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YOL. I. 



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\_TsESM are not the days when the public care to listen to 
the minor details of an authors life ; hut Sir H. M. Elliot's 
relations and the thinned number of his personal friends — wliile 
confidently leamig his posthumous works to speak for them- 
selves — recognise the double duty of placing on record the more 
prominent events of his career, and of defining under what 
guarantee his writings are nom submitted, so to say, to a 
new generation of readers. The former will be found in a 
separate note, but to explain the origin and progressive advance 
of the present publication, it may be stated that after Sir Henry 
Elliot's death, at the Cape of Good Hope, his fragmentary 
papers were brought to this country by his widow. And as the 
introductory volume of the original work had been issued under 
the auspices and at the cost of the Government of the North- 
western Provinces of India, the MSS. — constituting the ma- 
terials already prepared for the more comprehensive under- 
taking in thirteen volumes — were placed at the disposal of those 
ever liberal promoters of Oriental literature, the Directors of 
the East India Company, by whom they were submitted to a 
Committee consisting of the late Prof. H. H. Wilson, Mr. 
Edward Clive Bayley, of the Bengal Civil Service, and Mr. 
W. H, Morley, of the Inner Temple, a gentleman who had 
distinguished himself as an Arabic scholar, and mho was reputed 
to be well versed in other branches of Oriental lore. On 
the recommendation of this Committee, the Court of Directors 
readily sanctioned a grant of £500 towards the purposes of 
the publication, and Mr. Morley was himself entrusted with 


the editorship. Mr. Morle^'s circumstances, at this critical 
time, are understood to have been subject to important changes, 
so that, although he entered upon his task with full alacrity 
- and zeal, his devotion soon slackened, and when the MSS. 
were returned four years afterwards, they were found to be in 
such an imperfectly advanced state as effectually to discourage 
any hasty selection of a new editor. For which reserve, indeed, 
there mere other and more obvious reasons in the paucity of 
scholars available in this country, who could alike appredate 
the versatile knowledge of the author, and do justice to the 
critical examination of his leading Oriental authorities, or other 
abstruse texts, where references still remained imperfect. 

As Lady Elliot's adviser in this matter, a once official colleague 
of her husband's, and alike a free participator in his literary 
tastes, I trust that I have secured the best interests of the pro- 
jected undertaking in the nomination of Professor J, Dowson, 
of the Staff College of Sandhurst, mho has so satisfactorily 
completed the first volume, under the revised distribution of 
the work, now submitted to the public. — Edward Thomas.] 


The foregoing note has described how, sixteen years 
after Sir Henry Elliot's first volume was given to the 
"world, his papers were placed in my charge for revision 
and publication. 

My first intention was to carry out the work on the 
original plan, but as progress was made in the examina- 
tion of the voluminous materials, the necessity of some 
modification became more and more apparent. The 
work had long been advertised under the revised title 
which it now bears, as contemplated by the author 
himself ; its bibliographical character having been 
made subordinate to the historical. It also seemed 
desirable, after the lapse of so many years, to begin 
with new matter rather than with a reprint of the old 
volume. Mature consideration ended with the convic- 
tion that the book might open with fresh matter, 
and that it might at the same time be rendered more 
available as an historical record. 


In the old volume, Sir H. Elliot introduced a long 
note upon " India as known to the Arabs during the 
first four centuries of the Hijri Era," and under this 
heading he collected nearly all the materials then within 
the reach of Europeans. Since that compilation was 
made, it has been to a great degree superseded by 
new and more satisfactory translations, and the work 
of Al Istakhrf has also become available. The trans- 
lation of Al Idrisi by Jaubert was not quoted by Sir 
H. Elliot, but an English version of the part relating to 
India seemed desirable. The subject had thus outgrown 
the limits of an already lengthy note, and a remodelling 
of this portion of the book became necessary. The 
notices of India by the early Arab geographers form a 
suitable introduction to the History of the Muhammadan 
Empire in that country. They have accordingly been 
placed in chronological order at the opening of the 

Next in date after the Geographers, and next also as 
regards the antiquity of the subjects dealt with, come 
the Mujmalu-t Tawarikh and the Futuhu-l Buldan. In 
the latter work, Biladuri describes in one chapter the 
course of the Arab conquests in Sind. The Chach-nama 
deals more fully with the same subject, and the Arabic 
original of this work must have been written soon after 
the events its records, though the Persian version, which 


is alone known to us, is of later date. The Arab occu- 
pation of Sind was but temporary, it was tbe precui-sor, 
not tbe commencement, of Musulman rule in India. On 
tbe retreat of tbe Arabs tbe government of tbe country 
reverted to native princes, and notwithstanding tbe suc- 
cesses of Mabmud of Gbazni, tbe land remained practi- 
cally independent until its absorption into tbe Empire 
during tbe reign of Akbar in 1692 a.d. Priority of date 
and of subject tbus give tbe right of precedence to tbe 
Historians of Sind, while tbe isolation of the country and 
tbe individuality of its history require that all relating 
to it should be kept together. Tbe " Early Arab Geo- 
graphers," and "The Historians of Sind," have therefore 
been taken first in order, and they are comprised in tbe 
present volume. 

So far as this volume is concerned. Sir H, Elliot's plan 
has been followed, and tbe special histories of Sind form 
a distinct book, but for tbe main portion of tbe work his 
plan will be changed. In classifying his materials as 
"General Histories" and "Particular Histories," Sir H. 
Elliot adopted the example set by previous compilers 
of catalogues and other bibliographical works, but be 
sometimes found it convenient to depart from this divi- 
sion. Thus the Kamilu-t Tawarikh of Ibn Asir and the 
Nizamu-t Tawarikh of Baizawi, are general histories, 
but they are classed among the particular histories, be- 


cause they were writteii shortly after the fall of the 
Ghaznivides, and their notices of India are confined 
almost exclusively to that dynasty. 

The great objection to this arrangement in an his- 
torical work is that it separates, more than necessary, 
materials relating to the same person and the same sub- 
ject. Thus the Tarikh-i Badatini of 'Abdu-1 Kadir is 
particularly yaluable for the details it giyes of the reign 
and character of Akbar under whom the writer lived. 
But this is a general history, and so would be far 
removed from the Akbar-nama of Abii-l Fazl, which is 
a special history comprising only the reign of Akbar. 
A simple chronological succession, irrespective of the 
general or special character of the different works, seems 
with the single exception of the Sindian writers to be 
the most convenient historical arrangement, and it will 
therefore be adopted in the subsequent volumes. This 
plan will not entirely obviate the objection above 
noticed, but it will tend greatly to its diminution. 

Upon examining the mass of materials left by Sir H. 
Elliot the bibliographical notices Avere found for the most 
part written or sketched out, but with many additional 
notes and references to be used in a final revision. The 
Extracts intended to be printed were, with some import- 
ant exceptions, translated ; and where translations had 
not been prepared, the passages required were generally, 


though not always, indicated. The translations are in 
many different hands. Some few are in Sir H. Elliot's 
own handwriting, others were made by different English 
officers, hut the majority of them seem to have heen the 
work of munsMs. With the exception of those made by 
Sir H. Elliot himself, which will be noted whenever they 
occur, I have compared the whole of them with the 
original texts and the errors which I have had to correct 
have been innumerable and extensive. But with all my 
care it is to be feared that some misreadinga may have 
escaped detection, for it is very difficult for a reviser 
to divest himself entirely of the colour given to a text 
by the original translator. In some cases it would have 
been easier to make entirely new translations, and many 
might have been made more readable ; but, according to 
Sir H. Elliot's desire, "the versions are inelegant, as, in 
order to show the nature of the original, they keep as 
close to it as possible ; and no freedom has been in- 
dulged in with the object of improving the style, senti- 
ments, connection, or metaphors of the several passages 
which have been quoted :" the wide difference in the 
tastes of Europeans and Orientals has, however, induced 
me to frequently substitute plain language for the turgid 
metaphors and allusions of the texts. 

The notes and remarks of the Editor are enclosed in 
brackets [ J, but the Introductory chapter on the Arab 


Geographers must be looked upon as being in the main 
his work. Where any of Sir H. Elliot's old materials 
have been used and throughout in the notes, the dis- 
tinctive mark of the brackets has been maintained. 

The reference made by Sir H. Elliot to the works of 
other authors are very nimierous, especially in the 
articles which appeared in his printed volume. Some of 
these references have been checked, and the passages 
referred to have been foimd to be of very little im- 
portance. They would seem to have been made for 
the author's rather than for general use, but still it is 
difficult to determine beforehand what particular part of 
an article may attract attention or excite opposition. I 
have worked under the great disadvantage of living in 
the country, far away from public libraries, and have 
been confined in great measure to the limited resources 
of my own library. It has thus been impracticable for 
me to verify many of these references or to judge of their 
value. I have therefore deemed it more expedient to 
insert the whole than to omit any which might even- 
tually prove serviceable. 

With the advertisements published before the work 
came into my hands, there was put forth a scheme of 
spelling to be observed in the reprint of Sir H. Elliot's 
Glossary and in this work, by which Sanskritic and 
Semitic words were to be made distinguishable by dia- 

editor's preface. xiii 

critical marks attached to the Eoman equivalent letters. 
Admitting the ingenuity of the scheme, I nevertheless 
declined to adopt it, and so a determination was come to, 
that the long vowels only should be marked. It seemed 
to me that this system of spelling, while it would have 
required a great deal of minute attention on the part of 
the Editor and Printer, would practically have been un- 
heeded by the general reader, and useless to the scholar. 
In doubtful cases, the affiliation of a word without proofs 
or reasons, would have been valueless; but more than all 
this, the many -Turanian words must have appeared 
with a Sanskritic or Semitic label upon them. Either 
too much or too little was attempted, and even if the 
design could be completely accomplished, a philological 
work like the Glossary would be a more fitting vehicle 
for its introduction than a book like the present. 

To shorten the work as much as possible it has been 
determined to omit the Extracts of the original texts, 
but even then, it will be impossible to include the whole 
of the materials in the three volumes advertised. 

I have throughout been anxious never to exceed my 
powers as Editor, but to place myself as far as possible in 
Sir H. Elliot's place. I have not attempted to controvert 
his opinions, or to advance theories of my own, but 
palpable errors have been corrected, and many altera- 
tions and additional notes have been introduced, which 


have been rendered necessary by the advance of know- 
ledge. "With the nnrevised matter, I have used greater 
freedom, but it has been my constant aim to complete 
the work in a manner that its designer might have 

It only remains for me to express my obligations to 
Mr. E. Thomas for many valuable hints and suggestions. 
I am also indebted to General Cunningham for several 
important notes, which I have been careful to acknow. 
ledge in loco, and for placing at my disposal his yaluable 
Archseological Eeports, which are too little known in 
Europe, and some extracts of which appear in the 


A FEW months since, tte Compiler of this Catalogue was engaged 
in a correspondence with the Principal of the College at Delhi on 
the subject of lithographing an uniform edition of the Native His- 
torians of India. On referring the matter to his Honour the Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, North Western Provinces, it was replied that the 
Education Funds at the disposal of the Government were not suffi- 
cient to warrant the outlay of so large a sum as the scheme required, 
and without which it would have been impossible to complete so 
expensive an undertaking. At the same time it was intimated, that, 
as few people were acquainted vyith the particular works which 
should be selected to form such a series, it would be very desirable 
that an Index of them should be drawn up, in order that the manu- 
scripts might be sought for, and deposited in one of our College 
Libraries, to be printed or lithographed hereafter, should circum- 
stances render it expedient, and should the public taste, at present 
lamentably indifferent, show any inclination for greater familiarity 
with the true sources of the Muhammadan History of India. 

The author willingly undertook this task, as it did not appear one 
of much difficulty ; but in endeavouring to accomplish it, the mere 
Nominal Index which he was invited to compile, has iosensibly 
expanded into several volumes ; for, encouraged not only by finding 
that no work had ever been written specially on this matter, but also 
by receiving from many distinguished Orientalists, both European 
and Native, their confessions of entire ignorance on the subject of 
his enquiries, he was persuaded that it would be useful to append, 
as far as his knowledge would permit, a few notes to each history 
as it came under consideratioii, illustrative of the matter it compre- 
hends, the Style, position, and prejudices of the several authors, and 
the merits or deficiencies of their execution. 

Brief extracts from the several works have been given iu the 


fourth, volume, in order to show the style of each author. Some of 
these have been translated in the three first volumes ; of some, 
where the text is of no interest, the translation has been omitted ; 
but in most instances, the English translations exceed the Persian 
text. As the translation and the printing of the Persian text occurred 
at different periods, the translation wiU be found occasionally to 
vary from the text, having been executed probably from a different 
manuscript, and the preferable reading taken for the fourth volume. 
The versions are inelegant, as, in order to show the nature of the 
original, they keep as close to it as possible ; and no freedom has 
been indulged in with the object of improving the style, sentiments, 
connexion, or metaphors of the several passages which have been 

The author has been very particular in noticing every translation 
known to him, in order that students, into whose hands this Index 
may fall, may be saved the useless trouble, which he in his ignorance 
has more than once entailed upon himself, of undertaking a transla- 
tion which had already been executed by others. 

He had hoped to be able to append an account of the historians of 
the independent Muhammadan monarchies, such as of Guzerat, 
Bengal, Kashmir, and others ; but the work, as it is, has already 
extended to a length beyond what either its name or the interest of 
the subject warrants, and sufScient information is given respecting 
their annals in many of the General Histories. For the same reason 
he must forego an intended notice of the various collections of private 
letters relating to the history of India, and the matters which chiefly 
interested the generation of the writers. 

The historians of the Delhi Emperors have been noticed down to 
a period when new actors appear upon the stage ; when a more 
stirring and eventful era of India's History commences ; and when 
the full light of European truth and discernment begins to shed its 
beams upon the obscurity of the past, and to relieve us irom the 
necessity of appealing to the Native Chroniclers of the time, who 
are, for the most part, dull, prejudiced, ignorant, and superficial. 

If it be doubted whether it is worth while to trouble ourselves 
about collecting such works as are here noticed, it is suflicient to 
reply that other countries have benefited by similar labours — exem- 


plified in tlie Scriptores Eerum ItaHoarum, the Auotores Veteres 
Historias Ecolesiasticse, the Monumenta Boica, the Eecueil des His- 
toriens des Gaules, and a hundred other collections of the same kind 
— ^but no objection is urged against them on the ground that each 
chronicler, taken individually, is not of any conspicuous merit. They 
are universally considered as useful depositories of knowledge, from 
•which the labour and dUigence of succeediug scholars may extract 
materials for the erection of a better and more solid structure. This 
country offers some peoidiar facilities for such a collection, which it 
would be vain to look for elsewhere ; since the number of available 
persons, sufficiently educated for the purpose of transcribiag, col- 
lating, and indexing, is very large, and they would be content with 
a small remuneration. Another urgent reason for undertaking such 
a work in this country, is the incessant depredation which insects, 
moths, dust, moisture, and vermia are committing upon the small 
store of manuscripts which is now extant. Every day is of import- 
ance in rescuing the remnant from stUl further damage, as was too 
painfully evident a short time ago, from a report presented to the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, respecting the injury which has already 
been sustained by their collection. 

On the other hand, it must not be concealed, that in India, inder 
pendent of the want of standard books of reference, great difficulties 
beset the enquirer in this path of literature, arising chiefly from one 
of the defects in the national character, viz. : the intense desire for 
parade and ostentation, which induces authors to quote works they 
have never seen, and to lay claim to an erudition which the limited 
extent of their knowlege does not justify. For instance, not many 
years ago there was published at Agra a useful set of chronological 
tables of the Moghal dynasty, said to be founded on the authority of 
several excellent works named by the author. Having been long 
in search of many of these works, I requested from the author a 
more particular account of them. He replied that some had been 
once in his possession and had been given away ; some he had 
borrowed ; and some were lost or mislaid ; but the parties to whom 
he had given, and from whom he had borrowed, denied all know- 
ledge of the works, or even of their titles. Indeed, most of them 
contained nothing on the subject which they were intended to 

VOL I. i 


illustrate, and they were evidently mentioned by the author for the 
mere object of acquiring credit for the accuracy and extent of his 

Again, a native gentleman furnished a catalogue of the manu- 
scripts said to compose the historical collection of his Highness the 
Niz£m ; but on close examination I found that, from beginning to 
end, it was a complete fabrication, the names of the works being 
taken from the prefaces of standard histories, in which it is usual to 
quote the authorities, — the very identical sequence of names, and 
even the errors of the originals, being implicitly followed. 

Against these impudent and interested frauds we must conse- 
quently be on our guard, not less than against the bliuiders arising 
from negligence and ignorance ; the misquoting of titles, dates, and 
names ; the ascriptions to wrong authors ; the absence of beginnings 
and endings ; the arbitrary substitution of new ones to complete a 
mutilated manuscript ; the mistakes of copyists ; the exercise of 
ingenuity in their corrections, and of fancy in their additions ; all 
these, added to the ordinary sources of error attributable to the well- 
known difficulty of deciphering Oriental manuscripts, present many 
obstacles sufficient to damp even the ardour of an enthusiast. Be- 
sides which, we have to lament the entire absence of literary history 
and biography, which in India is devoted only to saints and poets. 
Where fairy tales and fictions are included under the general name 
of history we cannot expect to learn much respecting the character, 
pursuits, motives, and actions of historians, unless they are pleased 
to reveal them to us themselves, and to entrust us with their familiar 
confidences ; or unless they happen to have enacted a conspicuous 
part in the scenes which they describe. Even in Europe this defi- 
ciency has been complained of; how much more, then, is it Kkely 
to be a subject of regret, where despotism is triumphant ; where the 
active elements of life are few ; and where individual character, 
trammeled by so many restraining influences, has no opportunity 
of development. 

It must be understood, then, that this Index has not been con- 
structed on account of any intrinsic value in the histories themselves. 
Indeed, it is almost a misnomer to style them histories. They can 
scarcely claim to rank higher than Annals. " Erat enim historia 


nihil aliud, nisi annalium confectio. «<»*><* Hanc similitudinem 
scribendi multi secuti sunt, qui, sine uUis omamentis, monimenta 
solum temporum, hominum, locorum, gestarumque reram. relique- 
runt. <*<*«» Non exomatores rerum, sed tantummodo narratores 
fuerunt" ' They comprise, for the most part nothing but a mere 
dry narration of events, conducted with reference to chronological 
sequence, never grouped philosophically according to their relations. 
Without speculation on causes or effects ; vrithout a reflection or 
suggestion which is not of the most puerile and contemptible tind ; 
and without any observations calculated to interrupt the monotony 
of successive conspiracies, revolts, intrigues, murders, and fratricides, 
so common in Asiatic monarchies, and to which India unhappily 
forms no exception. If we are somewhat relieved from the contem- 
plation of such scenes when we come to the accounts of the earlier 
Moghal Emperors, we have what is little more inviting in the records 
of the stately magnificence and ceremonious observances of the 
Court, and the titles, jewels, swords, drums, standards, elephants, 
and horses bestowed upon the dignitaries of the Empire. 

If the artificial definition of Dionysius be correct, that " History 
is Philosophy teaching by examples," then there is no Native Indian 
Historian ; and few have even approached to so high a standard. 
Of examples, and very bad ones, we have ample store, though even 
in them the radical truth is obscured, by the hereditary, official, and 
sectarian prepossessions of the narrator ; but of philosophy, which 
deduces conclusions calculated to benefit us by the lessons and ex- 
perience of the past, which adverts on the springs and consequences 
of political transactions, and offers sage counsel for the future, we 
search in vain for any sign or symptom. Of domestic history also 
we have in our Indian Annalists absolutely nothing, and the same 
may be remarked of nearly all Muhammadan historians, except 
Ibn Khaldun. By them society is never contemplated, either in its 
conventional usages or recognized privileges ; its constituent elements 
or mutual relations; in its established classes or popular institutions; 
in its private recesses or habitual intercourses. In notices of com- 
merce, agriculture, internal police, and local judicature, they are 
equally deficient. A fact, an anecdote, a speech, a remark, which 
1 De Orat. II. 12. 


would illustrate the condition of the common people, or of any rank 
subordinate to the highest, is considered too insignificant to be suf- 
fered to intrude upon a relation which concerns only grandees and 
ministers, " thrones and imperial powers." 

Hence it is that these works may be said to be deficient in some of 
the most essential requisites of History, for " its great object," says 
Dr. Arnold, "is that which most nearly touches the inner life of 
civilized man, namely, the vicissitudes of institutions, social, political, 
and religious. This is the reXeioTaTOV reXo? of historical enquiry."' 
In Indian Histories there is little which enables us to penetrate 
below the glittering surface, and observe the practical operation 
of a despotic Government and rigorous and sanguinary laws, and 
the effect upon the great body of the nation of these injurious in- 
fluences and agencies. 

If, however, we turn our eyes to the present Muhammadan king- 
doms of India, and examine the character of the princes, and the 
condition of the people subject to their sway, we may fairly draw a 
parallel between ancient and modem times, under circumstances and 
relations nearly similar. We behold kings, even of our own creation, 
sunk in sloth and debauchery, and emulating the vices of a Caligula 
or a Commodus. Under such rulers, we cannot wonder that the 
fountaias of justice are corrupted ; that the state revenues are never 
collected without violence and outrage ; that villages are burnt, and 
their inhabitants mutilated or sold into slavery ; that the officials, so 
far from affording protection, are themselves the chief robbers and 
usurpers ; that parasites and eunuchs revel in the spoil of plundered 
provinces ; and that the poor find no redress against the oppressor's 
wrong and proud man's contumely. "When we witness these scenes 
under our own eyes, where the supremacy of the British Govern- 
ment, the benefit of its example, and the dread of its interference, 
might be expected to operate as a check upon the progress of mis- 
rule, can we be surprised that former princes, when free from such 
restraints, should have studied even less to preserve the people com- 
mitted to their charge, in wealth, peace, and prosperity ? Had 
the authors whom we are compelled to consult, pourtrayed their 
Ctesars with the fidelity of Suetonius, instead of the more congenial 
' Zecturei on MoH. SUt., p. 123. 


sycophancy of Patercnlus, we should not, as now, have to extort 
from unwilling witnesses, testimony to the truth of these assertions. 
From them, nevertheless, we can gather, that the common people 
must have been plunged into the lowest depths of wretchedness and 
despondency. The few glimpses we have, even among the short 
Extracts in this single volume, of Hindus slain for disputing with 
Muhammadans, of general prohibitions against processions, worship, 
and ablutions, and of other intolerant measures, of idols mutilated, 
of temples razed, of forcible conversions and marriages, of proscrip- 
tions and confiscations, of murders and massacres, and of the sen- 
suality and drunkenness of the tyrants who enjoined them, show us 
that this picture is not overcharged, and it is much to be regretted 
that we are left to draw it for ourselves from out the mass of 
ordinary occurrences, recorded by writers who seem to sympathize 
with no virtues, and to abhor no vices. Other nations exhibit the 
same atrocities, but they are at least spoken of, by some, with indigna- 
tion and disgust. Whenever, therefore, in the course of this Index, 
a work is characterized as excellent, admirable, or valuable, it must 
be remembered that these terms are used relatively to the narrative 
only ; and it is but reasonable to expect that the force of these 
epithets wOl be qualified by constant advertence to the deficiencies 
just commented on. 

These deficiencies are more to be lamented, where, as sometimes 
happens, a Hindu is the author. Prom one of that nation we might 
have expected to have learnt what were the feelings, hopes, faiths, 
fears, and yearnings, of his subject race ; but, unfortunately, he rarely 
writes unless according to order or dictation, and every phrase is 
studiously and servilely turned to flatter the vanity of an imperious 
Muhammadan patron. There is nothing to betray his religion or his 
nation, except, perhaps, a certain stifihess and affectation of style, 
which show how ill the foreign garb befits him. With him, a 
Hindu is " an infidel," and a Muhammadan " one of the true faith,' 
and of the holy saints of the calendar, he writes with aU the fervour 
of a bigot. With him, when Hindus are killed, " their souls are des- 
patched to hell," and when a Muhammadan suffers the same fate, 
" he drinks the cup of martyrdom." He is so far wedded to the set 
phrases and inflated language of his conquerors, that he speaks of 


" the light of Islam shedding its refulgence on the world," of " the 
blessed Muharram," and of "the illustrious Book." He usually 
opens with a " Bismillah," and the ordinary profession of faith in 
the unity of the Godhead, followed by laudations of the holy 
prophet, his disciples and descendants, and indulges in aU the most 
devout and orthodox attestations of Muhammadans. One of the 
Hindu authors here noticed, speaks of standing in his old age, " at 
the head of his bier and on the brink of his grave," though he must 
have been fully aware that, before long, his remains would be burnt, 
and his ashes cast into the Ganges. Even at a later period, when no 
longer " Tiberii ac Neronis res ob metum falsae,"' there is not one of 
this slavish crew who treats the history of his native country sub- 
jectively, or presents us with the thoughts, emotions, and raptures 
which a long oppressed race might be supposed to give vent to, 
when freed from the tyraony of its former masters, and allowed to 
express itself in the natural language of the heart, without constraint 
and without adulation. 

But, though the intrinsic value of these works may be small, 
they will still yield much that is worth observation to any one who 
will attentively examine them. They will serve to dispel the mists 
of ignorance by which the knowledge of India is too much obscured, 
and show that the history of the Muhammadan period remains yet 
to be written. They will make our native subjects more sensible 
of the immense advantages accruiag to them under the mildness and 
and equity of our rule. If iastruetion were sought for from them, 
we should be spared the rash declarations respecting Muhammadan 
India, which are frequently made by persons not otherwise ignorant. 
Characters now renowned only for the splendour of their achieve- 
ments, and a succession of victories, would, when we withdraw the 
veil of flattery, and divest them of rhetorical flourishes, be set forth 
in a truer Ught, and probably be held up to the execration of man- 
kind. We should no longer hear bombastic Babiis, enjoying under 
our Government the highest degree of personal liberty, and many 
more political privileges than were ever conceded to a conquered 
nation, rant about patriotism, and the degradation of their present 
position. If they would dive into any of the volumes mentioned 
' Tacitus, Annal., 1. 1, 


herein, it would take these young Brutuses and Phooions a very 
short time to learn, that in the days of that dark period for whose 
return they sigh, even the bare utterance of their ridiculous fantasies 
would have been attended, not with silence and contempt, but 
with the severer discipline of molten lead or empalement. We 
should be compelled to listen no more to the clamours against 
resumption of rent-free tenures, when almost every page will show 
that there was no tenure, whatever its designation, which was not 
open to resumption in the theory of the law, and which was not 
repeatedly resumed in practice. Should any ambitious functionary 
entertain the desire of emulating the "exceedingly magnifical" 
structures of his Moghal predecessors,' it will check his aspirations 
to learn, that beyond palaces and porticos, temples, and tombs, there 
is little worthy of emulation. He will find that, if we omit only three 
names in the long line of Dehli Emperors, the comfort and happi- 
ness of the people were never contemplated by them ; and with the 
exception of a few sarai's' and bridges, — and these only on roads tra- 
versed by the imperial camps — ^he wiU see nothing ia which purely 
selfish considerations did not prevail. The extreme beauty and ele- 
gance of many of their structures it is not attempted to deny ; but 
personal vanity was the main cause of their erection, and with the 
small exception noted above, there is not one which subserves any 
purpose of general utility. His romantic sentiments may have been 
excited by the glowing imagery of LaUa Eookh, and he may have 

^ This was the grandiloquent declaration of a late GoTernor-General [Lord Ellen- 
borough] at a farewell banquet given to him by the Court of Directors. But when 
his head became tamed by the laurels which the victories of others placed upon his 
brow, these professions were forgotten ; and the only monument remaining of his 
peaceful aspirations, is a tank under the palace walls of Dehli, which, as it remains 
empty during one part of the year, and exhales noxious vapours during the other, has 
been voted a nuisance by the inhabitants of the imperial city, who have actually pe- 
titioned that it may be filled up again. 

' The present dilapidation of these buildings is sometimes adduced as a proof of 
our indifference to the comforts of the people. It is not considered, that where they 
do exist in good repair, they are but little used, and that the present system of 
Government no longer renders it necessary that travellers should seek protection 
within fortified enclosures. If they are to bo considered proofs of the solicitude of 
former monarchs for their subjects' welfare, they are also standing memorials of the 
weakness and ioefflciency of their administration. Add to which, that many of the 
extant sar&is were the offspring, not of imperial, but of private liberality. 


indulged himself with -visions of Jahangir's broad highway from one 
distant capital to the other, shaded throughout the whole length by 
stately avenues of trees, and accommodated at short distance with 
sarais and tanks ; but the scale of that Emperor's munificence will 
probably be reduced in his eyes, when he sees it written, that the 
same work had already been in great measure accomplished by 
Sher Shah, and that the same merit is also ascribed to a still earlier 
predecessor ; nor will it be an unreasonable reflection, when he 
finds, except a ruined milestone here and there, no vestige extant of 
this magnificent highway, and this " delectable alley of trees," that, 
after aU, that can have been no very stujpendous work, which the 
resources of three successive Emperors have failed to render a more 
enduring monument.^ When he reads of the canals of Piroz Shah 
and 'AH Mardan Khan intersecting the country, he will find on 
further examination, that even if the former was ever open, it was 
used only for the palace and hunting park of that monarch; but 
when he ascertains that no mention is made of it by any of the 
historians of Ti'mur, who are very minute in their topographicsil de- 
tMls, and that Babar exclaims in his Memoirs, that in none of the 
Hindustani Provinces are there any canals (and both these con- 
querors must have passed over these canals, had they been flow- 
ing in their time), he may, perhaps, be disposed to doubt if anything 
was proceeded with beyond the mere excavation. With respect to 
'All Mardan Khan, his merits will be less extolled, when it is learnt 
that his canals were made, not with any view to benefit the public, 
but for an ostentatious display of his profusion, in order that the 
hoards of his ill-gotten wealth might not be appropriated by the 
monarch to whom he betrayed his trast. When he reads that in 
Some of the reigns of these kings, security of person and property 
was so great, that any traveller might go where he listed, and that 
a bag of gold might be exposed on the highways, and no one dare 
touch it,' he will learn to exercise a wise scepticism, on ascertaining 

' Coryat speaks of the avenue, " the most incomparable I ever beheld." — Kerr, 
ix. 421. 

' It is worth while to read the comment of the wayfaring European on this pet 
phrase. Bemier, describing his situation when he arrived at the Court of Sh&jah&n, 
speaks of " le peu d'argent qui me restoit de diverses rencontres de voleurs."— ifisf. 
dea Estatt du Grand Mogol, p. 6. 


that in one of the most vigorous reigns, in. which internal tran- 
quillity was more than ever secured, a caravan was obliged to remain 
six weeks at Muttra, before the parties who accompanied it thought 
themselves strong enough to proceed to Dehli;^ that the walls of 
Agra were too weak too save the city from frequent attacks of 
marauders ; that Kanauj was a favourite beat for tiger-shooting, and 
wild elephants plentiful at Karra and Kalpi ; ^ that the depopulation 
of towns and cities, which many declamatory writers have ascribed 
to our measures of policy, had already commenced before we entered 
on possession ; and that we found, to use the words of the Prophet, 
" the country desolate, the cities burnt, when the sons of strangers 
came to build up the walls, and their kings to minister." 

If we pay attention to more general considerations, and wish to 
compare the relative merits of European and Asiatic Monarchies, 
we shall find that a perusal of these books wiU convey many an 
useful lesson, calculated to foster in us a love and admiration of our 
country and its venerable institutions. 

When we see the withering effects of the tyranny and capricious- 
ness of a despot, we shall learn to estimate more fully the value of 
a balanced constitution. When we see the miseries which are en- 
tailed on present and future generations by disputed claims to the 
crown, we shall more than ever value the principle of a regulated 
succession, subject to no challenge or controversy. In no country 
have these miseries been greater than in India. In no country has 
the recurrence been more frequent, and the claimants more numer- 
ous. From the death of Akbar to the British conquest of Dehli — a 
period of two hundred years — there has been only one undisputed 
succession to the throne of the Moghal Empire, and even that ex- 
ceptional instance arose from its not being worth a contest ; at that 
calamitous time, when the memory of the ravages committed by 
Nadir Shah was fresh in the minds of men, and the active hostility 
of the Abdali seemed to threaten a new visitation. Even now, as 
experience has shown, we should not be without claimants to the 
pageant throne, were it not disposed of at the sovereign will and 

1 Captain Coverte (1609-10) says that people, even on the high road from Surat 
to Agra, dared not travel, except in caravans of 400 or 600 men.— Churchill, viii, 
262. See Jah^ngir's Autobiography, 117 ; Journ. M. Soo. Beng., Jan. 1850, p. 37. 

2 Mlphimtone't Hist., ii. 241. 


pleasure of the British Government, expressed before the question 
can give rise to dispute, or encourage those hopes and expectations, 
which on each occasion sacrificed the lives of so many members of 
the Eoyal Family at the shrine of a vain and reckless ambition. 

It is this vrant of a fixed rule of succession to the throne, 
which has contributed to maintain the kingdom in a constant 
ferment, and retard the progress of improvement. It was not 
that the reigning monarch's choice of his successor was not pro- 
mulgated; but in a pure despotism, though the will of a living 
autocrat carries with it the force of law, the injunctions of a dead 
one avail little against the "lang claymore'' or the "persuasive 
gloss" of a gallant or an intriguing competitor. The very law of 
primogeniture, which seems to carry with it the strongest sanctions 
is only more calculated to excite and foment these disturbances, 
where regal descent is not avowedly based on that rule, and 
especially in a country where polygamy prevails; for the eldest 
prince is he who has been longest absent from the Court, whose 
sympathies have been earliest withdrawn from the influence of his 
own home, whose position in charge of an independent government 
inspires most alarm and mistrust in the reigning monarch, and 
whose interests are the first to be sacrificed, to please some young 
and favorite queen, ambitious of seeing the crown on the head of her 
own child. In such a state of society, the princes themselves are 
naturally brought up, always as rivals, sometimes as adventurers 
and robbers ; the chiefs espouse the cause of one or the other pre- 
tender, not for the maintenance of any principle or right, but with 
the prospect of early advantage or to gratify a personal predilection ; 
and probably end in themselves aspiring to be usurpers on their own 
account ; the people, thoroughly indifferent to the success of either 
candidate, await with anxiety the issue, which shall enable them to 
pursue for a short time the path of industry and peace, till it shall 
again be interrupted by new contests ; in short, all classes, interests, 
and institutions are more or less affected by the general want of 
stability, which is the necessary result of such unceasing turmoil 
and agitation. 

These considerations, and many more which will offer themselves 
to any diligent and careful peruser of the volumes here noticed, will 


serve to dissipate tte gorgeous Ulusions whicli are commonly enter- 
tained regarding the dynasties -which have passed, and show him 
that, notwithstanding a civil policy and an ungenial climate, which 
forhid our making this country a permanent home, and deriving 
personal gratification or profit from its advancement, notwithstand- 
ing the many defects necessarily inherent in a system of foreign 
administration, in which language, colour, religion, customs, and 
laws preclude all natural sympathy between sovereign and subject, 
we have already, within the half-century of our dominion, done 
more for the substantial benefit of the people, than our predecessors, 
in the country of their own adoption, were able to accomplish in more 
than ten times that period ;^ and, drawing auguries from the past, he 
vrill derive hope for the future, that, inspired by the success which 
has hitherto attended our endeavours, we shall foUow them up by 
continuous efforts to fulfil ova high destiny as the rulers of India. 

^ I speak only with reference to my own Presidency, the North-Western Provinces. 
Bengal is said to be a quarter of a century behind it in every symptom of improve- 
ment, except mere English education. To the North-Western Provinces, at leasti 
cannot be applied the taunt, that we have done nothing, compared with the Mu- 
hammadan Emperors, with respect to roads, bridges, and canals. Even here, in the 
very seat of their supremacy, we have hundreds of good district roads where one 
never existed before, besides the 400 miles of trunk-road, which is better than any 
maU-road of similar extent in Europe, and to which the Emperors never had anything 
in the remotest degree to be compared. The bridge of Jaunpfir is the only one that 
can enter into competition with our bridge over the Hindun, and wotild suffer 
greatly by the comparison, to say nothing of those over the J(ia, the Khanaut, 
and the K&Ji-nadi. In canak we have been fifty times more effective. In- 
stead of wasting our supply of water on the frivolities of fountains, we have fertilized 
whole provinces, which had been barren from time immemorial, and this even on the 
lines of which much was marked out by themselves, leaving out of consideration the 
magnificent works in progress in the Do^b and EohUkhand. The scientific survey 
alone of the North- Western Provinces is sufficient to proclaim our superiority ; in 
which every field throughout an area of 52,000 square miles is mapped, and every 
man's possession recorded. It altogether eclipses the boasted measurement of Akbar, 
and is as magnificent a monument of civilization as any country in the world can pro- 
duce. Finally, be it remembered that six centuries more have to elapse before any 
thing like a comparison can be fairly instituted. It is to be hoped we shall not be 
idle during that long period. 


Henkt Mibes Elliot was one of fifteen children of the late 
John Elliot, Esq., of Pimlioo Lodge, Westminster, and third son of 
that gentleman. He was bom in the year 1808. Winchester was 
chosen as the place of his education, and he entered the venerable 
College of William of Wykeham at the age of ten years. He re- 
mained at Winchester eight years, and, ere he left, was one of the 
senior praefects. During his residence there he devoted himself 
assiduously to the studies of the institution, and shared in its dis- 
tinctions, having gained both the sUver medals for speaking. 
Eight years passed at Winchester prepared him worthily for ad- 
mission into that further temple of learning, which may be regarded, 
in fact, as an outlying portion of the Wykhamist establishment. New 
College, Oxford. It happened that at the very time, when his future 
destination was to be determined an opportimity presented itself, which 
was then of rare occurrence. From a deficiency of civil servants, con- 
sequent upon the consolidation of the British power in India, it became 
necessary to seek reinforcements, not alone from Haileybury, which 
was designed merely to supply a fixed contingent, but from new 
recruiting fields, whence volunteers might be obtained whose varied 
acquirements might compete with the special training advocated at 
the East India College : under the pressure of necessity such an excep- 
tional measure was sanctioned by Parliament. Mr. Elliot, having been 
nominated as a candidate by Campbell Marjoiibanks, was the first of 
the since celebrated list of Competition WaUahs to pass an examina- 
tion for a civil appointment direct to India. The exhibition of classical 
and mathematical knowledge might have been anticipated, but al- 
though a year had not elapsed since he left Winchester, where he 
had no opportunity for pursuing such studies, his proficiency in the 
Oriental languages proved so remarkable, that the examiners at 
the India House placed him alone in an honorary class. He had 


thus the good fortune to arrive in Calcutta with a reputation that 
his future career tended not only to maintain, but to exalt. After 
emerging from his noviciate as a -writer (the term by which the 
younger civilians were then distinguished), he was appointed 
assistant to the magistrate, and collector of Bareilly, and succes- 
sively assistant to the political agent and commissioner at Delhi, 
assistant to the collector and magistrate of Mooradabad, Secretary to 
the Sudder Board of Kevenue for the North West Provinces, and 
in 1847 he became Secretary to the Government of India in the 
Foreign Department. While heading this ofSce he accompanied the 
Grovemor- General, Lord Hardinge, to the Punjab, upon the re- 
sources of which he drew up a most elaborate and exhaustive 
memoir. Later in point of time, Sir Henry Elliot filled the same 
important post during the more effective portion of Lord Dalhousie's 
administration; His distinguished services were freely recognized 
by the Crown as well as by the Company. He received from 
the former the honour of a K.C.B.-ship ; his reward from the 
latter was hoped for by the well-wishers of India, in the Lieutenant- 
Governorship of the North West Provinces, or the higher office 
of the Government of Madras. Sir Henry died at the early age of 
forty-five, while seeking to restore his broken health in the equable 
climate of the Cape of Good Hope. 

In 1846 Sir Henry EUiot printed the first volume of his " Sup- 
plement to the Glossary of Indian Terms." The Glossary itself 
was a pretentious work then meditated, and for which great pre- 
paration had been made by the various local governments, as it-was 
intended to comprise the whole series of Indian terms in official use 
throughout the country, and if, in Professor Wilson's hands, it fell 
short of public expectation, this was less the fault of the Editor, 
than of the imperfection of the materials supplied to him ; while Sir 
H. Elliot's " Glossary," on the other hand, received too humble a 
title, aiming, as it did, at far higher and more important branches of 
research, — the history and ethnic affinities of the hereditary tribes, 
with whom he, an isolated Englishman, had lived so long, in intimate 
official association, settling in detail the state demand upon each 
member of the Patriarchal VUlage Communities of North- Western 

In 1849, Sir Henry Elliot published the first volume of his 
"Bibliographical Index to the Historians of Mohammedan India," of 
which the present publication is the more mature extension. 


Page 33, in line 11, for "Khai&sin," read "Sind and Khurfedn," and in 

line 13, insert " Vol. xxi." 
Page 129, line 11, for "sixty," read "seventy." 

„ 158, „ 3, after " BalMr," insert "on the land of Barfizi." 

„ 214, „ 20, add, " This translation has been published as No. liL 
New Series, Selections of the Eecords of the Govern- 
ment of Bombay, 1856." 

„ 225, „ 20, omit "the." 

„ 508, add as a note to the article on the Jats, " See Masson's Journey 
to Kelat, pp. 351-3 ; also Zeitschrift f. d. Kunde des 
Morgenlandes, Vol. III. p. 209." 



I. The Merchant Sulaimdn and Abti Zaid - - - - 1 

II. IbnKhurd4dba 12 

III. AlMas'tidi - 18 

IV. Al latakhri 26 

V. Ibn Haukal (Ashk4Iu-l Bil4d) ... - 31 

VI. Sliru-l Bulddn 41 

VII. BasMdu-d Din, from Al Birflni 42 

VIII. Alldrisi - 74 

IX. AlKazwinl 94 


I. Mujmalu-t Tawdrlkh - - - - - - 100 

II. FutHhu-l Bulddn, of BUdduri - - - - 113 

III. Chach-ndma 131 

IV. T4rikhu-s Sind, of Mir Ma'stiin - - 212 
V. T4rikh-i T4hirl ---.--- 253 

VI. Beg-L£r-nima - ... - - 289 

VII. Tarkbin-nAma or Argh1in-n4ma 300 

VIII. Tohfatu-l Kirim 327 




TheBalhard - - - - - - 354 

Juzr or Jurz ... - . . 358 

Tdfian - - - 360 

Rabma, Ruhml - - 361 

K&shbin - - - - - - - - 361 

Cities and Towns. 

Agbam — The Lohinas - - - , . - - 362 

Alor - - - ... . 363 

Amhal, FdmhaJ, Mimhal - - .... 353 

Arm4-bel - .... - - - 364 

Askalanda ... 3g5 

B&uiya, Bdtiya - 367 



Bhambdr - 368 

BrAhmanAbid, Manstira, Mahfdza - - - 369 

Debal, Kariohl, Thatta, and Ldhori-bandar - - 374 

H41a-kaudi, the Hellenes, Pindus 379 

Jandrtid - 380 

Kaikdndn, Kaikin, K4kars - . . - - - 381 

Kajurdha - 383 

Kfflari, Annari, and Ballari - - - - 384 

Kanddbel, Ttikn, Budba, Baizi - - 385 

Kannazbtir - . . . - . 389 

Mandal, Klraj 390 

Manjdbari ....... .. 391 

Minnagara ..... . 392 

Narina -- 393 

Ntrdn, Sikfira, Jarak - - 396 

Sadusdn 401 

Samlii, Tughlik&b&d, KaI&-kot - - - - 401 

Sind^n, Subdra, Saimiir ... . . 402 

Ttir, Mubatampur, Dirak, Vijeb-kot 403 


Tbe EAI Dynasty . . 405 

The Brdhman Dynasty 409 

The Advances of the Arabs towards Sind - - - 414 

The Progress of the Arabs in Sind - - - 434 

Sind under the Arabs .... . - 460 

The Slimra Dynasty 483 

The Samma Dynasty - - 494 

The ArghUn Dynasty - 497 

The Tarkhin Dynasty 498 

SUh Beg's Capture of Thatta ... . - 500 

The Death of Sh4h Beg Arghtin * 502 


Native Opinions on the Aborigines of Sind ... 503 

Buddhists in Sind .... - - 504 

TheJats .... 507 

TheKerks - . - - - 508 

TheMeds - 519 

The WairsI and Sodha Tribes 531 


The Terrors of the Moghal Helmet 532 

Dismounting for Combat - - 535 

Colligation in Fighting 537 

Barge, an Arabic "Word 539 








The earliest information which Europe derived from the 
writings of the Arabs upon India and the lands adjacent, was 
that which the Abbe Renaudot published, in the year 1718, 
under the title " Anctennes JRelations des Indes et de la Chine 
de deux voyageurs Mahomitans qui y allerent dans le iz^ sitcle 
de noire ere." By a curious coincidence the work so translated 
happened to be the earliest work extant of the A rab geographers 
relating to India. So novel and unexpected was the light thus 
thrown upon the farther East, that the translator was accused of 
all sorts of literary crimes. Some asserted his inaccuracy, and 
pointed out the discrepancies between the statements of his work 
and the accounts of the Jesuit missionaries in China. He had 
given no precise account of his manuscripts, hence some did not 
hesitate to accuse him of downright forgery. Time has shown 
the emptiness of most of these charges. From error he certainly 
was not exempt, but his faults and mistakes were those of a man 
who had to deal with a diflBcult subject, one which, even a century 
later, long deterred M. Reinaud from grappling with it. 

2 EAELY AEaB geographers. 

The MS. from which Eenaudot made his translation was found 
by him in the library formed by the minister Colbert. This col- 
lection descended to the Oomte de Seignelay ; and subsequently 
merged into the Bibliotheque Eoyale. Here in 1764 the cele- 
brated scholar Deguignes found the MS., and wrote more than 
one article upon it.^ 

In the year J 811 M. Langl^s printed the text, and pro- 
mised a translation; but he had made no progress with the 
latter at the time of his death in 1824. The text so printed 
remained in the stores of the Imprimerie Royale until the year 
1844, when M. Reinaud published it with a translation and 
notes, prefacing the whole with a Preliminary Discourse on the 
early Geography of the East, full of valuable information and 
criticism. The following observations upon the work are con- 
densed from M. Reinaud's; the translation is also taken from 

The title which Renaudot gave to his book is not quite 
accurate. He speaks of two travellers, while there was only one 
who wrote an account of his own travels. The basis of the work 
and that which bears in the text the title of Book I, is the 
account written by a merchant named Sulaiman, who embarked 
on the Persian Grulf, and made several voyages to India and 
China. This bears the date 237 a,h. (861 a.d.). The second 
part of the work was written by Abu Zaidu-1 Hasan, of Siraf, a 
connoisseur, who, although he never travelled in India and China, 
as he himself expressly states, made it his business to modify and 
complete the work of Sulaiman, by reading, and by questioning 
travellers to those countries. Mas'udi met this Abu Zaid at 
Basra, in SOS a.h. (916 a.d.), and acknowledges to have 
derived information from him, some of which he reproduced in 

1 Jour, des Sav., Noyembre, 1764. Kotices et Extraits des MS8., Tome i. See 
also Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, Tome xxxyii, ; Jour. Asiatique, iv sene, 
T. viii., 161 ; Asiatic Journal, vol. ixjiii., p. 234. 

2 " Relations des Voyages faites par les Axabes et les Persans dans I'Inde et a la 
Chine." 2 Tom., 24mo., Paris, 1845. 


his " Meadows of Gold,"i as a comparison of the following 
extracts will show. On the other hand, Abu Zaid was indebted 
to Mas'iidi for some of his statements.. He never mentions him 
by name, but refers to him as a " trustworthy person." The two 
works have much in Common, but Mas'udi is generally more 
detailed. Abu Zaid finishes his work with these words : " Such 
is the most interesting matter that I have heard, among the many 
accounts to which maritime adventure has given birth. I have 
refrained from recording the false stories which sailors tell, and 
which the narrators themselves do not believe. A faithful account 
although short, is preferable to all. It is God who guides us in 
the right way." 


Observations on the Countries of India and China, and their Sovereigns. 

The inhabitants of India and China agree that there are foiu: great 
or principal kings in the world.. They place the king of the Arabs 
(KhaJif of Baghdad) at the head of these, for it is admitted without 
dispute that he is the greatest of kings. First in wealth, and in the 
splendour of his Court ; but above all, as chief of that sublime reli- 
gion which nothing excels. The king of China reckons himself next 
after the king of the Arabs. After him comes the king of the 
Greeks,' and lastly the Balhara, prince of the men who have their 
ears pierced. 

The Balhara' is the most eminent of the princes of India, and the 
Indians acknowledge his superiority. Every prince in India is 
master in his own state, but all pay homage to the supremacy of the 
Btdhara. The representatives sent by the Balhara to other princes 
are received with most profound respect in order to. show him 
honour. He gives regular pay to his troops, as the practice is among 
the Arabs. He has many horses and elephants, and immense wealth. 
The eoins which pass in his coimtry are the Tatariya dirhams,* eaoh 

' [See Beinaud's Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 19, and Aboulfeda, I., liii.] 
' [EiJm.] ' [See note A iu Appendix.] 

* [These dirhams are mentioned by almost all tiese early writers. Idrisi says they 
were in use at Mansiira, and also current in the Malay Archipelago (Jaubert, p. 86 


of whioh. weiglis a diitam and a talf of the coinage of the king. 
They are dated from the year in which the dynasty acquired the 
throne. They do not, like the Arabs, use the Hijra of the prophet, 
but date their eras fr6m the beginning of their kings' reigns ; and 
their kings live long, frequently reigning for fifty years. The inhabi- 
tants of the Balhara's country say that if their kings reign and live 
for a long time, it is solely in consequence of the favour shown to 
the Arabs. In fact, among all the kings there is no one to be found 
who is so partial to the Arabs as the Balhara; and his subjects follow 
his example. 

Balhara is the title borne "by all the kings of this dynasty. It is 
similar to the Cosroes (of the Persians), and is not a proper name. 
The kingdom of the Balhara commences on the sea side, at the coun- 
try of Komkam [Konkan], on the tongue of land which stretches to 
China. The Balhara has around him several kings with whom he is 
at war, but whom he greatly excels. Among them is the king 
of Jurz.' This king maintains numerous forces, and no other Indian 
prince has so fine a cavalry. He is unfriendly to tlie Arabs, still he 
acknowledges that the Idng of the Arabs is the greatest of kings. 
Among the princes of India there is no greater foe of the Muhanuna- 
dan faith than he. His territories form a tongue of land. He has 
great riches, and his camels and horses are numerous. Exchanges 
are carried on in his states with silver (and gold) in dust, and there 
are said to be mines (of these metals) in the country. There is no 
country in India more safe from robbers. 

By the side of this kingdom lies that of Tafak, which is but a 

and 162). Reinaud suggests that the term is intended to represent "statere," and 
that the coins Tvere tetradrachmas. (Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 235 ; Rel. desVoy.jii., 16 ; 
Thomas's Prinsep, i., 86.) In the Paris edition of Mas'iidi they are called " T6hi- 
riya," and Prof. Cowell states that the same word is used in the Oxford MS. of Ibu 
Khnrdkdba. This reading gives weight to a suggestion made by Mr. Thomas, that 
these dirhams were coins of the Tahirides, who were reigning in £hur^&n, and 
exercised authority over Sistin in the time of our author SulaimSn.] 

' [This agrees with Ibn KhiirdS,dba and IdrisI, but differs from Ibn Haukal ; see 

P Ibn KhurdSdba concurs in this reading, but Mas'fidi has "Juzr," a near 
approach to " Guzerat." Eeinaud suggests Kanauj as the seat of this monarchy (Rel. 
des Voy., xcv.), but Mas'iidi places the Bauiira or Bodha there at the same period. 
The question is discussed in note A in Appendii.] 


small state. The ■women are white, and the most beautiful in 
India. The king lives at peace with his- neighbours, because his 
soldiers are so few. He esteems the Arabs as highly as the Balhard 

These three states border on a kingdom called Euhmi,' which is 
at war with that of Jurz. The king is not held in very high estima- 
tion. He is at war with the Balhara as he is with the king of Jurz. 
His troops are more numerous than those of the Balhard, the king of 
Jurz; or the king of Tafak. It is said that when he goes out to battle 
he is followed by about 50,000 elephants. He takes the field only 
in winter, because elephants cannot endure thirst, and can only go 
out in the cold season. It is stated that there are from ten to fifteen 
thousand men in his army who are employed in fulling and washing 
cloths. There is a stuff made in his country which is not to be found, 
elsewhere ; so fine and delicate is this material that a dress made of 
it may be passed through a signet-ring. It is made of cotton, and we 
have seen a piece of it. Trade is carried on by means of kauris, 
which are the current money of the country. They have gold and 
silver in the country, aloes, and the stuff called samara, of which 
madahs are made. The striped hnshdn or Jcarkaddan is found in this 
country. It is an animal which has a single horn in the middle of 
iis forehead, and in this horn there is a figure like unto that of 
a man." » » «> o « 

After this kingdom there is another situated in the interior of the 
country, away from the sea> It is called Kashbin. The people are 
w^hite, and pierce their ears. They are handsome, and dwell in 
the wilds and mountains. 

Afterwards comes a sea; on the shores of which there is a kingdom 
called Kiranj.* Its kiag is poor and proud.. He collects large 

"■ Cis'*^ • The position of these lingdomB is discussed ia note A in Appendix.] 
' [Mas'fldf gives these passages with a few verhal alterations. The translatiou 
of the Paris edition says, " They export from this country the hair called Samara, 
from which fly-whisks are made, with handles of ivoiy and silver. These are hold 
over the heads of princes .when they give audience. It is in this country that the 
animal called an nishdn, ' the marked,' or vulgarly karlcaddan, is found. It has one 
horn in the middle of its forehead." Ma<;oudi, vol. i., 385.] 

3 [Mas'iidi writes " Eiranj," see post, page 25. Eeinaud says " the coast of Ooro- 
mandel ;" perhaps it is the country of Kalinga on that coast.] 


quantities of amber, and is equally well provided with elephants' 
teeth. They eat pepper green in this country because it is scarce. 
o <t « o 

"When the king of Sarandib dies, his corpse is carried on a low 
carriage very near the ground, with the head so attached to the back 
of the vehicle that the occiput touches the ground, and the hair drags 
in the dust. A woman follows with a broom, who sweeps the dust 
on to the face of the corpse, and cries out, " O men, behold ! This 
man yesterday was your kiag ; he reigned over you and you obeyed 
his orders. See now to what he is brought ; he has bid farewell to 
the world, and the angel of death has carried off his soul. Do not 
allow yourselves to be led astray by the pleasures of this life," and 
such like words. The ceremony lasts for three days, after which the 
body is burnt with sandal, camphor and saffron, and the ashes scat- 
tered to the winds.' All the Indians bum their dead. Sarandib is 
the last of the islands dependent on India. Sometimes when the 
corpse of a king is burnt, his wives oast themselves upon the pUe 
and bum with it ; but it is for them to choose whether they vrill do 
do so or not. 

In India there are persons who, in accordance with their profes- 
sion, wander in the woods and mountains, and rarely communicate 
with the rest of mankind. Sometimes they have nothing to eat but 
iierbs and the fruits of the forest, o » » o e Some of them 
j^o about naked. Others stand naked with the face turned to the sun, 
'laving nothing on but a panther's skin. In my travels I saw a man 
In the position I have described ; sixteen years afterwards I returned 
' o that country and found him in the same posture. "What astonished 
ae was that he was not melted by the heat of the sun. 

In all these kingdoms the nobility is considered to form but one 

amily. Power resides in it alone. The princes name their own 

-luccessors. It is the same vrith learned men and physicians. They 

orm a distinct caste, and the profession never goes out of the 


The princes of India do not recognise flie supremacy of any one 

' [Mas'Udl and IdrJsi gave the same account. The fonner says he had witnessed 
'he ceremony himself. Idrisi refers the cnstom to the kings of India. Ma90udi, 
Tome i., 69. Idrtsi, poit.J 

ABir ZAID. 7 

sovereign. Each one is his o-wn master. Still the Balhara has the 
title of " king of kings." 

The Chinese are men of pleasure ; but the Indians condemn plea- 
sure, and abstain from it. They do not take wine, nor do they take 
vinegar -which is made of wine. This does not arise from religious 
scruples, but from their disdain of it. They say " The prince who 
drinks wine is no true king." The Indians are surrounded by ene- 
mies, who war against them, and they say " How can a man who 
inebriates himself conduct the business of a kingdom ?" 

The Indians sometimes go to war for conquest, but the occasions 
are rare. I have never seen the people of one country submit to the 
authority of another, except in the case of that country which comes 
next to the country of pepper."^ When a king subdues a neighbour- 
ing state, he places over it a man belonging to the family of the 
fallen prince, who carries on the government in the name of the 
conqueror. The inhabitants would not suffer it to be otherwise. 

The principles of the religion of China were derived from India. 
The Chinese say that the Indians brought buddhas into the country, 
and that they have been the real masters in matters of religion. In 
both countries they believe in the metempsychosis, but there are 
some differences upon matters of detsdl. 

The troops of the kings of India are numerous, but they do not 
receive pay. The king assembles them only in case of a religious 
war. They then come out, and maintain themselves without 
receiving anything from the king.' 

Book II. — The words of Abu Zaidu-l Hasan, of Slrdf. — ^I have 
carefully read this book, that is to say the first book, having resolved 
to examine it and to add to it such observations as I have gathered 
in the course of my reading about voyages and the kings of the mari- 
time countries, and their peculiarities, collecting all the information 
I could upon those matters about which the author has not spoken. 

« O 4» # 

Among the stories' which are current, in the country (of Zabaj) 

> [Malabar.] 
' 2 [It has been previously lemaiked that tbe SaUiar& paid his troops.] 
3 [Mas'lidi relates this story also. Ma^oudi, Tome i., 82.] 


about ancient times, there is one concerning a Icing of Kumar,' the 
country -which produces the aloes called kumarf. This country is 
not an island, but is situated (on the continent of India) on that side 
which faces the country of the Arabs. There is no kingdom which 
has a more dense population than Kumar. Here every one walks on 
foot. The inhabitants abstain from licentiousness, and from all 
sorts of wine. Nothing indecent is to be seen in this country. 
Kumar is in the direction of the kingdom of the Meiharaja, of the 
island of Zabaj. There is about ten days' sailing between the two 
kingdoms, « e e » but when the wind is light the journey 
takes as much as twenty days. It is said that in years gone by the 
country of Kumar came into the hands of a young prince of very 
hasty temper. This prince was one day seated in his palace, 
situated on the banks of a river, the water of which was sweet like 
that of the Tigris of 'Irak. There was the distance of a day's jour- 
ney between the palace and the sea. The wazir was near the king, 
and the conversation turned upon the empire of the Maharaja, of its 
splendour, the number of its subjects, and of the islands subordinate 
to it. All at once the king said to the wazir, " I have taken a fancy 
into my head which I should much like to gratify. * ** '* 
I should like to see before me the head of the king of Zabaj in a 
dish." ** * ** *■' These words passed from mouth to mouth, 
and so spread that they at length reached the ears of the Maharaja, 
o « o « That king ordered his wazi'r to have a thousand ves- 
sels of medium size prepared, with their engines of war, and to put 
on board of each vessel as many arms and soldiers as it could carry. 
«s « » o When the preparations were ended, and everything 
was ready, the king went on board his fleet, and proceeded with his 
troops to Kumar. The king and his warriors all carried tooth- 
brushes, and every man cleaned his teeth several times a day. Each 
one carried his own brush on his person, and never parted from it, 
unless he entrusted it to his servant. The kiag of Kumar knew 
nothing of the impending danger until the fleet had entered the river 
which led to his capital, and the troops of the Maharaja had landed. 
The Maharaja thus took the king of Kumar tinawares, and seized 

' [The country about Cape KumSiI, or Comorin.J 


upon his palace, for the officers had taken flight. He then made a 
proclamation assuring safety to every one, and seated himself on the 
throne of Kumar. Ho had the king brought forth, « «> «» and 
had his head cut off. The Maharaja then addressed the wazir, 
"I know that you have borne yourself lite a true minister; receive 
now the recompense of your conduct. I know that you have given 
good advice to your master if he would but have heeded it. Seek 
out a man fit to occupy the throne, and seat him thereon instead of 
this foolish fellow." The Maharaja returned immec ately to his 
country, and neither he nor any of his men touched anything 
belonging to the king of Kumar. •* * '» ** Afterwards the 
Maharaja had the head washed and embalmed, then putting it in a 
vase, he sent it to the prince who then occupied the throne of 
Kumar, with a letter, o o « o When the news of these events 
spread among the kings of India and China the Mahdraja rose 
greatly in their estimation. From this time the kings of Kumar, 
when they rise in the morning, always turn towards the country of 
Zabaj, and bow themselves to the ground as a mark of respect to the 

In the states of the Balhara, and in other provinces of India, one 
may see men bum themselves on a pile. This arises from the faith 
of the Indians in the metempsychosis, a faith which is rooted in their 
hearts, and about which they have not the slightest doubt. 

Some of the kings of India, when they ascend the throne, have a 
quantity of rice cooked and served on banana leaves. Attached to 
the king's person are three or four hundred companions, who have 
joined him of their own free will without compulsion. When the 
king has eaten some of the rice, he gives it to his companions. Each 
in his turn approaches, takes a small quantity and eats it. All thos e 
who so eat the rice are obliged, when the king dies, or is slain, to 
bum themselves to the very last man on the very day of the king's 
decease. This is a duty which admits of no delay, and not a vestige 

of these men ought to be left.' 

i» » <» (t 

When a person, either woman or man, becomes old, and the senses 
are enfeebled, he begs some one of his family to throw him into the 
' [ Eeinaudot and Eeinaud refer this to the Nairs of Malabar.] 


fire, or to drown him in the water; so firmly are the Indians 
persuaded that they shall return to (life upon) the earth. In India 
they bum the dead. 

The island of Sarandib contains the mountain of precious stones, 
the pearl fisheries, etc, » » » » Precious stones, red, green, 
and yellow, are obtained from the mountain which rises over the 
island of Sarandib. The greater part of the stones that are found 
are brought up by the tide. The water carries them into caverns 
and grottoes, and into the places where torrents descend. There are 
men appointed to watch the gathering of these stones on behalf of 
the king. Sometimes precious stones are dug from the depths of the 
earth, as in mines ; these stones are accompanied by earthy matter, 
which has to be separated from them. 

The kingdom of Sarandib has a law, and its doctors assemble from 
time to time like as among us the men assemble who collect the tra- 
ditions of the Prophet. The Indians go to the doctors, and write 
from their dictation the lives of the prophets, and the precepts of the 
law. There is in the island a great idol of pure gold, the size of 
which has been exaggerated by travellers. There are also temples 
which must have cost considerable sums of money. There is a 
numerous colony of Jews in Sarandib, and people of other religions, 
especially Hanicheans. The king allows each sect to follow its own 
religion.' Great licentiousness prevails in this coimtry among the 
women as well as the men. Sometimes a newly arrived merchant 
will make advances to the daughter of a king, and she, with the 
knowledge of her father, will go to meet him in some woody place. 
The more serious of the merchants of Siraf avoid sending their ships 
here, especially if there are young men on board. 

Among the Indians there are men who are devoted to religion and 
men of science, whom they call Brahmans. They have also their 
poets who live at the courts of their kings, astronomers, phUosophers, 
diviners, and those who draw omens from the flight of crows, etc. 
Among them are diviners and jugglers, who perform most astonish- 
ing feats. These observations are especially applicable to Kanauj, a 
large country forming the empire of Jurz. 

> [See Jaubert's Idrisi, p. 71.] 

ABtr ZAID. 11 

[Then follows an account of ike Baikarjis or Bairdgis, of (he inns for 
travellers, and of the courtezans attached to the templesJ] 

The idol called Multan is situated in the environs of Manaura, and 
people come on pilgrimages to it from many months distance. They 
bring thither the Indian aloes called al Jcdmruni, from Kamrun, the 
name of the country in which it grows. These aloes are of the finest 
quality. They are given to the ministers of the temple for use as 
incense. These aloes are sometimes worth as much as two hundred 
dinars a mana. The aloes are so soft that they will receive the impres- 
sion of a seal. Merchants buy them of the ministers of the temple. 
a it» <a « 

The kings of India are accustomed to wear earrings of precious 
stones, mounted in gold. They also wear necklaces of great value, 
formed of the most precious red and green stones. Pearls, however, 
are held in the highest esteem, and are greatly sought after. «*<»** 

Formerly the dinars of Sind, each of which is worth three and a 
fraction of the ordinary dinars, were brought into India. Emeralds 
also were imported from Egypt, mounted as seals, and enclosed in 
boxes. Coral and the stone dahnap were also imported. This trade 
has now ceased. 

Most of the princes of India, when they hold a court, allow their 
women to be seen by the men who attend it, whether they be natives 
or foreigners. No veil conceals them from the eyes of the viators. 

[A stone resembling the emerald,] 






Abii-l Kdsim llbaidu-llah bin 'Abdu-llali bin Khurdadba is 
better known as Ibn Khurdadba, a name derived from his grand- 
father, who was a fire worshipper, as the name shows, but who 
subsequently became a convert to the Muhammadan faith. Ibn 
Khurdadba attained high office under the Khalifs, and employed 
his leisure in topographical and geographical researches, the result 
of which was his "Book of Roads and Kingdoms." He died in 
300 AH., or 912 A.d.^ Up to a recent date the separate indi- 
viduality of Ibn KhurdMba was disputed, and it was argued by 
some that he was the same person as Abii Is,hdk Istakhri, and 
the real author of the " Oriental Greography" translated by Sir 
W. Ouseley. This question was set at rest by the publication of 
Istakhri's work, and by the extracts from Ibn Khurdadba, which 
appeared in Sir H. Elliot's first volume. 

The text of Ibn Khurdadba has lately been published with a 
translation by M. Barbier de Meynard, in the Journal Asiatique 
(1865) from a copy of the MS. in the Bodleian Library, collated 
with another from Constantinople. Advantage has been taken of 
this publication to amend the translation which originally appeared 
in the original specimen of this work. The texts differ occasion- 
ally, and the leaves of one or both of the MSS. must have been 

' [See Eeiuaud'B Aboulfeda I., p. 57, and Joum. Asiatique, Jan., 1866.] 


misplaced. The notes marked P give the Paris readings, where 
the dififerences are such as to prechide an alteration of the Indian 
version. The passages in brackets have been taken from the Paris 
translation in addition to those published in the first edition, 


[The greatest king of India is the Balhara, or " king of kings." 
The other sovereigns of this country are those of Jaba, Tafan, Juzr 
[Guzerat], Ghanah, Eahmi, and Kamriin. The king of Zabaj is 
called Alfikat/ « « » and the king of the isle of the eastern 
sea Maharaja «* « <• <*], 

The kings and people of Hind regard fornication as lawful, and 
wine as unlawful. This opinion prevails throughout Hind, but the 
king of Kumar^ holds both fornication and the use of wine as un- 
lawful. The kiag of Sarandip conveys wine from 'Irak for his 

The kings of Hind take great delight in maintaining elephants, 
and pay largely for them in gold. The elephants are, generally, 
about niuo cubits high, except those of 'Anab,^ which are ten and 
eleven cubits. 

The greatest king of India is the Balhara, whose name imports 
" king of kings." He wears a ring in which is inscribed the follow- 
ing sentence : " "What is begun with resolution ends with success." 

The next emiuent king is he of Tafan ; the third is king of Jaba ; 
the fourth is he of Juzr : the Tatariya dirhams are in use in his 
dominions. The fifth is king of 'Ana;* the sixth is the Eahmi,' 

1 [In a subsequent passage he says, " The king of Z&baj is called MahS.rS.ja," and 
this agrees with Mas'Adf.] 

' [Kum5.r is the country about Cape Comorin, Travancore, etc. Kazwini makes 
the same statement respecting Kum^ but he refers to Ibn Takiyah as his autho- 
rity. He adds that wine-drinkers were punished by having a hot iron placed on 
their bodies, and kept there till it' got cold. Many died under the infliction.] 

" [So says Sir H. Elliot's text. The Paris translation reads, "aghbdi, yallees 
spacieuses et etendues qui s'avancent dans la mer." Sulaim&n and Mas'fidi place 
these Talleys near Ceylon, post, page 22. Eel. des Voy. i., 128.] 

* [The Paris version here reads '"Anab," but in the first paragraph the name is 
given as " Ghanah," Sir H. Elliot's text has " 'Aba."] 

» [ " Eahma " in the Paris translation ; altf-i ma/csura.'] 


and between Mm and the other kings a communication is kept up by 
ships.' It is stated that he has in his possession five thousand'' ele- 
phants ; that his country produces cotton cloths and aloe wood. 
The seventh is the king of Kamrun, which is contiguous to China. 
There is plenty of gold in this country. 

[From the frontier of Kirman to Mansura, eighty parasangs ; this 
route passes through the country of the Zats [Jats], who keep watch 
over it. From Zaranj, capital of Sijistan, to Multan, two months' 
journey. Multan is called " the farj of the house of gold," because 
Muhammad, son of Kasim, lieutenant of Al Hajjaj, found forty 
iakdrs of gold in one house of that city, wliich was henceforth called 
" House of Gold." Farj (split) has here the sense of " frontier," A 
bahdr is worth 333 mans, and each man two n'ffe.] ' 

[CouNTEiBS OP SiND. — ^Al Kairunya [Kirbun ?*], Makran, AlMand 
(or rather, country of the Meds), Kandaliar, Kasran,' Nukan,* Kan- 
dabil, Kinnazbun, Armabil, Kanbali, Sahban, Sadusan, Debal, Easak, 
Al Daur [Alor], Vandan, Multan, Sindan, Mandal, Salman, Sa'vrasb, 
Karaj, Eumla, Kuli, Kanauj, Baruh [Broach].'] 

There is a road through the city of Karkuz, leading to the eastern 
countries from. Persia.* 

The island of Kharak lies fifty parasangs from Obolla. It is a 
parasang in length and breadth, and produces wheat, palm trees, and 
vines. The island of Lafat° is at a distance of eighty parasangs from 
that of Kharak, and has cultivated lands and trees. It is two para- 

i [The Fans version reads il^X.^ Sj*m^ instead of iii^Jt^ ISj^mu* and translateB 
" Les Etats de ce dernier sont distants de tous les autres d'une ann^e de marche."] 
2 [" Cinquante miUe." P.] 
' [A ritl is one pound Troy.] 

* [A large town in MakrSin. Mar&sidu-l Ittll6,'.] 
' [A city in Sind. Mar&sid.] 

' [A town of T6s,, near Nishapfir. MarSisid; Ab6-1 FidS.; Sprenger'a Routes, 
Map 4.] 
" [The locality of several of these countries is discussed in a note. Appx. A.] 

* [I do not find this passage in the Paris version. Quatremere proposed to read 
Hormuz for Ksikiz. Jour, des Sav. Sep. I860.] 

' [Sir H. Elliot's text has "Labin," but the Paris version reads Lafet : " it is the 
'Labet' of Idrisi, and the 'Lafet' of Istakhri, probably the Isle of Kenn." 
Quatremfere, in Jour, des Sav. Sep. 1850. Sprenger's Routes, 79.] 


sangs in length and breadth. Trom Lafat to the island of Abrdn 
are seven parasangs ; it produces palm trees and wheat, and is a 
parasang in length and breadth. IVom Abrun to the island of Khin' 
are seven parasangs ; this island is only half a parasang in extent, 
and is uninhabited. Erom Khin to the island of Kis,^ seven para- 
sangs; the island is four parasangs in extent. In it are produced 
wheat, palm trees, and the like ; the inhabitants dive for pearls, 
which are here of excellent quality. Erom Ki's to Ibn K^wan' are 
eighteen parasangs. It is three parasangs in extent. The inhabi- 
tants are heretics, of the sect of thef Ibazites. From Ibn Kawdn to 
Armiin,* seven parasangs. Prom Armun to Narmasfra' is seven 
days' journey, and the latter is the boundary between Persia and 
Sind. From Narmasira to Debal is eight days' journey, and from 
Debal to the junction of the river Mihran with the sea is two 

From. Sind are brought ihe oostus, oanes, and bamboos. From the 
Mihran to Bakar,* which is the first place on the borders of Hind, 
is foTir days' journey. The country abounds with canes in the hUly 
tr'acts, but in the plains wheat is cultivated. The people are wan- 
derers and robbers. From this place to the Meds are two parasangs ; 
they also are robbers. From the Meds to Kol' are two parasangs, 
and from Kol to Sindan is eighteen parasangs. In the latter grow 
the teak tree and canes. From Sindan to Mali [Malabar] is five days' 
journey ; in the latter pepper is to be found, also the bamboo. 
From Mali to Balbun,^ is two days' journey, and from Balbun to the 
great sea,° is two days' journey. At Balbun. the route divides; fol- 

1 [Sir H. Elliofstext and translation reads ."Chin."l 

* [Sir fl. ElKot's text and translation had Kasir; Quatrem6re suggested Kish, and 
the Paris version gives Kis for Kish.] 

s [Or " Benou KkYku." P. Sir. H. Elliot's text had " Aharkawan."] 
< ["Ormuz." P.] 

s [Or Narmashira, the "Nami&sir " of Sprenger's Houtes, and " Nnrmanshur " of 
the Maps of Kirman.] 

• [Illegihle in the Paris copies.] 

' This is the first indication we have of the Coles in this neighhouxhood, if we ex- 
cept the KwMs of Dionysius {Ferieg : 1148), which must he looked for in another 

8 [" Balin," in the Paris version.] 

' ["Lajjat," middle of the sea, gulf, great deep.] 


lowing the shore it takes two days to reach Bas, which is a large 
place where you can take passage to Sarandip. From Bas to Saji^ 
and 'Askan, is two days' journey, in which latter place rice is culti- 
vated. Trom 'Askan to Kura three and a half parasangs, where 
several rivers discharge. Prom Kuta to Kilakan, Luar and Kanja,' 
is two days' journey, in all which wheat and rice are cultivated, and 
into which the wood -of aloes is imported from Kamul and other 
neighbouring places, by the fresh-water route 'in fifteen days. From 
Samundar to LTrasir* is twelve parasangs; this is a great country, 
where are elephants, buifaloes, and other cattle, and various mer- 
chantable commodities. The king of this country is very powerful. 
From Ifrasir to Aina is four days' journey, where also elephants and 
asses are met with. [From Hubalin(?) to Sarandip, two days.] 

[After this follows the description of Pic d' Adam. In another place 
the author continues his account of India in these words : — ] 

There are seven classes of Hindus, viz., 1st, Sabkufn'a,^ among 
whom are men of high caste, and from among whom kings are 
chosen. The people of the other six classes do the men of this class 
homage, and them only. 2nd, Brahma, who totally abstain from 
wine and fermented liquors. 3rd, Kataria, who drink not more than 
three cups of wine ; the daughters of the class of Brahma are not 
given in marriage to the sons of this class, but the Brahmas take their 
daughters. 4th, Siidaria, who are by profession husbandmen. The 
5th, Baisura, are artificers and domestics. The 6th, Sandalia, who 
perform menial oflices. 7th, Lahiid ;* their women are fond of adom- 

1 ["Sandy." P.] 

' [Sir H. Elliot's text and translation had " Kankan, Malwa and Kanja," but 
IdrisI reproduces the names as " Kilk&y4n, Lulu and Kanja." There can therefore 
be no doubt that the Paris version now given is most correct. Kiira (Kaikasar iu 
Idrisi) would seem to bo near the mouths of the Coleroou. KS.nchi is the old name of 

s [Sprenger suggests the Godavery (Post-und Reiserouten, 80), but this cannot be 
if Kanja is Kinchi.] 

* [" tTrtasIr " in the Paris version, for which the editor suggests Kashmir ; but 
ITr-desa [Orissa] is surely intended. The follovring name "Aina" may possibly be 
meant for Andhra [Telingana]. Sprenger says " Palmiras " ?] 

' [Elliot's text made the first syllable " Sfim." The Paris version says " Sabakferya 
(B. les Sabiens; Ed. Sakrya)."] 

« [" Lee Zenpa mnsiciens ct jongleurs." P.] 



ing themselves, and tlie men are fond of amuseinents and games of 
skill.^ In Hind there are forty-two religious sects f part of them 
believe in a Creator and Prophet (the blessing of Grod be upon 
them !) ; part deny the mission of a Prophet, and part are atheists. 

' None of the early Arabian Geographers notice this division into tribes or classes, 
[but they appear to have known it, see pp. 6, 10, 19 ; and Idrisi reproduces this 
passage, see post.'] The Grecian Authors, on the auihority of Megasthenes, divide 
the tribes into seven, and attribute the following offices to them, which are very 
different from those assigned by Ibn Khurdidba. 

1st Class. 

2nd „ 

3rd „ 

4th „ 

5th „ 

6th „ 

7th „ 

Cowherds and 








Cowherds and shepherds 

Artificers, merchants, and 


Shepherds and 

Artificers and 

Vid. Strah. Geogr : lib; xv. 703-707. Arrian: Iiidiea 11. 12. 
lib : II. 40, 41. and Meffasthenis Fragmenta. E. A. Schwanbeck, pp. 
It is not easy to identify the names given by Ibn Khurd&dba. The first is unintel- 
ligible—the 2nd is evident — the 3rd seems to indicate the Eshatriyas — the 4th the 
Sadras — the 5th the Vaisya— the 6th the Chand&las — the 7th the Bazlgars and itin- 
erant jugglers. 

^ This is the number ascribed by the indignant Frenchman to England — " Forty- 
two religions ! and only one sauce ! !" The Jarai'u-1 Hik^yit increases the number 
of religions in India to forty-eight, and the Babjatu-1 Tawiiikh, in the Paris Library, 
sets them down as 948. See Kasimirski, 214, and Mem. sur I'lnde, 49. 

XV. 703-707. Arrian: Iiidiea 11. 

Siodor : Sic : 
42, 121, 127. 





Ab^-1 Hasan 'Abi, son of Husaiu, was a native of Baghddd, 
and received the surname of Al Mas'iidi after an ancestor named 
Mas'ud, whose eldest son accompanied the prophet in his flight 
from Mecca to Medina.^- The greater part of Mas'udi's life was 
spent in travelling, and his wanderings extended over nearly all 
the countries subject to Muhamraadan sway, and others besides. 
He says of himself that lie travelled so far to the west (Morocco 
and Spain) that he forgot the east, and so far to the east (China) 
that he forgot the west. He was an acute observer, and de- 
servedly continues to he one of the most admired writers in the 
Arabic language. The fruits of his travels and observations 
were embodied in his work called " Muruju-1 Zahab " (Meadows 
of Gold), of which Ibn Khaldiin, as quoted by Sprenger, says, 
" Al Mas'iidi in his book describes the state of the nations and 
countries of the east and west, as they were in his age — that is to 
say, in 330 (332) a.h. He gives an account of the genius and 
usages of the nations ; a description of the countries, mountains, 
seas, kingdoms and dynasties ; and he distinguishes the Arabian 
race from the barbarians. Al Mas'udi became, through this 
work, the prototype of all historians : to whom they refer, and on 
whose authority they rely in the critical estimate of many facts 

' ["See Eeinaud'3 Aboulfeda Introd. p. Ixiv.] 

AL MAS'UDr. 19 

which form the subject of their labours.'"' The date of his birth 
is not known, but he died in Egypt in 345 a.h. (956 a.d.) 

The first part of the " Meadows of Grold " was translated into 
English by Dr. Sprenger (London, 1841), and the complete text, 
with a translation into French, has since been published by MM. 
Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Oourteille (Paris, 1851). 
Both these works have been used in the preparation of the fol- 
lowing extracts : — 


Chapter VIL- — Mas'udi begins this chapter hy stating it to he 
the general amnion that India was the portion, of the earth in which 
order and wisdom prevailed in distant ages. The Indians gave 
themselves a king, Brahma the Great, who reigned 366 years, and 
in whose times the booh Sindhind [^Siddhdnta^ and Arjabahad 
[Arydbhattal were composed. His descendants have retained to 
our days the name of Brahmans. They are honoured by Indians 
as forming the most noble and illustrious caste. They do not 
eat the flesh of any animal, and both men and women wear 
yellow threads suspended round their necks, like a baldrick, to dis- 
tinguish them from the other castes of India. Se was succeeded by 
his eldest son Bahbud, who eigned 100 years. After him came Zdmdn 
[Bdma?^, who reigned nearly 50 years. He was succeeded by 
Por [Porus], who gave battle to Alexander, and was killed by that 
prince in single combat, after leigning ,140 years. After him came 
Dabshalim, the author of "Kalila wa Dimna," who reigned 110 
years. Balhit, the next king, reigned 80 years, but according to 
other manuscripts, 130 years. He was succeeded by Koresh 
[Harsha ?], who abandoned the doctrines of the past, and introduced 
into India new religious ideas more suited to the requirements of the 
time, and more in consonance with the tendencies of his co- 
temporaries * ^ ** He died after a reign of 120 years. At his 
death discord arose among the Indians, and they broke up into 
divers nations and tribes, each country having a chief of its own. 
Thus were formed the kingdoms of Sind, Eanauj, and Kashmir 
The city of Mankir, which was the great centre of India, submitted 

^ [Sprenger's Mas'tldl, Preface.] 


to a Mug called tlie Balhara, and the name of tMs prince continues 
to Ms successors who reign in that capital until the present time 
(332 A.H.) 

India is a vast country, extending over sea, and land, and moun- 
tains ; it borders on. the country of Zabaj [Java] , which is the kingdom, 
of the Maharaj, the king of the islands, whose dominions separate 
India and China, but are considered as part of India. India 
extends on the side of the mountains to Khurasan and Sind, as 
far as TiBet. There prevails a great difference of lang^uage and 
religion in these kingdoms, and they are frotiucntly at war with each 
other. The most of them believe in the metempsychosis, or the 
transmigration of the soul. The Hindus are distinct from all other 
black people, as the Zanjis, the Damadams, and others, in point of 
intellect, government, philosophy, strength of constitution, and 
purity of colour. 

No king can succeed to the throne in India before he is forty years 
of age ; nor does their sovereign ever appear before the public, except 
at certain distant intervals, and then only for the inspection of state 
affairs. In their opinion, the kings lose their dignity and bring 
contempt on their privileges if the public gazes at them frequently. 
Grovemment is only maintained by good feeling and by respect for 
the various dignities of the state.^ « « » « st 
Eoyalty is limited to the descendants of one family, and never goes 
to another. The same is the case with the families of the wazirs, 
kazi's, and other high oiEoers. They are all (hereditary and) never 
changed or altered. 

The Hindus abstsiin from drinking wine, and censure those who 
consum°. it ; not because their religion forbids it, but in the dread of 
its clouding their reason and depriving them of its powers. If it 
can be proved of one of their kings, that he has drunk (wine), he 
forfeits the crown ; for he is (not considei-ed to be) able to rule and 
govern (tie empire) if his mind is affected. 

« «t « « « 

' [The Paris translation says, " Le pouvoir ne se maintient cliez; eux que par le 
despotisme et le respect de la liierarchio politique." Sprenger'a version is "The 
measures of government must te carried by mildness in India, and by degradation 
from a higher rank."] 


of Baghara,' in India; the bay of Zabaj, in the dominions of the 
Maliaraj, and tlie gulfs of the aghyab [aghbab], which extend towards 
the island of Sarandib [Ceylon]. Crocodiles live more particu- 
larly in sweet water, and, as we have said, in the estuaries of India, 
the water of which is for the most part sweet, because the streams 
which form them are derived from the rains. 

Chapter X"VI. — The king of India is the Balhara; the king of 
Kanauj, who is one of the kings of Sind, is Baaiira ;' this is a title 
common to all kings of Kanauj. There is also a city called Bsuiir.., 
after its princes, which is now in the territories of Islam, and is one 
of the dependencies of Multan. Through this town passes one of 
the (five) rivers, which form together the river Mihran in Sind, which 
is considered by al-Jabiz as derived from the 'Nile, and by others from 
the Jaihun of Khurasan. This Bauiira, who is the king of Kanauj, 
Is an enemy of the Balhara, the king of India. The king of Kan- 
dahar, who is one of the kings of Sind and its mountains, is called 
Hahaj ; this name is common to all sovereigns of that country. 
From his dominions comes the river Eaid, one of the five rivers 
which form the Mihran of Sind. Kandahar is called the country 
of the Kahbut [Eajput?]. Another river of the five is called 
Bahatil, it comes also from the mountains of Sind, and runs through 

' [This must te intended for " Balhari," in whose kingdom SindS-hdr se'ims to have 
been situated.] 

^ [ a jttJ This name is so given in the Paris edition, but Sprenger reads it " BiSdah ; " 
and the reference immediately afterwards to a place of the same name among the 
dependencies of MiUtin, can hardly refer to any other than the country commonly 
called Budha, General Cunningham says this name "is said by Gildemeister to be 
written Hovara in the original, for which he proposes to read Fmara for the weU- 
Inown Famava. From the King of Oudh's Dictionary two dififerent spellings are 
quoted, as Pordn and Fordn ; while in Ferishta the name is either Korrah, as written 
by Dow, or Ktiwar, as written by Briggs. In Abu '1 Feda the name is Koda. Now 
as the name, of which so numy readings have just been given, was that of the king's 
family or tribe, I believe wo may almost certainly adopt Tovara as the true reading 
according to one spelling, and Torah according to the other. In the Sanskrit lu- 
criptions of the Gwalior dynasty the word is invariably spelt Tomara. Eharg Rai 
writes Tomdr [ To'ar ?"], which is much the same as Col. Tod's Tudr, and the Tuvdr of 
the Kumaon and GarhwSl MSS. Lastly, in Gladwin's Ayin Akbari, I find Tenore 
and Toonoor, for which I presume the original has Tunwar and Tanwar. From a 
comparison of all these various readings, I conclude that the family name of the Raja 
of Kanauj in a.d. 915, when M as' tidi visited India, was, in all probability, Tovar or 
Tomar." Genl. Cunningham's Archselogical Report, Journ. As. Soc, Bengal, 1864.] 

AL MAS'ircr. 23 

the country of the Eahbut, wHch is the country of Kandahar : the 
fourth river comes from the country of Kabul, and its mountains on 
the frontier of Sind towards Bust, Ghaznin, Zara'un, ar-Eukhaj, and 
the country of Dawar, which is the frontier of Sijistan. The last of 
the five rivers comes from the country of Kashmir. The king of 
Kashmir has the name of Eai, which is a general title for all the 
kings. Kashmir forms part of Sind. 

« ft « « » 

The kingdom of the Bauura, king of Kanauj, extends about one 
hundred and twenty square parasangs of Sind, each parasang being 
equal to eight miles of this country. This king has four armies, 
according to the four quarters of the wind. Each of them numbers 
700,000 or 900,000 men. The army of the north wars against the 
prince of Miiltdn, and with the Musulmans, his subjects, on the fron- 
tier. The army of the south fights against the Balhara, king of Mankir. 
The other two armies march to meet enemies in every direction. 

o tt i» a o 

Multan is one of the strongest frontier places of the Musalmans, 
and around it there are one hundred and twenty thousand towns 
and villages. In it is the idol also known by the name of Multan. 
The inhabitants of Sind and India perform pilgrimages to it 
from the most distant places : they carry money, precious stones, 
aloe-wood, and all sorts of perfumes there to fulfil their vows. 
The greatest part of the revenue of the king of Multan is derived 
from the rich presents brought to the idol of the pure aloe-wood of 
Kumar, which is of the finest quality, and one man of which is 
worth 200 dinars o « e » When the xmbelievers march 
against Multan, and the faithful do not feel themselves strong 
enough to oppose them, they threaten to break their idol, and their 
enemies immediately withdraw. 

"When all the rivers which we have enumerated have passed the 
" boundary of the house of gold," w^hich is the meaning of the 
name of Multan, they unite at about three days' jom-ney below this 
city and above Mansura, at a place called Dushab,' into one stream, 
which proceeds to the town of Al Eur [Alor], which lies on its western 

^ [Dfi&b ? referring either to the country tetween the Ghara and the Chinah, or to 
that between the Panj-nad and the Indus.] 


bank and belongs to Manaura, wbere it receives the name of MiLian. 
There it diYides into two branches, both of ■which fall at the town of 
Shakira,' which belongs also to one of the districts of Mansura, into 
the Indian sea, under the name of Mihran of Sind, about two days' 
journey from the town of Debal. 

Multan is seventy-five Sindian parasangs from Mansuia Bach 
•parasang is eight miles, as stated above. The estates and villages 
dependent on Mansura amount to three hundred thousand. The 
whole country is well cultivated, and covered with trees and 
fields. It is constantly at war with a nation called the Meds, who 
axe a race of Sind, and also with other races on the frontiers of Sind. 
Like Multan it is on the frontier of Sind, and so are the towns and 
villages belonging to it. Mansura has its name from Mansur bin 
Jamhur, governor of the 'Ummayides. The king of Mansura has 
eighty war elephants, every one of which is supported by five 
hundred infantry in battle, as we have already remarked ; and these 
elephants oppose thousands of horses. 

« « « «» (» 

Let us now resume our short account of the kings of Sind and 
India. The language of Sind is different from that of India. Sind 
is the country which is nearer the dominions of the Moslims, India 
is farther from them. The inhabitants of Mankir, which is the 
capital of the Balhara, speak the Kiriya language, which has this 
name from Kira, the place where it is spoken. On the coast, as in 
Saimur, Subara, Tana, and other towns, a language called Lariya'' 
is spoken which has its name from the sea which washes these 
countries ; and this is the Larawi sea, which has been described 
above. On this coast there are great rivers, which run from the 
soutli, whilst all other rivers of the world flow from north to south, 
excepting the Nile of Egypt, and the Mihran of Sind, and a few others, 
e « « Of all the kings of Sind and India, there is no one who pays 
greater respect to the Musulmans than the Balhara. In his kingdom 
Islam is honoured and protected » « «* The money consists of 
dirhams, called Tahiriya,' each weighing a dirham and a half They 

' [The Sanskrit " S5gara." See Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 216.] 

2 [Sanskrit " L&ta," the country about the mouth of the Nerbudda.] 

* [Sprenger reads this Talatawiya, as does another Paris MS. See note page 3.] 

AX MAS'UDr. 25 

are impressed with the date of the reign. The Balhara possesses 
many war elephants. This coxmtry is also called Kamkar. On one 
side it is exposed to the attacks of the king of Juzr [Guzerat] ; a 
king who is rich in horses and camels, and has a large army. 

« «* «S IS ft 

Next comes the country of Tafan. The king is on friendly terms 
with the neighbouring sovereigns and with the Moslims ; his military 
furces are less considerable than those of the kings whom we have 


« » c «s «» 

Beyond this kingdom is that of Eahma, which is the title for their 
kings, and generally at the same time their name. His dominions 
border on those of the king of Juzr [Guzerat], and, on one side, on 
those of the Balhara, with both of whom he is frequently at war. 
The Ealmia has more troops, elephants, and horses, than the Balhara, 
the king of Juzr and of Tafan. When he takes the field, he has no less 
than fifty thousand elephants. He never goes to war but in winter, 
because elephants cannot bear thirst. His forces are generally 
exaggerated; some assert that the number of fullers and washers 
in his camp is from ten to fifteen thousand «* « «t 'S « The 
kingdom of Eahma extends both along the sea and the continent. 
It is bounded by an inland state called the kingdom of Kaman. 
The inhabitants are fair, and have their ears pierced. They have 
elephants, camels, and horses. Both sexes are generally handsome. 

Afterwards comes the kingdom of Firanj,' which has power both 
on land and sea. It is situated on a tongue of land which stretches 
into the sea, from whence large quantities of amber are obtained. 
The country produces only little pepper, but large numbers of ele- 
phants are found here. The king is brave, haughty, and proud, but 
to tell the truth he has more haughtiness than power, and more 
pride than courage. 

^ [Sulaiman irrites this Bame " Kiranj." See note ante, p. 5.] 





Shaikh Abu Is,hak. received the cognomen of Istakhri from his 
native city of Istakhr or Persepolis, and he is also called Al 
FarsI, from the province of Pars in which that city is situated. 
His travels extended through all the Muhammadan countries, 
from India to the Atlantic ocean, from the Persian Gulf to the 
Caspian Sea. The time of his journies and the date of his work 
have not been precisely determined, but it is certain that he wrote 
about the middle of the tenth century (340 ah., 961 A.D.). He 
was a little anterior in point of time to Ibn Haukal, but these two 
travellers met in the valley of the Indus, and exchanged observa- 
tions. A comparison of the following extracts will show how Ibn 
Haukal availed himself of his cotemporary's writings, and made 
them the basis of his own work. The text of Istakhrl's " Book 
of Climates " was published in lithography by Dr. Moeller, at 
Gotha, in 1839, under the title " Liber Climatum. It is a fac- 
simile of the MS. in the Gotha Library, which is the only one in 
Europe; but, although the lithography has evidently been exe- 
cuted with great care, the work is unsatisfactory, for the MS. is 
very faulty in the spelling of proper names. A ti-anslation from 
the same into German was printed at Hamburg in 1845, by Dr. 
Mordtmann, as '■'■Das Buck der Lander."' The portion relating 


to Sijistan was translated into Italian by Signer Madini, and 
published at Milan in 1842.i 


The country of Sind and the bordering lands are inserted in one 
map, which thus contains the country of Sind and portions of Hind, 
Kirmdn, Tiiran, and Budha. 

Cities of Sind. — Mansura, Debal, Nirur' [Niriin], Kalwi [Kal- 
lari], Annari, Balwf [Ballari], Maswahi, Nabraj, Baniya, Manha- 
nari [Manjibari], Sadusan, and Al Bjuz [Alor]. 

Cities or Hind. — Amhal,^ Kambaya, Subara, Siudan, Saimiir, 
Multan, Jandrud, and Basmand. 

From Kambaya to Saimiir is the land of the Balhara, and in it 
there are several Indian kings. It is a land of infidels, but there are 
Musalmdns in its cities, and none but Musalmans rule over them 
on the part of the Balhara. There are Jama' masjids in them. The 
city in which the Balhara dwells is Manki'r, which has an extensive 

Mansura is about a mile long and a mile broad, and is surrounded 
by a branch of the Mihran. The inhabitants are Musalmans, The 
date tree and the sugar cane grow here. The land of Mansura also 
produces a fruit of the size of the apple, which is called Laimun, and 
is exceedingly sour. The land also produces a fruit called Ambaj 
(mango), which is like the peach. The price of them is low, and 
they are plentiful. The dress of the people is like that of the 
people of 'Irak, but the dress of their kings resembles that of the 
kings of India in respect of the hair* and the tunic. 

Multan is a city about half the size of Mansura. There is an idol 
there held in great veneration by the Hindus, and every year people 
from the most distant parts undertake pilgrimages to it, and bring to 
it vast sums of money, which they expend upon the temple and on 

"■ [See Eeinaud's Atoulfeda, Introd. p. Ixixi., and the prefaces to Moeller and 
Mordtmann's works.] 

3 [" Famhal" and " K&mlial" belotr,] 

* r j}Xj!u.n, for this we have ^.l-j (trowsers) in the same passage as quote<i 
ty Ibn Haukal. See post, page 34. 


those who lead there a life of devotion. The temple of the idol is a 
strong edifice, situated in the most populous part of the city, in the 
market of Multan, between the bazar of the ivory dealers and the 
shops of the coppersmiths. The idol is placed under a cupola in the 
midst of the building, and the ministers of the idol and those devoted 
to its service dwell around the cupola. In Multan there are no men 
either of Hind or Sind who worship idols except those who worship 
this idol and in this temple. The idol has a human shape, and is 
seated with its legs bent in a quadrangular posture on a throne made 
of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a red skin like 
morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are visible. Som.e believe 
that the body is made of wood, some deny this ; but the body is not 
allowed to be uncovered to decide the point. The eyes of the idol 
are precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold. It 
sits in a quadrangular position on the throne, its hands resting upon 
its knees, with the fingers closed, so that only four can be counted. 
When the Indians make war upon them and endeavour to seize the 
idol, the inhabitants bring it out, pretending that they will break it 
and burn it. Upon this the Indians retire, otherwise they would destroy 
Multan. Manstira is more fertile. At half a parasang from Multan there 
is a large cantorunent,^ which is the abode of the chief, who never 
enters Multdn except on Fridays, when he goes on the back of an 
elephant, in order to join in the prayers of that day. The governor 
is of the tribe of Kuraish, and is not subject to the ruler of Mansura, 
but reads the khutba in the name of the khalifa. 

Samand^ is a. small city situated like Multan, on the east of the 
river Mihranj between each of these places and the river the 
distance is two parasangs. The water is obtained from wells. 

The city of Al Eur approaches Multan in size. It has two 
walls, is situated near the Mihran, and is on the borders of 

Nirur^ is half way between Debal and Mansura. 

From Saimur to Fdmhal, in Hind, and from Famhal to Makran 

1 r S-M^x^t camp.] 

2 [" Basmand" above and below.] 
^ \_j}j^. See note A in Appi.] 


and Budha, and beyond that as far as the boundaries of Multan, all 
belong to Sind. Budha is there a desert. 

The people of Multan wear trousers, and most of them speak 
Persian and Sindf, as in Mansiira. 

Makran is a large territory, for the most part desert and barren. 
The largest city in Makran is Kannazbun.' 

Kandabil is a great city, The palm tree does not grow there. It 
is in the desert, and within the confines of Budha. The cultivated 
fields are mostly irrigated. Vines grow there, and cattle are pastured. 
The vicinity is fruitful. Abil is the name of the man who subdued 
this town, which is named after him. 

Distances. — From Tiz' to Tir [Kiz] about five days. From 
Kiz' to Kannaabun two days. Going from. Kannazbun to Tiz, in 
Makran, the road passes by Kiz. From Kannazbun to Darak three 
days. From Edsak to Fahalfahiih* three days. From thence to 
Asghafa'* two days. From thenee to Band one day. From Band to 
Bah° one day. From thence to Kasrkand' one day. From Kiz to 
ArmabiP six days. From Armabil to Kambalf two days. From 
thence to Debal four days. From Mstnsura to Debal six days. From 
Mansura to Multan twelve days. From Mansura to Turan fifteen 
days. From Mansura to the nearest frontier of Budha five days. 
From Budha to Tiz about fifteen days. The length of Makran from 
Tiz to Kasdan is about fifteen days. From Multan to the nearest 
border of the tongue (of land) known as Biyalas'" about ten days. 
Here the Mihran must be crossed to get into the land of Budha. 

1 r,.,.J -kS Mordtmann reads " Firiun," but see note A in Appx.] 

' [The port of that name.] 

3 [" Kedge " of the maps.] 

* [The other authorities agree in reading this Fahalfahara except the Mar&sidu-l 
Itt., which makes it " Fahafahrat," and calls it " a well known town in Makran." 
See Idrlsi.] 

6 [Ibn Haukal and Idrisi have "Asfaka." The "Esfaka" of the maps north of 
Geh, in Makrin.] 

6 [The modem Geh.] 

' [This is still a place of some note.] 

8 [See note A in Appx.] 

s [ This must have been on the coast of Lus. See Idrisi.] 
10 [jjjlo] 


From KandalDil to Mansura eight days, rrom Kandabil to Multan , 
by the desert, about ten days. Between Mansura and Kamhal ' eight 
days. From Kamhal to Kambaya four days. From Kambaya to the sea 
about two parasangs. From Kambaya to Surabaya about four days, 
and Surabaya is about half a parasang from the sea. Between 
Surabaya and Sindan about five days. From Sindan to Saimur 
five days. Between Saimur and Sarandib fifteen days. Between 
Multan. and Basmand about two days. From Basmand to 
Al Euz three days. From Al Euz to Annari four days. From 
Annari to Kallari two days. From thence to Mansura one day. 
From Debal to Tiz four days. From thence to Manjabari two 
days. From Kalwi'' [Kallari] to Maldan [Multan?] about four 
days. Baband^ lies between Mansura and Kamhal at one day's 
journey from Mansura. 

There is a river in Sind called the Mihriin.^ It is said that it springs 
from the summit of a mountain from which many affluents of the 
JIhun rise.* The Mihran passes by the borders of Samand^ and 
Al Eur (Alor) to the neighbourhood of Multan ; from thence to 
Mansura, and onwards until it joias the sea to the east of Debal. 
Its water is very sweet. It is said that there are crocodiles in it as 
large as those of the NUe. It rises like as the NUe rises, and inun- 
dates the land, which on the subsidence of the water is sown in the 
manner we have described in the land of Egypt. The Sind End is 
about three stages from Multan. Its water is very sweet, even 
before it joins the Mihran. Makran is mostly desert, and has very 
few rivers. Their waters flow into the Mihran on both sides of 

' [The text has K&hal, tut there can be no doubt that K&mhal is meant.] 

^ [Jl^JU in the text, which can only be rendered by guess. Ibn Haukal and 
Idrlsi have " Biniya."] 

* [The Mar&sidu-l IttiU' quotes this with some Tariations in the names.] 

* [Kazwini in quoting this passage calls the place " Samandiir."] 







In one of the Royal Libraries of Lncknow there is a very old 
Arabic manuscript, written a.h. 689 (] 1 93 a.d.). The title, " Ash- 
kaln-l Bilad," Diagrams of the countries (of Islam), is given in 
the Postscript. It contains maps and a geographical description 
of several countries. The first leaf is wanting. It contained in 
folio recto in all probability the beginning of the preface, and in 
folio verso the map of the world ; apparently the greater portion of 
the preface is preserved. The plan of the work is thus stated — 
" Then (after having given a map of the world) I have devoted a 
separate diagram to every country of Islam, in which I show its 
frontiers, the shape of the country, the principal towns, and in fact 
everything necessary to know. The diagrams are accompanied by a 
text. I have divided the dominions of Islam into twenty coun- 
tries. I begin with Arabia, for this peninsula contains the Kabah 
and Mecca, which is unquestionably the most important city and 
the centre of the peninsula. After Mecca I describe the country 
of the Bedouins ; then I proceed to the description of — 2. the 
Persian Gfulf, which surrounds the greater part of Arabia j 3. the 
Maghrib; 4. Egypt; 5. Syria; 6. Th 3 Mediterranean ; 7. Me- 
sopotamia; 8. 'Irdk; 9. Khuzistan ; 10. Fars; 11. Kirman ; 


12. Mansiira, and the adjacent countries,^ which are Sind, India, 
and part of the Muhammadan territory; 13. ^zarbaij4n; 14. 
the district of the Jib al ; 15. Dailam : 16, the sea of the Khazar 
{i.e. the Caspian) ; IT. the steppes between Fars and Khurdsan ; 
18. Sijistdn and the adjacent countries ; 19. Khurdsan ; 20. Ma 
warau-n nahr." Of every one of the above countries there seems 
to have been originally a map, but two have been lost (viz., Nos. 
6 and 10), and some have been transposed (as well as several leaves 
of the text) by the bookbinder. It was copied in a.H. 689, as it is 
stated in the postscript, from a very correct copy, and with great 
care. The copyist has added in a few instances marginal notes, 
which prove that he took an interest in what he wrote, and that 
he was acquainted with the subject. On comparing this work 
with the " Book of Roads and Kingdoms " of Ibn Haukal, I 
find it almost verbatim the same, so much so, as to leave no 
doubt that it is a copy of Ibn HaukaPs work under an unusual 
name. As there are only two copies in Europe, one of 
which is very bad, this _ MS. is of considerable value.^ The 
following extract is translated from the Ashkalu-1 Bilid, 
followed by a passage from Ibn Haukal, in the part where 
the Lucknow manuscript was deficient, or which probably the 
transcriber neglected to copy. [The map is from the Ashkalu-l 
BilSd, and is very similar to that of Istakhri, as published by 

[The real name of Ibn Haukal was Muhammad Abu-1 Kasim, 
and he was a native of Baghdjid. When he was a child the 
power of the Khalifs had greatly declined, and Baghdad itself 
had fallen into the hands of the Turks. On attaining manhood 
he found himself despoiled of his inheritance, so he resolved to 
gratify a natural taste, and to seek to mend his fortunes by tra- 
velling and trading in foreign countries. He left Baghdad in 331 

^ Here a space of about six inches square is left blank, and in the margin are 
the words " This space is for the map of the world, but it is not large enough, there- 
fore the copiKst has deyiated from the original from which he transcribed, and it 
stands in the preceding page." 

2 [Uri Bodl. Codd. MSS., Cat., p. 209.] 


pci^e 32 . 


S^orUUrs af KtrinanSSyCstan, 

Trttbnn— *s.C° 61) Patemosterllo-nr, London 

W.West tofe. 


A.H. (943 A.D.), and after passing through the various lands under 
Musulmdn rule, he returned to that city in 358 a.h. (968 a.d.). 
The following year he was in Africa, and he seems to have 
finished his work in 366 a.h. (976 a.d.). His book received the 
same title as that of Ibn Khurdadba, or "Book of Roads and Kin<r- 
doms, ' and he says that his predecessor's work was his constant 
companion.^ His obligations to Istakhri have been already men- 
tioned. M. Uylenbroek translated part of the work in his "Iracae 
persicse descriptio," and Gildemeister has given the " Descriptio 
Sindiae" in his "Scriptorum Arabum de Rebus Indicis," etc. 
Part of the Ashkalu-1 Bilad relating to Khurasan has been trans- 
lated by Col. Anderson, and was published in the Journal of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol, xxii.] 


Prom the sea to Tibet is four months' journey, and from the sea of 
Pars to the country of Kanauj is three months' journey. 
» » o « 

I have placed the country of Sind and its dependencies in one 
map, which exhibits the entire country of Sind, part of Hind, and 
Turan and Budha.* On the entire east of this tract there lies the sea 
of Pars, and on the west, Kirman and the desert of Sijistan, 
and the countries subject to it. To the north are the countries 
of Hind, and to the south is the desert lying between Makran 
and Kufs,^ heyond •which is the sea of Pars. This sea is to 
the east of the above-mentioned territories, and to the south 
of the said desert, for it extends from Saimur on the east to 
Tiz,* of Makran; it then bends round the desert, and encircles 
Kirman and Pars. 

The chief cities of this tract are the following : In Makran, — 

' [Eeiiiaud'3 Aboulffeda, Introd., p. Ixxxii.] 

' Gildemeister, in his edition of Ibn Haukal, reads this Bodha. See note A in the 

3 [Mountains in Erm5,n, near the coast.] 

* [This name is not to be fouijd in Sir H. Elliot's text, but it was given in the 
translation, and it is also in Ibn Haukal, so that it is right without doubt.] 

vol. I. 3 


Tiz,' Kabar [Kiz}, Kabryun [Kannazbun], Darak, Easak the city of 
scMsmatics, Bih, Nand [Band], Kasrkand, Asfaka, Fahalfabara, 
Musli, Yusli [Kambali], Aimail [Armabil]. In Turan, — Ma- 
hali Kanikanan, Sura and Kasdar. In Budha, — Kandabil. In 
Sind, — Mansura, -which, in the Sind language, is called Bamiwan,* 
Debal, Nirun,' Falid [Kallari], Abri [Annari], BaLzi [Ballari], Mas- 
■wahi, Haruj, Bania, Manjabari, Sadusan, Aldur. In Hind, — 
Famhal, Kambaya, Surbarah, Sindan, Saimur, Multan, Hadra-vnir 
[Jadrawar, or Jandrud], and Basmat. These are the cities of these 
countries which are known to me.* Prom Kambaya to Saimur is the 
land of the Balhara, and in it there are several Indian kings.^ It is 
a land of infidels, but there are Musulmans in its cities, and none but 
Musulmans rule otct them on the part of the Balhara. There are 
many mosques in these places, where Muhammadans assemble to 
pray. The city in which the Balhara. resides is Mankir, which has 
an extensive territory.^ 

Mansura is about a mile long and a mile broad, and is surrounded 
by a branch of the Mihran. It is like an island, and the inhabitants 
are Musulmans. The king of the country is one of the tribe of 

' Gildemeister's version of Ibn Haukal gives the names as follows :— " In Mefcran 
there are Taiz, Kannazb<ir, Darek, Easek, Neh, Kasrfand, Adhafa, Fahalfahara, 
Mashka, Kambala, Arm&fl. In Th(ir&n, — Majak, 'Kixkknkn, Shura, Kazd&r. In 
Bodha, — Kand4.bll. In Sind, — Manslira, Daibal, Birfln, ValarS, Ayar^, BalrS, Mas- 
T4hi, Fahraj, Bania, Manhatara, Sadfistan, Rliz, Jandarftz. In Hind, — Ka.nmhul, 
Kamb&ya, Sub&ra, As6,vil, Han&vil, Sindan, Saimur, B^ni Battan, Jandar(iz, Sanda- 
r(iz. {De rebus Jniicis, p. 164.) — Ouseley gives them thus : AUs, Kusr, Fermoun, 
Derek, Easek, Kesrbend, Kelaahereh, Meski, Meil, Armaiel, Mehali, Kibrkaman, 
Sureh, Kandabil, Mansourah or Sindiah, Danbul, Meroui, Manoui, Airi, Baloui, 
Mesouahi, Beherje, Maseh, Meshari, Sedousan. {Oriental Geography, p. 147.) 

> [" Mamiwan " in Sir H. Elliot's text, which is very badly printed ] 

' In the Ashkalu-1 BU&d this is plainly either Birlin, or Nirlin, as suggested by M. 
Gildemeister. The original text which he has given of Ibn Haukal has no resem- 
blance to either name. 

* [Ibn Haukal adds that there are other more distant places such as Farz&n and 
Kauauj in the deserts, to which only merchants go.] 

' [Gildemeister's translation of Ibn Haukal here adds, " Cui fabularum liber scrip- 
tus est. Nomeh habet a regno, eodem modo quo Gh&na et Kaugha et alia regionis 
simul et regis nomiaa sunt." There is no mention of this in the Ashk&lu-l Bil&d.] 

' There is nothing like this in Gildemeister's version, but the assertion corresponds 
with the statement of Mas'ildt. [Instead of this passage Gildemeister says, "In 
Us omnibus precei fiant, non omissa publica per solitas formulas indictione. Eegnum 
hoc late patet."] 


Kuraish, and is said to be a descendant of Hubad, the son of Aswad. 
He and his ancestors ruled over tbis country, but the Kbutba is read 
in the name of the Khalifa. The climate is hot, and the date tree 
grows here ; but there is neither grape, nor apple, nor ripe date 
(tamr), nor walnut in it. The sugar cane grows here. The land 
also produces a fruit of the size of the apple, which is called Laimun, 
and is exceed:ngly acid. The place also yields a fruit called Ambaj 
(mangoe), resembling the peach in appearance and flavour. It is 
plentiful and cheap.' Prices are low and there is an abundance of 

The current coin of the country is stamped at Kandahar ; one of 
the pieces is equivalent to five dirhams. The Tatari coin also is 
current, each being in weight equal to a dirham and a third.' They 
likewise use dinars. The dress of the people of the place is the 
same as that worn by the inhabitants of 'Irak, except that the dress 
of the sovereigns of the country resembles in the trousers^ and tunic 
that worn by the kings of Hind. 

Multan is about half the size of Mansura, and is called " the 
boundary* of the house of gold." There is an idol there held in 
great veneration by the Hindus, and every year people from the 
most distant parts undertake pilgrimages to it, and bring vast 
sums of money, which they expend upon the temple and on 
those who lead there a life of devotion. Multan derives its 
name from this idol. The temple of the idol is a strong edifice, 
situated in the most populous part of the city, in the market 
of Multan, between the bazar of the ivory dealers and the shops 
of the coppersmiths. The idol is placed under a cupola in the 
centre of the building, and the ministers of the idol and those 

' [Here there must have been a line omitted from the text as printed by Sir H. 

' [" Draoimam cum octaya parte valentes." , Gildemeisler.] 

' r^SaUillj (_,V.;lr*^l Gildemeister has " in crinibus et tuniois." See Eeinaud, 
Mem. sur Vl.ide, 237.] 

* The AshkSilii-1 Bil4d says " burj," or bastion, which at first sight would seem a 
more probable reading; but the reasons assigned for reading the word "farj " are so 
strong, as set forth by M. Hamaker, in his note to the Descriptio Iraca Fersicie (p. 67), 
that we are not entitled to consider "burj" as the correct reading. [Quatremere 
concurs in reading "farj." Jour, cks Sav. See also Ibn Khurd-idba and the 
account given in the Chach-n&ma.] 


devoted to its service dwell around the cupola. In Multan there are 
no men, either of Hind or of Sind, who worship idols, except those 
who worship this idol and in this temple. The idol has a human 
shape, and is seated with its legs bent in a quadrangular posture,* 
on a throne made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is 
covered with a red skin like morocco leather, and nothing but 
its eyes are visible. Some believe that the body of the idol is 
made of wood ; some deny this ; but the body is not allowed 
to be uncovered to decide this point. The eyes of the idol are 
precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold. The 
hands rest upon the knees, with the fingers all closed,* so that only 
four can be counted.' The sums collected from the offerings of the 
pilg-rims at the shriue are taken by the Amir of Multan, and distri- 
buted amongst the servants of the temple. As often as the Indians 
make war upon them and endeavour to seize the idol, they* bring it 
out, pretending that they will break it and bum it. Upon which the 
assailants retire, otherwise they w^ould destroy Multan. There 
is a strong fort in Multan. Prices are low, but Mansura is 
more fertile and populous. The reason why Multan is designated 
" the boundary of the house of gold " is, that tbe Muhammadans, 
though poor at the time they conquered the place, enriched them- 
selves by the gold which they found in it. About half a parasang from 
Multan are several e.difices called Chandrawdr,^ the cantonment of 
the chief, who never enters Multan, except on Fridays, and then on 
the back of an elephant, in order to join in the prayers of that day. 
The Governor is of the tribe of Kuraish, of the sons of Samah, the 
son of Lawi, who first occupied the place. He owes no allegiance to 
the chief of Mansura. He, however, always reads the Khutba in the 
name of the Khalifa. 

* Ibn Haukal says, " -with expanded fingers." Zakariya Kazwini, folio-wing Is- 
takhii, says " closed hands." The AshkiIu-1 Bil&d concurs with IshtakhrS, as quoted by 
M. Kosegarten De Mohammede Ibn Batuta, p. 27. Idrisi speaks of four hands, 
instead of four fingers, and a very slight change in the original would ai thorite that 
reading. See post. 

' [Sir H. Elliot's printed text terminates here, and so the remainder of the trans- 
lation has not been revised.] 

* [According to Kazwini it is the Musdm&ns who do this.] 

5 This most resembles the word in the Ashkaiu-1 Bil&J. See Note A. in Appx. 


Basmad is a small city, situated like Multan and Chandrawar, on 
the east of the river Mihran. This river is at the distance of a para- 
sang from each of the places mentioned. The inhabitants use well 
water for drink. Basmad has a fort. 

The coimtry [city] of Alrur' is as extensive as Multan. It has 
two walls, is situated near the Mihran, and is on the borders of 

The city of Debal is to the west* of the Mihran, towards the sea. 
It is a large mart, and the port not only of this but neighbouring 
regions. Debal is remarkable for the richness of its grain cultiva- 
tion, but it is not over-abundant in large trees or the date tree. It 
is famous for the manufacture of swords.^ The inhabitants gener- 
ally maintain themselves by their commerce. 

The country of Nirun is between Debal and Mansura, but rather 
nearer to the latter. Manjabari is to the west of the Mihran, and 
there any one who proceeds from Debal to Mansura will have to 
pass the river, the latter place being opposite to Manjabari. 

Maswahi, Harj, and Sadusan,'' are also situated to the west of the 

On the road between Mansura and Multan, and on the east of the 
Mihran, but distant from it, are two places called Ibri and Labi 
[Annaxi and KaJlari].' 

