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Asoka^ the Buddhist emperor of India.
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Uttkrs 0f Jhttria
ASOKA
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSny OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH
NEW YORK
Plate I
Asoka's Pillar at Lauriya-Nandangarh
Frontispiece^
RULERS OF INDIA
Hsoka
THE BUDDHIST EMPEROR OF INDIA
BV
VINCENT A. SMITH, M.R.A.S.
LATE OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS: 1901
.6
OXFORD
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
V
PREFACE
A VOLUME on Asoka Maurya by Professor Rhys
Davids was intended to be the first of the 'Rulers
of India ' series, but unfortunately circumstances pre-
vented the fulfilment of that intention, and the series
was closed leaving vacant the niche destined for the
great Buddhist emperor. With the approval of Pro-
fessor Rhys Davids I have undertaken the preparation
of a supplementary volume giving in a popular form
the substance of what is known concerning the
Maurya empire. The sources of our knowledge of
ancient Indian history are so meagre that it is im-
possible to treat the subject of this volume in a
manner similar to that in which the biographies of
Akbar, Albuquerque, and other Indian worthies have
been treated. All minute biographical details are
lacking, and a distinct picture of the man Asoka
cannot be painted. Nevertheless, enough is .known
to render the subject interesting, and if my book
should fail to interest readers, the fault will lie
rather with the author than with the subject.
The chapter entitled ' The History of Asoka ' will
be found to difier widely from all other publications,
such as Cunningham's BhUsa Topes, which treat of
that topic. I have tried to follow the example of
the best modem historians, and to keep the legends
6 PREFACE
separate from what seems to me to be authentic
history. Among the legends I have placed the stories
of the conversion of Ceylon and of the deliberations of
the so-called Third Council. All the forms of those
stories which have reached us are crowded with
absurdities and contradictions from which legitimate
criticism cannot extract trustworthy history.
I reject absolutely the Ceylonese chronology prior
to the reign of Dutthagamini in about B. C. i6o. The
undeserved credit given to the statements of the monks
of Ceylon has been a great hindrance to the right un-
derstanding of ancient Indian history.
The translations of the inscriptions in this volume
are based on those of Biihler, checked by comparison
with the versions of other scholars, especially those of
MM. Kern and Senart, and with the texts. Although
I do not pretend to possess a critical knowledge of the
Pali and Prakrit languages, and have, therefore, rarely
ventured on an independent interpretation, I hope that
the revised versions in this volume may be found to
be both accurate and readable.
A difficulty experienced by all translators of the
Asoka inscriptions is that of finding an adequate
compendious translation of dharma and its com-
pounds. ' Religion,' ' righteousness,' ' truth,' ' the law,'
' the sacred law,' and, I dare say, other phrases, have
been tried : all these are unsatisfactory. To my mind
the rendering 'piety' or 'law of piety' seems the
best. The fundamental principle of Asoka's ethics is
filial piety, the Latin pietas, the Chinese Hsiao, which
PREFACE 7
is presented as the model and basis of all other virtues.
The first maxim of the Chinese 'Sacred Edict,' the
document most nearly resembling Asoka's Edicts, is
this : ' Pay just regard to filial and fraternal duties, in
order to give due importance to the relations of life.'
Asoka's system may be said to be based on the same
maxim. Such a system may well be described as
' the law of piety.'
In dealing with the vexed question of transliteration
I have shunned the pedantic atrocities of international
systems, which do not shrink from presenting Krishna
in the guise of Krsna, Champa as iTampa, and so on.
The consonants in the Indian words and names in
this book are to be pronounced as in English, and
the vowels usually as in Italian. The short a has
an indistinct sound as in the word ' woman.' Long
vowels are marked when necessary ; other diacritical
marks have not been used in the text.
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. The History OF AsoKA ii
Chkonology op the Matjeya Period . .61
II. Extent and Administration op the Empire . 66
III. The Monuments 87
IV. The Rock Inscriptions 114
V. The Cave and Pillar Inscriptions . . .144
VI. The Ceylonese Legend op Asoka . . -159
VII. The Indian Legends of Asoka . . . .175
Appendix 196
Index 197
ILLUSTEATIONS
1. The Pillar atLauriyA-Nandangarh . Frontispiece
2. Inscription ON the RuMMiNDEi Pillar .to face page 145
CHAPTER I
The History of Asoka
When Alexander, invincible before all enemies
save death, passed away at Babylon in the summer
of the year B.C. 323, and his generals assembled in
council to divide his empire, they were compelled
perforce to decide that the distant Indian provinces
should remain in the hands of the officers to whom
they had been entrusted by the king. But the
decision of the fate of India no longer rested with
Greek generals in council at Babylon, for the natives
of the country took the decision into their own hands.
In the cold season following the death of Alexander
the natives rose, killed the officers who represented
Macedonian authority, and, while thinking to achieve
independence, merely effected a change of masters.
Their leader was a man of humble origin, by name
Chandragupta Maurya, who assembled and organized
from the predatory tribes of the north-western frontier
of India a powerful force with which he expelled
the foreigners. Having conquered the Panjab and
neighbouring countries, Chandragupta turned his
arms against Dhana Nanda, King of Magadha, whom
12 ASOKA
he dethroned and slew. The usurper seated himself
upon the vacant throne of Pataliputra, and ruled the
realm with an iron hand.
Magadha was at that time the premier kingdom of
India, and the irresistible combination of its forces
with those previously recruited in the upper provinces
enabled Chandragupta to extend his rule over the
greater part of India from sea to sea.
Seleucus, sumamed Nikator, or the Conqueror, by
reason of his many victories, had established himself
as Satrap of Babylon after the second division of
Alexander's empire made at Paradeisos in B.C. 321.
Six years later he was driven out by his rival
Antigonus, and compelled to flee to Egypt. After
three years' exile he recovered Babylon, and devoted
himself to the consolidation and extension of his
power. He attacked and subjugated the Bactrians,
and directed his victorious army against India in
the hope of regaining the provinces which had been
for a brief space held by his late master. But the
vast hosts of teeming India led by Chandragupta
were more than a match for the power of the
Macedonian, who was compelled to renounce his
ambition of surpassing Alexander by eflfecting the
conquest of India, and to withdraw from the country.
Terms of peace were arranged which comprised a
matrimonial alliance between the two royal houses,
and the cession to Chandragupta of all the Indian
provinces of Alexander's empire, including the regions
now known as Afghanistan, as far as the Parapa-
HIS HISTORY 13
nisus or Hindoo Koosh mountaina. On his part,
Chandragupta gave five hundred elephants to Seleucus.
In the year b. c. 306 Seleucus assumed the regal title,
as also did the other generals of Alexander in their
respective provinces. Henceforth Seleucus is known
to history as King of Syria.
About this time, or a little later, the Syrian
monarch dispatched Megasthenes as his ambassador
to the court of Chandragupta, at PS,taliputra on the
Ganges, the modem Patna and Bankipore. Mega-
sthenes resided there for a considerable time, and,
fortunately for posterity, took the trouble to record
what he saw, A large part of his book has survived
in fragments, which are almost the sole authority for
what is known of India in the days of Chandragupta.
The ambassador found the government of the Indian
king strong and well organized, established in a
magnificent fortified city, worthy to be the capital
of a great kingdom. The royal camp at the capital
was estimated to contain 400,000 souls, and an efficient
standing army numbering 60,000 infantry, 30,000
cavalry, 8,000 elephants, and a multitude of chariots,
was maintained at the king's expense. On active
service the army is said to have attained the huge
total of 600,000 men^.
' The authorities for the history of Chandragupta (Sandra-
kottos, SandrakoptoB, Androkottos) are Arrian, Anabasis, Bk. v.
ch. 6; Indika, various passages; Q. Curtius, Bk. viii. ch. 9;
Plutarch, Life of Alexander, ch. 62 ; Justin, Bk. xv. ch. 4 ;
Appian, SyriakS, ch. 55; Strabo, ii. 1. 9, and xv. 1.36; ibid,
i. 53 and i. 57; Athenaios, Deipnosophists, ch. 18 rf; Pliny,
14 ASOKA
With this overwhelming and well-equipped force
Chandragupta crushed all rivals, and became the
first Emperor of India. After twenty-four years of
strong government he died, and transmitted the
empire which he had won to his son Bindusara
Amitraghata ^, who reigned for twenty-five years.
The only recorded event of his reign is the dispatch
to his court of an ambassador named Deimaehos
by the King of Syria. In the year b. c. a8o Seleucus
Nikator, who was in the seventy-eighth year of his
age, was murdered, and was succeeded on the Syrian
Hist. Nat. vi. 21. 8-23. All these passages have been collected
and accurately translated by Mr. M'^Crindle in his valuable
books entitled, The Invasion of India hy Alexander the Great
(Constable, 1896) ; and Ancient India as described hy Mega-
sthenes and Arrian (Trubner, 1877). The passage in Justin is
the most important. Justin abridged the work of Trogus
Pompeius, who lived in the time of Augustus. The ultimate
authority of all these writers is chiefly Megasthenes, whom
Arrian [Indiha, xvii) describes as a man 'of approved character.'
Strabo, who was disgusted by the travellers' tales with which
the ambassador embellished his work, formed a less favourable
opinion of Megasthenes, whom he unjustly stigmatized as a
liar. For all matters which came under his personal observation
Megasthenes seems perfectly trustworthy.
' Bindus3,ra (Vishnu Pur&na, Mahdvamsa, Dtpavamsa, Pari-
sishtaparvan of the Jains) ; Bhadrasara ( V&yu Purdna) ; Nanda-
sara (Brahmdnda Purdna) ; Varisara (Ehdgavata Purdna).
Strabo (quoted. Ancient India, p. 70) records the mission of
Deimaehos to Amitrochades, the son of Chandragupta. Ami-
trochades (Skr. Amitraghata) must therefore be a title of
BindusS,ra. Indian kings are frequently known by two names.
See Miss Duff's excellent work, The Chronology of India
(Constable, 1899).
HIS HISTORY 15
throne by his son Antiochus Soter. Eight yeai?s after
the death of Seleucus, Asoka, a son of BindusS-ra, and
the third sovereign of the Maurya dynasty, ascended
the throne of Pataliputra, and undertook the govern-
ment of the Indian empire.
According to the silly fictions of mendacious monks,
Asoka waded to the throne through a sea of blood,
securing his position by the massacre of ninety -nine
brothers, one brother only, the youngest, being saved
alive. These fictions, an extract of which will be
found in a later chapter, do not merit serious criti-
cism. The inscriptions prove that the brothers and
sisters of the king were still living in the middle of
the reign, and that they and all the members of the
royal family were the objects of the sovereign's anxious
solicitude^. The empire won and consolidated by
the genius of Chandragupta had passed to his son
BindusS,ra, and when, after the lapse of twenty-five
years,, the sceptre again passed from the hands of
Bindus§,ra to those of his son Asoka, there is no
reason to suppose that bloodshed was necessary to
secure the succession. Of the events of the first
eight years of Asoka's reign no record has survived.
In his ninth year he undertook the conquest of the
kingdom of Kalinga on the coast of the Bay of
Bengal. His arms were successful, and the extensive
territories of Kalinga were incorporated with the
empire. But the horrors which must accompany
» Rock Edicts IV, V, VI ; Pillar Edict VII ; Queen's Edict.
i6 ASOKA
war, even successful war, made a deep impression on
the heart of the victorious monarch, who has recorded
on the rocks in imperishable words the sufferings
of the vanquished and the remorse of the victor.
The record is instinct with personal feeling, and still
carries across the ages the moan of a human soul.
The king, who adopts in his edicts the title of
Priyadarsin (or Piyadasi), meaning ' the Humane,' and
omits his personal name of Asoka, speaks thus : —
' His Majesty King Priyadarsin in the ninth year of his
reign conquered the Kalingas.
One hundred and fifty thousand persons were thence carried
away captive, one hundred thousand were there slain, and
many times that number perished.
Ever since the annexation of the Kalingas, His Majesty
has zealously protected the Law of Piety, has been devoted
to that Law, and has proclaimed its precepts.
His Majesty feels remorse on account of the conquest of
the Kalingas, because, during the subjugation of a previously
unconquered country, slaughter, death, and taking away
captive of the people necessarily occur, whereat His Majesty
feels profound sorrow and regret.
There is, however, another reason for His Majesty feeling
still more regret, inasmuch as in such a country dwell
Brahmans and ascetics, men of different sects, and house-
holders, who all practise obedience to elders, obedience to
father and mother, obedience to teachers, proper treatment
of friends, acquaintances, comrades, relatives, slaves, and
servants, with fidelity of devotion.
To such people dwelling in that country happen violence,
slaughter, and separation from those they love.
Even those persons who are themselves protected, retain
HIS HISTORY 17
their affections undiministied : ruin falls on their friends,
acquaintances, comrades, and relatives, and in this way
violence is done to (the feelings of) those -who are personally
unhurt.
All this diffused misery is matter of regret to His
Majesty. For there is no country in -which are not found
countless communities of Brahmans and ascetics, nor is there
any country where the people have faith in one sect only.
The loss of even the hundredth or the thousandth part
of the persons who were then slain, carried away captive,
or done to death in Kalinga would now be a matter of
deep regret to His Majesty.
Although a man should do him an injury. His Majesty
holds that it must be patiently borne, so far as it possibly
can be borne.
Even upon the forest tribes in his dominions His Majesty
has compassion, though advised to destroy them in detail,
and though the power to harry them is in His Majesty's
hands. They are warned to this effect : " Shun evil-doing,
that ye may escape destruction." For His Majesty desires
for all animate beings security, control over the passions,
peace of mind and joyousness.
And this is the chiefest conquest, -in His Majesty's
opinion, the conquest by the Law of Piety ^'
The only authentic account of the reasons w^hich
induced Asoka to adopt the Buddhist dharina, or Law
of Piety, as the rule of his life and the foundation of
public morality, is the edict above quoted. The
grotesque and contradictory tales told by monkish
romancers as explanations of the great king's change
^ Rock Edict XIII. M. Senart, in J. R. As. Soc. for 1900,
pp. 335-342 proposes certain corrections based on a fragment
recently discovered at Gimar. Cp. Minor Rock Edict I.
B
i8 ASOKA
of heart are in themselves incredible, as well as in-
compatible with the simple and credible explanation
given in the king's own words.
Doubtless some now forgotten preacher, who
possessed the gift of persuasiveness, must have so
expounded the doctrine of the Sakya sage as to
awaken the royal conscience, and to evoke the feeling
of remorse for the horrors of war which is so vividly
expressed in the edict. The feeling, however aroused,
was genuine, and is the keynote for the interpretation
of the whole series of the edicts. The passage quoted
was composed in the thirteenth year of the reign. The
last of the dated edicts belongs to the twenty-eighth
year. Nothing that was written in the interval is
inconsistent with the declaration that the only true
conquest is that effected by the Law of Piety, and not
conquest by force of arms.
The conclusion is therefore justified that the sub-
jugation of Kalinga was the only great military
achievement of the reign, and that from his ninth
year Asoka eschewed military glory, and devoted
himself to the problems of internal administration,
with the special object of promulgating and enforcing
the Buddhist Law of Piety, as being the best means
of securing the happiness and welfare of his subjects
and neighbours. The tenth Rock Edict, published
in the fourteenth year of the reign, has for its special
subject the contrast between true glory and military
renown.
We have Asoka's own authority for stating that in
HIS HISTORY 19
the ninth year of his reign, for the reasons above
explained, he joined the Buddhist community as a lay
disciple.
He tells us that for about two years and a half he
displayed little zeal as a convert. Towards the close
of the eleventh year of his reign his interest in the
Buddhist teaching was in some way stimulated ; and
he resolved to devote his life and all the resources
of his imperial power to the promulgation and pro-
pagation of the doctrine which, in his opinion, opened
the gate of heaven, and secured the happiness and
welfare of mankind here and hereafter.
He therefore took upon himself the vows of a
Buddhist monk or friar, and joined the Order (samgha).
The spectacle of a reigning monarch turned m6nk is
so strange to modem European eyes that the fact of
Asoka's ordination has been doubted, and attempts
have been made to explain away the plain language
in which the king (Minor Rock Edict I) contrasts
his position as a careless lay disciple with that which
he had attained as a zealous monk. But no sufficient
reason exists for hesitation in accepting Asoka's
language in its natural sense. Biihler has been able
to cite one parallel case, that of the Chaulukya king,
Kumarapala, a Jain, who assumed the title of 'lord
of the Order,' and at various periods of his reign
took vows of continence, temperance, abstention from
animal food, and refraining from confiscation of the
property of the faithful. It is probable that Asoka
similarly undertook vows of imperfect and limited
B a
20 ASOKA
obligation. It is also possible that he once, or several
times, adopted the practices of a Buddhist mendicant
friar for a few days at a time, during which periods
of retreat his ministers would have administered the
kingdom. The Buddhist ceremony of ordination
{upasaTnpadd) does not convey indelible orders, or
involve a life-long vow. Both in Burma and Ceylon
men commonly enter the Order temporarily, and after
a time resume civil life. Asoka could have done the
same, and a proceeding which is easy for an ordinary
man is doubly easy for an emperor. A formal com-
pliance with the rules, requiring the monk to beg his
bread, could have been arranged for without difficulty
within the precincts of the palace. The fact that
Asoka did really become a Buddhist monk is vouched
for by an independent testimony, which is the more
valuable because it is contained in an incidental
remark. A thousand years after Asoka's time, the
Chinese pilgrim, I-tsing, notes that the statues of
Asoka represent hira as wearing a monk's robe of
a particular pattern. The emperor could not have
worn such a robe, unless he had joined the Order, as
he says that he did '.
' I have adopted Biihler's and Kern's interpretation of Minor
Rook Edict I (Ind. Ant. vi. 1 54 ; Manual of Indian Buddhism,
p. 1 1 4) . The status of updsaka, or lay-disciple , is contrasted with
that of the person who has entered the Order (samgha). See
Hardy, Eastern Monachism, p. 46. I-tsing [A Record of Buddhist
Practices, ch. xi), when discussing the mode in which Buddhist
monks should wear their garments, explains a particular fashion,
and adds (p. 73, ed. Takakusu) : ' The image of king Asoka
HIS HISTORY 21
Asoka's zeal for the propagation and enforcement
of the practical moral code of Buddhism, or Law of
Piety, led him not only to adopt within his own
vast dominions the measures which seemed best
adapted to the purpose, but also to engage in a well-
considered scheme of missionary eflfort \ In the
space of two years between the emperor's entry into
the Order in the eleventh year and the publication
of his earliest inscriptions in the thirteenth year of
the reign, missions charged with the preaching of the
doctrine of the Sakya sage had been dispatched to
Ceylon and the independent kingdoms in the south
of the Peninsula, to Mysore and the Bombay coast, to
the Mahratta country, to the mountaineers of the
Himalayas and Kashmir, and to Pegu. Although
criticism cannot accept the wonderful tales told by
monkish writers of the sudden and wholesale con-
versions effected by the missionaries of Asoka, there
is no doubt that the missions laid the foundations of
the Buddhist church in all the countries named. In
Ceylon their work abides to this day.
The dispatch of missionaries by Asoka is, indeed,
has its garment in this way.' Cunningham (Bhilsa Topes,
p. 197, PL x) guessed that the fine statue crowning the northern
detached pillar at Stochi might be one of Asoka; but that figure
is clothed in a waistcloth (dhoti) only, and has a nimbus.
It cannot, therefore, be intended to represent the emperor.
' See Rock Edict VI : ' And what is the object of all my
exertion? Simply to acquit my debt to living beings — that
I may make some of them happy here, and that hereafter they
may attain to heaven.'
22 ASOKA
one of the facts of primary importance in the
history of mankind. For about two centuries
and a half prior to Asoka's conversion Buddhism
had maintained its position in a portion of the valley
of the Ganges as a sect of Hinduism. Its founder,
Gautama Sakyamuni, was bom, lived, and died
within the region comprised between 82° and 86°
east longitude and 24° to 28° north latitude, or, in
other words, the country between Gaya, AUahabad,
and the hills.
So far as we can see, the transformation of this
local sect into a world-religion is the work of Asoka
alone. The romances written by monks naturally
represent the king as a tool in the hands of his
clerical advisers, to whom all the credit of the
missionary enterprise is given. But the monuments
do not support this view. Asoka claims aU the credit
for himself. Inasmuch as he must have been an
exceptionally able man to have succeeded in governing
with distinction a vast empire throughout a long-
reign, it is not probable that he was ever the slave
of the priests, and he is fairly entitled to the credit of
the measures taken in his name.
Within his own dominions Asoka provided for the
comfort of man and beast by the plantation of shade-
giving and fruit-bearing trees, the digging of wells,
and the erection of rest-houses and watering-places at
convenient intervals along the high roads. He devoted
special attention to the cultivation and dissemination
of medicinal herbs and roots, both within his own
HIS HISTORY 23
dominions and in the territories of friendly indepen-
dent sovereigns '.
In the thirteenth year of the reign, as a special'
means for the inculcation of the royal teaching, all
local governors were ordered to hold assemblies in
which the Law of Piety should be preached, expounded,
and discussed. The officials of subordinate rank were
bound to attend these assemblies to receive instruction
from their superiors, and were warned that this duty
must not be allowed to interfere with the discharge
of ordinary official business. In most places these
assemblies were to be convoked quinquenniaUy, but
the Viceroys stationed at Taxila in the Panjab, and
at Ujjain in Central India, were required to hold such
assemblies once every three years ^.
The experience of another year convinced the king
that more elaborate official organization was neces-
sary in order to give full effect to his instructions.
He therefore appointed special officers, whose title
(dharma mahdmdtra) may be rendered as 'Censors of
the Law of Piety,' to supervise the execution of his
precepts. These officers were instructed to devote
themselves to the establishment and furtherance of
piety, not only among the king's faithful lieges, but
among the semi-independent border tribes. They
' Eock Edict II; Pillar Edict VII. The word chikisaka
(chikiccha, Grirnar) is translated 'remedes' by M. Senart.
Biihler adopts the older interpretation and translates ' hospitals.'
It is difficult to decide which is right.
' Rock Edict III ; Detached (Kalinga) Rock Edicts.
24 ASOKA
were in general terms directed to use their best
endeavours to secure the welfare and happiness of
all classes of the population, and were specially ordered
to watch over the interests of the poor and aged, to
prevent the infliction of wrongful imprisonment or
corporal punishment, and to grant remissions of
sentence in cases where the criminal was advanced
in years, burdened with a large family, or over-
whelmed by sudden calamity. The censors were
further enjoined to superintend, both at the capital
and in the provincial towns, the female establishments
of the king's brothers and sisters, and of all other
members of the royal family ; and also to exercise
a general control over all persons devoted to pious
works and almsgiving.
Later in the reign a Royal Almoner's department,
administered by the censors and other high officials,
was organized, and charged with the distribution
of the gifts made by the sovereign and his queens.
A short special edict, known as the Queen's Edict,
addressed to officials of the Almoner's department, has
been preserved ^.
The edicts furnish several summaries of the dharma,
or Law of Piety, on the establishment and propaga-
tion of which the king had set his heart. By combining
these summaries the leading provisions of that Law
may be stated as follows : —
All men are regarded by the sovereign as his
children, owing him filial obedience, and entitled to
' Rock Edicts V, XII ; Pillar Edict VII ; Queen's Edict.
HIS HISTORY 25
receive from him a parent's care. Every man is
bound to cultivate the virtues of self-control, purity
of mind, gratitude, and fidelity. On the other hand,
he should abstain from the vices of rage, cruelty,
anger, pride, and jealousy. He should constantly
practise self-examination, and be strictly truthful.
Great stress is laid on the imperative duty of re-
specting the sanctity of all animal life, and of treat-
ing all living creatures with kindness. Obedience
to father and mother is declared to be essential ; the
aged are to receive due reverence from the young, and
the teacher from his pupil. Relatives, ascetics, and
Brahmans are to be treated with decorum ; servants,
and even slaves, with kindness. Liberality must be
shown to friends, acquaintances, relatives, ascetics, and
Brahmans. All sects and creeds are in fundamental
agreement about essentials, and all alike aim at the
attainment of purity of mind and self-control, there-
fore he who follows the path marked out by the Law
of Piety must abstain from speaking aught evil
concerning his neighbour's faith ^.
' Summaries of the Law of Piety are given in Rock Edicts
III, IV, VII, IX, XI, XIII ; Minor Rock Edict, No. 2. of Siddfipura ;
Pillar Edicts III and VII. Compare the Chinese doctrine of
hsiao, or filial reverence, which is treated as the foundation of
all virtue. The Sacred Edict, sermons officially issued by the
second and third emperors of the present dynasty, is the nearest
parallel to the Asoka Edicts. The ' Sacred Edict ' was well
translated by the Rev. William Milne, under the title of ' The
Sacred Edict, containing sixteen maxims of the emperor Kang-
he, amplified by his son, the emperor Yoong-ching' (London,
1817).
26 ASOKA
Supplementary instructions addressed to the royal
officers in their official capacity point out that the
ideal official should be free from envy, harshness, and
impatience. Perseverance and the firm determination
to resist all temptations to indolence or discourage-
ment are the root of success in the performance of
official duty. Officers are warned that they cannot
hope for the favour either of heaven or of their
sovereign if they fail to comply fully with his com-
mands, and the officials in the conquered province of
Kalinga are censured for a partial failure in the
execution of the duties laid upon them ^.
In a passage of the ' True Conquest Edict,' already
quoted, Asoka declares his unwillingness to proceed
to extremities against the wild jungle-folk who at
many points dwelt on the borders of his settled
provinces. Such folk abounded on the borders of
Kalinga, as they do to this day, and a very in-
teresting edict, dating from the fourteenth year,
specially addressed to the governor and magistrates
of that province, and published in it only, gives
particular instructions concerning the principles on
which the wild tribes should be treated. The king
reiterates his declaration that all men, even wild
jungle-tribes, are his children, and insists that his
officers must give efiect to his views. They are
instructed that it is His Majesty's will and immutable
resolve that every effi)rt must be made to inspire the
border tribes with confidence, and to persuade them
' Detached Rock Edicts ; Pillar Edicts I, IV.
HIS HISTORY 27
that the kmg desires them to receive at his hands
happiness and not sorrow. If they will but trust
in the royal sincerity, they may relieve their minds
of all disquietude and abide in peace. The officials
are further enjoined to persuade the tribes that the
best way to secure the sovereign's good will, and to
assure their own welfare both in this world and in
the next, is to faithfully practise the Law of Piety
which his orders commend to them ^.
If Asoka had the happiness to find many frontier
officers who were competent to fully act up to the
principles thus enunciated, he was, indeed, a fortunate
sovereign; but, unfortunately, while the admirable
instructions have survived, little is known concerning
their practical operation.
Several edicts record the successive steps taken by
the king to give efiect to the principle of the sanctity
of animal life, which was one of his cardinal doctrines.
In the first eight years of his reign he was not
troubled with any scruples on the subject, and vast
multitudes of animals were each day slaughtered for
the supply of the royal kitchens. From the ninth to
the thirteenth year of the reign two peacocks and one
deer were, as a rule, killed daily for the king's table ;
but from the latter year, when the edicts of the Law
of Piety were first issued, and the religious assemblies
were instituted, even this modest supply was stopped,
and no living creature was compelled to surrender its
life in order to gratify the royal appetite.
> Detached Rock Edict, so-called No. II.
28 ASOKA
In the eleventh year of his reign, when Asoka, to
use his own phrase, entered on the path of true know-
ledge, he gave up the pleasures of the chase, and sub-
stituted for hunting-parties pious tours, or pilgrimages,
devoted to almsgiving, preaching, and ethical discus-
sion. In the thirteenth year of the reign, in addition
to the stoppage of slaughter for the supply of the royal
table, slaughter of animals for sacrifice was prohibited
at the capital. The king did not apparently attempt
to prohibit animal sacrifices throughout his dominions,
knowing that such a prohibition could not be en-
forced. At the capital holiday feasts, which ordinarily
involved the destruction of animal life, were also pro-
hibited. In the twenty-seventh year of the reign
Asoka felt himself strong enough to further protect
the sanctity of animal life by. an elaborate code of
detailed regulations, binding on all classes of the
population without distinction of creed, social
customs, or religious feeling.
A long list was published of animals the slaughter
of which was absolutely prohibited, and this absolute
prohibition was extended to all four-footed animals of
which the carcasses are not eaten or otherwise utilized
by man. This regulation largely interfered with the
sportsman's liberty, and its terms would seem to
denounce the killing of a tiger or a lion as being
unlawful. The remaining rules were directed to the
imposition of restrictions on the slaughter of animals
permitted to be killed, and to the prohibition or miti-
gation of different kinds of mutilation.
HIS HISTORY 29
On fifty -six specified days in the year fish might not
be either caught or sold, and on the same days, even
in game preserves, animals might not be destroyed.
On all festival days and many other specified days,
aggregating about a quarter of the year, the castration
of bulls and other quadrupeds was prohibited. The
caponing of cocks was absolutely prohibited at all
times. During five particular fortnights the branding
of horses and cattle was declared unlawful. The en-
forcement of these minute regulations must have given
plenty of employment to the censors and magistrates ^.
Monkish legend, mendacious in this particular as
in so many others, asserts that Asoka abolished the
punishment of death. His legislation proves that
the idea of such abolition never entered his thoughts.
His language implies that he regarded the death
penalty as an unavoidable necessity, which might
be made less horrible than it had been, but could
not be done away with. Asoka, while recognizing
the necessity for arming the magistrates with power
to inflict the extreme penalty of the law, exercised
his royal prerogative of pardon, and on each anni-
versary of his solemn coronation liberated all con-
demned prisoners. In the twenty-seventh year of
the reign a rule was introduced that every prisoner
condemned to death should invariably be granted
a respite of three days before execution, in which to
prepare himself for the next world ^.
' Rock Edicts I, VIII ; Pillar Edicts V, VII.
2 Hilar Edict IV.
30 . ASOKA
Asoka attached the greatest importance to the
utmost possible promptitude in the administration of
justice, and to the readiness of the sovereign to hear
complaints at all times and at all places. His views
would still meet with general approval from the
natives of India, who prize very highly readiness of
access to their rulers, and set no value whatever upon
regularity of procedure. Asoka announced to his
people that he was ready at any place, and at any
hour of the day or night, to receive and redress
complaints. No more popular announcement could
be made by an Indian sovereign, although to the
Western mind it seems unpractical and unbusiness-
like. When Asoka adds to this announcement the
emphatic declaration —
' I am never satisfied Tvith the adequacy of my exertions
or the promptitude of my decision of cases. Work I must
for the public benefit, and . . . the object of all my exertion
is simply to acquit, my debt to living beings, so that I may
make some of them happy in this world, and that hereafter
they may attain heaven,'
— he is entitled to be believed ^. The immense trouble
which he took to promulgate and propagate his
teaching proves both his sincerity and his habits of
industry. The vigorous impulse which his powerful
patronage undoubtedly gave to Buddhism demon-
strates that his efforts were not in vain, and that his
missionary zeal, although it must have encountered
many obstacles and suffered many disappointments,
^ Rock Edict VI.
HIS HISTORY 31
was justified by success in the propaganda so ener-
getically worked.
Asoka placed great reliance upon his personal
example as a powerful influence in the conversion of
his people and his neighbours to his way of thinking.
He had no hesitation in recording more than once
the belief that he had done many good deeds, and
was persuaded that the good deeds of the sovereign
were readily imitated by loyal subjects.
' Whatsoever meritorious deeds I have done,' he observes,
' those deeds the people have copied and imitated ; whence
foUovrs the consequence that growth is now taking place,
and will further increase, in the virtues of obedience to
father and mother, obedience to teachers, reverence to the
aged, and kindly treatment of Brahmans and ascetics, of
the poor and wretched, yea, even of slaves and servants ^.'
No doubt the personal example of the sovereign,
supported by all the efforts of a highly organized
bureaucracy and a rich and zealous clergy, must have
been a potent factor in securing popular adherence to
the royal views.
The Bhabra Edict stands alone in its outspoken
avowal of Asoka's devotion to Buddhism. The other
edicts are concerned with practical morals only, and
are so drafted that their teaching might be accepted
by the members of any Indian sect. The Bhabra
document is addressed to the Buddhist clergy ex-
clusively, and Was recorded at a monastery situated
on the top of a remote hill. It was probably not
1 Pillar Edicts II, VII ; Rock Edict V.
32 ASOKA
communicated to the general public, and the existence
of this peculiar composition must not be taken as
evidence that Asoka forced the distinctive doctrines
of Buddhism down the throats of an unwilling people.
He seems rather to have confined his official propa-
ganda to the inculcation of practical morality, and
to have cared little whether or not his pupils formally
joined the Buddhist church '.
Asoka looked back with satisfaction on the legis-
lation which prescribed minute regulations for the
conservation of animal life and the mitigation of
suffering, and on many other pious ordinances of which
he was the author, but candidly admits that such
ordinances are in themselves of small account, and
that the growth of living piety must ultimately
depend, not on external regulations, but on the inward
conviction wrought in the minds of men by medita-
tion on moral truth ^. In the same spirit he treats
with scorn the many corrupt and worthless ceremonies
commonly performed by the womenkind, and extols
^ I accept M. Senart's suggestion that the phrase ' the
Magadhan clergy ' probably means ' the Buddhist clergy,' Ma-
gadha being regarded as the fountain head of Buddhism. Five
out of the seven passages cited in the edict as from the Buddhist
scriptures have been identified in the Nik&yas. (Rhys Davids,
Dialogues of the Buddha, p. xiii ; Journal of the P&U Text
Society, 1896 ; J. R. As. Soc, 1898, p. 639.) As to the site of the
inscription, see Cunningham, Reports, ii. 248, and Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Indicarum, i. 24. There is no evidence that the edict was
addressed to the Council of PataUputra, even if that Council
was ever held. See Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. no.
2 Pillar Edict VII.
HIS HISTORY 33
as the only true ceremonial a life of piety, which,
even if it should fail to secure temporal advantages,
will certainly ensure a harvest of infinite merit to be
reaped in the world to come ^.
The eighth Rock Edict, as has been already observed,
records the institution, in the eleventh year of the
reign, of royal progresses or tours devoted to pious
purposes, in lieu of the hunting-parties which had
previously been customary. The hunting-parties
enjoyed by Asoka in his unregenerate days must have
been conducted in the same way as those of his grand-
father, which are described by Megasthenes as follows;
' Another purpose for which he [the king] leaves his
palace is to offer sacrifice ; a third is to go to the chase, for
which he departs in Bacchanalian fashion. Crowds of
women surround him, and outside of this circle spearmen
are ranged. The road is marked off with ropes, and it is
death, for men and women alike, to pass within the ropes.
Men with drums and gongs lead the procession. The king
hunts in the enclosures and shoots arrows from a platform.
At his side stand two or three armed women. If he hunts
in the open grounds he shoots from the back of an elephant.
Of the women, some are in chariots, some on horses, and
some even on elephants, and they are equipped with weapons
of every kind as if they were going on a campaign ".'
The employment of an Amazonian guard composed
of foreign women is known to have been a regular
institution of the kings of ancient India.
For the pleasures of the chase as described above,
1 Rock Edict IX.
' Strabo, in M^Crindle, Ancient India, p. 72.
C
34 ASOKA
those of pious tours seem to be rather an inadequate
substitute. They are described in the eighth Rock
Edict as consisting of visits and almsgiving to
Brahmans and ascetics, visits to elders, inspection of
the country and people, preaching and discussion
of the Law of Piety, and largess of gold. In these
latter days, the king remarks, this is the kind of
pleasure which he enjoys.
Such a pious tour was undertaken by Asoka in
the twenty-first year of his reign. Following,
probably, the route taken by the Buddha when
on the way to his death, the king started from his
capital Pataliputra, crossed the Ganges, and entered
the Vaisali territory of the Lichchhavi tribe, now
known as the Muzafiarpur and ChampS,ran districts.
His line of march is marked by the ruins of Vais&.li
(Basir), which include the Bakhira lion-pillar, by
the stUpa of Kesariyi, and the lion-pillars of LauriyS.
ArarSj and LauriyS, Nandangarh. He may then
either have kept to the east, passing Rampurwa,
where another lion-pillar lies, and have then crossed
the passes over the hills to Kusinagara, the scene
of Gautama Buddha's death, or he may have turned
westward, crossed the Gandak river, and proceeded
direct through the Tar§,i to the Lumbini Garden, the
reputed scene of the birth of Gautama Buddha. At
the sacred garden he erected a pillar surmounted by
the figure of a horse, and recorded upon it in beautifully
incised characters, as perfect to-day as they were
when first engraved, the brief record :
HIS HISTORY 35
' His Majesty, King Piyadasi, in the twenty-first year of
his -reign, having come in person, did reverence. Because
here was born Buddha, the Sakya sage, he had a stone
horse made and set up a stone pillar. Because here the
Venerable One was born, the village of Lummini has been
made revenue-free, and has partaken of the king's bounty.'
The king then passed on some miles further west,
and did reverence to the sMpa of Kanakamuni, or
Konakamana, one of the Buddhas, who preceded
Gautama. Here the king set up another pillar and
recorded his visit, adding the interesting remark that
he had already, in the fifteenth year of his reign, for
the second time, enlarged the st4,pa. There can be
little doubt that the tour was continued into Nepal
as far as Lalita Patau and Kathmandu, and again
towards the west until the royal pilgrim reached
Sr^vasti, where the river RS,pti emerges from the
hills, and that he there did reverence to the sacred
spots where Gautama so long dwelt and preached.
But the great pillars, each seventy feet high, which
he erected at Sravasti, though rumoured still to exist,
remain to be discovered, and at present the course of
the pilgrimage can be verified at two points only.
The memory of this pilgrimage was preserved by
tradition, and the story of it is told in the Sanskrit
romance called the Asohdvaddna. Although the
chronology of the romance, which places Asoka only
a century after the death of Buddha, is manifestly
erroneous, and no reliance can be placed upon the
details related, the inscriptions in the Tara,i prove
c a
36 ASOKA
that the legend had a foundation in fact. According
to the story, which will be found in a later chapter,
the king, under the guidance of a saint named
Upagupta, visited in succession the Lumbini Garden,
Kapilavastu, the Bodhi tree at Buddha GayS,, Rishi-
patana, or Samath, near Benares, Kusinagara, the
Jetavana monastery at Sr§,vastt, the st'Apa of Vakkula,
and the sMpa of Ananda, giving great largess at
every place except the stilpa of Vakkula, where the
king gave only a single copper coin, because Saint
Vakkula had had few obstacles to surmount, and had
consequently done little good to his fellow creatures '.
The reason given for refusing largess at the stiUpa
of Vakkula, although legendary, is in accordance with
Asoka's character as revealed by his writings. No
student of the edicts can fail to be struck by the
purely human and severely practical nature of the
teaching. The object aimed at is the happiness of
living creatures, man and beast. The teacher assumes
and categorically asserts that filial piety and the
other virtues commended open the path to happiness
here and hereafter, but no attempt is made to prove
any proposition by reasoning. No foundation either
' The site of Kusinagara is still unknown. I am convinced
that it lies in Nepal beyond the first range of hills. See my
work entitled The Remains near Kasia, the reputed site of
Ku(anagara (Allahabad, i8g6). As to the position of Sravasti,
see J. R. A. S., July, 1898, and January, 1900.
For the Asokdvaddnn , see Burnouf, Introduction A VHistoire
du Bouddhisme, and Rajendralala Mitra's Sanskrit Nepalese
Literature.
HIS HISTORY 37
of theology or of metaphysics is laid, and the ethical
precepts inculcated are set forth for purely practical
purposes as being self-evidently true. Men are ex-
horted to work out their own salvation.
' Whatsoever exertions His Majesty King Priyadarsin has
made, all are made with a view to the life hereafter, so
that every one may be freed from peril, which peril is sin.
Difficult, verily, it is to attain such freedom, whether a man
be of low or of high degree, save by the utmost exertion
and complete self-denial, but especially difficult it is for the
man of high degree ' (Tenth Rock Edict).
This passage suggests, as do several other pas-
sages, familiar Biblical texts, but the spirit of
the Bible is totally different from that of Asoka's
teaching. • The Bible, whether in the Old Testa-
ment or the New, insists upon the relation of man
with God, and upon man's dependence on the grace
of God. Asoka, in accordance with the teaching of
his master, ignores, without denying, the existence
of a supreme deity, and insists that man should by
his own exertions free himself from sin, and by his
own virtue win happiness here and hereafter.
