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CHARLES WILLIAM WASON

COLLECTION

CHINA AND THE CHINESE

THE GIFT OF
CHARLES WILLIAM WASON
CLASS OF 1876
1918

p , 7 L35 Cornel1 ""'"ereHy Library
0pU Mu u ii»MUMiiSlfi?l,,IF, l ?,i. e, !Y Philologcal an

3 1924 023 345 352

Cornell University
Library

The original of this book is in
the Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.

http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023345352

OPUSCULA.

ESSAYS

CHIEFLY

PHILOLOGICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHICAL

BY

ROBERT GORDON LATHAM,

M.A., M.D., F.R.S., ETC.

LATE FELLOW 01" KINGS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, LATE PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH

IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON, LATE ASSISTANT PHYSICIAN

AI THE MIDDLESEX HOSPITAL.

VU+.

1

WILLIAMS & NORGATE,

H HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON

AND

20 SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH.
LEIPZIG, R. HARTMANN.

186 °- -eo^NI-Ll-

* UNIVl MM I Y

LEIPZIG PRINTED BY B. G. TKUBNEIt.

PREFACE.

The essays in the present volume are chiefly upon philo-
logical and ethnographical subjects : though not exclusively.
Th'e earliest was published in 1840, the latest in 1856. In
some cases they have formed separate treatises and in some
Appendices to larger works. The greater part, however,
consists of papers read before the Philological Society of
London ; a society which has materially promoted the growth
of Comparative Philology in Great Britain, and which, if
it. had merely given to the world the valuable researches of
the late Mr. Grarnett, would have done more than enough
to justify its existence and to prove its usefulness.

As a general rule these papers address themselves to
some definite and special question, which commanded, the
attention of the author either because it was obscure, or
because there was something in the current opinions con-
cerning it which , in his eyes', required correction. Re-
searches conducted on this principle can scarcely be invested
with any very general interest. Those who take them up
are supposed to have their general knowledge beforehand.
A wide field and a clear view, they have already taken.
At the same time there are, in the distant horizon, imperfect
outlines , and in the parts nearer to the eye dim spots
where the light is uncertain , dark spots where it is wholly
wanting, and, oftener still, spots illumined by a false and
artificial light. Some of the details of the following inves-
tigations may be uninteresting from their minuteness; some
from their obscurity; the minuteness however, and the ob-
scurity which deprive them of general interest make it all
the more incumbent on some one to take them up: and it
is needless to add that for a full and complete system of
ethnographical or philological knowledge all the details that
are discoverable should be discovered. This is my excuse
(if excuse be needed) for having spent some valuable time
upon obscure points of minute interest. Upon the whole,
they have not been superfluous. This means that I have

IV PREFACE.

rarely, or never, found from any subsequent reading that
they had been anticipated. Where this has been the case,
the article has been omitted — being treated as a non scri-
plum. An elaborate train of reasoning submitted to the
Ethnographical Society has on this principle been ignored. '
It was upon the line of migration by which the Polynesian
portion of the Pacific islands was peopled. It deduced Poly-
nesia from the Navigator's Islands; the Navigator's Islands,
or Samoan Archipelago , from the Ralik and Radak chains ;
the Ralik and Radak chains from Micronesia; Micronesia
from the Philippines , via Sonsoral and the Pelews. Some
time after the paper was read I found that Forster has pro-
mulgated the same doctrine. I ought to have known it be-
fore. Hence the paper is omitted : indeed it was (though read)
never published.

In respect to the others the chief writers who have work-
ed in the same field are Dr. Scouler, Professor Turner, and
Professor Buschmann, — not to mention the bibliographical
labours of Dr. Ludwig, and the second paper of Galla-
tin. I have no hesitation _ in expressing my belief that
where they agree with me they do so as independent inves-
tigators; claiming for myself, where I agree, with them,
the same consideration.

Of Hodgson and Logan, Windsor Earle, and other inves-
tigators I should have much to say in the way of both
aknowledgement and criticism, had India and the Indian
Archipelago taken as large a portion of the present volume'
as is taken by North America. As it is, it is only in a
few points that I touch their domain.

The hypothesis that the Asteks. (so-called) reached Me-
xico by sea I retract. Again — the fundamental affinity
of the Australian language was a doctrine to which both
Teichelmann and Sir G. Grey had committed themselves
when the paper on the Negrito languages was written. The
papers, however, stand as they stood: partly because they
a*e worth something in the way of independent evidence,
and partly because they illustrate allied subjects.

CONTENTS.

I. Psedeutica p«bc.

Inaugural Lecture 1

On the study of Medicine 15

On the study of Language 27

II. Logica

On the word Distributed 39

III. Grammatica

On the reciprocal Pronouns, and the reflective Verb ... 45
On the connexion between the Ideas of Association and Plu-
rality as an influence in the Evolution of Inflection . . ,57

On the word cujum 60

On the Aorists in KA 64

IV. Metrica

On the Doctrine of the Caesura in the Greek senarius . . 68
On the use of the signs of Accent and Quantity as guides
to the pronunciation of words derived from the classical
Languages 74

V. Chronologica

.On the Meaning of the word SAPOS 81

VI. Bibliographica

Notice of works on the Provincialisms of Holland .... 85

VII. Geographica

On the Existence of a nation bearing the name of Seres . 89
On the evidence of a connection between the Cimbri and

the Chersonesus Cimbrica 93

On the original extent of the Slavonic area 108

On the terms Gotfd and Getae . 129

• On the Japodesj and Gepidae 131

VIII. Ethnologica

On the subjectivity of certain classes in Ethnology . . . 138
General principles of philological classification and the va-
lue of groups , with particular reference to the Languages

of the Indo-European Class 143

Traces of a bilingual town in England 152

On the Ethnological position of certain tribes on the Garrow
hills 153

VI CONTENTS.

Page.

On the transition between the Tibetan and Indian Families

in respect to conformation 154

On the Affinities of the Languages of Caucasus with the

monosyllabic Languages 156

On the Tushi Language 168

On the Name and Nation of the Dacian king Decebalus,
with notices of the Agathyrsi and Alani ...... 175

On the Language of Lancashire under the Romans . . . 180

On the Negrito Languages 191

On the general affinities of the Languages of the oceanic

Blacks 216

Remarks on the Vocabularies of the Voyage of the Rattle-
snake 223

On a Zaza Vocabulary 242

On the Personal Pronouns and Numerals of the Mallicollo
and Erromango Languages, by the Rev. C. Abraham. . 245

On the Languages of the Oregon Territory 249

On the Ethnography of Russian America 266

Miscellaneous contributions to the Ethnography of North

America 275

On a short Vocabulary of the Loucheux Language, by J.

A. Isbister 299

On the Languages of New California 300

On certain Additions to the ethnographical philology of
Central America, with remarks on the so-called Astek

Conquest of Mexico 317

Note upon a paper of the Hon. Captain Fitzroy on the Isth-
mus of Panama 323

On the Languages of Northern, Western and Central America 326

I.
P^DEUTICA.

INAUGURAL LECTURE

DELIVERED AT

UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON,

OCTOBER 14 , 1839.

Instead of detaining you with a dissertation upon the
claims and the merits of our Language, it may perhaps be
better to plunge at once into the middle of my subject, and
to lay before you, as succinctly as I am able, the plan and
substance of such Lectures as, within these walls, I promise
myself the honour of delivering. For I consider that the
vast importance of thoroughly understanding, of compre-
hending, in its whole length, and breadth, and height, and
depth, the language which we all speak, we all read, and
we all (in different degrees, but still each in our degree)
have occasion to write — the importance also of justly and
upon true grounds, valuing the magnificent literature of
which we are the inheritors — I consider, I say, that the vast
importance of all this is sufficiently implied by the simple
single fact, that, in this Institution, the English Language,
with the English Literature, is recognized as part and parcel
of a liberal education. It may also be assumed, without
further preface, that every educated man is, at once, ambi-
tious of writing his own Language well ; of criticizing those
who write it badly; and of taking up his admiration of our
National Literature, not upon Trust but upon Knowledge.

Thus having premised, I now proceed to the divisions
and the subdivisions of my subject. For certain practical
purposes it is found expedient to draw, between the consi-
'deration* of the English Language, and the consideration of

1

2 INAUGURAL LECTURE.

the English Literature, a broad line of demarcation. The
knowledge of books is one thing; the knowledge of the rules
of good composition is another thing. It is one thing to
know what other men have written; it is another thing _ to
know how you should yourself write. The one is a point
of Literary History , or of Literary Biography ; the other is
a point of Rhetoric, or a point of Grammar. I do not say
that the two studies do not mutually assist each other. All
studies do so : these in a great degree. Familiarity with the
works of a Shakspeare or a Milton, is an accomplishment —
an accomplishment that depends upon our taste, and one
which depends also upon our leisure — an accomplishment
which cannot be too highly valued, but still an accomplish-
ment. Familiarity, however, with the rules of good writing
is not a mere accomplishment. It is a necessary qualification
which comes home to us all. Now if I am convinced of
one thing more than of another, I am convinced of the truth
of this assertion; viz.: that a good style comes not of itself;
it comes not uncalled for; and it comes neither by instinct
nor by accident. It is the result of art, and the result of
practise. The Rules of good Composition "are the rules of
Rhetoric; and it is very necessary that they be neither ne-
glected nor undervalued. Two classes of men, and two
classes only, can pretend to dispense with them — those that
can write well, and those that cannot write at all.

The English Language is pre-eminently a mixed Lan-
guage. Its basis indeed is Saxon, but upon this basis lies
a very varied superstructure, of 'Danish and of Norman-
French, of Modern French and of Greek, of Classical Latin
and of the Latin of the Middle Ages imported at different
periods and upon different occasions. Words from these
languages are comprehended by the writer just in the pro-%
portion that he comprehends their origin and their deriva-
tion. Hence it is that the knowledge of isolated words is
subordinate to the formation of a style ; and hence it is that
the rules for their investigation are (their aim and object
being alone considered) akin to the rules of Rhetoric.

This however is but a small part of what may be our
studies. It is well to know how Time affects Languages,
and in what way it modifies them. It is well to know how
one dialect grows out of another, and how its older stages
differ from its newer ones. It is well if we can perceive that
these variations are in no wise arbitrary; but it is better
still if we can discover the laws that regulate them. Yet
all this is but a knowledge of the changes that words un-
dergo, a knowledge of the changes in their form-, and a

INAUGURAL LECTURE. 6

knowledge of the changes in their meaning. Now these
points are points of Etymology, the word being used in its
very laxest and its largest sense; and points of Etymology
must, in no wise, be neglected or undervalued.

Lectures upon these questions will form the Etymologi-
cal part of a course; and Lectures upon Prose Composition
the Rhetorical part of one; whilst the two, taken together,
will give a course upon the English Language, in contradis-
tinction to one upon the English Literature.

In respect to the latter, I shall, at regular intervals, fix
upon some new period, or sbme new subject, and, to the
best of my power, illustrate it.

Thus much for the divisions and subdivisions of the sub-
ject-matter.

The considerations that come next in order are the con-
siderations of the manner of exhibiting it, the considerations
of the knowledge that can be detailed, and the considera-
tions of the trains of thought that can be inculcated.

There are those who believe that a good style is not to
be taught. Many think that the habit of writing good Prose,
is like the power of creating good Poetry; a privilege that
we are born to, and not a possession that we can earn; and
a wit once said that, in order to write clearly, it was only
necessary to understand what you would write about. If
this be true, then is composition an easy matter indeed; or,
to say the very least, a perspicuous style is as common as a
clear understanding. The experience of the world has,
however, set aside the decision of the wit, and the practice
of inexperienced writers has belied his dogma. To write
well you must understand not only the matter but the me-
dium. Thus then it is, that, with respect to the use of books,
and with respect to the use of rules, in our attempts at the
formation of a good style, some persons neglect them as
unavailing, and some despise them as superfluous.

Towards accurate writing Habit of some sort is indispen-
sably essential. Yet this indispensable habit is not neces-
sarily a habit of writing. A person who writes no more fre-
quently than the common occasions of life demand, shall
eventually, provided that he will habitually write his best,
write accurately. Now the habit of criticism, and the habit
of attention essential to habits of writing our best , a second
person is, I think, able to inculcate. Such a second per-
son should be familiar with bad as well as with good wri-
ting; even, as the physician shall grow conversant, not with
health only, but with disease also. He should know what
are the more egregious errors in composition; he should

1*

4 INAUGURAL LECTURE.

know also what are the more usual ones. He should be
learned in the inaccuracies of good authors, and deeply
erudite in the absurdities of bad ones; recognizing false
taste under all its disguises, and holding up, as a beacon
to avoid, the pitiful ambition of mannerism and of writing
finely. The principles by which he tries these things, he
can lay before his hearers ; and he can illustrate them with
a prodigality of commentary. And those who hearken shall
thus grow critical. And, mark — the reader that continually
and habitually criticizes others, soon comes to, continually
and habitually, criticize himself. He grows fastidious, as
it were, perforce.

In this way two things may be done : our criticism may
be sharpened, and its edge may be turned upon ourselves.
At this I aim, and not at teaching Rhetoric systematically.

The father of Horace, as we learn from the testimony of
his son, was peculiar in his notions of education. In his
■eyes it was easier to eschew Vice than to imitate Virtue.
Too wise a man not to know that an unapproachable model
was no model at all, he let (for instance) the modesty of
Virgil (as modest virtues generally contrive to do) speak for
itself. But he counselled his son against the prodigality of
Barrus, and held up, with parental prudence, the detected
peccadilloes of Trebonius. ,

Now the system, that produces a negative excellence in
morals, may produce also a negative excellence in litera-
ture. More than this (for the truth must be told) Art can
not do. For Wit, and Vigour, and Imagination we must
be indebted to Nature.

I know that the system of picking out, and holding up,
either a neighbour's foibles, or an author's inelegancies, is
not a gracious occupation; the question, howeTer, is, not,
whether it be gracious or ungracious but whether it be effi-
cient or inefficient.

Whosoever is conversant with the writings of etymolo-
gists must be well aware, that there are few subjects where-
in men run wild to the degree that they run wild in Ety-
mology. A little learning, dangerous everywhere, is preemi-
nently dangerous in Etymology. There has been in the
world an excess of bad etymology for two reasons.

The discovery of remote analogies is not only mental ex-
ercise, but, worse luck, it is a mental amusement as well.
The imagination is gratified, and Criticism thinks it harsh
to interpose.

Again, there is no language that a man so willingly illu-
strates as he illustrates his own. He knows it best, and he

INAUGURAL LECTURE. 5

studies it with the greatest ease. He loves it not wisely
but too well. H&j finds in its structure new and peculiar
beauties; he overvalues its excellence, and he exaggerates
its antiquity. Such are the men who talk — in Wales, of the
ubiquity of the Celts; in Germany, of the Teutonic Origin
of the Romans ; and in Ireland of the Phoenician extraction
of the Milesians.

Thus then, two out of the Thousand and One causes of
bad Etymology are the reason psychological, and the rea-
son patriotic. Nemini credendum de Patria sua.

I think that at the entrance upon an unsettled subject,
a man should boldly say, and say at the very onset of his
career, upon whose opinions he relies, and whose opinions
he distrusts. He should profess himself, not indeed the
implicit follower of any School, but he should name the
School that he preferred. He should declare whose books
he could recommend, and whose he would eschew. Thus,
if I were lecturing upon Geology, I should say, at once,
whether I were what is called a Scriptural Geologist or a
Latitudinarian one: And thus, in the department in point,
I name the writers I put faith in. In the works of Grimm
and Rask I place much trust; in those of Home Tooke
some ; and in those of Whiter and Vallancey (to name small
men along with great) none whatsoever.

In the study of the Languages that have ceased to be
spoken we find, in an Etymological view, one thing, and
one thing only; words as they have been affected by pre-
vious processes of change; in other terms, the results of these
processes. But in the Language that we hear spoken around
us, and, still more, in the Language that we ourselves speak,
we find something more than results; we find the processes
that give occasion to them ; in other terms , we see the change
as it lakes place. Within the lifetime of an individual, within
even a very few years, those that look may find, not only
that certain words are modified in respect to their meaning,
and certain letters modified, in respect to their pronuncia-
tion, but they may also see horn these modifications are
brought about, ascertaining — of words the intermediate
meanings, and of letters the intermediate sounds. We may
trace the gradations throughout. We can , of our own Lan-
guage, and in our own Times, see, with a certainty, what
change our Language more especially affects; we can ob-
serve its tendencies. And we can do this because we can
find towards what particular laxities (be they of meaning or
be they of pronunciation) ourselves and our neighbours more
especially have a bias. We can, as it were, prophesy. We

INAUGURAL LECTURE.

cannot do this with the Latin of Augustus ; we cannot do
it with the Greek of Pericles.

Hence it is that what we will know, to a certainty, of
Etymological processes, must be collected from Cotempo-
rary Languages. Those who look for them elsewhere seek
for the Living among the Dead; arguing from things un-
known (at least unknown to a certainty), and so speculating
laxly, and dogmatizing unphilosophically. Hence it is, that
in Cotemporary Languages, and of those Ootemporary
Languages, in our own most especially, we may lay deep
and strong, and as the only true substratum of accurate
criticism, the foundations of our knowledge of Etymologi-
cal Processes. And, observe, we can find them in a suffi-
cient abundance provided that we sufficiently look out for
them. For Processes, the same in kind, though not the
same in degree, are found in all languages alike. No pro-
cess is found in any one language that is not also found
(in some degree or other) in our own; and no process can
be found in our own language which does not (in some
degree or other) exist in all others beside. There are no
such things as Peculiar Processes: since Languages differ
from each other, not in the nature of their Processes, but in
the degrees of their development. These are bold, perhaps
novel, assertions, but they are not hasty ones. (1)

Simply considered as an Instrument of Etymology I ima-
gine that the study of Cotemporary Languages is, in its
importance, of the very first degree; while next in value
to this (considered also, as an Instrument of Etymology,) is
the study of Languages during what may be called their
breakings- up, or their transitions.

There are two stages in Language. Through these two
stages all Languages, sooner or later, make their way; some
sooner than others, but all sooner or later. Of this the
Latin language may serve as an illustration. In the time
of Augustus it expressed the relations of Time and Place,
in other words, its Cases and Tenses, by Declension and
Conjugation, or, broadly speaking, by Inflexion. In the
time of Dante there was little or no Inflexion, but there was
an abundance of Auxiliary Verbs, and an abundance of
Prepositions in its stead. The expression of Time and Place
by independent words superseded the expression by Inflec-
tions. Now_ in all Languages the inflectional stage comes
first. This is a Law. There are Languages that stay for
ever (at least for an indefinite time) in their earlier stage.
Others there are again, that we never come in contact with
before they have proceeded to their later one. Languages

INAUGURAL LECTURE. 7

of this latter kind are of subordinate value to the Etymolo-
gist. Those that he values most are such as he sees in the
two stages : so being enabled to watch the breaking-up of
one, the constitution of the other, and the transition inter-
mediate to the two.

Now our own language (the Anglo Saxon being borne
in mind) comes under the conditions that constitute a good
and sufficient language as a disciplinal foundation in Ety-
mology. It can be studied in two stages. When we come
to the Times of the Conquest we must gird up our loins for
the acquisition of a new Language.

The Breaking-up of the Latin (I speak for the sake of
illustration and comparison) is a study in itself. It is 'a
study complete and sufficient; not, however, more so than
is the study of the Breaking-up of the Gothic. For in this
stock of Tongues, not only did the Saxon pass into the
English, but the Moeso-Gothic, the Scandinavian, and the
Frisian, each gave origin to some new Tongue; the first to
the High German, the second to the Languages of Scandi-
navia, and the third to the Modern Dutch. The study then
of the Languages of the Gothic stock is something more
than a sufficient disciplinal foundation in Etymology. (2)

In matters of pronunciation, living Languages have an
exclusive advantage. For dead Languages speak but to
the eye; and it is not through the eye that the ear is to be
instructed.

It is well for the Geologist to classify rocks, and to ar-
range strata, to distinguish minerals, and to determine fos-
sils; but it is far better if, anterior to this, he will study
the Powers of Nature, and the Processes that are their ope-
rations: and these he can only study as he sees them in
the times wherein he lives, or as he finds them recorded in
authentic and undisputed histories. With this knowledge
he can criticize, and construct; without it he may invent
and imagine. Novel and ingenious he may, perchance, be-
come; but he can never be philosophical, and he can never
be Scientific. So it is with the Etymologist. Whenever,
in a d«ad Language, he presumes a Process, which he has
looked for in vain in a living one,, he outruns his data.
The basis of Etymology is the study of existing Processes.
Our Language has had its share ; I must hasten to the
consideration of our Literature.

The Early Literature of most modern Nations consists of
the same elements; of Legends concerning their Saints, of
Chronicles, and of Hymns and Romances. Too much of
this fell into the hands of the Monks; and these were, too

INAUGURAL LECTURE.

ofte'n, the prosaic writers of barbarous Latinity; for lrose
(if not in language at least in idea) was, with them, tbe
rule; and Poetry the exception. Such is the general cha-
racter of the Early Modern Literature; in which, however,
our Saxon ancestors were, somewhat (indeed much) more
fortunate than their neighbours. Monkish writing was with
them an important clement; but it was not the only one.
They had an originality besides. And the Scandinavians
were more fortunate still. The worshippers of Odin and
Thor had a Mythology; and Mythologies are the Creators
and Creations of Poetry. The Norse Mythology is as poe-
tical as the Grecian. I speak this advisedly. Now this
Mythology was common to all the Gothic Tribes. The
Saxon and the Norse Literatures dealt (each in their degree)
with the same materials; they breathed the same spirit; and
they clothed it in an allied Language. But the Saxon My-
thology is fragmentary ; while the Norse Mythology is a
whole. For this reason Scandinavian (or Norse) Literature
is not extraneous to my subject.

These, the primeval and Pagan times of our ancestors,,
must claim and arrest our attention; since it is from these
that our characteristic modes of Thought (call them Gothic,
or call them Romantic) are derived. In the regions of Pa-
ganism lie the dark fountains of our Nationality.

Beside this, I consider that, even in the matter of Lan-
guage, the direct Scandinavian element of the English is
much underrated; (3) and still more underrated is the in-
direct Scandinavian element of the Norman-French. And
here, again, when we come to the Conquest, we must grapple
with new dialects , irregular imaginations , and mystical
and mysterious Mythologies ; for the things that have a value
in Language, have a value in History also.

Now come, in due order, and in lineal succession, the
formation of our Early English Literature, and the days of
Chaucer; and then those of Spenser: periods necessary to
be illustrated, but which may be illustrated at a future time.
And after these the Mr& of Elizabeth, fertile in great men,
and fertile in great poets; so much so, that (the full view
being too extensive) it must be contemplated by instalments
and in sections.

There are many reasons for choosing as a subject for
illustration the Dramatic Poets of this Period. They "stood
as great men amid a race of great men; so doing, they have
a claim on our attention on the simple solitary cr r0 unds of
their own supereminent excellence. But, besides^this, they
are, with the exception of their one great representative,

INAUGURAL LECTURE.

known but imperfectly. Too many of us consider the Age
of Elizabeth as the Age of Shakspeare exclusively. Too
many of us have been misled by the one-sided partiality of
the Shakspearian commentators. These men, in the mono-
mania of their idolatry, not only elevate their author into a
Giant, but dwarve down his cotemporaries into pigmies. And
who knows not how (on the moral side of the question) their
writings are filled even to nauseousness, with the imputed
. malignity of Ben Jonson ? Themselves being most malignant.

This, however, has been, by the labor of a late editor,
either wholly done away with , or considerably diluted. Be
it with us a duty, and be it with us a labour of love, to seek
those commentators who have rescued great men from the
neglect of Posterity ; and be our sympathies with the diligent
antiquarian, who shows that obloquy has originated unjustly;
and be our approbation with those who have corrected the
errors of Fame, loosely adopted, and but lately laid aside.

Yet here we must guard against a reaction. Malone, and
his compeers, valued, or seemed to value, the Elizabethan
Drama, just for the light that it threw upon the text of their
idol. Gifford, goaded into scorn by injustice, fought the
fight on the other side, with strength and with spirit; but
he fought it like a partizan; reserving (too much, but as
Editors are wont to do,) his admiration and his eulogy for
those whom he himself edited. Next came Hazlitt and Char-
les Lamb; who "found undiscovered beauties in poets still
more neglected. I think, however, that they discovered these
beauties, or at any rate that they exaggerated them, in a
great degree on account of their being neglected.

Be there here a more Catholic criticism ! be there here
eulogies more discriminate ! be there here tastes less exclusive !

The Elizabethan Drama is pre-eminently independent, it
is pre-eminently characteristic, it is also pre-eminently English.
It is deeply, very deeply, imbued, with the colours and com-
plexion of the age that gave it origin. It has much Wisdom,
and much Imagination. The last of our Early Dramatists
is Shirley. With him terminates the School of Shakspeare.
The transition hence is sudden and abrupt. Imagination de-
cays; Wit predominates. Amatory poets write as though
they wore their hearts in their heads. Wit is perfected. It
had grown out of a degeneracy of Imagination ; it will soon
be sobered into. Sense; Sense the predominant characteristic
of the writers under Queen Anne. The school of Dryden
passes into that of Pope, Prior being, as it were, interme-
diate. The Mia of the Charleses comprises two Schools ; the
School of Cow-ley, falsely called Metaphysical, with an ex-

10 INAUGURAL LECTURE.

cess of Fancy, and a deficiency of Taste, and the School of
Dryden, whose masculine and fiery intellectuality simulates,
aye! and is, genius. Tragedy has run retrograde; but Co-
medy is evolving itself towards a separate existence, and
towards its full perfection. The Spirit of Milton stands apart
from his cotemporaries ; reflecting nothing of its age but its
self-relying energy, moral and intellectual.

Now, although, the Schools of Cowley and the Schools of
Dryden, differ essentially from that particular section of the
Elizabethan iEra, which we have just contemplated, they
do not differ, essentially, from another section of that same
jera. Be this borne in mind. There are in Literature, no
precipitate transitions. The greatest men, the most original
thinkers, the most creative spirits stand less alone than the
world is inclined to imagine. Styles of composition, that in
one generation are rife and common , always exist in the
age that went before. They were not indeed its leading
characteristics, but still they were existent within it. The
metrical Metaphysics of Cowley were the metrical metaphy-
sics of Donne : the versified Dialectics of Dryden may be
found, with equal condensation but less harmony, in the
Elizabethan writings of Sir John Davies. The section of
one age is the characteristic of the next. This line of cri-
ticism is a fair reason (one out of many) for never overlook-
ing and never underrating obscure composers and obsolete
literature.

The School of Pope, and the School of our own days, are
too far in the prospective to claim any immediate attention.

And here I ieel myself obliged to take leave of a subject,
that continually tempts me to grow excursive.

There are two sorts of lecturers; those that absolutely teach,
and those that stimulate to learn ; those that exhaust their '
subject, and those that indicate its bearings; those that in-
fuse into their hearers their own ideas, and those that set
them a-thinking for themselves. For my own part, it is, I
confess, my aim and ambition to succeed in the latter rather
than in the former object. To carry such as hear me through
a series of Authors, or through a course of Languages, in
full detail, is evidently, even if it were desirable, an impos-
sibility; but it is no impossibility to direct their attention
to the prominent features of a particular subject, and to in-
stil into them the imperious necessity of putting forth their
own natural powers in an independent manner, so as to read
for themselves, and to judge for themselves. Now as I
would rather see a man's mind active than capacious; and,
as I love Self-reliance better than Learning, I have no more

NOTES. 1 1

sanguine expectation, than, that instead of exhausting my
subject I may move you to exhaust it for yourselves, may
sharpen criticism, may indicate original sources, and, above
a U> suggest trains of honest, earnest, patient and persevering
reflection.

NOTES.

Note 1 , p. 6. 1. 24.

To be heard with confidence we must prove that we have anticipated
objections. There are those who shew reason for believing that the
inflectional elements were once independent roots: in other words (or
rather in a formal expression) that a given case = the root + a prepo-
sition, and that a given tense = the root + the substantive verb. Now
believing that, although two forms may be thus accounted for, the
third may have a very different origin , in other words , drawing a dif-
ference between a method of accounting for a given part of speech,
and the method of so doing, I find that the bearings of the objection
are as follows : —

The independent words , anterior to their amalgamation with the root,
and anterior to their power as elements in inflection were either, like
the present prepositions and the verb substantive , exponents of the
relations of Time and Place , or they were , like the present nouns and
verbs, .names expressive of ideas: and presuming the former to have
been the case , the old inflected Languages may have grown out of
Languages like our own; and, vice versa, Languages uninflected (or at
least comparatively so), like our own, may give rise to inflected ones
like the Latin: in which case, a Cycle is established, and th'e assertion
concerning the sequence falls to the ground.

Now the assertion concerning the two stages professes to be true only
as far as it goes. The fact that certain nations are even now evolving
a rudimentary inflection out of a vocabulary of independent roots , gives
us, as an etymological phenomenon, a third, and an earlier stage of
Language; a stage, however, of which cognizance, out of a work on
Etymology, would have been superfluous. The independent roots , how-
ever, in these Languages coincide, not with the prepositions and the
verbs substantive of (comparatively) uninflected Languages , but with
their Nouns and Verbs.

To an objector of another sort who should inquire (for instance)
where was the Passive Voice in English, or the Definite Article in
Latin, the answer would be that the question shewed a misapprehen-
sion of the statement in the text , which is virtually this : not that there
is either in English or Latin, respectively, Passive Voices, or Definite
Articles, but that there are in the two Languages the processes that
evolve them. It may also be added, that (an apparent truism) the
quantity of Processes depends upon the capacity of the Language. A
dialect consisting ' (as some do) of about ten-score words can bear but
a proportionate number of Processes. The truth, however, of the state-

12 INAUGURAL LECTURE.

ments in question depends upon this : viz. that all the processes there
existing are the processes that exist elsewhere, .ind that all processes
which, with a given increase of Language may at any future time
be developed, shall coincide, in kind, with the processes of other Lan-
guages.

It may be satisfactory to the Author of the Principles of Geology to
discover that his criticism affects other sciences besides his own.^ Not-
withstanding the industry, and acumen of continental critics, it may
be doubted whether the Principles of Etymology ( as a Science) have
not yet to be exhibited. I use the word exhibited intentionally. That
many Etymologists apply them I am most certain; where, however, do
we find them detailed in system, or recognised as tests?

We draw "too much upon the Philologists of Germany; and where
men draw indefinitely they trust implicitly. I believe that the founda-
tions of Etymology are to be laid upon the study of existing processes;
and I grow sanguine when I remember that by no one so well as by
an Englishman can these processes be collected. With the exception
of the Russian (a doubtful exception) we come in contact with more
Languages than any nation under the Sun. Here then we have an
advantage in externals. The details of Etymology I can willingly give
up to the scholars of the Continent; in these they have already reaped
a harvest: but for the Principles of Etymology, I own to the hope that
it may be the English School that shall be the first to be referred to
and the last to be distrusted. In sketching the outline of a system of
Scientific Etymology, I again borrow my analogies from Geology. Its
primary divisions would be two: lstly, The processes that change the
form of words, or the formal processes. 2ndly, The processes that
change their meanings, or the Logical processes. The first of these
would be based upon the affinities and interchanges of sounds, the se-
cond upon the affinities and interchanges of ideas: the sciences (amongst
others) which they were erected on being, respectively, those of Acoust-
ics and Metaphysics; and the degrees of Etymological probability
would then coincide with the correspondence of the two sorts of pro-
cesses.

Few Etymologists have any conception of the enormous influence of
small and common processes, provided that the extent of Language
that they affect be considerable. In the very generalizing classifica-
tion of Languages into Monosyllabic, Triliteral, and Polysynthetic , I
put no trust; for I can refer (to my own satisfaction at least) the dif-
ferences that are generally attributed to an original diversity of com-
position, to a diversity in the development of processes: in other words,
I know of processes which with a given degree of development render
the three classes convertible each in the other. With these notions I,
of course, take exceptions to the Principle of the classification; for I
deny that the Form of a Language is, in any degree, an essential
characteristic. The axiom is not Propter formam Lingua est id quod est,
but Propter elementa Lingua est id quod est. The question concerning
the Classification in point is analogous to the question concerning the
Chemical and the Natural-History Classification in Mineralogy.

Note 2, p. 7. 1.

Were it not for the admixture of other questions, the present Lec-
ture might have been entitled The Sufficiency of the English Language as
a Disciplinal Study in Grammar and Etymology, irrespective of the fact of
its being the native Language of Englishmen. ' The appended qualification

NOTES. 13

is in no wise a superfluity. Our native Language is the best instru-
ment in Disciplinal Study simply because it is our native one; and a
Pole, a Spaniard, or Hungarian can best lay in their ideas of General
Grammar from the special study of the Polish, Spanish, and Hungarian
Languages respectively. The very palpable reason for this is that, be-
fore we can advantageously study the System of a Language, we must
have acquired a certain quantity of the detail of it. Now, in the at-
tempt, to collect ideas of General Grammar from the study of a Foreign
Language, we shall find that the Theory will be swamped by the Prac-
tice; in other words, that, by attempting to do two things at once,
we shall do one of them badly. Merely, then, to have predicated in
England, of the English Language, that it was a good and sufficient
Disciplinal Instrument would have been to have remained silent as to
its abstract merits as such.

Of these abstract merits the degree depends upon the chronological
extent of Language that, we make use of. To get them at their maximum
the Two Stages must he taken iu: and the Two Stages being taken
in, it is more on a par with the Languages of •Classical Antiquity,
than it has generally been considered to be. Still (considered thus far
only) it is inferior to them. For the Greek and Latin , exceeding it in
the quantity of original Inflection, have run through an equal quantity
of change. Considering, however, not the English only , hut the whole
range of allied Languages forming the Gothic Stock, the question takes
a different shape. As a Magazine of Processes and Principles, the
Gothic Stock not only equals the Classical, but exceeds, by far, the
Greek Branch of it. The Hebrew from its gwasi-symbolic form has
Disciplinal merits of its own.

Let the Languages of Greece and Italy be learned for their own
sake; and by those who have the privilege to appreciate them. One
might think that the works of Homer and Demosthenes, of Lucretius
and Cjesar, were a sufficient reason for turning with diurnal and noc-
turnal hands the copies that exhibit them. But let us not (as we often
are) be told that it is necessary to study the Latin or the Greek Ac-
cidence for the sake of learning grammar in general. The self-decep-
tion that in taking up Latin and Greek we are studying a Grammar,
instead of beginning a Literature, is too often the excuse for conclu-
ding our studies just where they might advantageously begin, and for
looking with complacency upon limited acquirements just where limited
acquirements are pre-eminently of little use.

Xote 3, p. 8, 1. 27.

I feel that the assertion here made requires modifying and explain-
ing. I should be sorry to be supposed to have made it, under the old
notion that in any written records of the Saxon Literature there is any
ostensible admixture of Danish (i. e. Scandinavian); still less do I par-
ticipate in the belief of the early Gothic Scholars in the existence of
their so-called Dano-Saxon Dialect. I recognize, moreover, the criti-
cism that refers the apparent Danish (Scandinavian) element of the East-
Anglian, and Northumbrian Glossaries to the original affinity between
the extreme Low German and the extreme Scandinavian Dialects: thus
making it indirect. It was once my opinion (one which I have since
modified but not given up) that in the present English, and conse-
quently in the Low Germanic Branch of the Gothic Stock, obscure
traces of the great Scandinavian characteristics (viz. the existence of a
Passive Middle or Eeflective Voice, and the peculiar expression of the

14 INAUGURAL LECTURE. NOTES.

sense of the Definite Article) could be discovered: but it was not upon
this idea that I founded the assertion in the text.

The question has its peculiar difficulties. Words that have long pas-
sed for Scandinavian, are continually being detected in the Saxon; so
that the Philologist who should say this word is Scandinavian and not
Saxon has the difficult task of proving a negative. Again, the point
is one upon which no single person's assertion should be received. Ha-
stiness of Induction, in favour of particular Languages, when we know
these Languages (as every Language, indeed as every kind of Know-
ledge, must be known) at the expense of some other, comes upon us
unconsciously. The Languages of the Gothic Stock that I know best
are those of Scandinavia; the Provincial Dialect of England which I
have most studied is that of Lincolnshire-, and the neighbouring mari-
time Counties. Here the preeminence of the Danish (Scandinavian)
element being acknowledged , the question is whether it be Direct or In-
direct. I am free to confess that this circumstance sharpens my sight
for the perception (true or false) of direct Danish elements. As a coun-
terbalance,. howeveV, the consciousness of it engenders a proportionate
self-distrust.

Upon the whole, I would rather that the sentence had run thus: the
Direct Scandinavian element in the English is still to be determined. , and
here (as in many other places) there is open ground for the original inves-
tigator.

INTRODUCTORY LECTURE ,

DET-TYKKED

AT THE MIDDLESEX HOSPITAL,

OCTOBER ] , 1847.

There are certain facts of such paramount importance, that
they not only bear, but require, repetition. The common
duties of every-day life, and the common rules of social po-
licy, are matters which no moralist states once for all: on
the contrary, they are reiterated as often as occasion requi-
res — and occasion requires them very often.

Now it is from the fact of certain medical duties, both
on the part of those who teach and those who learn, being
of this nature, that, with the great schools of this metropo-
lis, every year brings along with it the necessity of an ad-
dress similar to the one which I have, on this day, the ho-
nour of laying before you.

You that come here to learn, come under the pressure of
a cogent responsibility — in some cases of a material , in
others of a moral nature — in all, however, most urgent
and most imperative.

To the public at large — to the vast mass of your fellow-
creatures around you — to the multitudinous body of human
beings that sink under illness, or suffer from pain — to the
whole of that infinite family which has bodily, not unmixed
with mental affliction , for its heritage upon earth — to all who
live, and breathe, and feel, and share with yourselves the
common lot of suffering — here, in their whole height and
depth, and length and breadth, are your responsibilities of
one kind. You promise the palliation of human ailment:
but you break that high promise if you act unskilfully. You
call to you all those that are oppressed ; but you may aggra-
vate the misery that you should comfort and relieve. You
bear with you the outward and visible signs, if not of the
high wisdom that heals, at least of the sagacious care that

16 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE.

alleviates. Less than this is a stone in the place of bread;
and less than this is poison in the fountain-springs of hope.

Not at present, indeed, but within a few brief years it will
be so. Short as is human life, the period for the learning
of your profession is but a fraction of the time that must
bo spent in the practice of it. A little while, and you may
teach where you now learn. Within a less period still, you
will practise what you are now taught.

And practice must not be begun before you have, the fit-
ness that is sufficient for it. Guard against some of the
current commonplaces of carelessness , and procrastination.
Lawyers sometimes say "that no man knows his profession
when he begins it." And what lawyers say of law, medical
men repeat about physic; Men of that sort of standing in
medicine which, like the respectability of an old error, is
measured by time alone, are fondest of talking thus; and
men of no standing of any sort are fondest of being their
echoes. It is the current paradox of your practical men, i. e. of
men who can be taught by practice alone. Clear your heads
of this nonsense. It will make you egotists, and it will make
you empirics : it will make you men of one idea:' it will make
you, even when you fancy it would do you just the contrary,
the wildest of speculators. The practice of practical men, in
the way I now use the words, is a capital plan for making
anything in the world, save and except practitioners.

Well! this has seemed excursive, but it is not so: it is a
reason against the putting off of your learning-time. When
your first case comes, you must be as fit for it as you are
ready for it.

A difference between old practitioners and beginners there
always will be — so long at least as there is value in expe-
rience, and a difference between age and youth; but this
difference, which is necessary,- must bo limited as much as
possible, must be cut down to its proper dimensions, and
must by no means whatever be permitted to exaggerate it-
self into an artificial magnitude. If it do so, it is worse
than a simple speculative error, — it is a mischievous delusion:
it engenders a pernicious procrastination, justifies supineness,
and creates an excuse for the neglect of opportunities: it
wastes time, which is bad, and encourages self-deception,
which is worse.

A difference between old practitioners and beginners there
always will be: but it should consist not so much in the
quality of their work as in the ease with which it is done.
It should be the gain of the practitioner, not the loss of
the patient.

ON THE STUDY OP MEDICINE. 17

Now, if I did those whom I have the honour to address
the .injustice of supposing that the moral reasons for disci-
plinal preparation, during the course of study now about to
be entered into, were thrown away upon their minds and
consciences, I should be at liberty to make short work of this
part of my argument, and to dispose of much of it in a most
brief and summary manner. I should be at liberty to say,
in language more plain and complimentary , and more cogent
than persuasive, that you must be up to your work when
you begin it. If you stumble at the threshold, you have
broken down for after-life. A blunder at the commencement
is failure for the time to come. Furthermore; mala praxis
is a misdemeanor in the eyes of the law, for which you may
first be mulcted by a jury, and afterwards be gibbeted by
the press. This fact, which there is no denying, ought to
be conclusive against the preposterous doctrine which 1 have
exposed: conclusive, however, as it is, it is one which I
have not chosen to put prominent. Let a better feeling stand
instead of it. Honesty is the best policy; but he is not ho-
nest who acts upon that policy only.

All this may be true ; yet it may be said that the respon-
sibility is prospective. " 'Sufficient for the day is the evil
thereof.' We'll think about this when we have got through
the Halls and Colleges. You must give us better reasons
for sacrificing our inclinations to our duty than those of a
paulo-post-fulitrum responsibility." Be it so: you have still
a duty, urgent and absolute — not prospective , but imme-
diate — not in the distance, with contingent patients, but close
at hand, with the realities of friend and family — not abroad
with the public, but at home with your private circle of pa-
rents, relatives, and guardians. By them you are entrusted
here with the special, definite, unequivocal, undoubted ob-
ject — an object which no ingenuity can refine away, and no
subtlety can demur to — of instruction, discipline, preparation.
You not only come up here to learn, but you are sent up to
do so: and anxious wishes and reasonable hopes accompany
you. You are commissioned to avail yourself of a time which
experience has shewn to be sufficient, and of opportunities
which are considered necessary: and there is no excuse for
neglect.

Great as are the opportunities, they are not numerous
enough to be wasted ; and limited as is the time in the eyes
of those who only know it in its misapplication, it is the period
that a considerable amount of experience has sanctioned as
a fair and average time for fair and average abilities, and
for fair and average industry : — not a minimum period made

2

JO INTRODUCTORY LECTURE.

for iron assiduity on the one hand ; or for fiery talent on the
other, but a period adapted to the common capacities of the
common mass of mankind — a common-sense time, — a time
too long or too short only for the extremes of intellect — too
short for the slowness of confirmed dulness, too long for the
rapid progress of extraordinary and rarely-occurring genius.

Of this time you are bound to make the most. It is your
interest to do so for your own sakes ; it is your duty to do
so for the sake of your friends.

You come to the hospital to learn — you come to the ho-
spital to learn in the strictest sense of the word. You come
to learn medicine , as you would go — if instead of physic
your profession were the law — to the chambers of a special
pleader, a common lawyer, or an equity draughtsman. In
this strict sense does your presence here imply study —
study exclusive, and study without any loss of time, and with-
out any division of attention. You do not come here as
a clergyman goes to the University; but as artists go to
Rome — not to keep terms, but to do work.

I must here guard against the misinterpretation of an ex-
pression used a few sentences back. I wish to let nothing
drop that may encourage the germs of an undue presumption.
I expressed an opinion — which I meant to be a decided
one — -that the time allowed for your medical studies was full,
fair, and sufficient, — so much so that if it prove ^sufficient
the fault must lie in the neglect of it. Sufficient, however,
as it is, it gives no opportunity for any superfluous leisure.
It must not be presumed on. You have no odd months, or
weeks, or days, or even hours, to play with. It is a sufficient
space for you to lay in that knowledge of your profession
which the experience and opinion of your examining boards
have thought proper to require. I believe the amount thus re- <
quired, to be, like the time granted for the acquisition of
it, a fair amount. But it is not a high one, and it is not
right that it should be so. Standards of fitness that are set
up for the measure of a body of students so numerous as
those in medicine, rarely err on the side of severity. They
favour mediocrity; and they ought to favour it. It is safe:
and that is all they have a right to look to. What they
profess is never very formidable; and what they require is
generally less than what is professed. But the time that is
sufficient for this modicum (or minimum) of professional learn-
ing is not the time sufficient for the formation of a practi-
tioner of that degree of excellence which the competition of
an open profession, like that of medicine, requires as the
guarantee of success. An examining board has but one point

ON THE STUDY OF MEDICINE. 19

too look to — it must see that you can practise with safety to
the public. It never ensures, or protesses to ensure, that
you shall practise with success to yourself, or even that you
shall practise at all. In the eyes of an Examiner, as in those
of a commissioner of lunacy, there are but two sorts of in-
dividuals; those that can be let loose upon the public, and
those that cannot. In the eyes of the public there is every
degree of excellence, and every variety of comparative merit
or demerit.

Now as to the way of attaining these higher degrees of
merit, and the rewards, moral ^>r material, which they ensure

— which follow them as truly as satisfaction follows right ac-
tions, and as penalties follow wrong ones. The opportunity
we have spoken of. It consists in the whole range of means
and appliances by which we here, and others elsewhere,
avail ourselves of those diseases that humanity has suffered,
and is suffering, for the sake of alleviating the misery that
they seem to ensure for the future. Disease with us is not
only an object of direct and immediate relief to the patient
who endures it, but it is an indirect means of relief to suf-
ferers yet untouched. Out of evil comes good. AVe make
the sick helpful to the sound; the dead available to the li-
ving. Out of pestilence comes healing, and out of the cor-
ruption of death the laws and rule of life. Suffering we
have, and teaching we have, and neither must be lost upon
you. It is too late to find that these objects, and objects
like them, are repugnant and revolting. These things should
have been thought of before. Your choice is now taken, and
it must be held to. The discovery that learning is unplea-
sant is the discovery of a mistake in the choice of your pro-
fession; and the sooner you remedy such a mistake the better

— the better for yourselves , the better for your friends , the
better for the public, and the better for the profession itself.

Steady work ~ with fair opportunities — this is what makes
practitioners. The one without the other is insufficient. There
is an expenditure of exertion where your industry outruns
your materials, and there is a loss of useful facts when oc-
casions for observation are neglected.

See all you can, and hear all you can. It is not likely
that cases will multiply .themselves for your special obser-
vations, and it is neither the policy nor the practice of those
who are commissioned with your instruction to open their
mouths at random.

See all you can. If the case be a common one, you get
so much familiarity with a phenomenon that it will be conti-

2*

20 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE. i

nually presenting itself. If a rare one, you have seen what
you may seldom see again. There is every reason for taking
the practice of the hospital exactly as you find it. It repre-
sents the diseases of the largest class of mankind — the poor;
and, although in some of the details there may be a differ-
ence, upon the whole the forms of disease that are the com-
monest in hospitals are the commonest in the world at large ;
and vice versd. Hence, what you see here is the rule rather
than the exception for what you will see hereafter. The
diseases are not only essentially the same, but the propor-
tion which they bear to one another is nearly so. I men-
tion this, because there is often a tendency to run after
rare cases to the neglect of common ones; whilst, on the
other hand, remarkable and instructive forms of disease are
overlooked, simply because they are thought the curiosities
rather than the elements of practice. You may carry your
neglect of common cases, on the strength of their being
common, too far. You may know all about catalepsy and
hydrophobia, and nothing about itch or measles. You may
find that, of the two parties concerned, the patient and your-
self, it is the former that knows the most about his com-
plaint. You may live to have your diagnosis corrected by
the porter, your prognosis criticised by the nurse. On the
other hand, by missing single instances of rare disease, you
may miss the opportunity of being able to refer to your me-
mory rather than to your library.

I have given you reasons against being afraid of over-ob-
servation, and against the pernicious habit of neglecting
this case because it is common, and that because it is rare —
a common excuse for neglecting all diseases, and a popular
reason for doing so. Medicus sum, nihil in re medico, a me
alienum puto, &c. Some minds, indeed, are so constituted
that they can make much, very much, out of single cases,
out of solitary specimens of diseases. The power of minute
analysis is the characteristic of this sort of observation. It
is just possible so to seize upon the true conditions of a dis-
ease, as to satisfy yourself, once for all, of its re»l perma-
nent attribute — of its essence, if I may so express myself.
And this being seen, you may, for certain purposes, have
seen enough ; seen it at one glance ; seen it at a single view
as well as .others see it at a hundred. I say that certain
minds are thus constituted; but they are rarely the minds
of many men in a single generation, and never the minds
of beginners. Before this power is. attained your observation
must be disciplined into the accuracy and the rapidity of an
instinct; and to this power of observation — attainable only

OX THE STUDY OF MEDICINE. 21

by long practice, and after long practice — a high power of
reflection must be superadded.

No such power must be presumed on. If the student de-
lude himself, the disease will undeceive him. The best
practitioners, in the long run, are those whose memory is
stored with the greatest number of individual cases — indivi-
dual cases well observed, and decently classified. It is cur-
rently stated that the peculiar power of the late Sir Astley
Cooper was a power of memory of this sort, and I presume
that no better instance of its value need be adduced. Now
the memory for cases implies the existence of cases to re-
member; and before you arrange them in the storehouse of
your thoughts you must have, seen and considered; must have
used both your senses and your understanding; must have
seen, touched, and handled with the one, and must have
understood and reflected with the other.

I am talking of these things as they exist in disciplined
intellects, and in retentive memories; and, perhaps, it may
be objected that I am talking of things that form the ex-
ception rather than the rule; that I am measuring the power
of common men by those of extraordinary instances. I weigh
my words, when I deliberately assert, that such, although
partially the case, is not so altogether; and that it is far less
the case than is commonly imagined. In most of those in-
stances where we lose the advantage of prior experience,
by omitting the application of our knowledge of a previous
similar case , the fault is less in the laxity of memory than
in the original incompleteness of the observation. Observe
closely, and ponder well, and the memory may take care
of itself. Like a well-applied nick-name, a well-made ob-
servation will stick to you — whether you look after it or ne-
glect it. The best way to learn to swim is to try to sink,
and it is so because floatation, like memory, is natural if
you set about it rightly. Let those who distrust their re-
membrance once observe closely, and then forget if they can.

There are good reasons for cultivating this habit at all
times, but there are especial reasons why those who arc on
the threshold of their profession should more particularly
cultivate it. Not because you have much to learn — we have
all that — nor yet because you have the privilege of great
opportunities — we have all that also — must you watch , and
reflect, and arrange, and remember. Your time of life
gives von an advantage. The age of the generality of you
is an age when fresh facts are best seized ; and best seized
because they are fresh. Whether you are prepared to un-
derstand their whole import, as you may do at some future

22 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE.

period, is doubtful. It is certain that the effect of their no-
velty is to impress them more cogently on your recollection.

And this is practice — practice in the good sense of the
term, and in a sense which induces me to guard against the
misconstruction of a previous application of it. A few sen-
tences back I used the phrases practical men, adding that
those so called were men who could be taught by practice
only. I confess that this mode of expression was dispara-
ging. For the purpose to .which it was applied it was meant
to be so. It is a term you must be on your guard against.
Practice is so good a thing of itself that its name and appel-
lation are applied to many bad things. Slovenliness is prac-
tice, if it suits the purpose of any one to call it so; con-
tempt for reading is practice; and bleeding on all occasions
when you omit to purge is practice ; — and bad practice too.
Be on your guard against this : but do not be on your guard
against another sort of practice: the practice of men who
first observe, and then reflect, and then generalise, and then
reduce to a habit their results. This is the true light for you
to follow, and in this sense practice is not only a safe guide
but the safe guide. It is experience, or, if you choose a
more philosophic term, induction. Theoretical men can be
taught by this, and the wisest theories are taught by it.
When I said that practical men were taught by practice
only, I never implied that they were the only men that prac-
tice could teach. Experience makes fools wise; but fools are
not the only persons who can profit by experience.

See and hear — the senses must administer to the under-
standing. Eye, and ear, and finger — exercise these that
they may bring in learning.

See and hear — the senses must administer to their own
improvement. Eye , and ear , and finger — exercise these, <
that they may better themselves as instruments. The know-
ledge is much, but the discipline is ; more. The knowledge
is the fruit that is stored, but the discipline is the tree that
yields. The one is the care that keeps, the other the cul-
tivation that supplies.

The habit of accurate observation is by no means so dif-
ficult as is darkly signified by logicians, nor yet so easy
as is vainly fancied by empirics. It is the duty of those
who teach you to indicate the medium.

The tenor of some of my observations runs a risk of mis-
representation. It has been limited. It has spoken of cases,
as if there was nothing in the whole range of medical study
but cases; and of observation, as if the faculties of a me-
dical man were to take a monomaniac form , and to run upon

ON THE STUDY OF MEDICINE. 23

observation only; of hospitals, as if they consisted of beds
and patients alone; and of clinical medicine and of clinical
surgery, as if there was no such a paramount subject as phy-
siology, and no such important subsidiary studies as chemistry
and botany. It is all hospital and no school — all wards and no
museum— all sickness and no health. This has been the line
that I have run on ; and I feel that it may be imputed to me
that I have run on it too long and too exclusively. Whether
I undervalue the acquisition of those branches of knowledge
which are collateral and subordinate to medicine , rather than
the elements of medicine itself — which are the approaches to
the temple rather than the innermost shrine — will be seen in
the sequel. At present I only vindicate the prominence which
has been given to clinical observation, by insisting upon the
subordinate character of everything that is taught away from
the bed, and beyond the sensible limits of disease. No single
subject thus taught is the direct and primary object of your
learning. The art of healing is so. You learn other things
that you may understand this ; and in hospitals at least you
learn them with that view exclusively. If you wish to be
a physiologist, chemist, or botanist, irrespectively of the
medical application of the sciences of physiology, chemistry,
and botany, there are better schools than the Middlesex Hos-
pital, or, indeed, than any hospital whatever. There they
may be studied as mathematics are studied at Cambridge,
or as classics at Eton — simply for their own great and in-
herent values. But here you study them differently, that is,
as mathematics are taught at a military college, or as clas-
sics are taught at the College of Preceptors, for a specific
purpose, and with a limited view- — with a view limited to
the illustration of disease, and with the specific purpose of
rendering them indirect agents in therapeutics. If you could
contrive the cure of disease without a knowledge of morbid
processes, it would be a waste of time to trouble yourself
with pathology; or if you could bottom the phenomena of
diseased action without a knowledge of the actions of health,
physiology would be but a noble science for philosophers;
or if you could build up a system of physiology , determin-
ing the functions of organs and the susceptibilities of tis-
sues, independent of the anatomy of those organs and those
tissues , scalpels would be as irrelevant to you as telescopes ;
and if these three sciences received no elucidation from che-
mistry, and botany, and physics, then would chemistry, and
botany and physics, have the value — neither more nor less —
of the art of criticism or of the binomial theorem. What
you are taught in the schools is taught to you , not because it

24 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE.

is worth knowing — for Latin, and Greek, and Mathematics
are worth knowing — but because, before patients can be
cured, they are necessary to be learned.

And, in order to be taught at all, they must be taught
systematically. It is an easy matter to ask for a certain
amount of these two collateral sciences — to pick and choose
just the parts wanted for use, to require just that modicum
of botany which illustrates the Pharmacopoeia, and just those
fragments of chemistry that make prescriptions safe, and
urine intelligible. It is easy, I say, to ask for all this; but
the art of thus teaching per saltum has yet to be discovered.
The whole is more manageable than the half. What it may
be with others is more than I can tell; but, for my own
particular teaching, I would sooner take the dullest boy from
the worst school, and start him in a subject at the right
end, than begin at the wrong end with the cleverest prize-
man that ever flattered parent or gratified instructor. Bits
of botany and crumbs of chemistry are less digestible than
whole courses.

Thus much for those studies that make your therapeutics
rational. Some few have spoken slightly of them — as Sy-
denham, in the fulness of his knowledge of symptoms, spoke
slightingly of anatomy, or as a Greek sculptor, familiar with
the naked figure, might dispense with dissection. They are
necessary, nevertheless, for the groundwork of your prac-
tice. They must serve to underpin your observations.

And now we may ask, whether, when a medical education
has been gone through, you have collected from it, over
and above your professional sufficiency, any secondary ad-
vantages of that kind which are attributed to education itself
taken in the abstract? Whether your knowledge is of the
sort that elevates , and whether your training is of the kind ,
that strengthens?

Upon the whole, you may be satisfied with the reflex ac-
tion of your professional on your general education — that is,
if you take a practical and not an ideal standard. It will
do for yoix, in this way, as much as legal studies do for
the barrister, and as much as theological reading does for
the clergyman; and perhaps in those points not common to the
three professions medicine has the advantage. Its chemistry,
which I would willingly see more mixed with physics, car-
ries you to the threshold of the exact sciences. Its botany
is pre-eminently disciplinal to the faculty of classification;
indeed, for the natural-history sciences altogether, a medical
education is almost necessary. Clear ideas in physiology
are got at only through an exercised power of abstraction

ON THE STUDY OP MEDICINE. 25

and generalization. The phenomena of insanity can be ap-
preciated only when the general phenomena of healthy men-
tal function are understood, and when the normal actions
of the mind are logically analyzed. Such is medical educa-
tion as an instrument of self-culture: and as education stands
at present, a man who has made the most of them may
walk among the learned men of the world with a bold and
confiding front.

I insist upon thus much justice being done to the intel-
lectual character of my profession — viz. that it be measured
by a practical, and not an ideal, standard. Too much of
the spirit of exaggeration is abroad — of that sort of exag-
geration which makes men see in the requisites for their own
profession the requisites for half-a-dozen others — of that sort
of exaggeration which made Vitruvius, himself an architect,
prove elaborately that before a man could take a trowel in
his hand he must have a knowledge of all the sciences and
a habit of all the virtues. Undoubtedly it would elevate
medicine for every member in the profession to know much
more than is required of him — yet this is no reason for our
requiring much more than we do. Such a notion can be
entertained only through a confusion of duty on the part of
those who direct medicine. Their business is the public safety ;
and the position of their profession is their business only
so far as it affects this. Trusts are intended for the benefit
of any one rather than the trustee.

Two objections lie against the recommendation of extra-
neous branches of learning in medicine : in the first place,
by insisting upon them as elements of a special course of
instruction, they are, by implication, excluded from a ge-
neral one; in the second place, they are no part of a three
years' training.

Concentrate your attention on the essentials. I am quite
satisfied that as far as the merits or demerits of an education
contribute to the position of a profession , we may take ours
as we find it, and yet hold our own. Nevertheless, lest the
position given to medicine by its pre-eminent prominence, in
conjunction with the church and bar, as one of the so-called
learned professions, should encourage the idea that a mul-
tiplicity of accomplishments should be the character of a full
and perfect medical practitioner, one or two important rea-
lities in respect to our position should be indicated. We
are at a disadvantage as compared with both the church and
the bar. We have nothing to set against such great political
prizes as chancellorships and archbishoprics. We are at
this disadvantage; and, in a country like England, it is

26 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE.

a great one : so that what we gain by the connection , in the
eyes of the public, is more than what we give; and the con-
nection is itself artificial, and, as such, dissoluble. It is
best to look the truth in the face — we must stand or fall by
our own utility.

Proud to be useful — scorning to be more
— must be the motto of him whose integrity should be on a
level with his skill, who should win a double confidence, and
who, if he do his duty well, is as sure of his proper influence
in society, and on society — and that influence a noble one —
as if he were the member of a profession ensured to respecta-
bility by all the favours that influence can extort, and all
the prerogatives that time can accumulate. As compared
with that of the church and bar, our hold upon the public is
by a thread — but it is the thread of life.

Such are the responsibilities, the opportunities, and the
prospects, of those who are now about to prepare themsel-
ves for their future career. We who teach have our respon-
sibilities also ; we know them ; we are teaching where Bell
taught before us; we are teaching where ground has been
lost; yet we are also teaching with good hopes, founded
upon improved auguries.

ON THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE AS A
BRANCH OF EDUCATION.

A LECTURE DELIVERED AT THE ROYAL INSTITUTION
OF GREAT BRITAIN.

MAY 13, 1854.

The subject I have the honour of illustrating is The Im-
portance of the Study of Language as a means of Education
for all Classes.

I open it by drawing a distinction.

A little consideration will show that that difference be-
tween the study of a given subject in its general and abstract,
and the study of one in its applied or concrete, form, which
finds place in so many departments of human knowledge,
finds place in respect to Language and Languages. It finds
place in the subject before us as truly as it does in that
science, which one of my able successors will have the ho-
nour of illustrating, — the science of the laws of Life- — Phy-
siology or Biology. Just as there is, therein, a certain series
of laws relating to life and organization, which would com-
mand our attention , if the whole animal and vegetable world
consisted of but a single species, so the study of Speech
would find place in a well-devised system of education, even
if the tongues of the whole wide world were reduced to a
single language, and that language to a single dialect. This
is because the science of life is one thing, the science of
the forms under which the phenomena of life are manifested,
another. And just as Physiology, or Biology, is, more or
less, anterior to and independent of such departments of study
as Botany and Zoology, so, in the subject under notice, there
is the double division of the study of Language in respect to
structure and development, and the study of Languages as in-
stances of the variety of form in which the phenomenon of
human speech exhibits, or has exhibited, itself. Thus —

When (as I believe once to have been the case) there was

28 ON THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE.

but a single language on the face of the earth, the former
of these divisions had its subject-matter. And —

When (as is by no means improbable) one paramount and
exclusive tongue, developed, at first, rapidly and at the ex-
pense of the smaller languages of the world, and, subse-
quently, slowly and at that of the more widely-diffused ones,
shall have replaced the still numerous tongues of the nine-
teenth century; and when all the dialects of the world shall
be merged into one Universal Language, the same subject-
matter for the study of the structure of Language, its growth
and changes, will still exist.

So that the study of Language is one thing, the study of
Languages , another.

They are different; and the intellectual powers that they
require and exercise are different also. The greatest com-
parative philologists have, generally, been but moderate .
linguists.

A certain familiarity with different languages they have,*
•of course, had; and as compared with that of the special
scholar — the Classic or the Orientalist, for instance — their
range of language (so to say) has been a wide one; but it
has rarely been of that vast compass which is found in men
after the fashion of Mezzofanti, &c. — men who have spoken
languages by the dozen, or the score; — but who have left
comparative philology as little advanced as if their learning
had been bounded by the limits of their own mother tongue.

Now this difference, always of more or less importance in
itself, increases when we consider Language as an object
of education ; and it is for the sake of illustrating it that
the foregoing preliminaries have been introduced. No opi-
nion is given as to the comparative rank or dignity of the
two studies; no decision upon the nobility or ignobility of*
the faculties involved in the attainment of excellence in either.
The illustration of a difference is all that has been aimed
at. There is a difference between the two classes of sub-
jects, and a difference between the two kinds of mental fa-
culties. Let us make this difference clear. Let us also give
it prominence and importance.

One main distinction between the study of Language and
the study of Languages lies in the fact of the value of the
former being constant, that of the latter, fluctuating. The re-
lative importance of any two languages, as objects of spe-'
cial attention", scarcely ever remains steady. The value, for
instance, of the German — to look amongst the cotemporary
forms of speech — has notably risen within the present cen-
tury. And why? Because the literature in which it is em-

ON THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE. 29

bodied has improved. Because the scientific knowledge which,
to all who want the hey , is (so to say) locked up in it, has
increased some hundred per cent.

But it may go down again. Suppose, for instance, that
new writers of pre-eminent merit, ennoble some of the mi-
nor languages oi Europe — the Danish, Swedish, Dutch, &c.
Such a fact would divide the attention of sarcitis — attention
which can only be bestowed upon some second, at the ex-
pense of some first, object. In such a case, the extent to
which the German language got studied would be affected
much in the same way as that of the French has been by
the development of the literature of Germany.

Or the area over which a language is spoken may increase ;
as it may, also, diminish.

Or the number of individuals that speak it may multiply —
the area being the same.

* Or the special application of the language, whether for the
purposes of commerce, literature, science, or politics, may
become changed. In this way, as well as in others, the"
English is becoming, day by day, more important.

Ihere are other influences.

High as is the value of the great classical languages of
Greece and Rome, we can easily conceive how that value
might be enhanced. Let a manuscript containing the works
of some of the lost, or imperfectly preserved , writers of an-
tiquity be discovered. Let, for instance, Gibbon's desiderata —
the lost Becads of Livy , the Orations of Hyperides , or the Dra-
mas of Menander — be made good. The per-centage of classi-
cal scholars would increase; little or much.

Some years back it was announced that the Armenian
language contained translations, made during the earlier
centuries of our era, of certain classical writings, of which
the originals had been lost — lost in the interval. This did,
not exactly make the Armenian, with its alphabet of six-
and-thirty letters, a popular tongue; but it made it, by a
fraction , more popular than it was in the days of Whiston
and La Croze, when those two alone, of all the learned men
of Europe, could read it.

Translations tell in another way. AVhatever is worth read-
ing in the Danish and Swedish is forthwith translated into
German. E. g. Professor Retzius of Stockholm wrote a good
Manual of Anatomy. He had the satisfaction of seeing it
translated into German. He had the further satisfaction of
hearing that the translation ran through five editions in less
time than the original did through one.

Now, if the Germans were to leave off translating the

30 ON THE STUDY OP LANGUAGE.

value of the language in which Professor Retzius wrote his
Anatomy would rise.

Upon the whole, the French is, perhaps, the most impor-
tant language of the nineteenth century; yet it is only where
we take into consideration the whole of its elements of va-
lue. To certain special savans, the German is worth more;
to the artist, the Italian; to the American, the Spanish. It
fell, too, in value when nations like our own insisted upon
the use of their native tongues in diplomacy. It fell in value
because it became less indispensable ; and another cause,
now in operation, affects the same element of indispensabi-
lity. The French are beginning to learn the languages of
other nations. Their own literature will certainly be none
the worse for their so doing. But it by no means follows
that that literature will be any the more studied. On the
contrary, Frenchmen will learn English more, and, pro ianlo,
Englishmen learn French less.

If all this have illustrated a difference, it may also have*
' done something more. It may have given a rough sketch, in
the way of classification, of the kind of facts that regulate
the value of special languages as special objects of study. At
any rate (and this is the main point), the subject-matter of
the present Address is narrowed. It is narrowed (in the first
instance at least) to the consideration of that branch of study
whereof the value is constant; for assuredly it is this which
will command more than a moiety of our consideration.

This may be said to imply a preference to the study of
Language as opposed to that of Languages — a singular pre-
ference, as a grammarian may, perhaps, be allowed to call it.
It cannot be denied that, to a certain extent, such is the
case; but it is only so to a certain extent. The one is not
magnified at the expense of the other. When all has been ,
said that logic or mental philosophy can say about the high
value of comparative philology, general grammar, and the
like, the lowest value of the least important language will
still stand high, and pre-eminently high that of what may
be called the noble Languages. No variations in the philo-
logical barometer, no fluctuations in the Exchange of Lan-
guage, will ever bring down the advantage of studying one,
two, or even more foreign languages to so low a level as
to expel such tongues as the Latin, the Greek, the French,
or the German, one and all, from an English curriculum —
and vice versa, English from a foreign one.

Now, if this be the case, one of the elements in the va-
lue of the study of Language in general will be the extent
to which it facilitates the acquirement of any one language

ON THE STUDY OP LANGUAGE. 31

in particular, and this element of value will be an impor-
tant — though not the most important — one.

The structure of the human body is worth knowing , even
if the investigator of it be neither a practitionef in medicine
nor a teacher of anatomy; and, in like manner, the struc-
ture of the human language is an important study irrespec-
tive of the particular forms of speech whereof it may faci-
litate the acquirement.

The words on the diagram-board will now be explained.
They are meant to illustrate the class of facts that compa-
rative philology supplies.

The first runs —

Klein : Clean :: Petit : Pelilus.

It shows the extent to which certain ideas are associated.
It shows, too, something more; it shows that such an asso-
ciation is capable of being demonstrated from the phenomena
*t>f language instead of being a mere a priori speculation on
the part of the mental philosopher.

Klein is the German for little ] clean is our own English
adjective, the English of the Latin word mtindus. In Ger-
man the word is rein.

Now, notwithstanding the difference of meaning in the
two tongues, clean and klein are one and the same word.
Yet, how are the ideas of cleanliness and littleness connected?
The Greek language has the word hypocorisma, meaning a
term of endearment, and the adjective hypocoristic. Now,
clean-ness, or neat-ness, is one of the elements that make
hypocoristic terms (or terms of endearment) applicable. And
so is smallness. We talk of pretty little dears, a thousand
times, where we talk of pretty big dears once. This, then,
explains the connexion; this tells us that clean in English
is klein in German, word for word.

You doubt it, perhaps. You shake your head, and say,
that the connexion seems somewhat indefinite ; that it is just
one of those points which can neither be proved nor dis-
proved. Be it so. The evidence can be amended. Observe
the words petit and peiitus- Petit (in French) is exactly what
klein is in German, i. e., little. Pelilus (in Latin) is very
nearly what clean is in English, i. e., desired, or desirable.
That petit comes from pelilus is undeniable.

Hence, where the German mode of thought connects the
ideas of smallness and cleanness, the Latin connects those of
smallnes and desirability; so that as petit is to pelilus, so isv
klein to clean. In the diagram this is given in the formula
of a sum in the Rule of Three.

32 ON THE STUDY OP LANGUAGE.

The words just noticed explain the connexion of ideas in
the case of separate words. The forthcoming help us in a
much more difficult investigation. What is the import of
such sounds as that of the letter s in the word father-s? It
is the sign of the plural number.

Such is the question — such the answer; question and answer
connected in the word fathers solely for the sake of illus-
tration. Any other word , and any other sign of case , num-
ber, person, or tense, would have done as well.

But is the answer a real one? Is it an answer at all?
How come such things as plural numbers, and signs of
plural numbers, into language? How the particular plural
before us came into being, I cannot say; but I can show
how some plurals have. Let us explain the following —

Ngi = /. Ngi-n-de = me.

Ngo = thou. Ngo-n-da = ye.
Ngu = he. Nge-n-da j= they.

Da = with.

Me -cum = me.

The da (or de) in the second column, is the sign of the plu-
ral number in a language which shall at present be name-
less. It is also the preposition with. Now with denotes
association; association plurality. Hence

Ngi-n-de = I + = we.
Ngo-n-da = thou + = ye.
Nge-n-da = he + = they.

This is just as if the Latins, instead of nos and vos, said
me-cum and te-cum.

Such is the history of one mode of expressing the idea
of plurality ; we can scarcely say of a plural number. The »
words plural number suggest the idea of a single word, like
fathers, where the s is inseparably connected with the root;
at least so far inseparably connected as to have no inde-
pendent existence of its own. Ngi-n-de, however, is no
single word at all, but a pair of words in juxta- position,
each with a separate existence of its own. But what if this
juxta-position grow into amalgamation; What if the form in
da change? What if it become I or z, or th, or s? What
if, meanwhile, the separate preposition da change in form
also; in form or meaning, or, perhaps, in both? In such
a case a true plural form is evolved, the history of its evo-
'lution being a mystery.

So much for one of the inflections of a noun. The remain-
ing words illustrate one of a verb.

OX THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE. 33

Hundreds of grammarians have suggested that the signs
of the persons in the verb might be neither more nor less
than the personal pronouns appended, in the first instance,
to .the verb, but, afterwards amalgamated or incorporated
with it. If so, the -m in inqua-m, is the m in me, &c. The
late Mr. Garnett, a comparative philologist whose reputation
is far below his merits, saw that this was not exactly the
case. He observed that the appended pronoun was not so
much the' Personal as the Possessive one: that the analysis of
a word like inqua-m was not so much , say + I, as saying +
my; in short, that the verb was a noun, and the pronoun
either an adjective (like metis) or an oblique case (like met),
agreeing with, or governed by, it.

It is certainly so in the words before you. In a language,
which, at present, shall be nameless, instead of saying my
apple, thy apple, they say what is equivalent to apple-m,
apple-th, &c. ; i. e., they append the possessive pronoun to the
substantive, and by modifying its form, partially incorporate
or amalgamate it. They do more than this. They do (as the
diagram shows us) precisely the same with the verbs in their
personal, as they do with the nouns in their possessive, relations.
Hence, olvas-om, &c, is less I read than my-reading ; less
read + I, than reading + my.

1.

Olvas — om = I read. = reading -my.

— od = thou reddest. = reading -thy.

— uk = we read. = reading -our.

— atok = ye read. = reading -your.

2.

Alma — m = my apple. = apple -my.

— d = thy apple. = apple -thy.
■? % a — nk = our apple. = apple -our.

— tok = your apple. = apple -your.

I submit, that facts of this kind are of some value, great
or small. But the facts themselves are not all. How were
they got at? They were got at by dealing with the pheno-
mena of language as we found them, by an induction of no
ordinary width and compass ; for many forms of speech had
to be investigated before the facts came out in their best
and most satisfactory form.

The illustration of the verb (olvasom, and almdm, &c.) is
from the Hungarian; that of the plural number {nginde, &c),
from the Tumali— the Tumali being a language no nearer

3

34 ON THE STUDY OP LANGUAGE.

than the negro districts to the south of Kordovan, between
Sennaar and Darfur, and (as such) not exactly in the high-
way of literature and philology.

Now I ask whether there be, or whether there be not, cer-
tain branches of inquiry which are , at one and the same
time, recognised to be of the highest importance, and yet
not very remarkable for either unanimity of opinion, preci-
sion of language, or distinctness of idea on the part of their
professors. I ask whether what is called, with average
clearness, Mental Philosophy, and, with somewhat less clear-
ness, Metaphysics, be not in this predicament ? 1 ask whether,
in this branch of investigation, the subject-matter do not emi-
nently desiderate something definite, palpable, and objective,
and whether these same desiderated tangibilities be not found
in the wide field of Language to an extent which no other
field supplies? Let this field be a training-ground. The facts
it gives are of value. The method it requires is of value.

As the languages of the world, as the forms of speech mu-
tually unintelligible, are counted by the hundred, and the dia-
lects by the thousand, the field is a large one — one sup-
plying much exercise, work, and labour. But the applica-
tions of the results obtained are wide also ; for, as long as any
form of mental philosophy remains susceptible of improvement,
as long as its improved form remains undiffused, so long will
a knowledge of the structure of language in general, a know-
ledge of comparative philology, a knowledge of general gram-
mar (for we may choose our term), have its use and appli-
cation. And, assuredly, this will be for some time.

As to its special value in the particular department of the
ethnologist, high as it is, I say nothing, or next to nothing,
about it; concerning myself only with its more general appli-
cations.

Let it be said, then, that the study of language is emi- *
nently disciplinal to those faculties that are tasked in the
investigation of the phenomena of the human mind ; the va-
lue of a knowledge of these being a matter foreign to the
present dissertation, but being by no means low. High or
low, however, it measures that of the studies under notice.

But how is this general philology to be taught? Are youths
to seek for roots and processes in such languages as the
Hungarian and the Tumali? No. The teaching must be
by means of well-selected suggestive examples, whereby the
student may rise from particulars to generals, and be taught
to infer the uncertain from the certain. I do not say that
the s in fathers arose exactly after the fashion of the Tu-
mali plural; but, assuredly, its development was the same in

ON THE STUDY OP LANGUAGE. 35

kind, if not in detail. At all events, language must be dealt
with as a growth.

In the first stage of speech, there are no inflections at
all, separate words serving instead of them: — just as if,
instead of saying fathers, we said father many, or father fa-
ther; reduplication being one of the make- shifts (so to say)
of this period. The languages allied to the Chinese belong
to this class.

In the second stage, the separate words coalesce, but not
so perfectly as to disfigure their originally separate charac-
ter. The Hungarian persons have illustrated this. Language
now becomes what is called agglutinate. The parts cohere,
but the cohesion is imperfect. The majority of languages
are agglutinate.

The Latin and Greek tongues illustrate the third stage.
The parts originally separate, then agglutinate, now become
so modified by contact as to look like secondary parts of a
single word ; these original separate substantive characters
being a matter of inference rather than a patent and trans-
parent fact. The 5 in fathers (which is also the s in patre-s
and nareQE-s) is in this predicament.

Lastly, inflections are replaced by prepositions and auxi-
liary verbs, as is the case in the Italian and French when
compared with the Latin.

Truly , then , may we say that the phenomena of speech
are the phenomena of growth, evolution, or development;
and as such must they be taught, A cell that grows , — not
a crystal that is built up, — such is language.

•But these well-devised selections of suggestive examples,
whereby the student may rise from particulars to generals,
&c, are not to be found in the ordinary grammars. Indeed,
it is the very reverse of the present system ; where there
are twenty appeals to the memory in the shape of what is
called a rule, for one appeal to the understanding in the
shape of an illustrated process. So much the worse for the
existing methods.

Moulds applied to growing trees — cookery-book receipts
for making a natural juice — these are the parallels to the
artificial systems of grammar in their worst forms. The better
can be excused, sometimes recommended; even as the Lin-
nsean system of botanical teaching can, in certain cases, be
used with safety, provided always that its artificial character
be explained beforehand, and insisted on throughout.

To stand on the level of the Linnajan system, an artificial
grammar must come under the following condition : — It must
leave the student nothing to unlearn wlien he comes to a natural one.

3*

36 r>X THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE.

How can this be done? It can be done, if the gramma-
rian will be content to teach forms only, leaving processes
alone. Let him say (for instance) that the Latin for —

2" call is voc-o.

Thoucallest, voc -as.

Calling, voc -ans.

I called, voc - avi &c.

But do not let him say that active aorists are formed from
futures, and passive ones from the third person singular of
the perfect. His forms, his paradigms, will be right; his
rules, in nine cases out of ten, wrong. I am satisfied that
languages can be taught without rules and by paradigms only.

This recognition of what has been called artificial gram-
mar for the teaching of special languages , as opposed to
the general grammar of the comparative philologist, should
serve to anticipate an objection. 'Would you,' it may be
asked, 'leave the details of languages like the Latin, Greek,
French, German, &c. — languages of eminent practical uti-
lity — untaught until such time as the student shall have
dipped into Chinese, touched upon Hungarian, and taken a
general idea of the third stage of development from the La-
tin, and of the fourth from the French? If so, the period
of life when the memory for words is strongest will have pas-
sed away before any language but his own mother-tongue has
been acquired.'

The recognition of such a thing as artificial grammar ans-
wers this in the negative. If a special language be wanted,
let it be taught by-times: only, if it cannot be taught in
the most scientific manner, let it be taught in a manner as
little unscientific as possible.

In this lies an argument against the ordinary teaching (I
speak as an Englishman) of English. What do we learn
by it?

In the ordinary teaching of what is called the grammar
of the English language there are two elements. There is
something professed to be taught which is not taught, but
which, if taught, would be worth learning ; and there is some-
thing which, from being already learned better than any
man can teach it, requires no lessons. The one (the latter)
is the use and practice of the English tongue. This the
Englishman has already. The other is the principles of
grammar. With existing text-books this is an impossibility.
What then is taught? Something (I am quoting from what
I have written elsewhere) undoubtedly. The facts, that
language is more or less regular; that there is such a thing

ON THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE. 37

as grammar; that certain expressions should be avoided, are
all matters worth knowing. And they are all taught even
by the worst method of teaching. But are these the proper
objects of systematic teaching? Is the importance of their ac-
quisition equivalent to the time, the trouble, and the dis-
placement of more valuable subjects, which are involved in
their explanation? I think not. Gross vulgarity of language
is a fault to be prevented ; but the proper prevention is to be
got from habit — not rules. The proprieties of the English
language are to be learned, like the proprieties of English man-
ners, by conversation and intercourse; and a proper school for
both, is the best society in which the learner is placed. If
this be good , systematic teaching is superfluous ; if bad, in-
sufficient. There are undoubted points where a young per-
son may doubt as to the grammatical propriety of a certain
expression. In this case let him ask some one older and
more instructed. Grammar, as a art, is, undoubtedly, the
art of speaking and writing correctly — but then, as an art,
it is only required for foreign languages. For our own we
have the necessary practice and familiarity.

The true claim of English grammar to form part and par-
cel of an English education stands or falls with the value
of the philological knowledge to which grammatical studies
may serve as an introduction, and with the value of scien-
tific grammar as a disciplinal study. I have no fear of being
supposed to undervalue its importance in this respect. Indeed,
in assuming that it is very great, I also assume that where-
ver grammar is studied as grammar, the language which
the grammar so studied should represent, must be the mo-
ther-tongue of the student ; whatever that mother-tongue may
be — English for Englishmen, Welsh for Welshmen, French
for Frenchmen, German for Germans, &c. The study is the
study of a theory; anj^for this reason it should be compli-
cated as little as possible by points of practice. For this
reason a man's mother-tongue is the best medium for the
elements of scientific philology, simply because it is the one
which he knows best in practice.

Limit, then, the teaching of English, except so far as
it is preparatory to the study of language in general; with
which view , teach as scientifically as possible.

Go further. Except in special cases, limit the teaching
of the classical tongues to one out of the two. One, for all
disciplinal purposes, is enough. In this, go far. Dead though
the tongue be, and object of ridicule as the occupation is
becoming, go to the length of writing verses, though only
in a few of the commoner metres. Go far, and go in one

38 ON THE STUDY OP LANGUAGE.

direction only. There are reasons for this singleness of
path. I fear that there is almost a necessity. As long as
men believed that the ordinary Latin and Greek grammars
were good things of themselves, and that, even if they did
not carry the student far into the classics, they told him some-
thing of value respecting language in general, a Utile learning
in the dead languages was a good thing. But what if the
grammars are not good things? What if they are absolutely
bad? In such a case, the classical tongues cease to be learnt
except for themselves. Now, one of the few things that is
more useless than a little Latin is a little Greek.

Am I wrong in saying that, with nine out of ten who
learn both Latin and Greek, the knowledge of the two ton-
gues conjointly is not greater than the knowledge of one of
them singly ought to be?

Am I wrong in believing that the tendencies of the age
are in fas'our of decreasing rather than increasing the amount
of time bestowed upon classical scholarship ?

Unless I be so, the necessity for a limitation is apparent.

To curtail English — to eliminate one of the classical ton-
gues — possibly that of Pericles, at any rate, either that of
Pericles or of Cicero — to substitute for the ordinary ele-
ments of a so-called classical education illustrations from the
Chinese, the Hungarian, or the Tumali — ■ this is what I have
recommended.

I cannot but feel that in so doing I may seem to some to
have been false to my text, which was to eulogize things

fhilological. They may say, Call you this backing your friends?
do. It is not by glorifying one's own more peculiar stu-
dies that such studies gain credit. To show the permanent,
rather than the accidental, elements of their value, is the
best service that can be done for them. It is also good ser-
vice to show that they can be taught with a less expenditure
of time and labour than is usually bestowed on them. But
the best service of all is to indicate .their disciplinal value;
and to show that, instead of displacing other branches of
knowledge, they so exercise certain faculties of the mind as
to prepare the way to them.

II.
LOGIC A.

ON THE WORD DISTRIBUTED, AS USED
IN LOGIC.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

DECEMBER THE 18TH 1857.

The present paper is an attempt to reconcile the logical
and etymological meanings of the word Distributed.

Speaking roughly, distributed means universal: "a term is
said to be distributed when it is taken universally, so as to
stand for everything it is capable of being applied to." —
Whalely, i. § 5.

Speaking more closely, it means universal in one premiss;
it being a rule in the ordinary logic that no conclusion is
possible unless one premiss be, either negatively or affirma-
tively, universal.

Assuredly there is no etymological connexion between the
two words. Hence De Morgan writes:* — "By distributed is
here meant universally spoken of. I do not use this term in
the present work, because 1 do not see why, in any deducible
meaning of the word distributed, it can be applied to uni-
versal as distinguished from particular." — Formal Logic,
chap. vii.

Neither can it be so applied. It is nevertheless an accu-
rate term.

Let it mean related to more than one class, and the power
of the prefix dis-, at least, becomes intelligible.

For all the purposes of logic this is not enough ; inasmuch
as the particular character of the relation (all-important in
the. structure of the syllogism) is not, at present, given. It
is enough, however, to give import to the syllable dis-.

40 ON THE WORD DISTRIBUTED, AS USED IN LOGIC.

In affirmative propositions this relation is connective on
both sides, i. e. the middle term forms part of both the others.
In negative propositions this relation is connective on one
side, disjunctive on the other.

In — All men are mortal,

All heroes are men,
the middle term men forms a part of the class called mortal,
by being connected with it in the way that certain contents
are connected with the case that contains them ; whilst it also
stands in connexion with the class of heroes in the way that
cases are connected with their contents. In —
No man is perfect,
Heroes are men,
the same double relation occurs. The class man, however,
though part of the class hero, is no part of the class perfect
but, on the contrary, expressly excluded from it. Now this
expression of exclusion constitutes a relation — disjunctive
indeed, but still a relation; and this is all that is wanted to
give an import to the prefix dis- in distributed.

Wherever there is distribution there is inference, no matter
whether the distributed term be universal or not. If the or-
dinary rules for the structure of the syllogism tell us the
contrary to this, they only tell the truth, so far as certain
assumptions on which they rest are legitimate. These limit
us to the use of three terms expressive of quantity, — all,,
none, and some; and it is quite true that, with this limitation,
universality and distribution coincide.

Say that Some Y is X,

Some Z is Y,
and the question will arise whether the Y that is X is also
the Y that is Z. That some Y belongs to both classes is
clear; whether, however, it be the same Y is doubtful. Yet
unless it be so, no conclusion can be drawn. And it may
easily be different. Hence, as long as we use the word some,
we have no assurance that there is any distribution of the
middle term.

Instead, however, of some write all, and it is obvious that
some Y must be both X and Z ; and when such is the case —
Some X must be Z, and
Some Z must be X.
Universality, then, of the middle term in one premiss is, by
no means, the direct condition that gives us an inference, but
only a secondary one. The direct condition is the distribu-
tion. Of this, the universality of the middle term is only
a sign, and it is the only sign we have, because all. and some
are the only words we have to choose from. If others were

ON THE WORD DISTRIBUTED, AS USED IN LOGIC. 41

allowed, the appearance which the two words {distributed and
universal) have of being synonymous would disappear. And
so they do when we abandon the limitations imposed upon
us by the words atl and some. So they do in the numeri-
cally definite syllogism, exemplified in —

More than half Y is X,

More than half Y is Z ,

Some Z is X.
So, also, they do when it is assumed that the Y's which are
X and the Y's which are Z are identical.

Y is X,

The same Y is Z,

Some Z is X.
In each of these formulse there is distribution without
universality, i. e. there is distribution with a quality other
than that of universality as its criterion. The following ex-
tract not only explains this, but gives a fresh proof, if fresh
proof be needed, that distributed and universal are used syno-
nymously. The "comparison of each of the two terms must
be equally with the whole j or with the same part of the third
term; and to secure this, (I) either the middle term must be
distributed in one premiss at least, or (2) the two terms must
be compared with the same specified part of the middle, or
(3), in the two premises taken together, the middle must be
distributed, and something more, though not distributed in
either singly." — Thompson, Outline of the Laws of Thought, § 39.
Here distributed means universal; Mr. Thompson's being
the ordinary terminology. In the eyes of the present writer
"distributed in one premiss" is a contradiction in terms.

Of the two terms, distributed is the more general; yet it
is not the usual one. That it has been avoided by De Morgan
has been shown. It may be added, that from the Port Roya*l
Logic it is wholly excluded.

The statement that, in negative propositions, the relation
is connective on one side, and disjunctive on the other, re-

?uires further notice. It is by no means a matter of indif-
erence on which side the connexion or disjunction lies.
(a.) It is the class denoted by the major, of which the
middle term of a negative syllogism is expressly stated to form
no part, or from which it is disjoined, (b.) It is the class
denoted by the minor, of which the same middle term is
expressly stated to form part, or with which it is connected.

No man is perfect —
here the proposition is a major, and the middle term man is
expressly separated from the class perfect.
All heroes are men —

42 ON THE WOKD DISTRIBOTED, AS USED IN LOGIC.

here it is a minor, and the middle term man is expressly-
connected -with class hero.

A connective relation to the major, and a disjunctive re-
lation to the minor are impossible in negative syllogisms.
The exceptions to this are only apparent. The two most
prominent are the formulse Cameslres and Camenes, in both
of which it is the minor premiss wherein the relation is dis-
junctive. But this is an accident; an accident arising out of
the fact of the major and minor being convertible.

Bokardo is in a different predicament. Bokardo, along with
Baroko, is the only formula containing a particular negative
as a premiss. Now the particular negatives are, for so many
of the purposes of logic , particular affirmatives , that they
may be neglected for the present; the object at present being
to ascertain the rules for the structure of truly and unques-
tionably negative syllogisms. Of these we may predicate
that — their minor proposition is always either actually affir-
mative or capable of becoming so by transposition.

To go further into the relations between the middle term
and the minor, would be to travel beyond the field under
present notice; the immediate object of the present paper
being to explain the import of the word distributed. That it
may, both logically and etymologically, mean related to two
classes is clear — clear as a matter of fact. Whether, however,
related to two classes be the meaning that the history of logic
gives us, is a point upon which I abstain from giving an
opinion. I only suggest that, in elementary treatises, the
terms universal and distributed should be separated more
widely than they are ; one series of remarks upon —

a. Distribution as a condition of inference, being followed
by another on —

b. Universality of the middle term in one premiss as a sign
of distribution.

So much for the extent to which the present remarks sug-
gest the purely practical question as to how the teaching
of Aristotelian logic may be improved. There is another,
however, beyond it; one of a more theoretical, indeed of an
eminently theoretical, nature. It raises doubts as to the pro-
priety of the word all itself; doubts as to the propriety of
the term universal.

The existence of such a word as all in the premiss, although
existing therein merely as a contrivance for reconciling the
evidence of the distribution of the middle term with a certain
arnount of simplicity in the way of terminology, could
scarcely fail, in conjunction with some of its other properties,
to give it what is here considered an undue arnount of im-

ON THE WORD DISTRIBUTED, AS USED IN LOGIC. 43

portance. It made it look like the opposite to none. Yet this
is what it is not. The opposite to none is noi-none, or some ;
the opposite to all is one. In one and all we have the highest
and lowest numbers of the individuals that constitute a class.
In none and some we have the difference between existence
and non-existence. That all is a mere mode of some, has been
insisted on by many logicians, denied by few or none. Be-
tween all and some, there is, at best, but a difference of degree.
Between some and none, the difference is a difference of kind.
Some may, by strengthening, be converted into all. No
strengthening may obliterate the difference between all and
not-all. From this it follows that the logic of none and some,
the logic of connexion and disjunction (the logic of two signs),
is much more widely different from the logic of part and
whole (the logic of three signs) than is usually admitted; the
former being a logic of pure quality , the latter a logic of
quality and quantity as well.

Has the admixture done good? I doubt whether it has.
The logic of pure and simple Quality would, undoubtedly,
have given but little; nothing but negative conclusions on-
one side, and possible particulars on the other. Nevertheless
it would have given a logic of the Possible and Impossible.
Again, as at present constituted, the Quantitative logic, the
logic of all and some, embraces either too much or too little.
All is, as aforesaid, only a particular form of more than none.
So is most. Now such syllogisms as —

Most men are fallible,

Most men are rational,

Some men are both frail and fallible ;
or,

Some frail things are fallible,
are inadmissible in the Aristotelian paradigms. A claim,
however, is -set up for their admission. Grant it, and you
may say instead of most —

Fifty-one per cent., &c. ;
but this is only a particular instance. You may combine any
two numbers in any way you like, provided only that the sum
be greater than unity. Sow this may be arithmetic, and it
may be fact; but it is scarcely formal logic; at any rate it
is anything but general.

It is the logic of some and its modifications one, all, and
anything between one and all , as opposed to the logic of the
simple absolute some (some the opposite to none), and a little
consideration will show that it is also the logic of the probable,
with its modification the proven, (proven improbable, asaW.is

44 ON THE WORD DISTRIBUTED, AS USED IN LOGIC.

some,) as opposed to the logic of the possible and impossible.
Let, in such a pair of propositions as —

Some of the men of the brigade were brave,

Some of the men of the brigade were killed,

the number expressed by some, as well as the number of the

men of the brigade, be known, and the question as to whether

Some brave men were killed,
is a problem in the doctrine of chances. One per cent, of
each will make it very unlikely that the single brave man
was also the single killed one. Forty-nine per cent, of each
will make it highly probable that more than one good soldier
met his fate. With fifty on one side, and fifty-one on the
other, we have one at least. With all (either killed or brave),
we have the same ; and that without knowing any numbers
at all.

III.
GRAMMATICA.

ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS,

AND

ON THE RECIPROCAL POWER OF THE
REFLECTIYE YERB.

BEAD

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
march 22. 1844.

The present paper is upon the reciprocal pronouns, and upon
certain forms of the verb used in a reciprocal sense. It is
considered that these points of language have not been put
forwards with that prominence and care which their value
in the solution of certain problems in philology requires. Too
often the terms Reciprocal and Reflective have been made
synonymous. How far this is true may be determined by the
fact that the middle verbs in the Icelandic language have
been called by so great a philologist as Rask reciprocal in-
stead of reflective. This is equivalent to treating sentences
like we strike ourselves, and we strike each other, as identical.
Yet the language with which Rask was dealing (the Icelan-
dic) was the one of all others wherein the difference in ques-
tion required to be accurately drawn , and fully pointed out.
(See Anvisning till Islandskan, pp. 281 , 283.)

In all sentences containing the statement of a reciprocal
or mutual action there are in reality two assertions, viz. the
assertion that A strikes (or loves) B, and the assertion that B
strikes (or loves) A; the action forming one, the reaction an-
other. Hence, if the expression exactly coincided with the
fact signified, there would always be two propositions. This,
however , is not the habit of language. Hence arises a more

46 ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS.

compendious form of expression, giving origin to an ellipsis
of a peculiar kind. Phrases like Eteocles and Polynices killed
each other are elliptical for Eteocles and Polynices killed — each
the other. Here the second proposition expands and explains
the first, whilst the first supplies the verb to the second.
Each, however, is elliptic. The first is without the object,
the second without the verb. That the verb must be in the
plural (or dual) number, that one of the nouns must be in
the nominative case, and that the other must be objective,
is self-evident from the structure of the sentence; such being
the conditions of the expression of the idea. An aposiopesis
takes place after a plural verb, and then there follows a
clause wherein the verb is supplied from what went before.

When words equivalent to each other coalesce , and become
compound ; it is evident that the composition is of a very-
peculiar kind. Less, however, for these matters than for its
value in elucidating the origin of certain deponent verbs
does the expression of reciprocal action merit the notice of
the philologist. In the latter part of the paper it will appear
that for one branch of languages, at least, there is satisfac-
tory evidence of a reflective form having become reciprocal,
and of a reciprocal form having become deponent ; this latter
word being the term for those verbs whereof the meaning is
active, and the form passive.

Beginning with those methods of denoting mutual action
where the expression is the least explicit and unequivocal,
it appears that in certain languages the reciprocal character
of the verb is implied rather than expressed. Each man look-
ed, at his brother — or some equivalent clause , is the general
phraseology of the Semitic languages.

More explicit than this is the use of a single pronoun
(personal, possessive, or reflective) and of some adverb equi-
valent to the words mutually , interchangeably , &c. This is the
habit of the Latin language, — Eteocles el Polynices invicem
se trucidaverunt .- also of the French, although not invari-
ably, e. g. s' entr' aimer , s'entredire, s'enlrebattre: also of the
Mceso-Gothic — galeikai sind barnam thaim v6pjandam seina
missd = ofioiot siSi itaidtoig rotg ngoocpavovoiv ak^Xoig =
loquentibus ad invicem. — Luc. vii. 32. Deutsche Grammatik,
iv. 322, and iii. 13. The Welsh expressions are of this kind;
the only difference being that the adverb coalesces with the
verb, as an inseparable particle, and so forms a compound.
These particles are dym, cym, or cy and ym. The former is
compounded oi dy , signifying iteration, and ym denoting mu-
tual action; the latter is the Latin cum. Hence the reciprocal
power of these particles is secondary: e. g. dymborlhi, to aid

ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS. 47

mutually; dymddadlu , to dispute; dymgaru, to love one an-
other; dymgoddi, to vex one another; dymgredu, to trust one
another, or confide ; dymguraw, to strike one another, or fight ;
cycmennys, to desire mutually; cydadnabod, to know one
anothes; cydaddarviad , to promise mutually; cydrvystlarv, to
pledge; cydijmadrarvn, to converse; cydymdailh , to accompany;
ymadroddi, to discourse; ymaddam , to promise; ymavael, to
struggle; ymdaeru, to dispute, &c.

The form, -which is at once current, full, and unequivocal,
is the one that occurs in our own, and in the generality of
languages. Herein there are two nouns (generally pronouns),
and the construction is of the kind exhibited above — a/U^-
Aovg, each other, e/nander, Pun l'autre, (fee-
Sometimes the two nouns remain separate, each preser-
ving its independent form. This is the case in most of the
languages derived from the Latin, in several of the Slavonic
and Lithuanic dialects, and in (amongst others) the Old Norse,
the Swedish, and the Danish, — Tun l'autre, French; uno
otro, Span.; geden druheho, Bohemian; ieden drugiego, Po-
lish; wiens wien&,, Lith.; weens ohtru, Lettish; hvert annan
(masc), hvert annat (neut.) Old Norse. See D. G. iii. 84.

Sometimes the two nouns coalesce, and form words to which
it would be a mere refinement to deny the name of com-
pounds: this is the case with the Greek — akXiqlav , allr r
loig, alXrilovg.

Sometimes it is doubtful whether the phrase consist of a
compound word or a pair of words. This occurs where, from
the want of inflection, the form of the first word is the same
in composition as it would have been out of it. Such is the
case with our own language: each-other, one-anolher.

Throughout the mass of languages in general the details
of the expression in question coincide; both subject and ob-
ject are almost always expressed by pronouns, and these
pronouns are much the same throughout. One, or some word
equivalent, generally denotes the subject. Other, or some
word equivalent, generally denotes the object, e. g. they
struck one another. The varieties of expression may be col-
lected from the following sketch : —

1. a. The subject is expressed by one, or some word equiva-
lent, in most of . the languages derived from the Latin, in
several of the Slavonic dialects, in Lithuanic and Lettish,
in Armenian, in German, in English, and doubtlessly in
many other languages — fun l'autre , Fr. ; uno otro, Sp. ; ieden
drugiego, Polish; miens wiena, Lith.; weens ohtru, Lett.;
me mseants, Armenian; emander, Germ.; one another, Engl.

b. By each, or some equivalent term, in English, Dutch,

48 ON THE JlKCIPROC.VIi PRONOUNS.

and the Scandinavian languages — each other, English: gr-
ander, Dutch; Averandre, Icelandic, Danish, Swedish.

c. By (his, or some equivalent term, in Swedish and Da-
nish (Amanden) ; in Lithuanic (kids kitta), and in Lettish
(zitls zittu).

d. By other, or some equivalent term, in Greek and Ar-
menian; uXXrikovg, irserats.

e. By man, used in an indefinite sense and compounded
with lik in Dutch, malkartdev (mal-lik manlik).

/. By a term equivalent to mate or fellow in Laplandic —
goim goimeme. — Kask, 'Lappisk Sprogltere,' p. 102. Stock-
fleth, 'Grammatik, 1 p. 109.

2. a. In the expression of the.object the current term is other
or some equivalent word. Of this the use is even more
constant than that of one expressive of the subject — l'un
Yautre, French; uno olro, Spanish; aXXtjXovg, Greek; geden
druheho, Bohemian; ieden drugiego , Polish; weens ohlru, Let-
tish; ir&rats, Armenian; einander, German; each other, one
another, English.

b. In Lithuanic the term in use is one\ as, wiens tviend.
The same is the case for a second form in the Armenian
mimcean.

c. In Laplandic it is denoted in the same as the subject;
as goim goimeme.

Undoubtedly there are other varieties of this general me-
thod of expression. Upon those already exhibited a few re-
marks, however, may be made.

1. In respect to languages like the French, Spanish, &c,
where the two nouns, instead of coalescing, remain separate,
each retaining its inflection, it is clear that they possess a
greater amount of perspicuity; inasmuch as (to say nothing
of the distinction of gender) the subject can be used in the
singular number when the mutual action of two persons (i. e.
of one upon another) is spoken of, and in the plural when
we signify that of more than two ; e. g. Us (i. e. A and B)
se battaient — l'un f autre: but Us (A, B, and D,) se batlaienl
— les uns les aulres. This degree of perspicuity might be at-
tained in English and other allied languages by reducing to
practice the difference between the words each and one; in
which case we might say A and B struck one another, but
A, B and C struck each other. In the Scandinavian languages'
this distinction is real; where Amanden is equivalent to l'un
I'autre,. French; uno olro, Spanish: whilst hver&ndre expresses
les uns les autres , French; unos otros , Spanish. The same
is the case in the Laplandic. — See Rask's Lappisk Sproglsere,
p. 102.

ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS. 49

2. An analysis of such an expression as they praise one an-
other's {ox each other's) conduct, will show the lax character of
certain forms in the Swedish. Of the two pronouns it is only
the latter that appears in an oblique case, and this necessa-
rily; hence the Swedish form hvarsannars is illogical. It is
precisely what one's another's would be in English , or ullcov
allav for ull-qlav in Greek. The same applies to the M.
H. G. einen anderen. D. G. iii. 83.

_ 3. The term expressive of the object appears in three forms,
viz. preceded by the definite article (l'un /autre), by the in-
definite article (one another), and finally, standing alone (each
other, einander). Of these three forms the first is best suit-
ed for expressing the reciprocal action of two persons (one
out of two struck the other); whilst the second or third is
fittest for signifying the reciprocal action of more than two
(one out of many struck, and was struck by, some other).