Maildi [Ballarf] is also near the Mihran, and on the western 
bank, near the branch which issues from the river and encircles 

Bilha [Bania] is a small city, the residence of 'TJmar, the son of 
'Abdu-1 'Aziz Habb&ri, of the tribe of Kuraish, and the ancestor of 
those who reduced Mansura. 

1 [Alor. See Note A. in Appx.] 

' Ibu Haukal saya to the east. The text of the Ashkilu-1 Bilid is plain on -this 
point, and the Map also represents Dehal to the west. 

' M. Gildemeister translates this "locus sterilis est," which is scarcely consistent 
with the previous assertion ahout the cultiTation, in which also his copy does not 
concur—" Agros non hahet irriguos." 

* [See Note A. in Appx.] 

» [ Ibn Haukal adds, " These cities are about equal to each other."] 

6 [Abti-1 Fids, refers to this passage (p. 347 Text), in speaking of Annaii and 


The city of Famhal ' is on the borders of Hind, towards Saimur, 
and the country between those two places belongs to Hind. The 
countries between Famhal and Makran, and Budha, and beyond it 
as far as the borders of Multan, are all dependencies of Sind. The 
infidels who inhabit Sind are called Budha'' and Mand. They reside 
in the tract between Turan, Multan, and Mans4ra, to the w^est of the 
Mihran. They breed camels, which are sought after in Khurasan 
and elsewhere, for the purpose of having crosses from those of 

Tht city where the Budhites carry on their trade is Kandabil, and 
they resemble men of the desert. TTiey live in houses made of 
reeds and grass. The Mands dwell on the banks of the Mihran, 
from the boundary of Multan to the sea, and in the desert between 
Makran and Famhal. They have many cattle sheds and pasturages, 
and form a large population. 

There are Jam'a Masjids at Famhal, Sindan, Saimur, and Kam- 
baya, all which are strong and great cities, and the Muhammadan 
precepts are openly observed. They produce mangoes, cocoa-nuts, 
lemons, and rice in great abundance, also great quantities of honey, 
but there are no date trees to be found in them. 

The villages of Dahuk^ and Kalwan are contiguous to each other, 
situated between Labi* and Armabil. Kalwan is a dependency of 
Makran, and Dahuk that of Mansura. In these last mentioned 
places fruit is scarce, but crops grow without irrigation, and cattle 
are abundant. 

Turan^ is a town. 

Kasdar is a city with dependent towns and villages. The 
governor is Muin bin Ahmad, but the Khutba is read in the name 

' [See Note A. in Appx.] 

2 The passage is 43iffictilt. Gildmeister says, " Gentiles, qui in Sindia degunt, sunt 
Bodliitee, et gens quas Mnnd vocatur. Bodha uomen est Tariarum tribuum," etc. 
(p. 172), Tvliere see also tUe note in which he adduces « passage from Ibu Haukal, 
showing that there was a class of Jats known by the name of Nodha, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Mult&n, and therefore the passage may be translated "Modhites and 
Mands." [See Note A. in Appx.] 

' [Ibn Haukal has " Eahuk," and Idrisi " E&hfin and Kalwan."] 

* [" Kli" in Ibu Haukal and Idrisi.] 

° The printed text says. " T&vka is a valley, with a city of the same name, in the 
centre of which is a citadel." 


of the Khalifa only, and ihe place of his residence is at the city of 
Kaha-Kanan.' This is a cheap place, where pomegranates, grapes' 
and other pleasant fruits are met with in abundance ; but there are 
no date trees La this district. 

[Here ends ihe extract from ihe Ashhdlu-l Bildd; that which follows is 
from Ihn Haukal, as translated into Latin hy M. Gildemeister.] 

There is a desert between Bania, Kamuhul, and Kambaya. From 
Kambaya to Saimur the villages lie close to one another, and there 
is much land under cultivation. The Moslims and infidels in this 
tract wear the same dresses, and let their beards grow in the same 
fashion. They use fine muslin garments on account of the extreme 
heat. The men of Multan dress iu the same way. The language of 
Mansura, Multan, and those parts is Arabic and Sindian. In Makrdn 
they use Persian and Makranic. All wear short tunics except the 
merchants, who wear shirts and cloaks of cotton, like the men of 
'Irak and Persia. 

o «t o o «> « 

From Mansura to Debal is six days' journey ; feom Mansura to 
Multan, twelve ; from Mansura to Tur^n, about fifteen ; from 
Kasdar, the chief city of Turan, to Multan, twenty ; from Mansura 
to the nearest boundary of Budha, fifteen. The whole length of 
the jurisdiction of Makran, from Taiz to Kasdar, is about fifteen. 
From Miiltan to the nearest border of Tar4n is about ten. He who 
travels from Mansura to Budha must go along the banks of the 
Mihran, as far as the city of Sadustan. From Kandabil to Mansura 
is about eight days' journey ; from Kandabil to Multan, by the 
desert, ten; from Mansura to K&muhul, eight; from Kamuhul to 
Kambaya, four. Kambaya is one parasang distant from the sea, and 
about four from Sub^ra, which is about half a parasang from tiie sea. 
From Sub&a to Sind4n, which is the same distance from the sea, is 
about ten" days' journey ; from Sindan to Saimur about five ; from 
Saimur to Sarandip, about fifteen ; from Multan to Basmad, two ; 
from Basmad to Alruz [Alor], three ; from Alruz to Ayara [Annari], 

1 [" KizltinSji," GUdemeister. See Note A. in Appx.] 

' [So according to GUdemeister ; but " five" seems to be the right aumber. See 
Tstakhrf and Idri'si.] 


four; from Ayaxa [Annari] to Valara [Ballari-], two; from Valara 
to Mansura, one ; from Uebal to Kaimazbur, fourteen : from Debal 
to ManMtara [Manjabari] two, and that is on the road from Debal 
to Kannazbur; from Vallara [Ballari] to Ayara [Annari], four para- 
sangs ; Kamuhul from Mansura is two days' journey,' and Bania 
intervenes at one stage distance. The Mihran is the chief river of 
those parts. Its source is in a mountain, from which also some of 
the feeders of the Jihun flow. Many great rivers increase its 
volimie, and it appears like the sea in the neighbourhood of Multan. 
It then flows by Basmad, Alruz, and Mansura, and falls into the sea, 
to the east of DebaL Its water is very sweet, .and there are said to 
be crocodiles in it it lite those of Egypt. It equals the Nile in 
volume and strength of current. It inundates the land during the 
smnmer rains, and on its subsidence the seed is sown, as in Egypt. 

The river Sandaruz [Sind-riid] is about three days' distant from 
Multan, Its waters are abundant and sweet. I was told that its 
confluence with the Mihran is above Basmad, but below Multan. 

Jandaruz [Jaud-rud] is also a great and sweet liver, on whose 
bank is the city of Jandaruz.' It falls into the Mihran below the 
Sandaruz [Sind-rud] towards the country of Mansura. 

Makran contains chiefly pasturages and fields, which cannot be 
irrigated on account of the deficiency of water. Between Mansiira 
and Makrin the waters from the Mihran form lakes, and the inhabi- 
tants of the country are the Indian races called Zat. Those who are 
near the river dwell in houses formed of reeds, like the Berbers, and 
eat fish and aquatic birds. « « o « Another clan of 
them, who live remote from the banks, are like the Kurds, and feed 
on milk, cheese, and bread made of millet. 

"We have now reached the extreme eastern border of the dominions 
of Islam. The revenue of the kings and governors is small, and not 
more than to satisfy their actual needs. Som^, no doubt, have less 
thtm they wish. 

' He has just said, only a few lines before, that the distance between these two 
towns is eight days* journey ; and that is, doubtless, the correct distance ; otherwise, 
we should have only six days' journey between Mansiira and Kamb&ya, which is 
obviously incorrect. Ab\S-l Fidk, moreover, gives the distance as eight days' journey. 

* [See Note in Appx.] 




The " Oriental Geography" of Sir W. Ouseley is a translation 
of a Persian work called Suni-l Bulddn, " Pictures of Countries," 
compiled from the works of Istakhri and Ibn Haukal. It con- 
tains little or nothino; that is not to be found in these writers. 
Ouseley's MS., moreover, was very faulty. The work is of small 
value now that its original sources are available, and it seems 
quite unnecessary to quote it here. The authorship of this work 
was at one time a subject of great dispute, but a passing allusion 
to the disseusion is all that is needed now that the question is set 
at rest. 





The extract which follows is taken from the Jatiii'u-t 
Tawarikh of Rashidu-d Din, which was completed in a.h. 710, 
or A.D. 1310. This date, but for another more cogent reason, 
would require the insertion of the extract in a later part of the book, 
or the entire omission of it, as beyond the scope of the present 
work. But though appearing in the history of Rashidu-d Din, the 
passage is not his own ; it is really and confessedly the work of the 
celebrated Abii Rih&n al Biriini, who wrote about four centuries 
earlier, his life having extended from a.h. 360 to 430, or a.d. 970 
to 1039. This chapter of Al Biruni's work has been translated 
and published by M. Reinaud, in his "Fragments;" and a com- 
parison of the two will show how very little has been added by 
Rashldu-d Din. For all practical purposes it may be considered 
as presenting a picture of the Musulman knowledge of India at 
the end of the 10th century. 

Copies of the work of Al Biriini are exceedingly rare, for two 
only are known to be extant, and the portions published were 
translated from the single copy in the Imperial Library in Paris. 
The reproductions by Eashidu-d Din are therefore of high value, 
and the importance of the following extract for a correct appreci- 
ation of the progress of the Muhammadan knowledge of India 
cannot be over-rated. 

EASHrDtj-D Drx, 43 

Extended notices of these two authors-— Abii Eihdn and 
Eashidu-d Din — with other extracts from their works, appeared 
in the volume published by Sir H. Elliot, and will again appear 
in the second volume of this work. Ifc is here only necessary to 
state that the Jdmi'u-t Tawarikh was written in Persian, and 
is a rare work. There is a copy in the Library of the East 
India Office and another in the British Museum. Two distinct 
portions of the work have been found in India, and of these 
there are copies among Sir H. Elliot's MSS.i' There is also 
in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society an incomplete Arabic 

The following translation differs considerably from that pub- 
lished in Sir H. Elliot's first edition, but every care has been 
taken to make it as accurate as possible. The MS. of the East 
India Library has been mainly relied upon ; this will be referred 
to as MS. A. Occasional reference for doubtful passages and proper 
names has been made to the British Museum MS., referred to 
as MS. Bl The Arabic version will be called MS. C. ; and Sir 
H. Elliot's new copy of the Lueknow MS. D. MSS. A. and B. 
are not good copies. The scribes were careless and ignorant, and 
the texts abound with errors, particularly in the spelling of the 
names of persons and places. Nor are the errors confined to 
obscure and doubtful names. MS. A. almost always represents 
the name of the Ganges by J->^, with no dot to the second 
letter. The Arabic version C is well and boldly written. The 
dots are more frequently, though by no means invariably, sup- 
plied, and the proper names are generally more distinct. It 
differs occasionally from the Persian MSS., and has often been 
of service. Still it is not reliable authority for the proper names, 
as these occasionally present some curious proofs of the work 
having been translated from the Persian. Prepositions like td and 
bof and the Persian words of number, as sih (3) and nuh (9), have 
sometimes been taken as part of the names, and incorporated 
with them. Some instances will be pointed out in the Notes. 

' [The Calcutta copy has been mislaid, and has not been used for this article.] 



Section III. — On the Hills and Rivers of Hindustdn and Siiddn (sic), 
which aocording to Aii, Rihdn extend twelve thousand parasangs. 

Philosophers and Geometricians have divided the land of Hind 
into nine unequal^ parts, giving to each part a sepaxate name, as 
appears from the book called Batankal.^ Its shape resembles the 
back of a crab on the surface of the water.' The mountains and 
plains in these nine parts of India are extensive, and occur one after 
the other in successive order. The mountains appear to stand near 
each other, like the joints of the spine, and extend through the in- 
habited world from the east to the midst of the west, i.e., from the 
beginning of China through Tibet, and the country of the Turks, to 
Kabul, Badakhshan, Tukharistan, Bamian, Ghiir, Khurasan, G-ilan, 
Azarbaijan, Armenia, Eiim, to the country of the Franks and Galicia 
on the west. In their course they spread out widely from the 
deserts and inhabited places; of that part. Eivers flow at their base. 
One which comes from* the south from India is very large and 

' [The different MSSi. are strangely discordant as to the division of India. The 
original translation from the Indian MS. made the division to be "three equal parts," 
and "three parts" are again mentioned at the beginning of the next section. The 
E. I. Library copy, in the first line of this section, says "three equal parts," but in 
the following line it Befers "to these nine parts ;" at the beginning of the next section 
it again says; "fKree parts. The British Museum copy says, in this place, "nine 
equal ^xets," and in the next section it also says "nine parts." The Arabic version 
is also consistent in always giving "nine" as the number, but it differs in declaring 
them to be "unequal." Nine being the number most frequently used, and unequal 
being more probable than equal, 1 have used those words in the translation. Al 
Bir6ni makes no mention of the division in the chapter translated by Reinaud, so that 
Bashidu-d Din probably derived his knowledge of it from the translation of the hook 
" B&tankal," to which he refers. The inconsistencies have most probably arisen from 
a confusion of the original Sanskrit authorities. Menu makes a threefold division of 
Upper India, " Brahmarsha, Brahm4vartta and Madhyadesa," and this last portion is 
accurately defined by Al Birflnl and Kashidu-d Din. The ninefold division is that of 
the " nava-dwipaa," or nine portions, given in the Vishnu Pur&na, p. 175.] 

2 [Bitajal or B&tanjal in the Arabic version. See a note upon this in the notice 
of Ab<i Bih&n, Vol. II.] 

^ [The Persian versions have the following sentence here i i\,\-^\ ,.,Lu< \\ 
XSJii A^jMy ii LlJ\%M ,.yl J iJy^J the application of which is not clear, but 
as a blank space is left in one MS. immediately after these words, they probably 
refer to the difficulty of representing the appearance in a picture] 


broad.' But in. other places they have their sources to the north in the 
lofty mountains and in the deserts. Hind is suiTounded on the east by 
Chin and Machin," on the west by Sind and Kabul, and on the south 
by the sea.' On the north lie Kashmir, the country of the Turks, 
and the mountain of Meru, which ia extremely high, and stands 
opposite to the southern pole. The heavenly bodies perform their 
revolutions round it, rising and setting on each side of it. A day 
and a night of this place is each equal to six of our months.* 

Opposite to this mountain stands another, not round in shape, and 
which is said to be composed of gold and silver. The Hima moun- 
tains lie on the north of Kanauj, and on account of snow and cold 
form the extreme point of the habitation of man. This range has 
Kashmir in its centre, and runs by Tibet, Turk, Khazar,^ and Sakaliba,,* 
to the sea of Jurjan and Khwarasm. The rivers of the entire 
country of Hind, which flow from the northern mountains, amount 
to eleven. Those which flow from the eastern mountains amount to 

' [The follomng passage from the A'riish-i Mahfil may perhaps throw some light 
upon this : — " Between Bhakar and Scwi there is a jungle over which the Simoom 
blows for three mionths in the hot season. When the river Indus, at intervals of 
some years, flows from the south to the north, the villages here are laid waste." See 
also ante, p. 24.} 

' [This is generally written " MahSichln" in MS. C] 

' In the original Arahic, Al BIrdni says : " India is hounded on all other sides by 
lofty mountains," and after this follows a curious passage omitted from the J&mi'u-t 
Taw^rikh. "If you examine the country of Hind, and consider well the round 
stones which are found below the soil, at whatever depth you may dig, you will find 
that they are large near the mountains where the current of water is impetuous, and 
smaller as you depart from the mountains, the strength of th« xurrent being also 
diminished, and that they become like sand, where the water is stagnant and in the 
vicinity of the sea. Hence you cannot but conclude that this country was once 
merely a sea, and that the continent has been formed by successi<ve increments of 
alluvion brought down by the rivers." Strabo and Arrian have also expressed this 
opinion, and modem geologists are fond of indulging in the same speculation. A 
late writer on this subject observes : " Throughout the whole plain of India, 
from Bengal to the bottom of the deep wells in Jesselmere, and under the mica and 
hornblende schist of Ajmere, the same kind of very fine hard-grained blue granite is 
found in round and rolled masses." Journal Aaiatio Society, Bengal, No. clxxxviii. 
p. 140. 

* Compare Strabo ii. l-lS. Plin. N. H. vi. 22, 6, and Solinns 62, 13. 

" [The country of the Khazars or Khozars, a Turkish race, on the north of the 
Caspian sea, about the mouths of the Itil or Volga. The Caspian iscalled Bahru-1 
Khazar or Bahru-1 Jurj&n.] 

« [Slavonia.] 


the same number. These run far to the east and the south till they 
fall into the ocean. Those, however, which rise in the south do not 
discharge, themselves into the sea. 

The northern mountains have connection with Mount Meru, which 
lies south of them. Besides this there is another lofty ridge of 
mountains intervening between Turkistan and Tibet and India, 
which is not exceeded in height by any of the mountains of Hindu- 
stan. Its ascent is eighty parasangs. From its summit India looks 
black through the mists beneath, and the mountains and rugged 
declivities below look like hillocks. Tibet and China appear red. 
The descent from its summit to Tibet is one parasang. This moun- 
tain is so high that Firdausi probably meant the following verse to 
apply to it : — " It is so low and so high, so soft and so hard, that 
you may see its belly from the fish (on which the earth rests), its 
back from the moon." 

Some other mountains are called Harmakut,' in which the Ganges 
has its source. These are impassable from the side of the cold 
regions, and beyond them lies Machin. To these mountains most of 
the rivers which lave the cities of India owe their origin. Besides 
these mountains there are others called Kalarchal.^ They resemble 
crystal domes, and are always covered with snow, like those of 
Damawand. They can be seen from Takas and Lahawar.' Then 
there are the mountains of Billur, in the direction of Turkistan, 
which are denominated Shamilan.* In two days' journey you arrive 
at Turkistan, where the Bhutawaxiyas" dwell. Their king is called 
Bhut Shah, and their countries (bilad) are Gilgit, Asura, Salsas,^ etc., 

' [Hemakiita, the range immediately to the north of the Himalayas.] 

' [The mountains of Sirmor. See a passage in page 65. Reinaud reads the name 
"Kelardjek," which agrees with the MS. J). Ibn BatiJta calls them " Karichil" 
(vol iii. 325), The latter part of the name is probably the Sanskiit dchal, mountain.] 

' [TaiasWr (Taxila ?) and LflhSiwar (Lahore) in MS. C] 

* [The BiUir-tigh, or " crystal mountains," running north through Badakhshin. 
Shamil&n is probably the Arabic Shamil, "north," with a plural termination — 
" Mountains of the North."] ' [MS. A. says " Mah&romSin."] 

» The upper part of the Jhailam is called Bhat, and Kuniwar appears to be 
called "Budh mulk" (Lond. Geog. J., iv. 64). Gilgit retains its name to the 
present day; Asura is the same as the Astor, or Hasora, of om- maps, and Salsas or 
Salsahf is, perhaps, Chel6s on the Indus. M. Reinaud reads Schaltas (Vigne'e 
Kashmir, i.. 548, 382). [MS. C. has " Shals^s." See Mem. stir Vlnde, 279.] 


and their language' is Turki. The inhabitants of Kashmir suffer 
greatly from their encroachments and depredations. The mountains 
here mentioned are those described in the translation of Abu Eihan- 
and they are as manifest as a tortoise displaying (itself) from the 
midst of the waters. 

' There are rivers and large streams which have their sources in 
and issue from the mountains surrounding the kingdom of Kapish' 
or Kabul. One, called the Gharwarand,* mixes with the stream 
from the mountain of Ghurak, and passes through the country of 
Barwan.^ The waters of the Sharuhat and the Shala pass by 
Lamankfin/ which is Lamghan, and uniting near the fort of Diruna/ 
fall into the Nurokirat. The aggregate of these waters forms a large 
river opposite the city of Parshawar,^ which is called " al ma'bar," or 
" the ferry." This town is situated on the eastern side of these 
rivers.' All these rivers fall into the Sind near to the fort of 

' [The MS. C. adds, "of the majority."] 

' [Al Birflni's original text of the foUowing passage is given hy M. Eeinaud, with 
a translation, in the Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 276.] 

' [See St. Martin, quoted in Jour. R.A.S., xvii. 186.] 

* [So in MS. ^. C. has iXJjjjji. jB,«inand has " Ghorband," and that river must 
be the one intended.] 

° [i^'jy in -^- ij^if^ i"! •^- cJ^^y ™ ^' ^^i"*^'' ^"^ "Berv&nah." The 
modem Parw&n or Ferw&n. See Jonrn. E.A.S., ix. 297, and xvii. 186.] 

' [j^wLJ in ji. uli*»3 in C. " Lampaga" in Eeinaud. Lamghan " in the hills 
of Ghazni" (Ahii-l fid&). The "Lughman" of the Maps. — Mem. sur I'Inde, 353.] 

' [Eeinaud (p. 114) suggests " TJdyanapitr" or "Adinapfir," near Jel&labad, men- 
tioned by Fa-hian, and in the Ayin Akbari. See his note ; also Foe-tooie-ki, p. 46 ; 
Masson, i. 181, 182; Journ. As. Soc. Beng., June, 1848, p. 482.] 

8 As some interesting speculations depend upon the mode of spelling the name of 
this town, it may be as well to remart that all ancient authorities, even down to the 
historians of the sixteenth century, concur in spelling it ParshSiwar. In the Zubdatu-t 
Taw6.rilch it is called " Fushto." The Chinese divide the first syllable, and make 
Poo-loo -sha, the capital of the kiagdom of Pu jsha. See the Me-kotie-ki, as well 
as the translation of Ma-twan-Un, by M. Eeniusat. — Notiv : Melanges Asiat : Tom. 
I. p. 196. Mem. sur I'Inde, 106. 

' [The following is the text of this passage : — 

MS. A. says, ^J^Z \sjMji 4.:i->-:l [-5. ijL^j] Sjl.^.i^ ijji ^J\j 


Biturashit,' at tlie city of Kandahar,' which is Waihind.' After 
that, there comes from the west the river of Tibet, called the 
Jhailam. It and the waters of the Chandra all combine about fifty 
miles above Jhar^war,*' and the stream flows to the west of Multan. 
The Biah joins it from the east. It also receives the waters of the 
Irawa (Eavi). Then the river Kaj falls into it after separating 
from the river Kuj, which flows from the hiUs of Bhatal.' They all 
combine with the Satlader (Sutlej) below Multan, at a place called 
Panjnad, or " the junction of the five rivers.'' They form a very 
wide stream, which, at the time it attains its extreme breadth, extends 
ten parasangs, submerging trees of the forest, and leaving its spoils 
upon the trees like nests of bii'ds. This stream, after passing 
Audar,^ in the middle of Sind bears the name of Mihran, and flows 

1 Bfrfini says " BitiSr below Kandahar." 

■■' The proper name is GandhkrS., almost always converted by Musulmkn writers 
into Kandahar, but we must take care not to confoimd it with the more noted Kan- 
dahar of the west. The Gandh&r&s on the Indus are well known to the Sanskrit 
writers, and there is a learned note on them in Troyer's Mdja Tarangini, Tom. IL 
pp. 316 — 321. It is not improbable that we have their descendants in the Gangarias 
of the Indus, one of the most turbulent tribes of the Haz4ra country. The name 
given to them by Dionysius, in his Periegesis, resembles this modern name more than 
the Sanskrit one. He says, AiwvixTov BipairovTes TapyapiSai valovcrtv. He places 
them more to the east, hut Salmasius and M. Lassen consider that we should read 
TavSaplSat. Herodotus calls them TavSapiot. The TopiavSts of Nonnus, which M. 
Troyer thinks points to the abode of the Gandhkras, is i)robably to be looked for else- 
where. See also Mannert, Geographie der Crriechen und Somen, Vol. V. pp. 5, 30, 
107. Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. Lassen, Be Pentap. Ind. p. 15-17. Hitter, Die 
Erdkunde von Asien, Vol. IV. Pt. I. p. 453. Erseh and Gruber's Enoyc. : Art. 
Indien, p. 2. Mem. sur I'Inde, 107. Cunningham, JBhilsa. Topes, Sec. X. para. 4. 

3 [The modem Ohind on the right bank of the Indus fourteen miles above Attok. 
Baihaki writes it '^•^•^ i-?J> and the Sikhs call it H(ind. Abii-l Fida quotes Ibn 
Sa'id to the effect that it was one of the cities founded by Alexander.] 

* [This must be the fort on the river in the viciuity of Mult&n, in which the 
govemordwelt. The oorrectname would seem to be Jand-rud. See Note A. in Appx.] 

' There is some confusion here, which cannot be resolved by any interpretation 
of the original. [I have modified the translation, but the passage is still 
doubtful. The Arabic differs in some points. It makes no mention of the Chandra ; 
but as it speaks of the waters being "collected from many places," it would seem that 
the name Chandra has been mistaken for the word ehand, " several." It is ambiguous 
about the Kaj, but it appears to say as follows : " Then the river Laj {sic) separates 
from it distinctly from the river Klit {sic), which is collected from the waters of the 
mountains of Bhital, and it joins it where it joins the Satladar (Sutlej) as it descends 
from Miiltku." See ante, p. 22.] 

* Alor is no doubt the proper reading, though it assumes various forms . [The read- 
ing in the text is from MS. A. B. has JJ(jl and C, jy- See Note A. in Appx.] 


with a dower current, and widens, forming several islands, till it 
reaches Mansura, which city is situated in the midst of the waters of 
this river. At this place the river divides into two streams, one 
empties itself into the sea in the neighbourhood of the city of Luh&- 
rani,' and the other branches off to the east to the borders of Each, 
and is known by the name of Sind Sagar, i.e., Sea of Siiid. In the 
same way as at this place they call the collected rivers Panj-nad, "five 
rivers," so the rivers flowing from the northern side of these same 
m.ountains, when they unite near Turmuz and form the river of Balkh,' 
are called " the seven rivers," and the fire- worshippers [majus) of 
Soghd make no distinction, but call them all the " Seven rivers." 
The river Sarsut [Sarsuti]' falls into the sea to the east of Somnat. 
The Jumna falls into the Ganga below Kanauj, which city is 
situated on the west of the river. After uniting, they fall into the 
sea near Ganga Sayar fSagar.] There is a river which lies between 
the Sarsut and Ganges. It comes from the city of Turmuz' and the 
eastern hills ; it has a south-westerly course, till it falls into the sea 
near Bahriich,* about sixty yojanas to the east of Somnat. Afterwards 
the waters of the Ganga,' the Eahab, the Kiihi, and the Sarju unite* ■ 

' This is the Larry Bunder of Major Rennell {Memoir, p. 285), Lahariah of M. 
Kosegarten (2)« Mahommede, Comment : Acad :), and the L&hari of Ibn Batuta, who 
remarks of it, " It has a large harbour into which ships from Persia, Yemen, and other 
places put in. At the distance of a few miles from this city are the ruins of another, 
in which stones, the shapes of men and beasts almost innumerable, are to be found. 
The people of this place think that there was a city formerly in this place, the greater 
part of the inhabitants of which were so base, that God transformed them, their beasts, 
their herbs, even to the very seeds, into stones ; and, indeed, stones in the shape of 
seeds are here almost innumerable." See Ibn Batuta r Lee, p. 102. [French version , 
iii. 112 ; Mem. aur I'Inde, 278] = [The Jihfin orOius.] 

3 [This is distinct both in the Persian and Arabic, saving only that in the former 
the last letter lacks the point.] 

' This is spelt by various authors Barfij, Barus, BahriSJ, BarCih and Bahrfich. It is the 
Broach of the present day, the ^afiya^a eiJLitipioi> of Ptolemy and Arrian, and the 
Bhrigukaehchha and Bharukachchha of the Sanskrit authorities. See Ptol. Geo^. Lib. 
VII. Cap. 1, Tab. 10. Mannert, Geographie der Gr. and Horn. Vol. V. p. 127. liitter, 
Ih-dkmde, Vol. IV. Pt. II. p. 626. Bohlen, das alte Indien, Vol. I. p. 18. Lassen, 
AUerthumskundSfYol. I. p. 107. 

' [The MS. A, does not mention the Ganges.] 

« M. Reinaud (p. 100) gives the first as Eahab. A river of this name, or Eahet, 
is often mentioned by early Muhammadan authors, and appears generally to indicate 
the ES.mgang&. The uuiou of the Siirja with the Gomati, which M. Eeinaud reads 
Kiibin, is a fable. There is no oouflacnee of thj-ee rivers at BSirf, but not far off irom 


near the city of Bari. The Hindus believe that the Ganga has 
its source in paradise, and, descending to the earth, is divided 
into seven streams, the centre one being denominated the G-ang£ 
The three eastern streams are the Balan, the Ladafi, and Nalin.' The 
three western streams are the Sit, the Jakasb, and Sind.' When the 
Sit leaves the snowy mountains it flows through the countries' of 
SUk, Karsib, BCir, Barbar, Hira, Sakarkalt, Mankalakur, and Sakrit 
and falls into the western ocean. On the south of it is the river 

it the Jamnuarl and the Kathenf unite vnth. the Gomati. The map of Onde which 
is given in the "Agra Guide," calls these rivers the Saraeu and Perhf, names which 
conform pretty well with the i_^*) and . .^ of M. Keinaud's manuscript. [General 
Cunningham says, " The second of these rivers is undouhtedly the Gumti, which 
in Sanskrit is the Gomati. The first is either the Sehta, or else the Rahrai which 
joins the Behta; and the third is the Saratn, a good sized stream, which passes 
by Sitapur. Both the Behta and the Sarain join the Gumti near Sari, which still 
exists as a good sized village." Arch. Sep. for 1862-3 in Jour. As. Soe. Ben. 
page xvii.] 

' [A. <-J;Ij. C. ClJjli, D. e-Jjb.] 

• These are evidently the Sit& and Chakshu of Bh&skara AchSrya. Mr. Cole- 
broolce gives us the following passage from that astronomer: — " The holy stream 
which escapes from the foot of Vishnu descends on mount Mem, whence it 
divides into four currents, and passing fehrotfgh' the' air it reaches the lakes on the 
summit of the mountains which sustain them. Under the name of Sltk this river 
joins the Bbadraswa; as the AIak&nand& it enters Bharatavarsha ; as the Chakshu 
it proceeds to Ketumala, and as the Bhadra it goes to the Kuru of the north." 
Siddlidnta Siromani ; Bhavana Kosha, 37 and 38. See also Vi»hnu Purdna, p. 171. 
Professor Wilson observes, "The Hindis say that the Ganges fafla from heaven on 
the summit of Meru, and thence descends in four currents ; the soufliern branch is the 
Ganges of India; the northern branch, which flows into Turkey, i.? the Bhadrasom^; 
tbo eastern branch is the Sita ; and the western is the Chakshu or OxvsJ' Sanskrit 
Diet. Art. Meru. But the R^m&yana mentions seven streams, and from ffeat work 
Biriint evidently copied his statement. The true Sanskrit names were almost identical 
with those given in the text. The eastern streams are Hl^dani, Pavani and Nalinf ; 
the western are Sita, Suchakshu, and Sindhu. In the centre flows the Bh&girathi. 
The Matsya and Padma Puranas give the same account. See Sdmdpana, Lib. I. 
XLIV. 14, 16. Ed. Schlegel. [The three western rivers ought to be the Sir, Slh6n, 
or Jaxartes ; the Jihiin or Oxus ; and the Indus. Jakash is probably a corrupt form 
of Chakahxt, and bears a suspicious resemblance to the classic Jaxartes. Of all the 
countries mentioned in connection with the Sit and Jakash, Marv appears to be the 
only one that can be identified with any degree of probability.] 

" [The names of these countries are so discrepant, that Sir H. Elliot omitted those 
of the Sind and Ganges as being "illegible," but he printed the text as it is 
found in the Calcutta and Lucknow copies. These, with the three copies in 
England, ought to afford sufficient means for settling the names with tolerable 
accuracy. To facilitate comparison, the various readings are set out below in 


Jakash, whicli flows by the countries of Marw, Kalik, Dhulak, Nijar, 

juxtaposition. Whore one reading only is given, the whole of the TtfSS. ate suffi- 
ciently concurrent.] 


1. £. I. Library. 





2. Brit. Mus. 




3. Calcutta. 



4. Ltjcknow. 
















5. Arabic of 
R. A. S. 

(two names f) 






Barbarkaj, Bakrubar, and Anjat, and waters the farms and fields of 
those places.' 

The river of Sind crosses that country* in many places of its 
length and breadth, and bounds it in many others. Its well-known 
towns are Dard, Eandanand, Kandahar, Euras, Kariir, Siyiir, 
Indar, Marw, Siyat, Sind, Kand, Bahimnir, Marmiin, and Sakurad. 

The river Ganges passes over the central pUlar of the moon to 
Barkandharat, Easakin, Baladar,' Aurkan, and many other cities and 
towns ; it then touches the defiles of Band, where there are many 
elephants, and passes on to the southern ocean. 

Among the eastern streams is the Ladan which flows through 
seven kingdoms, whose inhabitants have lips like inverted ears. 
Thence it flows to three other countries, of which the people are 
exceedingly black, and have no colour or complexion. Then it runs 
through several other countries to Hast Ain, where it falls into the 
eastern sea. 

RIVER SIND {continued). 

1. E. I. LiBKAirr. 

2. Beit. Mos. 

S. Calcutta. 


5. Arabic or 




















' [This last sentence is found only in the Arabic version.] 
2 [The words following down to the fait stop are in the Arabic version only.] 
' [These names are possibly intended for Bh&girathi, Rikhikesh (Rikkee Kasee of 
Thornton), and Hardwir. See the Variants.] 


The river Maxan' -waters the land of Kit" and flows through 
deserts. It passes through several countries where the people wear 
the bark of trees and grass instead of clothes, and are friendly to 
the brahmans. Then it passes through th« desert and flows into 
the sea of Ajaj.' 

The river Batan passes through Namr&i,* and through several 
countries where the people have their habitations in the hills. — then 
it flows on to the Karans and the Barbarans,' i.e., people whose ears 
bang down to their shoulders. Next it touches the country of the 
Ashmuks,^ whose faces are like the faces of animals. Then it falls 
into the sea. 

The Lashan-baran is a river with a wide bed. It falls into the 

Section IV. — Belating to ike Countries of Hind, the Cities, some 
Islands, and their Inhabitants. 

It has been raentioned in the beginning of this work that the 
country of Hind is divided into nine' parts. The Indians are of 

1 [go in MS. A. MS. C.has ^jjW ; and Elliot had Miwan.] 

2 [I — ^ in ji, L::^ in C] 

3 [So in A. C. has '^^\ and EUiot had JSj.] 

• [So in Elliot, MS. A. may bs read as " M&mr^." 0. has '— ']-»" . 

^ These remind us of some of the tribes enumerated in the Eam&.yana, the 
Karna-privaranas " those who -ivrap themselves np in their ears," Ashta-karnakas, 
" the eight-eared," or, as 'Wilson suggests, Oshtha-karnakas," " having lips extend- 
ing to their ears." See Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVII. p. 466. Bobertson, Ancient 
India, p. 34. 

* This is evidently meant for the Sanskrit word Aswa-mukha, the " horse-faced." 
They are noticed also in the sequel of the Periplus. They are the attendants of 
Indra and Kuvera. The tales of those demigpds and other monsters, such as the 
Cynocephali of ^lian and Ctesias are all derived from native originals. See -Slian, 
Nat : Animal. IV. 46. Ctesiie Operum Seliguiee, ed : Bayer, p. 320. 'Wilson, Notes 
en Ctesias, p. 36. Plin : Sistor. Nat. VII. 2. Vincent, Comm. and Nam. nf the 
Ancients, Vol. II. p. 524. Asiatic Sesearches, Vol. VIII. p. 338, and Vol. IX. 
p. 68. Megasthems, 8, 64, 66, 69. 

' [The Arabic again says "nine," and the MS. B. agrees. MSS. A. and 
J>. say " three." See note, page 44.] 


opinion that each part' is nine times larger than Iran. It is situated 
in three Iklim» (climes)s the western portion is in the third clime, 
and the eastern in the first, but the chief portion of Hind is included 
in the second climate. Its central territory is called Madades, which 
means "the middle land." The Persians call it Kanauj. It is 
called the Madades, because it lies between the seas and mountains, 
between the hot and cold countries, and between the two extremities 
of west ard east. It was the capital of the great, haughty, and 
proud despots of India. Sind lies on the west of this territory. If 
any one wishes to come from Nimroz, i.e. the country of Sijistan, 
or Tran to this country, he will have to pass through Kabul. The 
city of Kanauj stands on the western bank of the Ganges.* It was 
formerly a most magnificent city, but in consequence of its being 
deserted by its ruler, it has now fallen into neglect and ruin, and 
Ban, which is three days' journey from it on the eastern side of the 
Ganges is now the capital. Kanauj is as celebrated for the de- 
scendants of the Pandavas as Mahura (Mattra) is on account of 
Basdeo (Krishna.) The river Jumna lies to the easj of this city, 
and there is a distance of twenty-seven parasangs between the two 
rivers. The city of Thanesar is situated between the rivers, nearly 
seventy parasangs north of Kanauj, and fifty parasangs from 
Mahura (Mattra). The Ganges issues from its source, called Gang- 
dwar, and waters many ef the cities of India. 

Those who have not personally ascertained the relative distances 
of the cities of Hind from each other, must be dependent on the 
information derived from travellers. 

In stating these distances we will begin from Kanauj. In going 
towards the south, between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, you 
arrive at a place called Jajmau,' at a distance of twelve parasangs, 
each parasang being equal to four miles j eight parasangs from that 

' [The Arabic says " each part," and the Persian has a blauk where these words 
shonld come in. 

' [Binikiti, who quotes jrortions of this chapter, adds — " which comes from the 
city of Turmuz, through the mountains of the east."] 

3 M. Eeinaud reads Haddjamava. There can be little doubt that J4jmau, close tfi 
Kinhpiir, (Cawnpoor) is meant. It is a town of great antiquity. 


is Karwa ; from Karwa to Brahmashk, eight ; thence to Xbhabudi,' 
eight; thence to the tree* of Baragi (Prag,) twelve. This is at 
the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges. From the confluence to 
the embouchure of the Ganges, is twelve' parasangs. From the 
above-mentioned tree, in directing your coui'se towards the south, 
a road leads along the bank of the river to Arak Tirat,* whiclii is dis- 
tant twelve parasangs ; to the country of ITrfhar,' forty ; to TJrda- 
bishak,' on the borders of the sea, fifty ; from thence, still on the 
shore of the sea, on the east, there is a kingdom which is at present 
near Chun, and the beginning (mabda') of that is Dar (or Dur,)' 

'■ [Rcinaud and Elliot read " Abhapfiri," but our MSS. have "biidS." The Arabic 
version translates " Abhi," and says "waters of Badi."] 

'^ The mention of the tree is important, as showing that at that time there was no 
city on the site of Allah&bid, but mersly a tree at the coniiueiice ; which is described 
in a subsequent passage as being of large dimensions, with two main boughs, one 
withered, the other flourishing, and as the Indiana are represented as mounting on 
the tree to enable them to precipitate themselyes into the Ganges, the river must 
have then flowed under it. The trunk of the tree still exists, and is as holy as ever, 
but is almost excluded- from view by being enclosed in a subterraneous dwelling, 
called PatS.lpiiri, evidently of great antiquity, within the walls of the fort of Allaha- 

3 This accords with Al BiriSni's original Arabic, but there is some unaccountable 
error. [The Arabic version of Eashidu-d din says simply " from hence to the 
Ganges,' ' but this does not mend the matter.] 

* Perhaps the Island of Karan Tirat, now abreviated into Kantit, near Mirzipfir. 

•'' M. Reinaud reads Oubarhar. [The inital letters Ifr are clear in all the copies, 
the third letter is n, in the E. I. Library M.S., and the final r is also wanting in that 
undintheB.M. MS. The true reading is probably given in the Lucknow copy 
which has I/rihkr, meaning in all likelihood, Orissa.] 

» M. Reinaud reads Ourdabyschhau [but the final k is clear in all our copies]. 
See Lassen, Ind : Altertlmmshmde, I. 1 86. 

' This is very obscure. [Our MSS. difi'er in several points — the text given is a 

literal translation of the Persian '■ii-^-=r j' J^^ / ^ ^ u' J' JJ 

^— > ^J^^ ^} Jnr" J'^J^ U^ — *^S. S. reads tij^ for uif'' adds ^j>' after 
tJJojp and forthelast^J it hasj}'^- The reading of C. is \,J^^ ^^ k-^ } 

Is— " J jl5 .-isT^ JI U.i.< < ^.i^r*'] ^' ^^ii^^^d translates it thus: en 

suivant les bords de la mer et en so dirigeant vers I'Orient, a travers les provinces 
a\ixquelles confinent maintenant les etats du roi Djour ; la premiere de ces provinces 
est Dravida. 


forty. From thence to K^nji,' thirty; to Malia, forty; to Kiinak,^ 
thirty ; which is the remotest point. 

If you go from Barf, on the banks of the Ganges, in an easterly 
directionj you come to Ajodh, at the distance of twenty-five para- 
sangs ; thence to the great Benares,' about twenty. Then, turning, 
and taking a south-easterly course from that, you come, at the 
distance of thirty -five parasangs, to Sharuar ;* thence to Pataliputra,' 
twenty ; thence to Mangiri, fifteen ; thence to Champa,' thirty ; 
thence to Diikampur, fifty ; thence to the confluence of the Ganges 
with the sea at Ganga Sagar, thirty. 

In going from Kanauj to the east you come to MSli Ban',' at the 
distance of ten parasangs ; thence to Dukam, forty -five ; thence to 

1 [E&achi or Conjeveram.] 

' [MSS. A. and S. apparently hare "Karand;" but C. has K<ital. Reinand 
has " Kounaka," and this is supported by MS. D. 

* [The first edition had Sarw&ra, but Eeinaud has " Scharouar" which is doubtless 
right, — MSS. A. and -B. say iL^iu \j where the ia may or may not be a prepo- 
sition. The Arabic mates it part of the name ,U*J\j U.J This may, perhai)s, 

mean the country beyond the SarjiS, the name by which Gorakhpiir is now locally 
known to the people about Benares, and hence the name of one of the most populous 
tribes of Brahmans. Sarw&r is an abbreviation of Sarj6p&r, "the other side of the 
Sarjii." So Pfiradas is used in the Puranic lists to represent people «ho live heyoitd 
the Indus, just as to. ire'po is used in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea to signify the 
ports beyond the straits. In Plutarch [Camillus, C. 21,) an expression exactly 
equivalent occurs, Trapk rbv Trorafihv " the other side of the river." 

s [So in the first edition. Eeinaud has " Patalypotra." A. has s jJi-U 
.B. has L-j {l\j, ^^^ ^' ..M jljlj. The last is probably intended for P&tali 
« [So in the first edition ; Eeinaud has " Djanbah ;" .4. and .B.,.,,,-^., C- ^■•- ,— J 
' This is the name by which B&ri is called in this passage. As there are several 
other towns of the same name in the neighbourhood, this may have been a distinc- 
tive title given to the new capital. The combination is by no means improbable, 
for as B4ri means " a garden," and M&ll " a gardener," the words are frequently 
coupled together. The two names occur in conjunction, in a common charm for the 

bite of a wasp. Reiiiaud has simply "Bary;"^. ,_f.l) Jj, -S. ^,\j r. 


the kingdom of Silhet,' ten ; thence to the city of Bhut," twelve ; 
thence tor two hundred parasangs it is called Tiliit, where the men 
are very black, and flat-nosed like the Turks. It extends to the 
mountains of Kamru,^ to the sea and to Nipal. Travellers in this 
direction report that going to the left hand towards the east, which 
is the country of Tibet, one arrives at Nipal at twenty parasangs 
distance, all on the ascent.* 

From Nipal to Bhiitesar ' is thirty days' journey, which iniplies 
a distance of about eighty parasangs. There are many ascents 
and descents. - There, on account of the steep and rugged roads, 
they carry burdens on the shoulders. Bridges are built in several 
places, and the rivers run in deep channels a hundred yards below 
the surface of the hills. They say that in those places there are 
stags with four eyes, and very beautiful. 

Bhutesar is the first city on the borders of Tibet. There the 
language, costume, and appearance of the people are different. 
Thence to the top of the highest mountain, of which we spoke at 
the beginn'ng, is a distance of twenty parasangs. From the top of 
it Tibet looks red and Hind black. 

From Kanauj, in travelling south-east, on the western side of the 
Ganges, you come to Jajahoti, at a distance of thirty parasangs, of 
which the capital is Kajuraha." In that country are the two forts 

1 This may Tje the Silhet Sh&hjah&npdr of the GoraVhpfir district, near the 
Gandak. In that case, Tiliit would correspond with Tirhflt. 

2 [So in MS. D. ; EeiTiaud has Bbot ; A. and C. agree in reading i^^J , 
B. has an entirely different name t.-~.^jh-»> J 

3 [The MSS. C. and J), agree with Reinaud in reading Kamrd, for K§tmr(ip, 
which is no douht right. A. and B. have .^ ifjS, and the first edition had 
" Meru."] 

* [This passage is not in A. nor in the old version from the Indian MSS. ; tut it 
is given by Reinaud.] 

" M. Reinaud reads Yhontyscher ; the same reading occurs at p. 40. 

« This is no doubt the Kajwar-i of Ibn Batuta, " at which there is a late about a 
mile in length, and round this are temples in which there are idols " (p. 162). Its 
real name is KajrM, on the banks of the Ken, between Chatterpiir and Panna, said 
to have been founded by the great parent of the Chandel race. The Kingdom of 
which it is the capital, is evidently the Chi-chi-to of the , Chinese travellers. 
The mined temples at Kajr&S are of great antiquity and interest. They are 
described in the Mahoba Sama, and there said to hive been built by Hamotl, upon 
the occasion of her having held a Banda jag, or penitential sacrifice. She had com- 


of Gwaliar and Kalinjar.' Thence to Dhal,' of which the capital 
is Bituri to the kingdom of Kankyu* and Kankara is twenty para- 
sangs. Thence to Asur; thence to Banawas* on the shore of the sea. 
From Kanauj, in travelling south-west, you come to Asi,* at 
the distance of eighteen parasangs ; to Sahina,^ seventeen ; to 
Chandra,' eighteen; to Kajauri,' fifteen; to Narana' the capital of 

mitted a iittle/auxpas with the moon in human shape, and as a self-imposed punish- 
ment for her indiscretion, held a Eanda jag, a part of which ceremony consists in 
sculpturing indecent representations on the walls of temples, and holding up one's 
foibles to the disgust and ridicule of the world. Hamoti was the daughter of 
Eomr&j, spiritual adviser to Indraji, Gaharwkr E4j& of Benares. 

' There have been lately some speculations hazarded about the fort of K&linjar 
rol heing older that a.d. 1205. Birdni's mention of its strong fort in his time 
makes it two hundred years older, and still leaves its origin indefinite. (See Journal 
A. S. B. No. 188. p. 172.) 2 {A. and B. have Dh5U.] 

' [Eeinaud has, " On arrive aussi a Dhal dont la capitale est Bitoura. Le prince 
de ce pays est maintenant Kankyou. On oorapte de 1& au royaume de Kannakara, 
twenty parasangs." There is no mention of a prince in our manuscripts, the uame 
may he either personal or local: — A. says \j, i_c,t^ .,,\ A ^.-^\ , llfejU 

^ ' C -. ■ ■ ■ « (j:.^,*;,,^ hS^ j j-^-O i»::..XLv«. B-. agrees, but gives the names 

^_jSL^ yS^ ^jSi. 0. has iJJiy^^^ iXw» .^\ ^yJ J JVaJ i^I.J 

* [Eeinaud has " Oupsour" and " Banaouas," — the first edition had " ris&r" and 

"Bhawas." A. and B. have iuj\^ (♦-'Ij ^- ^^ u^^V'-' IV^^- Banav&si was the 

name of the capital of the Kadamba dynasty in the Dekhin. Wilson's Mack. Coll. 
Introd. ] 

* M. Eeinaud says, without doubt this is the name of the town ordinarily written 
Sasi. If Hansi of Hari&na, as it appears, is meant, it neither corresponds with the 
distance nor direction. The ruins of Asi, or more correctly Asni, are on the banks 
of the Ganges. It is mentioned in the T&rikh-i Taminf, and is the place to which 
the E&ji of Kanauj sent his treasure for security when he was attacked by the 
Ghorian General, Kutbu-d din I'bak. 

8 [C has Sahalaini.] ' This is evidently meant for ChanderS. 

» [So in Eeinaud and the first edition, A. has ^ y, or ^,»ii, B. ^\^\, C- 

' [Elliot read the name "Naraya" and "Niraya". Eeinaud has "Bazana," but 
he adds — "le manuscrit porte en quelques endroits Narana." MS. A. is tolerably 
consistent in reading Bar^na ; B., C, and D. are generally without points, but. C. 
has Nar&na in one place, and D. Tar&na, Eeinaud's translation differs, — It prO' 
ceeds, " Cette ville est celle que nos compatriotes, appellent Narayana ; comme elle- 
a ete detruite, les habitants se sont transportes dans un lieu plus recule'."' NarSna 
is probably a contraction of N&r&yana and the right name. Sir H. Elliot considered 
it " one of the most interesting places in the North-Western provinces to identify in 
the pages of Birflnl, on account of its being so frequently mentioned" as a point of 
departure of several Itineraries. He thought it to be represented by the modern 


Guzerat,' eighteen. When the capital of Guzerat was destroyed, 
the inhabitants remoYed to a town on the frontier.' The distance 
between Narana and Mahura is the same as between Mahura and 
Kanauj, that is twenty-eight parasang^. 

In going from Mahwra to Ujain, you pass' through several neigh- 
bouring villages, at no greater distances from one another than five 
parasangs.' From Mahura, at the distance of thirty-five parasangs, 
you come to a large town called Dudhi ; thence to Bas,hur,* seven ; 
thence to Mahabalastan,^ five. This is the name of the idol of that 
place. Thence to TJjain" nine, the idol of which place is Mahakdl. 
Thence to Dhar,' six parasangs. 

Narwar, and entered into details to support this view, but he was unable to account 
for its being called the capital of Guzer6,t. General Cunningham takes another view, 
and says, " In ray fourth Report I have identified Guzetkt with Bair^t, or the ancient 
Matsya. Bair&.t was the capital, but it was also used for the name of the country, as 
for instance by Hwen Tsang, who calls it Fo-li-ye-to-lo. Firishta gives these two 
names as Kari&t and Nirdin, which, he says, were two hilly tracts, overrun by 
Mahnitid of Ghazni. Now Guzer&t and Kari5.t are only slight corruptions of Bair&t, 
when written in Persian characters ; and N&rdiu and Nar&na are still slighter altera- 
tions of NS.r4yana, which is the name of a town to the north-east of Bair&t, about 
twelve miles. Mathura is said to be equidistant from Kanauj and ii-om KTarina, 
which agrees with this identification." General Cunningham proceeds : " Asi is on 
the Jumna below the junction of the Chumbul, and therefore a favourable point for 
crossing. Sahina I take to be Suhania, a very ancient town thirty miles to the north 
of Gwalior, and which is said to have been the capital of the country in former days. 
Its ruins cover several square miles. Chandra I take to be Hindou, and RSjiori is 
still known by the same name. It will be found between Hindou and Bair&t, to the 
north of the B&n Ganga river." — Cunningham, MS. Note.] 

» \A. writes this ^~ ^\ X C. d^M.p,] 

■■= \_A. and JB. have i j, Ji». ^Ji, 0. ifj-j^-,. i(jjj, ^'^ first edition translated it, 
" a new town." The town of Hudiida. i'] 

s [So it stands in the first edition in accord with Al Birtini, but there is an 
omission in A. and (7., the former makes the distance to Dddhi five parasangs, and 
the latter, thirty parasangs.] 

•• [So in A. Eeinaud has " Bamhour ;" the first edition had, " Bafh(ir" ;" B. and 
C. have"M&hvira."] 

5 [" Bhaylesan," in Eeinaud ; Mahabhales&n in first edition ; Bahibalistau in A., 
and B. has the same in the first instance, but in the second the first letter may be m ; 
G. has BahSila«&n here and Bah6.balasin below. It says " Balasin" is the name of 
the idol ((^Lji *\^ »jl .jluJj , )— Mah&balastan has been selected as being 

probably intended for the Sanskrit llahdbalasthdn.'] 

' [The first edition had Ujain, and so has MS. O. Eeinaud has " Ardyn." A. 
hasy^^^j-,..^!, and .B.yj,,-^jl] 

' [So in Bi'runi, in first edition, and in .B. ; A. has JSjjlj, C. has .Ut>b, the 
Persian original of which was probably .Ij^J b'.] 


South from Naxana at fifteen parasangs distance lies Mewar,^ 
■which has the lofty fortress of Chitor.^ Prom the fortress to Dhar , 
the capital of Malwa, twenty. Ujain is to the east of Dhar, at the 
distance of nine parasangs. From Ujain to Mahabalastan,' which is 
in Malwa,' ten. From Dhar, going south, you come to Mahumahra,^ 
at the distance of twenty parasangs ; thence to Kundakl,^ twenty ; 
thence to Namawar on the banks of the Nerhadda,* ten ; thence to 
Biswar,' twenty; thence to Matdakar,' on the banks of the Gro- 
davery, sixty parasangs. 

From Dhar southwards to the river Nerbadda,' nine ; thence to 
Mahrat-des (the country of the Mahrattas), eighteen ; thence to 
Konkan, of which the capital is Tana, on the sea shore, twenty-five 
p arasangs. 

' This would appear to be the correct reading. M. Reinaud translates : " Mycar 
est le nom d'un royaume o(i se trouve la fortresse de Djatraoxir." [This is a most 
doubtful name. A. has jUaJj, ^. lULj, C. lUi.^, i). jUu.^. A. and B. 

omit the' name of the fort, but C. ]i^jjjij;^, and J). ,J/~=--J 

'^ Perhaps Bhilsa is alluded to. There are many ruins in its neighbourhood well 

worth examination, as at Udegir, Sacheh, Ktaeh Kheri, and Piplea Bijoll. There 

are other places on the upper Betwa where extensiTe ruins are to be seen, as Erin 

TJdipfir, Pathliri, anciently called Birnagar, Ghe&rispiir and BhojprSr. 

' [This accords with Al BIrlini. There is some confnsion in the MSS. .4. reads : — 

a says, .^\j jf^ IjlU iUs- 1:^* L5^ J J^'^\\''. er^T.?^ ij^ \^^ 

' [s v^Hi-^ ^^ "^' ^^^ '" ^^^ edition.] This may have some connection with 
the Matmayurpur, or Matiinagar, of the inscription found at Rannode, in which a 
prince is represented as " repopulating this long desolate city." — Journal Asiatic 
Society Bengal, No. 183, p. 1086. " [Reinaud has " Kondouhou."] 

* [So the first edition, and so Reinaud ; the latter adds, " Albyrouny a ecrit 
Karmada qui est la forme Sanskrite." The Nerbadda is no doubt intended, though 
our MSS. are very vague and discrepant: A. has ^,jj^ ^ B. has ^^ •. „ . , 

C. has s^Ji, and D. Jjy ,] 

' [So in first edition; Reinaud has "Albospour;" vi. and B. have ^^jjj 
(Biswar), C. has^^^.] 

* [This reading accords with Reinaud's, and with MS. C, MS. A. has no points, 

D. has " Matdakar" or " Mandkar," and the first edition had " Mundgir."] 

* [So in the first edition and probably right. Reinaud has " Nymyyah," A. and 
.B. haTej^n! ^'^\j, C has A,^, ^_y jl^^ and i?. i^ i-S'^V-' 


[^Here follows the description of the BMnoeeros and Sarabha, wMeh 
agrees with the original Arabic of Al Birurd, and need not be trans- 
lated in this place. Ute BMnoeeros is called Karhadan in the original, 
and appears to he the same as the Kaprd^tovov of JElian, Hist. An. 
XFJ. 20, 21. The Sarabha is called Shardawdt iu the Persian, and 
Sharauddt in the Arabic M.8.'\ 

Abu KiMn states that from Narana, in a south-west direction, lies 
Anhalwara', at a distance of sixty parasangs ; thence to Somnat, on 
the sea, fifty. From Anhalwara, towards the south, to Lardes," of 
which the capitals are Bahruj and Dhanjur,' forty-two. These are 
on the shore of the sea, to the east of Tana. 

West from Narana* is Multan, at the distan<^ of fifty parasangs ; 
thence to Bhdti,* fifteen. South-east from Bhati is Arur,^ at a dis- 
tance of fifteen parasangs. Bhati is situated between two arms of 
the Indus. Thence to Bahmanu Mansura, twenty ; thence to Loha- 
ranf, the embouchure of the river, thirty parasangs. 

From Kanauj, going north, and turning a little to the west, you 
come to Sharashdraha,' fifty parasangs. Thence to Pinjor, eighteen, 
parasangs. That place is on a lofty hill,' and opposite to it, in the 

' [So read ty Eeinaud and Elliot. A. has )ij\X£i and i^l»Jl, -8. JjlAjs, 
C and D. g .\ ,L j , Kahalwira is only another form of the name.] 

2 See Jjsssen, ZeiiscArifi, f. d. K. d. Morgenl: I. 227. [L&ta-desa in Sanskrit 
and the Lm-ice of Ptolemy. "We have n, copper-grant made by the ESja of this 
country in a.d. 812. See Jour. Beng. A. S., April, 1839, Jour. li. A. S. viii. 16.] 

' [Eeinaud has " Eahanhonr." A. and £. have ...s^^ j, and C. has ,.j^Ukj. 
The letters m and h are liable to be confounded, so that Elliot's reading is probably 

* See note 9, page 58. 

» [So read by Eeinaud and Elliot. ^. has -iiLj and ^Lj, jB. J It), O. 

J'lli .0- Jvj<J. The " B&nia," of the other geographers ?] 

6 lA. has^^.l, £. \jj\, ^-jjjS. Alor.?] 

" [Elliot reads " Sirs&wah ;" Eeinaud " Schirscharhah ;" A. has aj&.l.^, S. 
i.i,,\MJi>, d- iJi>jlijZ,I>-j\j^j.^. "This is certainly Sirs&wah, an old and 
famous place where both Taimfir and Baber halted."— Cunningham.] 

« This is not correct with reference to modern Pinjore, which is in a yalley on the 
southern side of the Hills. 


plains, is the city Thanesar;' thence to Dakmala,^ the capital of 
Jalandhax, and at the base of a mouTitain, eighteen ; thence to 
Balawarda, one hundred;^ thence towards the west, to Lidda, 
thirteen ; thence to the fort of Rajgiri, eight ; thence, towards the 
north, to Kashmir, twenty-fiv© paraaangs. 

From Kanauj, towards the west, to Dyamau, is ten parasangs ; 
thence to Gati,' ten;j thence to Ahar,' ten ; thence to Mirat, ten ; 
thence, across the Jnmna,, to Panipat, ten ; thence to Kaithal,* ten ; 
thence to Sanam, ten. 

In going north-west from the latter place to Axat-hur,' nine para- 
sangs ; thence to Hajnir,* six ; thence to Mandhukur,' the capital of 
Lohawar,'" on the east of the river Trawa, eight ; thence to the river 

' [So read by Eeinaud and Elliot. A. -uojU, -B. ^ujlj, C. Ajl;, 2). ^^ti.] 

' This is doubtless Dehm4ri, wbich, as we learn from several historians, was the 
ancient name of NArpilr, before it was changed by Jahingir, in honour of iNdr Jah^n 
Begam. N«irp<ir is beyond the Be^ ; but that would not affect the identification, for 
the author says merely J&landhar, not the Doab, or Interarania, of jalandhar. 
[So according to Eeinaud and EUiot. A. has L«J6J, -B. CI ^,fri>^ C. says 
^L4J!>c>b JU Here the Persian preposition td has probably been incorporated 

with the name as id.'] 

^ [The number "ten," is given by Eeinaud, Elliot, and MS. D. A. says " 100," 
B. has ji^^ probably intended for J^.^^ C. omits the number.] 

* [So read by Eeinaud, and probably right. Elliot and MS. D. have Gahi. 
A. has X^ B. and C. jSJ\ Perhaps Eaj Gh&t may be meant. All the other 
places menioned in this paragraph are extant to this day. 

[The Arabic here adds the Persian numeral of the distance (db7j = 10) to the 
name, making it ifOjiaU] 

» [So read by Elliot. Eeinaud has " Koutayl." A. and B. have i •* <r.,,.<' C. 

CS^^, and ■»• J>^/-] 

' [Tbe MSS. all agree in making two words, Arat-hiir. The Arabic again 
adds the numeral of the distance (nwA = 9) to the name— miildng it Arat-hftznah 

* TEcinaud reads " Maydahoukour." The only difference in our MSS. is that A, 
substitutes S. for M, as the first letter.] The place is mentioned in Biriini's Kani'm 
and by Baihaki who calls it " Mandkaktir." 

"> [So according to Elliot. Eeinaud has " Lauhaour (Labor)." A. has ,,,'\ji) J 

andyj\^. i?-^j.U. ftjyU^ and^j,-!.] 

EASHrDU-D Dm, FROM AL BrRl/Nr. 63 

Chandraha (Chinab), twelve; thence to the Jailam, on the west of 
the Bayat,' eighteen ; thence to Waihind, capital of Kandahar, west 
of the Sind, which the Moghals call Karajang, twenty ; thence to 
Parshawar, fourteen ; thence to Dambur,* fifteen ; thence to Kabul, 
twelve ; thence to Ghaznin, seventeen. 

Kashmir* is a valley surrounded by lofty inaccessible hills and 
broad deserts ; on the east and south it is bordered by Hind ; on 
the west by kings, of whom the nearest are Takur Shah, then Shak- 
nan Shah, and Wakhan' Shah, extending to the frontiers of Badakh- 
sban ; on the north, and' partly on the east; by the Turks of Chin 
and Tibet. 

From the mountain of Bhutesar to Kashmir, across the country 
of Tibet, is nearly 300 parasangs. The people of Kashmir do not 
ride on quadrupeds, but are carried on men's shoulders in a Katut, 
which resembles a throne. The servants of the Government are 
always on the alert, and watch the passes and strongholds of the 
country. They do not allo^v strangers to enter the country, except 
by ones and twos. This prohibition extends even to Jews and 
Hindus, how then can any one else gain admittance ? The principal 
entrance is at Birahan,* half T^ay between the Sind and Jailam. 
From that place to the bridge, at the confluence with the Jailam 

' [This is no doubt the Beyah. Eeinaud had " Eeyut," and Elliot " Behat." 
A. has either " M&.yat" or Bayiit," O. has " Miyat," and X). "Ma-oayat." 

2 ["Binbonr," Reinaud. "Diuur," Elliot. ^^ in ^. and Ji. ,».J J in C 
■> Mention of Kashmir occurs in another part of the wori:, which contains little 
that is not noticed here. The author adds that in Kashmir there is a city called 
Daraharka, in which there are 3,600,000 inhabitants, and that it was built 2,000 
years ago. That the Talley was formerly twelve hundred years under water ; when, 
at the entreaties of Casip [Kasyapa], the waters found their way to the sea, and the 
valley became habitable. 

* [These names according to Reinaud and Elliot are "Bilor, Shakn&n, and^ 
Dfikhan." MSS. A. and £. make the first distinctly " Tftkiir," but J), has " Billflr." 
S. makes the second " ShakhOn." The third is ^.1=.., in -d. and B., .^U- ■ W C, 
and Us-, in ■»• See Jaub'ert's Edrisi, pp. 479, 483, 490.] 

» [" Berberhan," Reinaud; "Barbh&n," Elliot. A. and B. have .,l»lj or 
\^\t. C.s&j&^Ai,^. " Babar-khina, or 'tiger's house,' the name of the 
land on the north of the ancient Taxila, where Buddha gave his head to the starving 
tiger. It is on the high road to Kashmir." — Cunningham..] 


of tlie Eusari and Mamhari,' wLiclj. flow from the mountains of 
Shamildn/ is eight parasangs. Thence you arrive, at a distance of 
five days' jotimey, at a defile through which the Jailam runs. 

At the end of the defile lies Dawaru-1 Marsad, on both sides of 
the river. There the Jailam enters the plains, and turns towards 
Adashtan,' the capital of Kashmir, which it reaches at a distance of 
two days' journej'. The city of Kashmir is four parasangs from 
Adashtan. It is built on both banks of the Jailam, on which there 
are many bridges and boats. The source of the Jailam is in the 
mountains of Harmakut,* near the source of the Granges. This 
mountain is impassable on account of the exceeding cold, for the 
snow never melts, even when the sun is in Cancer or Leo. On the 
other side of it lies Maha Chin, i.e., great Chin. After the Jailam 
has left the mountains, it reaches Adashtan in two days. Four 
parasangs from that, it expands into a lake, a, parasang square, on 
the borders of which there is much cultivation, and a dense popula- 
tion. It then leaves the lake, and enters another defile near the 
city of TJshkara.'' 

The Sind rises in the mountains of Amak,* on the borders of the 

• [So read by Elliot. Reinaud has "Eosary et Kahry :" the first syllable of 
M&mhari was doubtless taken as meaning " water," a reading favoured by our Arabic 

MS. 0., which says ^_, j U. ^,li*u^t». The MSS. ^., £., and i). hare 

^_jrt.^L»j lJj^ (lJ}^^ ^■' ^J^ ^' )• '^^'^ °^™® ™'-^' t^^i^^fore be as 
Elliot reads it, unless Rashlda-d din mistook Al Birfinl's text.] 

^ \&i\k\ in first edition. ^. has l1J1j.~j.] 

' M. Reinaud reads Addashtan, and Capt, A. Cunningham identifies it with 
Pandritan, the local corrupt form of Pur&n&dhisth4na, the " old chief city." Jour. 
As. Soc. Seng. "So. CLxxxvii. p. 97. 

* M. Reinaud has Hazmakout. Har-Mukut, meaning the cap of Har, or MahA. 
Deo, is a better reading. [Hema-klita is the correct one. See ante p. 46, and 
Wilson's Vishnu Furana, p. 168.] 

5 ["This must be Hushka-pura which still exists near Baiimifla — Hwen Tsang's 
' Hushkara." "—Cunningham.] 

« [Umah in first edition, and Onannak according to Reinaud. All om- MSS. 
agree in reading dmnh or amalc. " This is apparently the Tibetan or Oya-nag^ pro- 
nounced Ganak, which means the ' Black Plains," and is the name for Chinese 
Tartai y where the Indus actually rises. Arrowsmith' s map gives ' Guinnak, capital 
of Chinese Tartary.' " — Cunningham.] 


Tuikisli country. Passing hj the mountains of Bilur' and Shamllan, 
it readies ia t-wo days' journey tlie country of tlie Bhiitawari^ Turks, 
from whose encroachments and depredations the Kashmirians suffer 
great distress. "Whoever travels along the left bank of the river 
will find villages and towns which are close to one another on the 
south of the capital and as far as the mountain. Larjal,' which re- 
sembles Damawand, between which and Kashmir' there is a distance 
of two parasangs. It can always be seen from the boundaries of 
Kashmir and Lohawar. The fort of Rajgiri is to the south of it, 
and Lahur, than which there is no stronger fort, is to the west. At 
a distance of three parasangs ° is Eajawari, where merchants carry 
on much traffic, and it forms one of the boundaries of Hind on the 
north. On the hills to the west of it is the tribe of Afghans, who 
extend to the land of Sind. 

On the south of that tribe is the sea, on the shore of which the 
first city is Tiz, the capital of Makran. The coast trends to the 
south-east, tQl it reaches Debal, at the distance of forty parasangs. 
Between these two cities lies the gulf of Turan. 

After traversing the gulf you come to the small and big mouths 
of the Indus ; then to the Bawarij, who are pirates, and are so called 
because they commit their depredations in boats called Baira.^ Their 
cities are Kach and Somnat. From Debal to Tiilishar' is fifty para- 

«[" Bhotyawarl" in first edition. "Bhataouryan" Eeinand. -^-^^ i^jA^, 

» [" L&rjik" in first edition and in MS. S. " Kelardjek" Eeinaud. All the 
other MSS. read " L&rjal." The Kal&rchal of p. 46.] 

* [Reinaud, Elliot, and MS. C. agree in reading Kashmir ; but A. has i_/l,a-Cj 

and .8. is--^.] 

5 lA. says " a parasang ; S. two or three parasangs. The others agree in reading 
" three."] 

« [Barija ? see note on the word Barge in the Appendix.] 

' [Reinaud has " Touallysoher," and Elliot reads "T&lishar." A. has i.:u*J»J, 


sangs ; to Lohar^nf, twelve ; to Baka, twelve ; to Kach, the country 
producing gum, and bardrud' (river Bhader), six; to Somnat, four- 
teen ; to Kambaya, tliirty ; to Asawal,' two days' journey ; to Bahruj, 
thirty ; to Sindan, fifty : to Sufara, six ; to Tana, five. There you 
enter the country of Laran, where is Jaimur," then Malia,* then 
Kanji, then Dariid," where there is a great gulf, in which is Sin- 
kaldip, or the island of Sarandip. In its neighbourhood is Tanjawar, 
which is in ruins, and the king of that conntry has built another 
city on the shore, called Padmar ;' then to Umalna,' len; then to 
Kameshar, opposite to Sarandip from which it is distant by water 
twelve parasangs. From Tanjawar to Eameshar is forty parasangs ; 
from Eameshar to Set Bandhai, which means the bridge of the sea, 
is two parasangs — and that band, or embankment, was made by 
Earn, son of Dasrat, as a passage to the fort of Lank.' It consists of 
detached rock separated by the sea. 

• [So translated by Elliot. Reinaud has "patrie du Mod, et k Baraoua, six 
parasangs," and he adds a note upon the position of the " Chateau de Baraoua .... 
qui se trouvait k une portee de fl^che seulement de SoumenSit." The text, however, 
says that the distance of Somu&t is fourteen parasangs. MSS. ^., £., and -D. have 

^•..Ij • /^|'-q\\ .iX.'v*. The word Bkwarfii must be taken with mM*«? (bdelKum), 
and is evidently the name of some staple production. It occurs again in the 
next page in the observations on the trade of Guzer&t. MS. A. says J, ,jl> 

CLJljji J^lj-jj! <UJls 4^1 jjj. £■ varies slightly, saying, ^<A) jjj\s^. 

The Arabic version of C. is CuVp^ J=-L ^ ^J^\ j illJU B&dru, 
or balm, is perhaps intended.] 

2 fAhmadib&d.— Bird's Guzerdt, 187.] 

3 j^SaimtSr appears to be the place intended. It is noticed by all the other geo- 
graphei's. See Kazwini post, p. 97, and note A in Appendix.] 

• [.^.and.B. Jj, a i^i,, P. ^.J 

' [So in all the MSS. Eeiuaud says "Dravira," for which Darud is probably 
6 [Elliot reads " Diirbas." Reinaud has "Pandnar." USS. A. and B. have 

^^UJlI. C- tas^UjO, and -O-jU Jj.] 

' [So according to EUiot, but " Oumalnara," according to Reinaud. Neither 
give any distance, but MS. A. says, "ten." The words are ,^j \.X< \\ Ij , t^ie «« 
being evidently a blunder for V, The Arabic version varies a little, " Between 
this {i.e. Padm&r) and the first (town) ten parasaBgs. After that is ITmaln&r."] 

' \A. has A^, C. and D. , ' C-A confounding it with the Ganges.] 


Twelve parasangs from that place, in an eastern direction, lies 
Kahkand, which is the mountain of monkeys.' 

[Here follows an account of these monJceifs, of some of the eastern 
Islands, and of the rainy season.] 

Multan'' and Uch are subject to Dehli, and the son of the Sultan 
of Dehli is the governor. There is a road from hence by land as 
well as by the shore of the sea to G-uzerat, which is a large country, 
within which are Kambaya, Somnat, Kankan, Tdna, and several other 
cities and towns. It is said that Gruzerat comprises 80,000 flourishing 
cities, villages, and hamlets. The inhabitants are rich and happy, 
and during the four seasons no less than seventy different sorts of 
roses blow in this country. The crops which grow in the cold season 
derive their vigour from the dew. When that dries, the hot season 
commences, and that is succeeded by the rainy season, which makes 
the earth moist and verdant. Grapes are produced twice during 
the year, and the strength of the soil is such, that cotton plants 
grow like willows and plane-trees, and yield produce ten years 
running. The people are idolaters, and have a king of their own. 
Somnat, which is the name of the idol of that place, is a temple and 
place of worship for the people of all parts of Hind, and Hindu 
idolaters come to it from great distances. Many of the more deluded 
devotees, in performance of their vows, pass the last stage crawling 
along the ground upon their sides, some approach walking upon 
their ancles and never touch the ground with the soles of their feet,' 
others go before the idol upon their heads. The men of Kambaya 
bring tribute from the chiefs of the island of Kis. Sugar from 
Malwa, badru (balm),* and baladi are exported in ships from the 
coasts of Guzerat to all countries and cities. Beyond Guzerat are 

' [" Kahankand" in MS. J).} This appears to he the Kanhar of Dr. Lee, and its 
descriptiott as being a mountain of monkeys shows that his conjectures about the 
estuary of Biizvita is correct. Ibn Satula, p. 187. 

' Eashidu-d Din here evidently leaves Abd Eih4n, and writes from information 
obtained independently. [The remainder of this chapter is left out of MS. J)., 
which enters abruptly on another subject \ the continuation of this being lost or 

3 [This sentence is found in the Arabic version only.] 

* [Jidar in £. See note in p. 66.] 


Kankan and Tana ; beyond them the country of Malibar, which from 
the boundary of Karoha' to Kiilam," is 300 parasangs in length. 
The whole country produces the pan, in consequence of which 
Indians find it easy to live there, for they are ready to spend their 
whole wealth upon that leaf. There is much coined gold and silver 
there, which is not exported to any Other place. Part of the terri- 
tory is inland, and part on the sea shore. They speak a mixed 
language, like the men of Khabalik,' in the direction of Eiim, whom 
they resemble in many respects. The people are all Samanis 
(Buddhists), and worship idols. Of the cities on the shore the fijfst 
is Sindabur, then Faknur, then the country of Manjarur,* then the 
country of Hili,^ then the country of Sadarsa," then Jangli, then 
Kiilam. The men of all these countries are Samanis. After these 
comes the country of Sawalak, which comprises 125,000 cities and 
villages. After that comes Malwala,' which means 1,893,000 in 
number. About forty years ago the king of Malwala died, and 
between his son and the minister a contest arose, and after several 

1 [So in the first edition, and so in MS. A. MSS. B. and C. have X 
and so has Binakiti.] 

2 " We next came into the country of Malabar, which is the country of black 
pepper. Its length is a journey of two months along the shore from the island of 
Sind&brir to Kulam. The whole of the way by land lies under the shade of trees, 
and at the distance of every half mile there is a house made of wood, iu which there 
are chambers fitted up for the reception of comers and goers, whether they be Moslems 
or infidels." Ihn Batuta, Lee, p. 166. French version, Vol. IV p. 71. 

2 [^. has, Xi\j,-^^ an evident blunder. C. i \ C :\\~^ '[ 

* [The French version of Ibn Batdta gives the names of SindS,biir, Fttandr, 
Manjartir, Hih', Jiir-fattan, Dih-fattan, and Budd-fattan (Vol. IV. p, 109). Fattan 
is evidently the Sanskrit pattanmn (town), or as now written patam or patndm.'] 
Abu-1 Fida notices Sindabur, Manjar&r, and Kulam. Manjarflr is the Mangalore 
of the present day, and the MayyapovO of Cosmas Indieopleustes. {Topograph. 
Chr. p. 337.) Casiri quotes a manuscript in which it is called Mangalore as early 
as the beginning of the seventh century. See Billioth. Escurial. Tom II. p. 6. 

" [This is the reading of the first edition of MSS. B. and 6'., and of Binikiti. 
MS. A., however, reads jL,,.^, which may possibly refer to the MapUlas, as the 
Musulmans of Malabar are called.] 

' [Such is the reading of MSS. A. and B. C. has L*JiJUi, ^^ first edition 
" Tadarsa," and Bin&kiti :jcJ.] 

' [So in A. B. has '! JL«, C. has 1 JL» »s it stood in the first edition, and such 
appears to be the reading of Binakiti.] 


battles they ended with dividing the territory between them. The 

consequence is that their enemies obtained a footing, and are always 

making their incursions from different parts of Hind, and carrying 

off goods and viands, sugar, wine, cotton cloths, captives, and great 

booty.' But through the great wealth of that country, no serious 

injury is done. 

M'abar,' from Kulam to the country of SLlawar,' extends 300 para- 

sangs along the shore. Its length is the same. It possesses 

many cities and villages, of which little is known. The king is 

called Dewar which means in the M'abar language, the " lord of 

wealth." Large ships, called in the language of China, " Junks," 

bring various sorts of choice merchandize and clothes from Chin and 

Machin, and the countries of Hind and Sind. The merchants export 

from M'abar silken stuffs, aromatic roots ; large pearls are brought up 

from the sea. The productions of this country are carried to 'Irak, 

Khurasan, Syria, Rum, and Europe. The country produces rubies, 

and aromatic grasses, and in the sea are plenty of pearls. M'abar is, 

as it were, the key of Hind. Within the few last years Sundar 

Bandi was Dewar, who, with his three brothers, obtained power in 

different directions, and Malik Takiu-d din bin 'Abdu-r rahman bin 

Muhammadu-t Tibi, brother of Shaikh Jamalu-d din, was his 

minister and adviser, to whom he assigned the government of 

Patan, Mali Patan, and Bawal ;* and because there are no horses in 

M'abar, or rather those which are there are weak, it was agreed that 

every year Jamalu-d din Ibrahim should send to the Dewar 1400 

strong Arab horses obtained from the island of Kis, and 10,000 

horses from all the islands of Fars, such as Kati'f, Lahsa, Bahrein, 

Hurmuz, Kilahat, etc. Each horse is reckoned worth 220 dinars of 

red gold current. 

o « «» « o o « 

1 It is difficult to say what countries are here meant, but it is probable that allu- 
sion is made to the Laokadives and Maldives, the names being derived from numerab, 
and in both instances bearing a relation to these islands. 

2 [The coast of Coromandel. See Ibn Batouta, Index.] 
" [jB. has j.IJuj, and Bin5,kiti ..liXij.] 

* [So printed in the first edition from the Indian MS. A. says L, , j 

JjUjy. -B- lias CS^\j J ^^ ^ J ^. ^- er* i^ J cr**- 

Bin^kiti reads JjU _j ^j^ t^}^*^ iJ^-\ 


In the year 692 a.h. (1293 a.d.) the Dewar died, and his wealth and 
possessions fell into the hands of his adversaries and opponents, 
and Shaikh Jamalu-d-din who succeeded him, obtained, it is said, an 
accession of 7,000 bullock loads of jewels, gold, etc., and Takiu-d 
din, according to prcTious agreement, became his lieutenant. * «• * 

The people of the country are very black by reason of their being 
near the equator. There is a large temple called Lutar.' 

Ct « Ci t» « » o 

There are two courses, or roads, from this place : one leads by 
sea to Chin and Machi'n, passing by the island of Silan." It is four 
parasangs long, and four wide. It is parallel to the equator. 

Sarandip is at the foot of the Judi' mountain, and is called in the 
language of Hind Samkada-dip (Sinhaladip), i.e. the sleeping-place of 
the lion, because its appearance is like a lion in repose,' and as that 
etymology is not known to the common people, they call it Sarandip. 
The whole of the country is exactly under the Line. Rubies and 
other precious stones are found there. In the forests there are 
wolves and elephants, and even the Eukh is said to be there. The 
men are all Buddhists, and bow to, and worship images. 

The Island of Lamuri,' which lies beyond it, is very large. It 
has a separate king. 

Beyond it lies the country of Sumutra [Sumatra],* and beyond 

' [So in first edition. Xhas j jj^ -B. ,t)jj, C- iJy ^'"^''•'t i J«J.j 

' lA. ^L-c, S. ^1^, a JL^, Bin&titi, ^^L^.] 

' [All the MSS. read Jfldi. Sir H. Elliot thought this » mistake for JaniJbi, 
" southern."] 

* Lassen, /»rf. Alterth. I. 201. 

' According to the Shajrat Malayu and Marco Polo, Lambri is one of the districts 
of Sumatra, situated in the north-east coast— converted by the Arabs into 
Bamry. M. Gildemeister considers it to be the same as Bamnad (tfe Iteb. Ind., 
p. 69). M. Eeinaud considers it to he Manar {Fragments, p. 123); M. Dulauiier 
giTes several reasons why it can be no where else than in Sumatra {Jour. Asiatigue, 
4th Ser. T. VIII. 117, 200). It may be presumed that the Limfiri of our author is 
the same place as is indicated by Lambri and Bamry. There is at the present day a 
large island^ callgd- Bamry, off the coast of Arracan, but that cannot well be the 
place indicalsdi 

' This is distinctly called a country {teiUyat) in the Persian, iaiad in the Arabic. 
It is usually said that raediseval writers called the island of Sumatra by the name of 
Java, and that Sumatra was one of its towns. Java itself was called MM J&va. See 
Journal Asiatigue, 4th Series, Tom. IX. pp. 119, 124, 244. 


that Darband Nias,' wldeh. is a dependency of Java. In the moun- 
tains of J^va scented woods grow. In those islands axe several 
cities, of which the chief are Aru, Barlak, Dalmian, Java, and Bar- 
kiidoz.' The mountains of Java are very high It is the custom of 
the people to puncture their hands and entire body with needles, 
and then rub in some black substance to colour it. 

Opposite Lamurl is the island of Lakwaram,' which produces 
plenty of red amber. Men and women go naked, except that the 
latter cover the pudenda with cocoanut leaves. They are all sub- 
ject to the Ka-an [Emperor of China.J 

Passing on from this you come to a continent called Jampa, also 
subject to the Ka-an. The people are red and white. 

Beyond that is Haitam,* subject also to the Ka-an. 

Beyond that is Maha Chin,* then the harbour of Zaitun,° on 
the shore of China sea,' and an officer of the Ka-an, entitled 

' [The Arabic version has Darband ManSs.] This may be Pulu Nias, -which 
M.M. Maury and Dulaurier, from independent observation, conceive to be the 
Al-Neyan of the early Geographers. See Journal Aaiatique, 4th Series, Tom. VIII. 
200, and Bulletin de la SonielS de Geog., April, 1846. 

' These cities, it will be observed, are not confined to one island. Pariah is nn 
doubt Tanjung Pariah, or Diamond Point, on the north-east coast of Sumatra. 
Bariidoz [or Bfikfidiir, as the Arabic MS. gives it], without any violent metathesis. 
may perhaps be read Bencoolen — the "Wan-Kou-Leou of the Chinese. [Nouv. J. A . 
XI. 54.) Towards Papua is a large island called Aru, but that is no doubt too 
distant for our author. His city may be the metropolis of Java according to Ptolemy 
— %X^"' '■^ iierp6wo\iv ipofia Apyvpriv ?iri tois ivaiUKoXs ^pacriv. Geog., VII. 2, 29. 

' As this might easily be read Nicobar, allusion may be made to the islands of that 
name. The early Arabian Geographers and Idrisi seem to designate this group by 
the term Lanjab&l(is. 

< [So in the first edition, and so in MS. A. B. has ,> « ..«■■ -> -, C has (»5^j 
and Bin^kiti .../li-^.J 

' Idrisi calls this Siniatu-s Sin, situated at the extremity of the empire. " Xo 
city is equal to it, whether we consider its greatness, the number of the edifices, the 
importance of its commeree, the variety of its merchandize, or the number of mer- 
chants which visit it from different parts of India." Ibn al "Wirdi says, " It is the 
extreme eastern part which is inhabited, and beyond which there is nothing but the 

« A port in the province of Fo-Kien. See Marsden's Marco Tolo, p. 561. M. 
Klaproth, Mem. nl. A V Aeie. Tom. II. p. 208, and M. Eeiaaud, Relation des 
voyagee, Tom., II. pp. 25, 26. 

' [This reading of the first edition is supported by the Arabic MS. C, which says, 
"After this is Chfn the great" [ '^j^\ ^^■A\\ after that the harbour of Zaitun 

on the shore of the sea of Ohing. ' The Persian MS. A, and Bin&kitI entirely omit the 
first sentence.] 


Shak,' resides there. Beyond tliat is Khansai, in which, the market- 
place' is six parasangs broad, from which it may be judged how 
large the place is. It is subject to the deputies of the Ka-an, who 
are Moghals, Musulmans, Khitayans, and Ghuris. Khansai' is the 

Forty days journey from it lies Khanbalik/ the capital of the 
Phcenix of the west — ^Kaan, King of the earth.'' 

With respect to the other road which leads from M'abar by way 
of Khitai, it commences at the city of Kabal, then proceeds to the 
city of Kunju and Sunjii, then to Kin, then to Mali Patan,' then 
to Kardaraya, then to Hawariun,' then to Dakli,* then to Bijalar,' 
which, from of old, is subject to Dehli, and at this time one of the 
cousins of the Sultan of Dehli has conquered it, and established 
himself, having revolted against the Sultan. His army consists of 
Turks. Beyond that is the country of Ratban, then Arman,'° then 
Zar-dandan,'' so called because the people cover their teeth with gold. 

1 [So in first edition, and so in MS. A. MS. C. and Binikitl have " Sank.""] 
' [So in the first ecKtion. MS. ^. says ,\j "a fort or tower." Bin&kiti says 

A5>-b It) "a lake." The Arabic version says *j,,lj.J 

' The original is JanksSi [in all the MSS. except Binikiti, -who has KhansU], hnt 
there can he no doubt the correct vrord is Khansa, which Ibn Eatuta declares to be 
the largest city he had seen. Marco Polo calls it Quinsai, and says it is without 
exception the most noble city in the world. It was the capital of southern Chiua, or 
Mahi Chin. Its present name is Hang-toheou-fou, capital of the province of Tche- 
Kiang. See M. Eeinaud, Belatim des Voyages, Tom. I. pp. ex.,, and M. 
Quatremere, Sistoire des Mongols, pp. lxxtii., lxxxix. Ibn Hatouia, IV. 284. 

* The Canibalu of Marco Polo, and the Pekin of the Chinese. See Assemani, 
Biblioth. Orient. Tom. III. p. 2, p. 612. [Jinbyik in A. and in Bin&kitl.] 

* See les Oiseaux et les Fleurs, pp. 119, 220. Saiistdn, v. III. p. 250. 

^ [The Arabic MS. has "from K&bal to Kin, and from thence to Mali-Katan." 
Binakiti reads " from Kabal-fatan to Majli-fatan," and a marginal emendation says, 
" from K&.bal (or K^mal) patan to Majli patan," i.e., Masulipatam.] 

' [Haw^rmiin in A.J 

8 [MS. A. has " Dakal." The Arabic and Bin6kitl both read " Dehli."] 

9 [So in the first edition. A. says Sl^^ Bajal&; but C. and Binikiti have 
'i\Lj Bengal.] 

'" [MSS. A., C, and Bin&ldtl agree in this. The first edition and MS. S. have 

" This country is again noticed in our author's account of China, and Marco Polo 
speaks of it under the wrong name, Cardandon. M, Quatremfere tries to fix its 
position. (^Hist. des Mongols, p. xcvi.) "This island Of Sumatra is the first island 


They puncture their hands, and colour them with indigo. They 
eradicate their beards, so that they have not a sign of hair on their 
faces. Th&j are all subject to the Ka-an. This country is bounded 
on one side by the sea, afterwards comes the country of Eahan, the 
people of which eat carrion and the flesh of men, — ^they likewise 
are subject to the Ka-an.' Thence you arrive at the borders of Tibet, 
where they eat raw meat and worship images, and have no shame 
respecting their wives. The air is so impure that if they eat their 
dinner after noon they would all die. They boil tea and eat win- 
nowed barley. 

There is another country called Deogir, adjoining M'abar inland, 
the king of which is at constant enmity with the Dewar of M'abar. 
Its capital is Duru Samundur [Dwara Samudra.J 

Another large country is called Kandahar, which the Moghals 
call Karajang. These people spring from Khitai and Hind. In 
the time' of Kiibila Ka-an,' it was subdued by the Moghals. One of 
its borders adjoins Tibet, another adjoins Khita, and another adjoins 

Philosophers have said that there are three countries celebrated 
for certain peculiarities ; Hind is celebrated for its armies, Kandahar 
for its elephants, and the Turks for their horses. 

wherein we knew man's flesh to be eaten by certain people which lire in the moun- 
tains, called Bacas, who use to gild their teeth." Ant. Galvano's Disc, of the World 
in Hakluyt, IV. 422. See also Furchas Sis Pilgrimage p. 457. Mursden's M. 
Polo, p. 429, 434.] 

' [This passage was not in the first edition, and it is not in the MS. ^. ; but the 
other MSS. and Bin^kitl have it.] 

« [The Arabic says, "Towards the end of the reign.'] 

' This is also mentioned in the Mongol work called Bodimer. See Pallas, 
Sammlungen historischer Naehrichten, T. I. p. 19. 

The country of Karij4ng and its borders are again noticed by our author in his 
account of China, and its position is laid domi by M. Quatremfere, Hist, des Mongols^ 
p. xcrv. 





Abu 'Abdu-llah Muhammad was born at Ceuta, in Morocco, 
towards the end of the 11th century. He was member of a 
family which descended from an ancestor named Idris, and so 
came to be known by the name of Al Idrisi. This family 
farnislied a line of princes for Morocco in the 9th and. 10th 
centuries, and the branch from which Idrisi sprung ruled over the 
city of Malaga. Idrisi travelled in Europe, and eventually 
settled in Sicily at the court of Roger II. It was at the instance 
of this prince that he wrote his book on geography. He cites in 
his preface the various authors whose works he had employed in 
the compilation of the book. Further inforination was derived 
from travellers, whose verbal statements he compared and tested ; 
and M. Reinaud quotes the Biographical Dictionary of Khalilu-s 
Safadi to the effect that men of intelligence were specially com- 
missioned to travel and collect information for his use. The full 
title of the work is, Nuzhatu-1 Musht&k fi Ikhtiraku-1 Xfak, 
" The Delight of those who seek to wander through the regions 
of the world." A full translation of the whole work into French 
was published at Paris in 1836 and 1840 by M. Jaubert, and 
from this the following Extracts have been done into English. 
Idrisfs work met with very early attention. An abridgment of 
the text was published at Rome in 1592, and a Latin translation 
was printed at Paris in 1619, entitled " Qeographia Nubiensis, id 
est accuratissima totius orbis in septem climata divisi descriptio 

AL iDRrsr. 75 

continens, prcesertim exactam universce Asice. et AfriccB, in 
Latinum versa a Gahriele Sionita ct Joanne Hesronita." Hart- 
mann in 1796 published at Gottingen, from the abridgement, 
" Edrisii descriplio Africw."'' The description of Spain was 
translated into Spanish by Conde in 1799, and the portions 
relating to Africa and Spain have just been published with a 
translation by M.M. Dozy and de G-oeje. Zenker, in his 
Bibliotheca Orieutalis, mentions translations of other detached 

M. Reinaud, in his Introduction to Aboulfeda, has remarked 
that in M. Jaubert's translation, " Beaueoup de noms de lieux 
sont alteres," and it is true that there are some variants, such as 
Tubarin for Tiirau, and Bana for Tdnna ; but the old Latin 
translation presented generally the same dififerenees ; the variants 
therefore seemed to exist in the text, and not to be attributable to 
the translator. A cursory examination of the two MSS. in the 
Bodleian has confirmed this view, for Jaubert's translation was 
found to give a generally accurate reproduction of the names as 
they stand in these MSS. A careful comparison of the texts 
would, no doubt, lead to some corrections, and, indeed, a few will 
be noticed in the following pages ; but the more important 
variants are fully supported by the Oxford MSS. The maps 
contained in Graves' MS. show some differences from the text ; 
thus Tur4n is found instead of Tubaran ; but the maps are 
written in a more modern hand, quite different from the rest of 
the book. The text is continued on the backs of these maps in 
the ordinary hand, but it may nevertheless have been written 
long before the maps were filled in. At any rate the scribes were 
different men, and such differences as that noticed above leads to 
the conclusion that the maps were not derived from the text vrith 
which they are incorporated. 


FiBST Climate. Section X. — The greatest king of India is the 
Balhara, which signifies "king of kings." After him comes the 


Makamkam, whose country is Saj. Nest the king of Safan or 
Taban, then the king of Jaba, then the king of Juzr, and then the 
king of Kamrun, whose states touch China. 

'The Indians are di'vdded into seven castes. The first is that of 
the Sakriya, These are the naost noble ; from among them, kings 
are chosen, and from no others. All the other castes pay homage to 
them, but they render homage to no one. Next come the Brahmans, 
who are the religious class. They dress in the skins of tigers and 
other animals. Sometimes one of them, taking a staff in his hand, 
will assemble a crowd around him, and will stand from mom tiU eve 
speaking to his auditors of the glory and power of God, and ex- 
plaining to them the events which brought destruction upon the 
ancient people, that is, upon the Brahmans. They never drink vnne 
nor fermented liquors. They worship idols (whom they consider to 
be) able to intercede with the Most High. The third caste is that 
of the Kastariya, who may drink as much as three ratls' of wine, 
but not more, lest they should lose their reason. This caste may 
marry Brahman women, but Brahmans cannot take their women 
to wife. Next comes the Sharduya, who are labourers and agricul- 
turists ; then the Basya, who are artizans and mechanics ; then the 
Sabdaliya (or Sandaliya), w^ho are singers, and vrhose women are 
noted for their beauty ; and, lastly, the Zakya, who are jugglers, 
tumblers, and players of various insti-uments. Among the principal 
nations of India there are forty-two sects. Some recognize the 
existence of a Creator, but not of prophets ; while others deny the 
existence of both. Some acknowledge the intercessory powers of 
graven stones, and others worship holy stones, on which butter and 
oil is poured. Some pay adoration to fire, and cast themselves into 
the flames. Others adore the sun, and consider it the creator and 
director of the world. Some worship trees ; others pay adoration to 
serpents, which they keep in stables, and feed as weU as they can, 
■deeming this to be a meritorious work. Lastly, there are some who 
give themselves no trouble about any kind of devotion, and deny 

Second Climate. Section VTI. — The towns described in this 

' ["What follows is mainly derived from from Ibn Khurd&.dba. See ante, page 17.] 
' l£atl, one pound Troy.] 

AL iDErsr. 77 

seventh section' are Kia, Kir, Armayil, Kasr-band, Firabuz, Kliur, 
Kambali, Manbabari,^ Debal, Niriin, Mansura,^ Wandan, Asfaka, 
Darak, Masurjan, Fardan, Kirkayan, Kadira, Basmak, Tubaran 
[Turan], Multan, Jandur, Sandur, Dui, Atri/ Kalari, Nira, Mas- 
wam, Sbarusan,* Bania, Mamhal, Kambaya, Subara, Sabdan, and 
Saimur.' In that part of the sea which is comprised in the present 
section, there are the isle of Sara, the two rocks of Kasair and 
'Awair, that of Dardur, the island of Debal, in which the town of 
Kaskihdr, is situated ; the isles of Aiibkin, Mind, Kulam-mali, and 
Sindan. All these countries are inhabited by people of different 
religions, customs, and manners. We will state all that we have 
ascertained for certain on this subject, confiding in Divine help. 

The beginning of this section comprises, starting from the oast, 
the shores of the Persian Gulf, and towards the south the town of 
Debal. This is a populous place, but its soil is not fertile, and it 
produces scarcely any trees except the date-palm. The highlands 
are arid and the plains sterile. Houses are built of clay and wood, 
but the place is inhabited only because it is a station for the vessels of 
Sind and other countries. Trade is carried on in a great variety of 
articles, and is conducted with much intelligence. Ships laden with 
the productions of 'Uman, and the vessels of China and India come to 
Debal. They briag stuffs and other goods from China, and the per- 
fumes and aromatics of India. The inhabitants of Debal, who are 
generally rich, buy these goods in the bulk, and store them until the 
vessels are gone and they become scarce. Then they begin to sell, and 
go trading into the country, putting their money out on interest, or 
employing it as may seem best. Groitig towards the west there are 

1 The Nubian Geographer's list is as follows : — Kia, Kir, Ermaiil, Band, Casr-band, 
Lizabur, Haur,Cambele, Manhibere, Dabil, Nirun, Fairuza, Mansura, Eandan, Asfaca, 
Darec, Masurgian, Fardan, Kircaian, Cadira, Basmao, Tuberan, Moltau, Giandur, 
Sandur, Dur, Atre, C&.lere, Bascera, Mesuam, Sadusan, Bania, M&mehel, Kamb6.ia, 
Sub&ra, Sandan, Saimur, Falialfahara, Rasec, Sarusan, Kusa, Kased, Sura, Nodha, 
Mehyac, Falon, Caliron, and Belin. {Geographia Nubiensis, pp. 56, 57). 

» [" Manj&bari," Bod. MS.] 

" [Generally spelt " Manstiria" by Idrisi.] 

* [This is the "Annari" of the other geographers; and one of the Bod. MSS. 
affords some warrant for so reading it here.] 

= [" Sadds&n," Bod. MSS.] 

* [Here the Bod. MSS. add the following names — "As&wal, Falkamin, E^ak, 
Asnrs^n, and Losha (or Kosha)."] 


six miles between the mouth of the great Mihrdn and Debal. From 
Debal to Nirim, on the west of the Mihran, three days' jonmey. 
Niri'm is half way between Debal and Mansura, and people going 
from one town to the other here cross the river. 

Nirun is a town of little importance, but it is fortified, and its 
inhabitants are rich. Trees are rare. From hence to Mansura 
rather more than three days. 

Mansura, the city last mentioned, is surrounded by a branch of 
the Mihran, although it is at a distance from the river. It is on 
the west of the principal branch of the river which flows from its 
source to Kalari, a town situated one days' journey from Mansura. 
At Kalari it divides — ^the principal branch runs towards Mansiira^ 
the other flows northward as far as Sharusan [Sadusan], it then turns 
westwards and rejoins the chief stream, forming henceforward only 
one river. The junction takes place twelve miles below Mansura. 
The Mihran passes on to Nirun, and then flows into the Sea. 
Mansura occupies a space of a mile square. The climate is hot. 
The country produces dates and sugar-canes in abundance. There 
are hardly any other fruits, if we except one, a sort of fruit called 
laimiin, as big as an apple and of a very sour taste, and another 
which resembles the peach both in shape and taste. Mansura was 
built at the beginniDg of the reign of Al Mansiir, of the 'Abbaside 
family, This prince gave his name ("the victorious") to four 
different cities, as a good augury that they might stand for ever. 
The first was Baghdad in 'Irak ; the second, Mansura in Sind ; 
the third, Al Masisa, on the Mediterranean ; the fourth, that of 
Mesopotamia. That of which we are now speaking is great, 
populous, rich, and commercial. Its environs are fertile. The 
buildings are constructed of bricks, tUes, and plaster. It is a 
place of recreation and of pleasure. Trade flourishes. The bazars 
are fiUed with people, and well stocked with goods. The lower 
classes wear the Persian costume, but the princes wear tunics, and 
allow their hair to grow long like the princes of India. The money 
is silver and copper. The weight of the drachma (di'ndr) is five 
times that of the (ordinary) drachma. The Tdtariya coins also are 
current here. Fish is plentiful, meat is cheap, and foreign and 
native fruits abound. The name of this city in Indian is Mirman, 

AL iDErsr. 79 

It is considered one of the dependencies of Sind, like Debal, Nirun, 
Bam'a, Kalari, Atri, Sharusan, Jamdaur, Manhabari [Manjabari], 
Basmak and Multan. 

Bania is a little town. Tlie inhabitants are of mixed blood and 
are rich. Living here is cheap and agreeable. From Bania to 
Mansura, three days, to Mamhal six, to Debal two. From hence to 
Mamhal and Kambaya the country is nothing but a marine strand, 
without habitations and almost without water; consequently, it is 
impassable for travellers. 

Mamhal is situated between Sind and India. Upon the confines 
of the desert just mentioned there dwells a hardy race called Mand 
[Med]. They graze their flocks to within a short distance of 
Mamhal. These people are numerous. They have many horses and 
camels, and they extend their incursions as far as Dur [Alor] upon 
the banks of the Mihran, and sometimes they penetrate even as far 
as the frontiers of Makran. 

Dur [Alor] is situated on the banks of the Mihran, which runs to 
the west of the town. It is a pleasant place, and worthy of com- 
parison with Multan as I'egacrds size. From thence to Basmak, three 
days; to Atri [Annari], four days ; and from thence to Kalari, two 

Kalari, upon the west bank of the Mihran, is a pretty town, weU 
fortified, and is a busy trading place. Near it the Mihran separates 
into two branches ; the largest runs towards the west as far as the 
vicinity of Mansuria, which is on the west bank ; the other runs 
towards the north-west, then to the north, and then towards the west. 
Both agaiu unite at the distance of about twelve miles below Mansuria. 
Although this town [Kalari] is some distance out of the regular 
route, still it is much frequented in consequence of the profitable 
trade carried on with the inhabitants. From hence to Mansura is a 
hard day's journey- of forty miles. From Kalari to Sharusan, three 

Sharusan [Sadusan] is remarkable for its size and for the number of 
its fountains and canals, for the abundance of its productions and 
for its rich commerce. It is much resoi-ted to. From Sharusan to 
Manhabari [Manjabari], a town placed in a hollow, well bmlt, of a 
pleasant aspect, surrounded with gardens, fountains, and running 


waters, the distance is three days. From the latter place to Firabuz/ 
sis days. Prom Manhabarf to Debal, two days. In going from 
Debal to Firabuz the road passes by Manhabarf, and between these 
two places it rmis through Khur, a small but populous town. 

Firabuz ' is a town of which the inhabitants are rich. They carry 
on a good trade, they are men of their word and enemies of fraud, 
and they are generous and charitable. It belongs to the province of 
Makran, as do the towns of Kir, Darak, Easik (inhabited by schism- 
atics). Bah, Band, Kasr-band, Asfaka, Fahlafahra, Maskan, Tiz, and 

Makran is a vast country, but the greater part of it is desert and 
poor. The largest of its towns is Kirusi, which is nearly as large as 
Multan. Palm-trees are plentiful there ; the land is cultivated, and 
and a good deal of trade is carried on. On the west of it lies Tiz, 
a small sea-port much frequented by the vessels of Fars, as well as 
by those which come from the coiantry of 'Uman and the isle of 
Kish, which is situated in the Persian Gulf at a long day's sail 
distance. From Tiz to Kir [Kiz], five days. From Kir to Firabuz, 
two long days' journey. 

Between Kir [Kiz] and AiTQa'il there are two districts which touch 
each other ; one called Eahiin depends on Mansiiria, and the other 
named Kalwan is a dependency of Makran. These two districts are 
tolerably fertile, and they produce a few dates, but the inhabitants 
rely mainly on their iSocks. "Whoever wishes to go from Firabuz 
to Makran must pass by Kir. From thence to Armail, a depen- 
dency of Makran, two days' journey. 

Armail is nearly as large as Firabuz. It is well peopled, and its 
environs are pleasant. The inhabitants are rich. From Armail to 
Kanbali, two days' journey. Kanbali competes with Armail in 
respect of size, wealth, and population. It is about a mile and a 
half from the sea. Both these places are situated between Debal 
and Makran. 

Darak is a populous trading towri, three days' journey from Fira- 
buz. South-west of Darak there is a high mountain, which is called 
the mountain of salt, because nearly all the water which runs from 

1 [Kannaztiir. See Note A. in Appx.] 

AL iDErsr. 81 

it is saliae. Tliere are habitations here. From Darak to Easak, 
three days' journey. 

The inhabitants of Easak are schismatics. Their territory is 
divided into two districts, one called Al Kharuj, the other Kir 
Kayan. The sugar-cane is much cultivated, and a considerable trade 
is carried on ia a sweetmeat caUed faaiz, which is made here. The 
cultivation of sugar and the manufacture of this sweetmeat are 
extensively pursued at Maskan and in the district of Kasran. The 
people of Maskan, Jauran, and Tiibaran, are for the most part 
schismatics. The territory of Maskan joins that of Kirman. The 
inhabitants have a great reputation for courage. They have date 
trees, camels, cereals, and the fruits of cold countries. The people 
of Makran speak Persian and a dialect peculiar to the province. 
They wear the tunic, the gown with sleeves, the cloak, waistcloth, 
and the mantle embroidered with gold, like the inhabitants of 'Irak 
and Persia. 

Fahlafahra, Asfaka, Band, and Kasri-band are dependencies of 
Makran, which resemble each other very much in point of size, the 
nature and extent of their trade, and the state of their population. 
From Fahlafahra to Easak, two days. From Fahlafahra to Asfaka, 
two days. From Asfaka to Band, one day towards the west. From 
Asfaka to Darak, three days. From Band to Kasri-band, one day. 
From Kasri-band to Kia, four days. From Mansiiria to Tiibaran, 
about fifteen days. 

Tiibaran [Tiiran] is near Fahraj, which belongs to Kirman. It 
is a well fortified town, and is situated on the banks of a river of the 
same name (Tiibaran), which are cultivated and fertile. From hence 
to Fardan, a commercial tovm, the environs of which are well popu- 
lated, four days. Kfrkayan lies to the west of Parian, on the road 
to Tiibaran. The country is weU populated and is very fertile. The 
vine grows here and divers sorts of fruit trees, but palms are not to 
be found. From Tubaran to Mustah,^ a town in the midist of the 
desert, where many camels and sheep are bred, three days. From 
Tubaran to Multan, on the borders of Sind, ten days. 

Multan is close upon India ; some authors, indeed, place it in that 
country. It equals Mansvira in size, and is called " the house of 

1 ["Maska," Bod. MS.] 


gold." There is an idol here, which is highly venerated by the 
Indians, who come on pilgrimages to visit it from the most distant 
parts of the country, and make offerings of valuables, ornaments, 
and immense quantities of perfumes. This idol is surrounded by 
its servants and slaves, who feed and dress upon the produce of these 
rich offerings. It is in the human form with four sides,' and is 
sitting upon a seat made of bricks and plaster. It is entirely covered 
with a skin like red morocco, so that the eyes only are visible. Some 
maintain that the interior is ma-de of wood, but others deny this. 
However it may be, the body is entirely covered. The eyes are 
formed of precious stones, and upon its head there is a golden crown 
set with jewels. It is, as we have said, square, and its arms, below 
the elbows, seem to be four in number. The temple of this idol is 
situated in the middle of Multan, in the most frequented bazar. It 
is a dome-shaped building. The upper part of the dome is gilded, 
and the dome and the gates are of great solidity. The columns are 
very lofty and the waUs coloured. Around the dome are the dwell- 
ings of the attendants of the idol, and of those who live upon the 
produce of that worship of which it is the object. There is no idol 
in India or in Siad which is more highly venerated. The people 
make it the object of a pious pUgrimage, and to obey it is a law. So 
far is this carried, that, when neighbouring princes make war against 
the country of Multan, either for the purpose of plimder or for 
carrying off the idol, the priests have only to meet, threaten the 
aggressors with its anger and predict their destruction, and the 
assailants at once renounce their design. Without this fear the 
town of Multan would be destroyed. It is not surprising, then, that 
the inhabitants adore the idol, exalt its power, and maintain that its 
presence seciu-es divine protectipn. Being ignorant of the name of 
the man who set it up, they content themselves with saying that it 
is a wonder. Multan is a large city commanded by a citadel which 
has four gates and is surrounded by a moat. Provisions are abundant, 
and the taxes are light, so that the people are in easy circumstances. 
It bears the name of " the house of gold Tarkh," because Muham- 
mad bin Yiisuf, brother of Hajjaj, found forty bahars of gold (a 

' ['' Elle est de forme humaine et a quatre cfltes." — Jauiert.'] 

AL iDErsr. 83 

bahar weighs 333 minas') concealed there in a house. Farkh and 
Bah& have the same signification. The environs of this city are 
watered by a little river which falls into the Mihran of Sind. 

At one mile from Multan is Jandiir [Jand-rud] — a collection of 
forts strongly built, very high, and well supplied with fresh water. 
The governor passes the spring time and his holidays here. Tbn 
Haukal states that in his time the governor used to go every Friday 
from these castles to Multan mounted upon an. elephant, according 
to an ancient usage. The greater part of the population is Musul- 
man, so also is the judicial autbority and the civil administration. 

Sandiir is situated three days' journey south of Multan. It is 
famous for its trade, wealth, sumptuous apparel, and the abundance 
which prevails on the tables of the inhabitants. It is considered to 
form part of India, and is situated on the banks of a river which 
falls into the Mihran above Samand. Going from Multan towards 
the north there is a desert which extends as far as the eastern 
boundary of Tiibaran. From MuMn to the vicinity of Mansiira 
the country is occupied by a warlike race, called Nadha. It 
consists of a number of tribes scattered about between Tubaran 
Makran, Multan, and Mansura, like the Berber nomads. The 
Nadhas have peculiar dwellings, and marshes in which they take 
refuge, on the west of the Mihran. They possess excellent 
camels, and, particularly, a sort which they breed, called Karah. 
This is held in high esteem in Khurasan and the rest of Persia. 
It resembles the camel of Balkh and the female camel of Samar- 
kand, for it is of good temper and has two humps ; not like the 
camels of our countries, which have only one. From Mansura to 
the confines of Nadha six days. From the confines of Nadha to 
the city of Kir [Kiz] about ten days. From Nadha to Tiz, at the 
extremity of Makran, sixteen days. The town which the Nadhas 
most frequent for buying, selling, and other matters, is Kandail. 
Kfr Kayan is a district known by the name of Ail,^ inhabited 
by Musulmans and other people dependant on the Nadhas of whom 

1 [" The mina is a weight of about two pounds. Our author in order to explain 
the meaning of farkh, employs the term bah&,r, the yalue of which it is unfortunately- 
difficult to determine." — Jaubert.'] 

' [" Not Abil. Our two MSS. agree in the orthography of this name, which 
seems to be of Turkish origin." — Jauiirt.'] 


we have just spoken. The cotmtry produces com, raisins, fruits, 
camels, oxen, and sheep. It bears the name of A'd, because a man 
of that name conquered it (in anci«nt times), and laid the foundation 
of its prosperity. Prom Kandail to Mansura about ten days. 

The towns of Khiir Kakhlia, Kusa, and Kadira belong to Sind. 
The last two are about equal ia size, and carry on some trade with 
the Nadhas. On Tiibaran there are dependent — Mahyak, Kir Kayan, 
Siira, Pardan, Kashran, and Masurjan. Between Tubaran and Manr 
sura there are vast deserts, and on the north, towards Sijistan, there 
are countries which are equally barren, and which are difficult of 

Masurjan is a well-peopled commercial town, surrounded with 
villages, and built upon the banks of the river of Tubaran, from 
which town it is forty -two miles distant. From Masurjan to Darak- 
yamuna, 141 miles is the computed distance. P;rom Darak-yamiina 
to Firabuz or Firabus, 175 miles. 

The countries of India which touch upon Sind are — Mamhal, 
Kambaya, Siibara, Khabirun, Sin dan, Maeiiya, Saimur, and the mari- 
time isles of Aubki'n, Mand, Kulam-Mali, and Sindan. The towns 
of India are very numerous ; among them may be mentioned 
Mamhal, Kambaya, Subara, Asawal, Janawal, Sindan, Saimur, Jan- 
dur, Sandiir, Eiimala ; in the desert : Kalbata, Aughasht, Nahrwara, 
and Lahawai'. 

Mamhal is by some numbered among the cities of India; by 
others among those of Sind. It is situated at the extremity of the 
desert which stretches between Kambaya, Debal, and Ban{a. It 
is a town of moderate importance on the route of travellers pass- 
ing from Sind to India. But little trade is cdixied on here. The 
environs are peopled, and produce small quantities of finiit; but 
there are numerous flocks. From hence to Mansura, through Banfa, 
is considered nine days. From Mamhal to Kambaya, five days. 

Kambaya stands three miles from the sea, and is very pretty. It 
is well laiown as a naval station. Merchandise from every country 
is found here, and is sent ©n from hence to other countries. It is 
placed at the extremity of a bay, where vessels can enter and cast anchor. 
It is well supplied with water, and there is a fine fortress erected by 
the govern mont of India to prevent the inroads of the inhabitants of 

AL iDErsr. 85 

tho island of Kfsli. From Kambaya to the isle of Aubkfn, two-and- 
a-half days' sail, rrom Aubkia to Debal, two days. Kambaya 
is fertile in -wheat and rice. Its moantains produce the Indian 
kaoa. The inhabitants are idolaters (Buddhists). From hence to 
the island of Mand, the inhabitants of which are thieves, the passage 
is six miles. To Kiili on the shore, also six miles ; and to Subara, 
about five days. 

Subara is situated one-and-a-half mile from the sea. It is a popu- 
lous, busy town, and is considered one of the entrepots of India. 
They fish for pearls here. It is in the vicinity of Bara, a small 
island, on which some cocoa-nut trees and the oostus grow. Prom 
Subara to Siadan is considered five days. 

Sindan is a mile-and-a-half from the sea. It is populous, and the 
people are noted for their industry and intelligence. They are rich 
and of a warlike temper. The town is large, and has an extensive 
commerce both in exports and imports. East of Sindan there is an 
island bearing the same name and dependent on India. It is large 
and well cultivated, and the cocoa-nut palm, kana, and rattan grow 

Saimur, five days from Sindan, is a large well-built town. Cocoa- 
nut trees grow here in abundance ; henna also grows here, and the 
mountains produce many aromatic plants, which are exported. 

Five miles by sea (from Kiilam Mali) lies the island of Malf, 
which is large and pretty. It is an elevated plateau, but not very 
hilly, and is covered with vegetation. The pepper vine grows in 
this island, as in Kandarina and Jirbatan, but it is found nowhere 
else but in these three places. It is a shrub, having a trunk like 
that of the vine ; the leaf is like the convolvulus, but longer ; it ' 
bears grapes like those of the Shabuka, each bunch of which is 
sheltered by a leaf which curls over when the fruit is ripe. "White 
pepper is what is gathered as it begins to ripen, or even before. Ibn 
Khurdadba states that the leaves curl over the bunches to protect 
them from the rain, and that they return to their natural position 
when the rain is over — a surprising fact ! 

Kambaya, Subara, Sindan, and Saimur form part of India. The 
last named belongs to a country whose king is called Balhara : his 
kingdom is vast, well-peopled, commercial, and fertile. It pays 


heavy taxes, so that the king is immensely rich. Many aromatics 
and perfumes are produced in this oonntry. 

The name (or rather the title) of Balhar^ means king of kings. 
It is hereditary here as in other parts of the country, where, when a 
king ascends a throne he takes the name of his predecessor and 
transmits it to his heir. This is a regular custom from which these 
people never depart. There is the same rule with the kings of 
Nubia, Zanj, Ghfina, Persia, and in the Eoman empire, in respect of 
the hereditary descent of names. The work of 'Ubaidu-Uah Ibn 
Khurdadba contains a passage concerning this which is worth quo- 
tation : — " Kings," he says, " generally bear hereditary titles, — ^thus 
those of China have been called Baghbiigh (or Baghbun) for cen- 
turies, and the title descends in regular order. Among the kings of 
India there are the Balhara, Jaba, Tafir, Hazr [Juzr] 'Abat, Dumi 
[Eahmi] and Kamrun. These names are taken only by the prince 
who reigns over the province or country, no other has any right to 
assume them, but whoever reigns takes the name. Among the 
Turks, the Tibetans, and the Khazars, the king is called Khakan, but 
among the KhizHj he takes the title of Khai Khuya which is here- 
ditary. In the Eanah the kings are called Panjab. In the Boman 
empire they take the title of Cajsar, which descends upon all those 
who wield the supreme power. Among the Aghzaz they are called 
Shai Sha, or king of kings, a title hereditary like the rest, rinally, 
among the Persians they are called Kasra [Chosroes]. Among the 
people who dwell in the Sudan the names of the kings are derived 
from their countries, — ^thus the ruler of Ghana is called Ghana, the 
king of Kaugha is called Kaugha. But enough upon this subject." 

