann^qrirerorfg^ a ^ in (— is deceived by words falsely kind), Pane. 63 
|r^wnsr: (a friendly discourse), Mhbh. 1, 152, 34 otott:=R ^TH^..-. 
q siHrf&5Hrrfir (I will not awake my brothers who are sleeping quietly 
in the forest), Kathas. 42, 149 qzrraTf^rflTr: (embraced by turns). In 
all but the first of these examples the former part is an ittstrumentalis 
modi, used almost as an adverb (77). Cp. the following paragraph. 

11 



162 § 218—219. 

218. The former part of a tatpurusha may also be anad- 

mtmbeTh ver b or a particle. Pane. 59 qn^M ; (the matter of late), Kathas. 

an adverb g 165 MfriblMfdMHl^i : (flags, waving from every house), ibid. 25, 29 
or a par- N 

tide. m [viz. tr^t] ^ it -sawnPrraTT (and I have to go from necessity to 

that town) , Kumaras. 3, 4 f^rTT^rT^TTOT'ftPT: (by very long penance). 
Among the particles several are noticed by Panini, viz. sg^ir 
[2, 1, 25], mfh [ibid. 27], the negation *" [2, 2, 6], ^T [2, 2, 7]^ 
fqirr [2, 1, 64], gi, the particles styled »gati" and such particles 
as q-, naijWt when meaning »a little," h, £: , srfn [2, 2, 18] ') cp. 210 
at the end. — So rnmrv (died of himself), mfachd (half done), 
flgllfoU i: » n o brahman" or nnone but a brahman," r&i^Hr T (a little 
elevated), nftJHH^ : (a great-grandfather), esPT: (a good man), 55^ 
(a wicked man), etc. 
219- Some relative pronouns and adverbs are likewise fit for f^ds! 

The former , 

member ia being compounded with some noun , especially EJEJT and 

IPTT or or- ^^_^_^ 

.^ Ml°lrl. Those beginning with tTETT are the most common , 

they are either adverbs of the type EfSJTTOT'T, M*HiqM! 
(according to time, — to age), or their second member 

is a participle in FT as M &ltWT(as said) 2 ) . Examples : Mhbh. 
1, 145, 16 ftcTrHar JraTJT^ (go back, each to his own house), ibid. 

1, 149,1 imwwih qwrrtmr 2^sriT^(he sent a man , as was agreed 

before); — E. 3, 13, 25 mJigPjv-i craT (on the way, as has been pointed 
out), Dag. 151 iMH§ ^tsiranrr d«?lw^my; myfoTsrfn (when having 
got the opportunity he will discharge this affair by such means, 
as are fit), Pane. 295 u«jiPir««: -trtMUi*: M^yi m^siijBr. 

Examples of zrrsrJT; — Pane. 276 ^fT: mpf JTTdkdl5r HU\rM\ nan 
j-=j; (from this day , I have given my own self to you for my whole 
lifetime), Kac. on P. 2, 1, 8 a [sa^i 5 HfoUIH I HH^'£i (invite of the 
brahmans according to the number of the vessels), Pane. 54 tiid^i - 
rmm~i)rti(o i ffeH I (conformably to the rules, taught by Vatsy&yana). 



1) As to 5, 3;!, -^TSTfT, in *p^ (easy to be done), JTScRJ (hard to be 
done) and the Tike, see P. 3, 3, 126-130. 

2) Pflnini (2, 1, 7) mentions only the former type. 



§ 220. 163 

220. The tatpurusha serves also to express comparison. Such 
son P e" compounds are partly adjectives, partly substantives. 

pressed by __. ____ 

tatpurts- The former are of the type WTT (cloud-black), 3F2T- 

R7FT (sky-blue). The latter are made up of the thing's 
real name + the image , under which it is represented , as 

Examples of the former type. Kam. 3, 12 rMi-d^tK-sm^ ^5FPT 
(life, as fickle as the moon, that shines in the water), Dag. 174 
f^rrftrf^" (as cold as ice), E. 3, 23, 1 n^rmn': (red-grey as the 
colour of an ass) , Mhbh. 1, 152, 2 md,A?MfeUaiim : ( as dark as a 
cloud in the rainy season), Malav. V, p. 122 crfrarrKi^Tfif : , etc. 

The latter type is adapted to signify either praise or blame. 
Generally the metaphors used are conventional ones. In this way a re- 
solute, energetic character is called qT &iPM^ :, a beautiful face qijrq^PT , 
*U-Mli fSt^t, s i m «j eloquent speech oTPCTV, heavy sorrow is by a 
standing comparison iJlchMUU : which ocean it is difficult or im- 
possible to pass, and so on. In ancient literature this rather alle- 
gorical style is still employed with moderation and within certain 
limits. But the flowery compositions of medieval India are full of 
them so as not rarely to make the image appear an appendix 
wholly meaningless , if not to please the ear of the reader and to 
display the vaidagdhya of the author. The accumulation of such 
allegorical designations becomes tedious indeed, unless good taste 
direct their employment. 

Sometimes the metaphor is worked out. Then we may have a 
set of homogeneous images, expressed by compounds. So Pane. 
I, 241 ifttn^T Pirr^RtfwSTy sr: sr:i?tF5JJT, here jftqTofT is »king" 
but at the same time it conveys the meaning of » cow-herd," as 
ift is — scow" and = searth," »he must draw the f§rwsrV3j_ (money- 
milk) of his ctsTOR)': (subject-cow) by degrees" v. a. »a king must 
draw the money of his subjects by degrees, just as the cowherd 
draws the milk from his cow." Mrcch. IV, p. 138 ^ goiwfifi?R! 
T?itt: i ffiWykcjMcfi ZTTRT awf&fTOTfirTrTT: (young gentlemen 



164 § 220—221. 

often come to poverty, being spoiled by courtesans, like great 
trees , the fruits of which are eaten out by birds). Kathas. 29, 188 
a faithful wife is thus compared to a warrior — her conjugal faith 
is her chariot, duty her charioteer, good behaviour her armour, 
wit her weapon n^n(*^Ufci: nD<rtyni^Rdrtl: i fcWHl^w. mimt jutrt 

Eem. 1. According to vernacular grammar, this class of com- 
pounds is to be considered a subdivision of the karmadharayas, 
there being samanadhikaranya between both members. This ex- 
plication cannot be right, for it does not account for the inverse 
order of the two members; one should f. i. expect TrTtdft instead 
of ^ fbrW , as in the karmadharaya the qualifying noun is of course 
put first. In fact, we have here no karmadharayas, but shash- 
thisamasas. The former member is a genitive, but it does not 
bear everywhere the same character. Sometimes it is a partitive 
one, as g ^mp H ^ i — q^tiiuii (or 5^5) fe^r:, {Ml(jy<: »an outcast 
among the kings," cp. the compounds in 3=jq- (best) and mm (worst , 
lowest). Sometimes, too, it is a genitive of the kind represented 
by our »a jewel of a woman," »a hell of a fellow," Lat. scelus 
hominis; so ir^irfn: (Mudr. Ill, p. 102) »a beauty of a house," 
iTfTOOTt^ (Mudr. Ill, p. 121) v. a. ^excellent helpers," mdH^n (P. 
6, 2, 126) »a slut of a wife." Not rarely both acceptations are 
alike probable ; ^FhrPT £ i- m ay be as well zz ^hsr ttpt »a jewel among 
women" as zz »a jewel of a woman." 

Eem. 2. Panini treats the said compounds severally, see 2, 1, 
53; 56; 62; 66; 6, 2, 126 sq. — Note q?fr and ° wm ^ expressing 
blame, and "tjt, "tnsri °m signifying admiration. 

221. Tatpurushas, made up of three or more stems, are 

shLmld'e always dissolvable into two members, either of which 

TmorT ma y be a compound itself. Mrcch. Ill, p. I25^w:<jmi??n=n^, 

tnemes. jiere the former part is a dvandva sppiajfr: gfsarc = sra xr £:w ^ 

Pane. 323 rrr*i!Afern [viz. ^FjiTT^rr], here the former part is a tat. 

purusha itself, i|rchU6fc<rH being zz rmw, that is jpr cfm£, ferTT. — 

Pane. II, 153 ^gfiaicWTTHlfa^UUi: (stirred by the sting-like words 



§ 221-222. 165 

of a woman), here f^rrcrr is the latter member, the former being 
a tatpurusha of comparison, the former member of which sftenoRi 
is itself an ordinary shashthtsamasa. — Mhbh. 1, 155, 24 trfstjna-. 
JWRET — .JjforT^TW m-W, here the former part of the tatpurusha 
is a bahuvrihi.^- Kam. 2, 43 RuhRmUsIh T (one firmly attached to 
wordliness) is illustrative of the species of those, whose latter 
member is a compound, the analysis being fttirf f&ewcr oirTiTPr:. 

3. BahuvrIhi. 
222. The difference between the tatpurusha and the ba- 

Natureand ■. .. . . , 

characte- nuvnni 1S J an essential one. The former implies no more 

the ba'ha- than is purported by its constituent elements , but the 

bahuvrihi always adds something tacitly understood , 

generally the conception of ^having , possessing." ^^T^' 

when tatpurusha = i^iyW ^: Jndra's foe," when ba- 
huvrihi it means „ having Indra for foe, one whose 
foe is Indra;" HT^TIP, when tatp. =HUfM ^T(\\ „the 
colour of the sun ," when bahuvr. it denotes „one having 
the colour of the sun." The bahuvrihi, therefore, is 
invariably an adjective , referring to some substantive J ). 
Panini then is quite right, when he defines the bahu- 
vrihi as „a complex of elements serving to qualify some 
other word 2 ). 



1) By this it ia however not asserted, that a bahuvrihi cannot be 
used as a substantive, but only this: when used so, they are to be 
considered just as any other adjective, that does duty of a subst. 
J^TrTT when = »a noble-man" is to be compare! with such a word as 
Srf%: when meaning »an honest man" or STRFr: when = »boy." 

2) P. 2, 2, 23 sq. sl^oDf^MchH'iJ'Ji.l^. According to that definition, Indian 
grammar does by no means make restriction as to the number of the ele- 
ments out of which a bahuvrihi is made up. This is distinctly expressed 
in a metrical rule of the {Catantra (2, 5, 9) 



166 § 222—223. 

Like other adjectives, the bahuvrihis may be used 
as adverbs, when put in the accus. of the neuter sin- 
gular, see 240. 
223. From a syntactic point of view, the bahuvrihi, it 
be*™ "r^to ma y be made up of three , four or more elements , does 
lledtcate contain but two members, virtually identical with the 
an ^r'' SUD Ject and the predicate of a full sentence, just 
as the tatpurusha represents a main noun with its at- 
tribute. And, as within the tatpurusha the attribute 
is put at the head and the main noun behind (210), 
The predi- so within the bahuvrihi the predicate precedes , the 
"dcs.ThT subject is the latter member. When analyzing f. i. 
•hViatter the bahuvrihi ^^H^FT: we get the clause 3FT <=flM 

member. f £ 

JT^FT „he whose strength is great ," similarly ti*4°(U|! = 

?TFT ^W< fgf&fa „he whose colour is like the sun's," 

HrlVl •" M tri rrl t^T! is an epithet of somebody, whose 

eyes are fixed on the earth UW *JflFr ^H FTt^R. 

In these examples, the words ^W, ^HTT, FTT^R are 
the subjects within the bahuvrihis, that which precedes 
them being the predicates. 

In treating of the tatpurushas we have distinguished 
between 1. the karmadharayas , 2. those the former mem- 



Hi^-yui T3^rm sr^t% etc. 

Nevertheless , in analyzing even intricate bahuvrihis it will appear that , lo- 
gically , there are but two members — predicate and subject — either or 
both of which may be compounds themselves , even if it would not always be 
allowed to use such compounds by themselves as separate words. Pauini 
himself knows »a class of compounds only allowed for the sake of being 
used as the former part of other compounds" [P. 2, 1, 51]. 



§ 223. 167 

blhavrito ber of wnich represents some noun-case, 3. where it 
is a particle. In an analogous way we may speak of three 
types of bahuvrihis: a.) those, where there is gram- 
matical concord between subject and predicate, b.) 
such, whose predicate is a noun-case, c.) such, where 
it is a particle. 

Type a. — Here the predicate is mostly an adjec- 
tive or a participle, as JT'^Mi „having Tndra for foe." 
When adjective, the bahuvrlhi has generally the worth 
of Latin gen. or abl. qualitatis , or abl. modi. So oTITt 

S^tf^f: = keros latopectore,Fa,nc.S2^'. F^OrftER 
— lacus exiguae aquae. When participle , the bahuvrihi 
not rarely concurs with the gerund , the absolute loca- 
tive and the like. It may as well be said rMfn»H<»l^l 

^^TETRT^ arfrTi" as RTT^ FT^T or RTm ^jf^ (I 

left the town and set out for the forest). 

Those belonging to type b.) are such as ^H^FT^ - ! (having 

a horse's face), Pane. 71 flsftoRrt SfRf^TI^RPjqT^ 
57t«^®||^'' (Sanj. meditates of doing harm to Your Majesty), 

here 57^5^ = 3T?T r^FT (or ?fl%) S[f%: „ whose 
mind is to do harm." 

Those belonging to type c.) are such as ^TUT'-T^" 
(having one's face cast down), ^■xTFTrr (pregnant), 7^- 
CPTT^T {TsrTT (a king of such a power). Very common are 
those, commencing by^°, fT°, ^ : °, as Wtt' (having no 
sons), WX^> (having a good son or good sons). 

Type a.) and c.) are much more common than type b). 



168 § 224. 

224. Examples of bahuvrihis. Type a.) Nala 1, 5 

(now the days are appearing with a mild sun, much fog and a 
sharp cold). Hit. 90 sreft umium : (he is of a wicked disposition). 
Pane. 150 fa [sc. art^rr].... 5yrauT mHrT)A.( : M(cri<> nrmrari^ •sdfm 
(the Pulinda fell down lifeless on the earth, having his belly split 
up by the edge of the teeth of the boar). Malav. I, p. 14 -^TrTTi 
tHdlfadcrltfHii l rci facrTlcki (as the minister has finished his lecture 
of the letter, the king looks on him). Pane. 71 M'^^mm^m ScUPT- 
oTTwrrnrrr sum (as it stung my mind, I myself am come to tell 
you of it). 

Nothing impedes, of course, both the subject and the predi- 
cate being concordant substantives. Bhoj. 17 ttsTFP. ^tsisrcfTT csr 
fasrfipfr :TRf (no other kings are successful in their wars but those , 
whose power is a treasury), Pane. 185 pra 1 oimMt ld l> Mchchichiii7om •■ 
nfdowfc ST [the bahuvr. — jrerpr^r ZFfim: q^oil^; » whose attendance 
are many crows"], Dag. 82 ^tidd : cfiirT^irTFTT (a great merchant, 
whose name is Kub.), K. 3, 19, 22 qprisft TD^millsHHsifl - 

Rem. 1. In such bahuvrlhis, as have an adjective behind, that 
adjective does duty of a subst. So f. i. Qak. I ai^wfwr g 17 tin (the 
assembly is for the greater part made up of distinguished people) 
here the bahuvr. — g^jjr ^pTgnT irfwr: »most of which are =gfii=jTrr:," 
Malat. I, p. 2 3i^rwfw im mioiMHH : "the sun has almost risen," 
R. 2, 40, 17 *TirUrHHl<UH l clfcK« l (— saw them mounted, having 
Sita as the third), R. 3, 55, 15 H^?WcFr wj chi£u> ;5TTT (thousand 
men whose main object [qTs^rpr] it i s to carry out my orders). 

Rem. 2. A proper kind of bahuvrlhis are such as a Rich; (having 
a sword in one's hand), a^chua (sobbing, liter. <ione having tears 
in his throat"). In analyzing them, the latter part turns out 
a locative, for iiRjch^: =r itHilfy: ^ ST and ajjjchU cs; =r mai4jf qr 
cFTO sr- For the rest, we have here no exception to the general 
rule on the arrangement of the two members of a bahuvrihi. It is ^f^ 
and g^ which are predicated, not qij nor sfto^", for the intention is 
to say not that M r . so and so has a hand or a throat, but what 



§ 224—225. 169 

it is, he keeps within. T ) R. 3, 51, 9 Sita has the epithet snwreftsFlT 
shaving tears in her eyes." Comp. "Whitney § 1303. 

Eem. 3. In some bahuvrlhis the order of the members is op- p -^ ,£ ' 
tional. One may say promiscuously tiif^Hlf n: and =g M l i^ fT; (one 
who keeps the holy fires) , sTP=mw: or tnr?rrrT: ( one having children). 
Of the kind are ^Hd l d or jtTrRTrT, see M. 5, 58 with Kull., rrrfJTa 
and fiiuiui (fond of sweetmeats) 2 ), R. 2, 119, 5 tr^nr: chgtaikri li (her- 
mits with uplifted pitchers). Participles in °ft must be put behind, 
if the predicate be a weapon, therefore ^sKirT: (with uplifted sword) , 
see vartt. on P. 2, 2, 36. 

Rem. 4. The type a.) of the bahuvrihi in its outer form 
is often identical with a karmadharaya , for the discrepancies in the 
accentuation are not heeded. In practice, one avoids to use as 
bahuvrlhis such compounds as are wont to be karmadharayas , as 
ydsM, qfffr, qrsiT^or, and inversely such as JT^TSHf , sf^^rrT, 3pT- 
qrrq- will not have to be otherwise accepted than as bahuvrihis. 3 ) 
Yet, it often is only the context which will enable the reader 
how to accept a given compound. 
225. T yP e &•)• Pane. 24 chdjfa^ tpE^azPTtroaTRlr t g5TT m \* iC\ g^srfe 



1) Cp. vartt. 4 of Pat. on P. 2, 2, 36. 

2) As to ftrir, Pat. vartt. 2 on P. 2,2, 35 teaches the option. But it 

seems better to explain rnrftTO' as being a tatpurusha, because 1st fer 
may be not only = » beloved," but also = »loving," see Petr. Diet. IV, 
p. 1161 s.v. 1 c), 2ly as P&nini somewhere else [P. 6, 2, 15 sq.J mentions 
some talpurushas in "fira". The same may apply to some of the partici- 
ples in "rT. if not to all. Since cfirT may sometimes have an active signification 
and sometimes a passive one, it is plain we are allowed to compound as 
well the tatpurusha -j) j gld • = lac potus , as the bahuvr. qlrl-cTb : = lacte poto. 
Comp. what has been said p. 157 N. 2. 

Pane. 283 affords a specimen of a Mud of compounds, in which two types are 
confounded: cblR-^l||fSic*il *wyRu.ii^)rlol<^-ll, here the author seems 
to have blended promiscuously two bahuvrihis i-liylMUioldJTT and 11^1 riqf- 
Mfqujl , either of which would have sufficed. Comp. Hariv. 5814 

3) See Cappellek Vamana's Stilregeln: Kavyasamaya 7 and 8. 



170 § 225, 225*. 

gjTTT, here jirairrn' i s the epithet of one ywho accepts wages from 
both parties," KatMs. 72, 186 ^r &vg^t j fTJff%fra3OTl(two siddhas, 
who bore the shape of flamingos), Malav. I, p. 24 ctT i fS i cht HrfairaT 
(K. wearing the dress of an ascetic). 

Eem. Comparison is sometimes expressed by them, as E. 3, 69, 43 
3iT HiSff onsrvrccFK&fT (who are you , whose shoulders are like those of a 
bull?). E. 5, 17, 10 Eaxasawomen bear the epithet HsTlft^u<4l<i : (with 
the feet of elephants, camels and horses). — But also by type 
*■) as TWterSTNFT: (having lotus-eyes), tWH-i ; (moon-faced). 
225*. Type c.) Prabodh. V, p. 103 ^srt nmoHdmi * mmkHifrt (the 
queen does not comfort me, who am in such a state), Pane. I, 137 
SRT'.snf: JTpJrfayraFr ps!Ti^(a kingdom is upheld by pithy mi- 
nisters), Eumaras. 3, 14 the gods bear the epithet ji=iP^6l : (whose 
adversaries are mighty). — Apart from the very common employ- 
ment of g-, e, 5;: as the predicate in bahuvrihis, several particles and 
prepositions may be used so, as 3H, f^;, fir, sgfn, ^sf e t c -> as -Tl)M 
(sapless), i^fSn : »one with folded hands," Eagh. 2, 74 ii{qr<4rllchM _ 
(a flagged town), Dag. 137 3373^: (with uplifted weapon), Harsha 9 
rT^fBfqcFjsr: (a leafless tree), Bhoj. 8 laiimqchh'i ^tott frmT. 

Eem. Compounding with g- , ^° and the like has the same 
power, as English - ful , similarly English - less is expressed by 
compounds, beginning with =*", fq- : °, fir , f!nTfT°, drV etc. 1 ). 

1) Patanjali enumerates alao different species of bahuvrihis : a) those, 
the members of which are samanadhikarana as m^ji, b) the former part 
of which is an avyaya, as qrgirw, c) whose former part is a locative 
or something compared as *IJ6*M, 3ET<pr, d) where it is a gen. generis or a 
gen. materiae as chUixU (with one's hair tied up, liter. » [bearing] a knot 
of hair"), WollllWj-l) (wearing golden ornaments), e) whose former part 
is one of the gana ETTSTT: [P. 1,4, 58] as crqrrr (unleaved), f) negation -|- 
noun, as gtrg\ In the case of c) an ellipsis is stated of a middle ele- 
ment , cfilibchM representing ^TtTS'OT: chl^rtUsr and i<am^ being = s&rt- 

A *J A >i 

Wfsfer ^PTOT. As to e) and /) Patanjali states the option between saying 

i n full yufdrlMUU ^5T: and the abridgment gcrcrrr apfi:, likewise between 

tlfoWHMJ-Wr: and Wtt;. Cp. f. i. Dag. 35 atrial I mtril'eH riim-c^n with ibid. 

176 STT 3£<sll&WlolM; here the full 3"£rT°sfNrc and the short iAol l WT 

are synonymous. 



§ 226—227. 171 

226. As bahuvrlhis of three and more members are excessively fre- 
huwftus*" <l uen t> we W M adduce some instances of them. 

1. the subject is a compound. Pane. 322 r a?h l' ^li ich<U t (abstaining 
from taking food) here the subject of the bahuvr. is OTfirfeTT , 
a tatpurusha; Var. Yog. 1, 8 -gifgrife l H^ l ^Tt HBrffT (he loses his wealth 
and his kingdom) here the subj. is a dvandva y^rn%- »wealth and 
kingdom;" Dag. 78 a Jaina monk is thus qualified gqFtafiTQ?T<T3f: 
UsMchUMssHca gT: HchfeyHTdlf^tim TfTcr-w: (v. a. covered with dust and 
mud, enduring a heavy pain by pulling out his hair, suffering 
very much from hunger, thirst and the like) here the subjects of 
the three bahuvr. are respectively the dvandva n<?\ujrf , the tatp. 
chUI<rl3d-iatim aa d tbe tatp. ^r fciqiMlfdci :wt and of them the two 
tatpurushas are themselves made up of more than two themes, 
as it is the compound ehUM3dH which qualifies 5rzrr> aQ d similarly 
the compound g jRmmil^ y which is the cause of gj^jpr. 

2. the predicate is a compound. — Instances of this category 
are very often met v^ith, especially such bahuvrlhis as exhibit 
this type: qualifying noun-case _[_ adjective or participle _)- sub- 
stantive. Pane. 42 rTSrrf rriJd^yUj: = H^T fa^cSRTJTf^ zrer ?T ; Kathas. 
72, 180 mn i chHrmfilcfr rrr T^tff^T) here the bahuvr. is to be analyzed 
5T§rar vTrPTT: fefim mri m [T^pjfo]- But also other types, as: Mudr. 
Ill, p. 124 vultures (nyr.) have the epithet gffiSr &chinM-id i:, here the 
analysis is nm £terf fikchmm <raT:, the predicate, therefore, is an 
adjective-dvandva (208). Qak. VII a curse is said to be ^^ Jk- 

3. both subject and predicate are compounds. Kad. I, p. 46 ftw 

faa , 5a (5)MrichyiT,jq i ja ifriT gr cftm=hfachsiifH yfnayPd w (crowds of 

parrots and [other] birds were dwelling there, building confi- 
dently thousand(s) of nests), here fBra»<-4f§qi%H is the predicate 
and chcrumH^a the subject of the bahuvrihi , the analysis of which 
is of course mr fBr?fw f§r(ftdiR [ iT] *^iyi^rt y^ifili [ sftL 

227. In the case ol non-compound words, adjectives car- 
rying the notion of having , possessing , as is taught in 
Sanskrit etymology, may be made by putting some 



172 § 227—228. 

suffixes, derivative suffixe as of FT, "SRT, "TO, "Trf, "IHetc. 

denoting, *\ *v' ' \ ' \ -s 

possession to ^ subgtantive j as 5^^ ( fi er y), jj^ (having 
"^t- a son) and the like. Of these suffixes , °3[*T is very common 1 ). 

Kathas. 24, 9 foflfl cfrtr^ft frar: <a3Jft -didiHjrU^H (a divine person P. 5, 2, 

' V o ^••^ \ o -^ -tog 

descended wearing a diadem , earrings and a sword) , cp. E. 3, 50, 21. 
They may also be put to dvandvas. Mhbh. 1, 126, 21 dj. l Q4) (wea- 
ring tresses and a deer-skin), Pat. I, p. 1 qi»jMi^dchchi^l5ti i fiiHi 

ytlrtiifi Horfff sr [mlstsg;:. 
sometimes Now, sometimes, these suffixes are added even then, if they 
to bahu- are ' n no "way 8 necessary for the understanding. So E. 3, 15, 11 

vrthis. q^, ^ , finpfe fffr. ttjjt qf^tjft (a pond charming by its sweet 

scented lotuses), likewise Pane. 53 the weaver, who has assumed 
the attributes of Vishnu , is said to be QmiRtQrf : — lamr i fiui|i - 
■fenr:, Bhoj. 2 a brahman is said y chert fSNMiHUdM = ychtfiy (Swim 
-tj i rufm ?raf:- I n these cases no suffix was required , for the bahu. 
r vrihis y^(I|j|,y, fduu fe^ , ^chcHQt'MM igiT would be quite regular 
and plain. Compare Pane. I, 46 yoiuiqfwH I msft — Ho i u'mwi <roft. 
This rather pleonastic idiom is especially used in some standing 

compounds. Grammarians teach and practice confirms °Tq- being 

■ 
132. 



readily added to compounds in "grtHT, "siraT, "nmx, Vt, "sfWr, °5rnf. P ' 5,2 ' 



Typical compounds. 
228. So I call such compounds whose latter element is 

Typical 

com- almost used in a typical sense, which is more or less 

pounds. 

remote from their primitive meaning. By them the 
great importance of compounding for Sanskrit com- 
position appears best. Such among them, as are 
fit for periphrasing case-relations, have already been 
dealt with in Chapter IX, especially 188—196. Of 
the others the most remarkable are: 1. those in 5IT[T> 



1) See P. 5, 2, 115; 116; 128 with the varttikas on them. 



§ 228—220. 173 

°?A\ *t|, °^TT^^T, "STHTrT, which are expressive of „and so 
on," 2. those in ^ I T and JX^T^' which may serve 
to make adverbs of manner, 3. those in QcT= s formerly — ," 
4. those in ° r TT^ I T, which does duty of a limitative par- 

-■— ■■- - *"' N 

tide, ^Hll^^J being nearly the same as c(T3T^", 5. 

those in °5R5*T, /^2£T, °^JH c 5TT?T,to express ^nearly, 

almost," 6. those in °i?7T, ifl^T may be rendered by „na- 

mely," 7. those in ''^FrT^T, when having the worth 
of „some" or „other." And soon. 

229. To give a fuller account of them, we will treat of them se- 
STfij; parately. 

etc. ^ Those in 'Wl;), *ilf^*, Vra, Vfffi' are bahuvrihis , meaning 

properly »the beginning of which is — ," as is still plain f. i. in 
M. 1, 50 ^Ht^ri l W nrTdY dfoNl : (the existences, at the head of which 
stands Brahma, end here). Commonly they are expressive of »etc. ; 
and the like." Pane. 8 ircfrp-f^chRhiil 5j qlrHnf(<cM ; qj l ^ch^ (he per- 
formed in his honour all the funeral rites, viz. the vrshotsarga 
etc.), Hit. 123 ^di/ioi '^Tf^ «yi^<R fferfTT^(hestow on them presents 
of the king's favour, gold, clothes and so on), Pane. 62 gir cn^cr- 
gr^TSWrTJrai' qcF^: (all [aquatic animals], fishes, tortoises etc. — ). 
In these examples the compounds are adjectives , but often they are 
used as substantives too [see note 1 on p, 165], as Bhoj. 64 #^i|Ej 
srTjjrorar: i Fsnq=r srar^ srter **j ui^dln i [d.fasT%rafr wmx hoi^im^i^ 
^srri: eihcft: » Pane. 27 ^rcravffr trappy 3. i(£* fsrasr wrfe (from to-day it 
is you by whom favour, punishment, etc. are to be administered.) 
2. "trcf, 2. When adjectives, those in °qn and Vp?TT may have the 

Vr:STTV same purport as those in Vrfs; etc. Pane. 20 oLi i fej^l(gdchU| :^T: 
g^ (all of them, tigers, panters, wolves and the rest). When 
adverbs , the latter member is almost meaningless : jftfanBr UTOrT = 
wftffT UTOH- Hit. 7 <tct sr^Ml-lM { ;^f M^i^w r MHdi ^ (respectfully he 
gave qver his sons to him). 



174 § 229. 

3 -Wrltra 3. Those in qg- may also signify j having been formerly so and 
and the g0 " b u t now being so no more: aifedijoi : jone who once has been 

like. ~*» c» 

rich," wro?: (of old). N. 1, 13 ^ cfrf%T£ |^°rf (never seen before), 
Qak. VI ^oJHfcgdrH^ddi J^fe UI*tMI (indeed, I once have wedded 
secretly the Lady Qak.) '). 
«) ° HW ' 4. «) Compounds in rrrar are bahuvrihis , used as substantives 
of the neuter, and properly ha\e the meaning »the exact measure 
(trw) of which is — ." Tet , as a rule they are used as if their 
latter member were some limitative particle and "VraT may be trans- 
lated by abut, only." Prabodh. I, p. 13 Pchd4/*?im;HHrl (it is but a vain 
rumour), Pane. 192 gfrsft £r d 14) M Mil ft M^lilra ^r chl^B (nobody will 
make you his friend only on account of your voice), E. 3, 71, 22 ni^-HM 
FT slHlfi ^r f^ iTOT T=5m\- This translation, however, does not suit 
all instances. Sometimes " h i jh signifies, that the whole class is 
meant, not single individuals belonging to it. Pat. I, p. 242 gr i^iull 
t\ ^dau: g^r r- trcrfnr srr^nimT? ^ ^tm y{ wisf =5 =r <rtaw (since it 
is said: »one may not hurt a brahman, nor drink strong liquor" , 
one does not hurt anybody, that is named brahman, nor drinks 
anything, to which the appellation » strong liquor" is applicable). 
Comm. on R. 2, 12, 100 i°mitZT3Xl £CT ^TrtT ST^FFT tJUjH H<fd (the 
king seeing the foul conduct of K., by his sorrow chides the whole 
°srm^ feminine sex). — In this meaning VlrPT is almost synonymous , as 
Dae. 22 ^u")q.-itH l f^ i <shi|rilH^cr| iifT (he obtained the cauda , the upa- 
nayana , in short the whole set of sacraments), Bhoj. 62 tm^tdfcl 

chlUllil ufeclsllrWRH HrMd S^T grfETHTt 3?fPT; 

/3) Adjectt. ^ ° ing . j s a i g0 p U t ^ participles; then it is an adjective and 
signifies »as soon as — ." Pane. Ill, 3 aiHHM sn| JT5FT =raH (one must 
abate a foe , as soon as he has arisen), ibid. p. 58 wisnrr HU in UN 
^HiTT^f apim: mvx:, Kathas. 36, 111, etc. 

Rem. The adjectival employment of those in °in=r is however 



in "TRf. 



1 ) One is wont to analyze iMMd: by orsr ITrT: and so on, see f. i. Kac.on P. 
5, 3, 53, but that analysis does not give a satisfactory account of the nature of 
the compound. If the adverb era - were compounded with the noun JjfT, one 
would expect qsrUFT in the same way , as f. i. M. 9, 267 <JdH*s*>i l:» people who 
have formerly been thieves." 



§ 229. 175 

not restricted to the case that the former member is a participle. 

See but Pane. II, 95 ^im^Ni ^ f%5T ff sprf^TTi. • • ^Ti (poor people 

do but bear the name of men, as they are of no use whatsoever). 

5 - °gf5T> 5. »Almost, nearly, like" is signified by "Wcr, °zw, "zyxter, °wm, 

\uTiy? which have almost got the nature of pure formal suffixes, and, 

°crra'- indeed, the former three are taught as such by Panini (5, 3, 67). Of 
them, those in "spr^g and °qnr are the most frequent. E. 3, 16, 39 
dic ^ MM Hch^ l Pl (speech like ambrosia), Kumaras. 3, 14 cftrt FsraT 
=T: tlfH<-Hcfrg<JH (you have nearly engaged yourself to do our affair), 
Kathas. 6, 51 ^frr, cFrfMjrgsrt Q^uuiui 5Rf%H^ (some Samavedin 
was thus addressed by somebody like a rake), Malat. IX, p. 149 
Cof q tid fa rttiui o r ^: U cU I U. I T (in this manner all my hope is almost 
gone), Pane. 202 tj chmifSHUlJ £"sr JTrT: (gone to a country, where 
a good deal of the paddy was ripe), Dag. 78 feqw wi M fcti^WdrH 
(this way of unrighteousness, full of deception). Those in Vrcr 
are, indeed, bahuvrihis, to be analyzed thus: »the greater part 
of which is — ," just as those in °^^q properly are — » the man- 
ner or mode of which is — .'-' 

6. a =^. 6. Those in °%q are likewise adjectives. As ^qrr means not only 
» shape, form" in general, but also »a beautiful shape, a beauty," 
so the bahuvrihis ending in it admit of either acceptation. Panini 
(5, 3, 66) mentions the latter, when teaching such compounds 
as sTPsrorgT: i iHirlilW to be praise-denoting. 1 ) But, in practice, 
those in °^q- are not often met with in this meaning, by far 
oftener they are employed for the sake of qualifying some general 
kind by describing its species. Then we may often translate them 
by means of »f. i. ; viz." Instances are chiefly found in commen- 
taries and the like. Say. on Ait. Br. 2, 37, 1 [p. 272 ed. Aufrecht] 



1) Panini speaks of °=jcr as of a taddhita. Kay. when commenting on 
our sutra shows °*%$ to be used to signify the highest pitch of a quality, as 
a tM^ qfcfr n: qcTTO^T a7T ferffT- Blame , inversely , is expressed by 
compounds in "qror (P. 5, 3, 47), as in this verse of Bhojapr. (p. 7) ^ruifh jft 
:t 3TI7T ^ itrtV UrtPTTSraT! (the attendant, who does not exert himself, 
when ordered by his master, is a bad attendant). 



176 § 229-230. 

7. "g'Srfif- 7 - Bahuvrihis in "gsrfv (limit) may be synonymous of ztrsfrJ in 
both of its acceptations (169 with. Eem.). See f. i. Kathas. 4, 100 
Urdiun i dnj (till I shall have come back); 52, 146. 

S.^HSTCT- 8 - Tatpurushas in °fegta, when meaning » excellent species," are 
expressive of something »first-rate, excellent." See f. i. Eagh. 2, 7. 

9.°g^". 9. Tatpurushas in "Wrro are often to be rendered by ssome" 
or » other." Properly speaking , hkt^, fasrsn and ^ mean variety, 
species," and as a » variety of something" is » something different", 
the transition of meaning may easily be accounted for. — Malav. 
Ill, p. 60 ijofwi^oi^i-H^qi^l rRWSTrTt (v. a. the lady has changed 
her former attitude to another), Pane. I, 132 surrsiutii^ wzt ^trT3" 
^o| | £o|M> (the fruit of good and evil deeds comes instantly , when 
from the king, but in some other existence, when from Destiny), 
ibid. p. 83 tftuwlii <sMMi qwi 357 =7 sr^jirr i jMidMJ fsnwi h r^t 
ErfSfT (one cannot dwell among wicked people, for they will hurt 
you by some means or other). The proper meaning of "sg^rnr is 
not rarely transparent, as in the example quoted first. Likewise 
Pane. 248 irnfowrfe^tmrra, Pane. 205 zioEr fafmM^ srere miulR 
(I do not hear distinctly, of what kind of things you speak). 

10. °farfv- 10. Tatpurushas in "fgrfv: may denote, that the action spoken 

of is done »in due form." Pane. I, 335 t^HlSlfeH i jhumh m^\n, 

Dag. 80 fT5TTT^ .SrUij^ujoi^lalyijcti^cwJin his house I gave a stylish 
dinner). 

This list may be easily enlarged. 

Final observations. 

230. Any Sanskrit compound belongs to one of the great 
classes mentioned before. Now , as not only the members 
of a compound but even their constituent elements 
may be compounds themselves , hence arises an almost 
unlimited freedom of enlarging compounds by taking 
up into them all sorts of nouns or adverbs serving to 
qualify the whole of the compound or part of it. In 
this way, very large and very intricate compounds are 



§ 230—231. 177 

intricate available , and in fact they often occur , albeit that the 

ompounds- •> ' 

field of combinations and images is in some degree limited 
by conventional usage and by the examples of the best 
authors. For the rest the frequency and the nature of 
those intricate and bulky compounds will much depend 
on the style of the literary work. It requires , there- 
fore, a good deal of training to catch forthwith the 
purport of many an intricate compound. 

A few instances will suffice. Kadamb. I, p. 15 the king, it is 
said, saw a lady ^Rjh^ Jjmw^^W MJ-KWW fori 4)*h i fad ^f?fa^ >'Who 
was like Eati, stained by the smoke of Kama burning by the 
fire of angry Qiva," for when analyzing the complex, we get 
*(mhui ^w ^hiuhh 4.<frU-iHm q<HUi Err yjrteijw^ MRH4)<£di*jj ap- 
parently a tatpurusha, the former member of which is also a 
tatpurusha the former member of which is also a tatp. and so 
on. Now a bahuvrihi. In the same Kad. (p. 39) a forest a| up bears 
the epithet ^ciyrifaRlHUH Rch^iMlHR^Hist^^si^sijvT^fv^ [y*McH^ 
(where the roots [of the trees] had been moistened by the abund- 
ant blood of the army of the Baxasas killed by the shots of 
the crowd of sharp arrows [discharged] by the son of Dagaratha), 
here jtsw is the subj. of the bahuvrihi, the preceding complex 
being its predicate, an intricate tatpurusha, as it is thus to be 
analyzed ^qm ^ttot fafgld HI UI(IUli R*(HI Pmiridl^^H ^wt^TOTt 
snsr 7m sr^T ^fy^UT f%aw. This whole clause is comprehended 
within one compound. And so often. 

231. Case-nouns standing outside the compound are very 

Case ." often to be construed with it or with one of its mem- 
nouns 

standing k erS- This is but consistent with the whole spirit , which 

itside the 

mpound, pervades- Sanskrit composition. A great liberty is left 

it to be r . 

mstruea to the speaker to prefer either a rather synthetical 
or a rather analytical mode of expression. He has the 
opportunity of enlarging compounds by making enter 
within them any noun or adverb serving to qualify the 

12 



178 § 231—232. 

whole or any part of it. But on the other hand nothing 
compels him to do so. The qualifying noun may as 
well he a self-existent word having its own noun- 
case. ■) So gak. V f^Wfr frl~|^td*l(U?I51TffR: 
(dwelling in the forests on the slope of mount 
Himavan), here |<^*-)c|rl I M^J stands outside the com- 
pound as to its form, but belongs to it by its 
meaning , as it qualifies the member -i^rM^I- Pane. 42 

a weaver returns home to his wife , mrtcT chufriiqim (TCIT: ^iHIMoii^ i 
» having heard evil report on her account;" when using a mere 
analytical expression, the author of the Pancatantra would have 
said iron aHoil< 3jforr or ^ frerr aqdk. etc., when a mere syn- 
Ihetical one ^irlrl^Md l^ :, hut he has here availed himself of a mixed 
idiom. — Malav. V, p. 140 smr: Miam Urtl l ormd : (S., who had the 
horse brought back by his grand-son) ; Kumaras. I, 37 6HHHI ^sr- 

^HifH^ [mm] ^Hj here ^H l o i ril qualifies a^u the former 

member of the compound; Mahav. I, p. 6 ached I quagl-gH i aTl chidri , 
here uchrdi also is intimately connected with the compound. These 
few examples will suffice , as the idiom is met with on almost every 
page of Sanskrit. 
232. By this equivalence, and to a certain extent also , promiscuous - 
ness of analytical and synthetical expression it is also explained that 
there must be some freedom in using the so called figure of 
ellipsis even in compounds. Nala 1, 13 the beauty of Damayanti 
is said to surpass that of all other women , even of time past, ^. . . . . 

d l d>lMolri) chfarl dfcHolfadl 5TFTT, here srfT is of course = 4Uri<4df. 

By a similar abridgment Malav. V, p. 137 moon and sun are named 
aTtril &m f^i i UN »the hot- and the cold-rayed 2)." 



1) I wonder, what reasons may have induced Whitney (§ 1316) to 
speak of this idiom as something irregular. On the contrary, nothing 
can be more regular. 

2) A striking example is afforded by R. 3, 20, 12, if 1 am right reading 
there ^rsremrT t*J<0m i 3^orf? §H5R3T sftF^Ti t^mu i d : i M^Hcim fft^T 



§ 233. 179 

SECTION III. 

ON THE DIFFERENT CLASSES OF NOUNS AND 
PRONOUNS. 



Chapt. I. Substantive. Adjective. Adverb. 

233. In ancient languages the difference between adjective 
tndtX and substantive is generally not so strongly marked 
stantive. as m m0( j ern oneS- g especially in Sanskrit. Both 
classes of nouns have the same declension, and a great 
number of them have sometimes an adjectival mean- 
ing, sometimes they are substantives. They are 
only different as to their gender, substantives being 
nouns of one gender, but adjectives of three, as they 
must take the gender of the nouns they qualify : ) : 

gj* an*, w w> gj ^ 

Adjectives proper, when used as substantives, may 
be distinguished thus: a) the substantivizing results from 



JT*T y^rhwiVeW I *qm q^THW rZT^mjTHnWl; the Bomb, edition has fCT. 
<£WT°- There is antithesis between the qnrti [in full trrtsrrmisn':] Raxasas 
and Rama qyTTiTTEr:, an d likewise between them £^[qi IshHf:] and Rama 
who was arsqyTsRT;- The tamdhir &rs?iah^%\[{\ Oa , ]g^qjraiT|iTJs admitted 
in the Ramayana, see f. i. 2, 51, 8; 74, 13; 3, 64, 23. 

1) By this way we may account for the fact, that Indian grammar, 
full as it is of accurate and minute observations and of acute and sharp distinc- 
tions, does not possess proper terms expressive of categories of word's 
as common and as indispensable to Western grammar as » adjective" and 
» substantive." The gunavacana of the vernacular grammarians encom- 
passes more than our »adjective"; neither the dravyani nor the jalayas are 
the exact equivalent of our » substantives". The term vifeshana, used by 
Panini himself, comprises both the apposition and the attributive adjec- 
tive. The only term adopted to point out the adjective as such is ^m Qfc^n 
»noun of three genders." 



180 § 233—234. 

the ellipsis of the concordant subst., as STTrTT' [viz. ?TFT!] 

„cold water," qfeTFTT: [viz. ^TTH „grey hairs;" £)they 
are substantives when having got some special meaning, as 
rT*T adj. „thin," subst. fern. „body;"^|^" adj. „brown," 
subst. masc. „lion; monkey; Indra; Vishnu;" c) 
they are used as substantives while retaining their 
general signification, as IMU! when meaning „a-or 

the beloved one," 41^.' „a (the) wicked man." The last 
category is the sole regarding us here, for any adjec- 
tive may in this way turn substantive. The diver- 
sity of the endings for the different genders and 
numbers enables to express by one single word such 
phrases as „a rich man,' 1 „a young woman," „a 
business of weight," resp. %H^4!, FT^UM, H«(»ri. The 
plural of course, if a plurality of things is meant; hence 
FTTkT „that" when = those things, Lat. ea, HSJIUI 

Lat. fausta , sJ«^M multa , etc. 

Like other substantives, the substantivized adjectives may be 
an element in compounds. Hit. 94 ^h^rar ^r chHour *Hot?l ir^T^ra': (one 
must not serve a weak [master], but join a mighty one), ibid. 102 
*M+HH I ri)rilHM^ R (enough of this chiding the past): 

Abstract nouns. 

234. Abstract nouns are much used in Sanskrit composi- 

Abstract ft on# They are partly derivates of verbs , partly of nouns. 

The verbal abstracts are not rarely to be paraphrased 

in translating , especially if the predicate of the sentence 

be made up by them. Then, our language generally 

prefers finite verbs. R. 3, 2, 11 the man-eater says to Roma 



§ 234-235. 181 

TOT rimuuloif ^ srra: Wiu\ ^ (and how is it, that you dwell 
with a woman, being ascets?), Dag. 101 =ggqi H-^ l -d ^rrcr win: ^rft *m ^ 
{ ^MJ I P l"*%Ttr (he took an oath, he would release me, and I, not 
to reveal the secret), ibid. 95 ^^ f| ^^ i ^Jl^mm i ^fari^teiei 
Ud£-m > Mrcch. I, p. 32 q- q«4iJ)mi|^rd<UHtri rTT (the garden-creeper does 
not deserve to be stripped of its flowers) , Mudr. V, p. 180 (Malaya- 

ketu to Eaxasa) T^jr; (TT^T -JHUdimMl^tTTldWtllUli fdttKJriJU^HH^- 

*:rlUHHl ErfEnrwr: srttsIwt ^ =r muvf ^fTfT (sir, it is inconsistent, that 
by purchase from merchants you should have come by precious 
jewels , once worn by my father, especially as they have passed 
into the hands of Candr.). 

235. Of the nominal abstracts the most important are 
those in "rTT, "^R" and °>TT^:, as they may be derived 
of any noun. Of *TJ (weak) the abstract „ weakness" 
is not only TT^T or ^f^TT (see P. 5, 1, 122), but also 
H^rll HJpFT and TJHTsp. Nothing, too,impedes mak- 
ing them of compounds, as 5J^TTFTrTT or "^T or 0> TT3"! 

„the being the child of a set" or ^rjg^pPT (°rTT, "^TT^O 
„the having four mouths " \). Hence the abstracts in 
°FTT and °pFT and their synonyms are a fit means for 
expressing clauses and the like in a concise form , espe- 
cially when attended by a subjective genitive. So ^^rlW 
sSfcLNrMPl 1 ^ = „the fact of N.N.'s being a merchant's 
son," ^^UI^FFPsFTT „the four-facedness of Brahma." 

Here are some examples of this widely used idiom : Pane. I, 222 
cfFJnRrfJrof <pR?T =TFT EFPCT (it is a calamity to be father to a daughter); 



1) The suffixes for making these abstracts are taught by Panini 5, 1, 
119—136. Those in °HT5T are evidently tatpurushas, HT5T meaning »the 
state, the being." For this reason Panini is right not mentioning them. 



182 § 235—237. 

ibid. p. 71 ^y nmm (q^<rich w <H i ( i M i > rTT (I have scrutinized the good 
qualities of P. as well as his vices); Kumaras. I, 48: if animals 
felt shame, the female yaks, it is said, when seeing the beau- 
tiful hair of fair Um& , would have abated their pride of their tails 

gOTcrfcrftrarof (ai(5j<ri ^m: ; Dae. 36 gsr^TFer zmrnr ^raV £w]\% (as 
all were drowned because of the ship's foundering); Pane. 73 FsraTOT 
srfeoTTrSraT-sfi' Tmm: ql^rttrh: (by having him as your friend you 
havfe neglected the whole of your royal duty); Qak. II: king 
Dushyanta, as his presence is wanted at different places at the 
same time , says eftrtjJlPj,j^|roi i ^ iSrtocrf^r ^ *PT: > Utt. II, p. 35 er-. 
farjwnsr. "the density and the being scattered," that is »the re- 
lative density;" Comment. onE. 3, 42, 10q=T H.-m| Jt( (ldmJ l (Hm~ilrd-< 
its;; (*he difference between the words pattana and nagara is this 
that the former does not signify the king's residence, the latter 
does). The last example shows also the fitness of this idiom for 
the sake of explaining and demonstrating. By grasping the dif- 
ferent links of a sentence into one single word, scientific or phi- 
losophical matters may be treated in the very clearest and plain- 
est manner, complex ideas being rendered by complexes of words, 
whereas the relation of the abstract noun with the other words of 
the sentence is sufficiently pointed out by its case-ending. 

236. Some idiomatic employment of the abstracts — chiefly 
^m^ioy- those in °FTT and "(5FT — must be insisted upon. 
Them.° f I- Their accusative with verbs of g o i n g and coming 

^fandis often used to express the passing from one state to 
reaching another , cp. 39. Hitop. 94 i|riHm<HiHi 5rrfFr (even a mighty 

with the *■ 

accus. of an one may become mean), Prabodh. IT, p. 78 quotes the verse srrast: 
"no'™* #f^ ^ 5°TT iTri^T S^rom* (- become helpers), Var. Brh. 2, 17 
^ol^ro i nWT (he becomes an astrologer), Pane, 38 h?;-* mOTora^foT- 
mwn% fnrm graTft (— I will become his disciple), ibid. 62 gp] 
site sM a iHifH (the lake will soon grow dry), Bhoj. 28 a^t srer- 
iTrrrirfrr <h6m)*«j- 

237. II. Their instrumental, may signify in what quality 
somebody or something acts (67). Then it may be 



237. 183 



i 

truinental 



^tein- rendered by means of „as." So Hitop. 103 ^%C^t 
tract'noan n»rt IM<Pl*T 5T*TTrT (let some other heron go with him 
oHnwhatas [his] second), Katn. IV, p. 114 ^rftf fcfO" f^^f^T 

^T^SJrPTT mTT{ (why, my dear, do you behave as 
if you were indifferent even now ?). 

This idiom is much used with verbs of acting- , behaving- , 
being as; knowing-, considering as , taking for; calling- , signi- 
fying as; treating as and many others. Instead of the phrase 
sTT^TTlt pTT sTHTfa FMWTTfaSffCrf^rTfa one may say 
sTI<£l UMH pit sTHTfa etc. 

Examples : KatMs. 26, 8 gjinyTTrraT ferT: (being steersman) ; Pra- 
bodh. IV, p. 81 fror cprrrr: nwt a^Y^Tw yiHdi^Hyi^iiwoiWot (h^Rh: 
(Kama is his chief warrior, it is you we have looked for as his match) ; 
Dae. 76 ^ipjg- jm-. qW reHl^h(d^ (and the glow [of passion], 
which had been loosened from the holy man, [now] shone as 
twilight); Eagh. 14, 40 ^m f| igr; srfgnr ncrtreHlflRdl srfeqfT: PsTTiv: 
(on spotless moon people have thrown earth's shade by way of a spot) ; 
Dag. 112 rrt h =r chfaf^rtl ^pnrr iRt dHift (nobody here knows 
me as swc&) ; ibid. 93 fcraT Rudnfw ri<m (drain i^m<WT: (you cannot 
but denounce me as the person, you have got it from); ibid. 144 
SET- • • • riaoT aiUlroH <Hi|ch<yiiL| rT (she has been destined a wife for you) ; 
ibid. 94 ^ ^oT FTtRsFf rretf{ra H l «iMfd^ aT^JrT (it was the unhappy Arth. 
who was seized as the thief) ; Pat. I, p. 399 when treating of the 
karmadharaya <K du i [d<yH :, says ftvrri qTWW fddRddi usrf^T ronfr 
laOTUTroiR; KatMs. 52, 60 ^ ram m zrfo JT&ppr, Mhbh. 1, 43, 24 



1) The germ of this much used idiom is found already in the Rgveda- 
niantras, in such phrases as g^Udl (instr. = skrt M^&ldU 0- Kgv. 10, 15, 6 
JTT f^fw firT^: #R f%^ft 35" 5W: ^^TfTT cfT^T (do us no injury , fathers , 
on account of any offence, that we, after the manner of men [as heing 
men], may have committed against you). 



184 § 237—240. 

Eem. In the instances quoted the abstracts are ending in °rpjT 
and °farr. But although these suffixes are the most employed ones , 
any other abstract has the same effect. Dag. 15 HcO^ l^chJldMdtTlfc rf- 
=fjVTaFT q 17 eh fell H I ^-1 (I was appointed nurse of the twins, his 
children); Kag. I, p. 16 sorfifH frrfmFreit: *Ht)I*H4I arTfT («»« is used 
as a designation of kinsmen and property); Pat. I, p. 230 >m4l - 
P^uifsr ch< i R=»rtet i H^u i Qdf^wiPi Uorf^r cKwrnzt ^% w qturfni 
qirrf%rfCTTTrn^nT 1 5ER^TT : 5iIIT e^ TOTTfa- For this reason, different ab- 
stracts made from one noun are as a rule promiscuous; compare 
f. i Kathas. 13, 132 ua \ Q\ W ZrHUi ■with. Hit. 97 tjtrm £\ni*i , both 
Tjtrnr and jjirij^ signifying sin the quality of a messenger." 

238. Occasionally — but not often — an ablative will do the same 

Other ,j u ty as the instrumental of 237. E. 3, 6, 10 rd l M l HN qwTtTPW. ••• 
similar * ^ -- 

idioms: aHJirdlHim o | tt^ | J -i: ( — we will address you, Lord, as supplicants), 

cp. Kathas. 72, 165. 
Loca- The locative of the abstracts may also be used so, as K. 
3, 36, 17 grcrr Hr^i4 mi^iwi drch l ff o|thi**w (be informed of the matter, 
which you must perform as my helper on my order). It is espe- 
cially used with verbs of appointing, choosing, designing to some rank 
or dignity. Pane: 26 mrnt d^ chmafd rnrr ijHTfg- PtJ l sia i Pi (— I 
will make [him] your attendant) ; Nala 3, 23 r TOH"Urli| £5T qfrTrir 
sT ytitei 5 (choose one of those devas for your husband) ; Hit. 91 g- 

Note that of abstracts of the feminine gender the ablative and 
locative are not used so , only the instrumental (cp. 102). 

239. The dative of the abstracts with verbs of appointing etc. will 
Dative, occasionally occur. Mhbh. 1, 139, 1 di d) kdia ^iHJH l fel rU Ife'JI Jrtyf&T:) 

Kathas. 38, 153 d c HdlP-HreilU ^Tf ^m- 

Rem. In the ancient liturgical books we met with two datives, 
one of the person and one of the abstract noun, both attending 
on the same verb, especially i^t and gr^rr. Ait. Br. 4, 25, 8 i,*A\u 
lr ^oTT s-uwiilii jy'^iiiy -iifH«^ (the devas did not yield to Indra 
as to the eldest and most excellent [of them]) i ^t ^did; a^qPrf 

ZmU TT STT^STT^TTrTJ rWU MUrTJ rTrTt 5T fT^I 3oTT sUWUlU ^W^lU l fr l W^H 

etc., cp. T. S. 2, 2, 11, 5. Ait. Br. 7, 17, 7 Vicvamitra thus ad- 



§ 239—241. 185 

dresses his sons ^ilPlrH HT $r °g- wmp ^PT i ICT ^wm cRFmcTH 

( — attend on him [Cunahgepha] as your eldest), cp. 7, 18, 8. Note 
the attraction in this idiom. — Op. a similar employment of the loca- 
tive: Ait. Br. 4, 25, 9 ^fw ^TT £ i w iil i sTRH »his kin acknowledge 
his authority." 

Adverbs. 

240. Sanskrit adverbs , as far as they are not old words 
Terb " s of uncertain and forgotten origin — as ^,, 5^5, ttgtt, jtst, 

=Enyw and the like — are noun-cases either distinctly felt 
as such or in some degree petrified. The accusative of 
the neuter singular is as a rule employed, if adjectives 
be wanted to act as adverbs T ) (55). 

Bahuvrihis, like other adjectives, may do duty of adverbs, 

when put in the accus. of the neuter. Dag. 169 grr =sr STfT- 

PlfoiuiN qtjW (and he took no less care for him as for himself); 
Pane. 55 ^fn srSTqi *-lldi| I'radri' ira^rer i-iHH-'l srtsrr^ (as her mother 
spoke thus , the princess lowered her head for fear and shame and 
said) ; Qak. I nW ^-ift^ gjX^rffir scr^t 5^f&: ([the stag] runs on 
casting now and then a look on the chariot so as to cause to turn 
its neck ever so neatly); Acv. Grhy. 1, 9, 1 crrfqTO ^m I fg ; n^r qfrgyrj 
here the first word is an adverb »from his marriage, beginning 
with his marriage." 

When derived from substantives , the adverbs are mostly 
modal instrumentals and ablatives (77 , 104). Dag.l36^i% 
f§ WMimi.im iri ^ H AWlftiMcJj-j, here mrnrm&Ff = » falsely;" R. 3, 61, 20 
f ^nptcd-t » wholly". Likewise ojrfw » alternately ," ^rterm' "jokingly," 
etc., and ablatives, as ^ ih , ^swraTFT. 

241. For the sake of comparison one uses adverbs in ^"FT 
verbs. They may be made of any noun , and are to be rendered 

1) Adverbs are styled fejl l dUmm i P » attributes of verbs." The ace. 
neuter of an adjective , when used adverbially , is named em fdiUlidiuiillNi^ 
see f. i. Kag. on P. 2, 3, 33. 



186 § 241—248. 

by „as" or „like." When paraphrased, they are = U*MI 

or i°l with any noun-case wanted by the context, 

therefore fH^FT may be = fitsc ^ or %^[^q or 

TH^FT^ and so on. — E. 3, 45, 5 gftqg- f^raror M i ffrowRi srjsih [= 
SRjfjcr] (in the shape of a friend , Laxmana , you are like a foe to your 
brother); Mhbh. 1 148, 15 a i -Jl^ i u 4* \ u |g kg laa i m m ^bidH [== grzrr sett] 
(the innocent Pandavas he did burn as if they were his enemies) ; 
Kam. 3, 31 gp^ IpTrrr: SRT I 3>lrilol^<sWmcMd*l H|?sR^ [= ScfiTT ^ST 

and 3ffT7irRfe-]; Mhbh. 1, 159, 4 rrpar Mdd^^l [= jp^ar] (P ass over 
by me as if by a vessel) ; Hit. 10 mHorftTTTTTisr i|)f, sum rrT l feo i rt 
jj|fMdf<Hd^ FTET zr. qwfH ST qiuiH : (h e wn0 looks on the wife of another 
as on his mother, on the goods of another as on clay, on all cre- 
atures as on himself, such one is a wise man). 

Eem. 1. Compare with them Latin adverbs as regaliter, when 

meaning »kingly, like a king." Mhbh. 1, 145, 1 trnrjon: iftarer 

qTsfr snj? j iHoM (suppliciter). 

Eem. 2. Like other compounds , the adverbs in 5TFT may have 
their former member standing in construction with some other 
word outside the compound. Pane. I, 260 ^rfftiTwr ^TTST znfh a^r 

<Jrl^olr^= JmT cTgT "Jrl^) arfrf- 

242. Adverbs in °sr; involve the dissolution of a whole into many 
parts. Malat. "VIII, p. 135 ^asr ^rt EWu s-. m^m f ch{)fci (I will 
cut her into pieces and cause her to die a miserable death). 

As to those in &rr see 302 E. 

243. Sometimes — but not so often as in Latin and Greek — 

doing" duty adjectives are used , where one might expect adverbs. 

of adverts. Qf the kind are f. i. ferer = Lat. invitus, fe^r (mere). Kathas. 28, 
70 Trm faaw OT fflTTsir (E. disappeared against her will) ; Kathas. 
29, 120 jptt gwrcrffcrTiT cFrrprr Adtr fl fsrfv: (that she did not die, 
the cause thereof was nothing but Destiny, Germ, nur das Schick- 
saT). Likewise others , which in fact serve to qualify the verb, though 
they do formally agree with some substantive (31, V). E. 3, 60, 25qtr 
tsr?TW: 5fi*T!TCor (tell it me confidentially), M. 3, 101 Fjtrrrfr t jJH^A 



para 
tive 



§ 243—245. 187 

5ITO =5rra!f =g SFjrfTT (grass, earth, water, and fourthly, friendly speech). 
Compare these more instances, taken from the ancient language : Ait. 
Br. 1, 7, 13 STTJTTirfiiffr nirfSr (finally he worships Aditi), Oh. Up. 
6, 6 h 3KT; ^g^hsrfH (it rises upwards), Acv. Grhy. 1, 11, 5 33;^ 
HtiRi (they lead [the victim] to the north. 

Degrees of comparison. 

244. Of two persons or things , possessing the same quality , 
" the comparative is to point out that which is en- 57. ' 

dowed with the higher degree of it: ^TT^FT^TrrO'T ! (the 

better of these two), cl^T I^FT ^"fi^FT! (words , sweeter 
than honey). Even if the person or thing compared with , 
be implied, not expressed , the comparative may be used. 
We then translate it by „ tolerably, rather')." Dag. 159 

flrfr-s <y<T)uw I chM-l -jy%\ ferrf^ y=WUci (not very long hereafter — ), 
Prabodh. II, p. 30 jtot g pi^u'D fersrfq' trrflirrrrT (I have abandoned my 
wife, though I loved her very much), Pane. 35 fT^FSTT faj-cHch ; m ^ jdi 
rjtjol ^ (after hearing this , P. addressed him in a rather respectful 
manner). — Occasionally the comparative may even express »too." 
Mhbh. I (Paushyaparva) Upamanyu, when asked by his master 
why he looks fat though every opportunity of getting food has 
been intercepted to him, answers he has drunk the foam, given 
back by the calves after having drunk the milk of their mothers. 
But even that livelihood displeases his spiritual teacher, for jm 

rolc^-lch^-MUl JTTTToRft 5TRTT'. tffjTflf ^3^" ^ ' rK.lwft okMMI d-uq(ltf 

gn^-fir (these virtuous calves give back too much foam, for pity 
on you, for this reason you prevent also their being fed). 

245. The superlative expresses not only the „ highest" but 
f, u t P^ r " also a „very high" degree, just as in Latin and Greek. 

crilMTS?" may be sometimes = very bad, sometimes = the 
worst. When denoting the highest degree, there is ge- 



lative. 



1) Cp. Vdmana's Stilregeln by Cappeleeb, ch. Qabdacuddhi, s. 62. 



188 § 246—248. 

nerally some word added , as FF^FT, cTT^R - etc. Mhbh. 

1, 143, 3 ^ WUsV yH^W^Ttlfl^rPfl" jf^T (this great 
assembly is the most pleasing on earth). But for the rest 
it signifies excellency among three or more, the com- 
parative being destined for denoting it between two. 
Of two brothers one is thesUIMM, the other c hMIMM' 
of more one the s%W>, another the *M&:. 

246. Tet carelessness in the employment of comparative and super- 
Careless- i a tive is not rare in Sanskrit. a ) Sometimes the comparative is used 
ness in x 

their em- instead of the superlative. Pat. I, p. 77 trjrr fTpir sj^isi u^yHc^MM™^ 

m ' Udrtiii" >T sW: T^V ■sjt ^ mam sir q *41diRfn — instead of ct,R«:. 
Pane. I, 408 it is said that of the shadgunya the danda is the 
worst expedient , here ve find '-nqim-i , not trrfw:, ibid. p. 305 among 
four individuals one is said the ^HVHJ : 2 ). 

Sometimes again the superlative is used instead of the com- . 
parative. Kathas. 43, 23 of two brothers one calls himself chP'# , 
and his brother &W- Pane. 113 snwnrircnpRrTirer I dPmiH : (a 
mischief of either king or minister). Cp. ibid. V, 36 Qmm srfe- 
frTiq i (judgment is better than learning), here the superl. is of 
necessity, as the comp. j=n does not purport the meaning of 
excellency. For a different reason crejrr a superl. as to its form, 
is the equivalent of both sfirst" and »former." So f. i. Malav. II, 
P- 35 sERriTbirTl^MiSiri: *ri(«J rpjJT ntftri <^JW: (of whom of these 
two honourable professors shall we see the performance the first?). 

247. The suffixes °;=rr and °j=[ir may be put even to 'Substantives. 
Instances are scarce in the classic language 3 ). Pane. 326 q- g- ^rsrfer- 



1) Further investigation will decide for how much of that seeming 
irregularity we are indebted to the faults and the Bloth of copyists , and 
how much of it is really good Sanskrit. 

2) As to the form cp. R. 2, 12, 26 i jjj^M^ and Whitney Sanskr. Gram- 
mar^ 473, al. 4. 

3) They are somewhat more frequent in the ancient dialect , see Whitney 
§ 473, al. 1. Classic Sanskrit possesses some, which have a special 
meaning, as «UdH|: (mule), drHd| : (Ragh. 3, 32) »an older calf." 



§ 247-250. 189 

wHMoitfTlga ?T ^T-iHMMUolriH fernrrfya^: (and he [the horse-thief] 
examined all the horses, saw that the raxasa [who had assumed 
the figure of a horse] was the best of them [liter. »the most horse"] 
and mounted him). 

248. The comparative and superlative being wanted to do 
c D omp e ari3on dut J of adverbs , they are put in the accus. of the neu- 

in adverbs. ter) j ugt ag ig done ^^ gjj other adjectives (55). So 

^T: is adverb of ^TH, ST^FFf of VtVFT<, etc. Pat. i, P . 10 

^3 & *dilrj|t;d mwfo: Stls^MJdW^r ("will they, who have studied 
[grammar], apply words the better?) ; Qak. IV itfqf tfar <RiUll qf^&. 

249. Degrees of comparison may be made from undecli- 
nable words; then they end in rTijTfr and "FFfFT as3W- 

FFT^FT (higher). Malav. II, p. 36 nrfmji di M^ 'exceedingly charm- 
ing), cp. P. 1, 2, 35. 
{^dfrlH - Such comparison is made also of forms, belonging to the P ' 5 > 3 ' 
T-pTand finite verb. Instances of comparatives , made from the 3<1 
the like, person of the present not rarely occur in literature. R. 2, 64, 72 
|£TT ^drl ^TiT^ (my spirits almost lower). Prabodh. IV, p. 87 Eh mi) 
5TSTOT smzTJHiT^f =T F5R3TT: (to lose something gained before grieves 
more than having gained nothing at all). Vikram. V, p. 1 78 q-irsr- 

fcirwi i H^ f uiuil fd r isra^(even of an infant-snake the poison is rather 

strong). Eatn. Ill, p. 74 :MufrH(H T; — Kathas. 102, 35 we meeffrnrr 
-put to a 3 d person of the perfect : w^Jj Frnrr. 

Instances of the superlative I do not recollect having met 
with, but they must be or have been not less allowed, as both 
degrees are equally taught by Panini. !). 

250. Than with the comparative is expressed by the abla- 

thrcorapLtive, see 105. But the particles R", •T^, 'TFT, »T3*T: 

rative. 

are also used for that purpose, especially with ^JJ\- 



1 ) Whitney § 473 , al. 3 says that both compar. and superl. of verbal 
forms are » barbarous forms;" for what reason, I do not understand. Is 
it perhaps , because KalvdeLsa wrote barbarous Sanskrit , or because PaNiNi 
did not know well the idioms of his language? 



190 § 250—252. 

Kathas. 29, 113 iWtt £(Vtt cnr: srterftroor: (death is better for me 
than parting ■with my virtue); Pane. 213 dJMHUu ft , ^^TT"T fdfel l rr . (not 
beginning at all is better than ceasing after having commenced); 
ibid. I, 451 nluiHl -sfq' gj sr^ q^fr f<H*l(*: (a wise foe is even 
preferable to a foolish friend '). 

251. A high degree may be expressed also by several other 

Concurrent . , . . . , 

idioms, ex- idiomatic phrases , as : 

YTii'te- L bv "W), V, °l*fa, TO, see 229, 5th inasmuch as 
gree. they are a concurrent idiom of the comparative in one of its meanings : 

2. by putting 5]^° or enrr" before. Pane. I, 191 d-lTTol T^ sUifri 
bi^Rt^i (slander being rather manifold in the world); E. 3, 53, 1 sra- 
chlrMd i' H^.fwrr M^fg rrr; Malav. I, p. 10 some female is said to be 
HAlRilUH ' q^ n(oi-Ti *%• Properly sr^; means » tolerably, nearly" see 
P. 5, 3, 68, qTTT° » exceedingly." 

3. by such phrases as fiftrrfTsrarrpT (liter. » dearer than dear" = 
the very dearest) , M<°llr^H^ ; Mahav. I, p. 21 H3<l i lf?U<UH^ =7: (we are 
exceedingly rejoiced at it) ; Pane. 326 dill^HHJ il-^fri (247). 

4. by putting the word twice, see 252. 

5. by adding %r, see 229, 6 th . 



252. For different reasons a word may be put twice , either 

ra twL a when put two times as a separate word, as J(M > J(M : > 

or when making up some kind of compound , as £T?T^>! S ). 



1) In a well-known passage of the Eitop. (p. I, 3) dlM^is construed 
with pt =sr but not followed by a nomin., as one might expect, but by 
the instrumental : 

The instrum. must be that , which expresses : equivalent to ; exchangeable 
for. » Better is one virtuous son, and [»not to be given up for," that is] out- 
weighing even hundreds of stupid ones; one moon dispels the darkness, out- 
weighing even crowds of stars." Cp. 70. 

2) tj-^frl*tftw and the like are among the examples of the commen- 
taries on P. 5, 3, 67. Cp. 249- 

3) Panini deals with this idiom at the commencement of his eighth 



§ 252. 191 

1. Adjectives may be put twice, the two making but 
one word, in order to signify our „— like," „rather." 
Dag. 149 ^rmTrtwiffi- ^5rmyrT oiT< ~ i fa - Ji u isrrn-fererrarr ^trf?^ (a woman, 
who though [of a] rather thin [aspect] had by divine power not 
too much lost of the brightness of her colour), E. 3, 67, 14 pr gpr- 

^WT srraT sruj-wrfT, Pane. II, 50 ifWffa: S|T mfct n^t fSraqfe 

(in the beginning a foe sneaks along very slowly, as one being 
rather afraid). So rajcR, when = » alone," and ep. such phrases, 
as qspraf ijtojth, yiw'yyif <TKRT (they blossom., they ripen the very 
first) i). Instances of adverbs put twice are not rare, as y$; jpq- ; 
(slowly , by degrees), g^rrf ; (repeatedly) , cr^rw^: (again and again), 
etc. Dag. 172 mi^ — Tr *& snfer^. 

2. In the same way substantives , gerunds , participles 
when put twice, may indicate the non-interruption of 

some time Or action. E. 3, 10, 5 chMchM sr (in uninterrupted 
time), Malav. IV, p. 105 qfa m^\: forerr RejrcTT fFrftosrfft ^TnriH 
(at the very moment she is standing on the path of my looks , p - 8 > *> 



adhyaya (8, 1, 1 — 15). In interpreting sutra 9, the commentaries are 
wrong" accepting it as teaching the formation of the word Ochoh- The 
sutra raj sl^cTlf^olH cannot have this purport; its literal sense is »if a 
unity, [it is] bahuvrihilike." If Panini had meant the word ueffiR, he would 
have written OcMfl , not as he does CcRTjj cp. the constant genitives in 
siitras 5—8. Our sutra refers to the cases, mentioned by s. 
4—8. There the employment is taught of the »two (<£)" spoken of in 
8, 1 , 1. Siitra 9 teaches , how these two are to be accepted , for it says : » [but 
these two may be] one ; then the whole is as if a bahuvrihi" , likewise 
in the case of s. 10. But from s. 11 the unity is as if a karmadharaya. 
Panini's words in 9—11 are: ff#r arioftflorHJ rnmk =ET I chMWI^Ud^W^- 
From the conclusion of Kac. on P.'s sutra 9 I infer that the right inter- 
pretation had been proposed by somebody, but that it has been ob- 
jected to by Patanjali. On the other hand, such forms with distributive 
sense as qSmof: being by necessity instances of the idiom, taught P. 8, 1,4 
afford some evidence for my own acceptation. 