The third general method of expressing mutual or recipro-
cal action is by the use of some particular form of the verb.
In two, and probably more, of the African languages (the
Woloff and Bechuana) this takes place. In the Turkish there
is also a reciprocal form: as sui-mek, to love; baki-mek, to
look; sui-sh-mek, to love one another; baki-sh-mek, to look
at one another; su-il-mek, to be loved; sui-sh-il-mek , to be
loved mutually. — David's Turkish Grammar.

The fourth form of expression gives the fact alluded to at
the beginning of the paper : viz. an instrument of criticism
in investigating the origin of certain deponent verbs. In all
languages there is a certain number of verbs denoting actions,
reciprocal or mutual to the agents. Such are the words em-
brace , converse, strive against, wrestle, fight, rival, meet, and
several more. There are also other words where the exist-
ence of two parties is essential to the idea conveyed, and
where the notion, if not that of reciprocal action, is akin to
it; viz. reproach, compromise, approach, &c. Now in certain
languages (the Latin and Greek) some of these verbs have
a passive form; i. e. they are deponents, — loguor, colloquor,
luctor, reluctor, amplector, suavior, osculor, suspicor, Latin:
(pilotijiEOfiai, <piloq)Q0VEO(icu, (idj^oiiat, SiaXiyo(iai, aXso^iac,
diaXvoficci, uu,£Lf3oncu, &c, Greek. Hence arises the hypo-
thesis, that it is to their reciprocal power on the one hand,
and to the connexion between the passive, reflective and re-
ciprocal forms on the other, that these verbs owe their de-
ponent character. The fact essential to the probability of
this hypothesis is the connexion between the reflective forms
and the reciprocal ones.

Now for one branch of languages this can be shown most

4

50 ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS.

satisfactorily. In Icelandic the middle voice is formed from
the active by the addition of the reflective pronoun, mik, me,
sik, him or self. Hence it is known by the terminations mc
and sc, and by certain modifications of these affixes, viz. si,
s, z, mz, ms. In the oldest stage of the language the re-
flective power of the middle voice, to the exclusion of a pas-
sive sense, is most constant : e. g. hann var nafnadr = he had
the name given him; hann nefnisl = he gave as his name, or
named himself. It was only when the origin of the middle
form became indistinct that its sense became either passive
or deponent; as it generally is in the modern tongues of
Denmark, Norway and Sweden. Now in the modern Scan-
dinavian languages we have, on the one hand, certain de-
ponent forms expressive of reciprocal action; whilst on the
other we have, even in the very earliest stages of the Old
Norse, middle or reflective forms used in a reciprocal sense.
Of some of these, examples will be given: but the proof of
their sense being reciprocal will not be equally conclusive in
all. Some may perhaps be looked on as deponents (cetlusl,
beriasl, skiliast, modast); whilst others may be explained away
by the assumption of a passive construction {fundoz = they
were found, not they found each other). Whatever may be
the case with the words taken from the middle and modern
stages of the language, this cannot be entertained in regard
to the examples drawn from the oldest Norse composition,
the Edda of Ssemund. For this reason the extracts from
thence are marked Edd. Seem., and of these (and these alone)
the writer has attempted to make the list exhaustive. The
translations in Latin and Danish are those of the different
editors.

1. iEttust, fought each other.

2. Beriaz, strike each other.

brodur muno beriaz.
fratres invicem pugnabunt.

Voluspa, 41. Edd. Ssem.

This word is used in almost every page of the Sagas as a
deponent signifying to fight: also in the Feroic dialect.

3. Bregpaz, interchange.

orJDom at breg\>az.
verba commutare.
Helga-Qvipa Hundlingsbana, i. 41. ii. 26. Edd. Sosm.

4. Drepiz, kill one another.

finnuz peir bader daudir en ecki vapn hofpu ]peir neina

ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS. 51

bitlana af liestinum , ok pat hygia menn at peir (Alrek and Eirek)
hafi drepiz par med. Sva segirBiodolfr. ; z 'Drepazh.\&,du." — Heim-
skringla. Ynglinga-Saga, p. 23.

The brothers were found dead — and no weapons had they ex-
cept the bits of their horses , and men think they (Alrek and
Eirek) had killed each other therewith. So says Thiodolf. : "They
said that they killed each other."

5. Um-fabmaz, embrace each other. See Atla-Quipa hin
Grsenslenzko, 42. — Edd. Swm.

6. Foldes , fell in with each other. — Om morgonet effter
foldes wy in Kobenhaffn. — Norwegian Letters in 1531 , A. D.
See Samlingar til det Norske Folks Sprog og Historie, I. 2.
70. The morning after we fell in with each other in Copen-
hagen.

7. Funduz, found each other, met. See Vafprudnis-inal
17. ■ — Sigurd-Quip. i. 6. Edd. Ssem. — Fareyingar-Saga, p.'44.
Deir funduz is rendered de fandl hverandre = they found each
other, in Haldorsen's Lexic. Island.

ef ip Gymer finniz.

if you and Gyrner meet. Harbards-1: 24. Edd. Ssem.

8. Gsettuz, consult each other. See Voluspa, 6. 9. 21. 23.
Edd. Seem.

9. Glediaz, rejoice each other.

vapnom ok vadom

skulo vinir glediaz ,

pfet er a sialfom ssemst:

vidr-gefendr ok endi gefendr

erost lengst vinir

ef pat bipr at verba vel. Eigsmal. 41.

armis ac vestibus
amici muluo se delectenl,
quels in ipso (datore) forent conspicua:
pretium renumerantes et reimmerantes
inter se diutissime sunt amici
si negotium feliciter se dat.
The middle form and reciprocal sense of erost is remar-
kable in this passage.

10. Hauggvaz, hack each other, fight.

allir Einheriar
Opins tiinom i
hauggvaz hverian dag.

4*

52 ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS.

all the Einheriar

in Odin's towns

hack each other every day. Vafprudnis-Mal. 41. Edd. Ssem.

ef peir hogvaz orpom a.

si se maledictis inviceminsectentur. Sig-QviS. ii. l.Edd. Ssem.

11. Hsettaz, cease.

hceitomc hsettingi.

cessemus ulrinque a minaciis. Harbardsli6o, 51. Edd. Ssem.

Such is the translation of the editors, although the recipro-
cal power is not unequivocal.

12. Hittaz, hit upon each other, meet. Hittoz, Voluspa, 7.
Hittomk, Hadding-skata, 22. Hittaz, Solar-1: 82. Edd. Sajm.
Hittust, 01. Trygv. Sag. p. 90. Hittuz oc beriaz, Heims-
kringla, Saga Halt'd. Svart. p. 4. Hittuz, Yngl. Sag. p. 42.
alibi passim peir hitlu is rendered, in Bjorn Haldorsen's Is-
landic Lexicon, de traf hinanden, they hit upon each other.

13. Kiempis, fight each other.

gaar udi gaarden oc kiempis, oc nelegger hver hinanden,
goes out in the house and fight each the other , and each knocks
down the other.

Such is the translation by Resenius, in modern Danish, of
the following extract from Snorro's Edda, p. 34. — Ganga
ut i gardinn og beriast, og fellar huor annar. Here the con-
struction is not, they fell (or knock down) each the other, but
each fells the other; since fellar and nelegger are singular forms.

14. Mselast, talk to each other, converse. Talast, ditto.
Mailiz pu. Vafbrudnismal, 9.

tnelomc i sessi saman = colloquamur sedentes. ib. 19. Edd. Saem.
mmlast |>eir vid, adr peir skiliasl, at peir mundi bar finnasl pa. —
Fostbrsedra-Saga, p. 7.

they said to each other before they parted from each other that
they should meet each other there.

Tngvi ok Bera satu ok toluduz vidr. — Heimskr. Yngl. S. p. 24.

Griss moslti; hverir ero pessir menn er sva lulast vid bli81iga?
Avaldi svarar; ba er Hallfreydr Ottarson ok Kolfinna dothir min.
01. Trygyv. Saga, p. lo'i. Griss said, who are these persons who
talk together so blithely ? Avaldi answers , they are Halfrid Ot-
tarson and Kolfinna my daughter. Talast is similarly used in
Feroic. Kvodusl, bespoke each other, occurs in the same sense
— pat var einn dag at Brand ok Finbogi fundusl ok kvodust
blidliga. — Vatnsdssla-Sag. p. 16.

15. Mettsest, meet each other, meet.

ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS. 53

Kungen aff Ffranchriche , kungen aff England, oc kungen aff
Schottland skule motes til Chalis. — Letter from Bergen in 1531,
from Samlinger til det Norske Folks Sprog og Historie, i. •}.
p. 53. The king of France, the king of England, and the king
of Scotland should meet each other at Calais.

Throughout the Danish, Swedish and Feroic, this verb is
used as a deponent.

16. Rekaz, vex each other.

gumnar margir

erosc gagn-hollir,

enn at virpi rekaz. Rigsmal. 32. Edd. Seem.

multi homines

sunt inter se admodum benevoli,

sed tamen muluo se (vel) in convivio exagitant.

17. Sakaz, accuse each other, recriminate.

at vit mynim siafrum sacaz ,

ut nos ipsi mutuo insectemur. Hamdis-Mal. 28.

ef vib einir scolom

sdryrpom sacaz.

si nobis duobus usu veniat

amarulentis dicteriis invicem

nos lacessere. ^Egis-drecka, 5.

sculop inni her

saryrpom sacaz. Ibid. 19. Edd. Ssem.

18. Saz, looked at each other.

saz i augv

fadir ok modir. Eigsmal. 24.

they looked at each other in the eyes ,
father and mother.

19. Ssettaz, settle between each other, reconcile. — Atla-Mal.
45. Edd. Ssem.

Konra vinir pveggia pvi vid, at ]aeir scetluz, ok logdu konungar
stefnu med ser , ok hittuz ok gerdo frit mellum sin. — Heimsk.
Yngling-S. 42.

There came friends of both in order that they should be recon-
ciled, and the kings sent messages between them, and met and
made peace between them. — Also Vatnsd. S. p. 16.

20. Seljas ; to give to each other.

seldz eipa. Sig. Qv. iii. 1. Edd. Seem,

juramenta dederunt inter se.

54 OX THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS.

21. Sendaz, send, or let pass between each other.

sato samty nis ,

senduz far-hugi,

henduz heipt-yrbi

hvarki sir undi. Atla-Mal. 85.

They sat in the same town (dwelling),
They sent between each other danger-thoughts ,
They fetched between each other hate-words ,
Not cither way did they love each other.

Here, over and above the use of senduz and henduz, ser is
equivalent to hinanden.

22. Skiliaz, part from each other.

Skiliumz Solar-Lioo. 82.

Skiliaz. Sigurd-Qvip. i. 24.

Skiliomc. Ibid. 53. Edd. Stem.

Vit sjiljiasl, we two part —

Occurs in the poem Brinilda (st. 109) in the Feroic dialect.
In Danish and Swedish the word is deponent.

23. Skiptust, interchange.

fieir skiptust morgum giofum vid um vetrinn — Vatns-dsela-S. 10.
they made interchanges with each other with many gifts for the
winter.

Also in the Feroic.

24. Strujast, strike one another, fight. Feroic.

og motast tair, og strujast avlaji lanji. — Fareying-Sag. 18.
Feroic text.

ok maelast beir, ok berjast mjok leingi. — Icelandish text.

de modtes og strede meget loenge imod hinanden. — Danish
text.

they met and fought long against each other.

at e vilde vid gjordust stalbroir, og strujast ikkji longur. —
Feroic text, p. 21.

at vi# geroimst felagar, enberjumsl eigi leingr. — Icelandic text.

at vi skulle blive Stalbrode og ikke slaaes lsenger — Danish text.

that we should become comrades and not fight longer.
The active form occurs in the same dialect:

tajr struija nil langji. 18.

25. Truasc, trust each other.

vel msettern ]}a3ir truazc. For Skirnis. Edd. Ssem.

ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS. 55

26. Unnaz. See Veittaz.

27. Vegiz, attack each other.

vilcat ec at ip reibir vegiz. ^Egisdrecka 18. Edd. Stem.
I will not that ye two angry attack each other.

28. Veittaz, contract mutually.

pav Helgi ok Svava veiltuz varar, ok unnoz forpo mikit=Hel-
gius et Svava pactum sponsalitium inter se contraxerunl , et alter
alterum mirifice amarunt. — Haddingia-Sk. between 29 and 30.

29. Verpaz, throw between each other.

urpuz a orpom. Atl.-M. 39. Edd. Ssem.

verba inter se jaciebant.

Such is a portion of the examples that prove the recipro-
cal power of the reflective or middle verb in the language
of Scandinavia; and that, during all its stages and in each
of its derived dialects. It cannot be doubted that to this
circumstance certain verbs in Danish and Swedish owe their
deponent form: viz. vi sldss, we fight (strike one another);
vi brollas, we wrestle; vi omgass, we have intercourse with;
vi molas, we meet, Swedish; vi slaaes, we fight; vi skilles, we
part; vi modes, we meet, Danish. In the latest Swedish
grammar, by C. L. Daae, this reciprocal (vekselvirkende)
power is recognized and exhibited. See Udsigt over det
Svenske Sprogs Grammatik. Christiana, 1837. The same is
the Molbech's Danske Ordbog in vv. skilles, slaaes, modes.

Next to the Norse languages the French affords the best
instances of the reciprocal power of the reflective verb ; as
se batlre, s' aimer, s' entendre, sequereller, se reconcilier , se dis-
puler, and other words of less frequent occurrence.

Ces enfans s'aimaient, s'adoraient, se sont jetds a mes pieds en
pleurant. — Les Inseparables, A. 1. S. 1.

Les Republics Italiens acharnes a se de'truire. — Pardessus
II. 65.

This has been recognized by an old grammarian, Restaut,
who insists upon the use of the adverb entre , in order to
avoid the ambiguity of such phrases as "vous vous dites des
injures;" "nous nous ecrivons souvent;" "Pierre et Antoine
se louent a tout moment.'.'

By a writer in the Museum Criticum the reciprocal power
of the Greek middle has been indicated. For the classical
languages the question has not met with the proper investi-
gation. Passages where the sense is at least as reciprocal
as in the line

56 ON THE RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS.

XeiQCtg % alXy\l(ov Xa^srrjv y.al tuGtwGccvzo . — II. vi. 233,

must be numerous.

In the Dutch language the use of zicli for elkander is a
peculiarity of the Guelderland and Overyssel dialects; as
"zij hebt zich eslagen," for "zij hebben elkander geslagen."
See Opmerkingen omtrent den Gelderschen Tongval, in
Taalkundig Magazijn ii. 14. p. 403.

Of the use of ser for hinanden or hverandre, when uncom-
bined with the verb, we have, amongst other, the following
example in the Icelandic version of the Paradise Lost: —

Ef hi tilsyndar-

punkti hleyptu ser

planetur fram,

ok mcetlust miklum gny

6 midjum himni. B. 6.

Similar to this are the phrases vi se os igjen, wee see us
(each other) again, in Danish, and tvir sehen uns rvieder , in
German. Examples from the M. H. G. are given in the D.
G. iv. The Turkish sign of the reciprocal verb is identical
with the demonstrative pronoun, i. e. <j£. This may possi-
bly indicate a connection between the two forms.

Other points upon the subject in hand may be collected
from the Deutsche Grammatik, iii. 13. 82; iv. 454. Here
the adverbial character of the M. H. G. einander for einandern,
the omission of ein, as in anander for an einander, and the
omission (real or supposed) of ander in "wider ein = wider
einander," are measures of the laxity of language caused by
the peculiarity of the combination in question. At present
it is sufficient to repeat the statement, that for one group
of languages at least there is satisfactory proof of certain
deponents having originally been reciprocal, and of certain
reciprocal expressions having originally been reflective.

ON THE CONNEXION BETWEEN THE
IDEAS OF ASSOCIATION AND PLURALITY

AS AN INFLUENCE IN THE EVOLUTION
OF INFLECTION.

KEAD

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY'.

MARCH 9, 1849.

It is well-known that by referring to that part of the
Deutsche Grammatik which explains those participial forms
which (like y-cleped in English, and like ge-sprochen and
the participles in general in German) begin with ge or y,
the following doctrines respecting this same prefix may be
collected: —

L That it has certainly grown out of the fuller forms ka
or ga.

2. That it has, probably, grown out of a still fuller form
kam or gam.

3. That this fuller form is the Gothic equivalent of the
Latin cum = with.

Such are the views respecting the form of the word in ques-
tion. Respecting its meaning, the following points seem to
be made out: —

1. That when prefixed to nouns (as is, not rarely, the
case), it carries with it the idea of association or collection:
— M. G. smps= a journey , ga-sin\>a — a companion; 0. M.
G. perc = hill; ki-pirki'=(ge-birge) a range of hills.

2. That it has also a frequentative power. Things which
recur frequently recur with a tendency to collection or asso-
ciation: — M. H. G. ge-r asset ^rustling ; ge-rumpel= crumpling.

3. That it has also the power of expressing the possession
of a quality: —

58 ON THE CONNEXION BETWEEN THE IDEAS OF ASSOCIATION &C.

A.-S. Eng. A.S. Latin.

feax hair, (/e-feax comatus.

heorte heart, g»e-heort cordalus.

This is because every object is associated with the object
that possesses it — a sea with waves = a wavy sea.

The present writer lias little doubt that the Tumali gram-
mar of Dr. Tutshek supplies a similar (and at the same
time a very intelligible) application of a particle equivalent
to the Latin cum.

He believes that the Tumali word— with is what would
commtmly be called the sign of the plural number of the
personal pronouns; just as me-cum and te-citm would become
equivalents to nos and vos, if the first syllables were nomi-
native instead of oblique, and if the preposition denoted in-
definite conjunction. In such a case

mecum would mean J conjointly = we,
tecum would mean thou conjointly = ye.
Such is the illustration of the possible power of a possible
combination. The reasons for thinking it to have a reality
in one language at least lie in the following forms: —

1 . The Tumali word for with is da.

2. The Tumali words for /, thou, and he respectively are
ngi, ngo, ngu.

3. The Tumali words for we, ye, they are ngin-de, ngon-
da, ngen-da respectively.

4. The Tumali substantives have no such plural. With
them it is formed on a totally different principle.

5. The Tumali adjectives have no plural at all.

6. The Tumali numerals (even those which express more
than unity and are, therefore, naturally plural) have a plural.
When, however, it occurs, it is formed on the same prin-
ciple as that of the plurals of the substantive.

7. The word da = with is, in Tumali, of a more varied
application than any other particle ; and that both as a pre-
position and a postposition: — daura — soon (da = in, aura
— neighbourhood); datom = in {with) front {face); d-ondul —
roundabout (ondul = circle); dale = near (le = side), &c.

8. Prepositions, which there is every reason to believe are
already' compounded with da, allow even a second da, to
precede the word which they govern : — daber deling = over
the earth (per = earth).

9. The ideas with me, with thee, with him, are expressed
by ngi-dan, ngo-dan, and ngu-dan respectively; but the ideas
of with us, with you, with them are not expressed by nginde-
dan, ngonda-dan, ngenda-dan; but by peculiar words — linem
= with us; toman = with you; 1enan = with them.

ON THE CONNEXION BETWEEN THE IDEAS OF ASSOCIATION &C. 59

On the other hand, the following fact is, as far as it goes,
against this view, a fact upon which others may lay more
stress than the present writer. "Da admits of a very varied
application. Respecting its form the following should be ob-
served : (a.) That a may be elided when it happens to stand
as a preposition before words which begin with a vowel : for
instance, ardgen, 'the valley'; dardgen, 'in the valley'; ondul,
'the circle' ; dondul, 'round about in the circle', (b.) It chan-
ges its a into e, e, i, o, u, according to the vowel of the syl-
lable before which the da is placed, or even without any
regard to it. Instances of this arc found in diring , durong,
&c. ; further instances are, doromko, 'into the hut' (?~om);
detum or doti/m, 'in the grave.' (c.) As a postposition it ap-
pends an n: adgdan, 'on the head'; aneredan , 'on the day.'"
Taking the third of these rules literally, the plural pronouns
should end in dan rather than in da and de.

It is considered that over and above the light that this
particular formation (if real) may throw upon the various me-
thods by which an inflection like that of the plural number
may be evolved , and more especially upon the important but
neglected phsenomena of the so-called inclusive and exclusive
plurals , many other points of general grammar may be illus-
trated.

ON THE WORD CUJUM.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

MABCH 9, 1849.

The writer wishes to make the word ciijum, as found in a
well-known quotation from the third eclogue of Virgil, —

Die mihi Damseta cujum pecus ?
the basis of some remarks which are meant to be suggestions
rather than doctrines.

In the second edition of a work upon the English language,
he devoted an additional chapter to the consideration of the
grammatical position of the words mine and thine , respecting
which he then considered (and still considers) himself cor-
rect in assuming that the current doctrine concerning them
was, that they were, in origin, genitive or possessive cases,
and that they were adjectives only in a secondary sense.
Now whatever was then written upon this subject was writ-
ten with the view of recording an opinion in favour of ex-
actly the opposite doctrine, viz. that they were originally
adjectives, but that afterwards they took the appearance of
oblique cases. Hence for words like mine and thine there
are two views : —

1 . That they were originally cases, and adjectives only in a
secondary manner.

2. That they were originally adjectives, and cases only in a
secondary manner.

In which predicament is the word cvjum? If in the first,
it supplies a remarkable instance of an unequivocally adject-
ival form , as tested by an inflection in the way of gender,
having grown out of a case. If in the second, it shows
how truly the converse may take place, since it cannot be
doubted that whatever in this respect can be predicated of
cujus can be predicated of ejus and ha jus as well.

Assuming this last position , it follows that if cujus be
originally a case, we have a proof how thoroughly it may
take a gender; whereas if it be originally an adjective, ejus

ON THE WORD CVJOM. 61

and hujus (for by a previous assumption they are in the same
category) are samples of the extent to which words like it
may lose one.

Now the termination -us is the termination of an adjective,
and is not the termination of a genitive case ; a fact that fixes
the onus probandi with those who insist upon the genitival
character of the words in question. But as it is not likely
that every one lays so much value upon this argument as is
laid by the present writer, it is necessary to refer to two
facts taken from the Greek: —

1. That the class of words itself is not a class which (as
is often the case) naturally leads us to expect a variation
from the usual inflections. The forms ov, ol, £, and og, ov,
cj, are perfectly usual.

2. That the adjectives og = £og,* xotog — izoiog, and otog,
are not only real forms, but forms of a common kind. Hence,
if we consider the termination -Jus as a case-ending, we have
a phenomenon in Latin. for which we miss a Greek equiva-
lent; whilst on the other hand, if we do not consider it as
adjectival, we have the Greek forms oiog , xoEog = nolog
and og = sog, without any Latin ones. I do not say that
this argument is, when taken alone, of any great weight. In
doubtful cases, however, it is of value. In the present case
it enables us to get rid of an inexplicable genitival form,
at the expense of a slight deflection from the usual power
of an adjective. And here it should be remembered that
many of the arguments in favour a case becoming an adject-
ive are (to a certain extent) in favour of an adjective be-
coming a case — to a certain extent and to a certain extent
only, because a change in one direction by no means neces-
sarily implies a change in the reverse one, although it is
something in favour of its probability.

Probably unius, ullius, illius, and alterius. are equally, as re-
spects their origin, adjectival forms with ejus, cujus, and hujus.

Now it must not be concealed that one of the arguments
which apply to words like mine and thine being adjectives
rather than genitives , does not apply to words like ejus, cu-
jus, and hujus. The reason is as follows; and it is exhibited
in nearly the same words which have been used in the work
already mentioned. — The idea of partition is one of the ideas
expressed by the genitive case. The necessity for expres-
sing this idea is an element in the necessity for evolving a
genitive case. With personal pronouns of the singular num-
ber the idea of partition is of less frequent occurrence than

* hora for wora, Jtoios — cujus; otog = hujus ; sog = ejus (1850).

62 ON THE WORD CUJVM.

with most other words , since a personal pronoun of the sin-
gular number is the name of a unity, and, as such, the name
of an object far less likely to be separated into parts than
the name of a collection. Phrases like some of them, one of
you, many of us, any of them, few of us, &c. , have no ana-
logues in the singular number, such as one of me, a fern of
thee, &c. The partitive words that can combine with singu-
lar pronouns are comparatively few, viz. half, quarter, part,
&c. ; and they can all combine equally with plurals — half
of us, a quarter of them, a portion of us. The partition of a
singular object with a pronominal name is of rare occurrence
in language. This last statement proves something more
than appears at first sight. It proves that no argument in
favour of the so-called singular genitives, like mine and thine,
can be drawn from the admission (if made) of the existence
of the true plural genitives ou-r, you-r, the-ir. The two
ideas are not in the same predicament.

Again, the convenience of expressing the difference be-
tween suus and ejus, is, to a certain extent, a reason for the
evolution of a genitive case to words like is; but it is a reason
to a certain extent only, and that extent a small one, since
an equally convenient method of expressing the difference
is to be found in the fact of there being two roots for the
pronouns in question, the root from which we get ea, id, eum,
ejus, &c. , and the root from which we get sui, sibi, suus, &c.

Here the paper should end, for here ends the particular
suggestion supplied by the word in question. Two questions
however present themselves too forcibly to be wholly passed
over: —

I. The great extent to which those who look in Latin for
the same inflections that occur in Greek , must look for them
under new names. That two tenses in Greek (the aorist
like i-xvx-tia, and the perfect like rs-rvip-a) must be looked
for in the so-called double form of a single tense in Latin
{vic-si, mo-mordi) is one of the oldest facts of this sort. That
the Greek participle in -^isvog (tvtitousvos) must be sought
for in the passive persons in -mini is a newer notice.

II. The fact that the character of the deflection that takes
place between case and adjective is not single but double.
It goes both ways. The change from case to adjective is
one process in philology; the change from adjective to case
another; and both should be recognized. This is mentioned
for the sake of stating, that except in a few details, there
is nothing in the present remarks that is meant to be at va-
riance with the facts and arguments of five papers already
laid before this Society, viz. those of Mr. Garnett on the

ON THE WORD CCJVit. 63

Formation of Words from Inflected Cases, and on the Ana-
lysis of the Verb.

The papers alluded to really deal with two series of facts :
— (A.) Deflection with identity of form. — In this the inflection
is still considered an inflection, but is dealt with as one dif-
ferent from what it really is, i. e. as a nominative instead
of an oblique one. Some years back the structure of the
Finlandic suggested to the present writer: —

1 . A series of changes in meaning whereby such a term
as with waves might equal wavy.

2. The existence of a class of words of which seslerlium
was the type, where an oblique case, with a convertible ter-
mination, becomes a nominative.

3. The possible evolution of forms like ftuctuba, ftuctubum
=fli/cluosa, flucluosum, from forms like fluclubvs.

Mr. Garnett has multiplied cases of this kind; his illustra-
tions from the Basque being pre-eminently typical, i. e. like
the form sestertium. If the modern vehicle called an omnibus
had been invented in ancient Rome, if it had had the same
name as it has now, and if its plural form had been omnibi,
it would also have been a typical instance.

Words of the hypothetical form fluctuba, ftuctubum, have
not been discovered. They would have existed if the word
just quoted had been (if used in ancient Rome at all) used
as an adjective, omnibus currus, omniba esseda, omnibum plau-
strum.

(B.) Deflection with super addition. — Here the inflection is
dealt with as if it were not inflectional but radical. This is
the case with icpiog. Words like it-, as proved by the ge-
nitive i-t-s, and the so-called petrified (versteinerte) nomina-
tive cases of the German grammarians, are of this class.

ON THE AOEISTS IN KA.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

MARCH 11 , 1853.

A well-known rule in the Eton Greek Grammar may serve
to introduce the subject of the present remarks: — "Quinque
sunt aoristi primi qui futuri primi characteristicam non assu-
munt: s&ri%u posui, Maxcc dedi, rjxa mist, slna dixi, qvsyxa
luli." The absolute accuracy of this sentence is no part of
our considerations: it has merely been quoted for the sake
of illustration.

What is the import of this abnormal %? or, changing the
expression, what is the explanation of the aorist in -^«?
Is it certain that it is an aorist'? or, granting this, is it cer-
tain that its relations to the future are exceptional?

The present writer was at one time inclined to the doubts
implied by the first of these alternatives, and gave some
reasons * for making the form a perfect rather than an aorist.
He finds, however, that this is only shifting the difficulty.
How do, perfects come to end in -za? The typical and une-
quivocal perfects are formed by a reduplication at the be-
ginning, and a modification of the final radical consonant
at the end of words, %vit(x)(a , ti-xvcp-a; and this is the
origin of the % in kils%a , &c. , which represents the y of the
root. Hence, even if we allow ourselves to put the x in
s&rjxu in the same category with the % in ofidfioxa, &c, we
are as far as ever from the true origin of the form.

In this same category, however, the two words — and the
classes they represent — can, be placed, notwithstanding some
small difficulties of detail. At any rate, it is easier to refer
Ofidiiooca and £&7}xa to the same tense than it is to do so
with 6{iGO[io%a and rervtpa.

The next step is to be sought in Bopp's Comparative

* English Language, p. 489.

ON THE AORISTS IN-KA. 65

Grammar. Here we find the following extract: — "The old
Slavonic dakh C I gave,' and analogous formations remind us,
through their guttural, which lakes the place of a sibilant, of
the Greek aorists s&rjxa, sdcoxa, rjxa. That which in the old
Slavonic has become a rule in the first person of the three
numbers, viz. the gutluralization of an original s, may have
occasionally taken place in the Greek, but carried through-
out all numbers. No conjecture lies closer at hand than that

of regarding sdwxcc as a corruption of sSaaa ," &c

"The Lithuanian also presents a form which is akin to the
Greek and Sanscrit aorist, in which, as it appears to me,
k assumes the place of an original s." (vol. ii. p. 791, East-
wick's and Wilson's translation.) The italics indicate the
words that most demand attention.

The old Slavonic inflection alluded to is as follows : —

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

1. Nes-ocA Nes-ochowa Nes-ocAom.

2. Nes-e ~Nes-osta ~Nes-oste.

3. Nes-e ' 'Nes-osla Nes-osza.

Now it is clear that the doctrine to which these extracts
commit the author is that of the secondary or derivative
character of the form of x and the primary or fundamental
character of the forms in <S. The former is deduced from
the latter. And this is the doctrine which the present writer
would reverse. He would just reverse it, agreeing with the
distinguished scholar whom he quotes in the identification
of the Greek form with the Slavonic. So much more com-
mon is the change from k, g and the allied sounds, to s, z,
&c, than that from s, z, &c. to k, g, that the a priori pro-
babilities are strongly against Bopp's view. Again, the lan-
guages that preeminently encourage the change are the Sla-
vonic; yet it is just in these languages that the form in k
is assumed to be secondary. For s to become h, and for h
to become k (or g), is no improbable change: still, as compa-
red with the transition from A to s, it is exceedingly rare.

As few writers are better aware of the phsenomena con-
nected with the direction of letter-changes than the philolo-
gist before us, it may be worth while to ask, why he has
ignored them in the present instances. He has probably
done so because the Sanscrit forms were in s; the habit of
considering whatever is the more Sanscrit of two forms to
be the older being well-nigh universal. Nevertheless, the
difference between a language which is old because it is re-
presented by old samples of its literature, and a language
which is old because it contains primary forms, is manifest

5

66 ON THE AORISTS IN-KA.

upon a very little reflection. The positive argument, how-
ever, in favour of the k being the older form, lies in the
well-known pheenomenon connected with the vowels e and i,
as opposed to a, o, and u. All the world over, e and i have
a tendency to convert a k or g, when it precedes them, into
s, z, sh, zh, ksh, gzh, tsh, and dzh, or some similar sibilant.
Hence, as often as a sign of tense consisting of k, is fol-
lowed by a sign of person beginning with e or *', an s has
chance of being evolved. In this case such a form as scpi-
kr]6a, k(pilr]6as, icpoXrjae, may have originally run £q>iAi]xa,
syClrjxccg, icpttrjxs. The modified form in G afterwards ex-
tends itself to the other persons and numbers. Such is the
illustration of the hypothesis. An objection against it lies
in the fact of the person which ends in a small vowel, being
only one out of seven. On the other hand, however the
third person singular is used more than all the others put
together. With this influence of the small vowel other cau-
ses may have cooperated. Thus, when the root ended in x
or y, the combination % radical, and x inflexional would be
awkward. It would give us such words as sAsx-xa, &c. ;
words like titvic-xa, sygan-xa, being but little better, at
least in a language like the Greek.

The suggestions that now follow lead into a wide field
of inquiry; and they may be considered, either on their me-
rits as part of a separate question , or as part of the proof
of the present doctrine. In this latter respect they are not
altogether essential, i. e. they are more confirmatory if ad-
mitted than derogatory if denied. What if the future be
derived from the aorist, instead of the aorist from the fu-
ture? In this case we should increase what may be called
our dynamics, by increasing the points of contact between
a k and a small vowel; this being the influence that deter-
mines the evolution of an s. All the persons of the future,
except the first , have s for one (at least) of these vowels —

rvtp-a-a , rvip-a-sig, zvtp-6-si, zvtp r e-rov, &c.
The moods are equally efficient in the supply of small vowels.

The doctrine, then, now stands that k is the older form,
but that, through the influence of third persons singular, fu-
ture forms, and conjunctive forms, so many s-es became
developed, as to supersede it except in a few instances. The
Latin language favours this view. There, the old future like
cap-s-o, and the preterites like vixi (vic-si) exhibit a small
vowel in all their persons , e. g. vic-s-i, vic-s-isli, vic-s-il, &c.
Still the doctrine respecting this influence of the small vowel
in the way of the developement of sibilants out of gutturals
is defective until we find a real instance of the change as-

ON THE AORISTS IN-K.A.

67

sumed. As if, for the very purpose of illustrating the occa-
sional value of obscure dialects, the interesting language of
the Serbs of Lusatia and Cotbus supplies one. Here the
form of the preterite is as follows ; the Serb of Illyria and
the Lithuanic being placed in juxtaposition and contrast
with the Serb of Lusatia. Where a small vowel follows the
characteristic of *the tense the sound is that of sz ; in other
cases it is that of ch (kh)

Sing.

1.

2.

3.

Dual

I.

2.

3.

Plur.

1.

2.

3.

LUSATIAN.

no&zach . .
noszesze. .
noszesze. .
noszachrve
noszeslaj .
noszestaj .
noszachmy
noszesce .
noszacAu .

ILLYKIAN.

doneso, donije .
donese, donije ,
donese, donije .

donesosnio, donijesmo
donesoste , donijeste .
donesosze, donijesze .

LITHUANIC.

LETTISH.

nesziau. .

nessu.

nesziei . .

nessi.

nesziei . .

nesse.

nesziewa.

neszieta.

neszie.

neszieme.

nessam.

nesziete .

nessat.

neszie. . .

nesse.

IV.
METRICA.

ON THE DOCTRINE OF THE CAESURA IN
THE GREEK SENARIUS.

FltOM THE

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
JUNE 23, 1843.

In respect to the csesura of the Greek tragic senarius, the
rules , as laid down by Porson in the Supplement to his Pre-
face to the Hecuba, and as recognised, more or less, by the
English school of critics, seem capable of a more general
expression, and, at the same time, liable to certain limita-
tions in regard to fact. This becomes apparent when we
investigate the principle that serves as the foundation to these
rules; in other words, when we exhibit the rationale, or doc-
trine, of the csesura in question. At this we can arrive by
taking cognizance of a second element of metre beyond that
of quantity.

It is assumed that the element in metre which goes , in
works of different writers, under the name of ictus metricus,
or of arsis, is the same as accent in the sense of that word
in English. It is this that constitutes the difference between
words like tyrant and resume, or survey and survey; or (to take
more convenient examples) between the word August, used
as the name of a month, and august used as an adjective.
Without inquiring how far this coincides with the accent and
accentuation of the classical grammarians, it may be stated
that, in the forthcoming pages, arsis, ictus metricus, and
accent (in the English sense of the word), mean one and the
same thing. With this view of the arsis, or ictus, we may
ask how far, in each particular foot of the senarius, it coin-
cides with the quantity.

ON THE DOCTRINE OP THE CAESURA IX THE GREEK SENARIUS. 69

First Foot. — In the first place of a tragic senarius it is a
matter of indifference whether the arsis fall on the first or
second syllable, that is, it is a matter of indifference whe-
ther the foot be sounded as tyrant or as resume, as August
or as august. In the following lines the words rjy.a, nalcu,
£L7t£Q, nvag,miij be pronounced either as yxa, ndlm, iijtep,
rivets, or as rjxai, nalcd, si7ieq\ rivdg, without any detriment
to the character of the line wherein they occur.

H xa vexgrnv x£v&(A.coi>a xcci oxotov nvlag.
Uctlai xwriystovvza xcil (isxgovfievov.
ELnsQ dixaiog ear' sfiog xa naxQO&sv.
Tlvag nod 1 idgag xaads (iol &oa£exs.

or,

Hxa> i'sxqcov xsv&ixcovtx v.ai g%oxov nvXag.
IlaXal xvvrjyaxovvxa xai (iszQovjievov.
Eitzsq Sixaiog ta& ejiog xa naxgo&si'.
Tivag 7to& idgag xccaSs (ioi &occfexe.

Second Foot. — In the second place , it is also matter of
indifference whether the foot be sounded as August or as august.
In the first of the four lines quoted above we may say either
vexqcov or vsxgav , without violating rhythm of the verse.

Third Foot. — In this part of the senarius it is no longer a
matter of indifference whether the foot be sounded as August
or as august, that is, it is no longer a matter of indifference
whether the arsis and the quantity coincide. In the circum-
stance that the last syllable of the third foot must be accen-
ted (in the English sense of the word), taken along with a
second fact, soon about to be exhibited, lies the doctrine of
the penthimimer and hephthimimer caesuras.

The proof of the coincidence between the arsis and the
quantity in the third foot is derived partly from a posteriori,
partly from a priori evidence.

1 . In the Supplices of .ZEschylus , the Persse , and the Bac-
chse, three dramas where licences in regard to metre are
pre-eminently common, the number of lines wherein the sixth
syllable (i. e. the last half of the third foot) is without an
arsis, is at the highest sixteen, at the lowest five; whilst in
the remainder of the extant dramas the proportion is un-
doubtedly smaller.

2. In all lines where the sixth syllable is destitute of ictus,
the iambic character is violated: as —

Ogrjxrjv nsgagdvxeg fioyig nolla nova.
Avoiv ysgovxolv Sb 6xgax7jyeixai q>vyr\.

70 ON THE DOCTRINE OF THE CAESURA IN THE GREEK SENARIUS.

These are facts which may be verified either by referring
to the tragedians, or by constructing senarii like. the lines
last quoted. The only difficulty that occurs arises in deter-
mining, in a dead language like the Greek, the absence or
presence of the arsis. In, this matter the writer has satisfied
himself of the truth of the two following propositions : —

1. That the accentuation of the grammarians denotes some
modification of pronunciation other than that which consti-
tutes the difference between August and august] since, if it
were not so, the word ayyskov would be sounded like mer-
rily, and the word Kyytlav like disable; which is improbable.

2. That the arsis lies upon radical rather than inflectional
syllables, and out of two inflectional syllables upon the first
rather than the second; as filex-a , p^srij-a'a-a, not jUsTC-a,
(iAEtp-cc6-ec. The evidence upon these ■points is derived from
the structure of language in general. The onus probandi lies
with the author who presumes an arsis (accent in the Eng-
lish sense) on a now-radical syllable.

Doubts, however, as to the pronunciation of certain words,
leave the precise number of lines violating the rule given
above undetermined. It is considered sufficient to show that,
wherever they occur, the iambic character is violated.

The circumstance, however, of the last half of the third
foot requiring an arsis, brings us only half way towards the
doctrine of the caesura. With this must be combined a se-
cond fact arising out of the constitution of the Greek lan-
guage in respect to its accent. In accordance with the views
just exhibited, the author conceives that no Greek word has
an arsis upon the last syllable, except in the three following
cases : —

1. Monosyllables, not enclitic; as 6q>av, nds, %&av, d^icog,
vcov , vvv , &c.

2. Circumflex futures; as vsna, rsfia, &c.

3. Words abbreviated by apocope ; in which case the penul-
timate is converted into a final syllable; dojfi , tpEi§EG& xev-
teiz , Eycoy , &c.

Now the fact of a syllable with an arsis being, in Greek,
rarely final, taken along with that of the sixth syllable
requiring an arsis, gives, as a matter of necessity, the cir-
cumstance that, in the Greek drama, the sixth syllable shall
occur anywhere rather than at the end of a word; and this
is only another way of saying, that, in a tragic senarius , the
syllable in question shall generally be followed by other syl-
lables in the. same word. All this the author considers as so
truly a matter of necessity, that the objection to his view of
the Greek caesura must lie either against his idea of the

ON THE DOCTRINE OF THE CAESUKA IN THE GREEK SENARIUS. 7 1

nature of the accents, or nowhere; since, that being ad-
mitted, the rest follows of course.

As the sixth syllable must not be final, it must be fol-
lowed in the same word by one syllable, or by more than one.

1 . The sixth syllable followed by one syllable in the same word.

— This is only another name for the seventh syllable occur-
ring at the end of a word, and it gives at once the hephthi-
mimer caesura: as —

Hxto vsy.qiov jtwifyiroi'a %ai Gkoxov nv\ctg.
Ixrij^wig kXuSolGlv s^E6rsfijj.£voi..
Ofj,ov rs ■nuictvav re xort aT£i'ayj.iazav.

2. The sixth syllable followed by two (or more) syllables in the
same word. — This is only another name for the eighth (or
some syllable after the eighth) syllable occurring at the end
of a word ; as —

Od[ii] Pqotemov Kt'itairai' |ii£ nQoaysXa.
Att(iitQov^ Svvaarag efi'nQETtovrag ai9eQi.

Now this arrangement of syllables, taken by itself, gives
anything rather than a hephthimimer ; so that if it were at this
point that our investigations terminated, little would be done
towards the evolution of the rationale of the caesura. It will
appear, however, that in those cases where the circum-
stance of the sixth syllable being followed by two others in
the same words, causes the eighth (or some syllable after
the eighth) to be final, either a penthimimer caesura, or an
equivalent, will, with but few exceptions, be the result. This
we may prove by taking the eighth syllable and counting
back from it. What follows this syllable is immaterial : it is
the number of syllables in the same word that precedes it
that demands attention. •

1 . The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by nothing.^

— This is equivalent to the seventh syllable at the end of
the preceding word : a state of things which, as noticed above,
gives the hephthimimer caesura.

AvrjQi9fiov yelaGfjia 7tafi\f.itizOQ de yt\.

2. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by one syl-
lable. _ This is equivalent to the sixth syllable at _ the end of
the word preceding; a state of things which, as noticed above,
rarely occurs. When, however, it does occur, one of the
three conditions under which a final syllable can take an arsis
must accompany it. Each of these conditions requires notice.

a). With a non-enclitic ffiowo-syllable the result is a pen-
thimimer caesura; since the syllable preceding a monosyllable
is necessarily final.

72 ON THE DOCTRINE OF THE CAESURA IN THE GREEK SENARIUS.

Hxco C£@i£coi> Gov KXvrctL^vrjGrQa xgctrog.

No remark has been made by critics upon lines constructed
in this manner, since the caesura is a penthimimer, and con-
sequently their rules are undisturbed.

ji). With joo/y-syllabic circumflex futures constituting the
third foot, there would be a violation of the current rules
respecting the caesura. Notwithstanding this, if the views
of the present paper be true, there would be no violation of
the iambic character of the senarius. Against such a line as

Kayco to Gov vefid no&stlvov avXwv

there is no argument a priori on the score of the iambic
character being violated ; whilst, in respect to objections de-
rived from evidence a posteriori, there is sufficient reason for
such lines being rare.

y). With po/y-syllables abbreviated by apocope , we have
the state of things which the metrists have recognised under
the name of quasi-csesura; as —

Ksvrsire firj cp£idiG& tya | texov IlaQiv.

3. — The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by two
syllables. — This is equivalent to the fifth syllable occurring
at the end of the word preceding: a state of things which
gives the penthimimer caesura; as —

Odfj.1] Pgorsicov ctLfxctzmv | fi£ nqoGysXa.
Aa^ngovg Swaarag £(*. 7tg£nov\tag ai&£Qi.
Aipvxov £(X(B 7TQOGyeka\Ga CcofiffTOg.

4. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by three or
more than three syllables, — This is equivalent to the fourth (or
some syllable preceding the fourth) syllable occurring at the
end of the word preceding ; a state of things which would
include the third and fourth feet in one and the same word.
This concurrence is denounced in the Supplement to the
Preface to the Hecuba, where, however, the rule, as in the
case of the quasi-csesura, from being based upon merely em-
pirical evidence, requires limitation. In lines like —

JLai xaXXa noXX inunaGui | dixctiov r\v ,
or (an imaginary example),

Toig 60lGlv uG7ti3r[GXQO(pOLG\iv uvSquGl ,
there is no violation of the iambic character, and consequently
no reason against similar lines having been written; although
from the average proportion of Greek words like snewaecci
and a67ti§y}GzQocpoi6iv , there is every reason for their being
rare.

After the details just given the recapitulation is brief.

ON THE DOCTRINE OP THE CAESURA IN THE GREEK SENARIUS. 73

1. It was essential to the character of the senarius that
the sixth syllable, or latter half of the third foot, should
have an arsis, ictus metricus, or accent in the English sense.
To this condition of the iambic rhythm the Greek tragedians,
either consciously or unconsciously , adhered.

2. It was the character of the Greek language to admit
an arsis on the last syllable of a word only under circum-
stances comparatively rare.

3. These two facts, taken together, caused the sixth syl-
lable of a line to be anywhere rather than at the end of a
word.

4. If followed by a single syllable in the same word, the
result was a hephthimimer caesura.

5. If followed by more syllables than one, some syllable
in an earlier part of the line ended the word preceding, and
so caused either a penthimimer, a quasi-csesura , or the oc-
currence of the third and fourth foot in the same word.

6. As these two last-mentioned circumstances were rare,
the general phenomenon presented in the Greek senarius was
the occurrence of either the penthimimer or hephthimimer.

7. Respecting these two sorts of csesura, the rules, instead
of being exhibited in detail, may be replaced by the simple
assertion that there should be an arsis on the sixth syllable.
From this the rest follows.

8. Respecting the non-occurrence of the third and fourth
feet in the same word, the assertion may be withdrawn en-
tirely.

9. Respecting the quasi-csesura, the rules, if not altogether
withdrawn, may be extended to the admission of the last
syllable of circumflex futures (or to any other polysyllables
with an equal claim to be considered accented on the last
syllable) in the latter half of the third foot.

REMARKS ON THE USE OF THE SIGNS OP
ACCENT AND QUANTITY AS GUIDES TO
THE PRONUNCIATION OF WORDS DERI-
VED FROM THE CLASSICAL LANGUAGES,
WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO
ZOOLOGICAL AND BOTANICAL
TERMS.

FROM THE

ANNALS AND MAGAZINE OF NATURAL HISTORY,

JUNE, 1850.

The text upon which the following remarks have suggest-
ed themselves is the Accentuated List of the British Le-
pidoptera, with Hints on the Derivation of the Names,
published by the Entomological Societies of Oxford and
Cambridge; a useful contribution to scientific terminology —
useful, and satisfied with being so. It admits that natura-
lists may be unlearned, and provides for those who, with
a love for botany or zoology, may have been denied the
advantage of a classical education. That there are many
such is well known ; and it is also well known that they
have no love for committing themselves to the utterance of
Latin and Greek names in the presence of investigators who
are more erudite (though, perhaps, less scientific) than them-
selves. As a rule, their pronunciation is inaccurate. It is
inaccurate without being uniform — for the ways of going
wrong are many. Meanwhile, any directions toward the
right are welcome.

In the realities of educational life there is no such thing
as a book for unlearned men — at least no such thing as
a good one. There are make-shifts and make-believes ad

ON THE USE OF THE SIGNS OF ACCENT AND QUANTITY. 75

inftnitvm; but there is no such an entity as an actual book.
Some are written down to the supposed level of the reader
— all that are so written being useless and offensive. Others
are encumbered with extraneous matter, and, so encumbered,
err on the side of bulk and superfluity. Very rarely is there
anything like consistency in the supply of information.

The work under notice supposes a certain amount of igno-
rance — ignorance of certain accents and certain quantities.
It meets this; and it meets it well. That the work is both
a safe and reliable guide, is neither more nor less than what
we expect from the places and persons whence it has pro-
ceeded.

It is likely, from its very merits, to be the model on which
a long line of successors may be formed. For this reason
the principles of its notation (for thus we may generalize
our expression of the principle upon which we use the signs
of accent and quantity as guides to pronunciation) may be
criticised.

In the mind of the present writer, the distinction between
accent and quantity has neither been, sufficiently attended to
nor sufficiently neglected. This is because, in many respects,
they are decidedly contrasted with, and opposed to, each
other; whilst, at the same time — paradoxical as it may ap-
pear — -they are, for the majority of practical purposes, con-
vertible. That inadvertence on these points should occur,
is not to be wondered at. Professional grammarians — men
who deal with the purely philological questions of metre and
syllabification — with few exceptions, confound them.

In English Latin (by which I mean Latin as pronounced
by Englishmen) there is, in practice, no such a thing as
quantity; so that the sign by which it is denoted is, in nine
cases out of ten, superfluous. Mark the accent, and the quan-
tity will take care of itself.

I say that there is no such a thing in English Latin as
quantity. I ought rather to have said that

English qvantilies are not Latin quantities.

In Latin, the length of the syllable is determined by the
length of the vowels and consonants combined. A long vowel,
if followed in the same word by another (i. e. if followed
by no consonant), is short. A short vowel, 'if followed by
two consonants, is long. In English, on the othe? hand,
long vowels make long, whilst short vowels make short, syl-
lables; so that the quantity of a syllable in English is de-
termined by the quantity of the vowel. The i in phis is short
in Latin. In English it is long. The e in mend is short in
English , long in Latin,

76 ON THE USE OF THE SIGNS OF ACCENT AND QUANTITY.

This, however, is not all. There is, besides, the follow-
ing metrical paradox. A syllable may be made long by
the very fact of its being short. It is the practice of the
English language to signify the shortness of a vowel by doub-
ling the consonant that follows. Hence we get such words
as pitied, knotty, massive, &c. — words in which no one con-
siders that the consonant is actually doubled. For do we not
pronounce pitted and pitied alike? Consonants that appear
double to the eye are common enough. Really double con-
sonants — consonants that sound double to the ear — are
rarities, occurring in one class of words only — viz. in com-
pounds whereof the first element ends with the same sound
with which the second begins, as soul-less, book-case, &c.

The doubling, then, of the consonant is a conventional
mode of expressing the shortness of the vowel that precedes,
and it addresses itself to the eye rather than the ear.

But does it address itself to the eye only? If it did, pi-
tied and pitied, being sounded alike, would also be of the
same quantity. We know, however, that to the English
writer of Latin verses they are not so. We know that the
first is short (pitied), the latter long (pitied). For all this,
they are sounded alike: so that the difference in quantity
(which, as a metrical fact, really exists) is, to a great de-
gree, conventional. At any rate, we arrive at it by a se-
condary process. We know how the word is spelt; and we
know that certain modes of spelling give certain rules of
metre. Our senses here are regulated by our experience.

Let a classical scholar hear the first line of the Eclogues
read —

Patulse tu Tityre , &c,

and he will be shocked. He will also believe that the shock
fell on his ear. Yet his ear was unhurt. No sense was
offended. The thing which was shocked was his knowledge
of the rules of prosody — nothing more. To English ears
there is no such a thing as quantity — not even in hexa-
meters and pentameters. There is no such thing as quan-
tity except so far as it is accentual also. Hence come the
following phsenomena — no less true than strange, — viz. (1)
that any classical metre written according to the rules of
quantity gives (within certain narrow limits) a regular re-
currence of accents ; and (2) that , setting aside such shocks
as affect our knowledge of the rules of prosody, verses writ-
ten according to their accents only give metrical results.
English hexameters (such as they are) are thus written.
In the inferences from these remarks there are two assump-

ON THE USE OP THE SIGNS OP ACCENT AND QUANTITY. 77

tions: 1st, that the old-fashioned mode of pronunciation be
adhered to; 2nd, that when we pronounce Greek and Latin
words as they are pronounced in the recitation of Greek and
Latin poetry, Ave are as accurate as we need be. It is by
means of these two assumptions that we pronounce Tityre
and patulce alike; and I argue that we are free to do so.
As far as the ear is concerned, the a is as long as the i,
on the strength of the double I which is supposed to come
after it. It does not indeed so come; but if it did , the sound
would be the same, the quantity different (for is not patulce
pronounced pollute 1 ?). It would be a quantity, however, to
the eye only.

This pronunciation, however, may be said to be exploded;
for do not most men under fifty draw the distinction which
is here said to be neglected? Do not the majority make,
or fancy they make, a distinction between the two words
just quoted V They may or they may not. It is only certain
that, subject to the test just indicated, it is immaterial what
they do. Nine-tenths of the best modern Latin verses were
written under the old system — a system based not upon
our ear, but on our knowledge of certain rules.

Now it is assumed that the accuracy sufficient for English
Latin is all the accuracy required. Ask for more, and you
get into complex and difficult questions respecting the pro-
nunciation of a dead language. Do what we will, we can-
not, on one side, pronounce the Latin like the ancient Ro-
mans. Do what we will, so long as we keep our accents
right, we cannot (speaking Latin after the fashion of Eng-
lishmen) err in the way of quantity — at least, not to the
ear. A short vowel still gives a long syllable; for the con-
sonant which follows it is supposed to be doubled.

Let it be admitted, then, that, for practical purposes,
Tityre and patulce may be pronounced alike, and the neces-
sity of a large class of marks is avoided. Why write, as
the first word in the book is written, Papilio nicies? Whether
the initial syllable be sounded papp- or pape- is indifferent.
So it is whether the fourth be uttered as -own-, or -onn-.
As far as the ear is concerned, they are both long,^ because
the consonant is is doubled. In Greek, %umtt,lfa6vvbdca is
as long as icaial^cavidai.

Then comes Machaon, where the sign of quantity is again
useless, the accent alone being sufficient to prevent us saying
either Makkaon or Makaon. The a is the a in fate. We
could not sound it as the a in fat if we would.

Pleridce. — What does the quantity tell us here? That
the i is pronounced as the i in the Greek niovog, rather than

/8 ON THE USE OP THE SIGNS OF ACCENT AND QUANTITY.

as the i in the Latin pius. But, in English Latin, we pro-
nounce both alike. Surely Pi'eris and P/e'ridee tell us all
that is needed.

Cratce'gi. — ■ Whether long or short, the i is pronounced the
same.

Sindpis, Rupee, and Ndpi. — The (") here prevents us from
sayig Rappee and Ndppi. It would certainly be inelegant
and unusual to do so. Tested, however, by the ear, the
words rappee and ndppi take just the same place in an Eng-
lish Latin verse as reipe-ee and ndpe-i. Is any one likely
to say sindppis? Perhaps. There are those who say Dianna
for Diana. It is very wrong to do so — wrong, not to say
vulgar. For the purposes of metre, however, one is as good
as the other; and herein (as aforesaid) lies the test. The
real false quantities would be Diana and sinnapis] but against
these the accent .protects us. Nor is the danger of saying
sindppis considerable. Those who say Didnna ar* those who
connect it with Anna and would, probably, spell it with
two n's.

Cardamines. — All that the first Q does here is to prevent
us saying cardami'nnes. The real false quantity would be
carda'mmines. The accent, however, guards against this.

The second (") is useful. It is certainly better to say car-
damin-ees than cardamin-ess, because the e is from the Greek ij.
And this gives us a rule. Let the Q be used to distinguish ij
from e, and a from o, and in no other case. I would not say
that it is necessary to use it even here. It is better, how-
ever, to say Machdon than Machdon. By a parity of rea-
soning, the ("), rejected in the work before us, is sometimes
useful. Let it be used in those derivatives where s replaces
7], and o replaces «; e.g. having written Machaon, write, as
its derivative, Machabnidce — i. e. if the word be wanted.

This is the utmost for which the signs of quantity are
wanted for English Latin. I do not say that they are wanted
even for this.

One of the mechanical inconveniences arising from the
use of the signs of quantity is this — when a long syllable
is accented, two signs fall upon it. To remedy this, the
work before us considers that the stress is to be laid on the
syllable preceding the accent. Yet, if an accent mean anything,
it means that the stress fall on the syllable which it stands over.
A few remarks upon words like Pleridce, where the accent
was omitted. — Here two short syllables come between two
long ones. No accent, however, is placed over either. Evi-
dently, quantity and accent are so far supposed to coincide,
that the accentuation of a short vowel is supposed to make

ON THE USE OP THE SIGNS OP ACCENT AND QUANTITY. 79

it look like a long one. It is a matter of fact, that if, on
a word like CassiSpe , we lay an accent on the last syllable
but one, we shock the ears of scholars, especially metrical
ones.- Does it, however, lengthen the vowel? The editors
of the work in question seem to think that it does, and,
much more consistent than scholars in general, hesitate to
throw it back upon the preceding syllable, which is short
also. Metrists have no such objection; their practice being
to say Cassiope without detriment to the vowel. The ento-
mologists, then, are the more consistent.

They are, however, more consistent than tliey need be.
If an accent is wanted, it may fall on the shortest of all
possible syllables. Granting, however, that Cassiope (whe-
ther the o be sounded as in note or not) is repugnant to
metre, and Cassiope to theory, what is their remedy? It is
certainly true that Cassiope is pronounceable. Pope writes —

"Like twinkling stars the miscellanies o'er."

No man reads this miscellanies; few read it miscellanies. The
mass say miscellanies. Doing this, they make the word a
quadrisyllable; for less than this would fall short of the de-
mands of the metre. They also utter a word which makes
Cas slope possible. Is Cassiope, however, the sound ? Probably
not. And here authors must speak for themselves : —

"Take, e. g., Cassiope and Corlicea: in words like the for-
mer of these, in which the last syllable is long, there is no
greater difficulty of pronunciation in laying the stress upon
the first syllable than upon the second."

True! but this"implies that we say Cassiope. Is -e, how-
ever, one bit the longer for being accented, or can it bear
one iota more of accent for being long? No. Take -at
from peat, and -I from pel, and the result is pe — just as
long or just as short in one case as the other.

The same power of accenting the first syllable is "parti-
cularly the case in those words in which the vowel / can as-
sume the power of y. Latin scholars are divided as to the
proper accentuation of mulieres , Tulliola , and others: though
custom is in favour of mulieres, mul'ieres appears to be more
correct." Be it so. Let mulieres be muhjeres. What be-
comes, however, of the fourth syllable ? The word is no qua-
drisyllable at all. What is meant is this: — not that certain
quadrisyllables with two short vowels in the middle are
difficult to accentuate, but that they are certain words of
which it is difficult to say whether they are trisyllables or
quadrisyllables.

For all practical purposes, however, words like Cassiope

80 ON THE USE OP THE SIGNS OF ACCENT AND QUANTITY.

are quadrisyllables. They are, in the way of metre, chori-
ambics ; and. a choriambic is a quadrisyllable foot. They
were pronounced Cassiope, &c, by English writers of Latin
verses — when Latin verses were written well.

Let the pronunciation which was good enough for Vincent
Bourne and the contributors to the Musse Etonenses be good
enough for the entomologists, and all that they will then
have to do is not to pronounce cralcegum like stratagem, car-
damines like Theramenes , and vice versa. Against this, accent
will ensure , them — accent single-handed and without any
sign of quantity — Cardamines , Theramenes, cr aim gum, stra-
tagem.

V.

CHRONOLOGICA.

ON THE MEANING OF THE WORD SAP02.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

APRIL 11, 1845.

The words Gaqog and sarus are the Greek and Latin forms
of a certain term used in the oldest Babylonian chronology,
the meaning of which is hitherto undetermined. In the opi-
nion of the present writer, the sarus is a period of 4 years
and 340 days.

In the way of direct external evidence as to the value of
the epoch in question, we have, with the exception of an
unsatisfactory passage in Suidas, at the hands of the ancient
historians and according to the current interpretations, only
the two following statements : —

1. That each sarus consisted of 3600 years (srri).

2. That the first ten kings of Babylon reigned 120 sari,
equal to 432,000 years; or on an average 43,200 years apiece.

With data of this sort, we must either abandon the chrono-
logy altogether, or else change the power of the word year.
The first of these alternatives was adopted by Cicero and
Pliny, and doubtless other of the ancients — contemnamus
eliam Babylonios et eos qui e Caucaso cceli signa observanles nu-
meris et motvbus stellar urn cursus persequuntur ; condemnemus
inquam hos aul slullUice aul vanitatis aut impudentice qui cccclxx
millia annorum, ul ipsi dicunt, monumentis comprehensa conti-
nent, _ Cic. de Divinat., from Cory's Ancient Fragments. Again
— e diverso Epigenes apud Babylonios dccxx annorum observa-
tions siderum coctilibus later cutis inscripta* docel, gravis auclor
in primis: qui minimum Berosus et Critodemus cccclxxx anno-

6

82 ON THE MEANING OP THE WORD OaQO;.

rum. — Pliny, vii. 56. On the other hand, to alter the value
of the word eros or annus has been the resource of at least
one modern philologist.

Now if we treat the question by what may be called the
tentative method, the first step in our inquiry will be to find
some division of time which shall, at once, be natural in
itself, and also short enough to make 10 sari possible parts
of an average human life. For this, even a day will be too
long. Twelve hours, however, or half a vv%&ij^eQov, will give
us possible results.

Taking this view therefore, and leaving out of the account
the 29th of February, the words ezog and annus mean, not
a year, but the 730th part of one; 3600 of -which make a
sarus. In other words, a sarus =^ 1800 day-times and 1800
night-times, or 3600 half vvx&iJusqcc, or 4 years + 340 days.

The texts to which the present hypothesis applies are cer-
tain passages in Eusebius and Syncellus. These are found-
ed upon the writings of Alexander Polyhistor, Apollodorus,
Berosus, and Abydenus. From hence we learn the length
of the ten reigns alluded to above, viz. 120 sari or 591 years
and odd days. Reigns of this period are just possible. It is
suggested, however, that the reign and life are dealt with
as synonymous; or at any rate, that some period beyond that
during which each king sat singly on his throne has been
recorded.

The method in question led the late Professor Rask to a
different power for the word sarus. In his /Eldste Hebraiske
Tidregnung he writes as follows: "The meaning of the so-
-called sari has been impossible for me to discover. The
"ancients explain it differently. Dr. Ludw. Ideler, in his
"Eandbuch der mathemalischen und technischen Chronologie, i.
"207, considers it to mean some lunar period; without how-
ever defining it, and without sufficient closeness to enable
"us to reduce the 120 sari, attributed to the ten ancient kings,
"to any probable number of real years. I should almost
"believe that the sarus was a year of 23 months, so that the
"120 sari meant 240 natural years." p. 32. Now Rask's hy-
pothesis has the advantage of leaving the meaning of the
word reign as we find it. On the other hand, it blinks the
question of exy\ or anni as the parts of a sarus. Each doc-
trine, however, is equally hypothetical; the value of the
sarus, in the present state of our inquiry, resting solely upon
the circumstance of its giving a plausible result from plau-
sible assumptions. The data through which the present writer
asserts for his explanation the proper amount of probability
are contained in two passages hitherto unapplied.

OX THE MEANING OP THE WORD GctQOg. 83

1. From Euscbius — is (Bei-osus) sarum ex annis 3600
conflat. Addit etiam nescio quern neruni etc sosum: nerum ait
600 minis constare, sosum minis 60. Sic tile de veterum more
annos computed. — Translation of the Armenian Eusebius, p. 5,
from Fragmenta Hisloricorym Grcecorum, p. 439: Paris, 1841.

2. Bei-osus — Gagog 3f egxlv sh,axoGia y.al TQiG%Cha szr;,
vrjgog ds s^axoGia, GaGGog f $rjxovta. — From Cory's Ancient
Fragments.

Now the assumed value of the word translated year (viz.
12 hours), in its application to the passages just quoted, gives
for the powers of the three terms three divisions of time as
natural jls could be expected under the circumstances.

1. UaGGog. — The sosus = 30 days and 30 nights, or 12
hours X 60, or a month of 30 days, fir]v xQiaxovQ-t](iEQog.
Aristotle writes — rj (it)v Aaxavixy) fxrov fisgog zov sviav-
zov, rovto de eGziv rjptQtxi e\y\xovza. — From Scaliger, De
Emendatione Temporum, p. 23. Other evidence occurs in the
same page.

2. Nrjgog. — The nerus^= 10 sosi or months = the old Ro-
man year of that duration.

3. E&Qog. ■ — The sarus = 6 neri or 60 months of 30 days
each; that is, five proper years within 25 days. This would
be a cycle or annus magnus.

All these divisions are probable. Against that of 12 hours
no objection lies except its inconvenient shortness. The month
of 30 days is pre-eminently natural. The year of 10 months
was common in early times. In favour of the sarus of five
years (or nearly so) there are two facts: —

1. It is the multiple of the sosus by 10, and of the nerus

b y 6 -

2. It represents the period when the natural year of 1 2
months coincides for the first time with the artificial one of 10;
since 60 months = 6 years of 10 months and 5 of 12.

The historical application of these numbers is considered
to lie beyond the pale of the present inquiry.

In Suidas we meet an application of the principle recognised
by Rask, viz. the assumption of some period of which the
sarus is a fraction. Such at least is the probable view of
the following interpretation: UA'POI — ftirpov xal aQi&pog
nagu XcdSaioig, ot yag gx Gugoi itoiovGiv iviavzovg @Gx(i',
o'C yiyvovzai iff eviavvol xal firjvsg i%. — From Cory's Ancient
Fragments*

* This gloss in some MSS. is filled up thus: —

Zdooi,. fietQOv xul ctQidfibq naQtt XaXSaCoig. ol yap px' oczqoi Ttoioveiv
iviavzovg $G%$ , Kara rtjv tcov XaXSaCoav iprjcpov, si'nsoi) odgog itoisi
arivctg celrjViuKaiv ov.fi , ol ylvovxai nj' iviavroi xai ftjjvss H-

84 ON THE MEANING 01" THE WORD GaQO;.

In Josephus we find the recognition of an annvs magnus
containing as many srrj asthe nerus did: ansita, xal dc age-
rrjv xal %r\v £v%Qr\GxCav , av sitsvoovv a6tQol6yt,ag xal yea-
fierQtag Ttheov £rjv %ov &eov avtotg 7taQa6%stv cctcsq ovx t\v
a6<pakag avtotg Ttgosiitstv (iri t^GaGiv s^auoGiovg sviavtovg-
dia ro6ovrov yap 6 (isyccg sviavtog nkriQovtuL. — Aniiq. i. 3.

The following doctrine is a suggestion, viz. that in the
word sosus we have the Hebrew izhu = six. If this be true,
it is probable that the sosvs itself was only a secondary di-
vision, or some other period multiplied by six. Such would
be a period of five days, or ten strj (so-called). With this
view we get two probabilities, viz. a subdivision of the month,
and the alternation of the numbers 6 and 10 throughout; i. e.
from the hog* (or 12 hours) to the sarus (or five years).

After the reading of this paper, a long discussion followed
on the question, how far the sarus could be considered as
belonging to historical chronology. The Chairman (Professor
Wilson) thought there could be no doubt that the same prin-
ciples which regulated the mythological periods of the Hin-
doos prevailed also in the Babylonian computations , although
there might be some variety in their application.

1. A mahayuga or great age of the Hindoos, comprising
the four successive yugas or ages , consists of 4,320,000 years.

2. These years being divided by 360, the number of days
in the Indian lunar year, give 12,000 periods.

3. By casting off two additional cyphers, these numbers
are reduced respectively to 432,000 and 120, the numbers
of the years of the saroi of the ten Babylonian kings, whilst
in the numbers 12,360 and 3600 we have the coincidence
of other elements of the computation.

* In the course of the evening it was stated, that even by writers
quoted by Syncellus ?ros had been translated day; and a reference was
made to an article in the Cambridge Philological Museum On the Days
of the Week, for the opinion of Bailly in modern, and of Annianus
and Panodorus in ancient times: zavxa srrj Tjftsgreg lloyiaavro oxo%a-
eriiicog. — p. 40, vol. i. See also p. 42.

VI.

BIBLIOGRAPHICA.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF THE

WORKS ON THE PROVINCIALISMS OF

HOLLAND FROM PAPERS BY YAN DEN

BERGH AND HETTEMA IN THE

TAALKUNDIG MAGAZUN.

BEAD

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

Van den Bergh, Taal. Mag. ii. 2. 193—210.

Groningen. — Laurman, Proeve van kleine taalkundige bij-
dragen tot beter kennis van den tongval in de Provincie Gronin-
gen. — Groningen 1S22.

J. Sonius Swaagman, Comment: de dialecio Groningana, etc.:
una cum serie vocabulorum , Groninganis propriorum. — Groning.
1827.

Zaamenspraak tusschen Pijter en Jaap dij malkadr op de tveg
ontmuiten boeten Slyntilpoorte. — Groninger Maandscrift, No. 1.
Also in Laurman's Proeve.

Nieurve Schuitpraatjes. — By the same author, 1836.

List van Groningsche Woorden. — By A. Complementary to
the works of Laurman and Swaagman. With notes by A.
de Jager. — Taalkundig Magazijn, second part, third number,
pp. 331— 334.

Groninsch Taaleigen door J. A. (the author of the prece-
ding list). Taalkundig Magazijn, iv. 4. pp. 657 — 690.

Raize na Do de Cock. — Known to Van den Bergh only
through the newspapers.

86 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP THE WORKS &C.

Subdialects indicated by J. A. as existing, («) on the Fries-
land frontier, (b) in the Fens.

L. Van Bolhuis. — Collection of Groningen and Ommeland
words not found in Halma's Lexicon ; with notes by Olignett,
Steenwinkel, and Malnoe. MS. In the library of the Maat-
schappij van Nederlandsche Letterkunde.

. Over-ijsel. — J. H. Halbertsma, Proeve van ecu Woorden
boekje van het Overijselsch. — Overijsselschen Almanak voor
Oudheid en Letteren, 1836.

M. Winhoff, Landrechl var Auerissel, tweede druk, met veele
(philological as well as other) aanleckeningen door J. A. Chalmot.
— Campen, 1782/

T. W. Van Marie, Samensprdke tusschen en snaak zoo as
as der gelukkig ne'et in ie menigle tint en en heeren-krecht dee
gien boe of ba ze, op de markt te D&venler van vergange vrij-
dag. — Overijselschen Almanak, &c. vl supra.

Over de Twentlische Vocalen en Klankwijzigingen , door J. H.
Dehrens. — Taalkundig Magazijn, iii. 3. pp. 332 — 390. 1839.

Twenlher BruVfteleed. — Overijsselschen Almanak.

Dumbar the Younger (?). — Three lists of words and phra-
ses used principally at Deventer. MS. In the library of
the Maatschappij van Nederlandsche Letterkunde.

Drawings of twelve Overijssel Towns. Above and beneath
each a copy of verses in the respective dialects. MS. of the
seventeenth century. Library of the Maatschappij van Ne-
derlandsche Letterkunde.

GrELDERLAND. — H. I. Swaving , Opgave van eenige in Gel-
derland gebridkelijke rvoorden. — Taalkundig Magazijn, i. 4.
pp. 305.

Ibid. — Ibid. ii. 1. pp. 76—80.

Opmerkingen omtrenl den Gelderschen Tongval. — Ibid. ii. 4.
pp. 398 — 426. The fourth section is devoted to some pe-
culiarities from the neighbourhood of Zutphen.

N. C. Kist, Over de ver wisslingvan zedelijke en zinnelijke
Hoedanigheden in sommige Belumsche Idiolismen. — Nieuwe Wer-
ken der Maatsch. van Nederl. Letterkund. iii. 2. 1834.

Staallje van Graafschapsclte landlal. — Proeve van Taalkun-
dipe Opmerkingen en Bedenkingen, door T. G. C. KalckhofF. —
Vaderlandsche Letteroefeningen for June 1826.

Appendix to the above. — Ibid. October 1826.

Het Zeumerroaisel: a poem. 1834? — Known to Van den
Bergh only through the newspapers. Believed to have been
published in 1834.

El Schaassen-riejen , en praolparticken lussen Harmen en Bar-
leld. — Geldersche Volks-Almanak, 1835. Zutphen Dialect.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF THE WORKS &C. 87

De Oskeskermios. — Geldersche Volks-Almanak, 1836. Dia-
lect of Over Veluwe.

Hoe Meister Maorlen baordman baos Joosten en sclial deevin-
dcn. — Geldersche Volks-Almanak, 1836. Dialect of Lijm.

Opgave van eenige in Gelderland gebruikelijke moor den ac. —
H. 1. Swaving. — Taalk. Mag. iv. 4. pp. 307—330.

Aanteekcningen tcr verbelering en uilbreiding der opmerkingen
omtrent den Gelderschen Tongval. — Taal. Mag. iii. 1. pp.
39—80.

A. Van den Bergh. —Words from the provincial dialects
of the Veluwen; with additions by H. T. Folmer. — MS.
Library of the Maatschappij van Nederlandsche Letterkunde.

Handbook, containing the explanation and etymology of
several obscure and antiquated words, &c. occurring in the
Gelderland and other neighbouring Law-books. — By J. C.
C. V. Hfasselt]. — MS. Library of the Maatschappij van Ne-
derlandsche Letterkunde.

Holland. — Scheeps-praal , ten overlijden van Prins Mou-
nts van Orange. — Huygens Korenbloernem, B. viii. Also in
Lulofs Nederlandsche Spraakkunst, p. 351; in the Vader-
landsche Spreekwoorden door Sprenger van Eyk, p. 17, and
(with three superadded couplets) in the Mnemosyne, part x.
p. 76.

Brederoos Kluchten. — Chiefly in the Low Amsterdam [plat
Amslerdamsch) dialect.

Hooft, Warenar met den pot.

Suffr. Sixtinus. — Gerard van Velsen. Amst. 1687.

Bilderdijk, Over een oud Amslerdamsch Volksdeuntjen. —
Vaderlandsche Letteroefeningen, 1808. Reprinted, with an
appendix , at Leyden 1 824.

Bilderdijk, Rombeklag; in gemeen Zamen Amslerdamschen
tongval. — Najaarsbladen , part i.

Gebel, Scheviningsch Visscherslied. — Almanak voor Blij-
geestigen.

1. Boerlige Samenspraak, ter heilgroele bij een hurvelijk.

2. Samenspraak over de harddraverij te Valkenburg en aan
heel Haagsche Schourv.

I!. Boerlige Samenspraak lusschen ffeeip en Jan-buur. — These
three last-named poems occur in Gedichten van J. Le Francq
van Berkhey, in parts i. 221, ii. 180, ii. 257 respectively.

Tvisl lusschen Achilles en Agamemnon. Schiulpraalje van eenen
boer; of luimige vertaling van hel 1 e Boek der I lias, by J. E.
Van' Varelen. — Mnemosyne, part iv. Dordrecht, 1824.

The same by H. W. and B. F. Tydeman in the Mnemo-
syne, part iv. Dordrecht, 1824.

88 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP THE WORKS &C.

Noordhollandsch Taaleigen, door Nicolas Beets. — Taalk. Ma-
gaz. iii. 4. pp. 510 — 516, and iv. 3. pp. 365 — 372.

List of words and phrases used by the Katwijk Fishermen.

— MS. Library of the Maatschappij van Nederlandsche Let-
terkunde.

Dictionary of the North-Holland Dialect; chiefly collected
by Agge Roskan Kool. — MS. Ibid.

Zealand. — Gedichl op'l innemen van sommige schansen en de
sterke stad ffulsl, #c. 1642. Le Jeune; Volkszangen, p. 190.

Brief van eene Zuidbevelandsche Boerin, aan haren Zoon,
dienende bij de Zeeuwsche landelijke Schutierij. Zeeuwsche
Volks-Almanak, 1836.

Over het Zeeuwsche Taaleigen, door Mr. A. F. Siffle. —
Taalkundig Magazijn i. 2. 169—17-1.

Notes upon the same, by Van A. D. J[ager]. — Ibid. p.
175—177.

Taalkundige Aanteekeningen , door Mr. J. H. Hoefft. — Ibid.
1. 3. 248—256.

Collection of words used in Walcheren. — MS. Library
of Maatschappij van Nederlandsche Letterkunde.

Collection of words used in States-Flanders. — MS. Ibid.

North brabant. — J. H. Hoefft, Proeve van Bredaasch
taaleigen, Src. — Breda 1836.

J. L. Verster, Words used in the Mayoralty of Bosch. —
MS. Library of Maatschappij van Nederlandsche Letterkunde.

Jewish. — Khoolje, Waar binje? hof Confer ensje hop de ver-
trekkie van de Colleesje hin de Poortoegeesehe Koffy' uyssie, ho-
ver de gemasqmerde bal onlmaskerl. — Amsterd.

Lehrrhede horver devrauwen, door Raphael Noenes Karwalje,
Hopper Rhabbijn te Presburg; in Wibmer, de Onpartijdige.

— Amst. 1820. p. 244.

Negro*. — New Testament. — Copenhagen, 1781, and Barby,
1802.

The Psalms. — Barby, 1S02.

* From Taal. Mag. iii. 4. 500. In the 86th number of the Quarterly
Review we find extracts from » New Testament for the use of the Ne-
groes of Guiana, in the Talkee-takee dialect. In this there is a largp
infusion of Dutch, although the basis of the language is English.

VII.

GEOGRAPHICA.

ON THE EXISTENCE OE A NATION

BEARING THE NAME OE SERES OR, A

COUNTRY CALLED SERICA OR

TERRA SERICA.

FROM )

THE CLASSICAL MUSEUM OF 1846. VOL. 3.

The following train of thought presented itself to the writer
upon the perusal of Mr. James Yates's learned and inter-
esting work entitled Textrinum Antiquorum or an account
of the art of weaving among the ancients. With scarcely a
single exception the facts and references are supplied from
that work so that to the author of the present paper nothing
belongs beyond the reasoning that he has applied to them.

This statement is made once for all for the sake of saving
a multiplicity of recurring references.

The negative assertions as well as the positive ones are
also made upon the full faith in the exhaustive learning of
the writer in question.

Now the conviction that is come to is this, that no tribe,
nation or country ever existed which can be shewn to have
borne, either in the vernacular or in any neighbouring lan-
guage, the name Seres, Serica, or Terra Serica or any equi-
valent term, a conclusion that may save some trouble to the
inquirers into ancient geography.

The nation called Seres has never had a specific existence
under that name, Whence then originated the frequent in-

90 ON THE EXISTENCE OF A NATION BEARING THE NAME &.C.

dications of such a nation recurring in the writings of the
ancients? The doctrine, founded upon the facts of Mr. Yates
and laid down as a proposition, is as follows. —

That the name under which the article silk was introdu-
ced to the Greeks and Romans wore the appearance of a
Gentile adjective and that the imaginary root of the accre-
dited adjective passed for the substantive name of a nation.
Thus, in the original form seric , the -ic had the appear-
ance of being an adjectival termination, as in Medic-us
Persic-us &c. ; whilst ser- was treated as the substantive name
of a nation or people from whence the article in question
(i. e. the seric article) was derived. The Seres therefore
were the hypothetical producers of the article that bore their
name [seric) Whether this view involves more improbabilities
than the current one will be seen from the forthcoming ob-
servations. —

1. In the first place the crude form seric was neither Latin
nor Greek, so that the -ic could not be adjectival.

2. Neither was it in the simpler form ser- that the term
was introduced into the classical languages so that the ad-
jectiv;il -ic might be appended afterwards. —

3. The name in question whatever might have been its
remote origin was introduced into Greece from the Semitic
tongues (probably the Phoenician) and was the word p^TtD
in Isaiah XIX. 9. where the pi (the -id) is not an adjectival
appendage but a radical part of the word. And here it may
be well to indicate that, except under the improbable supposi-
tion that the Hebrew name was borrowed from the Greek or
Latin, it is a matter of indifference whether the word in ques-
tion was indigenous to the Semitic Languages or introduced
from abroad, and also that is a matter of indifference whether
silk was known in the time of the Old Testament or not.
It is' sufficient if a term afterwards applied to that article was
Hebrew at the time of Isaiah. Of any connection between
the substance called p"HO and a nation called Seres there is
in the Semitic tongues no trace. The foundation of the pre-
sent scepticism originated in the observation that the suppo-
sed national existence of the Seres coincided with the intro-
duction of the term seric into languages where ic- was an
adjectival affix. —

As early as the Augustan age the substantive Seres ap-
pears by the side of the adjective Sericus. In Virgil, Ho-
race and Ovid the words may be found and from this time
downwards the express notice of a nation so called is found
through a long series of writers. —

Notwithstanding this it is as late as the time of Mela be-

ON THE EXISTENCE OF A NATION BEARING THE NAME &C. 91

fore we find any author mentioning with detail and preci-
sion a geographical nationality for the Seres. "He (Mela)
describes them as a very honest people who brought what
they had to sell, laid it down and went away and then return-
ed for the price of it" (Yates p. 184) Now this notice is
anything rather than definite. Its accuracy moreover may be
suspected, since it .belongs to the ambiguous class of what
may be called convertible descriptions. The same story is
told of an African nation in Herodotus IV. 169.

To the statement of Mela we may add a notice from Am-
mianus Marcellinus of the quiet and peaceable character of
the Seres (XXIII. 6.) and a statement from the novelist Helio-
dorus that at the nuptials of Theagenes and Chariclea the
ambassadors of the Seres came bringing the thread and
webs of their spiders (Aethiop. X. p. 494. Commelini).

Now notices more definite than the above of the national
existence of the Seres anterior to the time of Justinian we have
none whilst subsequently to the reign of that emperor there
is an equal silence on the part both of historians and geo-
graphers. Neither have modern ethnographers found un-
equivocal traces of tribes bearing that name.

The probability of a confusion like the one indicated at
the commencement of the paper is increased by the facts
stated in p. 222. of the Textrinum. Here we see that besides
Pausanias, Hesychius, Photius and other writers give two
senses to the root ser-which they say is (1.) a worm (2.)
the name of a nation. Probably Clemens Alexandrinus does
the same vrnia %gv6ov , xal Grjgccg Ivdixovg, xccl tovj itsgi-
egyovg (ioujivxccg yaigsiv iavxag. A passage from Ulpian (Tex-
trinum p. 192) leads to the belief that 6r\Qug here means
silk-worm. Vestimentorum sunt omnia lanea lineaque, vel
serica vel bombycina.

Finally the probability of the assumed confusion isveri-
fied_by the statement of Procopius avxr\ de isxiv ^jiira^cc,
J§ rjs SLGifruGi xr\v z6%f\xa tpyd&od-cci, iqv ncclat ^ev"EllrjV£g
Mydixriv hxalovv , xavvv 8s (Jrjgixrjv ovopdfrvGiv. (De Bell.
Persic. I. 20.).

Militating against these views I find little unsusceptible of
explanation. —

1 . The expression GrjQixa dsQfiaxa of the author of the Pe-
riplus Maris Erythraei means skins from the silk country.

2. The intricacy introduced into the question by a passage
of Procopius is greater. In the account of the first intro-
duction of the silk worm into Europe in the reign of Justi-
nian the monks who introduced it having arrived from In-
dia stated that they had long resided in the country called

92 ON THE EXISTENCE OF A NATION BEARING THE NAME &0.

Serinda inhabited by Indian nations where they had learned
how raw silk might be produced in the country of the
Romans (Textrinum p. 231). This is so much in favor of the
root Ser- being gentile, but at the same time so much against
the Seres being Chinese. Sanskrit scholars may perhaps ad-
just this matter. The Serinda is probably the fabulous Se-
rendib.

In the countries around the original localities of the silk-
worm the name for silk is as follows —

In Corean Sir.

Chinese se.

Mongolian sirkek.

Mandchoo sirghe.

It is the conviction of the present writer that a nation
called Seres had no geographical existence.

ON THE EVIDENCE OF A CONNECTION

BETWEEN THE CIMBRI AND THE

CHERSONESUS CIMBRICA

EEAD

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

FEBRUARY 9, 1844.

It is considered that the evidence of any local connection
between the Cimbri conquered by Marius^ and the Cherso-
nesus Gimbrica, is insufficient to counterbalance the natural
improbability of a long and difficult national migration. Of
such a connection, however, the identity of name and the
concurrent belief of respectable writers are prima facie evid-
ence. This, however, is disposed of if such a theory as the
following can be established, viz. that, for certain reasons,
the knowledge of the precise origin and locality of the na-
tions conquered by Marius was, at an early period, confused
and indefinite ; that new countries were made known without
giving any further information; that, hence, the locality of
the Cimbri was always pushed forwards beyond the limits
of the geographical areas accurately ascertained ; and finally,
that thus their supposed locality retrograded continually north-
wards until it fixed itself in the districts of Sleswiek and Jut-
land, where the barrier of the sea and the increase of geo-
graphical knowledge (with one exception) prevented it from
getting farther. Now this view arises out of the examination
of the language of the historians and geographers as exami-
ned in order, from Sallust to Ptolemy.

Of Sallust and Cicero, the language points to Gaul as the
home of the nation in question; and that without the least
intimation of its being any particularly distant portion of
that country. ct Per idem tempus adversus Gallos ab ducibus
nostris , Q. Csepione et M. Manlio , male pugnatum — Marius
Consul absens factus, et ei decreta Provincia Gallia." Bell.

94 ON THE EVIDENCE OP A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMB1U &C.

Jitgurth. 114. "Ipse ille Marius — influentes in Italiam Gal-
lorum maximas copias repressit." Cicero de Prov. Consul. 13.
And here an objection may be anticipated. It is undoubtedly
true that even if the Oimbri had originated in a locality so
distant as the Chersonese, it would have been almost impos-
sible to have made such a fact accurately understood. Yet
it is also true, that if any material difference had existed
between the Cimbri and the Gauls of Gaul, such must have
been familiarly known in Rome, since slaves of both sorts
must there have been common.

Csesar, whose evidence ought to be conclusive (inasmuch
as he knew of Germany as well as of Gaul), fixes them to
the south of the Marne and Seine. This we learn, not from
the direct text, but from inference: "Gallos — a Belgis Ma-
trona et Scquana dividit." Bell. Gall. i. "Belgas — solos
esse qui, patrum nostrum memoria, omni Gallia vexata,
Teutones Cimbrosquc intra fines suos ingredi prohibuerunt."
Bell. Gall. ii. 4. Now if the Teutones and Cimbri had moved
from north to south, they would have clashed with the Bel-
gte first and with the other Gauls afterwards. The converse,
however, was the fact. It is right here to state, that the
last observation may be explained away by supposing, either
that the Teutones and Cimbri here meant may be a remnant
of the confederation on their return, or else a portion that
settled clown in Gaul upon their way; or finally, a division
that made a circle towards the place of their destination in
a south-east direction. None of these however seem the plain
and natural construction; and I would rather, if reduced to
the alternative, read ^Gennania" instead of "Gallia" than
acquiesce in the most probable of them.

Diodorus Siculus, without defining their locality, deals
throughout with the Cimbri as a Gaulish tribe. Besides this,
he gives us one of the elements of the assumed indistinctness
of ideas in regard to their origin, viz. their hypothetical
connexion with the Cimmerii. In this recognition of what
might have been called the Cimmerian theory, he is followed
by Strabo and Plutarch. — Diod. Sicul. v. 32. Slrabo vii.
Plutarch. Vit. Marii.

The next writer who mentions them is Strabo. In con-
firmation of the view taken above, this author places the
Cimbri on the northernmost limit of the area geographically
known to him, viz. beyond Gaul and in Germany, between
the Rhine and the Elbe: xav ds rsQfidvcov, dg slnov, o'C [iev
nQOOagy.TLOt nuQrjxovGi xa 'Slxeava. rvaQi^ovxcti 6' ano xcov
ixfiokav xov Pijvov J.a[56vxsg xr\v aQ%r\v jif'^pt xov "Alfiiog.
Tovrav ds s'lal yvaQificoraroL Sovyaw^QoC xe xal KififiQOt,.

ON THE EVIDENCE OP A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &C. 95

Ta ds tzeqccv row "^X^iog zd ngog ra 'Slxsava navxditaGiv
ccyvcoGxcc W iv sgxiv. (B. iv.) Further proof 'that this was
the frontier of the Roman world we get from the statement
which soon follows, viz. that t; thus much was known to the
Romans from their successful wars, and that more would
have been known had it not been for the injunction of Au-
gustus forbidding his generals to cross the Elbe." (B. iv.)
Velleius Paterculus agrees with his contemporary Strabo.
He places them beyond the Rhine and deals with them as
Germans:— "turn Cimbri et Teutoni transcendere Rhenum,
multis mox nostris suisque cladibus nobiles." (ii. 9.) "Effusa
— immanis vis Germanarum gentium quibus nomen Cimbris
et Teutonis erat." {Ibid. 12.)

Fi'om_ the Germania of Tacitus a well-known passage will
be considered in the sequel. Tacitus' locality coincides with
that of Strabo.

Ptolemy. — Now the author who most mentions in detail
the tribes beyond the Elbe is also the author who most push-
es back the Cimbri towards the north. Coincident with his
improved information as to the parts southward, he places
them at the extremity of the area known to him: Kavyjoi
o£ {is££oveg (iE%Qi row 'sUfiiov izoxapov- iys^ijg ds enl avyjva
xrjg KififiQLXTJg XegGovqGov Ud£ovsg, avxrjv ds xy\v Xsqg6vy\-
Gov vtcsq fi£i> xovg 2Jd£ovag, Zliyovkaveg dno dvapav slxa
HafiaXiyyioi, elxa Koj3avSoc, vtcsq owj Xdkot.- xal sxl vjisq-
xdxovg dvGfitxmxsQOi fiev OovvSovGlol, dvazohxaxeQOL ds Xa-
govSsg, ndvxav 8s ccqxxixcSxsqoi Kvajipoi. — Plolemwi Ger-
mania.

Such is the evidence of those writers, Greek or Roman,
who deal with the local habitation of the Cimbri rather
than with the general history of that tribe. As a measure
of the indefinitude of their ideas, we have the confusion,
already noticed, between the Cimbri and Cimmerii, on the
parts of Diodorus, Strabo, and Plutarch. A better measure
occurs in the following extract from Pliny, who not only
fixes the Cimbri in three places at once, but also (as far as
we can find any meaning in his language) removes them so
far northward as Norway : "Alterum genus Ingsevones, quo-
rum pars Cimbri Teutoni ac Chaucorum gentes. Proximi
Rheno Istsevones, quorum pars Cimbri mediterranei." (iv. 14.)
"Promontorium Cimbrorum excurrens in maria longe Peninsu-
lam efficit quae Carthis appellator." Ibid. "Sevo Mons (the
mountain-chains of Norway) immanem ad Cimbrorum usque
promontorium efficit sinum , qui Codanus vocatur, refertus
insulis , quarum clarissima Scandinavia , incomperta? magni-
tudinis." (iv. 13.) Upon confusion like this it is not con-

96 ON THE EVIDENCE OP A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &C.

sidered necessary to expend further evidence. So few state-
ments coincide, that under all views there must be a mis-
conception somewhere ; and of such misconception great must
the amount be, to become more improbable than a national
migration from Jutland to Italy.

Over and above, however, this particular question of evi-
dence, there stands a second one; viz. the determination of
the Ethnographical relations of the nations under considera-
tion. This is the point as to whether the Cimbri conquered
by Marius were Celts or Goths, akin to the Gauls, or akin
to the Germans; a disputed point, and one which, for its
own sake only, were worth discussing, even at the expense
of raising a wholly independent question. Such however it
is not. If the Cimbri were Celts, the improbability of their
originating in the Cimbric Chersonese would be increased,
and with it the amount of evidence required; since, laying
aside other considerations, the natural unlikelihood of a large
area being traversed by a mass of emigrants is greatly en-
hanced by the fact of any intermediate portion of that area
being possessed by tribes as alien to each other as the Gauls
and Germans. Hence therefore the fact of the Cimbri being
Celts will (if proved) be considered as making against the
probability of their origin in the Cimbric Chersonese ; whilst
if they be shown to be Goths, the difficulties of the sup-
position will be in some degree diminished. Whichever way
this latter point is settled, something will be gained for the
historian ; since the supposed presence of Celts in the Cim-
bric Chersonese has complicated more than one question in
ethnography.

Previous to proceeding in the inquiry it may be well to lay
down once for all as a postulate, that whatever, in the way
of ethnography, is proved concerning any one tribe of the
Cimbro-Teutonic league, must be considered as proved con-
cerning the remainder; since all explanations grounded upon
the idea that one part was Gothic and another part Celtic
have a certain amount of prima facie improbability to set
aside. The same conditions as to the burden of proof apply
also to any hypotheses founded on the notion of retiring Cim-
bri posterior to the attempted invasion of Italy. On this point
the list of authors quoted will not be brought below the time
of Ptolemy. With the testimonies anterior to that writer,
bearing upon the question of the ethnography, the attempt
however will be made to be exhaustive. Furthermore, as
the question in hand is not so much the absolute fact as to
whether the Cimbri were Celts or Goths, but one as to the
amount of evidence upon which we believe them to be either

ON THE EVIDENCE OP A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &C. 97

the one or the other, statements will be noticed under the
head of evidence, not because they are really proof's, but
simply because they have ever been looked upon as such.
Beginning then with the Germanic origin of the Cimbro-
leutonic confederation, and dealing separately with such
tribes as are separately mentioned, we first find the

Ambrones. — In the Anglo-Saxon poem called the Travel-
ler's Song, there is a notice of a tribe called Ymbre, Fmbras,
or Ymbran. Suhm, the historian of Denmark, has allowed
himself to imagine that these represent the Ambrones, and
that their name still exists in that of the island Amron of
the coast of Sieswick, and perhaps in Amerland, a part of
Oldenburg. — Thorpe's note on the Traveller's Song in the
Codex Exoniensis.

Teutones. — In the way of evidence of there being Teuto-
nes amongst the Germans, over and above the associate men-
tion of their names with that of the Cimbri, there is but
little. They are not so mentioned either by Tacitus or Strabo.
Ptolemy, however, mentions a) the Teutonarii, b) the Teu-
tones: TevzovoctQioL xal Ovlqovvoi — (DctQadsivav ds xal
Uvrjfinv, Tevzoveg xal "A^aqnoi. Besides this, however,
arguments have been taken from «) the meaning of the root
teul — people (piuda, M. G. ; \>eod, A. S. ; diol, 0. H. G.):
b) the Saltus Teulobergius: c) the supposed connection of the
present word Beut-sch = German with the classical word Teut-
ones. These may briefly be disposed of.

a.) It is not unlikely for an invading nation to call them-
selves the nation, the nations, the people, &c. Neither, if the
tribe in question had done so (presuming them to have been
Germans or Goths), would the word employed be very un-
like Teuton-es. Although the word Ipiud-a = nation or people,
is generally strong in its declension (so making the plural
\>iud-os), it is found also in a weak form with its plural
thiot-iin= Teuton-. See Deutsche Grammalik, i. 630.

b.) The Saltus Teulobergius mentioned by Tacitus {Ann. i. 60)
can scarcely have taken its name from a tribe, or, on the
other hand, have given it to one. It means either the hill of
the people, or the city of the people; according as the syllable
-berg- is derived from bdirgs — a hill, or from baurgs~a
city. In either case the compound is allowable, e. g. diot-
tvec, public way, O. H. G.; thiod-scatho , robber of the people,
O. S. ; \>eod-cyning, peod-mearc, boundary of the nation, A. S.;
piod-land, piod-vegr, people's way, Icelandic ; — Theud-e-mirus,
Theud-e -linda, Theud- i-gotha, proper names (from \iud-):
himil-berac, velt -perac; /h'Sw-perac, 0. H. G. ; himinhiorg,
t;«/biorg, Icelandic (from bdirgs = hill) — as«'purc, hasalyure,,

98 ON THE EVIDENCE OP A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &0.

saltzpurc, &c, 0. H. G. (from baurgs = ci(y). The particu-
lar word diot-puruc = civitas magna occurs in 0. H. G. — See
Deutsche Grammatik, iii. p. 478.

P-

c. Akin to this is the reasoning founded upon the connec-
tion (real or supposed) between the root Teut- in Teuton-,
and the root deut- in Deut-sch. It runs thus. The syllable
in question is common to the word Teut-ones, Teut-onicus,
Theod-iscus, teud-iscus, leul-iscus, tul-iske, diit-iske, tiut-sche,
deut-sch; whilst the word Deut-sch means German. As the
Teut-ones were Germans , so were the Cimbri also. Now this
line of argument is set aside by the circumstance that the
syllable Teut- in Teut-ones and Teut-onicus, as the names of
the confederates of the Cimbri, is wholly unconnected with
the Teut- in theod-iscus, and Deut-sch. This is fully shown
by Grimm in his dissertation on the words German and Dutch.
In its oldest form the latter word meant popular, national,
vernacular; it was an adjective applied to the vulgar tongue,
or the vernacular German, in opposition to the Latin. In
the tenth century the secondary form Teut-onicus came in
vogue even with German writers. Whether this arose out
of imitation of the Latin form Romanice, or out of the idea
of an historical connection with the Teutones of the classics,
is immaterial. It is clear that the present word deut-sch
proves nothing respecting the Teutones. Perhaps, however,
as early as the time of Martial the word Teulonicus was used
in a general sense, denoting the Germans in general. Certain
it is that before his time it meant the particular people con-
quered by Marius, irrespective of origin or locality. — See
Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik, i. p. 17, 3rd edit. Martial,
xiv. 26, Teutonici capilli. Claudian. in Eutrop. i. 406, Teu-
lonicum hoslem.

The Cimbri. — Evidence to the Gothic origin of the Cimbri
(treated separately) begins with the writers under Augustus
and Tiberius.

Veil. Paterculus. — The testimony of this writer as to the
affinities of the nations in question is involved in his testi-
mony as to their locality, and, consequently, subject to the
same criticism. His mention of them (as Germans) is inci-
dental.

Strabo. — Over and above the references already made,
Strabo has certain specific statements concerning the Cimbri :
a.) That according to a tradition (which he does not believe)
they left their country on account of an inundation of the
sea. This is applicable to Germany rather than to Gaul.
This liability to inundations must not, however, be supposed
to indicate a locality in the Cimbric Chersonese as well as

ON THE EVIDENCE OF A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &U. 99

a German origin , since the coast between the Scheldt and
Elbe is as obnoxious to the ocean as the coasts of Holstein,
Sleswick and Jutland, b.) That against the German Cimbri
and Teutones the _ Belgse alone kept their ground — a6xs
povovg (BsXyag) avxi%aiv ngog xtjv xmv ngpdvav syodov,
Kipfigmv xal Tsvrovav. (iv. 3.) This is merely a translation
of Csesar (see above) with the interpolation rsgpavav.
c.) That they inhabited their original country, and that they
sent ambassadors to Augustus — xal yag vvv s%ovgl xr^v %6-
gav r]v slxov itgoxegov, xal saefifav xa Eifia6t<p Sagov xov
[egaxaxov jtag^' avxotg , Is'ftrjxa, ahov'fievot, cpdiav xal a/j-
vrjaxtav xav vnovgyfidvav ■ xv%6vxsg 8s cav ^i'ow ayfigav.
(B. i.) Full weight must be given to the definite character
of this statement.

Tacilus. — Tacitus coincides with Strabo, in giving to the
Cimbri a specific locality, and in stating special circum-
stances of their history. Let full weight be given to the words
of a writer like Tacitus ; but let it also be remembered that
he wrote from hearsay evidence, that he is anything rather
than an independent witness, that his statement is scarcely
reconcileable with those of Ptolemy and Csesar, and that
above all the locality which both he and Strabo give the
Cimbri is also the locality of the Sicambri, of which latter
tribe no mention is made by Tacitus, although their wars
with the Romans were matters of comparatively recent history.
For my own part, I think, that between a confusion of the
Cimbri with the Cimmerii on the one hand , and of the Cimbri
with the Sicambri on the other, we have the clue to the mis-
conceptions assumed at the commencement of the paper.
There is no proof that in the eyes of the writers under the
Republic, the origin of the Cimbri was a matter of either
doubt or speculation. Catulus , in the History of his Consul-
ship, commended by Cicero {Brutus, xxxv.), and Sylla in his
Commentaries, must have spoken of them in a straightforward
manner as Gauls, otherwise Cicero and Sallust would have spo-
ken of them less decidedly. (See Plutarch's Life of Marius,
and note.) .Confusion arose when Greek readers of Homer and
Herodotus began to theorize, and this grew greater when
formidable enemies under the name of Sicambri were found in
Germany. It is highly probable that in both Strabo and
Tacitus we have a commentary on the lines of Horace —

Te csede gaudentes Sicambri
Compositis venerantur armis.

"Eumdem (with the Chauci, Catti, and Cherusci) Germanise
sinum proximi Oceano Cimbri tenent, parva nunc civitas,

n *

100 ON THE EVIDENCE OE A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &C.

sed gloria ingens: veterisque famse lata vestigia manent,
utraque ripa castra ac spatia, quorum ambitu nunc quoque
metiaris molem manusque gentis, et tarn magni exitus fidem
— occasione discordise nostrse et civilium armorum , expug-
natis legionum hibernis, etiam Gallias affectavere; ac rursus
pulsi, inde proximis ternporibus triumphati magis quam victi
sunt." {German. 38.)

Justin. — Justin writes — "Simul e Germanid Cimbros —
inundasse Italiam." Now this extract would be valuable if
we were sure that the word Germania came from Justin's ori-
ginal, Trogus Pompeius; who was a "Vocontian Gaul, living
soon after the Cimbric defeat. To him, however, the term
Germania must have been wholly unknown; since, besides
general reasons, Tacitus says — "Germanise vocabulum recens
et nuper additum : quoniam , qui primum Rhenum transgressi
Gallos expulerint, ac nunc Tungri, tunc Germani vocati
sint: ita nationis nomen, non gentis evaluisse paullatim, ut
omnes, primum a victore ob metum, mox a seipsis invento
nomine Germani vocarentur." Justin's interpolation of Ger-
mania corresponds with the similar one on the part of Strabo.