Among the towns of India comprised in the present section are 
Khabirun and Asawal, both of iiiem populous, commercial, rich, 
industrious, and productive of useful articles. At the time we write, 
the Musulmans have made their way into the greater part of these 
countries and have conquered them. Please God we will hereafter 
describe those which are on their frontiers and some others. 

Eighth Sbction. — The present section contains a description of 
part of the coast of India, comprising Baruh [Baruch], Sindapur, 
Bana [Tanna], Kandarina, Jirbatdn, Kalkayan, Luluwa, Kanja, 
Samandiriin, — and in the interior of the country, Dulaka, Janawal, 

AL iDRrsr. 87 

Nahrwara, Kandahar, Eumala, Kalbata and Aghushta, on the 
borders of the deserts ; Kabnl, Khawas, Hasak, Muridas, Madiyar, 
Tatta, Dadah [Darh], Manibar [Malabar], Malwa, Niyasat, Atrasa, 
Nija, Kashmir the Lower, Maidara, Karmut, Kashmir the Upper, 
Kanauj, East^na, and the islands of the Indian Sea, Mallan, Balbak, 
Tarwaklij, Masnaha and Samandar. We shall describe all these 
countries without omitting anything remarkable or curious that they 
may afford. 

Baruh [Baruch, Broach] is a large handsome town, well-built of 
bricks and plaster. The inhabitants are rich and engaged in trade, 
and they freely enter upon speculations and distant expeditions. It 
is a port for the vessels coming from China, as it is also for those of 
Sind. From hence to Saimur is considered two days' journey, and 
to Nahrwara eight days through a flat country where they travel in 
carriages on wheels. In all Nahrwara and its environs there is 
no other mode of travelling except in chariots drawn by oxen under 
the control of a driver. These carriages are fitted with harness and 
traces, and are used for the carriage of goods. 

Between Baruh and Nahrwara there are two towns, one called 
Hanawal (or Janawal), the other Diilaka. They are about equal in 
size, and are somewhat less than a day's journey distant from each 
other. Dulaka is on the banks of a river which flows into the sea, 
forming an estuary, on the west of which stands the town of Baruh, 
(the name of which is also pronounced Barus), Both these towns 
stand at the foot of a chain of mountains which lie to the north, and 
which are called Undaran,' they are of a white colour approaching 
to yellow. The kana grows here as well as a few cocoa nut trees. 
In the vicihity of Hanawal (or Janawal) stands the town of Asawal,' 
which is very much like the other two both in size and in the con- 
dition of its population. A good trade is carried on in all three. 

Nahrwara is governed by a great prince who bears the title of 
Balhara. He has troops and elephants ; he worships the idol 
Buddha,; wears a crown of gold upon his head, and dresses in rich 
stuffs. He rides a good deal on horseback, but especially once a 
week when he goes out attended only by women, one hundred in 

1 [Vindhya ?] 

2 "Yesekwil" is the old name of Ahmadabad. Bird's Guzerat, 1S7. 


number, richly clad, -wearing rings of gold and silver upon their feet 
and hands, and their hair in curls. They engage in various games 
and in sham fights, while their king marches at their head. The 
ministers and the commanders of the troops never accompany the 
king except when he marches against rebels, or to repulse encroaoh- 
ments made upon his territories by neighbouring kings. He has 
numerous elephants, and these constitute the chief strength of his 
army. His power is hereditary, so also is his title Balhara, which 
signifies Icing of Icings. The town of Nahrwara is frequented by 
large numbers of Musulman traders who go there on business. 
They are honourably received by the king and his ministers, and 
find protection and safety. 

The Indians are naturally inclined to justice, and never depart 
from it in their actions. Their good faith, honesty and fidelity to 
their engagements are well known, and they are so famous for 
these qualities that people flock to their country from every side ; 
hence the country is flourishing and their condition prosperous. 
Among other characteristic marks of tiieir love -of truth and horror 
of vice, the following is related : — When a man has a right to 
demand anything of another, and he happens to meet him, he has 
only to draw a circular line upon the ground and to make his 
debtor enter it, which the latter never fails to do, and the debtor 
cannot leave this circle wititiout satisfying his creditor, or obtaining 
the remission of the debt. 

The inhabitants of Nahrwara live upon rice, peas, beans, haricots, 
lentils, mash, fish, and animals that have died a natural death, for 
they never kill winged or other animals. They have a great vene- 
ration for oxen, and by a privilege confined to the species, they 
inter them after death. When these animals are enfeebled by age, 
and are unable to work, they free them from ail labour and provide 
them w^ith food without exacting any return. 

The people of India bum their dead and do not raise tombs for 
them. When the king dies they construct a vehicle of an appro- 
priate size, and raised about two palms above the ground. On this 
they place the bier surmounted by the crown, and the corpse, clad in 
all its funeral ornaments, being laid upon the bier, it is dragged by 
slaves all round the city. The head is uncovered and the hair 

AL iDErsr. 89 

drags upon the ground. This is done that every one may see (the 
corpse), and a herald goes before uttering, in the Indian language, 
words of which the following is the senee, — " People ! behold your 
king, so and so by name, son of so and soi -He lived happily and 
mightily for so many years. He is no more, and all that he pos- 
sessed has escaped from his hands. Nothing now remains to him 
and he will feel no more pain. Eemember, he has shown you the 
way which you must follow." This being said, when all the cere- 
monies are concluded, they take the corpse to the place where the 
bodies of kings are burnt, and commit it to the flames. These 
people do not grieve and lament very much on these occasions. In 
all the countries of Hind and Sind there are Musulmans and they 
bury their dead secretly by night iu their houses, but like the 
Indians they do not give way to long lamentations. 

In the country of the Balhara concubinage is permitted with all 
persons except married women. Thus a man may have intercourse 
with his daughter, his sister, or his aunts, provided they be un- 

Opposite the sea-port town of Baruh lies the island of Mullan, 
which produces pepper in large quantities, and is two days' journey 
from Sindan. From Sindan to Balbak is also two days. Balbak 
produces cocoa nuts, figs, bananas, and rice. It is here that vessels 
change their courses for the different islands of India. From 
hence to the place called Great Abyss they reckon two days. From 
the island of Balbak to that of Sarandib is one day or more. 

From the town of Baruh, along the coast, to Sindabur four days. 
Sindabur is situated on a great gulf where ships cast anchor. It 
is a commercial town, and eontaias fine buildings and rich bazars. 
From hence to Bana [Tanna] upon the coast four days. 

Bana [Tanna] is a pretty town upon a great gulf where vessels 
anchor and from whence they set sail. In the neighbouring moun- 
tains the kana and tabashir grow. The roots of the kana which are 
gathered here are transported to the east and to the west. The 
tabashir is adulterated by mixing it with ivory cinders, but the real 
article is extracted from the roots of the reed called sharM, as we 
have already said. From Bana [Tanna] to Fandarina' is four days' 
1 [« Kaudarina" in p. 86.] 


journey. Pandarina is a town built at the mouth of a river which 
comes from Manibar [Malabar] where vessels from India and Sind 
cast anchor. The inhabitants are rich, the markets well supplied, and 
trade flourishing. North of this town there is a very high mountain 
covered with trees, villages, and flocks. The cardamom grows here, 
and forms the staple of a considerable trade. It grows like the 
grains of hemp, and the grains are enclosed in pods. From Fanda- 
rfna to Jirbatan, a populous town on a little river, is five days. It 
is fertile in rice and grain, and supplies provisions to the markets 
of Sarandib. Pepper grows in the neighbouring mountains. From 
Jirbatan to Sanji and Kaikasar two days. These are m.nritime 
towns near to each other ; the neighbourhood produces rice and corm 
From hence to Kilkayan one day. From Kilkayan to Lulu and to 
Kanja one day. The vicinity is fertile in rice and wheat, and pro- 
duces sapan wood abundantly. The growth of this tree resembles 
that of the oleander. Cocoa nut trees abound. From Kanja to 
Samandar thirty miles. 

Samandar is a large town, commercial, and rich, w^here there are 
good profits to be made. It is a port dependant upon Kanauj, king 
of this country. It stands upon a river w^hich comes from the 
country of Kashmir. Eice and various grains, especially excellent 
wheat, are to be obtained here. Aloe wood is brought hither from 
the country of Karmut [Kamrup ?] 15 days' distance, by a river of 
which the waters are sweet. The aloe wood which comes from 
this country is of a superior quality and of a delicious perfume. It 
grows in the mountains of Karan. One day's sail from this city 
there is a large island well peopled and frequented by merchants of 
all countries. It is four days distant from the island of Sarandib. 
To the north, at seven days' distance from Samandar, is the city of 
Kashmir the inner, celebrated throughout India, which is under the 
rule of Kanauj. From Kashmir to Karmut four days. From 
Kashmir to Kanauj about seven days. This is a fine commercial 
city which gives its name to the king of the country. It is built 
upon the banks of a large river which falls into the Musala." 

This river Musala is called by the author of the Book of Marvels, 
the Eiver of Perfumes. It rises in the mountains of Karan, washes 

AL iDErsr. 91 

the walls of tlie town of. Asnand, passes the foot of the mountain of 
Luniya, then by the town of Kilkayan, and at length falls into the 
sea. Many aromatios are produced upon its banks, as its name 
indicates. Between Easnand and Kashmir the outer, there are four 
days journey, Kashmir is reckoned among the number of the most 
celebrated cities. Its inhabitants war with the infidel Turks, and 
they often suffer injury from the Khizilji Turks. Atrasa, which 
stands upon the banks of the Indian Ganges,' is four days journey 
from. Kashmfr the outer. It is large, well-built, well watered, and 
one of the strongest places of Kanauj, the limits of which extend as 
far as Kabul and Lahawar. The Kanauj is a king who has numer- 
ous armies under his command, a vast empire and a great number 
of elephants ; no king ia India has so many. His power and his 
wealth are great, and his armies formidable. From Atrasa to Yanasat 
[Benares?], a large city, also on the bank of the Ganges, five days. 
Prom thence to Madiar on the Ganges seven days. This is a rich 
commercial town, populous, and surrounded by numerous villages. 
From, thence to Nahrwara on the west bank of the Ganges, and of 
which we have already spoken, seven days. From Madiar to the 
city of Malwa five days. 

Malwa is a pleasant town, and much frequented. It is sur- 
rounded with many villages, buildings, and farms. Among the 
number of its dependencies are Dadh (Darh) and Tata. From 
Malwa to Dadh four days. From Dadh to Tata two days. Labor 
is a country which joins 2 the latter. From Moridas to Tata three 

Mon'das, a commercial town, is a very strong place, garrisoned by 
the troops of Kabul. It is situated on the declivity of a very high 
mountain, on which grow the kana and khaizuran. 

Kandahar is a city built in the mountains of which we have just 
spoken, eight days' journey from Moridas, and the road from one 
place to the other passes over the mountaias. It is a considerable 
town, and well-peopled. The inhabitants are remarkable for the 
manner in which they allow their beards to grow. Their beards 
are large and very thick, and hang down to their knees. This has 

* [" Tranfilated conjeoturally, for the word 13 wanting." — Jaubert-I 


given rise to a proverbial saying. They are stout in person, and 
■wear the Tiu-kish costume. The country produces wheat, rice, 
various grains, sheep, and oxen. They eat sheep which have died a 
natural death, but not oxen, as we have already observed. From 
Kandahar to Nahrwara is five days' journey in carriages. The 
people of Kandahar are often at war with those of Kabul, which is 
an Indian city, large and well built, bordering upon Tukharistan. 
The moim.taias produce excellent aloe wood, and the neighboiirhood 
supplies cocoa nuts and myrobolans, which grow in the hUls, and of 
that sort which is called Kabuli, from this town. In the lowlands 
saifron is largely cultivated, and is the object of a large export 
trade. It is a hazardous crop, depending upon the state of the 
atmosphere. The city of Kandahar is defended by a very strong 
citadel built upon a scarped rock, and is accessible by one road 
only. It is inhabited by Musulmans, and there is a quarter in 
which the iniidel Jews dwell. No kiag can take the title of Shah 
until he has been inaugurated at Kabul. According to an ancient 
law, the assumption of power must be made in that city, hence it is 
resorted to from foreign and veiy distant countries. In the fertile 
lands of Kabul a good deal of indigo is cultivated of the very best 
quality, it has a great repute, and is the object of a great trade. 
Cotton cloths are also made here, and are exported to China, 
Khurasan, and Sind. There are some well-known iron mines in the 
mountains of Kabul. The metal is of a grey colour, and veined — it 
becomes very sharp. 

Arzalan, Khawas, and Khibar are dependencies of Kabul, with 
divers villages and fortified places. From Kabul to Kiawas four 
days. From Khawas to Hasak five days. From Hasak to Kabul, 
through a tolerably level country, three days. From Kabul to 
Kalbata four days. Kalbata and Eumala are on the borders of 
the desert which separates Multan from Sijistan, They are both 
towns of middling size, inhabited by Sindians, Indians, and a few 
natives of Sijistan. They produce wheat, rice, and fruits in small 
quantities. The drinking water is obtained from fountains and 
wells. Cotton cloths are made here, and sold in the country round. 
At the east of Multan is the town of Aughasht, four days' journey 
from Kandahar^ and the same from Multan. A small quantity of 

AL iDErsr. 93 

kana grows in the environs. The inhabitants are few but rich. 
From Aughasht to Eumala ten days. From Eumala to Kalbata 
three days. From Aughasht to Sandur three days. 

This is the sum of what we had to say about the country com- 
prised in the present Section. As to the maritime portion, what we 
have akeady said about the islands seems sufficient. Nevertheless, 
it is well to know that, starting from the island of Sarandfb, of 
which we have spoken under the first climate, with the intention of 
gaining the continent by the shortest course, Jirbatan' is the place 
to land at, for this is but little more than half a day's sail. If it is 
necessary to go towards the east, the landing must be made at 
Kaikasar, or at the foot of the Tnountain of Umri, which is very 
high, stretches towards the north, and forms a large reef in the sea. 
From this reef to Sarandfb is about four days. All this well-known 
mountain is covered with sapan wood, which is exported. The root 
of the sapan quickly soothes the paia caused by the bite of serpents. 

' [This name is written " Jirbat&n," and " Jirbatan" previously.] 





Zakariya sod of Muhammad son of Mahmdd is surnamed 
Kazwini, from the town of Kazwin or Kasbin in Persia, where he 
was born. He was not a traveller, but compiled his works from 
the writings of Istakhri, Ibn Haukal, and others, whom he re- 
gularly cites as his authorities. His works were written just 
after the middle of the thirteenth century, about 661 a.h. (1263' 
A.D.) according to Casiri, or 674 (1275 a.D.) according to Haji 
Khalfa. He has been called the Pliny of the East. He was 
author of the work called 'Jjdibu-l Makklukdt wa Ghardibu-l 
Maujvddt, " Wonders of things created, and marvels of things 
existing," also of the Asdru-l Bildd wa Akhbdru-l ''Ibdd, " Mo- 
numents of countries, and memoirs of men." A few extracts 
have been taken from the last work, containing matter derived 
from other sources than the books previously quoted. 

M . Reinaud, in his introduction to Aboulfeda, ascribes to Kazwini 
the authorship of the work called ''Ajdiburl bulddn, " Wonders of 
Countries." He found the contents of this work to be in the main 
identical with those of the Asaru-1 bilM, but containing more bio- 
graphical notices. This opinion is confirmed by a short Persian 
account of a work called " Bahru-l buldan," which is among Sir 
H. Elliot's MSS., and seems to have been written expressly for 
him. There is no copy of the work itself among the MSS., 


thougli Sir H. Elliot must once have had one in his possession. 
The notice says, " The Bahru-1 bulddn is not a distinct work, but 
is a Persian translation of the j^saru-1 Bil&d wa Akhbaru-1 'Ibad, 
well known in the world by the name 'Ajaibu-1 buld4n, written 
in Arabic by Zakariya bin Muhammad Kazwini.'" It is curious, 
however, that the 'Aj4ibu-1 buldan^ is frequently quoted by 
Kazwini in the Asaru-1 bilad, as being the work of Mis''ar 
bin Muhalhil, — a traveller who went to China and India 
about 331 A.H. (942 a.d.). Several instances of this will be 
found in the following extracts. It is hard to believe that 
Kazwini thus quoted his own work, or that he would refer 
the authorship of his own book to another person. If then, 
Kazwini is really the author of a work called 'Ajaibu-1 buldan, 
it is only reasonable to conclude that he adopted the title of his 
predecessor's work. Mis'ar bin Muhalhil is quoted by Yakut 
in his great Dictionary, and the fragments which he and Kaz- 
wini preserved have been selected and published with a Latin 
translation by M. Kurd de Schloszer.^ There is another Persian 
translation of the Asaru-1 bilad among Sir H. Elliot's MSS., 
bearing the title " Sairu-1 bildd." This MS. is called an 
"abstract," and was copied, and perhaps "abstracted," expressly 
for Sir H. Elliot, from a copy in the possession of Mr. J. 
Bardoe Elliott. The articles relating to India are given in full, 
but the others are greatly abbreviated. This work is said to 
be very scarce. 


EtJiam. — A large city in India. Mis'ar bin Muhalhil, who visited 
the place, says that he did not see either a temple or an idol there. 
When their king dies the people of the place choose another from. 
China. There is no physician in India except in this city. The 
buildings are curious, for the pillars are (covered with) shells from 

' The title is a favourite one. Mas'udi cites the work of Al JS.hiz, "Kitabu-1 ams&r 
■wa 'Ajaibu-1 buld&n" (Book ix.) ante page 21. 

* Eeinaud : Ahoulfeda, CXLIII. Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 23. 


the backs of fishes. The inhabitants do not eat fish, nor do they 
slaughter animals, but they eat carrion. They manufacture clay 
Tessels, which are sold in our cities like those of China, but they 
are not the same, because the clay of China is harder than that of 
Kulam, and bears the fire better. Tlie "vessels of Kulam are 
blackish, but those of China are whiter than all others. There are 
places here where the teak tree grows to a very great height, 
exceeding even a hundred cubits. Brazil wood, ratans, and kana 
silso grow here in abundance. Ehubarb grows here, the leaves of 
which are the Sazaju-1 Hindi, Indian leaf, and are held in high 
esteem as a medicine for the eyes. They bring here various sorts 
of aloe wood, camphor, and fraukiacense. Aloe wood }b also 
brought hither from the islands beyond the equator, where no one 
has ever gone and seen the tree. Water comes into it from the 
north. There is a mine of yellow sulphur here, and a mine of 
copper, the condensed smoke of which makes excellent vitriol. 

Mtjltan. — \_Kazwini quotes Istakhri at some length, hut gives addi- 
tional particulars from other writers.] Mis'ar bin Muhalhil says that 
it is the last city of India bordering on China.' It is a large 
fortified and impregnable city, and is held in high esteem by the 
Hindus and Chinese, for it contains a temple which is for them 
a place of worship and pilgrimage, as Mecca is for the Muham- 
madans. The inhabitants are Musulmans and infidels, but the 
government is in the hands of the former. The infidels have a 
large temple there and a great idol (budd). The chief mosque is 
near this temple. Islam prevails there, and its orders and interdicts 
are obeyed. All this is related by Mis'ar bin Muhalhil « «» «* The 
same author says that the summit of the temple is 300 cubits [zara'], 
and the height of the idol is 20 cubits. The houses of the servants 
and devotees are around the temple, and there are no idol worshippers 
in MultSn besides those who dwell in these precincts [kasr] » » » 
The ruler of MuMn does not abolish this idol, because he takes the 
large oflerings which are brought to it, and disburses certain sums 

' [The translator in tho Sairu-1 bil&d very rarely depai'ts from his text, but he 
observes in Hiis article that a good deal has been written in many books about 
Mmltan -whicL is not accurate, and Ihat MiiltJin is not near China, unless there be 
some other than the well-tnown tomi of that name.] 

AX KAzwrNr. 97 

to thB attendants for their maintenance. When the Indians make 
an attack upon the town, the Musvihnans bring out the idol, and 
when the infidels see it (about to be) broken or burnt, they retire. 
Ibnu-1 Faklh says that an Indian came to this idol, and placed upon 
his head a crown of cotton, daubed with pitch ; he did the same with 
his fingers, and having set fire to it he staid before the idol until it 
was burnt. 

SAiMtJR. — A city of Hind near the confines of Siad. The people 
are very beautiful and handsome, from being born of Turk and 
Indian parents. There are Musulmans, Christians, Jews, and Fire- 
worshippers there. The merchandize of the Turks is conveyed 
hither, and the aloes called Saimuri are named from this place. 
The temple of Saimur is an idol temple, on the summit of a high 
eminence, under the charge of keepers. There are idols in it of 
turquoise and baijadak,' which are highly venerated. In the city 
there are mosques, Christian churches, synagogues, and Fire 
temples. The infidels do not slaughter animals, nor do they eat 
flesh, fish, or eggs ; but there axe some who will eat animals that 
have fallen down precipices, or that have been gored to death, but 
they do not eat those that have died a natural death. This informa- 
tion has been derived from Mis'ar bin Muhalhil, author of the 
'Ajaibu-1 buldan, who travelled into various countries and recorded 
their wonders. 

SoMNiT. — A celebrated city of India, situated on the shore of the 
sea, and washed by its waves. Among the wonders of that place 
was the temple in which was placed the idol called Somndt. This 
idol was in the middle of the temple without anything to support it 
from below, or to suspend it from above. It was held in the 
highest honour among the Hindus, and whoever beheld it floating 
in the air was struck with amazement, whether he was a Musulman 
or an iafldel. The Hindus used to go on pilgrimage to it whenever 
there was an eoUpse of the moon, and would then assemble there to 
the number of m.ore than a hundred thousand. They believed that the 
souls of men used to meet there after separation from the body, and 
that the idol used to incorporate them at its pleasure in other bodies, 
in accordance with their doctrine of transmigration. The ebb and 
[A stone like a ruby.] 

VOL. I. ^ 


flow of the tide was considered to be the worship paid to the idol by 
the sea. Everything of the most precious was brought there as 
offerings, and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 
villages. There is a river (the Ganges) which is held sacred, 
between which and Somnat the distance is 200 parasangs. They 
used to bring the water of this river to Somnat every day, and 
wash the temple with it. A thousand brahmans were employed in 
worshipping the idol and attending on the visitors, and 500 damsels 
sung and danced at the door — all these were maiatained upon the 
endowments of the temple. The edifice was built upon fifty-six 
pillars of teak, covered with lead. The shriue of the idol was dark, 
but was lighted by jewelled chandeliers of great value. Near it 
was a chain of gold weighing 200 mans. When a poirtion (watch) 
of the night closed, this chaia used to be shaken like bells to rouse a 
fresh lot of brahmans to perform worship. When the Sultan Taminu-d 
Daula Mahmud bin Subuktigin went to wage religious war against 
India, he made great efforts to capture and destroy Somnat, in the hope 
that the Hindus would then become Muhammadans. He arrived there 
in the middle of Zi-1 k'ada, 416 a.h. (December, 1025 a.d.). The 
Indians made a desperate resistance. They would go weeping and 
crying for help into the temple, and then issue forth to battle and 
fight tm all were kUled. The number of the slain exceeded 60,000. 
The king looked upon the idol with wonder, and gave orders for the 
seizing of the spoil, and the appropriation of the treasures. There 
were many idols of gold and silver and vessels set with jewels, all 
of which had been sent there by the greatest personages in India. 
The value of the things found in the temples of the idols exceeded 
twenty thousand thousand dinars.' When the king asked his com- 
panions what they had to say about the marvel of the idol, and of 
its staying in the air without prop or support, several maintained 
that it was upheld by some hidden support. The king directed a 
person to go and feel all around and above and below it with a 
spear, which he did, but met with no obstacle. One of the atten- 

' [The words as given in Wiistenfeld's edition atej^.^ *— ^' ^ji/^* t^j^\ 
as translated in the Sairu-1 Jiilkij]^" J J])"' '-^ " " "rT . ^ *'^ Vj> and Gildemeister's 
Latin version has " vicies millena miUia." The enormous treasures found at Somnit 
have been a theme of wonder for all who have written on that conquest.] 

AL KAZWXm. 99 

dants tlien stated his opinion that the canopy was made of loadstone, 
and the idol of iron, and that the ingenious builder had skilfully- 
contrived that the magnet should not exercise a greater force on 
any one side — Whence the idol was suspended ia the middle. Some 
coincided, others differed. Permission was obtained from the 
Sultin to remove some stones from the top of the canopy to settle 
the point. "When two stones were removed from the summit the 
idol swerved on one side, when more were taken away it iuclined 
stUl further, until at last it rested on the ground. 

Taifand. — An impregnable fortress upon the summit of a moim- 
tain in India, to which there is only one way of access. On the top 
of this mountain there is water, cultivated land, and all necessary 
food. Yamlnu-d daula Mahmud bin Subuktigin in the year 414 
A.H. (1023 A.D.) besieged it for a long time, but at length reduced 
its garrison to extremities. There were 500 elephants on the 
mountain. The garrison asked quarter, and it was granted, and 
the fortress was confirmed to its master on payment of tribute. 
The lord of the fortress presented many gifts to the Sultan, among 
which was a bird in the form of a dove. "When food containing 
poison was presented to this bird, tears would fall from its eyes, and 
the tear drops were converted into stone, which stone being broken 
and placed upon a wound, it would heal up. This bird is found, 
only in this place, and does not thrive elsewhere. 




[A PORTION of this most interestiDg unique work was published 
by M. Reinaud, in his Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits 
relatif d I Inde, from the MS. numbered 62 in the Bibliothdque 
du Koi at Paris. The MS. has been described in the Journal 
Asiatique at different times, by M. Quatremere and M. Mohl, 
and it had been previously drawn upon by Anquetil Duperron 
and Silvestre de Sacy.] 

[The chapter published by M. Reinaud, with which we are 
here concerned, was not written by the author of the Mujmal 
himself, but was borrowed by him from an older work, of which 
he thus speaks, — " I have seen an ancient book of the Hindus 
which Abii Sdlih bin Shu'aib bin Jdmi' translated into Arabic 
from the Hindwdni language (Sanskrit). This work was trans- 
lated into Persian in 417 a.h. (1026 A.D.) by Abu-1 Hasan 'All 
bin Muhammad al Jili,i keeper of the library at Jurjan for a 
chief of the Dllamites. The book I saw was in the handwritiner 
of the author, and bore the date above given. It is the 

^ 1 [Eeinaud's prioteJ text had " alJabalti," but Quatremere, corrected itto"al 
Jili," (Jour, det Sav., Jan. 1851), that is native of JU&n or Gilan, S.W., of the 
Caspian. Jilrjfca is to the east of the same sea.] 


custom of the Hindu writers on philoaophj to put speeches into 
the mouths of beasts and birds, as in the book Kalila wa 
Dimna, and accordingly many such speeches are introduced 
into this book. I have here introduced the (account of the) 
origin of the kings and a short history of them, and I have 
copied it because it is not to be found anywhere else — but Grod 

[The date of the original A rabic translation does not appear ; 
it may or may not have been written before the work of Bil^duri, 
but the " extracts" relate to an ancient period, and more espe- 
cially to Sind, so that they come in most appropriately here at 
the beginning of the historical writings. The date of the Persian 
translation, and still more that of the Mujmal-, would carry them 
onward to a later and less suitable position.] 

M. Eeinaud is of opinion that the translated Sanskrit work 
was composed about the commencement of the Christian era, 
certainly long previous to the Raja TaranginI, and probably to 
the Maha-bharata ; and that the subsequent reputation of that 
poem threw the translated work into the shade. If so, it would 
go far to show that the Maha-bhdrata is, as Wolfe and Heyne 
say of the Iliad, a collection of older poems already current ; for 
there are many passages in Mujmalu-t Tawarikh which are 
almost verbatim the same as they are at present preserved in 
the Maha-bharata. Indeed, it might be said that the Maha- 
bharata was itself the work translated by the Arab, had not 
animals been represented as the speakers. 

The learned Editor also thinks he has discovered in this ex- 
tract indications of the Brdhmanical influence being established 
over the Kshatriyas, at an epoch subsequent to the war between 
the Pd,ndavas and Kauravas. The inference, however, rests upon 
very questionable grounds, so questionable, indeed, that we are 
tempted to exclaim, as the pious Persian translator does at the 
end of each Indian fable recorded by him, " G-od only knows the 
truth !" 

The author of the "Mujmalu-t Tawarikh," says that his 


father was the compiler of an historical work, and that he him- 
self had written a history of the Barmekides from their origin to 
their extinction. M. Quatremfere and M. Mohl say that his 
name is unknown, and give his pedigree as grandson of Muhallib 
bin Muhammad bin Shddi. He was a traveller; for he tells 
us that he had visited the tombs of Daniel, Ezekiel, and Jonas, 
and certain ancient buildings in Persia and Babylonia. He 
informs us that he commenced his book a.h. 520 (a.d. 1126), 
during the reign of Sanjar, son of Malik Shdh, Sultan of the 
Saljiikis, but he must have lived long after this, for he records 
an event of a.h. 689 (a.d. 1193.) 

His work is a chronological abridgment of universal history to 
the sixth century of the Hijri. He quotes several rare authori- 
ties and makes a critical use of them. The topic on which he 
appears to have exercised most of his researches is the history of 
Persia, on which subject he promises to write hereafter a more 
detailed account. He gives many curious and circumstantial 
details on geography, derived not only from books, but from his 
own personal observation. 

The Persian translation, which he quotes from Abn-1 Hasan, 
is badly executed, being much too literal, and without any pre- 
tensions to style ; and the same neglect of the most ordinary 
grace and embellishment has been observed in the author's own 
composition, in the portions which are original. 

The authorities he quotes are the history of Tabari, the Shah- 
ndma, Garshasp-nama, Faramarz-nama, Bahman-n&ma, Kiish- 
pil-dandan, Abu-1 Muayyid Balkhi, Hamza Isfahan!, and some 
others. He says that he quotes these in original, although they 
will be found to agree but little with one another, in order that 
his readers may know all that has been said upon the subjects he 
discusses ; that he abridges their prolixities, and discards their 
quotations in verse ; that if ever he quotes poetry, it is on 
account of its intrinsic excellence, or its peculiar adaptation to 
the subject he had to illustrate. 

" The transactions of the kings of Persia," he continueSj " are 



the only ones which I propose to recount at length, because that 
country is placed in the centre of the universe, because it forms 
one quarter of the habitable globe, because it is the cradle of the 
human race, because it is the residence of the kings of the fourth 
climate, because other portions of the globe, such as China, India, 
Zanj, Arabia, Greece, and Turkistan are not to be compared to 
Tran, nor is any other country, whether east, west, north, or 
south, — because, moreover, in reading the history of Persia, any 
one can at the same time instruct himself respecting the state, 
position, peculiarities and marvels of other countries." 

This work, therefore, as far as it goes, may be considered an 
introduction to the History of Persia, and that the author com- 
pleted the entire work cannot be doubted, because he constantly 
alludes to the details which he has given in the subsequent part. 
The discovery of the complete work would be a matter of con- 
gratulation. It was at one time the intention of M.M. Saint 
Martin and J. Mohl to publish the Mujmal with a commentary, 
and there is great cause to regret that the death of the former 
interrupted the project. 

The work, as at present preserved, consists of twenty-five 
chapters, of which many comprise merely chronological tables, 
such as those of the Prophets, kings of Riim, Arabs, S4manides, 
Buwaihides, Ghaznivides, Saljukians, and Greeks, but enters into 
more particulars respecting the Hindu, kings of India, the ancient 
kings of Persia, Muhammad, and the Khalifs, celebrated tombs, 
and Muhammadan cities. Without the last chapter, which is 
missing, the Manuscript contains 305 folios.'^ 


HrsTOEY or the Jats and Meds. — As an account of the Jats and 
Meds is given in the first part of the original work, I shall com- 
mence mine by making them the subject of it. 

1 See Journal Asiatique, trois. s6r. Tom. VII. pp. 246-285. Tom. XI. pp. 136- 
178, 258-301, 320-361. Le Livre des Bois, Tom. I. pp. l.-lx. Anquetil du Perron, 
Zendamsta, Tom. II. pp. 352, et seq. Keinaud's Mem. sur VInde, p. 14. Quatre- 
mere, in Jour, des Smants, Jan. 1851. 


The Jats and Meds' are, it is said, descendants of Ham. They 
dwelt in Sind and (on the banks of) the river which is called Bahar- 
By the Arabs the Hindus are called Jats. The Meds held the ascen- 
dancy over the Jats, and put them to great distress, which compelled 
them to take refuge on the other side of the river Pahan, but being 
accustomed to the use of boats, they used to cross the river and 
make attacks on the Meds, who were owners of sheep. It so c*ame 
to pass that the Jats enfeebled the Medp, killed many of them, and 
plundered their country. The Meds then became subject to the Jats. 

One of the Jat chiefs (seeing the sad state to which the Meds were 
reduced) made the people of his tribe understand that success was 
not constant; that there was a time when the Meds attacked the 
Jats, and harassed them, and that the Jats had in their turn done 
the same with the Meds. He impressed upon their minds the utiLitj'' 
of both tribes living in peace, and then advised the Jats and Meds to 
send a few chiefs to wait on king Dajiishan [Duryodhana], son of 
Dahrat [Dhritarashtra], and beg of him to appoint a king, to whose 
authority both tribes might submit. The result of this was satis- 
factory, and his proposition was adopted. After some discussion 
they agreed to act upon it, and the emperor Dajushan nominated 
his sister Dassal [Duhsala], wife of king Jandrat [Jayadratha], a 
powerful prince, to rule over the Jats and Medjs. Dassal went and 
took charge of the country and cities, the particulars of which and 
of the wisdom of the princess, are detailed in the original work. 
But for aU its greatness, and riches and dignity, there was no brah- 
man or wise man in the country. She therefore wrote a long letter 
to her brother for assistance, who collected 30,000 brahmans from 
all Hindustan, and sent them, with all their goods and dependents, 
to his sister. There are several discussions and stories about these 
brahmans in the original work. 

A long time passed before Sind became flourishing. The original 
work gives a long description of the country, its rivers and wonders, 
and mentions the foimdation of cities. The city which the queen 
made the capital, is called Askaland.^ A small portion of the 

'■ [See uote in Appendix on " the Meds."] 

' This is no douht the Ashkandra of Pottinger and others. See note in Appendix. 


country she made over to the Jats, and appointed one of them as 
their chief ; his name was Judrat. Similar arrangements were also 
made for the Meds. This government continued for twenty and 
some' years, after which the Bharats lost possession of the country. 
t> t» « # Q o « 


Beahmin.^ — ^Injustice was the cause of tiie fall of the dynasty of the 
Pandavas. Fortune had grown indifferent towards them, and they 
ended by becoming tyrants. One day they carried off the cow of a 
brahman, and were about to kill him, when the brahman warned them, 
and said, " I have read in books that the prosperity of the Pandavas 
will fall when they shall kill a brahman for the sake of a cow — do 
not kill me." They did not heed him, but killed both him and the 
cow. That brahman had a son named Brahmfn, a strong and taU 
man, who dwelt upon a mountain. When he heard of this nefarious 
business he arose, and said to himself, I will go and take away the 
sovereignty from the Pandavas, foi they have kiUed a cow, (and) a 
brahman : the words of the sages cannot prove false, so the time 
of the fall of their dominion is come. Men laughed at him, but a 
party assembled round him. He took a city, and his power in- 
creased day by day, until he had a large army; and he went on 
capturing cities until at length he reached the city of Hatna,^ w^hich 
was the capital. Kuyahurat marched out to the battle, but was 
slain, and Brahmin assumed the sovereignty. Wherever he found 
any one of the race of the Pandavas he slew him. But a few 
escaped, who concealed their extraction, and employed themselves as 
butchers and bak«rs, or in similar crafts. Brahmm acquired the 
whole of Hindustan. They say that a daughter of Bol [Nakula], 
son of Pandu, went to him, and gave him such counsels as induced 
him to desist from slaying the Pandavas. But he put them all in 
prison until a large number was collected, when as a condition of 

1 (""/JLrf Jiil) ' " ^.i.-i." An ami is a period of 15,000 years, or any number 
between three and ten.] 

' [This history is explained by the legend of Parasurfema, son of Jamadagni, called 
here Brahmin. Kiiy&h6rat is K&rtavirya; FSaaf, Kasyapa; Sun^h, the Muni 
Sunata ; and the cow, K&.madhenu. —Meinaitd.J 

' [Hastinapur.] 


their deliverance' he made them follow certain trades, so that no one 
would give their daughters to them, or take theirs, or associate with 
them. He proclaimed this throughout his dominions. Their posi- 
tion was lowered to such a degree, that they took to the occupation 
of musicians. It is said that the Hindu lute players belong to this 
family ; but Q-od knows. 

History of Sunagh. — They say that Brahpiin felt remorse for 
the slaughter of so many persons, and said, I substitute worship on 
the smnmit of a mountain for the slaughter of 'men. One day a 
brahman named Fasaf [Kasyapa] came to him and admonished him. 
Brahmin said, It is even so ; I myseK repent, and I will now give 
this kiagdom to thee. Fasaf said. It is no business of mine ; but 
Brahmin replied. Do thou receive it from me, and appoint some one 
over it by thy own authority. There was a servant named Sunagh, 
and him Fasaf seated on the throne. Brahmin then returned to the 
scene of his devotions. Sunagh practised justice and equity, and 
pursued a worthy course. The sovereignty remained in his family 
until fifteen kings had sat upon the throne. Then they became 
tyrants, and the sovereignty departed from them. This was in the 
reign of Gustasf, king of Persia. It is said that in the life-time of 
this Gustasf, Bahman led an army to Hindustan and took a portion 
of it ; as to the other parts every one (that could) seized a comer. 
No one of the family (of Sunagh) retained any power. Bahman 
founded a city between the confines of the Hindus and the Turks, to 
which he gave the name of Kandabil, and in another place, which 
they call Budha, he founded a city which he called Bahman-abad. 
According to one account this is Mansura ; but God knows. At this 
time he returned to Persia, when he received the news of the death 
of Gustasf, and assumed the crown. This account I found in this 
book, but I have not read it elsewhere. The mother of Bahman is 
said to have been of Turk extraction ; but God knows. 

History of the Kingdom of KASHMfB and HXl. — It is said that 
Hal was the descendant of Sanjwara, son of Jandrat and of the 

' [I have generally followed M. Quatremere in his ingenious and critical emenda- 
tions of the version published by Eeinaud, but it hardly seems necessary to change 
the Terb jastan to zistan, as he proposed in this passage. His Tersion is " II leur 
assigua, pour vivre, differents metiers." — Jour, des Sav., Jan. 1851.] 


daughter of King Dahrat. He inherited in Hindustan the dominion 
which had been occupied by Jandrat and Dassal and their descendants. 
He became a very important personage, and built a fine capital and 
several cities. His country was remarkable for the superior quality 
of the cloth that was manufactured there. The exportation of this 
fabric, without the stamp of the king, was prohibited. This stamp 
was an impression of his foot with saffron.' 

It happened that the wife of the king of Kashmir bought some of 
that cloth, and having made up a dress of the same, she appeared 
before her husband, who at the sight of the stamp got jealous, and 
asked her whence she got the cloth, and what stamp was on it. 
His wife replied that she had bought it from a merchant. The 
merchant was sent for, and the king made enquiries about it. The 
merchant said that the stamp on the cloth was an impression of king 
Hal's foot.'' On hearing this the king of Kashmir swore he would 
go and cut off the foot of king Hal. His Wazir observed, — 
" that place is the land of the brahmans, you will gain no victory 
there." The king of Kashmir did not heed this advice, but marched 
out with his army. When Hal heard of the king of Kashmir's in- 
tentions, he was alarmed ; he sent information to the brahmans 
and told them the king of Kashmir's threat, and said it behoved 
them therefore to throw obstacles in his way. The brahmans 
offered up their prayers, and counselled him to have an elephant 
made of clay, and to have it placed in front of the battle-field. Hal 
did so, and when the king of Kashmir's soldiers advanced under 
their commander-in-chief, flames burst from the elephant and burnt 
many of them. 

The king of Kashmir was then compelled to sue for peace, (at the 
conclusion of which,) Hal sent many presents to him. And the 
king of Kashmir, in order to fulfil his oath, cut off the leg of an 
image made of wax, and returned by the river.' He was advised 

^ Vigne's Kashmir, I. 134. 

* This is the same legend as that of Mihirakula in the ESja TarangiBi (II. 32) ; 
and the foot plays an important part in several other Indian stories. See Spren- 
ger's Mas'itdi, p. 318. Edwarde's Fanjab, I. 394. Eeinaud's Mem. 62. Ind. 
Altera. II. 853. 

3 Todd, II. 239, 264. Irving's Successors of Mahomet, 61. [The word translated 
"river" is darya, which Quatremere says ought to he read "sea." It bears hoth 


not to proceed by -water on account of its turbulence. In com- 
pliance -with, this advice be travelled along the bank (sabil) until 
he reached a stage some parasangs distant from the country of 
Kashmir, when the veaters siibsided.' In that place he built many 
houses and villages. The sea in Hindi is called Savandar* (Samu- 
dra). Hence that place was called Savandi, and it exists to this day. 
He also built temples and superb cities in many places. At length, 
intelligence of an enemy came to him from Kashmir, he then re- 
turned to his country, and suppressed his foes. The Government 
remained for a length of time in the hands of his descendants, and 
all the Hindus were obedient to them. In the country of Sind there 
were three kings, untU at length the territory of the Hindus came 
tmder the authority of King Kafand, after he had by his valour 
subdued them. A brahman had blessed him and said that the whole 
sovereignty should devolve npon him. 

HiSTOKT or King Kafand.' — ^This Kafand was not a Hindu, but 
through his kindly disposition and ec[uity all became obedient to 
him. He made fine speeches and praised the Hindus and their 
country. He raised their hopes by his virtues, and realised them by 
his deeds. He was cotemporary*' with Alexander the Greek. He 
had visions, of which he asked the interpretation jfrom a bralimauj 
and he sought peace from Alexander, to whom he sent his daughter, 
a skUful physician, a philosopher, and a glass vase.' In the Shah- 
nama he is called Kaid the Hindu. This story will also be related 

meanings, and the latter view is supported by the use of the word adhil, coast ; but it 
is difficult to 'conceive that the author supposed it possible to return to Kashmir 
by sea.] 

1 [Sir H. Elliot introduced some slight emendations into the the text of this 
passive, which seem preferable to the words printed by !Eeinaud, and have been 
followed in the translation. The original worda are }'^ Jt, ji^Lj (_L>-Lj j 

l^.Jj J^ l^jUx.. ElUot reads t::_.ji^^^2^ <_>7 ^ ^J^^i^,] 

' This appears to be an allusion to the Sumuudur, mentioned in the 'Aj4ibu-1 
Makhl6k&t, fol. 197, v. Mihr&n. [See BU^durS and Chach-n&ma, poat.^ 
3 [See Thomas in Jour. K.A.S., 1865. Vol. I. p. 453.] 

* [Quatrem^re's emendation of i^^ for liM is essential.] 
' [See Mas'udi. Chap, ixvi.] 


in th© life of Alexander. Wlion the information of the brahman 
reached the Hindus/ Kafand sent a person to Samid, his brother; 
directing him to go to Mansura with the brahman, and expel Mahra' 
the Persian from those places which Bahman had conquered, and to 
erect idol temples ia place of fire-temples. Samld called (to his 
assistance) Hal, ting of Hindustan, and they marched against Mahra 
the Persian, and warred with him until he fled into the city. Tor 
three years Mahra remained in the fortress, but when no prospect of 
success was left he ordered a tunnel to be dug, and they carried this 
(subterraneous passage) to a place called Kiydtasa. He then ordered 
posts to be fixed in the ground on the top of the fortress, and arms 
and helmets to be placed upon them, so that they looked like 
sentries. He then retired with the whole of his force through the 
tunnel, and marched towards the Turks, whose king gave him refuge. 
After some days crows perched upon the helmets, and the soldiers of 
Samid perceiving this the truth was made known. The gates were 
then opened, and the people of the city described the departure of 
Mahra the Persian. So after the lapse of some years Samid returned 
victorious to his own country. Alexander came to India after this 

After Eafand had departed his son Ayand ascended the throne, and 
he divided the country of Sind into four parts. One king he estab- 
lished at 'Askalandusa.' Upon another he bestowed the country of 
Zor to which Anj [Uch ?] is attached. Three other countries of the 
kingdom of Sanid [Samid] he bestowed upon another.* Fourthly, 

' [ju«»; li^^jJ^ iJ^J^ U}T • ^^°'^^ "°* trahman be read Bah- 
man ? " When intelligence of (the conquests of) Bahman reached the Hindds."] 

' [According to the Sh&h-nima.the name of the brahman, who interpreted Kaid's 
dream, was " MShran." — Semcatd.'\ 

' [iXiliii; (S^.JcliUiJO \j i/^' ^ ^^"'^ followed Eeinand in reading 
" 'Askalandlisa," but the name is generally accepted as '"Askaland," or '"Askalan- 
dra," and the termination uta has not been found elsewhere. May not the passage 
be read, " He established one king at 'Askaland and Sah ?" or may not even the 
last word signify " and threi' (dependencies).] 

♦ [The whole of this passage is ambiguous. The word \,:^^)it ij Juj, which is 
here rendered " three other countries," ia rendered as " un troisiime principaute" by 


lie consigned tlie countries of Hindustan, Nadama, and Lohana 
separately upon another. This was after the time of Hal.' When 
the Kfe of Ayand reached its limit, his son Basal became king. He 
reigned for some time, until one rose up against him and expelled 
him from the kingdom. Easal (then) went southwards, and estab- 
lished himself there. He had two sons, one named Eawwal, and 
the younger Barkamaris. 

HiSTORT OP Eawwaii and BakkamaeIs. — When Easal died his 
eldest son EawT^al assumed the sovereignty. It happened that a 
certain king had a daughter of great intelligence. Wise and learned 
men had declared that the man who should marry this girl should 
become king of the four climes.'' All the kings and princes of the 
Hindus sought her, but no one pleased her except Barkamaris, 
who was very handsome. When Barkamaris brought her home 
his brother said, as she pleased you so does she please me. Then 
he took the girl with her handmaids. Barkamaris said to himself 
" The damsel chose me for my wisdom and there is nothing better 
than wisdom." So he gave himself up to study, and associated with 
the learned and the brahmans, till he reached such perfection that ha 
had no equal. 

When the rebel who had expelled their father (Easal) heard the 
story of the damsel, he said " Can they who do such things occupy 
such a position ? " So he led an army and put Eawwal to flight. 
Eawwal with his brothers and nobles all went to the top of a moim- 
tain where a strong fortress had been buUt. Then they set guards 
on the summit and felt secure. But the enemy got possession of the 
mountain by stratagem, and besieged the fort, and was near upon 
taking it. Eawwal then sent to sue for peace, and his enemy said — 
" Send me the girl, and let every one of your chiefs send a girl. I will 
give these girls to my officers, — ^then I will withdraw." Eawwal 
was dejected, but he had a wazir, blind of both eyes, named Safar, 
of whom he enquired what was to be done. He advised him to give 
up the women and save his life. He might then take measures 
against his enemy, but if he lost his life what would be the good of 

• [See the account of the diYision, of Sind into four kingdoms as described in the 
first chapter of the Chach-n&ma, post.] 
^ [The four quarters of the world.] 


children and wife, and richeB. They resolved upon this course, but 
just at this juncture, Barkamaris came in, and after making his 
salutation, said, " I and the king are sons of the same father ; if he 
will acquaint me with his opinion, it may be that I may be able to 
suggest something, — do not take my youth into consideration." So 
they informed him of the facts. He then said, " It seems proper 
that I should stake my life for the king : let an order be given for 
me to be dressed like a woman, and let aU the officers dress their 
sons in like manner as damsels, and let us each conceal a knife in 
our hair, and carry a trumpet also concealed ; then send us to the 
king. When we are brought before the king they wiU tell him that 
I am the damsel, he will keep me for himself and give the others 
to his officers. When the king retires with me I will rip up his 
belly with the knife and sound the trumpet. When the other youths 
hear this they wiH know that I have done my work, and they must 
also do theirs. All the officers of the army wiU thus be slain. You 
must be prepared, and when you hear the trumpet, you must sally 
forth with your soldiers and we wiU extenninate the foe." Eawwal 
was delighted and did as was proposed. It succeeded, not one of 
the enemy's horsemen escaped, aU were slain and cast down from 
the mountain. Eawwal' s power increased. 

[The Wazir excites the Icing's suspicions against Barhamdris, who 
feigns madness.} 

One day in the hot season, Barkamaris was wandering barefoot 
about the city, and came to the gate of the king's palace. Meeting 
no hindrance he entered, and found his brother and the damsel sitting 
on a throne sucking sugar cane. When Eawwal saw him he observed 
that there could be no porters at the gate, otherwise the poor mendi- 
cant would never have got in. Taking pity on him, he gave him a 
bit of sugar cane. The mendicant took it, and picked up a piece of 
the shell of the cane to scrape and clean it with. When the king 
saw that he wanted to clean the cane, he told the damsel to give 
him a knife. She rose and gave the knife to Barkamaris, who 
cleaned the sugar cane with it, and craftily watched untU the king 
was off his guard. Then he sprung upon him, and plunging the 
knife into his navel, ripped him up. After that he seized his feet 


and dragged him from tlie throne. He next caUed the wazir and 
the people, and seated himself on the throne amid the plaudits of 
the people. He burnt the body of the king, took back the damsel 
and married her, and restored order. 

Then he called the wazir ajid said " I know that it was you who 
counselled my brother in his dealings with me, but this wus no fault 
nor is it blameable. It was God's will that I should be king, so 
continue to govern the kingdom as you did for my brother." Safar 
replied, " You have spoken the truth, aU that I did was for the good 
and advantage of your brother, not out of enmity to you. But I 
have now resolved upon burning myself, and cannot do as you desire. 
I was with your brother in life, and I will be with him in death." 
Barkamaris told him that he wanted him to write a book on the 
duties of kings, on government and justice, Safar consented, and 
wrote the book, which is called " Adabu-l Muluk," " Instruction 
of Kings." I have"" transcribed it in this book, for I have written 
an abstract of it. When it was finished he took it to Barkamaris 
and read it, and all the nobles admired and praised it. Then he 
burnt himself. The pow^er of Barkamaris and his kingdom, spread, 
until at length all India submitted to him. Such was Barkamaris. 
I have related all the facts just as I found them. 

* [Quatremere reasonably proposes to insert a negative here.] 






This work is in the Leyden University Library, and has 
been described by Hamaker, at pp. 7 and 239 of his " Speci- 
men CatalogU Codd MSS. Orientalium" An abstract of it 
is given in an appendix contained in the third volume of Dr. 
Grustave Weil's Geschichte ddr Chalifen, and the entire chapter 
on the conquest of Sind, has been edited by M. Reinaud in the 
Journal Asiatique for February 1845, reprinted with additional 
notes in his valuable "Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits 
relatifs a V Inde. [There is also a copy in the British Museum. 
The complete text has lately been admirably printed at Leyden, 
under the editorship of M. de G-oeje.] 

The author is Ahmad bin Yahya, bin Jabir, oumamed also 
Abia Ja'far and Abu-l Hasan, but more usually known as BilMuri, 
who lived towards the middle of the ninth century of our era, at 
the court of the Khalif Al Mutawakkal, where he was engaged 
as instructor to one of the princes of his family. He died a.h. 
279, A.D. 892-3 This is according to Reinaud's statement — 
Pascual de Grayangos while he gives the same year of his death, 
on the authority of Abu-l Mah^sin, says he lived at Baghdad in 
the Khalifat of Al-Mu'tamad. He left a large as well as a 
small edition of the Futtihu-l Buld4n. 


This work contains as its name implies, an account of the first 
conquests of the Arabs in Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Persia, 
Armenia, Transoxiana, Africa, Spain and Sind. It is one of the 
earliest Arabic chronicles ; for Tabari, though he wrote at Bagh- 
dad, and did not compose his work till afterwards, was evidently 
not acquainted with this author, since he omits much that Bila- 
duri has mentioned. It brings down the histoiy of events to 
the close of the reign of Mu'tasim, a.h. 227, a.d. 842. W4kidi, 
who is quoted by Bildduri, also wrote a book of " Conquests," 
and amongst them a " Conquest of Sind," which Dr. Sprenger 
mentions that he has seen quoted by Nuwairi at folio 103 of the 
large copy of Ley den. Copies of his other Futuh are very 
common; and much passes under his name which was never 
written by him, as in the instance of the work translated by 
Ockley ; but his Futuhu-s Sind is rare. Nuwairi mentions also 
another author of Indian history, folio 795, — Al Husain bin 
Yazid us Sirafi. We find also other authors on Sindian in- 
vasions quoted as existing at the early period of the Arabian 

Biladuri does not himself appear to have visited Sind, bu<- 
quotes the authors on whom he relied for information. Thus we 
have mention of Abu-1 Hassan 'Ali bin Muhammad Al Madalni, 
with whom he had verbal communication. This author, who 
died A.H. 840 (1436 a.d.), at the advanced age of ninety- 
three, composed, amongst other works, Al Mugh^zi wau-s Siyar, 
" Wars and Marches," which contained a detailed account of 
the expeditions of the Musulmans in Khurdsan and on the 
Indufl. Mansur bin Hatim is also mentioned as an author on 
Sindian History, with whom, as well as with Al Maddini, 
Bildduri had held personal intercourse. Another author quoted 
by Biladuri is Ibnu-1 Kalbi. 

Besides the Futuhu-l bulddn, our author wrote another work 
on cosmography, with a description of the inhabited earth entitled 
Kitdbu-l bulddn, the "Book of Countries," which is in the 
Library of the British Museum. {Bihl. Rich. No. 7496). He 


also wrote a work on the genealogy of the Arabian tribes, the 
title of which is not known, and he translated several works from 
the Persian. He also has the credit of being a good poet. He 
is cited frequently by Ibn Haukal, Al-Mas'udi, and other ancient 
geographers, but his history is rarely quoted. Kudama, who 
wrote at Baghdad, towards the end of the ninth century, gives 
an extract from it, and Ibn Asir also quotes it under the years 
89 and 95 h. 

He was called Biladuri or Bildzuri, from his addiction to the 
use of an intoxicating electuary made from the Bal4zar, or 
Malacca bean, which, from its resemblance in shape and colour 
to a heart, is called anacardium.^ [The name is written option- 
ally with either J or j. Goeje transcribes the name as " Beldd- 
sori." The author, however, is better known as Biliduri or 
Beladori, and that form has therefore been retained. The 
Leyden MS., like other old MSS., prefers the J to the J, even 
when the latter is manifestly correct — thus it gives Brah- 
manabaz for Brahmanabd^i, and Ruzbar for Riidb^r.^] 


Conquests of Sind. 

'All, son of Muhammad, son of 'Abdu-llah, son of Abu Saif, has 
related that the Khalif 'TJmar, son of Al Khattab appointed 'TJsman, 
son of Abu-1 'Asi of the tribe of Sakif to Bahrain and 'Uman in the 
year 15 h. (636 a.d.) 'Usman sent his brother Hakam to Bahrain, 
and he himself went to 'Uman, and despatched an army to Tana. 
When the army returned he wrote to the KhaUf 'TJmar to inform 

' F. R. Dietz, Analecta Medico,, p. 101. Compare "Weil, GeaehicMe der Chalifen, 
Vol. III. Auhang, Vol. I. p. i-x. Journal des Savants, April, 1847. Journal 
Asiatique, IV Serie, Vol. VIII. Hamaker, Specimen Catalogi, pp. 7, 12, 239. A. 
Sprenger's Meadows of Gold, ppi 15, 16, Fraehu, Indicaiiom SibUographiquea, Jfo. 39. 
Eeinaud, Fragments Arahes et Fersans, pp. xviii., xix. Memoire sur I'Inde, p. 16. 
AboulfMa II. 57. Biographical Diet. L. IT. K., " Ahmed aI-Eel6.dhori." Uylen- 
troek Iracce Fersicte Descriptio, p. 67. 

2 Morley's Catalogue, p. 20. MUUer's Fssai sur la Langm FehKvi. Lumsden's 
Grammar. £orlum-i Kdii, p. 4. Dubeux Tabari, XXX, Spiegel, Farai Grammar. 


liim of it. 'Umar wrote in reply — " brother of Sakif^ thou has 
placed the worm in the wood, but I swear by God, that t£ our men 
had been killed I would have taken (slain) an equal number from your 
tribe." Hakam despatched a force to Barauz; [Broach] ; he also sent 
to the bay of Debal his brother Mughira, who met and defeated the 

"When 'Usman, son of 'Akkan became Khalif, he appointed 'Abdu 
-llai. son of 'Amar, son of Kuraiz, to (the government of) 'Irak, and 
wrote to him an order to send a person to the confines of Hind in 
order to acquire knowledge and bring back information. He ac- 
cordingly deputed Hakim, son of Jaballa al 'Abdi. When this 
man returned he was sent on to the Klialif, who questioned him 
about the state of those regions. He replied that he knew them 
because he had examined them. The Khalif then told him to 
describe them. He said " Water is scarce, the fruits are poor, and 
the robbers are bold ; if few troops are sent there they will be slain, 
if many, they will starve." 'Usman asked him whether he spoke 
accurately or hypfirboHcaUy [Jjt'i. in rhyme]. He said that he 
spoke according to his knowlege. The Khalif abstained from 
sending any expedition there. 

At the end of the year 38,' ©r the beginning of the year 39 h.(659 
A.D.) in the Khalifat of 'All son of Ab4Salib, Haras the son of Marra-l 
'Abdi went with the sanction of the-Ehalif to the same frontier, as 
a volunteer. He was victorious, got plunder, made captives, and 
distributed in one day a thousand heads. He and those who were 
with him, saving a few, were slain in the land of Kikan^ in the 
year 42 h. (662 a.b.) Kikan is in Sind near the frontiers of 

In the year 44 h. (664 a.d.), and in the days of the Khalif 
Mu'awiya, Muhallab son of Abu Safra made war upon the same 
frontier, and advanced as far as Banna and Alahwar,' which lie 
between Multaa and Kabul. The enemy opposed him and killed 
him and his followers. In the land of Kikin, MuhaUab encoun- 
tered eighteen Turki horsemen, riding crop-tailed horses. They 
fought well but were all slain. MuhaUab said, '^How much more 

^ [u»^r'] • [Lahore.] 


active than we those barbarians were." So he docked the tails of 
his horses, and was the first among the Musiilmans who did so. 

In tbe reign of Mu'awiya, son of Abn Sufain, the Amir 'Abdu-Uah, 
son of 'Amir, or according to some, Mu'awiya himself sent 'Abdu-llah, 
son of Suar al 'Abdi, to the frontier, of Hind. He fought in Kikan 
and captured booty. Then.he came to Mu'awiya and presented to 
him some Kikaii horses. H6 staid'near the Khalif some time and 
then rettmed to Eikan, when; the 'Ktrks;;caUed their forces together 
and slew him. 

In the reign of the same Mu'awiya, the Chief ZiyM, son of Abii 
Sufian, appointed Sinan, son of Salama, son of al Muhabbik the 
Huzaili (to the command). He was a good and godly man, and 
was the first who made his troops take an oath of diyorce. He 
proceeded to the frontier and having subdued Makran and its cities 
by force, he staid there and established his power in the country. 
According to Ibn al Kalbi, it was Hakim bin JabaJa al 'Abdi who 
conquered Makran. 

Ziyad then appointed Eashid son of 'Umrii-l Judaidi of the tribe 
of Azd, to the frontier. He proceeded to Makran and was victorious 
in warring against Kikan, but he was slain fighting against the 
Meds. Sinan, son of Salama, then succeeded to the command and 
was confirmed therein by Ziyad. He remained there two years. 

'Abbad, son of Ziyad, tlien made war on the frontier of Hind by 
way of Sijistan, He went to Sanaruz, from whence he proceeded 
by way of Khiz to Euzbar' in Sijistan on the banks of the Hind- 
mand. Then he descended to Kish, and crossing the desert came 
to Kandahar.' He fought the inhabitants, routed them, put them 
to flight and subdued the country ; but many Musulmans perished. 
'AbbSd observed the high caps of the people of that country, and 
had some made like them, which he called 'Abbadfya, 

ZiySd next appointed Al Manzar, son of Al Jarudial 'Abdi, to the 
frontiers of India. He was known by the name of Abu-lAsh'as. 
He attacked and conquered Nukdn' and Kikati. The Musulmans 

1 [RMbar on the Helmamd.] 2 [« Eunduk&r" in the text.] 

' [The origiaal has simply ij^}^-J 


obtained great plunder, and their forces spread over all the country. 
He captured Kusdar and took prisoners there. Sinan had previously 
taken it, but its inhabitants had been guilty of defection. He died 
there (in Kuzdar). 

The governor 'Ubaidu-llah, son of Ziyad, then appointed Ibn 
Harri al Bahali. Grod, by his hands, subdued these countries, for he 
waged fierce war in them and conquered and plundered them. 
Some writers say that it was Sinan, son of Salama, who was ap- 
pointed to the (chief) command by 'Ubaidu-llah and that Harri led 
the forces. 

The people of Nukan are now Muhammadans. 'Amran, son of 
Musa, son of Yahya, son of Khalid the Barmakide, built a city there 
in the Khalifat of M'utasim bi-llah which he called Al Baiza (the 
white). When al Hajjaj, son of Yusuf, son of al Hakim, son of 
Abu 'Akail al Sakifi, was governor of Irak, Sa'Id, son of Aslam, 
sou of Zura'a al Kalabi was appointed to Makrdn and its frontiers. 
He was opposed and slain there by Mu'awiya and Muhammad, sons 
of al Haras al 'Alafi. « » « o e 

Hajjaj then appointed Mujja', son of S'ir al Tamimi to the frontier. 
He made war upon, plundered and defeated the tribes about Kanda- 
bil, and this conquest was subsequently completed by Muhammad, 
son of al Kasim. Mujja' died in Makran after being there a year. 

After the death of Mujja', Hajjaj appointed in his place Muham- 
mad, son of Harun, son of Zara' al Namari. Under the government 
of Muhammad, the king of the Isle of Kubies' sent as a present 
to Hajjaj, certain Muhammadan girls who had been born in his 
country, the orphan daughters of merchants who had died there. 
The king hoped by this measure to ingratiate himself with Hajjaj ; 
but the ship in which he had embarked these girls was attacked and 
taken by some barks (hawdrij) belonging to the Meds of Debal. 
One of the women of the tribe of Yarbu' exclaimed, " Oh Hajjaj !" 
When this news reached Hajjaj, he replied, "I am here."^ He 

1 [Ceylon.] 

2 Mir M^'Btim differs from tlie Fuiuhu-l buJddn and the Chsei-ndma and Firiahta. 
He Bays that the Khalif 'Abdu-1 malik sent some people to buy female slaves and 
other things of Hindustan, and were joined on the road by some Syrian merchants. 
Having completed their purchases, they were preparing to return by the sea route, 
when they were assailed by robbers at Debal, plundered, and slain, with the excep- 
tion of a few who escaped to tell the Khalif of tho outrage. — Tarikh-i Smd, p. 5-. 


then sent an ambassador to Dahir to demand their release, but 
Dahir replied, " They are pirates who have captured thesR women, 
and over them I have no authority." Then Hajjdj. sent 'Ubaidu- 
llah, son of Nabhan, against Debal. 'Ubaidu-llah being killed, 
Hajjaj wrote to Budail, son of Tahfa, of the tribe of Bajali, who 
was at 'Uman, directing him to proceed to Debal. When he arrived 
there his horse took fright (and threw him), and the enemy sur- 
rounded him and killed him. Some authors say he was killed by 
the Jats of Budha. 

The Isle of Kubies is so denominated because of the beauty of the 

Afterwards, Hajjaj, during the Khilafat of Walid, son of 'Abdu-I 
malik, appointed Muhammad, son of Kasim, son of Muhammad, son 
of Hakim, son of Abu 'Ukail to command on the Sindian frontier. 
Muhammad was in Fars when the order arrived, and had previously 
received instructions to go to Eai.' Abu-1 Aswad Jahm, son of 
Zahru-1 Ju'fi, was at the head of the advanced guard, and he was 
ordered to return to Muhammad, and he joined him on the borders 
of Sind. Hajjaj ordered six thousand Syrian warriors to attend 
Muhammad, and others besides. He was provided with all he could 
require, without omitting even thread and needles. He had leave to 
remain at Shiraz until all the men who were to accompany him had 
assembled, and all the preparations had beeai duly made. Hajjaj 
had some dressed cotton saturated with strong vinegar, and then 
dried it in the shade, and said, " When you arrive in Sind, if you 
find the vinegar scarce, soak the cotton in water, and with the 
water you can cook your food and season your dishes as you wish." 
Some authors say, that when Muhammad arrived on the frontiers, 
he wrote to complain of the scarcity of vinegar, and this was the 
reason which induced Hajjaj to send cotton soaked in vinegar. 

Then Muhammad, son of Kiisim went to Makran, and remained 
there some time. He then went to Kannazbur and took it, and then 
to Armail, which he also took. Muhammad, son of Harun, son of 
Zara', went to meet him, and joined him, but he died near Armail 
at Kasim's side, and was buried at Kambal.^ 

1 [South of the Caspian sea.] ' [Kamball (?) J,..< .] 


Conquest of Bebal. 

.Mnliamiiaad, son of Kasim, left Armdfl, accompanied by Jabm, 
the son of Zahru-1 .Tu'fl, and arrived at Debal on Friday, where 
ships brought to him a supply of men, anns, and warlike machines. 
He dug an entrenchment which he defended with spearmen, and 
unfurlfid his standards ; each body of warriors was arrayed under its 
own banner, and he fixed the manjanik, which was called "the 
bride," and required five hundred men to work it. There was at 
Debal a lofty temple (hudd) surmounted by a long pole, and 
on the pole was fixed a red flag, which when the breeze blew 
was unfurled over the city. The budd is a high steeple, below 
which the idol or idols are deposited, as ia this instance. The 
Indians give in general the name of budd to anything connected 
with their worship or which forms the object of their veneration. 
So, an idol is called budd. 

In the correspondence which ensued, Muhammad informed Hajjaj 
of what he had done, and solicited advice respecting the future. 
Letters were written every three days. One day a reply was re- 
ceived to this effect-: — " Fix the manjanik and shorten its foot, and 
place it on the east .; you will then call the manjanik-master, and 
tell him to aim at the flag^stafE, of which you have given a descrip- 
tion." So he brought down the flagstaff, and it was broken; at 
which the infidels were sore afflicted. The idolaters advanced to the 
combat, but were put to flight; ladders -were then brought and the 
Musulmans escaladed the waU. The first who gained the summit 
was a man of Kufa, of the tribe of Murad. The town was thus 
taken by assault, and the carnage endured for three days. The 
governor of the town, appointed by Dahir, fied, and the priests of the 
temple were massacred. Muhammad marked out a place for the 
Musulmans to dwell in, buUt a mosque, and left four thousand 
Musulmans to garrison the place. 

Muhammad, son of Yahya, says that Mansur, the son of Hatim, 
the grammarian, a freeman of the famUy of Khdlid, son of Assaid, 
relates that he had seen the pole broken into fragments which had 
been placed on the steeple of the temple. 'Ambissa son of Ishak 
Az Zabbf, the governor of Sind, in the Khalifat of Mu'tasim biUah, 


knocked down the upper part of the minaret of the temple and 
converted it into a prison. At the same time he began to repair 
the ruined town with the stones of the minaret ; but before he had 
completed his labours, he was deprived of his employment, and was 
succeeded by HarAn, son of Abi . Khalid-al Maruruzi, and he was 
slain there. 

Muhammad, son of Kasim then went to Nirun,' the inhabitants of 
which place had already sent two Samanis, or priests, of their town 
to Hajjaj to tareat for peace. They furnished Muhammad with supplies, 
and admitting him to enter the town, they were aJLtowed' to> capitulate. 
Muhammad conquered all the towns successively which he met on.' 
his route, until he had crossed a river which runs on this side of the 
Mihran [Indus]. He then saw approaching towards him Sarbidas, 
the Samanf, who came to demand peace in the name of the inhabi- 
tants. Muhammad imposed tribute upon them, and then went 
towards Sahban, and took it. Then he went to the banks of the 
Mihrin, and there remained. When this news reached Dahir, he 
prepared for battle. Muhammad, son of Kasim, had sent Muham- 
mad, son of Mus'ab, son of 'Abdu-r Eahman as Sakifi, to Sadusan, 
with men mounted on horses and asses, at whose approach the 
inhabitants solicited quarter and peace, the terms of which were 
negociated by the Samani. Muhammad granted them peace, but he 
imposed tribute on the place, and, took pledges from them, and then 
returned to his master. He brought with him four thousand Jats, 
and left at Sadusan an officer in comiq,and. 

Muhammad sought the means of crossing the Mihran, and effected 
the passage in a place which adjoined the dominions of Basil, chief 
of Kassa, in Hind, upon a bridge which he had caused to be con- 
structed. Dahir had neglected every precaution, not believing that 
the Musulmans would dare to advance so far. Muhammad and his 
Musulmans encountered Dahir mounted on his elephant,, and sur- 
rounded by many of these animals, and his Takakaras [Thakurs] 
were near his person. A dreadful conflict ensued, such as had never 
been heard of. Dahir dismounted and fought valiantly, but he 
was killed towards the evening, when the idolaters fled, and the 

1 {Groeje's text has " Birlin," but he says the MSi had ,..« -J.l 


Musnlmans glutted themselves with massacre. According to Al 
Madainf, the slayer of Dahir was a man of the tribe of Kalab, who 
composed some verses upon the occasion. « « « » 
Various authors concur in saying that Mxihammad took the village 
of Eawar' by assault, in which city there was a wife of Dahir, who, 
afraid of being captured, burned herself along with her handmaids 
and all that she possessed. 

Then Muhammad, son of Kasim, went to old Erahmanabad, two 
parasangs from Mansura, which town indeed did not then exist, its 
site being a forest. The remnant of the army of Dahir rallied at 
Brahmanabad and resistance being made, Muhammad was obliged 
to resort to force, when eight, or as some say, twenty-six thousand 
men were put to the sword. He left a prefect there. The place 
is now in ruins. 

Muhammad then marched towards Alrur' and Baghrur. The 
people of Sawandari came out to meet him and sued for peace, which 
was granted them, on the condition that they should entertain the 
Muhammadans and furnish guides. At this time they profess the 
Muhammadan creed. After that he went to Basmad, where tho 
inhabitants obtained peace on the same terms as those accorded to the 
Sawandrians. At last he reached Alriir, one of the cities of Sind. 
It is situated on a hill. Muhammad besieged it for several months, 
and compelled it to surrender promising to spare the lives of the 
inhabitants and not touch the temples (biidd). "The temples," he 
said, " shall be unto us, like as the churches of the Christians, the 
synagogues of the Jews, and the fire temples of the Magians." He 
imposed, however, the tribute upon the iohabitants, and built a 
mosque in the city. 

Miihamraad advanced to Alsaka,* a town on this side of the Biyds, 
which was captured by him, and is now in ruins. He then crossed 
the Biyas, and went towards Multan, where, in the action which 
ensued, Zaida, the son of 'Umur, of the tribe of Tai, covered himself 
with glory. The infidels retreated in disorder into the town, and 
Muhammad commenced the siege, but the provisions being ex- 
hausted, the Musulmans were reduced to eat asses. Then came there 

1 [See Elphinstone, I. p. 506.] 

' [AlrCid ill one MS. Alor is the place intended.] ' [aCu*!LJ 

AL BILADtTRr. 123 

forward a man who sued for quarter, and pointed out to them aa 
aqueduct, by which the inhabitants were supplied with drinking 
water from the river of Basmad. It flowed within the city iato a 
reservoir like a well, which they call talah} Muhammad destroyed 
the water-course ; upon which the inhabitants, oppressed with thirst, 
surrendered at discretion. He massacred the men capable of 
bearing arms, but the children were taken captive, as well as the 
ministers of the temple, to the number of six thousand. The 
Musulmans found there much gold in a chamber ten cubits long by 
eight broad, and there was an aperture above, through which the 
gold was poured into the chamber. Hence they call Multan " the 
Frontier of the House of Gold," for farj means "a frontier."'* The 
temple (hudd) of Multan received rich presents and offerings, and to 
it the people of Sind resorted as a place of pilgrimage. They cir- 
cumambulated it, and shaved their heads and beards. They con- 
ceived that the image was that of the prophet Job, — God's peace be 
on him ! 

We are told that Hajjaj caused a calculation to be made of the 
sums expended in fitting out this expedition of Muhammad Kasim, 
and the riches which resulted from it. He had spent sixty millions 
(of du'hams) and that which had been sent to him amounted to one 
hundred and twenty millions. He said •.^-" We have appeased our 
anger, and avenged our injuries, and we have gained sixty millions of 
dirhams, as well as the head of Dahir. Hajjaj then died.^ Upon 
learning this, Muhammad left Multan and returned to Alrur and 
Baghrur, which had been previously captured. He made donations 
to his men, and sent an army towards al-Bailaman, the inhabitants 
of which place suiTendered without any resistance. He made peace 
with the inhabitants of Surast, with whom the men of Basea* are 

' M. Eeinaud observes that the pronoun does not indicate whether this native 
word applies to the canal or the reservoir. He conjectures, with some probability, 
that the word may be ndld, " stream," but that word is not so pronounced at 
Mult&n. I prefer, therefore, tdldb, tdldo, " a tank, or reservoir." [In Goeje'a edition 

the word is — JU .J 

' When the Musulmans ai-ms extended to the mountains parallel with the course 
of thfi Indus, the kingdoms of Kibul and Sind were called Farjkn " the two frontiers" 
— Uylenbroek, IraC(S Fersica Descriptio, p. 67.. 

3 [In the year 95 h., 7U a.d.] « [BudhaJ 


now at war. They are Meds, seafarers, and pirates. Then he went 
against the town of Kiraj. Duhar advanced to oppose him, but the 
enemy was put to flight. Diihat fled, but some say he was killed. 
The inhabitants surrendered. Muhammad slew (all those capable of 
bearing arms) and reduced the rest to slavery. * *• ** 

Meanwhile, Walid, son of 'Abdu-1 maUk, died, and was succeeded 
by- (his brother) Sulaiman, who appointed SaUh, son of 'Abdu-r- 
Eahman, to collect the tribute of 'Irak. Tazid, son of Abu kabsha 
as-Saksaki, was made governor of Sind, and Muhammad, son of 
Kasim, was sent back a prisoner with Mu'awiya, son of Muhallab. 
The people of Hind wept for Muhammad, and preserved his like- 
ness at Kiraj. Ho was imprisoned by Salih at Wasit. S41ih put 
him to torture, together with other persons of the family of Abu 
'Ukail, until they expired: for Hajjaj' (Muhammad's cousin) had 
put to death Adam, Salih's brother, who professed the creed of the 
Kharijis. Hamza, the son of Baiz Hanafi, says : — 

" Verily, courage, and generosity, and liberality. 
Belonged to Muhammad, son of E&sim, son of Muhammad, 
He led armies at the age of seventeen years, 
He seemed destined for command from the day of his birth." 

Yazi'd, son of Abu Kabsha, died eighteen days after hia arrival in 
Sind. Sulaiman then appointed Habib, son of al Muhallab, to carry 
on the war in Sind, and he departed for that purpose. Meanwhile 
the princes of Hind had returned to their states, and Jaishiya,^ son 
of Dahir, had come back to Brahmanabad. Habib proceeded to the 
banks of the Mihran, where the people of Alrur made their submis- 
sion ; but he warred against a certain tribe and reduced them. 

When the Khalif Sulaiman, son of 'Abdu-1 Malik, died, he was 
succeeded by 'TJmar son of 'Abdu-1 'Aziz. " He wrote to the princes 
(of Hind) inviting them to become Musulmans and submit to his 
authority, upon which they would be treated like all other Musul- 

' That sanguinary wretch is said to have slaughtered by his arbitrary mandates 
120,000 pensons, and after his death there were found in his different prisons, 30,000 
men and 20,000 women. This is drawn from Persian sources. The Snimi writers 
represent him as just and impartial, notvpithstandiug his unflinching severity. — 
Pascual de Gayangos, Biographical Dictionary, Art. " Al Hajjij." 

2 [This reading is from Kud&ma, and is confirmed by the Chach-n&ma. Our text 
is doubtful iLuik*- Eeinaud gives "HuUysah" M$m, aur Finder. 191. The true 
name was Jai Sinha. See Chach-ndma, post.} 3 [717 A.D.] 


mans. These princes already heard of his promises, character, 
and creed, so Jaishiya and other princes turned Musulmans, and 
took Arab names. 'Amru, son of Musliia al Bahali -was lieutenant 
of 'Umar on this frontier. He invaded several places in Hind and 
subdued them. 

In the days of Tazid, son of 'Abdn-1 Malik,^ the sons of Al Mu- 
hallib fled to Sind, and Hilal, son of Ahwaz al Tamimi was sent 
after them^ He fell in with them and killed Mndrak, son of 
Muhallab, at Kandabil. He also slew Mufazzal, 'Abdu-1 Malik, 
Ziyad, Marun, and Mu'awiya, sons of MuhaUab ; last of all he 
killed Mu'awiya, son of Yazid. 

Junaid, son of 'Abdu-r Eahman al Marri was appointed to the 
frontier of Sind, under the authority of 'Umar, son of Hiibaira 
al Fazari, and was confirmed in the government by (the .'Ehalif ) 
Hasham, son of 'Abdu-1 Malik.'' "When Khalid, son of 'Abdu-llah 
Al Kasrf was sent to 'Irak (as governor) ■ Hasham wrote to Junaid 
directing him to keep up a correspondence with Khalid. Junaid went 
to Debal and from thence to the banks of the Mihran, but Jaishiya 
(son of Dahir) forbade him to cross, and sent to him, saying, "I 
have become a Musulman, and an excellent man confirmed me in 
my states, but I have no faith in thee." But (Junaid) gave him 
pledges and took pledges from him, together with the tribute due 
from his territories. They thus exchanged guarantees, but Jaishiya 
acted like an infidel and took up arms. But some say, on the 
contrary, ^that he did not begin the attack, but that Junaid dealt 
unjustly with him. Jaishiya assembled his troops, fiited out ships 
and prepared for war. Junaid proceeded against him in ships afad 
they fought in the lake of Ash Sharki. Jaishiya's ship was destroyed, 
and he himself was taken prisoner and slain. Sasa' son of Dahir fled 
and proceeded towards 'Irdk to complain of the the treachery of Junaid, 
but the latter did not cease to conciliate him until they had shaken 
hands,, and then he slew him. Junaid made war against Kiraj, the 
people of which had rebelled. He made use of battering-ramB, and 
battered the walls of the town with them until they were breached, 
and then he stormed the place, slaying, plundering, and TtiaViTig 

> [Tazid II. reigned 720 to 724 a.d.] 

2 [Begiin to xeign 724 a.b.] " ['C a icj 


captives. He then sent his o£5cers to Mannad Mandal, Dahnaj, 
and Barus [Broach]. Junaid used to say, "It is better to die with 
bravado than with resignation," He sent a force against Uzain' 
and he also sent Habid, son of Marra, with an army against 
the country of Maliba." They made iQcursions against Uzain, and 
they attacked Baharimad' and burnt its suburbs. Junaid conquered 
al Bailaman and Jurz,* and he received at his abode, in addition to 
what his visitors presented to him, forty millions, and he himself 
carried off a similar sum. 

The successor of Junaid was Tamim, son of Zaid al 'TJtbi. He 
was feeble and imbecile, and died near Debal in a water called the 
" Buffalo-water." This water was so called because buffalos took 
refuge there from the bears which infested the banks of the Mihran. 
Tamim was one of the most generous of Arabs, he found in the 
treasury of Sind eighteen million Tatariya dirhams, which he soon 
spent. * * * * * In the days of Tamim, the Musuhnans 
retired from several parts of India and left some of their positions, 
nor have they up to the present time advanced so far as in days 
gone by. 

Hakim, son of 'Awana al Kalbi, succeeded Tamfm. The people 
of India had returned to idolatry excepting those of Kassa, and the 
Musulmans had no place of security in which they could take refuge, 
so he built a town on the other side of the lake facing India, and 
called it Al Mahfuza, " the seciire," and this he made a place of refuge 
and security for them, and their chief town. He asked the elders of 
the tribe of Kalb, who were of Syrian descent, what name he should 
give the town. Some said Dimashk [Damascus], others, Hims 
[Emessa], and others Tadmur [Palmyra]. Hakim said (to the 
latter), " May God destroy" you, fool." He gave it the name of 
Al Mahfuza, and dwelt there. 

'Amru, son of Muhammad son of Kasim was vsdth Hakim, and the 
latter advised with him, trusted him with many important matters, 
and sent him out of Al Mahfuza on a warlike expedition. He was 
victorious hx his commission, and was made an amir. He founded 

' [^jj*i°-] ' [Milwa or Malabar.] * fjUJ^fi.] 

* [Gnzerat. See Note A in Appendix.] 

' [There is a pun here on the root of the word Tadmur.] 

AL BILi^DURr. 127 

a city on this side of the lake, which he called Mansura, in which 
city the governors now dwell. Hakim recoTered from the hands of 
the enemy those places which they had subjugated, and gave satis- 
faction to the people in his country. Khdlid said, " It is very sur- 
prising, — ^I gave the charge of the country to the most generous of 
Arabs, that is, to Tamlm, and they were disgusted. I gave it to the 
most niggardly of men and they were satisfied." Hakim was killed 

The governors ■who succeeded continued to kiU the enemy, taking 
whatever they could acquire aUd subduing the people who rebelled. 
When the fortunate dynasty (that of the 'Abbasides) was estab- 
lished, Abu Muslim appointed 'Abdu-r Eahman, son of Abu Muslim 
Mughallisa-1 'Abdi, to the frontier of Sind. 'Abdu-r Eahman went 
by way of Tukharistan, and proceeded against Mansiir, son of 
Jamhur al Kalbi, who was in Sind. But he was met by Mansur 
and slain, and his forces were put to flight. When Muslim heard 
this he appointed Miisa, son of Ka'bu-t Tamimi, and sent him to 
Siud. When he arrived, the river Mihran lay between him and 
Mansur, son of Jamhur.^ Still he came up with Mansur, put him 
and his forces to flight, and slew his brother Manzur. Mansur fled 
in wretched plight to the sands, where he died of thirst. Miisa 
ruled in Sind, repdred the city of Mansiira, and enlarged its 
mosque. He was victorious in his campaigns. 

The Khalif al Mansur sent to Sind Hasham, son of 'Amrii al 
Taghlabi, and he reduced those places which still held out. He 
sent 'Amru, son of Jamal, in boats to Narand.' He also sent (a 
force) to the territories of Hind, subdued Kashmir, and took many 
prisoners and slaves. Multan was reduced, and he overpowered a 
body of Arabs who were in Kandabil, and drove them out. He 
then went to Kandahar in boats, and conquered it. He destroyed 
the hudd there, and buUt in its place a mosque. There was abund- 
ance in the country under bis rule, and the ijeople blessed him — he 
extended the frontier, and enforced his decrees. 

'Umar, son of Hafs, sou of 'Usman Hazarmard, was then appointed 

' [Coins of this Manstlr and of other Sind rulers have been found in the ruins of 
a city supposed to he BrahmanSh&d. — Thomas' Frinsep, II., 119.] 


governor of Sind, and after him Daud, son of Yazfd, son of Hatim. 
There was with him Abu-1 Samma, who had been a slave of the 
tribe of Kanda, and who is now governor. The affairs of the 
frontier went on prosperously until Bashar, son of Daud, was 
appointed under the Kialifat of Mamun.^ He rebelled, and set up 
in opposition. Ghassan, son of 'Abbad, who was a native of the 
neighbourhood of Kiifa, was sent against him. Bashar proceeded 
to meet Ghassan under a safe conduct, and they both proceeded to 
the Muhammadan capital (Baghdad). Ghassan deputed Musa, son 
of Yahya, son of Khalid, son of Barmak, to the charge of the fron- 
tier. Musa killed Bala, king of Ash-sharki, although the latter had 
given him five hundred thousand dirhams to preserve his life. Bala 
was faithful to Ghassan, and wrote to him in the presence of his army, 
through the princes whs were with him, but his request was rejected. 
Musa died in 221* a.h. (836 a.d.), leaving a high reputation, and 
he appointed his son 'Amran as his successor. The Khalif M'utasim 
bi-llah wrote to him confirming him in the government of the 
frontier. He marchefl to Kikan against the Jats, whom he defeated 
and subjugated. He built a city there, which he called Al Baiza, 
"the white," ° and he posted a military force there. Then he pro- 
ceeded to Multan, and from thence to Eandabil, winch city stands 
upon a hUl. Muhammad, son of Khalil, was reigning there, but 
'Amran slew him, (conquered the town, and carried away its inhabi- 
tants to Kusdar. Then he made war upon the Meds, and killed 
three thousand of them. ; There he constructed a band, which is 
called " Sakru-1 Med," Baiid of the Meds. He encamped en the river 
at Alrur.* There he summoned the iJats, who came to his presence, 
when he sealed"^ their hands, took from them the jizya (capitation 
tax), and he ordered that every man of them should bring a dog 
with hi-m when he came to wait upon him, — hence the price of a 
dog rose to fifty dirhams. He again attacked the Meds, haviiog -with 
him the chief men of the Jats. He dug a canal from the eea to their 
tank, so their water became salt ; and he sent out several marauding 
expeditions against them. 

1 [Began to reign in 813 a.d.] 

" [The text says 21, tut this is a manifest error.] > [See ante, p. 118.] 

* \j}J\jii ^ ''*■ "On the river of Edr.] « [j^^'V.^ (*^^-] 


Dissensions then arose between the Nizarians' and Yamanians, 
and 'Amran joined with the latter. 'Umar, son of 'Abu-1 Aziz al 
Hahbari, consequently went to him and kUled him unawares. The 
ancestor of this 'Umar had come into Siad with Hakim, son of 
'Awana al Kalbf.' 

Mansur, son of Hatim, related to me that Fazl, son of Mahan, 
formerly a slave of the sons of Sama, got into Sindan and subdued 
it. He then sent an elephant to the Khalif Mamiiu, and wrote to 
him and offered up prayers for him in the Jami' masjid, which he 
buUt there. "When he died he was succeeded by Muhammad son of 
Fazl son of Mahan. He proceeded with sixty vessels against the 
Meds of Hind. He killed a great number of them, captured 
Kalian' (?) and then returned towards Sindan. But his brother, 
named Mahan, had made himself master of Sindan, and wrote to the 
Khalif Mu'tasim bi-llah, and had sent to him as a present the 
largest and longest sdj,^ that had been seen. But the Indians were 
under the control of his brother whom they liked, so they slew 
Mahan and crucified him. The Indians afterwards made themselves 
masters of Sindan, but they spared the mosque, and the Muhammadans 
used to meet in it on the Friday and pray for the Khalif. 

Abii Bakr, who had been a slave of the Karizis, related to me that 
the country called Al 'Usaifan between Kashmir and Multan and 
Kabul, was governed by a wise king. The people of this country 
worshipped an idol for which they had built a temple. The son of the 
king fell sick, and he desired the ministers of the temple to pray to 
the idol for the recovery of his son. They retired for a short time, 
and then returned and said, " We have prayed and our supplications 
have been accepted." But no long time passed before the youth 
died. Then the king attacked the temple, destroyed and broke in 
pieces the idol, and slew its ministers. He afterwards invited a 

' [The Niz&rians are the descendants of Niz^r, an ancestor of Muhammad, and the 
Tam&niane are the trihes of Taman (Yemen). See note in Eeinaud's Fragments, 
also his Invasions des Sarrasins en France, p. 72, et seg.l 

2 See a note upon the Amirs Mdsa and Amran, in Eeinaud's Fragments, p. 215.] 

3 [The text has ij^^.] 

* [Sdj, a green or black sash rolled round the head and hanging down behind. 
It is also the name of the teak tree.] 

VOL. I. 9 


party of Muhammadan traders who made known to him the unity of 
Grod. Hereupon he believed in the xujity and became a Musulman. 
This happened in the Khalifat of Mu'taeim bi-llah, — may God have 
mercy on him. 





Chach-nama is the name now universally given to the work 
which details the usurpation of the Brahman Ohach and the Arab 
conquest of Sind ; but the history itself gives us no authority for 
this name, on the contrary it is spoken of in the preface and 
conclusion merely as Fath-naraa, "a despatch announcing victory." 
It is sometimes styled, as by Elphinstone, Tdrikh-i Hind o Sind. 
It is quoted by Niiru-l Hakk in the Zubdatu-t Tawarikh, and by 
Nizamu-d din Ahmad in the Tabakat-i Akbari, as the Minhdju-1 
Mas&lik, which the latter tells us is more commonly known as 
the Chach-nama^ 

This work was translated from the Ajabic by Muhammad 'All 
bin Haraid bin Abu Bakr Kiifl, in the time of Nasiru-d din 
Kabacha, who is styled, amongst many other titles, Amiru-1 
Muminin Abii-l Fath Kabachau-s Salatin,^ " the tents of whose 
glory were pitched with the ropes of his authority, and with the 
mallet of the strictness of his commands." He is said to adorn 
the throne lately occupied by the blessed martyr Abii-l Muzaffar 
Muhammad bin Sam Nasir Arairu-l Muminin. 

The translator informs us that, after having spent much of his 
life in the enjoyment of great comfort and happiness, he was re- 
duced to distress, and compelled by the vicissitudes of the time to 
leave his native land and take up his abode in U'ch. He says that 

' This is a new mode of using the tena ia combination, and would show that some 
meaning must be ascribed to Kabicha. The dictionaries translate it only as a " small 
tunic." [It is frequently written " JKabija," but the I^Sgari legends on the coins 
make it " Kubichahi." See Thomas' Prinsep., I. 305. 'Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 
Plate XX., Ko. 19.] 


in the 58th year of his age, and the 613th of the Hijri (1216 a.d.), 
he withdrew his hand from all the concerns which had previously 
occupied his mind, and made a few delightful books his sole com- 
panions. He considered within himself that learned persons of 
every age had, by the assistance of their masters and patrons, 
compiled histories and books, and established a reputation for 
themselves by their literary attainments ; that, for instance, the 
conquests of Khurasan, 'Irak, Persia, Rum, and Sham had been 
celebrated at large in poetry and prose by authors of past ages ; 
and that a victory had been achieved, and the country of 
Hindustan conquered, by Muhammad Kasim and other nobles 
of Arabia and Syria, and mosques and pulpits had been raised 
throughout the country, from the sea-shore to the boundaries of 
Kashmir and Kanauj, and Rai Dahir, son of Chach, the king of 
Alor, had been slain by the great noble, the best man of the 
State and Religion, Muhammad bin Kdsim bin 'Akil Sakifi, 
may God's mercy be on him ! and the Rai's territory with all 
its dependencies had been taken possession of by that conqueror. 
The translator, therefore, wished to be acquainted with an ac- 
count of the country and its inhabitants, and also with the 
history of D4hir's defeat and death, in order that he might be 
able to compile a book upon that interesting subject. 

In the endeavour to obtain this information, he left the sacred 
city of U'ch, and went to Alor and Bhakar, the Imams of which 
places were the descendants of the Arab conquerors. On his 
arrival there, he met with the Maulana Kazi, Isma'il bin 'Ali 
bin Muhammad bin Miisd bin Tdi bin Ya'kiib bin Tai bin Miisi 
bin Muhammad bin Shaib^n bin 'Usm4n Sakifi. He was a 
mine of learning and the soul of wisdom, and there was no one 
equal to him in science, piety, and eloquence. On being consulted 
on the subject of the Arabian conquest, he informed the trans- 
lator that an account of it was written by one of his ancestors, in 
a book composed in the Arabic language, which had descended 
from one generation to the other, till it reached his hands by 
course of inheritance. But as it was dressed in the language of 


Hijaz, it had obtained no currency among the people, to whom 
that language was foreign. 

When the translator read the book, he found it adorned with 
jewels of wisdom and pearls of precepts. It related various feats 
of chivalry and heroism on the part of the Arabs and Syrians. 
It treated of the capture of those forts which had never before 
been taken, and showed the morning of the night of infidelity 
and barbarism. It recounted what places in those days were 
honoured by the arrival of the Muhammadans, and having been 
conquered by them, were adorned by religious edifices, and 
exalted by being the residence of devotees and saints. Up to 
this day, the translator continues, the country is improving in 
Isldm faith and knowledge, and at all periods since the conquest 
the throne of royalty has been occupied by one of the slaves of 
the house of Muhammad, who removed the rust of Paganism 
from the face of Isl4m. 

He proceeds to tell us that he dedicates his translation to the 
minister of Nasiru-d din Kabacha, whom he designates among 
other titles, the Defender of the State and Religion, the greatest 
of all Wazirs, the master of the sword and pen, Sadr-i Jahan 
Dastiir-i Sahib-Kir^n 'Ainu-1 Mulk Husain bin Abi Bakr bin 
Muhammad al Asha'ri. 

He states as his reason for the dedication, that not only might 
he advance his own interests by the minister's favour and influence, 
but that the selection was peculiarly appropriate in consequence 
of the minister's ancestors, Abu Musa al AshaYi, having ob- 
tained many victories in Khurasdn and 'A jam. To him there- 
fore might be most fitly dedicated an account of the early con- 
quest of Sind. 

At the close of the work, he again says that as thework was 
written in the Hijazi (Arabic) language, and was not clothed in 
a Pehlvi garb, it was little known to the inhabitants of 'Ajam 
(foreign countries or Persia), and repeats the name of the person 
to whom it was dedicated, as 'Ainu-l Mulk. 


There can, therefore, be little doubt that this is the same 
minister to whom Muhammad Aufi has dedicated his Lubbu-1 
Lubab, respecting whose identity some doubt has been enter- 
tained, in consequence of the title 'Ainu-l Mulk not being com- 
monly ascribed to any minister of that period. The repetition 
of the name by the translator of the Ohach-nama leaves no doubt 
that Husain bin Abi Bakr bin Muhammad al Asha'ri is the 
person indicated. 

As this translation was made at so early a period of the 
Atuhammadan dominion in India, it is greatly to be regretted 
that the translator did not attempt to identify the many un- 
known places of which mention is made in the course of the 
narrative. As he had himself visited l/ch, Alor, and Bhakar, 
and probably other places lower down the Indus, he might have 
cleared up the many doubts which our ignorance of the localities 
entails upon us. 

It is difficult to fix the precise period of the composition of the 
original Arabic. It is not said to have been composed by an 
ancestor of the person from whom the translator obtained it at 
Bhakar, but merely to have been written in the handwriting 
(MaJ) of 'one of his ancestors. This may be applied either to 
composition or transcription, but the use of the term renders 
the precise meaning doubtful — most probably composition is 
referred to. In either case, we have a guarantee for the authen- 
ticity of the narrative, in the fact that the ancestor of Isma'il, 
the possessor of the manuscript, was himself a participator in the 
scenes and the advantages of the conquest ; for we find it dis- 
tinctly mentioned, that the K4zi appointed by Muhammad 
Kasim, after the conquest of Alor, was Mus4 bin Ya'lciib bin 
Tai bin Muhammad bin Shaiban bin 'Usman. Now if we look 
at the name of the person from whom the translator obtained 
the Arabic original, we shall find it mentioned as Isma'il bin 
'Ali bin Muhammad bin Musd bin T4i bin Ya'kub bin T&i bin 
Miisd bin Muhammad bin Shaib&n bin 'Usman. In both in- 


stances 'Usman is mentioned as Sakifi, that is, of the same tribe 
as the conqueror himself.^ The genealogies do not tally in 
every respect, and it is evident that in the later one some inter- 
mediate generations, as is frequently the case, are omitted ; but 
still there is quite sufficient similarity to show descent from the 
same ancestor. The titles also of ancestor and descendant re- 
semble each other most closely. The first Kdzi appointed to Alor 
is called Sadr al Imdmia al Ajall al 'Alim Burhanu-1 Millat 
wau-d din. The contemporary of the translation is called 
Maulana Kazi al Imam al Ajall al 'Alim al B4ri' Kamdlu-1 
Millat Tvau-d din. It is very strange that the translator takes 
no notice of this identity of pedigree, by which the value and 
authenticity of the work are so much increased ; but it is pro- 
bable that it did not occur to him, or such a circumstance could 
scarcely have escaped mention. 

Notwithstanding that Elphinstone uses the expression "pro- 
fesses to be a translation," which would imply a suspicion of the 
fact, there is no reason to doubt that the work is a translation of 
a genuine Arab history, written not very long after the conquest. 
There appears in it very little modern interpolation, and it is 
probable that those passages which contain anachronisms were 
the work of the original writer, and not of the translator. The 
placing a sentence of the Kuran in Ladi's mouth— the Bismillah 
at the beginning of the letters of Sindian princes, the praises 
of Islam ascribed to Hindds, the use of the foreign names of 
Brahmandbad, which is explained to be a version of the native 
Bdmanwah, are all evidently the work of the original author. 

It is to be regretted that there is no hope of recovering the 
Arabic work ; for although the very meagre accounts of this 
important conquest by Abu-1 Fida, Abu-1 Faraj, Ibn Kutaiba, and 
Almakin lead us to expect little information from Arabic author- 
ities ; yet it might possibly contain other interesting matter 

' The Sakif tribes (Thakif) were of great importance. They had their head 
quarters at Tayif, and were the guardians of the upper road to Yemen. — Sprenger's 
Life of Muhammad, p. 7. 


respecting the communication between Arabia and Sind, which 
the translator did not think worthy of special notice. 

An air of truth pervades the whole, and though it reads more 
like a romance than a history, yet this is occasioned more by 
the intrinsic interest of the subject, than by any fictions pro- 
ceeding from the imagination of the author. The two stories 
which appear the most fictitious, are the accusation of Jaisiya by 
the sister of Darohar, and the revenge of the two daughters of 
D4hir upon Muhammad Kdsim. The former is evidently manu- 
factured on the model of Joseph and Potiphar's wife, a story 
familiar throughout the East ; but the latter is novel, and not 
beyond the bounds of probability, when we consider the blind 
obedience which at that time was paid to the mandates of the 
Prophet's successor, of which, at a later period, we have so many 
instances in the history of the Assassins, all inspired by the 
same feeling, and executed in the same hope. 

The narrative is unambitious, and tropes and figures are rarely 
indulged in, except in describing the approach of night and 
morning ; [but the construction is often involved, and the lan- 
guage is occasionally ungrammatical. Besides these defects, the 
events recorded do not always appear to follow in their proper 
chronological sequence.] 

The antiquity of the original Arabic work is manifest, not 
only from the internal evidence of the narrative, but from some 
omissions which are remarkable, such as the name of Mansura, 
which must have been mentioned had it been in existence at 
that time. Now Mansura was built in the beginning of the 
reign of the Khalif Al Mansur, who succeeded in 136 A.h. 
(a.D. 753). It is evident that the work must have been written 
before that time. Then, again, we have nowhere any mention of 
Maswahi, Manjabari, Annari, or Al-Baiza, all important towns 
noticed by Biladuri and Ibn Haukal, and other early writers on 
Sind, and the work must therefore have been composed before 
their time. Again, it is plain that the mass of the people were 
Buddhists, which no author, especially a foreign one, would have 


described them as beina:, bad he lived after the extinction of that 
religion in India. We read of Samanis, monks, and a royal 
white elephant, which are no longer heard of at the later invasion 
of Mahmiid of Ghazni. Again, some portions of the history are 
derived from oral testimony received at second, third, or fourth 
hand, from those who were participators in the transactions 
recorded, just in the same way as Tabari, who wrote in the third 
century of the Hijri, probably later than our author, traces all 
his traditions to eye or ear-witnesses. 

Elphinstone's estimate of the work is that, "though loaded 
with tedious speeches, and letters ascribed to the principal actors, 
it contains a minute and consistent account of the transactions 
during Muhammad Kasim's invasion, and some of the preceding 
Hindu reigns. It is full of names of places, and would throw 
much light on the geography of that period, if examined by any 
person capable of ascertaining the ancient Sanskrit names, so as 
to remove the corruptions of the original Arab writer and the 
translator, besides the innumerable errors of the copyist." He 
states that he did not see this work until his narrative of Kdsim's 
military transactions had been completed. 

The Chach-nama is the original from which Nizamu-d din 
Ahmad, Nuru-1 Hakk, Firishta, Mir Ma'sum, and others, have 
drawn their account of the conquest of Sind. They have, how- 
ever, left much interesting matter unnoticed, and even the later 
professed translations by Lieutenant Postans, in the Journal of 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal (No. lxxiv., J 838, and No. cxi., 
1841) give merely an abridged account of the transactions, which 
is moreover unfortunately disfigured by many misprints. 

The headings of the sections throughout the work have been 
translated, in order to show the connection of the whole; those only 
being omitted which are inappropriate or evidently misplaced : and 
nearly every passage has been translated which can be useful for 
the illustration of the geography, religion, and manners of the time. 
The Ohach-nama is common in India. There is a copy in the 
E. I. Library, and the Bibliothfeque Imperiale has two. 



[The MS. referred to as ^. is Sir H. M. Elliot's copy. B. is that belonging to the 
East India Library, which has been referred to in obscure passages and for 
doubtful names.] 

Commencement of the hook upon the history of Bai Ddhir, son of 
Cfhach, son of Sildij, and of Ms death at the hands of Muhammad 
Kdsim Saiifi. 

Chroniclers and historians have related that the city of Alor, 
the capital of Hind and Sind, was a large city adorned with 
all kinds of palaces and villas, gardens and groves, reservoirs 
and streams, parterres and flowers. It was situated on the banis 
of the Sihun, which they call Mihran. This deKghtful city had 
a king, whose name was Siharas, son of Sahasf Eai Shahi.' He 
possessed great wealth and treasures. His justice was diffused 
over the earth, and his generosity was renowned in the world. The 
boimdaries of his dominionu extended on the east to Kashmfr, on 
the west to Makran, on the south to the shores of the ocean and to 
Debal, and on the north to the mountains of Kardan' and to 
Kaikanan.' He had established four maliks, or governors, in his 
territories. The first at Brahmanabfid and the forts of Nirun, 
Debal, Lohana, Lakha, and, down to the sea (darya), were 
placed in his charge. The second at the town of Siwistan : under 
him were placed Budhpiir,* Jankan, and the skirts of the hills of 
Eujhan to the borders of Makran.^ The third at the fort of Aska- 
landa and Pabiya,' which are called Talwara and Chachpiir ; under 
him were placed their dependencies to the frontier of Budhpur. 

' [This is an error — S5.hasi was sou of Siharas — his father was called Diw&ij. See 
^os< page 140.] 2 [Qr "Karw&n."] 

etc., etc.] 

* [This is the reading of MS. A., but S. generally has " Bddhiya :" two different 
forms of the same name.] 

i> [This is a doubtful passage, 
MS. A. says JJ^ '^ Ij- J^^jj Ju}o if/j J^ j Ji^^^y 

■B tas ^J^ As- b (jl^jii -sjIj *■/ J J^*r V'V^ 

° [-jL« ill -^- and (UjU in B. This name is written P&ya and B&ya, B4biya 
and P&biya : the last seems the preferable form.] 


The fourtli at the great city of Multan and Sikka, and Brahmapiir' 
and Kariir, and Ashahar and Kumba, as far as the borders of 
Kashmir, weTe under his government. He (the king) himself 
dwelt at the capital, Alor, and kept under his own rule Kardan,' 
and Kaikanan and Banarhas.^ He enjoined upon every one of 
his princes the necessity of being prepared for war, by keeping 
the implements of warfare, arms, and horses ready. He also 
ordered them to attend to the security of the country, the con- 
ciliation of the subjects, and the reparation of the buildings, so 
that they might keep their districts and dependencies safe. Through- 
out his dominions there was no disaffected person who could make 
any pretensions against the specification of his frontiers. Suddenly, 
by the decree of God, the army of the king of Nimroz marched from 
Ears to Makran.* When Siharas heard this he went forth from the 
fort of Alor,^ haughty in mind and careless in heart, with the main 
part of his army to encounter him. They joined battle, and when 
many brave men and tried warriors, on both sides, had been slain, 
the Persian army, placing their whole trust in the Almighty, made an 
assault, and broke and put to flight the army of Eai Siharas. He 
himself stood firm, fighting for his name and honour, until he was 
killed. The king of Tars then returned to Nimroz, and Eai Sahasf, 
son of Siharas, sat upon the throne of his father. He established 
his authority in the country, and the folxr princes who had been 
appointed by his father submitted and assented to him, exhibiting 
every mark of obedience, placing their wealth at his disposal, and 
supporting him with honesty and energy. The whole country was 
thus safely secured ia the power of Eai Sahasi ; and the people 
lived happily under his just and equitable rule. He had a chamber- 
lain named Earn, son of Abi (?), a man of science and wisdom.' 
This man . had full and general authority over all parts of the 
dominions of Eai Sahasi ; no person could enter or leave the king's 
service but through him. The duties of chief secretary were en- 
trusted to". him, and Eai Sahasi had faith in his eloquent pen, and 
never doubted his rectitude. 

1 [So in MS. 5, but Budhpfir in ^.] » [Or Karw&n.] 

3 [Or Barh&s.] * [The Text adda ^jb' CJ.SIu *,.j J in Arab fashion ?] 

6 [MS. :B. says " Eawar."] 

« XSome words including the name are omitted in MS. A.'\ 


Chach, son of Sildij, goes to the Chamberlain Ram. 
The vffice of Chamberlain is conferred on Chach, son of Sildij. 
The Rani falls in love mth Chach, and Chach refuses compliance. 
Sdhasi Rdi dies and ^oes to hell. 
Chaeh ascends the throne of Malik Sdhasi Rdi. 
Chach fights with Mahrat (Chief of Jaipiir^) and Mils him by 

Chach marries Rani S'ubhan Deo. 

Chach sends/or his brother Chandar and establishes him in Alor. 

Chach issues orders appointing Chandar his deputy. 

Chach asks JBudlilman, the minister, qmstions concerning the 


i> (t m t> a 

Budhiman, the minister, bowed Ms head to the ground, and said, 

" May Eai Chach live for ever, and may it he known to him, that 

this government was under the domiaion of a sole king, and his 

chiefs were always ohedient to him. When the country was ruled 

by Siharas, son of Diwaij, and when he was conquered by the army of 

Tars, Sdhasi succeeded to the empire. He similarly appointed all the 

four rulers to their territories, expecting them to exert themselves 

in the collection of the revenue and the protection of the country. 

« « o «s «» o e 

Chach proceeds to visit and mark the boundaries of Alor. 
When Chach heard these words from Budhiman, the minister, 
they made an impression upon him. He was very happy. He praised 
the minister very lauch, and took it as a good omen. He sent far- 
mans to the authorities in all parts of the kingdom and called (for 
aid &om) the governors of the different divisions. He then prepared 
an army declaring that he would go to the boundary of Hindustan 
which adjoined the (kingdom of the) Turk. The astrologers fixed an 
auspicious time, at which he departed, and after he had gone many 
marches he reached the fort of Pabiya, on the southern bank of 
the Bias. Th« Chief of the place gave battle, but after great fighting 

^ [Both MSS, here agree in reading Jitur, but the explanation in page 169 shows 
that the name must he Jaipur. Mir Ma'siim couples it with Jodhpur and writes the 
name " Ghitier," or "Japiur." The Tuhfatu-1 Kiram has " ChHur."'\ 


and bloodsLed, the king of Pdbiya fled and entered the fort. Eai 
Chach was victorious, and encamped in the field of battle for a time. 
When the store of provisions was exhausted, and grass, and wood, 
and fuel, were all consumed, the enemy being in distress left the 
fort at the time when the world had covered itself with the blanket 
of darkness, and the king of the stars concealed himself in the 
gloom of night. He fled towards the fort of Askalanda and en- 
camped in the vicinity of that city. This fort was stronger than the 
first, and when he reached the fields of this city he sent his spies to 
obtain information, and when they came back they reported that 
Chach had entered the fort of Pabiya, and was staying there. 

Chach proceeds to the fort of Askalanda.^ 

When Chach was informed that the enemy had gone to Askalanda, 
he placed one of his officers in charge of the fort (of Pabiya) and 
proceeded to that city. He pitched his tents in its vicinity. There 
wae a great and brave man in the fort of Askalanda, who was in 
the interest of Chach, and had influence over the people in the fort. 
All the chief inhabitants always took his advice and never acted 
eoutrary to his opinion. Chach sent a man to him and promised to 
make him governor of that fort. He also ordered a farman to be 
prepared, granting him the governorship of the fort, on the condition 
that he would kUl Chatera,^ the chief (mahk) of Pabiya, or take him 
prisoner. Pabiya was also to be made over to him. He agreed to 
these terms and conditions. He sent his son to Chach, and by occa- 
sionally visiting Chatera, gained his confidence, so that he was 
never prevented from going into his Court either by day or by night. 
When he found an opportunity, he suddenly killed Chatera and 
sent his head to Chach. Eai Chach showed him great favour and 
honour, granted him a reward in token of his pleasure, an.d made 
him the independent chief of that fort. The great and noble men 
of the city attended on him, and made him presents. He treated 
them aU with honour and respect, and kept them faithful to their 

' [MS. S. -writes the name " Asal-Kanda."] 

^ [This name is -written thus, and also as " Chatar," in MS. A. MS. B, makes it 


allegiance. Cliaoh gave Mm some prohibitions and admonitions, so 
tliat lie continued faithful in obedience and never disobeyed his orders. 

Chaeh marches towards Sikka and Multdn. 

Having completed the expedition to Askalanda, Chaoh proceeded 
towards Sikka and Multan.. In Multan there was a chief (malik) 
whose name was Bajhra. He was a relation of Sahasi. When he 
received the news of the arrival of Chach, he came to the banks of 
the Ravi. He had large dominions and possessed great abilities. 
Suhewal, his nephew, governed the fort of Sikka opposite Multan, 
towards the east, and along with Ajin, the cousin of Bajhra came with 
a large force to meet him' (Chach), and he' (Chaoh) encamped at a 
ford on the Bias^ for three months. When the water decreased, they 
selected a place at a village a little above the encampment, where the 
water did not prevent a passage, and he (Chach) crossed over. He 
came to Sikka, and fought a battle with Suhewal. He besieged the 
fort for some days, and the enemy was much pressed. Some men 
were slain on Chach's side, and on the side of the infidels many 
were despatched to hell. Suhewal then fled, and went to the fort 
of Multan. They entered the fort, and stood on the banks of the 
Eavi' prepared with all the implements of war. Chach then took 
possession of the fort of Sikka, and killed five thousand soldiers, 
and made the inhabitants slaves and prisoners of war. Chach 
placed Amfr 'AHu-d Daula in the fort of Sikka, and himself passed 
over to Multan. Both armies confronted each other. Malik Bajhra, 
with a formidable army, fighting elephants, and men of war, came 
out and opposed Chach. Sharp encounters ensued, with great 
slaughter on both sides. Bajhra took refuge in the fort, and wrote 
letters to the ruler of Kashmir stating that Chach, son of Silaij, a 
Brahman, had become chief of Alor, the capital. He had come with 

1 [The text is ambiguous ; and the appropriation of the personal pronoim is a 
matter of inference.] 

* \_\r -....'.-I (jugLj I jo J " Bi&s" may possibly here he the name of the ford, 
but the old bed of the Bias is still traceable between Mult&n and the Ghira. to where 
it joined the Chin&b thirty miles S.W. of Multkn.] 

3 ["The E^vl formerly surrounded the fortress of Mult&n, and its bed is still 
traceable. In seasons of heavy rain the waters flow to Multin. This agrees with 
the statement that Alexander circumnayigated the fortress." — Cunningham.] 


a numerous army, and had conquered all the strongholds, great and 
small, and fortified them. That he (Bajhra) was not able to cope 
with him, and no chief was victorious over him iu battle. He had 
reached Multan, and it was expedient that the Chief of Elashmir 
should assist him (Bajhra) and send reinforcements. 

The unsuccessful return oftJie messenger from Kashmir. 
Before the messenger reached Kashmir, the Eai of that place had 
died, and his son, who was only a boy, had succeeded him. The 
ministers, coimsellors, attendants, and guards, as well as the nobles 
and chief men of the state, consulted with each other and answered 
the letter in a proper manner. They stated that the Eai of Kashmir 
had departed to the next world, and his son was a mere boy of 
tender age. The different divisions of the army had raised their 
heads in rebellion and revolt. It was necessaiy that the affairs of 
these parts should be set straight, and therefore it was not at this 
time in their power to provide the means of assistance, and that 
Bajhra must rely upon his own resources. When the messengers 
came back and communicated this, Bajhr4, despairing of assistance 
from the king of Kashmir, sued Eai Chtich for peace, and made 
promises and assurances. He said he would leave the fort if assured 
of his safety, in writing, and that nobody should molest him until 
he reached a place of security with all his followers and dependants. 
Chach agreed to these terms, and promised him protection. He 
came out of the fort, and, with his people, went towards the moun- 
tains of Kashmir. Chach entered the fort, and the province was 
brought under his dominion. 

Chach leaves his deputy in the fort of Multan and proceeds onward. 
"When he took the fort of Multan he appointed there a thakur as 
his deputy. He went into the temple, prostrated himself before the 
idols, and offered sacrifices. He then prepared to march forward. 
The rulers of Brahmap6r, Kanir and Ashahar, acknowledged sub- 
mission to him. From these places he proceeded to the boundaries 
of Kumba' and Kashmir. No king offered any resistance. 

1 [In page 139, both MSS. write this name Kumha. In this place, MS. A. has 
Mdkir or Mdhslr, and a few lines farther on, Kina or Kmiya. MS. B. has Kisa 
here, and Kmnia afterwards.] 


" Wteii the Almighty makes a man great he renders all his 
enterprises easy and gives him all his desires." 

Every place to which he went fell into his possession. At last he 
reached the fort of Shakalha, an elevated- place which is called 
Kumba' on the borders of Kashmir, and stopped there for one 
month. He punished some of the chiefs of the surrounding places, 
and collected an army under his command. Then he made firm 
treaties with the chiefs and rulers of that part of the country, and 
securely established his dominion. He sent for two trees, one of 
which was a maisir, tliat is white poplar, and the other a deoddr, 
that is a fir.' He planted them both on the the boundary of 
Kashmir, upon the banks of a stream, which is called the five 
waters,' and near the Kashmir hills, from which numerous foun- 
tains flow. He stayed there till the branches of each of the trees 
ran into those of the other. Then he marked them, and said it was 
the boundary mark between him and the Eai of Kashmir, and 
beyond it he would not go. 

Return of Chach after fixing his boundary with Kashmir. 

The narrator of this conquest has thus said, that when the 
boundary towards Kashmir was defined, Chach returned to the 
capital city Alor. He stopped there a year to take rest from the 
fatigues of the journey ; and his chiefs got ready the provisions 
and materials of war. He then said, " minister 1 I have no fear 
from the east, now I must take care of the west and the south." 
The minister replied, " Indeed, it is most praiseworthy for kings to 
be acquainted with the afl'airs of their countries. It is also to be 
apprehended that from your absence in the upper provinces the 
nobles and the governors of the different parts may have presumed 

' This implies considerable altitude. 