1) See vartt. 7 on P. 8, 1, 12 in the commentary of the Kacika. Cp. 
also P. 8, 1, 13, which teaches to say ytsHMisH and ferfiw. when = »with 
all one's heart." 



192 § 252—254. 

she suddenly disappears), Dag. 95 ^ ^mq^tif: yw^lil HIUMltll: 

cpt: q^r: «muyHR) r HH<pmyim45iMiteii(i.iiiteiV(i. q^JTrcner- 

3^ Moreover, putting a word twice is also often a p -£ *• 
proper means for signifying a distributive sense (rnpsd). 
Instances of this idiom are frequent. Kac. on P. 8. l, 4 

tost: TOT. f^wqin (every man is mortal),Panc.42 q"rq^ jp3Fr?rc^(stambl- 
ing at every footstep), Dag. 99 «^^jjj -ioM<=i i H-i tmrm^lf^T (offer- 
ing [her] always* new presents day after day), ibid. 216 Ertmw (Jiwiy 
(M-caMJiJi tlfiVddPH (every sixth month they lose one single feather); 
E. 2, 91, 53 g oichHch jj^- vmzj- ^q- =?r^ g- rwRTj: (singulos viros 
septenae vel octonae mulieres appetierunt) , Apast. Dh. 1, 13, 18 
eara^ id'oirM^ sj st trrefr y^if^n *imi5*>?i stctft, M. 2, 20 ^ ^f 
^fr=f fsfirTT^ (they must learn every one his own duty). So f^fifr f^% 
(in every region), a^i^ ; (day after day) and so on. This idiom 
is as old as the Vaidik dialect. It is also used of gerunds. Pat. 

1, p. 44 JTOgFiT 3fcpfl7qrff ll-^td. 

Here as a rule the case-endings of the former member remain. 

253. Sanskrit likes juxtaposition of different grammatical 
The type f orms f f^g sam e word or of kindred words. Hence 

manus ma- 

"""ate' ^ e ^P e manus mamm lavat is of course very common 

like. in Sanskrit. Mtcch. I, p. 34 jft j^t <~ui-^ri (pearls string with 
pearls), Vikram. II, p. 31 ff^T HirWtiyi yt-nu dWr; Pat- I, P- 233 
oTRTt aiM^l^tlfd (one cloth covers the other) , Pane. 322 cHl4,-"l 
trorfH (he rambles from forest to forest) , ibid. 267 q^ i rq^fg n-dfarf 
ar mchlfd , Dag. 61 5rf|ttT: <*i^umoitjrtJ (J um P in g from one elephant's 
back on another). 

254. Of a somewhat different nature is the type represented by E. 

2, 12, 8 fjf; 5h=t rlor l IHUI trrq' TFTO^ (what evil has Rama done to 
you, evil-minded woman?); cp. the Greek xxxb$ kxxuc xtt&Koito. 
Here the inclination towards homophony is still more pronounced 
than in the idiom of 253. Compare Mhbh. 1, 145, 14 rli^q i oilf^i : 
M^l^ '. faHi< ' A°lchR»H i i idM (tristes tristis est allocutus oives); Kath&s. 
38, 153 ^|Fm^: FT.... cjrtollp^rolljj qq\ ^jjt. 

It is here not the place to expatiate upon this predilection of 



§ 254—256. 193 

Sanskrit for bringing together words kindred in sound and playing 
with the different meanings inherent to them. Nearly all literary 
documents from the Yedas to our days afford the most ample evi- 
dence of it. For this reason, one must always be prepared to 
have to deal with riddles and the most various kinds of quibbles 
and puns. More information on this subject is to be given by works 
on Sanskrit rhetoric and Sanskrit literature. 

255. It may be of some use to mention here the figure yathdsam- 
Puttingthe khyam 1), as it is employed not rarely and as its nature should be 

thdsam- called rather grammatical than rhetorical. By it a series of sub- 

yam stances named together with a series of attributes or predicates 

are so to be Understood that the first substance is to be construed 

with the first predicate or attribute, the second with the second 

and so on successively. R. 3, 40, 12 ^mf^-gr u"ln<fl *TWT oI^um 

^ I ifiMitl fTOT few ^ ^taf 5TI3" HH4HIMJ yi^Prl i^lrMI-Fl ^MI'-II (the 

kings possess the qualities of the five devas, Agni etc., viz. the 
glow [aushnya] of Agni, the strength [vikrama] of Indra, etc.), 
Apast. Dh. 1, 5, 8 arf^r ^ jt=tot orrsn ^srr srr ^r^q^aTTJTftniTfJrf&- 
qrnfo srr = crf^r =3 ir^mr ychc^y-aiiiyfd stt^tt err h° bt^; ^jgit stt 
$t° g ffifomu'jiri (whatsoever he, desirous to accomplish it, thinks 
in his mind or pronounces in words or looks upon with his eye). 

Chapt. II. Pronouns. 

1. Personal pronouns and their possessives. 

256. The personal pronouns are less used , than in English 
ronounl. and many other modern tongues , as they are often not 

expressed, especially when implied by the personal end- 
ings of the verb (10). Nor are their oblique cases always 
wanted in Sanskrit, when undispensable in English. 
So in this sentence Hit. 24 rTfrr T5~PJ ii-=^ r y <jnhHll°l*Mlsh^ <*nt{- 
irrck HrCTf m^fo, the word qfo^ l iach ' K is at the same time ob- 
ject of mmm, of srnfa, of msfic, it is of course put once, but 



1) I borrow that designation from P. 1, 3., 10, which s. may be compared. 

13 



194 § 256—257. 

the pronouns referring to it are omitted as being easily supplied 
by the mind, whereas the English translator is bound to say »she 
[the cat] reached the young birds, took them to her hole and 
devoured them." Cp. ibid. 96 WT5R7 "ET -rfiW uu i ^j mnm =g [sc. dtjjt] 
rr^, Mhbh. 1, 154, 30 [h[wc3h 5 M i a4) TOirnTrpnTJlrT , where the pro- 
noun nrrq^ though being construed with two verbs is put but once , 

Dae. 152 a| ^ fi=[ qfif^H : fofes^fa 1 ) uPifaPmuu i M * cjsfarr. 
3?tefq- sn^rar: SFrer: I^H^rWU-^ri;, sc. inn, as is plain by the fore- 
going ^r^ij and q. 

Likewise the possessive pronouns may be omitted, 
if there can be no doubt as to the possessor, especially 
of course when referring to the subject. Hit. 7' ?m QnjikHu i: 

257. 1 st and 2 d person. — The short forms of the ace, 
enclitic ge n -> dat. 3 ) are enclitic, and used therefore if there is 
forms. no s j. ress ^. ^ e i a i,j on fa e p ron oun. It is useless to 

give examples of them, as they are met with on almost 

every page. The ace. qr and fofT are hQwever not so frequent 
as the other enclitic forms 4 ). 



1) By a common error the printed text has sg^rfSr. 

2) So was already taught by Patanjali (I, p. 62) n i di") dPHrlcti firrff 

JTT7TT JT5T JTOT f^TTT. 

3) Epic poetry affords sundry instances pointing to the fact, that the 
short forms of the gen. and dat. were once, it seems, available for all 
oblique cases. At least, R. 3, 43, 49 pr is doubtless = fgzrr, and Mhbh. 1, 
230, 15 rr: = aw\Q The former passage runs thus tiun^ ^ H l oUm^iWH 

(you must keep watchful in the hermitage), the latter irr F5T H# 

aRTiff: STrlJJ ^T: Cp. Vdmand's Stilregeln ch. Qabda?uddhi, s. 11. 

4) As rrr and tit, roTT and felt are easily exposed to be confounded in 
manuscripts, it is possible that the enclitical forms have sometimes 
disappeared in our texts, if the following word commenced by a 
consonant. At all events, they seem to occur oftener in the ancient 
dialect than afterwards. 



§ 257—259. 195 

They are of necessity unavailable , if some emphasis of 
the pronoun be wanted. For this reason they are forbidden: 

a) when heading a sentence, or in poetry even a pada, 

b) when immediately after a vocative, which heads the 
sentence , c) when followed by some particles , that give 
them some emphasis, viz. g-, on, f , sif, ^=r. See P. 8, 1, 
18; 20; 24; 72. Mhbh. 1, 229, 24 fsrmr^TT|: cFdmreiini | Pirfef jpt. 
[here joTT would not be allowed]; Kac. on 8,1, 18 r^t ioi fcrto u" N l ' 
5pft Hprraf ^h^Addl [sr: instead of jrwrrejiT cannot be, as it heads 
the pada]; Hit, 110 ^Tsn^; i iffewf aTf n j nx ^UT: |>W not q, ac- 
cording to 6)] ; E. 3, 55, 22 v^st ^xh Trqor ( none but me); Malav. 

I, p. 21 SRWarT: fifcoT m =ET [not: q- g] y^H^d vl<?l i^'ol M^J; 

Rem. According to P. 8, 1, 25 they are also forbidden with verbs 
of seeing , when used in a metaphorical sense. 

258. The plural of the first person may refer either to a plurality 
, el j of speakers at the same time or in most cases to toe — I -\- others 

with myself. Similarly the plural of the 2 d person may be used, 
even when addressing one , for the sake of signifying you and 
others with you. Pane. 258 the monkey, being invited by the makara 
to go with him, declines, for says he sr& oi-HJ I JToq^ar =5 sM i -H 
rrgir (wo monkeys are living in the forest, and your abode is in 
the water). Mhbh. 1, 152, 26 Hidimba says to the single Bhlma- 

sena ^ irRicrr HT3TT fSru-dftiUHl Ttsr spTTcFi^ »I have been sent 

hither by my brother, who is eager to devour the flesh of all 
of you [viz. of your mother, your brothers and yours]." 

259. The pronoun of the 2 d person is used without respect to 
^ and social relations ; the singular i^T is applied to superiors 

"-" as well as to equals and to inferiors. The only case of 
jupt denoting a single individual is mentioned before (24). 

Tet , when addressing in a polite manner, one avails 

one's self of ^J% f. WTJ", plur. *JcpTp, f. m^' - 
being a popular reduction both in form and meaning of 



196 § 259—260. 

*T3T°rR „Lord". Like Spanish Usted, Italian Ella, 
H^IM, though being exponent of the second person , does 
agree with the 3 d person of the verb, therefore Y^\ °h^llr1 
H^FJCH'Grrft), when addressing one, 1% ^Prl H<3t1! 
^GjrU!), when addressing more 1 ). 

Rem. Both modes of expressing the 2<i person, either by the 
pronoun rSPT or by the title ijsn^T may be used promiscuously. It 
is very common to see them used alternately. Pane. 73 Damanaka 
says to the lion ^srer: StWTiTf?)' Hoil^iyi^tHoi HfoHd %r ([the bull] 
Sanj. is an herbivorous animal, but you [hcTPt] and your [fieri 
subjects feed on flesh) ; Kathas. 30, 17 nt^ i dQffe FTT] UTof chakdifimMJ 
Uoirj. . . . wr (T5T- • • • &r^)fri (make her your wife by the Gandhar- 
va-rite , in this way she will become yours). In the first book of 
the Hitopadega (p. 35 of B. K. Vidyaratna's ed.) the sly cat thus 
addresses the blind vulture um i ~w^H< H l PdUoi l Hi raT xfn nQiu i: siif 

5(GRJ JTTTJT UtjJdPH I ^rfr H5n£«ft idyiddTld.Awf*' W iTlrJPj^UIH: [s^?T] , 
as to the plural insirpT, mejti-?t; see 24. 
260. By pointing out UcfPT as the proper term for addressing in a po- 
lite manner, it is by no means said it is the sole, Many other 
titles, such as signify sir, lord, reverend, master are used ac- 
cording to duty, custom, dignity, age. So holy men are duly 
addressed by m i dH , f. WTcTfrr, kings by ^sr; , respectable mer- 
chants and the like by smf:, matrons by -arraf, the wife duly ad- 
dresses her husband by srnro^r;, the charioteer his prince by a i il&HH 
etc. As a rule a greater respect is shown by such titles than by using 
the general term usTPT (vocat. iff;). Another difference is this : they 
may as well denote the 3 d person as the 2* , whereas itsjpt is only 
fit for denoting the 2d person. 

Moreover there are some general terms, made up ofirsnTrpre- 



1) Instances of ITSTPT construed with the 2d person of the verb are 
extremely rare aud the idiom undoubtedly vicious. So Qankh. Grhy. 2, 
2, 8 ST^rarfrHorr^fl;, instead of gisrtjT or ^|rrran» say , you are a brahmacarm: , 



§ 260-262. 197 

ceded by some pronominal prefix, viz. ^iran^, fTWUorm, ^msTFr. 
As stitoTP^ and rRTMBTFr point at Bomebody absent, but the ^WornT 
is always present, so the former two cannot refer but to a 3 cl per- 
son, but ig-giTorFT may denote as well the person spoken of as 
the person addressed. Utt. I, p. 1 the director thus addresses the 
spectators gg- <ptcjt.... smffngrTfe -dititi ifrr i ^d^Ho^r?) fasr^shg, but 
Qak. VII Dushyanta when speaking of Qakuntala says =g?j q-?]Tr=r_ 

261. For the third person Sanskrit does not possess a 

Third r 

person, proper personal pronoun , like our he , she , it. Its duties 
pressed, are discharged by demonstratives. When wanted to be 
emphasized , by ST, ^T^T 5 ?, ^PFfT, otherwise by the obli- 
que cases derived from the pronominal roots 5T, Vi*\, 
^•7, or what is practically the same, iD the ace. by 
^% ^TFT, "$RFT, plur. T£^F{, '^TC, ^"HlPf, in 

the other cases by the forms belonging to ifMH. The 
nomin. is not expressed but with some emphasis. See 274. 

262. The possessive pronouns are relatively less used than 

Possess- ' 

i™ the genitives of the personal ones. One will oftener 

pro- -vr 

nouus. mee t w jth W^ FT*?! , W*m or ^TFFT *T'' (a shashthisamdsa 

216, 1°) than g^JR^feT. 

The difference, which exists in English between my 
and mine, your and yours etc., is not known in Sanskrit; 
^T^^PT or RR QTFRFIi may b.e as well „my book" as „a 

book of mine," also „the book is mine;" RFTtrl^hR" 
of course cannot have the last meaning , for subject and 
predicate are by necessity unfit for being compounded.. 
Kern. 1. Apart from the regular possessives of the 
2 1 person W^Fl and ^GJ^q - , there exists also ^T^fa 



198 § 262—264. 

derived from the polite H^M- Pane. 168 uaftam^Hi^ m?: 

[= IT5TH: STf" Or H5IrMI3°]. 

Rem. 2. The possessive of the 3d person is prefer (if wanted 
nrf^hr), hut here too the genitive of the demonstrative or a shash- 
thisamasa are generally preferred. 

263. The reflexive pronouns ^" and *Ht*iH refer to all 

Reflex- """ • 

Tes persons.— l.^TTFTT, ace. ^rTrfTT^FT, instr. *Hr*-MI etc. 
is the proper equivalent of English myself , yourself , him- 
self, herself, itself, one's self ; ourselves, yourselves, them- 
selves. It is always a masculine and a singular, even 
when referring to a plural or a not-masculine. Properly 

it is a subst. meaning »soul, spirit, individuality" and in this mean- 
ing it has always remained in common use. But even when pro- 
noun, its origin is more or less perceptible. Occasionally it may 
be rendered as well by a pronoun as by a subst. '). 

2. £oT generally — though not always — does duty of 
a possessive; it does denote the subject being possessor 
and may be rendered , according to sense , by my, your, 
his , her, our, their. Often it is compounded with its noun. 

264. Examples of aTrT^r, when a refl. pronoun. — a) 3d per- 
son: Pane. 263 ^gt^H l rM ^rr MMj qtrr; (he himself brought the 
serpent to his dwelling) ; Yar. Tog. 1, 19 mjlju rer ^ri%sr swf 5rcra>i 
tmimi l ~-iMfH{lr^Pl ^oi4)h (if the king be himself not favoured by 
Destiny, he should charge his minister, who is, to destroy his 
enemy) ; Malat. II, p. 38 dHHoi^-ai |T*r ydJlU fort U74Hlr4MM<iU-Htl 
jtrt^h (Vasav., though betrothed by her father to king Sanj., gave 
herself to Udayana); R, 2, 64, 29 FTT trarrriR: wrsi HuRd'T l (both 
of them touched [the body of] their son); Pane. 184 q^^H^id l rMM 
M^lUMi : (they feeling themselves as if they were born again); — 



1) Compare the similar use though less developed of Latin animus, 
W[tM\A foR^irrPT = animum obtecto. Pane. 160 4illr*4l H^tTIsjjtt (I have given 
him my heart = myself). 



§ 264—265. 199 

6) 1 st and 2d person: Hit. 107 airH-l : foiHrchtf rr ^mrarft (why should 
I not elevate my own rank?), Qak. I q- umm^nHH d l ddJHM m41^^ 
(in the meanwhile , let us purify ourselves — ), Qak. IV Htn { *-ll rMM;V sr 
?T*rliMI ror^(by your good actions you have got a husband becom- 
ing to yourself); — c) referring to a general subject: Pane. Ill, 
174 -a; cj^rfFf ^7; q-rq- q- jtcttfitt srar fro: (who does evil, certainly 
does not love himself). 

As appears from the instances quoted , the gen. 9stt?tr: or 577^° 
in compounds are used to denote the reflexive possessive. There 
exists even a possessive ^wri , as Kad. I, 19 ^ijm | f 41^ ; fshiiHM 
(take him [the parrot] as yours). 

Eem. 1. It is plain, that ^sr 23TrTT is said in the same meaning 
as wmx- R- 2, 6, 21 ^tstt] Wott ^k whwm' ji*! jiih -sftw^rffT. 

Eem. 2. The instrum. aii^Hl when added to the reflexive lays 
stress on the fact, that the subject is acting by himself. Mhbh. 
1, 158, 30 rll^lrMH^ i rM^l (help yourself); Pane. 276 ^ sraWrmFT- 
^miril-lT offer (I cannot bear my own self); E. 3, 47, 1 ;JtrTT] <%%■ 
^ I rHHUlriHi (Sita named herself [to her guest]) x ). 

265. Examples of ssr. — a) 3d person: Nala 3, 13 ti i rg<g^Tl 

JWt SlfsR: ?£pt Hsrerr (scorning as if it were at the moon's splendour 
by her own brightness) ; Pane. 230 ^tott mm 3r9T!i teuj^ l Pj/irl ; (then 
at daybreak he rose and went out of his house) ; Qak. I CrnwifecFr- 
rHrarr. STOTTtirPraiq-: ihwsir: etc. (these girls of the hermitage, 
with watering-pots as to suit their size) ; — b) 1st and 2d per- 
son: Pane. Ill, 177 5-g; 551 gft m f tim i m^ (I will dr y U P m V 

body); Hit. 137 atmch o^jftwit tsubtuw-wR §wr hBmjIh (when 
residing abroad it will be hard for us to go to our own country); 
Qak. VI rotrrfg # fSrcrtnrrsra ^ (and you, do your duty without 
fault) ; Vikram. I, p. 2 ^ 5BrR5asrf|Mfsiri5Br Hsrfs: (you are re- 
quested to listen with attention on your seats). 

Yet ?sr is n ot necessarily a possessive. It may also be equi- 
valent to OTfJTT- Hit. 109 ^cjsr ^TsTFT Hmrioll^= *JlrMHl JT ; Pane. 
305 to ssiWfwf sronfir (I will not give him, what I have earned 



1) air^-I T may even stand alone. Kathas. 25, 133 )N$|uj$mr*MI (I will 
go [by] myself); Kumaras. 2, 54. 



200 § 265—267. 

myself), here tePl m ll i rre^— ssrW = OT^-Tlgr ; Schol. on R. 2, 40, 
39 Tj-Tifi" i7Trt| jwri =et ^cPTgnFTT 33ST (R- saw his mother and the 
king following after himself). This idiom is less frequent in classic 
literature than in commentaries and the like l ). Note ^5n=r: »by 
one's self" f. i. KatMs. 34, 56; 37, 49. 

As ^5T may be — a i rHi , it has also a possessive ; viz. ssftzr. Pane. 
162 tefliifijtjqiri^. 

Eem. 1. ^ggf, poss. SoreJWj is a deminutive of 53 and sdptjr as 
to its form , but there is scarcely any difference of meaning. Nala 
5, 40 3*zr ft? TOTcjmf iWf:... snTTT RTT| tei**^, Pane. 233 teichlmfrd 
HTtt^T 5rt[iRra' (it is but your own kin you take regard of). 

Rem. 2. Like Latin suus , ^sr also signifies »one's relations," 
» one's property," 3 ) therefore, toii w . » one's kindred, one's family, 
attendance," saw » one's goods," srawj^ » one's whole property." 

266. As a third reflexive we may consider TRsT „owa," as 
it may not rarely be rendered by the possessive pronoun. 
Pane. 56 the king says to his daughter gsrraff'Ssi mm 'PtsWrrf htot 
IT ma--otim i (idid (you must to day exhort your husband, that he 
may destroy my enemies). Inversely ssr mav a ls° be = *»own:" 
Kathas. 39, 53 isthw qrfer wwfru frrat hftW mm- 

267. The reflexives are not bound to refer exclusively to 
the grammatical subject. In passive sentences they often 
refer to the agent, in clauses and the like to the main 

Subject. Instances hereof have already been given in 264 and 
266, viz. Pane. 263; Pane. Ill, 174; Kad. I, 19; Hit. 137; Vikram. 
I, p. 2. Here are some more: Pane. 24 ^ grfiiq 1 3!fT >WT ziwr 
fa«6iTM ilroilr^llfacrrcrt PhRh:, here tiirmRyia: is of course nmrH~P l 
■sfuETTir: ; R. 2, 11, 22 ai^igtrr ftst jm <**uji ssicrJr ^tt: sc. j,j,«j i orjpj. 
Rem. On the other hand, one may meet with instances of 
pronouns not-reflexive, in such cases as where one might expect 



1) As it is good Sanskrit, it makes doubtful how to explain ^5T in 
such compounds as SoTJT^iT, S5TVT:, whether = S5rer JT^or = Sof JT^JT; 

2) Qfyvatakofa ed. Zachariae, vs. 187 *cTSTS^r 5R[frT Trrt%TTrRTrqW- 



etc. 



§ 267-270. 201 

reflexives. So E. 3, 62, 3 rdnniWa mmfo: OT3UTTf& srf^ h 

[not sgj^ or wtfw.) ; Kathas. 36, 102. 

268. The indeclinable F^FT does nearly the same duty 

5SRTIT T ,. . *" J J 

" as .Latin ipse. It may be added to some other pronoun. Mhbh. 1, 
161, 8 :t Fsr^ oTV4l*l^ teiiWdlr'-M! (nor am I desirous of my own death). 

269. The reciprocal pronouns ^STFZT, ^^T' 4H|H> 
procai have almost assumed the character of adverbs. As a 

pro- ■- 

nouns ; rule , they are used in the ace. of the masc. *WJ l-MH 
"^^ etc. while being applied to every gender and every 
case-relation. Qak. I ^ [mm\ '^w^cW i chad i (the two friends 

look at each other) ; Vikram. I, p. 18 srcftef ^Srf OTH: (they shake 
hands); Pane. 216 ^rsr g- q-rarr g-v ^ r^^W (and in this manner dis- 
cord arose between them); Dag. 151 31ft 5TOJT 5m=ra^r STFjfr- 

^^PTTPTPT ^T (oldUdld (both, either by shame or by confusion, do 
not open their soul to' each other) ; Qank. on Ch. Up. p. 42 sjqr- 
^faHirti STTOrrf^rJfr (the principle of life and the sun are identical 
to one another); Pat. I, p. 426 OTfw^WcFwfJrosr jRidHi uiriftrfim 
sifri'iWMMi *f*JrM(^ sfsRiT u^#r. Op. also Kam. 2, 42; Malav. I, 
p. 24; Kathas. 2, 41 etc. 

Yet they admit also of other case-endings , f. i. Pane. Ill, 200 qTwr- 
JSK iwfftii & =r ^srf^T d^rid i (they who do not observe the weak 
points of each other) ; Harshac, 2 frisri ^J' i -tH.u fsraTcTn md iU SFT (dis- 
putations arose between them). So Nala 5, 32 ftt q iw ) fT; iftcft Nala 
1, 16 the ace. t).-J|,tj^ is depending on the prep, jrfvj. And so on. 
See Kac. on P. 8, 1, 12 vartt. 9 and 10; vartt. 10 teaches the 
optional employment of forms in Vpt, if feminine and neuter 
words are concerned f. i. ^T^m [or "^J ^Sr snfpnra^ — ^ 5*T- 
^rtnrr — iflrwd:- 

The same meaning is carried by the adverb FT^T! 
(mutually), which is not less used. 

2. Demonstratives, Eelatives, Interrogatives. 

270. In ancient language the demonstratives are often 



202 § 270—271. 

Demon- indicating the things they are to point at in a more 

sirsxivcs ; 

general re- significant manner than in modern tongues. For this 

marks. 

reason, when translating from the Sanskrit, it is many 
times indispensable to render demonstrative pronouns 
otherwise, f. i. by the pronoun he, she, it, by the, by 
adverbs {here , there), sometimes even by putting instead 
of them the very noun, they are referring to. In the 
same way, indeed, the demonstratives of Latin and Greek 
must be translated. 

We will dispense here with adducing instances exemplifying 
each of the somewhat freer translations, as have been named. 
It will suffice giving a few samples of Sanskrit demonstr. pro- 
nouns to be rendered by English adverbs. Pane. 204 ift iff ^fq^^ 
.^<sr :7tOHl} HMtefi Wol i£i fffvfn (say, woodcock, here on the river- 
side a holy devotee stands); Yikr. I, p. 15 the king says to his 
charioteer gTT st (T^l^fw^T, (— here is that mountain-top) ; Cak. 
IV Eanva asks » where are Qarngarava and Qaradvata," they answer 
W i afiqft m: (Reverend, here we are). From the Vaidik writings I 
add Ath. V. 1, 29, 5 33-sfr ott «i ii <R,< TFrer erg: (there the sun 
has risen and here has my spell). 

271. Of the four demonstratives, used in classic Sanskrit, 

of employ 6 ^MU 1 ? and 7^ are opposite to H and *Hil. Their diffe- 

tween rent nature is well described by a vernacular gramma- 

them, . 

nan, when pronouncing that ^T is expressive of near- 
ness but ^J^fT of remoteness , and that ^FT implies pre- 
sence but H absence '). Indeed , both T^ and WF{ point 
at something near to the speaker or his time, whereas 



1) See the karika, quoted in a foot-note on p. 188 of QRiitaMAMAYA- 
caeman's edition of Mrcchakatt (Majumdar's series): 

«cL*H*cfJ fSTCT^fS" FT^frT trfHrf 



§ 271. 203 

3ffl\ and $T indicate something remote either by space 
or by time. Therefore, the latter couple may be com- 
pared to Lat. We and iste , Gr. ixeivog , Engl, that, the 

former to Lat. Mc, Greek outos and ote , Engl. this. 

The difference between them will appear better when perusing 
Sanskrit texts, than from instances detached from the context 
they are taken out. Yet, here are several, which may give some 
idea of it. 

1. jm and =g-ijjj. — Vikram. I, p. 14 Pururavas points with his 
hand to Urvaci her attendance: nrrr: sa ys he ^TflTT jt^T FT ?tw: 
TOjf^FT (Lat. hae amicae — ); Nala 3, 4 Indra declares to Nala the 
name of himself and his comrades: a^fi-a) sjprfmr rWoimMni qfH:i. .. . 
grrfazFrfq' MlPSTd (Lat. ego Indrus, hie Agnis etc.). 

2. =gT3rj' and g-. — Nala 3, 2 Nala asks the devas, for what pur- 
pose they wish him to be their messenger eppgrarr OW^; 37T ifer- 
FTiifEfT ^ rl^lr HJJT chld-M , here both =^fr and firT answer to Latin iste; — 
Mudr. II, p. 77 the minister Baxasa, when hearing from his spy 
that the physician, whom he had despatched to empoison king 
Candragupta, had been prevented from performing that plot by 
the vigilance of Canakya, exclaims srs - : wrerT stth a'er 5T ofcr: ^Jr, 
here both g^ff and g- are = Lat. ille. 

3. Examples of this and that in opposition to one another. — Ch. 

Up. 2, 9, 1 fliWlRrWHiylrT rlfwPwiR JHoflfui UdM-ollil-rllR G et 

him meditate on that sun it is on that all these beings [here 

on earth] are depending upon)', ibid. 1, 3, 2 m^IH 3 <m \ h 'srraT 
: jUu,n -s w&uP) 'Srn (this breath here and that sun there are indeed 
the same, this is hot and that is hot); Utt. II, p. 27 ^q-qgToftzni- 
— I f5{fel : hoe Mud studiorum impedimentum sthat well-known hin- 
drance now presents itself." — In the first act of the Mudraraxasa 
the minister Canakya, after having put the jeweller Candanadasa 
into prison, thus expresses his contentment: ^r vfs$ S3J3T Tjw. i^fiT; 

FJMrtjfutlolrtimil'iWT fTOTTIRTTf^. 

fwotiwimI^ cmjTT =rjf rRmf^ ^r ftm: 
rTOr refers to Baxasa, =gtjrr and urs to Candanadasa. In Latin 
one would say likewise: ut hie in illius re adversa suae vitae 



204 §271—274. 

jacturam facit, sic profecto et ille vitam pro nihilo putabit in 

hujus calamitate. In the Vikramorvagi king Pururavas designates 

his beloved Urvagl by the pronoun mm, as long as he knows 
her present and sees her (1 st act), but- in the second act, when 
thinking her absent, he speaks of piwr 3T5RIT j expresses his disap- 
pointment about her female attendant coming smn fenf^ri l FraT> 
and says on account of her ud r <Hchi chyilfa frorSRt FTTTiOTpiT ^ TOT- 
f% UciJ d *H trliijS m — whereas in the first act, when looking at her 
face, he admires t£ =pm, exclaims rfjf FTTfeR': srfw'., is uneasy, as 
wrr mjch mi is noticed by him. 

272. Though mj may be styled the emphatic mm, both pronouns 
are sometimes used almost promiscuously. Mhbh. 1, sarga 154 Kunti 
asks Hidimba, who she is: <>are you a deity of this forest?" mzr 
oFTOT JHrTT, Hidimba, answers ^Hr^wRl 5PW etc. In the second 
act of the Vikramorvagl the king offering a seat to Citralekha. 
says CM^m-WIUlHm i i n * ne nrs * ac * °f * ne Mudraraxasa Canakya to 
Candanadasa 3^TreR*TTWTPT- 

273. ^PTn* — not ^T — is the proper word , if the speaker 
refor^ w i snes t° denote something belonging to himself by a de- 
™s to monstrative rather than by the possessive of the 1 st - 

person. p erson -y\^ rs\\tQ, ma y signify „this arm of mine ," oS* 
o 
o t^xvc , hoc bracchinm- Vikram. II, p. 46 Pururavas laments 

fdufatift: *m«ji-rr: yy*<df*H*J — viz. qq, Mrcch. IV, p. 141 ^ is^r 

*m farcrf?;; srnrirsf^RTJr srr (I feel no remorse nor fear on account 

of the rash deed , I have committed). 

Eem. Hence mi sR: a modest phrase to designate the speaker 

himself, cp. Greek ols b xvvtp. Vikram. II, p. 56 the king when 

taking his leave from Urvacl says ^qHaft.sJr sPT: ; Mrcch. VII, p. 

238 Carudatta tells his friend , he longs for Vasantasena, ^ qircr 

stcptt& h i ^ai^rir^ch l ■sir sw.; Dag. 164 srteziJTfti'mwi*^ sPrrsHra'igjTfirr: 

(my lord has much gratified his most obedient servant). 

2 74. Panini teaches , there is some difference in the flexion of P- 2. ■*, 

32-34. 

: %^^ according to its being used either when referring 
to somebody or something already spoken of before , or 



§ 274. 205 

when pointing at or showing. In the former case 1 . the cases, 
derived from the root^T are treated as enclitics,2.the accus.is 
^R, ^TFT, ^TrT in the singular, ^TH, V*f\l, ^TT^T 
in the plural, ^'•TT, ^t in the dual, 3. the instr. of the 

sing. ^^T, ^PIT, 4. the loc. of the dual is Jf^Rt'- 

It is in such instances of anoddega (reference to some- 

™ v& - thing already named before), that the pronoun bears 

almost the character of our he , she , it. — l. am etc. enclitic: 

Mrcch. I, p. 55 3-37 h UTiil^d^Odi 5^rt q^ - : chHl -Hlitf^ri i dWT 1 
h^ihi fruiUu ftT ti l ^fdt*4^d l H (if a, man has by Destiny been reduced 
to poverty, then even his friends become enemies to him), Qak. I 

^HUaHMfteld-wUcRT: ^rf ^ol I fadd-H I 5Tft q-fcTprret ciUMHL (these girls 

of the hermitage approach hither , it is pleasant to look on them) , 
Vikram. I, p. 2 qfpr^crT "TOTi chain i p^yysRTT 1 sr^wr chiRH^iMij- 
fqfisrOTTT RHrq ^crrctawra; — 2. instances of ^tj^ etc. Mhbh. I, 
Paushyap. futtthtTIPTQHW uloil-d g^rrr (he made his compliment to 
his teacher and spoke to him) , Vikram. Ill, p. 72 mi i j<t ust gfcqrft' 

|cr: dioi^ H dgT i chHMm yfdHMUlR, Nala 13, 24 frt uryi^iidFrsq'- 

<^lsWldl sR^rfFriyT^Hoil-ci ii-t^HHMtj^; *wiPd*H^ (her the king's 
mother saw from the balcony , as she was followed by the crowd , 
and said to the nurse: »go and bring her to me"), Mhbh. 5, 16, 
29 lndra receives a deputation of devas , rshis etc., and after being 
addressed by them jsrr^r xr-ii -H fdtmsT, ^i*- Br. 1, 29 treats of the 
two Erf§ry£r (carts in which the soma-herb is carried) in § 6 
loHT^ft ^ft rrrgtsrr: cm^fT, ibid. 1, 30, 3 ^tt refers to g-JThftiff, men- 
tioned before. 

NB. The instr. ^R" and ^FTF seem to be extremely- 
rare; SEFFT at least and 5W M T are regularly used, when 

anvddeca is required. Malav. I, p. 14 the minister of king Agni- 
mitra reads a letter from the king of Vidarbha; when asked about 
its contents, he answers to Agn. ^Rcj41m^ .[not: ^q^r] uRG-H- 
fiarpr. And so often. 



206 § 274-275. 

275. ^ iik ew i se points at somebody or something known, 

The pro- 
noun!* and an( i therefore, like *lMH, it is fit for doing duty of the 

its employ- ~\ 

ment. pronoun he, she, it. Yet, they are not synonymous. 
Like Greek , especially Homeric , & , t , to, it signifies , that 
the person or thing referred to is well-known, or has 
been named just before, or will be named forthwith. 
It is therefore never an enclitic, and is sometimes = 
Lat. We, sometimes = is „the afore said." Hence its fit- 
ness to be rendered by „the." When referring to the 
relative 3", it may be equivalent to „he," German derjenige. 
It is also used to indicate the changing of the subject , f . i. 
ST^n^or HT^ETT^ - „the other said , answered." Yet it 
may as well point at the same throughout a succession 
of sentences, in which case one is inclined to put it at 
the head , as Dae. 12 oiih^omwm rnrtysf stjttt i g mrrer jt? anrr- 

JVi(!<>HH3T <*f3Hchrt|tfT5J5lJT. =hfer*MJjf&iroll gftlRTOrT; Nala 1,5 

Bhlma king of Vidarbha has been named , it follows § Ejsrisr qr OTT- 

JTrnf^T. — rfflm*!-^ d^r^Hl =tft (T [viz. 5?^] *r iffa: [the 

aforesaid Bh.] UsiichWtritammM 5W sra^t 5?PTf af 5^T- Cp. also 

the examples adduced 271 , 3°. 

Examples: 1. of g- =: *M« (the well-known, the famous). Q&k. 
VII fTf5TtfCTfgif% mT T M ( U*l qsrPr: (the renowned thunderbolt, Indra's at- 
tribute, Lat. fulmen Mud Jovis). 

2. sr = "the afore said." Qak. IV Kanva says to Qakuntala 

uyidf^d srfrraT ng^qm 17312? ^^ ^F^ ^ %$ qc|| ^R > here 

gsr »as she" means of course Qarmishtha, ; Kathas. 27, 109 sriryn'- 
ztm 3rerf%rTj srr^rareiTUHPT %5tt: h<t grr^nujgoffTii (llO)^r ftp? Rim i- 
H'4imiJl y-j sffra^W: 1 riWr: w*\{ 14*1 uiRtrj m^yi-aH ; 1 (Hl)a' =? 

ilrdMd.a i W^,rjT«lTdl^jndij :in mkjl H^STJ rTf^grnrt gnnf%f 1(112)^ ft 
oiRjchpHchi y^ FT'L-'sr: yHMUH (some teacher of the brahmana class 
had seven disciples , brahmanas they too. Once because of famine 



§ 275—276. 207 

he despatched these disciples to beg one cow from his father-in- 
law, who was rich in cows. They set out, suffering much from 
hunger, to the foreign country, where dwelled that man, and 
begged a cow of the father-in-law of their teacher, in his name. The 
father-in-law gave them one, fit to procure [them] a livelihood). 
Here we have several instances of g- referring to something men- 
tioned before, and even such accumulation as in vs. Ill ?f. .. fj 
hR) I etc., a 1 pointing at the disciples , ^ at the father-in-law , j=nr° 
at the teacher. It is, indeed, always allowed to employ g- many 
times in the same sentence, though pointing at different persons or 
things, f. i. Mhbh. 1, 2, 395 ?fr iftsrfT cfivw-^-Mti S^Tfir i farsro a<fe^> l 
^ y^yjHiii i qrnrt ^ UTTTT^r^rt snrraw f^rr i ftstt p^ft i-Torin srcr ^ 
f^U g^r, the last words mean: »of the one as well as of the other." 

3. ?r when adj. — »the." E. 3, 35, 27 a tall fig-tree is described, 

whose branches are of enormous size: rM l WU H ^nrtOT ^-HN CT 

fTT: u i 1<°< I : [i>the branches of which]" mdJldHUmd l: ; Utt. II, p. 29 
one asks- ^pj ^ j^x R iMMi ^ : ^fafff (but what is the king doing 
now?) another answers ^ xxfTT SffiT^'Sor'W. nailed : (the king has 
commenced an agvamedha). 

4. g- in correlation with n — Germ, derjenige. Mhbh. 1, 74, 40 
OT UTqf m it% z^t <3T wrf m smsSt- Generally the relative clause 
precedes, see 452, 2 d and 455. 

Rem. Now and then g- refers to persons or things not ex- 
pressed, but only implied by the foregoing. Mhbh. 1, adhy. 157 
it is told, that Kuntt and her strong son Bhimasena hear cries 
of distress in the house of the worthy brahman, whose hospita- 
lity they are enjoying of. Though the family of the brahman 
has not been named in the foregoing, vs. 10 introduces them by 
the pronoun fTT^r- The same idiom exists in Latin. 

276. Ff may point at a general subject, see 12. Occasio- 
nally it may be rendered by „such a one." Mhbh. 1, 158, 31 

fem rlHI-d^ T^T ^ tfFKf =ET Tl^fo (raxasas, it is told, know the dharma, 
nor would such a one kill me) ; Kumaras. 5, 83 17 $f5r^T QT T^fTt 
smmk 1 sjuftfJT dW\ejM Q: * TFrmcK (not only he, who speaks evil 
of the mighty, but likewise he, who listens to a such, commits a sin). 



208 § 276—279. 

Eem. When put twice, g means » manifold, various, all sorts 

Of — ." K. 3, 9, 31 illrHH PliWtriSFT: ch^Qrd l MUHrf . I UMrt RuUIOT!) 

KatMs. 29, 169 q^i^t ^ H^mg<T?rr'^rra^T (— with all sorts of 
civilities — ). For the rest g put twice is mostly met with in the 
apodosis after a double zc. preceding. Nala 5, 11 mi fj^ jq^sr jWf H^ 
qrr ^FT ^rqT (287). This repeated sr has accordingly a distributive 
meaning , see 252 , 3°. 

277. With ^5T added to it, ^ = „the very," often „the 
^ V? same ," Lat. idem.. For the rest comp. 398. 

Tame." Pane. 172 FTTsrsr ST J^TT fSrzrt -f-=|iJd: (^e same two men keep 
counsel together) ; ibid. V, 26 Hl-TiP<^aiimf5ch<rufi fi^h ^tpt i stt srfe- 
^yfn^Hi stept ritpr n amwrarr &t%t: t^st: ?r ^sr i m^; mrR nd<Tlfri 
foiF^I^Hrirl (his senses are the same , without defect ; his name is 
the same; his is the same vigour of mind, the same speech; yet — 
how curious it is — the self-same man, when having lost the 
splendour of his wealth, becomes forthwith a stranger). The latter 
example shows, that if g- is plainly conveying the meaning »the 
same," ra may be omitted, cp. Ch. Up. 5, 4, 2 ritwHfe-Hin - 

278. fT may be added to other demonstratives , to personal 
pronouns, to relatives. As to the last combination 
q"! fl, see 287.— Wt^(T% H ^T and the like, Sffa^T, 

FIT <pFT, etc. mostly are to express the worth of a con- 
clusive particle* therefore , for this reason , then ," as will 
be shown further* on, when describing the connection of 
sentences, see 445. 

279. Some other observations on the demonstratives. — 
trati"e~s * -*- n com P ounc ls, rTFT and nrTfT^ are considered as the themes, which 

when first represent ^ and msr; likewise iTrr, rofrf) 5FTfT, JTSTFT 1 ) are respec- 
membersof . v "* ~ ^ ss -^ 

compounds tively the thematic shapes of ^rr, roPT, 5ra~T, rrai-- — mm and 



i ) By this orthography here and elsewhere I follow the rules of Sanskrit 
euphony; etymological reaBonB would rather require to write jjz, BTTgSetc- 



§ 279—280. 209 

^sft are. seldom used in compounds , if they are , the neuter (t^tt , 
3^0 is employed. But , as a rule , ^rTpr and fih are substituted for 
them. In other terms: in compounds, ctih has the meaning of 
Lat. hie and fjh that of Lat. is or ille. Mrcch. I, p. 3 the director 

informs the public srf^j- gt ^chfcch ^m Uch)m* snf^ o^fod i: •• 

^rlrchQ: etc. , while speaking of the poet of the piece he has named. 
Kathas. 64, 25 gsrra'fT main 1 d&mn (he was prevented from injuring 
them by a passer-by), here cCTTr^ refers to giftfi:. . crfriTSr: [sc. frrqg-:] 
in vs. 24. 
Idiom: 2. The idiom , represented by Latin is pavor __ ejus rei pavor i) is 
= ? «/«j no * unknown in Sanskrit. Mhbh. 1, 6, 11 Agni says f§rirffi' cfrt :T 
fff stttt^ tot <zm mfm>*s:, here at arfew: = w [sthtot] srf?T° (who 
is not afraid of my curse , who has an escape from it ?). Pane. 
158 a boy has been turned out of doors by his father rr^ T Pi : mf)H i. 
The author proceeds g- g fr fq^T < HI1-H {* rTroTT, apparently ^-f^rr 
is here = jtot [f^t H i JUiw ] fSiaS/T »by despair caused by this ex- 
pulsion". Cp. Kumaras. 3, 17, Kathas. 1, 39. 
WT in 3. In formulae one uses g^ft as significative of the proper name 
forma- £ jjj m; w h m the formula is to be applied to. When employing 
them, the proper name is substituted for it. See f. i. Par. Grhy. 
1, 18, 3 =srerr £ter sr^i sirPT, Agv. Grhy. 1, 20, 5. 
neuters 4. In the archaic dialect, especially in the liturgical books, 
e " the ace. of the neuter singular of demonstratives is often used 
strati- adverbially. Ait. Br. 1, 9, 6 gnlf ^^tfitf^T 5oTT; 'SPT sflcFiTT?r?reT- 

nsed as Urts; UsWH : srif <5TTcJi sraiH, here ^m means »in this case." 

adverbs. ^ -^ 1? 4j 2 . ^ 15> 4) ck Up 4j 2) l ^ = »then," etc. etc. 
The classic language has retained adverbial functions of fTFT an( i 
jrpf, see 444 and 463. 

280. The interrogative pronoun is ^T. Its comparative 
^TrTT and its superlative ^icFT are likewise used. The po- 



^ 



1) See f. i. Livt 21,46,7 Numidae ab tergo se ostenderunt. Is pavor 
perculit Romanos. Cp. Vibg. Aen. 1, 261, Nepos Lys. 3, 1. 

14 



210 § 280—281. 

inter- sitive^T simply asks „who?" „what?" „ which?", °hH7, 

roga- ' 

tiTe9 ' like Lat. uter, arch. 'Ra.g.whether „ which of the two ?", 3fiT*T 
„ who etc. of many ?" They are wanted both in direct ques- 
tions and in the so-called indirect questions. One says , 
therefore, Wt ^gTFT (who are you?), $o|$Tl %r{UV< 
^TrTp (which of these two is Devadatta ?) , Vikram. 
I, p. 5 crf^Wrrf 3TFFR f^psPTT^T TO ft 3WV 

(is it known, in what direction the rascal has de- 
parted?). Cp. 411. 
If wanted , 3T may be the former part of a bahuvrlhi. 

Dag. 30 D'rTrSRrwfwiH: n*Hii|fe rer: (what is the name of the chief of 
this encampment ?) ; ibid. 74 — an ascetic speaks — sr^TOsrrafrfwT 

air m\ ipft f^s^f fwjfj^nft fSnzmi- 

Rem. 1. The distinction between eft, ^ht and gnw is not always 
strictly observed. Ram. 1, sarga 38 Rama asks Vicvamitra, which of 
the two, Kadru or Vinata, will have one illustrious son , and who sixty 
thousand sons raj; iacmv. gfTt 5T^P5F>T sr^H fuwj frt' , here br- is used, not 
erjt^. — Pane. 284 STOT^Hmmuwi f&h cfrym fmu: (for which of the 
six well-known expedients , s&ma etc., it is now the fit time ?) here qror 

is used within the proper sphere of ^rPT* R- 2, 85, 4 Bharata asks 

Guha gra^nr nffim i fa tr ^ ' ui^M ' T?rr, though the country is wholly un- 
known to him, and he, therefore, does not want to be informed » whe- 
ther" but » which" of the many ways will conduct him to Bharadvaja !). 

Rem. 2. On the faculty of putting in the same sentence two or 
more interrogative pronouns referring to different things, see 409, 2°. 

281. At the outset 37 was both an interrogative and 
an indefinite pronoun , cp. Lat. quis , Gr. rU and t/«. 
In classic Sanskrit it has occasionally still the function 
of an indefinite; yet, as a rule, 3T is then combined 



1) Cp. 246 and the foot-note 1) on page 188 of this book. 



§ 281. 211 

nit' ^^ some P arti de: f%FT or #T or SR. Hence ^flFT, 
^^M, ^""NTO" are the proper indefinite pronouns , ex- 
pressing some{any)body , some(any)thing; some, any. To 
them we must add ^f, for this word , properly mean- 
ing „one," does not] rarely duty as an indefinite, and 

is to be rendered by „some" and even by the so-called 

r 
article „ a. " — FJoT is „every; all." 

5Tran) Instances of qifsEH, ^rsrq', gr^ftf 1 ) it is superfluous to give. As 
etc - Md to ^r = »a." E. 2, 63, 32 -^ $$mm ^7: (I am hit by an arrow), Dag. 25 
" ^iRii;*'^'*!^)!^ q^ra-^r^mrt^ fiUiivwiA arg^ Wioign gii (once in 
some forest I saw some brahman being about io be hurt by the 
crowd of my companions). Even ^Huh ' etc. may be = »a": Dag. 
132 grT 5?farM<-i tHHdrTi (she was delivered of a son). It is eonsist- 
ent, that ott may also be combined with some other indefinite. 
Kathas. 27, 89 chmn^ sfigr srfrrr?r: WTU: cprqcF^ JJ^ (an honest servant 
in the hduse of some merchant), Pane. 9 n-qrer EFrerfirf^ffftCT:. 

Kathas. 1, 56 may be an instance of the sole qr, bearing the 
character of an indefinite : -ir- J) ai-uid 37: (and nobody else knows 
it).— Gp. K. 2, 32, 42 ^rjfter ftf ^jf srsrejf% (choose something else , 
if you have made up your mind). 
fSTCoT. Rem. 1. The old dialect possessed a synonym of gsr, viz. fnssr; 
in the classic language it is no more used, save in some standing 
phrases as fsrsg- |crr:, being the name of some special class of deities , 
f%sar imH or simply fsrsspj "the Universe." 
^oT- Rem. 2. gsf is = »every" and »each," goh ^everybody," gspr 
» everything." Nala 20,6 i^r, qsr =r ?TFrriH gsraT :rrt%T ersft (not 
everybody does know everything, nobody is omniscient). 



1) According to the Petrop. Diet, the indefinite pronoun grfafqwas made 
in a latter period than the other combinations, as it does not 
occur in the older literature , Manu included (see II , p. 6 s. v. 37). Yet 
in the Mababharata and the Ramayana grt-sftf and such adverbs as chlRj, 
chqn(q are as well met with as those in "fifiT and °^PT. R. 2, 52, 45 g; 
and gfcf are separated by % %%_ f§R gif* oraTTft. 



212 § 282— 28S. 

282. By adding to the foresaid indefinite pronouns the nega- 
tion ^T one expresses the negative indefinites „ nobody, 

nothing, no, none." It is indifferent at what place one 
puts the negation. Nala 3, 24 uf5m.H q qt chfiy^qvwH^ (nobody 
saw me , as I entered) , Hit. 95 gfo mmal -sgrrer dloMUl ~)lfw (we 
have no livelihood) , M. 9, 26 q Ida i aiY sfer 5nsi^ (there is no dif- 
ference), Kathas. 34, 120 ^rf^s^ t^srh -umMsJ (there nobody could 
be named poor). 

It is not only said rj chf&H and q- gfrsfrt, but also q ch l ^fa - 
Pane. 71 q fehPstemaidH (he said not a single word). 

283. There are several words for „other",viz. 5F*T, ^T^", ^T^ ? 

Other" 

how STT7. Of these ^f'^T is the most common and has the 

expres- ^ ^ 

sea. most general meaning. 

1. =gr?r generally denotes ssomebody or something else." In such 
phrases as g^r fcH^p , »once on a day" it is almost — ^rfigH- Yet 
it may also signify »the other." So Hit. 102 when a messenger 
wishes to speak secretly to the king, the king removes his attendance 
rirfr fnrr q^rt g- fenft mi i ?ert s;a=r nm: (— tfie others withdrew). 

2. wrr properly means »the subsequent, the following;" hence 
it has got also the meaning of uother," but commonly it retains 
its proper nature of signifying what is named in the second place. 
Mrcch. I, p. 55 t£|- *TT J^Plch i i <<JHH 7T m (this is Kadanika., but this 
other, who is she?). 

3. en - is etymologically related to our far, and accordingly it 
serves also to denote the opposite of ^f. Hence it displays all shades 
of meaning, as are directly opposite to the notion of »own, pro- 
per." It may be sometimes = »strange" and ^stranger," some- 
times = » enemy," sometimes also when used in a broader sense 
= »other." Nala 3, 8 cfw q sUdH*^: f^y^rM^H "Wl^iy^u'l ajq; 
(how should a man bear to speak in this way for the sake of 
another to a woman, whom he desires for himself?). Mrcch. I, p. 
55 t[ qw qjchQri^^u,H^ (it does not become a man to look on the wife of 
his neighbour). Its adjective cttcrW = alienus. Qak. IV g*fr f^ 
efrtt tTT^tH" UoT (a daughter is a possession one cannot call one's own). 



§ 283-285. 213 

4. jrT^", the comparative of the pronominal root t, bears a strong 
affinity to Latin alter. It is used, indeed, to signify »the one" and 
»the other" of two. Brh. ir. Up. 1, 4, 4 ^dr^H T dci.Udoim ^nj:, cp. M. 
4, 137, Kathas. 19, 50. When dual or plural, it denotes the other 
of two parties. Mrcch. I, p. 33 si^afdm^Prt ^ sraT iron dlidr)} , 

Mudr. V, p. 184 m\ H^T ?T Wt: ffSTRrPTT q^OT Ijfq- ch l H^H ^ iSrffr J 

5T <Rr|sJcrl*l4l f^RrHoT ETTr&iTPT; — Cp. 217, 2. 

Rem. 1. To the foresaid pronouns we may add f«7r sdifferent," 
as it sometimes may be rendered by » other." Kac. on P. 2, 3, 29 

Eem. 2. gqr- and grjj-, when qualifying some noun, may be 
used in a somewhat particular manner. Pane. p. 77 contains the 
story of the jackal who , being hunted by a band of dogs, fled to 
some dyer's and there jumped into a pot filled with dye. As he 
got out, he had got a blue colour, rTSTTqf yi^tiUH ^ i mMtHHtTI 
ETgTTif refci.a'r svm:- Here ^jr srrpTOT: means »the other, namely the 
dogs," not »the other dogs." Compare ibid. p. 83 chiwfSj^Ju^jr 

fijl?! Ufrloiyfrl W I (TOT -cIMxT^T WZ! ^fioTRraifWRT5T: ST^rT- Here =&^r 

does not mean » other panters etc.," but » others, namely a panter, 
a crow and a jackal." Cp. R. 2, 71, 61 g^rr fsraoiT = »some widow," 
Schol. -tj^cU-m fold { U l fsryirffT- — The same idiom exists in Latin and 
Greek, f. i. Od. /3, 411 ^Ttjp S'i^Jj oil ti wcttuu-txi, ouS '&M.xi "SjAaxi. 

284. „ Either," Lat. alteruter, is expressed by ^Trl"^. Mudr. 
WV IV, p. 146 rtJifl^chrij g^ifi*. 

0cbr\i\ denotes »one out of many," cp. girTR (280). Pane. 12 
^f dJJ ^M r^R^??ffcikl dl-iHch H ^ nfefrer (I will arrange it by means 
of one of the six expedients : samdhi , vigraha etc.). Likewise ^^r^T, 
»see f. i. Dag. 101. 

How sneither" is to be expressed , may appear from these exam- 
ples. Ch. Up. 5, 10, 8 ««lrlJ) i Wf^ 5CTprr =^r hihUjiR MrrrfSr .HcTprT 
(on neither of these two ways these foresaid beings are moving), 
Pane. 50 Hfr STTSTfi' =T flimH: (neither of them will know it). 

285. For denoting „one. . . . another" one may repeat 
?RT or 3TP9H or T?W\, or use them alternatively; 
WTT- may also be used, except in the first link. If 



214 § 285—287. 

5RT-- there are more links, they may alternate in various 
^ manners. As to E^FT WFffl = „first. . . . secondly" 

and the »s Vn 

like, see 439. 

Examples: 1. of sgrji. . . . sp?T. E. 2, 108, 15 ufi- iTfbft^MHT 5^1- 
3IRT JT^iH (if what is consumed by one, goes into the body 
of another — ), Mhbh. I Paushyap. 174g »u[^i^i uTltj ft 3TTHT cnf^sranri 
sjltrti l t^pii-^d 73[ ej^ (you do other things, my prince, than 
what you should have done). — 2. of nsa, cFjfJgrT, etc. Pane. 297 
rtefg riljd*4MI ^#T JTFTT 5RT ft^HM*!: ihtchAjM-dstiPj^ (and as he struck 
them , some of them died , some others had their heads broken and 

began to cry violently) , M. 9, 32 srrf : Afa<^ - • • f§T£:, — 3. 

of more links connected. Varah. Brh. 32, 1 fat^chmma} A <si^>r| - 
feri?T5rrferawTiT 1 wT^Rf^nTjtisrsmTO^ra' ^trt i sfoyfrspMH f^r: 
fiarft T H-MteH chfWdA 1 ARl'ggachl^riPict.M^I UlJ^Mluf; ("some say that 
an earthquake is caused by some huge animal living in the midst 
of the waters ; others , however, that it arises when the elephants 
of the quarters, being tired of the earth's load, are taking breath; 
a wind falling down upon earth with noise, as if struck by another 
wind , say some ; others , however, maintain that it is ordained by 
unseen powers; other masters again narrate the following," p. 140 of 
Keen's translation). Cp. Nala 12, 87. 

286. The relative pronoun is ^. A full account of its em- 
ti V e ployment will be given in the Section , in which there will 
noun, he treated of clauses and relative sentences. Here it suffices 

to point out that *T and H are standing complements of 
one another. 

Kem. The comp. and superl. znrr, vrm are restricted to the 
archaic dialect. 

287. The relative pronoun may be generalized in various 
genl- ways : a) by putting ^ twice , then ^T *T: = „ whosoever," 

ralized. 

and it requires $T tf in the apodosis ; b) by adding to it 
one of the indefinite pronouns so as to make up the com- 



§ 287—288. 215 

bination W< ^fllrT, W, ^TSR or W> ^fa"; c) by 

putting together ?T and fT in the same case , gender and 

number, m FP = ,, whosoever it may be, any." For the 
rest, cp. 453. 

Examples of a). Ma 5, 11 is quoted 276; Bhojapr. 36 jfq- ^pjt 
■s^rfim tWMtifH H^itTOJ (TOwr^tTna" sjcRr jimmm: (the king's 
favourites always plot to the ruin of whomsoever the king loves 
and honours in his court). 

, 6.) Mudr. IV, p. 158 q. chf^i^Mi ^g-feffir >ar fsraT tw i Odotr . (whoso- 
ever it may be, that wishes to see me, you must admit him), Nala 4, 2 
^ ^ar ^^i^j^h^ i Rh fa=eH (myself and whatsoever belongs to me). 
This idiom is used so as to be synonymous with the simple indefinite 
pronoun, as Hitop. 10 q' omi'chj- ttf jtst ch^fad <■ iHffi-csiflj (I desire 
to give the golden bracelet to whomsoever); Schol. on E. 3, 10, 1 9 
jt^ ^w sft xfcm ufrww =r sh^ft- ')• 

Rem. The archaic dialect used also eh 9T5I = ar: ^rferT- So f. i. 
Ch. Up. 3, 15, 4 qrurt sit ^5; tfiir zrf^t; f?R^ (prdna means all whatever 
exists here), Ait. Br. 2, 6, 5 ?^§ sprer ^ SojrTrJr ^{ M«Jof sbt 
q ^qf^B in . It occurs also sometimes in epic poetry. So Hit. 20 the 
verse ?nf5r wrfa =et fmrfm zmdinfo srmfr ^ proves by its very lan- 
guage to be borrowed from some ancient epic poet. 

c.) Kathas. 27, 208 ^m femr ■ftsrairffft Jrra rfTCr 1 <T5rt fsur: asTcro- 
TTsrfi'iscFfriw (in this way fortune dwells in any action, done by 
men, when carried out with vigorous energy). 

288. 3. Pronominal Adverbs. 

The pronominal adverbs may be divided into four 
main classes: 1. those in °5T, doing duty as locatives, 
2. those in °rT!, mostly doing duty as ablatives , 3. those 



1) JT: ^faffr seems to occur much less than the other combinations. 
The Petr. Diet, gives no instance of it, Anundoram bobooah does not 
mention it. 



216 § 288. 

Prono- in °3J expressive of time, 4. those in °2U significative 

verbs, of manner. They are derived of the roots 3T(^Ff), ^T ? T 

— f 

rJ, U, SF^T, ^ , =h, H^" etc. and display the same diffe- 
rences of meaning and employment as the pronouns, 
which they are made from; they are therefore in- 
terrogatives or demonstratives or relatives or indefi- 
nites. 

1. Those in °3"are: Interr. =M (where ?); Dem. ifsf 

(here), FR" (there), "*AH^ (yonder); Rel. *T3" (where); 

Indef. 5RT3" (elsewhere), ^FT3"(l.atoneplace,2.some- 

r 
where); fm^" (everywhere), etc. To these we must add 

two of a similar meaning, but made with different 

suffixes, viz. Interr. 37 = ^z{ and Dem. i<^ (here). — 

By putting "I^FT, °^T or °wTto the interrog., one gets 

the indefinites 37T^rT, ^T^mrl etc. -somewhere, 

anywhere;" ^ 37T^FT (or =MMr1 etc.) = „whereso- 
ever" (287 5). 

2. Those in °rT< are: Interr. 37FP (whence?); Dem. 

5HT: (hence), ^ (hence), cFT (thence), ^FT' (from 

yonder); Eel. ^Trft (whence); Indef. ^F^rH (from 

r 
some other place), yftori'' (from one place, etc.), ti^ri! 

(from every place) , and so on. — By putting "Mfi, °^T or 

°*IN to the interrog., one gets the indefinites =hrl~ 

fWT, ^Rrftvffe", 3ttT3R; of course ?TrT: *rlRH etc. = 
„from whatever place." (287 6). 



§ 288. 217 

3. Those in°3Jare Interr. ^T (when?); Dem. FTTT 

(then); Eel. ^ (when); Indef. ?RT?r (at some other 

r 
time), ^^T (once), Sm%\ (always). Besides, the dem. 

FI^RT^T is the emphatic „then ," £^m1fT and WFH ^ 
„now." — By putting "T^TrT, °^R or °?Tfq" to the in- 
terrogative , one gets the indefinites ^T%R" etc. = 
„at some time ;" UZJ 374JNFT etc. — ,, whenever." (287 b). 

An other set of temporal adverbs are ^f (when?), fTp£, mjf§ , 
af^ j aff crF^ fenr- Of these , all but prf^ are restricted to the ar. 
chaic dialect and even in the epics they are seldom used, except 
the phrase q — 5rf^f%fT^ (nowhere). 

4. In °5TT there are: Dem. rPTT (so); Eel. *W (as); 

r 
Indef. ^F^TSJT (otherwise), FT^T (in every maimer 

at all events). The Interr. is slightly different, being 
^FT (how?). Demonstr. are also ^cR, ^F^R and 
i Itl .= „thus, so, in this manner." — By putting °T^FT, 
0-c M or °wT to the interrog., one gets the indefinites 

35EJi%FT etc. = „ somehow;" of course ^T ^fltT etc. 

= „howsoever." (287 b). 

Eem. 1. The archaic idiom g- ; grsi (287 E.) is of course also 
represented in the adverbs of the ancient dialect. Agv. Grhy. 1, 3, 1 
a=r 3i =5T ^i m ^ mid (wheresoever he may intend to make oblations), 
Ait. Br. 2, 23, 7 prer oft ^sr mm PTS^klrT- 

Eem. 2. The adverbial suffixes are not limited to the adverbs, 
enumerated above. So it is said gy^r »in the world to come" (f. i. 
Pane. 39) , mjyr (f. i. E. 3, 11, 25), crefsr; srj (always), p i rt igj (f. i. 
E. 3, 5, 18), etc. 

Eem. 3. A negation added to the indefinites 5rf%i=T, chHfSiH , 
chg^ l fan , ^rerfferj and their synonyms, serves to express » nowhere," 



218 § 288—289. 

»from no place," »never," sin no ways," cp. 282. Kathas. 3, 57 
fipTTT q tRT OT HTuf tt€t =TTf*T & EFH%rT (I am anxious that nowhere 
there is a fit wife for you to be found); Nala 4, 19 ^sff =T irfaHT FToT 
j I dK^ai-dH (a* any rate, you will incur no sin, my king); Pane 

34 mr EfiSTfa flmf&jrT ^ nffimT (I never have eaten cucumbers); 

ibid. 149 rr inrr rtsr i^rMiUiT ghfa^fti ^rsir Spm (since I am depend- 
ing on you, I have nowhere enjoyed pleasure). 

Eem. 4. The idiom q; h: = "whosoever, any" (287 c) has of 
course its counterpart in the adverbs derived from the roots ?i and ?j. 
Mrcch. X, p. 360 ^gf?Mcr:ren m JTW fertTT srr (staying at the king 
of the gods, or anywhere). 

Eem. 5. ch^f^H ' and chmulM have also got the sense of Lat. 
vix. Pane. 71 grRT MHHHN 3OTqfg (after having scarcely recovered 
his spirits). With emphasis, one says even chi?ichqi|(i| . — Similarly 
chejjfq etc. may be used almost synonymous with our »perhaps." 
Pane. 200 ^omffil^H m^oi-cH i r^ i i q (hoHH (if ° n e speaks thus [to the 
king of the elephants] he will perhaps withdraw by the force of so 
trustworthy speech). 

Eem. 6. g^rerr may signify » wrongly, falsely." Hit. 95 3 <jHtdfq 
ST^w £rff btsIh A\r*m\- Likewise Qak. I ^TO^TT^mrr ?RTHr (do not 
take me for another person, as I am). As to n~nm when— » other- 
wise" see 485 E. 2. 

289. The adverbs in °5T and oFP are not restricted to the p- 5 > 3 
minai denoting of space. Their province is the same, as that 
insrand °f the locative and ablative '). Such words as Mr\'< and 
n - rTFT* have the value of the ablatives ^TTTrT, FTFTIrT 

doing "^ *^ 

lST etc.," that is of the ablat. of the stems ?T and FT in all 

ves and 

ablati- 
ves. 1) °jf; is a common suffix expressive of the abl., and accordingly put 

also after nouns (108). Locatives in °3T made of nouns are taught by 

P. 5, 4, 55 sq. But such forms as sTi^UM!, ttd-tl) *IrJraT are only met 
with in the archaic dialect. Yet, though obsolete in the classic period 
of Sanskrit literature , they must have been in common use in the time 
of P&nini. 



§ 289. 219 

genders and numbers. Similarly 3^, rT^ are identical 

with the locatives STfc^FT, rTTFT^T etc. For this rea- 
son, like the real ablatives and locatives, they express 
not only space , but also time and circumstances, and refer 
equally to persons and things. When pointing to a sin- 
gular, they may even be used as attributes of ablati- 
ves and locatives of substantives. The adverbs Wi and 
£«(>, though not made with the suffix °^, have similarly 

the functions of the locative of the stems 37 and 3T in all 
genders and numbers. 

Examples: 1. of their not referring to space. Kathas. 4, 20 

awr fuiwjcuu T^RWfTj FRhFi: OTfinforfir sU^ferfr-siTorr^ (Varsha had 
a great crowd of disciples; among them there was — ). Mudr. 
IV, p. 145 fefTrsT^T -ri^s|cr: sstpssrernw^FRHr ^femai^R' stt mhi«si — 
(why has Candrag. now put the yoke of government on [the 

shoulders of] some other minister or his own ?). Qak. Ill mj g- 

rT fwffT HnqWcjn i fsrstjir iftft qTTfccHft^TnT>^(he, from whom you are 
apprehending a refusal, that man stands here longing to meet you). 
Kumaras. 2, 55 ^t; ^ fjtn myaffrl ^ofT^fpr : 5TO^ (it is from this 
man [me, cp. 273] that the Daitya has obtained his glory, there- 
fore it is not I, who must kill him). Mudr. II, p. 86 aHlrtHm i- 
f^&zr 55T 1 FTfsjft srf aTtnTOT vror^Wi'ra*ttl&l(3wifa (this ring is engraved 
with the name of the minister; for this reason, he will reward 
you with more than [is the worth of] this [ring]). Cp. Nala 13, 44. 
2. of their qualifying some substantive. — Pane. 273 rl=f 5^ 
j^rpr (rambling in that forest), ibid. IV, 71 cr^irrfJT^ cfteFf =sr (in the 
other world and in this), ibid. p. 146 firarjTGT =sf f^cT ftyiiiia' Pwra 
( — put the rest of the alms in that very begging-bowl) , ibid. 147 
j£°f& WiWkri} £T5rft $*$ (they slept both on one couch of kuca. 
grass), Kathas. 27, 4 mj Efisrrft (at some emergency), Dag. 80 
^r =g EhfertW^A-a grrfpEi g; fafchda (and I laughed somehow at 
some player making a rash move) ; — Pane. 308 fTrT: km M kte^ST 



220 § 289—291. 

TirfT: (from that place they went to their country) , ibid. 286 g^rtefa 

fei p eh i [rchRdc! b oU^l^lu (he took some money from a moneylender), 

Prabodh. I, p. 6 gifffafcr ch i j uioiui i H (by some cause), Dag. 96 rrr ch^lRj - 

tHuifHiH^HU flim fH (perhaps , it will rescue me from this misadventure). 

P 2 4 
Rem. 1. It must be mentioned, that in the case of the anvddega '33 ' 

(274) 3j5r and afr: are enclitics. So neither t^ nor tft; can be used. 

Rem. 2. Instances of the adverbs in % and °ft: denoting time, 

are not rare. So one uses ^rT: qTJT — » afterwards ," rTrT: — "then," 

cFjf%FT arf^iT may be — » sometimes. .. . sometimes." 

290. There is no proper adverbial suffix for the category 
of the „ whither." Nor is it necessary. For the locative 
being expressive of the aim and scope with the words 
of going , arriving, entering and the like (134), it results, 
that one says ^ JT^TFT, fT% Mrj^ and so on, as well as 
^TJTJ Jl^lfa, ^Ulf CTrT^I. On the other hand, since the 
adverbs in "FT may have the meaning of „on the 

side of," cp. 103, 37FT! may be „on what side?" "^rfl 
„on this side" etc. Moreover they may even signify „hi|what 

direction," f. i. rTrT* = ,, to wards that place." 

a) Pane. 154 ^pm =et fg; ch^lfa eft ir^Tfa, ibid. 289 jrf^ <*>Raf<< 
3rar: tuiid i trl (if some tiger come hither)', Mhbh. 1, 163, 4 ifrraqj 

b) Malav. I, p. 17 Tfr ti i ^JHl^ (sit down on this side). 

c) M. 2, 200 i i -HnJ 5TT rTrft'S^lrr: (or you must go from that place 
to another), Kull. hhii&i STOT^ 1^\\^{ rpnam ; — Qak. I ^MUHqRd- 
ehwjch i:-... ^FT ^oTTfitefcT^ (— are moving on in this direction). 

i. Pronominal Adjectives. 

291. Pronominal adjectives are : I. pRtFFT (how great , quan- 
™.™i ttu), Dem. ^FrT, FTT^tT and ^rll^-fT {tantus), with 

the relat. ^TT^'FT „[as great] as." 



Prono- 

mina 

ttdJQC 

tive8 



§ 291—293. 221 

TI. ^fer {qualis?), Dem. ^VJ, FTT^T, ^TT^ 

{talis, such), Rel. ^^[suc^as^Indef.^RTTSSr „like 
another." They are also made of personal pronouns : 
^r^T (somebody like me), pIT^, W^ST etc. — All 

of them may end also in °£ST and in °^f. 

II. ^TlrT (how many ?), Rel. mf\ „[as many] as ," Indef. 

^TtrrT^rr (some , any) . Like the kindred Latin quot , 
aliquot, they are indeclinable. 

The Dem. friff is not used. 

292. Observations on the pronominal adjectives. 

1. The mutual relations and combinations of the different classes: 
relatives , demonstratives , etc., are the same as with the pronouns. 
In this way it may f. i. be observed, that To^fr and jr$j are 
to FTTcFt^ and rrrgsr> what m*^ is to h; that jnBR^and qrpr require 
an apodosis with cTTSFrT an< i FTtTsr; that such a combination as aiTST- 
smpr: = »of whatever quality" (Pane. I, 420 3^sfr ^T STPTaft ?ITpT 
rTT^ST s&); that srfH cfrfFrfSlrT = »however many," etc. 