The exact nature of Asoka's belief concerning
a future life is not easily ascertained. Frequent
reference is made to the life hereafter; heaven
(svarga) is held out as an object of desire, and in one
passage the approval of heaven is referred to. When
the passages of the Buddhist scriptures mentioned in
the Bhabra Edict as Asoka's favourite texts shall
have been published and translated, it may be possible
38 ASOKA
to determine with more accuracy the king's attitude
towards the great problems of existence. At present
only one of these passages, that entitled ' Fears of the
Future,' is accessible in English. This passage
enumerates the physical dangers to which recluses
are exposed, such as disease, attacks of wild beasts,
&c., and recommends the use of renewed and timely
efforts to avert such perils. Ten moral dangers are
then enumerated, of which the principal are corrup-
tions in doctrine and discipline, an inclination to appre-
ciate the literary beauty of the scriptures rather than
their intrinsic worth, laziness, luxury, and a taste
for promiscuous company. Against these perils the
recluse is warned to be sedulously on his guard, and
to see that they are averted in good time ^. Of course,
like all Hindoos, he must have believed in the
doctrine of rebirth, in some of its forms, and the
heaven at which he aimed would have been to his
mind but one stage in the long cycle of existences.
The intense feeling for the sanctity of life, which
is characteristic both of Asoka's Buddhism and of
Jainism, is closely connected with the doctrine
of rebirth, which binds together in one chain all
living creatures, whether angels or demons, men or
animals.
One of the most noticeable features in the teaching
of Asoka is the enlightened religious toleration which
is so frequently and emphatically recommended.
While applauding and admiring with justice the
' Journal ofPdU Text Society, 1896, p. 96.
HIS HISTORY 39
extraordinary breadth and liberality of Asoka's senti-
ments, we should remember that in his days no really
diverse religions existed in India. The creeds of
Jesus, Muhammad, and Zoroaster were then unknown.
The only organized religion was Hindooism, and that
complex phenomenon is more accurately described as
a social system than by the name either of religion
or creed. The Hindoos then, as now, enjoyed the
privilege of absolutely free thought, and were at
liberty then, as now, to discuss, affirm, or deny the
existence of God, or of the soul, and any other pro-
position in metaphysics or psychology which can
suggest itself to speculative minds. Hindooism has
never produced an exclusive, dominant, orthodox
sect, with a formula of faith to be professed or
rejected under pain of damnation. A Hindoo has at
all times been free to believe what he pleases, so long
as he eats the correct food, marries the proper
woman, and so forth. Buddhism and Jainism are
both in their origin merely sects of Hindooism — or
rather, schools of philosophy founded by Hindoo re-
formers — which in course of time gathered an accretion
of mythology round the original speculative nucleus.
When Asoka speaks of the toleration of other
men's creeds, he is not thinking of exclusive, aggressive,
militant religions like Islam and Christianity, but of
Hindoo sects, all connected by many bonds of common
sentiment. The Buddhist Suttas, and the treatise of
I-tsing on Religious Practices, endeavour to explain
the differences between various schools, but these are
40 ASOKA
so subtle, and often seemingly so trivial, that a
Western mind does not readily grasp them.
Asoka was, therefore, in a position which enabled
him to realize the idea that all Indian sects funda-
mentally agreed in essentials, all of them alike aiming
at self-control and purity of life ; and he felt fully
justified in doing honour in various ways to Jains
and Brahmanical Hindoos, as well as to Buddhists.
While lavishing his treasure chiefly on Buddhist
shrines and monasteries, he did not hesitate to spend
large sums in hewing out of hard granite spacious
cave-dwellings for the Brahmanical Ajivika ascetics,
and there can be no doubt, although proofs in the
shape of monuments are not at present known, that
the Jains too shared in his bounty. His censors
were, as we have seen, equally concerned with Bud-
dhists, Jains, and Brahmanists. Similar toleration
was practised by later princes. Kharavela of Orissa,
for instance, avows himself, in language almost iden-
tical with that of Asoka, to be a person who did
reverence to the creeds of all sects ^. But, notwith-
standing, or perhaps in consequence of, his tolerant
disposition, Asoka resented the claims of the Brahmans
to be gods on earth, and took pride in the measures
which he had adopted to humble the arrogance of the
Brahmanical teachers ^. He has, therefore, been almost
' For the Kharavela inscription, see Cunningham, Corpus,
i. 27, PI. xvii, and Bhagvan Lai Indraji in Comptes-Bendus du
H "" Congris Intern, d' Orientalistes, vol. iii, pp. 2, 149.
^ I follow M. Senart's interpretation of the Rupnath Minor
Rock Edict.
HIS HISTORY 41
ignored by Brahmanical literature, and is mentioned
in only one inscription other than his own voluminous
writings. Buddhist writers alone profess to give an
account of his reign, in which so much was done for
the diffusion and exaltation of the teaching of Gau-
tama. Unfortunately, the Buddhist accounts of his
reign are so overlaid with superstitious imbecilities,
and distorted by sectarian and ecclesiastical bias, that
they cannot be accepted as independent authorities,
although useful as commentaries on, and supplements
to, the authentic materials for his history.
The true full personal name of the great emperor
would appear to have been Asoka vardhana, as given
in the Pur^oas. The inscription of RudradS,man in
Gujarat, dated in A.D. 150, simply gives him the name
of Asoka Maurya, and refers to Chandragupta Maurya
as one of his predecessors.
In the edicts he uses his name in religion, Priya-
darsin (Pali, Piyadasi), which means ' the Humane,'
and never makes use of his personal name ^ When
the edicts were first discovered and good texts were
not available, some scholars felt doubts as to the
identity of Asoka and Priyadarsin, but such doubts
are now obsolete, and the identity is absolutely
certain.
The Dipavamsa, the most ancient of the Ceylonese
' It seems to me clear from the testimony of the Rudrada-
man inscription, and the tradition of Northern India, including
Nepal and Kashmir, of the Chinese, and of Ceylon, that the
emperor's personal name was Asoka, or, in its fuller form,
Asoka vardhana.
42 ASOKA
chronicles, dating probably from the fourth century
A.D., uses the names Asoka and Piyadasi as convertible
terms i. To enumerate the other proofs of the identity
of Asoka and Priyadarsin in this place is superfluous
and would be wearisome, but one item of the over-
whelming evidence may be cited. The pillar at
the Lumbini Garden (Rummindei), the traditional
birthplace of the Buddha, the inscription on which
has been already quoted, was, according to the Chinese
pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang, erected by Asoka. The in-
scription is, as in the case of the other monuments,
recorded by Piyadasi Raja, who was, therefore, iden-
tical with Asoka.
Nothing definite is known as to the afiinities and
social position of the Maurya clan or tribe to which
Chandragupta belonged. Justin's statement that the
founder of the Maurya dynasty was of humble origin
is probably based on statements recorded by con-
temporaries and may be accepted. The tribe or clan
must therefore have ranked low in the social scale.
Some Buddhist writers erroneously represent the
Mauryas as a princely race ^- Certain forms of the
legend describe Chandragupta and Asoka as descen-
dants of the earlier Sisuniga and Nanda dynasties,
and it is possible that the first Maurya king may
' Oldenberg's edition of the Dtpavamsa, pp. 146-93 ; sections
vi. I, 2, 12-15, 18, 23, 24 ; vii. 8, 14-16, 18 ; xv. 88 ; svi. 5.
' Mahdvarhsa, ch. v. : ' Moriydnan KattiyAnan vamsejdtan sirt-
dharan,' rendered by Tumour and Wijesimlia, ' a descendant of
the dynasty of Moriyan sovereigns, endowed with illustrious
and beneficent attributes, surnamed Chandagutta.'
HIS HISTORY 43
have been an illegitimate son of the last Nanda,
whom he dethroned, but it is, perhaps, more probable
that the dynasties of the Nandas and Mauryas were
not connected by blood ^.
The authentic history of Asoka closes with the
twenty-eighth year of his reign, when he recorded
the seventh Pillar Edict, recapitulating the measures
taken by him for the propagation of the Law of Piety,
the work to which he had devoted the greater part
of his long reign. The small supplementary Pillar
Edicts, it is true, seem to be somewhat later in date,
but they are not of any historical importance.
Asoka always reckons &is regnal years from the
date of his coronation (abhisheka), and he was in the
habit of celebrating the anniversary of his coronation
by an amnesty to criminals. The Ceylonese tradition
which places a considerable interval between the
accession and the coronation of Asoka is therefore
probably correct, and, in the absence of any evidence
to the contrary, the tradition may be accepted that
the coronation took place in the fourth year after
Asoka's accession to supreme power. The inscriptions
prove that the reign lasted at least twenty-eight years
■ According to the prose AsoMvaddna (Bumouf, pp. 319
seqq.), Bindusara was the son of Nanda. Cp. Hiuen Tsiang's
story ahout the five StUpas at Pfttaliputra (Beal, ii. 94), and
Rockhill, The Life of the Buddha, p. 186. It is possible, as
suggested by Prof. Rhys Davids (Buddhism, p. 221), that the
Nanda king may have been also known as Asoka, and that
some of the contradictions in the Asoka legends may be due to
this cause.
44 ASOKA
after the coronation. The Ceylonese tradition that
the total length of the reign from the accession was
forty or forty-one years does not seem to be open to
objection, and may be provisionally accepted.
The inscriptions record the fact that Asoka had
brothers and sisters, but whether or not he was the
eldest son of Bindusara does not appear. He never
makes the slightest allusion to his ancestry. He
distinguishes two ranks among his sons — the queens'
sons, or princes, and the king's sons, the latter evidently
being his sons by ladies of inferior rank. His second
queen {devi) had the name or title of Kiriivaki, and
her son was named Tivara (Tivala), or, perhaps,
Titivara. Princes of the royal family, probably the
king's sons, were stationed as Viceroys or Governors
at Taxila in the Panjab, Ujjain in Central India,
Tosali in Kalinga, and Suvamagiri in the Peninsula.
Beyond these few facts our authentic information
concerning the family of Asoka does not go ^-
Fa-hien, the Chinese pilgrim in A.D. 400, gives
Dharmavivardhana as the name of the son of Asoka,
who ruled over Gandhara, and must have been the
Viceroy at Taxila. The reference seems to be to the
person who is in other forms of the legend generally
called Kunala, concerning the blinding of whom a
pathetic romance is told, which will be found on
a subsequent page. The historian of Kashmir men-
tions a son of Asoka named Jalauka as being governor
' Pillar Edict VII ; Queen'a Edict ; Detached (Kalinga) Rock
Edicts ; Siddapura Minor Rock Edict.
HIS HISTORY 45
of that province, and a zealous devotee of the Brah-
manical gods.
The Vishnu Purana names Suyasas (al. Suparsva)
as the son and successor of Asoka, and Dasaratha as
the son and successor of Suyasas. The name of
Dasaratha is genuine, being confirmed by the in-
scriptions in the Nagarjuni caves near Gay§,, which
record the bestowal of the caves upon the Ajivikas
by Dasaratha immediately after his accession. The
characters of these inscriptions are the same as in
those of Asoka, and, considering the fact that the
Buddhist traditions affirm that the son of Kunala
immediately succeeded his grandfather, the probability
is that Dasaratha was the immediate successor of
Asoka, whose benefactions to the Ajivikas he continued^.
The Ceylonese chronicles ascribe the conversion of
Ceylon to the miraculous proceedings of Mahendra
(Pali, Mahinda), and his sister Sanghamitra (Sangha-
mitta), the illegitimate children of Asoka by a lady
of Vedisagiri, the ruined city of Besnagar near Bhilsa
in Central India.
The story of the mission of Mahendra and his
sister, although supported in the chronicles of Ceylon
by an imposing array of dates, is a tissue of absurdi-
ties, and has been rightly rejected as unhistorical by
Professor Oldenberg. Most writers have been content
^ For the Kunala legend, see Burnouf s and Eajendralala
Mitra's accounts of the AsohAvaddna, and Hiuen Tsiang (Beal,
i. 139-41). The Dasaratha inscriptions were edited by Biihler
(Ind. 'Ant. xx. 361). For notice of Jalauka, see Ind. Ant.
sviii. 68.
46 ASOKA
to lop off the miracles, and to accept the residuum of
the story as authentic history. Such a method of
interpreting a legend does not seem to be consistent
with sound principles of historical criticism.
The name of Asoka's daughter Sanghamitra, which
means 'friend of the Buddhist order,' is extremely
suspicious, and the only safe course is to treat the
whole tale as a monkish legend. It will be found in
the sixth chapter of this volume.
Asoka himself is silent concerning the alleged
mission of his son and daughter. In the thirteenth
Rock Edict he enumerates the foreign countries to
.which he has dispatched his missionaries, and includes
in the list the Chola and Pindya kingdoms in the
extreme south of India, and Ceylon. In the second Rock
Edict he mentions Ceylon as one of the foreign coun-
tries in which he had disseminated remedies for man
and beast. These are the only two passages in which
he refers to Ceylon. If there were any truth in the
story told by the monks of the island, Asoka would
not have been slow to claim the merit of having
devoted his son and daughter to religion, and of
having converted the king of Ceylon.
Professor Oldenberg has much justification for his
opinion that the story of Mahinda and Sanghamitta
seems to have been —
' Invented for the purpose of possessing a history of the
Buddhist institutions in the island, and to connect it with
the most distinguished person conceivable — the great Asoka.
The historical legend is fond of poetically exalting ordinary
HIS HISTORY
47
occurrences into great and brilliant actions; we may
assume that, in reality, things were accomplished in a more
gradual and less striking manner than such legends make
them appear.'
The naturalization in Ceylon of the immense mass
of Buddhist literature must necessarily have been
a work of time, and would seem to be the fruit of
a period of long and continued intercourse between
Ceylon and the adjacent parts of India ^. Hiuen
Tsiang mentions one st4,pa in the Chela country,
and another in the Dravida or Pandya kingdom, as
ascribed to Asoka. Inasmuch as the edicts recognize
the independence of the Chola and Pindya territories,
these st4,pas, if really constructed by Asoka, can have
been erected "only by the friendly co-operation of the
local kings. Their existence confirms the statement of
the edicts that missionary work was extended into
the extreme south of the Peninsula, which was in con-
stant communication with Ceylon \
Still more significant is Hiuen Tsiang's testimony
concerning the ancient buildings in the kingdom of
Malakftta, the country south of the Kaveri (Cauvery).
He relates that in this kingdom —
' Some follow the true doctrine, others are given to heresy.
They do not esteem learning much, but are wholly given to
commercial gain. There are the ruins of many old convents,
but only the walls are preserved, and there are few religious
^ Oldenberg, Introduction to the Vinayapitakam [Mahdvagga],
p. 4 (ii).
^ Hiuen Tsiang (Beal, ii. 227, 228).
48 ASOKA
followers. There are many Inindred Deva temples, and a
multitude of heretics, mostly belonging to the Nirgranthas.
Not far to the east of this city [the capital] is an old
sangMrdma [monastery] of which the vestibule and court
are covered with wild shrubs; the foundation walls only
survive. This was built by Mahendra, the younger brother
of Asoka-raja.
To the east of this is a stAjaa, the lofty walls of which
are buried in the earth, and only the crowning part of the
cupola remains. This was built by Asoka-raja '.'
This interesting passage proves that, in the days of
Asoka and for a considerable period afterwards, the
country around Tanjore, the scene of busy commercial
activity, was also a centre of Buddhist religious life.
Mahendra, it will be observed, is described as being
the younger brother of Asoka, not his son, as the
Ceylonese monks state. F^-hien tells briefly, and with
very little supernatural decoration, some anecdotes of
this younger brother of Asoka, who found his delight
in solitude and quiet ^. A much more developed
form of the story is given by Hiuen Tsiang^, who.
adds that the prince was the author of the conversion
of Ceylon. ' The kingdom of Simhala,' writes the
pilgrim, —
' Formerly was addicted to immoral religious worship,
but after the first hundred years following Buddha's death
the younger brother of Asoka-raja, Mahendra by name,
giving up worldly desires, sought with ardour the fruit of
^ Hiuen Tsiang (Beal, ii. 231); Ind. Ant. xviii. 241.
' FS,-hien, chapter xxvii.
" Hiuen Tsiang (Beal, ii. 91-93).
HIS HISTORY 49
Arhatship. He gained possession of the six supernatural
powers and the eight means of liberation; and having
the power of instant locomotion, he came to this country.
He spread the knowledge of the true law and widely
diffused the bequeathed doctrine. Prom his time there has
fallen on the people a belieTing heart, and they have
constructed loo conyents, containing some 20,000 priests.
They principally follow the teaching of Buddha, according to
the dharma of the Sthavira school of the Mahayana sect *.'
Comparison of the two forms of the legend of the
miraculous conversion of Ceylon justifies the inference
that a principal agent in the conversion of the island
was Mahendra, a near relative of the emperor Asoka.
The conversion was, of course, much more gradual than
it is represented in either form of the legend to have
been, and Mahendra cannot have been more than a
pioneer in the work. The monuments in Ceylon con-
nected by tradition with the name of Mahendra
support the theory that a person bearing that name was
really an apostle of Buddhism in the island, and it is
certain that the teaching of Gautama had made con-
siderable progress in Ceylon soon after the time of
Asoka. The existence in the delta of the KS-veri of a
ruined monastery ascribed to Mahendra, the younger
brother of Asoka, is some evidence of the real existence
of that personage and of his missionary efibrts in the
south of India. The form of the legend which ascribes
the conversion of Ceylon to the younger brother,
rather than to the son and daughter, of Asoka has
probably a basis of fact.
' Hiuen Tsiang, ii. 246.
D
50 ASOKA
The edicts prove conclusively that numerous mission-
aries had been dispatched and had effected extensive
conversions previous to the thirteenth year of Asoka's
reign. Inasmuch as the emperor joined the Buddhists
as a lay disciple for the first time in his ninth year,
and did not display much zeal until two and a half years
later, the first considerable dispatch of missionaries
must have taken place when the emperor had been
about eleven years crowned. Ceylon had, therefore,
been visited by missionaries in the twelfth year of
the reign, before the issue of the second and thirteenth
Rock Edicts in the thirteenth year, and the Ceylonese
annals are in error in dating the mission to the island
eighteen years after the coronation of Asoka.
The so-called Third Coundil of the Buddhist Church
alleged to have been held at Pataliputra under the
patronage of Asoka, eighteen years after his coronation,
and two hundred and thirty-six years after the death
of Buddha, is generally treated as an undoubted fact,
and as one of the leading events of the reign of Asoka.
But the strict historical criticism which rejects the
story of Mahinda and Sanghamitta, along with the
Ceylonese chronology anterior to B.C. i6o, justifies
equal scepticism concerning the alleged Third Council.
The monks of Ceylon relate that the Buddhist
canon was first settled at a council held at Rijagriha,
then the capital of the kingdom of Magadha, by the
leading disciples of the Buddha, immediately after his
decease. The Second Council is alleged to have been
held at Vais^li about a century after the death of the
HIS HISTORY 51
Buddha, primarily to condemn the heretical opinions
current at Vais&li, and, secondarily, to examine and
confirm the canon of scripture.
The third Council is said to have been held at
PS,taliputra two hundred and thirty-six years after
the death of the Buddha, the coronation of Asoka
having taken place eighteen years earlier. This
Council is alleged to have been summoned primarily
for the suppression of a multitude of pestilent heretics
who had caused an interruption of religious services
for seven years, and the opportunity was again taken
to revise and confirm the sacred canon. Tishya (Tissa)
the son of Mudgalya (Moggali), the President of the
Council, is alleged to have published the treatise known
as the Kathavatthu at the same time.
Although the tales of the Ceylonese monks have
. too often been accepted as genuine history, scepticism
about their value and incredulity concerning the
alleged Councils are nothing new. Many years ago
Max Miiller wrote : —
' In our time, -when even the contemporaneous eTidence
of Herodotus, Thucydides, Livy, or Jornandes is sifted by
the most uncompromising scepticism, we must not expect
a more merciful treatment for the annals of Buddhism.
Scholars engaged in special researches are too willing to
acquiesce in CTidence, particularly if that evidence has
been discovered by their own efforts, and comes before
them with all the charms of novelty.
But, in the broad daylight of historical crjticism, the
prestige of such a witness as Buddhaghosha soon dwindles
away, and his statements as to kings and councils eight
D a
52 ASOKA
hundred years before his time are in truth worth no more
than the stories told of Arthur by Geoffrey of Monmouth,
or the accounts "we read in Livy of the early history of
Rome '.'
The wise scepticism of Max Miiller .concerning the
tales of Buddhaghosha is equally applicable to the
chronicles known as the Mahavamsa and Dipavamsa,
of which the last named is the earlier in date, having
been composed in the fourth century A. D.
All the three Councils are alike unable to bear
the search-light of criticism. Professor Oldenberg, for
reasons which need not be here discussed, finds that
the story of the First Council is 'not history, but
pure invention, and, moreover, an invention of no
very ancient date.' Out of the story of the Second
Council he selects one part for acceptance and another
for rejection, that is to say, he accepts as historical .
the account of the condemnation of the ten heretical
opinions, while he rejects the account of the revision
of the canon ^. Although this finding cannot be
regarded as wholly satisfactory, the learned Professor's
arguments may be accepted in so far as they prove
the unhistorical character of the tale concerning the
revision of the canon at the alleged Council of
Vaisali.
The Third Council, which is said to have been held
at Pataliputra under the patronage of Asoka Maurya,
' Chips from a German Workshop, 2nd ed., vol. i, p. 199.
^ Oldenberg, Introduction to the Vinayapitakarh, pp. xxvii
to xxix.
HIS HISTORY 53
is accepted by the same critic as an undoubted his-
torical fact. But if such a Council were really held,
it is strange that no allusion to it occurs in the Edicts,
and that it is ignored by all (or almost all) Indian and
Chinese tradition.
The history of the alleged Council of PS,taliputra
practically rests on the authority of the Ceylonese
chronicles, which is untrustworthy. The Ceylonese
authority requires external support, and such support
is not forthcoming. Tissa, the son of Moggali, who is
supposed to have been the president of the Council,
is wholly unknown to the traditions of China, Tibet,
and Nepal, which substitute for him as the _ spiritual
guide and confessor of Asoka, Upagupta, the son of
Gupta, the perfumer.
The legends which will be found in the sixth and
seventh chapters of this volume are in some respects
common to Upagupta and to Tissa son of Moggali.
The legends add to the confusion by mixing the
stories of the Second and Third Councils ; the saint
Yasas, for instance, being mentioned as a prominent
personage of both. The result is that, although the
inscribed relic caskets of Sanchi demonstrate the exist-
ence of an unnamed saint, the son of Moggali, who was
approximately contemporary with Asoka, no reliance
can be placed on the account of the proceedings of
either the Second or the Third Council. The ela-
borately falsified chronicles of Ceylon have certainly
duplicated the real Asoka Maurya by the invention
of KS,lasoka, and it is probable that they have effected
54 ASOKA
a similar duplication of one real. Council. But,
whether that Council was really held in the reign
of Asoka Maurya at Pitaliputra, or in the reign of
a predecessor, perhaps Chandragupta, at Vaisali,
cannot at present be determined.
Further evidence of the utterly unhistorical character
of the narratives of all the three alleged Councils is to
be found in the fact that the three narratives are all
cast in one mould, and that the procedure for the
verification of the canon at all the three assemblies
is said to have been identical. The Chinese, moreover,
tell of a council held by Kanishka, emperor of Northern
India in jihe latter part of the first century a.t>., which
is unknown to the Ceylonese. The truth probably is
that the Buddhist canon, like the New Testament,
grew by a process of gradual accretion and acceptance,
with little, if any, help from formal councils in its
earlier stages. The statement that certain commen-
taries were authorized by a Council in the time of
Kanishka may well be true, but the earlier councils
are not entitled to a place among the events of
authentic history.
The stories about the alleged prevalence of heresy
during the earlier part of Asoka's reign which caused
a suspension of religious ordinances for seven years,
and induced the retirement of Tissa the son of Moggali
for that period, bear a suspicious resemblance to the
tales, undoubtedly false, which ascribe the most
horrible cruelties to the emperor prior to his con-
version to Buddhism. The object of the ecclesiastical
HIS HISTORY 55
romancers was, apparently, to heighten the contrast
between the period when the emperor was, according
to their view, orthodox, and the period when he held
other opinions. The Ceylonese versions of the Asoka
legend seem to have received a special colouring with
the object of enhancing the reputation of the school
favoured by the monks of the MahSvihara monastery,
where both the Dtpavamsa and the Mahavamsa were
composed.
The list of the missionaries dispatched by Asoka
to various countries as given in the twelfth chapter
of the Mahavamsa is more deserving of credence than
most of the particulars given in that work, being to
a considerable extent corroborated by the evidence
of inscriptions extracted by Cunningham and Maisey
from the stApas at and near Sanchi. The chronicler,
who ascribes the credit for the dispatch of the mission-
aries to the monk Tissa the son of Moggali, instead
of to the emperor, enumerates the missions as
follows : —
Majjhantika sent to Kashmir and GandhS,ra ; Mahi-
deva sent to Mahisamandala (Mysore) ; Rakkhita sent
to Vanavasi (North Kanara) ; Yona-Dhammarakkhita
sent to Aparantaka (the coast north of Bombay) ;
Majjhima (accompanied by Kassapa, Malikadeva,
Dhundhabhinnossa, and Sahasadeva) sent to Hima-
vanta (the Himalaya); Sona and tJttara sent to
Sovanabhumi (Pegu) ; Mahadhammarakkhita sent to
Maharatta (West Central India); Maharakkhita sent
to the Yona (Yavana) regions, on the north-western
56 ASOKA
frontier; Maha Mahinda (accompanied by Ittiya,TJttiya,
Sambala, and Bhaddasala — all disciples of the son of
Moggali) sent to Ceylon.
The relics of Majjhima (Madhyama) and Kassapa
(Kasyapa) were found enshrined together in one
casket in No. 2 dlXpa at Sanchi, and also in another
casket at No. 2 stiXpa of Sonari, Kassapa being
described in the brief inscriptions on the lids as the
apostle {dchdrya) of the Himavanta. StlXpa No. 2 at
Sanchi also contained relics of the son of Moggali
himself. The list of missionaries given in the Maha-
vamsa would, therefore, seem to be authentic, subject
to the probable correction that Mahinda (Mahendra)
should be regarded as the brother, not as the son, of
Asoka ^■
The traditional chronology of the reign is of no
independent value. The appearance of precision in
the dates given by the Ceylonese chroniclers is nothing
but a deceptive appearance, and no valid reason exists
for accepting either their statement that two hundred
and eighteen years elapsed between the accession of
Asoka and the death of the Buddha, or the statement
that the death of the Buddha occurred in the year
B.C. 543. The date of the death of Gautama Buddha
must be determined on other grounds, if determined
at all. The Chinese pilgrims and the Sanskrit legend
books give another set of contradictory chronological
data ; Taranath and the Jains supply yet other and
* Mahdvamsa, ch. xii ; Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, pp. 271
seqg.
HIS HISTORY 57
equally contradictory statements. Nothing can be
made of these so-called authorities, which are of use
only as occasionally throwing a sidelight on authentic
evidence ^.
The Ceylonese dates for the accession and conversion
of Asoka are admittedly inconsistent, as they stand,
with the evidence of the Edicts, and it is contrary to
all rules of sound criticism to select from a single
authority one date for acceptance and another for
rejection. This uncritical course has been adopted by
too many writers on the subject, who pick and choose
at will among the dates and figures of the Mahavamsa
and Dipavamsa. In this work the Ceylonese chrono-
logy prior to B.C. 160 is absolutely and completely
rejected, as being not merely of doubtful authority,
but positively false in its principal propositions.
The earlier Asoka, dubbed Kalasoka by the Ceylonese
chroniclers, to distinguish him from Dharmasoka, the
great Maurya emperor, appears to be a fiction. The
extreme confusion of the legends about Asoka and
the existence of several contradictory traditional
chronologies give some colour to the theory that a
historical basis in the shape of two Asokas should
be sought to explain the contradictions. But the
supposed Asoka the First remains wrapped in a cloud
^ T8,ran8,th's account has been translated by Miss E. Lyall
from Vassiliefs work on Buddhism in Ind. Ant. iv. 361. It
is hopelessly confused. Prof. Jacobi has edited the Jain
Parisishtorparvoj^. For the Nepalese chronology see Ind. Ant.
xiii. 412. The Chinese pilgrims' notices have been already
quoted.
58 ASOKA
from which he refuses to emerge, and cannot be
verified as a fact ^. History knows only one Asoka,
the son of Bindusara and grandson of Chandragupta,
who ruled India for some forty years in the third
century B.C.
The real evidence of the date of the historical
Asoka is furnished chiefly by two authorities, Justin
and the Edicts. This evidence has not been, and
cannot be, shaken by any amount of monkish fiction
or contradictory legends.
Although Asoka-Priyadarsin is himself silent as to
his lineage, the concurrent testimony of Buddhists,
Jains, and Hindoos, supported to some extent by the
Rudradaman inscription, represents him as being
the third sovereign of the Maurya dynasty, and the
grandson of Chandragupta, the founder of the dynasty.
This evidence may be accepted. Chandragupta was,
bej^ond all question, the contemporary of Seleucus
Nikator.
The statements of Justin fix the possible dates of the
accession of Chandragupta within very narrow limits.
In this work the year B.C. 3«i has been adopted as
the date, because it is plain from the words of Justin
that the revolt against the Macedonian governors
' Mahdvamsa, ch. iv : ' Sisunaga. He reigned eighteen
years. His son Kalasoka reigned twenty-eight years. Thus,
in the tenth year of the reign of King Kalasoka, a century
had elapsed from the death of Buddha.' Tumour erroneously
gives twenty years as the length of the reign of Kalasoka.
Wijesimha corrects the error. See my papers in J. R. A. S. for
1 89 1, for fuller discussion.
HIS HISTORY 59
of the Panjab occurred at the earliest possible
moment, that is to say, in the cold season following
the death of Alexander at Babylon in the summer
of B.C. 323. The empire of Alexander was held to-
gether solely by his personality, and the moment
that the personality of Alexander disappeared, the
empire vanished. The revolt headed by Chandra-
gupta must, therefore, have taken place in B.C. 323-22.
The recovery of the Panjab and the usurpation of the
throne of Magadha may be assumed to have taken place
before the close of B.C. 321, which year may be reason-
ably taken as that of the accession of Chandragupta.
The duration of twenty-four years assigned to his
reign is supported by the authority of the Puranas,
the Dipavamsa, and the Mahavamsa. This concur-
rence of Brahmanical and Buddhist literary tradition
may be regarded as sufficient proof of the fact alleged.
The reign of twenty-five years assigned by the
Puranas to Bindusara fits into the chronological
framework better than the period of twenty-eight
years assigned by the Mahavamsa, and has therefore
been adopted.
The aggregate period of forty-nine years thus
allotted to the two reigns of Chandragupta and his
son agrees well with the evidence derived from syn-
chronisms by which the chronology of both Asoka and
Chandragupta is satisfactorily determined with a very
narrow margin of possible error.
We have already seen that the date of the accession
of Chandragupta may be fixed in the year B.C. 321,
6o ASOKA
because his accession cannot have been very long
deferred after the death of Alexander the Great in
B.C. 333. This conclusion is supported by the state-
ment of Justin that Chandraguptawas already reigning
while Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future
greatness. Assuming B.C. 331 as the date of the
accession of Chandragupta, his grandson Asoka should
have ascended the throne forty-nine years later, in
B.C. 272.
The thirteenth Rock Edict establishes the syn-
chronism of Asoka with five Hellenistic kings: —
Antiochus (II) Theos, of Syria ; Ptolemy (II) Phila-
delphus, of Egypt; Antigonus (II) Gonatas, of
Macedonia ; Alexander, king of Epirus ; and Magas,
king of Cyrene.
The latest date at which all these kings were alive
together is B.C. 258. The Rock Edicts belong to the
thirteenth and fourteenth years of the reign of Asoka
reckoned from his coronation, which event, therefore,
should have taken place about B.C. 270. The year
B.C. 269 is probably nearly correct, and, accepting the
tradition that the accession of Asoka preceded his
coronation by three complete years, his accession may
be placed in B.C. 272, the year obtained by the
absolutely independent calculation starting from the
accession of Chandragupta.
The synchronism of Chandragupta with Seleucus
Nikator and his opponent Antigonus I killed at Ipsus
in 301 B.C. harmonizes accurately with the synchronism
of Asoka, the grandson of Chandragupta, with Antio-
HIS HISTORY
6i
chus Theos, the grandson of Seleucus Nikator, and
with Antigonus Gonatas, the grandson of Antigonus I.
The traditional period of forty-nine years for the
reigns of Chandragupta and BindussLra fits accurately
in between the two sets of synchronisms.
The chronology of Asoka's reign is consequently
firmly established on the foundations laid long ago by
Sir William Jones and James Prinsep, and is known
with accuracy sufficient for all practical purposes.
The margin for error cannot exceed two years.
The following chronological table has been con-
structed in accordance with the argument above stated
in brief.
Eegnal
B.C.
year of
Asoka.
Erent.
Authority.
327-25
—
Indian campaigns of Alexander
the Great.
Chandragupta in his youth met
Arrian, &c.
32s
—
Plutarch.
Alexander.
"
Satrap Philip murdered by
mutinous mercenaries, and
the Indian provinces tem-
porarily placed in charge of
Eudemus and King Taxiles
(Omphis).
Death of Alexander at Babylon,
Arrian.
323
»»
in May or June.
323-22
Revolt of Indian province
under leadership of Chand-
ragupta.
Justin.
321
—
Accession of Chandragupta
as emperor of India.
»
Babylon assigned to Seleucus
Nikator in second division of
Alexander's empire at Tripa-
radeisos.
62
ASOKA
B.C.
Kegnal
year of
Asoka.
321
—
316-15
—
3IS
—
312
—
311-6
—
306
—
circa 305
—
»)
302
~
301
—
297
—
circa 296
—
290
—
28s
—
280
—
»
—
278 or
277
Defeat of the Eomans by the
Samnites at the Caudine
Forks.
Death of Eumenes, formerly
secretary to Alexander.
Seleueus compelled by Anti-
gonus to retire to Egypt.
Recovery of Babylon by Se-
leueus.
Establishment of Seleucidan
era (ist October).
Extension by Seleueus of his
power eastward and into
India, where he is checked
by Chandragupta.
Seleueus assumes title of King
of Syria.
Cession by Seleueus to Chand-
ragupta of the Indian pro-
vince with a large part of
Arian6.
Mission of Megasthenes.
Coalition of Seleueus, Ptolemy,
and Lysimachus against An-
tigonus.
Defeat and death of Antigonus
at the battle of Ipsus.
Accession of Bindusara Aml-
tragh&ta as emperor of
India.
Mission of Deimachus sent by
Seleueus.
Final subjugation of the Sam-
nites by the Romans.
Accession of Ptolemy PhUadel-
phus, king of Egypt.
Death of Seleueus Nikator,
king of Syria.
Accession of Antiochus Soter,
his son.
Accession of Antigonus Gonatas,
king of Macedonia, grandson
of Antigonus I.
Authority.
Strabo, &c.
Strabo.
HIS HISTORY
63
27s
272
269
268
267
266
265
264
263
262
261
260
259
258
257
ist
2nd
3rd
4th
5th
6th
7th
8th
9th
loth
nth
12th
I3tli
Pyrrhus expelled from Italy by
the Bomans.
Accession of Alexander, king of
Epirus, son of Pyrrhus, and'
opponent of Antigonus
Gonatas.
Accession of Asoka-Friyad-
arsin Maurya, grandson of
Chandragupta.
Coronation {ahhishehd) of
Asoka.
Outbreak of First Punic War.
Conquest of Kalinga by Asoka.
Asoka becomes a Buddhist lay
disciple.
Accession of Antiochus Theos,
king of Syria.
Asoka entered the Buddhist
Order, abolished hunting,
instituted tours devoted to
works of piety, and dis-
patched missionaries.
Death of Magas, king of Gyrene,
half-brother of Ptolemy
Philadelphus.
(?) Death of Alexander, king of
Epirus.
Asoka composed Rock Edicts
III and IV.
Dedicated Caves Nos. i and 2 at
Bar§,bar to the use of the
Brahmanical Ajivikas.
Instituted quinquennial as-
semblies for the propagation
of the Buddhist Law of Piety
{dharma).
Rock B. XIII.
Ih. & Minor
Rock E. I.
Rock E. VIII,
Minor Bock
E. I, read
withRockE.
XIII.
Rock E. Ill,
IV.
Barabar
Cave Inscr.
Rock E. III.
64
ASOKA
B.C.
Regnal
year of
Asoka.
256
14th
25 s
15th
254
i6tli
253
252
17th
1 8th
251
250
19th
2otll
249
2lst
248
22nd
247
23rd
247 or 246
24th
circa 246
)»
245
244
243
242
25th
26th
27th
28th
Asoka published the complete
series of the Fourteen Rook
Edicts, and the Kalinga
Borderers' Edict (No. II
Detached).
Asoka appointed Censors of the
Law of Piety.
Asoka enlarged for the second
time the stitpa of Kon§,ka-
mana Buddha near Kapila-
vastu.
(?) Asoka published the Ka-
linga Provincials' Edict (No. I
Detached).
Asoka published the Minor
Rock Edicts, and (?) the
Bhabra Edict.
Asoka dedicated No. 3 Cave at
Bar&bar to the use of the
Brahmanical Ajivikas.
Asoka made a pilgrimage to the
Buddhist holy places, and
erected commemorative pillars
at the Lumbini Garden and
the stiipa of Konakamana.
Death of Ptolemy Philadelphus,
king of Egypt.
Death of Antiochus II (Theos),
king of Syria, and grandson
of Seleucus Nikator.
Revolt of Diodotus (Theodotos),
and separation of Bactrian
kingdom from Syria. (Other
authorities give B. c. 250 as
the date.)
Asoka composed Pillar Edict VI.
Publication by Asoka of the
Seven Pillar Edicts.
Authority.
Rock E. V,
and the Bor-
derers'Edict,
apparently
of same date.
Nigliva Pil-
lar Inscr.
Minor Rock
E.I.
BarabarNo.
3 Cave Inscr.
Nigliva and
Rummindel
Pillar Inscr.
Cunning-
ham.
Pillar E. VI.
Pillar E.
VII.
HIS HISTORY
65
Regnal
B.C.
year of
Bvent.
Authority.
242
28th
Death of Antigonus Gonatas,
king of Macedonia (some
authorities give 239 as the
date).
241
29th
Close of First Punic War.
Rise of the kingdom of Per-
240
30th
gUiUiuni.
(?) Asoka published the Sup-
plementary Pillar Edicts.
239
31st
238
32n(l
237
33rd
236
34th
235
3St^
234
36th
233
37th
232
38th
Death of Asoka
Mahavamsa
»
—
Accession of Dasaratha
»»
—
Dedication of the Nagarjuni
N^garjuni
caves.
Cave Inscr.
circa 188
—
Extinction of the Iffaurya
Dynasty.
Vayu Pu-
rina.
CHAPTER n
Extent and Administration of the Empire
The limits of the vast empire governed successfully
by Asoka for so many years can be fixed with suffi-
cient accuracy by means of the statements of the
Greek and Latin authors, the internal evidence of the
edicts, and the distribution of the monuments, sup-
plemented by tradition 1.
The Indian conquests of Alexander extended to
the river Hyphasis, the modern Bias, in the eastern
Panjab. These were all ceded by Seleucus Nikator
to Chandragupta, and Strabo informs us that the
cession included a large part of Ariline. This state-
ment may reasonably be interpreted as implying that
the limits of the Indian Empire were determined by
the natural frontier of the mountain range known
by the names of Paropanisus, Indian Caucasus, or
Hindoo Koosh, and included the provinces of Arachosia
(Western Afghanistan) and Gedrosia (Mekran). The
cities of Kabul, Ghazni, Kandahar, and Herat, now
' The testimony of the Greek and Latin authors is collected
textually in Mr. M^Crindle's excellent books, Ancient India as
described by Megasthenes and Arrian (Triibner, 1877) ; and The
Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, as described by Arrian,
Q. Curtius, Diodorus, Plutarch, and Justin (Constable, 1896).
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 67
under the rule of the Amir of Afghanistan, were,
therefore, all comprised within the territories inherited
by Asoka from his grandfather.
In the time of Alexander the kingdom of Magadha,
the modern BihEir, the capital of which was first
RSjagriha (RSjgir in the Gay^ District), and subse-
quently P^taliputra (Patna and Bankipore), was the
premier kingdom of India, and the last Nanda (vari-
ously called Nandrus, Agrammes, and Xandrames)
was sovereign both of the Prasii of Bihar and of
the Gangaridae of Bengal. Chandragupta, after his
successful campaign in the Panjab, and his usurpation
of the Nanda's throne, made himself master of India,
except the extreme south. The Rudrad§,man inscrip-
tion indicates that his rule included the Kathiawar
peninsula on the western coast.