2 The -word in the original is Arabic (cyljbL* ^i) not the Persian Panj&b. 

The npper course of the Jailam, just after it debouches into the plains, seems to be 
alluded to here. A curious coincidence of expression is used by a late traveller 
■with reference to the same locality. " We passed five branches of this beautiful 
river Jelam which at this place forms a little Panjib of its own." Serjeant-Major 
Brixham'B Raid to the Khyber, p. 43. 


that since Eai Sahasi there is nobody to demand from them the revenue 
of the country. Truly mismanagement and disorder have taken place. ' ' 
On this, Chach, in an auspicious hour, marched towards the forts 
of Budapur' and Siwistan. There was a chief in Siwistan, called 
Matta, and Chach crossed the Mihran at a -village called Dihayat, 
which formed the boundary between Samma and Alor. From this . 
place he proceeded to Budhiya, the chief of which was the son of 
Kotal bin Bhandargii Bhagu. His capital was Nanaraj," and the 
inhabitants of the place called it Sawis. Chach attacked and took 
the fort of Sawf s. Kaba, son of Kaka, came forth to ask quarter for 
the prince and his followers. They laid upon themselves a tribute 
to pay him, and made their submission. 

The army marches to Siwistan. 

From that place he went to Siwistan, and when he approached it, 
Matta, its chief, came forth with great alarm and a large retinue to 
meet him. A battle was fought, Chach was victorious, and Matta, with 
his army, fled and took refuge in the fort. Chach besieged it, and 
after a week the garrison was obliged to sue for peace. The terms 
being agreed to, they came out the fort, and surrendered the keys to 
the officers of Chach, who gave them protection and showed them 
much kindness. He gave the chiefship of the place to Matta, and 
also placed one of his confidential officers there. He stopped there 
for a few days, during which time the affairs of the territory and the 
city were put iu order. 

Chach sends a messenger to Akham Lohdna, chief of Brahmandbdd. 
"When the invasion of Siwistan was over, Chach sent a letter to 
Akham Lohana, the governor of Brahmanabad, who was Chief also 
of Lakha, Samma and Sihta, and called upon him to acknow- 
ledge submission. When h& was a few days' journey from Makran, 
the footmen whom he had placed on the roads, caught a person with 
letters from Akham, which he had written to Matta, the governor 
of Siwistfin, to the following effect. " I have always behaved 
towards you with great cordiality and friendship, and have never 

1 [Bddliiya in MS. \B. No doubt the Bndbpur or Biidhiya of p. IfiO, where it 
is also connected Tvitli SiwistS,n.] 

2 [« Kakar&j " in MS. B.'\ 

VOL. I 10 


shown you opposition or quaiTelled witli you. The letter which 
you sent by way of friendship was received, and I was much exalted 
by it. Our friendship shall remain confirmed for ever, and no 
animosity shall arise. I will comply with all your orders. Tou 
are a king, and the son of a king. Unity exists between you and me. 
' Circumstances like this have occurred to many persons, and have 
obliged them to seek protection. Tou are at liberty to reside at any 
place you like within the territory of Brahmanabad, that is to say, 
up to the sea of Debal. T£ you have resolved to go in any other 
direction, there is nobody to prevent or molest you. Wherever you 
like to go I will assist you. I possess such power and influence 
that I can render you aid." Matta found it expedient to repair to 
the country of Hind, to Malik Kamal, who was also called Bhatti. 

Chach sends a letter to Ahham Lohdna. 
Eal Chach sent a letter to Akham Lohana, saying, "Tou from 
your power, and pomp, and family descent, consider yourself the 
ruler of the time. Although this kingdom apd sovereignty, wealth, 
riches, dignity, and power have not descended to me by inheritance, 
yet these distinguished favours and this exalted position have been 
given to me by God; It was not by my army that I gained 
them ; but God, the single, the incomparable, the creator of the 
world, in favour to Silaij, has given me this dominion, and this 
most glorious position. In all circumstances I obtain assistance 
from him, and I have no hope of aid from any other. He enables 
me to accomplish all my undertakings, and assists me in all my acts. 
He has given me victory in all battles, and over all my enemies. 
He has bestowed on me the blessings of both worlds. Although 
you think you have possessed yourself of all this power and circum- 
stance by your courage and audacity, promptitude, and glory, you 
shall surely lose it, and to take your life is lawful." 

Chach arrives at Brahmanabad, and fights with Akham Lohdna. 
Chach then marched against Akham Lohana, who had gone from 
Brahmanabad into the interior of the country. Wlien he received 
the intelligence of the arrival of Chach, he came to the capital, and 
made preparation for war. When Eai Chach arrived at the city of 
Brahmanabad, Alcham stood ready to oppose him. After a great 


slaugliter of warriors on Ibotli sides, the army of AMiam took to 
flight, and he entered his fort. Chaoh laid siege to it, and the siege 
lasted for the period of one year. 

In those days the king of Hindustan, that is, Kanauj, was Satban,' 
son of Easal, and Akham sent letters to him. asking for assistance. 
But Akham died before the answer Was returned, and his son suc- 
succeeded him. Akham had a friend, an infidel Samani, named 
Buddh-rakii,' i.e, " Protected by the idol." He had a temple which 
was called Budh Nau-vihdr,' and the idol DUha (?)* He was 
a devotee thereof, and famous for his piety, and all the people of the 
surrounding places were obedient to him. Akham was his disciple, 
and he regarded the Samani as his pole-star. When Akham had 
taken refuge in the fort, the Samani assisted him ; he did not fight, 
but he read his books in his chamber of worship. "When Akham 
died, and his son^ succeeded him in the government, the Sam^ani was 
disaffected and troubled, for he did not think it right that the king- 
doms and the property and estates should depart from his hands. 
In his perplexity he looked about, and he arrived at the conclu- 
sion that the country must fall to Chaoh, whether he would be 
friendly to him or not. Then the (late king's) son being sore 
pressed, his army and his forces gave up fighting, and the fort 
was surrendered to Chach, who firmly established his power in it. 
When Chach heard of the Samani, and knew that he had made 
a compEict with Akham and his son, and that the war had lasted for 
one year through his enchantments and magical power, he swore 
that if he ever captured the fort, he would seize him and flay 
him, and order drums to be covered with his skin, and have 
his body torn to pieces. This oath -Was reported to the Samani, 
who laughed and said, " Chach will not have the power to kill me." 
When after a time, the people of the fort, after much fighting 

> [" Siy&r" in MS. B."] 

'' ["BuddhflgiSi" in MS. A.: raku or raTthu means "protected," from the 
Sanskrit rakshita. Gui probably represents the Sanskrit gu^ta, which also signifies 
" protected."] 

3 [See note in the next page.] 

* [jjJ jl l-^Jb]; *A (^l^J E- I- I^i'') '■\^<i ^^ij Aiuif^UjjJ \jj\'] 
■'' [MS. -4. leares out the word "son," and so makes the passage unintelligible.] 


and great slaughter, gave up the contest, and solicited protection, 
by the intervention of nobles and chiefs, a treaty was made be- 
tween both parties, and the fort was surrendered. Chach entered 
it, and told them that if they liked they might go away ; there was 
no one to interfere with them, and if they wished to remain they 
might. The son 'a,hd the dependants of Akham seeing him kindly 
disposed towards them, chose to remain. Chach stayed for a time 
ia that city, and made himself acquainted with their disposition. 

Chach takes the wife of Ahham to himself, and gives the daughter 
of his nephexc to Ahham' s son Sarband. 
Chach sent a man to the mother of Sarband and requested her 
hand. The son brought her. Chach gave Dharsiya, the daughter of 
his nephew to the son, and decked him in apparel of many colours. 
He stopped there for a year, and appointed officers on his part to 
collect the revenues. He subjugated the other surrounding chiefs. 
At last, he enquired where the enchanter Samani was, that he might 
see him. He was told that he was a great devotee, and that he 
would be found with the devotees, and that he was one of the philo- 
sophers of Hind- He was the keeper of the temple of Kan-vihar,^ 
and amongst the other devotees he was the greatest, and had reached 
to perfection. He was so skilled ia magic and enchantments, that 
he had made a world obedient and submissive to him. He had pro- 
vided himself with all the requisites by nleans of his talismans, 
and for some time he had become friendly to Sarband because he 
had been friendly with his father. Through his power ajid protec- 
tion the army of Brahmanabad had protracted the war for so long 

Chach visits the Samani, and enquires about his circumstances. 
Chach ordered his body guards and soldiers to mount their horses, 
and went towards the temples of Budh and Kan-vihar^ with the 

' [ iLiijiS in both copies.] 

' [ iU.i.»^ • i Jo ■^- iL,-^^ I JAj -S.] This seems to be called indiscriminately 
Ntih&r, and Kantihir, and Ki'utihar. The copulative conjunction in the text is 
incomprehensible. It occurs again a little below. [These names may be, as Sir H. 
Elliot conceived', mere varieties in spelling of the same name, — or they may be two 
different names of the same establishment or collection of buildings. There can be 


intention of killing the Samanf, He called his armed men and 
instructed them that when during the interview he should stand up 
and look towards them, they should draw their swords and sever 
the Samani's head from his body. When he reached the temple, 
he saw the Samani sitting on a chair, engaged in worship, and 
having some clay in his hand' with which he was making idols, 
he had something like a stamp with which the figirre of the buddh 
was made on the clay, and when it was finished he placed it on one 
side.^ Chach stood by him, but received no attention from him. 
After a short time, when he had finished his idols, he raised his head 
and said, " Is the son of the monk Silaij come ? " Chach replied, 
" Yes, devotee." The Samani said, " For what purpose have you 
come ? " Chach answered that he wished to see him, and therefore 
he had come. The devotee bid him to sit down. Chach sat. The 
devotee spread a fine cloth, and made him sit on it. He asked, " O 
Chach! what do you want?" Chach replied, "I wish you would 
become my friend and return to Brahmanabad, that I might turn 
your thoiights to secular pursuits, and entrust you with great offices. 
You may live with Sarband, and give him advice and assistance." 
The devotee said, " I have nothing to do with your country, and 
have no wish to engage in public business. I do not like 
worldly concerns." Chach asked him, " Why did you side with 
the people of the fort of Brahmanabad ? " He replied, " When 
Akham Lohana died, and his son was grieved, I admonished him to 
cease lamenting for the departure of his father, and prayed the 
Almighty God to cause peace and friendship between the contending 
parties. It is better for me to serve Budh, and seek salvation in 
the next world, than all the offices and greatness of this. . But as 
thou art the king of this country, at thy supreme command I will 
go with my family to the neighbourhood of the fort, although I fear 

no doubt that the last word of the compound represents vihdr. Nau, or in Sanstrit 
Nova, signifies " New," and Kan may be the Hindi Kdnh, from the Sanskrit Krishna, 
a word which is found in the names K6.nhpur and K^nhari. These names would 
therefore signify " New monastery," and " Black monastery."] 

1 [About a page of matter is here omitted from B.'\ 

2 [This process of stamping the clay figures of Buddha is still practised. General 
Cunningham, possesses several old Indian as well as recent Indian and Burmese 


that the people of the fort will do despite to the cultivation of Budh, 
You are to-day a fortunate and a great man." Ohaoh said, " The 
worship of Budh is most righteous, and ever to hold it in honour is 
most proper. But if you are in want of anything, tell me, for I 
shall consider it a privilege and a duty to provide for it." The 
devotee answered, " I do not want anything of this world from you. 
May God incline you to the affairs of the next." Chach said, 
" I also wish that my salvation may be the result. Direct me bo 
that I may see where assistance is required, and I will help you." 
He exclaimed, "As you seem to be desirous of performing charitable 
and virtuous deeds, there is an old temple (called) Budh and 
Nau-vihar (at) Sawandasi' which has suffered much injury from 
the hand of time— it requires repair. You should spend some 
money in renewing its foundation, and I shall be thus benefited by 
you." Chach said, " By all means ; I thank you, farewell." 

Chach returns to Brahmandhdd. 
Chach rode back from that place. The minister asked Hm, " 
king, I have seen a wonder." " What is it ? " said Chach. He 
remarked, " When you started you had resolved that I should order 
the soldiers to kill the devotee ; but when you went before him you 
showed every wish to please him, and accepted all his prayers." 
Chach said, " Very true ; I saw something which, was no magic or 
charm, for when I looked at him, something came before my vision, 
and as I sat before him, I beheld a dreadful and horrible phantom 
standing at his head. Its eyes blazed like fire, and were full of 
anger, and its lips were long and thick, and its teeth resembled 
pikes. He had a spear in his hand, which shone like diamonds, and 
it appeared as if he was going to strike some one with it. When I 
saw him I was much afraid, and could not utter a word to him 
which you might hear. I wished to save my own life, so I ob- 
served him carefully and departed." 

Chach stays at Brahmanahdd, and determines the amount of the 

Chach stopped in the fort of Brahmanabad till all ministerial 

5. says i,\^ isX^ 1^ JkJjL jUj|_^ JOo] 


affairs were settled, taxes were fixed, and the subjects re-assured. 
He humiliated the Jats and the Lohanas, and punished their chiefs. 
He took a hostage from these chiefs, and kept him in the fort of 
Brahmanabad. He obliged them to agree to the following terms ; 
That they should never wear any swords but sham ones : That they 
should never wear under-garments of shawl, velvet, or silk, but they 
might wear their outer-garments of silk, provided they were of a red 
or black colour : That they should put no saddles on their horses, 
and should keep their heads and feet uncovered : That when they 
went out they should take their dogs with them : That they should 
carry firewood for the kitchen of the chief of Brahmanabad. They 
were to furnish guides and spies, and were to be faithful when em- 
ployed in such offices. They were to live in amity with Sarband, 
son of Akham, and if any enemy came to invade the territory, or fight 
with Sarband, they were to consider it incumbent on them to assist 
him, and steadily adhere to his cause. He thus finished his labours^ 
and established his rule. If any person showed rebellion or hostility, 
he took a hostage and exacted penalties until he should amend his 

Chach marches to Kirmdn and defines the boundary of Makrdn. 

When Chach had settled these matters, he made up his mind to 
determine the boundary of Kirman, which was adjacent to the pos- 
sessions of the chiefs of Hind. At this time two years had elapsed 
since the Hijra of the Prophet of God, — may peace be to him. 
After the death of Kisra bin Hurmaz bin Fars, and the disniption 
of his dominions, the management of the affairs of the kingdom 
devolved upon a woman. When Chach was informed of this, he 
determined to go to Kirman with a considerable force. At an 
auspicious time, which was fixed by the astrologers, he marched 
towards Armab61, and when he arrived there the chief of the place 
came to receive him. He was a Buddhist priest, and had descended 
from the representatives of Eai Siharas, king of Hind, whom the Eai 
had raised up with great kindness and favour. From change of 
time he had become refractory, and had revolted from his allegiance. 
He came forth to meet Chach, when a treaty was made, and cor- 
diality and friendship was established between them. Chach pro- 
ceeded from thence to Makran. Every chief that was met offered 


his submission. Wlieii he had crossed thfe proTuice of Makran and 
the hills, he entered another district. There was an old fort here 
called Kanarpur.' He ordered it to be rebuilt ; and according to 
the Hindu custom a naubat of five musical instruments, was 
ordered to be played every evening and morning in the fort. 
He collected all the people of the surrounding villages, and completed 
the building. He marched frqm this place towards Kirman; and 
halted on the banks of a river which runs between that country and 
Makran. There he fixed the eastern boundary, that is, the boundary 
between Makran and Kirman, and planted numerous date trees 
there upon the banks of the stream, and he set up a mark, saying, 
" this was the boundary of Hind in the time of Chach bin Silavj bin 
Basabas."^ Now that boundary has come into our possession. 

Chach proceeds to ArmdheP ani fixes the revenue. 
From that place he returned to Armabel, and having passed 
through the country of Turan, he came out in the desert. No body 
arose to fight with him. He arrived in the country of Kandhabel, 
that is, Kandahr;* and having traversed that desert also, he ad- 
vanced to the fort. The people took refuge in it. "When he arrived 
at the banks of the Sini,' he pitched his tents there. The people of 
the place being much pressed agreed to pay him an annual tribute 
of one hundred thousand dirams, and one hundred hill horses. A 
treaty was made, and Chach returned to his capital Alor, and re- 
mained there till he died and went to hell. He reigned forty years. 

Chandar son of SildiJ succeeds to the Oomrnment of Alor. 
After the death of Chach, his brother Chandar,^ son of Silaij, sat 
upon the the throne of Alor. He patronized the religion of the 

' l-^- j±) ^. ]^ r"-^- K''°°azt'ir; see Note A. in Appendix.] 

* [This explanation is not in MS. £.] 

^ [Mir Ma'sum takes no notice of Chandar, but the Tuhfatu-1 Kir&m says that he 
succeeded as Kdim-makdm and occupied the thi'one eight years. According to the 
former, Chach left two sons, D&hir and Dhar-sen, and a daughter Bii E&ni. The 
Tuhfatu-1 KirEim agrees in writiag the name " Dhar-sen," but both MSS. of the 
Chach-nima haye " Dharsiya."] 


nasiks (BuddMsts) and monks and promulgated their doctrines. He 
brought many people together with the sword, and made them 
return to his religion. He received several letters from the Chiefs 
of Hind. 

Journey of Matta, Chief of Simstdn. 
When Matta, chief of Siwistan, went to the king of Kanauj, the 
country of Hindustan was in a flourishing condition. Kanauj was 
under the rule of Slharas, son of Easal.' Matta went to him and 
represented thus : " Chach, son of Silaij, is dead, and his brother 
Ohandar, a monk (rdhili)., has succeeded him. He is a devotee 
(ndsik), and his whole day is occupied in the study of liis faith 
with other religious persons in the temple. It is easy to wrest 
the kingdom from him. If you take Ms territories and place them 
under my charge, I will pay a tribute, and send it to your treasury." 

The answer of Siharas. 
Slharas said to Matta, " Chach was a great king, and had an exten- 
sive territory under his sway. As he. is dead, I will bring his 
possessions under my own rule, if I take them. They will form a 
great addition to my kingdom, and I will appoint you over one of 
their divisions." Siharas then sent his brother Barhas, son of Kasais. 
The son of the daughter of the great Chach, who ruled over Kash- 
mir and Eamal, also agreed to join him, and they proceeded with 
their armies till they reached the banks of the Hasi,^ where they 
encamped. The agents and offices of Chandar, who were still in the 
fort of Deo, fled. The invaders took the place, and advanced on 
their journey till they arrived at Band Kahuya, where they halted 
for one month, and performed the worship of Budh. They sent a 
messenger with a letter to Chandar to induce him to come, make his 
submission, and sue for protection. 

' [There are no names corresponding with these in the Genealogical tables of the 
Kanauj dynasty (Thomas' Prinsep II. 258.) General Cunningham is of opinion 
" that Siharas is prohahly the same as the Bhim Sen mentioned hy the Chinese as 
Ti-mo-si-no, King of Central India, in a.d. 692, and that the two names Siharas and 
Bhim Sen might easily he confounded when written in Persian letters." This, how- 
ever, is very hypothetical. It is not unlikely that the prince of some other and nearer 
place than the great Kanauj is really intended, especially as his army is represented 
as joining those of Kashmir and Eamal.] 

2 ["Hasbi"in.B.] 


Chandar refuses, strengthens himself in the fort, and prepares to 

Sikaras sends an embassy/ to Ddhvr, son of Chach. 

Chandar sits on the throne of Chach. 
Chandar succeeded to the goYemment, and his subjects enjoyed 
comfort, and the country was govetned firmly during his reign, 
which lasted for seven years. He died in the eighth year, and Dfihir 
sat on the throne of Alor. E4j, son of Chandar, established himself 
at Brahmanabad, but did not maintain his government for more than 
one year. After that, Dharsiya, son of Chach, took possession of 
Brahmanabad and his sister Bai' was friendly and obedient to 
him. Dharsiya asked the daughter of Akham in marriage. He 
remained at Brahmanabad five years, and issued his orders to the 
neighbouring chiefs, who acknowledged his authority. Dharsiya 
resided for some time at the fort of Kawar,* of which Chach had 
laid the foundation, but did not live to see completed. When 
Dharsiya had finished the works, and collected inhabitants for the 
the town from the places in the neighbourhood, and when it was 
well populated, he called it Eawar, and returned to Brsihmanabad, 
and firmly established himself in the Government. 

£di (Main) is sent to Alor for the purpose of being given in 
marriage to the king of Bdtia. 
When Dharsiya was reflecting one day that his sister had arrived 
at a marriageable age, messengers arrived from Siiban,' king of 
Batia, ia the country of Eamal, to demand her in marriage. Dharsiya 
although he* was the elder brother, gave her a princely dowry, and 
sent her with seven hundred horse and five hundred foot to Dahir, 
recommending him by letter to marry her to the king of Bhatia,' 
who had stipulated that he should receive a fort as her marriage 
portion. The messengers went to Alor, and remained there one 
month. {Sere follows an aecowimt of DdMr marrying Ais sister because 
it teas prognosticated that her husband would be king of Hind and 
Sind, and the contests between the brothers in consequence.) 

' {Mdin in MS. A., Sdi signifies "lady," and is rauei used as a reapectftil 
term instead of the name. " Miin" is probably an error lor " Ski," but it may 
possibly have betn the real name of the princess.] 
2 [Alor in A., but Eiwar in JB.] ' [S6rin in B.] 

* [Dkhir .'] ' So written here, but elsewhere B&tia. 


Hdi Ddhir receives information. 

Hal JDdhir goes to an astrologer to ascertain the fate of his sister. 

The predictions of the astrologers. 

Consultation of Budhiman, the minister, with Rdi Ddhir. 

Ingenuity of Budhiman, the minister. 

Ddhir sends a letter to Dharsiya. 

Dharsiya receives the letter. 

Ddhir sends another letter to Dharsiya. 

Dharsiya marches to Alor to seize Ddhir. 

Endeavours of Dharsiya to take Ddhir prisoner. 

Ddhir asks addcefrom his minister. 

Dharsiya enters the fort of Alor on an elephant 

Ddhir is informed of the death of Dharsiya. 

The burning of Dharsiya' s hody. 

Ddhir goes to Brdhmandhdd. 
Dahir remained one year in Brakmanabad, in order to reduce the 
neigKboTiring chiefs. He sent for the son of Dharsiya, and treated 
him kindly. He then went to Siwistan, and thence to the fort 
Eawar/ of which his father Chach had laid the foundations, but 
the works were not completed when he died. He remained there 
for some time, and ordered that the fort should be finished. He 
remained there during the four hot months, for it is a pleasant place 
and has an agreeable climate, and he used to remain during the four 
cold and dark months at Brahmanabad. He passed his time in this 
manner for eight years, during which time he became confirmed and 
generally recognized in his dominions in Sind and Hind. The chiefs 
of Eamal became aware of his wealth both in treasure and elephants. 

The chiefs of Ramal come to fight with Rdi Ddhir. 

The chiefs advanced with a large and powerful army of horse and 

foot and war-elephants. They came, by way of Biidhiya, to the 

town {rosta) of Eawar, and conquered it, and passed on from thence 

to Alor. 

« 4» » « e 

' Here, again, it is doubtful if Alor or B,a.war be meant, nor does it appear how 
Dharsiya and Da.hir could both at different times be said to have completed the fort. 
\_A. says Alor, but B. has Ha,war.] 


Muhammad 'Alldfi ^ (an Arab mercenary,) goes against the chiefs 

of Ramdl. 

Muhammad 'Allafi, aa Arab of tlie Bani Asamat, who had 
killed 'Ahdu-r Eahman son of Ash'ab, for having run away from 
battle, came to join Dahir with five hundred Arabs. 

« *» «» « Hi 

The 'AUafi made a night attack on the Eamal troopa with his five 
hundred Arabs and warriors of Hind, and fell upon them on all four 
sides with a great shout, and killed and captured 80,000 warriors 
and fifty elephants, besides horses and arms innumerable fell into 
their hands. 

o o o « «» 

Dahir then told his good and judicious minister to ask a favour. 
The minister replied : " I have no son who vdll carry down my 
name to posterity. I request, therefore, that orders may be given 
to have my name stamped on the silver coin of the realm, so that 
my name being on one face, and the king's on the other, it will not 
then be forgotten in Hind and Sind." Dahir ordered that the 
minister's wish should be complied with. 

The history of the four first Khalifas. 
Mu'ckda bin Abu Sufidn. 
Sanndn bin Sahna bin Ghuru-l SindL 
Rttshid bin ' Umaru-l Khizri. 
Sanndn bin Salmu recovers the Government. 
Munzir bin Mdrud bin Bdshar. 
Sakkam bin Munzir. 
'Abdu-l Malik bin Marivdn. 
The 'Alldfis, etc. 

Mujd'a bin Safar bin Yazid bin Huzaika. 
Walid bin 'Abdu-l Malik bin Marwdn 
Account of the presents sent to the Khalifa from Sarandip. 
Sajjdj sends a messenger to Bdhir, the Infidel. 
JSajjdj obtains permission to leave the Capital. 
jBudail suffers martyrdom. 

1 [This is the spelling of £. MS. ^. always has 'V-Allani."] 


'Imddu-d din Muhammad Kdsim bin AM 'AMI Sakifi. 
Hajjdj writes letters to the Capital and Syria. 
Sajjdj reads the Khutha on Friday. 
Departure of Muhammad Kdsim. 
The army arrives at Shirdz. 
Muhammad Kdsim arrives at Makrdn. 
MdrvM proceeds with Muhammad Kdsim. 
The army marches from Armdhel. 
The orders of Hajjdj reach Muhammad Kdsim^ 
The Arab army makes preparations, and Sajjdfs orders arrive. 
The flag-staff of the temple ofDebal is knocked down by a mangonel. 
Budhiman comes to Muhammad Kdsim, and receives a promise of 

A fifth portion of the booty in slaves and coins is set aside. 

The capture of Debal is reported to Rdi Ddhir. 

The letter of Rdi Dahir. 

The reply of Muhammad Kdsim to Rdi Ddhir. 

Muhammad Kdsim proceeds to Niriin after the conquest of Debal. 
Historians have related, upon the authority of Banana bin Han- 
zala Kalabi, that after the conquest of Debal, where great plunder 
was taken, Muhammad Kasim ordered the mangonels to be placed 
on boats, and went towards the foit of Niriin. The boats went up 
the stream which they call Sindh Sagar ; ' but he himself took the 
road of Sisam, and when he arrived there, he received Hajjaj's 
answer to the announcement of the victory. 
The answer of Hajjdj to Muhammad Kdsim. 

An account of the inhabitants of Niriin obtaining a passport 

from Hajjdj. 

Historians relate that Abii Lais Tamimi says, on the authority of 

- Ja'iiba bin 'Akaba Salami, who accompanied Muhammad Kasim, that 

after the capture of Debal, Muhammad Kasim proceeded to the fort 

of Nirun, the inhabitants of which had provided themselves with an 

order of security from Hajjaj at the time that the army of the Arabs 

had been defeated, and Budail had been killed, and they had agreed 

1 [So in B. MS. A. has " Wahind sagara."] 


to pay a tribute. He arrived at Niriin, -which is twenty-five para- 
sangs from Dehal, in sit days. On the seventh day he encamped 
on a meadow near Nfrun, which is called Balhar,' and the waters of 
the Sihun'' Mihran had not yet reached it. The army was parched 
with thirst, and Muhammad prayed to heaven for rain, and it fell, 
and filled all the streams and lakes near the city. 

O «t IS o 

Muhammad Kddm sends confidential messengers to Niriin. 

The Samani, the Governor of Niriin, comes to pay his respects to 

Muhammad Kdsim, and brings presents. 

« o SJ o o 

Muhammad Kasim built at Nirun a mosque on the site of the 

temple of Budh, and ordered prayers to be proclaimed in the 

Muhammadan fashion, and appointed an Imam. After remaining 

there some days, he prepared to go to Siwistan, which is situated on 

an eminence to the west of the Mihran. He determined to conquer 

the whole coiintry, and after the capture of Siwistan, to recross the 

river, and proceed against Dahir. God grant that his resolution 

may be fulfilled ! 

The expedition to Siwistan. 

After Muhammad Kasim had settled affairs at Niriin, he equipped 
his army, and under the guidance of the Samanf took it towards 
Siwistan. He arrived by regular stages at a place called Bahraj,^ 
thirty parasangs from Nirun. There also was a Samani, who was 
chief of the rest of the inhabitants. In the fort the nephew of 
Dahir was governor ; his name was Bajhra, the son of Chandar. 
AU the Samanis assembled and sent a message to Bajhra, sayiug, 
we are ndsih devotees. Our religion is one of peace and quiet, and 
fighting and slaying is prohibited, as well as all kinds of shedding 
of blood. You axe secure ia a lofty place, while we are open to the 

1 ["Bal4hir" in ^.] 

' [Sihiin from the root sih, to flow is the proper name of the Jaiartes. It is used 
here and in page 138 as a common noun for rwer. The early Muhammadan ■writers 
frequently apply the term to the Indus, that river heing to them the river of India.] 

3 [So in A., hut MS. M. has Mauj _j^.] 


invasions of tte enemy, and liable to be slain and plundered as your 
subjects. We know that Muhammad Kasim holds a farman from 
Hajjaj, to grant protection to every one who demands it. We trust, 
therefore, that you will consider it fit and reasonable that we make 
terms with him, for the Arabs are faithful, and keep their agree- 
ments. Bajhra refused to listen to them. Muhammad Kasim sent 
spies to ascertain whether the citizens were unanimous or inimical. 
They reported that some armed men were outside the fort, and 
prepared to fight. Muhammad Kasim encamped opposite the gate 
leading to the sandy desert, because there was no opportunity to 
attack him there, as the inundation had risen on account of the 
rains, and the river Sindhu Eawal' flowed to the north of the 
selected ground. 

JBattle fought at Siwistdn. 

Muhammad Kasim ordered the mangonels to be prepared, and the 
fight was commenced. The Samanfs prevented their chief from 
fighting, and told him that the Muhammadan army was not to be 
overcome by him, and he would not be able to oppose it. He would 
be merely placing his life and property in danger. When he would 
not listen to the advice of his subjects, the Samanis sent this message 
to Muhammad Kasim : — " AU the subjects, farmers, and tradesmen, 
merchants, and the low'er classes hate Bajhra, and do not yield him 
allegiance. He does not possess any force with which he can oppose 
you, or give battle." The Muhammadan army were inspired with 
great courage on receiving the message, and fought day and night 
on the side of Muhammad Kasim. About a week after, the besieged 
stopped fighting, and when Bajhra knew that the fort was about to 
fall, he came out from the northern gate, at the time when the world 
was veiled in darkness, crossed the river, and fled. He continued 
his flight till he reached the boundary of Budhiya. In those days 
the ruler of the Budhiya territory was Kaka son of Kotal, a Samani. 
His stronghold was Sisam, on the banks of the Kumbh. The 
people of Budhiya and the chiefs of the surrounding places came 
to receive Bajhra, and allowed him to encamp under the fort. 

>■ [A. sayg j^ ^\jj Jjij J JbiXi-.- Ljy>-- ^- Jj|^"^ 'i'^ S^^'J 


Siwistdn is taken and Bajhrd flies. 

Wien Bajhra went away, and the Samanfs made submission, 
Muhammad Kasim entered the fort of Siwistan and gave quarter. 
He appointed his functionaries to discharge the civil duties of the 
territory, and brought the neighbouring places under his rule. 
He toot the gold and silver wherever he found it, and appropriated 
all the silver, jewels, and cash. But he did not take anything 
from the Samanfs, who had made terms with him. He gave the 
army their due, and having deducted a fifth part of the whole, de- 
livered it to the treasurer of Hajjaj, and wrote a report of the 
victory to Hajjaj. He appointed Eawats there. He also sent the 
plunder and the slaves to him, and he himself stopped at Siwistan. 
Two or three days after he had separated the fifth part, and dis- 
tributed to the army their shares, he proceeded to the fort of Slsam, 
and the people of Budhiya and the chief of Siwistan rose up to fight. 
Muhammad Kasim marched with all his force, except the garrison, 
which was placed under the officer left in Siwistan, and alighted at 
a place called Nflhan,' on the banks of the Kumbh.. The inhabitants 
of the vicinity were all infidels, who assembled together as soon as 
they saw the Muhammadan army, and determined to make a night 
attack on it, and disperse it. 

The interview of the chiefs mfh Kdka. 

The chiefs of Budh went to Kaka KotaL The ranas of Budhiya 
are descended from Kix. They had originally come from the banks 
of the Granges, from a place called ^undhar.^ They consulted with 
him, and said that they had determined to make a night attack on 
the army. 

The reply of Kaka. 

Kaka said — " K you can accomplish it, well and good ; but the bah- 

» [" Nidhan" in MS. B. 

2 Possibly Audhia on the Gh5,gra may be alluded to. \J.. says jiij A .la Ju J.l ^ 
£. has iX.} A ,laijJt>«l ^ '^^^ .1 is probably the pronoun, and the name 
DandhSj or Dandah&r, is possibly Dand-yih&r. General Cunningham suggests that 
"Daundiakera or Daundh&ra may perhaps be the place intended. It is on the 
Ganges, and wag the capital of the Bais ESjputs. Trilok Chand was the founder of 
this branch of the family, and the fourth in descent from him is Audhara Chand, who 
may be the Au mentioned in the text." See also Thomas' rrinaep, Table xiiii,] 


liks and monks have told me, according to their astrological books, 
that this country will he conquered by the Muhammadan army." He 
placed a chief, whose name was Pahan, at their head, and made 
gifts to the soldiers. There were one thousand brave fighting men 
under the command of this chief. They were all armed with swords, 
shields, javelins, spears, and daggers. "When the army of the day 
fled for fear of the black legions of the night, they marched with 
the intention of making their night attack. As they approached the 
army of the Arabs, they missed the road, and were wandering about 
perplexed all the night from evening till daybreak. They were 
divided into four bodies, the one most advanced did not keep up a 
communication with that which was in the rear, nor did the left 
wing come in sight of the right, but they kept roving about in the 
desert. When they lifted up their heads they found themselves 
round the fort of Sisam.' When the darkness of night was expelled by 
the light of the king of the stars, they entered the fort, and told the 
whole to Kaka Kotal, saying that this their treacherous plan had not 
proved successful. Kaka said, " Ton know full well that I am famous 
for my determination and courage. I have achieved many enter- 
prises at your head ; biit in the books of the Budhs it is predicted, 
upon astrological calculations, that Hindustan shall be taken by the 
Muhammadans, and I also believe that this will come to pass." 

Kdka Kotal goes to Muhammad Kdsim with Banana, son of 
Sanzala, and submits to him. 

Kaka with his followers and friends went to the army of the 
Arabs. When he had gone a little distance. Banana, son of Hanzala, 
whom Muhammad Kasim had sent to reconnoitre the enemy, met 
him and took him to Muhammad Kasim. When he obtained the 
honour of coming before Muhammad Kasim, this general expressed 
his satisfaction, and gave him some good counsel. Kaka told him 
all about the Jats coming against him with the intention of making 
a night attack^ and of their treacherous schemes. He also said that 
the Almighty Grod misled them in their way, so that they were 
wandering about the whole night in darkness and chagrin ; and that 

' [Probably tbe Tillage now called "Seisan" on Lake Manchar. May not the 
latter be the "Kumb" of p. 160? The word signifies "a waterpot," but its 
analogue Kimd means " a lake."] 

VOL. I. 11 


the astrologers and credible persons of his country had found out by 
their calculations of the stars that this country would be taken by 
the Muhammadan army. He had already seen this miracle, and he 
■was sure that it was the wiU of God, and that no device or fraud 
would enable them to withstand the Muhammadans. " Be firm 
under all circumstances," said he, " and s jt your mind at ease. You 
will overcome them, I make my submission to you, and I will 
be your counsellor, and assist you to the extent of my power. I 
will be your guide in overpowering and subduing your enemies." 
When Muhammad Kasim had heard all he had to say, he praised 
the great God, and in giving thanks placed his head upon the earth. 
He comforted Kaka and his dependants and followers, and promised 
him protection. He then osked him, " chief of Hind, what is 
your mode of bestowing honour ? " Kdka said, " Grantiag a seat, 
and investing with a garment of silk, and tying a turban round the 
head. It is the custom of our ancestors, and of the Jat Samanis." 
When Kaka had invested him with the dress, all the chiefs and head 
men of the surrounding places wished to submit to him. He dis- 
pelled the fear of the Arab army from the minds of those who offered 
allegiance, and brought those to submiission who were inimically dis- 
posed. 'Abdu-1 Malik, son of Kaisu-d Dammani,^ was appointed his 
lieutenant to punish all enemies and revolters. Eaka plundered a 
people who were wealthy, and took much booty in cash, cloths, 
cattle, slaves, and grain, so that cow's flesh was plentiful in the 
camp. Muhammad Kasim, having marched from that place, came to 
the fort of Sisam. There he fought for two days, and God granted 
him victory. The infidels fled, and Bajhra bin Chandar, unde of Dahir,' 
and many of the officers and nobles who were under his command 
lost their precious lives. Of the rest some ran away far beyond the 
territory of Budhiya, and some to the fort of Bahitliir, between 
Saluj and Kandhabel, and from that place solicited a written 
promise of protection. Those chiefs were enemies of Dahir, and 
some of them had been slaLu — hence they revolted from him, »nd 
sent ambassadors, and agreed to pay a tribute of one thousand 
dirams weight of silver, and also sent hostages to Siwistan. 

' [This name is doubtful in A., and quite unintelligible in 5.] 

2 {,A. says " Chandar bin D&hir." B. has "son of the uncle of Dihir."] 


Orders are received from Sajjaj son of Yusuf to cross the Mihrdn, 
and a battle is fought with Bdhir. 

When Muhammad Kasim had fiied the several tributes of those 
chiefs, he gave them fresh written agreements for their satisfaction. 
He appointed there HamM, son of Wida'u-n^ajdi and 'Abdu-1 Kais, 
of the fanuly of Jarud, and as they were confidential persons ho 
entrusted to them all the business of that place. 

When he had settled the affairs of Sfsam, he received orders from 
Hajjaj to proceed to some other place ; to return to Nirun, take 
measures to cross the Mihran, and fight with Dahir. He was 
directed to ask Almighty God for' assistance in obtaining success sind 
conquest ; and after having obtained the objects of his expedition, 
he was to strengthen all the forts and places throughout the country, 
and leave none m an unprovided state. When Muhammad Kasim 
read the farman, and understood its contents, he came to Nirun 
and transmitted bis despatches. 

Arrival of the Army of the Arabs at Ifiriin. 

After travelliag over many stages, he halted at a fort which 
stands on the hUl of Nirun. In the vicinity of it there is a reservoir, 
the water of which is purer than the eyes of loyers, and the meadows 
of it are more delightful than the gardeesroirlram. He alighted 
there, and wrote a letter to Hajjaj, son .of:yusijf. 

Muhammad Kasim' s letter to S6§fdj,. sonticf Yusuf, stating 

In the name of the most merciful God, to the most exalted court 
of the noblest of the world, the crown of religion, and protector of 
'Ajam and Hind, Hajjaj, son of Yiisuf — ^from the humble servant 
Muhammad Kasim greeting. After compliments, he represents tbat 
this friend, with all his officers, equipage, servants, and dfedsions of 
the Musulman army, is quite well, affairs are going on well, and a 
continuance of happiness is attained. Be it known to your bright 
wisdom that, after traversing deserts and making dangerous marches, 
I arrived in the territory of Sind, on the banks of the Sfhun, which 
is called Mihran. That part of the territory which is around 
Biidhiya, and is opposite thfr fort ofBaghrur (Nirun), on the Mihran, 


ia taken. This fort is in the country of Alor, which belonged to 
Dahir Eai. Some of the people who resisted have been taken pri- 
soners, and the rest through fear have fled away. As the imperative 
orders of Amir Hajjaj were received, directing me to return, we 
have returned to the fort on the hill of Nirun, which is very near 
to the capital. It is hoped that with the Divine assistance, the royal 
favour, and the good fortune of the exalted prince, the strongest forts 
of the infidels will be conquered, the cities taken, and our treasuries 
replenished. The forts of Siwistan and Sisam have been already 
taken. The nephew of Dahir, his warriors, and principal officers 
have been despatched, and the infidels converted to Islam or de- 
stroyed. Instead of idol temples, mosques and other places of wor- 
ship have been buUt, pulpits have been erected, the Khutba is read, 
the call to prayers is raised, so that devotions are performed at the 
stated hours. The takbi'r and praise to the Almighty God are 
offered every morning and evening. 

« » e ts o 

The reply of Hajjdj is received hy Muhammad Kdsim. 
Muhammad Kdsim hears that Dahir Rdi had proceeded to Nirun. 
Muhammad Kdsim does honour to the Nirun Samani. 
Muhammad Kdsim fights on the hanks of the Mihrdn. 
Moka bin Bisdya enters into terms toith Muhammad Kdsim. 

Banana bin Hanzala is sent to Moka bin Bisdya, and seizes 
him and his attendants. 

Then Banana bin Hanzala went with his tribe and an interpreter 
to the place indicated, and seized Moka bin Bisaya,' together vrith 
his family and twenty well-known Takars.'' When Banana brought 
him before Muhammad Kasim, he was treated with kindness and 
respect, and the country of Bait was made over to him, and a grant 

' [Chief of a large district, from the Sanskrit Vishaya. The term is still used in 
Orissa and N&gplir.] 

' I am douhtful if this is meant for Thdkurs, or for takra, a word used in the 
"West for a strong man. A little ahove, where Dharsiya sends his sister to Alor, the 
word is used apparently as a foot soldier, in opposition to a horseman. In other 
places it is used in conjunction with governors and nohles [and so corresponds exactly 
with ihdkur.'] 


was ■written to that effect, and a hundred thousand dirams were 
given to him as a reward. A green umbrella surmounted by a 
peacock, a chair, and a robe of honour were bestowed upon him. 
All his Takars were favoured with robes and saddled horses. 
Historians relate that the first umbrella of Bdnagi, or chiefship, 
which he gave, was this to Moka. At Moka's request, he gave the 
land and all the towns, fields, and dependencies within the borders 
of Bait, to him and his descendants ; and having entered into a firm 
treaty with him, directed him to collect boats. 

Muhammad Kdsim sends a Syrian Ambassador and Mauldnd 
Isldmi to Ddhir. 

The ambassadors reach Ddhir, 

When they came to Dahir, Maulana Islami, of Debal, did itot bow 
his head, or make any signs of reverence. Dahir recognized him, 
and asked him why he failed in the usual respectful salutation, and • 
enquired if any one had thrown obstacles in his way. The Maulana 
of Debal replied, " When I was your subject it was right of me to 
observe the rules of obedience ; but now that I am converted, and 
am subject to the king of Islam, it cannot be expected that I should 
bow my head to an infidel." Dahir said, " If you were not an 
ambassador, I would punish you with death." The Maulana replied, 
" If you kill me it wUl be no great loss to the Arabs ; but they will 
avenge my death, and exact the penalty from you." 

The Syrian declares the object of his mission^ 
Ddhir consults with Sisdkar,^ the minister. 
'Alldfi offers advice to Dahir. 

The ambassadors return to Muhammad Kdsim with the answer 
of Ddhir Rdi. 

Muhammad Kdsim receives an order from Hajjdj. 
Muhammad Kdsim informs his friends of Sajjdj's orders. 
Mdi Ddhir arrives at the banks of the Mihrdn. 
A Syrian is slain. 

1 [Sih&kar, or Siyftkar in B.'] 


Mus*ab goes to Sitoistdn. 

Jaisiya son of Daihw arrives at the fort of Bait. 

Mai Ddhif the infidel sends a message to Muhammad Sakifi. 

Tiydr returns to Sajjdj from Muhammad Kdsim. 

Sajjdj sends two thousand horses to Muhammad Xdsim. 

Muhammad Kdsim reads the orders of Majjdj. 

Sajjdj sends some vinegar to Muhammad Kdsim. 

The orders of Sajjdj reach Muhammad Kdsim on the western 
lank of the Mihrdn. 

JRdi Ddhir confers with the Samani, Ms minister, on Muham- 
mad Kdsim' s preparations for crossing the river. 

Muhammad Kdsim prepares to cross to the eastern hank with his 


Muhammad Kasim iiad determined to cross, and was appre- 
hensive lest Eai DaMr might come to the banks of the Mihran 
with his army, and oppose the transit. He ordered Snlaiman bin 
Tihan Kuraishi to advance boldly with his troops against the fort,' in 
order that !Fufi '^ son of Dahir, should not be able to join his -fether. 
Sulaiman accordingly went with. 600 horsemen. He ordered also 
the son <}f 'Atiya Tifli to watch the road with 500 men, by which 
Akham might be expected to advance, in order to cover Gandava' 
and he ordered the Samani, who was chief of Nirun, to keep open 
the road for the supply of food and fodder to the camp. Mus'ab 
bra 'Abu-r rahman was ordered to command the advance guard, and 
keep the roads clear. He placed Namama* bin Hanzala Kalabi in 
the centre with a thousand maa ; and ordered Zakwan bin 'Ulwdn al 
Bikri with 1500 men to attend on Moka Bisaya, chief of Bait ; and 

> [MS. .4. fefeulty, tut seems to say " the fort of Aror," — 

.B.'a verBion ia LU-^^^^ub Ji^y ^La-^ JjijLi jO j jj j^ t>j:>. _<A! U »j] 

2 [MS. A. writes the name " Kdfi," but S.'has" Fdfi," and so has the. Tuhfatu-1 
Sii&m. In this, as generally in other variants, each MS. maintains its own spelling 
throughout. See Mem. eur I'lnde, 191.] 

' [iUa>t)ljC^ ^ -4. Jill Ju^ in -S.] * [So in both MSS.] 


the Bhett Thakurs and the Jats of Ghazni, who had made submission 
and entered the Arah service, were told to remain at Sagara and the 
island of Bait. 

» «» o o » i» c 

Muhammad Kdsim examines the fords, 

Ddhir hears that Moka Bisdya had collected boats. 

Ddhir gives the government of Bait to Basil. 

« (i Cf « « O O 

When Muhammad Kasim had collected his boats and began to 
join them together, EasU with his officers and chiefs came to the 
opposite bank and prevented the completion of the bridge and the 
passage of the river. Muhammad Kasim thereupon ordered that 
the boats should all be brought to the western bank, and be there 
joined together, to a distance equal to the estimated breadth of the 
Mihran. He then placed his warriors fully armed upon the boats 
and let the head of the bridge, which was fuU of archers, float down 
to the eastern bank. The archers drove off the iufidels who were 
posted to guard the passage. So the Arabs passed over to the other 
side, and driving pegs into the earth, made the bridge fast. The 
horse and foot then crossed and, giving battle, put the infidels to 
flight, and pursued them as far as the gates of Jham. 

Ddhir awakes and kills his chamberlain for bringing him news 
of the flight of the infidels and the victory of Jsldm. 

The Arab army advances. 

The Arab army marched on till it reached the fort of Bait, and all 
the horsemen were clad iu iron armour. Pickets were posted in 
all directions, and orders were given to dig an entrenchment round 
the camp, and to deposit the baggage there. Muhammad Kasim 
then advanced from the fort of Bait towards Eawar, till he arrived 
at a place called Jewar' (Jaipur). Between Eawar and Jewar 
(Jaipur) there was a lake,' on which Dahir had stationed a select 
body of troops to reconnoitre. 

' [In MS. A. this is written i».5>- in the first instance, and in the second ,,-. ^».^ 

Chitflr. B. has Jit~T in toth oases. See page 169.] 
2 [" Khuluj." It is subsequently called an " db-gir."'] 


Bdhir makes a request of Muhammad 'Alldfi} 

The answer of 'Allafi, and his dismissal by Ddhir. 

Muhammad Kdsini grants 'Alldfi a safe passage. 

Ddhir confers with 'Alldfi. 

Letters pass hettoeen Muhammad Kdsim and Hajjdj. 

Bdhir sends Jaisiya to reconnoitre. 

First fight with the accursed Ddhir. 

Treaty of Rdsil with Muhammad Kdsim. 

Kasil, after ghowing marks of respect and offering promisee of 
fidelity, said, " No one can oppose the will of the Almighty God. 
As you have bound me by your obligations, I shall after this be at 
your service, and will never contravene your wishes. I shall obey 
whatever may he your orders." After a short time Basil lost his 
position, and the management of the country devolved upon Moka. 
Easil and Moka agreed in opinion, and advised Muhammad Kasim 
to march. He accordingly set out from that place and reached a 
village which is called Naranf, Dahir was at Kajijat.' They saw 
that between them and Dahir's camp there was a large lake, 
which was very difficult to cross. Basil said, — " May the most just 
and religious noble live long. It is necessary to cross this lake." 
Basil obtained a boat, and sent three men across at a time, till the 
whole army crossed over, and took post on a bay. Basil said, " If 
you will advance one stage more, you will arrive at Jewar (Jaipur) , 
on the banks of the Wadhawah.' This is a village suitable for yom- 
encampment and is the same distance from the camp of Ddhir as it 
is from here. There you may attack him both in front and rear, 
and successfully enter into his position and occupy it." Muhammad 
Kasim approved of the advice, and reached Jewar (Jaipur) and the 

Arrival of Muhammad Kdsim at Jewar (Jaipur) . 

Intelligence was brought to Baf Dahir that Muhammad Kasim 
with the Arab army had reached Jewar (Jaipur), and when his 
minister Sisakar* heard of it, he said, "Alas! we are lost. That 

> [This name is always Trritten " 'AllSjii" in MS. A^ 

' [£. "Kajijak."j 3 ["Dadh&wkli"^.] « ["Siyfekar" ^.-i 


place is called Jaipur,' or the town of Yictory, and as the army has 
reached that place, it will be succefesful and victorious." Dahir Eai 
took offence at these words. The fire of indignation blazed out in 
his mind, and he said with anger, " He has arrived at Hindbari," 
for it is a place where his bones shall lie." Dahir left the place, 
and with precipitation went into the fort of Eawar, He placed his 
dependants and baggage in the fort, and himself went out to a place 
which was a parasang's distance from the Arabs. Dahir then said to 
an astrologer, " I must fight to-day ; tell me in what part of the 
heavens the planet Venus is, and calculate which of the two armies 
shall be successful, and what will be the result." 

Prediction of the Astrologer. 

After the computation, the astrologer replied, — " According to the 
calculation, the victory shall be to the Arab army, because Venus is 
behind him and in front of you.'' Eai Dahir was angry on hearing 
this. The astrologer then said, "Be not angered, but order an 
image of Venus to be prepared of gold." It was made, and fastened 
to his saddle-straps, in order that Venus might be behind him, and 
he be victorious. Muhammad Kasim drew nearer, and the interval 
between both armies was only half a parasang. 

Fight of the second day. 

Dahir fights the third day with the Arab army. 

Fight of the fourth day. 

Fight of the fifth day. 

The array of the army of Islam. 

Muhammad Kdsim Sakifl reads the KJiutba. 

Muhammad Kdsim exhorts his soldiers. 

The Arab army charges the Infidels. 

Shujd' Sabshi becomes a martyr. 

Muhammad Kdsim charges in the name of God. 

' It is generally Jewar ; [but here we have JJ^**" Chitfir in A.'\ This explanation 
shows it must be JaipiSr. 
* \_Hadbdri from haddi, a bone ? MS. B. leaves a blank for the first syllable.! 


The accursed Ddhir is slain. 

Historians have delated that Dahir was slain at the fort of Eawar at 
sunset, on Thursday, the 10th of Eamazan, in the year 93 (June, 712 
A.D.). Ahu-1 Hasan relates upon the authority Ahu-1 Lais Hindi, who 
heard it from his father, that when the army of Islam made the attack, 
and most Of the infidels were slain, a noise arose upon the left, and 
Dahir thought it came from his own forces. He cried out, " Come 
hither ; I am here." The women then raised their voices, and said, 
" king, we are your women, who have fallen into the hands of 
the Arabs, and are captives." Dahir said, " I live as yet, who cap- 
tured you ?"^ So saying, he urged his elephant against the Musul- 
man army. Muhammad Kasim told the naphtha throwers that the 
opportunity was theirs, and a powerful man, in obedience to this 
direction, shot his naphtha arrow into Dahir's howda, and set it on 
fire. Dahir ordered his elephant driver to turn back, for the elephant 
was thirsty, and the howda was on fire. The elephant heeded not 
his driver, but dashed into the water, and in spite of all the efforts 
of the man, refused to turn back. Dahir and the driver were carried 
into the rolling waves. Some of the infidels went into the water 
with them, and some stood upon the banks ; but when the Arab 
horsemen came up, they fled. After the elephant had drunk water, 
he wanted to return to the fort. The Muhammadan archers plied 
their weapons, and a rain of arrows fell around. A skilful bowman 
aimed an arrow, which struck Dahir in the breast (bar dil), and he 
fell down in the howda upon his face. The elephant then came out 
of the water and charged. Some of the iafidels who remaiaed were 
trampled under foot, and the others were dispersed. Dahir got off 
his elephant, and confronted an Arab ; but this brave fellow struck 
him with a sword on the very centre of his head, and cleft it to 
his neck. The Muhammadans and infidels closed and maintained a 
deadly fight, until they reached the fort of Eiwar. When the Brah- 
mans who had gone into the water found the place of Dahir's fall 
deserted, they came out and hid the body of DShir under the bank. 
The white elephant turned towards the army of the infidels, and no 
trace was left. 

1 [Such is the reading of JB. \^i^ ii l^Uwi ^- says, i.s^jLl i^ UAj] 


Proclcanation issued by Muhammad Kdsim. 

Sow Lddi the wife of Ddhir was taken. 

Muhammad Kdsim writes an account of the death of BdMr to 

The head of Ddhir is sent to 'Irak. 

Sa^jdj gives his daughter in marriage to Muhammad Kdsim. 

Hajjdj reads the Khutba in the Masj'id Jdmi' ofKAfa. 

Sajjdj sends an answer to Muhammad Kdsim's account of his 

The relatives of Ddhir Sdi who were carried away captives. 

Jaisiya enters the fort ofMdwar and prepares to fight. 

The ■historians concur in the narration that when Dahir was 
killed, his son and Eani Bdi' (who was Dahir's sister, but whom 
he had made his wife,) went into the fort of Eawar with his army, 
relations, and nohles, and took refuge in it. Jaisiya, who was proud 
of his courage, power, and dignity, prepared to fight. Muhammad 
'Allafi was also with him. When the news of the death of DStiir 
arrived, and that the white elephant was hamstrung, Jaisiya son of 
Dahir said that he would go to oppose the enemy, and strike a blow 
to save his honour and name, for it would be no loss if he were to 
be slain. Sisakar, the minister, observed that the resolve of the 
prince was not good, the king had been killed, the army defeated 
and dispersed, and their hearts were averse to battle through fear of 
the enemy's sword. How could he go to fight with the Arabs? 
His dominions stUl existed, and the strongest forts were garrisoned 
with brave warriors and subjects. It wag, therefore, advisable that 
they should go to the fort of Brahmanabad, which was the inherit- 
ance of his father and ancestors. It was the chief residence of 
Dahir. The treasuries and stores were full, and the inhabitants 
of the place were friendR and well wishers of the family of Chach, 
and would all assist in fighting against the enemy. Then the 
'Allafi was also asked what he considered proper. He rfpKed that 
he.-concurred in this opinion. So Jaisiya assented, and with all their 
dependants and trusty servants, they went to Brahmanafead. Bkl 

I [MS. A. stfll reads Main.] 


(Main), the wife of Dalur,togetlier with some of the generals, prepared 
for battle. She reviewed the army in the fort, and fifteen thousand 
warriors were eoimted. They had all resolved to die. Next 
morning, when it was learnt that Dahi'r had been killed between 
the Mihran and the stream called Wadhdwah,' all the chiefs 
(Eawats) and officers who were attached to the Earn' entered the 
fort. Muhammad Kasim, on receiving the intelligence, marched in 
that direction, and encamped under the walls. The garrison began 
to beat drums and sound clarions, and threw down from the ram- 
parts and bastions stones from mangonels and balistas as well as 
arrows and javelins. 

The fort is taken andBdl (Main), the sister o/Ddhir, burns herself. 

Muhammad Kasim disposed his army, and ordered the miners to 
dig and undermine the walls. He divided his army into two 
divisions ; one was to fight during the day with mangonels, arrows, 
and javelins, and the other to throw naphtha, fardaj (?), and stones 
during the night. Thus the bastions were thrown down. Bai (Main), 
the sister of Dahir, assembled all her women, and said, " Jaisiya is 
separated from us, and Muhammad Kasim is come. God forbid 
that we should owe our liberty to these outcast cow-eaters '. Our 
honour would be lost ! Our respite is at an end,' and there is 
nowhere any hope of escape ; let us collect wood, cotton, and oil, for 
I think that we should bum ourselves and go to meet our husbands. 
If any wish to save herself she may." So they went into a house, 
set it on fire, and burnt themselves. Muhammad took the fort, and 
stayed there for two or three days. He put six thousand fighting 
men, who were in the fort, to the sword, and shot some with 
arrows. The other dependants and servants were taken prisoners, 
with their wives and children. 

Detail of the slaves, cash, and stuffs, which were taken. 

It is said that when the fort was captured, all the treasures, 
property, and arms, except those which were taken away by Jaisiya, 
fell into the hands of the victors, and they were all brought before 
Muhammad Kasim. When the number of the prisoners was calcu- 

> ["Dadha.w6ili".B.] 

2 [This passage is taken from B. MS. A. is unintelligible.] 


lated, it was found to amount to thirty thousand persons, amongst 
■whom thirty were the daughters of chiefs, and one of them was K4i 
Dahir's sister's daughter, whose name was Jaisiya.' They were sent 
to Hajjaj. The head of Dahir and the fifth part of the prisoners 
were forwarded in charge of K'ab, son of Maharat. When the head 
of Dahir, the women, and the property all reached Hajjaj, he pros- 
trated himself before God, offered thanksgi-vings and praises, for, he 
said, he had in reality obtained all the wealth and treasures and 
dominions of the world. 

Hajjaj sends the head of Bdhir, and some of his standards, to the 


Hajjaj then forwarded the head, the umbrellas, and wealth, and 
the prisoners to "Walid the Khalifa. When the Khalifa of the time 
had read the letter, he praised Almighty God. He sold some of 
those daughters of the chiefs, and some he granted as rewards. 
When he saw the daughter of Eai Dahir's sister, he was much 
struck with her beauty and charms, and began to bite his finger 
with astonishment. 'Abdu-Uah bin 'Abbas desired to take her, but 
the Khalifa said, " O my nephew ! I exceedingly admire this girl, 
and am so enamoured of her, that I wish to keep her for myself. 
Nevertheless, it is better that you should take her to be the mother 
of your children." By his permission, therefore, 'Abdu-Uah took her. 
She lived a long time with him, but no child was bom from her. After- 
wards, another letter was received about the capture of the fort of 
Kawar. It is said that after the conquest was efiected, and the affairs 
of the country were settled and the report of the conquest had reached 
Hajjaj, he sent a reply to the following effect. "0 my cousin; I 
received your life-inspiring letter. I was much pleased and over- 
joyed when it reached me. The events were recounted in an ex- 
cellent and beautiful style, and I learnt that the ways and rules you 
follow are conformable to the Law. Except that you give protec- 
tion to all, great and small alike, and make no difference between 
enemy and friend. God says, — Give no quarter to Infidels, but cut 
their throats." " Then know that this is the command of the great 
God. You should not be too ready to grant protection, because it 
1 [MS. B. has " Hasna."] 


will prolong your -work. After this, give iw quarter to any enemy 
except to those who are of rank. This is a worthy resolve, and want 
of dignity wUl not be itnpiited to you.' Peace he with you!" — 
Written at Nafa', a.h. 73. 

Jaisiya sends letters from Brahmandhdd to Ahr? Bdtiya, and other 

Some historians from amongst the religious Brahmans have nar- 
rated respecting the death of Dahir and adventures of Muhammad 
Kasim, that when the accursed Eai Dahir went to hell, Jaisiya took 
refuge in the fort of Brahmanabad, and E4war was taken, Jaisiya 
made preparations for war and sent letters in all directions ; viz. : 
One to his brother Fufi,' son of Dahir, who was in. the fort of the 
capital of Aror ; the other to his nephew Chach, son of Dharsiya, in 
the fort of Batiya; and the third to his cousia, Dhawal, son of 
Chandar, who was in the direction of Budhiya and Kaikanan. He 
informed them of Dahir's death and consoled them. He himself 
was ia Brahmanabdd with his warriors ready to fight. 

Battle of Bahriir and Dhalila. 

Muhammad Kasim now determined to march to Brahmanabad. 
Between Eawar and that city there were two fortresses called 
Bahrur* and Dhalila which contained about sixteen thousand fighting 
men. When Muhammad Kasim reached Bahrur he besieged it for 
two months. After the war had been protracted so long, Muhammad 
Kasim ordered that part of his army should fight by day and part by' 
night. They threw naphtha and plied their mangonels so that all 
the warriors of the adverse party were slaia, and the walls of the 
fort thrown down. Many slaves and great plunder were taken. They 
put the filth part of if into the public treasury. When the news of 
the capture of Eawar and Bahrur reached Dhalila, the inhabitants 
knew that Muhammad Kasim possessed great perseverance, and that 
they should be on their guard against him. The merchants fled to 

JCJ,^ (Ji*a>- ' r - ^t A -^ negative seems to be required.] 

2 [jj.]] 5 [" K-afi" always in A.'] * [See p. 122;] 


Hind, and the men of war prepared to defend their country. At 
last, Muhammad Kasim came to Dhalila, and encamped there for 
two months, more or less. When the besieged were much dis- 
tressed, and they knew that from no quarter could they receive 
reinforcements, they put on the garments of death, and anointed 
themselves with perfumes. They sent out their families into the 
fort which faces the bridge, and they crossed over the stream of the 
Naljak,' without the Musulmans being aware of it. 

The flight of the chief of Dhalila. 

When the day dawned through the veil of darkness Muhammad 
Kasim learnt that they had fled, so he sent some men of his army 
after them, who overtook part of them as they were passing 
over the river and put them to the edge of the sword. Those who 
had crossed previously fled to Hindustan through the country of 
Eamal and the sandy desert to the country (bildd) of Sir, the chief 
of which country was named Deoraj. He was the son of the uncle 
of Dahir Eaf. 

Dhalila conquered, and a fifth part of its booty sent to the capital 

of the Klialifa. 
When Muhammad Kasim had fought the battle of Dhalila and 
conquered, the fifth part of the plunder was deposited ia the treasury 
to be sent to the capital, and he sent a report of the conquest of 
Bahrur and Dhalila to Hajjaj, with all the particulars. 

Arrival of Sisdkar, the minister, to seek protection. 

Muhammad Kasim sent letters to the chiefs of the different parts 
of Hind, and invited them to make submission, and embrace Islam. 
When Sfsakar, minister of Dahir, heard of this, he sent some confi- 
dential servants, and sued for protection. He brought the Muham-- 
madan women who were in his possession, and said that they were 
those women who cried out for help to Hajjaj.' 

Sisdkar appointed Minister. 

Muhammad Kasim showed him much respect, and sent his chief 
officers to receive him. He paid him great honour, and treated him 

1 [" Manjhal" in B.] » [See p. 118.] 


with much kindness, and conferred upon him the office of Wazir. 
Sisakar now became the counsellor of the Muhammadans. Mu- 
hammad Kasim told him all his secrets, always took his advice, 
and consulted him on all the civil affairs of the government, his 
political measures, and the means of prolonging his success. He 
used to say to Muhammad Kasim that the regulations and ordinances 
which the just Amir had introduced would confirm his authority in 
all the countries of Hind. They would enable him to punish and 
overcome all his enemies ; for he comforts all the subjects and 
malguzars, takes the revenue according to the old laws and regula- 
tions, never burthens any one with new and additional exactions, 
and instructs all his functionaries and officers. 

The government of Dhalila conferred on Niiba, son of Dhdran 
son of Bhalila} 
It is said by some people that when Dhalila was conquered, 
Muhammad Kasim called Nuba, son of Dharan, and having made a 
compact with him, invested him with honours, and conferred on 
him the entire governorship of the fort, and its dependencies from 
the eastern to the western boundaries. Trom that place to Brah- 
manabad there was distance of one parasang. Jaisiya, son of Dahir, 
received intelligence that the Muhammadan army was coming. 

The Arab army arrives at the banks of the lake of Jalwdli, and an 
ambassador is sent to invite the people to embrace Islam. 

Muhammad Kasim marched from Dhalila, and encamped on the 
banks of the stream of the Jalwali' to the east of Brahmanabad. He 
sent some confidential messengers to BrahmanaMd to invite its 
people to submission and to the Muhammadan faith, to preach to 
them Islam, to demand the Jizya, or poll-tax, and also to inform 
them that if they would not submit, they must prepare to fight. 
Jaisiya, son of Dahu', before the arrival of the messengers, had gone 
to Chanir.' He had chosen sixteen men from among the chiefs 
of that city, and had placed four of these men as wardens at each of 

' [This last name is not in MS. A."] '' [Tlie " Falaill" ?] 

' [" Janlr" in jB.] He appears ubiquitous, and his proceedings do not appear to 
be related in chronological cider. This place may be also read Chansir, and it 
seems to be the same as the Ohauesar -which follows in page 179. 


the four gates of the city, with a part of his army. One of these 
gates was called Jawetari, and four men were stationed at it. One of 
them was Bharand, the other Satiya, the third Mdliya,^ and the 
fourth SSha. 

Muhammad Kdsim, arrives there in the beginning of the month of 


When Muhammad Kdsim reached there, he ordered entrenchments 
to be dug. The battle commenced on Saturday, the first of Kajab. 
The infidels came out every day, and engaged and beat their drums.* 
There were about forty thousand fi|fkting men. I'rom the dawn of 
day till sunset the battle was fought with great fury on both sides. 
"When the king of the stars disappeared they also returned. The 
Muhammadans entered their entrenchments, and the infidels went 
into their fort. Six months passed in this manner. Kasim despaired 
of taking the fort, and became very pensive. On Sunday, in the 
end of the Zi-1 Hijja, a.h. 93 (October, 712 a.d.), Jaisiya, who had 
fled to the country of Eamal, which is called Batiya, came back 
from that place, infested the roads, and distressed the Muhammadan 

A messenger sent to Moha. 

Muhammad Kasim despatched one of his confidential servants 
to Moka Bisaya, and informed him that he was perpetually 
harassed by Jaisiya, who prevented the supply of fodder, and put 
him to great trouble. He enquired the remedy. Moka said that as 
Jaisiya was very near, there was no alternative but that he should 
be made to depart. So he sent from his own force a large body of 
trusty men to drive him off. 

Jaisiya goes to Jaipur? 

Banana, son of Hanzala Kalabi, 'Ati'ya Sa'lbi, Saram son of 
Abii Saram Hamadani, and 'Abdu-1 Malik Madanni, with their horse- 
men, and Moka Bisaya at their head, aud also Jazim, son of 'TJmar 
Waladihi were sent with aji army and supplies of provisions. 

1 ["Manlira"in5.] 

s [Both MSS. here have " Jatrfir." A few lines further on A. has " Chitor," but 
B. keeps to " Jatrdr." See note in p. 169,] 

VOL. 1. 12 


Jaisiya was informed of the march of the Arab army. He therefore 
left his place with all his property and family, and went by way of 
the sandy desert to the places called Jankan, 'Awara, and Kaya, in 
the territory of Jaipur. The 'Allafi deserted him. He thence 
proceeded to the territory of Takiya, and went away and deter- 
mined to do homage to the king of Kashmir, which is towards Eosta 
on the boundary of Eoyam. This territory is all waste and desert. 
From that place he wrote to the Eai, whose capital lay amidst the 
hiUs. He stated that of his own free will, and with a sincere heart, 
he had come to wait upon him. 

Jaisiya son of Ddhir goes to the Rand. 

The letter was read before the Eai of Kashmir, who issued orders 
that, from among the dependencies of Kashmir, a place called Sha- 
kalha ' should be assigned to Jaisiya. 

The Mai of Kashmir gives presents to Jaisiya son of Ddhir. 

The day on which they met, the Eai of Kashmir gave fifty horses 
with saddles, and two hundred valuable suits of apparel to his 
officers. Hamim, son of Sama the Syrian, was sent to the fief of 
Shakalha. "When he went a second time to see the Eai of Kashmir, 
he was again received with great respect and honour, and an 
umbrella, a chair, and other presents were given to him. These are 
honours which are bestowed upon great kings. With great respect 
and ostentation he was re-conducted to his tenure in the plains. 
After staying there some time he expired in Shakalha, and was 
succeeded by Hamim, son of Sama, whose descendants remain there 
to this day. He founded masjids there, and obtaiaed great honour 
and regard. He was much respected by the king of Kashmir. 
When Jaisiya" went to Jaipur, and stayed there, he wrote letters to 
Fuf£, son of Ddhir, at Alor. He informed him of the cause of his 

1 [See also p. 144. Gen. Cunningham thinks that this may possibly be "Knller- 
Kabar," in the Salt range which at this time belonged to Kashmir.] 

2 [It is difficult to say who is meant in the preceding passages. Jaisiya is men- 
tioned by name in the heading of the chapter, but his name does not occur again 
until this place. This passage begins — 


leaving the country, and advised him to hold out in that part. 
Fufi, son of Dahir, received much encouragement on reading the 
letter, and on learning that he had gone away to Jaipur. 

When Muhammad Kasim had fought for six months at Brahman- ■ 
abad, and war was protracted for a long time, and the news of 
Jaisiya was received from Chanesar,' four of the chief merchants of 
the city consulted together at the gate of the fort, which is called 
Jawetari.' They said the Arabs have conquered the whole terri- 
tory, Dahir has been killed, Jaigiya is king, and the fort tas been 
besieged for a space of six months ; we have neither power nor 
wealth to enable us to fight with the enemy, nor can we make 
peace with him. If he stay a few days more, he will at last be 
victorious, and we have no ground on which to ask protection from 
him. We are not able to stand any more before that army ; we 
should, therefore, now join together, and sallying out attack Kasim, 
or be slain in the attempt ; for if peace be made, all those found in 
arms will be slain, but all the rest of the people, the merchants, the 
handicraftsmen, and the cultivators, will find protection. And if 
they could get any assurance, it was better, they said, to make terms 
and surrender the fort to him. He would take them under his 
protection, and they would find him their supporter if they would 
follow rules of allegiance. To this opinion they all agreed. They 
sent their messengers, and craved for themselves and their families 
exemption from death and captivity. 

Protection granted to them on their faithful promises of allegiance. 

Muhammad Kasim granted them protection on their faithful 
promises, but put the soldiers to death, and took all their followers 
and dependants prisoners. All the captives, up to about thirty 
years of age, who were able to work, he made slaves, and put a 
price upon them.' Muhammad Kasim called all the chief officers 
of Hajjaj together, and related the message to them, saying that 

' Lw-ji::^ A. u..;-"7 - -B-] ' [" Jaretari" 5.] 

' J liCuA Jit \_j Juji jii JLj ^ i^Ji \j (.::^-Atfi j\ S xJj) J» jl 


ambassadors liad come from Bralimanabad, and it stould be heard 
what they had to say, and a proper answer should be carefully 
prepared and given to them. 

Opinion of Moka Bisdya. 

Moka Bisaya said, " noble man ! this fort is the chief of all the 
cities of Hind. It is the seat of the sovereign. If this be taken, 
the whole of Sind will come into your possession. The strongest 
forts will fall, and the dread of our power will increase. The 
people will sever themselves from the descendants of Dahir, some 
will i-un away, and others submit to your rule." 

Muhammad Kdsim's communication to Sajjdj. 

Muhammad Kdsim informed Hajjaj of all the circumstaiices, and 
furnished those people with his written Orders. He fixed the time 
with them, and they said that on the day named he should come to 
the Jawetetri ' gate, from which they would sally out to fight ; but 
when they should come near him, and the Arab army should attack 
them, they would fly away in the midst of the battle, go into the 
fort, and leave the gate open. After an answer was received from 
Hajjaj, to the effect that Kasim should give them protectioii, and 
fiiithfully execute the compact made with them, the people of the 
fort fought for a short time, and when the Arabs attacked them, and 
engaged, they fled and entered the fort, leaving the gate open.^ The 
Arabs thus got possession of it, and the whole army followed and 
mounted the walls. The Muhammadans then loudly shouted " Allah 
Akbar," and the people of the fort, seeing the Musulmans victorious, 
opened the eastern gate, and fled with precipitation. The Muham- 
madans thus gained the victory, but Muhammad KSsim ordered them 
to kUl none but those who showed fight. They seized all who had 
arms, and brought them prisoners before Muhammad Kasim, with 
aU their arms and property, dependants, and families. Everyone 
who bowed down his head and sued for protection was released, 
and allowed to occupy his own house. 

1 [" Jaretari," B.'\ 

* This is not clear, but it appears that the citizens betrayed the garrison. 


Resistance made hy Jaisiya^ and the wife of Bdhir. 
It is said, on the authority of the old men of Brahmanabad, that 
when the fort of Bralimanabad was taken, Ladi, the wife of Dahir 
Eai, who since Dahir's death had staid in the fort with his son,' rose 
up and said, " How can I lea-ve this strong fort and my family. It 
is necessary that we should stop here, overcome the enemy, and 
preserve our homes and dwellings. If the army of the Arabs 
should be successful, I must pursue some other course. She then 
brought out all her wealth and treasures, and distributing them 
among the warriors of the army, she thus encouraged her brave 
soldiers while the fight was carried on at one of the gates. She had 
determined that if the fort should be lost, she would bum herself 
alive with all her relations and children. Suddenly the fort was 
taken, and the nobles came to the gate of Dahir's palace and brought 
out his dependants. Ladi was taken prisoner. 

Lddi, the wife of Ddhir is taken, loith his two maiden daughters. 

When the plunder and the prisoners of war were brought before 
Kasim, and enquiries were made about every captive, it was found 
that Ladi, the wife of Dahir, was in the fort with two daughters of 
his by his other wives. VeUs were put on their faces, and they 
were delivered to a servant to keep them apart. One-fifth of all 
the prisoners were chosen and set aside ; they were counted as 
amounting to twenty thousand in number, and the rest were given 
to the soldiers. 

Protection is gi:een to the artificers. 
Protection was given to the artificers, the merchants, and the 
common people, and those who had been seized from those classes 
were all liberated. But he (Kasim) sat on the seat of cruelty, and 
put all-those who had fought to the sword. It is said that about six 
thousand fighting men were slain, but, according to some, sixteen 
thousand were killed, and the rest were pardoned. 

The relations of Ddhir are betrayed by the Brahmans. 
It is related that when none of the relations of D&hir were found 

i [Sic in both MSS.] " [i^\j^ b "bod of the BM."] 


among the prisoners, the inhabitants of the city were questioned 
respecting them, but no one gave any information or hint about 
them. But the next day nearly one thousand Brahmans, Andth 
shaven heads and beards, were brought before Kasim. 

The Brahmans come to Muhammad Kdsim. 

"When Muhammad Kasim saw them, he asked to what army they 
belonged, and why they had come in that manner. They replied, "0 
faithful noble ! our king was a Brahman. Ton have killed him, 
and have taken his country ; but some of us have faithfully adhered 
to hi^ cause, and have laid down our lives for him ; and the rest, 
mourning for him, have dressed themselves in yellow clothes, and 
have shaved their heads and beards. As now the Almighty God has 
given this country into your possession, we have come submissively 
to you, just Lord, to know what may be your orders for us." 
Muhammad Kasim began-to think, and said, " By my soul and head, 
they are good, faithful people. I give them protection, but on this 
condition, that they bring hither the dependents of Dahir, wherever 
they may be." Thereupon they brought out Ladi. Muhammad Kasim 
fixed a tax upon all the subjects, according to the laws of the Prophet. 
Those who embraced the Muhammadan faith were exempted from 
slavery, the tribute, and the poll-tax ;' and from those who did not 
change their creed a tax was exacted according to three grades. The 
first grade was of great men, and each of these was to pay silver, equal 
to forty-eight dirams in weight, the second grade twenty-four dirams, 
and the lowest grade twelve dirams. It was ordered that all who 
shoidd become Musulmans at once should be exempted from the 
payment, but those who were desirous of adhering to their old 
persuasion must pay the tribute and poll-tax. Some showed an 
inclination to abide by their creed, and some having resolved upon 
paying tribute, held by the faith of their forefathers,' but their lands 
and property were not taken from them. 

^ [" B<mdagi wa m&l wa gazid;" or " gazand" as A. has it.] 
ij.^ (_i^4 ijS>-«^ y 5 JJ'iU-' '^''^ ^""^ mu'dwadat is found only in 3.] 

CHACH-N^MA. 183 

Brahmandhdd is given into the charge of the prefects of the country. 

Muhammad Kasim then allotted to each of the prefects an amount 
of revenue suited to his ability and claims. He stationed a force at 
each of the four gates of the fort, and gave the charge of them (to 
the prefects). He also gave them as tokens of his satisfaction 
saddled horses, and ornaments for their hands and feet, according to 
the custom of the kings of Hind. And he assigned to each of them 
a seat in the great public assemblies. 

Division of the people into three classes — artisans, merchants, and 


All people, the merchants, artists, and agriculturists were divided 
separately into their respective classes, and ten thousand men, high 
and low, were counted. Muhammad Kasim then ordered twelve 
diram's weight of silver to be assigned to each man, because all 
their property had been plundered. He appointed people from 
among the villagers and the chief citizens to collect the fixed 
taxes from the cities and villages, that there might be a feeling of 
strength and protection. When the Brahmans saw this, they 
represented their case, and the nobles and principal inhabitants 
of the city gave evidence as to the superiority of the Brahmans. 
Muhammad Kasim maintained their dignity, and passed orders 
confirming their pre-eminence. They were protected againsb opposi- 
tion and violence. Each of them was entrusted with an office, for 
Kasim was confident that they would not be inclined to dishonesty. 
Like Eai Chach, he also appointed each one to a duty. He 
ordered all the Brahmans to be brought before him, and reminded 
them that they had held great of&ces in the time of Dahir, and that 
they must be well acquainted with the city and the suburbs. If 
they knew any excellent character worthy of his consideration and 
kindness they should bring him to notice, that favours and rewards 
might be bestowed on him. As he had entire confidence in their 
honesty and virtue, he had entrusted them with these offices, and all 
the affairs of the country would be placed under their charge. 
These offices were granted to them and their descendants, and would 
never be resumed or transferred. 


The Brahmans go with great confidence into the villages. 

Then the Brahmans and the government officers went into the 
districts, and said, " Oh chiefs and leaders of the people, you know 
for certain that Dahir is slain, and that the power of infidels is at an 
end. In all parts of Sind and Hind the rule of the Arabs is firmly 
established, and all the people of this country, great and small, have 
become as equals, both in town and country. The great Sultan has 
shown favour to us humble individuals, and ye know that 
he has sent us to you, to hold out great inducements. If we do 
not obey the Arabs we shall neither have property nor means 
of living. But we have made our submission in hope that the 
favour and kindness of our masters may be increased to us. At 
present we are not driven from our homes ; but if you cannot 
endure this tribute which is fixed on you, nor submit to the heavy 
burden, then let us retire at a suitable opportunity to some other 
place of Hind or Sind, with all your families and children, where 
you may find your lives secure. Life is the greatest of all blessings. 
But if we can escape from this dreadful whirlpool, and can save our 
lives from the power of this army, our property and children will be 

Taxes are fixed upon the inhabitants of the city. 

Then all the inhabitants of the city attended and agreed to pay 
the taxes. They ascertained the amount from Muhammad "Kasim. 
And in respect of the Brahmans whom he had appointed revenue 
managers over them, he said, "Deal honestly between, the people 
and the Sultan, and if distribution is required make it with equity, 
and fix the revenue according to the abUity to pay. Be in concord 
among yourselves, and oppose not each other, so that the country 
may not be distressed." 

Muhammad Kdsim admonishes the people. 

Muhammad Kasim admonished every man separately, and said, 
"Be happy in every respect, and have no anxiety, for you will not 
be blamed for anything. I do not take any agreement or bond from 
you. Whatever sum is fixed and we have settled you must pay. 
Moreover, care and leniency shall be shown you. And whatever 


may be you* requests, they should be represented to me so that 
they may be heaard, a proper reply be given, and the wishes of each 
man be satisfied." 

Muhammad Kdsim gives an order in favour of the people of 

The Brahmons did not receive the alms -which were given to them 
according to the old custom, by the merchants, the infidels, and 
thakurs, who took delight in worshipping the idols. The attend- 
ants of the temples were likewise in distress. For fear of the 
army, the alms and bread were not regularly given to them, and 
therefore they were reduced to poverty. They came to the gate of 
his palace, and lifted up their hands in prayer. They said, " May 
you live long, oh just lord ! We people obtain our livelihood and 
maintenance by keeping the temple of Budh. You showed mercy 
upon the merchants and the infidelSj confirmed them in their pro- 
perty, and made them zimmis (tolerated subjects). Hence we, your 
slaves, relying upon yoiu* bounty, hope permission may be given for 
them to worship their gods, and repair the temple of Budh." 
Muhammad Kasim replied, " The seat of government is Alor, and 
all these other places are dependencies of it." The Hindus said, 
" The edifice (temple) of this city is under the Brahmans. They are 
our sages and physicians, and our nuptial and funeral ceremonies 
are performed by them. We have agreed to pay the taxes in the 
expectation that every one would be left to follow his own persua- 
sion. This our temple of Budh is ruined, and we cannot worship 
our idols. If our just lord will permit us, we will repair it, and 
worship our gods. Our Brahmans will then receive the means of 
living from us." 

Muhammad Kdsim writes to Sajjdj, and receives an answer. 

Muhammad Kasim ivrote to Hajjaj, and after some days received 
a reply to the following efiect. The letter of my dear nephew 
Muhammad Kasim has been received, and the facts understood. It 
appears that the chief inhabitants of Brahmanabad had petitioned 
to be allowed to repair the temple of Budh and pursue their religion. 
As they have made submission, and have agreed to pay taxes to the 
Khalifa, nothing more can be properly required from them. They 


have been taken under our protection, and we cannot in any way 
stretch, out our hands upon their lives or property. Permission is 
given them to worship their gods. Nobody must be forbidden or 
prevented from following his own religion. They may live in their 
hotises in whatever manner they like.' 

Arrival of Hajjdj's orders. 

When the orders of Hajjaj reached Muhammad Kasim, he had 
left the city, and had gone a march. He directed the nobles, the 
principal inhabitants, and the Brahmans to build their temple, 
trafSc with the Muhammadans, live without any fear, and strive to 
better themselves. He also enjoined them to maintain the indigent 
Brahmans with kindness and consideration, observe the rites and 
customs of their ancestors, and give oblations and alms to the 
Brahmans, according to former practice. They were to allot three 
dirams out of every hundred dirams capital, and to give them as 
much of this as should be necessary — the remainder was to be paid 
into the treasury and accounted for ; it would be safe in the keeping 
of Government,^ They were also to settle allowances upon the 
officers and the nobles. They all fully agreed to these conditions 
before Tamim bin Zaidu-1 Kaisi and Hukm bin 'Awana Kalbi. It 
was ordained that the Brahmans should, like beggars, take a copper 
basin in their hands, go to the doors of the houses, and take what- 
ever grain or other thing that might be offered to them, so that they 
might not remain unprovided for. This practice has got a peculiar 
name among the infidels. 

Muhammad Kdsim grants the request of the people of Brahmandhdd. 

Muhammad Kasim granted the request which the people of Brah- 
manabad had made to him, and permitted them to retain their posi- 
tion like the Jews, tlie Christians,' and fire worshippers of 'Irak 

' [joi^ iS^^j 'iy>- ^\ji Jyi- 'lifjLsT b] 


and SMm. He then, dismissed them, and gave to their head men 
the appellation of Eana.^ 

Muhammad Kdsim calls for Sisdkar, the minister. 

He then called the minister Sisakar and Moka Bisaya, and asked 
them what was the position of the Jats of Lohana' in the time of 
Chach and Dahir, and how were they dealt with ? Sisakar, the 
minister, replied in the presence of Moka Bisaya that in the reign 
of Eai Chach, the Lohanas, viz. Lakha and Samma, were not allowed 
to wear soft clothes, or cover their heads with velvet; but they 
used to wear a black blanket beneath, and throw a sheet of coarse 
cloth over their shoulders. They kept their heads and feet naked. 
"Whenever they put on soft clothes they were fined. They used 
to take their dogs with them when they went out of doors, so 
that they might by this means be recognized. No chief was per- 
mitted to ride on a horse. Wherever guides were required by the 
kings they had to perform the duty, and it was their business to 
supply escorts and conduct parties from one tribe to another. If 
any of their chiefs or ranas rode upon a horse, he had no saddle or 
bridle, but threw a blanket on its back, and then mounted. If an 
injury befel a person on the road, these tribes had to answer for it ; 
and if any person of their tribe committed a theft, it was the duty of 
their head men to burn him and his family and children. The 
caravans used to travel day and night under their guidance. There 
is no distinction among them of great and small. They have the 
disposition of savages, and always rebelled against their sovereign. 
They plunder on the roads, and within the territory of Debal aU 
join with them in their highway robberies. It is their duty to send 
fire-wood for the kitchen of the kings, and to serve them as menials 
and guards." On hearing this, Muhammad Kasim said, " What 
disgusting people they are. They are just like the savages of 
Persia and the mountains."' Muhammad Kasim maintained the 
same rules regarding them. As the Commander of the faithful, 
'TJmar, son of Khitab, had ordered respecting the people of Sham, 

' [MS. .B.] 2 [<UUjl i^li^r J^] 

' [jc-ib j_^j ij^^_/* [^- ^j^. ^/] ^^i */ J ut)^ '^h w^^^ 


60 did Muhammad Kasim also make a rule that every guest should 
be entertained for one day and night, but if he fell sick then for 
three days and nights. 

Muhammad Kdsim sends a letter to Hajjdj bin Yiisuf. 
When Muhammad Kasim had settled the affairs of Brahmanabad 
and the Lohana^ territory, and had fixed the tribute of the Jats, he 
sent a report of all these particulars to Hajjaj. It was written at a 
place on the river Jalwali,^ above Brahmanabad. The account of 
taking the territory of Sind was, communicated and stated in full 

Bephj ofEajjdj. 

Hajjaj wrote in reply, " My nephew Muhammad Kasim, you 
deserve praise and commendation for your military conduct, and for 
the pains you have taken in protecting the people, ameliorating 
their condition, and managing the affairs of the Government. The 
fixing of the revenue upon each village, and the encouragement you 
have giveij. to all classes of people to observe the laws, and' their agree- 
ments, have brought much vigour to the Government, and have tended 
to the good administration of the country. Now you should not 
stay any longer La this city. The pillars of the countries of Hind 
and Sind are Alor and Multan. They are the capitals and royal 
residences. There must be great riches and treasures of kings hidden 
in these two places. If you stop anywhere, you should choose the 
most delightful place, so that your authority may be confirmed in 
the whole country of Hind and Sind. If any one refuses to submit 
to Muhammadan power slay him. May you be victorious under 
the decree of the Almighty God, so that you may subdue the 
country of Hind to the boundary of China. Amir Kutaiba, son of 
Muslimu-1 Kuraishf is sent ; you should make over all the hostages 
to him, and an army i§ also placed under him. Ton should act in 
such a manner, son of your uncle, and son of the mother of 
Jaisiya,' that the name of Kasim may become celebrated through you, 
and your' enemies be humbled and confounded. May it please God." 

' \_A. has See page 176.] 

' Alluding probably to her being destined for Hajjlj. A few pages before we find 
L&di was taken by Muhammad Kasim. 


The arrival of the letter of Sajjdj. 

When the letter of Hajjaj reached Muhammad Kasim, he read 
it. It was also written in it, " You, Muhammad, consult me 
in your letters, for it is prudent. The excessive distance is an 
obstacle. But show kindness that your enemies may desire to be 
submissive ; comfort them." 

Appointment of four of the chief men of the city as officers for the 
management of the country. 

Muhammad Kasim ■then called Wida', son of Hamidu-n Najdi, for 
the management of the city of Brahmanab^d, that is, Baln-wah,' and 
appointed overseers and assistants. He entrusted four persons from 
among the merchants of the city with all matters concerning pro - 
perty. He strictly ordered that they should inform him fully and 
particularly of all matters, and that nothing should be decided 
without consulting him. He placed Nuba, son of Daras, in the 
fort of Eawar, knd directed him to hold the place fast, and keep the 
boats ready. If any boat coming up or down the stream was 
loaded with m^en or arms of war, he was to take them and bring 
them to the fort of Eawar. He placfed the boats on the upper part 
of the river under the charge of the son of Ziyadu-1 'Abdi, and 
appointed Handil, son of Sulaim£nu-1 Azdi, to the districts which 
belonged to the territory of Kiraj,' Hanzala, son of Akhl Banana 
Kalbi, was made governor of Dahlfla^ and they were all ordered 
t6 inquire into and investigate the affairs of the surrounding. places, 
aad report to him thereon every month. He also directed them 
to assist each other so that they might be secure from attacks of 
the enemy's forces, and from the opposition of rebellious subjects, 
arid they were to punish disturbers of the peace. He stationed two 
thousand foot soldiers with Kais bin 'Abdu-1 Malik bin Kaisu-d 
Damani and Khalid-Ansari in Siwist^n, and sent Mas'ud Tamimi 
son of Shitaba Jadidi, Firasati 'Atki, Sabir Lashkari, and 'Abdu-1 
Malik son of 'Abdullah, Al Khazd'i, Mahram son of 'Akka, and 

1 [This is the spelling of MS. A. The name is not given in B. The real name 
wis Bahmanu or Baftmamed. See ante pp. 34 and 61. Birrini'a Kanlin quoted in 
Thomas' Prinsep, Vol. II. p. 120 ; Beinaud's Fragments, pp. 41, 113.] 

2 [So in MS. A. MS. B. has "Etiraj." See ante, p. 124.] 


Alufa son of 'Abdu-r Babman, to Debal and Nirun, in order to 
maintain possession of tbose places. Amongst tbe companions of 
bis exploits tbere was a man named Maiikb, wbo was a Maula ; 
bim be appointed ruler of Karwail. 'Alwan Bakkari and Kais, 
son of S'aliba, witb tbree bnndred men, also remained in tbat 
place, and tbere tbey bad tbeir wives and families. Tbns tbe wbole 
territory of tbe Jats was kept under subjection. 

Muhammad Kdsim proceeds to Sdwandi Samma. 

It is related tbat wben Mubammad Kasim bad attended to tbe 
affairs of tbe district of Brabmanabad, and of tbe eastern and western 
parts of tbe territory, be marcbed from tbat place on Tbursday, tbe 
tbird of Mubarram a.h. 94 (9 Oct., 712 a.d.) He stopped at a 
village called Manbal,' in tbe vincinity of Sawandi.^ Tbere was 
a beautiful lake and a deligbtful meadow tbere, wbicb were called 
Danda and Karbaba. He pitcbed bis tents on tbe banks of tbe 
Danda. Tbe inbabitants of tbe country were Samanis. Tbe cbiefs 
and mercbants all came and made submission to Mubammad Kasim, 
and be gave tbem protection, according to tbe orders of Hajjaj. 
He said tbat tbey migbt live in tbeir country witb comfort and con- 
tent, and pay tbe revenue at tbe proper season. He fixed revenue 
upon tbem and appointed a person from eaob tribe as tbe bead of bis 
tribe. One was a Samani, wbose name was Bawadu, and tbe otber, 
Budebi Bamman Dbawal. Tbe agriculturists in tbis part of tbe 
country were Jats, and tbey made tbeir submission and were granted 
protection. Wben all tbese circumstances were communicated to 
Hajjaj, be sent an empbatic answer, ordering tbat tbose wbo sbowed 
figbt sbould be destroyed, or tbat tbeir sons and daugbters sbould 
be taken as bostages and kept. Tbose wbo cbose to submit, and in 
wbose tbroats tbe water of sincerity flowed, were to be treated witb 
mercy, and tbeir property secured to tbem. Tbe artizans and mer- 
cbants were not to be beavily taxed. "Wbosoever took great pains 
in bis work or cultivation was to be encouraged and supported. 
From tbose wbo espoused tbe dignity of Islam, only a tentb part of 
tbeir wealtb and tbe produce of tbe land was to be required ; but tbose 
wbo followed tbeir own religion were to pay from tbe produce of tbeir 

' [Mathal ia MS. .B.] ' See ante pp. 122 and 160. 


manual industry, or from -the land, the usual sums, according to the 
established custom of the country, and bring it to the Government col- 
lectors. Muhammad Kasim then marched from that place and arrived 
at Bahrawar. There he called Sulaiman son of Pathan and Aba 
Fazzatu-1 Kasha'ri and made them swear by the Omnipotent, He 
gave them strict orders, and sent them with a body of men belong- 
ing to Haidar son of 'Amru and Bani Tamim towards the territory 
of the people of Bahraj.' They took up their residence there ; and 
'Umar son of Hajjazu-l Akbaii Hanafi was appointed their chief, 
and a body of famous warriors were placed imder him. 

The Sammas come to receive him. 
Muhammad Kasim then moved towards the tribes of the Samma. 
When he came near, they advanced to receive him, ringing 
bells, and beating drums and dancing. Muhammad Kasim said, 
" What noise is this ?" The people told him that it was with them 
a customary ceremony, that when a new king comes among them 
they rejoice and receive him with frolics and merriment. Then 
Kharim, son of 'Umar, came to Muhammad Kasim and said, "It 
is proper for us to adore and praise the Almighty God, because 
He has made these people submissive and obedient to us, and our 
injunctions and inhibitions are obeyed in this country. Kharim was 
an intelligent and ingenious man, faithful and honest. Muhammad 
Kasim laughed at his words, and said, " You shall be made their 
chief," and he ordered them to dance and play before him. Kiiarim 
rewarded them with twenty dinars of African gold, and said — ^It is 
a regal privilege that joyful demonstrations should be made by them 
on the arrival of their prince, and gratitude thus be shown to the 
Almighty — may this blessing be long preserved to them. 

Muhammad Kasim marches towards Lohdna a,nd 8ihta. 
The historians say, upon the authority of 'Al£ bin Muhammad bin 

' These passages are doubtful and have no meaning as they stand. [The following 
istheteit:— j^j;^^^ ^^JxJL^\ iti^ blj j^l^ ^ ^^U-L. Jj KsT} j 
Ju^l^^ Jci Si^Z J J^j Jc ij'j«=C '^^'^ Ujii^j-. \j^j\jijj\j >ij\ysr \jj\ 

jliyj J _. jA> iL&l MS. S. omits the second eahdnrd^ 


Abdu-r EaLman bin 'Abdu-llab. us Saliti, that when Muhammad KSsim 
had settled the affairs of Lohana, he came to Sihta. The chiefs and 
peasants advanced bare-headed ai&d bare-footed to receive him, and 
sued for mercy. He granted them all protection, fixed the revenue 
they were to pay, and tooTt hostages. He asked them to guide him 
through the various stages to Alor. Theiir guides were sent forward 
to Alor, which was the capital of Hind and the greatest city in all 
Sind. The inhabitants were chiefly merchants, artisanS, and agri- 
culturists. The governor of its fort was Fufi, son of Rai Dahir, 
and before him nobody dared say that Dahir was slain. He main- 
tained that Rai Dahir was yet alive, and had gone to bring an army 
from Hind, that with its support and assistance he might fight with 
the Arabs. Muhammad Kasim encamped for one month before the 
fort, at the distance of one mile. He built there a mosque, in which 
he read the Khutba every Friday. 

Battle with the peopk o/Alot^. 

War was then waged with the people of Alor, who believed that 
Dahir was bringing men to their aid. They cried aloud from the 
ramparts to the besiegers, " You must abandon all hope of life, for 
Dahir, with a formidable army of numberless elephants, horse and 
foot, is advancing in your rear, and we shall sally out from the fort 
and defeat your army. Abandon your wealth and baggage, take 
care of your Kves, and run away, that you may not be killed. Hear 
this advice." 

Muhammad Kd&im purchases Lddi, the wife of Bdhir, from a 


"When Muhammad Kasim saw their resolution and perseverance 
in maintaining hostilities, and found that lliey persisted in denying 
that Dahir was slain, he put Ladi, the wife of Dahir, whom he had 
purchased from <a woman and made his wife, on the black camel on 
which the wife of Dahir used to ride, and sent her with trusty 
persons to the fort. She cried out, " people of the fort, I have 
some matters of importance to tell you ; come near that I may 
speak." A body of the principal men ascended the ramparts. Ladf 

1 [Such, are the words of the text. See however, page 181.] 


then Tincovered her face, and said, " I am Ladi, the wife of Dahir. 
Our king is killed, and his head has been sent to 'Irak ; the royal 
flags and umbrella have also been forwarded to the capital of the 
Khalifa. Do not you' destroy yourselves. God says (in the Kurfc) 
' Seek not destruction by your own hands,' " She then shrieked out, 
wept bitterly, and sang a funeral song. They replied from the fort,^ 
" Tou are false ; you have joined these Chanddls and Cow-eaters, and 
have become one of them. Our king is aliv6, and is coming with 
a mighty army and war elephants to repel the enemy. Thou hast 
polluted thyself with these Arabs, and prefer their government 
to our kings." Thus and still more did they abuse her. "When 
Muhammad Kasim heard this, he called Ladi back, and said, 
" Fortune has turned away her face from the family of Silaij." 

A sorceress tries to ascertain the death of Ddhir. 

It is related by the historians that in the fort of Alor there was a 
sorceress, which in Hindi is called Jogini. Fiifi, son of Dahir, and 
the nobles of the city, went to her and said, " It is expected that 
you will tell us by your science where Dahir is." She replied that 
she would give them information, after makiag experiments, if they 
would allow her one day for the purpose. She then went to her 
house, and after three watches of the day she brought a branch of the 
pepper and the nutmeg tree from Sarandip (Ceylou), with their 
blossoms and berries all green and perfect in her hand, and said, 
" I have traversed the whole world from Kaf to Kaf, but have found 
no trace of him anywhere in Hind or Sind, nor have I heard anything 
of him. Now settle your plans, for if he were alive he could not 
remain hidden and concealed from me. To verify my words, I have 
brought these green branches from Sarandip that you may have no 
delusions. I am sure that your king is not alive on the face of the 

Capitulation of the fort of Alor. 

When this became known, the people of the city, great and small, 
said they had heard of the honesty, prudence, justice, equity, and 

' rjc.:;i^ -^ 'ill) )1 U,.iLJjj1 This is an instance of the frequent misuse of 
in MS. A. The other MS. S. omits it ] 

TOl. I. 13 


generosity of Muhammad Kasim, and Ms faitliful observance of Ms 
words and promises, and they had witnessed the same. They would 
send him a message by some trustworthy person, pray for mercy, and 
surrender the fort. When Tufi was assured of Dahir's death, and 
of the wavering of the people, he came out of the fort with aU 
his relations and dependants, at the time when the king of the stars 
had passed behind the black curtain of night, and went towards Chitor 
(Jaipur).' His brother Jaisiya and other sons of Dahir were there, 
and had taken up their residence at a village called Nuzul-Sandal.' 
There was a man of the tribe of 'Allafi in Alor, who had made 
friendship with Pufi ; he wrote information of Fufi's retirement 
and flight, and having fastened the paper to an arrow shot it (into 
the camp, informing the Arabs) that Fufi, son of Dahir had abdi- 
cated the chiefship of Alor, and had departed. Muhammad Kasim 
then sent his brave warriors to fight, and they ascended the ram- 
parts of the fort and made the assault. 

The citizens crave protection. 

All the merchants, artizans, and tradesmen, sent a message 
saying, " We have cast off our allegiance to the Brahmans. We 
have lost Eai Dahir, our chief, and his son Fufi has deserted us. 
We w^ere not satisfied until to-day ; but as it was destined by God 
that all this should happen, no creature can oppose His will and 
power, nor can anything be done against him by force or fraud. 
The dominion of this world is no one's property. When the army 
of God's destiny comes forth from behind the veil of secrecy, it 
deprives some kings of their thrones and crowns, and drives others 
to despair and flight, by change of circumstances and the occurrence 
of calamities. No dependance can be placed upon either old 
sovereignty or new authority, which are fleeting possessions. We 
now come submissively to you, confiding in your just equity, we 
put ourselves under your yoke. We surrender the fort to the 
officers of the just Amir. Grant us protection and remove the fear 

1 [« Jatrljr," in 5.] 
[jjj^ iAi' ^U U- ^ J>ij/ (-B. JaA -Ulj) J^i-e JjJJ 1/T ^ 


of your army from our minds. This ancient dominion and extensive 
territory were entrusted to us by Eai Dahir, and as long as he was 
alive we observed our allegiance to him. But as he is slain, and 
his son Pufi has run away, it is now better for us to obey you." 
Muhammad Kasim replied, "I sent you no message, nor ambassa- 
dor ; of your own accord you sue for peace, and make promises and 
engagements. If you are truly inclined to obey me, stop fighting, 
and with sincerity and confidence come down ; if not, I will hear 
no excuses after this, nor make any promises. I will not spare you, 
nor can you be saved from my army." 

The Garrison capitulates. 

Then they came down from the ramparts and agreed with each 
other that on these terms they would open the gate and stand at it 
till Muhammad Kasim should come. They said that if he would 
act according to his promise, and would treat them generously, they 
would submit to him and serve him, without any excuse. Then 
they took the keys of the fort in their hands and stood before tiie 
gate, and the officers of Hajjaj, who had been selected, came forward; 
the garrison opened the gate and made their submission. 

Muhammad Kasim enters the fort. 

Muhammad Kasim then entered the gate. All the citizens had 
come to the temple of Nau-vihar,' and were prostrating themselves 
and worshipping the idol. Muhammad Kasim asked what house it 
was, that all the great men and the nobles were kneeling before it, 
and making prostrations. He was told that it was a temple called 
Nau-vihar. Muhammad Kasim ordered the door of the temple to be 
opened, and he saw an image mounted on a horse. He went in 
with his ofiicers, and found that it was made of hard stone, and that 
golden bracelets, ornamented with rubies and other precious stones, 
were on its hands. Muhammad Kasim stretched out his hand and 
took off one of the bracelets. He then called the keeper of the 
temple of Budh Nau-vihar, and said, " Is that your idol ?" He 
replied, " Yes ; but it had two bracelets, and now it has only one." 

' [The title would appear to have heen a common one, for there was a temple of 
the same name at Brahman&b-^d, see p. 149.] 


Muhammad Kasim said, " Does not your god know who has got his 
bracelet ?" The keeper hung down his head. Muhammad Kasim 
laughed, and gave back the bracelet to him, and they replaced it on 
the hand of the idoL 

Muhammad Kasim orders the soldiers to he hilled} 

Muhammad Kasim ordered that if the military bowed their heads 
in submission they should not be kUled. Ladi said " the people 
of this country are chiefly workmen, but some are merchants. 
The city is inhabited and its land cultivated by them, and the 
amount of the taxes will be realized from their earnings and tillage 
if the tribute is fixed on each person." Muhammad Kasim said, 
" Bani Lad£ has ordered this," and he gave protection to all. 

A person comes forward and craves mercy. 

It is related by the historians, that from amongst the people who 
were given up to the executioners to be put to death, a person came 
forward and said, "I have a wonderful thing to show." The execu- 
tioner said, " Let me see it." He said, " No, I will not show it to 
you, but to the commander." This was reported to Muhammad Kasim, 
and he ordered him to be brought before him. When he came, he 
asked him what wonder he had to show. The man said it was a 
thing which nobody had yet seen. Muhammad Kasim said, " Bring 
it." The Brahman replied, " If you grant my life, and that of all 
and every of my relations, family, and children." Muhammad 
Kasim said, " I grant it." He then asked him for a written and 
express promise under his gracious signature. Muhammad Kasim 
ttiought that he woidd produce some precious gem or ornament. 
When a strict promise was made; and the written order was in 
his hand, he pulled his beard and whiskers, and spread out the 
hairs ; then he placed his toes at the back of his head and 
began to dance, repeating this saying, " Nobody has seen this 
wonder of mine. The hairs of my beard serve me for curls." 
Muhammad Kasim was surprised at this. The people who were 
present said, "What wonder is this for which he wishes to be 

' The contents of the chapter do not agree with the heading, nor with the execution 
which appears to have been ordered in the next chapter. 


pardoned ? He has deceived us." Muhammad Kdsim replied, " ' A 
word is a word, and a promise is a promise.' ' To belie oneseK 
is not the act of a great man.' ' Know that he who retracts is a 
treacherous man.' ' See how a (true) man observes his promise.' 
' If a person fulfil his words, he is more exalted than you can 
conceive.' We must not kill him, but we will send him to prison, 
and report the case to Hajjaj for his decision." Accordiagly the 
e^recution of that man and of twenty-two of his relations and de- 
pendants was postponed, and a report of the case was written to 
Hajjaj, who asked the learned men of Kufa and Basra to pronounce 
their opinions. A report was also sent to 'Abdu-1 Malik, the 
Khalifa of the time. The answer which came from the Khalifa and 
the learned men was, that such a case had already occurred among the 
friends of the Prophet — ^may peace be to him. God says, " He is a 
true man who fulfils his promise in God's name." When the 
answer to this effect came, the man was liberated with all his 
dependants and relations. 

Jaisiya goes io Kiiraj. 

It is related by the great and principal men, that when Jaisiya, 
with seven hundred men, foot and horse, reached the fort of Kuraj,' 
the chief of that place came forth to receive him. He showed him 
much attention, and inspired his hopes by great promises. He told 
him that he would assist him against the Muhammadans. It was 
customary with Darohar' Eai to take one day's holiday in every six 
months, drink wine with women, hear songs, and see dancing. No 
stranger was admitted to be one of the company. It happened that 
on the day Jaisiya arrived Darohax Eai w^as celebrating this festival. 
He sent a person to Jaisiya to say that on that day he was in 
privacy, and no stranger could come to his chamber; but as he 
(Jaisiya) was a very dear guest, and was regarded by him as his 
son, he might attend. Jaisiya bent down his head, and drawing 
lines on the earth did not look at the women. Darohar told 
him that they might be regarded as his (Jaisiya's) mother and 
sisters ; he might lift up his head and look. Jaisiya said, " I 
am originally a monk, and I do not look at any woman who is 

1 [See pp. 124 and ) 89.] ' « [The " Ddhar" of " Biladurf, p. 124.] 


a stranger. Daroliar then excused him from looking, and praised his 
self-restraint and modesty. It is narrated, that when the women 
came roimd him, there was among them the sister of Darohar, 
whose name was Janki, that is, beautiful, and she was lovely. 
She was a woman of royal descent, and possessed of great charms. 
She was elegant in stature as the juniper tree, generous in disposi- 
tion, her words were like a string of pearls, her eyes handsome, and 
her cheeks like tulips or rubies. When she saw him, love for Jaisiya 
took hold of her heart. She looked at him every moment, and made 
love to him by her gestures. When Jaisiya went away, Janki, the 
sister of Darohar, arose and went to her house. She had a litter 
prepared, in which she seated herself, and ordering her maid-servants 
to carry it, she proceeded to Jaisiya's dwelliag. There she alighted 
from the litter and went in. Jaisiya had gone to sleep, but when the 
smell of wine, which proceeded from Janki, penetrated his brain, he 
awoke, and saw Janki sitting beside him. He rose up and said, 
'• Princess, what has brought you here ? What time is this for you 
to come here ? " She replied, "Foolish fellow ; there is no necessity 
to ask me about this. Would a young and beautiful woman come 
in the very dark of the night to visit a prince like you ; would she 
rouse him from sweet slumber, and wish to sleep with him, but for 
one purpose ; particularly a beauty like me, who has seduced a 
world with her blandishments and coquetry, and made princes mad 
with desire ? You must know well and fully my object, for how 
can it remain concealed from you ? Take advantage of this success 
till morning." Jaisiya said, "Princess, I cannot consort with any 
other woman than my own lawful and wedded wife ; nor ought such 
a thing to be done by me, because I am a Brahman, a monk, and 
a continent person, and this act is not worthy of gi-eat, learned, 
and pious men. Beware lest you deiile me with so great a crime.' 
Although she importuned him much, he would not accede to her 
wishes, and struck the hand of denial on the tablet of her breast. 

Janki is disappointed by Jaisiya. 

When Janki was disappointed, she said, " Jaisiya, you have 
deprived me of the delights and raptures I anticipated. Now have 
I determined to destroy you, and to make myself the food of fire." 


She then retired to her house, and covered herself with her clothes. 
Having closed the door, she tossed ahout on her bed till day-break, 
and vs-as uttering these couplets : — " Your love and your charms have 
burnt my heart." " The light of your beauty has illumined my soul." 
" Give me justice or I will weep." " I will burn myself, you, and 
the city together." The next day, although the king of the stars 
had raised his head from the bastions of the heavens, and tore up 
the coverlid of darkness, Janki was still asleep. The fumes of wine 
and the effects of separation mingled together, and she remained 
lying till late, with her head covered with her bedclothes. King 
Darohar would take no breakfast, and drink no wine, till his sister 
Janki showed her face. He always paid her much honour and respect. 
So he rose and went to his sister's apartments, and found her over- 
whelmed with care and melancholy. He said, " O, sister ! 
princess, what has come over thee, that thy tulip-coloured face is 
changed and turned pale ?" Janki replied, " Prince, what stronger 
reason can there be than this— That fool of Sind surely saw me in 
the gay assembly. Last night he came to my house, and called me 
to him. He wanted to stain the skirt of my continence and purity, 
which has never been polluted with the dirt of vice, and to con- 
taminate my pious mind and pure person with the foulness of his 
debauchery, and so bring my virgin modesty to shame. The king 
must exact justice for me from him, so that no reckless fellow may 
hereafter attempt such perfidy and violence." The fire of anger 
blazed out in Darohar, but he told his sister that Jaisiya was their 
guest, and moreover a monk and a Brahman, who was connected 
with them. He had come to ask assistance ; and was accompanied 
by one thousand warriors. He could not be kiUed. He was not to 
be destroyed by force; "but," said he, "I will contrive some plot 
to slay him. Arise and take your morning meal. As no crime has 
been committed no open threats can be made." 

Darohar contemplates treacherous measures against Jaisiya. 

Darohar came to his palace, called two armed blacks, one of 
whom was named Kabir Bhadr,' and the other Bhaiii, and thus 

1 [" Sahal" in 3.] 


addressed them, " I will invite Jaisiya to-day after breakfast, and 
entertain him ; after taking dinner, I will drink wine in a private 
apartment, and play chess with him. Tou must both be ready with 
your arms. When I say sJiah mdt (check-mate), do you draw your 
swords and kill him." A man of Sind, who had been one of the 
servants of Dahir and was on terms of friendship with an attendant 
of Darohar, became acquainted with this scheme, and informed Jaisiya 
of it. "When at the time of dinner, an officer of Darohar came to 
call Jaisiya, he said to his thakurs who were in command of his 
soldiers, " Oh G-iirsia ' and Sursia, I am goiug to 'dine with King 
Darohar. So you prepare your arms and go in with me. When 
I am playing chess with Darohar do you stand close behind him, 
and be careful that no evil eye may fall on me, or any treacherous 
act be done or contrived. 

Jaisiya comes with his two armed men. 

Accordingly they went to the court, and as Darohar had omitted 
to order that no other person except Jaisiya should be allowed to 
come in, both the attendants went in and stood behind Darohar 
without his observing them. When they had finished the game 
of chess, Darohar raised his head, in order to make the signal to 
his men, but he saw that two armed men were standing ready near 
him. He was disappointed, and said, "It is not checkmate, that 
sheep must not be slain." Jaisiya knew that this was the signal, so 
he arose and went to his house and ordered his horses to be pre- 
pared. He bathed, put on his arms, got his troops ready, and 
ordered them to mount. Darohar sent an officer to see what Jaisiya 
was doing. He returned, and said, " May God's blessing be upon 
that man. His nature is adorned with the ornaments of temperance. 
He is of noble extraction, and his works are not evil. He always 
strives to preserve his purity and holiness in the fear of God." 
It is narrated that when Jaisiya had bathed, taken food, and 
put on his arms, he loaded the baggage on camels, and passing 
under the palace of Darohar, left him without paying him a visit 
and saying farewell ; but he sent to inform him of his departure, 
and marched away with all his relations and dependants. He 

' ["Tdrsiya," MS. S."] 


travelled till he reached the land of Kassa,' on the borders of 
Jalandhar. The Chief of it was named Balhara, and the women of 
the comitry called him iiistan Shah.* He remained there till the 
succession of the Khilafat devolved upon 'Umar 'Abdu-1 Aziz, when 
'Amru, son of Musallam, by the orders of the government, went to 
that country and subjugated it. 

An account of the courage of Jaisiya, and the reason why he was 

so called. 

It was related by some Brahmans of Alor that Jaisiya, son of 
Dahir, was unequalled in bravery and wisdom. The story of his birth 
nms, that one day Dahir Rai went hunting with all the animals and 
all the equipments of the chase. When the dogs and leopards and 
lynxes were set free to chase the deer, and the falcons and hawks 
were flying in the air, a roaring lion [slier) came forth, and terror 
and alarm broke out among the people and the hunters. Dahir 
alighted from his horse, and went on foot to oppose the lion, which 
also prepared for fight. Dahir wrapped a sheet rotmd his hand which 
he put into the beast's mouth, then raised his sword, and cut off 
two of his legs. He then drew out his hand and thrust his sword 
into the belly and ripped up the animal so that it fell down. Those 
men who had fled for fear came home, and told the Eani that Dahir 
Eai was fighting with a lion. The wife of Dahir was big with 
child when she heard this news, ajid from the great love she 
bore her husband she fell and swooned away. Before Dahir had 
returned, the soul of his wife had departed from her body through 
fright. Dahir came and found her dead, but the child was moving 
in the womb, so he ordered her to be cut open, and the child was 
taken out alive, and given over to the charge of a nurse. The child 
was therefore called Jaisiya, that is, "al muzaffar hi-l asad," or in 
Persian, sTier-firoz, "lion-conqueror."' 

' [So in MS. A. " Kasar" in S. See BilMuri, p. 121.] 

»[MS. ^. Baysi suji^ iLii ^JcJ\ iZj^ i^] ti^i (*^ j-^. ]jCJ^ yTj 
MS. JB. says, ^^J^iii^ j(Li (?) Ji^S ^\ ,♦1' \^i^ IjujX. ^Jj] 
' The real name therefore would seem to be Jai Sing. 


Appointment of Rawdh, son of Asad, who was the issue of the 
daughter of Ahnak, son of Kais. 
The dressers of this bride, and the embellishers of this garden 
have thus heard from 'Ali bin Muhammad bin Salma bin Muharib 
and 'Abdu-r Bahman, son of 'Abdariu-s Saliti, that when Muhammad 
Kasim had subjugated the proud people of Alor, the seat of govern- 
ment, and all the people had submitted to him and obeyed his rule, he 
appointed Eawah, son of Asad, who on his mother's side was one of 
the grandsons of Ahnak, son of Kais, to the chiefship of Alor and 
entrusted the matters connected with the law and religion to Sadru-1 
Imam al Ajall al 'Alim Burhanu-1 Millat wau-d Din Saifu-s Sunnat 
wa Najmu-sh Shari'at, that is, to Musa bin Ya'kub bin Tai bin 
Muhammad bin Shaiban bin 'Usman Sakifi. He ordered them to 
comfort the subjects, and leave not the words "Inculcate good works 
and prohibit bad ones," to become a dead letter. He gave them both 
advice as to their treatment of the people, and leaving them entire 
power, he then marched from that place and journeyed till he arrived 
at the fort of Tabiba,' on the south bank of the Bias. It was an 
old fort, and the chief of it was Kaksa. 