2. Those of Group I may be the former member of compounds in 
"gpj, "f^jij, °5IT^T and the like. F. i. fer^jpr "tow far?," fau^f^ 
»how long?,'' fer^rpr^ »how many times?". Bhoj. 28 jxw[ 9hU& \ { 
qir q^rq ^-tf K, Pane. 63 fifETj^ ^ ST^mtnr:, KatMs. 13, 137 ^rftr| 
qzrr wr :t ?T[rT!-"> 5KFT (for so long a time I did not know this 
duty), Pane. 56 fo n -MHifrdrf FTST %: STJtcT: (out how insignificant 
are these enemies of your father). 

3. Instances of ^tjh, felTT and its adverb fer?^ used as inde- 
finites [281] are now and then met with. Pane. 211 sprin sumidufH 
gifH 5TT FTTOTffl (he kills some of them, some others he wounds). — 
Note the compound cfrfmzr = sseveral, sundry." 

Chapt. III. On nouns of number. 

293. As Sanskrit grammars not only teach, which are 
the different nouns of number for the unities , decads 



222 § 293—294. 

Express- e ^ Ctj j-, u t a \ so h ow to make the interjacent ones (see 
noans £ j. Whitney § 476 and 477), this point may be passed 
berby over here. It will suffice to give some instances of the most 
various usua j idioms for expressing numbers higher than 100. So Varah. 
nations Brh. 11, 5 Wi°h l fti<*.^ = 101, Ch. Up. 3, 16, 7 gfmr snfsirW "116 c $**- 
years" [liter, a hundred of years , determined by sixteen]. — Of ad- 
dition, as f. i. <rm 5Ttr =5 = tra^ST, instances are found very often, 
especially in poetry. — Expressing numbers by multiplication is not 
rare , either by saying f. i. fg-; erg- instead of zyj, or by using the 
type fftsft ssrfrw: =240 [lit. three eighties], cp. 295. Mhbh. 1, 32, 24 
H5 M I ^ddiJiplMi 3irorr (having made 8100 mouths) we have an 
instance of multiplication expressed by the instrumental of the 
multiplicator. 

Eem. 1. A very singular manner of denoting numbers between 
200 and 1000, mentioned by Whitney § 480, is met with now 
and then in the dialect of the liturgical books and in epic poetry. 
Qankh. Br. 3, 2 =rtftT crf SmH l P <HdrM^I^ I ^ the meaning of which 
is »360 is the number of the days of a year," not, as one would 
infer from the very form, 3 X 160. Qankh. Qr. 16, 8, 9 £ gtjt- 
ffTO^r = 280. So R. 2, 39, 36 m: wmmf mr^: are not = 3 X 150 , 
but = 350, cp. ibid. 2, 34, 13, where the same number is thus ex- 
pressed: -g ^MMHId I : = half-seven hundreds, that is 3 1 /, X 100. 

Rem. 2. In the ancient dialect cardinal nouns of number show 
in some degree a tendency to become indeclinable words. See 
"Whitney § 486 c ), who gives instances from vaidik works. But 
classic Sanskrit disapproved that loss of flexion and checked it '). 

294. From 1 — 19 the cardinal nouns of number are ad- 

tbT jectives , but 20 and the rest are properly substantives. So 

ofnnm- Ic^ItT! does not signify „ twenty" fr. vingt, but „a 

Tip t* QTQ 

con- number of twenty," fr. une vingt aine. For this reason, 
16 f^rfcP and the rest, STrR, ST^^T etc. are not only 



1) As a rest of it we may consider, that M. 8, 268 and Kathas. 44, 77 
the nom. M^IHIH does duty of an accusative. 



§ 294. 223 

singulars having a gender of their own , but they are also 
construed with the genitive. Yet, this construction is 
not used exclusively. By a false analogy side by side 
with the regular construction, as T^TJnTrT! 'TjTTJTFT, 5TFT 
^HTFT, one says also T^FT J^fOT, 5TFT J{T% 
instr. KSTRTr JJTHTFT or J^i, STFR 3{TOFTor J^J, 
etc. The same applies of course to the compounds in 
°WOTrT!, °?TrT I T etc., expressive of the interjacent num- 
bers. — It is a matter of course, that instead of using the genitive , 
it is allowed to compound the substantive with the noun of number. 

Examples: La) of a genitive depending on the noun of num- 
ber: Varah. Brh. 54, 75 fsrsrrai ^kttdtw (by 20 men); Eagh. 3, 69 
^fn f%;rt5fV RorfrT =TsrTfej>t *TfT5firj~rf — ft<tr (thus the king performed 
99 great sacrifices); E. 2, 54, 31 g^f stfptj Mhbh. 14, 88, 35 5w 
fSTOrTT TMiylrM'sg^it fcwrt rT«TT (300 animals were then fastened to 

the sacrificial piles) ; Kathas. 18, 124 337 fa^i ctv m g^f WTT- 

ijttitj Dag. 142 gir^TTq^ctig-^iwrsr- — b) of compounding: Raj. 1, 311 
ST orWrfrr UWU HoPT (after having reigned seventy years), M. 8, 
237 yrnsirPT ( a hundred bow-lengths), Kathas. 44, 77 ^qseHtid) (500 
camels). 

2. of fsrsrffl' etc. concording in case with their substantives. — 
E. 3, 14, 10 gsTTOHSj 5j3W 5Wjj: — «rf%|%q" : > < 3' aut - 8 > 8 ^roi i P(mH I 
k\h*\\ : H^rT: (purified by 40 sacraments), M. 3, 40 aWf^T m mt:, 
ibid. 4, 87 min — ^Fn^fduiidM., Kathas. 10, 39 srtf trq-qffsr^f : qftert 
^aia i HM ( we are 1000 granddaughters of the chief of Daityas , Bali); 
Mhbh. 1, 16, 8 sra- cRef: STrTRTTTraF^ rTtrtloMy :• 

Higher numbers, as ^T^TtFT, FRTT, °h Il6!,aresub- 
stantives, and always construed with the genitive of the 

object numbered. E. 1, 53, 21 5^7^^ nat ^7^(1 give a crore of 
cows); Pane I, 251 q- niiPTf ?t^tjt ^r ==r cframT oii(?Mi!jj UKfcrii mmrt 
TT5TT (t ^' ui A ? feaiH (designs of kings, that do not succeed by a 



224 § 294—296. 

thousand elephants nor by a hundred thousand horse , are successful 
by one stronghold). 

Rem. 1. The double construction of Pdmid etc. is as old as 
the Rgveda. Cp. f. i. Rgv. 2, 18, 5 xirdlP^Hl ^jfir: with Rgv. 
5, 18, 5 j ^ q^iw s^iSMiy; 

Rem. 2. In epic poetry one meets occasionally with a plural 
of the decads instead of the singular. Nala 26, 2 q^iuifj.ju : (with 
fifty horses) instead of qsdiuiHi ^t:- 

On the other hand, a singular of the substantive construed 
with sjff and sT^5T occurs now and then, as Hariv. 1823 ^h^Su t 
srr^Tirr [instead of srrfft: or srr^rpj], BMg. Pur. 4, 29, 24 asf sttpt'). 

2 95. Multiples of to^lTFT and the rest are denoted by putting 
them in the plural. R. 2, 31, 22 cfttwot fl wii^mrq^ai-HRtf PTfq- 

(the princess Kausalya, might entertain even thousands of men 
such as I am) 2 ); R 3, 53, 24 jrsmr f^TTT TPJ H^aif gr =grr£sr (by whom 
fourteen thousand Raxasas have been killed); M. 11, 221 fqrrjPTf fowl 
•ssSfcfh".- HI^HIU-H (eating in a month 3X80 balls); Mhbh. 13, 
103, 14 spirit U i H i Pi 3 ) ; — Pane. 253 quriU i riJ fa (even by hundreds of 
endeavours); Mhbh. 9, 8, 41 ^ -eiHidM^ l iu i (and ten thousand horse) ; 
Kathas. 35, 96 ^sr chissHchltlsr faror: u(h<4I<j «ii — <H<JW<J- 
296. Numbers, given approximately, are expressed by 

such compounds as ?TRT^T^5TT! (nearly twenty), *)g^- W. ' 

f^TP (not far from thirty), ^<^iV (almost ten), 

?rf^^rrnTrr: (more than forty). 

jTwo or three" is Q^itu i, » three or four" fM-^H^ifttl , "five or six" 
cngTsrr:- Comp. Dag. 94 the compound adverb fcRMHH » twice, three-, 
four times." 



1) Another singular idiom occurs R. 1, 18, 8 =HrRT TC MHrtltl: (the 
six aeasons passed), as if Kir meant »a hexad," not »six." Cp. Verz. 
der Berliner Sanskrithandschriften , n°. 834. 

2) h^5T is masc. or neuter. See the gana sr ^-j l f^ on P. 2. 4, 31. 

3) An irregular plural is Kam. 15,11 H^-UMI <rf}*f<y<4dMW*t IHT: 
MfW l Hlft ffrr instead of either crfOT^or tsrfT? UIHlR- 



§ 297—299. 225 

297. Note the use of the words %m and =tm, or fewandfem- 
»couple" and »triad;" » tetrad" is T^rsm. They are often the last 
members of compounds. M. 2, 76 d^q (the three Vedas), Utt. Ill, 

P- 37 rTrT: ufSlUlfd' q^tr rITRTT IT^TT =3- 

298. Putting ^Tl^T after a cardinal expresses the comple- 
tercar- teness of the number. So ST^Tr „both of them ," ^aT^R 

a^V.^all three Of them." One says even g^sft, ^r^fTT srfa etc. — 

r 

^ »all of them." Bhoj. 91 srfPr: sffffrfft aMq-icrU fr sHcjrwft ^Tf§r- 

fTTfq-- 

299. Cardinals may often be the latter members of com- 
ow pounds , see 294 and 296. 

befng When former members , they may make up with their 
wTof l a tter members the so-called dvigns. This term is ap- 
pends pli e( i to two different kinds of compounds, viz. 1. the 
collective compounds , made up of a cardinal + a noun 
subst., and employed in a collective sense; they must 

be of the neuter gender, as ^"RWEFT (juncture of four 

c 
.roads), but themes in °^ may be feminines in "J" as 

well as neuters in °W\, as T^Tfar 1 ? or f^FTt^T (the p 2 | *■ 
three worlds) ; 2 compound adjectives , which rank 
with the bahuvrihis , but the notion inherent to which 
is not that of ^possession,'' but some other. So the 
word FS^T itself, meaning „ bought for [having the value 52'. 1 ' 

of] two COWS." Ait. Br. I, 1, 6 ^hl^u ichU M : gftnsr: (a cake dressed 
on eight plates). 

Beside this special use , the cardinals may be parts of 
the general tatpurushas and bahuvrihis, especially 
the latter. Such bahuvrihis as ^llttl! (having ten faces), 
I oj^ilri^l^! (with twenty arms), are, in practice, by 

15 



226 § 299-301. 

far more frequent than the adjectival dvigus. Yajfi. 2, 125 
grjfer^sremTTTT: Sjsrafsff eTr<WUllrMdl: (the sons of a brahman own 
according to the caste [of their mother] four, three, two and one 
portions) , Pat. I, p. 62 faqu ir ^dTif^ : (this bahuvrlhi is of three 
elements). 

300. Ordinal nouns of number, when latter members of a bahu- 
vrlhi, are of course used as substantives (cp. 224 R. 1). So JR. 2, 
40, 17 JHlrHHrnm- ll etfc l ^ l (after seeing them mounted, having Stta 
as the third, that is: them two with Sita). — Note the phrase 
airMHrtldj : (himself with two others), a i rHH^W . (himself with four 
others) and the like, cp. Greek ocurbi; Tpirot; (ir£{i7TT0s). An 
instance of the same phra*se , but in analytic form, may be Mahav. 
IV, p. 74 *iir±HI rtdltw JMcyfardJ-siiui srn^ST:. — As to ° Q,Hid almost 
= swith" cp. 58 R. 

301. Fractions are expressed, as with us, by ordinal numbers', either 
on8 accompanied by some word meaning upart," as in the proverbial 
how phrase cfTSTt rrr#r qUufa (see f. i. Pane. II, 61 , M. 2, 86) , Ragh. 
ed. 2, 66 stri?^ tiaiu i jjca fi (*° en J 0T the sixth part of the earth), or 

put alone, when substantives of the neuter gender. M. 8, 398 rnTt 
fSsr ^tft ^TrT (the king must take the twentieth part of it). 

Moreover, they may be denoted also by compounds made up 
of a cardinal number + such a word as inrr, ^ar etc. M. 8, 140 55ft- 
fmrrfr i^pd i h^ (he may take ';,,); ibid. 304 yrpsrrOTT: (a sixth part 
of the virtue); Kumaras. 5, 57 fifa u i ttftim PtmiH (when but a third 
part of the night is left); Varah. Brh.~53, 25 mgm: =\ 1). 

. Very common are mm -.- i and qt^: = |. They are substan- 
tives and accordingly construed with a genitive, but often also 
compounded. Note such turns as Bhoj. 48 mhi^um ji^t: (125 tall 



1) This mode of designating fractions is however not free from am- 
biguousness , as faWTTT may denote also »three parts." See Mallin. on Kuma- 
ras. 5,57. Nor are compounds, beginning with gy° always exempt from 
it. So f. i. ^ymH^may be = half a hundred that is 50, or = a hundred -j- 
half of it, that is 150. R, 2. 34, 13 m UHUa i rl l: is explained in the Petr 
Diet., as being 750 , but Gorebsio is right in accepting it = 350. 



§ 301—302. 227 

elephants, lit. a hundred _|_ a fourth of it), R. 2, 39, 36 dhrosnTT: 
51*137: = half seven-hundred women, that is 350. Raj. 1, 286 r^rrr- 
l^iairi ^TVT oimimw^ian^i^ljj^ ( — reigned 45 years — ). Such num- 
bers as l£, 2 J- etc. are signified by the compounds drferfa, 
^yTTtThr etc., that are adjectives and bahuvrihis, literally meaning 
•the second, third etc. being [but] half" *). M. 4, 95 j^t^fewhrta 
^WlPoljft ^sjq^rrn^ (for 4 J- month a brahman must study the vedic 
texts). »One and a half" is also mzrm^ [literally — »with a half 
more"], as WfsiWq; = 150. 

Rem. How the interest of money is denoted, may appear from 
this passage of Manu (8, 142): f£* %pr gHs* g- qw g- stirf ^W i 
HHUI otp& JT^I^uiWW-iqoiUi: (he may take 2, 3, 4 and 5& a month 
according to the caste). 

302. By being repeated, cardinals or ordinals acquire a 

Other ,...,. 

r e - distributive meaning, see 252 , 3°. Pane. 191 ftfiTfefafrrErr: = 

marks sjrt 

•per terms speculator -es , Var. Tog. 2, 35 rj^ir crgq- ,sf| (every fifth 
day). The same duty may be done by adverbs in °$r;, especially 
by a^sr:, STrTST:, Ms^HSI': »by hundreds, by thousands," also sin hundred, 
thousand ways, manifold", rrtrrsr: (by crowds!, f. i. Qat. Br. 14,4, 
2, 24, etc. 

The proper employment of the adverbs in °^T is to in- 
dicate a real division Of a whole into so and so many 
parts. M. 7, 173 f^rr sr^f gusn (divided his forces in two parts), 
Kathas. 106, 133 ptst fr wm Jjyf Qdfomfc (— into a hundred 
pieces). 

Our adjectives in — fold, etc. are represented in Sans- 
krit by compounds in °3TTT — see the dictionary — as 
fejtir (twofold, double), f^THT, ^rppT, H^PTHT. 

The standard of comparison is here of course put in the ablative, 
cp. 106 R. 2. 



1) On this subject see the disputation of Patanjali I, p. 426 who , as is 
often the case, rather obscures than illustrates the subject which he treats. 



228 § 303. 

SECTION IV. 

SYNTAX OF THE VERBS. 

Chapt. I. General remarks Kinds of verbs. 
Auxiliaries. Periphrase of verbs. 

303. The verbal flection , which plays a prominent part in 
^Hl books on Sanskrit Grammar, has not that paramount 
verb- character in Sanskrit Syntax, at least within the limits 
of the classic dialect. In days of old , the full value 
and the different properties of the rich store of the 
various verbal forms were generally much better un- 
derstood and more skilfully displayed in literature , than 
in and after the classic period. The history of the syntax 
of the Sanskrit verb is a history of decay. Some verbal 
forms get wholly out of use, others become rare or 
are no more employed in their proper way. In this 
manner the conjunctive mood (FTS") has been lost be- 
tween the Vedic Period and Panini , and in post-Paninean 
times the differences between the past tenses are disap- 
pearing , and upon the whole the tendency of substitut- 
ing participles and verbal nouns for the finite verb — 
see 9; 14, 1°; 234 — is increasing. Similarly the fa- 
culty of expressing by means of mere flection , not only 
tenses, moods and voices, but also newly framed verbs: 
causatives, desideratives , intensives, denominatives, 
has been much impaired in practice, though it has 
never ceased to be recognised by theory. In fact, it is 
only the causatives that have retained their old elas- 
ticity and are still made of any verbal root, but the 
desideratives and denominatives are as a rule em- 



§ 303—305. 229 

ployed within a little circle of forms often recurring, 
and the intensives have almost fallen out of use. 

304. The causatives are expressive of such actions , whose 

Causa- i • ■ 

tives. subject is not the agent, but he at whose prompting p - s - 1. 
the agent acts, as <5^$tT: 37?T =hl(UIM (N. N. gets 
the mat made). They are much used both in the act- 
ive and in the passive voice. Their special construc- 
tion has been dealt with in full (49-51). 

On the middle voice of causatives see 318, espec. c). 

Rem. Occasionally the causatives are used without a 
causative meaning, as if they were primitives '). R. 1, 5, 9 
HiVr i oimmn'M (he inhabited the town); Prabodh. II, p. 43 oi^Htj l- 
rrarg^qfff:, here aaiHU rT is quite synonymous with jr^r. 

Pane. 168 fg? JTTjrtnwiwfH = STiwra, ^°^- 257 "t fe f%ira 
f%J5TcHlui ^TTTJiTrrr ■sf%i chHllr<H l ^ l d wmiuuRt [= -4Mi|[y]- Thus often in 
the prakrts. Sometimes the primitive and its causative are used pro- 
miscuously, as .yrfff and sj litild , both »to bear." Sometimes there 
is some idiomatic difference , as in the phrase ttsjj chUiilrl (to exer- 
cise the royal power), here the primitive is not used. Sometimes 
the primitive having got obsolete, the causative has been sub- 
stituted for it, as (aa i ^lfri (to wed) instead of the archaic Qd^H ; 
of which primitive it is only the participle bug that is used in 
the classic dialect. In special cases refer to a dictionary. 

305. The desideratives are expressive of the „wish of doing" 

Deside- P. ,^ r fP. 

ratives. the action , which is denoted by the verbal root : T^T^u^Irl p. s, i, 

= ^rlH^irl (he wishes to do), M^TrT (he wishes 
to obtain). Sometimes they simply denote the „being 

about:" faq[rni?T *?K?FT (the fruit is about to fall). 
It is stated in express terms by native grammarians, 



1) This employment of the causatives is termed by vernacular gram- 
marians S5TW fuM- 



230 § 305—307. 

that the employment of the desideratives is optional *) 
whereas the causatives cannot be periphrased. Accor- 
dingly , desideratives are less frequent in literature than 
causatives. They are not only met with when being 
finite verbs and participles, but also their derivatives 
in °?JT (subst.) and °3 (adj.), which may be made from 

any desiderative , asm^T'Tr (the wish of doing), N^l^ 
(wishing to do). 

Examples : Dag. 90 ^iiJfi^-di mm-v ^sr set afters fdFdshluA ^r- 
g ld-HMdHlritfmlH (she does not care for wealth, it is for virtues 
alone that she wishes to sell her charms and she is desirous of 
behaving herself like a respectable lady), ibid. 25 .q^fcra^aTTTijrT 
feriWTFf mrUMchMdtrT l GhJ (as I perceived some brahman, whom 
the crowd of my attendants were about to kill), Eathas. 29, 157 
TT5TT • • • MMtSouf fUrT: (the king being about to die of illness). 

306. The intensives are not frequent in literature. In the 

sives. brahmauas and in the great epic poems they are more 

to be met with than in younger texts. The participles of 

them seem to be more employed than the finite verbs. 

Examples: Mhbh. 1, 90, 4 rrpr fr qrrfcr <rlMmHH l:, R. 2, 95, 10 
t?l<JtWMM<Ji l-MUti. Kathas. 81, 17 the glow of the sun at the hottest 

part of the day is thus described ^ f| sfgf?r i 2J)um Wi^ ' lwlwipl l- 
W[^T ■sfl stJiqfr i:. In Pane. V, p. 321 the ram, that flees into the 
stable, after having been driven away by the cook with a blazing 
stick, is called jrrsoTWTPwfb":- 

Various classes of denominatives are explained by Panini (3, 1, 

minati- 8 — 21; 25; 27 — 30). Among these, some verbs are very common 

ves in literature, as a i ehuW frr (to hear), ferairt (to mix), mzmi (to cry), 

but they have nothing remarkable from a syntactic point of view , 

since the speaker uses them ready made and may use them even 



1) P. 3, 1, 7 yrm: <*i*JUI: STOT^IchHtwR^Wi 5TT sc. STT, to be under- 
stood from s. 5. But in P. 3, I, 26, which sutra teaches the form and em- 
ployment of the causatives, the particle of optionality is wanting. 



§ 307—308. 231 

without being aware of their etymology. The denominatives which 

concern us here, are those which one can frame by one's self, 

if wanted, such as g^fa intr. (he wishes a son), drhrffl- trans. 

(he treats as a son), iw-imr i grRFi: (the crow behaves as if he were 

a falcon) and the like. Examples of them are occasionally met 

with in literature. Pane. I, vs. 5 ^ <?fr#r f| yf^rt cq^fa SJsrcwr i 

teld-fisfir <r^iini Md^ i ^d-MUrf (here on earth even non-relatives 

behave towards the wealthy, as if they were their kinsmen, but to 

the poor even their own family are rather bad), Kad. I, p. 30 et cHo) 

fsrtfu: mv ch{H«?l)MHlai)Hi)Mr< i .Ud (everything which is given [to me] 

by the queen herself in her own hand, is as ambrosia), Bhoj. 61 

y|±W|iiH roi^fS-qjuiN qf& ctnyM d ^l I f5 H^j. . (Somanatha has become 

„ , a cornucopiae to me). „ „ , 

Inoho- r ' P. 3,1, 

atives Some of those in Vran convey the notion of coming into some 12. 
Factiti- 8 * a ^ e ou * °f another quite opposite , as vrsrraH (to become frequent 
ve 3- [after having been infrequent], arfprraflT (to grow sorry), aT i il l U fT, 
^j^liUr l- But the number of these inchoatives is limited, see Kac. 

on P. 3, 1, 12. — Cp. 308. 

308 

Inchoatives may be made of any noun, by com- 

P 5 4 

pounding it in a special manner with the verb *T 5 o. ' 
(Whitney § 1094), as H^ftefrT (to become frequent), l^j 
3T?TMcTFT (to become white). The same compounds 

OH 

when made up with the verb ^T, signify „to bring some- 
thing into a state, the reverse of that, in which it 
was before l )" as Spft^lfFT (to make white), ^Gtjft- 

cft^llrl (to make black). These inchoatives are very 
common. Some of them have got some special meaning , 
as toiler (to get possession of), ?T^t^ (to allow), 3T1 JT^T 

(to embrace) see f. i. Nagan. IV, p. 62. 



and 32. 
J 



1) Kac. on P. 5, 4, 50 ^5Tcjr; srar: wvjh ST^HorfFT i ff arfriH tt|*l*(lfri' 



232 § 308—310. 

Examples: Dag. 59 MchyHd ch^i i-h ': u { i\ ich^sW cr , Qak. II *rilifl- 
fvrgtsrfsrT^ tSftusrfH ^ mr: ; — Prabodh. II, p. 42 Krodlia says sreft- 
giftft' IT5PT srfvfteiftfSr (I make the world blind and deaf), Mrcch. 
VIII, p. 256 3TEFTJ" flp^Gn?icRTTiT (it is difficult to change poison into 
medecine). 

Rem. Panini allows even inchoatives, made with the verb ailrr. 
From the examples given by Ka§. it is likely, they do exist 
only in the optative: m chimin - As far as I know, instances are 
not found in literature. 

309. Another mode of making inchoatives is putting the suffix "sntT p - 5 - *■ 

^ 52. 

to the noun and adding itotjh, resp. cRTffn. This class is, however, 
limited to substantives, for the suffix o^TfiT expresses the complete 
transition of one thing into another, as afTHMI-froliH (it vanishes in 
fire), m^MMlrch^ l tH (he lays in ashes). According to 308 one may 
say likewise gr^iTsrfH, ssnnrfarfHrr, srnrhfHriH, etc. — Mhbh. 1, 33, 7 
?r iTOT wwu-Qhj Kathas. 5, 100 jjfn ^H fSrsrsr rdl^Mchhu i fMm^q ; i 

Rem. 1. In the case of partial transformation one likewise uses P- 5, 4, 
°HTfT cFrfrfFT, HBrf^ and also %nyr ^ftRTrf f. i. gwf M-j i dNrtjiH^ hst 
Ul^HfMM l r^iNd (in this army all weapons become fiery by a mi- 
racle). See Kac. on P. 5, 4, 53. 

Rem. 2. The same idioms *Wr -I- eh A ft , nafft, WKm may also p - M, 
signify »to make — , resp. to become the property of:" i i dHlt; 
iToriH ( hikih ) »it becomes the king's." Kathas. 38, 157 d l fomm^chH 
srafrT saw (she bestowed her estate on the brahmans) , Pane. I, 224 
iJ(*Hlr*rTT fc%rr] (given into marriage). 

Rem. 3. Pane. 45 "sttft is construed with the verb ;?(■. It is 
written there fear] rrf HHWHtl-^ . 
309*. The upasarga jr° prefixed to the verb has sometimes the power 
of denoting the beginning of the action. Kag. on P. 1, 2, 21 nq\p | H : 
or orcjfHrT: (he commenced to shine), Pane. I, 195 ^tt u^q-rt ifTT 
^Trf y^^fafi- (if he laughs, they begin to smile at him, if he 
weeps, they shed tears). 

310. Periphrase of verbs by means of a general verb to do 
with an object denoting the special action meant, is 



§ 310. 233 

phrlte not uncomm <»- It is chiefly ^ that is used for this 
verts, purpose. So ^m ^tfFT = ^TSPTfrt, RT^ ^tfFT = 

^T^fFT, m^ ^tfrT ■■=■ mtrt, EmT*R ^TTfrT (to 
make one's toilet). In the same way the verbs , express- 
ive of being , becoming etc. are employed for representing 
nominal predicates. Of the kind are H^frT, SETJTrT 

3rJH, frT^frT, OTJTfl' and the like, cp. 3 and 4. It is 
proper to call them auxiliaries. But the same appel- 
lation should be shared by ^ which, in reality, is 
the causative of the former ones : VF®[' T^TT^FTt H^ltl 
— , ffT^TR' (the knot is — , gets loose), 5F?f ftrfsFT 
^T5[1trT (he loosens the knot). 

Examples: 1. of u and its synonyms. Qak. I msr qrfr fBrnrsFTS': STaff: 
(this deer has got out of reach), Pane. 51 fsfc^of rdHch^ -i iQ^ri-n 
MdlH i (why did you swoon thus on a sudden?), Nala 9, 19 jt rq- sr^RT 
Ufarr orrefte mHijJ Ph JT (they, having turned birds, bereave me even 
of my garment). 

2. Of ^. — . Qkk. I grafM^wUllr^M' RytSjUlfa 5fW STTrlR: Tf^lj *()R 

( — or shall I conceal myself?), -E. 3, 25, 25 ^Trferf =35ff: Pm i -sU I:, 

Kumaras. 1, 48 chdbif^Hiitiroi ftfwr =5^75": (the female yaks would 
abate of their pride on account of their tails), ibid. 4, 41 afiT^TT- 
5ig;<)f|Hp^: STHrrnrrJWFftrJIsntrfa':, Pane. 58 Vishnu says *iRHeh«tifl} 

crarar ehi^wjlft [= ndTraift ' ] - Kathas. 27, 160 aMiyy r y fft g^df 

srsrt =aeFny =sr [— smamm =%]■ Qank; on Ch. Up. p. 71 explains 
cRTO: by srrj; gpf:- And so on. 

Bern. Other verbs of similar, though less frequent and more 
limited employment, are ^ifn, ^yTin, sr^in, sryiffr- One says gnrf 
57 »to listen," ^tHM 3T »to clap hands," ^fm 5J »to bolt the 
door;" qfir STf »to behave" (cp. E. 2, 12, 8) and the like. Vikr. 

II, p. 38 q lg oi ^ H d lM ^ErawfFf fcrffFT ([your] eye does not rest 

on the creepers in the garden) ; Mhbh. 1, 74, 101 g^ q- 5rft| fstfa. 



234 § 310—311. 

fT^f% (you ought not to use deceit); Hariv. 531 H l ^ l dUp) 3?r ftcfT 
SfT^r 5i<mm&m^ (Nar. was asleep — ), Ragh. 2, 7 ^istcdTrJi' 5TO: ; 
Mudr. IV, p. 137 tm i rdi lTd<H*UHilcfrJ srsib": (B. is at enmity with 
C); Dag. 19 H^l^lir fir£rniT: (being much astonished). And so on. 

"II- The verb substantive has been dealt with in the opening of 
this book (2 and 3). Here some remarks may be added: 

employ- 1. The negation put to nsrfH or gf^r may signify »not to exist 
at all, to be lost or dead." Mudr. VI, p. 197 zm mn'ittj l^mMl-a rer 
^ srf^T (those , by whose favor I enjoyed all that glory , are now 

dead); K. 3, 31, 31 ?fh=raT ^%fr JV?t =T ulamfi - Even the mere 

negation without verb may have this meaning. R. 3, 41, 19 Marica 
dissuades Eavana from carrying off Sita, saying ^m(5mR| ^Hdl - 

2- jj[?H ) the 3 d perg. of the present, may be used almost as 
a particle in the beginning of tales and the like. J ) It is then 
the very first word. Kathas. 1, 27 Qiva begins to tell a story: 

^feT *mftf%iT <T5T sTjOT ^TJTJTtmrmT. f^Holr<J l^^crlMol IMH :, here ^fer 

may be rendered by swell." s ) Sometimes it has the force of »it 
happens that," as Pat. I, p. 48 ?r% cpr: diR)<^^ i mgd l < Hfifa a 
irMiit'Sf^ =T iTeriH (but it happens also elsewhere that _), ibid. p. 

3. ssrfiiT , the first person , is now and then used instead of g^rr. 
See Petr. Diet. I, p. 536 s. v. jets' 6). — Dag. 158 • gft-s ritjfoj s?" 

rOTyi{m*wuichi^ur. g^¥ q^M^rHoiy'-iisWM'WiH, here a^fej 

seems to be quite the same as sg^ir. Likewise 53ft- and fgnfH may 



1) Cp. the imperatives serft and Hotrj, which are used to express the 
necessity or suitableness of yielding to some outward circumstance, like 
Greek ekv. But the present 3gf^T represents, that the request of him 
who wishes the tale to be told, is actually complied with. 

2) The frequent employment of this idiom may be inferred from this. 
In the Pancatantra ed. JIvananda there are 71 numbered tales. Of them, 
45 begin with Juffn , and though in most of them no finite verb is found 
in the first sentence -- in 14 cases there is — yet in the great majority, 
if not in all , ?rf%7 is not necessary for the understanding. But in all of 
them , the tale is told at the request of somebody , likewise in the two passa- 
ges from the Kath&saritsagara, quoted by the Petr. Diet., viz. 1, 27 and 22, 56. 



§ 311— 3H. 235 

be occasionally used = joPT, as is mentioned by Vamana; see Vdma- 
na , s Stilregeln by Oappeller, Qdbdaguddhi s. 12. 

312 

=ff, *T and ?JH are also auxiliaries in another sense , 

in as far as they help to form periphrastic tenses, as 
the periphrastic perfect (333), the future in °rf } the 
durative (378), etc. The same may be said of some 
others as Irr^TrT, SFTH, illtrl, when signifying the 
durative, see 378. 

old. tjj 6 anc i en t dialect bad the faculty of severing preposition and 

T tti rsir 

verb in compound verbs, the so-called tmesis 1 ). The sacred texts 

from the mantras up to the sutras abound in examples. The greatest 
freedom is of course found in the sanhitas. Ait. Br. 1, 21, 7 jq i fuoi^ : 
fisn ott n^ffr = ?rfe:rt: ■&" m° stitch, Ch. Up. 5, 3, 1 jjrqrpr 

rdll^iej((<4rHI rr ZR tt^dluiN^T ftrTT , Apast. 1, 25, 10 ^ff f=|flT5PS!"{TT TPT 357?T- 

Classic Sanskrit has lost this faculty 2 ). 

Chapt. II. On voices. 

3 14. The Sanskrit verb has three voices : the active (3T? gr- 
ille ->, 

three q^J), the medial (^TTFFTCT^T) and the passive. 

of the of these , the active is formally different from the other 

krit two , but the medial and passive voices have many forms 

in common. The perfect ^Jsh may be = „he made [for 

himself]" as well as „he was made ," the future ^l|^4rt 
is either „he will bear [for himself]" or „he will be 



1) P. 1, 4, 80—82 H gWTifr: I $<I5 qpfr/ I aT5T%IT5I » these [viz. the 
upasargas and gatis] are put before the root; but in sacred texts (chandas) 
also behind and separated' from it by other words." 

2) Perhaps something like a remnant of the antique tmesis may oc- 
casionally be met with. In my notes, I find two passages regarding us 
here : Mudr. I, p. 20 H l l -c^-rU ? and R. 2, 9, 28 srCsm 1 =T FoTT sfiq^- 



236 § 314—316. 

borne. 1 )" But in the present and its system (present, 
imperfect, potential or optative, imperative, participle 
of the present) each voice has a different formal ex- 
pression , <=h^rl etc. serving exclusively for the medium 
but |9hMcl again having exclusively a passive meaning. 

315. The participle in °rl may have a passive, an intran- 
sitive and a transitive meaning, as will be shown af- 
terwards. See 360. 

Passive Apart from the system of the present, it is but one 
in °j single form, viz. the 3 d pers. of the sing, of the aorist — as 
tens^ 6 ST^tf^, *IWlfa — which exclusively serves for the 

derived 

fromit. passive. 

Bern. At the outset even this aorist in °t was a medial tense. 
See Whitney § 845 and Delbruck Altind. Tempuslehre p. 53 grg^, 
p. 54 g^fsr etc. Panini teaches an intransitive employment for 
gqrft; (has arisen, — come forth), afffij (has shone), wfSr (was born), P- 3, 1, 
jfsfVfy (has awaked), sgtrfr (has grown full), sffrfrfir (has extended), 
am I Hi (has grown big). In classic literature aq i Q is not rare. 
Eathas. 42, 134 j^ft dumQ FtH (the giant died). 

316. From this 3" 1 person in °j, however, it is allowed to derive p ( ?' 4 '- 
several passive tenses of all such roots , as end in a vowel , moreover 

of 3T^, 5TT and ^r, see Whitney § 998 d. So f. i. cpsqir, the 

1) Cp. f. i. Mhbh. 1, 159, 6 the future trf^ijTOT d sna11 rescue) with 
Da9- 96 q[7j| I HIrf (those two will be rescued) or Mhbh. 1,188,18 aTT^ 
-rjlit.il iPT; (and Arjuna took the bow) with Kathas. 71, 34 h FTOT WIS 
an% (he was embraced by her). It would be an interesting subject-matter 
for inquiry to draw a statistical account of the common forms of the 
atmanepadam with respect to their being use 1 with a medial and with a 
passive meaning. It seems, indeed, that of several verbs these forms, 
especially the perfect , have the tendency • of conveying exclusively a 
media] meaning, whereas some others seem to be exclusively passives. 
Before, however, such an account from standard authors will have been 
made, it would be premature to state something with certainty on this head. 



§ 316—318. 237 

common future atman. of jst , may sometimes have a passive meaning , 
sometimes it is medial, but the future ^jtf i mH — derived from 
•g^fsr — cannot be used except in a passive sense. In practice , 
these tenses of an exclusively passive meaning seem to be very 
rare. Dag. 132 H(^im i ^« isj l(liQ (I was addressed by the minister), 
ibid. 133 chuifq fiajicM^UI cMJUlMWlGiRi. 

317. The difference between the active voice and the me- 
rence dial is for the greater part only a formal one, at least 

l)C- 

tweea in the classic language. Many verbs are used in the 

tive° parasmaipadam , but not in the atmanepadam , and in- 

and'tL versely. The special rules , given for this by grammar 

medial, ^p ^ ^ ^ gqq ^ do not bel6ng to Syntax. Even if the 

same root is employed in both voices , it is not always 
difference of meaning , that discriminates them ; in poetry, 
for inst., particularly in epic poetry , an other voice than 
the legitimate one is often admissible for metrical reasons. 

Compare the fact, that sometimes the same verb is aparasmaip. 
in one tense and an atman ep. in another. So fij!JH ( ne dies), but 
the future is TTfrarfH. 

318. Nevertheless, the original difference between active 
and medial is not lost. Not only the grammarians, 
who have invented the terms parasmai padam and dtmane 
padam, but the language itself shows, it is well aware 
of it. Several verbs may be employed in both voices 

in this wav , that one avails one's self of the medial p. 1, 3, 

72 foil 

especially to denote „the fruit of the action being for 
the subject," f. i."^^^fT-' f T^r{ ,N.N. cooks for him- 
self " but CT^TFT, when it is to be told, he cooks for others. 
Of the causatives the medial voice serves always for that 
purpose: ^iE" ^njflrt „he orders a mat to be made^ 3 - 
for his own behalf." 



238 § 318. 

Proper Within this proper sphere of the medium some distinc- 

sphere 

of the tions may be made. The action may be done a.) by 

me- * 

dinm. the subject himself in his Own behalf, as Apast. 1, 25, 10 
T?r\ RRT^T^T TFT R^-fT (they remove the sin from 
themselves — ), b.) by order of the subject, likewise for 
himself; of the kind is the medium offlsT. *TsTFTissaid 
of the patron, who makes the priests officiate for him- 
self and who obtains the fruit of the sacrifice, whereas 
the officiating priests MsllTi, c.) so that the same per- 
son is both subject and object , as Ch. Up. 4, 4, 2 tlrM^IM 

^5T sTT^TFTT Sjoll&ll! (you must name yourself — ). 
Compare with a.) such Greek medial verbs as iropi&f&xi 
„I acquire for myself," with b.) such as iratieucf&xi rbv utiv 
„I have my son instructed ," with c.) suchas xxxvtttoimi 
„I wrap myself." Those in c) are mere reflexives. 

Instances of medial meaning conveyed by medial forms seem 
to be found especially in the older texts , yet they are not wanting 
in the classic literature. 

a.) Par. 1, 4, 12 a marriage-mantra contains the words trfryf^oT 
oTiH: (put on the garment [yourself]), 'for (rfryf^ would mean »put 
it on another;" Ait. Br. 2, 11, 1 gctr g- ti^WH-*Jd [for their own 
benefit]; Kathas. 42, 201 aduT l ri *wirlfi7 fd<im(*^ch i (she chose him 
[for her husband]) and in this meaning regularly dU I H , f- i- Kumaras. 
6, 78; E. 1, 61, 21 mm -m to i TFT (prince, take me with you); 
Kathas. 25, 232 — the king , being presented with a golden lotus, 
puts it into a silver vase , and says : I would I had another similar 
lotus to put it into the other silver vase — jjl^mlHtid ^m^f^ - 
t?ft gwTSf5f$ an; — Pat. I, p. 281 3=rq^ crrrjiT (he warms his hands), 
ibid. p. 282 aid-^H rrrrjft (he stretches his hands) ; — Pane. 64 yrgfa^: 
57 iMshlii ZKKcl (the king's zenana are sporting in the water"); Mhbli. 
1, 175, 33 srr rrV. [SlitdlRjlUI drS^J yj^ldUH Sfmx:- 

b.) R. 2, 4, 22 Dacaratha says to his son Rama af=r tr^-sf tiRl^M 



§ 318-319. 239 

(have yourself anointed — ), and so always with this verb; 

c.) Apast. 1, 6, 3 ar ^fcpTf Mnm^iTM (he shall not stretch out [his 
feet] towards him); Mhbh. 1, 121, 31 ^fesr ^anf (show yourself, 
gallant prince) ; R. 1, 75, 3 *npgs , qjgw srpng- 3=*5T<?r ^ ^. 

Rem. 1. If a reflexive pronoun be added, one may use the 

active as well as the medial voice. p - 1. 3 . 

77. 
Rem. 2. P. 1, 3, 68 teaches the use of the medial causatives 

iforci and farerrrcrcr when meaning: »I cause [you] to fear (wonder 
at) myself," whereas the regular forms irercrfa', faFTHnrfrf have 
no reflexive meaning. 

Rem. 3. Reciprocity may be denoted by compound verbs be- 
ginning by arfH°. These must be generally medial verbs. See 
P. 1, 3, 14—16 and Pat. I, p. 277. 

319. Th. e passive voice is much used in Sanskrit both 

Passive . "■ "■ 1> 

voice, personally and impersonally, as has been pointed out 87 
7 and 8. 

Moreover it serves to signify such intransitive actions 
as the rice boils, the wood splits CJ^Urf M i^MH ITH'tlrl 
=hl'^ r T '), whereas „I boil the rice , I split the wood" is 
expressed by the active voice 5Tt^T W^IH" I =hl^ PT" 

Hl'ij 3 ). Pat. II, p. 14 TOTOT fwfHNH l sTteT: srhEFFr (from a river- 
bank, which is about to give way, lumps of earth are breaking 
off) , Kumaras. 4, 5 rr f&^tlf (v. a. my heart does not break), Kathas. 
25, 45 sr^r spwsJTFT (the vessel burst), Qat. Br. 1, 5, 4, 5 g srcsqcTfat 
t h^ lPr rrap^' (the "fruits fall down from the trees). Of the kind 
are pjr& (to appear, to seem), jq-Jiii?| (to increase), grpEffa^r (to 
decrease), mH7t (to suit, to be fit) and the like. 



1) The passive, when personal, is styled chHfui (expressive of the ob- 
ject), when impersonal , irrg- (express, of the state), see P. 1, 3, 13; 3, 1, 67. 
When having an intransitive or reflexive meaning, it is styled chH*dH 
(express, of both subject and object). 

2) Yet one likewise says f. i. STTV ^TTSTt TcrfH' (the pot boils well), cp. 
Kac. on P. 3, 1,87. 



240 § 319—320. 

Bern. 1. It is not allowed, however, to use that intransitive P. 3. l, 
passive of all verbs. Panini excepts the roots g^; , g- and rpj. One 
says j^f - not j^jfi- - rfh toliW d , qq^ - not qujff - S^TT: ^KPTcr 
»the cow is milking; the stick bends." Patanjali extends the 
exception to others, especially to all causatives, and mentions a 
varttika of the Bharadvajiyas which enumerates even a larger 
list of exceptions. This statement of the Bharadvajiyas has been 
accepted by the Kacika. At all events , this much is certain , 
that of several verbs the medial voice has also an intrans. meaning. 
A concurrence of medial and passive is taught by P. 3, 1, 62 and 
63 for the aorist of roots ending in a vowel and also of g-^; with 
intransitive meaning it may be said acHfl or sairT,. a^)f^ and 

3T|TV, f. i. 4lchlf| or iffSRFT 5J)T: tolWol - 

On the other hand, the pure reflexive — 318 c\ — is occasio- 
nally expressed by a passive; especially JjaiH »to release one's 
self." R. 3, 69, 39 tf^reres jma- 

Rem. 2. Note the idiom jtziw hii^NH : , a passive with etymo- P. 3, 1, 
logical object. See f. i. M. 2, 167. 
320. Intransitives are often expressed also by the verbs 

Intran 

sitives-of the so-called four th class of conjugation , which chiefly 

how r-s 

ex - comprises roots with intransitive meaning, as Sh^Miri 
$STf?T, faSTTFT, ^TIH. For the rest, intransitive 
meaning is by no means restricted to a special set of 
forms and may be conveyed by any. So f. i. FcPT 
„to sleep" is formally an active ^FTftT, ^TT „to lie" 
a medial 3TFT, ^ „to die" a passive H^TrT. 

The difference of accentuation which exists between the verbs 
of the 4 th class and the passives, must not blind us to the in- 
contestable fact of their close connection. At the outset, there 
is likely to ha^e been one conjugation in °gfff °?ih with intran- 
sitive function , whence both the 4*h class and the passive have sprung. 
Nor is it possible, even in accentuated texts, to draw everywhere 
with accuracy the boundary-line between them, see Whitney § 761, 



§ 320—321. 241 

especially b.) and c.) and 762, cp. also the rule of P. 6, 1, 195. — 
The old language, especially the dialect of the Mahabharata, affords 
many instances of passive forms with the endings of the parasmai- 
padam, even with passive meaning. See f. i. Mhbh. 1, 24, 15; 38, 
13; 51, 9; 102, 23; Nala 20, 31 etc. 1 ). 

Chapt. III. Tenses and moods. 

321. The Sanskrit finite verb comprises the following tenses 
and moods: 1. the present (FPT), 2. the imperfect (FT3), 
3. the perfect (H4"), 4. the aorist (FT3F), 5. and 6. the 
future in PTlrT (FI5) and the periphrastic future (FTE), 
7. the imperative (tr\ \{ t ) } 8. the potential or optative (TFT3), 

9. the precative (M|:lR|N), 10. the conditional (FRF). 
To them we must add for the archaic dialect the con- 
junctive (FTS"), for the classic language the participles 

in °rT and rT^Tl , as far as they do duty for finite 
verbs. Of these, 1 — 6 and the said participles constitute 
that, which we are wont to call „the indicative mood;" 
the other moods are represented by 7—10 and by the 

Vernacular grammar makes no distinction between tenses and 
moods, which is, indeed, less developed in Sanskrit, than it is in 
Latin and Greek. 2 ) 



1) P. 3,1,90 mentions two roots, which are verbs of the 4 th class ) 
parasmaipada , when being used as intransitive-reflexives , whereas they 
are otherwise conjugated , when transitives. But Panini expressly sta- 
tes that the eastern grammarians teach so , the passive of them may , 
therefore.be also employed,f.i. chtejfd or oFTOJ^r trier: feWHol (the foot strikes), 
TstrfFT or pqfV of^T STCRoT (the garment is dying). Utt. V, p. 102 ^ 

S5T& p3rT:. 

2) In Panini's grammar the 10 or 11 tenses and moods form one category , 

16 



242 § 322. 

322. Of the tenses, which constitute the indicative mood, 
the present is represented by one, the future by two, 
the past by four (aorist, imperfect, perfect, participles). 
Of the two futures, that in Vllcl is the general expo- 
nent of the future. Likewise the aorist and the participles 
are the general exponents of the past. The other past tenses 

and the other future have but a limited sphere of employ- 
ment. We may remark that those limits are quite different from 
what one would expect judging from the names , by which Sanskrit 
tenses have been termed by European scholars. Sanskrit imperfect 
and perfect have nothing in common with their cognominal tenses in 
Latin or French or Greek, and the difference f. i. between the employ- 
ment of Skr. ^[^ih i Rh and tyifipmnfi can in no way be compared 
with that which exists between Lat. scripturus sum and scribam. 

Eem. Sanskrit makes no distinction between absolute and re- 
lative tenses. Hence, if one wants to denote what was about to 
be done in the past i), one employs the same tense which is ex- 
pressive of what is about to be done now , viz. the future. Simi- 
larly , the same past tenses , which signify that which is accom- 
plished now, may serve also for the expression of the action, which 
will be accomplished at some future point of time. Nagan. Ill, 
p. 55 fijir n^ rewind n^T^nf^ ft^ioiy £sr Fa^rWUiH ^ej, here 
the past tense jju i rl : has the value of the so-called futurum exac- 
tum of Latin, ego advenero. 

For this reason too , the present does also duty for the dura- 
tive of the past (327) and the past tenses are also significative 
of the remote past (339). 



but do not bear a common appellation. The K&tantra names them fgirfiff, 
by the same term which is used tor the » cases" of the nouns. See Kat. 
3,1, 11 — 34 with commentary. 

1) This was at the outset the duty of the so-called conditional, but 
in classic Sanskrit this employment having fallen out of use, it is the 
future that is to express scripturus eram as well as scripturus sum. Cp. 347 R. 



§ 32S— 324. 243 

Present. (^TS). 

323. The present tense is in Sanskrit what it is every- 

Pre- 

sent, where, the expression of facts present or represented 
as such. The notion „present" has of course the ut- 
most elasticity. It applies to any sphere of time of 
which ourselves are the centre and it may have as small 
or as great a periphery as possible. Accordingly, facts 
which are represented as happening always and every- 
where are put in the present. It is superfluous to il- 
lustrate this by examples. 

324. Further, the presenVmay denote a near past or a near v \ s s \ 3 ' 

f e r n e t ; future. 

denot- 1. The present denoting a near future may be compared fj^g' 

near with such phrases as : I am going on a journey next 
week, instead of: I shall go. So ^T^ch=^T 

>fMH", etc. 

Bhoj. 42 arf£ ^ nsurT serf ^lriwd*l flWlR'.Mi^uPH (if we do not 
go, the king's attendants will turn us out to-morrow), E. 3, 68, 13 
%W5T foH a u fd (he will die soon), Pane. 143 y^f .tiaddl s^ fnr 
grr^r iTJITfJT (I am happy, I shall pass the time there with you). 

In subordinate sentences the present is very often 
employed in this manner, especially in final and conse- 
cutive clauses, as will be shown afterwards. 

Bern. 1. Panini gives a special rule concerning the present p. 3, 3, 

4. 

denoting the future with jnsnT and m Example of a i oirf j Pane. 
286 ^ ZTffT ^STtrrWT i ll 5i<i,4 WUh*$lPl (— till I come back). As 
to qTT, it may be 1. an adverb » erelong." 2. a conjunction =r 
Lat. priusquam. The rule holds good for both. Dag. 136 1%riftfo g- 
TTT ST dPidiJ l USFrFT (and that ungrateful man will erelong kill you) _ 
R. 2, 116, 19 tr^r.... srrffftgqf%rf rmferj i ^ylufo f|;' £ct^ f^wt^ 



ing a 

near 

future 



244 § 324—327. 

<nmjjjm^ (before those wicked beings inflict any corporal injury 
upon the ascets , we will leave this hermitage). 

Rem. 2. Another consequence of its fitness for denoting a near 
future is exhibited by its doing duty for a conjunctive (356). 
325. 2. The present denoting a near past. It may be said 

sent ^T^TJT^TFT „I arrive" by one , who has just arrived. m - 

kg^a XJtt. I, p. 3 i nikHifemtd dlMil< Tp£: (the king has just- retired 

near f ro m his seat of justice to his inner apartments). — Of this kind 

past. 

are the rules given by Panini (3, 2, 120 and 121) for the em- 
ployment of present and aorist in answers. If one asks nhave 
you made the mat?", the answer may be, when using tt, q- chTlflf 
or -i i ch i tH) »no, I have not," or if an interrogation, nhavelnot?" 
Likewise with :t, g^ :t c^lfa or, ^jchlJ^ - But with tjtj exclusively 
the present: 7& ^rtfJT sindeed, I have."!). 

Eem. Inversely, it may happen that a Sanskrit aorist is to 
be rendered by an English present, see note 1 on page 253 of this book. 

236. Moreover, the present is often used in relating past 
ricBi°" actions. Then we may call it historical present. 
s P ent. Properly it is distinguished by the particle FT added, p. 3,2, 

118 

but FT is occasionally wanting. Nala 3, 18 ^ mm u i cmPh i a i n o 

a 11". 

*T cm^t^fg f%^T (they could not utter a single word to him), 

Kathas. 1, 33 ^fn srf% ST iTddt i Urdd M ftftT TU: (thus spoke Par- 

vatt, and Qiva answered), Pane. 201 a story ends thus: srsraTntr 

H^fiHl<ij(«T srar sirr ssrrrw fd^Pri ST (and since that day the hares 

lived happily in their dwellings) ; — Kumaras. 3, 13 oil i Q < hm iwt. 

(TTT&fJT waitT 2^te^TW sta: (Qesha has been appointed _). 

327. But the most common employment of the historical 

preset present is that of expressing facts when „going on." 

dnra- e As Sanskrit imperfect (FT3) has not the character of 

tmse a durative, like the imperfect in Latin and French, 

par ex- 
cellence. 



1) A varttika, expounded and agreed to by Patanjali finds fault 
with this rule of Panini [ttrU 1W 1^ fcSd fadre l IH - See Pat. II, p. 122. 



§ 327. 245 

^T5[ ma y be both a synonym of Latin ferebam } 
and of tuli'). But the present >T^Tfa is by its nature a 
durative tense, and for this reason it is eminently 
adapted to signify the durative, even of the past. 
Of course, FT may be added in that case (326), but 
it is not necessary and is generally wanting in the 
body of a narration. Accordingly , *T{TFf is often = Lat. 
ferebam. 

Examples: Pane. 165 a new story begins in this manner ^f^j grfirr- 

feeffiwrn y| Picriehi J7FT *l(cH*l sraffT W {hdbitabat) \ ^ =ar qTferofr- 

f^rrrft ?T5^r sr^nijrTTSTriH (*'s vestes conficiebat) \ qj- prer — =t i-fisr- 
RTE^TsTTT^rfVcFj Ewrafe SWT (fiebat) ; Ch. Up. 1, 2, 13 ^ ^ q-ft- 
ifklMl^idl spgr (fuit) i sr ^ &w. chmHun g-fo (incantabat) ; Mhbh. 
h^-57, 5 Ry^pH ct ff5T epqT ?Nr ?RJ ftfsr (at that time they 
delivered the food begged to Kuntl every night); Pat. I, p. 5 q- j \dh^ 

^dcjjylrjj ^qTrp-H { ^TTcrl sTTfTUTT odlch^UI FTT<?fejW (discebant) d^rd' 

rr ftoi ; Bhoj. 40 FirravrfFT =r Pidifd =tet usSt =t #r^rf%d^r fer^nrftTTq^rr: 
feraT fed i Par tlioMM fa (from that time he did not sleep or take 
food or converse with anybody, but with a heavy mind he la- 
mented night and day) ; Pane. 145 begins the story of some monk , 
who did inhabit ( q|doi<dfd 9t) some monastery, his ordinary life is 

described by a set of present tenses without 9t (grrrarfH Sorfifn' 

y^lx)l<Ji)fH)- — A past tense and the present may even be put close 
together. E. 2, 63, 14 Dagaratha relates to his queen IoEPTet forT^off 



1) In the brahman as the present with ^it, according to Delbruck 
Altindische Tempuslehre p. 129, is always =. Lat. imperfect , never ■=. Lat. per- 
fect: »Das Prasens mit sma steht im Sinne der Vergangenheit , jedoch — so 
viel ich sehe — nicht so dass damit em einmaliges vergangenes Ereigniss 
bezeichnet wurde. Vielmehr druckt das Prasens mit sma dasjenige aus, 
was sich ofters, besonders was sich gewohnheitsmassig ereignet hat." 

In the classic dialect, however, ifrfH ST is both z= ferebat , and — tulit. 
Plenty of instances may be drawn from classic literature. Only see the 
examples to P. 3, 2, 118; 119, and Kathas. 1, 33 quoted 326. 



246 § 327-328. 

Wd{ \ i \ Mb ii ui^ (at the time you were not married and I was heir- 
apparent). 

Kern. Panini especially mentions the freedom of employing the 
present instead of a past tense with j^t (formerly, before). So 
Pane. 202 the crow says th R4 fei foir <ipt SRTTft. Here the present 
is used, but the aorist f. i. Kathas. 25, 74 ^ H jr^ i fau :, the im- 

perf. f. i. ibid. 24, 19 srnsp£ JftT jm and Pat. I, p. 5 quoted 

above. 

Past tenses. 

328. In defining the employment of the past tenses one 
Actual mugt distinguish between such past facts, as have not 

past a 

and lost their actuality, and such as have, and therefore 

histori- ^ . 

caipast. belong to history. The historical past may be expressed 
by any past tense, but the actual past not. In other 
terms, as a rule, English he did and he had done may 
be rendered by Sanskrit aorist, imperfect, perfect or 
the participle (=hr1=U«^, ^irT^FH), but English he has 
done only by the aorist or the participle, not by the 
imperfect or by the perfect. 
Histo- i # p or expressing the historical past, the four past 

rical 

past tenses are used almost promiscuously , and the historical 

GTET)T6SS — 

ed by present (326, 327) may be added to them as a fifth. 

any past Examples: Kathas. 24, 10 it is told, one asked (^q^rj^imperf.), 
vs. 11 the other replied ( aoii<)rf aor.), vs. 13 the former asked again 
(<nr^ perf.). Ibid. vs. 214 (irm^T rr i H3T h«j iui*-d* ^rtiPdWjs^xi i & 

^ HMsJcH sas they could not tell it him [themselves], they sent 

messengers , who told him") is an other instance of aor., perf. and 
imperf. used promiscuously and without the slightest difference 
of meaning. Pane. 276 we have this succession of facts: srranirf 

nwfa ffifijdol i HL (participle) ^rfwnr hiuihIh^ (aorist) i a^ rrerr 

qmolldchmi ' M^iTTh^R('UIh (histor. pres. with durative meaning »was 
singing)" i fi^rSfT Hmfif^HH (partio.) M^aJ l rj; (imperf.) and so 



§ 328-330. 247 

on. In an other story Pane. 51 , we have this succession of facts: 
a weaver and a cartwright dwelled (nf^oTSTrT: w) in the same town 
and lived always together (^n^ RHH:)- O ne day a great festival 
took place fcfofTr:) and a procession, in the midst of which they 
beheld (js^rf) a maiden of great beauty. On seeing her, the weaver 
fell in love with her and swooned fa^rr Uri9t Pinmrt ). His friend 
the cartwright got him carried home (saTT^TTRTJnjrr) and by proper 
treatment he soon recovered (jh^hwI sjusr). — Upon the whole , there 
seems to be a tendency to alternate the past tenses in literary com- 
positions. 

329. Now, the imperfect and the perfect are restricted 
feet and to that sphere of employment. They cannot be used 
a" re- except of such facts as have lost their actuality for 
S to 1C the the speaker l ). Both of them are only available for the 
"ioiTrf historical past. They are to be rendered by our past 

toricaf tense , both ^T^T^TrT and ^T^JT^ being = „he did." 

past. Both of them are equally applied to facts , that have happened 

but once (Lat. perfectum historicum), and to actions repeated or 
continuous (Lat. imperfectum). 2 ) 

330. There is , however, a difference between the perfect and P _ 3j 
rencV the imperfect. It is taught by Panini in express terms, 11B 

bet WGCI1 <'"~^^^_^_- 

imper- that the perfect (k<16) is restricted to such facts as have 
perfect, not been witnessed by the speaker, and the practice of 
good authors is generally in accordance with this state- 
ment. It is somewhat uncommon to meet with a per- 



1) This is meant by Panini, when he teaches 3T3 (and, aa it stands 
under the same adhikara, also f§TC0 to be used tJ'nyH'T. P. 3, 2, 111. 

2) Cp. Kathas. 24, 214 ^H l fcdMtf prtgT I nr ^ rRsJcFT^ nuntios miserunl, 
iique ei dixerunt, with Mhbh. 1, 68, 9, which verse describes the happiness 

of the subjects of Dushyanta during his reign saw ^"fq^ amf: 

^IM^JollchHl tTOT: — hominum ordines suis quisque officiis delectabantur, 
erantque ab omni parte tuti. 



248 § 330. 

feet when expressive of an action the speaker has wit- 
nessed himself. 

Good authors, accordingly, avoid using the perfect tense, 
if the facts narrated have been witnessed by the speaker. The 
Dagahum&racarita abounds in stories of adventures, told by the 
very persons who have experienced them; all past tenses are 
employed promiscuously , only perfects are wanting. But , in the 
same work, if the author himself is speaking, or if any of his 
heroes is relating a fable of olden times , the perfects make their 
appearance side by side with the other past tenses J ). The same 
observation may be made with respect to the KatMsaritsagara 2 ). 

Yet, from this one must not infer, that on the other hand 
the imperfect is restricted to the relation of past facts 
witnessed by the speaker 3 ). Even , if Panini had taught 



1) So there is not a single perfect in the whole story of Apahara- 
varma, as he relates his own adventures; for the same reason perfects 
are wanting in the stories of other princes. The sixth ucchvasa, Mitra- 
guptacarilam , has no perfects, while Mitragupta tells all what has hap- 
pened to himself, but as soon as he is narrating to the giant the four 
little tales of Dhumini etc., perfects abound. 

2) Exceptions may, however, occasionally be found. Dae. 110 and 111 
prince Upaharavarma, when relating his own adventures, says twice JTTteC) 
while speaking of a woman, who wept before his eyes. R. 3, 67, 20 the 
vulture Jatayu informs Rama, how Ravana yld IM liiJU d<^M<*l<4IH fliirT- 
VTWT- Kathas. 6,43 the clever merchant, who has made his fortune by 
trade, uses the perfect 55JJ, while relating, that each woodcutter gave 
him two pieces of wood, as he presented them with a fresh draught. 
Likewise Nagan. V, p. 77 hhm instead of the aor. of a fall, which the 
speaker has seen on the same day and with his own eyes. But, I repeat, 
such deviations are upon the whole very rare , at least in good authors. 

3) The term qrfft for the sphere of the perfect , is a point of dispute 
with the commentators. It is asked, what kind of actions may be said 
to fall under this category, and as the term, when strictly interpreted, 
signifies » beyond the reach of the eye," it has been deemed necessary 
to give an additional rule in express terms, that » well-known facts fall- 
ing within the speaker's sphere of observation are to be put in the 
imperfect — not in the perfect — even if they have in fact not been 



§ 330. 249 

so a ), such a rule would be in direct opposition to the 
constant practice of Sanskrit literature up to the Vedas. 
The imperfect is always and everywhere used both of past 
facts which are within the compass of the speaker's 
experience, and of those which are not. 



witnessed by him." This varttika seems to be as old as Katyayana, it 
is expounded by Pat. II, p. 119. 

1) It is not quite sure, that he has. Still, when looting closely at 
Panini's own words about the employment of ^n? and f§T?7 and at the 
commentaries and disputes of his scholiasts, we may consider it a tenet of 
the grammarians , that 5FT5 is not available within the sphere set apart for 
f§T£. Prom 3, 2, 116 s^[«cldl5FnFJ5 » with ^ and sjgsrrT^ (forsooth) — cp. 397 
R, 3 — ^frj may also be used within the sphere of f?rr£', cp. s. 115, we 
can draw no other inference , than even this, that in any other case one 
would be wrong in using ^3 qrt^f. But it is possible, that this sutra 
116 did not belong to the original work of Panini. Indeed setting this sutra 
apart, the very arrangement of the rules which treat of the suffixes 
and tenses of the past , would rather induce us to suppose Panini having 
taught the employment of 5^ both aq^l^t and q^y'. Prom 3, 2, 84 up to 
123 uh is adhikara, the suffixes taught there are accordingly expressive 
of »the past." Now, from 84 — 110 this »past" is not specialized and 
comprises any past whatever. With s. Ill the first restriction makes its 
appearance, it is stated that the imperfect fere) is used #rKlrl>4 » denoting 
the not-actual past." Prom there 4M<UrH remains adhik&ra till s. 119, 
but s. 115 a second restriction is added to the first: the suffixes are not 
only expressive of the past 4M4lrM but also qTfa'. Now the question is 
simply this: Has Pfl,nini meant sutra 111 (employment of 5rT|) to bean 
exception to 110 (employment of q!T5_ » aorist") and likewise 115 (em- 
ployment of fsrTT) an exception to 111 — or is each of these rules to be 
interpreted separately and considered by itself? According to the former 
acceptation , the aorist is taught to be restricted to past actions that have 
happened to-day, the imperfect restricted to past actions before to-day, 
but witnessed by the speaker; according to the latter, the aorist is ex- 
pressive of any past both actual and historical, and the imperfect of 
any historical past both witnessed and not-witnessed by the speaker. 
The former acceptation is that of Sanskrit grammarians up to Patanjali 
and the author of the varttikas , the latter is in accordance with the practice 
of Sanskrit literature. 



250 § 330-331. 

Eem. 1. In putting questions, the difference between perfect 
and imperfect vanishes, and it seems, also that between those 
tenses and the aorist. If I rightly understand P. 3, 2, 117, the 
employment of both perf. and imperf. in putting questions is prescribed 
by Panini , even if the past action be »near in time" a i »H-)chM - Kag. 
exemplifies this rule frfarshfar^fd i ^T^ idUj* : i smTT toRjr;- R- 3, 
19, 6 Kharaasks his sister Qurpanakha cfrrsoirsr n^ i cfi&rdi Qai,n f Tjeh i J 
^ (what strong man has disfigured you thus ?). Cp. Ch. Up. 4, 14, 2 
quoted 345. 

Rem. 2. Another rule of Panini — 3, 3, 135 — forbids the im. 
perfect, the perfect and the present wither 1 ) in two cases: [frti \- 
nsirsrerfTtanrh. According to the gloss of the Kagika kriy&prabandha 
is » uninterrupted action," s&mipya »the time which immediately 
adjoins the time of the speaker." In these cases the aorist and the 
participles are stated to be employed, not the other past tenses. 
Kag. gives these examples uioiWTiciiHH^lH (as long as he lived he 
distributed food [to the poor]), m gluWiafHshl^H^mgM l Jl ssffrTTftfT 
(at the next full moon the teacher worshipped the holy fires). 
I do not know how far this injunction is confirmed by the evi- 
dence furnished by Sanskrit literature. For the rest cp. 341 E. 
331. At the outset, the perfect had not the restricted function, ■ ing 

,. which it has in the classic dialect. In the old vedic mantras , like 
perfect ' 

of the the aorist, it may denote every shade of the past, and occasio- 

dialect, nally it has even the power of- a present tense, in the same way 

as for instance Greek IsTif x« oi&x , Latin memini consuevi , Gothic 

• fe "' vait mag, sim. So Rgv. 5, 60, 3 (5i nm »is afraid," ibid. 1, 113, 3 

when a f^rfT; »they stand still" and the other instances to be found in 

present ^ 

tense. Delbruck Altindische Tempuslehre p. 103 sqq. 

The classic language has but two perfects, expres- 
sive of the present, viz. ol^ (he knows) and %(l«^ (he says) ; 
the latter may also be used of the past. 2 ) From the litur- 

1) Though not mentioned either by KS,c. or by Patanjali , the f§r?T 
and the 3TE ST-must needs be implied in the prohibition , for the adhikftra 
*MUrM implies them too. 

2) My notes contain , however, two other instances. Pane. 246 ti i di li q 



§ 331-333. 251 

gical writings — -where, for the rest, the employment of the perfect 
is already confined within the same limits as afterwards , see Delbruck 
I. I. p. 131 — we may adduce moreover fcfr »he rules" (f. i. Ait. Br. 
1, 30, 3), junj »he is awake" Ch Up. 4, 3, 6 and perhaps some 
others, see f. i. Ait. Br. 2, 41, 4. 

332. From the above it is sufficiently clear, that the l 9t 
and 2 d person of the perfect are hardly met with in 
classic Sanskrit, except of ^ and i|'(«^. — For the is* 

person, Patanjali is at a loss, how to employ it, unless to re- 
late facts done while being asleep or drunk. a ) That the 2& per- 
son of the plural is not used, is evident from a passage of the 
commencement of the Mahdbh&shya; there it is observed, that 
such forms as ot, HTj =5ra7) q^ exist in theory only, as one does 
not say <& 3^ but g, mnrfSm: See Pat. I, p. 8, 1. 23; p. 9, 1. 11. 

333. There is no syntactical difference between the perfect 
.phras. simple and that, which is made by periphrase with 

perfect. 3TTW, ^FHT" med- ^, and ^T3". 

In the brahmanas -^ch i a and ^r are almost exclusively used 
for this purpose. 2 ) Nor does Panini teach other auxiliaries. 3 ) 



is used in the sense of Greek tfxu. The serpent declares to the frogs 
rfiTf ■s^ UU-II* cTr^WTRnTPT (by this [viz. the curse of the brahman, 
whose son he had bitten to death] I have come to you in order to be 
your carrier). In the Gauri recension of the (Jakuntala, V, p. 109 of the 
2 4 ed. of Tarkavftgi9a (Calc. 1864) Camgarava says to Dushyanta jrfnrq: 

y^yi^i -McOilt ^Rrt| iTon-TOW H^TOT sftfFRFTT norfl^-pnfPT. In both 
instances the perfect is rather expressive of an action finished, than of 
an action past. 

1) The example given is rfi^t — or wt _ s^; i%cfT Q<rMlu- — Another 
case of its employment is in strong denials, as when one asks ^RimiMy 
ufd^ fer and the other answers qT^ 5^%rrnxrq' ufdd l j,|. See vartt. on P. 3, 2, 
115 in Patanj. II, p. 120; the instance given there is evidently a quo- 
tation from some literary work. 

2) In the Aitar. Brahm. the periphr. perfect with arH is used but 
once. See the edition of Atjtkecht, p. 429. 

3) To interprete P. 3, 1, 40 g^n, as if it were a praty&haraof gj -|- 
IT _)_ =g^r, is , not to mention other objections , too artificial and too subtle , 



252 § 333—334. 

But even in the epic poems all of them are used, especially 
iffTCT, which seems also afterwards to be the most frequent, whereas 
5TU5J is the rarest. 

334. II. The aorist (FT?) is expressive of any past , either 

Aoriat. ^"^ .<-> 

historical or actual; ^f^WH" may be = „I did," and =: 
„I have done." Examples of the historical aorist have 
been given 328. 

When denoting the actual past, that is such past 
acts as are so recent as not to have lost their actuality at 
the time of their being related, the aorist is used side 
by side with the participles in °H^*rl and °rf; neither 
imperf. nor perfect are then available. „I have seen the 
man" is ST^I^f J^T or £2"3"RfFT [not SJW 1 ^ nor 

Examples of the aorist denoting the actual past. Ait. Br. 1, 6, 11 
HWI<MisflUWlJ^lfjiffti ST tN^iTlPlrtll^mM snjpvfit (for this reason, 
one says to an eye-witness: have you seen it? for if he says she 
has ," they believe him) ; B. 2, 89, 5 Bharata has spent the night 
with Guha, the next morning his host asks him ch f^ rM *?? h^)h17 
■S oilrtrTi : ch l chrtg r uid(l^ (have you past the night well?);Mhbh. 1, 
167, 23 king Drupada having lost half his kingdom to Drona, 
goes to some brahman, who may procure him a means for aveng- 
ing himself, and says z\m: Ui la g JTTOj Dag. 27: it has been 
predicted to the brahman Matanga that he will soon meet with 
a prince, now, when he really meets with a prince, he tells 
him this prediction and adds these words H4jA.UI i -muiMoi Hoid.uw - 
qqufT [neither g-irarT nor sp^sr are here admissible] ; Qak. VII Matali 
congratulates Dushyanta on finding back his wife with his son, 
the king replies 3T^grf?7P3T£qv?Tt Sr trtijv: (my desire is gone 



to be true. Panini knew, or at least approved, no other periphrastic 
perfect, than that which is made with cFT. 