This enormous empire passed, apparently, in peaceful
succession to Bindusara Amitraghata, and from him
to Asoka. The traditions of Kashmir and Nepal
relate that those countries were included in the
Maurya empire. Asoka is remembered as the founder
of Srinagar, which is still the capital of Kashmir,
and which replaced the old capital on the site of
Pandrethan. Several ruined buildings are also at-
tributed to the great emperor by the local historian,
who mentions a son of his named Jalauka, as governor
of the province ^- The fact of the inclusion of Kash-
mir in the Maurya empire is confirmed by a wild
' Stein, ' Ancient Geography of Katoi'r,' in J. As. Soc. Bengal,
Part i (1899), pp. 138-40, 158.
E 2,
68 ASOKA
legend related by Hiuen Tsiang, -which concludes
with the statement that 'Asoka RSja, for the sake
of the Arhats, built five hundred monasteries, and
gave this country [Kashmir] as a gift to the priest-
hood i.'
The inclusion of the Nepalese Tarai, or lowlands,
in the empire is conclusively proved by the inscrip-
tions on the pillars at Nigliva and Rummindei.
Genuine tradition, not mere literary legend, which
is confirmed by the existence of well-preserved monu-
ments, attests with almost equal certainty Asoka's
effective possession of the secluded Valley of NepeLl.
The pilgrimage described in the last chapter was
continued, either through the ChiiriS, Ghati or the
Goramasan Pass, into the enclosed valley of Nepal,
of which the capital was then known by the name
of Manju Patau. It occupied the same site as the
modem city of Kathmandu. Asoka resolved to per-
petuate the memory of his visit and to testify to
his piety and munificence by the erection of a number
of stately monuments, and the foundation of a new
city. Patau, Bhatgaon, and Kirtipur, which at various
dates in later ages severally became the capitals of
mountain kingdoms, were not then in existence.
Asoka selected as the site of his new city some
rising ground about two miles to the south-east of
the ancient capital, and there bmlt the city now
known as Lalita Patan. Exactly in its centre he
built a temple, which is still standing near the south
' Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, i. 150.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 69
side of the palace or ' Darbar,' and at each of the four
sides of the city, facing the cardinal points, he erected
four great hemispherical st'Apas, which likewise remain
to this day. Two small shrines and a tomb at Lalita
Patau are also ascribed to Asoka. The emperor was
accompanied in his pilgrimage by his daughter Charu-
mati, the wife of a Kshatriya named Devapala. She
devoted herself to religion, and remained in Nepal
as a nun, residing at a convent which she built at
Pasupatinath, a mile or two north of Kathmandu,
and which still exists, and bears her name ^.
The Buddhist legends all seem to imply that the sea-
port of Tamralipti (the modem Tamliik in the Midna-
pur District, thirty-five miles from Calcutta), where
travellers from Ceylon landed, was part of the Maurya
dominions, and this inference is supported by the fact
that Chandragupta took over from his predecessor
Nanda the sovereignty of the country of the Ganga-
ridae, or Bengal, which probably included Tamralipti.
Asoka, therefore, inherited an empire which ex-
tended from sea to sea. But at his accession, the
kingdom of Kalinga, stretching along the coast of
the Bay of Bengal, from the Mahanadi river on the
north, to the south as far, perhaps, as Pulicat, was
still independent. In the ninth year of the reign this
region was conquered and permanently annexed ^
' Bhagrwan L§,1 Indraji and Bflhler, ' History of Nepfi,!,' in Ind.
Ant, Dec. 1884, xiii. 412 segg.; and Oldfield, Sketches from
Nipal, ii. 246-8.
» Kock Edict XIII.
70 ASOKA
The southern limits of the empire are fixed by the
occurrence of the Siddapura inscriptions in the Mysore
State (about N. lat. 14° 50'), and by the enumeration
in the edicts of the nations in the south of the
peninsula which retained their independence.
The Chola kings in those days had their capital at
Uraiyur near Trichinopoly, and ruled over the south-
east of the peninsula. The capital of the Pandya
kingdom, farther south, was at Madura; and the
Malabar coast, between the Western Ghats and the
sea, down to Cape Comorin, was known as the king-
dom of Kerala ^. All these three kingdoms are, like
Ceylon, recognized by Asoka as independent powers,
outside the limits of his dominions.
The southern boundary of the Maurya empire
may be defined, with a near approach to accuracy,
as a line connecting Pondicherry on the east coast
with Cannanore on the west, or, approximately, as
the twelfth degree of north latitude. North of this
line, as far as the Himalayas and the Hindoo Koosh,
all India acknowledged either the direct rule or the
overlordship of Asoka.
This definition of the extent of the Maurya empire,
which exceeded the area of British India, excluding
Burma, is supported by the distribution of the rock
inscriptions and by Hiuen Tsiang's enumeration of
the monuments ascribed to Asoka.
The rock inscriptions cover the area bounded by
^ Sewell, 'Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India,' in
Archaeol. Survey of S. India, ii. 154, 195, and 214.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 71
the lower Himalayas, the Bay of Bengal, Mysore, and
the Arabian sea.
Hiuen Tsiang enumerates in detail about one hun-
dred and thirty sttXpas ascribed to Asoka, besides
mentioning in general terms many other edifices
referred by tradition to his reign. A few of the
stupas stood in independent territory, where their
erection must have been dependent on the goodwill
and permission of the local sovereigns, but the great
majority were situated in provinces which belonged
to the empire. Three are mentioned as existing in
the country now known as Afghanistan. The Pilusara
stilpa, a hundred feet high, was at Kapisa, and a won-
derful stone stlXpa, beautifully adorned and carved,
three hundred feet in height, was the glory of Naga-
rahara near Jalalabad. A small st4pa, also the gift
of Asoka, stood to the south of this stupendous
monument. Other notable stUpas existed in the
Swat valley, and Taxila possessed three. Four sHpas
built by Asoka graced the capital of Kashmir, and
legend ascribed to him the erection of five hundred
monasteries in that country.
On the east coast, sHpas built by Asoka are
recorded as existing at Tamralipti (Tamhik), at the
capital of Samatata (probably in the Sunderbimds),
in Orissa, and in Kalinga.
On the west side of India Valabhi in Gfljarat, and
the province of Sind, with its dependencies, were rich
in monuments ascribed to the great Maurya. The
Rudradaman inscription records the fact that his
72 ASOKA
Persian governor of Kathiawar made the canals in
connexion with the Gimar lake which had been
formed in the time of Chandragupta ^, In the pro-
vince of Arachosia (Tsauktita), of which the capital
is plausibly identified with Ghazni, ten stiipas were
regarded as the work of Asoka,
In the south he erected a sMpa at the capital of
the Dravida country, the modem Conjeeveram, and
another at the capital of the Andhra territory, the
modern Vengi, forty-three miles south-west of Madras.
The edicts refer to Antiochus Theos, king of Syria,
as a neighbouring potentate, and so agree with the
other evidence which indicates the Hindoo Koosh as
the north-western frontier of the empire.
Asoka's empire, therefore, comprised all India proper
from the twelfth degree of latitude to the Himalayas,
and included the valley of Nepal, the valley of Kash-
mir, the Swat valley and adjoining regions, the
Yusufzai country, Afghanistan as far as the Hindoo
Koosh, Sind, and Baluchistan.
The machinery for the government and administra-
tion of this vast empire will now be examined.
The historian is justified in assuming that the system
of government developed by the genius of Chandra-
gupta, the first emperor of India, was preserved intact
in its main features, although supplemented by some
novel institutions, and modified by certain reforms, in
the reign of his grandson.
^ Ind. Ant. vii. 257-63 ; and (inaccurately) in Prdkrit and
Sanskrit Inscriptions ofKattywar (Bhavnagar, n. d.).
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 73
Megasthenes has recorded a tolerably fuU account
of the institutions of Chandragupta,^ and a combin-
ation of his account with the evidence of the edicts
throws much light upon the organization of Asoka's
empire.
The king's power was, of course, absolute, and all
institutions depended on his will. The royal will
was communicated to the lieges through the agency of
a bureaucracy, at the head of which stood the Viceroys,
generally sons or other near relatives of the sovereign.
One of these great officers had his seat of govern-
ment at the famous city of Taxila, now represented by
the ruins at ShS,h Dheri in the Rawalpindi District of
the Panjib. All the territories west of the Satlej as
far as the Hindoo Koosh may have been within his
jurisdiction. Another princely Viceroy ruled Western
India from the ancient city of Ujjain in M^hwa.
According to tradition, Asoka himself held this
government when the news of his father's mortal
illness reached him, and obliged him to hasten to
the capital in order to secure the succession.
A third Viceroy, stationed at Suvamagiri, the site
of which has not yet been identified, repre-
sented the emperor in Peninsular India, The con-
quered province of Kalinga was controlled by a fourth
prince stationed at Tosali, of which the site is not known
with certainty ; it may be represented by Jaugada ^
' The epigraphical authority for the four princely Viceroys
is to be found in the Detached Edicts of Dhauli, so-called Nob, I
and II ; and the Siddapura Minor Bock Edict.
74 ASOKA
The home provinces were probably administered
by local governors acting under the direct orders of
the emperor.
The oiEcials next in rank to the Viceroys, so far as
can be inferred from the language of the edicts, were
the RajjlXkas or Commissioners, ' set over hundreds
of thousands of souls.' Below them were the Pra-
desikas or District officers.
Magistrates in general were designated by the term
Mahdmdtra, and this generic term, in combination
with determinative words, was also applied to special
departmental officers, as, for instance, the Censors of
the Law of Piety, who were known as Dhamma-
mahdmdtras. These Censors, who were for the first
time appointed by Asoka in the fourteenth year of the
reign, as recited in the fifth Kock Edict, had instruc-
tions to concern themselves with aU sects, and to pro-
mote the advance of the principles of the Law of
Piety among both the subjects of His Majesty and the
semi-independent border tribes of Yonas, Gandharas,
and others. They were directed in general terms to
care for the happiness of the lieges, and especially
to redress cafees of wrongful confinement or unjust
corporal punishment, and were empowered to grant
remissions of sentence in cases where the criminal was
entitled to consideration by reason of advanced years,
sudden calamity, or the burden of a large family.
These officials were further charged with the delicate
duty of superintending the female establishments of
the members of the royal family both at the capital
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 75
and in the provincial towns. In conjunction with
other officials the Censors acted as royal almoners and
distributed the gifts made by the sovereign and his
queens and relatives.
Special superintendents or Censors of the Women
are also mentioned, and it is not easy to understand
how their duties were distinguished from those of the
Censors of the Law of Piety.
All these special officers were supplementary to the
regular magistracy. The extreme vagueness in the
definition of the duties entrusted to them must have
caused a considerable amount of friction between them
and the ordinary officials.
The Censors probably exercised jurisdiction in cases
where animals had been killed or mutilated contrary
to regulations, or gross disrespect had been shown by
a son to his father or mother, and so forth. They also
took cognizance of irregularities in the conduct of the
royal ladies. The general duty of repressing unlawful
indulgences of the fair sex seems to have fallen to the
Censors of Women, who, no doubt, were also respon-
sible for the due regulation of the courtesans.
Megasthenes testifies that the official reporters did
not scorn to make use of information supplied by the
public women.
Asoka mentions that he had appointed many classes
of officials for various departmental purposes. Allu-
sion is made to certain inspectors whose duties are not
clearly explained. The wardens of the marches are
mentioned as being a special class of officials.
76 ASOKA
The emperor attached the highest importance to the
necessity of being accessible to the aggrieved subject
at any place and at any hour, and undertook to dis-
pose at once of all complaints and reports without
regard to his personal convenience. In these orders
(Rock Edict VI), Asoka only confirmed and emphasized
the practice of his grandfather, who used to remain
in court the whole day, without allowing the interrup-
tion of business, even while his attendants practised
massage on him with ebony rollers. He continued
to hear cases while the four attendants rubbed him \
The Indian emperor, like most Oriental sovereigns,
relied much upon the reports of news-writers employed
by the Crown for the purpose of watching the
executive officers of Government, and reporting every-
thing of note which came to their knowledge. The
emperor seems to have had reason to be suspicious, for
it is recorded that Chandragupta could not venture to
sleep in the daytime, and at night was obliged to change
his bedroom from time to time as a precaution against
treachery ^. Asoka probably continued the routine of
court life laid down by his great ancestor.
The standing army, maintained at the king's cost,
was formidable in numbers, comprising, according
to Pliny, 600,000 infantry, 30,000 cavalry, and 9,000
elephants, besides chariots ; and was, with reference to
the standard of antiquity, very highly organized.
The War Office was directed by a commission of
' Strabo, XV. I, 53-6, in M'Crindle'e Ancient India, p. 72.
» Ibid., p. 71.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 77
thirty members, divided into six boards each contain-
ing five members, with departments severally assigned
as follows :
Board No. i : Admiralty, in co-operation with the
Admiral ;
Board No. a : Transport, commissariat, and army
service, including the provision of drummers, grooms,
mechanics, and grass-cutters ;
Board No. 3 : Infantry ;
Board No. 4 : Cavalry ;
Board No. 5 : War-chariots ;
Board No. 6 : Elephants.
The arms, when not in use, were stored in arsenals,
and ranges of stables were provided for the horses and
elephants. Chariots, when on the march, were drawn
by oxen, in order to spare the horses. Each war-
chariot, which had a team of either two or four horses
harnessed abreast, carried two fighting-men besides the
driver. The chariot used as a state conveyance was
drawn by four horses. Each war-elephant carried three
fighting-men in addition to the driver. Arrian gives
some interesting details concerning the equipment of the
infantry and cavalry, which maybe quoted verbatim : —
' I proceed now,' he says, ' to describe the mode in which
the Indians equip themselTes for war, premising that it is
not to be regarded as the only one in vogue. The foot-
soldiers carry a bow made of equal length with the man
who bears it. This they rest upon the ground, and pressing
against it with their left foot thus discharge the arrow,
having drawn the string far backwards ; for the shaft they
78 ASOKA
use is little short of being three yards long, and there is
nothing which can resist an Indian archer's shot — neither
shield nor breastplate, nor any stronger defence if such
there be. In their left hand they carry bucklers of undressed
ox-hide, -which are not so broad as those who carry them,
but are about as long. Some are equipped with jaTclinS
instead of bows, but all wear a sword, which is broad in
the blade, but not longer than three cubits ; and this, when
they engage in close fight (which they do with reluctance),
they wield with both hands, to fetch down a lustier blow.
The horsemen are equipped with two lances like the lances
called saunia, and with a shorter buckler than that carried
by the foot-soldiers. But they do not put saddles on their
horses, nor do they curb them with bits like the bits in use
among the Greeks or the Kelts, but they fit on round the
extremity of the horse's mouth a circular piece of stitched
raw ox-hide studded with pricks of iron or brass pointing
inwards, but not Yery sharp ; if a man is rich he uses pricks
made of ivory. Within the horse's mouth is put an iron
prong like a skewer, to which the reins are attached.
When the rider, then, pulls the reins, the prong controls the
horse, and the pricks which are attached to this prong goad
the mouth, so that it cannot but obey the reins ^.'
The civil administration, of which some features
mentioned in the edicts have been already noticed,
was an organization of considerable complexity, and
' ' Indika,' xvi, in Ancient India, p. 220. For shapes of Indian
arms at the beginning of the Christian era, see Cunning-
ham, Bhilsa Topes, p. 217, and PI. xxxiii; and Maisey, Sdnchi,
PI. XXXV, xxxvi. Cf. woodcut of Veddah drawing his bow in
Tennant's Ceylon, 3rd ed., i. 499. A nearly life-size figure
of an infantry soldier armed as described by Megasthenes is
given in Cunningham, StApa of Bkarhut, PI. xxxii, i.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 79
apparently not inferior to that elaborated by Sher
Shah and Akbar. We read of an Irrigation Depart-
ment, which performed functions similar to those of
the analogous department in Egypt, regulating the
rivers and controlling the sluices so as to distribute
the canal water fairly among the farmers. The long
inscription of Rudradaman, executed in A. D. 150,
records how Tushasp, the Persian governor of Saurash-
tra (Kathiawar) on behalf of Asoka, constructed
canals and bridges to utilize the water of the great
artificial lake at Girnar which had been formed in
the reign of Chandragupta ^. This instance shows
the care that was taken to promote agricultural
improvement and to develop the land revenue, even
in a remote province distant more than a thousand
miles from the capital.
The revenue officers were charged with the collection
of the land revenue, or Crown rent, then as now, the
mainstay of Indian finance. All agricultural land
was regarded as Crown property. According to one
account the cultivators retained one-fourth of the
produce; according to another (which iS more pro-
bable), they paid into the treasury one-fourth of the
produce in addition to a rent of unspecified amount.
The castes, whose occupation connected them with
the land, such as woodcutters, carpenters, blacksmiths,
and miners, were subject to the supervision of the
revenue officers.
Roads were maintained by the royal officers, and
^ See note, p. 72.
8o ASOKA
pillars were erected on the principal highways to
serve as mile-stones at intervals of about an English
mile and a quarter. Examples of similar pillars
{kos trbindr), erected many centuries later by the
Mughal emperors, still exist ^. Asoka prided himself
on having further consulted the comfort of travellers
by planting shady trees and digging wells at frequent
intervals along the main roads ".
Pataliputra, the capital city, stood at the confluence
of the Son and Ganges, on the southern bank of the
latter river, in the position now occupied by the large
native city of Patna and the civil station of Bankipore.
The river Son has changed its course, and now joins
the Ganges near the cantonment of Dinapore (Dhana-
pur) above Bankipore, but its old course can be easily
traced. The ancient city, like its modern successor,
was a long and narrow parallelogram, about nine
miles in length and a mile and a half in breadth.
The wooden walls seen by Megasthenes, which were
' The officers ' construct roads, and at every ten stadia set up
a pillar to show the byroads and distances ' (Strabo, xv. i.
50-2, in Anciwt India, p. 86). The stadium in use at that
period was equal to 202 J yards; ten stadia, therefore, =2022^
yards. The Mughal hos, the interval between the still existing
Icos mtndrs, or pillars, averages 4558 yards (Elliot, Suppl.
Glossary, s. v. kos). The Asoka pillars were therefore set up at
every half kos, approximately, according to the Mughal con-
putation.
* Rock Edict II, and Pillar Edict VII. It is expressly recorded
that the wells were dug at intervals of half a kos each, the
same interval which is approximately expressed by Megasthenes
as ten stadia.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 8i
protected by a wide and deep moat, were pierced by
sixty-four gates and crowned by five hundred and
seventy towers. Asoka built an outer masonry wall,
and beautified the city with innumerable stone build-
ings so richly decorated, that in after ages they were
ascribed to the genii. The greater part of the ancient
city still lies buried in the silt of the rivers under
Patna and Bankipore at a depth of from ten to twenty
feet. In several places the remains of the wooden
palisade mentioned by Megasthenes have been ex-
posed by casual excavations, and numerous traces
have been found of massive brick and magnificent
stone buildings. A few of the brick edifices in a
ruined condition are still above ground, and it would
probably be possible, by a careful survey conducted
under competent supervision, to identify with cer-
tainty the sites of the principal Asoka buildings
mentioned by the Chinese pilgrims. Owing to the
want of such a survey, the identifications made by
Major Waddell, I.M.S., who is entitled to the credit
of discovering the fact that Psitaliputra still exists,
are not altogether convincing, although many of them
may be correct.
The excavations, as far as they have been carried,
fully confirm the accuracy of the accounts given by
Megasthenes and the Chinese pilgrims of the extent
and magnificence of the Maurya capital ^.
^ Arrian, Indika, x, in Ancient India, pp. 68 and 205 ;
Pliny, Hist. Nat.\i. 22, ibid. p. 139; Solinus, 52, 6-17, ibid, p,
155; Waddell, Discovery of the Exact Site ofAsoha's Classic Capital
¥
82 ASOKA
The administration of this great and splendid city
was organized with much elaboration. Like the War
Office, the metropolis was administered by a commis-
sion of thirty members divided into six Boards with
five members each. The first Board was charged with
the superintendence of the industrial arts and artisans.
The second was entrusted with the duty of super-
intending foreigners, and attending to their wants.
This Board provided medical aid for foreigners in
case of sickness, with decent burial in case of death,
and administered the estates of the deceased, remitting
the net proceeds to the persons entitled. The same
Board was also bound to provide proper escort for
foreigners leaving the country. The third Board was
responsible for the registration of births and deaths,
which was enforced both for revenue purposes and
for the information of the Government.
The fourth Board was the Board of Trade, which
exercised a general superintendence over trade and
commerce, and regulated weights and measures. It
is said that the authorities took care that commodities
were sold in the proper season by public notice,
which probably means that price lists were officially
fixed, according to the usual Indian custom. Any
trader who desired to deal in more than one class
of goods was obliged to pay double licence tax.
The fifth Board was concerned with manufactures,
of PAtaliputra, the PaUbothra of the Greeks, and Description of the
Superficial Remains (Calcutta, Bengal Secretariat Press, 1892,
price one rupee).
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 83
the sale of which was subjected to regulations similar
to those governing the sales of imported goods.
The sixth Board was charged with the duty of
levying a tithe on the prices of all articles sold.
Evasion of this tax was punishable by death ^ This
sanguinary law is but one of several indications that
the penal code of Chandragupta was one of extreme
severity. The same code seems to have been adminis-
tered by Asoka, with slight mitigations.
The general severity of the government of Chand-
ragupta is testified to by Justin, who says that that
prince, who freed his countrymen from the Mace-
donian yoke, 'after his victory forfeited by his
tyranny all title to the name of liberator, for he op-
pressed with servitude the very people whom he had
emancipated from foreign thraldom ^.' In addition
to the law about evasion of municipal taxes just
quoted, other illustrations of the extreme severity
of the penal law are on record. When the king was
on a hunting expedition, any person, man or woman,
who went inside the ropes marking off the path of
the royal procession was capitally punished. The
same formidable penalty was attached to the offence
of causing the loss of a hand or eye to an artisan,
the reason apparently being that skilled workmen
were regarded as being specially devoted to the king's
' Strabo, xv. I, 50-52, in Ancient India, p. 86.
^ Justin, XV. 4, in M'^Crindle, The Invasion of India hy
Alexander the Great, p. 327. See also Watson's translation
(Bohn), p. 142,
J" 3
84 ASOKA
service. In other cases wounding by mutilation was
punishable by the amputation of the corresponding
member of the offender, in addition to the loss of his
right hand. The crime of giving false evidence was
punished by mutilation of the extremities. According
to one writer, some unspecified heinous offences were
punished by the shaving of the offender's hair, which
penalty was regarded as specially infamous ^.
The mitigations of this sanguinary code introduced
by Asoka the Humane were not very material. Late
in his reign he ordained that every criminal condemned
to death should have three days' respite before execu-
tion to enable him to prepare for the other world, but
the edict does not indicate any diminution in the
number of capital offences or of the convicts condemned
to death. The censors of the Law of Piety were com-
manded to redress cases of wrongful imprisonment
or undeserved corporal punishment, and were em-
powered to remit sentence when the offender deserved
mercy by reason of advanced age, sudden calamity,
or the burden of a large family dependent on him for
support. The actions of the censors in pursuance of
these instructions cannot have had much practical
effect. On each anniversary of his solemn coronation
Asoka was in the habit of pardoning criminals await-
ing execution, but, considering the fact that no
condemned prisoner ever had more than three days'
respite between sentence and execution, the number
' Nicolas Damaso. 44 ; Stobaeus, Set-m. 42, in M<=Crindle's
Ancient India, p. 73.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 85
who benefited by the royal clemency cannot have
been very great ^. So far as the evidence goes, it
indicates that Asoka maintained in substance the
stern penal legislation and summary procedure of
his illustrious grandfather, who had governed by
despotism the empire won by bloodshed.
It would, however, be rash to infer from these
premises that the professed humanity of Asoka was
hypocritical. The temper of the times and the
universal custom of Oriental monarchies demanded
severity in the punishment, and dispatch in the
adjudication, of crime as indispensable characteristics
of an efi&cient government. Asoka deserves credit
for inculcating on his office'rs principles which, if
followed, must have resulted in improved adminis-
tration of justice, and for measures which in some
degree mitigated the ferocity of established practice.
The so-called Detached Edicts of Dhauli and
Jangada, addressed to the governors and magistrates of
the conquered province of Kalinga, display the sove-
reign's earnest desire for merciful and considerate
administration.
The mere extent of the empire which was trans-
mitted from Chandragupta to Bindusara, and from
Bindusara to Asoka, is good evidence that the organi-
zation of the government, which was strong enough
in military force to defeat foreign attacks, and to sub-
' Pillar Edict IV : 'To prisoners who have been convicted
and condemned to death I grant a respite of three days before
execution.'
86 ASOKA
due an extensive kingdom, was also adequate for the
performance of civil duties. Pataliputra, situated in
an eastern province, continued throughout the reigns
of the three imperial Mauryas to be the capital of
an empire exceeding British India in area, and extend-
ing from sea to sea. The emperor, though destitute
of the powerful aids of modem civilization, was able
to enforce his will at Kabul, distant twelve hundred,
and at Gimar, distant a thousand miles from his
capital. He was strong enough to sheathe his sword
in the ninth year of his reign, to treat unruly border
tribes with forbearance, to cover his dominions with
splendid buildings, and to devote his energies to the
diffusion of morality and piety.
How long the efforts of Asoka continued to bear
fruit after the close of his protracted and brilliant
reign we know not. Envious time has dropped an
impenetrable veil over the deeds of his successors,
and no man can tell the story of the decline and fall
of the Maurya empire.
CHAETER III
The Monuments
The extravagant legend which ascribes to Asoka
the erection o£ eighty-four thousand stdpas, or sacred
cupolas, within the space of three years, proves the
depth of the impression made on the popular imagina-
tion by the magnitude and magnificence of the great
Maurya's architectural achievements. So imposing
were his works that they were universally believed
to have been wrought by supernatural agency.
' The royal palace and halls in the midst of the city
(Pataliputra), which exist now as of old, were all made by
spirits which he employed, and which piled up the stones,
reared the walls and gates, and executed the elegant
carving and inlaid sculpture-work, in a way which no
human hands of this world could accomplish ^.'
Thus wrote the simple-minded FS,-hien at the begin-
ning of the fifth century. A little more than two
hundred years later, when Hiuen Tsiang travelled, the
ancient city was deserted and in ruins, the effect of
the departure of the court and the ravages of the
White Huns. Now,
' The cloud-capped towers, the gorgeous palaces,
The solemn temples,'
' Chap, xxvii, Legge's translation.
88 ASOKA
lie buried deep beneath the silt of the Ganges and
Son rivers, and serve as a foundation for the East
Indian Railway, the city of Patna, and the civil
station of Bankipore.
No example of the secular architecture of Asoka's
reign has survived in such a condition as to permit of
its plan and style being studied. The remains of the
Maurya palace undoubtedly lie hid under the fields
and houses of the village of Kumrahar, south of the
railway line connecting Bankipore and Patna, but
the slight excavations which have been undertaken
do not suffice to render the remains intelligible, and
the expense of adequate exploration would be prohi-
bitive ^.
The numerous and stately monasteries which Asoka
erected at many places in the empire have shared
the fate of his palaces, and not even one survives in
a recognizable state.
The st'iLpas, or cupolas, on which the emperor
lavished so much treasure, have been more fortunate,
and a large group of monuments of this class at
Sanchi in Central India has been preserved in a
tolerably complete state '^.
A stiXpa was usually destined either to enshrine the
relics of a Buddha or saint, or to mark the scene of
' Waddell, Discovery of the Exact Site of Asoka's Classic Capital
of PiUaliputra (Calcutta, 1892) ; and an unpublished report by
Babu P. C. Mukharjt.
^ Cunningbam, The Bhilsa Topes (London, 1854) ; Reports,
X. 57 ; Epigraphia Indica (Btihler), ii. 87, 366.
THE MONUMENTS 89
some event famous in the history of the Buddhist
church. Sometimes it was built merely in honour of
a Buddha. In Asoka's age a stUpa ■was a solid
hemispherical mass of masonry, springing from a
plinth which formed a perambulating path for
worshippers, and was flattened at the top to carry
a square altar-shaped structure, surmounted by a
series of stone umbrellas. The base was usually
surrounded by a stone railing, of which the pillars,
bars, and coping-stones were commonly, though not
invariably, richly carved and decorated with elaborate
sculptures in relief.
The great stUpa at Sanchi was a solid dome of
brick and stone, 106 feet in diameter, springing from
a plinth 14 feet high, and with a projection of 5i feet
from the base of the dome. The apex of the dome
was flattened into a terrace 34 feet in diameter,
surrounded by a stone railing, within which stood
a square altar or pedestal surrounded by another
railing. The total height of the building, when
complete, must have exceeded 100 feet.
Many of Asoka's dUpas were much loftier, Hiuen
Tsiang mentions one in Afghanistan which was 300
feet in height, and in Ceylon one famous stilpa, when
perfect, towered to a height exceeding 400 feet.
The base of the great Sanchi stllpa was surrounded
by a massive stone railing nearly 10 feet high,
forming a cloister or passage round the sacred
monument. This railing, which is very highly
decorated, is later than Asoka's time.
go ASOKA
Several of the sMpas at and near Sanchi were
opened and found to contain relic caskets hidden
inside the mass of masonry. In No. 2 the relic
chamber was discovered a feet to the westward of
the centre, and 7 feet above the terrace. Inside the
chamber was a sandstone box, 11 inches long, and
9^ inches high, which contained four small steatite
vases, in which fragments of bone had been enshrined.
Numerous inscriptions vouched for these relics as
belonging to some of the most famous saints of the
Buddhist church, including two of the missionaries
named in the Mahavamsa as the apostles of the
Himalayan region, and the son of Moggali (Maudgalya),
presumably Tissa, who, according to the Ceylonese
chronicle, presided over the third Council.
A very interesting relic of the age of Asoka was
discovered by Sir Alexander Cunningham in 1873 at
a village named Bharhut (Barahut) in Baghelkhand,
about ninety-five miles south-west from Allahabad ^.
He found there the remains of a brick sMpa of
moderate size, nearly 68 feet in diameter, surrounded
by an elaborately carved stone railing bearing numerous
inscriptions in characters similar to those of the Asoka
edicts. The stUpa had been covered with a coat of
plaster, in which hundreds of triangular-shaped
recesses had been made for the reception of lights
for the illumination of the monument. On festival
1 Cunningham, The Stiipa of Bharhut (London, 1879). The
distance of 120 miles from Mlahabad, stated by Cunningham, is
not correct according to the maps, including his.
THE MONUMENTS 91
occasions it was the practice of the Buddhists to
decorate stijbpas in every possible way, with flowers,
garlands, banners, and lights.
The railing of the Bharhut stijk'pa was a little more
than 7 feet high, and was divided into four quadrants
by openings facing the cardinal points. Each opening
was approached by an ornamental gateway of the
kind called toran. The beams of each toran were
supported on composite pillars, each composed of four
octagonal shafts joined together. Each of these shafts
is crowned by a distinct bell capital. The four bell
capitals are covered by a single abacus, on which
rests a massive upper capital formed of two lions and
two bulls, all couchant. Although the remains of the
ornamental gateways or torans at Bharhut are very
imperfect, enough is left to prove that these elaborate
structures closely resembled the better preserved
examples of later date at Sanchi. The complete cast
of one of the Sanchi gates exhibited in the Indian
Museum at South Kensington serves as an illustration
of the similar gateways at Bharhut. Such of the
Bharhut sculptures as were saved from the ruthless
hands of the villagers were conveyed to Calcutta,
where they now form one of the chief treasures of the
Imperial Museum. One of the gateways has been
partially restored, and portions of two quadrants of
the railing have been set up beside it, in order to
convey to visitors an idea of the nature of the
structure.
The railing was composed of pillars, three cross-bars,
92 ASOKA
or rails, and a heavy coping Each of the pillars is
a monolith bearing a central medallion on each face,
with a half medallion at the top and another at the
bottom. Every member of the railing is covered
with elaborate sculpture, which is of exceptional
interest for the history of Buddhism, because it is to
a large extent interpreted by explanatory contem-
porary inscriptions.
The remains of very similar railings of Asoka's
age exist at Buddha Gaya ; and Babii P. C. Mukharji
found parts of at least three different stone railings
at Patna, some of which may be even earlier in date
than Asoka ^.
Besnagar near Sanchi, the ancient Vedisagiri, the
home, according to the legend, of Devi the mother of
Mahendra and Sanghamitra, son and daughter of
Asoka, has yielded specimens of another sculptured
railing of Maurya age, bearing dedicatory inscriptions ^.
In ancient India both the Buddhists and the Jains
were in the habit of defraying the cost of expensive
religious edifices by subscription, each donor or group
of donors being given the credit of having contributed
a particular pillar, coping-stone, or other portion of
the edifice on which the name of the donor was
inscribed. It is interesting to find that the same
' Babu P. C. Mukharji's discoveries are described in an unpub-
lished report. For Buddha Gaya, see Cunningham, Mahdbodhi
(London, 1 892), Rajendralala Mitra, Buddha Gayd, and Cun-
ningham, Reports, vols, i, iii, viii, xi, xvi.
^ Cunningham, Reports, x. 38.
THE MONUMENTS 93
practice of crediting individual donors with the pre-
sentation of single pillars existed in Hellenistic Asia.
At the temple of Labranda in Caria, dating from the
reign of Nero, or a little later, Sir Charles Fellows
found twelve fluted columns, each of which bore a
panel recording that it was the gift of such and such a
person 1. The subscriptions of course must have been
collected in cash, and the work must have been carried
out by the architect in accordance with a general
plan. The record of individual donors was intended
not only to gratify their vanity and the natural desire
for the perpetuation of their names, but to secure for
them and their families an accumulation of spiritual
merit. The Indian inscriptions frequently express
this latter purpose.
In addition to the statues of animals on the summit
of monolithic pillars which will be described presently,
a few specimens of sculpture in the round belonging
to the Maurya period have been preserved in a
tolerably complete state.
Of these rare specimens one of the most remarkable
is the colossal statue of a man seven feet in height
found at Parkham, a village between MathurS, and
Agra. This work is executed in grey sandstone
highly polished. The arms are unfortunately broken,
and the face is mutilated. The dress, which is very
peculiar, consists of a loose robe confined by two bands,
one below the breast and the other round the loins ^.
^ Fellows, Asia Minor, pp. 261, 331, and plate (London, 1838).
^ Cunningham, Reports, xx. 40, PI. vi.
94 ASOKA
A colossal female statue of the same period found
at Besnagar, 6 feet 7 inches in height, is of special
interest as being the only specimen of a female statue
in the round that has yet been discovered of so early
a period ^,
A standing statue of a saint with a halo, which
crowned the northern detached pillar near the great
st'Aioa at Sanchi, is considered by Cunningham to be
one of the finest specimens of Indian sculpture ^.
Asoka had a special fondness for the erection of
monolithic pillars on a gigantic scale, and erected them
in great numbers, inscribed and without inscriptions.
Two, one at the southern, and the other at the northern
entrance, graced the approaches to the great stilpa of
Sslnchi. The northern pillar, which supported the
statue of the saint, was about 45 feet in height;
the southern pillar, which was crowned by four lions
standing back to back, was some 5 f^®* lower.
Both pillars, like the other monuments of the same
class, are composed of highly polished, fine sandstone.
The monolithic shaft of the southern pillar was 3 a
feet in height.
The Sanchi pillars, of which the southern one bears
a mutilated inscription, corresponding with part of the
Kausambi Edict on the Allahabad pillar, have been
thrown down and sufiered much injury. Two only of
Asoka's monolithic pillars still stand in a condition
practically perfect ; one at Bakhira near Basar in the
^ Cunningham, Reports, x. 44.
" Bhilsa Topes, p. 197, PI. x,
THE MONUMENTS 95
MuzafiFarpur Distiict, and the other at Lauriy^-
Nandangarh (Navandgarh) in the Champaran District.
A detailed description of these two monuments
will suffice to give the reader an adequate idea of the
whole class.
The Bakhira pillar is a monolith of fine sandstone,
highly polished for its whole length of 3 a feet above
the water level. A square pedestal with three steps is
said to exist under water. The shaft tapers uniformly
from a diameter of 49-8 inches at the water level to
38-7 at the top. The principal member of the capital
is bell-shaped in the PersepOlitan style, 2 feet 10
inches in height, and is surmounted by an oblong
abacus la inches high, which serves as a pedestal
for a lion seated on its haunches, 4^ feet in height.
Two or three mouldings are -inserted between the
shaft and the bell capital, and one intervenes between
the latter and the abacus.
The total height above the water level is 44
feet 3 inches. Including the submerged position
the length of the monument must be about 50 feet,
and the gross weight is estimated to be about 50
tons ^.
In general design the Lauriya-Nandangarh pillar
resembles that at Bakhira, but is far less massive.
The polished shaft, which is 32 feet 9^ inches in
height, diminishes from a base diameter of 35^ inches
to a diameter at the top of 32 j inches, The abacus is
circular, and is decorated on the edge with a bas-relief
^ Cunningham, Reports, i. 56; xvi. 12.
96 ASOKA
representing a row of geese pecking their food. The
Jbeight of the capital, including the lion, is 6 feet
lo inches. The whole monument, therefore, is nearly
40 feet in height [Frontispiece) ^.
The mutilated pillar at Rampurwa in the same
district is a duplicate of that at Lauriya-Nandangarh.
The capital of this pillar was attached to the shaft by
a barrel-shaped bolt of pure copper, measuring a feet
and half an inch in length, with a diameter of ^^■^.
inches in the centre, and 3I inches at each end. This
bolt was accurately fitted into the two masses of stone
without cement ^.
The circular abacus of the Allahabad pillar is de-
corated, instead of the geese, with a graceful scroll
of alternate lotus and honeysuckle, resting on a
beaded astragalus moulding, perhaps of Greek
origin ^.
Asoka's monoliths frequently are placed in situations
hundreds of miles distant from quarries capable of
supplying the fine sandstone of which they are com-
posed. The massiveness and exquisite finish of these
huge monuments bear eloquent testimony to the skill
and resource of the architects and stonecutters of the
Maurya age.
The two Asoka pillars which now stand at Delhi
^ Cunningham, Reports, i. 73, PI. xxiv; xvi. 104, PL xxvii
(copied in frontispiece). I am informed that the correct name
of the great mound is Nandangarh, not Navandgarh.
'^ Ibid., xvi. no, PI. viii; xxii. 51, PI. vi, vii.
= Ibid., i. 298.
THE MONUMENTS 97
were removed in a.d. 1356 by Firoz Shah Tughlak,
the one from Topra in the Ambala (Umballa) District
of the Panjab, and the other from Mirath (Meeru£) in
the North- Western Provinces. The process of removal
of the Topra monument is described by a contemporary
author, and his graphic account is worth transcribing
as showing the nature of the difficulties which were
successfully and frequently surmounted by Asoka's
architects.
* Khizrabad,' says the historian, 'is ninety kos from
Delhi, in the Ticinity of the hills. When the Sultan
visited that district, and saw the column in the Tillage of
Topra, he resolved to remove it to Delhi, and there erect it
as a memorial to future generations. After thinking over
the best means of lowering the column, orders were issued
commanding the attendance of all the people dwelling in
the neighbourhood, within and without the Doab, and all
soldiers, both horse and foot. They were ordered to bring
all implements and materials suitable for the work. Direc-
tions were issued for bringing parcels of the cotton of
the silk-cotton tree. Quantities of this silk-cotton were
placed round the column, and when the earth at its base
was removed, it fell gently ov«r on the bed prepared for it.
The cotton was then removed bj degrees, and after some
days the pillar lay safe upon the ground. When the
foundations of the pillar were examined, a large square
stone was found as a base, which also was taken out.
The pillar was then encased from top to bottom in reeds
and raw skins, so that no damage might accrue to it.
A carriage with forty-two wheels was constructed, and ropes
were attached to each wheel. Thousands of men hauled at
every rope, and after great labour and difficulty the pillar
G
98 ASOKA
was raised on to the carriage. A strong rope was fastened
to each wheel, and two hundred men pulled at each of
thesff ropes. By the simultaneous exertions of so many
thousand men, the carriage was moved and was brought to
the banks of the Jumna. Here the Sultan came to meet it.
A number of large boats had been collected, some of which
could carry 5,000 and 7,000 maunds of grain, and the
least of them 2,000 maunds. The column was very ingen-
iously transferred to these boats, and was then conducted
to Firozabad [old Delhi], where it was landed and conveyed
into the Kushk with infinite labour and skill.'
The historian then proceeds to narrate how a
special building was prepared for the reception of the
monument, which was raised to the summit, where it
still stands, with precautions similar to those attending
its removal from its original site ^.