Kalcsa is vanquished and comes to Muhammad Kdsim} 
Kaksa, son of Chandar, son of Silaij, was cousin of Dahir, 
son of Chach, and was present in the battle which Dahir fought ; 
but having fled he had come to this fort in wretched plight, 
and had taken up his abode in it When the Muhammadan 
army arrived, a contribution and hostages were sent, and the 
chiefs and nobles went forth and made submission. Muhammad 
Kasim showed them kindness, and granted them suitable rich 
khil'ats, and asked them whether Kaksa belonged to the family 
{aU) of Alor, " for they are all wise, learned, trustworthy, and honest. 
They are famous for their integrity and honesty.'' He added, 
" Protection is given him, so that he may come with hearty confi- 
dence and hopes of future favour : for he shaU be made counsellor 

1 [MS. ^. has Ju-jU B. has ^.L] 

^ [This heading is not given in MS. B. The full reading of MS. A. is " Subftiga- 
iion of Xalcsa and the coming of Silaij to M. Kdsim." The genealogy which follows 
is taken from MS. B. The other MS. hegins " Siliij, cousin of D&hir," which is an 
evident blunder, the heading and the text having probably been jumbled together.] 


in all affairs, and I wUl entrust Mm with the duties of the Wazarat." 
The minister Kaksa was a learned man and a philosopher of Hind. 
When he came to transact business, Muhammad Kasim used to make 
him sit before the throne and then consulted him, and Kaksa took 
precedence in the army before all the nobles and commanders. He 
collected the revenue of the coimtry, and the treasure was placed 
under his seal. He assisted Muhammad Kasim in all his under- 
takings, and was called by the title of Mubarak Mushir, "prosperous 

Conquest of Sikka Multdn^ hy Muhammad Kasim. 

When he had settled affairs with Kaksa, he left the fort, crossed 
the Bias, and reached the stronghold of Askalanda,^ the people of 
which, being informed of the arrival of the Arab army, came out to 
fight. Eawa,' son of 'Amiratu-t Tafi, and Kaksa headed the advanced 
army and commenced battle. Very obstinate engagements ensued, 
so that on both sides streams of blood flowed. The Arabs at the 
time of their prayers repeated " Glorious God" with a loud voice, 
and renewed the attack. The idolaters were defeated, and threw 
themselves into the fort. They began to shoot arrows and fling 
stones from the mangonels on the walls. The battle continued for 
seven days, and the nephew of the chief of Multan, who was in the 
fort of that city, made such attacks that the army began to be 
distressed for provisions; but at last the chief of Askalanda* came 
out in the night time, and threw himself into the fort of Sikka, 
which is a large fort on the south bank of the Kavi. When their 
chief had gone awaj', all the people, the artizans, and merchants 
sent a message to say that they were subjects, and now that 
their chief had fled, they solicited protection from Muhammad 
Kfisim. He granted this request of the merchants, artizans, and 
agriculturists ; but he went into the fort, kUled four thousand fighting 
men with his bloody sword, and sent their families into slaveiy, 

• [It is here invariaWy called j^liL» iL^ in toth MSS. The Alsaka of Biliduri, 
page 122.] 


He appointed as governor of the fort 'Atba son of Salma Tammf 
and himself "with the army proceeded towards Sikka Multan. 
It was a fort on the south bank of the Eavi, and Bajhra Takf, 
grandson of Bajhra (daughter's son), was in it.' When he received 
the intelligence he commenced operations. Every day, when the 
army of the Arabs advanced towards the fort, the enemy came out 
and fought, and for seventeen days they maintained a fierce conflict. 
From among the most distinguished officers (of Muhammad Kasim) 
twenty- five were killed, and two hundred and fifteen other warriors 
of Islam were slain. Bajhra passed over the Eavi and "went into 
Multan. In consequence of the death of his friends, Muhammad 
Kasim had sworn to destroy the fort, so he ordered his men 
to pillage ' the whole city. He then crossed over towards Multan, 
at the ferry below the city,' and Bajhra came out to take the field. 

Muhammad Kasim fights with the ferry-men. 

That day the battle raged from morning till sun-set, and when the 
world, like a day labourer, covered itself with the blanket of dark- 
ness, and the king of the heavenly host covered himself with the 
veil of concealment, all retired to their tents. The next day, when 
the morning dawned from the horizon, and the earth was illumined, 
fighting again commenced, and many men were slain on both 
sides ; but the victory remained still undecided. For a space of two 
months mangonels and ghazraks* were used, and stones and arrows 
were thrown from the walls of the fort. At last provisions became 
exceedingly scarce in the camp, and the price even of an ass's head 
was raised to five hundred dirams. "When the chief G-ursiya, son of 
Chandar, nephew of Dahir, saw that the Arabs were noway dis- 
heartened, but on the contrary were confident, and that he had 
no prospect of relief, he went to wait on the king of Kashmir. 
The next day, when the Arabs reached the fort, and the fight com- 

< Translated " a breastplate," "warlike instrument," in fiichardson's Dictionary. 
The Haft Kulzum says it also bears the meaning of ofiFensive weapons, as " javelins," 
" daggers." 


menced, no place was found suitable for digging a mine until a person 
came out of the fort, and sued for mercy. Muhammad Kasim gave 
him protection, and ho pointed out a place towards the north on the 
banks of a river.' A mine was dug, and in two or three days the 
walls fell down, and the fort was taken. Six thousand warriors 
were put to death, and all their relations and dependants were 
taken as slaves. Protection was given to the merchants, artizans, 
and the agriculturists. Muhammad Kasim said the booty ought 
to be sent to the treasury of the Khalifa ; but as the soldiers 
have taken so much pains, have suffered so many hardships, have 
hazarded their lives, and have been so long a time employed in 
digging the mine and carrying on the war, and as the fort is now 
taken, it is proper that the booty should be divided, and their dues 
given to the soldiers. 

Division of Plunder. 

Then all the great and principal inhabitants of the city assembled 
together, and silver to the weight of sixty thousand dirams was 
distributed, and every horseman got a share of four hundred dirams 
weight. After this, Muhammad Kasim said that some plan should be 
devised for realizing the money to be sent to the Khalifa. He was pon- 
dering upon this, and was discoursing on the subject, when suddenly a 
Brahman came and said, " Heathenism is now at an end, the temples 
are thrown down, the world has received the light of Islam, and 
mosques are built instead of idol temples. I have heard from the 
elders of Multan that in ancient times there was a chief in this city 
whose name was Jibawin,* and who was a descendant of the Eai of 
Kashmir. He was a Brahman and a monk, he strictly followed his 
religion, and always occupied his time in worshipping idols. When 
his treasure exceeded all limit and computation, he made a reservoir 
on the eastern side of Multan, which was a hundred yards square. 
In the middle of it he built a temple fifty yards square, and he made 
there a chamber in which he concealed forty copper jars each of 

1 r^tp- / ) | This can hardly mean the main river.] 
' [,^p- in MS. ^. and .j,x>- in MS. £. The second letter may be *, 
making the name Jaaia or Jaswin.] 


whicli was filled with African gold dust. A treasure of three 
hundred and thirty mans of gold was buried there. Over it there is 
a temple in which there is an idol made of red gold, and trees are 
planted round the reservoir." It is related by historians, on the 
authority of 'Ali bin Muhammad who had heard it from Abii Mu- 
hammad Hindu £ that Muhammad Kasim arose and with his counsel- 
lors, guards and attendants, went to the temple. He saw there an 
idol made of gold, and its two eyes were bright red rubies. 

.Reflection of Muhammad Kdsim. 

Muhammad Kasim thought it might perhaps be a man, so he 
drew his sword to strike it ; but the Brahman said, " just com- 
mander, this is the image which was made by Jibawin,' king of 
Multan, who concealed the treasure here and departed. Muhammad 
Kasim ordered the idol to be taken up. Two hundred and thirty 
mans of gold were obtained, and forty jars filled with gold dust. 
They were weighed and the sum of thirteen thousand and two 
hundred mans weight of gold was taken out. This gold and the 
image were brought to the treasury together with the gems and 
pearls and treasure which were obtained from the plunder of the 
city of Multan. 

It is said by Abii-l Hasan Hamadani, who had heard it from Kharim 
son of 'Umax, that the same day on which the temple was dug up 
and the treasure taken out, a letter came from Hajjaj Yiisuf to this 
effect : — " My nephew, I had agreed and pledged myself, at the time 
you marched with the army, to repay the whole expense incurred by 
the public treasury in fitting out the expedition, to the Khalifa Walid 
bin 'Abdu-1 Malik bin Marwan, and it is incumbent on me to do so. 
Now the accounts of the money due have been examined and checked, 
and it is found that sixty thousand dirams in pure silver have been 
expended for Muhammad Kasim, and up to this date there has been 
received in cash, goods, and stuffs, altogether one hundred and 
twenty thousand dirams weight.^, Wherever there is an ancient 

1 Ct^l^^P- ii MS. A. j^ in MS. JB.] 

' [Thi3 passage is not clear in the original, nor do the MSS. qiute agree, but see 
page 123.] 


place or famous town or city, mosques and pulpits should be erected 
there ; and the khutba should be read, and the coin struck in the 
name of this gOYernment. And as you have accomplished so much 
with this army by your good fortune, and by seizing fitting oppor- 
tunities, so be asf.ured that to whatever place* of the infidels you 
proceed it shall be conquered." 

Muhammad Kdsim makes terms with the people of Multdn. 

When Muhammad Kasim had settled terms with the principal 
inhabitants of the city of Multan he erected a Jama' masjid and 
minarets, and he appointed Amir Daiid Nasr son of Walid 'Ummani 
its governor. He left Kharfm son of 'Abdu-1 Malik Tamim in the 
fort of Bramhapiir, on the baiiks of the Jhailam, which was called 
Sobiir (Shore?).' Akrama, son of Eihan Shami was appointed gover- 
nor of the territory around Multan, and Ahmad son of Harima son 
of 'Atba Madani was appointed governor of the forts of Ajtahad 
and Karur.'' He despatched the treasure in boats to be carried to 
DebaP and paid into the treasury of the capital. He himself stayed 
in Multan, and about fifty thousand horsemen, with munitions of 
war, were under his command. 

Abu Haldm is sent at the head of ten thousand horse towards 


He then sent Abii Hakim Shaibani at the head of ten thousand 
horse towards Kanauj, to convey a letter from the Khalifa, and with 
instructions to invite the Chief to embrace Muhammadanism, to send 
tribute, and make his submission. He himself went with the army 
to the boundary of Kashmir, which was called the five rivers,* where 
Chach, son of Silaij, the father of Dahir, had planted the fir and the 
poplar trees, and had marked the boundary. When he arrived there 
he renewed the mark of the boundary. 

1 [MS. ^ has .jj .^ -Blias.jui^] ' [Kardd in J!.] 

* [See p. X44.] 


The army and Abu Sakim arrive at Udhdfar} 

At this time the chief of Kanauj was the son of Jahtal Kai. 
When the army reached as far as l/dhafar, Ahu Hakim Shaihani 
ordered Zaid, son of 'Amrii Kallahi, to be brought before him. 
He said, " Zaid, y6u must go on a mission to Eai Har Chandar, 
son of Jahtal, and deliver the mandate for his submission to 
Islam, and say that from the ocean to the boundary of Kashmir 
all kings and chiefs have acknowledged the power and authority of 
the Muhammadans, and have made their submission to Amir 
'Imadu-d Din, general of the Arab army, and persecutor of the 
infidels. That some have embraced Islam, and others have agreed to 
send tribute to the treasury of the Khalifa." ^ 

Answer of Bdl Har Chandar of Kanauj. 

Eai Har Chandar replied, " This country for about one thousand 
six; hundred years has been under our rule and governance. During 
our sovereignty no enemy has ever dared to encroach upon our 
boundary, nor has any one ventured to oppose us, or to lay hands 
upon our territory. What fear have I of you that you should 
revolve such propositions and absurdities in your mind. It is not 
proper to send an envoy to prison, otherwise, for this speech and for 
this impossible claim you would deserve such treatment. Other 
enemies and princes may listen to you, but not 1? Now go back to 
your master, and tell him that we must fight against each other in 
order that our strength and might may be tried, and that either I may 
conquer or be conquered by you. When the superiority of one side 
or the other in warfare and courage shall be seen, then peace or 
war shall be determined on." When the message and letter of Eai 
Har Chandar was delivered to Muhammad Kasim, he took the advice 
of all the chiefs, nobles, commanders, and warriors, and said, " Up 
to this time, by the favour of God, and the assistance of the heavens, 
the Eais of Hiud have been defeated and frustrated, and victory has 
declared in favour of Islam. To day we have come to encounter 
this cursed infidel who is puffed up with his army and elephants 

s [Such is Sir H. Elliot's own rendering of wliat seems to be an imperfect sentence 
in tte original.] 


With the power and assistance of God, it behoves you to exert youi- 
selves that -we may subdue him, and be victorious and successful 
over him." All were ready to fight against Eaf Har Chandar,' 
and united together, and urged Muhammad Kasim to declare war. 

Orders from the Capital to Muhammad Kdsim. 
The next day, when the king of the heavenly host showed his 
face to the world from behind the veil of night, a dromedary rider 
with orders from the seat of government arrived. Muhammad, son 
of 'All Abu-1 Hasan Hamadanf says, that when Eai Dahir was 
killed, his two virgin daughters were seized in his palace, and 
Muhammad Kasiin had sent them to Baghdad under the care of his 
negro slaves. The Khalifa of the time sent them into his harem to be 
taken care of for a few days till they were fit to be presented to him. 
After some time, the remembrance of them recurred to the noble 
mind of the Khalifa, and he ordered them both to be brought before 
him at night. Walid 'Abdu-1 Malik told the interpreter to inquire 
from them which of thenj was the eldest, that he might retain her 
by him, and call the other sister at another time. The interpreter 
first asked their names. The eldest said, "My name is Suryadeo," 
and the youngest replied, " my name is Parmaldeo." He called the 
eldest to him, and the youngest he sent back to be taken care of. 
When he had made the former sit down, and she uncovered her face, 
theKhalifa of the time looked at her, and was enamoured of her sur- 
passing beauty and charms. Her powerful glances robbed his heart 
of patience. He laid his hand upon Suryadeo and drew her towards 
him. But Suryadeo stood up, and said, " Long live the king ! I am 
not worthy the king's bed, because the just Commander 'Imadu-d-Din 
Muhammad Kasim kept us three days near himself before he sent us 
to the royal residence. Perhaps it is a custom among you ; but 
such ignominy should not be suffered by kings." The Khalifa was 
overwhelmed with love, and the reins of patience had fallen from 
his hand. Through indignation he could not stop to scrutinize the 
matter. He asked for ink and paper, and commenced to write a 
letter with his own hand, commanding that at whatever place Mu- 
hammad Kasim had arrived, he should sufier himself to be sewed 
up in a hide and sent to the capital. 

1 [See Ayin Aktari II. 219. Abii-1 Fazl gives tlio same name.] 
VOL. I. 14 


Muhammad Kddm reaches Udhdfar, and receives the order from 
the Khalifa's capital. 
When Muhammad Kasim received the letter at XJdhafar, he gave 
the order to his people and they sewed him up in a hide, put him in 
a chest, and sent him back. Muhammad Kasim thus delivered his 
soul to God. The officers who were appointed to the different 
places remained at their stations, while he was taken in the chest 
to the Khalifa of the time. The private chamberlain reported to 
Walid 'Abdu-1-Malik, son of Marwan, that Muhammad Kasim Sakifi 
had been brought to the capital. The Khalifa asked whether he was 
alive or dead. It was replied, " May the Khalifa's life, prosperity, 
and honour be prolonged to eternity. When the royal mandates 
were received in the city of tfdhapur,' Muhammad Kasim imme- 
diately, according to the orders, had himself sewed up in a raw hide, 
and after two days delivered his soul to God and went to the eternal 
world. The authorities whom he had placed at different stations 
maintain the country ia their possession, the Khutba continues to 
be read in the name of the Khalifa, and they use their best endeavours 
to establish their supremacy." 

The Khalifa opens the chest. 

The Khalifa then opened the chest and called the girls into his 
presence. He had a green bunch of myrtle in his hand, and point- 
ing with it towards the face of the corpse, said, " See, my daughters, 
how my commands which are sent to my agents are observed and 
obeyed by all. When these my orders reached Kanauj, he sacrificed 
his precious life at my command." 

The address of Janki,^ daughter of Ddhir, to K/ialifa 'Abdu^l 
Malik, son of Marwan. 

Then the virtuous Janki put off the veil from her face, placed 
her head on the ground, and said, " May the king live long, may his 
prosperity and glory increase for many years ; and may he be 

1 [This is the reading of MS. A. in this passage ; the other MS. stiU keeps to its 
reading " ITdhEibar." Mir M'asdm says "Udhapiir" and the Tuhfatu-1 Kir&m 
■writes it with points " TJdaipur." There is a place of this name in the desert north 
of Bikanlr.] 

2 This is a different name from that which she gave herself, when first asked. 


adorned with perfect wisdom. It is proper that a king should 
test with the touchstone of reason and weigh in his mind whatever 
he hears from friend or foe, and when it is found to be true and in- 
dubitable, then orders compatible with justice should be given. By 
so doing he wUl not fall under the wrath of God, nor be contemned 
by the tongue of man. Tour order's have been obeyed, but your 
gracious mind is wanting in reason and judgment. Muhammad 
Kasim respected our honour, and behaved like a brother or son to 
us, and he never touched us, your slaves, with a licentious hand. 
But he had killed the king of Hind and Sind, he had destroyed the 
dominion of our forfefathers, and he had degraded us from the dignity 
of royalty to a state of slavery, therefore, to retaliate and to revenge 
these injuries, we uttered a falsehood before the Khalifa, and our 
object has-been fulfilled. Through this fabrication and deceit have 
we taken our revenge. Had the Khalifa not passed such peremptory 
orders; had he not lost his reason through the violence of his 
passion, and had he considered it proper to investigate the matter, 
he would not have subjected himself to this repentance and reproach ; 
and had Muhammad Kasim, assisted by his wisdom, come to within 
one day's journey from this place, and then have put himself into 
a hide, he would have been liberated after inquiry, and not have 
died." The Khalifa was very sorry at this explanation, and from 
excess of regret he bit the back of his hand. 

Janki again addresses the Khalifa. 
Jankf again opened her lips and looked at the Khalifa. She per- 
ceived that his anger was much excited, and she said, " The king has 
committed a very grievous mistake, for he ought not, on account of 
two slave girls, to have destroyed a person who had taken captive 
a hundred thousand modest women like us, who had brought down 
seventy chiefs who ruled over Hind and Sind from their thrones to 
their coffins; and who instead of temples had erected mosques, 
pulpits, and minarets. If Muhammad Kasim had been guilty of 
any little neglect or impropriety, he ought not to have been destroyed 
on the mere word of a designing person." The Khalifa ordered both 
the sisters to be enclosed between walls. Prom that time to this 
day the flags of Islam have been more and more exalted every 
day, and are still advancing. 





This is the most copious history of Sind which we possess, 
inasmuch, as besides containiDg an account of the Arabian con- 
quest, it brings the annals of this country down to the time of 
its incorporation into the Moghul empire in the time of Akbar. 

The work, which is sometimes called T4rikh-i M'asiimi, is 
divided into four chapters. 

The first chapter contains an account of the events which led 
to the conquest of Sind by the Arabs, and closes with the death 
of R^j& Dahir, though it professes to carry the history down to 
the Khalifa Hdriin. 

The second chapter, after omitting all notice of the two 
centuries which elapsed between Hariin and Mahmiid of Grhazni, 
gives an account of Sind under the Emperors of Dehli, and of 
the Siimra and Samma dynasties, after the invasion of Timur. 
The author mentions at the close of the chapter that he was in- 
duced to give an account of the Siimras and Sammas in detail, 
because it was to be found nowhere else. But his own is much 
confused from his inattention to dates. 

The third chapter is devoted to the history of the Arghunia 
dynasty, including an account of Siwi, Kandahar, &c. ; of some 
celebrated holy men, judges, and Saiyids, and of the kings of 

TAErXH-I M'ASlTMr 213 

Multdn. It also contains an account, in more than usual detail, 
of the Emperor Humdyiin's operations in Sind and the desert, 
after his flis;ht from i^gra. 

The fourth chapter contains a tedious relation of the mode in 
which Sind fell under the power of Akbar upon the capitulation 
of Mirzd Jd,ni Beg of Thatta, in a.d. ]592. We have also oc- 
casional notices of the interference of the Firingis in the affairs 
of Thatta. As the author was contemporary with this event, 
he enters into very minute particulars, which are, however, for 
the most part, uninteresting. Amongst his own personal ex- 
periences, he describes an interview he had with the Emperor 
Akbar, who bestowed on him three villages in Jaglr, in the 
district of Bhakkar. 

Muhammad M'asum, who gave himself the poetical title of 
N^mi, was born at Bhakkar, in Sind, and was the son of Safayi 
Husaini, an inhabitant of Kirmdn. [He was a man of consider- 
able attainments, and he rose to some distinction in the service 
of Akbar and .Jahangir. His knowledge of history was highly 
esteemed in his own day. He was also a poet of some repute, 
and an excellent caligraphist.^] His history of Sind was written 
in A.D. 1600, for the instruction and improvement of his son, 
named Mir Buzurg, in order that, " by reading it he might learn 
what good men of old did ; that he might discriminate between 
right and wrong ; between that which is useM and the reverse, 
and might learn to follow the paths of virtuous men." 

The only work quoted by him as an authority is the Chach- 
nama, which he abridges in his first chapter, relating to the 
Arab conquest of Sind. He is credulous and delights in recount- 
ing miracles of saints, but he gives no legendary lore like the 
Tuhfatu-1 Kirdm. Mir M'asum and his work have been noticed 
by several writers: by Badduni (under article "Nami") by 
Haidar Edzi, the Ma-dsiru-1 Umra, the Tuhfatu-1 Kiram, 
Bagh-Mani and Mirat-i Daulat 'Abbdsi.* 


' Journal As. Soc. Beng. Feb. 1838, Sprenger's Bibliog. p. 37. De Tassy's 
Bibl. I. 356. Morley's Catalogue p. 72. « See also Bird's Guzerat. 


[Copies of this history are common.' There are two in the 
British Museum, one of which was transcribed from a copy made 
from the author's own autograph. There is another in the 
Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which has been fully 
described by Morley in his Catalogue ; a fourth in the Library 
of the East India Office, and there is a copy in Sir H. Elliot's 
Library which was written for hira in 1852. This copy and that 
of the R. As. Soc. have been used for the following translations, 
and are referred to as MSS. A. and £.'] 

[At the end of Sir H. Elliot's copy, there is a brief history of 
Sind in "three distinct chapters." It is written in the same 
hand and bears the same date as the rest of the MS. Though 
occupying only nineteen pages, it gives a summary of the history 
of Sind, to the end of the last century — from Rdi Siharas, 
down to Ahmad Shdh Durdni. The author's name is not 
given, but the contents are generally in accordance with the 
history of M'asiim.J 

This work has been translated by Capt. Gr. Malet, late British 
Resident at Khairptir, but so literally, as not to be fit for pub- 
lication in its present shape. [There is a copy of this trans- 
lation in Sir H. Elliot's library, which, on examination, is 
found to contain matter that is entirely absent from all 
the five MSS. above specified. One long passage quoted 
hereafter, relates to the Sumra dynasty, the history of 
which is involved in considerable obscurity. The additional 
names it supplies, receive some support from the " Tuhfatu-1 
Kiram," but nothing corroborative has been found in the other 
Sindian histories. There is some apparent similarity between the 
general style of the history and that of the additional matter. 
Like Mir M'asiim, the writer always employs some figurative 
expression for the death of a prince, but this is a practice 
very common among historians, and the style may have been 

1 [Wilson refers to the -work in his Catalogue of the Mackenzie Collection (II. 
p. 129), and Capt. Mao Murdo iu hia Paper on Sind (Journal E. A. S , Vol. I. 
p. 223.)] 

TARfKH-I M-ASlTMr. 215 

designedly imitated, so that the resemblance affords no evidence of 
authenticity. The general concurrence of the MSS. and the 
authority of the British Museum MS. ia suflScient to stamp the 
passage as an interpolation — though there appears to be some 
authority for its statements. Morley, in his Catalogue, notices an 
interpolation in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, which comes 
in abruptly within a few lines of the end of the history. He says, 
" After this, in the present MS. there is an account of Duda, who 
was ruler of Thattha in the time of N4siru-d din Mahmud, King of 
Dehli, occupying six pages. In the East India House MS. 
(No. 43) this is omitted ; the history ending immediately after 
the capitulation of Jdni Beg, and stating in four lines that he 
died in A.h. 10X1 (a.d. 1602), and was succeeded in his govern- 
ment by his son Mirza 'Asi. The MS. in the British Museum 
(Addit. No. 16,700), agrees with that of the East India House 
in this respect," and with Sir H. Elliot's. Diida is the name 
of one of the princes given in Malet's additional passage, but 
the matter of these pages differs from his.] 

Sir H. Elliot's copy contains 290 folios of fourteen lines each, 
and of these about forty-five have been translated. 

Book II. 

Account of the Samma dynasty. 

It has been already related how Sultan Mahmud came from 
Ghazni, and after capturing the fort of Multan, brought the country 
of Sind under his authority, and sent his officers to govern it. After 
the death of Mahmud, the sovereignty passed to his offspring, and 
the government (of Sind) devolved upon 'Abdu-r Eashid Sultan 
Mas'ud. This prince gave himself up to the pursuit of pleasure, 
and heeded not the duties of government; so the people on the 
distant borders began, to reject his authority and throw off the yoke 
of obedience. At that time the men of Sumra assembled in the 


vicinity of Thari ' and raised a man named Sumra^ to the throne. He 
had passed a long time as the head of the trite of Siimra, and he 
cleared the country of disaffection. This man formed a connection 
with Sad, a powerful Zamindar in those parts, and married his 
daughter. She bore him a son named Bhungar, who on the death 
of his father succeeded to the hereditary states, and died after an 
active reign. 

His son named Dilda then inherited the throne, and reigned for 
some years. He extended his authority to Nasrpur, hut died in the 
flower of his age. He left an infant son name Singhar and a 
daughter named Tari, who for a time carried on the government 
and kept the people imder her control. When Singhar came of age 
he himself assumed the government, and looked after the affairs of 
the revenue and the State, punishing all men who were disaffected 
and rebellious. He directed his efforts against the country of Kachh 
and extended his sway as far as Manik Bai.' Some years after this 
he died, leaving no son ; but his wife, named Hamun, carried on the 
government in the fort of Dahak, and she deputed her brothers to 
govern Muhammad Tur and Thari. A short time after this the 
brethren of Duda, who were hidden in that neighbourhood, came 
forth and opposed the brethren of Hamun. On« of them, named 
Pitthu,* a descendant of Diida, was supported by a body of followers. 
He overthrew all those who set up pretensions to the throne, and 
established himself in the sovereignty. After reigning some years, 
he died, when a man named Khaira carried on the business of the 
State, and made himself remarkable for his virtues. He reigned 
for some years to the time of his death. 

[Malet's MS- translation proceeds as follows for seven pages, inter- 
polating matter not to he found in any of the five MSS. examined, as 
previously stated in page 214. j 

" With the occurrence of the Ami'rs, Khafi'f succeeded him, and 
sat on the throne of the kingdom. Having made good arrange- 

^ [The •" Little Desert" separating Sind from Kachh.] 

' [Malet's translation adds " son of Chandar," but this is in neither of our MSS.] 
' [So in MS. £. The other MS. omits the name. Malet calls it " Manik Kai." 
Manj&hari ?] 
* ["Pitthdu'-inMS. v^.] 

TAErKH-I M'ASCMr. 217 

ments for the country in his hands; he with heart at ease went and 
remained at Thatta. During his government the ryots and all 
the other people of Sind were relieved from thieves and disturbers 
of the peace ; all were happy and contented. By chance it one 
day came into his mind that it was not proper for him to be 
always merely sitting on the throne, that it was better to spend 
some time in the shikdrgdjis, the jungles, and plains, which had 
become green from rain, and where the animals were grazing 
happily. After this, having collected many men, he marched 
against the Bulnchis, the Sodhas, and the Jharejas. On reaching 
their borders, Ean Mai Sodha, Eam Eai Jhareja, and Mihran 
Bulueh, being introduced by the Amirs and other men of weight, 
came and made great offerings. Khafif, presenting them with 
handsome presents in return, made them very happy. He then 
gave them their dismissal. 

" He proposed returning to Thatta the following morning, but 
at that time a Bulueh came complaining that the tiueves of the 
tribe of Samma had plundered his tribe, taking everything they 
possessed. On hearing this Khafif was much astonished, and at 
the instant mounting with those who were with him he started 
and quickly came against this tribe. He took all the property 
which had been robbed from the Buliichis, and those men who 
had disobeyed orders and acted in this manner he punished with 
severity. His arrangements were such in all the country under 
him, from Kachh to Nasrpiir, that in the whole of that space no 
one during his reign disobeyed his orders ; if they did so, he 
gave them to the sword. When he found that there were none 
to give trouble, he was at ease and came to Thatta. In his time 
all the people, the soldiers, the Amirs, the ryots, etc., were very 
happy. He lived a long while at Thatta, till from this world he 
journeyed to the next world. 

"After the death of Khafif, the people, the men of weight 
under government, and those out of employ, agreeing that it was 
proper, raised Duda, the son of Umar, and grandson of Pitthu, to 
the throne of the saltanat in his place. When all the affairs of 
the State were firm in his hands, Singhar, a zamindar, came to 
pay his yearly taxes. He became acquainted with Duda. This 


had lasted some time, when one day he spoke of Kachh in the 
following terms, in his presence, saying that he had heard that 
the Samma trihe had determined to come to Thatta to take it, 
and that he should be prepared for this. On hearing this, Diida, 
collecting forces out of numher, marched to Kachh, and he 
severely twisted the ears of those people. Then a man of the 
Samma tribe named Lakha came as ambassador, bringing presents, 
and a Kachhi horse, making offering of these, and asking pardon 
for their sins. Duda, with great kindness, gave him presents 
in money, a horse, and a khil'at, allowing him then to depart. 
From thence, with heart at rest, he came to Thari, where he 
spent a long time. All the people and ryots were so completely 
under his hands, that without orders from him they did nothing. 
When at Thari, Ean Mai Sodha came, and making his salam, 
urged as a petition, that in the time of Khafif the Jat Buluchis 
paid tribute, but that now it seemed that they, through ignorance, 
had taken their heads from out of the noose of submission. He 
added, that having heard of this he made him (Duda) acquainted 
■with it, and that it seemed advisable that a force should be put 
under him, which he would take against them, and thus, making 
them pay up their arrears of tribute from the days of Khafif to 
the present time, he would bring it to him. The reason of his 
speaking ip. this way was, that formerly a feud existed between 
him (Ean Mai) and the Jharejas, when a fight had taken place 
between the parties, in which great numbers of Ean Mai's men 
had been killed and wounded, so he told as above to Duda to 
enable him to have his revenge upon them. Diida being of a 
good heart, gave him encouragement, keeping him near him. 
He also sent to call the men of Jhareja. When his messengers 
got there, and told what Ean Mai had said, they came before 
them with their swords suspended from round their necks, 
making their saldm, and declaring that they and all their families 
were the slaves of Duda, and if he ordered them all to be con- 
fined they would not ask the reason why. Then taking presents 
for Duda they came to him in one week. The messengers who 
accompanied them having received good treatment at their hands, 
spoke in their favour. Diida said to Ean Mai, ' These men 

TAErKH-I M'SlSlTMr. 219 

having great confidence, have sent only two of their tribe, and 
these have come to make their salam ; you told me another 
stoiy.' Duda for some time detained Ean Mai on the plea of its 
being the rainy season ; but in Ean Mai's breast that thorn 
pricked him, so one day with great earnestness he insisted upon 
being allowed to depart, when Duda gave him leave, and he 
went to his tribe. On getting there he became rebellious. 
Seeing this, Eam Eai Jhareja and Mihran Buluch, quickly going 
to Duda, told him of this circumstance. It came into Diida's 
mind that probably these men were doing what Ean Mai had 
done ; therefore he determined in the first place to send two 
men to Ean Mai, who, ascertaining all the facts, might come and 
tell him. He despatched two men, at the time of whose arrival 
at the tribe Ean Mai was absent, he haviag gone to the jungle, 
to collect troops. His brethren did not pay the messengers any 
attention, speaking improperly before them. Ean Mai hearing 
of the arrival of these, came and sat down with them in a 
friendly manner, but he shortly after spoke in an unbecoming 
way. When Duda's men said it was not right to talk in that 
way, that he had better cease collecting men, and go to Duda, 
when if he had anything to complain of he might do so to him. 
But however much they advised, it had no effect upon him ; so 
Duda's people rising, left him, and returning told all the circum- 
stances to Diida. He, hearing of this, collected many troops, and 
went against this people. Ean Mai, having also got together a 
large force, came out into the plain. The two parties met and 
fought for six hours, at which time the men of both sides stood 
resolute. Many had fallen in that time of either party. Being 
exhausted, and night comiug on, all the men sat down where 
they stood, spendiag the time iu planning operations for the 
morrow. In the morning the two forces recommenced fighting 
when by chance an arrow struck Ean Mai in the throat, and his 
life went to hell. Great fear then took possession of his troops, 
because an army without a sarddr is like a man without a head ; 
so they turned their faces in the direction of flight, when Duda's 
men, pursuing them, slew great numbers, and plundered exten- 
sively. The force being put to flight, Eai Sing and Jag Mai 


came as ambassadors, bringing presents to Diida, and they 
obtained forgiveness of their faults. 

" Diida after this went to Nasrpur, the Zaminddrs, chief men and 
]cdzis of which place brought him presents, and Duda, accepting 
these, remained there some time, during which period Sahiba, 
the son of Ean Mai Sodha, brought two fine Kachhi horses as 
an offering and paid his respects to him. He declared that his 
brethren had induced Ean Mai to turn his heart from and become 
rebellious against him (Duda), so much so that these men were 
even now disobedient, and that if a force went from the Sarkdr 
and punished them they would not do so again, but would always 
bring presents. Diida upon this left Nasrpur and by forced 
marches came there, but after doing so he discovered that the 
brethren of Ean Mai and others would not agree to have Sahiba 
as their sarddr, so he understood that it was on this account that 
he. had brought him there. Duda then summoned all the tribe, 
telling them to agree to have Sahiba as their chief with all their 
hearts. By this order they agreed to do so when Sahiba pre- 
sented Es.20,000 as nazrdnd. Duda marching thence came to 
Thatta, remaining there. From thence he travelled to that other 

" On the death of Diida his son TJmar ' with the aid of the 
nobles and other men of courage sat on the throne. When 
his father's country came into his hands he took to drinking 
wine, paying no attention to the country. On hearing this the 
Sammas, the Sodhas, the Jats and Buliichis left off obeying his 
orders, becoming rebellious. When Mulla Hamid heard of this 
he told TJmar of it, who collecting a large force went towards 
Kachh. On his approach the Sammas having collected many 
men, went out into the plain to meet him. There was fighting 
in which the men of Samma were the strongest. Seeing this, and 
that his affairs would be ruined, Mulla Hamid called the sarddrs, 
to whom he gave presents, saying, "Thatta is far distant, money 
is scarce, if you fight well and defeat the enemy, much property 
will come into our possession, which will be enough to enable 
us to return to Thatta." Heariag this the spirits of his force 
> [This name is always spelt with " m" in this extract.] 


were raised, and making an attack on the enemy they defeated 
them, when much plunder of every kind came into their hands. 
After this the men of Samma bringing Eaja Jagannath Sodha 
(■who had quitted his brethren in anger and had come to Kachh), 
as their mediator, came to Umar, making their salam and bring- 
ing presents. Umar returning from thence quickly went against 
the Sodhas, Jats, and Buluchis ; all of whom fearing the con- 
sequences, made their salam. He then with confidence in his 
heart went to Than', where he died. 

" At this time his son Duda was small ; therefore the men of 
consequence put Chanar, the son of TJmar's brother, in his 
place. Chanar went out to make his arrangements in his 
country. Having done this and placed the troublesome on the 
edge of the sword, his heart beiag at ease he sat down. At that 
time Duda attained puberty, so Chanar wished, by some strata- 
gem, to get him into his hands and to confine him. But hearing 
of this Diida turned his face towards G-hazni, and crossing the 
river he came to a place Daryacha Nan Sang, close under Fath- 
pur, where he saw a man coming along with a bundle of sticks 
for hukha snakes, on his head. As this man drew near all his 
entrails became visible to Duda. At this he was much astonished ; 
so calling the man to him, he lifted the bundle of pipes off his 
head, when nothing of the kind was to be seen. So being 
greatly amazed he put the bundle on the man's head again, when 
he beheld as before. He then knew that there must be some 
device in these sticks, and he purchased them, giving the man 
some money for them. Then sitting down at the river's edge, 
he put the sticks one by one into the water. All went down 
with the stream ; but one from amongst them went upwards 
against it. So taking this one, he divided it at all the knots ; 
he then put each knot into the water. All of them went- down 
the stream, except one, in which the device was, and this one 
went up against the current. So takiag this one he kept it, and 
went to Grhazni. At that time the king of that place. Sultan 
Maudud Shah, was iU from severe sickness^ which was without 
cure. So on his arrival there, Duda gave out that he was a 
doctor. Historians write that Sultan Maudud's sickness was 


caused in this manner. One day he went to see a sMMrgdh 
under some hUls, when by chance an animal started from before 
him. It was then the custom that whoever an animal started ia 
front of he alone pursued it. So iu accordance with this custom, 
the Sultan rode after this animal alone for a long distance, but 
did not kill it. From this exertion great thirst and hunger came 
upon him ; so searchiag about he found a stream of water near 
the foot of the liills. Having no cup or basiu with him, being 
helpless, he put his mouth into the water and drank, when in 
doing so he swallowed two small young snakes, which went 
down into and remained in his stomach. In two years these had 
grown large, and began causing him much pain. All the doctors 
of the country had physicked him, but none of them could make 
him well. The Sultan was approachiag to death, when at that 
time Ddda arrived, saying, he was a doctor, and that he had come 
from Sind to cure the king with his physic. The royal physi- 
cians hearing this, laughed, saying, ' What wisdom has this 
Sindian, that he should say he was able to give mediciue to the 
king ? ' One of the. attendants told the king of the arrival of 
this Sindian, and how the royal doctors laughed at him. The 
Sultan hearing of this, called and received him with distinction, 
saying, he had suffered from this sickness for a long time, that 
many doctors had given him medicine, but all without effect : but 
now that he (the Sindian) had come, he was ia hopes that he 
might get well by his physic. Then Diida, stripping the Sultan, 
placed that stick on his head, when he saw that two snakes were 
in his stomach. Then removing the stick, he told the Sultan 
he understood what was the matter with him, and that it was a 
very bad disease. He added that if the Sultan would give him a 
written document to the effect that if he died while under his 
care no blame should attach to him, that he would give him 
medicine. The Sultdn at once wrote such a document, and 
putting his seal to it, gave it to Duda. Then Duda did not give 
the Sultan anything to eat for two days. On the third day, 
tying up his eyes, he placed the stick on his head, and having 
got two small fine iron hooks he tied a silken line to them, and 
wrapping them up in bread, he gave one to the Sulban, who, 

TA'KrKK-I M-AStTMr. 223 

having swallowed it, lie (Duda) saw a snake take it. When he 
saw that it was well in the mouth of one of the snakes, he pulled 
it up and brought it out. Then again he did the same, and in 
like manner he took the other from out of the royal stomach. 
In about an hour the Sultan felt much relieved, so untying his 
eyes, Duda showed him the two snakes, when being very happy 
the Sultan said, 'Ask from me what you wish.' Then Dudd 
said, ' I am a chief, but by his superior strength Chanar has 
taken away my father's country, and on this account I have 
come here. If the king will give me a force, I will take my 
revenge on him.' On hearing this the Sultan gave orders to 
collect a force, and when it was ready he gave it to him. When 
this army approached Thatta, being unable to meet it, Chanar sat 
down in the fort, which being surrounded on all sides by the 
royal troops, they took into their hands the implements for 
breaking down forts, and fighting commenced. For twelve days 
they fought together in this manner, after which the wind of 
victory struck the standards of the royal troops, and Chanar and 
many of his men were given to the sword. Those who escaped 
the sword ran away and dispersed. By taking this fort much 
wealth and property fell iato the hands of those people. 

"When Duda, the son of Umar, sat on the throne of his 
father, this force returned to Grhazni. He reigned many years 
with strength and wisdom. Afterwards, by this order, ' Every 
life will drink the sherbet of death,' Duda drank the sherbet of 
mortality at the hands of the cup-bearer of Death. He took the 
apparatus of his life to the living world." 

[End of the interpolated passages.] 

After him a person named Armil ascended the throne. He was a 
tyrant and an oppressor, and the people, disgusted with his violence, 
resolved to dethrone and slay him. Some men of the tribe of 
Samma had previously come from Kachh and had settled in Sind, 
where they formed alliances with the people of the country. In 
this tribe there was a man named Unar distinguished for intelligence. 
The chief men of the country brought him secretly into the city, and 
in the morning a party of them entered into the house of Armil, 


slew him, and placed Ms head over the gate of the city. The 
assemhled people then placed Unar on the throne. 

Jam Unar} son of Bdbiniya. 

Jam Unar with the assent of the nobles thus became King, and 
the great body of the people supported him. He led an expedition 
against Siwistan, then governed by Malik, the representative of the 
Turk kings.'' Eeaching the vicinity of Siwistan he drew up his 
army in battle array ; Malik Eatan also came out of the fort vwth 
his force, and the battle began. In the first contest Jam Unar was 
defeated, but his brothers came up to his assistance, and he renewed 
the fight. Malik Eatan, in galloping his horse, was thrown to the 
ground, and Jam Unar cut off his head. The fort of Siwistan then 
fell into Unar's power. Malik Firoz and 'Ali Shah Turk were at 
this time in the vicinity of Bhakkar, and they wrote a letter to Jam 
Unar to the following effect. "This boldness is unbecoming, so 
now prepare to meet the royal army, and make a brave stand." 
These words took effect upon him, and he proceeded to Thari.' He 
then fell ill and died after reigning three years and six months. 
Some writers relate that after Jam Unar returned from: the conquest 
of Siwistan, he was one night engaged drinking vnne in a convivial 
party, when news was brought of a party of rebels having risen 
against him. He instantly sent against them Gahar, son of Tamachi, 
who was his vakil. Gahar was drunk when he encountered them 
and was made prisoner. The enemy held him captive, and Jam 
Unar kept up his carouse without heeding the captivity of his officer. 
This rankled in the breast of G-ahar, and when he escaped, by a 
weU-oontrived stratagem, from the clutches of his captors, he 
turned away from Jam Unar and went to the fort of Bhakkar. 
There he had an interview with 'Ali Shah Turk, who in concert 
with Malik Piroz, raised a force and slew Jam Unar in the fort of 
Bahrampiir. Malik Firoz was left in command of the fort, and 'Ali 
Shah returned home. Three days afterwards Jdm Unar's followers 

' [Morley has a note upon the varied spelling of this name, but Sir H. Elliot's MS. 
specifies how the name is pointed, making it " Unar," -which is the spelling most 
generally accepted.] 

' i^y C«^^ J^-*- J^ ' [t//V^ in A. ^j^ in .B.] 

TARfKH-I M'ASinir, 225 

managed by craft and stratagem to kill botli Gahar son of TamacW 
and Malik Firoz. 

J Am Jiina son of Bdhiniya. 

Aft( r the death of JW Unar, Jiina, of the tribe of Samma, received 
the title of Jam. He conceived the design of subduing all Sind. 
Showing great kindness and attention to his brethren and other 
relatives, he appointed them to further his designs upon the country. 
These men crossed (the river) at the village of Talahti, and began 
to kill the people and lay waste the villages and towns of Bhakkar. 
Two or three desperate fights ensued between the Sammas and the 
chiefs of Bhakkar, but as the Turks were unable to withstand the 
Sammas they withdrew from the fort of Bhakkar and retired to Uch. 
When Jam Juna heard of their retreat, he proceeded to Bhakkar, 
and for some years reigned supreme over Sind. But at length 
Sultan 'Alau-d din appointed his brother, Ulugh Khan to the district 
of Multan. Ulugh Khan then sent Taj Kafuri and Tatar Khan to 
oppose Jam Juna in Sind, but before their arrival the Jam died of 
quinsey. He had reigned thirteen years. The forces of 'Alau-d din 
took possession of the Bhakkar and then directed their efforts against 

Jam TamucM (and Jam Khairu-d din) . 

This prince ascended his hereditary throne with the assent of the 
nobles. The army of 'Alau-d din after some fighting, took him 
prisoner, and carried him with his family prisoners to Dehli. There 
he had children.' But the Samma tribe brought them to Thari, and 
keeping them prisoners took the business of government into their 
own hands, and exerted themselves in carrying on the affairs of the 
State. After the lapse of some time and the death of Jam Tamachi, 
his son Malik Khairu-d din, who, in infancy, had gone to Dehli with 
his father, returned to Sind and assumed the government. Shortly 
afterwards. Sultan Muhammad Shah proceeded to Guzerat by way 
of Sind, and summoned Jam Khairu-d din to his presence. But 

1 [There appears to be some confusion here : MS. A. says, ^\ Jj j J \ss^\ ■ J 1 ,.1 . 
iXi iXw . •^- omits the word ord, but agrees in other respects. Malet's translation says, 
" where he remained in confinement." The copyists have perhaps confounded the 
yfoxAs, farzandun, children, and zinddn. prison.] 

VOL. I. 15 


the Jam had endured the hardships of prison, and resolutely refused 
to comply. Sultan Muhammad Shah, son of Tughlik Shah, died in 
the neighbourhood of Bhakkar. After his death, Sultan Firoz Shah 
succeeded under the will of the late king, and hy hereditary right.' 
He departed from Sin; a dependency of Siwistan, for his capital, Dehli ; 
and JamKhairu-d din, after following him some stages from that place, 
turned back. The Sultan kept this fact in mind. After the depar- 
ture of the Sultan, Khairu-d dm exerted himself in administering 
justice and in improving the condition of the people. The following 
story is told of one of the remarkable incidents in the life of this 
benevolent prince. One day he went out for exercise with a party 
of attendants and servants, and by chance discovered a quantity of 
human bones in a hole. He drew rein, and looking at those decay- 
ing relics, asked his followers if they knew what the bones told him. 
On their hanging their heads and keeping silence, he said, " These 
are the remains of injured men, and they cry for justice.," He im- 
mediately directed his attention to an investigation of the facts. So 
he called to his presence an old man to whom the land belonged, 
and questioned him about the bones. The old man said, "Seven 
years ago, a caravan which had come from Cruzerat, was plundered 
and the travellers killed by such and such a tribe, who still hold 
a good deal of the spoil." As soon as he heard this the Jam directed 
the property to be gathered together ; and when this was done he 
sent it to the ruler of G-uzerat requesting that it might be distributed 
among the heirs of the slaia. He then inflicted punishment on the 
murderers. Some years after this he died. 

Jam Bdhaniya. 
Jam Bdbaniya succeeded after the death of his father, and as- 
cended the throne with the assent of the nobles and chiefs. At this 
time Sultan Ffroz Shah having set his mind at rest about Hindustan 
and Guzerat, turned his attention to the conquest of Sind. Jam 
Babaniya drew up his forces to resist him, but when the Sultan had 
been in the eountiy three months, inundation, adverse winds, and 
swarms of mosquitos, compelled him, at the beginning of the rains, 
to retire to Pattan in Guzerat. After the rains he returned to 

1 [tj; .\\ , There is no mention of this in MS. B. nor in Malet's translation.] 

TA'RrKH-I M'AStTMr. 227 

Sind with a numerous army. A battle ensued, in wbich. Jam 
Babaniya was taken prisoner, and the whole country of Sind became 
subject to Sultan Firoz. The Jam was carried off in the retinue of 
the Sultdn, and after remaining for some time in attendance, he 
became the object of the royal favour, a royal robe was given to him 
and he was reinstated in the government of Sind. There he reigned 
ia peace for fifteen years and then departed this life. 

Jdm Tamdchi 

Succeeded to the thrdne on the death of his brother,' and carried on 
the government. He was fond of ease and enjoyment, and passed 
his days in indulgence and pleasure. After reigning thirteen years 
he died of the plague. 

Jdm 8aldhu-d din. 

After the death of Jam Tamachi, Salahu-d din carried on the busi- 
ness of government. His. first act was a rectification of the frontier, 
which had been encroached upon by refractory subjects. He ac- 
cordingly sent a force to punish them, and after inflicting salutary 
chastisement, he marched against Kachh. Some obstinate fighting 
ensued, but in every encounter he was victorious, and he returned 
home in triumph with the spoils, to look after the afiairs of his 
army and people. He died after reigning eleven years and some 

Jdm Nizdmu-d din. 

Nizamu-d din succeeded his father Salahu-d din, with the con- 
currence of the nobles. He relfiased his uncles^ Malik Sikandar, 
Karan, Bahau-d dm, and Amar, who were in confinement for reasons 
of State policy, and sent each one to his district. He then left the 
affairs of the kingdom in the hands of the officials, and gave himself 
up night and day to pleasure and enjoyment. This neglect of his 
duty induced his uncles to raise a force, and to enter the city with 
the intention of seizing him. But he received information of this 
design, and left the city at midnight with some troops, and 
went off towards Guzerat. In the morning, when the fact be- 

' [MS. A. says, he "succeeded on the death of his father, -with the consent of his 
brother."] » [,o^^-»* ^^- ^- •"'weyer, says, .K ,1] 


came known, the uncles started in pursuit ; but at this juncture, the 
chief men of the city, seeing the strife and commotion, brought forth 
Jam 'All Sher from his concealment, and raised him to the throne. 
Jam Nizamu-d din died about this time, and his uncles turned back 
with shame and loss, and passed into the desert. 

Jdm 'All Sher. 
Jam 'All Sher mounted the throne with the consent of the great 
men and nobles, and opened wide the gates of justice and kindness. 
He was wise and brave, and he immediately devoted himself to the 
duties of government. The country of Sind was brought into a due 
state of order, all the people passed their days in security and ease 
under his rule. After a time he devoted himself more to pleasure, 
and he used to roam about in moonlight nights. Sikandar, Karan, 
and Fath Khan, sons of Tamachi, who were living in sorry plight in 
the desert, became acquainted with Jam 'Ali Sher's mode of recrea- 
tion. So they set forth, and travelling by night and hiding 
themselves by day, they reached the outskirts of the city. Here 
they won over a party of the people of the city. On the night of 
Friday, the 13th day of the month, 'Ali Sher, according to his 
custom, went out with a party of companions and followers, and 
embarked in a boat for an excursion on the river. At midnight hg 
was about to return into his house, when a party of men with drawn 
swords made an attack on him. The people who were with him 
strove without avail to divert them from their purpose, and the Jam 
was instantly despatched. The murderers then entered the palace, 
when a noise and outcry arose, and the fact became known. The 
people assembled, but they perceived that matters were beyond their 
control, and accordingly they submitted. Jam 'All Sher had reigned 
seven years. 

Jdm Karan. 

After the murder of Jam 'Al£ Sher, the brethren assented to the 
elevation of Jam Karan. He was displeased with the nobles and 
great men of the city, and in his aversion to them he sought to 
take them prisoners, and then to slay some and confine the rest. 
On the very day that he ascended the throne, or the day after, he 
held a public court, and summoned all men great and small to 

TXRrKH-I M'AStTMr. 229 

attend. He addressed them in conciliatory terms. Dinner was 
served, and after its conclusion he arose to retire to his chamber 
when a party of men, who had been employed for the purpose, met 
him at the door of his room and cut him in pieces. Fath Khan, son 
of Sikandar, had been the prime mover in this murder, and so, with 
the assent of the soldiers and people, he ascended the throne. 

Jam Fath Khan. 

Jam Fath Khan, on his accession to the throne, confirmed all the 
rules and orders of government, and was very attentive and watch- 
ful over all affairs of State. At that time Mi'rza Pir Muhammad, 
grandson of Sahib-kiran Amfr Ti'mur Gurgan, had been sent to 
Multan and had taken that town and the town of Uch also. He 
stayed there for awhUe and many of his horses died. The Mirza's 
soldiers were thus dismounted and in distress. When Timur heard 
of this, he sent 3000 horses from the royal stables for the service of 
the Mirza. Being thus reinforced, he made an attack upon the 
people of Bhattl and Ahan,^ who had rebelled, and gave them and 
their families to the winds of destruction. He then sent a person 
to Bhakkar and summoned all the chief men to his presence. The 
officers of the king of Dehli being unable to withstand him, fled by 
way of Jesalm(r. One of the inhabitants of Bhakkar, Saiyid Abu-1 
L'afs by name, a man of piety and purity, hastened to meet the 
Mirza, and offering his devotions to the Chief of the prophets, he 
besought his intercession in his midnight prayers. It is said that 
one night the Chief of the prophets appeared to Mirza Pir Muham- 
mad in a dream and spoke to him of Saiyid Abu-1 L'afs, saying, 
" This is my son, show him honour and respect, and abstain from 
molesting him." The Mirza awoke, and remained for eleven days 
in expectation of seeing the friend of his dream. The Saiyid then 
arrived while the Mirza was seated in his court with the nobles 
around him. When his eye fell upon the Saiyid he recognized him, 
and arose to give him a proper reception. He embraced him and 
seated him by his side with great honour and reverence. The nobles 
then made enquiry about the Saiyid, and the Mfrza related to them 
his dream. On that day he gave the Saiyid a horse and some pre- 

1 [" Aman" in 5.] 


Bents, and allowed him to depart. He also conferred upon him the 
pargana of Alor in m'dm. After Timur had captured Dehli, Mfrza 
Pir Muhammad departed thither. In the days of the succeeding 
kings of Dehli, Multan came under the authority of the Langahs 
and the whole of Sind remained subject to its own kings. Jam 
Path Khan w^as celebrated for his courage and generosity. He 
reigned for fifteen years and some months up to the time of his 

Jam Tughlik, son of Sikandar. 

"When Jam Fath Khan was on the bed of sickness, and saw his 
end approaching, three days before his decease he placed his brother 
Tughlik Shah upon the throne, delivering over to him the reins of 
government, and giving to him the title of Jam Tughlik. Soon 
afterwards Tughlik appointed his brothers governors of Siwistan and 
the fort of Bhakkar. He spent most of his time in hunting and 
exercise. When the Buluchis raised disturbances in the neighbour- 
hood of Bhakkar, he led an army there and inflicted punishment on 
their chiefs. He reigned twenty-eight years. 

Jam Sikandar. 
Jam Sikandar succeeded his father, but he was young in years ; 
and the rulers 'of Siwistan and Bhakkar, attending only to their own 
interests, refused obedience to him, and quarrelled with each other. 
Jam Sikandar left Thatta and proceeded towards Bhakkar ; but 
when he reached Nasrpur, a person named Mubarak, who had been 
chamberlain in the time of Jam Tughlik, suddenly came into Thatta, 
and calling himself Jam Mubarak, seized upon the throne. But the 
people did not support him, and his authority lasted only three 
days ; for the nobles drove him out of the city, and sent for Sikandar. 
"When the news reached Sikandar he made terms with his opponents, 
and returned to Thatta. After a year and a-half he died. 

Jam Mai Dan?- 

On the sixth of Jumada-1 aw^val, in the year 858 a.h., (May 
1454: A.D.), Jam Ea£ Dan came forth. During the reign of the 
Jam Tughlik he had lived in Kachh, and had formed connec- 

' [Tlie name appears to be written optionally as ^^sA, or <iG Ja 1 ,, in both MSS.] 

TAErKH-I M'ASlTMl'. 231 

tions with the people of that country. He had maintained a 
considerable body of tried men, to whom he paid great atten- 
tion, and to whom he used to give fine horses and other suitable 
presents. These men looked upon him as a wise and superior 
man, and devoted themselves to him with great sincerity. "When 
he heard of the death of Sikandar, he proceeded with his entire 
force to Thatta, and there assembling the people, he addressed 
them to the effect, that he had not come to take the kingdom, but 
that he wanted to secure the property of the Musulm4ns, and to 
accomplish their wishes. He did not consider himself worthy of 
the throne, but they shovild raise some fi^tting person to that dignity, 
when he would be the first to give him support. As they could 
find no one among them who had ability for the high office, they 
unanimously chose him and raised him to the throne. In the course 
of one year and a-half he brought the whole of Sind under his rule 
from the sea to the village of Kajariki and Kandharak,^ which are 
on the boundaries of Mathila and Ubawar. When he had reigned 
eight years and a half the idea of sovereignty entered the head of 
Jam Sanjar, one of his attendants. He induced other of the attend- 
dants and followers to join him in his plot ; and one day when Jam 
Eai Dan was drinking wine in private, poison was put into the 
bottle which a servant handed to him. Three days after drinking 
thereof he died.^ 

^ [So in MS. B. MS. A. gives the first name as " Kijar," and omits the second- 
Malet's translation reads " Kajnr MuUee and Khoondee."] 

2 [Both our MSS. finish thus, bat Mglet's translation adds the following: — " It is 
also written by some that a man, a fakir, one of judgment, who was considered in 
those days as a saint at Thatta, was in the habit of constantly coming to the Jim, 
who always treated him with great respect, seating him on his own seat, and what- 
ever this fakir said the J4m agreed to it. One day, at an assembly, the wazirs and 
nobles said to the Jim, Ask that fakir to whom you give so much honour what God 
is like, and what is His description ? When the J4m heard this, he placed it in his 
heart. Four days afterwards, when- the darwesh came to the assembly, the Jim did 
not pay him the usual attention. TTa.^ fakir understood that there was something in 
this ? The Jim then asked him, What is God like, and what description does He 
bear ? The fahir replied, ' The description of God is this, that three days hence He 
will destroy you by means of a horse, sixteen kos from this, and He will place Jam 
Sanjar on your seat.' The third day after this the Jim went to hunt, not bearing in 
mind what the fakir had said. By chance he galloped his horse, when he fell, and 
his foot remaining in the stirrup, at the distance of sixteen kos from Thatta, his life 
was given to God."] 


Jam Sanjar. 

Jam Sanjar was a handsome yomig man, and many persons being 
fascinated by his beauty, served him without stipend. It is related 
that before he came to the throne he was on friendly terms with an 
excellent darwesh. One night Sanjar went to visit the darwesli, 
and after the usual greeting told him that he wished to become ruler 
of Thatta, even if it were for only eight days. The darwesli 
replied, " Thou shalt be king for eight yeai-s." When Jam Eai Dan 
died, the nobles agreed in raising Jam Sanjar to the throne, and 
in delivering over to him the reins of government. Through the 
prayers of the darwesh he thus became king without any strife or 
opposition, and the people on every side submitted to his authority 
with willing obedience. In his reign Sind rose to a greater pitch of 
prosperity and splendour than it had ever attained before, and the 
soldiers and the people Hved in great comfort and satisfaction. He 
was a great patron of learned and pious men and of darweshes. 
Every IViday he dispensed large sums in charity among the poor 
and needy, and settled pensions and stipends upon meritorious 
persons. It is related that before his time the rulers of Sind used to 
pay their judicial officers badly. "When Sanjar became ruler, there 
was a kdzi in Bhakkar, who had been appointed to the office by a 
former king, upon an insufficient salary. Finding himself under- 
paid, he used to exact something from the suitors in his courts. 
When this reached the ears of Jam Sanjar he summoned the hdzi to 
his presence, and told him that he had heard of his taking money by 
force, both from plaintiffs and defendants. He acknowledged it, 
and said he should like to get something from the witnesses also, 
but that they always went away before he had an opportunity. 
The Jam could not help smiling at this, so the kdzi went on to say 
that he sat aU day in his court while his children at home went 
without breakfast and supper. The Jdm made the kdzi some hand- 
some presents, and settled a suitable stipend upon him. He further 
directed that proper salaries should be appointed for aU officers 
throughout the country, so that they might be able to maintain 
themselves in comfort. When he had reigned eight years he 
departed from this world of trouble. 

TAETKH-I M" AST/Mr. 233 

Jam Nizdmu-d din, also called Jam Nanda. 

Nizamu-d din succeeded Jam Sanjar on the 25th Eabiu-1 awwal, 
in the year 866 (December, 1461 a.d.). All men— the learned and 
the good, the soldiers and the peasants — agreed in Ms elevation, so 
that he raised firmly the standard of sovereignty. It is recorded 
that at the outset of his career he was a student, and spent much of 
his time in colleges and monasteries. He was modest and gentle, 
and had many excellent and pleasing qualities. His life was pure 
and religious to a high degree. It is impossible to enumerate all 
his virtues. In the early part of his reign, he proceeded with a 
force to Bhaktar and staid there for a year engaged in suppressing 
the highway robbers. He stored the fort of Bhakkar with all kinds 
of provisions, and appointed as governor one of his dependants, 
Dilshad by name, who had served him while at college. The 
frontiers were so well secured that travellers could pass along the 
roads in perfect safety. Having satisfied himself in respect of 
Bhakkar, at the end of a year he returned to Thatta. There he 
reigned supreme for forty-eight years, and during this period, learned 
men and pious men and /a^rs passed a happy time, and the soldiery 
and the peasantry were in easy circumstances. Jam Nizamu-d din 
was cotemporary with Sultan Husain Langah, the ruler of Multan. 
They were on the most friendly terms, and were in the constant 
habit of sending presents to each other. Jam Nizamu-d din used 
to visit his stables every week, and used to stroke the heads of his 
horses, and say to them,. " My dear and happy steeds, I have no 
desire to ride you, for within my four boundaries all the rulers are 
Musulmans — do you also pray that I may not go out against any 
one without a lawful cause, and that no one may come up against 
me, lest the blood of innocent Musulmdns should be spilled, and 
I should stand abashed in the presence of God." In his days 
Musulman discipline was widely spread. Large congregations used 
to assemble in the mosques, for small and great used to resort thither 
to say their prayers, and were not satisfied with saying them in 
private. If a person omitted to attend a service, he was very sorry 
for it afterwards, and would occupy himself two or three days in 
prayer for forgiveness. Towards the end of the reign of Jam 


Nizamu-d dfn, the army of Shdh. Beg came from Kandaliar and 
attacked the villages of Lakri, Chanduka and Sindicha. The Jam 
sent a large force to repel this attack of the Moghals, and it adTanced 
as fax as Dara-karib, commonly known by the name of Jalugar. A 
battle ensued in which the brother of Shah Beg was slain, and 
his army defeated. The remnant fled towards Kandahar, and no 
further attack was made upon Sind during the life of Nizamu-d din. 
The Jam spent much of his time in discoursing and arguing upon 
matters of science with the learned men of the day. Maulana 
Jaldlu-d din Muhammad Diwani formed the project of leaving Shiraz 
and going to Sind ; so he sent Shamshu-d din and Mir Mu'in, two 
of his disciples, to Thatta, in order to get permission for taking up 
his residence there. The Jam accordingly allotted some suitable 
houses, and provided the means for his maintenance ; he further 
supplied the messengers with money to pay the expences of the 
journey, but the Maulana died before they returned. Mir Shamshu-d 
din and Mir Mu'in were so well satisfied with the attention they 
had received, that they came back to Thatta and settled there. 
Some time after this Jam Ni'zamu-d din died, and after his death 
all the afiairs of Sind fell into disorder. 

Jam Firoz. 

Upon the death of Nizamu-d din, his son Jam Firoz was of tender 
age. So Jam Salahu-d din, one of the late Jam's relatives and the 
son of Jam Sanjax's daughter, advanced pretensions to the crown; 
but Darya Khan and Sarang Khan, the confidential slaves of 
Nizamu-d din who were high in dignity and power, refused to sup- 
port him, and with the consent of the nobles and head men of Thatta 
they placed Jam Firoz on the throne in succession to his father. 
Salahu-d din finding that he could only succeed by fighting, lost 
heart, and went to Guzerat to lay his case before Sultan Muzctffar. 
The Sultan had married a daughter of Salahu-d din's uncle, and was 
consequently well inclined towards him. Jam Firoz gave way to 
the impulses of youth, and devoted himself to the pursuit of pleasure. 
He spent most of his time in the harem, but went out ftx)m time to 
time accompanied by slaves and jesters, who practised all sorts of 
tricks and buffoonery. The people of the Samma tribe, and the 

TAErXH-I M'ASUMr. 235 

associates of the Jdm treated the people of the city -with violence, 
and when Daiya Khan forbade them they treated him with scorn. 
The Khan, therefore, retired to his jagir in the village of Kahan. 
In those days Makhdum 'Abdu-1'Aziz Abhari and his two sons, 
Maulana Asilu-d din and Maulana Muhammad, all of them learned 
men, came to that village of Kahan and spent some years there 
teaching and diffusing knowledge. The cause of their coming from 
Hirat was the rebellion of Shah Isma'fl in the year 918 a.h. (1512 
A.D.). The above-named Maulana was well read in all the sciences, 
and he had excellent books upon every branch of learning. He 
compiled a commentary on the Mishkat (traditions) but did not 
complete it. Some portions are still extant in the library of Masud' 
and passages are commonly written as marginal notes in books. He 
died in this village of Kahan, and his tomb there is still a place of 
pilgrimage. Jam Firoz continued to give himself up to pleasure and 
dissipation, and the nobles being on the verge of ruin, a messenger 
was sent to Jam Salahu-d dfn to inform him how matters stood ; 
that Firoz was generally drunk ; that Darya Khan, the great sup- 
porter of the government, had retired to Kahdn, and that fche moment 
was opportune for his returning immediately. Salahu-d din showed 
the letter of the men of Thatta to Sultan Muzaffar, and he sent him 
off with an army to that place. Making forced marches he soon 
arrived there, and crossing the river entered the city. Jam Firoz's 
followers were dismayed, and led him out of the city on the other 
side. Salahu-d din then ascended the throne. He fined and 
punished the associates of Jam Firoz, and demanded their wealth. 
The mother of Jam Firoz ■' took him to Darya Khan, at Kahan, 
where he asked forgiveness for his errors ; and the Khdn remember- 
ing only old obligations, began to collect forces, and when the armies 
of Bhakkar and Siwistan were assembled, they met under the 
banners of Jam Firoz. The Buluchis and other tribes also mustered. 
Darya Klian placed himself at the head of these forces, and marched 
against Salahu-d din. This prince wished to go out himself to the 
sanguiaary meeting, but his wazir Haji deemed it advisable that the 

' [MS. 3. and Malet's translation agree that the Jkm was taken by his mother. 
MS. A. however, says that he took his mother to Darya Khin.] 


Jdm should stay in the city while he led the war-elephants against 
the enemy ; so the Jam stayed at home and the wazir went to the 
fray. When the armies met, the fire of battle raged furiously, and 
many were slain on both sides, but at length the troops of Darya 
Khan were defeated and put to flight. Hajl wazir then sat down 
to write a despatch to Salahu-d din informing him that victory had 
favoured his colours, and that he might deem himself secure. Night 
came on and the wazir was unable to pursue the routed army, so it 
happened that his messenger fell into the hands of some of Darya 
Khan's men. As soon as Darya Khan had read the letter he destroyed 
it, and substituted another in the name of Haji wazir, to this eflPect : 
— " Tour army has been defeated, and the enemy is overpowering ; 
you must leave Thatta with your family, and make no delay,— we 
will meet again in the village of Chachgan." As soon as this letter 
arrived, on the night of the 9th Eamzan, Salahu-d din departed 
without breaking his fast, and crossed the river. Defeat had indeed 
reached him. He had reigned eight months. When he met his 
wazir, the latter reproached him for running away, and asked him 
why he had come there. The false despatch was then produced, 
upon which the Haji exclaimed that he had not written it. At 
length they discovered that it was the crafty work of Darya Khan, 
and were sorely annoyed, — ^but when a matter is completed repentance 
is useless. Daryd Khan pursued them some stages. He then 
brought back Jam Firoz and entered Thatta on the day of the 'Idu-l 
fitr (at the close of the Eamzan) and going to the 'idgdh they offered 
up their prayers. After this, Jam Firoz reigned securely for some 
years, until the end of the year 916' a.h. (1511 a.d.), when Shah 
Beg Arghun invaded Sind. 

The battles which followed are described in their proper places. 
I have never met with any written account of the history of the 
Sumxas and Sammas, so I have composed this smnmary. If any 
one is better acquainted with the subject, he should make additions 
to this. 

» |_So in both MSS., but Malefs translation has "926" (1620 a.d.). which is 


Book m. 

The Wonders of SiwL 

The fort of Siwi, -whioli is situated on a small hill, is built of 
round stones, of a kind which is found wherever the earth is dug in 
that neighbourhood. 

In Kor-zamin and Chhatur, which are districts of Si'wi, cotton 
plants grow as large as trees, insomuch that men pick the cotton 
mounted. On each cotton plant there are one or two hundred snakes, 
of a span long, so that men are obliged to brush them off with sticks 
and drive them away before they can pluck the boles. If any one 
is bitten by a snake, they immediately open the wound with a razor 
and suck out the poison, otherwise death would supervene. 

The little river which runs by Siwi rises apparently from a 
sulphureous source, and any one who drinks the water of it falls 
sick. Many men bave died from that cause, but it does not affect 
the inhabitants who are accustomed to it. Notwithstanding that 
the garrison was changed every year by Sultan Mahmud, most of 
the soldiers died from its bad effects, and only a few escaped. In 
the time of Akbar, a flood came and purged the sources of the river 
from the sulphur, since which time the sickness has been less. 
This river runs fifty Icos beyond Siwi, collecting at Sarwah, where 
it is used in irrigation, and the water which is not expended for that 
purpose flows into the lake of Manchhur, which is near Siwistan. 

On that lake also there are many snakes', very long and thin, the 
bites of which few survive. The men in that neighbourhood wear 
long drawers to protect themselves against their bites. I myself, 
when I was there looking at the men irrigating their fields, saw 
several at every step my horse took. As it was hot, I wished to 
dismount on the shore of the lake, but for fear of the snakes, I was 
compelled to do so at a distance on the plain beyond. 

In the plain of Siwi there were formerly many forts and much 
cultivation, but all is now waste; the hot wind (simoom) blows 

1 [" Mdr." The description seems perhaps more applicable to leeehee.'] 


there. Between Siwi, Dehra, and Kasmur,' there is a tract of land 
called Blrgan, which breeds horses not inferior to those of 'Irdk. 
'The young colts are made to walk upon gravel for a year, by which 
their hoofs become as hard as a stone, and there is no occasion to 
shoe them, for they can go unshod even amongst the hills. 

At Chhatur there is a tribe called Kaharf, bo called from the tree 
named Kahar, on which one of their ancestors mounted, and when 
struck with a whip, it moved on like a horse. 

Near Ganjava, which is a district of Siwi, water springs from a 
hill, and covers a large extent of ground. Fishes are found in it. 
Amongst the hUls of Ganjava there is a lofty one from which hangs 
an iron cage, in which they say there is something placed, but it 
cannot be got at. If any one descends to it from above, by a rope, 
it moves away, and if they attempt to reach it from beneath, the 
summit rises to the stars, and the earth recedes. 

The hills of Situr and the river Abkashida run in a sort of semi- 
circle from Siwi to Ganjava.' Between these places there is a waste, 
through which the road to Kandahir runs. Its length from the 
river to Siwi is a hundred Jcos, and its breadth sixty. In summer 
the hot wind blows over this track for four months. 

The Wonders of Kandahar. 

O « O «t o 

At the hUl called Sibuda' the rock was scarped, and a lofty arched 
recess called Peshtak was cut by order of the Emperor Babar. 
Eighty stone-masons were employed nine years in its completion. 
It is indeed a very pleasant place, overlooking the waters of the 
Arghand, gardens and cultivated fields. In spring many people 
resort there, but it is difficult to reach on account of its steep ascent. 
Within this recess are inscribed the names of Babar Badshah, and of 
his trusty adherents, Mirza Kamran, Mirza 'Askari, and Mirza 
Hindal. As his majesty Humayun had never visited the spot, his 
name was not included ia that inscription. Of all his dominions 

' [This name is so written by Malet. One MS. writes it " Mastdr," the other is 

» [The MSS. differ here and the meaning is somewhat doubtful.] 

3 [So in MS. ^. The other MS. has " Sarmflr," and Malet " Sfpfiza."] 


Kandaliar was the only place mentioned.' When I visited the spot 
it came into my head that I would inscribe his name there, as well 
as that of his august son (Akbar) with their thousands of tributary 
cities and kingdoms, like Kandahar and Kabul. I therefore sent for 
some stone-ctitters and engravers from Bhakkar, and had the names 
of these kings engraved, with those of their dependent cities and pro- 
vinces, from Bengal to Bandar Lahari, from Kabul and Ghaznl to 
the Dekhin, without any omission. It took nearly four years to com- 
plete this work, which indeed excited great admiration. Below 
the hills there is a cavern not far off. It was from the other 
extremity of this, that Baba Hasan Abdal brought out the golden 
brick. The distance between these two ends is seven or eight kos. 

On the same hill, near Kandahar, mukhlisa is found, which is an 
antidote against snake bites and other poisons, and it is found no- 
where else in that country. On that hill also there is a fire temple 
of a very ancient date. It is built of unburat bricks, each two 
yards long and broad, and one span thick. The temple exists to 
this day, and has sustained no injury. 

In Kandahar there used to be plague* and sickness every year, 
till Shah Tahmasp directed Sultan Husain Mfrza, governor of that 
province, to plant canes on the stream which flows near the town, 
and the water of which the people use for drinking. Since that, the 
sickness has abated, but even now in some seasons plague and disease 
break out with great intensity ; blood being passed from the belly, 
nostrils, ears, and mouth. When I went there, in the reign of his 
late majesty, Akbar, to render assistance, it was at its height, and 
in the year 1007 h. (1598 a.d.) nearly two hundred soldiers died of 
this disease. 

With the Hazai'a tribes near Kandahar, it is not the practice to 
wear coloured clothes such as white, red and black, * * '* ** 
nor is there any trade in clothes and shoes of this kind. Among 
the saints buried near Kandahar may be mentioned '* ** ** *» 
Baba Hasan Abdal, a descendant of the Saiyids of Sabzawar. After a 
pilgrimage to the holy cities, he accompanied Mirza Shah Eukh, son 

' [A negative seems to be required here. If supplied, the sentence will read, 
" KandahSir was not even mentioned as forming part of his dominions."] 
* [" Wahd" ; also used to designate Cholera.] 


of Sahib-Kiran (Ti'mur) to Hindustan. On his return he spent some 
years in Langar Kandahar, and died there. His tomb is on an 
elevated spot surroimded by villages, and overlooking the Arghandab, 
and to it, as to a place of pilgrimage, men and women, little and 
big, low and high-born, resort on Fridays in great crowds, so that 
the city is sometimes empty. It is certainly a charming retreat, 
and travellers say they have seen few spots to compare with it. 

Book IV. 

Account of the country of Bind passing into the hands of the 
officers of the Emperor Akhar after the death of Sultan Mahmud 

I have before related how Kisu Khan oame to Bhakkar on th* 
12th Jumada-1 awwal 982 Hijri (August 1574) bringing with him 
an imperial farman, in which he was directed to divide Bhakkar 
equally between Muhib 'All Khan and Mujahid Khan, and then to 
proceed to Thatta and make Muhammad Bak{ Tarkhan prisoner. 

At that time Mujahid Khan was in the country of Ganjava, but 
when he heard of Kisii Khan's arrival at Bhakkar, he hastened to 
meet him there. But before he arrived Kfsu Kh&n sought to clear 
out the fort of Sakhar.^ Mujahid Khan's men procrastinated, but 
Kisu Khan disapproving of this, sent off a force to Sakhar. Wakil 
Khan who was the representative of Mujahid Khan, fought upon 
the wall which Mujahid Khan had built round Sakhar, and several 
persons on both sides were killed, and more were wounded. Three 
days after the fight, Mujahid Khan arrived and took away his men 
to Lohari. Sakhar then reverted entirely into the power of Kisu 
Khan, but towards Lohari the pargana of Bhakkar was in the pos- 
session of Muhib 'Ali Khan and Mujahid Khan.^ The men who 
had assembled (to support them) were broken-hearted. At this 
juncture, some of the Arghun people deserted them and came to 
Bhakkar, where Kfeu Khan had them put to death upon the malevo- 
lent suggestion of Shah Baba, son of Jan Baba Turkhan. Kisu 

1 [MS. B. saya « Bhakkar."] 

' [So according to MS. A. ; a whole line is omitted from S. by mistake of the 
copyist. Malet says " Muhib 'Ali^nd MnjSihid Kh&n held Rori and Tiggar."] 

TA'RrKH-I M-ASlTMr. 241 

Khan, was a severe harsli-teinpered man, and one day Barji Tawaji 
having been guilty of some fault, he had irons placed upon his feet 
in the presence of his court. 

Two months afterwards, Mnjahid Khan went up against Thatta, 
leaving Muhib 'Ali Khan in charge of their families. He halted for 
a few days at the town of Ranipur in order to outfit his force. Kisu 
Khan, at the instigation of the men of Bhakkar, sent an army against 
Lohari. On Friday, the 2nd of Bamzan 982 a.h. (December 1574), 
having divided his army into two parts he crossed over the river. 
One division he directed by way of the gardens of the city towards 
Lohari, and the other he embarked in gJirdbs and boats and sent 
them filing and fighting towards the shrine of Khwaja Khizr. Muhib 
'All Khan's men mounted and went towards the "id-gah. Ki'su 
Khan's followers arrived in their ghrdbs and set fir© to Mujahid 
Khan's boats, and when the flames rose high, the horsemen fell 
back and went towards their homes. At this time Kisu Khan's 
horsemen came up and threw rockets ' into the city and set it on fire 
in several places. Muhib 'Ali Khan then mounted his horse and 
fled. The men of Bhakkar now entered the city and pillaged until 
evening, capturing the standard and kettle drum of Muhib 'Ali Khan 
which they bore off with them to the fort. When the intelligence 
reached Mujahid 'All Khan he returned by forced marches to Lohari, 
but he was greatly dispirited, and in consideration of the royal 
power he refrained from molesting Kisu Khan.'' The latter estab- 
lished himself in the fort of Bhakkar and practiced great injustice. 
"When the Emperor Akbar became acquainted with these facts he 
placed the country under the charge of Tarsun Khan, and iu the 
beginning of Muharram 983 a.h. (April 1575) Muhammad Tahir 
Khan, son of Shah Muhammad Saifu-1 Mulk, and Muhammad 
Kasim Khan and Mirza Muhammad Sultan arrived at the town 
of Lohari, and sent to Kisii Khan a copy of the farmdn con- 
ferring the jdg'ir of Bhakkar (on Tarsun Khan). Kisu Khan was 
at first incluied to resist and to set these men at defiance, but 
when the matter came to be talked over, he went to the chief of the 

' [Muhhakde dtish."] 

= [The MSS. differ slightly here, and the text is not clear, but the meaning appears 
to he as rendered.] 

VOL. I. , 16 


saiyids, who sent some priests and a party of men to the tliree 
sarddrs to give them counseL The sarddrs detained them all, and 
desired them to write a true statement of affairs and send it to 
the Emperor. The priests begged to be excused, but said they 
would write if both parties were present. The sarddrs replied that 
Kisu Khan's agents were present, and that if the priests would 
write the truth in their presence, no further trouble would be given 
them. The priests then entered upon the business. As soon as 
Kisu Khan heard this he was alarmed, for he saw that matters were 
going wrong, and that the forthcoming memorial would be ruinous 
to him. He therefore sent to say that he would give up the fort, 
and that they need not write. The Khans sent word back that the 
memorial was written, and that they would keep it ready. If he 
did not surrender the fort the letter should be sent to the Emperor 
— so Kisu Khan having no other remedy, conducted the Khans into 
the fort. 

An order had been issued by the Emperor that Kisu Khan, in 
concert with the brethren of Tarsun Muhammad Khan, the saiyids, 
and the chief men, should make enquiry about the treasure, houses, 
and effects of Sultan Mahmud Khan, and send a detailed account 
thereof to the Court, In obedience to the Eoyal orders, the people 
of Sultan Mahmud's harem were sent to the presence, and his chief 
wife, sister of Jahan Khan, was sent to Lahore. At the same time, 
Khwaja Sarai, Eai Singh Darbari, and Banwali Das Navisinda 
arrived for the purpose of settling the affairs of the treasure and 
of the people of the harem of Sultan Mahmud. Having afterwards 
looked into the matter of the treasure at Lohari, they proposed to 
return by way of Nagor in the beginning of Eajab of the year above- 

"When Tarsun Muhammad Khan received permission to depart 
from the Court, some of the nobles objected that it was impolitic to 
place the children of Saifu-1 Mulk on the borders of the country,, so 
he was appointed governor of A'gra and a change was made in 
respect of Bhakkar, for Banwali Das was sent there to take charge 
of the revenues and general affairs. Afterwards, for better security, 
Mir Saiyid Muhammad was dignified with the office of Mir-i 'adl 
(Chief Justice), with a mansab of 1000, and appointed governor of 

TARrKH-1 M'AStTMr. 243 

Bhakkar. On the llth of Eatnzan of the year above-mentioned, 
he arrived at Bhakkar, and the ministers of religion and the 
chief men waited upon him to show due honour and respect. He 
then gave 50,000 highas of land to the saiyids, learned men and 
others in portions suited to the position of each one. The ministers 
of religion enjoyed a happy time during his administration. In 
the early part of his rule he sent a force against the Mankinjas. 
of the district of Gagri who were rebellious, and had opposed his 
officers. He acted oppressively towards the ryots in revenue 
matters, for he fixed by measurement a payment of five mans per 
higha upon all lands alike, and the revenue officers, whom he ap- 
pointed, dealt harshly with the cultivators. The troops of the 
Mir-i 'adl arrived at a small fort between Gambaz and Bajran. The 
Mankinjas showing no respect, shot arrows^ at them, and several 
of the soldiers were killed. There was a well in the fort into which 
the graceless wretches threw the bodies both of Musulmans and 
infidels, and filled it up with earth. The Mir-i 'adl was enraged at 
this, and sent for reinforcements from Siwi, to take vengeance. 
After a short opposition, the Mankinjas left their home and took 
to flight. Saiyid Abu-l Fazl, the Mir-i 'adl's son, who commanded 
the troops, pursued them for some distance, and then returned to 
Bhakkar. Some time after this the Mir-i 'adl fell ill, he lost much 
blood and his weakness increased tUl he died on the 8th of Sh'aban, 
984 A.H. (October 1576). 

After his death, the Emperor appointed his son, Abii-l Fazl, to 
succeed him in the government of Bhakkar. In the following year 
Abu-1 Fazl seized and confined the head men of Gragri, and after- 
wards caused two or three of them to be trampled to death by 
elephants. On the 9th of Zi'-l hijja 985 a.h. (Feb. 1678) I'timad 
Khan, an eunuch, and one of the emperor's trusty servants, came as 
governor to Bhakkar. He was a man of passionate temper and did 
not deal kindly with the soldiers, peasants, or nobles. Some of the 
ministers of religion were troubled by his conduct, and resolved to 
carry their complaints to the Emperor. Tlie governor thereupon 
sent a person to them with excuses, but they would not be satisfied, 
and resolutely determined to proceed. When they reached the 
royal presence they stated their grievances against that cmel man. 


The Emperor replied that if he had oppressed the people in the way 
represented, he would be killed. And it turned out exactly as^ the 
royal tongue predicted, after this manner. He was an habitual 
jester and scoffer, and would utter vile and filthy expressions before 
good men ; he also dealt niggardly with the troops ; so on the 10th 
Eabi'u-1 awwal 986 a.h. (May, 1578) a party of soldiers conspired 
and slew him in his hall of audience. 

After the death of I'timad Khan the Emperor granted the country 
of Bhakkar in jcigir to I'ath Khan Bahadur, Eaja Parmanand and 
Eaja Todar Mai.' In the month of Eajab of the same year, the 
Khan and the other two grantees came to Bhakkar and took posses- 
sion of their respective portions. Two years afterwards Parmdnand 
proceeded to the Court in obedience to orders. The Darijas after- 
wards quarrelled with his brother Madhu Das, and assembled in the 
town of Alor with hostile latent. Two or three fights followed, and 
men were slain on both sides. At length some turbulent fellows 
joined in the attack, so Fath Khan sent his own men to put them 
down. The iasurgents were then beaten and dispersed. Eath 
Khan then went to Court, where he was received with great favour. 
His mansab was increased, and the jdgir of Parmanand was assigned 
to him. Eath Khan was a simple-minded msin, fond of money, who 
paid his thanks with his tongue, but he dealt kindly with the people 
and provided for their subsistence. He had a vak'd named Shahab 
Khan, a zaminddr of Samana, an inexperienced man, who knew 
nothing of business. At the instigation of one Earid he attacked the 
people of Khan Nahar, and led a force against the fort of Kin-kot, 
which was in the hands of Ibrahim Nahar. A great battle followed, 
in which Fath Khan's fine men were slain. Shahab Khan also fell 
with all his brothers. When intelligence of Has reached the 
Emperor, he instantly resumed Eath Khan's jdgir and assigned it 
to Nawwab Muhammad Sadik Khan together with the duty of 
capturing Thatta. He arrived at Bhakkar on Tuesday the 12th 
Eabi'u-1 awwal 994 a.h. (Eeb. 1586). The priests and others went 
out to meet him, and he received them all with honour and respect. 
For some time he stayed in Bhakkar setting its affairs in order, but 
in Zi-1 hijja of the same year, he marched against Siwistan. Before 

'■ [MS. JB. makes ao mention of the last, and spoata of " the two" grantees.] 

TAEfKH-I M'ASlTMr. 245 

going on this expedition lie fought with the men of Mirza Jani 
Beg, many of whom were killed. The breeze of victory thus 
began to blow on the banners of Muhammad Sadik. He then pro- 
ceeded on his expedition. Meanwhile Subhan 'Ali Arghun, who 
was in command of the enemy, had constructed a fort on the batiks 
of the river, and had furnished it with munitions of war. He had 
also collected many ghrdbs and boats there. When Muhammad 
Sadik advanced, the Arghun came out in his glirdbs and gave battle ; 
but he was defeated and taken prisoner alive, and many of his men 
were killed and wounded. Twelve ghrdbs also fell into the hands 
of the victors. Greatly elated with these victories he laid siege to 
Siwistan. His operations occupied some time, but he at length sunk 
a large mine which carried away the gate in front of the fort. In- 
structions had been given that no man was to enter the fort without 
orders, so when the smoke and dust cleared off, the besieged set to 
work, closing up the breach, and maintaining a fire from their cannons 
and guns {top o tufang). The party on the top of the gateway which 
had been blown into the air fell to the ground uninjured. Mirza Jani 
Beg had now advanced with a force as far as Mihran, which is six 
kos from Siwan. In consequence of this, Muhammad Sadik raised 
the siege and went to oppose his progress. When he came opposite 
the Lakki hills, the ghrdbs of Mirza Jani opened fire upon him. 
They continued fighiing for several days, till an imperial fdrman 
arrived stating that Mirza Jani Beg had sent suitable tribute to the 
Court, and had made humble and dutiful submission. Muhammad 
Sadik therefore returned to Bhakkar, and after a short interval he 
repaired to Court. One year afterward his jdgir was taken from 
him. In the two Icharif harvests that passed while Muhammad 
Sadik held Bhakkar, locusts attacked the crops and famine ensued. 
Many men emigrated in various directions. The Samijas and 
Buldchis plundered both sides of the river and left nothing standing. 
At the end of Eabf u-s sani, 996 a.h. (Feb. 1588), the jdgir of 
Bhakkar was granted to Isma'il Khan, and his son Rahman Kuli Beg 
came to the place. This young nobleman was wise, and treated the 
people with great kindness and consideration, so that through his 
gentle management they betook themselves once more to cultivation, 
and by their efforts the wasted land again became fruitful. 


When Isma'il Kuli Khan left Multan and went to the Court, the 
jdgir waa taken from him and granted to Shiroya Snltan. In the 
beginning of Muharram 997 a.h. (Nov. 1588), he came to Bhakkar. 
He was addicted to wine, and left the management of his affairs in 
the hands of his purchased slaves. Night and day he was engaged 
in riot and debauchery, and but seldom sat in public court, or 
allowed any one to have access to him. The pensions and allow- 
ances to the fakirs were stopped. At one period Shaikh Sangi 
received charge of the revenue and State business, and for a time he 
visited the shops and took possession of their money and business.' 
He sent his son Muhammad Husain Beg to subdue Siwi, but the 
Afghans assembled and fiercely opposed him. His advanced guard 
was composed of Buluchis' who fled at the first attack. The main 
body was then assaulted. Many were slain and many taken pri- 
soners. The rest were broken and put to flight, but the weather 
was hot, and large numbers died of thirst in the mirage. Those who 
escaped alive were a long time before they recovered. The wails 
occasioned by the violence and tyranny of Shiroya at length ascended 
to heaven, from whence the glad tidings of his removal came to the 
people of Bhakkar. They escaped from his malignity and once 
more lived in peace, for Muhammad Sadik Khan again received the 

On the second of Eabi'u-1 awwal '998 a.h. (December, 1589) 
Mirza Muhammad Zahid, son of Muhammad Sadik, came to Bhakkar. 
He treated the people with kindness and poured the bahn of justice 
upon hearts wounded by tyranny. He was good-looking and good- 
natured, and he associated with learned and excellent men. He 
restored the pensions and allowances in accordance with the grants 
made by his father, and put a stop to oppression. Khwaja Muham- 
mad Ma'sum was Muhammad Sadik's vaMl. He was a man of 
excellent qualities, and competent in all business. The people were 
re-assured and went about their cultivation and building. But a 
heavenly visitation fell upon the spring crop of that year ; not-with- 
standing the care of the government, evil days ensued, and it was 

' [A doubtful passage. The two MSS. do not agree.] 

TARrKH-I M'ASlTMr. 247 

impossible to collect tte taxes. A scarcity of food again occurred. 
About tbis time His Majesty tbe Emperor bad to make a public ex- 
ample. Wben tbe Royal Court was removed to Labore, Mirza Jani 
Beg, in imitation of Mirza Sbab Husain, renounced bis obedience, 
and pretended to independence. Tbe Kban-i Kbanan was accord- 
ingly sent to take Tbatta and bring tbe Buliicbis under control. He 
reacbed tbe place in tbe montb of Shawwal of tbe year aforesaid, 
between tbe autumnal and vernal harvests, and proceeded to set all 
tbings in order. At that time, I, tbe author of this history, pro- 
ceeded from Ahmadabad in Guzerat to the Imperial Court. By 
good fortune my mother bad sent some little curiosities, which I 
presented to his Majesty. Thereupon be enquired with great con- 
descension bow many years I bad been absent from my mother. I 
replied that it was twenty years. He was graciously pleased to 
direct that I should go to visit my mother, and afterwards return to 
my duty. He further ordered the grant of a jdgir to me. There- 
upon, Muhammad Sadik came to my aid, and said that as I was 
going to Bhakkar, it would be very pleasant to have my jdgir 
there. His Majesty said that Bhakkar bad been granted in jdgir to 
tbe Nawwab Khan-i Kbanan. Tbe latter was present at the time 
and said that if His Majesty pleased to make me a grant in Bhakkar 
be would assign it over to me, but if so he hoped to receive an 
equivalent elsewhere. The Eoyal command was then given for a 
grant in Bhakkar, and tbe officials assigned to me tbe parganas of 
Durbela, Gagri and Chanduka. After this was arranged, His Majesty 
in his great kindness and consideration gave me a boat and one of 
his own fur coats, and as he dismissed me he quoted tbe line — 
" Sit not down, but travel, for it is very sweet." 
On the 14tb' Safar, 999 a.h. (Nov., 1590), I reached Bhakkar, 
where the Khan-i Kbanan had arrived before me. Tbe weather was 
hot and the river high, so be stayed some days there ; but when the 
star Canopus appeared be dismissed me with Bahadur Khan, MuUa 
Mahmudf, and some others. We went to Sihwan, and tbe Khan-i 
Khanan followed and overtook us there. Tbe people of Sihwan 
closed tbe gates of their fort. Tbe Kban-i Khanan then consulted 

1 [12tli in MS. A.] 


witli his nobles as to wLetheT it was better to march, against Mfrza 
Jani Beg in Thatta at once, or to stop and take Sihwan before pro- 
ceeding. They all agreed that as Sihwan was in the direct road, 
and their men and boats must pass that way, it was desirable to 
secure it before going further. Having so determined, the river 
w^as crossed, batteries {morcha) were raised, and we began to take 
measures for securing a passage over the river.' But intelligence 
came that Nawwab Jam Beg had left Thatta with a powerful force 
and was advancing against us. So the siege was raised and our 
forces turned to oppose him. Jdni Beg then threw up a sort of fort" 
on the bank of the river at the village of Lohari above Nasrpur, 
and there strengthened his position. When the Kh4n-i Khanan 
came within about six kos from this fortified post Jani Beg sent 120 
armed ghrdbs and many boats under the command of Khusru Khan 
and other officers, and also two armies, one on each bank of the 
river, to make a simultaneous attack on the camp of the Khan-i 
Khanan. To meet them our forces advanced a little on the bank 
of the river, where we raised some sand- works covering five or six 
jaribs of ground. Muhammad Mukim Khan Bakhshi, 'Ali Mardan 
Khan, Murid Khan Sarmadi, and the writer of this history, with 
several other noblemen, were appointed to that humble fortification.' 
Our instructions were, that when the ghrdbs came up they must 
necessarily pass in front of our fortified position, because just in 
front of it there was a large sand-bank from which they must cross 
over to reach our camp,* In fact, when Muhammad Mukim was sent 
there he was told that his business was to prevent any danger to the 
camp on that side. In the afternoon the ghrdbs came up, when 
they perceived that on one side there was water with a sandbank, 
and on the other side water with a fort, so they arrested their pro- 
gress, and guns from both sides announced the opening of the fight. 
In the course of the night the Khan-i Khanan sent a party over to 
the opposite side. The force which Jani Beg had appointed for the 

' [The text says Jjji^ (__>b'o j:ji.L) aUL« iJ The word jw'y-d* commonly 
means " a ford."] 

' [juj-Jj jJib ISiit^ jy^ <dy>-jl ^JXmJU jU^l)] 

TARrKH-I M'ASlTMr. 249 

purpose assaulted our gate, but it had been well secured, and their 
efforts "were vain. In the morning, the gJirdhs came up in front of 
the camp. The guns in our fortification -were pointed too high, so 
that the balls passed over the ghrdbs and fell among our friends on 
the other side, killing several of them. The muzzles of the guns 
were then depressed, so that the balls passed lihrough the glirdhs on 
our side of the river, and then touching the water rose again and 
crushed eight or nine boats (kisht'i) killing a number of men.' But 
they were prepared for this — for in each ghrdb there were carpenters 
who quickly repaired the damages. The fight was carried on and 
the firing continued in this way for that day. On one side was the 
fort and army of the Khan-i Khanan, on the other the sandbank, and 
the ghrdbs must pass between them against a strong current. The 
battle continued till after mid-day, and the enemy had many men 
killed by the guns. They then saw that they could not pass the 
fort, and that they were losing many men, so they were compelled 
to retreat. The Khan-i Khanan's boats followed in pursuit and the 
army harassed them from the shore. Khusrii Khan acted judi- 
ciously : keeping his own ghrdbs in the rear he sent others in pur- 
suit, and several of the enemy's vessels with soldiers and Firingi 
fighting men on board fell into his hands. The royal ghrdb had 
accompanied the ghrdb of Khusrii Khan and unfortunately some fire 
from the latter reached the magazine of the royal vessel, and all it 
contained was burnt. Some of the crew escaped into other vessels 
which happened to be near, but a large proportion was killed. Still 
a great victory w^as w^on. 

Next day we marched against the fort of Jani Beg in which he 
had fortified himself. There were some little sand-hills (ehihla^) 
around, and the place seemed difficult to take. "When we tried to 
invest the place, the Khan-i Khanan and his officers found the work 
impracticable. One night we made a general assault upon the place 
on every side, but it was too strong and we gained nothing. It 
was then determined by the Khan-i Khanan that he would pro- 

1 [The MSS. differ, and the whole passage is not very intelligible.] 

2 [This is the same word, variously written, i^,s>-, <d-.,,j5-, and i^,s>- In a 
previous passage it has been rendered " sand-bank." It is perhaps allied to the 
Hindiistini chihld, " mud."] 


ceed witii a force to Sihwan and take possession of the country of 
Thatta, — ^that another force should go to Badin and Fath-bagh, and 
that Shah Beg Khan should inarch to besiege Shah-garh, a place that 
had been built by Shah Kasim Arghun. The Khan-i Khanan accord- 
ingly proceeded to Thatta, another force went a,gainst Badin, Fath 
Khan and Jiin, and Shah Beg besieged Shah-garh. Saiyid Bahau-d 
din, the author, and several other attendants of the Khan-i Khanan, 
went to Siwan, where many of the defenders were killed. When 
the garrison found that matters were going hard with them they 
wrote to Jani Beg that unless he came to their aid, the place must 
be lost. Upon learning this the Mirza marched with great 
alacrity to Siwan. When he had reached a point about twenty 
kos from us, we received intelligence of his advance. We held a 
council, and determined to fight him ; so we raised the siege and 
marched to oppose his advance. When the Khan-i Khanan heard 
this he sent Muhammad Khan Niyazi and some other of his officers 
with reinforcements for us. We were near the Lakki hills when they 
joined us, and our united force then amounted to 1200 horse. Jani Beg 
was advancing through the hills with 10,000 horse, together with a 
numerous body of infantry and archers, and he had ghrdbs and 
cannon coming up the river. When he was six or seven Icos distant, 
our leaders perceived that if we remained where we were, we might 
be attacked on every side. Jani Beg might attack us from the hills, 
the ghrdhs from the river, and the men of Sihwan from the rear, so 
that we should be in a critical position. We therefore resolved to 
march on and meet him, and our forces were accordingly set in 
motion. Jani Beg received intelligence of our movement through 
his spies, but could not credit it, for he asked what our numbers 
could be, and what must be our presumption to venture on such a 
step. But the dust of our march then became visible to him, and 
he instantly proceeded to set his army in array. It was noon when 
the contending forces met. When our van-guard became engaged, 
some of the men took flight and fled. The enemy pursued, and 
coming up with our main body the battle became general. Three 
or four fierce charges were made, but at length the enemy were 
defeated. Jani Beg stood his ground and fought desperately, but 
seeing that all was over, he also fled. The enemy lost many men in 

TAEIKH-I M'ASl/Mr. 251 

killed and prisoners. Jani Beg retreated to TJnarpur,' twenty kos 
from tlie battle-field, where he raised a small fort and strengthened 
his position. We besieged the place, and after some days the 
Khan-i Khanan arrived in person. The batteries were pushed for- 
ward, and fighting went on every day, in which many on both sides 
were killed. Digging approaches to the fort, we reached the edge 
of the ditch, and raised there a mound of earth. Jani Beg was then 
reduced to despair, and ofiered terms. His proposal was to give 
over to us thirty ghrdhs and the fort of Sihwan. He himself would 
return to Thatta but would meet us again afterwards. The Elan-i 
Khanan consulted with his officers, and they all agreed that Jani 
Beg was reduced to extremities, and that no terms should be made 
with him — it was a mere question of a day or two — and if he were 
allowed to return to Thatta he would probably change his mind. 
The Khan-i Khanan observed that if we assaulted the fort, many 
men on both sides would be slain, and that the wives and families 
of the garrison would fall into our hands and might be treated with 
indignity, for these reasons he would accept the terms, and would 
further obtain a mansab of 5000 from the Emperor for Jani Beg. 
No doubt his decision was sound. The representatives of Jam' Beg 
then came into our lines, the terms were settled, the ghrabs were 
given up, a person was sent to Sihwan to secure the surrender of 
the fort, and Jani Beg himself set out for Thatta. The Khan-i 
Khanan stayed in the village of Sann during the inimdationa, but in 
the winter he departed for Thatta. "When we approached Fath-bagh 
Jani Beg came forward to meet us, and there was an interview and 
friendly intercourse between the two chiefs. Leaving Jani Beg at 
this place the Khan-i Khanan proceeded to Thatta, and there he 
distributed among his officers and soldiers all the effects (baadt) he 
had with him. He next went to Lahori-bandar, where he gazed 
upon the sea (ddryde shor). When he departed from this place he 
left Daulat Khan and Khwaja Mukim in charge. A royal mandate 
had arrived directing him to bring Jani Beg to Court, — ^ia conse- 
quence of this he started off, taking Jani Beg with him, and hastened 
by forced marches to the Imperial presence. Every kindness and 
consideration was bestowed upon Jani Beg through the friendly 
' ["Amarpur" in MS. B-l 


statements of th.e Khan-i Khanan. The country of Thatta was 
graciously restored to him, and he was received into the royal ser- 
vice with a mansab of 5000. Still further favour was shown him, 
and Khusru Khan was named to be his son-in-law. 

When His Majesty set out for the Dekhin,' intent upon the con- 
quest of Ahmadnagar and the fort of Kasim, on the 25th Bajab 
Mirza Jani Beg died of brain, fever, and upon the solicitation of 
Nawwab AUani, the country of Thatta was granted to MirzS Grhazi 
Beg, son of the deceased Mirza. 

' [It is at this point in MS. £. that there comes in ahniptly the passage relating 
to Dfida, upon wbioh some remarks have been made in page 215.] 

TAErKH-I TAHlEr. 253 



This work is named after the author, Mir Tahlr Muhammad 
Nasydni, son of Saiyid Hasan, of Thatta. The author, his 
father, and grandfather, were intimately acquainted with the 
affairs of the Arghuna and Tarkhans, and were dependants of 
the members of the former family. Tahir Muhammad, indeed, 
dedicates his work to, and writes it at the instigation of, Shah 
Muhammad Beg 'Adil Khan, son of Shkh B6g 'Adil Khan 
Arghiin, governor of Kandahar. The Tuhfatu-l Mrdm (p. 74), 
styles Shdh Beg a Tarkhan, not an Arghun, and states that it 
was to him that the Tdrihh-i Tdkiri was dedicated. 

The author, independent of what he says in his rambling pre- 
face of twenty pages, which is replete with the most fulsome adula- 
tion, gives us several incidental notices of himself and' family in 
the course of his work.i We learn that in 1015 h. (1606 a.d.), 
when Kandahar was beleaguered by the Persians, he went to 
Thatta to complete his education, and that he was then twenty- 
five years old. He placed himself under Maul4na Ishak, a 
celebrated teacher, who was well instructed in Sufyism by an 
attentive perusal of Shaikh Sa'di, Jami, Khakdni, and Anwari. 

His maternal grandfather, 'Umar Shah, and his son Daiid 
Sehta, Chief of the Pargana of Durbela, afforded such effective 
aid to Humdyun, in his flight from Shir Shah, that the Emperor 
wrote a document expressive of his satisfaction, and of his deter- 
mination to reward their fidelity with a grant of their native 
district of Durbela, should he succeed in his enterprises and be 

1 See pages 63, 73, 86, 1B9, 167, 224, 228, of the MS. 


restored to his throne. At the instigation of Mahrndd Khdn, 
the governor of Bhakkar, they were both put to death for this 
injudicious zeal ; one being sewn up in a hide and thrown into 
the river from the battlements of Bhakkar; the other flayed 
alive, and his skin sent, stuifed with straw, to Mirz4 Shah Hasan 
Arghiin. The family fled to Ahmadabad in Guzer4t. The 
document above alluded to was unfortunately destroyed, when 
Mirza Jani Beg ordered Thatta to be fired on the approach of 
the imperial army. The author, nevertheless, hoped to meet 
with his reward, should it ever be his good fortune to be pre- 
sented to the reigning Emperor Jahangir. In one part of his 
work he calls 'Uraar Shah by the title of Jam, from which we 
may presume that he was a Samma. Datid, 'Umar's son, is also 
styled Sehta, and, from a passage in the Extracts, it will be seen 
that J4m Sehta, one of the descendants of the Samma refugees, 
is spoken of as one of the Chiefs of Kach. 

Tahir Muhammad informs us that, notwithstanding all the 
enquiries he made, he was not able to procure any work which 
dealt with the periods of history which he had undertaken to 
write. There might, perhaps, have been some written in the 
Hindi character, but on that point he was ignorant. This is 
disingenuous, for his early history must be derived from some 
written source, though he does not choose to declare what it was. 
He quotes a poem by Mir Ma'sum Bhakkari, and is, perhaps, 
indebted to his prose also, but to no great extent, for in describ- 
ing the same events, our author is fuller, and his credulity induces 
him to indulge in strange anecdotes, which the other rejects. 
His later history, in which he is very copious, is derived not 
only from his father, who was himself an actor in some of the 
scenes which he describes, but from other eye-witnesses, as well 
as his own observations. His residence seems to have been 
chiefly at Durbela, but we hear of his being, not only at Kanda- 
h&r and Thatta, as previously mentioned, but at Mult4n and 
Lahore ; so that, for a Sindian, we may consider him what 
Froissart calls a " well-travelled knight." 


The Tdrihh-i Tdkiri was completed in 1030 h. (1621 a.d.), in 
the fortieth year of the author's age. Its style is bad and confused, 
and occasionally ambitious. We are told that it is divided into 
ten chapters {tabka), but they are not numbered beyond the fourth, 
and only seven can be traced altogether. The first, consisting 
of sixteen pages, is devoted to the Surara dynasty. The second, 
of ten pages, to the Samma dynasty. The third, of 30 pages, to 
the Arghiins. The fourth and all the others, comprising 172 
pages, to the Tarkhdns — so that it is evident that to them he 
directs his chief attention, bringing their affairs down to the 
latest period, when Mirza Ghazi Beg was poisoned at Kandahar, 
in 1021 H. (1612 a.d.), and the power of the Tarkhans was brought 
to a close even as Jdgirdars — a title they were suffered to retain 
after their entire loss of independance under Mirza Jdni Beg. We 
have nothing on the subject of the Arab dominion in Sind, and 
the chapters upon the Sumras and Samma form no continuous 
narrative of their transactions. Even the later chapters are very 
deficient in dates, though there is no break in the history of the 
Arghuns and Tarkhans. Where dates are inserted they are not 
always correct. 

Besides the present history, it would appear from one of the 
Extracts given below, that the author composed another work 
upon some of the Legends of Sind. The name of " Nasyani^" is. 
not a patronymic, but, as we are informed in the Tuhfatu-l 
kirdm (p. 192), a mere poetical designation, assumed by the 
author. The same passage gives us also some information re- 
specting his descendants. 

This work is rare out of Sind, where it is procurable without 
much difiiculty. The Amir of Khairpur and the Saiyids of 
Thatta have a copy, I have not met with it anywhere else in 
India, and I believe there is no copy in Europe. Size, quarto 
(12 X 9 inches) containing 254 pages, each of 17 lines. 

1 Nasydni, the forgetful ? or Nashydni, -whicli signifies the drunken, or, a seeker 
of news ? 



The Destruction of Alor. 

From the year of the Hijri 700 (1300 a.d.), until 843 (1439 a.d.), 
that is to say, for a period of 143 years, the Hindu tribe of Sumra were 
the rulers of Sind; and that portion which is now flourishing was then 
a mere waste, owing to the scarcity of water in the Sind or Panjab 
river, which is known by the above name below Bhatkar. ' No water 
flowed towards those regions, and water is the very foundation of 
all prosperity. The capital of this people was the city of Muham- 
mad Tur, which is now depopulated and is included in the par jana of 
Dirak. Not I alone but many others have beheld these ruins with as- 
tonishment. Numbers of the natives of that city, after its destruction, 
settled in the pargana of Sakiira, which was peopled in the time of 
the Jams of Samma, and there they founded a village to which they 
also gave the name of Muhammad Tur. In this village resided 
many great men and zaminddrs, disciples of the Shaikh of Shaikhs 
and defender of the world, Makhdum Shaikh Bahau-d din (Zaka- 
riya) Mulld Khalifa Sindi, so well known in Hind, who sprang from 
them and that village. The cause of the ruin of the above-named 
city, and of its dependencies, which had flourished between nine 
hundred and a thousand years, was as follows : — Below the town of 
Alor flowed the ' river of the Panjab, which was indefinitely called 
by the three names of Hakra, Wdhind, and Dahan, and by others — 
for its name changes at every village by which it flows. After 
fertilizing the land, the river pours its waters into the ocean. 
Dalu Rai governed the country between the two above-mentioned 
cities (Muhammad Tur and Alor). He was a tyrant and an adul- 
terer : every night he possessed himself of a maiden. From the 
merchants who brought their goods that way in boats from Hind to 
the port of Dewal,' he levied a toll of half their property ; traders 
thus suffered incalculable injury. At length, a certain merchant* 

' ^ <^t^ri J\J-^.j^ l»jl ^ '^^i ^. ^^ vT ^ aJa-,!^]' 

fiXxvU * ^®® Note A in Appendix upon Muhammad-Tur. 

' Captain MoMurdo places Dal(i or Dillti Eii early in the second century of the 
Hijra.— JoMCK. M. A. S., Vol I. p. 28. 

■ < The Tuhfatu-l Icirdm (p. 35), calls him Saifu-l-muWt, and says he was on his 
way to Mecca, and that when he returned thence, he lived and died somewhere ahout 


reached the place with a vast amount of goods, and was much 
astonished at this tyrant's proceedings. When the customs' officers 
perceived the valuable nature of his merchandise, and found him to 
be a traveller from distant parts, they resolved to exceed their 
usual demands. The merchant had also with him a handmaiden, 
young, and beautiful as the full-moon. When the impious tyrant 
was informed of this, he determined, according to his odious habit, 
to get her into his possession. The traveller, who was a 
wise and Grod-fearing man, said to himself that it was impos- 
sible to escape from the tyrant with honour and without 
distress, and hence it would be better to make some bold effort ; in 
which, by God's help, he might succeed, and which would stand re- 
corded on the page of destiny untU the day of judgment. He prayed 
for and obtained three day's grace to forward the amount of duties 
along with his beautiful damsel. During this time he collected a 
number- of skilful and expert artizans, men who excelled Farhad in 
piercing mountains, and could close a breach with a rampart like 
Alexander's. To these men he gave whatever they desired, and 
rewarded their labour with gold, jewels, and stuffs. His intention 
was to erect a strong embankment above' the town of Alor, and turn 
the course of the waters towards Bhakkar. Night after night these 
strong and able workmen laboured to dig a new channel and erect 
an embankment. The river was thus turned from its old course 
and flowed towards Siwan and the Lakkf Hills, with such force that 
the merchant was, by God's mercy, quickly carried with his ships 
and goods far away beyond the oppressor's reach. When the people 
of the tyrant's country awoke in the morning, instead of several 
fathoms of water, they found nothing but mud and muddy water. 
All were amazed, and informed their master of the mode of the 
merchant's escape, and of the ruin that had come on the country. 
He ordered them to turn the river into its old channel, but they all 
replied that it could not be done now the water had flowed else- 

Dera Gh&zJ KliS.ii and Sitpur. It is added, that his handmaiden Jamil or Badi'u-1- 
Jam&l, bore him two sons, Ratta and Chhatta, whose tombs, with that of the father, 
stand near Ratta, which in olden times was a large city in Dalii Rkfs territory, of 
which the vestiges still remain. 

• [The text says .M <U^ J J, but this is an obvious blunder.] 

VOL. I. 17 


where. The Eaja's regret and repentance were all too late. " When 
the evil is done, oh fool ! what avaQs your regret ? Stuff not cotton 
in your ears, but be alert — sleep not at the hour of action." In 
short the scarcity of water soon caused the grass and the fields to 
wither, and death laid its grasp on men and cattle, but the tyrant 
paused not in his evil career, untU his crimes destroyed both him- 
self and his people. 

Destruction of Brdhmandbdd. 

It is related by old historians that this Dalu Eai had a brother 
called Chhata' Amrani, whom it had pleased God to dispose, from 
his youth upwards, to virtue. Amrani often remonstrated with his 
brother against his evil ways, but without success ; he, therefore, 
left his country and applied himself to the study of the Kuran. 
When, having learned the holy book by heart, he returned to his 
home, his friends urged him much to marry ; but he was displeased 
with their wicked ways, and therefore refused. His relatives 
repudiated and derided him, exclaiming that he had turned Turk, 
that is to say, Musulman, and would next be going to Mecca to 
marry the daughter of some great man there. Amrani's star was in 
the ascendant, and his heart inclined to God, so their taunts took 
effect on him, and he resolved to proceed to the Kaa'ba. When he 
reached the place of his destination, he beheld a woman standing 
with a loaf in her hand. After he had looked at her several times 
the maiden perceived him and asked him what he sought in that 
town. He replied that by her means, he hoped to be able to read 
the Kuran. She told him. that the daughter of a certain venerable 
man was much better acquainted than herself with the holy book, 
and was in the habit of teaching many young girls, and that if he 
changed his dress and attended upon her with the girls, he might 
obtain the wish of his heart. Amrdni answered that all would be 
accomplished through her kindness. He made her a small present, 
and joined the scholars. After a time he became again perfect 
in the Kuran, when, one day, a woman came to see the teacher, who 

' [The word is hero and in a few other places written Jhata, but as frequently 
Ghhata, and this is nearer the Tuhfatu-1 Kir&m, which has " Chhoia." It is proba- 
bly the Hindi word, and signifies that he was the younger brother.] 

TARrKH-I TA'HIEr. 259 

was also skilled in astrology. The visitor said : " I have a young 
daughter whom I wish to marry to a certain person ; pray see if the 
match will prove a happy one ; for if not, I will wed my daughter 
elsewhere." The fates were consulted, a favourable answer was 
returned, and the woman departed. Chhata who, in woman's dis- 
guise, had been taught by the fair sage, without her knowing his 
sex, now said that, as she could ascertain other people's destiny, 
he begged she would also consult the stars on her own account, and 
find out who should be her husband. " This enquiry," she replied, 
" will be very pleasing to me ; up to this moment I have never 
thought of what concerns myself." The fates were again consulted, 
and the answer which she delivered was : " a person called Chhata 
will come from Sind, and I shall be given unto him." Amrani 
asked if the person had as yet left Sind, and proceeded towards 
Mecca or not. She answered, that he had arrived in the city. 
""Where is he?" "In this house," was the reply, "and you are 
he." Chhata left off questioning and began to read. 

The girl informed her mother of these events. The relatives gave 
their consent, and the two were united. Amranf dwelt there some 
time, after which he returned to his own country to Pain-wah 
where his brother ruled.^ Between Chhata and his wife Patima, in 
their devotion to God, nothing was concealed, and they looked upon 
each other with fond affection. One day Chhata's brother sent him 
away on some business, with the intention of getting a look at his 
wife in his absence. This virtuous woman was in her bath, and 
there the wicked man saw her. At the same moment, Fatima and 
Chhata, who was far away, became cognizant of this fact. Chhata 
immediately returned, and, abandoning his relatives, left the country 
with his wife, and proclaimed that whoever remained in the city 
would ignominiously perish. The very night they left, destruction 
hovered over the city, but was kept off by the watching of an old 
widow, who was spinning. The second night they were saved by 
the watching of Gunigir,' but on the third night, which was the 
time appointed for the destruction of those wicked people, the whole 

1 Or, more probably, " Babraanwi ;" in the Tuhfaiu-l Kirdm tbe place is named 
Bha.mhara, or Brahman&bad. See note, supra, p. 189. 
' L J-k In tlie Tuhfatu-l Kirdm ^jjj^'\ 


place was swallowed up by the earth., — men, buildings and all, — 
the only sign of them left was a minaret, which stands there to this 
day. Chhata Amrani and his wife Tatima reached in safety the 
town of Siwistan, which is now known as Slwan. There he passed 
his days in prayer and worship. When he left this transitory 
dwelling-place to seek a wished-for and eternal home beyond the 
chambers of death, as during his life-time, he had performed 
miracles, and his prayers had been granted, so was it still after his 
decease. Whoever approached his shrine obtained the wish of his 
heart. His tomb is to be found in the city of Siwan ; many people 
flock to it on Fridays, and place full belief in its powers. 