Such is the evidence for the Germanic origin of the Cimbri
and Teutones, against which may now be set the following
testimonies as to their affinity with the Celts, each tribe being
dealt with separately.

The Ambrones. — Strabo mentions them along with the Ti-
gurini, an undoubted Celtic tribe — Kaza toV nQOs"A^Qa-
vctg xai Tiavysvovg n6A,E[iov.

Suetonius places them with the Transpadani — "per Am-
bronas et Transpadanos." [Ccesar, § 9.)

Plutarch mentions that their war-cries were understood
and answered by the Ligurians. Now it is possible that the
Ligurians were Celts, whilst it is certain that they were not
Goths.

The Teutones. — Appian speaks of the Teutones having in-
vaded Noricum, and this under the head Kilrixa.

Florus calls one of the kings of the Teutones Teutobocchus,
a name Celtic rather than Gothic.

Virgil has the following lines : —

late jam turn ditione premebat

Sarrastes populos, et quoe rigat sequora Sarnus;

Quique Eufas, Batulumque tenent, atque arva Celennoe;

Et quos maliferae despectant moenia Abellae:

Teutonico ritu soliti torquere caieias.

Tegmina queis capitum raptus de subere cortex,

iEratseque micant peltse, micat cereus ensis. — Mn. vii. 737 — 743.

ON THE EVIDENCE OF A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &C. 101

Now this word caleia may be a provincialism from the neigh-
bourhood of Sarraste. It may also (amongst other things)
be a true Teutonic word. From what follows it will appear
that this latter view is at. least as likely as any other. The
commentators state that it is vox Celtica. That this is true
may be seen from the following forms — Irish: ga , spear,
javelin; gaoth, ditto, a dart; gollx, a spear (O'Reilly) ,• gaoihadh,
a javelin; gadh, spear; gai , ditto; crann gaidh, spear-shaft
(Begly) — Cornish: geu, gem, gu, gui = lance, spear, javelin,
shaft (Pryce) — Breton: goas, goaff (Rostremer).

The Cimbri — The Teutones. — Of either the Cimbri sepa-
rately or of the Cimbri and Teutones collectively, being of
Gallic origin, we have, in the way of direct evidence, the
testimonies exhibited above, viz. of Sallust, Cicero, Csesar,
Diodorus. To this may be added that of Dion Cassius, who
not only had access to the contemporary accounts which
spoke of them as Gauls, but also was enabled to use them
critically, being possessed of information concerning Germany
as well as France.

Of Appian the whole evidence goes one way, viz. that
the tribes in question were Gauls. His expressions are : jcAsf-
Gtov xi xal [La%i(icoTaTov — XQW a KsXrav ets xtjv 'iraXiav
xal Z7}v FaXaxCav eCGsfiaks. (iv. 2.) In his book on Illyria
he states that the Celts and Cimbri, along with the Illyrian
tribe of the Autarise, had, previous to the battle against Ma-
rius, attacked Delphi and suffered for their impiety. (ilkvQ.
d. 4.)

Quintilian may be considered to give us upon the subject
the notions of two writers — Virgil , and either Caesar or
Crassus. In dealing, however, with the words of Quintilian,
it will be seen that there are two assumptions. That either
Caesar or Crassus considered the Cimbri to be Gauls we infer
from the following passage: — "Rarum est autem, ut ocalis
subjicere contingat (sc. vituperationem) , ut fecit C. Julius,
qui cum Helvio Manciae saepius obstrepenti sibi diceret, jam
oslendam, qualis sis: isque plane instaret interrogation^, qua-
lem se tandem ostensurus esset, digito demonstravit imagi-
nem Galli in scuto Mariano Cimbrico pictam , cui Mancia
turn simillimus est visus. Tabernae autem erant circum Fo-
rum, ac scutum illud signi gratia positum." Inst. Oral vi.
3. 38. Pliny tells the story of Crassus (39. 4.). Although
in this passage the word upon which the argument turns has
been written galli, and translated cock, the current interpre-
tation is the one given above. — Vid. not. ed. Gesner.

In the same author is preserved the epigram of Virgil's
called Catalecta, and commented on by Ausonius of Bor-

102 ON THE EVIDENCE OP A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &C.

deaux. Here we learn that T. Annius Cimber was a Gaul;
whilst it is assumed that there was no other reason to believe
that he was called Cimber than that of his being descended
from some slave or freedman of that nation: — "Non appa-
reat affectatio, in quam mirifice Virgilius ;

Corinthiorum amator iste verborum,
Ille iste rhetor: narnque quatenus totus
Thucydides Britannus, Atticse febres,
Tau-Grallicum, min-, al- spinse male illisit.
Ita omnia ista verba miscuit fratri.

Cimber hie fuit a quo fratrem necatum hoc Ciceronis dictum
notatum est; Germanum Cimber occidil." — Inst. Oral. viii. 3.
cum not.

Die, quid significent Catalecta Maronis? in his al-

Celtarum posuit, sequitur non lucidius tau-,

Et quod germano mistum male letiferum min-. — Auson.

Undoubtedly the pronunciation here ridiculed is that of the
Gauls, and it is just possible that in it is foreshadowed the
curtailed form that the Latin tongue in general puts on in
the present French. Again, the slave whose courage failed
him when ordered to slay Caius Marius is called both a Gaul
and a Cimbrian by Plutarch, as well as by Lucan. In the
latter writer we have probably but a piece of rhetoric (Phar-
salia. lib. ii.)

Amongst tribes undoubtedly Gallic the Nervii claimed des-
cent from the Teutones and Cimbri. The passage of Taci-
tus that connects the Nervii with the Germans connects them
also with the Treveri. Now a well-known passage in St.
Jerome tells us that the Treveri were Gauls: — Neq^uoi rj6av
ds Kifi^Qav zal Tevxovav ciitoyovoi. — Appian, iv. 1. 4.
"Treveri et Nervii circa adfectationem Germanics originis
ultro ambitiosi sunt, tamquani, per hanc gloriam sanguinis,
a similitudine et inertia Gallorum separentur." German. 28.
Finally, in the Life of Marius by Plutarch we have dialo-
gues between the Cimbri and the Romans. Now a Gallic
interpreter was probable, but not so a German one.

Such are the notices bearing upon the ethnography of the
Cimbri. Others occur, especially amongst the poets; of
these little or bo use can be macle, for a reason indicated
above. Justin speaks of embassies between Mithridates and
the Cimbri. Suetonius connects the Cimbri with the Gallic
Senones; he is writing however about Germany, so that his
evidence, slight as it is, is neutralized. Theories grounded
upon the national name may be raised on both sides ; Cimbri

ON THE EVIDENCE OP A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &C. 103

may coincide with either the Germanic kempa = a warrior or
champion, or with the Celtic Cymry — Cambrians. Equally
equivocal seem the arguments drawn from the descriptions
either of their physical conformation or their manners. The
silence of the Gothic traditions as to the Cimbri being Ger-
manic, proves more in the way of negative evidence than
the similar silence of the Celtic ones, since the Gothic le-
gends are the most numerous and the most ancient. Besides
this, they deal very especially with genealogies, national
and individual. The name of Bojorix, a Cimbric king men-
tioned in Epitome Liviana (lxvii.), is Celtic rather than Go-
thic, although in the latter dialects proper names ending in
-ric, (Alaric, Genseric) frequently occur.

Measuring the evidence, which is in its character essen-
tially cumulative, consisting of a number of details unim-
portant in themselves, but of value when taken in the mass,
the balance seems to be in favour of the Cimbri , Teutones
and Ambrones being Gauls rather than Germans, Celts rather
than Goths.

An argument now forthcoming stands alone, inasmuch as
it seems to prove two things at once, viz. not only the Celtic
origin of the Cimbri, but, at the same time, their locality
in the Chersonese. It is brought forward by Dr. Pritchard
in his 'Physical History of Mankind,' and runs as follows:
— («.) It is a statement of Pliny that the sea in their neigh-
bourhood was called by the Cimbri Morimarusa, or the dead
sea = mare morluum. (p.) It is a fact that in Celtic Welsh
mor marrvlh = mare mortuum, morimarusa, dead sea. Hence
the language of the Cimbric coast is to be considered as
Celtic. Now the following facts invalidate this conclusion:

(1 .) Putting aside the contradictions in Pliny's statement,

the epithet dead is inapplicable to either the German Ocean
or the Baltic. (2.) Pliny's authority was a writer named
Philemon: out of the numerous Philemons enumerated by
Fabricius, it is likely that the one here adduced was a con-
temporary of Alexander the Great; and it is not probable
that at that time glosses from the Baltic were known in the
Mediterranean. (3.) The subject upon which this Philemon
wrote was the Homeric Poems. This, taken along with the
geography of the time, makes it highly probable that the
original Greek was not Kipfcoi, but Ki^qioi; indeed we
are not absolutely sure of Pliny having written Cimbri. (4.)
As applied to Cimmerian sea the epithet dead was applicable.
(5) The term Morimarusa = mare mortuum, although good
Celtic is better Slavonic, since throughout that stock of
anguages, as in many other of the Indo-European tongues

104 ON THE EVIDENCE OF A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBEI &C.

(the Celtic and Latin included) , the roots mor and mori mean
sea and dead respectively: — "Septemtrionalis Oceanus, Amal-
chium eum Hecatseus appellat, a Paropamiso amne, qua Scy-
thiam alluit, quod nomen ejus gentis lingua significat con-
gelatum, Philemon Morimarusam a Cimbris (qu. Cimmeriis)
vocari scribit : hoc est mare morluum usque ad promontorium
Rubeas, ultra deinde Cronium." (13.)

One point, however, still remains: it may be dealt with
briefly, but it should not be wholly overlooked, viz. the
question, whether over and above the theories as to the lo-
cation of the Cimbri in the Cimbric Chersonese, there is
reason to believe, on independent grounds, that Celtic tribes
were the early inhabitants of the peninsula in question? If
such were actually the case, all that has preceded would,
up to a certain point, be invalidated. Now I know no suf-
ficient reasons for believing such to be the case, although
there are current in ethnography many insufficient ones.

1. In the way of Philology, it is undoubtedly true that
words common to the Celtic tribes occur in the Danish of
Jutland, and in the Frisian and Low German of Sleswick
and Holstein ; but there is no^reason to consider that they
belong to an aboriginal Celtic tribe. The a priori probabi-
lity of Celts in the peninsula involves hypotheses in ethno-
graphy which are, to say the least, far from being generally
recognized. The evidence as to the language of aborigines
derived from the significance of the names of old geogra-
phical localities is wanting for the Cimbric Chersonese.

2. No traditions, either Scandinavian or German, point
towards an aboriginal Celtic population for the localities in
question.

3. There are no satisfactory proofs of such in either Ar-
chaeology or Natural History. A paper noticed by Dr. Prit-
chard of Professor Eschricht's upon certain Tumuli in Jut-
land states, that the earliest specimens of art (anterior to
the discovery of metals), as well as the character of the tu-
muli themselves, have a Celtic character. He adds, however,
that the character of the tumuli is as much Siberian as Celtic.
The early specimens of art are undoubtedly like similar spe-
cimens found in England. It happens, however, that such
things are in all countries more or less alike. In Professor
Siebold's museum atLeyden, stone-axes from tumuli in Japan
and Jutland are laid side by side, for the sake of compari-
son, and between them there is no perceptible difference.
The oldest skulls in these tumuli are said to be other than
Gothic. They are , however, Finnic rather than Celtic.

4. The statement in Tacitus (German. 44.), that a nation on

ON THE EVIDENCE OF A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBRI &C. 105

the Baltic called the iEstii spoke a language somewhat akin
to the British , cannot be considered as conclusive to the
existence of Celts in the North of Germany. Any language,
not German, would probably so be denoted. Such might
exist in the mother-tongue of either the Lithuanic or the
Esthonian.

It is considered that in the foregoing pages the following
propositions are either proved or involved: — 1. That the
Cimbri conquered by Marius came from either Gaul or Swi-
tzerland, and that they were Celts. 2. That the Teutones
and Ambrones were equally Celtic with the Cimbri. 3. That
no nation north of the Elbe was known to Republican Rome.
4. That there is no evidence of Celtic tribes ever having
existed north of the Elbe. 5. That the epithet Cinibrica ap-
plied to the Chersonesus proves nothing more in respect to
the inhabitants of that locality than is proved bywords like
West Indian and North- American Indian. 6. That in the word
cateia we are in possession of a new Celtic gloss. 7. That
in the term Morimarusa we are in possession of a gloss at
once Cimmerian and Slavonic. 8. That for any positive
theory as to the Cimbro-Teutonic league we have at present
no data, but that the hypothesis that would reconcile the
greatest variety of statements would run thus: viz. that an
organized Celtic confederation conterminous with the Belgae,
the Ligurians, and the Helvetians descended with its eastern
divisions upon Noricum, and with its western ones upon
Provence.

106 ON THE EVIDENCE OF A CONNECTION BETWEEN THE CIMBKI &C.

ADDENDA.

JANUARY 1859.

0)

In this paper the notice of the Monumentum Ancyranum is
omitted. It is CIMBRIQVE ET CHRIIDES ET SEMNONES
ET EJVSDEM TRACTVS ALII GERMANORVM POPVLI
PER LEGATOS AMICITIAM ME AM ET POPVLI ROMANI
PETIERVNT. This seems to connect itself with Strabo's notice.
It may also connect itself with that of Tacitus. Assuming the
CHARIIDES to be the Harudes, and the Harudes to be the Che-
rusci (a doctrine for which I have given reasons in my edition of
the Germania) the position of the Cimbri in the text of Tacitus
is very nearly that of them in the Inscription. In the inscrip-
tion, the order is Cimbri, Harudes, Semnones; in Tacitus, Che-
rusci, Cimbri, Semnones. In both cases the 3 names are asso-
ciated.

(2)

I would now modify the proposition with which the preceding
dissertation concludes, continuing, however, to hold the main
doctrine of the text, viz. the fact of the Cimbri having been un-
known in respect to their name and locality and, so, having been
pushed northwards, and more northwards still, as fresh areas
were explored without supplying an undoubted and unequivocal
origin for them.

I think that the Ambrones, the Tigurini, and the Teutones
were Gauls of Helvetia, and South Eastern Gallia, and that the
alliance between them and the Cimbri (assuming it to be real)
is primd facie evidence of the latter being Galli also. But it is
no more.

That the Cimbri were the Eastern members of the confedera-
tion seems certain. More than one notice connects them with
Noricum. Here they may have been native. They may also have
been intrusive.

Holding that the greater part of Noricum was Slavonic, and
that almost. all the country along its northern and eastern frontier
was the same, I see my way to the Cimbri having been Slavonic
also. That they were Germans is out of the question. Gauls
could hardly have been so [unknown and mysterious to the Ro-

ADDENDA. 107

mans. Gaul they knew -well, and Germany sufficiently — yet no
where did they find Cimbri.

The evidence of Posidonius favours this view. "He" writes
Straho "does not unreasonably conceive that these. Cimbri being
"predatory and wandering might carry their expeditions as far as
"the Masotis, and that the Bosporus might, from them, take its
"name of Cimmerian, i. e. Cimbrian, the Greeks calling the Cimbri
t( Cimmerii. He says that the Boii originally inhabited the Hercy-
"nian Forest, that the Cimbri attacked them, that they were re-
"pulsed, that they then descended on the Danube, and. the coun-
"try of the Scordisci who are Galatse; thence upon the Taurisci,
who "are also Galatse, then upon the Helvetians &c. — Strabo. 7,
p. 293.

For a fuller explanation of the doctrine which makes the Cimbri
possible Slavonians see my Edition of Prichard's origin of the
Celtic nations — Supplementary Chapter — Ambrones , Tigurini,
Teutones, Boii, Slavonic hypothesis &c.

ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OF THE
SLAYONIC AREA.

HEAD

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

FEBRUARY 8, 1850.

The current opinion, that a great portion of the area now
occupied by Slavonians, and a still greater portion so occu-
pied in the ninth and tenth centuries, were, in the times of
Csesar and Tacitus, either German, or something other than
what it is found to be at the beginning of the period of
authentic and contemporary history, has appeared so unsa-
tisfactory to the present writer, that he has been induced
to consider the evidence on which it rests. What (for in-
stance) are the grounds for believing that, in the first cen-
tury, Bohemia was not just as Slavonic as it is now? What
the arguments in favour of a Germanic population between
the Elbe and Vistula in the second?

The fact that, at the very earliest period when any de-
finite and detailed knowledge of either of the parts in ques-
tion commences , both are as little German as the Ukraine
is at the present moment, is one which no one denies. How
many, however, will agree with the present writer in the
value to be attributed to it, is another question. For his
own part, he takes the existence of a given division of the
human race (whether Celtic, Slavonic, Gothic or aught else)
on a given area, as a sufficient reason for considering it to
have been indigenous or aboriginal to that area, until rea-
sons be shown to the contrary. Gratuitous as this postulate
may seem in the first instance, it is nothing more than the
legitimate deduction from the rule in reasoning which forbids
us to multiply causes unnecessarily. Displacements there-
fore, conquests, migrations, and the other disturbing causes
are not to be assumed, merely for the sake of accounting
for assumed changes, but to be supported by specific evi-
dence; which evidence, in its turn, must have a ratio to
the probability or the improbability of the disturbing causes

OK THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OF THE SLAVONIC AREA. 109

alleged. These positions seem so self-evident, that it is only
by comparing the amount of improbabilities which are accep-
ted with the insufficiency of the testimony on which they
rest, that we ascertain, from the extent to which they have
been neglected, the necessity of insisting upon them.

The ethnological condition of a given population at a cer-
tain time is prima facie evidence of a similar ethnological
condition at a previous one. The testimony of a writer as
to the ethnological condition of a given population at a cer-
tain time is also prima facie evidence of such a condition
being a real one; since even the worst authorities are to be
considered correct until reasons are shown for doubting them.

It now remains to see how far these two methods are con-
cordant or antagonistic for the area in question; all that is
assumed being, that when we find even a good writer asser-
ting that at one period (say the third century) a certain lo-
cality was German, whereas we know that at a subsequent
one (say the tenth) it was other than German, it is no im-
proper scepticism to ask, whether it is more likely that the
writer was mistaken, or that changes have occurred in the
interval; in other words, if error on the one side is not to
be lightly assumed, neither are migrations, &c. on the other.
Both are likely, or unlikely, according to the particular case
in point. It is more probable that an habitually conquering
nation should have displaced an habitually conquered one, than
that a bad writer should be wrong. It is more likely that a
good writer should be wrong than that an habitually conquered
nation should have displaced an habitually conquering one.

The application of criticism of this sort materially alters
the relations of the Celtic, Gothic, Roman and Slavonic po-
pulations, giving to the latter a prominence in the ancient
world much more proportionate to their present preponderance
as a European population than is usually admitted.

Beginning with the south-western frontier of the present
Slavonians, let us ask what are the reasons against suppo-
sing the population of Bohemia to have been in the time of
Csesar other than what it is now, i. e. Slavonic.

In the first place, if it were not so, it must have changed
within the historical period. If so, when? No writer has,
ever grappled with the details of the question. It could
scarcely have been subsequent to the development of the
Germanic power on the Danube, since this would be within
the period of annalists and historians, who would have men-
tioned it. As little is it likely to have been during the time
when the Goths and Germans, victorious everywhere, were
displacing others rather than being displaced themselves.

110 ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA.

The evidence of the language is in the same direction.
Whence could it have been introduced? Not from the Saxon
frontier , since there the Slavonic is Polish rather than Bo-
hemian. Still less from the Silesian, and least of all from
the Bavarian. To have developed its differential characte-
ristics, it must have had either Bohemia itself as an original
locality, or else the parts south and east of it.

We will now take what is either an undoubted Slavonic lo-
cality, or a locality in the neighbourhood of Slavonians, i. e.
the country between the rivers Danube and Theiss and that
range of hills which connect the Bakonyer-wald with the
Carpathians, the country of the Jazyges. Now as Jazyg is
a Slavonic word, meaning speech or language, we have, over
and above the external evidence which makes the Jazyges
Sarmatian, internal evidence as well; evidence subject only
to one exception, viz. that perhaps the name in question was
not native to the population which it designated, but only
a term applied by some Slavonic tribe to some of their neigh-
bours who might or might not be Slavonic. I admit that this
is possible, although the name is not of the kind that would
be given by one tribe to another different from itself. Ad-
mitting, however, this, it still leaves a Slavonic population
in the contiguous districts; since, whether borne by the peo-
ple to whom it was applied or not, Jazyg is a Slavonic
gloss from the Valley of the Tibiscus.

Next comes the question as to the dale of this population.
To put this in the form least favourable to the views of the
present writer, is to state that the first author who mentions
a population in these parts, either called by others or cal-
ling itself Jazyges, is a writer so late as Ptolemy, and that
he adds to it the qualifying epithet Metanaslce {MzzuvaGxaC),
a term suggestive of their removal from some other area,
and of the recent character of their arrival on the Danube.
Giving full value to all this , there still remains the fact of
primary importance in all our investigations on the subject
in question , viz. that in the time of Ptolemy (at least) there
were Slavonians on (or near) the river Theiss.

At present it is sufficient to say that there are no a priori
reasons for considering these Jazyges as the most western
of the branch to which they belonged, since the whole of
the Pannonians may as easily be considered Slavonic as aught
else. They were not Germans. They were not Celts; in
which case the common rules of ethnological criticism induce
us to consider them as belonging to the same class with the
population conterminous to them; since unless we do this,
we must assume a new division of the human species alto-

ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OF THE SLAVONIC AREA. 1 1 1

gather; a fact, which, though possible, and even probable,
is not lightly to be taken up.

So much for the a priori probabilites : the known facts by
no means traverse them. The Pannonians, we learn from
Dio, were, of the same class with the Illyrians, i. e. the
northern tribes of that nation. These must have belonged
to one of three divisions; the Slavonic, the Albanian, or
some division now lost. Of these, the latter is not to be as-
sumed, and the first is more probable than the second. In-
deed, the more we make the Pannonians and Illyrians other
than Slavonic, the more do we isolate the Jazyges; and the
more _ we isolate these, the more difficulties we create in a
question otherwise simple.

That the portion of Pannonia to the north of the Danube
{i. e. the north-west portion of Hungary, or the valley of
the Waag and Gran) was different from the country around
the lake Peiso (Pelso), is a position, which can only be
upheld by considering it to be the country of the Quadi, and
the Quadi to have been Germanic; — a view, against which
there are numerous objections.

Now, here re-appears the term Daci; so that we must re-
cognise the important fact , that east of the Jazyges there are
the Dacians (and Getse) of the Lower, and west of the Ja-
zyges the Daci of the Upper Danube. These must be placed
in the same category, both being equally either Slavonic or
non-Slavonic.

a. Of these alternatives, the first involves the following
real or apparent difficulty, i. e. that, if the Getse are what
the Daci are, the Thracians are what the Getse are. Hence,
if all three be Slavonic, we magnify the area immensely,
and bring the Slavonians of Thrace in contact with the Greeks
of Macedonia. Granted. But are there any reasons against
this? So far from there being any such in the nature of
the thing itself, it is no more than what is actually the case
at the present moment.

o. The latter alternative isolates the Jazyges, and adds to
the difficulties created by their ethnological position, under
the supposition that they are the only Slavonians of the parts
in question; since if out-lyers to the area (exceptional, so to
say), they must be either invaders from without, or else re-
lics of an earlier and more extended population. If they
be the former, we can only bring them from the north of
the Carpathian mountains (a fact not in itself improbable,
but not to be assumed, except for the sake of avoiding
greater difficulties) ; if the latter, they prove the original
Slavonic character of the area.

112 ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA.

The present writer considers the Daci then (western and
eastern) as Slavonic, and the following passage brings them
as far west as the Metros or Morarve, which gives the name
to the present Moravians , a population at once Slavonic and
Bohemian: — "Campos et plana Jazyges Sarmatse, montes
vero et saltus pulsi ab his I)aci ad Pathissum amnem a Maro
sive Duria .... tenent." — Plin. iv. 1 2.

The evidence as to the population of Moravia and North-
eastern Hungary being Dacian, is Strabo's reyovs .... xrjg
%aQag (isQiOjiog 6v^[isvav ex itaXatov- xovg [lev yaQ daxovg
TiQOOayogsvovOo , xovg ds rexag, Texas fiev TCQog xov Ilovxov
xexli\x,evovg , xal itoog xy\v eca , Aaxovg Ss xovg e£g xa.va.vxia
XQog reQfiaviav xal tag xov "Igxqov %-qyag. — From Zeuss,
in vv. Gelce, Daci.

In Moravia we have as the basis of argument, an existing
Slavonic population, speaking a language identical with the
Bohemian, but different from the other Slavonic languages,
and (as such) requiring a considerable period for the evo-
lution of its differential characters. This brings us to Bo-
hemia. At present it is Slavonic. When did it begin to
be otherwise? No one informs us on this point. Why should
it not have been so ab initio, or at least at the beginning of
the historical period for these parts? The necessity of an
answer to this question is admitted; and it consists chiefly
(if not wholly) in the following arguments ; — a. those con-
nected with the term Marcomanni ; b. those connected with
the term Boiohemum.

a. Marcomanni. — This word is so truly Germanic, and so
truly capable of being translated into English, that those
who believe in no other etymology whatever may believe
that Marc-o-manni , or Marchmen , means the men of the (boun-
daries) marches; and without overlooking either the remarks
of Mr. Kemble on the limited nature of the word mearc,
when applied to the smaller divisions of land, or the doctrine
of Grimm, that its primary signification is mood or forest,
it would be an over-refinement to adopt any other meaning
for it in the present question than that which it has in
its undoubted combinations , Markgrave , Altmark , Mittelmark,
Ukermark, and the Marches of Wales and Scotland. If so,
it was the name of a line of enclosing frontier rather than
of an area enclosed; so that to call a country like the whole
of Bohemia, Marcomannic , would be like calling all Scotland
or all Wales the Marches.

Again, as the name arose on the western, Germanic or
Gallic side of the March, it must have been the name of an
eastern frontier in respect to Gaul and Germany; so that to

ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA. 113

suppose that there were Germans on the Bohemian line of
the Marcomanni , is to suppose that the march was no mark
(or boundary) at all, at least in an ethnological sense. This
qualification involves a difficulty which the writer has no
wish to conceal; a march may be other than an ethnological
division. It may be a political one. In other words, it may
be like the Scottish Border, rather than like the Welsh and
the Slavono-Germanic marches of Altmark, Mittelmark and
Ukermark. At any rate, the necessity for a march being
a line of frontier rather than a large compact kingdom, is
conclusive against the whole of Bohemia having been Ger-
manic because it was Marcomannic.

b. The arguments founded on the name Boiohemum are best
met by showing that the so-called country (home) of the Boii
was not Bohemia but Bavaria. This will be better done in
the sequel than now. At present, however, it may be as
well to state that so strong are the facts in favour of Boio-
hemum and Baiovarii meaning, not the one Bohemia and the
other Bavaria, but one of the two countries, that Zeuss, one
of the strongest supporters of the doctrine of an originally
Germanic population in Bohemia, applies both of them to the
firstnamed kingdom ; a circumstance which prepares us for
expecting, that if the names fit the countries to which they
apply thus loosely, Boiohemum may as easily be Bavaria, as
the country of the Baiovarii be Bohemia; in other words,
that we have a convertible form of argument.

ADDENDA (1859).
(1)

Too much stress is, perhaps, laid on the name Jazyges. The
fact of the word Jaszag in Magyar meaning a bowman compli-
cates it. The probability, too, of the word for Language being the
name of a nation is less than it is ought to be , considering the
great extent to which it is admitted.

(2)
The statements respecting Bohemia are over-strong. Some por-
tion of it was, probably , Marcomannic and German. The grea-
ter part, however, of the original Boio-Aem-um, or home of the
Boii, I still continue to give, to the country of the Boian occu-
pants — Baio-f ar-ii = Bavaria ; the word itself being a compound
of the same kind as C&a.t-wcerei= inhabitants of Kent. (See Zeuss
in v. Baiovarii).

ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OF THE
SLAVONIC AREA.

head

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

MARCH 8, 1850.

The portion of the Slavonic frontier which will be consi-
dered this evening is the north-western, beginning with the
parts about the Cimbric peninsula, and ending at the point
of contact between the present kingdoms of Saxony and Bo-
hemia; the leading physical link between the two extreme
populations being the Elbe.

For this tract, the historical period begins in the ninth
century. The classification which best shows the really west-
erly disposition of the Slavonians of this period, and which
gives us the fullest measure of the extent to which, at that-
time at least, they limited the easterly extension of the Ger-
mans, is to divide them into — a. the Slavonians of the
Cimbric peninsula ; b. the Slavonians of the right bank of
the Elbe; c. the Slavonians of the left bank of the Elbe; the
first and last being the most important, as best showing
the amount of what may be called the Slavonic protrusion into
the accredited Germanic area.

a. The Slavonians of the Cimbric Peninsula. — Like the Sla-
vonians that constitute the next section, these are on the
right bank' of the Elbe ; but as they are north of that river
rather than east of it , the division is natural.

The Wagrians. — Occupants of the country between the
Travc and the upper portion of the southern branch of the
Eyder.

The Polabi. — Conterminous with the Wagrians and the Sax-
ons of Sturmar , from whom they were separated by the river
Bille.

b. Slavonians of the right bank of the Elbe. — The Obodrili.
— This is a generic rather than a specific term ; so that it

ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA. 115

is probable that several of the Slavonic populations about to
be noticed may be but subdivisions of the great Obotrit
section. The same applies to the divisions already noticed —
the Wagri and Polabi: indeed the classification is so uncer-
tain, that we have, for these parts and times, no accurate
means of ascertaining whether we are dealing with sub-
divisions or cross-divisions of the Slavonians. At any rate
the word Obotriti was one of the best-known of the whole
list; so much so, that it is likely, in some cases, to have
equalled in import the more general term Wend. The varie-
ties of orthography and pronunciation may be collected from
Zeuss [in voce), where we find Obotriti, Obotritce, Abolriti,
Abotridi, Apodritce , Abalareni, Apdrede, Abdrede, Abtrezi. Fur-
thermore, as evidence of the generic character of the word,
we find certain Easl-Obolrits [Oster- Abtrezi), conterminous with
the Bulgarians, as well as the Norlh-Obotrits (Norl-Ablrezi), for
the parts in question. These are the northern districts of
Mecklenburg-Schwerin, from the Trave to the Warnow, chiefly
along the coast. Zeuss makes Schwerin their most inland lo-
cality. The Descriptio Civitatum gives them fifty-three towns.

In the more limited sense of the term, the Obotrits are
not conterminous with any German tribe, being separated
by the Wagri and Polabi. Hence when Alfred writes Norman
Eald-Seaxum is Apdrede , he probably merges the two sections
last-named in the Obotritic.

Although not a frontier population, the Obotrits find place
in the present paper. They show that the Wagri and Po-
labi were not mere isolated and outlying portions of the great
family to which they belonged, but that they were in due
continuity with the main branches of it.

Varnahi. — This is the form which the name takes in Adam
of Bremen. It is also that of the Varni, Varini, and Vi-
runi of the classical writers ; as well as of the Werini of the
Introduction to the Leges Angliorum et Werinorum, hoc est Thu-
rinfforum. Now whatever the Varini of Tacitus may have
been and however much the affinities of the Werini were
with' the Angli, the Varnahi of Adam of Bremen are Sla-
vonic. - . - ,

c Cis- Albion Slavonians. —Beyond the boundaries ot the
Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg , the existence of Ger-
mans on the right bank of the Elbe is nil. _

With Altmark the evidence of a Slavonic population
changes, and takes strength. The present Altmark is not Ger-
man; as Kent is Saxon, but only as Cornwall is t. e. the
traces of the previous Slavonic population are like the traces
of the Celtic occupants of Cornwall, the rule rather than

8*

116 ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA.

the exception. Most of the geographical names in Altmark
are Slavonic, the remarkable exception being the name of
the Old March itself.

The Slavono-German frontier for the parts south of Alt-
mark becomes so complex as to require to stand over for
future consideration. All that will be done at present is to
indicate the train of reasoning applicable here, and appli-
cable along the line of frontier. If such was the state of
things in the eighth and ninth centuries , what reason is there
for believing it to have been otherwise in the previous ones?
The answer is the testimony of Tacitus and others in the
way of external, and certain etymologies, &c. in the way
of internal, evidence. Without at present saying anything
in the way of disparagement to either of these series of
proofs, the present writer, who considers that the inferen-
ces which have generally been drawn from them are illegi-
timate, is satisfied with exhibiting the amount of a priori
improbability which they have to neutralize. If, when Ta-
citus wrote, the area between the Elbe and Vistula was not
Slavonic, but Gothic, the Slavonians of the time of Charle-
magne must have immigrated between the second and eighth
centuries; must have done so, not in parts, but for the whole
frontier; must have, for the first and last time, displaced
a population which has generally been the conqueror rather
than the conquered ; must have displaced it during one of the
strongest periods of its history; must have displaced it every-
where , and wholly ; and (what is stranger still) that not per-
manently — since from the time in question, those same Ger-
mans, who between A. 200 and A.D. 800 are supposed to have
always retreated before the Slavonians, have from A.D. 800
to A.D. 1800 always reversed the process and encroached
upon their former dispossessors.

ADDENDA (1859).

(l)

The details of the Slavonic area to the south of Altmark are
as follows.

Brandenburg , at the beginning of the historical period, was
Slavonic, and one portion of it, the Circle of Cotbus, is so at
the present moment. It is full of geographical names significant
in the Slavonic languages. Of Germans to the East of the Elbe

ADDENDA. 117

there are no signs until after the time of Charlemagne. But the
Elbe is not even their eastern boundary. The Saale is the river
which divides the Slavonians from the Thuringians — not only
at the time when its drainage first comes to be known , but long
afterwards. More than this, there were, in the 11th and ]2th cen-
turies , Slavonians in Thuringia , Slavonians in Franconia — facts
which can be found in full in Zeuss vv. Frankische unci Thiirin-
gische Shaven — (Die Deutschen unci die Nachbarstcimme).

Saxony brings us down to the point with which the preceding
paper concluded viz: the frontier of Bohemia. This was in the
same category with Brandenburg. In Leipzig Slavonic was spo-
ken A. D. 1327. In Lusatia it is spoken at the present moment.
When were the hypothetical Germans of all these parts elimina-
ted, or (if not eliminated) amalgamated with a population of in-
truders who displaced their language , not on one spot or on two,
but every where?

If the Slavonians of the time of Charlemagne were indigenous
to the western portion of their area, they were, a fortiori, indi-
genous to the eastern. At any rate, few who hold that the Ger-
man populations of Bohemia, Mecklenburg, Luneburg, Altmark,
Brandenburg, Saxony, Silesia, and Lusatia are recent, will
doubt their being so in Pomerania.

In his Edition of the Germania of Tacitus the only Germans
east of the Elbe, Saale and the Fichtel Gebirge, recognised by the
present writer are certain intrusive Marcomanni ; who (by hypo-
thesis) derived from Thuringia, reached the Danube by way of
the valley of Naab, and pressed eastward to some point un-
known — but beyond the southern frontier of Moravia. Here
they skirted the Slavonic populations of the north, and formed
to their several areas the several Marches from which they took
their name.

As far as we have gone hitherto we have gone in the direc-
tion of the doctrine that the Slavonians of Franconia , Thuringia,
Saxony, Altmark, Luneburg, Mecklenburg, Holstein, and Bran-
denburg &c. were all old occupants of the districts in which they
were found in the 8th, 9th, I Oth, and 11th centuries; also that the
present Czekhs of Bohemia and Moravia, the present Serbs of
Lusatia and Brandenburg, the present Kassubs of Pomerania,
and the present Slovaks of Hungary represent aboriginal popu-
lations. We now ask how far this was the case with the fronta-
gers of North-eastern Italy, and the Slavonians of Carinthia and
Carniola. The conclusion to which we arrive in respect to these
will apply to those of Bosnia, Servia, and Dalmatia.

That the Carinthians and Carniolans were the descendants of
the Carni of the Alpes Carnicse would never have been doubted
but for the following statements — "The Krobati who now oc-

118 ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OF THE SLAVONIC AREA.

"cupy the parts in tlie direction of Delmatia are derived from
"the Unbaptized Krobati , the Krovati Aspri so-called; who
"dwelt on the otherside of Turkey, and near France, contermi-
nous with the Unbaptized Slaves — i. e. the Serbi. The word
"Krobati is explained by the dialect of the Slaves. It means
"the possessors of a large country" — Constaniinus Porphyroge-
neta — ■ Be Adm. Imp. 31. ed. Par. p. 97.

Again — "But the Krobati dwelt then in the direction of Bagi-
"vareia" (Bavaria) "where the Belokrobati are now. One tribe
"(yevia) separated. Five brothers led them. Clukas, and Lobelos,
"and Kosentes, and Muklo, and Krobatos, and two sisters, Tuga
"and Buga. These with their people came to Delmatia — The
"other Krobati stayed about France, and are called Belokrobati,
"i. e. Aspri Krobati, having their own leader. They are subject
"to Otho the great king of France and Saxony. They continue
"Unbaptized , intermarrying" (ovjjMEv&SQLag xal ayanag Hypvisq)
"with the Turks" — c. 30. p. 95. — The statement that the Kroa-
tians of Dalmatia came from the Asprocroatians is repeated. The
evidence, however, lies in the preceding passages; upon which
it is scarcely necessary to remark thai bel=rvhite in Slavonic, and
aspro = white in Romaic.

So much for the Croatians. The evidence that the Servians
were in the same category, is also Constantine's.. — ""It must be
"understood that the Servians are from the Unbaptized Servians,
"called also Aspri, beyond Turkey, near a place called Boiki,
"near France — just like the Great Crobatia, also Unbaptized
"and White. Thence, originally, came the Servians — c. 32. p .99.

In the following passages the evidence improves — "The same
"Krobati came as suppliants to the Emperor Heraclius, before
"the Servians did the same, at the time of the inroads of the
"Avars — By his order these same Krobati having conquered
"the Avars, expelled them, occupied the country they occupied,
"and do so now" — c. 31. p. 97.

Their country extended from the River Zentina to the frontier
of Istria and, thence, to Tzentina and Chlebena in Servia. Their
towns were Nona, Belogradon, Belitzein, Scordona , Chlebena,
Stolpon, Tenen, Kori, Klaboca — (c. 31. p. 97. 98). Their country
was divided into 11. Supan-rics (ZovnavLas).

They extended themselves. From the Krobati "who came into
"Dalmatia a portion detached themselves, and conquered the Illy-
"rian country and Pannonia" (c. 30 p. 95).

The further notices of the Servians are of the same kind.
Two brothers succeeded to the kingdom, of which one offered,
his men and services to Heraclius , who placed them at first in
the Theme Thessalonica, where they grew homesick, crossed the
Danube about Belgrade, repented, turned back, were placed

ADDENDA. 119

in Servia, in the parts occupied by the Avars, and, finally, were
baptized, (c. 32. p. 99.)

It is clear that all this applies to the Slavonians of Croatia,
Bosnia, Servia, and Slavonia — i. e. the triangle at the junction of
the Save and Danube. It has no application to Istria, Carniola,
Carinthia, and Styria. Have any writers so applied it? Some
have, some have not. More than this, many who have never
applied it argue just as if they had. Zeuss, especially stating that
the Slavonic population of the parts in question was earlier than
that of Croatia, still, makes it recent. Why? This will soon
be seen. At present, it is enough to state that it is not by the
direct application of the passage in Porphyrogeneta that the an-
tiquity of the Slavonic character of the Carinthians , Carniolans,
and Istrians is impugned.

The real reason lies in the fact of the two populations being
alike in other respects. What is this worth? Something — per-
haps, much. Which way, however, does it tell? That depends
on circumstances. If the Croatians be recent, the Carinthians
should be so too. But what if the evidence make the Carin-
thians old? Then, the recency of the Croatians is impugned.
Now Zeuss (vv. Alpenslawen , Carantani, and Creinarii) distinctly
shews that there were Slavonians in the present districts before
the time of Heraclius — not much before, but still before. Why
not much? "They came only a little before, inasmuch as Proco-
pius "gives us nothing but the old names Carni, and Norici"
But what if these were Slavonic?

The present meaning of the root Cam- is March, just as it is in
U-krain. In a notice of the year A. D. 974 we find "quod Carn-
"iola vocatur, et quod vulgo vocatur Creina marcha", the Slavo-
nic word being translated into German. Such a fact, under or-
dinary circumstances would make the Cam- in Alpes Carn-icse, a
Slavonic gloss; as it almost certainly is. I do not, however,
knowthe etymologist who has claimed it. Zeuss does not — though
it is from his pages that I get the chief evidence of its being one.

Croatia, Bosnia, and Servia now come under the application
of the Constantine text.

Let it pass for historical ; notwithstanding the length of time
between its author and the events which it records.

Let it pass for historical, notwithstanding the high probability
of Crobyzi, a word used in Servia before the Christian sera, being
the same as Krobati.

Let it pass for historical, notwithstanding the chances that it
is only an inference from the presence of an allied population on
both sides of Panno'nia.

Let it pass for historical, notwithstanding the leadership of
the five brothers (one the eponymus Krobatos) and the two sisters.

120

ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA.

Let it do this, and then let us ask how it is to be interpreted.
Widely or ^strictly? We see what stands against it viz: the exist-
ing conditions of three mountainous regions exhibiting the signs
of being the occupancies of an aboriginal population as much as
any countries on the face of the earth.

What then is the strict interpretation? Even this — that He-
raclius introduced certain Croatians from the north into the oc-
cupancies of the dispossessed Avars apparently as military colo-
nies. Does this mean that they were the first of their lineage? By
no means. The late emperor of Eussian planted Slavonic colonies
of Servians in Slavonic Eussia. Metal upon metal is false heral-
dry; but it does not follow that Slave upon Slave is bad ethnology.

With such a full realization of the insufficiency of the evidence
which makes Bohemia, Carinthia, Servia &c. other than Slavonic ab
initio, we may proceed to the ethnology of the parts to the west,
and southwest— the Tyrol, Northern Italy, Switzerland, Bavaria,
and Wurtemberg. In respect to these, we may either" distribute
them among the populations of the frontier, or imagine for them
some fresh division of the population of Europe, once existent,
but now extinct. We shall not, however, choose this latter
alternative unless we forget the wholesome rule which forbids us
to multiply causes unnecessarily.

Let us say, then, that the southern frontier of the division re-
presented by the Slavonians of Camiola was originally prolonged
until it touched that of the northernmost Italians. In like man-
ner, let the Styrian and Bohemian Slaves extend till they
meet the Kelts of Gaul. With this general expression I take
leave of this part of the subject — a subject worked out in detail
elsewhere (Edition of PricharcTs Eastern origin of the Celtic Nation,
and The Germania of Tacitus with Ethnological Notes, — Native
Races of the Russian Empire &c).

The northern and eastern frontiers of the Slavonians involve
those of (l) Ugrians , (2) the Lithuanians.

In respect to the former, I think a case can be made out for
continuing the earliest occupancy of the populations represented
by the Liefs of Goiirland, and the Eahwas of Estonia to the Oder
at least; perhaps further. This means along the coast. Their ex-
tent inland is a more complex question. The so called Fin hypo-
thesis in its full form is regarded, by the present writer, as untenable.
But between this and a vast extension of the Fin area beyond its
present bounds there is a great difference. It is one thing to con-
nect the Basks of Spain with the Khonds of India ; another to
bring the Estonians as far west as the Oder, or even as the Elbe.
It is one thing to make an allied population occupant of Sweden,
Spain, and Ireland ; another to refer the oldest population of west-
em Eussia to the stock to which the eastern undeniably belongs-

ADDENDA. 121

This latter is a mere question of more or less. The other is a dif-
ference, not of kind, hut. of degree. With this distinction we may
start from the most southern portion of the present Ugrian area;
which is that of the Morduins in the Government of Penza. Or
we may start from the most western which is that of the Liefs of
Courland. What are the traces of Fin occupancy between these
and the Vistula and Danube — the Vistula westward, the Danube
on the South. How distinct are they? And of what kind? We
cannot expect them to be either obvious or numerous. Say that
they are the vestiges of a state of things that has passed away
a thousand years , and we only come to the time of Nestor. Say
that they are doubly so old, and we have only reached the days
of Herodotus ; in whose time there had been a sufficient amount
of encroachment and displacement to fill the southern Governments
of Russia with Scythians of Asiatic origin. The Britons were the
occupants of Kent at the beginning of our sera. How faint are
the traces of them. We must regulate, then, our expectations
according to the conditions of the question. We must expect
to find things just a little more Ugrian than aught else.

From that part of Russia which could , even a thousand years
ago, exhibit an indigenous population we must subtract all those
districts which were occupied by the Scythians. We do not
know how much comes under this category. We only know that
the Agathyrsi were in Hungary, and that they were, probably,
intruders. We must substract the Governments of Kherson, Eka-
terinoslav, and Taurida at the very least — much of each if not
all. That this is not too much is evident from the expressed
opinions of competent investigators. Francis Newman carries
the Scythia of Herodotus as far as Volhynia, and, in Volhynia,
there were Cumanian Turks as late as the 11th century. Say,
however that the aborigines were not Fins. At any rate they
were not the ancestors of the present Russians — and it is the
original area of these that we are now considering. In the
North there were Fins when Novorogod, and in the East Fins
when Moscow, was founded. In Koursk, writes Haxthausen,
there is a notable difference in the physiognomy of the inhabi-
tants ; the features being Fin rather than Slavonic.

I now notice the name of Roxolani. Prichard and , doubtless,
others besides see in this a Fin gloss, the termination-Zarai being
the termination - lainen in Suomete'wen, Hame/amen aud several
other Fin words , i. e. a gentile termination. It does not follow
from this that the people themselves were Fins. It only follows
that they were in a Fin neigbourhood. Some one who spoke
a language in which the form in -lain- was used to denote the
name of a people was on their frontier, and this .frontier must
have been South of that of the Roxolani themselves — else how

122 ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA.

did it come to tlie ears of the Greeks and Romans? If this were not
the case, then was the name native, and the Eoxolani were
Ugrian. In either case we have a Fin gloss, and a Fin locality
suggested by it. Now the country of the Roxolani either reached,
or approached, the Danube.

In the account of Herodotus a population named Neuri occu-
pied a marshy district at the back of the Scythian area; pro-
bably the marshes of Pinsk. This is, perhaps, a Fin gloss.
The town of Narym in the Ostiak country takes its name from
the marshes round it.

The Lithuanian language avoids the letter/ 1 . — using p. instead;
sometimes m. The Greek yilea is my\u in Lithuanic. The name,
then, that a Fin locality would take in the mouth of a Lithua-
nian would not be jPinsk but j¥insk, or Pinsk, and these are
the names we find on what I think was , at one time , the Finno-
Lithuanic frontier.

I should add that the Kour- in Kour-sk seems to be the Kour-
in Zowr-land, the Kor- in .ffbr-alli (a Fin population of the
Middle Ages), and the Car- in the eminently, and almost ty-
pically, Fin /iTarelians.

This is not much in the way of evidence. Much or little , how-
ever, it is more than can be got for any other population. Much or
little it is got at by a very cursory investigation. No special re-
search has been instituted. No tumulus has been appealed to. No
local dialect has been analysed. No ordnance map has been
pored over. All this will, doubtless, be done in time, and if,
when it has been done, no confirmation of the present doctrine
be found, the propounder will reconsider it. If the evidence point
elsewhere he will abandon it. At present he brings the early
Fin frontier to Minsk and Pinsk.

There it touched that of the Lithuanians. To make these the
most eastern members of the Sarmatian stock is, at the first view,
to fly in the face of the testimony of their present position. They
are, in one sense, the most western. The Germans of Prussia
touch them on the side of Europe. Between them and the Fins
of Asia, the vast Russian area of the Governments of Smolensko,
Novogorod &c. intervene. Speaking laxly, one may say that all
Russia lies beyond them. Nevertheless , it is with the Fins of
Estonia that they are also in contact ; whilst the explanation
of the German and Russian contact is transparently clear. The
Germans (as a matter of history) cut their way through whole
masses of Slavonians in Pomerania, before they reached them;
so displacing the Slavonians to the west of them. The Russians
(again a matter of history) pressed up to them by a circuit from
the south and west. The Lithuanians have kept their' position —
but one population has stretched beyond, and another has pres-

ADDENDA. \ 23

sed up to them. Their language is eminently akin to the Sanskrit.
• Their physiognomy is the most Tin of any thoroughly European
population.

There were no Slavonians, in situ, to .the East of the Lithuanic
area ; none originally. By encroachment and change of place
there are, in later times, many. There are, as aforesaid, all
the Russians of the present moment. The question, however, be-
fore us is the original area , the primordial situs.

The westward extension of the Lithuanians is a matter upon
which I do not press the details. I think that the Vistula may
have been to them and the Slavonians what the Rhine was to the
Gauls and Germans. The main question is how far can we bring
them south ? What justifies us in making them reach the Carpathi-
ans? At present we find them in Livonia, Courland, East Prussia,
Vilna, and Grodno; but further south than Grodno nowhere; no-
where, at least, with the definite characteristics of name and lan-
guage. Every inch that is given them south of Grodno must have
its proper evidence to support it.

The Gothini of Tacitus are the first population that we may
make Lithuanic. What says Tacitus? They were not Germans;
their language proved this. They were not Sarmatians. The
Sarmatians imposed a tribute upon , as on men of another stock
— tributa ut alienigenis imponunt. The Quadi did the same. If
neither Germans nor Sarmatians what were they? Members of a
stock now extinct? The rule against the unnecessary multiplica-
tion of causes forbids us to resort to this supposition. Do so once
and we may always be doing it. Were they Fins? Say that they
were, and what do we gain by it? We may as well prolong the
Lithuania area from Grodno as the Fin from Pinsk. Nay, better.
That Grodno is Lithuanian we know. That Pinsk was Fin we
infer. Were they Scythians ? We know of no Scythians beyond
the Maros ; so that the reasoning which told against the Fin hy-
pothesis tells equally against the Turk. Beyond the Germans,
the Slavonians, the Fins, the* Turks, and the Lithuanians we
have nothing to choose from ; and I submit that the minimum
amount of assumption lies with the population last named.

Now comes the name of their Language. The Language of the
Gothini was Gallica — Osos Pannonica, Gothinos Gallica arguit
non esse Romanos. I have given reasons elsewhere (Germania
of Tacitus with Ethnological notes) for translating Gallica Galli-
cian, — not Gallic. Say, however, that the latter is the better
translation ; Gothini would still be the name of the people.

There is a country, then, of the Gothini sufficiently far

* The term Turk is used in its wide Ethnological sense , and includes
the Scytlue.

124 ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AHEA.

south to be in contact with the Quadi and Sarmatse — the Quadi
in Moravia and Upper Hungary, the Sarmatas in the parts
between the Theiss and the Danube. Gallicia meets these condi-
tions. It was a mining country. Gallicia is this. It was on the
Upper Vistula — probably at its head-waters. At the mouth of
the same river the name re-appears, in that of the Gothones, Gull-
ones, Gylhones &c. of the Amber country. These were either the
nearest neighbours of the Aestyii, or the Aestyii themselves under
a name other than German — for Aestyii is an undoubted German
gloss, just like Est- in Est- onia.

Are we justified in identifying these two populations on the
strength of the name? No. What we are justified in doing,
however, is this. We are justified in placing on the frontier of
both a language in which the root Goth- was part of a national
name.

At the beginning of the historical period these Gothones were
the Lithaunians of East Prussia, and their neigbours called them
Guddon. They were the congeners of those Lithuanians whose
area, even now , extents as far south as Grodno.

It is easy to connect the Gothones with Grodno ; but what con-
nects Grodno with Gothinian Gallicia? What can connect it now?
All is Polish or Russian. What are the proofs that it was not so
from the beginning? The following — the populations between
Grodno and the frontier of Gallicia, appear, for the first time in
history in the 13th century; but not as Poles, nor yet as Russians,
but as Lithuanians — "cum Pruthenica et Lithuanica lingua ha-
bens magna ex parte similitudinem et intelligentiam" — "lingua,
ritu, religione, et moribus magnam habebat cum Lithuanis, Pru-
thenis et Samogitis" (the present Lithuanians of East Prussia)
"conformitatem".

We cannot bring these quite down to Gallicia; and this is not to
be wondered at. The first notice we have of them is very nearly
the last as well. The narrative which gives us the preceding texts
is the narrative of their subjugation and extinction.

What was the name of this people? I premise that we get it
through a double medium, the Latin, and the Slavonic — the lat-
ter language always being greatly disguised in its adaptation to
the former. The commonest form is Jaczwingi (Lat.) Jatwyazi
(Slavonic); then (in documents) Getuin-zittB, a word giving the
root Gothon-. Finally, we have "Pollexiani Gelharum seu Prus-
sorum gens".

Such are the reasons for connecting the Gothini of the Marco-
mannic frontier with the Gothini of the Baltic, and also for making
both (along with the connecting Jaczwingi) Lithuanians. This
latter point, however, is unessential to the present investigation;
which simply considers the area of the Slavonians. For the parts

ADDENDA. 125

north of the Carpathians, it was limited by a continuous line
of Golhini, Getumzitm , and Gothonzs. Whatever those were they
were not Slavonic.

Such is the sketch of the chief reasons for believing that origi-
nally the Vistula (there or thereabouts) was the boundary of the
Slavonians on the North East; a belief confirmed by the pheno-
mena of the languages spoken , at the present moment , beyond
that river. They fall into few dialects ; a fact which is prima facie
evidence of recent introduction. The Polish branch shews itself
in varieties and subvarieties on its western frontier; the Eussian
on its southern and south-eastern. The further they are found
East and North , the newer they are.

I may add that I find no facts in the special ethnology of the
early Poles, that complicate this view. On the contrary, the spe-
cial facts , such as they are , are confirmatory rather than aught
else of the western origin and the eastern direction , of a Polish
line of encroachment , migration, occupancy, displacement, inva-
sion , or conquest. Under the early kings of the blood of Piast
(an individual wholly unhistoric) , the locality |for their exploits
and occupancies is no part of the country about the present capi-
tal, Warsaw; but the district round Posen and Gnesen; this
being the area to which the earliest legends attach themselves.

Where this is not the case, where the Duchy of Posen or Prus-
sian Poland does not give us the earliest signs of Polish occu-
pancy, the parts about Cracow do. At any rate, the legends lie
in the west and south rather than in the east; on the Saxon or
the Bohemian frontier rather than the Lithuanic.

The Slavonic area south of the Carpathians gives us a much
more complex question — one, indeed, too complex to investi-
gate it in all its bearings.

That there were both Slavonians and Lithuanians in Dacia,
Lower Moesia, Thrace, and, even, Macedon is nearly certain —
and that early. Say that they were this at the beginning of the
historical period. It will, by no means, make them aboriginal.

Such being the case I limit myself to the statement that, at
the beginning of the historical period, the evidence and reason-
ing that connects the Thracians with the Gretas, the Greta? with the
Daci, and the Daci with the Sarmatian stock in general is suffi-
cient. Whether it makes them indigenous to their several areas
is another question. It is also another question whether the
relationship between them was so close as the current statements
make it. These identify the Getse and Daci. I imagine that they
were (there or thereabouts) as different as the Bohemians and
the Lithuanians — the Getic Lithuanians, and the Dacian (Daci=
T&koi) Czekhs; both, however being Sarmatian.

I also abstain from the details of a question of still greater

126 ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA.

importance and interest viz : the extent to which a third language of
the class -which contains the Slavonian and Lithuanic may or may
not have been spoken in the parts under notice. There was room
for it in the parts to the South of the Fin, and the east of the Li-
thuanic, areas. There was room for it in the present Governments
of P.odolia, and Volhynia, to say nothing of large portions of
the drainage of the Lower Danube. The language of such an
area, if its structure coincided with its geographical position would
be liker the Lithuanic and the most eastern branch of the Sla-
vonic than any other Languages of the so-called Indo-European
Stock. It would also be more Sarmatian than either German or
Classical. Yet it would be both Classical and German also, on
the strength of the term Indo-European. It would be the most
Asiatic of the tongues so denominated; with some Ugrian affini-
ties , and others with the languages in the direction of Armenia,
and Persia. It would be a language, however, which would soon
be obliterated; in as much as the parts upon which we place it
were, at an early date, overrun by Scytliians from the East,
and Slavonians from the West. When we know Volhynia, it
is Turk, and Polish, — anything but aboriginal. Such a lan-
guage, however, might, in case the populations who spoke it had
made early conquests elsewhere, be, still, preserved to our own
times. Or it might have been, at a similarly early period, com-
mitted to writings; the works in which it was embodied having
come down to us. If so, its relations to its congeners would he.
remarkable. They would only be known in a modern, it only in
an ancient, form. Such being the case, the original affinity might
be disguised; especially if the transfer of the earlier language
had been to some very distant and unlikely point.

I will now apply this hypothetical series of arguments. It has
long been known that the ancient, sacred, and literary language
of Northern India has its closest grammatical affinities in Europe.
With none of the tongues of the neighbouring countries, with no
form of the Tibetan of the Himalayas or the Burmese dialects
of the north-east, with no Tamul dialect of the southern part of
the Peninsula itself has it half such close resemblances as it has
with the distant and disconnected Lithuanian.

As to the Lithuanian, it has, of course, its closest affinities
with the Slavonic tongues of Russia, Bohemia, Poland, and Ser-
via, as aforesaid. And when we go beyond the Sarmatian stock,
and bring into the field of comparison the other tongues of Eu-
rope, the Latin, the Greek, the German, and the Keltic, we
find that the Lithuanic is more or less connected with them.

Now, the botanist who, found in Asia, extended over a com-
paratively small area, a single species, belonging to a genus
which covered two-thirds of Europe (except so far as he might

ADDENDA. 1 27

urge that everything came from the east, and so convert the spe-
cific question into an hypothesis as to the origin of vegetation in
general) would pronounce the genus to he European. The zoo-
logist, in a case of zoology, would do the same.

Mutatis mutandis, the logic of the philologue should be that of
the naturalist. Yet it is not.

1 . The area of Asiatic languages in Asia allied to the ancient
Language of India, is smaller than the area of European langua-
ges allied to the Lithnanic ; and —

2. The class or genus to which the two tongues equally belong,
is represented in Asia by the Indian division only; whereas in
Europe it falls into three divisions, each of, at least, equal value
with the single Asiatic one.

Nevertheless , the so-called Indo-European languages are de-
duced from Asia.

I do not ask whether, as a matter of fact, this deduction is right
or wrong. I only state, as a matter of philological history, that it
is'made, adding that the hypothesis which makes it is illegitimate.
It rests on the assumption that it is easier to bring a population
from India to Russia than to take one from Russia to India. In the
case of the more extreme language of which it takes cognisance
this postulate becomes still more inadmissible. It assumes, in
the matter of the Keltic (for instance), that it is easier to bring- the
people of Galway from the Punjab, than the tribes of the Punjab
from Eastern Europe. In short, it seems to be a generally received
rule amongst investigators, that so long as we bring our migration
from east to west we may let a very little evidence go a very
long way; whereas, so soon as we reverse the process, and sup-
pose a line from west to east, the converse becomes requisite,
and a great deal of evidence is to go but a little way. The effect
of this has been to create innumerable Asiatic hypotheses and
few or no European ones. Russia may have been peopled from
Persia, or Lithuania from Hindostan, or Greece from Asia, or
any place west of a given meridian from any place east of it
— but the converse, never. No one asks for proofs in the former
case; or if he do, he is satisfied with a very scanty modicum:
whereas, in the latter, the best authenticated statements undergo
stringent scrutiny. Inferences fare worse. They are hardly al-
lowed at all. It is all "theory and hypothesis" if we resort to
them in cases from west to east ; Irat it is no "theory" and no
"hypothesis" when we follow the sun and move westwards.

Let the two lines be put on a level, and let ethnographi-
cal philology cease to be so one-sided as it is. Let the possibi-
lity of a Western origin of the Sanskrit language take its natu-
ral place as the member of an alternative hitherto ignored. I
do not say what will follow in the way of historical detail. I only

128 ON THE ORIGINAL EXTENT OP THE SLAVONIC AREA.

say (in the present paper at least) that the logic of an important
class of philological questions will be improved. As it stands at
present, it is little more than a remarkable phenomenon in the
pathology of the philological mind, a symptom of the morbid con-
dition of the scientific imagination of learned men.

Turning westwards we now take up the Slovenians of Carin-
thia and Styria on their western frontier, not forgetting the sou-
thermost of the Czekhs of Bohemia. How far did the Slavonic
area extend in the direction of Switzerland, Gaul, and Italy?

In the Tyrol we have such geographical names as Scharn-«i(z,
Gshrafe-thal, and Vintsh-gau; in the Vorarlberg, Ked-m'fc and
Windisch-»ioifre!. Even where the names are less definitely Sla-
vonic, the compound sibilant tsh, so predominant in Slavonic,
so exceptional in German, is of frequent occurrence. This, per-
haps, is little, yet is more than can be found in any country
known to have been other than Slavonic.

Again — a Slavonic population in the Vorarlberg and Southern
Bavaria best accounts for the name Fmd-elicia.

If the Slavonians are aboriginal, and if the Czekhs are the
same , the decisive evidence that, within the historical period,
they have both receded is in favor of their respective areas
having originally been greater than they are at present. Such
being the case, we may bring them both further south and fur-
ther west. How far ? This is a question of minute detail , not to
be answered off-hand. The rule of parsimony, however, by which
we are forbidden to multiply stocks unnecessarily, carries them
to the frontier of the Gauls in one direction , and the Italians on
the other.

If so, there may have been Slavonians on the frontier of Li-
guria. More than this the Rhceti may have been Slavonic also.
But many make the Etruscans Ehsetian. Is it possible however,
that even the Etruscans were Slavonic?

I know of numerous opinions against their being so. I know of
no facts.

ON THE TERMS OF GOTHI AND GETJE.

OBSERVATIONS LAID BEFORE THE ETHNOLOGI-
CAL SECTION, AT THE MEETING OF THE BRITISH
ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF
SCIENCE, HELD AT BIRMINGHAM 1849.

So far from the Gotlii and Getse being identical there is
no reason to believe that any nation of Germany ever bore
the former of these two names until it reached the country
of the population designated by the latter. If so, the Goths
were Gothic, just as certain Spaniards are Mexican and Pe-
ruvian; and just as certain Englishmen are Britons i.e. not
at all.

The Goths of the Danube, etc. leave Germany as Grutungs
and Thervings, become Marcomanni along the Bohemian
and Moravian frontiers, Ostrogoths and Visigoths, on the
Lower Danube (or the land of the Getse), and Mcesogoths
(from the locality in which they become Christian) in Mcesia.

What were the Goths of Scandinavia? 7/ is not I mho
am the first by many scores of investigators to place all
the numerous populations to which the possible modifications
of the root G — t apply in the same category. I only deny
that that category is German. Few separate the Jutes of
Jutland, from the Goths of Gothland. Then there is the
word Vitae; which is to Gut-, as Will-raxa. is to CwZ-ielmus,
a form that was probably Lithuanic.

If J+t, as it occurs in the word Jute, be, really, the same
as the G + t in Got or Goth, we have a reason in favour of
one of the earlier Danish populations having been Lithuanic.

The four islands of Sealand, Laaland, Moen, and Falster
formed the ancient Vitheslelh. This division is of consider-
able import ; since the true country of Dan , the eponymus
of the Danes, was not Jutland, nor yet Skaane, nor yet Fyen.
It was the Four Islands of the Vithesleth: — "Dan — rex
primo super Sialandiam, Monam, Falstriam, et Lalandiam,
cujus regnum dicebatur Vitheslelh. Deinde super alias pro-
vincias et insulas et totum regnum." — Petri Olai Chron.

9

130 ON THE TERMS OP G0TI11 AND GETAE.

Regum Danise. Also, "Vidit autem Dan regionem suam, su-
per quam regnavit, Jutiam, Fioniam, Wilhesleth, Scaniarn
quod esset bona." — Annal. Esrom. p. 224.

That the Swedes and Norwegians are the newest Scandina-
vians and that certain Ugrians were the oldest, is undoubted.
But it by no means follows that the succession was simple.
Between the first and last there may have been any amount of
intercalations. Was this the case? My own opinion is, that
the first encroachments upon the originally Ugrian area of
Scandinavia were not from the south-west, but from the
south-east , not from Hanover but from Prussia and Courland,
not German but Lithuanic, and (as a practical proof of the
inconvenience of the present nomenclature) although not
German, Gothic.

Whether these encroachments were wholly Lithuanic, ra-
ther than Slavonic as well , is doubtful. When the archaeo-
logy of Scandinavia is read aright, i. e. without a German
prepossession, the evidence of a second population will be-
come clear. This however, is a detail.

The Gothic historian Jornandes, deduces the Goths of
the Danube first from the southern coasts of the Baltic, and
ultimately from Scandinavia. I think, however, that whoever
reads his notices will be satisfied that he has fallen into the
same confusion in respect to the Germans of the Lower Da-
nube and the Getse whose country they settled in, as an
English writer would do who should adapt the legends of
Geoffroy of Monmouth respecting the British kings to the
genealogies of Ecbert and Alfred or to the origin of the
warriors under Hengist. The legends of the soil and the
legends of its invaders have been mixed together.

Nor is such confusion unnatural. The real facts before
the historian were remarkable. There were Goths on the
Lower Danube, Germanic in blood, and known by the
same name as the older inhabitants of the country. There
were Gothones, or Guttones, in the Baltic, the essential part
of whose name was Goth-] the -n- being, probably, and al-
most certainly, an inflexion.

Thirdly, there were Goths in Scandinavia, and Goths in
an intermediate island of the Baltic. With such a series of
Goth-lands, the single error of mistaking the old Getic legends
for those of the more recent Germans (now called Goths),
would easily engender others ; and the most distant of the
three Gothic areas would naturally pass for being the oldest
also. Hence, the deduction of the Goths of the Danube
from the Scandinavian Gothland.

ON THE JAPODES AND GEPID^E.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

JANUARY 15th 1857.

Of the nations whose movements are connected with the
decline and fall of the Roman empire, though several are
more important than the Gepidte, few are of a greater inter-
est. This is because the question of their ethnological re-
lations is more obscure than that of any other similar po-
pulation of equal historical prominence. How far they were
Goths rather than Vandals, or Vandals rather than Goths,
how far they were neither one nor the other, has scarcely
been investigated. Neither has their origin been determined.
Nor have the details of their movements been ascertained.
That the current account, as it stands in the pages of Jor-
nandes Diaconus, is anything but unexceptionable, will be
shown in the present paper. It is this account, however,
which has been adopted by the majority of inquirers.

The results to which the present writer commits himself are
widely different from those of his predecessors ; he believes
them, however, to be of the most ordinary and common-

Jilace character. Why, then, have they not been attained
ong ago? Because certain statements, to a contrary effect,
being taken up without a due amount of preliminary criti-
cism, have directed the views of historians and ethnologists
towards a wrong point.

These, however, for the present will be ignored, and no-
thing, in the first instance, will be attended to but the pri-
mary facts upon which the argument, in its simplest form, de-
pends. These being adduced, the ordinary interpretation of
them will be suggested; after which, the extent to which it is
modified by the statements upon which the current doctrines
are founded will be investigated.

If we turn to Strabo's account of the parts on the north-
eastern side of the Adriatic, the occupancies of the nume-

9*

132 ON THE JAPODES AND GEPIDAE.

rous tribes of the Roman province of Illyricum, we shall find
that no slight prominence is given to the population called
'Idjtodsg. They join the Carni. The Culpa (KokaTug) flows
through their land. They stretch along the coast to the river
Tedanius; Senia is their chief town. TheMoentini, the Aven-
deatse, the Auripini, are their chief tribes. Vendos (Avendo)
is one of their occupancies. Such are the notices of Strabo,
Ptolemy, Appian, and Pliny; Pliny's form of the word being
Japydes.

The Iapodes, then, or Japydes, of the authors in question,
are neither an obscure nor an inconsiderable nation. They
extend along the sea-coast of the Adriatic. They occupy
the valley of the Culpa. They are Ulyrian, but contermi-
nous with Pannonia.

As Pliny seems to have taken his name from Strabo, the
authors just quoted may all be called Greek. With the latest
of them we lose the forms 'IccTtodss or Japydes.

As the Koman empire declines and its writers become less
and less classical, their geographical records become less sy-
stematic and more fragmentary; and it is not till we get to
the times of Probus and Maximian that we find any name
approaching 'Idnodsg. Probus, however, plants a colony of
Gepidce within the empire ( J'opiscus, Vit. Pub. c. 1 8). The
Tervings also fight against the Vandals and Gipedes (Ma-
merlinus in Genelhl. Max. c. 17). Sidonius makes the fierce
Gepida {Gepida trux) a portion of the army of Attila. Finally,
we have the Gepidse, the Lombards, and the Avars, as the
three most prominent populations of the sixth century.

The Gepid locality in the fifth century is the parts about
Sirmium and Singidunum — Alt Schabacz and Belgrade —
within the limits of Pannonia, and beyond those of Illyri-
cum, i. e. a little to the north of the occupancy of the la-
podes and Japydes of Strabo and Pliny.

There is, then, a little difference in name between Japydes
and Gepidse, and a little difference in locality between the
Gepids and Iapodes. I ask, however, whether this is sufficient
to raise any doubt as to the identity of the two words/' Whe-
ther the populations they denoted were the same is another
matter. 1 only submit that, word for word, Japyd and Gepid
are one. Yet they have never been considered so. On the
contrary, the obscure history of the Japydes is generally
made to end with Ptolemy; the more brilliant one of the
Gepidse to begin with Vopiscus. This may be seen in Gib-
bon, in Zeuss, or in any author whatever who notices either,
or both, of the two populations.

There is a reason for this; it does not, however, lie in

s

ON THE JAPODES AXD GEPIDAE. 133

the difference of name. Wider ones than this are overlook-
ed by even the most cautious of investigators. Indeed the
acknowledged and known varieties of the word Gepidse itself
are far more divergent from each other than Gepidm is from
Japydes. Thus Gypides, rfacadeg, rerCnaidag, are all ad-
mitted varieties, — varieties that no one has objected to.

Nor yet does the reason for thus ignoring the connexion
between Gepidce and Japydes lie in the difference of their
respective localities. For a period of conquests and inva-
sions, the intrusion of a population from the north of Illy-
ricum to the south of Pannonia is a mere trifle in the eye
of the ordinary historian, who generally moves large nations
from one extremity of Europe to another as freely as a chess-
player moves a queen or castle on a chess-board. In fact,
some change, both of name and place, is to be expected.
The name that Strabo, for instance, would get through an
Illyrian, Vopiscus or Sidonius would get through a Gothic,
and Procopius through (probably) an Avar, authority — di-
rectly or indirectly.

The true reason for the agreement in question having been
ignored^ lies in the great change which had taken place in
the political relations of the populations, not only of Illyri-
cum and Pannonia, but of all parts of the Roman empire.
The Japydes are merely details in the conquest of Illyricum
and Dalmatia; the Gepid history, on the contrary, is con-
nected with that of two populations eminently foreign and
intrusive on the soil of Pannonia, — the Avars and the Lom-
bards. How easy, then, to make the Gepidse foreign and
intrusive also. Rarely mentioned, except in connexion with
the exotic Goth, the exotic Vandal, the exotic Avar, and
the still more exotic Lombard, the Gepid becomes, in the
eyes of the historian, exotic also.

This error is by no means modern. It dates from the
reign of Justinian ; and occurs in the writings of such seem-
ing authorities as Procopius and Jornandes. With many
scholars this may appear conclusive against our doctrine;
since Procopius and Jornandes may reasonably be consider-
ed as competent and sufficient witnesses, not only of their
foreign origin, but also of their Gothic affinities. Let us,
however, examine their statements. Procopius writes, that
"the Gothic nations are many, the greatest being the Goths,
Vandals, Visigoths, and Gepaides. They were originally
called the Sauromatse and Melanchlseni. Some call them
the Getic nations. They differ in name, but in nothing else.
They are all whiteskinned and yellow-haired, tall and good-
looking, of the same creed, for they are all Arians. Their

134 ON THE JAPODES AND GEPIDAE.

language is one, called Gothic." This, though clear, is far
from unexceptionable (B. Vand. i. 2). Their common lan-
guage may have been no older than their common Arianism.

Again, the Sciri and Alani are especially stated to be
Goths, which neither of them were, — the Alans, not even
in the eyes of such claimants for Germany as Grimm and
Zeuss.

Jornandes writes: "Quomodo vero Getse Gepidseque sint
parentes si quseris, paucis absolvam. Meminisse debes, me
initio de Scanzise insulse gremio Gothos dixisse egressos cum
Bericli suo rege, tribus tantum navibus vectos ad citerioris
Oceani ripam; quarum trium una navis, ut assolet, tardius
vecta, nomen genti fertur dedisse; nam lingua eorum pigra
Gepanta dicitur. Hinc factum est, ut paullatim et corrupte
nomen eis ex convitio nasceretur. Gepidse namque sine du-
bio ex Gothorum prosapia ducunt originem: sed quia, ut
dixi, Gepanla pigrum aliquid tardumque signat, pro gratuito
convitio Gepidarum nomen exortum est, quod nee ipsum,
credo, falsissimum. Sunt enim tardioris ingenii, graviores
corporum velocitate. Hi ergo Gepidae tacti invidia, dudum
spreta provincia, commanebant in insula Visclse amnis vadis
circumacta, quam pro patrio sermone dicebant Gepidojos. Nunc
earn, ut fertur, insulam gens Vividaria incolit, ipsis ad me-
liores terras meantibus. Qui Vividarii ex diversis nationi-
bus acsi in unum asylum collecti sunt, et gentem fecisse
noscuntur."

I submit that this account is anything but historical. Be
it so. It may, however, be the expression of a real Gothic-
affinity on the part of the Gepids, though wrong in its de-
tails. Even this is doubtful. That it may indicate a poli-
tical alliance, that it may indicate a partial assumption of
a Gothic nationality, I, by no means, deny. I only deny
that it vitiates the doctrine that Japydes and Gepidce are, ac-
cording to the common-sense interpretation of them, the same
word.

The present is no place for exhibiting in full the reasons
for considering Jornandes to be a very worthless writer, a
writer whose legends (if we may call them so) concerning
the Goths, are only Gothic in the way that the fables of
Geoffrey of Monmouth are English, i. e. tales belonging to
a country which the Goths took possession of, rather than
tales concerning the invaders themselves

It is suggested then, that the statements of Procopius and
Jornandes being ignored, the common-sense interpretation of
the geographical and etymological relations of the Iapodes

ON THE JAPODES AND GEPIDAE. 135

and Gepidce ~ word for word, and place for place — be allow-
ed to take its course ; the Gepidse being looked upon as
Illyrians, whatever may be the import of that word; occu-
pants, at least, of the country of the Iapodes, and probably
their descendants.

Thus far the criticism of the present paper goes towards
separating the Gepidse from the stock with which they are
generally connected , viz. the German , — also from any emi-
grants from the parts north of the Danube, e. g. Poland,
Prussia, Scandinavia, and the like. So far from doing any-
thing of this kind , it makes them indigenous to the parts to
the north-east of the head of the Adriatic. As such, what
were they? Strabo makes them a mixed nation — Kelt and
Illyrian.

What is Illyrian? Either Albanian or Slavonic; it being
Illyria where the populations represented by the Dalmatians
of Dalmatia come in contact with the populations represent-
ed by the Skipetar of Albania.

The remaining object of the present paper is to raise two
fresh questions : —

1. The first connects itself with the early history of Italy,
and asks how far migrations from the eastern side of the
Adriatic may have modified the original population of Italy.
Something — perhaps much — in this way is suggested by
Niebuhr; suggested, if not absolutely stated. The Chaonian
name, as well as other geographical and ethnological rela-
tions , is shown to be common to both sides of the Gulf. Can
the class of facts indicated hereby be enlarged? The name,
which is , perhaps , the most important , is that of the Galabri.
These are, writes Strabo, a "people of the Dardaniataj, in
whose land is an ancient city" (p. 316). Word for word
this is Calabri — whatever the geographical and ethnological
relations may be. Without being exactly Iapodes, these Ca-
labri are in the Iapod neighbourhood.

Without being identical, the name of the Italian Iapyges
(which was to all intents and purposes another name for
Calabri) is closely akin to Iapodes; so that, in Italy, we
have Calabri called also Iapyges, and, in Illyria, Iapodes
near a population called Galabri.

More than this, Niebuhr (see Diet, of Greek and Roman
Geography, v. Japygia) suggests that Apulia may be Iapygia,
word for word. The writer of the article just quoted demurs
to his. At the same time the change from / to d is, at the
present moment , a South Italian characteristic, The Sicilian
for bello was beddo. On the other hand, this is a change in
the wrong direction; still it is a change of the kind required.

136 ON THE JAPODES AND GF.PIDAE.

The evidence that there was a foreign population in Ca-
labria is satisfactory — the most definite fact being the state-
ment that the Sallentines were partly Cretans, associated
with Locrians and Illyrians. (See Calabria.)

Again, this district, wherein the legends concerning Dio-
med prevailed, was also the district of the Daunii, whom
Festus (v. Daunia) connects with Illyria.

I suggest that, if the Calabri were Galabri, the Iapyges
were Iapodes. Without enlarging upon the views that the
definite recognition of Illyrian elements in Southern Italy
suggests, we proceed to the next division of our subject.

2. Is there any connexion between the names lapod-es and
Iapet-us? The answer to this is to be found in the exposi-
tion of the criticism requisite for such problems. Special
evidence there is none.

The first doctrine that presents itself to either the ethno-
logist or the historian of fiction, in connexion with the name
Iapetus, is that it is the name of some eponymus — a name
like Hellen, or iEolus, Ion, or Dorus. But this is opposed
by the fact that no nation of any great historical prominence
bears such a designation. Doubtless, if the Thracians, the
Indians, the ^Egyptians, &c. had been named lapeti, the
doctrine in question would have taken firm root, and that at
once. But such is not the case.

May it not, however, have been borne by an obscure po-
pulation? The name Greek was so born. So, at first, was
the name Hellen. So, probably, the names to which we owe
the wide and comprehensive terms. Europe, Asia, Africa,
and others. Admit then that it may have belonged to an
obscure population; — next, admitting this, what name so like
as that of the Iapodes ? Of all known names (unless an
exception be made in favour of the -gypt in JE-gypi) it must
be this or none. No other has any resemblance at all.

Who were on the confines of the non-Hellenic area? Ia-
pyges on the west; Iapodes on the north-west. The sug-
gested area was not beyond the limits of the Greek mythos.
It was the area of the tales about Diomed. It was the area
of the tales about Antenor. It was but a little to the north
of the land of the Lapithm, whose name, in its latter two-
thirds, is I-apod. It ran in the direction of Orphic and Bac-
chic Thrace to the north. It ran in the direction of Cyclo-
paian and Lestrygonian Sicily to the west. It was on the
borders of that terra incognita which so often supplies epo-
nymi to unknown and mysterious generations.

Say that this suggestion prove true , and we have the first
of the term Iapodes in Homer and Hesiod, the last in the

ON THE JAPODF.S AND GEPIDAE. 137

German genealogies of the geography of Jornandes and in the
Traveller's Song — unless, indeed, the modern name Scha-
bacz be word for word, Gepid. In the Traveller's Song we get
the word in a German form, Gif^e or Gifpas. The Gif^as
are mentioned in conjunction with the Wends.

In Jornandes we get Gapt as the head of the Gothic gene-
alogies : — Horum ergo (ut ipsi suis fabulis ferunt) primus
fuit Gapt, qui genuit Halmal; Halmal vero genuit Augis, &c.
Now Gapt here may stand for the eponymus of the Gepidce,
or it may stand for Japhel, the son of Noah. More than one
of the old German pedigrees begins with what is called a
Gothic legend, and ends with the book of Genesis.

To conclude: the bearing of the criticism upon the ethno-
logy of the populations which took part in the destruction
of the Roman empire, is suggestive. There are several of
them in the same category with the Gepidse.

Mutatis mutandis: every point in the previous criticism,
which applies to the Gepidse and Iapydes , applies to the
Rugi and Rhceti. Up to a certain period we have, in writers
more or less classical, notices of a country called Bhcetia,
and a population called Rhceti. For a shorter period subse-
quent to this, we hear nothing, or next to nothing, of any
one.

Thirdly, in the writers of the 5th and 6th centuries, when
the creed begins to be Christian and the authorities German,
we find the Rugi of a Rugi-land, — Rugi-land, or the land
of the Rugi, being neither more nor less than the ancient
province of Rhcetia.

Name, then, for name, and place for place, the agreement
is sufficiently close to engender the expectation that the Rhwti
will be treated as the Rugi, under a classical, the Rugi
as the Rhceti, under a German, designation. Yet this is not
the case. And why? Because when the Rugi become pro-
minent in history, it is the recent, foreign, and intrusive
Goths and Huns with whom they are chiefly associated. Add
to this, that there existed in Northern Germany a popula-
tion actuallv called Rugii.

For all this, however, Rugiland is Rhcetia, and Rhcetia is
Rugiland, — name for name and place for place. So, pro-
bably, is the modern Slavonic term Raczy.

VIII.
ETHNOLOGICA.

ON THE SUBJECTIVITY OF CERTAIN

CLASSES IN ETHNOLOGY.

FKOM

THE PHILOSOPHICAL MAGAZINE FOR MAY 1853.

To the investigator who believes in the unity of the hu-
man species, whether he be a proper ethnologist, or a zoolo-
gist in the more current signification of the term, the phse-
nomena exhibited by the numerous families of mankind sup-
ply ninetenths of the data for that part of natural history
which deals with varieties as subordinate to , and as different
from, species. The history of domestic animals in compre-
hensiveness and complexity yields to the history of the do-
mesticator. Compare upon this point such a work as G. Cuvier's
on the Eaces of Dogs, with Dr. Prichard's Natural History
of Man. The mere difference in bulk of volume is a rough
measure of the difference in the magnitude of the subjects.
Even if the dog were as ubiquitous as man , and consequently
as much exposed to the influence of latitude, and altitude,
there would still be wanting to the evolution of canine va-
rieties the manifold and multiform influences of civilization.
The name of these is legion; whilst the extent to which they
rival the more material agencies of climate and nutrition is
getting, dny by day, more generally admitted by the best
and most competent inquirers. Forms as extreme as any
that can be found within the pale of the same species are
to be found within that of the species Homo. Transitions
as gradual as those between any varieties elsewhere are also
to be found. In summing up the value of the data supplied
by man towards the natural history of varieties, it may be said

ON THE SUBJECTIVITY OF CERTAIN CLASSES IN ETHNOLOGY. 1 39

that they are those of a species which has its geographical
distribution everywhere and a moral as well as a physical
series of characteristics. Surely, if the question under notice
be a question that must be studied indructively, Man gives
us the field for our induction.

Before I come to the special point of the present notice
and to the explanation of its somewhat enigmatical heading,
I must further define the sort of doctrine embodied in what
I have called the belief of the unity of our species. I do
not call the upholder of the developmental doctrine a believer
of this kind. His views — whether right or wrong — are
at variance with the current ideas attached to the word spe-
cies._ Neither do I identify with the recognition of single
species the hypothesis of a multiplicity of protoplasts, so long
as they are distributed over several geographical centres. The
essential element to the idea of a single species is a single
geographical centre. For this , the simplest form of the pro-
toplast community is a single pair.

All this is mere definition and illustration. The doctrine
itself may be either right or wrong. I pass no opinion upon it.
I assume it for the present; since I wish to criticize certain
terms and doctrines which have grown up under the belief
in it, and to show, that, from one point of view, they are
faulty, from another, legitimate.

It will simplify the question if we lay out of 6ur account
altogether the islands of the earth's surface, limiting oursel-
ves to the populations of the continent. Here the area is
continuous, and we cannot but suppose the stream of popula-
tion by which its several portions were occupied to have been
continuous also. In this case a population spreads from a
centre like circles on a still piece of water. Now, if so, all
changes must have been gradual, and all extreme forms must
have passed into each other by means of a series of transitional
ones.

It is clear that such forms, when submitted to arrange-
ment and classification, will not come out in any definite
and wellmarked groups, like the groups that constitute what
is currently called species. On the contrary, they will run
into each other, with equivocal points of contact, and indist-
inct lines of demarcation ; so that discrimination will be dif-
ficult, if not impracticable. If practicable, however, it will
be effected by having recourse to certain typical forms, around
which such as approximate most closely can most accurately
and conveniently he grouped. When this is done, the more
distant outliers will be distributed over the debateable ground
of an equivocal frontier. To recapitulate: varieties as oppo-

140 ON THE SUBJECTIVITY OF CERTAIN CLASSES IN ETHNOLOGY.

sed to species imply transitional forms, whilst transitional
forms preclude definite lines of demarcation.

Yet what is the actual classification of the varieties of
mankind, and what is the current nomenclature? To say
the least, it is very like that of the species of a genus. Blumen-
bach's Mongolians, Blumenbach's Caucasians, Blumenbach's
^Ethiopians, — where do we find the patent evidence that
these are the names of varieties rather than species? No-
where. The practical proof of a clear consciousness on the
part of a writer that he is classifying varieties rather than
species, .is the care he takes to guard his reader against mis-
taking the one for the other, and the attention he bestows
on the transition from one type to another. Who has ever
spent much ethnology on this? So far from learned men
having done so, they have introduced a new and lax term
— race. This means something which is neither a variety
nor yet a species — ■ a iertium quid. In what way it differs
from the other denomination has yet to be shown.

Now if it be believed (and this belief is assumed) that
the varieties of mankind are varieties of a species only, and
if it cannot be denied that the nomenclature and classifica-
tion of ethnologists is the nomenclature and classification of
men investigating the species of a genus, what is to be done?
Are species to be admitted, or is the nomenclature to be
abandoned? The present remarks are made with the view
of showing that the adoption of either alternative would be
inconsiderate, and that the existing nomenclature, even when
founded upon the assumption of broad and trenchant lines
of demarcation between varieties which (ex vi termini) ought
to graduate into each other, is far from being indefensible.

Man conquers man, and occupant displaces occupant on
the earth's surface. By this means forms and varieties which
once existed become extinct. The more this extinction takes
place, the greater is the obliteration of those transitional and
intermediate forms which connect extreme types ; and the
greater this obliteration, the stronger the lines of demarca-
tion between geographically contiguous families. Hence a
variational modification of a group of individuals simulates
a difference of species; forms which were once wide apart
being brought into juxtaposition by means of the annihilation
of the intervening transitions. Hence what we of the nine-
teenth century, — ethnologists, politicians, naturalists, and
the like — behold in the way of groups, classes, tribes, fa-
milies, or what not, is beholden to a great extent under the
guise of species; although it may not be so in reality, and
although it might not have been so had we been witnes-

ON THE SUBJECTIVITY OP CERTAIN CLASSES IN ETHNOLOGY. 141

ses to that earlier condition of things when one variety gra-
duated into another and the integrity of the chain of like-
ness was intact. This explains the term subjectivity. A group
is shai-ply denned simply because we know it in its state of
definitude; a state of definitude which has been brought about
by the displacement and obliteration of transitional forms.

The geographical distribution of the different ethnological
divisions supplies a full and sufficient confirmation of this
view. I say "full and sufficient," because it cannot be said
that all our groups arc subjective, all brought about by dis-
placement and obliteration. Some are due to simple isola-
tion; and this is the reason why the question was simplified
by the omission of all the insular populations. As a general
rule, however, the more definite the class, the greater the dis-
placement; displacement which we sometimes know to have
taken place on historical evidence, and displacement which
we sometimes have to infer. In thus inferring it, the lan-
guage is the chief test. The greater the area over which it
is spoken with but little or no variation of dialect, the more
recent the extension of the population that speaks it. Such,
at least, is the prima facie view.

A brief sketch of the chief details that thus verify the po-
sition of the text is all that can now be given.

I. The populations of South-eastern Asia, Mongol in phy-
siognomy and monosyllabic in speech, have always been con-
sidered to form a large and natural, though not always a
primary, group. Two-thirds of its area, and the whole of
its frontier north of the Himalayas, is formed by the Chi-
nese and Tibetans alone. These differ considerably from each
other, but more from the Turks, Mongols, and Tongusians
around. In the mountainous parts of the Assam frontier
and the Burmese empire, each valley has its separate dia-
lect. Yet these graduate into each other.

2. Central Asia and Siberia are occupied by four great
groups, the populations allied to the Turk, the populations
allied to the Mongol, the populations allied to the Mantshu,
and the populations allied to the Finns. These are pretty
definitely distinguished from each other, as well as from the
Chinese and Tibetans. They cover a vast area, an area,
which, either from history or inference, we are certain is
far wider at present than it was originally. They have en-
croached on each and all of the populations around, till they
meet with families equally encroaching in the direction of
China and Tibet. This it is that makes the families which
are called Turanian and Monosyllabic natural groups. They
are cut off, more or less, from each other and from other

142 ON THE SUBJECTIVITY OF CERTAIN CLASSES IN ETHNOLOGY.

populations by the displacement of groups originally more
or less transitional. The typical populations of the centre
spread themselves at the expense of the sub-typicals of the
periphery until the extremes meet.

2. The circumpolar populations supply similar illustrations.
Beginning with Scandinavia, the Lap stands in remarkable
contrast with the Norwegian of Norway, and the Swede of
Sweden. Why is this? Because the Northman represents a
population originally German, — a population which, how-
ever much it may have graduated into the type of the most
southern congeners of the Lap, is now brought into contact
with a very different member of that stock.

4. This phenomenon repeats itself in the arctic portions of
America, where the Algonkin and Loucheux Indians (Indians
of the true American type) come in geographical contact, and
in physiological contrast, with the Eskimo. Consequently
along the Loucheux and Algonkin frontiers the line of de-
marcation between the Eskimo and the Red Indian (cur-
rently so-called) is abrupt and trenchant. Elsewhere, as along
the coast of the Pacific, the two classes of population gra-
duate into each other.

5. The African family is eminently isolated. It is, however,
just along the point of contact between Africa and Asia that
the displacements have been at a maximum. The three vast
families of the Berbers, the Arabs and the Persians, cannot
but have obliterated something (perhaps much) in the way
of transition.

6. The Bushmen and Hottentots .are other instances of ex-
treme contrast, i. e. when compared with the Amakosah Caffres.
Yet the contrast is only at its height in those parts where
the proof of Caffre encroachment is clearest. In the parts
east of Wallfisch Bay— traversed by Mr. Galton — the lines
of difference are much less striking. -

Such are some of the instances that illustrate what may be
called the "subjectivity of ethnological groups," — a term
which greatly helps to reconcile two apparently conflicting
habits, viz. that of thinking with the advocates of the unity
of the human species, and employing the nomenclature of
their opponents.

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF PHILOLOGICAL

CLASSIFICATION AND THE VALUE

OF GROUPS,

PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE LANGUAGES OF
THE INDO-EUROPEAN CLASS.

READ BEFORE THE ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

28TH FEBRUARY J 8-19-

In respect to the languages of the Indo-European class,
it is considered that the most important questions connected
with their systematic arrangement, and viewed with refer-
ence to the extent to which they engage the attention of the
present writers of philology, are the three following: —

1. The question of the Fundamental Elements of certain Lan-
guages. — The particular example of an investigation of this
kind is to be tound in the discussion concerning the extent
to which it is a language akin to the Sanskrit, or a language
akin to the Tamul, which forms the basis of certain dialects
of middle and even northern India. In this is involved the
question as to the relative value of grammatical and glossa-
rial coincidences.

2. The question of the Independent or Subordinate Character
of certain Groups. — Under this head comes the investigation,
as to whether the Slavonic and Lithuanic tongues form se-
parate groups, in the way that the Slavonic and Gothic ton-
gues form separate groups, or whether they are each mem-
bers of some higher group. The same inquiry applies to
the languages (real or supposed) derived from the Zend, and
the languages (real or supposed) derived from the Sanskrit.

3. The question of Extension and Addition. — It is to this
that the forthcoming observations are limited.

144 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OP PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION &C.

Taking as the centre of a group/ those forms of speach which
have been recognised as Indo-European (or Indo-Germanic),
from the first recognition of the group itself, we find the
languages derived from the ancient Sanskrit, the languages
derived from the ancient Persian , the languages of Greece
and Rome, the Slavonic and Lithuanic languages, and the
languages of the Gothic stock; Scandinavian, as well as
Germanic. The affinity between any two of these groups
has currently been considered to represent the affinity between
them all at large.

The way in which the class under which these divisions
were contained, as subordinate groups, has received either
addition or extension, is a point of philological history, which
can only be briefly noticed ; previous to which a difference
of meaning between the words addition and extension should
be explained.

To draw an illustration from the common ties of relation-
ship, as between man and man, it is clear that a family
may be enlarged in two ways.

a. A brother, or a cousin, may be discovered, of which
the existence was previously unknown. Herein the family
is enlarged, or increased, by the real addition of a new
member, in a recognised degree of relationship.

b. A degree of relationship previously unrecognised may
be recognised , i. e., a family wherein it was previously con-
sidered that a second-cousinship was as much as could be
admitted within its pale, may incorporate third, fourth, or
fifth cousins. Here the family is enlarged , or increased, by
a verbal extension of the term.

Now it is believed that the distinction between increase by
the way of real addition, and increase by the way of ver-
bal extension, has not been sufficiently attended to. Yet,
that it should be more closely attended to, is evident; since,
in mistaking a verbal increase for a real one, the whole
end and aim of classification is overlooked.

1. The Celtic. — >The publication of Dr. Prichard's Eastern
Origin of the Celtic Nations, in 1831, supplied philologists
with the most definite addition that has, perhaps, yet been
made to ethnographical philology.

Ever since then, the Celtic has been considered to be Indo-
European. Indeed its position in the same group with the
Iranian, Classical, Slavono-Lithuanic, and Gothic tongues,
supplied the reason for substituting the term Indo-European
for the previous one Indo-Germanic.

2. Since the fixation of the Celtic, it has been considered
that the Armenian is Indo-European. Perhaps the wellknown

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION &C. 145

affinity between the Armenian and Phrygian languages di-
rected philologists to a comparison between the Armenian and
Greek. Miiller, in his Dorians, points out the inflexion of
the Armenian verb-substantive.

3. Since the fixation of the Celtic, it has been considered
that the old Etruscan is Indo-European.

4. Since the fixation of the Celtic, it has been considered
that the Albanian is Indo-European.

5. Since the fixation of the Celtic, Indo-European elements
have been indicated in the Malay.

6. Since the fixation of the Celtic, Indo-European elements
have been indicated in the Laplandic.

7. Since the fixation of the Celtic, it has been considered
that the Ossetic is Indo-European.

8. Since the consideration of the Ossetic as Indo-Euro-
pean, the Georgian has been considered as Indo-European
likewise.

Now the criticism of the theory which makes the Georgian
to be Indo-European, is closely connected with the criticism
of the theory which makes the Ossetic and the Malay to
be Polynesian; and this the writer reserves for a separate
paper. All that he does at present is to express his opinion,
that if any of the seven last-named languages are Indo-Eu-
ropean, they are Indo-European not by real addition, in the
way of recognised relationship, but by a vei'bal extension of
the power of the term Indo-European. He also believes that
this is the view which is taken, more or less consciousy or
unconsciously, by the different authors of the different clas-
sifications themselves. If he be wrong in this notion, he
is at issue with them as to a matter of fact; since, admit-
ting some affinity on the part of the languages in question,
he denies that it is that affinity which connects the Greek
and German , the Latin and Lithuanian.

On the other hand, if he rightly imagine that they are
considered as Indo-European on the strength of some other
affinity, wider and more distant than that which connects
the Greek with the German, or the Latin with the Lithuanic,
he regrets that such an extension of a term should have been
made without an exposition of the principles that suggested
it , or the facts by which it is supported ; principles and facts
which, when examined by himself , have convinced him that
most of the later movements in this department of ethno-
graphical philology, have been movements in the wrong di-
rection.

There are two principles upon which languages may be

classified.

10

146 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION &C.

According to the first, we take two or more languages
as we find them, ascertain certain of their characteristics,
and then inquire how far these characteristics coincide.

Two or more languages thus taken agree in having a large
per-centage of words in common , or a large percentage of
grammatical inflexions; in which case they would agree in
certain positive characters. On the other hand, two or more
such languages agree in the negative fact of having a small
and scanty vocabulary, and an inflexional system equally limi-
ted ; whilst, again, the scantiness of inflexion may arise from
one of two causes. It may arise from the fact of inflexions
having never been developed at all, or it may arise from
inflexions having been lost subsequent to a full development
of the same. In all such cases as these, the principle of
classification would be founded upon the extent to which lan-
guages agreed or differed in certain external characteristics;
and it would be the principle upon which the mineralogist
classifies minerals. It is not worth while to recommend the
adoption of the particular term miner alog ical , although mi-
neralogy is the science that best illustrates the distinction.
It is sufficient to state, that in the principle here indicated,
there is no notion of descent.

It is well known that in ethnographical philology (indeed
in ethnology at large) the mineralogical principle is not
recognised; and that the principle that is recognised is what
may be called the historical principle. Languages are ar-
ranged in the same class, not because they agree in having
a copious grammar or scanty grammar, but because they are
descended (or are supposed to be descended) from some
common stock; whilst similarity of grammatical structure,
and glossarial identity are recognised as elements of classi-
fication only so far as they are evidence of such community
of origin. Just as two brothers will always be two brothers,
notwithstanding differences of stature, feature, and dispo-
sition, so will two languages which have parted from the
common stock within the same decennium, be more closely
allied to each other, at any time and at all times, than two
languages separated within the same century ; and two lan-
guages separated within the same century, will always be
more cognate than two within the same millennium. This
will be the case irrespective of any amount of subsequent
similarity or dissimilarity.

Indeed, for the purposes of ethnology, the phenomena of
subsequent similarity or dissimilarity are of subordinate im-
portance. Why they are so, is involved in the question as
to the rate of change in language. Of two tongues separa-

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION &C. 1 47

ted at the same time from a common stock, one may change
rapidly, the other slowly; and, hence, a dissimilar physiog-
nomy at the end of a given period. If the English of Au-
stralia were to change rapidly in one direction, and the Eng-
lish of America in another, great as would be the difference
resulting from such changes, their ethnological relation would
be the same. They would still have the same affiliation with
the same mother-tongue, dating from nearly the same epoch.

In ethnological philology, as in natural history, descent is
the paramount fact; and without asking how far the value
thus given to it is liable to be refined on, we leave it, in
each science, as we find it, until some future investigator
shall have shewn that either for a pair of animals not des-
cended from a common stock, or for a pair of languages not
originating from the same mother-tongue , a greater number
of general propositions can be predicated than is the case
with the two most dissimilar instances of either an animal
or a language derived from a common origin.

Languages are allied just in proportion as they were separated
from the same language at the same epoch.

The same epoch. — The word epoch is an equivocal word,
and it is used designedly because it is so. Its two meanings
require to be indicated, and, then, it will be necessary to
ask which of them is to be adopted here.

The epoch , as a period in the duration of a language, may
be simply chronological, or it may be philological , properly so
called.

The space often, twenty, a hundred, or a thousand years,
is a strictly chronological epoch. The first fifty years after
the Norman conquest is an epoch in the history of the Eng-
lish language; so is the reign of Henry the Third, or the
Protectorship of Oliver Cromwell. A definite period of this
sort is an epoch in language, just as the term of twenty or
thirty years is an epoch in the life of a man.

On the other hand, a period that, chronologically speak-
ing, is indefinite, may be an epoch. The interval between
one change and an other, whether long or short, is an epoch.
The duration of English like the English of Chaucer , is an
epoch in the history of the English language ; and so is the
duration of English like the English of the Bible translation.
For such epochs there are no fixed periods. With a lan-
guage that changes rapidly they are short ; with a language
that changes slowly they are long.

Now , in which of these two meanings should the word be
used in ethnographical philology? The answer to the ques-
tion is supplied by the circumstances of the case, rather than

10*

148 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION &C.

by any abstract propriety. We cannot give it the first mean-
ing, even if we wish to do so. To say in what year of the
duration of a common mother-tongue the Greek separated
from the stock that was common to it and to the Latin is
an impossibility; indeed, if it could be answered at once, it
would be a question of simple history, not an inference
from ethnology: since ethnology, with its palseontological
reasoning from effect to cause, speaks only where history,
with its direct testimony, is silent.

We cannot, then, in ethnological reasoning, get at the pre-
cise year in which any one or two languages separated from
a common stock, so as to say that this separated so long be-
fore the other.

The order, however, of separation we can get at; since
we can infer it from the condition of the mother-tongue at
the time of such separation ; this condition being denoted by
the condition of the derived language.

Hence the philological epoch is an approximation to the
chronological epoch, and as it is the nearest approximation
that can possibly be attained , it is practically identical with
it, so that the enunciation of the principle at which we wish
to arrive may change its wording, and now stand as follows,
— Languages are allied, just in proportion as they were separated
from the same language in the same stage.

Mow, if there be a certain number of well-marked forms
(say three) of development, and if the one of these coincide
with an early period in the history of language, another with
a later one, and the third with a period later still, we have
three epochs wherein we may fix the date of the separation
of the different languages from their different parent- stocks;
and these epochs are natural, just in proportion as the forms
that characterise them are natural.

Again, if each epoch fall into minor and subordinate pe-
riods, characterised by the changes and modifications of the
then generally characteristic forms, we have the basis for
subordinate groups and a more minute classification.

It is not saying too much to say that all this is no hypo-
thesis, but a reality. There are real distinctions of charac-
teristic forms corresponding with real stages of development;
and the number of these is three; besides which, one, at
least, of the three great stages falls into divisions and sub-
divisions.