The pillar thus removed with so much skill is the
most interesting of all the Asoka columns, being the
only one on which the invaluable Pillar Edict VII is
incised. Fa-hien, the first Chinese pilgrim, whose
travels lasted for fifteen years from A. D. 399, mentions
only three Asoka pillars, namely, two at Pataliputra,
and one at Sankasya.
The later pilgrim, Hiuen Tsiang, who travelled
in the seventh century, notices specifically sixteen
pillars ascribed to Asoka. Of these, only two have been
identified with absolute certainty, the uninscribed
column at Bakhiraand the inscribed one at Rummindei.
A third, the Nigliva pillar, which does not occupy its
• Shams-i-Siraj, quoted in Carr Stephen's Archaeology of
Delhi, p. 131.
THE MONUMENTS
99
original position, is probably that seen by Hiuen
Tsiang near the stUpa of Kanakamuni. The two great
pillars, seventy feet high, one surmounted by the figure
of an ox and the other by a wheel, which stood at
the entrance of the famous Jetavana monastery near
Sravasti, are believed to still exist buried in a Nepa-
lese forest, but their actual discovery remains to reward
some fortunate explorer. Fragments of several pillars
of the Asoka period have been disclosed by excavations
at and near Patna, which probably include the two
mentioned by the Chinese pilgrims as existing there.
Nine pillars bearing inscriptions of Asoka are
known to exist, none of which are mentioned by the
pilgrims, except the monument at Rummindei, and
probably that at Nigliva. It is a very curious fact
that the Chinese travellers nowhere make the slight-
est allusion to the Asoka edicts, whether incised on
rocks or pillars. The inscriptions on pillars which
they noted were brief dedicatory or commemorative
records. The following list of the known inscribed
pillars will be found useful for reference: —
INSCRIBED PILLARS OF ASOKA.
Serial
No.
Name.
Position.
EemarkB.
I
Delhi-
Topra
n summit of KotMla
in the ruined city Fi-
rozabad near Delhi;
removedinA.D.i3s6
from Topra in Am-
bala District, by Fi-
roz Shah Tughlak.
Cited by Cunning-
ham as ' Delhi-Si-
valik,' and by Senart
as ' Idt of Firoz,' or
'D^' Pillar Edicts
I-VII nearly com-
plete. Capital mo-
dern.
a 2
lOO
ASOKA
Serial
No.
Delhi-Mi-
rath
(Meerut)
Allahabad
Lauriya-
Araraj
Lauriya-
Nandan-
garh
(Navand-
garh)
6 Rampur-
Sanchi
Position.
On ridge at Delhi,
where it was re-
erected by English
Governmentini867;
removed in a.d. 1 356
from Meerut by Firoz
Shah, and erected
inthegrounds of his
hunting-lodge near
present position.
Near Ellenborough
Barracks in the Fort
at Allahabad, but
probably removed
from Kausambi.
At the Lauriya ham-
let, a mile from tem-
ple of Mahadeo Ar-
araj, 20 miles N.W.
of Kesariya stUpa,
and on the road to
Bettia, in the Cham-
paran District of
North Bihar.
Near a large village
named Lauriya, 3
miles N. of Mathia,
and 1 5 miles NNW.
of Bettia, in the
ChamparanDistrict.
At Eampurwa ham-
let, near large vil-
lage named Piparia
(K long. 84° 34', N.
lat. 27° 15' 45"), in
NE. corner of Cham-
paran District.
At southern entrance
to great stupa of
Sanchi in Bhopal
State,CentralIndia.
Bemarks.
Cited by Senart as
'Delhi 2' or 'Dl'
Pillar Edicts I- VI
much mutilated.
Broken into five
pieces, now joined
together. Capital
missing.
Pillar Edicts I-VI;
also Queen's Edict
and Kausambi
Edict, all imperfect.
Capital modem,
except abacus.
Cited by Senart as
'Radhiah,' or 'R.'
Pillar Edicts I-VI
practically perfect.
Capital lost.
Cited by Senart as
'Mathiah,' or 'M.'
Pillar Edicts I-VI
practically perfect.
Capital complete.
Imperfectly excava-
ted. Inscription, so
far as excavated, in
good condition, the
same as on Nos. 4
and 5. Capital im-
perfect.
Fallen and broken,
but the capital re-
mains. Inscription
much mutilated, be-
ing a version of the
Kausambi Edict on
the Allahabad pillar.
THE MONUMENTS
lOI
Serial
No.
Name.
Nigliva
Rummin-
dei
Position.
On -west bank of Ni-
gliva (NigMi) S^gar
near Nigliva village
in Nepalese TarS/i,
north of the Basti
District.
At Rummindei in
the Nepalese Tarai,
about 6 miles north
from Dulha in the
Bastt District, and
13 miles nearly SE.
from No. 8.
Bemarks.
In two pieces, and
not in original posi-
tion ; capital miss-
ing. Imperfect in-
scription, recording
visit of Asoka to
of Konaka-
mana.
Cited by Biihler as
Paderia, from name
of village to south.
Split by lightning
and imperfect ; the
bell portion of the
capital remains.
Absolutely perfect
inscription, record-
ing visit of Asoka to
the Lumbini garden.
The rock inscriptions of Asoka are the most peculiar
and characteristic monuments of his reign. The
longer inscriptions all consist of different recensions of
the fourteen Rock Edicts, published in the thirteenth
and fourteenth years of the reign, and were recorded
at localities situated in the more remote provinces of
the empire.
The village of Shahbazgarhi is situated on the site
of an ancient city, the Po-lu-sha of Hiuen Tsiang, in
the Yiisufzai country, forty miles north-east of
Peshawar, and more than a thousand miles in a direct
line distant from Pataliputra (Patna), the capital of
the Maurya empire. The principal inscription is
recorded on both the eastern and western faces of
a mass of trap rock, 24 feet long and 10 feet high.
102 ASOKA
which lies on the slope of the hill south-east of the
village. The Toleration Edict, No. XII, discovered by
Colonel Deane a few years ago, is incised on a separate
rock about fifty yards distant from the main record.
The text of all the fourteen edicts is nearly perfect ^-
Another copy of the fourteen edicts (omitting the
fourteenth) has been recently discovered at Mansera
in the Hazara District of the Panjab, inscribed on
two rocks. The text is less complete than that at
Shahbazgarhi. Both- these recensions agree in being
inscribed in the form of Aramaic character, written
from right to left, and now generally known by the
name of Kharoshthi. They also agree in giving
special prominence to the Toleration Edict, which has
at Mansera one side of the rock to itself, and at
Shahbazgarhi is inscribed on a separate rock ^.
The third version of the edicts found on the
northern frontier of the empire is at Kalsi in the
Lower Himalayas, on the road from Saharanpur to
the cantonment of Chakrata, and about fifteen miles
westward from the hill-station of Mussoorie (Man-
sClri). The record is incised on a block of white quartz
about ten feet long and ten feet high, which stands near
the foot of the upper of two terraces overlooking the
junction of the Tons and Jumna rivers. The text of
' Cunningham, BepoHs, v. 9-22, PI. iii-v; Epigraphia In-
dica, ii. 447 ; M. Foucher in nth Intent. Congress of Orientalists,
Paris, p. 93. This recension is often cited under the name of
Kapurdagiri, a neighbouring village.
' Epigraphia Indica, ii. 447; Indian Antiquary, xix. (1890), 43.
THE MONUMENTS 103
the edicts is nearly complete, and agrees closely with
the ManserS, recension^. The character used, as in
all the Asoka inscriptions, except Shahbazgarhi and
Mansera, is an ancient form of the Brahmi character,
the parent of the modem Devanagarl and allied
alphabets.
Two copies of the fourteen edicts were published
on the western coast. The fragment at SopS,rS,, in the
Thana District north of Bombay, consists only of a
few words from the eighth edict, but is enough to show
that a copy of the edicts once existed at this place,
which, under the name of Sfirparaka, was an impor-
tant port in ancient times for many centuries ^.
The Gimar recension, the earliest * discovered, is
incised on the face of a granite block on the Girnar
hill to the east of the town of Jillnagarh in the pen-
insula of Kathiawar •''. M. Senart's translations are
based principally on this recension, which has suiFered
many injuries.
Two copies of the edicts are found near the coast of
the Bay of Bengal, within the limits of the kingdom
of Kalinga conquered by Asoka in the ninth year of
' The name is written Khalsi by Cunningham and Senart,
but Kalst seems to be the correct form (Cunningham, Reports,
i. 244, PI. xl. I ; Corpus Inscr. Indicarum, i. 1 2 ; Epigraphia
Indica, ii. 447).
^ Indian Antiquary, i. 321 ; iv. 282; vii. 259; and Bhagvan
Lai Indraji, article ' Sopara ' in Journal Bomb. Br. R. A. 8. for
1882 (reprint).
' Corpus, p. 14; Senart, Inscriptions de Piyadasi, ii. 266, &c. ;
Epigraphia Indica, ii. 447".
104 ASOKA
his reign. The northern copy is incised on a rock
named Aswastama near the summit of a low hill near
Dhauli, about four miles a little west of south from
Bhuvanesvar in the Katak District of Orissa. A space
measuring fifteen feet by ten on the face of the rock
has been prepared to receive the inscription ^.
The southern copy is engraved on the face of a rock
situated at an elevation of about I30 feet in a mass
of granitic gneiss rising near the centre of an ancient
fortified town known as Jaugada in the Ganjam
District of the Madras Presidency, eighteen miles west-
north-west from the town of Ganjam, in 19° 13' 15"
north latitude, and 84° 53' 55" east longitude ^.
The Dhauli 'and Jaugada recensions are practically
duplicates, and agree in omitting Edicts XI, XII, and
XIII. They also agree in exhibiting two special
edicts, the Borderers' and the Provincials' Edicts, which
are not found any^vhere else. The texts of the
Kalinga recensions are very imperfect ^.
The series of the fourteen Rock Edicts is therefore
known to occur, in a form more or less complete, at
' Corpus, p. 15 (some statements inaccurate); Reports, xiii. 95.
^ Corpus, p. 17 ; Repotis, xiii. 112; Sewell, i/)s<s of Antiqui-
fies, Madras, i. 4; Mr. Grahame's Report, dated Feb. 22, 1872,
in Indian Antiquary, i. 219.
' For the Kalinga (' Separate ' or ' Detached ') Edicts, see
Corpus, p. 20; Itidian Antiquary, xix. (1890), 82. All the
Asoka inscriptions except the more recent discoveries, namely,
the Mansera version of the fourteen edicts, Edict XII at Shah-
bazgarhi, the Tarai Pillar Edicts, the Rampurwa Pillar, the
Sopara fragment, and the Siddapura inscriptions, are dealt with
in M. Senart's book, Inscriptions de Piyadasi, published in 1878.
THE MONUMENTS 105
seven places, namely Shahbazgarhi, Mansera, Kalsi,
Sopar^, Gimar, Dhauli, and Jaugada. It is possible
that other versions may yet be discovered.
The Minor Rock Edicts present a single short edict
in variant forms, to which a second still shorter edict,
a summary of the Buddhist moral law, is added in the
Siddapura group of copies only. These Minor Edicts
are scattered nearly as widely as the fourteen Rock
Edicts, being found at Bairat in Rajputana, RClpnath in
the Central Provinces, Sahasram in Bengal, and Sidda-
pura in Mysore. Three copies exist at and near
Siddapura ^.
The Bhabra Edict forms a class by itself. It is in-
scribed on a detached boulder of reddish-grey granite
of moderate size, which was discovered in 1837 on
the top of a hill near the ancient city of Bairat in
Rajputana, where a copy of the first Minor Rock Edict
exists. The boulder is now in the rooms of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta. This edict is
peculiar in being addressed to the Buddhist clergy ^.
The Supplementary Pillar Edicts are short docu-
ments of comparatively small importance inscribed
on the pillars at Allahabad and SS-nchi ^-
The two inscribed pillars in the Nepalese Tarai
' Mr. Rice's report, Edicts of Asoka in Mysore, Feb., 1892;
Buhler, in Epigraphia Indica, iii. 134.
^ Quoted as ' second Bairat rock ' in Corpus, p. 24 ; Indian
Antiquary, xx. (1891), 154.
' Buhler's editions of the ' Queen's ' and ' Kausambi ' Edicts
are in Indian Antiquary, xix. (1890), 123. He edited tbe Sanchi
fragment in Epigraphia Indica, ii. 87, 366. The Sanchi pillar
is described in Bhilsa Topes, p. 193.
io6 ASOKA
record the visits paid by Asoka to two Buddhist holy
places of great sanctity, and the brief inscriptions in
the Barabar caves near Gaya record the presentation
to the Ajivika ascetics of rock-hewn cave dwellings.
These dwellings are hewn out of solid granite, and the
walls have been polished with infinite pains '
The known Asoka inscriptions may be conveniently
arranged, approximately in chronological order, in
eight classes : —
I. The Fourteen Rock Edicts, in seven recensions as
already enumerated ;
II. The two Kalinga Edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada ;
III. The Minor Rock Edicts, in four recensions, as
above enumerated, of the first edict, and in three copies
of the second edict ;
IV. The Bhabra Edict ;
V. The three Cave Inscriptions ;
VI. The two Tarai Pillar Inscriptions, at Nigliva
and Rummindei ;
VII. The Seven Pillar Edicts ; in six recensions, as
above enumerated ; and
VIII. The Supplementary Pillar Edicts, namely, the
Queen's Edict and the Kausambi Edict on the Allah-
abad pillar, and a variant of the Kausambi Edict on the
Sanchi pillar.
The number of distinct documents may be reckoned
as thirty-four (1, 14 ; II, 2 ; III, 2 ; IV, i ; V, 3 ; VI, 2 ;
VII, 7; VIII, 3).
^ Cunningham, Corpus, p. 30 ; Reports, i. 45. Buhler has
edited the inscriptions in Indian Antiquary, xx. (1891), 361.
THE MONUMENTS 107
The inscriptions are all written in forms of Prakrit,
that is to say, vernacular dialects nearly allied to
literary Sanskrit. But the dialects of the inscriptions
are to a considerable extent peculiar, and are not
identical either with Pali or any of the literary
Prakrits. Most of the inscriptions are written in the
dialect known as Magadhi, then current at the
capital of the empire, where the text was evidently
prepared. The versions published at the distant
stations of Girnar and Shahbazgarhi were prepared in
the viceregal offices, and exhibit many local peculiar-
ities. The texts in the Central Provinces and Mysore
are intermediate in character between those of Girnar
and those of the east.
The minute study of the Asoka inscriptions by
many scholars, among whom M. lilmile Senart and the
late Dr. Biihler occupy the place of honour, has
greatly contributed to the elucidation of numerous
problems in the history of Indian civilization, but
a full discussion of the results obtained would be too
technical for these pages.
The arts in the age of Asoka had undoubtedly
attained to a high standard of excellence.
The royal architects were capable of designing and
erecting spacious and lofty edifices in brick, wood, and
stone, of handling with success enormous monoliths,
of constructing massive embankments with convenient
sluice-gates, and of excavating commodious chambers
in the most refractory rock. Sculpture was the hand-
maid of architecture, and all notable buildings were
io8 ASOKA
freely and richly adorned with decorative patterns, an
infinite variety of bas-reliefs, and numerous statues of
men and animals. The art of painting was no doubt
practised, as we know it was practised with success
in a later age, but no specimen that can be referred to
the Maurya period has escaped the tooth of time.
The skill of the stone-cutter may be said to have
attained perfection. Gigantic shafts of hard sandstone,
thirty or forty feet in length, and enormous surfaces
of granite, were polished like jewels, and the joints of
masonry were fitted with the utmost nicety. White
ants and other destructive agencies have prevented
the preservation of any specimens of woodwork, save
a few posts and beams buried in the silt of the rivers
at Patna, but the character of the carpenter's art of
the period is known from the architectural decoration,
which, as Fergusson so persistently pointed out, is
derived from wooden prototypes. The beads and other
jewellery and the seals of the Maurya period and
earlier ages, which have been frequently found,
prove that the Indian lapidaries and goldsmiths of the
earliest historical period were not inferior to those of
any other country. The recorded descriptions and
sculptured representations of chariots, harness, arms, ac-
coutrements, dress, textile fabrics, and other articles of
necessity and luxury indicate that the Indian empire
had then attained a stage of material civilization pro-
bably equal to that attained under the famous Mughal
emperors in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
The Greek writers speak with the utmost respect of
THE MONUMENTS 109
the power and resources of the kingdoms of the
Prasii and Gangaridae, that is to say, Magadha or
Bihar, and Bengal.
Writing was in common use. The Brahmi alphabet,
the parent of the modern Devanagari and most of the
other alphabets now used in India, a descendant from
remote Phoenician ancestry, exhibits in the inscrip-
tions so many varieties that it must have been already
in use for several centuries. The Sanchi relic caskets
prove that the use of ink for writing was familiar.
The care taken to publish the emperor's sermons by
inscribing them on rocks, boiolders, and pillars along
the main lines of communication implies the existence
of a considerable public able to read the documents ^.
Asoka's selection of seven 'passages' from the
Buddhist scriptures, as his specially cherished texts,
implies the existence at the time of a large body of
collected doctrine, which must have been preserved in
a written form. The vast mass of prose books in-
cluded in the Buddhist canon could not have been
preserved for centuries by memory only.
The history of the origin and developm'ent of all
this advanced civilization is very imperfectly known.
With very small exceptions, consisting of a few coin
legends, the short dedicatory inscription on the relic
' See Biihler's admirable disaertationa in his Indische Palaeo-
graphie {Grundriss, 1896), and his papers on the origin of the
Brahmi and Kharoshthi alphabets, reprinted from Band cxxxii
of the Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akad. der Wiss. in Wien, 1895 ;
and Hoernle, ' An Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, Paper, and
Birch-bark,' in J. A. S. B., Part i, Ixix. (1900), 130.
no ASOKA
casket in the Piprava d'Apa, and possibly two or three
other very brief records, the Asoka inscriptions are
the earliest known Indian documents. The historical
links connecting the alphabet of these documents with
its Semitic prototype are, therefore, wanting. But
Biihler was probably right in deriving the Brahmt
alphabets of Asoka from Mesopotamia, and in dating
the introduction of the earliest form of those alpha-
bets into India in about B.C. 800. Dr. Hoernle
brings the date a century or two lower dowi^.
The Kharoshthi alphabet, written from right to left,
in which the Shahbazgarhi and Mansera recensions of
the edicts are recorded, is undoubtedly a form of the
Aramaic or Syrian character introduced into the regions
on the north-western frontier of India after the con-
quest of the Panjab by Darius, the son of Hystaspes,
about B.C. 500. The Persian sovereignty in those
regions probably lasted up to the invasion of Alex-
ander.
The imposing fabric of the Achaemenian empire of
Persia evidently impressed the Indian mind, and
several circumstances indicate a Persian influence on
Indian civilization. The frontier recensions of the
edicts are not only written in the character used by
the Persian clerks, they also use a pure Persian word
to express 'writing,' and each edict opens with a
formula ' Thus saith King Priyadarsin,' which recalls
the stately language of the Achaemenian monarchs.
The pillars, both the detached monumental mono-
liths and the structural columns, of Asoka's architec-
THE MONUMENTS iii
ture are obviously Persian. The characteristic features,
the stepped base, the bell capital, and the combined
animals of the upper capital, are distinctly Achaeme-
nian. The bas-reliefs give innumerable examples of
such pillars, in addition to the considerable number of
existing structural specimens. The winged lions, and
several other details of architectural decoration, are
expressions of Assyrian influence. The acanthus
leaves, astragalus and bead moulding, and honeysuckle
decoration of some of Asoka's capitals are probably to
be explained as borrowed from Greek, or Hellenistic,
originals ^.
In the Buddhist Jataka stories, which depict the life
of India in the fifth and sixth centuries b. c, archi-
tecture is all wooden. In Asoka's age the material of
architecture is generally either brick or stone, imitating
wooden prototypes. This change is probably in the
main to be ascribed to Asoka. Hiuen Tsiang records
the tradition that he built a masonry wall round the
capital, replacing the old wooden palisade which con-
tented the founder of the Maurya empire ^. Although
this is the only recorded instance of the substitution of
brick or stone for timber, it is probably a symbol of a
general transformation, for no certain example of any
masonry building older than Asoka's time, except a
few very plain stUi'pas, is known to exist. The stlipa,
' See Cunningham, Beports, i. 243, iii. 97, 100; v. 189;
V. A. Smith, ' Graeco-Eoman Influence on the Civilization of
Ancient India,' in Journal As. Soc. Bengal, Part i. (1889) ; and
Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Persia, pp. 86 to 120.
"^ Beal, ii. 85.
112 ASOKA
or sacred cupola, itself is, of course, an exception to the
statement that Maurya architecture followed wooden
forms, the stUpa being obviously a development of
the earthen tumulus. The ornamental railings which
surrounded the principal stilpas, and the toran gate-
ways of those railings, are in every feature and every
detail copies of woodwork.
The imitation of woodwork in these structures is
so obvious, and tbe forms are clearly so much more
suitable for wood than stone, that even the finest
examples excite, along with admiration, a feeling of
disapproval based on the incongruity between the
design and the material. The fa9ades of buildings
represented in the bas-reliefs suggest timber models
with equal distinctness, and wood, of course, must have
been actually used to a large extent for balconies and
other features of the front elevations of buildings, as it
is to this day.
The artistic merit of the sculptures, although not
comparable with the masterpieces of Greek genius,
is far from being contemptible. The few surviving
specimens of statues of the human figure in the
round are either so mutilated, or the descriptions
and plates representing them are so imperfect, that
it is difficult and hazardous to pronounce an opinion
on their merits as works of art. The lions of the
Bakhira and Lauriyfi,-Nandangarh pillars, though some-
what stiff and formal, are creditable performances,
and the paws are executed with regard to the facts
of nature. The elephants, as usual in Indian sculp-
THE MONUMENTS 113
ture, are the best of the animals. The fore-half of
an elephant is carved in the round from the rock
over the Dhauli copy of the edicts, and seems to be
well executed. It occupies that position as an emblem
of Gautama Buddha, and is replaced at Kalsi by a
drawing of an elephant incised on the stone.
The sculptures in bas-relief, if they cannot often be
described as beautiful, are full of life and vigour, and
frankly realistic. No attempt is made to idealize the
objects depicted, although the artists have allowed
their fancy considerable play in the representations
of tritons and other fabulous creatures. The pictorial
scenes, even without the help of perspective, tell their
stories with vividness, and many of the figures are
designed with much spirit. As in almost all Indian
sculpture, the treatment of the muscles is conventional
and inadequate.
Images of the Buddha were not known in the age
of Asoka, and are consequently absent from his
sculptures. The Teacher is represented by symbols
only, the empty seat, the pair of foot-prints, the
wheel.
The decorative ornaments of the Asoka sculptures
much resemble those found on many Buddhist and
Jain structures for several centuries subsequent.
They exhibit great variety of design, and some of
the fruit and flower patterns are extremely elegant.
CHAPTER IV
The Rock Inscbiptions
1. The Fourteen Rock Edicts
{Thirteenth and Fourteenth Years)
EDICT I
THE SACEEDNESS OF LIFE ^
This pious edict has been written by command of
His Sacred Majesty King Priyadarsin ^ : —
Here [? in the capital] ^ no animal may be slaugh-
' The headings to the edicts, of course, do not exist in the
original. They have been devised and inserted to facilitate
the understanding of the documents, and to bring out clearly
the fact, which is liable to be obscured by the repetition of
phrases, that each edict is appropriated to a special subject.
" The title dev&ndm priya (Pali, devAnam piya) is literally
translated 'beloved of the gods,' or devas. But such a literal
translation is misleading. The title was the official style of
kings in the third century b. c, and was used by Dasaratha,
grandson of Asoka, and Tishya (Tissa), King of Ceylon, as well
as by Asoka. The phrase ' His Sacred Majesty,' or, more briefly,
'His Majesty,' seems to be an adequate equivalent. In the
Shahbazgarhi, Kalsi, and Mansera versions of Rock Edict VIII,
the title in the plural, ' Their Majesties,' is used as the equivalent
oi rdjano, 'kings,' in the GirnS,r text. See p. 124, note i.
The Shahbazgarhi and Mansera recensions use the Sanskrit
form Priyadarsin ; the other recensions use the Pali form
Piyadasi. In this work the Sanskrit forms of proper names
have generally been preferred.
' The word ' here ' probably refers to the capital, Pataliputra,
or, possibly, to the palace only. So, ia the Shahbazgarhi,
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 115
fcered for sacrifice, nor may holiday-feasts be held, for
His Majesty King Priyadarsin sees manifold evil in
holiday-feasts. Nevertheless, certain holiday-feasts
are meritorious in the sight of His Majesty King
Priyadarsin ^.
Formerly, in the kitchen of His Majesty King
Priyadarsin, each day many thousands of living crea-
tures were slain to make curries.
At the present moment, when this pious edict is
being written, only these three living creatures,
namely two peacocks and one deer, are killed daily,
and the deer not invariably.
Even these three creatures shall not be slaughtered
in future.
EDICT II
PROVISION OF COMFORTS FOB MEN AND ANIMALS
Everywhere in the dominions of His Majesty King
Priyadarsin^, and likewise in neighbouring realms,
such as those of the Chola, Pandya, Satiyaputra, and
Keralaputra, in Ceylon, in the dominions of the Greek
King Antiochus, and in those of the other kings sub-
ordinate to that Antiochus — everywhere ^ on behalf of
Kaisi, and Mansera recensions of Rock Edict V, the phrase
' here and in all the provincial towns ' corresponds to ' at Pata-
liputra,' &c. of the Girnar recension. In the present passage
M. Senart's rendering is 'ici-bas.' See p. 120, note 4.
•' ' Holiday-feast ' seems to be the best rendering for samdja.
Such feasts were usually attended with destruction of aniiaal
life. If such destruction were avoided, even holiday-feasta
might be considered meritorious {sddhumatd, Girnftr), or excel-
lent (srestamati, Shahb.). See Rhys Davids, ' Dialogues,' p. 7.
° Shahbazgarhi omits the word ' king.'
' The Chola kingdom had its capital at TJraiyur, near
Trichinopoly. Madura was the capital of the Pandya king-
dom. Kerala is the Malabar coast. The position of the Satija-
H 2,
ii6 ASOKA
Hi8 Majesty King Priyadarsin, have two kinds of
remedies [1 hospitals] been disseminated — remedies
for men, and remedies for beasts ^. Healing herbs,
medicinal for man and medicinal for beast, wherever
they were lacking, have everywhere been imported and
planted.
In like manner, roots and fruits, wherever they
were lacking, have been imported and planted.
On the roads, trees have been planted, and wells
have been dug for the use of man and beast ^.
EDICT III
THE QUINQUENNIAL ASSEMBLY
Thus saith His Majesty King Priyadarsin : —
In the thirteenth year of my reign ^ I issued this
command : —
Everywhere in my dominions the lieges, and the
Commissioners, and the District Officers * must every
putra is not known. Antiocliu3=Aatiochus Theoa (B.C. 261-
246). The kings subordinate to Antioehus cannot be identified.
' M. Senart translates chikisaka (chiklchha, Skr. chikitsa) as
'remedes'; Biihler follows the older versions, and renders
' hospitals.' I am disposed to agree with M. Senart.
' The passage beginning at ' Healing ' is given in a briefer
form in the Shahbazgarhi version. The text follows the fuller
recensions.
' Literally, ' by me anointed twelve years.' The regnal years
are always reckoned from the time of the solemn consecration
or anointing (ahhisheka) , which may be conveniently rendered
' coronation.'
* In rendering yutd (yuta) as an adjective meaning 'loyal'
and qualifying rajuko (Shahb.), Biihler has overlooked the three
words cha (' and ') in the Girnar text (yutd cha rdjAke cha
prAdesike cha), which necessitate the interpretation otyutd as a
substantive.
The rajjukas {r&jiike) were high revenue and executive officers,
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS I17
five years repair to the General Assembly, for the
special purpose, in addition to other business, of
proclaiming the Law of Piety, to wit, ' Obedience
to father and mother is good; liberality to friends,
acquaintances, relatives, Brahmans, and ascetics is
good ; respect for the sacredness of life is good ;
avoidance of extravagance and violence of language
is good.'
The clergy will thus instruct the lieges in detail,
both according to the letter and the spirit ^.
EDICT IV
THE PRACTICE OF PIETY
For a long time past, even for many hundred years,
the slaughter of living creatures, cruelty to animate
beings, disrespect to relatives, and disrespect to
Brahmans and ascetics, have grown.
But now, by reason of the practice of piety by His
Majesty King Priyadarsin, instead of the sound of the
war-drum, the sound of the drum of piety is heard,
while heavenly spectacles of processional ears, ele-
phants, illuminations, and the like, are displayed to
the people ^.
superior in rank to the prddesikas. I have translated the two
words by familiar Anglo-Indian terms. Prof. Kern translates the
teim anusamydna&a 'tour of inspection,' instead of ' assembly.'
* ParisA = clergy (samgha), according to M. Senart, whom
I follow. Biihler paraphrases ' the teachers, and ascetics of all
schools,' and continues 'will inculcate what is befitting at
divine service.' I follow M. Senart in translating yute (yutani)
as ' the lieges ' (fldeles), and gananAyam (gananasi) as ' in detail.'
* Literally (Senart, i. 100), ' But now, by reason of the
practice of piety by His Majesty, the sound of the war-drum,
or rather the sound of the law of piety, [is heard] bringing with
it the display of heavenly spectacles,' &c. The progress of the
Buddhist teaching is compared to the reverberation of a drum,
and is accompanied by magnificent religious processions and
ii8 AS OKA
As for many hundred years past has not happened,
at this present, by reason of His Majesty King Priya-
darsin's proclamation of the law of piety, the cessation
of slaughter of living creatures, the prevention of
cruelty to animate beings, respect to relatives, respect
to Brahmans and ascetics, obedience to parents and
obedience to elders, are growing.
Thus, and in many other ways, the practice of piety
is growing, and His Majesty King Priyadarsin will
cause that practice to grow still more.
ceremonies, wliioh are described as heavenly spectacles, taking
the place of military pageants. Fa-hien's description of a
grand Buddhist procession at Pataliputra, although centuries
later in date, is the best commentary on this passage, and is
therefore quoted in full : —
' Every yeai- on the eighth month they celebrate a procession
of images. They make a four-wheeled car, and on it erect a
structure of five storeys by means of bamboos tied together.
This is supported by a king-post, with poles and lances slanting
from it, and is rather more than twenty cubits high, having the
shape of a tope. White and silk-like cloth of hair (? Cash-
mere) is wrapped all round it, which is then painted in various
colours.
They make figures of devas, with gold, silver, and lapis lazuli
grandly blended, and having silken streamers and canopies hung
out over them. On the four sides are niches with a Buddha seated
in each, and a Bodhisattva standing in attendance on him.
There may be twenty cars, all grand and imposing, but each
one different from the others. On the day mentioned, the
monks and laity within the borders all come together; they
have singers and skilful musicians; they pay their devotions
with flowers and incense. The Brahmans come and invite the
Buddhas to enter the city. These do so in order, and remain
two nights in it. All through the night they keep lamps burn-
ing, have skilful music, and present ofi'erings.
This is the practice in all the other kingdoms as well.'
(Ch. xxvii, Legge's translation.)
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 119
The sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons of His
Majesty King Priyadarsin will promote the growth of
that practice until the end of the cycle, and, abiding
in piety and morality, will proclaim the law of piety ;
for the best of all deeds is the proclamation of the
law of piety, and the practice of piety is not for the
immoral man ^
In this matter growth is good, and not to decrease
is good.
For this very purpose has this writing been made,
in order that men may in this matter strive for
growth, and not suifer decrease.
This has been written by command of His Majesty
King Priyadarsin in the thirteenth year of his reign.
EDICT V
CENSORS OF THE LAW OF PIETY
Thus saith His Majesty King Priyadarsin : —
A good deed is a difficult thing.
The author of a good deed does a difficult thing.
Now by me many good deeds have been done. Should
my sons, grandsons, and my descendants after them
until the end of the cycle follow in this path, they
will do well ; but in this matter, should a man neglect
the commandment ^, he will do ill, inasmuch as sin is
easily committed.
Now in all the long ages past, officers known as
Censors of the Law of Piety had never been appointed,
whereas in the fourteenth year of my reign Censors
of the Law of Piety were appointed by me.
They are engaged among people of all sects ^ in
' Stla = morality, or virtue ; astla = immoral.
^ Desam = sandesam, ' commandment.' Bflhler renders ' he
who will give up even a portion of these virtuous acts, will
commit sin.' I have followed M. Senart. See p. 123, note 2.
' Savap&sandesu. Considering how closely related were all
120 ASOKA
promoting the establishment of piety, the progress of
piety, and the welfare and happiness of the lieges ^,
as well as of the Yonas, Kambojas, Gandharas, Eash-
trikas, Pitenikas, and other nations on my borders ^.
They are engaged in promoting the welfare and
happiness of my hired servants \) soldiers], of Brah-
mans, of rich and poor 3, and of the aged, and in
removing hindrances from the path of the faithful
lieges.
They are engaged in the prevention of wrongful
imprisonment or chastisement, in the work of remov-
ing hindrances and of deliverance, considering cases
where a man has a large family, has been smitten by
calamity, or is advanced in years.
Here, at Pataliputra *, and in all the provincial
the forms of ' religion ' current in Asoka's empire, I prefer to
render by ' sects ' rather than ' creeds.'
^ Dhammayutasa, as a collective, ' the lieges,' or ' the faithful.'
The Rock Edicts being addressed to the population in general,
there is difficulty in restricting the term to the Buddhists only,
as M. Senart does. Btihler ti-anslates ' loyal subjects.'
^ Yonas (Yavanas), some of the semi-independent foreign
tribes on the north-western frontier; Gandharas, the people of
the Yusufzai country ; Kambojas, also a north-western tribe ;
Rashtrikas, uncertain ; Pitenikas, uncertain.
' Senart and Bvihler differ widely in their interpretation of
this passage. ' Among my hired servants, among Brahmans
and Vai^yas, among the unprotected and among the aged, they
are busy with the welfare and happiness, with the removal of
obstacles among my loyal ones' (Buhler).
' lis s'occupent . . . des guerriers, des brahmanes et des riches,
des pauvres, des vieillards, en vue de leur utilite et de leur
bonheur, pour lever tous les obstacles devant les fideles de la
[vraie] religion ' (Senart).
* The gloss ' at Pataliputra ' is found in the Girnar text only,
and was evidently inserted locally to make the word ' here '
intelligible. See p. 114, note 3.
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 121
towns, they are engaged in the superintendence of all
the female establishments ^ of my brothers and sisters
and other relatives.
Everywhere in my dominions these Censors of the
Law of Piety are engaged with those among my
lieges who are devoted to piety, established in piety'',
or addicted to almsgiving.
For this purpose has this pious edict been written —
that it may endure for long, and that my subjects may
act accordingly ^.
EDICT VI
THE PEOMPT DISPATCH OF BUSINESS
Thus saith his Majesty King Priyadarsin : —
For a long time past business has not been disposed
of, nor have reports been received at all hours *.
' Members of the royal family were stationed as viceroys or
governors at at least four provincial towns, Taxila, Ujjain,
Tosali, and Suvarnagiri. I abstain from translating olodhanesu
by ' harem ' (Biihler), or ' zenana,' because those terms connote
the seclusion of women, which was not the custom of ancient
India. M. Senart translates the word by ' I'interieur.'
^ The phrase dhramadhitane, ' established in piety,' is omitted
from the Kalsi text. For dhammayutasi, see page 120, note I ;
in this passage it seems to be an adjective qualifying vijitasi,
' dominions.'
' M. Senart translates :— ' C'est dans ce but que cet edit
a ete gravd. Puisse-t-il durer longtemps, et puissant les crea-
tures suivre ainsi mes examples.' PajA {praja) is batter trans-
lated ' subjects ' than ' creatures.' It still has the meaning of
' subjects ' in Hindi.
* The institution of oflScial reporters {pativedakAs) existed in
the time of Chandragupta. ' The overseers, to whom is as-
signed the duty of watching all that goes on, and making
reports secretly to the king. Some are entrusted with the
inspection of the city, and others with that of the army. The
122 ASOKA
I have accordingly arranged that at all hours and
in all places — whether I am dining or in the ladies'
apartments, in my bedroom, or in my closet, in my
carriage, or in the palace gardens^ — the official
reporters should keep me constantly informed of the
people's business, which business of the people I am
ready to dispose of at any place ^.
And if, perchance, I personally by word of mouth
command that a gift be made or an order executed, or
anything urgent is entrusted to the officials ^, and in
that business a dispute arises or fraud occurs among
the clergy *, I have commanded that immediate report
former employ as their coadjutors the courtezans of the city,
and the latter the courtezans of the camp. The ablest and
most trustworthy men are appointed to fill these offices'
(Megasthenes, quoted by Strabo, xv. i. 48 ; in M'^Crindle,
Ancient India, p. 85).
' The exact meaning of some of these words is uncertain.
GahMgSra, which I translate ' bedroom,' following M. Senart,
is translated ' sanctuary ' by Prof. Kern. Vracha, ' closet,' seems
to mean ' latrine.' VinUamhi — ' carriages ' (Biihler) ; = ? ' re-
traite religieuse,' or 'oratory' (Senart). I have adopted Buhler's
translation.
* Compare Megasthenes' account of Chandragupta : — 'The
king leaves his palace not only in time of war, but also for
the purpose of judging causes. He then remains in court for
the whole day, without allowing the business to be inter-
mpted, even though the hour arrives when he must needs
attend to his person, that is, when he is to be rubbed by
cylinders of wood. He continues hearing cases while the
friction, which is performed by four attendants, is still proceed-
ing' (Strabo, xv. i. 56, in Ancient India, p. 72).
' ' Officials,' mah&mdteau. In some passages I have translated
this word as ' magistrates.'
* ' Clergy,' parisd. M. Senart considers this word to be
a synonym of samgha, and translates ' I'assemblee du clerg^.'
Buhler translates ' committee [of any caste or sect].'
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 123
must be made to me at any hour and at any place, for
I am never fully satisfied with my exertions and my
dispatch of business.
Work I must for the public benefit — and the root
of the matter is in exertion and dispatch of business,
than which nothing is more efficacious for the general
welfare. And for what do I toil 1 For no other end
than this, that I may dispharge my debt to animate
beings, and that while I make some happy in this
world, they may in the next world gain heaven.
For this purpose have I caused this pious edict to
be written, that it may long endure, and that my sons,
grandsons, and great-grandsons may strive for the
public weal ; though that is a difficult thing to attain,
save by the utmost toil ^.
EDICT VII
IMPEEFECT FULFILMENT OF THE LAW
His Majesty King Priyadarsin desires that in all
places men of all sects may abide, for they all desire
mastery over the senses and purity of mind.
Man, however, is unstable in his wishes, and unstable
in his likings.
Some of the sects will perform the whole, others
will perform but a part of the commandment. Even
for a person to whom lavish liberality is impossible,
the virtues of mastery over the senses, purity of mind,
gratitude, and fidelity are always meritorious ^.
^ The text of the concluding paragraph varies slightly in the
different recensions. The Kaisi text adds the words ' my -wives.'
M. Senart translates ' puisse-t-il subsister longtemps ! et que
mes fils,' &c.
" I have followed M. Senart in his amended rendering of
ehadeSam (Ind. Ant. xix. 87), see p. 119, note 2; and in his
interpretation of nichd {niche) as = nityam, ' always ' : Biihler
takes the word as = ntcha, and translates ' in a lowly man.'
124 ASOKA
EDICT VIII
PIOUS TOURS
In times past Their Majesties ['Kings,' Girndry used
to go out on so-called ^ tours of pleasure, during which
hunting and other similar amusements used to be
practised.
His Majesty King Priyadarsin, however, in the
eleventh year of his reign went out on the road
leading to true knowledge ^, whence originated here *
tours devoted to piety, during which are practised the
beholding of ascetics and Brahmans, with liberality to
them, the beholding of elders, largess of gold, the
beholding of the country and the people, proclamation
of the law of piety, and discussion of the law of
piety ^
' Devdnam priya (ShaM). ),devana priya (M.\aiid dev&narhpiya
(Kalsi), all plural forms, meaning ' Their Majesties,' equivalent to
rdjdno,' kings,' of Girnar text. The words are AtikdtantaMaram
rajdno vihdrayatdm iiaydsu (G.) ; and Atikamtam amtalam
devdnampiyd vihdlaydtam ndma niJchamisu (K.). M. Senart
(i. 192) was provided with faulty texts. See p. 114, note 2.
" The word ndma (nama), ' so-called,' is omitted in the Girnar
text.