The Dynasty of Siimra. 
Be it known to wise and intelligent men who can solve knotty 
points, that the history of this ignorant Hindu tribe has been related 
by old chroniclers as follows : — " Every man of them considered 
himself a chief and leader, but ' [Jmar Sumra was their ruler. It is 
not known over how long a period his reign extended, but irv all 
his years this chieftain, imworthy of his sacred name,' practiced 
unworthy acts. He was in the habit of laying violent hands on the 
females of his subjects. Among other married women he seized a 
beautiful woman named Marui, who belonged to the tribe of the 
Maruis,^ who resided near the forts of 'Umar-kot. She had been 
betrothed to a person named Phog,' but was, by her parents, when 
her beauty had developed itself, united to another of her relatives. 
Phog laid a complaint before 'TJmar, — "I have given up all hope," 
said he, "of obtaining her, but she is well fitted for your own 
harem. If you could but once see her, you would never wish to part 
from her again." This speech of that dweller in the desert induced 
the chieftain to change his dress, and to moimt an active camel,* 
fleet as the wind, on which he repaired to the woman's residence. 
He was captivated at first sight, and remained thare some days. At 

^ j'^^ Alluding of course to the Khalif 'Umar. 

* Wanderers of the desert. 

' [The text has ul/j--J "Nahabfik," but Sir H. Elliot has substituted "Phog" 
in the translation. His authority for this change is not cited.] 

* [The text has i.l), but immediately afterwards the animal is called zJit^ 
to that a camel, not a horse, must be intended by the word.] 


length, finding an opportunity, he placed the woman on his own 
camel, and returned to the Beat of his government. But all praise 
to the virtue and chastity of Marui, for though gold and jewels, 
robes and apparel were offered her, and though she was made to 
taste of severity and anger, nothing could induce her to listen to his 
proposals. "In what creed," said she, "is it considered lawful 
that we should, for the sake of a little brief authority and worldly 
riches, which avaU. us not- when all is over, put aside the duty 
owing to a husband, and thus at last, heap infamy on our heads. 
The tenderness of her language took effect on the abductor : for a 
year he detained her and beheld her fidelity. He then sent for her 
husband and returned her to him, with as much gold and jewels as 
he could give, and told him of his wife's chastity. Doubt, however, 
remained in the husband's mind ; he kept aloof from hex, and con- 
stantly addressed reproaches to her. 'Umar was one day informed 
of this conduct, of the doubts which the husband retained of Marui's 
chastity, and the disgrace which was thus reflected on himself. An 
army was ordered to attack and plunder the tribe, but they fled on 
receipt of the news. When the fact became known, he ('Umar) said 
" Why does the husband of this chaste woman seek to distress her, 
and in suspicion of a wrong which has not been committed, why 
does he injure both her and his ruler, causing a personal and general 
scandal — instigating all this disturbance." That paragon of fidelity, 
comforted the women of her family, and, strong in her own virtue, 
went to 'Umar and spoke as follows : " You are the lord of this 
country. If before this you had not conceived such designs, you 
would not have entailed such disgrace on yourself and on me ; but, 
you have kept a mad's wife confined for a twelvemonth in your 
own house, and after exposing her to suspicion, have sent her away. 
What wonder is there then that people, who know not right from 
vTrong, should entertain doubts, and what wonder if her husband kill 
her through jealousy. The redress were worse than the fault itself, 
should you punish the oppressed family. Consider your own errors, 
be just, and say at whose door lies the blame." This was said with 
so much earnestness that it took effect. 'Umar, ashamed of his mis- 
deeds, recalled his army, and caused the husband to be brought ^to 
his presence, when he sought by an oath, according to the Hindu 


custom, to remove all doubt from his mind. But that pattern of 
excellence anticipated him, and urged that she was the proper 
person to take the oath, for thus the foul stain would be washed 
away from herself and from her whole family. So it was settled 
that a fire should be kindled and an iron heated therein. As soon 
as the fire burned and flames like lightning issued from the iron, the 
woman raised it, and came out pure from the trial, and in the eyes 
of the Hindus all stain on her honour was removed. The thought 
now entered 'Umax's mind that it was not easy to clear himself of the 
guilt of the abduction. God is just j injustice pleaseth him not, and 
never has he, nor will he ever, disgi-ace any but the guilty. This 
craeL obstinate husband, thought he, has abased me in the eyes of 
the world; is it not better that I should pass through the fiery 
ordeal and truth be brought to the light of day 1 He did as resolved. 
Glory to God who maketh truth to triumph I Not a hair of his 
head or a thread of his garments was singed, and he issued scathless 
from the raging flames — ^whioh consume alike friend and foe. 'TJmar 
and the relatives of the virtuous wife, whom idle talkers had calum- 
niated and reviled, were now raised in public opinion ; the doubts, 
which day and night had tormented the husband, vanished, and his 
unkind treatment ceased.' 

Account of this event as related in the presence of the Emperor 


When the powerful Nawab Mirza Khan-i Khanan had made him- 
seK master of Tatta, he summoned to his presence the great men of 
the country, and amongst others selected the most noble of them, 
Mirza Jani Beg Tarkhan, 'i^riz of the Tarkhania, to be presented at 
the court of his majesty, and he proceeded thither with a party of 
Sindi friends. At an interview the conversation happened to turn 
upon Marui, which induced the Emperor to enquire of Jani Beg the 
particulars of this story. The latter replied that he had with hipi 
a poet named Mukim, conversant with both Persian and Sindi, 
who was well acquainted with the whole story, and whom he would 
send for if permitted to do so. Mirza Jani Beg himself was per- 

1 This popular legend is given in a different form by Lt. Burton, from the metrical 
Tersion current in the country.— (SmrfA, pp. 107-113. 


fectly informed of all the circumstances, but lie wished to bring the 
poet to the notice of his majesty. The bard was introduced, but he 
knew so little of the case, that, contrary to the fact, he said the 
heroine had a child by that tyrant, misnamed 'Umar.' His Highness 
was much displeased at this misrepresentation, and the bard with- 
drew crestfallen. Jam Beg then related the story correctly, and some 
of the auditors repeated rerses in the Sindi language in praise of the 
Marui. The late Mir Saiyid Ma'sum Bhakkari, of blessed memory, has 
recorded in verse the story of Sassai and Pannii and called his work 
" Husn o Naz," (beaufey and coquetry) ; Mir Abii-1 Kasim, (son of 
Shah Abil-l 'KSsixu, son of Shah Kasim Arghun) has likewise versi- 
fied the story of Chanesar and Lila and called it "Chanesar;"' 
I also have written (these legends) in prose and named my work 
" Naz o Niyaz" (coquetry and supplication). May men of genius 
view it favourably ! ' 

Sistory of Qangd and ' Umar S&mra. 
I write for the information of men of enlightened minds, — friends 
to literature, and delighting in the sweets of learning. A maiden 
named Ganga, of the tribe of Tamim, had been betrothed to 'Umar. 
The latter happened to see her at a time when the spring of youth 
had not filled the cup of her beauty, and the imopened bud of her 
cheeks was as yet without fragrance. She did not please him, and 
his heart was averse to her, so he relinquished all thought of making 
her his wife, and gave permission that she should be united to any 
one they chose. 'Umar Tamim, a relative of the gid's, and a com- 
panion of 'Umar Sumra, without whom the latter never drank (or 
eat), became her husband. After a few years, this unopened bud> 
fanned by the zephyr of youth, became a very stem of blooming 
roses. She imported such fragrance to the breeze, that fascination 
penetrated the core of every heart. 

' In allusion to the Khalifa 'TJmar, better known to us as Omar. It is to be 
observed that the author throughout spells the Hindti's name with an ain ^ts-. 
[Amarkot is also generallj written 'Umarkot.] 

' The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 74) says that Mir Tahir is here in error, the real 
author being IdrSihf B6g. 

' The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 31) says that Muhammad T&hir's JTa'is o iftyo'z is in 
verse and relates to the story of M&rili. Zamiri has written a poem of the same 


One day, wlien the washerman had put out her clothes to dry near 
the road, the chief happened to pass hy the scented garments. 
Such perfume hung in the breeze that for miles it entered the brains 
of the wayfarers. The scent of the musk caused blood to flow from 
his nostrils, and he wondered whose garments these could be. He 
enquired of the washerman, and ascertained, after a good deed of 
trouble, as the man had been ordered not to mention the owner's 
name, that they belonged to a certain woman married to 'Umar 
Tamim, and whom his highness had formerly rejected. Longing 
and regret now took possession of his soul, and so great was hie 
fascination that he proceeded to the woman's house, intending, if 
the master should not be within, to delight his eyes and heart with 
a glimpse of that heart-enthralling creature. The husband was not 
at home. Deceivers employ many stratagems, so 'Umar found 
nothing better than to pretend that he had discharged an arrow at 
some pigeons, and only entered the house to pick one up. The fair 
lady, who knew nothing of all this, being suddenly disturbed, rose 
to screen herself from view, and enquired what the intruder sought, 
but the latter obtained what he had come for and departed. A 
dart of love from the bow of her eyebrows had pierced his heart 
and he writhed like a wounded snake. The love which had sud- 
denly been implanted in the innermost recesses of his heart dis- 
turbed him so much that he threw^ himself madly on his couch, 
abandoned food, drink, and sleep, and spoke to no one. His ministers 
w^ere much astonished at this conduct, but having learned the cause 
of it, they respectfully informed him that the difficulty could very 
easily be overcome ; that he should be of good cheer and not grieve. 
The ministers agreed that it was necessary, by some means, to sepa- 
rate the woman from her husband, and bring her to their master's 
palace. To further this scheme, it was settled by these godless men 
that 'Umar shotdd make a show of more than usual cordiality and 
affection to that young man. The husband was astonished at these 
unwonted demonstrations, and one day asked his confidential friends 
what could be the object of them. Being all in the plot, they 
answered that a wish seemed to have entered the chieftain's mind -to 
give him his sister in marriage, and by this connection, bind him 
more closely to himself in the bonds of fraternity and love, for he 


■was highly pleased with his services, and placed great reliance on 
him. 'Umar Tamim heedlessly believed this falsehood ; he was 
transported with delight by these tidings, which ought to have 
saddened him, and he expanded like a rose, so that his robe 
could scarcely contain him. The simpleton dreamed not that 
his friends were foully conspiring to deprive him of his wife. 
One day the friends met. Wine, that source of so much evU, 
was administered in such quantities to the unhappy husband, who 
had not strength to bear it, that he quite lost aU mastery over 
himself. The associates perceived that they would never find an 
opportunity naore favourable for the execution of their designs, 
so in furtherance of their scheme, they spoke to this foolish and 
helpless being of that impossible marriage. At length, he agreed 
that he would divorce his present wife, in order to obtaia that 
higher object of his wishes ; and he did so. The plotters having 
so far succeeded, now told him that this divorce alone was not suffi- 
cient, that he must offer the woman as tribute to 'Umar. The 
drunkard hesitated not to give away his cast-off wife. Then, as a 
finish to the business, he himself was turned out of the assembly, and 
his wife conveyed to the house of him who had instigated this vile 
proceeding. On the morrow, when the husband shook off the sleep of 
intoxication, he thought of his spouse, and remembered the sad events 
of the past day. Then, uttering cries of grief, he rent his garments, 
and proceeded to Dehli to lay a complaint before 'Alau-d din Sultan. 
The people of this country relate, that when the husband laid his 
complaint before the Sultan, this guardian of justice sent that very 
night an order to 'Umar to appear before him, stating that if he came 
and satisfied the complainant, he might escape punishment, other- 
wise, an avenging force should be sent to plunder and overrun the 
country, and his wives and children should fall a prey to the 
soldiery. 'Umar prepared to depart the moment the messenger 
arrived. After a journey of some days, he reached the royal pre- 
sence, and made numerous offerings. "When the complainant and 
defendant were confronted, the Sultan's anger rose to such a pitdh 
that he caused the guilty man to be thrown into a prison to end 
his days, in order that his fate might be a salutary warning to all 
wicked doers. For a long time he suffered in prison, but at length 


obtained Ms liberty through, the intercessiou of his friends, on the 
payment of a heavy fine, and by binding himself to pay an annual 
tribute. He now returned to Sind, and from that time the rulers 
of this country have been tributary to the kings of Hind. 'Umax 
soon forgot his imprisonment and sufferings, and stretched forth the 
hand of tyranny over the people of Samma, the ancient tenants 
of the soil. Many families were driven by his exactions to abandon 
the land of their birth and seek refuge in Kach,' which lies between 
Guzerat and Sind, and this land by God's mercy they have occupied 
to the present day. 

The dynasty of Samma. 

Old story tellers relate that when God resolved to destroy the 
people of Siiinra (who occupied the city of Muhammad Tur and its 
vicinity, where ruin had followed the erection of the hand of Alor) 
80 utterly that not a sign of them should be left in the land, he 
decreed that their lives should be passed in the commisBion of un- 
worthy acts and of crimes. Young and old became intent on 
violence and mischiefl They belonged to the Hindu faith, yet they 
ate the flesh of buffalos, although eating the flesh of the cow is held 
in abhorrence according to that religion. The labouring classes and 
landholders of the Sammas also held the same belief, yet never drank 
wine without partaking of a young buffalo calf. One of these 
animals was taken openly and forcibly by the Sumras from the 
house of a Samma at a time when the latter had gone out, and the 
wine cup passed freely. When the owner returned, his wife 
taunted him with what had occurred ; " To-day," said she, " they 
have seized a young buffalo to roast, and to-morrow they will take 
away your women in the same disgraceful way. Either give us, 
your wives, freely to these men or quit the place." This person 
was a man of rank and honour ; so collecting his friends and re- 
latives, he raised a great cry and sallied forth. A number of the 
people of Siimra were assembled at the time ; he fell on this body 
and killed several of them ; then, packing up all his valuables, he 
set out for Kach with as many of his relatives as could accompany 

1 [Theteithas "Kanj."] 

T&B.XKH.-I TAHIRr, 267 

They had haardly reached the Eann, or desert, which extends 
from the ocean between the countries of Sind and Guzerat, when a 
powerful army of Sumras OYertook them and tried to pacify them, 
but the fugitives dreaded them too much to have any wish to return. 
Fighting commenced, and many fell on both sides. The fugitives 
nevertheless reached the land of Kach, which was occupied by the 
tribe of Chawara, and they settled there in the desert with their 
property. After a time, when they had ascertained who were the 
chiefs in those parts, they represented to them that they were 
numerous and had come there for protection, that they craved a 
portion of land to cultivate, the produce of which would suffice for 
their wants, and free the commnnity from aU expense on their 
account. A small tract of uncultivated land was given to them by 
the Chawaras under the conditions that whatever grain they grew 
thereon should be theirs, but that aU the grass should be sent into 
the government forts, as the former would suffice for them. The 
agreement was entered into, and the land was brought into culti- 

It appears that finally the settlers became masters of the soil by 
the following stratagem. For some years after their immigration, 
they went on settling and cultivating the land faithfully, according 
to treaty ; they sending the grass grown on their lands to the forts 
of the chiefs of this country of desert and hills.' "When they had 
got a firm footing and become thoroughly acquainted with the state 
of the country and th^ resources of its chiefs, it appeared to them 
that, if, with one accord, they managed their afifairs with discretion, 
they might succeed in getting the upper hand. They therefore 
resolved to put into execution some carefully matured stratagem for 
this purpose. This was the plan : that in every cart-load of hay 
two armed men should be concealed and sent into the fortress. 
Five hundred loads formed the yearly contribution. This hay was 
now conveyed in that number of carts ; in each were concealed two 
armed men, "fend a third sat on the top ; so that about fifteen hundred 
men were all sent off together, and those who remained outside 
held themselves in readiness and listened for the shouts of the others. 
At the fort gate was always kept a learned astrologer, whose duty 


it was, from time to time, to warn the guards of coming events. As 
soon as the leading carts reached the entrance, the astrologer dis- 
covered that raw meat was concealed in them and proclaimed it 
with loud cries. The guardians of the gate jumped up and drove 
their spears into the hay in such a manner that the points entered 
the breasts of the enterprising youths within. But, oh, the heroism 
they displayed ! As the spears were withdi-awn they wiped the 
bloody points with their clothes, so that not a speck of blood ap- 
peared upon them ; and all the day that truthful soothsayer was 
disbelieved, no further search was made, and all the carts entered 
the fort. "When night came on, these resolute men, both within and 
without the walls prepared for action as had been previously con- 
certed. Sword in hand, those who were inside fell upon the com- 
mandant of the fort and slew him. They then beat the drums to 
announce their triumph. Their friends without, hearing the signal, 
and knowing all was right, rushed at the gate and smote every one 
of its defenders who had the bravery to resist them. So great was 
the carnage, that words cannot describe it.^ 

Thus the oomitry which lies along the sea became subject to the 
people of the Samma,' and their descendants are dominant there to 
this day. Baf Bhara and Jam Sihta, the Eajas of both Great and 
Little Kaoh, are descended from the Samma tribe. Among these 
people the tika is conferred upon the Eaf. When one of the Jams 
of Little Kach dies, another is appointed in his place, but the 
sovereignty and the tfka are not bestowed upon Mm until such times 
as the Eai of Great Kach dies. "When a successor has been ap- 
pointed he is obeyed by all ; and all those who assemble to appoint 
the Eai present to him horses, honorary dresses, and many other 
things, according to ancient custom. "Whenever a well or a tank is 
dug in either of the divisions of Kach, the Chawaras — formerly the 
masters of the soil, now the ryots — are consulted and brought to 
approve of the project before it is carried into execution. 

' The Bcene of this stratagem was GvSntri, in Kachh, of which the remarkahle 
ruins are well worthy of a visit. — See Journal Asiatic Society of Sengal, Feb. 1838, 
p. 102. 

' Respecting the Samma migration to this province, sceZ)r. Muma' Mist. ofCutch, 
Introduction, pp. xi , liv. 

TAKrKH-I TAHIEl'. 269 

Strange customs of the Tribes. 
Be it known to men of enlightened minds ttat these people had 
many strange customs, such as the strong branding the stamp of 
slavery upon the shoulders of the weak. As an instance of this, a 
man named Diida Sumra attempted to enslave his own brothers, 
and when any one of them resisted, sought means to kill him. Such 
was the prevailing stupidity of these people, that whenever they 
placed themselves in the barber's hands, they had the nails of their 
hands and feet extracted by the roots, and this violent process caused 
such distress, that they lost all recollection for a time. A sensible 
man one day enquired why they inflicted such tortures on them- 
selves. They replied, that there was this wide difference between 
them and other people, that they did what others could not.' The 
clothes which they had once worn were never again put on. To 
wear them a second time would have been held highly improper. A 
woman who had brought forth a child was no longer allowed to shara 
her husband's bed. At length, one of them, a fond and clever wife, 
becoming pregnant, revolved in her mind that, after the birth of 
the chUd, she would lose the society of her husband, and that she 
must therefore think of some means to convince him that childbirth 
did not render a female impure, and to banish all such ideas from his 
miad. This was her plan : whatever clothes her husband took off 
she gave to the washerman, with orders to wash them most care- 
fully. One day the husband took a bath, and asked for cloths 
wherewith to dry his limbs. He was supplied with some of those 
which had been washed and put aside. These appeared to him so 
unusually soft, that he enquired what kind of fresh cloth it was. 
His wife told him, and he so niuch approved of what she had done, 
that he declared his intention of wearing washed clothes for the 
future. The wife, on hearing this, exclaimed that such also was the 
condition of women ; why, then, should men cast them off ? The 
husband abandoned both of these foolish practices, and aU the tribe 
followed his example. 

1 The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 36) ascribes to them a more probable answer, viz., 
that the chiefs alone did it to distinguish them from their inferiors, It is curiouj 
that Blrdni ascribes to Indian chiefs the Chinese practice of allowing their nails to 
grow so that it might be understood they had the means of living without manual 
labour. M. Seinaud, Memoirs sur V Inde, p. 288. 


All that remain of them at the present day are good Muham- 
madans and God-fearing men ; so much so, that Darwesh Daud, 
Mian Hamul and Mian Ismail Sumra, who were among the chief men 
of the town of Akham, in the Pargana of Samawfitf, entertained five 
hundred students of the Kuran, in the college, feeding and clothing 
them all, for the love of God, at their own expense. The late Mirzd 
Muhammad Baki Tarkhan, notwithstanding his parsimony and 
economy,' which will be described when I speak of him, gave 
away, in charity, the produce of his husbandry. His collectors once 
complained to him, that a certain darwesh, not content with having 
tilled every bit of land in the district, sought to appropriate all 
their lord's possessions to his own use. Find therefore, said they, 
some other employment for the present cultivators. The Mirza 
replied : " that he should tiU my lands is but little, were he to 
drive a plough over my head, I should deem it a favour." Fakirs, 
widows, and the poor were the recipients of his bounty. A well- 
provided table was at all hours spread for his guests, — ^but he himself 
constantly fasted. "When the hour came to break the fast, a barley- 
loaf, without salt, constituted his only food. A guest coming to him 
one day, a sumptuous meal was ordered for him, but the guest did 
not partake of it. "Why," asked the Mirza, " do you not like the 
food ? " "I wish," replied the stranger, " to eat off the same 
plate with your majesty." " Oh, what happiness," exclaimed the 
latter. "When evening came, he bid his guest to come and share with 
him the barley-loaf — ^that being all his meal. " Oh," said the man, 
" I thought your own meal would have been better than what you 
gave your guests ; this was the cause of my indiscretion, but pray 
pardon me ; I am satisfied to partake of the former repast" The 
host replied : " Yes, the dainty repast is best suited to your taste, the 
mere loaf is plenty for mine ; for it is no light task to conquer the 
flesh and abjure the world — the world, that faithless creature, that 
slays her husband and devours her aons-in-law. No true man will 
give her a place in his heart. To do so is the act of the mean-spirited. 
Renounce the faithless harlot in the four extremities of the universe, 
and cleanse the skirt of your robe from aU desire of her." 

TARriCH-l TAIIIRr. 271 

Religious men love not the world, 

For they seek not women. 

If you are bound in the chains of a woman, 

Boast not again of your manliness. 

Hare you not read in the ancient book, 

What befel Hueain and Hasan, owing to a woman ? 

A woman, be she good or had, should be thus treated : 

Press your foot upon her neck. 

Depopulation of the country of the Sitmras. 

"When through the tyranny of Dalu Kai, the river of the town of Alor 
became dry, the passage of the river of the Panjab came to be made 
near Siwan, and that town, •which is still flourishiag, became populated. 
The want of water ruined the lands of the tribe of Sumra, and the 
tyranny of Duda Siimra drove many complaining to the Sultan 
'Alau-d d£n, at Delhi. This monarch sent back with them a powerful 
army, under the command of the royal general named Salar. The men 
of Siimra prepared themselves to die, and sent off their children in 
charge of a minstrel, to be placed .nder the protection of Ibra Ibrani- 
This Ibra was one of the very Sammas who had fled from the persecu- 
tions of the men of Sumra, and had made themselves masters of 
Kach in the manner which has been related above. It is a custom of 
these people to hold in high respect their minstrels, such as the 
Katriyas, the Charans, the Doms and the Marats (?). After the 
departure of their families, numerous engagements took place between 
the men of Sumra and the Sultan's army. Sahar Sultani, the 
Sumra commander, was slain in the field of battle, and the remainder 
sought safety in flight. The royal army advanced in pursuit of the 
women and children. From the capital, Muhammad Tur, to Kach 
they proceeded march by march, digging every night a deep trench 
round their camp, through fear of their foes.' Such was the extent 
of these trenches, that, to this day, great pools still remain. When 
they reached the confines of Kach, Ibra Samma, the ruler of the 
country, fought stoutly in defence of the children and fugitives, but 
fell at last in the field. The women, whose countenances no stranger 
had ever beheld, were now surrounded on all sides. These virtuous 
women saw that the royal army had come to carry them into captivity, 

' [jb ,^^j JT j»-Jjl] 


and that there was no refuge for them but in God's mercy ; then, 
raising their hands in supplication, they exclaimed : " We have no 
other help, oh God I but in thee. Cause this mountain to protect us, 
poor helpless creatures, and save us from the hands of our cruel enemies." 
The prayer of these women was heard by Him, the nearest and 
dearest friend : the rock burst asunder, and showed openings, through 
which they all entered, and before the enemy could reach the spot 
they were all hidden ; but fragments of their garments remained 
without, showing where they had passed. The pursuers were struck 
with awe, and retraced their steps. That mountain, and traces (of 
this event) may be seen to this day, in the land of Kach. In short, 
as no man was left in Sind, among the Sumras, of sufficient power 
to govern the country, the Samma people set to work to cultivate 
new territories on another part of the river. 

The Sammas, after the expulsion of the tribe of Sumra, found 
the town of Sdmui-dbdd. 

After the destruction of the power of the above-named tribe the 
dynasty of the Samma ruled from the beginning of the year 843 h. 
(1439 A.D.) until the date of the total ruin of Sind.' The Samma 
people, who had been subject to the Sumras in the days of their rule, 
founded a town and fort below the Makali mountain. The former 
they called Samui,' and the latter Taghurabad, of which Jam Taghur 
had laid the foundation, but had left unfinished.' Other towns 
and villages, still flourishing, were also built by them, — but the 
spots cultivated during the domiuion of the former masters of the 
soil soon ran to waste for want of water. Lands hitherto barren, 
were now carefully cultivated ; there was hardly a span of ground 
untilled. The divisions into suhas and parganas, which are main- 
tained to the present day iu the province of Tatta, were made by 

' The text eays 849 h. (U45 A.D.),but it was stated above that the SiSmra dynasty 
closed in 843 h. And again at p. 61 of the original, it is stated that the Samma dynasty 
lasted 84 years, closing with the establishment of Shih Husain Arghdn's power in 
927 H. (1521 A.D.), the invasion of his father in 921 h. counting for nothing. We must, 
therefore, necessarily assume 843 H. to be the correct reading, incorrect as it is in fact. 

2 [The name is here written " SM."] 

» See Appendix respecting these places. Taghur&bkd is in other works called 


these people. When the labour and skill of each individual had 
brought the land to this state of prosperity, Jam Nanda bin Babiniya 
was acknowledged by all, great and smaU., as their chief, and re- 
ceived the title of Jam, which is the name of honour among these 
people. Such splendour spread over what had been but dreary 
solitudes, that it seemed as if a new world had sprung into'existence. 
Before his time, there was nothing worthy of being recorded, 
but his reign was remarkable for its justice and an increase of 
Muhammadanism. I have omitted none of the events which oc- 
curred in his reign and in after years, as they have been related 
to me by old residents of those parts. This chieftain passed 
his days and nights in devotion. He permitted no one man to 
tyrannise over another ; the poor were so happy that all the day long 
his name was on their lips. Peace and security prevailed to such an 
extent, that never was this prince called upon to ride forth to battle, 
and never did a foe take the field against him. When, in the 
morning, he went, as was his custom, to his stables to look at his 
horses, he would caress them, kiss their feet, and exclaim : " Heaven 
forbid that an invader approach my dominions, or that it ever be my 
fate to saddle these animals, and engage in war ! May God keep 
every one happy in his place ! " 

The foundation of Tatta. 

After he had dwelt some time in the city of Sal, the thought 
entered his mind to build, at some auspicious moment, a new town, 
where happiness might remain for ever. Brahmans and astrologers 
having settled a lucky day, and having sought a spot in the neighbour- 
hood of Samui, they selected an eligible place, where now stands the 
city of Tatta, and there, with the assent of the Jam. the foundation 
was laid. A division of the land having been made, mansions and 
houses were constructed. la truth, at such a fortunate moment was 
the foundation of this place laid, that trouble and affliction have 
never visited its inhabitants. Contented with what they possess, 
they carry on their affairs in luxury and ease. The cheerfulness and 
happiness which reigns among these people has never yet been, nor 
ever will be found elsewhere. Each month has several 'Tds for 

VOL. I. 18 


tliem ; the first Friday after the new moon, they call in their Sindi 
language, Mdh-pahra JwaCa. Such a crowd of men and women 
flock, on this day, to the Makali monntain, that there is scarce room 
to stand. It has heoome a custom, among many classes, to consider 
the similar festival of Mah-pahra Somdr — or the first Monday in 
each month — a great day for making pilgrimages. The pleasure of 
visiting each other, induces them to go in large parties, taking with 
them abundance of sweet river water and food such as they can 
afford. The day is spent in amusements, and visits to the shrines. 
The reason why they take water with them is, thai the rain-water 
found in the tanks contiguous to the tombs is brackish, owing to the 
nitrous nature of the soil, and consequently, though fit for oblations, is 
not fit to drink. When evening puts a close to these pleasures, they 
seek their own abode. Besides the shrine of the Shaikh of Shaikhs, 
Shaikh Patta, there are some ten or twelve other places, where 
dar\7eshes perform their dance. These excitable men often work 
themselves into such a state of holy ecstaoy, that they cast themselves 
on the rocks of the mountain of Makali ; but by the blessing of their 
learned doctors and teachers, no harm befalls them. This custom, 
however much opposed to the laws of Islam, has been transmitted 
from generation to generation, and all the attempts of wise teachers 
and just governors have never succeeded in putting a stop to it. 
More wonderful still, is the fact that, during the rainy months, only 
a few showers fall on the mountain. At its summit is a pond, which 
they call " Kira tal," or sweet tank; so long as the water of the 
heavens fills it, men and women of all classes, Hindus and Musul- 
mans, cro.wd there from morning till night; there they cook their 
meals, and feast. What 'id, what wedding can ever boast of so 
numerous an attendance ? He alone, who has seen and tasted of 
these pleasures, can understand this ! The custom has long prevailed 
among these people, and what time has sanctioned they never 
relinquish. Other nations possess greater wealth, and greater skill ; 
but such light-heartedness and contentment, as to labour for one day 
and repose for the rest of the week, to have but moderate desires 
and enjoy boundless ease, this has been reserved for the people of 
Tatta alone. 

TARrEH-I TA'HIRr. 275 

Elevation of Darya Khan by Jam Nanda, who had purchased him 

from Lakzhtr. 

When Jam Nanda, son of Babiniya had to the gratification of his 

friends, become the occupant of the throne of Tatta, he embellished 

the new city and ruled with so much justice and moderation that 

every citizen found happiness at his own hearth. 

" That spot is Elysium where oppression comes not 
Where no one interferes with another." 

One day he went out to hunt, taking with him his minister Lakzhir.' 

The latter had with him a young slave named Kabiila, to whom was 

entrusted the care of his master's drinking-water. This boy was in 

reality the son of a Saiyid, but having fallen into captivity, he had 

been purchased by the minister. The Jam, becoming thirsty during 

the chase, called for water. His own water-carrier not being on the 

spot, the miaister ordered his boy to fill a cup for the king. The 

lad, young in years but old in wisdom, filled the cup and threw in 

it some small blades of grass. The Jam put down the cup, and 

asked him what grass had to do in drinking water. The slave 

replied : " I saw your highness was very thirsty, and I feared lest 

you should drink too large a quantity and suffer from it in riding ; 

I therefore put in the water these small obstacles, that you might 

drink in moderation." There was nothing so wonderful in this, but 

the boy's destiny befriended him, and the Jam was much pleased. 

He took Kabiila from the minister and made him one of his personal 

attendants. Day by day his affection for the youth increased, and 

finding him possessed of sufficient abilities to administer the affairs 

of the kingdom, or even to govern one, he soon conferred upon him 

the title of Mubarak Khan and employed him ia all difficult matters. 

He loved him better than his own children and relatives. The Jam 

had many good men around him, such as Wazir Dilshad, who in the 

year 912 h. (1506 A.U.) carried his victorious arms from Tatta as far as 

the city of Uch, yet Mubarak carried off from all of them the ball of 

good fortune, and was honoured by the king with the management of 

the affairs of the State in preference to bis own son, Jam Fi'roz. He 

brought the country, from Multan to the borders of Kandahar and 

' The Tuhfaturl Kirdm (p. 40) is doubtful about the real name, saying it is 
" Lahakdir," or " Lahgir." 


from Kaoli to Makran, into such subjection, that if at midnight one 
of his officers carried an order to any of the Zaminddrs and Biimiyas 
of these territories, it was instantly and gratefully obeyed. Such 
was the terror of his name in these turbulent provinces, that a 
pregnant woman miscarried if she heard of his approach. So far 
had spread the fame and dread of his incursions, that the words — 
" Silence, the terrible chieftain is coming," were enough to stop the 
crying of a wayward child. ' 

When at length, after a reign of seventy-three years. Jam Nanda 
passed from this perishable world to the abodes of immortality, he 
confided the care of the kingdom, of his treasures, his family, and 
his son Jam Firoz, to Darya Khan. "The management of the 
affairs of this kingdom," said the dying ruler, " devolves on thee. 
Discharge thy duty to Jam Firoz with zeal and self devotion."' 

8ack and burning of Thatta^ hy the Firingis. 

In the year 973 h. (1565 a.d.,) near the end of his life, Mirza 'Tea 
Tarkhan, proceeded with his son, Mirza Muhammad Baki, in the 
direction of Bhakkar. As they drew near the town of Durbela, a 
dependency of Bhakkar, Mahmud Khan, having strengthened his 
stronghold, sent forth his army to meet them, for, thought he, what 
breach of contract is this ? They bring an army into my territory I 
What can be their object? It was the intention of Muhammad 
Baki, to detach the Parganah of Durbela, from the province of 
Bhakkar, and to incorporate it in that of Siwan ; but he was 
frustrated in this design by the army of Mahmud Khan, which was 
powerful, and was everywhere prepared for fight. Blood had not 
yet been spilled, when, suddenly, news came from Thatta, that the 
Piringi's had passed L£hori Bandar, and attacked the city. The gates 

^ See Appendix. 

* The author does not distinctly inform us that DaryS. Kh&n was the same person 
as Mubferat Khiu, but the heading of the section implies that he was, and we are 
explicitly told so in the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm. Mir M'dsum and the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm 
say that DarySi JQi4n was the J&m's adopted son. Firishta calls him a relation of 
the J4m's, and speaks of Mub&rak Khan and DaryS. Kh&u as two individuals. 

' [The author has hitherto used the Persian form " Tatta."] 

TAErKH-I TAHlRr. 277 

were closed, said the despatcli ; if the army returned without delay, 
the place would be delivered ; otherwise, the enemy was strong, and 
would effect his object. This intelligence caused the Mirza to desist 
from prosecuting the quarrel any further. Leaving the country under 
the rule of the Kh&i, he speedily embarked in his boats, and departed. 
Before he could arrive, the Firingf s had sacked the city, and filled it 
with fire and slaughter. Many of the inhabitants had found an 
asylum in the Jama' Masjid of Mir Farrukh Arghun, which they 
quitted, on hearing of the Mirzd's approach. The mode of the 
Firingis coming was as follows : — Between the town of Thatta 
and Lahori Bandar is a distance of two days journey — both by land 
and by water ; beyond this, it is another day's march to the sea. 
There is a small channel, (called ndr in the language of Thatta), 
eommimicating with the port ; it is in some places about ten tandhs 
wide, in others, something more. It is unfordable. Between the 
port and the ocean there is but one inhabited spot, called Sui Miani. 
Here a guard belonging to the Mir Bandar, or port-master, with a 
loaded piece of ordnance, is always stationed. Whenever a ship 
enters the creek, it intimates its approach by firing a gun, which is 
responded to by the guard-house, in order, by that signal, to inform 
the people at the port, of the arrival of a strange vessel. These, 
again, instantly send word of its arrival to the merchants of Thatta, 
and then embarking on boats, repair to the place where the guard is 
posted. Ere they reach it, those on the look-out have already 
enquired into the nature of the ship. Every vessel and trader must 
undergo this questioning. All concerned in the business, now go in 
their boats, [ghrdbs) to the mouth of the creek. If the ship belong to 
the port it is allowed to move up and anchor under Lahori Bandar ; 
if it belong to some other port, it can go no further, its cargo is 
transferred into boats, and forwarded to the city. To be brief, when 
these Firingi traders had got so far, and learned that the king of the 
country was away on a distant expedition, they felt that no serious 
obstacle could be made to their advance. The Mir Bandar wished to 
enforce the regulations, but he was plainly told by the foreigners 
that they had no intention of staying at the Bandar, but that they 
intended to proceed on to Thatta, in the small boats (ghrdbs) in 
which they had come. There they would take some relaxation, sell 


tlieir goods, buy others, and then return. The ill-provided governor, 
unable to resist them by force, for their plans had been well laid, was 
fain to give in ; so, passing beyond the Bandar, the riringis moved 
in boats, up the river Sind towards Thatta, plundering as they 
went all the habitations on the banks. The ruler of the country 
being away, no one had sufiScient power to arrest the progress of the 
invaders. They reached the city unmolested; but here the gamson, 
left by the Mirza, defended the place with the greatest gallantry. A 
spirited contest with artilleiy took place on th« banks of the river. 
In the end the defenders were overpowered ; the enemy penetrated 
the ciiy, and had made themselves fully masters of it, when the 
Mirza arrived in all haste. As soon as they heard of his being near, 
with a powerful army, they loaded their boats with as much spoil as 
they could contain, and withdrew.' 

The Mirza, who had previously laid the foundation of a citadel 
for protection against the Arghuns, now deemed it necessary to 
encircle his palace and the whole city, with fortifications. 

His reign ended with his life in the year 984 h. (1576 a.d.) His 

wealth and kingdom passed into the hands of his son — Muhammad 


« « O •« iS ■ o o 

Extermination of the principal Inhabitants of Thatta. 

Mirza Muhammad Baki ruled with a strong hand, and ruin fell 
upon the houses and property of the people. No one dared to oppose 
his improper proceedings. He did not consider it expedient, that 
any one with pretensions to eminence, learning, or genius, should be 
left in undisturbed tranquillity. Nobles and plebeians, men of rank, 
and men without rank, Saiyids, Shaiklis, Kdzis and Judges, were all 
driven from their time-honoured abodes, and ordered to dwell without 
the city, as the Mirza was of opinion that they were disaffected. 
To the eldest son of Miyan Saiyid 'Ali, although married to the 
daughter of Muhammad's brother, Mirza SaHh, no more leniency was 
shown ; he experienced the same treatment as the rest. Tyranny 
became the rule. Of the travellers from all parts who passed 
through the country, those whom he deemed worthy of notice were 

' See further in the Appendix on the subject of the Portuguese proceedings. 

TsnrKH-i TAHiRr. 279 

summoned to his presence. So affably were they received, and such 
the apparent kindness shown to them, that it served as a balm to the 
weariness of travel. The beguiled stranger was deluded into the 
belief, that, in the wide world, there could not exist so benevolent 
a patron to travellers. When the visitors were preparing to depart, 
the Mirza would say to his Mir Bohr, or superintendent of his 
Boat Department, that, as the breezes of his kingdom were soft and 
balmy, and river-excursions tended to cheerfulness, he must place a 
handsome boat at their disposal. As soon as they had been thus 
politely enticed into the middle of the stream, a plank was taken out 
of the bottom of the boat, and the unhappy travellers were drowned- 
This was done to prevent the chance of anyone talking of this 
favoured land elsewhere, so that the country, which had required 
such labour and pains to subdue, should find another conqueror. 
Any poor traveller, not considered fit to appear in the presence, was 
simply put to death.' Such was the meanness of this prince, that, 
only once a week, on Thursdays, was a meal prepared in the Biwdn 
-Tchdna; beyond this, he gave away nothing. If he heard of any 
person living generously in his own house, it mattered not whether 
he were a relative or otherwise, a citizen or a soldier, he' laid the 
hand of tyranny on his possessions, nor withdrew it so long as a 
thing was left to take. Cunning showed itself iu every word he 
spoke. Seated in the audience-tent, hardly a moment passed, but he 
said to his nobles : "Bring me gold, bring me grain ; let this be your 
sole occupation, for these form the basis of power." The privations 
which he had formerly endured led him to heap treasure upon 
treasure, and grain upon grain. Not a corner of the citadel of 
Thatta but was filled with rice. Often the giain got clotted, and the 
heat arising therefrom occasioned spontaneous combustion, but the 
Mirza would not have it removed from the fort, nor allow it to be 
given away. At harvest-time he held a revenue audit, and collecting 
aU his dependents, he paid them, according to their dues, by assign- 
ments, partly in grain and partly in money. At length, one day his 

' Several other instances of this wretch's cruelty are recorded in the Tdrikh-i 
Tdhiri. He delighted in eradicating beards, slitting ears, cutting ofif women's 
breasts, and trampling men to death under elephants ; until at length both Musul- 
maus and Hiudds prayed to be delivered from his tyranny. [According to this author 
he died by his own hand.] 


officers respectfully informed Mm that the fort was so full of old and 
new grain, that no room could be found for the produce of the coming 
harvest. The grain was getting clotted and humt, so that it was 
best to assist the people with it, for, by this means, something would 
be saved at all events. The Mirza replied, that they should have his 
answer on the morrow. During the night, he ordered some loaves to 
be made of clay. When the nobles came in the morning to pay 
their respects, the Mirza ordered the cloth to be spread, and, contrary 
to custom, invited them to eat. They screwed up their courage, and 
wondered what evil was impending. For any officer of the state 
who incurred the ruler's displeasure was usually cut into pieces, 
which were placed in dishes, and carefully sent to his officers' houses, 
as a warning, to keep up a perpetual dread of his punishment. As 
the wondering and terrified nobles removed the dish covers, and 
beheld the strange-looking loaves laid out for the woeful meal, 
they cast glances from one to another, as if to say, what can this 
mean ? Their host asked why they did not partake of the food before 
them. " You have aU I can give you," said he ; " perchance you are 
wealthy men, and do not like my simple fare." Impelled by fear, 
some of the ministers took iiie burnt rice-loaves. The Mirza angrily 
enquired why they did not also partake of the other loaves. They 
replied : " Sire, your prosperity and wisdom are great : but to eat clay 
is difficult. In his fierce anger he became abusive, and exclaimed, 
" Oh ! ye simpletons, how long will your wisdom ensure the welfare 
of my kingdom ? Useless grain may at times render good service, 
for is it not better than clay ? It may serve as food for the 
maintenance of life. Of what good are you, since the mere sight of 
clay-bread has half killed you 1 and you give me unsuitable advice ! 
Have you not heard, how, when Himiayun came into this country 
and Mirza Shah Husain Arghun laid waste the whole land, and gave 
orders for the sowing of grain,' what hunger and misery were 
endured ; how raw hides and old skins were cooked in hot water 
and eaten?'" 

These are facts : — It is indeed related that, at the time of the 

* The auttor has previously given an account of this famine at page 61 of the 
original, where he deals with this particular period of Sind history. 


Emperor's flight and the devastation of the country by the Mirza, 
extreme misery drove the men of Sind to eat their own kind. A 
man, having lost a cow, went with some friends to seek for it. 
They reached a plain where some youths, who had just come there, 
had placed a pot on a fire and were cookiag meat. The owner of 
the cow and his friends took these people for thieves, and felt con- 
vinced that they were cooking some portion of the lost animal, which 
they had stolen. So they seized and bound them, asking what meat 
they were preparing, and whence they had procured it. These 
youths could not answer for fear, but, when the whip was applied, 
they found power to say that they were brothers and once had a 
mother. They had been dreadfully pinched with hunger. The 
mother, in her love, said that death was preferable to such an exist- 
ence. She could not bear to see her children perish before her 
eyes, and besought them to kill her and satisfy the cravings of their 
hunger. They refrained as long as they could from such a cruel 
expedient, but at length, unable to contain themselves, they killed 
their mother, and this was her flesh in the pot. The story was not 
believed. The villagers said, that before they would credit it, their 
own eyes must have some proof. The unhappy brothers took their 
captors to the spot where the entrails had been thrown ; this 
sight caused them to be more flrmly bound, for the villagers main- 
tained that some other person must have been sacrificed to their 
cravings, and that this was not their mother. The wretched lads sup- 
plicated and swore in vain ; their punishment began, and the blows 
they received drew forth screams and lamentations. Then suddenly 
those entraUs moved rapidly from the spot where they lay, and 
curled themselves around the feet of their tormentors. This was a 
warning. Suspicion at once fled before this miracle. What could 
it portend ? An old man of the party spoke : — " These youths told 
us the truth. How great is the tender love of a mother, since even 
after death her remains come and cling to your feet pleading for the 
deliverance of her ofispring ! " 


The Mirzd sends his daughter, Sindi Begam, to the Emperor. 

When the possession of the province of Bhakkar had been secured 
to the Emperor, by the valour of Mujahid Ghazi, the relatives of 
Mahmud Khan became favourites with him. Mirza Muhammad 
Baki — ^who had, even before this event, entertained most extravagant 
fears for his own dominions — resolved to strengthen the alliance by 
giving his daughter in marriage to the monarch. The Mulla, whom 1 
have previously mentioned, related to me, that he was one day 
secretly sent for by the Mirza, who addressed binn as follows: — "T 
have often thought, and still think, that Hazrat Jalalu-d din Akbar 
Shah is a mighty monarch. The pettiest of his officers — Mujahid — 
with only fifty horsemen, has overcome Mahmud Khan Kokaltash, a 
man who can boast of an iron frame, and of strength equal to that of 
Isfandyar, who possesses, moreover, a strong fortress, situate between 
two wide rivers. What if the Emperor should send an army in this 
direction ? desolation would spread over this peaceful land ! The 
province of Bhakkar has been, to this time, a solid barrier against 
his encroachments, but it is so no longer. It will be wise, ere an 
army march hither, to send the Begam, accompanied by some of the 
chief men of this country, to wait upon the Emperor. Such an union 
may perhaps preserve us from the grasp of these fierce fire-eating 
warriors. What think you of this plan ? " Being entirely and sin- 
cerely devoted to the Mirza, the Mulla replied, that this vain proposal 
would certainly be attributed to want of courage and manliness. 
This speech proving anything but agreeable, the chieftain drew his 
sword, and advanced angrily towards the speaker, asking, how he 
dared to use such disrespectful language to him? The Mulla replied, 
with sincere feeling, that the Mirza, was at liberty to kill him, but 
that he had spoken advisedly. " Did his lord suppose the Emperor 
had any thought of him ? What if the maiden were so little liked, 
as to be excluded from the royal harem, and sent back again ! What 
shame, what dishonour would be the result ! Would the prince, for 
the sake of a kingdom, briug disgrace upon his whole family." At 
these words, the Mirza's anger flashed like lightning ; he grew rest- 
less as quicksilver, and foaming at the mouth, he exclaimed : Kemove 
this vnretch from before my eyes, lest I shed his blood this very day," 
As the Mulla withdrew from his presence, he unburdened his mind 

TA'RrKH-I TA'HIRr. 283 

of what still remained there. " To represent the true state of a case 
was," he said, " the duty of a loyal servant. He had incurred his 
master's anger by so doing, but, even in this he felt himself happy 
and honoured. What imported it to him, if the Emperor sent back 
the princess ! What recked he, if he gave her away to one of his 
favourites, better men than the Mirza himself 1 You, he exclaimed, 
are a prince. Tou know no law but your own will : do that which 
shall be most pleasing to you." This advice, bitter withal, was 
heard, but not heeded. The opinion of other friends, and his own 
prevailed. That light of the eyes was sent to the Imperial court, 
escorted by Saiyid Jalal, son of 'All Shirazi, and son-in-law of 
Mirza Salih, Muhammad Baki's own brother, and by Khwaja Mir 
Beg Diwan, provided with rich presents, and a suitable dowry. 
Having reached the Emperor's presence, the messengers kissed his 
feet, and displayed to view what they had brought. The valuables 
were then made over to the treasurer, but that most precious gem of 
all, that paragon of virtue, was introduced into the seraglio. There, 
the powerful monarch, prince of all things, cast but once a momen- 
tary glance on the countenance of this fair and nobly -bom maiden, 
after which he would not see her again. He said to himself, that 
the daughter of Muhammad Baki was not' of a good disposition, 
and that he would send her to some other person's hai-em. Some 
Arghuns, of the same descent as the Begam, and who had sought 
to escape from death at the emperor's court, endeavoured, notwith- 
standing her father and brothers' enmity, to avert an event which 
would, they thought, lower the dignity of their family. In defence 
of the honour and good name of their kinswoman, they represented to 
the Emperor, that never, to that day, had any member of their house 
experienced such unkind treatment from former rulers. Let the 
monarch of the world honour them with his universal benevolence, 
and send back the maiden to that wretch athirst for the blood of his 
brethren — who, if the monarch acceded to their wishes, would be 
iinder an obKgation to them. The order of the Emperor, irresistible 
as the decree of fate, went forth, that Sindi Begam should be sent 
back to her father at Thatta. 

* [The negative is wanting iu Sir H. Elliot's MS. i •• ^..,\ ^^ <__>«£i. y^ii-j] 


Sow Sindi Begam returned from the Envperor^s court to her 


At the time tlie Emperor was taking leave of the Begam, he 
ordered an elephant for her use, and bid her return to her father, 
whose ancestors, from father to son, had been vassals of the crown. 
He also added, that a small tract of land had been assigned to the 
princess ; who, he hoped, would, at the appointed hour of prayer, 
pray for his welfare and the increase of his prosperity. The party 
left. A despatch had already been forwarded to the Mirza, 
in which all these events had been detailed. He might, it was 
said, consider them as arrived. They had been placed in most 
critical circumstances, but providence had vouchsafed to preserve 
his name from disgrace. The Mulla relates that he was sent 
for by the Mirza, who threw him the document itself, saying ; 
" Bead this sad news ; what you foretold has come true." He 
perused the despatch of the nobles escorting the Begam, and found it 
was even so. He said, " Peace be with you, oh mighty lord ! bow 
down your head humbly before the One incomparable Being ; 
render thanks unto God, who has vouchsafed to maintain your honour, 
and be grateful to your blood-thirsty brethren, the Arghuns, as long 
as you live. Be kind to those of them still left here, and thus dispel 
the old enmity subsisting between you. The Mirza, rendered wise 
and devout at length, was pleased with this speech, and said a few 
words which he deemed appropriate in thanksgiving. He also sent 
epistles to the Arghuns, wherever they could be heard of, calling 
upon them to lose no time in returning ; and promising that com- 
pensation for their foimer sufferings should be afforded them to the 
utmost of their wishes. Some of them were slow to return, being 
doubtful of the chief's intentions ; others, in whose hearts stUl lived 
the recollections of their fatherland, were content to brave even death. 
The excessive kindness they experienced proved a balm to the 
wounds of past persecutions, and surpassed their expectations. 

About this time the Jdgirddrs of the province of Bhakkar, owing 
to the Emperor's approach, resolved to send their army into the 
province of Siwan. This territory often suffered from their depre- 
dations, but they now sought to take it from the Mirza. Eat'h 
Khan, a slave, ruled that province, but he had made a Hindu called 


Juna his agent ; and to any person wishing to address him on affairs 
of the state, he stupidly said : " I know nothing of this : go to 
Juna." His son Abu-1 Fat'h led a most dissipated life. He clothed 
his companions in female apparel, with bracelets on their arms, and 
kept them hidden in his own abode. He would not eat of food on 
which a fly had lighted. His associates were usually made to bring 
many kinds of dishes, and by this means, he plundered them. From 
the 13th to the 16th of every month his friends were called together, 
and the time was spent in debauchery. Whole nights passed in the 
enjoyment of sweetmeats, fruit, and wine ; he gave presents to his 
guests and attendants. But of all his absurdities this was the 
greatest : if a flight of birds happened to be pointed out to him, he 
commenced counting them, throwing in the air either a lari^ or a 
Firingi gold coin as each passed by. In short, as this miserable 
state of things prevailed, the Mirza resolved, in order to put a stop 
to it, to remain himself at the head of affairs in the capital, and send 
away his children to the frontier and the provinces. 

Arrival of Nawwdb Mirzd Khan, in Siwdn, and his wonder at the 
Lakki mountain. 

When the illustrious Khan, leaving Bhakkar behind him, arrived 
in Siwan, his first though was to invest and capture the fort before 
proceeding any further ; but, after-consideratiori showed him that no 
substantial benefit conld accrue from the possession of a few mud 
walls, until both the capital Thatta and the ruler of the coimtry 
were in his hands. The root is the support, not the branches. The 
Nawwdb thought it best to leave a detachment behind and move 
onwards in person with the remainder. This plan was carried into 
execution. Leaving under his officers some ships which he con- 
sidered equal to the destruction of the fort, the Khan marched 
against Mirza Jant Beg. 

When he drew near the Lakki mountain, which wise men hold to 
be the key of the country, what a sight opened upon him. From the 
river Sind, stretching away towards the setting sun, rose the above- 

• A silrer coin. 


named mountain, its summits high as the star Aiyuk, and along the 
face of it ran a path narrower than a hair. Those who pass over 
climb like a string of ants. If ten resolute men defended this 
passage, not the world combined could dislodge them, without 
suffering severely from the stones they could throw down. Adjoining 
these mountains are many others, on which dwell the tribes of the 
Buluch and Nahmrui, of the Jokiya and Jat, extending as far as Klch 
(K£z ?) and Makran. To the eastward of the river are the Mawas and 
the Samija tribes, spread as far as the sand-hills of Amarkot ; and 
these are men who have never acknowledged a master. For an 
army to pass in either of these directions is impracticable. The 
Nawwab made enquiries about the country and was greatly 
troubled with what he heard, for if an ambuscade w^ere laid in the 
valley it would be exceedingly difficult for him to proceed, this 
being the key of the whole country. Just as orders had been 
issued for this post to be fortified (as by this means, and by well- 
laid plans, a secure advance might be made) it was discovered that 
the enemy had taken no measures to defend the pass. The Khan 
was delighted, and exclaimed that the star of the monarch of the 
world had iudeed outshone that of these people, since they neglected 
to make a stand in so formidable a position ; of a certainty now 
the country had passed away from their hands. When this saying 
reached the ears of the Mirza ( Jam' Beg) , keen indeed was his regret 
for the neglect he and his counsellors had been guilty of. " Truly," 
said he, " have we committed a great fault of generalship. In short, 
the Khan advanced without meeting with any obstacle, and, in presence 
of the Mirza, threw up an iatrenchment and constructed batteries. 
Momiug and evening, valiant, lion-hearted youths, worthy descend- 
ants of Mars, came forth from both sides. With such activity did 
destiny send forth death to do its work in the field, that no symptom 
of backwardness appeared there ; energy filled every breast, as the 
warriors strove their utmost. The happy star of the Emperor, and 
his own genius, inspired the Nawwab to send detachments against 
various places in the same way that he had encompassed Mirza Jani 
Beg and the fort of Si'wan. Shah Beg Khan was selected to act 
against the fort of Shahgar, in the province of Nasrpur, where 
resided Abu-1 Kasim. Another party of veterans was told off to 

TARrKH-I TA'HIRr. 287 

march into the Jdgir country, against the fort of Nirankot. In this 
war, for every province of the country a force -was appointed, 
although it was not despatched. 

Mirza Jani Beg Sultan made this agreement with his soldiers, 
that every one of them who should bring in an enemy's head shotild 
receive 600 gahars, every one of them worth twelve miri's, 
called in the Mirza's time, postanis, of which seventy-two went to 
one tanha. The poor people of Sind, already prepared to give their 
lives for their lord, were pleased with this show of kindness, and 
went out daily to bring in heads or lose their own. This style of 
warfare continued for several months. Giriya, the Hindu, w^ho 
well knew how matters stood, and the state of the treasury, and had 
a regard to futui'e exigencies, gradually reduced the reward from 
500 to fifty gahars. Even for this small sum, the starving people 
were content to throw themselves without hesitation against the 
scimitars of the foe. The greater number fell in these contests, and 
the treasury became empty, so that day by day, the state of the 
people and of the country grew worse. Mirza Jani Beg found liis 
only safety in protracting the struggle, and sent forth his yoxmg 
men on all sides to distract the enemy. Hearing that treasure was 
on its way by land to the Nawwab Khan's camp, he sent Abii-l 
Kasimj son of Shah Kasim Arghun, with a body of spirited youths, 
Moghals. and Sindis, to attack it. This chieftain, when he drew near 
the convoy, about the middle of the night, hid himself with his men, 
and sent a small party to fall upon the enemy's rear with a great 
clamour. The enemy all turned against these men, but Abu-1 
Kasim, with the remainder, entered their camp, carried oiF the 
treasure, and slew the foremost of the foe. Sultan Khusru Charkas 
likewise attacked them with his boats, according to a previously 
concocted scheme, by which a body of picked men was to remain on 
board, whilst another advanced by land, The Nawwab also had 
made suitable dispositions. The Mirza's chieftains, who were 
anxious for Kiusru's defeat, sent the armed force in the boats, but 
kept back the party which had been selected for the land attack. 
The hostile fleets drew up in the opposite lines, and a discharge of 
cannons and muskets, shells, and rockets, wheels, and every kind 
of fire missiles commenced on both sides. The scattering flames and 


sparks shone on the water like a fiery mountain, and such clouds of 
smoke ascended, that the vaulted heavens became as it were the roof 
of a furnace. The sun sheltered itself in the smoke from the fierce- 
ness of the heat, and was eclipsed. Sight could not pierce the thick 
clouds, and breath failed from the density of the atmosphere. At 
length the boats ran foul of each other. The rings and grapnels, 
which were made in order to drag away the enemy's boats, now 
began to be used. So violent a struggle ensued, that the waves 
were crimsoned with the blood of those whom the guns had 
destroyed. By the help of their friends on shore the Khan's party 
triumphed, and their adversaries fled. Khusru Charkas was taken 
in his boat along with several other vessels, when, at that moment, 
Charkas Daftir, the chief of the merchants of Firang, who repaired 
yearly to Thatta from Hurmuz, came fluttering like a moth around 
this furnace, and rrmning his boat into the midst of the fray, suc- 
ceeded in rescuing Khusru from his captors ; but the attempt cost 
both of them their lives. When both sides were satiated with blood 
they withdrew to their tents, and applied balm to their wounds. 
It was at length resolved to abandon stratagem and fight in the 
open plain, where victory would fall to the brave.' 

' The Tdriih-i Sind (p. 294), and the 3aj-AAd«-«a'»«« (p. 112), concur in repre- 
senting that there were Portuguese mercenaries in this action, which closed the 
independence of Sind in a.d 1691. They attrihute the escape of Khusrti Kh&n to the 
fact of a powder magazine exploding in the royal fleet. 




This work derives its name from the person to whom it was 
dedicated, and by whose advice it was undertaken : Shah Kdsim 
Khan, son of Amir Saiyid Kasim Beg-Lar. We learn nothing of 
the author — not even his name — either from the preface or the 
body of the history. We can only tell, from the tone in which 
he speaks of his patron, that he must have been a most abject 

The name of Beg-L4r, we are told, belonged to his patron's 
family by hereditary descent, and is not therefore to be confounded 
with the Beglerbegs of Turkey and Persia, who are the Ticeroys 
or governors of the Provinces.'- The Beg-Lir family after 
residing for some generations at Turmuz, came to reside at 
Samarkand, whence we had them emigrating to Sind. They 
pretend to derive their origin from 'Ali, the son-in-law and 
cousin-german of the Prophet. The genealogy is given in the 
Beg-Ldr-ndma and Tuhfatu-l Kirdm. Their intimate con- 
nection with the Arghuns is attributed to one of their remote 
ancestors having taken up his abode in Khita, where he and 
his descendants continued in friendly communication with the 
Turks. This connection, indeed, frequently gives rise to the 

1 This title is not, as is generally supposed, nsed in Turkey alone. Ever since the 
time of the Ilkhinians, it has been adopted in Persia also. Cornelius le Bruyu's 
Travels, Vol. I. p. 206 ; Franklin's Tour to Persia, pp. 336, 350 j Sir H. Bridges' 
Dynasty of the Eajars, p. 449 ; Pottinger's Belochistan, p. 222. Their position, 
privile''es and duties are shown in Von Hammer's Staata mrfassung des Osmamehen 
Meichs^Yol. I. p. 370 ; II. 273 ; and Paul Eycaut's /State of the Ottoman Mnpire, 
pp. 61-57. J3em. Cantemir, Eist. of the Ottoman Empire, p^ 85. 

" VOL. I. 19 


Beg-Lkr family's being called Arghun, as at pp. 263, 287, in the 
extract from the Tdrikh-i Tdhiri, where the patron of our author 
is styled an Arghun. 

Amir Shah Kasim came from Samarkand to Sind in the time 
of Shah Husain Arghun, and was received with distinction. He 
married the niece of the Wairsi 'Rkak of 'Umarkot, and as her 
father was a Bhatti Rajput, Shah Kasira, the produce of this 
marriage, was half a Bhatti, and amongst that tribe he was 
brought up. It is to him, under the title of Khan-i Zaman, that 
this book is chiefly devoted, and as he acted an important part in 
the affairs of the kingdom, we are treated with tedious reports of 
the most trifling exploits performed by him and his sons, con- 
sisting chiefly of provincial contests, border feuds and cattle raids. 
This minute history, however, compels the author to mention the 
names of streams, forts, villages and tribes, which in themselves 
sometimes possess considerable interest. Even the local hostili- 
ties and intermarriages of clans afford matter of speculation to 
the curious enquirer, and on all these points some information is 
to be gleaned from the Beg-Ldr-ndma} 

As the little that there is of general interest centres in the 
connection which Kh4n-i Zaman had with public characters, it 
may as well be mentioned that he first rose to some distinction 
under Shdh Husain, the Arghlan ruler of Sind. He then served 
successively Mirza tsk Tarkhan, Jan Babd, Mirz4 Muhammad 
Baki, and Mirza J4ni Beg. When this chief went to render his 
submission to the Emperor Alcbar, Khan-i Zamdn accompanied 
him, and was received with favour. He was afterwards nominated 
to an appointment in Sind under Mirza GhS.zi Beg, and lived to 
an old age in that country, surrounded by a large and thriving 
family. His son, Mir Abii-l Kdsim Sultan, was celebrated for 
his gallant conduct in the field, as well as for his literary talents. 
After rebelling against the constituted authorities, he was par- 

' Tod says, that the present RinS. of the Sodhas has set the example of these inter- 
marriages, but the following extracts will show the practice to have been prevalent 
nearly three centuries ago. Annals of Sajasthan, Vol. II. p. 317. 


doned through the intercession of his father; but was sub- 
sequently blinded to prevent his exciting further disturbances. 

The exact date of the composition of this work cannot be fixed 
with precision within twenty years — 1017 and 1036 h. — because 
the intimations we have on that point are altogether contradictory 
and irreconcilable. We are told (p. 256) that the author's 
patron has " at this period, (aknun)" that is lOJ 7 " reached the 
age of seventy." About this there can be no doubt, because we 
have already been informed (p. 36) that he was born in 947 — 
moreover the date is given not only in numerals but in text. But 
we are informed (p. 27) of Mirza Gh4zi Beg's death, which 
occurred in 1021 ; about which, also, there can be no doubt, as it 
is substantiated by a chronogram in. the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 72). 
Again, in enumerating the children of his patron, (pp. 260, 261) 
we have the dates of 1032 and 1033, both in text and numerals. 
It could not have been composed at any period more than three 
years beyond this, because Jahangir is mentioned as the reigning 
monarch. Taking all these points into consideration, we may 
consider, either that the rough draft was written in 1017, and 
that a second was made about 1035, when the subsequent dates 
gained admission ; or that ahnim, as at p. 41, is used with reference 
to the event which the author is describing, not with reference ta 
the period at which he is writing — in short, in the sense of " at 
that time," not " at this present." If so, the date of 1017 relates 
only to the time when Khan-i Zam^n had completely peopled and 
settled the country round the fort of Saiyid-garh, of which he 
finished the building in 101 1 ; and we can fix with tolerable 
certainty upon the year 1034, or 1035 — say 1625 a.d. — as that 
in which the Beg-La/r-nama was brought to a conclusion ; but I 
have no great confidence in this interpretation, and it must be 
confessed that the matter is not worth further enquiry. 

The Beg-Ldr-ndma, after the preface, opens with a general 
abstract history of Sind and the Arab invasion, in twenty-two 
pages : we then have a very slight notice of the Arghiins, with a 
biography of Amir Kdsim Beg, «xtending altogether to eighteen 


pages : and from that to the end we have detailed accounts of the 
squabbles atnougst the various members of the Tarkhdn family, 
with the insertion of every expedition of robbery and plunder in 
which the noble Khan-i Ziiraan himself was in the remotest degree 

This work is not found in India, except in the provinces of 
Sind, where I know of three copies. There is one in the Imperial 
Library at Paris. Fonds Gentil, No, 17.' Size Quarto, (12x9 
inches). 275 pages of 17 lines each. 


Aboriginal Inhabitants of Sind. 
Sind derives its name from Sind, the son of Ham the son of Nuh 
(God's peace be with him !) and the province remained in possession of 
his descendants ; but their names cannot be found in any books of 
history, nor have I heard them in legendary stories, and I am there- 
fore compelled to omit them. That which I have heard from common 
report is this, that in olden time the Province of Sind was held by 
the tribes of Bina, Tak, and Nabilmiya ; but the period of their govern- 
ment is not known. After a tim,e, Sahasi Eai reigned in the fort of 
Alor,' and all Sind and Hind was under his rule. When he died, Chach 
Brahman became master of Sind and Hind. His capital was the 
fort of Brahmanabad, and his dominions extended to the confines of 
Kashmir. His son Dahir succeeded him and became master of the 
whole kingdom. In his days the armies of Islam arrived under the 
command, of Muhammad Kasim, and after many battles Dahir was 

Mir Kdsim Beg-Ldr marries the daughter of Rand Kimiba. 

It appears that in those days when Mir Kasim Beg-Lar deceased 
held the governorship of 'Umarkot,' Eana* Kumba Wairsi repre- 
sented to him that an inveterate and deep- rooted enmity existed 
between his people and the Eathors of the fort of Nllma,' and he 

' Eeinaud, Fragmotita Araies, p. xxvii. ' See Appendix, 

" This place is half-way between 'Umarkot and Jesalmir. 


was therefore solicited to march agaiast them, that ample revenge 
might be taken. The Mi'r complied with his request, and he accord- 
ingly marched with the people of the Sodha tribe' in that direction. 
When the warlike and fierce Kathors were informed of the coming 
of the ever-successful army, they armed themselves and advanced 
boldly to the field of battle. Both armies stood in powerful array 
against each other. The Band intimated to the Mir that it was an 
old-established custom amongst their tribes that both parties should 
alight from their horses and engage on foot." The most noble Amir 
agreed to this ajid issued orders to his army, which consisted of 
Sodhas, that they should dismount while they opposed the enemy. 
The Amir took his bow from the easel and began to shoot his arrows. 
. Every arrow told, piercing through the armour and bodies of the 
enemy, and each time sending a soul to the world of annihilation. 
Twenty of the enemy having been slain, the remnant took to flight, 
confessing the Mir's bravery, and lauding him with a hundred 
thousand tongues. When the Sodhas witnessed such bravery and 
intrepidity, they resolved to honour themselves by seeking a matri- 
monial alliance with the Mfr. The great and noble Mir, according 
to the will of God, accepted their prayers, and Eajia the daughter 
of Edna Kumba Wairsi's sister, a most modest chaste girl, whose 
father was the Bhatti chief of the fort of Jesalmir, was .betrothed to 

Deputation of KJidn-i Zamdn on a mission to Mai Dhar Raj of 


Khan-i Zaman, with the aid of the Almighty, proceeded, with his 
Mends and suite, after taking leave of Mirza Jan Baba, towards 
Jesalmfr. When he anived, he halted outside the fort on the 
margin of the tank,* and despatched a messenger to Dhar Kaj 

1 [See Tod's AnnaU of RajaatJim, Vol. I, 93, and II. 210, 319.] 

2 See Appendix. 

i" The text says simply ti^. i^>-lc, but at page ii, we are' told that she was 

his sister's son, and this is confirmed by the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm. 

^ The spacious tank of Jesalmir lies to the south-east, and the magnificent foit 
crowns a rocky hUl on the south-western angle of the town. 


to say that Mirza Jan Babd had sent a robe of honour for him. The 
Eaf with much politeness, requested him to stay where he was 
encamped, and intimated that he would come to him on an 
auspicious day and hour to be invested with the robe. In those 
days the periodical rains, by the will of God, had not fallen, and 
the land all round was parched up. A single vessel of water was 
to be had only at a very heavy price, for there was no water in the 
lake. But, when the prosperous feet of this nobleman touched that 
ground, suddenly, by the will of God, rain fell : the dry land 
became saturated and green herbs sprung up in every place. In 
the morning, the Eai came to visit him and had the honour of 
meeting him. He said that the rain had fallen only on accomat 
of his prosperous presence. He accompanied the Khan with great 
honour and respect into the fort, and then performed the rites of 
hospitality. Each day he showed him greater honour. The great 
Khan stayed there for the period of five months, after which he 
took leave and turned his reins towards Nasrpur. Ha^dng reached 
the banks of the tank of Sdnkra, he learnt that Jaish Khan and 
'Alau-d din, having pursued their course along the eastern bank of 
the river, were proceeding towards Thatta to meet Jan Baba. "When 
they had reached the stream of the Eain, they were informed that 
Mirza Jan Baba, accompanied by Saiyid 'All Shirazi, had gone to 
Mirza Muhammad Bdki, and according to the will of God had 
been slain. On hearing this, they returned and reached Nasrpur 
plimdering the country on their road. Khan-i Zaman also went 
thither and met them. The exigencies of the time were such that 
he owed money, and as none of these people showed him any 
humanity and favouT; he was much disuessed in mind. He said 
he had placed all his reliance on Mirza Jan Baba, on whom the 
decree of God had now passed. He observed to his companions, 
" At present it is urgently necessary for mo to pay some money in 
liquidation of my debt, what is your advice." They replied — 
" These people possess much wealth and are proud of their riches. 
Now we are at your service and ready to accompany you wherever 
you desire." On this, he proceeded towards the Sodhas, at the 
village of Tarangchi. 


The Plunder of Tarangchi. 
Khan-i Zaman, by the advice of his companions, set out and 
crossed the waters of Sankra. When Duda and Grhazi learnt that he 
had gone in that direction with only a few men, they rode after him. 
As soon as 'Alau-d din and Mian were informed that their sons 
Ghazi and Duda had gone to join Khan-i Zaman, they also 
marched in the same direction with the intention of bringing them 
back. They reached the banks of the Sankra at the time that 
Khan-i Zaman had crossed it, while Ddda and Ghazi were only then 
preparing to pass the stream. When they saw that their fathers 
had come to take them back, they immediately threw themselves 
into the stream, swam their horses over, and joined Khan-i Zaman. 
They would not return, for they reflected that, if at this time they 
did not accompany him, the reward of their past services would be 
forfeited. In the afternoon, Khan-i ZamSn, having watered his 
horses, left the village of Eahu Madh, and that renowned lion, with 
only twelve horsemen, travelled through a large jungle the whole 
night. On arriving near the village of Tarangchi, he found the 
camels of the Sodhas there, and determined to carry them off with- 
out delay ; but it occurred to him that he had better first let his 
horses quench their thirst. With this intent he proceeded towards 
the village, and there found the tracks of five hundred horses that 
had just passed over the ground. He was alarmed, and thought 
how impossible it was to save himself with so few men against such 
a host. He, however, advanced and asked the driver of the camels 
what army had passed by that road. The man replied that Mirza 
Muhammad Baki and Mirza Jan Baba had quarrelled with each 
other, and that the former had asked the Sodhas to reinforce him. 
Hence a force of about five hundred men of the Waisa tribe had 
passed that way. The Khan's companions were much alarmed at 
this intelligence, and brought back their horses without watering 
them ; but they bravely and gallantly carried off the camels ; many 
of these animals died on account of the severe marches they had to 
make. The next day, in the afternoon, the dauntless heroes reached 
the village of Eahu Madh,' where they stayed only suf&cient time 

' [The name is here written Eihd-dhar.] 


to drink water. At nightfall they halted at the village of Pariyari. 
Early next morning they pursued their journey, and reached the 
village of Sitara, which belonged to the Anran tribe. There they 
rested themselves without fear or danger. They divided the camels 
amongst themselves. One was given to Jaish Khan, another to 
Birlas, another to 'Alau-d din, and another to Mian Sodha. 

Proceedings of Khdn-i Zamdn. 
Khan-i Zaman had his liead-quarters at Nasrpur, and comforted 
the people under his rule by his kindness and justice. 

« » O *t t> Cs <S 

As ties of relationship existed between him and the Bhattfs, 
he sent Arab horses laden with all kinds of valuable articles to the 
Eanas of the Sodha, Kara, and Bhatt( tribes, the Edwats and the 
Eathors, and the Eais and Jams of the Jhdrejas ; insomuch that the 
chiefs of 'Umarkot, Jesalmir, Bikanfa-, Nirohf, Mahwa (MfwaT?), 
Kotara, Bahalmir, Nilma, Bdrkar, Kach, Naktl, Bamdinpiir, 
Chaudiiwar, and the like, were gained by his bounty. No demand 
of service was made from them. These chiefs engraved the 
words of friendship and fidelity on their hearts, and considering 
themselves greatly honoured, were ready to exclaim : — " We are 
under great obligations to the Shah ! We can think of nothing 
else but of serviug him. For we are favoured by his generosity, 
and will never turn our faces against his commands." Being 
grateful they were always ready to obey his orders. If any 
service was required of them, they performed it with the greatest 
fidelity and submission, and whenever they were summoned they 
came willingly. As the Bhats and Charans were dependents of 
these chiefs he used to reward these family bards whenever they 
came to him, with a lakh (of rupees ?) or more. As Hewanda was 
the bard of the Bhattls, he presented him with a donation of one 
crore and a quarter, or one hundred and twenty-five lakhs (?), besides 
horses, camels, etc., which he likewise generously granted. In 
short, by the wise conduct of this great and enlightened noble, all 
men, great and small, bad and good, were as obedient to him as 


slaves. The renown of the excellent qualities of this second Hatim 
or Ma'n, was not only on the tongues of all the nobles and plebeians 
of his own land, but also spread over every part of the world. 

The Sacking of 'Umarhot. 

The appointment of the governorship of 'Umartot depended upon 
the wiU of the kings of Sind, who removed the incumbent whenever 
they thought proper. About the time when Khan-i Khdnan came to 
Sind, the governorship of that fort was held by Eana Megraj. 
Khan-i Khanan expressed a desire to be connected by marriage with 
the Bana, who having no daughter fit to be given in marriage to 
him, he was obliged to offer the hand of his brother Man Sing's 
daughter. After the death of Eana Megraj, Nawwab Mirza Janf 
Beg conferred the governorship of 'Umarkot on his son JKishau Das. 
Animosity sprang up between this chief and Man Sing, and he, 
having turned out MSn Sing from the fort, assumed the surname him- 
self. Man Sing, being related to Khan-i Khanan, sent his son to repre- 
sent the matter to him. In those days Khan-i Klianau and Nawwab 
Mirza Jani Beg were both in attendance on the Emperor Akbar at 
Burhanpur. Khan-i Khanan therefore recommended Man Sing to the 
favour of Mirza Janl Beg, who wrote to Mirza Abu-] Kasim Sultan 
directing him to place Man Sing in the governorship of the fort of 
'Umarkot, and make Kishan Das understand that he was not to oppose 
and thwart him, but that the same rule with regard to their respec- 
tive positions should be observed now, as had been established from 
of old in the family. Mir Abu-1 Kasim Sultan, in obedience to this 
mandate, proceeded from the fort of Shdhgarh' towards 'Umarkoi 
Having reached the village of Samara he alighted there, Man Sing 
being also with him. Eana Kishan' Das being informed of this, 
collected his forces, and having encamped opposite the same village, 
drew up Lis army in hostile array. The Eana Kishan Das was in 
many ways related to the noble Khan-i Zaman, one of his sisters being 
married to Mir Abu-1 Kasim, another to Shah Mukim Sultan,* and he 
himself was son-in-law of Banoha Bhatti, the maternal nephew of 

' Shdhgarh was built by Kh&u-i Zara4n on the banks of the S&nkra, " and nothing 
now remains of it exoept the Jiam^." —-Tuhfattt-l Kirdm, MS. p. 72. 
2 These two were sons of Khan-i Zam&n, 


the Khan. Some friendly people who were with the Amfr were 
anxious that no fighting should take place between the parties. 
When they expressed their intention to the Ean^ he said he con- 
sidered himself a servant of Mfr Abu-1 Kasim, and would not rebel 
against him : still Man Sing must not be allowed any interference, 
because he was the originator of these quarrels and disturbances. 
Mir Abu-1 KSsim, however, adhered to the orders he had received to 
place Man Sing in the governorship. At length, upon the instigation 
of his weU-meaning friends, the Kana resolved to go to Mfr Abu-1 
Kasim Sultan. So when he arrived, he alighted from his horse, and 
having changed his vanity and pride for humility and suppKcation, 
he advanced on foot for a long distance with his whole army, officers, 
dependants, and servants. He kissed the feet of the Sultan, and pre- 
sented him the horse on which he had himself ridden. The Sultan 
mounted and gave him his hand. He then pitched his tent near' the 
pool of Samara and passed the night there. The Eana also encamped 
on the margin of the pool. At daybreak, some of the people of the 
Mir's camp, who belonged to the Sameja tribe, went into the fields 
of the Sbdhas and began to injure them. As hostilities had pre- 
viously existed between these tribes, the Sodhas abused the Same- 
jas, and a quarreli ensued. Intelligence being brought to Mir Abu-1 
Kasim, he immediately hastened off ; and Kana Kishan Das also set 
his army in array, and advanced with intent to fight, but his heart 
failing him, he took to flight, and proceeded towards Kaurhar. Mir 
Abii-l Kasim with his followers and companions, hastened to 'Umarkot. 
When he approached the fort, a son of the Kana Kishan Das who 
was in it, not being able to oppose him, took some money with him 
and fled. Upon this, the Mi'r entered the fort and the whole family 
of the Kana were captured. But as they were related to him, they, 
together with his treasures,* were of course protected. All other 
things, however, were taken possession of by the army. Temples 
were demolished, cows were directed to be butchered, and the 
houses of the vile infidels were made to resound with the soimd 
of trumpets and horns, and their filthy idols were polluted. In 
the idolatrous places of worship Muhammadan tenets were pro- 

' [The text aaya / I'^X .,,U.< .J "in tie middle of the pool."] 
* [" Mahzdd" = zdd-i rdh, " proTisions for the ■way."] 


mulgated, and prayers were read for one entire week. He remained 
in the fort passing Ms time in festivity and pleasure. As the killing 
of cows and the breaking of idols is considered by the Sodhas to be 
the highest possible insult, the Eand felt highly indignant, and 
having returned from the village of Kam-har, he summoned the 
Sodhas from all sides and quarters to meet him at Gaddf. There 
they crowded ready to advance on 'Umarkot. They had been sub- 
jected to great ignominy, and so they were aU ready to sacrifice 
their lives in revenge. When this news reached Khan-i Zaman, he, 
reflecting that both parties were enrolled in his army, was most 
anxious that no contest should take place between them, and con- 
sequently hurried away with the intention of eifeoting a reconcilia- 
tion between them. He set out in the evening from Nasrpur, and 
having travelled the whole night arrived early the next morning at 
the village of Gaddi, where the Eana and the Sodhas had encamped. 
He sent his son Mir Shah Mukfm Sultan, M(r Fathi Beg Sultan, and 
Kana Bhatti, brother of Eam Bhatti, to the Eana, in order to appease 
and comfort him. They accordingly went to him, and so far appeased 
him that he was induced to accompany them, and had the honour of 
kissing the Khan's feet. The Khan exalted him by the grant of a 
horse and robe of honour, and spoke words of sympathy and con- 
solation. ** '* *'* •■* In the end, some of the 
plundered property was restored, but the Eana obtained only poor 





These two are different names of the same work, of which the 
author is Saiyid Jamal, son of Mir Jal41u-d din Husaini Shir^zi, 
who composed his work in the year h. 1065 (1654-5 a.d.), as we 
learn from a casual notice in the genealogical tree, to be hereafter 
mentioned. The work is named after the Moghal families of 
Arghiin and Tarkh&n respectively, whose origin will be further 
noticed in the Appendix, The Arghknr-ndma is mentioned in the 
Tuhfatu-l Kirdm as if it were a separate work, but there ia nothing 
on the Arghuns in the latter history which is not derived from 
sources at present extant and available. I could find no trace of 
such a history in Sind, and I was told by several people in that 
province, that the work under consideration was the only one known 
as the ArgMn-ndma. As it treats with sufficient copiousness 
upon the Arghiin history, as will be seen in the translated 
extract, there is no impropriety in giving it this assumed name, 
but it is obvious that the author himself styled it Tarkhdn-namd 
oulyj in compliment to his patron Mirza Muhammad Salih, who 
was of the Tarkhan family. 

There appears to have been at one time a history of that 
family of older date than this, because Saiyid Jam&l informs us, 
that the Mirz^, being most anxious to acquaint himself with the 
genealogy and history of the Moghal tribes, and especially of 
his own ancestors, in order that he might learn precisely from 
what particular chief he was descended, commissioned our author 
to send him the book called Tarkhan -ndma. This zealous indi- 


vidaal, not being able, notwithstanding all his enquiries, to find 
any book of this name, determined to compose one himself to 
supply the deficiency, and for this purpose examined and ex- 
tracted from Tabari, the Saumiu-s Sqfd, the Zafar-ndma, the 
Tarikh-i JIumdi/imi, the Akbar-ndma, the Nigdristdn, the 
Tdrikh-i Tdhiri, the Muntakhab-i be-badal Tusufi, tlie Tdrikh^i 
Guzida, the Maj'ma'u-l Ansdb, and others. And so having traced 
the progenitorship of the Tarkh&ns up to the Patriarch Noah, 
he completed what he styles his Tarkhdn-ndma. 

In this enumeration of authorities we have another flagrant 
instance of that offensive suppression of the truth which so often 
excites our indignation in the Indian historians. The work to which 
Saiyid Janial is most indebted is Mir M^asiim's Tdrikh-i Sind, from 
which he has extracted and abridged, but with many omissions,* 
the whole history of the Arghuns and Tarkhans, from the rise 
of Shah Beg, to the close of the independence of Sind under J4ni 
Beg, and to which he is indebted even for the selection of whole 
sentences, as well as the frame of the narrative ; and yet Mir 
M'asiim's name is nowhere mentioned, except where his grand- 
father Saiyid Mir Kalan (p. 96) is incidentally brought upon 
the stage. From some of the works quoted he has of course 
borrowed his Turkish genealogy, but even there his obligations 
seem to have been confined to the liauzata-s Safd, the Zafar- 
ndma, and the Majmdu-l Ansdb, which three works would have 
been sufficient to afford him all the information with which we 
are favoured on that subject. The Tdrikh-i Tdhiri, which is the 
only local history which he quotes, is, with strange inconsistency, 
not followed either for facts or dates. 

Mirza Muhammad Sdlih, who is represented to have been 
endowed with every excellence, personal and intellectual, was the 
son of Mirza 'Is4 Tarkhan, grandson of the more celebrated 
holder of the same name, who founded the Tarkhan dynasty of 

1 Amongst these may be noticed the transactions of the Arghflns with the Dh&rejas, 
M&ghis, Dahars, and E&i Khanhar of Each ; Shah Husain's proceedings at the fort 
of Diliwar, and at Pattan. in Guzerit ; the attack of Bakhshii Lang^h on Bhakkar, 
in 959 H. etc., etc. 


Sind. Mii'z4 ''tsi, the younger, was introduced to Akbar in 
1012 H., and was treated by him and his successor, Jahangir, 
with distinguished consideration. As his independence of all 
favour and pati'onage, except that bestowed by the Emperor 
himself, rendered him obnoxious to the nobles about the Court, 
they managed that he should receive only those jagirs in which 
the turbulence of the inhabitants made the collection of revenue 
difficult ;i but his bravery and good conduct defeated all these 
machiaations, and he triumphed over the jealous opposition of 
of his enemies. 

By an early acknowledgement of Shah Jahan as Emperor, 
and his proclamation of him in the 'Idgah of Ahmadabad, in 
which he anticipated the other more tardy nobles of Guzerat, 
where his jagir was then situated, he met with a distinguished 
reception from the new monarch, to whom he went to pay his 
respects on the banks of the Mahi. He was shortly afterwards 
preferred to the Subadari of Thatta, where he was directed to 
seize the person of Shariru-1 Mulk at all hazards. Having suc- 
ceeded in sending this gallant but obnoxious individual a prisoner 
to the Imperial Court, he received the honour of a Nmthat, a lac 
of rupees in cash, and the increase of 1000 to his personal rank. 
He obtained subsequently the Siibad^ri of Guzerdt, and died full 
of years and titles at the advanced age of ninety-five, in the year 
1061 H. (1651 A.U.), four years previous to the composition of 
this work. 

Mirza Muhammad Salih succeeded to some portion of the 
honours of his father, and the other members of the family had 
each a separate provision assigned to them by the royal mu- 

The Tarkhdn-ndma, after a preface of three pages, opens with 

a genealogical tree from Noah to Muhammad Salih, extending 

through twenty-eight pages. We then have an abstract history 

of the Kh3,ns of Turkistan, and of Changiz Khdn, and his de- 

1 At this very time we find an Englishman complaining of the same treatment, by 
■which, through the intrigues of the ministers, the king's kind intentions were ren- 
dered of none effect. 


scendants who ruled in trin, in forty pages ; the 'History of the 
Arghiins in twenty-three pages ; of the Tarkhans in thirty-three 
pages ; concluding with the death of Mirza 'rsa Tarkhdn above- 
mentioned. Altogether, 127 pages 4to. (12x9 inches) of 17 
lines each. The style is elegant, but, from a comparison with 
the original authorities, it will appear that its best graces are 
borrowed. Like other local histories of Sind, it is rare out of that 

The Arghun Dynasty of Kandahar and Sind} 

It is related by historians that Amir Zu-n. Nun, son of Am(r 
Basri, one of the descendants of Arghun Khan Tarthan, son of 
Abaka Khan, son of Hulaku KhSn, eon of Tuli Khan, son of Changiz 
Khan, a soldier distinguished for courage and bravery among the 
warriors of his tribe,' was employed by Abu Sa'id Mirzd, and on all 
occasions acted up to his former character. By this conduct he 
became a great favourite of Sultdn Abu Sa'id. The honours and re- 
wards he received subjected him to the envy and jealousy of his 
fellows, for his rank was elevated above that of all his relations. 

When Sultan Abii Sa'id was slain in the battle of Karabagh, 
Amir Zu-n Nun retired to his father in Hirat. He served for a short 
time under Yadgar Mirza. Afterwards, when Sultan Husain 
succeeded to the throne of Khurasan, Mirza Amir Misri' died, Amir 
Zu-n Niin his son was regarded with favour by Sultin Husain Mirz£, 
who assigned him the chiefship of Grhor, Zamindawar and Kandahar, 
In these countries the warlike tribes of Hazira and Takdari had 
complete power.* Amir Zu-n NAn, in the year 884 h. (1479-80 a.d.), 
proceeded in that direction with a small body of his tribesfolk (aZAs) 
For some time he was engaged in hostilities with these people, and, 
being in all battles victorious and successful, he brought the countries 
into subjection to his rule. The Hazara, Takdari, and aU the other 

> [Page 71 to 99 of the text]. 

2 The word rendered ''tribe" is ulus. — SeeErskine's BaJer, Yol. I, 19, 24. 
» [Frequently written " Basrl."] 

< The reading is doubtful : Takdari or Nakdari. If the latter, they are probably 
the same as the If akodari. 


tribes having seen this, quietly submitted to his authority and made 
no further opposition. The services of Amir Zu-n Nun were so 
highly approved of, that Sultan Husain bi-1 Karar made him abso- 
lute governor of Kandahar, Ghor, and other countries. After some 
time Amfr Zu-n Nun Misri obtained independent power in those 
pro\'inces, and he also encroached upon the territories of Shal, 
Mustung, and their dependpQcies. In the course of four more 
years he was in command of a large force and had entirely attached 
to his interest the people of Hazara, Takdari, Kipchak, and the 
Moghals of Kandahar. On hearing this, Sultan Husain sent an 
imperative order, requiring him to present himself without delay 
at the imperial court. The Amfr acted accordingly, and on his 
arrival at court made the usual presents. The people were all 
loud in their praises of his loyalty and fidelity, and consequently the 
Sultan presented him with a vest of honour, a richly caparisoned 
horse, kettle drums, and banner, and also granted him a royal patent 
of investiture. He then ordered him to leave his son and suite at 
the court, and himself proceed to Kandahar. Immediately on 
receipt of this order, the Amir seized the first opportunity of 
secretly taking his son and the nobles who had attended him, and 
marched with great rapidity to Kandahar, leaving, however, his 
property, arms, etc., behind him in his residence. In the course 
of two or three days the Sultan ordered that the Amir should 
not leave the court for Kandahar until after the festival of Nauroz. 
The royal messengers, on arriving at the Amir's residence, discovered 
the flight, and reported to the Sultan the state of afiairs. The 
Sultan, on hearing of it, remarked that the Amir had evidently 
departed without any intention of returning. But the prince and 
the nobles argued that his having left horses, camels, carpets, and 
other property behind him was a proof that his absence would 
not be of long diiration. The Sultan then said that his flight was 
only another proof of his ready wit and sagacity. However, regrets 
were now unavailing, a.h. 911 (1505 a.d.) Sultan Husain died, and 
the affairs of the kingdom of Khurasan fell into complete disorder. 

Affairs were thus situated when in the Muhaxram of the year 
913 H. (May, 1607) Muhammad Khan Shaibani Uzbek crossed the 
Jfhun with an enormous army, like a swarm of ants or locusts, 


which he had collected for the purpose of conquering Khurasin. 
Badi'u-2 Zamau MirzS, son of the late Sultan Husain, was in great 
alarm and consternation at the approach of this army, and instantly- 
sent information of the fact to Amfr Zu-n Nun.' The Amir con' 
suited with his sons and nobles, who aU entertained different 
opinions on the subject, but the Amir declared that he considered 
it incumbent on him to march to the support of the Sultan, and 
that courage and humanity alike forbade him to remain inactive 
during this crisis. He said that his return was not to be hoped 
for, as the tTzbek army was powerful and numerous in the extreme, 
and the fortunes of the house of Sultan. Husain were in their decline. 
Accordingly, he assembled a friendly body of Arghun and Tarkhan 
troops, and marched to the succour of the Prince Badi'u-z Zaman. 
Having arrived at the camp, he Was received with every honour. 
The same day the army of the Uzbeks and of Ma-warau-n nahr 
crossed the liver. Numerous signs of the approach of Muhammad 
Khan Shaibani's overwhelming force were evident. Upon reaching 
the field of the approaching contest, the Prince having reviewed his 
troops, formed up in order of battle, and from both armies the shouts 
of the warriors and the roll of the kettle-drums resounded to the 
vault of heaven. 

The Amir, with a body of his bold well-mounted horsemen, com- 
menced the attack, and by an impetuous charge, completely routed 
a body of the enemy, and threw thein into utter confusion. In 
vain : for as wave follows wave, column after column of the Uzbeks 
came on in endless succession to the attack, till at last the Khura- 
sanfs, unable to contend any longer with such disproportionate 
numbers, turned rein' and fled. A scene of the wildest and most 
hopeless confusion ensued. The Amir, however, with a small band 
of his trusty and indomitable warriors, maintained his ground, now 
standing on the defensive, now charging one wing of the enemy, and 
now the other. The field was dyed with blood. Thus they fought 
bravely and desperately until the Uzbeks closing in on every side, 
the Amir was woundedt and thrown from bis horse. Disdaining 

1 Prince Badi'u-z Zamka was married ts a daughter of Amir Zd-n Niin. — See HIr 
M'asfim's Tdrikh-i Siitd, p. 103. 

VOL. I. 20 


the quarter offered him by the Uzbeks, who hoped to take him a 
prisoner in triumph to Muhammad Khan, he fell, covered with 

8Mh Beg Arghiin. 

Shah Beg Arghiin son of Zu-n Nun, was, on the death of the 
Amir, placed by the unanimous voice of the chiefs on the, vacant 
throne. He confirmed all his father's appointments, and gave the 
holders of them robes of honour. He displayed an unparalleled 
example of equity and justice, by which conduct he so won the 
hearts of his soldiery, that they became his most devoted and 
obedient subjects. Shah Beg always consorted with the most dis- 
tinguished and scientific men in his kingdom. 

At this time Muhammad Khan, having subdued the whole of 
Khurasan, approached Kara with the determination of adding 
Kandahar also to his dominions. On his arrival at Garmsir, Shah 
Beg sent messengers to him offering his allegiance and submission. 
He promised that he would express the same at a personal inter- 
view. Muhammad Khan was satisfied with this concession and 
went back. 

In the year 915 h. (1509 a.d.). Shah Isma'il the second, 
having overcome and killed Muhammad Khan in battle, took 
possession of Khurasan. The Shah attained to the greatest power, 
so much so that the surrounding nations dreaded his might and 

At this juncture Warash Khan marched upon Kara, and set up 
his standard. Shah Beg in alarm at this threatened invasion, con- 
sulted with his ministers, showing them the imminent danger his 
country was in — ^threatened on one side by Shah Isma'il, the con- 
queror of Khurasan, and on the other by Babar Badshah, who had 
already reached Kabul, both with avowed warlike intentions. He 
pointed out to them the necessity of providing a retreat iu case 
of their losing Kandahdr. It was at length resolved to seize the 
Siwi territory, and in the year 917 h. (1511 a.d.), he set out from 
Kandahar, and having reached Shal, there made preparations for 
the ensuing campaign. On his arrival at Siwi he invested the fort. 
The descendants of Sultan Purdili Birlas, who ruled in Siwi, 


advanced to oppose him with three thousand men of the Buluch 
tribe as well as other forces. The army of Shah Beg proved com- 
pletely victorious. The enemy was utterly overthrown, many were 
killed in action, and the survivors fled towards Sind. Shah Beg 
entered Siwf in triumph, and made a short stay there, during which 
time he built houses, laid out gardens, and raised a fort which he 
strongly garrisoned, and, having appointed Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, one 
of the most distinguished of his nobles, to be governor, he returned 
to Kandahar. 

Ann. Hij. 919 (a.d. 1513), the Emperor Zahiru-d din Muhammad 
Babar having determined upon the conquest of Kandahar, marched 
upon it with a powerful and numerous army. Shah Beg collected his 
forces, Tsdth sufficient provisions and munitions of war to enable him. 
to sustain a siege, shut himself up in the fort and posted his men on 
the walls and bastions. On the arrival of the Emperor in the vicinity 
of the city, he was attacked by disease, and became very feeble. 
His ministers and nobles on this became disaffected and mutinous. 
Shah Beg, having learnt the state of affairs, sent the leading men of 
Kandahdr with instructions to negociate a peace. The Emperor, 
consenting to the terms, despatched Khwaja Jalalu-d din with suit- 
able presents, and returned to Kabul. Shah Beg then withdrew 
after a short time to Siwi, and made a stay there. Having assem- 
bled a general council, he pointed out to them that the Emperor 
Babar having once found his way to Kandahar, would not rest 
contented imtil he had conquered and brought it under his own 
rule ; that it behoved them to consult their own and the country's 
safety. In pursuance of this idea, he, at the beginning of the winter 
season, raised a force of 1000 horse, and despatched them from Siwf 
to Sind. This force, on the 7th of Zi-1 Ka'da h. 920 (Dec. 1514), 
attacked and took the villages of Kakan and Baghban. These 
villages were so densely populated, that, in the sack, 1000 camels, 
employed on the garden- wells merely, were taken ; from this, some 
idea may be formed of the wealth of the two places.' After re- 
maining there a week, they returned with their spoil to Siwi. 

' Both these places were in the Sarkar of Siwi. The former has since become 
famous for its gallant defence by our troops. — Tdrihh-i Tdhiri, MS. p. 48 ; Tarkhan- 
ndma, MS. p. 48 ; Tuhfatu-l kirdm, p, 124. 


A.H. 921 (1515 A.D.). The Emperor Babar put into execution 
the design Shah Beg had foreseen, and having marched upon Kanda- 
har, laid siege to the fort and commenced mining it. The siege was 
carried on with vigour, and all supplies being cut off, a great dearth 
of grain ensued in the oity. At this crisis, however, the Emperor's 
army was so weakened by fever, that a peace was again agreed 
upon. Whereupon, the Emperor returned to Kabul. 

In this same year. Shah Hasan Mirza having quarrelled with his 
father, left him, and went to the Court of the Emperor Babar, and 
being by him received with hospitality and distinction, he remained 
there two years. The Emperor observed that his visit was not from 
any affection entertained towards himself by Shah Hasan, but in 
order that he might learn the art of governing rightly, and at the 
same time perfect himself in the ceremonies of the Court. At length. 
Shah Hasan, with the Emperor's permission, returned to Kandahar. 

A.H. 922 (1516 A.D.) The Emperor Babar again assembled an 
army, and marched upon Kandahar, and he was yet in the jungle 
when the fort was invested. Shah Beg, wearied and harassed by 
these repeated invasions, sent Shaikh Abii Sa'id Purani to negotiate 
a peace ; tlie terms agreed upon were that in the ensuing year 
the government of Kandahar should be made over to the officers of 
the Emperor Babar. Having ratified this treaty, the Emperor re- 
turned to Kabul. In pursuance of this arrangement. Shah Beg, 
A.H. 923 (1517 A.D.), sent the keys of the fort of Kandahar to the 
Imperial Court, by the hands of Mir Ghlasu-d din, grandson of 
Khondamir, author of the Sabibu-s Siyar, and father of Mir Abu-1 
Makaxim, and grandfather of 'Abdu-Uah Sultan. This ratification 
of the cession was approved of by his majesty.^ 

After the subjugation of his country, Shah Beg remained two 
years in Shal and Siwi, reduced to penury and distress. In such 
straits was he, that his army was compelled during this period to 
subsist upon nothing but -carrots, turnips, and other such vegetables. 
Towards the end of the year 924 A.H. (1518 a.d.), he made warlike 
preparations for the conquest of Sind. In consequence of the re- 
moval of Mirza Tsa, he left Sultan 'Alf Arghun and Zibak Tarkh^, 

' An incorrect parentage is ascribed in the text to this learned envoy. See the 
articles Khdlasatu-l Akhbar and Hab£bu-s SnAR, in VoL II. 


with a number of men for the protection of the forts of Siwi and 
and Ganjawa. He despatched a-head of his army a force of 200 
horse under Mir Fazil Kokaltfish, and himself followed at the head 
of 300 more. On entering the Sind territory, he soon reached Bagh- 
ban, he learnt that an army of Samejas, under the command of 
Mahmud Khdn, son of Darya Khan, was encamped at Thatta, four 
kos from Siwistan, and prepared to do battle. Shah Beg halted at 
Baghban, where he was well received by the principal inhabitants. 
He then resumed his march through the Lakki hills towards 
Thatta, and at last reached that river which in those days ran 
to the north of Thatta.' Being unprovided with means of transit, 
he stopped for some days on the bank, revolving in his mind how 
to effect a passage. At this juncture, the men on guard perceived 
that a man driving a laden ass was fording the river from the 
opposite bank. He was seized and compelled by menaces to show 
the way through the ford." 'Abdu-r Eahman Daulat Shahi then 
plunged on horseback into the river, reached the other bank and 
then returned and reported the fact to Shah Beg, who availing 
himself of this information, on the 15th day of Muharram a.h. 
927 (December, 1520), crossed the river with his force, and marched 
towards the city of Thatta, On which, Darya Khan, the adopted' 
son of Jam Nanda, having left Jam Firoz in garrison at Thatta, 
hastened at the head of his army to give the Amir battle. 

After a long, bloody, and well-contested action, in which Darya 
Khan, with a host of Sammas, was killed, victory declared itself in 
favour of Shah Beg. On receipt of this disastrous intelligence, 
Jam Firoz left Thatta and fled without stopping untU he reached 
the village of Pirar" with a heavy heart. Thatta was given up 
to plunder till the 20th of the month, in the course of which 
the inhabitants were treated with merciless severity,, and many of 
them were carried into captivity. The holy text, " Surely when 

> See Appendix, 

" Plutarch in his life of Antony, tells ns that a costermonger^ Eutychus, who per- 
formed a somewhat similar service for Augustus, hefore the hattle of Actium, was 
rewarded by the grateful Emperor with a statue of himself and of his ass, with an 
equally auspicious name, Nikon. This beautiful work of art was destroyed, with toe 
many others, by the barbarous Franks on their capture of Constantinople, 

* This place is in the hilly tract north of Thatta. 


kings enter a village tkey destroy it," was fully exemplified in 
this instance. At last, by the strenuous exertions of Kazi Kazin 
a most distinguished scholar, these outrages were put an end to, and 
proclamation was made to the effect that the people of the city were 
to remain undisturbed.' The fugitive Jam Firoz remained, with a 
few men who had accompanied him, at Pirar, his family being still 
at Thatta. At length, finding that nothing was left for him 
but submission, he despatched a messenger to Shah Beg, humbly 
intreating forgiveness, and expressing his willingness to submit 
himself unconditionally to the wiU and pleasure of his conqueror, 
with most solemn promises of future good conduct. 

Shah Beg moved by that generosity which distinguished him, and 
having pity on the miserable condition of his vanquished enemy, 
received the messenger most graciously, and granted him a robe 
of honour, at the same time sending a friendly answer to Jam 
Firoz,' who on the receipt of it came with a number of his friends, 
towards the end of the month Safar, to Thatta, dressed in most 
humble guise, a sword hanging from his neck to express his com- 
plete subjection. He was permitted the honour of kissing the 
hands of Shah Beg. He then repeated his expressions of sorrow 
and contrition. Shah Beg, having assured him of his forgiveness, 
invested him with the robe of honour which Sultan Husain Mirzd 
had before bestowed on Mir Zu-n Nun, and conferred on him 
the governorship of Thatta. He then held a conference with his 
nobles and ministers. The Sind territory, he declared, was too 
extensive for his own immediate government and control. It was 
therefore advisable to divide it, assigning one half to Jam Firoz, 
and keeping the other under his own management. They all 
concurred, and it was arranged that the territory extending from 
the Lakki hills, near Siwistan, to Thatta, should be assigned to 
Jam Firoz, while the upper part from the same hills should 
remain in his own possession. Having settled this. Shah Beg 
marched in the direction of Siwistan. The inhabitants of this 
place, dreading the arrival of the victorious army fled to Thati, and 

' The Tdrikh-i Sind (p. 139), mates Mm, in true Oriental fashion, take an arrow 
from his quiTCr, which he gives to Kkzi K&ziu, to show that he was really accredited 
by the Moghal plunderer. 


having joined themselTes with the Sa'ta and Stimra tribes,' formed 
themselYes in order of tattle and advanced to give fight. An 
obstinate battle ensued, in which Shah Beg proved again victorious ; 
his adversaries fled, and he took possession of the fort of Siwistan. 
Having put it in complete repair, he placed in it some of his most 
distinguished- nobles, among others Mir 'Alaika Arghun, Sultan 
Mukim Beg-Lar, Kaibuk Arghun, and Ahmad Tarkhan; all these 
he ordered to erect houses in the fort for themselves. He then took 
his departure for Bhakkar, and after several days marchiag arrived 
at the plain surrounding Sakhar. A few days after he reached 
Bhakkar, where he was much gratified with the fort and town. 
Having visited and inspected these, he laid out the town, assigning 
various quarters to his officers and soldiers. He caused a plan to be 
made of the fort, and placed it in the care of his principal officers, in 
order that, each one doing his part, they might put it into complete 
repair. The hard bricks for this purpose were provided by the 
destruction of the fort of Alor (anciently the seat of government) 
and of the houses of the Turk and Samma people in the suburbs of 
Bhakkar.* In a short space of time the works were finished. He 
fixed on the citadel of the fort as a residence for himself, and 
Mirza Shah Husain; he also permitted Mir Fazil Kokaltash, Sultan 
Muhammad, keeper of the seal, and one or two others to reside 
in it. He employed a whole year in finishing the buildings 
in the fort and settling the afi'airs of his subjects. 

A.H. 928 (1522 A.D.) Shah Beg left Payinda Muhammad Tarkhan 
in charge of Bhakkar, and advanced with a considerable army to the 
conquest of Gruzerat. During his progress down the river, he 
swept the country on both banks from the foul inhabitants. On 
the arrival of the army at Chainduka, Mir FazU Kokaltash was 
taken dangerously iU, and after lingering a few days died. This 
incident so affected Shah Beg that an idea took possession of his 
mind that the death of his friend was a warning of the near approach 

1 [ *7 in the text.] Mir M'aslim (p. 141) has, Talahti, instead of That! and 

Samma instead of Sa'ta. " Sihta" is probably the correct reading, which we find 
sometimes applied to the Sammas. Another copy reads Sodha instead of Sfimra. 

2 Mir M'as<im adds that the Saiyids were turned out of Bhakkar, and allowed a 
space of ground in Rori, whereon to build new houses. — Tdrikhi-i Sind, 150. 


of his own. Shortly after, intelligence was received of the Emperor 
Babar's arrival in the vicinity of Bhara and Khushib, with the 
avowed intention of conquering the country of Hindust^. On 
hearing this, Shah Beg observed that Babar had no intention of 
leaving him at peace, but that he would ultimately seize Sind, either 
from him or his descendants. It was needful therefore to seek out 
some other asylum. Having said this, he complained of a violent 
pain in his bowels. Every remedy was tried to alleviate it, but in 
vain, for in the month Sha'ban, 928 h. (June, 1522), after a reign 
of fifteen years. Shah Beg died, without having been able to effect 
his intention of entering Guzerat. " Shahr Sha'ban" is the chrono- 
gram of his death. 

Mirzd Shah Husain Arghun. 

On the death of Shah Beg, in a.h. »28 (1522 a.d.), Shah Husain 
Arghun succeeded to the throne.' He conferred dresses of honour 
and marks of his favour on those chiefs, judges, nobles, and 
ministers who had assembled to congratulate him on his accession. 
As this event took place at the end of the Eamazan, when the 
great festival was about to be celebrated, the nobles about his 
person represented that on this great and memorable occasion it 
were well that the Khutba were read in his name. This he refused 
to permit, saying that as long as any descendant of the Sahib-kiran 
(Timiir) existed, no other man could assume this privilege. Accord- 
mgly the Khutba was read in the name of the Emperor Zahiru-d 
dfn Muhammad Babar. During the celebration of the festival, the 
Shah remained in the same place. In the meantime he received 
intelKgence how that Jam Firoz and the people of Thatta had heard 
with delight of the demise of Shah Beg, and had beaten their drums 
in token of joy and gratification. Incensed at these proceedings, 
Mirza Shah Husaia having consulted with his minister, and having 
come to the conclusion that the prosecution of his father's designs 
on Guzerat was not advisable, ordered his army to march on 
Thatta in order to destroy Jam Ffroz. News of this determination 
soon reached Thatta, and Jam Firoz, being utterlj' unable to oppose 

' Some authorities give the name as Hasan, as in page 308 supra ; but the other is 
the best authenticated. Eespeoting Shkh Beg's death, see the Appendix. 


the army maxohiag against him, hastily fled from the city, and 
crossing the river in despair took his way towards Kach. When he 
reached Chaohkan and Eahman, he collected an army of about 
50,000 horse and foot. With this formidable force, consisting 
of the people of Sind and the Samma tribe, he returned with the 
intention of coming to an engagement with Mirza Shah Husain, who 
at the head of his ever victorious troops, had already arrived at the 
city of Thatta. On hearing of the force which Jam Firoz was 
bringing against him, the Shah having left a body of men for the 
protection of the city, the inhabitants being in a state of the greatest 
alarm, marched out with the view of bringing the enemy to an 
engagement. On nearing the Sindian army, he formed his troops in 
order of battle, and advanced. Suddenly he came in view of the 
enemy, who, greatly alarmed at the sight of the Moghals, dis- 
mounted, left their horses, doffed their turbans, tied the comers of 
each other's clothes together, and thus engaged in the conflict. 
Mirza Shah Husain knew it to be the custom of the people of Sind 
and Hind, when resolved upon fighting to the death, to leave their 
horses, and bare-headed and bare-footed, tie themselves together by 
each other's clothes and waistbands, — so he saw these preparations 
with delight, and congratulating his nobles and officers on the 
evident despair of the enemy, and the consequent assurance of 
victory to themselves, gave the order for the attack. On this, his 
troops armed with their bows and arrows, and sword in hand, 
rushed vehemently to the charge, spreading consternation and 
dismay in the ranks of the enemy. Prom morning to evening the 
battle was bloodily contested. Nearly 20,000 men feU on the field, 
till at last, Jam Firoz, being defeated, fled, covered with shame and 
disgrace, to Guzerat, where he remained until his death. Mirza 
Shah Husain remained for tiiree days on the field of battle, distri- 
buting the horses and all other booty amongst hia people, and 
showering rewards upon his officers ; he then returned in triumph 
to Thatta. Thence he went tb Tughlikabad, where he remained 
six months, when he proceeded towards Bhakkar. On his arrival 
within thirty kos of the city, all the leading men came out to meet 
and congratulate him, and were received with every honour. In 
this year also, Shaikh Bulaki came from Kandahar to Sind to visit 


After the lapse of two years, a.h. 930 (1524 a.d.), Mirza Shah. 
Husain came to the determination to invade Multan, in pursuance 
of which design he ordered his nobles and generals to make the 
necessary arrangements. At the commencement of the year a.h. 931 
(1525 A.D.), he started on this expedition. On reaching the city of 
ITch he found the Buluchis and Langahs prepared to fight. The 
Multan army in those days was a hundred-fold greater than the 
Mirza's, yet he, trusting in Divine assistance, drew up his army 
with great care and circumspection, and with his Moghal troops 
began the battle. "When these two brave armies confronted each 
other, the Moghals employed their deadly fire, and the Langahs and 
Buluchis plied their bows and arrows. The contest was sharp, but 
victory at length declared itself in favour of Mirza Shah Husain. 
Many of the Langahs were slain, the rest fled. The fort was 
captured, and orders were given to demolish the buildings in .the 
city of Uch. 

The news of the Shah's success soon reached the ears of Sultan 
Muhammad Langah, the ruler of Multan.' Whereupon he des- 
patched parties in all directions, with instructions to levy forces with 
the greatest celerity. In accordance with these orders, within the 
course of a month, an army consisting of 80,000 horse and foot, 
composed of men of the Buluoh, Jat, Eind, Dadi, and other tribes, 
was raised.'* At the head of his large and powerful force, the Sultan 
set out from Multan. The Mirza on hearing of these numbers being 
brought against him, took up a position on the banks of the Ghara 
and there awaited the attack of the enemy. Sultan Mahmiid re- 
mained for a month in the suburbs of Multan for the purpose of 
constructing such engines as might be required, and of amply pro- 
viding his army with the necessary munitions and stores. Having 
effected this he resumed his march. The Sultan, inflated with pride 
and puffed up with a certainty of victory, at last arrived at Beg. 
Here it happened that Shaikh Shujd' Bakhari, the son-in-law of the 

1 The original says Sultin Husain, but he had died more than twenty years before 
this event. 

2 The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 46), says that the Eind is a Buliich tribe. They are 
still a very influential and powerful clan. See Masson's Journey to Keldt, p. 322. 
Mir M'asiStn adds to these tribes by naming also the KanrM and Chindya. — Tdrikh-i 
Sind, p. 185, 


Sultan, a man possessed of great influence in the political and fiscal 
affairs of the State, was detected in an intrigue in the royal harem. 
This having come to the knowledge of the Sultan, he was so 
enraged, that the Shaikh saw his only safety lay in the death of 
the Sultan. Having obtained from the treasury the deadly poison 
there deposited for the destruction of those obnoxious to the State, 
he administered it to Sultan Mahmiid. The army, which consisted 
chiefly of Buluchis, being thus deprived of its head, the greatest con- 
fusion reigned. 

The Langahs placed Sultan Husaiu, son of the late Sultan Mah- 
mtid, upon the vacant throne, and finding it necessary to make peace, 
they sent the holy Shaikh Bahau-d-din to negociate a treaty. The 
Shaikh submitted his terms to Mirza Shah Husain, who approved 
and ratified them. The Mirza then returned, and on his arrival at 
Uoh, ordered another fort to be erected there. In the mean time, 
Langer Ehan, one of the late Sultan Mahmud's nobles, came to the 
Mirza and informed him that, owing to the youth of Sultan Husain, 
he was unfit to conduct the Government of Multan, — that the duties 
of the State were neglected, and that in consequence of the tyranny 
and oppression, rebellions and insurrections had broken out in the 
city; that all the greatest and best disposed of the inhabitants 
were desirous of another ruler. He ended by imploring the Mirza 
to march again upon Multan. Mirza Shah Husain complied with 
this request, and on reaching the city laid close siege to the fort, 
which was garrisoned by the Langah army. Desultory fighting 
took place daily between the two forces. At length a great scarcity 
of provisions took place in the city. This increased to such an 
extent that even the head of a cow was valued at ten tankas, while 
the price of grain rose to 100 tankas per maund. After some time 
had elapsed, a party of soldiers one morning forced the gate of the 
city. The troops rushed in and captured the place. All the in- 
habitants of the city, from seven years of age up to seventy, were 
taken prisoners, the city was given up to plunder, and very many 
of the Langah tribe were slain. On this, Mirza Shah gave orders 
that no further hurt should be done to the survivors. 

Sultan Husain and his sisters were brought before the Mirza by 
the venerable Shaikh Bahau-d din ; and Mirza Shah, for the sake of 


tteir reverend protector, received them kindly, and abstained from 
doing them any injury. 

After a stay of two months in the city, the Mirza left Khw^ja 
Shamsu-d dfn, with a force of 200 horse, 100 foot, and 100 gunners 
under him in charge of Multan, and having sent a message to the 
Court of the Emperor, Zahiru-d din Babar, offering Multan to him, 
he returned to Bhatkar ; and thence went to Thatta, where, having 
inspected and satisfied himself as to the proper management of the 
surrounding country, he fixed his abode, and passed fifteen years in 
the enjoyment of peace and tranquility. 