1 . The stage anterior to the evolution of inflexion. — Here
each word has but one form, and relation is expressed by
mere juxtaposition, with or without the superaddition of a
change of accent. The tendencies of this stage are to com-

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OP PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION &C 149

bine words in the way of composition , but not to go further
livery word retains, throughout, its separate substantive
character, and has a meaning independent of its juxtaposi-
tion with the words with which it combines.

2. The stage wherein inflexions are developed. — Here
words originally separate, and afterwards placed in juxta-
position with others, as elements of a compound term, so far
change in form, or so far lose their separate signification,
as to pass for adjuncts, either prefixed or postfixed to the
mam word. What was once a word is now the part of a
word, and what was once Composition is now Derivation,
certain sorts of Derivation being called Inflexions, and cer-
tain Inflexions being called Declensions or Conjugations, as
the case may be.

3. The stage wherein inflexions become lost, and are re-
placed by separate words. — Here case-endings, like the i in
patr-i, are replaced by prepositions (in some cases by post-
positions), like the to in to father; and personal endings, like
the o in voc-o, are replaced by pronouns, like the / in / call.

Of the first of these stages, the Chinese is the language
which affords the most typical specimen that can be found
in the present late date of languages — late , considering that
we are looking for a sample of its earliest forms.

Of the last of these stages the English of the year 1849
affords the most typical specimen that can be found in the
present early date of language — early, considering that we
are looking for a sample of its latest forms.

Of the second of these stages we must take two languages
as the samples.

1. Tlie Greek. — Here we have the inflexional character in
its most perfect form; ?'. e., the existence, as separate words,
of those sounds and syllables that form inflexions is at its
maximum of concealment; i. e., their amalgamation with the
primary word (the essence of inflexion) is most perfect.

2. The Circassian, Coptic, or Turkish.- — In one of these (it
is difficult to say which) the existence as separate words of
those sounds and syllables which form inflexions, is at its
minimum of concealment; i. e., their amalgamation with the
primary word (the essence of inflexion) being most imperfect.

This classification is, necessarily, liable to an element of
confusion common to all classifications where the evidence
is not exactly of the sort required by the nature of the ques-
tion. The nature of the question here dealt with requires
the evidence of the historical kind, i. e. , direct testimony
The only evidence, however, we can get at is indirect and
inferential. This engenders the following difficulty. The

150 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION &C.

newest language of (say) the languages of the secondary
formation may be nearer in chronology, to the oldest lan-
guage of the third, than to the first formed language of its
own class. Indeed, unless we assume the suspension of all
change for long epochs, and that those coincide with the
periods at which certain languages are given off from their
parent stocks, such must be the case.

Now, although this is a difficulty, it is no greater diffi-
culty than the geologists must put up with. With them also
there are the phenomena of transition, and such phenomena
engender unavoidable complications. They do so, however,
without overthrowing the principles of their classification.

The position of a language in respect to its stage of de-
velopment is one thing, — the position in respect to its al-
lied tongues another.

Two languages may be in the same stage (and, as such,
agree), yet be very distant from each other in respect to
affiliation or affinity. Stage for stage the French is more
closely connected with the English, than the English with
the Moeso-Gothic. In the way of affiliation, the converse is
the case.

Languages are allied (or, what is the same thing, bear
evidence of their alliance), according to the number of forms
that they have in common; since (subject to one exception)
these common forms must have been taken from the com-
mon mother-tongue.

Two languages separated from the common mother-tongue,
subsequent to the evolution of {say) a form for the dative
case, are more allied than two languages similarly spparated
anterior to such an evolution.

Subject to one exception. This means, that it is possible
that two languages may appear under certain circumstances
more allied than they really are, and vice versa.

They may appear more allied than they really are, when,
after separating from the common mother-tongue during the
ante-inflexionai stage, they develop their inflexions on the
same principle, although independently. This case is more pos-
sible than proved.

They may appear less allied than they really are, when,
although separated from the common mother-tongue after
the evolution of a considerable amount of inflexion, each
taking with it those inflexions, the one may retain them,
whilst the other loses them in toto. This case also is more
possible than proved.

Each of these cases involves a complex question in phi-

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION &C. 151

lology : — the one the phenomena connected with the rate of
change ; the other the uniformity of independent processes.

These questions are likely to affect future researches more
than they have affected the researches hitherto established.
Another question has affected the researches hitherto esta-
blished more than it is likely to affect future ones. This is
the question as to the fundamental unity , or non-unity of lan-
guage. Upon this the present writer has expressed an opi-
nion elsewhere. At present he suggests that the more the
general unity of the human language is admitted, the clearer
will be the way for those who work at the details of the
different affiliations. As long as it is an open question, whe-
ther one class of languages be wholly unconnected with others,
any connection engenders an inclination to arrange it under
the group previously recognised. I believe that this deter-
mined the position of the Celtic in the Indo-European group.
I have great doubts whether if some affinity had been re-
cognised from the beginning, it would even have stood where
it now does. The question, when Dr. Prichard undertook
his investigations, was not so much whether the Celtic was
in the exact ratio to any or all of the then recognised Eu-
ropean languages in which they were to each other, but
whether it was in any relation at all. This being proved,
it fell into the class at once.

The present writer believes that the Celtic tongues were
separated from their mother-tongue at a comparatively early
period of the second stage ; i. e. , when but few inflexions
had been evolved; whilst the Classic, Gothic, Lithuano-Sla-
vonic (Sarmatian), and Indo-Persian (Iranian) were separa-
ted at comparatively late periods of the same stage, i. e.,
when many inflexions had been evolved.

Hence he believes that, in order to admit the Celtic, the
meaning of the term Indo-European was extended.

Regretting this (at the same time admitting that the Cel-
tic tongue is more Indo-European than any thing else), he be-
lieves that it is too late to go back to the older and more
restricted use of the term; and suggests (as the next best
change), the propriety of considering the Indo-European
class as divided into two divisions , the older containing the
Celtic , the newer containing the Iranian , Classical , Sarma-
tian, and Gothic tongues. All further extensions of the term
he believes to be prejudicial to future philology; believing
also that all supposed additions to the Indo-European class
have (with the exception , perhaps , of the Armenian) invol-
ved such farther extension.

TRACES OF A BILINGUAL TOWN IN
ENGLAND.

BEAD AT THE

MEETING OF THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION FOR THE
ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE 1853.

It is well-known that the termination -by as the name
of a village or town is a sign of Danish occupancy. At
the present time it means town in Scandinavia; and Christi-
ania or Copenhagen is called By, or Byen, = the town,
capital, or metropolis. The English form is -ton. When an
Angle said New/cm, a Dane said NewSy. The distribution of
the forms in -by has already commanded much attention ; so
that it is not the intention of the present writer to say much
about it.

Along, however, with this form go others; e. g.

The English Ship becomes in Danish Skip as in Skipton

— Fish — Fisk — Fiskerlon

— Worm — Orm — Ormsby

— Church — Kirk — Ormskirk
&c. &c.

In like manner the Roman castra becomes —
In English Chester or cester, in Danish caster and caistor.
Contrast the forms T&dcasler, Lancaster &c. with Chester, or
Bicester and this difference becomes apparent.

Now the river Ouse in the parts about Wansford sepa-
rates the counties of Huntingdon and Northampton — in the
former of which no place ending in- by is to be found, and
all the castra are Chester; as Go&m&nchester. In Northamp-
tonshire, on the other hand, the Danish forms in -by are
common, and the castra are caistor, or caster. All the Da-
nish is on one side. Nothing is Danish on the other. The
river has every appearance of having formed a frontier. On
it lay the Roman station of Durobrivis — with, probably,
castra on each side. At any rate, there are, at the present
moment, two villages wherein that term appears. On the
Huntingdon side is the village of Chesterton (English). On
the Northampton side is that of Caistor (Danish).

ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL POSITION OF

CERTAIN TRIBES ON THE GARROW

HILLS.

READ AT THE

MEETING OF THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION FOR

THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE HELD

AT YORK 1844.

The affinities of the Garrow language, a language which
Klaproth in his Asia Polyglotta leaves unplaced, are with
the Tibetan.

The bearings of this will be found in the next notice.

NOTE (1859).

This was written before I had seen Brown's Tables — wherein the
affinity is virtually, though not directly affirmed.

ON THE TRANSITION BETWEEN THE

TIBETAN AND INDIAN FAMILIES IN

RESPECT TO CONFORMATION.

BRITISH ASSOCIATION — BIRMINGHAM 1849.

The remarks of Mr. Hodgson on the Kooch, Bodo, and
Dhimal, along with some of Dr. Bird's on the monosyllabic
affinities of the Tamulian languages have an important be-
aring on this question. So have the accounts of the Chepang
and Garo tribes. The phenomena are those of transition.

We have a practical instance of this in the doctrine laid down
by Mr. Hodgson in his valuable monograph. In this, he makes
the Bodo a Tamulian i. e. a member of the same family with
the hill-tribes of India and the Dekhan; meaning thereby the
aborigines of India, contrasted with the populations to which
he ascribes the Sanskrit language and the Hindu physiog-
nomy. In the Tamulian form there is "a somewhat lozenge
"contour, caused by the large cheek-bones" — "a broader flatter
"face" — "eyes less evenly crossing the face in their line
"of picture" — "beard deficient" — "with regard to the pe-
culiar races of the latter" (i. e. the Tamulians) "it can only
"be safely said that the mountaineers exhibit the Mongolian
"type of mankind more distinctly than the lowlanders, and
"that they have, in general, a paler yellower hue than the
"latter, amongst whom there are some (individuals at least)
"who are nearly as black as negroes." — The Bodo are scarce-
ly darker than the mountaineers above them — whom
"they resemble — only with all the physiognomical characte-
ristics softened down. — The Kols have a similar cast of
"face."

This is the evidence of a competent observer to the fact
of the Bodo &c. being, more or less, what is called Mongol;
all the more valuable because he had not, then, recognized
their language as monosyllabic. Meanwhile he never separ-

ON THE TRANSITION BETWEEN THE TIBETAN AND INDIAN &C. 155

ates them from the Kols &c. but always connects the two.
In other words, he gives us so much evidence to the fact of
the Kols &c. being, more or less, Mongol also. But the
Kols are the aborigines of India; whilst the Bodo are Ti-
betan.

NOTE (1859).

Recent researches have a. tendency to make the Kols less Tamul and
more Tibetan than they ^vere held to be in 1849.

ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES
OF CAUCASUS WITH TFIE MONOSYL-
LABIC LANGUAGES.

BEAD AT THE

MEETING OF THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION AT
CAMBRIDGE 1845.

Taking the samples of the Georgian, Lesgian, Mizhdzhe-
dzhi, and Circassian classes as we find them in the Asia
Polyglotta and comparing them with the specimens of the
monosyllabic languages in the same work, in Brown's Tables,
and in Leyden's paper on the Indo-Chinese Languages, we
find the following coincidences. *

1.

English , sky

Circassian, whapeh, rvuafe

English, fire
I. Absnd, mza

2.

Aka, aupa

Circassian, mafa

Khamti, fa

2. Khamti, fai

1.

English, sky
Absne\ kaukh

Siam, fai
Aka, umma

2.

Altekesek, hak
Akush, kaka

Aber, erne
Burmese, mi

1.
2.

Burmese, kydukkhe
English, sky
Tshetslientsh, tulak
Koreng, talo

Karyen, me
Manipur, mai
Songphu, mai
Kapwi, &c, mai

Khoibu , thullung
English, sun

English, day
I. Tshetslientsh , dini

1.

Georgian, mse
Mingrelian, bsha

Ingush, den
Kasikumuk , kini

Suanic , mizh

2. Koreng, nin

2.

Kuan-chua, zhi

Jili, tana

Sianlo , suu

Singplio, sini

* In the Asiatic Transactions of Bengal and the Asiatic Researches.
— Figure 1. denotes the Caucasian, Figure 2. monosyllahic forms of
speech. This list was first published in 1850, in my Varieties of Man — pp
123—128.

ON THE AFFINITIES OP THE LANGUAGES OP CAUCASUS &C. 1 57

English, day

1. Andi, thyal

2. Garo, salo

English, moon

1. Georgian, ttvai = month
Suanic , ttvai

2. Moitay, ta

English , star

1. Kasikumuk , zuka

2. Garo , asake
Jili, sakan
Singpho, sagan

English , hill

1 . Kasikumuk , sunlu

2. Chinese , shan

English , earth

1. Absne, tshullah
Altekesek , tzula

2. Kapwi, talai
Khoibu, thalai

English, earth

1. Andi, zkhur

2. Mishimi, lari

English , earth

1. Dido, tshedo

2. Koreng, kadi

English, snow

1. Lesgian, asu
Circassian, uas
Abassian, asse

2. Chinese, sirve

English, salt

1 . Lesgian * (3) , zam

2. Chinese, yan

English, salt

1. Kabutsh, tshea
Dido, zio
Kasikumuk, psu
Akush, dze

2. Tibetan, tsha

English, dust

1. Tshetshentsh , Ishen

2. Chinese tshin
English , sand

1. Avar, tshimig

2. Tibetan, bydzoma
English, sand

1 . Circassian , pshakhoh

2. Chinese, sha
English , leaf

1. Tshetshentsh, ga
Ingush, ga

2. Chinese, ye
English , tree

1. Mizjeji, che
Circassian, dzeg

2. Chinese, shu
English, stone

1 . Andi , hinzo

2. Siamese, hin
I English, sea

1. Georgian, sgrva

2. Chinese, shuy^= water
Tibet, ciz=zdo

Mon, zhe=do
Ava, te=do
English, river

1 . Anzukh , or kyare
Avar, hor, khor

2. Champ hung, urai
English, river

1. Abassian, aji

2. Tibetan, tshavo

English , river

1. Altekesek, sedu
Absne 1 dzedu

2. Songphu, duidai

English, water

1. Kasikumuk, sin
Akush, shen
Kubitsh, tzun, sin

2. Singpho, ntsin

* This means in three dialects.

158 ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OV CAUCASUS &C.

Jill , mchin
Manipur, ising

English , water
J. Absne^ dzeh
2. Songphu, dui

Kapwi, tui

Tankhul , tu

English , water

1. Mizjeji, chi

2. Garo , chi

English, rain

1. Andi, za
Ingush, du
Abassian, kua

2. Chinese, yu

English , summer

1. Tushi, chko
Mizjeji, achke

2. Chinese, chia

English, winter

1. Anzukh, tlin
Andi, klinu
Kasikumuk, kintul
Akush, chani
Absne\ gene

2. Tibetan, r gun
Chinese, timg

English, cow

1. Circassian, bsa

2. Tibetan, r shu

English, dog

1. Avar, choi
Andi, choi
Dido, gmai
Kubitsh, koy
Circassian , khhah

2. Chinese, keu
Tibetan, kyi

English, horse

1. Lesgian, tshu
Circassian , tshe , shu

2. Tibetan , r dda

English, bird

1. Avar, hedo

2. Tankhul, ata

English, bird

1 . Andi , pur lie

2. Abor, petlang
Aka, put ah

English, fish

1. Avar, Ishua
Circassian, bbzheh

2. Khamti , pa
Siamese, pla
Aka, ngay
Abor, engo
Burmese, nga
Karyen , nga
Singpho , nga
Songphu, kha
Mishimi, la
Maram, khai
Luhuppa, khai
Tankhul, khi
Anam, khi

English, flesh

1. Kabutsh, kho
Abassian, zheh

2. Chinese, shou
Tibetan, zhsha

English, egg

1 . Tshetshentsh , khua

2. Khamti, khai
Siamese, khai

English, egg

1. Kabutsh, tshemuza

2. Mishimi, mlinmaie

English, egg

1. Akush, dukhi

2. Garo , to ka

English, son

1. Mizjeji, ua, woe

2. Tibetan, bu

English , hair
1. Kasikumuk, tshara

ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &C. 1 59

2. Jili, kara
Singpho , kara

English, hair

1. Avar, sab
Anzukh, sab
Tshari, sab

2. Burmese, shaben
Manipur, sam
Songpho (6) , sam

English, hair

1. Tshetshentsh, kazeresh

2. Karyen, khosu
Tankhul , kosen

English, head

1. Georgian, tawi
Lazic, ti
Suanic, ichum

2. Chinese , ten , seu
Anam, tu d u
Ava, kang (5)

English , head

1. Andi, mier, mawr

2. Assam, mur

English , head

1. Absne, leak, aka
Altekesek, zeka

2. Karen, kho
Manipur, kok
Tankhul, akao

English, mouth

1. Lesgian, kail

2. Chinese, keu
Anamese, kau
Tibetan , ka

English, mouth

1. Tushi, bak

2. Teina, pak

English , mouth

1. Georgian, piri
Mingrelian , pidehi
Suanic, pil

2. Ava, paral (4)

English, mouth

1. Kubitsh, mole

2. Khoibu, mur
Maring, mur

English , mouth

1. Andi, kol , tkol
Lesgian (3) , kaal

2. Manipur, chil

English, eye

1. Andi, puni

2. Chinese, yan

English, ear

1. Avar, een, ain, en
Anzukh, in
Tshari ,- een , ein
Andi, kanka, andika

2. Burmese, na
Karen , naku
Singpho, na
Songphu , anhukon
Kapwi, kana
Koreng, Icon
Maram, inkon
Champhung, khunu
Luhuppa, khana
Tankhul, akhana
Koibu, khana

English, tooth

1. Lesgian (3) , sibi
Avar , zavi
Circassian, dzeh

2. Tibetan , so
Chinese, tshi

English, tongue

1. Circassian, bbse
Absne\ ibs

2. Tibetan, rdzhe
Chinese, shi

English, foot

1. Kasikumuk, dzhan

2. Khamti, tin

English, foot
I. Mizjeji (3), kog, koeg

160 ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &C.

2. Manipur, khong
Tankhul, akho

English, foot

1. Andi, tsheka
Kubitsh, tag
Jili, takkhyai

2. Garo , jachok

English, foot

1. Georgian , pechi

2. Maplu , poka = leg

English, finger

1, Mingrelian , kill
Moitay, khoit = hand

2. Play, kozu^=-do

English, hand

1. Georgian, che'li
Lazic, ieh
Mingrelian , che
Suanic, shi

2. Chinese , slieu

English . hand

1. Andi, kalshu
Kabutsh, koda

2. Khoibu, khut
Manipur, khut

English, blood

1. Absne\ tsha, sha
Tshetshentsh, zi
Ingus, zi

2. Singpho, sai
Songpho , zyai
Kapwi, the
Maram, azyi
Champ hung, azi
Luhuppa, ashi
Tankhul, asu

English, blood

1 . Dido , e

2. Manipur, i
Koibu, hi
Maring, hi

English, blood
1. Tshetshentsh, yioh

Circassian, tlih
2. Chinese, chine

English, skin

1. Circassian, ffeh

2. Chinese , pi

English , skin

1. Dido, bik

2. Tibetan , shbagsbba

English , bone

1. Tshetshentsh, dyackt
Ingush, tekhh
Akiish, likka
Tshari, rekka

2. Khamti, nuk
Siamese, kraduk

English, great

1. Georgian, didi
Mingrelian , didi

2. Canton , ta
Kuan-chua, ta, da
Tonkin, drai
Cochin-chinese , dai
Tibet, ce

Ava , kyi (5)
Play, du
Teina, to

English, bad

1. Mingrelian, moglach
Suanic, choya

2. Chinese , go gok
Mon , kah

Ava, makaung (4)

— gye (2)

English, warm

1. Ingush, tau

2. Tibetan, dzho

English, blue

1. Mizjeji (3), siene

2. Chinese, zing
Tibetan , sniongbba

English, yellow
I . Circassian , khozh

ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &C. 161

2. Abassian , kha
Chinese, chuang

English, green

1. Avar, ursheria
Anzukli, ordjin
Ingush, send

2. Tibetan, shjanggu

English, below

1. Georgian, krvervrt, krverno

2. Ava, haukma
Yo, auk
Passuko, hoko
Kolau'n, akoa

English , one

1. Lesgian, zo
Akush, za
Andi, sew
Dido , zis
Kasikumuk, zabd
Mizjeji, tza
Abassian , seka

2. Tibetan, dzig

English , three

1. Georgian , sami
Lazic , jam
Mingrelian , sami
Suanic, semi

2. Canton Chinese , sam
Kuanchua, san

Tonkin , tarn
Tibetan, sum
M6n , sum
Ava, thaum
Siam , sam

English, four
J . Abassian , pshi ba
2. Tibetan, bshi

Chinese, szu

English, five

1. Georgian, chuthi
Lazic, chut
Mingrelian, chuthi
Suanic, rvochu'si

2. Ava, yadu

English, six

1. Tshetshentsh , yatsh
Ingush, yatsh
Tushi, itsh

2. Tibetan, dzhug

English, nine

1. Circassian, bgu

2. Tibetan , rgu
Chinese , kieu

•English, ten

1 . Circassian , pshe
Abassian , zheba

2. Tibetan , bdzhu
Chinese, shi

ADDENDA (1859).

The limited amount of the data must be borne in mind.
As has been stated , no vocabularies beyond those of the foer
works enumerated were used. Had the comparison been moru
extended , the evidence of the Tibetan affinities of the languages
under notice would have been stronger. That this would have
been the case has since been proved.

In 184-9, just before the publication of my Varieties of Man,
I found from my friend Mr. Norris that, upon grammatical grounds,

11

] 62 ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &C.

he had come to the same conclusion. A reference to the , then,
recently published contributions of Rosen satisfied me that this
was the case. The following is an abstract of his exposition of
the structure of (l) the Iron , and (2) the Circassian.

(')

IRON.

The Declension of Substantives is as follows;

Singular.

Plural.

Nom.

fid (father)

fid-t'-a

Gen.

fid-i

fid-t'-i

Bat.

fid-(5n

fid-t' -am

Abl.

fid-ei

fid-t'-ei.

Nom. moi (husband) moi-t -a

Gen. moi-i moi-t'-i

Bat. moi-dn moi-t -am

Abl. moi-<$i moi-t -el.

The Comparative Degree is formed by the addition of
-dar; as chorz=good, clwrz-dar=better.

The pronouns of the two first persons are as follows;

1. Az = I. Defective in. the oblique cases. Man or ma,
defective.

2. Z>«'=Thou. Defective in the nominative singular.

Sing.

Plural.

Nom.

—

mach

Gen.

man-i

mach-i

Bat.

man -an

mach-en

Accus.

man

mach

Abl.

man-^i

mach-ei.

Nom.

di

si-mach

Gen.

daw-i *

si-mach-i

Bat.

daw-on

si-mach-dn

Accus.

daw

si-mach

Abl.

daw-ei

si-mach-^i.

The signs of the persons of the verbs are -in,
tu , -inc ; e. g.

-am

* Or dachi.

ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &C. 163

qus-in = aud-z'o
qus-is = aud-is
qus-i = aud-?7

qua-am = imA-imus
qus-ul' = aud-«fts
qus-mc = aud-z'ra/.

terite r,» ? , u 80Und of * 7 ^ s t0 f °™ tl,e Iron pre-
Tearc ? wlrt, tT + e r ° 0t *""' 0r the form #-9™-^ = /

ofTt 2 a LTf s > w a e see ' at once ' that the additio »

Beyond this, the tenses become complicated: and that
because they are evidently formed by the agglutination of

oTmed brjffi ! • Ae t r CaUed • impe ^ Ct be 4 -douSedly
TU™ ^ + affix , ln f /he preterite form of the word to make.

from ?U« M Ut T 6 SGem t0 be Similarlv formed > dele
trom the auxiliary =be; as may be collected from the follo-
wing paradigms.

i>/wr«Z - Present , st-am, st-ut, i-st-i = sumus, estis, sunt.
Singular -Preterite, u-t-an, u-t-as, u-d-i = fui, fuisli, fuit.
lingular - Future , u-gm-an, u-gin-as, u-gen-i = ero, eris, erit.
Imperative f au = esto.

Root, k an = make.
Preterite, = s-k'o-t-on, * s-kVt-ai, s-k'o-t-a = feci, fecisti, fecit.

3.
Root , kus i= hear.

INDICATIVE.

Sing.
Present, J. qus-in

2. qus-ts

3. qus-j*
Imperfect, I. qus-ga-k' o-t-on

2. qus-ga-k o-t-ai

3. qus-g'a-Ar'o-t-a
Perfect, 1. %-qus-i-on

2. fe-^ws-t-az

3. fd-g'ws-t-a
Future, I. b&i-qus-g in-an

:'. bai-jws-f/ «rc-as
3. bai-^ws-^Vrc-z

Plural.

qus-am.
qus-«<
qus-inc .
qus-ga-k o-t-am
qus-ga-k o-t-al
qus-ga-k' o-t-oi
i'6-qus-t-am
fe-qus-t-af
fi-qus-t-oi
b&i-qus-g'i-stam
hai-qus-g'i-stut
hai-qus-g i-sti

* Or fa-ko-t-on, &c.

11

164 ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &C.

CONJUNCTIVE.

Sing. Plural.

Present, I. qus-on qus -am

2. qus-ai qus -at

3. qus-ai qus-oi.
Imperfect, I. qus-ga-k an-on qus-ga-Jc an-am

2. quB-ga-k an-ai qas-ga-k an-ai

3. cjus-ga-k'an-a qus-ga-k an-oi

IMPERATIVE.

1. — hai-qus-am

2. bai-gws . bsd-qus-ut

3. bai-^ws-a bai-yws-ot

Infinitive, qus-i'rc. ,
Participles, qyis-ag, qus-jjwitf , qus-in-«<7.

(2)
CIRCASSIAN.

In the Absne dialect ab = father , ace, — horse ; ab dcS
= father's horse, (verbally, father horse). Here position does
the work of an inflection.

The use of prepositions is as limited as that of inflec-
tions, sara s-ab dee istap I my-father horse give, or giving
am; abna amusrv izbit=rvood bear see-did = I saw a bear in
the wood; awine wi as wke = (in) house two doors; dee sis' lit =
(on) horse mount I-did.

Hence, declension begins with the formation of the plural
number. This consists in the addition of the syllable //wa.

Ace = horse ; dce-k wa = horses.
Atsla = tree ; aslla-k wa = trees.
Awinli = house ; awine-k wa = houses.

In the pronouns there is as little inflection as in the sub-
stantives and adjectives, i.e. there are no forms correspond-
ding to mihi, nobis, &c.

1. When the pronoun signifies possession, it takes an in-
separable form, is incorporated with the substantive that
agrees with it, and is s- for the first, w- for the second,
and £-for the third, person singular. Then for the plural it
s h- for the first person, s- for the second, r- for the
third : ab = father;

ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &„. 165

Sjb = my father; h -ab = our f(Uh

W-ab = thy father,- ,'_ a6 = tJ0ur father

1-ab = his (her) father; r-ab = their father.

lai^Xo™ter nOUn " g0Vemed * a VCrb ' * is simi -

r i^ C ?' * he only inseparable form of the personal pro-

the forms tre S ° VernS the verb> In this ^ ase

Sa-ra = I # a _ m _. we

fFa-ra = thou tf«- rM = ye

*7» = he

Tl-bart = they.

In s«-ra, wa-ra ha-ra, ia-ra, the -r« is non radical,
ihe word u-bart is a compound.

The ordinal = first is achani. This seems formed from
aka = owe.

The ordinal = second is «^«. This seems unconnected with
the word »i- = two; just as in English, second has no ety-
mological connection with two.

The remaining ordinals are formed, by affixing -nto, (and
(in some case) prefixing -a ; as

Cardinals. Ordinals.

3, Chi-fta* A-chi-nto

~V f *

4, P s i-6« A-^si-nto

5, Chu-6o J-cliu-tao

6, F-6« F-«"«<o

7, Bis' -6a Bs-wtfo

8, Aa-6a A-n-nlo

9, S'-6a S'b-into
10, S wa-6a Sw-e«fo.

In the Absne verbs the distinction of time is the only
distinction denoted by any approach to the character of an
inflection ; and here the change has so thoroughly the ap-
pearance of having been effected by the addition of some
separate and independent words, that it is doubtful whether
any of the following forms can be considered as true inflec-
tions.

Boot , C'wis 1 = ride

1. Present, C'wis 1-ajt? = I ride-f=equito.

2. Present, C'wis 1-oil = I am riding.

* Non-radical. f Or , am in the habit of riding.

166 ON THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &C.

Imperfect, C'wis Van = equitabam.

Perfect, C'wis \-it = equilavi.

Plusquamperfecl , C'wis Vchen = equitaveram.
Future, C'wis Vas t = equitabo.

The person and number is shown by the pronoun. And
here must be noticed a complication. The pronoun appears
in two forms: —

1st. In full, sara, rvara &c.

2nd. As an inseparable prefix; the radical letter being
prefixed and incorporated with the verb. It cannot, however,
be said that this is a true inflexion.

1.

Sing. 1. sara s-cvrisVoit = I ride

2. tvara u-cwisl-oit = thou ridest

3. ui j'-c'wisl-<M( = he rides.

2.

Plur. 1. hara ha-c wisVoit = me ride

2. s ara s -c v/isl-oit = ye ride

3. ubart r-cwisl-Oi7 = they ride

In respect to the name of the class under notice I sug-
gested in 1850 the term Dioseurian from the ancient Dios-
curias. There it was that the chief commerce between the
Greeks and Romans, and the natives of the Caucasian range
took place. According to Pliny, it was carried on by thirty
interpreters, so numerous were the languages. The great
multiplicity of mutually unintelligible tongues is still one
of the characteristics of the parts in question. To have
used the word Caucasian would have been correct, but in-
convenient. It is already /raw-applied in another sense, i.
e., for the sake of denoting the so-called Caucasian race, con-
sisting, or said to consist, of Jews, Greeks, Circassians,
Scotchmen, ancient Eomans, and other heterogeneous ele-
ments.

In his paper on the Mongolian Affinities of the Cauca-
sians, published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal (1853) Mr. Hodgson has both confirmed and deve-
loped the doctrine here indicated — his data on the side of
Caucasus being those of the Asia Polyglotta, but those on the
side of Tibet and China being vastly augmented; and that,
to a great extent, through his own efforts and researches.

Upon the evidence of Mr. Hodgson I lay more than or-

OS THE AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES OF CAUCASUS &C. 167

dinary value; not merely on the strength of his acumen
and acquirements in general, but from the fact of his ex-
professo studies as a naturalist leading him to over-value
rather than under-value those differences of physical confor-
mation that (to take extreme forms) contrast the Georgian
and Circassian noble with the Chinese, or Tibetan labourer.
Nevertheless, his evidence is decided.

ON THE TUSHI LANGUAGE.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

FEBRUARY THE loTH. 1858.

So little light has been thrown upon the languages of
Caucasus, that a publication of the year 1856, entitled Ver-
such uber die Thusch-Spruche , by A. Schieffner, may be allow-
ed to stand as a text for a short commentary.

The Tushi is a language belonging to the least known of
the five classes into which Klaproth, in his Asia Polyglotta,
distributes the languages of Caucasus: viz. (1.) the Geor-
gian. (2.) the Osset or Iron. (3) the Lesgian. (4.) the
Mizhdzhedzhi. And (5.) the Tsherkess or Circassian. It is
to the fourth of these that the Tushi belongs; the particular
district in which it is spoken being that of Tzowa, where
it is in contact with the Georgian of Georgia; from which,
as well as from the Russian, it has adopted several words.

The data consist in communications from a native of the
district, Georg Ziskorow, with whom the author came in
contact at St. Petersburg. They have supplied a gramma-
tical sketch, a short lexicon, and some specimens in the
way of composition, consisting of translations of portions
of the Gospels, and two short tales of an Arabic or Persian
rather than a truly native character. They are accompanied
by a German translation.

Taking the groups as we find them in Klaproth , we may
ask what amount of illustration each has received in respect
to its grammar. In respect to the vocabularies, the Asia
Polyglotta gives us specimens of them all.

The Georgian has long been known through the grammar
of Maggi, published upwards of two centuries ago. The
researches of Rosen on its several dialects are quite recent.
Of the Iron there is a copious dictionary by Sjogren, and

ON THE TUSHI LANGUAGE. 169

a short sketch of its grammar by Rosen. The alphabet is
Russian, with additions. Rosen has also given a gramma-
tical sketch of the Circassian. This, however, as well as
his notice of the Osset, is exceedingly brief. Of the Les-
gian we have no grammar at all; and of the Mizhdzhedzhi,
or Tshetshent group , the first grammatical sketch is the one
before us.

The alphabet is the ordinary Roman modified; the work
being addressed to the Russians rather than the natives, and
to the European savans in general rather than to the Rus-
sians. Otherwise the Georgian alphabet might have been
used with advantage; for it is especially stated that the Geor-
gian and Tushi sound-systelns are alike. The modifications
to which our own alphabet has been subjected, are those
that Castren has made in his Samoyed grammar and lexicon.
So that we may say that it is in Castren's Samoyed mode
of writing that Schieffner's Tushi grammar and lexicon are
exhibited.

In respect to the general relations of the language, the
evidence of the work under notice is confirmatory (though
not absolutely) of the views to which the present writer has
committed himself, viz. — (1.) that the languages of Cau-
casus in general are so nearly wsoMO-syllabic as to be with
fitness designated 7?tfMro-syllabic ; (2.) that the distinction
drawn by Klaproth between the Mizhdzhedzhi and Lesgian
groups is untenable; both belonging to the same class, a fact
by which the philologic ethnography of Caucasus is, pro
tanto , simplified. Upon the first of these points Schieffner
writes, that the avoidance of polysyllabic forms has intro-
duced all manner of abbreviations in the language ; upon
the second, that the little he has seen of the Lesgian grammar
induces him to connect it with the Tshetshents. It should
be added, however, that in respect to its monosyllabic cha-
racter, he maintains that the shortness of many of its words
is due to a secondary process; so that the older form of
the language was more polysyllabic than the present.

Of the chief details., the formation of the cases of the nouns
comes first. The declension of the personal pronouns is as
follows. With a slight modification it is that of the ordi-
nary substantive as well. 4

SINGULAR. 1. ..'■,.

Nominative . so •' * ■

Genitive .... sai - .'• ■

THOU.

HE.

ho

. . . 0.

hai ....

oxu.

. . . .

170

ON THE TUSHI LANGUAGE.

SINGULAR.
Dative . . . .

Instructive

Affective. .
Allative . .

Elative . . .
Comitative.

Terminative.
Adessive . . .
Ablative . . .

I. THOU. . HE.

son hon oxun.

sona ouxna.

as all oxus.

asa alia oxuse.

ouxse.

sox box oxux.

sogo hogo oxugo.

ouxgo.

soxi hoxi ouxxi.

oxxi (?).

soci hoci oxuei.

ouxci.

oxci (?).

sogomci hogomci. . . . ouxgomci.

sogoh hogoh ouxgoh.

sogredah hogredah . . . ouxgore.

ouxgoredah.

I'LUJiAL.

Nominative
Genitive
Dative .

Instructive

Affective .
Allative .
Illative . .
Elative. .
Comitative
Adessive .
Inessive (c
Ablative (c

Elative (c.)
Conversive.

wai
wai
wain

waigo

wailo

waixi

waici

waigoli

wail oil

waigre

wailre
waigoih

'txo . .
'txai. .
'txon .

a'txo .

'txox .
'txogo
'txolo .
'tzoxi .
'txoci .
'txogoh
'txoloh
'txogre

'txolre
'txogoih

YE. THEY.

su obi.

Sui oxri.

sun oxarn.

suna

ais oxar.

asi oxra.

sux oxarx.

sugo oxargo.

sulo oxarlo.

suxi oxarxi.

suci oxarci.

sugoh oxargoli.

suloh oxarloh.

sugre oxargore.

oxardali.

sulre oliarlore.

sngoili ohargoih.

That some of these forms are no true inflexions, but ap-
pended prepositions, is speedily stated in the text. If so,
it is probable that, in another author or in a different dia-
lect, the number of eases will vary. At any rate, the ag-
glutinate character of the language is indicated. The nu-
merals are —

ON THE TUSHI LANGUAGE. 171

CARDINAL. ORDINAL.

1- clia duihre.

2. si silge.

3. xo xalge.

4. ahew .... dhewloge.

5. pxi pxilge.

6. jetx .... jeixloge.

7. worl .... worloge.

ORDINAL.

8. barl .... barloge.

9. iss issloge.

10. itt ittloge.

11. cha-itt . . cha-ittloge.

12. si-itt .... si-ittloge.
19. tqeexij. . . iqeexeloge.

20. tqa tqalge.

This as a word the author connects with the word lqo =
also, over again (auch, wiederum), as if it were 10 doubled,
which it most likely is. In like manner iqeexc is one from
twenty — undeviginti: —

100 = pxauztqa = 5 X 20.
200 = icatatq = 10 X 20.
300 = pxiiseatq = 12 X 20.
400 = tqauziq = 20 X 20.
500 — tqauzig pxauztqa = 20 X 20 + 100.
1000 = sac tqauziqa icaiqa = 2 X 400 + 200.

The commonest signs of the plural number are -*' and -si,
the latter = is in Tshetshents. The suffixes -ne and -bi,
the latter of which is found in Lesgian, is stated to be Geor-
gian in origin. No reason, however, against its being na-
tive is given.

In verbs, the simplest form is (as usual) the imperative.
Add to this -a, and you have the infinitive. The sign of
the conditional is he or h; that of the conjunctive le or /.

The tenses are —

(I.) Present, formed by adding -a or -u to the root: i. e.
to the imperative form, and changing the vowel.

(2.) Imperfect, by adding -r to the present.

(3.) Aorist, formed by the addition of -r to the

(4.) Perfect ; the formation of which is not expressly given,
but which is said to differ from the present in not changing
the vowel. However, we have the forms xet = find, xeii =
found; (perf.) xetin = found (aorist). From the participle of
the perfect is formed the 5 *|y, -

(5.) Pluperfect by adding -r.

(6.) The future is either the same as the present, or a
modification of it.

I give the names of those moods and tenses as I find
them. The language of the Latin grammar has, probably,
been too closely imitated.

The first and second persons are formed by appending

172 ON THE TUSHI LANGUAGE.

the pronouns either in the nominative or the instructive form.
That an oblique form of the pronoun should appear in the
personal inflexion of verbs is no more than what the re-
searches of the late Mr. Garnett, with which we are all so
familiar, have taught us to expect. At the same time , the
extent to which the instructive and nominative forms are
alike must be borne in mind. Let either be appended; and,
when so appended, undergo (under certain conditions) certain
modifications, and a double origin is simulated. That this
is the case in the instances of the work under notice is by
no means asserted. The possibility of its being so is sug-
gested.

The participle of the present tense is formed in -in; as
dago = eat , dagu-in — eating.

The participle of the preterite ends in -no; as xace = hear,
xac-no = heard.

There are auxiliary verbs, and no small amount of eupho-
nic changes; of which one, more especially, deserves notice.
It is connected with the gender of nouns. When certain
words (adjectives or the so-called verb substantive) follow
certain substantives, they change their initial. Thus hatxleen
n>&=the prophet is, hatxleensi b& = the prophets are, waso
rvn = the brother is , wasar ba, = the brothers are.

Again — naw ja, = the ship is, nawr j&=the ships are;
bstiuno j& = the wife is, bstee d& = the wives are.

This is said to indicate gender, but how do we know what
gender is? The words themselves have neither form nor
inflexion which indicates it. Say that instead of gender it
means sex, i. e. that the changes in question are regulated
by natural rather than grammatical characters. We still find
that the word naw is considered feminine — feminine and
inanimate. This, however, is grammatical rather than na-
tural, sex— "das weibliche Geschlecht wird bey unbelebten
Gegenstandeu auch im Plural durch/-, bei belebien durch
a ausgedriickt." Then follow the examples just given. How,
however, do we know that these words are feminine? It is
submitted that the explanation of this very interesting ini-
tial change has yet to be given. It recalls, however, to our
memory the practice of more languages than one, the Kel-
tic, the Wolofr, the Kafre, and several other African tongues,
wherein the change is initial , though not always on the same
principle.

So, also, the division of objects into animate and inanimate
recalls to our mind some African , and numerous American,
tongues.

Such is the notice of the first of the Mizhdzhedzhi or

ON THE TUSHI LANGUAGE. 173

Tshetshents (we may say Lesgian) forms of speech of which
the grammatical structure has been investigated; a notice
which suggests the question concerning its affinities and
classification.

The declension points to the Ugrian, or Fin, class of lan-
guages; with which not only the Tshetshents, but all the
other languages of Caucasus have long been known to have
miscellaneous affinities. The resemblance, however, may
be more apparent than real. The so-called cases may be
combinations of substantives and prepositions rather than
true inflexions, and the terminology may be more Ugrian
in form than in reality. Even if the powers of the cases
be the same, it will not prove much. Two languages expres-
sing a given number of the relations that two nouns may
bear to each other will, generally, express the same. Cases
are genitive, dative and the like all the world over — and
that independent of any philological affinity between the
languages in which they occur. The extent to which they
are also Caritive, Adessive and the like has yet to be in-
vestigated.

The Ugrian affinities, then, of the Tshetshents are indi-
rect; it being the languages of its immediate neighbourhood
with which it is more immediately connected. In the way
of vocabularies the lists of the Asia Polygloita have long been
competent to show this. In the way of grammar the evi-
dence is, still, far from complete. The Georgian, to which
Maggi gives no more than six cases, has a far scantier de-
clension than the Tushi, at least as it appears here. The
Circassian, according to Eosen, is still poorer.

In the verbs the general likeness is greater.

In the pronouns, however, the most definite similarity is
to be found ; as may be seen from the following forms in
the Circassian : —

]. S-ab=my father.
W-ab = thy father.
L-ab=:fa's father.

To which add —

Sa-r&=I.

Wa-ra.=thou.

Ui=he.

Ab = father.

2. H-ab =:<)!«• father.
$'-&h=yonr father.
S-ab = their father.

Ha-va,= n>e.
S ' a-ra,=ye.
£7-bart = they.

The amount of likeness hero is considerable. Oyer and
above the use of s for the first person singular , the s in the

174 ON THE TUSHI LANGUAGE.

second person plural should be noticed. So should the b and
r in the Circassian u-bart; both of which are plural elements
in the Tushi also.

Finally (as a point of general philology), the double forms
of the Tushi plurals wai and txo suggest the likelihood of
their being exclusive and inclusive; one denoting the speaker
but not the person spoken to, the other both the person
spoken to and the person who speaks ; plurals of this kind
being well known to be common in many of the ruder lan-
guages.

ON THE NAME AND NATION OF THE DA-

CIAN KING DECEBALUS, WITH NOTICES

OF THE AGATHYIISI AND ALANI.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
apeil 17th 1854.

The text of Herodotus places the Agathyrsi in Transyl-
vania (there or thereabouts). (See F. W. Newman On Scy-
thia and the surrounding Countries, according to Herodotus,
Philological Society's Proceedings, vol. i. p. 77.)

The subsequent authors speak of them as a people who
painted (tattooed ?) their bodies ; the usual epithet being picti.

The same epithet is applied to the Geloni; also a popula-
tion of the Scythia of Herodotus.

For accurate knowledge the locality of the Agathyrsans
was too remote — too remote until, at least, the date of the
Dacian wars ; but the Dacian wars are, themselves, eminently
imperfect in their details, and unsatisfactory in respect to
the authorities for them.

There is every reason, then, for a nation in the locality
of the Agathyrsi remaining obscure — in the same predica-
ment (say) with the Hyperborei, or with the occupants of
Thule.

But there is no reason for supposing the obliteration of
the people so called; nor yet for supposing a loss of its name,
whether native or otherwise.

Hence, when we get the details of Dacia we may reason-
ably look out for Agathyrsi.

How far must we expect to find their name unmodified?
This depends upon the population through whom the classi-
cal writers, whether Latin or Greek, derived it. Now it is
submitted, that if we find a notice of them in the fifth cen-
tury a. D., and that in an account relating to Dacia and

1 76 ON THE NAME AND NATION OF THE DACIAN KING &C. .

Pannonia, the medium has, probably, been different from
that through which Herodotus, amongst the Greek colonies
of the Black Sea, obtained his accounts. The details of this
difference of fnedium^are not very important, and the dis-
cussion of them would be episodical to the present paper,
if not irrelevant. It is enough to remark, that a difference
of medium is probable; and, as a consequence thereof, a dif-
ference in the form of the name.

This is preliminary and introductory to the notice of the
following passage of Priscus, to whom we owe the account
of one of the embassies to Attila — 'O tcqecs^vxsqos r)Q%£ xav
'Axar^iQav xal xav Xomcov i&vav vsfiopEvav xtjv tcqos
xov TLovxov 2L%v ! friwt]v. Another form (also in Priscus) is
'A%a\xLQOt. They are specially called Akatiri Hunni. Jor-
nandes' form is Acalziri.

Place for place, this gives us the Agathyrsi of Herodotus
as near as can be expected; and, name for name it does
the same : the inference being that the Akatziri of Priscus
are the descendants of the Agathyrsi of Herodotus. Of course,
evidence of any kind to the migration, extinction, or change
of name on the part of the population in question would in-
validate this view. Such evidence, however, has not been
produced, nor has the present writer succeeded in finding,
though he has sought for it.

Descendants then of the Agathyrsi, and ancestors of the
Akatziri may have formed part of the population of Dacia
when Domitian and Trajan fought against Decebalus ; a part
that may have been large or small, weak or powerful , ho-
mogeneous with the rest of Dacia or different from it. 'As-
suming it to have been different, it may still have supplied
soldiers — even leaders. Decebalus himself may as easily
have belonged to the Agathyrsan part of Dacia as to any
other. A very little evidence will turn the balance in so
obscure a point as the present.

Now, no German and no Slavonic dialects give us either
the meaning of the name Decebalus or any name like it. It
stands alone in European history. Where does it appear?
In the history of the Turks. The first known king of the
Turks bears the same name as the last of the Dacians. Di-
zdbulus (z/t£a/JovAos) was that khan of the Turks of Tartary
to whom Justinian sent an embassy when the Avars invaded
the Eastern empire.

This (as is freely admitted) is a small fact, if taken alone;
but this should not be done. The cumulative character of
the evidence in all matters of this kind should be borne in
mind, and the value of small facts measured by the extent

ON THE NAME AND NATION OP THE DACIAN KING &C. 177

to which they stand alone, or are strengthened by the coin-
cidence of others. In the latter case they assume importance
in proportion to the mutual support they give each other;
the value of any two being always more than double that
of either taken singly.

On the other hand, each must rest on some separate sub-
stantive evidence of its own. To say that Decebalus was an
Agathyrsan because the Agathyrsans were Turks, and that the
Agathyrsans mere Turks because Decebalus was one of them, is
illegitimate. There must be some special evidence in each
case, little or much.

Now the evidence that the Agalhyrsi were Turks lies in
the extent to which {a) they were Scythians (Skoloti), and
(b) the Scythians (Skoloti) were Turks ; — neither of which
facts is either universally admitted or universally denied.
The present writer, however, holds the Turk character of
the Agathyrsi on grounds wholly independent of anything in
the present paper; indeed, the suggestion that the Acalziri
are Agathyrsi is, not his, but Zeuss'. — (See Die Deutschen
und die Nachbarstamme , v. Bulgari, p. 714.)

If Agathyrs- be Akatzir- in some older, what is the latter
word in any newer form? — for such there probably is. Word
for word, it is probably the same as Khazar, a denomination
for an undoubtedly Turk tribe which occurs for the first
time in Theophanes : — Tovqxoi aito rrjg imag oig Xa^dgovg
ovofiu&vGiv. This is A. D. 626. Whether, however, the
same populations were denoted is uncertain. There are cer-
tain difficulties in the supposition that they were absolutely
identical.

It is not, however, necessary that they should be so. There
might be more than one division of a great stock , like the
Turk so called. Nay, they might have been populations
other than Turk so designated, provided only that there
were some Turk population in their neighbourhood so to call
them. More than this. The word may be current at the
present moment, though, of course, in a modified form. Sup-
pose it to have been the Turk translation of pictus; or rather,
suppose the word pictus to be the Latin translation of Aga-
thyrs- (Akatzir-) : what would the probable consequence be?
Even this , that whereever there was a painted (or tattooed)
population in the neighbourhood of any member of the great
Turk stock, the name, or something like it, might arise.
Be it so. If the members of the same Turk stock lay wide
apart, the corresponding painted or tattooed populations lying
wide apart also might taite the same name.

The details suggested by this line of criticism may form

12

178 ON THE NAME AND NATION OP THE DACIAN KING- &C.

the subject of another paper. In the present, the author
hazards a fresh observation — an observation on a population
often associated with the Agathyrsi, viz. the Geloni. Seeing
that we have such forms as Unni (the Greek form is Ovvvol,
not Ovvvol) and Chuni (=ffuns); Arpi and Carpi] Attuarii
and Chattuari, &c. ; and seeing the affinity between the sounds
of g and k; he believes that the word Geloni may take ano-
ther form and begin with a vowel (Eloni, Aldni). Seeing
that their locality is nearly that of the Alani of a latter pe-
riod ; seeing that the middle syllable in Alani (in one writer
at least) is long — aAxrjevTeg 'AXccvvol; seeing that Herodo-
tus, who mentions the Geloni, knows no Alani, whereas
the authors who describe the Alani make (with one excep-
tion about to be noticed) no mention of the Geloni, he iden-
tifies the two populations, Geloni and Alani, or vice versd.
He deduces something more from this root / — n (/I — v).
Let the name for the Alans have reached the Greeks of the
Euxine through two different dialects of some interjacent
language; let the form it took in Greek have been parisyl-
labic in one case, whereas it was imparisyllabic in the other,
and we have two plurals, one in -ot, as rilmvoL, 'Alavvot,
"AXolvol, and another in -eg, as relavEg,"Alavvsg,"Alaveg,
— possible, and even probable, modifications of the original
name, whatever that was. Now, name for name, Alavtg
comes very near ElliqvBg ; and in this similarity may lie the
explanation of the statement of Herodotus as to the existence
of certain Scythian Greeks ("E/Uijvfg Z,xv&ixl) — iv. 17. 108.

If so these Scythian Greeks were Alans.

The exception, indicated a few lines above, to the fact
of only one author mentioning both Geloni and Alani, is to
be found in Ammianus Marcellinus (xxxi. 2. 13. 14). The
passage is too long to quote. It is clear, however, that whilst
his Alani are spoken of from his own knowledge, his Geloni
are brought in from his book-learning, i. e. from Herodotus.

NOTES.

Note 1.

Evidence of any kind to the migration, extinction or change of name on
the part of the populations in question mould invalidate this view. Such evidence
has not been produced Sfc. — The fuller consideration of the question in-
volved in this statement is to be found in Dr. W. Smith's Dictionary
of Greek and Roman Geography vv. Hunni, Scythia, and Sarmatia.

NOTES. 179

Note 2.

The details suggested by this line of criticism Sfc. —There are to the effect
that in the word Agathyrsi we get an early Turk gloss, of which the
history is somewhat curious. It exists, at the present moment in Eng-
land, having come via Hungary. It exists in Siberia, on the very fron-
tier of the America.

It is the English word Hussar = Khazar. Here we have it in its ab-
breviated form.

It is the Siberian word Yukahir, Yukazhir, or Yukadzhir.

The "native name of the Yukahiri of Siberia is Andon Domni. The
Koriaks call them Alal. Their other neighbours are the Turk Yakuts.
Hence it is probable that it is to the Yakut language that the term
Yukahir (also Yukadzhir) is referrible. If so, its probable meaning is
the same as the Koriak Atal, which means spotted. It applies to the
Yukahiri from their spotted deerskin dresses.

Now, south of these same Yakuts, who are supposed to call the An-
don Domni by the name Yukahiri (or Yukadzhiri) , live a tribe of Tun-

gusians. These are called 1'shapodzhii but not by themselves. By

whom? By no one so probably as by the Yakuts. Why? Because they
tattoo themselves. If so , it is probable that Yukadzhir and Tshapodzhir
are one and the same word; at any rate, a likely meaning in a likely
language has been claimed for it.

Let it, then, be considered as a Turk word, meaning spotted, tattooed,
painted, — provisionally. It may appear in any part of the Turk area,
provided only, that some nation to which one of the three preceding ad-
jectives applies he found in its neighbourhood. It may appear, too, in any
state of any Turk form of speech. But there are Turk forms of speech
as far distant from the Lena and Tunguska as Syria or Constantinople;
and there are Turk glosses as old as Herodotus. One of these the pre-
sent writer believes to be the word Agathyrsi, being provided with spe-
cial evidence to shew that the nation so called were either themselves
Turks or on a Turk frontier. Now, the Agathyrsi are called the picti
Agathyrsi; and it is submitted to the reader that the one term is the
translation of the other — the words Agathyrs (also Akatzir), Yukadzhir,
and Tshapodzhir , being one and the same." — Prom the author's Native
Races of the Russian Empire.

N \

12*

ON THE LANGUAGE OF LANCASHIRE,
UNDER THE ROMANS.

READ

BEFORE THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF
LANCASHIRE AND CHESHIRE.

8TH JANUARY, 1857.

In the present paper, advantage is taken of the local cha-
racter of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire,
to make the name of the county serve as a special text for
a general subject. What applies to Lancashire applies to
any county in Roman England.

The doctrine is as follows — that in Lancashire particularly,
and in England in general, the predominant language for
the first five centuries of our era was not Latin but British.

The writer is so far from laying this down as a novelty,
that he is by no means certain, that it may not be almost
a truism, fie is by no means certain, that there is a single
one of those to whom he addresses himself, who may now
hold, or even have held, the opposite opinion. He is fully
aware that excellent authorities nave maintained both sides
of the question. He is only doubtful as to the extent to
which the one doctrine may preponderate over the other.

If the question were to be settled by an appeal to the
history of the more influential opinions concerning it, we
should find that, in a reference to the earliest and the latest
of our recent investigators, Dr. Prichard would maintain
one side of the question, Mr. Wright another. The paper
of the latter, having been printed in the Transactions of the
Society, is only alluded to. The opinion of Dr. Prichard is
conveyed in the following extract — C! The use of languages
really cognate must be allowed to furnish a proof, or at least
a strong presumption, of kindred race. Exceptions may in-

ON THE LANGUAGE OP LANCASHIRE , UNDER, THE ROMANS. 181

deed under very peculiar circumstances, occur to the inference
founded on this ground. For example, the French language
is likely to be the permanent idiom of the negro people of
St. Domingo, though the latter are principally of African
descent. Slaves imported from various districts in Africa,
having no common idiom, have adopted that of their masters.
But conquest, or even captivity, under different circum-
stances, has scarcely ever exterminated the native idiom of
any people, unless after many ages of subjection; and even
then, vestiges have perhaps always remained of its existence.
In Britain, the native idiom was nowhere superseded by the
Roman, though the island was held in subjection upwards
of three centuries. In Spain and in Gaul, several centuries of
Latin domination, and fifteen under German and other modern
dynasties, have proved insufficient entirely to obliterate the
ancient dialects, which were spoken by the native people before
the Roman conquest. Even the Gypsies, who have wandered
in small companies over Europe for some ages, still preserve
their original languape in a form that can be everywhere
recognised."*

Upon the whole, I think that the current opinion is in
favour of the language of Roman Britain having been Latin;
at any rate I am sure that, before I went very closely into
the subject, my own views were, at least, in that direction.
"What the present language of England would have been,
had the Norman conquest never taken place, the analogy of
Holland, Denmark, and many other countries enables us to
dermine. It would have been as it is at present. What it
would have been had the Saxon conquest never taken place,
is a question wherein there is far more speculation. Of
France, of Italy, of Wallachia, and of the Spanish Penin-
sula, the analogies all point the same way. They indicate
that the original Celtic would have been superseded by the
Latin of the Conquerors, and consequently that our language,
in its later stages, would have been neither British nor
Gaelic, but Roman. Upon these analogies, however, we
may refine. Italy was from the beginning, Roman; the
Spanish Peninsula was invaded full early; no ocean divided
Gaul from Rome; and the war against the ancestors of the
Wallachians was a war of extermination." f

In these preliminary remarks we find a sufficient reason
for going specially into the question; not, however, as dis-
coverers of any new truth , nor as those who would correct

* Eastern Origin of the Celtic Languages, p. 8. f English Language,
First Edition, p. 68.

182 ON THE LANGUAGE OP LANCASHIRE, UNDER THE ROMANS.

some general error, but rather, in a judicial frame of mind,
and with the intention of asking, first, how far the actual
evidence is (either way) conclusive; next, which way (sup-
posing it to be inconclusive) the presumption lies ; and thirdly,
what follows in the way of inference from each of the op-
posing views.

What are the statements of the classical writers , subsequent
to the reduction of Britain, to the effect that the Romans, when
they conquered a Province, established their language? I
know of none. I know of none, indeed, anterior to the Bri-
tannic conquest. I insert, however, the limitation, because
in case such exist, it is necessary to remember that they
would not be conclusive. The practice may have changed
in the interval.

Is there anything approaching such a statement? There
is a passage in Seneca to the effect "that where the Roman
conquers there he settles."

But he conquered Britain. Therefore he established his
language. Add to this that where he established his own
language, there the native tongue became obliterated. There-
fore the British died off.

If so , the Angles — when they effected their conquest —
must have displaced , by their own English , a Latin rather
than a British, form of speech.

But is this the legitimate inference from the passage in
question? No. On the contrary, it is a conclusion by no
means warranted by the premises. Nevertheless, as far as
external testimony is concerned, there are no better premi-
ses to be found.

But there is another element in our reasoning. In four
large districts at least, — in the Spanish Peninsula, in France,
in the Grisons , and in the Danubian Principalities — the pre-
sent language is a derivative from the Latin, which was,
undoubtedly and undeniably, introduced by the Roman con-
quest. From such clear and known instances, the reasoning
to the obscure and unknown is a legitimate analogy, and the
inference is that Britain was what Gallia, Rheetia, Hispania,
and Dacia were.

In this we have a second reason for the fact that there
are many who , with Arnold , hold , that except in the parti-
cular case of Greece, the Roman world, in general, at the
date of the break-up of the Empire, was Latin in respect
to its language. At any rate , Britannia is reasonably sup-
posed to be in the same category with Dacia — a country
conquered later.

ON THE LANGUAGE OF LANCASHIRE, UNDER THE ROMANS. 183

On the other hand, however, there are the following con-
siderations.

I. In the first place the Angle conquest was gradual; so
gradual as to give us an insight into the character of the
population that was conquered. Was this (in language) La-
tin? There is no evidence of its having been so. But is
there evidence of its having been British? A little. How
much, will be considered in the sequel.

II. In the next place the Angle conquest was (and is) in-
complete ; inasmuch as certain remains of the earlier and non-
Angle population still exist. Are these Latin? Decidedly
not; but on the contrary British, — witness the present Bri-
tons of Wales, and the all but British Cornish-men, who are
now British in blood, and until the last century were, more
or less , British in language as well.

But this is not all. There was a third district which was
slow to become Angle, viz.: part of the mountain district of
Cumberland and Westmoreland. What was this before it
was Angle? Not Roman but British.

Again — there was a time when Monmouthshire, with (no
doubt) some portion of the adjoining counties, was in the
same category in respect to its wow-Angle character with
Wales. What was it in respect to language ? Not Boman
but British.

Again — mutatis mutandis. Devonshire was to Cornwall as
Monmouth to Wales. Was it Roman? No — but, on the
contrary, British.

Now say, for the sake of argument, that Cornwall, Wales,
and Cumberland were never Roman at all, and consequently,
that they prove nothing in the question as to the introduc-
tion of the Latin language. But can we say, for even the
sake of argument-, that Devon and Monmouth were never
Roman? Was not, on the contrary, Devon at least, excee-
dingly Roman, as is shewn by the importance of Isca Dan-
moniorum , or Exeter.

Or, say that the present population of Wales is no repre-
sentative of the ancient occupants of that part of Britain, but,
on the contrary, descended from certain immigrants from
the more eastern and less mountainous parts of England.
I do not hold this doctrine. Admitting it, however, for the
sake of argument — whence came the present Welsh, if it
came not from a part of England where British , rather than
Latin, was spoken? There must have been British some-
where; and probably British to the exclusion of Latin.

The story of St. Guthlac of Croyland is well-known. It
runs to the effect that being disturbed, one night, by a hor-

184 ON THE LANGUAGE OP LANCASHIRE, UNDER THE KOMANS.

rid howling, he was seriously alarmed, thinking that the
howlers might be Britons. Upon looking-out, however, he
discovered that they were only devils — whereby he was
comforted, the Briton being the worse of the two. Now the
later we make this apocryphal story, the more it tells in
favor of there having been Britons in Lincolnshire, long
after the Angle conquest. Yet Lincolnshire (except so far
as it was Dane,) must have been one of the most Angle
portions of England. In France, Spain, Portugal, the Gri-
sons, Wallachia or Moldavia, such devils as those of St.
Guthlac would have been Romans.

As the argument, then, stands at present, we have traces
of the British as opposed to the Angle, but no traces of the
Latin in similar opposition.

Let us now look at the analogies, viz: Spain, (including
Portugal,) France, Switzerland and the Danubian Principa-
lities ; in all of which we have had an aboriginal population
and a Roman conquest, in all of which, too, we have had
a third conquest subsequent to that by Rome — even as in
Britain we have had the triple series of (A) native Britains,
(b) Roman conquerors, (c) Angles.

What do we find ? In all but Switzerland , remains of the
original tongue; in all, without exception, remains of the
language of the population that conquered the Romans ; in
all, without exception, something Roman.

In Britain we find nothing Roman; but, on the contrary,
only the original tongue and the language of the third po-
pulation.

I submit that this is strong prima facie evidence in favour
of the Latin having never been the general language of Bri-
tain. If it were so, the area of the Angle eonquest must have
exactly coincided with the area of the Latin language. Is
this probable? I admit that it is anything but highly im-
probable. The same practicable character of the English
parts of Britain (as opposed to the Welsh, Cornish, and Cum-
brian) which made the conquest of a certain portion of the
Island easy to the Romans as against the Britons, may have
made it easy for the Angles as against the Romans ; and vice
versa, the impracticable character of Wales, Cornwall, and
Cumberland, that protected the Britons against their first
invaders, may have done the same for them against the se-
cond. If so, the two areas of foreign conquest would coin-
cide. I by no means undervalue this argument.

It is almost unnecessary to say that the exact conditions
under which Britain was reduced were not those of any other
Roman Province.

ON THE LANGUAGE OF LANCASHIRE, UNDER THE ROMANS. 185

In respect to Spain, the Roman occupancy was early, ha-
ving begun long before that of Northern and Central Gaul,
having begun during the Punic wars, and having become
sufficiently settled by the time of Augustus to command the
attention of Strabo on the strength of the civilization it had
developed. In Spain, then, there was priority in point of
time to account for any extraordinary amount of Roman in-
fluences.

Gaul , with the exception of the earlier acquisitions in the
Narbonensis, was the conquest of one of the most thorough-
going of conquerors. The number of enemies that Caesar,
slaughtered has been put at 1,000,000. Without knowing
the grounds of this calculation, we may safely say that his
campaigns were eminently of a destructive character.

The conquerors of the Breuni, Genauni, and similar oc-
cupants of those parts of Switzerland where the Rumonsch
Language (of Latin origin) is now spoken, were men of si-
milar energy. Neither Drusus nor Tiberius spared an enemy
who opposed. Both were men who would "make a solitude
and call it peace."

That Trajan's conquest of Dacia was of a similar radical
and thorough-going character is nearly certain.

Now, the evidence that the conquests of the remaining
provinces were like those of the provinces just noted, is by
no means strong. At the same time, it must be admitted
that the analogy established by four such countries as Gaul,
Spain, Switzerland, and Moldo-Wallachia is cogent. What
was the extent to which Africa, Pannonia, Illyricum, Thrace,
and the Mcesias were Romanized ? Of Asia ? I say nothing.
It was sufficiently Greek to have been in the same cate-
gory with Greece itself, and in Greece itself we know that
no attempts were made upon the language.

Africa was Latin in its literature ; and, at a later period,
pre-eminently Latin in its Christianity. But the evidence
that the vernacular language was Latin is nil, and the pre-
sumptions unfavourable. The Berber tongue of the presents
native tribes of the whole district between Egypt and the
Atlantic is certainly of high antiquity; it being a well-known
fact, that in it, several of the names in the geography of
classical Africa are significant. Now this is spread over the
country indifferently. Neither does it show any notable signs
of Latin intermixture. Neither is there trace, or shadow
of trace, of any form of speech of Latin origin throughout
the whole of Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers or Morocco.

In Pannonia and Illyricum , the same absence of any lan-
guage of Latin origin is manifest. Pannonia and Illyricum

186 ON THE LANGUAGE OF LANCASHIRE , UNDER THE ROMANS.

have had more than an average amount of subsequent con-
querors and occupants — Goths, Huns, Avars, Bulgarians,
Slavonians, Hungarians, Germans. That the Slovak, how-
ever, in the north, and the Dalmatian forms of the Servian
in the south , represent the native languages is generally ad-
mitted — now, if not long ago. These, then, have survived.
Why not, then, the Latin if it ever took root?

In respect to Thrace, it is just possible that it may have
been, in its towns at least, sufficiently Greek to have been
in the same category with Greece proper. I say that this is
just possible. In reality, however, it was more likely to be
constrasted with Greece than to be classed with it. One thing,
however, is certain, viz.: — that the country district round
Constantinople was never a district in which Latin was
vernacular. Had it been so , the fact could hardly have been
unnoticed, or without influence on the unequivocally Greek
Metropolis of the Eastern Empire.

If the doctrine that Thrace may have been sufficiently
Greek to forbid the fndroduction of the Latin be doubtful,
the notion that the Mossias were so is untenable. Yet the
Latin .never seems to have been vernacular in either of them.
Had it been so, it would probably have held its ground,
especially in the impracticable mountains and forests of Up-
per Moesia or the modern Servia. Yet where is there a trace
of it? Of all the Roman Provinces, Servia or Upper Moesia
seems to be the one wherein the evidence of a displacement
of the native, and a development of a Latin form of speech,
is at its minimum , and the instance of Servia is the one upon
which the analogous case of Britain best rests.

The insufficiency of the current reasons in favour of the
modern Servian being of recent introduction have been con-
sidered by me elsewhere.

Now comes the notice of a text which always commands
the attention of the ethnological philologue, when he is en-
gaged upon the Angle period of our island's history. It re-
fers to the middle of the eighth century, the era of the Ve-
nerable Beda, from whose writings it is taken. I give it in
extenso. It runs "Hasc in presenti, juxta numerum librorum
quibus lex divina scripta est, quinque gentium linguis, unam
eandemque summse veritatis et verse sublimitatis scientiam
scrutatur et confitetur ; Anglorum, videlicet, Brittonum, Scot-
torum, Pictorum et Latinornm qua? meditatione scripturarum,
cseteris omnibus est facta communis.*

That the Latin here is the Latin of Ecclesiastical , rather

* Hist. Eccl. I. 1. c. 1.

ON THE LANGUAGE OF LANCASHIRE, UNDER THE ROMANS. 187

than Imperial, Rome, the Latin of the Scriptures rather than
classical writers, the Latin of a written book rather than a
-Lingua Rustica, is implied by the context.

Should this, however, be doubted, the following passage,
which makes the languages of Britain only four, is conclu-
sive — "Omnes nationes et provincias Brittannige, quee in
quatitor linguas, id est Brittonum, Pictorum, Scottorum et
Anglorum divisse sunt, in ditione accepit."*

It is the first of these two statements of Beda's that the
following extract from Wintoun is founded on.

Cronykil, i. xiii, 39.

Of Langagis in Bretayne sere

I fynd that sum tym fyf thare were :

Of Brettys fyrst , and Inglis syne ,

Peycht, and Scot, and syne Latyne.

Bot , of the Peychtis , is ferly ,

That ar wndon si hdlyly,

That nowthir remanande ar Language,

Nse succession of Lynage :

Swa of thare antiqwyte

Is lyk bot fabyl for to be.

But the Latin of the scriptures may have been the Latin
of common life as well. Scarcely. The change from the
written to the spoken language was too great for this. What
the latter would have been we can infer. It would have
been something like the following "Pro Deo amur et pro
Xristian poblo et nostro commun salvament d'ist di en avant,
in quant Deus savir et poder me dunat, si salvarai eo cist
meon fradre Karlo, et in ajudha et in cadhuna cosa, si com
om per dreit son fradre salvar dist, in o quid il me altresi
fazet: et ab Ludher nul plaid nunquam prindrai uni, meon
vol , cist meon fradre Karle in damno sit."

This is the oath of the Emperors Karl and Ludwig, sons
of Charlemagne, as it was sworn by the former in A. D.
842. It is later in date than the time of Beda by about a
century; being in the Lingua Rustica of France. Neverthe-
less, it is a fair specimen of the difference between the spo-
ken languages of the countries that had once been Roman
Provinces and the written Latin. Indeed, it was not Latin,
but Romance; and, in like manner, any vernacular form of
speech, used in Britain but of Roman origin, would have
been Romance also.

* Eccl. Hist, iii, 6.

188 ON THE LANGUAGE OP LANCASHIRE, UNDER THE ROMANS.

The conclusion which the present notice suggests is —

That the testimony of authors tells neither way.

That the presumptions in favour of the Latin which are
raised by the cases of Gaul, Spain, Rhsetia, and Dacia, are
anything but conclusive.

That the inferences from the earliest as well as the latest
data as to the condition of English Britain, the inferences
from the Angle conquest, and the inferences from the pre-
sent language of Wales, are decidedly against the Latin.

I may, perhaps, be allowed to conclude by a reference to
a paper already alluded to, as having been laid before the
present Society, by Mr. Wright. This is to the effect, that
the Latin reigned paramount not only in England, but in
Wales also, under the Roman dominion; the present Welsh
being of recent introduction from Armorica.

That the population was heterogeneous is certain, the Ro-
man Legionaries being, to a great extent, other than Ro-
man. It is also certain that there was, within the island,
at an early period, no inconsiderable amount of Teutonic
blood. It is certain, too, that the name Briton had different
applications at different times.

If so, the difference between Mr. Wright and myself, in
respect to the homogeneousness or heterogeneousness of the
Britannic population, is only a matter of degree.

In respect to the particular fact, as to whether the British
or Latin language was the vernacular form of speech, we
differ more decidedly. That the British was unwritten and
uncultivated is true; so that the exclusive use of the Latin
for inscriptions is only what we expect. The negative fact
that no British name has been found inscribed, I by no
means undervalue.

The preponderance, however, of a Non-British population,
and the use of the Latin as the vernacular language , are
doctrines, which the few undoubted facts of our early history
impugn rather than verify.

The main difficulty which Mr. Wright's hypothesis meets
— and it does meet it — lies in the fact of the similarity
between the Welsh and Armorican being too great for any-
thing but a comparatively recent separation to account for.
Nevertheless, even this portion of what may be called the
Armorican hypothesis, is by no means incompatible with
the doctrine of the present paper. The Celtic of Armorica
may as easily have displaced the older Celtic of Britain (from
which , by hypothesis , it notably differed) as it is supposed
to have displaced the Latin.

I do not imagine this to have been the case ; indeed I can

ON THE LANGUAGE OP LANCASHIRE, UNDER THE ROMANS. 189

see reasons against it, arising out of the application of Mr.
Wright's own line of criticism.

I think it by no means unlikely that the argument which
gives us the annihilation of the British of the British Isles,
may also give us that of the Gallic of Gaul. Why should Ar-
morica have been more Celtic than Wales? Yet, if it were
not so , whence came the Armorican of Wales ? I throw out
these objections for the sake of stimulating criticism, rather
than with the view of settling a by no means easy question.

KELJENONESIA.

The dates of the four papers on this part of the world shew
that the first preceeded the earliest of the other three by as much
as four years ; a fact that must be borne in mind when the philo-
logical ethnography of New Guinea and the islands to the south
and east of it is under notice. The vocabularies of each of the
authors illustrated in papers 2 and 3, more than doubled our pre-
vious data — Jukes' illustrating the language of islands between
New Guinea and Australia, Macgillivray's those of the Louisiade
Archipelago.

That there was a hypothesis at the bottom of No. I is evident.
Neither is there much doubt as to the fact of that hypothesis being
wrong.

I held in 1843 that, all over Oceania, there was an older popu-
lation of ruder manners , and darker colour than the Malays , the
proper Polynesians, and the populations allied to them; that, in
proportion as these latter overspread the several islands of their
present occupancy the aborigines were driven towards the interior;
that in Australia, Tasmania, New Guinea &c. the original black
race remained unmolested.

This view led to two presumptions; — both inaccurate;

1. That the ruder tribes were, as such, likely to be Negrito;

2. That the Negrito tongues would be allied to each other.
The view, held by me now, will be given in a future notice.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

FEBRUARY 10, 1843.

By the term Negrito is meant those tribes of the Asiatic
and Australian islands, who, in one or more of their phy-
sical characters, depart from the type of the nations in their
neighbourhood and approach that of the African. The word
is more comprehensive than Arafura, Andaman, or Papuan,
and less comprehensive than Negro.

Of the Negrito localities the most western are —

The Andaman Islands. — A Vocabulary, collected by Lieu-
tenant R. H. Colebrooke, appears in the Asiatic Researches,
vol. iv. p. 410. The native name is Mincopie. An histo-
rical notice of them appears as early as the ninth century,
in the Travels of the Two Arabians, translated by Renaudot.

The Nicobar and Carnicobar Islands. — In the largest of
these it is stated that, in the interior, blacks are to be found.
The current assertion concerning the language of the rest
of these islands is, that the Carnicobar is Peguan, and the
Nicobar Malay. . — Asiatic Researches, iii. 303.

Malacca. — The Samangs of the interior are Negrito. For
the single Vocabulary of their language, see Crawfurd's
Indian Archipelago, or Klaproth's Nouveau Journal Asia-
tique , xii. 239 , where Crawfurd's Vocabularly is reprinted
without acknowledgement. The Orang Benua are not Ne-
grito; neither are the Jokong Negrito. For thirty words in
the latter language, see Thomas Raffles in Asiatic Researches,
xii. 109. In this list twelve words are shown by Raffles to
be Malay, and Humboldt states the same of two more. The
other sixteen may or may not be of Negrito. origin. The
Samangs are the Orang Udai. — Humboldt, Uber die Kam-

SwCtcflB.

Sumatra. — The Battas of Sumatra are Malay, not Negrito
(Marsden's Sumatra, p. 203, and Rienzi's Oceanie, vol. i.).

192

ON THE NEGKITO LANGUAGES.

The Sumatran of Parkinson's Journal (p. 198) is the Arabic
of Acheen. The true Negritos of Sumatra seem to be,

1 . The Orang Cooboo. — These are stated to be pretty nu-
merous between Palembang and Jambee. — Marsden's Suma-
tra, p. 35.

2. The Orang Googoo, — who are described by the Suma-
trans of Laboon as being more Orang Utang than man. —
Marsden's Sumatra, p. 35. Specimens of the Orang Googoo
(Gougon) Rienzi states to have seen. He says that they
come from Palembang and Menangcaboo, and he calls them
Pithecomorphi.

For an historical notice as early as 960 A. D. ; probably
referring to the Blacks of Sumatra, see Klaproth in Nou-
veau Journal Asiatique, xii. 239.

Borneo. — The Biajuk of Borneo is not Negrito but Malay
(Crawfurd's Indian Archipelago) ; neither are the Dyacks
Negrito. The statement of Marsden and Leyden is, that the
Dyacks are whiter than the rest of the natives of Borneo;
and the remark of more than one voyager is, that the Dy-
acks of Borneo look like South Sea Islanders in the midst of
a darker population. Are the Marut, Idongs, Tidongs, or
Tirungs of the north of Borneo Negrito? In Rienzi's Oceanie
there is a Borneo Vocabulary which is headed Dyack, Marut
and Idaan, the three terms being treated as synonyms. Of
this Vocabulary all the words are Malay. That there are
Negritos in Borneo is most probable , but of their language we
possess but one word, apiin, father* (and that more than doubt-
ful) ; whilst of their name we know nothing ; and in respect
to their locality, we have only the statement of Kollf, that
in the north of Borneo Blacks are to be found on the Kee-
neebaloo mountain; a statement, however, slightly modified
by the fact of his calling them Idaans or Maruts (see Earl's
translation of the Voyage of the Doorga, p. 417). Compare
the name Idaan in Borneo, with the name Orang Udai, ap-
plied to certain rude tribes in Malacca.

The Sooloo Islands. — There are positive statements that
the Sooloos contain Negritos. They also contain Malays;
as may be seen in a Sooloo vocabulary in Rienzi's Oceanie,
vol. i.

The Manillas. — The Isola de Negros testifies its population
by its name. Hervas calls it the Papua of the Philippines.
In Panay are the blackest of the Philippine Negritos. Rienzi
would term them Melanopygmai. In Bohol, Leyte and Sa-
mar, there are Negritos (Lafond Lurcy, ii. 182.); also in

* Mithr. i. 598.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 193

Cayagan (Lafond Lurcy, ii. 182.); also in Capul or Abac
(Hervas). For the two main islands there are,— 1st. In
Mindanao, two wild tribes inhabiting the interior, the Ban-
tschilen and the Hillunas. The proof of these two tribes
being Negrito is the strongest for the Hillunas. They are
the Negros del Monte of the Spaniards (Hervas, Catalogo
delle Lmgue; Adelung, i. 601). Near Mariveles are the
Igorots or jEtas (Agtas of Hervas) ; and of these we have
late and positive evidence, first to the fact of their being
Negrito, and next to the difference of their language from
the Tagal. — (Lafond Lurcy.) Secondly, in LuQon, the Zam-
balen of Adelung are Negrito. These are the Blacks of
Pampango. The Blacks inhabiting the other parts of the
island are called Ygelots; and Mount St. Mathew, near Ma-
nilla, is one of their well-known localities, and the Illoco
mountains another. Here they were visited by Lafond Lurcy.
They were all alike, and all under four feet six (French
measure). Italonen, Calingas, and Maitim are the names
under which the Philippine Blacks have been generally des-
■ cribed. Agta and Maitim are said to be indigenous appel-
lations. — Hervas.

Formosa. — The Formosan language is Malay. In the in-
terior, however, are, according to the Chinese accounts, —
1, the Thoufan; 2, the Kia-lao; 3. the Chan tcha6 chan;
4, the Lang Khiao, — aboriginal tribes with Negrito charac-
ters, each speaking a peculiar dialect. — Klaproth, Recher-
ches Asiatiques.

The Loochoo Islands. — The current Loochoo language is
Japanese (Klaproth, Rech. Asiat.). But besides this, Ade-
lung mentions from Pere Gaubil and Gosier, that three other
languages are spoken in the interior, neither Japanese nor
Chinese; and we are now, perhaps, justified in considering
that, in these quarters, the fact of a language being abori-
ginal, is prima facie evidence of its being Negrito.

Java. — Here the evidence of an aboriginal population at
all is equivocal, and that of Negrito aborigines wholly ab-
sent. For the Kalangs, see Raffles's History of Java. The
dark complexions on the island Bali show the darkness, not
of the Negrito, but of the Hindoo; such at least is the view
of Raffles opposed to that of Adelung (Mith. i.). There is
no notice of Blacks in Ende (otherwise Floris), in Sumbawa,
or in Sandalwood Island.

Savoo. — If the Savoo of modern geographers be the Pulo
Sabatu of Dampier, then there were, in Dampier's time,
Blacks in Savoo. The Savoo of Parkinson's Journal is Malay.

Timor — In this island Negritos were indicated by Peron.

13

194 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

Freycinet describes them. Lafond Lurcy had a Timor black
as a slave. Of their language he gives four words : — ma-
nouc, bird; vavi, woman; lima, five; ampou, ten. All these
are Malay.'

Ombay. — In Freycinet's Voyage the natives of Ombay are
described as having olive-black complexions, flattened noses,
thick lips , and long black hair. In Arago * we find a short
vocabulary, of which a few words are Malay, whilst the
rest are unlike anything either in the neighbouring language
of Timor (at least as known by Eaffles's specimens), or in
any other language known to the author. Upon what grounds,
unless it be their cannibalism , the Ombaians have been clas-
sed with the New Zealanders, is unknown. The evidence
is certainly not taken from their language.

Between Timor and New Guinea we collect, either from
positive statements or by inference, that, pure or mixed,
there are Negritos in at least the following islands: — 1,
Wetta; 2, Kissa?; 3, Serwatty?; 4, LetteV; 5, Moa?; 6,
Roma?; 7, Damma; 8, Lakor?; 9, Luan; 10, Sermatta;
11, Baba; 12, Daai; 13, Serua; 14, the Eastern Arroos;
15, Borassi. (Kollf's Voy. ; Earl's Translation.)

The language of the important island of Timor-Laut is
Malay. From a conversation with the sailor Forbes, who
was on the island for sixteen years , the author learned that
there are in Timor-Laut plenty of black slaves, but no black
aborigines.

Celebes. — In the centre of Celebes and in the north there
are Negritos: the inhabitants call them Turajas, and also
Arafuras: they speak a simple dialect and pass for aborigi-
nes. (Raffles, History of Java.) Of this language we have
no specimen. Gaimard's Menada is the Menadu of Sir Stam-
ford Raffles, and Raffles's Menadu is Malay. (Voyage de
l'Astrolabe, Philologie, ii. 191.) The remark made by the col-
lector of this Menadu Vocabulary was, that those who spoke
it were whiter than the true Bugis, and that they looked like
South-Sea Islanders, a fact of value in a theory of the Dyacks,
but of no value in the enumeration of the Negritos.

Bourou, Gammen, Sal aw ally , Battenla. — For each of these
islands we have positive statements as to the existence of
Negritos.

Gilolo. — In Lesson's Natural History the inhabitans of Gi~
lolo are classed with those of Gammen, Battenta, &c. , as
Negritos. The same is the case in the Mithridates, where
the inference is, that in all the Moluccas, with the exeep-

* Vide Note A.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 195

tion of Amboyna and Ternati, Negritos are to be found in
the interior. For Guebe see the sequel.

The Teetces. — The Teetee Islands of Meares, the Jauts
or Aeauw of the Mithridates, sixteen in number, are Negrito.
(Meares, Voyage, Adelung.)

Oby. — According to Adelung this island is Negrito.

The object of what has gone before is less to state where
Negritos are to be found than where they are to be looked
for. Hence many of the above notices indicate the probable
rather than the actual presence of them; and those state-
ments concerning the Molucca localities that are taken from
systematic books (and as such at secondhand) are all subject
to one exception, viz. the fact that the tribes described as
Arafura, although in current language Negrito, are not ne-
cessarily so. An instance of this has been seen in the so-
called Arafura of Menadu. The same applies to the so-called
Arafura of Oeram, (Handboek der Land-en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch Indie. P. P. Roorda van Eysinga. Amster-
dam 1841 ; indicated by Mr. Garnett,) which is Malay. In
the quarters about to be given in detail the evidence is less
exceptionable.

New Guinea. — Here there is little except Negritos ; and
here we meet with the name Papua. What is said of the
Papuas must be said with caution. Physical conformation
being the evidence, there are in New Guinea two nations, if
not more than two : — 1 . Those of the North , with curly hair,
which are subdivided into the pure Papuas, and the Papuas
that are looked upon as a cross with the Malay (Quoy, Gai-
mard and Lesson in the French Voyages). 2. Those of the
South, with lank hair, called by the French naturalists Ara-
furas. The author was unable to determine who were meant
by the Alfakis of Quoy (Durville's Voyage, iv. 746). To
the language of these Alfakis are possibly referable the ten
words of Lesson. These are the numerals, and, they are as
might be expected, Malay. For the South of New Guinea we
not so much as a single vocabulary or a single word.

Waigioo. — The Waigioo and New Guinea have been fre-
quently confounded ; we have therefore deferred speaking of
the latter until we could also deal with the former. Without
going into the conflicting evidence , we may state that there
are two Vocabularies wherein arm is kapiani, and three
wherein arm is bramine. Of the first division we have —
1st the Vocabularies of the Uranie and Physicienne Cor-
vettes, under Freycinet, in 1817, 181-8, 1819 as given in
Araeo's (the draughtsman's) Narrative, p. 275, English trans-
lation ■ and 2ndly. the Undetermined Vocabulary of Den-

13*

196 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

trecasteaux. Dentrecasteaux, whilst at Boni in Waigioo,
saw some strangers who spoke a language very different
from the inhabitants of that island ; he considered that they
came from New Guinea. Now this language is the Waigioo
of Arago*; whilst the Waigioo of Dentrecasteaux is the Pa-
pua of Arago. Among the Vocabularies of the second class
we have Gaimard's Rawak Vocabulary, stated especially
(Voyage de l'Astrolabe, Philologie, vol. ii. p. 153.) to have been
collected at Rawak in Waigioo in 1818: here arm is bramine.
Now a vocabulary (that will soon be mentioned) of the New
Guinea Papuan of Port Dorey was collected during the ex-
pedition of the Astrolabe by the same naturalist, M. Gai-
mard. With this vocabulary Gaimard's Rawak coincides,
rather than with Arago's Waigioo and Dentrecasteaux's Un-
determined Vocabulary. This makes the third vocabulary
for these islands. The fourth is Gaimard's Port Dorey Vo-
cabulary (Voyage de l'Astrolabe, Philologie, ii. 146.). The
fifth, Dentrecasteaux's (or La Billardiere) Waigioo Vocabu-
lary. This represents the same language as those last-men-
tioned, inasmuch as in it arm is bramine not kapiani. The
sixth vocabulary is the Utanata, from Dutch authorities (vide
Trans. Geogr. Soc). This akin to the Lobo Vocabulary. —
Ibid. The next is Forest's Vocabulary. See Forest's Voyage
to New Guinea. Such are the data for New Guinea and
Waigioo. Dalrymple's Vocabulary will be noticed in the
sequel.

Guebe. — The Guebe Vocabulary of the Astrolabe (Philo-
logie, ii. 157) is the Guebe of Freycinet's Voyage in 1818,
when it was collected by Gaimard. The Gueb£ of Arago
(under Freycinet) also approaches the Guebe of Gaimard.
According to D. Durville the Guebe is Papuan. The author
however considers it Malay, though there was some resem-
blance to the Papuan, inasmuch as many Malay terms were
common to both these dialects.

From New Guinea westward and southward the Negrito's
are no longer isolated. The following are Negrito Islands,
or Negrito Archipelagos : —

1. New Britain; 2. New Hanover; 3. New Ireland; 4. So-
lomon's Islands; 5. Queen Charlotte's Archipelago ; 6. Loui-
siade Archipelago; 7. Isles of Bougainville; 8. Bouka; 9.
New Georgia; 10. Admirality Isles, — York, Sandwich, Port-
land; 11. Santa Cruz Archipelago; 12. Arsacides ; 13. Espi-
ritu Santo, or New Hebrides, — Mallicollo, Erromango, Tanna,
Erronan, Annatom; 14. New Caledonia; 15. Warouka, Bligh's

* See Note B.

ON THE NEGKITO LANGUAGES. 197

and Banks's Island. — Astrolabe. The Ticopian is not Ne-
grito but Polynesian. — Voyage de 1' Astrolabe.

Fiji Islands. —In the Fiji Islands the physical character
of the natives is half Negrito and half Polynesian. Here
is the Negrito limit to the east; that is, of Negrito tribes
as existing at the present moment.

The languages of the list just given are known to us
through the following Vocabularies.

New Ireland &c. — Gaimard's Carteret Harbour Vocabulary.
— Voyage de FAstrolabe, Philologie, ii. 143.

Durville' s Port Praslin Vocabulary, incorporated with
Gaimard's Carteret Bay Vocabulary. — Ibid.

Dalrymple's so-called New Guinea Vocabulary. The word
so-called was used because, unless there were natives of
New Ireland on the coast of New Guinea, Dalrymple's Vo-
cabulary is a representative of the Papuan. It coincides
with those of Durville and Gaimard from New Ireland: it
was collected by Schouten and Le Maire. It is also the
New Guinea of De Brosses.

Vocabularies of four small islands are given by Dalrymple
and De Brosses, viz. of Moses Island, Moa, Hoorn Island,
and Cocos Island. These are the vocabularies of Reland
(Diss, xi.), referred to by Adelung.

Manicolo. — In Queen Charlotte's Archipelago, or perhaps
among the Solomon Islands, lies an island in name resem-
bling one of the New Hebrides. Durville called it Vanikoro,
but Captain Dillon assures me that the true name is Mani-
colo. Of the language spoken here we have a vocabulary
collected by Gaimard in three dialects; the Vanikoro, the
Tanema, and the Taneanou. Voyage de 1' Astrolabe, Philo-
logie, ii. 164.

Mallicollo. — Cook's Island is Mallicollo. A glossary occurs
in Cook's Voyages.

Tanna. — A single vocabulary in Cook's Voyages.

New Caledonia. — A short vocabulary in Cook. A longer
one in Dentrecasteaux and La Billardiere.

Of the Fiji we have a few words by Cook, a long voca-
bulary by Gaimard (Astrol. Phil. ii. 136), Port regulations,
and MS. Scripture translations, which afford us full and
sufficient samples of the language. To deal with this as
Negrito the Polynesian element must be eliminated.

In the way of Ethnography Madagascar is Asiatic; since
its language, as has been known since the time of Reland,
is Malay. For this island the evidence of physical charac-
ter gives two or more races, but the evidence of language
only one.

198 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

Australia. — In this island we have vocabularies for the
following localities: (1.) Murray Island; (2.) Caledon Bay;
(3. 4.) Endeavour River; (5.) the Burrah Burrah tribe; (6.)
Limestone Creek; (7.) Port Macquarie; (8.) Port Jackson;
(9.) Menero Downs; (10.) Jervis Bay; (11.) Hunter's River,
vide Threlkeld's Grammar; (12, 13, 14, 15.) Adelaide, —
one of these being Teichelmann's and Schumann's Gram-
mar; (16.) Gulf St. Vincent; (17, 18, 19, 20.) King George's
Sound; (22.) Grey's Vocabulary; and a few others.

Van Diemen's Land. — Here, as in Australia, everything is
Negrito. In the way of Vocabularies, we have for the
North, — (1.) Gaimard's Port Dalrymple Vocabulary, taken
down from the mouth of a Van Diemen's Land woman at
King George's Sound, with an Englishman as an interpreter.
— Voy. Astr. Phil. ii. 9. In the South we have (2.) Cook's
Vocabulary, collected in Adventure Bay, S. E. of Van Die-
men's Land, — nine words. (3.) Dentrecasteaux's, or La
Billardiere's Vocabulary. (4.) Allan Cunningham's Vocabu-
lary, collected in 1819 at Entrance Island. (5.) Dr. Lhots-
ky's Vocabulary, derived from Mr. M 'Geary, and represent-
ing the language of Hobart's Town. — Journ. Geo. Soc. ix.
Besides these, there is a Vocabulary procured by Mr. Ro-
bert Brown 'when in Australia. It nearly represents the same
state of language as Dentrecasteaux's Vocabulary.

Besides these remarks, another class of facts should be
indicated. In the south of Japan, and in the Marianne Isles,
there are statements that Blacks have ~be&n : — ■ Pere Cantova
(in Duperrey and Freycinet), and Adelung (Mithr. i.). From
Rienzi also we learn a statement of Liitke's, viz. that in
Pounipet, one of the Carolines, there are abundance of
Blacks at this moment. These may by- indigenous. The hy-
pothetical presence of Negritos may account also for certain
peculiarities of the Polynesian of the Tonga Islands. There
are traces of them in the Navigator's Archipelago. Crozet
(see Pritchard's Phys. Hist.) mentions Negritos in New Zea-
land, and Cook speaks to a tradition of aboriginal Negritos
in Tahiti.

Such are the notices of the Oceanic Negritos in respect
to their distribution and the amount of evidence afforded by
the specimens of their language. The current opinion is,
that over a certain area Blacks of a certain race or races
were aborigines. This opinion there is no reason to disturb
or to refine upon; the general question is as to the unity
or the multiplicity of these races ; but the more specific ob-
ject of the present paper is to ascertain how far that ques-
tion is decided by the comparison of their languages. The

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 199

safe way is to ascend in the classification, and to begin with
determining the uniformity of speech over limited areas, and
within natural boundaries. The most convenient locality to
begin with is —

New Guinea. — That four out of the seven New Guinea
Vocabularies (supposing them to have heen collected inde-
pendently of each other) represent either dialects of one
language, or else languages closely allied, appears on the
first comparison. These vocabularies are, — a) Gaimard's
Eawak; b) Gaimard's Port Dorey; c) Arago's Papua; and
d) Dentrecasteaux's Waigioo. To these Forest's Vocabulary
(supposing always that his words have not been incorpora-
ted in the vocabularies that came after him) approaches
more closely than to the other two.

English. Fokest. Dentkecasteaux, &c.

fish een ■■ iene, Malay?

bird moorsankeen mazaukehene\

man sononman ..... snond, Malay?

woman binn biene, Malay?

fire for afor.

water war ouar , Malay ?

sand yean iend.

house rome rouma , Malay ?

hook sofydine sarfedinne.

sun rass riass.

Of the two remaining vocabularies the Lobo comes nearer to
Forest than the Utanata does. Neither, however, coincide
with Forest, as Forest coincides with the first four: nor
yet do they coincide so closely with each other.

English. Fokest. Lobo.

arrow ekay larakai.

bird moorsankeen manoc.

hog ben booi, Malay?

island meossy nusu.

sun rass orak.

tree kaibus akajuakar.

woman binn mawinna, Malay?

water war malar.

yes io oro -

English. Foeest. Utanata.

bow myay.

I iy a

slave omini.

amure.

area.

manoki.

200 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

English. Forest. Utanata.

tree kaibus kai, mood.

mater war warani , Malay ?

yes io aroa.

Again:

English. Utanata. Loeo.

basin pigani bingau.

cheeks awamu wafiwiriongo.

death namata namata, Matay?

drink (to) nemuka makinu, and also eat.

evening jauw aroa urwawa.

eyes mamd matatongo, Malay ?

feathers wiegu wo eru, Malay ?

great napitteki nabitteki.

hands .i toe mare nimango uta, Malay?

hog oe booi, Malay?

handsome nata nangewie.

here ar6 inairi.

head oepauw umun.

iron puruti wurusesi.

knife tai toeri, for chopping.

lemons munda munda.

little mimiti netie.

long marawas marawas.

lay (to) a'ikai koekeimanse.

man marowane marowane.

mouth irie oriengo.

noon kameti aroa oertoto, evening.

plate pigani piring.

rain komak komak.

river warari napeteki walar nabetik, mater great.

rope warauw waras.

sago kinani kakana.

slave manoki mooi.

seek matigati namitik.

speak (to) iwari iwar.

take away (to) namatorani motara.

New Ireland. — As far as we have vocabularies for evi-
dence, the language of New Ireland is one.

English. Pokt Peaslin. Caeteeet Bay. Dalkymple.

beard katissendi kambissek incambesser, M.

arms limak pongliman, M.

bananas ounn tachouner, M.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

201

English.

belly

fish

fire

forehead
buttocks

back

eye

ear

foot

finger

hair

iron

neck

nose

shoulder

tooth

water

moon

Port Peashs.
balang

Carteret Bay.

bia

poussou nourou

kambali kabalik

ptarou tarouk

matal matak

pala tignai pralenkek ....

pekendi " balankeki

lima oulimak

epiou iouk

shier siner

kindouroua kondarouak ....

niboussou kamboussouk

kamliman kamlima

ninissai insik

moloum maloum

calang

Dalrymple.
bala.
hissou.
eef.
posson arong.

M.

kekeign.
cateling liman.
M.

ysangh, M.
kalan.

.31.

For the affinities of the dialects of Moa, Moses Island,
Cocos Island, Hoorn Island, to those of New Ireland, see
Dalrymple's Island Voyages, ad fin. That the differences in
Manicolo are those of dialect, may be seen from Gaimard's
Vocabulary.

Australia. — That the Australian languages are one, at
least in the way that the Indo-European languages are one,
is likely from hence-forward to be admitted. Captain Grey's
statement upon the subject is to be found in his work upon
Australia. His special proof of the unity of the Australian
language is amongst the unprinted papers of the Geographi-
cal Society. The opinions of Threlkeld and Teichelmann
go the same way. The author's own statements are as fol-
lows : —

(1.) For the whole round of the coast there is, generally
speaking, no vocabulary of sufficient length that, in some
word or other, does not coincide with the vocabulary of the
nearest point, the language of which is known to us. If it
fail to do this it agrees with some of the remoter dialects.
Flinder's Carpentarian , compared with the two vocabularies
of the Endeavour River, has seventeen words in common.
Of these, three (perhaps) four coincide. Eye, meal, C; meul,
E. K. : hair, marra, C. ; morye , E. R. : fingers, mingel, C;
mungal Mh,~E. R.: breast, gummvr, C.; coyor, E. R.

Endeavour River. — Two vocabularies. — Compared with

2(j2 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

the vocabularies generally of Port Jackson, and the parts south
and east of Port Jackson: — Eye, meul, E. R.; milla, L. C. :
nose, emurda, E. R. ; morro, L. C: ears, mulkah, E. R.;
moko, P. Macquarie: hair, morye, E. R. ; mundah, B. B. :
breast, coyor, E. R. ; kowul, P. J.: fingers, mungal bah, E.
R. ; maranga, B. B.: elbow, yeerwe , E. R.; yongra , Menero
Downs: nails, kolke, E. R. ; karungun? P. J.: beard, wollar,
E. R. ; wa/o, Jervis's Bay; rvollak , Port Maquarie. The
number of words submitted to comparison was twenty-two.

Menero Downs (Lhotsky), and Adelaide (G. W. Earl). —
Thirteen words in common, whereof two coincide.

hand morangan, M. D murra, Adel.

tongue talang, taling.

Adelaide (GL W. Earl) and Gulf St. Vincent (Astrolabe).

beard mutta, A molda, G-. S. V.

ear iri, ioure,

foot tinna, tenna,

hair yuka, iouka,

hand murrah, malla,

leg irako, ierko,

nose mula, mudla,

teeth tial, ta.

Gulf St. Vincent (Astrolabe) and King George's Sound
(Nind and Astrolabe); fifty words in common.

mod kalla, G. S. V kokol, K. G. S.

mouth ta , taa,

hair iouka, tchao,

neck mannouolt, wolt,

finger malla, mal,

mater kawe, kepe,

tongue talein, talen,

foot tenna, tchen,

stone poure, pore,

laugh kanghin, kaoner.

(2.) The vocabularies of distant points coincide; out of
sixty words in common we have eight coincident.

English. Jervis's Bay. Gulp St. Vincent.

forehead holo ioullo. .

man mika meio.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 203

English. Jekvis's Bay. Gulp St. Vincent.

mil k awanham ammenhalo.

tongue talen talein.

hand maramale malla.

nipple amgnann amma.

black mourak pouilloul.

nails berenou pere.

(3.) The most isolated of the vocabularies, e. g. the Car-
pentaria]!, if compared with the remaining -vocabularies, ta-
ken as a whole, has certain words to be found in different
and distant parts of the island.

English. Cakpentarian.

eye mail milla, L. C.

nose liuiToo morro, L. C.

The following is a notice of certain words coinciding,
though taken from dialects far separated:

lips tambamba, Men. D tamande, G-. S. V.

star jingi, ditto tchindai, K. G. S.

forehead ullo , ditto ioullo, G. S. V.

beard yernka, Adel { arnga ' ( K. G. S.

( nanga, )

bite paiandi, ditto badjeen, ditto.

fire gaadla, ditto kaal, ditto.

heart karlto, ditto koort, ditto.

sun tindo, ditto djaat, ditto.

j } tia, ditto dowal, ditto.

water kauwe, ditto kowwin, ditto.

stone pure, ditto boye, ditto.

Tn the way of grammatical inflection we find indications
of the same unity. We find also differences upon which we
should be careful against laying too much stress. The in-
flection of the number is an instance of the difference. In
South Australian — tinyara, a boy; iinyarurla, two boys; li-
nyar-anna, boys. In Western Australia — yago, a woman;
yago-mun, women; goolang, a child; goolang-gurrah , children
(gurra, many); doorda, a dog; doorda-goodjal , two dogs;
doorda boula, many dogs (boula, many). Here there is a
difference where we generally find agreement, viz. in the
inflectional (or quasi-inflectional) expression of the numbers.
The difference, however, is less real than apparent. The
Australian is one of those languages (so valuable in general
philology) where we find inflections in the act of forming,

204

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

and that from the agglutination not of affixes, suffixes and
prefixes, but of words. In other terms, inflection is evol-
ving itself out of composition. The true view then of dif-
ferent forms for the same idea is not that the inflections are
unlike, but that the quasi-inflectional circumlocutions differ
from each other in different dialects. There is no inflectio-
nal parallel between two men in English and KVafycwrco in
Greek.

Van Diemen's Land, South. — For the south of Van Die-
men's Land the language seems radically one. The follow-
ing is what Cook has in common with Dentrecasteaux (or
La Billardiere) and Allan Cunningham.

English. Cook. 1803. D. C. A. C.

woman quadne cuani quani

eye evera nubere nubere nammurruck.

nose muidje mugid muigui meoun.

/ cuegnilia \

ear koidgi cuengi-lia< vaigui \ gounreek.

' ouagui )

Lhotsky's Vocabulary stands more alone. With the Voca-
bulary of 1803 and Dentrecasteaux's Vocabulary, it has but
three (or two) coincidences: — tongue, mina Lh.; rnene, Voc.
of 1803: water, lugana, Lh. ; lia, Voc. 1803: drink, lugana,
Lh. ; laina, Voc. 1803. With Allan Cunningham's Vocabu-
lary it has fourteen words in common and three coincident:
— nose, minerana, Lh.; meoun, A. C. : tongue, mina, Lh. ;
mim, A. C: fire, lope, Lh. ; lope, A. C. Brown and Cun-
ningham coincide a little more than Cunningham and Lhotsky.
It is perhaps safe to say, that for the South of Van Die-
men's Land the language, as represented by its vocabula-
ries, is radically one.