§ 334. 253 

into sweet fulfilment) ; Kathas. 40, 108 ni-tr jtut JM^lfti (v. a. I 
have made you king); Pane. 16 the jackal begs permission to 
appear before the lion, the doorkeeper grants it him with the 
words timaitOao iPT 1 )- 

Bern. In the archaic dialect of the bralimanas etc. the aorist 
seems to serve exclusively for this actual past 2 ). The contrast 
between the historical tenses and the aorist is so striking there 
that it cannot possibly be overlooked by anybody who peruses 
these writings. The most instructive passages are such, as men- 
tion the same fact twice, first when told by the author, after- 
wards when put into the mouth of one of the actors. Then we 
invariably find the imperfect or the perfect in the historical ac- 
count, the aorist in the oratio directa. Ait. Br. 7, 14, 5 ft^T ^ Z^T 

srft^iff ^terr=nw bit stst 37?™ mx ^ zjm: qi^ i n s{ld wwruw 

5TT wr STfTT: (then he got teeth; then he said to him: she has, 

indeed, got teeth" then his teeth dropped out, then he 

said to him : »his teeth , have , indeed , dropped out"). Ch. Up. 5, 3 
the following story is told: Qvetaketu once came (nirrcr) *° * ne 
meeting of the Pancalas. To him the xattriya Pravahana said 
(3Erra): »has your father instructed you?" (^r ra i tui&ifcldl ) 3 )- The 
other answered: »yes, Sir." Then Pr. put five questions to him 
successively, none of which he could solve, and said: »why 
have you said (aaHm :) yourself instructed, as you do not know 
these things?" Then Qvetaketu, being sad with grief, came ((ju\u) 
to his father and said (jorre): »why did you say ( mioiHddVrO I 



1) We may translate here the aorist by a present: »as you say." Cp. 
C&k. II, p. 38 ed. Tarkav&giea *m mat/Tr rr siMiRi ifr reWoWdlCh (you 
do not know her, since you speak thus). Cp. Greek r/ iyfaourag; »why 
do you laugh?" and the like. 

2) Delbeuck Altind. Tempusl. p. 128 »Memals steht der Aorist [in this 
kind of works] im erzahlendem Sinne, wie etwa das Imperf. oderPerf." 
Yet, Ait. Br. 2, 23, 3 the aor. =&5fnT is , indeed , used in a historical sense. 

3) Such passages as this plainly show, methinks, that the system of 
the grammarians, according to which spast facts done on the same day 
as they are related" must be put in the aorist, but when done before 
that day, in the imperfect (resp. perfect), is refuted by the very facts. 



254 § 334—336. 

have instructed you (grr rd i fum i n ) , a simple xattriya has put (wrsfcr) 
five questions to me and I could not (hiu I cw ) answer even one." 
So in the story of Ucasti Cakrayana Ch. Up. 1, 10 etc. the per- 
fect is used while the author himself is speaking, but 1, 11, 2 
when the king excuses himself to Ucasti, that he has not chosen 
him to be his officiating priest, the aorist appears m i d^i 5TT ti^ftffr : 
Md( T lreiril i tftf%f WTsnff aT ti^Q-ptiw MdjS (I have looked for you , 
for all these sacrificial offices, but not finding ') Tour Reverence, 
I have chosen others). Cp. ibid. 6, 13, 1 etc. Delbruck, Altindische 
Tempuslehre p. 117 etc. has given a great number of instances from 
the Qafapatha and the Aitareya. 
335. The aorist is used throughout Sanskrit literature in 
both its acceptations, actual and historical. Instances 
of the historical aorist occur as early as the Bgveda- 
sanhita, though, I confess, not many are recorded 2 ); 
and afterwards it is no less frequent than the other histori- 
cal tenses. For the rest , it may be observed that in easy 
proseworks and in compositions of rather simple style, 
the aorist is comparatively rare , and mostly limited to 
certain verbs often occurring , as %Mrl, *NMM, *(<m~ 



^ 



Tet, in more elegant style, in the works of such 
writers as Dandin, Bana, Somadeva, the aorist is em- 
ployed as often and with as much ease as the other 
past tenses. 3 ). 
336. The participles of the past in °ff and "RgFcT may 



1) Construe nJloldl afy-^H, instr. of*)(dF3i. The reading ia good , 

and needs do correction. 

2) A prayer-book, indeed, is not the fittest document from which to 
learn the historical style of a language. In epic poetry the historical aorist 
is common. 

3) For this reason, I am astonished at the statement of Whitney (§ 532 
of his Sanskrit grammar), that the aorist is »seldom" employed in classic 
Sanskrit. 



§ 336—337. 255 

T £ e . do the same duty as the aorist, whether they are at- 

partia- ^ ' J 

plea in tended by the verb substantive , or without it (9). They 

are expressive of facts done , finished , and it makes no 

- doing "difference , whether these facts belong to the historical 
a^asT past or have been done of late and have not yet lost 
their actuality. In both acceptations they are of the 
utmost frequency. They represent the younger idiom, 
the aorist the elder one. x ) Accordingly they are rarely , 
if at all , thus employed in the archaic dialect. 2 ). 

1. Examples of. the historical past. _ a.) partic. in °fr- Kathas. 
4, 36 dio|[?*fi<Hl FTTsrf2ft73T ?TT 3^lwr (when she had gone some 

steps , the purohita stopped her) ; Pane. 51 ch^jRkH ' iiMW^lrMoi : 

gsr?: (once it happened that a religious feast with a procession 

took place) ; Dag. Ill g- jm f%f srgwr srsrt |^ft =5 sr^r i i fclHi ; — 

b) partic. in "ftoRT. Pane. 148 £frf%«[ ©rnjptfr d ly [$ «ir«)Hoil-i_ (he 
asked a brahman for lodging) ; R. 1, 56, 14 sj^TT^r Rdij' 5n-? llfs H'<H : 
(the son of Gadhi threw the SraAma-weapon) ; Hit. 109 vm; 

ssfai Jnft ?m\ Q'-wjmsh rTfsrr siw ^TsTPt firasrnT uuihoim^ (— made hi" 3 
obeisance to his king Citravarna). 

2. Examples of the actual past. — a.) partic. in °fj. R. 3, 17, 24 
Qurpanakha says to Rama -rpr faT. • • • M*jt)d l [w (^*> ^ am come *° y° u )j 
Kathas. 42, 100 srqTTrerT *m fw nfert mt STtfrfw^ (how is it that 
our father has brought us that are guiltless , into this state ?) ; Qak. 
I [the charioteer to the king] ot- jjiff fsnmz: ^tT j — &•) partic. in 
"fTSRj. R. 1, 76, 2 j^HdHfo T Or^f ^ HoIhR v ittttst (I have heard, what 
deed you have done); Qak. IV Kanva to Anasuya 5377^ JTrlddi 
srt ^^ H-dlfruTi (Anasuya, the friend and companion of both of 
you has departed); Mudr. Ill, p. 107 Canakya to Candragupta ^sm 



1) Hence commentators often explain aorists by participles. 

2) I do not recollect having met with them doing duty as finite verbs, 
in br&hmanas and upanishads. But, as I have not yet made a special 
inquiry into this subject, I refrain from affirming their entire absence 
from that class of works. 



256 § 337—339. 

337. The participle in °?t may be sometimes expressive of the present 
(361). sp; cM-l I ) : "the boy is asleep, is sleeping" as well as she 
has just awaked from sleep" (actual past) or »he slept" (historical 
past). To remove all ambiguousness , one derives participles in 
"fTERT even from intransitives , as )MdM , dlrldi-i , y<JdW ; such 
participles serve exclusively for the past. — Vikram; V, p. 173 

n: titjdi-^j;- ff ^ vm IvtlfipMM (— the peacock, that has slept 

on my bosom), Pane. I, 224 d-i-TiiiH) ^jf^ sn?i=irft, Kathas. 81, 51 
mQuiH, ot ^ alter — y^nTlorTl •serai- <tott: *rmwz da^ornr, Qak. IV 
i l Hdd l see 336, 2°, Hit. 109 nu i rH l -^ see 336, 1°. 

But if the participle in t{ has a passive meaning, that in ° HoM 
is its corresponding active: s^m (it is said, — has been said, — 
was said), 33,01 H (he has said, he said). More about them 360. 

338. The old and genuine participles of the perfect, as nftfldH (f. 
°l* rltfltTl ) or g^nrn:, had the same function as those in ° ho|-t< and °fr, 
ciples which have almost wholly superseded them in the classic dialect 
past (359, 2°). In the epic poems and in kavyas several of them — 

at least in the active voice — also do duty as finite verbs ; they 
are then expressive both of the actual past, as E. 1, 58, 2 i<j(3oiM 
(you have gone to — ) and the historical, as E. 2, 12, 6 ;rrrfytr:i *fr^- 
muftiolH . Cp. Kathas. 35, 41 and Qicup. 1, 16. 

339. Sanskrit lacks a special tense for the so-called re- 
^™° te mote past or plusquamperfectum. The general past 

tenses are used even then. It must accordingly be inferred 
exclusively from the context, in what case a Skr. past tense answers 
to our uremote past." That f. i. Kathas. 25, 180 the words a^r ppr- 

o l iqolM ri^sr mean son the very spot, where he Aadgotit," 

can only be shown by reproducing the whole story , from which 
they are quoted. — R. 2, 26, 3 Eama has told his mother the 
cruel order he has just received from his father, to retire into 
the forest; now he goes to Slta, who did not know anything 
about it oT^ grftr (Tr^rsr =7 SJSJTdT hmRoH) (the unhappy princess had 
not yet heard anything of it). — Dae. 92 i=r <pT<5T fow£ch ; fR^Jor 



§ 339-340. 257 

nrfrorT = » Vimardaka had indeed already departed that very day." 
It is plain, that gerunds are especially fit to signify the remote 
past. 

FuTUEE TENSES. 

34=0. Sanskrit has two future tenses, 1. the so-called peri- 
incfrr. phrastic future (Fj£): =hril|^, 2. the future made 
with «W (5J5) : SfT%ITfa. 

The former is a compound tense, being made up of 
a noun in °FT + a formal element, expressive of the 
person , signified either by the auxiliary (^TFT etc.), 
or by the personal pronoun *). Yet for the third person 
neither is wanted and the simple noun in °r\ may suf- 
fice: one says SFuTUFT or =r»rll^, WUfo or ^TRT 

r 
i^H, but in the 3 d person the simple 3RrlT is available. 

In the dual and in the plural °RT remains unchanged, 

r 
when attended by the auxiliary, therefore ^TrTTFcpj 

3TFnFP, but in the 3 d person ^RcTT^t, ^r[T^'> , and 

1) Panini- does not mention the 1 st and 2 d person formed by simply 
putting together the noun in "flT and the personal pronoun. Accordingly 
this mode of formation has been excluded from the official paradigms of the 
periphrastic future. Yet cTSTT^T is quite as correct and as much used as 
clrhli^M. That Panini left it unnoticed, may be due to his system of 
explaining grammatical forms. To him olfhll^M, olrfolW are forms to 
be dealt with, because by the union of both elements a new word 
arises, bearing one accent, but 5TH7T -f- 5^ and the like are units 
syntactically only , not so from a formal point of view. Hence , to Panini 
the noun in °rTT is not even the nomin. of a noun, but a simple stem 
to which the personal suffixes are to be added. Upon the whole, the 
information to be got from him about this future , is scanty, see P. 3, 
1, 33; 2, 4, 85 and 7, 4, 50—52, cp. Boethlingk's note on 7, 4, 52. 

17 



258 § 340. 

of course also =hrll^MMFT, *rll(l 3^, sim. Both 
pronouns and auxiliaries are occasionally severed from 
the verbal noun ; the pronouns may precede as well as 

follow. Even the auxiliary sometimes precedes in poetry. 

Examples: 1 st and 2 d person: Kathas. 26, 31 n^ii^ (I shall go), 
E. 3, 69, 40 =Erfvn?m1% adj^jfa|m , Malav. I, p. 15 nmr mycra^ rjrfti^ 
(then I shall release M.), E. 2, 118, 10 hii i ^jU mTTT ;sr MidymNUl 
f^opj ( — you will go to heaven), Mudr. V, p, 175 trgisr^rftciilMol 
fTBf TPTnTi ( — ourselves shall start), Mhbh. 1, 136, 39 f^r ^£ji Pi n\ 
d^f|; ^isisni^H oFrrf ^rRrr <tot ^t, ibid. 1, 120, 26 wm ijui*h<-h s^rr 

3 d person : Ch. Up. 4, 6, 1 afire m£ cTKTT (Agni will tell you a 
fourth part [of it]), Mhbh. I, Paushyap. 56 a fid H I ??ri%i FTT tprfwtsfr rolt 
^tjTWRT ^Frf^, Bhojapr. 55 rr stir illrll^d f^sr: ^T ^ Wti ^ala 
7, 5 q^FT sTFTT WcTrf^ H^rT) IWT. 

Eem. 1. The future in "prr may be also used with a feminine 
subject — E. 1, 38, 8 mm shQh i ^ra^T — , but occasionally the fern, in 
°5[T is used , at least irfg^t, see f. i. Kathas. 35, 105. — Some krts 
in °t^t , fern, "^ft, especially irrfspT j are a l so significative of a 
future tense (see 359). Vikram. V, p. 181 m i m fd4<ij ' JTIsFt (a quarrel 
between gods and demons will take place). 

Eem. 2. The medial endings of this future — or rather, of the 
auxiliary — are scarcely met with in the archaic dialect (Whitney, 
Sanskr. Gramm, § 947). In the classic language they seem to be 
no more employed. Without auxiliary, there is of course no for- 
mal distinction between the active and the medial voices. One 
says wrrTT ( ne w iH study) from the medial =giJftjH, Pane. 161 =^r 
nf^iH l from qf^sliuft , as well as f. i. ^r or sraTT. Even a pas- 
sive meaning may be conveyed by this future. Kirat. 3, 22 ch. . . . 
J.^RiHm chfiJiH^H (they will be eradicated by Arjuna), E. 3, 

56, 5 iKt^. . . . roWT oT Vp&iTr SJsTTrT I UlRlrll F5T ^<T. #ST (if I shall be 

violated by you perforce, you will perish in battle). Of such 
roots, as may have special passive aorists, futures, etc. (316), a 
special passive form is accordingly available, she will be killed" 



§ 340-341. 259 

may be either ^rprr or tilPiHl , "it will be given" either ^tttt or 
ftjfilHl , see Kac. on P. 6,4, 62 = 11, p. 311 of the Benares-edition. 
Rem. 3. Mhbh. 3, 176, 20 this future is construed with an ob- 
jective genitive ujt toj rld l fa (I shall see you again). Likewise 
Nagan. IV, p. 65 cft^ttTT frsr T^fi) the meaning of which, as ap- 
pears from the context, is j>who will protect you, my son?" As 
a rule, however, the object is put in the accusative. 

341. As regards its function, the tense in "FIT cannot be P ' ^ 3 ' 

Em- 
ploy- used of every future , but only of such actions , as will 

ment 

of the not occur soon , in other terms which have not yet 
ture actuality. It is, therefore, a remote future. The future 



tenses. 



in °Hllrl on the other hand, is the general future , and 
may be used of any future action, whether intended 
or not, whether actual or remote. Hence, for the 
future in °tTF one may everywhere substitute that in 
^TTrT, but not inversely. 

That the future in Vlltl may express also purpose, 

intention etc. will be shown hereafter, see 344. 

The grammarians make the same distinction between 5T£ and 
crfir as between 5^ and ^tj. Both imperfect fas) and ^r£ are 
restricted to the SRSffW 2 )> 



1) Commentators explain the term Jbt-NrH m(o|WW as meaning » future 
facts, not to happen to-day, but to-morrow and afterwards." According 
to them , that which will happen to-day cannot be signified by 5^7. 
When exemplifying this tense, they are wont to add gsr;. The Katantra 
names it even gsrefprt. Yet , this explication of £M4jrM is no less narrow 
as regards the future, as it has been shown to be for the past, see 
note 1 on p. 249 and note 3 on p. 253 of this book. Nor are instances want- 
ing from literature of cfTT denoting facts to happen on the same day. Pane. 
161 some bride has been left alone by her bridegroom and the whole 
marriage-train, who have fled at the threatening approach of a wild 



260 § 341-341*. 

Hem. The past tH^rH » as has been stated above (330 E. 2), 
is to be expressed by the general past tenses in two cases. Si- j°i 3 > 
milarly the future g .-mH~l finds its expression by the general future 
in o^rfH in the same cases, viz. » uninterrupted action" and »the 
time adjoining immediately that of the speaker," therefore uioisdl - 
EPT^f <^i«j(ri [not jTirr], titwwicuwiiiiPMrUd wuiwiul-sjlVjiyiyifd (at 

the next new moon the teacher will worship the holy fires). Some 
additional remarks are made by P. 3, 3, 136 — 138 to exclude ^Z 
in a few other cases; but nothing, he says, prevents the use of 
5TC, if the time be exactly defined by a word meaning sday" or 
» night." The employment of stt together with such words is proved, 
indeed, by instances, drawn from literature. 

341*. In most cases, therefore, it is indifferent , what fu- 
ture is employed. Often both alternate. R. 1, 70, 17 

cURT- sriw: , hut in the following cloka ^tr smrfci crfw:, cp. R. 

1, 38, 8 and 2, 8, 22. This alternation is most apparent in conditional 
sentences; then either ^jz is used in both protasis and apodosis 
(Ait. Br. 1, 27, 1), or in the apodosis only, but 5j£ in the protasis 
(Kathas. 28, 131 *ft«er. Jrf^ gtrtjfri i h^J|(m vrfarrTT JjFg:), or con- 
versely (Kathas. 1, 60 037 iTOT chtn i EM 1 q&q<^d Ud*lfy FT5J yiqife^l- 
?to), or the future in "Wfff in both (KatMs'. 39, 67). In putting ques- 
tions , in uttering prophecies the future in "fit is , indeed , often em- 
ployed ') , but the future in °^jfrf is even there more frequent. 



elephant; then a young man comes to her rescue, takes her by the hand 
and says rrr H(Jl^ l l(?=llrll- Prabodh. VI , p. 134 Purusha exclaims M l iu i ^l 
yPl^ MiddlR^ ?RT:- Inversely, the other future is used even with 
SET:, f. i. Malav. II , p. 46 rd^y^q^ui Soft ^W ;- 

1) Delbruck , Altindische Wortfolge p. 6 — 8, treats the future in "jtt, 
as far as it is employed in the Qatapathabrahmana. He concludes that 
it is the ^objective future, denoting the certainty of the future fact, 
apart from any wish or desire on the side of the subject." Though this 
will hold good in the majority of cases, it is not always supported by 
facts. A strong desire , an intention , etc. are occasionally also denoted 
by 3TT- R. 1,20, 3 Dacaratha offers to Vicvamitra to fight, himself and 
his army, against the demons: Jsrrnrr [viz. &m\] *r%Tf nroTT *TteT*f 



§ 341**— 342. 261 

341**. According to the vernacular grammarians the general future p - 3 > 2 - 
o r^ i 112. 

ln STTH may even be expressive of the past in this case, if a 

verb of remembering be added to the past action related. The 
imperfect, then, is forbidden and the future to be employed in- 
stead of it. Kac. gives this instance ^ferRrfe ibsrSjT sraiT% dtkuw ., 
likewise uii fy , 'srwras -Shum di-uin-i : = » do you remember, that 

P 3 2 

■we dwelled — ?" But this substitution of the future cannot be, 113.' 
if the action remembered or reminded is introduced by Qcj. A 
third rule of Panini on this head is explained as allowing both j^ ' 
imperf. and future, if the verb of remembering introduces two 
or more past actions, of which the preparatory action is first 
named, the main action afterwards. See Pat. II, p. 119. 

Of this strange and rather awkward idiom I know no other 
instances but those , adduced by grammarians or such authors , 
as aimed at exemplifying the rules of Panini '). 

Chapt. IV. Tenses and moods (continued). 

342. The subjunctive mood is expressed in Sanskrit by 
\we C ~ four tenses : 1 . TFT3 , called by some optative, by others 
potential , 2. ^TlfMsf fr?T3 the precative or benedic- 

tive, 3. FF3 the conditional, 4 FTtS" the impera- 
tive. The dialect of the Veda (mantra and brahmana) 
has moreover a fifth tense called rTTE" by vernacular, 



mood. 



^ f4u i M| ii ^T5T yrrarrfTrfjfTTJT W^^Pl ; when he then adds ZTToT- 

cmmi-fcll^m i ffi H i a-JlKA l RuiM^:, he muat needs use the other future, 
as the action is a permanent one , op. 341 R. 

1) In fact, I cannot persuade myself, that Panini's words have been 
well understood by the commentators. Especially the phrase ^fi^nopSR 
is likely to mean something different. If it could be proved , that Panini 
used i&fijfrr in the sense of » purpose" ^fWTJT, all difficulty of interpre- 
tation would be removed. Then, indeed, Panini would simply teach the 
future in °mfft doing duty as a future's past (322 B.), axril (d = dic- 
turus erat. 



262 § 342—343. 

conjunctive by European grammarians, which was 
already obsolete in the days of Pattini. The duties of 
the missing tense are performed by the imperative , 
partly also by the present (FTS)- Nor is the present 
the only tense , which apart from its expressing the 
indicative, may sometimes have the force of a sub- 
junctive; for the future in °HllH — and, in prohibitions, 
even the aorist — is occasionally concurrent with lc<1>£ 

and FTfC. That the conditional (FT3) was at the outset 
an indicative tense, appears sufficiently not only from 
its outer form, but also from its original employ- 
ment. Upon the whole, the boundaries between in- 
dicative and not-indicative are less marked in Sanskrit 
than in Latin and Greek. 
343. The subjunctive mood finds its general expression 
Thef§^j n ^ e tense termed 1FT3' by Panini, and which one 

(optative "^ ' 

or po- is wont in Europe to name either optative or po- 

tential) 

is the tential , though it is not restricted [to the expression 

ffciisrfll 

exponent of both wishes and possibility. In fact , any shade 
subjimc- of meaning, inherent to the Latin conjunctive, may 
mool be imported by it. Its manysidedness entails the great 
variety of its translation. According to sense ^TFT 
may be= I can {could) do, I may {might) — , will 
{would) — , shall {should) — , must do , let me do , sim. 
We may make some main distinctions: 
a.) IFT^ is used in exhortations and precepts: hor- 
tative. 

b.) it is expressive of wishes : optative. 

c.) it is a potential, that k is], it may purport a 



Its subdi 
visions. 



§ 343. 263 

possibility, or a probability, on the other hand also 
uncertainty and impossibility or improbability. 

d.) it is used in hypothetical sentences. 

e.) it may be used in such relative sentences , as bear 
a general import. 

/.) it may be used in subordinate sentences expres- 
sive of a design or of inevitable consequence. 
«.) tor- a .) Ch. Up. 7, 3, 1 qrsn^Mk (let me study the mantras), cFraffar P 1 «i 3 ' 

tative. t , loi. 

du sifa (let me do sacrificial acts); Pane. V, 103 mjr: ^rnr =r tf^tfT 
iW. gcrer frrmnnn ^trt ^ ir^fcsrFT i^ffssrraf^ FSm<) \ (one must not 
take sweetmeats alone, nor wake alone among sleeping people, 
nor must one walk alone nor consider one's affairs alone); Kumaras. 

4, 36 jora^f rol ^ Rl U loiT H o fcH -i (you [Spring] must inflame the 

fire by the breezes of the southwind); Dag. 152 jm\ =3T^ Rirl*H 
m ; ^ grirqHWT (and now, I might return to your father). — 
From these examples it appears, that the hortative f^j is ex- 
pressive of any kind of exhortation. WoTFTsJixrhT may be — »you 
must study" or »you may," »you might," »you are allowed to 
study," »it is your duty, the due time — " etc. See P. 3, 3, 161; 
163; 164 with comm. 

poo 

*).°P- 6.) E. 3, 19, 20 QurpanakM utters this wish HmRHqi^ ^fiq" 157' 
fqsrc w^-j l foi (0 , that I might drink their blood). To this pure a »d 
optative often the particle =gfqr is added or =gi^ q^rr. Mudr. II, 
p. 89 =g-fq to 5jTfTH*imicw^H5rra^TTjt Prarr; R. 2, 43, 9 w^r^f 
*T cF7T*T: ^JTTfT....^ wnrftf jm&H ( if that time were already present 
and I should see Rama here). — The verb of swishing" being ^g^ 3 ' 
added, it may also be put in the f^qj. One says either 3-^1 ft 
iwtrT nsrFT or Txfej w£fa HBTT^r. Op. R. 3, 58, 5. 
tential. c.) The potential f^n? comprises various kinds: 

1. possibility and ability, as Pane. 226 cfr^T^jf grr^rcft iffUKiH 
stojft (perhaps this brahman will awake by the lowing of the cows), 
Mrcch. VII, p. 238 qmn: f%firowt f| =^XCTT (for princes can 
see through the eye of their spies), Kathas. 2, 37 y*-c£rWtl mvt: 
rz§ xTTC m^UR (this boy is able to retain by heart all he has 
heard but once). 



264 § 343. 

2. probability. Mrcch. VIII, p. 268 the rake says gsraT JTfif T\k 
rraftfr ' ^m^H l M (in my absence the cruel man will kill her), Kathas. 
25, 24 sI I hWm gj5t sTTfj rft tffta. (that old man, methinks, will 
know that town); 

3. doubt. Qak. V Rij^fdw wronrr *I!w«jh qr^^fTsjijisrHr: nfpTT: sj: 
(for what reason may the Keverend K. have sent holy men to 
me?), Pane. I, 215 ^ s^ji-j m ^n I (<N gs?r ippTrTT i gfegfelrftr^£T 
^f^T 7TE <H~imchM (the arrow shot by an archer may hit one in- 
dividual or may not hit him, but the wit of a witty man hits 
a [whole] kingdom with its ruler); 

4. in negative and interrogative sentences f§o may express 
improbability or impossibility. Dag. 92 Piimiiifew^P i iMaU STPT [sc. 
ct^Tt] i 5W oTltMW trT O 18 sought carefully , but did not find him ; 
how could he?), Mrcch. VII, p. 236 grfg m i ium^ ip^rf q- g Fat 
Ul) UIUIHM (I had rather forsake my life, than you who are a sup- 
plicant to me), R. 2, 37, 32 5^ qf^ sr iggfT rft =7 ^|iWHc[H : ; 

5. A special kind is the fsrj being employed for asserting one's j^"* 
power she may even do this." R. 3, 49, 3 Ravana boasts - a,\ii 
iTfTTHit g hRh)*W^ iwr: 1 «iR<aii ^35" ^ ^u f^jt ^w fknn:\ a^ fjgt 
a i '?«aTl-gU > iroin^-Ml f^ JT^trRW (I am able to lift up the earth with 

my arms , drink up the ocean etc.). So often with %$j (or 377) 
see P. 3, 3, 152. — But if one says »he may even do this," in 
order to express blame on that account, the present is neces- 
sary , and the f§re is forbidden (P. 3, 3, 142). Kag. gives this 
example 5^ — or ;nrj — rnWcTPT_ ajsm HMufd (he is even able to 
officiate for a gudra). 
d.) hy- d.) the hypothetical f^re is used, if it is wanted to say, what 
P? , e ' will happen or would happen, if some other fact occur or should 
occur. It is used in the protasis as well as in the apodosis of 
hypothetical sentences. Mhbh. 1, 82, 21 Qarmishtha says to Yayati 
ronrte qrHaHl ST^F? =ajtf yifrpFW (if I had offspring from you, I 
would, walk in the highest path of duty) , Pat. I, p. 2 jff ■fthlM * 

ik sTTpif ^TTr^T 5TT fiSTrSffafcT *RI qfm: WTH (for he , who should 

kill a brahman or drink strong liquor without knowing it, even 
such a one would be an outcast, methinks), Pane. Ill, 203 irf^ 



§ 343-344. 265 

%Ti. Cp. 489 and 471 E. L 
e.)ffsT5 «•) fwr? used in relative sentences of general import.. A.cv. 1, 
relative ^, 1 ZHT 5? ^ ^Im^rUtlH^ (wheresoever one has the intention of per- 
8 ^! e ^f formin g oblations), Pane. I, 165 gr Mltd^Ul oRTOT * <mfh wrfFT. i 

C6S OX C v^j c^ 

g^™ 1 ch^iF^-A ^T g^f^T ufraHT 5^fg g-crsrr: (the king who duly observes 
the time of paying the wages to his officials , him — ), ibid. I, 

271 SrcfylsU^ ITrtf !Tt =T ^-AllrH ^JcT- 

f.)f^p f-) f^T3^ ex P ress i Te of a design or a consequence. KatMs. 36, 

"final" 1 106 ^T S^^T^Rr ^ sri =TcT 5;:wftt UH^fsH 4)^ 11 ^ (I betake my- 

and se jf to Hari , in order that such grief may never again befall me), 

CO Hoc" 

cutive R. 3, 13, 1 1 ?rr%T ^ 5; sr re orercpr , ibid. 3, 50, 18 ^ m-j gW mm\ 

clauses. v 

zft ?ff -md^ i iiji rT (one must bear only such a burden, as will not 
exhaust its bearer). 

Rem. irr — "i epic poetry also q- — with t%3= — »lest." Cp. 
405 R. 1. 

It needs no argument, that the subdivisions laid 

down here and other similar ones are somewhat arbitrary. 

It is one and the same fr^TJ that is involved in all of 

them, and it is only for the sake of developing the 

variety of the logical relations , which are signified by that 

so-called ^optative" or „potential," that we have tried 

to distinguish at all. 

344. Apart from the many-sidedness of its employment , 

idioms, it is to be observed, that the TFT3 is in most cases not 

"""en" indispensable. The imperative , the present , the future , 

JT th the krtyas are often concurrent idioms, occasionally 

the conditional. The imperative in the subdivisions a), 

b) and c), as will be shown hereafter (348-352), the 

present in the subdivisions e) and /), as will plainly 

appear when we treat of subordinate sentences (458 b , 



266 § 344. 

468 , 471) 1 ). On the krtyas see357, on the conditional 347. 
Especi- But it is especially the future in "S+TTrT that often is 

ally the r J 

future employed so as to express a kind of subjunctive mood. 

in °RT 

" The difference which logically exists between the posi- 
tive statement of some future fact on one hand and 
the utterance of an exhortation , a wish , a doubt , a 
supposition, sim. on the other, is not so strong a bar 
practically as to keep wholly apart the functions of 
the future tense and the subjunctive mood. Occasio- 
nally the same grammatical form may do duty for 
both. As far as Sanskrit is concerned, we may even 
state that in the majority of cases there is no 
boundary between the two. Indeed , the future in °tMlri 
is available in almost every subdivision , belonging to 
the department of the Tt<T5", save the hypothetical mood. 

Examples of the future = sub junctive mood. 

a.) exhortation and precept. R. 1, 61, 2 f^m„ji HMrWmw H»^l^^ 
PPT!, from the context it is evident that these words mean: let us go 
to another region, let us do penance there. Kathas. 43, 86 h^-c^ 
TOST H HIN £WRT ^HMmfcl ( — you shall return quickly at daybreak). 

6.) wish. R. 2, 96, 21 srfq- sfr cmwui-^rchlfoi^feoisTl ^rjt i wfa ^snft 
vn-rPT^ (o that I might see the banner — , that I might see Bharata). 



1) The interchangeableness of present and optative in such relative 
sentences will be made clear by this. In Pane. I we have a series of 
ten 9lokas (54—63) expounding what kind of people are fittest for at- 
tending on a king. All of these clokas are framed on the same scheme , 
three padas being made up of a relative sentence, whereas the fourth 
makes up the apodosis, being the refrain g- Hold IdolcHM 1 :. Now, in five 
clokas out of the ten, the verb of the protasis is an optative, but in 
three it is a present, in one it is wanting. In the tenth the optative is 
employed together with the present (I, 55) HMuy|^ fsriT SJTT3" iff FiJlritirjj 



§ 344—344**. 267 

c.) possibility and doubt. Pane. 282 aJR^HmmH i fcw^-Hm . 

*r£wifa i fsjr=r ch<t.iui«ii: (jwtt: cRfafq' y^wjfn i=RT tr ^H-w sn?^ (the 
rogue reflected: What shall I do with her? And perhaps some- 
body will come after her; then I shall get into great incon- 
venience), — Especially the future of the auxiliary, ufnisrfH', often 
expresses probability. Mhbh. 1, 76, 32 amr ^fft rreft orrfa ch-dtdM 
nQmfff (I am sure , father, Kaca will have been injured or has died), 
Pane. 176 the deer Citranga tells how himself has escaped the 
hunters, but qrr njr rrep i^houfmRd hBwIh (my^ flock is sure to 
have been killed by them). 

Eem. 1. If such phrases, as »I blame," »I do not believe," 
»»I cannot endure," »I wonder if (srf^;)," »I suppose , surmise," »it 
is time" are added to the potential statement, f^n? is idiomatic 
(see P. 3, 3, 147—150; 152—153; 168), the future being but rarely 
allowed, cp. P. 3, 3, 146 and 151 with comm. But if the said verbs 
are only implied, the future in "^rfn is used side by side with 
the optative. a ) 

f.) purpose. Pat. I, p. 7 the master of the house comes to the 
potter and asks him cJttt Err cHUM ^R chfTwi 'rHH (make me a pot, 
that I may make use of it). Likewise E. 2, 54, 28 Bharadvaja 
says to Kama ^ i ^a i' ^d W lri III l\ 5 fa) PjSrfRTfe (at a distance of ten 
kroga from here there is a mountain where you may dwell, cp. 
Lat. mons in quo habites\. Op. also rr with fut. r= lest" 405 B. 1. 
344*. Inversely a Sanskrit optative may occasionally be rendered by a 
future. Mhbh. 1, 160, 1 Kunti asks the brahman, at whose house 
she dwells, why he and his family are lamenting [5;:^] fdf^reU - 
q j q ch RU i sreJr irSTT^rf^rTO^ (I will remove your pain, if possible, fr. 
je chasserai votre douleur). So Pane. 282 , which example is quoted 
above, optative and future alternate; likewise Pane. 65 ^sr ^ 

rlcT rildrilimtlMI STCT (d-llR nOwioU^!* ^ OfT, t)d I -^4 ^ SJTnT. 

344**. Even the future in °rrr may sometimes express a subjunctive 
mood. As far as my information goes, this employment is limit- 



1) The sutra P. 3, 3, 146 is accepted too narrowly by the commentators. 
It enjoins the future in c mfh for expressing the notion »to be sure , cer- 
tainly," and s, 147 is to be considered an exception to it, 



268 § 344**— 345. 

ed to the dominion of the potential mood. Mhbh. i, 12, 3 air 
s^ l-ti-dfH JTW*l-£fcyj gar ^r*TT utoirTT foramrr: (he examines my hor- 
ses , he is sure to be a connoisseur in horses), Pat. I, p. 250 prar 
fa^j -SoUfhMi^fi £gT y*i^ Hcrf^r T%ff ^qRoi di^uTl ^rftor (like- 
wise, if at a distance one sees a person of whom one can only 
discern the outline , one is likely to say : it looks like the wife of a 
prince, it looks like the wife of a brahmana). 
345. Sanskrit makes no distinction between the different 

^- tenses of the subiunctive mood. The TFT3 expresses 

expres- J • r *^ 

thepast the past as well as the present. ^TFT may be occasi- 

as the onnally = „I might, I would etc. have done." Ch. Up. 

present. ^ ^ 2 ^^ ^ fo^er &S ^ B his disciple »who has taught you, 
my dear?" srW gft rr rdMaiailM , the other replies g?r ^ JTPrfsTKnH 
(who should have taught me?), Gaut. 12, 1 gj<£T ftsTTtrWtTOVTOT- 
fi^rJr dU^Uimmimmj- trrsTT U-ilM^lH (a cudra, who has inten- 
tionally reviled twice-born men — shall lose the member, whereby 
he has offended), Mrcch. Ill, p. 124 Carudarta speaks firprfft nm: i 
iTT ^TTT aER5TT5^RTJf cFOTH^ (Maitreya tarries; how, if, in his distress, 
he should have done some forbidden thing!). Yet an optative of 
the past may be made by adding HTTfT^ or irar^ to the participle 
of the past, f. i. Kathas. 27, 32 -Rfi HOTtTfrf p^rr irarff (in what 
can I have offended the king?). 1 ) Likewise, by putting them 
to the participle of the future one gets the subjunctive mood of 
the future. 

For the "rest, Sanskrit can hardly be said to possess some- 
thing like tenses of the subjunctive mood. a ) Only a kind of op- 



1) So already in the archaic dialect. Ait. Br. 1, 4, 1 q: <TcW«T)ill-r. 
ijU i -H^ (to such a one, as has not sacrificed formerly) , ^sTI^T is the partic. 

of the perf. atm. of ZT5> 

2) The Rgvedamantras , indeed , contain many optatives , belonging to 
the aorist, some also, which are made of the stem of the perfect. But 
they have early disappeared from the language. — In the archaic dialect 
the conditional may occasionally do duty of the past of the f§T?i see 
347 R. and cp. P. 3, 3, 140. 



§ 345-347. 269 

tative of the aorist has survived, but it is not what we should 
call a tense. It is rather a kind of mood , see the next paragraph. 

346. The precative or benedictive (^|R|fa fv\3). This T \% a ' 
tive. mood is restricted to benedictions, and even there it 

has a concurrent idiom : the imperative. Malat. VII, p. 91 

f^rcmpferT: crpr^wtat Tf^nrfrr i 5«ttot 'grrcrg; ( ma y tlie g°ds make 
the issue as happy as possible , may I obtain my desire"), Utt. I, p. 5 
fchM^^iyiKM^ i a^uysTT itot:, Dae. I 64 w^rs ^r ^s: *lm^iy: i irorcwof 

JTTcT^T^IdHlRi rdrtiyi^tl tTTslRIri'- J ) 

347. The so called conditional (FT3F) is properly the past 

Condi- o p f - "^ 

tionai. f the future in °^M Irl. In classic Sanskrit its employ- 
ment is limited to the expression of the so called modus 
irrealis, that is the mood significative of what would 
happen or have happened , if something else should have 
occurred, which really has not taken place. Then, 
mostly, both protasis and apodosis contain the con- 
ditional. 2 ) 

Ch. Up. 6, 1, 7 g- ^rl^d I ffarerfr *t znsm^ (for if they had known 
it, why should they not have told me so?), Pane. 237 h^iR, (TOT 
oH-Wchi^mHH fTfft ^ ^st^t^m^mmfsm^m^ (for if they had done 
according to his words , then not the least misfortune would have 
befallen them), Dag, 111 fft y^MMyl R^(£cildoiidrwidiRuHi *i£m 
Hart EfjftaRerRBTWfTTT (if those two princes should have grown up 
without accidents, they would have reached your age by this 

time), Kumaras. 6, 68 jumii^^if =TTCT: ST iyirM^lrlMoiMt'il- 

(sjtstT =T °3rT (how would the serpent [Cesha] bear the earth, if you 
[Vishnu] had not lifted it up from the bottom of hell?), Ch. Up. 



1) Nala 17, 35 the precative STOTCT does the duty of an hortative im- 
perative. 

2) P. 3, 3, 139 f^ri^f^ft - gyg J9hmlriMT& 

140 w{ ^. — Eac. UFT =ET ZR& fctfeffi* lsWJl(ri<4??l ^rU\ 



270 § 347. 

1, 10, 4 7T bit wtfawftm^'pn^ (forsooth, I should hare died, if 
I had not eaten them). In the examples given, the conditional 
in the apodosis sometimes denotes a hypothetical past, sometimes 
a hypothetical present, but in the protasis it is always expressive 
of a past. I do not recollect having met with any instance of 
the conditional denoting the hypothetical present in both members ; 
M. 7, 20 f. i. it is signified by the f^ry in the protasis and by 
the conditional in the apodosis af^; q- nuid^ l ttl 3TJ3" ^U^UdoidP^rCi 

SRFf ^r<aifHdm-^.<sM ) *5l^d-d(l : ( if the kin g were not P r ompt to 
inflict punishment on those, who deserve it, the stronger would 
roast the weaker like fish on the spit). For the rest, it is every, 
where allowed to use the f^n? instead of the conditional, f. i. K. 

2, 64, 22 jrwHiarJT w^wi zmh: ^tot i th<?i-wf w fr ^isHHy: STrW- 
^mn (if you had not told me yourself this evil deed, your head 
would have fallen off in a thousand pieces), grsnr: and cr^fT =: 
acfisrfiTOT: and jjtht^MH - 

Bern. In the archaic dialect the conditional had a larger sphere 
of employment. Though rarely used in its original meaning of a 
future's past (f. i. Kg v. 2, 30, 2 jft cMW fM-W^mrimH ^ »who was about 
to take away the provision of Vrtra"), it occurs there occasionally 
as the past of the f^r:? , even in not-hypothetical sentences. Maitr. S. 
1, 8, 1 ^r rltpT ^iQ^rtldiqfcuieli)^ (Praj. did not get what he 
could sacrifice) i), §at. Br. 14, 4, 2, 3 fi<t ^arer m srferrcr 5RWT- 
dTKjiTOIrT (from that moment his fear vanished, for of whom could 
he have been afraid?) 2 ). 



1) Even here and in similar instances the conditional shows its origin. 
The sentence quoted from the Maitr. S. treats of an action put into the 
past, if it were a present one, the sentence would assume this shape rr 

Qtjcl ZTStrarfn or sT^nrT- In other terms, a^teH may here be con- 
sidered as the past of ^jwifd- 

2) In a well-known passage of the Chandogya-upanishad (6, 1, 3) the 
conditional is hidden under a false reading 3FT rWUHWU 1-ffiTl iMI^rl 5fiT 
HSrf?T etc. Qankara explains WRIT: by (j^olHfa , the Petr. Diet, accepts 
it as an aorist, though it is then a barbarism, for if aor., it would have 
been ^yi-dii' Replace tlUT^i:> and all is right »had you but asked the 
instruction, by which etc." Cp. P. 3, 3, 141. 



§ 348—349. 271 

Imperative. 

348. Sanskrit imperative (H K) comprises more than is 
ratfve. conveyed by its European name. It is not only the 

equivalent of what we are wont to understand by this 
mood, but it is also expressive of wishes, possibility 
and doubt. 

We will treat severally of its different employment : 

i. The j_ The imperative , like ours , signifies an order or 

of pre- injunction , permission , precept , exportation , admonition. 

and* ex- Examples: 2 d person. Kathas. 81, 56 ^i^ol I R4tejCT i Uii^lfdiiil- 

h ° rta "< "Tfire mfff iTS'gr cK7: ^ipr (enjoy the hospitality of our mistress, get 

up , take a bath , thereafter take food), Qak. IV 37^ uft^TT: T^TR'- 

^ IA.U I <JHM (my children , show your sister the way), Prab. V, p. 

103 wr <T=T5FT: cFi nfTT: ST Zj* q < A fifef ^ qq ; — 3d person. Dag. 132 

Wrnr Richie m (let this wicked elephant withdraw), Nala 17, 

32 crarRT ftst stars wmjl^kii qmtrr (your attendants must try to 

find out^Nala), Malav. V, p. 137 fft t roigRlch^ %CTT3Kiw (they 

may rule over — ); — 1 st person. Qak. Ill zrtfqq^ rT3^qqf fsrSRJ 

c^|dlRj | (if you permit, I will make — ), Mhbh. 1, 146, 29 g^rq 5RT- 

irrfqqTq (let us wander oyer this country), Nala 7, 7 qjf g^- *rmj: 

Rem. In exhortations, some particles are often added to the 
2 d person, as sg-fq, =sj, qq etc. See 418. 

349. In courteous injunctions and requests it is very com- 
mons mon to use the imperative of the passive instead of 

^ion."" the 2 d person of the active. Then the agent is com- 
monly not expressed (10). Ratnav. IV, p. 100 king to mes- 
senger mm mmMsm^V, messenger to king £* sranw G ist en, 
Sire). Pane. 48 the barber enjoins his wife i^ #fy^i41urlf *rprt- 
rj^q (please, my dear, fetch me my razorbox). Vikram. I, p. 4 the 
apsarasas are bewailing their companion Urvacl, carried off by 
the Danavas, Pururavas intervenes and says ^rWlsfcPdHWiN^oiy" 
qrqp>r ^TFTT 5RrTt HSIrffi qf^lrW T ^T- ~ F °r the rest, usrrq is of 



272 § 349-351. 

course here likewise available (Malav. I, p. 4 rdjdi Hsrt^T) aQ d when 
showing respect and reverence, one uses the title of the person 
addressed instead of it (260). So Pane. 86 fT57J qf M-dB i rell Jmirr- 
^tnTJTH teji^ll is a more respectful mode of inviting, than ^ifri" 
mu i kt rr^r, cp. ibid. 48 stusrt itsrt; cruras;: (v. a. I request the 
judges to listen). 

350. Another manner of expressing polite request , equally 

wheT frequent, is using the verb ^T^TrT. One says ^ Irl*i«^lt1 = 

ph"a- ^PTrTT^T, cp. our „deign to listen." Nala 3, 7 Nala says to 
theim- * ne S 0QB TT ^T U&lfiirwlm (please, send not me), Qak. V the door- 

P era - keeper to the king cfifg ^m wn i m i md'<m*ri 5°r: s TlrHalH - 
tive. ^vi . o -s^ 

Kem. The f§rj and the future in ^rfn are concurrent idioms 

with the imperative, the former especially in exhortations and 

precepts (343 , a), the latter, when giving instructions (344 , a). 

The future does, however, not cease to be a future; in other 

terms, it is not used in orders or permissions to be acted up to 

immediately, but if two or more injunctions are given, then often 

the one prior in time is put in the imperative, the latter expressed 

by the future. Malav. Ill, p. 79 «^ yiyjfy i rrq- Hlo^Mloi^Miqng 31- 

arTTT (you may go, but first hear — ). Hit. 108 the old jackal 

instructs the others, how to get rid of the blue jackal, their 

insolent kinsman. "When giving the general precept, he uses the 

imperative gj^rT, but the future eh 17mm , when giving the special 

injunction, to be acted up at a fixed point of time in the future '). 

351. II. The imperative is expressive of wishes and bene- 

II. Im- ,. ,. 
pera- UlCtlOnS. 

tive ex- Examples: Such phrases as i%f §tss, Hit. 118 rps [ddiTt nsr, 

pres- * 

sive of 

wishes. 

1) In this very meaning a few passages of the Mahabharata afford a 
2" 1 pers. plur. of the medial future in fc5PT. instead of °ioT , in other terms 
a formal difference, which stamps these forms a9 imperatioes of the future. 
Borr, Vergl. Or. § 729 quotes three instances: Mhbh. 1, 17, 13; 3, 228, 
8; 6, 27, 10, see Holtzmaun, Grammatisches aus dem Mhbhta p. 33. To them 
I can add a fourth, Mhbh. 1, 133, 13: Drona being seized by a shark, 
calls upon his disciples for rescue jrr^ ^roTT JT *Ttett5T TI^- 



§ 351—353. 273 

Nagan. IV, p. 61 ferarFrt ERtTTfr ( ma y the princes be victorious), 
Pane. 16 %5TT^ qwrrrr: ?fh (y. a- Gtod speed you on your way), 
Mudr. VII, p. 231 f%pT5rrT itst mf^oifti^tim :. — Here the precative 
(346) and the f§t? are concurrent idioms. 

Eem. It is to benedictions that the imperative in °HTrT is limited P '.,k 
in the classic language. Dag. 16 ^Hiw^ fopeft Hsrmfa^irTTiT- ') 
In the ancient dialect it had a wider employment, only see the 
series of precepts quoted Ait. Br. 2, 6, 13—16. 2 ) 

352. HI. The imperative is a kind of potential mood, ex- 
impe- pressive of possibility and doubt (cp. 344). It is especi- 
expres- ally used in interrogations. 

siyeof Examples are frequent of tho 1 st and 3 d person. — Pane. I, 
possi- 

bility 225 it says , a serpent even a not-poisonous one , is to be dreaded 
doubt ^ H5r 3 m JgrmTTCTsWt ui&if: (it may have poison or not, the 
swelling of a serpent's crest is dreadful), Mhbh. 1, 37, 8 =gfg q^- 
d^imn f^ ^ft qsoTiT rfra^r (perhaps by deliberation we may find some 
means for rescue), Malav. IV, p. 117 ?srr:icFPq- q t,°tyWlr^chll-<H)-caia1 
(how may we be rescued from this danger?), Utt. I, p. 21 crf?jrr 
cMa-l^fd (who on earth will believe it?), Vikram. V, p. 184 iff 
(IdR*' rT W: M efipff <Jlch^n ^T: (say, king, what may Indra more- 
over do for you?), Hit. 118 cfisqrrjr u^imdi T^TOrS": (how may this 
great-hearted man be praised [as he deserves]?). 

353. IV. The imperative with RT or RTFT serves to ex- 
lmpe- press prohibition. Tet this idiom is comparatively little 
ra '!l used, but instead of it either ^FTT or ^TFFTwith the 

an <J instrumental of a verbal noun, or the aorist without 



1) Another instance is pointed out by prof. Keen as occurring in a 
Sanskrit inscription on a stone, originating from Java, which stone is 
now in the Museum of Antiquities at Calcutta. Vs. 4 of this metrical 
inscription has this close: g- iltlHI<<j^-HWI ^T: (king Erlanga maybe 
victorious). See Keen's paper in the Bijdragen van het Instituui. voor de 
Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie, 1885 (X, p. 1—21). 

2) Delbruck, Altindische Wortfolge, p. 2—6 has endeavoured to prove 
that the imper. in "fTTrf did duty of an imperative of the future in the 
dialect of the brahmana-works. 

18 



274 § 353—355. 

other augment, preceded by *TT or TTFT. „Do not fear" f. i. P i!g 3 
$™- t = ?EFT >FFT, ?tf 3^ or m TO: 

expres- Examples : 1. of imper. with rrr and rtw- Pane. 294 qr fa - diliii 

sive of * 

prohi- n^, Kathas. 39, 233 jrrfr qn?rf tfTWrT (go on, do not stay here); — 

1 Ion ' 2. of 3j^{jt and cFfFT with instrumental. Mudr. I, p. 46 acdiimu-<ui 

(no hesitation more), ibid. p. 53 oirM M Ibitii^H (be not sorry, my 

dear), Pane. 64 s^f HHqrn") Qak. I g^T <J^H > — 3. of aor. with qr. 

Aorist Dae. 143 jttc*T HdrJ l W: (do not fear, ladies), Mhbh. 1, 153, 34 qr t%7 

^WTi (do not tarry), E. 2, 42, 6 s^fir ^iWchi^iR qT smfi: mrfesrar 

(do not touch my body, you evil-minded woman). 

Rem. 1. g^rq is also construed with a gerund or an infin. Mudr. 

Ill, p. 124 tierlMMMi H (do not censure me any longer), Mrcch. Ill, 

p. 106 ^ HUsH gsTra fdH^ (do not awake the sleeping people). 

Eem. 2. In the epic dialect the augment is not always dropped 

in the aorist with qr. So in the famous imprecation E. 1, 2, 15 

TT fmJZi fltffwt roWW. UIIUoIH): ST^T:- Op. Mhbh. 1, 37, 7 qr q: cFT^t 

-SFJTmrOT- 

P 3 3 

Eem. 3. With qr^q not only the aorist is allowed, but also j™ ' 
the imperfect tense, of course without augment. E. 2, 9, 23 qr 

WT HrHT^HiPTr *TT ^TqfwTGraT:, Dag. 160 qr^q TOT qF5irrs«T5reHr: Ml^yM. 

Eem. 4. qr with optative is of course a concurrent idiom. In 
the prakrts also qT with future in 'WfH- Likewise in the epic 
dialect. Mhbh. 1, 30, 15 the three idioms are used side by side 
cr=r qT yiriy grnffqf wf ^<-«jy armqiqT fort ripr: srwsx dMfirisrui 
Jrftt%TT:. 

354. The aorist with ^TT is not restricted to prohibition. 

It does occasionally duty as an optative with negation. 
Mrcch. VIII, p. 280 srsPFT'FRiiMwwrq' stiht jtt arsar irear f| sf^i 

xni^mi i Mi^} arairr taw 5>£r, R- 2, 30, 19 qr srsf fe&irii nqq. It 
may even express a doubt (352): Kathas. 42, 114 q^Hl f^ ^ <TPT 
grer Tr ^fen-a^l (how can a crime , recklessly perpetrated , fail to 
cause mishap ?). Or anxiety : Pat. I, p. 41 8 rrof (dTl l Ri (lest one 
should decide thus). 

355. In classic Sanskrit the 1 st person of the imperative 



§ 355. 275 

Archaic i s i ess use a than f^e th er t wo ( C p. 356). In fact , these 
junctweist persons belong to another set of forms, viz. the so- 
-called conjunctive (FT5). In both dialects of vaidik 
compositions , in mantras as well as in brahmana- works , 
this conjunctive is still to be met with. But Panini already 
qualifies it as archaic. In epic and classic Sanskrit , in- 
i st per- deed, its 2 d and 3 a persons exist no more , whereas its l 8t 
thTim- persons are the very forms considered to make part 
twTbc-of the imperative (FTT5"). 

This vaidik conjunctive shows a great relationship both in form 
the tyfe- 

""* and employment to Greek conjunctive, especially that of the Homeric 

dialect. It may express both, the hortative mood and the op- 
tative, and is much used in subordinate sentences, conveying a 
doubt or a purpose or having general bearing. Here are some 
instances of its use. Ait. Br. 2, 2, 5 zrf£ =et fjmfa irf£ =sr mr& ^iarnw- 
oiiw i q ywTrT (whether you are standing or lying down, give us 
wealth), Kgv. 10, 85, 36 the marriage-mantra nnnTft rT gft m iroim 
^rf mr qrUT sr^feiemr:, ibid. 39 £ter%}w zr: iiRsifoiiiri st^i stot 
(may her husband have a long life, may he reach a hundred 
autumns), TS. 6, 5, 6, 2 jffs?ft straw 4IWI* sr ^cfftsStT (who shall 
be born of her, must be one of us). '). 

Kem. 1. Like rr with optative in the epic dialect (451 K. 1), 
so Jrfr with conjunctive in the vaidik works may be — »lest." 
Mr. 1, 11 q-fe^TT zraft ^TJW qrrm (lest by going astray we shall 
go to hell), Ait. Br. 2, 12, 2 ^q- ^q\sqfimtFTT g oM-ih^ i HL . ( lest tlleT 
should go to the devas unsatisfied). 

Bern. 2. Some few conjunctives, occurring in the archaic texts, 
belong to the system of the aorist, as ofrnrr in Bgv. 10, 15, 6 qr 



1) Instances from Bgv., AV., (|)at. Br., Ait. Br. are brought together 
by Delbkuck in his treatise Der Gebrauch des Conjunctivs und Optativs 
im Sanskrit und Griechischen Halle 1871, especially p. 107 — 190. — It 
may be observed , that the Chandogya-upanishad has not a single instance 
of the £qr in the 2<i or 3 d person. 



276 § 355—356. 

f^fw ftr^": EfR f%TT nz ^arm": ^ktht st^pt (do us no injury, fathers, 
on account of any offence , which we , after the manner of men, 
may have committed against you). 
356. Instead of the 1"* persons of the imperative, classic 

l Bt per- _^_^ 

son of Sanskrit often uses the present (tf16),sometimes when 

the pre- ~~ 

6ent having the nature of a hortative, as J|^l*i! when — 

em- „let us go," but especially in dubitative interrogations : 

tTrf f% ^"TiH |T il^lfH (what shall I do, where shall I go?) 

tive. a -) present with hortative meaning. E. 2, 96, 20 ^digS T fa'ald : 

yH-AldyriiyyT (let us stand still here — ), Pane. 86 H^J i rM^ i fi - 
(4,M aiJT: G e * us present him with our body), Prabodh. II p. 29 
nan i flfoniyn y^ufdmifa [=: "(dunPiL R 3> 61, 18 spt ^ fdF^Wd: 
(let us search through the whole forest), i) — The idiom is regular 
with fTTHrT. Qak. I nsrjT i U|<*M |^H F{ri ^5T fdtid*jli fTTonbrt qumfi (Well, 
I will look on her — ), Mudr. IV, p. 138 Malay aketu to Bhagura- 
yana H^Tl'JMiifd: U l Uld<aH l dH (therefore, let us not approach, let us 
rather listen), Pane 261 ^rlsr ^f ^ri^ldA^ mtw nldMiFH - Cp. 
znsrrT^ with present 478 al. 2. 

6) present in dubitatrve interrogations : Pane. 40 f% si^Tcrr 

JTrprrf^ f^r m f&rsf ga^ifa f^r m ^tiffm otimi^aiEi (shall I kill 
him with a weapon, or give him poison or put him to death as 
one kills a beast?), Hit. 95 er mm: f* 5TT cFHT:, Mhbh. 1, 155, 42 
f£> *{)wi^ldfuii fcnsrj d^Mm ; (friends , tell me frankly , what 
shall I do for you := f% ch;<dlfu i°)- An instance of this idiom in 
the passive voice may be Pane. 37 frf^r ftran [sc. ?nsrR^rnT] >what 
shall be done by us?" 



1) If these instances occurred only in verbs of the 1st conjugation, 
where the formal difference between the endings of the present and 
those of the imperative is a Blight one, one could account for them in 
a satisfactory way by supposing errors of the copyists. But , in reality , 
instances being likewise found among the verbs of the 2* conjugation, 
it must be recognized, as we do, that the present instead of the impe- 
rative is idiomatic for the l Bt person. Such phrases as BRif:, Ujuia ; = 
*UldW and UlUldld should have moved Cappeller in his edition of the 



§ 357. 277 

K TYAS. 

357. The krtyas, as far as they do duty for finite verbs, 

Krtyas. . J ' 

may rank with the tenses, which are expressive of 
the subjunctive mood. They have the nature of Latin 
gerundivum, and, like this, they belong to the passive 
voice. But their sphere of employment is wider. They 
signify not only that , which one is obliged to do or p «. 3, 

1 . . ., 163; 

what is prescribed to be done , but also what must happen m ; 

by necessity or that which is jit, expected , likely to happen, 
many- Examples: 1. duty, precept Yajn. I, 117 ^irrfpTTOTrT^tfit- 
sided- oii-dftfjijii q^err jhr: (one must make room for an old man, one 

ness of > , ., 

their charged with a burden, for a king, a sndtaka, a woman, a sick 



em 



ploy- 



man, a bridegroom and one in a carriage), Nala 1, 19 ^HotTU fer 
ment. ^ ^ ^nrc (do not kill me), Qak. I srpsnnpfrsEr ^ ^-rm: (— may not 
be killed), Pane. 269 spivf OTf i twiuichollj ddlCd* H^HWlR qj 
fSraT <HrdichH5h ?nr WTTTsnT- When substituting for these krtyas the 
active voice, one would get in the first example cfjtft ^ i h 1 , in 
the second qj &Si:, in the third q- grfes^T^fH', in the fourth f^-. 

2, necessity. Pane. 167 jtotoTW ^imj n-doU*^ (I must needs go 
abroad), ibid. I, 450 ijprftnf gfuiH l iterr fq&TPTT iT^nRT: (blockheads 
are ihe natural enemies of the learned, the poor of the wealthy). 

3. probability, conjecture, expectation, etc. Qak. Ill ^fcn gHimUM 
HfaHjdiH FHTT tr loirlc^iH (she is sure to be in the neighbourhood of 
the bower), Pane. 240 fy^ry-dUWiy i ^TOTOJt JTfTOT jrsn sfcTTfa ^ra^TT- 
iHoi H (the lion reflected : surely some animal will come into this 
hole to-night), Prabodh. V, p. 106 arfirjWfT: chmf41fa: erttt fifWrT 
seraT ( a re they likely to confer any benefit or have they done so 
before or are they doing so now?). The last example plainly shows, 
that the krtya borders upon the sphere of a participle of the fu- 
ture , CKT& being here almost = thf^mu i- Thus n faded or irrsr 
may be even — »future," ufadoUdi "the future." 



Ratnavali in Boethlingk 's Chreslomathy to leave intact the presents of the 
kind, he has changed into imperatives. 



278 § 357-358. 

4. Even desert and ability find their expression by them. Ka§. on P- 3, 3 
P. 3, 3, 169 gives this example nsrm *prer 3?*tt ortearr = Holing 

cf>ait a^H = MdMHdxRtrl ? and on sutra 172 ^arlT >3tfT UTft d)i>aU: — 

tT diP^ srar:- — The krtyas may be also expressive of indignation at 
some fact , not expected. Mudr. VII, p. 220 Baxasa , when hearing 
the glory of his foe Canakya proclaimed in the very streets of Pata- 
liputra , exclaims oh^Im ^FT { iidy-l ^Jlrlcaii (and even this Baxasa 
must hear!); Dag. 78 the wretched Jaina monk deplores his mis- 
fortune and the necessity, he has been put to, to break with the 

faith of his fathers rpr ?T q^vrnrer wrffi fangWuitlMUmffiti, ' 

rjyirariT fe WdrWHJ lifldm'rDrf (thus , on such a road of disbelief, as 
this, which gives no fruit, but rather deception, I must walk, as 
if it were the true faith). 

Bern. Some krtyas are restricted to »necessity," viz. those in 
°w\3X, cp- P- 3, lj 125. — Other irregularities of meaning are caused 
by the improper employment of the passive voice, as jrjqfa, when 
denoting »the person who deserves a gift," g?(g- »one fit to make 

P 3 3 

an alliance with" (Pane. Ill, 8), j^d-Tit) »to be dreaded" (ibid. Ill, -j^j 
142). Some may have even an active meaning, see P. 3, 4, 68. 



Chapt. V. Participles and participial idioms. 

358. When laying down] the syntax of the participles, there 
must be distinguished between the participial forms and 
the participial employment. 

? ™. ti ~ As to their form the participles are adjective nouns , 

ci pit's* 

derived by constant suffixes from any verbal root, 

and which are the proper exponents of partici- 

Diffe- pial employment. Sanskrit possesses 1. three participles 

cL^es for the continuous action, one in each voice 0*igM> 

of *" 

them. ^5CTtrn, |9hMllm : )> which are named participles of the 
o 
present '), 2. two participles for the future , one in the 

1) In Sanskrit, this term is less improper, than in many other lan- 
guages, because its present haB chiefly the character of expressing the 
durative (sirWM), see 326- 



§ 358—359. 279 

active voice (^T^FT) and one serving both for the 

medial and the passive (^T^WTTHTO, 3. the krtyas, 
which are passive participles for the future, but with 
a special employment, see 357, 4. two participles for 
the past , to signify what is done , achieved , completed as 
^FT and ^FT^FT, the latter of which has always an 

active meaning, as to the former see 360. 

It must be kept in mind, that the participles, unless they 
themselves do duty as finite verbs, denote the past, present or 
future only with regard to the time, involved by the chief verb 
of the sentence. 
359. Additional remarks. — 1. As participles of the future 
in the active may be considered also a.) the krts in °s, derived 
from desideratives , as fachl i Si (wishing to do, being about to do), 

cp. 52 a, f. i. Dag. 166 ft? =et ssnz: m^bmnfo 9Fi.H wi<hoi I R « Qsj-doi : 

tH T Hi m (and there [on that island] we descended, desiring to 
take sweet water, fuel, turnips, roots and fruits) ; b.) some in °3, 
mentioned by P. 3, 3, 3, as jtjtt ii l *W (one, who will go to the vil- 
lage), they do even duty as finite verbs: Kathas. 35, 104 3rt%w 
Tra^nsft h sftfr asry^: grr: (get up, my king, a son will be born 
to you — ), Vikram. V, p. 181 g fr i ^ib i *idj irra^ = "ufam; c.) those 
in "acff, when put close to the chief verb; they are expressive 
of a purpose , cp. 52 c. '). 

2. Further there are the old participles of the past, formed 
with reduplication, such as ^gjoTPT, f. xRfjisftj n - ^TcRoTrT for the 
active voice, and xreffrnT. for the passive. In classic Sanskrit they 
have almost wholly got out of use. Already Panini restricts P. 3, 2, 
them to Holy "Writ, with the exception of six, viz. ^-f^crpT, STfiterRj 109 



1) I was wrong, in doubting, on p. 39 N. 3 of this book, at the cor- 
rectness of the example (Mhbh. 3, 73, 25 = Nala 21, 22) USFfmfifen^SFt: 
quoted by Whitney. When reading once more not only that passage , 
but the whole sarga, I clearly saw, that McJt)^ cannot but depend here 

on *lftioll<t*:. 



280 



§ 359—360. 



srejsrPT, the compounds g m aaH^ s^rf&srnr, «-h*K!. The participle 
in "cTPT (aw) is , however, oftener met with in the post-Paninean 
literature , than would be expected by this rule , but it occurs chiefly 
in epic poetry and in kavyas. Mhbh. 1, 44, 10 f3frfion~r, K- 1> 26, 25 

(bH<i.6i) ) Kathas. 25, 72 afa^m P i frgn :, Kumaras. 2, 4 rprcmi 

ft<^qjjq , ibid. 6, 72 m^ihwi&ii rsm, ibid. 6, 64 ^RrejitrWdW^, Kathas. 
81, 31, Cicup. 1, 17 etc. That it may even do duty as finite verb, 
has been mentioned 338. But the participle of the past in °wtt has 
wholly antiquated, and is only met with in the archaic dialect, 
see f. i. Qat. Br. 3, 9, 1, 1 ; 11, 1, 6, 8 etc. 

360. Of the participles in °r{ the great majority have a 

parti- 
ciples passive meaning , hence it is customary to call the whole 

in 0fT class the passive participle of the past. But some others 

passive 

tranli- are no ^ P ass ^ ves ? Du ^ intransitives , as JTFT (gone), 'TFT 

active, (died), PT^T (split*. Some again may be even transitive 

actives , as TirT (having drunk), STTCT (having reached), 

ToTFTFT (having forgotten), T^IW? (having divided), in 
this case they may generally convey sometimes a passive, 
sometimes an active meaning. For instance: 



jjTfTS act- Dag. 138 wtz&n oft^t 
amiy-W^n^i-iiPi. 



pass. E. 2, 83, 5 jih «3*iliwibiMi 
*H^Ufc l Pl (the scholiast adds 
Mlf^fiT:)- 
"With this verb, the active meaning is the more common. 

TOjT act. Utt. Ill, p. 38 pre ^jj^. j pass. Ragh. 1, 12 h^U a i feqln 



v crerfTT [sc gfcrr]- 
wrjrs act. Qak. I grtrqq^Ts^rTqfer- 

rrriTfeT (how, have I offended 

the holy men?) 
jrfo^ act. Vikram. II, p. 29 a i ^Ml - 

mg act. Mudr. I, p. 7 srfwjrrr na^T- 
fflW. OTPTi (welcome guests are 
come to ray house). 



srarT: I^wDm:. 

pass. Kathas. 17, 48 -^mr HdliU ij. 

^ (there is no offence done to 

you by the queen), 
pass. R. (Gorr.) 5, 56, 28 jrfafs- H 

TOT 5JWPT; 

pass. Hit. 24 crf%fu: dfrfrl^ 



§ 360—362. 281 

Moreover ,in accordance to what has been stated above the 
neuter sing, of all intransitive participles may be employ- p 3 . 4 > 

• * 72. 

ed also in a passive sense. Instead of ?PT ^TFP, 5PT TFT:, 

one says as well JTrFFf'T, SJcFFFT Cp. Pat. I, p. 468. 

Rem. 1. If a participle in °r{ is used with intransi- 
tive meaning, then the transitive passive is commonly 
expressed by the corresponding part, of the causative. 

ftrr means »split by itself" ^%T » split [by somebody]," crsrs »awake" 
but gsftfVrT » roused," jftft »born" but sH^h » engendered," qffjrT »fall- 
en" but qifrid sthrown" etc. 

Eem. 2. As far as I know, the participles in c rr never convey 
a transitive active meaning ; they are , as a rule , intransitives, as 
wt, fusr, Trr. 

361. Occasionally the participles in °rT are used of the F l lt l 2 ' 
present. They are then expressive of an action achiev- 188 - 
ed , completed , finished. So 3TFT and TT^TrT when = 

„being," ?M> „able," *JrT ,dead," H5T „broken." 

362. II. We will now treat of the participial employ- 
^\" ment. Before defining it, abstraction is to be made 
X" of the case in which the participles are nothing more 

or less than simple attributive adjectives, as F^pot 

r 
9FP, when — „a forbidden law," or even substantives, as 

aRT: when — „old man ," f$T®T: „when - disciple. 1 ). Apart 
from this adjectival function, the participles serve to 
express attending circumstances or other qualifications 



ment. 



1) A special rule of Panini (3, 3, 114) teaches the neuters of participles 
in °fT to be admissible as nouns of action. So Mhbh. 1, 157,41 stcTi ^ 
JJrf STOT T ^ >T dlloirl 1 SPT*r (it is better to die together, nor can I bear 
to live). Pat. I, p. 11 f^fechri^far|chU|fiiH l (H ^5T ^tTOT HoTprT STTC!rHJ<il W 
(hiccoughing , laughing and scratching are neither sinful nor pious actions). 



282 § 362. 

of the main action , whether temporal or local , causal , 
concessive , conditional, hypothetical , etc. In other terms, 
in Sanskrit , as elsewhere , the participles are a concurrent 
idiom of subordinate sentences, of which, indeed, they 

may be said to exhibit the rudimentary form. 

Examples: 1. the participle equivalent to a simple relative 
clause. Pane. 2^?( JT^wt ^fw t ^HHi ulujHHi Usemidl' Ih^R (tore 
are five hundred scholars , who enjoy" a salary which I give them). 

2. the participle denoting time, state, condition, circumstance. 
Pane. 268 filled : chlM i ld g trWdH (* ne jackal being filled with anger, 
said to him), Bhoj. 17 ^ (drilRptja ^dfuY ^TSTT? g#r ch^ift^wmi - 
rtMr«W«iyTfir (now, as the king made such expenses of money 
etc., his first minister once addressed him thus), Mrcch. VI, p. 222 sri" 
oUiy-n^Hl nrraR U^irM 5T^ft (better to die while showing prowess, 
than in fetters after having been seized). 

3. the participle denoting cause , motive. Pane. 58 ^ rWT chHcdl 
jtot im i Wi ^ihh i; mil =r ii-^Pn (they must be brought to such 
a pass as to be excluded from heaven , being killed in the flight), 
here the complex q^rrcRfT ^TTPTT: points at the cause of their 
not reaching heaven; E. 1, 1, 99 CTs-^-pTrarfr ^j: fer S5rxf ^jterf 
(by reading the Eamayana one gains heaven). 

4. the participle equivalent to a concessive sentence. Pane. 
304 ifr fifS-A^d Mill^WiW l =T Sjnftfw (though I have dissuaded you 
several times, you do not listen to me). In this meaning, aft 
is generally subjoined to the participle, see 423. 

5. the participle expressive of the protasis of a conditional or 
hypothetical sentence. Dag. 140 =toj h m(uiiil^<*«J *lfrlM-MHqWHI 
Holrchcrl chgij^ W (if I should not follow the path of my [deceased] 
husband, I should dishonour your family), Kathas. 77, 92 jj^nytlHl 
TTT^mFT %ff iJTOTfFf ^TOJW: (if you do not say it, and know it, your 
head will fall off into a thousand pieces). 

6. the participle denoting a purpose, aim, intention. Thus is 
the proper employment of the participle of the future. 
Kathas. 38, 157 praRTr ?f sir -dl^uiyid^ir) srafK ^orrg; (being about 
to 1 eave her country , she ceded her house to the brahmans), 



§ 362—364. 283 

Dag. 79 srerfn^^i^oryiw^uTfgHyf^rr <rf^ trfHTcFToP^ (as I wished 
to bring them back to their natural state — ) Mhbh. 1, 163, 16 
cJ^idjU ^irrttH: i rfTjf5rKTO=T5T irfrf y^Tc^ST ^^ (the giant took a 
tree and ran once more at Bhima, that he might strike him), 

363. As a rule, the mere participle suffices for this pur- 
pose. Now, as this is by far less done in modern lan- 
guages, different connectives are to be added, when 
translating, as when, if, though, because, as, while sim. 
In short, participles in Sanskrit are as significant as 
they are in Latin and Greek. 

The only particles added are js, to denote comparison, and 
gfr, the exponent of a concessive meaning. Pane. 54 qwrrear TTfRR'- 
7mmi 3^ cf y 3TraT 3°T srflxraraoTT f&HTar^t (her body looks , as if 
she were — ), ibid. 278 qftrrteriTTtnTf'T =r H^hI^M (though she is being 
satisfied, she is not kind), ibid. II, 173 q chrdT-f.chHIrl ^ TfTfOTJ: qfT^rfcr 
(a noble-minded man falls as a ball does , if he should fall at all). 