' M. Senart's commentary (i. 186) requires modification.
The true sense is explained by Prof. Rhys Davids in Dialogues
of the Buddha, p. 191. The 'road' on which the emperor set
out is ' the eight-fold path ' leading to the state of an Arhat.
The steps in the ' eight-fold path' are (l) right views, (2) right
feelings, (3) right words, (4) right behaviour, (5) right mode of
livelihood, (6) right exertion, (7) right memory, (8) right medi-
tation and tranquillity (Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 108).
* 'Here' may mean 'at Pataliputra' (see p. 114, note 3;
p. 120, note 4), or ' in the empire.'
° Dasane (draiane) means the respectful visit to and viewing
of an object deserving of veneration, such as a living saint or
the image of a god. The word (darsan) is in common use to
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 125
Consequently, since that time, these are the pleas-
ures of His Majesty King Priyadarsin, in exchange
for those of the past.
EDICT IX 1
TRUE CEREMONIAL
Thus saith His Majesty King Priyadarsin : — People
perform various ceremonies ^ on occasions of sickness,
the weddings of sons, the weddings of daughters *, the
birth of children, and departure on journeys. On these
and other similar occasions people perform many
ceremonies.
But at such times the womankind * perform many,
this day. The dharma, or law of piety, requires reverence to
be shown to Brahmans, ascetics, and elders ; and Asoka, there-
fore, considers the reverential beholding of such persons to be
an act of merit. In his capacity of sovereign and father of his
people he likewise claims credit for beholding, or inspecting,
the country and people. The Girnar text alone inserts the
word ' and ' between ' the country ' and ' the people.'
' Translated from the Shahb§.zgarhi text, in general accord-
ance with Btihler's interpretation. The recensions of this edict
differ more widely than usual.
^ ' Ceremonies,' or ' ceremonial,' mamgalam. ' Mamgdlam
embrasse deux nuances de signification dont on a tour a tour
exagere I'importance particuliere, et qu'il n'est pas aise de
mettre suffisamment au relief dans une traduction concise : —
I'idee de fete, de rejouissance (cp. I'usage pS.li), et I'idee de
pratiques religieuses qui doivent porter bonheur a qui lea
accomplit ' (Senart, i. 203). In the J3,takas, as M. Senart
informs me, the word is specially applied to the worship of the
Hindoo deities.
' Avdha, vivdha. Cf. Latin ducere and nuhere.
* 'Womankind,' striydka; mahiddyo (Girnar), ? = Skr.
mahild ; halika janika (ManserEl), = Skr. Mlaka ; abakajaniyo
(Kalsi).
126 ASOKA
manifold, corrupt, and worthless ceremonies. Cere-
monies certainly have to be performed, although that
sort is fruitless. This sort, however — the ceremonial
of piety — bears great fruit ; it includes kind treatment
of slaves and servants, honour to teachers, respect for
life, liberality to ascetics and Brahmans. These things,
and others of the same kind, are called the ceremonial
of piety.
Therefore ought a father, son, brother, master, friend,
or comrade, nay even a neighbour, to say: 'This is
meritorious, this is the ceremonial to be performed
until the attainment of the desired end.' By what
sort of ceremonies is the desired end attained? for
the ceremonial of this world is of doubtful efficacy;
perchance it may accompUsh the desired end, per-
chance its effect may be merely of this world. The
ceremonial of piety, on the contrary, is not temporal ;
if it fails to attain the desired end in this world, it
certainly begets endless merit in the other world. If it
happens to attain the desired end, then a gain of two
kinds is assured, namely, in this world the desired end,
and in the other world the begetting of endless merit
through the aforesaid ceremonial of piety ^.
EDICT X
TRUE GLOEY
His Majesty King Priyadarsin does not believe that
glory and renown bring much profit unless the people
both in the present and the future obediently hearken
to the Law of Piety, and conform to its precepts.
' ' En effet, ce qui distingue la pratique de la religion des
pratiques du rituel, suivant Piyadasi, c'est que la premiere pro-
duit infailliblement des fruits qui s'etendent a I'autre monde,
tandis que les autres peuvent tout au plus avoir des effets
limites au temps present et a la circonstance particuliere qui
en a ete I'occasion ' (Senart, i. 217).
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 127
For that purpose only does His Majesty King
Priyadarsin desire glory and renown.
But whatsoever exertions His Majesty King Priya-
darsin has made, all are for the sake of the life
hereafter, so that every one may be freed from peril,
which peril is sin.
Difficult, verily, it is to attain such freedom, whether
people^ be of low or of high degree, save by the
utmost exertion and complete renunciation; but this
is for those of high degree extraordinarily difficult ^.
EDICT XI
TEUE CHARITY
There is no such charity as the charitable gift of the
Law of Piety, no such friendship as the friendship in
piety, no such distribution as the distribution of piety,
no such kinship as kinship in piety.
The Law of Piety consists in these things, to wit,
kind treatment of slaves and servants, obedience to
father and mother, charity to ascetics and Brahmans,
respect for the sanctity of life.
Therefore a father, son, brother, master, friend, or
comrade, nay even a neighbour, ought to say : ' This
is meritorious, this ought to be done.'
He who acts thus both gains this world and begets
infinite merit in the next world, by means of this
very charity of the Law of Piety ^.
' ' People,' janena (Girnar) ; vagrena (Shahb. and Mansera) ;
vagena (Kalsi). Varga = ' class of people.' The reading is
quite certain.
'' Cf. Matthew xix. 23 : 'It is hard for a rich man to enter
into the kingdom of heaven.' For the exhortation to exertion,
cf. the sermon of Nigrodha from Dhammapada, v. 21, in Dipa-
tamsa, vi. 23 : ' Earnestness (appamddo) is the way to immor-
tality, indifference is the way to death ; the earnest do not die,
the indifferent are like the dead' (Oldenberg's translation).
' The translation is from the ShahbS-zgarhi text. The other
128 ASOKA
EDICT XII
TOLERATION
His Majesty King Priyadarsin does reverence to
men of all sects, whether ascetics or householders, by
donations and various modes of reverence.
His Majesty, however, cares not so much for dona-
tions or external reverence as that there should be a
growth of the essence of the matter in all sects. The
growth of the essence of the matter assumes various
forms, but the root of it is restraint of speech, to
wit, a man must not do reverence to his own sect by
disparaging that of another man for trivial reasons.
Depreciation should be for adequate reasons only,
because the sects of other people deserve reverence
for one reason or another.
By thus acting, a man exalts his own sect, and at
the same time does service to the sects of other people.
By acting contrariwise, a man hurts his own sect, and
does disservice to the sects of other people. For he
who does reverence to his own sect, while disparaging
all other sects from a feeling of attachment to his own,
on the supposition that he thus glorifies his own sect,
in reality by such conduct inflicts severe injury on his
own sect.
Self-control ^, therefore, is meritorious, to wit, heark-
ening to the law of others, and hearkening willingly.
texts differ slightly in phraseology. The ninth edict above may
be compared. The general sense is that every man is bound to
communicate the Law of Piety to his neighbour, and that such
communication is better than any material almsgiving. In
that Law men are bound by stronger ties than those of natural
kindred. Compare the expression ddy&do sdsane, ' a relation of
the Faith,' in Dtpavamsa, vii. i6, 17, &c. Biihler and M. Senart,
have rightly understood this edict, while Prof. Kern (Ind. Ant.
V. 270) has erred.
' ' Self-control,' sayamo (Shahb.). Girnar text has samavdyo,
' concord.'
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 129
For this is His Majesty's desire, that adherents of all
sects should be fully instructed and sound in doctrine.
The adherents of the several sects must be informed
that His Majesty cares not so much for donations or
external reverence as that there should be a growth,
and a large growth, of the essence of the matter in all
sects.
For this very purpose are employed the Censors
of the Law of Piety, the Censors of the Women, the
(?) Inspectors', and other official bodies^. And this
is the fruit thereof — the growth of one's own sect,
and the glorification of the Law of Piety.
EDICT XIII
TRUE CONQUEST^
His Majesty King Priyadarsin in the ninth year of
his reign conquered the Kalingas *.
^ The Censors of Women are alluded to in Pillar Edict VII.
VachdbhAmikd, conjecturally rendered ' Inspectors,' is of uncer-
tain meaning.
^ ' Official bodies,' nikdyd (nikaye). Cf. the Boards described
by Megasthenes.
' When M. Senart's book was published, the interpretation of
this celebrated edict, ' pour laquelle presque tout reste a faire,'
depended chiefly on an imperfect transcript of the Ka,lsi text.
The publication of a practically complete facsimile of the
Shahb8,zgarM text has rendered possible a translation in which
very little doubt remains.
* ' The Kalingas,' Kalimgani ; the country extending along the
coast of the Bay of Bengal from the Mah§,nadi river on the north to
or beyond the Krishna river on the south ; often called ' the Three
Kalingas,' which are supposed to be the kingdoms of Amaravati,
Andhra or Warangal, and Kalinga proper or Rajamahendri.
In this edict the name is used in both the singular and the
plural. The Dhauli and Jaugada rock inscriptions are situated
in this conquered province.
I
I30 ASOKA
One hundred and fifty thousand persons were thence
carried away captive, one hundred thousand were there
slain, and many times that number perished.
Ever since the annexation ^ of the Kalingas, His
Majesty has zealously protected the Law of Piety, has
been devoted to that law, and has proclaimed its
precepts.
His Majesty feels remorse on account of the conquest
of the Kalingas, because, during the subjugation of a
previously unconquered country, slaughter, death, and
taking away captive of the people necessarily occur,
whereat His Majesty feels profound sorrow and regret.
There is, however, another reason for His Majesty
feeling still more regret, inasmuch as in such a
country dwell Brahmans and ascetics, men of differ-
ent sects, and householders, who all practise obedience
to elders, obedience to father and mother, obedience to
teachers, proper treatment of friends, acquaintances,
comrades, relatives, slaves and servants, with fidelity
of devotion ^. To such people dwelling in that country
happen violence, slaughter, and separation from those
whom they love.
Even those persons who are themselves protected
retain their affections undiminished: — ruin falls oh
their friends, acquaintances, comrades, and relatives,
and in this way violence is done to those who are
personally unhurt ^. All this diffused misery* is matter
of regret to His Majesty. For there is no country
where such communities are not found, including
others besides Brahmans and ascetics, nor is there any
' ' Conquered,' vijita ; ' annexed,' ladheshu.
^ That is to say, wlio practise the dharma, or Law of Piety, of
which a summary is given.
^ That is to say, they are hurt in their feelings.
* ' Diffused misery,' equivalent to Buhler's ' all this falls sever-
ally on men.' M. Senart denies the distributive sense of prati-
Ihagam, and translates (i. 309) ' toutes les violences de ce genre.'
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 131
place in any country where the people are not attached
to some one sect or other ^.
The loss of even the hundredth or the thousandth part
of the persons who were then slain, carried away
captive, or done to death in Kalinga would now be a
matter of deep regret to His Majesty.
Although a man should do him an injury, His Majesty
holds that it must be patiently borne, so far as it can
possibly be borne.
Even upon the forest tribes in his dominions His
Majesty has compassion, and he seeks their conversion,
inasmuch as the might even of His Majesty is based on
repentance. They are warned to this effect — 'Shun
evil-doing, that ye may escape destruction'; because
His Majesty desires for all animate beings security,
control over the passions, peace of mind, and joy-
ousness ''.
And this is the chief est conquest, in His Majesty's
opinion — the conquest by the Law of Piety ; this also
is that effected by His Majesty both in his own
dominions and in all the neighbouring realms as far
as six hundred leagues* — even to where the Greek
king named Antiochus dwells, and beyond that
Antiochus to where dwell the four kings severally
named Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, and Alexander * ; —
and in the south, the kings of the Cholas, and Pandyas,
* This sentence is translated from the fuller form in the
Kalsi text, as corrected hy M. Senart from the newly discovered
Girnar fragment. (J.E.A.S. for 1900, p. 339.)
' ' Joyousness,' rabhasiye (Sh§,hb.), mMavam (Girnar), madata
(Kalsi). The translation of the first sentence of this paragraph
is in accordance with M. Senart's corrections.
' 'League,' yojana, a varying measure, commonly taken as
equal to seven or eight miles.
* Antiochus Theos, of Syria ; Ptolemy Philadelphus, of Egypt ;
Antigonus Gonatas, of Macedonia ; Alexander, of Epirus ; Magas,
of Cyrene.
I 3
132 ASOKA
and of Ceylon 1 — and likewise here, in the King's
dominions, among the Yonas, and Kambojas, in
Nabhaka of the Nabhitis, among the Bhojas and
Pitinikas, among the Andhras and Pulindas^, every-
where men follow the Law of Piety as proclaimed by
His Majesty.
Even in those regions where the envoys of His
Majesty do not penetrate ^, men now practise and will
continue to practise the Law of Piety as soon as they
hear the pious proclamation of His Majesty issued in
accordance with the Law of Piety.
And the conquest which has thereby been every-
where effected — the conquest everywhere effected,
causes a feeling of delight.
Delight is found in the conquests made by the
Law*. Nevertheless, that delight is only a small
matter. His Majesty thinks nothing of much im-
portance save what concerns the next world.
' The Chola capital was at Uraiyur near Trichinopoly ; the
Pandya capital was at Madura. Tishya (Tissa) was the con-
temporary king of Ceylon.
'^ The Yonas (Yavanas) must mean the clans of foreign race
(not necessarily Greek) on the north-western frontier, included
in the empire ; the Kambojas seem to have been also a north-
western tribe. I cannot offer any explanation of 'Nabhaka of the
Nabhitis' (Buhler). The Andhras inhabited the country near
the Krishna river, at the southern extremity of the Kalingas.
Subsequently, they established a powerful kingdom. The Pu-
lindas seem to have occupied the central parts of the Peninsula.
The Pitinikas maj^have been the inhabitants of Paithana on
the Godaveri. (See M. Senart in Ind. Ant. xx. 248, and J. R. A. S.
for 1900, p. 340.) The names enumerated are those of border
tribes under the suzerainty of Asoka.
' Missionaries were dispatched in the eleventh or twelfth year
T)f the reign.
■* Biihler's rendering accidentally omits the words Ladha
[bhoti] priti dhramavijat/aspi.
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 133
And for this purpose has this pious edict been
written, to wit, that my sons and grandsons, as many
as they may be, may not suppose it to be their duty
to effect a new conquest ; and that even when engaged
in conquest by arms they may find pleasure in patience
and gentleness, and may regard as the only true
conquest that which is effected through the Law of
Piety ', which avails both for this world and the next.
Let all their pleasure be the pleasure in exertion, which
avails both for this world and the next.
EDICT XIV
EPILOGUE
This set of edicts^ of the Law of Piety has been
written by command of His Majesty King Priyadarsin
in a form sometimes condensed, sometimes of medium
length, and sometimes expanded ^ ; for everything is
not suitable* in every place, and my dominions are
extensive.
Much has already been written, and I shall cause
much more to be written ^.
Certain phrases in the edicts have been uttered again
and again, by reason of the honeyed sweetness of such
and such a topic, in the hope that the people may act
up to them.
' I think I have given the meaning correctly, and in accor-
dance with the intention of Biihler.
'^ Dhammalipi is here a collective noun.
' The Minor Rock Edicts offer a veiy clear example of this
practice. Several illustrations may be observed in the Fourteen
Rock Edicts.
* 'Suitable,' ghaiitam; Senart translates 'r^uni,' or 'brought
together ' ; Kern translates ' worked out.'
^ This promise is fulfilled in the Minor Rock Edicts, Pillar
Edicts, &c.
134 ASOKA
It may be that something has been incompletely
written out — if so, it is due to lack of space, or
to some special reason, or to a blunder of the
(2) The Kalinga (so-called Separate or Detached)
Bock Edicts
{Fourteenth year and later)
THE BORDERERS' EDICT
(so-called no. it)
the duties of officials to the boeder teibes ^
Thus saith His Majesty : —
At Samapa the officials are to be instructed in the
King's commands as follows ^ : —
I desire my views to be practically acted upon and
carried into effect by suitable means ; and, in my
opinion, the principal means for accomplishing this
object are my instructions to you.
' Biihler, whom I have followed, seems to be right in his
interpretation of this passage ; M. Senart takes a different
view.
^ This edict, called No. II by Prinsep and all subsequent
writers, is manifestly a continuation of the main series, and
contemporary with that series in the fourteenth year of the
reign. The so-called No. I edict is of later date. It seems to
me more inconvenient to retain a misleading nomenclature
than to make a change. I propose to call these .edicts the
Kalinga Edicts ; the names ' Separate Rock,' or ' Detached Rock
Edicts,' being awkward and meaningless.
' From the Jaugada text. The duplicate at Dhauli, which is
not so well preserved, is addressed to the prince and magistrates
at Tosali.
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 135
All men are my children^, and, just as for my
children I desire that they should enjoy all happiness
and prosperity both in this world and in the next, so
for all men I desire the like happiness and prosperity.
If you ask what is the King's will concerning the
border tribes, I reply that my witl is this concerning
the borderers — that they should be convinced that the
King desires them to be free from disquietude. I desire
them to trust me and to be assured that they will
receive from me happiness, not sorrow, and to be
convinced that the King bears them good will, and
I desire that (whether to win my good will or merely
to please me) they should practise the Law of Piety,
and so gain both this world and the next.
And for this purpose I give you instructions. When
in this manner I have once for all given you my
instructions and signified my orders, then my resolu-
tions and my promises are immutable.
Understanding this, do your duty, and inspire these
folk with trust, so that they may \>q convinced that
the King is unto them even as a father, and that, as
he cares for himself, so he cares for them, who are
as the King's children.
Having given you my instructions, and notified to
you my orders — my resolutions and promises being
immutable — I expect to be well served by you in this
business, because you are in a position enabling you to
inspire these folk with trust and to secure their happi-
ness and prosperity both in this world and in the next ;
and by so acting you will gain heaven and discharge
your debt to me.
It is for this purpose that this edict has been
inscribed here in order that the officials may display
persevering energy in inspiring trust in these borderers
and guiding them in the path of piety.
This edict should be recited every four months at
the Tishya Nakshatra festival, and at discretion, as
' PajA (prajd) means ' subjects ' as well as ' children.'
136 ASOKA
occasion offers, in the intervals, it should be recited to
individuals ^ Take care by acting thus to direct
people in the right way.
THE PROVINCIALS' EDICT
(so-called no. I DETACHED OE SEPARATE EDICT ;
THE DHAULI TEXT ^)
THE DUTIES OF OFFICIALS TO THE PROVINCIALS
By command of His Majesty : — ■
At Tosali the officers in charge of the administration
of the city ^ are to be instructed as follows : —
I desire my views to be practically acted upon and
carried into effect by suitable means ; and, in my
opinion, the principal means for accomplishing this
object are my instructions to you; for you have
been set over many thousands of living beings to
gain the affection of good men.
All men are my children, and, just as for my
children I desire that they should enjoy all happiness
and prosperity both in this world and in the next, so
for all men I desire the like happiness and prosperity.
You, however, do not gain the best possible results ■*.
' The year was divided into three seasons of four months
each. The days of the month were named according to the
constellation (nakshatra) in which the moon was supposed to be.
Tishya is a lucky constellation.
^ The Dhauli text is the better preserved. The correspond-
ing Jaugada text is addressed to the officers in charge of the
town of Samapa, which has not been identified.
' MdhdmMd is the generic term for officials. It survives in
the Hindi mahdwat, with the specialized sense of elephant-
driver. The city was probably, like the capital, in charge of
a municipal commission.
* This passage confirms the indication afforded by the posi-
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 137
There are individuals who heed only part of my
teaching and not the whole. You must see to such
persona so that the moral rule may be observed.
There are, again, individuals who have been put in
prison or to torture. You must be at hand to stop
unwarranted imprisonment or torture. Again, many
there are who suffer acts of violence. It should be your
desire to set such people in the right way.
There are, however, certain dispositions which
render success impossible, namely, envy, lack of
perseverance, harshness, impatience, want of applica-
tion, idleness, indolence.
You, therefore, should desire to be free from such
dispositions, inasmuch as the root of all this teaching
consists in perseverance and patience in moral guidance.
He who is indolent does not rise to his duty, and yet
an officer should bestir himself, move forward, go on.
The same holds good for your duty of supervision.
For this reason I must repeat to you, 'Consider and
know that such and such are His Majesty's instruc-
tions.' Fulfilment of these orders bears great fruit,
non-fulfilment brings great calamity. By officers who
fail to give such guidance neither the favour of heaven
nor the favour of the King is to be hoped for. My
special insistence on this duty is profitable in two
ways, for by following this line of conduct you will
both win heaven and discharge your debt to me.
This edict must be recited at every Tishya Nakshatra
festival, and at intervals between Tishyas, as occasion
offers, it should be read to individuals. And do you take
care by acting thus to direct people in the right way.
For this purpose has this edict been inscribed here
in order that the officers in charge of the city may
display persevering zeal to prevent unwarranted
imprisonment or unwarranted torture of the citizens.
And for this purpose, in accordance with the Law of
tion of this edict on the rock that it is of later date than the
so-called No. I.
138 ASOKA
Piety ^, every five years I shall cause to be summoned
to the Assembly those men who are mild, patient, and
who respect life ^, in order that hearing these things
they may act according to my instructions.
And the Prince of Ujjain shall for the same purpose
summon an Assembly of the same kind, but he must
perform this duty every three years without fail. The
same order applies to Taxila.
The officials attending the Assembly, while not
neglecting their special duties, will also learn this
teaching, and must see that they act according to
the King's instructions.
(3) The Minor Hock Edicts
[Eighteenth year)
MINOR EOCK EDICT, NO. I
(the BEAHMAGIBr TEXT ^)
THE FRUIT OF EXERTION
By order of the Prince and magistrates at Suvar-
nagiri, tlie magistrates at Isila, after greetings, are
to be addressed as follows * : —
' Dhammate ; M. Senart translates ' regulierement.'
^ M. Senart takes this description as equivalent to ' Bud-
dhists,' and believes that the Assembly (anusamydna) was
composed of Buddhists only. These Assemblies were first insti-
tuted in the thirteenth year.
' Three recensions of this edict and the next exist on rocks
at and near Siddapura in Mysore, namely, at Siddapura itself,
at Jatinga-Ramesara, and at Brahmagiri. The last named,
being the most perfect, has been translated. Variant recensions
of the first edict alone occur at Sahasram in Bengal, at Rup-
nath in the Central Provinces, and at Bairat in Rajputana. Of
these three recensions that at Rupnath is the best preserved,
and a translation of it is given.
* ' The Prince,' governor or viceroy of the South, stationed at
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 139
His Majesty commands : —
For more than two years and a half I was a lay
disciple without exerting myself strenuously. A period
of six years, or rather more than six years, has elapsed
since I joined the Order ^ and have strenuously ex-
erted myself, and during this time the m,en who were,
all over India, regarded as true, have been, with their
gods, shown to be untrue ^.
For this is the fruit of exertion, which is not to be
obtained for himself by the great man only ; because
even the small man can, if he choose, by exertion win
for himself much heavenly bliss.
For this purpose has been proclaimed this precept,
namely * — ' Let small and great exert themselves to
this end.'
My neighbours, too, should learn this lesson ; and
may such exertion long endure !
And this purpose will grow — yea, it will grow
vastly — at least half as great again will be its growth.
And this precept was proclaimed by the Departed.
256 [years have elapsed since then 1] *.
Suvarnagiri, which has not been identified. 'Magistrates,' or
' ofiicials,' mahdm&td. ' After greetings,' literally, ' to be wished
good health.' The heading of this edict is of interest as a
specimen of ofBcial style in the days of Asoka.
^ I agree with Buhler and Prof. Kern that this is the only
legitimate interpretation.
' 'All over India,' Jamhudipasi. Compare the Rupnath re-
cension. The primary reference is to the Brahmans. When
their authority was rejected, their gods were also deposed.
' ' Proclaimed this precept,' sAvane savdpite. The words (re-
placed in Rupnath text by savane hate) are repeated in the
puzzling final sentence, which consequently refers only to the
brief maxim, ' Let small and great exert themselves.' Biihler's
rendering of sdvane by ' sermon ' is not suitable to a laconic
precept.
* This passage is the most puzzling one in the whole series of
edicts, and nobody has yet succeeded in devising a convincing
I40 ASOKA
THE SAME EDICT
(bOpnath text)
Thus saith His Majesty : —
For more than two years and a half I continued
to be a hearer of the Law ^ without exerting myself
strenuously. A period, however, of more than six
years has elapsed since I joined the Order and have
strenuously exerted myself.
interpretation. Buhler to the last (Ind. Ant. xxii. 302) main-
tained that vyuthend (vivuthena), ' the Departed,' meant Sakya-
muni Buddha, and that the numerals 256 expi-ess the period
elapsed since his death. If this view be correct, and it seems,
perhaps, less open to objection than the rival interpretations,
the date of the Buddha's death would be fixed in or about the
year b. c. 508, a date which seems to be historically unobjection-
able, provided that the Ceylonese chronology is disregarded.
The calculation stands thus : —
B.C.
Coronation of Asoka 269
Conquest of Kalinga in 9th year ; Asoka becomes a lay
disciple 261
2^ years of moderate exertion, plus about 6| years of
strenuous exertion, total about 9 years, from B.C. 261
to date of Minor Rook Edicts 252
To this add 256, and the result for Sakyamuni Buddha's
death is 508
The mysterious passage is given in a fuller form in the Rupnath
and Sahasram texts. The translation of the Rupn§,th recension
follows.
M. Senart thinks that the reference is to the departure of
256 missionaries, and this interpretation is tempting, if not
quite convincing. M. Boyer (Journal Asiatique, No v. -Dec. 1898)
suggests that the Buddha's departure from his home is the
event alluded to. This suggestion does not seem to be sound.
^ ' Hearer of the Law,' savake, corresponding to updsike, ' lay
disciple,' in the Brahmagiri text.
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 141
The gods who at that time, all over India, were
regarded as true gods have now become untrue gods.
For this is the fruit of exertion, which is not to be
obtained by the great man only; because even the
small man can by exertion win for himself much
heavenly bliss.
And for this purpose was given the precept, ' Let
small and great exert themselves.'
My neighbours, too, should learn this lesson; and
may such exertion long endure !
For this purpose of mine will grow its growth —
yea, it will grow vastly — at least half as large again
will be its growth.
And this purpose has been written on the rocks,
both here and in distant places ; and wherever a stone
pillar exists, it must be written on the stone pillar.
And as often as a man seasons his cooked food with
this condiment he will be satisfied even to satiety [or,
in alternative, ' as often as a man applies deep thought
to this writing, he will rejoice at being able to subdue
his senses ^ '].
This precept has been given by the Departed. 356
[years have elapsed] from the departure of the
Teacher [1].
THE SECOND MINOR ROCK EDICT
(bkahmagiei text)
summary of the law of piety ^
Thus saith His Majesty : —
Father and mother must be obeyed ; similarly, re-
spect for living creatures must be enforced ; truth
' BuMer's interpretation.
^ Compare with the summaries of the Law of Piety given in
Rock Edicts III, IV, IX, XI, and Pillar Edict VII. The notable
diflference in style proves that the second edict of the Siddapura
group of texts was composed in the ofBce of the Southern Viceroy.
142 ASOKA
must be spoken. These are the virtues of the Law of
Piety which must be practised. Similarly, the teacher
must be reverenced by the pupil, and proper courtesy
must be shown to relations.
This is the ancient standard of piety — this leads to
length of days, and according to this men must act.
(Written by Pada the scribe '.)
(4) The Bhabra Edict
(Probably eighteenth year of the reign)
THE BHABRA EDICT
ADDRESS TO THE CLERGY OF MAGADHA
King Piyadasi sends greeting to the Magadhan
clergy^ and wishes them prosperity and good health : —
Ye know. Reverend Sirs, how great is my respect for
and devotion to the Buddha, the Law, and the Assem-
bly of the Clergy ^.
Reverend Sirs, all that has been said by the
Venerable Buddha has been well said, and yet,
Reverend Sirs, so far as I may give instructions
' The scribe's signature is in the Aramaic character, written
from right to left, now generally known by the name of Kha-
roshthi.
^ ' Magadhan,' mdgadhaih, ' of Magadha,' or Bihar. As
M. Senart suggests, the word here is probably equivalent to
' Buddhist,' Magadha having been the birthplace of Buddhism.
The assertion sometimes made that this edict is addressed to
the Council said to have been held at Pataliputra is not war-
ranted by evidence.
^ The famous Buddhist Triad, or triratna. ' The Law,' dharh-
masi, means here the whole body of Buddhist doctrine, and not
only those principles of practical piety whicli are expounded in
the edicts addressed to the general public.
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 143
on my own account, I venture to adduce the word of the
Buddha, to wit, ' Thus the Good Law ^ will long endure.'
Reverend Sirs, these passages of the Law, namely: —
[i] 'The Exaltation of Discipline' (vinaya samu-
ka&a) ;
[a] ' The Supernatural Powers of the Aryas ' (aliya
vasdni) ;
3] ' Fears of what may happen ' {andgata bhaydni) ;
4] ' The Song of the Hermit ' (Tnuni gdthd) ;
'5] 'The Dialogue on the Hermit's Life' {moneya
swie) ;
[6] ' The Questioning of Upatishya ' (upatisapasine) ;
and —
[7] 'The Address to Rahula, beginning with the
subject of Falsehood' (Idghulovdde musdvddam, ad-
higichya) : —
those passages of the Law^ were uttered by the
Venerable Buddha; and I desire that many monks
and nuns should frequently listen to these passages,
and meditate upon them, and that the laity, male and
female, should do the same.
For this reason. Reverend Sirs, I have caused this
to be written, so that people may know my wishes.
^ ' The Good Law,' sadhamme, = saddharma. M. Senart adopts
this rendering in his revised version in Ind. Ant. xx. 165 . Prof.
E. Hardy has pointed out {J.B.A.S. for igoi.pp. 314, 577) that the
saying about the Good Law is a quotation from the scriptures.
' 'Passages,' paliyaydni (Rhys Davids). Out of the seven
passages five have now been identified in the Nikaya portion of
the scriptures, as follows : —
No. 2. Digha, Sangati Sutta ;
„ 3. Anguttara, iii. 105-108;
„ 4. Sutta-Nipata, 206-220 ;
,, 5. It., No. 67 = A, i. 272 ;
,, 7. Majjhima, i. 414-420.
(Rhys Davids in J.B.A.S. for 1898, p. 639; and 'Dialogues of
the Buddha,' p. xiii.)
CHAPTER V
The Cave and Pillar iNSCEiPTroNS
{Thirteenth to twenty-eighth year of reign)
(l) The Cave Inscriptions
(Thirteenth and twentieth years of reign)
INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CAVES OF BARABAR
HILL
BESTOWAL OF CAVE-DWELLINGS ON THE AJIVIKAS
Inscription A, or No. I : —
' King Piyadasi, in the thirteenth year of his reign,
bestowed this " banyan-tree cave " on the Ajivikas.'
Inscription B, or No. II : —
' King Piyadasi, in the thirteenth year of his reign,
bestowed this cave in the Khalatika hill on the Ajivikas.'
Inscription C, or No. Ill : —
' King Piyadasi, in the twentieth year of his reign,
[bestowed this cave . . .']
Although out of chronological order, the connected
inscriptions of Asoka's grandson Dasaratha may be
most conveniently noticed in this place. They are
three in number (D, E, F), and record in identical
terms the bestowal of three caves, severally named
Plate II
P'ACSIMILE
TRANSLITERATION
1. Devanapiyena piyadasina lajina visativasabhisitena
2. atana agacha mahiyite hida budhe jate sakyamuniti
3. sila vigadabhiclia kalapita silathabhecha usapapite
4. hida bhagavam jateti lumminigamc ubalikekate
5 athabhagiyecha
Asoka's Inscription on the Rumsiindei Pillar
From impression takt.''r by Dr. Fiihrer]
[To face p. 145
THE CAVE AND PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS 145
VahiyakS,, Gopika, and Vadathika, in the N%arjuni
hill, by Dasaratha on the occasion of his accession,
upon the Ajivikas. A translation of one will suffice.
vahiyakA cave inscription (D) of
dasaratha
This Vahiyaka Cave was bestowed by His Majesty
Dasaratha, immediately after his accession, on the
venerable Ajivikas, to be a dwelling-place for them, as
long as sun and moon endure ^-
(2) The Inscriptions of the Tardi Pillars
(Twenty-first year of reign)
THE RUMMINDEl (PADERIA) PILLAR
COMMEMOEATION OF VISIT TO BIRTH-PLACE OF
SiKYAMUNI BUDDHA
His Majesty King Piyadasi, in the twenty -first year
of his reign, having come in person, did reverence.
Because here Buddha the Sakya ascetic was born, he
had a stone horse made, and set up a stone pillar.
Because here the Venerable One was bom, the village
of Lummini has been made revenue-free, and has
partaken of the King's bounty ^.
^ The Ajivikas were a sect of Brahmanical ascetics, devoted to
Narayana, a form of Vishnu, who occupy a veiy prominent place
in the ancient history of Indian religions. Inscription No. Ill
is too much damaged to admit of translation. The restoration
in the Corpus is not trustworthy. I have used Buhler's fac-
similes and transcripts in Ind. Ant. xx. 361.
^ Every letter of this inscription is perfect, but some of the
words have not been met with elsewhere, and have occasioned
discussion. There seems to be little doubt that vigadabhi
K
146 ASOKA
THE NIGLlVA PILLAR INSCRIPTION
COMMEMOEA.TION OF VISIT TO THE STtlPA
OF KONAKAMANA BUDDHA
His Majesty King Piyadasi in the fifteenth year of
his reign enlarged for the second time the stilpa of
Buddha Konakamana, and [in the twenty-first year]
of his reign, having come in person, he did reverence,
and set up [a stone pillar] ^»
(3) The Seven Pillar Edicts
{Twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth years of reign)
EDICT I
THE PEINCIPLES OP GOVERNMENT
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
In the twenty-seventh year of my reign I caused
this pious edict to be written.
It is difficult to secure both this world and the next
save by the utmost devotion to the Law of Piety, the
means ' in the form of a horse.' Hiuen Tsiang records that the
pillar had the statue of a horse on the summit. The suggestion
has recently been made that vigaddbhi should be translated 'ass.'
Athaihdgiye is best derived from artha, and literally rendered
as 'sharer in wealth.' (See Epigr. Ind. \. 4; J.R.A.S., Jan.
1898, p. 618.)
' Konakamana — Pali Kon&gamana, Sanskrit KanaJcamuni.
The inscription is imperfect, but may safely be referred to the
same year as the Rummindei inscription, which it so closely
resembles. The distance between the two pillars is now about
thirteen miles, but the Nigliva pillar has been moved from its
original position. (See Babu P. C. Mukherji's ' Report on Ex-
plorations in the Nepalese Terai,' with Prefatory Note by
Vincent A. Smith, in Repotis, Archaeol. Survey of India, Imperial
Series, Calcutta, 1900.)
THE CAVE AND PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS \/i,i
utmost watchfulness, the utmost obedience, the utmost
dread, the utmost energy.
However, owing to my instructions, this yearning
for and devotion to the Law of Piety have grown
from day to day, and will continue to grow.
My agents too, whether of high, low, or middle
rank, themselves conform to my teaching, and lead the
people in the right way, being in a position to recall to
duty the fickle-minded, as likewise are the wardens of
the marches.
For this is the rule — protection according to the Law
of Piety, regulation by that law, felicity by that law,
and security by that law ^
EDICT II
THE EOYAL EXAMPLE
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
The Law of Piety is excellent.
But what is the Law of Piety ?
It requires innocuousness, many good deeds, com-
passion, truthfulness, purity.
The gift of spiritual insight I have given in mani-
fold ways^; whilst on two-footed and four-footed
beings, on birds, and on the denizens of the waters
have conferred many benefactions — even unto the boon
of life ; and many other good deeds have I done ^-
' I have followed M. Senart {Ind. Ant. xvii. 304) in interpret-
ing this edict as being primarily addressed to the officials.
^ ' The gift of spiritual insight,' chahhu-ddne. ' The metapho-
rical use of chakhu, in Sanskrit chakshus, " eye," for " spiritual
insight or knowledge," is common with all Hindu sects, Piya-
dasi alludes here to the dhammasdvandni and dhammdnusathini,
" sermons on, and instruction in, the sacred law,'' of which he
speaks more fully below (vii. 2, 1. i) : compare also dhammad&ne
(Eock Edict XI and the note to the latter passage).' Buhler in
Ep. Ind. ii. 250.
' This phrase occurs also in Eock Edict V.
K a
148 ASOKA
For this purpose I have caused this pious edict to
be written, that men may walk after its teaching, and
that it may long endure ; and he who will follow its
teaching will do well.
EDICT III
SELF-EXAMINATION
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
Man sees his every good deed, and says, ' This good
deed have I done.' *
In no wise does he see his evil deed and say, ' This
evil deed, this thing in the nature of sin, have I done.'
Difficult, verily, is the needful ^ self-examination.
Nevertheless, a man should see to this, that rage,
cruelty, anger, pride, and jealousy are in the nature of
sin, and should say, ' Let me not by reason of these
things bring about my fall.'
This is chiefly to be seen to — ' The one course avails
me for the present world, the other course avails me
at any rate for the world to come '''.'
EDICT IV
THE POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMISSIONERS ^
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
In the twenty-seventh year of my reign I caused
this pious edict to be written.
> ' The needful,' esd ; literally ' this.'
'The text is absolutely certain, and the emendations sug-
gested by M. Senart are inadmissible. I have followed Buhler,
{Ep. Ind. ii. 251). 'The one course,' giving way to the passions ;
'the other course,' restraining the passions by the aid of self-
examination.
' ' Commissioners,' lajukd (rajjxilcA), high officers intermediate
in rank between the governors and the district officers (pra-
desikd).
THE CAVE AND PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS 149
Commissioners have been appointed by me to rule
over many hundred thousand persons of the people,
and to them I have granted independence in the award
of honours and penalties ^ in order that they may in
security and without fear perform their duties, and
bestow welfare and happiness on the people of the
country, and confer benefits upon them.
.The commissioners will ascertain the causes of
happiness and unhappiness, and will, in accordance
with the Law of Piety, exhort the people of the
country so that they may gain both this world and
the next.
My commissioners are eager to serve me, and my
agents^, knowing my will, are likewise ready to
serve me, and will, when necessary, give exhortations,
whereby the commissioners will be zealous to win my
favour.
For, as a man feels secure after making over his
child to a skilful nurse, and says to himself, ' The
skilful nurse is devoted to. the care of my child,' even
so have I appointed commissioners for the welfare
and happiness of the country ; and, in order that they
may with fearlessness, security, and confidence per-
form their duties, I have granted to the commissioners
independence in the award of honours and penalties.
Forasmuch as it is desirable that uniformity should
exist in administration and in penal procedure ^ my
order extends so far, namely: 'To prisoners con-
' Biihler's interpretation.
'^ • Agents,' yM^is^jij, Skr. ^wntsWi^, literally ' men ' ; probably
the pativedakd of Rock Edict VI, and the inia-Koiroi of Mega-
sthenes.
' 1 connect this clause with the order following ; samatd can
then be given its usual meaning of ' uniformity,' and the
connexion of the whole passage becomes cle^r. With this
exception, I follow Biihler. The uniformity enforced is merely
in the respite granted to condemned criminals, not a general
uniformity of penal procedure.
I50 ASOKA
victed and sentenced to death a respite of three days
is granted by me.' During this interval the relatives
of some at least of the condemned men will invite them
to deep meditation, hoping to save their lives, or, if
that may not be, they will present votive offerings
and undergo fasts to promote the pious meditations
of those about to die ^.
For my desire is that the condemned, even during
their imprisonment, may gain the next world, and
that among the people pious practices of various
kinds may grow, along with self-restraint and
generous liberality.
EDICT V
EEQULATIONS RESTRICTING SLAUGHTER AND
MUTILATION OP ANIMALS
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
In the twenty-seventh year of my reign the
following animals were exempted from slaughter,
namely : —
Parrots, starlings, (1) adjutants {aruna), Brahmani
ducks, geese, nandimuJchas, gelcUas, (?) flying foxes
(jatukas), queen-ants ^ terrapins (i.e. small tortoises),
(■?) prawns, vedavayakas, gangdpuputahas, skate,
tortoises, porcupines, (?) squirrels [pamnasasa),
{!:) bdrasingka stags {srimara), dedicated bulls 3,
(?) lizards {okapinda), rhinoceros, grey doves, village
pigeons, and all fourfooted animals which are not
eaten or otherwise utilized by man.
1 The translation liaa been amplified a little in order to bring
out the meaning clearly.
'' The queen-ant is eaten as an aphrodisiac.