In the Eamazan a.h. 949 (Dec. 1542, a.d.), the Emperor Nasiru-d 
din Hamuyun on account of the rebellion of Shir Khan Afgh&i 
came from Lahore towards Sind. Having taken up his quarters 
in the town of Lahari (Eori), he established his own residence 
within the walls of the delightful garden of Babarliika. Sultan 
MahmAd desolated the country, and himself took refuge in the fort 
of Bhakkar. The Emperor sent Amfr Tahir Sadar and Samandar 
Beg to Mirza Shah Husain in Thatta, reminding him of the ties of 
amity and friendship which had existed between the Tarkhans and 
the late Emperor Babar. Mirza Shah Husain paid much honour to 
the royal messengers, and said that if the Emperor intended to 
invade Gnzerat, he, the Mirza, attMided by his whole army, woiild 
accompany him on the expedition, and not return till the conquest 
had been effected. He also made over to him the tract extending 
from Hala Kandi to Bitura on the other side of the river, to defray 
the expenses of the royal household. He sent Shaikh Mirak Purani 
and Mirza Kasim Tafaf to the Emperor, bearing similar terms and 
suitable presents. On their amval there, they expressed the Mirzd's 
loyalty and presented the petition of which they were the bearers. 
After a few days, the Emperor dismissed the ambassadors, and wrote 
with his own hand a lettar to their master, to the following effect : 
"To Shah Husain, greeting (after the usual compliments), I comply 
with your request on this condition, namely, that you serve me 
with fidelity. Farewell I" 

Mirza Shah Husain had formed his determination to present him- 
seK to the Emperor at a personal interview. The Arghun nobles 
' [To^cA/— musketeers?] 


were, however, of a different opinion, and altogether adverse to sub- 
mitting themselves, and by their cunning and designing arts raised 
a quarrel, by which means they prevented Shah Husain from fol- 
lowing the dictates of his own judgment. The Emperor remained 
at Babarluka for five months in the full expectation that Shah 
Husain woxild come to meet him, and having sworn allegiance 
would become a faithful ally. Having been informed as to the 
intentions of the Arghiins, he marched with his army on the 
first of Jumada-1 Awwal a.h. 948 (Aug.-SeJ)t., 1541), towards 
Siwistan; on his arrival at which place, he laid siege to the 
fort. Mirza Husain having received intelligence of this move- 
ment, came from Thatta and formed an entrenched camp. The 
Emperor ordered mines to be dug under the fort, by means 
of which he succeeded in destroying one basti-on. The garrison 
however, speedily remedied the injury done to their defences by 
raising another wall. The Emperor saw that ■ the Arghuns had 
strengthened the work, and was aware that he was altogether 
unprovided with the engines necessary for the successful termina- 
tion of the siege. Seven months had now elapsed since he first laid 
siege to the fort. Mirza Shah Husain succeeded in stopping the 
conveyance of supplies to the besieguig army, which moreover were 
impeded by contrary winds and the rising of the river. Owing to 
these unfortunate circumstances, the army was greatly distressed. 
At this juncture the Emperor received a petition from Eaja Maldep 
of Jodpur, intimating that during his majesty's absence, the Eaja 
had continued his faithful servant, and hoped for his arrival. 
Should the Emperor deem it fit to bring his ever prosperous army, 
the Eaja was at his service with 20,000 Eajptits, and would accom- 
pany the Imperial army to whatever place it may be directed to 

In consequence of this invitation, in Eabi'u-1 Awwal, a.h. 949 
(May- June, 1542), the Emperor marched towards the territories 
of Eaja Maldeo. After some marches, he approached near them, but 
was there informed by some irdiabitants of the surrounding coimtry 
of the sinister views entertained by Mdldeo, who, they said, had 
invited him only because Sher Khdn Afghan had placed a force in 
ambuscade for the purpose of attacking and plijadering the army. 


On hearing tUs, the Emperor became alarmed, and was much down- 
cast, and after consultation he left the Jodpur territory, and marched 
with great speed to Satalmir. Thence he rapidly proceeded to 
Jesalmir, and from thence he continued his journey to 'Umaxkot. 
During his march hither his army suffered much from drought. On 
his arrival, Dair Sal the chief, accompanied by his people, came out 
to meet him, and kissed his stirrup.^ He cleared the fort of its 
occupants and assigned it to the use of the Emperor, who remained 
in it for some days. 

The people of Thatta sent the great Saiyid 'Ali Shirazi, who was 
Shaikhu-1 Islam at that time, with presents of fruits and perfumes ; 
the star of his prosperity again arose from the horizon of greatness. 

On Sunday, the 5th of Eajab, a.h. 949 (15th October, 1542), was 
bom the great Emperor Jalalu-d din Muhammad Akbar. His father 
rejoiced greatly at the birth of a son. The first clothes of the child 
were, for the sake of superior sanctity, made out of the garments of 
the aforesaid Saiyid. As there was in 'Umarkot no place fitted for 
the residence of a king, the Court was compelled to remove to Sind. 
Having set out they reached the town of Jun, situated on the banks 
of the Eain. This place is celebrated amongst the cities of Sind for 
the number and beauty of its gardens, abounding in rivulets which 
present fresh and delightful scenes. In these gardens, the Emperor 
remained for some days, within sight of the tovni. Mirza Husain 
also came with his forces into its vicinity, and there encamped. 
Daily skirmishes took place in the environs of the town between the 
followers of the two camps. One day, Ti'mur Sultan, Shaikh 'AU 
Beg, and Tardi Beg Khan, with a body of men, made preparations 
to attack a fort which was filled with grain. Mirza Shah Husain's 
officer. Sultan Mahmud Khan Bhakkari, being apprized of their 
design, took a large force, and in the morning attacked them. 
Shaikh 'Ali Beg with his sons, stood his ground until he was slain ; 
others of his force were also kiUed in this engagement. Their 
adversaries also suffered heavy loss. The Emperor, grieved at the 
occurrence, contracted a disgust for Sind, and determined upon going 
to Kandahar. 

^ The Tuhfatu-l Eirdm (p. 60) gives this name " ESina Wair S&l." Mir ACtmcm 
(p. 213) has " Rkn.k Bair SM." 


In the meantime, on tlie 7th of Muharram a.h. 950, (12th 
April, 1543, a.d.), Bairam Khan came, unattended, from Guzerat, 
and having met the Emperor attempted to console him. He en- 
deavoured with success to negociate a peace between the contending 
parties. Shah Husain, delighted with the prospect of peace, readily- 
agreed to the proposal, and sent the Emperor 100,000 miskals in 
cash, all the equipage required for travelling (which he caused 
to be prepared), with 300 horse and an equal number of camels. A 
bridge also was built near the town, on which the Emperor observed 
that the Arabic words Sirdt mustaMm, signifying " a strong bridge," 
formed the chronogram of the date of the treaty and the construction 
of the bridge, i.e. a.h. 950, (a.d. 1543-4). On the 7th of Eabi'-ul 
Akhir of the same year, the Emperor marched towards Kandahar 
and Mirza Shah Husain returned to Thatta. It is said that the 
Mirza became, towards the end of his life, afflicted with palsy. He 
chose as his companions men of loose character and mean extrac- 
tion. The Moghals, Tarfchans, and others, being unable to obtain 
an audience at the Court, remained in their own houses. Daily, men 
of notoriously bad character were raised to preferment ; for instance, 
early in the year 960 (1553 a.d.), the Arhdhi, or prefecture of the 
city, was conferred upon 'Arabi Kahi, while the premiership was 
entrusted to Isma'il, an innkeeper. Towards the close of the same 
year, Mirza Shah Husain made 'Arabi Kahl his viceregent in the 
fort of Tughlikabad, and installed Shaibah and Eafik, two slaves 
whom he had purchased and made his most confidential advisers, 
as superintendents of the city. Having thus placed all the Moghals, 
Arghuns, Tarkhans, etc., under the control of 'Arabi Kahi, he him- 
self went to Bhakkar. 

It happened that the sons of 'Arabi Kahi, being rapacious and 
greedy, oppressed the Moghals. Seeing this, the Arghuns and Tar- 
khans in Thatta became alarmed and much grieved. On this, 'Arabi 
Kahi, with the concurrence of his friends, sent information to Mirza 
Shah Husain, that the Arghun and Tarkhan inhabitants of the city 
had thrown off their allegiance, and were filled with visionary 
schemes against him. This, he said, jeopardized the safety of the 
country, and therefore he had deemed it inciunbent on him to report 
the circumstance. Infuriated by this intelligence, Shah Husain wrote 


ordei'S that 'Arabi Kihi should invite into the fort the most seditious 
of the Arghiin tribe, such as Mfr Taixukh, Mir Kabaik, Mi'r Timur, 
Mir Fazil, Mir Khalla, etc., and there put them to death. He said 
that this example would intimidate the others, who would then 
return to their allegiance. He at the same time treacherously sent 
a letter to the Moghals, couched in kind terms, stating that they, 
were his brothers and of the same tribe with himself, and that 
('Arabi Kahi) and such fellows, were in reality only their servants 
and slaves, that to the disgust of the Sammas he had raised these 
men of low degree to elevated ranks, and that if in conformity to 
his orders they were obeyed and respected, then, considering them- 
selves highly honoured, they would the more readily devote them- 
selves to the duties assigned them. It happened, that these two 
contradictory letters both fell into the hands of the Moghals, who 
thus becoming aware of the Shah's duplicity and treacherous designs, 
revolted, and having seized 'Arabi Kahi, Eafik, Shaibah, and Isma'il, 
put them to death in the beginning of Muharram a.h. 961 (Dec. 
1653). Having taken Mah Begam, consort of the Mirza, together 
with his other concubiues, prisoners, they consulted amongst them- 
selves and agreed to the necessity of choosing a leader for the better 
prosecution of their business. They aU offered themselves as can- 
didates, each man declaring that he would not consent to anyone 
being preferred before himself. This being the state of the case, 
it was at last agreed that, as the Arghuns could not choose one among 
themselves, in preference to another, who might have honours and 
obeisances paid him, it was advisable, therefore, to select as their 
chief, one from out the Tarkhan tribe. That Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, 
governor of Fath Bagh, being wise, prudent, and of noble descent, 
was best qualified for the office and likely to accede to their request. 
They then invited the Mirza from Fath Bagh and informed him of 
their wishes. On his arrival, they showed him great hospitality, and, 
persisting in their request, obtained his consent. They then nomi- 
nated him their chief, and placed him at the head of the government 
of Thatta. They paid him royal respect and homage, and having 
sworn allegiance, placed themselves under his authority, and made 
proclamation of his supremacy by beat of drums. The Mirza took 
possession of the treasure, and having lavished large sums amongst 


the army, established his- power over the several districts and tribes 
of Sind. 

Enraged at these occurrences, Mirza Shah Husain seized the 
Arghiins and Tarkhans -who vyere in Bhakkar, such as Mir Jani Beg 
Tarkhan, Mir Ahmad Tarkhan, Mir Hamza Beg-Lar, Mir Murad 
Husain Beg-Lar, and others, and then marched at the head of a 
considerable army to Thatta to give battle to the Arghuns and Tar- 
khans. On his arrival within two kos of the city, the two armies 
came into collision on the banks of the stream of Shah Panah. Two 
or three engagements took place in which both armies suffered con- 
siderable loss. In the midst of this campaign, Mirza Shah Husain 
was attacked by a fatal sickness. 

Sultan Mahmud Khan, of Bhakkar, the greatest noble under Shah 
Husain, was commander-in-chief of his forces. He was the son of 
Mir Fazil Kokaltash, son of 'Akil Khwaja, son of Ahmad Khwaja, 
one of the greatest chiefs of Ispahan. At the time when Sahib- 
Kiran Amir Timiir Gurgan marched for the conquest of I'rak, the 
chiefs of Ispahan having revolted, threw off their allegiance to him. 
The Sahib-Kiran on this gave orders that they should be plundered 
and destroyed, and sent a formidable army to enforce his commands. 
During this invasion, Ahmad Khwaja father of 'Akil Khwaja fell 
into the hands of Mi'r Hasan Basri, father of Mirza Zu-n Niin, and 
he having adopted him as his son, bestowed great pains on his educa- 
tion. Ahmad Khwaja flourished three generations before Malik Mah- 
mud Khan, a man famous for his generosity, and nineteen genera- 
tions after 'Iddi, son of Hatim Tai. Sultan Mahmud Khan, of 
Bhakkar, was chiefly characterized by his liberality and courage, 
in which latter he was unequalled. During his service with Mirza 
Shah Husain, he had given repeated proofs of his valour. On seeing 
that the Mirza' s days were numbered, and that he had but a short 
time to live, he reflected that daily Musulmans were losing their 
lives in the strife, and that shortly he would be involved in inex- 
tricable difSculties. He therefore sent privately a message to Mirza 
Tsa Tarkhan, to the effect that Mirza Shah Husain was on the point 
of death, that when that occurred, there would be no one to inter- 
fere between them, and that it would be advis9,ble to enter into a 
mutual engagement. He refused to revolt against his master 

VOL. I. 21 


during Ms lifetime, but on his rleatk he proposed an equal diyision 
of the country, — ^from the Lakki hills down to the sea should belong 
to Mirza Tsa, and from the same hills to Bhakkar should belong 
to himself. The next morning, at the suggestion of Sultan Mahmud, 
the great Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Wahab Purani, and Mirza Kasim Beg-Lar 
brought the apologies of Mirza Tsa, expressing his sorrow and 
shame for the disrespectful conduct of the Arghuns towards the 
Mirza. He sent word that if the Mirza would pardon him, and 
release such of the Arghuns and Tarkhans as were imprisoned, 
he would himself come in the hope of getting forgiveness for 
the past. Mirza Shah Husain, actuated by merciful motives, li- 
berated the prisoners, and sent them to Mirza Tsa, who in return 
ordered that Mah Begam and all the other captive concubines 
should be taken to the camp of the Mirzii. Next day, Mirza 
Kasim Beg brought a letter to Mirza Tsa to this effect : — " Tou 
should not have chosen this line of conduct, which can only tend 
to bring a bad name on both parties. "Well ! let bygones be 
bygones. In expectation of my mercy, you must either come 
yourself or send your son, that I may, through my own spon- 
taneous kindness, confer on him the governorship of Thatta, while 
I myself return to Bhakkar." As the Arghuns, Tarkhans, and 
soldiers, in their foresight, advised Mirza Tsa not to go himself, 
he turned to his eldest son, Mirza Baki, and told him that he 
should go. The son refused, and said, " If you are anxious for 
my death, kill me with your own hand, but do not deliver me 
over to the hand of the enemy." On this, the Mirza looked at 
his second son, Mirza Salih, who, having arisen, rose and said, 
" Be satisfied ; I will go. Either he wiU keep his word, or he 
wiU not. If he does, it will fulfil our hopes; if he does not, 
your safety must be secured. I am prepared to sacrifice myself, 
and obtain the honour of martyrdom 1 " Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, see- 
ing his spirit, embraced him with paternal affection, and gave him 
permission to proceed on the mission. Mirza Salih with a few 
brave men went on the fourth of Eabi'u-1 Awwal, a.h. 961 (Feb. 
1554), accompanied by Mirza Muhammad Kasim Beg-Lar, to meet 
Mirza Shah Husain, and offer his presents. The Mirza with 
great kindness praised his fidelity and courage, and calling him 


his dear son, invested him with, a rich robe, a girdle, and sword 
adorned with precious stones, together with a horse, and saddle 
and bridle set with gems, a necklace, and a kettledrum. He 
furthermore conferred on him the governorship of Thatta,, and 
then gave him permission to retire. Eetumiag in safety to Thatta, 
he caused the kettledrum to be sounded before him, and presenting 
to his father all he had received, he remained under his protection, 
obedient to his orders. 

About the same time Mirza Shah Husain marched back towards 
Bhakkar, and ©n the 12th of the same month, died at the village 
of 'Aliputra, twenty kos from Thatta, after a reign of thirty-two 
years. Mah Begam and Shaikli 'Abdu-1 Wahab carried his remains 
to Thatta, where they were temporarily deposited in the MakaJi 
Hills. After two years, they were sent in charge of Saiyid^ 'All 
Shirazf and Mah Begam to the holy city of Mecca, and were re- 
interred there by the side of the tomb of his father, Shah Beg. 

Mirzd 'Isd Tarkhdn. 

Mirza Tsd Tarkhan, son of Mirza 'Abdu-1 'All, son of Mirzd 'Abdu-1 
Khalik, son' of Arghun Khan, son of Abaka Khan, son of Hulaku 
Khan, son of Changiz Khto, succeeded to the throne of Thatta, after 
the death of Mirza Husaia Arghun. Mirza Tsa made Mirza Salih Tar- 
khan his heir apparent, and placed the reins of government in his 
hands, reserving to himself only the name of king.^ When Mirza 
Salih had made himself secure of Thatta and its dependencies, he 
left his brother, Mirza Jan Baba, who was greatly attached to him, 
to attend upon his father while he himself marched against Si- 
wistan. He commenced his march on the 14th of Shawwal, a.h. 961 
(Sep. 1554), and on the 21st of the same month he wrested the fort 
of Siwistan from the the hands Mahmud Khan Bhakkari. When 
Sultan Mahmud heard of this loss, he collected an army to oppose 
Mirza Salih. This was reported to Mirza Ts^ Tarkhan, and he 
thereupon led a large force from Thatta to attempt the conquest of 

1 This " son " comprises several generations, as sliown in the genealogical table at 
the beginning of this work. 

2 [Long eulogies of Mirz4 'I'&i. and Mirzi S&Iib are omitted from the translation.] 


Bhakkar. He reached Bhakkar in the month of Muharram, a.h. 
962 (Nov. 1554), where Sultan Mahmud had drawn np his army 
to resist him. Two or three engagements followed, and many 
were killed on both sides. Sultan Mahmud was at length com- 
pelled to take refuge in the fort, where he was so hardly pressed 
that he sent Saiyid Mir Kalan, grandfather of Mir M'asiim Bhak- 
kari, to treat with Mirza Tsa, making professions of friendship, 
and offering to give up Siwistan and its appurtenances, if Bhakkar 
were secured to him ; urging also that Bhakkar was on the 
frontier of Hindustan, and acted as a barrier on that side. At 
this juncture, intelligence arrived that the Firingis, who were 
coming from Lahori-bandar to the assistance of Mirza Tsa Tar- 
khan, finding the city of Thatta unprotected, had plundered it, set 
fire to it, and made, the inhabitants prisoners. The Mirza therefore 
accepted the proposal of Sultan Mahmud, and peace being con- 
cluded, he hastened back to Thatta, and resumed the government. 

In the beginning of the year 964 h. (November, 1556), Mirza 
Muhammad Baki rebelled against his father, asserting his rights as 
eldest son, and objecting to the sele tion of Mirza Muhammad Salih 
as heir to the throne. In the fighting which ensued, Muhammad 
Baki was worsted, and he fled to Wanka., which was the abode of 
the Siimras. There he formed a connection with sundry Arghuns, 
and returned with them by way of 'Umarkot and Jesalmir to 
Bhakkar. On his arriving there, Sultan Mahmud Khdn laudably 
exerted himself to effect a reconciliation between him and his father ; 
but Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, out of regard for Mirza Salih, exiled 
Muhammad Baki from Thatta, and sent him to Bhakkar. Here he 
endeavoured to procure assistance from Hindustan,' but Sultan 
Mahmud opposed him. The Sultan foresaw that if an army came 
from Hindustan it must necessarily pass by Bhakkar, which would 
be the first place to suffer. So he kindly but firmly opposed the 

In the year 970 h-. (1562 a.b.) the brave Muhammad Sahh, who 
had won so many victories, drank the sherbet of martyrdom from 
the hands of a Buluch named Murid. The family and tribe of this 

' [^J4^ I^Gu»:)iXiJS A "lie, J 

taekhan-nAma. 325 

man had been put to death by Muhammad Salih in punishment of 
their robberies ; so holding a petition in his hand he placed himself 
in the way of the Mirza. The prince called him to his side and 
stooped down to receive the petition, when the caitiff plunged a 
dagger into his breast, and killed him. 

After the death of his favourite son, Mirza Tsa Tarkhan nominated 
Mirza Jan Baba as heir apparent. After some time Sultdn Mahmud 
begged Mirza Tsa to forgive his son Muhammad Baki, but failed 
in his object. Several nobles who inclined to the side of that prince 
then interested themselves on his behalf, and roused the father's pride 
by urging that the prince ought not to be a dependant on Sultan 
Mahmud. Being thus induced to pardon his son, Mirza Tsa sent 
Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Wahab Purani and Mir Yar Muhammad, his nephew, 
to bring him. home. When Muhammad Baki arrived, he waited on 
his father, and, receiving the town of Siwistan as his jagir, departed 

Mirza Tsa was of a gentle and patient disposition, and showed 
great kindness to the people of his tribe (uliis) ; but the Arghuns 
were disaffected, and breaking out in open rebellion crossed the river. 
The guns ' of Mirza Tsa opened upon them. Many were killed, 
and the remnant fled for succour to Sultan Mahmud at Bhakkar. 
This prince gave a horse and a robe to each of them, and uniting 
them with a party of his own dependents sent them against Siwistan, 
They besieged the fort, and once or twice succeeded in scaling the 
ramparts, but could accomplish nothing more. Mirza Tsa marched 
from Thatta with a numerous force, and sent a detachment on in 
advance to raise the siege and pursue the assailants. The opposing 
forces met at the village of Eakban, when victory declared in favour 
of Mirza Tsa, and many of Sultan Mahmud's men were slain. The 
Mirzd advanced as far as the town of Durbela. The Sultan also, 
coming out of Bhakkar, arrived near the same place, and throwing 
up a fort, prepared far the conflict. In the end peace was made 
through the medium of Mah Begam and Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Wah4b 
Purani, and the rivals retired to Thatta and Bhakkar respectively. 

In the year a.h. 974 (1566 a.d.) Mirza Tsa Tarkhan was seized 
with mortal sickness, so he called together the Arghuns and the 

> Atash-bizi. 


Tarkhans, the ministers and nobles, and all the chief men of the 
country, iu order once more to name Mirza Jan Baba as his suc- 
cessor. But Mah Begam strenuously opposed this, maintaining the 
right of Muhammad Bakf, the eldest son. The dying monarch 
declared that Muhammad Baki was tyrannical and cruel, that the 
people would suffer under his rule, and that she herself would 
perish by his hand. The end of it all was that Mah Begam sent to 
hasten the coming of Muhammad Baki, and kept the death of his 
father secret until his arrival. Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, who had reigned 
fourteen years, was then biiried in a tomb, which he had constructed 
in his garden, and Muhammad Baki ascended the thrOTie. 




[This is a work in three volumes by 'All Sher Kani\ The 
first two volumes are of considerable length, but all the matter of 
special historical interest is comprised in the third. A succinct 
synopsis of the contents of the work is prefixed to the first 
volume. According to this the work commences with — 

Vol. I. A Preface in two parts and three books. Book I. 
contains three sections, — On the (1) Prophets ; (2) Kings ; (3) 
Philosophers, saints, poets, and great men before the time of 
Muhammad. Book II. is divided into five sections, (1) Ancestors 
of the Prophet ; (2) Memoirs of the Prophet ; (3) the Four 
Khalifs ; (4) the Four Imams ; (5) Celebrated Descendants of 
the Four Imams, Book III., in three sections, (1) The Um- 
raayide Khalifs and their representatives in 'Irak and Khurasan, 
with notices of the chiefs and great men of the times ; (2) The 
'Abbaside Khalifs, including those who set up the Khalifat in 
Egypt, and also the great men and warriors of the period ; (3) 
Kings cotemporary with the 'Abbasides. 

Vol. II. General History, with notices of philosophers, nobles, 
ministers, and other great men. 

Vol. III. Special History of Bind, including descriptions of its 
cities and villages, histories of its rulers, and memoirs of its 
great, learned, and distinguished men. J 

This third volume, as it is the latest, so it is the most compre- 
hensive and consistent of all the histories of Sind. In the 
portion relating to the early history of the province, it is not 
quite so copious as the Tdrikh-i Sind of Mir M'asum ; but even 
in that part it presents us with more miscellaneous information. 


and introduces subjects not treated of in that work, such as the 
legendary tales which are familiar in the country, the origin of 
some of the tribes, and the separate biographies of the principal 
officers and nobles who acquired distinction under the later 
dynasties. The authors are both equally credulous in recording 
the miracles of saints, but the extent to which the hagiography 
runs in the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm is much greater than in the Tdrikh-i 
Sind; there being scarcely a village in that priest-ridden country 
which has not its tombs of holy men, whose lives and powers are 
here recorded with implicit faith. 

The work opens with the dynasties of the Eais and Brah- 
mans, followed by the history of the Arab conquest, well 
abridged from the Chach-ndma. This comprises twenty pages. 
In thirty more we have the legends, the governors appointed by 
the kings of Dehli, the Stimras and Saramas ; then the history of 
the Arghuns and Tarkhans, with their nobles, in thirty-six 
pages ; the imperial governors under the Timiirians in twenty- 
four pages, and an account of the Kalhora dynasty to the time of 
MI4n Sar-faraz, Khan in twelve pages. All this is comprised in 
a little less than half the volume. The rest is entirely devoted 
to the saints, seers, saiyids, shaikhs, and devotees, with a notice 
of the poets and caligraphists of Sind. 

There are two chronograms at the end of the volume, repre- 
senting that it was completed in a.h. 1181 (1767-8 a.d.) ; but 
near the middle, at the close of the account of the Kalhoras, we 
have later dates several times mentioned, extending to the year 
A.H. 1188. 

The author quotes as his authorities all the native histories 
noticed in the preceding articles ; and in the accounts of the 
saints we find incidentally mentioned the Jawdhiru-l Aulyd, the 
Sadikatu-l Aulyd, the Ma'ldmdtu-l Afdk, and the Taghiratu-l 
Murdd. Some other authors quoted in the body of the work are 
obtained at second hand. 

Extracts from the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm have been given by Lt. 
Postans in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Numbers 


Ixxiv., 1838, and clviii., 1845. In the latter we have the por- 
tion relating to the Arab conquest of Sind, which, as before 
mentioned, is abstracted from the Chach-ndma. 

The Tvhfatu-l Kirdm is the title of one of the works of the 
celebrated Jalalu-d din Soyiiti, according to the Parisian catalogue 
of his writings given in G. Fluegel's edition of Hdji Khalfa's 
Lexicon Bibliographicum, Vol. vi. pp. 665-679. 

[Sir H. Elliot's copy consists of three volumes quarto. Vol. 
I., measuring 11 in. by 8 in., contains 746 pages. Vol. II., 
889 pages, of 17 Hues each. Vol. III. is a little larger (12 in. 
by 8| in.), and contains 242 pages, of 25 lines each, in a much 
smaller hand There is also a new copy of Vol. III.] 


The Sindiati Ordeal of Fire. 

Some customs have obtained from of old among the inhabitants 
of Sind,' which, although they spring from, ignorance, their practice 
is specially observed by them. 

When a person is suspected of any grave offence, and desires to 
purge himself of the charge, he offers to pass through ihe of 
a large fire, like a salamander, and come out of it unharmed, like 
Khali'l. In the story of Sassi and Marui we shall have an instance 
of this ordeal. 

Another ordeal, still practiced among the most ig-norant, is that 
of taking up a red-hot spade, and this will also be noticed in the 
story of Marui. Green leaves of a tree are tied on to the hand of 
the suspected person with raw thread, and an iron spade, heated 
to redness, being then placed on his palm, he must carry it for several 
paces quickly ; and it has often been seen that neither the thread nor 
the leaves have been in the slightest degree affected by the heat of 
the red-hot iron, although when cast to the groimd it scorched it 

1 Bumia is the term used for inhabitants, literally " occupiers of the land" — the 
hhumia of Hindlist&n. The term is of frequent occurrence in the Sindian histories, 
but rare in other works. 


like tke sand in the oven of a parcher of grain.. Verily this is by 
the Tirtue of Truth, for if otherwise, how is it that such fire does not 
bum the hand ? 

A modem story runs thus : — ^A woman stole a pair of shoes 
belonging to the wife of a certain horseman, but denied the theft. 
When the time approached for undergoing the ordeal of the hot 
iron, she artfully concealed the shoes in a basket filled with cotton ; 
and making it seem as if the carrying that were her business at the 
moment, entered the assembly, and handing it to the horseman's 
wife, asked her to take charge of it during the ordeal. She then 
said, "The truth is, I did find a pair of shoes belonging to so and 
so, and I have made them over to the owner ! By the same token I 
now take up this red-hot spade." She took it up unharmed, and 
was then purged of the charge. The complainant then angrily 
threw the basket on the ground, and, as Truth is sure to prevail, the 
trick of this artful woman was exposed. 

The Ordeal of Water. 

A stout post is fixed in deep water, the accused is then told to 
dive to the bottom, and stay by the post. One of the company 
shoots an arrow to a long distance, and another person goes and 
brings this arrow back. The post is then shaken ; if the accused be 
innocent, he will, up to that time, by holding his breath, have been 
able to remain at the bottom, and on this signal he will come up to 
the surface. But if guilty, he cannot any how stay so long under 


Furthermore, several of the people of this coimtry practise magic 
and incantations. For instance, they can roguishly transfer their 
neighbour's curds to their own stock, as the following instance will 
show. A respectable man relates that he was the guest of a woman 
residing in a village, and that she had but the curds of the milk of 
one cow. However, about the time she was going to make the 
butter, she stepped over to a neighbour's house on pretence of 
fetching fire, and there the woman of the house had a large dish of 
curds before her, which she was preparing to make into butter ; the 


witoh wroTigM lier spells, and retraced her steps, and from tlie 
curds of th.e milk of her one cow she made about ten times the 
usual quantity of butter ! 


The science called SMna^ is known to some of the hill-people, 
who are called " Mdnsing." From certain indications on a fresh 
shoulder-blade, they learn what they wish to know, and it comes to 
pass accordiagly. A party of hill men, driven from their homes by 
fear of their enemy, were pursuing their way. Having yet gone 
but a little distance, the Mdnsing said that he saw from his Shdna 
that they were hotly pursued by troops, and that there was no 
escape except by artifice. The party were ordered to empty all 
the leathern water-bags on the ground, and then to pass over the 
spot. It so chanced that a Mdnsing was also among the enemy's 
forces ; he, too, consulted his Shdna for intelligence of the fugitives. 
It showed him that they had crossed over a stream. This dis- 
heartened .the pursuers, who turned back, and thus the former were 
saved. This is but a slight illustration of what this tribe can do by 
the use of the Shdna. 

Another Custom. — Several ropes, confusedly entangled, are thrown 
on to the ground, and their xmravelment reveals secret things. 

Other Sindian Customs : — Liver-eaters — Trackers — Ornithocritics. 

There are also women who feed on liver,'' and foretell things to 
come, as will be shown in the history of Mirza Muhammad Baki.' 

Again, there is the science of Jogni ; this is chiefly in vogue with 
women. An example of it will be Bhown in the history of Eai 

There is a tribe entitled Bawaratiya, who go about in the guise of 
beggars, professing to explain mysteries and past events, and thereby 
deceive men. They also make predictions of the future, which 
seldom come true. 

Some men are so skilful in the art of tracking footprints, that 

> The common people call it Phanni. It is the 'Hmu-l ' Aktdf of the Arabs, and 
in great repute with the Mongols, 

s Abvi-1 Fazl, in the Ay'm-i Alchmi, notices the celebrity of the Sindians in this art. 


they can tell whether they belong to men or women, strangers or 
acquaintances, old or young ; so also they can distinguish the prints 
of horses, camels, oxen, and buffaloes. They can pursue the 
tracks of thieves over hills and through deserts, and possibly they 
can even follow them through water. 

Again, there is a tribe in the Kach district, who can prognosticate 
good or evil from the call of the partridge, and they can likewise 
predict the good or bad fortune of travellers from the cries and calls 
of other birds and beasts. A person relates — "I was journeying with 
a party, one of whom said, ' I must hurry on ; do you follow at your 
convenience, for I find, from the cry of a bird, that guests have 
arrived at my house, and also that such and such a friend has just 
died ' — and, indeed, so it proved." 

Some of the marvels of this country will be found described under 
their proper heads ; and the wonders of the hills wUl be mentioned 
towards the end of the narrative. 

The story of Sassi and Pannun. 

A Brahman named Naniya, and his w^ife Mundhar, people of 
consideration, who dwelt at Bhdmbarawah, subject to the authority of 
Dalu Bai, were desirous of having a child bom to them. After a 
while they were blessed with a daughter, the envy of the full moon. 
It was revealed to her pai-ents that she was destined to be married 
to a Musulman. Dreading this family disgrace, the parents, with 
wounded hearts, enclosed that unique pearl in a box — her shell, as it 
were — and cast it into the river. The current chanced to carry it 
to the city of Bhambur, where there lived a washerman named 
Nahiya, who was also styled Lala ; he had 600 apprentices, but not 
one child. When the box came into some of the apprentices' 
possession, they took it to their master, who opened it, and this 
moon' of God's power shone out therefrom. He called her Sassi,' 
which signifies "moon," and adopted her as his own. As she grew 
up, the lancet of her love pierced the hearts of beauty's flower- 

' [Here is an equivoqiie on the word make or md/ii, " moon" and " fish."] 
2 [Sans. Sasi.'] 


cullers. Every one who saw her wished she was his own, and all 
people surrendered their hearts to her ; wherever she seated her- 
self men crowded round her like the cluster of the Pleiades, and 
hovered around her like the constellation of the Eagle. At that 
time the caravans of Kich and Makran arrived in those parts with a 
variety of merchandize, and the praises of this " piece of the moon " 
were conveyed to the ears of Pannun, son of the Chief of Ki'ch. He 
lost his heart, and repaired to Bhambur in the guise of a merchant, 
where he saw Sassi, and was much enamoured. By good fortune 
the seeker found a place in the heart of the sought ; then in the 
hope of meeting her, he became one of her father's apprentices, and 
dressed himself as a washerman. I leave out many incidents to 
avoid prolixity ; but the short of it is, that Sassi returned his love 
with more than equal ardour. 

A goldsmith's wife, who longed to gratify her amorous inclina- 
tions, sought to bring about the separation of these two lovers, 
by exciting Pannun's jealousy. The devoted Sassi came out of it 
unsullied, like gold from the raging fire, and became an example 
to the world. After a whUe these two lovers were married. 
Pannun's father on learning this, desired his other sons to bring 
back the infatuated one by some means or other. They went 
and had an interview with Pannun, and became his guests. At 
night-fall, without his waking, they bound him on a camel, and set 
off towards their own country. Towards morning Sassi awoke, 
and found that she had been robbed of her living treasure. No 
longer mistress of herself she tore her garments in despair, and set 
off alone in quest of her lost one. With the feet of affection she 
traversed the rugged hills, and after accomplishing a distance of 
about forty kos, she fell exhausted from thirst, and was convulsed, 
striking her feet on the ground in the agonj- of death. By the 
power of Grod a pool full of water was produced, of which she 
drank, and found fresh strength. Persons say that the pool remains 
full of water to this day, and is never dry, even though no rain 
should fall for years. It is said, that Sassi had seen these things 
in a dream, on the night on which she was presented with henna, 
(at her marriage). The branch of henna which she had slept 
with in her hand according to custom, and which she retained 


after she awoke, and which she carried with her, she now planted 
on this hill ; by the power of God the branch grew to be a tree, 
and still remains a monument of that bleeding heart. 

Not to be tedious, after being thus refreshed, Sassf hurried for- 
ward, and accomplished six or seven kos further through the same 
hills, when she was again distressed by thirst. A shepherd acci- 
dentally espied her from a distance, and cast longing eyes on her, 
and approaching, desired to carry her off. Thereupon she up- 
braided him with injustice, and requested that he would, at least, 
procure some refreshment for her, thirsty and tired as she then 
was, before taking her off. The shepherd hastened to his flock 
to get some milk. While this was going on, Sassf, who despaired 
of finding any trace of her lover, and finding herself thus fallen 
into evU, vented the anguish of her heart before the Almighty 
(who is the comforter of the helpless), and put up a petition for 
protection against that demon of the desert. Instantly, by the 
divine power, the hill was rent asunder, and gave a place to 
that half dead and stricken lover, like a ruby lying in the matrix ; 
and, as a warning and memorial, a comer of her scarf was left 
visible. When the shepherd returned with the mUk, and saw 
this instance of Divine power, he repented himself, and raised a 
tomb of stones over her, according to custom. 

The tellers of love stories, which cut the heart like sharp diamonds, 
relate that when Pannun, all in chains, was carried before his father, 
his restlessness began to shew itself to such a degree that his father 
was alarmed for his life, and, there being no help for it, he desired 
his brothers to go with him, and in any way that could be 
managed, restore his beloved to him. As they were travelling 
back, Pannun arrived at the place where Sassi was entombed, 
and seeing the fresh traces, stood amazed. The mutual attraction 
of hearts revealed this to him. For -outward evidence he set about 
inquiring into the circumstances. The> shepherd before spoken of 
happened to arrive just then, and related everything as it had 
occurred. Panniin instantly dismounted from his camel, and begged 
his brothers to wait- one moment, as he wished to pay a pilgrim's 
visit to this tomb. Then, having thrown himself upon it, he cried 
aloud to the Almighty, beseeching that he might be joined to his 


love. As no petitioner before God is ever left without hope, so by 
His power the hill at once opened and admitted Panniin. He and his 
mistress were thus encased, as it were, like twin almonds in one shell. 
The loves of these two, both lovers and both beloved, are stUl 
chanted in verses by the Sindians, at a place called Husaini, and 
people thus seek and find a mode by which they may soar from 
wordly affection to spiritual love.' In truth, this narrative has a 
wonderful effect on the hearers and narrators, and Mir M'asiim, 
of Bhakkar, has wrought it into a poem, entitled " Husn o Naz " 
(or beauty and blandishment) ; and Kazi Murtaza Sorthi, a resi- 
dent of the village of Katiana, composed a poem, of a pecuKar 
rhythm, on it in the reign of Muhammad Shih Badshah. He re- 
lates this story :~M Darwesh named Ism'ail, an inhabitant of 
Multan, came on a. pilgrimage to see these two wonderful persons 
of the world of love and affection, and having left his camel at 
a distance, sat down and fasted three days, in the hope of seeing 
the two lovers. At the end of that time an old woman appeared to 
him, bringing some bread and- water, but he flatly refused to eat 
or drink till he had seen Sassi and Panniin. She replied that 
she was Sassi, and desired him not to expect to see Panniin, for 
there was no dependance to be placed on things of this world, 
and that she was harassed by her kindred, who had reduced her 
to that condition. The Darwesh said — -'How can I believe this, 
for Sassi was young and beautiful, and thou art an old crone." 
On- these words, she was transfigured to her pristine beauty and 
youth, and she bade him eat something. The Darwesh said, " I 
will rather die of hunger than eat before I have seen both of you : 
thus have I vowed." After repeated adjurations, Sassi descended 
into the grave, and showed Panniin as far as his waist, but she 
herself encircled him all the while with both arms, for fear some 
one should carry him off. In short, many elders of pure heart 
have thus seen them. That road is not passable for any one riding 
a camel ; but whosoever keeps awake by night at the tomb, is 

1 This story, as -well as many others connected -with the legendary lore of Sind, is- 
very -well told hy Lt. Burton. He calls the hero and heroine Panhu and Sassui^ — 
See the Unhappy Valley, vol. I, pp. 81-88 ; and Sindh, pp. 57, 92-106. Mrs. Postans- 
also gives it as a legend of Kach'h. 


feasted by an unseen hand, notwithstanding that the place is an 
utter desert. 

The Genealogy of the Jats and BulucMs. 

Muhammad, son of Harun Makrani, who will he noticed in the 
series of governors of Makran, and who, at the time; of the conquest 
of Sind, accompanied Muhammad Kasim as far as Armanbela, where 
he died and was buried, was, as appears from the genealogical 
table of the family, a grandson of Muhammad, son of Aban, son 
of 'Abdu-r Eahim, son of Hamza, son of 'Abdu-1 Matlab. Once 
on a time, the pursuit of some beast of the chase, carried the Amir 
Hamza (may the favour of God restore him !) a long distance into 
a desert, where he found himself in solitude. As the Almighty 
watches with a special providence over his chosen ones, a fairy 
appeared in that desert for Hamza's company, and by the divine 
permission, he consorted with her, and this dissipated his sense 
of loneliness and dreariness. The fairy afterwards, by the divine 
power, became invisible, and the Amir reached his own country. 
The fairy bore a son by him, viz., 'Abdu-r Eahim. To be brief, 
Muhammad, son of Hariin, had fifty sons bom to him from seven 
women, as follows : — I. The first wife, Hamfri, bore — 1. Tsa ; 2. 
Mihran ; 3. Hajjaz ; 4. Sahtak ; 5. Bahram ; 6. Eustam ; 7. Jalal. 

11. His second wife bore — 1. Mazld;; 2. Jamal ; 3. Eada ; 4. 
Buhlol ; 5. Sbahab ; 6i. Nizam ; 7. Jalal ; 8. Murid. m. Miriam 
bore — 1. Eodin; 2. Musa; 3. Noti ; 4. Niih; 5. Mandah; 6. 
Kaziu-d din. TV. 'Aisha bore Jalal. V. Muddi bore — I.Adam; 2. 
Kamal ; Si Ahmad ; 4. Humad ; 5. Hamid ; 6. Sa'id ; 7. Mas'ud. 
VI. Fatima- bore— 1. Sher; 2. Koh; 3. Buland; 4. Gurg; 5. Nuru-d 
d& ; 6. Hasan ; 7. Husain ; 8. Sulaiman ; 9. Ibrahim. VII. Eve 
bore— 1. 'Alam; 2. 'Ali; 3. Sarkash; 4. Bahadur; 5. Teghzan; 6. 
Mubarak ; 7. Turk ; 8. Zalha; 9. 'Arabi ; 10. Shiraz ; 11. Taju-d din; 

12. Gulistan-Barg. 

After Hajjaj had subdued all opposition in Makran, as is recorded, 
he died, and that principality was divided between the children of 
Jalal, who took one-half, and the other half was shared by all 
his brothers. After a short time contentions sprang up among 


the brothers ; the greater part of their descendants mixed with 
the people of the country and dwelt there, but the descendants 
or Jalalu-d din, having been worsted, repaired to Sind and Kach, 
and their descendants are spread in numberless divisions throughout 
that country. 

The Tribe of Lodh, also called Loli. 

Their origin is this, that king Sulaiman (the prophet, peace be 
to him !) sent a party of Genii to Bum to purchase female slaves. 
On their return back, one of the Genii foi"med a connection with a 
girl named Lolia, who became pregnant by him. On king Sulai- 
man hearing of this, he gave him the girl. The child was named 
Lodh, and his descendants, generation after generation, inter- 
mingled with the Arabs; and at the time of the conquest of 
Sind, came to dwell there, — or perhaps they may have come there 
before that period. 

Genealogy of the Samma Tribe. 

Sam, as some affirm, was the son of 'Umar, son of Hasham, son 
of Abi Lahib ; and according to others, he was the son of 'Umar, 
son of 'Akarma, son of Abl Jahl. The title of Jam renders it 
probable that he was descended from Jamshid. He is commonly 
considered to be the son of Nuh. Jam, the son of Nuh (peace 
be to him !), had four sons : — 1. Budha, who had sixteen sons, 
among whom were Budh, Sura, Sahta, Akhil, Autar, Amra, Handir, 
and others, they were styled Eathor ; 2. Sanka ; 3. Hamhar ; 
4i Bhagirat, who had one son named Dera, whose son was Ajipar, 
whose son was Dasrat. 

Dasrat had three wives, viz., — Kasila, Kailiya, and Bimiya ; by the 
first of these he had two sons, Eam and Lakhman ; the second bore 
Barat, and Simia had Chatargun. Sanka, son of Sam, also left 
descendants; and Hamhar, sou of Sam, had a son named Todar, 
and Barat, son of Dasrat, had four sons, named Parihar, Jansupa, 
Kuricha, and Nahiya. Chatargun, son of Dasrat, also had a son 
named Chaira. Lakhman, son of Dasrat, left no posterity. Bam, 
son of Dasrat, left a son named Tawakas ; he had a son named Atat, 
whose son was named Tattat ; he had a son named Narkaut, — ^his 
VOL. I. 22 


son was Kan, and tlie city of Kan was so called from him ; and the 
son of Kan was styled Sambut Kaja, who had four sons — 1. Sam ; 
2. Barkarara, also called Shah ; 3. Hanrat, also called Dakan ; 4* 

Sam, the son of Sambut Eaja, had a son namad Jadam. Jadam 
had four sons : — 1. Haibat, whose son was Sind Samma ; 2. Gajpat, 
whose son was Chughda ; 3. Bhupat, from whom the tribe of 
Bhattis sprung; 4. Chura Samma. His son was Kai Daiyach, 
who became chief of Gimal, a fort in the district of Sorath, and 
famous for the pomp of his retinue. He sacrificed his head as a 
religious offering. His wife Sorath was devotedly attached to him. 
The strong affection of this couple, together with the story of the 
sacrifice, is the subject of a most affecting tale, still sung at Sorath. 
Haibat, son of Jadam, son of Sdm, son of Sambut, had a son named 
Ridari, whose sou was Nit, who had a son Niitiar, whose son was 
Audhar, whose son was Audh, whose son was Lakhiya, whose son 
was Lakha. 

Lakha founded a kingdom, and having allied himself in marriage 
to Pothi Chada, she brought him four sons. Of these one was Audh, 
who died without issue, and whose place of residence was called 
Audh ; another was Mahir, he had four sons, viz., — 1. Satya ; 
2. Ditar Patharl ; 3. Darha, who had no children : 4. Sand, he 
also had no issue. Lakha took to himself another wife in his old 
age, by whom he had also four sons, viz., — 1. Unar; 2. Chhatta, 
who had three sons, Babra, Dankara, and KaUa ; 3. Fahal, the 
father of the celebrated Lakha Taslani ; 4. Manahia. Unar, son of 
Lakha, had a son also called Lakha, whose son was called Samma. 
This Samma had two sons, — 1. Kaka ; 2. Jhakra. The former be- 
came a ruler, and the district of Kaka takes its name from him. 
He had two sons — 1. Pallf ; 2. Raldan- Masrak Samma one of Palll's 
sons, became a chief. 

Raidan had nine sons— 1. Samma, from whom all the Samejas 
descend; 2. Nutiar, from whom sprang all the Nuts; 3. Lakha, 
father of Lanjar ; 4. Abra, who had a son called Dahir; 5. Na- 
hfya ; 6. Chanesar, who was a noted man of his time ; 7. Manahia ; 8. 
Koria — the descendants of these three form the tribe of Mindra; 
9. Palli, who became a chief. PaUf had two sons — 1. Audli, whose 


sons were Bahrfa and Adeja, who was called Gudaria Pdtra (or 
the son of a shepherd) ; 2. Sand, who became the head of a tribe 
of that name. Sand had seven sons — 1. Kaka, whose descendants 
are called Kakeja Putra; 2. Jara; 3. Dera; 4. Janeja; 6. Han- 
kiira, who had sons, Audheja, Jakia, Diirha, and Hankiija ; 6. Dera, 
whose descendants are the Dera Samma, of Kach; 7. Jam Hothi, 
who had five sons : — 1. Hala, whose descendants are well known ; 

2. Hankdra, whose descendants are bumiyas of Dhuri, Hankura, 
Char Hankura, and Bam Deh, which places were founded by them ; 

3. Sahir, whose descendants founded Sahir Samma, and live there ; 

4. Chilaria, whose descendants are the tribe of Nahria; 5. Jam 
Hapar, who had two sons, viz., Eahuja and Jam Juna ; the latter 
had a son named Kar Rahii, who had three sons — 1. Sand, whose 
sons Biihuma, Lakhaita, and Jhakra ; 2. Sumra, who left no issue ; 3. 
Lakha Jam, who had a son called Kaha, whose son was called 
Lakha. Kaha had also a posthumous son, who was also called 
Kaha, after his father. 

Lakha, son of Kaha, brother of Kaha before mentioned (sic) had 
twelve sons — 1. Jam Jiina, whose descendants are the Samma kiags 
of Sind, who dwelt at Samui, and who will be mentioned in their 
proper places ; 2. Unar, who ruled in Bahria, and died without issue ; 
3. Palli, from whom the Pallf Sammas descend ; 4. Kaha, from him 
are the Sudiari Sammas : 5. Auth, — the Auth Sammas, Sahil Sammas, 
and Sikhawat Sammas, spring from him ; 6. Jaisur, whose son was 
Bahia Piria ; 7. Mankar, who had no son ; 8. Abra, the tribe of 
Abreja, are his descendants ; 9. Hankura Kunwar ; 10. Sultan Aut ; 
11. Eaidan ; 12. Lakha. Hankura Kunwar had three sons — 1. 
Disar; 2. Manahia; 3. Muradia. Dfsar had five sons — 1. Kaha; 
2. Mala ; 3. Bakan ; 4. Hankdra ; 5. Juna, who had also five sons — 
1. Khoria; 2. Tajia; 3. Abra; 4. Buluch; 5. Pambiya.' Such of 
the descendants of the latter as rested in Sind, will be mentioned 
in the histbry of the Samma kings. 

Be it observed, that the Sammas are the owners of the land through- 
out Sind, as far as Gruzerat, including also the greater part of Bajpu- 
tana, and they form the majority of the population of Sind. The 
tribes of Buluch and Jat, and some others already spoken of, are also 
' [Or "Pkmljamya."] 


the ancient inhabitants of the land. Other tribes might be men- 
tioned who succeeeded, or even preceded these, but for the sake of 
brevity, the writer of this book contents himself with specifying 
only what is actually necessary. Should any one desire a more 
minute narrative, let Tii^n pursue the investigation himself. 

The Governors of Sind under the Ghaznivides and their Successors. 

The officers of Sultan Mas'ud possessed themselves of the country 
of Sind, in succession to those of Mahmud. Then followed the 
officers of Maudiid, then the officers of Majdud ; next the officers of 
Sultan Kutbu-d Din, and lastly, the officers of Aram Shah, who are 
all severally described in the first and second During the 
reign of the latter king, his dominions were parcelled into four 
divisions : one of which comprising Multan, the whole of Sind, and 
ITch, became subject to Nasiru-d din Eabacha. At that time the 
following seven Eanas in Sind were tributary to Multan : — 1. E4na 
Buhnar Sa'ta Eathor, of Dabra, in the district of Durbela ; 2. Eana 
Sanir, son of Dhamaj, of the tribe of Kureja Samma, residing in 
Tung, lying within the district of Eupah; 3. Jaisar, son of Jajji 
Machhi Solankf, of Maniktara ;' 4. Wakia, son of I'annuii Channun, 
who was established in the valley of Siwi; 5. Channun, son of 
Dfta, of the tribe of Channa, resident of Bhag-nai ; 6. Jiya, son of 
Waridh, of Jham, or Hemakot ; 7. Jasodhan Akra, of Min-nagar 
district of BambarwS, 

Further, when Lahore was taken by the officers of Taju-d din 
Talduz, Malik Nasiru-d dm Kabacha took refuge in the city of 
Multan ; and towards the end of the year 626 h. (1229 a.d.) Malik 
Khan Khilji and his people, became masters of the country of 
Siwistan. Sultan Shamsur-d d£n Iltamsh, having deputed his minister 
Nizamu-1 Mulk Muhammad, son of Asa'd, to besiege TJch, set out 
for Dehli. Ifch surrendered quietly to Nizamu-1 Mulk in a.h. 625 
(1228 A.D.), and he then hastened to Bhakkar. Nasiru-d d{n fled, 
and ■ the vessel of his life was swallowed in up the whirlpool of 
death. Sultan Sha,msu-d din became lord of Sind. Nuru-d din 
Muhammad succeeded to the government in a.h. 630 (1233 a.d.) 
The Sultan Tltamsh died in a.h. 633 (1236 a.d.), and was succeeded 

1 There is a T4ra or Tarra, an old site ten miles south-'west from Thatta. 


by Sultan Mas'iid Shab; During tbe disturbed state of the country 
in his reign the army of the Moghals passed the Indus, and laid 
siege to Uch, but owing to the -vigilance of Sultan Mas'ud they 
were repulsed and retired on Khurasan. Sultan Mas'ud left Malik 
Jalalu-d din Muhammad as governor of Sind, in the room of Nuru-d 
din Muhammad. During his goTemment, Ndsiru-d din. Mahmud, 
uncle of Sultan Mas'ud, inherited the throne and crown. 

In A.H. 662 (1264 a.d.). Sultan Ghiasu-d din ascended the throne 
of Dehli, and gave over the provinces of Lahore, Multan and Sind 
to his son, Sultan Muhammad, who used to go every third year to 
pay his respects to his father, and stay one year. In a.h. 682 
(1283 a.d), Sultan Muhammad was slain in battle against the army 
of Changiz Khan, and his son Kai Khusrii was confirmed as suc- 
cessor to his father. Sultan Jalalu-d din Khilji on his arrival at 
Lahore in a.h. 692 (1293 a.d.), assigned the government of Multan 
and Uch to his son Arkali Elian, and he appointed Nasrat Khan to 
the government of Sind. In a.h. 695 (1296 a.d.). Sultan 'Alau-d 
din, despatched his brother tJlugh Khan to expel Arkali Khan from 
his government, but, as usual, Nasrat Khan with 10,000 men re- 
tained possession of Multan, Uch, Bhakkar, Siwistan, and Thatta. 
In the beginning of 697 a.d. (1297 a.h.), the Saldai Moghals from 
Sistan, arrived and possessed themselves of Siwistan, but Nasrat 
Khan vigorously attacked them and freed it. Towards the close of 
his reign, Sultan 'Alau-d din despatched Ghazi Malik at the head 
of 10,000 horse to expel Changiz Khan's Moghals from Debalpur 
and gave him Multan, Uch, and Sind in jagir. 

Khusru Khan, having watched his opportunity, deposed 'Alau-d 
din, and became master of the throne.' Grhazi Malik, marching up 
at the head of the Sind and Multan forces, expelled Khusru E^an 
and seated himself in his place under the style and title of Sultan 
Ghiasu-d din. At this interval, a number of the tribe of Siimra 
rose and possessed themselves of Thatta. Sultan Ghiasu-d din 
deputed Malik Taju-d din to Multan, and Khwaja Khatir to Bhak- 
kar, and Malik 'Ali Sher to Sivdstan. Sometime after, when 
Kashkii Khan revolted in Multan, Sultan Muhammad Shah, son of 

' I do not attempt to correct the errors in the Dehli history, as given here. They 
do not occur in Mir M'asdm's history, from which this chapter is abridged. 


Sultan Gliiasu-d din, arrived at Multan in a.h. 728 (1328 a.d.) and 
put him down. Then having deputed trusty persons to Bhatkar 
and Siwistan, he returned. In a.h. 751 (1350 a.d.), while in pur- 
suit of the slave Taghi,' having traversed Guzerat and Kaeh, he 
arrived in the district of Thatta, and encamped at the village of 
Thari on the banks of a river. From thence he removed in conse- 
quence of an attack of fever, to Gandat," where he got well. He 
then returned and encamped about fcrur kos £rom Thatta, where he 
had a relapse of fever and died. 

Sultan Firoz Shah succeeded him. Taghi, who was at Thatta, on 
learning this, hastened to give battle at the head of the tribes of 
Sumra, Jareja, and Samma, but was defeated. The Sultan quitted 
the environs of Thatta on the first day of the month of Safar of the 
above year, and ordered a fort to be built on the Tiver S&okra ; and 
Amir Nasr was left there with 1000 horse. He founded a city 
called Nasrpur, and Malik Bahiam was made ruler of it, and the 
surrounding districts. Bahrampur was named after him. MaUk 
'All Sher, and Malik Taj Kafuri were left in Siwistan, and the 
Sultan went to Bhakkar. He appointed Malik Euknu-d din his 
vicegerent, and Malik 'Abdu-1 Aziz as minister of finance, and 
garrisoned the fort with a body of chosen troops. He conferred 
the title of Ikhlas Khan on Malik Euknu-d din, and entrusted 
him with the affairs of all Sind. He ihen went to DehU- In a,h. 
772 (1370 A.D.), after the conquest of Nagarkot he proceeded to 
Thatta, whose chief. Jam Khairu-d din retired to a fort upon the 
water, and there collected troops. Scarcity of provisions, and 
superabundance of mosquitos, forced the Sultan to return to Thatta. 
Jam Khairu-d din submitted, came in, and paid his respects. The 
Sultan carried him towards Dehli with all the other Zamindars, and 
when near Sihwan, upon learning that the Jam intended to flee, he 
had him put in chains. Sometime after this, he invested Jam Juna, 
son of Khairu-d din with a hhil'at, and appointed him to his father's 

In A.H. 790 (1388 a.d.), Piroz Shah died, and was succeeded on 
the throne of Dehli by Sultan Tughlik Shah. Then followed Sultan 

1 [" Rebel."] 

' This place is about thirty miles from GimStr or Jdnagarh. 


Abii Bakr, Sultan Muhammad Shah, Sultan Sikandar Shah, and then 
Sultan Nasiru-d din, who sent Sarang Khan to take possession of 
Debalpur, Multan, and Sind.^ 

In A.H. 800 (1397 a.d.), Mirza Pir Muhammad, grandson of Amir 
Timur, crossed the river (Indus) and laid siege to the fort of Uoh. 
Malik 'Alf, who was there on behalf of Sarang Khan, kept him in 
check for a month, and Sarang Khan despatched Malik Taju-d 
din to his aid with 4000 men. Mirza Pfr Muhammad then raised 
the siege, marched from ITch, and defeated him. He then com- 
menced the siege of Multan. After a siege of six months, Sarang 
Khan yielded and surrendered Multan. About this time, a.h. 801 
(1398 A.D.), Ti'mur himself arrived at Multan. Prom this time 
dates the dowofaU. and cessation of the authority of the Sultans of 
Dehli over the governors of Sind, who raised the standard of inde- 
pendence, as will be now related. 

The Tribe of Sumra. 

A portion of this tribe had got possession of parts of Sind before 
the time above-mentioned, so that the whole term of their authority 
may be reckoned at 550 years. Historians — observing their first 
appearance after the Al-i Tamfm, who were the last governors on the 
part of the 'Abbasides — date the rule of the tribe from that time. 
When, as we have related, the administration of the greater part of 
Sind was held by the officers of the Ghaznivide and Ghori kings, 
this tribe enjoyed full and undivided power. They sprang from 
the Arabs of Samra, as has been mentioned before, who arrived in 
Sind in the fourth century of the Hijra. 

It is said that Chhota Amrani, brother of Dalu Eai Amrani, was 
so much grieved at his brother's injustice which occasioned the ruin 
of the city of Alor, and clouded the prosperity of the city of Bham- 
bara, that he repaired to Baghdad and obtained from the Khahf 100 
Arabs of Samra whom, with the 'Ulamal Musawi, he brought to 
Sind, of whom more hereafter. At last, Dalii Eaf submitted to the 
Saiyid and gave him his daughter in marriage. The Saiyid settled 
in Sind, and left descendants, and the town of Mut'alwi is their 
abiding place. 

' Here is a farther error in the Dehli annals, which is not to be attributed to 
Mir H'astim. 


In short, as we have before said, in A.H. 720 (1320 a.d.) Ghizi 
Malik march on Dehli, with an army collected from Multan and 
Sind, and overthrew Khusru Khan. Then, ascending the throne, he 
assumed the style and title of Grhiasu-d din Tughlik Shah, and 
devoted himself to the government of his new dominions. 

The Sumras then collected a force from the neighbora-hood of 
Thari, and placed a man named Sumra on the throne. He settled 
the frontier of his country, and married the daughter of a zamindar 
named Sad, who had set up a claim to independence. To him was 
bom a son named Bhiingar, who on his death succeeded him in the 
government. After him, his son Dudd brought the country as far 
as Nasrpur into his possession. Diida died, leaving a son of tender 
age, named Singhar, so Tari, daughter of Duda, took the govern- 
ment into her hands, but made it over to her brother when he 
arrived at years of discretion. Singhar pushed his way in the 
direction of Kach, and subjected the country as far as Bang-nai. 
He left no son, so his wife Hemu appointed her brothers to the 
government of the cities of Tur and Thari. After a brief interval, 
a Siimra named Duda, who was ruling in the fort of Dhak, as- 
sembled his brethren from all sides, and extirpated the brethren of 
Hemu. At this juncture Dadu Phatu, a descendant of Duda, re- 
belled, and collecting a foreign force, he for some time carried 
on the government. After him, llhaira became ruler. Then 
Armil became the master of the state. So the Sammas rebelled 
and slew him. This happened in the year 752 Hijra (1351 
A.D.). The history of this family, from its rise to its fall, the 
number of its princes, and the causes of its decline, are very discor- 
dantly narrated. Thus the Muntakhabu-t Tawarikh says that when 
the sovereignty was inherited by 'Abdu-r Eashid, son of Mahmudj 
of Ghazni, it was soon perceived that he was lethargic and weak- 
minded. The men of Sind were therefore refractory and rebellious, 
and in the year 445 Hijra (1053 a.d.), the men of Sumra collected 
in the vicinity of Thari, and raised a man named Sumra to the seat of 
government. This man reigned independently for a long period, 
and, marrying the daughter of a zaminddr named Sad, he died 
leaving a son named Bhungar as his successor. Bhiingar, son of 
Sumra, reigned fifteen years, and died in the year 461 Hijra (1069 


A.D.) His son Duda succeeded, and reigned twenty-four years, dying 
in 485 Hijra (1092 a.d). After him Singhar reigned fifteen years ; 
Khafif, thirty -six years; 'Umar, forty years; Duda, the second, 
fourteen years ; Phatu, thirty-three years ; Genhra,* sixteen years ; 
Muhammad Tur, fifteen years; Genhra," several years; Duda," 
fourteen years ; Taf,'' twenty-four years ; Chanesar, eighteen years ; 
Bhungar, fifteen years ; Khafif, eighteen years ; Duda, twenty -five 
years ; 'Umar Sumra, thirty -five years ; Bhungar, ten years. Hamfr 
then succeeded, but he was a tyrant, and the Samma tribe overthrew 
him. The rise of this family is related in various ways, and several 
rulers are mentioned beside those above enumerated ; their fall, also, is 
described in many incongruous ways. 'Umar Sumra gave his name 
to the fort of 'Umarkot. 

The Story of Mumal and Mendra. 

One of the most remarkable events of his (Hamir Sumra' s) timei 
is the story of Mumal and Mendra, which is told thus : — A woman 
named Mumal, of the family of the Gujar chiefs, on the death of 
her father, ruled over his lands, and built a lofty palace on the 
outskirts of the city, outside which she, by magic art, conducted a 
stone canal like a river across the entrance of the palace ; and she 
planted two life-like lions of tenible aspect, cut in stone, at the 
doorway, and within the ordinary sitting-room seven sofas were 
placed, covered with stuff of one design, six of which coverings 
were made of imspun thread, and underneath each sofa a deep well 
was dug. She then caused it to be given out that she would 
choose for her husband him who should pass the river and the 
Hens, and sagaciously seat himself on the right seat. Many men 
were tempted to a trial, but none attained their object ; nay, they 
stepped into the well of annihilation. 

One day, Hamir Sumra went out hunting with three of his 
suite, one of whom was Eana Mendra, his minister's wife's brother. 
He happened to meet a travelling Jogf, who so extolled the beauty 
of Mumal, that Hamir Sumra felt a great desire to see her. Taking 
his attendants with him, they turned their heads to the direc- 

1 ["Ghenra" in one MS.] 

' [These three names are found only in the best of the two MSS.] 


tion indicated, and on reaching its vicinity put up witliin view 
of the palace. Mumal, on learning of their arrival, despatched a 
sharp slave girl to ascertain their quality, and bring the most 
important person of the party to be hospitably entertained. 

First Hamir -went with the girl, but she outstripped him ; and 
he, on beholding that deep imaginary river, returned without at- 
taining his object, and for very shame said nothing. The next night 
the girl came again, and bade one of the other strangers accompany 
her, but he also returned as Hamir had done. On the third night, 
the same thing happened to the third man. On the fourth night, 
Eana Mendra set out with the girl, and when she wished to precede 
him, according to her custom, he seized the skirt of her garment, 
and put her behind, saying that it was not proper for slave girls 
to precede their masters. When he reached the visionary river he 
was puzzled for a moment. On sounding the depth of the water 
with the lance which he had in his hand, he found it had no real 
existence. He at once passed over, and saw the Hons at the gate, 
but throwing his spear at them, he found they were not really 

He then pursued his object, entered the palace, and went into the 
sofa room ; there he saw seven sofas or thrones, all of the same 
kind, and thought to himself that one of them must be especially 
intended to sit on, and that perhaps there was some deception about 
them. He then probed each with his spear, found out the sub- 
stantial one, and sat down cross-legged upon it. The girl informed 
Mumal of the circumstances, and of his sagacity. She instantly 
came out, thoy were mutually pleased with each other, and the 
marriage knot was firmly tied. Mendra passed the night in rap- 
turous enjoyment, and repaired early in the momiag to the presence 
of Hamir and his friends, to whom he related his adventures. 
Hamir said, " As the woman has now become your own, you must 
be pleased to let me see her once." Accordingly, at night, 
Mendra took Hamir with him, dressed as a shepherd. Hamir 
bore the Eana some ill-will for having set aside the respect due 
to him ; he therefore carried him off to his own city, and placed 
him under arrest. As Mendra had given his heart to Mumal, he, 
with the privity of his guards, every night secretly mounted a 


very swift she-dromedary, who could perform five ordinary day's 
jotimey and back again ia a single night, and having seen his 
beloved, and enjoyed the charms of her company, returned to 
his prison. 

It chanced that one night Mumal had gone to see her sister. 
Mendra returned, and suspecting something wrong, became dis- 
pleased, and gave up going any more. The innocent Mvimal was 
greatly distressed at Mendra's displeasure, and quitted her own 
residence and country. Having arrived at the city where Mendra 
dwelt, she built a palace adjoining his, and had windows placed 
opposite to his windows that she might sometimes see him. Mendra, 
shrouded in displeasure, closed his windows on that side, and Mumal 
then built a palace opposite another face of Mendra's, and so on, 
opposite to each of its four faces, but did not succeed in seeing her 
beloved. At last, when Mumal saw that Mendra had entirely 
averted the face of regard from her, she breathed a sigh of anguish, 
and, wounded by despair, gave up her life. Intelligence of this 
was conveyed to Mendra, and since a lover powerfully affects the 
heart of the beloved, and as the attraction of hearts in the world of 
unity tends to one and the same object, he instantly, on hearing 
these lamentable tidings, sighed and expired. This story is sung in 
Sindf verse at certain established places, and religious devotees are 
transported to raptures and heavenly visions of Divine love, on 
hearing it. A certain MuUa Mukim has written this story in 
Persian verse, and called it " Tarannum-i 'Ishk," or the song of 

Story of Chanesar and Laild. 

A girl named Kaimrii, daughter of the powerful and renowned 
Eana Khangar was betrothed to her cousin. Being incomparably 
beautiful, the young lady gave herself great airs among her asso- 
ciates. At that time no one could be compared to Chanesar, of 
Dewal, for beauty of person, siere of wealth, extent of territory, 
or force of authority, and an alliance with him was earnestly 
desired by many beauties. One day a girl named Jamni, one of 

> Lt. Sutton has given this tale in a more atttactire form, in his Sindh, 
pp. 114-123. 


Kaunru's companions, said to her, tauntingly, " Perhaps you en- 
tertain thoughts of being married to Chanesar, since you practice 
so many fine airs, and are so affected." This taunt pierced 
Kaunru's heart, and without even having seen Chanesar's face, she 
became desperately in love with him, and almost beside herself. 
When Marghin, her mother, found this out, she apprised Eana 
Khangar of it. As a matrimonial alliance with Chanesar was the 
greatest honour of the day, and there seemed no way of accom- 
plishing that except by stratagem, the Eana advised Marghin to 
take their daughter in the garb of a merchant to Chanesar's town, 
without letting any one know of her so doing, and before Kaunrii 
should become the victim of despair, and thus perhaps Chanesar 
himself might become ensnared in the net of good contrivance. 
Agreeably to this recommendation, Marghin set out with her 
daughter and some merchandize, crossed the river Parpat, and 
leaving her own country of Dhat, soon entered the Dewal territory, 
and arrived at the city where Chanesar lived. She sent a message 
through a gardener's wife, to Jhakra, Chanesar's Wazir, intimating 
her desire for a union. Chanesar — devoted to Laila, whose beauty 
and charms might excite the jealousy of the celebrated Iiaila — re- 
turned for answer that he wished for none but Laila, bade the 
gardener's wife beware of bringing more such messages to him, 
and directed the new comers to be sent away, lest Laila should hear 
of them, and be annoyed. On being informed of this, Marghin sold 
her merchandise, and went one day into the presence of Laild, in 
the garb of a poor stranger beggar woman, saying : — " Adverse cir- 
cumstances have driven me and my daughter far from our own 
country ; in spinning thread we have no equals, if you will kindly 
take us as your slaves, we will so serve you as to merit general 
approval." Laila took them both, and was pleased with their 
work. After some time, the arrangements of Chanesar's bed- 
chamber became Kaunru's special charge. Kaunru one liight 
thought of her own country, and of her splendid position there, 
and her eyes filled with tears. Chanesar, seeing this, asked her 
what was the matter. She answered that she had raised the wick 
of the lamp, and then scratched her eye with the hand with which 
she did it, which brought the tears into her eye. On hearing this, 


Laila was very pressing to learn the truth, and Kaunrii, after much, 
pressing, said, "The truth is, I am the daughter of a sovereign, 
of such wealth, that the lustre of his jewels serves him for night- 
Hghts ; hence the smoke of the lamp confused my brain, and the 
recollection of past days entered my head, and I wept that they 
were no more." Laila asked her for proof of the truth of this pre- 
tension ; she instantly produced a most delicate dress, such as Laila 
had never seen, with a necklace worth nine lakhs of rupees. Laila 
was charmed with such precious rareties, and desired to have 
them. Kaunru and Marghin said, " We will give them on condition 
that you give us Chanesar for one night." As most women are 
wanting in understanding, she agreed to the terms, and one night, 
when Chanesar was drunk, she made him over to Kaunru. Chane- 
sar passed the entire night in unconsciousness, and when he awoke 
in the morning, was astonished at finding who it was he had in his 
bosom. Kaunru's mother was all night on the alert as to what 
should happen. Finding in the morning that her daughter's object 
was not accomplished, she began muttering from behind the curtain, 
" how strange it is that Laila should sell such a husband as Chane- 
sar for a mere necklace ! and that he should be ignorant of this ; it 
is not fitting that a man should again consort with such a wife." 
Chanesar hearing this, looked lovingly on Kaunru ; she told him 
the whole particulars of her story from beginning to end. He then 
said : — " Since the case is thus, be of good heart, for' I am no more 
Laila's, and I will love you with my whole heart." 

On Laila hearing of what had taken place, all her stratagems 
were futile, her constant union was changed to utter separation 
After the lapse of a long time, she returned to her paternal village, 
and passed her time in solitude. Before this affair, a girl from the 
family of Laila had been betrothed to the minister Jhakra ; but after 
what had happened to Laila her relations would not give the girl 
to him. As he was bent on the match, he tried many devices to 
bring about the marriage, but aU in vain. Laila sent word to him 
that if he could by any means contrive to bring Chanesar with him, 
she would pledge herself his desired marriage should take place. 

On receiving this message, Jhakra, with much ado, persuaded 
Chanesar to accompany him to Laila's village. Laila changed her 


di-ess, and putting on tlie garb of a woman wlio tears the message 
of assignation, veiled her face, and entered the presence of Chanesar, 
when she spoke reproachfully of the relation in which he stood to 
Laila. During the conversation, she played oif some coquettish 
airs, and captivated Chanesar without his knowing who she was. 
As all Chanesar's abandonment of Laila, and unkindness too, arose 
from jealousy, and he was in reality as much attached to her as ever, 
on the remembrance of the joys of the time of his union with her 
he became beside himself, and said, " sweet-tongued girl ! thou 
thyself art the rarest of beauties 1 How long wilt thou talk of 
Laila ? Speak to me of thyself, for my heart yearns to thee !" She 
replied: "How can the heart love one faithless as thou?" On 
hearing her speech, Chanesar wished to tear her veil off ; but LaiM, 
who was herself her own messenger, at the very height of his ardom-, 
unveiled herself with her own hand. When Chanesar saw that she 
was indeed Laila, he suddenly drew a cold sigh from his sorrowful 
heart and expired. On seeing this, Laila, too, uttered one groan and 
fell down lifeless. The pair were burned according to custom, and 
liieir strange story is well remembered by the people, and is the 
theme of a popular and moving song in tbe Sindi tongue. Idra'H 
Beg-Lar composed a Persian poem on this story ; the present writer, 
for fear of prolixity, has satisfied himself with relating thus much 
of it. 

Ncumwdb Murid Klidn. 

He was by birth the son of a Eaja, and newly converted to the 
Muhammadan faith. In the year 1099 h. (1688 a.d.) corresponding 
with the 31st of the reign, he was appointed to the government of 
Thatta. It is said, that several thousand Eajputs accompanied him. 
When he arrived at the ferry, he learnt that it was necessary to 
pass through the butcher's shambles where cows were slaughtered, 
before he could reach the citadel. So he despatched a message to 
Kazi Muhammad Husain, the Kazi of the city, saying that he had 
with him a large body of Hindu Eajputs, and requesting him to 
remove the shops of the cow-slaying butchers from the passage of the 


bazar, lest they should give oflfence to bis followers, and some dis- 
turbance should arise. As the institutions of the king, the defender 
of the law, were not tolerant of the threats and menaces of such 
persons, the most worshipful Kdzf, that very night, directed the 
butchers to double the number of their usual stalls, and place them 
on both sides of the roads. When the governor heard of this, seeing 
it would be useless to act in opposition to His Majesty, the defender 
of the faith, he was compelled to pass accordiag to the fashion ob- 
served by his predecessors. He remained two years in Thatta, during 
which his army gave much trouble to the Musulmans. Upon a 
representation made by the chief residents, a royal order was 
received directing him to abandon his ridiculous crotchets and 
consider himself removed from the government of Musulmans. 
"When he was dismissed, he remained for some time at the fort 
of Tughlikabad, better known as Kalankot, as he found the air 
suited to the complaint under which he was suffering, of weakness 
of sight. The king, out of regard to him, did not oppose this 
arrangement, but when his successor arrived at Thatta, he was 
summoned to the court. Some of the present defences and build- 
ings of the fort of Tughlikabad are of his constniction. 



[Sir H. Elliot in his iatroductory remarks on Al Birunf's 
geographical chapter, observed that before the time of that writer 
" the whole of Upper India was a perfect terra incognita, and the 
Arabians knew much less of it than Pliny and Ptolemy." The 
geographical extracts at the beginning of this volnme, fully prove 
the justice of this observation. Multan, Mansdra, Alor, and other 
places of note in the valley of the Indus, were visited by their early 
travellers, and the ports upon the coast, especially those about the 
Gulf of Cambay, were also known from the reports of their mariners. 
All beyond this was vague, and evidently drawn from hearsay inform- 
ation. Their scanty knowledge is farther shown by the identity 
of much that was written on the subject. Sulaiman and Ma'sudi 
drew their information from the same or very similar sources ; and a 
great part of Istakhri's and Ibn Haukal's description is verbatim the 
same, so that there can be no doubt that one copied from the other. 
In Biruni we have ample evidence of a much wider knowledge, not 
always accurate, not always intelligible at the present time, but stUl 
showing that he had acquired, either by personal travel or by dili- 
gent investigation, a fair general knowledge of the topography of 
Hindustan, and even of parts beyond.' Idrfsi gives a full compiLa- 
tion from the works of his predecessors, with some additional matter 
from sources now lost to us, but he does not appear to have used 
the writings of Birtinf, and his work is blemished by many false 

' [He cannot be absolved from the blunder of having placed Thanesar in the 
So&b, but the further error of locating Muttra on the east of the Jumna is due to his 
translators. All the versions of Sashidu-d dfo say that the river lies on the east of 

the city, (^jl^iJl liJj?" jif-" LsV^V^j)* See first edition pp. 73, 97. Seinaud'a 
Fragment; 82, lOOi] 

VOL. I. 23 



I^Sir H. Elliot endeavoured to identify and fix the position of 
several of the most important and interesting of the places men- 
tioned by the early geographers and historians, and some additions 
have since been made, chiefly from sources unpublished at the time 
when his original volume appeared. The following is an index of 
the notes : — 

The Balhara 
Juzr or Jurz 
Tafan . . 

Agham — ^The Lohtoas . 

Alor 363 

Amhal, P&mhal, etc. ... 363 

Annabel 364 

A^kalanda 365 

Biniya, Bitiya 367 

Bhambdr 368 

Br^hman&bl.d,Maiistira,Ma1if&za 369 
Debal, KarSjjhl, Thatta, and 

L&borl-bandar 374 

Hala-kandi, the Hellenes, Pindus 379 

Jandrdd 380 

Kaik&n&n, Kaik^, KUiiaTS . . 381 



. 354 Eahma, Euhmi 361 

. 358 Kashbin 361 

. 360 
Cities and Towns. 


Kajur&ha 383 

KliUaTi, Annaii, and Ballarf . 384 
Sand&bel, T^&n, Budha, Baiz^ 385 

Kannazbiir 389 

Mandal, Kiraj 390 

Manjabari 391 

Mionagara 392 


362 393 

Nirrin, Sakiira, Jarak . . . 396 

SadusSn . 401 

SamiSi, Tughlikibid, Kali-kot 401 

Sind&n, Sub&ra, SaiinOr . . 402 

Ttir, Muhatampur, Dirak, etc. 403 


[The early Arab Geographers are unanimous in their spelling of 
the title " Balhara." The merchant Sulaiman says it is a title 
similar to the Chosroes of the Persians, and not a proper name. 
Ibn Khurdadba says that it signifies " King of Kings." According 
to Mas'udi it is a title borne by all the kings of the country, while 
Ibu Haukal states that it is a name derived from that of the country. 
Idrisi follows Ibn Khurdadba in giving to it the signification of 
" King of Kings," but, he adds, that the title was hereditary. Thus 
it seems clear that it was the general title of a dynasty, and that it 
must have borne some such signification as that assigned to it by 
Ibn Khurdadba.] 

[Taking the accounts of the Arab writers, and comparing them 
with the Indian annals, there can be no great hesitation in identify- 
ing the "Balhara" with the dynasty settled at Ballabhi-pura, the 
princes of which were the founders of the BaUabhi era, and were 


probably known as the Ballabbi or Ballabb Eai's. This identifica- 
tion, originally proposed by Colonel Tod, has met with tacit acqui- 
escence, except from M. Beinaud, who considered the term " Balhara " 
to represent Malwa Eai or " King of Malwa."] ' 

[BaUabhi-pura was, according to Tod, "destroyed in the fiftb 
century, by an irruption of the Parthians, Getes, Huns or Catti, or 
a mixture of these tribes,'" In another place he gives the date 
of this event from Jain records as a,d. 524.' And in a further pas- 
sage he says, that after the destruction of BaUabhi-pura, its princes 
" fled eastward, eventually obtaining Chitor, when the Islands of 
Deo and Somnath-pattan, ia the division termed Larika, became the 
seat of government. On its destruction, in the middle of tbe eighth 
century, Anhalwara became the m.etropolis, and this, as recorded, 
endured until the fourteenth century."* Hwen Tsang visited Balabhi 
in the seventh century, and Thomas gives the date of its destruction 
as 802 Sam vat (745 a.b.)* The ruias of the city are well known, 
beiag situate about twenty miles west of Bhownuggur, in Kattiwar ; 
and the name survives in that of the modem town of Wallay, which 
stands near them.'2 

[Hindu authorities thus record the removal of the seat of govern- 
ment to the country of Larike or Lata, which country Mas'udi names 
as being subject to the Balhara, and which the other writers describe 
as forming part of his dominions.] 

[The capital of the Balhara is stated by Mas'udi to be " Manki'r 
(or Manakir) the great centre of India," and to be situated " eighty 
Sindi parasangs (640 miles) from the sea," a palpable exaggeration. 
Istakhri and Ibn Haukal say that " Mankfr is the city in which the 
Balhara dwells, but they do not name it in their lists of the cities of 
Hind. Biruni and Idrisl make no mention of it. The unavoidable 
inference is that the place had fallen to decay, and was known only 
by tradition in the days of these Arab writers.] 

[The name Mankir or Manakir bears a suggestive resemblance 
to "Minagara," a city which Ptolemy places on the Nerbadda, 

1 [Rel. des Voyages, xciv. Mem. mr VTnde, 138, 144.] 

» ITraveU I. 23.] » [Annals I. 217.] 

* [Xod, Travels I. 213,] » [Thomas' Prinsep Useful Tables, p. 158.] 

" [Journal Boyal Asiatic Society, xiii. p. 146.] 


among the cities of Larike. Both are probably representatives of 
the Sanskrit mahd-nagara, " great city." Mankir is said to mean 
"great centre," so that the word mahd (great) mnst be represented 
by the first syllable md ; and tiie other syllables naUr or ndUr are 
by no means a bad Arabic transcription of " Nagara," for the alpha- 
bet would not allow of a closer version than nofeor. In Minagara, 
the word nagara, " city" is unquestionable. Ptolemy mentions another 
Minagara on the East coast, somewhere near the Mahanadf river, 
and Axrian, in the Periplus, has another Minagara in the valley of 
the Indus. The syllable mi would therefore seem to be a common 
appellative, having no local or ethnological import, but correspond- 
ing with mahd or some similar word.] 

[The bearings of Minagara and of some of the neighbouring places 
are thus stated by Ptolemy : — 

Minagara 115° W x 19° SV 

Barygaza Emporium (Broach) 113 15 X 17 20 

Siripalla 116 30 X 21 30 

Xeragere 116 20 X 19 50 

Ozene (Ujjain) 117 00 x 20 00 

Tiatura 115 60 X 18 50 

Nasica (Nasik) 114 00 x 17 00 

Namadiflnviifontes a,monteVindio 127 00 X 26 30 

Eluvii flexio juxta Siripalla 116 30 X 22 00 

There is a palpable error in these statements of Ptolemy, for he 
places Ujjain to the south of Nerbadda, and two degrees south of the 
bend of the river near Siripalla. But Ujjain lies to the north of the 
Nerbadda, and the river has no noticeable bend in this quarter. 
The river Mahi, however, has a very great bend ; Ujjain lies to the 
south of it, and the respective bearings are more in agreement, so 
that the two rivers would here seem to have been confounded.] 

[Tiatura may be Talner, and Xeragere may be Dhar, as Lassen 
supposes, for these are situated on well-known roads, and as General 
Cunningham forcibly observes, Ptolemy's geography must have been 
compiled from routes of merchants. Comparing the bearings of the 
various places, Minagara would seem to have been situated some- 
where between Dhar and Broach. Lassens identifies Minagara with 
Balabhi-pura, but this city was situated too far west.] 

[The neighbourhood of Dhar is exactly the locality in which 


Idxlsl would at first sight seem to place Nahrw5r4 or Nahlwdra, 
which he leads us to infer was the capital of the Balhara in his time. 
This city, he tells us, was situated eight days' journey inland from 
Broach through a flat country. The towns of Hanawal (or Janawal) 
and Dulka lie between them, and Didka is situated on the river 
(Nerbadda) which forms the estuary on which Broach stands, and 
at the foot of a chain of mountains called TJndaran, lying to the 
north. Near Hanawal there is another town called Asawal. This 
description is inconsistent, for Asdwal is an old name of Ahmaddbad, 
and that city lies to the north far away from the Nerbadda. Abu-1 
Fida seems to rectify this, for he declares Cambay to be the port of 
Nahrwara, which city he says is three days' journey from a port. 
He refers to Abu Eihan as spelling the name Nahlw&ra, and on 
turning back to page 61, it will be seen that this is his orthography. 
The city described by Abu Bihan and Abu-1 Fida is undoubtedly 
Anhalwara Pattan, and if Cambay be substituted for Broach in 
Idrfei's description, the account, so far as we understand it, will be 
conastent with itself and with the other writers. Cambay stands 
at the head of the bay which bears its name, between the mouths of 
the Sabarmatf on thfe west, and the Mahi on the east. Asawal 
or Ahmadabad is on the left bank of the former, and the Aravalli 
chain of mountains lies to the north of Anhalwdra. Idrf si specially 
mentions the bullock carriages of Nahrwara, and those of Guzerat 
are stiU. famous. Lastly, no Nahrwara is known near the river 
Nerbadda. Thus Ptolemy and Idrisi would both seem to have con- 
founded the river of Broach (the Nerbadda) with those of Cambay 
(Sabarmati and Mahf).] 

[Hwen Tsang, who travelled in India between 629 and 646 a.d., 
visited the kingdom of " Fa,-la-pi" (VaUabhi), but his account does 
not help to settle the locality of the capital, for he only says that it 
was a journey of 1000 li (166^ miles) north from Malwi. The 
kings were of Kshatriya race, and were connected with the 
sovereigns of Kanya-kiibja, the reigning monarch, Dhruva Bhatta, 
being son-in-law either of King SUaditya or of that king's son.] 

[The " Balhara" would thus seem to represent, as Tod affirmed, the 
Ballabh Eais of Ballabhi-pura who were succeeded by the Bala 
Eais of Anhalwara Pattan. Their territories included the ports in 
the country of Lata (Larike) on the gulf of Cambay. These ports 


■were frequented by Arab trading vessels, and so the accounts given 
of the Balhaxa by their geographers, vague and meagre as they are, 
exceed all that is recorded by them of the other cotemporary king- 
doms. The extent of the Ealhara's territory can only be surmised, 
and no doubt it underwent continual change. Mas'udi, by impli- 
cation, places Tanna within his dominions, but this is farther south 
than would seem to be warranted. The Tapti on the south, and the 
Aravalli mountains on the north may perhaps represent an approxi- 
mation to the real extent of the kingdom. This may appear a 
limited dominion for a monarch of such renown as the Arabs repre- 
sent the Balhara to have been ; but it must be remembered that 
these writers were accustomed to a simple patriarchal form of 
government, free from the pomp and splendour of the further east.] 

[There are copper records extant showing that in the first half of 
the fourth century grants of land in the neighbourhood of Jambusir 
were made by the Gurjjara rajas and by the Chalukyas. The latter 
were of a Rajput tribe, and would then appear to have been making 
their way southwards to the scene of their subsequent power. In 
812 A.D., just before the time of the merchant Sulaiman, a grant was 
made by the " Lateswara," that is, " King of Lata," but the names 
therein recorded have not been identified with those in any of the 
dynastic lists. Allowing for the omissions not unusual in such 
grants, there is a Dhruva who may correspond with the Dhruva 
Bhatta of Hwen Tsang.] 

Juzr or Jurz. 

[Sulaiman and Ibn Khurdadba write the name "Jurz" but the- 

Paris edition of Mas'udi has Juzr, which the editors understand as 

signifying Guzerat. Abu Zaid says incidentally that Kanauj is " a 

large country forming the empire of Jurz ;" ' and relying upon this 

statement M. Eeinaud identifies Jurz with Kanauj.'' But Mas'udi 

locates the Bauura at Kanauj, and speaks of Juzr as quite a distinct 

kingdom. Sulaiman and Mas'udi concur in making the country 

border on the kingdoms of the Eahma and the Balhara, and the 

former says that the country is situated on a tongue of land, and is 

rich in camels and horses. " Juzr" closely resembles the name 

" Guzerat," especially in its Arabic form " Juzarat" and the other 

' [Ante p. 10, The Arabic text gives the name as " Juz."] 
' [Eel. des Voyages, xcT. Mem. sur VInde, 206.] 


known conditions are satisfied by this identification. Guzerat is a 
peninsula, it bordered on the dominions of the Balhara, and the 
horses of Kattiwar are still famous.] 

[Hwen Tsang visited the " kingdoms of Su-la-cha or Surashtra, 
and Kiu-che-lo or Grurjjara, after that of Vallabhi, but, according to his 
expositor, M. Vivien de St. Martin, Su-la-cha (SurdsUra) represents 
the modem Guzerat, and Kiu-che-lo (Gurjjara) "the country of the 
Gujars " between Anhalwara and the Indus. This location of the two 
territorial names differs from the generally received acceptation of 
their meaning, and rests entirely upon the expositor's interpretation 
of Hwen Tsang's confused statements — the only arguments adduced 
in its favour, being a proposed identification of Pi-lo-mo-lo, which 
Hwen Tsang gives as the name of the capital of Kiu-che-lo, with the 
modem Bdlmer; and an ethnological theory that the Gujars mj^Ai 
have given their name to this country in the course of their migrations. 
But no example of such an application of the name is adduced, and 
Hwen Tsang himself in another passage (p. 169) accurately describes 
this very country as being north of Kiu-che-lo, and stretchiag " 1900 li 
(316^ miles), atravers desplaines sauvages et des deserts dangereux" 
io the river Indus. The Sanskrit Surdshtra and Gurjjara survive in 
the modem names Sural and Ouzerdt, and, however the territories 
embraced by the old terms may have varied, it is hard to conceive that 
Surat was not in Surdshtra nor Guzerdt in Gurjjara. All evidence 
goes to prove that the old and modem names applied to the same places. 
Thus, Ptolemy's Surastrene comprises Surat, and the grants of the 
" Eajas of Gurjjara" dated in the early part of the fourth century, 
conveyed land in the vicinity of Jamhusara or " Jumbooseer." — 
Biruni (supra p. 67), shows what the Muhammadans imderstood by 
Guzerat in his day, and while Guzerdt answers to the " Juzr," of his 
predecessors, the supposed "country of the Gujars" does not, for 
that cannot be said to be " a tongue of land."] 

[The fact is that there is great confusion in this part of Hwen 
Tsang's itinerary, and his bearings are altogether untrustworthy. In 
the first volume he says, " Du cote de 1' ouest ce royaume (Surdshtra) 
touche a la riviere MaM ;" but in vol. ii. p. 165, he says " La capitale 
touche du cote de I'ouest a la riviere Mo-hi (MaM)." A very material 
difference, The first statement is quite in agreement with the true 


position of SmdsJitra. Hwen Tsang represents lais route to have pro- 
ceeded north from Koch to Vallabhi. This error, M. Vivien de Saint- 
Martin observes, renders it necessary to reverse the direction, and he 
adds, " Ceci est une cortection oapitale qui affecte et rectifie toute la 
suite de I'itin^raire." If it is thus necessary to reverse the north and 
south, may it not be also necessary to do the same with the east and 
virest ? No such general correction, however, will set matters right ; 
for Hwen Tsang gays correctly that he proceeded south-east from 
Grurjjara to TJjjain. It is curious, moreover, that M. V. de Saint- 
Martin does not adhere to his "correction capitale," for Hwen Tsang 
states that he went north from Vallabhi to Giirjjara and his expositor, 
places Ourjjara to the north, while according to his own canon it 
ought to be south^2 

[Sulaiman writes the name "Tafak;" Ibn Khurdadba and 
Mas'iidi have "Tafan." Keinaud cites also the variations "Takan" 
and " Taban." Founding his opinion on the statement as to the 
beauty of the women, whom he supposes to be Mahrattas, Eeinaud 
places this country in the neighbourhood of Aurangabad.' His 
argument is amusing, but is untenable, for it is inconsistent with the 
account given of the country by the Arab writers. Mas'udi says, 
" Some kings have their territory in the mountains away from the 
sea, like the king of Kashmir, the king of Tafan, and others ;" and 
again, " the Mihran (Indus) comes from well-known sources in the 
highlands of Sind, from the coimtry belonging to Kanauj in the 
kingdom of Bauiira, and from Kashmfr, Kandahar and Tafan." 
Sulaiman says that "Tafak" lies by the side of the kingdom of 
Juzr, and this is inconsistent with Eeinaud's view of Juzr 
being Kanauj and Tafak being Aurangabad ; for if Juzr be 
Gruzerfit, T£fak must be placed to the north of it, as the dominions 
of the Balhara were on the south-east. The mountains in this 
direction are, first, the Aravali mountains ; next, the Salt-range, 
and lastly, the Himalayas. In Kazwfni there is a notice of the fort 
of " Taifand," subdued by MahmM of Ghazni, in the year 1023 a.d.' 

< [Stanislas JuUen's " Hiouen Thsang," Map and M^moiie Analytiqne. Thomas' 
Prinsep I. 260 ; Vishnu Pur&aa, p. 177 ; Journal E. A. S, Vol.I. p. 247, N.S.] 
» [ReL des Voy. cl.] » [Ante, p. 99,] 


This fort lie represents as being on the summit of a mountain, to 
which there was only one way of access, and when taken, there 
were 500 elephants in the place. The names are sufficiently 
similar, and the descriptions point to the same locality. In the 
absence of more definite information, the Salt-range seems to com- 
ply most closely with what we are told about the position <rf 

Rahma or JRuhmi. 

[According to Sulaim^, this State is bordered by those of Balhara, 
Jurz and Tafand, and is constantly at war with the two former. 
Mas'udi says it stretches along the sea and continent, and is bounded 
raland by a kingdom called Kaman. He adds that Bahma is the 
title of their kings, and generally their name also. They had great 
strength in troops, elephants, and horses. Eeinaud says it " appears 
to correspond with the ancient kingdom of Visapour," ' but it is diflS- 
cult to fix the locality of this kingdom. The name is probably the 
Sanskrit Bama. The use of kauris for money, the extremely fine 
cotton fabrics, and the existence of the rhinoceros in the country, 
would point to a locality on the Bay of Bengal about Dacca and 
Arracan. If the neighbouring kingdom, which Mas'udi calls Kaman, 
is the same as that which Ibn Khurdadba calls Kamrun and places 
on the borders of Chioa, there can be no doubt that Kamnip or 
Assam is intended, and this identification, which is exceedingly 
probable, will confirm the locality of Dacca as the probable site of 
the kingdom of Bahma. The accounts of this kingdom and of 
Kamrup were probably gathered by the Arab writers from mariners 
who had visited the ports in the Bay of Bengal, and their ignorance 
of the interior of the country, led them to iafer that the territories 
of the Balhara on the western coast were conterminous with those 
of Bahma on the eastern side.] 

[Tod identifies Kashbfn with Kach Bhuj, while Beinaud Supposes 
it to be Mysore.* All the description given of it is that it is an 
inland country, so that in the absence of any closely resembling 
Indian name, its locality is a mere matter of guess.] 
' [EeL des Voy. cii.] 


Agham. — The Lohdnas. 

Agham, or Agham-kot, lies about thirty miles south-east from 
Haidarabad, and though now almost forgotten, it was formerly a 
place of some consequence. Its position is not very easily identi- 
fied, and the name is rarely introduced into the maps. In Lt. Bur- 
ton's it seems to be entered under the name of " Angoomanoo," 
and in the Quartermaster-G-eneral's map of 1850, under that of 
" Aghamama." 

The Beg-Lar Ndma says it is on the Eain. The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm 
mentions it among the towns on the Sankra. Capt. McMurdo says 
it is on the Lohana Darya ; but he strangely fixes its site at Kalakot, 
seven miles to the west of Thatta, observing erroneously that it is 
not mentioned tiU long after the Arab conquest. Its position may 
be indicated at present as Ijdng between the Gunf and the Eain ; 
but it does not follow that it will answer to that description next 
year, as the course of these streams is constantly shifting. 

It is also called Agham Lohana. In the Chacli-ndma, we find 
frequent mention of a chief under that name, who was governor of 
Brahmanabad in the time of Chach. Lohana is the designation of 
a powerful tribe, which at that period, under an apparent confusion 
of terms, is said to have included both the Samma and Lakha clans. 
It can merely mean that they were then in a position of comparative 
subordiuation. Under all the vicissitudes the Lohanas have under- 
gone, they still retain their credit, as weU as their religion, and 
constitute the most influential tribe in Siad, whether regarded as 
merchants or officials. But, not confined within that narrow pro- 
vince, they have spread their ramifications beyond the western 
borders of India, and are found dispersed throughout Afghanistan, 
Buluohistan, and Arabia, exposed to inconveniences, insults, and 
dangers of no ordinary kind, in pursuit of their darling object of 
wealth, and final return to their native soil to enjoy the fruits of 
their industry. 

The Lohanas derive their name and origin from Lohanpur in 
Multan. The date of their emigration must have been very early, 
and even their own traditions do not attempt to fix it. Their sub- 
divisions are said to amount at least to fifty, the chief of them being 
the Khudabadi and Sihwani. They all of them wear the Janeo, or 


Brahmanieal thread. Though, for the most part, they worship the 
Hindu deities, a few have adopted the faith of Baba Nanak. They 
are described, by an accurate observer, as eating meat, addicted to 
spirituous liquors, not objecting to fish and onions, drinking water 
from the hand of their inferiors as well as superiors in caste, and 
being neither frequent nor regular in their deTotions. 

As the town of Agham is mentioned as early as the time of 
Muhammad Kdsim, we may presume that it derived its name from 
the Lohana chieftain above-mentioned, wlio was the contemporary 
and opponent of Chach.^ 


[This name is found in various forms — Mas'udi (p. 23) calls it 
AI Eiir ; Ibn Khurdadba writes Al Daur (p. 14) ; Istakhri has 
Al Euz (p. 27), and Al Eur (p. 28). The AsKkalu-l BUdd has Aldur 
(p. 34), and Alriir (p- 37) ; Gildemeister makes Ibn Haukal's 
version to be Euz and Alruz ; Biruni's spelling is ambiguous (see 
p. 48) ; Idrisi has Dur (p. 79). The Mardsidu-l Ittild' has Al Eur. J 
The ruins of the town lie between Bhakkar and Khairpur, and are 
known, by the name of Alor. Lieut. Maclagan says that it is also 
called Aror and that the hand spoken of by Bumes is really an 
arched bridge. [There can be little doubt of the first syllable being 
the Arabic al, and the real name Eur, as it survives in the modem 
town of Eori, which stands close by the ruins of Alor.] 

Amhai, Fdmhal, Kdmhal, or Mdmhal. 
[The name of the border town between Sind and Hind appears in 
many forms. Istakhri has Amhal, Pambal, and Kamhal ; the 
AsMlvrl BUdd has Famhal in the text, but Kamhal in the map. 
Gildemeister's Ibn Havkal has Kamuhul. Idrisi has Mambal ; 
Abii-l Fida has Eamhal, but a note states that a MS. of Ibn Haukal 
gives the name as PamhaL The Mardsidu-l TttiW has both Eamhal 
and Mamhal, giving Biladurf as authority for the latter. Careless 
writing and the omission of sometimes of one, sometimes of two 
points, will account for the various readings of Famhal, Kdmhal, 
and Mamhal, and taking this view of the question, Kamhal would 

1 Compare, Chaoh-ndma, MS. pp. 39, 41, 49, 66, 144, 195, 200. Beg-Zar-ndma 
MS. p. 73. Tiihfatit-l Kirdm, MS. p. 143. Captain McMurdo, Journal of the 
Boyal As. Soc, Vol. I. p. 24, 30, 247. Lient. Burton, Sindh, pp. 314-317, 338-342. 


appear to be the best reading. Looking, however, at its reported 
position, at two -thirds of the distance between Mansura and Kam- 
bajya, it would appear to answer to Anhalwara, and, if so, Istakhrf's 
solitary reading " Amhal" is right. War a is a common noim, sig- 
nifying "field."' 


The name of this place frequently occurs during the early period 
of Arab connection with Sind; but neither its orthography nor 
position can be establisihed with certainty. The Chach-ndma, in 
dififerent passages, calls it Armael, Armana-bfl, ArmapiUa, and 
Axmdbel (p. 157). The Futi,hu-l bulddn has Armafl; which M. 
Keinaud reads Armayl, but considers the true reading to be Arma- 
byl, for the reason given in the note.' Ibn Khurdddba and Istakhri 
write Annabil (pp. 14, 29) ; Ibn Haukal according to the AskMlu-l 
Bildd has Armail (p. 34), and Armdbfl (p. 38), GUdemeister, his 
translator, reads it as Arml,il, and suggests ArmabU. as preferable.' 
The Nvhian Geographer has Armfyael and Armayfl, which his trans- 
lator gives as Ermaiil (p. 77 note). The translator of Idrisi has the 
same (pp. 77 and 80). Abu-1 Fida, with his usual pretensions to 
accuracy, pronounces it Armabil. The Mardsidu-l Ittild' has Arma-fl. 
Ouseley prefers Armaiel. An old and rare Persian lexicon writes 
it as Armabal.* The I\chfaiu-l Kirdm has Armanbila, Armanpela, 
or some similar name. It is not entered in any modem map which 
I have seen, except that in Eees' Gyelbpcedia, where it receives the 
name of Ermajil, evidently derived from the m,ap in the French or 
Dutch editicai of Abbe Prevost's Histoire Ginirale des Foyages, Vol. 
XV., where it bears the same name, and is apparently set down from 
the statement of the Nubian Geographer. It is not in Ouseley's 
small map, prefixed to his Epiiorm of the Aneient Misiory of Persia, 
which, however, includes some other names given only by the Arab 

> [Eitter, v. 660.] 

' Cand&byl et ArmiHyl sont peut-ltre I'^quivalent de Ccmd de Abyl, Arm de Abyl. 
Dans cette hypothfese Atyt serait le nom primitif de la province. En effet, Ales- 
takhry et Ibn-Haucal s'accordent ft. dire que Abyl, ou un mot approohant, sert k 
designer un pensonnage qui jadis regna sur le pays et lui donna son non. — Fragmenta, 
p. 192. 

'' Gildemeister, de rebmlndicit, pp. 177 and 178. * Fai-hang-i Ibruhimshdkl. 


With respect to its locality, we read of Chacli's going to it on his 
■way from the Indus to Makran, and his finding there a governor on 
the part of the late ruler of Sind ; and -we also read of Muhammad 
Kasim capturing it on his way from Makrdn to Debal (pp. 119, 161 
and 157). Istakhri and Ibn Haukal speak of it as being in the pro- 
vince of Makran, and six; days' journey from Kfz, our modem Kedge. 
The other Arab geographers, as usual, follow these authorities. 

Combining all these several names and statements together, I am 
disposed to consider that Arm^-bel is the ancient and correct read- 
ing ; and that its name is partly preserved in, while its position cor- 
responds with, the modern Bela, the capital of the province of Las. 
It is placed on a considerable eminience — a strong and rocky site on 
the northern bank of the Puralf (the Arabis of the ancients) j and, 
though it is now partly surrounded by a sorry mud wall, and con- 
tains only about 300 houses, there are old Muhammadan sepulchres 
and other vestages of antiquity in its neighbourhood, especially about 
five miles to the westward, which seem to indicate its greater im- 
portance at some former period. Coins, trinkets, and fanereal jars 
are occasionally found there ; and in the nearest point of the con- 
tiguous hills, separating the province of Las from the old town of 
Jhow, numerous caves and rock-temples exist, ascribed by tradition 
to Faxhad and the fairies, but which have been considered by an 
observant traveller to be the earthly resting abodes of the former 
chiefs, or governors, of the province.' 

What adds mudi to the probability of this identification is, that 
Bela is mentioned in the native histories, not simply as Bela,, but as 
Kdra-Bela ; showing that it has been usual to prefix another name, 
which is now dropped in ordinary converse. 

Ashalanda. — Uchh. — Alexandria. » 

The Askalanda, Asal-kanda, and Askalandra of the Chaoh-nama 

is the same as the Askaland and 'Askaland-Usa of the Mujmalu-t 

TawdriM, and the Askandra and Askanda of the Ikih/atii-l JSwdm. 

The close correspondence of name, especially in the last instance, 

induces us at once to recognise it as identical with the Alexandria 

built at the confluence of the Aoesines with the Indus ; but a Httle 

^ Massan'g Journey to KaUt, p. 305 ; see also his Travels in Balochistan, etc., 
Vol, II, p. 28, 


examination will show this resemblajice to be more specious than 
real. ' 

The ancient kingdom of Sind was divided in four Satrapies, of 
which the third (v. stepra, p. 138) comprised the fort of Askalanda 
and Maibar," " which are also called Talwara and Chachpur." It is 
evident, from the description of the other Satrapies, that this one 
contained the whole tract north-east of Alor, and south-east of the 
Panjnad and Ghara ; almost precisely the same, in short, as the pre- 
sent Daudputra country. Now Mafbar and Chachpur still exist, 
under the modernised names of Mirbar and Chachar, close together 
at the very junction of the Acesines and Indus, on the eastern side 
of the river, opposite to Mittankot ; and in them, therefore, we 
should have to look for Alexandria, if, which is not probable, it was 
on the left bank of the Indus. Consequently, Askalanda must have 
been higher up the river, as subsequent passages will show. 

In the time of Chach (p. 141), the governor of Pabiya " south of 
the river Bias," fled to Askalanda, which, therefore, was not likely 
to have been far from, or across, that river. Again, some years 
after, (pp. 202, 203), we find Muhammad Kasim breaking up his 
camp at Pabiya,' " on the southern bank of the Bias," to go to Aska- 
landa. It is not expressly mentioned that he crossed that river, and 
we may presume, therefore, that he did not. Nowhere else do we 
find any iadication of its position ; but, as will be seen in the note 
upon the Meds, it was the capital when Jayadratha and Dassal 
ruled in Sind. 

Its proximity to the Bias and its name of Askaland-lTsfl* lead us 
to regard it as the IJchh of more modem times. That place bears 
marks of the most undoubted antiquity, and the absence of all men- 
tion of it in the Chach-ndma where we are, both in the time of Chach 
and Muhammad Kasim, introduced to many transactions in its 

• That Askaland also is a corruption of Alexandria, seems probable, from the 
peculiar position in Balkh and Tulhkrist5,n assigned to the Askalkand, Sikilkand, 
and Saklakand of the Arabian geographers. — Abu-1 Fida, Geog., p. 473. — Juynboll, 
Mardsidu-l IttiUH, Vol. II. p. 40. 

» [" Maibar" is the reading of Sir H. Elliot's MS. in this passage, but " P&biya" 
is the more general spelling. See supra, p. 138, 140.] 
3 [The text has " Y&biba," hut P&biya must be meant.] 

* [It is Tery doubtful if XTsa is reaUy part of the name. See note in p. 109.] 


neighbottrhood, can only be accounted for on the supposition that it 
is disguised under some other appellation. 

It has been supposed, indeed, that the name of the Oxydraose is 
derived from this old town of TJchh, but their position, according to 
Strabo and Arrian, appears rather to have been on the western side 
of the Acesines ; and it is a curious coincidence that, in that direc- 
tion also, there is another ancient ITchh, now in ruins, near the 
junction of the Hydaspes with that river, which offers a far more 
probable identification, and allows us, moreover, to assign to the 
Ossadii, instead of the Oxydraoas, the ITchh, or Askaland-Usa, near 
the junction of the Hyphasis with the Acesines. The name of the 
Oxydrac* assumes various forms in different authors. — Sydracce in 
Strabo, Syracousie in Diodorus, Scydroi, Scothroi, and Scythroi in 
Dionysius, Sydraci in Pliny, Sygambri in Justin, and Oxydracx in 
Strabo, Arrian, Curtius, Stephanus, and others; but ia no author 
are they confounded with the Ossadii, which constituted a separate 
tribe, acting entirely independent of the OxydraccB. 

It is certain that neither the upper nor lower Alexandria was 
built near the present ITchh. So cursorily, indeed, does Arrian 
notice the confluence near that spot, that Major Eennell and Dr. 
Vincent carry the Hyphasis direct into the Indus, without bringing 
it first into the Acesines. Nevertheless, although Alexander may 
himself have raised no city there, we might still be disposed to 
admit that the celebrity of his power and conquests may have given 
rise to the name of Askaland, or Askandra, did we not reflect that, 
if we are to put any trust in the chronology of the Mujmalu-t Ta- 
wdr'ikh, the name must have preceded the invasion of the Grecian 
conqueror, and cannot therefore, independent of the other reasons 
above mentioned, be connected with it.^ 

[This name occurs ia the list of the cities of Sind as given by 

' Diod. Sic. Biblioth Sist. xvii. 102. ; Arrian, Anab. vi. 14, 15 ; Strabo, Geog., 
IV. Tauchnitz, III. 252, 273; Q. Curtius, De gest. Al, ix. 16, 31. Fragments 
Arabes et Tersans, pp. 27, 47 ; Tuhfatn-l Kirdm, MS. pp. 16, 17 ; Journ. S. As. 
Soc, Tol. I. p. 31 ; Vincent, Voyage of Nearchus, pp. 133-135 ; Droysen, Geschiohte 
Alex., p. 446 ; Eitter, Askn, Vol. IV. pt. 1, p. 471 ; Mannert, Geog. der Griechen 
und SStner, Yol. Y. Lassen, Zeitschrift f. d. Kmide d. Morgenl.,yol.Jll.-p.l^%, 
and Ind. Alterth., Vol. I. Miiller, Fragmenta Sist. Orcec, Vol. II.p. 416 ; Schwan- 
beck, Megasthenis Fragmenta, p. 33. 


Istakhrf (p. 27), and tho Ashkalu^l BUdd of Ibn Haukal (p. 34), but 
no description is given of the place. Idrisi says that it is a small 
but pleasant place, about three days' journey from Mansura on the 
road to Mamhal, and so it is laid down in the maps of Istakhri and 
the Ashkdlu-l Bildd. It is not mentioned by Abu-1 Fida, nor in the 
Marasidu-l Ittild'. The BMti mentioned by Biruni at page 61, and 
the Bdtiya in the Chach-ndma (p. 174), are probably variant spel- 
lings of the same name.J 

Bhambur. — Barharike. 

Bhambura, or Bhambur, is not named in our oldest works on 
Sind ; but it is mentioned in a modem native historian as having 
been captured during the EhaUfat of Hariiau-r Bashid. It is the 
scene of many legendary stories of Sind ; and, according to one of 
them, owes its destruction in a single night to the divine wrath 
which its ruler's sins drew down upon it. Its ruins skirt the water's 
edge for about a quarter of a mile, and cover a low hill almost sur- 
rounded by a plain of sand, a little to the right of the road from 
Karachi to Ghdra, and about two miles from the latter place. There 
are evident marks of its having been at one time flourishing and 
populous; and even now, after heavy rains, coins, ornaments, and 
broken vessels are found among the debris of the fort. 

Coupling these manifest signs of antiquity, with the fact that the 
natives commonly considered Bhambur as the oldest port in Sind, 
and that the legend at page 332) proves its connection with the 
main stream of the Indus, it may possibly represent the Barbarik 
Emporium of the Periplus, and the Barbari of Ptolemy ; the easy 
conversion from the native Bhambur into the more familiar Barbari 
being a highly probable result of the wanton mispronunciation to 
which the Greeks were so mudi addicted. But opposed to this is 
the statement of Arrian, that Barbarike was on the centre stream of 
the Delta, which would make L^horf-bandar its more likely repre- 
sentative. Perhaps in Arrian's time there may have been direct 
communication between the main channel and Bhambur.' 

' Arrian, Feriplta maris Eryth., pp. 22, 24 ; Ptolemy, Oeogr. lib. viu c. ; Capt. 
McMurdo, Journ. E. A. S., Vol. I. p. 25 ; Lt. Buitou, Sindh, p. 389 ; Tuhfatu-f 
Zirdm, MS. pp. 19, 166, 231. 


Brdhmandbdd. — Mansura. — Mahfuza. 

In the time of the native dynaistles which preceded the Arabs, the 
capital of Lower Siiid was BrahmanaMd. 

[The old name of the place, according to Biruni, was Bahmanu or 
Bahmanwa. The Ashkdlu-l Bildd calls it Bamiwan (p. 34), but 
Ibn Haukal gives the name as " Tamframan" according to Gilde- 
meister, and " Mamiwan" according to Major Anderson. Idrisl has 
Mirman (p. 78), but this is obviously a blunder. In the Chaeh-nama, 
the name is written Baln-wah, and in the TdriM-i Tdhiri, Pain-wah. 
It is probably the Bhambarawah of the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 332). 
Captain McMurdo writes it Bdhtnana, and Briggs '• Bamunwasy." '] 

Under its immediate government were included Nirun, Debal, 
the country of the Lohanas, the Lakhas, and the Sammas, and the 
whole southern coast. Its position, therefore, was one of great im- 
poTtance, and as its ruin is comparatively modem, it is surprising 
that so much doubt should exist with respect to its locality. 

Various positions have been assigned to Brahman5,bad. The 
Aifin-i Ahha/ri says the fort had 1400 bastions, and that "to this day 
there are considerable vestiges of this fortification;"' but it is not 
said in what direction, or on which side of the river, it lay ; but the 
mention of th© bastions would seem to point out that Kalakot was 
probably indicated. In a passage in the Beg-Ldr-ndma, mention is 
made of " a place called Matahila, near^the fortress of Brahmanabad, 
twenty hoi distant from Nasrpur" (MS. p. 80). Dr. Vincent says it 
was within four miles of Thatta, and corresponded with Pattala,' 
concurring in this with D'Anville and Eennell. 

Capt. McMurdo fixes it on the Puran, afterwards called Loh^na 
Dary^, but it is not quite plain what he means by the Lohana Daryd.* 
He, alt any rate, altogether repudiates Thatta and Kalakot, and we 
must look for his Brahmanabdd near Nasrpfir. " It was situated on 
the Lohdna Darya, at a short distance from where it separates from 
the Puran." Again, " On or near tiie Puran river, in what was sab- 

' [Ante p. 34, 61, 189 ; Biriini's Kdnim, quoted by Thomas in Prinsep, Vol. II. 
p. 120; Eeinaud, Fragments, pp. 41, 113; Mem. aur I'Inde, p. 61; Jour. It. A. S. 
I. 27 ; Fii'ishta, It. 406 ; Gildemeister, de reius Ind. 1 64 ; J. A. S. Beng. xxi. p. fiO.] 

' Gladwin's Ayeen Akberee, Vol. H. p. IIS, 

' Commerce and Naviffatien cf the Ancient'., Vol. I. p. 168, 

* [Tie Falaill river in all probability.] 

TOL. I. 24 


sequently called tlie Shahdadpur Pergana. Bahmana -was afterwards 
called Dlbal Kangara." ' Dr. Bumes fixes it at Kalakot," and so does 
Sir A. Bumes.' Capt. Postans says Bhambura, mentioning at the same 
time native tradition in favour of Khudabad, a little above Haidarabad.* 

There seems no reason to conclude that the Brahmanabad, or 
Bahmanabdd, of which we are treating, was founded by the Persian 
king, Bahman, upon his invasion of Sind. His city is expressly 
said to have been built in the province of Budha,' which never 
extended so far as the Indus. Nor is it probable that, had he built 
a city on the Indus, he would have done so on the eastern, rather 
than on the western, bank of that river. The fact is, that Bahmand- 
bad is a mere abbreviated form of Brahmanabad ; and is still a very 
common mode of elision throughout Western India and the Dekhin, 
where Brdhman, in common parlance, is usually converted into 

Though the Chack-ndma does not anywhere expressly point out 
where Brahmanabad was situated, we are at any rate assured, from 
several passages, that it was on the eastern side of the Indus, and 
this alone is sufficient to show that the speculations which have 
been raised, respecting the identity of Kalakot and Thatta with that 
old capital, rest upon no solid foundation. 

We may fairly consider, in general terms, that Bralunandbad, 
after being intermediately i^succeeded by the Arab capital Mansura, 
is now represented by the modern Haidarabad ; and although it may 
not have been upon the identical spot occupied by the modem 
capital, it was at least within the island, or peninsula, formed by 
the Falaili and the main stream of the Indus, from which the former 
seems to have diverged in old days at a point higher than at pre- 
sent. Matarf, indeed, would seem to be the most probable site 
of the city, with reference to the quotation given above from the 
Beg-Lar-ndma. To fix it higher up, as at Khudabad or Hdia, would 
take it too far from Mansura, which we have next to consider. 

Biladuri tells us that old Brahmanabad was about two paxasangs 
distant from Mansura, which, in the time of Muhammad Kasim, waa 

> Journal R. A. Soc, Vol. I, pp. 23-8, 30, 38, 232. 

' Visit to the Court of Sinde, p. 133. 

» Travels into Bokhara, Vol. III. p. Z\.r— Journal JR. A. Soc, Vol. I. p, 210. 

♦ ^Personal Observations on Sindh, p. 161 and 163. » Svpra, p. 106. 


occupied by a foresti (p. 122). When we consider the space which 
is always coYered by the sites of old Indian towns, from the strag- 
gling mode of their erection, we are authorized to conclude- that a 
large portion of Brahmanabad was included in Mansura, and that, 
in point of fact, the two sites are identical. The position of Haida- 
rabad, upon a ridge of Hmestone hills about eighty feet high, must, 
from the first, have pointed out that site as a commanding one for a 
capital, and it has probably ever been thus occupied, by suc- 
cessive towns, from the first dawn of Sindian civilization. It is, 
indeed, on the site of Brahmanabad that D'AnviUe would place the 
earlier Minagara, in which he is followed by Eeinaud.' 