364. The participial employment is not limited to the par- 
w °"h S ticiples. Any adjective may be employed as if it were 

P p 1 iai 1 a participle. It is then usual to add to it the par- 
ploy- ticiple H^rT (being). Yet , WT\ is not indispensable and 
*" e " is often wanting, especially if it is a bahuvrihi that has a 

added, participial employment. 

Examples: a.) of sr^ added. Qak. IV 5Hi*y|-sfg grjff <y?if**TH 
arpT (though living in the forests, we know the world), ibid. Ill 
cfirTJ^r chMH i U TOT ijfreWrSrFnr (how did you come by that sharpness , 
you, whose arrows are but flowers?), Kathas. 24, 67 srr£ *Kn m 
wft 5^T I5q i ftf-M sm i JTOHT IT5PT (I saw that town, indeed, while 
I wandered about when a student), Pane. 44 grsr rssr^RsTST STcft FT^ 
i l -c^ i fa (how can I go there, being tied with strong fetters?). 

6.) of the mere adjective. Pane. I, 109 f^r n^FTTCR^T f^f 5T3RT- 
Mchli? u 1 1 (what is the use of a faithful [servant], if he be not able , 
what, of an able, if he be not faithful?), Qak. II two young ascetics 
are approaching , the king , before their being ushered in , knows 
them by their voice and says nh fefiprcr I *rt*ai\ SrW fei fwfBtrTarir. 0> v 



284 § 364—365. 

the sound of their voice, which is strong and soft at the same 
time, they must he inferred to he ascetics), Hit. 91 HH I Hi i richW 
csr HronmnriU ^'T (wishing to tell it [sc. the news airTfijL * nave 
come here). 

Rem. 1. Bahuvrihis, the predicate of which is a participle, 
generally share the participial employment. Pane. 130 ^x <T £ST 
ST&rR^TT cdfa^rmH (when he saw him , he became anxious and 
reflected), Ven. I, p. 25 gisr ^M-aHWr^ l fatu i Hl fq' usrfft HliMfaH l 
(Madam, by the angry mood I am in, I have not noticed your 
coming here), Mudr. Ill, p. 112 a i lKud ^TcirTt Pfr-A-Sfcrnn^m qrr 
sn^Prfer 7"T?jf ^ { M ffid (if mylord in this manner crosses my liberty 
of movement , my kingdom seems a prison to me , not a kingdom). 

Rem. 2. sFtT> however, is occasionally added even to real par- 
ticiples. Pane. 126 nrr jjpftjr sn^uT ars^r am sfrft fdf^n : 

mow, that stupid monkey, being in an angry temper, gave a 
blow), ibid. 335 si\sfq- cheh^H^ cT felrT: M-MMU i mHUl^H^ (while stand- 
ing on that very spot, the crab etc.), Mhbh. 1, 166,2 g-. 

ijgftoimdi i *mV <^Jmrl(<J r?=r , here snrt added helps the understand- 
ing of the remote past. Cp. Pane. 248, 1. 7. 

Absolute cases. 

365. As the participle is an adjective noun , it needs must 

i u te rest on some substantive, of which it is the predicate, 

cases and with which it is to agree in gender, number and 

case (27). We may call this substantive the subject 

of the participle. When being a pronoun , it is often 

not expressed (10), as little when a general subject. 

But , whether understood or expressed , it is likely to 

form part of the chief sentence , and by its noun-case , 

which is at the same time that of the participle, it 

marks the nature of the logical relation, which exists 

between the principal action and the subordinate one. 

Tet, the participial employment is not restricted to 



§ 365—367. 285 

the case, that the subject of the participle occurs in 
the chief sentence. In Sanskrit, like many other lan- 
guages, it extends also to the absolute cases, by 
which name one denotes the participle with its subject, 
if they are but loosely connected with the principal 
sentence, their noun-case not being grammatically de- 
pendent on any word or phrase in the chief sentence. 
Sanskrit has two absolute cases: the locative and the 
genitive. Of these, the former is the general one, the 
latter has a much narrower employment. 
366. The absolute locative is a very frequent idiom. It 
^ u t° is the Sanskrit counterpart of the Latin absolute abla- 37,' 
t°ive' tive and the like genitive of Greek. It shares the whole 
manysidedness of signification of the participial employ- 
ment. In other terms, it is equivalent to any kind of 
subordinate sentence: temporal, modal, causal, condi- 
tional, hypothetical, concessive, etc. 

Examples: Kathas. 5, 106 fgof^isr n-cfo-M (time going), ibid. 28, 
134 ^rlfe-I^H ^"TsraH cfi^qr iTRraft: (that prince being dead, what 
care I for my own life ?), Qak. I qf^-3 d^jHi' srrerin (while a 

Paurava rules the land), Dae. 1 1 8 fmfa fairing ~5tfm ttCJI*] 

^vJiPSih STJFTltT'wir (when darkness had spread and the moon had 
risen, I went to bed), Qak. I spiff ^^wfijpr Tf& UTOqnii (she 
hearkens, when I speak in her presence), Hit. 96 ^o(H*5rfH £H (after 
the messenger had thus spoken), Nala 5, 33 ^r ft !Wr URJT yiW j Mi 

jT^hrer: ^?rnirCT a^Kg ; (Nala having been chosen by the 

daughter of Bhima, — ), Pane. 17 ii«jli|Mrii ^ah*) ftf^T m*F! fqjvm 
othrt uttrtT 3rfsr?'- 
367- It is not necessary, that the predicate of the abso- 
lute locative be a participle. It may be also a noun 
(adjective or substantive). Often, however, £FrT, ^rT- 
^IFT, TFTrT etc. are added. 



286 § 367-369. 

Examples of ^tjt etc. added to the participle or noun. Pane. 242 
iHtf i tit i ^sirtt mMMcdcW sirST fat day-break, when the owls had become 
blind) [cp. 364 E. 2], ibid. I, 310 ^r=fr ^qfanaichiPrH HHidRvi srfrr 
/it is at night-time that the light of the lamp is pleasant, not 
when the sun has risen), ibid. 56 the king says to his daughter 

jrfir fori?" <£f|rrft drWMldi ^TJWCn' Wlolfw iHMIrlf^ fefrT rri75RIToT 33Jrf 

m*§ mn jstl iWT ^ fert *= t Ph (my child, as you are my daughter, 
and Lord Vishnu my son-in-law, how etc.) 

Examples of a nominal predicate without auxiliary. Pane. 62 

^rTf^": 5?*f srfof znsriTT i srfwr ST55R T^k msf 4JmPh (this lake will 

soon become dry, when it will be dry, they will perish), Bhoj. 
12 ^Tftr ufifftT yfwr: <IT<T tnmrfr: HST [viz. <^T:] (if the king be vir- 
tuous, the subjects will be virtuous, if wicked, they too will be 
fond of wickedness), Qak. V <m mf fo>tni5 t j : ?ifTt ^ferij rsrfir (— 
while you are the protector), Prabodh. II, p. 39 eh i Msh ferrf^isr ufdM-dM 
cMtw?^ (h rrerrfa ^ylyyj [y f^ft HHoif^H^r iwkurr umm^ (as Love, 
Anger etc. are her adversaries, how will she [Vishnubhakti] march 
against them ? Nevertheless, no one , who is desirous of victory, must 
be careless, even if his enemy is rather weak). 

368. Occasionally the subject in the absolute locative is 

understood, as ^T FTfrt ([this] being so), r^M^rf 
(after [this] had been performed in this way). Of course , 
it is always wanting with impersonal verbs, as Dag. 
107 rr=TR dM)iH (after his having consented), Mhbh. 1, 154, 21 rreTsr 
^r f%7" WTflf^ STcTair (since we must start, we cannot stay here long), 
ibid. 1, 150, 4 f%i^H '^Tjrsm ifmjrit ^ nsnni3Tyoiu<JiiU4j<4i<i'i ; 

369. Sometimes the absolute genitive is a concurrent 

late idiom of the absolute locative. It is far from bearing 
g ti"e. the general character -of the latter. It is limited , in- 
deed, to the expression of some action not cared for 
while performing the main action. Sometimes the ab- 
solute genitive may be rendered by „ though, notwith- 
standing, in spite of" and the like, sometimes it is 
simply pointing out, which action is going on at the time 



§ 369. 287 

when the main action intervenes , then we may trans- 
late it by „ while" or „as." Other restrictions of its 
employment are; 1. its predicate must have a, dura- 
tive meaning, and is therefore in most cases a parti- 
ciple of the present, or at least a partic. or adjective, 
which does duty as such; 2. its subject must be a 
person. Upon the whole, the absolute genitive is usu- 
ally found in standing phrases '). 

According to P. 2, 3, 38 the absolute genitive is expressive of 
some action not cared for, while performing the action of the 
chief sentence. The commentary illustrates this rule by the example 
RTT: msf l sTirf , which is interchangeable with r^jn qr°, because 
it means pjrn Q* I f^chH ^TTgrgT udfdH : (he has forsaken the world 
not caring for the tears of his family). 2 ). 



1) These rules have chiefly been fixed by F. de Saussure in his valuable 
and exhaustive treatise de Vemploi du genitif absolu en Sanscrit. 

The rule of the subject being a person is violated Kurnaras. 1, 27 
4Mfl^MJ«l TSftf^ ffT R^thMMf srf&SfTO^T (though spring has an im- 
mense variety of flowers, the rows of bees cling especially to the amra- 
flower), unless it be supposed that Kalidasa means the personified Spring. — 
In this passage of the Ramayana (3, 11, 58) FTrft H*oldi fTEtt By I HI I (m- 
srSloHYssTsfirTj cTTrTT'T Pl&thH^fH a participle of the past in "fToRTk the pre- 
dicate. 

2) Paniui's sutra runs thus: Eret MMl<^- The preceding s. 37 ror =et 
iJXaFT ^IdTltdU l M enjoins the employment of the absolute locative. Now, 
s. 38 allows the genitive too, but only for the case, that there is to 
be expressed ibHItij . One may ask, what is the exact meaning of this 
term. Does it mean »disregard," or has it rather a more general im- 
port, that of »indifference?" The former interpretation needs implies the 
participial action being known to the agent of the main action , but this 
is no requisite to the latter. If we consider the practice of Sanskrit 
phraseology , it becomes very probable , we must take iMI<^ in its widest 
sense. Then all cases of absolute genitive may range under it. In such 
phrases as R. 1, 60, 15 qmfl() ^S5Tp I f^H sTCTFT <*> 1**81 jpfrf TOTrlt FT^f 
(under the eyes of the munis, the king [Tri9anku] ascended to heaven) 
the anddara is to be found in this , that the chief action is going on 



288 § 369. 

Examples: 1. the gen. = though, in spite of, 
Pane. 193 g^r rprr <VS\: yRiolHaHId^ fejHWlR FT5T aPT^Nmi'Tjthat I 
have asked them, though you were here, was but to make a 

trial), Mudr. Ill, p. 1 24 rp^r: qstor $HT ^HT: TOJrfr ^ItHWJ (— under 

the very eyes of Baxasa), Pane. 152 rpsraT:] gstTrrr >T qfyxipr, Mhbh. 

1, 102, 70 (dft^diJ^H^Uri dlTTMUII STOJT^TrT I HpT dHHMMIHiy: ^ T%%- 

FSTeR: i sTITTT W<J l^>W (Vicitravirya became consumptive , when 

being young, and died in spite of the efforts of his friends and 
skilled physicians), R. 2, 100, 4 q- f^ fgf j>dH<HUl d-WUI^ffil (do 
not go to the forest during his lifetime [— eo vivo]). In the last 
example the notion of disregard appears, if one eliminates the 
negation: »the action of going to the forest though he is living, 
must not be done by you." '). 

2. the gen. is expressive of a situation , existing at the time , 
when the main action intervenes, Eng. while, as. Pane. 131 jm 

ol^HtHWJ H cd'aychJxHUlrtl f^HFT: fwr: (while he was speaking 

thus, the said hunter came and concealed himself), ibid. 44 the 
barber's wife asks her friend rmf M i MirMi tra JTFTrcrr 3f??j<T: (the 
rogue [she means her husband] has not risen [from his conch] 
during my absence, has he?), Kathas. 18, 356 ^fn fe-rl«LiH*HHl FT? 

rTimJmdd : f^Hi: (while he reflected thus, females came), ibid. 

3, 11 mJ fSrerarTt frt- tfferf zfw*r. h±wiuh. 

Bern. 1. Between these two different kinds of absolute ge- 
nitive there are, of course, interjacent links. The anddara of 
the action conveyed by the absolute genitive may be more than 
simple independence and less than full disregard. Mhbh. 1, 153, 7 
a^HH ^fateilfi tj-ri-rtu ^ Mumn »I shall kill him , beautiful lady, and 



quite independently of the circumstance, that the holy men were its 
spectators. Then , the term an&dara holds also good for the case , that 
the absolute genitive is merely expressive of the situation. 

The Mahabhashya has no comment on our rule, the Katantra does not 
mention it at all, see Trilocanadasa on Kat. 2, 4, 34 (p. 499 ofEGGELiSG'sed.). 

1} See de Satjssuke, p. 23. In the same book, p. 63 — 74 plenty of 
instances prove the frequency of the phrase qyiirt*riyj and the like. 



§ 369-370. 289 

even in your presence," here the absolute turn denotes the easiness 
of the enterprise. *) 

Eem. 2. The absolute genitive seems to be very rare in the 
archaic dialect. 2 ) 

370. Apart from this absolute genitive, Sanskrit upon the 
whole shows a preference for employing genitives of 
the participle, either as dative-like genitives (129) or 
when, depending on some substantive. The frequency 
of this turn makes it sometimes difficult to distinguish be- 
tween the absolute and the not-absolute construction. 
J£?_ In some phrases both seem to mingle. For them we 
abso- ma y use £h e term of semi-absolute construc- 

lute ge- ^ 

nitive. tion, for the logical relation between the genitive 
and the principal sentence, though not wholly want- 
ing, is very loose, indeed. 3 ) Here are some instances. Pane. 
154 ^ar f%*Wfft TfTcfTS^ H fSoT?fV ^ (n ail -di (»he thinking so" or »for 
him as he thought so" the day passed slowly), Dae. 144 t^ =ar zft 
oRT^Wf ST5;sr WJT. STTrSHT: , and so regularly to denote awhile some- 
body was doing so and so , some other arrived , the sun rose or 
set, time passed etc." See f. i. Pane. 56, 1. 1, R. 3, 11, 68, Kathas. 
15,123, R. 2, 62, 19, ibid. 85,14. This idiom borders on that, 
treated 128 R. 2. 

Of a somewhat different nature are such instances as Mudr. 
Y, p. 180 xr^Tmpr farsfffT^fifcfr sTwfq^ffriefrftfim" nw^rTErt ^ut qarrr 
Enm (as Candragupta in selling them [the jewels], desired an ex- 



1) de Sausstjre, p. 24 and 25 quotes a few passages pointing to the 
fact, that the absolute gen. occasionally may answer to fr. pour peu 
que := for aught. 

2) The oldest instance of it, known to de Satjssure, is Maitrayaniyo- 
panishad l, 4 fH^rTl ^yortfer *Tf;ff fsrir rzrarrsiTTcfjWr^j cfti yuiHi:. 

A 

Another instance from the archaic dialect is Ap. Dharm. 1, 2, 7, 13 
qWTfaST' C P- t fle foot-note on p. 288 above. 

3) See de Saussure p. 33—41. 

19 



290 § 370—372. 

orbitant profit, you, cruel man, have made ourselves the price), 
Pane. 162 pi^T gmr *TT dtoi-rtji ^Rr: MlPui iT^tarfff, Qak. I g^- amPcT- 
«m\ ftsrfir ^friydfei^y^M) Nagan, I, p. 8 rr f-jd i HJlmffif* mtsfi q^r 
iviywjrtV^ dHriWtrMI* Pidlri :- In the first of these examples the 
genitive may be accepted as a dative-like one (129), in the re- 
maining it depends on a noun ( qifum , rpT understood, pjfa ;). 
Likewise Nala 24, 15, Pane. 57 ^ ipr ^Hiqa-RHm ^rtljQmld , etc. 
etc. Cp. also the foot-note on p. 94 of this book. 

Eem. The differences between the absolute and the semi-ab- 
solute genitives are sometimes very small, indeed. Pane. 156 jra 
»T ft-Hiir^ itrjt iPT Slftrrr kam sTTrTT:, here the absolute turn would 
be doubtful but for the pronoun of the 1st person repeated. That 
in such phrases, as » while A. was doing this, B. arrived," the 
genitive is thought by Sanskrit-speakers an absolute one, is proved 
by this, that the absolute locative is used too. Mhbh. 1, 169, 1 sra^r 
rig sr^i-T TTHSBnj M^lrH^ i iiisNimm Hii^J amr: , Kathas. 42, 165 ^enrcif 
ST qfir g- ^U'imdM l f^J^U I rt<*aEi^m T. 

371. It is no hindrance to the absolute construction, if its subject 

Theabso- j s a wor d occurring also in the main sentence. Pane. 67 sa- 
lute turn ' ° \ 
admissi- f%7frarRFTW m\*\ ir; «P? nrsrr mirer H«Jiii fwr: , here FTCT, the subj. 

if its sub- °^ fefWW s means the lion, h*AI I j J the same lion. Kathas. 29, 77 

J ent ° c " chd^iffd zrimx H a i fa* r reimt<i ftm, here the absolute loc. is used, 

cars also ^ 

in the though its subject fErfir is also represented in the main sentence 

m teSr" b y asr- °p- R - 3 > 57 > 2 ; Nala[ 5 > 33 - 

372. The semi-absolute employment must also be stated 

solute in- f° r the instrumental. Here are some instances. Kathas. 29, 
55 qfifT iriff; ih^Hsf^T =T rT H famPi {by eating these fruits you will 
enjoy eternal youth), E. 2, 64, 18 *r xTl^HH smita ^t^TT Ww i felH : 
(as soon as the arrow had been drawn out , he mounted to heaven), 
Pane. 57 h^Jt gq^: Sl^fiT^T^r <TT^r -d l'traH<f3«s4j ipf (my dear, I will 
not take either food or drink until after having killed all the ene- 
mies), ibid. 178 «•£ ^T ft rteiHU ) Q&P53 Pd-W H ; (do not fear, with 
such friends as we are), Kathas. 55, 213 rsOT Pi^JctlPi^l UrTlnJl 
feWltwPi, Pane. 194 ^trrfFT; ^arq^T: T^ra awt usrffT (Lat. his cog- 



strumen- 
tal. 



§ 372—374. 291 

nitis et tui et adversarii tibi obnoxii erunf). In all of them the 
absolute locative might have been used. The instrumental repre- 
sents the action, expressed by the participle, as the cause or motive 
or means of the main action, and in this respect it shows a close 
affinity to the Latin absolute ablative. 

Other participial idioms. 

373. Other participial idioms are: 

Parti- ml 

cipie I. The participle added to a verb, expressive of some 
to » affection of mind , to signify the motive of the affection. 

verb of p anC- 149 f^ -^ ^^m csr <?ioi i u i; (do you not feel ashamed at 
tion of speaking thus?), ibid. 147 sfri%rT5TO5f jtst JTrT. (one must pity you 
for having become proud), ibid. 112 srratfafHf i&flFsrm' fsm JFmr 
^T 5»w (you have not done well by kindling discord between 
them), Mhbh. 1, 145, 9 rTT ^ UU fept mwi^rtjlfr =T *rarff (Dbrt. 
cannot endure their having obtained the kingdom from their father's 
side), Mahav. I, p. 18 ^^rrfir p* w^M ? rim ^TrT 5^mr. 

374. II. The participle , 'which expresses the predicate of the 
cative object of the verbs of seeing, hearing , knowing, thinking , feel • 
tiveand inff, conceiving, wishing and the like. Since, of course, it must 
natTve agree with the object, it is an accusative with the 

"el bT'a active voice , but a nominative with the passive of the 
Jw 1 ; chief verb (6). So it is said qf afsTSFrRTOrT (he saw 

noun "X r—- *~n 

used as me enter), pass. %J«fc*FFr STJ^T^^T. By using some 

such. 

other noun instead of the participle , we get the idiom , 
mentioned 32 c), f. i. ^f ja|MHWfT (he saw me 
being young = he saw, I was young). 

This much used accusative with participle is the 
counterpart of Latin ace. with infinitive, which con- 
struction does not exist in Sanskrit (390 E. 2). Con- 
current idioms are the oratio directa with 3T|rT and re- 



292 § 374-375. 

lative sentences with the conjunctions ST^orM^K^Qi foil). 

Examples: a.) with an active chief verb. Pane. 51 5rrfWTsT- 
cfRTf ch^UkhUfci <HHl^ldi gSafim (they saw some princess ap- 
proaching on elephant's back) , Mudr. IY, p. 158 ^ tj\ gjfacRrft^jiw 
crtitt: (the prince does not desire my being far), Qak. IV sH^T ^r 
iimMfc-H^ (y° u do not know, I am near) , Hit. 2 sr >^j(H(*^I <*WlfiJ 
H6U*<H feTltft&d sr^TToT (once the king heard somebody read two 
clokas), Kathas. 9, 74 gra^ur ^Alsh l -HM^otil M^-dH , <?&k. VII 33^- 
Uch^Hl^fcMplT FT^jf^rT^omrTV-s^ (on seeing the ring, I remem- 
. bered that I had wedded his daughter). As to the last examples 
cp. 14, Vlliy. 

6.) with a passive chief verb. Mudr. Ill, p. 120 cR ^ti^ i lfuii - 
tictim-^iMFtdri : (why have you overlooked his withdrawal ?), E. 3, 
67, 16 Jatayu tells Rama, he has seen the carrying off of Sita, 
QiWIUII WIT TZT TTcnTFT, Kathas. 41, 4 ftgt!T *f5rTl5U^TT. •••• WJ^X 

srrrTT ciSTTWU tTFT: (a friend has now told him, his brother died 
abroad), Qak. Ill n^yam feoffor si^Tt {idPl*^*!': i vgpn Mf^uTl- 
?TTCTr: fqgfiraTfvRf^gTrr:. 

Predi- Bern. If not a chief verb, but a nomen actionis is attended by 
j. the predicate of its object, both the object and its predicate are 

t!ve - put in the genitive [110]. Pane. 67 the animals of the forest have 
engaged themselves to send every day one among them to the 
lion for food ; when it was the turn of the hare , she went to the 
lion and said, she with four other hares had been sent by the 
animals qir <r)fcjH)m trerrar foi^tm » as they knew me to be reputed 
[a] rather insignificant [animal]", Malav. I, p. 18 jifc spraHcnsrafa"- 
H (\ii { J l dlfrti tteOTiK (in tne ver 7 presence of the king it will appear 
which of us is superior and which inferior). 

375. III. In translating Sanskrit participles , it is some- 
s k a r ° 8 t ' times necessary to substitute for them infinitives or 

P e8 8< the nouns of action. So the abs. locat. ^rt 27TTFFT may 
rJ^ea be = »after performing the order." This idiom , the coun- 
terpart of Latin reges exacti = exactio regum , is not rare , 



§ 375-377. 293 

emcti^ especially in the instrumental >). So f. i. Mgan. I, p. 5 

ctio re- f%tRRN*aHHI fePrirM aj HH l ^ciMf»rl l (do not reflect on this non- 

9Um - sense, better would it be to act after your father's injunction), 

Pane. I, 5 5r| siirHMi cqrrft ?r ai^sr af5(rrr. • - • • ^ xrnasrR cW^Qm - 

rnmait'SfcT rRJr: (better is it, that he dies scarcely after being born , 

better is the birth of a daughter than an unlearned son 

etc.). s ) So often the participle in "ft with fcror <&&%. E. 2, 36, 30 
ri^f ?;& jymx tottt O^hui fsnrr (therefore cease to destroy Kama's 
happiness), Mrcch. VIII, p. 244 fej^r FrrfsFR fTOfeRT (why strike 
this poor fellow?). 

Participles attended by auxiliaries. 

376. Sometimes participles are expressive of the chief pre- 
phras- dieate. In this case, auxiliaries are often wanted 
pioy. to denote the person or the tense or the nature of the 

ofpar- action. The combination of participle and auxiliary 
p J°g" effects a kind of periphrastic conjugation, which some- 
times has an emphatic character, and sometimes serves 
to express special shades of tenses or moods , not to be 
pointed out by mere flexion. 

Rem. It is only the past participles, that may do 
duty as finite verbs by themselves, without auxiliary. 
But even this is only admissible , if the subject is evident 
from the context. For this reason , in the 1 st and 2 d per- 
son the absence of the auxiliary commonly necessitates 
the expression of the pronoun, and inversely. See 11. 

377. We may divide this periphrastic conjugation into the 
following classes: 



1) See de Saussttke, p. 94 N. 1. 

2) An instance from the archaic dialect may be Ait. Br. 1, 13, 8 

HaT f sit ^t [sc. ^frifcr] sfitarnfrr a-^a- 



294 § 877—378. 

Peri- I. To the past participle the present *||tcl or H^Hrl 

tic is added , f. i. Prabodh. V, p. 1 03 ^r q=cm: 3> JTrTr: W 3tT ST 



tenses 



and utddxny., Maiat. IV, p. 65 g wju^jdHfoj - This idiom falls to- 
moods. getter w ^j 1 ^he employment of the sole past participle 
as a past tense, see 336. 

II. The past participle is attended by another tense 
or mood of *l|tri Or H^lrl. 

Here are some examples: Da?. 100 ■?& g- iiJlquf^rT l'SUrT (and 
I addressed him with these words), Kathas. 79, 132 |idl<4*lf<riH) srwET 
r= ^lsH<jj*MM i Mhbh. 1, 42, 34 gft f|; ft^ FT3?g^ (for he had heard 
this). — Qak. V f*M^Rw wrarrr ^rrsa^ J-irtHchiy^&w: sfprr: si:, here 
the optative of the past is expressed by periphrase , Kathas. 2.7, 32 
f^? Hti i qchH TWf HoiH^ (in what can I have offended the king?). 
From the archaic dialect I add Ait. Br. 1, 4, 1 n: Ud^JlsiH : an 
(he, who has never before performed a sacrifice). Cp. 345. 

Rem. By putting irfaisrfH to the past participle , the future per- 
fect may be expressed. Mhbh. 1, 162, 21 ^fr ^ T dEi Rmjhi JifvfwT 
nld^lrl : (both purposes will be performed), Prabodh. II, p. 45, firT:- - ■ 
miPHfrt|{Hl ufawfd (then Qanti will have departed this life). 

III. The participle of the future is accompanied by 

the auxiliary. 

This idiom is almost limited to the archaic dialect. In the 
Brahmanas the participle of the future not rarely joins with nEffH 
and emr. Ait. Br. 2, 11, 6 ft it* p^fim^H l Hcri^ft r^^ajaff^J^TT- 
^q i mfa (on which spot they are to kill [the victim], there the 
adhvaryut hrows sacred grass [barhis]), Qat. Br. 3, 2, 2, 23 jrar *H troll 
M-Hldrf im^oifri (when he, after having slept, is not to sleep again), 
lev. Grhy. 1, 3, 1 zrs f =st ^m-rm i rj^ 

37 IV. The participle of the present with ?TJ^' 1 ),frrslH , } 
oTrTrT, *Utr1, H^Irf is expressive of a continuous 



1) Cp. the similar employment of Homeric fr&u. II. «, 133 S) IStAe/? 
tipp' «Stos '£xW Yh<*Si tvraf 'i\i «i/r<u; i frteti Seudfisvov. 



§ 378. 295 

Jnti- action and i s to be compared with English to be with 



oonti 



action the P ar tic in -ing, fepT^T^f orfrT^irretc. „he is re- 

express- p^ ,— . 

ea by fleeting," Nrltl s=| TFT „he has been reflecting," I^RT- 

peri- _ e^ ° ' 

phrase. T^ffi^ e tc. — Pane. 42 ^f^ : ^^ f^^. ^^ 

(the weaver was always concealing his disposition), Kathas. 42, 140 

^t-s^W ^tegTCT (he was sporting with her); Dae. 156 ^gTPTiTT FT 

^F&sr ^rmrffl- (but the princess will not cease weeping), Pane. 
330 Hi ?T?p |WTrarr frryfrT (she is being guarded carefully) ; Mhbh. 
1) H> 5 frerrf rTTOT sftif jIMHTSW (I was knowing the power of his 

ascese), Utt. II, p. 34 ^nrg- f| br- ofo^ f%^ qjT cT^FT: 

(this is the very forest, where we formerly dwelled for a long time), 
E. 2, 74, 2 rrr ijft tottt wet (do not weep for the dead one). 

Bern. 1. The participle in °ft or a verbal adjective, provided 
that they have the meaning of a present, may be similarly con- 
strued with mm, frryfrf and the rest. Pane. 285 sraT-sftr am ^raj- 
frnsr • { • (HRH'A'tH (everybody is content with his trade), ibid, 283 
T^fitfst: yHyMilvRshuj ®f% fefiT mm (— is staying outside the -water), 
ibid. 160 frer ^y*yj y s^r*«y I FTS wti m \ £\ri^ (— was sleeping 
on that couch), ibid. 318 qf^qufr sj ar: srarfuciriff (this pot is filled 

with porridge), E. 2, 75, 29 qr =g FT ^T^nwn^W (and may 

he never see him occupy the royal dignity), Vikram. IV, p. 131 
4i q ^h^PfalUUlRd^[H (— is sitting — ). 

Eem. 2. In the same way verbs meaning not ceasing to do 
are construed with the participle. Pane. 65 f = H^t] RrUHoiHchl^-m - 
51 ^ 1 *1(0'^ l L H< lL| "'^'^H W (*^ e ^ on ^ no * cea se killing — ), ibid. 275 

Eem. 3. The archaic d i a 1 e c t expresses the continuous action 
also by the participle with the verb t, occasionally ^ (cp. 
Whitney § 1075 , a and 6). Ait. Br. 1, 25, 2 Fit [sc m] araiftrnTT 
<rrf tir^TfT jffRPT (it was this, they shot off, and by which they 
destroyed the towns), Pancavimgabrahmana a^ujj r sttjtj u^d^(Prl ')■ 

1) Cp. this passage from a classic author (Pane. 282) ?rT [so. HTCrf] ^ 



a96 § 378-379. 

Rem. 4. Note that the auxiliaries may also be put in the pas- 
sive. See 32 6. 

Chapt. VI. Gerunds. 

379. The gerunds hold a place somewhat intermediate be- 
tween infinitive and participle. As to their etymology , 
they are petrified noun-cases, and for this reason they 
are not declinable. 

Gerund I. The gerund in °3T ( 0? T) is the petrified instru- 

in °rcTT 

(°jr). mental of a verbal noun. At the outset ^(^l was, as 

its ori. it were , a kind of infinitive of the aorist. This ori- 
ginal 

mea- ginal nature is discernible a.) when the gerund is con- 
strued with r7*T and WFT, b.) if the action conveyed 
by it has a general subject. 

a.) With fg^r and ^^tjj, the gerund serves to express a pro- 
hibition, cp. 353 R. 1. Dag. 137 fgr fT5T iMmfciroil (»do not con- 
ceal," liter. »what [profit should be] to you by concealing?"). 
R. 2, 28, 25 =g^ ^ SFT nrcrr (have done going to the forest. a ). 

6.) Pane. Ill, 107 d-diR^riT qar^roiT ^rciT $ty^*c(Vn w man 
srrf rrref jf^r ^un (if by cutting down trees, by killing victims, 



mng. 



1) Something of the kind, indeed, is contained in a rule of Panini 
(3,4,18) tlcrftflcrft: srfwhrat: crrat WfT » according to the eastern gramma- 
rians the gerund is to be put with iffsTT and if^rr, if they express a 
prohibition." 

The following sutra (3,4,19) 3^Nrr Ttft oUrH^ir has been wholly 
misunderstood by the commentators even up to Patanjali. Not the ver- 
bal root irr, but the particle of negation is meant. I am convinced , our 
sfltra does not contain a new rule, but it is the continuation and at 
the same time the explanation of the preceding, in other terms, it is 
an old varttika. The eastern grammarians, it is said, teach the use of 
4M*J^ and i^crf in prohibitions »tn exchange for [— instead of] (oUtTl^ll) 
ITT, prescribed by the Northern ones.'' In fact, a^Tchroil = »TT3rraf;. — 
Of *5TcfT thus used I know no instances from literature. 



§ 379—380. 297 

by shedding streams of blood, if thus one goes to heaven, by 
what way does one go to hell?). 

380. But in its most common employment the gerund 

employ- ma y he said to do duty as a past participle of the 

mostasa a ctive. Like the absolute locative and the other par- 

P P " h of" fr°ipi a l employment it enables the speaker to cut short 

the past, subordinate sentences and to avoid the accumulation 

of finite verbs (14,1). Ladeed, it has the full function 

of a participle. As a rule , it denotes the prior of two T f{ 4 ' 

actions, performed by the same subject. Accordingly 

its subject is that of the chief action. So it usually 

refers to a nominative, if the chief verb is active, 

or to an instrumental, if it is a passive. Nothing, 

however, prevents its being referred to other cases , since 

the main subject may occasionally be a gen., locat., 

dative etc. 

1. Instances of the gerund referring to a nominative or to 
an instrumental are so common as to be found on almost every 

page. Pane. 3 wreft fr?lT rft vfcm sireTT riw msj dl-cMI(l-yH<4 

tjrt faatrimsU l m (then the king having heard this promise, en- 
trusted the princes to him and was highly satisfied with this), 
here mm and HJTt§- refer to TTsfT; — Pane. 70 ^r H^r ft sra" irrdirMW 
H^" | i|Q gf%cr qwT: qf^FHrarr; , the gerunds q^a and gf%qi refer to f^t- 

2. Instances of the gerund referring to other noun-cases : 1. to 
an ace us. E. 3, 41, 18 a i rHH =5 ^ff fgrfs froTT stare (be aware 
that yourself will be lost, when seizing Sita) ; — 2. to a genitive. 
Nala 3 ; 14 FTOT sjhsr asff snwit -^i^iRi-Ita (his love increased as 
soon as he had beheld the fair one), Pane. 69 q HpgH wrf*PTCTOr 
OT q^fdPrd r TRTrr (it does not befit mylord to go before having ex- 
plored his strength); — 3. to a dative. Kumaras. 2, 18 ^uid^STFr- 

yWrfRWTax 5 ^ rsT sr= ' JF 5 "^'' ( welcome to y° u > mi g nt y ones ) 

who uphold your oflBces by your power); — 4. to a locative. Pane. 
125 oTR^ ST5R ^foTT 5TTg &3?rffT, the loc. is the absolute one: »as 



298 § 380—381. 

the monkey having brought the fan , was fanning". — The subject 
of the gerund is comparatively often a genitive or a locative , 
owing to the frequent employment of the dative-like genitive (129) 
and of the absolute locative. For the rest, it is only from the 
context, that the subject of a given gerund is to be known. That 
f. i. Bhoj. 96 ^3T p^TT yi(Mn} farErpgrf^Hnifeaj spsfT ymm-fTf arfrsr- 

^PRT ch ' ifa^ |^t in^ the gerund s^srr refers to cfJTftH, but 

Z^ST to ttsTT, can be learned no otherwise. 

3. The gerund may even refer to a subject not expressed, 
but understood. Utt. IV, p. 72 ^mijpu sH^f arear: , from the con- 
text it is plain, that ForaT is implied. Likewise Nagan. V, p. 91 
^t gUTT^ aRif cmriwrrsfq' sicW jr q(|rdsy tFvk [sc. foWt]- Or to a 
general subject, as f. i. E. 3, 48, 23. Cp. 379 V). 

Eem. Like the participles, the gerund may serve to express 
different logical relations, as is evident from these examples. Dag. 
149 HldRi fTWift" HHsife iT 4WllPi uftsianiT (I shall not rise before 
having learned what this really is), E. 3, 21, 10 rl l -n4t Mfdril^ l- •• . 

H ^i^mJl -s ud^m (token I saw great fear arose within me), Pane. 

Ill, 77 35Tcf> qqfrf cfijoTT f%T ^T: faf<kiI(d<mfH (what profit shall we 
have, if we make the owl our king?). Cp. 362. 

381. Not always the gerund can be said to denote a past 
eipr™- action , done previously to the chief action. Sometimes 
si^ui°- f there is simultaneousness. E. 3, 43, 9 ^j gemfr *\&*& uEhoi i J 

taneous ' Slf%fwTTi3orrEr aki) here rfmjn and adium are simultaneous, 

ness. ^ o -^ 

»Laxma n a thus speaking and dissuading her." Cp. Dag. 159 ^q- srr 

R R^4lryoC4H i^jrti ch M vroii-jrehftiArf ^5T. frtwfri (by what cause do 

you keep apart, not caring for the feast, as if longing for some- 
body?), ibid. 182 5^ U&H4.WUI [MtHoHMfM^-qu r adial nfridM l Ei (by 
your orders I guard the cemetery and in virtue of this function 
it is there that I dwell). — Cp. also the idiom, taught 203. 

Hence the gerund, in the same way as the parti- 
ciple of the present (378), may even attend such verbs 
as *H*fT, Irl^ItT, <^rl r\ , to signify a continuous action. 
Kumaras, 1, 1 t jdfq^ fftaftyt cfm^r fwrr. "jfaarr ^sr hh^uj : (ex- 



§ 381-382. 299 

tending to both oceans , the eastern and the western, [Mount Hima- 
laya] stands as the measuring stick of the earth). Dae. 177 gspfr- 
(T-4d)fir ofrTH' (he is the foremost of all the townsmen '), M. 7, 195 
3*rrajlf|niy)fT (he [the king] must keep the enemy inTested). 

Rem. Occasionally the gerund is even expressive of a predi- 
cative attribute. R. 3, 19, 4 ckmhibi ' KUHHrf i giro "T^ sraiH (he 
is unaware, he has fastened the rope of Death round his neck), 
Malav. V, p. 124 g^r i T^Wm^frOFraT wr^ngr "Tskrf^: ewrtHTrr ^Shh 
(my friend, you only think so from Dh. having acted up to my 
desire by her former actions !). R. 2, 73,4 a^MW-frl ST 'ftm forasrSoTTT. 

382. ii, 1^ other gerund , that in "^T^T, is as to its origin 

Gerund "^ 

in°=gir. the ace. of a verbal noun. It denotesj some concomitant 
action and is comparatively seldom employed. When 

put twice , it is expressive of repeated or uninterrupted action. ?■ 3 > 4 > 
Dag. 30 srnrsarft <t«wiM MMUirHrHiu ri^ufyrjw-jHwiioiuif sttopst- 
5RHyrlj%piWTOT <rcr -ui(kflrtHlH^ (the .king of Lata always hearing 
of the matchless beauty of the daughter of the monarch — ), 
ibid. 95 jr itei l ^ l tdld.M (savouring without interruption 2 ). 

For the rest the gerund in $pr is limited to standing phrases , 
at least in classic Sanskrit. Panini (3, 4, 25 — 64) gives a list of 
them. Of the kind are 1'. 3, 4, 29 ch-u i ^if smiWt (as soon as he 
sees a girl , he woos her), ibid. 52 m afield yjBrf^ (after rising from 
his couch he runs) , ibid. 50 Ama i ^ Jrar^ (v- a. they fight seizing 
each other by the hair), Dag. .144 a loim^-m ^hsp^ (I captured him 
alive) cp. P. 3, 4, 36, Mudr. II, p. 76 ijnwiH ^fT: ( was killed by 
lumps of earth) cp. P. 3, 4, 37, Mhbh. 1, J 54, 30 Q(&m3q srsTTs; WT 
UttmuntmtlH (he pressed him violently to the earth and killed him 
as one slaughters a victim), Kumaras. 4, 26 ^-^sim^ ?rerR (she 
beat her breast, injuring her bosom), cp. P. 3, 4, 55. Likewise 



1) Cp. pTrlH with tlie instrumental 67 E. 1. 

2) The same purpose is served by putting twice the gerund in °fsn. 
Pat. passim SF^TrJffc^T TtTpPfT iraff^T (frogs move by jumping). See P. 
3, 4, 22 and cp. Pane. II, 100. 



300 § 382—384. 

srhrirmT = fTKtnT HorfH, see f. i. Viddhac. II, p. 36, From the archaic 
dialect I add Ait. Br. 1, 21, 11 a^nHaaiaMdiRH^I^Pi^u i iiJ l 3?fTIrT 
(he deposits in him the mental and motive powers, while calling 
each member by its name), cp. P. 3, 4, 58. In all these expres- 
sions the gerund is the final member of a compound. — Another ^ ' 
idiom is the employment of it with crsfiT) usj*^ or gjr, then both 
the gerund in °gir and that in "feu are available , as cwWtsl^ (or 
wstt) 5TsriH(he eats first, then he goes). 

Kern. Upon the whole the gerund in °^m is oftener used in the 
archaic dialect of the brahmanas , than afterwards , and it is even in 
■ such cases as are not specialized by Panini. Ait. Br. 2, 19, 7 y^yiiT- 
riH-igj.il i h (if he pronounces them piecemeal), Qat. Br. 12, 8, 3, 7 
srftTOTf Hi^faH l f . (people will go and see in crowds). — Pan. 
3, 4, 12 speaks of the gerund in °gq with the verb gig* as a 
vaidik idiom. Maitr. S. 1, 6, 4 gfif a" Son fairm HiuichoM — fawir 
^l l Ulgid^ Cp. TBr. 1, 1, 5, 6. 

Chapt. VII. Infinitive. 

383. Sanskrit infinitive is a much employed form. It p, jo; 3 ' 
kriHn- serves to denote aim and purpose , almost to any extent 
itfem- an d without restriction. As a rule , the infinitive in 

ment. fT*T may be put to any predicate, just as the dative 
of the purpose, to which it is equivalent. In 87 we 
have quoted a striking instance of this eqiiivalence , 
gak. I ^rH^TTJTFT 5p W ^ ST^THHUlfa. other 

examples of the infinitive being expressive of the aim may be Mhbh. 
1, 160, 15 rr =et q- fsraff &# ^Fiij J^j fff%r^ ( an< l I have no money 

to buy some man somewhere), E. 2, 52, 9 risr fTrf qi miufciH i ' 

^TfyjriT (here is a ship for you to cross the river), Dag. 40 g^r- 
aipfcf R^-rf ij^qid: ch fe^ Mm RM-rdH (I devise some gentle means 
for killing that scoundrel), R. 1, 42, 24 ftt H wrfm iisHM TOnfa 
tjf^FT: (I know no one but Qiva, to bear her [the Ganga]). 

384. Sanskrit infinitive, like ours, acts in some degree 
as a complement to the main predicate. Panini enjoins 



§ 384. 301 

its being put to words of being able, venturing, knowing, P-3.4, 
being irksome , being fit , undertaking, taking , going , tole- 
rating, deserving, being met with, those of sufficing , being p 8 4 
a match for, and in such phrases as : there is an oppor- ™- ' 
tunilg, a time for doing something. Of course, these \\% 3 ' 
injunctions do not exhaust the sphere of the infinitive's 
employment , and may easily be enlarged. With the 
verbs of wishing the infinitive is likewise mentioned by \^ s ' 
Panini , but as he adds in express terms , provided that 
the subjects of both the infinitive and the verb of wishing 
are the same. 

Examples: Mhbh. 1, 150, 23 n^ ^ wm: (we cannot go), Pane. 
70 5^ tfrTW srts Wr: (who is able to sustain your splendour?), 
Kumaras. 4, 11 ojyfd fer cmPhj fijtinxoi g^ H T qffi n sr fssrr: (who, 
except you, my beloTed [Kama], has the power of conducting 
the loving maidens to their lovers?); — Ven. I, p. 36 ^jj i Mch i u i oi l - rTi 
<roi% fd-dfiri qfliiHl: I7ITIT7WT: (the sons of Pandu are skilled 
in acquitting themselves on the battle-field); — Mrcch. VIII, p. 
256 ^chi faTStjfNnJtaTHiT^ (it is difficult to change poison into medi- 
cine); — Pane. 315 ^ rsrt umu i H : (I have come to you in order 
to ask), E. 2, 96, 17 %jon ?p7 SRHrfrT (he approaches in order to kill 
us) ; — Pane. 195 sh tT^&HTT^syT: (all began to deliberate), Prabodh. 
I, p. 7 qfqaj i niiij qrj ferft^irT'WTOr ^T»T: (it is his intention to esta- 
blish his sway on the earth), Dag. 112 usrrcm^ ^ctiHU i ^J l -N i ^O ff 
fertT; (you are decided to cross to-day the shoreless ocean of sorrow), 

E. 3, 9, 25 ^ chmseH srr grrcrf. reran gfsaf %rr ^h psraT^(you 

never should make up your mind to kill — ) ; — E. 2, 44, 26 qj^f ?£[ 
STtf%7T 5JH (you do not deserve to mourn); _ Dag. 178 ^3H fifffq' 
(I feel ashamed to live) ; — Kumaras. 5, 2 ttjut *tt 5^Tj^(she wished to 
make); — Qak. VI siiw^ =T «lriMi %g f%3rrfrmft (my tears, however, 
do not allow me to see her even in a picture), Malav. II, p. 45 jrsr 
q^taf^TTT n J l UMdorTlchfliH* smzi: fmrn^ (Sire, do me the favour 
of looking now at my dramatic performance) ; — Dag. .203 m* i^ 
=sr STUB 1 (he gets a bath and food). 



302 § 384—386. 

With cFTT5T and the like, f. i. Nala 20, 11 ^rm oh \ v\\ IdcrtRsIrN ) 
Qak. VII foTTfq^T^ar •Ptir d.ni HM^H ^ T ^ i j> umfo (I am looking out 
for an opportunity of introducing you to the teacher of Indra), 
Vikram. V, p. 172 gf^f ronrr ^j [wj mwi__ RhI-W- I -I I R i ij wm:. 

Rem. 1. Among the words of sufficing, the particle jtq - r is to be 
noticed. It is used with infin. sometimes in its proper sense 
of sbeing enough," as M. 2, 214 aQaJM+M 5T^r [-UUujEi m ~ r:i 
ER5T ^Iftw RFPT, sometimes also tJ^q with infin. expresses pro- 
hibition, just as iffcrfl* with gerund (353, R. 1). R. 3, 59, 14^ flra;- 
oTflt — — T^ (do not despair), Mrcch. Ill, p. 106 -g^r Wtsti ET^HffSgij. In 
the same way -j^jt with infin. Mudr. Ill, p. 107 itoRT: fm thcrU^o i tlUH 
oi i -^iH^tT l: ^^KJ i e^nJHM ('why should you worry your voice and mind 
by striving for success?). 

Rem. 2. Instances of an infinitive with a verb of remembering 
may occur now and then. In this case the infin. is expressive of a 
past action, previously done by the same subject. '). 

385. When depending on a noun, the infinitive is not 
being allowed to be compounded with it, save the nouns 

used in _____ 
com- ^H*T andnn-. Bahuvrihis made up of infin.-)- either of them 

poun s. are ft en used. Malat. Ill, p. 49 - TchF^. Hp-mmtp- i lH-h l M l RH (I wish to 

tell something worth telling), Mhbh. 1, 146, 16 rnrpj trnff STycFfnr: 

in")xH : (P. desires to burn me), Pane. 71 f% dfhiH f l ~ — T (what 

do you intend to say?). 

386. The infinitive has preserved its original nature of 
charac- being a noun-case. The only difference , that exists be- 
tween it and the datives and locatives 2 ) of nouns of 

1) Ot this idiom prof. Kern has pointed oat to me some passages, 
borrowed from an inedited Buddhistic work , written in good Sanskrit , the 
Jdtaka-mdld (see Hodgson, Essays p. 17). Somebody, who has practised 
the virtue of ahimsd, says of himself M4) (Im ~ f illrHM JI?T: ETTtrt-f&T 
feTi~_J --ufMs1Hlffi Hf%~ T mfoRT F<(Mrj fif^^T- Another, famous for 
his munificence declares rr f^r W(IUir£HUindM WI_ll(3<4ufy^rHWlfini 
f^lficrfiflE?riMj:-slHi WM^-illR *JWlRf aRfjsT (v. a. I do not remember 
to have disappointed the expectation of those , who came to me as supplicants). 

2) When depending on substantives, the noun of action may also be 
a genitive (HO), f- i- ~ H3T: n~~ ~f or lUMWIil or jr$r& or TOTifJtT; 



§ 386—387. 303 

action in "99R", °?T, "jrT etc., is that the latter are con- 
strued with the genitive of their object , but the in- 
finitive with the accusative. For the rest, they are 
synonymous. It is the same, whether one says ^TSJ" 
FPJ or m??T FTPTFT mjvifo, mJV orsTrf ?TtTrT. 

Rem. A gen. of the krtya, doing duty as inf., is rar e . Pane. 242 
^TW dfhajtt] cfrrar: (it is now no time for telling it), l). Cp. omj_ 
with krtya 389 R. 

387. Like the nouns of action, the infinitive by itself 
tiv" 1 " neither belongs to the active voice nor to the passive. 
pTsTwf ft ma y De construed with both classes of verbal forms , 
an^to an ^ seems to have an active meaning , when it is the 
b dered complement of an active verb , but a passive , when 
*J% of a passive. Pane. 258 we read TO ^H r& JFffT, 
En- sc. ^HRfFT, which is just as good as ^T2f ^I^T^fTucT 

rT^ JTtPT; in the former sentence the subject is denoted 
by an instrumental, in the latter by a nominative, but 
in both it is the self-same infinitive, that completes 
the finite verb. Likewise it is equally correct to say 

to ^ to wrk as sr£ Wtfr ^5" to>t. 

o ^ o ^ 

Instances of the infinitive attending in this manner a passive, 

are exceedingly frequent with sfcWH'j vjm:, SjcRPT (388), occasio- 
nally also with other verbs. Hit. 6 r^r sftfflr Ul^fiiy; WcW'H (by 
me they can be taught politics), R. 2, 86, 11 rr 4dRj|: sh: srgir. 
mnfriH Hjjif (he cannot be withstood by all the devas and asuras to- 
gether); — Prabodh. VI, p. 119 er: SFrf^.-.. • ^%TT £l*ftaijj'T 



1) The krtya doing duty as noun of action is an idiom not rarely 
found in the prakrts. Especially in the type, represented by this pas- 
sage of <?ak. I cfTT FTC fay (retool W ^Rf^doiyH 5TT (v.a. who are you, that you 
should dismiss me or stop me?). 



304 § 387—388. 

(how many have not endeavoured to bring me into bondage ?), 
Viddhag. I, p. 15 yrrfitH ^r qif^Hl f% ^^J^jp. (J- could not hold her, 
much less appease her). Cp. also Kumaras. 7, 57. This idiom is even 
used in such sentences, as Hit. 50 ^jrnra^TTfBT •sfTi&sr H d i P i ^fgH : 
(it is you who have been chosen to be anointed king in this forest), 
and Mudr. Ill, p. 106: Candragupta has sent for his minister Cana- 
kya. "When arrived, the minister asks the king, for what reason 
he has been sent for ; after hearing the reason , he replies 5f crsr i -jcnr- 
^rsir rlf^ cnTTTfrTT: (then I have been ordered here to be upbraided). 
Eem. With those participles in fT> which have sometimes an 
active and sometimes a passive meaning, the infinitive is ac. 
cordingly used in both senses. Cp. (passive) Pane. 275 csnn f^rdr-szr 
Crlrch l 5MH,W i HHi{s>fe w with (intransitive) Pane. 276 ^m ffj- ^ qirdl 
oH<h?1lPl U-riEirdl ireTJTT^syT- Of sf3f, however, there exists a partic. 
mfeiH i which is exclusively to be used with an infinitive in the 
passive voice, whereas srar is always active 1 ). Likewise srinfT, not 
Orr, is put to the infinitive , when bearing a passive meaning. Mhbh. 
1, 154, 9 -error g- zfimt ^ Iter uif*nt twr- 

388. The krtya 5T^T may be construed in two manners. 

Infill. 

with It is equally correct to say *T WR' —, STF ST^F ?T£"R" 
as ^1<=W $T (or £TT) £^H „one can see him or her." 

In the latter case ^1^^ * s a neuter and remains un- 
changed. There is even room for a third idiom , which 
is effected by construing ^T^TT with the instrum. of 
its subject and the accusat. of its object, as H\^H HMI 
rT (or FTT) S^. 

Examples of the indeclinable w$m} a.\ with nom. Mai a v. Ill, 

1) Kac. on P. 7, 2, 17 teaches the form srfifiiT for the passive, but he 
adds, that snrr may also be used even then: yVluil: chMfui Rtfl'ji <tlchf|- 
rfa-^Prl (olehc^milehrfl EfT: 5i?JlT I STSTt XV. 3ir|iT, but when impersonal 
passive, one always says gjsi, ibid, irrg- ^ wsiwsr I SHfiiPTR'. 



§ 389. 305 

p. 85 ^sr ymuoifll srr =T f% SToragirf^g J^frTT (for, being so loving , she 

mnstnol, be disdained in her anger), Dag. 58 g$ioTJf| i|f<x^i fsm 

<UM-=eK ^st ^Lsifiirj^ (these lips cannot be kissed against my will), 
K. 2, 62, 16 SIERITTTfTTrT: ?rli| M^l(1 i^q^H: I idWjmlfirl i sffcPT: $<jttH1 
■sfq- =7 ^mm; — b), with instrum. Pat. I, p. 39 rH i u i cw oIUhiuhJAh 
niolH-M^ (there not a single letter can be meaningless), R. 3, 40, 4 
rdi,\dr>m ft rrf sicfj U^ Jjzm Hgrr (but your words cannot withhold 
me from the struggle with Kama). 

389. Another similar turn is the infinitive with ^fPFT 
with (it is fit, it suits). If neither the subject nor the object of 
3^' the action befitting is expressed , there is no difficulty ; one 
should needs say f.i. ^"*T^TFl«c fETTrT^T, no other turn of 
phrase being available. But when the subject or object 
or both of them are to be expressed, there is variety 
of idioms. 1. The object may be an accusative; 2. the 
object may be a nominative construed with ^rfFT; 3 the 
object may be a nominative, whose gender and number 
are transferred also to the adjective *TWT. As to the 
subject, it is put in the instrumental or in the geni- 
tive; ') the latter seems to be more frequent. 

Examples: 1 of njRir with an accus. Mudr. I, p. 30 tj q#r uichrHfcl 
fTqHoi-dlrW (it is not judicious to disdain even a mean enemy), Varah. 
Brhats. 47, 2 i^t oi(l^fcfi,(^ =7 g rhMdrchJH ("V. ought not to treat 
the same matter again), Mhbh. I, Paushyap. 118 q ji?tr Hoirll-Wlfa 
r3T ufdU l' lO <i I HM (it does not become you , after having given un- 
clean food, to return the curse); 

2. of HTfiJT with a nomin. Mhbh. I, Paushyap. 106 q- g^r 
UbiH I ^HHHlq-cllTH^ (it i s n °t right that you should treat me with 
lies); 2 )' 

1) Cp. the promiscuousness of gen. and instr. with the krtyas (86 R.). 

2) Cp. this prakrt-passage of Cakuntalalll sT?f *T flf^trliyl *)[%hR.<. 



— skrt. Uft+IWT Htfmmtsfti^ t^rfr- 



20 



306 § 389—390. 

3. of HT3f agreeing in gender and number with the nomin. 
Kathas. 22, 169 htsvt qfi i iWjM l *TT (v. a. she suits me as a wife), 
with Eem. 1. In the same ' way nxym with infinitive admits of two 
" Uttl ' constructions. Sometimes it is a neuter with the ace. of the ob- 
ject , as E. (Gorr.) 6, 38, 28 tx rprnr ssrir ^ttet amMcH (it is not 

allowed to curse one's own grand-son in this manner), sometimes 

it is construed with a nomin. of the object, the gender and number 

of which itself adopts, and the instrum. of the subject, as Bagh. 

2, 55 ifo ^rran wa ^-cifug itoTtt: (it is right she should be 

released from you by me). 

with Eem. 2. With the turn gjRJT with nomin. may be compared 

01 (1 the nominative with infinitive , attending such adverbs as a^isjHH 
aud - "^ 

3TO j g _ and srpj. Kumaras. 2, 55 f^u^fr sTq ^snzt mil ^amjiuri*^ (even a 

poisonous tree should not be cut down by him, who has reared 

*"" it) ; — Malav. Ill, p. 55 3f%?r: tiuiJl at foi^WHM^ (it i B better, that 

a love to which one is accustomed, should be repressed — ), Dag. 

94 cui-ikm iFlmEiriH (it is better to defend ourselves). "With crpr 

one may also meet with the nom. of the krtya almost doing duty 

as infin., f. i. Nagan. IV, p. 58 sr^ ^ i dN^ l: Mchia'l JFrlsm^ (better is 

it to go to the encounter of the princess). 

390. The original nature of the infinitive has not been 

racter obscured in Sanskrit. It has everywhere the character 

° triT rather of an adverb , than of a noun '). Not only on 

^™" account of its etymology, but also of its standing in 

some degree outside the common system of declension 

and conjugation, it may be called the counterpart of 

the Lat. supine 8 ). It has no voices , no tenses. It 

nowhere serves to express the subject, predicate orob- 



1) In vernacular grammar the infinitive always ranks with the avyaya- 
class. Likewise the gerund. 

2) Occasionally , even the employment of Latin supine borders on that 
of Sanskrit infinitive. Cp. such phrases as venatum eunt, spectatum 
veniunt with Skrt. SfsTf^ Utafi'T, SBTTTTrf! $h)Qr^j> 



§ 390. 307 

ject of a sentence 1 ). In such sentences as „to give is 
better than to receive," Sanskrit avails itself of diffe- 
rent idioms, chiefly by using nouns of action, but 

avoids using the infinitive 2 ). 

Rem. 1. Sometimes the 3 d person of the present or the optative may 
be equivalent to our infinitive. Pane. II, 51 ^fn nidi i s^llri Jl^i- 
*nwrfFT 'J^frriipM*r iftsTOH ^ST zTsfstv u)(HcriTdm*^(to give, to receive, 
to tell one's secret, to ask it, to be guest and host, these are 
the six tokens of friendship). Op. R. 3, 47, 17 j^tr- srf rii i sp'ijIrHnJ ' 
OTJ -dM c HMj^rT^ sn^OT ^ih«i offf U.Tq*prW{_ (to give, not to receive, 
to speak the truth , not to speak falsehood , this is the sublime vow , 
o brahman, practised by Rama). 

Rem. 2. Sanskrit has not the turn: accusative with infinitive 3 ). 



1) In such expressions as Qyn' jftfJfT, 5WTT jftW^we may speak of 
the infinitive as the subject and object of the finite verb, but this is 

o nly so from a logical point of vi'ew ; and it is , indeed , not considered so by 
Sanskrit-speakers. 

2) F. i. 5TT ufcm^lRRlWf or jft S^riH ?m ufrill^lft rW)£<i,A(toHL 

or aY zj4 =r 3 trfmr^:- 

3) Jolly, Geschichte des Infinitivs , p. 253 sq. asserts its existence. He 
quotes but two examples : Kathas. 20, 172 ^|tfM SnH3J£sr and Sav. 5, 10 = 
Mhbh. 3, 297, 102 qf ^ ^fdrjfa-Sff fa- In the latter passage both the Calc. 
and the Bomb, edition of the Mhbh. read qt ^ atd-dPi and in the 
former ffTrFl is an obvious misprint for STPtPT- The participle is in both 
cases indispensable. So Kac. on P. 3, 3, 158 after giving -gsffi qtaiq 
(he wishes to eat) as an example of the infinitive, contrasts with this 
the participial idiom §oRj* i^MR-^lrf zra^: (Mr. B. wishes Mr. A. 
to eat). — Likewise R. 3, 24, 13 ed. Bomb. qfd^Rrtrjft-^lR qf| STIcWPU. 
fgtrr the text is corrupt, the correct reading being nfic^pwyi nor is the 
infin.. t|fHchRHH^ hut jri^vrBHJJT; A fourth instance would be Dae. 104 

q irftrr aNgTN-imiMa r q 1 *prf7f qt atfag[ ay-H«r-*j! (if I do not obtain 

this beautiful maiden, the God of Love will not suffer me to live), 
yet as qmfd is as a rule construed with ace. and participle (see but 
Mhbh. 1, 145, 9, M. 8, 346, Mhbh. 1, 95, 68, ibid. 4, 16, 28), I am convinced 
we have here likewise an error in the text, and D5RW must be put 



308 § 390-392. 

Verbs of perceiving, thinking, telling etc. are construed with the 
accusative with participle (374). 

391. The infinitive in °ot is the sole remnant of a great many 
finiti-" similar forms , which existed in the ancient language , especially 

Tes - in the old dialect of the Vaidik mantras. Whitney , Sanskr. Gramm. 
§ 970 gives a detailed account of them. All of them are oblique 
cases of nouns of action. "We call them infinitives, because they 
share the construction of the verb , from which they are derived. 
Most of them were obsolete as early as the period of the brah- 
mana-works, some indeed survived, but adopted the construction 
of the nouns. In such passages f. i. as Rgv. 9, 88, 2 g- f ^rr 
=T t j^tlliJlQ q^: gsf&T OTrnr oIhPi (like a much-bearing chariot he 
has been horsed, the mighty one, to bring us abundant boons), 
we are inclined to call qTrTCT an infinitive, for it has its object 
put in the accusative; likewise still Ait. Br. 2, 1, 1 a-^ka F*Rl4_- 
fihBTTT: MiHlrU , since pJiRjH is the object of y^iird. But in such 
passages as Ait. Br. 2, 17, 8 Wrar <riWm MUKU ( in order to gain 
heaven), the object is a genitive, and ^Hfeti can no more be called 
infinitive. Now, the genitive with them is predominant in the 
brahmanas and afterwards it is the sole idiom. 

392. Two old infinitives, however, are still employed in the brahmanas, 
• lD oi. those in °ffT: and in °r&. Of the latter I have even met with an in- 

, ' stance in a writer of so comparatively recent a date , as Patanjali '). 

°f^. 1. The infinitives in °ffh are either genitives or ablatives. "When 

genitives , they are hardly found unless depending on §mr ')• The 

phrase STErr with genitive in °fft: means »able to" or » liable to." 



instead of dlidrW ; I should not wonder, if the good reading were found 
in mss. 

1) Pat. I, p. 2 mn^ dl^lUM rr t ^Hd ^ IT VUlRiHa - The infln. is 
here equivalent to the krtya, according to what is prescribed by Panini 
(3, 4, 14). 

2) 1 know but one instance of a genitive depending on another word. 
Ait. Br. 2, 20, 21 JTsftsfrRTmsTrT ([if he] should strive after obtaining glory). 
In another passage Ait. Br. 6, 30, 7 the interpretation of the inf. lirtldl: 



§ 392—393. 309 

It must be remarked that in this idiom Tsar sometimes agrees 
with its subject in gender and number, sometimes the masc. fsar: 
is used irrespective of the gender and number of its subject, as if 
it were an indeclinable wood. Ait. Br. 1, 10, 2 jssitt |^f f^ ar 
fl-A l PJi oTT irfwT: (they are able to check him or to crush him), 
ibid. 1, 30, 11 ^ssrfr ^ art ^ft' uswm P^fyHl: ; — ibid. 3, 48, 8 ^ssrft 
^TOT fa% 5oTT srpfft: (it may be that the gods are not gratified 
by his offering), Qat. Br. 5, 1, 1, 9 Ttmmj;: crtt uiqluyt nf&rft:. 

When ablatives, they are employed after the prepp. ^t and 
q-ry. Then, however, they are commonly construed with the ge- 
nitive of their object. Ait. Br. 2, 15, 9 qjy 3tr$\ UoiR.Hl^'^y: [™- 
uncoil*!], ibid. 7, 2, 6 w\ «l(lj > imwi^HI:- 

2. The infinitive in °HoT is said by Panini to be synonymous 14 ' ' 
with the krtyas. This statement is confirmed by what we know 
about them from the ancient texts. In the Qatapatha they are 
much used , less often in similar works. Cat. Br. JT^rRT^aor yuin 
(he must order the roots to be cut off.) 
393. Both classes of infinitives also admit of an other construction. 
The subject "etc. of those in °fTt: and the object of those in °fT5T may 
be put in the same case, which is represented by the infinitive, 
but difference of number, when existing , remains. Apast. in Saya- 
na's comment on Ait. Br. 2, 15, 15, p. 260 of Aufrecht's ed. cr^r arsr. 
qjT srr srcfter: u a fe fi V . (— before the crying of birds), ibid. 2, 7, 6 
|saft 1TW srrat ^wft jrf^rfr: (verily, his voice is liable to be- 
come the voice of a raxas), ibid. 2, 1, 3 zrT-ssr STrOWT Win (to 
overthrow him, whom he is willing to overthrow 1 ). 

Rem. A third class of infinitives, those in "V:, which we are 
entitled to call infinitives of the aorist , as they are made of the most 
contracted form of the root , are occasionally construed in the same 
way, f. i. the vaidik phrase q-^r strfwi STTtp;: quoted by Kag. on P. 
3, 4, 17. Other instances may be met with in the Egveda-mantras. 

seems somewhat doubtful to me; the words UrilHll-Hl^are likely to 
mean »I am , indeed, able to understand" , as if ^ScT^: should be supplied. 
1) Cp. the well known idiom of Latin gerundivum. And even Latin 
affords instances of concord in gender and case, but disagreement in 
number. Cic. Philipp. 5, 3, 6 facultas agrorum suis latronibus condonandi. 



310 § 394—395. 

SECTION V. 

SYNTAX OF THE PARTICLES. 

394 After treating the syntax of nouns and verbs, we 
now come to the words which are devoid of inflection. 
Part of them , indeed , have already been dealt with , viz. 
the adverbs in Ch. I of the Third, and the prepo- 
sitions in Ch. IX of the Second Section. The rest 
are the so-called particles , most of them old little words 
as ^T, T«5, 3T, ^r, WT, whereas some others, as 

=hlM*1, rTF?Fr, ^*T, are petrified noun-cases. As to 
the employment of the particles, they serve different 
purposes , but they may be brought under two general 
heads: modality and connection. When modal, they are 
expressive of emphasis , negation , interrogation , excla- 
mation and the like , when connective they are wanted 

to connect either whole sentences or parts of them. 
The distinction between these two classes of particles is, however, 
not an essential one. The same word may be sometimes a modal, 
sometimes a connective. So gfr may be a particle of interroga- 
tion, but also of copulation, etc commonly a disjunctive, serves 
occasionally to express emphasis. And so on. 

Sanskrit likes putting together and even combining 
two or more particles. 

Chapt. I. Particles of emphasis and limitation. 

395. Affirmative sentences do not want to be marked as 
such by special particles, as is necessary with nega- 
tive and interrogative sentences. Yet, strong affirma- 
tion , so-called emphasis , is expressed by such words as 



§ 395—396. 311 



pSdc En § lish indeed, surely, verily, viz. T^tfJ, f%FT, SjR^T 

parti- 
cles. 

S 



315^, f^TFFT, flrZR or in full ^t^r^FT. Of them, 

STI^T and the rest rather bear the character of such ad- 
verbs, as „certainly, undoubtedly." Mudr. VII, p. 223 mmi 

vtf??rfT ^orrfer, Dae. 93 fotot R^h^ - ■ ■ • . a^ti^ gg-:- 

Eem. 5tt^ is especially used in answers vyes, indeed". Kathas. 
24, 67 one asks qif%w!7T m ch- i ^(l g^T, the other answers ;sn£ 
ERTT m ^irft' <p?r. »Yes" is also ftot. Kathas. 81, 19 the king asks 
his attendant to fetch him some water, the other answers fraTJ 
in full , he would have said fierr fjazfa ijemrrariH gcTi, of which sen- 
tence all hut rTOT is understood. Sometimes the relative sentence 
Jraiirimufd etc. is expressed, but the rest understood. — ^tt %*t 
is also — »yes" 2 ). Mudr. II, p. 78 q- w^ fsrftriTCT f HsHH^ l U l c far 
FTcFT^r i ftn fiiTq^ (Eaxasa asks : the accursed Canakya does not know 
they dwell in Patalip., does he? Answ. Ves, he does). 

396. ^% *FJ» T ^5 >fe^> *W*f are the most Sequent 
emphatic particles. The last three of them are not 

put at the head , but *T^FT and *T^T are usually the 
first word of the sentence, at least in prose. Dae. 130 
-H^yi yimPiOTf: RiH'R) ^5 mR<-hh, Pane. 204 rjTj ^oWrarTl'-swT^r 

( — but now, indeed, I did not remember it), ibid. I HqlcHMp - 

Mudr. V, p. 173 5rfSi*i|q^ ^rnr PuOnyiifa g^rar h^iu^-i^m*^ 

tjtt is properly an interrogative, which does duty as an em- 
phatic 2 ). 

Rem. 1. The said emphatics are of course not wholly syno- 



1) Literally, as it seems, »but how [do you doubt of it?]". Cp. Latin 
Rogas f 

2) Yet q^r accompanies even the imperative. Kumaras. 4, 32 ^ iff 

error *ira 



312 § 396—397. 

nymous, the slight differences which exist between them, making 
it occasionally necessary to use one and to avoid another. It is also 
to be observed, that sometimes and in some degree the emphatics 
may act as a kind of connectives, in as far as they, too, are 
a means for linking sentences together. In the example quoted 
from Pane. 204 , qrr may be called with some right a causal par- 
ticle, likewise *sc?r and fg^r in the two, quoted from Qak. I. On the 
other hand, the connective {^ is sometimes a mere emphatic. 

Bern. 2. Emphatic particles are sometimes used in an ironical 
sense, especially qrrr and fSfm- See f. i. Kumaras. 5, 32. 

991- Ancient literature abounds in emphatic particles, 
many of which are obsolete in the classic dialect. Besides 
^"rcf, *TFT, T«c, we meet in archaic and epic works 

with%, ^, FT, g, 3, 3rT, o(T. Often these little 
particles only slightly strengthen the sense , and rather 
serve either to enhance the dignity of the style or to 
t^ jf" fill up the metre. Then we may call them expletives'). 
But they are not always used in this way, and each 

of them at the outset had its proper meaning. 

Accumulation of them is not rare, as ^ ^q, ^ g-, 3 (prft etc. 

Eem. 1. if is especially used to lay stress on the word im- 
mediately preceding. It is excessively frequent both in liturgical 
and in epic writings. Still Fatanjali used it sometimes. Pat. 1, p. 
107 «ct,M*i sjfa Ir tftayiif: M*4*l Uorfer (nay, even intransitives 
become transitives, when compound). But afterwards it seems to 
be obsolete, at least in prose. — &j — §• is occasionally found 
in epic poetry. 

Eem. 2. ^ and 3H are much liked at the end of a pada , the 
former after a finite verb , jpt in the phrase jCtqfT. But they may 

1) And so does vernacular grammar. Even as ancient an author as Yaska 
knows of particles which serve MI^MJUI. 



§ 397—398. 313 

also have other places; ^ is very frequent in the brahmana as 
well as in the epics. ') 

Rem. 3. Some , as mudH and arsr j are found in the brahmanas , 
but not in the epics. The emphatic and also restrictive particle ^ 
is often met with in the mantras and in the Qatapathabr., f%fT> 
fir and sfirr are restricted to the mantras. 

398, The enclitic T£^ is put after a word, in order to 
^ denote : even this , not anything else. We may , there- 
fore , call ^oT a restrictive. It is exceedingly frequent , 
being hardly ever omitted, when any stress, however 
slight , is to be laid on a word. Pane. 212 g-^sr c hi^m i f q 
(I myself will do it), Malav. I, p. 18 yylvWtr 5TTif JT^-fyrrej ^r^TCT- 
5TTR^ (one is able to undertake a difficult task, only with a com- 
panion), Qak. I 3^^or U ST Hlii - gpsgffcfer (the very sight of the 
ladies honours me), Pane. 186 R r iWoi t^tlUlM MHrtilWrMtrl*^ gr^fFT, 
Mhbh. 1, 163, 11 Hidimba forbids Bhima to eat, but the other, 
not caring for this, continues eating jtksi fTiRTpir iT3j[T ^5T qjT^r:, 
Kathas. 30, 3 q- j=rf g-lsr a<THT unf^rfmrf^Tttf i WW sTCTPT- As appears 
from the instances quoted , Oof admits of manifold translations ; it is 
often not translated at all. After pronouns it is sometimes — 
sthe same, the very." Nala 2, 12 ^HfojH sr EjJTSFr (at that very 
time), Pane. 324 ^Jor (at the same time). Cp. 277. 