' 'Dedicated bulls,' the familiar 'Brahmanee bulls,' which
have been dedicated in pursuance of vows, and wander unchecked
over the fields. The slaughter of one of these animals gives
great offence to Hindoos.
THE CAVE AND PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS 151
She-goats, ewes, and sows, whether with young or
in milk, must not be slaughtered, nor may their young,
up to six months of age.
Caponing cocks is forbidden.
Chaff containing living things must not be burned ^
Forests must not be burned, either for mischief, or
to injure living creatures ^.
The living must not be fed with the living'. At
each of the three seasonal full moons, and at the full
moon of the month Tishya (December-January), for
three days in each case, namely, the fourteenth and
fifteenth days of the first fortnight, and the first days
of the second fortnight, as well as on the fast days
throughout the year, fish may neither be killed nor
sold.
On the same days, no other animals living in
elephant-preserves or fish-ponds may be destroyed.
On the eighth, the fourteenth, and the fifteenth day
of each fortnight, as well as on the Tishya and Punar-
vasu days, on the seasonal full-moon days, and on the
days of popular festivals, bulls, he-goats, rams, and
boars may not be castrated; nor may any other
animal which is commonly castrated be castrated on
those days.
On the Tishya and Punarvasu days, on the seasonal
full-moon days, and during the full-moon fortnights,
the branding of horses and oxen is forbidden *-
^ Chaff on a thresUng-floor is sometimes burned in order to
destroy vermin.
^ A forest is sometimes fired wantonly, sometimes in order to
promote the growth of grass, and sometimes to drive out game.
' As hawks with the blood of living pigeons, a cruel practice
still in vogue.
* In ancient India the year was divided into three seasons,
the hot, rainy, and cold. The three full moons referred to are
probably those of the months PMlguna (Peb.-March), AshAdha
(June-July), Kdrttika (Oct.-Nov.). 'Tishya and Punarvasu
days ' mean the days of the month on which the moon is, or is
152 ASOKA
In the period extending up to my twenty-sixth
coronation day I have twenty -five times liberated the
prisoners ^-
EDICT VI
THE NECESSITY IN ALL SECTS FOR PEESONAL DEVOTION
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
In the thirteenth year of my reign I had pious
edicts written to promote the welfare and happiness
of the people^, with the intent that the people,
rejecting their old vices ^, might attain unto growth
in piety.
Thus, aiming at the welfare and happiness of the
people,. I devote my attention to those far and near as
much as to my own relatives, if haply I may guide
some of them to happiness.
In the same way I devote my attention to all com-
munities *. All sects have been reverenced by me with
supposed to be, in the asterism or constellation (naJcshatra) so-
named. In each month there were four fast-days. The num-
ber of days in the year on which the killing and sale of fish
was forbidden amounted to fifty-six. (See full discussion by
Buhler in ^Ip- ■^'"^- ii- 261-265 ; and Kern, Manual of Indian
Buddhism, p. 99.)
^ Literally ' made twenty-five jail deliveries.' The king means
that on each anniversary of his coronation he published a
general pardon of all convicts, most of whom must have been
awaiting execution.
^ ' Pious edicts,' that is to say the Rock Edicts, among which
Nos. Ill and IV are expressly dated in the thirteenth year.
^ 'Rejecting their old vices,' a paraphrase of tarn apahata, in
accordance with Biihler's view. M. Senart renders ' carrying away
something,' that is to say, from the teaching of the Rock Edicts.
' ' All communities,' savaniUyesu. The renderings ' corpora-
tions ' (Buhler) and 'the whole body of my ofiicers' (Senart)
are both too definite. Compare Rock Edict XIII, ' For there is
THE CAVE AND PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS 153
various forms of reverence ^. Nevertheless, personal
adherence to a man's particular creed seems to me the
chief thing ^.
In the twenty-seventh year of my reign this pious
edict was written by my command.
EDICT VII 3
THE king's MEASUKES FOE THE PROPAGATION OF THE
LAW OF PIETY *
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
The kings who lived in past times desired that man
might somehow develop the growth of the Law of
Piety. Mankind, however, did not develop the growth
of the Law of Piety according to expectation.
Therefore, thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
This thought occurred to me : — The kings who lived
in past times desired that mankind might somehow
develop the growth of the Law of Piety, but mankind
no country in whioli are not found such communities {nikdyd),
including others besides Brahmans and ascetics.'
■^ Compare the opening sentence of Rock Edict XII.
^ 'Personal adherence to a man's particular creed,' atund
pacht'ipagamane (Senart). This interpretation seems preferable
to that of Biihler, ' the approach through one's own free -will,'
that is to say ' the voluntary approach which one sect is to
make towards the other,' as recommended in Rock Edict XII.
' In the older editions erroneously treated as two edicts, Nos.
VII and VIII.
* This important edict, which is a key to and commentary
on the whole of the Piyadasi inscriptions, comprises a preamble,
the recital of eight measures taken to promote piety, and an
epilogue. The eight measures are (i) sermons; (2) inscribed
pillars ; (3) arrangements for comfort of man and beast ; (4)
institution of censors ; (5) institution of Royal Almoner's de-
partment ; (6) the king's personal example ; (7) detailed pious
regulations ; (8) encouragement of meditation on principles.
154 ASOKA
did not develop the growth of the Law of Piety
according to expectation. By what means then can
mankind be induced to obey? by what means can
mankind develop the growth of piety according to
expectation? by what means can I raise up at least
some of them so as to develop the growth of piety ?
Therefore, thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
This thought occurred to me : — I will cause sermons
on the Law of Piety to be preached, and with in-
structions in that law will I instruct, so that men
hearkening thereto may obey, raise themselves up,
and greatly develop the growth of piety.
For this my purpose I have caused sermons on the
Law of Piety to be preached, I have disseminated
various instructions on that law, and I have appointed
agents ^ among the multitude to expound and develop
my teaching.
Commissioners ^ have been appointed by me over
many thousands of souls, with instructions to expound
my teaching in such and such a manner among the
lieges.
Thus saith His Majesty Piyadasi^: —
Considering further the same purpose, I have set up
pillars of the Law, I have appointed censors of the
Law *, and preached sermons on the Law of Piety.
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
On the roads I have had banyan-trees planted to
give shade to man and beast; I have had groves
of mango-trees planted; at every half kos I have
had wells dug ; rest-houses have been erected ; and
numerous watering-places have been prepared here
and there for the enjoyment of man and beast ^-
' 'Agents,' pulisd. See note 2, p. 149 above.
* ' Commissioners,' lajuha. See note 3, p. 148 above.
^ Note omission of the word ' King.'
* ' Censors of the Law,' dhathmamuhCim&tiX.
" Refers to Rook Edict II. See notes i and 2, p. 80 above.
THE CAVE AND PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS 155
That so-called enjoyment, however, is a small
matter.
With various blessings have former kings blessed
the world even as I have done, but in my case it has
been done solely with the intent that men may yield
obedience to the Law of Piety.
Thus saith His Majesty Piyadasi : —
My censors of the Law of Piety are occupied with
various charitable institutions, with ascetics, house-
holders, and all the sects ; I have also arranged that
they should be occupied with the affairs of the
Buddhist clergy, as well as with the Brahmans,
the Jains, the Ajivikas, and, in fact, with all the
various sects '.
The several ordinary magistrates shall severally
superintend their particular charges, whereas the
censors of the Law of Piety shall superintend all sects
as well as such special charges.
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
These and many other high officials are employed
in the distribution of the royal alms, both my own
and those of the queens ^ ; and in all the royal
households both at the capital and in the provinces
these officials indicate in divers ways the manifold
opportunities for charity ^.
The same officials are also employed by me in the
distribution of the alms of my wives' sons and of the
' Refera to Rock Edict V. Compare Rock Edict XII. Some
of the verbiage in the original has been omitted in the trans-
lation.
^ See the Queen's "Hdlot, post, p. 157.
' ' I here follow Professor Kern, Der Buddhismus, vol. ii,
p. 386, who takes tuthAyatan&ni, i.e. tuahtydyatanAni, "sources
of contentment," in the sense of " opportunities for charity."
Such opportunities are to be pointed out to all the inmates
of the King's harem' (Biihler, Ep. Ind. ii. 274). I translate
olodhanasi, 'household,' rather than 'harem,' because the
seclusion of women was not the custom of ancient India.
156 ASOKA
queens' sons ', in order to promote pious acts and
the practice of piety. For pious acts and the prac-
tice of piety depend on the growth among men of
compassion, Hberality, truth, purity, gentleness, and
goodness.
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
Whatsoever meritorious deeds I have done, those
deeds the people have copied and will imitate, whence
follows the consequence that growth is now taking
place and will further increase in the virtues of
obedience to father and mother, obedience to teachers,
reverence to the aged, and kindly treatment of Brah-
mans and ascetics, of the poor and wretched, yea,
even of slaves and servants ^.
Thus saith His Majesty King Piyadasi : —
.This growth of piety among men has been effected
by two means, namely, by pious regulations and by
meditation. Of these two means pious regulations are
of small account, whereas meditation is of greater
value.
Nevertheless, I have passed pious regulations for-
bidding the slaughter of such and such animals, and
other regulations of the sort. But the effect of medi-
tation is seen in the greater growth of piety among
men, and the more complete abstention from injury to
animate creatures and from slaughter of living beings ^.
This proclamation has been made with the intent
that it may endure as long as my descendants * continue
and sun and moon exist*, and that men may practise
' The distinction intended, I think, is between the sons of
the queens-consort and those of the inferior wives. See note,
p. 157. Buhler supposes that the queens alluded to are the
wives of the king's predecessors.
2 See Rock Edicts IV, IX, XI ; Pillar Edict II.
» Refers to Rock Edict I ; Pillar Edict V. See also Rock
Edict IX.
• ' Descendants,' literally ' sons and great-grandsons.'
^ Compare the inscriptions of Dasaratha.
THE CAVE AND PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS i^j
my teaching. By the practice of this teaching the
gain is secured both of the present world and of the
world to come.
In the twenty-eighth year of my reign I ordered
this pious edict to be written.
Concerning this, thus saith His Majesty: Where-
soever stone pillars or stone tablets exist, there let
this edict be inscribed, so that it may long endure.
(4) The Supplementary Pillar Edicts
{Twenty-eighth year of reign or later)
THE QUEEN'S EDICT
THE DONATIONS OF THE SECOND QUEEN
By command of His Majesty the officials every-
where are to be instructed that —
Whatever donation has been made by the second
queen, be it a mango-grove, pleasure-garden, chari-
table hostel, or aught else, is to be accounted as the act
of that queen. These things are [? all to gain merit
for] the second queen, Kariivaki, the mother of Tivara 1.
THE KAUSAmb! EDICT
DONATION TO BUDDHIST MONASTEKT
This document, which is found, like the Queen's
Edict, on the Allahabad pillar, is too imperfect to
' This edict, edited by Biihler in Ind. Ant. xix. 125, is perfect,
except for five or six characters expressing the purpose. I have
supplied a conjectural interpretation. The document is of
interest in several respects. It proves that Asoka had at least
two consorts who ranked as queens (devt), that the second of
these ladies was named K3,ruvaki (Kaluvaki), and that the king
had a son by her named Tivara (Tivala). It is possible to read
the son's name as Titivala. The inscription is in the Magadhi
dialect, which replaces Sanskrit medial r by I.
158 ASOKA
admit of continuous translation. Part of it is re-
produced in the equally defaced inscription on the
Sanchi pillar, which seems to record the donation
of a road or procession path to a monastery^
' Biihler, Ind. Ant. xix. 124, 126 ; Epigr. Ind. ii. 366.
CHAPTER VI
The Cetlonese Legend op Asoka
The legends related in this chapter and in that
following are related simply as legends, without
criticism, or discussion of their historical valued
THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA
Kftlasoka, king of Magadha, had ten sons, who
after his death ruled the kingdom righteously for
twenty-two years. They were succeeded by other
nine brothers, the Nandas, who likewise, in order of
seniority, ruled the kingdom for twenty-two years *-
' The legends told in this chapter have been compiled by
combining the narratives of the Dipavatiisa and the Mahfi,vamsa,
which may fairly be combined, both being derived from the
traditions preserved at the MahavihS,ra monastery. Wijesinha's
revised edition of Tumour's translation of the Mahavamsa
(Colombo, Government Record OflSce, 1889) has been used.
His corrections of Tumour's version are material. For the
Dipavaihsa, Oldenberg's edition and translation have been used.
The indexes to Tumour's Mahavamsa and Oldenberg's Dipa-
vamsa make easy the verification of particular statements.
Another summary of the legends 'will be found in Hardy's
Eastern Monachism.
^ Tumour omits the words 'the Nandas.' The Dipavaihsa
substitutes Susunaga for Kalasoka, makes Asoka to be the son
of Susunaga, and omits all mention of the nine Nanda brothers,
and their reign of twenty-two years (Dip. v. 25, 97-99). These
discrepancies prove the untrustworthiness of the chronicles.
i6o ASOKA
A Brahman named Chanakya, who had conceived
an implacable hatred against Dhana Nanda, the last
survivor of the nine brothers, put that king to death,
and placed upon the throne Chandra Gupta, a member
of the princely Maurya clan, who assumed the
sovereignty of all India, and reigned gloriously for
twenty-four years ^. He was succeeded by his son
Bindusara, who ruled the land for twenty-eight years.
The sons of Bindusara, the offspring of sixteen
mothers, numbered one hundred and one, of whom
the eldest was named Sumana, and the youngest
Tishya (Tissa). A third son, Asoka, uterine brother
of Tishya, had been appointed Viceroy of Western
India by his father. On receiving news of King
Bindusara's mortal illness, Asoka quitted Ujjain, the
seat of his government, and hastened to Pataliputra
(Patna), the capital of the empire. On his arrival at
the capital, he slew his eldest brother Sumana, and
ninety-eight other brothers, saving alive but one,
Tishya, the youngest of all. Having thus secured
his throne, Asoka became lord of all India, but by
reason of the massacre of his brothers he was known
as Asoka the Wicked.
Now it so happened that when Prince Sumana was
slain, his wife was with child. She fled from the
slaughter, and was obliged to seek shelter in a village
' Not 'thirty-four years,' as given both by Tumour and
Wijesinha. The figure 34 is a copyist's blunder ; see com-
mentary quoted by Turnour, p. lii (Rhys Davids, Ancient Coins
and Measures of Ceylon, p. 41, note).
THE CEYLONESE LEGEND i6r
of outcastes beyond the eastern gate. The headman of
the outcastes, pitying her misery, entreated her kindly,
and, doing her reverence, served her faithfully for
seven years. Pn that very day on which she was
driven forth from the palace she gave birth to a boy,
on whom the name Nigrodha was bestowed. The
child was born with the marks of sanctity, and when
he attained the age of seven was already an ordained
monk.
The holy child, whose royal origin was not known,
happened one day to pass by the palace, and attracted
the attention of the king, who was struck by his grave
and reverend deportment. King Asoka, highly de-
lighted, sent for the boy, who drew near with decorum
and self-possession.
The king said, ' My child, take any seat which thou
thinkest befitting.' Nigrodha, seeing that no priest
other than himself was present, advanced towards the
royal throne as the befitting seat. Whereupon King
Asoka, understanding that this monk was destined to
become lord of the palace, gave the boy his arm, and
seating him upon the throne, refreshed him with meat
and drink prepared for his own royal use.
Having thus shown his respect, the king questioned
the boy monk concerning the doctrines of Buddha, and
received from him an exposition of the doctrine of
earnestness, to the efiect that ' earnestness is the way
to immortality, indifference is the way to death.' This
teaching so wrought upon the heart of the king, that
he at once accepted the religion of Buddha, and gave
L
1 62 ASOKA
gifts to the priesthood. The next day Nigrodha
returned to the palace with thirty-two priests, and,
by preaching the law, established king and people in
the faith and the practice of piety. In this manner
was King Asoka constrained to abandon the Brahman-
ical faith of his father, and to accept as a lay disciple
the sacred law of Buddha.
These things happened in the fourth year after
the accession of King Asoka, who in the same
year celebrated his solemn coronation, and appointed
his younger brother Tishya to be his deputy or vice-
gerent.
The sixty thousand Brahmans, who for three years
had daily enjoyed the bounty of Asoka, as they had
enjoyed that of his predecessors on the throne, were
dismissed, and in their place Buddhist monks in equal
numbers were constantly entertained at the palace,
and treated with such lavish generosity that four
lakhs of treasure were each day expended. One day,
the king, having feasted the monks at the palace,
inquired the number of the sections of the law, and
having learned that the sections of the law were
eighty-four thousand in number, he resolved to
dedicate a sacred edifice to each. Wherefore, the
king commanded the local rulers to erect eighty-four
thousand sacred edifices in as many towns of India,
and himself constructed the Asokarama at the capital.
All the edifices were completed within three years,
and in a single day the news of their completion
reached the Court. By means of the supernatural
THE CEYLONESE LEGEND 163
powers with which he was gifted, King Asoka was
enabled to behold at one glance all these works
throughout the empire.
From the time of his consecration as emperor of
India, two hundred and eighteen years after the death
of the perfect Buddha, the miraculous faculties of
royal majesty entered into King Asoka, and the glory
which he obtained by his merit extended a league
above and a league below the earth.
The denizens of heaven were his servants, and daily
brought for his use water from the holy lake, lus-
cious, fragrant fruits, and other good things beyond
measure and without stint.
The king, lamenting that he had been born too late
to behold the Buddha in the flesh, besought the aid of
the Snake-King, who caused to appear a most enchant-
ing image of Buddha, in the full perfection of beauty,
surrounded by a halo of glory, and surmounted by the
lambent flame of sanctity, in honour of which glorious
vision a magnificent festival was held for the space of
seven days.
THE STOEY OP MAHENDEA AND SANGHAMITEA, AND
THE CONTEESION OP CEYLON
While Asoka during his royal father's lifetime was
stationed at Ujjain as viceroy of the Avanti country,
he formed a connexion with a lady of the Setthi caste,
named Devi, who resided at Vedisagiri (Besnagar
near Bhilsa) ^. She accompanied the prince to Ujjain,
1 Tumour's text reads ' Chetiyagiri.'
L a
i64 ASOKA
and there bore to him a son named Mahendra, two
hundred and four years after the death of Buddha ^.
Two years later a daughter named Sanghamitra was
bom. Devi continued to reside at Vedisagiri after
Asoka seized the throne; but the children accom-
panied their father to the capital, where Sanghamitra
was given in marriage to Agni Brahma, nephew of the
king, to whom she bore a son named Sumana.
In the fourth year after King Asoka's coronation,
his brother Tishya, the vicegerent, his nephew Agni
Brahma, and his grandson Sumana were all ordained.
The king, who had received the news of the comple-
tion of the eighty-four thousand sacred edifices, held a
solemn assembly of millions of monks and nuns, and,
coming in full state in person, took up his station in
the midst of the priesthood. The king's piety had
by this time washed away the stain of fratricide, and
he who had been known as Asoka the Wicked, was
henceforth celebrated as Asoka the Pious.
After his brother Tishya had devoted himself to
religion, Asoka proposed to replace him in the office
of vicegerent by Prince Mahendra, but at the urgent
entreaty of his spiritual director, Tishya son of
Moggali (Mudgalya), the king was persuaded to permit
of the ordination both of Mahendra and his sister
Sanghamitra. The young prince had then attained
the canonical age of twenty, and was therefore at
once ordained. The princess assumed the yellow robe,
but was obliged to defer her admission to the Order
* This date is given by the Dipavariisa, vi. 20, 21.
THE CEYLONESE LEGEND 165
for two years, until she should attain full age.
Mahendra was ordained in the sixth year of the king's
reign, dating from his coronation.
In the eighth year of the reign, two saints, named
respectively Sumitra and Tishya, died. Their death
was attended with such portents that the world at
large became greatly devoted to the Buddhist religion,
and the liberality of the people to the priests was
multiplied. The profits so obtained attracted to the
Order many unworthy members, who set up their own
doctrines as the doctrines of Buddha, and per-
formed unlawful rites and ceremonies, even sacrifices
after the manner of the Brahmans, as seemed good
unto them. Hence was wrought confusion both in
the doctrine and ritual of the Church.
The disorders waxed so great that the heretics out-
numbered the true believers, the regular rites of the
church were in abeyance for seven years, and the
king's spiritual director, Tishya son of Moggali,
was obliged to commit his disciples to the care of
Prince Mahendra, and himself to retire into solitude
among the mountains at the source of the Ganges.
Tishya, the son of Moggali, having been persuaded
to quit his retreat, expelled the heretics, produced the
Kathavatthu treatise, and held the Third Council of
the Church at the Asokdrama in Pataliputra. These
events happened in the year 336 after the death of
Buddha, and seventeen and a half years after the
coronation of King Asoka.
In the same year King Devdnampiya Tissa (Tishya)
i66 ASOKA
ascended the throne of Ceylon, and became the firm
friend and ally of King Asoka, although the two
sovereigns never met. The King of Ceylon, in order
to show his friendship and respect, dispatched a
mission to India, headed by his nephew, Maha Arittha.
In seven days the envoys reached the port of Tamalipti
(Tamliik in Bengal), and in seven days more arrived
at the Imperial Court. They were royally entertained
by King Asoka, who was graciously pleased to accept
the rich and rare presents sent by his ally, in return
for which he sent gifts of equal value. The envoys
remained at the capital for five months, and then
returned to the island by the way they had come,
bearing to their sovereign this message from King
Asoka : ' I have taken refuge in the Buddha, the
Law, and the Order; I have avowed myself a lay
disciple of the doctrine of the son of the Sakyas.
Imbue your mind also with faith in this Triad, in
the highest religion of the Jina; take refuge in the
Teacher.'
After the close of the Third Council, which remained
in session for nine months, Tishya the son of Moggali
resolved that the law of Buddha should be communi-
cated to foreign countries, and dispatched missionaries
to Kashmir and Gandh&ra; to Mahisamandala (My-
sore) ; to Vanavasi (North Kanara) ; to Aparantaka
(coast north of Bombay) ; to Maharashtra ; to the
Yavana country (on the north-western frontier) ; to
the mountain regions of the Himalaya; to Suvarna-
bhumi (Pegu) ; and to Ceylon.
THE CEYLONESE LEGEND 167
The mission to Ceylon consisted of Prince Mahendra
and five colleagues, of whom one was Sumana, his
sister's son.
Mahendra resolved, with the king's permission, to
visit his mother and her relations on his way to
Ceylon, and devoted six months to this purpose.
He found his mother at her home in Vedisagiri,
and, having been received with great joy, was ac-
commodated in the splendid monastery at that place
which she had erected ^. The preaching of Mahendra
converted Bhandu, a grandnephew of his mother.
After this event Mahendra lingered for another month,
and then with his companions, to whom Bhandu
attached himself, rose aloft into the air, and flying,
' as flies the king of swans,' arrived in Ceylon, and
alighted upon the Missa mountain.
The first discourse pronounced by the leader of
the mission converted the king, with forty thousand
of his followers. The princess Anula, with five
hundred of her attendants, desired to enter the Order,
but was told that the male missionaries had no power
to ordain females, who, however, might be ordained by
the princess Sanghamitr^.
The king of Ceylon, after due deliberation, again
dispatched his nephew to King Asoka, with instruc-
tions to bring back Sanghamitra and a branch of the
sacred &o-tree. King Asoka, although grieving sorely
at the separation from his beloved daughter, gave his
^ The allusion seems to be to the splendid buildings at Sanchi,
about five miles south-west from Besnagar.
i68 ASOKA
coBsent to her deputation to Ceylon, and proceeded
with much ceremony to sever a branch of the holy
tree.
The severance was effected, signalized by many
miracles, and the envoys, accompanied by Sanghamitra,
were dispatched to the port of Tamalipti, escorted by
an army commanded by King Asoka in person.
' The vessel in which the 6o-tree was embarked
briskly dashed through the water ; and in the great
ocean, through the circumference of a league, the
waves were stilled ; flowers of the five different colours
blossomed around it, and various melodies of music
rang in the air.' The holy branch, thus miraculously
wafted to the shore of the island, was received with
due honour, and was planted in the Mahamegha garden,
which the king had dedicated to the use of the Order.
The branch threw off eight vigorous shoots, which
were distributed and planted in as many localities.
In those days also the king of Ceylon built for
Mahendra the Mahavihara, the first monastery of the
island, and the construction of the Chetiyagiri (Mihin-
taM) monastery followed soon after.
The princess Anula, in company with five hundred
virgins and five hundred women of the palace, was
duly ordained as a nun by Sanghamitra, and straight-
way attained the rank of Arhat. The king erected
a nunnery for Sanghamitra, who there abode in peace,
until she died in the fifty-ninth year after her
ordination, that being the ninth year of the reign of
the Ceylonese King Uttiya. Her brother Mahendra
THE CEYLONESE LEGEND 169
had passed away in the previous year, while observing
the sixtieth ' retreat ' since his ordination.
While King Asoka was engaged in the festivals
connected with the dispatch of the branch of the ho-
tree, another mission, headed by his grandson Sumana,
arrived from Ceylon to beg for relics to be enshrined
in the great stUpa by the island king. The request
of this second mission also was granted by King
Asoka, who bestowed upon his ally a dishful of holy
relics, to which Sakra, lord of the Devas, added the
right collar-bone of Buddha, extracted from the
Chulamani sMpa. The relics were received with
extreme honour, and enshrined with due ceremony in
the Thftparama stfUpa, the moment being marked by
a terrific earthquake. Witnessing this miracle, the
people were converted in crowds, and the king's
younger brother joined the Order, which in those
days received an accession of thirty thousand monks.
THE LEGEND OF THE THIED CHURCH COUNCIL ^
When, as has been related, the heretics waxed
great in numbers and wrought confusion in the
Church, so that for seven years the rite of confession
and other solemn rites remained in abeyance, King
^ See especially Dipavamsa, i. 25 ; v. 55 ; vii. 37, 41, 56-59.
The dates do not seem all to agree, but the intention evidently
is to place the Third Council in 236, and the Second Council in
118 Anno Buddhae, the two intervals of 118 years being exactly
equal. One of the Chinese dates for Asoka is 118 a. b. (I-tsing,
ed. Takakusu, p. 14).
170 ASOKA
Asoka determined that the disorder should cease, and
sent a minister to the Asokarama to compel the
monks to resume the services. The minister, having
gone there, assembled the monks and proclaimed the
royal commands. The holy men replied that they
could not perform the services while the heretics
remained. Thereupon the minister, exceeding his
instructions, with his own hand smote off the heads
of several of the contumacious ecclesiastics as they
sat in convocation. The king's brother Tishya inter-
fered, and prevented further violence.
The king was profoundly horrified and greatly
alarmed at the rash act of his minister, and sought ab-
solution. In accordance with, the advice of the clergy,
the aged Tishya, son of Moggali, was summoned from
his distant retreat, and conveyed by boat down the
Ganges to the capital, where he was received by the
king with extraordinary honour and reverence.
Asoka, desiring to test the supernatural powers of
the saint, begged that a miracle might be performed,
and specially requested that an earthquake confined
to a limited space might be produced. The saint
placed a chariot, a horse, a man, and a vessel filled
with water, one on each side of a square space, exactly
on the boundary lines, and produced an earthquake
which caused the half of each object within the
boundary line to quake, while the other half of each
remained unshaken. Satisfied by this display of
power, Asoka inquired if the sacrilegious murder of
the priests by the minister must be accounted as the
THE CEYLONESE LEGEND x-jt
king's sin. The saint ruled that where there is no
wilful intention, there is no sin, and, accordingly,
absolved Asoka, whom he instructed fully in the
truth.
The king commanded that all the priests in India,
without exception, should be assembled, and taking his
seat by the side of his spiritual director, examined
each priest individually as to his faith. The saint
decided that the doctrine of the Vaib^dhyavadina
school was the true primitive teaching of the master,
and all dissenters were expelled, to the number of
sixty thousand 1. A thousand orthodox priests of
holy character were then selected to form a convoca-
tion or Council. To these assembled priests, Tishya,
son of Moggali, recited the treatise called Kathavatthu
in order to dissipate doubts on points of faith ^. The
Council, following the procedure of the First Council
at Rajagriha and the Second Council at Vaisdli, recited
' Mahavaiiisa, ch. v. The classifications of the Buddhist
schools vary much. I-tsing (pp. xxiii, 7) says that all Ceyloa
belonged to the Arya-sthavira-nikaya, which had three subdivi-
sions. Tibetan authorities (Rockhill, pp. 187 seqq.) make two
main divisions of Buddhists, (i) Sihavira, (ii) MaMsanghika.
The Sarvdstivddina school was a subdivision of the Sihavira, and
the Vaibddhyavadina was a sect of the Sarvdstivddina. The
Vaibddhya^dina sect again was subdivided into four sections,
MaMs&saka, Dharmag^iptaha, Tamrasatiya,a,ndKdiyapiya. This
explains how Fa-hien was able to obtain in Ceylon a copy of the
Vinaya according to the MahtMsaka school (ch. xl).
The legends have probably been much influenced by sectarian
bias.
^ Tumour's translation is corrected by Wijesinha.
172 ASOKA
and verified the whole body of the scriptures, and,
after a session lasting nine months, dispersed. At
the conclusion of the Council the earth quaked, as if
to say ' Well done,' beholding the re-establishment of
religion. Tishya, the son of Moggali, was then
seventy-two years of age.
THE STORY OF TISHYA, THE VICEGERENT
One day, Tishya, the younger brother of Asoka,
and Vicegerent of the empire, happened to be in
a forest, and watched a herd of elk at play. The
thought occurred to him that when elks browsing in
the forest divert themselves, there seems to be no
good reason why monks well lodged and well fed in
monasteries should not amuse themselves. Coming
home, the vicegerent told his thoughts to the king,
who, in order to make him understand the reason why,
conferred upon him the sovereignty for the space of
seven days, saying, ' Prince, govern the empire for
seven days, at the end of which I shall put thee to
death.' At the close of the seventh day the king
asked the prince : — ' Why art thou grown so wasted ? '
He replied, ' By reason of the horror of death.' The
king rejoined, 'Child, thou hast ceased to amuse thyself,
because thou thinkest that in seven days thou wilt be
put to death. These monks are meditating without
ceasing on death; how then can they engage in
frivolous diversions 1 ' ^
^ Compare the legend of Mahendra in chapter vii, t^osU
THE CEYLONESE LEGEND 173
The prince understood, and became a convert.
Some time afterwards he was on a hunting expedition
in the forest, when he saw the saint Mahadharmara-
kshita, a man of perfect piety and freed from the
bonds of sin, sitting under a tree, and being fanned
with a branch by an elephant. The prince, beholding
this sight, longed for the time when he might become
even as that saint and dwell at peace in the forest.
The saint, in order to incline the heart of the prince
unto the faith, soared into the air and alighted on the
surface of the water of the Asokllr^ma tank, wherein
he bathed, while his robes remained poised in the air.
The prince was so delighted with this miracle that he
at once resolved to become a monk, and begged the
king for permission to receive ordination.
The king, being unwilling to thwart his pious
desire, himself led the prince to the monastery, where
ordination was conferred by the saint Mah§,dharma-
rakshita. At the same time one hundred thousand
other persons were ordained, and no man can tell
the number of those who became monks by reason
of the example set by the prince.
THE LAST DATS OF ASOKA
The branch of the holy 60-tree, brought to Ceylon
in the manner above related, was dispatched in the
eighteenth year of the reign of Asoka the Pious, and
planted in the Mah^meghavana garden in Ceylon.
In the twelfth year after that event, Asandhimitra,
174 ASOKA
the beloved queen of Asoka, who had shared his de-
votion to Buddhism, died. In the fourth year after
her decease, the king, prompted by sensual passion,
raised the princess Tishyarakshita to the dignity of
queen-consort. She was young and vain, and very
sensible of her personal charms. The king's devotion
to the &o-tree seemed to her to be a slight to her
attractions, and in the fourth year after her elevation
her jealousy induced her to make an attempt to
destroy the holy tree by art magic. The attempt
failed. In the fourth year after that event. King
Asoka the Pious fulfilled the lot of mortality, having
reigned thirty-seven years ^.
^ Compare the legend of the ' Dotage of Asoka ' in chapter
vii, post. According to the Tibetan tradition, Asoka reigned
for fifty-four years (Rockhill, p. 233).
CHAPTER VII
The Indian Legends of Asoka
the lineage and family op asoka
(i) King Bimbisara reigned at RSjagriha. His
son was (a) Ajatasatru, whose son was (3) Udayi-
bhadra, whose son was (4) Munda, whose son was
(5) K§,kavamin, whose son was (6) Sahalin, whose son
was (7) Tulakuchi, whose son was (8) Mahamandala,
whose son was (9) Prasenajit, whose son was (10)
Nanda, whose son was (11) Bindusara.
King Bindusara reigned at PataHputra, and had
a son named Susima.
A certain Brahman of Champa had a lovely daughter.
A prophecy declared that she was destined to be the
mother of two sons, of whom one would become imi-
versal monarch, and the other would attain the goal
of the life of a recluse. The Brahman, seeking the ful-
filment of the prophecy, succeeded in introducing his
daughter into the palace, but the jealousy of the queens
debarred her from the royal embraces, and assigned to
' The genealogy as given in the text is from the prose AsoJcd-
vaddna in the Divydvadana (Burnouf, Introduction, pp. 319
seqq.). The reader will observe that Chandragupta is omitted,
and that Bindus§,ra, the father of Asoka, is represented as being
the son of Nanda. The metrical Asokdvaddna (Rajendralala
Mitra, Nepalese Buddhist Literature, pp. 6-17) substitutes Mahl-
pala for Ajatasatru, and exhibits other minor variations.
176 ASOKA
her the menial duties of a barber. After some time
the girl managed to explain to the king that she was
no barber, but the daughter of a Brahman. When
the ^ing understood that she belonged to a caste with
a member of which he could honourably consort, he at
once took her into favour and made her chief queen.
In due course, the Brahman's daughter, whose name
was Subhadrangi, bore to the king two sons, the elder
named Asoka, and the younger named Vigatasoka.
The ascetic Pingala Vatsajiva, when consulted by
King Bindusara concerning the destiny of the two
boys, feared to tell his sovereign the truth, because
Asoka was rough-looking and displeasing in the sight
of his father; but he frankly told Queen Subha-
drangi that her son Asoka was destined for the
throne.
It came to pass that King Bindusara desired to
besiege Taxila, which was in rebellion. The king
ordered his despised son Asoka to undertake the siege,
and yet would not supply him with chariots or the
needful munitions of war. Ill-supplied as he was, the
prince obediently started to carry out the king's
orders, whereupon the earth opened, and from her
bosom supplied all his wants. When Asoka with his
army approached Taxila, the citizens came forth to
meet him, protesting that their quarrel was only with
oppressive ministers, not with the king or the king's
son. Taxila and the kingdom of the Svasas made
their submission to the prince, who in due course
returned to the capital.
THE INDIAN LEGENDS 177
It came to pass that one day Prince Susima, the
king's eldest son, was coming into the palace from the
garden when he playfully threw his glove at the head
of the prime minister Khallataka. The minister, was
deeply offended, and from that day engaged in a con-
spiracy with five hundred privy councillors to exclude
Susima, and to place Asoka on the throne.
The people of Taxila again revolted, and Prince
Susima, who was deputed to reduce them to obedi-
ence, failed in his task. King Bindus^ra, who was
then old and ill, desired to send Asoka to Taxila,
and to recall Susima, that he might take up the suc-
cession.
The ministers, however, continued to exclude the
elder prince, and to secure the throne for Asoka, on
whose head the gods themselves placed the crown,
at the moment when his father expired. Susima
marched against Pataliputra, to assert his rights
and expel the usurper; but Asoka and his minister
Radhagupta obtained the services of naked giants,
who successfully guarded the gates, and by stratagem
Susima was inveigled, so that he fell into a ditch full
of burning fuel, and there miserably perished.
THE TYRANNY AND CONVERSION OF ASOKA
One day, when five hundred of his ministers ven-
tured to resist the royal will, Asoka, transported with
rage, drew his sword, and with his own hand cut off
the heads of all the offenders.
M
178 ASOKA
Another day, the women of the palace, whom Asoka's
rough features failed to please, mocked him by break-
ing off the leaves of an aaoka tree in the garden.
The king, when he heard of the incident, caused five
hundred women to be burnt alive.
The ministers, horrified at these acts of cruelty,
entreated the king not to defile his royal hands with
blood, but to appoint an executioner to carry out
sentences.
The king accepted this advice, and a man named
Chandagirika — a wretch of unexampled cruelty, who
loved to torture animals, and had slain his father and
mother — was sought out and appointed Chief Execu-
tioner. For his use the king caused to be built a
prison, which had a most attractive exterior, so that
men might be tempted to enter it, and thus sufi^er all
the tortures of hell which awaited them within ; for
the king had commanded that no man who entered
this prison should leave it alive.
One day, a holy ascetic named Balapandita^ un-
wittingly entered the gate, and was instantly seized
by the jailer. The holy man, though given seven
days' respite, was at the end of the term of grace
ruthlessly cast into a seething cauldron of filth,
beneath which a great fire was kindled. The cruel
jailer, looking in, beheld the saint, seated on a lotus,
and unscathed by fire. The miracle having been
reported to the palace, the king himself came to see it,
and being converted by the sight and the preaching
^ Samudra in the metrical version.
THE INDIAN LEGENDS ' 179
of the holy man, embraced the true religion and for-
sook the paths of wickedness.
The prison was demolished, and the jailer was
burnt alive.
The above legend from the AsoMvaddna, which is
given with further details by Hiuen Tsiang (Beal, ii.
86), places the ' prison ' or ' hell ' at Pataliputra the
capital.
Another form of the legend, which is merely re-
ferred to by Hiuen Tsiang without comment, places
the ' heir at Ujjain in Mdlwa (Beal, ii. 271).
The conversion of the king, according to Hiuen
Tsiang, was due to the great saint Upagupta, whom he
met after the destruction of the ' hell.' With the aid
of Upagupta, King Asoka summoned the genii and
commanded them to build stilpas throughout the land
for the reception of the relics of Buddha's body, which
had been taken out of the eight stdpas where they had
originally been enshrined after the cremation of the
Sakya sage. At the moment of a solar eclipse the
genii, in obedience to the commands of the king and
the saint, simultaneously deposited the relics in all
the stilpas.
The Avaddna story is that when King Asoka
desired to distribute the sacred relics of the body of
Buddha among the eighty-four thousand stUipas
erected by himself, he opened the SMpa of the Urn,
wherein King Ajdtasatru had enshrined the cremation
relics collected from seven of the eight original stilpas.
The eighth, that at Ramagrama, was defended by the
M 2
i8o ASOKA
guardian Nagas, who would not allow it to be opened.
The relics thus withdrawn from the StlXpa of the
Urn were distributed among eighty-four thousand
stiXpaa, ' resplendent as the autumn clouds,' which were
erected in a single day by the descendant of the
Mauryas. 'The worshipful, the fortunate Maurya
caused the erection of all these st'Apas for the benefit of
created beings ; formerly he was called on earth Asoka
the Wicked, but this good work has earned for him
the name of Asoka the Pious ^.'
The metrical AvaddTm is still more extravagant than
the prose form of the tale, and alleges that 3,510
millions of stilpas were erected at the request of the
people of Taxila, and that ten millions were erected
by the Yakshas on the shores of the sea.
THE PILGRIMAGE OP ASOKA
Having erected the eighty-four thousand sMpas,
King Asoka expressed a desire to visit the holy places
of his religion. By the advice of his counsellors he
sent for' the saint Upagupta, son of Gupta the
perfumer. Upagupta had been in accordance with
prophecy born a century after the death of Buddha,
and, when summoned by the king, was dwelling on
Mount Urumunda in the Natabhatika forest near
Mathura.
The saint accepted the royal invitation, and, accom-
^ This passage proves that the hero of the AsoMvaddna is
Asoka Maurya.
THE INDIAN LEGENDS i8i
panied by eighteen thousand holy men, travelled in
state by boat down the Jumna and Ganges to Patali-
putra, where he was received with the utmost
reverence and honour i.
The king said: 'I desire to visit all the places
where the Venerable Buddha stayed, to do honour
unto them, and to mark each with an enduring
memorial for the instruction of the most remote
posterity.' The saint approved of the project, and
undertook to act as guide. Escorted by a mighty
army the monarch visited all the holy places in order.
The first place visited was the Lumbini Garden.
Here Upagupta said: 'In this spot, great king, the
Venerable One was born ^ ' ; and added : ' Here is the
first monument consecrated in honour of the Buddha,
the sight of whom is excellent. Here, the moment
after his birth, the recluse took seven steps upon the
ground.'