Van Diemen's Land, North. — In Lhotsky's Vocabulary seven
words are marked W, four E, and one S, as being pecu-
liar to the western, eastern and southern parts of the island.
One of the four words marked E is found in the Port Dal-
rymple Vocabulary, being the only word common to the two,
e. g. wood, mumanara, E. ; moumra, Port Dalrymple. The
coincidence of the North and South is as follows : —

English. Pokt Dalrymple. Lhotsky.

ear tiberatie pitserata.

eye elpina lepina.

leg langna langana, foot.

hawk gan henen henen ingenana.

posteriors wabrede wabrede.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 205

English. Pokt Dalkymple. Lhotsky.

mcin hisuina looudouenne.

night livore levira.

sea legana lugana, fresh water.

tooth iane yana.

English. Port Dalkymple. Brown & D. C.

belly magueleni lomongui.

bird iola oille.

kangaroo taramei tara.

li P s mona mogudilia.

nose medouer mugid.

stone lenn parene loine.

tooth iane canan.

arms regoula rilia.

About thirty-five words are common to Lhotsky and the
Vocabularies of Brown and Dentrecasteaux. From the fore-

foing observations we may conclude that for the whole of
an Diemen's Land (as far as represented by the Vocabu-
laries) the language is radically one.

Such are the groups as spread over limited areas and con-
fined within natural boundaries. The affinity of speech be-
tween different islands is another question.

Preliminary to this we must eliminate the Malay from the
Negrito. The full knowledge that this has been done im-
perfectly invalidates all that we have arrived at; so that,
once for all, it may be stated, that what is asserted re-
specting the amount of words common to two localities is
asserted subject to the condition of their being true Negrito
and not Malay.

Andaman and Samang. — Few words in common ; one coin-
cident, and that borrowed in all probability from a third
language.

New Guinea and Waigioo. — By Waigioo is meant the Wai-
gioo of Arago, and the Undetermined Vocabulary of Den-
trecasteaux. They have about forty words in common, and
the following are coincident: —

English. Waigioo? New Guinea?

hand cocani, D konef.

belly sgnani, A sneouar.

cheek ganga foni, A gaiafoe.

breast mansou, A soussou.

eyes tagueni, D tadeni.

eyelids inekarnei, A karneou.

foot courgnai, A oekourae, heel.

206 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

English. Waisioo? New Guinea?

fire clap, A ap , afor.

hair senoumebouran, A sonebrahene.

knee capugi, A one-pouer.

rain mei,D meker.

sand saine, D iene, Malay.

nose - 1 ^'. ' soidon, month.

I soun, A. ) '

stuff" (made of ) , ^ „, ,

y, j f + . v male, D maran , Malay.

New Guinea and New Ireland. — Forest and Dalrymple : —
fish, een, F.; hissou, D. Mai.: fire, for, F.; eeff, D. Mai.:
sand, yean, F., coon, D.: sun, ras, F. ; nass; D: star, mak,
F. ; maemetia, D. Dalrymple and Utanata. — Upwards of
twenty-five words in common: — Earth, taar , D.; AW Mai.,
Ut. : eat, nam nam, D.; nemuka, Ut. : tongue, hermangh, D.;
mare, Ut. Dalrymple and Lobo. — About thirty words in com-
mon: — arms, pongliman, D.; nimango, Ut., Mai.: belly, ba-
king, D.; kanborongo, Ut. : tongue, hermangh, D.;kariongo, Ut.

Port Praslin and Carteret Bay (taken together), and Uta-
nata and Lobo (taken together). — For the sake of compa-
rison, the whole of the words that the two (or four) Voca-
bularies have in common are exhibited, and by their side
the equivalents in Latin and in Greek.

English. Utan. Lob. P. P. and C. B. Latin. Greek.

arm nimango limak brachium a>livr\.

back tergum vdnov.

belly kan-borongo bala venter yaarrjg.

beard barba nmyav.

bud manok mani avis OQvig.

breast pectus avfj&og.

black ikoko guiam niger fislag.

cough wouru lou-koro tussis §r^.

dog wure poul canis kvcov.

dance salio %OQSvo(i.ai.

eyes matatongo mata oculus IxpdctXfiog.

— brows wura pouli matandi supereiliumo<p{)'iJj.

ear auris ovg.

eat edo sa&lm.

fish piscis l%&vg>

fool kaingo balan keke pes novg.

finger nimango sori lima digitus daxxvlog.

fire ignis tivq.

great magnus fiiyag.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 207

English. Utan. Lob. P. P. and C. B. Latin. Greek.

hair

hand

. crinis ■frpi'ij.

.nianus %^Q-

"°9 booi bouri porcus %oiQog.

h ea d oepauw pouklouk caput nsqiiilr}.

knee kairigo-wokoj tangoiiloukekendi) .

( pougaigi ) ° '

mouth os atojia.

moon l mia esltjvr].

neck collum tQap^Xog.

nose nasus Qig.

no non ov.

red napetiaro tara ruber SQvdQOg.

run curro zqija.

sugar-cane

tongue kariongo kermea lingua y\aoGu.

thigh ; femur firjoog.

teeth dens odovg.

mater < > moloum aqua vdug.

( waran ) ^ ^

yes oro io imo va-iyl.

With thirty-seven words in common, the two Negrito lan-
guages have seventeen coincident; with thirty-seven words
in common, the two classical languages have nine coinci-
dent. The evidence, therefore, of the affinity of the Pa-
pua and New Ireland is stronger than of the Latin and
Greek, as determined from identical data.

New Ireland and Manicolo. — The Port-Praslin and Carteret
Bay Vocabularies being dealt with as one for New Ireland,
and the three dialects being treated as one for Manicolo, we
have, out of twenty-eight words in common, the following
coinciding: — yes, io, P. P.; io, C. B. ; io, Manic: eye, mata,
P. P.; matak, C. B.; mala, maleo, malueo, Man., Mai.: banana,
ovnn, C. B.; pounha, ounra, ounro, Man., Mai.: canoe, kouan,
C. B.; naoure, goia, koure, Manic, Mai.: tooth, ninissai, P.
P.; insik, C. B. ; indj'e, Tanean: testes, puen, P. P.; bona
bouinini, boua ini, Man. : beard, kam-bissek, C. B. {imam besser,
Dalr.); oungoumie, vingoumie, Man., Mai.: breast, borokk, C.
B.; berenhenham, Man.; ear , palalignai , P. P.; pralen, C. B.;
manbalenhi, Manic; hair, nihouge, D.; anaoko, Man.

Manicolo and Mallicollo. — Eighteen words in common, the
following coincident: — Bread-fruit, ba/oe, Man. ; barabe, Mall.:
cocoa-nut, venoure, Man.; naroo, Mall.: eye, malaeo, Man.;
maitang, Mall., Mai: ear, tagnaini, Man. : lalingan, Mall., Mai.:
bird, menouka, Man.; moero, Mall., Mai.: head, balcha, Man.;

208

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

basaine, Mall.: hog, boi boi, Man.; brrooas, Mall., Mai.: no,
lae, Man.; taep , Mall.: water, ouine, Man.; ergour, Mall.:
drink, kanou, nanou, Man.; nooae, Mall.

Mallicollo and Tanna. — Sixteen words in common: — co-
coa-nuts, naroo, Mall.; nabooy, Tann.: drink, noaee, Mall.;
nooee, Tann., Mai. : eye, maitang, Mall.; manee maiuk , Tann.,
Mai.: ears, talingan, Mall.; feeneenguk, Tann., Mai.: bird, m6-
eroo, Mall.; manoo, Tann., Mai. : hog, brrooas, Mall.; boogas,
Tann., Mai.: navel, nemprlong , Mall.; napeerainguk , Tann.:
teeth, reebohn, rvarrewuk, Mall.; raibuk, Tann.; water, ergour,
Mall.; namawarain, Tann.: woman, rabt'n, Mall.; naibraan,
Tann., Mai.

Tanna and Mallicollo (taken together) and New Caledonia.

— Neither with Mallicollo or Tanna alone, nor with Malli-
collo and Tanna taken together, as compared with New Ca-
ledonia, do we find more words coincident than the follow-
ing: — Cocoa-nut, naroo, M. ; nabooy, T. ; nemo, N. Cal.,
Mai. ■. drink, noaee, M. ; nooee, T. ; oondoo, N. Cal.: head,
noogwanaium, T. ; garmoin (Cook), vangue, (L. B.), N. Cal.:
yams, oofe, Tann.; oobe, N. Cal., Mai.: yes, eeo , Tann.;
elo, N. Cal.: no, taep, Mall.; nda, N. Cal.

Next in order comes the comparison between the Vocabu-
laries of Van Diemen's Land and South Australia.

Port Dalrymple and King Georges Sound (Nind and Aslrol.):

— Wound, barana, P. D. ; bareuk, N. : wood, moumbra, P.
D.; pourn, N. : hair, kide, P. D.; kaal, N. : thigh, degagla,
P. D.; larval, N. : kangaroo, laramei, P. D.; taamour , N:
lips, mona, P. D. ; mele, K. G. S.: no, poutie, P. D. ; pouah,
poorl, K. G. S. : egg, komeka, P. D.; kierkee, K. G. S. : bone,
pnale, P. D. ; nouil , K. G. S. (bone of bird used to suck up
water) N.: skin, kidna, P. D.; kiao? K. G. S. : two kaleboueve,
P. D.; kadjen, K. G. S. (N.). Fifty-six words in common.

Port Dalrymple and Gulf St. Vincent. — Mouth, mona, P.
D. ; tamonde, G. S. V. (a compound word, since taa is mouth,
in K. G. S.): drink, kible, P. D. ; karve, G. S. V.: arm, anme,
P. D.; aondo (also shoulder), G. S. V.: hawk, gan henen
henen, P. D.; nanno, G. S. V.: hunger, ligale, P. D.; lakiou.
G. S. V.: head, eloura: P. D. ; ioullo , G. S. V.: nose, me-
douer* , P. D., modla, G. S. V.: bird, tola, pallo, G. S. V.:
stone, lenn parenne, P. D. ; poure? G. S. V.: foot, dogna, P.
D.; tenna, G. S. V.: sun, legourq** , P. D. ; tendo, G. S. V.
Seventy words in common.

Port Dalrymple and Jervis's Bay. — Wound, barana, P. D. ;
karanra, J. B.: tooth, iane, P. D.; ira, J. B.: skin, kidna,

* Mula. ** Also Moon.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 209

P. D.; bagmo, J. B.: foot, dorjna, P. D. ; tona* , J. B.: head
eioura, r. D.; hollo, J. B. Fifty-four words in common. What
ionows ls a notice of some miscellaneous coincidences be-
tween the \an Diemen's Land and the Australian.

English. Van Diemen's Land. Australia.

e " r i cuengilia, 1803 gmidugeli, Men. D.

tht 3 h tula 'Lh dara, Men. D.

16 Ivoye, K. G. S. } lenn P"ene, P. D.

breast pinenana, Lh voyene, Men. D.

skm kidna , P- D makundo , Teiclielman.

da y megra, Lh nangeri, Men. D.

run mella, Lh monri, Men. D.

f eet perre, D. C birref.

litile bodenevoued , P. D baddoeen , Grey.

h 'P mona, P. D tameno (tipper lip), ditto.

e 99 komeka, P. D muka, egg, anything rownd, Teichel.

lree moumra, P. D worra (forest) , Teichel.

mouth \

tongue ! kaniy, Cook.) . ispeakA

tooth fkane,P. D. f kame {mouth. J. B.

speak J ™ r y- '

leg darra, P. J lerai.

knee gorook, ditto. ronga, D. C.

m oon tegoura, P. D kakirra, Teiclielman.

nose medouer, P.D jmndla, ditto.

I moolya, Grey.

harvk gan henen henen, P. D. gargyre , ditto.

hunger tegate, P. D taityo , Teiclielman.

laugh pigne, P. D mengk, Grey.

moon vena, 1835 yennadah, P. J.

day megra, J835 karmarroo, ditto.

fire une, 1803 yong, ditto.

dew manghelena, rain menniemoolong.

/ neylucka, Mun - ay , P. D.
water bone lakade \ bado , ditto.

(lucka, Carpentarian.

Such is the similarity amongst the Negrito languages, as
taken in their geographical sequence, and as divided into
three groups. Between the Andaman and Samang there is
no visible similarity or coincidence. From New Guinea to
New Caledonia there is a series of coincidences; and there
is also similarity between the Australian and Van Diemen's

* Tjenne, tidna, jeena. f Generally toe-nail.

14

210 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

Land. But it is far from following that, because languages
will form groups when taken in geographical succession,
they will also form groups when the sequence or succession
shall be interrupted. Tested by another method there is an
affinity as follows :

English. Manicolo. New Guinea.

arms me, menini, maini nimango, L., Mai.

belly tclian-hane , tckaene an °. 10 °° '

" I sgnam, W.

bow ore amure, Ut.

jmakmu,L | . ^
( quinenne, A. J

drink canon

( quinenne,

eye mala,mateo mame, U.; matatongo, U., Mai.

sun ouioia janw, U.

tongue mia, mimeaeo mare, Ut.

. . ( mawina, L. ) ■,. ,

woman venime , vigmvi j . : ; Mai.

' ° ( vione, A. )

yes io aroa, U., oro, L.

. . < kanik, kananie, A.} n . ,

ear tagnaim, ragnengo j tantou ' gni; w . { Mai.

fish ane, gniene iene, A., Mai.

nose n-liele nony , A.

( ouara, A., Mai.

water ouire ' i,

( war, F.

teeth ongne oualini, analini, W.

shoulders outalen-buien-hane poupomii, Waig.

English. New Caledonia. New Ireland.

ant kinki akan, P. P.

tooth inouan insik, C. B., Mai.

birth manou mane, C. B., Mai.

cheeks poangue paring, D.

eyebrows poutcliie-bangliie pouli-matandi, P. P.

fire afi, hiepp bia.

f° 0t bakaticngue j ^Xce^C. P.

knees bangueligha pougaigi, P. P.

tongue coubmeigha, coumean kermea.

moon ndan kalan , P. P.

walk ouanem inan.

rain oda ous, D., Mai.

nose mandec mboussou, P. P.

sleep kingo lieim, D.

black gannc guiam.

sun niangat naas, D.

OX THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 211

English. New Caledonia. New Ireland.

navel padan-bourigne , pamboran pouta,.P. P., Mai.

sea dene dan (water), D., Mai.

wee P ngot ignek, C. B.

English. New Caledonia. Manicolo.

back donnha dienhane diene.

ear guening ragnengo.

good kapareick kapai.

head bangue batcha.

moon manoc mele.

no nda taie.

testes • 1 uienbei g lia bona.

I yabingue bouenini.

water oe ouire , Mai.

English. New Caledonia, D. C. AVaigioo , D. C, &c.

ear guening guenani.

fish ica ivanne , Mai.

teeth inouan analine, Undetei'imnded,D.C.

Notwithstanding doubtful words certain, it seems that
there is evidence of the most unlike of the languages be-
tween Waigioo and New Caledonia (inclusive) being not
more unlike than the most dissimilar of the Indo-European
tongues. That this statement may be enlarged seems pro-
bable by the following parallels: —

/• . , perre, V. D. L. ) ,. n t>

feet r ,.' / ..NT > petiran, C. B.

' j pereha (nails), do.) r

„ _ T ( gangapouni , JT'aig.

beard kongme, V. D. L ? ° * Mnl y

yenga, Mai.

bird mouta, V. D. L inanouk, Mai.

chin kamnena, V. D. L gambape, Waig.

eye meul, Austr matta, Pap. and Mai.

\ ? anan | (gani, mouth, Waig., D.

i00th lflne V - D - L \ insik, teeth, P. P., Mai.

I yane ;

forehead caberra, Port Jackson kabrani, Waig.

sand gune, V. D. L. coon, yean.

mood I ffU i V D. L. kaibus, Pap. and Mai.

tree ) s '

hair | }* ^ a I Australia nihouge, New Ir.

( rouka)

«'» jinji..........! Australia niangat, N. C.

star tchindai )

ear koyge, V. D. L gaaineng, N. C.

14*

shoulders ...■.,

' baguy)

212 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

English. Van Diemen's Land, New Caledonia, D.C..L.B.

mouth i mougui wangue and mouanguia.

arm liouana, gouna pingue.

!, ° •'> bouheigha.

( baguy) °

fire nuba afi, hiepp , nap, Mai.

, | rangalia) , ... ,

knees { ° } banguihgha.

( rouga ) ° °

dead mata mackie.

no neudi nola.

ears cuegni-lia guening.

nails pereloigni pihingui.

hair pelilogueni bouling, poun ingue.

, ,, . i penoungha.

teeth pegm \ l °

1 ° ' paou wangue.

fingers begiiia badouheigha.

nose mongui mandec, vanding.

sleep makunya kingo.

English. Andaman. Miscellaneous.

, ( cuengi, V. D. L.

ear quaka { °. , T ^.

u ( gueenmg, JSI. (J.

hand gonie gong, Aust., or V. D. L.

mouth morna mona, V. D. L.

n ( mudla ) _

nose mellee { 1 > V. D. h.

( medouert

sun ahay jauw, Utan.

thighs p°y e pengue paan, N. C.

mood kiante tangkee, N. C.

The author concluded his paper with the following obser-
vations: —

1. For all that is known to the contrary, the Negrito ton-
gues of Sumatra, Borneo, Timor, the Moluccas, Formosa
and several smaller islands of whose languages we have no
specimens, may be in any relation whatever to any other
language, and to each other.

2. The Andamanee and Samang may be in any relation
to any other Negrito tongue, or to each other, beyond that
of mere dialect.

3. The languages hitherto known of New Guinea, New Ire-
land, the Solomon's Isles, New Caledonia, Tanna, and Mal-
licollo, are related to each other, at least as the most differ-
ent languages of the Indo-European tribe are related.

4. The known languages of Australian are related to each
other, at least in the same degree.

ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES. 213

5. The Van Diemen's Land and Australian are similarly
related. •'

6. Classified in divisions equally general with the Indo-
Luropean, the Negrito dialects (as far as they are known
by their vocabularies) cannot fall into more than four, and
may possibly be reducible to one ; the data being up to a
certain point sufficient to determine radical affinities, but
nowhere sufficient to determine radical differences.

7. The ethnographical division, according to physical con-
formation, coincides with the ethnographical division accord-
ing to language, only so far as the former avoids the de-
tails of classification. With the minute subdivisions of the
French naturalists the latter coincides least.

8. The distinction between the Negritos and the Malays
seems less broad when determined by the test of language,
than it does when measured by physical conformation.

9. The notion of the hybridism of the Papuas, arising from
the view of their physical conformation, is in a degree con-
firmed by the nature of their language; although even the
physical evidence is not absolute, i. e. on a par with that
respecting the hybridism of the Griquas and Confusos.

10. With two* (if not more) Negrito tribes, whereof the
evidence of language is wholly wanting, physiological dif-
ferences indicate a probability of difference of language,
equal to the difference between any two Negrito languages
of which we have specimens.

1 1 . Even in the physiological classifications we are far
from being sure that the whole number of Negrito tribes
has been discribed.

* The Blacks of the Philippines and the Blacks of the South of New-
Guinea.

214

NOTES.

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NOTES. 215

Note B.

?'""", kapiani, A.; capiani , D.

T,Z seni a . ncl «enidokaouri, A.; tiangapoui , D.

, "» sgnam, A.; iani, D.

,. kouaneteni, A.; cateni, D.

j gambapi, A.; capapi, D.

gs mansou, A.; sou (bosom), D.

e J e " ■••■ jadjiemouri, A.; taguini, D.

fi"9^ cantoulili, D.

— f ore konkant-ili, A.

— middle kouanti-poulo, A.

r i"3 kouariti-ripali, A.

l ' ttle kouanti-lminki, A.

f°°! kourgnai, A.; caloani,D.

""' r se'noumebouran , A. ; pia,D.

hand , konk afaleni , A. ; cocani , D.

/leel konk abiouli, A.

knee konk-apoki, A.; capougui, D.

le 9 konkanfai, A.; anga fuini, D.

nose soun, A.; sauny, D.

nails cambrene, A.; cabrene.D.

teeth oualini, A.; analini, D.

toe, great kouauti-hel, A.

— , second and fourth kouanti-bipali, A.

— , third kouanti-poulo, A.

— , Utile kouanti-lminki, A.

thigh affoloni, A.; enfoloni, or anfoloni, D.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA (1859).

Andaman — The Andaman Language is monosyllabic, and al-
lied to the Burmese of the opposite continent.

Nicoaar &c. — The statement that there are Blacks in the Nico-
bar Islands is inaccurate. The tribes further from the coast are the
rudest. In the Nicobar vocabulary of the Voyage of the Galathea
(Sleen Bille — Galalhea's Reise omkring Jorden) , the language most
especially represented is that of the island Terressa; the words
from Nancovry being jnarked N, and those from Cariecobar C. N.
No difference, beyond that of dialect, is recognized as existing
between them. At the same time it is, by no means, certain, that
every form of speech belonging to the Archipelago is known
to us.

Samang &c. — The statement that these are the Orang Udai is
inaccurate. For further notice of the Samang see Newbold's Indian

216 ON THE NEGRITO LANGUAGES.

Archipelago; a work not known to me when my paper was writ-
ten. The ethnology of the Orang Benua is fully illustrated in
the Journal of the Indian Archipelago. They are all Malay.

Sumatra. — This island gives us certain tribes ruder than
others — not blacker; at any rate no Negritos.

The same applies to Borneo; where there is plenty of barba-
rism but nothing Negrito.

The same to the Suhi Archipelago.

The Manillas. — Specimens of four of the so-called Negrito lan-
guages are to be found in Steen Bille's Voyage of the Galathea
(Vol. III.) ; headed, (l) Umiray, (2) St. Miguel; (3) St. Matheo
and (4) Dumagat. They evidently belong to the same group
as the Tagal.

Formosa and Loocho. — The criticism that applies to Borneo
and the Sulu Archipelago applies here.

For Timor, Ombay &c. see the next paper.

The language of the Arru islanders is not mentioned; indeed
in 1843 no specimens of their language had been published. Since,
however , a good account of them has been given by Windsor
Earl. Their language contains much in common with the lan-
guages of the islands to the west of them, whilst in physical ap-
pearance they approach the Papuans. They present, in short,
transitional characters — Journal of Indian Archipelago, and The
Papua Races.

New Britain &c. — For Louisiade forms of speech see the next
paper but one ; for those of New Caledonia &c. see the fourth.

The Fijis. — The language of the Fijis is Polynesian.

Cocos Island. — The vocabulary of the island so-named seems
to me to be that of Ticopia; and, as such, anything but Negrito.

In Braim's Australia we find specimens of five Tasmanian
forms of speech. The additions to the philology of Australia
since 1843 are too numerous to find place in a notice like the pre-
sent. The fundamental unity of all the languages of that conti-
nent is, now, generally recognized.

Of the Micronesian Islanders (natives of the Marianne and Ca-
roline Archipelagos) some tribes are darker than others. They
chiefly occupy the coral, as opposed to the volcanic, formations.
The same is the case with the supposed Negritos of Polynesia.

ON THE GENERAL AFFINITIES

OF THE

LANGUAGES OF THE OCEANIC BLACKS.

APPENDIX TO JUKES'S VOYAGE OF HMS FLY.

1847.

For philological purposes it is convenient to arrange the
Blacks of the Asiatic and Oceanic Islands under five divi-
sions.

I. The Blacks of the Andaman Islands. — These are, com-
paratively speaking, isolated in their geographical position;
whilst the portion of the continent nearest to them is inha-
bited by races speaking a monosyllabic language.

II. The Blacks of the Malay area. — With the exception
of Java, all the larger, and many of the smaller Malay Is-
lands, as well as the Peninsula of Malacca, are described
as containing, in different proportions, a population which
departs from the Malay type, which approaches that of the
Negro, which possesses a lower civilization, which generally
inhabits the more inaccessible parts of the respective coun-
tries, and which wears the appearance of being aboriginal
to the true Malay population. These tribes may be called
the Blacks of the Malay area.

III. The Papuan Blacks of New Guinea. —Under this head
may be arranged the tribes of New Guinea, New Ireland,
the New Hebrides, Tanna ; Erromango, Annatom, New Ca-
ledonia , &c.

IV. The Blacks of Australia.

V. The Tasmanian Blacks or the Blacks of Van Diemen's
Land.

I. The Andaman Blacks will not be considered in the

present note. mi

II. With respect to the languages of the Blacks of the
Malay area, it may be stated unequivocally, that the dia-

218

OX THE GENERAL AFFINITIES

lects of each and every tribe for which a vocabulary has
been examined, are Malay.

A. Such is the case with the Samang, Jooroo, and Jokong
vocabularies of the Peninsula of Malacca. — See Craufurd's
Indian Archipelago, Asiatic Researches , xii. 109, Newbold's
British Settlements in Malacca.

B. Such is the case with every vocabulary that has been
brought from Sumatra. The particular tribe sufficiently dif-
ferent from the Malay to speak a different language has yet
to be found.

C. Such is the case with the eight vocabularies furnished
by Mr. Brooke from Borneo ; notwithstanding the fact that
both the Dyacks and the Biajuks have been described as
tribes wilder and more degraded than the Malay: in other
words, as tribes on the Negro side of the dominant popu-
lation.

D. Such is the case with every vocabulary brought from
any of the Molucca, Key, Arru, or Timorian Islands what-
soever; no matter how dark may be the complexion, or how
abnormal the hair, of the natives who have supplied it.

E. Such is the case with the so-called Arafura vocabula-
ries of Dumont Durville from Celebes, and of Roorda van
Eysinga from Amboyna and Ceram.

F. Such is the case with the languages of the Philippine
Islands. In no part of the great Malay area has the diffe-
rence between the higher and lower varieties of the popula-
tion, been more strongly insisted on, and more accurately
explained than here. Yet the testimony of the early Spanish
Missionaries , as to the fundamental identity of the Black
with the other languages is unanimous; and, to put the mat-
ter further beyond doubt, the few words of the Igorot ne-
groes, near Mariveles, which are supplied by Lafond Luray,
who visited them, are Malay also.

Now, on these grounds, and laying the Andaman Islands
out of the question, it may be safely predicated, that, until
we reach either New Guinea, or Australia, we have no proofs
of the existence of any language fundamentally different from
the Malay; whatever may be the difference in physical ap-
pearance of those who speak it.

III. For New Guinea, and the islands Waigioo, and Guebe,
I have found only ten short vocabularies, and these only
for the north-western districts. One of these, the Guebe,
of the voyage of the Astrolabe, although dealt with by Mr.
Durville as Papuan, is Malay. The rest, without any ex-
ception , have a sufficient portion of Malay words to preclude
any argument in favour of their belonging to a fresh class

OP THE LANGUAGES OF THE OCEANIC BLACKS. 219

of languages. On the other hand, the commercial intercourse
between the Papuans and Malays precludes any positive
statements as to the existence of a true philological affinity.
*rom New Guinea, westward and southward, we have
tor the localities inhabited by the black tribes with curly
hair, the following vocabularies.

1. For New Ireland.

A. Gaimard's Carteret Harbour Vocabulary— Voyage de
1' Astrolabe, Philologie, ii. 143.

B. Durville's Port Praslin Vocabulary. Ibid.

C. Dalrymple's, so called, New Guinea Vocabulary, col-
lected by Schouten and Le Maire , given also by De Brosses.

2. For Vanikoro — Gaimard's Vocabulary in three dialects,
the Vanikoro, the Tanema, and the Tan eanou— Voyage de
TAstrolabe, Philologie, ii. 164.

3. Mallicollo — Cook's Vocabulary.

4. Tanna — Ditto. Also a few words marked G. Bennet,
in Marsden's Miscellaneous Works.

5. Erromango— a few words by Bennet, in Marsden.

6. Annatom • — Ditto.

7. New Caledonia — A short Vocabulary in Cook. A lon-
ger one in Dentrecasteaux and La Billardiere.

All these languages, although mutually unintelligible, ex-
hibit words common to one another, common to themselves
and the New Guinea, and common to themselves and the
Malay. See Transactions of the Philological Society, vol. i.
no.* 4.

IV. The Blacks of Australia are generally separated by
strong lines of demarcation from the Blacks of New Guinea,
and from the Malays. Even on the philological side of the
question, Marsden has written as follows — "We have rarely
met with any negrito language in which many corrupt Po-
lynesian words might not be detected. In those of New
Holland or Australia, such a mixture is not found. Among
them no foreign terms that connect them with the languages
even of other papua or negrito countries can be discovered ;
with regard to the physical qualities of the natives it is
nearly superfluous to state, that they are negritos of the
more decided class." — p. 71.

In respect to this statement, I am not aware that any
recent philologist has gone over the data as we now have
them , with sufficient care to enable him either to verify or
to refute it. Nevertheless, the isolation of the Australian
languages is a current doctrine.

* This is the preceding paper. (1859).

220

ON THE GENERAL AFFINITIES

I believe this doctrine to be incorrect; and I am sure that,
in many cases , it is founded on incorrect principles.

Grammatical differences are valued too high; glossarial
affinities too low. The relative value of the grammatical
and glossarial tests is not constant. It is different for dif-
ferent languages.

In 1844, I stated, at York, that from three true Malay
localities, and in three true Malay vocabularies, I had found
Australian and Tasmanian and Papuan words, viz: —

1 . In the Timboran dialect of the Sumbawan.

2. In the Mangerei dialect of Flores.

3. In the Ombayan of Ombay.

1. Arm == ibarana , Ombay; porene, Pine Gorine dialect of
Australia.

2. Hand = owme, Ombay; hingue , New Caledonia.

3. Nose — imouni , Ombay; maninya, mandeg, mandeinne,
New Caledonia; mena, Van Diemen's Land, western dialect;
mini, Mangerei: meoun, muidge, mugui, Macquarie Harbour.

4. Head = imocila , Ombay; moos, (=hair) Darnley Island ;
moochi, (= hair) Massied; immoos, (= beard) Darnley Is-
lands; eeta moochi, (= beard) Massied.

5. Knee = icici-bouka , Ombay; borvka, boul k ay (== forefin-
ger) Darnley Islands.

6. Leg .= irate, Ombay; horag-nala , Jhongworong dialect
of the Australian.

7. Bosom = fl»??, Ombay; naem, Darnley Island.

8. Thigh = itena, Ombay; tinna-mook (— foot) Witouro
dialect of Australian. The root, tin, is very general through-
out Australia in the sense of fool.

9. Belly = le-kap-ana, Ombay; coopoi, (= navel) Darnley
Island.

10. Stars = ipi-berre , Mangarei; bering, birrong , Sydney.

11. Hand = lanaraga, Mangarei; tainlu, Timbora; tamira,
Sy ney.

12. Head =jahe, Mangarei; chorv , King George's Sound.

13. Stars = kingkong , Timboro; chindy , King George's
Sound, Australia.

14. Moon = mang'ong, Timbora; meuc, King George's
Sound.

15. Sun = ingkong, Timbora; coing, Sydney.

16. Blood = kero, Timbora; gnoorong, Cowagary dialect of
Australia.

17. Head = tetere, Timbora; gogorrah, Cowagary.

18. Fish = appi, Mangarei; mapi , Darnley Island.

Now as the three dialects have all undoubted Malay affi-

Or THE LANGUAGES OF THE OCEANIC BLACKS. 221

nities, the statement of Marsden must be received with qua-
lifications.

V. Concerning the language of Van Diemen's Land, I
venture upong the following statements, the proofs which I
hope, ere long, to exhibit hi exlenso.

a. The Language is fundamentally the same for the whole
island; although spoken in not less than four dialects mu-
tually unintelligible.

|3. It has affinities with the Australian.

y. It has affinities with the New Caledonian.

A fourth proposition concerning the Tasmanian language
exhibits an impression, rather than a deliberate opinion.
Should it, however, be confirmed by future researches it
will at once explain the points of physical contrast between
the Tasmanian tribes and those of Australia that have so
often been insisted on. It is this — that the affinities of lan-
guage between the Tasmanian and the New Caledonian are
stronger than those between the Australian and Tasmanian.
This indicates that the stream of population for Van Die-
mens ran round Australia rather than across it.

The following affinities occur between the vocabularies
published in the present volume and the Malay and Mono-
syllabic dialects ; and they are the result of a very partial
collation.

1. Blood = mam , Darnley Island; muhum, South Jooroo
dialect of Malacca; mail, Anamitic of Cochin China.

2. ~$osq^= peel, Darnley Island; peedii, Massied; pih, Chi-
nese; jm, Kong Chinese.

3. Face = amop aup; Murray Islands; eebu = (head) Cape
York , Massied ; oopoo = (head) Tahiti ; epoo , Sandwich Is-
lands; aopo, Easter Island.

4. Hair = moos, Darnley Island; mooche, Massied; maow,
Chinese.

5. Country = gaed, Darnley Island; kaha, Ternati.

6. Black = good, Darnley Island; houli, Tongataboo.

7. Hand = lag, Darnley Islane; tangh, Madagascar; long,
Jooro; tag, Anamitic. A current Malay root.

S. Fish = mtp/\ Darnley Island; iba, Poggy Isles off Su-
matra. Also in other Malay dialects.

9. Flame, fire — bae, Darnley Island; api, Flores, or Ende;
fat, Siamese; ffoo, Kong Chinese.

1 0. Hair = gal, Massied ; eeal, Cape York ; gal, Port Lihou ;
houlou, Tongataboo.

11. Teeth i=dang, Massied; danga, Cape York; dang. Port
Lihou; dang eta, Gunong-talu of Celebes; wahang, Menadu;
rang, Anamitic.

222 ON THE GENERAL AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGES &C.

The evidence upon which I rest my belief of the funda-
mental unity of the three philological groups of the Malay,
Papua, and Australian languages, is, of' the sort called
cumulative; and it is the only evidence that our present data
will afford us.

Believing, however, in such a fundamental unity, the pro-
blem to be solved by further researches on the vocabularies
from either Torres Strait or the South of New Guinea, is
the problem as to the particular quarter from which New
Holland was peopled- — whether from New Guinea, or from
Timor. Such a problem is not beyond the reach of future
philologists.

In the fifth volume of Dr. Prichard's valuable work, I
find that Mr. Norris has indicated points of likeness between
the Australian dialects, and the Tamul languages of South-
ern India.

Such may be the case. If, however, the statements of
those philologists who connect on one side the Tamul, and
on the other the Malay, with the Monosyllabic languages,
be correct, the two affinities are compatible.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA (1859).

The error of presuming the ruder tribes to be Negrito is appa-
rent in the notice of the Sumatra, and Borneo tribes. They
should have no place in a list of Negritos at all.

The gist of the paper lies in the suggestions to break down
(i) the lines of demarcation between the Australians, Tasmanians,
and Papuans on one side, and the Malays &c. on the other, and
(2) those between the Malay and Monosyllabic tongues.

REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

YOYAGE OF THE RATTLESNAKE.

APPENDIX TO MACGILLIVRAY'S YOYAGE OF THE
HMS RATTLESNAKE. 1852.

In the way of comparative philology the most important
part of the Grammar of the Australian languages is, gene-
rally, the Pronoun. That of the Kowrarega language will,
therefore, be the first point investigated.

In the tongues of the Indo-European class the personal
pronouns are pre-eminently constant, i. e., they agree in
languages which, in many other points, differ. How tho-
roughly the sound of m runs through the Gothic, Slavonic,
and Iranian tongues as the sign of the pronoun of the first
person singular, in the oblique cases ; how regularly a mo-
dification of t, s, or th , appears in such words as tu , 6v,
thou , &c. ! Now this constancy of the Pronoun exists in most
languages ; but not in an equally palpable and manifest form.
It is disguised in several ways. Sometimes , as in the Indo-
European tongues, there is one root for the nominative and
one for the oblique cases; sometimes the same form, as in
the Finlandic, runs through the whole declension; sometimes,
as when we say you for thou in English, one number is sub-
stituted for another; and sometimes, as when the German
says sie for thou, a change of the person is made as well.
When languages are known in detail, these complications
can be guarded against ; but where the tongue is but imper-
fectly exhibited a special analysis becomes requisite.

Generally, the first person is more constant than the se-
cond, and the second than the third; indeed, the third is
frequently no true personal pronoun at all, but a demon-
strative employed to express the person or thing spoken of
as the agent or object to a verb. Now, as there are fre-
quently more demonstratives than one which can be used

224 REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

in a personal sense, two languages may be, in reality, very
closely allied, though their personal pronouns of the third
person differ. Thus the Latin ego = syca ; but the Latin hie
and ille by no means correspond in form with 6g, txvtog, and
Exsivog. This must prepare us for not expecting a greater
amount of resemblance between the Australian personal pro-
nouns than really exists.

Beginning with the most inconstant of the three pronouns,
viz., that of the third person, we find in the Kowrarega
the following forms: —

Singular, masculine nu-du = he , him.

— feminine na-du — she , her.

Dual, common pale = they two, them two.

Plural, • — tana = they , them.

In the two first of these forms the du is no part of the root,
but an affix, since the Gudang gives us the simpler forms
nue and na. Pale, the dual form, occurs in the Western
Australian, the New South Wales, the South Australian,
and the Parnkalla as follows: boola, bulo-ara, purl-a, pud-
laribi = they Irvo.

2.

Singular ngi-du=thou, thee.
Dual ngi-pel=ye two, you two.

Plural ngi-tana=ye , you.

Here the root is limited to the syllable ngi, as shewn not
less by the forms ngi-pel, and ngi-tana , than by the simple
Gudang ngi=thou.

Ngi, expressive of the second person, is common in Au-
stralia: ngi-nnee, ngi-nloa, ni-nna, ngi-nte—lhou, thee, in the
W. Australian, N. S. Wales, Parnkalla, and Encounter Bay
dialects.

Ngi-pel is probably thou + pair. A priori this is a likely
way of forming a dual. As to the reasons a posteriori they
are not to be drawn wholly from the Kowrarega tongue it-
self. Here the word for two is not pel but quassur. But let
us look further. The root p-l, or a modification of it,=
two in the following dialects; as well as in the Parnkalla
and others — pur-laity e, pooletle, par-kooloo , bull-a, in the
Adelaide, Boraipar, Yak-kumban, and Murrumbidge. That
it may stand too for the dual personal pronoun is shewn in
the first of these tongues; since in the Adelaide language

OP THE VOYAGE OP THE RATTLESNAKE. 225

purla = ye two. Finally, its appearance amongst the pro-
nouns, and its absence amongst the numerals, occurs in the
Western Australian. The numeral two is kardura; but the
dual pronoun is boala. The same phenomenon would occur
in the present English if two circumstances had taken place,
viz., if the Anglo-Saxon dual rvi-t = we two had been retain-
ed up to the present time amongst the pronouns, and the
word pair, brace, or couple, had superseded two amongst the
numerals.

Lastly, the Western Australian and the Kowrarega so
closely agree in the use of the numeral two for the dual pro-
noun, that each applies it in the same manner. In the third
person it stands alone, so that in W. Australian boala, and
in Kowrarega pale = they two, just as if in English we said
pair or both, instead of they both (he pair); whilst in the se-
cond person, the pronoun precedes it, and a compound is
formed; just as if in English we translated the Greek
Gqxai, by thou pair or thou both.

1.

Singular nga-tu=I, me.

Dual albei=we l/rn , us two.

Plural arri=-me, us.

Here the plural and dual are represented, not by a modifi-
cation of the singular, but by a new word ; as different from
nga as nos is from ego. The tu, of course^ is non-radical,
the Gudang form being ngai.

Nga, expressive of the first person, is as common as ngi,
equivalent to the second. Thus, nga-wya, nga-toa, nga-/,
nga-pe --= I , me, in the W. Australian, M. S. Wales, Parn-
kalla, and Encounter Bay dialects.

Now the difference between the first and second persons
being expressed by different modifications (nga, ngi,) of the
same roof : ><7), rather than by separate words, suggests
the inquiry as to the original power of that root. It has
already been said that, in many languages, the pronoun ot
the third person is, in origin, a demonstrative. In the Kow-
rarega it seems as if even the basis of the first and second
was the root of the demonstrative also; since, by looking
lower down in the list, we find that i-na = lhis, che-na =
that, and nga-du (nga in Gudang) - f who. Ina and chena
also means here and there, respective \j-

The dual form albei reappears in the Yak-kumban dialect
of the River Darling where allewa = we two. Arn = us, is
also the first syllable in the Western Australian form ar-

15

226 REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

lingul = tve; or, rather it is ar-lingul in a simpler and less
compounded form. In a short specimen of Mr. Eyre's from
the head of the Great Australian Bight, the form in a ap-
pears in the singular number , ajjo = I and me. The root
tana = they, is not illustrated without going as far as the
Western Australian of Mr. Eyre. Here, however, we find it
in the compound word par-tanna = many. Its original power
is probably others \ and it is most likely a widely diffused
Australian root.

The pronouns in question are compound rather than simple ;
i. e. instead of nga — me, and ngi—thee, we have nga-lu
and ngi-du. What is the import and explanation of this?
It may safely be said, that the termination in the Australian
is not a termination like the Latin met in ego-met, inasmuch
as this last is constant . throughout the three persons {ego-
met, tute-mei, se-met), whereas, the former varies with the
pronoun to which it is appended (nga-tu, and ngi-du). I
hazard the conjecture that the two forms correspond with
the adverbs here and there; so that nga-tu = I here, and
ngi-du — thou there, and nu-du =he there. In respect to
the juxta-position of the simple forms (ngai , ngi, and nue)
of the Gudang with the compound ones {nga-tu, ngi-du, and
nu-du) of the Kowrarega, it can be shewn that the same oc-
curs in the Parnkalla of Port Lincoln ; where Mr. Eyre
gives the double form ngai and nga-ppo each = / or me.

Now, this analysis of the Kowrarega personals has exhi-
bited the evolution of one sort of pronoun out of another,
with the addition of certain words expressive of number, the
result being no true inflexion but an agglutination or com-
bination of separate words. It has also shewn how the se-
parate elements of such combinations may appear in differ-
ent forms and with different powers in different dialects of
the same language, and different languages of the same class,
even where, in the primary and normal signification, they
may be wanting in others. The first of these facts is a con-
tribution to the laws of language in general; the second
shews that a great amount of apparent difference may be
exhibited on the surface of a language which disappears as
the analysis proceeds.

In rude languages the Numerals vary with the dialect more
than most other words. We can understand this by imagin-
ing what the case would be in English if one of our dia-
lects counted things by the brace, another by the pair, and
a third by the couple. Nevertheless, if we bear in mind the
Greek forms &ala6Ga and duXaxta, we may fairly suppose
that the Kowrarega word for two, or quassvr, is the same

OP THE VOYAGE OP THE RATTLESNAKE. 227

word with the Head of Australian Bight kootera, the Parn-
kalla kullara, and the W. Australian kardura , having the
same meaning.

The difference, then, between the numerals of the Austra-
lian languages — and it is undoubtedly great — is no proof
of any fundamental difference of structure or origin. It is
just what occurs in the languages of Africa, and, in a still
greater degree, in those of America.

The extent to which the numeration is carried is a matter of
more importance. Possibly a numeration limited to the first
three, four, or five numbers is the effect of intellectual in-
feriority. It is certainly a cause that continues it. As a
measure of ethnological affinity it is unimportant. In Ame-
rica we have, within a limited range of languages, vigesi-
mal systems like the Mexican, and systems limited to the
three first units like the Caribb. The difference between a
vigesimal and decimal system arises simply from the prac-
tice of counting by the lingers and toes collectively, or the
fingers alone, being prevalent; whereas the decimal system
as opposed to the quinary is referrible to the numeration
being extended to both hands, instead of limited to one.
Numerations not extending as far as five are generally in-
dependent of the fingers in toto. Then as to the names of
particular numbers. Two nations may each take the name
of the number two from some natural dualism ; but they may
not take it from the same. For instance, one American
Indian may take it from a pair of skates, another from a
pair of shoes. If so , the word for two will differ in the two
languages, even when the names for skate and shoe agree.
All this is supported by real facts, and is no hypothetical
illustration; so that the inference from it is, that, in lan-
guages where a numeral system is in the process of forma-
tion, difference in the names of the numbers is compara-
tively unimportant.

The extent to which the numerals vary, the extent to
which they agree, and the extent to which this variation
and agreement are anything but coincident with geographi-
cal proximity or distance, may be seen in the following-
table: —

English
Moreton Bay
— Island
Bijenelumbo
Limbakarajia
Terrutoug

one

two

three

kamarah

bulla

mudyan

karawo

poonlah

madan

war.at

ngargark

2 + I

erat

ngargark

do.

roka

oryalk

do.
15*

228

REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

Limbapyu

immuta

lawidperra

2 + 1

Kowrarega

warapune

quassur

do.

Gudang

epiarnana

elabaio

do.

Darnley Island

netat

nes

do.

Raffles Bay

loca

orica

orongarie

Lake Macquarie

wakol

buloara

ngoro

Peel River

peer

pular

purla

Wellington

ngungbai

bula

bula-ngungbai

Corio

koimoil

Jhongworong

kap

Pinegorine

youa

Gnurellean

lua

King George's Sound

keyen

cuetrel

murben

Karaula

mal

bular

culeba

Lachlan, Regent Lake

nyoonbi

bulia

bulongonbi

Wollondilly River

me dung

pulla

colluerr

The Verb now requires notice. In languages in the same
stage of development with the Australian the usual analysis,
as shewn by the late Mr. Garnett in his masterly papers on
the structure of the verb , is as follows : 1 . The root. 2. The
possessive pronoun. 3. A particle of time — often originally
one of place.

A rough illustration of this is the statement that such a
word as dormivi = sleep — my — then (or there). To apply
this doctrine to the Kowrarega with our present data, is
unsafe. Still, I am inclined (notwithstanding some difficulties)
to identify the pa of the Present tense with the bu in kai-
bu=no?v, and the n of the preterite with the n of che-na
= there.

The double forms of the Past tense (one in n, and another
in m) are at present inexplicable. So are the double forms
of the Imperative, viz. the one in r, and the one in e. It
may, however, be remarked, that wherever the Imperative
ends in e, the Preterite has the form in m; thus, pid-e =
dig, pid-ema = dug '. The only exception is the anomalous
form peneingodgi = dived. This prepares the future gramma-
rian for a division of the Kowrarega Verbs into Conjuga-
tions.

The last class of words that supply the materials of com-
ment are the Substantives. Herein, the formation of the
plural by the addition of le , probably occurs in several of
the Australian tongues. I infer this from many of those
words which we find in the vocabularies of languages where-
of the grammar is unknown , and which are expressive of
naturally plural objects ending in li, la, or /.

OF THE VOYAGE OP THE RATTLESNAKE. 229

»J« Star ( J ta v S) , T^' pHle ' P°°- Ue ' in PwnkaUa, Ai-
awong, and Yak-kumban. ;

2. Fire (flames) — ka-lla, gad-la, in W. Australian and
.rarnkalla.

3. Head (hair) — kur-le, Encounter Bay. Here we learn
from the forms kar-ga, from the Head of the Great Austra-
lian Bight, and ma-kar-ta, from Adelaide, that the / is for-
eign to the root.

4. Hands ; — marrow-la in the Molonglo dialect; and con-
trasted with marra in the Adelaide.

This, however, is merely a conjecture; a conjecture, how-
ever, which has a practical bearing. It suggests caution in
the comparison of vocabularies; since, by mistaking an in-
flexion or an affix for a part of the root, we may overlook
really existing similarities.

Father Anjello's very brief grammatical sketch of the Lim-
bakarajia language of Port Essington * exhibits, as far as
it goes, precisely the same principles as Mr. Macgillivray's
Kowrarega; indeed, some of the details coincide.

Thus, the Limbakarajia personal pronouns are —

I = nga-pi. We = ngari.

Thou = noie. IVc two = arguri.

He , she , it — gianat. Ye = note.

They = ngalmo.

Here the pi in nga-pi is the po in the Aiawong nga-ppo;
the gian in gian-ai being, probably, the in in the Kowrarega
ina = ihaf, this. Ngalmo, also, is expressly stated to mean
many as well as they, a fact which confirms the view taken
of tana.

As for the tenses of the verbs, they are evidently no true
tenses at all, but merely combinations of the verbal root,
and an adverb of time. In Limbakarajia, however, the ad-
verbial element precedes the verbal one. In Kowrarega,
however, the equivalent to this adverbial element (probably
a simple adverb modified in form so as to amalgamate with
its verb , and take the appearance of an inflexion) follows
it ■ — a difference of order, sequence, or position, upon which
some philologists will, perhaps, lay considerable stress. On
the contrary, however, languages exceedingly similar in
other respects, may differ in the order of the parts of a
term; e. g. the German dialects, throughout, place the ar-
ticle before the noun, and keep it separate: whereas the

Given to Mr. Macgillivray by Mr. James Macaitlmr, and prefixed to the
MS. Port Essington Vocabulary, alluded to' at p. 157 of Vol. I.

230 REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

Scandinavian tongues not only make it follow, but incorpo-
rate it with the substantive with which it agrees. Hence, a term
which, if modelled on the German fashion, should be hin sol, be-
comes, in Scandinavian, solen = the sun. And this is but one
instance out of many. Finally , I may add that the prefix
apa, in the present tense of the verb = cut, is, perhaps, the
same affix eipa in the present tense of the Kowrarega verbs.

Another point connected with the comparative philology
of Australia is the peculiarity of its phonetic system. The
sounds of / and s are frequently wanting. Hence, the pre-
sence of either of them in one dialect has been considered
as evidence of a wide ethnological difference. Upon this
point — in the case of s — the remarks on the sound systems
of the Kowrarega and Gndang are important. The statement
is, the s of the one dialect becomes ty or tsh (and cli) in the
other. Thus the English word breast = susu , Kowrarega;
tyu-tyu, Gudang, and the English outrigger float = sarima,
Kowrarega; charima , Gudang, — which of these two forms
is the older? Probably the Gudang, or the form in ty. If
so, the series of changes is remarkable, and by attending
to it we may see how sounds previously non-existent may
become evolved.

Thus • — let the original form for breast be tutu. The first
change which takes place is the insertion of the sound of
y, making tyu-tyu; upon the same principle which makes
certain Englishmen say gyarden, kyind, and sktjey , for gar-
den, kind, and sky. The next change is for ty to become
tsh. This we find also in English, where picture or pictyoor
is pronounced pictshur, &c. This being the change exhibited
in the Gudang form tyutyu (pr. choochoo, or nearly so), we
have a remarkable phonetic phenomenon, viz. the existence
of a compound sound (tsh) wherein s is an element, in a lan-
guage where s, otherwise than as the element of a compound,
is wanting. In other words, we have a sound formed out of
s, but not s itself; or (changing the expression still further)
we have s in certain combinations, but not uncombined.
Let, however, the change proceed, and the initial sound of
t be lost. In this case tsh becomes sh. A further change
reduces sh to s.

When all this has taken place — and there are many lan-
guages wherein the whole process is exhibited — the sound
of a hitherto unknown articulation becomes evolved or deve-
loped by a natural process of growth, and that in a language
where it was previously wanting. The phenomenon, then,
of the evolution of new simple sounds should caution us
against over-valuing phonetic differences. So should such

OP THE VOYAGE OP THE RATTLESNAKE. 23 1

facts as that of the closely allied dialects of the Gudang
and Kowrarega differing from each other by the absence or
presence of so important a sound as that of s.

The comparative absence, however, of the sound of s, in
Australian, may be further refined on in another way; and
it may be urged that it is absent, not because it has never
been developed, or called into existence, but because it has
ceased to exist. In the Latin of the Augustan age as com-
pared with that of the early Republic, we find the s of words
like arbos changed into r (arbor). The old High German,
also, and the Icelandic, as compared with the Meso-Gothic,
does the same. Still the change only affects certain inflec-
tional syllables, so that the original s being only partially
displaced, retains its place in the language, although it oc-
curs in fewer words. In Australian, where it is wanting at
all, it is wanting in toto: and this is a reason for believing
that its absence is referrible to non-development rather than
to displacement. For reasons too lengthy too exhibit, I believe
that this latter view is not applicable to Australian; the S,
when wanting, being undeveloped. In either case, however,
the phonetic differences between particular dialects are the
.measures of but slight differences.

Now — with these preliminaiy cautions against the overva-
luation of apparent differences — we may compare the new data
for the structure of the Kowrarega and Limbakarajia with
the received opinions respecting the Australian grammars in
general.

These refer them to the class of agglutinate tongues, /. c.
tongues wherein the inflections can be shewn to consist of
separate words more or less incorporated or amalgamated with
the roots which they modify. It may be said that this view
is confirmed rather than impugned.

Now, what applies to the Australian grammars applies
also to Polynesian and the more highly-developed Malay
languages , — such as the Tagala of the Philippines, for in-
stance; and, if such being the case, no difference of prin-
ciple in respect to their structure separates the Australian from
the languages of those two great classes. But the details,
it may be said, differ undoubtedly; and this is what we ex-
pect. Plural numbers, signs of tense, and other grammati-
cal elements, are evolved by means of the juxtaposition of
similar but not identical elements, e. g. one plural may be
formed by the affix signifying many ; another, by the affix
signifying with or conjointly; one preterite may be the root
plus a"word meaning then; another the root plus a word mean-
ing there. Futures, too, may be equally evolved by the

232 REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

*

incorporation or juxtaposition of the word meaning after, or
the word meaning to-morrow. All this makes the exact coin-
cidence of the details of inflection the exception rather than
the rule.

This doctrine goes farther than the mere breaking-down
of the lines of demarcation which separate classes of langua-
ges like the Australian from classes of languages like the
Malayo-Polynesian. It shews how both may be evolved from
monosyllabic tongues like the Chinese or Siamese. The proof
that such is really the case lies in the similarity of indivi-
dual words, and consists in comparative tables. It is too
lengthy for the present paper, the chief object of which is
to bring down the inferences from the undoubtedly great
superficial differences between the languages of the parts in
question to their proper level.

In respect to the vocabularies , the extent to which the ana-
lysis which applies to the grammar applies to the vocables
also may be seen in the following instance. The word hand
Bijenelumbo and Limbapyu is birgalk. There is also in each
language a second form — anbirgalk — wherein the an is
non-radical. So, also, is the alk; since we find that armpit =
ingamb-alk, shoulder = mundy-alk, and fingers =mong alk. This •
brings the root = hand to birg. Now this we can find else-
where by looking for. In the Liverpool dialect, bir-il =
hand, and at King George's Sound, peer = nails. The com-
monest root, = hand in the Australian dialects, is m-r, e. g.

Moreton Bay murrah Corio far-onggnetok

Karaula marra Jhongworong far-okgnata

Sydney da-mora Murrumbidje mur-rugan

Mudje mara Molonglo mar-rowla

Wellington murra Head of Bight merrer

Liverpool ta-mura Parnkalla marra

All this differs from the Port Essington terms. Elbow, how-
ever, in the dialects there spoken, =.waare; and forearm -=
am-ma-tvoor; wier , too, = palm in Kowrarega.

To complete the evidence for this latter word being the
same as the m-r of the other dialects and languages, it would
be necessary to shew, by examples, how the sounds of m
and w interchange; and also to shew (by examples, also) how
the ideas of elbow, forearm, and hand do so. But as the pre-
sent remarks are made for the sake of illustrating a method,
rather than establishing any particular point, this is not ne-
cessary here; a few instances taken from the names of the
parts of the human body being sufficient to shew the gene-
ral distribution of some of the commoner Australian roots,

Or THE VOYAGE OP THE RATTLESNAKE.

233

and the more special fact of their existence in the northern
dialects :

English
Terrutong

English
Moreton Island
Peel River
Mudje
"Wellington
Liverpool
Bathurst
Boraipar
Lake Hind-
marsh
Murrumhidje
Molonglo
Pinegorine
Gnurellean

hand
manarviye

foot

fencing

Una

dina

dinnung

dan a

dina

tchin-nang-y

jin-nerr

Ijin-nuk
tjin-y-gy
gena

gen-ong-be-
gnen-a

English hair, beard

Moreton Island yerreng

Bijenelumho yirka

Regent's Lake ooran

Lake Mac- rvurung
quarie

English
Moreton Island
Moreton Bay
Gudang

Bijenelumho

Regent's Lake

Karaula

Mudje

Corio

Colack

Dautgart

eye
mel
mill

emeri= eye-
brow
merde= eyelid
mil
mil
mir

mer-gnet-ok
mer-gnen-ok
mer-gna-nen

Peel River
Raffles Bay

Moreton Bay
Karaula
Lake Mac-

quarie
Jhongworong
Corio
Colack
Bight Head
Parnkalla
Aiawong
K. George's

Sound
Goold Island

Goold Island

Wellington

Karaula

Sydney

Peel River

Mud°e

Jhongworong
Pinegorine
Gnurellean
Boraipar
Lake Hind-
marsh
Lake Mundy
Murrumbidje
Bight Head
K. George's
Sound

ma
maneiya

chidna

tinna

Una

gnen-ong-gnata

gen-ong-gnet-ok

ken-ong-gnet-ok

jinna

idna

dtun

lian

pinyun and
pinkan

kiaram

uran

yerry

yaren

ierai

yarai

mer-ing-gna-ta

ma

mer-e-gnen-a

mer-ring-y

mer

meer-rang
mil
mail
mial

234

REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

English
Moreton Island
Moreton Bay
Lake Mac-
quarie

tooth
liya
deer
Una

English
Kowrarega
Sydney
Liverpool
Lake Mac-
quarie

ear

kowra

kure

kure

ngureong

Sydney
Wellington
Murrumbidje
Goold Island

Moreton Bay
Karaula
Peel River
Bathurst
Goold Island

yera
irang
yeeran
eera

English

tongue

Lake Mac-

ialan

Moreton Bay

dalan

quarie

Eegent's Lake

talleng

Sydney

dalan

Karaula

talley

Peel River

tale

Goold Island

talil

K. George's
Sound

ialien

bidna

binna

bine

benang-arei

pinna

The Miriam Vocabulary belongs to a different class, viz.
the Papuan. It is a dialect of language first made known
to us through the Voyage of the Fly, as spoken in the is-
lands Erroob, Maer, and Massied. Admitting this, we col-
late it with the North Australian tongues, and that, for the
sake of contrast rather than comparison. Here, the philolo-
gist, from the extent to which the Australian tongues differ
from each other, notwithstanding their real affinity, is pre-
pared to find greater differences between an Australian and
a Papuan language than, at the first glance, exists. Let us
verify this by reference to some words which relate to the
human body, and its parts.

English.

Erroob

Massied.

Kowrarega.

GUDANG.

Nose

pit

pichi

pili

Lips

anka

angka

Cheek

baag

,

baga

baga

Chin , jam

iba

ibu

ibu

ebu

Navel

kopor ,

kupor

kupor

kupar

kopurra

Eye

■

dana

dana

dana

Skin

egur

equora

Vein
Bone

kercr
lid

kirer

kerur
rida

kerur

Sore

bada

bada

OF THE VOYAGE OP THE RATTLESNAKE. 235

Few Australian vocabularies are thus similar — a fact
which may be said to prove too much; since it may lead to
inference that the so-called Papuan tongue of Torres Strait
is really Australian. Nevertheless, although I do not abso-
lutely deny that such is the case, the evidence of the whole
body of _ ethnological facts — e. g. those connected with the
moral, intellectual, and physical conformation of the two
populations — is against it.

And so is the philology itself, if we go further. The
Erroob pronouns are,

Me = ka you = ma his = eta

Mine = ka-ra your = ma ra

all of which are un-Australian.

Are we then to say that all the words of the table just
given are borrowed from the Australian by the Papuans, or
vice versa? No. Some belong to the common source of the
two tongues, pit = nose being, probably, such a word; whilst
others are the result of subsequent intercourse.

Still, it cannot absolutely be said that the Erroob or Mi-
riam tongue is not Australian also, or vice versa. Still less,
is it absolutely certain that the former is not transitional be-
tween the New Guinea language and the Australian. I be-
lieve, however, that it is not so.

The doubts as to the philological position of the Miriam
are by no means diminished by reference to the nearest un-
equivocally Papuan vocabulary, viz. that of Redscar Bay.
Here the difference exceeds rather than falls short of our
expectations. The most important of the few words which
coincide are

English.

Eedscab

Bay.

Ekeoob.

Head

quara

herem

Mouth

mao

mit = lips

Testicles

abu

eba =■ penis

Shoulder

paga

pagas = upper arm

On the other hand, the Redscar Bay word for throat, kato,
coincides with the Australian /carta of the Gudang of Cape
York. Again, a complication is introduced by the word
buni-mala = eyebrotv. Here mala= eye , and , consequently,
buni=bro-w. This root re-appears in the Erroob; but there
it means the eyeball, as shewn by the following words from
Jukes' Vocabulary.

Eye irkeep

Eyebrotv irkeep moos = eye-hair

236 REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

Eye ball poni

Eyelid poni-pow = eyeball-hair

Probably the truer meaning of the Redscar Bay word is
eyeball.

No inference is safer than that which brings the popula-
tion of the Louisiade Archipelago, so far, at least, as it is
represented by the Vocabularies of Brierly Island and Du-
chateau Island, from the eastern coast of New Guinea.
What points beyond were peopled from Louisiade is another
question.

For the islands between New Ireland and New Caledonia
our data are lamentably scanty; the list consisting of —

1. A short vocabulary from the Solomon Isles.

2. Short ones from Mallicollo.

3. The same from Tanna.

4. Shorter ones still from Erromanga and

5. Annatom.

6. Cook's New Caledonian Vocabulary.

7. La Billardiere's ditto.

The collation of these with the Louisiade has led me to
a fact which I little expected. As far as the very scanty
data go, they supply the closest resemblance to the Loui-
siade dialects, from the two New Caledonian vocabularies.
Now New Caledonia was noticed in the Appendix to the
Voyage of the Fly (vol. ii. p. 318) as apparently having clo-
ser philological affinities with Van Diemen's Land, than that
country had with Australia ; an apparent fact which induced
me to write as follows: "A proposition concerning the Tas-
manian language exhibits an impression, rather than a de-
liberate opinion. Should it, however, be confirmed by fu-
ture researches, it will at once explain the points of phy-
sical contrast between the Tasmanian tribes and those of
Australia that have so often been insisted on. It is this —
that the affinities of language between the Tasmanian and
the New Caledonian are stronger than those between the
Australian and Tasmanian. This indicates that the stream
of population for Van Diemen's Land ran round Australia,
rather than across it." Be this as it may, the remark, with
our present scanty materials, is, at best, but a suggestion
— a suggestion, however, which would account for the phy-
sical appearance of the Tasmanian being more New Cale-
donian than Australian.

The chief point of resemblance between the Louisiade
and the New Caledonian is taken from the numerals. In
each system there is a prefix, and in each that prefix begins

OF THE VOYAGE OF THE RATTLESNAKE.

237

with a labral letter — indeed the rva of New Caledonia and
the pahi of Louisiade seem to be the same roots.

Brierly Island

Cook's New Caledonia

La Billardiere's do.

Brierly Island

Cook's New Caledonia

La Billardiere's do.

Brierly Island

Cook's New Caledonia

La Billardiere's do.

Brierly Island

Cook's New Caledonia

La Billardiere's do.

Brierly Island

Cook's Xew Caledonia

La Billardiere's do.

1.

2.

pailie-tia

wa-geeaing

oua-nait

pabi-wo

wa-roo

oua-dou

3.

4.

paihe-tuan

wa-teen

oua-tguien

paihe-pak

wa-mbaeek

oua-tbait

5.

6.

pailie-lima
wa-nnim

paihe-won

wa - nnini - geeek

oua-nnaim

ou-naim-guik

7.

8.

pabe-pik
wa-nnim-noo

paihe-wan
wa-nnini-gain

oua-naim-dou

ou-naim-guein

9.

10.

paihe-siwo

wa-nnim-baeek

oua-naim-bait

paihe-awata

wa-nnoon-aiuk

oua-doun-bic

The Redscar Bay numerals are equally instructive. They
take two forms: one with, one without, the prefix in orv, as
recorded by Mr. Macgillivray.

This system of prefix is not peculiar. The Tanna and
Mallicollo numerals of Cook are —

English.

Tanna.

Malt.icollo

One

r-eedee

tsee-kaee

Two

ka-roo

e-ry

Three

ka-liar

e-rei

Four

kai-phar

e-bats

Five

k-reerum

e-reeum

Six

ma-r-eedee

tsookaeee

Seven

ma-k-roo

gooy

Eight

ma-ka-har

hoo-rey

Nine

ma-kai-phar

good-bats

Ten

ma-k-reerum

senearn

238

REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

Here, although the formations are not exactly regular, the
prefixion of an initial syllable is evident. So is the quinary
character of the numeration. The prefix itself, however, in
the Tanna and Mallicollo is no labial, as in the Louisiade
and New Caledonian, but either k or a vowel.

The next fact connected with the Louisiade vocabularies
is one of greater interest. Most of the names of the dif-
ferent parts of the body end in da. In the list in question
they were marked in italics ; so that the proportion they bear
to the words not so ending was easily seen. Now it is only
the words belonging to this class that thus terminate. Else-
where the ending da is no commoner than any other.

What does this mean? If we look to such words as mata-
da= eyes, sopa-da = lips, maka-da^= teeth, and some other
naturally plural names, we should infer that it was a sign
of number. That this , however , is not the case is shewn by
the equivalents to tongue, nose, and other single members
where the affix is equally common. What then is its import?
The American tongues help us here.

English

Mbaya

Abifoni

MOKOBI

Head

na-guilo

ne-maiat

Eye

ni-gecoge

na-toele

ni-cote

Ear

na-p agate

Nose

ni-onige

Tongue

no-gueligi

Hair

na-modi

ne-etiguic

na-ccuta

Hand

ni-baagadi

na-pakeni

na-pogupna

Foot

no-gonagi

English

Moxa (1) *

Moxa (2)

Moxa (3)

Head

nu-cititi

nu-clmti

lm-cliiuti

Eye

nu-chi

nu-ki

Ear

nu-cioca

Nose

nu-siri

nu-siri

Tongue

nu-nene

nu-nene

nu-nene.

Hand

nu-bore

nu-boupe

nu-bore

Foot

ni-bope

ni-bope

Now in these, and in numerous other American tongues,
the prefix is the possessive pronoun; in other words, there is
a great number of American languages where the capacity
for abstracting the thing possessed from the possessor is so
slight as to make it almost impossible to disconnect the noun
from its pronoun. I believe, then, the affixes in question

* These are three different dialects.

OF THE VOYAGE OP THE RATTLESKAKE.

239

have a possessive power ; and am not aware that possessive
adjuncts thus incorporated have been recognised in any of
the languages for these parts; indeed, they are generally
considered as American characteristics.

How far does their presence extend? In the New Cale-
donian vocabulary of La Billardiere we find it. The names
of the parts of the body all take an affix, which no other
class of words does. This is gha, guai, or ghai, or other
similar combination of g with a vowel. In Van Diemen's
Land, an important locality, we find the following series of
words , which are submitted to the judgment of the reader.

English.

"Western Tasmanian.

Foot

lula

Leg

peea = piya = posteriors, Bnimer I.

Thigh

tula = turi = knee, Brumer I.

Belly

cawara-ny

Neck

denia

Ears

lewli-na

Nose

me-na

Eyes

pollatoola=*natara-pulupulura = eyelashes, Brierly I.

Hair

pareata

—

palani-na

Face

manrable

Mouth

ca-nia

Teelh

yannalople = yinge-da, Brierly I.

Tongue

tulla-na

Arm

alree

Fist

reannema-na

Head

pulbea-ny

Here the termination na appears elsewhere, as in memana =

fight, nabagee-na = sun ; but by no means so frequently,

nor yet

with such an approach to regularity.

English.

Cibculak Head.

Hair

parba

Hand

rabal-ga

Foot

rabuc-ka

Head

ewue-ka

Eye

mameric-ca

Nose

rowari-ga

Tongue

inamana = mimena, Brumer I.

Teeth

cawna

Ear

cowanrig-ga

Here however, it must not be concealed that the termi-
nation ka, or ga, occurs in other words, such as tenal-ga

240

REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES

= laugh, tar-ga = cry, teiri-ga = walk, lamunika = seo.
These, however, are verbs; and it is possible (indeed pro-
bable) that the k or g is the same as in the preceding sub-
stantives, just as the m in su-m and st-fii is the m in meus,
me, and e^ii. Still, this will not apply throughout; e. g. the
words like lalli-ga — kangaroo, para-ka = flower, and others.

English.

Eastern Tasmanian.

Eye

lepe-na

Ear

pelverata

Elbow

rowella

Foot

langa-na

Fist

trew

Head

pathe-na-naddi

Hair

eetha-na

Hand

anama-na = nema-da, Brumer I.

Knee

narinabena-na

Leg

lathana-ma

Teeth

yan-na = yinge-da, Brierly I.

Tongue

me-na = mime-na , Brumer I.

Chin

came-na

Neck

lepera

Breast

wagley

Here, the number of other words ending in net is very
considerable; so considerable that, if it were not for the
cumulative evidence derived from other quarters, it would
be doubtful whether the na could legitimately be considered
as a possessive affix at all. It may, however, be so even
in the present instance.

To these we may add two lists from the Lobo and Utanata
dialects of the south-western coast of New Guinea.

English

Utanata

Lobo

Arms

too

nima-ngo

Back

urimi

rusuko-ngo

Beard

minooro

Belly

imauw

kamboro-ngo

Breast-female
Breast-male

auw I
paiety)

gingo-ngo

Cheeks

awamu

wafiwirio-ngo

Ears

ianie

Eyebrows
Eyes

matata-ngo-waru
matatoto-ngo

mame

Fingers
Fool

nima-nga-sori
kai-ngo

mouw

Hands

toe-mare

nima-ngo-uta

OP THE VOYAGE OF THE RATTLESNAKE.

241

Hair

oeirie

mono-ng-fum

Head

oepauw

mono-ngo or umum

Knee

iripu

kai-ngo-woko

Mouth

irie

orie-ngo

Nose

birimboe

sikaio-ngo

Neck

ema

gara-ng

Tongue

mare

kario-ngo

Thigh

ai

willanima

Teeth

titi

riwoto-ngo

Toes

nisora

Finally, we have the long, and evidently compound forms
of the Corio, Colack , and other Australian dialects ; long and
evidently compound forms which no hypothesis so readily
explains as that of the possessive adjunct; a phenomenon
which future investigation may shew to be equally Oceanic
and American.

NOTES AND ADDENDA.

The vocabularies of the Eattlesnake are (l) Australian, (2)
Papuan.

The former were for the parts about Cape York, i. e. the North-
ermost part of Australia , and also the part nearest the Papuan
area. The Kowrarega was the form of speech best illustrated.

The Papuan vocabularies were for the Louisiade Archipelago;
wholly new as data for a very important and interesting area.

The following paper, connected with the remarks on the in-
corporation of the possessive pronoun with certain substantives,
though on an Asiatic language may find place here.

16

ON A ZAZA VOCABULARY.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

MAY THE 23RD.

The following vocabulary is one taken by Dr. H. Sand-
with from a Kurd of the Zaza tribe, one of the rudest of
the whole Kurd family, and one for which we have no phi-
lological specimens.

English. Zaza.

head skxh-min.

eyes tchim-emz/i.

eyebrows burue-mzw.

nose zinje-mm.

moustache simile-m/w.

beard ardishe-mw.

tongue zo&nh-min.

teeth dildone-mm.

ears guslie-mj'w.

fingers ingiskte-jnin.

arm pazie-mm.

legs Mnge-min.

father pio-?m«.

mother mai-mm.

sister wai-mz'ft.

brother brai min.

the back paslitiai-mm.

hair pore-mw.

cold serdo.

hot "aurogbermo.

sun rojsLnveslio.

moon hashme.

star sterrai.,

mountain kboo.

English.

sea

valley

eggs

Zaza.
aho.
derei.
hoiki.

a fowl kerghi.

welcome tebexairome.

come beiri.

stay roshe.

bread noan.

water awe.

child katcbimo.

virgin keinima.

orphan lajekima.

morning sliaurow.

tree dori.

iron asin.

hare aurish.

greyhound taji.

pig khooz.

earth ert.

fire adir.

stone see.

silver sdm.

strength kote.

sword shimsbir.

ON A ZAZA VOCABULARY. 243

English. Zaza. English. Zaza.

« /" oa; krevesh. n Ao««e ke.

^"ff kive. green kesk.

partridge zaraj. crimson so or.

»"* shut. black siali.

horse istor. white supeo.

mare mahine. sleep .- rausume.

grapes eshkijshi. go slioori

The meaning of the termination -min has been explained
by Pott and Rbdiger in their Kurdische Sludien. It is the
possessive pronoun of the first person = my = mens ~- i^og,
ike; so that sere-min = c^ut-meum (or met), and pie-»?m =
pater- meus (or met).

So_ little was the Zaza who supplied Dr. Sandwith with
the list under notice able to conceive a hand or father, ex-
cept so far as they were related to himself, or something,
else, and so essentially concrete rather than abstract were
his notions, that he combined the pronoun with the substan-
tive whenever he had a part of the human body or a degree
of consanguinity to name. It is difficult to say how far this
amalgamation is natural to the uncultivated understanding,
i. e. it is difficult to say so on a priori grounds. That the
condition of a person applied to for the purpose of making
a glossary out of his communications is different from that
under which we maintain our ordinary conversation, is evi-
dent. Ordinary conversation gives us a certain number of
words, and a context as well. A glossary gives us words
only, and disappoints the speaker who is familiar with
contexts.

If this be true, imperfect contexts, like the combinations
pie-min , &c. should be no uncommon occurrences. Nor are
they so. They are pre-eminently common in the American
languages. Thus in Mr. Wallace's vocabularies from River
Uapes the list run thus: —

English. Uainambeu. Juki. bakiie.

head (my) m'-bida tcho-keveu wo-dusia

mouth (my) m'-numa tcho-ia. no-nunia.

&c. &c. &c &c.

similar illustrations being found in almost every American
glossary.

In his Appendix to Macgillivray's Voyage of the Rattle-
snake, the present writer has pointed out instances of this
amalgamation in the languages of the Louisiade. He now
*» 16*

244 ON A ZAZA VOCABULARY.

adds, that he has also found it in some of the samples of the
ordinary Gipsy language of England, as he has taken it from
the mouth of English Gipsies.

He considers it to be a personal rather than a philologi-
cal characteristic, certain individuals having a minimum
amount of abstracting power, and such individuals being
inordinately common amongst the American Indians.

ON THE PERSONAL PRONOUNS AND

NUMERALS OF THE MALLICOLLO AND

ERROMANGO LANGUAGES.

BY THE REVEREND C. ABRAHAM.

COMMUNICATED WITH REMARKS

TO THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY
by Dr. E. G. LATHAM.

April 22. 1853.

Mallicolc

i or Sesok?

Mallicolo.

English.

Mallicolo.

English.

Inau,

I

urare ,

child.

khai-im ,

you.

aramomau ,

father.

na-ii,

he.

nebok ,

a man.

na-muhl,\
drivan )

exclus.

bauenunk,

a male.

we two - inclus.

rambaiuk,

a female.

kha-miihl,

you two.

i the sun, also

na-taroi,

you three.

mariu ,

< their name for

na-tavatz ,

you four.

( God.

dra-tin ,

we three.

tepe,

worship.

dra-tovalz.

we four.

nakambu ,

fire.

etvoi ,

yes.

si-kal ,

one.

emrve,

not.

e-ua,

two.

nelumbai , )

know.

e-roi,

three.

tatanini , 1

e-vatz,

four.

dratiban ,

go.

e-rima ,

five.

utoi ,

language.

sU'kai

six.

ampreusi ,

see.

rvhi-u ,

seven.

tipen agene,

shoot arrows.

o-roi,

eight.

to perilo nat

throw stones.

whi-vatz,

nine.

bar a , >

singeap ,

ten.

no kani wan-
gas isank,

| I eat good food.

246

ON THE PERSONAL AND NUMEKALS OF THE MALLICOLLO

Erromango.
I au ,
kik ,

iyi,

enn-iau ,
ennun-kik,
cnn-ii,
cnnun-kos ,
ennun-kimi ,
enn-irara ,
sai-imou ,
sai-nempe ,
aramai ,
tagraubuki ,

saitavan ,
du-ru ,
tesal ,

menda-vat ,
suku-ring ,
sikai ,

suku-rimnaro,
saku-rimtesal ,

English.

you.
he.

my.
thy.
his.

your.

their.

this.

that.

good.

bad.

one.

two.

three,

four.

five.

six.

seven.

eight.

suku-rimendarat, nine.

Ekromango.

Erromango.
kosengu ,
kimingu ,
irara ,
ngaraodlem ,

nobu,
natamas,
etemen ,
ian niteni,
tinema ,
etemelallari ,
liamesu ,
ei ,
taui ,
navang ,
hamonuki,
akase ,
nimint .
lebetanlop ,
warakdang ,
ielangunt ,
lampunl,
kikome ,

REMARKS.

English.
we.

y e -

they,
ten.

God.

spirit.

father.

son.

mother.

man.

thing.

yes.

no.

eat.

drink.

see.

eyes.

finger.

nose.

ear.

hair.

name-

Since these vocabularies were laid before the Society, a
"Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pa-
cific," by Capt. J. E. Erskine, R. N., has been published.
This shows the sources of the preceding lists; since the bishop
of New Zealand accompanied the expedition, and succeeded
in taking back with him, on his return, some youths for
the purposes of education.

The class to which these vocabularies belong has never
been, sufficiently for the purposes of publication, reduced
to writing, nor is any member of it known to scholars in
general, in respect to its grammatical structure. This, how-
ever, will probably not be the case much longer, since Capt.
Erskine has placed the materials for the study of the Anei-
tum (Anna torn) language in the hands of Mr. Norriss, who
is prepared for its investigation. Neither has the class been
wholly neglected. A grammar of the Tanna (an allied lan-
guage) was drawn up by Mr. Heath, but it has not been
published, and is probably lost. Dr. Pritchard, who had
seen extracts from it, writes , that it contained a trinal as

AND ElUUMAXGO LANGUAGES. 247

well as a singular, a dual, and & plural number. The pre-
sent list elucidates this. The trinal number (so-called) of the
Malhcolo is merely the personal pronoun plus the numeral 3 ;
each element being so modified as to give the appearance
of an inflection.

The following tables exhibit the numerals of certain other
islands in the neighbourhood. They are taken from Captain
Erskine's work, in which reference is made to a "Descrip-
tion of the Islands in the Western Pacific Ocean, by A.
Cheyne." This has not been examined by the present writer.

Isle op
Eng. Tana. Fotuna* Pines. Uea. Uea. Yengen. Balad. Lieu.

one. . II- Li . . . ta-si . . . . ta. . . . tahi . |>aclla . . . hcls . . . .par-ai. . chas.

tiro. . ka-ru . . rua vo . . . lua. . lo he-luk. . . par roo . lu-ele.

three, ka-har. . loru .... ve-li. . lolu . kuu . . . .he-yen . . par-g-en kun-ele.

four ■ ke-fa. . . fa beu. . . fa . . thack . . . po-bils . . par-bai . ek-ele.

fit-e . ka-rii tun rinia .... ta-hue . lima . thabumb . nim . . . . pa-nim . tibi.

sLr . . Iiti (?) . . ono no-ta. . tain . lo-acha . . nim-wet. . par-ai . . chb-lemen.

seven, ka-m (?) filu ... . no-bo . lua. . lo-alo . . . nim-weluk par-roo . luen-g-emen.
cipht . ka-han ?) vain . . . no-beti. tolu . lo-kunn . . nim-weyon par-g-en . kun-cng-cmen.

nine -ke-fa (?) iva no-beu.fa . . lo-lh.tt.-k. . nim-pobil par-bai . ske-ngemen.

ten . . ka-rii-uni? lang-a-ficru. de-kau. lima . te-bennelc pain-duk pa-nim .lue-ipe.

Mr. Abraham's Mallicolo represents the same language with
the Mallicolo vocabulary of Captain Cook's Voyages, with
which it pretty closely agrees.

His Erromango is more peculiar. S>'A'm'=six== the Mal-
licolo sukai, which is, itself, nearly the $ikai = one. The
—ring in suku-n'w^, too, is the Mallicolo rima. This we
know, from the analogies of almost all the languages of
Polynesia and the Indian Archipelago, to be the word lima
= hand. Hence e-rima (Mallicolo), hand, and suka-ring
(Erromango) = one hand. The vat in mendn-val is the Mal-
licolo -bats in e-bats, the Malay am-pat = four. Du-re is the
Mallicolo e-ry, there being in each case a prefixed syllable.
The analysis of lesal and sailavan is less clear. Neither is
it certain how ngaraodlen ^= ten. The other numerals are
compounds. This, perhaps, is sufficient to show that the
difference between the numerals of the Mallicolo and Erro-
mango is a difference of a very superficial kind. So it is with
the Tana, Fotuna, and the first Uea specimens. We must
always remember that the first syllable is generally a non-
radical prefix.

In the Tana of the preceding table, the words for 6, 7,
8, 9, and 10, seem to be merely the words for 1, 2, 3, 4,
and 5 repeated, and something of the same kind appears in
the first Uea. Perhaps the representation may be imperfect.
At any rate the Tanna of Cook's Voyage runs —

* Or Erronan. The Nuia or Immer numerals are the same.

248 ON THE PERSONAL PRONOUNS AND NUMERALS &C.

Eng. Tanna. Eng. Tanna.

one . r-eedee. three ka-har.

two . ka-roo. four, kai-phar.

five . k-reerum. eight, ma-ka-nar.

six . ma-r-eedee. nine . ma-kai-phar.

seven ma-ka-roo. ten . . ma-k-reerum.

The same appears in the Balad of New Caledonia. Now
Cooks New Caledonian runs —

Eng. New Caledonian. Eng. New Caledonian.

one . wa-geeaing. six. . wa-nnim-geeek.

two . nia-roo. seven wa-nnim-noo.

three wa-teen. eight, wa nnim-gain.

four, wa-mbaeek. nine . wa-nnim-baeek.

five . wa-nnira. ten . . wa-nnim-aiuk.

The Yengen and Lifu vocabularies are not so different
but that the lu and kun of the one = the luk and yen of the
other, as well as the lo and kiuu of the second Dea, and
the roo and gen of the Balad.

The importance, of these non-radical syllables in the nu-
merals has been indicated by the present writer in the ap-
pendix to Mr. M'Grillivray's 'Voyage of the Rattlesnake.'
There we find several well-selected specimens of the langua-
ges of the Louisiade archipelago. Ihe fact of certain affi-
nities between these and the New Caledonian is there indi-
cated. Each has its prefix. In each the prefix is a labial.

English. Two.

Louisiade paihe-taati.

New Caledonia wa-teen &c.

Now the Tana and Mallicolo tongues have a prefix also,
but this is not a labial. It is rather a. vowel or k (guttural
or palatal). Here lies a difference — a difference of detail.
Yet the same change can now be shown to be within the
pale of the New Caledonian itself, as may be seen by com-
paring par-roo and par-gen (pah-gen?) with he-luk and
he-yen.

The change from r to I creates no difficulty. In one of
the Tana vocabularies one — li-ti , in another r-eedee.

These points have been gone into for the sake of guard-
ing against such exaggeration of the differences between the
languages of the parts in question as the apparent differen-
ces in the numerals have a tendency to engender.

AMERICA.

(NORTH).

ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE OREGON
TERRITORY.

HEAD

BEFORE THE ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY

ON THE llTH DECEMBER 18i4.

The languages dealt with are those that lie between Rus-
sian America and New California. It is only, however, such
as are spoken on the sea-coast and on the American frontier
that are fairly known to us. Concerning some of the latter,
such as the Blackfoot, the notices are deferred. Little, in
the present state of our knowledge, can be attempted beyond
the mere verification of vocabularies. In his list, however,
of these, the writer has attempted to be exhaustive.

It is convenient to enumerate these vocabularies separately
and to proceed from North to South.

Queen Charlotte's Island. — The two chief vocabularies are
Mr Tolmie's and Messrs Sturgin and Bryant's, in the Jour-
nal of the Geographical Society and the Archseologia Ame-
ricana respectively. They represent different dialects.

English.

Sturgin & Bryant.

Haidahof, To

Man

keeset

kleilhatsta

Woman

kna, ana

tsata

Canoe

cloo

kloo

Tobacco

qull

quil

Water

huntle

huntle

Sun

tzue

shandlain

250

OX THE LANGUAGES OF THE OREGON TERRITORY.

English. Sturgin & Beyant. Haldahof , Tolmie.

Moon

kulin

khough

Rain

tull

tull

Snow

tull hatter

dhanw

Dog

hah

hootch

Bear

tunn

tann

T.

Thou

cagen
tinkyah

teea
tungha

With these,

the few words in

the Mithridates coincide

MlTHRIDATES.

Tolmie.

One
Two
Three

sounchou

stonk

sloonis

squansung

stung

klughunnil

Chimmesyan. — Mr Tolmie's vocabulary — Journal of Geo-
graphical Society. Spoken between 53° 30' and 55° 30'

Billechoola. — Mr Tolmies vocabulary ; ibid. Spoken on the
Salmon River.

Friendly Village. — In Mackenzie's Travels , we find a few
words from a tribe on the Salmon River. Their locality is
called by Mackenzie the Friendly Village. By the aid of
Mr Tolmie's vocabularies, we can now place this hitherto
unfixed dialect. It belongs to the Billechoola tongue.

English.

Friendly Village.

Billechoola.

Salmon

zirailk

shimilk

Dog

watts

watz

House

zlaachle

shmool'

Bark-mat

zemnez

Cedar-bark-blankel

tzummi

Beaver

couloun

couloun

Stone

dichts

quilstolomick

Water

ulkan

kullah

Mat

gistcom

stuchom

Bonnet

ilcaette

kayeete

Filz-Hugh Sound. — For these parts we possess only the
numerals. They coincide most with the Haeltzuk, a lan-
guage that will next be noticed. The termination in skum
is common to the Fitz-Hugh Sound and the Blackfoot nu-
merals.

English ,

two.

F. Sound,

malscura

Haeltzuk ,

malook.

ON THE LANGUAGES OP THE OREGON TERRITORY. 251

English ,
F. Sound,
Haeltzuk,

three.

utascum.

yootook.

English ,
F. Sound,
Haeltzuk,
Billechoola ,

four.

moozcnm.
moak.
moash.

English ,
F. Sound,
Haeltzuk ,
Billechoola ,

five.

thekaescum
skeowk.
tzeiuch.

English ,
F. Sound,
Haeltzuk ,

six.

kitliscum.

katlowk.

English,
F. Sound,
Haeltzuk ,

seven.

atloopooskum.

malthlowsk.

English ,
F. Sound,
Haeltzuk,

ten.

highioo.

aikas.

Haeltzuk. — Mr Tolmie's vocabulary. Spoken from 50 ° 30'
to 53° 30' n. l. — Journal of Geograph. Soc.

Quadra and Vancouver's Island — Nootka Sound. — For these
parts we have several vocabularies.

1. The Numerals. — From Dixon — Miihridates, iii., 2, 115.

2. King George's Sound. — The Numerals, Mith., iii., 2,
115.

3. Mozino's MS. Vocabulary. — See Mith., iii. , 2.

4. Captain Cook's Vocabulary. — This is comparatively co-
pious. It represents the same language with the three pre-
ceding.

5. The Tloaquatch vocabulary of Mr Tolmie. Journ. of
Geoff. Soc. — This certainly represents, as is truly stated by
Dr. Scouler, the same language as the Nootka-Sound voca-
bulary of Cook.

English. Cook's Nootka. Tolmie's Tlaoquatch.

Sky

naas

naase

Mountain

noohchai

notcheh

House

mahtai

maas

Paddle

oowhabbie

oowhapie

Canoe

shapats

tshappits

Water

chauk

tchaak

Go

cho

tcha-alche

252

ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE OREGON TERRITORY.

English. Cook's Nootka. Tolmie's Tlaoquatch.

Run kummiitckchut kumitkok

Bow moostatte moastatit

Arrow tseehatte tzehatite

Knife kotyok tzokquaeek

Man tan ass tanais

6. Straits of Fuca. — A short vocabulary taken during
the voyage of the Sutil ij Mexicana — Archceol. Amer. , ii.,
306. Is not this Mozino's?

7. The Wakash vocabulary of Jewitt. — Archceol. Amer.,
ii. 306.

chahak

sieyah

tartoose

oophelth

oophetlh

parpee

Karviichen. — Spoken at the entrance of Trading River
opposite Vancouver's Island. Mr Tolmie's vocabulary. —
See Journal of Geograph. Societ.

Noosdalum. — Spoken in Hood's Channel. — Ibid.

The Atna of Mackenzie. — This we may now place. It re-
sembles the Noosdalum, with dialectal differences.

English.

Fuca.

Tlaoqua

Water

ihaac

tchaak

Sky

tacuihamach

naase

Stars

uliusac

taastass

Moon

ilajudshashitle

hopulh

Sun
Ear

dagina
pipi

tlopil

English.

Atnah.

Noosdalum.

Man

scuynlouch

sohwieken

Woman

smosledgensk

sheeakatso

Beaver

schugh

skyauw

Dog

scacah

skacha

Water

shaweliquoih

kah

Plains

spilela

spilchun

Here

thlaelych

lilkaa

Iron

soucoumang

halaitan

Bom

isquoinah

schomotun

Arrow

squaili

ytsh tzimaan

In Baer's Stalislische und Ethnographische Nachrichten uber
die Russischen Besilzungen an der Nordwestkusle von Amerika,
we find a second vocabulary named Atna. This is spoken
on the Copper River in Russian America, and represents a
different language from the Atna of Mackenzie. Both, how-
ever, belong to the same* group. The plausible mode of

' This is inaccurate — See following papers.

ON THE LANGUAGES OP THE OREGON TERRITORY. 253

accounting for this coincidence, is to suppose that two tribes
named themselves men, which throughout the Athabascar
languages is expressed by the root t-n, as dinnie, lenni,
tnain, &c.

Squallyamish. — Suoken at Puget's Sound. Mr Tolmie in
T. G. S.

Chenook. — For the important languages of the Cbenook
or Flathead Indians on the river Columbia, we have the
following data:

1. Franchere's vocabulary; Archceol. Americana, ii., 379.

2. Parker's vocabulary; communicated in M. S. , by A.
Gallatin to Dr Prichard.

3. Catblascou of Tolmie, J. G. S.

4. Chenook of Tolmie, ibid.

Of these vocabularies the Chenook of Parker and Fran-
chere coincide closely. Parker's Chenook, compared with
the two vocabularies of Tolmie , agrees most with the Cath-
lascou.

Kalapooiah. — This tribe is placed by Parker on the Mul-
tomah river. According to Tolmie, their language is spo-
ken on the Wallamat Plains.

1 . Tolmie's vocabulary. J. G. S.

2. Parker's vocabulary. M. S. from Gallatin to Dr Prichard.

The two vocabularies represent one and the same language.

Okanagan. — Spoken on Fraser's River. Mr Tolmie's vo-
cabulary. The Okanagan vocabulary enables us to fix the
following one :

The Salish. — This is an anonymous vocabulary from Du-
ponceau's collection. Archmolog. Americ, ii, 306. It is evi-
dently closely akin to the Okanagan.

English.
Man

Salish.
ekeltamaiuh

Okanagan.

tukultlilimeilooch

Canoe

Stars.

Rain

Snow

Water

Mountain

Beer

'tleagh

ko'kusmh

steepais

amaikut

saioolkh

aitzumkummok

atsooleea

slalthleim

hohooos

tepais

smakoot

sauwulh

atzimmok

klatzeenim

Bear
Wolf
One
Two

c'summaitshui

n'tsseetsan

neo

essel

skummachist
nutzetzim
nuchs
uskul

254 ON THE LANGUAGES OP THE OREGON TERRITORY.

English.

Salish.

Okanagan.

Three

tsailhis

kaalthleis

Four

mos

liioas

Five

tseel

koheil

Seven

seespil

sheespil

Ten

opan

opuniet

Kliketat. Spoken between Fort Nez Perce's, Mount Rai-
nier, and the Columbia Falls.

1. Mr Tolmie's vocabulary.

2. Mr Parker's vocabulary M. S. from Gallatin to Dr
Prichard.

These represent allied dialects of the same language.
Shahaplan, Nez Perce's. — It is truly stated by Gallatin
that the Shahaptan and Kliketat languages are allied.

1. Mr Tolmie's vocabulary.

2. Mr Parker's vocabulary M. S. from Gallatin to Dr
Prichard.

Jamkallie. Spoken near the sources of the Wallamat, Mr
Tolmie's vocabulary.

Umpqua. — On the river so called. Mr Tolmie's voca-
bulary.

This is the most southern point for which we possess Ore-
gon vocabularies.

Four more vocabularies complete the enumeration of our
data for the parts in question.

\. Shoshonie or Snake Indians. — The first is a southern or
central one, the Shoshonie or Snake vocabulary, collected
by Say, and representing a language south of that of the
Nez Perces. Archceol. Americ. , ii. 306.

2. Sussee. — The Sussee of Umfreville, is either spoken
within the Oregon Territory, or within the districts imme-
diately to the north of it.

3. The Nagail — See Mackenzie's Travels.

4. The Taculli — See Archceol. Americ, ii. 305.

Such are the vocabularies for the Oregon Territory of
North America. In number they amount to forty-one. Deal-
ing with speech as the instrument of intercourse, it is highly
probable that these vocabularies may represent as many as
nineteen different languages, that is, modes of speech, mu-
tually unintelligible. Dealt with, however, ethnologically,
their number is evidently capable of being reduced.

In the present state of our knowledge, it is convenient
to leave the Shoshonie language* unplaced. All that we

* Since this statement was read, the author has been enabled, through
the means of a Cumanche vocabulary, with which he was favoured by Mr

ON THE LANGUAGES OP THE OREGON TE11EITOKY.

255

possess of it is the vocabulary noticed above. It consists
of only twenty-four words. Their affinities (such as they
are) are miscellaneous

English ,

beaver.

Shoshonie ,

hanish.

Chenook ,

eena.

Haidah ,

tzing

Cathlascou ,

kanook.

English ,

salmon.

Shoshonie ,

augi.

Haidah ,

swaggan.

English ,

horse.

Shoshonie,

hunko.

Black foot ,

.pinneehometar.

pennakomet.
woman,

English,

Shoshonie ,

wepee.

Souriquois ,

meboujou.

Penobscot ,

m'phenim.

Micmac ,

epit.

Echemin ,

apet.

Pima ,

lib a.

Calapooiah ,

apomeik.

English ,

friend.

Shosho?iie ,

hauts.

Chetimacha ,

keta.

Onondago,

ottie.

English ,

water.

Shoshonie ,

pa.

New Sweden,

bij.

Algonkin ,

ne-pi, passim.

English,

good.

Shoshonie ,

saut.

Shahaptan ,

tautz.

Pima ,

tiuot.

Chocta ,

chito = great.

Crow,

esah = great.'

bassats = many.

Rollacrt to determine that these two languages are allied, rhis was
written in 1845. Since, then, the evidence that the Shoshom and Cu-
manch belong to the same family has become conclusive.)

256

ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE OREGON TERRITORY.

English ,

go.

Shoshonie ,

numeraro,

Karvitchen ,

namilthla.

English ,

come.

Shoshonie ,

keemak.

Nez Perces,

come.

English ,

awl.

Shoshonie ,

weeu.

Ahnenin ,

bay.

English ,

no.

Shoshonie ,

kayhee.

Ahnenin ,

chieu.

Polowotami ,

cho.

Ojibbeway ,

kaw.

Ottawa,

kaween.

Old Algonkin,

kah.

Chetimacha ,

kahie.

It is also advisable to deal cautiously with the Sussee lan-
guage. Umfreville's vocabulary is short, and consisting
almost exclusively of the names of articles of commerce.
Lists of this sort are of little value in ethnography. Still,
upon the whole, it confirms the current opinion as to the
place of the Sussee language, viz. that it is* Athabascan. At
any rate, it has certain miscellaneous affinities.

English,
Sussee,

eye.
senouwoh

Kenay ,
Taculli,

snaga.
onow.

Chipewyan ,

nackhay.

English ,
Sussee ,

five.
coo.

Chipewyan ,

coun.

English ,
Sussee ,

kettle.
usaw.

Taculli ,

osa.

English ,
Sussee ,

axe.
chilthe.

Taculli,

chachil.

* The evidence of this being the case has since become conclusive.
1859.

ON THE LANGUAGES OP THE OREGON TERRITORY. 257

English, knife.

Sussee, mavsh.

Illinois, mariesa.

Minitari, matse.

English, shoes.

Sussee, siscau.

Taculli, kiscot.

English , one.

Sussee, uttegar.

Eskimo, attowseak.

adaitsuk.

adoajak.

atamek.

English , three.

Sussee , tauky.

Kenai, tohchke.

Taculli, toy.

Chipervyan , taghy.

English , four.

Sussee , tachey.

Kenai, tenki.

Taculli, tingkay.

Chipervyan, dengky.

English, seven.

Sussee , checheta.

Mohawk, chahtahk.

Onondago , tschoatak.

Seneca, jawdock.

Oneida, tziadak.

Nottoway , ohatay.

English , ten.

Sussee, cuneesenunnee.

Chipewyan , canothna.

Laying these two languages aside, and reserving the Black-
foot for future inquiries, the other vocabularies are refer-
rible to two recognized groups. The Nagail and Taculli are
what Gallatin calls Athabascan. All the* rest are what Pri-
chard calls Nootk a- Columbian. Eespecting the former class,
the evidence is unequivocal, and the fact generally admitted.
Eespecting the latter, the statement requires consideration.

At first glance, Mr Tolmie's vocabularies differ materially

* The Umqua has since been shewn to be the Athabaskan — 1859.

17

258 ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE OREGON TERRITORY.

from each other ; and only a few seem less unlike each other
than the rest. Such are the Kliketat and Shahaptan, the Ca-
lapooiah and Yamkallie, the Kawitchen and Tlaoquatch, the
Ckenook and Gathlascou. Besides this, the general differ-
ence between even the allied vocabularies is far more visible
than the general resemblance. Finally, the numerals and
the fundamental terms vary in a degree beyond what we are
prepared for, by the study of the Indo-European tongues.

Recollecting, however, the compound character of the most
fundamental words, characteristic of all the American lan-
guage; recognising, also, as a rule of criticism, that in the
same class of tongues the evidence of the numerals is unim-
portant in the determination of differences, and comparing
the sixteen Oregon vocabularies of Mr Tolmie with each other,
we may satisfy ourselves as to the radical unity of the group.
To these lists, and to the accompanying paper of Dr. Scou-
ler, reference is accordingly mad'e. The value of these groups
(the Athabascan and the Nootka-Columbian) is a different
and a more difficult question. The maximum difference be-
tween any two known languages of the Athabascan group
is that between English and German. The maximum differ-
ence between the most unlike languages of the Nootka-Co-
lumbian group is that between the modern Greek and Por-
tuguese, i. e. the most distant tongues of the classical stock
of the Indo-European tribe. Hence, the terms in question
are equivalent to the more familiar terms, Gothic, Celtic, Sla-
vonic , &c. All this, however, is illustration, rather than
absolute arrangement; yet it serves to give definitude to the
current opinions upon the subject.

To the current views, however, the writer takes exception.
He considers that the groups in question have too high a value ;
and that they are only equivalent to the primary subdivisions
of slocks like the Gothic, Celtic, and Classical, rather than
to the stocks themselves. Still less can they have a higher
and more exaggerated value, and be dealt with as equiva-
lent to groups like the Indo-European.

Hence, the differences between the Athabascan languages
of the Oregon and the Nootka-Columbian languages of the
Oregon, are the differences between the Latin and Greek,
the Welsh and Gaelic, the German and Icelandic, rather
than those between the German and Russian, the Latin and
Persian, the Greek and Lithuanic, &c.

In determining the higher and more comprehensive, class,
we must take in a third group of languages. These are those
of Russian America. They have generally been referred to
two groups of uncertain value, viz. the Kolooch and the

ON THE LANGUAGES OP THE OREGON TERRITORY.

259

Eskimo; the former, for the part about Sitca, or Norfolk
bound, the latter for the parts about the Island of Cadiack,
and the Peninsula of Aliaska,

Now, the Athabascan languages are undoubtedly Eskimo;
a tact stated by the writer, at the meeting of the British
Association at York, and founded upon the comparison of
the Athabascan vocabularies of Mackenzie and Dobbs, on
the one side, with the Western Eskimo ones, on the other.

And the Kolooch languages are equally Eskimo with the
Athabascan. This may be seen by reference to Lisiansky's
vocabularies, and a comparison between the Sitca and
Cadiack.

English.

Sitca.

Cadiack.

Cry

kaah

keyya

Brink

itanna

tank a

Hail

katelst

koudat

Knee

kakeek

chiskoohka

Lake

aaka

nanoak

Lips

kahaka

lilukha

Man

chakleyh

shook

Spark

heeklya

ckatalahi

Wind

keelhclia

kyaeek

Now, by taking in the Eskimo of the Aleutian Islands,
this list might be doubled ; and by dealing with the Kenay
as Eskimo, it might be trebled.

Again, by attempting to fix the points whereat the Eskimo
language ceases, and the Kolooch tongue begins, we may
get further evidence that the difference between them is ex-
aggerated; since the languages passed by gradual transitions
into each other.

What follows, moreover, is cumulative evidence towards
the same conclusion.

Over and above the vocabularies collected by Mr Tolmie
that have already been dealt with , there is a seventeenth,
viz. the Tunghaas. This is stated in Dr Scouler's accompa-
nying paper to be the most northern dialect with which the
Hudson's Bay traders come in contact. It is also stated to
be Sitcan ; and that truly.

English.

Tunghaas.

Sitca.

Sea-otter
River-oiler

youclitz
coostah

youtch
kooshta

Bear

hooctch

hoots

Whale
Woman

yioagh
shewat

yaaga
sliavvot

17 =

260

ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE OREGON TERRITORY.