Rem. 1. In poetry nsr is sometimes omitted. R. 3, 25, 39 qrs^TT 
sr^wt^Tferg^rT w^-aMW i (Sichej^fTu'r qs?rf^T p^raftrT srpfsTrr:, here 
the scholiast is right in expounding fsrsiWlilWoi, »the raxasas 
did not see him charging his arrows nor discharging them, they 
saw him only keeping his bow bent [so swiftly Rama was shoot- 
ing]." So Varah. Togay. 1, 18 usrfft t°rg<TOr fafe: = v" torgrrersr 
f%fe, cp. Keen's annot. in the Indi Stud. X, p. 200. 



1) P. 8, 1, 60 mentions ^, when denoting disapproval at some infrin- 
gement on good manners. Kac. illustrates this rule a. o. by the example 
55TJT f T^FT ;rrfm 3<4tmi£ ^iFh mrdH. In this sense also 5Tf is used 
[P. 8 1 61], moreover, when orders are given to different persons at the 
same time, f. i. roPT^ STPT TTEf l FoPT^rppf TF3$ (Kac.). 



314 § 398-399. 

Rem. 2. In the mantras jjj, SrT, fe?T, ^ may do the duty 

Of ^5f. 

399. The other restrictives are ^FR, 1J^, ^TFFT and 

ana^rnqn. Of these, ^T - FT - and ~~ T are — -only, at 
~ ^ least, but." Pane. 312 ^ ^fm r_r iTtrr AoM^fc , KatMs. 32, 143 

jftJTSTwPT ~ fl^TSTT JTsft RoTT HTZlf ^~ rT rf^" ~ ~ I rHM\<^ sjfS»MH6fl 

^i*tl (SlacjiMirli Ti - ; 
3TT~f. eh I MM mostly announces some adversative particle, being al- 
most — »to be sure" (442 , 1°). It is but seldom used without 
adversative sentence. Dae. 126 a m ^lEr: mii-^m wr^tei — q*r (if 
you have intercourse with apsarases, so). 

~ ~r- rll^rl has a peculiar employment. Properly it is 
an elliptical phrase, for at the outset it must have 
meant something like this: „as much [is certain]." Accor- 
dingly it advances a statement which is asserted „at 
all events" or „at least" or „before others." As it is 
often an enclitic, the said translations are generally 
too forcible. In expositions of many links one likes 
to put rTfarl to the first of them , then it may be 
compared with fr. -d'abord," cp. 439. It is also much 
used in exhortations and with imperatives. 

Examples: KatMs. 28, 60 g^f jiq^ Hi o tf oi gifo i rf i ^ rild^ l ^J) (o! 
who may this beautiful woman be? She is, at all events, not 
a mortal). Pane. 318 a brahman thus reflects q f icr u f i'sj etc - re - f- 
fjifiTBrri&irrcrf^; jpthir nsrfH' fi^tjt «m*iuii mnywrl (well , this pot is 
filled with porridge , now if there should be a famine , then — ) ; 
ibid. 37 Damanaka says to Karataka 33737 HldidMaHHi rnfi' i ^ fe- 

tf~: teMmi{<4^<pT. ^rnrTll^T-sft qf^Tt ~ {:i?rf?cf> fSia^r (*'» 

the first place we have lost our influence , next our king has be- 
come averse to his duty, and finally all his attendants are gone , what 
is to be done in these circumstances ?), ibid. 23 H-aidrdH l ffi ~ arir 
ST - ; (therefore, I will know at least, whose voice it is). Mudr. 



§ 399—401. 315 

III, p. 114 jj^^pj^- pns^ £tarrri^ (only, give up the letter). Qak. 
VI the king eagerly exclaims ^pr ^loiH (my bow! — »I want to 
have my bow and to have it soon") ; likewise Malav. I, p. 20 the king 
greets the dancing-masters t^uiH iTsraTT, then turning to his 
attendance he continues jjimh FTToR^firarTt:, cp. Vikram. V, p. 180 

rTtH. Eem. fTTrT, an old emphatic particle, seems to be restricted to 
poetry and almost to negative and interrogative sentences: ;r snH 
»not at all." Sometimes it may be almost — sperchance, perhaps." 
Kathas. 25, 24 gtT nliUirtH srst stm Frt drta- Sometimes fern is affixed 
to it, see 402. 

Chapt. II. Negation. 

400. Sanskrit has three negative particles: ^T, ^TT and the 

Nega- 
tive prefix 3TFD°. Of these the last mentioned is only used 

parti- •"• --. ^ 

in compounds, ^TT is the special particle of prohibition. 

401. The general negation is »T. It negatives as well single 
j** words or notions as whole statements. In the former 

Its 

place C ase it is put immediately before the word denied. 

sen . Pane. 147 qfN nH*ro l SP3TF STfrT (I have clearly experienced you to 
tence. ^e an unfriend). 

When denying the whole statement , one is tolerably 

free where to put the negation. Commonly, two places are 
preferred : either at the head of the whole sentence — so regu- 
larly for rhetorical purposes, as in the case of antithesis, epanaphora, 
also in emphatical denials — or just before the verb. Yet, as has 
been said, any other place is admissible and very often met 
with, especially in poets. 

Examples: q- heading the sentence. Pane. 26 rr s^rtafr jt^fjt: 
cht^rDfH =T Fsr hj faq i fdH : ( a » m ^n of superior rank do not feel 
angry towards a wretch, he has not killed you), Mudr. IV, p. 
137 7J iraT gf%pjfq- fa-dl^HI rim oTTcRrf^T'SfyiTrT: (though I have 
been reflecting on it quite a while, I do not understand what 



316 § 401—402. 

it is , they speak of); — of ^ just before the verb : Pane. 48 hi I uh) 
5r#f =r mmich ) Hit. 95 ^samzft -s^n^r Dsrw ^Tfer- 

anaphora: Pane. 1,4 ^ gr f&^rr =T ttt 5TT =r riR^iyii ^ gr 
gTmrnerffrrfi-Fr Hr^u trfrprr ajj iffciH (no knowledge, no munifi- 
cence, no skill, no art, no perseverance can be imagined which 
is not praised in the wealthy by those who desire profit of them); — 
emphatic denial: Pane. 54 the wearer, who acts the part of 
Vishnu says to the princess stott =TTi; oShmW MMNlUli n-^iR. 

Instances of another place, than at the head or be- 
fore the verb: Dae. 198 hMcthRu H I ^H-ArW (I am n ot able to 
rescue him), Hit. 9 =sri> . . . :t cfjq- fdfoHMijJM : , Kumaras. 5, 5 grit 
UWII* k^U ^ (Ai\-rU^M\H, Pane. I, 27 f#r ^T sTTH sTTflR- 5T" 

fffirr =r u: saw awmr Krat zrm; ibid. II, 168 srrs^T Ran?* 
^m: = ^raorf^r fc° ; KatMs. 24, 171 rd^f fsmn jjct*h i^iwii^u'i 

=7 cfiT. 

Kem. q- is sometimes by itself the whole predicate, the verb 
being implied. Dae. 156 fr^r ^ia*H*MI ({JrtfrlH^ =T (she was destined 
for him, not for another), Pane. 116 ^rrft: firaT mimr msm ^mnit: 
(education turns to advantage in a good man, but in a wicked 
one not so). 

402. The combinations of *T with indefinite pronouns or 
bine™ P ronom i na l adverbs to express none , no , neither, nowhere 
^ and the like are treated 282 and 288 R. 3. 

other 

P cYes. When accompanying connective particles, *T precedes 
them as a rule , as *T5T [cp. Latin neque), »T ^T, »SIN, 
^, ^ FT, ^^s ^[=^ + 3]. Cp. 429. With 
*T it becomes the interrogative particle *FT (413). 

„Not even" is ^. . . . ^TO", ^ i£5T; „not at all" 

^ STTrJ " not indeed " *T IsFJ, »T *Jfl% *T tlrMHetc.; 

„not yet" R" rU^H:. Pane. 30 ^ tH i amftm i K (even at night 
he did not find his rest); — M. 2, 94 q stttj cFTO <*WH I ^Vh srP*rf?T 



§ 402—404. 317 

(lust is by no means quenched by enjoyment); here f%n=T is not 
rarely added, as Mhbh. 1, 49, 4 ^f^mtf Hfiurm rffi fgqfhrf ^ ?nTj 

R. 2, 30, 35 ^ Hrgijj — Mhbh. 1, 24, 14 q rTToi^ pTFr gj: (the sun 
is not yet visible). 

Rem. 1. pft at the outset served to signify the negation _|_ the 
adversative particle — »but not", yet j having almost got obsolete 
in the classic dialect , ^ is sometimes considered almost a synonym 
of the simple q- and is used chiefly in poetry instead of it either as an 
emphatic negation, or for metrical purposes. See f. i. Mrcch. IV, p. 
135 zft q tmnj j .sMi 'T. etc 5 ibid- IX, p. 314; Pane. II, 153; V, 24. 

Rem. 2. The archaic dialect possessed a negation ^pr ^= R" -J— 
T?r. It is sometimes a mere negation , but commonly it is — slesfj. 
then it is construed with the conjunctive mood (^z), cp. 355 R. 1. 

403. The negation ?P — 5FT — is only used as the first 

5T° or "^ 

„ member of compounds, both bahuvrlhis, and tatpu- 
rushas , see 218 and 223 c). In tatpurushas its force is 
not always the same. ^rT5T f. i. not only denotes „not 
a friend" but also the very opposite of FT3T , viz. „foe." 

Of the latter kind are sundry common words, as tHtytl (much), 
a^jefr (many), g^nrr: (dishonour). The former type involves iden- 
tity of meaning with the separate negation q-, f. i. Dag. 69 n f^chui 
VHrttaiH TsET sirfir-sinT (I am no vessel for wordly pleasure), Pane. 62 
FPsri fgJli'l ^M^ftHai i = V **m:, Dac - l " *<U fei^i fSiH^uP) irqW (not 
a single moment [he was] not thirsting for virtue). 

Further g-° in tatpurushas may denote »all except this ," 3g©rPjsnir, — 
»anybody but a brahman." M. 5, 18 in the list of eatable animals 
it is said n^n^ aij^^iJuchriXd :, Kul1 - comments FrsrKprfiT- 

Rem. q is not wholly excluded from compounds, but it is ra- 
rely used so , f. i. - i fa|ur = srfEqTJT (soon) etc.; -nfrt^ (not far), qja^- 
(eunuch; [the] neuter [gender]). 

404. ?T. may be compounded with verbal forms , viz. par- 



318 § 404—405 

ticiples , gerunds and infinitives. Pane. 67 aP^iM (though 
not wishing it); Kum. 1, 37 Parvati being taken in his arms by 
Qiva, is said to ascend his shoulder v ^u^ \ richM-Tl^H j-M ( — not 
to be cherished by other women); — Pane. 69 q- znon *oirffi-)*rtW 
MIMmfatdRreM ' iPrTi^ (it does not befit my master to go without 
having experienced his strength), Dag. 75 ^ icH^irdd FwfWTTsrH ; — 
E. 2, 48, 11 q^ mTfl^rtHp-jdH (they cannot help honouring him), 
Pat. I, p. 230 atmfg itItt: sraaY s °r?pT_ (this rule , too , might have 
remained unsaid). Of tr" with inf. I know no instances except 
such as are construed with the verb gjeff. 

Rem. A vartt. on P. 6, 3, 73 allows =^° also put to the finite 
verb , provided that it be intended to express blame , as aiHfa ^ 
sTTcrT, a s if we should say: »you miseook" = »you do not cook well." 

405. rfj j s the proper negation to be used with the im- 
perative and its concurrent idioms; in other terms it 
expresses prohibition , or in a wider sense the desire to keep 
off. Examples of its employment with imperative, op- 
tative, aorist without augment have been given 353 
and 354. A strong prohibition is not rarely expressed 
by the sole TT or by R^T (not so) with ellipsis of 
the verb ; TT FTT^rT signifies reprobation, as Maiav. I, p. 3. 

With imperative qr is also used , if the imperative expresses 
doubt or uncertainty. Mhbh. 14, 6, 8 jj^ srr m 3T (you are free 
to go or not [as you like]). In the same meaning also with t%rj, 
as Pane. I, 225 tasr iraij rrr iwth (there may be poison or not). More- 
over rrr with f§T£ may express solicitude. Mrcch. Ill, p. 124 -g^r 
f%^3#T vim: i TT RTT a*fayi^*lif gwfrr (Maitreya tarries long , in his 
distress I hope he will do nothing unbecoming). As to rrr with 
the future in epic poetry and in the prakrts, see 353 E. 4. 

Rem. 1. "When subjoined to some chief sentence, rrr admits 
of being translated by olest," as Mhbh. 5, 37, 45 rrr sr feP-A gsrrsr 
rrr ansjT 4VlUi'cMlrj_ (do not destroy the forest with tigers, lest the 
tigers should disappear from the forest), cp. ibid. 1, 30, 15 quoted 



§ 405—407. 319 

353 E. 4.1). In other terms, qj with f§T3, aorist or future may- 
be synonymous with q-qr =T or jjq- R 1 - — In epic poetry q with 
optative is also used — »lest ;" instances are not rare. Mhbh. 1, 
154, 35 sfftj i t^w n^" nr ^r rt fd^ i r^ tfHfr; (let us go instantaneously, 
lest Duryodhana should know of us), ibid. 1, 56, 23 prw S^rf off" 
fan =7 fioiHcaiH for, B- 2 , 63, 43 ft tot$tt =r Fori wr, M a 14, 14 etc. 2). 
Eem. 2. q , not qj , is the negation to be used with the po- 
tential mood, in hypothetical sentences, in general precepts and 
with the fjyrj taught 343 e.). 3 ). Nala 13, 42 Damayanti says the 
conditions upon which she will be a maid-servant : 3 , f^# qof tr^hrf 
q erar'f qTS^norqiriq ^Tf ^NH-ilFCTHT^Hij, here q, not rrr, is in its 
place. 

406. Two negations in the same sentence are equivalent to a strong 
T,T0 affirmation. Ch Up. 4, 4, 5 Hriddlftiun fasraiJT^ffr (no one but a brah- 
tions man can thus speak out), E. 2, 30, 31 q *pT5t^ =t UttfW (I cannot 

e 1ent a " but 8° ) indeed), ibid. 2, 32, 46 q rfsr cf r F^JH srujr FrftfrT: (there was 
to a no one there but was made content), Malav. epilogue tnm i miflf rT- 

affir- fsTJTOTHfrT gsTPTt MMrUIH' =T ¥P?T jfftrff ,||fTlfIjii, comm. q ^f^r STUrSTrT 
mation. r~- r~. » 4\ 

^w R-isgrfq- fj ^mr^rrr ^=r ). 

407. If two or more negative sentences are to be con- 
nected, the negation is often put but once. So 



1) Pane. 325 rrr^^est" is construed with a present: ^TJTrs^rfJT TT 
chfSl^mm-lffl MoTfFT. Instead of HorfrT one would rather expect HoTrJ; 

2) Sometimes q is construed so even with the future in "srfrr- Mhbh. 

1, 146, 30 irhr =g fsj^Frcter ^stft hsojfpti =r =tc=t={ jFrrsr: srav^rfH. 

3) q. T a^rz »if not" I have met with Malat. IX, p. 160 : flchfi WiH \ 

g i MHfriP^^uid srr 1 jrwfawrt frt dt rTPlf^qfSr^. But rrw° may be 
a false reading instead of qTH . 

4) B. 3, 47, 8 qTT *Ttel ^ ^ SoTCST =7 ITO! ^T 5i5T=R is an instance of 
emphatic denial by means of repeating the negation , unless the reading 
be' false and we must read q tr^r g *<I-=W> — In Pane. 116 the words 
qrr 5HH*J^Uol;jlr*W i VlPrWfa ^ oTfrST are erroneously resolved thus srapiSR 
rrTfqq-: , they are =r tisfijol^-)- tairHH:. 



when 
omit- 
ted? 



320 § 407—408. 

Nega- 7{ ?T may be — „ neither nor, not. . . . nor"; 

JT 5TFT = „not. . . not even;" ?T — 3T=„not... 

nor". This omission of the negation in the second 
link is necessary in the idiom ^T. . . . UWl or 3T^" „not. . . . 

no more than." R. 2, 59, 8 gsmfirr... Hi(Hm^g<jj i 4)P (mmf^ ^ 
amnrin (the flowers do not glisten nor do the fruits as be- 
fore), M. 4, 56 rircg ijir jfhsr sit ytenr srr H^rMrir^ (neither nor. — 

nor), Pane. IT, 53 qtriT hjw Jjir =7Tf^r uraf =sr [t^oi i R ^ i w^xm cFT jt- 
t7Hw; — Bhoj. 15 q- ft ^mihPj-c^Ph HsTT: MUjPioi %*r: (such a king 
is not desired by his subjects, no more than a eunuch is by 
women); K. 3, 47, 37 ^ j^jt renrr mgmRrtjw mr mr (— no more 
than the sunshine). 

But, in asyndetical connection of negative sentences the nega- 
tion is always repeated, cp. Pane. I, 4 in 401. 

Chapt. III. Interrogations. 

408. Interrogative sentences are twofold. Sometimes it 
is the whole action or fact, which is put in question, 
as „is he gone?", sometimes it is not the tact itself 
but one of its elements , that is asked after, as : „ where 
does he dwell? who has seen him?" Questions of the 
latter type are introduced by interrogative pro- 
nouns or adverbs, those of the former 1 st by par- 
ticles, which partly are also derivatives from the inter- 
rogative pronoun, 2 1 ? the interrogation is signified by 
the mere mode of pronouncing. 
inter- I. The interrogative pronoun is 3Ff , the interrogative 
ti™ adverbs, as efi", ^JrT!, RtHlrl (why?), are its deriva- 
"ZT ^ ves - As a rx ^ e they head the sentence, at least in 
■d- prose; in poetry they may be put anywhere. Pane. 126 
ifcfurra-^isrt trr ?m , Dae. 82 <j?Tfa crra cjr ?rrfir , Pat. I, p. 427 srfFT 



Inter- 
roga- 
tions. 



409. 



§ 408—409. 321 

irarTt W:; — Mrcch. IX, p. 302 ser^rf oreraiFrr cjr n?TT; Pane. 

Hem. Like other pronouns the interrogative may be part of a 
compound. Mrcch. IX, p. 302 p^FTPWJ mn fei^ (v. a. what is the 
name of her lover?), Dag. 74 ^^; m^mm^3mf^xfT zm m\ griff 
fch^Ml Pchuf|oil(^ fcFfqT^ ^r (as long as I live , I have been unac- 
quainted with the course of [those two objects of human pursuit] 
Profit and Pleasure, and I should like to know what is their 
shape, who are their attendants and what fruit they yield), Pat. 
I; P- 6 cF?y=HidlSch 3rwr: ^rrar: ^^idlucwt ■scTon^;: (rule and excep- 
tion being wanted, what is the nature of either?). 

Other remarks on the interrogative pronoun and 
its derivatives. — 1. They may depend on participles, ge- 
runds and the like, also subordinate sentences. Mhbh. 1, 162, 11 frer 
STorfwrernTrff yfemssror ^ ^raT (v. a, what motive has made you 
decide to abandon this [man] ?), Mudr. I, p. 28 q-fj?; fifr CTtH (if what 
would be?). 

2. Nothing precludes the presence of more interrogatives , re- 
ferring to different things, in the same sentence. Pat. I, p. 241 
ch<TOl ch i oms^HU^H (what sounds do they employ [and] in what 
meanings?), Kathas. 41, 37 grt-ssff <mmn cf>: flf? ofi^ feff ffaHlfifH 
(who is indigent? who begs [and] for what? to whom should be 
given [and] what?). 

3. Some particles, viz. sn, ferfT^, ssr, ^r, 3, ^mr, are subjoined 
to them , in order to express some interest taken in the question 
by the speaker. Op. the like duty of Lat. - nam and tandem , Greek 
ttots , French done. Qak. I itftoW 3W stt «4 r<«r : mw %H5T: (is it 
then possible , that such a beauty should be of human origin ?) ; 
Mhbh. 1, 91, 8 cfrffT fs-j^or rprer; cjrfn jft^rPr ^i<-ud iuemIR' frtettot 
Jlnfrc^ iqi; sra^; R- 2, 38, 8 srqcFnj cjrfqor h cFi^tfrr sR*ir4sii (what 
possible injury can Janaka's daughter do you then ?) ; Ch. Up. 4, 
14, 2 s^fdti, ?& tfax % 3^ irrfFTiefit g r ^iHyiu.iT?r (friend, your face 
shines like that of one who knows Brahman ; who has taught you ?); 
Kathas. 16, 9 pcfj ^rq =T Hf^T f| HfpaiT: jpTTJ^T:. 

4. Note the phrase cprtsHPT (who is it , that — here ?), f. i. Hit. 

21 



322 § 409—411. 

grt-simiuifri. 

5. f§fcjT may do duty as a particle, see 412, 3°. 

41 Sanskrit has a pronounced predilection for rhetorical 

Rheto- 

ricai questions (14 , VI). Hence , the interrogative pronouns 
tlons. and adverbs are often to be translated rather freely. 

Here are some examples : R. 2, 44, 7 fcj; q- mq^d i f^d : = *& HT°» 
Hit. 22 dltd^HUi f#r qife™ tROT 3rf%?T (v. a. nobody is punished 
or honoured anywhere on account of his birth alone), Kathas. 28, 

JO Sli;:T =ET trpim- 4)lrMl(y riUlcl^ 5tT. cFTT ST^TcR V^ 5WT (the 

Buddha has given up his own self like a grass-blade for the benefit 
of his neighbour, how, then, can there be question about [giving up] 
wretched riches?). Cp. Mhbh. I, 74, 27, Oak. I, vs. 19 etc. Cp. also 
sffsr fiiKJT = '■yes," f% ff z= nbut" (441), f% =? — nmoreover" (437). 

^nw In a similar way ^J 1 ! and ^irT! frequently precede 
the cause, reason or motive , when expressed by a new sen- 

"* tence. For this reason , one may sometimes render them by sin- 
deed." Mudr. V, p. 157 ^ uR^H I ^ I U I cfrJ-Tid : i JH: the reason is 
given in the strophe , which immediately follows, ibid. I, p. 29 g^r 
qf^TR" famt Rym* ^fn =r ^rm i st wimj asr ^nwr uchRRMnf^R 

ejf =et... Rem. The idiom 8(7 ^ sfT ^ serves to denote a 

~f^- great discrepancy between two things. Dag. 77 <* m- z; 

'st WrPT^ (v. a. to be an ascetic and to weep are incompatible), 
R. 2, 106, 18 gj =snjwr 5> ^ ^mr 3f aCT: st ^ <tt^^jt, Qak. I gr sitt 

^f|UI*Mi sTlfolH -^ifrloiM I SfT ^ RfuirlPKJIrll'. <HI(Uj-l : ST^T^- Cp. Kathas. 

28, 6, R. 3, 9, 27 etc. 

411. In indirect questions the interrogatives are 
r0 g a e t ;" employed, but instead of them the relatives are also 

reUtU admissible. Kathas. 39, 174 qrarf stmu w^mjsee , how I delude him), 

ves in Pane. 55 ?rnjHt f*M?i *^ifcM~l da Pd (be informed of what these guards 
indi- v» ^ ° 
rect are telling). On the other hand Kathas. 39, 87 fTCT ST5PT ac- 
tions! ^rfcr ' *fts& ii-iiwra zrer <T?t n^Wl: (he told her everything, who he 
was , of what name , whose king's son), the direct question would 



oles. 



§ 411-412. 323 

have been ^pf fsFRTqyinsr oprw g^;. Likewise Malat. II, p. 39 fqnsr 
h dHiTri jfr-s^ft aTppjr, R- 2, 52, 60 grin Jrs^f rait tjKrcrrfq y(lRd:- 

412. II. In such interrogative sentences , as put the whole 
roga- fact into question , interrogative particles are sometimes 
parti, added , sometimes omitted. When they are omitted , the 
verb mostly heads the sentence. When added , it is they 
that are usually put at the head. The said particles 
are srfq", 3rf, j%*T and ^fWFT. 

a). Examples of questions without interrog. particle: Pane. 21 irt 
SjTRcfr STufrfq- srst ^ l ^MHj say, Dam., do you hear a noise distant 
and great?), ibid. 326 af&T fTST S^Trqq; ffiriwfara". ^rflfi^ (is there 
any means for checking that scoundrel?), Malav. IX, p. 159 cRtot 
#terf^ >T fnraT (say, does my sweetheart live?). 

b). Examples of questions with interrog. particle : 

1. aft. — Pane. 35 jjfq- irsirr: f&oP^(v. a. are you in good health?), 
ibid. 25 gft w&l (is it true ?), Kathas. 24, 208 vrfq m^V (do you 
know?), Vikram. IV, p. 142 gft g^ormfw WJ fcrt 5R- 

2. 3rT, in simple questions very rare and obsolete, it seems. 
Kac. on P. 3, 3, 152 jh ajrj: tffnsrfa (will the stick fall?). As to 
its use in alternatives see 414. 

3. fer. — Dae. 1 70 sre?rfw ftvT = Lat. potesne ? 

4. eh fan - — R- 1) 52 , 7 ^rfww g;sp?r ^TsW- • ■ • • *Ri-d foifarii: ^ 
frrjor: (are you in good health, king?..... have you subdued all 
your enemies?), Mhbh. 1, 5, 1 jj^imnfii^r riTrT firrr FT'Sy^rTorFj^T i oRf%- 
Tinft H rd Jq vftr ; cp. Nala 4, 24, Kathas. 75, 93 etc. 

Eem. Like the other interrogatives (409 , 3°) the said particles 
may be strengthened by adding to them some other particle as 

75T, cTT, =T> 3) : TT I T- Of ^ e kind is gft =7T*r, f^t ;T, f% ^ <°TsT, 

fgip - f ef and the like. — Qak. I aft qm ^T^TdHf^inraortfrasrHUBrr uiirr 
(can she have been born to the chief of the family from a wife 
of a different caste f ) ; ibid. VII fsjr srr greRT^rireT *TirT}Hp£ir (is Cak. 
perhaps the name of his mother?); Bhoj. 64 fTFf: chQouRMUFTi ftiJj 
twt ^srrfsr; Mhbh. 1, 151, 28 fcjr 3 j;iWrr( srair *raT £BTrn g^(what 



324 § 412—414. 



can I see more unhappy than this?); Mhbh, 1, 162, 11 grflpT zyg- 

sfferT id<rjljl lld^dUi. 

412*; Many times the particle t^FT may be compared to 
Latin num , as it makes a negative answer to be expected. 

Kathas. 28, 7 J frr^ r ^HtfO f* FZnJT Id fol I firf PT ^f&rf I MHdiiy I Udlldiui 
JRWET u i ch^^m (Lat. mm»i Vigv. vita excessit — ?), Mudr. I, p. 27 

ff^ xS *— 

fgr HdHWM i mmitijM ystfitTPT: (are you even more learned than 
our teacher?). 

413. On the other hand , *T put into the question announces 
an affirmative answer, like Latin nonne. It generally 
attends some interrogative particle, viz. ?TTT or RJH, 
but may also be used by itself. By combining "7 and 

R" one gets •T^T which is to be considered a new par- 
tide, fully answering to Lat. nonne, Greek oi/xouv , and 
which for this reason has also the force of an em- 
phatic (396). Examples: Ch. Up. 1, 10, 4 ^ Kdd.H^^KI ^& 
(were not these [beans] also left [and therefore unclean] ?); — R. 2, 
72, 5 aft :morar: srhj ^HlMdd^d (are you not tired with the 
long way, having driven quickly?); — Rata. Ill, p. 79 f^j qzm jrf5% 
^ ^prJ Hd-IH< fmra" =T f§Pj; [viz. dih^dd] (does not [the splen- 
dour of your face] outshine the brilliancy of the white lotus and 
does it not cause delight to the eyes ?) ; — R. 2, 22, 22 qrr %d*gj 5i»T 
fTfT (is not that the effect of Destiny?). 

Rem. Tet, "R" put to ^itlFT = T^ 1 ! num , since ^TIFT 
alone may be rather = nonne. R. 2, 72, 44 c hQi^ sn^rnraq- |?r 
(TO chmfad , cp. ibid. 1, 74, 21; 2, 57, 7; Mhbh. 1, 23, 10. 

414. Disjunctive interrogations are characterized by a great 
twe in- variety of particles. Commonly the former member 

tcrroga- , r-- 

tions. begins with rTM, but there are many other combina- 
tions. Here are some instances : 

1. In the former member fori, in the latter aT or f^; gT or 



§ 414-415. 325 

STeraT or 3^ or ^ or sm^. — Dag. 149 fartf j^; f^ fara^m^ 
ett (is this a vision or is it delusion?), Pane. 230 Eh^HMrmm 
^^i-ywjoiT ^Qfroor TOTT ^1 01^^ cmm^mfc l (shall I rise and kill him 
or shall I slay both of them while sleeping?), Mroch, III, p. 113 
Ffefi 5T-«it|«ijjjrr trpTTsrercrfqj- g^p^ (are these two men sleeping indeed, 
or counterfeiting sleep?), Qak. I mtvm fePTOT spm H<H I H .-... 

PjfcliblHoU4J 5HFrfJT5r. • • • • STT^ 1 Rolr^jfr) ^*T ^f| UII-^-H if^ T: (must she 

keep the tow of chastity up to her marriage or is she to dwell 
with the antelopes of the hermitage for ever ?). — To either member 
or to both another particle may be subjoined , f. i. instead of fiprr 
one may say f^g, fwi jj, in the second member instead of 3?T, 
STT^t or 3HT^t, also f^JTjr, jhRqIH , m ^ feiH etc. Mrcch. X, p. 367 

f%F> 3 tewfrfr- T; nry Ri^Hl-^.WMHl (is she come back from 

heaven , or is she another [Vasantasena] ?) , Pane. 202 fg? cMifq 
tTOFT srs JHI^Roir^+HlR) oUimR.rii (has anybody caught him in a 
snare or has anybody killed him?). 

2. The former member contains some other particle, not f£fcif. 

So f. i. it q- Kuniaras. 1, 46 rTCT nsfa ^ mnA-i\iztmTf rrsfa ^ 

T illiM l lU i (has she borrowed it from the antelopes, or the ante- 
lopes from her ?); — c ft fa q. . . . . 5TT Mhbh. 1, 162, 3 ; — 3jt. sit 

Kumaras. 4, 8 ; — srr srr Pat, I, p. 6 ^HrHltil-tR q^lRdrt f^FZJT 

SIT «Jlr*iur afo [sc 5TS3;:]- 

3. The former member is without particle. Of the kind are Pane. 
294 ?rrjft-s£r ?3pt: f% orr^erdT ir&saiH =r *ttoh; Qak. V ijs; srrrnwr 
5TT g ^Puwji (either I must be out of my wits or she must lie); 
Qak. I yTorfcr oTf&fr tT^R=T 3 sti^H^'- 

Eem. If the second member is »or no," one says tj eu- Pane. 
329 f* gffrf& mH uRH' =T 5TT (is there any remedy or no?), Dag. 140 
^sr it g[H<«HoiiMchf rf =t girt f-oRor dHi(d'. — »Yes or no" is sn =r snr- 
Nala 18, 24 rrf^ sr ?rrarr aT^t ^V aTsrirr sit =t m- 
415. Disjunctive interrogations of three or more members of course 
show a still greater variety of interrogative particles. Kumaras. 

6, 23 faFT TPJ ^jlf% HTffTJTFT ?fa (SRTpW fTrTJ W fdUolHI "Effrlf HTn: cRrTT 

msr ^ (v. a. are you Brahma , Vish n u or Qiva ?) ; Pane. 332 fgj jpr 
5ra )ma*iM ; zmm &tnr£r *&f& btt cisife (is it I, against whom 
the plot is laid or is it the hunchback or anybody else?); Dag. 



326 § 415—417. 

89 fy? f3cHiMif?*Ajfacnmii?*JTchy-iilioi =r srn ; Qak- vl ssnrt g thtt 3 
Tfrnurt 7T f%£ =r ri i drUi<yH i5r toot (was it a dream or a delusion 
or perplexity of mind or was indeed the store of my good works 
exhausted?); Pane. 177 fefr frrfTf^fiT: cprrfa oUi'-i i fen 5rf ^y*{fJoii 
-s^r^ ihjIhhI )Hf(d6iH ett ^ drfU'glWmH j Kathas. 72, 185 ; Pat. I, p. 5, 
1. 14 fej. ai^Rsid .. ■ . srr^rfeiff; Pane. 48, 1. 19; etc. etc. 

Chapt. IV. Exclamation. 

416. Exclamation is either signified by simple interjec- 

Bxcla- — 

mat; tions, as ^TT (alas), ^r{ (ah), *!»*«?» (oh !) Wf', ^T^Tboth 

ons and _ 

deT of expressive of surprise and strong emotion , Vtt (fy), 

excla- 

mation. and nouns used as such, as =h^*T (it is a pity, alas), 

f^IT (thanks to God), ^ (well done), 5TTWJ[ 

(marvellous) , ^IM^I or STPrF TT^T^ — see Rem. on 2 — 
or expressed by a full sentence, commonly beginning with 
one of the said interjections or exclamative particles. 

Exclamative sentences , introduced by interrogative pronouns 
or pronominal adverbs are , not nearly so often met with in Sanskrit 
as in our language. Still, the idiom exists. Dag. 67 king Bajahamsa 
rejoices when seeing again his comrades and exclaims 5^ ^irft csr 
ferrtrr: y^uin: 3rt Hmnwu^a :. Ven. I. p. 25 Sahadeva to Bhima 
art ^ ir?rr rr^Tsrfffr: nmnn: (how long it is , indeed , since Mylady 
is here!). 

Here are some examples of exclamatives : Pane. 25 =g^t gfrw- 
HNfHd^, here =^r is expressive of joy, but E. 2, 115, 3 i i h^i^i 
firsf ^t?tt it expresses sorrow; — E. 2, 12, 73 g^t stft it smrrretlt- 
g^Tt TdMfilwjfn ; — Kumaras. 3, 20 sj^t and srfT together : ?r^t -&H l f? l 
^uTluala: ; — Mhbh. 1, 157, 41 w^t fw=Rt rrfrr renr irfcmrrf^; Pane. 
158 ft&gk fcV° (for shame, you blockhead, you — ); — Mudr. Ill, 
p. 104 ot TTTrrJ^ (0 I remember); Prabodh. passim m: <rre (0, you 
rascal!); — Mudr. II, p. 84 f^TT £sUt% H ^tdtHS I JTTJJ. 

417 - ^^T and fa^T are often construed in a particular 



§ 417—418. 327 

sr^t manner. ^I^T is apt to be used with the nominative 

™mhi. °* an abstract noun , expressive of the fact which causes 

f^ the astonishment. But T^RT — or, in full , f^RTFT — is 

with attended by the accus. (sometimes also, but not so 

often , the nomin.) of the person or thing , which causes 

the indignation or anger. 

Examples: 1. of ^f with nomin. — Nala 3, 17 Damayantl, 
when seeing on a sudden the beautiful appearance of Nala, ex- 
claims g^- ^qq^i ch i PH^') yjf n^ i r^n :, Mudr. I, p. 38 Canakya takes 
the letter, glances over it and says praisingly sg^Y ^h) U d I -d runTEr 
(an excellent hand indeed), Pane. 92 the Ocean disapproving the 
words of the bird, which he has overheard, exclaims =g-^V nob 
qRl^ftilUlM , Mudr. VI, p. 197 Eaxasa, when entering the old garden, 
being sad with grief, laments ^f dlrxfltJMUl ^rrfir^UMitH I (tow 
little charm this old garden has !). 

2. of f?raT with ace. Mhbh. 1, 131, 23 fimrTf of: chdl^H l ^ (shame 
over your skill at arms !), E. 2, 4», 4 ^rpr fe^sr^ zmmi oraTTfCTrPT) 
ibid. 2, 47, 4 f&nm ^ fa^f m^T (v. a. cursed sleep!), KM. I, p. 18 
f&ffeftmTr^TOpi ^i i chi^uiH j — of fcK witn nom - Panc 156 RHrra 
dj^HI , ibid. I, 174 ftfj-Rrf: cpr^feraT:. 

Eem. 1. Occasionally fy^r occurs with a gen. Hariv. 8722 ^rter- 

ittsiui fycH°M- 

Eem. 2. Pat. I, p. 443 ^t SoRjUT affords also an instance of ^j , 

construed with the accus. 

418. Some particles are used in exhortations. They of 

s ?' course attend imperatives and such tenses as have the 

^ meaning of imperatives. The principal of them are 

^JtF> ^VifT both = „ well, come, 1 ' Lat. age and agedum. 

Kathas. 24, 143 ^r crai^T^I <=r^. With the 1»* person = fr. allons. 

Ch. Up. 5, 11, 2 ft ^^TT^ nn^w fd n ^Twrreng: (»Well, let us go to 

him." Thus speaking, they went to him); E. 2, 96, 15^-iiWfcl H\$Wi 

(come, look here, Laxmana). — Among others, ^nj and =gft, as 

Kumaras. 4, 32 rw qt gror qtg^TO* (do , bring me together with 



328 § 418—419. 

my husband), Kac. on P. 1, 4, 96 srfq- f&^r, cp. Kac. on P. 8, 1, 38 
=g^r q% (pray, read). — Like our »come," the imperat. rcf^ may assume 
the nature of a particle , f, i. Kathas. 37, 200 wfij dm i Prich - . . . jtih 
(come , let us go to him) and so already at so remote a period as 
when the marriage-mantras have been composed. Agv. Grhy.l, 7, 6 

rtldfsi !3ol^loli| tRTt UsMilloli|. 

Eem. Neither gj nor ^rfT are however limited to this employment. 
Occasionally they accompany also the indicative mood. Kag. on P. 8, 
2, 96 %j 5Tsre;=r f^srr a^fir (I say, my friend, you say the thing 
that is not), Mudr. I, p. 38 ^ttt farft iMdchH :. "When addressing some 
person, while offering him something, one uses ^r, fr. voila. Schol. 
on P. 8, 2, 99 nf * ^ wt: i ^ft "ft ^Tft. 
419. All interjections readily join with vocatives. Two, 
ana Tl*J an d ^\ are especially employed so , since they serve 
X' to draw the attention of the person addressed, in a word, 
like *TT: the vocat. of H^IT^ (259) — and Lat. hem. 
Kumaras. 4, 28 sf& nafff ^fir ZWJ WT (come, Kama, show your- 
self now), Hit. 9 ana- JO |M i srcrr r crRr. — ^rfu is especially fit for 
gentle address t prithee- ')". 



1) ig"f& is also asserted by lexicographers to be a particle of interro-"' 
gatlon. I greatly doubt the correctness of this statement, afir may 
easily be confounded in mss. with sfil, and, in fact, it is not rarely a 
various reading of the interrogative irftj , see the passages of Qak. quoted 
by the Petr. Diet. s. v. 3jfir 2). The Petr. Diet, adds five more in- 
stances: a) three from the Kumaras., b) one from the Mrcch., c) one 
from the Pancatantra.- Of them , a) Kumaras. 4, 3 5rfir vUiolrHiy 5TtcTf%) 
though Mallin. comments thus on it sfij'inMl'-M 41*1)17 Irl fittoliifrfirat 5^° 
Ulfmly *fil (^.frl . it is by no means necessary to accept here af& as 
an interrogative, better it is to keep to its duty as an interjection 
safil dliSrHI^ »o, my Lord" ^d fa »are you alive?" So Mallin. himsel 
explains Kumaras. 5, 62 azfHH *m<?HW'=IUi- As to the remaining pas- 
sage ibid. 5, 33 — 35, the edition of Prof. Taranatha has Jjftr, not ^fit- — 
1) In the two editions of the Mrcch., I have at hand , the particle ?rfil 
is wanting, instead of ^fts dt 4)& i they have ire- dl4) ^| . — c). As to 



§ 419—421. 329 

A cognate particle is =g?Tj sometimes — ^fij, sometimes expressive 
of astonishment. Cak. VI king Dushyanta , when perceiving on a 
sudden the charioteer of Indra standing near, exclaims =gzr qrHf^T:- 
Cp. Mrcch. I, p. 17 ^ Mo UmR J 'km: W.. 

420. As to the vocative, it is generally put at the head , 
t°ve." at least in prose, for poets may give it any place, 

according to the exigencies of the metre or rhythm. 

In flowery style the vocative is not rarely attended by epi- 
thets , as Malat. VI, p. 87 =snr j:{icM~HM;ftfaf£RT on w i f^ rrrereft rroior- 
l|rT3T (accursed Madhava, thou who hast murdered our teacher 
because of the wretched Malati). In ordinary prose they are avoided. 

Chapt. V. Connective particles. 

421. The most important connective particles are five mono- 
nec°tive syllables : ^T, ^T, 3, r\, [*£, and four dissyllables *l&(> 

parti- _ ° — 

cies. gfq- ^and3rT. Of these, ^T, 5TTT, 3PT and 3rT 
have the most general bearing, as they are simply 
copulating words = „and , also , further," though they 
often admit of some special modification of meaning, 
so as to get the force of adversatives , concessives etc. 
For the rest, ^T is the disjunctive, r{ and the ar- 
chaic 3 are adversatives, T«5 is causal, 7^" is the 
particle of comparison. 

In the classic language 3 and 3rr ar e no more used alone, 
but in some combinations they are , cp. 402 E. 1 ; 442 , 2° and 
4°. That srfi-, 3 and jft may also be interrogative particles, has 
been shown above 412 and 414. 

Side by side with the said connective particles one 



Pane. p. 38, 6, quoted by the Petr. Diet. = p. 44 , laat line of Vidyasa- 
gara's ed., this editor signifies by his very interpunction , that he considers 
isfa an exolamative , not an interrogative, as he has ^fnr! fiflcf nsrrJTT! 
(my dear, has no harm befallen you?). 



330 § 421—422. 

uses several adverbs, serving the same purpose, as 
?P7^ and 5RTFT or W%% ^further, moreover," T^J 
„but, yet," FT^n" ^likewise, and," the conclusives rTrT 

and FIFTH therefore," the causal *TFP „for," ^»T! „on 
the other hand, again, but." They have completely 
assumed the nature of conjunctions. 

Combinations of these particles either with each other 
or with other particles are excessively frequent. So ^ 

and wT, 5T?T and ^T, T^T and FT are very often 

combined , ^oT is often added to ^", *IN, ^T, FT. Some 

of them may be considered as units , as ^TST^TT when = 

„indeed," FPTTFT „ nevertheless." 
422. As the connection of sentences is the subject-matter 
of the last Section of this Syntax , it will here suffice 
to give a succinct account of the connective particles 
severally , especially with regard to their linking together 
words within the compass of one and the same sentence, 
g-. 1. ^ is the copulative particle par excellence „and." 

It is as a rule subjoined to the word annexed, as ^T r Tt 

FP?TTn£r, but if it annexes a complex of words or a 

whole sentence, it is affixed to the first word, as Nrll 

^TTrT^r ^TTT (father and mother's sister). Pane. 225 ^t^t] 

chRti^ gg: iggT ^ FT ^ftssrerlH; This order is seldom inverted 

in prose (f. i. Pane. 126 par srat f^VT am prTT *%m instead of 
iprar ^titt), oftener in poetry. Nala 1, 22 PiMHtr T npw: ?rr 5£ST ^ 
Bt ^ i u i m , Kathas. 44, 3 : the preceding sentence is q- ftrm^. .-.. 

ScTHFSraiT) then there follows ^^r fqgp^qT^ {wra <7^JT 5^5T "el:- 

' Sometimes in poetry g is put between the two links connected 



§ 422—423. 331 

by it. Mhbh. 1, 148, 2 ot gfirffrpu SU t an i j-ft #ut mft tistm (then 
Yudh. addressed Bhim. , Arj. and the twins), M. 9, 322 t^- gm 
sraH (he becomes great in this world and in the other). 

In poets , =31 is not rarely put to each of the members connected, 

also in archaic prose; see f. i. Ch. Up. 1, 3, 2, and cp. re re 

of Greek poets. But if it is necessary to state that the same thing 
is endowed with different qualities etc. at the same time , this idiom 
is also used in prose. Pat. I, p. 430 znfiasfrsrnf crerT cu u i fti (he is an 
accomplished sacrificer as well as a grammarian), Prabodh. I, p. 
15 rffj; rFRrfpT ^T ^TtlprfH =5 (it procures joy and perplexes at the 

same time). As to ^ =et expressive of simultaneousness , 

see 438 R.. 2. 

Eem. 1. If three or more terms are to be connected, g- is gene- 
rally put but once, and with the last of them. Pane. 6 fq^nrr sTTOsrar 
ffaroi Q'Jlm i iM =T arafTjtir =5T (by begging , by attending on the 
prince, by agriculture, by turning one's learning into money, and 
by trade), Dag. 78 ot?r- =sr wn Sory^HT saT^sr srrroraT teii^ui ^asflfa'- 
fTOT =sr Jlirssrff zkht- Then g is rarely wanting, sometimes in rhetorical 
style, as Pat. I, p. 431 a^^faiTT^r irroBf s^sr ispr, R- 3, 69, 32 
Sf^TWjt (afdtiM l ^J ^5n^Tf%TTOTT^TirRj and in some phrases , as Mrcch. 
I, p. 20 iT UiishMUl ff y^rrf^' Uorf^T crrf^T (v. a. as soon as they have 
come, they disappear), Bhoj. 10 ^jy ^m m anfif m si Ml fa a crftniH:. 

Rem. 2. Sometimes =g- must be translated by a more energetic 
particle than sand." It may be = veven." R. 1, 1, 4 g^g- fsrwrfH 
|-5rnEr (of whom are even the gods afraid?), it may be a slight 
affirmative and even have adversative power, cp. 441. 

423. 2. ?Tftr ma y be 1. = „and, too, moreover, also," 2. = 

„even ," 3. = a though' 1 . Like ^T, it is commonly subjoined 
to the word — or first of the words — connected by- 
it; in poets, it not rarely precedes. Examples of l. Pat. 

I, p. 125 fJoTTSoft ZTST iPTTft ^efr %JW. (your horse is lost and my chariot 
is burnt). Pane. 246 the king of the frogs mounts on the back 
of the serpent Mandavisha; seeing this, the others too do so sjot 



isrfti- 



332 § 423—425. 

trearir (v. a. — I would ask you once more); — of 2. Mudr. I, p. 30 
:t iraf u i cMilfii n^Wd^ i H^i (it is not advisable to despise a foe, not 
even a mean one); — of 3. Kathas. 42, 28 ti^diiirM ^ JT rffcuTt^Pi- 
^n fq (and, though reluctantly, he followed him). 

In poetry however, ^fq- occasionally precedes the word it attends 
instead of being subjoined to it. Mhbh. 1, 76, 52 ^ s^^rtn =T 
<<A<ffi-<l^ (whom would not the hurting of a brahman consume? 
even Indra), Kumaras. 6, 59 Himavan says aiq- oU i ql^i^HiP Hl^lP 
nviBri^T ir (my limbs though stretching in all directions, have no 
power — ), Pane. Ill, 92 gfir ^ojrf instead of 5=rj£sf'T etc. Another 
instance of poetical license is such an arrangement as we have 
Nala 1, 30 rdMuid ^ 515; instead of rcprsr ^-sfq- sr; (speak in this 
way also to N.). 

Bern. Apart from being a connective, =giq has many more mean- 
ings. It may be a) an interrogative particle, see 412; 6) with 
imperative it strengthens the exhortation, see Kag. on P. 1,4, 96 
^fa f%^ (do > pour out ); c) it often precedes the f^re , when doing 
duty as an optative (343 ,6) or in the idiom mentioned 343 c) 5°. 
In these cases -aft- heads the sentence. — In other meanings again 
it is used, when subjoined to nouns of number (298), or when put 
to the interrogative pronouns and adverbs, see 281 and 288. 

Moreover gfcj, when of time, may be =z 1. »only, but," as 
Hafrjlti »fT) Trite! (wait but for a moment), 2. » still," f. i. Kathas, 
3, 18 sHcrtU fq swhen still a boy." 

424. 3. 3rT is almost a synonym of %IN. In the classic 

language it is obsolete. As to its employment as an inter- 
rogative particle see 412, 2 and 414, with optative it is also used 
like 3Erf<T, see 343 c) 5°, and cp. P. 3, 3, 152. — As a connective 
it is found in the old liturgical and epic literature. Mhbh. 1, 90, 
24 HH ll T i ^ijri iiHifa nHH I feHrWH TT^r?r:- At the close of verses 
or padas , 37T and gqjrf are rather emphatics or mere expletives. — 
In classic prose one uses feirfT (442 , 4°) and nrOrT (442, 2°). 

425. 4. *|&| serves to introduce some new element (person , 
^ thing or fact). It may be wholly = ^T, and connect 



37T- 



§ 425-426. 333 

even single words, f. i. Pane. V, 11 anfy^ *^ ERmnfcr 

a^rpT i *WlrtHi«i irfr^ ^s\ mft f w^ch :, here ^q- is equivalent to g. 
Occasionally %% may be a disjunctive, as Kathas. 79, 24 ^rpft 

Its most common employment , however, is to annex 
a new sentence , especially if there be a change of subject ; 
hence it is not rarely an adversative. Sometimes it 
introduces the apodosis, sometimes it has a temporal 
meaning „ afterwards ," : ) moreover it may do duty as 
a conditional conjunction , as will be more fully explained 
in the last Section of this book. 

Note its employment at the beginning of a book or 
chapter or section , where it is the traditional opening- 
word in profane writings, like the syllable ?XPT in Holy 
Writ. Pancatantra IV f. i. commences aiJ^m^ qH cFisysTOnsf ?m 
: 3H2f rT^FT^ (now begins the 4 th tantra — ). 

In prose it is the first word, but in poetry it may 
hold any other place. 
426. 3PJ combines with other particles. So we have ^[fa, 

W\ ^, Wft (= ^T + 3"), see f. i. igv. Grhy. 1, 1, 3; K. 3, 

11, 74; Pane. IV, 73. But the commonest of those combi- 

mm- nations is ^T^T which is almost looked upon as a unit. 
It is used for the sake of correcting one's self. It in- 
troduces , therefore , a statement more exact than the 
preceding one; in accordance with the nature of the 
contrast between the two, one may translate ?T?T^T 



1) Especially in the archaic dialect. Ait. Br. 2, 25, 1 fTCTPTTfla' JTrTPTfiT- 

sr^Frt srnj^r crar: crrsraormr^ w Pwid^mioi^ifaeHi (of them — Agni 

reached the aim the first, after him Indra, then Mitra and Varuna, then 
the Acvins). 



384 § 426—429. 

by „or rather" or „on the contrary" or „no" or „but," 

f. i. Pane. 23 tMHl asTTf>T i STciT ^T HUrtirf (I will go to another place. 
But that will not do), E. 3, 60, 29 q-g- ^T -j^Mqd i f^fwiT n i ^iRi ^ 
(surely, it is not she, no, she has been hurt, my graceful lady). 

As to mj 'feT) see 395 R. 

427. FT^TT „so ," when = ^likewise" that is „and , too ," may 
FmT " also be reckoned among the connectives. This employ- 
ment is chiefly poetical. 

For the rest , 5TFT, ^T and FT^TT may be strengthened 

by ^" and may mingle together. Hence arises a great 
variety of combinations , especially in verse , as gtaror, srffi- 

g, 'Enftr; ^sr, ^sr =?; iTOpr, fWT ^ etc. 

428. The enclitic ^T, like *f, is subjoined to the word 
aT ' which it annexes. It is the disjunctive particle „or." 

^ pT 3T J or you." ^Either or" is off 3T- 

M. 3, 26 qTumercoTT ftsTT sit id oil ^l (the two modes of marriage either 
performed severally or conjoined), Kathas. 31, 39 tj tf g^fi rtj 5TT 
asRT srr •yisiHl-snrT: i y^w ^hr:. 

Rem. Instead of srr. ... . 517 one says also 5rr at?; Err- R. 3, 11, 
90 qT5T sna-yNldld} 3)JT 5TT $f^ 5TT STS'll^SFT: TTO^^t 5IT (here no liar 
can live, nor a cruel man, nor a rogue, nor a barbarous one nor 
an evildoer), cp. R. 2, 109, 4, Pane. I, 118. — Likewise one uses 
cTT- • • sf«T 5IT or snfr , etc. As to 37 in interrogations , see 409 , 
3° and 412 R., on its force as an emphatic 397 R. 1. 

429. r| ; f^T and the enclitic 3 are, like ^ and ofT, SUb- 
and 3. joined to the first word of the sentence. T«^ was at 

the outset an emphatic , a weak „indeed ," but generally 
it is a causal particle, at least in prose; FT ana 3 are 

adversatives „but; on the other hand." 3 is no more 
used in the classic dialect, save when added to some 



§ 429—430. 335 

other particle , as ^ — ^ _|_ 3, ^vt = <%n -(- 3, cp. 402 E. 1. 

430. ^" )} like, as" is the particle of comparison. It is 

always put after the standard of comparison , HT^T T^" 

®FT3"FT (strong like a lion). Mrcch. I, p. 48 ?&m ffUfsr 
jfEf^orTg^T qw ^fef^or f%i%f|HT^T?rsT 1 jsrcfq^araf^: t^st fern 
■ '•• m CFTCT (she has disappeared, like the sight of the blind , like 
the health of the sick, like the wisdom of the fool, like the 
prosperity of the sluggard, like the learning of the dull and dis- 
sipated), Qak. YI qrfws^foor f oiCTrioi i -lfa fsr*T (have you perhaps for- 
gotten it , as I have ?). If the standard of comparison or the simile 
consists of more words , Tg- likes to be put in the midst of them. 
Qak. VII f cfc ^ i?ra siw .sfol~U(iH ^5T <rir fafeliff ir r^T:. Exceptions 
as to the place of tst may occasionally be found in poets. 

my- The other particle of comparison is the relative ^T?TT- 
It is especially used , if the standard of comparison is 
expressed by a full sentence , but it does the same duty 

as r^\ 

Rem. 1 . It is a matter of course , that JoT and ?tm 
have no influence at all on the case of the noun they 
are construed with. Both the noun compared and the 
standard of comparison are put in the same case. 

Kumaras. 4, 25 ^; gfpj&rTTSTf-p^ f^r m \ { f^oi l ^H : (struck by those 
lamentations , as if they were poisoned arrows) ; Nala 2, 28 fj Fgj. . . . 
j^TsTTpq' htktt rfsPT (on seeing him who was bright like the sun). 

Kem. 2. Note the idiom grrurorT Tsr »he appears like," f. i. 
Kumaras. 7, 3 [mg] ssnr ^araum- 

Eem. 3. rg- and rem are often used in similes. In this case they 
may be strengthened by adding to them such epithets as srraTrT (in 
person), fsra^BRT or fsrjrfl^ (embodied), ^gtpT; WJ\ (cp. Lat. Mars 
alter) and the like. Nala 1, 4 the hero is said to have been an 
excellent archer and ruler of his subjects grsrrf^cT JTjj: SoWT_ »as 



336 § 430—433. 

if he were Manu himself," Dag. 116 a beautiful woman is called 
tWtst fej f^uTi (the goddess Kati embodied), Mhbh. 1, 85, 5 arcrrfff: 
< J Mm m M Ml-dlf^'-ri TaTTT":- Cp. Kumaras. 6, 11, Bagh. 2, 16, Malav. 
I, p. 24, Kam. 3, 30, etc. 

431. Moreover, r^ - is used to soften some expression, in 
the same way as German etwa , our rather, almost, as 
if it were. Mudr. II, p. 58 fHCR^rftsr ^rawpsrn^Tft (I perceive 
that the exertions of E. are almost fruitless), K. 2, 85, 7 -m ir n^rtl 
^TT STJT sWildla q- 

432. Our „as," when not expressing likeness, is not ren- 
dered at all in Sanskrit or by $MM with gen. But 

<mn- „as" = „for instance, namely" is ri^*Ml. Mudr. Ill, p. 117 
OT5T ^ tssj (3(fhwi !4*rilni firfciv ylri&UT^r nti^M'j^) Ih'i^*i1h 
(well, Vrshala, there are two means to be put into effect against 
disaffected subjects, viz. favour and force). 



SECTION VI. 

ON THE CONNECTION OF SENTENCES. 

433. In Section II — V we have treated of the different 
constituent elements of the sentence. This last part 
of the Syntax will deal with the various ways , in which 
sentences are linked together. Two main categories are 
here to be distinguished, 1. coordination, when — 
grammatically speaking — there is equality of rank be- 
tween the sentences conjoined, 2. subordination, 
that is such a union , as makes one of the links depend 
upon the other, so as to constitute a period made up 
of a chief sentence and a clause or subordinate sen- 
tence. The former class is generally characterized by 
such particles as have been dealt with in the last chapter 



§ 433-436. 337 

of the preceding Section, the latter class by relatives. 

Occasionally Sanskrit prefers coordination in such cases in which 
our language would rather use the other mode of junction, and 
inversely. 

Example of coordination in Sanskrit, subordination with us : 
Mrcch. Ill, p. 116 ^H < r^H 5?!T P i -<ijPi =er cfiftfrr =et (though blaming 
it I do it). 

Example of subordination in Sanskrit, coordination with us: 
Dae. 30 jh FTN=M,^l'd4J<Xlf,J?T nrSTT ^rST^orT^nW^lH^TOTJfiTOT n^- 

irgfrr: ferfir 5"aTari^r afore: etc. In translating such sentences 

as this there is , as a rule , a greater deal of coordination in English , 
f. i. »I saw there [in the water] a jewel, I took it and went on, until 
being tired by the exceeding glow of the sun, I entered some tem- 
ple." Cp. 14, I. 

Chapt. I. Coordination. 

434. Coordination, though chiefly expressed by little par- 
dina- tides, as ^", is not exclusively signified by them. The 

tioH by 

means demonstrative pronoun , especially £T, may be a fit in- 
strument for annexing a new sentence. Sometimes both 
particle and pronoun are wanting, and sentences are 
simply put together: the so-called asyndeton. 

435. I. As to the demonstrative , some instances have been 

1. the .given 275. I add one more from the beginning of the Panca- 
demon- & ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ r 

stra- tantra ^Rft sTrraonrHT iM^i, ^l^cHi{Ky rrnr ;ttt^i?T3 tw^ilfMUr 

tiTe ' TRTT STH5T i FTOT 3?r: qsrr: snrsr:. Nothing prevents the employ- 

ment of both dem. pronoun and particle together. So often sffafq. 

The acc. neuter tTrf and the abl. neuter FrFFTFT' 
when = „ therefore , for this reason," have wholly got 
the nature of particles. Likewise fT»T. 

436. II. The asyndeton is mostly met with either in short 
statements , to express antithesis , or for rhetorical pur- 

22 



338 § 436—437. 

2. the poses , especially where the speaker is excited. Pane. 26 

deton. s^sf ?r JT^TfJTT srzf cftcutt: (so it is, he is a Lord and we are wretches), 
ibid. 113 q-^ «iWr sir >;aifti-Pl 5^n (it is not your fault, but that of 
your master), Mudr. Ill, p. 106 ^qrrarT ^dH—liy IWrl (this is already a 
real possession, not an expected one), Dag. 16 f^r ct>/)(Ij gr iix^iR 
naffer Hm^PJ (what shall I do ? whither shall I go ? have you not 
seen [him] ?). Pane. 134 <Hroi(HU i -c$ n^rlj " gJlsH*jRH a here the second 
sentence enunciates the reason of the former one, but there is no 
causal particle. In a similar way sn is omitted in the passionate de- 
claration of Damayanti (Nala 4, 4) g-fg; fet UdMH r rrf Urm<°m<aRl n\44j 
fyimiTi jra- irsWiWTST FlBr chliUIH, likewise Kumaras. 6, 12 &ft 
qJTTf^rJPTroWr 5f# f% >T%T Slrrf^ (whether man or woman , it matters 
not — ). 

437. III. When treating of sentences connected by par- 
tide"" tid© 8 it is best to keep apart the logical categories, 
copu- Mere copulation is denoted by ^T, ?TFT, ^T — either 
*£j; single or combined, as ^fa *T, ^Tfa", %f%\fa — , by 

f% ^T, WT^l, ?RI, by FTrT: and cFTST They an- 
swer to English and, also , likewise , moreover, further, then , 
thereupon etc. They are not quite synonymous , and each 
of them may have its proper sphere (as rTFT! to sub- 
join what is subsequent in time , T^} ^, ^FT^T, 5F*TW 

to signify the importance of what is added , ?TST to im- 
port a change of the scene , of the action , of the actors 
etc.), yet it is neither easy nor necessary to draw the 
boundary-lines sharply between them. 

Examples: 1. g. Dag. 83 fSrfgr ailfwi' cr^f jfg^T SW qq-S Mmchl 

<<Jfch^ Ul ; — 2. safe*. Mudr. II, p. 69 fuiiol^* [S^uiH T qf}sH-4 I FoT- 

Tf<j temlt i chi^tH'^i* 3T7T (Priy-! m J attendants may keep their rest and 
you, discharge your duty); — 3. sjq-. R. 3, 14, 4 h fr [m^M *TFaT 

qsTUWHH jmzt: i <TOT gi?rqcJraiT<!r <TO^ mr ^f, Pane. 3 the king 

first spoke to Vishnugarman , ^then the other replied" =g^r Qmumf 



§ 437-439. 339 

ft ^TsTPrq%; — 4. fcfixr. Pane. 214 f%tr=r fo^r i ^fsr^Tf^rm ^ftst: 

the reasons , why he is to be killed are then given : etft: 

f^? =3T 3wr sni^" xr (for moreover then one says 

it is also taught); — 5 ^qjq. Pane. 135 qsTOTTT: STsrf ^r sr^rT: i wf 
fcjch^^al ur^rdrij yMUidi: (all these poor fellows are depending on me , 
besides they have left their families in order to join me), ibid. 
IV, 65 fq# ^jfiHrii awTT^ (secondly) q- ftftrr jjftt st^trt:t ^ (moreover) 
ojiqq ; — 6. ^-^rw- Pane. 168 a heavenly being prevents Somilaka 
from suicide , and says ^g- HTf^ jp-. ••■■ <r?^ SoRTf drti ?&m na£i- 

yyi^Hi^ ?re: ; — 7- FTrr:. Dag. 138 =sr^ g j^n udmftiw i ft?t: ftiT^- 

fftar fT ^frfarN l ^ prcrT gfCTJrnr. (you must make me enter, then 

recall our father into life and act in the way that shall please him). 

Eem. 1. Txvj is not seldom — snow", fr. or. Pane. 94 chfwfekri - 

vHWt mt JTrWT: ?rf?rr I %V ER5Tf%# 3^fT5RT £gT ITEffefiwtforfw^- 

3irr (in some pond there were three fishes. Now , one day fishermen 
passed, looked at that pond and said). 

Kem. 2. =g, JErftr, wt are sometimes to be rendered by but, yet, 
nevertheless. See 441. 

438 - ST Tf, ?TFT #T, ^ #t etc. = „as well 

as ;" „not only but also." Utt. II, p. 29 f&^r 

q«JV 5S5T i<4chfgq>H i m tWlST^sT ma |f%rTT^OTrmfWTrTT cft i giTnTTfirjP5r 

gjij H I Pol f it ^rr tjfriH : (not only the sacrificial horse has been loosed 
to roam at will, but also guards- have been appointed to- it ac- 
cording to the ritual, and Laxmana's son has been sent after it). 

Eem. 1. The archaic dialect has also the combination 3rT- • • • 
3rT- The old verse 3?t rcT: QSCT^T Zjzi dl'cWH For: SjtjoP?T auaflrtHl^ is 
commented on by Taska in this way aujch: qSET^T nauR crraTtq 
=3f anjoi-J s ^uiVtH l ^ (see Nir. 1, 19). 

Eem. 2. A repeated =g may occasionally denote simultaneous- 

ness. Kumaras. 3, 58 sttt =et smft: <hm i m<hi4. ufn^i^ij^i riWrFW ^ 

^trrryrq- (Um& reached the entrance of Qiva's hermitage, and at 
the same time Qiva ceased his mystic exercises), cp. ibid. vs. 66, 
Eagh. 3, 40; 10, 6; Kathas. 18, 120. 

439. The foresaid particles are also used to connect three 
or more links. In enumerations, it is regular 



340 § 439—441. 

to put rTT^TrT in the first link (cp. 399). p a nc. 281 ^j?- 
Srnsrp?^ *m^*reiQ;wT f^mr ^ f%7rfars£fisr: (in the first place the 
loss of my dwelling, then the alienation of such a friend as you). 
The complete set of particles is: ^ rnsir^, 9T^ mar^or vsm fnsr?T^ 
in the first link, jjqii i or =g-q- or FTrr: or ixzm etc. in the second 
and other links. Pane. 67 the lion chides the hare, who has been 
despatched to him by the other animals rcgr fTToTsr ^rer: trnft -sqx 
dcr|l(H*Hlil , Pane. 181 OT3~T (TTolQ,7i'M!ilWH: "jf^oll^tfWtrlrn tjJilrUIJHaHrfl 
• Rjslfo i J l i l: ) Mudr. Ill p, 173 the three links of an argumentation 
are marked by man, rfi=r: and ^rj\. 

440. Disjunctive sentences are characterized by 5TT, or 

Dis- ,-, 

i? n n c - =TT m, 5TT m\ STT, S^oTT. See 428 and 426. 

Another kind of disjunction is that represented by 

„ some others others again" and the like.Here 

indefinite pronouns are to be employed , as ^hNrl 

%%?T; %fe?T or ^%. .... WT{, 5RT etc. Likewise 
the adverbs made of them. Mudr. IV, p. 138 rrep ^m^ni 
chm^ou^m *jj: i -y-djmr BdHmu sa^Miyu ^P=im:- 

441. Antithesis may be variously denoted. In the first 
thesis, place it may be expressed by adversative particles , viz. 

rf (429), CT^T, T^Tl, also by such combinations asf^T 

rj, q-^rT, q^fsfi" FT. Further ^ ,^, W( may be = 

on the other hand, on my-, your-, his part, again etc., or 
if stronger antithesis is implied, = but, yet. Nor is the 
asyndeton rare, in which case it is the mere arrange- 
ment of the two contrasting ideas, by which the anti- 
thesis appears , see 436. 

Examples: a.) antithesis expressed by adversative particles. — 
g. Mrcch. IV, p. 141 f^nrT ff JTTq W5?&rTT fow i l^d qfiUH l: i tppsntrrt 
g mfujrti snr^oftqfjwjr (womankind, indeed, are wise by nature, 



§ 441. 341 

but to men wisdom is to be taught by manuals); — trpr. Pane - 
315 wsfirq^" mnfif ijf^uTi' UTtf i fa (it is so, yet I will ask my wife 
nevertheless); - f* g . Hit. 106 jjf fTTor^sr fSTfRgftsfifWra* 
T^FSq": I f^i F&rl^iwi^lq- U TrtjoKaHHi £?Jf : femw (well , this great lake 
has been very aptly chosen to be our fortress , but you must lay 
up provisions in the island in the midst of it); — qj ft- Pane. 
304 srn^<n( jtht: <t| h srr^f^rii: ; — ^ fsff h- Pane. 16 y r iWrir<j| 
f^ ft" (this is true, but — ); — qrc;. Pane. 72 mj niwJld) | om i <Mi 
CPT; 5T^hV J-IH II UI- i: (he is an herbivorous animal, but your enemies 
are carnivorous). 

Rem. 1. tpr: , like ft, is generally subjoined to the first word 
of the sentence. It must be kept in mind that its adversative 
power is but secondary; properly it means »again," and may be 
used in the weakened meaning of »on the other hand, yet," just 
as again in English T ). 

Rem. 2. Of the adversative 3 instances are often met with in 
such works as the Aitareyabrahmana and the Chandogyopanishad , 
occasionally even in the epic poems. It mostly joins with some 
particle or relative. Ait. Br. 2, 39, 11 marrf §■ sr ri T H I -u 5T5; & 
ueiI^t 1 qisrTiT ^r irr f3w ft OT: ( — hut those , of whom he has no 
knowledge , what is to become of them ?), Ch. Up. 6, 4, 6 u%.... 
07, ibid. 4, 15, 3 msr 3 »but he." Sometimes it is almost — g-, 
for it has less adversative force than ft- 

&)• ^, sfcr or =gg- = but, yet, nevertheless. Nala 1, 5 Bhima bears 
the epithet of gsrrgrTT:) *° which are added the words q- =grn?r: 
»beloved of his subjects [and at the same time sdesiring to have 
children"], yet childless". R. 3, 37, 2 ^»V. g^srT { isWHHri fyudl(<-l: 1 
srforer ^ qsrer ErarT utefrr =sr ran: (they who always speak things 
pleasant to be heard are easy to be found, but it is as diffi- 
cult to meet with one who speaks an unpleasant yet whole- 
some word, as with one who listens to such a one), Mudr. Ill, 



1) Tet, like »again," it may occasionally head the sentence. Pane. 3 
^m^J cfj^fif FTH: teMWrtHi'l <*i()R.; Da?. 181,1.14. 



342 § 441—442. 

p. 105 Canakya to the chief of the eunuchs a^t psrf^SPTST ^TOT- 
Efaeftaff fazmTmwr.im f a,tMRritflri (the king's attendants are 
indeed Canakya' s enemies. But where is the cudra-king?). Like- 
wise agar, -cp- 42e - 

442. Observations on the adversative particles. 

satives *■ ^° emphasize the antithesis, a limitative particle may pre- 
answer- cede in the foregoing sentence. Then we have the type of Greek 

lfmi- (th Si , Latin quidem sed or vero. Such limitative par- 

tahves Nicies in Sanskrit are rTToTrT, W3T, JidcrW , EFfTTJT, f%tfT, STrJPT, rn-ir. 

Pane. 313 =^ FTT dr^HUMMd'ri'lshtJ i fr i i far cpr: td-c^ai nTH ar^r (I will look 
out for the farmer, but you — ), ibid. 195 akH \ <i\ Hld& Rrrat TTsTTi 

5T =5- =T chmfq kurl i UM-llA ch^fd (it is true , we have a king , 

Garuda but he does not care for us), Mhbh. 1, 48, 6 cfrnr =^ iPT 
=r xma nj Fat chiM^m'if^f ft 3rnrrrft£reaT5TFT?FaTfqwTj5?^(to be sure, 
it does -not befit me to ask you about such a matter, but ow- 
ing to its great importance I have ventured to urge you), Pane. 
Ill, 171 st ftfe- fe„y< i rHM q- ft ft 5T5y#r *w. (he accused himself, 
but not the fowler), Kathas. 39, 21 stow qj dt,U ' H : m swuwsn i^UM - 

Wrl^diTFT. 

2. If the preceding sentence is negative, the adversative par. 
tide must be rather strong. Such strong adversatives are fgfc ft, qr ft, 

srfg ft 5ft H and ctfjtft >-on the contrary." Pane. 203 ^ ftst?; ijf f¥r fj q?T5r, 

and Dag 77 ^r cFTEm SIT llVoWcHMft (T ' Jchtfi l lu i thlU IwTld-i) t% W. ST tnTT^T 

aT 3 fT ' (neither external beauty nor riches are the result of manhood, 
no, he is a man who is loved by the foremost courtesan), ibid. 

100 ^TsTf Fat Hl-^rVjfd HrJFT yHjftlWrtjd Jlol^lsil^ (be will [not 

only] not kill you, but he will even make you heir-apparent). 