The 'Ajdibu-l MakhliiMt says that Nasrpur was built on the site 
of Mansura, and the same opinion is expressed by D'AnviUe,^ and 
accredited by the local information of Capt. McMurdo. Tieflen- 
thaler,* Vincent,' Eennell," Tod,' and G-ildemeister,' misled by the 
mistake of Abu-1 Fazl,' fix Mansura at Bhakkar. M. Eeinaud con- 
siders the testimony of Bil4duri, Mas'udi, Istakhri, Ibn Haukal, and 
Al Biriinf to bear out D'Anville entirely in his position of Nasrpur . 
but the mere fact that all the geogi'aphers agree m representing a 
branch of the Indus as flowing by Mansura, is quite sufficient to 
dislodge Nasrpur, which is twelve miles from the nearest point of 
the river. 

Biladurf tells us that, after Hakim had built Mahfuza on the 
Indian side of the lake, — or body «f water, whatever it may have 
been,'" — ^his successor 'Amru built Mansura on this (the western) 
side, and established it as the capital. M. Eeinaud says, " Mahfuza 
was built in the neighbourhood of the capital (Brahmanabad), on 
the other side of a lake fed by the waters of the Indus." I do not 
find on what authority this is stated. Mansura was, indeed, two 

' De Gnigncs, Notices et Extr., Tom.. I. p. 10 — Golius ad Alfragan., p. 93. 

' Eclairciaaemtnts &eographiques, p. 37 ; Antiquiti Qiogr., p. 35. — Mim. sur 
rinde, p. 61. 

' Antiq, de VInde. ' Qeogr. Sesohr, von Sindotian, Vol. I. p. 81. 

' Gomm. andNav. of the Aneimts, Vol. I. p. 145. • Memoir, p. 185. 

' AnnaU of Rajasthm, Vol. II. pp. 310, 338. o De reb. Ind., p. 21. 

» Gladwia's Ayeen Akieree, Vol. H. p. 112. 

'» [Supra, p. 126.] AUusion seems to be made to the Phitto, now dry, tlie Falaili, 
and other streams, which, during the inundation, leaye the main stream between 
Hftla and Haidar&b&.d, 


parasangs from Brahmanabad, and M. Eeinaud is right ia stating 
that these two latter names were often used the one for the other,' — 
for they are so combined and converted both by Ibn Hankal and 
Biruni ; ' but beyond the announcement that Mahfuza was on the 
eastern side of the hahaira (lake, marsh, or inimdation of the Indus), 
and Mansura on the western, we have nothing which indicates the 
true position of Mahfuza. 

It appears to me that Mahfuza, and not Mansura, is represented 
by Nasrpur. Indeed, independent of the position with reference to 
the eastern and western side of the stream above mentioned, it is 
worthy of remark, that the meaning of the two names is the same — 
both signifying " the protected, the abode of refuge." The identity, 
or resemblance of name, therefore, would be as much in favour of 
Mahfuza as Mansura. 

Nasrpur, which modern authorities universally spell as Nasirpur, 
was built, or rather re-constructed, on the river Sankra, by Amir 
Nasr, who V7as detached by SultAn JPi'roz Shah for that purpose, with 
a thousand cavalry, in 751 a.h., 1350 a.d. Nasrpur was sub- 
sequently the favourite residence of the Tarkhans, and was greatly 
embellished by them during their brief rule.' 

It being shown above that Mansura is nearly identical with 
Brahmanabad, it remains to prove that both are not far distant from 
the modem capital of Haidarabad. 

Among the reasons for considering Mansura to be identical with 
Haidardbdd, is the position assigned to it by Istakhri and Ibn 
Haukal, who describe it as being " a mile long and a mile broad, 
and surrounded by a branch of the Indus." This is the mode in 
which it is also described by Kazwini. Notwithstanding this, it 
is laid down in the map of the Ashkdlu-l Bildd} as being situated on 
the main stream. Istakhri's map rightly locates it on the branch, but 
Ibn Haukals' map, as printed by Major Anderson,' places it about 
midway between the two. The island, to be sure, is out of all pro- 

' Mas'iidi ascribes Mans6ra to Mansvjr, son of Jamhdr; Al Birfiul, to Muhammad 
K^im ; but Biladuri is the best authority, and he ascribes it to 'Amri3, the son of 
Md. 'Kima.—Memoire sur VInde, pp. 193, 298. 

« \Supra, p. 34-61— i)e)-«*. Ind^ pp. 18, 19, 164.] See also Goliusad .^//ra^oH., 
ei Hamza, p. 93. ' Tuhjaiu-l Kirdm, MS. pp. 27, 139. 

* [Supra, p. 33.]— i)» reim Ltd. pp. 166, 215. « J. A. S. Beng. xxi. p. 49. 


portion large, but its position necessarily identifies it -with, that 
which is formed by the Fajailf and the Indus, — and the space 
•which the town is represented to have occupied is exactly that 
which constitutes the limestone ridge on which Haidarabad is built 

The distances laid down also by Ibn Haukal are, -with one excep- 
tion sufficiently correct. Thus, from Mansura to Debal is six days' 
journey, which is exact, — on the supposition that Debal, as elsewhere 
shown, is Karachi, From. Mansura to Turan is fifteen days' journey, 
which, also agrees well enough with Haidardbad. From Maaasura to 
Kandabel (Ganddva) is eight days' journey, which also agrees very 
well. — " He who travels from Mansura to Bndha must go along the 
banks of the Indus as far as Sihwan," — which shows Mansura to be 
close on the Indus, as, indeed, it is elsewhere expressly declared to 
be, and not so far removed as Nasrpiir, From Mansura to Oambay 
is twelve days' joiirney. Here the distances are long, but the desert 
must have made continuous travelling indispensable, as the halting 
places were necessarily reduced to the smallest possible number. 

The widest departure from the ordinary distance is that between 
Mansura and Multan, which is set down by Ibn Haukal at only 
twelve days' journey. This is very rapid, considering that about 
four hundred miles separate them, requiring an average of thirty- 
three miles a day. Biifc though the average be high, it is certainly 
not beyond the means of conveyance wherfe camels are abundant, as 
in Sind. 

Biruni lays down the distance at fifteen parasangs from Multan to 
Bhati, another fifteen from Bhati to Alor, and twenty from Alor to 
Mansura — making the entire distance only fifty parasangs from 
Multan to Mansura j while, ai the same time, he gives it as thirty 
parasangs from Mansura to Loharani Bandar (p. 61). There is here 
also a surprising abridgTnent of the former distance, which, may 
perhaps be accounted for by considering the frontier to be' reckoned 
from in one instance, and the capital in the other. StiU, such an 
error or inconsistency in a space so frequently traversed, is not 
easily accounted for, occurring as it does in two sueh trustworthy 
authorities as Ibn Haukal and Biruni ; and it would have been 
satisfactory to find some more plausible solution. Mas'udi, with a 
much nearer approach to correctness, gives the distance as seventy- 


five parasangs between Multan and Mansiira, and his statement may 
be considered a sufficient corrective of the other geographers (p. 24). 

It may be proper to add, that none of these ancient places, 
mentioned in this and other Notes, have sites assigned to them 
in any modern maps. Bumes, Wieland, Vivien de St. Martin, 
Berghaus, Zimmermann, all reject them. D'Avezac enters some, but 
all erroneously, except Debal, — at least, according to the principles 
above enunciated. Even Kiepert, in his valuable Kwrte von AU- 
Indien, Berlin, 1853, drawn up for the illustration of Professor 
Lassen's Indisohe AUerthumskunde, enters only Brahmanabad; and 
that he places on the right bank of the presumed ancient course of 
the Sindhu, which he has laid down as flowing fax to the eastward 
of the present Indus. As he has admitted other names more modem 
than these, he should not have ignored them all. 

[Since the death of Sir H. Elliot the remains of a buried city, 
supposed to be the ancient Brahmanabad, have been discovered and 
explored by Mr. A. P. BeUasis, of the Bombay Civil Service. The 
exact position of the riiins is stated to be forty-seven miles north- 
east of Haidarabad, and if their investigator is right in believing 
them to be the ruins of Brahmanabad, the question of the position 
of that city is put at .rest. The identification has presumption in its 
favour, though it has not yet been satisfactorily proved; and one 
circumstance is strongly against it : — Large numbers of coins were 
discovered among the ruins; but the great bulk of these were 
Muhammadan, and the few Hindu coins that were brought to light 
" seem to be casual contributions from other provinces, of no very 
marked uniformity or striking age.'' Were the ruins those of an 
old Hindu city, Hindu coins of a distinct character would probably 
have been found. The coins discovered were those of Mansur bin 
Jamhur, Abdu-r Bahman, Muhammad 'Abdu-ll^h and Umar (see 
ivjara, p. 127).'] 

Debal. — Karachi . — Thatta. — Ldhori Bandar. 

It is strange that the site of a port once so noted as Debsd should 
now be left to vague conjecture ; but amongst the fluctuating channela 
of the Sindian Delta we must rest content with mere surmises. 

' {lUustraUd London Newi, Feb. 21, 28, 1867.— -Thomas' Prinsep, II. 119.] 


Some of the various opinions entertained upon the question of its 
locality may be here noticed. Native authorities seem decidedly in 
favour of considering Thatta to represent Debal, following generally 
the text of Firishta.' Mir Ma'siim ignorantly obsez-ves that Debal 
is Thatta and, Lahorf Bandar.^ Abii-l Tazl is equally inexact, or 
rather more so.' Idrisi {supra, p. 77) and the Arabian geographers 
having determined that Debal was six stations from the mouth of 
the Indus, Thatta was necessarily the only site which could be 

Modern authors have also for the most part inclined to Thatta, 
including De la Eochette and EenneU. Capt. McMurdo, while he 
says that Thatta is still known to the Arabs by the name of Debal 
alone, shows that the latter must have been a seaport.* Sir A. 
Bumes says, also, that Thatta is called by the Arabs Dewal Sindy,' 
and himself assigns Kalankot as its position.' Lieut. Burton says, 
■we are certain that the modem Thatta occupies the ground of the 
ancient Dewal, as the Arabs and Persians know it by no other 
name, — Shal-i Debali stUl being used to mean a shawl of Thatta 

D'Anville more correctly establishes it on one of the mouths of 
the Indus ; ° and some others, resigning Thatta, have assigned other 
localities to Debal. M. Eeinaud inclines to the neighbourhood of 
Karachi ; " and so does Elphinstone."" Dr. Burnes says it occupied a 
site between Karachi and Thatta, in which he foUows Mr. Nathaniel 
Crow," one of the first of our modem enquirers in Sind, who 
combined much discrimination with ample opportunities of local 

But there can be no question that Debal was on, or close to, the 
sea-coast ; with which the distant inland position of Thatta is by no 
means correspondent. Tor my own part, I entertain little doubt 
that Karachi itself represents the site of Debal. The very name of 

' Briggs, Eistory, etc., Vol. IV. p. 404. ' Tdrii)i-i Sintl, MS. pp. 2, 8. 

» Ayeen AhUree, Vol. II. p. 116. * Journ. li. A. Soc, Vol. I. pp. 29, 234, 

» Travels into Bokhara, Vol. III. p. 31. 

• CMool, p. 17. ' Sindh, p. Sid.— Unhappy Valley, Vol. I. p. 128. 

• Antiq. de VInde, p. 34. ' Mimoire tur I'Inde, p. 170. 

10 » Dewal iraa probably somewhere near Kar&cM." — Uistmy of India, Vol. I. 
p. fi07. " Visit to the Court of Sinde, p. 133 and 162. 


Debal, or rather Dewal, " the temple," was doubtless aequired from 
the conspicuous position which that object must have occupied from 
the sea ; where it was calcidated to attract the gaze and reverence of 
the passing mariner, like its fellow shrines of Dwaraka and Somnat ; 
and as there is no other so eligible and commanding a spot along the 
whole coast of Sind, from Cape Monze to Kotesar, it is highly 
probable that the promontory on which fort Manora now stands is 
the identical site occupied by the celebrated temple which gave name 
to the port of Debal,' and which, as being the Palladium of its 
security, was the chief object of attack to the catapults which had 
been brought round by the sea to effect its destruction.' 

The following may be mentioned amongst the reasons why Debal 
cannot possibly have been Thatta, and which incline us to view 
Karachi with favour : — 

The Sarandi'p vessels were, in their distress, driven to " the shore 
of Debal" (p. 118).' It could not, therefore, have been an inland 
town like Thatta, fifty miles from the nearest point of the sea, and 
one hmidred miles by any of the tortuous channels of the Delta. 

The pirates who attacked them were " dwellers at Debal, of the 
tribe which they call Tangamara." Now, these Tangamaras we 
know to have occupied the sea-coast from Karachi to Lahori Bandar, 
and to be the popular heroes of several local tales — especially their 
Kdna 'Ubaid, who lived even as late as the year 1000 a.h. 
(1591 A.D.).* 

BUadurf also speaks of "the Bay of Debal" (p. 116), and of the 
ships which had been despatched from the Persian Gulf, arriving at 
Debal with soldiers and mangonels (p. 120). Elphinstone considers 
this latter fact as decisive against Thatta ; * but too much may be 
built on this argument, for, subsequently, we find these same 
mangonels carried by wat«r even to Nairun. 

Ibn Haukal says, Debal is a " large port on the shore of the sea, 

' The budd, or temple, was contiguous to the town of Debal, not within it, (see 
p. 120). 

> It ia worthy of remark that Manora ia the name of one of the celebrated Bud- 
dhist patriarchs. Abel-Remusat writes it "Manura." M. Stanislas Julien "Manorata;" 
[or Sanskrit Manoratha.'] — Milanget Asiatiquei, Tom. I . p. 1 15. — Indiache A Iterthum- 
ikunde, Vol. 11. Beil ii. 2. » Chach-ndma, MS. p. 83. 

* Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 134. » BUtoryof India, Vol. I. p. 607. 


ihe emporium of this and the neighbouring regions. It lies to the 
west of the Mihran,' and has no large trees or date-palms" (p. 37). 
It is indeed a place of great sterility, and only occupied on account 
of its trade. Nothing can be more decisive against the fertile 
Thatta., and in favour of the barren Karachi. 

Again, from Debal to Mansura is six stages, which, on the sup- 
position that the latter, as elsewhere shown, is Haidarabad, would 
not suit Thatta in any respect, but exactly suits Karachi. 

The Mardsidu-l Ittild says Debal [or Daihul, as it writes the name 
in Arabic fashion] is a celebrated city " on the shore of the sea of 
Hind, an emporium where the rivers of Lahore and Multan dis- 
charge themselves into the salt sea.'' 

Further quotations need not be added to show that Debal was on 
the sea-coast, and could not have been so far inland as Thatta, or 
even Lahori Bandar, which, however, is the next most probable site 
after Karachi. 

L4hori Bandar, or Larf Bandar, succeeded Debal as the sea-port of 
the Indus, and is first named by Birunf ; but Debal had evidently 
maintained its position down to the time of Jalalu-d din's incursion 
into Sind, in 1221 a.d. It will appear, afterwards, from the 
extracts taken from the JaMn-kushdi, that the Sultan conducted 
himself with the greatest severity towards the people of that port, 
for he plundered the country, and as he erected a mosque opposite 
to a Hindu temple, during his short stay there, it is evident that the 
place wns considered then to be of sufficient consequence to be' 
insulted in the wantonness of his fanaticism. 

In Tbn Batuta's time, about a century latter (1333 a.d.), we have 
no mention of Debal, which seems then to have been superseded 
entirely by Lahori Bandar. 

Ldhori has itself been taken to be Debal. The Tuh/atu-i kirdm, 
indeed, distinctly asserts that " what is now Bandar Ldhon' was in 
former times called Bandar Debal : " — but its^authority is not to be 
rated high in such matters,' and while, confessedly, there are some 

> Gildemeister reads " east," but the Ashkdlu-l Sildd and Istakliri must b^ correct 
in giring "west." — De rebus Indicts, pp. 170, 178, 179. — See Mimoire sur I'Inde, 
p. 170. ' Juynboll, Lexicon ffeographicum, Vol. I. p. 421. 

' T. Kirdm, MS. p. 234. This may mean merely "the port connected with Debal," 
ecause at p. 1 we read, " Debal is now called Thatta." 


points slightly in favour of its being Debal, there are others which 
are decisive against it. It is itself fifteen miles from the shore of 
the sea : it has no bay: and a passage in Bfruni is very conclusive : — 
where, after saying that the gulf of Turan (the present bay of Sun- 
miani) lies between Tiz and Debal, he adds, that beyond the gulf of 
Tiiran are the small and great mouths (of the Lidus), the one near 
the town of Loharani, the other to the east, on the borders of 
Kachh. The country (between them) bears the name of Sind 
Sagara, or the sea of Sind (pp. 49. 65).^ Loharanf (Lahori) is here 
mentioned as quite distinct from Debal, and was then evidently only 
just rising into importance, 

Ibn Batuta calls the place "Lahiriya" or "Lahari"' — ^but it 
generally goes now by the name of Lahorf, probably from its pre- 
sumed connection with Lahore. Its ruin and abandonment have 
now given a greater prominence to the port of Dharaja, which lies 
a little to the east of Lahorf. 

The original name was most likely Lari, being so called after Lar, 
the local name of the southern portion of the province of Sind. 

The najne of Lar had once a very great extension on these southern 
coasts, — ^for Ptolemy and the Periplus both mention Guzerat under 
the name of Larioe ; ' and Birunf and Abu-1 Fida place Somnat, and 
even Tana, in or on the borders of the province of Lar (sM^ro, 
p. 61).* The merchant Sulaiman, also, calls the gulf of Cambay and 
the waters which wash the Malabar coast " the seas of Lar : " ' and 
Mas'udi says, that " at Saimur, Subara, Tana and other towns a 
language called Lariya is spoken," so that, it seems not unreason- 
able to suppose that Lari Bandar was the original form under which 
this port was first known. ° 

' Fragments Arahes, pp. 113, 119. 

' Kosegarten, de Mohammede ebn Batuta, p. 17. Defr^mery, Paris, 1866. 

" Lassen, Zeitschrift f. d. h. d. Morgml. Vol, I. p. 227. — D'Auville, Eclaireitae- 
menta aur la Carte de I'Jnde, pp. 69, 75. — Tod, Western India, pp. 187-9, 266. 

* Fragments Arabea, p. H2. — Gildemeister, De rebus Indicia, pp. 186, 188. 

« Mem. sur PInde, pp. 200, 298. 

' [The Ldta-desa of Sanskrit geography, and the Larice of Ptolemy and the 
Periplus, is the country about the gulf of Cambay and the mouth of the Kerbudda. 
The Arab geographers agree, also, upon this locality. It is Tery questionable if that 
term is susceptible of the extension which Sir H. Elliot here seeks to give it. The 
Lar of Sind would rather seem to be a distinct name. See McMurdo, Jour. E, A. S. 
I. 224. ; Hwen Tsang III. 409.] 


Hdla-kandi. — The Hellenes. — Pindus, 
The ruins of old Hala, or Hala-kandi, on the Indus, thirty miles 
above Haidarabad, lie to the south-east of the present site. Had its 
name appeared in the CJiaoh-ndma, we might have ascribed its foun- 
dation to the Eaja Hal, mentioned in p. 106. Tod names a later 
prince of the Samma family as the founder.' 

It is probable that the designation of the Hala range of mountains 
has a similar origin, for we nowhere find them mentioned in any 
early work; but such a very modem attribution would scarcely 
satisfy a late writer, who sees in them the cradle of the great 
Hellenic race : — 

" The land of Hellas, a name so dear to civilization and the arts, was so called 
from the magnificent range of heights situated in Beloochistan, styled the ' Hela ' 
mountains. * • » The chiefs of this country were called ' Helaines,' or the 
'chiefs of the Hela.' "» 

He gives as a motto to this fanciful chapter on the Hellenes, the 

following lines from the fragments of Hesiod : — 

*'EAA7J»'0s S' 'eyevoyro defutTr6iro\oi Ba(ri\7jes 
Aup6^ T6, UovOSs T€, kSi Aio\os *ivTrioxdpft7js. 
Chiefs of the war-car, guards of holy Eight, 
Dorus and ^olus, and Zuthus' might 
From Hellen sprang. 

As he conceives ^olus to represent the Haiya tribe of Eajptits, it is 

surprising that he disregards the more obvious resemblance of Dorua 

and Zuthus to the mighty Dors and the energetic Zats ; — ^the former 

now nearly extinct, the latter now better known as the wide-spread 


Another mountain range in the same neighbourhood is even stiU 
more tinduly exalted, in a mode which sets all true relations of 
time, space, position, and language, at complete defiance. 

" I would now direct the reader's attention to the most salient feature in the land 
of Hellas. The mountain chain of Pindus, traversing a considerable portion of 
Greece, and forming the boundary between Thessaly and Epirus, takes its name from 
the PiND. Its present name is Pind Dadun Ehan * « * * whence the Pind 
or "Salt JRange" of Afghanistan was naturally transferred to a corresponding 

' Travels in Western India, p. 474. Hal&r in Guzer&t is called after a Jhareja 
prince of the same name. 

' E. Pococke, India in Greece, p. 48: — This is an unfair contortion, in order to suit 
the etymology: the real spelling being Bdla, or, more correctly, Sdra; so that wa 
have, unfortunately, nothing but the simple initial aspirate to support the grand 
Hellenic hypothesis.— See the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., pp. 130, 164. 


remarkable feature in Greece. It is not a little reniarliablc, that in the latter country 
the true Pindue * * * should give nearly the corresponding length of the 
Pind in Afghanistan, viz., a distance of about sixty miles." ' 

This elaborate super-structure is based on an utterly false assump- 
tion. The salt range is not, and never was, called the Pind. Pind 
is a common word in the Upper Panjab, signifying simply "a 
village," and recurs a hundred times over in that locality — as Pind 
Bhattiyan, Pind Malik Auly^, Pindi Ghaib, Edwal Pindi, etc., etc. — 
and so, Pind Dadan Khan merely means the "village of Dadan 
Khan," and one, moreover, of modem erection. The word "Piad," 
indeed, has only lately been introduced into the Panjab — long even 
after the name of the celebrated Grecian mountain was itself con- 
verted into the modern Agrapha. 

The whole of this arrogant and dogmatical work is replete with 
similar absurdities ; and yet the only notices it has received from 
our Eeviewers are of a laudatory character. It is to be feared that 
no English publication of late years will go so far as this to damage 
our literary reputation in the eyes of continental scholars ; and it is 
therefore to be regretted that it has not yet received the castigation 
due to its ignorance and presumption.' 

[About a mile, or half a parasang, from Multan was the castle or 
fortified residence of the governor, which Istakhri calls Jandriad. 
The AsKkalu-l Bilad, according to Sir H. Elliot, reads Chandrawar, 
but the initial eh is at best suspicious in an Arabic work ; the map 
has Jandriid. Gildemeister's Ibn Haukal has Jandrar, Jandar, and 
Jandaruz ; and Idrvsi says Jandur. Ibn Haukal helps us to the 
right reading when he says, the Jandaruz is a river, and the city of 
Jandaruz stands on its banks. Immediately before this he had been 
speaking of the river Sandaniz, which is evidently the Sind-nid, so 
that we may at once conclude that the final syllable is the Persian 
rkd (river). Sir H. Elliot, in a subsequent passage, supposes it to 

' India in Greece, p. 82, 

• The author's credit stands on a false eminence, as being one of the Editors of the 
reprint of the Encychpadia Metropolilana j and we find one of his really able colla- 
horateurs lamenting, in his preface to the Sist. of Mom. Literature, that " the JSarly 
History of Rome, promised by the author of that remartable work, India in Gi-teet) 
should not have been available for these pages." [It must be remembered that these 
animadrersions were written in 1853.] 


derive its first syllable from the Arabic word Jand, a cantonmeBt or 
military colofiy, — in which case the name would signify the " can- 
tonment on the river." But Hafiz Abru, in an extract which will 
appear in Vol. IT., informs us that the river Chinab was called 
" Jamd ; " the name of the placCj therefore, may have been Jamd- 
rud. Multan itself is situated about three miles from the Chinab, 
so that Jandrud, or Jamdriid, must have been, its port on that river.] 

Kaikdndn. — Kaikdn. — Kdkars. 

This name appears under the various aspects of Kaikanan, Kikan, 
Kaikan, Eizkanan, Kabarkaaan and Kirkayan, — the first being of 
most frequent occurrence. Though so often mentioned, we can form 
but a very general idea of its position. 

The Ghaeh-ndma tells us that, under the Eaf dynasty, the Sindian 
territory extended " as far to the north as the mountains of Kirdan' 
and Kaikanan " (p. 138). Again, the Arabs ^'marched in a.h. 38 to 
Kaikanan, by way of Bahraj and Koh-paya," where, after some 
partial successes, their progress was intercepted by the mountaineers 
in their diffioiilt defiles, and in the end the Arabs sustained a com:- 
plete defeat. One of the objects of these expedition* ?to Kaikanan, 
which lasted for about twenty years, was to obtain hoi>seB from that 
province, as they are represented to have been celeibrated for their 
strength and proportions. The tract of Budh was .reacShed during 
one of these incursions, and we find one of the Arab armies 
returning from another incursion by way of Si'wistatj.^ 

Biladuri also mentions these expeditions, with some slight varia- 
tions in the details ; and is the only author who adopts the spelling 
of the Arabic Mf, and omits the last syllable, — representing the 
name as " Kikan," or " Kaikan " (p. 116), — whereas the Ghach-ndma 
prefers Kaikanan (p. 138). He says "it forms a portion of Sind in 
the direction of Khurasan," and he speaks of " Turks " as its 
inhabitants. In an important expedition directed against a tract of 
country lying between Multan and Kabul, in a.h. 44, " Turks are 
encountered in the country of Kaikan." In another, 'Abd-ulla 
sends to Mua'wiya the "horses of Kaikan " (p. 117), which he had 

' [This name may be read "Katwau," and the initial may be optionally G.I 
2 MS. pp. 72-78. 


taken amongst other spoil. In another, Asad attacks the Med8> 
after -warring against Kaikdn (p. 117). In the year 221 h. BUadur^ 
speaks of a portion of Kaikan as occupied by Jats, whom 'Amran 
defeated, and then established within their country the military 
colony of Baiza (p. 128). On this occasion, the country was attacked 
from the r5de of Sind, not from Makran, which will account for the 
mention of the " Jats," instead of " Turks." 

It may also be doubted if the Kabakanan (p. 39) or Kfzkanin of 
Ibn Haukal refers to this tract, — and yet it would be more difficult 
to account for its total omission, if it do not. According- to them, 
KaLkanin was in the district of Turan, and a city in which the 
governor of Kusdar resided. This apparent discrepancy can only 
be reconciled by supposing that there was both a province and town 
of that name. They give us no further indication of its position, 
except that the district of Atal is said to lie between Kaikanan and 
Kandabel, — ^which, of itself, attributes to it a much greater extension 
to the north, than if it were a mere portion of Turan.* 

The later Arab geographers follow these authorities, and add 
nothing further to our information. 

Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki mentions Kaikahan amongst the other pro-vinces 
imder the authority of Mas'ud, the Ghaznivide ; and as Hind, Sind, 
Nfmroz, Zabulistan, Kasdar, Makran, and Danistan are noticed 
separately, it shows that Kaikahan was then considered a distinct 

In Hwen Tsang's travels we have mention of the country of 
Kikan, situated to the south of Kabul, which is evidently no other 
than the province of which we are treating.' 

Prom this time forward, we lose sight of the name, and are left to 
conjecture where Kaikdnan was. Under all the circumstances of 
the case, we may be justified in considering it so far to the east as to 
include the Sulaimani range, which had not, up to a comparatively 
late period, been dignified -with that name. As with respect to Asia, 
and many other names of countries, so with respect to Kaikan&i, 
the boundaries seem to have receded with the progress of discovery ; 
and though, on its first mention, it does not appear to have extended 

1 Gildemeister, <fo reim Indicia, pp. 164, 174, 177. ' Tdrikh-iMafiidi, MS. 

3 Foe-tcoue-ki, p. 395 ; Hwen Tsang III. 18S, 414 Him.sur Flnde, p. 176. 


beyond Shal and Mustung, yet, by the time of the Ghaznivides, we 
are authorised to conclude that it reached, on the east, to the frontier 
of Multan, and, on the south, to the hilly tract of Siwist&ti, above 
the plains of Sind. 

Under the present condition di Afghanistan it may be considered, 
in general terms, as including the whole of the country occupied by 
the Kakars. The expedition of a.h. 44 to the country between 
Multan and Kabul certaiinly shows that Kaikanan must have com- 
prised the Sulaimanf range to the south of the Gumal; and the 
celebrity of its horses would appear to point to a tract further to the 
west, including Saharawan and .Mushkf, where horses, especially 
those used on the plain of iMangachar, are still in great demand, 
and whence they are often. sent for shipment to the coast. 

There is no place extant which recalls the name of the old 
province, except it be Kahan, which was perhaps included within 
its south-eastern frontier. It is barely possible, also, that there may 
be some connection between the name of the Kfikars and that of the 
ancient province which they occupy. It will be observed above, 
that Baihaki mentions a district of Danist&i, and the order in which 
it occurs is "Kusdar, and Makran, and Danistan, and Kaikahan." 
This implies contiguity between the several places thus named, and 
it is, therefore, worthy of remark, that Dani is entered in all the 
genealogical lists of the Afghans as the eldest son of Gharghasht, 
the son of their great progenitor, Kais 'Abdu-r Eashid Pathan ; and 
that Kakar, from whom the powerful tribe of that name is descended, 
was himself the eldest son of Dani. Names change in the course of 
ages, especially among people in a low stage of civilization ; and 
it may perhaps be conceded that " Kakaran " and " Kaikah&i " 
would, under such circumstances, be no very violent and improbable 

Kaj'urdha, Capital of Jajdhoti. 

[_JS!ctract of General punningham's Archaologieal Report for 

\&M-5,—Page 68.] 
["The ancient city of Khajuraho, the capital of the Chandel 
Rajputs, is situated thirty -four miles to the south of Mahoba, twenty- 
seven miles to the east of Chhatrpur, and twenty-five miles to the 


north-west of Panna .... The earliest mention of this capital is 
by Abd Eihan, who accompanied Mahrndd in his campaign against 
Kalinjar in a.d. 1022. He calls it Kajnrdha, the capital of Jajahoti, 
and places it at thirty parasangs, or about ninety miles, to the south- 
east of Kanauj. The true direction, howeTer, is almost due south, 
and the distance about twice thirty parasangs, or one hundred and 
eighty miles. The next anention of Khajuraho is by Ibn Batuta, 
who tisited it about a.d. 1336. — He calls it Kajura .... The 
earliest mention of the province is by Hwen Tsang, in a.d. 641. — He 
calls it Chi-chi-to, or Jajhoti . . . From the accounts of Hwen 
Tsang, and Abu Eihan, it is evident that the Province of Jajahoti 
corresponded with the modem district of Bandelthand in its widest 

Kdllari. — Annari. — and BalktH. 

[Such seems to be the correct spelling of three names, which 
appear in a great variety of forms. — Istakhri has Kalwf, .Annari, 
and Balwi, but the first takes the form of Kaladi or Kalari in hie 
map. In the printed extract of the AsJiMlu-l Bildd the names 
appear as Falid, Abri, and Balzi ; also, as Abri, Labi, and Maildi, 
some of which divergences may be credited to bad copy and mis- 
prints. Gildemeister's Ibn Hautal gives them as Ayara, Valara, 
and Balra ; Idrisi has Atri and Kalari ; Abti-l Fida has Kallarf, 
Auaari, and Ballari, and these agree with the names as they appear 
in the map of the Aslikdlu-l Bildd. They were three neighbouring 
towns on the road from AIot io Mansura, Annari standing first, 
Kallari next, and Ballari last in Istakhri's map, and in that of 
the Ashhdlu-l Blind. The termination ri or ari would seem to 
be a common noun, and the Tuhfatw-l Kirdm writes it with the 
Hindi re. Idrisi says Annan' is four days journey from Alor, and 
Kallari two days from Annarf, and Mansura only one day from 
Kallari. Ibn Haukal places Annari and KaUari on the east of 
the Mihran, but Idrisi says, that it stands on the western bank (p. 
79) ; and enters into details which show pretty clearly its relative 
position to Mansura. There is a "Bulrey," marked in Allen's map 
of Sind, about thirty miles south of Haidarabad, but this position 
does not correspond with the above description.] 


Kanddbel. — Turdn. — BudJia. — Baizd. 

It is essential to a right understanding of ancient Siudian geo- 
graphy to ascertain where Kandabel, of which there is such frequent 
mention, was situated. We can only do this by implication, and by 
comparison of the various passages in which the name occurs. 

The Ghach-ndma^ mentions it in three different passages, at least, 
if Kandhala in the last reference be meant, as seems probable, for 
that place. If we are to put faith in the first passage (p. 152), there 
would be no need for further enquiry, as it is distinctly mentioned 
thus : — " Kandabel, that is, Kandahar." But it may be shown that 
this identification cannot possibly be admitted, for Chach reaches the 
place through the desert of Turan (a province of which Kusdar was 
the capital),* on his return from Arm&-bel to Alor. He straitened 
the garrison by encamping on the river Sinf, or Sibi, and compelled 
them to agree to the payment of one hundred horses from the hUl 
country, and a tribute of 100,000 dirhams. Here the name of the 
river, and the position, put Kandahar out of the question, and we 
can only regard the passage as the conjecture of some transcriber, 
interpolated by mistake from the margin into the text. 

The real fact is, that Kandabel' can scarcely be any other place 
than the modem Gandava, and we shall find, with this single excep- 
tion, that all the other passages where its name occurs sufficiently 
indicate that as the position. Indeed, it is probable that this very 
instance lends confirmation to this view, for the Sfnf river seems to 
be no other than the Sibi, now called the Nari, but flowing under 
the town of Sibi, and, duriag the floods, joining the Bolan river, 
into which the hill-streams, which surround and insulate Gandava, 
disembogue themselves. The river which runs nearest to Gandava 
is now called the Badra. 

The Mujmdlu-t Tawdrihh tells us that Kandabel was founded by 
the Persian king, Bahman, "between the confines of the Hindus 

1 MS. pp. 48, 71, 115. ISupra, 162, 162.] 

2 Mordtmann, das Such der Lander. — Mardsidu-l IttiUt, Ed. Jnynboll, Vol. II. 
p. 214. — M^moire sur I'Inde, pp. 176, 278. 

3 It ia almost uniformly spelt in this mode, with the Arabic Kdf, the variations 
being very few. The final syllable is occaBionally nil, ial, and t/al; but iel is most 
probably the correct form. "We find the same termination in Arm5.-bel, or the modern 
Bela. It may possibly be connected with the Mongol balu, " a city," as in Khdn- 
ialu, the city of the Kh&u.— See Joum. S. A. Soc, Yol. XV. p. 200. 

VOL, I. 25 


and the Turks " ' (p. 106). Biladuri frequently mentions it, and 
speaks of Kandahar as entirely separate and distinct (pp. 117, 118, 
125, 127). He tells us it was situated on a hill or elevated site, and 
that 'Amran, after taking the town, transferred the principal inhabit- 
ants to Kusdar (p. 128), from which place it was situated at the 
distance of five parasangs." 

According to Ibn Haukal, and the corresponding passages in 
Istakhrf (p. 29), Ouseley's Oriental Geography, and the Ashkdlu-l 
Bildd, Kandabel was the capital of Budha, and a large place of 
commercial traffic, deficient in the produce of the date-palm, and 
situated in a desert, eight stages from Mansiira, and ten through the 
desert from Midtan.' 

All these descriptions make Kandabel correspond sufficiently with 
the modem Gandava, to leave no doubt of their identity. Later 
historians speak of it as being on the borders of Kirman,* but their 
notions of that province were very indefinite, and any place on the 
eastern confines of Sind would equally answer their loose mode of 

G-andava, which is the capital of the province of Kachh Gandava, 
is surrounded by a wall, and is still one of the most important 
places between Kelat and Shikarpur, though greatly declined from 
its former state. Indeed, Bagh is a much larger, as well as more 
commercial town, but the credit of antiquity cleaves to Gandava. 

Kandabel, it wiU be observed, is represented as the capital of 
Budha, which, therefore, next demands our attention. This is 
evidently the same province as the Biidhpur, Budhiya, and Budapur 
(p. 145) of the Ghaoh-ndma. 

Under the Ral dynasty, the second satrapy of Sind comprised, 
besides the town of Siwistan, which was the capital,^ "Budhpiir, 

' MSm. sur VInde, p. 67. 

' M<!m. sur VInde, p. 176. The distance is too short to suit GandS-ya, which is 
eighty miles north-east of Kusd&r. Has not " parasangs " been entered instead of 

3 GUdemeister, 172, 177, 178. * Elmacin, Sistoria Saracmiea, ann. 101. 

» Sihw&u on the Indus is here alluded to ; but the town of SeW, or Sibi, and the 
proyince of SSwistin, are the constant source of confusion and mistake, whenever the 
name occurs ; insomuch, that it is sometimes difficult, as in the passages here quoted, 
to determine positively which place is indicated. This perplexity is not diminished 
by the fact of the large province of Sist^n, or Sijistin, being not very remote. 


and Jaakan (Jangar), and the skirts of the hills of Eujhdn, as far 
as the borders of Makrdn (p. 138)." Again, " Chach marched 
towards the fortress of Budapur and Siwistan." After crossing the 
Indus " he went to Budhiya, the capital of which tract was Nanaraj 

Kakaraj), and the inhabitants of the place called it Sawfs." 

"After taking the fort of the Sawis, he moved towards Siwistan '' 
(p. 145). 

When Siwistan was attacked by Muhammad Kasim, the governor 
fled to Budhiya, where was " a fortress called Si'sam,' on the banks 
of the Kumbh," whither he was pursued by the Arab general, who 
encamped with a portion of his army at " Nilhan on the Kumbh." 
Here, the chiefs of Budhiya determined to make a night attack upon 
his camp. These chiefs of Budhiya, who were of the same family 
as the ruler of Sisam, are subsequently shown to be Jats ; ' whose 
origin was derived from a place on the banks of the Gang, which 
they call Aundhar." ^ After failing in this expedition, they volun- 
tarily surrendered themselves, as they had " found from the books of 
the Buddhists that Hindustan was destined to be conquered by the 
army of Islam," and then turned their arms vigorously against their 
former comrades. On Muhammad's advancing to.. Sisam, " some of 
the idolaters fled to Budhya, higher up: some to the fort of Ba- 
hftliir,* between Saluj and Kandhabel " (p. 162) ; and there sued for 
peace, and after agreeiug to pay tribute, sent their hostages to 

In the Mufmalu-t Tawdrikk we read that Bahman, the Persian 
king, "built in the country of Budh a town called Bahmanabad, 
which according to some is Mansura " (p. 106). 

[Biladuri mentions this tract as the scene of the slaughter of 
Budail (p. 119), and it is, perhaps, disguised under the name of 
Basea in p. 12S.] 

In Istakhri (p. 29), and in Ibn Haukal, it assumes the form of 
Budh, or Budha. " The infidel inhabitants within the borders of 
Sind are called Budha and Mand. They reside in the tract between 

1 III the proTince of Sebi (Sfwistin), according to the Tuhfatu-l Kirdtn. [It is 
prohably " Seisan," on the Manchhar lake. — See p. 161.] 

* Or Channaa, according to the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 12. 
3 [See Note, p. 160.] 

* Bahaltdr and Bahla, in, the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm. 


Tiiran, Multan, and Mansura, on the ■western bank of the MihrSn. 
They live in huts made of reeds and grass '' (p. 38). Again, " Atal 
is inhabited by Musvdmans and infidel Budhas." ' . . . . " From 
Mansura to the first borders of Budha is fifteen stages' (p. 39), and 
any one who travels that road must go along the banks of the 
Mihran until he reaches Sadustan (Sihwan)." 

" Nadha," or " Nudha," seems to be the reading preferred by Idrisi 
(p. 83), and the Nubian geographer. Kazwini describes the ciountry as 
having a population resembling the Zat, and yielding plenty of rice 
and cocoa-nuts. It also produces camels with double humps, which 
being rarely found elsewhere, were in great demand in Khurasan 
and Persia.' Ibn Haukal also remarks upon the excellence of its 
breed of camels. The Mardsidu-l Ittild'* likewise approves of the 
initial N, instead of B ; but these later authorities are of no value, 
when arrayed against the repeated instances to the contrary from the 
Chach-ndma, and the great majority of the readings in Ibn Haukal 
and Istakhri.^ 

From a comparison of all these statements, it would appear that 
the old tract of Budh, or Budhiya, very closely corresponds with the 
modem province of Kachh Gandava, on all four sides except the 
northern, where it seems to have acquired a greater extension, of 
which it is impossible to define the precise limits. It is worthy of 
remark that, in the very centre of Kachh Gandava, there is still a 
place called Budha on the Nari river, and it is possible that the 
name is also preserved in the Kakar tract of Bori, or Biira, forming 

1 See also Gildemeister, de teb. Ind., pp. 164, 171, 172, 177. 

' This, if the right i eading, must be understood in the sence of remotest, because 
the capital Kand&bel is declared to be only eight stages, and Tfir&n, which is conter- 
minous with Budh on the west, is only set down at fifteen stages. The Ashkdlu-l 
JBildd gives the distance from Mansura to the nearest point of Budh as only five 
marches. This is probably the correct reading. — See Journal A. S. £., 1852, No. 1, 
p. 73. 

3 De rei. Jndicis, p. 216. ' Ed. Juynboll, Vol. ll. p. 

5 If Nudha could be supposed the correct reading, it would lend an interest to a 
passage in Dionysius, who says in his Periegesis — 

lyShv ndp irorafiiiv vSriot SKudai evyitovffiv—Y. 1088. 
NoTioi might be meant for " the Nodhites," instead of " southern," as usually 
translated ; or the Arabs might have converted the " southern" into a separate class 
with a distinctive name. 


part of the Afghan province of Siwistan.' In the Ayin-i Akhari. the 
town of Budhyan is mentioned as being on the northern frontier of 
Sirkar Thatta, one hundred kos fron? Bandar Lahori. 

It is impossible to assent to an hypothesis Ifitely started in the 
Journal of the Asiatic Society, quoted above, that this tract was desig- 
nated after the present Burohees, or Brahufs. Their name itself is 
too modern, — ^besides being belied by the usual meaning ascribed to 
it, of " mountaineer ; " — and even their partial occupation of this 
low eastern tract is not yet a century old. From time immemorial 
it has been held by the Jats, who still constitute the majority of the 
population, and the Brahiiis are a mere intrusive stock from the 
provinces of Mushki and Jhow, and the rugged highlands of Saha- 
rawan, which abut Kaohh Gandava on the westward. It has been 
surmised, also, tha,t these Budhiyas were the Bhodya and Bhoja of 
the Puranio legends, and even the Bhotyas of Tibet. This is tread- 
ing ixpon still more dangerous ground.^ It is far more probable that, 
if the name had any significant origin at all, it was derived from the 
possession of the Buddhist religion ia its purity by the inhabitants 
of that remote tract, at the time when Brahmanism was making its 
quiet but steady inroads by the more open and accessible course of 
the river Indus. [See post. Note on the Meds.J 

[Omission and misplaciag of the dots have caused this name to 
assume a very varying form in Koman characters. Ibn Khurdadba 
(p. ^4) calls it " Kinnazbun," and Istakhrf's version (p. 29) may be 
so read. The AshMlu-l Bilad (p. 34) has " Kabryun ; " Gilde- 
meister's version of Ibn Haukal makes it " Kannazbiir ; " Idrfsi 
writes " Tlrabuz,'' but " Kfrbizz " sometimes occurs. The Mardsidu-l 
Ittild' has " Kirbun," but JuynboU, the editor, says this is a false 
reading for Kannazbur. Biladuri (p. 119) agrees in this last spelling, 
and the Ghach-ndma has "Kannazpur," and "Kinarbur." The 
position of the place appears to correspond with that of the modem 
Punjgoor in Makran.J 

' In the passage quoted above from the Mujmalu-t Tawdrllch, Bahman is said to 
have founded a city called Bahinaii&bS,d in the country of Budh. There is a place 
entered as Brahlman in Burnes' map, between Sh&l andBori. 

* V. de Saint-Martin, Etudes de Giog, ancienne, Tom. I. pp. 328-331. — Lassen 
Ind. Alterth., Vol. I. pp. 559, 611, 727. 


Mandal. — -Kiraj. 

It is difficult to fix the position of Mandal, one of the places to 
which Junaid despatched an expedition. 

The name of Mandal, or Mandalam, being applied generally to 
signify "aregion," in Sanskrit, adds to our doubts upon this occasion. 
Thus we have Tonda-Mandalam, Pandu-Mandalam, Chola-Man- 
dalam, and -many others. [Almost, or entirely, aU of them being 
situated in the South.] The most noted Mandal of the Arab geo- 
graphers was that whence Mandal! aloe- wood w^as derived; hence 
agallochum was frequently called "Mandal;" but no one seems to 
have known where it was situated. Kazwinf says no one can 
penetrate to it, because it lies beyond the equinoctial line; but he 
calls it a city of India, taking that word in its enlarged sense of 
East Indies. [The Mardsidu-l Ittila' calls it a city of Hind, but 
gives no indication of its locality. Abu-1 Fida has no notice of it.] 
Avicenna, in his Kdnun, says that, according to some, it is in the 
middle of lite land of Hind. The place here alluded to, is probably 
the coast of Coromandel, whence the agallochum, brought from the 
eastern islands, was distributed to the marts and countries of the 

Avicenna's description might be made to apply to Mandala upon 
the Nerbadda. which in the second century of our era was the seat of 
the HaJhaya dynasty of Gondwana;' but this is, of course, too far 
for any Arab expedition, notwithstanding that M. Eeinaud considers 
Ujjain and Malwa' to have been attacked at the same period, under 
the orders of Junaid (p. 126). But Malabar would have been a 
more probable object of attack than Malwa, in the heart of India. 
As we proceed, we shall find other expeditions almost all directed to 
different points in the Guzerat peninsula, — as, indeed, was the case, 
even from the time of the conquest of Sind, when the inhabitants of 
Basra were engaged in a warfare with the Meds of Stirdshtra. 

' Langloie, Sarivama, Vol. I. p. 6. — As. Ses., Tol. IX. pp. 100, 106, 112. — 
J. A.S. Bengal, August, 1837.— 7. A. S. Bomhay, Vol. IV. p. 179.— Mod. Traveller, 
" India," Vol. I. p. 141. — Schlegel's Samayana, Vol. I. pt. ii. p. 208. — As. Ann. Beg., 
Vol. VIII. Misc. Tracts, p. 19. — Baudry, Eneycl. Moderne, Tom. XVIII. col. 151.— 
Lassen, Ind. AUherth., Vol. I. Beil. IV. 4. 

' [These two names were left blank in his " Fragments," tut were restored in the 
Memoire sur I'Inde, p. 192. In Goejes' most careful edition of the text of Biliduri 
the names are distinctly written " Uzain" and " Mdlabat."'\ 


It is evident that we must seek, also, no very distant site for 
Mandal. Even Mandal-eswara (Mandlaisar), on the Nerbadda, ■would 
be too remote. Mandor in Eajputana, the ancient capital of the 
Parihars, or Mandra in Kaohh, or Mandal in Jhalawar, would be 
better, or the famous Mandavi, had not its ancient site been known 
by another name, — Eaen. Altogether, Mandal in Gruzerat, better 
known as Oka-Mandal, offers, from its antiquity and its position as 
the western district of that peninsula, the most probable site for the 
Mandal of Junaid. 

From the expression of the historian Tabari, that the Arabs never 
recovered possession of Kiraj and Mandal, there would seem to be 
an implication that these places lay beyond the province of Sind, 
and that they were at no great distance from one another. They 
are also m.entioned together in the passage under consideration. 
The " Kfraj " of Tabari and the Futuhu-l Buldan seems to be the 
same place as the " Kaj " of Biruni. The name occurs again as 
"Kiraj" and "Kiaraj" in the Chach-ndma (pp. 189, 197), and was 
probably situate in, if not named from, Kachh, though the exact 
site of the town cannot now be established. 

The position of Oka-Mandal on the opposite coast is a sufficient 
reason why it should be mentioned in connection with Kiraj, sup- 
posing that place to have been in Kachh ; and, in the absence of 
more certain information, I should, for this, as well as the other 
reasons above given, feel disposed to consider it as the Mandal 
noticed by the Arab historians of the Sindian conquest.' 

[Such appears to be the preferable mode of spelling the name 
which appears in Istakhri as Manhanari (p. 27), in Ibn Haukal as 
Manhatara, and' in Idrisi as Manabari (p. 77). It is described as 
being on the west of the river, three days' journey south from 
Sadusan (Sihwan), and two days short of Debal, — the two maps 
agree with this account. The route from Mansura to Debal crosses 
the river at this place. It has been supposed to be the Mionagara 
of the ancients. — See the next article " Minnagara."] 

• Gildemeister, Script Arab, de rebus Indicts, pp. 69, 71, 214. — Tod, Majasthan, 
Vol. I. pp. 39, 100, 725.— Hamilton's Gazetteer, 4to. Vol. I. pp. 651, 656, 661.— 
Hudson, Geoff. Vet. Script. Min., Vol. I.—Periplus, p. 23. 



Vincent thinks that the Minnagara of Ptolemy, and of the Periplus 
usually ascribed to Arrian, is the Manjabart of the Arab geographers. 
D'Anville supposes Minnagara to be the same as Mansura. C. Eitter 
says it is Tatta, so does Alex. Burnes, because Tatta is now called 
Sa-Minagur, and Mannert says, Binagara should be read for Minna- 
gara. These high authorities place it on the Indus. But although 
goods were landed at Barbarice, the port of the Indus, and conveyed 
to Minnagara " by the river," there is no reason why Minnagara 
should have been on that river. 

The Periplus merely says, " Miunagara is inland." pneatr/eio'; ^ 
/AerpoTToXi'; avTr]<; ri;? '!$icv9ia<i Miwcvydp. Again, the Periplus 
says, the " Metropolis of the whole country, is Minnagara, whence 
great quantities of cotton goods are carried down to Barygaza," or 
Broach, which could scarcely haA'e been the place of export, if 
Minnagara had been on the Indus. But even allowing it to have 
been on the Indus, there is every reason to suppose it was on the 
eastern bank, whereas Manjabari is plainly stated to be on the 

Lassen derives the name of this capital of Indo-Scythia from the 
Sanskrit Nagara, a town, and Min, which he shows from Isidoms 
Characenus to be the name of a Scythian city. The Sindomana of 
Arrian may, therefore, owe its origin to this source. C. Eitter says 
Min is a name of the Sacas ; if so, there can be little doubt that we 
have their representatives in the wild Minas of Eajputana, who have 
been driven but little to the eastward of their former haunts. 

Minnagara is, according to Ptolemy, in Long. 115. 15. Lat. 19. 30, 
and he places it on the Nerbadda, so that his Minnagara, as well as 
that of the second quotation from the Periplus, may possibly be the 
famous Mandugarh (not far from the river), and the Manki'r which 
the early Arab Geographers represent as the capital of the Balhara, 
[See the article " Balhara."] 

The fact appears to be that there were two Minnagaras — one on, 
or near, the Indus; another on the Nerbadda (Narmada). Ptolemy's 
assertion cannot be gainsaid, and establishes the existence of the 
latter on the Nerbadda, [and this must have been the Minnagara of 


which the Periplus represents Broach to be the port]. The one on, 
or near, the Indus was the capital of Indo-Scythia, and. the Bina- 
gara, or Agrinagara, of Ptolemy. We learn from the Tuhfatu-1 
Kirdm that in the twelfth century Minagar was one of the cities 
dependent on Multan, and was in the possession of a chief, by 
caste an Agri, descended from Alexander. "When we remember 
that Arrian informs us that Alexander left some of his troops, 
(including, no doubt, Agrians), as a garrison for the town at the 
junction of the' Indus and Acesines, this affords a highly curious 
coincidence, which cannot, howcTer, be further dilated upon in this 


[Ijxtract of General Ounningham's ArchoBologlcal Beport for 

1864-5,— Pa^e 1.] 

"In his account of the geography of Northern India, the celebrated 
Abu Eihan makes the city of Narain the starting point of three 
different itineraries to the south, the south-west, and the west. 
This place has not been identified by M. Eeinaud, the learned 
historian of ancient India, but its true locality has been accurately 
assigned to the neighbourhood of Jaypur. Its position also puzzled 
Sir H. Elliot, who says, however, that with one exception " Narwar 
satisfies all the requisite conditions." But this position is quite 
untenable, as will be seen by the proofs which I am now about to 
bring forward in support of its identification with Ndrdyan, the 
capital of Sairdt, or Matsya. 

According to the Chinese pilgrim, Hwen Tsang, the capital of 
the kingdom of Po-U-ye-to-lo, which M. Eeinaud has identified with 
Pdrydtra, or Bairdt, was situated at 500 li, or 83f miles, to the west 
of Mathura, and about 800 li, or 133|- miles, to the south-west 
(read south-east) of the kingdom of She-to-tu-lo, that is, of Satadru, 
on the Sutlej — The bearing and distance from Mathura point un- 
equiTOcally to Bairdt, the ancient capital of Matsya, as the city of 

' Compare Eitter, Die Erdkundevon Alien, Vol. IV. part 1, p. 475, and Vol. V. 
p. 181. Ptol. Geogr. Lib. VII. c. I, tab. 10. Vincent, Feriplus of the 
Sea, p. 349. D'Anville Antiq, de P Inde, p. 34. Manner*, Geog. der Oriechen and 
JKmer, Vol. V. pp. 107, 130, 136. Hudson, Geog. Vet. Seripioi-ea Gr<Bei Min. Vol. 
I. Bumes' Travels into Bokhara, Vol. III. p. 79. Journal E. A. 8. Vol. I. p. 31. 
C. Lassen, Be Pentapotamia Ind. p. 57. AUgemeine Encycl(^. : Art. Indien, p, 91 . 
Arriani, Ss Mxpedit : Alex : Lib. VL 15. 


Hwen Tsang's narrative ; and this being fixed, we may identify the 
capital of Satadru, or the Sutlej Provinces, with the famous Fort of 
Hansi, which successfully resisted the arms of Mahmud of Grhazni. 
According to the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, Hansi was the ancient capital of 
the Province of Siwalik, and up to the time of its capture by Mas'ud 
had been considered by the Hindus as impregnable. 

Abii Eihan, the contemporary of Mahmud, places Nardna, the 
capital of Karzdt, at twenty-eight parasangs to the west of Mathura, 
which, taking the parasang at three and a half miles, would make 
the distance ninety-eight miles, or fourteen miles iu excess of the 
measurement of Hwen Tsang. But as the narratives of the different 
Muhammadan historians leave no doubt of the identity of Nardna, 
the capital of Karzdt, with Narayana, the capital of Bairdt, this 
difference in the recorded distance from Mathura is of little moment. 
According to Abu Eihan, Nardna, or Sazdna,^ was called Narayan 
(jJ^jU by the Musulmans, a name which still exists in Ndrdyanpur, 
a town situated at ten miles to the north-east of Bairat itself. 
From Kanauj to Narana, Abii Eihan gives two distinct routes : — the 
first direct, via Mathura, being fifty-six parasangs, or 196 miles, and 
the other to the south of the Jumna being eighty -eight parasangs, or 
308 miles. The iutermediate stages of the latter route are, 1st., Ait, 
18 parasangs, or 63 miles ; 2nd., Sahina, 17 parasangs, or 59^ miles ; 
3rd., Jandara (Chandra), 18 parasangs, or 63 miles ; 4th., Rajauri, 
either 15 or 17 parasangs, 54 or 59^ miles ; and 6th., Bazdna, or 
Nardna, 20 parasangs, or 70 miles. As the direction of the first 
stage is especially recorded to have been to the south-west of Kanauj, 
it may be at once identified with the Assai Qhdt on the Jumna, six 
miles to the south of Etawa, and about sixty miles to the south-west 
of Kanauj. The name of the second stage is written Saldna, Wif-'j 
for which, by the simple shifting of the diacritical points, I propose 
to read Sahania, Wh^j which is the name of a very large and 
famous ruined town, situated twenty-five mUes to the north of 
Gwalior, of which some account wiU be given in the present 
report. Its distance from the Asmi Qhdt is about fifty-six miles. 
The third stage named Jandara by M. Eeiaaud, and Chandra by Sir 
Henry Elliot, I take to be Sindon, reading ^^}Sus^ for l^Jc*-. Its 
distance from Sahaniya by the Khetri Ghat on the Chambal river is 
' [Eeinaud's reading.] 


about seventy miles. The fourth stage, named Bajori, still exists 
under the same name, twelve miles to the south of Mdcheri, and about 
fifty miles to the north-west of Hindon. From thence to Narainpur 
and Bairdt, the road lies altogether through the hiUs of Alwar or 
Macheri, which makes it difficult to ascertain the exact distance. 
By measurements on the lithographed map of eight miles to the 
inch, I make the distance to be about sixty mUes, which is sufficiently 
near the twenty parasangs, or seventy miles of Abii Eihan's account. 
According to the other itineraries of Abu Eihan, Nardna was 
twenty-five parasangs to the north of Chitor in Mewdr, fifty para^ 
sangs to the east of MuUdn, and sixty parasangs to the north-east of 
Anhaltvdra. The bearings of these places from Bairdt are all 
sufficiently exact, but the measurements are more than one-half too 
short. For the first distance of twenty-five parasangs to Chitor, I 
would propose to read sixty-five parasangs, or 227 miles, the actual 
distance by the measured routes of the Quarter-Master General 
being 217^. As the distance of Chitor is omitted in the extract from 
Abu Eihan, which is given by Eashidu-d Din,^ it is probable that 
there may have been some omission or confusion in the original of 
the Tdrikh-i Hind from which he copied. The erroneous measure- 
ment of fifty parasangs to Multan is, perhaps, excusable on the 
ground that the direct route through the desert being quite impass- 
able for an army, the distance must have been estimated. The error 
in the distance of Anhalwara I would explain by referring the 
measurement of sixty parasangs to Chitor, which lies about midway 
between Bairat and Anhalwara. From a comparison of all these 
different itineraries, I have no hesitation whatever in identifying 
Ba%dna or Nardna, the capital of Kar&dt or Guzrdt," with Ndrdyanpur, 
the capital of Bairdt or Vairdt. In Firishta the name is written 
either Kibrdt, '■^ly*' as in Dow, or Kairdt, i-^^j^ as in Briggs, 
both of which names are an easy misreading of '■^|/!j Wairdt or 
Virdt, as it would have been written by the Muhammadans. 
<» o o « •» « « 

According to Abu Bihan the town was (destroyed, and the people 
' [Eashldu-d Din gives the distance as fifteen parasangs, see p. 60.] 

s [See the variant readings in p. 59 — to which may be added ^-^J^, from Sii 
H. EUiof s MS.] 


retired far into the interior. By Tirishta this invasion is assigned 
to the year a.h. 413, or a.d. 1022, when the king (Mahmud), hearing 
that the inhabitants of two hilly tracts named Kairdt and Ndrdin 
(or Bairdt and Nardyan) stiU continued the worship of idols (or 
lions in some manuscripts), resolved to compel them to embrace the 
Muhammadan faith. Tlie place was taken and plundered by Amir 

Nirim.—Sakiira. — Jarak. 

Amongst the many places of which it is difficult to establish the 
true position in ancient Sind, Nirun or Nairun is one of the most 
perplexing, for several reasons. Its first syllable, even, is a con- 
troverted point, and while all the Trench authors uniformly write it 
Byroun, after Abii-l Fida,* the English equally persist in following 
Idrfsf ' (p. 78), and writing it Niruii and Nerun. What imparts a 
presumptive correctness to the French reading is, that it is set down 
as the birthplace of the celebrated Abii Efhan al Biruiti. But here, 
in limine, several strong objections may be raised, — ^that Abu Eihan 
was a Khwarizmiaai, and is so called by the best authorities, — that 
throughout his descriptive geography of India, he is more deficient 
in his account of Sind than in any other part, — that he nowhere 
mentions it as his birthplace, — and that no one ever heard of any 
Birun in Sind, though many local traditions speak of a Nirun, and 
concur in fixing its locality. Abu-1 Fida certainly writes it Biriin, 
but there is often an assumption of accuracy about him which has 
been far too readily conceded by the modems ; for he was merely 
a distant foreigner, who never left Syria except to go to Mecca 
and Egypt, and he was therefore compelled to copy and rely on 
the defective information of others. Istakhri, Ibn Hautal, and 
the Ashhdlw-l Bildd are not quite determinate in their reading, but 
the Chach-ndma and the Tuhfatu-l Kir dm never write it in any other 
form than with the initial N, followed by yd, which leaves us still 
in doubt whether the word be Nairun, Niriin, or Nerun ; but it is 
certainly neither Birun, nor Biriin, nor Bairiin, nor Byroun. 

Other considerations with respect to the name of Abii Eihan, will 
be found in the Note devoted to that philosopher, in the second 
volume of this work. 

1 Giographie d'Ahou-l Feda, p. 348. ' Geographie cPEdrisi, Tom. I. p. 16. 


Under tlie dynasty of tke Kais, Nirun was included within the 
gdvennnent of Brahmanabad (p. 158). The inhabitants of Nfrun 
solicited from the Arabs a cartel of protection, as their city was " on 
the very road of the Arabs to Sind" (p. 157). After the conquest 
of Debal, " Md. Kasim directed that the catapults should be sent by 
boat towards the fort of Nirun (p. 47), and the boats went up the 
stream called Sindh Sagara,' while he himself advanced by way of 
Sisam"" (p. 157). "When Md. Kasim went from Debal "to the 
fortress of Nfrun, which is twenty-five parasangs distant, he marched 
for six days, and on the seventh arrived at Nfnin, where there is a 
meadow which they call BaUiar, situated on the land of Baniizf,'' 
which the inundations of the Indus had not yet reached (p. 158), 
and the army consequently complained of being oppressed by thiist. 
This drought was seasonably relieved through the efficacy of the 
general's prayers, — " when all the pools and lakes which were round 
that city were replenished with water." He then "moved towards 
Siwistan (Sihwan) by several marches, until he reached Bahraj or 
Mauj,* thirty parasangs from Nirun" (p. 158). After his expedition to 
Siwistan and Biidhiya, he was directed by Hajjaj to return to Nirdn, 
and make preparations for crossing the Indus (p. 163) . He accordingly 

' [Sir H. Elliot read this name as Dhand S&gara ; bot the MS. of the E. I. Lib. 
gives it distinctly as " Sind-sagar," and this has been adopted in the text. Sir 
H. Elliot's copy seems rather to read Wahand, or "Wahind-sigar, a name whioh is 
also admissible, see p. 266. It is called in the text an di, or " water," which has 
been rendered by "stream," as it is manifest that the only water communication be- 
tween Debal and Nirfin must have been by one of the channels of the Indus. Accord- 
ing to Capt. McMurdo, Debal was situated on the most wiestem branch of the Indus, 
called " S&g6.ra," up which Muhammad KSiim conveyed his engines. Joum. £. A. 
Soc, Vol. I. pp. 29, 32.] 

2 [Both MSS, agree in reading " Sfsam " as the name of the place by which Muham- 
mad K&sim proceeded, but it Ban hardly be the place of that name to which he 
advanced after the capture of Sfwist^u (pp. 160, 161).] Bil^duri merely mentions 
the advance to Niriin (p. 121). 

' [This sentence has unfortunately slipped out of the translation as printed at 
p. 168.] The word again occurs—" from the camp of Barfizi," and must be the 
name of a place. If the reading had not been plain in both instances, I should have 
preferred " Nirfini." 

* [Sir H. Elliot's MS. of the Oheush-ndma gives this name as " Bahraj," but the 
E. I. Library copy has " Mauj," and this reading is confirmed by the MS. of the 
Tuhfaiu-l Kirdm (p. 7). On the other hand, Istakhri's map as given by Moeller 
lays down "Bahraj " in the locality indicated by the Chaoh-n&ma, A conflict of au- 
thority leaving the true reading doubtful, though " Bahraj " seems preferable.] 


moved back by several difficult marches " to the fort which is on the 
hill of Nirun;"' vsrhere there was a beautiful lake and charming 
grove (p. 163). This fort was the nearest point to the capital of 
the Khalif. After crossing the Indus, a garrison was left at Nfrdn, 
to keep open the communications in the rear and protect the con- 
voys (p. 144). 

Istakhri (p. 28) and Ibn Haukal tell us that " Niriin lies between 
Debal and Mansura, but nearer to the latter, and that any traveller 
who wishes to go to Mansura, must cross the river Indus at Manja- 
bari, which is on the western bank, and stands opposite to Man- 
sura" (p. 37). The subsequent geographers copy these authors, as 
usual, adding little further information. Idrisi places it distinctly 
on the western bank (p. 78). Abu-1 Fida says it is fifteen para- 
sangs from Mansura, and fixes it in latitude 26° 40', on the autho- 
rity of the Kanun of Biriini'.' 

The name of Sakara or Sagara, which is mentioned above, requires 
a few words of notice. The Chach-ndma merely mentions that " the 
fleet of Md.Kasim came to anchor in the lake of Sagara ;" but the 
Tuhfatu-l Kirdm says, "having placed his manjaniks on boats, he 
sent them to the fort of Nirun, by way of the water of Sakura, while 
he himseK marched by land."' Elsewhere, we are informed in the 
same work, that "Debal, now called Thatta, was in the land of 
Sakura." * Again, Tharra, which was a strong fort near Thatta, was 
"in the land of Sakura."* Again, Dewal, Bhambur, Bagar, and 
Tharra were each " excellent cities in the land of Sakura." 

In the A'yin-i Akhari Sakura is entered as a Pergana in Sirkar 
Thatta ; and in the TdriXh-i Tdhir'i it is also spoken of as a Per- 
gana, lying under the Makali hills, in which Thatta itself was in- 
cluded* (p. 257). Mas'udi speaks of a Sagara or Shakira (p. 24), 
two days' journey from the town of Debal ; and it is added that both 
branches of the Indus disembogue into the sea at that place. It 
does not seem improbable that we have the same word in the Sagapa 

' Gildemeister, de reiua Indicts, p. 179. He insists upon reading Btriin. M. 
Eeinaud considers the original to be ambiguous in this passage. — Mem. stir I'Inde, 
p. 240. 

2 Qeographie d' Abou-l Fe'da, Teite Arabe, p. 348.— D'AnTille, Eclairoissemmts sur 
la Carte de I'Inde, p. 37, et seq. 

3 MS. p. 6. * Ibid., p. 1. » Ibid., p. 11. 6 Ms. pp. 20, 48. 


of Ptolemy and Maroianus Heracleotes, for they call it "the first 
and most westerly mouth of the river Indus." ' 

We may consider the stream of Sakura to correspond with the 
prolongation of the Gisrf or Ghara creek, which at no very distant 
time must have communicated with the Indus above Thatta. . Indeed, 
Mr. N. Crow, writing in the year 1800, says, " By a strange turn 
that the river has taken within these five and twenty years, just 
above Tatta, that city is flung out of the angle of the inferior Delta, 
in which it formerly stood, on the main land towards the hiUs of 

The position here assigned to the Sakura, points out the direction 
where we are to look for Nlriin, to which, by means of that stream, 
there seems to have been a water communication — at least approxi- 
mate, if not direct. 

It is quite evident that Nirun was on the- western bank of the 
Indus. Not only do we find Muhammad Kasim going there in 
order to make due preparations for " crossing" that river, not only 
do we find Dahir, on receiving the intelligence of the capture of 
Debal, directing Jaisiya to " cross over" from Nirun to Brahmand- 
bad without delay (MS. p. 102), but it is also so represented both 
in the text, and on the maps, of iBtakhri and the AsKkdlu-l Bildd. 
Nevertheless, M. D'Avezac, in the map prefixed to the Memoire sur 
I'Inde, places it on the eastern bank. His authority stands deservedly 
high, but can be of no value against the positive testimony here 
adduced to the contrary. 

How then it came in modern times to be considered identical with 
Haidarabad it is impossible to say, but so it is laid down unhesita- 
tingly from the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, down to the latest English tourist.' 
Even if it could be accounted for by supposing that the Falaill then 
constituted the main stream of the Indus, we should nevertheless 
find that the distances assigned to Nirun from various places named 
would not make it correspond in position with Haidarabad. 

• Geoff., Lib. vii. — Periplus, p. 32, in Hudson's Geograph, Greed Minores, Vol. I. 

2 Dr. Burnes, Visit to the Court of Sinde, p. 162 See also Capt. McMurdo, 

Journ. E. A. Soe., Vol. I. p. 25. 

' T. Kirdm, MS.— Tod, Annalt of Sajasthan, VoL I. p. 218.— McMurdo, 
Journ. E. A. Soe., Vol. 1. pp. 30, 234.— Burnes, Travels into Sokhara, Vol. III. 
p. 31.— Elphinstone, History of India, Vol. I. p. 604.— Burton, Sindh, pp. 131. 376. 
The latter says its ancient name is not only Nerun's Port, but PatalpiSr. If so, we 
can be at no loss for Pattala. 


And here it is obvious to remark, that the establishment of its 
locality depends chiefly upon the sites which are assigned to other 
disputed cities, more especially to Debal and Mansura. I have else- 
where stated my reasons for considering Debal to be represented by 
Karachi, and Mansura by Haidarabad. Much also depends on the 
real value of the farsang,' which greatly varied in different places, 
even in neighbouring provinces. As it was probably modified in 
Sind by the local kos, we may ascribe to it the small standard of two 
miles and a half, which we know it to have had upon the Tigris, 
according to the latest and most accurate investigations. Or, with- 
out assigning to these roughly estimated distances an accuracy which 
they were never intended to bear, we may consider the Sindian 
parasang to vary from two to three miles, so as in no instance to be 
less than the one, or more than the other. It is usual, and doubtless 
more correct, to fix the standard at a higher value than even three 
English miles ; but this is evidently quite inapplicable in Sind, and 
would be even more decisive against the identity of Debal and 
Thatta, than the present hypothesis.^ 

Guided by all these considerations, I am disposed to place Nirun 
at Helai, or Helaya, a little below Jarak, on the high road from 
Thatta to Haidarabad. The correspondences in other respects appear 
exact, in every instance of comparison. 

It has a direct communication by a road over the hills with Beia 
and would be the first place in the valley of the Indus which the 
Arabs could reach by land, and therefore nearest to the capital of 
the Khilafat. 

Lakes abound in the neighbourhood, and are large enough, espe- 
cially the Kinjar, to have admitted Muliammad Kasim's fleet. 

^ On the Persian farsang, the Greek parasang, or Arabic farsakh, see the Metrop. 
and Penny Cyclop., v. " Parasang." — Ainsworth's Preface to Travels in the Track of 
the Ten Thousand. — Grote's Sist. of Greece, Vol. SI. pp. 19-22. — Ouseley's Orient. 
" Qeog., p. xxii. — Eennell's Oeog.of Western Asia, I. xlL — Eeinaud, Gdog.d'Abou-t 
Fida, Tom. I. — Freytag, Lex. Arab., s.t. — Forbiger, Sundbuch der alt. Geog.. 
Vol. I. p. 555. In KhlSzistkn it is reckoned at three miles and three quarters, 
— Journ. R. Qeog. Soc, Vol. IX. p. 31. This is also the length assigned by Ouseley 
and Kinneir. On the Tigris we have it given as only two miles and a half. — Trans. 
Eombay Geog. Soc, Vol. X. p. 119. 

2 Mas'fidi (p. 21) is represented as laying down the Sindian parasang at eight 
miles. The same passage is rendered by Reinaud as " yodjanas," which would also 
imply a long parasang. — Mimoire, p . 69. 


Nirun. is represented as twenty-five parasangs from Debal. (The real 
distance is seventy British statute miles between Helaf and Karachi.) 

Nfrun was situated on a hill, which would admit of its being 
identified with very few other places of note near the Indus. It 
lay between Debal and Mansiira, but was nearer to the latter. 
(This position also corresponds with that of Helaf). It was fifteen 
parasangs from Mansura. (Thirty-five miles is the distance between 
Helai and Haidarabad.) 

We need scarcely pursue the comparison farther. We may rest 
assured that Ni'run was, if not at Heidi, at least at no great distance 
from it, and was certainly not Haidarabad. It is worthy of remark 
that Helai itself is a place of undoubted antiquity, and there are two 
remarkable hills in its neighbourhood covered with ruins, repre- 
senting perhaps the Hyala of Diodoms.' 

Next to Helai, Jarak ofiers many points of probability. It is only 
twelve miles from Helai, and therefore the distances already laid 
down, with no great profession of exactness, would answer nearly 
equally well. Its commanding position, on a ledge of rock over- 
hanging the Indus, necessarily denotes it to have been always a site 
of importance, and this is confirmed by the evidence afforded by 
several substantial remains of masonry on the banks of the river, 
which stUl arrest the observation of the traveller at that place. 

The Tdrlkh-i Alfi, in a passage relating to Sultan Jalalu-d din's 
proceedings on the Indus, mentions that Sadusan was subsequently 
called Sistan. Though the writer here commits the common error 
of confounding Sistan with Sihwan, or Siwistan, on the Indus, yet 
he leaves us in no doubt what correction to apply, and we thus 
derive from him an interesting piece of information ; for the position 
of Sadusan, which is so frequently mentioned in the Arab accounts 
of Sind, has not hitJiexto been ascertained. 

Sdmui. — Tughlikabdd. — Kald-kot. 
Samui deserves notice from the attempt which has been made to 
establish it as the celebrated Minnagara of the ancient geographers. 
It was the capital of the Jams of the Samma dynasty, and, according 

1 Biblioth. Sislor., Lib. xyii. cap. 104. 
VOL. I. 26 


to the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, it -was founded by Jam Paniya,' under the 
Makali hills, about three miles north-west of Thatta. 

Subsequently, the fort of Tughlikabad was built by Jam Taghur 
or Tnghlik, on the site of the older Kala-kot, about two miles south 
of Thatta ; but that, as well as its predecessor, was left imfinished 
by its founder (p. 272). By a strange vicissitude, the name of 
Tughlikabad is now comparatively forgotten, and that of Kala-kot 
erroneously called Kalan-kot (the great fort), though for a time 
superseded, has restored the just claims of Eaja Kala, and still 
attracts the attention of the traveller. . Lt. Burton calls it Kallian- 
kot. I fear to differ from so good a local authority, but believe 
Kala-kot to be more strictly correct. 

The ruins of Samui, Samuiya, or Samma-nagar, " the city of the 
Sammas," are to be traced near Thatta ; and, under the wrong and 
deceptive spelling of Sa-minagar, have induced Col. Tod, Sir A. 
Bumes, and many who have too readily followed them — including 
even Eitter, who considers the question settled " incontestably," — 
to recognise in that name the more ancient and more famous Minna- 
gara. The easy, but totally unwarrantable, elision of the first and 
only important syllable has led to this fanciful identification.' 

Sinddn, Subdra or Surabaya, and Saimur. 
[These three towns were all south of Kambaya, and the first two 
were ports. Saimur, though a place of trade, is not distinctly said to 
be a port, but it is laid down on the sea-shore in. the map. Abu-1 
Pida says that Sindan was also called Sindabiir, but this is hardly 
in accordance with Al Biruni and Eashidu-d din (pp. 66, 68). He 
also notices the variant forms of Silfara and Sufala for Subara. The 
route as given by Istakhrf, Ibn Haukal and Idrisi is — 
Kambaya to Surabaya, four days ; 
Surabaya to Sindan, five „ 
Sindan to Saimur five „ 

And the first two add, Saimur to Sarandib, 15 days. 
Idrisi also states Broach to be two days from Saimur. Al Biruni 
' [This is the "Ja.m Jtina, son of Babiniya," of Mir Ma'silm.] 
■' Tod, Srljasthdn, Vol. I. p. 86; II. 220, 256, 312; and W. India,^^. 466, 481. 
—Bumes. Travels, Yol. III. pp. 31, 79 ; and Caiool, pp. 16-18.— Lt. Burton, Sindi 
p. 388; and Unhappy Valley, Vol. I. p. 106. — T. Kirdm, MS. pp. 19, 20, 82, 84.— 
Kitter, Jsien, Vol. IV. pt. i. p. 476. — McMurdo, Jeurn. JR. A. Soc, I. 30, 232. 


makes the distance from Broacli to Sindan fifty parasangs, and from 
Sinddu to Sufara six parasangs. Abu-1 Fida says that Sindan was 
the last city of Guzerat, and the first of Manfbar (Malabar), three 
days' journey from Tana. It is hardly possible to reconcUe all these 
statements, but' there seems to be sufficient evidence for making 
Siadin the most southerly. It was on a bay or estuary a mile and 
a-half fram the sea, and the modem Daman is probably its present 
representative. Subara was similarly situated at the same distance 
from the sea, and finds a likely successor in Surat. Istakhrf's state- 
ment would make Saimiir the most southerly, but this is at variance 
with Mas'iidi and Al Bfruni, who say that it was in Lar (the 
country round Broach), and with Idrisi's statement of its being at 
only two days' journey from Broach. But it is not easy to see how it 
could have been only two days from Broach and yet five from Sindan. 
Notwithstanding the incongruity of these statements, it must have 
been a place of considerable size and importance. It is the only one 
of these three towns that has received notice by Kazwinf. His 
account of the place is given in page 97 supra, but it supplies no 
data on which to fix the locality. Abu-1 Pida does not mention it, 
and the Mardsidu-i BUM' affords no help, for it merely describes it 
as a city of Hind, bordering on Sind near to Debal.] 

Tur, — Muhatampur. — Birak. — Vijeh-kot. 

Tur was the ancient capital oi the Sumra dynasty, called also by 
the name of Mehmetiir, and written by the local historians as Muha- 
tampur and Muhammad-Tur. It was situated in the Pargana of 
Dirak, and its destruction has been mentioned in the Extracts from 
the Tdrikh-i TdMr't (p. 256). But its real ruin dates only from 
'Alau-d din's invasion of Sind. 

The ancient Pargana of Dirak is represented by the modem 
divisions of Chachagam and Badban on the borders of the Tharr, or 
sandy desert between Parkar and Wanga Bazar. There is a Par- 
gana of Dirak still included in Thatta, which may be a portion of 
the older district of that name. 

Another capital of the" Sumras is said to have been Vijeh-kot, 
Wageh-kot, or Vigo-gad (for it is spelt in these various forms), five 
miles to the east of the Piiran river, above the Allah-band. 

The site of Tur has been considered to be occupied by the modem 


Tharri, near Budina, on the GWngru river. There are, to be sure, 
the remains of an old town to the west of that place ; nevertheless, 
the real position of Tur is not to be looked for there, but at Shaka- 
pur, a populous village about ten miles south of Mlrpur. Near that 
village, the fort and palace of the last of the Sumras is pointed out, 
whence bricks are still extracted of very large dimensions, measur- 
ing no less than twenty inches by eight.' Other fine ruins are 
scattered about the neighbourhood, and carved tomb-stones are very 
numerous. Fragments of pearls and other precious stones are occa- 
sionally picked up, which have all apparently been exposed to the 
action of fire. The people themseves call this ruined site by the 
name of Mehmetur, so that both the name and position serve to 
verify it, beyond all doubt, as the ancient capital of the Sumras. 

The curious combination of Muhammad-Tur, is an infallible indi- 
cation that " Mehmet" and " Muhatam" are merely corruptions of 
" Muhammad," for this name is wretchedly pronounced in Sind. 
The present mode is Mammet — our own old English word for an 
image, or puppet, when in our ignorance we believed Mawmetrie, or 
the religion of the false prophet, to be synonymous with idolatry, and 
Mdhouud with the Devil. So Shakespere, in Borneo and Juliet, says — 

" A ■whining mammet, in her fortune 's tender." 
And Spenser, in his Faerie Queene — 

"And oftentimes by Termagant and Mahound swore." 
The still grosser corruption of Muhammad into " Baphomet," or 
" Baffomet," is not to be laid to the charge of our nation. This 
was the name of the idol, or head, which the Templars are falsely 
alleged to have worshipped, — quoddam caput cum harbd quod adorant 
et vacant salvatorem suum. Eaynouard argues that this word ori- 
ginates from a misprint, or mispronunciation, of Muhammad ; but 
Yon Hammer and Michelet lean to a Gnostic origin, which we need 
not stay to consider, being satisfied that " Bafibmet" is only another, 
and stiU more extravagant disguise, under which Europeans have 
exhibited the name of Muhammad.' 

' Seg-Ldr-ndma, MS. p. ».—Tuhfattt-l Kirdm, MS. pp. 162, 166.— Dr. Bnrne3, 
ritit to the Court of Sitid, p. 134.— Capt. McMnrdo, Journ. R. A. Soe., Vol. I. pp. 
2i, 226, 233. 

' Eaynouard, Monuments hist. rel. d la condamnulion de» Templiers, pp. 261-302 ; 
and in Michaud's Bist. des Croisadea, Tom, V. p. 672 ; and in J. des Savants, for 
March and April, 1819.— Von Hammer, Mysterium Baphomeii revelatum in Fufid- 
gruien da Or., Vol YI. pt. i.— Michelet, Sisioire de France, Tom. III. p. 145. 



The Sdi Dynasty. 

Tlie ChacJi-ndma (p. 138) mentions only the three immediate pre- 
decessors of the usurper Chach, and in this it is followed by the 
Tdrikli-i Sind. It states that "Eaf Siharas, the son of Diwaij 
(called also Shahi-Shahi) was defeated and slain hy the army of 
king Nfmroz,' which entered Kirman from the direction of Pars ; 
and that he was succeeded by his son Eai Sahasi." It will be ob- 
served from the annexed extract, that the Tuhfdtu-l Kirdm gives two 
additional reigns, which are not, however, referred to any specific 
authority of ancient date. 

" Dynasty of the Bdis. — Their capital was the city of Alor, and the 
boundaries of their country were — on the east, Kashmir and Kanauj ; 
on the west, Makran and the shore of the sea of 'Uman, that is, the 
port of Debal ; on the south, the port of Siirat (Surashtra) ; and 
on the north, Kandahar, Sfstan, the hills of Sulaiman and Kaikanan. 
As the commencement of this dynasty has not been ascertained, I 
content myself with mentioning some of the names which are 

"Bdi D'lwdij. He was a powerful chief, whose absolute rule 
extended to the limits above mentioned. He formed alliances with 
most of the rulers of Hind, and throughout all his territories 
caravans travelled in perfect security. On his death, he was suc- 
ceeded by his son, 

" Bdi Siharas, who followed the steps of his father in maintaining 
his position in happiness, comfort, and splendour, during a long 
reign. His celebrated son was 

" Bdi Sdhasi, who also swayed the sceptre with great pomp and 
power. He followed the institutions of his ancestors, and accom- 
plished all his desires. 

"Bdi Siharas II. was his son and successor. Kiag Nimroz raised 
an army for the purpose of attacking him, and the Eai, having 

' [Sir H. Elliot considers Nimroz to be the name of the ting, but it is quite open 
to read the words " B&.dshlih Nimroz" as "king of Nimroz." This reading seems 
preferable, and has been adopted iu the translation of the Chach-n&ma, p. 139.] 


advanced to the borders of Kf ch to meet it, selected a field of battle. 
The flame of war blazed from mom to midday, ■when an arrow 
pierced the neck of the Ea£, so that he died. King Nimroz, after 
plundering the camp, returned to his own country. The army of 
Siharas assembled in a body, and seated his son Sahasi upon the 

" Bdi Sahasi II. excelled his ancestors in estimable qualities. 
Having, within a short time, settled affairs within the borders of 
his kingdom, he enjoyed rest and peace in his capital. He remitted 
the taxes of his subjects, on condition that they should raise (or 
repair) the earthwork of six forts : viz., ITchh, Matela, Seoraf, Mad 
(or Mau), Alor, and Siwistan. He had a chamberlain named Bam, 
and a minister mamed Budhiman. One day, Chaoh, son of Silaij, a 
Brahman of high caste, came to Earn, the chamberlain, who was so 
pleased with his society, that he introduced him to the miaister." 

The names of these rulers are thus given by Capt. Postans, in two 
different papers in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and 
on the authority of the same work, the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm : — 

No. cxi, 1841, p. 185. — " Rahee Dewahey, Eahee Siheersin, Eahee 
Sahursee, Eahee Siheersin the 2nd, Eahee Sahee." 

No. clviii. 1845, p. 79. — "Eahi Dawahij, Sahiras, Eahi Sahasi, 
Eahi Sahiras the 2rLd, Eahi Sahasi the 2nd." 

In an earlier number of the same Journal (No. Ixxiv. Feb., 1838, 
p. 93), James Prinsep observed, " Biwaij seems a corruption of 
dwija ' the Brahman ;' and Sahurs resembles much the genitive 
tdhasa of our Saurashtra coias, of whom the first is a swdmijautra, or 
son of a Brahman ; but the date seems too recent. See Vol. VI. p. 
385." But it appears from the passage just quoted, that it was a 
Brahman dynasty which superseded the family of Diwdij, and there 
is no reason to suppose that Diwaij was himself a member of that 

The same Persian work, from which the above extract is taken, 
states that the reigns of these five Eais lasted for the long period of 
one hundred and thirty-seven years, and that Chach, by his victory 
over Mahi-at, Eana of Chitor, established himself on the throne about 
he first year of the Hijra. It will be seen from the following Note, 
hat as this date must of necessity have been placed too early. 


the year 10 h. has been preferred, as the era of Chach's accession, 
and the extinction of the Edi dynasty. 

Pottinger, on the authority of a native work called the Majma'-i 
Wdriddt, states that the dynasty had endured for two thousand 
years ; which, as we know from Ptolemy and the Periplus that the 
country was subject to frequent revolutions at the early period of 
our era, and at the time of Alexander was under no single ruler, 
must be regarded as pure fiction. If we allow that there were 
really five reigns, there is no great improbability in assuming 137 
years, as above mentioned, for the correct period of their duration ; 
and thus we should obtain the Christian year 495 as that in which 
the dynasty commenced. 

It is generally assumed that Khusru Naushirwan was the king of 
Persia by whom Siharas IT. was slain ; but as Naushirwan died in 
479 A.D., it would leave, at the very least, 53 years necessary for the 
reign of Sahasi 11. — even supposing that his predecessor was kUled 
in the very last year of Naushirwan, which we know cannot have 
been the case, as that potentate had been, for some time previous, 
employed in the western portion of his large empire. It is therefore 
quite evident, that king Nimroz' has been wrongly interpreted to 
mean that great Persian monarch ; and we must therefore use 
Nfmroz in its usual application of Sijistan, and allow the opponent 
of Siharas to be no more formidable a personage than the governor, 
or ruler, of that province ; or, if we must necessarily have a Persian 
king — notwithstanding that no one of the name of Nimroz ever sat 
on the thrcme — then KiuBru Parviz (591-628 a.d.) an equally 
great conqueror, would answer all the requirements better ; for we 
know that the eastern provinces towards the Indus revolted in the 
reign of Hormuz, his father and predecessor, and his recovery of 
them seems indicated by his having 960 elephants in his train — 
which could only have been procured from India. 

Doubtless, Nanshirwan did invade Sind or its borders, — because 
the fact is vouched for by unquestionable authority in the best 

' In one passage he is styled " B&dsh&h Nimroz," and a few lines afterwards 
" Shih r&rs Nimroz." It will be seen from a passage quoted in the succeeding 
note, that Hormuz is represented as " the son of Fars" in the Chaeh-ndma ; it would 
appear therefore that in that work " F&rs" is identical with " Naushirwin." 


Persian annalists, and is shown by the relations, political, com- 
mercial, and literary, which appear then to have arisen between 
Persia and India ; but it must have been during one of the earlier 
reigns of this dynasty ; or if during the reign of Siharas II., it must 
have preceded the attack which resulted in that mouaroh's death. 
That he and Naushfrwan were contemporary, during some portion 
of their reigns, is by no means improbable — for the latter reigned 
48 years ; and if we allow 40 for the reign of Sahasi II., and 40 
likewise for the reign of Siharas 11. — the same period which 
Chaoh enjoyed, though his first years were signalized by internal 
rebellions and foreign invasions — we shall then find the 20 first 
years of Siharas's correspond with the 20 last years of Naushirwan's 

It would detain us too long to enter upon any speculations 
respecting the country and race whence this dynasty derived its 
origin. I will merely remark, that the Scythian barbarians from 
Sind, who expelled the Gehlotes from Balabhipura in the beginning 
of the sixth century, — the Yue-tchi, who re-established themselves 
on the Indus about the same time, — the Ephthalites, or white Huns, 
whom Cosmas declares at that period to have ruled upon the banks 
of that river,— and the Sah dynasty of Surashtra, — all offer points of 
relation, comparison, and contact, to which a separate dissertation 
might be devoted.^ 

' Compare Firdiisi, Shdh-ndma, ed. Macan, p. 1632 ; Pottdnger, I^meli in 
Belochistan, p. 386 ; Schlegel, Indische Siblioth., Vol. I. p. 203 ; De Guignes, 
Silt, des Mum, Tom. II. p. 469 ; Malcolm, Sist. of Persia, Vol. I. p. 141 ; Tod, 
Annals of SajastMn, Vol. I. pp. 232-9 ; C. P. Eichter, iibsr die Arsac. tmd 
Sassan. Byn. ap. ErdJc. v. Aaien, Vol. IV. part i., p. 624 ; Gladwin, Ayeen Akiery, 
Vol. II. p. 118 ; As. Res., Vol. IX. ; Journal S. A. Soc, Vol. III. p. 385; 
Elphinstone, Hist, of India, Vol. I. p". 400 ; Bohlen, daa alte Indien. Vol. II. ; 
Ancient Univ. Hist. Vol. IX. pp. 305-9, 312, 318 ; L. Bubeux, I'Univert Fittoret- 
gue, " La Perse," pp. 327, 328. 

' Melch. Thevenot, Sec. d. Voyage) eurieux. Part i. pp. 21, 22 ; Montfancon, 
Coll. nova Patrum,Yo\. II. pp. 132, 179, 837-9 ; As. Ses., Vol. IX. p. 113 ; Tod, 
Ann. of Raj., Vol. I. pp. 216-9; II. 311-2; Wettem India, pp, 83, 147-9, 214, 
268, 271 ; Wilsoii, Ariana Antiqua, p. 407 ; T. Benfey, Indien ; Lassen, Indisehe 
Alterthums., Vol. II. ; F. Baudry, Emycl. Mbdeme, Tom. XVIII., col. 153 ; 
Eeinaud, li'agments Arabes, p. xxx. ; Mim. eur.l'Inde, pp. 104, 124-7; Journal 
A. S. £., Vol. IV. pp. 480, 684 ; VI. 338 ; 1837, pp. 377, et seq. ; Joumat R A. S., 
Vol. IV. p. 398; VL 351, 439 ; B. Nicholson, i*.. Vol. XIII. pp. 146-163 ; V. 
de St. Martin, Etudes de Bioyraphie ancienne, Tom. I., p. 245 ; Thomas' Prinsep. 


The Brahman Dynasty. 

Though we have no reason to complain of any want of detail 
respecting the political transactions of this dynasty, yet we are left 
in considerable doubt respecting the chronological adjustment of the 
few reigns which it comprises, and even the very name of Chach is 
a subject of some uncertainty. Gladwin has "Juj;"' Brxggs has 
" Huj ; " ' the two Manuscripts in the Bibliotheque Eoyale have 
"Hoj;"' Eeinaud spells the name "Tchotch;"* Eenouard leans 
to "Jaj," as he considers it a corruption of Tajnya;' S. de Sacy 
gives reasons for considering it to be "Hijaj; "' Pottinger writes 
"Chaoh;"' and he is followed by all English authors. This is 
certainly in conformity with native usage, and we have several 
existing instances of the same combination — as Chachpiir, Chachar, 
Chachagam, Chachi, Chachar, and similar names of places in the 
valley of Indus. 

It is to this usurper I am disposed to attribute the introduction of 
the game of chess to the western world ; and this question invites 
us to some further considerations respecting the correct mode of 
writing his name. Although Firdusi informs us, that it was an 
ambassador of the king of Kanauj who introduced this game at the 
court of Naushirwan,* the statement of Ibn Khallikan seems more to 
be relied on, when he says that Sassa, son of Ddhir,' invented the 
game during the reign of the Persian king Shahram. It is true that 
we have to notice here an error in the parentage, as well as a 
contradiction with himself ; for, in another place, he assigns the 
invention to Balhit, whom he makes a contemporary of Ardashfr, 
son of Babak, who reigned four centuries before Shahram^" — ^but the 
main statement seems to be upheld by independent testimony, and it 

1 Ayeen Akhery, Vol. II. p. 119. ' Ferishta, Vol. IV. p. 401. 

' Fragnunta Arahes, p. xxvii. * Ibid, and Mim. sur I'Inde, pp. 126-1S3, 

' Encyclopiedia Metropolitana, v. " Scind." 

• Journal des Savanta, 1840, p. 225. ' Travels in Beloehistan, pp. 317-9. 

• iS^a'A-Mo'ma, ed. Macan ; Vol. IV. pp. 1719-1734. — Hyde, Sisioria Shahiludii, 
pp. 69-92, reprinted in the Syntagma ditsertaiionum, Vol. II. — Freret, Mem. de 
I' Acad., Tom V. p. 260.— GBrres, Seldenhtoh von Iran, Vol. II., p. 452. — BoMen, 
dot alie Tndien, Vol. II. p. 67, et eeq. 

» According to the Chaoh-n^ma (p. 152) Chach was the son of Sil&lj, son of Bas&bap. 

1" De Slane, Biographical Dictionary,'^o\. III. p. 71, et seq. ; Gildemeister, de reb. 
Indicia, p. 141 ; Hyde, ut supra ; N. Bland, Journal R. A. 8 , Vol. XIII. pp. 18, 
14, 20, 26, 62. [D. Forbes, History of Chess.} 


will be seen, from Tabari's sequence of these Persian reigns, that 
Chach must necessarily have been contemporary with. Shahram, or 
Shahr Tran, or Shahriyar, as he is otherwise called. 

The name of " Sassa " assumes the various forms of " Sissa," 
"Sahsaha," "Susa," "Sisa," and "Sa'sa'." Mr. Bland, in his 
learned article quoted below, says they are aU obviously corruptions 
of Xerxes, or of a name which has served as its origin — ^not the 
Persian king, but a philosopher so named, who is said by Polydore 
Virgil and others to have flourished in the reign of Evil-Merodach 
at Babylon. I look upon this as too recondite, and consider that the 
transposition of the parentage above alluded to, as given by Ibn 
Khallikan [and Biladurf], is more than countervailed by the superior 
authority of Tabarl ; who, while he omits all notice of Chach, under 
that identical name, yet mentions Sassa, (who cannot possibly be 
meant for any other person than Chach), and speaks of Dahir, his 
son, as being his successor.' Mrishta also speaks of Dahir as the 
son of Sa'sa', so that we are fully entitled to consider " Sassa," as 
the Arabic mode of representing " Chach " — just as we have " Sha- 
nak " for the Hindi "Chank," " Shatranj " for "Chatur-anga, " Sin" 
for " Chm," " Shash " for " Chach," a town on the Jihtin,^ and many 
other similar conversions in the Arabic — since, there being no palatine 
letter corresponding with cTi in that language, recom-se can only be 
had to the sibilants; as may frequently be observed even in the 
Persian also, where no such necessity exists.* 

Another preliminary question to settle respecting Chach, relates 
to his tribe and descent. There could have been no hesitation on 
this point, had it not been for the Chinese traveller, Hwen Tsang, 
who states that, at the time of his visit to Sind, the king was- of the 
" Shu-to-lo " race.' This has been variously interpreted to mean 
a " Kshattriya," ^ a "Sudra,"' and a Eajput of the " Chatur," or 

' [Bil-iduri mentions " Sasa," "son of Dahir," ante, p. 125.] 

2 Tabari, in Mem. sur I'lnde, pp. 176, 179. 

3 Shdh-ndma, ed. Macan, pp. 982, 16fl9 ; Geogr. d'Abou-l Fdda, texte Arabe, p. 494 . 
* See J. A. Vullers, XnstUut. Lingute Persica cum Sansc. et Zend, comparatce, pp. 

18, 26, 47. ' Foe-koue-lei, ed. Eemusat, p. 393. 

' " Eex e stirpe Xatrorura ;" Gilderaeister, de reh Ind., p. 14. 

' "Leroi, qui, sans doute, etait Tchotoh, appartenait et la caste des Soudra;" 
Eeinaud, Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 153. [See Stanislas Julien, Hwuen Thsang, Tome 
II., 170.] 


" Chitor," tribe.' This latter is on the supposition that it refers to 
the king who was succeeded by Chach, and who was related to the 
ruler of Chitor — but this is not admissible, for the Chinese Buddhist 
did not commence his travels till 628 a-d.," and after traversing the 
whole of Chinese Tartary, Turkistan, Northern Afghanistan, Kash- 
mir, the valley of the Ganges, the Eastern and Western Coasts of 
the Peninsula, and Guzerat, could not have reached Sind mUch 
before 640, when Chach Vvas fully established upon the throne. If 
we could introduce the traveller into Sind before Chaoh's accession, 
I should prefer "Kshatriya," or the modernized "Chattri," to any 
other interpretation of " Shu-to-lo," — ^but, seeing that not a single 
Chinese name within, or on the borders of Sind, admits of any 
positive identification, we need not trouble ourselves about the 
meaning of this doubtful word. Our Arab and Persian authorities 
leave us no room to doubt that Chach was a Brahman — at least by 
descent, if not also by religious persuasion ; and the present Sarsut 
(Saraswata) Brahmans of Sind claim him as one of their progenitors. 
[According to the GJiach-ndma^ Chach was a Brahman who was 
introduced to S^asi Eai by his Chamberlain. Being taken into 
service, he won the confidence of the Eai, and the more tender 
regards of the Eani, his wife. He became Chamberlain, and, on the 
death of the Eai, he ascended the vacant throne, and married the 
widow, whose love he had previously rejected. The irregular suc- 
cession provoked the resentment of Mahrat, chief of Jaipur (or 
Chitor), a relation of the deceased Eai, who marched with his army 
to destroy the usurper and recover " his inheritance." In great 
perplexity Chach conferred with the Eani, who shamed him into 
resistance by proposing to change garments, and herself to lead the 
army against the foe. Chach then went forth to battle, and when 
the forces met, Mahrat came forward and proposed, as the matter 
was purely a personal one, to settle the dispute by single combat. 
Chach represented that he was a Brahman, and unaccustomed to 
fight on horseback. His magnanimous foe then alighted to meet 

I Lt. Burton, Sindh, p. 380. 

' Klaproth says he travelled between 630 and 660. — Seise des Chinesischen 
Bttddhapriesters H. T. etc. Eeinand says, between 628 and 645— ifem. mr I'Inde, 
p. 149. — M. Stan. Julien, in his valuable translation just published (1853), fixes the 
period more accurately between 629 and 645. 


him on equal terms, when Chach treacherously sprung upon his 
horse and slew his adversary before he could recover from the sur- 
prise. After this Chach appears to have felt no Brahmanical repug- 
nance to war and bloodshed.] 

With respect to the period of his reign, we learn from the Chach- 
ndma (p. 151) that Chach in or about the year 2 h. — and about 
the fourth year after his accession' — ^advanced to Kirman, being 
instigated to that measure by the fact of the Persian throne being 
then occupied by a woman. 

Again, we learn (MS. p. 70) that Chach had been ruler of Sind 
for thirty-five years, when Mughaira attacked Debal, some time 
between the years 13 and 16 h. 

After Chach had reigned forty years, he was succeeded by his 
brother Chandar, who died in the eighth year of his reign (p. 152-4). 

Chandar was succeeded by his nephew Dahir, who was slain in 
the month of Eamazan, 93 h. (p. 170). 

The Tdrihh-i Sind (MS. pp. 14-30) has briefly abstracted the 
account in the Chach-ndma,, biit has given no date throughout, and 
has carelessly omitted all notice of Chandar. 

The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm gives a far better abstract of the Chach-ndma. 
It represents (^MS. p. 6) that Chach, after killing Mahrat, the prince 
of Chitor, established himself on the throne in the year 1 h. — ^that 
he reigned forty years (ih.) — that Chandar, who succeeded him, died 
in the eighth year of his reign (ih.) — that Dahir was killed in the 
year 93 h., after having reigned thirty-three years (MS. p. 15)— and 
that the whole period of the Brahman dynasty lasted ninety-two 
years (»fe.) — which, however, is a manifest inconsistency, because ia 
the detail, no more than eighty-one years, at the most, are assigned 
to the three reigns. 

There seems reason to believe that these discrepancies can be 
reconciled by two very slight corrections in the reading of the 

Instead of "thirty -five years,'' in the first quotation, we should 

' It may be proper in this place to remark, that Al Birfint mentions the establish- 
ment of a Sindian era, which commences with the winter solstice of 625 a.d. — 3 a.h. 
As M. Reinaud justly remarks, that the commencement of a new era generally 
indicates a change of dynasty, he is disposed to attribute the establishment of the 
Brihman dynasty to this year. — Mdm. sur I'lnde, p. 147. 


read "three or five years," as tlie period that Chach had reigned 
when Mughaira attacked Debal. The form of expression is very 
common in denoting an indefinite period; and, as the disjunctive 
particle or is, in such uses of distributive numerals, always omitted, 
the difference in the reading becomes scarcely perceptible. 

And in the first quotation, instead of " about the year 2 h.," I 
would read " about the year 10 h." — dah for do. The reading of do 
is quite out of the question, for there certainly was no female reign 
at so early a period as the second year of the Hijra, and none even 
before the tenth, if indeed so early. The confusion respecting these 
ephemeral reigns of the later Sassanians is notorious, and especially 
respecting the order of the three queens, Tiirdn-dukht, Aznxmi-dukht, 
and Dukht-zandn — the last of whom is generally altogether omitted, 
and is perhaps identical with Azurmi-dukht ; — ^but no author at- 
tempts to place either of them before 10 a.h. Now, since the 
Chach-ndma represents that the queen mentioned by him was one of 
the successors of Kisra-bin-Hormuz-bin-Fdrs, who had been mur- 
dered — alluding, of course, to Khusrii Parvi'z — and since we learn 
from a passage in Tabari that one of Kisr^'s daughters was Dukht- 
zanan, who sueceeded to the Persian throne for a short time in the 
year 13 h. ; — and since the Bauzatu-s Safd assigns the reign of 
Turan-dukht, another of his daughters, to the year 14: h. ; — we may 
assume as certain that the expedition of Chach towards Kirman 
occurred in one or other of those years.^ 

These simple emendations bring us close enough to the truth, to 
satisfy us with resjiect to the general accuracy- of the Chach-ndma,. 
Where there is so much room for doubt, and where even Tabari is 
not quite consistent with himself, or in conformity witti others, 
even if the Chach-ndma should be in error three or four years — and 
we have no right to assume that such is the case — there would still 
be no ground for impeaching the veracity of that valuable chronicle ; 
and we are thus enabled with considerable confidence to assign to 
each event of the Brahman dynasty of Stttd its proper date, according 
to the Hijra computation.* 

1 As all three queens — if, indeed, there were three— were daughters of Khusrd 
Parviz, and as all their reigna are comprised within two, or, at most, three yearsj'it 
matters little which we select. 

' For the doubts which preTail respecting the proper period, sequence, and names 



The accession of Chacli to the throne of Sind 10 

His expedition to Kirman, in the fourth year 14 

Mughaira's attack, in the fifth year 15 

Chach's death, after a reign of forty entire years 51 

Chandar's death, in the eighth year of his reign 59 

Dahir's death, after a reign of thirty -three entire years 93 

The advances of the Arabs towards Bind} 

Scarcely had Muhammad expired, when his followers and dis- 
ciples, issuing from their naked deserts, where they had hitherto 
robbed their neighbours and quarrelled amongst themselves, hastened 
to convert their hereditary feuds into the spirit of unanimity and 
brotherly love. Their energies, at all times impetuous, were now 
solely concentrated upon executing the injunctions of the " king of 
fierce countenance, understanding dark sentences,"'' that they should 
enforce belief at the point of the sword, which was emphatically 
declared to be " the key of heaven and of hell." ' Terror and 
devastation, murder and rapine, accompanied their progress, in ful- 
filment of the prophetic denunciation of Daniel, that this descendant 

of the Sassanian princes between Siroes and Yazdijird, see — besides Mirkhond, 
Khiondamlr, and the Persian authorities— J. S. Assemanni, Sibliotheca Orient. 
Glement.-Vat., Tom. III., p. 419 ; EutyeWi Annates, Vol. II. pp. 253, 357, 408 ; 
Malcolm, History of Persia ; Dubeux, L' Univers Pitioresqm, " La Perse," pp. 
333-6; "Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, Vol. I. pp. 63-65, and the Tables in the Ancient 
Univ. Hist., Vol. IX. pp. 211-277; Dr. Smith's i)sc!!. o/ 5io^., t. " Sassanides ; " 
Moreri, Grand Diction. Historique, Tom. IV., p. 136, t. "Perse;" D'Herbelot, 
Siilioth. Or., v. " Sassanian," and Eno. Metrop. " Early Or. Hist.," p. 414. 
[Mordtmann in Zeitschrift. D. M. G., Vols. VIII. and 511.; M. K. Patkanian in 
Jour. Anatique, 1866, p. 220.] 

1 [A note in Sir H. Elliot's private copy shows that he intended to revise this 
article, after an examination of Tabari, and, in fact, to make Tabari's account the 
basis of his own. The editor was at first disposed to realize as far as possible this 
intention, but as the whole of Tabari's history is now in course of translation, and 
will ere long be published, under the auspices of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, it has 
seemed preferable to let Sir H. Elliot's work stand as he himself penned it. There 
is in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society a MS. History of Sind, from the com- 
mencement of the Arab conquest. It enters into full details drawn, like Sir H. 
Elliot's, from Sindian authorities.] 2 Daniel, ch. viii. 23. 

3 Compare Chapters ii., iv., viii., ix., xxii., xlvii., Ixi., etc., of the Kordn. See 
also Sale, Kurdn, Prelim. Disc, p. 194; Lane, Selections from the Kurdn, -p. 70 ; 
Eeland, He Jure Militari Moham., p. 5, el seq. 


of IskmaeP " shall destroy wonderfully, and shaU prosper, and 
practice, and shall destroy the mighty and the holy people ; and 
through his policy, also, he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand ; 
and he shall magnify himself in his heart, and stand up against the 
Prince of Princes." ' 

And BO it was, that, within twenty years, they made themselves 
masters of Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and Persia. The conquest of 
Persia was a mere prelude to further extension in the east ; and 
though a more difficult and inhospitable country, as well as internal 
dissensions, checked their progress for some years afterwards, yet it 
was not in the nature of things to be expected that they should 
long delay their attacks upon the rich and idolatrous country of 
India, which offered so tempting a bait to their cupidity and zeal. 
Accordingly, attention was early directed to this quarter, and it will 
be our business now, in collecting some of the incidental and scat- 
tered notices which betray the settled purpose of the Arabs to 
obtain a footing in India, to trace the slow but certain progress of 
their arms, until it issued in the conquest of Sind by Muhammed 

Ahit Bakr, a.h. 11-13. a.d. 632-634 
'Umar, a.h. 13-23. a.d. 634:-643. 

Under the Eiilafat of 'Umar,— a.h. 16 or 16, — a military ex- 
pedition set out from 'Uman, to pUlage the coasts of India. It 
appears to have proceeded as far as Tana, in Bombay. As ',Umar 
had not been consulted on the expedition, he forbad that any more 
should be undertaken to such distant parts ; and to 'Usman Bin Asi 
Sakifi, governor of Bahrain and 'Uman, under whose orders the 
piratical vessels nad been despatched, he signified his displeasure in 
very marked terms : — " Had our party," he wrote, " been defeated, 

1 Gibbon's gratuitous scepticism respecting the Ishmaelitish origin of the Arabians 
has been well exposed in App. I. to Forster's Mahometanism Unveiled. See also 
Faber's Calendar of Prophecy, and Fry's Second Advent of Christ. Ocoasionally, how- 
eTer, these authors carry the argument too far. Brucker has also arraigned the Bible 
genealogy of the Arabs, Siat. Crit. Fhilosph., Vol. I. p. 214. Muhammad's own 
Ishmaelitish descent may admit of doubt; but that does not affect the question 
respecting the Arabs in the northern part of the peninsula. See Sprenger, Life of 
Muhammed, p. 18 ; Sale, ubi supr. p. 11 ; Eeinaud's Sarrazins, 231. 

2 Daniel, ch. viii. 24, 25. 


be assured that I would have taken from your own tribe as many- 
men as had been killed and put them all to death " {swpra p. 116). 

About the same time, Hakam, the brother of 'Usman, who had 
been placed in charge of Bahrain, sent an expedition against Broach, 
and despatched his brother, Mughaira Abfu-1 'A's£, to the bay of 
Debal, where he encountered and defeated his opponents, according 
to the Futlihu-l Bulddn {supra, p. 116) ; but the Chach-ndma repre- 
sents that he was slain. That work also mentions that the naval 
squadron was accompanied by troops, that Debal was occupied by 
merchants, and that the governor, Samba, son of Diwaij, had been 
nominated to that post by Chach, who at that time had ruled 
thirty-five' years in Sind (MS. p. 70) .» 

Shortly after, Abu Musa Asha'rf, who had been one of the com- 
panions of the prophet, and was otherwise conspicuous in the history 
of that period, was appointed governor of 'Irak (Basra), when Eabi, 
bin Ziyad Harisf, one of his oiEcers, was sent to Makran and Kir- 
man. Orders were also despatched to Abu Musa, from the capital 
of the empire, directing him to afford all the information in his 
pow^er respecting Hind, and the -'countries leading to it. As he had 
lately learnt the disastrous result of Mughaira's expedition, he -wrote 
in reply to say, that " the king of Hind and Sind was powerful and 
contumacious, following the path of unrighteousness, and that sin 
dwelt in his heart." Upon which, he received peremptory orders 
not by any means to enter upon a holy war with that country.' 

It IS notorious that 'TJmar had always a particular horror of naval 
expeditions, and it is probable that it arose from this untoward 
defeat. This repugnance is usually attributed to a later period, 
when, upon the conquest of Egypt by 'Amru bin 'Asi, the KhaUf 
wrote to his lieutenant for a description of the sea ; who replied : — 
" ITie sea is a great pool, which some senseless people furrow, 
looking like worms upon logs of wood." On receipt of this an- 
swer, it is said, 'Umar forbad all navigation amongst the Musulmans, 
and transgressors were severely punished. Mu'a-mya was the first 

' Tvhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 9 ; Gladwin's Ayem Aklery, Vol. II. p. 118; 
Memoirs sur I'lnde, p. 170. 

' [This is the statement of the MS., but in page 412 reasons are given for pro- 
posing to read " 3 or S " instead of 35.] ' Chach-ndma, MS. p. 70. 


Khalif under whom this prohibition was relaxed, and who despatched 
maritime expeditions against the enemies of his empire. The original 
cause of the restriction was probably that which has been already 
indicated, and its continuance may perhaps be ascribed to the un- 
skilfolness of the Arabs upon the element to which the subjects of 
the Greek empire were accustomed from their birth. Had the 
Musuhnans along the shores of the Mediterranean been as expert as 
the Arab navigators of the Indian ocean, there would have been no 
need to feel alarm at the result of actions upon the high seas.' 

In the year 22 h., 'Abdu-Ua bin 'Amar bin Eabi' invaded Kirman, 
and took the capital, Kuwashir," so that the aid of " the men of Kuj 
and Baluj "' was solicited in vain by the Kirmanis. He then pene- 
trated to Sistan, or Sijistan, and besieged the governor in his capital, 
who sued for peace when he found that " his city was as a tent 
without ropes." After this he advanced towards Makran. In vain, 
also, did the chief of that coimtry obtain the aid of the ruler of 
Bind, for their united armies were surprised and defeated in a night 
attack. With an ardour augmented by his success, 'Abdu-lla re- 
quested leave to cross the Indus ; but the Khalif, true to his cautious 
policy, which restrained his lieutenants both on the northern and 
western frontiers, opposed this still more distant adventure.* 

The invasions of this year are confirmed by Hasan bin Muhammad 
Shiraz(, who is a careful writer ; but the names of the generals are 
differently represented. " In the year 22 h. Sijistan was conquered 
by 'Amru bin al Tamfmi and 'Abdu-lla bin 'Umar Khattab. In this 
year also, Makran was conquered by 'Abdu-Ua bin 'Abdu-Ua bin 
'Unan, who had moved against that place from Kirman, The ruler, 
who in the native language was styled Zanbil, and was also king of 
Sind, was kUled." ' 

' A passage in Prooopius, Bell Pers., i. 19, 20, Beems to show that, in the time of 
Justinian, the Homeritea of the Erythrsean sea were no great navigators. The 
question has been examined in another note. 

» See Vuller'8 Geschichte der Seldsehuken, p. 75. 

' The Arabic and Persian Lexicons say, they were barbarous tribes, inhabiting 
the mountainous borders of Makr&n, and descended from the Arabs of Eijj^. In 
the latter are of course to be recognized the modern Buldch. 

* Tdrikh-i Guzlda, quoted in Memoirs mr I'Inde, p. 171. 

5 Muntahhahu-t Tawdrihh, under the KhiUfat of Umar. The name of Zanbil 
will be treated of under the History of the Ghaznivides. 

VOL. I. 27 


The names are otherwise given in the Sabibu-s Siyar. Kirman 
was conquered by Siihail bin Udi and 'Abdu-lla bin Autiban, 
Sijistan by 'A'sim bin 'Amru Tamimi, and Makran by Hakkam bin 
'Amar Saulbf. The conquests are also ascribed to a year later. 
Shohrug, the lieutenant of Fars, was forced to yield his province to 
the victorious Musulmans; upon which, Mujashia bin Mas'ud took 
possession of the cities of Sirjan and Jiruft, while 'Usman bin 
Abiu-1 'Asi advanced to Istakhar. In the same quarter, Sauria bra 
Zannfm, employed with a separate division on the route from 
Istakhar to Kirman, experienced a more determined resistance. In 
besieging one of the strongholds into which the natives had thrown 
themselves, he was suddenly attacked by a sally from the garrison, 
as well as by a numerous body of Kurds who had advanced to their 
relief, and was only saved through the aid of a miracle. In the 
end, however, the Musulmans were victorious. These are evidently 
all the same transactions, disguised by change of names, — the 
" Kurds" of the Sabibu-s Siyar being the " Kuj " of the Cruzida. 

Dr. Weil, foIlowLng Tabari, gives other variations, and remarks 
upon Abu-1 Fida's and Elmacin's (Al Makln's) omission of the 
conquest of the Persian provinces in the south. The general's name 
is 'Abdu-lla bin Attab. " Kufej," or " Kufess," is given instead of 
" Kiij." The invasion of Makran is ascribed to 23 h., in which 
same year, it is said, the conquest of Fars was brought to a conclu- 
sion. The capture of Shiraz is also mentioned, although it is 
ordinarily supposed not to have been built till seventy years after- 
wards by Muhammad Kasim.' 

'Usmdn, a.h. 23-35. a.d. 643-655. 

'Usman bin Abiu-1 'Asi was not very rapid in his conquest of the 
province of Fars, for he was repulsed before Istakhar, and it is not 
till the year 26 h., that we find him taking Kazerun and the stUl 
famous Kila'-i sufed, or white fort, between Istakhar and the Persian 
Gulph.' The whole provin