English.

TuNGHAAS.

SlTCA.

Summer

kootaan

kootaan

He
Good

yout
ahkeh

youta
tooake

On the other hand, the Tonghaas has affinities with the
Haidah of Queen Charlotte's Island , and through it with
the so-called Nootka-Columbian languages in general.

Cumulative, in the way of evidence to this, is the state-
ment, with the verification of which we shall conclude, viz.,
that, besides the Athabascan, the other languages of the
Oregon Territory have affinities with the Eskimo. With
the Oonalashkan and Cadiack on the one side, and with Mr
Tolmie's vocabularies (with Cook's occasionally) en masse on
the other, we have at least the following words common to
the two groups.

English,

sky.

Cook's Nootka,

eenaeel nas.

Tlaoquatch ,

naase.

Oonalashka ,

anneliak = day.

English ,

sky.

Haidah ,

shing.

Billechoola ,

skoonook = day.

Haidah ,

yen = clouds.

Haeeltzuk ,

unnowie.

Oonalashka ,

youyan = sky.

innyak ~ — sky.
moon.

English ,

Billechoola ,

tlooki.

Cadiack ,

yaalock.

English ,

snow.

Haeeltz ,

naie.

Calapooah ,

anoopeik.

Yamkallie ,

kanopeik.

Cadiack ,

annue.

Oonalashka ,

kannue.

English,

hail.

Haidah ,

dhanw = snow.

Oonalashka ,

tahenem dahskeeto.

English ,

water.

Cook's Nootka,

chauk.

Tlaoquatch ,

tchaak.

Cadiack,

kooyk = river.

ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE OREGON TERRITORY.

261

English ,
Tloaquatch, '
Cadiack ,

English ,
Calapooiah ,
Cadiack .
Oonalashka,

English,
Haidah ,
Oonalashka ,

English,
Kliketat,
Cadiack ,

English,
Kliketat,
Shahaptan ,
Cadiack ,

English,
Cook's Noolka,
Oonalashka ,

English,
Cook's Noolka,
Oonalashka ,

English ,
Cook's Noolka,
Cadiack ,
Oonalashka ,

English ,
Cook's Nootka,
Cadiack ,

English ,
Cook's Nootka,
Cadiack ,
Oonalashka ,

English ,
Cook's Nootka,
Oonalashka,

English ,
Cook-s Nootka,
Cadiack ,

river.
aook.
alaook = sea.

rain.

tochtocha.
kedoh.
chetak.

sand.
il kaik.
choohok.

mountain.

pannateet

poonhokanlie.

house.
needh.
euee.dh.
naa.

song.

oonook.

oonoohada = sing.

go.

cho.

icha.

cleave, cut.
tsook.
chaggidzu.
toohoda.

crow.

kaenne.

kalnhak.

fire.
eeneek.
knok.
keynak.

skull.

koometz.

kamhek.

teeth.

cheecheetsh.

hoodeit.

262

ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE OREGON TERRITORY.

English ,
Cook's Nootka,
Cadiack ,

middle finger

taeeai.

teekha.

English ,
Haeeltzuck ,
Kaivitchen ,
Noosdalum ,
Oonalashka ,
Cadiack ,

horn much.

kinskook.

qui en.

quien.

kannahen.

kouhcheen.

English ,
Chenook ,
Shahaptnn ,
Oonalashka ,

mat.

swussak.
tooko.
sootok.

English,
Okanagan ,
Oonalashka ,

bow.

tsukquenuk.

saeheek.

English ,
Squallyamish ,
Oonalashka ,

house.
aalall.
oolon.

English ,
Squallyamish ,
Cadiack ,

iron.

kumnuttin.

komlyahook.

English ,
Billechoola ,
Oonalashka ,

sea-oiler.

qunnee.

cheenatok.

English ,
Haidah ,
Oonalashka ,

bear.

tan.

tanhak.

To this list a previous statement applies more especially. By
treating the Sitca and Kenay vocabularies as Eskimo, the
number of coincidences might have been doubled.

Besides this, it must be remembered that, in Tolmie's vo-
cabularies , no terms expressive of the different parts of
human body are given; and that several names of the com-
monest objects are wanting, e. g. fire, &c.

Neither have the vocabularies of Wrangell for the varied
dialects of Russian America been made use of.

As the lists, however, stand, the author considers that he
has shewn reason for believing that the Athabascan, the
Kolooch, the Nootka-Columbian, and the Cadiack groups are
subordinate members of one large and important class — the
Eskimo; a fact which, coinciding with all his other inquiries

NOTES.

263

in American Ethnology, breaks down, further than has
hitherto been done, the broad and trenchant line of demar-
cation between the circumpolar and the other Indians of the
Western Continent.

NOTES.

Note 1.

In a valuable paper On the Tribes inhabiting the N. W. Coast of
America read a few weeks afterwards by Dr. J. Scouler the following
tables shewed —

1. The fact that the Nutka forms of speech were to be found on
the Continent;

2. That the \Yallawalla was Sahaptin.

English

Plenty . .

So .

Water .

.

Bad . . .

Jlan

Woman

Child . .

Xo?v

, . . .

Slave .

What are

jou doing?

What are

jou saying?

Let me see

Sku

To sell. .

Understand

English.

Shahaptan

Man

Nama

Boy

Naswae

Woman

Aiat

Girl

Piten

Wife

Swapna

Child

Miahs

Father

Pishd

Mother

Pika

Friend

Likstiwa

Tlaoq. & Nootka. Columbia.

Wik, . .

. Wake

Tchaak , .

Chuck

Hooleish,

. Closh

Peishakeis,

. Peshak

Tchuekoop,

. Tillicham

Tlootsemin ,

. Clootchamen

Tanassis ,

. Tanass

Tlahowieh ,

. Clahowiah

Tchooqua ,

Sacko

Mischemas,

. Mischemas

Akoots-ka-mam

ak , Ekta-mammok

Au- kaak-wawa ,

. Ekta-wawa?

Nannanitch .

. Nannanitch

Opeth, . .

. Ootlach

Sieya, . . .

. Saya

Chamas, . .

. Camas

Makok ,

. . Makok

Commatax, .

. Commatax

b.

"Wallaw

alla. Kliketat

Winsh

AVins

Tahnutsl

lint Aswan

Tilahi

Aiat

Tohauat

Pitiniks

Asham

Asham

Isht

Mianash

Pshit

Pshit

Ptsha

Ptsha

Hhai

Hhai

264

NOTES.

English.

Shahaptan.

AVallawalla.

Kmketat.

Fire

Ala

Sluksh

Sluks

Water

Tkusli

Tshush

Tshaush

Wood

Hatsin

Slukas

Slnkuas

Stone

Pishw a

Pshwa

Pshwa

Ground

Watsash

Titsham

Titsham

Sun

Wishamtuksh

Au

Au

Moon

Ailhai

Ailhai]

Stars

Witsein

Haslu

Haslo

Clouds

Spalikt

Pashst

Rain

AVakit

Sshhauit

Tohtoha

Snow

Maka

Poi

Maka

Ice

T ah ask

T ah auk

Toh

Horse

Shikam

Kusi

Kusi

Dog

Shikamkan

Kusi Kusi

Kusi Kusi

Buffalo

Kokulli

Musmussin

Musmussin

Male Elk

Wawakia

Wawakia

Win at

Female Elk

Taship

Tashipka

Winat

Grey Bear

Pahas

Wapantle

Black Bear

Jaka

Saka

Analmi

House

Snit

Snit

Snit

Gun

Timuni

Tainpas

Tuilpas

Body

Silaks

AVaunokshash

Head

Hushus

Tilpi

Palka

Arm

Atim

Kamkas

Eyes

Shilhu

Atshash

Atshash

Nose

Nathnu

Nathnu

Nosnu

Ears

Matsaia

Matsiu

Mouth

Him

Em

Am

Teeth

Tit

Tit

Hands

Spshus

Spap

Alia

Feet

Ahwa

Waha

Waha

Legs

Wainsli

Tama

Mocassens

Ileapkat

Shkam

Shkam

Good

Tahr

Skeh

Shoeah

Bad

Kapshish

Milla

Tshailwit

Hot

Sakas

Sahwaih

Sahweah

Cold

Kenis

Kasat

Tewisha Kasat

Far

Waiat

Wiat

Wiat

Near

Keintam

Tsiwas

Tsa

High

Tashti

Hwaiam

Hweami

Low

Ah at

Smite

Niti

WHte

Naihaih

Koik

Olash

Black

Sunuhsimuh

Tshimuk

Tsimuk

Red

Sepilp

Sutsha

Sutsa

Here

Kina

Tshna

Stshiuak

There

Kuna

Kuna

Skone

Where ?

Minu?

Mina?

Mam

When ?

Mana?

Mun?

Mun?

What?

Mish?

Mish?

Mish?

Why?

Manama?

Maui?

Who?

Ishi?

Skiu?

Skiu?

Which?

Ma?

Mam?

, ,

How much?

Mas?

Milh?

Milh?

So much

Kala

Kulk

Skulk

Horn far?

Miwail ?

Maal?

So far

Kewail

Kwal

English.
How long?
To long
This
That
1

You

He she, it
We
l'e
They
To go
To see
So say
To talk
To walk
To read
To eat
To drink
To sleep
To make
To love
To take
To know
To forget
To give
To seize
To be cold
To be sick
To hunt
To lie
To steal

NOTES.

Shahaptan.

"Wallawalla.

Kliketat.

Mahae?

Maalh

Kohae

Kwalk

Ki

Tshi

Tshi

Joh

Kwa

Skwa

Su

Su

Suk

Sui

Sui

Suik

Ipi

Ipin

Pink

Nun

Nama

Nemak

Ima

Ena

Imak

r.nu

Ema

Pamak

Kusha

Winasha

Winasha

Hakesha

Hoksha

Heislia

Nu

Nu

Tseksa

Siniwasa

Sinawasa

Wenasa

AYinashash

Was ash a

Was ash a

Wasasha

Wipisha

Kwatashak

Makosha

Matshushask

Pinimiksha

Pinusha

Waksa

Tahshisask

Tahshasha

AYatanisha

Tkeshask

Tkehsha

Paalsa

Apalashask

Lukuasa

Ashakuashash

Shukuasha

Titolasha

Slakshash

Inisha

Nishamash

,

Inpisha

Shutshash

Wanapsha

Iswaisa

Sweashash

Iswaiska

Komaisa

Painshash

Painsha

Tukuliksa

Salaitisas

Nistewasa

Mishamisha

Tshishkshash

Tshiska

Pakwasha

Pakwashash

Pakwasha

265

Note 2.

This, along with the paper on the Ethnology of Russian America,
was the development of a communication laid before the Meeting of the
British Association for the Advancement of Science at York in the
previous September, to the effect that the "line of demarcation- drawn
"between the Eskimo and the Indian races of America was far too
"broad and trenchant"; wherein it was stated. —

1. That the true affinities of the Chipewyan were with the Kadiak,
Unalashka, Kenay and Sitka forms of speech. —

2. That the Ugalents (Ugyalyachmutsi of Resanoff), although sepa-
rated from the neigbouring Eskimot ongues so as to cause the appearance
of a discontinuity in the Eskimo area could, when we dealt with the
Kadiak, Unalashka, Kenay, and Sitka vocabularies as the represen-
tatives of » single language be shown to be Eskimo. —

3. That affinities of a, more general kind were to be found even
further southward"-

4. 5. That the Atna of Mackenzie was the Noosdalum, and the Friendly
Village vocabulary the Billechoola, of Mr Tolmie.

(Transactions of the Sections p. 78. — On the Southern Limits of the
Eskimo race in America.

ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF RUSSIAN
AMERICA.

READ

BEFORE THR ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY

19T1I FEBRUARY 1845.

The paper submitted to the Society is upon the Ethno-
graphy of Russian America. For a variety of reasons, the
tribes in these parts are of paramount importance. Inhabit-
ing the most north-western extremity of America on the coast
of Behring's Straits, they are divided from Asia only by
that channel, so that of all the nations of the New World
they are most in contact with those of the Old. This cir-
cumstance alone puts them prominently forward in ethno-
logy; since the prima facie theory, as to the population of
America, must certainly be in favour of the passage having
taken place through Behring's Straits.

The limits of the Russian possessions in America, or of
the geographical area which we are considering, are not very
definitely determined: at least, the line of demarcation is,
in a great degree, a political rather than a natural one.
From Mount St Elias to the southernmost extremity of Prince
of Wales Island , the territory in question consists of a strip
of sea-coast, and islands, with the British possessions of
New Norfolk and New Hanover at the back; whilst from
Mount St Elias northward, as far as the Arctic Sea, the
line of division is imaginary, coinciding with the 141° W.
long. It can scarcely be expected, that a frontier so deter-
mined can coincide with any important divisions, either in
physical or ethnographical geography. Still the area in ques-
tion is a convenient one.

Considering the remote situation of these extensive and
inhospitable tracts, the knowledge we possess of them is
creditable to the government of Russia. From the time of
Behring downward, the coasts have been accurately des-

OX THE ETHNOGRAPHY OP RUSSIAN AMERICA. 267

cribed ; whilst the communications of the officials of the Russian
American Company exhibit far more than an average amount
of intelligence. For such portions of the present paper as
are not purely philological, the author has drawn upon Baer's
Statistische und Ethnographische Nachrichten, &c. Of a Rus-
sian settlement in New California, although American, no
notice is taken. On the other hand , a nation inhabiting the
extreme promontory of Asia (the Tshuktshi) are, for reasons
that will make themselves apparent, dealt with as American.
On the southern extremity of Russian America, the native
tribes are known to their neighbours of New Caledonia, the
Oregon country, and to the Hudson's Bay Company, under
the names of Colooches, Tunghaases, Atnas, Coltshanies,
Ugalentses, Konagis, Cadiacks, Tchugatches, and Kenays.
For the north, and the shores of the Arctic Sea, they are
dealt with (and that truly) as members of the great Esquimaux
family. Further investigation multiplies the names of these
tribes, so that we hear of Inkalites, lnkulukhlaites, Kiyataig-
mutis, Agolegmutes, Pashtolegmutis, Magmutis, &c. &c. To
these divisions may be added the different varieties of the
natives of the Aleutian islands. In the classification of these
numerous tribes, it is considered that much remains to be
done.

For the tribes on the shore of the Northern Ocean, and
for the parts immediately south of Behring's Straits, the ge-
neral character, both physical and moral, seems to be Es-
quimaux. The enormous line of coast over which this na-
tion is extended has long been known. The language and
manners of Greenland have been known to us since the
times of the earliest Danish missionaries; so that details, both
physical and moral, of no savages are better understood than
those of the Greenlanders. With this knowledge, it is easy
to trace the extension of the race. The shores of Hudson's
Bay are inhabited by the same stock. So also is the coast
of Labrador. The three forms of speech are but dialects
of one language: a fact that has long been known. Hence
the Esquimaux and Greenlanders have long been recognised
as identical. From Hudson's Bay, northward and westward,
the whole line of seacoast, as far as Mackenzie's River, is
Esquimaux ; and that with but little variety of type ; either
in physical conformation, manners, or language. The in-
terpreter to Captain Franklin was an Esquimaux from Hud-
son's Bay, yet he had no difficulty in understanding the dia-
lects west of Mackenzie's River, 137° W. Long. (See Ar-
climologica Americana, ii. 11.) Three degrees westward, how-
ever, a change in the Esquimaux characteristics takes place;

268 ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OP RUSSIAN AMERICA.

although the inhabitants of the quarters in question by no
means cease to be Esquimaux. The tribes already noticed
may be called the Eastern, those about to be mentioned the
Western Esquimaux. The dividing line is fixed by Captain
Franklin at 1^0° W. long. The tribes on each side of this
line have at first a great difficulty in understanding each other.
Now the line between the subdivisions of the Esquimaux
language coincides very nearly with the boundary line of
Russian America. Hence the ethnography of that territory
begins with the Western Esquimaux.

It is no refinement to state, that, with the Western Es-
quimaux, we find a change in the social and moral type,
exhibiting itself in a greater appreciation of the articles of
civilized life, both as means of home use, and as instru-
ments of commercial barter. They resort annually to' the
eastern boundary, and exchange articles of Russian manu-
facture of seals-skins , oil, and furs. This intercourse is of
late date. — Archwologia Americana, ii., 11.

To Kotzebue's Sound and Behring's Straits the same race,
with similar characters , is continued. Of Behring's Straits
it occupies both sides, the Asiatic as well as the American.
From Behring's Straits to the Peninsula of Aliaska, and
from thence to Cook's Inlet (or Kenay Bay) , every thing is
unequivocally Esquimaux, and has long been recognized
as such.

That a statement lately made was no refinement, may be
proved from the third chapter of Baer's work , where he de-
termines the character of the Esquimaux trade, and gives
it as a measure of the intercourse between Asia and Ame-
rica. It seems referable to two centres, viz., the parts about
Behring's Straits, and the parts about Cook's Inlet. For
the first, the market extends from Icy Cape to the Promon-
tory of Aliaska, and has for its stations the islands of Behr-
ing's Straits. The second district comprises the Aleutian
islands, Cadiack, and the line of the sea-coast as far south
as Queen Charlotte's Island. Now, whatever may be the
amount of Russian civilization, in determining some of the
characteristics of the Western Esquimaux, it is certain that
the tribes of that race now inhabiting Asia, were occupants
of their present localities, anterior to the Russian Conquest
of Kamshatka.

A second deviation from the Esquimaux type, we find in
the island Cadiack , and the coast of the continent opposite.
The early Russian discoverers speak of a continual warfare
between opposing tribes of the same stock; whilst another
tribe, the Inkalite, is said to uphold itself bravely against

ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OP RUSSIAN AMERICA. 269

the more numerous nation of the Kuskokwims. As a general
rule, warfare, except as a defence against tribes of a dif-
ferent race, is as foreign to the typical Esquimaux of Green-
land as to the Laplander of Europe.

Measured by another test, and that of the psychological
sort (viz., the capacity for religious instruction) , the Western
Esquimaux coincides with the Esquimaux of Greenland. With
the exception, perhaps, of the iNegro, the race, in general,
is the most docile in respect to the influences of Christianity.
The religious history of extreme points of the Aleutian Is-
lands and Greenland verifies this statement.

The extent to which a mixed breed has been propagated
under the government of Russia, may be collected from the
following tables. In New Archangel the population is as
follows: —

Europeans, 406

Creoles or half-breeds , 307

Aleutians, 134

In the remaining part of the territory it is as follows: —

Europeans, 246

Half-breeds, 684

Natives, 8882

Of places of trust in New Archangel, a very large pro-
portion is held by Half-breeds. We find them as overseers,
police-officers, clerks, watchmakers, medical students.

Such seem the most remarkable points connected with the
Russian Esquimaux in general. They are few in number,
because it is the plan of the writer not so much to exhibit
the whole details of the race to which they belong, as to
put forward prominently such characteristics as are differen-
tial to them and the Esquimaux of Greenland arid Labrador.

It is now proper to give a brief notice of the more im-
portant tribes, these being mentioned separately.

1 . The Tshuktshi. — This is the name of the Esquimaux of
Asia. It is generally accompanied by the epithet sedentary,
so that we speak of these people as the sedentary or settled,
Tshuktshi. This distinguishes them from the so-called Rein-
deer Tshuktshi, a tribe of the Koriak family. For either one
or the other of these tribes the name of Tshuktshi should be
abolished. It is my impression that the differences between
the Esquimo of Asia and America do not represent more
than a few centuries of separation.

2. The Kuskokwim. — This tribe , which occupies the banks
of the river from which it takes its name, may stand as
the representative for the tribes between Cape Rodney and

270 ON THE BTI-INOGRAPnY OF HUSSIAN AMERICA.

the Peninsula of Aliaska. Its numbers are estimated at
upwards of 70U0. Transitional in character to the tribes of
the coast and interior, its manners coincide with its geo-
graphical position. In the use of certain so-called ornaments,
it agrees with the other Esquimaux tribes ; as it agrees with
the Esquimaux and Finn tribes in the use of the sweating-
bath. The Kuskoquimers count distance by the number of
nights requisite for the journey. Of the constellation they
have a detailed knowledge, founded upon observations. The
most prominent of their institutions is the Kahim; a building
found in every village, erected like an amphitheatre, capable
of containing all the males of the place, and which, over
and above many peculiar domestic purposes connected with
its erection , serves as a council-hall tor the males of the
population.

3. The Tshugalsh. — Natives of Prince William's Sound,
and closely allied to the islanders of Cadiack, with whom
they agree in language. Their historical traditions are, that
they came from the coast, and from the north ; their mytho-
logical ones, that they are descended from the Dog.

These three divisions are not only indubitably Esquimaux,
but have also been recognised as such.

Those that follow are generally referred to another ethno-
logical group. In the parts about Cook's Inlet (Bay of Ke-
nay) and Mount St Elias, a second race is said to make
its appearance, and this is generally separated from the Es-
quimaux by a broad line of demarcation. It is called the
Kolooch race or family, and is generally placed in contrast
with the Esquimaux. Isolated tribes akin to the Kolooches,
and worthy .of special notice , are the following : —

1 . The UgahjachmuUi or Ugalentses , consisting of about
38 families. — They change their localities with the season,
and are Kolooch in manners and conformation. Living
around Mount St. Elias they are frontier tribes to the Tshu-
gatshes. ,

2. The Kenays, inhabiting the coast of Cook's Inlet, 460
families strong. — Historically, they assert that their origin
is from the hills of the interior, from whence they descen-
ded coastward. Their mythological and ultimate origin is
from the raven, connected with which they have a complex
cosmogony. Descent from the raven, or descent from the
dog, is considered, for these tribes we are speaking of, as
an instrument in ethnological criticism. Like the Ugalentses,
they are in contact with Tshugatsh Esquimaux.

3. The Atnahs, dwelling on the Copper River, 60 families
strong, hunters of rein-deer, and workers in iron as well

ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OP RUSSIAN AMERICA. 271

as copper. — They coincide with the typical Kolooches in
burning their dead, in ascribing the origin of their race to
the raven, and in most other particulars.

These three tribes are unequivocally connected closely
with each other, and with the other members of the Kolooch
group. The position of the following is less definite: —

1. The Kolshani. — These represent the natives of the in-
terior. They fall into two divisions, whereof the nearer can
make itself intelligible to the Atnas and Kenays. The more
distant one is savage, inhospitable, unintelligible. Canni-
balism is one of their real or accredited characteristics.

2. The Inchidukhlaites , dwelling on the Chulitna River. —
They are stated to be akin to the Magimuts, who are allied
with,

3. The Inkaliles. — In one village alone they are 700 strong.
Their language is said to be a mixture of the Kenay, Una-
lashkan, and Atna.

It is hoped that the true character of the ethnological dif-
ficulty involved in the classifications of the tribes enumera-
ted, along with several others in the same territory, has
suggested itself to the mind of the reader: viz. the position
of the undetermined tribes, and the relations of the Esqui-
maux and the Kolooch groups to each other. These pro-
blems seem capable of being solved by means of the evi-
dence of languages. Previous, however, to the enumeration
of our data upon this point, it must be observed, that mem-
bers of a third ethnographical division, in all probability,
form part of the native population of Russian America. From
the Lake Athabasca, as a centre, to the Atlantic on one
hand, and to the Pacific on the other, languages of this
group are spoken ; so . that the Athabascan area in its ex-
tension from east to west, is second only to the Esquimaux.
Now both the Kolooch and Esquimaux languages have fun-
damental affinities with the Athabascan, and vice versa; whilst
it is generally the case in Ethnology, that two languages
radically connected with a third, are also radically connected
with each other. With this premise , we may enumerate in
detail, our data in the way of philology. This method will
introduce new names and new localities, since we have oiten
vocabularies where we have nothing else besides.

1 . Beechey's Esquimaux. — The most northern specimen of
the western Esquimaux. Spoken in Kotzebue's Sound.

2. The Aglimut vocabulary of the Altas Ethnographique.

3. The Esquimaux of the Island of St Lawrence. — Ibid.

4. The Asiatic Esquimaux of the Tshuktshi of Tshuktshi-
Noss. Klaproth's Asia Polyglotta.

272 ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF 11USSIAN AMERICA.

5. The Asiatic Esquimaux of the Tshuktshi of the mouth
of the river Anadyr. — Ibid. '

6. The Esqukno of Norton Sound. — Cook's Voyages.

7. The Kuskokwimer vocabulary of Baer's Beitrage.

8. A vocabulary of the Island of Nuniwock in the Atlas
Ethnographique, is unequivocally Esquimo. So also are the
dialects of the Peninsula of Aliaska. Having seen, however,
no vocabulary, I am unable to state whether they most re-
semble those of the Aleutian Islands, (a prolongation of its
western extremity), or of those of the Island Cadiack on its
south-eastern side. At any rate, the languages akin to the
Cadiack, and the languages of the Aleutian group, form
separate divisions of sub-dialects. Beginning with the Aleu-
tian class, we have the following materials: —

9. Unalashkan vocabularies by Lisiansky, Wrangell, Re-
sanoff, and others.

10. The Andreanowsky Isles. — Robeck's vocabulary. —
See Mithridates.

There is external evidence that the language for the whole
Aleutian group is radically one, the differences, however,
being, as dialectal differences, remarkable. The natives of
Atchu and Unalashka have difficulty in understanding each
other. — Mithridates.

11. Cadiack vocabularies by Resanoff, Lisiansky, and
Wrangell.

12. Tshugatshi vocabularies by Resanoff and Wrangell.

13. The Lord's Prayer in Jakutat, by Baranoff. — Mithri-
dates.

Notwithstanding the statement that only 19 words out of
1100 are common to the Unalashkan and Cadjak, the affi-
nity of these languages to each other, and their undoubted
place in the Esquimaux class, has long been recognised.

14. The Inkuluklaities. — This tribe is akin to the Magimut
and the Inkalaite. We possess a few words of the language,
which are sufficient to prove that although its definite place
is undetermined, it has miscellaneous affinities to the Atna,
Kenay, and Esquimaux.

15. The Ugalyachmutsi of the Mithridates.

16. The Ugalents of Wrangell. — See Baer's Beitrage.
These two vocabularies represent the same language. The
Ugalyachmutsi, although left by Resanoff as an isolated lan-
guage, is unequivocally stated by Baer to be Kolooch. Its
contrast with the Esquimaux of the Tshugatshes, has always
been insisted on.

1 7. Kenay vocabularies by Davidoff , Resanoff, Lisiansky,
and Wrangell; also an anonymous one from a native. Gal-

ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OP RUSSIAN AMERICA. 273

latin , in the Archteologia Americana, goes so far as to se-
parate the Kenay even from the Kolooch language.

18. The Atna of Wrangell. — See Baer's Beitrage. Now,
another American language, spoken some hundred miles
south of the Copper River, of which we find a vocabulary
in Sir Alexander Mackenzie's Travels, is called Atna. It
has no direct affinity with the present tongue. A hypothe-
tical solution of this coincidence lies in the fact, that in the
Athabascan languages the root d-n, or l-n=man. That the
Kenay call themselves Tnai, or Tnaina = men , is specially
stated by Baer, p. 103.

19. The Koltshany vocabulary of Wrangell. — See Baer's
Beitrage. The tables of the work in question shew the lan-
guage to be undoubted Kolooch.

20. The Sitca vocabularies — numerous. Cook's Norfolk
Sound; the Sitca of Lisiansky; the Sitca of Davidoff (see
Archseologia Americana) ; the Sitca of Wrangell. According
to Captain Bryant, it is spoken from N. lat. 59° to 5° S.
by twenty tribes. The number of individuals who speak it
reckoned by Mr Green, an American missionary, at 6500
— see Archseologia Americana. The standard Kolooch is
that of Sitca or Norfolk Sound.

21. The Tunghaase of Mr Tolmie. Of this, the most
southern dialect of Russian America, we find a short voca-
bulary in the Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society.
It is truly stated to be closely allied to the Sitca.

That there are no more than two groups required for the
classification of the above-mentioned languages, and that
these are the Esquimaux and the Kolooch, seems evident.
That these groups are of no high value may be shewn. It
is undoubtedly true, that if we only compare isolated voca-
bularies with each other we shall find little but points of
contrast. And we find less than might be expected even
when we compare groups of vocabularies.

1. The tables of Baer, exhibiting three languages for the
Esquimaux and five for the Kolooch group, give scarcely
half a dozen words common to the two.

2. The table of Lisiansky, with the Unalashkan and Cadi-
ack on the one side, and the Kenay and Sitca on the other,
presents but little more.

3. The earliest language with which the Ugalyatmutsi was
compared were Esquimaux, and the contrast was insisted
upon from l8ie first.

It is only when we apply what may be called the indirect
method that the true value of the Esquimaux group becomes
recognised.

18

274 ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF RUSSIAN AMERICA.

1. Each has affinities with the Athabascan tongues, and
perhaps equal affinities.

2. Each has affinities with the Oregon languages, and each
perhaps equally.

3. Each has definite affinities with the languages of New
California, and each perhaps equal ones.

4. Each has miscellaneous affinities with all the other
tongues both of North and South America.

These facts that connect the Esquimaux languages with
those spoken to the south of them involve, as may be easily
seen , a theory of much higher importance than the position
of groups like the Kolooch. They are taken along with the
geographical position of the Esquimaux race in respect to
Asia , and point to the parts in question as the starting-points
for the population of the New World. Upon this latter I
can only say at present, that I find Esquimaux words in
the following languages : —

1. The Koriack.

2. The Kamskadale.

3. The Aino of the Curulian Isles. In respect to this last
group, it is remarkable that whilst I only find two words
(the names for house and eye) common to the Western Es-
quimaux vocabularies of Lisiansky and the Aino ones of
Langgsdorf, I find between the latter and the Eastern Es-
quimaux of Parry a considerable number.

4. The Corean.

5. The Japanese.

This is in the way of direct evidence. The Oregon and Ko-
looch languages have similar and equal affinities ; whilst the
Asiatic languages enumerated have themselves affinities in
the Old "World known and recognised.

From what has been laid before the Society, it may be
seen of how great importance it is to determine, whether the
languages of Russian America pass into each other gradually,
or are divided by trenchant lines of demarcation.

MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO

THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF NORTH

AMERICA.

KEAD

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

JANUARY 24, 1845.

The present state of American Ethnography is the excuse
for the miscellaneous character of the following notices. What
remains just now to be done consists chiefly in the addition
of details to an outline already made out. Such communi-
cations, however, are mainly intended to serve as isolated
points of evidence towards the two following statements : —

1. That no American language has an isolated position
when compared with the other tongues en masse, rather than
with the languages of any particular class.

2. That the affinity between the languages, of the New
World, as determined by their vocabularies, is not less real
than that inferred from the analogies of their grammatical
structure.

Modifications of the current doctrines, as to the value of
certain philological groups and classifications, are involved
in the positions given above.

The Silca and Kenay Languages. — That these languages
are Esquimaux may be seen by reference to the compara-
tive vocabularies in Lisiansky's Voyages and Baer's Stati-
stische und Ethnographische Nachrichten, &c.

The Ugalyachmutsi. — In the work last quoted this language
is shown to be akin to the Kenay. It is termed Ugalenz,
and is spoken in Russian America, near Mount St. Elias.
It has hitherto been too much disconnected from the Esqui-
maux group.

The Chipewyan and Nagail. — That these were Esquimaux
was stated by the author in the Ethnological subection of

18*

276

MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

the British Association at York. The Taculli is also Es-
quimaux. The Sussee , in the present state of our knowledge,
is best left without any absolute place. It has several mis-
cellaneous affinities.

The bearing of these notices is to merge the groups call-
ed Athabascan and Kolooch in the Esquimaux.

It has been communicated to the Ethnological Society, that
a majority of the languages of Oregon and New Caledonia
are akin to each other and to the Esquimaux ; a statement
applying to about forty-five vocabularies, amongst which
are the three following, hitherto considered as isolated: —

1. The Friendy Village vocabulary of Mackenzie. See Tra-
vels. — This is a dialect of the Billechoola.

2. The Alna of Mackenzie. — This is a dialect of the Noos-
dalum.

3. The Salish of Duponceau. See Archseologia Americana.
— This is the Okanagan of Mr Tolmie. See Journal of
Geographical Society.

The Ahnenin. — In this language, as well as in two others
hereafter to be noticed (the Blackfoot and Crow), I have
had, through the courtesy of Dr. Prichard, an opportunity
of using valuable vocabularies oi Gallatin's , collected by
Mr Mackenzie, an agent for the American fur -company
on the Yellow-stone river; by whom also were drawn up
the shorter vocabularies , in Mr. Catlin's work on the Ame-
rican Indians, of the Mandan, Riccaree and other languages.
The table also of the Natchez language is chiefly drawn
from the comparative catalogues of Mr. Gallatin. That the
MS. vocabulary of the Ahnenin represents the language of
the Fall Indians of Umfreville, and one different from that
of the true Minetares (with which it has been confounded),
may be seen' from the following comparison.

English. Fall-Indian of Umfreville. Ahnenin. Minetake.

eye nunnecsoon araythya ishtah.

knife warth wahata matzee.

pipe pechouon einpssah eekeepee.

tobacco cheesouon kitehtawan owpai.

dog hudtlier ahttah matshuga.

fire usitter beerais.

bom bart beerahhah.

arrow utcee eetan.

one karci lemoisso.

two neece nethiyau noopah.

three narce namee.

four nean yahuayau topah.

OF NORTH AMEEICA.

277

English. Fall-Indian of Umfreville. Ahnenin. Miuetake.

five yautune. cheehoh.

six neteartuce acamai.

seven nesartuce chappo.

eight narswartuce nopnppee.

nine anharbetwartuce nowassappai.

ten mettartuce netassa peeraga.

The Ahnenin language, without being at present referable
to any recognized group, has numerous miscellaneous affi-
nities.

English

God.

English

fingers.

Ahnenin

esis — sun.

Ahnenin

naha.

Sheshatapoosh

shayshoursh.

Onondagos

eniage.

Passamaquoddy

saisos.

English

hair.

English

blood.

Ahnenin
Caddo

betamnita.
baat.

Ahnenin
Caddo

barts.
baaho.

Taculli

pitsa — head.

English

hand.

Uche

pseotan — head.

Ahnenin

ikickan.

English

ear.

Pawnee

iksheeree.

Ahnenin

etah.

Muskoge

innkke.

Esquimaux

heutinga.

Catawba

eeksapeeah.

— . —

tsheeutik.

Mohawk

oochsoochta.

Knislenaux

shudik.
otowegu.

English.
Ahnenin

leg.
nunaha.

Ojibbeway

ottowug.

Sack and Fox

nenanah.

Micmac
Massachusetts

hadowugan.
wehtoughh.

Caddo

danuna — foot.

Narragansels

wuttowwog.

English

man.

Delaware

wittauk.

Ahnenin

neehato — white

Miami

tawakeh.

man.

Shamnoe

towakah.

watamahat —

Omoharv

neetah.

black? man.

Osage

naughta.

Tuscarora

aineehau.

Quappa

nottah.

Nottoway

eniha.

English
Ahnenin
Old Algonkin
Massachusetts

nose.
husi.
yash.
wutch.

Seneca
Wyandot
Mohawk
Dacola

ungouh.
aingahon.
oonguich.
weetschahskta.

English
Ahnenin

mouth.

English

girl.

ockya.

Ahnenin

wahtah.

Osage
Natchez

ehaugh.

Dacola

weetsheeahnah.

heche.

Yancton

weetchinchano.

278 MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

Yancton

weetachnong —

Miami

musuoh — deer.

daughter.

Illinois

mousoah — deer.

Osage

wetongah —

English

bad.

sister.

Ahnenin

wahnatta.

English

wife.

Mohawk

wahpateku.

Ahnenin

etha.

Onondagos

wahethe.

Kenay

ssioo.

Oneida

wahetka.

English

water.

English

good.

Ahnenin

nitsa.

Ahnenin

etah.

Quappa

nih.

Caddo

hahut — hand-

Uche

tsach.

some.

English

sun.

English

me, mine.

Ahnenin

esis.

Ahnenin

nistow.

Algonkin

kesis.

Blackfoot

niste — /.

Choctaw
Ohikkasaw

hashe.
husha.

English
Ahnenin

you.
ahnan.

Muskoge

hahsie.

Kenay

nan.

English

rock.

English

to-day.
wananaki.

Ahnenin

hannike.

Ahnenin

Winebago

eenee.

Mohawk

kuhhwanteh.

Dacota
Yancton

eeang.
eeyong.

Onondagos

neucke.

Mohawk

oonoyah.

English

to-morrow.

Onondago

onaja.

Ahnenin

nacah.

Tchuktchi

unako.

English

wood.

unniok.

Ahnenin

bess.

Choctaw

on ah a.

Passamaquoddy
Abenaki

apass — tree.
abassi — tree.

English

many.

Ahnenin

ukaka.

English

bear.

Mohawk

awquayakoo.

Ahnenin

wussa.

Seneca

kawkuago. (

Quappa

wassah.

English

drink.

Osage

wasauba.

Ahnenin

nahbin.

Omahaw

wassabai.

Osage

nebnatoh.

English

dog.

English

sleep.

Ahnenin

ahttah.

Ahnenin

nuckcoots.

hudther.

Abenaki

nekasi.

Sheshatapoosh

attung.

Mohawk

yihkootos.

Abenaki

attie.

Onondagos

agotawi.

Tuscarora

tcheer

Seneca

wanuhgoteh.

Nottoway

cheer.

English

two.

English

elk.

Ahnenin

neece.

Ahnenin

wussea.

Passamaquoddy

nes.

OF NORTH AMERICA.

279

Abenaki

niss.

Ottawa

niwin.

Massachusetts

neese.

Knistenaux

nayo.

Narragansels

neessc.

Old Algonkin

neyoo.

Muhican

ncesoh.

Sheshalapoosh

naou.

Monlaug

nees.

Massachusetts

yaw.

neeze.

Narragansels

yoh.

Adaize

nass.

English

three.

English

six.

Ahnenin

narce.

Ahnenin

nekitukujan.

Abenaki

nash.

Knislenaux

negotoahsik.

Narragansels

nish.

Ojibbeway

gotoasso.
nigouta was-

English

four.

wois.

Ahnenin

nean.

Ottawa

ningotowaswi-

yahnayau.

Abenaki

negudaus.

Ojibbeway

newin.

Monlaug

nacuttah.

The Blackfoot. — Of this language we have three vocabu-
laries ; a short one by Umfreville, a short one in Mr. Cat-
lin's work, and the longer and more important one in Mr.
Gallatin's manuscripts. The three vocabularies represent
the same language. Its affinities are miscellaneous ; more
however with the Algonkin tongues than with those of the
other recognized groups.

English

woman.

English

father.

Blackfooi

ahke.ya.

Blackfoot

onwa.

Old Algonkin

ickweh.

Seneca

hanee.

Ottawa

uque.

English
Blackfooi

husband.

Delaware

okhqueh.
khqeu.

ohmah.

Esquimaux

oemah.

Nanlicoke

acquahique.

Illinois

ickoe.

English

daughter.

Shawnoe

equiwa.

Blackfoot

netan.

Sauki

kwoyikih.

Knistenaux

netannis.

Cherokee

ageyung.

Ojibbeway

nindanis.

Woccoon

yecauau.

nedannis.

Ottawa

tanis.

English

boy.

Massachusetts

nutannis.

Blackfooi

sacoomahpa.

Narragansels

nittannis.

TJpsaroka

skakkatte.

Illinois

tahana.

English.

girl.

Sack and Fox

tanes.

Blackfooi

ahkaquoin.

Uche

teyunung.

Catawba

yahwachahu.

English

brother.

English

ohild.

Blackfoot

nausah.

Blackfoot

pokah.

Passamaquoddy

nesiwas.

Upsaroka

bakkatte.

Abenaki

nitsie.

280 MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

English

head.

English

kettle.

Blackfoot

otoquoin.

Blackfoot

eske.

Old Algonkin

oostiquan.

Knisienaux

askick.

Sheshalapoosh

stoukoan.

Ojibbeway

akkeek.

Ojibbeway

oostegwon.

English

shoes.

Knistenaux

istegwen.

Blackfool

atsakin.

■

ustequoin.

Mohawk

ohtaquah.

English

nose.

Seneca

auhtoyuawo-

Blackfoot

okissis.

hya.

Menomeni

oocheeush.

Nottoway

otawgwag.

English

neck.

English

bread.

Blackfoot

ohkokin.

Blackfool

ksaquonats.

Miami

kwaikaneh.

Mohican

tauquauh.

Sack and Fox

nekwaikaneh.

Shawnoe

taquanah.

English

hand.

English

spring.

Blackfool

okittakis.

Blackfool

motoe.

Esquimaux

iyuteeka.

Osage

paton.

tikkiek — fingers.

English
Blackfool
Ojibbeway
Knistenaux

leg.

English

summer.

ohcat.

okat.

miskate.

Blackfool

Knistenaux

Ojibbeway

napoos.

nepin.

nee-bin.

Sheshalapoosh
Massachusetts

neescatch.
muhkout.

Ottawa

nipin.
nipin.

Menomeni

oakauut.

Sheshalapoosh

neepun.

Micmac

nipk.

English

feel.

Abenaki

nipdne.

Blackfool

oaksakah.

Massachusetts

nepun.

Wyandot

ochsheetau.

Narragansets

neepun.

Mohawk

oochsheeta.

Mohican

nepoon.

Onondago

ochsita.

Delaware

nipen.

Seneca

oochsheeta.

Miami

nipeenueh.

Oneyda

ochsheeeht.

Shawnoe

nepeneh.

Nottoway

seeke — toes.

Sack and Fox

neepenweh.

English

bone.

Menomeni

neeaypeenay

Blackfool

ohkinnah.

waywah.

Knistenaux

oskann.

English

hail.

Ojibbeway

okun.

Blackfoot

sahco.

Ottawa
Miami

Massachusetts
Narragansets

okunnum.
kanih.
uskon.
wuskan.

Knisienaux

Ojibbeway

Sheshalapoosh

sasagun.

sasaigan.

shashaygan.

Shawnoe

ochcunne.

English

fire.

Sack and Fox

okaneh.

Blackfool

esteu.

Menomeni

okuntim.

Mohican

stauw.

OF NORTH AMERICA.

281

English

mater.

Old Algonkin

metiih.

Blackfool

ohhkeah.

Sheshatapoosh

mistookooah.

Chikkasaw

uckah.

Massachusetts

mehtug.

Atlacapa

ak.

English

grass.

English

ice.

Blackfool

mahtooyaase.

Blackfoot

sacoocootah.

Miami

metahkotuck.

Esquimaux

sikkoo.

Quappa

montih.

Tchuklchi

tshikuta.

English

leaf.

English

earth.

Blackfoot

soyapoko.

Blackfoot

ksahcoom.

Massachusetts

wunnepog.

Knislenaux

askee.

Narragansels

wunnepog.

Ojibbcmay

ahkee,.

Mohican

wunnepok.

Ottawa

aki.

Miami

metshipakwa.

Old Algonkin

ackey.

Sack and Fox

tatapacoan.

ackwin.

Menomeni

ahneepeeoaku

English

lake.

nah.

Blackfoot

omah sekame.

English

beaver.

KnistenauoS

sakiegun.

Blackfoot

kakestake.

Ojibbervay

sahgiegun.

Esquimaux

keeyeeak.

Sharvnoe

mskaque.

English.

wolf.

English

island.

Blackfoot

mahcooya.

Blackfool

mane.

Esquimaux

amaok.

Upsaroka

minne — water

1 Knislenaux

myegun.

minneteekah —

lake.
minnepeshu —

Ojibbeway

mieengun.

- —

Old Algonkin

maygan.
mahingan.

island.

Massachusetts

muckquoshin.

Knislenaux

ministick.

Narragansels

muekquashin.

Ojibbeway

minnis.

Miami

muhkwaiauch.

Old Algonkin

minis.

Passamaquoddy

muniqu.

English

bird.

Abenaki

menahan.

Blackfoot

pakesa.

Mohican

mnauhan.

Massachusetts

psukses.

Delaware

menokhtey.

Narragansels

peasis.

Miami

menatey.
menahanweh.

English
Blackfool

egg-

oh was.

Menomeni

meenayish.

Taculli

ogaze.

English

rock, stone.

Kenay

kquasa.

Blackfool

ohcootoke.

Cherokee

oowatse.

Nottoway

ohhoutahk.

Salish

ooseh.

English
Blackfoot

tree.

English

goose.

masetis.

Blackfool

emahkiya.

Ojibbeway

metik.

Menomeni

mckawk.

282

MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

English

partridge.

Knislenaux

nitha.

Blackfoot

katokin.

neya.

Nanlicoke

kitteawndip-

Ojibbeway

neen , nin.

qua.

Old Algonkin

nir.

English

red.

Sheshalapoosh

neele.

Blackfoot

mohisenum.

Micmac

nil.

Massachusetts

misqueh.

Illinois

nira.

Ahnenin

nistow.

English

yellow.

Blackfoot

ohtahko.

English

thou.

Esquimaux
Knislenaux

toongook.
tshongak.
asawwow.

Blackfoot

Knislenaux

Ojibbeway

christo.
kitha.
keen, kin.

Ojibbeway

ozawa.

Old Jlgon/fin
Micmac

kir.
kil.

Old Algonkin

ojawa.
oozao.

Illinois

kira.

Sack and Fox

ossawah.

English

this, that.

Menomeni

oaskahweeyah.

Blackfoot

kanakha.

English
Blackfoot

great.
ohmohcoo.

Upsaroka
Nanlicoke

kinna.

youkanna.

Micmac

mechkilk.

English

to-day.

Mohican

makauk.

Blackfoot

anookchusi-

English

Blackfoot

Upsaroka

small.

quoix.

enahcootse.
ecat.

Knistenaux
Onondago

anoutch.
neitchke.

English

Blackfoot

Knislenaux

strong.

miskappe.

mascawa.

English

Blackfoot

Bacola

yesterday.
mahtone.
tanneehah.

Ojibbeway

machecawa.

English

drink.

Old Algonkin

masshkawa.

Blackfoot

semate.

'Nanlicoke

miskiu.

Upsaroka

smimmik.

English

warm.

English

speak.

Blackfoot

kazetotzu.

Blackfoot

apooyatz.

Knistenaux

kichatai.

Upsaroka

bidow.

■

kisopayo.

English

sing.

Ojibbeway

kezhoyah.

Blackfoot

anihkit.

Ottawa

keshautta.

Knislenaux

necummoon.

Old Algonkin

akishattey.

Ojibbeway

nugamoo.

Passamaquoddy

kesipetai.

Sheshalapoosh

nekahmoo.

Massachusetts

kussutan.

Illinois

nacamohok.

Narragansels

kssetauwou.

Menomeni

neekaumee-

English

1.

noon.

Blackfoot

nisto.

English

sleep.

Chipewyan

ne.

Blackfoot

okat.

OF NORTH AMERICA.

283

Mohawk

yihkootos.

English

kill.

Onondaga

agotawi. /

Blackfool

enikke.

Seneca

wanuhgoteh.

Abenaki

nenirke

The Blackfoot numerals, as given by Mackenzie and Um-
freville , slightly differ. The termination in -urn runs through
the numerals of Fitz-Hugh Sound, an Oregon language.

English.

Blackfoot of

Blackfoot of

FlTZ-HuGH

Umfbeville.

Mackenzie.

Sound.

one

tokescum

sa

nimscum.

two

nartokescum

nahtoka

malscum

three

nohokescum

nahhoka

utascum.

four

nesweum

nasowe

moozcum.

five

nesittwi

nesitto

thikaescum.

six

nay

nowive

kitlisoum.

seven

kitsic

akitsecum

atloopooscum.

eight

narnesweum

nahnissowe

malknaskum.

nine

picksee

pakeso

nanooskim.

ten

keepey

kepo

highio.

2. nekty, Tuscarora; tiknee, Seneca; teghia, Oneida; de-
kanee, Nottoway; tekini, Otto.

3. noghoh, Mohican; nakha, Delaware.

5. nthsysta, Mohawk; sattou, Quappa; satta, Osage , Oma-
haw; sata, Otto; sahtsha, Minelare.
7. tzauks, Kawitchen, Noosdalum.
10. kippio, Chimmesyan.

The Crow and Mandan Languages. — Of the important lan-
guage of the Upsarokas or Crows the Archseologia Ameri-
cana contains only thirty words. Of the Mandan we have,
in the same work, nothing beyond the names of ten chiefs.
In Gallatin's classification these tribes are dealt with as sub-
divisions of the Minetare nation. Now the Minetare are of
the Sioux or Dacota family.

Between the Mandan vocabulary of Mr. Catlin and the Crow
vocabulary of Gallatin's MSS. there are the following words
in common. The affinity seems less close than it is gener-
ally stated to be : still the two languages appear to be Sioux.
This latter point may be seen in the second table.

English.

MANDAN.

Crow.

God

malihopeneta

sakahbooatta.

sun

menakha

a'hhhiza.

moon

esto menakha

minnatatche.

stars

h'kaka

ckieu.

rain

h'kahoost

hannah.

284

MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

English.

Mandan.

Chow.

snow

copcaze

makkoupah — hail.

river

passahah

ahesu.

day

hampah

maupah.

nighl

estogr

oche.

dark

hampaheriskah

chippusheka.

light

e day hush

thieshe.

woman

meha

meyakatte.

wife

moorse

mo ah.

child

sookhotnaba

bakkatte.

girl

sookmeha

meyakatte.

boy

sooknumohk

shakkatte.

head

pan

marshaa.

legs

doka

huchoope.

eyes

estume

meishta.

mouth

ea

ea.

nose

pahoo

buppa.

face

estah

esa.

ears

nakoha

uppa.

hand

onka

buschie.

fingers

onkaha

buschie.

foot

shee

busche.

hair

hahhee

masheah.

canoe

menanko

maheshe.

fish

poh

booah.

bear

mahto

duhpitsa.

wolf

haratta

chata.

dog

mones waroota

biska.

buffalo

ptemday

bisha.

elk

omepah

eitclierieazzse.

deer

mahmanacoo

ohha.

beaver

warrappa

biruppe.

shoe

hoompah

hoompe.

bom

warraenoopah

bistuheeah.

arrow

mahha

ahnailz.

pipe

ehudka

ompsa.

tobacco

mannasha

hopa.

good

shushu

itsicka.

bad

k'hecush

kubbeek.

hot

dsasosh

ahre.

cold

shineehush

hootshere.

1

me

be.

thou

ne

de.

he

e

na.

me

noo

bero.

they

eonah

mihah.

OF NORTH AMERICA.

285

English. Mandan.

Crow.

1

mahhannah

amutcat.

2

nompah

noomcat.

3

. namary

namenacat.

4

tohha

shopecat.

5

kakhoo

chihhocat.

6

kemah

ahcamacat.

7

koopah

sappoah.

8

tatucka

noompape.

9

mahpa

ahmuttappe.

10

perug

perakuk.

English

God.

Quappa

schehjinka.

Manclan

mahhoppeneta.

Olio

cheechingai.

Winebago

mahahnah.

Omaham

shingashinga,

Minelare

manhopa.

English

head.

Algonkin

marutoo.

Mandan

pan.

English

sun.

Dacota

pah.

Mandan

menahka.

Yancton

pah.

Omaham

meencajai.

Quappa

pahhih.

Caddo

manoh — light.

Omaham

pah.

English

star.

English ,

arms.

Mandan

h'kaka.

Mandan

arda.

Quappa

mihcacheh.

Minelare

arrough.

Olio

peekahhai.

Pawnee

heeeeru.

Omaham
Minelare

meecaai.
eekah.

English
Mandan

leg.
doka.

English

day.

Quappa

jaccah.

Mandan

hampah eriskah.

Osage

sagaugh.

Winebago

haunip.
haumpeehah.

English

eyes.

Mandan

estume.

Dacota

anipa.

Dacota

ishta.

Yanclon
Osage
Olio
Omaham

aungpa.
hompaye.
hangwai.
ombah.

Yancton
Quappa
Otto 4-c.

ishtah.

inschta.

ishta.

Minelare

mahpaih.

English

mouth.

English

moman.

Mandan

en.

Mandan

meha.

Sioux passim

ea.

Yanclon

weeah.

English

nose.

Omaham

waoo.

Mandan

pahoo.

Minelare

meeyai.

Sioux passim

pah.

Iomay

mega.

English

face.

English

child.

Mandan

estah.

Mandan

sookhomaha.

Dacola

eetai.

286 MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

Yancton

eetai.

English

bow.

Minetare

etah.

Mandan

warraenoopah

Englisli

ears.

Minetare

beerahhah.

Mandan

nakoha.

Tuscarora

awraw.

Winebago

nahchahwah-

English

arrow.

hah.

Mandan

mahha.

Yancton

nougkopa.

Sioux

mong , ma.

Osage

naughta.

English

shoe.

English

hands.

Mandan

hoompah.

Mandan

onka.

Dacota

hanipa.

Nottoway

nunke.

Quappa

honpeh.

Tuscarora

ohehneh.

Minetare

opah.

Menomeni

oanah.

English
Mandan

bad.

Miami

enahkee.

k'heoush.

English

fingers.

Dacota

sheecha.

Mandan

onkahah.

English

cold.

Onondago

eniage.

Mandan

shineekush.

Wyandot

eyingia.

Winebago

seeneehee.

Tchnklchi

ainhanka.

Sioux

snee.

English

foot,

English

no.

Mandan

shee.

Mandan

megosh.

Sioux

sih.

Tuscarora

gwush.

Pawnee
Tuscarora

ashoo.
uhseh.

English
Mandan

1.
me.

English

hair.

Dacota

meeah.

Mandan

pahhe.e.
pahee.

Minetare

meeee.

Sioux

Quappa

vieh.

Osage

veca.

English
Mandan
Minetare

fish.
poh.
boa.

English
Mandan

thou.
ne.

Sioux

ho, hough.

Winebago

ney.

Dacota

neeah.

English

beaver.

Minetare

nehe.

Mandan
Minetare
Otto

warappali.
meerapa.

English
Mandan

he.
e.

rawaiy.

Dacota

eeah.

English

deer.

English

Mandan

mahmanaco.

we.

Yancton

tamindoca.

Mandan

noo.

Winebago.

neehwahkia-

English

house.

weeno.

Mandan

ote.

Onondago

ni.

Ioway

tshe.

Knistenaux

neou.

OP NOETH AMERICA.

287

English
Mandan
Osage
Omahaw

one.

mahhannah.
minche.
meeachchee.

Englisli
Mandan
Sioux
Uche

two.

nompah.
nompa, noopa
nowah.

English
Mandan
Minetare

three.

namaiy.

namee.

English
Mandan
Sioux

four.
tohha.
topah , tuah.

English
Mandan

five.
kakhoo.

Minetare

cheehoh.

Muskoge

chahgkie.

English
Mandan

six.
kemah.

Minetare

acamai.

English

seven.

Mandan
Minetare

koopali.
chappo.

English
Mandan

eight.
tatucka.

Seneca
Mohawk

tikkeugh.
sohtayhhko,

English

ten.

Mandan

perug.

Minetare

peragas.

The Riccaree Language. — In Balbi and in the Mithridates,
the Riccaree is stated to be a dialect of the Pawnee ; but
no words are given of it: hence the evidence is inconclusive.
Again , the term Pawnee is equivocal. There are tribes call-
ed Pawnees on the river Platte, and tribes called Pawnees
on the Red river of Texas. Of the last nation we have no
vocabulary, they appear however to be different from the
first, and are Pawnees falsely so called.

Of the Riccaree we have but one vocabulary (Catlin's North
American Indians, vol. ii.); it has the following words com-
mon with the true Pawnee list of Say in the Archseologia
Americana, vol. ii.

English.

Pawnee.

RlCAREE.

God

thouwahat

tewaroohteli.

devil

tsaheekshkakooraiwah

kakewaroohteh,

sun

shakoroo

shakoona.

fire

tateetoo

tekieeht.

moon

pa

wetah.

stars

opeereet

saca.

rain

tatsooroo

tassou.

snow

toosha

tahhau.

day

shakoorooeeshairet

shacona.

night

eeraishnaitee

eenahgt.

light

shusheegat

shako onah.

dark

eeraishuaite

tekatistat.

hot

toueetstoo

towarist.

cold

taipeechee

teepse.

288 MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

English. Pawnee.

yes nawa

no kakee

bear koorooksh

dog ashakish

bow teeragish

arrow leekshoo

hut akkaroo

woman tsapat

boy peeslikee

girl tchoraksh

child peeron

head pakshu

ears atkaroo

, eyes keereekoo

hair oshu

hand iksheeree

fingers liaspeet

foot ashoo

canoe lakohoroo

river kattoosh

/ ta

1 askoo

2 peetkoo

3 touweet

4 shkeetish

5 sheeooksh

6 sheeksbabish

7 peetkoosheeshabish

8 touweetshabish

9 looksheereewa
10 looksheeree
20 petouoo

30 luksheercewetouoo

]00 sheekookshtaroo

ElCABEE.

neecoola.
kaka.
keahya.
hohtch.
nache.
ne.eche.
acare.
sapat.
weenatcb.
soonahtcb.
pera.
pahgh.
tickokite.
cheereecoo.
pahi.
tehonare.
parick.
ahgh.

lahkeehoon.
sahonnee.
nanto.
asco.
. pitco.
towwit.
tcheetish.
tcbeetishoo.
tcheetishpis.
totcbapis.
tocbapiswon.
totchapisnahhenewon.
nahen.
wetah.
sahwee.
shontan.

The special affinities of the Riccaree are not very decided.
It is anything rather than an isolated language , and will,
probably ? be definitely placed when we obtain vocabularies
of the Indian languages of Texas.

English evil spirit. Caddo sako.

Riccaree kakewaroobteb. Salish skokoleel.

Catawba yahwerejeh. Delaware gishukh.

Mohican kesogh.

English sun. Esquimaux sukkenuk.

Riccaree shakoona. Tchuklchi shekenak.

OF NORTH AMERICA.

289

English

stars.

Choctaw

eebuk.

Riccaree

saca.

Chiccasaw

skoboch.

Caddo

tsokas.

English

eye.

English

night.

Riccaree

cheereeco.

Riccaree

enaght.

Tuscarora

ookawreh.

Esquimaux

oonooak.

Esquimaux

ecrruka.

Massachusetts

unjuk,
nukon.

English
Riccaree

fool.
ahgh.

English

dark

Choctaw

iya.

Riccaree

tekatistat.

Chiccasaw

eaya.

AUacapa

tegg — night.

English
Riccaree

arms.

Natchez

toowa — night.

arrai.

Mohawk

tewhgarlars.

Mandan

arda.

Oneida

tetincalas.

Tuscarora

orungjai.

English

snow.

English

bear.

Riccaree

tahhau.

Riccaree

keahya.

Adaize

towat.

Seneca

yucwy.

Natchez

kowa.

Tchuklchi

kainga.

Vche

stahae.

English

shoes.

English

fire.

Riccaree

hooche

Riccaree

tekieeht.

Sioux

hongha.

Onondagos

yotecka.

loway

tako.

English

arrow .

TJgalenz

takgak.

Riccaree

neeche.

Kenay

taze.

Choctaw

oski noki.

Chiccasaw

nucka.

English

cold.

Riccaree

teepse.

English

hut.

AUacapa

tsamps.

Riccaree

acane.

Mohawk

canuchsha.

English

bad

Onondago

ganschsaje.

Riccaree

kah.

Oneida

kaunoughsau

Mandan

k'hecush.

Tuscarora

yaukuhnugh.

Sioux

sheecha.

English

canoe.

English

boy.

Riccaree

lahkeehoon.

Riccaree

weenatch.

Taculli

allachee.

Nottoway

aqueianha.

Salish

'tlea'yli-

Esquimaux

einyook.

Winebago

eeneek — son.

English

yes.

Oneida

yungh.

Riccaree

neecoola.

Adaize

cola.

English

head, hair.

Riccaree

pahgh, pahi.

English

no.

Sioux

pah, pan.

Riccaree

kaka.

Massachusetts

puhkuk.

Chetimacha

kahie.
19

290 MISCELLANEOUS C(

Algonkin

kah.

Kenny

kukol.

English

I.

Riccaree

nanto.

Algonkin

neen.

English

you.

Riccaree

kaghon.

Algonkin

keen.

English

one.

Riccaree

asco.

Wyandot

scat.

Mohawk

lmskat.

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

Onondayo

skata.

Seneca

skaut.

English

two.

Riccaree

pitco.

Caddo

behit.

English

four.

Riccaree

tcheetish.

Allacapa

tsets.

English

thirty.

Riccaree

sahwee.

Cherokee

tsawaskaw

The Creek and Choctaw Languages. — That the question as
to the affinity between the Creels and the Choctaw langua-
ges is a question of classification rather than of fact, may
be seen from the Archseologia Americana, vol. ii. p. 405;
where it is shown that out of six hundred words , ninety-
seven are common to the two languages.

The Caddo. — That this language has affinities with the
Mohawk, Seneca, and the Iroquois tongues in general, and
that it has words common to the Muskoge, the Catawba, the
Pawnee, and the Cherokee languages may be seen from the
tables of the Archseologia Americana. The illustrations how-
ever of these languages are to be drawn from a knowledge
of the dialects of Texas and the Oregon districts, tracts of
country whereon our information is preeminently insufficient.

The Natchez. — This language has the following miscella-
neous affinities , insufficient to give it a place in any defi-
nite group, but sufficient to show that it is anything rather
than an isolated language.

English

Natchez

man.
tomkuhpena.

English
Natchez

girl.
hohlenoo.

Cochimi

tamma.

Noosdalum

islanie.

St. Xavier

tamma.

Squallyamish

islanie.

Lorello

tamma.

Kawilchen

islanie.

St. Borgia

Olhomi

Shahaplan

tama.
dame,
hama.

English
■ Natchez
Dacota

head.

tomnie apoo
pah.

English

woman.

Yanclon

pah.

Natchez
Huasleca

tamahl.
tomol.

Quappa
Omuhaw

pahih.
pah.

OP NORTH AMERICA.

291

English

hair

English

tree.

Natchez

etene.

Natchez

tshoo.

Mixteca

dzini.

Choctaw

itte.

English

eye.

Chikkasaw

itta.

Natchez

oktool.

Muskoge

Utah.

Mexican

ikhtelolotli.

English

flesh.

English

nose.

Natchez

wintse.

Natchez

shamats.

Algonkin

wioss.

Huasleca

zam.

English

deer.

English

mouth

Natchez

tza.

Natchez

heche.

Winebago

tcha.

Poconchi

chi.

Quappa

tah.

Maya

chi.

Muskoge

itzo.

Caddo

dah.

English

tooth

Natchez

int.

English

buffalo.

Calapooiah

tinti.

Nalchev

wastanem.

Mexican

tentli — lip.

Uche

wetenenvuene-

Cora

tenita.

kah.

English

moon.

English

fish.

Natchez
St. Antonio
Kawitchen

kwasip.
tatsoopai.
quassin — slars.
quassin — slars.

Natchez
Chimmesyan

henn.

hone kustamo-
ane — -salmon.

Noosdalum

Klikelai

tkinnat.

Shahaplan

tkinnat.

English

star.

Mohawk

keyunk.

Natchez

tookul.

Seneca

kenyuck.

St. Antonio

tatchhuanilh.

Oneida

kunjoon.

Calhlascou

tukycha na-

Nottoway

kaintu.

Caddo

pucha.
tsokas.

Tanclon

hohung.

English

while.

English
Natchez

river.
wol.

Natchez
Shahaplan

hahap.
hipi.

Pima

vo — ' lake.

Allacapa

cobb.

Cathlascou

emalh.

Old Angonkin

wabi.

English

hill.

Delaware

wape.

Natchez

kweyakoopsel.

Sharvnoe

opee.

St. Juan Capis-

irano
Klikelai
Dacota
Yanclon

kahui.

English

black.

keh.

khyaykah.

haiaca.

Natchez
Narragansets
Long Island

tsokokop.

suckesu.

shickayo.

English

maize.

English

bad.

Natchez

hokko.

Natchez

wattaks.

Adaize

ocasuck.

Mohawk

wahhatekub.
19*

292

MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

Onondago

wahethe.

Chimmesyan

waigh — ■ paddle,

Oneida

wahetka.

Caddo

haugh.

English

cold.

English

sky.

Natchez

tzitakopana.

Natchez

nasookta.

KKketai

tsoisah.

Chimmesyan

suchah.

Shahaplan

tsoisah.

Tlaoqualch

naase.

English

hot.

Muskoge

sootah.

Natchez

wahiloohie.

Choctaw

shutik.

Muskoge

hahiye.

English

sun.

Allacapa

alliu.

Natchez

wah.

English

I.

Noosdalum

kokweh.

Natchez

tukehah.

Squallyamish

thlokwahl.

Adaize

hicatuck.

Poconchi

quih.

Chetimacha

uticheca.

Yancton

oouee.

English

thou.

English

night.

Natchez

ukkehah.

Natchez

toowa.

Kliketat

yuke.
arm.

Chetimacha

timan.

English

Allacapa

tegg.

Natchez

ish.

English

summer.

Dacota

ishto.

Natchez

amehika.

Yancton

isto.

Billechoola

awmilk.

English
Natchez

blood.
itsh.

English
Natchez

winter.
kwishitsheta-

kop.
koosilkhuhhug-

gheh.
koashlakke.

Choctaw
Chikkasaw

issish.
issish.

Mohawk

English

town.

Oneida

Natchez

wait.

Tuscarora.

koosehhea.

Pawnee

kwat.

Nottoway

goshera.

English

house,

English

thunder.

Natchez

hahit.

Natchez

pooloopooloo-

Dacota

tea.

lunluh.

Yancton

teepee.

Chimmesyan

killapilleip.

Quappa

tih.

English

snow.

Osage

tiah.

Natchez

kowa.

Omahaw

tee.

Billechoola

kai.

Minetare

attee.

English

sea.

English
Natchez
Chetimacha

friend.

ketanesuh — my.
keta.

Natchez
Si. Diego
Choctaw

kootshel.

khasilk.

okhuttah.

English

bear.

English

boat.

Natchez

tsokohp.

Natchez

kwagtolt.

Uche

ptsaka.

OF NORTH AMERICA.

293

English
Natchez
Esquimaux

snake.

wollah.

malligooak.

English
Natchez
Shahaptan

run.

kwalneskook.

willnikit.

English
Natchez
Uchee
Tuscarora

bird.

shankolt.
psenna.
tshenu.

English
Natchez
Choctaw

kill.

appawe.

uhbe.

English
Natchez
Muskoge

eat.

kirnposko.

lmmbiischa.

English
Natchez
Adaize.

walk.

naktik.

enacoot.

The Uche, Adaize, &c. — See Archteologia Americana , vol.
ii. p. 306. For these languages, tables similar to those of
the .Natchez have been drawn up, which indicate similar af-
finities. The same can be done for the Chetimacha and
Attacapa.

New Californian Languages. — The dialects of this district
form no exception to the statements as to the unity of the
American languages. In the v Journal of the Geographical
Society (part 2. vol. ii.) we find seven vocabularies for these
parts. Between the language of the diocese of San Juan
Oapistrano and that of San Gabriel, the affinity is palpable,
and traces of a regular letter change are exhibited, viz.
from / to r:

English. San Juan Capistrano. San Gabhiel
moon mioil muarr.

water pal paara.

salt engel ungurr.

Between the remaining vocabularies, the resemblance by
no means lies on the surface; still it is unquestionable. To
these data for New California may be added the Severnow
and Bodega vocabularies in Baer's Beiirage &c. These two
last, to carry our comparison no further, have, amongst
others, the following terms in common with the Esquimaux
tongues :

English

white.

English

beard.

Severnow

kalle.

Bodega

ymmy.

Esquimaux

kowdlook, kow-

Esquimaux

oomich.

look.

English

sky.

English

hand.

Severnow

kalu.

Bodega

talu.

Cadeack

kilik.

Esquimaux

tadleek, dallek

English

moon.

— arm.

Severnow

kalazha.

Kenay

golshagi

294 MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHY

English
Severnom

water.
aka.

Bodega
Ugalyachmutsc

diika.
kai.

English
Severnom

ice.
tnlash.

Ugalyachmutsc
Bodega
Fox Island.

thlesh.

kulla.

klakh.

English
Severnow

day.
marlzhu,

Cadeack

matsiak

English

Bodega

Ugalyachmutsc

English

Severnom

Greenland

English
St. Barbara
Greenland

English

Severnow

Tchuklchi

night.
kayl.
khatl.

star.
karnau.
kaumeh — moon.

head.

nucchu.

niackoa.

winter.
komua.
ukiumi.

The concluding notices are upon languages which have
already been placed, but concerning which fresh evidence is
neither superfluous nor misplaced.

Sacks and Foxes. — Cumulative to evidence already current
as to the tribes of the Sacks and Foxes belonging to the
Algonkin stock, it may be stated that a few words collected
by the author from the Sack chief lately in London were
Algonkin.

The Ojibheways. — A fuller vocabulary, taken from the mouth
of the interpreters of the Ojibbeway Indians lately exhibit-
ed, identifies their language with that represented by the
vocabularies of Long, Carver, and Mackenzie.

The low ay. — Of the Ioway Indians , Mr. Gallatin, in 1836,
writes as follows: — "They are said, though the fad is not
"fully ascertained, to speak the same dialect," i. e. with the
Ottoes. Again, he writes, "We have not that [the voca-
bulary] of the Ioways, but nineteen words supplied by Go-
vernor Cass seem to leave no doubt of its identity with the
"Ottoes." — Archceolog. Amer. ii. 127, 128. Cass's vocabulary
is printed in p. 377.

In 1843, however, a book was published in the Ioway
language, bearing the following title page, "An Elementary
"Book of the Ioway Language, with an English Translation,
"by Wm. Hamilton and S. M. Irvine, under the direction
"of the B. F. Miss; of the Presbyterian Church: J. B Roy,
"Interpreter ; Ioway and Sac Mission Press, Indian Territory,
1843." In this book the orthographical principles are by
no means unexceptionable ; they have the merit however of
expressing simple single sounds by simple single letters; thus
« = the a in fall; X — the u in tub; c = the ch in chest; f=
(h; g — ng; j — sh. Q however is preserved as a double
sound = qu. From this alphabet it is inferred that the Io-

OF NORTH AMERICA.

295

way language possesses the rare sound of the English ill.
With the work in question I was favoured by Mr. Catlin.

Now it is only necessary to pick out from this little work
the words selected by Balbi in his Atlas Ethnographique,
and to compare them with the corresponding terms as given
by the same author for the Sioux, the Winebago , the Otto,
the Konza, the Omahaw, the Minetare, and the Osage lan-
guages, to be convinced the Ioway language belongs to the
same class, coinciding more especially with the Otto.

English

head.

Otto

si.

lomay

nantliu.

Konza

sih.

Winebago

nahsso.

Omaham

si.

Otto

naso.

Minetare

itsi.

Minetare

antu.

Osage

see.

English

nose.

English

tongue.

Ioway

pa.

lomay

rsBthse.

Sioux

paso.

Otto

reze.

Winebago

pah.

Sioux

tshedzhi.

Otto

peso.

Konza

yeezah.

Konza

pah.

Minetare

theysi.

Omaham

pah.

Minetare

apah.

English

teeth.

Sioux

pah ■ — head.

lomay

he.

Omaham

pah — head.

Sioux

hi.

Winebago

hi.

English

mouth.

Otto

hi. v

lomay

o.

Konza

hih.

Sioux

ei.

Omaham

ei.

Winebago

i.

Minetare

ii.

Otto

i.

Konza

yih , ih.

English

fire.

Minetare

iiiptshappah.

lomay

psechoe.

Omaham

ihah.

Sioux

peta.

Osage

ehaugh.

Winebago

pytshi.

Otto

pede.

English

hand.

Omaham

pede.

lomay

nawse.

Osage

pajah.

Sioux

nape.

Winebago

nahpon.

English

water.

Otto

naue.

lomay

ne.

Omaham

nombe.

Sioux

mini.

Osage

nomba.

Winebago

ninah, nih.

English

lomay

Sioux

feet.
the.

Otto
Omakam

ni.
ni.

siha.

Minetare

mini.

Winebago

si.

Osage

neah.

i9b MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ETHNOIIRArllY

English

one.

Konza

sahtah.

loway

eyungkse.

Omahaw

satta.

Otto

yonke.

Osage

sattah.

Sioux

wonchaw.

ouonnchaou.

English
loway

six.
shaqoe.

English

two.

Sioux

shakpe.

loway

nowse.

Winebago

kohui.

Sioux

nopa.

Otto

shaque.

nonpa.

Konaz

shappeh.

Winebago

nopi.

Omahaw

shappe.

Otto

noue.

Osage

shappah.

Konza
Minetare

nompah.
noopah.
nombaugli.

English

seven.

Osage

loway
Otto

shahma.
shahemo.

English

three.

Minetare

tshappo.

loway

tanyo.

English

loway

Otto

eight.

krserapane

krserabene.

Winebago
Otto

tnhni.
tana.

Omahaw

perabini.

English

four.

loway

towse.

English

nine.

Sioux

top ah.

loway

ksangkee.

Winebago

tsliopi.

Otto

shanke.

Otto

tona.

Konza

shankkoh.

Konza

tohpah.

Omahaw

shonka.

Omahaw

toba.

Osage

shankah.

Minetare

topah.

Osage

tobah.

English
loway

ten.
kiospana.

English

five.

Winebago

kherapon.

loway

thata.

Otto

krebenoh.

Sioux

zapta.

Konza

kerebrah.

Winebago

satsch.

Omahaw

krebera.

Otto

sata.

Osage

krabrah.

With tb

ie be

10k in question

Cass's vocabulary coincid

Hamilton and Irvine. Case

fire

psechse

pedge

water ne

ni.

one

eyungkse

iengki

two

nowse

noe.

thrt

"e tanye

talmi.

four towse

toe.

OP NORTH AMERICA. 297

Hamilton and Irvine. Cass.

satahng.

shangwe.

shakmong.

krehebni.

shange.

krebnah.

five

thata

six

shagse

seven

slialima

eight

krserfepane

nine

ksangkse

ten

krsepanEe

ON A SHOUT VOCABULARY OF THE
LOUCHEUX LANGUAGE.

BY J. A. ISBISTEE.

KEAD

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

JANUARY 25TH 1850.

This notice, being communicated by myself, and making
part of the subject illustrated by both the papers that pre-
cede and the papers that follow, is here inserted.

The Digothe, or Loucheux, is the language of the North
American Indians of the lower part of the river Mackenzie,
a locality round which languages belonging to three differ-
ent classes are spoken — the Eskimo, the Athabaskan, and
the Koluch (Kolosh) of Russian America.

To which of these classes the Loucheux belongs , has hi-
therto been unascertained. It is learned with equal ease by
both the Eskimo and Athabascan interpreters ; at the same
time an interpreter is necessary.

The following short vocabulary, however, shows that its
more probable affinities are in another direction, i. e. with
the languages of Russian America, especially with the Ke-
nay of Cook's Inlet; with which, whilst the pronouns agree,
the remaining words differ no more than is usual with lists
equally imperfect , even in languages where the connexion
is undoubted.

English. Loucheux. Kenat.

white man manah-gool-ait.

Indian tengliie* teeua = man.

Eskimo nak-liigh.

wind etsee.

head wind newatsee.

fair wind jeatsee.

water tchonf tliun-agalgus.

* The y is sounded hard. y As the French n in bon.

ON A SHORT VOCABULARY OF THE LOUCHEUX LANGUAGE. 299

English. Loucheux. Kenay.

sun shetkie cliannoo.

moon shet-sill tlakannoo.

stars kumshaet ssin

meat teli kutskonna.

deer et-han.

head umitz aissagge

arm tcliiegen skona.

leg tsethan.

coat cliiegee.

blanket tsthee.

kni f e tlay kissaki.

fort jetz.

yes eh.

no illuck-wlia.

far nee-jah.

near neak-wha.

strong nekaintah.

cold kateitlee ktckcliuz.

long kawa.

enough ekcho, ekatarainyo.

eat beka.

drink chidet-leh.

come chatchoo.

go away eenio.

I see su.

thou nin nan.

(my) father (se) tsay stukta.

(my) son (se) jay ssi-ja,.

NOTES.

The notices upon the American languages at the British Association
between the date of the last paper but one and the next were :

That the Bethuk of Newfoundland was American rather than Eskimo
— lieport for 1847. Transactions of the Section p. 115.

That the Shyenne numerals were Algonkin — Eeport for 1847. 'Trans-
actions of Sections p. 123.
That neither
The Moskito, nor
The Botocudo language were isolated. — Ibid.

ON THE LANGUAGES OE NEW
CALIFORNIA.

READ

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,

may 13th 1853.

The languages of the south-western districts of the Ore-
gon territory are conveniently studied in the admirable vo-
lume upon the Philology of the United States Exploring
Expedition, by Mr Hale. Herein we find that the frontier
between that territory and California is most probably formed
by the Saintskla, Umkwa, and Lutuami languages, the Saint-
skla being spoken on the sea-coast, the Umkwa lying to
the east of it, and the Lutuami east of the Umkwa. All three,
in the present state of our knowledge, belong to different
philological divisions. It is unnecessary to add , that each
tongue covers but a small geographical area.

The Paduca area extends in a south-eastern direction in
such a manner as to lap round the greater part of California
and New Mexico, to enclose both of those areas, and to
prolong itself into Texas ; and that so far southwards as
almost to reach the Gulf of Mexico. Hence , except at the
south and the north-west, the Californian languages (and
indeed the New Mexican as well) are cut off and isolated
from the other tongues of America by means of this remar-
kable extension of the Paducas. The Paduca tongues dip
into each of these countries as well as lap round them. It
is convenient to begin with a Paduca language.

The Wihinast is , perhaps , an Oregon rather than a Cali-
fornian language ; though at the same time it is probably com-
mon to the two countries. It can be shown to be Paduca
by its vocabulary in Mr. Hale's work, the Shoshoni being
the' language to which it comes nearest; indeed Mr. Galla-
tin calls the Wihinast the Western Shoshoni. Due east of
the Wihinast come the Bonak Indians, currently believed
to be Paduca, but still requiring the evidence of a vocabu-
lary to prove them so.

ON" THE LANGUAGES OF NEW CALIFORNIA. 301

The true Shoshoni succeed ; and these are, probably, Ore-
gon rather than Californian. At any rate, their language
tails within the study of the former country. But the Uta
Lake is truly a part of the great Californian basin, and the
Uta language is known to us from a vocabulary, and known
to be Paduca: J

English. uta* CoMANCHf

*"» tap taharp.

moon mahtots mush.

star quahlantz taarch.

man tooonpayah tooavishcliee.

woman naijah wyapee.

boy ahpats tooanickpee.

ffirt mahmats wyapeechee.

head tuts paapli.

forehead muttock

face kooelp koveh.

eye puttyshoe nachich.

nose mahvetah moopee.

mouth timp teppa.

teeth tong tannee.

tongue ahoh ahako.

chin hannockquell

ear nink nahark.

hair suooli parpee.

neck kolph toyock.

arm pooir mowa.

hand masseer mowa.

breast pay toko.

foot namp naliap.

horse kahvah teheyar.

serpent toeweroe noheer.

dog sahreets shardee.

cat moosah

fire coon koona.

food oof

mater pah pabar.

The Uta being thus shown to be Paduca , the evidence in
favour of other tribes in their neighbourhood being Paduca
also is improved. Thus —

* Reports of the Secretary of War, with Reconnaissances of route
from San Antonio to EI Paso. Washington-, 1850. (Appendix B.)

f From a Nauni Vocabulary, by R. S. Neighbour; Schoolcraft's His-
tory, &c, Pt. ii.

302 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NEW CALIFORNIA.

The Diggers are generally placed in the same category
with the Bonaks, and sometimes considered as Bonaks under
another name.

The Sampiches, lying south of the Uta, are similarly con-
sidered Uta. Special vocabularies, however, are wanting.

The Uta carry us from the circumference of the great basin
to an angle formed by the western watershed of the Rio
Grande and the rivers Colorado and Gila; and the language
that comes next is that of the Navahos. Of these, the Je-
coriilas of New Mexico are a branch. We have vocabu-
laries of each of these dialects tabulated with that of the
Uta and collected by the same inquirer.

Mr. Hale, in the "Philology" of the United States Ex-
ploring Expedition, showed that the Tlatskanai and Umkwa
were outlying languages of the great Athabaskan family.

It has since been shown by Professor Turner that certain
Apatch languages are in the same interesting and important
class, of which Apatch languages the Navaho and Jecorilla
are two.

Now follows a population which has stimulated the atten-
tion and excited the wonder of ethnologists — the Moqui.
The Moqui are they who, occupants of some of the more
favoured parts of the country between the Gila and Colorado,
have so often been contrasted with the ruder tribes around
them — the Navaho and Uta in particular. The Moqui, too,
are they whose ethnological relations have been looked for
in the direction of Mexico and the semi-civilized Indians of
Central America. Large towns, regular streets, stone build-
ings, white skins, and European beards have all been at-
tributed to these mysterious Moqui. They seem , however,
to be simply Indians whose civilization is that of the Pueblo
Indians of New Mexico. The same table that gives us the
Uta and Navaho vocabularies, gives us a Moqui one also.
In this, about eight words in twenty-one are Uta.

Languages allied to the Uta, the Navaho, and the Moqui,
may or may not fill up nine-tenths of what an Indian would
call the Doab, or a Portuguese the Entre Rios, i. e. the

Earts between the two rivers Gila and Colorado. Great as
as been the activity of the American surveyors, the ex-
ploration is still incomplete. This makes it convenient to
pass at once to the head of the Gulf of California. A fresh
language now presents itself, spoken at the head of the pe-
ninsula (or Acte) of Old California. The vocabulary that
has longest represented this tongue is that of the Mission
of Saint Diego on the Pacific; but the language itself, ex-

ON THE LANGUAGES Of NEW CALIFORNIA. 303

tended across the head of the Acte, reaches the mouth of
the Colorado, and is prolonged, to some distance at least,
beyond the junction of the Gila.

Of the Dieguno " language — for such seems to be the
Spanish name for it — Dr. Coulter has given one vocabulary,
and Lieut. Whipple (U. S. A.) another. The first is to be
found in the Journal of the Geographical Society, the second
is the second part of Schoolcraft's "History, &c. of Indian
Tribes." A short but unique vocabulary of Lieutenant
Emory, of the language of the Cocomaricopas Indians, was
known to Gallatin. This is closely allied to the Dieguno.

A Paternoster in Mofras belongs to the Mission of San
Diego. It has not been collated with the vocabularies, which
are, probably, too scanty to give definite results; there is no
reason, however, to doubt its accuracy: —

Nagua anal] amai tacaguach naguanetuuxp mamamulpo
cayuca amaibo, mamatam meyayam canaao amat amaibo
quexuic echasau naguagui nanacachon haguin nipil meheque
pachis echeyuchap onagua quexuic naguaich nacaquaihpo
namechamec anipuchuch-guelichcuiapo. Nacuiuch-pambo-
cuchlich-cuiatpo-hamat. Napuija.

A third branch, however, of this division, constituted by
a language called the Cuchan, of which a specimen is given
by Lieut. Whipple {vide supra), is still nearer to the latter
of those two forms of speech.

There can be but little doubt that a combination of sounds
expressed by the letters I'M in the Dieguno tongue, repre-
sents the sound of the Mexican tl\ a sound of which the
distribution has long drawn the attention of investigators.
Common in the languages of Mexican, common in the lan-
guages of the northern parts of Oregon, sought for amongst
the languages of Siberia, it here appears — whatever may
be its value as a characteristic — as Californian. The
names of the Indians whose language is represented by the
specimens just given are not ascertained with absolute ex-
actitude. Mofras mentions the Yumas and Amaquaquas.

The Mission of San Luis Rey de Francia (to be distin-
guished from that of San Luis Obispo) comes next as we
proceed northwards.

Between 33V 2 ° and 34°, a new language makes its ap-
pearance. This is represented by four vocabularies, two of
which take the designation from the name of the tribe, and
two from the Mission in which it is spoken. Thus, the
Netela language of the United States Exploring Expedition
is the same as the San Juan Capistrano of Dr. Coulter,

304 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NEW CALIFORNIA.

and the San Gabriel of Dr. Coulter the same as the Kij
of the United States Exploring Expedition.

The exact relation of these two languages to each other
is somewhat uncertain. They are certainly languages of
the same group, if not dialects of the same language. In
the case of r and I, a regular letter-change exists between
them. Thus Dr. Coulter's tables give us

English. San Gabriel. San Juan Capistbano.

moon muarr mioil.

water paara pal.

earth ungkhur ekhel.

salt ungurr engel.

hot oro khalek.

whilst in the United States Exploring Expedition we find —

English. Kij. Netela. ♦

moon moar moil.

star suot suol.

■mater bar pal.

bear humar liunot.

Of these forms of speech the San Gabriel or Kij is the more
northern; the San Juan Capistrano or Netela being the near-
est to the Dieguno localities. The difference between the
two groups is pretty palpable. The San Gabriel and San
Juan numerals of Mofras represent the Nete'la-Kij language.

It is remarked in Gallatin's paper that there were certain
coincidences between the Netela and the Shoshoni. There
is no doubt as to the existence of a certain amount of like-
ness between the two languages.

Jujubit, Caqullas , and Sibapot are the names of San Ga-
briel tribes mentioned by Mofras. The Paternoster of the
three last-named missions are as follows : —

Langue de la Mission de San Gabriel. — Y Yonac y yogin
tucu pugnaisa sujucoy motuanian masarmi magin tucupra
malman6 muisme milleosar y ya tucupar jiman bxi y yone
masaxmi mitema coy aboxmi y yo mamainatar momojaich milli
y yakma abonac y yo no y yo ocaihuc coy jaxmea main itan
momosaich coy jama juexme huememes aich. Amen. Jesus.

Langue de la Mission de San Juan Capistrano. — Chana ech
tupana ave onench, otune a cuachin, chame om reino, libi
yb chosonec esna tupana cham nechetepe, micate torn cha
chaom, pepsum yg cai caychame y i julugcalme cai ech.
Depupnn opco chame chum oyote. Amen. Jegus.

Langue de la Mission de San Luiz Hey de Francia. — Cham

ON THE LANGUAGES OP NEW CALIFORNIA. 305

na chain meg tu panga auc onan mo quiz cham to qai ha
cua che nag omreina h vi hiche ca noc yba heg ga y vi an
qui ga topanga. Cham na cholane mim cha pan pitu mag
ma jan pohi cala cai qui cha me holloto gai torn chama o
gui chag cay ne che cal me tus so Hi olo calme alia linoc
ehame cham cho sivo. Amen. Jesus.

The following is the Paternoster of the Mission of San
Fernando. It is taken from Mofras : —

Y yorac yona taray tuciipuma sagouco motoanian majarmi .
moin main mono muismi miojor y iactucupar. Pan yyogin
gimiarnerin majarmi mi fema coyo ogorna yio mamarimy
mii, yiarmA ogonug y yona, y yo ocaynen coijarmea main
ytomo mojay coiyama huermi. Parima.

The Mission of San Fernando lies between that of San
Gabriel and Santa Barbara. Santa Barbara's channel (be-
tween 34° and 3472° N. L.) runs between the mainland and
some small islands. From these parts we have two voca-
bularies, Revely's and Dr. Coulter's. The former is known
to me only through the Mithridates, and has only three
words that can be compared with the other : —

English. Revkly's. Coulter's.

one paoa paka.

two excb shkoAo.

three mapja masekh.

The Mission of Santa Ines lies between that of Santa Bar-
bara and that of San Luis Obispo, in 35 2 / 3 N. L.; which
last supplies a vocabulary, one of Dr. Coulter's: —

English. San Luis Obispo. Santa Barbara.

water to oh.

stone tkeup kheup.

three misha masekh.

bow takha aklia.

salt tepu tipi.

This is the amount of likeness between the two forms of
speech — greater than that between the Netela and Dieguno,
but less than that between the Netela and Kij.

Dr Coulter gives us a vocabulary for the Mission of ban
Antonio, and the United States Exploring Expedition one
from San Miguel, the latter being very short:
English. San Miguel. English. San Miguel.

man luai,loai, logua. mother apai.

woman tlene. 'on paser, pasel.

father tata. daughter paser, pasel.

' 20

306 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NEW CALIFORNIA.

English. San Miguel. English. San Miguel.

head to-buko. nose te-n-ento.

hair te-asakho. eyes t-r-ugento.

ears te-n-tkhito. mouth t-r-eliko (lak-um, St. Raph.)

With the San Antonio it has six words in common, of
which two coincide: e. g. in San Antonio man = luah, mother
= epjo. Besides which, the combination Ir , and the pre-
ponderance of initials in I, are common to the two vocabu-
laries. San Antonio is spoken about 36V2 N. L. The nu-
merals, too, are very similiar, since the ki- and ka- in
the San Antonio numeration for one, two, seems non-radical : —

English. San Miguel. San Antonio.

one tohi ki-tol.

two kugsu ka-kishc.

three tlubalii klap'hai.

four kesa kisha.

five oldrato ultraoh.

six paiate pain el.

seven tepa te'h.

eight sratel shaanel.

nine tedi-trup teta-tsoi.

ten trupa tsoeh.

It is safe to say that these two vocabularies represent one
and the same language.

About fifty miles to the north-west of St. Miguel lies La
Soledad, for which we have a short vocabulary of Mr.
Hale's : —

English. La Soledad. English. La Soledad.

man mue. head tsop.

woman shurishme. hair worokli.

father ni-ka-pa. ears otsho.

mother ni-ka-na. nose 11s (00s, Castano).

son ni-ki-nish. eyes liiin (bin, Talatui).

daughter ni-ka mouth hai.

The word nika, which alone denotes daughter, makes the
power of the syllable ka doubtful. Nevertheless, it is pro-
bably non-radical. In ni-kz'-nz'sh , as opposed to ni-ka-na,
we have an apparent accommodation {umlaut) ; a phenomenon
not wholly strange to the American form of speech.

Is this the only language of these parts ? Probably not.
The numerals of ianguage from this Mission are given by
Mofras, and the difference between them and those of Mr.
Hale is as follows : —

ON THE LANGUAGES OF NEW CALIFORNIA.

307

I-xci.isii. JMokras (Sol. Hale's Sol.

* one enkala himitna.

I't'o oultes utslie.

th>ce kappes kap-kha.

/'•>">' oultezim utjit.

/'i'C lialiizon paraasli.

six hali-skakem iminukslia.

seven kapka-mai udukshn.

eight oulton-mai taitemi.

nine pakkc watso.

ten tam-cliakt matsoso.

There is some affinity, but it is not so close as one in an-
other quarter; ?". e. one with the Achastli and Ruslen.

Between 36° and 37° N. L. lies the town of Monterey.
For this neighbourhood we have the Ruslen east , and the
Eslen west, the latter being called also Ecclemachs. Bour-
going and De La Manon are the authorities for the scanty
vocabularies of these two forms of speech, to which is ad-
ded one of the Achastli. The Achastli, the Ruslen, and
the Soledad of Mofras seem to represent one and the same
language. The converse, however, does not hold good, i. e.
the Soledad of Hale is not the Eslenes of Bourgoing and
the Ecclemachs of De La Manon. This gives us four lan-
guages for these parts : —

1. The one represented by the San Miguel and San An-
tonio vocabulary.

2. The one represented by the Soledad of Hale.

3. The one represented by the Soledad of Mofras, the
Achastli of De La Manon , and the Ruslen of Bourgoing.

4. The one represented by the Eslen of Bourgoing and the
Ecclemachs of De La Manon, and also by a vocabulary yet
to be noticed, viz. that of the Mission of Carmel of Mofras.

English. Cakmel.

Eslen. Soledad (of Mofras). Ruslen.

one pek pek

two oulliaj ulkaj

three koulep julep

four kamakous jamajus

five pemakala pemajala

six pegualanai peguatanoi.

seven kulukulanai julajualanei .
eight kounailepla julep jualanei
nine kakouslanai jamajas jualanei
ten tomoila tomoila

enkala enjala.-

oultes ultis.

kappes kappes.

oultizim ultizim.

haliizon liali-izu.

halisliakem hali-sliakcm.
kapkamai kapkamai-sliakom.
oultonmai ultumai -slinkcm.

pakke paeke.

tamcliakt tamchait.
20*

308 ON THE LANGUAGES Or NEW CALIFORNIA.

We now approach the parts of California which are best
known — the Bay of San Francisco in 38 u N. L. For these

fiarts the Mission of Dolores gives us the names of the fol-
owing populations: — 1. Ahwastes. 2. Olhones (Costanos
or Coastmen). 3. Altahmos. 4. Romonans. 5. Tulomos.

For the same parts we have vocabularies of four langua-
ges which are almost certainly mutually unintelligible.
Two are from Baer's Beilrdge; they were collected during
the time of the Russian settlement at Ross. One represents
the language of certain Indians called Olamentke, the other
that of certain Indians called Khwakhlamayn. The other two
are from the second part of Schoolcraft. One is headed Cos-
tano = the language of the Indians of the coast ; the other
Cushna. The language represented by the Cushna vocabu-
lary can be traced as far inland as the Lower Sacramiento.
Here we find the Bushwwm? for Pujuni), the Secumni, the
YsLSiimni, the Yidesumni , the Nemshaw, the Kiski, the Huk,
and the Yukae tribes, whose languages, or dialects, are
represented by three short vocabularies, collected by Mr.
Dana, viz. the Pujuni, the Sekumne, and the Tsamak.

The following extract shows the extent to which these
three forms of speech agree and differ: — >

English. Pujuni. Sekumne. Tsamak.

man ijune mailik mailik.

woman kele kele kule.

child maidumonai

daughter eti

head tqutfjul tsol tQultcul.

hair oi ono oi.

ear ono bono orro.

eye watqa il hil.

nose , lienka suma

mouth mol6 sim

neck tokotok kui kulut.

arm ma wah kalut.

hand , tQapai ma tamsult or tamtcut.

fingers tcikikup biti tcikiknp;

leg pai podo bimpi.

foot katwp pai pai.

toe t&p biti

house lie he

bow olumni

arrow liuia

shoes solum — —

beads liawitt

ON THE LANGUAGES OP NEW CALIFORNIA. 309

English. Pujuni. Skkumne. Tsamak.

sky hibi

sun oko oko ZZ".

day oko eki ... .

night :. po

fi re Qa sa oa .

mtter momi, mop mop momi

river 16kolok nramdi munti.

stone ; o o

lree tea tsa

grapes mut i

deer wil kut kut.

bird .

tsit

fi sn pala..

tcoc maidik

gewa

iye wiye

Pi ••■•

salmon mai mai .

name i ano

g°°d kuk wenne huk.

bad

old - — hawil

new be,

sweet :.... suduk

sour oko

hasten iewa

run tshel

walk.,
swim

talk wiwma enun

sing tsol ...'

dance paio

one ti wikte

two teene pen

three shupui sapui

four peliel tsi

five mustic mauk

six tini, o (sic) tini, a (sic)....

seven tapui pensi (?) sic.

eight petslipi tapau (?) sic.

nine matshum mutsnm

ten tshapanaka aduk

On the Kassima River, a tributary of the Sacramiento,
about eighty miles from its mouth lives a tribe whose lan-
guage is called the Talatui, and is represented by a voca-
bulary of Mr. Dana's. It belongs, as Gallatin has suggested,
to the same class with the language of San Raphael, as gi-
ven in a vocabulary of Mr. Hale's : —

310 on the languages op new california.

English.' Tai.atui. San Raphael.

man save lamantiya.

woman esuu kulaisk.

father tata api.

daughter tele ai.

head tikit mo hi.

ear aloh ■. alolch.

eye wilai sliuta.

nose uk huke.

mouth hube lakum.

hand iku akue.

fool subei koio.

sun hi hi.

day hi umu hi.

night ka-w// ?;>aZayuta.

fire mike maik.

water kik kiik.

stone sawa lupoii.

bird lune, ti kakalis.

house kodja koilaya.

one kenate kenai.

two oi/o-ko oza.

three leli-'k.o itda-ha.

four oiQU-ko -wiag.

five kassa-ko kenekus.

six temebo patirak.

seven kanikuk (?) sic semlawi.

eight ka'uinda wusuy a.

nine ooi umarask.

ten ckuye kitshish.

North of San Francisco, at least along the coast, wc have
no vocabularies of any language undoubtedly and exclusive-
ly Californian. Thus, the Lutuami, the Shasti and Palaik
are, in all probability, common to California and Oregon.
Of each of these languages Mr. Hale has given us a voca-
bulary. The Lutuami live on the headwaters of the river
and lake Tlamatl, or Olamet, conterminous on the south-
east with the Palaiks, and on the south-west with the Shasti.
The affinity between the Palaik and Lutuami seems to be
somewhat greater than that between the Lutuami and Shasti.

And now we have gone round California; for, contermi-
nous , on the east, with the Lutuami and Shasti are the Wi-
hinast and Paduca with whom we began, and it is only by
the comparatively narrow strip of country occupied by the
three tribes just enumerated that the great Paduca area is

ON THE LANGUAGES OF NEW CALIFORNIA. 311

separated from the Pacific. How far the Shasti and Palaik
areas extend in the direction of the head-waters of the Sacra-
miento is uncertain. A separate language, however, seems
to be represented by a vocabulary, collected by Mr. Dana
from the Indians who lie about 250 miles from its mouth. From
the Lutuami, the Shasti, the Palaik, and Jakon, northwards,
and from the Pujuni, Talatui and other dialects lower down
the river, it seems distinct. It is just more like the Jakon
than any 'other form of speech equally distant. Neither is
it Shoshoni: —

Engl. U. Sack. Engl. U. Sack.

Slm sas. nose tsono. tusina Jakon.

fire po. suma Sek.

water me'mi.va.omi Puj .Tsam. mouth kal. khni Jakon. liai

mop Sek. Soledad.

hair to-moi. chin kentikut.

eye tu-mut. forehead tei.

arm keole. knife kelekele.

finger tsemut. tamtcut = iron kelekele.

hand Tsam. grape uyulu.

leg tole. knlo Talat. rush tso.

foot ktamoso. eat ba, bas.

knee huiuk. see wila.

deer nop. go liara.

salmon monok.

Slight as is this preponderance of affinity with the Jakon,
it is not to be ignored altogether. The displacements be-
tween the two areas have been considerable and though the
names of as many as five intermediate tribes are known,
we have no specimens of their languages. These tribes are —

1. The Kaus, between the rivers Umkwa and Clamet, and
consequently not far from the head-waters of the Sacra-
miento.

2. 3. The Tsalel and Killiwashat, on the Umkwa.

4. The Saintskla between these and the Jakon, the Jakon
being between the Tlatskanai aDd Umkwa.

Now as these last are Athabaskan, there must have been
displacement. But there are further proofs. North of the
isolated and apparently intrusive Tlatskanai lie the Nsie-
tshawas — isolated and apparently intrusive also; since they
belong to the great Atna stock of Frazer's River.

The Jakon, then, and the Indians of the Upper Sacra-
miento may belong to the same stock — a stock which
will be continuous in its area in case intermediate tribes

312 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NEW CALIFORNIA.

prove referable to it, and interrupted in its area if they do
not. At any rate, the direction of the Jakons is important.

The following Paternosters from Mofras, referable to the
parts about San Francisco, require fixing. They can pro-
bably be distributed among the languages ascribed to that
district — not, however, by the present writer: —

Langue de la Mission de Santa Clara. — Appa macrene
me saura saraahtiga elecpuhmem imragat, sacan macrene
mensaraah assuevy nouman ourun macari pireca numa ban
saraahiga poluma macrene souhaii naltis anat macrene neena,
ia annanet macrene meena, ia annanet macrene macrec equetr
maccari noumbasi macre annan, non marote jessember ma-
crene in eckoue tamouniri innam tattahne, icatrarca oniet
macrene equets naccaritkoun och a Jesus.

Langue de la Mission de Santa Ines. — Dios caquicoco upale-
quen alapa, quiaenicho opte; paquininigug quique eccuet
upalacs huatahuc itimisshup caneche alapa. Ulamuhu ilahu-
lalisahue. Picsiyug equepe ginsucutaniyug uquiyagmagin,
canechequique quisagin sucutanagun utiyagmayiyug peux
hoyug quie utie lex ulechop santequiyung ilautechop. Amen.
Jesus.

Langue de la Valle'e de Los Tulares. — Appa macquen erig-
nimo, tasunimac emracat, jinnin eccey macquen unisinmac
macquen quitti ene soteyma erinigmo: sumimac macquen
hamjamu jinnan guara ayei; sunnun maquen quit ti enesu-
numac ayacma ; aquectsem unisimtac nininti equetmini: jun-
na macquen equetmini em men.

Langue Giuluco de la Mission de San Francisco. — Alla-igame
mutryocuse mi zahua om mi yahuatail cha usqui etra shon
mur tzecali Ziam pac onjinta mul zhaiige Nasoyate chelegua
mul znatzoitze tzecali zicmatan zehutulaa chalehua mesqui
pihuatzite yteima omahua. Emqui. Jesus.

Langue Chocouyem du Rio del Sacramento. — Api maco su
lileco ma nenas mi au£s omai macono mi taucuchs oyopa
mi tauco chaquenit opu neyatto chequenit opu liletto. Tu
maco muye genum ji naya macono sucuji sulia macono ma-
cocte, chaue mat opu ma suli mayaco. Macoi yangia ume
omutto, ulemi macono omu incapo. Nette esa Jesus.

Langue Joukiousme de la Mission de San Raphael. — Api
maco sa lileto manenas mi dues onia macono michauka oiopa
mitauka chakenit opu negata chakenit opu lileto, tumako
muye quenunje naya macono sucuji snlia mac6no masojte
chake mat opu ma suli mayaco maco yangia ume omut ulemi
macono omu in capo. Netenti Jesus.

ON THE LANGUAGES OP NEW CALIFORNIA.