The king bestowed a hundred thousand gold pieces
on the people of the place, and built a sMpa. He
then passed on to Kapilavastu.
The royal pilgrim next visited the Bodhi-tree at
Buddha Gay^, and there also gave a largess of a
hundred thousand gold pieces, and built a chaitya.
Rishipatana (Samath) near Benares, where Gautama
had 'turned the wheel of the law,' and Kusinagara,
where the Teacher had passed away, were also visited
^ Compare the story of Tishya, son of Moggali, in the ' Legend
of the Third Church Council' in chapter vi, p. 170, above.
^ Compare the Bummindel pillar inscription in chapter v.
l82 ASOKA
with similar observances. At Sravasti the pilgrims
did reverence to the Jetavana monastery, where
Gautama had so long dwelt and taught, and to the
stUpas of his disciples, Sariputra, Maudgalslyana, and
Maha Kasyapa. But when the king visited the stilpa
of Vakkula, he gave only one copper coin, inasmuch
as Vakkula had met with few obstacles in the path
of holiness, and had done little good to his fellow
creatures. At the sMpa of Ananda, the faithful
attendant of Gautama, the royal gift amounted to
six million gold pieces.
THE STOEY OF VITASOKA.
Vitasoka, the king's brother ^, was an adherent of
the Tirthyas, who reproached the Buddhist monks
as being men who loved pleasure and feared pain.
Asoka's eiforts to convert his brother were met by
the retort that the king was merely a tool in the
hands of the monks. The king therefore resolved
to effect his brother's conversion by stratagem.
At his instigation the ministers tricked Vitasoka
into the assumption of the insignia of royalty. The
king when informed of what had happened feigned
great anger, and threatened his brother with instant
death. Ultimately he was persuaded to grant the
offender seven days' respite, and to permit him to
exercise sovereign power during those seven days.
During this period the fear of death so wrought upon
' Vitasoka = Vigatasoka.
THE INDIAN LEGENDS 183
the mind of Vitelsoka that he embraced the doctrine
of Buddha, in which he was instructed by the holy
Sthavira Yasas. With difficulty the king was per-
suaded by the Sthavira Yasas ^ to grant to his brother
permission to become a monk. In order to initiate
the novice gradually into the habits of the life of a
mendicant friar, Asoka prepared a hermitage for him
within the palace grounds. From this hermitage
Vitasoka withdrew, first to the KukkutHrama mon-
astery, and afterwards to Videha (Tirhiit), where
he attained to the rank of a saint (arhat). When
Vitasoka, clad in rags, returned to the palace, he was
received with great honour, and was induced to exhibit
his supernatural powers. He then again withdrew to
a distant retreat beyond the frontier, where he fell ill.
Asoka sent him medicine, and he recovered.
In those days it happened that a devoted adherent of
the Brahman ascetics threw down and broke a statue of
Buddha at Pundra Vardhana in Bengal. As a penalty
for the sacrilege eighteen thousand inhabitants of
that city were massacred in one day by order of
Asoka. Some time after another fanatic at Pataliputra
similarly overthrew a statue of Buddha. The persons
concerned, with all their relatives and friends, were
' The Ceylonese Mahavamsa (ch. iv) represents the Sthavira
Yasas (Yaso) as a leading personage at the Second or Vaisali
Council in the reign of Kalasoka, or Asoka I. This fact is one
of the many indications that Ealasoka is a fiction, and that no
reliance can be placed on the accounts of any of the three
church councils.
i84 ASOKA
burned alive, and the king placed the price of a dindra
on the head of every Brahmanical ascetic.
Now, when the proclamation was published Vita-
soka, clad in his beggar's garb, happened to be lodging
for the night in the hut of a cowherd. The good wife,
seeing the unkempt and dishevelled appearance of her
guest, was convinced that he must be one of the
proclaimed ascetics, and persuaded her husband to
slay him in order to earn the reward. The cowherd
carried his victim's head to the king, who was horrified
at the sight, and was persuaded by his ministers to
revoke the proclamation. Not only did he revoke the
cruel proclamation, but he gave the world peace by
ordaining that henceforth no one should be put to
death '.
In Fa-hien's version of the legend the brother of the
king is anonymous. The pilgrim tells us that the
younger brother of King Asoka lived the life of a
recluse on the Vulture's Peak hill near Rajagriha,
where he had attained to the rank of a saint (arhat).
The king invited the recluse to the palace, but the
invitation was declined. The king then promised
that if his brother would accept the invitation, he
would make a hill for him inside the city. ' Then
the king, providing all sorts of meat and drink,
invited the genii, and addressed them thus: "I beg
you to accept my invitation for to-morrow; but as
there are no seats, I must request you each to bring
' The inscriptions prove that Asoka did not abolish capital
punishment.
THE INDIAN LEGENDS 185
his own." On the morrow the great genii came, each
one bringing with him a great stone, four or five paces
square. After the feast, he deputed the genii to pile
up their seats, and make a great stone mountain ; and
at the base of the mountain with five great square
stones to make a rock chamber, in length about 35
feet, and in breadth aa feet, and in height 71 feet
or so.'
The same story is told by Hiuen Tsiang in order to
explain the origin of the stone dwelling which was
still to be seen at Pataliputra in the seventh century
A. D. ^ The name of Mahendra is given to the hermit-
prince by Hiuen Tsiang, who relates of him a legend,
which may be compared with that of VitS,soka. The
two stories have some points in common.
THE STORY OF MAHENDRA, AND THE CONVERSION OF
CEYLON
King Asoka early in his reign had a half-brother,
the son of his mother, who was younger than the king,
and belonged to a noble family. The young man was
extravagant, wasteful, and cruel in disposition. In his
dress also he aped the royal costume.
The indignation of the people became so great that
the ministers ventured to remonstrate with the king,
' Beal, ii. 91. Major Waddell identifies Mahendra's Hill
with the Bhikhna Pahari at Patna, on •which the Nawab's
palace stands, and states that the neighbouring muhalla, or
ward, is called Mahendru.
i86 ASOKA
and to say: 'Your majesty's brother in his pride
assumes a dignity beyond his due. When the govern-
ment is impartial, the subjects are contented; when
the subjects are content, the sovereign is at peace.
We desire that you should preserve the principles of
government handed down to us by our fathers, and
that you should deliver to justice the men who seek
to change those principles.'
Then King Asoka, weeping, addressed his brother
and said: 'I have inherited from my ancestors the
duty of protecting my people ; how is it that you, my
own brother, have forgotten my affection and kind-
ness ? It is impossible for me at the very beginning
of my reign to disregard the laws. If I punish you,
I dread the resentment of my ancestors ; if I pass over
your transgressions, I dread the ill opinion of my
people.'
The prince, bowing his head, admitted his error,
and begged for nothing more than a respite of seven
days^. The king granted this request, and threw
his brother into a dark dungeon, though he provided
him with exquisite food and all other luxuries. At
the end of the first day the guard cried out to the
prisoner : ' One day has gone ; six days are left.' By
the time the sixth day had expired, the prisoner's
repentance and discipline were complete. He attained
at once to the rank of a saint (arhat), and feeling
conscious of miraculous powers, ascended into the air.
^ Compare tlie Ceylonese ' Story of Tishya, the Vicegerent '
in chapter vi, p. 172, above.
THE INDIAN LEGENDS 187
Asoka went in person to the dungeon, and told his
brother that having now, contrary to expectation,
attained the highest degree of holiness he might
return to his place. Mahendra replied that he had
lost all taste for the pleasures of the world, and
desired to live in solitude. Asoka consented, but
pointed out that it was unnecessary for the prince
to retire to the mountains, as a hermitage could be
constructed at the capital. The king then caused
the genii to build a stone house, as already related.
Mahendra, after his conversion, journeyed to the
south of India, and built a monastery in the delta of
the Kaveri (Cauvery), of which the ruins were still
visible a thousand years later ^.
He is also related to have made use of his super-
natural powers to pass through the air to Ceylon,
in which island he spread the knowledge of the true
law, and widely diffused the doctrine bequeathed
to his disciples by the Master. From the time of
Mahendra, the people of Ceylon, who had been ad-
dicted to a corrupt form of religion, forsook their
ancient errors and heartily accepted the truth. The
conversion of Ceylon, according to Hiuen Tsiang, took
place one hundred years after the death of Buddha ^.
^ Beal, ii. 231.
' Beal, ii. 246. Compare the legends of the MahavaAsa and,
Dipavamsa. Hiuen Tsiang, like the Asokdvad&na, placed
Asoka Maurya a century after Buddha, the date assigned by the
Ceylonese legend to Kalasoka.
i88 ASOKA
THE STOEY OF KUNALA
In the seventh century A. D. pilgrims were shown
a itiXpa at Taxila, which was said to have been built
by Asoka to mark the spot where the eyes of his
beloved son Kunfila were torn out. The story of
Kunala is to the following eflfect.
After the death of his faithful consort Asandhi-
mitra, King Asoka, late in life, married Tishyara-
kshita, a dissolute and unprincipled young woman.
She cast amorous glances "on her stepson Kunala,
her worthy predecessor's son, who was famous for
the beauty of his eyes. The virtuous prince rejected
with horror the advances made by his stepmother,
who then became filled with ' the spite of contemned
beauty ^,' and changed her hot love into bitter hate.
In pursuance of a deep-laid scheme for the destruc-
tion of him who by his virtue had put her vice to
shame, the queen with honied words persuaded
the king to depute Kunala to the government of
distant Taxila.
The prince obediently accepted the honourable
commission, and when departing was warned by his
father to verify orders received, which, if genuine,
would be sealed with an impression of the king's
teeth ^. The queen bided her time, with ever-growing
^ Spretae iniuria formae (Vergil).
'^ Mr. Beal has cited an exact English parallel in the verses
describing the gift of lands to the Rawdon family, as quoted in
Burke's Peerage, s. v. Hastings : —
THE INDIAN LEGENDS 189
hatred. After the lapse of some months she wrote
a dispatch, addressed to the viceroy's ministers at
Taxila, directing them immediately on receipt of the
orders to put out the eyes of the viceroy, Prince
Kunala, to lead him and his wife into the mountains,
and to there leave them to perish.
She sealed the dispatch with royal red wax, and,
when the king was asleep, furtively stamped the wax
with the impression of his teeth, and sent off the orders
with all speed to Taxila. The ministers who received
the orders knew not what to do. The prince, noticing
their confusion, compelled them to explain. The min-
isters wished to compromise by detaining the prince in
custody, pending a reference to the capital. But the
prince would not permit of any delay, and said : ' My
father, if he has ordered my death, must be obeyed ;
and the seal of his teeth is a sure sign of the correct-
ness of the orders. No mistake is possible.' He then
commanded an outcaste wretch to pluck out his eyes.
The order was obeyed, and the prince, accompanied by
his faithful wife, wandered forth in sightless misery
to beg his bread.
In the course of their weary wanderings they arrived
at Pataliputra. ' Alas,' cried the blind man, ' what
' I, William, king, the third of my reign,
Give to Paulyn Rawdon, Hope and Hopetowne,
And in token that this thing is sooth,
I bit the whyt wax with my tooth.
Before Meg, Mawd, and Margery,
And my third son Henry.' {Ind. Ant. ix. 86.)
190 ASOKA
pain I suffer from cold and hunger. I was a prince ;
I am a beggar. Would that I could make myself
known, and get redress for the false accusations
brought against me.' He managed to penetrate into
an inner court of the palace, where he lifted up his
voice and wept, and, to the sound of a lute, sang a song
full of sadness.
The king in an upper chamber heard the strains,
and thinking that he recognized the voice and touch
as those of his son, sent for the minstrel. The king,
when he beheld his sightless son, was overwhelmed
with grief, and inquired by whose contrivance all
this misery had come about. The prince humbly
replied : ' In truth, for lack of filial piety I have thus
been punished by Heaven. On such and such a day
suddenly came a loving order, and I, having no means
of excusing myself, dared not shrink from the punish-
ment.'
The king, knowing in his heart that Queen Tishyara-
kshita was guilty of the crime, without further inquiry
caused her to be burnt alive, and visited with condign
punishment every person, high or low, who had any
share in the outrage. The officials were some dismissed,
some banished, some executed. The common people
were, according to one account, massacred, and, ac-
cording to another, transported across the Himalayas
to the deserts of Khoten ^-
' Beal, i. 143, ii. 310; Burnouf, p. 360. Compare the wild
Tibetan legends about the introduction of Buddhism into Khoten
in Rockhill, The Life of the Buddha, pp. 232 seqq^. These
THE INDIAN LEGENDS 191
In those days a great saint named Ghosha dwelt
in the monastery by the holy tree of Mahabodhi. To
him the king brought Kunala, and prayed that his
son might receive his sight. The saint commanded
that on the morrow a great congregation should
assemble to hear his preaching of the Law, and that
each person should bring a vessel to receive his tears.
A vast multitude of men and women assembled, and
there was not one of those who heard the sermon but
was moved to tears, which fell into the vessels provided.
The saint collected the tears in a golden vase, and
said these words: 'The doctrine which I have ex-
pounded is the most mysterious of Buddha's teaching ;
if that exposition is not true, if there is error in
what I have said, then let things remain as they are ;
but, if what I have said is true and free from error,
let this man, after washing his eyes with these tears,
receive his sight.'
Whereupon Kunala washed in the tears and received
his sight.
A STORY OF TISHYAEAKSHITI
Tishyarakshitl, queen of King Asoka, in pursuance
of her incestuous passion for her stepson, Prince Kunala,
who repulsed her advances, resolved to avenge herself,
and, in order to accomplish her purpose, took advan-
legends mention the saint Tasas as the minister of Asoka the
Pious. The story of KunWa is folklore. Compare the legend
of Phaedra and Hippolytus, and Jataka No. 472 (MaMpaduma)
in the translation by Mr. Rouse, who cites other Indian parallels
(vol. iv, p. 117).
192 ASOKA
tage of the king's sufferings from a dangerous and
apparently incurable disease, to acquire complete con-
trol over his mind, and for some days she was granted
unrestrained use of the sovereign power.
Asoka, believing his malady to be incurable, gave
the order : ' Send for Kunala ; I wish to place him on
the throne. What use is life to me ? ' Tishyarakshita
hearing these words, thought to herself : ' If Kunala
ascends the throne, I am lost.' Accordingly she said
to King Asoka : ' I undertake to restore you to health,
but a necessary condition is that you forbid all physi-
cians to have access to the palace.' The king com-
plied with her request, and she enjoined everybody to
bring to her any person, man or woman, who might be
suffering from the same malady as the king.
Now it happened that a man of the shepherd caste
was suffering from the same malady. His wife ex-
plained his case to a physician, who promised to
prescribe a suitable remedy after examining the
patient. The man then consulted the physician, who
brought him to Queen Tishyarakshita. She had him
conveyed to a secret place, where he was put to death.
When his body was opened she perceived in his
stomach a huge worm, which had deranged the bodily
functions. She applied pounded pepper and ginger
without effect, but when the worm was touched with
an onion, he died immediately, and passed out of the
intestines. The queen then begged the king to eat an
onion and so recover his health. The king replied :
' Queen, I am a Kshatriya ; how can I eat an onion ? '
THE INDIAN LEGENDS 193
' My lord,' answered the queen, ' you should swallow it
merely as physic in order to save your life.' The
king then ate the onion, and the worm died, passing
out of the intestines ^.
THE DOTAGE OP KING ASOKA
The king resolved to give a thousand millions
of gold pieces to the Master's service, and when far
advanced in years had actually given nine hundred
and sixty millions. In the hope that the vow would
be completed before he died he daily sent great treasures
of silver and gold to the Kukkutarama monastery at
the capital. In those days Sampadi, the son of Kunala ^,
was heir-apparent. To him the ministers pointed out
that the king was ruining himself by his extravagance,
and would, if permitted to continue it, be unable to
resist the attacks of other monarchs or to protect the
kingdom.
The prince, therefore, forbade the treasurer to com-
ply with the king's demands, Asoka, unable to obtain
' Fa-tien (ch. xvi) notes that the inhabitants of Gangetic
India did not 'eat garlic or onions, with the exception of
Chandalas (outcastes) only.' The prejudice exists to this day.
The high-caste people perceive in onions a fanciful resemblance
to flesh meat. This story is from the Kunala section of the
Divy&vaddna in Burnouf, ' Introduction,' p. 133.
^ The Jain legends represent Sampadi as a great patron of the
Jain church. Nothing authentic is known about him. The
legend of Asoka's dotage is given by Burnouf, pp. 381 segq^.
Compare the Ceylonese story of ' The Last Days of Aaoka ' in
chapter vi, ante, p. 173.
N
194 ASOKA
supplies from the treasury, began to give away the
plate which furnished the royal table, first the gold,
next the silver, and finally the iron. When all the
metallic ware had been exhausted, the ministers fur-
nished the king's table with earthenware. Then Asoka
demanded of them, 'Who is king of this country?'
The ministers did obeisance and respectfully replied :
' Your majesty is king.' Asoka burst into tears, and
cried : ' Why do you say from kindness what is not true 1
I am fallen from my royal state. Save this half-apple^
there is nought of which I can dispose as sovereign.'
Then the king sent the half -apple to the Kukkutar§,ma
monastery, to be divided among the monks, who should
be addressed in this wise : ' Behold, this is my last gift ;
to this pass have come the riches of the emperor of
India. My royalty and my power have departed; de-
prived of- health, of physic, and of physicians, to me no
support is left save that of the Assembly of the saints.
Eat this fruit, which is offered with the intent that
the whole Assembly may partake of it, my last gift.'
Once more King Asoka asked his minister Radha-
gupta: 'Who is sovereign of this country?' The
minister did obeisance and respectfully replied : ' Sire,
your majesty is sovereign of this country.'
King Asoka, recovering his composure, responded in
verse, and said: —
This earth, encinctured by its sapphire zone.
This earth, bedecked with gleaming jewels rare,
' Amalaha fruit, Emblica officinalis.
THE INDIAN LEGENDS 195
This earth, of hills the everlasting throne,
This earth, of all creation mother fair,
I give to the Assembly.
The blessing which attends such gift be mine;
Not Indra's halls nor Brahma's courts I crave.
Nor yet the splendours which round monarchs shine,
And pass away, like rushing Ganga's wave,
Abiding not a moment.
With faith unchangeable, which nought can shake,
This gift of Earth's immeasurable sphere
I to the Saints' Assembly freely make;
And self-control I crave, of boons most dear,
A good which changeth never ^
King Asoka, having thus spoken, sealed the deed of
gift, and presently fulfilled the law of mortality.
The forty millions of gold pieces which yet remained
to complete King Asoka's vow for the gift of a thousand
' According to Tft-hien (chapter xxvii), this gift of the
empire was recorded in an inscription on a stone pillar to the
south of Pataliputra. The site of the pillar has not been
identified with certainty. The speech of Asoka in prose is as
follows : —
' This earth, which ocean enwraps in a glorious garment of
sapphire, this earth whereof the face is adorned with mines
of diverse jewels, this earth, which supports all creatures and
Mount Madara, I give to the Assembly.
' As the reward of this good deed I desire not to dwell in the
palace of Indra, nor yet in that of BrahmS., nor do I in any wise
desire the felicity of kingship, which, quicker even than run-
ning water, passes away and is gone.
'The reward which I crave for the perfect faith whereby
I make this gift is that self-control which the saints honour,
and which is a good exempt from change.'
N 2
196 ASOKA
millions, were expended by the ministers in the
redemption of the earth, and Sampadi was placed
upon the vacant throne. He was succeeded by his
son Vrihaspati, who was succeeded in order by
Vrishasena, Pushyadharma, and Pushpamitra.
APPENDIX
By the kindness of Dr. Bloch and of Major Alcock, I. M.S.,
Superintendent of the Indian Museum, Calcutta, I am able
to give the following list of casts of the Asoka inscrip-
tions in the Indian Museum : —
I. The Fourteen Rock Edicts and Kalinga Edicts: —
Girnar, Dhauli, Jaugada, Kalsi, Shahbazgarhi, Mansera
(except the fourth portion, containing Edict XIII).
II. Minor Rock Edicts : — Sahasram and Siddapura (ex-
cept version No. HI, from Jatinga-Ramesvara).
in. Cave Inscriptions :^The three Barabar Hill records of
Asoka and the three Nagarjuni Hill records of Dasaratha.
IV. The Tarai Pillars : — Nigliva and Rummindei
(Paderia).
V. Pillar Edicts and Supplementary Pillar Edicts : —
Allahabad (including the Queen's and Kau^ambi Edicts),
Lauriya- Araraj , Lauriya-Nandangarh (Navandgarh).
The original Bhabra Inscription is preserved in the rooms
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Casts of some of the inscriptions also exist in the Provin-
cial Museum, Lucknow.
INDEX
Achaemenian empire, n i .
Admiralty board, 77.
Afghanistan, stApas in, 71,
Agni BrahmS,, nephew of Asoka,
164.
Agrammes.orDliana Nanda, q.v.,
67. ^
Ajatasatru, king, 175, 179.
Ajtvika, sect, 40, 45,63, 106, 144,
145, 155-
Alcock, Major, 196.
Alexander the Great, death of,
11,61: Indian conquests of, 66.
Alexander, king of Epirus, 60,
63. 131-
Allahabad, inscribed pillar at,
94, 96, 100, 105, 157, 196.
Almoner's department, 24.
Amala/ca, fruit, 194.
Amarftvatl, kingdom, 1 29.
Amazonian guard, 33.
Amitraghata . (Amitrochades),
title of BindusSra, 14.
Ananda, st4pa of, 36, 182.
Andhra, kingdom, 72, 129, 132.
Audrokottos, or Chandragupta,
q.v., 13.
Animals, sanctity of life of, 27-
29. 32, 38-
Ant, queen, 150.
Antigonua I, king of Asia, 60,
62.
Antigonus (II) Gonatas, king of
Macedonia, 60, 62, 64, 131.
Antiochus Theos, king of Syria,
60,63,64, 116, 131.
Anuia, princess of Ceylon, 167,
168.
Aparantaka, the Bombay coast,
55, 166.
Appian, refeiTed to, 13.
Araohosia, province, 72.
Aramaic script, 102, no, 142.
Architeoture, of Maurya period,
107, III.
Arian§, province, 66.
Army,administration andstrength
of. 13, 76, 77.
Arrian, referred to, 13.
Arya-stAavira-nikdya, a school of
Buddhism, 171.
Asandhimitra, a queen of Asoka,
173. i88-
Ashadha, month, 151.
Asoka, emperor, lack of biogra-
phical details of, 5 : history of,
II : accession of, 15 : conquered
Kalinga, 15, 26, 63, 69, 103,
129: took title of Priyadariin
(Piyadasi), 16, 41 : converted to
Buddhism, 17, 63 : joined the
Buddhist Order, 19, 63 : statues
of, 20: sent out Buddhist mis-
sions, 21, 22, 50, 55, 132, i66,
187 : made Buddhism a world-
religion, 22, 30: provided for
comfort of man and beast, 22,
80, 115: established religious
assemblies and censors, 23, 63,
64, 74 : established Koyal Al-
moner's department, 24 : policy
of, 26-34 '■ ^^"^t °" pilgrimage,
198
INDEX
35 : ethical teaching of, 36 :
believed in a future life, 37 ;
practiaed religious toleration,
38 : his personal name was
Asoka vardhana, 41 ; belonged
to Maurya clan, 42 : solemnly
crowned, 43 : reigned about
forty years, 44: family of, 44,
45 : probably succeeded by
Dasaratha, 45, 65 : perhaps
convened a feuddhist Council,
SO : chronology of reign of, 56-
65 : extent of his empire, 66-
72 : sMpas ascribed to, 71, 87 :
administration of, 72-85 : splen-
dour of his capital, 80 : miti-
gated severity of criminal law,
84; erected numerous mono-
lithic pillars, 94, 99 : rock in-
scriptions of, loi, 114: arts in
the age of, 107 : influenced by
Persian empire, no: Ceylonese
legend of, 159: traditions of
death of, 174, 195: Indian
legends of, 175.
Asoka tree, 178.
Asokarftma, monastery, 162, 165,
173-
AsokSiVad^na, romance, 35, 36,
179, 180, 187.
Assyrian influence, in.
Astragalus moulding, 96.
Aswastama, rock, 104.
Athenaios, referred to, 13.
Babylon, death of Alexander at,
II : SeleucuB satrap of, 12.
Bairat, Minor Eock inscription
at, 105, 138.
Bakhirft, lion-pillar at, 34, 94,
98, 112.
BUapandita, ascetic, 178.
Bankipore (Bftnklpur), on site
of Pataliputra, 80, 88.
Barftbar hill, inscribed caves at,
106, 144.
Barahut, or Bharhut, 90.
BaB^r, the ancient Vaisali, 34.
Benares, city, 36, 181.
Besnagar, the ancient Vedisa-
giri, 46. 92, 94, 162, 167.
Bhabra, edict, 31, 32, 105, 142,
196.
Bhadrasara, variant of Bindu-
sara, q.v., 14.
Bhagvan (Bhagwan) Lftl In-
drajl, 103.
Bhandu, convert to Buddhism,
167.
Bharhut, sfupa, 90-92.
Bhikna Paharf, mound, 185.
Bias, river, 66.
Bible, contrasted with Asoka's
teaching, 37.
Bimbisara, king, 175.
Biudusara Amitraghata, em-
peror of India, 14, 15, 43, 62,
160, 175, 176, 177.
Bloch, Dr., 196.
jBo-tree, 167-169, 173, 174.
Bow, Indian and Ceylonese, 77,
78.
Brahma, deity, 195.
Brahmagiri, Minor Rook inscrip-
tion, 138, 141.
Brabmans, 16, 17, 34, 139, 155.
Brabmi, script, 103, 109, no.
Buddha, date of death of, 56,
140: symbols of, 113: statues
of, 113, 183.
Buddha Gaya, visited by Asoka,
36, 181.
Buddhaghosha, credibility of, 5 1 .
Buddhism, made a world-reli-
gion by Asoka, 22, 30 : Asoka's
devotion to, 31 : asserted sanctity
of life, 38 : a sect of Hindooism,
39-
Biihler, Dr., 107, 109, Ii6, 120,
121, 122, 123, 135, 128, 130,
134. 139. 141. 145, 147. 149.
152, 155, 156, 157. 158.
Burnouf, referred to, 36, &c.
Canon, growth of Buddhist, 54,
log.
Casts of Asoka inscriptions, 196.
Caucasus, Indian, 66.
Cave inscriptions, 144.
Censors, of Law of Piety, 23,
64. 74. "9. 129. 154. 155: of
women, 75, 129.
INDEX
199
Ceylon, Buddhist missions to, 21,
45. 46, 49. 55. 166, 187: ecu-
version of, 45-50, 163, 187 :
chronicles of, 41, 53, 159:
Tishya, king of, 132, 165 :
Uttiya, king of, 168.
Chakhuddnej meaning of, 147,
Chanakya, Brahman, i6o.
Chandagirika, executioner, 178.
Chand^la, outcasts, 193.
Chandragupta Maurya, history
of, 11-14, 61, 62, 83, 160, 175.
Chariots, 77.
Charumatl, daughter of Asoka, 69.
Chetiyagiri, monastery, 168 :
variant for Vedisagiri, 163.
ChiMsaTcd, meaning of, 116.
Chinese, 'Sacred Edict,' 7, 25.
Chola, kingdom, 47, 70, 115, 131.
ChUUamani, st4pa, 169.
Ohfiria Giatl, pass, 68.
Conjeeveram, city, 72.
Copper bolt, 96.
Councils, Buddhist, of PHtali-
putra, Kajagriha, and Vaisali,
50-54, 165, 166, 169, 183.
Courtesans, regulation of, 75, 122.
Cunningham, referred to, 13, 32,
&c.
Curtius, Q., referred to, 1 3.
Darius, conquest of Panjab by,
110.
Dasane, meaning of, 124.
Dasaratha, king, 45, 65, 144,
196.
Davids, Prof. Rhys, 115, 143, 160.
Ddyddo sdsane, meaning of, 128.
Deane, Colonel, 102.
Death, punishment of, 29.
D€imachos, ambassador, 14, 62.
Delhi, inscribed pillars at, 96-98.
Desam, meaning of, 119, 123.
Devdnam piya, a royal title, 114,
124.
Devanam piya Tissa, a king of
Ceylon, 165.
Devapaia, son-in-law of Asoka,
69.
Devi, mother of Mahendra, 163,
167.
Dhammahdrndtra, or Censor of
Law of Piety, 23, 64, 74, 154.
Dhammab'pi, meaning of, 133.
Dhammapada, quoted, 127.
Dhammayuta, meaning of, 120,
121.
Dhana Nanda, king, 11, 67, 160.
Vharma, translation of, 5, 17.
Dharmaguptaka, a school of
Buddhism, 171.
Dharmasoka, a title of Asoka, 57.
Dharmavivardhana, a son of
Asoka, 44.
Dhauli, rock edicts and sculp-
tured elephant at, 104, 113,
129, 134, 136, 196.
Dinapore (Dbanapur), canton-
ment, 80.
Dindra, coin, 184.
Diodotus, king, 64.
Dlpavamsa, Ceylonese chronicle,
41. 52. 159, 187.
Divyavadana, romance, 193.
Donors, individual, 92.
Dravida, kingdom, 72.
Duff, Miss, on chronology of
India, 14.
Ekadesam, meaning of, 123.
Elephants, war, 77.
Fa-hien, travels of, 48, 98, 171,
193. '95-
Flroz Shah Tughlak, 97, 99, 1 00.
Plrozabad, in old Delhi, 98, 99.
Folklore, 191.
Gablidgdra, meaning of, 122.
Ganandyam, meaning of, 117.
Gandhara, province, 44: tribe,
74,120.
Gangaridae, nation, 67, 109.
Garlic, prejudice against, 193.
Gautama Sakyamuni Buddha,
22. 34. 35. 182.
Gedrosia, province, 66.
Ghaznl, city, 72.
Ghosha, saint, 191.
Girnar, hill and inscription, 103,
107, 114, 116, 120, 124, 125,
127, 128, 131 : lake, 72, 79.
200
INDEX
Goramasto, pass, 68.
Graeeo-Koman influence, lii.
Gupta, father of Upagupta, 53,
180.
HimUaya, Buddhist mission to,
21, 65, 9°> 166.
Hindoo free thought, 39.
Hindoo Koosh., mountains, 72.
Hippolytus, legend of, 191.
Hiuen Tsiang, Chinese pilgrim,
43. 45, 47, 48, 49, i87-
Hoernle, Dr., 109.
Hospitals, perhaps founded by
Asoka, 23.
Huns, White, ravages of, 87.
Hunting, mode of, 33.
Hyphasis, river, 66.
Indian Museum, 196.
Indra, deity, 195.
Inscriptions, classified, 106.
Irrigation department, 79.
Isila, town, 138.
I-tsing, Chinese pilgrim, 20, 39.
Jain, sect, 155: traditions, 56-
58, 193-
Jalauka, a son of Asoka, 44, 67.
Jambudipa, India, 139.
Jdtulia, stories, iii, 191.
Jatinga-B&mesTara, inscription,
i38-
Jaugada, town and inscription,
73, 104, 134, 136.
Jetavana, monastery, 36, 99, 182.
Jones, Sir William, 6i.
Jiinftgarh, town, 103.
Justin, historian, 13,42,58,60,83.
Kabul, included in Maurya em-
pire, 86.
Kikavarnin, king, 175.
KUfisoka, a fictitious king, 53,
57, 159, 1S3, 187.
Kalinga,conque8tof,i5-i8, 26,63,
69, 103, 129: edicts, 106, 134.
Kaisl, rock inscription at, 102,113,
Kamboja, tribe, 120, 132.
Kanakamuni, stApa of, 35, 64,
98, 101, 146.
Kanishka, council of, 54.
Kapilavaatu, city, 36, 181.
Kapurdagiri, village, 102.
K&rttika, month, 151.
KartLvaki, second queen of Asoka,
44, 157-
Kashmir, Buddhist missions to,
21, 55, 166 : included in Asoka's
empire, 67.
Kassapa (Kftayapa), missionary,
55, 56.
Kasyapiya, school, 171.
Kathftvatthu, publication of, 51,
165, 171.
Kathiftwar, or Saurashtra, 79.
Kathmandft, city, 35, 68.
Kauiambl, edict, 100, 105, 157.
Kaverl, river, 47, 187.
Kerala, kingdom, 70, 115.
Kern, Professor, 6, 20, 122, 128,
133, I.S9, 152, 155-
Kesariya, stApa, 34.
Khaliataka, minister, 177.
KhaisI, variant of Ksial, j. v.,
103.
Kharavela, inscription of, 40.
Kharoshthl, script, 102, 109, no.
Khizrabad, town, 97.
Khoten, country, 190.
Konakamana (Konagamana),
or Kanakamuni, q.v., 35, 146.
Kos, length of, 80.
Krishna, river, 129.
Kshatriya caste, 192.
Kukkutarama, monastery, 183,
193, 194-
Kumarapaia, Chaulukya king, 19.
Kumrahar, site of Maurya palace,
88.
Kunaia, legend of, 44, 188-193.
Kusinagara, town, 34, 36, 181.
Labranda, temple, 93.
LajAkd, =rajjiihd, q.v., 148.
Lalita Patan, city, 68, 69.
Lauriya-Araraj, inscribed pillar
at, 34, 100, 196.
Lauriya-BTaudangarh (Na-
vandgarh), inscribed pillar at,
34, 95, ioo, 112, 196.
Lichchliavi, tribe, 34.
INDEX
201
Iiions, winged, iii.
Luoknow, MuBeum, 196.
Iiumbini garden, inscribed pUlar
marking site of, 34, 36, 42, 64,
145, 181, 196.
Luihmini, village, 145.
Madara, mountain, 195.
Madura, Pandya capital, 70,
115.132-
Magadha, kingdom, 11, 12, 32,
67. '42. 159-
Magadhl, dialect, 107, 157.
Magas.king of Gyrene, 60, 63, 131.
Maha Arittha, envoy from Ceylon ,
166.
Mahabodhi, tree, 191.
Mah.adeva, missionary, 55.
MahadhammarakkMta, mis-
sionary, 55.
Mahadharmara^shita, saint,
173-
Mah.a Kasyapa, saint, 182.
HVCaha Maliiuda, or Maliendra,
?.»., 56.
Maha Mandala, king, 175-
MaMmdtrd, officials or magis-
trates, 74, 122, 136.
Mahamegha, garden, 168, 173.
Mahanadl, river, 69, 129.
Mahapaduma jataka, cited, 191.
MaharakkUta, missionary, 55.
Maharashtra, the Mahratta
country, 21, 55, 166.
Mahasanghika, Buddhist school,
171.
Mahavamsa, chronicle, 42, 52,55,
56, 58.59. 159. 171. 183, 187.
Mahavihara, monastery, 55, 159,
168.
Mahayana, sect, 49.
Mahendra, legend of, 45, 48, 49,
163, 185, 187.
Mahendra, a ward of Patna, 185.
Mahiuda, or Mahendra, q. v., 45.
Mahlpaia, king, 175.
Mahlsamandala, Mysore, 55, 166.
MahUasaka, Buddhist school,! 71-
Majjhantika, missionary, 55.
Majjhima, missionary, 55, 56.
Maiakilta, country, 47.
Mamgalam, meaning of, 125.
Manju Fatan, city, 68.
Mansera, rock inscription, 102,
no, 114, 115, 125, 127, 196.
Mathiah, see Lauriya-Nandan-
garh, 100.
Mathura, city, 180.
Maudgaiayana, saint, 182.
Maurya, clan or family, 1 1, 42,
160: dynasty, 15, 42, 58, 65:
empire, 67-72, 85, 86 : palace,
88 : period, 61, 107.
Max Miiller, on Buddhist legends,
51-
MoCriudle, works of, 14, 66.
Meerut, city, 97, 100.
Megasthenes, ambassador, 13,14,
62, 66, 75, 80, 81.
Mesopotamia, no.
MihintalS, monastery, i68.
Milestones, 80.
Milne, translated ' Sacred Edict,"
25-
Minor Bock Edicts, 105, 138.
Mlrath, see Meerut, 97.
Missa, mountain, 167.
Missions, Buddhist, 21, 22, 55,
132, 166, 187.
Moggali, father of saint Tishya,
No. I, 164, 170.
Mukharj!, Babfl P. C, 88, 92.
Munda, king, 175.
Museums, Indian and Lucknow
Provincial, 196.
Mysore, Buddhist missions to, 2 1,
55. 166.
Nabhiti, tribe, 132.
ITagarahara, sMpa, 71.
Wagarjuni, inscribed caves, 45,
145-
Wanda, dynasty, 42, 43, 159 :
king, 175.
If andasara, variant of Bindus^ra,
q.v., 14.
Nandrus, or Dhana Nanda, 67.
Natabhatika, forest, 180.
ISTepai, kingdom, 35, 36, 41, 67,
68, 69, 72, loi.
Uioolas Damascenus, referred
to, 84.
202
INDEX
Uigllva, inscribed pillar, 98, 99,
146, 196.
Higrodlia, legend of, 137, 161.
Nirgrantha, or Jain sect, 48.
Oldenberg, opinions of, 45, 46,
47> 52-
Oldfleld, ' Sketclies from Nipal,'
69.
Onion, superatition concerning,
192, 193.
Ordination, Buddhist, 20.
Pada, scribe, 142.
Paderia, village, loi, 145.
Paith&na, town, 133.
FajA {prey a), meaning of, 121.
Paudrethan, ancient capital of
Kashmir, 67.
Pandya, Idngdom, 47, 70, 115,
Panjab, conquered -by Cbandra-
gupta, II, 59.
Parisd, meaning' of, 117, 122.
Parkham, colossal statue at, 93.
Paropanisus, mountains, 66.
Pd?anda, meaning of, 119.
Pasupatinath, convent, 69.
Pataliputra, city, 12, 13, 15, 43,
80, 86, 87,98, 99, loi, 114, 120,
160, 175, 177, 179, 181, 185,
189: council, 32, 50-54, 165,
166, 169: processions at, 118.
Pativedakd, meaning of, 121, 149.
Patua, occupies site of Patali-
putra, 13, 80, 88.
Pegu, Buddhist mission to, 31,
56. 166.
Pergamum, kingdom of, -05.
Persian influence on India,
no.
Phaedra, legend of, 191.
Fhaiguna, month, 151.
Piety, Law of, 6, 17, 21, 23, 24,
25. "7. "9. 124. 127, 139,
I3i> 133, 135. 138, 141, 146,
147. 149. 153-
Pillars, list of inscribed, 99 :
structure of, 94, I lo : trans-
lation of inscriptions on, 145-
158-
Pilusftra, stUpa, 71.
Pingala Vatsftjiva, ascetic, 176.
Piprava, stUpa, no.
Pitenika (Pitinika), tribe, 120,
132.
Piyadasi, title of Asoka, 10, 41.
Pliny, referred to, 1 3.
Plutareb, referred to, 13.
Po-lu-sha, or Shahbazgarhi, loi.
PradeHhd, district officers, 74,
116, 148.
Prakrit, dialects, 107.
Prasenajit, king, 175.
Prasii, nation, 67, 109.
PraUhhagam, meaning of, 130.
Prinsep, James, 61.
Priyadarsin, title of Asoka, 16,
41.
Ptolemy Pliiladelplius, king of
Egypt, 60, 62, 64, 131.
Pulinda, tribe, 132.
Pulisdni, meaning of, 149.
Punarvasu, day, 151.
Pundra Vardhana, city, 183.
Punic war, date of, 63, 65.
Purftnas, cited, 14, 41, 59.
Pushpamitra, king, 196.
Pushyadharma, king, 196.
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, 62, 63.
Q,ueen-ant, an aphrodisiac, 150.
Queen's Edict, 44, 100, 105, 106,
157-
Eadbagupta, minister, 177, 194-
Radhiah, see Lauriya-Araraj,
100.
Kahula, addiess to, 143.
Bailings, oi sl-dpas, 90-92, 112.
Eajagriha (Bajgir), city, 67, 175,
184 : council of, 50, 169.
Hajamabendri, kingdom, 129.
Bajendraiaia Mitra, referred to,
36.
BajjUJcas, or Commissioners, 74,
116, 148.
Bakkhita, missionary, 55.
Bftmagrama, stUpa, 179.
Bampurwa, inscribed pillar at,
96, 100.
Bashtrika, tribe, 120.
INDEX
203
Begistration of births and
deaths, 82.
Bice, Mr., on edicts of Asoka in
Mysore, 105.
Eishipatana, or Sam^th, 36, 181.
Bock Edicts, 101-105, 114, 196.
Bouse, Mr., translator of Jatakas,
191.
Budrada.man, inscription of, 41,
67, 72. 79-
Bummindel, inscribed pillar at,
98, 99, loi, 145, 196.