3. :t choM T in the former, g-, aft etc. in the latter member are =: 

g- g- »not only but also. " Pane. I, 33 q- AoigWMHH ^Wrt 

=et f&3C5Rm, Nagan. V, p. 85 air gf^ft atijrrorr^Tt q ska^r firart stf^ft 
*HI=slfrHI Jl^H fuiwJUtoi Mdgmw i HRHwfr l (not only my son Jim. 
here is alive, nay he is even respected by Garuda, as a pupil 
reverences his teacher), Kagh. 3, 31 q efereFr rKfrichml"^ : t%FTToT- 
^oRir^tJ^t^fg st:. — Similarly ^ QJJT. . • • • aft or <g or ^im aim., 
see f. i. Kathas. 33, 138. As to rr qrrr. znsm see 480. 



§ 442-443. 343 

Rem. If on the other hand ^ precedes and efejcftit or QT 1 ! 
introduce the second sentence, these particles may be almost — 
»but." Pane. 122 q- trg-f^ jgr wan: zm^f m-qsrfl^-fir (you are not 
an honest man , you are but an evil-minded fellow), Prabodh. IV, 
p. 84 ipft ^r srraf fui(M> =r sg«f ^ fcmmm =r rHlfdMij i ^ =5rrfcr ft^r- 
■ftj^rairtiT: ScFfTOTT qr|- mnmi •s^ren (in the subduing of anger not 
fatigue of voice , nor head-ache etc., but I [forbearance] alone am 
to be praised), 
fttir, 4. The phrases fsm, Per :t, fef? enr: , ferrT and gipf: have the 

N * vj O ■O vj o 

f% meaning of Lat. nedum »how much more" or »how much less," 
<m: when heading the second member of a complex sentence. This 
*° d idiom is much liked in Sanskrit. Utt. Ill, p. 39 q^r rori MoiPm»oi - 

the ' L o c 

like. fri-TiM; oRJ^oTfTT aft =T ^^JrPfT fsfr tp>Trzrf: (not even to the deities 

of the forest you will be visible, how much less to men?), R. 

2, 30, 21 ^rf f| Hf%H srt#r gprraft ^rr<=?r% i f^t 3^sr srisrfftr ^ftr ^ 

=sr g^fiPrrTT (I cannot bear this sorrow not even for a moment , how 
much less for fourteen long years), Hit. 2 n-jfrcfiqw^raft fttT zr? tMHKW 
(even each of them by itself suffices for mischief, how much more 
to him, who possesses them all four), R. 2, 48, 21 ^ fir ^t dtfoirHiai : 
3ttT: T3: ^nrr iPT:- 

o o o 

443. The causal particle is T^ (429). It may be com- 
^' the pared with Greek y»p, since like this it has a rather 

causal r 

parti- general employment when annexing sentences which 
contain some motive, reason, cause or even a mere illu- 
stration of that which precedes. For this reason , it may 
sometimes be rendered by „for" or „ because" or „ since," 
sometimes with less emphasis, sometimes it is not to 
be translated at all. At the outset it was, indeed, a 
mere affirmative particle. Viddhac. I, p. 7 fim: ffgry fspr^t 
rrrrfe a'srif^r wt trf§T^ crmf^ i ewrjsfr^r <ry <pftrr 5tst f| srft: fti^r 
^FtSft: (pure wisdom is indeed a cow of plenty; it milks bles- 
sings , it repels mishap , it produces glory, it cleanses the dirty, etc.) 
Kad. I, p. 20 the king has declared his astonishment at the great 



344 § 443- 445. 

gift of speech of the parrot which has been offered to him; in 
reply to this he is to!d fej=r f%=PTjsm' f^ attfimiffo rcmrrfr ia^-id- 
STSTT emPOrf oiMM^n^Pri (why wonder at this? since parrots, mag- 
pies and the like birds well repeat the words they have heard), 
Hit. 4 «ii^R,jj±ttrjWf g ywi^Hriruyfa-l^imiij sim f% Htiwfuch) 
fgwr mm wfcn: tTsrftr: sitftt:- 

For the rest, if it be necessary to signify the cause 

or motive as such, the relatives OcT and <TFHTrT are 
used. See 467. 

444. As conclusive particles we may consider the de- 

Conclu- _—-—■— f**- C 

sive monstratives FTrT and fTFTFT, rTFP, W\>, r1l«?» „ there- 
parti- •*- -^ 
cies. fore, hence, for this reason." Hit. 5 qjd^H *& ft^ <dBfri 

WSTrfl r)y-llr<Jhy*U Ul JJ7T chiliad ft H'.- 

445. Especially rTH is exceedingly frequent , and in drawing 
elusive inferences it is always added. 

force of Rem. In the archaic dialect many other accus. neuters of de- 
thepro- * 

noun g-, mon strati ve pronouns were to some extent used as particle3 : BrTrT> 
*£■•> ^T_ almost = TfsFTj -^m, sfH- See f. i. Ait. Br. 1, 9, 6; 14, 6; 
Ch. Up. 4, 2, 1; 6, 8, 3. "~ 

Even the pronoun H, when conjoined with another 
pronoun , especially a personal one , may import a con- 
clusive meaning. Mhbh. 1, 146, 29 Yudhishthira advising his 
brothers that it is necessary to keep themselves hidden from 
Duryodhana , concludes thus ^ air H i I d 1 u?i oH I -ij J m sriTVTf^iT^etc. (let 
us therefore ramble over this country , being intent on hunting), Qak. 
II Dushyanta is requested by his mother to return to his capital, 
but he wants to remain in the hermitage , to defend which from 
the evil spirits he has been entreated by the hermits ; now he 
decides to stay there himself and to send his vidushaka home in 
his stead , with these words ^f rmrar foRnjrsrrfu: jrgr ^sr jjfirT: *r 

lT d l firf i ufdPd.rtj rnTUoTfTTart U-lehliW -JWIri^fri (friend M., my 

mother treats you too aB a son , therefore , do you go back home — ), 



§ 445—447. 345 

Utt. I, p. 11 Sita perceives the portrait of the deity Ganga; Rama 

praises the deity and concludes ^ rd H^ jflrrrat fgr5TT? mM<J( i 

UoT (be, then, mother, propitious to Sita). Another instance illus- 
trative of this idiom is Ragh. 1, 5, but it is too long to be quoted, 
for to translate it correctly the whole passage would have to be 
given. Cp. also Mhbh. 1, 153, 4. 

Rem. Occasionally g- is used so , even without the personal pro- 
noun added. Dae. 141 cr=r rrcnfijr sTTrnrrer; limn ^f^Tumw^t fiWrirsr 
H IM [d f^gTHTOrnsTfer (I have abandoned you, my son, as soon as 
you were born, why, then, do you welcome thus your cruel 
mother?). Cp. f. i. Ait. Br. 1, 7, 3 ^ sft 5r| ^. 

446. Nevertheless, however, yet is rFTTM- It commonly 

fT i 

rte, ' |L| " introduces' the apodosis after a concessive protasis (483), 
but sometimes it may usher in a new sentence , as Pane 
332 ift: MruqH^ torrj-rfiQfrrraT ^ vsmwh ^rq^TrrirTETTfa tr^ror ent sr^f 
^TRW (it cannot be denied, that every success occurs according to 
Destiny , nevertheless a man ought to perform the prescriptions of 
the good), cp. 315, 1. 22. 

447- When connecting a negative sentence with an affir- 

nSttog mative one , the negation , as a rule , precedes the con- 

Tife nective particle-. Therefore , *T ^T — Lat. neque , ^f ^T, 

c eS: 7f FT, *Tr^, •wT etc., likewise *TT — *T + ~5, »T ^, 

a) with O' ^ 

mative ^TtrT- Nala 3, 16 qw^SJ SKrlHT ^f fTT: [sc. crprr^rr;] tt ^T- 

ones ' qwmTSFrT (the women praised Nala, but did not address him), 
Pane. 241 o**i oMchlftfchi' "f^TT fs?r crf^fH =T =5 FT JJtpTT 4vWn\ fSuMpc) 
(day after day he throws down a little piece of wood, the stupid 
owls not being aware of it); ') M. 2, 87 chui^y^r srr SFsrfr^(he may 



1) Occasionally this order is inverted : g- q- or =g :T- Pane. 285 H5T 

srterFTt Pci(-H-4rag ufigrr n^r: ?rf^T jto ?r rts (— but not so have I), 
E. 2, 26, 3 sr^ =srrfa rfrsrsf =7 sroTsr. 



ones, 



346 § 447-448. 

act otherwise or not); Dag. 141 gsr M£ui<*lf}uT) i^ri% snptrt ?RT 
rTcm|ffT dhcH S Jcrt T m^ri l lri cFmrfcrr <TTrjq (she has done -well , for a per- 
son like me does not deserve — ); Vikram. IV, p. 148 .iduTlilM- 
WM ll Qd fq^FT q- §3jJ =T U^^Rrl fsrsorra-: (—my heart is content, 
yet I cannot believe it to be true); M. 9, 270 ^r ^ts^r faprr : snr|" 
ErTrra"5Tfrre?f rrq-: (indeed, a righteous king must never put to death a 
thief, unless the stolen objects [are found -with him]). Cp. q- 
irf^ 485. 

448. If the sentences connected are both negative, the 
ne ^- negation of the latter may be omitted. Yet the nega- 
tion is often retained; and, if there is some antithesis 
between the two links , moreover in causal and in con- 
clusive sentences , it may not be wanting. One needs says 
*T »T r{ and *H Isr* and »T OFT'. 

Examples of negation omitted are given 407. To them may 
be added M. 2, 98 q grarfn jTrarfrY stt (is neither rejoiced nor sad). 
This idiom is especially employed, if two or more negative sen- 
tences precede, to annex a last link. Nala 1, 13 q- g^pi tj jrtet 
FTTTiiiloidl cfrfitrT i HHh i toifa : srRrisr ;rftiJ(5l<!lcji 5TiTT (neither among gods 
nor among yaxas nor among men and others such a beauty had 
been seen or heard of). 

Examples of negation retained: Pane. 44 ^rairf^ i i ^ i pH&shi|uj 
?f arfffSf ^T ^T tost a^fa (from this day forth you shall not be a 
gadding nor speak harsh words), ibid. 29 tj gfrsftf rll^ehHliN =3HTt 

r^V aTTft' 5IrTt oTT- 

Examples of ^ ^rf^;, q- ;t ft etc. Pane. I, 48 hJV q- irfw 

JTOTRrer =7 rf SrSTrT CTferT; I qi% HWTiWr PchPdH; DaQ. 91 iFrT£rT =r 

Hrteid-H ■sgq^JrVi =TfT tra ^miqioi wr mhtflri (her kinsmen do not cede [her] 
unless for money, but she does not accept [a lover] who buys 
her for money). 

Examples of asyndeton tj q- »neither nor." M. 4, 55 

rffsiijj Pane. Ill, 98 qr^i^ifrT ^Vrfcr ^r 5>ww*lM^»ri ar^r: 3^r_ ( a 
dog's tail neither covers the privy parts nor does it propel the 
vermin). 



§ 449.. 347 

Chapt. II. Subordination. Periods and clauses. 

449. When subordinating some fact or action to some 
other one, there are two different manners for bring- 
ing this relation to grammatical expression, either by- 
synthesis or by analysis. The synthetic expression 
takes up the clauses into the frame of the chief sen- 
tence , while denoting them by verbal nouns or no- 
minal forms of the verb , as participles , gerunds , in- 
finitives and the like. Then , the sentence contains but 
one finite verb significative of the principal action, 
the other actions appearing in the shape of nouns and 
nominal forms which by their noun-cases and moda- 
lities are to represent the relations existing between 
the main action and the secondary ones. By the ana- 
lytic structure, on the contrary, both the principal 
and the subordinate fact are evolved into full sentences , 
either of them containing its finite verb. Then, the 
clause is marked by a relative, which by its form or 
its referring to some demonstrative , or even by the place 
occupied by it , points out the chief sentence on which it 
depends: A relative sentence by itself is nonsense, it 
demands some main sentence to depend upon, of which 
it is logically but a detached link. 

Exactly speaking ,* it is the analytic expression alone 
that constitutes subordination of sentences. The synthe- 
tical expression of clauses does not create new sen- 
tences. For this reason-, the participles etc. are no 
subject-matter of this chapter, and have been dealt with 
in Section IV. 

In Sanskrit both modes have been used from time 



348 §449—452. 

immemorial. "We have no evidence to decide which may be the 
oldest. For the rest, the relative system stands to participles, 
infinitives etc., almost as prepositions to noun-cases, as auxilia- 
ries to verbal flection. 

450. Sometimes the logical equivalence of a gerund , a participle etc. 
to the protasis of a period is grammatically expressed by a subse. 
quent ^m or ftft:. Ch. Up. 6, 13, 1 <rioim4H^<* -savTirrer m mn^i- 
STT^HTT: (v. a. place this salt in water, and then wait on me in the 

morning), Kathas. 13, 144 ^q udifJUhl riHH£fu.i*u=MHfcillH mrt- 

4i<*Mi!(idui, Nala 5, 10 fn^wrw. • ■ . srzr &%w Truisiwi~-M ^tw (as 
Damayantl contemplated them, she did not recognize king Nala), 

ibid. 2, 14 Hld-cfojroll JTEToTT rTFT: chUM^'cUtl iHHt^M Mil mfo rT?ft:, M. 

11, 91 fhtt telchlti £r£iif rram- foifyom HH : (by this [penance] such 
a one , when his body is wholly burnt , is then released from sin). 

451. Subordinate sentences, then, are characterized by 

The 

relative relatives. By this name I designate the pronoun y 

system. 

with all its derivatives, whether they may be called 
pronouns as *T'> (who), Ml^lR" (Lat. quantus), ^\^S\'< 
(Lat. qualis) , or pronominal adverbs as UrJ'< (whence), 

ST3" (where), (PJ\ (as), and conjunctions as Ml<^ (if). They 
have in common the property of referring to some 
demonstrative , either expressed or implied ' in the 
main sentence. Such a couple of relative and demon- 
strative, standing one in the clause the other in the 
main sentence , may be compared to a system of hook 
. and eye holding together two different parts of a piece 

of cloth. Of the kind are W ?T, *TT^T: fTT^ST:, 

*T3T 713, ^ rT^T, ^ FTrT: or R^T or 

• W( etc. 

452. Prom observing the practice of Sanskrit authors the 



§ 452. 349 

following general rules about -the relative sentences 
may be laid down. 

parties" *' ^ e demonstrative is chiefly the pronoun FT, W\, 
FTcT and its derivatives , as FT^", FPTT, FT^T, FTtH. Yet, 
it must be kept in mind that relative adverbs do not 
necessarily require demonstrative adverbs of the same 
category; in other terms, one is not compelled to use 
the type *7rP FTFT:, ^ FT^T alone, but some- 
times some other demonstrative , f. i. a noun-case ot 
the pronoun may answer to the relative adverb, as 
q - ^ WmW< ?T \Wt ^TUffa: (it is a charming country 
where you dwelled). 

2. Sanskrit likes to put the relative sentence first. In 
this case we have a period consisting of a protasis or 
former member, which is the relative sentence , and an 
apodosis or latter member, the principal sentence. 
This order is the regular one and much more used than 
inserting the relative sentence in the main one , as is ge- 
nerally done in modern European tongues. The demonstr. 
is commonly expressed, sometimes it is understood. 

Examples : Pane. II, 20 wmm arc =sr jt^t ^ sfjt =? tm msm s& g 

SMTSTiW Ir^chH Id W^l rW ^ FT5.T ^ fWT ^ iW FTT5TW FT5T =Sf foryTFToTSnT^frr 
(good and evil works of the individual are so requited by the 
Divine Power as to reach [the performer] by the same cause , by 
the same agent, at the same time, in the same way, at the same 
spot, and to be of the same quality and quantity), M. 1, 42 g-ijf 

FT JUTST cFfif ITFTRTfe cFTrfrlrfl FT^eTT 5TT •sfwTWfq (now, what duties 

are assigned to the different beings in this world, I will tell you), 
Utt. Ill, p. 42 ?nr ^jtt »fg jtjtt srfr srasrr q-i mft fzzm^aijizqT&s- 
5ri <-tH*jn ^fTTt^r fttPt ^jt^pr^pftriifrjTorfrtifT^r^r fjt^FTTTfq-, Pane. 48 
prg-s^r misUH FTTFaiiJFTTiT (do to him that which is fit to be done). 



350 § 452. 

Sometimes , however, the relative sentence follows 
after the principal one. In this case, the demonstra- 
tive is often omitted. Mrcch. I, p. 19 j^m m ^f?r a ^iwcfttf i 
^tarraferffTera-; n f( o JafcH (this ails me, that — ), Nala 2, 25 ^ [sc. 

gilchMM i;] t^wfrftsnrrSFr w. 'm nftfmr. (all of them went to 

"Vidarbha, whither all princes were on their way). 

3. Like the interrogative i280), the relative may be 
part of a compound. M r cch. Ill, p. ill utiwii srrfcr <ftp: = 

5TCT fzp?m°, Ch. Up. 4, 4, 2 <ji^im ~I 35: zret atromlM (I do not know of 
what gotra you are), Veil. II, p. 44 FTSltw fTJT^ijaf zmm HHMri) * 

4. Nothing prevents the relative depending on a ge- 
rund, participle or absolute case. Ch. Up. 5, l, 7 ^ ^ qnm: 
fffrrofff iTiri(HrJ)-^4H5P^ ^r: w ^fn i m^Vorrcr Erfera irshi-H STf^ 
Hlfcfrrl(Pld OT ST ET: 5TW jfn (the [five] senses went to their father 
Prajapati and said: »Sir, who is the best of us?" He replied: 
she by whose departure the body seems worse than worst, he 
is the best of you"), Bhoj. 26 ^n| fa^iW wift mWiirJl ^nropsi 
f^TW [d^ti st^; ^Wr (the minister looked about the town , but did not 
find any illiterate person to expel from his house , in order to give 
it to a man of learning). — Kumaras. 1, 3 the pronoun g^r is to be 
construed with the former part of a tatpuiusha zim f^if R' <HiMU*l - 
foicrnfg sTtrW (v. a. whose happiness [of Himavan] is not disturbed 
by the snow), Mrcch. Ill, p. Ill the thief speaks: rirchf^H^j l 5wrRJT- 
FJTiwfi£CT Serf v tlQwiJ zrn% mjl: (on what spot, then, shall I 
show my skill, which the citizens will admire to-morrow when 
looking at it?). 

5. In prose, the relative is, as a rule, the first word 
of the relative sentence. Pane. 53 o=r dt,*u M :trr srro itstt hm^j 
trasrr -sfsr ft^°, ibid. 62 tx: 5Tfr^ ^f£ utt: sr|or e&rfcrorr (they, with 
whom. I always stayed, with whom I grew up and played — ). 
In poetry it may be put anywhere. Varah. Brh. 32, 4 the Earth 
says to the Creator mioi~iw rr^HWm ^ o^jsr^rfft ?r=T FPTT (o Lord, 
the name of firmness which thou hast bestowed upon me, is vain). 
The clokas I, 54-63 of the Pancatantra, which have been quoted 



§ 452-454. 351 

for a different purpose on page 266 of this book, may also give 
some illustration of the poetical license in putting the relative; 
in one cloka (vs. 62) the relative heads the sentence, in two it 
is wanting , the seven others exhibit the utmost variety. l ) Pane. 
1,414 the relative sentence runs thus: ^rriwr ^MdH FTorfrPTt' srfeft - 
qrfriq- wr =T trrPrr v- R- 2, 28, 26 we have this order br- ?t m ^ 
^fTT qftuij srasr pqm ftst t^twrti =t ftst €\m si^pt =cr^nj instead 
of u?j ^ -prut ot^t irg rrf^r ^ftt ftst srtrrr ftst stcr =t ^cfrrf- Cp. f. i. 
KatMs/29, 183. 

453. As the demonstrative FT may have a general mean- 
ing (276), ^ may have it likewise and of course also 

the derivatives of both. Accordingly U> FT is not sel- 
dom = „who or whosoever [he]." There are , however, 

various ways for emphasizing the generality of import, 
which are mentioned above (287). 2 ) 

454. In general propositions , the relative sentence is not 
rarely characterized by two or more different relatives 
placed close together. When translating them , all of 
them, or at least all but one, become indefinites or 
must be rendered in some different way. Pane. V, 9 $& 

UfT f&UST: mr^^X FT5T STHrrt arf^T (if a person is wealthy for some 
time, they become his servants for so long), M. 7, 96 jft Uremlri 
fTOT rfrf (that which one captures , is one's own), Pat. I, p. 123 urat 
fSHH T^HoirJ l 1 JTt 5rerr: trasrY HorffT fr srf ^rr (the cows when 
having grazed by day-time, lie during the night each with her 



1) vs. 54. " ch^ifH f^faWf et: irar5T?T5r^iT: 

55. CPT «H I <:rl foT# 5jnir jft f^sHTfT. ?T° 

56 ^PrTi^gf': ^TTfef ETT ^T T^ WT^'fT; ■ • • Q° 

57. sm ?ft iw^riw trJrn^ st° 

etc. 

2) To the instances given 287 I add Pane. I, 389 EFT eFPTTOpTCFT. 

Sz\^ ^ -mWR JT; cp. the note on p. 215. 



352 § 454—456. 

own calf) , Pane. 1, 48 n\ =T a"ft m ni v<re T ^r £ ^3H TfevT: (a wise 
man must not attend on such a one, as does not know his 
qualities), Hit. 106 jft ir? cRST^t: 3TTH? <T rRT (dPtTldilH; 

Chapt. III. Relative Jsentences , introduced by 
pronouns. 

455. The general rules laid down in 453 for all kinds of 
dence relative sentences are especially applicable to those 
relative whose relative is the pronoun T itself. It is , there- 
in, fore, regular to make the relative precede. In Sans- 
krit, as a rule, it is not the demonstrative which is 
the antecedent of the relative , but inversely. Pane. 319 

tst] c^t tT^i-w fffcrar iiriiutifri riraor ^wyfrii ?t =5 yq*i^i af^r- 

Rirq i a traitor ^mr rTTSzrfcr, Mudr. V, p. 180 v tuWr ^ cJiiRsj-Tl- 
ipTraf: ^oiTJ f: (ask one who is a honourable man, not me who 
have now turned dishonest), Bhoj. 9 ?ir jtot fSrarrr iMoi l 'H l ^J rdrehH 
cKflTCT ■sst it QthsHl stTrTT: (the penances and fasts which I have 
performed in your behalf, have now proved fruitless). 

This precedence is, indeed, but the consequence of 
the entire employment of relative pronouns in Sans- 
krit composition. They are not used , as in many other 
languages, where the relative sentence may be a con- 
current idiom of participles and adjectives and a means 
for paraphrasing. But in Sanskrit only such attributes 
as are of importance to the understanding of the main 
sentence, are fit for analytical expression by means of 
relative sentences. ') 

456. Sometimes the relative protasis + demonstrative apo- 



1) De Saussure de Vemploi du ginitif absolu, p. 38: »la proposition 
relative, en effet, contient toujours en Sanscrit une donnee importante, 
et modifie foncierement la ported de la proposition principale." 



§ 456—457. 353 

dosis , even serves the purpose of emphasizing a simple 
sentence. In this case, the relative sentence is but the 
paraphrase of the main subject. Instead of Frt^TT 
*T HrP (my horse has died) it may be said *Tt ^^T: 

ST RrP. This periphrastic idiom is especially employed 
in giving definitions , and in general , if the chief pre- 
dicate is nominal, it is a fit means for distinguishing 
the subject from the predicate by pointing out the 
former as something already known. The archaic mo- 
numents offer plenty of instances of this idiom. In 
classic literature , though far less common , it is however 

not Wanting. Examples : a.) from archaic texts. Ch. Up. 1, 3, 3 
?t: mrjTTTFTJft: #f&: sr STT^t zft sJTT^r: m oTToF?; Qat. Br. 14, 7, 1, 33 wet u 
wt qgKrrm m r-K.r. sr ^ar; ftrrorf fifrMlchMWkK;:, Muir °- s - T - I* 
p. 46 translates this passage thus: snow a hundred pleasures of 
men are one pleasure of the Pil.ris who have conquered the worlds." 
Mhbh. I, Paushyap. Uttanka asks his teacher about some strange 
apparitions he has come across , while executing the orders of his 
teacher. The other answers jj- jr f^jjft irtrrr f§ryTriT ^ (the two women 
[you have seen] were the Dhatr and fhe Vidhatr) et ^ ir cftkutt: 
f^fTTCFRra^H" TTar^-fi' (and the black and the white threads [they 
were weaving] were day and night) and so on: q-; qxsr: ?r qsT^r:i 

d^ssr: ^rt-sfrnur wsw: ?r ^jtsiht qui^itiii*w*jftf3E: ^r: sr %^i ; — 

b.) from classic literature. Pane. 62 gg- q-q-; y| , fy jt sM^ISrY fRferTT: 
srf^T (but in this lake the aquatic animals are brainless), Mudr. Y, 
p. 172 gw ^ei^m-sra - s^FT rrrqyntcR' ^afTTO (give me one of these very 
three ornaments you have bought). 

457. If the relative sentence follows, the inverted order 
I t e T d er " may be accounted for by some special reason. Mrcch. 

order, jy, p. 138 SfftrfefTm g^KTT TFTT ^ & ^fk ^ CTtj ^ fsTSa^f^T (I hold 
those unwise, who rely on women and fortune), here the stress 
laid on the predicate gq fijjH l: has caused the chief sentence to 
be placed before. Likewise Kumaras. 2, 51 the gods entreat Brahma 

23 



354 § 457—458. 

hR^n) flwt aj &trt ircr (sc. hu*«j) <m*ih — ifrrr|- yjy^ni 
sr <^fr*irtj rfcrffirTi UpUHteiH sn=p*JTr SF^tfer d<jR)iiM; The opening-line 
of the Kumarasambhava is *Kffi^mi §isr ir oiHirm R^Mifi ^TFT zunfv- 
ttjt: etc., the glory and the magnificence of Himavan are extolled 
in the following sixteen clokas (1, 2 — 17) each of them adding 
a new ornament to his splendour. In all of them it is the re- 
lative alone, which connects the different links of the eulogy, 
referring as it does to the preceding f^i i Mm of the chief sen- 
tence in cl. 1. And so often, if somebody or something is cha- 
racterized by a series of clauses , the relative sentences follow after 
the main sentence. In the last instances quoted the demonstra- 
tive in the main sentence is wanting and it is the noun alone that 
does duty as what we are wont to call the relative's antece- 
dent. Sometimes, however, it may happen that there is no other 
antecedent to be supplied than just the wanting demonstr. K. 3, 
19, 7 ^ f|; tiaa i m^ ^ffm u: *ti^ fsrfopr^I am not aware of [anybody] 
in the world, who can do evil to me). 

458. The relative pronoun must follow the main sentence , 
lative if it introduces a clause of a special character, especi- 
noim ally a causal one, yet it may also import a conse- 
hatefa qwence j a disposition, or even a purpose. In other terms, 
chTrac- ^ ne relative pronoun is sometimes used , where one would 
ter etc.; ex p ec t a re i a tive adverb or conjunction , ^! being al- 

.oit m0 st = 'qr?T (that he) or = OT ST (in order that he), 

or = ^Tl£J((! (such as to — ). Cp. Lat. qui — quum is and 

qui — ut is. 

a.) The relative clause implies a cause, motive or reason. So 
especially after such verbs and nouns as signify a disposition either 
glad or sad, either benevolent or malevolent , either content or 
discontent, and the like. Pane. 250 m»Jcji<xdMoi l R) Jrerrraj HoWd 
^feizrf^ (you are fortunate , indeed , for whatever you undertake suc- 
ceeds), Dag. 90 H5T ysrr iifui*!^!^*! 37^ Hol^nl s fiRfdUH (she 
is to be congratulated that it is she, who is the object of your 



§ 458. 355 

love), Qak. I ^ srsmpwf FrwoiKchUoTl jt ^n oivemvqTxr Pra^wr 
(it is ill-judged of the Eeverend Kanva to order her — ), Pane. 

55 rTST cgj'rtM: *Rdl JTCFTSof f^fUrT , Da?. 135 i}^fS( JT£T SCfjvit Ef^fToT 

WlfSjion^yJT. 

Rem. Note the idiom jtts^iTj tresR in such causal clauses. R, 
2, 59, 32 ^srtirrj d^fa^iy frersr T^pmTort =r ^rir mcH^ui^ (it is a 
pity that I do not find Rama and Laxmana), Mrcch. Ill, p. 125 

^TTi: 3^5? ITOT ^ ^dHiiH r wrof ijapMyg^oii-u (I am not 

poor, since I have — ), R. 2, 44, 26 qr^f ^ gf^ |-f§ ^nsk prer. 
gfr;. Likewise q- ^sr. Qak. VII m mmmstni sr^frarn IWt ora^r n(|s^ 

oTCTFTT JTO ^Jf fa-^grf ftrvfrV. Op. the kindred idiom ^^ 

etc. (445) '). 

6) the relative clause imports an ability, consequence or design. 

Pane. 192 fT^br felrM FoTOT chf*lry*M: ^ragTTTOT m farOrUdlchl^ *()(d 

(v. a. you must apply to somebody, who is able to defend you), 
ibid. 91 zkx rrr=rr <h*j^wj !IT >w jsrfiTrerfrf crgfFTJT_ (what is the Ocean, 
that he should hurt my offspring?). In these examples from the 
classic dialect the present is used or the future. In the old and 
epic style such clauses require the optative mood (fjjrsO cp. 344/}. 
Mhbh. 1, 157, 25 :jf^ nth mivw i Pi eft q-cutmni<ij (I see no means, 
indeed , how to get rid of distress), R. 1, 54, 3 qfrrUfh T orfw^T t%T5 
M^ l rMHI itTTt ^TstiJH^TT ffzw HSTeOfwrr (why has V. left me, to 
be captured by the king's attendants?), ibid. 3, 13, 11 ^rrf^ST Jr 
tvr sfte^ji aj*HWH^i sRmsriTOt ^rsrr srera- f^cr: "jeW; 

Rem. The pronoun q-, therefore, may even be correlative to 
a preceding Tzys, DcfwFT an ^ the like. In all such cases the clause 



1) The combination !T: ?r serves different wants. Sometimes it gene- 
ralizes the relative , bo as to make it an indefinite = H5T, see 287 c.) and 
Mrcch. X, p. 360 jt? FT? felrTT »staying anywhere." Sometimes it is to be 
resolved into 3 (the »renowned" or the » well-known" etc.) a 1 :, as Mhbh. 
1,67,71 W-jat; =5 a£ ^ V rf a^fir^t tar^loTTJOT. In the same way 
IT ^sr, n 3STT are to be resolved. Mudr. Ill, p. 115 mmx ildMidlUdl - 
aj^t. .... JJFTT W5T etc. 



Missing Page 



§ 460—461. 357 

the like. Op. also the turn ^ m^ (as much as), frequent with 
commentators. 

Eem. 2. A counterpart to the idioms mentioned in 459, are 
jjTrrsr and jnci^ when connected rather loosely with the main 
sentence. E, 3, 24, 6 ottstt ^ tgzfct trf%ufr oM ^ un i SRTrft ^t 
»ij ffTyr^ (considering the shouts of the birds here , some danger is 
near us). So especially cttsttT and tnsrm = »as far as, in as much 
as," cp. 479. 

Rem. 3. If the relative sentence import a reason, a consequence, 
a purpose, it is the pronoun q- that is the correlative of fTTtTSr, 
not ?rrs^r and its synonyms. See 458, 6) and 466. 

Chapt. IV. Relative adverbs and conjunctions. 

461. Some noun-cases of ^ may be used quite adverbi- 
tive ally and even assume the nature of conjunctions, as 

verbs. *TFT, ?T?T, ?TrT! and ffFTTrT, moreover OT^rT and *TT3rTt 
With them rank such as are derived by means of ad- 
verbial suffixes , *TETT, ?T3J, ^\\. All of them serve to 
introduce various kinds of clauses and subordinate sen- 
tences. If we except ET3T, restricted to temporal clauses , 

and E|T^ exclusively employed in conditional and hypo- 
thetical protases , we cannot say that each of the named 
conjunctions has its own logical sphere of employment. 
So for instance, ^r\ may sometimes express a reason, 
sometimes a circumstance, now it points to a pur- 
pose, now it merely paraphrases a fact. Similarly 
SCTofF!' may be time-denoting or it may indicate a 
proportion. And so on. 



358 § 462—463. 

1. Relative noun-oases used as conjunctions. 
a.) ?TrT; lR; V(H'< and tlFTM. 

462 EFT and the rest have nearly the character of such 

^' conjunctions as Lat. quod and quo, Engl. that. At the 

outset they were cases of the neuter of the pronoun. 

Compare f. i. these two sentences : Kumaras. 4, 9 ■u^Jl-cHrit'dPl chddM 
(that which you said, I understand it to be falsehood) with Qak. 
"V zrfrrer; M^uii^i T^taf £%r| Morprtrnrer c&wr mIIhmhi ad4fi^iri*i_ 
(that you have wedded my daughter by mutual agreement , I for- 
give it both of you). In the former, uh is the ace. of the pronoun 
and expresses the object of the relative sentence, in the latter 
it is a mere conjunction serving to introduce the periphrase of 
the subject of the main sentence, expressed by the demonstr. FTrT , 
but it is no essential element of the proposition. 

463. The conjunction E(rT is chiefly employed to para- 

Its 6TQ" ^ 

ploy- phrase a fact, especially if this fact be an important 
element of the main sentence : subject or object. As a 
rule, the demonstrative is added. 

Pane. 147 ^f^r aw ^chim^ ifirW (you are not aware, 

you have deserved hell), Vikram. I, p. 18 qrr dQu i ^oT sNHTrrfSsTHPfT 
femHl ?T5^?T T5TT: (it is , forsooth , the glory of the Thunderer, that 
his warriors triumph over his adversaries), Mhbh. 1, 150, 23 tft: 
ZFTSrlf f^r ^ JTS^T n^T SRlf^ttlil =7 Qdl4W) IFjj ^5T =T Sl|iT: (what 

can be more miserable than this, that — ), Pane. 56 Rhljoi zr?0H 
mi% cnfqoTT iraT Hf fert 3>sri?rT (is this right, that all kings are 
making war against me ?), Qak. II s^m; ^ g vfenrr Jlf^ticr: ferfcr 
rrai =3^T (it is the highest glory for an archer, that his arrows 
hit a moving aim). x ). — In the following instances , the relative 



1) In the archaic dialect the indeclinable jrfT occasionally serves, like 
the pronoun u, for the periphrastic expression of simple nominal predi- 
cates (460). Ch. Up. 1, 1,8 ott DoT M^f5.5^Ttl , Max Miiller translates 
• now permission is gratification". Cp. also the passage of Mahav. quoted 
466 R. 



§ 463-465. 359 

sentence precedes. Pane. 113 ^ ir1%5rxrf&<5Wf% fT^SOT (that you 
covet the rank of minister, this too is unbecoming), Nala 18, 10 gfi^&T 
<■) Fortran 1 ftbt ^ a?teJTffrir (she must not be angry, that he has left her). 

464. The object of the words of saying , thinking, believing 
etc. is often paraphrased by a clause, introduced by 
the conjunction ?TrT. Cp. 494. Likewise by V(VR (472) 
or ?TrT:. 

Examples: Pane. 58 Hfe-KH wf JFrV crf^f^ qfnwndiwf'TfsfforT 
cJIM^oTt nxrsr Rmfrlrt: (he being killed, people will say that Vas. 
and G-ar. have been killed in a battle with a great number of 
warriors), ibid. 201 pcfr q- gi% iraFq^rr ^^^^(you know, indeed, 
that these are my subjects), Ch. Up. 4, 10, 5 [dsiM l uj^. drUlufl 
ST^r (I understand that breath is Brahman), Qak. VI q- f%^r snr 
zjonwrt a^rai^i^rT^fiT(ft Sorer srrcrc nmul^HijJ have you not heard, 
indeed, that even the trees of Spring obey to the order of His 
Majesty ?). 

Eem. The well known Greek type ol'Sx tov xvipx on tilxuiis itrrt 
is also good Sanskrit. Pane. 280 *rr<TC5f *TOT craqJW nw ^Ftem: ^Rh^, 
Nala 17, 40 ^ ^ g-aVr wr: cFrsmfr |r =3 3tm, R. 3, 3, 3 Fat ft atqTft- 
=^TBr: aroH =sr^"f% <ui*M^, Mhbh. 1, 168, 9 ^jrarcr =r dMiPi ji-^uhIh 
srr ti^r: (but of my brothers I do not know, whether they will 
go or not). 

465. Sometimes the sentence introduced by ^r\ has a 
"5. a more or less causal character. When thus employed, 

causal 

parti- Ejff i s sometimes = that, f. i. after such phrases as 1 

cle. *s 

am happy, glad, sad, it is good, I wonder etc., what 
have I done to you ? and the like , sometimes it is — 
because , since , as. Cp. the pronoun ^ with causal mean- 
ing (458). 

Examples: Pane. 143 *RJt.s^ tiaad l fq srf ft? 5Hcft ^wrfa (I am 
happy that I shall still pass the time there in your company), 
here ott = JJfafT^ 458 ) a R-)j Pauc. 203 ^ rsrOT h^" ^ii^moiymwT- 



360 § 465—466. 

q- qfdKl sfe (you have not done well to have entered my dwell- 
ing-place), Mrcch. V, p. 188 3vwj ftsferesr jptt <[3hw etsit jt^- 
^ff ^dPlHH msrfarorT srqT^3T: H^lfa (cloud, thou art cruel, as 
thou frightenest me first by thy thunder, then layest violent 
hands on me, attacking me with showers of rain, while I am 

going to my sweetheart), E. 2, 113, 16 q?rf%#- arsrJf forf& fn§H 

(it is no wonder, that — ), ibid. 2, 63, 38 f#r fT oHu<*»ri ^id-oW' RaMHl 

rraTi jt^ rilQrHrold l (in what have I offended you that yon 

should have slain me?), ibid. 2, 61, 9 cjd*H i ;nil rpq &gjr *T ^r^5ra:i 
#H«il-rUl =T H Jjf- [hcrtril^ ^mr (certainly, my heart is of the hardest 
stone, since it does not burst into a thousand pieces now that 
I do not see him [my son]), Mudr. II, p. 79 f^j srror M^cjvjl :r sprfil 
^ =r fdyrtjn iiHif^r ett ^rrfe- qfpniri f^rq^wr ^ Jrf^rsi^: ([may 
it be inferred that] Qesha does not suffer from his burden, be- 
cause he does not throw off the earth, or [that] the Sun does 
not feel tired , because he is not motionless ?). B. 2, 68, 2 oh (since) 
precedes, rTfT (for this reason) follows. 

Eem. Occasionally tjrr and OrT: are used like an in such phrases 
as »I am happy that" and the like. Prabodh. IV, p. 81 yr?fr^fiir 
ETC trellR l -M^Mol ^wrrsrfT. (I am happy, that my master has in this 
way honoured me), Pane. 296 f ejr m ai^UHHMHl ?Tfr am^iui ch^ i fq 
(are we the equals of brahmans, thai you call us to dinner?), 
tlrf: is occasionally put to verbs of knowing , saying , etc. (464). 

466. oh, common as it is as a causal particle, is somewhat rarely 
HTBj found as a final or consecutive conjunction, that = »in order that," 
when or -— ,i n consequence of which." Pane. 199 khUH'r flrcrf ^k 3firf%4 

or con- fsplrfeiT iir*Kinft terror MUldiPH (frighten them in some way or 
tive other, that perchance they may not return somehow), Ka§. on 
P. 3, 2, 36 explains srgjnrorT ^ I d^ i: in this way ^g- :tpt rrcrr 
HTf^rfr^fo' ^ Wiufci (being indeed so closely guarded as not to see 
the sun), Kumaras. 1, 37 UHldH l ETFT (in so much that). Cp. Mrcch. 
V, p. 201, where Carudatta exclaims gtsf mrHfrj sft -W & ( ^ T srfTfST 
wr^TT i awlia^mn zr^ tmnrr djisrs): (let the rain descend inces- 
santly and let the lightning flash for ever, in consequence of 
which I hold my beloved in my arms, her who was unattainable 
to somebody like me). 



§ 466-467. 361 

Eem. MaMv. II, p. 21 the raxasa says grp-j- ^ sft qrcfi^HPT^ST 
^OTT ^, the literal sense of which is »to give her to another 
is mischief to you," but when translating more freely »woe to 
you, if she should be given to another." In the archaic dialect zm 
is occasionally a full synonym of zrfjr. Only see these passages of the 
Chandogya-upanishad : 5, 15, 2 sf^Ft an tTldM^i H Ulfim : (your body 
would have perished, if you had not come to me), and 6, 11, 2 et^srt 
STTwf ^terf sT^rare srarfn (if the life leaves one of the branches [of 
the tree], that branch withers). 

In this passage of Acval. Grhyas. (3, 4, 7) fm sjoRromft HT5T- 
rH i mfcl5ti zyj: (the cases of prohibition to study Holy Writ are two- 
fold : impurity of person and impurity of place) jjrT may be ac- 
cepted = »if," but- one may also account for it by referring to 
the idiom mentioned in the foot-note on p. 358. 

467. Of ?TtP and EpFTTFT the causal employment is more 

and strongly marked than of *TrT. They not only denote 

yw,r l: the reason , but also the efficient and material cause : 

for, because. The period is sometimes expressed in full 

^TFTTFr rTFTTFT, *TrT! cFT sim., sometimes the 

demonstrative is not added. Pane. Ill, 105 gf%rr<T5fcFT wt 
awirM(i^lfrr:i(J*Mr*m<illT^f?fTWTWT^ ^tot (since the wise have 
declared clemency the highest virtue, one must protect even the 
smallest insects),ibid. p. 107 qmi gi^srprr cFtnr cTJT: sriprcnT ^W irfirariH, 
ibid. 72 H4>U"-i fsrwfff OrT: (this does not hold good , because — ), cp. 
Kathas. 30, 39. — Both eht: and jjwtft are excessively frequent, when 
adding the causes to facts already mentioned before. Then they are 
concurrent with f^ , and like this , they may be said to serve for 
coordination rather than subordination. F. i. Pane. 241 -g^f dn<?ti\ - 
unw-jichmi fe iri zrc[W5rr nFf.i ?ifT: «■ ftis^SjH =et yw: (it is good for 
us , that Eaktaxa is gone, for he is wise but these [others] are stupid). 
Eem. With the same function are used the full phrases ijrr 
cFrrpjfa-, m^ l cch l (U llrT) zircf^TTW and the like. Pane. 216 ?p?TTcff W 
fofUT * orffTrrsJ &=T mj^W^^ln FTr^; (you must not stay with 



362 § 467—470. 

us, for we have taken possession of this lake), ibid. 218 qr3nTHT 
U I J UlU i ri'i R gwiTT = Lat. nam supplex non interficitur. 

468. The conjunction tTR" is chiefly expressive of purpose 
^ or intention. One might, therefore, expect it to be 
construed with the optative or the future, and indeed 
so it is , yet the present is oftener employed , especially 
in simple prose. The same applies to Zfflf, when a final 
particle, see 471. 

1. with f§r^: Kathas. 36, 106 h(^<M|" 5PT TfcSCT ^ff W^mvsmi ZPT 
Rlt =T5T 5;:^rr^t miR T HrUmm (therefore I will retire to the forest 
now and pray to Hari, that I may never more be exposed to 
such misfortunes) ; — 2. with future : Pane. 329 ^TTfTJ" i i -c^iffi srgt ^T 
WT T W H m tri (I will go more swiftly, that he may not overtake me); — 
3. with present: Pane. 327 q-sjir qt jft rr^; i i -g^liM (dismiss me, that 
I may go home), ibid. 52 qi75Frf%£ j;w ch i (u'i frs?; etc hhU i ( ; fSniT. 

When the demonstrative precedes , the sentence introduced by zpt 
may be also a consecutive one , as it points to the direct consequence 
of the action signified by the main sentence. Kathas. 12, 100 fttt 
ZRK ZFT ST: i JT^T^TT fSrHTHfT (act so that he will retire from my house), 
Hit. 10 the tiger speaks rpr ^Tr rr d kgftufa"^t ra gr ^ mwfq gonn- 
5ijtrf zrel 5!wf%r ^irifM-^ i fn (I am so free from covetousness , as 
to wish to give — ). 

469. On the other hand, *T^T — as it properly signifies 
„by the which" — may introduce also a causal sentence. 

Kathas. 36, 121 Jjrrrf narTT^rTn mfag_ ssrrft iTsft wi' Hd Mr^MH I fa Iff (be- 
cause you have struck me — ), Pane. 274 f^T^n-wrr ffrft Jre mgn ^MrT: 
(am I inferior to them , that they should laugh at me ?). Cp. 465 R. 

b.) mj. 

4 70 The employment of *T?TT bears a great resemblance 
to that of Latin ut. Like this , *T21T has originally been 
a particle of comparison „as," the correlative of which 
is the demonstrative „so , thus." Yet its duty is not 



§ 470. 363 

limited to the expression of equation, but extends to 
many other logical relations, chiefly consequence and 
purpose or aim , though it may answer sometimes our causal 
or merely epexegetical „that." 

a.) When used in its proper sense for the sake of 
mra? comparison , the parallelism of U%\ rTSTT or its syno- 
nyms (^oFT, iTFEFT) is frequent, although the omis- 
sion of the demonstr. is not excluded. Pat. I, p. 51 zjiN^r 
rtZfTCH (be it so , as you desire), Utt. II, p. 27 iBHT^ffT jt^: tn% iirat 
owsr fTOT sir (the teacher bestows his learning on his sluggish disciple 
just as he does on the keen-witted one), E. 3, 19, 18 TirraBreert :?tiTT^ 
EpqT'SJTraT'SSfiTr fTeTT (I am reduced to this state, as [if I were] a 
woman of bad conduct who has no protector), Hit. 108 Dcirpwir 
am srsTfa; — demonstr. omitted: Nala 22, 4 sjnEr^f zfm£f ?sr irnf- 
5pT3^f am (speak to him as Parnada spoke), Mhbh. 4, 2, 5 i\ka-d qt 
um ^W (they will consider me like a king). 

Eem. 1. nm ma y also be — sin so far as." E. 3, 5, 18 Eama 
admires the knightly attitude and the vigour of Indra and his 
men, who appear like youths of twenty-five, ^q- firsrfFf says he to 
Laxmana grrfirir Q^fsrerfaonfisrai'T^ — omr j^Momai ^sjt^h ftra's^RT: 
(they bear the shape of youths of twenty-five, in so far as we 

may judge from their outward appearance). Hence q- prm- am = 

Lat. non tarn quam, 1. snot so much as," f. i. Kumaras, 

5, 37 ;tot =r mf : q , fci<3P£dttT^ri , :i iraTFsr^^i^d^ifdcdiffhJT-: trr&rT ^ 

OT^oRTi, 2. snot exactly but," f. i. M. 2, 96 :r rTOHT^ [sc ^> 

aTftnr] ^im^t ^(HU-rj^SioraTi fsraow nsreTra am mn^ fartmi:- 

Eem. 2. In protestations and oaths q-efT rR ^ft = »as 

sure as so surely." E. 2, 64, 40 grn<?r-sf% am *J3 Pl^d; m«4*HUili 

h* *?fcl n^TO & ^bhifroi ^07f*FTW (as sure as you being sinless 
have been killed, my son, by an evil-doer, so surely may you go 
swiftly to the abodes of the warriors), cp. Nala 5, 16-20. 

Eem. 3. ij?n with f§rc may be — sas if" (343, d). Ch. Up. 
5, 24, 1 am ^HMlfrl HOTfr sTjamTpfirWm (this would be as if a 
man were to remove the [live] coals and pour his libation in [dead] 



conse- 
cutive. 



364 § 470—471. 

ashes. K. 3, 51, 34 the vulture Jatayu is said to have fallen upon 
Kavana in the same way »as if some mahaunt mounts a wicked 
elephant" ^fy^st ildl(l^l JTerr BTT^ j^oil^m*i; 

Eem. 4. u^j fr^t are equivalent to srerr rrerr. "With 

optative hj^tt is also — »as if." Varah. Brh. 2, 19 Hin^UcdlK gr 
U£r^lti,M<t| l farH i *H<U I M^<t<M I ^ (a prediction by ignorant men is as 
useless as if one were to question a clod of earth at the town-gate). 

471- b.) M*MI points to the result, either effected or aimed 

6) final 

™ a d fi at. The result effected is set forth by M^l construed 

•with a past tense and preceded by rl*MI- The result 
aimed at or (what is often identical) the purpose is ex- 
pressed by ZfflT construed with an optatiye (FT3')> 
a future or, as is oftener done, a present (cp. 468). 
In both categories of sentences the demonstrative rT^TT 
is generally added. 

Examples: 1. ztzjt points to the result effected. Kathas. 25, 
120 ^jtot ?r trin frer vmi sr fptt etztti wtarr =r fenft ui7w<?m utt^ 
(and by degrees he became such a master in this art [boxing], 
that no adversary on earth could vanquish him), Pane. 318 ra- rPT 
wjwferi'i rraor Hl<>y^i() gjrrr mn H aft wt: (as he was thinking 
so, he gave the pot such a kick that it broke). See also Kuma- 
ras. 5, 15. 

2. jraT signifies the result aimed at, the purpose. Here the 
present usually follows. Pane. 2 jrerr jtt *PTrprr. fa Pa Errf^FT 7mT- 
■^tfitlrim (act so as to cause my wishes to be fulfilled), Kathas. 26, 42 
jjorf ir ^>h rrar umi^y yam Hi nt awMonEHlffi^ (cause me to see your 
queen to-day), Pane. 151 ^ mr vmnfk zm si^-n^iPi «t muiumi «srfff 
(I will eat [of it] in such a way, as to be supported by it for many 
days), Qak. I OTsmsrTWT rrerr =r WoTtft rurr^Tta nfmti (I too will take 
care, that there may be done no harm to the hermitage), Hit. 108 
EmrffHUitid d'HH\ tawr. — Yet , the o p t a t i v e (t%qs) is also found , 
especially in ornate style and in ancient literature. Mhbh. 1, 163, 3 
um fert =t fo^t^T =TJTprrfor:i rimJr arfujfY stpsj: (but this brahman 



§ 471—473. 365 

should be warned, that the townsmen may not become aware of it), 
Kathas. 13, 55 ^ ^vrsft sr^femvmnzzr qwC'SSisftrr i rrar WKFt d^ft q vm 
WT^i%i ri^in, Vikram. II, p. 38 rT^nrf^FFaTTf jtot ^rtHsTtnnqt mrm- — 

Instance of the future: Fane. 105 rrarsrW fTTwrr frs^rerT fS l lid l 

JTqj qifofq rF^r^rTTBraTWPTfefrTT q ^ynf% (I have made them so discor- 
dant that you will see them never more deliberate together). 

The future is of course wanted , if the main sentence has a future. 
Nala 1, 20 ^uti-dWcFnui' fori *t!if3ujif*J qsryi ztqt Foi^ J^f q m qsarfn 
*r\fSiH. Likewise the optative, if the main sentence has an op- 
tative. Dag. 138 mr fan SFFirarcf vm qq frtJjZTSim (I will arrest the 
poison, but in such a manner, that he will be left for dead). 

Eem. 1. If the demonstrative is not added, jjttt = » [in order] 
that." Pane. 56 ^sftaftsq- f5T?TT fqjrqqf zsm W < i,\^aiiW\<ii {d (you must 
exhort youf husband, that he may kill my enemies). Cp. Nala 1, 20. 

Eem. 2. Instead of rjvn q with optative , epic poets often use the 
simple rr (405 R. 1). Moreover, qTmay be = slest," when it agrees 
with aorist or with optative , in epic poetry even with the future, 
cp. 405 R. 1. — In affirmative sentences the omission of w[ is 
very rare , yet there are instances of it. R. 1, 39, 1 1 frsTqr fam-i t 
I'TfRitft'Sf^": 3irrf naff (make the sacrifice to be accomplished with- 
out flaw). 

472. c.) WW serves to paraphrase the object of knowing , 

C) JJWT 

para- saying, declaring etc. just as SFT (464). Kumaras. 4, 36 fgrf^q 
theX ^ ^ ^ ^V -rtUWil ?^ q qt fSrqr (you know, certainly, that 

ject. Kama cannot be without me, even for a moment), Malat. IV, p. 
69 sriir tfcrrqqwr wn qjjsrajsr qT<tfdww«r (jmfn (say, did you be- 
lieve that it was Bhur. who will give me MalatiP), Pane. 200 
d H irdd usrpJT^orri^qt jmu q f^- eFf^nfer:, Mhbh. 1, 42, 34 Kacyapa 
starts to the rescue of king Parixit 5^ f^; ^q [sc. qTraTqrq] FT3>ra'OT' rf 
^rasFTfrqi FT?f3T: <FqJTWT qiSOH JrqqTSTPT; 

Rem. In the first and the last of the instances quoted we are 
free to translate wx by show." Indeed, this employment of jrzrr 
does not lie very far from that, mentioned 411. 

473. d.) Finally, *T2TT may sometimes have the nature of 



366 § 473—475. 

d)zmr, a causal particle. This seems to have been more usual in 
when a anc i en t literature, than afterwards. Ch. Up. 6, 13, 1 H-dldMW ^ 

causal c 

par- Qdti $zn fgrgT MHd l jy (he [the son] having looked for it [the salt, 

he had placed in the water] did not find it, for, of course, it 

was melted), E. 3, 57, 19 Rama surmises, Sita will have incurred 

some harm, ^Srm sm chiasm Q-i£i nf%rTT mfo jTmtzFrsrrfffiummx- 
^of irf&'g" jtot crrcjferfrT >T ( — as it is chiefly prognostics of evil, 
that appear to me). 

This causal meaning of jjttt is sometimes indicated by adding 
fi^, the exponent of causality. K. 3, 11, 47 ^H^cjl^HMd, R^ (TOT-... 
awuyj 3^%yJH JTTT ^q cM«ji«t ?TTrTT: <rf^ y^tw: — JPTT:. 

In the instances quoted the clause with etot follows the main 
sentence. If it precedes, we may translate it by as much as, con- 
sidering, etc. Nala 21, 8 ymlui ^Piyicg: q^fcicl iTf^Tfan ^mai^iM 
'Sfift q^T E'er T^Wh: {considering the joy, which causes to me the 
sound of the chariot, I know it is Nala). 

c.) ?r^r and ?rr^rT. 

474. fl%\ i s a temporal conjunction = our „when." Its de- 
monstrative which is generally not omitted , is rl^J „then." 

Pane. 303 jrgj jy^ frkiwYa^ i ^ . ■ • • sr^FT <TOT «H4lilld:, Mrcch. I, p. 55 
03T ft uTrawrHsHf 5^if ^: ^rTFtftqflm' stoct i fj^tw ft^mufq JTRJT- 

!I5T repeated is of course — swhenever." Kathas. 25, 216 ftcht- 
fSrfijr =3 m\sfo rewwfy a«7 jtst i frt fist dtH(V|tfirun*ufy irrfiH:. — 
a^sr »at the very time that." Ven. I, p. 24 gr^j Hld^Urii Fifor 

isince." E. 2, 116, 13 psf a^nrirfn ^rfer^T^ mfT onra-i ?J3T*wfFT (^ifa 
iil UchoiPiH . HHWP T (for the hermits are being vexed by the raxasas 
since the time, that you stay here). 

475. MMrl is chiefly used of time. Then the parallelism 
-' M|Q(fi Fn°FT is generally expressed in full. Two 

cases are here to be distinguished. Either simultaneomness 



§ 475-476. 367 

of the two actions is denoted , or the action with ril^rl 
is precedent to the other, 
jnarr I. If *Tr3FT FTT^cr, or inversely cTT3rT *flmi 

'" m are expressive of simultaneousness , ^T^rT properly = 

while. a $ long as, while. Yet, it is also expressive of at which 

time, when, sometimes it may even be rendered by as 

soon as. 

1- OTofiT as long as, while'). In this meaning it is construed 
with the present, even when expressive of past facts, cp. 327. 
Hit. 68 |or HT5r?ci; sTiaiR marsh ^ *doy*4 (as long as I live, you 
ought not to fear), Pane. T, 64 irrsnwrrgra^n^mTorj^sR pr: i g^ff 
iilRirfi *JI5W sronfrT orat jn\. In both instances jnHiT; — rTToir^=: 

» during which time during that time." But not rarely its 

meaning is » during which time in the meanwhile." Pane. 290 

iTToit^Ht [sc. h^im:] riir^*Hii(m r*(^-Mi?r ywifh ?TTora1Mgrsrte<Tp 
auiM: mhuiui , ibid. 42 jjtst^ <.oi^*J^f<«u oprfa fTTarrsfrf Hgwt itsjh^- 
sTTj: hithHh (as she is going to her sweetheart , she comes across 
her husband 2 ). 

2. otbitt^ at which time. Pane. 277 d)ioi?(i[gCTiT]ir<4lwfd FTTsra - q^ 
g^5T (as he opened the basket, he saw the paralytic), Kathas. 
4, 36 mdP rchR K H i HToifc-ifr- A T ^fT ^fHraT (as she went on a little, 
she was stopped by the priest). 

3. STToTH as soon as. Pane. 313 uiEr<£jyirr ^g ^H i oicrt^M^ i ^H ; (as 
soon as the ass was seen, he was beaten with sticks). 

476. II. If the sentence introduced by m^rT is expres- 
sive of an action , subsequent in time to that expressed 
by the main sentence , two cases are possible : 



1) Cp. the similar employment ofy lolrh when preposition (54 R. 2 and cp. 
169). 

2) dlol^l l dfH; -.. HloMTolt^=: »for every time for this time" (cp. 

252, 3°). Mudr. IV, p. 143 u loN i d ' EU ^^ ranncfg^ fraT ^-^Wj 1' ^ ^{iMollrf 



368 § 476-477- 

trrsiH a.) STl^lcl = till what time , until. 

= until. jnsrpr until is generally construed with the f§T3 or with its 
equivalent, the present (468). Then it expresses the intention, 
but when stating a fact, past tenses are admissible (cp. 471). 

Examples: 1. with flfrj?. Dae. J 56 jIgtt Uoi;gsM^iiiww<dfTi.4rMi- 
fprr H ia^i^i did^m i: mfinrrT^TFrcra'T (therefore you must pro- 
tect her, until I bring her husband here), Mudr. V, p. 167 rl l -iUrii ' 
Hid<jiolrHA-i-r chRiri naH (let him be beaten until he has con- 
fessed the whole); 2. with the present. Pane. 276 tii c)<4 '^^ Unroll 
amn^ i fi r i loic^ ram smrraiiT (you must stay here, until I return 
with food), ibid. 286 mBTjIjrft ?rnra ^-duIWl Jrra^tpi^wfr 4teu 
MMUl-cs? Tft; 3. with the future. Dag. 72 JTrfterea chifaR^ f^rrt^ a i dRvf 
McM l fl tlch ' ri l d sr CTTCJrfrt; — 4. with past tense, stating a fact. 

■OvS \ C ^ ^ 

KatMs. 4, 58 ^r ^ft JifH%rT:] H lol3 ft* I faPol41 Qri : I EnstrTrThT tr^" 
d ' -li l fOT frTT Ul'-H (the maid-servants beguiled the priest , until at the 
third prahar-a the judge came). 

477. b.) it is simply stated that the action of the main 

""^sentence has happened before the other. This is done 

before , by the phrase FIT^H. — OT^TrT with negation , the 

y U "m" literal meaning of which is : one action happened , as 

long as the other did not happen. It is to be noticed , 

that ^T has no fixed place, but may precede MMH 

or follow it, either close to or separated from it by 

other words. 

Examples : of OToFT = before , Lat. priusquam. Pane. 74 u l cH 
chf$K f% rTT bi-c^ i 'd iTOTrTTiT (go away soon, before anybody knows of 

it), Mhbh. 1, 202, 11 jnsFT <£H^r)i*r> uiiuaui: ditacU^uTliiHaH (you 

must strike them , before they have taken root); — aioiH q. 

Nagan. II, p. 37 q Hld'^llR JTTol-HH gc^JoMUT fSMIillMM*piNIHi ST <A\iii[k\ 

(I do not let go [your hand], before you see my sweetheart painted 
on the stone), Pane. 67 graf faa^ yia~W <feMiirTl ^ HcTPirtawffT 
(tell it me quickly, before I make a bite of you), M. 2, 172 srihrr % 
MHVUblMiai g; qr sTTCTrT (before he is born in the Veda, he is equal 
to a gudra) ; — q uioiH - Pane. 320 the chief monkey gives to his 



§ 477-480. 369 

band the counsel of fleeing away ^ orarfflCTsit ^raafr MaffT rtTSf^FT^T- 
snjf mom oft ir^m, ibid. II, 191 yzf&i qwh q- ototcc^t n^jrorf 
TT^ftorrtn'cRJr i Hioi^ ferfa STirqfoH »t. 

Rem. Another word answering to Latin priusquam is qn. Indeed, 
like our nbefore," ott is sometimes a preposition , sometimes an ad- 
verb, sometimes a conjunction (cp. 324 R. 1.). In the classic dialect 
it is almost obsolete. 

478. c). When construed with the 1 st person of the present , 
=°"iT MN FT may also denote the purpose. In this case , the 
°that^ mam sentence which generally precedes, is only ex- 
pressive of some preparatory action to be completed 
„ about the time" at which the action purposed is in- 
tended to take place; rTT^rT is as a rule omitted. Qak. 

I SHT ^T5W)xr^|vt *rr tfjrfKtor J$ WTOT zrr ol^cH^ Tffi (charioteer, in 
order to avoid disturbing the hermitage , you must stop here , that 
I may descend), Kathas. 16, 38 q-pn^T <J%: srtg- mmr m3(^ar^(po6k 
an excellent meal for me , quickly, [that I may take it] when I come 
here after bathing), Vikram. V, p. 162 king to charioteer H^iitfcitltl 

Rem. In this passage ti i oiH 1 is construed with the 3 d person of 
the imperative. Mhbh. 3, 72, 4 PU i ^l ter- • ■ • ^ti l Hril-^ - ■ • -J aWnft Uldd/i 

479. Not rarely the purpose is set forth by *TI°TFr in an 
almost elliptical way, no main sentence being expressed. 
In other terms, 3T°FT with the 1 st pers. of the pre- 
sent is used in self-exhortations, such as are ex- 
plained 356. Sometimes we may translate it by „in 
the meanwhile." Mudr. II p. 59 md«nmrmiTd«J tsotPt (well, let 
me wait on Minister Raxasa), Qak. I jrrdiHi^TOlPwwifsirJT « (HQI- 
STmft'i "Vikram. IV, p. 114 znsiiJW'ehl^ felt iWiW-dUillfa- 

480. ^TT^rJ is not always time-denoting, it is also aeon- 
junction of manner = as far as , in so much as , as is , 



370 § 480-481. 

zttoitt indeed , evident from its etymology. Malat. Ill, p. 50 m^qrj 

= in~so m^rtis r Sprff"^ ( in S0 far aS * liaVe heard ' M# waS tIle cau8e )> 

&r a9 ' Kathas. 5, 136. In this meaning zpqrr is also available, see 470 E. 1. 

Kem. 1. Note these phrases: 1. tj marT---.. znaH^ »not so 

much but rather." Kathas. 26, 23 ^ HlokUl ^ *H*<j(l 5£T mr 

Jif^i^ RWTT JlTa^ djifrffi gter qT%r. (v. a. ^instead of seeing that 
Gold-city, I myself am lost and I have made the chief of fishermen 
to perish also," liter. I have not so much seen Gold-city, but I 
have rather — ); — 2. tt qr^r or ^ *oicHM.-... OT3H »not only..... 
but also." Kathas. 28, 160 snrrarcr f^r fzjzw <rf" =t <;(1<<=i iiicWiJlrd- 
JTTJrcrt (not only the wound did not heal, but it became even a 
fistula), Pane. 36 rr JRSfcfT y<=i*i Arfj^dr irrstr?PTCTOQjfT?smrq^PT^ iranrra' 
<H i mQ,Rj)M l ^RHwlri (it is not on ly tne attendants , who are so natured, 
but the whole of the creatures of this earth stand to each other in some 
relation, friendly or otherwise, for obtaining food), cp. 470, E. 1. 

Eem. 2. Pat. I, p. 9 y^HR ri'iH^ ^jff ti^rilomi^id^ - . STTfrarFj- 
faT-yjr (we say : they exist, only in so far as they who know the 
theory [of grammar] employ them in their theories) affords an 

instance of FrraTT et?t instead of man srrarT- For analogous 

phrases see 458 b). 
480*. In both acceptations, of time and of manner, one will meet oc- 
casionally with 3T5nrr=: jrioTrT- Instances of ti loiHl = »as far as" are 
found especially in Patanjali, of dldril = » whilst; as," dloiril ^ = 
jbefore" in the Bhagav. Pur. and elsewhere. 

d.) trf^. 
481. £r|<^ (if) is chiefly employed in the protasis of con- 
iufs; after ditional periods. This main function will be treated in 

verbs of 

douiting, the following chapter. But, moreover, like our „if," 

inquiring r -^ 

etc - Greek *?, Lat. si, ^\^ serves to introduce the relative 
sentence which is the object of verbs of doubting, in- 
quiring, observing, expecting, telling and the like. CP^TTFT 
^ = J will see if (whether)." 

Examples: Pane. 200 SETfensaHt JTSTCTTT eW-HrMpuft ^' (inquire, if 



§ 481-482. 371 

there is any opportunity of being relieved from this misfortune), 

ibid. 121 cjjera- q- ?i*rf%T ch n^qm M feHiar iq (tell me if—), Mhbh. 1, 154, 4 

tf^; Errer erst m Sotm zt^ Eiv^rt\\m^ : 56i wj (tell me whether you 

are the deity of this forest or an apsaras), Qak. VI ferrarrt ?rft; 

5iTraojij-UHriT <TCT Mwfa Win (reflect if not one of his wives may 

be in the family-way), Kumaras. 5, 44 snj- ^ ^rsr^TTTpTT f§WT5rf 

JKi^untj thcrMH' (say, if the splendour of the evening-sky illumined 

by moon and stars, does befit Aruna). — Sometimes g-B- and jjh 

are equally available , f. i. with few (wonder), and with such phrases \^ ' 

as I cannot bear, I do not believe. Qak. Ill focEj fe> trf^ f&SJra Y ilh 
p. •^r's V8.ni. 

STSTT^^'prFRoirTrr (what wonder is it , that the two stars of the asterism 

Vicakha join the crescent?), R. 2, 51, 14 qrsrir ^ ^terf^r srif ft (I 
do not think , they are alive), ibid. 2, 86, 15 we have the like sen- 
tence, but the verb is an optative (g^i;). Cp. also R. 2, 73, 8 
5>*^ zrf§; ^arrTTijj and the like. 

Note also jjfjr- with verbs of swearing, cursing and the like. 
Pane. 75 ipf ^Hn^rr: sum Sircrfs; fT^onoinft (I may be cursed 
by gods or parents, if I taste of it). 
482. Sometimes the clause with qft; is used in a somewhat ellip- 
tical way, viz. without apodosis. Qak. "VII Dushyanta considers 
whether he shall ask the boy, whom he already suspects to be 
his son , about the name of his mother : q-fjj- rnsrs^T feffitfriy =TRrT: 
cn^irT (if I should ask now the name of his mother?). In a si- 
milar way, if hope is uttered. R. 2, 59, 3 ^rsraT Jrfit tft rm cpt: 
Srs^TOrfgirf (hoping : »perhaps Rama will again address me"), ibid. 
3, 54, 3 Sita when being carried away by Ravana casts off her 
upper-garment and her jewels among a little band of apes qf^ jjqjzt 
srira'frffl' (perhaps they will show them to Rama). '). Such sentences 
require the optative (f§r:?) because of the nature of their contents. 
A different character is displayed by such ellipsis, as is shown 
R. 3, 17, 21, where Qurpanakha says to Rama TTsrirt ^TPT *T JTTHT 



1) Cp. the similar employment of Latin si, f. i. in the Aeneid, book 
VI, vs. 187 si nunc se nobis ille aureus arbore ramus ostendat nemore in 
tanto. 



372 | 482—484. 

Erf^& ^HljHMH ; ( m y brother is named Ravana, whom perhaps you will 
have heard of). - 1 ). 

483. By adding %||Q to *TT^, we get ?PtTFT, the conces- 
* ra ^' sive particle though , although. Its correlative in the 

apodosis is rl'M'IW nevertheless , however, yet , either ex- 
pressed, or omitted. Pane. 37 zrofa rd^d-^H ^ ffijim pwrfir 
kH \ H \ tei^tH TCTrer ctTHT: (even if he does not listen to your words , yet 
you must blame your master that he may amend his faults), Eathas. 
52, 375 am irafcr sjpfor ^r^Trfer ^ rf sr^i hkiiRj ^bt fBrsonw sra^iha- 
tRrrr 7TJT (my child, though you are valiant and have a great army, 
you must never trust to the victory in battle , since it is inconstant), 
Qak. I crra =r fejiifn a^fa r srznfa: i sfrcff % 5Tr5rRjTW Tfir wpttttt (though 
she does not join in the conversation, yet she listens attentively, 
while I am speaking). 

Eem. gfj jrfjr instead of ipjfq is poetical, as f. i. Prabodh. I, 
p. 10 g-frr ufzi lolRlWl: UI(IMH 5TT *y*WiJ yy^iy^ FWrft'l ipt sm^jiPrsw 
(though my [Kama's] bow and arrows are made of flowers, never- 
theless the whole creation with gods and demons is mine). 

Chapt. V. The conditional period. 

484. The conditional period is a compound sentence , made 
Sonai U P °f a P r °tasis and an apodosis. The protasis contains 
period. y ie con (jition , whereas the apodosis states what will 

happen under the said condition. The grammatical ex- 

ponents of the protasis are *IT<^ or ^frf. Of these, *JT^ 

^ since it is a relative, heads the sentence, at least in 

^k prose. But, as a rule, ^FT is not put at the head, it 

is often the last word of the sentence ; yet, FT 5 ^\ *T sim. 
being used, it is put close after them. 

In the apodosis no correlative is necessary. Yet it is 

i.) Up. Lat. si, f. i. Aeneid, book II, vs. 81. 



§ 4:84. 378 

utYve" often ex P res sed , viz. f\rf'> or <T$T or rTrT or rfl% occa- 

s trati n " sionally ^2T. 

tleapo- Examples of jrfj; and %ft: a.) -without correlative in the apo- 

dosis. dosis. Dae. 105 qvr^Rn riwfr U37 sj^hr qtq (if I am a thief, fetter 
me, gentlemen), Dag. 72 j^ m i oMJi,^ q- srfrfr sr^mrpg spt fqumrr 
f^.^ Uii^fTT: (if Your Holiness does not afford me protection, the god 
of fire must be my refuge); — Kathas. 25, 19 mrorram af=r %ir (say 
it, Eeverend, if you know it), Kumaras. 5, 40 ? ^m qf ri ^M J fa 
(answer me, prithee, if it is no secret). 

b.) with correlative. Hit. 23 zrfr- ^rf^T fi^T gsfftqrfq sr^TT mci^- 
fofq': q?3": (if food is wanting, one must entertain one's guest at 
least with kind speech), Dag. 90 m^rfsji sf$l rf q |q& rT ft^t qsr<?r uan 
(if she should be brought to reason, that would be charming); — 
Mhbh. 1, 43, 1 Taxaka says to Kagyapa ?rf^ ^ q^- ^ ^ f^rftrft"- 

f*fr*Hr£l Hrft ^ IRTT S^fM aTcTJT 5nWT? — Pane. 334 55TS& Jlf^ l l' -dot l 

H^sr chchiU fq- ^rfTJT: (if [you] are obliged to go, even this crab may be 
your companion), Kathas. 24, 146 q- Mr^fa FrfefffemV fenqaT- 
j^q- (if you are not angry, I have something to entreat of you); — 
Pane. 16 g^snTPiq^ frff f$i5ri*£r q^n^: srg; — Qak. YII q- g^jrq-- 
cRinyfsjrJTq- gfrsser aiqt;sr: (if ne i s not the son of a muni, what, 
then, is his name?). 