313

numeri

lis given by ]

Vlofras are as follows: —

San Luis

San Juan

Engl.

(Obispo).

CapistiiAiN'o.

San Gabriel.

one

.. tchoumou

soupouhe

poukou.

two

.. esckiou

houah

guepe".

three ...

.. miclia

paai

pagi.
quatcha.

four

.. paksi

houasah

.. tizeoui

maha

makai.

.- ks.oukoi.ua

pomkalilo

pabai.

seven ...

.. ksouamiche

chouchoui

quachacabia.

eight

.. scomo

ouasa-kabia

quequacha.

nine

.. scoumo-tchi

ouasa-maha

majai-eavia.

ten

.. touymile

ouikinmaha

quejemajai.

ADDENDUM. — (Oct. 14, 1853.)

Since the previous paper was read, "Observations on some
of the Indian dialects of Northern California , by G. Gibbs,"
have appeared in the 3rd Part of Schoolcraft (published
1853) (vide pp. 420-445).

The vocabularies, which are given in- a tabulated form,
are for the following twelve languages : —

1. Tchokoyem. 2. Copeh. 3. Kulanapo. 4. Yukai. 5.
Choweshak. b'. Batemdakaiee. 7. Weeybt. 8. Wishok.
9. Weitspek. 10. Hoopah. 11. Tahlewah. 12. Ehnek.

Besides which three others have been collected, but do
not appear in print, viz.: —

1. The Watsa-he-wa, spoken by one of the bands of the
Shasti family.

2. The Howteteoh.

3. The Nabittse.

Of these the Tchokoyem = the Chocouyem of the Sacra-
miento, and the Joukiousme or San Raphael of Mofras; also
Gallatin's San Raphael, and (more or less) the Talatui.

The Copeh is something (though less) like the short Up-
per Sacramiento specimen of the preceding paper.

The Yukai is, perhaps, less like the Pujuni, Sekume, and
Tsamak vocabularies than the Copeh is to the Upper Sa-
cramiento. Still, it probably belongs to the same class,
since it will be seen that the Huk and Yukai languages are
members of the group that Mr. Dana's lists represent. The

314 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NEW CALIFORNIA.

Kulanapo has a clear preponderance of affinities with the

Yukae.

The Choweshak and Batemdakaiee are allied. So are —
The Weeyot and the Wishok; in each of which the sound

expressed by W occurs. These along with the Weitspek

take m as the possessive prefix to the parts of the human

body, and have other points of similarity.

English.

Weeyot.

WlSIIOSK.

foot

. pah'tl

. welhh'tl ...

paht'l.
.. wehlihl.

The Hoopah is more interesting than any. The names
of the parts of the human body, when compared with the
Navaho and Jecorilla, are as follows: —

Enslisii. Hoopah. Navaho. Jecoiulla.

head okheh hut-se it-se.

forehead hotsintah hut-tan pin-nay.

face haunith hun-ne

eye huanah hunnah pindah.

nose huntchu Imtchin witchess.

teelh liowwa howgo egho.

tongue sastha hotso ezahte.

ear hotcheweh hutchah wickyali.

hair tsewok hotse itse.

neck hosewatl lrackquoss wickcost.

arm hoithlani hutcon witse.

hand hollah hullah wislah.

Here the initial combination of h and some other letter is
(after the manner of so many American tongues) the pos-
sessive pronoun ■ — • alike in both the Navaho and Hoopah ;
many of the roots being also alike. Now the Navaho and
Jecorilla are Athabaskan, and the Hoopah is probably Atha-
baskan also.

The Tahlewah and Ehnek are but little like each other,
and little like any other language.

Although not connected with the languages of California,
there is a specimen in the volume before us of a form of
speech which has been already noticed in these Transactions,
and which is by no means clearly defined. In the 28th
Number, a vocabulary of the Ahnenin language is, shown to
be the same as that of the Fall- Indians of Umfreville. In
Gallatin this Ahnenin vocabulary is quoted as Arapaho, or
Alsina. Now it is specially stated that these Arapaho or

ON T1IK LANliUAUBS OF X12W CALIFORNIA. 315

Atsina Indians are those who are also (though inconveniently
or erroneously) called the Gros Ventres, the Big Bellies and
the Mmitares of the Prairie— all names for the Indians
about the Falls of the Saskachewan, and consequently of
Indians far north.

But this was only one of the populations named Arapaho.
Other Arapahos are found on the head-waters of the Platte
and Arkansas. Who were these? Gallatin connected them
at once with those of the Saskachewan — but it is doubt-
ful whether he went on better grounds than the name. A
vocabulary was wanted.

The volume in question supplies one — collected by Mr.
J. S. Smith. It shows that the two Arapahos are really
members of one and the same class — in language as well
as in name.

Upon the name itself more light requires to be thrown.
In an alphabetical list of Indian populations in the same
volume with the vocabulary, from which we learn that the
new specimen is one of the southern (and not the northern)
Arapaho, it is stated that the word means "pricked" or
"tattooed." In what language? Perhaps in that of the Ara-
paho themselves; perhaps in that of the Sioux — since it
is a population of the Sioux class which is in contact with
both the Arapahos.

Again — if the name be native, which of the two divisions
uses it? the northern or the southern? or both? If both
use it, how comes the synonym Ahnenin? How, too, comes
the form Atsina? Is it a typographical error? The present
writer used the same MS. with Gallatin and found the name
to be Ahnenin.

To throw the two Arapahos into one and the same class
is only one step in our classification. Can they be referred
to any wider and more general division? A Shyenne voca-
bulary is to be found in the same table ; and Schoolcraft
remarks that the two languages are allied. So they are.
Now reasons have been given for placing the Shyenne in
the great Algonkin class (Philolog. Trans., and Transactions
of the American Ethnological Society , vol. ii. p. cxi.).

There are similar affinities with the Black foot. Now, in
the Tpaper of these Transactions already referred to, it is
stated that the affinities of the Blackfoot "are miscellaneous;
more, however, with the Algonkin tongues than with those
of any recognized group*." Gallatin takes the same view
(Transactions of American Elhnol. Soc. vol. ii. p. cxiii.).

No. 28. vol. ii. p. 34. Jan. 24, 1845,

316 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NEW CALIFORNIA.

This gives as recent additions to the class in question, the
Blackfoot — the Shyenne — the Arapaho.

The southern Arapaho are immigrants, rather than indi-
gence, in their present localities. So are the Shyennes, with
whom they are conterminous.

The original locality of the southern Arapahos was on the
Saskachewan ; that of the Shyennes on the Red River.
Hence, the affinity between their tongues represents an af-
finity arising out of their relations anterior to their migra-
tion southward.

ON CERTAIN ADDITIONS TO THE ETH-
NOGRAPHICAL PHILOLOGY OF CENTRAL
AMERICA, WITH REMARKS UPON THE
SO-CALLED ASTEK CONQUEST
OF MEXICO.

BEAD

BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
May 12, 1854.

In Central America we have two points for which our
philological data have lately received additions, viz. the parts
about the Lake Nicaragua and the. Isthmus of Darien.

For the parts about the Lake of Nicaragua, the chief
authority is Mr. Squier; a writer with whom we differ in
certain points, but, nevertheless, a writer who has given us
both materials and results of great value. The languages
represented, for the first time, by his vocabularies are four
in number, of which three are wholly new, whilst one gives
us a phenomenon scarcely less important than an absolutely
fresh form of speech; viz. the proof of the occurrence of a
known language in a new, though not unsuspected, locality.

To these four a fifth may be added; but, as that is one
already illustrated by the researches of Henderson, Cotheal
and others, it does not come under the category of new mate-
rial. This language is that of the

Indians of the Mosquito coast. — Respecting these Mr. Squier
commits himself to the doctrine that they are more or less
Carib. They may be this in physiognomy. They may also
be so in respect to their civilization, or want of civilization ;
and perhaps this is all that is meant, the words of our author
being, that "upon the low alluvions, and amongst the dense
dank forests of the Atlantic coast, there exist a few scanty,
wandering tribes, maintaining a precarious existence by

318 ON CERTAIN ADDITIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHICAL

hunting and fishing, with little or no agriculture, destitute
of civil organization, with a debased religion, and generally
corresponding with the Caribs of the islands, to whom they
sustain close affinities. A portion of their descendants, still
further debased by the introduction of negro blood, may still
be found in the wretched Moscos or Mosquitos. The few
and scattered Melchoras, on the river St. Juan, are certainly
of Carib stock, and it is more than probable that the same
is true of the Woolwas, Kamas, Toacas, and Poyas, and also
of the other tribes on the Atlantic coast, further to the south-
ward, towards Chiriqui Lagoon, and collectively denominated
Bravos." — Central America and Nicaragua, ii. pp. 308-309.

Nevertheless, as has been already stated, the language is
other than Carib. It is other than Carib, whether we look
to the Moskito or the Woolwa vocabularies. It is other than
Carib, and admitted by Mr. Squier to be so. The previous
extract has given us his opinion ; what follows supports it
by his reasons. "I have said that the Indians of the Atlan-
tic coast of Nicaragua, the Moscos and others, were probably
of Carib stock. This opinion is founded not only upon the
express statements of Herrara, who says that 'the Carib
tongue was much spoken in Nicaragua,' but also upon their
general appearance, habits and modes of life. Their language
does not appear to have any direct relationship with that of
the Southern Caribs, but is, probably, the same, or a dialect
of the same with that spoken around what is now called
Chiriqui Lagoon, near the Isthmus of Panama, and which
was originally called Chiribiri or Chraibici, from which comes
Gomera's Caribici, or Carib." In a note we learn that "thir-
teen leagues from the Gulf of Nicoya, Oviedo speaks ;of a
village called Carabizi, where the same language was spoken
as at Chiriqui,'' &c.

Of the Melchora we have no specimens. For each and
every tribe, extant or extinct, of the Indians about the Chiri-
qui Lagoon we want them also. The known vocabularies,
however, for the parts nearest that locality are other than
Carib.

Let us, however, look further, and we shall find good
reasons for believing that certain populations of the parts in
question are called, by the Spaniards of their neighbour-
hood, Caribs, much in the same way that they, along with
nine-tenths of the other aborigines of America, are called
Indians by us. "The region of Chantales," writes Mr. Squier,
"was visited by my friend Mr. Julius Froebel, in the summer
of this year (1851). He penetrated to the head-waters of
the Rio Mico, Escondido, or Blue-fields, where he found the

PHILOLOGY OF CENTUAL AMERICA, WITH REMARKS &C. 319

Indians to be agriculturalists, partially civilized, and gener-
ally speaking the Spanish language. They are called Oaribs
by their Spanish neighbours," &c. But their language, of
which Mr. Froebel collected a vocabulary, published by Mr.
Squier, is, like the rest, other than Carib.

It may, then, safely be said, that the Carib character of
the Moskito Indians, &c. wants confirmation.

Nicaragua. A real addition to our knowledge is supplied
by M. Squier concerning the Nicaraguans. The statement
of Oviedo as to the tribes between the Lake of Nicaragua
and the Pacific, along with the occupants of the islands in
the lake itself, being Mexican rather than indigenous, he
confirms. He may be said to prove it ; since he brings
specimens of the language {Niquiran, as he calls it), which
is as truly Mexican as the language of Sydney or New York
is English.

The Mexican character of the Nicaraguan language is a
definite addition to ethnographical philology. It may now
be considered as settled, that one of the languages of the

[>arts under notice is intrusive, and foreign to its present
ocality.

The remaining vocabularies represent four indigenous forms
of speech; these (three of them of Mr. Squier's own earliest
publication, and one known before) being —

1. The Chorotegan or Dirian of Squier — This was collect-
ed by the author from the Indians of Masaya, on the north-
ern frontier of the Niquiran, Nicaraguan, Mexican or Astek
area.

2. The Nagrandan of Squier — This was collected by the
author from the Indians of Subtiaba, in the plain of Leon,
to the north of the Niquiran or Mexican area.

3. The Chontales, or Woolwa, of Froebel; Chontal being
the name of the district, Woolwa, of the tribe.

4. The Mosquito (or Waikna) of the coast.

To these four indigenous tongues (the Mexican of Nica-
ragua being dealt with as a foreign tongue) , what have we
to say in the way of classification?

It is safe to say that the Nagrandan, Dirian, and Woolwa,
are more like each other than they are to the Mosca, Mos-
quito, or Waikna. And this is important, since, when
Froebel collected the Woolwa vocabulary, he found a tradi-
tion of their having come originally from the shores of Lake
Managua; this being a portion of the Dirian and Nagrandan
area. If so, the classification would be, —

a. Dirian, Nagrandan, and Chontal, or Woolwa (Wiilwa)

b. "Mosquito, or Waikna.

320 ON CERTAIN ADDITIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHICAL

The value of these two divisions is, of course, uncertain ;
and, in the present state of our knowledge, it would be pre-
mature to define it. Equally uncertain is the value of the
subdivisions of the first class. All that can be said is, that
out of four mutually unintelligible tongues, three seem rather
more allied to each other than the fourth.

Besides the vocabulary of the Nagrandan of Mr. Squier,
there is a grammatical sketch by Col. Francesco Diaz Zapata.

Veragua — We pass now from the researches of Mr. Squier
in Nicaragua to those of Mr. B. Seemann, Naturalist >to the
Herald, for, the Isthmus of Panama. The statement of Colonel
Galindo, in the Journal of the Geographical Society, that
the native Indian languages of Honduras, Nicaragua, San
Salvador, and Costarica, had been replaced by the Spanish,
has too implicitly been adopted; by no one, however, more
so than the present writer. The same applies to Veragua.

Here, Dr. Seemann has supplied: —

1. The Savaneric, from the northernmost part of Veragua.

2. The Bayano, from the river Chepo.

3. The Cholo, widely spread in New Grenada. This is
the same as Dr. Cullen's Yule.

Specimens of the San Bias, or Manzanillo Indians, are still
desiderated, it being specially stated that the number of
tribes is not less than four, and the four languages belong-
ing to them as different.

All that can at present be said of the specimens before
us is, that they have miscellaneous, but no exact and definite
affinities.

Mexicans of Nicaragua. From the notice of these additions
to our data for Central America in the way of raw material,
we proceed to certain speculations suggested by the presence
of the Mexicans of Nicaragua in a locality so far south of
the city of Mexico as the banks and islands of the lake of
that name.

First as to their designation. It is not Astek (or As(eca),
as was that of the allied tribes of Mexico. Was it native,
or was it only the name which their neighbours gave them?
Was it a word like Deutsch (applied to the population of
Westphalia, Oldenburg, the Rhine districts, &c), or a word
like German and AUemand? Upon this point no opinion is
hazarded.

Respecting, however, the word Astek (Asleca) itself, the
present writer commits himself to the doctrine that it was
no native name at all, and that it was a word belonging to
the Maya, and foreign to the Mexican, class of languages.
It was as foreign to the latter as Welsh is to the language

PHILOLOGY OF CENTRAL AMERICA, WITH REMARKS &C. 321

of the British Principality ; as German or Allemagne to the
High and Low Dutch forms of speech; as barbarus to the
languages in contact with the Latin and Greek, but not them-
selves either one or the other.

On the other hand, it was a Maya word, in the wav that
Welsh and German are English, and in the way that Alle-
mand is a French one.

It was a word belonging to the country into which the
Mexicans intruded, and to the populations upon which they
encroached. These called their invaders Asteca, just as the
Scotch Gael calls an Englishman, a Saxon.

a. The form is Maya, the termination -eca being common
whereever any form of the Maya speech is to be found.

b. It is too like the word Huasteca to be accidental. Now,
Huasteca is the name of a language spoken in the parts about
Tampico; a language separated in respect to its geographi-
cal position from the other branches of the Maya family, (for
which Guatemala arid Yucatan are the chief localities) but
not separated (as is indicated in the Milhridates) from these
same Maya tongues philologically. Hence Huasteca is a Maya
word; and what Huasteca is, Asteca is likely to be.

The isolation of the Huasteca branch of the Maya family
indicates invasion, encroachment, conquest, displacement;
the invaders, &c. being the Mexicans, called by themselves
by some name hitherto undetermined, but by the older oc-
cupants of the country, Aslek.

It is believed, too, though this is more or less of an obiter
dictum, that nine-tenths of the so-called Mexican civilization,
as indicated by its architecture, &c, was Maya, i. e. was re-
ferable to the old occupants rather than to the new invaders ;
standing in the same relation to that of the Mexicans , strictly
speaking , as that of Italy did to that of the Goths and Lom-
bards.

Whence came these invaders? The evidence of the phonetic
part of the language points to the parts about Quadra and
Vancouver's Island, and to the populations of the Upper
Oregon — populations like the Chinuk, the Salish, the Atna,
&c. Here, for the first time, we meet with languages where
the peculiar phonesis of the Mexican language, the preponde-
rance of the sound expressed by tl, reappears. For all the
intermediate parts , with one or two exceptions, the character
of the phonesis is Maya, i. e. soft, vocalic, and marked by the
absence of those harsh elements that characterize the Mexi-
can, the Chinuk, and the Atna equally. The extent to which
the fflossarial evidence agrees with the phonetic has yet to

21

322 ON CERTAIN ADDITIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHICAL &C.

be investigated, the doctrine here indicated being a sugges-
tion rather than aught else.

So is the doctrine that both the Nicaraguan and Mexican
invasions were maritime. Strange as this may sound in the
case of an ordinary American population, it should not do
so in the case of a population deduced from the Chinuk
and Salish areas and from the archipelago to the north of
Quadra's and Vancouver's Island. However, it is not the
fact itself that is of so much value. The principle involved
in its investigation is weightier. This is, that the distribution
of an allied population, along a coast, and at intervals, is prima
facie evidence of the ocean having been the path along which
they moved.

NOTE (1859).

For exceptions to the doctrine here suggested see Notes on the last
paper.

NOTE UPON A PAPER OF THE

HONOURABLE CAPTAIN FITZROY'S ON

THE ISTHMUS OF PANAMA,

PUBLISHED

IN THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL
GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.

NOVEMBER 25. 1850.

On the Language of Central America.

In Yucatan the structure and details of the language are
sufficiently known, - and so are the ethnological affinities of the
tribes who speak it. This language is the Maya tongue, and
its immediate relations are with the dialects of Guatemala. It
is also allied to the Huasteca spoken so far N. as the Texian
frontier, and separated from the other Maya tongues by dialects
of the Totonaca and Mexican. This remarkable relationship was
known to the writers of the Mithridates.

In South America the language begins to be known when we
reach the equator; e. g. at Quito the Inca language of the Peruvian
begins, and extends as far south as the frontier of Chili.

So much for the extreme points ; between which the whole
intermediate space is very nearly a terra incognita.

In Honduras, according to Colonel Galindo, the Indians are ex-
tinct; and as no specimen of their language has been preserved
from the time of their existence as a people, that state is a blank
in philology.

So also are San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica ; in all
of which there are native Indians , but native Indians who speak
Spanish. Whether this implies the absolute extinction of the
native tongue is uncertain: it is only certain that no specimens
of it are known.

The Indian of the Moskito coast is known; and that through
both vocabularies and grammars. It is a remarkably unaffiliated
language — more so than any one that I have ever compared.
Still, it has a few miscellaneous affinities ; just enough to save it
from absolute isolation. When we remember that the dialects with
which it was conterminous are lost, this is not remarkable. Pro-

21*

324

NOTE UPON A PAPER OP THE HONOURABLE CAPTAIN

bably it represents a large class, i. e. that which comprised the
languages of Central America not allied to the Maya, and the
languages of New Grenada.

Between the Moskito country and Quito there are only two
vocabularies in the Mithridates, neither of whrch extends far be-
yond the numerals. One is that of the dialects of Veragua called
Darien, and collected by Wafer; the other the numerals of the
famous Muysca language of the plateau of Santa F6 de Bogota.
With these exceptions , the whole philology of New Grenada is
unknown, although the old missionaries counted the mutually un-
intelligible tongues by the dozen or score. More than one modern
author — the present writer amongst others — has gone so far as
to state that all the Indian languages of New Grenada are extinct.

Such is not the case. The following vocabulary, which in any
other part of the world would be a scanty one, is for the parts in
question of more than average value. It is one with which I have
been kindly favoured by Dr. Cullen , and which represents the
language of the Cholo Indians inhabiting part of the Isthmus of
Darien, east of the river Chuquanaqua, which is watered by the
river Paya and its branches in and about lat- 8° 15' N., and long.
77° 20' W. : —

English.

Cholo.

English.

Cholo.

Water

payio

Leon, i.e. large

Fire

luboor

. tiger

imama pooroo

Sun

pesea

River

tho

Moon

hedecho

River Tuyra

iogurooma

Tree

pachru

Large man

mocMna de&sira

Leaves

ehlluha

Little man

mocMna zache

House

dhe

An iguana

ipoga

Man

mocKlna

Lizard

horhe

Woman

wuena

Snake

lama

Child

wordocM

Turkey, wild

zamo

Thunder

pa

Parrot

carre

Canoe, <

i

Guacharaca bird

bulleebullee

Chingo

habodrooma

Guaca bird

pavora

Tiger, is. jagi

uar imumH

Lazimba

loosee

The

tide is rising

lobirooour

The

tide is falling

eribudo

•

Where are you going amonya

Whence do you come zamabima zebuloo

Let

us go

wonda

Let

us go bathe

mondo cuide

The extent to which they differ from the languages of Vene-
zuela and Colombia may be seen from the following tables of the

FITZROY S ON THE ITHMUS OP PANAMA.

325

words common to Dr. (Mien's
the languages of the Orinoco :-

list, and the equally short ones of

English

water

English

moon

Cholo

payto

Cholo

hedecho

Quichua

unu

Quichua

quilla

Omagua

ani

Omagua

yase

Salivi

cagua

Arawak

cattehee

Maypure

ueru

Yarura

goppe

Ottomaca

ia

Betoi

ieo-ro

Betoi

ocudit

Maypure

chejapi

Yarura

uvi

Salivi

vexio

Darien

dulah

Darien

nie

Carib

touna

Zamuca

ketokhi

English

fire

English

man

Cholo

liiboor

Cholo

mohina

Quichua

ninct

Quichua

ccari

Omagua

lata

runa

Salivi

egusta

Salivi

eocco

Maypure

calli

Maypure

cajarrachini

Ottomaca

nita

mo

Betoi

futiii

Ottomaca

andera

Yarura

coride

Yatura

pume

Carib

onalo

Muysca

muysca

cha

English

sun

Carib

oquiri

Cholo

pesea

Quichua

inii

English

woman

Omagua

huarassi

Cholo

wuena

Salivi

numesechecoco

Quichua

huarmi

Maypure

chie

Maypure

linioki

Betoi

leo -umasoi

Yarura

ibi

Yarura

do

ain

Muysca

sua

Betoi

ro

Carib

veiou

Ottomaca

ondua

NOTE.

Exceptions to the statement concerning the New Grenada, the San
Salvador, and the Moskito languages will be found m the ISotes upon
the next paper.

ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN,

WESTERN, AND CENTRAL

AMERICA.

BEAD MAY 9 T H. 1856-

The present paper is a supplement to two well-known con-
tributions to America philology by the late A. Gallatin. The
first was published in the second volume of the Archseologia
Americana, and gives a systematic view of the languages
spoken within the then boundaries of the United States ; these
being the River Sabine and the Rocky Mountains, Texas
being then Mexican, and, a fortiori, New Mexico and Cali-
fornia; Oregon, also, being common property between the
Americans and ourselves. The second is a commentary, in
the second volume of the Transactions of the American Eth-
nological Society, upon the multifarious mass of philological
data collected by Mr. Hale, during the United States Ex-
ploring Expedition, to which he acted as official and pro-
fessional philologue ; only, however , so far as they applied
to the American parts of Oregon. The groups of this latter
paper — ■ the paper of the Transactions as opposed to that
of the Archseologia — so far as they are separate from those
of the former ; are —

1. The Kitunaha. 7. The Jakon.

2. The Tsihaili-Selish. 8. The Lutuami.

3. The Sahaptin. 9. The Shasti.

4. The Waiilatpu. 10. The Palaik.

5. The Tsinuk or Chinook. ] 1. The Shoshoni or Snake In-

6. The Kalapuya. dians.

To which add the Arrapaho, a language of Kansas, con-
cerning which information had been obtained since 1828,
the date of the first paper. Of course, some of these fa-
milies extended beyond the frontiers of the United States,
so that any notice of them as American carried with it so

ON THE LANGUAGE OF NORTHERN, WESTESN, &C. 327

much information respecting them to the investigators of
the philology of the Canadas, the Hudson's Bay Territory
or Mexico. J

Again — three languages, the Eskimo, and Eenai, and
Takulli, though not spoken within the limits of the United
States, were illustrated. Hence, upon more than one of the
groups of the papers in question there still remains some-
thing to be said; however much the special and proper sub-
ject of the present dissertation may be the languages that
lay beyond the pale of Gallatin's researches.
^ The first groups of tongues thus noticed for the second
time are —

I. The Iroquois, and

II. The Sioux. — I have little to say respecting these fa-
milies except that they appear to belong to some higher class,
— a class which, without being raised to any inordinate
value, may eventually include not only these two now dis-
tinct families, but also the Catawba, Woccoon, Cherokee,
Choctah, and (perhaps) Caddo groups, -r- perhaps also the
Pawni and its ally the Riccaree.

III. The Algonkin Group. — The present form of this
group differs from that which appears in the Archseologia
Americana, by exhibiting larger dimensions. Nothing that
was then placed within has since been subtracted from it;
indeed, subtractions from any class of Gallatin's making
are well-nigh impossible. In respect to additions, the case
stands differently.

Addition of no slight importance have been made to the
Algonkin group. The earliest was that of —

The Bethuck. — The Bethuok is the native language of
Newfoundland. In 1846, the collation of a Bethuck voca-
bulary enabled me to state that the language of the extinct,
or doubtfully extant, aborigines of that island was akin to
those of the ordinary American Indians rather than to the
Eskimo; further investigation showing that, of the ordinary
American languages, it was Algonkin rather than aught else.

A sample of the evidence of this is to be found in the
following table; a table formed, not upon the collation of
the whole MS., but only upon the more important words
contained in it.

English, son. Ottawa, lewis.

Bethuck, mageraguis. Micmac, unquece.

Cree, equssis. Bassamaquoddy, n'hos.

Ojibbeway, ningwisist Narragansetts , tiummuclciese =

negtvis j— my son. myson .

328

ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN, WESTERN,

Delaware, quissau = his son.
Miami, akwissima.

, ungwissah.

Shawnoe, koisso.
Sack & Fox neckwessa.
Menomeni , nekeesh.

English, girl.

Bethuck, woaseesh.

Cree, squaisis.

Ojibbeway, ekrvaizais.

Ottawa , aquesens.

Old Algonkin, ickrvessen.

Sheshatapoosh , squashish.

Passamaquoddy, pelsquasis.

Narragansetts , squasese.

Montaug, squasses.

Sack & Fox , skwessah.

Cre, awasis'=. child.

Sheshatapoosh, awash = child.

English, mouth.
Bethuck, mamadlhun.
Nanticoke, mettoon.
Massachusetts , muttoon.
Narragansetts , wultoon.
Pen<5bscot, madoon.
Acadcan, melon.
Micmac, toon.
Abenaki, ootoon.

English, nose.
Bethuck, gheen.
Miami , keouane.

English , teeth.
Bethuck, bocbodza.
Micmac, neebeet.
Abenaki, neebeet.

English, hand.
Bethuck, maemed.
Micmac , paeleen.
Abenaki, mpaleen.

English, ear.
Bethuck, mootchiman.

Micmac, mootoorveen.
Abenaki, nootawee.

English, smoke.
Bethuck,. bassdik.
Abenaki, ettoodake.

English, oil.
Bethuck, entet.
Micmac, memaye.
Abenaki, pemmee.

English . sun.
Bethuck, keuse.
Cree , &c. , kisis.
Abenaki, kesus.
Mohican, kesogh.
Delaware, gishukh.
Illinois , kisipol.
Shawnoe , kesathwa.
Sack & Fox , kejessoah.
Menomeni, kaysho.
Passamaquoddy , kisos = moon.
Abenaki, kisus = moon.
Illinois , kisis = moon.
Cree , kesecow = day.
Ojibbeway, kijik=Aa,j and light.
Ottawa , kijik = ditto.
Abenaki , kiseoukou =■ ditto.
Delaware, gieshku = ditto.
Illinois , kisik = ditto.
Shawnoe, keeshqua = ditto. .
Sack & Fox, keeshekeh = ditto.

English , fire.
Bethuck , buobeeshawt.
■ Cree, esquitli , scoutay.
Ojibbeway, ishkodai, skootae.
Ottawa, ashkote.
Old Algonkin, skootay.
Sheshatapoosh, schootay.
Passamaquoddy, skeet.
Abenaki, skoutai.
Massachusetts, squitta.
Narragansetts, squtta.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

329

English , white.
Bethuck, wobee.
Cree, wctbisca.

, wapishkamo.

Ojibbeway, mambishkarv.

, rvambizze.

Old Algonkin, rvabi.
Sheshatapoosh, wahpou.
Micmac, ouabeg, tvabeck.
Mountaineer, mapsiou.
Passamaquoddy, wapiyo.
Abenaki, wanbighenour.

, tvanbegan.

Massachusetts, rvompi.

Narragansetts, wompesu.

Mohican, rvaupaaeek.

Montaug, tvampayo.

Delaware, mape , rvapsu, tvapsit. English, hatchet

English, speak.
Bethuck, ieroothack.
Taculli, yalluck.
Cree, alhemetakcouse.
Wyandot, atakea.

English, yes.
Bethuck , yeathun.
Cree, ahhah.
Passamaquoddy, netek.

English, no.
Bethuck, nemin.
Cree, namaw.
Ojibbeway , katvine.
Ottawa, kauween.

Nanticoke , tvauppauyu.
Miami, mapekinggek.
Shawnoe, opee.
Sack & Fox, wapeskayah.
Menomeni, tvaubish keervah.

English, black.
Bethuck, mandzey.
Ojibbeway , mukkudaiwa.
Ottawa, mackateh.
Narragansetts , morvesu.
Massachusetts, mooi.

English, house.
Bethuck, meeootik.
Narragansetts, wetu.

English , shoe,
Bethuck, mosen.
Abenaki, mkessen.

Bethuck, dthoonanyen,
Taculli, thynle.

English, knife.
Bethuck, eewaecn.
Micmac, uagan.

English, bad.
Bethuck, muddy.
Cree, myalon.
Ojibbeway, monadud.

, mudji.

Ottawa, matche.
Micmac, matoualkr.
Massachusetts, matche.
Narragansetts , malchit.
Mohican, malchit.
Montaug, matlateayah.
Montaug, muttadeeaco.
Delaware, makhtitsu.
Nanticoke, maiiik.
Sack & Fox , motchie.
, matchathie.

English, snow.
Bethuck, kaasussabook,
Cree , sasagun = hail.
Ojibbeway , saisaigan.
Sheshatapoosh, shashaygan.

The Shyenne. — A second addition of the Algonkin class
was that of the Shyenne language — a language suspected
to be Algonkin at the publication of the Archseologia Ame-

330 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHEEN , WESTERN,

ricana. In a treaty made between the United States and
the Shyenne Indians in 1825, the names of the chiefs who
signed were Sioux, or significant in the Sioux language, It
was not unreasonable to consider this a primd-facie evidence
of the Shyenne tongue itself being Sioux. Nevertheless,
there were some decided statements in the way of external
evidence in another direction. There was the special evi-
dence of a gentleman well-acquainted with the fact, that the
names of the treaty, so significant in the Sioux language,
were only translations from the proper Shyenne, there ha-
ving been no Shyenne interpreter at the drawing-up of the
document. What then was the true Shyenne? A vocabu-
lary of Lieut. Abert's settled this. The numerals of this
were published earlier than the other words, and on these
the present writer remarked that they were Algonkin (Re-
port of the British Association for the Advancement of Sci-
ence, 1847, — Transactions of the Sections, p. 123). Mean-
while, the full vocabulary, which was in the hands of Gal-
latin, and collated by him, gave the contemplated result:
— "Out of forty-seven Shyenne words for which we have
equivalents in other languages, there are thirteen which are
indubitably Algonkin, and twenty-five which have affinities
more or less remote with some of the languages of that
family." (Transactions of the American Ethnological Society,
vol. ii. p. cxi. 1848.)

The Blackfoot. — In the same volume (p. cxiii) , and by
the same author, we find a table showing the Blackfoot to
be Algonkin; a fact that must now be generally recognized,
having been confirmed by later data. The probability of
this affinity was surmised in a paper in the 28th Number of
the Proceedings of the present Society.

The Arrapaho. — This is the name of a tribe in Kansas ;
occupant of a district in immediate contact with the Shyenne
country.

But the Shyennes are no indigence to Kansas. Neither
are the Arrapahos. The so-called Fall Indians, of whose
language we have long had a very short trader's vocabulary
in Umfreville , are named from their occupancy which is on
the Falls of the Saskatshewan. The Nehethewa, or Crees,
of their neighbourhood call them so; so that it is a Cree
term of which the English is a translation. Another name
(English also) is Big-belly, in French Gros-venlre. This has
given rise to some confusion. Gros-ventre is a name also
given to the Minetari of the Yellow-stone River; whence
the name Minetari itself has, most improperly, been applied

AND CENTRAL AME1UCA. 331

(though not, perhaps, very often or by good authorities) to
the Fall Indians.

The Minetari Gros-ventres belong to the Sioux family.
Not so the Gros-ventres of the Falls. Adelung remarked
that some of their words had an affinity with the Algonkin,
or as he called it, Chippe way-Delaware, family, e. g. the
names for tobacco, arrow, four, and ten.

Umfreville's vocabulary was too short for anything but
the most general purposes and the most cautious of sugges-
tions. It was, however, for a long time the only one known.
The next to it, in the order of time, was one in MS.{ be-
longing to Gallatin, but which was seen by Dr. Prichard
and collated by the present writer, his remarks upon it being
published in the 134th Number of the Proceedings of this
Society. They were simply to the effect that the language
had certain miscellaneous affinities. An Arrapaho vocabu-
lary in Schoolcraft tells us something more than this; viz.
not only that it is, decidedly, the same language as the
Fall Indian of Umfreville, but that it has definite and pre-
ponderating affinities with the Shyenne, and, through it, with
the great Algonkin class in general.

English. Akbapaho. Shyenne.

scalp mitliash matake.

tongue natlmn vetunno.

tooth veathtali veisike.

beard vasesanon meatsa.

hand mahchetun maharts.

blood bahe malie.

sinew anita antikah.

heart battah estah.

mouth nettee marthe.

girl issaha xsa.

husband nash nah.

son naah nah.

daughter nahtahnah nahteh.

one chassa nuke.

two neis neguth.

three nas nahe.

four yeane nave.

five yorthuu noane.

six nitahter nahsato.

seven nisorter nisoto.

eight nahsorter nahnoto.

nine siautah soto.

ten mahtahtab. mahtoto.

332 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN, WESTERN,

English. Arrapaho. Other Algonkin Languages.

man enanetab enainneew, Menom. &c.

father, my nasonnah nosaw, Miami.

mother, my nanali nekeah , Menom.

husband, my nash nah, Shyenne.

son, my naah -ash, Shyenne.

mkvf'ithah, Shawnee.

daughter, my nahtabnab netawnah, Miami.

brother, my nasistbsah nesawsah, Miami.

sister, my naeeahtaiah nekoshaymank, .Venom.

Indian enenitab ah wainbukai , Delaware.

eye rnishishi maishkayshaik , Menom.

mouth netti may tone , Meivtm.

tongue nathun wilano, Delaware.

tooth veathtah wi pit, Delaware.

beard vasesanon witonahi, Delaware.

back nerkorbab pawkawmema, Miami.

hand machetun olatshi, Shawnee.

foot nauthauitah ozit, Delaware.

bone hahunnab ohkonne, Menom.

heart battab maytab, Menom.

blood babe mainhki, Menom.

sinew anita obtab, Menom.

flesh wonnunyab weensama, Miami.

skin tahyatcb xais, Delaware.

town haitan otainahe, Delaware.

door ticbunwa kwawntame, Miami.

sun nishi-ish kaysbob, Menom.

star ahthab allangwh, Delaware.

day ishi kisbko, Delaware.

autumn tahuni tabkoxko, Delaware.

wind assissi kaishxing, Delaware.

fire ishshitta ishkotawi , Menom.

water nutoh nape, Miami.

ice wahbu mainquom , Menom.

mountain ahhi wahchiwi, Shawnee.

hot hastah ksita, Shawnee.

he enun eneiv; , Miami.

waynanb, Menom.

that (in) hinnah aynaih, Menom.

who unnahab ahwahnay, Menom.

no cbinnani kawn, Menom.

eat mennisi mitisbin, Menom.

drink bannah maynaan, Menom.

kill nauaiut osA-nainhnay , Menom.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 333

Fitzhugh Sound forms in -skum. — There is still a possible
addition to the Algonkin group; though it is probable that
it cannot be added to it without raising the value of the
class. The exact value and interpretation of the following
fact has yet to be made out. I lay it, however, before the
reader. The language for the parts about Fitzhugh Sound
seems to belong to a class which will appear in the sequel
under the name Hailtsa or Haeetsuk. The numerals, how-
ever, have this peculiarity, viz. they end in the syllable
-kum. And this is what, in one specimen, at least, two of
the Blackfoot terms do.

English, two. English, three.

Fitzhugh Sound, mal-skwn. Fitzhugh Sound, ula-skum.

Hailtsuk, maluk. Hailtsuk, yutuk.

Blackfoot, narloke-skum. Blackfoot, nahoke-skum.

What, however, if this syllable -skum be other than true
Blackfoot; i. e. what if the numerals were taken from the
mouth of a Hailtsa Indian? The possibility of this must be
borne in mind. With this remark upon the similarity of end-
ing between one specimen of Blackfoot numerals and the
Hailtsa dialect of Fitzhugh Sound , we may take leave of the
Algonkin class of tongues and pass on to —

IV. The Athabaskan Group. — The vast size of the area
over which the Athabaskan tongues have spread themselves,
has commanded less attention than it deserves. It should
command attention if it were only for the fact of its touching
both the Oceans — the Atlantic on the one side , the Pacific
on the other. But this is not all. With the exception of the
Eskimo, the Athabaskan forms of speech are the most north-
ern of the New World; nay, as the Eskimos are, by no
means, universally recognized as American, the Athabas-
kan area is, in the eyes of many, absolutely and actually
the most northern portion of America — the most northern
portion of America considered ethnologically or philologically,
the Eskimo country being considered Asiatic. To say that
the Athabaskan area extends from ocean to ocean , is to say
that, as a matter of course, it extends to both sides of the
Rocky Mountains. It is also to say that the Athabaskan
family is common to both British and Russian America.

For the northern Athabaskans, the main body of the family,
the philological details were, until lately, eminently scanty
and insufficient. There was, indeed, an imperfect substitute
for them in the statements of several highly trustworthy
authors as to certain tribes who spoke a language allied to

334 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN , WESTERN,

the Chepewyan , and as to others who did not ; — statements
which, on the whole, have been shown to be correct; state-
ments, however, which required the confirmation of voca-
bularies. These have now been procured ; if not to the full
extent of all the details of the family, to an extent quite
sufficient for the purposes of the philologue. They show
that the most western branch of the stock, the Chepewyan
proper, or the language of what Dobbs called the Northern
Indians, is closely akin to that of the Dog-ribs, the Hare
(or Slave) and the Beaver Indians, and that the Dahodinni,
called from their warlike habits the Mauvais Monde, are but
slightly separated from them. Farther west a change takes
place, but not one of much importance. Interpreters are
understood with greater difficulty, but still understood.

The Sikani and Sussi tongues are known by specimens
of considerable length and value , and these languages , lying
as far south as the drainage of the Saskatshewan , and as
far west as the Rocky Mountains, are, and have been for
some years, known as Athabaskan.

Then came the Takulli of New Caledonia, of whose lan-
guage there was an old sample procured by Harmon. This
was the Nagail, or Chin Indian of Mackenzie, or nearly so.
Now, Nagail I hold to be the same word as Takull-i, whilst
Chin is Tshin = Dime — Tnai = Aina = Knai = Man. The
Takulli division falls into no less than eleven (V) minor sec-
tions; all of which but one end in this root, viz. -tin.

1. The Tau-tfra, or Talko-ftn,

(?) 2. The Tsilko-ft« or Chilko-fen, perhaps the same word
in a different dialect.

3. The Nasko-ft'ra. 8. The Natliau-tfra.

4. The Thetlio-ft'n. 9. The Nikozliau-ft'w.

5- The Tsatsno-Zm. 10. The Tatshiau-ft'w, and

6. The Nulaau-ftn. 11. The Babin Indians.

7. The Ntaauo-ifm.

Sir John Richardson, from vocabularies procured by him
during his last expedition , the value of which is greatly en-
hanced by his ethnological chapter on the characteristics of
the populations which supplied them, has shown, what was
before but suspected, that the Loucheux Indians of Macken-
zie River are Athabaskan; a most important addition to our
knowledge. Now, the Loucheux are a tribe known under
many names; under that of the Quarrellers, under that of
the Squinters, under that of the Thycothe and Digothi. Sir
John Richardson calls them Kutshin , a name which we shall
find in several compounds, just as we found the root -tin
in the several sections of the Takulli, and as we shall find

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 335

its modified form dinni among the eastern Athabascans. The
particular tribes of the Kutshin division, occupants of either
the eastern frontier of Eussian America, or the north-wes-
tern parts of the Hudson's Bay Territory, are (according to
the same authority) as follows:

1. The Artez-AwfcM = Hard people.

2. The TshvL-kutshi= Water people.

3. The Ta,tzei-kutshi = Rampart people; falling into four
bands.

4. The Tejstse-kutshi = People of the shelter.

5. The Vsmta-kutshi = People of the lakes.

6. The ~Neyetse-kutshi = People of the open country.

7. The Tlagga-silla = Little dogs.

Lhis brings us to the Kenay. Word for word Kenaij is
Knai = Tnai, a modified form of the now familiar root l-n=
man, a root which has yet to appear and reappear under
various new, and sometimes unfamiliar and unexpected, forms.
A Kenay vocabulary has long been known. It appears in
Lisiansky tabulated with the Kadiak, Sitkan, and Unalaskan
of the Aleutian Islands. It was supplied by the occupants
of Cook's Inlet. Were these Athabaskan? The present
writer owes to Mr. Isbister the suggestion that they were
Loucheux, and to the same authority he was indebted for
the use of a very short Loucheux vocabulary. Having com-
pared this with Lisiansky's, he placed both languages in
the same category — rightly in respect to the main point,
wrongly in respect to a subordinate. He determined the
place of the Loucheux (Kutshin as he would now call them)
by that of the Kenay, and made both Kolush. He would
now reverse the process and make both Athabaskan, as Sir
John Richardson has also suggested.

To proceed— three vocabularies in Baer's Beilrdge are in
the same category with the Kenay, viz. —

1. The Atna. — This is our old friend t-n again, the form
Tnai and others occurring. It deserves notice, because, un-
less noticed, it may create confusion. As more populations
than one may call themselves man, a word like Atna may
appear and re-appear as often as there is a dialect which
so renders the Latin word homo. Hence, there may not only
be more Atnas than one, but there actually are more than
one. This is a point to which we shall again revert. At
present it is enough that the Atnas under notice are occu-
pants of the mouth of the Copper River, Indians of Russian
America and Athabaskan.

2. The Koltshani. —As t-n = man, so does k-llsh = stran-
ger, guest, enemy , friend; and mutatis mutandis, the criticism

336 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN, WESTERN,

that applied to Alna applies to words like KoUshan, Golzan,
and Kolush. There may be more than one population so
called.

3. The Ugalents or Ugalyackh-mutsi. — ■ This is the name of
few families near Mount St. Elias. Now —
The Alna at the mouth of the Copper River, the Kollshani
higher up the stream, and the Ugalents, are all held by the
present writer to be Athabaskan — not, indeed, so decidedly
as the Beaver Indians, the Dog-ribs, or the Proper Chepe-
wyans, but still Athabaskan. They are not Eskimo, though
they have Eskimo affinities. They are not Kolush, though
they have Kolush affinities. They are by no means isolated,
and as little are they to be made into a class by themselves.
At the same time , it should be added that by including these
me raise the value of the class.

For all the languages hitherto mentioned we have speci-
mens. For some, however, of the populations whose names
appear in the maps, within the Athabaskan area, we have
yet to satisfy ourselves with the testimony of writers, or to
rely on inference. In some cases, too, we have the same
population under different names. This is the case when
we have a native designation as well as a French or Eng-
lish one — e. g. Loucheux, Squinters, Kutshin. This, too,
is the case when we have, besides the native name (or in-
stead of it) , the name by which a tribe is called by its neigh-
bours. Without giving any minute criticism, I will briefly
state that all the Indians of the Athabaskan area whose na-
mes end in -dinni are Athabaskan; viz. —

1 . The See-issa-w-dinni = Rising-sun-wra.

2. The Tau-tsawot-<2mw2' = Birch-rind-;raeM.

3. The Thlingeha-^wm = Dog-rib-#?e«.

4. The Etsh-tawut-<ft'rcm — Thickwood-mera.

5. The Ambah tawut-rfmra" == Mountain-sheep-mew.

6. The Tsillaw-awdiit-^OTw' = Bushwood-wew.

Lastly — Carries , Slave-Indians, Yellow-knives, Copper-
Indians, and Strong-bows are synonyms for some of the
tribes already mentioned. The /Tare-Indians are called
Kancho. The Nehanni and some other populations of less
importance are also , to almost a certainly , Athabaskan with
the tongues in its neighbourhood, we shall find that it is
broadly and definitely separated from them in proportion as
we move from west to east. In Russian America, the Es-
kimo, Sitkan, and Athabaskan tongues graduate into each
other. In the same parts the Athabaskan forms of speech
differ most from each other. On the other hand, to the east
of the Rocky Mountains, the Dog -ribs, the Hares, and the

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 337

Chepewy ans are cut off by lines equally trenchant from the
Eskimos to the north, and from the Algonkins to the south.
I infer from this that the diffusion of the language over those
parts is comparatively recent; in other words, that the Atha-
baskan family has moved from west to east rather than from
east to west.

Of the proper Athabaskan, i. e. of the Athabaskan in the
original sense of the word, the southern boundary, begin-
ning at Fort Churchill, on Hudson's Bay, follows (there or
thereabouts) [the course of the Missinippi; to the north of
which lie the Chepewyans who are Athabaskan, to the south
of which lie the Crees, or Knistenaux, who are Algonkin.
Westward come the Blackfeet (Algonkin) and the Sussees
(Athabaskan) , the former to the north, the latter to the south,
until the Rocky Mountains are reached. The Takulli suc-
ceed — occupants of New Caledonia ; to the south of whom
lie Kutani and Atnas. The Takulli area nowhere touches
the ocean, from which its western frontier is separated to
the south of 55 ° north latitude by some unplaced languages ;
to the north of 55 ° , by the Sitkeen — but only as far as the
Rocky Mountains ; unless, indeed, some faint Algonkin cha-
racteristics lead future inquirers to extend the Algonkin
area westwards, which is not improbable. The value of the
class, however, if this be done, will have to be raised.

The most southern of the Athabaskans are the Sussees, in
north latitude 51° — there or thereabouts. But the Sussees,
far south as they lie, are only the most southern Athabas-
kans en masse. There are outliers of the stock as far south
as the southern parts of Oregon. More than this, there are
Athabaskans in California, New Mexico, and Sonora.

Few discoveries respecting the distribution of languages
are more interesting than one made by Mr! Hale, to the
effect that the Umkwa, Kwaliokwa, and Tlatskanai dialects
of a district so far south as the River Columbia, and the
upper portion of the Umkwa river (further south still) were
outlying members of the Athabaskan stock, a stock pre-
eminently northern — not to say Arctic — in its main area.

Yet the dialects just named were shown by a subsequent
discovery of Professor Turner's, to be only penultimate ra-
mifications of their stock; inasmuch as further south and
further south still, in California, New Mexico, Sonora, and
even Chihuhua, as far south as 30° north latitude, Athabas-
kan forms of speech were to be found ; the Navaho of Uta
and New Mexico, the Jecorilla of New Mexico, and the
Apatch of New Mexico, California, and Sonora, being Atha-
baskan. The Hoopah of California is also Athabaskan.

22

338 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN, WESTERN,

The first of the populations to the south of the Athabas-
kan area, who, lying on, or to the west of, the Rocky Moun-
tains, are other than Aigonkin, are —

V. The Kitunaha. — The Kitunaha, Cutani, Cootanie or
Flatbow area is long rather than broad, and it follows the
line of the Rocky Mountains between 52° and 48° north lati^
tude. How definitely it is devided by the main ridge from
that of the Blackfoots I am unable to say, but as a general
rule, the Kutani lie west, the Blackfoots east; the former
being Indians of New Caledonia and Oregon, the latter of
the Hudson's Bay Territory and the United States. On the
west the Kutani country is bounded by that of the Shushap
and Selish Atnas, on the north by the Sussee, Sikanni, and
Nagail Athabaskans, on the south (I think) by some of the
Upsaroka or Crow tribes. All these relations are remark-
able, and so is the geographical position of the area. It is
in a mountain-range ; and, as such, in a district likely to be
an ancient occupancy. The languages with which the Kutani
lies in contact are referable to four different families —
the Athabaskan, the Atna, the Aigonkin, and the Sioux;
the last two of which, the Blackfoot (Aigonkin) and the Crow
(Sioux), are both extreme forms, i. e. forms sufficiently un-
like the other members of these respective groups to have
had their true position long overlooked ; forms, too, sufficiently
peculiar to justify the philologue in raising them to the rank
of separate divisions. It suffices, however, for the present
to say, that the Kutani language is bounded by four tongues
differing in respect to the class to which they belong and
from each other, and different from the Kutani itself.

The Kutani, then, differs notably from the tongues with
which it is in geographical contact; though, like all the lan-
guages of America, it has numerous miscellaneous affinities.
In respect to its phonesis it agrees with the North Oregon
languages. The similarity in name to the Loucheux, whom
Richardson calls Kutshin, deserves notice. Upon the whole,
few languages deserve attention more than the one under
notice.

VI. The Atna Group.— West of the Kutanis and south
of the Takulli Athabaskans lie the northernmost members
of a great family which extends as far south as the Sahap-
tin frontier, the Sahaptin being a family of Southern, or
American, Oregon. Such being the case, the great group
now under notice came under the cognizance of the two
American philologues, whose important labours have already
been noticed, by whom it has been denominated Tsihaili-
Selish. It contains the Shushwap, Selish, Skitsnish (or Cceur

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 339

d'Alene) Piskwans, Nusdalum, Kawitchen, Skwali, Chechili,
Kowelits, and Nsietshawus forms of speech.

In regard to the Atna I have a statement of my own to
correct, or at any rate to modify. In a paper, read before
.the Ethnological Society, on the Languages of the Oregon
Territory (Dec. 11, 1844), I pronounced that an Atna voca-
bulary found in Mackenzie's Travels, though different from
the Atna of the Copper River, belonged to the same group.
The group, however, to which the Atna of the Copper Eiver
belongs is the Athabaskan.

The Tsihaili-Selish languages reach the sea in the parts
to the south of the mouth of Frazer's River, i. e. the parts
opposite Vancouver's Island; perhaps they touch it further
to the north also; perhaps, too, some of the Takulli forms
of the speech further north still reach the sea. The current
statements, however, are to the effect, that to the south of
the parts opposite Sitka, and to the north of the parts oppo-
site Vancouver's Island, the two families in question arc
separated from the Pacific by a narrow strip of separate
language — separate and but imperfectly known. These are,
beginning from the north —

VII. The Haidah Group of Languages. — Spoken by
the Skittegats, Massetts, Kumshahas, and Kyganie of Queen
Charlotte's Islands and the Prince of Wales Archipelago. Its
area lies immediately to that of the south of the so-called
Kolush languages.

VIII. The Chemmesyan.— Spoken along the sea-coast and
islands of north latitude 55°.

IX. The Billechula. — Spoken at the mouth of Salmon
River; a language to which I have shown, elsewhere, that
a vocabulary from Mackenzie's Travels of the dialect spoken
at Friendly Village was referable.

X. The Hailtsa. — The Hailtsa contains the dialects of
the sea-coast between Hawkesbury Island and Broughton's
Archipelago , also those of the northern part of Vancouver's
Island.

In Gallatin, the Chemmesyan, Billechula, and Hailtsa arc
all thrown in a group called Naas. The Billechula numerals
are, certainly, the same as the Hailtsa; the remainder of
the vocabulary being unlike, though not altogether destitute
of coincidences. The Chemmesyan is more outlying still.
I do not, however, in thus separating these three languages,
absolutely deny the validity of the Naas family. I only
imagine that if it really contain languages so different as
the Chemmesyan and Hailtsa, it may also certein the Hai-
dah and other groups, e. g. the one that comes next, or —

22*

340 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN, WESTEliN ,

XL The Wakash of Quadra and Vancouver's Island.

South of the Wakash area come, over and above the south-
ern members of the Atna family and the Oregon outliers
of the Athabaskan, the following groups, of value hitherto
unascertained.

A. The Tshinuk, or Chinuk ;

B. The Kalapuya;

C. The Jakon ; — all agreeing in the harshness of their
phonesis, and (so doing) contrasted with —

D. The Sahaptin, and

E. The Shoshoni.

The Sahaptin is separated by Gallatin from the Waiilatpu
containing the Oayiis or Molele form of speech. The present
writer throws them both into the same group. The numer-
als, the words wherein it must be admitted that the two
languages agree the most closely, are in —

English. Sahaptin. Cayus.

one naks na.

two lapit lepl-in.

three mitat mat-nin.

six oi-lak noi-na.

seven oi-napt noi-lip.

eight oi-matat noi-mat.

The meaning of the oi and noi in these words requires in-
vestigation. It is not five; the Sahaptin and Cay lis for five
being pakhat (S.) and lawit (C). iNor yet is it hand (as
the word for five often is) , the word for hand being epih and
apali. It ought, however, theoretically to be something of
the kind, inasmuch as

Oi-lak and noi-na = ? + ] .
02-napt and noi-Yvp = ? + 2.
Oi-matat and noz'-mat = ? + 3.

Of the Shoshoni more will be said in the sequel. At pre-
sent it is enough to state that the Shoshoni and Sahaptin
languages are as remarkable for the apparent ease and sim-
plicity of their phonesis as the Jakon, Kalapuya, and Tshi-
niik are for the opposite qualities. It may also be added
that the Shoshoni tongues will often be called by the more
general name of Paduca.

South of the Cayiis, Waiilatpu, and Wihinast, or Western
Shoshonis, come the languages which are -common to Oregon
and

California.
For three of these we have vocahularies (Mr. Hale's) : —

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 341

I. (a.) The Lutumani; (b.) the Palaik.; (c.) the Shasti.
— There may be other forms of speech common to the two
countries, but these three are the only ones known to
us by specimens. The Lutuami, Shasti, and Palaik are
thrown by Gallatin into three separate classes. They are,
without doubt, mutually unintelligible. Nevertheless they
cannot be very widely separated.

Man = in Lutuami hishn-atsus , in Palaik = yatui. Qu. atsus =

yatui.
Woman = Lutuami tar-itsi, Peilaila — umlew-ilsen. Qu. itsi—ilsen.

In Palaik, Son = yau-itsa, Daughter = lumau-itsa.
Head = Palaik lah. In Lutuomi lak = hair. Qu. mak = head in

Shasti , makh = hair , Shasti.
Ear = Lutuami mumoutsh , Palaik ku-mumuats.
Mouth = au Shasti , ap Palaik.
Tooth = itsau Shasti , itsi Palaik.
Sun = tsoare Shasti , tsul Palaik = sun and moon. In Lutuami Isol

= star.
Fire = Shasti ima = Palaik malis. The termination -I- common

in Palaik, — ipili^=^ tongue, kelala=shoes, usehela=sky, &c.
Water = Shasti atsa , Palaik as.
Snow = Lutuami kais , Shasti kae.
Earth = Lutuami kaela , Palaik kela , Shasti tarak. This il the

second time we have had a Shasti r for a Palaik I — tsoare

= tsul.
Bear = lokunks Lutuami , lokhoa , Palaik. •

Bird = Lutuami lalak, Shasti tararakh.
/= Lutuami no. Qu. is this the n in n-as=-head and ?i-ap =

for which latter word the Shasti is ap-ka ?

Numerals.
English. Shasti. Palaik.

one tshiamu umis.

two hoka kaki.

Neither are there wanting affinities to the Sahaptin and
Cayus languages, allied to each other. Thus —
Ear = mumutsh Lutuami = ku-mumuats Palaik = mulsaui Sahap-
tin. tsack Shasti = taksh Cayus.
Mouth = shum Lutuami = shum-kaksh Cayus = him Sahaptin.
Tongue = parvus Lutuami = parvish Sahaptin -—push Cayus.
Tooth = tut Lutuami = til Sahaptin.
Foot = akrves Shasti = akhua Sahaptin.
Blood = ahati Palaik = kiket Sahaptin. ^
Fire = loloks Lutuami = ihiksha Sahaptin.
One = natshik Lutuami = naks Sahaptin = na Cayus.
Two = lapit Lutuami = lapit Sahaptin = leptin Cayus.

342 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN, WESTERN,

The Lutuami seems somewhat the most S.ahaptin of the
three, and this is what we expect from its geographical
position , it being conterminous with the Molele (or Cayiis)
and the allied Waiilatpu. It is also conterminous with the
Wihinast Shoshoni, or Paduca, as is the Palaik. Both Pa-
laik and Lutuami (along with the Shasti) have Shoshoni af-
finities.

English. Shoshoni.

nose moui = iami , Palaik.

month timpa = slium , Lutuami.

ear inaka = isak , Shasli.

sun tava -- sapas, Lutiiami.

mater pa = arnpo , Lutuami.

J ni = no , Lutuami.

thou i = i, Zuluami.

he 00 = hot, Lutuami.

one shimutsi = tshiamnu , Shasti; umis , Palaik.

The chief language in contact with the Shasti is the in-
trusive Athabaskan of the Umkwa and Tlatskanai tribes.
Hence the nearest languages with which it should be com-
pared are the Jakon and Kalapuya, from which it is geo-
graphically separated. For this reason we do not expect
any great amount of coincidence. We find however the
following —

ENG-Lisn. Jakon.

head tkhlokia = lah , Palaik,

star tkhlalt = tshol , Lutuami.

night kaehc = apkha, Shasti.

blood pouts = poits, Lutuami.

one khum = tshiamu , Palaik.

Of three languages spoken in the north of California and
mentioned in Schoolcraft, by name, though not given in
specimens, — (1) the Watsahewa, (2) the Howtetech, and
(3) the Nabiltse, — the first is said to be that of the Shasti
bands ;

Of the Howtetech I can say nothing;

The Nabiltse is, probably, the language of the Tototune;
at least Rogue's River is its locality, and the Rascal Indians
is an English name for the Tototune.

South of the Shasti and Lutuami areas we find —

II. The Ehnik.

III. The Tahlewah.

The latter vocabulary is short, and taken from a Seragoin

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 343

Indian, /. e. from an Indian to whom it was not the native
tongue. We are warned of this — the inference being that
the lahlewah vocabulary is less trustworthy than the others.

Engltsh. Ehnek. Tahlewah.

"»«« ahwunsh pohlusan'h.

boy anak'hocha kerrhn.

girl yehnipahoitch kernihl.

Indian ahrah astowah.

head aklioutshhoutsh astintah.

beard merruhw semerrhperrh.

neck sihn schoniti.

face alive wetawaluh.

tongue upri so'h.

teeth wu'h sliti.

foot fissi stall.

one issali titskoh.

two achhok kitchnik.

three keurakh kltchnah.

four peehs tshahanik.

five tirahho schwallah.

ten trah swellah.

The junction of the Rivers Klamatl and Trinity gives us
the locality for —

IV. The Languages akin to the Weitspek. — The
Weitspek itself is spoken at the junction, but its dialects of
the Weyot and Wishosk extend far into Humboldt County,
where they are, probably, the prevailing forms of speech,
being used on the Mad River, and the parts about Cape
Mendocino.

The Weyot and Wishosk are mere dialects of the same
language. From the Weitspek they differ much more than
they do from each other. It is in the names of the parts
of the body where the chief resemblances lie.

V. The Mendocino (?) Group. — This is the neme sug-
gested for the Chorveshak, Batemdaikai, Kulanapo, Yukai, and
Khwaklamayu forms of speech collectively.

I, 2. The Choweshak and Batemdaikai are spoken on
Eel River, and in the direction of the southern branches of
the Weitspek group, with which they have affinities.

3, 4, 5. The Kulanapo is spoken about Clear Lake, the
Yukai on Russian River. These forms of speech, closely
allied to each other, are also allied to the so-called Northern
Indians of Baer's Beitrage, Northern meaning to the north
of the settlement of Ross. The particular tribe of which
we have a vocabulary called themselves Khrvakhlamayu.

344

ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTEHRN, WESTERN,

English. Khwakhlamayu.

head khommo

hair shuka

eye iiu

car slinma

nose pla

mouth aa

tooth oo

tongue aba

hand psba

foot sakki

sun ada

KULANAPO.

kaiyah.

musuh.

in.

sliimali.

labahbo.

katsideh.

yaoh.

bal.

biyah.

kabmah.

lab.

English.

moon

star

fire

mater

one

two

three

four

five

six

Weitspek. Kulanapo.

kalazha luelah.

kamoi uiyahhoh.

okho k'hob.

aka k'hah.

ku kbahlih.

koo kots.

subo homeka.

mura dol.

tysha lehmah.

lara tsadi.

The following shows the difference between the Weitspek
and Kulanapo; one belonging to the northern, the other to
the southern division of their respective groups.

English.

man

woman .

boy

girl

head .

hair

ear

eye

nose

mouth
tongue ,
teeth
beard .

arm

hand

foot

blood ,

Weitspek. Kulanapo.

pagehk kaah.

wintsuk dah.

hohksh kahwih.

wai inuksh dabhats.

tegueh kaiyah.

leptaitl musuh.

spehguh shimab.

mylih ni.

metpf labahbo.

miblutl katsedeh.

mehpl'h bal.

merpetl yaoh.

mehpereh katsutsu.

mehsheh' tsuah.

tsewush biyyah.

metske kabmah.

happ'l bahlaik.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 345

English. Weitspek. Kulanapo.

sun wanoushleh lah.

m oon ketnewahr lue'lah.

star haugets uiyahoh.

dm J tehnep dalimul.

dark ketutski petih.

fire mets k'hoh.

wafer paha k'hah.

I nek hah.

thou kehl ma.

one spinekoh k'hahlih.

two nuehr kots.

three naksa homeka.

four tohhunne dol.

five mahrotum lehmah.

six hohtcho tsadi.

seven tchewurr kulahots.

eight k'hehwuh kokodohl.

nine "... kerr hadarolshum.

ten wert'hlehwerh hadorutlek.

In the Kulanapo language yacal ma napo = all the cities.
Here napo = Napa, the name of one of the counties to the
north of the Bay of San Francisco and to the south of Clear
Lake.

We may now turn to the drainage of the Sacramento and
the parts south of the Shasti area. Here we shall find three
vocabularies , of which the chief is called —

VI. The Copeh. — How far this will eventually turn out
to be a convenient name for the group (or how far the group
itself will be real) , is uncertain. A vocabulary in Gallatin
from the Upper Sacramento, and one from Mag Readings
(in the south of Shasti county) in Schoolcraft, belong to the
group.

Mag Readings is on the upper third of the Sacramento —
there or thereabouts.

English. Copeh. M. R. Indian. U. Sack.

man pehtluk winnoke

woman muhlteh dokke

head hunk pok

hair tiih tomi tomoi.

eye sah chuti tumut.

nose kiunik ..'. tsono.

mouth ...-. kohl kal.

teeth siih shi

heard chehsaki khetcheki

346 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN, WESTERN,

English. Copeh. M. R. Indian. U. Sacr.

arm sahlah keole,

hand semli shim tsemut (fingers).

fool mai'h mat ktamoso.

blood sahk cliedik

sun sunh tuku sas.

wind toudi kleyhi

rain yohro luhollo

snow yohl yola

fire poh pau po.

water mehm mem mem.

earth kirrh kosk

In the paper of No. 134 the import of a slight amount
of likenes between the Upper Sacramento vocabulary and
the Jakon is overvalued. The real preponderance of the
affinities of the group taken in mass is that which its geo-
graphical position induces us to expect a priori. With the
Shasti, &c. the Copeh has the following words in common: —

English. Copeh. Shasti, etc.

head bulik uiak , S.

hair teih tiyi, P.

teeth siih itsa , P.

ear maht mu-mutsh, L.

eye sah asu, P.

foot mat pats, L.

sun sunh tsul, P.

thou mih mai, S.

and, probably, others.

The Copeh is spoken at the head of Putos Creek.

Observe that the Copeh for water is mem, as it is in the
languages of the next group, which we may provisionally
call —

VII. The Pujuni. — Concerning this we have a notice
in Hale, based upon information given by Captain Suter to
Mr. Dana. It was to the effect that, about eighty or a
hundred miles from its mouth, the river Sacramento formed
a division between two languages, one using mom?, the other
kik = water.

The Pujuni, &c. say momi; as did the speakers of the Copeh.

For the group we have the (a) Pujuni, (b) Secumne, and
(c) Tsamak specimens of Hale, as also the Cushna vocabu-
lary, from the county Yuba, of Schoolcraft; the Cushna
numerals, as well as other words, being nearly the same as
the Secumne, e. g.

AND CENTRAL AMEKICA

English.

Secumne.

CuSHNA.

. wikte

wikte-m.

two

pen

pani-m.

three
four

sapui
tsi

sapui-m.
tsui-m.

347

five mauk marku-m (mahkum?).

So are several other words besides, as —

head tsol chole.

hair ono ono.

ear bono' bono.

eye il hin.

sun oko okpi.

VIII. The Moquelumne Group. — Hale's vocabulary of
the Talatui belongs to the group for which the name Mo-
quelumne is proposed, a Moquelumne Hill (in Calaveras
county) and a Moquelumne River being found within the
area over which the languages belonging to it are spoken.
Again, the names of the tribes that speak them end largely
in -mne, — Chupumne, &c. As far south as Tuol-wffme county
the language belongs to this division, as may be seen from
the following table; the Talatui being from Hale, the Tuo-
lumne from Schoolcraft; the Tuolumne Indians being on the
Tuolumne River, and Cornelius being their great chief, with
six subordinates under him, each at the head of a different
ranchora containing from fifty to two hundred individuals.
Of these six members of what we may call the Cornelian
captaincy, five speak the language represented by the vo-
cabulary : viz.

1. The Mumaltachi.

2. The Mullateco.

3. The Apangasi.

4. The Lapappu.

5. The Siyante or Typoxi.

The sixth band is that of the Aplaches (? Apaches) , under
Hawhaw, residing further in the mountains.

English. Tuolumne. Talatui.

head hownah tiket.

hair esok munu.

ear tolko alok.

eye hiinteh wilai

nose nito uk (?).

mouth ahwilk hube (?).

sky wutsha witijuk.

348 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN, WESTERN,

English. Tuolumne. Talatui.

sun heamhah hi.

day hemaah liiiimu.

night kowwillah kawil.

darkness pozattah kunaba.

fire wukab. wike.

mater kikah kik.

stone lowwak sawa.

As far west as the sea-coast languages of the Moquelumne
group are spoken. Thus —

A short vocabulary of the San Eafael is Moquelumne.

So are the Sonoma dialects, as represented by the Tsho-
koyem vocabulary and the Chocouyem and Yonkiousme Pa-
ternosters.

So is the Olamentke of Kostromitonov in Baer's Beitrage.

So much for the forms of speech to the north of the Gulf
of San Francisco. On the -south the philology is somewhat
more obscure. The Paternosters for the Mission de Santa
Clara and the Vallee de los Tulares of Mofras seem to belong
to the same language. Then there is, in the same author,
one of the Langue Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco.
These I make Moquelumne provisionally. I also make a pro-
visional division for a vocabulary called —

IX. The Costano. — The tribes under the supervision of
the Mission of Dolores were five in number; the Ahwastes,
the Olhones, or Costanos of the coast, the Romonans, the
Tulomos, and the Altatmos. The vocabulary of which the
following is an extract was taken from Pedro Alcantara,
who was a boy when the Mission was founded, A. D. 1776.
He was of the Romonap tribe.

English. Costano. Tshokoyem.

man imken tai-me.

woman ratichma kuleh-esse.

boy shinismuk...'.. yokeh {small)

girl katra koyali.

head lilc moloh.

ear tuorus alilohk.

eye rehin shut.

nose us huk.

mouth werper lapgup.

tongue tassek lehntip.

tooth siit kuht.

neck lani helekke.

foot kolo koyok.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 349

English. Costano. Tshokoyem.

blood payan kichawh.

sky reneme lihlili.

sun ishmen hih.

moon kolma pululuk.

star agwek hittisk.

day pulie (light) liiaknak. .

night I moor (dark) kawul.

fire roretaon wikih.

water sii kilik.

river orusli polah.

stone erek lepek.

I kalmali kahni.

thou mene mih.

he wahcke ikkoli.

they nekumsah mtikkam.

all kete ; .... mukkam.

who matp mahnti.

eat ahmusk yohlomusik.

drink owakto ushu.

run akamtolia kihckiak.

see atempimak ellik.

This shows that it differs notably from the Tshokoyem;
the personal pronouns, however, being alike. Again, the
word for man = l-aman-tiya in the San Rafael. On the other
hand, it has certain Cushna affinities.

Upon the whole, however, the affinities seem to run in
the direction of the languages of the next group, especially
in that of the Ruslen: —

I^kah-nah, Cost. = ha = mine , Ruslen.
Thou = me-ne, Cost. = me '= thine, Ruslen.
Sun = ishmen , Cost. c= ishmen = light , Ruslen.
Water = sii, Cost. = ziy, Ruslen.
(?) Boy = shinishmuk , Cost. = enshinsh , Ruslen.
(?) Girl = katra , Cost. = kaana , Ruslen.

Lest these last three coincidences seem far-fetched, it
should be remembered that the phonesis in these languages
is very difficult, and that the Ruslen orthography is Spanish,
the Costano being English. Add to this, there is every ap-
pearance, in the San Miguel and other vocabularies, of the
r being something more than the r in brand, &c. every ap-

Eearance of its being some guttural or palatal, which may,
y a variation of orthography, be spelt by /.
Finally, I remark that the -ma in the Costano ratieh-ma

350 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN , WESTERN,

= woman , is , probably , the -me in the Soledad mue (~ man)
and shurisJi-me (= woman), and the amk (ank) of the Ruslen
muguy-amk (= man) and lalrayam-ank (= woman); (?)
lair ay a = ratich. Nevertheless, for the present I place the
Costano by itself, as a transitional form of speech to the
languages spoken north, east, and south of the Bay of San
Francisco.

X. The Mariposa Languages. — In the north of Mari-

J)osa county, and not far south of the Tuolumne area, the
anguage seems changed, and the Coconoons is spoken by
some bands on the Mercede River, under a chief named
Nuella. They are said to be the remnants of three distinct
bands each, with its own distinct language.

English. Coconoons. Tdlake.

head oto utno.

hair torus celis.

ear took.... took.

nose thedick tuneck.

mouth sammack shemmak.

tongue talcotch talkat.

tooth talee talee.

sun suyou oop.

moon ofi'aum taahmemna.

star tchietas sahel.

day hial tahok*.

fire sottol ossel.

water illeck illick.

XI. The Salinas Group. — This is a name which I pro-
pose for a group of considerable compass; and one which
contains more than one mutually unintelligible form of speech.
It is taken from the river Salinas, the drainage of which
lies in the counties of Monterey and San Luis Obispo. The
southern boundary of Santa Cruz lies but a little to the north
of its mouth.

The Gioloco may possibly belong to this group, notwith-
standing its reference to the Mission of San Francisco. The
alia, and mul- (in mut-vyocxx$€) , may = the ahay and i-mii-a
(sky) of the Eslen.

The Ruslen has already been mentioned, and that in res-
pect to its relations to the Costano. It belongs to this group.

So does the Soledad of Mofras; which, though it differs
from that of Hale in the last half of the numerals, seems
to represent the same language.

* Same word as taech=light in Coconoons; in Pima tai.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 351

So do the Eslen and Carmel forms of speech ; allied to one an-
other somewhat more closely than to the Ruslen and Soledad.

So do the San Antonio and San Miguel forms of speech.

The Ruslen, Eslen, San Antonio and San Miguel are, pro-
bably, four mutually unintelligible languages.

The Salinas languages are succeeded to the south by the
forms of speech of —

XII. The Santa Barbara Group — containing the Santa
Barbara, Santa Inez, and San Luis Obispo languages.

XIII. The Capistrano Group. — Capistrano is a name
suggested by that of the Mission of San Juan Capistrano.
The group, I think, falls into two divisions: —

1. The Proper Capistrano, or Netela, of San Luis Rey and
San Juan Capistrano.

2. The San Gabriel, or Kij , of San Gabriel and San Fer-
nando.

XIV. The Yuma languages. — At the junction of the
Gila and Colorado stands Fort Yuma, in the district of the
Yuma Indians. They occupy each side of the Colorado,
both above and below its junction with the Gila. How far
they extend northwards is unknown, probably more than
100 miles. They are also called Cuchans, and are a fierce

{iredatory nation , encroaching equally on tribes of their own
anguage and on aliens.

From these Yuma Indians I take the name for the group
now under notice. It contains, besides the Yuma Proper,
the Dieguno of San Diego and the Coco-maricopa.

The Coco-maricopa Indians are joint-occupants of certain
villages on the Gila; the population with which they are
associated being Pima. Alike in other respects, the Pima
and Coco-maricopa Indians differ in language, as may be
seen from the following table, confirmatory of the testimony
of numerous trustworthy authorities to the same effect.

English. Pima. Cuchan. Cocomaricopa. Dieguno.

( aycutcht.

epatcli.

man huth epatsh apatch

woman hahri sinyak seniact sun.

Indian huup metepaie

/ ecoutsucherowo i

head mouk < and > estar

( umwelthooeouo /

hair ptmuk eetche

ear ptnahauk smythl -

nose tahnk hu

mouth chinits a h

hilctar.

352 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN, WESTERN,

English. Pima. Cdchan. Cocomakicopa. Dieguno.

tongue neuen epulche

tooth ptalian aredoclie

beard chinyo yahboineh

hand mahahtk eesalche issalis selh.

foot tetaght emetchslipaslapya ametclie bamulyay.

sky ptchvrwik amma

sun tabs nyatcli

moon mahsa huthlya

star uon klupwalaie

snow chiah halup

fire tahi aawoh bouse

water suntik aba baache kba.

J aban nyat nyab.

he yen tab habritzk

one yumako sin sandek bina.

two knak bavick haveka hawue.

three vaik hamuk bamoka bamuk.

four kiik chapop cbampapa chapop.

five puitas serap sarap suap.

San Diego lies in 3272° north latitude, a point at which
the philology diverges — in one direction into Old Califor-
nia, in another into Sonora. I first follow it in the direc-
tion of

Old California.

San Diego, as has just been stated, lies in 32 l / 2 ° north
latitude. Now it is stated in the Mithridates that the most
northern of the Proper Old Californian tongues, the Cochimi,
is spoken as far north as 33°. If so, the Dieguno may be
Old Californian as well as New; which I think it is; belie-
ving, at the same time, that Cochimi and Cuchan are the
same words. Again, in the following Paternoster the word
for sky — ammai in the Cuchan vocabulary.

Cochimi of San Xavier.

father sky

Pennayu makenamba yaa ambayujui miya mo ;

name men confess and love all

Bubu mombojua tamma gkoraenda hi nogodono demuejueg gkajim ;

and sky earth

Pennayula bogodono gkajim, gui hi ambayujup maba yaa keainete
favour
decuinyi mo puegin;

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 353

sky earth

Yaa m blihula mujua ambayup mo dedahijua, amet 6 nb gulluaui
hi pagkajim; °

this day lhtl)

Tamada yaa ibo tejucg quiluguiqui pemijicli mfau ibo yamio

puegm ; ' J

and man evii

Guihi tamma yaa gambuegjnla kepujui ambinyijua pennayala
dedaudugujua, giulugui pagkajim;
a "f. although and

Guihi yaa tagamuegla bui ambinyijua hi doomo pulmegjua, be
doomo pogonunyim ;

and earth bless

Tagamuegjua guihi nsimabel keamniot e decuinyimo , guihi yaa
evil
hui ambinyi yaa gambuegpea pagkaudugum.

^Lastly, in 33° north latitude, the language of* San Luis
El Rey, which is Yuma, is succeeded by that of San Luis
Obispo, which is Capistrano.

I conclude, then, that the Yuma language belongs to the
southern parts of New and the northern part of Old California.

Of recent notices of any of the languages of Old Cali-
fornia, eo nomine, I know none. In the Mithridates the in-
formation is pre-eminently scanty.

According to the only work which I have examined at
first-hand, the Nachrichlen von der Americanischen Halbinsel
California! (Mannheim, 1772; in the Mithridates, 1773), the
anonymous author of which was a Jesuit missionary in the
middle parts of the Peninsula, the lauguages of Old Cali-
fornia were —

1. The Waikur, spoken in several dialects.

2. The Ushiti.

3. The Layamon

4. The Cochimi, north, and

5. The Pericu, at the southern extremity of the peninsula.

6. A probably new form of speech used by some tribes
visited by Linck.

This is what we learn from what we call the Mann-
heim account; the way in which the author expresses him-
self being not exactly in the form just exhibited, but to the
effect that, besides the Waikur with its dialects , there were
five others.

The Waikur Proper, the language which the author under

* For an exception to this statement see the Remarks at the end of
the Volume. (1859.)

23

354 ON THE LAXOUAttES OF NORTHERN, WESTERN,

notice was most especially engaged on, and which he says
that he knew sufficiently for his purposes as a missionary,
is the language of the middle part of the peninsula. How
far the Utshiti , and Layamon were dialects of it, how farthey
were separate substantive languages , is not very clearly ex-
pressed. The writer had Utsbis, and Utshipujes, and At-
schimes in his mission, "thoroughly distinct tribes — lauter
verschiedene Vdleklcin." Nevertheless he always speaks as if
the Waikur tongue was sufficient for his purposes. On the
other hand, the Utshiti is especially mentioned as a separate
language. Adelung makes it a form of the Waikur; as he
does the Layamon, and also the Cora arid Aripe. Then
there comes a population called Ika, probably the Picos or
Ficos of Bagert, another authority for these parts. Arc
these, the sixth population of the Mannheim account, the
unknown tribes visited by Linck? I think not. They are
mentioned in another part of the book as known.
To the names already mentioned

1. Ika, 3. Utshipuje,

2. Utshi, 4. Atschime,

add

5. Paurus, 9. Mitsheriku-tamais,

6. Teakwas, 10. Mitsheriku-tearus

7. Teengiiabebes , 11. Mitsheriku-ruanajeres,

8. Angukwares,

and you have a list of the tribes with which a missionary
for those parts of California where the Waikur languages
prevailed, came in contact. Altogether they gave no more
than some 500 individuals, so miserably scanty was the po-
pulation.

The occupancies of these lay chiefly within the Cochimi
area, which reached as far south as the parts about Loretto
in 26° north latitude; the Loretto language being the La-
yamon. This at least is the inference from the very short
table of the Mithridates, which, however little it may tell
us in other respects, at least informs us that the San Xavier,
San Borgia, and Loretto forms of speech were nearer akin
to each other than to the Waikur.

English. St. Xavier. S. Bokgia. Loretto. Waikur.

sky ambayujub ambeink terereka-datemba.

earth aniet amate-guang clatemba.

fire usi ussi

man tamma tama tammn... . ti.

father kakka iliam keneda

son uisaham tshanu.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

355

The short compositions of Hervas (given in the Mithri-
dates) show the same.

The Waikur. — This is the language of what I have
called the Mannheim account, namely the anonymous work
of a Jesuit missionary of the Waikur country published at
Mannheim.

It gives us the following specimens — Waikur and Ger-
man :

Kepe-dare tekerekadatembi dai;
wiser Vater gebogene Erd du bisl;

ei-ri akatuike-pu-me ;

dich o das erkennen alle merden;
tsliakarrake-pu-me ti tschie ;

loben alle tverden Leu I und;

eciui gracia-ri aciime care tekerekadatembi tschie;

dein gratia o dass haben ivcrden wir gebogene Erd und;

eiri jebarrakerai ti pn jaupe datemba

dir o dass gehorsamen merden Menschen alle heer Erd,
pae ei jebarrakere. ai : na kea;
wie dir gehorsamen droben seynd;
kepecun bu. kepe ken jatiipe untairi;

wiser Speis tins gebe dieser tag;

cate kuitscharake tei tschie kepecun atacamara
wis verzehe du und unser Bbses;

pae knits charrak ere cate tschie cavape atukiara keperujake;
wie verzehen wir auch die Bbses uns thun;

cate tikakamba tei tscbie;
uns helfe du und;

cuvumera, cate ue atukiara;

n-ollen merden Niclit wir etmas Bbses;
kepe kakunja pe atacara tscbie. Amen.
uns besphulze von Bbsen und. Amen.

The compound tekereka-dalembi =benl land = sky = heaven.
To this very periphrastic Paternoster we may add the
following fragments of the Waikur conjugation: —

Be
Ei

Tutau
Oate |
Pete I
TucavaJ

amukirere =

ego ludo,
lu ludis.
illr ludil.
?ios ludimus.
vos ludilis.
illi ludunl.

23 =

356

ON THE LANGUAGES OF WESTERN, NORTHERN,

■amukiririkeri = <

Be

Ei

Tutau

Cate

Pete

Tucava _,

Amukirime =
Amukiri tei = lude.
Amukiri tu = ludite.

Be-ri

Ei-ri

Tutau- ri

Cate-ri

Pete-ri

Tucava-ri

ego lusi.
tu lusisti.
Me lusit.
nos lusimus.
vos lusislis.
Mi luserunt.
ludere.

■ amukiririkarikara =•

/ wish I had not played.
Thou dc.
He &c.

We dr.
Ye &e.
They &c.

Of the Pericu spoken at the south extremity of the penin-
sula, I know no specimens.

We now turn to that part of the Yuma area which lies
along the course of the Gila, and more especially the parts
along the Cocomaricopa villages, of which one portion of
the occupants speak a language belonging to the Yuma, the
other one belonging to the Pima class.

This latter leads us to the languages of the northern pro-
vinces of Mexico —

SONORA AND SlNALOA.

For these two provinces , the languages for which we have
specimens fall into five divisions : —

1 . The Pima.

2. Tub Hiaqui.

3. The Tubar.

4. The Tarahtjmara.

5. The Coka.

That the Pima group contains the Pima Proper , the Opata,
and the Eudeve, may be seen from the Mithridates. That
the language of the Papagos, or Papago-cotam , is also Pima,
rests upon good external evidence. Whether the speech of
the Ciris, and population of the island of Tiburon and the
parts opposite , be also Pima, is at present uncertain ; though
not likelv to be so Ions;, inasmuch as I believe that Mr.
Bartlett, the Boundary Commissioner, is about to publish
samples, not only of this, but of the other languages of
Sonora.

West of the Pima lies the Tarahumara, and south of it
the Hiaqui, succeeded by the Tubar and Cora of Sinaloa.

AXD CENTRAL AMERICA. 357

The following Paternosters of these four languages may
be compared with the Opata dialect of the Pima. The words
that, by appearing in more than one of them, command
our attention arid suggest the likelihood of a closer relation-
ship than is indicated in the Mithridates, or* elsewhere are
in italics. • '

Opata.
Tamo mas fegwiacachigiia cacame;
Amo tegua santo a;
Amo reino tame macte ;

Hinadeia iguati terepa ania teguiacachiveri;
Chiama tamo guaco veu tamo mac;

Guatame neavere tamo cai naideni aca api tame neavere tomoopagua;
Gua cai tame taotitudare ;
Cai naideni chiguadu — Apita cachia.

Hiaqui.
itom-achai teve-cenpo catecame;
Che-chevasu yoyorvva;
Itou piepsana em yaorahua;

Em harepo'm buyapo annua amante (levecapo?) vecapo annua beni;
Machuveitom-buareu yem itom amtca-ilom ;
Esoc alulutiria ca-aljiton-anecau itepo soc alulutiria ebeni itom

veherim ;
Csiitom butia huenacnchi cativiri betana ;
Aman itom-yeretua,.

Tdbar.
J/e-canar /egrmuicarichua catemal;
Imit to/muarac milituraba teochiqualac;
Imit huegmica carinitc bacachin assifaguin ;
Imit avamunarir echu nafiagualac imo cuigan amo nacbic tegmue-

caricheri ;
lie cokuatarit, essemer taniguarit , iabbe micam ;
lie tatacoli ikiri atzomua ikirirain He bacachin cale kuegma nare-

gua cantem ;
Caisa ite nosam bacatatacoli;
Bacachin ackiro muetzerac ite.

Tarahumara.
Tami nonb, mamu regui guami gatiki;
Tami noineruje nra regua;
Telimea rekij^na;

* This conveys an inadequate notion. Buschmann has thrown the Cora
and Tarahumara (connected by Adelung) into the same class with the
Tepeguana and Yaq'ie, represented by the Cahia. — See Note (1859).

358 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN, WESTERN,

Tami neguaruje mu jelaliki henna, guotshiki, mapu hatschibe re-

guega guami ;
Tami nututuge liipeba ;
Tami guecanje tami guikeliki, matame hatscliibe reguega tami

guecanje putse tami guikejamcke ;
Ke ta tami satuje;
Telegatigemeke mechka hula. Amen.

Cora.

Ta yaoppe lapakoa, pethebe ;

Cherikuaca eiia teaguarira;

Chemeakuabeni tahemi (to us) eiia chianaca ;

Cheaquasteni eiia jevira iye (as) chianacatapoan tup up tejoahoa ;

Eii ta hamuit (bread) eu te huima tahetze rej rujeve ihic (to-day)

trl I (XlX 1

Huatauuiraca ta xanacan tetup itcahmo tatahuatauni titaxana-

cante ;
Ta vaelire teatcai havobereni xanacat lietze kuabachreaca tecai

tahemi rutahuaga teh eu ene.
Che-enhuatahua.

With these end our data*, but not our lists of dialects;
the names Maya, Gaazave, Heria, Sicuraba, Xixime, Topia,
Tepeguana, and Acaxee all being, either in Hervas, or else-
where, as applied to the different forms of speech of Sonora
and Sinaloa; to which may be added the Tahu, the Tacasca,
and the Acasca, which is probably the same word as Acaxee,
as Huimi is the same as Yuma, and Zaque as Hiaqui. Of
the Guazave a particular dialect is named as the Ahome.
Add also the Zoe and Huitcole, probably the same as the Huite.

That some of these unrepresented forms of speech belong
to the same class with the Pima , Hiaqui , &c. , is nearly
certain. How many, however, do so is another question ; it
may be that all are in the same predicament; it may be
only a few.

The languages of

Mechoacan.
These are —

1. The Pirinda.

2. The Tarasca.

3. The Otomi.

The last will be considered at once, and dismissed. More
has been written on the Otomi than any other language of
these parts; the proper Mexican not excepted. It was ob-

* P'or a notice of Mallacinga see Ludwig: who mentions an Arte and
Dictionary. I have seen no specimens of it. (1859).

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 359

served by Naxera that it was monosyllabic rather than poly-
synthetic, as so many of the American languages are, with
somewhat doubtful propriety, denominated. A Mexican
language, with a Chinese characteristic, could scarcely fail
to suggest comparisons. Hence, the first operation on the
Otomi was to disconnect it from the languages of the New
and to connect it with those of the Old World. ' With his
accustomed caution, Gallatin satisfies himself with stating
what others have said , his own opinion evidently being that
the relation to the Chinese was one of analogy rather than
affinity.

Doubtless this is the sounder view ; and one confirmed
by three series of comparisons made by the present writer.

The first shows that the Otomi, as compared with the mo-
nosyllabic languages of Asia, en masse, has several words
in common. But the second qualifies our inferences, by
showing that the Maya , a language more distant from China
than the Otomi, and, by means inordinately monosyllabic in
its structure, has, there or thereabouts, as many. The third
forbids any separation of the Otomi from the other langua-
ges of America, by showing that it has the ordinary amount
of miscellaneous affinities.

In respect to the Chinese, &c, the real question is not
whether it has so many affinities with the Olomi , but whether
it has more affinities with the Otomi than with the Maya or any
other American language; a matter which we must not in-
vestigate without remembering that some difference in fa-
vour of the Otomi is to be expected, inasmuch as two lan-
guages with short or monosyllabic words will, from the very
fact of the shortness and simplicity of their constituent ele-
ments, have more words alike than two pjoly syllabic forms
of speech.

The fact, however, which most affects the place of the
Otomi language is the monosyllabic character of other Ame-
rican languages, e. g. the Athabaskan and the Attacapa.

As these are likely to be the subject of some future in-
vestigation, I lay the Otomi, for the present, out of consi-
deration; limiting myself to the expression of an opinion, to
the effect that its philological affinities are not very different
from what its geographical position suggests.

Of the* Pirinda and Tarasca we have grammars, or rather
grammatical sketches; abstracts of which, by Gallatin, may
be found in his Notes on the Semi-civilized Nations of
Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America, in the first volume

* Only of the Tarasca (1859).

360 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN, WESTERN,

of the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society.
The following are from the Mithridates.

Pirinda Paternoster.
Cabutumtaki ke exjechori pininte;
Niboteachatii tucathi nitubuteallu ;
Tantoki hacacovi nitubutea pininte ;
Tavejoki nirihonta manicatii ninujami propininte;
Boturimegui dammuce tupacovi chii ;
Exgemundicovi boturichochii, kicatii pracavovi kueentumundijo

boturichocbijo;
Niantexechicbovi rumkneentuvi inmvocliochii ;
Moripachitovi cuincnzimo tegni.
Tucatii.

Tarasca Paternoster.

Tata uchaveri tukire hacahini avandaro;

Santo arikeve tucheveti hacangurikua;

Wetzin andarenoni tucheveli ivecheekua; '

Ukuareve tucbeveti wekua iskire avandaro, na humengaca istu

umengave ixu excberendo.
Huchaeveri cnrinda hanganari pakua intzcutzini yaru ;
Santzin we.povacheras huchaeveri hatzingakuareta, izki hucbanac

wepocacuvanita haca huchaveri hatzingakuaechani ;
Ca hastzin teruhtazema teruniguta perakua himbo. Isevengua.

It now becomes convenient to turn to the parts to the east
of California, viz.

Utah and New Mexico.

In Utah the philology is simple, all its forms of speech being

1. Athabaskan;

2. Paduca; or

3. Pueblo.

1. The Navaho, along with the Jecorilla of New Mexico,
the Hoopah of California, and Apatch of California, New
Mexico and Sonora, is Athaqaskan.

English. Navaho. Apatch.

man tennai ailee.

woman estsonnee eetzan.

head (my) /iMtzeetsin seezee.

hair (my) hutzee, seesga.

face (my) Awnnee streenee.

ear (my) foitjah seetza,.

eye (my) Aunnab sleeda.

nose (my) /wtchili seetzee

and central america. 36 i

English. Navaho. Apatoh.

mouth (my) lutzzni sheeda.

tongue (mij) huttso shecdme.

tooth (my) hurgo s/teego.

sky eeyah call.

sun ehokonoi skeemai.

moon klaihonoi clanai.

star sonh snns.

(lay cheen-00 ceska.

night klai-gio cla.

light koascen-gro skee.

rain nakeltinh nagostee.

snow yas zalis.

hail neelo heoloali.

fire konli kou.

water tonk toah.

stone tsai zeyzay.

one tlahee talise.

two nakkee nakkee.

three tank tan.

The Utah with its allied dialects, is Paduca, /. e. a mem-
ber of the class to which the Shoshoni, Wihinast, and Cu-
manch languages belong.

3. The Moqui is one of the languages of

The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico.

The comparative civilization of the Pueblo Indians has
always attracted the attention of the ethnologist. Until late-
ly, however, he had but a minimum amount of trustworthy
information concerning either their habits or their language.
He has now a fair amount of data for both. For philological
purposes he has vocabularies for six (probably for all) of them.

Of the Pueblo languages 'two belong to the drainage of
the Rio Colorado and four to that of the Rio Grande. Of
these two divisions the former lies the farthest west, and,
of the two Colorado Pueblos, the most western is that of

The Moqui. — The Moqui vocabulary was procured by
Lieut. Simpson from a Moqui Indian who happened to be
at Chelly.

The Zuni country lies in 35° north latitude, to the south
and east of the Moqui, and is probably divided by the Sierra
de Zuni from

The Acoma, or Laguna, the most southern of the Pueblos
of the Rio Grande. North of the Acoma area lies that of

The Jemez , on the San Josef.

362 OX THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN, WESTERN,

The two that still stand over lie on the main stream of
the Rio Grande itself. They are —

The Tesuque; and

The Taos or Picuri. — The northern boundaries of the Te-
suque seem to be the southern ones of Taos. Connect these
Pueblos with the town of Taos, and the Tesuque with Santa
Fe, and the ordinary maps give us the geography.

The philological affinities of the Pueblo languages scarcely
coincide with the geographical relations. The Moqui lies
far west. Laying this then out of the question , the three
that, in their outward signs, most strike the eye in tables,
as agreeing with each other, are the Laguna, the Jemez,
and the Tesuque. The other two that thus outwardly agree
are the Taos and the Zuni, — two that are not in the most
immediate geographical juxtaposition.

What is meant by the "outward signs that most strike
the eye on tables"? This is shown in the following tables : —

English. Zuni. Tesuque.

head oslioqui;wee pto.

hair tiy&hrvee po.

ear lahjotinnee oyez.

eye ton&hmee tzie.

nose ndhshhunee lieu.

mouth ahwahYmnee so.

tongue homtmee hae.

tooth oahnaAwee muai.

The following are some of the most patent miscellaneous
affinities : —

English, sun. English, wife.

Tesuque , pah. Tesuque, naveso.

J cmez, pah. Jemez, neohoy.

„ ,. , Enqlish, hoy.

hnulish, moon. ,,, J

m ° Tesuque, untie.

Tesuque , poyye. T 1 ' ,

T i , J cmez , annoh.

Jemez, pahah.

Taos, pannah. English, forehead.

Moqui, mmjah. Tesuque, siccovah.

Laguna, cophay.
English, man. English, face.

Tesuque, sayeu. Tesuque, chaay.

Jemez, iahhanenah. Lapuna, kowah.

English, w email. English, eye.

Tesuque , ker. Tesuque , chay.

Zuni, ocarc. Jemez, sacch.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

363

English , teeth.
Tesuque , muah.
Taos , moen-nahenhay.
Moqui , moah = mouth.

English, cliin.
Tesuqne, shabbok.
Taos , claybonhui.

English, hand.

Tesuquo , mah.

Jemez , mahlish.

Mo qui , moktay.

Moqui, mahlat; = linger.

English, breast.
Tesuque , peah.
Laguna, querist- pay.
Taos, pahahkaynayne may .
Jemez, pay-lu.
Utah , pay.

The Moqui, which is not to be separated from the other
Pueblo languages, has, out of twenty-one words compared,
eight coinciding with the Utah.

Neither are there wanting words common to the Pueblo
languages and those of the Athabaskan Navahos, Jecorillas
and Apatches.

English, deer.
Tesuque, pahyc.
Jemez , pahah.

English, rattlesnake.
Tesuque, payyoh.
Taos , pihoo.'i'n.

English, eat.
Tesuque, musah.
Laguna , mus.
Taos , museenah.
Jemez, moonsah.
Zuni, musah.

English , fire.
Tesuque, lah.
Jemez, lioaah.

English, deer.
Navaho , payer.
Jecorilla, pay ah.
Jemez , pahah.

English, cat.
Navaho , muse.
Jecorilla, mussah.
Tesuque , musah.
Laguna, &c. *, mus.

English , earth.
Navaho , ne.

Jecorilla, nay.
Tesuque , nah.

English, man.
Navaho , lennay.
Jecorilla, Unlay.
Tesuque, say en.
Jemez , tahhanenah.

English , mouth.
Navaho, hu-zzay.
Jecorilla, hu-zzy.
Tesuque , sho.

Of these the first two may be borrowed. In

Kanzas

the languages are Arapaho, and Shyenne , already noticed;
and Cvmanch, which is Paduca.

* The Utah is musah.

361 ON THE LANGUAGES OP NOBTHERX, WESTERN,

For the Kiorvay we want specimens. In
Nebraska

they are Sioux, already noticed, and Parvni, allied to the
Riccaree. Kanzas leads us to

Texas.

It is convenient in a notice of the languages of the State
of Texas to bear in mind its early, as well as its present
relations to the United States. In a country where the spread
of the population from the other portions of the Union has
been so rapid , and where the occupancy is so complete, we
are prepared to expect but a small proportion of aborigines.
And such, upon the whole, is the case. The displacement
of the Indian tribes of Texas has been great. Even, how-
ever, when Mexican, Texas was not in the category of the
older and more original portions of Mexico. It was not
brought under the regime of the missionaries, as we may
see by turning to that portion of the Mithridates which
treats of the parts west of the Mississippi. The references
here are to Dupratz, to Lewis and Clarke, to Charlevoix,
to French and English writers rather than to the great au-
thority for the other parts of Spanish America — Hervas.
And the information is less precise and complete. All this
is because Texas in the earlier part of its history was, in
respect to its exploration and description, a part of Louisiana,
(and, as such, French) rather than a part of Mexico, and
(as such) Spanish.

The notices of Texas, in the Mithridates, taken along
with our subsequent data, are to the effect that (a) the
Caddo, (b) the Adaize or Adahi, id) the AUakapa , and (d)
the Choklah are the prevailing languages; to which may be
added a few others of minor importance.

The details as to the distribution of the subordinate forms
of speech over these four leading languages are as follows: —

a. The Nandakoes, Nabadaches, Alich (or Eyish), and
Ini or Tachi are expressly stated to be Caddo; and, as it
is from the name of the last of these that the word Texas
is derived , we have satisfactory evidence that some members,
at least, of the Caddo family are truly and originally Texian.

b. The Yatassi, Natchitoches, Adaize (or Adaye) , Nacog-
doches, and Keyes, belong to the Caddo confederacy, but
without speaking the Caddo language.

c. The Carancouas, the Attacapas, the Apelusas, the Mayes
speak dialects of the same language.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 365

d. The Tunicas speak the same language as the Choctahs.

Concerning the philology of the Washas, the Bedies, the
Acossesaws, and the Cances, no statements are made.

It is obvious that the information supplied by the Mithri-
dates is measured by the extent of our knowledge of the
tour languages to which it refers.

_ Of these, the Choktah, which Adelung calls the Mobilian,
is the only one for which the Mithridates itself supplies, or
could supply, specimens; the other three being unrepresen-
ted by any sample whatever. Hence, to say that the Tachi
was Caddo, that the Yatassi was Adahi, or that the Caran-
coua was Attacapa, was to give an instance, in the way of
explanation, of the obscurum per obscurius. Since the publi-
cation of the Mithridates, however, we have got samples of
all three — Caddo, Adahi, and Attacapa — so that our stan-
dards of comparison are improved. They are to be found
in a tabulated form, and in a form convenient for collation
and comparison in both of Gallatin's papers. They were
all collected before the annexation of Texas, and they ap-
pear in the papers just referred to as Louisiana, rather than
truly Texian, languages; being common to the two areas.

Of the works and papers written upon Texas since it be-
came a field of observation for English and American, as
opposed to French and Spanish observers, the two on which
the present writer, when he treated of the subject in his
work on the Varieties of Mankind, most especially, and per-,
haps exclusively relied, were the well-known work of Ken-
nedy on Texas, and a MS. with which he was favoured by
Mr. Bollaert, specially limited to the ethnology of the State.
Of this MS. a short abstract is to be found in the Report
of the British Association for the Advancement of Science
for the year 1846, made by Mr. Bollaert himself.

The later the notice of Texas the greater the prominence
given to a tribe of which nothing is said in the Mithridates;
viz. the Cumanch. As late as 1844 we had nothing beyond
the numerals and a most scanty MS. list of words to. tell
us what the Cumanch language really was. These, however,
were sufficient to show that its affinities were of a somewhat
remarkable kind, viz. with the Shoshoni, or Snake, tongues
of the southern parts of Oregon*. In Mr. Bollaert's notice

* "On the Languages of the Oregon Territory." By K. G. Latham.
M. D. Read before the Ethnological Society, Dec. 1844. — Note.

36(3 OX THE LANGUAGES OP KOKTHEKN , WESTERN,

the Cumanches are divided into three sections: (1) the Cu-
manch or Jetan, (2) the Lemparack, and (3) the Tenuha,
and a list of no less than" thirty-five other tribes follows this
division, some of these being said to be wholly extinct,
some partially so; some to be more or less Cumanch, some
to be other than Cumanch.

The tendency of the Mithridates is to give prominence to
the Caddo, Attacapa, and Adahi tongues, and to incline the
investigator, when dealing with the other forms of speech,
to ask how far they are connected with one of these three.
The tendency of the writers last-named is to give prominence
to the Cumanch, and to suggest the question: How far is
this (or that) form of speech Cumanch or other than Cu-
manch ?

"Working with the Mithridates, the MS. of Mr. Bollaert,
and Mr. Kennedy's volume on Texas before me, I find that
the list of Texian Indians which these authorities justified
me in publishing in 1848, contained (1) Coshattas, (2) To-
wiachs, Towakenos, Towecas, and Wacos, (3) Lipans or
Sipans, (4) Aliche or Eyish, (5) Acosscsaws, (6) Navaosos,
(7) Mayes, (8) Cances, (9) Toncahuas, (10) Tuhuktukis, (11)
Unataquas or Anadarcos, (12) Mascovie, (13) Tawanis or
Ionis, (14) Wico, ? Waco, (15) Avoyelles, (16) Washitas,
(17) Ketchi, (18-) Xaramenes, (19) Caicaches, (20) Bidias,
(21) Caddo, (22) Attacapa, (23) Adahi; besides the Caran-
kahuas (of which the Cokes are made a branch) classed with
the Attacapa, and not including certain Cherokees, Choctahs,
'Chikkasahs, and Sioux.

A Washita vocabulary, which will be referred to in the
sequel, concludes the list of Texian languages known by
specimens.

At present, then, the chief question respecting the philo-
logy of Texas is one of distribution. Given as centres to
certain groups

1. The Choctah,

2. The Caddo,

3. The Adahi,

4. The Attakapa,

5. The Cumanch, and

6. The Washita languages,

how do we arrange the tribes just enumerated? Two works
help us here: — 1. A letter from the Ex-president Burnett
to Schoolcraft on the Indians of Texas. Date 1847. 2. A
Statistical Notice of the same by Jesse Stem. Date 1851.
Stem's statistics run thus: —

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 3(j7

Tribes. Numiiees.

Towacarros iil>

Wacos 1141293

Ketckies 38)

Caddos 161 1

Audarcos 202*176

Ioni US'

Tonkaways 1152

AVichitas 100

Lipans 500

Comanches 20,000

giving us several of the names that have already appeared ;
giving also great prominence to the Cumanches — numerally
at least.

In Mr. Burnett's Letter the term Caddo is prominent; but
whether it denote the Caddo language, or merely the Caddo
confederation , is uncertain. Neither can I find from the con-
text whether the statements respecting the Indians of the Caddo
connexion (for this is what we must call it at present) are
made on the personal authority of the writer, or Avhether they
are taken, either directly or indirectly, from the Mithridates.
The term that Burnett uses is slock, his statement being
that the Waco, the Tawacani, the Towiash, the Aynic, the
San Pedro Indians, the Nabaducho, and the Nacodocheets
are ail both Texian in origin and Caddo in slock.

His other tribes are —

1. The Kelchi: a small tribe on Trinity River, hated by
the Cumanches as sorcerers, and, perhaps, the same as —

2. The Hitchi, once a distinct tribe, now assimilated with
their neighbours.

3. The Tonkarvays, a separate tribe, of which, however,
the distinctive characters are not stated.

Whatever may be the exact details of the languages, dia-
lects, and subdialects of Texas, the general outline is simple.

The Choctah forms of speech are anything but native.

They are of foreign origin and recent introduction. So
are certain Sioux and other dialects spoken within the Tex-
ian area.

The Cumanch is in the same predicament; though not,
perhaps , so decidedly. It belongs to the Paduca class , and
its affinities are with the Shoshoni and Wihinast of Oregon.

The Caddo Proper is said to be intrusive, having been
introduced so late as 1819 from the parts between the great
Raft and the Natchitoches or Red River. I hold, however,
that some Caddo forms of speech must be indigenous.

368 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NOKTHEKX , WESTERN,

The Wilcliita is probably one of these : —

English. Caddo. Witchita.

head cundo etskase.

hair beunno deodske.

eye.. nockkochun kidahkuck.

nose sol dutstistoe.

mouth nowoese hawkoo.

tongue ockkotunna hutskee.

tooth ockkodeta awk.

one whiste cherche.

two bit mitch.

three dowok daub.

four peaweh dawquats.

five dissickka esquats.

six dunkkee kehass.

seven bissickka keopits.

eight dowsickka keotope.

nine pewesickka skerchekeeite.

ten binnali skedorash.

Te Adahi has already been noticed as being a compara-
tively isolated language, but, nevertheless, a language with
numerous miscellaneous affinities.

The Attacapa is one of the pauro-syllabic languages of
America, by which I mean languages that, if not monosyl-
labic after the fashion of the languages of south-eastern Asia,
have the appearance of being so. They form a remarkable
class, but it is doubtful whether they form a natural one, i. e.
whether they are more closely connected with each other in the
other elements of philological affinity than they are with the
tongues not so characterized. They deserve, however, what
cannot be given in the present paper, a special consideration.

For the north-eastern districts of Mexico, New Leon, Ta-
maulipas, &c, i. e. for the ports between the Rio Grande
and Tampieo, no language is known to us by specimens.
It is only known that the Cumanch dips deeply into Mexico.
So does the Apatsh.

A tribe, lately mentioned, that oftheLipans, is, perhaps,
Apatsh. Burnett states that they agree with the Mescalero
and Seratics of the parts about the Paso del Norte. For
these, however, we still want vocabularies Us nominibus.

Be the Lipan affinities what they may, it is clear that
both the Cumanch and Apatsh languages belong to a class
foreign to a great part of the areas over which they are
spread — foreign, and (as such) intrusive — intrusive, and
(as such) developed at the expense of some native language.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 369

That the original area of the latter is that of the Navahos,
Jecorillas, Hoopahs, Umkwas, Tlatskanai, and that these
occupy the parts between the Algpnkin and Eskimo fron-
tiers — parts as far north as the Arctic circle — has already
been stated. No repetition, however, is superfluous that
gives definitude and familiarity to the very remarkable- phe-
nomena connected with the geographical distribution of the
Athabaskans.

Neither are the details of the Paduca area — the area of
the Wihinast, Shoshoni, Utah, and Cumanch forms of speeh
— without interest. To the north of California, the Wihi-
nast, or Western Shoshonis, are separated from the Pacific
by a thin strip of Jacon and Kalapuya country, being suc-
ceeded in the direction of Utah by the Shoshonis Proper.
Then follow the Bonaks and Sampiches; the Shoshoni affi-
nities of which need not be doubted, though the evidence
of them is still capable of improvement. The Utah of the
parts about Lake Utah is known to us by a vocabulary ; and
known to be Cumanch or Shoshoni — call it which you will.
I call them all Paduca, from a population so namedby Pike.

Now, out of twenty-one words common to the Utah and
Moqui, eight are alike.

Again, the Shoshoni and Sahaptin have several words in
common, and those out of short vocabularies.

Thirdly, the Shoshoni and Wihinast, though spoken within
(comparatively) narrow limits, differ from each other more
than the several forms of the Cumanch, though spread over
a vast tract of land.

The inference from this is, that the Paduca torms ot
South Oregon and Utah are in situ; those of New Mexico,
Texas, and New Leon, &c. being intrusive. In respect to
these, I imagine that a line drawn from the south-eastern
corner of the Utah Lake to the source of the Red or Salt
Fork branch of the River Arkansas , would pass through a
country nearly, if not wholly, Paduca; a country which
would lie partly in Utah, partly in New Mexico, and partly
in Kansas. It would cross the Rocky Mountains, or the
watershed between the drainages of the Colorado and the
Missouri. It would lie along a high and barren country
It would have on its west the Navaho, Moqui, and Apatsh
areas; on its east certain Sioux tribes and (further south)
the Arapahos and Shyennes. It would begin in California
and end in the parts about Tampico*.

* For a full notice of Texas see Buschmann's Supplementary Volume ;
first published within the present year (I8.)9;.

24

370 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN, WESTERN,

Mexico. — Guatimala.

The Cumanches., on the very verge, or within the tropics,
vex by their predatory inroads the Mexican states of Zaca-
tecas and Durango. Along with the Lipans they are the
sparse occupants of the Bolson de Mapimi. Along with the
Apaches they plunder the traders and travellers of Ghihulma.

For the parts about Tampico the language belongs to the
Huasteca branch of

The Maya. — The Maya succeeds the language just enu-
merated on the east. On the west, the Otomi, Pirinda, and
Tarasca are succeeded by

The Mexican Proper. — But the Maya and Mexican Pro-
per are languages of such importance, that the present paper
will merely notify their presence in Mexico and Central
America.

The languages that, from their comparative obscurity, claim
the attention of the investigator, are those which are other
than Maya and other than Mexican Proper.

Of these, the first succeeds the Huasteca of Huastecapan,
or the parts about Tampico; which it separates, or helps
to separate, from the northern branches of the Maya Pro-
per, being

The Totonaca of Vera Cruz, of which the following is
the Paternoster; the German being that of the Mithridates.

Totonaca.

U?iser Voter o im Himmcl steht
Quintlatcane" nac tiayan lmil ;
gemachl hoch werde dein Nahme
Tacollalihuacahuanli b mi maocxot;

Icomme dein (reich?)

Niquiminanin b mintacacchi
gethan werde dein Wille
Tacliolahuanla b min paliuat

wie rvie im ffimmel

Cholci ix cacnitiet chalchix nac tiayan ;

wiser Brot ,
quin chouhcan lacalliya

wis gib heute
niquilaixqniuh yanohue ;

ims vergib unsre Sunde

Oaquilamatzancaniuk quintacallitcan

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 37 1

«"'e rvir vergeben

Clionlei b quitnan lamatzancaniyaxih
unsern Schuldigern
6 quintalac allaniyan ;
Vnd nicht uns lasse

Ca ala quilamactaxtoyanh
damit wir stehen in Fersuchung
Nali yojauli naca liyogni

gethan rverde
Chontacliolacahuanla.

The same from Hervns.

Kintaccan 6 natiayan huill ;
Tacotllali liuacahuanla o min paxca maocxot
Camill omintagchi,
Tacliolaca lmanla ixcagnitiet ot

skiniau chon cholacan ocnatiayan ;
Alyanohue nikila ixkiu ki lacali cliaocan ;
Kilamatzancaniau kintacagllitcan

Kintalacatlanian ochonkinan iclamatzan —
Caniau kintalacatlanian ;
Nikilamapotaxtou ala nicliyolau
lacotlanacatalit nikilamap otexto
lamatzon lacacoltana.

Chontacliolacahuanla.

Cross the watershed from Vera Paz to Oaxaca, and you
come to the area of

The Mixteca. — In the ordinary maps, Tepezcolula, on
the boundaries of Oaxaca and Puebla, is the locality for its
chief dialect, of which there are several.

Mixteca Paternostee.

Dzutundoo, zo dzicani andihui;

Naca cuneihuando sasanine ;

Nakisi santoniisini ;

Nacahui nuunaikui saha yocuhui inini dzahuatnaha yoculmi an-
dihui ;

Dzitandoo yutnaa tasinisindo hiutni;

Dzandooni cuachisindo dzaguatnaha yodzandoondoondi hindo
suhani sin do o ;

Huasi kihui Dahani nucuctandodzondo kuaclii;

Tahui fialiani ndihindo salianavvhuaka dzalma;

Nacuhui.

24*

372 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN, WESTERN,

The Mixteca succeeds the Mexican Proper, itself being
other than Mexican, just as the Totonaca suceeded the Hua-
steca, which was Maya, the Totonaca being other than
Maya.

Ihe Mixteca is the language of Northern,

The Zapoteca that of Southern, Oaxaca.

Hervas writes, that the Zapoteca, Mazateca, Chinanteca,
and Mixe were allied. The Mixe locality is the district
around Tehuantepec.

South of the areas of the three languages just enumerated
comes the main division of the Maya — the Maya of Gua-
temala and Yucatan, as opposed to the Huasteca of the parts
about Tampico. This, however, we pass over sicco pede, for

Honduras and San Salvador.

Limiting ourselves to the districts that undeniably belong
to those two States, we have samples of four dialects of

The Lenca language; these being from the four Pueblos
of Gruajiquiro, Opatoro, Intibuca, and Sirmlaton, those of
the last being shorter and less complete than the others.
They are quite recent, and are to be found only in the
Spanish edition of Mr. Squier's Notes on Central America.
The English is without them.

English. Guajiquiro. Opatoko. Intibuca.

man taho amashe.

woman move napu.

boy guagua hua.

head toco tolioro cagasi.

ear yang yan yangaga.

eye saing saringla saring.

nose napse napseh nepton.

-mouth ingh ambeingh ingori.

tongue nafel navel napel.

teeth naglia neas nigh.

neck ampsh ampshala cange.

arm kenin kenin kening.

fingers lasel gualalasel

foot guagi quagi guaskaring.

blood ualmg uah quch.

sun gasi gashi gashi.

star siri siri

fire uga 'ua yuga.

mater guass uash guash.

stone ca call tupan.

tree ili ili ili.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 373

English. Guajiquiro. Opatoko. Intibuca.

onc ita ita itaska.

two una

three lagua

four aria

five saihe sailie

*'*'■*' huie hue

seven liuis-ca

eight teef-ca

nine kaiapa

ten isis issis

As Mr. Squier is the sole authority for the Lenca of San
Salvador and Honduras, so he is for

Nicaragua.

Limiting ourselves to the undoubtedly Nicaraguan area,
and taking no note of the Mexican Proper of more than
one interesting Mexican settlement, the three forms of speech
for which we have specimens are —

1. The Choretega;

2. The Nagijaxda; and

3. The Wulwa, of the Chontal district.

And now we pass to the Debateable Ground. The lan-
guage of

The Moskito Country

gives us a fourth form of speech; at least (I think) as dif-
ferent from the Choretega, Nagranda, Wulwa and Lenca,
as they are from each other. This is —

The Waikna of the Indians of the coast, and, probably,
of several allied tribes inland.

Of the Waikna, Wulwa, Nagranda, and Choretega, sam-
ples may be found either in Squier's Nicaragua, or vol. iii.
of the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society.

English. Nagranda. Choretega.

man rahpa nuho.

woman rapa-ku ?i-ahseyomo.

boy sai-ka n-asome.

girl sai-kee 7i-aheyum.

child chichi w-aneyame.

father ana goo-ha.

mother autu goo-mo.

husband a'mbin 'mhohue.

374 ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN , WESTERN,

English. Nagkanda. Choiietega.

wife a'guyu /rame.

son sacul-e w-asomeyamo.

daughter saicul-a w-asaynie.

head . I a '- CU goochemo.

edi —

hair tu'su membe.

face enu grote.

forehead guitu goola.

ear nnu nulime.

eye setu nahte.

nose ta'co mungoo.

mouth dahira nunsu.

tongue duhu greulie.

tooth semu nalie.

foot naku graho.

sky dehmalu nckupe.

sun ahca numtra.

star ucu nuete.

fire akku nahu.

water eeia nimbu.

esee nngo.

stone

( esenit

I io-u saho.

thou ic-a snmusheta.

he ic-a

we bechel-u semchmu.

ye bechel-a

they icanu

this ca-la

For the Waikna there are other materials. The Wulwa
specimens are few. Hence it may be doubtful whether the
real difference between it and the Waikna be so great as
the following table suggests.

English. Wulwa. Waikna.

man all waikna.

woman y-all mairen.

son pau-ni-ma lupia-waikna.

daughter pau- co-ma lupia-mairen.

head tunni let.

eye minik-taka nakro.

nose- magni-tak kamka.

mouth dinibas bila.

blood anassca tala.

all :. duwawa semehmu.

AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

375

English. AVhlwa. Waikna.

drink maliuia bo-prima.

run dagalnu bo-tivpu.

leap niasiga bo-ora.

ao I ai ^ P a -y a -

J ( icu

sing nagamo pa-coondamu.

sleep ami pa-yacope.

Costa Rica.

The following is from a vocabulary of Dr. Karl Scherzers
of the languages of the Blanco, Valiente, and Talamenca In-
dians of Costa Rica, occupants of the parts between the
River Zent and the Boca del Toro. We may call it a spe-
cimen of

The Talamenca. — It seems to be, there or thereabouts,
as different from the preceding languages as they are from
each other.

English. Talamenca.

ear SM-kuke.

eye sz<-wuaketei.

nose SM-tshukoto.

moulh SM-'kuwu.

tongue es-kuptu.

tooth so-ka.

beard sa-karku mezili.

neck-joint? tzin.

arm sa-fra.

hand sa-fra- Izin-adk.

finger /Va-wuata.

nail sa-krasku.

sun kanhue.

moon tulu.

The same volume of the Transactions of the American
Ethnological Society that supplies us with Mr. Squier's vo-
cabularies for Nicaragua supplies us with Dr. Seeman's for

Veeagua.

These being for

The Batano;

The Savaneeic; and

The Cholo.
The Cholo is the same as Dr. Cullen's Yule, and also the
same as Cunacuna and Darien of Balbi and the Mithndates.

English.

Talamenca.

star

.. bewue.

fire

.. tshuko.

mater

.. ditzita.

one

.. e-tama.

two

. bo-tewa.

three

. magna-Zt'wrt.

four

. ske-terva.

. si-tawa.

. si-wo-ske-la.

seven

.. s»-wo-wora.

eight

.. st-wo-magnana.

nine

. si-wo-ske-tetva.

ten

.. sa-flat-ka.

376 on the languages of northern, western,

English. Cunacuna. Daisies.

one quensa-cua conjungo.

two vo-cua poquah.

three paa-cua pauquah.

four paque-cua pake-quah.

five atale eterrali.

six ner-cua indricali.

seven cugle coogolah.

eight vau-agua paukopah.

nine paque-haguc pakekopah.

ten ambegui anivego.

It is also the same as some short specimens of the Mi-
thridates; where

rvater = dulab. brother = rupah.

moon = nu. sister = ninah.

father = tatitah. wife (woman) = poonah.
mother c= naunah.

The Cholo leads us into South America, where for the
present, we leave it.

ADDENDA.

I will now add two notes , which may possibly save some fu-
ture investigator an unremunerative search.

First, concerning a language called Mocorosi. — In Julg, this is
made a language of Mexico. It is really the Moxa of South Ame-
rica under an altered name.

English. Mokoeosi. Moxa.

1 nuti nuti.

thou piti piti.

he ema ema.

this maca maca.

that maena maena.

that you maro maro.

she esu esu.

my nuyee nuyee.

thy piyee piyee.

his mayee mayee.

one etc eto.

two api. api.

three mopo mope

AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

377

This is from an Arte y vocabulario de la Lengua Mocorosi, com-
puesto por un padre de la compania de Jesus missionero de la Pro-
vincias de los Moxos dedicado a la Serenissima Reyna de los Angeles
siempre Virgen Maria, Patrona de estas Missiones; en Madrid, ano
de 1699.

A Lima edition a.d. 1701 differs from this in omitting the name
Mokorosi, and being dedicated to a different patron. In other
respects the two works agree verbatim et literatim.

Secondly, in respect to a language called Timuacuana — For
this we have a Catechismo y examen para los que comulgan ex lengua
Castellana y Timuquana, por el Padre Fr. Francisco Pareja; and
y Padre de la Provincia de Santa Elena de la Florida, &c. Mexico,
1627.

Also, the following numerals in Balbi, perhaps, taken from
the above : —

English. Timuacuana.

one

mmecotamano.

two

nauchamima.

three
four

nahapumina.
nacheketamima,

five

namaruama.

English. Timuacuana.

six napikichama.

seven napikinahuma.

eight napekechetama.

nine natumama.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

(1859).

P. 252. — "Is not this Mozino's?" — No. For a further notice
see p. 388.

P. 258. — " Kawichen and Tlaoquatch." — The Kawichen is
nearer to the Nusdalum, Squallyamish, and Cathlascou than it
is to the Tlaoquatch. This may be seem in Buschmann p. 649.
At the same time it is more Tlaoquatch than Buschmann makes it.

P. 259. — " The Athabascan languages are undoubtedly Eskimo.' 1 ''
— Between the notice contained in p. 299 and the paper which
precedes it there is an interval of no less than five years. There
is also one of three years between it and the paper which follows.

Now up to 1850 I gave the term Eskimo a power which I after-
wards found reason to abandon. I gave it the power of a generic
name for a class containing not only the Eskimo Proper, but the
Athabascan, and the Kolooch. The genus, though in a modified
form, I still believe to exist; I have ceased, however, to think
that Eskimo is the best name for it. Hence, expressions like " the
Athabascan languages are, undoubtedly, Eskimo — and the Kolooch
languages are equally Eskimo with the Athabascan " must be read
in the sense of the author as expressed in p. 265 — "that the line
of demarcation between the Eskimo and the Indian races of
America was for too broad and trenchant."

Whether certain forms of speech were not connected with the
Eskimo Proper — the Eskimo in the limited and specific meaning
of the term — is another question. The Ugalents was so treated.
The Kenay — until the publication of Sir T. Richardson's Lon-
cheux specimens — was made both too Eskimo and too Kolooch.
On the other hand, however, both the Eskimo and the Koluch
were divisions of the same order. The actual value of the term
Kolooch is even now uncertain.

P. 276. — " The Ahnenin etc." — A reference to the word Arra-
pahoes in Ludwig's Bibliotheca Glottica (both in the body of the
work and the Addenda) suggests a doubt as to the accuracy of the
form Ahnenin. Should it not be Atsina?

Turner remarks that "there is no evidence that Dr. Latham

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

379

collated Mackenzie's vocabulary — which , as far as the text
of Liulwig goes, is true enough. I had, however, viva voce,
informed Ludwig's Editor that I had done so. As Turner
knew_ nothing of this is remark was a proper one. The main
question, however, touches the form of the word. Is Ahnenin or
Atsina right? I can not make out the later history of the MS. In
my own part, I copied, collated, and returned it; and I imagine
that it still be amongst either Prichard's or Gallatin's papers.
I have the transcript before me at this moment; which runs thus.
"The vocabularies of the Blackfeet, of the Crows or Upsarokas,"
"and of the Grosventre, Eapid, or Fall Indians who call themsel "
"ves Ahnenin ; by D. M. M'Kenzie of the St Louis American Furr"
"Comp. They appear to belong to three distinct families. But"
"the Crowsspeak a dialect clearly belonging to the same language"
"as that of the sedentary Minitares and Mandans, which is Sioux."

English.

ax

awl

American

Assineboin

blue

blanket

brandy

balls

buttons

berries

blood

bull buffalo

cow buffalo

bear

bad

Blackfoot Indian .

Blood Indian

comb

cord

cup

coat

calf.

client

Crow Indian .
coming , I am .

deer ,

drink

ear-rings ■

ears ,

eyes

elk ....

rut

foot

friend, my
gun

Ahnenin.
hanarse.
bay.

basseway.
attinene.
wahtaniyo.
nehatiyo.
kinatlyo.
kutehemutche.
hahkeatta.
bin.
barts.
mean.
etanun.
wussa.
wahnattha.
wahtanetas.
cowwenine.
chattiya.
ahthauatz.
small.

beethintun.
wo.

chahhawdo.
owwenin.
kitowats.
ahttah.
nosik.
nahbin.
iyand.
etah.
araithya.
wussea.
ahbeetse.
nahatta.
beneche.
kutcheum.

English.

good

GrosVentres Indian

girl (young)

god (sun)

going (I am)

— (where are you)

going away

give me

— him

horse

hair

hand

hungry

iron

key

knife

kettle

kill

leg

leggings

lodge

— poles

love

lice

meat, fresh

— . dry

— , fat

mouth

me

mine

man , white
— , black-
many

nose

now

no

Ahnenin.
etah.
ahnenin.
. wahtha.
esis.

nehichaueh.
takahah.
nehahtha.
tsikit.
binenah.
wasahhun.
betaninita.
ikickan.
asinun.
bachit.
tanaga.
wahata.
busetanah.
paahun.
nanaha.
nattah
neahnun.
ahcarsura.
abathatta.
bettabin.
allium.
ahhthan.
netun.
oohya.

nistow. '

nehato.

■BAitamahat.

akaka.

huse.

vvahne.

chieu.

380

Addenda and Corrigenda.

English. Ahnenin.

rock hanuike.

Wfo netzsun.

robe tovau.

run nunahho,

roast estan.

river natcha.

wolf kiadali.

water nitsa.

whisky nahattonuche.

wife ot.ha.

fingers naha.

— nails hussa.

you ahnan.

yes aha. •

I don't want it ... natah.

sit down kannutz.

gel up kayhatz.

where is it tahto.

there it is nayyo.

two nethiyau.

four yahnayau.

six uekitukiyau.

ten netassa.

English. Ahnenin.

none, I have ichscho.

gun-powrler keatah.

pan basiana-

pipe einpssah.

yoor ahtabinou.

quit nannan.

scarletclolh benatiyo.

spoon abiyon.

salt ekiowa.

sugar nabattobin.

sleep nuckcoote.

strike towwonah.

sun esis.

still be owwahtatz.

tobacco kichtahwan.

teeth etehit.

thigh neteto.

to-day wanaki.

to-morrow nacah.

take it etanah. ' ,

vermillion nehatto noven.

understand,doyou!... ahnetan.

— , I do not hachinetou.

wood bess.

As the MS. was written with unusual clearness and distinctness
I have no doubt as to Ahnenin having been the word. That
Prichard read it so is evident ; for the foregoing explanation has
made it clear that he and I are independent witnessess. If error,
then, exists it his in the MS.

The Blackfoot and Crow (which having also transcribed, I have
by me) are as follows : —

English. Blackfeet. Crow.

sun nawtuas

little old fool sakahbooatta.

spirit eishtom

had spirit appanahhe.

man(vir) nayshetappe ... bettse.

Indian do ahsarroka*.

woman abkeya meyakatte.

boy sacoomahpa ... skakkatte.

girl ahkaquoin meyakatte.

child pokab ia&katte.

father onwa menooftiphe.

mother ochrist ekien.

husband ohmah batchene.

wife ohtoohkamaA... mooah.

son no/icoah menar/cbatte.

daughter netan menar&mea.

brother nausah Joocouppa, see child.

sister niskan 6oocoupmca.

head otoquoin marshun.

* Or Upsaroka, name of nation.

Addenda and Corrigenda. 381

English. Blackfkkt. Crow.

hui'' otoquoiu mishiah.

— of animal ... ohqueiz

face ostokais sa

forehead ohnez hhea.

ear ohtokeis uppa.

eye ohwappispe meishta.

nose ohkissis buppa.

mouth m&uih/te e'a — teeth.

tongue matzsinne dayszske.

teeth okpaykin ea — mouth.

beard emoooye eshaesha.

neck ohkokin shuah.

arm ohtsis barre.

hand ohkittakes buschie.

nail owatanokitz muhhpe.

body ostome boohhooah.

belly ohkoiu ba're.

leg ohcat buehoope.

feet oaksakah busche.

toes oakkitteaks itshearahabi.

bone ohkinnah hoore.

heart ohhskitzpohpe.... nasse.

blood. ahhahpauna eda.

town ahkawkimne ashchen.

chief nenah bettsetsa — see next

warrior nassabattsats.

mar-party sooltah

friend netakka skeah.

house nappenweeze assua.

kettle eske baruhhea.

arrow apse ahnaitz.

bom espickanawmi.... bistuheah.

hatchet anahcokaksakkin matchepa — knife.

knife estowine initsa — hatchet.

canoe ahkeosakis maheshe.

shoes ahtsakin hoompe.

bread ksahquonats hohhazzsu.

pipe ahcooivveman ... impsa.

tobacco pistahkaw hopa.

sky espoht ahmahho.

sun nawtoas ahhhizu.

moon nautoa* minnatatche.

star cakatous ekieie.

day christocooe maupa.

night coocooe oche.

light christecoonatz ... thieshe.

darkness eskenutz ehippusheka.

morning eskanattame chinnakshea.

evening ahtakkote appah.

spring motse meamukshe.

summer napoos do-

autumn motose bisse.

winter stooya mannees.

wind supooa hootsee.

thunder christecoom soo.

3S2 Addenda and Cokrio,enda.

English. Blackfeet. Crow.

lightening christecoom thaheshe.

rain soatah hannah.

snow ohpootah '. biah.

ha.il sahco makkoopah.

fire esteu bidah.

mater ohhkeah minne.

ice sacoocootah beroohke.

earth ksahcoom amma.

river , neekkittiz ahesn.

lake omahsekame minneeteekah.

island mane minnepeshn.

valley kinekime ahrachuke.

hill natoom niahpo.

mountain mastake ahmahabbe.

stone ohcootoke mi.

copper * ohtaquinnakeskin ommattishe.

iron nakeshin omatte.

sea motohkin minneetskisbab.

tree masetis bahcoo.

baric ohtokeskissase eshe.

grass mahtoyase beka.

maize eskatah hohhartzhee.

oak eahpokesa dachpitseesmoney.

pine pabtoke bartehe.

mood masetis money.

fire-mood mamase

leaf soyapoko moneyahpe.

meat akesequoiu arookka.

beaver kakestake beruppe.

elk poonahkah eitcbericazzse.

deer ahnakkas obha.

bullbuffalo estumeek ,

cowbuffalo skain

buffalo bisha.

herdof buffaloes enaho

bear keiyo duhpitsa.

7»olf mahcooya chata.

dog emittah biska.

squirrel omahcookahte ishtadaze — rabbit.

hare* ......Z...\ ahtetah isllta -

fox ohtahtooya cheesuptedahha.

snake patrakesema eanhassa.

bird pakesa dickkappe.

egg ohwas eikkien.

goose emahkiya mena.

pigeon pispistsa m&inpiluse.

partridge katokin chitchkekah.

turkey dickkekskocke.

duck siakes mehhaka.

fish mamea booah.

white ksiksenum , chose.

black sikksenum shupitkat.

f See yellow.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 383

English. Blackfeet. Cnow.

r , e . d - mohesenum hishekat.

w "f comona shuakat.

y ellnw ohtahko shirekat.

9 real ohmohcoo esah.

sma, l enahcootse ecat.

si ™"9 raiskappe bassats.

old nah Pe carraharra.

9° oti ahse itsicka.

bad pahcaps kubbeek.

handsome mahtsoapse esissa.

u 9 l V pahcapse eishkubbeek.

alive sakatappe itchasa.

dead aadne carrashe.

col <l stooyah hootshere.

marm kasetotzu ahre.

/ nisto be.

thou christo de,

he ootowe na

we nistonan bero.

you christo dero.

they ostowawah raihab.

this kanahka kinna.

tlial do. aheooka.

all atesinekah hooalnasse.

many akkiom ahhook.

mho sakayitz sippe.

what sappah.

to-day ahnookchusequnix hiunemaupa.

yesterday mahtone hooriz.

to-morrow ahpenacose shinnakshare.

yes ah hotah.

no sah barretkah.

to eat oyeatz bahbooshmeka.

— drink semate smimmik.

— run ohmahkoit akharoosh.

— dance pascah dishshe.

— go eestappote dah.

— sing anihkit munnohe.

— sleep okat mugghumme.

— speak apooyatz bidow.

— see ahsappatz ahmukkah.

— love tahcoomatzeman ahmutcheshe.

— kill enikke bahpake.

— walk ahwahocat nene.

1 sa ahmutcat.

2 nahtoka noomcat.

3 nahhoka namenacat.

4 nasowe shopeoat.

5 nesitto chihbocat.

q nowwe ahcamacat.

7 akitsekura sappoah.

8 nahnissowe noompape.

9 pakeso ahmuttappe.

10 kepo perakuk.

U rnakesikepoto ehpemut.

384

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

English. Blackfeet. Crow.

12 nahsikepoto ehpenoomp.

20 nahsikpo noompaperruka.

30 nehapepo namenaperruka.

100 kapippooe peerceksah.

1000 kapippippooe peereeksahperaka.

The Italics are the present author's. They draw attention to either a
coincidence between the two languages, or the compound character of the
word.

II. — The Sioux group. — For a remark on the affinities be-
tween the Pawni and Caddo, see p. 400.

The following coincidences are the result of a very limited
collation.

0)-

Cherokee and Caddo.

English
Cherokee

roan.
askaya.

English
Cherokee

thief.
kanawskiski.

Caddo

shoeh.

Caddo

kana.

English

Cherokee

Seneca

woman.

anigcyung.

wenneau.

English

Cherokee

Caddo

day.
kata.
kaadeh.

English

Cherokee

Mohawk

skin.

kanega.

kernayhoo.

English

Cherokee

Caddo

great.
equa.
hiki.

English
Cherokee.

ox.

wakakanali.

English
Cherokee

eagle.
aniawhali.

Caddo

wakusyeasa.

Caddo

eerveh.

English

Cherokee

Caddo

cow.

wakaagisi.

wakus.

English

Cherokee

Caddo

thick.

uhakeliyu.

hiakase.

(2).
Cherokee and Iroquois.

English

Cherokee

Seneka

enemy.

agiskaji.

ungkishnauish.

English
Cherokee

Mohawk

far.

inung.

eenore.

English

Cherokee

Seneka

mouth.

sinunglaw.

swanelaul.

English

Cherokee

Mohawk

conjurer,
alawniski.
ahtoonitz.

English

Cherokee

Seneka

something.

kawhusti.

gmustah.

English

Cherokee

Seneka

aunt.

etsi.

ahhi.

English

Cherokee

Seneka

nothing.

tlakawhusti.

lalaqwhista.

English

Cherokee

Mohawk

my right hand.
tsikatesixquoyeni.
gowmeeinllataquoh .

English

horn.

Cherokee

uyawnung.

Seneka

konnonggah,

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 385

English a corn.

Cherokee kuli.

Seneka uhkuah.

English walnut.

Cherokee sawhi.

Mohawk oosoquah.

IV. The Athabaskan group. — I find that the affinity between
the Loucheux and the Kenay languages is given by Prichard,
who, at the same time, separates both from the Athabaskan. "Mr.
Gallatin says that the similarity of languages amongst all these"
(t. e. the Athabaskan) "tribes is well-established. The Loucheux"
"are excepted. This language does not appear to have any"
"distinctly marked affinities except with that of the Kenay." —
Vol. V. p. 377.

I believe that Dr. Prichard's informant on this point was the
same as my own i. e. Mr. Isbister.

Scouler also suggests the same relationship.

That Buschmann has arrived at the results of his Athabaskische
Sprachstamm through a series of independent researches I readily
believe. Whether, after taking so little trouble to know what had
been done by his predecessors, he is right is saying so much
about his discoveries is another question.

That the Pinaleno is in the same category with the Navaho is
shewn by Turner, who gives a vocabulary of the dialect.

English. Navaho. Pinaleno.

man husttkin payyahnah.

woman estsanni etsunni.

head betsi

hair tchlit setzezil.

ear tshar sitzchar.

eye ninnar tsliindar.

nose nitchi ehinchi.

hand shilattaete chicon.

feet t'ki sitzkay.

sun dacos yalieye.

moon 'tsadi ' ilsonsayed.

star olcheec ailsonsatyou

fire 'tchou

mater 'thu to.

earth Wish tlia.

stone tseek tshaier.

V The Kilunaha language. — The Kitunaha, Kiitani , or
Cootanie vocabulary of Mr. Hall was obtained from a Cree
Indian, and is not to be depended on. This being the case it is
fortunate that it not the only specimen of the language. There
is an earlier one of Mr. Howse's , published m the Transactions
of the Philological Society. It is as follows.

386

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

English. " Ktjtani.

one hook cain.

two ass.

three calle sah.

four had sah.

five yea co.

six in ne me sah.

seven whist taw lah.

eight wavv ah sah

nine ky yie kit to.

ten aye to vow.

an Indian ah quels mah kin

nie.

a man te te calt.

a woman balle key.

a shoe cath lend.

a gun tah vow.

/ cah min.

thou lin coo.

he nin co is.

me (thou and I) ... cah min nah lah.

this Indian in nai ah quels

mah kin nic.

that Indian co ah quels mah

kin nic.
these Indians wai nai ah quels

mail kin nic nin

tie.

which man? cath lah te te calt ?

which Indians? ... cah lah ah quels

mah kin nic nin

tie?

which gun? cah lah tali vow?

who cath lah.

my son cah mah hat lay.

his son hot lay is.

he is good sook say.

it is good sook kin nai.

he is arrived swan hah.

/ love hint hones sclah kilt.

he loves me sclah kilt nai.

/ see him hones ze caught.

I see his son hones ze caught

ah calttis.

he sees me ze caught tene.

he steals i in ney.

I love him hones sclah kilt

ney.
/ do not love him... cah sclah kilt nai.

my husband can no claw kin

nah.

he is asleep come ney ney.

/ am a man te te calt ne ne.

/ am a woman balle key ne ne.

where? cass kin?

English. Kutani.

where is my gun? .. cass kin cah tah

vow?

where is his gun ? cass kin tah vow

is?

a lake ah co co nook.

how much'! cack sah?

it is cold weather kis caw tit late.

a lent ah caw slah co

hoke.

my tent cah ah kit lah.

thy tent ah kit lah nis.

his tent ah kit lah is.

our (thy and my) c ah ah kit lah

tent nam.

yes ah ah.

no waw.

men te te calt nin tie.

women balle key nin tie.

girl (in her teens) nah oh tit.

girls (in their teens) nah oh tit nin tie.

boy stalt.

boys stalt nin tie.

little boy stalt nah nah.

child cah mo.

children cah mo nin tie.

father (by the sons) cah de doo.
father (by the •

daughters) cah sous.

mother cah mah.

brother, eldest cah tat.

brother , youngest

(by brothers) ... cats zah.
brother , youngest

(by sisters) cah ze ah.

sister, eldest cats sous.

sister, youngest ... cah nah nah.

uncle cath ah.

aunt cah tilt tilt.

grandfather cah papa.

grandmother call de de.

thy husband in claw kin nah

nis.

my wife cah tilt nah mo.

thy wife tilt nah mo nis.

son can nah hot lay

or ah calt.

daughter cass win.

come here clan nah.

go away cloon no.

take care ill kilt we in.

get out of the way you vaw.

come in tie cath ah min.

go out sclah nah ah min.

stop mae kaek.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

387

English. Kutani.

run sin naek kin.

slowly ah nis call zin.

miserly o per tin.

beggarly coke co mae kali

kan.

I give hone silt ah mah

tie sis ney.
thou gives! kin nah mah tie

zey.

he gives sclah mahtiezey.

he gave cah mah tie cates.

/ beat hone cah slah tea.

thou beatest kin cah slah leat.

he beats Ids kilt cone slah

leat.

give me ah mah tie kit

sous.

he gave me nah mah tie kit

sap pe ney.
Hove you hone sclah kilt

ney.

he loves sclah kilt.

do you love me? ... kin sclah slap '?

I hate you hone cah sclah

kilt ney.

thou hatest kin cah sclah kilt.

he hates cah sclah kilt.

I speak hones ah ney.

thou speakesl kins ah.

he speaks kates ah.

we speak hones ah nah slah.

you speak talk e tea leat.

they speak seals ah.

I steal hone i he ne.

I sleep hone come ney

ney.

we sleep hone come ney

nah lah ney.
I die hones alt hip pe

ney.

thou diest kins alt hip.

we die hone ah o co noak

nah slah ney.

give me to eat he shoe.

eat he ken.

my gun cah tah vow.

thy gun tah vow nis.

Ms gun tah vow is.

mountain ac co vo cle it.

rocky mountain ... ac co vo cle it

nook key.

snowy mountain ... ac co vo cle it ac

clo.
road or (rack ac que mah nam.

English. Kutani.

large river cath le man me

took.

small liver hah cack.

creek nis cah took.

large lake... will caw ac co co

nook.

small lake ac co co nook nah

n.ili.

rapid ah cah hop cle it.

fall wheat taw hop cle

it.
shoals ah coke j'ou coo

nook.
channel hah cath slaw o

weak.

mood or trees ah kits slah in.

red pine he mos.

cedar heats ze natt.

poplar ac cle mack.

aspin ac co co zlemaek.

fire ah kin ne co co.

ice ah co wheat

charcoal ah kits cah kilt.

ashes ah co que me co.

kettle yeats skime.

mat tent tah hill, ah kit lah

nam.

head ac clam.

eyes ac cack leat.

nose ac conn

mouth ac calt le mah.

chin ac call me zin ne

cack.

cheeks ac que ma malt.

hair ac coke que slam.

body ac co no cack.

arms ac sglat.

legs ac sack.

belly ac co womb.

back ac cove cah slack.

side ac kin no cack.

ears ac coke co what.

animals yah mo.

horse kilt calt law ah

shin.

stallion cass co.

mare stougalt.

bull neel seek.

com slouke copo.

calf. ah kin co malt.

tiger s'vie.

bears of all kinds cap pe tie.
black or brown

bears nip pe co.

25*

388 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

English. Kutani. English. Kutani.

grizzle bear kit slaw o slaw. crow coke kin.

reindeer neats snap pie co. raveti nah nah key.

red deer kilt Caw sley. snakes (rattle-
moose deer snap pe co. snake) wilt le malt.

woolvei een ats po. garter snake ah co new slam.

wolf cackkin. roots (camass) ... hap pey.

beaver sin nah. bitter root nah cam me sliou.

otter ah cow oh alt tobacco root mass mass.

mink in new yah. sweet potatoes ah whis sea.

martin nac suck. moose berry ac co mo.

musquash an co. strawberry ac co co.

small grey plain pipe couse.

wolf skin koots. pipe stem ac coot lah.

birds to coots cah min axe ah coot talt.

nah. tobacco yac ket.

blue jay co quis kay. flesh ah coot lack.

VI. The Atna group. — The numerous vocabularies that repre-
sent the dialects and sub-dialects of this large class are the
following — Atna Proper or Shushwap, Kullelspelm (Pend
d'oreilles), Spokan, Kettlefall dialects of the Selish; Okanagan;
Skitsuish (Coaur d' alene) ; Piskwaus ; Nusdalum ; Squallyamish ;
Kawichen; Cathlascou; Cheeheeli; Tsihaili; Kwaintl; Kwenai-
witl ; Kowelitz ; Nsietshawus or Killamuk. To this , the present
writer adds the Billechiila.

XL The query as the likelihood of the Straits of Fuca voca-
bulary having been Mozino's finds place here. The two are
different : though both may have been collected by Mozino.
Each is to be found in Buschmann, who, exaggerating the
isolation of Wakash, Niitka, and Tlaoquatch forms of speech,
separates them too decidedly. Out of nineteen words compared
nine are not only alike but admitted by him to be so.

The Billechula. — This lies intermediate to the Hailtsa and Atna
groups; being (apparently) more akin to the latter than the
former. Of the Atna dialects , it seems most to approach the
Piskwaus.

The Chinuk. — The Chinuk of which the Watlala of Hale is
variety is more like the Nsietashawus or Killamuk than aught
else.

The Kalapuya. — The harshness of the Kalapuya is an inference
from its orthography. It is said, however, to be soft and flowing
i. e. more like the Sahaptin and Shoshoni in sound than the Chinuk,
aud Atna.

The Jakon. — This has affinities with the Chinuk on one side,
and the Lutuami on the other ; i. e. it is more like these two
languages than any other. The likeness , however, is of the
slightest.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

389

Miscellaneous affinities.

English man.

Jakon halt.

Selislr skah-amekho.

Skitsuisb skailt-emukh,

Piscous skaltamikhu.

English woman.

Jakon tkluks.

Wallawalla tilaki.

Watlala tklkakilak.

Chinook tklakel.

Cayoose pin-tkhlaiu.

Molele longi-tklai.

Killamuk sui-lkluls.

Shushwap somo-tklitpk.

Cootanie pe-tklki.

English boy.

Jakon tklom-kato.

Kizh kwiti.

Cowelitz kwaiitkl.

English girl.

Jakon tklaaksama.

Kizh takhai.

Satsikaa kokwa.

Watlala tklaleq.

Chinook waleg.

Chickaili khaaq.

Skwale stkllatkl-adai

Muskoghe okutosoha.

English child.

Jakon mohaite.

Shaliaptin initials.

English mother.

Jakon , tkhla.

Chinook tkhlianaa.

English husband.

Jakon sonsit.

Chikaili cineis.

Cowelitz skhon.

Killamuck nlsuon.

Umpqua skhon.

— do changa.

English wife.

Jakon sinlkhlaks.

Cayuse intkhlkaio.

Molele longilkhlai.

The Sahaptin. — The Sahaptin , Shoshoni and Lutuami groups
are more closely connected than the text makes them.

The Shoshoni (Paduea) group. — The best general name for this
class is, in the mind of the present writer, Paduea; a name which
was proposed by him soon after his notification of the affinity
between the Shoshoni and the Comanch, in a.d. 1845. Until then,
the two languages stood alone; i. e. there was no class at all. The
Wihinast was shewn to be akin to the Shoshoni by Mr. Hale ; the
Wihinast vocabulary having been collected by that indefatigable
philologue during the United States Exploring Expedition. In
Gallatin's Report this affinity is put forward with clue pro-
minence ; the Wihinast being spoken of as the Western Sho-
shoni.

In '50 the Report of the Secretary at War on the route from
San Antonio to El Paso supplied an Utah vocabulary; which
the paper of May '53 shews to be Paduea.

In the Report upon the Indian Tribes &c. of '55, we find the
Chemehuevi , or the language of one of the Pah-utah bands " for
the first time made public. It agrees " (writes Professor Turner)
" with Simpson's Utah and Hale's East Shoshoni."

Carvalho (I quote from Buschmann) gives the numerals of the
Piede (Pa-uta) of the Muddy River. They are nearly those of
the Chemehuevi.

390 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

ENGLISH. PlEDJS.

one soos.

two we'ioone.

three pioone.

four wolsooing.

five slioomin.

six navi.

seven navikavah.

eight nanneetsooin.

nine sbookootspenkermi.

ten tomshoo'in.

For the Cahnillo see below.

Is the Kioway Paduca? The only known Kioway vocabulary
is one published by Professor Turner in the Report just alluded
to. It is followed by the remark that "a comparison of this
vocabulary with those of the Shoshoni stock does, it is true, show
a greater degree of resemblance than is to be found in any other
direction. The resemblance , however, is not sufficient to establish a
radical affinity, but rather appears to be the consequence of long
inter communication."

For my own part I look upon the Kioway as Paduca — the
value of the class being raised.

English. Kioway. English. Kioway.

man kiani. star tab.

woman mayi. fire pia.

head kiaku. water tn.

hair ooto. / no.

face caupa. thou am.

forehead taupa. he kin.

ear taati. we kime.

eye taati. ye tusa.

nose maucon. they cuta.

mouth surol. one pahco.

tongue den. two gia.

tooth zun. three pao.

hand mortay. four iaki.

foot onsut. five onto.

hlood Dm. six mosso.

hone tonsip. seven pantsa.

sky kiaeoh. eight iatsa.

sun pai. nine cohtsii.

moon pa. ten coklii.

XIII. The Capistrano group. — Buschmann in his paper on the
Netela and Kizh states, after Mofras, that the Juyubit, the
Caguilla, and the Sibapot tribes belong to the Mission of St.
Gabriel. Turner gives a Cahuillo, or Cawio, vocabulary. The
district from which it was taken belonged to the St. Gabriel
district. The Indian, however, who supplied it had lived with
the priests of San Luis Rey, until the break-up of the Mission.

ADDENDA AND CORliKIENDA. 391

Whether the form of speech he has given us bo that of the Mis-
sion in which he lived or that of the true Cahuillo district is un-
certain. Turner treats it as Cahuillo; at the same time he re-
marks, and shews, that it is more akin to the San Luis Key dialect
than to any other.

But it is also akin to the Chemeuevi, which with it is tabulated ;
a fact which favours the views of Hale respecting its San Capi-
strano affinities rather than those of Buschmann — Hale making
them Paduca.

A vocabulary, however, of the unreclaimed Cahuillo tribes
— the tribes of the mountains as opposed to the missions — is still
wanted.

English. Chemuhuevi. Cahuillo.

man tawatz nahanes.

tvoman maruqua nikil.

head mutacowa niyuluka.

hair torpip piiki.

face cobanim nepush.

ear nancaba nanocka.

eye puoui napush.

wis? inuvi lieniu.

month timpouo netama.

tongue ago nenun.

tooth towwa netama.

hand inasiwanim nemohemosh.

fool nainpan neik.

bone maiigan neta.

blood paipi neo.

sky tuiip tnquashanica.

sun tabaputz tamit.

moon meagoropitz menyil.

star putsili chehiam.

fire cun cut.

niftier pah pal.

one shnish supli.

two waii mewi.

' three paii mepai.

four watehu mewitcliu.

fi ve manu nomequadnun.

six nabai quadnunsupli.

sev en moquist quanmunwi.

emht natch quanmunpa.

nine uwip quanmunwichu.

ten ni

ashu noraachumi.

P. 353. Now comes the correction of a statement in p. 353
" the language of San Luis El Rey which is Yuma, is suc-

ceeded by that of San Luis Obispo, which is Capis t ratio: 1 — This is an
inaccuracy; apparently from inadversion. A reference to the
Paternosters of pp. 304—305 shews that the ban Luis Rey, and
the San Juan Capistrano forms of speech are closely allied.

392

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

Meanwhile, the San Fernando approaches the San Gabriel, i. e.
the Kizh.

See also Turner, p. 77 — where the name Kechi seems, word
for word, to be Kizh. The Kizh, however is a San Gabriel form of
speech.

XIV. The Yuma group. — Turner gives a Mojave, or Mohavi
vocabulary ; the first ever published. It is stated and shewn to
be Yuma. The Yabipai, in the same paper, is inferred to be
Yuma; containing, as it does, the word

kanna = good = hanna , Dieguno.
n'yalz = I = nyal, do.,
pook = beads = pook , Cuchan.

The Mohave vocabulary gives the following extracts,

English. Mohave. Cuchan. Dieguno. CocoiiANCorA.

man ipah ipatsh aykutshet ... ipatshe.

woman ... sinyax ... sinyak sin sinehayaixhutsh.

head cawawa... umwhelthe estar

hair imi ocono

face ihalimi ... edotshe wa

forehead., yamapul . iyucoloque

ear esmailk ... smythl hamatl

eye idotz edotshii awuc ayedotsh.

nose ihu ehotshi hu yayyayooclie,

mouth ia iyuquaofe ah izatsh.

tongue ipailya ... epulche

tooth ido aredoche

hand isalche sitlil

arm isail

fool imilapilap imetshshpaslapyah hamilyah

blood niawhut... awliut

sky amaiiga... ammai

sun nyatz nyatsh nyatz

moon hullya lmthlya hullash

star hamuse ... klupwataie hummashish

hutshar

fire awa aawo ahiicli.

mater aha aha aha

/ nyatz nyat nyat inyatz.

thou mantz mantz mantz.

he pepa habuisk pu

one setto sin hini

two havika havik hawuk

three hamoko... hamok » harauk

four pinepapa . oliapop chapop

five serapa ... serap serap

six sinta humhiik

seven vika pathkaie

eight muka chiphuk

nine pai hummamuk

ten arapa sahhuk

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 393

We leave California with the remark that in Ludwig's Litera-
ture of the American Aboriginal Languages Mr. Bartlett's voca-
bularies for California bear the following titles.

1. Dieguno or Comeyei,

2. Kechi,

3. San Luis Obispo,

4. H'hana

5. Tehama j

6. Coluz ^ from the drainage of the Sacrament,

7. No ana

8. Diggers .

9. Diggers of Napa Valley.

10. Makaw of Upper California.

See Calif ornians.

There is also a Piros vocabulary for the parts about El Paso :
also a notice (under the word) that the Mutsunes Indians
speak a dialect of the Soledad.

Old California. — As a general rule , translations of the Pater
Noster shew difference rather than likeness : in other words , as a
general rule , rude languages are more alike than then Pater
Nosters make them. The reasons for this lie in the abstract nature
of many of the ideas which it is necessary to express ; but for the
expression whereof the more barbajous forms of speech are in-
sufficient.

This creates the necessity for circumlocutions and other ex-
pedients. In no part of the world is this more manifest than in
Old California ; a district for which our data are' of the scan-
tiest. I think , however , that they are sufficient to shew that the
Northern forms of speech, at least, are Yuma.

English. O. Califoknian. Yuma.

man {homo) tama epatsh.

man (vir)... uaroi

woman wuotu seenyack.

wakoe sinyax.

huagin seen.

child whanu hailpit.

wakna

father iham lothmocul.

kakka niquioche.

keneda nile.

kanamba

mother nada tile.

son uisaiham homaie.

sister kenassa amyuek.

head agoppi estar.

eye aribika ayon.

tongue mabela ipailya — Mohave.

hand nagana sith'l

394 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

English. N. Califoknian. Yuma.

foot agannapa hameelyay.

sky ambeink ammaya — Mohave.

earth amet omut — Cuchan.

ammartar — Mohave.

water kahal aha — Dieguno.

ahha — Mohave.

fire usi. house — Cocomaricopa.

sun ibo nyatz.

day ibo nomasup.

moon gomma hullya.

ganehmajeie

The Pima group. — One of Mr. Bartlett's vocabularies is of the
Opata form of speech. (Ludwig)

Tequima, according to the same authority is another name
for the same language : in -which there is a vocabulary by Natal
Loinbardo; Mexico. 1702, as well as an Arte de la Lengua Tequima,
vulgarmente llamada Opata.

A Vocabalario de las Lenguas Pima , Eudeve , y Seris is said,
by De Souza, to have been written by Fr. Adaino Gilo a Jesuit
missionary in California. — Ditto — v. Pima.

Exceptions, which the present writer overlooked, are taken in
the Mithridates to the statement that the Opata and Eudeve
Pater-nosters represent the Pima Proper. They agree with a
third language from the Pima country — but this is not , neces-
sarily, the Pima. Hence, what applies to the Pimerian may or
may not apply to the Pima Proper.

Nevertheless, the Pima belongs to the same class — being,
apparently, more especially akin to the Tarahumara. I have only
before me the following Tarahumara words (i. e. the specimens in
the Mithridates) through which the comparison can be made.
They give, however, thus much in way of likeness and dif-
ference.

English. Tahahumaha. Pima.

man rehoje orter.

tehoje cheeort.

hutli.

woman ... tnuki oo-oove.

hahri.

wife upi oo-if.

head rnoota monk.

eye pusiki oupewe.

tongue ... tenila neuen.

hair quitshila raoli.

ptmuk.

foot tala tetaght.

fire uaiki tahi.

sun taica talis.

tasch.

ADDENDA AND C01UUGENDA. 395

English. Takaiiumaua. 1 j ima-.

moon maitsaca mahsa.

7nassar.

1 nepe ahan.

tmo guoca coka.

oca...., kuak.

Buschmann connects the Pima with the Tepeguana.

Another complication. — In Turner's Extract from a MS. account
of the Indians of the Noithern Provinces of New Spain I find
that Opa (Opata?) is another name for the Cocomaricopas whose
language is that of the Yuma. This is true enough — but is the
Opata more Yuma than the text (which connects it with the Hia-
qui &c.) makes it?

The Pima, Hiaqui, Tubar , Tarahumara, and Cora as a class. —
An exception to the text is indicated by the footnote of page
357. The Mithridates connects the Cora and Tarahumara with the
Astek and with each other. The Astek elements of the Hiaqui, as
indicated by Ribas are especially alluded to. So are the Tara-
humara affinities of the Opata. All this is doing as much in the
way of classification as is done by the present author — as much
or more.

As much, or more, too is done by Buschmann; who out of the
Cora, Tarahumara, Tepeguana and Cahita (the latter a repre-
sentation of the section to which the Yaqui belongs) makes his
Sonora Class — Sonorischer Sprachstdmm. As a somewhat abnormal
member of this he admits the Pima.

Of the Guazave there is a MS. Arte by P. Fernando Villa-
pane — Ludwig.

That the data for the Tepeguana are better than the text
makes them has already been suggested. Buschmann has used
materials unknown to the present writer.

See Ludwig in voc. Tepeguana.

Pirinda and Tarasca. — The statement that there is a Pirinda
grammar is inaccurate. There is one of the Tarasca; to which
the reader is referred.

But this is not all. Under the title Pikinda in Ludwig we find
that De Souza says of Pr. Juan Bravo, the author of a grammar
of the Lengua Tarasca " fue maestro perilissimo de la lengua Pirinda
llamada Tarasca." This makes the two languages much more
alike than the present paper makes them. The present paper,
however, rests on the Pater-nosters. How inconclusive they are
has already been indicated.

IP The following table, the result of a very limited collation
gives some miscellaneous affinities for the Otomi.

396

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

English man.

Otomi nanyehe.

Maya &c uinic.

Paduca mensh.

English woman.

Otomi danxu.

Maya atan=mife.

English woman.

Otomi nsu.

Talatui essee.

English /. hand.

Otomi ye.

Talatui iku.

English foot.

Otomi qua.

Maya&c oc.

English blood.

Otomi qhi.

Maya &c kik.

English hair.

Otomi si.

S.Miguel te-asa-kho.

English ear.

Otomi gu.

S. Miguel tenl-khi-lo.

English tooth.

Otomi tsi.

Attacapa ods.

English head.

Otomi na.

Sekumne ono=hair.

English fire.

Otomi tzibi.

Pujune ca.

English moon.

Otomi tzona.

Kenay ssin=star.

English stone.

Otomi do.

Cumanch too-mepee.

English winter.

Otomi tz-aa.

Cumanch olsa-inle.

S. Gabriel ... otso.

English fish.

Otomi hua.

Maya &e cay.

English bird.

Otomi tlzintzy.

Maya &e tchilch.

English egg.

Otomi mado.

Poconchi molo.

English lake.

Otomi mohe.

Pima vo.

English sea.

Otomi muntlie.

U. Sac.&c. ... muni=water.

English son.

Otomi tsi.

ti.

balsi.

iso.

Natchez lsitsee=chiid.

English meat.

Otomi nhihuni.

nyoe=flesh.

Mexican nacatl=flesh.

English eat.

Otomi tsa.

Talatui tsamak.

English good.

Otomi manho.

Sekumne wenne.

English rabbit.

Otomi qhua.

Huasteca coy.

English snake.

Otomi qqcna.

Maya can.

English yes.

Otomi ha.

Cumanch haa.

English three.

Otomi hiu.

Mexican yey.

Huasteca okh.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

39-;

The other two are as follows.

The Otomi ?vith the languages akin to the Chinese en masse.

English man.

Otomi nanyche.

Kuanchua ... nan.

Canton nam.

Tonkin nam.

English woman.

Otomi nitsu.

nsu.

Kuanchua ... niu.

Canton niu.

Tonkin nu.

English son.

Otomi bulsi.

iso.

Kuanchua ... dsu.

Canton tlzi.

Mian sa.

Maplu possa.

Play aposo.

naputhw.

Passuko posaho.

English hand.

Otomi

ye.

Siuanlo he.

Cochin China ua~arm.

English foot.

Otomi gua.

Pey ha=leg.

Pape ha,ho=-do.

Kuanchua ... kio.

Canton koh.

Moitay keho.

English bird.

Otomi tlzintey.

Maya c/iechetch.

Tonkin tcheni.

Cochin China tching.

English sun.

Otomi hiadi.

Canton gat.

English moon.

Otomi rzana.

Siuanlo than.

Teina son.

English star.

Otomi /:,-.

Tonkin sao.

Cochin China sao.

Maplu shia.

Play shd.

sha.

Passuko zu.

Colaun assa.

English water.

Otomi dehe.

Tibet tchi.

Mian ztie.

Maplu li.

Colaun tui.

English stone.

Otomi do.

Cochin China ta.

Tibet rto.

English rain.

Otomi ye.

Chuanchua... yu.

Canton yu.

Colaun yu.

English fish.

Otomi hua.

Chuanchua... yu.

Canton yu.

Tonkin ha.

Cochin China lea.

Play ya.

Moan lea.

English good."

Otomi manho.

Teilung niamt.

English bad.

Otomi Mng.

/tin.

Chuanchua... o.

Tonkin hu.

Play gyia-

English great.

Otomi nah.

nde.

nohoe.

Chinese ta, da.

Anam dai.

Play do, uddo.

Pey nio.

398

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

English small.

Otoini tlygi.

Passuko tchelea.

English eat.

Otomi Ize tza.

Chinese shi.

Tibet side.

Mian tsha.

Myanima sa.

English sleep.

Otomi aha.

Chuanch.ua ... mo , no.

(2-)
The Maya, with the languages akin to the Chinese en masse,

English son.

Maya lulepal.

palul=chiltlren.

Myamma lugala.

Teilung lukniun.

English head.

Maya pol, hool.

Kalaun mollu.

English mouth.

Maya ehi.

Chuanclma ... keu.

Canton hou.

Tonkin kau.

Cochin China kau.

Tibet ka.

English ......... hand.

Maya cab.

Huasteca cubac.

Maplu tchoobah = arm.

Play lchoobah = do.

Passuko lchoobawh~rio.

English foot.

Maya uoc, oc.

Chuanchua... kio.

Canton kon.

Moitay cho.

English sun.

Maya kin.

Colaun koni.

Moan knua.

Teiya kawan.

Teilung kangnn.

Pey kanguan.

English moon.

Maya u.

Chuanchua... yue.

English star.

Maya ek.

Mean kie.

Miamma kyi.

English water.

Maya ha.

Miamma ya.

English rain.

Maya chaac.

Maplu tchatchang.

Passuko latchu.

English small.

Maya mehen.

Tonkin mon.

English eat.

Maya hanal.

Tonkin an.

Play ang.

English bird.

Maya chechilch.

Tonkin tchim.

English iisli.

Maya at.

Tonkin... ka.

English great.

Maya noli.

Pey nio.

The Acoma. — Two vocabularies from a tribe from the Pueblo
of San Domingo, calling themselves Kiwomi, and a third of the
Cochitemi dialect, collected by Whipple, arc compared, by
Turner, with the Acoma, of which they are dialects. Turner
proposes the names Keres for the group. Busclimann , writing

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 399

after him, says, "I name this form of speech Qucnt" — "ich
nenne dies Idiom Quera."

The notice of the "outward signs" is not so clear as it
should be. It means that two of the languages, the Taos and
Zuni, run into polysyllabic forms — probably (indeed almost
certainly) from composition or inflexion; whereas the Tesuque
(which is placed in contrast with the Zuni) has almost a mono-
syllabic appearance. This phenomenon appears elsewhere; e. q.
in the Attacapa, as compared with the tongues of its neighbour-
hood. Upon the whole, the Zuni seems to be most aberrant of
the group — saving the Moqui, which has decided Paduca affini-
ties. They are all, however, mutually iinintelligible ; though the
differences between them may easily be over-valued.

English. Acoma. Cochetime. Kiwomi.

man hahtratse ... bachthe hatshthe.

woman culm coyoni cuyauwi.

hair hahtratni hatre.

head nushkaine nashke.

face liowawinni skeeowa.

eye hoouaine shaana-

nose ouisuine wieshin.

mouth onicani chiaca.

tongue watchhuntni watshin.

one islika isk.

two kuouii 'tuomi.

three charai tshabi.

four kiana kiana.

five tama taoma.

six chisa chisth.

seven maicana maichana.

eight cocomisliia... cocumshi.

ni'iie maeco maieco.

ten 'tkatz cahtz.

Texas. — p- 101. — "Ini and Tachi are expressly stated to be
Caddo, &c. as it is from the name of the last that the word Texas
is derived &c." — The name Tegnas is a name (other than native)
of the population which calls itself Kiwomi. "Word for word, this
may (or may not) be Taos. It is only necessary to remember the
complication here indicated. The exact tribe which gave the
name to Texas has yet to be determined.

The Wilshita. — Allied to one another the Kechis and Wacos
(Huecos) are, also, allied to the Witshita. — See Turner, p. 68.

English. Kichai. Hdeco.

man caiuquanoquts todekitz.

woman ... choquoike caliheie.

head ..'.... qaitatso atskiestacat.

hair itscoso ishkesteatz.

face itscot ichcoh.

400 addenda and corrigenda.

English. Kichai. Hueco.

ear atikoroso ortz.

eye quideeco kidik.

nose chuscarao tisk.

mouth ... hokinnik alicok.

tongue ... hahtok hotz.

tooth athnesho ahtk.

hand ichshene ishk'ti.

foot usinic os.

fire yecenieto hatz.

water kiokoh kitsah.

one arishco cheos.

two chosho witz.

three tahwithco tow.

four kithnucote taliqi.itz.

five xs'toweo ishquitz.

six nahitow kiash.

seven tsowetate kiowhitz.

eight naikinukate ... kiatou.

nine taniorokat choskitte.

ten x'sk.'ini skittewas.

Turner makes these three languages Pawni. In the present
text the Witshita is made Caddo. It is made so on the strength
of the numerals — perhaps overhastily.

That a language may be Pawni -without ceasing to be Caddo,
and Caddo without losing its place in the Pawni group is sug-
gested in the beginning of the paper. Turner's table (p. 70),
short as it is , encourages this view.

The truth is that the importance of the Caddos and Pawnis,
from an ethnological point of view, is inordinately greater than
their importance in any other respect. They are, however, but
imperfectly known.

In Gallatin's first paper — the paper of the Archasologia Ameri-
cana — there is a Caddo vocabulary and a Pawni vocabulary;
and all that be said of them is that they are a little more like
each other, than they are to the remaining specimens.

When the paper under notice was published the Riccaree was
wholly unknown. But the Riccaree, when known, was shewn to
be more Pawni than aught else. This made the Pawni a kind of
nucleus for a class.

[P Somewhat later the Caddo confederacy in Texas took pro-
minence, and the Caddo became a nucleus also.

The true explanation of this lies in the highly probably fact
that both the Caddo and Pawni are members of one and the same
class. At the same time I am quite prepared to find that the
Witshita (though compared with the Caddo by myself) is more
particularly Pawni.

That the nearest congeners of the Caddo and Pawni class
were the members of the Iroquois, Woccoon, Cherokee, and

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 401

Chocta group I believed at an early period of my investigations;
at a time (so to say) before the Eiccarees, and the Califor-
nian populations, were invented. If this doctrine were true,
the Caddo (Pawni) affinities would run eastwards. They may do
this, and run westwards also. That they run eastwards I still
believe. But I have also seen Caddo and Pawni affinities in
California. The Caddo numeral one = rvhiste; in Secumne and
Cushna wikle , wikiem. Again the Caddo and Kichie for water ~
koko, kioksh. Meanwhile kik is a true Moquelumne form. This
I get from a most cursory inspection; or rather from memory.

Upon the principle that truth comes out of error more easily
than confusion I give the following notice of the distribution or
want of distribution of the numerous Texian tribes.

1. *Coshattas — Unknown.

2. Towiach — Pawni (?).

3. Lipan — Athabaskan (?).

4. *Alish, or Eyish — Caddo (?).

5. *Acossesaw — Unknown.

6. Navaosos — Navahos(?).

7. *Mayes — Attacapa (?).

8. *Cances — Unknown.

9. Toncahuas — Are these the Tonkaways , amounting, accord-
ing to Stem, to 1152 souls? If so , a specimen of their language
should be obtained. Again — are they the Tancards? Are they
the Tunicas? If so, they may speak Choctah.

10. Tuhuktukis — Are these the Topofkis , amounting to 200
souls? If so a specimen of their language, eo nomine, is attain-
able.

11. Unataquas, or Andarcos — They amount, according to
Stem, to 202 souls. No vocabulary, eo nomine, known. Capable
of being obtained.

12. Mascovie — Unknown.

13. Iawani or Ioni — Caddo? Amount to 113 souls. Speci-
men of language, eo nomine, capable of being obtained.

14. Waco — Wico? — Pawni.

15. *Avoyelle — Unknown.

16. 17. Washita — Kiche — Pawni.
18. *Xaramene — Unknown.

J 9. *Caicache — Unknown.

20. *Bidias — Unknown.

21. Caddo — Caddo.

22. Attacapa — Attacapa.

23. Adahi — -Adahix

24. Coke — Caraekahua.

25. Carankahua — Attacapa (?).

• 26

402 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

26. Towacano — Numbering 141 souls. Is this Towiach?

27. Hitclii — Kiclri (?).

28. *Niuidako. (nil ro\
...,. , , . > Caddo (r)

29. -"Nabadaches. I v ;

30. *Yatassi.

31. *Natchitoches.j

32. *Nacogdoches.> Adahi (?).

33. Keyes. )

These last may belong as much to Louisiana as to Texas —
as, indeed, may some of the others. Those marked * are
apparently extinct. At any rate, they are not found in any of
the recent notices.

Finally, Mr Burnett mentions the San Pedro Indians.

The previous list shews that the obliteration of the original
tribes of Texas has been very great. It shews us this at the first
view. But a little reflection tells us something more.

Like Kanzas and Nebraska, Texas seems to have scarcely any
language that' is peculiar to itself; in this respect standing in
strong contrast to California. The Caddo belongs to the frontier.
The Pawni forms of speech occur elsewhere. The Adahi is pro-
baly as much the property of Louisiana as of Texas. The Cu-
manch, Chocta &c. are decidedly intrusive. The nearest appro-
ach to a true Texian form of speech is the Attacapa. No won-
der it is isolated.

The Adahi, is has, at least the following affinities..

English man. Ohoctali villa talc.

Adahi hunting. Caddo nullailesseh.

Otto mahsheegae. Oneida euirlazai.

Onondago ... etschinalc. . Micmae epidek. «

Abenaki seenanbe = vir.

„ nrcnunbe=homo. English child.

Adahi tallahcning.

English woman. ,, lallahache—boy.

Adahi quaechuke. Omaha w shinga thinga.

Muskoge hoktie. Otto cheechinya.

Choctah hottokohyo. Quappa shelyinka.

Osage nako.

Sack and Fox kmyokih. English father.

llinois ickoe. Adahi kemaniek.

Nantieoke ... acquahique. Chetimacha.. kineghie.

Delaware okhqueh. Chikkasaw... unity.

Algonkin.&c. squam. Choctah aunkke.

Taculli chaca.

English mother.

English girl. Adahi amanic.

Adahi quoalwistuck. Caddo ehneh.

Chikkasaw .. lake. Sioux cnuh, eehong.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

403

Tuscarora ena.

Wyandot aneheh.

Keney anna.

Eskimo amama.

English husband..

Adahi hasekino.'

Chetimacha Mchehase.

Winebago eekunah.

Taculli eki.

Tchuktchi uika.

English wife.

Adahi quochekinok.

„ i]uaeehuke=woman.

Tuscarora ekening~do.

Cherokee ageyung=wornau.

Chetimacha hichekilhia.

,, Mchehase = man.

English son.

Adahi tallehennie.

Caddo hininshatrseh.

Omahaw eeingyai.

Minetare eejinggai.

Winebago eeneek.

Oneida yung.

English brother.

Adahi gasing.

Salish asinlzah

Ottawa sayin = elder.

Ojibbeway osy aiema.

English head.

Adahi iochake.

Caddo dachunkea^face.

,, dukundsa.

English hair.

Adahi calatuck.

Chippewyan.... thiegali.

Kenay xzugo.

Miami keelingeh=face.

English face.

Adahi annark.

Chetimacha kanekelu.

Attacapa iune.

Eskimo keniak.

English ear.

Adahi calal.

Cherokee gule.

Passamaquoddy chalksee.

English nose.

Adahi wecoocal..

Montaug cochoy.

Mlcmae uehichun.

English beard.

Adahi losocal.

Attacapa taesh — hair.

Kachez ptsasong = hnir-

Chetimacha challie.

English arm,

Adahi malcut.

Taculli old.

Chippewyan ... lam.

English nails.

Adahi sicksapasca.

Catawba ecksapeeah=hanct.

Natchez ispeiise=hand.

English belly.

Adahi noeynek.

Winebago neehahhah

Eskimo neiyvk.

English leg.

Adahi ahasuck=leg.

ChetimacliM sauknulhe= feel.

,, saukatie = toes.

,, sau = leg.

Osage sagavgh.

Yancton huo.

Otto huo.

Pawnee ashoo=foot.

Sioux...; see, seehah = do.

Nottoway saseeke=do.

Dacota seehukasa = toes.

Nottoway seeke = do.

English mouth.

Adahi : ... wacatcholak.

Chetimacha cha.

Attacapa kail.

Caddo dunehwaleha.

Natchez heche.

Mohawk wachsacarlunl.

Seneca wachsagainl.

Sack and Fox .. wektoneh.

Mohican otoun.

English tongue.

Adahi lenanat.

Chetimacha huene.

TJche' cootincah.

Choctah : issoonlush.

Knistenaux -olayenec.

Ojibbeway olainani.

Ottawa tenanian.

26*

404

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

English hand.

Adahi secui.

, sicksapasca=nails.

Choctah shukb'a=^his arm.

Chikkasaw shukbah=do.

Muskoge sukpa = do.

Kenay ,.... skona.

Attacapa nishagg= fingers.

Omahaw. shagai.

Osage shagah.

Mohawk shake.

Yancton shukai= nails.

Otto shagai^=do.

English blood.

Adahi pchack.

Caddo baaho.

Passamaquoddy pocagun.

Abenaki bagakkaan.

Mohican pocaghkan.

Nanticoke puckcuckque.

Miami nihpeekanueh.

English red.

Adahi pecliasut.

Natchez pahkop.

English feet.

Adahi nucal.

Micmac ukkuat.

Miami katah.

Taculli oca.

Chippewyan ... cuh.

Ilinois nickahta=-leg .

Delaware wikhaat—do.

Massachusetts muhkoul=do.

Ojibbeway okat=do.

English bone.

Adahi wuhacut.

Otto „ mahoo.

Yancton hoo.

Dacota hoohoo.

Ojibbeway okun.

Miami kaanih.

Eskimo heownik.

,, oaceyak.

English house.

Adahi coochul.

Nachez hahil.

Muskoge chookgam.

Choctah chukka.

Catawba sook.

Taculli yock.

English bread.

Adahi okhapin.

Chetimacha heichepat chepa.

English sky.

Adahi ganick.

Seneca kiunyage. "

English summer.

Adahi weelsuck.

Uche' waitee.

English fire.

Adahi nang.

Caddo rniko.

Eskimo ignuck.

, eknok.

,, annak.

English mountain.

Adahi tolola.

Taculli '.... chell.

English stone, rock.

Adahi ekseka.

Caddo seeeeko.

Naehez ohk.

English maize.

Adahi ocasuck.

Naehez hokko.

English day.

Adahi nestaeh.

Muskoge nitlah.

Chikkasaw nilluck.

Choctah niltok.

English autumn.

Adahi hustalneelsuck.

Choctah hushlolape.

Chikkasaw huslillomona.

, , huslola= winter.

English bird.

Adahi washang.

Choctah hushe.

Sack and Fox... wishkamon.

Shawnoe wiskiluthi.

English goose.

Adahi nickkuicka.

Chetimacha napiche.

Ilinois nicak.

.Ojibbeway nickak.

Delaware kaak.

Sliawnoe neeake.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

-J 03

English duck.

Adahi.. ahuck.

Eskimo emuck.

English fi s h.

Adahi aesut _

Chewokee atsatih.

English tree.

Adahi...... tanack.

Dacota tschang.

Ilinois toauane.

Miami lauaneh=rvood.

English grass.

Adahi hasack.

Chikkasaw hasook.

Choctah Imshehuck.

Uche' yahsnh = leaf.

Chikkasaw hishe=do.

English deer.

Adahi makhine.

Uche' rvayung.

English squirrel.

Adahi enack.

Sack and Fox... aneekmalu

Nanticoke nowckkey.

Abenaki anikesses.

Kuistenaux annivkochds.

English old.

Adahi hansnaie

Caddo hunaisleU'h.

Nottoway onahahe.

English '. good.

Adahi awiste.

Dacota haywashla.

Yancton .-;.... waslitai.

English 1.

Adahi nassicon.

Cherokee naski.

English kill.

Adahi yoeick.

Caddo yokay.

Catawba eekmuy.

English two.

Adahi nass.

Algonkin,&c. ... nis, ness , ne

Mexico-Guatemala. — The details of the languages of Mexico
and Guatemala that are neither Mexican Proper (Astek) or Maya
are difficult. Availing myself of the information afforded by my
friend Mr. Squier, and the bibliographical learning of Ludwig,
I am inclined to believe

1. That all the following forms of speech are Maya; viz.
Chiapa, Tzendal (Celdal) , Chorti, Mam, Pocoman (Poconchi),
Populuca, Quiche, Kachiquel, Zutugil (Yutukil) , Huasteca.

2. That the Zoque, Utlateca, and Lacondona may or may not
be Maya.

3. That the Totanaca; and

4. The Mixteca are other than Maya.

5. That, if the statement of Hervas be correct, the Zapoteca,
the' Mazateca, the Chinansteca, and the Mixe are in the same
category.

The Tlapaneka according to Humboldt is a peculiar language.
— Ludwig in voc. '•'-■.:•

I have done, however, little or nothing, in' the way of first hand
work with the languages to the South of Sinaloa and the West
of Texas. I therefore leave them — leave them with a reference
to Ludwig's valuable Bibliotheca Glottica, for a correction of my
statement respecting the non-existence of any Indian forms of
speech in New Grenada. The notices under v. v. Andaquies,

406 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

Coconucos, Correquajes, Guaques, Ingasos, will shew that this
is far from being the ease.

The present paper has gone', over so large a portion of
North America that it is a pity not to go over the remainder.
The ethnology of the Canada, and the British possessions akin
to Canada contains little which is neither Eskimo or Algftnkin,
Iroquois or Athabaskan. Of new forms of speech like those of
which Oregon and California have given so many instances it
exhibits none. Everything belongs to one of the four above-
named classes. The Bethuck of Newfoundland was Algonkin,
and so were the Blackfoot, the Shyenne and Arrapaho. Indeed, as
has been already stated, the Eskimo and Athabaskan stretch across
the Continent. The Blackfoot touches the Rocky Mountains.
Of the Sioux class the British possessions shew a sample. The
Red River district is Assineboin ; the Assineboins being Sioux.
So are a few other British tribes.

Upon the whole, however, five well-known families give us
all that belong to British America to the East of the Rocky
Mountains. As the present paper is less upon the Algonkin,
Sioux and like classes than upon the distribution of languages
over the different areas of North America this is as- much as need
be said upon the subject.-

For the Northern two-thirds of the United States , East of the
Mississippi ,' the same rule applies. The Sioux area begins in
the West. The Algonkin class, of which the most Northern
branch belongs to Labrador, where it is conterminous with the
Eskimo, and which on the west 'contains the Blackfoot reaches
as far south as South Carolina — the Nottoways being Algonkin.
The enormous extent of this area has been sufficiently enlarged
on. Meanwhile , like islands in an Ocean , two Iroquois district
shew themselves. To the north the Iroquois, Hurons and others
touch the Lakes and the Canadians frontier, entirely separated
from the Tuscaroras who give a separate and isolated area in
California. Whether the Iroquois area, once continuous, has
been broken-up by Algonkin encroachments, or whether the
Iroquois &&. have been projected into the Algonkin area from
the South , or , whethen vice versa, the Tuscaroras are to be consi-
dered as offsets from the North is a matter for investigation. The
present writer believes that south of N. L. 45. (there 'or there
about) the Algonkins arc intrusive.

N. L. 35. cuts the Cherokee, the Woccoon, the Catawba, and
the Chocta area — to the west of which lies of the Mississippi.

Between the frontier of Texas, the aforesaid parallel, and the
Ocean we have Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana.

Now here the displacement has been considerable. The part
played by the Algonkins, Iroquois, and (it may be added) the Sioux

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 407

is here played by the Cherokees, the Choctahs, and the Creeks;
Whatever is other than Creek, Choetah, and Cherokee is in a
fragmentary form. The details of what we know through voca-
bularies are as follows: —

1. The Woccon — extinct, and allied to — —

•2. The Catawba — also extinct. These belonged to the Caro-
linas. The Woccon and Catawba vocabularies are mentioned in
the Mithridates.

3. The Tinqua — see Ludwig.

4. The Timuacuana — see p. 377.

5. The Uche — of this we find a specimen in the Archsaologia
Americana. The tribe belongs to the Creek confederacy and
must be in a very fragmentary state.

6. The- Natchez — on the Mississippi, facing the Cadclos, Adahi.

7. The Chelimacha. — In Louisiana. Vocabulary in Archceologia
Americana.

In the way of internal evidence (i.e. the evidence of specimens
of language) this is all we have what may be called the frag-
mentary languages of the South Eastern portion of the United
States. Of the Choetah, Creek, Chikkasah, and Cherokee we
have an abundance, just as we have of the Algonkin and Eskimo.
It is, however, the fragmentary tribes, the probable representa-
tives of the aboriginal population, which we more especially
seek.

As may be expected the fragmentary languages are (compara-
tively speaking) isolated. The Woccon and Catawba, indeed,
are thrown into the same class in the Mithridates : but the Natchez
and Uche are, by no means, closely akin. Why should they be?
Such transitional forms as may once have existed have been ob-
literated. Nevertheless, both have miscellaneous affinities.

So much for the languages represented by specimens. In the
way of external evidence I go no further than the Mithridates,
and the Archseologia.

With the exception of the Woccons the Catawba and a few
words from the Timuacana, the Mithridates, gives no specimens —
save and except those of the Choetah, Cherokees, and Chikkasah.
These two last it looks upon as the representative languages and'
calls them Mobilian from Mobile. Hence , the question which was
put in Texas is, mutatis mutandis, put in Florida. What languages
are Mobilian? What other than Mobilian?

The Woccons are either only or chiefly known through a work
of Lawson's. They were conterminous with the Algonkin Pamti-
conghs (intrusive?), and the Cherokees.

The Catawba lay to the south of the Woccon. Their congeners
are said to be

1. The Wataree ;

408 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

2. The Eeno — Compare this name with the Texian Ini;

3. The Chowah, or Chowan;

4. The Congaree;

5. The Nachee — Compare with Natchez ; word for word ;

6. The Yamassee ;

7. The Coosah — Compare (word for word) Coosada, and
Coshatta.

In the South lay the Timuacana — of which a few words beyond
the numerals are given.

In West Florida and Alabama, the evidence (I still follow the
Mithridates) of Dr. Pratz scarcely coincides with that of the ac-
count of Alvaz Nunez de Vaca. This runs thus.

In the island of Malhado were spoken languages of
1. The Caoques;
1. The Han.
On the coast —

3. The Choruico — Cherokee?

4. The Doguenes.

5. The Mendica.

6. The Quevenes.

7. The Mariames.

8. The Gualciones.

9. The Yguaces.

10. The Atayos — Adahi? This seems to have been a native
name — " die sich Atayos nennen."

11. The Acubadaos.

12. The Quitoles.

13. The Av'avares — Avoyelles?

14. The Muliacone.

15. The Cutalchiche.

16. The Susola.

17. The Como.

18. The Camole:

Of migrants from the East. to the West side of the Mississippi,
the Mithridates gives —

1. The Pacana, conterminous with the Attacapas.

2. The Pascagula.

3. The Biluxi.

4. The Appalache.

The Taensa are stated to be a branch of the Natchez.

The Caouitas are, perhaps, word for word the Conchattas ;
also the Coosa, Coosada, Coshatta.

The Stincards are, word for word, the Tancards = Tuncas =
Tunicas.

Dr. Sibley gives us Chetimacha as a name ; along with speci-

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

409

mens of the Chetimacha, Uche, Natchez, Adahi, arid Attacapa as
.languages.

Word for word, Chetimacha seems to Checimeca; Jppelusa,
Apalach; Biluxi (perhaps the same); Pascagoula, Muscogulge.
How, however, did Chichimcca get so far westwards?

We are scarcely, in the condition to speculate much con-
cerning details of the kind. It is sufficient to repeat the notice
that the native languages of the parts in question are in a frag-
mentary condition; the Uche being the chief representative of
them. Whether it were Savaneric* , or not, is uncertain. It is,
certainly, not Shawanno, or Shawno, i. e. Algonkin. On the con-
trary it is, as is to be expected, from the encroachments and dis-
placements of its neighbourhood a very isolated language — not,
however without miscellaneous affinities — inter alia the following.

English sky.

Uche haipoung.

Chiccasaw ... abbah.

Catawba wahpeeh.

English day.

Uche uckkah.

Attacapa iggl.

Cherokee ikah.

Muskoje Myiagiiy = lighl.

Cherokee egah^=do.

Catawba heakuh = dcr.

Delaware ... wakheu = do.

Narrag mequ'ai^do.

Mapaeh do = do.

English summer.

Uche wailee.

Adaize weetsuck.

English

Uche

Natchez ...
Chiccasaw
Seneca

English

Uche

Caddo

Mjiskoje

English

Uche

Chetimacha.

Attacapa

Caddo

winter.
wishtuh.
kwishilsetakop .
huslolah.
oushat.

wind.
ahmitauh.
houeto.
hotalleye.

rain.

chaah.

kaya.

caucau.

cnwiohe.

English river.

Uche tauh.

Salish saiulk.

Catawba eesauh.

English tree.

Uche yah.

Caddo yako.

Attacape kagg.

Catawba yup.

Quappa yon.

Esquimaux... keiyu=mood.

Yancton cha = mood.

Catawba yay = oak.

English leaf.

Uche yahsuh.

Muskoghe ... ittohise = hair of tree
= itta tree.
Chiccasaw ... hoshsha.
Choctah itte hishe.

English deer.

Uche mayung.

Adahi wakhine.

Cherokee ahwhih.

English bear.

Uche ptsaka.

Natchez tsokohp.

English bird.

Uche psenna.

Caddo bunnit.

Tuscar tcheenuh.

Ilinois pineusen.

* More languages than one are thus named. See p. 375 for a Savaneric.
in Veragua.

410 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

Ottawa bennuiscmug. Uche potshoo.

Ojibbwa pinaisi. Caddo butta.

Minetari boa.

English fi-h.

Such our sketch of the details. They give us more affinities
than the current statements concerning the glossarial differences
between the languages of the New World suggest. It is also be
added that they scarcely confirm the equally common doctrine
respecting their grammatical likeness. Doing this, they encourage
criticism, and invite research.

There is a considerable amount of affinity: but it is often of
that miscellaneous character which baffles rather than promotes
classification.

There is a considerable amount of affinity ; but it does not,
always, shew itself on the surface. I will give an instance.

One of the first series of words to which philologues who have
only vocabularies to deal with have recourse, contains the numerals ;
which are , in many cases , the first of words that the philological
collector makes it his business to bring home with him from rude
countries^ So generally is this case that it may safely be said
that if we are without the numerals of a language Ave are, in nine
cases out of ten, without any sample at all of it. Their value as
samples for philological purposes has been noticed in more than
, one paper of the present writer's here and elsewhere; their value
in the way of materials for a history of Arithmetic being evident
— evidently high.

But the ordinary way in which the comparisons are made be-
tween the numerals gives us , very often , little or nothing but
broad differences and strong contrasts. Take for instance the
following tables.

English. Eskimo. Aleutian. Kamskadale.

one atamek attakon kemmis. •

two malgok alluk nittami.

three pinajut kankun tshushquat.

four istamat thitshin tshashcha.

five tatlimat sshang koomdas.

No wonder that the tongues thus represented seem unlike.

But let us go farther — in the first place remembering that, in
most cases, it is only as far as five that the* ruder languages have
distinct numerals; in other words that from six onwards they
count upon the same principle as we do after ten, i. e. they join
together some two, or more, of the previous numerals ; even as we,
by adding seven and ten, make seven-leen. The exact details, of
course, differ; the general principle, however, is the same viz.:.
that after five the numerals become, more or less, compound,
just as, with us, they become so after ten.

,. ;., ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 411

^ With this preliminary observation let us ask what will be the
Kamskadale for seven when nittanu = two, and kumdas = five.
The answer is either nittanu-kumdas or kumdas -nittanu. But the
Kamskadale happens to have a separate word for six, viz. kiekoas.
What then? The word for seven may be one of two things it may
either = 6 + I , or 5 + 2. The former being- the case , and
kemmis = one, the Kamskadale for seven should be either kemmis-
kilkoas or kilkoas-kemmis. But it is neither one nor the other. It
is iltakh-tetm. Now as eight = tshok-tenu we know this word to be
compound. But what are its elements? We fail to find them
amongst the simpler, words expressive of one, two, three, four,
five. We fail to .find them amongst these if we look to the
Kamskadale only — not, however, if we go farther. The Aleutian
for one = attak-on; the Aleutian for six = attu-on. And what
might be the Aleutian for seven ? Even allakh-atlun , little more
than ittakh tenu in a broader form.

The Jnkahiri gives a similar phenomenon.

Such is the notice of the care with which certain comparisons
should be made before we venture to commit ourselves to nega-
tive statements.

There is an affinity amongst the American languages, and (there
being this) there are also the elements of a classification. The ma-
jority, however, of the Americanlangnages must be classified accor-
ding to types rather than definitions. Upon the nature of this differ-
ence, as well as upon the cause I have written more fully else-
where. It is sufficient for present purposes to say that it applies to
the languages of North Americain general, and (of these) to those
of the parts beyond the Rocky Mountains more especially. Eskimo
characteristics appear in the Athabaskan , Athabaskan in the
Koluch forms of speech. From these, the Haidah leads to the
Chimmesyan (which is , nevertheless , a very outlying form of
speech) and the Hailtsa, akin to the Billechula, which, itself,
leads to the Atna. By slightly raising the value of the class we
bring in the Kutani, the Nutkan and the Chinuk.

In the Chinuk neighbourhood w.e move via the Jakon, Kala-
puya, Sahaptin, Shoshoni, and Lutuami to the languages of Cali-
fornia and the Pueblos ; and thence southwards.

In American languages simple comparison does but little. We
may test this in two ways. We may place, side by side, two
languages known to be undoubtedly, but also known to be not
very closely, allied. Such, for instance, are the German and
Greek, the Latin and Russian, the English and Litlmanie, all of
which are Indo-European, and all of which, when placed in
simple juxta-position, by no means show themselves in any very
palpable manner as such. This may be seen from the following-
table, which is far from being the first which the present writer

4 1 2 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

has compiled; and that with the special view of ascertaining by
induction (and not a priori) the value of comparisons of thekind
in question.

English. Latin. Cayuse. Willamet.

man homo yuant atshanggo.

woman mulier pintkhlkaiu pummaike.

father pater pintet sima.

mother inciter penin sinni.

son „ Alius wai tawakhai.

daughter filia wai tshitapinna.

head caput talsh tamutkhl.

hair crinis tkhlokomot amutkhl.

car /mi is taksh pokta.

eye oculus liSkamush kwalakkh.

nuse nasus pitkhloken unan.

mouth os sumkhaksh mandi.

tongue lingua push mamtshutkhl.

tooth dens tenif piiti.

hand maims epip tlakwa.

fingers digiti epip alakwa.

feet pedes tish puiif.

blood sanguis tiweush me'euu.

house domus nisht hammeih (— fire).

axe securis yengthokinsh ... khueshtan.

knife culter shekt hekemistah.

shoes calcei taitkhlo uluim'if.

sky coslum adjalawaia amiank.

sun sol huewish ampiun.

moon luna katkhltop utap.

star Stella tkhlikhlish atuininank.

' day dies eweiu umpium.

night no,!- ftalp atitshikim.

fire ignis tetsh hamme'ih.

water aqua iskkainish mampuka.

rain pluvia tishtkitkhlmiting ukwii'.

snow nix poi nukpeik.

earth terra lingsh hunkhalop.

river rivus lushmi mantsal.

stone lapis apit andi.

tree arbor lauik huntawatkhl.

meat caro pithuli umh6k.

dog canis naapang mantal.

beaver castor pieka akaipi.

bear ursa limeaksh alotufan.

bird avis tianiyiwa pokalfuna.

great magnus yaiimua .^ pul.

cold frigidus shunga pangkafiti.

white albus tkhlaktkhlako ... komm6u.

black niger shkupshkiipu maieum.

red ruber lakaitlakaitu tshal.

I ego ining. tshii.

thou lu niki maha.

he ille.; nip kak.

one wins na waiin.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 4] 3

English. Latin. Cayuse. Willamet.

two duo .- leplin ke'en.

three tre.i matnin upshin.

four quatuor piping; taope.

five quinqne tawit huwan.

six sex noina tat'.

seven septem noilip pshinimua.

eight oclo noimat keemua.

nine novem tanauiaishimshin wanwaha.

ten decern ningitelp tfnilia.

Again — the process may be modified by taking two languages
known to be closely allied, and asking bow far a simple compari-
son of their .vocabularies exhibits that alliance on the surface,
e.g.: —

English. Beaver Indian. Chippewyan.

one it la day ittla he.

two onk shay day ... nank hay.

three ta day ta he.

four dini day dunk he.

five tlat zoon e de ay sa soot la he.

six int zud ha l'goot ha he".

seven ta e wayt zay ... tluz ud dunk he.

eight etzad een tay ... l'goot dung he.

nine kala gay ne ad ay itla ud ha.

ten kay nay day hona.

a man taz eu dinnay you.

a woman iay quay tzay quay.

a girl id az oo ed dinna gay.

a boy taz yuz e' dinnay yoo azay.

interpreter ... nao day ay dinnay tee ghaltay.

trader meeoo tay ma kad ray.

moose-deer... tlay tchin tay .. tunnehee hee.

rein-deer may tzee ed hun.

beaver tza tza.

dog tlee tlee.

rabbit kagh kagh.

bear zus zus.

wolf tshee o nay noo nee yay.

fox e yay thay nag hee dthay.

The difference is great: but the two forms of speech are mutu-
ally intelligible. On the other hand , the Cayuse and Willamet
are more alike than the English and Latin.

Next to the details of our method, and the principles of our
classification, the more important of the special questions command
attention. Upon the relations of the Eskimo to the other
languages of America I have long ago expressed my opinion.
I now add the following remarks upon the prevalence of the
doctrine which separated them.

Let us imagine an American or British ethnologist speculating

414 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

on tlie origin and unity of the European populations and arriving,
in the course of his investigations, at Finmark, or any of those
northern parts of Scandinavia where the Norwegian and Lap-
lander come in immediate geographical contact. What would be
first? Even this — close geographical contact accompanied by a
remarkable contrast in the way of the ethnology: difference in
habits, difference in aptitudes, difference in civilisation, difference
of creed, difference of physical form, difference of language.

But the different manner in which the southern tribes of Lap-
land comport themselves in respect to their nearest neighbours,
according as they lie west or east, illustrates this view. On the
side of Norway few contrasts arc more definite and striking than
that between the nomad Lap with his reindeer, and reindeer-skin
habiliments ' and the industrial and highly civilized Norwegian.
No similarity of habits is here ; no affinity of language ; little on
intermixture , in the way of marriage. Their physical frames are
as different as their moral dispositions no and social habits. Nor
is this difficult to explain. The Norwegian is not only a member
of another stock, but his original home was in a southern, or com-
paratively southern, climate. It was Germany rather Scandinavia ;
for Scandinavia was, originally, exclusively Lap or Fin. But
the German family encroached northwards ; and by displacement'
after displacement obliterated those members of the Lap stock
whose occupancy was Southern and Central Scandinavia, until
nothing was left but its extreme northern representatives in the
most northern and least favored parts of the peninsula. By these
means two strongly contrasted populations were brought in close
geographical contact — this being the present condition all along
the South Eastern, or Norwegian, boundary of Lapland.

But it is by no means the present condition of those parts of
Russian Lapland where the Lap population touches that of Fin-
land Proper. *

Here, although the Lap and Fin differ, the difference lies
within a far narrower limit than that which divides the Lap from
the Norwegian or the Swede. The- stature of the Lap is less than
that of the Fin; though the Fin is more short than tall, and the
Lap is far from being so stunted as books and pictures make
him. The habits, too, differ. The reindeer goes with the Lap;
the cow with the Fin. Other points differ also. ' On the whole,
however, the Fin physiognomy is Lap , and the Lap Fin; and
the languages are allied.

Furthermore — the Fin graduates into the Wotiak, the Zirianean,
the Permian; the Permian into the Tsheremiss, the Mordvin &c.
In other words, if we follow the Lap eastwards we come into a
whole fancy of congeners. On the west, however, the further
we went, the less Lap was everything. Instead of being Lap it

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

415

was Norwegian, Swedish, Danish, or German. The last of those,
however, would lead us into the Sarmatian family, and this would
bring us round to the Fins of South Finland. The time, however,
may come when Russia will have so encroached upon the Fm
populations to the south of the Arctic Circle as for the Lap and
Slave to come in immediate contact; and when this con.tact is
effected there will be contrast also — contrast less strong, per-
haps, than that between the Lap and Swede, but still contrast.

Mutatis mutandis — this seems to have been the case with the
Eskimo and the North American Indians as they are popularly
called — popularly but inaccurately ; inasmuch as the present
writer considers the Eskimo to be as truly American as any other
occupants of the soil of America. On the East there has been en-
croachment, displacement, and, as an effect thereof, two strongly
contrasted populations in close geographical contact — viz.: the
Es"kimos and the northern members of the Algonkiu family. On
the west, where the change has been less, the Athabaskans, the
Kolutshes, and the Eskimos graduate to each other, coming under
the same category, and forming part of one and the same class;
that class being by no means a narrow, though not an inordinate-
ly, wide one.

Another special question is that concerning the origin of the
Xahuatl, Astees, or Mexicans. The maritime hypothesis I have
abandoned. The doctrine that their civilisation was Maya I re-
tain." I doubt, however-, whether they originated anywhere. By
this I mean that they are, though not quite in situ, nearly so. In
the northermost parts of their area' they may so entirely. When I
refined on this — the common sense — view of them I was, like
many others, misled by the peculiar phonesis. What it is may
be. better seen by an example than explained. Contrast the two
. following columns. How smoothly the words on the right run,
how harshly sound (when they can be sounded) those of the left.
Not, however, that they give us the actual sounds of the com-
bination khl &.C. All that this means is that there is some extra-
ordinary sound to be expressed that no simple sign or no com-
mon combination will represent. In Mr. Hale's vocabularies it
is represented by a single special sign.

English. Selisii. Cuini-k. Siiosiioni.

man skaltamekho... tklilekala taka.

woman S7*maam ... tklilakel kw«w.

hoy skokosea tklkaskus natsi.

girl shautum tklalekli nuintsuts.

ohild aktult etshamiks \va.

father Indus tkhliamaaia ... .ilpui.

mother sluiis tklilianaa pia.

416 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

English. Selish. .Chinuk. Shoshoni.

wife makhonakh ... iuakhe'kal wepui.

son skokosea etsokha natsi.

daughter stumtshSalt ... okwukha nanai.

brother katsliki (elder) kapkhu tamye.

sinter tklkikee tkhliau namei.

Now if the Astec phonesis be more akin to the Selish and its
congeners than to the Shoshoni and other interjacent forms of
speech, we get an element of affinity which connects the moi'e
distant whilst it separates the nearer languages. Overvalue this,
and you may be misled.

Now, not to mention the fact of this phonesis being an over-
valued character, there is clear proof in the recent additions to
the comparative philology of California that its distribution is, by
no means, what it was, originally, supposed to be. This may be
seen from the following lists.

From the North of California.

English. Wish-osk. Wiyot.

boy Jigeritl .: kushama.

married wehowut'l haqueh.

head wutwetl metwet.

hair pah'tl paht'l.

face kahtsouetl sulatek.

beard tseh'pl pheh'pl.

body tah hit'l.

foot wehlihl wellih'tl.

village mohl katswah'tl.

chief kowque'h'tl ... kaiowuh.

axe mahtl mehtl.

pipe maht'letl mahtl el.

wind rahtegut'l ruktagun.

duck hahalitl hahahlih.

(2.)

English. Hupah.. Tahlewah.

neck hosewatl

village wah'tlki.

chief howinnequutl.

bow chetlta.

axe mehlcohlewatl

In the South of California.

English. Duguno. Cuchan.

ley cwith'l misith'l.

to-day enyjit'I

to-morrow inatinyat'l

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 417

ENGLISH. DlTGUNO. CuCHAN.

bread meyut'I

ear hamat'l smyth'l.

neck n'yeth'l.

arm :..)' , .

hand \ selh •" isethl -

friend nyet'I.

feather sahwilh'l.

I cannot conclude without an expression of regret that the great
work of Adelung is still only in the condition of a second , or
(at best) but a third edition. There is Vater's Supplement, and
Jiilg's Supplement to Vater. But there is nothing that brings it
up to the present time.

Much might be done by Buschmann and perhaps others. But
this is not enough. It requires translation. The few French
writers who treat on Ethnological Philology know nothing about
it. The Italians and Spanish are, a fortiori, in outer darkness as
to its contents. The Russians and Scandinavians know all about,
it — but the Russians and Scandinavians are not the scholars in
whose hands the first hand information falls first. The Ameri-
cans know it but imperfectly. If Turner has has had easy access
to it, Gallatin had not: whilst Hales, with great powers, has been
(with the exception of his discovery of the Athabaskan affinities
of the Umkwa and Tlatskanai, out of which Turner's fixation of
the Apatch, Navaho, and Jecorilla, and, afterwards, my own
of the Hoopah, seems to have been developed,) little more than
a collector — a preeminent great collector — of raw materials.
Nevertheless, the Atna class is his.

However , the Mitbridates , for America at least , wants trans-
lation as well as revision. It is a work in which many weak
points.may be (and have been) discovered. Klaproth, himself a
man who (though he has saved many an enquirer much trouble)
has but few friends , has virulently attacked it. Its higher classi-
fications are, undoubtedly, but low. Nevertheless, it is not only a
great work , but the basis of all others. Should any one doubt its
acumen let him read the part which , treating on the Chikkasah,
demurrs to the identification of the Natchez with that and other
forms of speech. Since it was written a specimen of the Natchez
language has shewn its validity.

I think that the Natchez has yet to take its full importance.
If the language of the Taensas it was, probably, the chief
language of Tennessee. But the Creek , or Muscogulge , broke it
up. Meanwhile the fragmentary Catawba, with which I believe
that the Caddo was connected had its congeners far to westward.
I also think that the Uche represents the old language of
Florida — the Cherokee being conterminous with the Catawba.

27

418 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

If so, the doctrine of the fundamental affinity between the
Pawni, Caddo, Catawba, and Cherokee gains ground.

The Uche demands special investigation. The Tinquin and
Timuacana should be compared with it. Then why are they not?
Few works are more inaccessible than a Spanish Arte, Diccionario,
or Catecismo. The data for these enquiries , little known , are still
less attainable. Without these, and without a minute study, of
the first-hand authorities we can do but little but suggest. All
that is suggested here is that the details of Florida (in its
widest sense) and Louisiana must be treated under the doctrine
that the aborigines are represented by the congeners of the Woe-
con, Catawba, Uche, Natchez, Tinquin, and Timuacana, inordi-
nately displaced by the Cherokees and Creeks ; who (for a great
extent of their present area) must be considered as intrusive.

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