Bilpnflth, Minor Kock inscription
at, 105, 138, 140.
Sahalin, king, 175.
SahasT&m, Minor Eock inscrip-
^ tion at, 105, 138, 196.
Sakra, god, 169.
S&kyamuni, a title of Gautama
Buddha, 140.
Samdja, meaning of, 115.
Samflpll, town, 134, 136.
Samatata, kingdom, 71.
Sampadl, king, 193, 196.
Samudra, ascetic, 178.
Sftuchi, inscribed relic-caskets at,
S3) 5^) 9° '■ inscribed pillar at,
105, 158: statue at, 21, 94:
gtapas at, 88, 167.
Bandesam, meaning of, 119.
Sandrokoptos (Sandrokottos),
or Chandragupta, q.v., 13.
Sanghamitra, legend of, 45, 46,
163.
Sflriputra, saint, 182.
samath, visited by Asoka, 36,
181.
Sarvastivadina, Buddhist school,
171-
Satiyaputra, king, no.
Saurftshtra, province, 79.
Sdvane savdpite, meaning of, 139.
Schools, of Buddhism, 171.
Sculpture, of Maurya period,
107, 112, 113.
Seleucus Nikator, history of, 1 2,
61, 62, 66.
Senart, M. ^mile, on the Asoka
inscriptions, 6, 17, 23, 32, 40,
103, 104, 107, 115, 116, 117,
119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124,
125, 126, 128, 129, 130-134,
138, 140, 142, 143, 147, 148,
152, 163-
Shahbazgarhi, Eock Edicts at,
loi, 102, 'no, 196.
Shah. Dheri, site of Taxila, 73.
Siddapuia, Minor Kock Edicts
at, 70, 105, 138, 196.
Sila, meaning of, 119.
Simhala, or Ceylon, q. v., 48.
Siud, province, 71.
Siaunaga, dynasty, 42, 159,
Smith, v. A., on Graeco-Eoman
influence, in: on NigUva pillar,
146 : on site of Ku^inagara,
36 : on traditions, 58.
Solinus, referred to, 81.
S6n, river, 80.
Sona, missionary, 55.
Sonari, stUpa, 56.
Sopara, Bock Edicts at, 103.
Sovanabhiimi (Suvarna), or
, Pegu, 55, 166.
Sravastl, city, 35, 36, 99, 182.
^rinagar, city founded by Asoka,
67.
Stadium, length of, 80.
Stein, Dr., on ancient geography,
67.
Sthavira, school of Buddhism,
49. 171-
Stobaeus, referred to, 84.
Strabo, referred to, 13.
St4pas, ascribed to Asoka, 71 :
construction of, 89 : origin of,
III : Sanchi group of, 88, 167.
Subhadrangl, mother of Asoka,
176.
Sumana, brother of Asoka, 160:
grandson of Asoka, 163.
Sumitra, saint, 164.
Suparsva, a son of Asoka, 45.
Surparaka, or Sopara, 103.
Suslma, a son of Bindusara, 1 75,
177-
Susunaga, or Siaunaga, q. v., 159.
Suvarnagiri, city, 44, 73, 138.
Suyasas, a son of Asoka, 45.
Svasas, kingdom of, 1 76.
Swat valley, stApas in, 71.
204
Syria, kingdom, 12, 13, 62.
INDEX
T9.malipti (Tamralipti), or
TamlUk, 69, 166, 168.
Tamrasatiya, Bohool of Buddhism,
171.
Tanjore, city, 48.
TarSi, Nepalese, 68.
Tftranath, liistorian, 56, 57.
Taxila, city, 23,44, 73, 138, 176,
177, 180, 188, 189.
Teeth, used as seal, 188.
Theodotos, or Diodotua, king, 64.
Thuparama, stApa, 169.
Tibetan legends, 174, 190.
Tirhflt, country, 183.
Tlrthya, opponents of Buddhism,
182.
Tishya (Tissa), brother of Asoka,
160, 162, 164, 170, 172, 173:
constellation, 135, 137 : day,
151: king of Ceylon, 132, 165:
month, 151 : saint No. I, son of
Moggali, 61, 64, 65- 164, 170,
172 : saint No. II, 164.
Tishyarakshita, queen of Asoka,
174, 188, 189, 191, 192.
Tlvara (Titlvara), ason of Asoka,
44, 157-
Toleration of Asoka, 38-40, 128.
Topra, village, 97, 99.
Toran, gateways, 91, 112.
Tosaii, city, 44, 73, 134, 136.
Tours, pious, 34, 64, 124.
Trade, regulation of, 82.
Transliteration, method of, 7.
Trees, planted by Asoka, 79.
Triad, Buddhist, 142.
Tsauktlta, or Arachosia, 72.
Tulakuohl, king, 175.
Tushasp, Asoka's governor of
Saurashtra, 79.
XTdayabhadra, king, 175.
tXjjain, city, 23, 44, 73, 138, 160,
163 : 'hell' at, 179.
Upagupta, saint, 36, 63. 179.
180, 181.
TJpatiahya, ' Questioning of,' 143.
TTraiyClr, Choja capital, 70, 115,
'131-
TTrumunda, mountain, 180,
Uttara, missionary, 65-
TJttiya, king of Ceylon, 168.
Vaihhddyavddina, school of
Buddhism, 171.
Vaisaii, city, 34: council of, 50,
169, 183: territory, 34.
Vakkula, saint, 36, 182.
Valabhi, kingdom, 71.
Vanavasi, North Kanara, 65, i66.
Varisara, variant of Bindusara,
q.v., 14.
Vedisagiri, the modem Besna-
gar, 45, 92, 162, 167.
Vengi, the Andhra capital, 72.
Vergil quoted, 188.
Videha, country, 183.
VigatSsoka CVltasoka), brother
of Asoka, 176, 182.
Vinitamhi, meaning of, 122.
VracTm, meaning of, 122.
Vrihaspati, king, 196.
Vrishasena, king, 196.
Vulture's Peak, hill, 184.
"WaddeU, Major, discovered site
of Pataliputra, 81, 185.
"Warangal, kingdom, 129.
"Weapons, ancient Indian, 77.
"Wells, along roads, 79.
"Wijesinha, revised translation of
MahSvamsa, 159.
"Writing, early use of, 109.
Xandrames, or Dhana Nanda,
q.v., 67.
Yakshas, 180.
Yasas, saint, 63, 183.
Tavftna (Yona\ regions, 55 :
tribe, 74, 120, 132.
Yona-i>hammarakkliita, mis-
sionary, 55.
Tuta, meaning of, 116, 120, 121.
Zeal of Asoka, 30.
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edited by himself (Oxford, at the Clarendon Press).'— TAe Times.
'In telling this story in the monograph before us, Sir William
Hnnter has combined his well-known literary skill with an earnest
sympathy and fulness of knowledge which are worthy of all commenda-
tion. . . . The world is indebted to the author for a fit and attractive
record of what was eminently a noble life.' — The Academif.
' The sketch of The Man Is full of interest, drawn as it is with com-
plete sympathy, understanding, and appreciation. But more valuable
is the account of his administration. No one can show so well and
clearly as Sir William Hunter does what the policy of Lord Mayo con-
tributed to the making of the Indian Empire of to-day.' — The Scotsman.
' Sir William Hunter has given us a monograph in which there is a
happy combination of the essay and the biography. We are presented
with the main features of Lord Mayo's administration unencumbered
with tedious details which would interest none but the most official of
Anglo-Indians; while in the biography the man is brought before us,
not analytically, but in a life-like portrait.' — Vanity Fair.
' The story of his life Sir W. W. Hunter tells in well-chosen language
— clear, succinct, and manly. Sir W. W. Hunter is in sympathy with
his subject, and does full justice to Mayo's strong, genuine nature.
Without exaggeration and in a, direct, unaffected style, as befits his
theme, he brings the man and his work vividly before us.' — The
Qlasgow Herald.
' All the knowledge acquired by personal association, familiarity with
administrative details of the Indian Government, and a strong grasp of
the vast problems to be dealt with, is utilised in this presentation of
Lord Mayo's personality and career. Sir W. Hunter, however, never
overloads his pages, and the outlines of the sketch are clear and firm.'
— The Manchester Express.
' This is another of the " Eulers of India " series, and it will be hard
to beat. . . . Sir William Hunter's perception and expression are here at
their very best.' — The Pall Mall Gazette.
'The latest addition to the "Bulers of India" series yields to none of
its predecessors in attractiveness, vigour, and artistic portraiture. . . .
The final chapter must either be copied verbally and literally — which
the space at our disposal will not permit — or be left to the sorrowful
perusal of the reader. The man is not to be envied who can read it with
dry eyes.' — Allen's Indian Mail.
' The little volume which has just been brought out is a study of Lord
Mayo's career by one who knew all about it and was in full sympathy
with it. . . . Some of these chapters are full of spirit and fire. The
closing passages, the picture of the Viceroy's assassination, cannot fail
to mie any reader hold his breath. We know what is going to
happen, but we are thrilled as if we did not know it, and were still
held in suspense. The event itself was so terribly tragic that any
oi'dinary description might seem feeble and laggard. But in this
volume we are made to feel as we must have felt if we had been on
the spot and seen the murderer " fastened like a tiger " on the back of
the Viceroy.' — Dail^ News, Leading Article.
a
flDpinions of t&e l^rcss
ON
MR.W. S.SETON-K ARR'S ' CORNWALLIS.'
Thikd Edition. Foubth Thousand,
'This new volume of the "Rulers of India" series keeps up to the
high standard set by the author of " The Marquess of Dalhousie." For
dealing with the salient passages in Lord Comwallis's Indian career no
one could have been better qualified than the whilom foreign secretary
to Lord Lawrence/ — The AthencRum,
'We hope that the volumes on the "Rulers of India" which are
being published by the Clarendon Press are carefully read by a large
section of the public. There is a dense wall of ignorance still standing
between the average EngUshman and the greatest dependency of the
Crown ; although we can scarcely hope to see it broken down altogether,
some of these admirable biographies cannot fail to lower it a little. . . .
Mr. Seton-Karr has succeeded in the task, and he has not only pre-
sented a large mass of information, but he has brought it together in an
attractive form. . . . We strongly recommend the book to all who wish
to enlarge the area of their knowledge with reference to India,' — New
York Herald,
' We have already expressed our sense of the value and timeliness of
the series of Indian historical retrospects now issuing, under the editor-
ship of Sir W. W. Hunter, from the Clarendon Press. It is somewhat
less than fair to say of Mr. Seton-Karr's monograph upon Cornwallis
that it reaches the high standard of literary worlonanship which that
series has maintained.' — The Literary World.
MRS. THACKERAY RITCHIE'S AND MR. RICHARDSON EYANS'
'LORD AMHERST.'
' The story of the Burmese War, its causes and its issues, is re-told
with excellent clearness and directness.' — Saturday Setiew.
' Perhaps the brightest volume in the valuable series to which it
belongs. . . . The chapter on " The English in India in Lord Amherst's
Governor-Generalship " should bo studied by those who wish to under-
stand how the country was governed in 1824.' — (Quarterly Renew.
' There are some charming pictures of social life, and the whole book
is good reading, and is a record of patience, skill and daring. The
public should read it, that it may be cliary of destroying what has been
so toilsomely and bravely acquired.' — National Observer.
' The book will be ranked among the best in the series, both on
account of the literary skill shown in its composition and by reason of
the exceptional interest of the material to which the authors have had
access.' — St. James's Gazette.
©pinions of tfje ptess
ON
MR. S. LANE-POOLE'S 'AURANGZIB.'
Second Edition. Thied Thousand.
' There is no period in Eastern history so full ot sensation as the
reign of Aurangzlb. . . . Mr. Lane-Poole tells this story admirably ;
indeed, it were difficult to imagine it better told.' — National Observer.
' Mr. Lane-Poole writes learnedly, lucidly, and vigorously. . . . He
draws an extremely vivid picture of Aurangzlb, his strange ascetic
cliaraoter, his intrepid courage, his remorseless overthrow of his
kinsmen, his brilliant court, and his disastrous policy ; and he describes
the gradual decline of the Mogul power from Akbar to Aurangzlb
with genuine historical insight.' — The Times,
' A well-knit and capable sketch of one of the most remarkable,
perhaps the most interesting, of theMogulEmperors.' — Saturday Review.
' As a study of the man himself, Mr. Lane-Poole's work is marked
by a vigour and originality of thought which give it a very exceptional
value among works on the subject.' — Glasgow Herald.
' The most popular and most picturesque account that has yet
appeared ... a picture of much clearness and force.' — Globe.
'A notable sketch, at once scholarly and interesting.' — English Mail.
' No one is better qualified than Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole to take up
the history and to depict the character of the last of the great Mogul
monarchs. . . . Aurangzfb's career is ever a fascinating study.' —
Some News.
' The author gives a description of the famous city of Shith Jah^n, its
palaces, and the ceremonies and pageants of which they were the scene.
. . . Mr. Lane-Poole's well-written monograph presents all the most dis-
tinctive features of Aurangzib's character and career.' — Morning Fast.
MAJOR ROSS OP BLADENSBURG'S
'MARQUESS OP HASTINGS.'
' Major Koss of Bladensburg treats his subject skilfully and attrac-
tively, and his biography of Lord Hastings worthily sustains the high
reputation of the Series in which it appears.' — The Times.
' This monograph is entitled to rank with the best of the Series, the
compiler having dealt capably and even brilliantly with his materials.'
— JEnglish Mail.
' Instinct with interest.' — Glasgow Evening News.
• As readable as it is instructive.' — Globe.
• A truly admirable monograph.' — Glasgow Herald.
' Major Koss has done his work admirably, and bids fair to be one of
the best writers the Army of our day has given to the country. ... A
most acceptable and entrancing little volume.' — Daily Chronicle.
' It is a volume that merits the highest praise. Major Koss of
Bladensburg has represented Lord Hastings and his work in India
in the right light, faithfully described the country as it was, and in
a masterly manner makes one realize how important was the period
covered by this volume.' — Manchester Courier.
' This excellent monograph ought not to be overlooked by any one
who would fully learn the history of British rule in India.' — Manchester
JSxammer.
©pinionsi of tfte Ipress
ON
COLONEL MALLESON'S *DUPLEIX.»
Thied Edition. Fifth Thousand.
' In the character of Dupleix there was the element of greatness
that contact with India seems to have generated in so many European
minds, French as well as English, and a broad capacity for govern-
ment, which, if suffered to have full play, might have ended in giving
the whole of Southern India to France. Even as it was, Colonel
Malleson shows how narrowly the prize slipped from French grasp.
In 1783 the Treaty of Versailles arrived just in time to save the
British power from extinction.' — The Times.
' One of the best of Sir W. Hunter's interesting and valuable series.
Colonel Malleson writes out of the fulness of familiarity, moving with
ease over a field which he had long ago surveyed in every nook and
corner. To do a small book as well as this on Dupleix has been done,
will be recognised by competent judges as no small achievement.
When one considers the bulk of the material out of which the little
volume has been distilled, one can still better appreciate the labour
and dexterity involved in the performance.' — Academy.
' A most compact and efi'ective history qf the French in India in a
little handbook of 180 pages.' — Nonconformist.
'Well arranged, lucid and eminently readable, an excellent addition
to a most useful series.' — Record.
COLONEL MALLESON'S 'AKBAR.'
FouKTH Edition., Fifth Thousand.
• Colonel Malleson's interesting monograph on Akbar in the "Eulers
of India " (Clarendon Press) should more than satisfy the general
reader. Colonel Malleson traces the origin and foundation of the
Mughal Empire ; and, as an introduction to the history of Muhamma-
dan India, the book leaves nothing to be desired.' — St. James's Gazette.
'This volume will, no doubt, be welcomed, even by experts in
Indian history, in the light of a new, clear, and terse rendering of an
old, but not worn-out theme. It is a worthy and valuable addition
to Sir W. Hunter's promising series.' — The AthentBum.
' Colonel Malleson has broken ground new to the general reader.
The story of Akbar Is briefly but clearly told, with an account of what
he was and what he did, and how he found and how he left India. . . .
The native chronicles of the reign are many, and from them it is still
possible, as Colonel Malleson has shown, to construct a living portrait
of this great and mighty potentate.' — Scots Ohserver.
' The brilliant historian of the Indian Mutiny has been assigned in
this volume of the series an important epoch and a strong personality
for critical study, and he has admirably fulfilled his task. . . . Alike in
dress and style, this volume is a fit companion for its predecessor.'^
Manchester Guardian.
©pinions of tfje Ipress
ON
CAPTAII TROTTER'S '¥AMEI lASTIlfaS.'
FocETH Edition. Pifth Thousand.
' The publication, recently noticed in this place, of the " Letters,
Despatches, and other State Papers preserved in the Foreign Depart-
ment of the Government of India, 1 772-1 785," has thrown entirely new
light from the most authentic sources on the whole history of Warren
Hastings and his government of India. Captain L. J. Trotter's
Warkbn Hastings is accordingly neither inopportune nor devoid of an
adequate raison d'Stre. Captain Trotter is well known as a competent
and attractive writer on Indian history, and this is not the first time
that Warren Hastings has supplied him with a theme.' — The Times.
' He has put his best work into this memoir. . . . His work is of
distinct literary merit, and is worthy of a theme than which British
history presents none nobler. It is a distinct gain to the British race
to be enabled, as it now may, to count the great Governor-General
among those heroes for whom it need not blush.' — Scotsman.
' Captain Trotter has done his work well, and his volume deserves
to stand with that on Dalhousie by Sir William Hunter. Higher
praise it would be hard to give it.' — New York Serald.
' Captain Trotter has done full justice to the fascinating story of the
splendid achievements of a great Englishman.' — Manchester Guardian.
'A brief but admirable biography of the first Governor-General of
India.' — Newcastle Chronicle.
' A book which all must peruse who desire to be " up to date " on
the subject.' — The Globe.
MR. EHENE'S 'MADIATA RAO SIIMIA.'
Second Edition. Thibd Thousand.
' Mr. Keene has the enormous advantage, not enjoyed by every
producer of a book, of knowing intimately the topic he has taken up.
He has compressed into these 203 pages an immense amount of informa-
tion, drawn from the best sources, and presented with much neatness and
effect.'— TAc Globe.
' Mr.Keene tells the story with knowledge and impartiality, and also
with sufficient graphic power to make it thoroughly readable. The
recognition of Sindhia in the "Enlers" series is just and graceful,
and it cannot fail to give satisfaction to the educated classes of our
Indian fellow-subjects.' — North British Daily Mail.
' The volume bears incontestable proofs of the expenditure of con-
siderable research by the author, and sustains the reputation he had
already acquired by his "Sketch of the History of Hindustan.'" —
Freeman's Journal.
' Among the eighteen rulers of India included in the scheme of Sir
William Hunter only five are natives of India, and of these the great
Madhoji Sindhia is, with the exception of Akbar, the most illustrious.
Mr. H. G. Keene, a well-known and skilful vmter on Indian questions,
is fortunate in his subject, for the career of the greatest bearer of the
historic name of Sindhia covered the exciting period from the capture of
Delhi, the Imperial capital, by the Persian Nadir Shah, to the occupation
of the same city by Lord Lake. . . . Mr. Keene gives a lucid description
of his subsequent policy, especially towards the English when he was
brought face to face with Warren Hastings.'— TAe Daily Graphic^
©pinions of ttit l^ress
ON
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR OWEN BURNE'
•CLYDE AND STRATHNAIRN.'
Third Edition. Foueth Thousand.
' In " Clyde and Strathnairn," a contribution to Sir William Hunter's
excellent "Bulera of India" series (Oxford, at the Clarendon Press),
Sir Owen Burne gives a lucid sketch of the military history of the
Indian Mutiny and its suppression by the two great soldiers who give
their names to his book. The space is limited for so large a theme, but
Sir Owen Burne skilfully adjusts his treatment to his limits, and rarely
violates the conditions of proportion imposed upon him. . . . Sir Owen
Burne does not confine himself exclusively to the military narrative.
He gives a brief sketch of the rise and progress of the Mutiny, and
devotes a chapter to the Reconstruction which followed its suppression.
. . . — well written, well proportioned, and eminently worthy of the
series to which it belongs.' — The Times.
' Sir Owen Bume who, by association, experience, and relations with
one of these generals, is well qualified for the task, writes with know-
ledge, perspicuity, and fairness.' — Saturday Review.
' As a brief record of a momentous epoch in India this little book is
a remarkable piece of clear, concise, and interesting writing.' — The
Colonies and India.
'Sir Owen Burne has written this book carefully, brightly, and
with excellent judgement, and we in India cannot read such a book
without feeling that he has powerfully aided the accomplished editor
of the series in a truly patriotic enterprise.' — Bombay Gazette.
*The volume on "Clyde and Strathnairn" has just appeared, and
proves to be a really valuable addition to the series. Considering its
size and the extent of ground it covers it is one of the best books about,
the Indian Mutiny of which we know.' — Englishman.
' Sir Owen Bume, who has written the latest volume for Sir William
Hunter's " Eulers of India " series, is better qualified than any living
person to narrate, from a military standpoint, the story of the suppres-
siun of the Indian Mutiny.' — Daily Telegraph.
'Sir Owen Bume's book on "Clyde and Strathnairn" is worthy to
rank with the best in the admirable series to which it belongs.' —
Manchester Examiner.
'The book is admirably written; and there is probably no better
sketch, equally brief, of the stirring events with which it deals.'
— Scotsman.
' Sir Owen Burne, from the part he played in the Indian Mutiny, and
from his long connexion with the Government of India, and from the
fact that he was military secretary of Lord Strathnairn both in India
and in Ireland, is well qualified for the task which he has undertaken.'
The AtheruBum.
©pinions of tfie press
ON
VISCOOTT MEMN&E'S 'LOEB HAEDIiaE.'
Second Edition. Third Thousand.
' An exception to the rule that biographies ought not to be entrusted
to near relatives. Lord Hardinge, a scholar and an artist, has given
us an accurate record of his father's long and distinguished services.
There is no filial exaggeration. The author has dealt with some con-
troversial matters with skiU, and has managed to combine truth with
tact and regard for the feelings of others.' — The Saturday Meview.
'This interesting life reveals the first Lord Hardinge as a brave,
just, able man, the very soul of honour, admired and trusted equally
by fiiends and political opponents. The biographer . . , has produced a
most engaging volume, which is enriched by many private and official
documents that have not before seen the light.' — The Anti-Jacohin.
' Lord Hardinge has accomplished a grateful, no doubt, but, from
the abundance of material and delicacy of certain matters, a very
difficult task in a workmanlike manner, marked by restraint and
lucidity.'— rAe Pall Mall Gazette.
' His son and biographer has done his work with a true appreciation
of proportion, and has added substantially to our knowledge of the
Sutlej Campaign.' — Vanity Fair.
' The present Lord Hardinge is in some respects exceptionally well
qualified to tell the tale of the eventful four years of his father's
Governor-Generalship.' — The Times.
'It contains a full account of everything of importance in Lord
Hardinge's military and political career ; it is arranged ... so as to
bring into special prominence his government of India ; and it gives
a lifelike and striking picture of the man.' — Academy.
' The style is clear, the treatment dispassionate, and the total result
a manual which does credit to the interesting series in which it figures.'
—The Globe.
' The concise and vivid account which the son has given of his
father's career will interest many readers.' — The Morning Post.
' Eminently readable for everybody. The history is given succinctly,
and the unpublished letters quoted are of real value.' — The Colonies
and India.
' Compiled from public documents, family papers, and letters, this
brief biography gives the reader a clear idea of what Hardinge was,
both as a soldier and as an administrator.'— TAe Manchester Examiner.
' An admirable sketch.' — The New YorJc Herald.
' The Memoir is well and concisely written, and is accompanied by
an excellent likeness after the portrait by Sir Francis Grant.'— TAe
Qvsen.
©pinions of tU Ipress
ON
SIR HENRY CUNNINGHAM'S 'EARL
CANNING.'
Thikd Edition. Fourth Thousand.
'Sir Henry Cuimingham's rare literary skill and his knowledge
of Indian life and affairs are not now displayed for the first time,
and he has enjoyed exceptional advantages in dealing with his
present subject. Lord Granville, Canning's contemporary at school
and colleague in public life and one of his oldest friends, furnished his
biographer with notes of his recollections of the early life of his friend.
Sir Henry Cunningham has also been allowed access to the Diary of
Canning's private secretary, to the Journal of his military secretary,
and to an interesting correspondence between the Governor-General
and his gi'eat lieutenant. Lord Lawrence.' — The Times.
' Sir H. S. Cunningham has succeeded in writing the history of a
critical period in so fair and dispassionate a manner as to make it
almost a matter of astonishment that the motives which he has so
clearly grasped should ever have been misinterpreted, and the results
which he indicates so grossly misjudged. Nor is the excellence of hia
work less conspicuous from the literary than from the political and
historical point of view.' — Glasgow Serald.
' Sir H. S. Cunningham has treated his subject adequately. In vivid
language he paints his word-pictures, and with calm judicial analysis
he also proves himself an able critic of the actualities, causes, and results
of the outbreak, also a temperate, just appreoiator of the character and
policy of Earl Canning.' — The Court Journal,
REV. W. H. BUTTON'S 'MARQUESS
WELLESLEY.'
Second Edition. Thied Thousand.
' Mr. Hutton has brought to his task an open mind, a trained
historical judgement, and a diligent study of a great body of original
material. Hence he is enabled to present a true, authentic, and
original portrait of one of the greatest of Anglo-Indian statesmen,
doing full justice to his military policy and achievements, and also to
his statesmanlike efforts for the organization and consolidation of that
Empire which he did so nnich to sustain.' — The Times.
' To the admirable candour and discrimination which characterize
Mr. Hutton's monograph as an historical study must be added the
literary qualities which distinguish it and make it one of the most
readable volumes of the series. The style is vigorous and picturesque,
and the arrangement of details artistic in its just regard for proportion
and perspective. In short, there is no point of view from which the work
deserves anything but praise.' — Glasgow Serald.
' The Rev. W. H. Hutton has done his work well, and achieves with
force and lucidity the task he sets himself: to show how, under
Wellesley, the Indian company developed and ultimately became the
supreme power in India. To our thinking his estimate of this great
statesman is most just.' — Blach and White.
' Mr. Hutton has told the story of Lord Wellesley's life in an admir-
able manner, and has provided a most readable book.' — Manchester
JLxaminer.
' Mr, Hutton's range of information is wide, his division of subjects
appropriate, and hia diction scholarly and precise.' — Saturday Review.-
©pinions of t&e l^ress
ON
SIR LEPEL GRIFFIN'S ' RAN JIT SINGH.'
Third Edition, Fodbth Thousand.
' We can thoroughly praise Sir Lepel Griffin's work as an accurate
and appreciative account of the beginnings and growth of the Sikh
religion and of the temporal power founded upon it by a strong and
remorseless chieftain.' — The Times.
' Sir Lepel Griffin treats his topic with thorough mastery, and his
account of the famous Mah^r^j^ and his times is, consequently, one of
the most valuable as well as interesting volumes of the series of which
it forms a part.' — The CHobe.
' From first to last it is a model of what such a work should be, and
a, classic' — The St. Stephen's Bemew.
' The monograph could not have been entrusted to more capable
hands than those of Sir Lepel Griffin, who spent his official life in the
Punjaub.' — The Scotsman.
' At once the shortest and best history of the rise and fall of the
Sikh monarchy.' — The Nm-th British Daily Mail.
' Not only a biography of the Napoleon of the East, but a luminous
picture of his country ; the chapter on Sikh Theocracy being a notable
example of compact thought.' — The Liverpool Mercury.
MR. DEMETRIUS BOULGER'S ' LORD
WILLIAM BENTINCK.'
Second Edition. Thikd Thousand.
' The " Kulers of India" series has received a valuable addition in
the biography of the late Lord William Bentinck. The subject of this
interesting memoir was a soldier as well as a statesman. He was
mainly instrumental in bringing about the adopti(fti of the overland
route and in convincing the people of India that a main factor in Eng-
lish policy was a disinterested desire for their welfare. Lord William's
despatches and minutes, several of which are textually reproduced in
Mr. Boulger's praiseworthy little book, display considerable literary
skill and are one and all State papers of signal worth.' — Daily Tele-
graph.
' Mr. Boulger is no novice in dealing with Oriental history and
Oriental affairs, and in the career of Lord William Bentinck he has
found a theme very much to his taste, which he treats with adequate
knowledge and literary skill.' — The Times.
' Mr. Boulger writes clearly and well, and his volume finds an ac-
cepted place in the very useful and informing series which Sir William
Wilson Hunter is editing so ably.' — Independent.
j3Dpmion0 of tU Iptess
ON
MR. J. S. COTTON'S ' MOUNTSTUART
ELPHINSTONE.'
Second Edition. Third Thousand.
' Sir William Hunter, the editor of the series to which this book
belongs, was happily inspired when he entrusted the Life of Elphin-
stone, one of the most scholarly of Indian rulers, to Mr. Cotton, who,
himself a scholar of merit and repute, is brought by the nature of his
daily avocations into close and constant relations with scholars. . . , We
live in an age in which none but specialists can afford to give more time
to the memoirs of even the most distinguished Anglo-Indians than will
be occupied by reading Mr. Cotton's two hundred pages. He has per-
formed his task with great skill and good sense. This is just tlie kind
of Life of himself which the wise, kindly, high-souled man, who is the
subject of it, would read with pleasure in the Elysian Fields.' — Sir M.
E. Grant Duff, in The Academy.
' To so inspiring a theme few writers are better qualified to do ample
justice than the author of" The Decennial Statement of the Moral and
Material Progress and Condition of India." Sir T. Colebrooke's larger
biography of Elphinstone appeals mainly to Indian specialists, but
Mr. Cotton's slighter sketch is admirably iidapted to satisfy the growing
demand for a knowledge of Indian history and of the personalities of
Anglo-Indian statesmen which Sir William Hunter has done so much
to create.' — The Times.
DR. BRADSHAW'S ' SIR THOMAS
MUNRO.'
' A most valuable, compact and interesting memoir for those looking
forward to or engaged in the work of Indian administration.' — Scotsman.
' It is a careful and sympathetic survey of a life which should always
serve as an example to the Indian soldier and civilian.' — Yorkshire Post.
' A true and vivid record of Munro's life-work in almost auto-
biographical form.' — Glasgow Herald.
' Of the work before us we have nothing but praise. The story of
Munro's career in India is in itself of exceptional interest and im-
portance.' — Freeman's Journal.
' The work could not have been better done ; it is a monument of
painstaking care, exhaustive research, and nice discrimination.' — People.
'This excellent and spirited little monograph catches the salient
points of Munro's career, and supplies some most valuable quotations
from his writings and papers.' — Manchester Guardian.
' It would be impossible to imagine a more attractive and at the
same time instructive book about India.' — Liverpool Courier.
' It is one of the best volumes of this excellent series.' — Imperial and
Asiatic Quarterly Heview.
' The book throughout is arranged in an admirably clear manner and
there is evident on every page a desire for truth, and nothing but the
truth.' — Commerce.
' A clear and scholarly piece of work.' — Indian Journal of Education.
©pinions of tbz Ipregs
ON
MR. MOESE STEPHENS' 'ALBTJQTIERQTJE.'
Second Edition. Third Thousand.
' Mr. Stephens' able and instructive monograph . . . We may commend
Mr. Morse Stephens' volume, both as an adequate summary of an
important period in the history of the relations between Asia and
Europe, and as a suggestive treatment of the problem of why Portugal
failed and England succeeded in founding an Indian Empu-e.' — The
Times.
' Mr. H. Morse Stephens has made a very readable book out of the
foundation of the Portuguese power in India. According to the
practice of the series to which it belongs it is called a life of ASfonso de
Albuquerque, but the Governor is only the central and most important
figure in a brief history of the Portuguese in the East down to the time
when the Dutch and English intruded on their preserves ... A plea-
santly-written and trustworthy book on an interesting man and time.'
— The Saturday Seview.
' Mr. Morse Stephens' Albuqiierque is a solid piece of work, well put
together, and full of interest.' — The AthencBum,
' Mr. Morse Stephens' studies in Indian and Portuguese history have
thoroughly well qualified him for approaching the subject . . . He has
presented the facts of Albuquerque's career, and sketched the events
marking the rule of his predecessor Almeida, and of his immediate
successors in the Governorship and Ticeroyalty of India in a compact,
lucid, and deeply interesting form.' — The Scotsman.
SIR CHARLES AITCHISON'S'LORD LA¥REICE.'
Third Edition. Fourth Thousand.
' No man knows the policy, principles, and character of John
Lawrence better than Sir Charles Aitohison. The salient features
and vital principles of his work as a ruler, first in the Punjab, and
afterwards as Viceroy, are set forth with remarkable clearness.' —
Scotsman.
' A most admirable sketch of the great work done by Sir John
Lawrence, who not only ruled India, but saved it.' — Manchester
Examiner.
' Sir Charles Aitchison's narrative is uniformly marked by directness,
order, clearness, and grasp ; it throws additional light into certain
nooks of Indian affairs ; and it leaves upon the mind a very vivid
and complete impression of Lord Lawrence's vigorous, resourceful,
discerning, and valiant personality.' — Newcastle Daily Chronicle.
' Sir Charles knows the Punjab thoroughly, and has made this little
book all the more interesting by his account of the Punjab under John
Lawrence and his subordinates.' — Yorkshire Post.
©pinions of tU Ptess
ON
LEWIN BENTHAM BO WRING'S
'HAIDAR ALI AND TIPU SULTAN.'
Second Edition. Third Thousand.
'Mr.Bowring'sportraitsare just, and his narrative of the continuous
military operations of the period full and accurate.' — The Times.
'The story hae been often written, but never better or more con-
cisely than here, where the father and son are depicted vividly and
truthfully "in their habit as they lived." There is not a volume of
the whole series which is better done than this, or one which shows
greater insight.' — Daily Chronicle.
' Mr. Bowring has been well chosen to write this memorable history,
because he has had the best means of collecting it, having himself
formerly been Chief Commissioner of Mysore. The account of the
Mysore war is well done, and Mr. Bowring draws a stirring picture of
our deteimined adversary.' — Army and Navy Gazette.
*An excellent example of compression and precision. Many volumes
might be written about the long war in Mysore, and we cannot but
admire the skill with which Mr. jiowring has condensed the history of
the struggle. His book is as terse and concise as a book can be.*—
North British Daily Mail.
' Mr. Bowring's book is one of the freshest and best of a series most
valuable to all interested in the concerns of the British Empire in the
East.' — JEnglish Mail.
' The story of the final capture of Seringapatam is told with skill
and graphic power by Mr. Bowring, who throughout the whole work
shows himself a most accurate and interesting historian.' — Perthshire
Advertiser.
COLONEL MALLESON'S ' LORD OLIVE.'
Second Edition. Third Thousand,
■This book gives a spirited and accurate sketch of a very extra-
ordinary personality.' — Speaker.
' Colonel Malleson writes a most interesting account of Clive's great
work in India — so interesting that, having begun to read it, one is
unwilling to lay it aside until the last page has been reached. The
character of Clive as a leader of men, and especially as a cool, intrepid,
and resourceful general, is ably described ; and at the same time the
author never fails to indicate the far-reaching political schemes which
inspired the valour of Clive and laid the foundation of our Indian
Empire.' — North British Daily Mail.
' This monograph is admirably written by one thoroughly acquainted
and in love with his subject.'— ffZasgow Serald.
' No one is better suited than Colonel Malleson to write on Clive,
and he has performed his task with distinct success. The whole narra-
tive is, like eveiything Colonel Malleson writes, clear and full of
vigour.' — Yorkshire Fast.
* Colonel Malleson is reliable and fair, and the especial merit of his
book is that it always presents a clear view of the whole of the vast
theatre in which Clive gradually produces such an extraordinary change
of scene.' — Newcastle Daily Chronicle,
©pinions of t&e IPress
ON
CAPT. TROTTER'S ' EARL OP AUCKLAND.'
*A -vivid account of the causes, conduct, and consequences of "the
costly, fruitless, and unrighteous" Afghan War of iSiS.'—St. James's
Gazette.
' To write such a monograph was a thankless task, but it has been
accomplished with entU-e success by Captain L. J. Trotter. He has
dealt calmly and clearly with Lord Auckland's policy, domestic and
military, with its financial results, and with the general tendency of
Lord Auckland's rule.' — Yorkshire Post.
'To this distressing story (of the First Afghan War) Captain Trotter
devotes the major portion of his pages. He tells it well and forcibly ;
but is drawn, perhaps unavoidably, into the discussion of many topics
of controversy which, to some readers, may seem to be hardly as yet
finally decided. ... It is only fair to add that two chapters are devoted
to "Lord Auckland's Domestic Policy," and to his relations with
" The Native States of India." '—The Times.
' Captain Trotter's Barl of Auckland is a most interesting book, and
its excellence as a condensed, yet luminous, history of the first Afghan
War deserves warm recognition.' — Scotsman.
' It points a moral which our Indian Eulers cannot afford to forget
so long as they still hstve Kussia and Afghanistan to count with.'
Glasgow Herald,
Supplementary Volume: pric^ 38. 6d.
'JAMES THOMASON,' BY SIR RICHARD
TEMPLE.
' Sir K. Temple's book possesses a high value as a dutiful and
interesting memorial of a man of lofty ideals, whose exploits were
none the less memorable because achieved exclusively in the field
of peaceful administration.' — The Times.
' It is the peculiar distinction of this work that it interests a reader
less in the official than in the man himself.' — Scotsman.
' This is a most interesting book : to those who know India, and
knew the man, it is of unparalleled interest, but no one who has
the Imperial instinct which has taught the English to rule subject
races "for their own welfare" can fail to be struck by the simple
greatness of this character.' — Pall Mall Gazette.
' Mr. Thomason was a great Indian statesman. He systematized
the revenue system of the North-West Provinces, and improved every
branch of the administration. He was remarkable, like many great
Indians, for the earnestness of his religious faith, and Sir Richard
Temple brings this out in an admirable manner.' — British Weekhj.
'The book is "a portrait drawn by the hand of affection," of one
whose life was " a pattei-n of how a Christian man ought to live."
Special prominence is given to the religious aspects of Mr. Thomason's
character, and the result is a very readable biographical sketch.' —
Christian.
©pinions of tfje IPress
ON
SIR AUCKLAND COLVIN'S 'JOHN
RUSSELL COLVIN.'
' The concluding volume of Sir William Hunter's admirable " Rulers
of India" series is devoted to a biography of John Russell Colvin,
Mr. Colvin, as private secretary to Lord Auckland, the Governor-
General during the first Afghan War, and as Lieutenant-Governor of
the North- West Provinces during the Mutiny, bore a prominent part
in the government of British India at two great crises of its history.
His biographer is his son. Sir Auckland Colvin, vpho does full justice to
his father's career and defends him stoutly against certain allegations
which have passed into history. ... It is a valuable and effective
contribution to an admirable series. In style and treatment of Ita
subject it is well worthy of its companions.' — The Times.
' The story of John Colvin's career indicates the lines on which the
true history of the first Afghan War and of the Indian Mutiny should
be written. . . . Not only has the author been enabled to make use
of new and valuable material, but he has also constructed therefrom
new and noteworthy explanations of the position of affairs at two turning,
points in Indian history,' — Academt/.
' High as is the standard of excellence attained by the volumes of
this series, Sir Auckland Colvin's earnest work has reached the high-
water mark.' — Army and Navy Gazette.
Sir Auckland Colvin gives us an admirable study of his subject, both
as a man of affairs and as a student in private life. In doing this, his
picturesque theme allows him, without outstepping the biographical
limits assigned, to present graphic pictures of old Calcutta and Indian
life in general.' — Manchester Courier.
' This little volume contains pictures of India, past and present, which
it would be hard to match for artistic touch and fine feeling. We wish
there were more of the same kind to follow.' — St. James's Oazette.
'SIR HENRY LAWRENCE,' BY
GENERAL MCLEOD INNES.
' An admirable account of the work done by one of the greatest and
most neble of the men who have adorned our Indian Empire. . . . No
man is better qualified to write about the defence of the Residency than
General Innes. — The Athenaeum.
' We can cordially recommend this account of the modern Christian
hero.' — Academy.
' A sympathetic sketch. General Innes tells his story with soldierly
brevity and a sturdy belief in his hero.' — The Times.
' The lessons taught by Sir Henry Lawrence's work in India are,
perhaps, at this moment as deserving of serious reflection as at any time
since his death. We welcome this excellent little biography of the
great soldier-civilian by a distinguished of&cer of exceptional knowledge
and experience.' — Daily News.
' This book is a very good memoir, as nearly as possible what a book
of the kind should be.' — Scotsman,