Eem. 1. In most cases the protasis precedes. Sometimes, however, 
the main sentence is put first, f. i. Dag. 91 afa-ii rf wjj fTur 5JT irf£ 
qingrr ^TnT^'ft (I am bound to deliver you the magic skin, pro- 
vided that Eagamanjari be given in return to me), Kad. I, p. 101 

Eem. 2? E. 3, 43, 19 ^ ft — rif. at least." Sita to 

Eama £\s^ nfjr n^rifn 3T^xfr Jjira^r; i srfM q^rifcrr ^f%^ n q&Hrfm 
fSr^FTOJTCT sraw (even if the precious deer should not be taken alive , 
its skin at least will be a beautiful spoil). — of?; qpr — »if but." 
Eatn. Ill p. 81 the king throws himself at the feet of his queen: 
the reddish glow of your feet , says he , caused by painting , I will 
take off with my bent head , but the glow of anger on your cheeks 
I am able to drive away Erfg; qr eott q# wTn^ »only in case, 
that you show mercy to me." Another instance is Kathas. 34, 261. 



374 § 484—486. 

Rem. 3. The combination jrf^; g?T is sometimes found in epic 
poetry, f. i. R. 2, 48, 21 , Mhbh. 1, 104, 37. In fact, %^ has not been 
at the outset a conjunction, nor is it a relative, though in the classic 
dia.ect it may bear this character. It is properly a combination of 
g _|- t;^ the emphatic particle (398 R. 2) '). In the archaic dialect 
even the simple g- does occasional duty as a conditional particle 2 ). 

485. £f ^7T i s rather to be looked upon as a unity, like 
^^k Latin nisi. Dag. 97 ^ -^Qh^ nldua-^Rr =r irsrr ^mf] AujaT i f^ - 

rT ^ iiPt u rn<Itifa £wf% <ji^«i<uiMi' <*ii(mMW-rH =5 tjragwj^ (if you do 
not give back the magic skin, or if you do not restore to the 
townsmen the objects, you have stolen from them, you shall pass 
through the eighteen kinds of torture and finally you shall see 
the door of Death). 

^^ Instead of R" W\ it is also said •Tt ^rf, that is »7 

-f the advers. 3" + ^TrT, but the adversative force of 3 
is not always conspicuous. R. 3, 40, 26 ^ ^hfttq rnfNr ^fSr 
ioim^l ir (if you do not do it, forsooth, I'll kill you to day). 

Rem. 1, Note ^r %?r making up the whole protasis. So it is 
especially used in threatening like Lat. si minus, Germ, widrigen- 
falls, f. i. Pane. 76 ^g- ^rTrsrr totto 5twr:iqt ^rrf anm<[3dulri (you must 
kill him , otherwise he will kill you). For the rest , a^iw is equally 
good. Pane. 124 nma it Mr-m^OT ^ ideh ' er ! Pld^Rimi ft (surrender me 
my son, otherwise I will prefer charges with the king's court). 

Rem. 2. The very opposite of :rt gn is jroTT, which is like- 
wise often used by itself. It expresses concession and assent sif 
that is so" v. a. »in that case." Dag. 101 tiM=Hf ^. • • ■ reim^ ifMilimiffi 
(in that case, come, I will set you free). 

486. When proposing an alternative , it may be said Ul<^ .... 



1) Cp. RH (355 R. 1) = ^T + ^ 

2) P. 8, 1,30 it ia termed grrr. Kac. comments: 'gtn^ fu 1 0, ($ l £U if %^ 
STHrh m ^ Mf^mfrt 'i^T g^rfpa^Wf:. See Petr. Diet. II, p. 905, 
s. v. "Ef 8). 



§ 486. 375 

ta"~ *^' like Latin s ™ e sive > or *™i + adversative par- 

ves - tide. But commonly the relative is wanting in the second 
protasis , and instead of it the adversative is employed 
alone, especially 3PT or its compounds (3Pr3T,5Pr FT' 
^"^"Tn). In other terms , WX etc. are virtually the 

Sanskrit expression of but if, Lat. sin. 

Examples of 1. qfj; retained in the second protasis. Pane. 85 
saTferwsrq'siPT s^rr sry; few ft^gt f\$\ Horfm <j=raf?; % cm i 4.Hi hsffot" *r 
*llr*THl diOrjsf «u-=^frt 7F* ^risr; (Lord, if you kill him, to whom 
you have granted security, it is a sin, but if from attachment to 
your Lordship he offers you his own life, it is not a sin), cp. 
Pane. 45, 1. 13 qfjr srqoTT Jrf^. 

2. 5pt etc. — »but if, and if." Pat. I, p. 8 qj=r ^t qTgJTSTT mm- 
jsrr =T ^T srfcr ^l«<Jfhl5HH forutrifw^ (if they are, they [canjnot 
[be said to be] not employed, and if they are not employed, they 
are not; [to say,] they are and at the same time one does not 
employ them, is a self-eontradictory statement); — Qak. V qf? qsqx 
a^fr f%fFTwraT roiMfy fcf? fqr^jrjFisFraT roTzmsrer ft stf^f srfir 5jrRTrlR: 
TfH^i^r FT5f sjwrfa ^W (if thou art what the king says, what 
will thy father care for thee, who hast disgraced thy family? 
But if thou knowest thyself chaste and pure, even slavery in 
thy husband's house is to be borne by thee); — Pane. 172 jrf^ ^ 

rJ7rmrnn^ ^ffft (if y° u wan t riches not to enjoy them, I will 
make you [like] Guptadhana, but if you want riches which give 
enjoyment, I will make you [like] Upabhuktadhana). 

Eem. Sometimes in an alternative the former assumption is not 
expressed in the shape of a conditional period. Yet even then =^q- = 
but if, Lat. sin is nevertheless available. E. 2, 60, 3 Kausalya, 
the mother of Kama, entreats his charioteer Sumantra to conduct 
her into the forest to Kama, Sita and Laxmana, ^px, she adds, 
HH l -uiTsb i ft iifimifa -JErsrair (but, if I do not reach them, I will 
die). Qak. Y1I Dushyanta being informed by the nurse: »nobody 
except his father, his mother or himself is allowed to take up 



376 § 486—488. 

the magic herb of the boy Sarvadamana," asks gsr n a i fn (and 
if one should take it up — ). 

487- Occasionally the protasis of a conditional period is not in- 

detic * r °duced by any particle at all. This as yndetic construction is not 

con- very common, but it exists in Sanskrit, as it does in many other 

atruc- 

tion. languages. Just as we say: should he have done it =sx if he should etc., 

or as the Latin poet Horace (Epp. 1, 1, 33) fervet avaritia mise- 
roque cupidine pectus: sunt verba et voces, quibus hunc lenire do- 
lorem possis, so the Sanskrit poet, quoted Hit. 98, writes T^m: 
ehilirf <£E|# ^r ihgifrl smra (should a rascal do evil, the conse- 
quences will certainly be felt by honest people !). 

2. Another type of asyndetic connection is that exemplified 
M f cch. Y, p. 184 jtett afe-r n£g y^fdyPwd an nuiaPri ^ uDriWi 
>HU I lP fty°TT: f^&T. (the clouds may pour out rain, thunder and 
lightning, women who are going to their sweethearts do not care 
for the weather). Here the protasis is expressive of the possible 
obstacles and still the chief action passes. The imperative in the 
protasis is , it seems > not necessary, cp. Pane. V, 25 spr: sr^r. 

SWTT5I ailjl W^lfUl Hll^lfui (ols,i*^fdl W fS^TT tt mpS ITPT UNlirl 

rTFaTsa' H^mityT l Ji (suppose one to be gallant , well-shapen , happy 
in love, eloquent, a master at all kind of arms and in all bran- 
ches of learning, yet, without money no man on earth will achieve 
glory or honor). 

3. A third type of asyndetic construction is an imperative 
followed by a future, when exhorting to an action and foretell- 
ing its result , f. i. do so and you will be happy — do so , [for 
if you do so] you will be happy. So R. 1, 46, 5 Kacyapa says 
to Diti sri^JoT fT^HPTi suHJwfy <nf rst sraii^rr^n^a. 

488. As to the tenses and moods, employed in the con- 
ditional period , it is to be kept in mind that the con- 
ditional period does not import an absolute statement, 
but rather an assertion in such a manner, that its correct- 

1) Compare Pat. I, p. 31 ^ef?r.s:*?t STTq-s WJ*Hr«ijc>Ji] %l UlrWUUMM<!l\ 
»one blind man being unable to see, a collection of blind ones will 
likewise be unable.'' 



§ 488—489. 377 

Tenses ness fa ma de to depend upon the correctness of some other 
ird 8 - statement presupposed. Now, we must distinguish ac- 
nai' : °e- cor< * in § *° the intention of the speaker, between three 
riods. cases: 1. the speaker neither affirms nor denies the 
reality of the fact supposed, 2. he presupposes some- 
thing known to himself and to his audience to be a 
real fact, 3. he assumes something impossible or at 
least improbable, at all events something not real. 
Hence it follows, from a logical point of view there 
are three categories of conditional periods : 

1°. those, whose protases contain a condition , which the 
speaker leaves undecided whether it be correct or not ; 
2°. such as warrant the correctness of the main as- 
sertion by the well-known correctness of the protasis; 
3°. those, whose protases import an evident untruth, 
in other terms, such as affirm what would happen if 
some fact occurred or had occurred, which however 
cannot or will not occur or have occurred. 

In the first and second categories the fact presupposed 
is put in the same tense or mood, as would be re- 
quired, if it were really asserted. In other terms: the 
employment of past, present and future tenses, of in- 
dicative, imperative and T^TS" is determined by the gene- 
ral character of their significance and idiosyncrasy, which 
has been treated in Chapt. Ill of the fourth Section. That 
the present often, sometimes also the optative (IFT3T), 
are used instead of a future tense , can scarcely be 
said to be an exception, cp. 468 and 324, 1°. 
489. Conditional periods of the third category require the 
employment of the optative (T^T3); if they are, however, 



378 § 489. 

expressive of a supposition , which cannot be realized be- 
cause the proper time has already passed, the conditional 

is also available, cp. 347. 

Examples: 1st category. Qak. V jrf|; um sr^iH fiaffiwrerr rePTfij 
f^f? far^rchcriiii mn\mi ft aw srflr cjrwirm: t^rst <TcT sjwmIu wpj, 
here the present tense is expressive of present time: »if you really 

are , but if you are knowing;" — Pane. 278 the minister's wife 

makes this condition to her husband qf^ %rt rr u-ifdroll ! W Mi^JlfH - 
tTrlftr rT5T m d lAjfl frrffi HaTTfa (if you fall at my feet with shaven head, 
I will be kind again), here the present tense signifies something 
to be fulfilled in the future. But ibid. 1 13 trfsi rcPTW qWft nfotw Rr 
rRT3ff4fq cfif5Kj.~ei etrfir ?mpT: wzrfrr (if you shall be his minister, 
then no other honest man will come near him) the future tense 
is used of future action. Likewise Nala 20, 15 ertit ^ ft * 17 m i Pi 
O^TT olTrtjRl 5rrpF>if&3?jferf?; aireiN ejf ^airaHlR) R there is a future 
in both the conditional clause and the main sentence. Cp. 341*. 

Bern. In conditional periods of this category the f^ry is wanted, 
if for some accessory reason there be a tendency for employing 
it, f. i. in suppositions of a general bearing (343 e), as Varah. 
Yog. 1, 4 srrf^^rai'qft %?tft ^ar ^rsr 3Tsr rorfrr (if but one [of the 
aforesaid conditions for the success of a prince] be deficient, the 
whole perishes). 

2 d category. Mhbh. 3, 297, 98 Savitri prays ^fjr q\sf%r riMMM d^; 
zir Jft fff^i S5rej3^^r£3Tt W\ grrarcj srsfft (if I have done penance , 
bestowed gifts and poured out libations — [and so I have] — this 
night may be propitious — ), Mrcch. Ill, p. 121 qfg; fnoTr^rTPHR' CP3T- 
srriqj ^ 5irT:i%fSRTTT Srcrcta Tjif^^crfg jfSrT^ (if thou hast loved till 
now my fortune only, why, destructive Pate , hast thou now without 
mercy profaned my virtuous name ?). 

3 d category. Mrcch. Ill, p. 113 £fa ^rrfa ^ *w^fa *pgr OTTSjprgcr 
srf^ [sc. %m] (nor would they bear the light being brought near 
to them, if they only feigned to sleep), R. 2, 67, 36 ^Jirf fpt 35T£ 
srr^r cRTTTTrf fmxn-i^TfTT %g- H3^Wb tcT Mri^HralMlt pt (darkness as it 
were would be on earth, and nothing would be discernible, if no 
king were in the world, to discriminate between good and evil), 



§ 489—191. 379 

Kumaras. 6, 61 ef£ai a> ^ TOrTfa sniri?:f> Hlgg^H (I know nothing, 
I could do for you; if there should be, all is granted). Other 
instances of f§T5 see 343 d), instances of conditional 347. 

490. Sometimes the protasis is impliedin a participle(362, 5°). 

Pane. I, 32 f^R-fT^-far ^pft snlnT fj toriwTfT: (the fire may be pass- 
ed when hidden in the wood, not, when blazing). — Likewise in an 
adjective which does duty as a participle. Mhbh. 1, 8, 221 fof-rfr-s^ Ja^ 
crn$> =Eqrr tf&j-a*,..^ (if I had a child by you, I should walk the 
highest path of duty). Or the protasis may be an absolute loca- 
tive. Pane. II, 198 it is said of a friend that he is jhtj Wf crfr- 
=TiTnvT »a shelter, if danger have appeared." 

Chapt. VI. The direct construction ; FfrT. 

491. A special kind of subordination is the so called in- 
con- direct construction , representing words uttered or re- 

\ion" flections made by another, not in the shape they ori- 
ginally did bear, but transformed according to the spea- 
ker's point of view. This mode of quoting speech or 
thought of another, although it is not wholly unknown 
in Sanskrit," is not idiomatic. As a rule the Sanskrit 
speaker avails himself of the direct construction , that 
is, he does not change the outward form of the words 
and ideas quoted, but he reproduces them unaltered, 
just as they came from the mouth or arose in the 
mind of their authors. Instead of sayiDg, as we do, 
you have said you, would come, one says rather in this 
way / will come, so you have said STTTTm^M I H TrM °l I " 

It is but one idiom, the accusative with participle, that can 
be set apart for the indirect construction , see 374. As to the subor- 
dinate sentences, introduced by jjtt, jptt, zm or jfrT: = »that," zrfir = 
»if" (481), in a great many cases there will be no formal diffe- 



380 §491-493. 

rence whatever between the direct and the indirect construction, 
owing among others to the faculty of expressing the predicate 
by a noun; where there may be such a difference, the direct 
construction is, as a rule, employed, cp. 494. 

492. The direct construction is characterized by the par- 
ticle i irl generally added to the words or the thought 
quoted : ?TTJ| |*1^ i*i lcM°|l<(|! (you have said you would 

come), ^ Jrf =hl^lrWrfifH RmMM (he thinks nobody 
sees him). 

Tfff is properly a demonstrative adverb, meaning nthus, so, in 
this manner" J ) and for this reason a synonym to SrSPTi VcPT- Rgv- 
10, 1 19, 1 ^frr srr ^fir q- rPTT HNib i ^ja i fifd (so. indeed, so is my thought, 
that I may obtain kine and horses); Eatn. Ill, p. 70 the parting 
sun taking his leave from the white lotus is represented by the 
simile of a lover, who goes away from his beloved, to come back 
the next morning srnrf -sfer n<Moi<0 sroft qirtsr *gn rrasr HBnrt u (d-sTly-fta 1 1 

MrtlkHUWpjrTlol y^f^Udll! ^r-S <aHH^chrH[5fech( : =h(1id (I go, lily- 
face, it is my time, [yet] it is I who will awake you out of 
sleep, in almost this way the sinking sun comforts the water- 
lily). But as rfft- is almost exclusively employed for quoting one's 
thought or the utterance thereof 2 ), it is often not to be rendered 
at all. Moreover we often use the indirect construction. Nala 3, 1 
HWT: iiR^m RciT; eh 17m t(h (Nala promised them , he would do so — ). 
Sometimes rf^ abounds even in Sanskrit, the pleonasm ^ r 2icm and 
the like being allowed, cp. 496 K. 

493. In short, the direct construction with FlrT is not 
only necessary, when quoting one's words spoken or 

1) Lat. ita is both formally and aa to its meaning the same word as Tf^. 

2) I recollect but one instance of TfrT— »ao, thus," used as a pure 
demonstrative, viz. Pane. 327 STRTt'Sf'T (h^R am HdlRfd (the monkey 
stood, just as you do). Note also the employment of rf^ at the close 
of literary compositions, f. i. rf^ SUI*tM U^MUSF: (here ends the first 
act ot the Qakuntala), just as W is used in the beginning. 



§ 493. 381 

Em- written, but it is also idiomatic to express by it the 

ment object of knowing , thinking , believing , reflecting , doubt- 

of^TFr. j n g ? rejoicing, wondering and the like, to expound the 

fact which acts as a cause or motive, to signify the 

object of purpose and wish, etc. 

Examples of the direct construction with -rf^: a.) when 
quoting words spoken or otherwise uttered. Malat. I, p. II grfewor- 
sfrfefWT q^^m nrfr masr ^fir (A. had told me, M. was gone to 

the grove of Kama); Dae. 68 =sr^sr cfifitrelsrr iTOCWlsffrFjfSoZW 

^^f%rrfir Tffistf^fH *df^rycrl<)Hl stR^TTsns'tTfffHI (as I heard from 
some people conTersing, there was in the country of Anga — ); 
Mudr. I, p. 37 rj ^hzmsq =snm3r3\ ^TtpRmMH (he must not be in- 
formed that it is Canakya who has it written by him) ; Mrcch. 
VIII, p. 242 yTTOsr ^'ra^srWFT usr^r ^nirt. 

b.) when expressive of the contents of one's thought. Mhbh.l, 74, 
29 qnrFr qvm cjfixrr ^ qifoirfir infaffT (after doing some evil one thinks , 
nobody knows me as such), Pane. 8 ^rTf^JfTT'S^T ^teraft-sPTTfwf 
Mltjoli^ wte ^fH JTroTT Eriy^TT J^fiT: (master, that [bull] Samjivaka 
has died; now, as we thought the merchant liked him, we have 
consumed his body by fire), Hit. 24 ha^\ ^ rRsr st^a-ll^l* STTsraTT: 
iph^hi ^T "Eta; «rf%f*rf^rfsira- ftf^rorr ipft aimil^H: (after this, all 
the birds, understanding that it was Jaradgava himself who had 
devoured their young ones, killed the vulture by joint exertion), 
Qak. V tjg: s^nrr^OT srr atf^tffT Wt (I am at a loss whether 
I am perhaps astray, or that she lies), Pane. I, 222 q^FHTT trrfTT 
jT^tfti: f%7rrr ejot cr^in ^Tf^rrT^:i2CfT *pr grarirT srT ^r srin, Mgan. 
V, p. 80 ^rsrf^Ttr ^m ^ [tt] OTF5TT (J^rtidzrinsig:. 

c.) when setting forth the motives of emotions (rejoicing, won- 
dering and the like) and of judgments {approbation, disapproval), 
the contents of a bargain, a convention etc., in short , in all such cases 
as also admit of being expressed by a clause introduced by txh- 
Hit. 11 rr yifsTT^f <TSr?rfn SFfT^m (that he reads the law-books, is 
not the cause), Pane. V, 26 cr^isr; ST ^ar STT^I:. ^rafcr UoRtHh i&ra?- 
^ffrT (it is singular, that the very same man [having lost his wealth] 
should forthwith become a stranger), Qak. I rTsWSH^Uoi: srrsacT sT^rftr 



382 § 493—494. 

arTfT ^f =5 ST. graT ri«Jlr*-kit>T 3t*tJTtCT (ho w is it, that, Kanva observing 
a holy life for ever, your friend should be his daughter?), Hit. 
10 arrat iirasT <°ll<o?lfrt cfn^riMdK: (that the tiger eats the man is 

slanderous gossip), Dag. 116 frrHjt 3mT: troffcud laift: <nja?JTT: qWTCT 

S ^rWrill 3l%TT irafrT (the two [queens] made this bargain, that if 
one of them should become mother to a son, and the other to a 
daughter, they would make their children marry each other). 

d.) when signifying a purpose or a wish, Here it is clear, the 
reflections quoted are put in the imperative, the future, the op- 
tative (%?). Nala 26, 6 tp: qH&ri <JHffifa R-f^ffefTT TfrT: (I a m decided 
to take up the game again), Pane. 301 etzt ft? uiku\j \ m iPTTfipfeiorf 
iffci m HTrtiisr fSrazr: (we have made up our minds to go to a country 
where we have the chance of getting either money or death); — 
Pat. I, p. 76 chiaffui q t%wrf?rT i $ux^{ ^ UJl^R (what is to be done 
does not succeed, yet it is wished to be done). 

e.) as to jfrT, when expressive of motive or cause, see 497. 
494. As it appeal's from the instances quoted , the direct 
construction may precede the chief predicate as well as 
follow it. In the latter case, the relative conjunctions 
*TrT or *TSJT, like our „that," may introduce it, but 
its direct character remains unchanged by them. For 
this reason even when using OH or Wk\, &\r\ may be 
retained 1 ). Pane. 159 ?rT *twt h^cmu'i nfsrT h?HjMsi4)hj a%f xr^arOT 

FlollPrt* fffijrTT HftFTrT =3 Fort nfrT (TOT tRPT rcT^STJTP'FTrira^r qf^Wld^T 

sirrr (the friend went to him and hastily said to him : iCandra- 
vati has sent me to you and tells you, Kama has almost made 
her die with love by causing her to see you"), ibid. 102 ff 35; n^-n\ 
itrJT a i^-UtllWfl l H fclHT^ (tell him , he must appoint some other 
of his servants , instead of me, to be his carrier) ; — Mudr. VII, 
P- 229 faf^rPTor jrerr air ^u*HT PchkirchMM^Riri i: (it is cer- 
tainly known [to you] that I stayed for some time with Malaya- 



1) Compare the similar employment of Greek tin with the direct con- 
struction. 



§ 494—496. 383 

ketu), Mrcch. II, p. 82 cfrfef xT *PT ftittolil^JH «r<5<rt<*H ZTTT feiTTir- 

Eem. 1- Occasionally also gpr or JTrT: are used for this purpose. 
Pane. 266 nrorr amcRTSPj--.. mfam wj s^ifr cfTenr "JHmmriNchiRH i fq ' 

Rem. 2. In a similar way jf^ may be added to relative or 
interrogative sentences , depending on some word of saying or know- 
ing (411). Qak. I ^rrwRr fiprajsTt *r j^h jft=rR%urr£ ^ (you will 
know how mighty my arm is to protect etc.), Nagan. V, p. 73 

495. As a rule , in prose £ [ri is put immediately after the 
direct construction. But sometimes an other arran- 
gement is preferred, especially in poets and for me- 
trical reasons. So in epic poetry such phrases as s^oiM ; SrJTar: 
sometimes precede the words quoted, sometimes they follow after 
them. F. i. 11. 1, 47, 8 the line ssrra ffT^fa s ifbfti fiiH>g; sMW.h : precedes 
the very words quoted, Dae. 191 the sentence fjrfgr f^wterefl^f ?FFr "in 
all regions this was told of me" precedes, the contents of the rumour 
follow. Cp. Kumaras. 4, 27 ^ Irtt [so. ay-ri*r] ssn^f 3;:iwrT i *rer; 
qrjg- ort^FT f% fejri^ i etc, — On the other hand, E. 1, 27, 26 it 
has been said first what was spoken to Kama, then follows who 
said so. Nor is it rare to put tjh in the midst of the words 
quoted. Pane. Ill, 160 qr =Errw fst ^tt ot srsrR^fH rrfHraT = 5nfo 
TferaT srei^r »b e not moved with anger towards him [while think- 
ing]: it is he, who caught my sweetheart." R. 1, 55, 11 st cnpWr 
jy&STZf mmarffT f^??r ^nrfsaT : 5T=iwit oPmoiTt^TOrr, here the direct 
construction is qTSTJT vfmi ^rawOT. 

496. ^M, though it is the commonest contrivance for 
Syno * expressing the direct construction , is by no means in- 
of ^> dispensable. Other demonstratives, as ^^F, T^% 

the pronouns ^T, ^T^T, 2Pt^T may likewise serve that 
purpose. Nothing, too, forbids quoting without using 
any demonstrative at all. 



384 § 496—497. 

Examples: a.) of the direct constr. set forth by a demonstra- 
tive other but ^fn. Pane. 18 faiiuid ei^ fa(i^ p?rar (my master 
speaks thus: »it is long ago since I saw you"), ibid. I, 302 5^ 
ft &mt jtw( zr ^a- *rei£r gwh 1 sicHid< : sr fawir fatrnmrfprFsfr:- R. 2, 61, 1 
zifervZT JiS^t gmf Hrlf^ Pl ^clcri ' H j vs. 2-26 contain the very words 

of the queen, vs. 27 ^tt ffff" ^ u i it l ^l^rii f^siRr fT?r: sr sttcS 

crfairsr mftfer:, here ^3^ and ^rrm^point to the words spoken, not rf^-. 

Rem. The pleonasm iihiOfj rra'ff etc. is frequent. See Mhbh. 
1, 119, 38, Kathas. 35, 50, M?2,15" etc. etc. 

J.) neither Tf^- nor any other demonstrative is used. So very 
often in dialogues ^ =gr^. — srtecn^ and the like. Mala 8, 7 fttctt 
Horf: Uchdifl fedtti y^Reirllii "Ud<iJ*l*4yHI =T ^ HrUrtH^H (Damayanti 
informed Nala , that his officers had come to him a second time , but 
he did not care for it), Pane. I, 150 m qt^THRjTT ijet pit iw ch l fc-T ti 
*T Hwr orarft f^FJr waRT, R. 3, 7, 15 noii^n ^si^r. MdV i l^H ^h:i 
4JK°dlH giTM^pT (that you are etc., has been told by Qarabhanga). 
As to such constructions as arPTf JT (or At^iffi) imfrr — or iqjjRT — 
HcfT^ (I wish you to eat), rr HUlgaifa rnWcTFTTO zpim mtim (I do 
not believe, indeed, I do not, he will sacrifice for a cudra) etc. 
see Kac. on P. 3, 3, 145, 153 and 157. 

497. it is of frequent occurrence that the verb of speaking, 
ticai. knowing, thinking, deliberating etc. is not expressed, but 

con-| p> 

si mc- i |r| alone is the exponent of the direct construction. 

tion. \ 

In this case , rtrT is of great importance for the sense , 
and its translation is various , according to the relation 
which exists between the main action and the contents 
of the direct construction inserted. For instance , if it hap- 
pens that some motive is denoted by it , then JTrT may be 
translated by because, since or by therefore , for this reason. 
Another time the direct construction may be expressive of 
something to be done, then ^M requires being ren- 
dered by in order that, sim. Sometimes again this some- 



§ 497. 385 

what elliptical idiom serves only to enhance the vivid- 
ness of the style. 

In full , one says also 2[TtT ^(pIT (lit. „thus doing)" = 
„thus thinking, considering, reflecting." 

Examples: R. 1, 55,11 ^q^^pr^jrcn^T^fq^gitrfw ^rymn 
oMMdTUJM'yrl) here rfn i?raw = » with these words he appointed him". — 
Mrcch. I, p. 38 Carudatta apostrophizes Poverty 37ml sNrrf^' iT d.ri^d - 
WJ-<^[1^ ygf^rdfyrdl (»in this way I mourn, Poverty, for thee, who 
hast dwelled with me as a friend", lit. considering me your friend). — 
Mudr. Ill, p. 126 ^Ttn-sfiirT: wfcHdiTfers; sHfo rfRrrfq' 4)5f^fd mfft u: 
ircrsr: i its;: fifT^ta vtsrm (the dissension you have plotted , thinking you 
would easily vanquish Candragupta , if his faith in Canakya should 
be shaken). Mhbh. 1, 153, 42 tprfirt &mkA fsp&d h^istst: iht SPS^: 
SfpTCTCfrat a i HUli >T WsrfzlH' (again, the strong Bhima shook him [but in 
such a way], that no noise might awake his brothers who slept 
quietly), E. 3, 10, 3 ^ri^vfilH' =ErnTt -I lHW<s*0 U di^fd (the warriors carry 
their bows in order to rescue the distressed), R. 2, 52, 28 ^ -^l^-H grT- 
=gr& vTWlft ^ =e( nri-dlH i ayWaTiiJriTMlH' oR oirWlM^ffT 5TT (neither 
I nor Laxmana mourns for our having been expulsed from Ayo- 
dhya or for having to dwell in the forest), Mrcch. I, p. 19 n^rretj^Jr 
iTftnraferinFfa: H^danPrl (guests shun my dwelling , because wealth 
has vanished from it), Pat. I, p. 99 ^r f| i^^fT: SRrtfFT &nwt rtRrS'- 
ra ^ ^ jjjtt; SFrTtfH JISTT HlUj-rl (we do not abstain from cooking, 
considering there are beggars, nor do we abstain from sowing, 
considering there are antelopes) , Utt. I, p. 2 ai^fgraits J^rifH ti^liM 
(as I am a stranger to this country, I question [you]), Malav. I, 
p. 3 q rmiflwd r- srry srsf ^T ^rfc cRTcir ^d farads (not every old poem 
is to be approved only for its age , nor is new poetry to be blamed 
only because it is new) ; — Qak. II srrf^-UT ^trr: =5lrT ^nUchHU fFsri' 

felrTT 5ifHf%^5r <T5Tf3r HroU (when she had gone some steps , she stopped 
on a sudden feigning her foot was hurt by a blade of grass), 
Kathas. 62, 49 qtrT RT FTsr &3H fens; 33?Jg; £jfh (a quarrel arose be- 
tween them on account of the nest, lit. »[both of them saying] the nest 
is mine, not yours"), and compare the altercation, which is found 

35 



386 § 497. 

in the opening stanza of the Mudraraxasa, and is intended to 
display the cunning of Qiva: 

Iran fa J)h Pi -calf! In yj«i7ri 5n<i>iiHodiR41oi: 
the last pada signifies: iimay the craft of the Lord protect yon, 
[who] desirous of concealing Ganga from Devi, his wife, [acted] thus," 
how he acted is set forth in pada 1 — 3, containing the questions 
of Uma and the answers of Qiva. 

Bern. 1. Among the most common applications of this freer con- 
struction, note ?miH to express consent, lit. » [saying] yes," fgrftfff j why ?" 
lit. » [asking] what?" — Comments and glosses are marked by rf^ 
feffl' dldri , jfrr utst: etc.), quotations by ^fpr with the name of the 
author or his work. Objections, which may be made, are repre- 
sented by Tf?r g^ — in full jfpr g^a^ — , f. i. Say. on Ait. Br. 
1, 20, 3 -iiiHiU'stioiharer srafilri %fT i rid -=dH (now, as one might ask 
why it [the navel] is denoted by the word ndbhi , etc.) And so on. 

Rem. 2. jfjj is also used when imitating sounds , as qQ,(H chilid - C P- p - 6, 

Nala 2, 4 q q#r ^ f^gT 5TH l|T |<H ^rft <fT!- 

Eem. 3, Panini teaches: The 2 a person sing, of the impera- p „ 3 : 4, 
tive put twice with Tfo may be added to the narrative tense of 
the same verb, in order to denote the action being done with 
intensity or repeatedly ^prtffr spfirteiiT eprffrispH^ apT^rtir ^wfo- 
Likewise this singular number of the imper. repeated may express 
the performing of several actions at the same time. Kac. exem- 
plifies it by this instance inj^IF ^JSn€ WfJ^fZ Wt^mv^Jbim reWi.Rn 
CT5rriTOT:i rraiTOT) t° represent the hurry and bustle of people occu- 
pied in the kitchen. Instead of the same verb put twice , also syno- 
nyms may be used. Qicup. 1, 51 qflnd**h< cH-X l f^ R^rf gctTOT JTflft 

For the rest, it is not the repetition of imperatives alone, that 

serves to bring forward the idea of tumultuary action. In such cases 

as Pane. 62 ^er pr n=r f3iteiHH*-ii-MHsHirr mH5T «TfrfffH ddiun nt^m- 
JT^jafafflr yU'rilrM^rlW:, the repeated words ^ qBpr serve the same 
purpose. And so often. 



498—499. 387 



498. Since ^TrT quotes or pretends to quote speech or 



Nomi- 



native thought , the direct construction , which is distinguished 

Jj-_ by it from the main framework of the context, is a 

sentence or a complex of sentences , not a mere complex 

of words. Yet, these sentences are not always given 

in full, they are sometimes elliptical and may even 

consist of one single word. When a noun, this is of 

. c 

course a nominative. So f. i. Nala 16, 8 FIT rT^TT- 

TTCT ^TTTrFT (her she guessed to be the daughter of 
Bhima, lit. she guessed [thinking: „she is] the daughter 
of Bhima"). There is a predilection for using such a no- 
minative with JTcT, in order to express the predicate of 
the object of verbs of calling, styling, considering, holding for 
and the like (32 , c). Nala 2, 20 fn^ftpcrr j;ftrrr < m) 4)f^ fsrsrfTT, 
Pane. 1 ;tct 3*T: q3iT: tn M<t"m<yl ®irittl[*^ J Jwf*H'^w'*^R' 11 ^ 1 '^ ^Wor:, 

Mhbh. 1, 155, 9 s^rfe <mt 5iH irfir *Tf5rr JTEffT (stow mercy to 

me, think I am out of my wits), Prabodh. VI, p. 1 15 fq-jj^; ^ 
srmm d n m^U^ . t^ztft (it is of punishment you ought to have spoken 
and you ask about her reward), Kumaras. 5, 28 sr^rtlMiorfH ^ fTTT^they 
call her Apar n a), Pane. 103 <m ^ rrzTra^ swfisf^fir (tow can I 
know him to be evil-minded?), Mhbh. 1, 34, 3 smfit ^toTT FT *&k <tbV 
srsrrerf FsraT (— ^ ut considering you as my friend , I will tell it 
you in reply to your question), cp. ibid. 1, 77, 17. 

499. Similarly nominatives with 2[H may specify general 

futhon" terms (cp. 493 , c). Pat. I, p. 411 the essential qualities of a 

brahman are thus enumerated pm iftr: srarraT^: R^t): *Rtrfchui 

Now, as according to 496 ^frT may be wanting here, 
we get also a kind of anacoluthon, nominatives 
agreeing with oblique cases. Kam. 2, 19 jrrsrmHrrqrc- srir f&srsnr 
dHCTfii ^fewftt STTf^rf sTOa PuW: here the nom. uts^thinm and 
q^jj^: are the specification of the accus. ^f^TJUj. Pane. Ill, 220 j^f 



% 

sTPT 

etc. in. 



388 § 499—500. 

^ ot^ ?r frtotTT ^ forcrr ^ fork ^f ggsnrai^raTOrr^ttr fSPSWti zjn ar^rr 
5ra-;,M. 5, 133 qfdchi fcnjGrs^TOT Trr^sEr: uu^twii: i^iff Jjoil^^fTiiij sqgf ^wrPr 
PP^uiH - A. similar character is displayed by the nominatives , which 
periphraze a partitive case. One instance has been given in the 
chapter on the genitive (117, 1°), here is another: Mhbh. 13, 22, 14 

^SoPtto^w w ?nir w Fr^raT sgrPTMiPisiwlft yyut yrtiyjia^tgiiir^^ 
» these two pat in a balance, a hundred acvamedhas and Truth, 
I am not sure whether the sacrifices would reach half the weight 
pf Truth." 

500- Some verbal forms as 1~M (I think), sTFT (I know, 

' I think), STf (1 guess), W5T% (I trust), W (look) 
often have no influence at all on the sentence even 
serted. w h eil p U t i n the midst. Likewise such phrases as 

^T t\W<, RTsT HST^ v, a. „ undoubtedly, no doubt." 

Kathas. 25, 166 gin iTPT %JTT Sepj chilliadi l RM QoUm (a heavenly 
woman, methinks, spoke to me, when asleep), Nagan. II, p. 35 chMMHm 
flraH zft =T "W Whi*t?Ul(rt ^T cFfef ^ <TOPT2[5P*RnT (this [hand] of 
yours , which hardly I think would gather even a flower, how can it 
serve to put a halter round your neck ?), K. 2, 84, 18 a \ i \ k\ Aroi i f5lH I ^TT 
drmrti =Ti f&HToT^L @ trust tne arm y being well supplied with food, 
will stay [with me] for the night), Qak. VI srf H^ft "^rftsfq =gf^7T- 
smrrracRE' srpr_(even Kama, I believe, draws back his arrow), Kathas. 

26, 13 Bl^Pd^lWctilorTl^tf ifoWymchiJUIHIIil^ehWIrtlcl^lj'l QTOoT Hd l rtltJ :, 

Fane. 48 the. wife of the barber cries milHHH WJ STST^rrafrklT: 

Bern, it^t, ?tr and the like not seldom express irony, in which case 
may be applied what is taught by Panini (1, 4, 106 and 8, 1, 46) 
about ^ iri with the 2 a person of the future H^ t&x a^r irtera 
snow, indeed, you will eat rice," if the meaning of the speaker is : 
»you think you will, but it cannot be, there is no rice to be eaten. 1 )" 

1) The explication of Pacini, iRf is used instead of qrjjg-, cannot be 
^accepted. The idea »you think falsely" is not purported by q^T< but it 
is Isnojied by the ironical form of utterance. In sentences of the kind *m 
has almost got the character of a particle. 



INDEX OF SANSKRIT WORDS. 

The numbers refer to the paragraphs. 



5T° negation 403 , 404 ; — 21 1 , 
223, 225* E. 

£sr 301. 
°TO 359;- 52. 

mm: 176, 177. 

mr 150;- 176, 178 N. 

aj 418. 

ajfpr the verb — trans. 42. 

^fr: uthen" 439, »therefore" 444. 

•Erfrr 155, 225*, 313 N. 

srfftf^siH 105< 

SHfer 202. 

aynai^ 260. 

OT 425, 426; 437, 459; — — 
»now," fr. or 437 K. 1 ; — ad- 
versative 441, espec. b)\ — in 
the apodosis of a condit. sen- 
tence 484; — in the protasis 
of the 2 d member of an alter- 
native 486; — amfq 1 , ?rer g 
etc. 426. 

=^qoTT 426, 440; — in interroga- 
tions 414, 1°; — in the pro- 
tasis of the 2 d member of an 
alternative 486. 

■gy; and smSfTTTT 165. 



srfy 186. 

srfer 105. 

af&cgRr 201. 

afirrfH with loc. or gen. Ill E. 

sgfysnr, murcr, af&f^iH 43. 

srfirero 202. 

maw u fc with two ace. 46. 

O 

5r^ s e e ^ . 

■g-qsr with gen. 129. 

tM*rt(*i_ 174. 

^^202 E. 

^'164. 

g g *(1fri with gen. 120 c.) 

Kxmvf with gen. 129. 

^sfitsr with loc. 148. 

si 

^jropiT 106 E. 4. 

sp^q- with gen. 82, 129. 

srjf^r 120 c.) E. 1. 

a^opr 45 E. 

^-t ui i Rh with two ace. 46. 

iM*Hl}l!r 196. 

o^^r 120c.) E.l. 
g-^rrr with gen. 129. 
Wft: 165. 

■grprr at the end of compounds 
190; -r- 229, 9°. 



390 



INDEX. 



■gTrT^T and w^qiir 166; 183. 

sg'f^T^f serves to periphrase noun- 
cases 188, 189; — aMchu °5T 
°g?m how construed 98 E. 2. 

sr^r 283, 285 ; — with ablat. 105 ; 
217> 1 j — in disjunctive sen- 
tences 440. 

sgrzrg- ^moreover" 421, 437, 459. 

^jr^when used adverb. 106 E. 3. 

*l^i45T 183. 

vxim 288 E. 6.; 485 E. 1. 

SFJJW269. 

#P=id 58. 

im<h(\[d with gen. and loc. 131. 

gtmH 198 E. 

^ 285, 285; — with abl. 105; 
— in comparisons 450 E. 3 ; — 
in disjunctive sentences 440. 

=5jq|T^ j> moreover" 421, 437, 439. 

atn rt j^ (verb) with gen. and loc. 
131. 

°wmz 220 E. 2. 

aq^j Id with abl. and gen. 126 a.) 

srir? 423 R.; — part, of copulation 
423, 437; — part, of interro- 
gation 412, 415; — adversa- 
tive 441, espec. 6.); 442, 3° ; — 
with optative 345 6.) and 545c.) 
5°; — with cardinals 298 ; — 
^...STft etc. 458; srft?j442, 
2 ;-5dtrrrpT412E.;545 6.) 

sift 158. 

setR^ and npjfaft with gen. and loo. 
124, 1°; 142. 

sftrr: 186. 



sfiiiTW 199. 

=ffpT5msr with loc. 148. 

srwrqf 188. 

mpi 270— 274; 279, 1 and 2. 

^419 with N. 

^294. 

S&419. 

wH at the end of compounds 194; 

— qftser: with instr. s e e gf. 
sm-84, 87, 193. 
smfel93. 

=gf§*75E. I; 216 Hid) 
^84, 195. 
=gy »the side" 188. 
gy apart" and m "half" 215 c.) 

withE. 1; 501. 
arrafjr see gj. 
u&m 175 E. 2. 
^r with ace. 52 E. 2 ; — with gen. 

129. 
a^JH (verb) when periphrazing the 

imperative 550. 
■^nr with instrum. 76, 555; — 

with gerund and infin. 555 

E. 1 , 579, 584 E. 1 ; — with 

dative 85. 
s=r225*. 
aoRTT with loc. 148. 



asrfv 229, 7°. 

tloMlsJrl ' with ace. 159, c.) 



srawsr 202. 

ssrewr 202 E. 

asr: and gorcrffiT^ 1 65 E. 2. 

ayiyrW 589 E. 2. 



JH^tifn (verb) with dat. and ace. 
"85, 4°. 



INDEX. 



391 



isrsfr 270,271; 279, 1° and 5°. 
5% verb substantive 5 ; 10— 12 ; 
311; — perf. =grn periphr. 553 ; 

— afs?T whena particle 311,2°; 

— srsrT 311 N.; — -with instr. 
76. 

*% 397 E. 2 N. and K. 3. 
sr^ 416. 
n^r 416, 417. 

m 168. 

^TTohi-oidr with ace. and gen. 1 20 d.) 

WTsficrfH 74, 5 R. 

iimanepada 314; 517, 518. 

irmi , the reflexive 265, 264, 267; 

— ^ WHtDu etc. 500. 

nTSf with locat. 148. 

msm 58, 202. 
°*TfK228;229, jo. 

^TffsrfTT construction of — 47; 

152, 5°;— 90; 146 b.) 
ETST 150; — wtij moTt^459. 
°wki see °5TTf3> 
Win with gen. 124, 2°. 
jj l ttfl! with gen. and loc. 124 N. 
sttvih' with inf. 584. 
srrp^ 170. 
WTTtfffl' with loc. and ace. 154 

and 134*. 
gTSTSH' with dat. and ace. 89; — 

with loc. 159 c); — with irfjr 

or *nr 481; — i-nm »I trust, 

I guess" 500. 
3iWm4l6. 
^T^TFZT 201. 
wt: 416. 



5T^ (verb) expresses continuous 

action 578, 581. 
^twht 202. 
=ett^ with two ace. 46; — perf. doing 

duty as a present 351, 532. 
=5^414, 1°;415. 

t (the verb), n^ with ace. 59, 256; 

— a means for periphrase 578 
R. 3. 

°t. Aorist in — 5 1 5, 3 1 6. 
J^fflT (verb) with ace, dat, loc. 

89, 146; with infin. 584; 590 

N. 5. 
^ 285, 4°; — with abl. 105; 

— at the end of compounds 
217, 2°. 

269. 



^fir 14, IV; — 292-299. 

o^r_(krt).B2, 559; — (tddh.) 227. 

^sr, part, of comparison 450, 563 ; 
— — salmost" 451 ; — in in- 
terrogations 409, 3°; 412 R. 

°^tjt52. 

fsr (the verb) with gen. and loc. 

"ll8; — with infin. 384. 
fgsrr with gen. and loc. 1 1 1 R.; — 

with infin, 584; — with infin. 

in "rifc 592, 



3 adversative 429, 441 R. 2; — 
expletive 397 ; — in interroga- 
tions 409, 5°; 412 R.; 414, 1°. 

°3 (krt) 52, 359. 

°3S?(fcrt)52R. I. 



392 



INDEX. 



3f%FT with gen. 82; 124, 1°; 
129. 

3(j° in compounds 225 *. 

3H copulative 424; — expletive 
597 with E. 2; — in interro- 
gations 412; 414, 1°; 415; — 
3H- • • • 3JT 438 R. 1 ; — 3H with 
opt. 345, c.) 5°. 

3rn^t414, 1°;415. 

irchUArl with ace. and gen. 
120 d.) 

StT^- and its derivatives 98 R. 1 ; 
125. 

3fTOH see srrciH. 

37g5r 142 R. 2. 

^192;-355wetc. 200. 
ifed?) with abl. and gen. 97, 3° ; 

12Gc). 
37ipr 43 R.; 199. 
3^ 159- 
-i<4*n& 188. 

dUchrifrl how construed 131. 
3<Jd)dR 45. 
dqji-lfri with abl. 96. 
3^171. 
3trffBMl72. 

sq^Twith gen. 120 R. 2. 
3qrar20.1. 
3MJT(T; 186. 

3W174. 

*H 183. 

^Ff none" and »a" 281, 285; — 



in disjunctive sentences 289, 
440; — ^cff fTtafr459. 

ydnt\{ and ^*hm 284. 

^«hl-H ISO. 

m^when adv. 279, 4°. 

q-m, ippr etc. 261, 274. 

ra 398; — subjoined tog 277; 
with g, FTm, ^ftr 427. 

^sr 270—272; 279, 1°. 

rrf^ used almost as a particle 418. 

<jr interrog. pronoun 280, 28 1 , 408; 
— when indefin. 281; — part 
of compound 408 R.; — '^-ijiir 
409, 4°; - eftsh and f* „fr 
srjt 7S. For the rest see fgsq. 

5if%rr412, 415 R. 

gifrr and grFPT 280 with R. 1 . 

cfiffT291;292, 5°- 

*(dMii 292, 5°- 

chqsd-i and chvifaH 288, 4° with R. 
3 and 5. 

5^410. 

chq^fa how construed 47; 81, c; 
152,2°. 

5WT- 5iT — 2 R. 

grfrfn (verb) general verb for peri- 
phrazing 310, 312; — facti- 
tives made with it 508, 509; — 
with gen. 151, with loc. 154 
R.; 145. 
^sfjr in periphrastic perfects 

333. 
chi^tH 49 N. 

KarmadMraya. 211. 

er^ 59 R. 2; 216111c). 



INDEX. 



393 



W 229, 5°. 

ch^iiT (verb) with dat. 85 ; 88 ; 
239 E. 

ara^ an d chf^irf with their deriva- 
tives 281; — in disjunctions 
285, 440; — n: cjrfeetc. 287; 
— =7 chPuH »no, none" etc. 282, 
288 E. 5.~ 

cFT^TT 4 I 6. 

grfT- Infinitive compound with — 

585. 
5FTiw399; 442, 1°. 
<mjTXt 193, 194; — qq cfrr^T 

etc. 467 E. 
fam- — Fzk prq- etc. 75, f% FraT^^r 



etc. 150; — fer with gerund 

579, with inf. 584 E. 1 ; — ^ 

feq 396; - fife" 408 E.; - 

ftFftfH »why" 408. 

f%q- particle of interrogation 
412—415. 

f&PJ, f#f jj, f%FJ ere: »how much 
more (less)" 442, 4°. 

f^rg »and" 457. 

fifrg » but" 441; 442, 2°. 
f§fcm 291 ; 292, 5°. 
f3K?r395, 596; 442, 1°- 
°&Z 220 E. 2. 
girT: 408; 410; — — »how much 

more (less)" 442, 4° ; — cprfSlfT 

288, 2° with E. 3. 
c^mfn (verb) how construed 85, 4° 

withE.; 152,8°. 
SfSTST with gen. and loc. 124 N.; 

142. 
cfj^jretc. 77, 104. 



mrm with instr. 76, 355. 
5& when a prepos. 195, 84. 
Krtyas 557 ; how construed 66 E. 
cFftrr with loc. I 48. 

c 

JRsraw 399;442, 1°; - *.... fersm 

442 E.; — q- ERST^m srfa FT 

etc. 442, 5°; — ^ ^5R?w. 

CTraf^480E. 1. 

efftsfa etc. see cfrf^nr. 

«RHt 294. 

cRtfsrs; 124, 1°. 

aghriS 74, 5° E. 2. 

jffHrfH (verb) how construed 85, 4° 
with E.; 1 32, 8°. 

I? 408; — gj^.... |>^ 410 E. 

zffiZH 288, I ° with E. 5. 

a -■* 

TriUlirT, : 5Tin^T 99. 

^m?( (verb) how construed 82; 1 27, 

5°; 151. 
fgrriH (verb) transit. 45; — with 

dat. and loc. 79, 134 and 

154* 



^ 595, 596; 442, 1°; 
gerund 379 N. 

!3TT see 5T5- 



with 



rr^frr (verb) with ace. 39, 256; its 
passive 41; — with dat. 79, 
80; — with locat. 154. 
rTrT = being, (he) is 3 ; — in, 
on etc. 197. 

°mn 502. 

jTgjrfw and compounds with loc. »to 
seize by" 1 59 d.) 



26 



394 



INDEX. 



JT^lroTT 



202. 



tr 422, 457; — with adversative 
force 441, esp. &.); 442, 5°. 
^ g- etc. 458, with R. 2. 

■s» frl (verjb) with ace. 42; — ex- 
pressive of continuous action 
578 R. 3. 

f%=re with zi^or ?H^ 48 1 . 

H-TKh 46 R., cp. Introd. p. VI. 

fir^292, 2°; - f%^, f%^-rjr 99; 
f%^r 1 28. 

%H 484, 485; 488, 489; - * ^ 
^485; -^^485;-;^^ 
497 R. 1. 

sTEPR 175 R. 

;r19R.;- Vr213&.). 
jniiH (verb) with two ace. 46. 
"sTm* 229, 4°. 
sjth 599 R.; — 543- c.) 5°; — :r in?? 

Iftg; 402. 
a mi fa (verb); its medial voice with 

gen. 121 R.; — apr (methinks) 

500. 
stTOJT (verb) how construed \00, 1°; 

156. 
sHHMH (verb) with abl. 97 R. 

°ft. Participles in — 560; — when 
expressive of the present 361, 
578. R. 1 ; — when doing duty 
as finite verbs 9, 528, 557. 

TC192. 

rtjT adverb 2^79^ 4°; — — » there,, 
fore" 444, 445>; — correlative 



to jjrT 463, to nfz. ana "aRT 484. 
FTrT: »then, further''' 439, 439;— — 
» therefore" 444; — in the apo- 
dosis of a conditional sentence 
484. 

rbWoll-^260. 

Tatpurusha 210 foil. 

fTOT 395; 497 R. 1 ; — when co- 
pulative 427; — Tfrim jtct 

470 R. 1. 

rTsnfa 446. 

fT57 474; — in the apodosis of a 
condit. sentence 484. 

FT^hr 262 R. 2. 

?ro*rr432. 

rpjArW: 319 R. 2. 

°Hpj and W 249. 

ft^ temporal 288, 5°; — conclu- 
sive 444; — in the apodosis of 
a condit- sent. 484. 

fml92. 

%ToRj- Participles in — 558, 557; 

— when doing duty as finite 
verbs 9, 528, 536, 357. 

°<r: 95, 105, 1,04, 108? — prono- 
minal adverbs in °rr : 289. 
H^jiH conclusive 444. 
°rrr. Abstracts in — 135— 239l 
"fTtrT. Imperative in — 551 R. 
fdairi 5.99; — in enumerations 459; 

— = Greek phi, 442, 1°; — ^ 

HlolH;- ■ • • OT5lr^480 R. 1. 

fnp 160. 

jj 42-9, 44 1; — fjjr g see fS^f — 

ifjsee cqrr; — zr^. • •■ § 

484 R. 2. 



INDEX. 



305 



FTOtfr oftti - in'stead. of pisr gen. 

86 d) 
fT^rat if 74, 8° R. 

rTor^T 61. 

rtmfcf (verb) how construed 1 125. 

«FT. Nouns in — 52, 559. 

rpifc (vdrb) wffil m^trl, gen., loc. 

125, 156. 
°;j. Pronominal adverbs" in 1 — 

289. 
°f5T. Abstracts in — 255— 259. 

°sfT. Pronominal adverbs in — 288". 

5^142. 

^RHUIrl i, ^FglUH etc. 9&' B. 1; 
125. 

^iij'dlfT tfiifa two accl 4'6; 

33jfrT with its compounds and* sy- 
nonyms, how cbiistrWd' 81, 
151', 14tf; — employed for 
periphrazing*' verbs 510 R ( . 

zwrfci see yr. 

Zjjff with gen. of ace. 120 b.) 

;m[|iU(h how construed 51,81 S.') 

°57. Pronominal adverbs' in — 2881 

zvxr^ with! g'e"n. orloe. l'l'l'E. 

f^TT 416. 

.[iealri how construed 42 E! 5 ; 74', 
9°; 122. 

S^Tir a Q d 2[K3>^ 1 29 E. 2. 

"J: 211, 2%1 
J&t77. 

sir, ^ffy'with'twu ace. 46; — j^tf' 

s """iHMfc&fl'of ^ih 310 1 E^ 1 • ° 



and 2 ;- ° ? ^f.i .^^^ 292, 
2°; — |jf^»by fa¥" 10*Rv 
°^k, °$m 229, 5°. 



3TT 



£pf?f 85, 4° with E. 
Dvandva 205—208. 

CTfter 202. 



srii^ 196'- 
Dvigu 299. 

f^TfTta" with gen. 124, 4° E.; — a* 
the end 1 of cbmpbund's 58 ; Rv 

iff, ^vTfFr 310 E. 

yT^rfir with d'at 85 1 , 2°! 

fycF 416, 417 with R. 1. 

7T negative 401, 402, 405' E. 2; 
52'5 % ; — p^t'wiee'4dB; —put 1 
onfee though belonging to two 
connected sentfehfces' 407; —in 
compounds 4'05 K; _ in' inter- 
rogations 415; — ' with inde- 
finites 282, 288 E. 5 ; — wikH* 
connectives' 44 ! 7, 44#; — rr' 
%H s'e'e" ^in. 

R', =T FT, =T ^ after 1 cdniparatiVes" 
r^»than" 2501 

^596, 415; — 325. 

^ 45; 7'tf, 5°." 

7rrrf?r how construed' 42;' 8 l', 2 s ; — 
qqn instead of vfizfa 3 1 § E. I 1 . 

TO ^3, 3°. 

!TOftf?r 42, 9°. 

'qtftW witti'twb'acc. 40 , E;;"4f ) l' E: 

RT^,°fe'(Ve'rb)''l , 2(3W.); 12<l : . 



396 



INDEX. 



7rm 1 82 R. 2. 

rrrir ace. 55 ; — particle 596 ; 409, 
3°; 412 R. 

f^i?r 188. 

fSrcFTSTT 186. 

fqtr 266, 267. 

f^rrfrT 134 and 134*. 

f^rfirw serves to periphraze 87, 193, 
194. 

piyH^395. 

frg3?£ fjfcfenrfa 90, 146 6.) 

farpr with loc 148. 

frp&TfY and mf^-tniT 97 R., 1 26 R. 

fern with abl. 96 d.). 

fHd^afd with dat. or gen. 81 ; 
132, 2°. 

FQ w i Ih 134 and 134*. 

ft: 225*. 

q part, of interrogation 409, 5°; 
412 R.; 414, 1° and 3°; — 

:t rr 414, 2°; 415; - rr 

when expletive 39"; — with 
present 325. 

:ra^595, 396. 

Sth555R. 1, 402 R, 2. 

=ft402R. 1,447; -;rfgH 485. 

srerirr 134 and 134*. 

;*nKr589R. 1. 

qfrfn with loc. 134 and 154*; — 

tn^Tff: — 139 e.). 
qjg* 74, 9° R. 
cq- and cr^whr 283, 3°. 
Tpr: 173. 

crpr prepos. 175; — limitative 399; 
' ~442, 1°; ^ ^484 R.2;tt 



erpr_ 442, 3° and 480 R. 1 ; - 
adversative 421, 44 1 ; qr ft and 
q| f*g 441; 442, 2°;^.... 
q^442R. 

q^T°251,2°. 

«T^rprr 196. 



qid^H with instrum. 75 R. 2. 

qj: and q^FTIH 160; 173. 

q^r^r 269. 

Parasmaipada 314; 518. 

qijl58. 

qf^T 70 R. 2. 

qijfT: 186. 

qf^rar202. 

qf^fhlFT 105. 

qynr 



173. 



q(T?mor %177R. 

qjrfq with dat. or gen. 85 with R. 

q5TTr^l75. 

qgjl (look) 500. 

qT, *TTf?T with abl. 97 ; — qrFT act. 

and pass. 224 N. 2. 
qT, tqsjffT 136, 1°. 
qTj; »a fourth" 301. 
qr^TTH 386. 
qiUol 188, 189. 
o qT5r220R. 2; 229, 6° N. 
enr: advers. 441 with R. 1. 
Jjh: 176, 177. 
qj-. 176, 177. 
qjt^i«T 201. 



q^fTTfTl76, 177;cp. 98 N. 

^229, 2°. 

qrr prepos. 161; 395; — adverb 
324 R. 1 ; 527 R.; — conjunc- 
tion 477 R., 524 R. 1. 



INDEX. 



397 



<TMUi(flT or ii^fn 42 R, 2. 

qjjrfn and qjrf 74, 6°; 125. 

^ with abt 105: — °<j£ 229, 2° 

and 5°. 
qcPj^prepos 178. 
cr -c^fc with two ace. 46. 
^182 E. 2. 
<pyH: 177 K. 

try 175 E.; 177 E.; - °<t£ 192. 
cr° 309 *. 
crtt 19 E. 
UU l ijfH how construed 42; 81, 2°; 

152, 9°. 
crfH 179, 180. 
triHcfKfr 129. 
mIh^MiIh with gen. dat. loc. of the 

person 81 c); 132, 6°; 145; — 

with dat. of the purpose 90. 
nfHU with gen. or loc. 1 1 1 E. 
crfiroufiT with abl. 97. 

!4 filch' 175 E. 

Hr?raiT 177. 

ZTtm 442, 2° and 3°. 

trail 246; — irair fTTBrn 459. 

jmsrfTT with dat. 85; — with gen. 

118; — with inf. 584, 586. 
jru with dat. 85; — with gen. 112; 
~~ — with inf. 584. 
cwfH 170; - og^ 229, 1°. 
OTKiFr 96 E. 2. 
cra^fH see ^i(h. 
juftsFra^ see fsm. 
traHH with dat. 90;— with inf. 584. 
ufllU l td 134 and 154* 
CTCFT, UHl^fa, crtts; • 31. 
Eri^rl42E. 2. 



itwr 1 1 1 B. 

qi^l78. 

°m^ 229, 5°. 

ffratir 77. 

graVfa 46. 

fer with gen. 82, 129; — with 

locat. 148; — in compounds 

224 N. 2. 

STfT 416 

srirrfn and its compounds, with loc. 

1 59 a); — srerrfor a means for 

periphrase 5 1 E. 
srcTra^and sr^rc 1 95. 
srffc"l81. 
5T|° 251, 2°. 
Bahuvrihi 222 — 226; _ 564 E. 

1 ; — 68. 
5rTOT^395. 
srfs grfrin with dat. and loc. 89 ; 

146. 
sjdlfn with two accus, 46; — with 

dat. gen. loc. etc. of, the person 

addressed 8 1 c); 132, 4°; 145; 

179 &. 

5T& with two nomin 35. 

iTST and ufai with loc. 1 48. 
HjrffT with ace. 42 E. 2. 
irrrrfFf see spg. 



ng-fr 



2E. 



mr see iff. 

u^^H = "to be" and »to become" 
5; 510 — 512; — employed as 
a means for making periphrastic 
tenses 577, 378, (sfirsr) 355; — 



398 



INDEX. 



iToTH 511 N; — inchoatives in 

"W?T 308, 509. 
iTor^hr 262 E. 1 . 
W5TPT expressive of the 2 d person 

259, 260. 
urn 501. 

°WT5r- Abstracts in — 255 — 239. 
fir^TH with two ace 46; — with 

abl. 95, 5°. 
Pitt with abl. 105: 285 E. 1. 
iff, filirffr with abl. or gen. 97, 5°; 

126 c). 
iT5T vedic constr. 74, 9° E. 
°htt 214; cp. inchoatives in irsrfw. 
jprfn with ace. 42. 
jrarfn with abl. 95, 2°; 96, 62. 

irfrr arftfTr with dat. and loc. 89; 
146. 

qgr^ 46 E. 

qWTfT, wA 190, 191, cp. 1 16 E. ?.. 

mu$irii 201. 

TfiziTt 1 67. 

orpq- ; . Infin. -j 385. 

otro 214. 

rpjir with two nomin. 55; — with 
dat. or ace. 88 E. 5 ; — tjtu 
»methinks" 500 with E. — For 
the rest see ^wi dti f H 

jrajir instead of rjrr 86 d.). 

m negative 405 ; with f^and fut. 
353 E. 4 ; — with imperative 
and aorist 555 — 554 ; — with 
imperfect 555 E. 5; — rrr'^T 
with aorist 353. 

-msr 229, 4°. 



°tnf^214. 
Tmnr 196. 
fm: 269. 

ftf^rT 60, 

fewfH 60. 

^202. 

ywifjj 2^r 196, 

jj^fH 96, 62 ; — rrajar reflex. 5 1 9 

E. 1. 
jpnrffr 46 E. 
gipfcr, °FdfT, °tot 99; 128. 
°^rl94.^ 
ijkzjh '27, 5°. 

tj the relative pronoun 286; — its 
employment 456, 457, 459, and 
of the whole relative system 
451 — 454; — g- with causal, 
final, consecutive force 458; — 
jt after ^pr, nipr etc. 458 E.; 
460 E. 5, ; 466; 480 E. 2. 
*r put twice 287 a.); — q-; spfigrT 
etc. 287 6.), 288 E. 1 ; -^ 
a: * 287 c); 288 R. 4; 458N. 

jjsrfH 45 R.; 1 19 E.; — its medial 
518 6.). 

grT particle 462 — 466; — almost 
"-dit466E, 

zjfih with dat. 89; — with loc. 
1 46 a.); — with inf. 586. 

UrT: causal 467 (cp. 445); used as 
jth 464 and 465 E. 

UrHrU^ 595; 459, 1°. 

ztot part, of comparison 450, 470; 
— »as if" 470 E. 3;— final 
and consecutive 471; - 



INPJSX. 



399 



475; — g-ert paraphrases the 

the object 472; — n^jr rR 

wfcr 470 E. 2. 

jraT°219. 

YatMsamkhyam 253. 

JT5T474. 

0^ 481, 482, 484—486, 488,489. 

jl^fr »as far as" 470 R. 4. 

iHM \ H causal part. 467, cp. 443. 

m, q"rirr "to go" with ace. 59; 256; 

— with dat. 79, 80. 

lUI-dtn how construed 46; 95, 5°; 

1 26 a.). 
arpr 460, esp. R. 2. 
jrrafT prepos. with ace. and abl. 54 

R. 2; 169; — particle 475— 

480; — with present 524 R. 1 . 

U l oiH -\- :t — priusquam 477; 

q- cqTT^ or 7j $ETc<W- t • ■ • OToPj 

480 R. 1. 
aran 219. 
arasr480*. 
tlld-H relat, pronoun 4.60, esp. R. 

2 ; — its neuter gran 460 R. 1. 
a-ar »apt, fit, proper" 129; 146; 82; 

— with infin. 589; — — ^ador- 
ned with, with" 58, 198. 

a^r with instr. 60; — tfsOH »it is 
'"fit, proper" 129. 

Jtsiafa w i* n instr. 60 R. 1 .. 
3«rf?r 42 R, 1. 
ect relative particle 468, 469; — = 

oh 465 R. 
jffnTfT, ?fl?PT 196. 
a^r 129. 



^grf?r with abl. 97. 
^pj% with loc. 159 6.) 
°pr 220 R. 1 and 2. 
jwi with instrum. 74, 5° R. 2 ; — 
with loc. 1 48. 



^%T— » without" 62, 198. 

^Tariff 85. 

^g- with dat. or gen. 81, 2°;152, 7°. 

^46R. 

V 220 R. 2 ; 229, 6°. 

^q-gj 53. 

^ 419. 

*m 294. 

^rnrrfS' with loc. 1 59. 

Lat or present tense 521; 525 — 

527; 542; 544; 556; 468, 

471, 476, 489 1 st cat- 
Lan or imperfect 521; 528 — 550. 
Lit or perfect 521; 528—535. 
Lin = optative or potential 521; 

542 — 545; — ligishilin orpre- 

cative 546. 
Lut or periphrastic future 521; 

540—541 *; 544**. 
Lull or aprist 52 1 ; 328; 554 — 555. 
cftct, tywfH 45. 
tfTwrfS 89. 
Lrt or future in °^h 321; 540— 

541**; 342; 544; 550 R,; 489 

1 9t cat. 
Lrii or conditional 542; 547. 
Let or conjunctive 542; 555. 
^fter 19 R. 



400 



INDEX. 



Lot or imperative 542; 344; 548 
— 555; 555; — its 2 d person 
of the sing, repeated 497 E. 5. 

et? with two aoc. or with dat., gen., 
"afi* 46; 81, c); 127, 1°;179 6.) 

oM-IIHj °^T 196. 

g-dtlitT with abl. 96 R. 1 . 

°snT24t. 

a^ see 5pg. 

SfTO with abl. 1 05; — with tt, :t ^ 
etc. 250;— with infin. 589 E. 2. 

orpin see ajnfrfTT. 

5^202, 2°. 

ddfLii 202. 

aTTH »to be" 5, 510; 567; — with 
partic. of the present 378; — 
with gerund 381; — with locat. 
158. 

cWfFT 42; 74, 9°. 

Brarnj) asnr 195. 

cmfd with locat. 157. 

affJrolOR. 

ar disjunctive 428, 440; — in in- 
terrogations 409, 3 9 ; 412 E.; 
414, 1°— 5°; - ar.... srr 414, 
2°; 428; — * 6TT, m * aT 4 1 4 
R-; — srr ht^ srr 428 E., 440. 
ar = =>397E. 1. 

c 5rr^292E. 2. 

a litifri with abl. 97. 

aTcr 397 R. 5. 

f&° Compounds with — 225 *; — 
construed with instrnm. or abl. 
62, 96. 

fasfft with looat. 145. 



fcTJT?T 198 R.; 225* R. 



f&CTioFH, fgrarf^ 450 R. 5. 

isrf its construction with gen. 121; 

— its perf. a«; 551, 532; — 

its caus. see a^Trffi. 
faqn »to be" 3; 567. 
°faf&229, 10°. 
■fam 182. 

fcW5rf^45. 

faiprl29. 

femr 62. 

fddrtJH, [autdufrf 62; 96. 

fapaF59; 148; 179 5.). 

fcjoiui 245. 

(dftlWH, fa Rite etc. 105, 3°; 62; 

141. 
"fSTSfisr 229, 8° and 9°. 
fasmr 139 c.) and 148. 
fasET280R. 1. 
f&safnfH and fasaw tow construed 

151; 139 c); 148. 
ToI'&izt 192 B. 
fairer 186 R. 2. 



fa^202. 

ak 198 E.; 225*. 

Vtpsa 252. 

auPlId with two accus. 46; — with 
abl. 95, 5°; — with dat or loc. 
90, 146 6.) 

a^tlfd and its compounds, how con- 
strued 47, 51; 81c); 132, 2°. 

a 397 E. 1. 

|j 58, 59; 148; 179 6.) 

oUl^fd see &q. 



INDEX. 



401 



srafH 39, 236. 

srar with dat., loo., inf. 90; 146 c); 
384; — jfERjn' and sisr with 
infin. 587, 588. 
ST?fT 85 E.; — sfsr and >±\f$,ri 
587 E. with N. 

3T^ with ahl. 97; — sj| (it seems, 
methinks) 500. 

<mfo 74, 2° and 9°; — 85, 5°. 

srsan 597 B. 5. 

V 242. 

STPFW2E.; 416. 

fsra*l42. 

5p?toh86c.);126 6.) 

«&4S;74B. 1. 

ststt, ?T£[>rTf?f 86 c); 152 E. 

fir? ^itifri "with ace. 40; — with 
loc. 139 c.) 

3T, sjuflffT with acc, gen., abl. 95, 
4°; 126 6.); — with gen. of the 
partic 1 26 E"; — srTsraiH 5 ' • 

s^rraH 74, 5°; 83, 5°. 

ffew with compounds and deriva- 
tives 139 c.) 

g- demonstr. pronoun 271; — its 
employment 275—278; 279, 
1° and 2°; — its relations to g- 
286 and cp. 451, 455; — ^ 
the general pronoun 12, 276; 

— g- g- 276 E.; — ga means 
for connecting sentences 455; 

— ST with conclusive force 445. 
g-°58;60; 185. 

ydHH 310. 



wr:. q ...., srra-.... 500. 

sranw 188, 189. 

?T3i with gen. 124, 2°; — with loc. 

see ST3JH. 
y<euiu 201. 
STTfT 58. 
>3raH or HirtrT 139. 

HaTfT, srjrrarr 310. 

#?tt (verb) 60 E. 2 ; — 259 E. 

W£r q595;— 442, 1°. 

g<rsr with instrum. or gen. 61, 129. 

sr^ participle of ^f% 564 with 

E. 2; 567. 
Jfrf2rf& 188. 
^T5rR260. 
*° [= wjj 60. 

grr with instrum. or gen. 61, 129. 
grraiT 177. 



gqir prepos. 58, 184, 185 E. 2. 



jftott 186. 

grpq- with dat. or loc. 90; 146 c); 

— with inf. 584. 
grrFT with instrum. or gen. 61. 
spttt 188. 
Hq^i-i "t° become" 510; 



with 



dat. 85, 88. 
^ Uti-c^r l 60 E. 2. 
jforairtfT 52, 237; - with gen. 

127,2°. 

dr 281, esp. E. 2. 
srsrrT; 186. 

STolfriHT 77. 

^58, 60, 184, 185. 
^%r »with'' 58, 198. 



402 



itfDEX. 



srrew 58, 184. 

MI-dl fT in similes 4 Si) 1 R.- 5. 

°mH509. 

smr adjective with loc. or'fiffflil4*9; 

— particle 4 1 6. 
5TTOT58, 184, 185 R. 2. 
h° 2H, 225. 
J^129R.2. 
gw=T 77. 
gsw 1 29 R. 2. 
$g£ 14-8. 

*ZIT> ffl^fH With loc. 138 1 ,' — '=: »to 

be" 3, 310; — fefT express; 69 

the predicate 567; -<- IPmEV 

with partic. of the pSSfe. 57&, 

with gernad 1 581. 

f^w with dat. 85, 5°; 2o9fR. 
wnk = »as" 452?. 
WTO rifrl'54*,.l46Jf.y 
H319R. 1- 
^tj'ffi r with dati acci gen; 89} 

1 20 d.) 
9T 597; — pufrtd'tnepredentftenbB? 

526, 527; — put to qt Setf'ifp 



Hlifd with gen. or alec. 120'; — 

with infin. 584 R. 2 with N. 
»sr 265, 2*65, 267. 
et#, ssn#ta-' 265 R, 1, 

55TUT 85, 5°- 

sgtrn 2^8; — in simifes 450' K. 5. 

StTfelH R- 

JjdT^T 85, 5 . 

fern 409, 5°; 41 4, 1°; 4f& 

^ 597 with R. 2. 
^fT418. 

^r particle 416, 41-7 R. 2'. 

ifrprlw 49 Iff. 

1% 429-, 445. 

% with da*. 83; 1°; 2l'6; Nb.f 

^62, 198. 

$£'*. 

I3I194-. 

fcfc 193. 
*"83; 5°: